Agama And Tripitaka Comparative Study

Author(s): Nagaraj Muni
Publisher: Today and Tomorrows Printers and Publishers
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022804/1

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AGAMA AND TRIPITAKA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY
A Critical Study of the Jaina and the Buddhist Canonical Literature
Volume 1 HISTORY & TRADITION
Muni Shri Nagarajaji
cib
TODAY & TOMORROW'S PRINTERS & PUBLISHERS

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AGAMA AURA TRIPITAKA: EKA ANUSILANA A COMPARATIVE STUDY (A Critical Study of the Jaina and the Buddhist Canonical Literature) VOL. :1: HISTORY & TRADITION by Muni Sri Nagrajji, D. Litt. A Review by : Dr. Pt. Sukhalalji English Version by Muni Sri Mahendra Kumarji & K.C. Lalvani Edited by Dr. Bhupendra Swarup Jain and Dr. Raghunatha Sarma Shri Nagarajji's present work “Agama aur Tripitaka : Eka Anusilana (English Version) is an exhaustive study of the Agama, also known as Ganipitaka of the Jainas and the Tripitaka of the Buddhists, putting together some common topics on which our attention is being focussed. Buddha and Mahavira have been great contemporaries; and as the Tripitaka reveals, there were other teachers in that age such as Purna, Kasyapa, Makkhali, Gosala, Ajitakesa Kambala, Prakudha Katyayana and Samajayabelattha Putra. The Jain canon also gives a few details about them. Gosala was a remarkable saint of that age but, unluckily, bis doctrines have not come down to us by themselves. We do not posses any scriptures of the Ajivaka system: all that we know about it, is from the Jaina and Buddhist sources. Muni Shri Nagarajji gives exhaustive details about teaching these tenants. It is well-known that there is plenty of disparity evidence and conflicting traditional information as well as a plethora of controversy amongst scholars about the dates of the Nirvana of Buddha and Mahavira. Shri Nagarajji has surveyed, in this respect, all the accessible material and different traditions, duly specifying the sources etc., and his conclusion that Mahavira attained Nirvana in 527 B.C. and Buddha in 502 B.C. seems quite consistent in itself. Then he presents the lives of Mahavira and Buddha in their various aspects and in exhaustive details. Biographies of their eminent pupils are succinctly given and quite welcome light is shed on contemporary kings like srenika Bimbisara, Kunika, Chanda Pradyota, Pra senajit, Chetaka and others. He has significantly reviewed important topics, doctrines as well as moral connected with Jainism and Buddhism as available in the canons.
1986, 24cm, 900 pages
Rs. 495.00 $ 85.00

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AGAMA AURA TRIPITAKA: EKA ANUSELANA AGAMA AND TRIPITAKA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY

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· AGAMA AURA TRIPITAKA: EKA ANUSILANA ĀGAMA AND TRIPITAKA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY (A Critical Study of the Jaina and the Buddhist
Canonical Literature)
Volume I History & Tradition
By Muni śri Nagarājji D. Litt.
A Review by Dr. Pt. Sukhalálji
English Version by Muni Sri Mahendra Kumārji
and
K.C. Lalvāni
Edited by Dr. Bhūpendra Swarup Jain
and Dr. Raghunātha Sarma
1986 Today & Tomorrow's Printers and Publishers
24B/5, Desh Bandhu Gupta Road Karol Bagh, New Delhi-110005

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Copyright © 1986 by Today and Tomorrow's Printers & Publishers. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.
Printed at Shiva Offset Press, New Delhi
Published by R.K. JAIN for TODAY TOMORROW'S PRINTERS AND PUBLISHERS 24-B/5, Deshbandhu Gupta Road, Karol Bagh New Delhi-110005

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PRASTAVANA
I have never favoured a language on the basis of a region or a state. Rather, on account of its all-pervasiveness, I had always been a protege of the English language. Though English is not the only language of the world, yet it is the most prominent one. When I term it as most prominent, I mean that it has more readers as compared to all the other languages..
Late Dr. S. Radhakrishnan once said to me, “You people write books in Hindi alone without calculating as to how many people in the world can read and write Hindi. Non-Hindi-speaking states out. number the Hindi-speaking ones". He further remarked, "I am not the only scholar of Indian philosophy in the country. But I am more popular in the world than any other Indian scholar because all my works have been in English only".
; It gives me great pleasure to note that the English edition of my work Agama aura Tripitaka-eka anuselana, Vol I' is with its learned readers. Though its Hindi edition was published long ago, I am confi. dent that in the realms of English language it is bound to evince same degree of novelty and freshness as it once did in the field of English language.
A long chain of events have intervened between the translation and publication of this work which can be summed up as follows. Some of the chapters of the work were translated into English by Muni Mahendra Kumara Ji (II). These chapters were about to be published as separate books. Late Upadhaya Muni Mahendra Kumara Ji (I) of Calcutta got rest of the chapters translated into English by Prof. K.C. Lalvani. Thus both Muni Mahendra Kumara Ji (I) & (II) are associated with the work from the cditing of the Hindi edition to the translation of the English edition.
. During the Delhi Caturmasya of Acarya Tulasi, task of publica. tion of the book began with the consent of Acarya Ji under the over all guidance of Muni Mahendra Kumara Ji (II) through Sri Rajendra Kumara, Director of the Today and Tomorrow's Publications. As far as cditing and making improvements is concerned Muni Mahendra Kumara Ji (II) shouldered all the responsibility then. When the project was almost ncar. its completion the events took a fateful turn. A situation of separation came in. The apple-cart was upset.

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The publication came to a standstill. The situation forced me a separation from my work. At about this time some chapters translated and duly corrected were misplaced and lost.
I have absolutely no doubt about the personal interest in the project of the publisher Sri Rajendra Kumara Jain, but he is too busy with the current scientific publications, therefore it was necessary to find someone who could inspire him in completing a oriental, religious and technical book (with diacritical marks).
We found such direction from Dr. B.S. Jain of University of Delhi. By nature Dr. Jain is a man of sobre personality and he generously offered to undertake all the responsibilities relating to the project. The English manuscript like the prodigal son of the Testament was lost or almost dead but brought back to light and life by Dr. Jain. One fine morning he came all the way from Delhi to meet me at my Calcutta Camp along with the manuscript for putting a life into the project, and since then he has become an important link in the chain of events leading to the publication of the work. He has been very successfully removing all the obstacles and has all along been an instrument of putting the publisher Sri Rajendra Kumara Jain back to the saddle. In a nutshell the major portion of the credit of the publication of this English edition goes to Dr. Jain.
In this project Dr. Jain received great help from his esteemed colleague Dr. Raghu Natha Sarma · a scholar of Sanskrit and English language in Delhi University. Dr. Sarma, inspite of his very heavy schedule, took pains to go through the English manuscript, made numerous valuable suggestions and improvements and also put diacritical markings in most of the chapters. Dr. Sarma had long sittings with Dr. Jain and discussed various aspects of the work. The completion of this work has been possible only because of the selfless services of Dr. Jain and Dr. Sarma.
There was a big question mark whether, in the changed situation, to give or not to give the name of Muni Mahendra Kumara Ji (II) as translator. However, for the sake of personal differences distorting of literary and historic realities or even detracting from their importance sounds shallow. It was, therefore, thought proper to suitably associate his name in the present venture. How Muni Mahendra Kumara Ji (II) or other responsible personalities react, is a matter for their personal judgement.
In conclusion, I highly appreciate the interest shown both by the publisher as well as editors, and I am confident that like the Hindi edition this English edition will also interest and attract the

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scholars here in India as well as abroad. To my mind this will be greatly rewarding to researchers working in the realms of Bhagavan Mahavira and Buddha.
Muni Nagaraja
May, 6, 1985 Vira-Nagara, Jain Colony Delhi (India)

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A REVIEW
I have been much impressed on hearing the text of Āgma aur Tripitaka : Eka Anusilana written by Muni Sri Nagrājaji. The pain undertaken by Muni Sri in looking into and utilizing some of the texts of the Tripitakas in the present volume is indeed laborious and unprecedented. This makes his work important and useful. I have told Muni Śri that many topics discussed in this book may be good enough for independent papers. I think, even earlier, some writers have proceeded in this direction and produced valuable results. Muni Sri's plan is to produce three volumes on the topic is in itself a first of its kind. The text was read to me for about three weeks. During this period, there was also a threadbare discussion on interconnected topics with Muni Nagrājaji and Muni Mahendrakumāraji (Dvitiya). I was delighted at the depth of the study by Muni Sri and the profundity of his thinking on the subject. Having heard the volume entitled 'History & Tradition', whatever considerations came upper-most in my mind and whatever ideas took shape in me are, in brief, as follows:
Between the two streams of the Indian culture, viz., Brahmana and Áramaņa, a casual observer will discover differences in many respects. Whereas the Brāhmaṇa cult lays emphasis on sacrifices leading to animal slaughter, on the purification of diction, purification of the enchanted words (mantras), these items are just secondary in the Sramaņa cult. But in contrast, between the two streams of Sramana cult, viz., Jaina and Bauddha, there is much common ground in these matters. Both have questioned the divine origin of the Vedas and denied recognition to the erstwhile caste system. Herein, the major emphasis is on restraint, meditation, etc. Even the lay followers in these two have been required to turn their gaze mainly to restraint. There are many other items which are common in the two.
Mahāvira (Nigantha Nātaputta) and Gautma Buddha apart, other leaders in the Sramana cult who have been noticed in the text are Purana Kasyapa, Ajita Kesakambala, Sanjaya Velațțhiputta, Makkhali Gośālaka and Prakuddha Kaccāyana. In the Buddhist Tripitakas written in Pāli, one comes across more details about these leaders and their teachings. But unfortunately, besides Mahāvira and Buddha we do not find other leaders' organisation or literature. The information that we get in the Buddhist literature about Ni

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gantha Nātaputta and his disciples leaves no room for doubt about Mahāvira being recognised a Tirthankara of that age and about his organisation being fairly vast and active.
In the Buddhist texts, the number of such references is 51[1] distributed as follows: main Tripitakas having 32, Majjhima Nikaya 10, Digha Nikaya 4, Anguttara Nikāya and Samyukta Nikāya 7 each, Sutta Nipāta 2 and Vinaya Pitaka 2. These refer to discussions between the Buddha and the Nirgrantha monks and various contemporary events of the period.
Certain portions of the work discuss topics relating to conduct, wherein the fourfold restraints of the Nirgranthas have been brought to lighted. The fourfold restraints have been stated as desisting from killing, from falsehood from theft and from sex-behaviour[2], and elsewhere they have been stated to be desisting from unboiled water and sins [3]. In a context discussion turns to restraint in speech - the point at issue being whether the Buddha could or could not utter words which were unpalatable to others[4]. In another context on meat eating, this as prescribed by the Nirgranthas, has been decried[5]. Another instance discusses the behaviour and garments of a monk[6]. Still another rejects as unworthy of a monk the display of his occult powers, which further throws light on the conduct of the monk. The discussion on uposatha in the context of the conduct and thinking of the lay followers is another important item[8].
Some topics throw light on the fundamentals. The penances by the monks[9], and karma theory[10] have come in for discussion 1. Vide the present text, Chap. 17. 2. (a) Samyuta Nikāya, Nānā Titthiya Sutta. (Reference No.31). 3. (b) Samyuta Nikāya, Kula Sutta (R. No. 6).
(c) Anguttara Nikāya Pancaka Nipata (R. No. 39). (d) Majjhima Nikaya, Upāli Sutta (R. No. 2). Digha Nikāya, Sāmañjaphala Sutta (R. No. 22). Majjhima Nikāya, Abhaya Rājakumāra Sutta (R. No. 3). Vinaya Pitaka, Mahāvagga, Bhaisajjya kh an dhaka (R. No. 1). Sanjuta Nikāya, Jațila Sutta (R. No. 33). Vinaya Pitaka, Cūlavagga, Khuddaka vatthukh an dhaka (R. No. 18). Anguttara Nikaya, Tika Nipāta (R. No. 27). (a) Majjhima Nikāya, Cūla Dukkhakh anda Sutta (R. No.5). (b) Anguttara Nikaya, Tika Nipata (R. No. 10). (c) Majjhima Nikāya, Deva daha Sutta (R. No. 4). (d) Anguttara Nikaya Catuvak Nipata (R. No. 12).
(e) Anguttara Nikāya, Catuvakka Nipāta.(R. No. 38). 10. (a) Majjhima Nikāya, Devadaha Sutta (R. No. 4).
(b) Anguttara Nikaya, Catukka Nipäta (R. No. 12).
ajati ono

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at a number of places wherein the notion of uprooting of the karma or the end of misery as a consequence of penance been reviewed. There is a dialogue between the Buddha on the one hand and a Nirgrantha monk Dirgha Tapasvi and householder Upāli, on the other, on restraint of mind, speech and body[11]. The conclusion regarding the eradication of karma through penance justly corroborates with the Jaina terminology. Even the words danda' and vedaniya karma' are weidely used in the Jaina texts. Aśrava[12] Abhijāti (Leśyā)[13], limit and non-limit of the Loka[14] avitarkaavicara-samadhi (dhyāna-contemplation)[15], Kriyāvāda-Akriyāvāda [16], offer to a right and wrong person[17], etc. are to be found in their texts which justifies the views on the fundamentals of the Jainas. A distinct reference and review of the Jaina view of omniscience has to be come accross at many places[18]. There are some paragraphs on the 'personality of Nirgrantha Nataputa' wherein he has been depicted to be inferior to the Buddha[19].
At some places, there is a discussion about Mahāvira's order of monks and of his followers. It appears from one description that at the time when there occured a famine in Nalanda, Mahavira and his monks were staying at that place [20]. Given at several places is the description about the schism or rift in the order of monks shortly after Mahavira's entered into liberation[21]. Even effort has been made to impress that compared to the followers of Mahā. 11. Majhima Nikaya, Upāli Sutta (R. No. 2). 12. Anguttara vikāya, Vappa Sutta (R. No. 12). 13. Anguttara Nikāya, Chakka Nipāta (R. No. 28). 14. Anguttara Nikāya, Navaka Nipāta (R. No. 11). 15. Sanjuta Nikaya, Gamani Samyuta (R. No. 8). 16. Vinaya Pitaka, Mahāvagga (R. No. 1). 17. Majjhima Nikāya, Cala Saccaka Sutta (R. No. 29). 18. (a) Majjhima Nikāya, Sandaka Sutta (R. No. 30).
(b) Majjhima Nikāya, Cwla Sakuludāyi Sutta (R. No. 13).
(c) Anguttara Nikaya, Tika Nipăta (R. No. 10). 19. (a) Sutta Nipāta, Dhammika Sutta (R. No. 34).
(b) Digha Nikāya, Mahāparinivvāna Sutta (R. No. 25). (c) Samyuta Nikāya Dahara Sutta (R. No. 24).
(d) Sutta Nipāta, Sabhiya Sutta (R. No. 23). 20. Samyuta Nikāya, Gāmaņi Sañyutta (R. No. 7).
(a) Majjhima Nikāya, Samagama Sutta (R. No. 14). (b) Digha Nikāya, Pāsadik Sutta (R. No. 15).
Digha Nikāya, Samgiti patyāya Sutta (R. No. 16).

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vira those of the Buddha were much more loyal, devoted to their spiritual master [22]
In this manner, in the Buddhist Tripitakas, there exists a huge material on the Jaina practices, fundamentals, personality of Mahavira, his church, etc., which is of great value not only to the historians but also to the researchers.
From the standpoint of historical material, the Jaina Agamas are as much elaborate as the Buddhist Tripitakas about the contemporary political scene and the royal households. The two sources have presented monarchs like Srenika Bimbisāra, Ajatasatru Kunika, Canda Pradyota, Vatsarāja Udayana, Udrāyaṇa of Sindhu Sauvira and many others in their distinctive way. Some of these were the followers of the Buddha as some others were the followers of Mahā. vira, and there were some others who had sympathy and support for both. Muni Sri Nagrājaji has also thrown light on this
When both the Jaina and the Bauddha texts have given a general description of the political and social conditions of the time and when the latter have presented a free description about the Nirgran tha monks, it becomes a natural curriosity to enquire if the Jaina texts too contain a comparable account of the Buddha and his followers. The fact that Mahāvira and Buddha were contemporary makers of history has no scope for debate or dispute and yet it is surprising that the Jaina texts are wholly silent about the Buddha and his followers. There are however a few couplets in the Sūtra-krtānga which may be considered to be an indication or hint of the existence of some such faith. In one of these, the followers of the Buddha have been called 'khanajoino and the same couplet states five skandhas as discovered and propounded by them [23]. The following couplet has a mention of four materials (dhātus) of the Bauddhas [ 24). Elsewhere in the same Jaina text, there are a few more couplets which lend further support to this[25]. While saying so, it must, however, be admitted that so far as the Jaina texts are concerned, at least the portions of these which are considered 22. Majjhima Nikāya, Mahāsakuludāyi Sutta (R. No. 26). 23. Pancakhan dhe vayamtege bālā u khan ajoino. anno annanno neváhu heuyam ca aheuyam.
- Sūtrakrtānga, Srutas kandha 1, Adhyayana 1, síoka 17 24. pūdhavi ayu teu ya tahā vāū ya egao. cattari dhauno ruvam evamāhamsu āvare.
- Sūtrakṛtāńga, síutasjandha 1, Adhyayana 1, śloka 18 25. Sūtrakṣtāngá Sūtra, Srutas kandha 2, Adhyayana 6, ślokas 26-30.
Vide the present ext pp.

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since at places, La
Mahavira's opposai who left the
very old, the Buddhist order finds no mention whatsoever, whereas there are copious items and events of the Jaina interest including Mahavira and his followers which have been widely recorded in the Buddhist Tripitakas, - all directed to the same purpose which is to establish the inferiority of Mahāvira and his order in order to highlight the superiority of the Buddha and his order. Comparing the texts from the two sources, one cannot but be struck by this wide divergence between these two. One explanation for this may be that Mahavira and his followers were much more interested in self and turned inward that they did not bother as to what was going on to others or elsewhere; but this cannot be the whole explanation since at places, even the Jaina texts have taken interest in others, for instance, in Gośālaka, Mahāvira's opponent, who has been depicted as a villian of the worst type, or in Jamali, who left the organisation of Mahāvira, and in innumerable Tāpasa monks who practised spirituality in a wrong way. Why then this complete blackout on the Buddha and his followers.
The only reason for this which may appeal to the intellect may be that Mahāvira was senior to the Buddha in age. He was initiated earlier, attained the supreme knowledge earlier and was earlier to deliver his first sermon. In fact, he was already established when the Buddha entered into the stage. Buddha being younger, he had yet to win acceptance. Among his rivals, the most important was Mahāvira; so he and his followers tried again and again to come up by decrying from time to time Mahāvira[26]. At a later period, even Sankarācārya in his commentary on the Brahmma Sūtra has followed the suit. Assuming the Sankhya view as his principal adversary, he has discussed it at length and in trying to demolish it, he has assumed the demolition of the rest [27]. The influence of Mahavira was so well secured in Society that he felt no danger to 26. In the beginning Buddha himself practised the Jaina austerities. But he
was not successful. Vide the present text pp. 27. Sarvavyākhyāna dhikaraṇam, 28.
Etena sarve vyākhyāta vyakhyatah, 28/ 1.4.28. Iksaternā sabdam (1.1.5) ityārabhya pradhānakāranavā da sūtrai-reva punah punarasankya nirākrtah... devalaprabhṛtibhisca kaisciddharmasūtrakāraih svagrantheśvasritah tena tatpratiședhe eva yatno'tiva kịto nānvādikāraņavā dapratişedhe / te'pi tu brahmakaranavādapakşasya pratipakşatvātpratişeddhvyāh/.. ataḥ pradhanamalla nibarhananyāyenātidisati - etena pradhanakarana-vādapratisedhanyāyakalāpena sarve'nvā di kāranava dā api prati-siddhatayā vyākhyātā veditavyāh/
- Brahmasūtra, Sankara Bhasya, Pub. Motilāla Banārsidāsa, 1964, p. 139

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himself or his order from the newly emerging Buddha. So he preferred to overlook him. Gaśālaka was a fellow monk who had practised penance with Mahavira. Even two years prior to Mahavira's omniscience he had announced himself to be a Jina and a Kevalin, knowing and seeing everything. It is further accepted that Gosálaka's following was larger than that of Mahāvira. It was for this reason that Gosálaka was real adversary and it had become necessary to write at length about this man in the Jaina texts. Taking a full view, it appears convincing that Gosālka was an obstruction on the way of Mahāvira's rise; so he had to discuss again and again about this man. Likewise, Mahāvira was an obstacle to the growth of the Buddhist order and this easily explains why Mahavira has figured so often in the Buddhist texts.
It may be necessary to state that Jamali separated from Mahāvira's church and this somewhat weakened it. It might have been still weaker. So he has been discussed by Mahāvira. In contemporary life, even the Tapasa monks enjoyed a great influence. They used to give much weight to penances, which Mahāvira rejected. Likewise had the Buddha been elder than Mahavira and equal in strength, in that case, Mahāvira would have to face similar issues as, being junior and less powerful, Buddha did. In another sense, however, Mahavira and Buddha were very near to each other, since both were leaders within the fold of Sramana cult. It is but natural that enmity or hostility is at its highest among like-minded sects within the fold of the same cult rather than when they belong to diverse sects among different cults. The total blackout about Gautama Buddha in the Jaina texts only supports the seniority and superior edge of Jainism over Buddhism.
Even some of the passages in the Tripitakas quoted at Chapter 17 of the present text clearly indicate that Buddha was junior and Mahavira senior. For instance, according to Sutta Nipāta, Bhiksu Sabhiya is said to be thinking as follows:
“Even Pūraņa Kasyapa, Makkhali Gośāla, Ajita Kesakambala, Prakrudha Kāccāyāyana, Sanjaya Belațțhiputta and Niggantha Nataputta who are worn out, old, aged, who are at the fag end of life whose life is nearing its close, senior, experienced, ever-initiated, master of the Order, master of Gaņa, head of Gaņa, widely known, famous, creator of the Tirtha, respected by many, even such Sramaņas and Brāhmanas have failed to give answer to my questions, and having failed, they expressed anger, malice, displeasure, and asked me in return, to provide the answer. When such is their position, how can Sramana Gautama give reply to these questions? He is younger in age and fresh in initiation. But though young, he

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ху
is powerful and brilliant. So let me try these questions with him."
Again, as per Dahara Sutta of Samyutta Nikāya, king Prasenajit is said to have told the Buddha as follows: "Even Purana Kasyapa, till Niganttha Nātaputta cannot speak with authority about right and unprecedented enlightenment; then how can you who are much younger in age and just initiated make a claim like this?”
Likewise, according to Samanńjaphala Sutta of Digha Nikaya, the ministers of Ajātasatru described the six spiritual leaders aforesaid to be ever initiated, advanced and aged.
In the same manner, at three places in the Tripitakas, Mahāvira is said to have entered into liberation prior to Buddha. These are additional proofs about Mahavira's seniority in age. According to Pasādi ka Sutta of Digha Nikāya and Samāgama Sutta of Majjhima Nikāya Bhikṣu Cunda Samaņuddeśa spent four months of the rainy season at Pāvā and returned and gave the following report to Buddha and Ananda: "Only recently, Nigantha Nātaputta has passed away at Pāvā[28]. The Nigantthas are fighting fiercely on the question of succession.” According to the Sangiti Paryāya Sutta of Digha Nikāya, Sāriputta drew the attention of his monks to this unfortunate episode at Pāvā and advised them to remain united.
When three references in the Tripitakas state the prior liberation of Mahāvira and when neither in the Tripitakas nor in the Agamas, there is any contradictory statement, the aforesaid three references remain undisputed. It may even be possible that these three references are a later interpolation in the Tripitaka literature. Everything is indeed possible, but so long as there is no solid basis for the surmise, there is hardly any ground to doubt its authenticity.
In the later Buddhist literature, Atthakathā and others, there are references to the Nigantha monks and Nigantha Nātaputta. Apart from being a sordid endeavour to establish the superiority of Buddha and inferiority of Mahāvira, this is full of many references which are in bad taste and fictitious description of events. In contrast, in later Jaina literature, Niryukti, Bhāsya, Cūrņi, etc., there is no effort whatsoever at decrying Buddha. This indicates the difference in the mental plane of the Jaina savants and their Buddhist counterparts. The Jaina savants always and invariably gave a precedence to the true well-being of the self over that of their order. 28. Pāvā in Jain tradition was to the south of the Gangā near Rāja grha. But
from the study of Tripitakas and other historical materials it has been now discarded. The real site of the nirvana of Mahavira (Pavā) was that Pāvā as noticed in the Buddhist literature. It was on the northern side of the Gangā near Kusinara.

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From the beginning of the Christian era, however, when the age of discussion (controversy) started, even the Jaina savants descended to the same plane where their earlier Buddhist counterparts had been. This receives further support from the posterior șikā (commentary) literature and katha (story) literature.
Muni Sri Nagrājaji has highlighted these various aspects as indicated above in this volume. These will be of immense value to the inquisitive as well as the enquirer.
Anekānta Vihara Ahmedabada
Pandita Sukhlāla Sanghvi

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INTRODUCTION TO THE FIRST HINDI EDITION
Difference and non-difference both are the Dharma (characteristic) of vision or the outlook. Wherever you look for them, you will find them. The Jain and Buddhist traditions abound both in differences and non-differences. Because of the two-sided nature of the vision, we are able to arrive at the Real. The aim and object of the present venture is to attain this Real. It has been my endeavour to keep apart from the prejudice of one or the other in order to arrive at the Real.
Life has been accustomed to think in terms of the alphabet of synthesis and to traverse the path of unity. How then can I write otherwise? The present work 'Agama and Tripitaka. Eka Anušilanā is one more link in the chain of my other work Acārya Bhikşu aur Mahatma Gandhi, Jain Darsana aura Ādhunika Vijñána, 'Ahiumsa-Paryaveksana' To be frank, I had never had a plan to write anything comparative, but it has come in the most natural way. A good thingh that emerges automatically is superior to a good thing which is the outcome of concious en deavour.
A literary creation that establishes some fact is not bad, but it cannot be said to be of very high order. There are already many works in different languages on Jaina as well as Buddhist tradition. When we represent them in our own language or order it does not make a new creation. For generations, this work of representation goes on. But in a comparative or analytical research work, there emerges a new outlook, a new outcome. A reader finds in it many things not known to him, never ready by him. The flow of knowledge shoots out in many currents and moves ahead. This has been one of the basic inspirations which has especially taken me in this direction.
From the days when I was engaged in my studies, a notion got established in my heart that it would be really worth while, enjoyable and unprecedented to enter upon a comparative study of Mahavira and Buddha. Occasionally, to give vent to it, I wrote even short papers. But during the past five or six years I took total leave of every thing else and devoted myself wholey to this assignment.
As my structure started coming up, I could perceive, mar y of my predecessors having tread the same path. Some had gone a bare two steps and some about ten. Their goal was different from

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that of mine and so was their way, but at some moments of proximity of contact, our ways have become one. For me, their obscure and scattered footprints have become a guide, a source of inspiration. In this connection, I recall a booklet entitled Mahavira and Buddha by Dr. Lauman. Dr. Hermann Jacobi in his learned introduction to his translation of the Acārānga and Uttarādhyayana, etc. has touched on different facets of comparison. Dr. Cerpentier too has made a similar endeavour in his edited version of Uttarādhyayana Sūtra and in several other articles. Dr. Hoernle has touched this in Upāsakadasanga Sūtra, edited and translated by him. Dr. Schubring has, in his masterly work on Jainism, at innumerable places hinted openly at this. In his research work on Ajivakas Dr. Basham has in his own way thrown light on Mahāvira, Buddha and Gośālaka and their tradition.
Among the indigenous scholars, Pt. Sukhlālaji has in his articles unfolded many aspects of comparison. Pt. Becaradasa Dosi in his edition of the Bhagavati Sütra and Pt. Dalasukha Mälvaniã in his translation of Sthānānga-Samavāyānga have further unfolded the matter. Similarly Pt. Rahula Sāṁkrtyayana, Dharmānanda Kausāmbi, Dr. B.C. Law, Dr. Nathamala Tanțiyā, Dr. Jagadisa Candra Jaina, Dr: Govinda Candra Pāņde, Dr. Gulāba Candra Caudhari, Bharata Singha Upadhyāya and many other have enriched the process of comparison through their learned contributions. Most of them have said that this kind of research is important and useful and should be undertaken independently and in a wholesome manner.
From an acquaintance with these, I had a feeling, as it, I had unknowingly entered into a terrible forest which has no highway no track, no rest house. But soon I realised that the direction in which I was moving had at its end a citadel, and my path, apart from being an untrodden one, was the known and well understood path of many, before me.
I have divided the entire work into three volumes · Volume One: History & Tradition; Volume Two : Literature and Teaching; Volume Three : Philosophy & Ethics. Volume one on History & Tradition is just ready. I intend to write the three volumes before the 2500th Nirvana Anniversary of Bhagavan Mahāvira.
I have tried to safeguard the diction of this volume from the niceties of a pure literary work on the one hand and of dull philosophy on the other. Historical research is concerned with the establishment of truth. It has its own style which has no scope for ornamentation. Its yardstick is appropriateness of words and clarity of thought.

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A research work has of necessity to be precise and terse. But I have been very elaborate. The former type can be used by scholars, especially those who are in that particular field only but my aim has been to reach simultaneously a wide spectrum of lay readers.
Each chapter in this volume is self sufficient and complete so that it may serve as an independent paper. This is why it has been possible for me to use them in research journals, commemoration volumes and Oriental conferences. Chapter Four on Chronology is being printed as separate book.
Compared to earlier chapters, I am afraid, the richness of presentation may have some what run down in later chapters. But this is not unnatural in the case of a work which is spread over a wide canvas.
Simultaneous with the completion of this book, there has happened an event which is of great personal value to me. It is this that the whole text has been read to that great savant and doyen of Jain ology, Pt. Sukhalālaji. Despite his age and other pre-occupations, I must say, Panơitaji has taken a deep interest and immensely enjoyed hearing the reading. He himself suggested many parallel discussions and crucial points which are of immense value. As a result of these three weeks of intensive reading of the text, thinking over it and taking a closer.view of the whole, I have the greatest pleasure to say that there has emerged a strong support from him about the seniority of Mahāvira which has taken the form of "A Review”. by him printed at the beginning of this volume. This has really tied me in a debt of gratitude to him, particularly when I recollect that he is already 88.
While considering the present text, the keen-sighted scholar, Pt. Becaradāsāji pointed out that 'puttam piyā samārabbha...' of Sūtrakstānga[1] appeared to him to be a reference to Buddha's having taken the pork and so it might not be correct to suggest ihat the Jaina Agamas made no mention of any event in Buddha's life[2] . His contention has been that for lack of proper understanding, at some age, the word 'puttim' must have changed into 'puttam'. In Sanskrit, the word 'potrin' stands for a pig[3]. In Prākṣta, in second 1. Puttam piyā samarabbha āhārejja asamae.
bhunjamāņo ya mehāvi kammuṇā no vilappai. 2. Present work. Sūtrakstānga, Sru. 1, A. 1, U. 2, S. 28 3. Varāḥah sukaro ghrstih kolaḥ potri kirih kițih
- Amarkosa, Part II, Singhādivarga, S. 2. Varāhaḥ kroda-potriņau.
· Abhidhāna Cintāmaņi, Part III, S. 180.

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xx
case-en ding singular number, the form of the word is ‘puttim'.
To a certain extent, the above contention is supported by the Cūrni of Sūtrakrtānga. In elaborating it, the writer of the Cūrņi states, sūkaram vā cchagalam vā (a pig or a goat)[4]; but there is no hint in this of the Buddha's having taken the pork. This Gātha is illustrated with the example of a bird (Lävaka) which was killed and served in the bowl of a bhiksu.
In the Padaccheda of the Cūrņi of the aforesaid Gathā, the reading of Jinadasa Gani is putram api tāvat samārabhya'. In his commentary, Silankācārya reads it as ‘putram pitā samārabhya'. Some scholars regard the padaccheda of the Cūrņi as correct. According to them, it is not uncommon if in certain situations, the father slaughters his son. So the word 'putram 'api' in the padaccheda of the Curni. Hence the meaning of the padacche da of the Cūrņi and Tikā in the sense of the slaughter of the son stands. The word father here may be interpreted to include mother also. In modern age, the slaughter of the son by father is very uncommon, ghastly and a crime, but in anicient literature such events are found recorded at many places.
According to Telovāda Jātaka (Balovāda Jātaka, No. 246)[5], ‘Bhikṣu taking Uddista meat specially prepared for him is involved in the sin. In giving reply to this statement, Boddhisttva said,
puttadāram pi ce hantvā deti dānam asaññato,
bhuńjmān o'pi sappannjona pāpamupalimpati. Here clearly the wife and the son have been butchered to feed a bhiksu. This has affinity of thought and expression with the aforesaid Gathā of Sutrakrtanga.
According to Culla Pauma Jataka[6], in one of his earlier lives, Bodhisattva and his six brothers with their seven wives were crossing through a forest. On the way, they killed one wife per day and gratified their hunger [7]
We have the following from the Jaina Agama named Jnātadharmakathanga : Trader Dhannā and his sons discussed among themselves the idea of killing one per day in order to feed the rest 4. Sūtrakrtānga Cūmi, Pub. Risabhdevji Kesárimalaji Sve. Sansthā, Ratlama,
p. 50. 5. Vide the present text p. 6. Jātak No. 193.
The first part of this story is similar to that of the well-known Jaina story 'King Jitasatru and Queen Sukum
7.

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xxi
and save their life. In the end, they gratified their hunger and quenched their thirst by taking the flesh and drinking the blood of their deceased daughter and sister Suşamā and thereafter passing through a forest, they reached Rājagsha. In this ghastly act, they were not bothered about taste of the shaff. Their sole motive was to cross through the forest and reach Rājagrha. Citing the example of this story, Mahāvira said, 'In the same manner, a monk takes food not to improve the colour, appearance, strength or earthly objects, but only to attain the state of liberation.'[9]
According to the Puttamansasutta of Samyutta Nikāya[10] a couple killed their only son, ate his flesh and crossed through a forest. They used this flesh not for pride, intoxication, adoration or decoration, but simply to pass through the forest. In reviewing the story, Buddha said 'o bhikṣus! In the same manner a noble follower does not take food for pride, intoxication, etc. but simply to pass through this world which is a wilderness.'[11]
We have the following couplets in Manusmrti: [12] 8. For full details see śrutaskandha 1, A. 18.
Dhānenam satthavaheņam no vannaheum vā no rūvaheum vā no balaheum va no Visayaheum vā sumsumãe dāriyae mansas onie āhärie nannatha egae rayagiham sampāvanatthāyae evāmeva samaņāuso jo amham niggantho và nigganthi va imassa orāliy asarirassa vantāsavassa pittasavassa sukkasa vassa soniyasavassa java avassavippajahiyavvassa no vannaheum va no ruvaheum vā no balaheum va no visayahem va ahāram āhārei nannattha egāe siddhigamanasampāvanatthayāe
- Nāyadhammakahão, ed. N.B. Vaidya
p.214 10. Nidāna Vagga, Nidāna Samyutta, 2/12/63. 11. Tam kim mangjatha Bhikkhave api nu te devaya và aharam ahareyyum,
madaya vā ahāram ahāreyyum, mandanāya vā āhāram ahāreyyum vibhūsanaya va ahāram āhäreyyum ti? no hetam, ante nanu te bhikhve yāva deva kantārassa nitth aranatthāya aharam àhareyyum ti? evam bhante evameva khvāham bhikkhave kabalikāro ahāro datthabbo ti vadāmi kabalikāre bhikkhave āhāre pariññjate pañcakāmaguņiko rāgo pariñnjato hoti. parijcakamagunika rāge parinnjate jatthi tam samyojanam yena samyojanena samyutte ariyasāvako puna imam lokam āgacheryya.
- Samyukta Nikāya Pali ed. Bhiksu Jagadisakassapo, p. 84 12. A 10, S. 104, 105.

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Jivitatyayamapanno yo'nnamatti yatastataḥ akasamiva pankena na sa papena lipyate. ajirgataḥ sutam hantumupasarpadbubhukṣitaḥ na calipyata papena kṣutpratikāramācaran.
Here we have an account of sage Ajirgata[13] who killed his son and yet did not incur any sin.
From these accounts cited above from different sources, it should be clear that there must have been an age when the killing of the son by the father under exceptional circumstances been recorded and this had been freely repeated in the Jaina, Buddhist & Vedic traditions to establish or demolish a point. Under the cir cumstances, 'puttam piyā samārabbha' appears to be the correct reading. Sutrakṛtanga only cites this to indicate a Buddhist practice. This has been met and demolished in the Gathas that follow.
The renouned scholar Dr. A.N. Upadhye read the book from cover to cover and I have the pleasure to say that he is in agreement with the dates of my chronology.
In the preparation of this volume, at least 300 books have been directly used. An even larger number of books it has been necessary to consult. I express my deep gratitude to their writers. I have tried to meet the findings of many of them. In doing so, I have always been objective and analytical, and never communal or parachial. I hope, the scholars will take them in that light.
This volume has been edited by Muni Mahendrakumaraji Pratham and Muni Mahendrakumaraji Dvitiya. The amount of labour and erudition they have mobilised and applied in this arduous job is clear from the Index of Jaina and Buddhist Technical terms given in the Appendix. The work of these fellow monks was not restricted to this but has extended from the preparation of the outline of the work till its completion in connection with thinking, consideration, reading, search and other ways.
Indirect help in the preparation of the volume has been received from Muni Manmalaji of Bīdāsara. He has been available to me in other respects also which are in no way inferior or less necessary than the main object.
13.
This story is fully available in the story of Ajirgata in Banavrc Brāhmaṇa.

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xxiii
The concluding lines of the present volume I am writing seated at the confluence of the ocean and the earth (in Bombay) in the expectation that my work Agama and Tripitaka: A study, may be the meeting point of the Jaina and the Buddhist cultures.
MUNI NAGRĀJA
Anuvrata Sabhāgara 88 Marine Drive Bombay 2 February 6, 1969

Page #26


Page #27

XXV
CONTENTS
Page
PRASTAVANA
V
A Review
Introduction to the First Hindi Edition
CHAPTER 1
XVII
MAHAVIRA AND BUDDHA
1-4
One or Two Nirgrantha Influences on the Penances of the Budha
CHAPTER II
CONTEMPORARY RELIGIOUS TEACHERS
5-24
In the Tripitakas
Purna Kasyapa : akriya-vadi Makkhali Gosala : niyati-vadi Ajita Kesakambali : uccheda-vadi Pakudha Kaccayana : annoyonya-vadi Sanjaya Velatthiputra : viksepa-vadi Nirgrantha Jnataputra : caturyama-samvara-vadi
In the Agamas
11
Monk Ardrakakumara and Gosalaka Monk Ardraka and a Buddhist Bhiksu Monk Ardraka and a Vedic Brahmana Monk Ardraka and Atmadvaitavadi Monk Ardraka and Hasti Tapasa
12 14
14
15
Introduction to Life-History
16 20
Purana Kassapa Pakudha Kaccayana Ajita Kesakambali Sanjaya Valatthiputta
21
21

Page #28

GOSALAKA
In the Agmas (Scriptures)
Early Life of Gosalaka
Gosalaka's First Contact with the Lord
Vaisayana, A Bala Tapasvi Attainment of Tejolesya Gosalaka and Ananda Pravrtta-Parihara Use of Tejolesya
The Eight Ultimates
Gosalaka's Repentence
Gosalaka's Death
Kundakolika and Ajivaka Deva
Sakadalaputra
Other Contexts
In Digambra Tradition
In the Tripitakas
CHAPTER III
The Worst
Review
Veneration and its Reasons Name and Profession
Proximity of Jains and Ajivakas
Who the Guru
Incontinence in Ajivakas
CHRONOLOGY
Introduction
CHAPTER IV
Views of Foreign Scholars
XXV I
25-58
22222
26
27
28
29
30
32
34
35
37
38
39
40
41
45
45
46
47
49
51
53
59-176
59
60

Page #29

Dr Jacobi's First Approach
The First Review
The Date of Mahavira's Nirvana The Date of Buddha's Nirvana Dr Jacobi's Second Approach The Concluding Article The Gist of Dr Jacobi's Paper Ajatsatru in the Buddhist Pitakas Konika in the Jain Tradition Pava, the Place of Mahavira's Nirvana Agamas and Tripitakas in Relation to Contemporary Conditions
The Date of Mahavira's Nirvana
The Date of Buddha's Nirvana
Inconsistencies
Conclusion
Pandita Sukh Lalji and Other Scholars
Dr Charpentier
Dr. K.P. Jayaswal
Mahavira's Nirvana and Vikramaditya
A Critique
Dr Radha Kumud Mukherjee
Dr Kamta Prasad Jain
Dharmananda Kausambi
Dr Hoernle and Muni Jina Vijayaji
Muni Kalyana Vijayaji
A Critique
Mahavira Middle Aged, Buddha - Young Testimony of the Later Works
Contradictions
Sri Vijayender Suri
Dr Shanti Lal Shah
Sri Sricand Ramapuria
Historians' View
A Critique
XXVII
60
60
61
62
62
62
63
64
65
67
69
69
71
72
73
73
75
76
76
77
77
78
78
79
79
79
81
82
82
8.3
84
85
93
95

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XXVIII
Research and Conclusion
Need of an Exhaustive Research The Evidences of the Buddhist Tripitakas The Event of Mahavira's Nirvana in Tripitakas A Critical Examination The Events of Mahavira's Seniority in Buddhist
Tripitakas A Critical Examination Contemporaneity and Chronology Chronology of Mahavira The Vikrama Era The Saka Era The Gupta Era Astrological Calculations Traditional Era of Vira - Nirvana Chronology of Mahavira's Life Traditional Dates of Nirvana Historian's Date of Buddha's Nirvana Problem of Chronology Reconstruction of Chronology
onsistencies in Ceylonesc Chronology The Chronology of Buddha
104 110 111 112 112 113 113 114 115 115 115 116 118 119 121 122
Corroboration of the Conclusion
127
Tibetan Tradition The Traditional Date of Chinese Turkestan Asoka's Edicts Burmese Tradition
127 128 128 135
CHAPTER V
PREVIOUS BIRTHS
177-187
Tapasa Marici
177
Marici's vacillation Marici's as a tridandi monk Kapila As Future Tirthankara Marici felt elated
177 178 179 180 180

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XXIX
Tapasa Sumedha
181
20 nimittas 10 paramitas
184 185
CHAPTER VI
BIRTH AND INITIATION
188-235
Bhagavan Mahavira
192
Transfer of the Embryo Dreams Interpreted Affection for the Mother Desire of a Pregnant Women Celebrations at Birth Childhood Physical Strength Education Marriage Great Renunciation Savvam me akaranijjam pavakammam
194 195 196 198 199 201 202 203 203 205 206
Bhagavan Buddha
Five Great Selections Dreams of the Queen Birth Tapasa Kaladevala Question on the Future A Miracle Displaying Technical Skill Four Scenes A Son is Born Departure from Home Initiation into Monkhood
207 209 212 214 216 218
219
222 226 228 232
CHAPTER VII
SPIRITUAL EXERTIONS
236-249
Mahavira's Exertions for Attaining Kaivalya
237

Page #32

Ххх
Buddha's Exertion for Attaining Sambodhi
241
Dreams
246
Dreams of Mahavira Dreams of the Buddha
246 247
CHAPTER VIII
250-265
250
252
HARDSHIP AND FORBEARANCE
Mahavira Fixing Canda-kausika on Spiritual Path The Buddha's Victory over Canda-naga Hardships caused by the Gods The Story of God Sangama The Story of the God Mara Conclusion
253
253
263
266-271
CHAPTER IX OMNISCIENCE AND ENLIGHTENMENT
On Mahavira's Attainment of Omniscience On the Buddha's Attainment of Enlightenment Conclusion
266 267 268
CHAPTER X
THE MONASTIC ORDER AND ITS EXPANSION
272-347
273
Are the Buddhist Accounts Exaggerated Initiation in the Nirgrantha Order
274
Eleven Gandharas Chandanavala Meghakumara Nandisena Rsabhdatta and Devananda Jamali and Priyadarsana
274 278 282 283 286 287

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XXXI
Jayanti Kasyapa Parivrajaka monk Skandaka Sramana Kesikumara Salibhadra and Dhanya Rajarsi Udayana Tapasa monks King Dasarnabhadra
288 292 292 298 304 310 312 312
The Upasampadas of the Buddha
315
The Pancavarga Bhiksus Yasa and Others The Bhadravargiyas The Parivrajakas - Bhagavan Sariputta and Moggalana Mahakatyayana Nanda, Rahula and Others Sakaya Princes and Upali
315 317 321 322 326 328 331 339
CHAPTER XI
MONKS AND NUNS
348-368
Indrabhuti Gautama Candanabala Sariputta Moggallana Ananda Upali Mahakasyapa Gautami Dhanya of Kakandi Meghakumara Nanda Salibhadra Skandaka
CHAPTER XII LEADING FOLLOWERS (UPASAKAS)
348 349 349 350 353 355 355 355 362 362 363 364 366
369-419
Leading Jaina Upasakas
369

Page #34

XXXII
371
Leading Buddhist Upasakas Ananda Sulasa Ananthapindika Visakha, Mother of Mrgara
374 381 387 394
CHAPTER XIII
DEFIANT DISCIPLES
420-439
Devadatta Jamali
421 436
CHAPTER XIV
FOLLOWER KINGS
440-532
Srenika Bimbisara
First Acquaintance
-440 440
In the Tripitakas
445
Beginning of Uposatha Prohibiting the Initiation of Soldiers The Buddha's Appearance in Prison Awakening of Pakkusati After His Death
446 447 447 448 449
In the Agamas
449
In Touch with Mahavira Initiation of the Princes Going to Hell and Subsequent Tirthankarhood
449 452
453
A Jaina or a Buddhist
456
460 461 462
About the Name - Bhimbisara About the Name - Srenika Father's Name Queens of Srenika Princess (Sons of Srenika) Ajatsatru Kunika A Jaina or a Buddhist
462
463 464 469

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XXXIII
473 474
475
Desire during Pregnancy and Birth of Kunika Srenika's Love for His Son Imprisonment of the Father Murder of the Father Repentence Biographical Sketch : A Review About His Mother Difference in Name
475 476 477 478 479
Mahasilakantaka War and the Conquest of the Vajjis
480
481 484 484
From the Jaina Sources Help from Indra Storming of the Wall Round Vaisali From the Buddhist Sources : Enmity
with the Vajjis Split Among the Vajjis Review Queens and Progeny of Kunika Death of Kunika Previous Birth of Kunika
485
487 489 490 491 492
Abhaya Kumara
492
Birth of Abhayakumara Habits and Personality Initiation into the Buddhist Order Initiation in the Nirgrantha Region
492 493 495 498
Udrayana
502
Canda - Pradyota
504
506
Udayana
Review
507
508
Prasenajit
As a Follower of the Buddha Cause of His Devotion for Buddha Vidudabha In the Jaina Agamas
510
511
513

Page #36

XXXIV
Cetaka
His Family Vaisali Republic Jaitasatru, Singha and Cetaka
514 515 515 516
Other Kings
517
CHAPTER XV
LIBERATION
533-560
536
Liberation of Mahavira Liberation of Gautama Buddha
544
CHAPTER XVI
WANDERINGS AND MONSOON CAMPS
561-569
Mahavira's Wanderings and Camps Buddha's Wanderings and Camps
562 566
CHAPTER XVII
THE NIGANTHAS AND NIGANTHA NATAPUTTA IN THE TRIPITAKAS
570-621
Odium Theologicium
570
571 572
572 573
575
578
Totality of Episodes Episodes Simha Senapati
Comment Grahpati L pali
Comment Prince Abhaya
Comment Discussion on Karma
Comment The Penance of the Niganthas
Comment Asibandhaka-putra Gramani
Comment
579 581 581
582
583 584 584 585

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Famine in Nalanda
Comment Grahapati Chitra Comment
Hall of Curiosity Sutta
Comment
Abhaya Licchavi
Comment
Loka-finite or Infinite
Comment
Jaina Sravaka Vappa Comment
Sakul Udayi Comment
Events
News of Nataputta's Demise (1) Comment
News of Nataputta's Demise (2) Comment
A Discussion on Nataputta's Demise
Comment
Cause of the Death of Nigantha Nataputta
Comment
Display of Occult Powers
Comment
Six Buddhas
Comment Mrgara Sresthi
Comment
Garahadinna and Sirigutta
Comment
References
Pious outcome of Sramanahood
Comment
Buddha Youngest Among the Spiritual Leaders
Comment
Sabhiya Parivrajaka
Comment
XXXV
585
586
586
587
587
588
588
588
589
589
590
590
591
591
591
591
592
592
592
592
592
592
593
593
593
594
594
594
595
595
596
597
597
597
598
598
598
599

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XXXVI
599 600 600 600 600 601 602
602
606 606 607 607 607
608
608 608 608
609
Subhadra Parivrajaka
Comment Seven Spiritual Leaders at Rajagrha
Comment Nigantha Uposatha
Comment The Place of the Niganthas in the Six Subcastes
Comment Saccak Niganthaputra
Comment Practice of Celibacy which is Unpleasant to the Mind
Comment Gods of Diverse Views
Comment Pingalakoccha Brahmin
Comment Jatilasutta
Comment Dhammika Upasaka
Comment Mahabodhikumara
Comment A Peacock and a Crow
Comment A Discussion on Meat Eating
Comment Four Types of People
Comment Five Faults of the Niganthas
Comment Clad Niganthas
Comment Murder of Maudgalyayana
Comment Questions of Milinda
Comment Niganthas in Lanka
Comment Pestilence in Vaisali
Comment Namo Buddhassa Namo Arahantanam
Comment
609 609 609 611 611 612
612
612 613
613
613 614 614 614 615 615 615 616 616 616 616 617 617 618

Page #39

Offer to the Níganthas
Comment Nalaka Parivrajaka
Comment With the Jina Sravakas
Comment Bhadra Kundalkesa
Comment Astrologer Nigantha
Comment A Nigantha in Dust
Comment
XXXVII.
618 618 619 619 619 620 620 620
621
621 621 621
622-656
SES
CHAPTER XVIII CODES AND BOOKS ON CONDUCT AND DISCIPLINE
Authorship and Date of Composition Intentions Behind the Word Nisiha
Nisithastvardharatra - The Original Text and its Elaboration Vinaya Pitaka
Historical Perspective On the Language of the Texts A Review of Subject-Matter Nisiha - On Lapses from Brahmacarya etc Vinaya Pitaka on Lapses from Brahmacarya etc. Method of Attainment On the Question of Conduct (Acara) On Initiation
Position of Women in the Two Orders APPENDIX - I
622 624 624 625 626 630 632 633 634 636 640 644 647 651
659
Pali Texts of the Tripitakas Referring to Nigantha and Nigantha Nataputta
APPENDIX - II
Bibliography - Agma Literature LITERARY GEMS BY THE SAME AUTHÖR

Page #40


Page #41

CHAPTER 1
MAHAVIRA AND BUDDHA
One or Two
Bhagavan Mahavira and Gautama Buddha were born in about the same time and in the same country. ] Both - of them were, Ksatriya princes. Both were married , bothhad a child each and both discarded their home and hearth, in youth, Accordingly to the Jaina and the Buddhist texts, both attained enlightenment after a fairly long penance, and, thereafter, according to the some sources, both of them propounded their respective tenets. The followers of both of them came to be known as sramanı, bhiksu and śrvaka:. On the occasion of their final liberation (nirvina), their followers, in the monarchies of the Mallaki and Licchavi clans, were present. And hence, these are some of the striking very unusual similarities in the lives of Bhagavan Mahāvira and Gautama Buddha that suddenly make a thinker to ponder. Is it that known by two different names of Mahavira and Buddha, it is the only one great personality intended? On account of this reason and the manifold similarities of the Jaina and Buddha traditions the western scholarship misconstrued Buddha and Mahāvira as one individual.
The field of history was over-shadowed by mist and fog for quite some time. But it has been variously confirmed on account of the multifarious evidences available that known by the two names of Mahavira and Buddha, there are two great personalities. Still, the aforesaid similarities are so striking that scholars dwelling upon them, from time to time, repeat the contention that Mahavira and Buddha are infact, One and not two. In the year 1962, the well known Buddhist scholar from Sri Lanka, Dr. Jayasurya, had come on the pilgrimage of Rajagriha. There, while giving an! account of the similarities in the life of Mahavira and Buddha, he thus spoke to the Press correspondents:
"In my opinion, Bhagavān Mahavira and Buddha could hardly be two persons. It is possible that histori

Page #42

ans in this regard failed to make a thorough investigation"2.
Certain individuals may continue to harp on the same chord, from time to time, but history is very clear in this regard. This is no longer a subject for fresh investigation, though some people are still in the habit of repeating a past confusion. When I started a comparative study of Jainism and Buddhism, the same illusion flashed to me for a moment; but as I plunged head a long and dived deep into the subject, it vanished automatically.
Nirgrantha influences on the penances of the Buddha
Bhagavan Mahāvira was senior to Gautama Buddha. When Bhagavān Buddha had just started preaching his religion, Mahāvira had already securely established his mission. From a recorded event in the life of the Buddha, we come to know that he must have been in some way connected with the tradition of Parsva or even of Mahavira at the time when he was undergoing his penances. He thus spoke to his leading disciple Sāriputta, "Sāriputia''. Before my enlightenment I used to tonsure hairs from my moustache and beard, practised penances in a standing posture and used to remain nude. I did not observe the popular customs. I used to receive food on my palm. I would not accept the food offered to me on my seat, nor one cooked for me, nor would I accept an invitation for a feast. I did not accept any food from a pregnant woman, or a woman engaged in breast feeding"3. Well, what Gautama practised were the normal penances of the Jaina monks - some fulfilled by the Sthāv ir kalpis and some by the Jina - kalpis. From this account, it is evident that he was initiated in the framana order in the tradition of Parsvaa and derived many a Truth therefrom."
In the Jaina canonical and other old texts, we do not especially get the life-story of Gautama Buddha. In a text entitled Dar sanasara by one Devasenācārya of the Digambar sect (8th century A.D.), there is a mention of Gautama Buddha's Jaina initiation, So runs the account : "A Jaina monk named Pihitasraya initiated him in the order of Parsva in a village named Paläsa on the bank of the river Sarayu and the new monk was named Buddhakirti. After

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sometime, he began to take fish and meat, and by donning scarlet robes, he began to preach his new religion. A mention like this cannot be said to be a very important historical record in itself; but it may still have some value which one may be prepared to attribute to it.
Pandita Sukhalal ji in his Chara Tirthankara and the Buddhist scholar Dharmananda Kosambi in his Parsvanath kā Caturyam Dharma have expressed their belief that Bhagavan Buddha must have joined the order of Pārsva, even though it might have been for a short while. While in that order, he practised penances like tonsure of hairs and got to the heart of the four Great Vows (caturyām).
According to well known historian Dr. Radhakumud Mukherjee, "In reality, it appears that the Buddha followed both the existing practices of penance for some time in the interest of acquiring complete self-discipline. For some time, he took guidance about the Brahmana way from one Udraka and then about the Jaina way before he developed his own independent way 115 He also agrees with the view that "he (the Buddha) went to the cantonment area of the Magadhan Republic, called Uruvela, and began to strive for higher knowledge at a place near a river and hamlet which would be convenient for him to beg his food. His penances became increasingly harder, of which the direction is given in Jainism and because of which he was reduced to bones and skin. He established strict control on his respirations as well as on food and lived on on a handful of lintels and pulses like moong, kalthi, matar and harenuka 116
Mrs. Rhys Davids says, "Buddha started his spiritual investigation in the company of five Parivrajakas, who were also called Panca Vargiya Bhiksu. They were Ajnakaundinya, Asvajit, Vaspa, Mahanama and Bhadrika. In his moral and psychological advancement, the Buddha was immensely helped by them. He started a penance which was widely in vogue among the Jaina inhabitants of Vaisali. He took part in discussions in contemporary philosophical doctrines. He derived his idea of nature and karma' from the nirgranthas, of meditation from Alara and Udraka and of the later Brahmanical thought from the Sankhya text which was propounded for the first time by Acarya Kapila

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either at Mathura or Taxila. These apart, he participated in discussions about many more things. By a process of synthesis of this vast material, he discovered and propounded his own path. "7 Elsewhere too, Mrs, Davids has noticed the Buddha having practised the Jaina method of penance in the following words, "In search of a guru he first reached Vaisali where he met Alara and Udraka and afterwards he practised the Jaina method of penance, "8
Notes on Chapter One
1. According to the Digambara tradition, Bhagavan Maha
vira was initiated into monkhood at an early age before his marriage.
2. Hindustan, New Delhi, March 31, 1962.
3. Majjhima Nikāya, Mahasimhanad Sutta, 1/1/2; also
Dharmananda Kosambi, Bhagayan Buddha, Pp. 68-9.
4. Devasenacharya, Darasanasāra, Ed. Pandit Nathuram
Premi, Jain Grantha Ratnakar Karyakaya, Bombay, 1920, sloką 6-8.
5. Dr. Radhakumud Mukerjee, Hindu Civilisation, revised
by Dr. Vasudevsárana Agarwal, Rajkamal Prakasan, Delhi, 1955, p. 239,
6. Ibid, Pp. 239-40.
7. Rhys Davids, Sakya P, 123.
8. Rhys Davids, Gautama the Man, Pp. 22-25.

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CHAPTER I
CONTEMPORARY RELIGIOUS TEACHERS
During the days of Bhagavân Mahavira and Gautama Buddha, clashes between the sramanas and the brāhmanas had become a glaring featu. e. Even the śramanas were divided into many groups. We have it on the authority of the Agamas as well as the Tripițakas that the śramanas not only fought with the bra uniaxas, they also fought among themselves.
In the Tripitakas
At several places in the Tripițakas, there are
ions about seven Jinas who were Pūraņa Kassapa, Makkhali Gosala, Ajita Kesaka mbali, Pakudha Kaccāyana, Samja ya Veltthiputta, Nigantha Nátha putta and Gautama Buddha. We have an account of these seven in the Samana - phala Sutta of
Nikāya. Dharmananda Kosambi has summarised these accounts as follows (1):
1.
Pūrņa Käs yapa: akriyā-vadi
Pūra na Kassapa was the supporter of akriyavāda (which i mplied that no activity was a sin). Said he,
"If some one does something or gets it done, cuts something or gets its cut, tortures himself or induces others to cause grief, causes pain himself or induces others to cause pain, himself generates fear and makes others to generate fear, kills living beings, steals, breaks into a house, robs, attacks the same house again and again, indulges in sinful acts, rapes another's wife, speaks untruth, even then he commits no sin. There is nothing wrong in these. If someone beats others on the south bank of the Gangā, cuts himself or induces others to cut, causes pain himself or induces others to cause pain, he absolutely commits no sin. If, on the north bank of the Ganga, somebody distributes alms or induces others to dis

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tribute alms, performs sacrifices or helps others to do the same, even then, he acquires no virtue. One does not acquire virtue by giving alms, by pious deeds, by practising restraints, and speaking the truth.
2.
Makkhali Gośála: niyati-vādi
Makkhali Gosāla was a fatalist. Said he,
"There is no reason, no cause, to make living being impure. They become impure without a reason, without a cause. There is no reason, no cause, to make living beings pure. They become pure without a reason, without a cause. Nothing can be attained by one's own capacity; nothing can be attained by another's capacity; nothing can be attained by man's own capacity. No one is endowed with any strength, power, capacity and exertion. All the static beings (sattva), all the two- to four-organ beings (prana), all the flora-bodies (bhuta) and all the five-organ beings (jiva) are surely weak and without capacity. If still they transform, they do so because of luck, association and nature, and they experience pleasure and pain by remaining in one or the other of the six forms of existencés. "
3.
Ajita Kesakamball: duccheda -oadi
Ajita Kesakambali was an ucchedavādī (who believed that everyone was uprooted). Said he,
"Offers, sacrifices, oblations are all useless. Good or bad deeds yield no result, they have no outcome, There are no such things as this life, next life, parents, or celestial and infernal beings. There are no philosophers who can acquire a correct knowledge about the world and transmit it to others, and there are no sramaņas or brāhmanas in the world who are moving on the right track. Man is made of four elements. When he dies, the earth element goes into the earth, the water element into water, the heat element into fire and the air element into the air, and the organs of senses are absorbed in the sky. The corpse is placed in the coffin and carried by four persons to the cremation ground. They talk about his

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merits and demerits. His bones become white. The offerings poured on his body turn into a shes. It is the fools who have suggested that offerings should be placed on dead-bodies. Those who believe in the āstikavāda are false; they are wholly in the wrong. After the body is dead, the learned persons as well as the fools are equally uprooted, both get lost. After their death, nothing remains of them."
Pakudha Kāccāyana: annyonya-vādi
Pa kudha Kāccāyana was an annyonyavadi (who believed in the indestructibility of elements). Said he,
"The seven elements nobody makes, nobody causes them to be made; nobody creates them, nobody causes them to be created. They are fixed, indestructible. and permanent. They neither move nor change. They do not torture one another, and they are unable to cause pleasure and plain to one another. These el ements are: earth, water, fire, air, pleasure, pain and soul. There is none to kill them, nor cause them to be killed; none to listen to them, nor make them listen, none to know them, none to describe them. If someone cuts one's throat, he does not kill his soul. It needs be understood that the weapon only pene - trates into the gap between these seven elements."
Sanjaya Velaţțhiputra: vikṣepa-vādi
Sanja ya Velaţthiputra was a vikṣepavadi (who had no set idea on anything). To quote him,
"If someone asks me if there is another life, and if it appears to me that there is one, then, I shall say, 'Yes, there is another life'. But, to me, this does not seem to be so. And it does not appear to me either that there is no life hereafter. I have no fixed idea as to whether there are celestial and infernal beings or not, whether good and bad deeds have their outcome and whether the soul exists after death."
6.
Nirgrantha Jñátaputra cãturyāma-samvara-vādi
Nirgrantha Jñätaputra (Mahāvira) was a cāturyāmasamvara-vadi (who believed in four checks on the influx of fresh karma-fetters). These four checks were as follows:

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8
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
a nirgrantha prohibits the use of water so that living beings (water-bodies) in it do not die;
a nirgrantha prohibits all sinful activities;
a nirgrantha is absolved of sins for having prohibited
all sinful activities; and
a nirgrantha is engaged in prohibiting all sinful acti
vities.
In this manner, a nirgrantha is protected by four checks on the influx of fresh karma-fetters because of which they become uncovetous (gatātmā), restrained (yatātmā) and contented (sthitātmā). (2)
*
*
*
*
*
The above account of the six religious teachers has been given by the Buddhist canonists in a half-hearted and casual manner so that the account cannot be accepted as fully authentic and adequate. A perusal of the account of Nirgrantha Jñata putra should convince one that the Buddhist writers did not exercise adequate caution or mobilise full knowledge to prepare it. The reaction about other accounts also will not be very much different. But, on the whole, it will not be wrong to say that these accounts contain at the most a very incomplete and indistinct shadow about the place of these spiritual leaders in contemporary society. This, however, is not to discount the importance of these accounts, howsoever cursory, in throwing some light on what might have happened at the dawn of history.
The main purpose of this account in the Samaññaphala Sutta seems to be to magnify, in contrast, the achievements of Gautama Buddha and belittle those of other spiritual leaders of the age. The occasion is provided by the visit paid by Ajatasatru (Kunika), the king of Magadha, to the Buddha. He came to the Buddha and raised a question about the visible effect of sramana -hood. Said the Buddha,
"Oh King! Did you raise the same question about the visible effect of sramana-hood with other spiritual leaders?"
To this, Ajata satru replied,

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"Yes, bhante. I did. I asked the same question to six of them. They expressed their views, but these did not appear to me to be right answers. So, bhante, their answers did not satisfy me."
From his own angle, Bhagavān Buddha elaborated the visible effect of śramana -hood in the following words:
"Oh King ! A valet of yours who acts according to your wishes, who is always ready to carry out your orders, who is sweet in his speech, and who is ready for everything, thinks that the way of virtuous activities, the outcome of virtuous activities, is highly strange and wonderful. He thinks that Ajátasatru, the king of Magadha, is a human being, and he is also a human being. But the king moves about like a god enjoying all the five objects of desire, whereas he is a mere valet of the king, and so he serves him. He thinks that he should do pious deeds, tonsure his head and chins, put on red robes and renounce his home. And he does as he had thought. Restrained in body, words and mind, he starts wandering (like a monk). Satisfied with simple food and clothes, he leads a lonely life. Now, King, if someone reports this to you, will you then desire that this man be brought back from his seclusion, made to resume his duties and to live on like that (for the rest of his life) ?"
- "No, bhante, I would surely not desire like that. I shall take my hat off him, I shail honour him, I shall serve him, I shall give him a seat, I shall invite him to accept food, clothes, bed, seat, medicine, sickman's food, etc., from me, and I shall take care of him in every respect."
- "Oh King ! If this be so, then, don't you think that this is the most visible effect of śramana -hood ?"
- "To be sure, bhante, I do. I fully agree that this is the visible effect of śramana - hood."

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10
In the Āgamas
As in the Samaññaphala Sutta, so in the Suyagadänga we get a glimpse of many contemporary philosophical schools. The Suyagadanga, however, makes no attr ibution by name, but merely states, some are of opinion, etc., etc....'. In this Agama, (Srutaskandha I, Adhyayana I. Udde saka 1), in gātha 13, we have a succinct indication of akrivāvāda of Purana Kassapa (3), in gāthās 15-16, C anyonyavāda of Pakudha Kaccāyana (4), and in gatha 11-12, of ucchedavādā of Ajita Kesakambalī (5). In the discussion on ajñānavāda contained in the same Agama, we have a glimpse of vikşe pavada of Sanjaya Velaţthiputra. Also contained in the same Agama are clear views on the Buddhists and the Ajivikas. Commentator Sri Silankācārya has identified these philosophical schools as the Buddhistic, the Barhaspatya, the Cārvāka, the Vedānta, the Sankhya, the Adrstavāda, the Ajivaka, the Trairásikas, the Saivas, etc.
The canonists have identified the then philosophical schools as Kriyavada, Akriyavada, Ajnanavada and Vainayikavada.
Like Sämaññaphala Sutta, the Chapter entitled Addaijjanāma (Ādrakiyākhya) in Süyagadangu gives an elaborate account of diverse philosophical schools of that period Ardrakakumāra was a prince from Ardrakapura (6). Once his father sent a costly gift for his friend King Śreņika of Magadha. At the same time, Prince Ardrakakumara had sent a gift for Prince Abhayakumāra. In return, the King and the Prince of Ardrakapura received gifts from Rajagrha. Abhayakumāra had sent an image of an arhat-jina as his gift for Ardraka kumāra. On receiving this, Ardrakakumāra became very happy. Soon his memory of his previous birth came back to him, and on the basis of that memory, he got initiated and started to see Bhagavān Mahavira. On the way, he met, one after another, the leaders of diverse philosophical schools. When the latter saw Ardrakakumāra, they entered into philosophical discussions with him. Ardraka - kumara refuted them all and established the superiority of the philosophy of Bhagavān Mahavira. This interesting dis - cussion is recorded as follows:

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11
MONK ÄRDRAKAKUMĀRA & GOSALAKA:
Gosalaka Ardraka ! I shall narrate for you the early life of Mahavira. In the beginning, he was a śramana monk wandering alone. Now he moves with a band of monks and preaches his religion. In this manner, this restless soul has built up a profession for earning his subsistence. Thus there is a clear contradiction between his present behaviour and his past behaviour.
Monk Ardraka - Bhagavān Mahavira's solitude is the same in the present as it has been in the past, and I assure you, it will remain the same in the future. Freed from attachment and malice, though he lives in the midst of thousands of men, still he practises his penances in solitude. A monk who has conquered his senses preaches keeping in view the merits and shortcomings of his speech, and I think, there is not even an iota of fault in it. One who understands well such tenets of the śramana order as the great vows, lesser vows, influx of fresh kar ma-fetters, is, in my view, a sramana.
Gosālaka - In my considered view, a solitary monk incurs no sin whatsoever in drinking fresh (unboiled) water, in eating grains (seeds), in accepting purposive food and in enjoying women.
Monk Ardraka - If this be so, then (it should follow that) ail householders are sramanas; for, in fact, they do all these things. Those monks who take fresh water, eat grains, etc., have turned mor khood into a mockery in order to earn a living. I do not agree that they make themselves fit for liberation by mere renunciation.
Gośälaka,- But, my dear sir, in expressing such a view, you are, in fact, decrying all other views.
Monk Ardraka - The heretics extol their own views and decry those of others. They claim, 'we alone are in possession of truths, none else'. But I decry wrong principles, not personalities. How can those monks who do not even desire as much as to inconvenience immobile beings decry others ?

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Gofalaka - Your monks do not stay in garde-houses or charitable guest house because they do not want to come into contact with scholars and learned monks. They are afraid that the latter may ask them questions about which they may not be able to provide an answer.
Monk Ardraka - Bhagavan Mahavira does not do any - thing unless necessary, nor does he act like a fool without calculation. He does not preach out of fear for the governmental power even; then, pray, what else is he afraid of ? Sometimes he gives reply to questions and sometimes he does not give a reply. He preaches for his own perfection, as also for the liberation of the Aryans. This omniscient personality preaches either by going or without going to competent listners. But the non-Aryans have no faith; so the Bhagavän does not go to them.
Gogālaka - Your Ma hävira is a profit-seeking merchant who like his brothers-in-profession (i. e., other merchants) establishes contact with other merchants for buying and selling wares.
Monk Ardraka -- Mahāvira, you should know, acquires no new karma; he destroys the old ones. I agree with you that he desires the attainment of liberation, and in this sense alone he is profit-seeking. But he is unlike other merchants who indulge in killing, falsehood, sex behaviour and many other sinfil deeds, and what do they earn there - from? - repeated transmigration in four forms of exist. ence. The prof it earned by Bhagavan Mahā vira has a beginning but no end. He is fully abstained from killing, he is always ready to help others on the spiritual path and he himself is fixed in piety. You should not compare him with other merchants who act contrary to their larger spiritual interest. In doing so, you expose your own ignorance of him.
MONK ĀRDRAKA & A BUDDHIST BHIKSU:
Bhiksu -If someone cooks a lump of oil-cake consi. dering it to be a human being, or cooks a gourd by considering it to be a boy, then, in my view, he incurs the sin of killing a man or a boy. If, on the other hand, someone pierces and cooks a man or a boy by considering them to

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be a lump of oil-cake or a gourd, then he does not incur the sin of killing a man or a boy. And I would go further to add that the cooked meat is wholesome and is good enough for the breakfast by the enlightened (buddhas).
Continuing in the same strain, the bhikṣu added,
Ārdrakakumara! My philosophy lays down that if someone entertains with food 2000 snataka (7) (bodhisattva) monks everyday, he acquires a place in the celestical existence, and is born as Aropya, the best among the gods (8).
Monk Ardraka - It is not fit for a monk to kill two - to four-organ beings and flora-bodies (etc.) and to extol it to be no-sin. Those who preach like this, and those who listen such discourses - both are ignoramous, and both are condemned to ill-fare. Can anyone who practis es restraint and non-injury to life, who is free from delusion, and who understands the real nature of mobile and immobile beings, indulge in such talks? Is it practicable to cook a boy by considering it to be a gourd, or a gourd by considering it to be a boy? Those who speak like this indulge in falsehood and are non-Aryans.
(Continued he:)
Is it the sign of a restrained person that in his mind he understands a boy to be a boy and still he calls him a gourd ? Suppose some people kill a thick and fat ram, carefully cut and separate its meat, pour salt on it, fry it in oil, dress it with spices and prepare it for your sake; and you eat that meat and brag that you have committed no sin. This indicates your wickedness and your greedy tongue. If someone inadvertently eats this meat, still he commits a sin. If this be correct, then, if somebody ways that he ate the meat without knowing it to be meat, and that he is not telling a flat lie?
(Ārdrakakumāra went on:)
The monks in the order of Nataputta avoid purposive food out of fear of sin because they cherish compassion for all living beings and they avoid all conscious lapses. Those

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who so scruplously avoid causing even the slightest pain to mobile and immobile beings cannot allow themselves to be a victim of delusion. You should realise how very minute is the way of a restrained person.
(He said in conclusion:)
He who feeds 2000 bhiksus everyday is wholly an unrestrained person. A man who has dipped his hand in blood is fit to be chastised in this life; how can he improve his existence in the next life? Even such words that incite sin should never be uttered. Such empty words are devoid of merit. An initiated monk should never use such words
(He addressed these final words to the monks of his own order:)
Oh monks! You have acquired knowledge about objects and you have understood pious and impious results of karma. Perhaps it is because of this superior knowledge that your fame has spread as far as the seas in the east as well as in the west, and you have thoroughly seen the entire world, as if it is in your own hands.
Monk Ardraka and a Vedic Brahmana
Brāhmaṇa
It is revealed in our Vedas that he who ent ains 2000 snātaka Brahmaņas by offering food acquires a great merit and is born in the celestial existence.
-
Monk Ardraka He who feeds 2000 snataka Brāhmaṇas who move from door to door like a cat goes to hell which is full of great pain and is peopled by meat-eating birds. A man who decries religion based in compassion and extols another based on injury to life, and who feeds even a single Brāhmaṇa fallen from discipline moves to and fro in a dark hell. How does he attain the celestial life?
-
Monk Ardraka and Atmadvaitavadi (9)
Advaitavādī- Monk Ardraka! Our religions are alike. Both existed in the past and both will continue to exist in the future. In both our religions, emphasis is on knowledge and on conduct based upon practices. There is no difference

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either in our view on rebirth. But I believe in a Supreme Soul (Atmani who is indescribable, all-perva ding, indestructible and permanent. Like the moon in the midst of the stars. He resides in all living beings.
Monk Ardraka - If what you say is true, then there will be no distinction between a Brāhmaṇa, a Kşatriya, a Vaisya and a Sūdra; or between insects, birds, reptiles, rnen and gods. And, pray, who should they glide back and forth in this world experiencing pleasures and pains ?
(Continued he :)
Those who preach to others without knowing and seeing the universe with the hel ed, (kevala) knowledge, they cause harm to self and to others. Those who preach to others after having known and seen the nature of the universe with the help of their supreme and unobstructed knowledge, and those who have concentration in full knowledge, not only themselves cross through the world, but also help others to do so.
(Concluded Monk Ārdrakakumara:)
Therefore, oh long-lived one, by describing the Advaita - vādins who are in possession of a condemnable knowledge and the Jinas who are perfect masters of faith, knowledge and conduct to be at par, you are only making a contra dictory statement.
Monk Ardraka and Hasti Tāpasa
Hasti Tāpasa - I kill one elephant and live on its flesh for full one year. I do so for practising compassion and non-inury to living beings.
Monk Ardraka - During a year, you say, you kill only one animal and kill no more; but in this manner, you cannot absolve yourself of sin. There is not much of a difference between you who kill only one animal and other householders (who may kill more animals). A man like you who acts contrary to his self can never acquire omniscience.
(Concluded Monk Ardraka :)
Instead of pursuing one's own preconceived notions, one who has fixed oneself on the road to liberation by mind,

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words and deeds as per the prescription of the seers, who has protected one's own self against lapses, and acquired the means of crossing through the wordly ocean, is the only fit person to preach to others.
Chapter entitled Addaijjanama in the Suyagadānga, like the Så mannaphala Sutta, meets the views of the various schools of heretics, though these schools have not been mentioned by name in the chapter. On the basis of the ideas expressed therein, the commentators have tried to identify these schools. Thus in gātha 28, we have: buddhana tam kappati pāranāe (is good enough for the breakfast of the enlightened). The commentators have taken the word 'buddha' in plural. If we agree with them (i. e. , if we accept that the word makes no personal reference to Gautama Buddha), then we may safely say that at no place in the Jaina Agamas, Gautama Buddha has been subjected to any reflection. We have the word ''Sinayagānań (snātakas) in gatha 29, and according to the commentators, the word means 'bodhisttva!. This meaning is based on inference. Elsewhere, the commentators have explained the word as nit yam snayino brahmacarinah snatakah (i. e., snatakas are celibates who indulge not in sexual relationship).
Just as the word 'buddha' has been used to refer to the Buddhists in general, so Ardrakakumara has used the word 'buddha' also to signify the Jaina monks (10) who are planted in good conduct (sila -gumopapeta).
INTRODUCTION TO LIFE-HISTORY
The life-stories of Mahāvira and the Buddha are recorded at many places; but about the life-history of the remaining five spiritual leaders, we do not have either an authentic or an adequate account. The reason for this is that their lines have become extinct. We only occasional mentions about them in the Aga mas and the Tripitakas.
1.
Pūraņa Kassa pa -
He was called 'Pūraña' because people took him to be full of experience. He was a Brāhmana, hence named Kāsya pa. He remained unclad and had a following of 80,000. According to a Buddhist fable, he was born in a

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well-to-do family. One day, his master assigned him the duty of a gate-keeper. Käsya pa took it as an insult. Out of sheer disgust, he gave up the job and turned his steps towards the forest. In the way, the thieves took away his clothes. Since then, he remained unclad. When once he did not accept them saying,
"Clothes are necessary to cover one's ba shfulness, and the root of bashfulness are our sinful inclinations. I am fully secured against such inclinations. So what do I need clothes for?"
People were very much impressed at his detachment and solitary living, and became his followers. (11)
The Viyāha Pannatti (Bhagavati Sūtra) of the Jaina s (S. 3,.2) gives a detailed account of one Pūr ina Tapa sa who was'also a contemporary of Bhagavān Mahavira. But it does not seem that this Pūrana Tă pa sa was in any way the same person as Purana Kassa pa.
In the Dhammapada --atthakathā, we have a strange and somewhat unusual account of the death of Pūraņa Kassapa. It is stated therein, in part, as follows:
Once there was a competition at Rajagrha between the heretics and the Buddhists about the display of their respective occult powers. The Buddha announced in the presence of King Bimbisara : 'I shall display my occult powers at Sråva sti on the forthcoming full-moon day in the month of Aşādha.' The heretics heard this announcement and followed the Buddha (to Šráva sti) in order to demonstrate the. efficacy of their own occult powers and the failure of those of the Buddha. The Buddha started for Srava sti, and so did the heretics. The latter collected their followers in the largest number. They raised one lakh kārşāpaņas (a stand. ard coin of that name) to meet the costs. The pandal was erected with posts made from khaira trees. All the people sat down in the pandal to display or witness their occult powers.
King Prasenajit of Kośala came to the Great Leader (i. e., the Buddha) and submitted,

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"Bhante! The heretics have put up a pandal for their own use. (if you kindly permit me, ) I would like to erect one for thy use."
- ''No, King, I have another person who will erect the pandal for me."
- "Bhante! Who else other than me can erect a pandal for thee here?"
- "Oh King! (Don't you worry.) This will be done for me by Sakra, the King of the gods."
- "Then, bhante, where will ye display thy occult
power?"
- "Why? Beneath the mango tree of Ganda."
This news soon spread. The heretics heard this and managed to remove all mango trees upto a distance of one yojana. (What to speak of full grown trees, ) not even a fresh sprout was allowed to remain on earth.
The Great Leader entered śråvasti on the full-moon day of Āsādha. Ganda, the keeper of the king's garden saw a big-sized ripe mango behind a shrub. He drove away the crows that were attracted to it by its smell and juice. Then he took the mango in his hand and started to present it to the king. In the way, he saw, the Great Leader. Suddenly a thought sprouted in his mind, 'If I give this mango to the king, he will give me at the most eight or sixteen kārşā - panas. That will not be enough for my livelihood. But if I offer the mango to the Great Leader, then that will do me good for an unlimited time.' Having thought thus, he brought the mango to the Great Leader. The Leader suck the juice of that mango and said to Ganda,
"You dig the soil here and sow this seed."
Ganda did accordingly. The Leader wa shed his hands on the spot. In a moment, there grew out a giant mango tree fifty cubits long. Its trunk produced four big branches which spread forth in four directions, each being fifty cubits long, and these, along with the central trunk, looked

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like five great summits. Just then the tree took forth flowers and fruits. Each branch bent low under the "weight of ripe mangoes. The bhikṣus who followed the Buddha ate the ripe fruits to their heart's content. The king (Prasena - jit) heard the full account and was very much surprised. The king at once sent guards for the protection of the tree so that no one would be able to fell it.
This mango-tree was sown by the garden-keeper Ganda because of which it became known as Ganda's mangotree (ganda mba-rūkkha). Even the heretics ate the fruits of this tree. While throwing the seeds, they said, 'Sra mana Gautama is to display his occult powers under Ganda's mango tree. It is for this that even fresh sprouts have been removed. Wherefrom has this tree come then?"
Indra had become furious with the heretics. To belittle them, he said to the God of Wind,
'Blow away the pandal of the heretics and deposit it on the heap of rubbish..
He said to the Sun,
'You concentrate your energy on the heretics and burn them.'
The two gods carried out the orders of their king. Indra said again to the Wind,
'Start a terrific cyclone'...
There started a terrific cyclone, and the heretics who were already burnt by the blazing sun were now buried under the dust. The skin of all the people turned grey under the dust cover. Then Indra commanded the God of Rain,
'Hurl a heavy shower on them'.
This was done. There was a heavy down-pour, and all the heretics now looked like so many cows lacking lustre. The nirgranthas took to their heels out of shame.
A peasant who happened to be the disciple of Purana Kas sa pa had heard about this competition, and desired to

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witness it. He unyoked his bulls, took his food packet (containing rice and pulses boiled together) and the rope (that. was tied to the bulls' neck) in his hands and took the road to Sráva sti. On the way, he saw Purana Kassa pa fleeing. Said he to him,
"Bhante! I am going to see the display of occult powers by the Aryans. Whither bound you are at such a rapid pace?"
Purana Kassa pa who was still running said,
"What have you got to do with the display of this occult power? Give that food-packet and rope to me".
So saying, he extended his hand at once. The peasant gave both the things to him. Pūrana Kassa pa took them and came to the bank of the river. With the rope, he tied the food packet round his neck. Then without speaking a single word, out of profound shame, he jumped into the river and lost his life. He was born (thereafter) in the hell.
About the above record of Purana Kassa pa's death, it is very difficult to say if the account comes in any way near to facts; but such is the Buddhist chronicle. Needless to add, the record is far from convincing. The impropriety of the account is further indicated by the fact that while the life-story of Purana Kassapa is the main theme under consideration, the chronicle did not fail in the end to introduce the nir granthas as 'fleeing out of shame'. (This was wholly uncalled for). The same source (Atthakatha) reveals that Pūraņa Kassapa was a slave in a richman's family. This is also not very convincing. A man who was rich in experiences (Purna) and who was a Brāhmana (Käsya pa) by caste could not surely have been a born slave (12).
Pakudha Kaccāyana:
Pakudha Kaccāyana had discarded the use of cold water: only hot water was acceptable to him (13). He was born beneath a kakuddha tree because of which he took the prefix kakuddhato his name (14). According to the Prisno - vanisad (1.1), he was a contemporary of Rşi Fippa lāda and

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a Brahmana' by caste. In that Upanisad, he has been called Kabandhi Katya yana. Now, the two words 'Pakudha' and 'Kabandhi' signify the same, viz. . a hunchback(15). Accord - ing to the Buddhist Commentators, Pakudha was his line (götr 1) (16) but Ācārya Buddhaghosa is of opinion that the word 'Pakudha' was a proper name, the surname being Kaccāyana (17). Dr. Fear has substituted 'Kakudha' in place of 'Pakudha' (18).
Ajita Kesaka mbali:
Ajita Kesa kambali used a blanket made of hairs. Bécause of this the was called Kesakambali. F.L.Wood - ward opines that the blanket was made from human hairs. (19) His philosophy did not rise very much above common life (i. e., akin to carväkism. Accordingly, some scholars are of the view that Ajita Kesa ka mbali was the founder of atheism in India. It seems that at a later period, it was Brhaspati who had elaborated his philosophy. (20)
4.
Sanjaya Velatthiputta:
We have no authentic material about the life-story of this man. About his name, there is no room for any controversy. Like Mańkhaliputta Gosálaka, Sanjaya Velaţthi - putta was a proper name. In those days, it was a common practice to call one as the son of so and so (either parent). We come across many such names as Miyaputta (21). Thavacacãputta (22) in the Jaina texts. According to Acārya Buddhaghoşa, too, Velaţthiputra was the son of one Velatthi. Some scholars are of the view that Sanjaya Velatthiputta was the same person as Sanjaya Parivrāja ka who was an ācārya before Sāriputta and Moggalāna. (23) But this view does not appear to be correct. Had it been so, there would have been a clear record of this in the Tripitaka. Rather, the Tripitakas state that Sāriputta and Moggalana gave up their own preceptor Sanjaya Parivrāja ka and joined the holy order of the Buddha but they go no further. (24) The title Parivrāja ka further suggests that this man was in the Vedic line, and hence that he should be distinguished from other spiritual stalwarts like Parana who took refuge in the Sramana brotherhood. Dr. Kamtā prasad is of the view that Sanjaya Velatthiputta was the preceptor of Sāriputta and was himself a Jaina ācārya (25), but this view

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is far from acceptable. It is equally improper to confuse this Sanjaya with another in the Uttarajjayanani (26) or with a lowly carana who was named Riddhidhara Sanjaya. Dr. G.P. Malalasekera has described him as the preceptor of Säriputta and Moggalāna, but he has produced no evidence in support of his view (27).
Some people have viewed Sanja ya's vikse pavāda as the forerunner of syàdvāda; but the view that syādvāda developed from vikşepavāda has no ba sis and is no better than a flight of imagination (28).
Such is the account we have about the leading spiritual teachers and their schools of philosophy of that phase of history; but the account is by no means exhaustive. These leading schools of philosophy a part, there were many other views current at that time. According to the Jaina tradition, there were a total of 363 such views (29), while according to the Buddhist tradition, the number was only 62 (30). The Agamas and the Tripitakas contain copious references to monks of many sects.
Notes on Chapter Two
(1)
Dharmānand Kausambi, op. cit. Pp. 181-83.
(2)
Dīghanikāya (Hindi), summary of P. 21.
Cf. Suyagadāņga (1. 1. 1.13) kuvvam ca kärayam ceva savyaṁ kuvvaṁ na vijjai evaṁ akārao appā evam te u pagabbhia.
Cf. Ibid, (1. 1. 1. 15-16) santi pånda mahabbhūyā ihamegesi ahiyā ayachattho puno āhu āyā loge ya säsae duhao na vinassamti no ya uppajjae as e savvevi savvahā bhává niyatti bhāvā magayā.
(5)
Cf. Ibid, (1.1.1..11-12) patteaṁ kasine āyā je bālāje ya padiyā santi piccā na te sānti natthi sattovavāyiyà natthi punne va pāve va nathhi loe ito vare sarirassa vinās enam,vināso hoi dehino.

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(6)
(7)
(8)
(9)
(10)
(11)
According to Dr. Jyotiprasad Jain, Ardra kakumāra was the son of the Iranian Emperor Cyrus (circa 558-530 B. C.) Bharatiya Itihāsa: Ek Drsti, Bharatiya Jnanpith, Kasi, 1961, Pp. 67-68.
23
Sri Silankācārya, Sūtrakrtāngavrtii, Sri Godiji Parśvanath Jain Derasarpedhi, Bombay, 1950, Sru. 2, adhyaya 6, gāthā 29.
In Dighanikaya Mahanidana Sutta, three types of existences have been distinguished. They are: kama bhava, rupa bhava, arupa bhava. In arupa bhava, there is no form. The last species has been stated to be the best. Cf. Suyagadanga, Rajkot, 1938, Sru. 2, Adhyayana 6. pinnagapindimavi viddha sūle,
kei paejja purise immetti. alauyam vavi kumaraga tti,
sa lippai panivahena amham. aha vāvi viddhuņa milakkhu sule, pinnagabuddhie naram paejjā. kumā ragam vavi alaue tti,
na lippai panivahena amhām. purisam ca viddhuna kumā ragaṁ va, sulammi kei pae jāyatee. pinnayapindim saima ruhetta,
buddhana tam kappatti paranãe. sināyagānam tu duve sahasse,
je bhoyne nitae bhikhayanaṁ. te punnakhamdham sumahajjanitta, bhavamti acoppa mahamtasatta.
Commentator Silankacārya (2. 6. 49) has called him ekadandi. According to Jacobi, he was a vedantist (S. B. E., vol. XV., P. 417n). The latter view seems more appropriate.
Cf. niggantha-dhammammi imam samahim assim suțhicca anihe carejjā buddhe muni sila-gunovave-e accathatam (o) paunati silogam
Bauddha-parva (in Marathi) Pra. 10, P. 127; Also Bhagavati Sutra, ed. by Pandit Becardas, Vol. II, P. 56.

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(12)
Cf. G. P. Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. II, p. 242n.
(13) (14)
Dhammapada -atthakatha, 1. 144. Dr. Radhakumud Mukerjee, op. cit. P. 216. (Hindi).
(15)
Barua, Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, P. 281.
(16)
The Book of the Kindred Sayings, Part I, P. 94n.
(17)
Dhammapada-atthakatha, 1.144: Also Samyuttanikaya-atthakatha, 1. 102.
(18) The Book of the Kindred Sayings, Part I, P. 94n. (19) The Book of the Gradual Sayings (translated by F. L.
Woodward), Vol. I, P. 265n. (20) Barua, op. cit. P. 288. (21) Uttarajjayaņāņi, Ādhyayana 19. (22) Jňātā-dharma-kathānga Sūtra, Adhyayana 5. (23) Gopaldas Patel, Mahāvira Svāmino Samyam-dharma,
(Gujarati), Navajivan, Ahmedabad, 1935. P. 35. (24) Vinayapițaka, Mahăvagga, Mahāskandhaka.
(25)
Mulchand Kisandas Kapadia, Bhagāvan Mahāvira aur Mahtma Buddha, Surat, 1926, Pp. 22-24.
(26) Uttarajjayanāni, Adhyayana 18. (27) Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. II, P. 1000. (28) Dharmanand Kausambi, op. cit. P. 187. For a con
tradiction of this erroneous view, read Dr. Kamtaprasad's article entitled 'Syadvad Siddhant-ki Moulikata aur Upayogitā" in Ācārya Sri Tulsi Abhinandan
Grantha, Chapter 4, Pp. 54-56. (29) Cf. Bharata-mukti, Pp. 246-249. (30) Dighanikāya, Brahmajāla Sūtta, 1.1.

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CHAPTER UI GOŚĀLAKA
In the Āgamas (scriptures)
The sect founded by Gośāla ka, son of Mankhali, was known as 'Ājivaka. In the rock inscriptions of Emperor Asoka, there is mention of grants of caves to Ajiva ka monks(1). It is difficult to say accurately how long that sect continued to function, but its existence till the second century B.C. is proved from inscriptions, et cetera(2). According to Agamas, Gośāla ka was connected with Lord Mahavira more in the form of a rival than anything else. A detailed account of the life and the beliefs of Gośäia ka is found in Jaina scriptures. A number of topics is thus ea sily available from this source. In Bhagavati, Sataka XV. we find a detailed biography of Gosala ka in a horripilating and eventful form. There it is told:
"Kostha ka Chaitya was situated in the north-eastern corner of the city of Srāvasti. In this city lived a lady potter named Hālāhalā who was a devotee of the Ajiva ka sect. She was immensely rich and influential. No one could defeat her in argument. She knew by heart the Ajiva ka principles. Her whole being was immersed in attachment to them. She used to say, 'Ajiva ka faith alone is the truth and the highest spiritual knowledge. All the others are in vain'.
"Once Mankhali's son, Gośāla ka, who had been initiated twentyfour years earlier, was staying in the pottery mart of Halāhalā, who was an ardent follower of Ajiva ka Sangha. Six Disacharas (3), namely, Sāna, Kalanda. Karnikāra, Acoh idra, Agnive sya yana, and Arjuna, son of Gomayu, came there to meet him. They were well versed in eight types of Nimitta (knowledge of good and bad omens, astrology, music and dance They became disciples of Gosala ka.

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"Gosāla ka had some knowledge of the eight branches of Nimitta and could, therefore, give truthful answers to everybody about gain and loss, happiness and misery, and life and death. On the strength of this knowledge of Nimitta alone, he began proclaiming himself Jina (who has suppressed enemies in the form of attachment and a version, Tirthankara, Arahanta), without being one, Kevali without being Kevali (knower of Kevala knowledge, the liberated), and Sarvajna (Omniscient) without being such. He used to say: 'I am ) ina. Kevali and Sarvajna'. As a result of such announcement, he became the topic of constant discussion on three-road junctions, cross-roads and the royal highways of Sravasti.
"One day Bhagawan Mahavira visited Srāvasti. People assembled for His religious discourse. The meeting ended. The eminent disciple of Mahavira, Indrabhūti Anagara of the clan of Gautama, went to the city for alms. On the way he heard from many persons about the proclamation of Gośāla ka. He came to Lord Mahāvira, asked Him about it and requested Him to relate the story of Gośāla ka from beginning to end.
Early Life of Gośālaka
"Said Mahavira: "Gautama, the claim of Gośála ka is false. He is neither Jina, nor Kevali, nor Sarvajna. His father was Mankhali of Mankha caste. Mankhali's wife was Bhadrā who was gentle and beautiful. Once she was with child. A brahmin by the name of Gobahula lived in the village Sarvana. He was rich and also knew well the brahmana sa stras like Rigveda. He had a Gośāla (cowhouse).
"Once, Mankhali, accompanied by Bhadrā, who was pregnant, came to Saravana after roaming about from village to village. He carried with him a chitrapata (cloth or board with portraits painted on it). He kept his belongings in the Gosala of Gobahula and went into the village for alms. He searched for a place where he could find shelter, but without success. Therefore, he decided to spend the Chaturmasa (four months of the rainy season) in a portion of the Gosala. At the end of nine months and seven and a half days, Mankhali's wife, Bhadrā, gave birth to a lovely and

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gentle child. On the twelfth day, the parents named the child Gośāla ka as he was born in the Gosala of Gobahula. By and by, Gośāla ka grew up and, after studies, became of ripened intellect. In course of time, Gosāla ka also started earning his livelihood independently with Chitrapata in hand.
Gośālaka's first contact with the Lord
"I lived at home for thirty years. On the demise of my parents, I gave up wordly riches like gold, etc., and, putting on the robe of the mendicant, got myself initiated in ascetic life. I spent my first Chaturmasa in Asth igrama, doing Paks hika (fortnightly) penances. Next year, Chaturmasa was observed by me, after taking the required special vows, with Masika outside Rajagriha, At that time, Gosa - la ka, who was going about from village to village with Chitrapata in hand, thus ma inta ining himself by alms,also came to the same weaver's shed. While collecting alms, he tried to find some other suitable lodging for himself but did not get any. So he too decided to spend Chaturmasa in the same weaving shed. It was the day for me to break my fast after the first Masika austerities. Making round of the house of upper, middle and low class families of Rajagrha for alms, I arrived at the home of Vija ya Gatha pati (prosperous house holder who does farming as well as business), who was overjoyed at seeing me there. He got up from his seat and came forward seven or eight paces to receive me. Adjusting the outer garment and with folded hands, he saluted me by walking round me thrice. He entertained me with food as prescribed for ascetics, drinks, dry fruits and cardamom etc. Vijaya Gāthāpati gave charities with the three-fold purity of receiver, giver and what is given, and with the purity of means, and thus reduced his worldly possessions. This resulted in a rain at his house of five heavenly gifts of gold etc. In a short while, this news spread all over the city. People began praising Vijaya and his human birth and saluting his virtuous actions.
"Gośālaka, the son of Mankhali, also heard the news, which made him inquisitive and curious. He went to the house of Vijaya Gathapati. He noticed the objects that had rained, and also saw me and the householder Vijaya coming out of the house. He felt happy in his heart of hearts and came over to me. He offered me salutation by walking

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round me three times and said: 'Bhagawan, you are my Dharmacarya (religious preceptor or Guru) and I am your disciple'. At that time I did not pay attention to what he said and kept quiet. The fast was broken for the second' month's penance at the house of Ananda, for the third month's penance at Sunanda's, and for the fourth month's penance at the house of Bahula brahmin in Kollaka village near Nalanda. At all these three places the same blessing of austerities was evident.
"Not finding me in the weaving house, Gośālaka started looking for me in Rajagrha but got no trace of me. He returned to the weaving house. He gave away to brahmins his clothes, utensils, shoes and the Chitrapata and shaved his beard and moustache. He left for Kollaka where he heard from people about the rain of gold etc. at the house of Bahula. The thought came to his mind: 'No other sage or brahmin can possibly have the radiance, effulgence, glory, strength, splendour, prowess and prosperity as possessed by my preceptor and preacher Bhagawan Mahavira. He alone must be my Guru and Acarya. Searching for me, he came to the beautiful outskirts of Kollaka. He greeted me in the usual respectful manner and made the submission: 'Bhagawan, you are my Dharmacarya and I am your disciple'. I accepted the request of Gośālaka, son of Mankhali, and did Vihara (stayed) with him at that consecreted ground for six years, experiencing the opposites: loss and gain, pleasure and pain, and honour and dishonour.
"Once, during the autumn, there was no rain. Accompanied by Gosalaka, I was going from Siddhartha village to Koormagrāma. On the way, we noticed a sesamum plant with leaves and flowers. Gosälaka asked: 'Bhagawan, will this plant bear fruit?' I replied 'Gosalaka, this plant will bear fruit, and these seven living things in its flowers will die and become seven grains in a pod of this plant'.
Vaisayana, a Bala Tapasvi (performing penances in ignorance and without the right knowledge)
"We arrived at Koormagrāma. Outside the village, Vaishyayana was constantly exposing himself heat
to

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arms
re
facing the Sun with outstretched upwards, and observing the Chattha (two day fast) austerity. Due to the Sun's heat, lice were falling from his head to the ground. (lower With compassion in his heart for every Prana. forms of life like insects, etc.), Bhuta living things like of life like human plants etc.), Jeeva higher forms beings), and Satva (living beings of land, water, fire and air synonymous with Jeeva), he was picking up the fallen lice and placing them in his hair again. Gośālaka saw the Bala Tapasvi. Leaving me aside, he went to him and said, 'Are you a Tapasvi or the shelterer of lice?! Vaisyayana did not mind what Gosalaka had said and mained silent. Gośalaka repeated his question again and He came down again. made Vaisyayana angry. This from the spot of penance and walked seven or eight paces backwards. Charged with emotion, he directed at Gośā - laka, to burn him down, a Tejolesya (bolt of intense heat) which he had acquired by his penances. I took pity on Gośalaka, the s on of Mankhali, and ordered my cool and serene Tejolesya to counteract the effect of Vais ya yana's bolt, which it accomplished. The experiment of the ascetic failed. Seeing Gosalaka standing unharmed, the Tapasvi understood the entire mystery. He drew back his Tejolesya and kept repeating for some moments, 'Bhagawan, I have known you now, I have known you'.
"Gośāla ka had not followed the entire chain of events. He came to me and said, 'Bhagawan, what was this harbourer of lice doing to you? I narrated the whole account to him. Gosala ka was afraid, and at the same time happy that he had narrowly escaped death. He saluted me and asked, 'Bhagawan, how can concise and profound Tejolesya be attained'? I replied, 'With handful (hand closed with nails inside) of urad beans and palmful of water, if a person observes the Chattha austerity continuously and exposes himself to the heat of the Sun, facing it with hands outstretched upwards on holy ground, he can acquire both the concise and the profound Tejolesyas after a period of six months'. Gośalaka accepted what I said with humility.
Attainment of Tejolesya
"One day I travelled with Gośāla ka from Koormagrāma to Siddhartha grāma. We arrived at the spot where

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the sesamum plant grew. Gosala ka remarked about sesamum seeds, 'Bhagawan, whatever you had told me about the sesamum plant turned out to be wrong. Neither the plant has borne fruit nor have the seven souls in its flowers died and become seven seeds!. I narrated to him all that had happened and said, 'Gosala ka, to prove me wrong, you had uprooted the plant. - By accidental rain, however, it took root again and the seven souls have also taken the shape of seeds in its pod. What I had predicted is not even slightly wrong'. Gośāla ka did not believe me. He went to the plant and plucked the pod. It contained just seven seeds. Gosala ka thought: 'Just as living things in the vegetable domain die and are reborn there, so also can other beings be reborn after death in the same spheres'. Thus Gośala ka propunded his new doctrine of Parivritya Parihar (fated change of mortal forms). Gośāla ka's attention was diverted towards attainment of mystical powers. He, therefore, separated from me. After the prescribed penance of six months, he attained both the concise and the profound' Tejoleśyās.
"After a few days, the six Disacaras also joined him. Since then, he proclaims himself as Jina without being so, Kevali without being a Kevali, and Sarvajna without being such.
"This news spread round in Srāvasti. Everywhere people started commenting: 'Gośāla ka is not Jina. His talk of being Jina is senseless. Bhagavan Mahāvira says so'.
Gośāla ka also heard the comment from several persons, which made him very angry. Burning with wrath, he came from the penance ground to the pottery bazar of Halahalā and sat with members of his Ajiva ka Sangha in great rage."
Gośālaka and Ananda
At that time, Lord Mahavira's Sthavira (reclaimer of fallen Sadhus) disciple Ananda had gone into the city to get alms. He was simple and humble. He used to perform the Chattha penance regularly. Making rounds of the households of different strata of society he passed by the pottery mart of Hālāhala. Goś ala ka saw him and spoke to him thus:

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'Ananda, come here and listen to an example'. Ananda complied with the request and Gośāla ka began to say:
"It is an old story. Some greedy businessmen started on a business trip loading carts with groceries and other goods, and taking with them provisions for the journey. On the way, they entered a large forest, which was devoid of sources of water or any habitation or communication. By the time they had crossed a part of the jungle, their stores of water was exhausted. Suffering from thirst, they started discussing their plight. A difficult problem faced them. Lastly, they started searching for water on all sides. In doing so, they came to a thick forest which had a large mole-hill in it. It had four high peaks. They broke open one of them. They found in it clean, digestive and crystalclear water. They drank the water, gave it to bullocks and other animals and filled jars with it for the journey. Feeling greedy, they broke open another peak. They got from it a large quantity of gold. Their greediness increased and they opened up the third peak hoping to find in it precious stones. They found in it such wealth. Then they considered breaking open the last peak in the hope of finding in it the best. and the most precious diamonds of great import and fit to be worn by great men. Among the businessmen the re was one wise person who felt compassion for all and who wished everybody happiness and welfare. He said, 'We should not break the fourth peak. It might bring us misery and difficulty'. His companions did not heed his advice and opened up the fourth peak. From it came out a most terrible and extremely dark snake which could inflict pois on simply by sight. No sooner had its angry look fallen on the businessmen than they all turned to ashes together with all their goods. The sole survivor was the person who had advised against the breaking of the fourth peak. The snake reached him to his house with his goods. Ananda, likewise has your Acarya and Guru Jhatputra (a name of Lord Mahavira) attained the highest state. He enjoys glory and But if he says anyhonour among gods, men and others. thing against me, like those businessmen, I will destroy Like that well-him with divine powers achieved by me. wishing businessman, I will save you only. Now go to your Dharmacarya and tell him what I have said".
Ananda was terrified after listening to Gośâlaka. He went to Bhagawan Mahavira and told him about it. He also

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enquired if.Gošala ka had the power to burn Lord Mahavira up.
Said Mahăvira: "With the powers achieved by him, Gosāla ka can no doubt destroy any person in one blow, but he can do no harm to Arahanta Bhagawan. Anagara's who has taken strict and blameless vows) divine powers are far superior to those of Gosa la ka, as the former can overcome anger with mercy. Similarly,the virtue of compassion makes the powers of Sthavira several times higher than those of 'Anagara. And the powers of Arahanta, on account of His Pure Compassion, are infinitely superior to those of Sthavira. Therefore,none can consume Him by fire although one might cause Him some trouble. Therefore, go and tell the Nir gyant has' (ascetics who have renounced all worldly possessions and wander na ked) like Ga uta ma, "O 'Aryas ,do not instigate Gosa la ka by entering into any religious argument with him, nor contradict him and say a ught against his doctrine. Give him no offence by speaking against his belief, as he has adopted mean tendencies, not behoving an Arya".
Prāvrtta - Parihāra (the doctrine of migration of soul from one body to another)
As Ananda Ana gāra was passing on this information to the sage Gautama and others, Gobāla ka arrived at Kostha ka Chaitya after leaving his followers behind. Standing at a distance from Bhagawān Mahāvira, he said: "Longlived Kasya pa, when you say that Gośāla ka, the son of Mankhali, was your religious disciple, you are right. That disciple of yours, after a noble and virtuous death, has been reborn as a god in the heavens, I am Udayi of the Kaundinyāyana Gotra (clan). Leaving the body of Arjuna, son of Gautama, in the seventh Pravrtta Parihara, I entered the body of Gobala ka, son of Mankhali, According to our theory, those who attained salvation in the past, are now attaining it, or will do so thereafter - all have to go through 84 la kh Mahakalpas, seven Deva Bhava, seven Samyutha Nikaya and seven Sanjnigarbha (human embryo) births. Then come seven migrations from body to body and, last of all, exhausting of 5,60,603 Karmas. That is the only way to achieve liberation, knowledge and salvation. That is how it has happened in the past; that is how it will take place henceforth."

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"..... During boyhood, I developed a desire for renunciation and for taking the vow of brahmacharya (continence). I renounced the world. I changed bodies seven times. The following were my names during these migrations: Aineya ka, Mallarāma, Mandika, Roha, Bharadwāja, Arjuna, son of Gautama, and Gośāla ka, son of Mankhali. In the first transmigration, leaving the body of Udayana, descendant of Kaundinyāyana, I entered the body of Aineya ka at Mandikuks i Caitya outside Rajagrha. I resided in that body for twentytwo years. From the body of Aineya ka, I transmigrated to that of Mallarāma at Chandrāvatarana Cai:ya outside Uddanda pura, and in that body I stayed for wentyone years. At Angamandira Caitya outside Cham
ana gari, I passed on from the bodily abode of Mallarama so that of Mandika, and lived there for a period of twenty years. In the fourth change of bodies, I entered into the body of Roha leaving that of Mandika at Kāma-mahāvana Caitya outside the city of Vārānasi where I remained for nineteen years. For the fifth change, I went over to the body of Bhāradwaja from that of Roha at Prā pta kāla Caitya outside the city of Alabhika. There I spent eighteen years. In the sixth transmigration, at Kaundiya yana Caitya on the precincts of Vaiśāli, I entered the body of Arjuna, son of Gautama, leaving that of Bharadwaja and stayed therein for seventeen years. The seventh transmigration took place when I left the body of Arjuna, son of Gautama, and entered that of Gosala ka, son of Mankhali, at the pottery mart of Halahala in this very city of Srävasti, since I considered the body of Gośāla ka ca pable, stable, adequate, healthy, fit for adoption as my abode, and strong enough to bear cold etc. Therefore, Kaśya pa, Gosa la ka, son of Mankhali, may be considered your disciple only in this context."
Replied Mahāvíra: "Gośálaka, you are trying to conceal yourself like the thief who, running from fear of the villagers and not finding any place like pit, cave, fort, moat or any other inaccessible hiding spot, tries to cover himself with the frontal point of wool, hemp, cotton or straw. Such a cover does not hide him but he considers himself hidden, You are trying to cover yourself in similar manner and you consider your self concealed. Without being somebody else, you are calling yourself such, Do not do this. It does not suit you."

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"The above remarks of Bhagawana Ma hā vira greatly angered Gośālaka and he started abusing the Lord in polite language He shouted loudly and descended to a very low stratum of discussion. He said, "It seems to me that you are going to fall and be utterly destroyed today itself. Perhaps you shall not survive this day. You shall have no peace from me".
Use of Tejolesya
"Saryanubhuti Anagara from the east could not ontain himself on hearing Gosālaka. By nature he was polite, humble and simple. Out of love for his Dharmācārya and caring little for the threat of Gosalaka, he rose and told him: "Gośālaka, on hea ring any monk-brahmin, an Arya salutes him, revers him as an abode of Deva and a harbinger of welfare, and worships him. What to speak of you? Bhagawan initiated you, educated you and made you well informed. Even then, you are treating your preceptor in such an-aryan manner There is no doubt that you are the same Gośālaka. This type of behaviour does not befit you." Gośālaka's face flushed with anger on hearing this. He burnt up Sarvā nubhuti Anagā ra with one stroke of his Tejolesya, and continued his tirade as before.
Sunakşatra Aņa gāra could not bear this. Like Sarva - nubhūti Ana gāra, he too went near Gosalaka and started reasoning with him. Gośálaka became angrier still, and struck Sunaksatra also with Tejolesya Suna kşatra Asagāra came at once to Bhagawăn Ma hāyira and did obeisance to Him by going round Him thrice. He recited the five Mahav - ratas, begged pa rdon of monks of both sexes and left his mortal body.
"Bhagawan Mahāvīra also reasoned with Gośālaka as Sarvāṇubhūti Anagā ra had done. It was natural for Gosalaka to be angry. He retraced seven or eight paces and hit Bhagawan Mahāvira with Teiolesya to kill Him. Just as intermittent breeze cannot harm mountain, tope or wall, so also that Tejoleśya was not effective. It moved forwards and backwards, and after going round Mahā vira, it jumped up into the sky. Thence it came down and entered the body of Gofalaka, consuming him.

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Being defeated by his own Tejoleśya, Gośālaka addressed Bhagawan Mahavira thus: "Kashyapa, after being afflicted and conquered by this Tejolesya, which I achieved as fruit of my tapa, you will meet your death within a period of six months in a Chadmastha state (till soul attains Kevala Jnana, its state is called Chadmastha)".
The Lord replied: "Gosalaka, being vanquished by your own Lesya and suffering from bilious fever, you will die in a Chadmastha state after seven nights. As far as I am concerned, I shall move about as Jina-Tirthankara for sixteen years more".
The news of this incident spread in Śrāvasti in a
short while. It became the sole topic of discussion on the streets and cross-roads of the city. People were saying: "Outside the city, in Kosthaka Caitya, two Jinas are censuring and vilifying each other. One says the other will die first, and vice versa. Who is right and who wrong"? The wise and the respected persons would say: "Bhaga wān Mahavira speaks the truth and Gośalaka utters falsehood".
Bhagawan Mahāvīra sent for the Nirgranthas and addressed them thus: Just as a heap of straw, wood, leaves, etc. is destroyed after being burnt by fire, in the same manner, Gosalaka has lost his mystical force by using Tejolesya to kill me. You may now gladly refute his doctrine to his face, ask him to give detailed explanations for it, have religious confrontation with him, and silence him by question, reasoning, analysis and explanation."
Gosalaka was silenced by the Nirgranthas by questions and answers of different types. He became infuriated but could not cause the slightest harm to the Nirgranthas. Many Ajivaka Sthaviras felt dissatisfied and left the Sangha of Gosalaka. They came to the Sangha of Bhagawan Mahavira and engaged themselves in devotion.
The Eight Ultimates
Having failed in his objectives, Gośālaka came out of Kosthaka Caitya. Like an insane person, he was looking into all the four directions. Heaving deep sighs, pulling out hair from his beard, scratching the neck, waving both arms and

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making sounds with them, stamping feet and shouting 'On, I am dying, I am dying', he arrived at the pottery market of Hālānala. There to mitigate the feverish heat felt by him, he would suck raw mango, drink wine, again and again sing, dance and greet Halānalā with folded hands, and pour over his body cold water stored in clay jars.
"śramaņa Bhaga wān Mahavira told the Nirgranthas: "O Aryans, the Tejolesyä used by Go fāla ka to kill me was capable of hitting, destroying and burning sixteen coun. tries, namely, 1. Anga, 2. Banga, 3. Magadha, 4. Malaya, 5. Malaya, 6. Accha, 7. Vatsa, 8. Kaut sa, 9. Fātha, 10. Lata, 11. Vajra, 12. Mauli, 13. Käsi, 14. Kausala, 15. Abadha, 16. Sambhuktara. Now, in the pottery mart, he is sucking raw mango, drinking alcohol, dancing, and, folding hands again and again, pouring cold water over his body. To hide his sins, he is propounding the Eight Ultimates, that is, Ultimate drinking, Ultimate singing, Ultimate'dra ma, Ultimate Anjali-Karma, Ultimate Mahāmegha, Ultimate Sechana ka Gandhahasti, Ultimate Mahasila Kan - taka Sangrama . and, in this Avasarpini Kala (period of decay), the manifestation of the Ultimate Teerthankara in his person. To hide fact of having to pour cold water over his body, he is talking of four types of drinkable and four types of non-drinkable water. The drinkable types are: 1. What falls from the hind portion of a cow, 2. Water poured by hand, 3. What is warmed up by the rays of the Sun, and 4. What comes out of the rocks. The other four types are non-drinkable, but may be used to mitigate burning or heat. They are: 1. Stored water: Water stored in cold earthen jars. They may be touched by hand, but their water is not to be drink. 2. Skin water: Chewing of raw fruits like mango, its stone and berries, but not swallowing the juice. 3. Pod Water: Chewing raw pods of urad, mung, green peas etc. but not swallowing the liquid. 4. Pure drinking: A person eats pure dried fruits and sweets for six months. For two months, he sleeps on the ground, for two months on a plank of wood, and for the last two months on straw. On the last night of the sixth month, he will be visited by two gods of prosperity, namely, Manibhadra and Puranbhadra. They touch him with their cool and moist hands. If he responds to the cool touch, serpent's poison appears. If he does not, then flames arise from his body

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and turn it to ashes. Thereupon, that person attains liberation, knowledge and salvation."
"In the same city lived Ayampula who was a follower of the' Ājiva ka' sect. One night, while worrying about family affairs, he wondered what was the form of Halla (a kind of insect). To get an answer to this, he went to the pottery mart of Hālāhalā to meet his preceptor Gośāla ka. He felt
amed when he saw Gośāla ka dancing, singing and drinking wine, and retraced his steps. The other Ajiva ka Stha - viras noticed him and called him. They acquainted him with the aforesaid eight Ultimate things and said: "Now you go and have an answer to your question."
"On an indication from the Sthaviras, Gośālaka kept aside the stone of ma ngo and spoke to Aya mpula: "Ayampula, in the middle of night, you wished to know the form of Halla, but you could not satisfy your curiosity. You came to me for the right answer. Seeing me in this state, you felt ashamed and wished to go back, but you are mista ke n. What I have in my hand is not a raw mango but its skin. To drink this at the time of attainment of nirvana is essential. Dance, song etc. are also ultimate things at the time of Nirvana. There fore, you also play on the Veena (lute).
Gośālaka's repentence
"Ayampula got the answer to his question and returned. Feeling that his last moments were near, Gośālaka sent for the Aji vaka Sthavira. He said: "After I am dead, bathe my body with scented water, wipe it with scented ochre cloth, apply on it paste of sandal from Gośirsa mountain, put onit precious white clothes and adorn it with ornaments. Then put my body on a pa lanquin, which a thousand persons only can lift, and carry it through Śrāvasti announcing thus: 'The twenty-fourth and ultimate Tirthankara Gosa - la ka, son of Mankhall became Jina, Siddha (free from birth and death) and Mukta (liberated), free of all sorrows'. Thus with great celebration perform my last rites".
"At the end of the seventh night, Gośālaka's false noti ons left him. A thought came to his mind: "'I am proclaiming myself Jina without being one. I killed śramanas and bore animus towards my Acarya. Sramana Bhagawan Mahavira alone is true Jina. "He called the Sthaviras a gairt

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and told them: "Sthaviras, I have been proclaimi ng myself Jina without being one. I am a killer of sramanas and was hostile to my Acarya. Only Sramana Bhagawan Mahavira is true Jina. Therefore, after my death, tie a cord to my left leg, spit on my face thrice, and drag my body through the royal highways of Srāvasti announcing: "Gośālaka is not Jina. Mahavira al one is Jina." He put the Sthav iras on oath for doing so.
Gośālaka's death
"Gosālaka died. The Sthaviras closed the doors of the pottery mart. In its compound, they drew up a map of Srāvasti. Everything was done according to Gos ala ka's wishes. They spat on his face thrice, and, in a low tone, said: "Gośāla ka is not Jina. Only Sramana Bhagawan Mahāvira is Jina. " The Sthaviras had fulfilled their promise. Now, according to the earlier instructions of Gosa - la ka, they worshipped his corpse and performed the last ri tes with respect and pomp and ceremony."
Gautama Swāmi one day asked Bhagawan Mahavira: "Bhagawān, what has been the fate of Sarvā nu bhuti Anagara who was burnt up by Gośálaka?" 'Bha gawan' Mahavira said: "Guatama, Sa rvānubhūti Anagara has been born as a Deva in the life-span of eighteen Sagaropamas in Sahasrara Kalpa (eighth heaven). After leaving it, he will take birth in the region of Maha videha (in Jambudwipa) and attain freedom from birth and death, knowledge and salvation. Similarly, Sunaksatra Anagara has taken birth as a Deva in Acyuta Kalpa (twelfth heaven) with a life-span of twentytwo Sāgaropamas. From there he will also be born in Maha - videha and become liberated after exhausting all his Karmas.
Gautama Swāmi asked again: "Bhagawan, where is your unworthy disciple, Gosāla ka, born after death"?
Replied Bhagawan Maha vira: "He is born as a Deva in 'Acyuta Kalpa with the life-span of twentytwo Sagaropamas. From there, he will go round many a world. In the last, he shall attain SamyakDristi. Right Perception of the Reality. When he will be a Muni of strong will and vows, he will become Kevali and thus end all his miseries (4)."

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Kundakolika and Ajivaka Deva
a stone
On Gośālaka's belief in Niyativada (fatalism),,the incident of Kuṇḍakolika Śramanopasaka (Vene rator of Śramanas) is both interesting and enlightening. Kundakolika was a rich householder of the city of Kampilapura. He was a follower of Bhagawan Mahavira. At noontime one day he came to his Asoka Vatika (Garden of Asoka trees which relieve one of anxiety or unhappiness) and sat on seat. He took off his outer garment and put it aside. He removed his ring with his name engraved on it and put it near the garment. He began practice Dharma Prajnapti All (religious teachings) as laid down by Lord Mahavira. of a sudden, a Deva came there who, after removing the ring and garment, manifested himself in the sky with tinkl - ing of small bells. Remaining in the sky, he started conversation with Kundakolika.
Deva: "Kunda kolika, the Dharma Prajnapti of Gośāla ka, son of Mankhali, is praiseworthy because there is no These are all awakening, action, strength, prowess etc. regulated by nature. The Dharma Prajnapti of Mahāvīra is not good as it accepts all the said qualities and they are not regulated automatically by tendency."
Kundakolika: "Deva, if that be so, please tell me how you became a Deva. Was it due to your efforts and awakening, or you got it as ordained?"
Deva: "Kunda kolika, I believe that I attained the state of Deva as ordained. The re was no prowess or effort behind it."
Kundakolika: "Deva, if that be so, then why did others not become Devas? Why did you alone become one? In other words, attainments come only from action, prowess and a wakening. You are not right in saying that Gosalaka's Dharma Prajnapti is good and that of Mahavira not good".
On hearing all this, the Deva got confused about his faith and, after putting the ring and the garment at the spot he had picked them from, went to his own destination. On a suitable occasion, Bhagawan Mahāvīra praised this talk of Kundakolika before his sadhus (5).

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Sakadalaputra
Sakadalāputra was one of the ten prominent śravakas of Bhagawan Mahavira. He was in the beginning a follower of the Ajivaka sect and later on became a worshipper of Mahāvīra. The entire account of this fact is found in Upasakad a Sutra. It is also an authentic account to understand the faith of Gosalaka.
There lived in Polā sapura, a potter named Saka dalaputra. He possessed three crore gold coins and ten thousand cows. His wife's name was Agnimitrā. He had a vast industry for manufacture of pots etc. He was a follower of Go śálaka who was the leader of the Ājivaka sect. One day in Asoka Vatika he was fasting in the Ajivaka way. A deva appeared before him and said: "Beloved of Gods, Maha - mahana is to come here tomorrow. He is Jina and worshipped by all the three lokas (worlds). Salute Him and serve Him."
Sakadalaputra started thinking: "Only my Dharmacarya, Gosalaka, son of Mankhali, is Mahar worthy of being worshipped by all the three lokas. He must be coming here tomorrow. I will serve Him."
Next day Bhagawan Mahāvira arrived there with a group of Sramanas. Thousands of persons gathered to have His dar sana and to listen to His discourse. Sa ka dala putra became curious and inquisitive. He too went to pay his respects to Lord Mahā vīra. Bhagawan Mahā vira told him: "The information given to you by some Deva yesterday about the visit of a Mahamahana' did not refer to Gośālaka." Sakadalaputra was deeply impressed with the unravelling of this mystery and he invited Bhagawan Mahā vira to stay in his shops. Bhagawan started living there. Saka - dalaputra was a confirmed fatalist. One day when earthen - ware were being dried, Bhagawan Mahavira told Sakadálaputra: "Beloved of the gods, have all these pots been prepared without any effort ?"
Sakadalaputra: "These have not been produced by action. Whatever is ordained takes place".
Bhagawān: "If someone breaks the pots, or has inti - macy with Agnimitra, what will you do?"

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Sakadālaputra: "I will curse him, strike him and kill him".
Bhagawan: "Why should you be prepared to take such action if whatever has been ordained must happen?"
Samyaka Jnana (right knowledge) now dawned on Sakadālaputra and he accepted the householder's dharma observing the Anuvrata Vows (adjuring as far as possible violence, untruth, stealing, incontinence and covetousness). Bhagawan Mahavira thereafter left the place.
To bring nim back to his fold, Gośālaka one day visited the house of Sakadālaputra. The latter did not show him any respect. Finding no way cut, Gośālaka eulo - gized fervently Bhagawan Maha vira. Sakadala putra said: "Gosalaka, you have eulogized my Dharmacarya. Therefore, I invite you to stay in my shops and accept my lodging and hospitality." Gośálaka stayed there. He tried his best to bring Sakadalaputra back to his faith, but, not succeeding in his efforts, left the place (6).
Other Contexts
Go sálaka stayed with Bhagawan Mahāvira for a long time. Detailed account of this is available in scriptures like Bhagavati. In later texts also there are several refer - ences to support it. The importance of those references may not be as great as that of references in the Agamas, but they are worth reading and reflecting upon as they are interesting, stimulate knowledge and are good research material.
Once Bhagawan Mahavira travelled from Kollaga to Sūvarna khala. Gosåla ka was also with Him. On the way, some villagers were cooking Kheera(a dish made of rice, milk and sugar). On seeing Kheera, Gosala ka's mouth watered. He told Bhagawan Mahavira: "Let us stay here for a while. Kheera will be ready soon. We will also benefit from it." Bhagawan Mahāyira replied: "What to speak of us, even those who are cooking it will not benefit from it. It will get destroyed before it is cooked." Bhagawān pro ceeded further on his way. To see what happened, Gosala ka stayed on there. Gośāla ka also warned the villagers about the impending ill luck. The villagers became alert lest the

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earthen pot turned over or cracked. In the end, what Bhagawan Mahavira had predicted took place. The pot contained milk and rice beyond its capacity. The pot cracked as the rice swelled. The entire quantity of Kheera started flowing into the ashes and the ground. From this incident, Gośāla ka leaned towards fatalism(7).
Bhagawān Mahavira once went to a village named Brāhmana. Gośāla ka was also with Him. There were two parts of that village: 1. Nanda pāța ka, and 2. U pananda pataka, Nanda and Upananda were two brothers. Each part of the village was named after the brother who owned it. Bhagawan Mahavira went to the house of Nanda in Nanda pata ka to get alms, Nanda offered to Bhagawan rice mixed with curds: Gosāla ka went to the house of Upananda in U pananda pata ka for the same purpose. The maid servant lifted some stale rice in a ladle for giving it to Gosāla ka. Gosala ka felt insulted and started quarrelling with her. Upananda, who was sitting close by, noticed it all. He too felt angry at the behaviour of Gosāla ka. He told the servant: "If he accepts stale rice, give it; if not, throw it on his head." The servant acted accordingly. Gosala ka's anger knew no bounds. He cursed: "If my Guru has any powers attained by penances, may your palace be on fire and turn to a shes. "The Vyantara devas (beings like Yakshas etc) destroyed that pala e by fire to add to the prestige of Mahāvira(8).
On another occasion Bhagawan Mahāvīra went to Kālāya. There was a house in ruins outside the village. Bhagawan Mahăvira sat in that house in the evening in meditation. Gośāla ka stayed near the door. Sinha, the son of the owner of the village, by chance, came to the same house in the company of the slave girl Vidyunmati for immoral purposes. He shouted:"Is anyone here? "Bhagawan Mahavira was in deep meditation. Gośāla ka kept quiet. Thinking that the place was uninhabited, Sinha fulfilled his evil purpose there. When the couple were returning, Gosāla ka, being struck with passion, caught hold of the hand of Vidyunmati. Sinha was enraged at this and he thrashed Gośāla ka soundly. (9)
Once Bhagawan Mahāvīra visited Kumārāka. He sat in meditation in a garden full of champa trees. At noon

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time, Gośāla ka told Bhagawan Mahāvira: "Bhagawān, let us go for alms to the neighbourhood." Bhagawan replied: "I am fasting today and will not, therefore, go for alms."
Gosāla ka went into the village. At the house of a rich potter named Koopna ya, Acārya Munichandra of the Paraswanātha tradition was staying with his disciples. Gośāla ka was surprised to meet them. He said to himself: What sort of sadhus are these who put on clothes of different colours and keep materials like pots etc. ? Gośāla ka asked them: "Which sadhus are you?"
The reply was: "We are Nirgranthas and followers of Päraswanātha."
Gośāla ka asked again: 'What sort of Nirgranthas are you? You have all these possessions. My Guru and I only are true Nirgran
has. All of you have adopted this style as means of livelihood."
In counter reply the sadhus said: "Your Dhar mācārya must also be like you."
Angry Gosala ka said: "You are insulting my Dharmacarya. I curse that, by the grace of the supernatural powers of my Guru, this habitation may be burnt down. Although Gosalaka repeated the curse several times, nothing happened. The followers of Pārswanātha said, "Why are you wa sting your time? Nothing will be set on fire, and you are going to get nothing." Somewhat confused, Gosala ka came to Bha gawān Mahavira and said: "I had an argument today with sadhus who keep material possessions. I cursed them but their place was not set on fire. Bhagawān, why was that so?" 'Bhagawūn' Mahavira replied: "Gośála ka. your contention is not correct. What they are doing is right. Your curse will not be effective on them. "(10)
At one time Bhagawan Mahāvira went to Chaura ka. He was accompanied by Gośāla ka. In that place, people were very much afraid of thieves. Guards were posted at different places. As soon as they entered the village, they were surrounded by the villagers who started asking them ali sorts of questions. Mahavira remained silent. Seeing this, Gosāla ka also kept quiet. The guards started harassing them, taking them to be spies. In that village lived

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Sona and Jayanti, sisters of Utpala Naim ittika. They had earlier been initiated in Sramana dharma. For circums - tances beyond their control, they had become ascetics. They came to the guards and pacified them. On knowing the facts, the guards apologised to Bhagawān Mahāvira. (11)
On one occasion Bhagawan Mahavira visited the city of Kayangalā. He stayed in a garden temple. In the night, in a corner of the temple, he became immersed in medita - tion. Gośālaka also took his seat at a place in the temple. It was the month of Magha. The sky was overcast with clouds. There was a light drizzle. The wind was strong and very cold. The same night there was a religious cele - bration in the temple. To the accompaniment of musical instruments and songs, men and women were dancing toget her. Gośālaka, who was feeling very cold, did not like it. He started murmuring: What sort of religion is this? Men and women are dancing together. The people present did not like the comments of Gośālaka. They caught hold of him and turned him out of the temple.
Sitting in the open, Go Salaka was shivering with cold. He was saying: 'What a Kaliyuga ! One who tells the truth is beaten.' Some people took pity on him again and called him inside the temple. He again started decrying their religion. The youth felt enraged. They wanted to beat him. The elders stopped them and said: "Let us play the musical instruments so loudly that his jabbering may not reach our ears." Thus the night passed, and in the morning Bhagawan Mahavira left for Srāvasti. (12)
Once Bhagawān. Ma hāvira left Koopiya for Vaiśāli. Gosálaka had become tired of the strict rules of conduct of Bhagawan Mahavira. He told the Lord: "I shall accompany you no more. You do not look after me at all. I am re. prehended by people from time to time. You keep standing with eyes closed and do nothing. Except facing privation and starvation, what do I get by remaining with you?"
Ma hävira proceeded to Vaisali and Gośálaka to Rajagrha. Gośälaka stayed away from Mahavira for six months. He had gone to Rajagrha in pursuit of happiness, but only misery came his way. No one respected him. Nobody would give him alms with reverence. Being perplexed with difficulties, he began searching for Bhagawan

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Mahāvira again. He found Him in sālisirsa. From there onwards he accompanied Him again. (13)
In Digambara Tradition
The aforesaid accounts of Gosalaka are taken from Svetāmbara Agamas. In 'Digambara' texts, we get them in some what different form. According to them, Gobalaka was a Muni in the Pārswanātha tradition. After joining the Mahāvīra fold, he wanted to be appointed as Ganadhara (main disciple who composes the sayings of a Tirthankara in the form of Sutras). When this wish was not fulfilled, he separated from that fold. Coming to Srāvasti, he became leader of the Aiivaka sect and started calling himself a Tirthankara. He used to preach like this: "Knowledge does not lead to liberation. Absence of knowledge does so. There is no Iswara (Almighty) or Deva. Therefore, one should meditate according to one's will on a void." (14)
In the Tripitakas
The Worst
Among contemporary sa
Among contemporary faiths and their founders, Lord Bud ha considered Ājivaka Sangha and Gośálaka as the worst forms. Describing good and evil persons, he says: "Some person exists only for the disadvantage of a large number of people. He causes loss and pain to a great many. He causes harm and difficulty even to the Devas, e. g., Makk hali Gośāla. I cannot think of a person worse than Gosala. Just as a fisherman entraps fish in his net, Go sala entraps human beings." (15) In a different context, Buddha also says: "In Sramana dharmas, the worst and the most dete stable belief is that of Gośäla like a hair blanket among clothes. Such a blanket is cold in winter and hot in summer. It is ugly to look at, unpleasant to touch and gives offensive smell. (16) In life, Gośāla's Nivativada is equally useless. " (17)
The followers of Buddha also used to look upon Ajiva - kas with contempt. Living in Jaitavana, once Buddha permitted the monks to have bath in the rains. After removing clothes they started bathing. The maid servant of the prominent Sravika Visākhă came to the retreat to inform the monks about dinner time. When she saw the

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naked monks, she thought they were Ajivakas. She went back and told Visākhá that not Sakya Bhikşus but Ājivaka Bhiksus were having bath there. (18) Visakhă understood the situation. When Buddha came to her house with the monks, she narrated the incident and submitted : "Bhante, nudity is scandalous and hateful." (19)
Like Nivativada, the name of another belief of Gosālaka is Samasra-Suddhivada. According to it, there are fourteen lac six thousand six hundred main classes of life. There are five Karmas of five sense organs. Three Karmas are body, speech and mind. There is a Purna (complete) Karma (by comparison with body and speech). And there is an Ardha (Half) Karma (compared to mind). There are sixty-two margas (paths) and sixty-two Antarakalpas (manner, conduct). The number of Abhijatis psychological classification is six. There are eight Purusa Bhumis four thousand nine hundred Vyavasayas, four thousand nine
hundred Parivrajakas, four thousand nine hundred Naga Avasas, two thous and Indriyas, three thousand Narakas (hells), thirty six Rajodhatus, seven Sanjni Garbhas, seven Devas, seven Manusyas (human beings), seven Pisacas (demons), seven Saras, seven hundred seven Granthas(knots), seven hundred seven Prapatas and seven hund red seven Swapnas (dreams). There are forty eight lac Mahakalpas (the longest measure of time). Both the learned and the fooli sh will exhaust their mi series after roaming about in them. If someone says that by a certain code of conduct, fast, pe nance or continence, he can ripen an unripe Karma, or destory a ripe Karma by enjoying or bearing its fruits, it shall not be so. Happiness and pain are so fixed that they can be measured. They cannot be increased or decreased. Just as when a ball of thread is thrown, it will go on rolling till it is fully unwound, so also the end of miseries of both the wise and the foolish will come only after they have completed their rounds of universal existence. ' (20)
Review
Veneration and its reasons
Whatever might have been the philosophy or ideas of Gośālaka, it goes without saying that he was a popular and

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famous religious leader of those times. Jain tradition also accepts that his Dharma Sangha was larger than even the Dharma Sangha of Bhagawan Mahavira (
21). Like the ten Srāvakas of Mahavira, Gośāla ka also had twelve main Srāvakas (22). The statement of Buddha that "he ent raps people in his net like fish" also speaks of the influence of Gosālaka. The question that arises is: if Gośāla ka was not as great as Buddha or Mahavira in character, restraint and religious practices, how could Ajivaka Sangha become so wide-spread? The possible reasons are: Prophecy and hard perances. In the Sanghas of Mahāvira (23) a nd Buddha (24), foret elli ng or interpreting of omens was prohibited. Gosālaka and his co-workers made use of it freely. The Parswastha (putting on Sadhu's dress but not observing rules) Bhiksus of Parswanāth® de pe nded mainly on it (25). Some of them imparted this knowledge to Gośālaka and were his principal companions. Penances in th Sangha were also very rigid. Jaina texts support this freel y(26). So also Buddhist texts refer to Gosālaka being steadfast in penance (27). Research scholars also generally support this view. According to Acārya Narendra Deva, Ajivakas used to do pe nance with five types of fire. They used to dangle in the air like bats. This penance and suffering was proba bly the reason for the honour they enjoyed in society. People used to refer to them for the outcome of Nimitta, omen, dream, etc (28).
aka
Since both Tapa and Nimitta have always been the principal attractions in Indian society, Gosālaka enjoying so much respect in spite of his faults is not unnatural.
Name and Profession
Different accounts are available about the name and profession of Gosalaka. The Jaina cancnical texts are decidedly and definitely of the view that Gosalaka was the son of Ma na khali, who was a Mankha. In texts like Bhagawati and Upasakda sanga, the name appears as 'Gosala Mamkhalibutte", that is, Gosalaka, son of Mankhali. The word Mankha is used for pai nter(
29) at some places and for seller of paintaing s (30) at others. The meaning given by commentator Abhayadeva sūri appears to be near reality. "Citraphalakam haste gatam yasya sa tatha" - that is one who makes a living by keeping in hand a cloth or board with painting on it. Mankha was a caste whose members used

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to earn their livelihood by keeping a picture of Siva or some other Deva in hand. Members of the Dakota caste even today make a living by keeping an image or picture of Sani (Saturn) Deva with them.
In the Tripitaka Buddhist canonical book) tradition, this Ajivaka leader has been called Makkhali-Gosala. A slightly strange story is found in Buddhist literature about the origin of the name Makkhali. According to it, Gosalaka was a slave. Once he was going ahead with an earthen pitcher full of oil, followed by his master. Slippery ground was ahead of them. The master said, "Tata, Ma Khali, Tata, Ma Khali" (Do not slip, do not slip). But Gośālaka slipped and the oil flowed on the ground. Afraid of the master, he started running. The master caught hold of his garment. Leaving the garment, Gośãlaka ran away naked. Thus he became a nude Sadhu and people started calling him Makkhali (31).
of a later
This narration appears in Buddhist texts period. Therefore, it can be taken only as a legend or hearsay.
Panini, the grammarian, takes the word as "Maskari". The simple meaning of Maskari is given as religious wanderer or monk(32). Exegetist Patanjali says: "Maskari is not that Sadhu who goes about with Maskara or bamboo stick in hand. Then what is he? Maskari is that Sadhu who preaches: Do not indulge in action. The path of peace alone leads to welfare (33). Here Gosala ka may not have been referred to by name, but the indication of Panini and Patanjali is clearly for him. It seems that the interpretation of "Do not indulge in action" started when Gośala ka had already become famous in the society as a Dharmācārya. May be The they gave a new interpretation of the prevalent name. idea of Jaina texts in this respect seems to be original. Side by side with calling him the son of Mankhali, they also describe him as one who was born in a Gosala (cow-house). Panini supports it etymologically thus: "Gosalayam jaiah Gośalah (4/3/35). Acarya Buddhaghosa also accepts Gosalaka's birth in Gosala in his commentary of Samanna - phala Sutta (34).
Panini's period is regarded as 480 to 410 B. C. (35) Even if he compiled grammar during the middle of his life

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its time will be nearabout 445 B.C. Mahāvira attained Nirvaga during 527 B. C. and Gośāla ka died sixteen years earlier, that is, in 543 B.C. In other words, there is a difference of nearly 100 years between the period of Gośāla ka's death and the period of the compilation of grammar by Panini. It is very natural that new and weighty interpretations are attributed to simple words or deriva - tions during the period of rise of any religion or sect. We come across many such examples in the history of sects.
The Šramana-tradition of Gośāla ka is called Ājiva ka in Tripitakas and Ājivika in Agmas. Both the words have the same meaning. It appears that this name was coined only by opponents. The meaning of Ajivaka or Ājivika isone who performs Tapa (religious austerity or penance) only for the sake of livelihood(36). What meaning the Ajiva kas themselves gave to this word is not found in any text. May be they accepted it taking a lofty view of the fact that they were living by observing the rigid rules of monkhood. Like Jaina texts, Buddhist Pitakas also mention about their strict rules of monkhood. According to Majjhima Nikaya, most of their rules are like those of Nirgranthas and some even stricter than theirs(37).
As has been mentioned earlier, there is similarity of references to Gošala ka's Samsara -suddhivada in ramas and Tripitakas. The measure of eightyfour Mahakalpas is found in the clear immentaries of Aga mas. Dr. Ba ham has written on all these subjects in detail(38).
Proximity of Jains and Ajivakas
While most of the topics of Jainas and Ājīva kas are indicative of mutual vituperation, some accounts of their proximity also exist. The reason may be the similarity of a few of their rules of conduct. Nudity has been respected in both traditions. And, in view of these characteristics, both the traditions have considered Jaina and Ajiva ka and any of them better than followers of other religions. Jaina Agamas tell us that Tapasas go up to Jyotis ka, Kandarpikas up to Saudharma, Caraka Parivrijakas up to Brahmaloka, Kilvisikas up to Lantaka Kalpa, Tiryancas up to Sahasrara kalpa, Ajivakas and Abhiyogikas up to Acyuta kalpa, and Dar sanabhrasta Vesadharis up to ninth Graive yaka (39).

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Here Ajiva ka s are said to go up to the twelfth heaven after death, whereas others do not go beyond the fifth.
Under another topic, giving a praiseworhty account of the monastic order of Ajiva kas, it is said: "In villages and cities live Ajiva ka sadhus. Some of them collect alms at an interval of two houses and others at an interval of three to seven." (40)
In Bhagawati (41) Āgama, an account in high terms is given of the rules and code of conduct of Ajiva ka followers, It is said there: "They look upon Gosala ka as Arihanta (the Worthy) Deva, show respect and render service unto parents, do no eat five types of fruits, namely, wild fig, banyan fruit, berry, fig and Pilankhu, and tubers like onion and garlic, do not have bulls castrated or their noses and ears pier ced, and who do not dc business in which may kill Trasa (mobile) beings."
Gosalaka (42) determined six classes (43) and more or less divided among them different types of people and Bhiksus (44). They are as follows:
Krisna (black) Abhijati:
Neela (blue) Abhijati:
Butcher, hunter, trapper, fisherman, thief, robber, ja ilor and others who perform cruel acts. Mendicants begging by sleeping on thorns and others believing in the Doctrines cf karma and kriya (action). Nirgrantha who puts on only one garment.
Lohita (red) Abhijati:
Haridra (yellow) Abhijati:
Householder who puts on white garments and Nirgrantha Sravaka.
Ājivakas and their followers.
Sukla (white) Abhijati: Mahasukla (extra white) Abhijati:
Nanda Vatsa, Krsa and Makkhali Gobāla.
Sankrtya

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Although the classification is not clear, but it clearly indicates that even Ajivakas gave the place next to themselves to Niganthas , just as Nigamţhas put Ajivakas in identical place.
Who the Guru?
Impartiality is absolutely necessary in history and research, Sectarian prejudice must also be kept out. But neutrality and new conclusions can also be disastrous if they take the form of predilections. The te ndency for research with regard to Gośāla ka has increased during the last few years. About Ajiva ka order and Gosal aka, occi - dental and oriental scholars have brought out a lot of new material. But it is sad to note that, for the sake of new conclusions, some scholars are turning history upside down as far as Gośāla ka is concerned. Dr. Benimadhav Barua writes: 'It can be said that on the basis of information available from Jaina and Buddhist literature it cannot be proved that Gosālaka was one of the two deceitful disciples of Mahavira as made out by Jainas. On the contrary, it di sproves that theory. In other words, I wish to say that if historians ma ke some efforts in respect of this disputed question, they will have to admit that if, out of the two, one is indebted, it is the Guru and not, as held by Jainas, his fraudulent disciple. "(45) In the background of this conclusion, Dr. Barua also says: "Mahavira was, in the beginning, in the sect of Pārswanātha. After a year, when he became Acelaka (naked), he joined the Ajivaka order (46)." At the same time, Dr. Barua supports his theory by saying that Gośālaka had attained the state of Jina two years before Mahavira did so (47). Although Dr. Barua concedes that these are great experiments in imagination (48), his assumptions have definitely effected some people. The conclusions are being drawn accordingly, and that too with double insistence. Gopaldas Jiyabhai Patel writes: "Maha vira and Gos ala ka had lived together for six years. Therefore, in Jaina sutras, there must be particular introduction of Gosalaka. In sutras like Bhaga Sutrakrtanga, Upasakadasanga, etc. some brief and detailed accounts about Gosálaka are available. But in all those accounts so much effort appears to have been made to prove Gosālaka as characterless and as a disciple of Mahavira that generally it is difficult to accept those accounts as having any base. Beni ma dhav Barua has, to the best of his ability, made an

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attempt in his treatise (49) to put forward the philosophy of Gosālaka in proper perspective. "(50)
Dharmana nda Kosambi and others has also expressed similar views. Dr. Hermann Jacobi(51) appears to have been the principal supporter of this idea. Thereafter, many authors went on writing on the subject. Dr. Basham in his great treatise, The History and Doctrines of the Ajivakas has written on this subject in still greater detail. All this is indicative of the tendency that if a western scholar has written something, it must be of great value. It is well known that whatever facts are available about Gosālaka are connected with Ja ina and Buddhist literature. We establish the life account of Gosālaka only on that basis. If we look for facts outside these traditions, perhaps we shall not even come across a person like Gosālaka. In the circums - tances, we have to give credence to the facts as found in Jaina and Buddhist texts on the subject. To accept some of the facts as correct and the others as false will not be a historical method of dealing with them. They cannot be called baseless also on account of the fact that the accounts of two different traditions, that is, Jaina and Buddhist, support each other in this respect. Even Dr. Jacobi has advised: 'In the absence of other proofs, we have to be vigilant about these narratives. "(52).
Similar baseless conclusions also get currency because modern researchers tend to look more at branches than at roots. Not being conversant with Prakrta and Pali, they are unable to take an overall view of Agamas and Triptitakas and the one-sided essays in Hindi and English become their mainstay. . It is all the more surprising that even for material that can be easily had from the scriptures foreign scholars and their books are quoted for proof. It is a mistake to consider narratives on the subject found in Jaina Āgamas as offensive. Even though Jaina Agamas belittle Gosālaka and his Ajiya ka faith, by sending him up to Acyuta Kalpa and by prophesying him as completely liberated, and by saying that his follower Bik sus have the capacity to reach that stage, they have also alluded him with glory. It will be very grotesque if, while discussing Gośāla ka, we accept from Jaina Agamas facts like he was born in a Gośāla, was a Mankha and the leader of Ajivakas; and, as a retort to Jaina Agamas saying that he was a disciple of Mahavira, we say, without any basis, that he was His Guru.

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53 This question would arise if the 'Jaina Āgamas had called him the disciple and the Buddhist and aka scriptures the Guru. On the contrary, the position is that before Mahāvira, Gośālaka himself states: "Gośālaka was your disciple, but I am not that. I entered into the corpse of Gośālaka. This body is of that Gosalaka, but the soul is different." Thus, in the absence of any proof to the contrary, these experiments in imagination become meaningless. It is a happy augury that soon after this baseless conclusion came up, research scholars have also started refuting it(53).
Incontinence in Ājivakas
The account of Ājivaka'Bhikṣus being devoted to nonobservance of continence and religious discipline is found in the context of Ardraka Kumāra. This is also considered as vil ification(54). It would require reconsideration if only Jaina Agamas had said, so but the Buddhist scriptures also freely support it(55). Nigganthas were classified as observing continence and Ajivakas as observing incontinence(56). Gośálaka used to talk of three states: Bound, Liberated, and Neither Bound -Nor Liberated. He used to consider himself even beyond the state where man is free from the bondage of action. He was of the opinion that a liberated man need have no fear even of cohabitation(57). All these topics may have come from the sects that are critical of Ajivakas, but they do make the sexual activities of Ajivakas a subject requiring research and investigation. As these references support one another, they do not by themselves become baseless. According to the historian, Dr. Satyaketu, sexual intercourse was one of the three items of differences between Mahāvira and Gosālaka(58). Taking everything into consideration, it can be said that the comment of Jaina Āgamas about Ājivakas indulging in sexual activity is not just a scandal. It is also not unusual if a particular sect does not emphasize continence as a matter of principle. There have been many religious orders in India the principles of which have accepted all possible options in renunciation and enjoyment. Why do we feel surprised only at the acceptance of incontinence or enjoyment ? Among those religious leaders were also people like Ajita Kesakambali who did not recognise even the exis - tence of soul. It is a moot point why such people indulged in austerity and penance. Therefore, utmost care and seriousness are called for in giving currency to new conclusions and refuting the prevalent ones.

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54
Notes on Chapter Three
(1)
Janardhan Bhatt, Asoka Ke Dharmalekha, Publication Division, Delhi, 1957, Pages 401 to 403.
Chimanlal Jaichand Shah, Uttara Hindustan Mem Jaina Dharma, Longmans & Green Co., London, 1903, Page 64.
(3)
These Disācharas were the fallen disciples of Mahavira according to the author of the tika, and followers of the Pārswanātha tradition according to the author of the Churni.
(4)
Based on Bhagawati Sūtra (Hindi translation) Translated by Madankumar Mehta, Publishers Shrut-Prakashan Mandir, Calcutta, Pages 629 to 652. Based on Upāsakdaśáng Sūtra, Chapter VI.
(5)
(6)
Upasak dasang Sutra, based on Chapter VII.
(7)
Shri Ayashyak Sutra Niryukti, Malaygirivritti Poorva Bhaga, Gatha 474 Patra No. 277-1; Shri Av ashyak Churni, Part I, Patra 283.
Avasyaka Sūtra Niryukti, Malaygir's Vrtii, Pūrva Bhāga, Gāthā 475, Patra No. 277-1-2; Avaśyaka Churni, Part I.
(9)
(10)
Āvaśyaka Sūtra Niryukti, Malaygiri's Vrtti, Purva Bhāga, Gāthā 476, Patra No.278-1; Avasyaka Chūrni, Pūrva Bhāga, Patra No. 284. Avasyaka Sūtra Niryukti, Malaygiri's Vrtti, Pūrva Bhāga, Gāthā 471, Patra No.279-1; Avasyaka Churni, Pūrva Bhāga, Patra No. 285. Āvaśyaka Sūtra Niryukti, Malaygiri's Vrtii, Purva Bhāga, Gāthā 477, Patra No. 278-2, 279-1; Avasyaka Chūrhi, Pūrva Bhaga, Patra No. 286.
(11)
(12) Āvas yaka Sūtra Niryukti, Malaygiri's Vrtti, Purva
Bhāga, Gāthā 478, Patra No. 279, Āvaśyaka Chūrni, Purva Bhāga, Patra No. 287.

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(13) Avasyaka Chruni, Pūrva Bhāga, Patra No. 292.
(14)
Masayari pūrņa risiņo uppanno pāsanāhatitthammi, sirivira samavasaraņe agahiyajhunina niyatteņa niggai jhunina aruho, niggaya vissāsa sisassa na muņai jiņakahiya suyam sampai dikkhaya gahiya goyamao,
vippo veyabbhāsi tamha mokkham na nāṇāo. anṇāņão mokkhaṁ evam loyāna payaḍmāno hu, devo a natthi koyi suņņam jhaeha icchaye.
Bhavasangraha, Gatha 176 to 179.
-
(15) Anguttar Nikaya, 1-18-4:5.
(16)
(21)
55
According to commentaries, this blanket is made of human hair.
(17)
The Book of Gradual Sayings, Vol. I, Page 286. (18) The Siamere text roads ajivika in the place of ājīva.
(19) Anguttara Nikaya Atthakatha, 1-7-2.
(20)
Rhys Davids, Dialogues of Buddha, Pages 72-3; cf. G. P. Malalas eka ra, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. II, pp. 398-9: Dighanikaya, 1-53, Majjhimanikaya, 1-231, 238, 438, 516; Sanyutta Nikaya, 1-66, 68, 3-211, 4-398; Anguttara Nikaya, 1-33, 286, 3-276, 384, Jataka, 1-439, 509.
According to hearsay, the number of Gośālaka's followers was 11, 61,000, whereas the number of Mahavira's followers was 1,59,000.
(Kalpasūtra, Sūtra 136).
(22) Bhagawati Sūtra, Śataka 8, Uddesaka 5.
(23) Nisith Sutra, U. 13-66; Dasa vaikālika Sutra, Chapter 8, Gāthā 50.
(24)
Vinayapitaka, Chullavagga 5-6-2.
(25) Avasyaka Chūrņi, Patra 273; Trisaṣṭisala kāpuruşacharitram, Parva 10, Sarga 4, Sloka 134-35; Tirthankara Mahavira, Part 2, Page 103.
(26) Ajiviyanam chauvvihe tave p.t. ugga tave ghor tave

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56
rasanijjuhanata jibbhidiyapadi samlenatathānga
Sūtra, Tha. 4, U. 2, S. 309. (27) Sanyuttanikāya 10, Nana Titthiya Sutta. (28) Bauddha Dharma-darśana, P. 4. (29) Inodological Studies, Vol. II, P. 254. . (30) Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. II, P. 400. (31) Acharya Buddhaghosh, Dhammapada - Atthakatha;
1-43, Majjhimnikāya, Attha - Kathā; 1-422.
(32) Maskaraṁ maskarinau venupa rivrajakayoho - Pani
ni Vyäkarna, 6-1-154.
(34)
(33) Na vai maska roas yateeti maskari parivrājakah.
kim tarhi? Mākrt karmani māk șit karmáni santirvah sreyas.ityahato maskari parivrājakah - patanjala, Mahābhāsya, 6-1-154.
Sumangala Vilasini (Dighnikāya Atthakathā)P. 143 - 44. (35) Vasudevasharan Agarwal, Pāṇinikalin Bharat -
Yarşa, P. 476. (36) See Bhagawati Sūtra Vrtti, s. 1, U. 2; Jaināgama
Sabda Sangraha, P. 134. Hoernle, Ajivikas in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics; E. J. Thomas, Life cf Buddha, P. 130.
(37) Mahasaccak Sutta, 1-4-6.
(38)
The History and Doctrine of Ājivakas.
(39)
Tapas:
Sadhus who eat fallen leaves. Kandarpika: Sadhus who indulge in levity
and mean endeavour. Charakarivrajaka: Tridandi Sadhus who collect
alms by looting. Kilvisika:
Sadhus who find fault with Caturvidha Sangha and Jnana, etc.
Abhiyogika:
Sadhus who perform evil deeds by vidya, mantra and betwichment.

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Darsana-bhrasta: Nihnayac.
Bhagawati Sutra, S. 1, U. 2.
(40) Abhidhānā Rajendrah, Part II, P. 116. (41) Sataka 8, Uddeśaka 5. (42) Some people consider Pūrna Kasyapa as the author
but in reality it should be Gośālaka. For details, see 'Nirgrantha in the Six Abhijatig' in Chapter X VII.
(43)
Based on Anguttaranikaya, 6-6-57; Samyuttanikaya, 24-7-8.
(44)
Jaina Agamas divide Pranis in six hes yas according to Parinama and Varna. For comparative study, see 'Nirgrantha in the Six Abhijatis' in Chapter XVII.
(45) The Ājivikas, J. D. L. Vol. II, 1920, pp. 17-18. (46) Ibid. , P. 10. (47) Ibid. , P. 18. (48) Ibid. , P. 21. (49) Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, pp. 297-318. (50) Mahavira Swami No Sanyama Dharma (Gujarati
translation of Sūtrakritanga), p. 34. (51) S. B. E. Vol. XLV, Introduction, pp. XXIX to XXXII. (52) Ibid. , p. XXXIII.
(53) Dr. Ka mtaprasad, Veera, Vol. III Nos. 12-13:
Chimanlal Jaychand Shah, Uttara Hindustan Mem Jaina Dharma, 1'. 58 to 61, Dr. A. S. Gopani, Ajivita Sect - A New Interpretation, Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. II, p. 201-10: Vol. III, p. 47-59.
(54) Mahāvira Swāmi No Sanyama Dharma, P. 34. (55) Ājivakas, Vol. 1: Majjhimanikāya, (Part I, P. 514;
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Dr. Horenle, P. 261.

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(56) Majjhimanikāya, Sandaka Sutta, 2-3-6. (57) Gopaldas Patel, Mahavira Kathā, P. 177; Shri
chand Rampuria, Tirthankara Vardhamāna, P. 83.
(58) Bhāratiya Saṁskriti Aur Usakā Itihāsa, P.163.

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CHAPTER IV
CHRONOLOGY
Introduction
Man is inquisitive by nature. Inquisitiveness adds to his knowledge that increases curiosity. There is an unending chain of knowledge and curiosity wherein lies the exhuberance of sublime bliss, rightly regarded as summum bonum of all life of worship, devotion, renunciation and penance. In this cycle of knowledge and curiosity lies the boundless joy of life. It is these two that lead unfailingly to divine citadel of truth or supreme abode of bliss (1). When history initially peeped into the socio-philosophical exploits of both Mahavira and Buddha, the two stalwarts were misconstrued as identi cal by certain critics of Indian Philosophy and Indology Still others had a miserable downfall when they ventured to establish an identity of Buddha with Gautam Swami, the chief disciple of Mahavira (2). But a little analysis conf irmed very soon that Mahavira and Buddha, though belonging to the same generation and country, were two distinct personalities, the former having lived on this earth for 72 years (3) and latter for 80 years (4).
This analytical approach propelled the masses to pose a basic query: How long did Mahavira and Buddha live as contemporaries and and who was older of the two? This question has drawn the attention of many a thinker and till now numerous efforts have been made to solve it. A good deal of new light has been thrown on it, but the findings arrived at are not indisputable. The various accounts described in the Jain Agamas, the Buddhist Tripitakas and the historical works, which appear to be inconsistent with one another have led the scholars to diverse conclusions. The classification of the efforts made so far, their critical examination and a humble effort to push the subject to an indubitable stage on the basis of independent thinking, form the subject matter of the present critique.

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VIEWS OF FOREIGN SCHOLARS
For a proper assessment of the subject at hand, it is worthwhile to look into observations of foreign scholars
in the present context. We shall first take up the views of Dr. H. Jacobi.
Dr. Jacobi's First Approach
It was late Dr. Hermann Jacobi, who first took the lead in making a significant effort (5) in this direction. Dr. Jacobi had added greatly to his credit by having translated four of the Jain canons viz. The Acaranga Sūtra, the Kalpa Sutro, the Sutrakrtanga Sūtra and Uttar - adhyayana Sutra. These translations were published in two volumes in the Sacred Books of the East Series (6), edited by Max Muller, an outstanding scholar of oriental learning. Besides this, Dr. Jacobi has also rendered other valuable services to Jainism, We owe the credit to him for having brought Lord Pars va Natha, the 23rd Tirthankara in the category of historical personalities (7). The fallacy prevalent in the field of history that Jainism was nothing but a branch of Buddhism, was also dis embroiled mainly by Dr. Jacobi (8). He also visited India twice in order to be able to get firsthand knowledge of the Jain traditions in vogue, He established direct contact with many Jain Acaryas during his visits (9).
Dr. Jacobi has referred to the controversy about the dates of the Nirvana of Mahavira and Buddha at two different places and both the descriptions contradict each other. In one review he depicts Māhāvira as having predeceased Buddha and vice versa in the other.
The First Review
His first review appeared in his Introduction to the Acáranga Sūtra in 1884. Describing the events associated with the lives of Mahavira and Buddha he writes (10): "We shall now put side by side the principal events of Buddha's and Mahavira's lives in order to demonstrate their difference. Buddha was born in Kapilavastu, Mahāvira, in a : village near Vaisali; Buddha's mother died after his birth, Mahavira's parents lived to see him a grown up man; Bud

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dha turned ascetic during the life time and against the will of his father, Mahavira did so after the death of his parents and with the consent of those in power: Buddha led a life of austerties for 6 years, Mahavira for 12; Buddha thought these years wasted time, and that all his penances were useless for attaining his end, Mahāvira was convinced of the necessity of his penances and persevered some of them even after becoming a Tirthankara,
Amongst Buddha's opponents Gośāla Mamkhaliputta is by no means so prominent as amongst Mahavira's nor among the former's do we meet "Gamali, who caused the first Schism in Jain Church. All the disciples of Buddha bear different names to those of Mahavira. To finish this enumeration of differences, Buddha died in Kusinagar, whereas Mahavira died in 'Pavā', avowedly before the former".
Dr. Jacobi has absolutely omitted the mention of evidences supporting his belief nor has he reviewed the dates of the birth and death of both. Hence it is difficult to infer his view about the contemporaniety of Mahāvira and Buddha.
The Date of Mahavira's Nirvana
The allusions occurring in both the volumes of the Jain Sūtras edited by Dr. Jacobi bear testimony to the fact that he regarded 526 B.C. as the date of Mahavira's Nirvana. He writes (11). "The recordation of the Jains canon or the Siddhanta took place, according to the unanimous tradition in the council of 'Vallabhi' under the presidency of Devardhi. The date of this event 980 (or 467 A, D, is incorporated in the Kalpa Sūtra. (148)". This extract brings home the fact that Dr. Jacobi has accepted 526 B.C. as the date of Mahavira's Nirvana, for we get 980 and 993 respectively only after adding 454 and 467 to 526. He has repeated the same fact, incidentally, in his
introduction to the second volume of the Jaina Sūtra edited by him (13). It was written in 1894 A. D. i. e, ten years after the introduction, he wrote the first volume. We come across one more allusion in that introduction which indisputably confirms 526 B.C. as the date of Mahāvira's Nirvāna. Dr. Jacobi writes: "Khaluya Rohagutta of the Kausi

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ka Gotra with whom Matam in 544 A. V. (18 A. D.)". Here too, we get 18 A. D. only after substracting 526 from 544.
The Date of Buddha's Nirvana
Similarly Dr. Jacobi has not referred to any specific date about the birth or death of Buddha in these Introductions, but whatever he has written there, even though in different allusions, reflect's his idea about the date of Buddha's Nirvana. For instance, he writes quoting Max Mullar's extract (14). "The lastest date of Buddhist cannon being composed at the time of the Second Council was 377 B.C. It is an unanimously accepted fact that this Council was held at Vaisali, 100 years after the Nirvana of Buddha (15). It follows that 477 B. C. is the date of Buddha-Nirvana. In the opinion of Dr. Jacobi on the basis of his concept at that time, if these were the dates of the Nirvana of Mahavira and Buddha, Mahavira was 41 years older than Buddha.
Dr. Jacobi's Second Approach
Dr. Jacobi had made another approach to the problem in his paper entitled as "The Nirvana of Mahavira and Buddha published in the 26th issue of a German research magazine in the year 1930. Its Gujrati rendering was published in Bhartiya Vidya- a research journal (16) and subsequently is Hindi translation, as collected by Shri Kastur Chand Banthia, appeared in Sramana (17), a monthly Hindi Magazine.
The conclusion of this article is (18) that Buddha died in 484 B. C. and Mahavira in 477 B. C. It means that Mahavīra died 7 years after the death of Buddha and the former was fifteen years younger than the latter.
The Concluding Article
According to Sri Kastura Chand Banthia (19), it was the last paper written by Dr. Jacobi and he has expressed therein an altogether different opinion. What astounds us is Dr. Jacobi's complete silence, in this comprehensive, about his earlier view and the view he propounded later on,

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and the reasons that led him to change his opinion. The only thing he says while introducing the essay is (20): "One school of thought says that, in accordance with the historical view passed on to us by tradition and stabilized by evidences, Gautama Buddha had died many years before Mahavira. Another school of thought holds that, on the basis of the allusion found in the Buddhist scriptures, Mahavira died perhaps only a little earlier than Buddha. This critique is being written to discover the extent of the truth underlying this obviously discernible contradiction".
It is worth noting that Dr. Jacobi had already expressed his earlier view in the introductions to the volumes edited by him and they were published also during his life time. Nevertheless, why does not he again say his. earlier statement in the last article? It might have happened under some circumstances and we have not go deep with its complicacies now. Here we have only to see on what grounds he has based his novel theory and how far they are true. It is beyond doubt that Dr. Jacobi was. a profound critic, and re-examine, any fact on various touch-stones, before accepting it.
The Gist of Dr. Jacobi's Paper
After studying this paper thoroughly one comes to know that this article was not written only with reference to the date of Nirvana of Mahavira and Buddha, but one of the principal objects behind the writing of this essay was to bring to light the contemporary, political and regal conditions. The actual title of this essay, the Nirvana of Mahavira and Buddha and the contemporary Political Condition of Magadha also signifies the same fact. Also whatever he has written about the dates of the Nirvana is not only insufficient to lead the present controversy to a decisive phase, but it is a little unnatural too. The prinċipal evidence, which Dr. Jacobi has advanced in support of his changed opinion that Buddha was older than Mahāvira and that Mahavira survived Buddha by a few years, can be stated as follows:
'The Jain scriptures furnish us with a further detailed account of the later events connected with the wars

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fought between Ajātsatru (Konika), the king of Magadha and the Vajjis (or Cetaka, the king of Vais ali), etc. than what is found in Buddhist scriptures,
In the Buddhist scriptures, Vass akara, the Prime Minister of Ajatsatru only lays down a plan of the victory over Vajjis before Buddha, whereas the Jain scriptures bear a pictures que description not only of the Maha Sila -Kantaka war and Rath- Musala war that took place between Cetaka and Konika, but also of the demolition of the rampart of Vais ali and finally of the victory of the king of Magadha over the Vajjis'.
On the basis of this evidence, Dr. Jacobi concludes (21), "It confirms that Mahavira survived Buddha by several years (probably seven years)".
The extent to which the compilers of the scriptures collected contemporary events in the scriptures, depended upon the nature of their selection and needs. Even if we accept that the compilation made by the Jains is more extensive and exhaustive in comparison to that made by the Buddhists, it does not prove that Mahavira lived for some years even after the death of Buddha.
Ajatsatru in the Buddhist Pitakas
It is a fact that the Jain scriptures have shed more light on detailed accounts related to Konika. This is just and natural because of Konika's intimate association with the Jain religion. According to Dr. Rhys Davids, a distinguish scholar, who carried out a first rate research on the Buddhist literature, however extensive the delineation of Ajāts atru in the Buddhist Pitakas may be, it only proves that he was a mere sympathizer of Buddha, and not a follower. Ajāts atru had once called on Buddha and asked him what the fruits of monkhood were (22)? With reference to that even Rhys Davids writes (23). At the close of the discourse the king is stated to have openly taken the Buddha as his guide in future, and to have given expression to the remorse he felt at the murder of his father. But it is also distinctively

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stated that he was not converted. There is no evidence that he really, after the moment when his heart was touched, continued to follow Buddha's teaching. He never, so far as we know, waited again either upon the Buddha, or upon any member of the order, to discuss ethical matters. And we hear of no material support given by him to the order during the Buddha's lifetime.
11
"We are told however, that, after the Buddha's death, he asked (on the ground that he, like the Buddha, was a Ksatr iya) for a portion of the relics; that he obtained them; and built a Stupa over them, And though the oldest authority says nothing about it, younger works state that on the convocation of the First Council at Rajagraha, shortly after the decease, it was the King who provided and prepared the hall at the entrance to the Sapta parni cave, where the rehearsal of the doctrine took place. He may well have thus showed favour to the Buddhists without at all belonging to their party. He would only, in so doing, be following the usual habit so characteristic of India monarchs, of patronage towards all schools".
Dr. Radha Kumud Mukherjee, the renowned historian, has also proved on the basis of the Samannya -phala Sutta that Ajāts atru was a mere sympathizer, and not a follower of Buddha (24).
Konika in the Jain Tradition
According to the Jain tradition, Konika was a staunch and devoted follower of Mahāvira. He went so far as to establish a separate department headed by a special officer exclusively for the purpose of keeping himself informed of the activities of Mahavira's daily life. The officer was called Prayrttivā dūka, one who speaks of the activities. He was assisted by a number of subordinates, who used to communicate the news to him. The Pravrttivā dūka after editing the news, finally conveyed it to king Konika" (25). No sooner (26) did king Konika receive the news of Mahavira's arrival in the suburb of Campa, capital of his state, while sitting in his court

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assembly, than he stood up and came seven or eight steps ahead of the throne, in a blissful state; in the uttar - asanga position (27) he masked his mouth by a scarf; and chanting 'Namotthunam (28), he said (29), "To thee, O Mahāvira, who first sowed the seeds of religion in my soul, my religious preceptor, I bow down in reverence from this move place, for thou art yet staying away (in the garden)'. After this, when Mahavira had arrived at Campa, Konika also presented himself in the religious assembly of Mahāvira (30). Not only Konika had visited Mahāvira more than once, but also, after Mahavira's Nirvana, he attended a meeting arranged by Suddharma Svami, the immediate successor of Mahavira, and put serious question to him (31). In addition to these, we find a number of such conclusions in the Jain scriptures, which make it crystal clear that Konika was a staunch follower of Mahāvira and Jain religion.
While, on the other hand, as Rhys Davids writes (32), "When the king of Magadha, the famous (and infamous) Ajatsatru, made his only call upon the Buddha, he is said to have put a puzzle to the teacher to test him....., and as we have already quoted Rhys Davids (33), "he (Ajāts atru) never, so far as we know, waited again either upon Buddha or upon any member of the order to discuss ethical matters.......," Ajāts atru had little inclination towards Buddhism. What opinion, Buddha had for Ajatsatru becomes clear from his own words, he uttered (34): "O Bhiksus! the king of Magadha Ajāts atru s a friend to, an intimate of, mixed up with, whatever is evil". According to the Buddhist texts, Ajātsatru was, interalia, a parricide, and a supporter of Devadadatta, the great schismatic (35). Again it was Ajātsatru according to the Buddhist canons, who incited by Devadatta, ordered his men to deprive Buddha of his life (36).
A similar is the case of Cetaka, the king of Vais ali. He was not only a maternal uncle of Mahāvira (37), but also a staunch follower of Mahāvira (38). The Buddhist Tripitakas do not even mention the name of Cetaka, though they bear a long description of the Vajjis (39). Dr. Jacobi, himself, has observed (40) that the reason of taciturnity of the Buddhist canonical texts about Cetaka is that Buddha's rival (i.e. Mahavira) was benefited by the great

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influence of Cetaka and that the Jains give respect to Cetaka, the maternal uncle of Mahavira, because Vais ali became a strong supporter of Jainism on account of Cetaka, whereas the Buddhists call it (Vaisali) a 'monastery of heretics, Hence, if, according to Dr. Jacobi, the Jain Agamas bear more extensive account of the events concerning Konika and Cetaka than the Buddhist Tripitakas, its natural and consistent reason is that they (Konika and Cetaka) were eminent disciples of Mahavira and Jain religion and 'heretics' in the view of Buddha and not, as Dr. Jacobi has inferred, that Mahavira survived Buddha. Dr. Jacobi's inference is based only on misunderstanding and misinterreplete with many such brilliant and candid descriptions, which show that Mahavira predeceased Buddha, while the Jain Agamas say nothing about Buddha's
Nirvana.
In the light of the aforesaid discussion, the true inference should have been that Mahavira attained the Nirvāna before Buddha and Buddha attained the same later than Mahavira, for the Jain scriptures maintain no record of Buddha's Nirvana and the Buddhist scriptures distinctly state that Mahavira died earlier than Buddha. The greatest flaw in Dr. Jacobi's article is that he has striven to prove the three allusions of the Buddhist Tripitakas, which refer to Mahavira's Nirvana (41), false and fictitious with a view to stabilize his own farfetched interpretation. He says that (42) as these allusions occur in varying forms at different places, they are not credible. On the other hand, he also says that (43) despite the variance in these allusions, they have one and the same objective in common, viz. giving the order of monks a message of love and unity by referring to Mahavira's Nirvana indirectly. It is worth noting that in spite of these three allusions being slightly variant from one another, the reference to Mahavira's Nirvana in all of them remains absolutely the same. The compilers of the scriptures might have embellished the prefaces with whatever style they choose, but it would be entirely unreasonable to think that they might have gone so far as to commit a blunder of calling, living Mahavira dead one.
Pāvā, the Place of Mahavira's Nirvana
Another argument placed forth by Dr. Jacobi in this context is that the city Pāvā depicted as the place of Maha

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vira's Nirvana in the Buddhist scriptures lay in the land of Mallas, where Buddha sojourned in his last days, whereas in accordance with the traditional belief of the Jains, Mahavira attained the Nirvana in another Pāvā situated near Rajagrha in Patna district. Hence, like the fictitious Pava, according to Dr. Jacobi, the whole story of Mahavira's Nirvana seems to be nothing but a mere fabrication. Dr. Jacobi also holds that (44) it is not justifiable to doubt the Jain traditions about the sacred place of Mahavira's Nirvana. Even if we may assume that the Buddhists had made this mistake on account of the identical name of Pavã allotted by them, for such mistakes are liable to be committed, it cannot be interpreted that the whole story about Mahavira's Nirvana is completely forged. As a matter of fact, Dr. Jacobi's caution against our expressing even the slightest possible doubt regarding the Pāvā accepted in the Jain tradition, has not only been rendered dubious on historical grounds, but it has also become baseless.
Often there happens to be a striking contrast between history and tradition. The traditional Ksatriyakunda situated near Lichchhuada is supposed to be the birth-place of Mahavira but the research carried into it by modern history has proved it wholly un-authentic. According to the historical concept, the village Basadh situated in Mujjaffarpur District, 27 miles away to the North of Patna is no other than the Ksatriyakunda, the birth-place of Mahavira. Thus the traditional birth-place lies far off to South of the Ganges, while the historically accepted place is situated to the North of the Ganges.
So is the case of Pāvā.
Traditionally accepted Pāvā lies in the South Bihar and the splendid temples standing there have made it to be the place of pilgrimage for the Jains. But history does not share the belief that it is the true place of Mahavira's Nirvana. According to the modern view, the Pāvā of Mahavira's Nirvana should be in the North of the Ganges, for the 18 kings of the republics of Mallas and Licchavis were present in Pāvā at the time of Mahavira's Nirvana (45), and this can be more true only with regard to the Pāvā, situated in the North of the Ganges, since their kingdom lay stretched towards the North side, while the Pāvā situated in the South of the

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Ganges (near Rajagrha), lay entirely in the land of their Sworn enemy? Many thinkers and historians such as Pt. Rahul Sankrityayana (46), Dr. Rajbali Pandey (47), M. A. D. Litt, Nathuram Premi (48), Dr. Nalinaksa Dutt (49), Shri Ranjan Suri Deo (50), Shri Shrichand Rampuri (51), Acārya Vijyendra Suri (52), etc. have confirmed this fact. All of them agreed to the fact that Mahāvira had died in the Pāvā of Mallas, that this Pāvā should be on the North of the Ganges (53) and that the Pāvā situated in the South of the Ganges (near Rajagrha in Patna district) and traditionally believed to be the place of Mahāvira's Nirvana has erroneously been adopted by the Jains, being oblivious of the true Pāvā.
Thus, it becomes clear that the Payà, on the basis of which Dr. Jacobi rejects the Buddhist allusion about Mahavira's Nirvana by ascertaining them as false and unreal, happens to be the historically accepted Pāvā and confirms the authenticity of those allusions.
Āgamas and Tripițakas in Relation to the Contemporary Conditions Dr. Jacobi's view that the Ja
was give a more comprehensive account of the contemporary conditions than what the Buddhist Tripitakas do, is also not trustworthy for, the events cited by Dr. Jacobi are not all contained in the original Agamas. The whole event of "The victory over yaisali which ensued after the Mahasila - Kantaka war and the Ratha -Musala war and where in the monk Kulayalaya became the cause of the demolition on the ramparts of Vaisali, has been quoted by Dr. Jacobi himself from a later Jain work, Avasyaka Katha. The Agamas and the Tripitakas, which are the original canonical texts of the Jains and the Buddhists respectively, in fact, do not differ much regarding the description of the contemporary political conditions. Now, if we consider the later works of both traditions, the work of the Buddhist traditions like Mahāvaṁsa contain as much vivid descriptions as we find in those of the Jain traditions. Mahavamsa contains even the chronology of the kings up to Asoka (54). This by no means testifies to the fact that Buddha died later than Mahavira.
The Date of Mahāvīra's Nirvāna
Dr. Jacobi regards 477 B.C. as the date of Mahāvira's Nirvana and 484 B.C. as that of Buddha's Nirvana.

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But he refrains from giving any specific indication throughout his essay why it became inevitable for him to accept these dates. He simply says (55), "Though according to the unanimous traditions of the Jains, Candragupta's accession took place 215 years A. V. (after the death of Mahavira), in accordance with the view propounded by Hemacandra, (Parisista Parva, 8-339) Candragupta acceded to the throne 155 A. V". Dr. Jacobi has supported his view by citing another Jain work, Kahavali of Bhadresvara.
Now, the fact is that, as stated by Dr. Jacobi, it is unanimously accepted in all the Jain traditions that Candragupta's accession took place only 215 years after the Nirvana of Mahavira (56) and not 155 years, as accepted by Acārya Hemacandra (57). The view of Acārya Hemacandra would prove baseless, if tested on the touchstone of history. Also, the scholars have regarded it as a great blunder committed by Acārya Hemacandra. The most substantiated opinion in this regard is that (58), a king named Palaka was enthroned at Ujjain the very day on which Mahavira attained the Nirvana. He (or his dynasty) reigned for 60 years.
Then ensued the Mauryan rule, that is to say Chandragupta Maurya was enthroned 215 years after the death of Mahāvira. This allusion has been extracted from 'Titthogali Painnaya, which is supposed to be much older than both the books viz. Kahavali of Bhadresavara and Parisista Parva of Hemacandra.
It seems that the period of 60 years of the reign of Palaka has completely been omitted in the calculation of Hemacandra's Parisista Parva. Mr. Purna Chandra Nahar, M. A., B.L., M.S., and Mr. Krishna Chandra Gosh, Vedantachintamani write (59), "Hem Chandracharaya must have omitted by oversight to count the period of 60 years of King Palaka after Mahavira's Nirvana" (59)..
Dr. Jacobi has edited Parisisata Pari'a (60). He has observed in the preface to it that Hemacandracarya had composed that work in haste, as a consequence of which the work is studied with errors. Elaborating the subject in the preface itself, Dr. Jacobi has illustrated sever al compositional and grammatical errors comitted by Hemacandra

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with concrete evidences. It is quite probable that the verse on the basis of which Dr. Jacobi has inferred the date of Mahāvira's Nirvana, mith have also been composed with the same carelessness. The date of Mahavira's Nirvana accepted by Hemacandracarya himself, while stating the period of his own contemporary king Kumarapala is 527 B.C., and not 477 B.C. Hemacandracarya writes in Trisastisalakapur scaritra (61): "When 1669 years will have been completed after the death of Mahāvira, there will flourish a king named Kumarapala who will shine like a moon of Caulukya dynasty". Now it is unanimously accepted that Kumarapala's accession took place in 1142 A, D, (02). But according to Hemacandracarya, the interval between this event and the date of Mahāvira's Nirvana is 1669 years. In this way, Hemacandracarya himself has also accepted 1669-1142 = 527 B.C., as the date of Mahāvira's Nirvana.
The Date of Buddha's Nirvana
Dr. Jacobi regards 484 B.C., as the date of Buddha's Nirvana, for according to him (63), "The southern Buddhists hold that Candragupta's accession took place 162 years after the death of Buddha. And the uncontroversial date of Candragupta's enthronement is 322 B.C. Hence (322 + 162 ) = 484 B.C. is the date of Bud dha's Nirvana". The fact regarding Candragupta's accession gleaned by Dr. Jacobi referring to the tradition of Southern Buddhists is taken from the Ceylonese chronicle - Mahavamsa (64). But on one hand the Mahavamsa state that Candragupta's accession took place 162 years after Buddha's death, while on the other hand it shows 543 B.C. as the date of Buddha's Nirvana (65). Dr. Jacobi, too has hold it as the most popular date of Buddha's Nirvana accepted by the traditions (66). Now if Mahavamsa considering 543 B.C. as the date of Buddha's Nirvana, place Candragupta's enthronement 162 years after the death of Buddha, we get 381 B.C.. as the date of Candragupta's accession. But it does not agree with the uncontroversial historical data of Candragupta's accession viz. 322 B.C. Hence, it is obvious that the date of Buddha's Nirvana fixed by Dr. Jacobi on the basis of the suspicious evidence of Mahavamsa (67) is not compatible.

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Inconsistencies
The acceptances of the date of the Nirvana of Mahāvira and Buddha inferred by Dr. Jacobi also gives rise to many inconsistencies. In the Bhagavati Sūtra, Gosalaka speaks of eight finalities in his last days and MahasilaKantaka war was also one of them (68). We deduce from it that Gosalaka died after the Mahasila -kantaka war had taken place. Again seven days before the death of Gosalaka, Mahavira had announced (69). "I shall remain alive yet 16 years from today without any hinderance like a supremely puissant elephant." In other words, even if we assume that Mahasila -Kantika war broke out immediately after Konika's accession to the throne, there elapsed at least 17 years between Konika's accession and Mahavira's death. But this, by no means, goes beyond 15 years, according to the date fixed by Dr. Jacobi (70). Another inconsistency arising from Jacobi's findings becomes clear from the following event described in Jain literature;
Once (71) upon a time, the king Srenika asked Mahavira: "Who will be the last Kevalin (omniscent)"? Mahavira, answering the king's question, said to him: "On the seventh day from today, this good named Vidyunmali, will be conceived in the womb of the wife of Rsabhadatta, a businessman in your city Rajagrha. That child will be named as Jambu-Kumara, and he will be the last Kevalin"
· Now, all the Jain traditions unanimously accept the fact that when Jambu-Kumara was 16 years old, he was initiated into monkhood by Sudharma Syami (72) the successor of Mahavira, in the same year in which Mahavira died (73). This means that Jambu-Kumară was conceived in the womb of his mother nearly 17 years before the Nirvāna of Mahāvira. At that time, king 'Srenika' was alive, But as we have seen, the reign of Konika began more than 16 years before the Nirvana of Mahāvira. Therefore, we infer that the end of 'Srenika's rule and the beginning of Konika's rule took place nearly 17 years before the Nirvana of Mahāvira. But, the chronology proposed by Dr. Jacobi, allow a maximum interval of 15 years between these events. In this way the acceptance of these dates involves many objections.

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Conclusion
The opinion that Mahavira attained the Nirvana in 527 B.C. has remained almost uncontroversial and unique. No date of Buddha's Nirvana has been taken to be so indubitable. A number of opinions about the date of Buddha's Nirvana were in vogue in ancient time and they continue to exist even now (74). Nevertheless, in this essay, Dr. Jacobi has gone so far as to ascertain (484 B.C.) the date of Buddha's Nirvana as almost unique and has tried to reconcile the events of Mahāvira's life with it through far-fetched interpretations. By doing so, Dr. Jacobi has stirred up a new polemic with regard to the contemporaneity of Mahāyira and Buddha. The view expressed by Dr. Jacobi has also been rendered obsolete for more than 33 years have elapsed since what he wrote (75). In the mean time history has also renovated and modified to a very great extent. Hence it will not at all be reasonable to accept Dr. Jacobi's findings as final.
Pandita Sukh Lal Ji and Other Scholars
Some critics of our present era have accepted Dr. Jacobi's view regarding the chronology of Mahavira and Buddha. The famous Jain scholar Pandita Sukh Lal ji writes (76). "Prof. Jacobi has found out on the basis of a comparative study of the Jain and the Buddhist texts in the light of history that Mahāvira attained the Nirvana decidedly certain years later than Buddha. Jacobi has made it clear by his deep research work that the war or the Licchavis and the Vajjis with Konika took place only after Buddha's Nirvana and during the life-time of Mahāvira. For, the description of the war is found only in the Jain Scriptures, though the Licchavis and the Vajjis are mentioned in both the Jain and the Buddhist texts."
The above quotation shows that Pt. Sukh Lal ji has accepted Dr. Jacobi's view as it is. He has not deliberated over the subject independently. Often we all do so, when a particular subjects is not ours or when we do not get an occasion to go deep into it, we generally accept the view of some scholar in that regard. It is also quite natural that many scholars are required to solve many problems. There is, then always a mutual exchange of views between the different scholars of different subjects.

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74
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Pt. Sukh Lal jı has given importance to two things - one is that while the Buddhist scriptures do not bear any descri. ption of the war of the Vajjis with Konika, the Jain Scriptures do. But, as we have already discussed, this is not at all important in deciding the present issue,
The other thing is that the above war was precedent to the Nirvana of Buddha and antecedent to that of Mahavira. This view is based on the general belief that the MahaParinirvana Sutta contains only those events of Buddha's life that happened in his last days. The first event referred to by this Sutta, is the meeting of Vassakara, the chief minister of the king Ajāts atru (Konika) with Buddha. The Vassakara lays forth a plan of victory over the Vajjis before Buddha. This event, therefore, is believed to have been associated with the last days of Buddha.
That most of the events described in the Maha - Par iniri - ana Sutta, are connected with the last days of Buddha's life is understandable, but that all the events contained in above Sutta are so, cannot be accepted as a fact. It is to be noted that Sariputta's conversation with Buddha is also one of the subject of the Maha - Parinirvana Sutta (77), whereas it is unanimously believed that Sariputta, had died long before Buddha's Nirvana.
The fact appears to be that Vassakara had called on Buddha, when, after Maha -Sila -Kantaka and the Ratha - Musala wars, Konika had besieged the city of Vaisali, and he and his minister had been further devising the various plans to devastate the walls of Vais ali. This belief is also substantiated by the fact that according to the Jain sources, Konika was advised to employ the insidious strategies to enable him to enter into the city of Vaisali and also according to the Buddhist Scriptures, Vassakara, the chief minister of Ajāts atru, after having talked with Buddha and having known about the invincibility of the Vajjis, decided to play the croocked trick of bribing the Vajjis, and thus creating a rupture in their unity.
In the same way, both the traditions consider the honour paid by the Vajjis to the stūpas and temples standing inside the walled city, to be the chief cause of their impregnability.

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..........
In the Jain source (78), it has been said that as long as the stupa of Mallinatha remained standing, Konika would not be able to win Vaisali. According to the Buddhist text (79), Buddha says to Ananda" so long as the Vajjis honour and esteem and revere and support the Vajjian shrines in town and country and allow not the proper offerings and rites, as formerly given and performed, to fall into destitude....... may the Vijjins be expected not to decline, but to propsper. Then he addressed Vassakara, the Brahmana, and said, "So long as those conditions shall continue to exist among the Vajjins,. so long may we expect them not to decline but to prosper".
11
.......
There are many more such points which make it crystal clear that the opinion of Dr. Jacobi that Buddha's Nirvana was antecedent to the Vaisali war, is not correct.
We find that like Pt. Sukh Lal ji the scholars such as S' ri Gopalactase Patel and Kisturmalji Banthia have accepted Dr. Jacobi's view firmly, but this has happened only on account of their partial consideration.
Dr. Charpentier
Another independent effort to solve the present enigma was made by Dr. Jorl Charpentier in 1914 (80) (i. e. in between the first and the second approaches of Dr. Jacobi), Dr. Charpentier's conclusion is that Mahavira attained the Nirvana after Buddha's Nirvana. According to him, the dates of the Nirvana of Buddha and Mahāvīra are 477 B. C. and 467 B. C. respectively. Dr. Charpentier's finding is mainly based on the following two assumptions: 1. Buddha died in 477 B. C. 2. Pāvā, the place of Mahavira's Nirvana, is different from Pava recorded in the Buddhist Pitakas. Now we find that these two fundamental notions have totally changed in the course of historical investigations. In past, at some time, 477 B. C. was considered by the historians to be the exact date of Buddha's decease. But in the modern history, the above date has no place at all. Secondly, Dr. Charpentier has tried to falsify the Buddhist account of the predecease of Mahavira on the basis that Mahavira died at Pava in South Bihar, whereas the Buddhist texts speak of Mahavira's Nirvana at Pava in North Bihar, is the true place of Mahavira's Nirvana (81). Dr. Jacobi has quoted in his second approach, the above belief

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of Dr. Charpentier in support of his own viewpoint, but it is remarkable that Dr. Jacobi has not accepted the date of Mahavira's and Buddha's Nirvana, proposed by Dr. Charpentier. Actually it seems that the date of Buddha's Nirvāna which was popularly accepted in the history at the time of Dr. Charpentier's writing was made by Charpentier the basis of his research work. Sixteen years after this, when Dr. Jacobi made his second approach, the historical view regarding the date of Buddha's Nirvana had undergone a change, and hence, Dr. Jacobi accepted the new date of Buddha's Nirvana, But we should not forget that Dr. Jacobi's second approach has become nearly thirtytwo years old, and that during this long period new views about the chronology of Mahāyira and Buddha, have come to light in the field of history. It is, therefore, necessary to reconsider the whole issue in the light of the new facts.
DR. K.P. JAYASWAL
A renowned historian and editor of the Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Dr. K.P. Jayaswal has made a remarkable effort to solve this problem (82). Dr. Jayaswal's view on the present subject, in short, can be summarised thus: The allusions about Mahāvira's death found in the Buddhist texts should not be neglected. According to the Samagama Sutta, Buddha had heard about Mahāvira's death in his life-time and the popular belief is that Buddha died two years after this event. According to the Southern Buddhists, Buddha died in 544 B.C. Therefore, Mahavira should have attained the Nirvāna in 546 B.C.
Mahāvira's Nirvāna and Vikramaditya
In order to reconcile this date (546 B.C.) of Mahavira's Nirvana Dr. Jayaswal has tried to give a new interpretation to the traditional belief that Vikramaditya flourished 470 years after Mahavira's Nirvana, Dr. Jayaswal's argument is (83): "The view of the Jain-traditional chronology that the interval between Mahavira's Nirvana and the Vikram era is 470 years, is, in reality the one, which is given in the Pattavali of Sravasti Gaccha, and which states the above period to be the interval between Mahāvira's Nirvana and the birth of Vikram, Vikrama's enthronement is stated to have taken place when he was 18 years old, and

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the event was marked by the beginning of the Vikrama era. Thus (470 + 18 = 488 years) after Mahavira's Nirvana commenced the ikrama era (58 B.C:). But the above 18 years were left out in the Jain Chronology. Thus, it was clearly a mistake to count a lapse of 470 years between Mahā vira's Nirvana and the commencement of Vikrma era".
In this way, according to Dr. Jayaswal: Mahāvira attained the Nirvana in 488 + 58 = 546 B.C.
A Critique
Dr. Jayaswal's view that the Buddhist allusions about Mahāvira's predecease should not be neglected, is really justifiable. But his assuming an interval of two years between the deaths of Mahavira and Buddha on the basis of the popular belief about the Samgama Suttanta, and his computing the interval between Mahăvira's Nirvana and the Vikrma era by adding 18 years to the traditional number 470, are not based at all on confirmed sources. The famous historians (85), commenting on the view, write: "The suggestion can hardly be said to rest on any reliable tradition - Merutunga (86) places the death of the last Jina or Tirthankara 470 years before the end of Saka rule and the victory and not birth of the traditional Vikrma". Also the belief that Buddha had heard about Mahāvira's Nirvana in Samagamia exactly two years before his own death, is a mere speculation.
Dr. Radha Kumud Mukherjee
A prominent historian Dr. Raddha Kumud Mukherjee, M.A., Ph.D., D. Litt., has treated the problem in a sim.lar way. He, in his famous work, Hindu Civilization (87), has clearly accepted the seniority and the predeceas e of Ma nāvira with respect to Buddha on the basis of the Buddhist Tripitakas. According to Dr. Mukherjee, these two facts are quite unequivocal. It is remarkable that he has approved his view of Mahavira's seniority to Buddha by citing several authoritative Buddhist work (88).
As far as the dates of Mahavira and Buddha are concerned, he has wholly accepted the view of Dr. Jayaswal, according to which Mahavira died in 546 B.C. and Buddha

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in 544 B. C. But it should be noted that by accepting these dates for the Nirvana of Mahavira and Buddha, Dr. Mukherjee has created self-contradiction in his view of Mahavira's seniority to Buddha. For the total age of Mahavira's was 72, and that of Buddha was 80, so that, if the above chronology is accepted, Buddha would become six years older than Mahavira.
Thus, we can conclude that though Dr. Mukherjee has succeeded in proving Mahavira's seniority and predecease with respect to Buddha, he has failed to reconcile his chronology with these facts.
Dr. Kamta Prasad Jain
Dr. Kamta Prasad Jain, a Jain Digambara scholar and the editor of Ahimsa Vani, has also accepted the above date of Mahavira and Buddha. Though he is of the view that Mahavira predeceased Buddha, he clearly denies the belief that Mahavira was older than Buddha (89). In order to support his view, Dr. K. P. Jain has tried to falsify a Buddhist allusion that Buddha was younger than Mahavira, by interpreting it as an 'irony' (90). But his effort is a good example of far-fetched and unnatural interpretation. Also he has taken no account of other explicit references (91), found in the Buddhist texts, showing Buddha's juniority to Mahavira.
Dharmananda Kausambi
A well-known Buddhist scholar, Dharmananda Kausambi has discussed the contemporaneity of Mahavira and Buddha in some of his books. It is his belief that Buddha was definitely the youngest amongst the seven religious teachers of his time (92), and, that his order (Samgha) was the smallest of all. S'ri Kaus ambi has, however, neglected the chronological aspect of the problem. His argument is (93): "Even if Buddha's birth-date is taken back or forth by few years, it would not deteriorate his character. The importance should be given not to the date of his birth, but to the circumstances existing before his birth, and to how he found out a new path in them".
The main reason of his neglecting the chronology seems to be that it is too equivocal to be determined.

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Dr. Hoernle and Muni Jina Vijayji
Dr. Hoernle has also discussed this problem in the same way (94). According to him, Buddha died five years after Mahā vira's Nirvāna (484 B.C.). This makes Buddha three years senior to Mahāvira. The main bases of Dr. Hoernle's view are almost the same as those which are already discussed in the present chapter in context of other scholars and hence need no further discussion.
A well-known archaeologist Muni Jina Vijayji has accepted Mahāvira to have predeceased Buddha on the basis of Dr. Jayaswal's view (95).
MUNI KALYAŅA VIJAYAJÍ
An extensive effort has been made by a famous Jain historian, Muni Kalyana Vijayaji to solve the present problem. His work on the subject, titled, Vira Nirvana Samvat Aura Jaina Kalaganana is really a treasure book for the research-workers. He has presented an independent solution to the problem of chronology of Mahavira and Buddha. His conclusion is that Buddha predeceased Mahavira by 14 years 5 months and 15 days. In other words, Buddha was 22 years older than Mahavira. The dates of the Nir.vana given by Muni Kalyana Vijayaji is as follows:
Buddha's Nirvana ......... 542 B.C. (May) Mahāvira's Nirvana ......... 528 B.C. (November)
The date of Mahāvīra's Nirvana - 527 B.C. (96), which is accepted by Muni Kalyāna Vijayaji, is based on a reliable tradition as well as direct evidences. Muniji has proved this date by citing various authorities and giving many reasons.
Muni Kalyāņa Vijayaji has tried to prove that Buddha attained the Nirvana nearly fifteen years before Mahavira's Nirvana. He has argued that the story related in the Samagama Suttanta, that Buddha had heard about the Mahavira's death, is not correct. According to Muniji, the event should have happened thus: When Mahavira'was seriously injured by the Tejo -lesya of his Ajivaka rival, Gośálaka,

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there prevailed a rumour that Mahāvira would die within six months, as foretold by Gosalak? (97). This rumour would have reached Buddha, and consequently the story about Mahavira's Nirvana would have become prevalent.
Developing his line of argument, Muni Kalyana Vijayaji writes (98). "The belief of the Buddhist that Buddha died just one year after he had heard about Mahāvira's deaths (precisely speaking, the rumour of the Maha vira's death) gives us a clue to find out the exact interval between the death of Mahavira and Buddha". Further, he states that according to the Bhagavati Sutra (99), Mahāvira died 16 years after having been injured by the Tejo-lesya of Gosa-. laka. On this basis, he has fixed the date of Buddha's Nir - vāna. Muni Kalyana Vijayaji also claims that (100) the date of Buddha's Nirvana inferred by him, is coincident with the Ceylonese date of Buddha's death.
A Critique
As far as the date of Mahāvira's Nirvana is concerned, Muni Kalyana Vijayaji's view seems to be quite correct. But it appears that in deciding Buddha's date, he has nearly depended on guesswork. The allusions of the Buddhist scriptures, which relate the event of Mahāvira's death, have been much distorted by him. Such far-fetched interpretations can never be regarded as historical facts. To call the date of Buddha's Nirvana decided by him (542 B.C.). to be coincident with the Ceylonese date of the Buddha's Nirvana (544 B.C.) (101) is a good example of far-fetching technique used by him. There is a clear difference of two years, which can not be regarded negligible, as he has asked us to do so (102).
One of the evidence, adduced by him to show Buddha's seniority to Mahāvira, is (103): "In the Buddhist texts, wherever the rival teachers of Buddha are enumerated, the name of Niggantha Nataputta (i, e. Mahavira) appears in the end of the lists. This has also happened, perhaps in the end of the lists. It is so, most probably, because Mahavira was the youngest amongst the rivals of Buddha". The weakness of argument is obvious. Even Mahāvira's name appears in the end of the list of Buddha's rivals, it does not at all mean that Mahāvira was younger than Buddha. On the contrary, such references clearly indicate that all the six rivals

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(including Mahavira) of Buddha had already earned fame and influence long before Buddha appeared on the scene. As a matter of fact, it is also not true, that Mahavira's name appears in the end everywhere in such lists, as argued by Muni Kalyana Vijayaji. We find several such references in the Buddhist texts where Niggantha Nataputta is not the last (104).
Mahavira Middle aged, Buddha - young
In order to support his view, Muni Kalyana Vijayaji has tried to misinterpret the Sammannyaphala Sutta of the Digha Nikaya. Presenting his argument, he writes (105): "The minister of the king Ajatasatru tells (106) him 'O king! This Niggantha Nata putta is having an assembly (of Bhikkhus) and a crowd (of followers), and is the pontiff of the order, a well known teacher, a famous leader and considered excellent by the multitude. He is long-ordained and middle-aged (107). This shows that Mahavira was middle-aged (i. e. fifty years old), while Buddha was old". Now, if we study the above chapter with its fullest context, we find that it clearly describes Mahavira as middle-aged, and Buddha as young. For, the minister, here, intends to narrate the merits of Mahavira, and the word 'middle-aged', when used to exhibit a merit, should imply seniority. Secondly, in the above chapter of the Digha Nikaya, all the other rival teachers of Buddha viz. Gos alaka, Sanjya Balatthiputta, etc. are also described as "long ordained" and, 'middle-aged-, while in. the context of Buddha, no such adjeciives are used. This also proves that Buddha was younger than all the six rivals of him.
In connection with the above occasion the Sammannyaphala -Sutta of the Digha Nikaya further states that the king Ajatsatru, after having heard from his ministers about the merits of all the teachers went to Buddha for passing his time in religious discussion. There he asked Buddha what the direct fruit of monkhood was, and also informed Buddha that he had asked the same question to the six religious teachers before. This was the first contact of Ajāts atru with Buddha, Are not all these facts enough to show that Mahavira and other five religious teachers were older than Buddha ?

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Testimony of the Later Works
One of the testimonies advocated by Muni Kalyāņa Vijayaji to defend his view is (108): "The Jain traditional record of Srenika and his queen Cellana shows that Srenika was first a follower of Buddha and afterwards was converted to Jain faith. "But, as a matter of fact, this account is based only on later Jain stories and hence it has no historical importance. Moreover, Muni Kalyāņa Vijayaji has not mentioned in which authoritative work, the said account is recorded. In a similar way, he has choos en five statements from the later Buddhist work to show the seniority of Buddha, and that too without mentioning the original references (109). Most of those beliefs seems to have no connection with the Buddhist Pitakas. Some of them even contradict the facts of the Buddhist Pitakas.
Contradictions
The argument advanced by Muni Kalyāņa Vijayaji are not at all sufficient to prove the seniority of Buddha to Mahavira. In his effort to reconcile his view, he has contradicted some fundamental and well-established facts. For example, the Buddhist Tripitakas state Mahavira to have died earlier than Buddha. They also elucidate that Buddha himself had accepted his juniority to all the six religious teachers of his time. In addition to this, at several places Buddha's juniority is clearly indicated in them (110). Muni Kalyāņa Vijayaji has not been able to reconcile his view with all these facts. He has called everywhere such events as fabrication and falsifying. His trend regarding the Buddhist Tripitakas cannot be called proper and justifying. It is to be noted that the historians - eastern as well as Western, have recognised these scriptural evidences as fundamental facts in deciding the contemporaneity of Mahavira and Buddha. At some places Muni Kalyāņa Vijayaji has contradicted his own arguments. For example, in the beginning of his book, he has accepted the belief of the later Buddhist works that Buddha died in the 8th year of Ajātsatru's regin, as the basis of his view. Later on, he, on the basis of the fact that Gosala's enumeration of the eight finilaties (Caramas) at the time of his death, was made sixteen years before the Mahavira's Nirvana, concludes (111). "Mahavira lived for more than

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sixteen years after the accession of Ajats atru while Buddha died in the eighth years of Ajātsatru's reign,
Now, as we have already seen, the belief that Buddha's Nirvāna took place in the eighth year of the Ajāts atru's reign, is quite legendary and only based on later works (112). Even if we assume it to be correct for the sake of argument, it could not be reconciled with the fact that Srenika had died seventeen years before Mahāvira's Nirvana (113). For if we assume Buddha's Nirvana to have taken place in the eighth year of Ajāts atru's reign, the interval between Buddha's and Mahāvira's Nirvana could not exceed nine years. But we have seen that Muni Kalyāņa Vijayaji himself states this interval to be fourteen and half years. Thus, there is a self-contradiction in his views. If there are such inconsistencies, how the solution put forward by Muni Kalyana Vijayaji can be considered acceptable? In the field of history, one has always to think from a historian's point of view.
Sri Vijayendra Suri
Recently, a valuable effort was made by Sri Vijayendra Suri to simplify the problem of contemporaneity and chronology of Mahāvira and Buddha. His novel treatise (114), dealing with the life of Mahavira, is really a treasure of historical facts. Sri Vijayendra Suri has proved in this book by adducing a lot of authoritative references that the date of Mahävira's Nirvana is 527 B.C. (115). Without making any critical remarks, he has accepted 544 B.C. as the date of Buddha's Nirvana, Thus, it can be said that Shri Vijayendra Suri has almost wholly supported the view of Muni Kalyana Vijayaji except the following modification. Regarding the allusion of Mahavira's death in the Buddhist texts, Shri Vijayendra Suri has accepted the view of Dr. A, L, Basham (116) that it was really the death of Gosalaka, and by mistake the Buddhist texts described it as Mahā. vira's death (117). This assumption of Sri Vijayendra Suri and Dr. Basham, is more speculative rather than logical. For, it is possible that for a while such misunderstanding could have prevailed, but how is it possible that it was retained by the Buddhists, in spite of the fact that Mahavira had lived for 16 years even after the death of Gosalka ? Again, as Sri Vijayendra Suri indicated (118), the scholars

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believe that the Buddhist Pitakas were compiled two or three centuries after Buddha's Nirvana. Then, how could the above misunderstanding could have continued to exist for such a long time, even though both Mahavira and Buddha had lived contemporarily, preaching in the same limited area and both were the leaders of the same srama - nic tradition ?
Arguments ought to have been taken one by one and refuted authentically.
There is also a self-contradiction in the view of Sri Vijayendra Suri, On one the hand he writes (119) 'Buddha, in fact, should have received the news of Gos ala's death in the form of Mahāvira's death". While on the other hand he states (120), both Buddha and Gos alaka had died sixteen years before Mahāvira's Nirvana. But the Buddhist texts indicate that Buddha had heard about Mahavira's death long before he (Buddha) died, then how is it possible that he would have really received the news of Gosala's death? If one accepts the veracity of the Pitakas' evidence that the above event had really taken place, it is not reasonable to believe another testimony of the Pițakas that the event had happened years before Buddha's death?
Dr. Shanti Lal Shah
A valuable work, title 'Chronological Problems', written by Dr. Shanti Lal Shah, has been published in 1934 from Bonn (Germany) (121). The object of this book, in the words of the author himself, is (122): Not alone to fix the death-years of Buddha or Mahāvira or the coronation date of Candragupta and Asoka, nor to authenticate the Jain traditional account, but also to reconstruct the chronology of the whole history of Northern India from Ajātasatru to Kaniska is the aim of the book". The author has strived much to reconstruct the chronology of the kings from Ajātasatru to Kanis ka to fulfil his object. He has also succeded in giving historical form to some beliefs, but his effort to authorticate the Jain traditional belief here and there, shows rather his opinionated tendencies.
Also, he has accepted some beliefs of the later Buddhist works, without having considered their veracity.

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Consequently, many a unanimous historical facts have been contradicted in his new chronology. As for example, it is now almost undisputable that Candragupta's accession took place in 322 B.C. and also this date serves as a 'lighthouse' in that dark period of Indian history. But, according to Dr. Shah's chronology the date of Candragupta's accession is 316 B.C. (124). Regarding the date of Mahavira's Nirvana', it should be noted that 527 B.C. is traditionally as well as historically accepted date. But, the date of Buddha's Nirvana 543 B.C. is only based on the Ceylonese tradition and is found to be unauthentic in the historical investigations (125).
Sri Sricand Ramapuria
Sri Sricand Ramapuria, a well-known literator, has collected a good deal of data on the present problem, in his article titled 'A Discussion on the age of Mahavira and Buddha (126). He has elucidated both the sides of the controversy and criticized the prevalent views on the issue, but he has not reached a definite conclusion, However he seems to be more inclined to the view that Mahāvira was older than Buddha. He has successfully refuted the arguments of Dr, Jacobi as well as Muni Kalyana Vijayji, which they advocated to prove Buddha's seniority to Mahavira.
Another remarkable point in the above article is that according to Sri Ramapuria, there are only two allusions found in the Buddhist Pitakas, which make the seniority of Mahavira a little dubious. Citing the first allusion, he writes (127): "The Buddhist scriptures clearly show that Mahāvira was alive when Ajātsatru acceeded to the throne of Magdha.
"Again, they also state that once Mahavira had asked Abhaya Kumara (The minister of Magdha) to see Buddha and to have a discussion with him (128). The subject of discussion was connected with the following event (1 29).
"Then Devadatta, rising from his seat, having arranged his upper robe over one shoulder, having saluted the Lord with joined palms, spoke to the Lord; "Lord, the Lord is now old, worn, stricken in years, he has lived his span and

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is at the close of his life; Lord, let the Lord now be content to live devoted to abiding in ease here and now, let him hand over the order of monks to me. It is I who will lead the order of monks".
"Enough, Devadatta, please do not lead the order of monks. And a second time.......... And a third time Devadatta spoke thus to the Lord: "Lord the Lord is now old, worn, stricken in years......... It is I who will lead the order of monks.
"I, Devadatta, would not hand over the order of monks even to Sariputta and Moggallana. How then could I to you, a wretched one to be vomited like spittle?
Then Devaddata, thinking: 'The Lord in an assembly which included a king disparaged me by (using) the term, 'one to be vomited like spittle', while he extolled Sariputta and Moggallana, angry, displeased, having greeted the Lord, departed keeping his right side towards him.
"And this was the first time that Devadatta felt malice towards the Lord".
"Then Devadatta approached Prince Ajātas atru; having approached, he spoke thus to prince, Ajātas atru "Formerly prince, people were long-lived, now-a-days they are shortlived, and it is possible that you, while still a prince, might pass away. Well now, do you, prince, having slain your father, become king. I having slain the Lord, will become the Awakened One. And Prince Ajatasatru, thinking: Now, master Devadatta is of great psychic power, of great majesty; master Devadatta must know (what is right), having fastened a dagger against his thigh, at an entered the (King's) private quarters forcibly. But the chief ministers in attendance in the private quarters saw him. Seeing him, they caught hold of him. They examined him and having seen the dagger bound against his thigh, spoke thus to Prince Ajátasatru: What is it that you, prince, want to do?
"I want to slay my father".
"By whom are you being incited"?

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"By master Devadatta".
Then King Seniya Bimbisara of Magadha spoke thus to Prince Ajātas atru.
"Why do you, prince, want to slay me?" "Sir, I have need of a kingdom".
"If it be that you, prince, have need of a kingdom this kingdom is yours and handed over the kingdom to prince Ajātas atru.
Then Devadatta approached prince Ajātas atru; having approached, he spoke thus to prince Ajātas atru:
"Your Majesty, command your men so that they deprive the reclus e Gotama of life". Then prince Ajātas atru commanded his men saying: "My good men, do whatever master Devadatta says". Then Devadatta enjoined the men, saying: "Go along, friend, the reclus e Gotama is staying at a certain roald", and he set two men on that road, saying: "Whatever man comes alone along this road, having deprived him of life, come back by this road".
"Then that one man approached Devadatta; having approached, he spoke thus to Devadatta: Honoured sir, I am not able to deprive that Lord of life, that Lord of great psychic power, of great might".
"All right, friend, do not you deprive the reclus e Gotama of life. I myself will deprive the recluse Gotama of life".
"Now at that time the Lord was pacing up and down in the shade of Mount Vulture Peak. Then Devadatta, having climbed Mount Vulture Peak, hurled down a great stone, thinking: With this I will deprive the recluse Gotama of life'. But two mountain peaks, having met, crushed that stone, and (only) a fragment of it, having
n down, drew blood on the Lord's foot. Then the Lord, having looked upwards, spoke thus to Devadatta: 'You have produced great demerit, foolish man, in that you, with your mind malignant, your mind on murder, drew the

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Truth finder's blood". Then the Lord addressed the monks, saying: 'This, monks, is the first deed whose fruit comes with no delay accumulated by Devadatta since he, with his mind malignant, his mind on murder, drew the Truth-finder's blood".
"Now at that time there was a fierce elephant in Rajagrha, a man-slayer, called Nalagiri. Then Devadatta, having entered Rajagrha, having gone to the elephant stable, spoke thus to the mahout: "We, my good fellows, are relations ofthe kings. We are competent to put in a high position one occupying a lowly position and to bring about an increases in food and wages. Well now, good fellows, when the recluse Gotama is coming along this carriage road, then, having let loose this elephant, Nalagiri, bring him down this carriage road".
"Then the elephant Nalagiri, suffused by the Lord with loving-kindness of mind, having put down his trunk, approached the Lord; having approached, he stood in front of the Lord.
"The the elephant Nalagiri, having taken the dust of the Lord's feet with his trunk, having scattered it over his head, moved back bowing while he gazed upon the Lord.
"People looked down upon, criticised, spread it about, saying: How evil is this Devadatta, how inauspicious, in that he tried to murder the recluse Gotama who is of such great psychic power, of such great might, and Devadatta's gains and honours declined; the Lord's gains and honours increased.
"Then Devadatta approached Kokalika, Katamorakatissaka, the son of the lady Khanda, and Samuddadatta; having approached, he spoke thus to Kokalika; "Come, we, your reverences, will make a schism in the recluse Gotama's Order a breaking of the concord".
"Then Devadatta together with his friends approached the Lord; having approached, having greeted the Lord, he set down at a respectful distance, Devadatta spoke thus to the Lord: Lord the 'Lord in many a figure speaks in praise of desiring little... whoever should eat fish and flesh, sin would besmirch him".

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"Enough, Devadatta', he said. "Whoever wishes, let him be a forest dweller; whoever wishes; let him stay in the neighbourhood of a village whoever wishes, let him be a beggar for alms; whoever wishes, let him accept an invitation; whoever wishes, let him be a reg-robe wearer; whoever wishes, let him accept a householder's robes. For eight months Devadatta, loding at the root of a tree is permitted by me. Fish and flesh are pure in respect of three points: if they are not seen, heard or suspected (to have been killed on purpose for him)".
Then Devadatta, thinking "The Lord does not permit these five items joyful, elated, rising from his seat with his friends, having greeted the Lord, departed keeping his right side towards him. Then Devadatta having entered Rajagrha with his friends, taught the people by means of the five items, saying: 'We, friends, having approached the recluse Gotama, asked for five items, saying: 'Lord, the Lord in many a figure 'speaks in praise of desiring little'.
"Monks heard these people who ....... spread it about. Those who were modest monks....... spread it about, saying:
"How can thus Devadatta go forward with a schism in the Order, a breaking of the concord?' Then these monks told this matter to the Lord. He said: 'is it true, as is said, that you, Devadatta, went forward with a schism in the Order, a breaking of the concord?'.
"It is true, Lord".
"Enough, Devadatta, do not let there be a schims in the Order, for a schism in the Order is a serious matter, Devadatta, Whoever, Devadatta, splits an Order that is united, he sets up demerit that endures for an aeon; he is boiled in hell for an aeon.
"Devadatta saw the venerable Ananda walking in Rajagrha for alms-food; seeing him, he approached the venerable Ananda; having approached, he spoke thus to the venerable Ananda; 'Now from this day forth will I, reverend Ananda, carry out observance both in contradistinction

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to the Lord and in contradistinction to the Order of monks and will (so) carry out (formal) acts of the Order".
"As he was sitting down at a respectful distance, the venerable Ananda spoke thus to the O Lord:
"Just now, Lord, I, having dressed in the morning, taking my bowl and robe, entered Rajagrha for alms food. Devadatta. Lord. saw me walking in Rajagrha for almsfood; seeing me, he came up; having came up, he spoke thus to me: 'Nowfrom this day forth will l........ (so) carry out (formal) acts of the Order. To-day, Lord, Devadatta will split the Order. Then the Lord having understood this matter, at that time uttered this utterance:
"Easy is good for the good, good for the evil is hard, evil for the evil is easy, evil for the noble ones is hard".
Now at that time as many as five hundred monks, Vijjis of Vesali, were newly ordained and were not properly versed; and these thinking: This is the rule, this is discipline, this is the Teacher's instruction, took voting tickets. Then Devadatta, having split the Order, set out for Gayā
ad taking as many as the five hundred monks. Then Sariputta and Moggallāna approached the Lord; ...........
"Can there not be for you, Sariputta and Moggăllana compassion for these newly ordained monks ? Go you along, Sāriputta and Moggăllana, before these monks fall into trouble and distress".
"Very well, Lord", and Sāriputta and Moggāllana having answered the Lord in assent, rising from their seats, having greeted the Lord, keeping their right sides towards him, approached Gaya Head.
Then Säriputta and Moggăllana, taking those five hundred monks approached the Bamboo Grove..
"Then the Lord addressed the monks, saying: ....... Monks because he is possessed of these eight qualities, Sāriputta is fit to give a message.
"Monks' Devadatta, overcome and his mind controlled by eight wrong conditions, is doomed to the Downfall, to Niraya Hell, staying there for an aeon, incurable.

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Mahavira had asked Abhaya Kumara to question Buddha regarding the propriety of the harsh words spoken by Buddha to Devadatta. The question to be asked by Abhya Kumara was framed thus: 'Can the Blessed One (Buddha) utter the words which are unpleasant to other?! If Buddha would have answered in negative, the cross-question was going to be: 'Then, why did the Blessed One utter harsh words to Devadatta?! On the other hand, if Buddha would have replied to the above question in affirmative, the cross question would have been; 'Then, what is the difference between a layman and the Blessed One ? ?
"Now, all these fragments of truth, supplied by the Buddhist texts, when joined together, at once manifest that the event of Mahavira's Nirvana must have taken place in between the event of utterance of harsh words by Buddha and that of the death of Sāriputta. Again, it is believed that Buddha died in the eighth year of Ajātas atru's reign. If this is true, Mahavira's death should have taken place not later than this period of Ajātasatru's reign, and not earlier than the commencement of his reign.
"Let us see, what conclusion we reach if we assume that Mahāvíra attained the Nirvana in the first year of Ajátasatru's reign. This would mean that when Mahāvira died at the age of 72, Buddha was 73 years old. Secondly, when Mahāvira attained omniscence at the age of 42, Buddha was 43, and when Mahāvira was initiated into the ascetic life at 30, Buddha was 31. Lastly, when Mahāvira was born, Buddha was one year old".
The conclusion drawn by Sri Ramppuria in the above passage holds good only if the belief that Buddha died in the eighth year of Ajātasatru reign, is true, But Sri Rampuria has himself based his calculation on the dubious, statement 'If this is true'. As already shown before, the above belief of Buddha's Nirvāna in the 8th year of Ajátasatru's reign is based on the erroneous chronology (131) adopted in the Ceylonese Chronicle, Mahavamsa (132). Thus, the whole mention of the above conclusion that Mahāvira was younger than Buddha, shatters down.
The second allusion giving rise to ambiguity with respect to Mahavira's seniority to Buddha, is described by Sri Romnuria as follows (133): When Buddha was lyind on the

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death-bed, the following event took place (134): "Now at that time, a mendicant named Subhadda, who was not a believer, was dwelling at Kusinagara. And the mendicant Subhadda heard the news: "This is very day, they say, in the third watch of the night, will take place the final passing away of the Samana Gotama".
Then thought the mendicant Subhadda....... Now a certain feeling of uncertainity has sprung up in my mind and this faith have I in the Samana Gotama, that he, me thinks, is able so to present the truth that I may get rid of this feeling of uncertainity'.
"Then the mendicant Subhadda went to theSala Grove of the Mallas, to the Upayattana of Kusinara, to the place where the venerable Ananda was".
"And when he had come there he said to the venerable Ananda: ...........
"Now the Blessed one overheard this conversation of the venerable Ananda with the mendicant Subhadda. And the Blessed One called the venerable Ananda, and said 'It is enough, Ananda: Do not keep out, Subhadda, Subhadda, Ananda, may be allowed to see the Tathagata. Whatever Subhadda may ask of me, he will ask from a desire for know. ledge, and not to annoy me. And whatever I may say in answer to this question, that he will quickly understand".
"Then Subhadda, the mendicant, went into the place where the Blessed One was ....... And, when he was thus seated, Subhadda, the mendicant, said the Blessed One: 'The Sramanas and the Brahmans by saintliness of life. Gotama, who are heads of companies of disciplies and students, teachers of students, well-known, renowned, founders of schools of doctrine, esteemed as good men by the multitude to wit, Purana Kassapa, Makkhali of the cattlepen, Ajita of the garment ofs hair, Kakkayana of the Pakhuda tree, Sanaya the son of the Belatth slave girl, Nigantha of the Natha clan - have they all according to their own assertion, thoroughly understood things ? Or have they not? or are there some of them who have understood, and some have not ?"

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"Enough Subhadda: Let this matter rest whether they, according to their own assertion have thoroughly understood things, or whether they have not, or whether some of them have understood and some have not! The truth, Ananda will I teach you, Listen well to that and give ear attentively, and I will speak'.
" 'Even so, Lord !' said the mendicant Subhadda in assent, to the Blessed One.
"The above event raises a question in our mind whether Mahavira was alive up to the last day of Buddha's life. But again we may ask whether the question of Subhadda was about the living Tirthankaras or merely a discussion of the views of deceased Tirthankaras?"
The above question shows that Sri Ramapuria has vigilantly reflected upon the situation. It often happens that such questions are put up only in the form a 'wont'. The above question of Subhadda definitely seems to be a customary usage of speaking together the names of all the six Tirthankaras. This is also proved by the fact that the names of Makhali Gosalaka and Purana Kassapa also appear in the above list of Subhadda, whereas it is unanimously believed and definitely known that both of them had died long before Buddha's Nirvana (135).
HISTORIANS' VIEW
Much has been written on the present issue by the Western as well as the Eastern historians. A detailed discussion of all the different views would be too lengthy a task to be discussed in the present treatise. We quote, here a view, which can be regarded as a theme of the present-day historians' approach. In An Advanced History of India, written by the top-most historians of India, Dr. R.C. Majumdar, Dr. H.C. Raychawdhri, and Dr. K.K, Dutta, the subject has been elucidated to a great extent. It is to be noted that this work consisting of more than 1100 pages, has been prescribed as a text-book of history for the post graduate studies in almost all the Universities of India. In the first part Ancient Ind ia of the above treatise, in the context of Nirvana the authors observe (136): The event is said to have happened 215 years

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before the Mauryas, and 470 years before Vikrama. This is usually taken to refer to 528 B.C. But 468 B.C. is preferred by some modern scholars, who rely on a tradition recorded by the Jain monk Hemacandra that the interval between Mahavira's death and the accession of Candragupta Maurya was 155, and not 215 years. The latter date does not accord with the explicit statement found in some of the earlier Buddhist texts that Mahavira predeceased Buddha. The earlier date is also beset with difficulties. In the first place it is at variance with the testimony of Hemacandra, who place Mahavira's Nirvana only 155 years before Candragupta Maurya, Again some Jain texts place the Nirvana 470 years before the birth of Vikrama and not his accession and as this event, according to the Jains, does not coincide with the foundation of era of 58 B.C. attributed to Vikrama the date 528 B.C. for Mahavira's death can hardly be accepted as representing unanimous tradition. Certain Jain writers assume an interval of 18 years between the birth of Vikrama and the foundation of the era attributed to him and thereby seek to reconcile the Jain tradition about the date of Mahavira's Nirvana (58+18+470= 546 B.C.) with the Ceylonese date of the great disease of Buddha (544B.C.). But the suggestion can hardly be said to rest on any reliable tradition. Merutunga places the death of the last Jina or Tirthankara 470 years before the end of Saka rule and the victory, and not the birth of the traditional Vikrama. The date 528 B.C. for the Niv - vāna of the Jnatrika teacher can to a certain extent be reconciled with the Cantonese date of the death of Buddha 486 B.C. But then we shall have to assume that Mahavira di ed shortly after Buddha's enlightenment, forty-five years (136) before the Par inirvana, when the latter could hardly have become a renowned religious teacher of long standing as the Buddhist (canonical) texts would lead us to belief. Certain Jaina Sutras seem to suggest that Mahavira died about sixteen years after the accession of Ajatasatru and the commencement of this war with his hostile neighbours. This would place the Nirvāna of the Jain teacher eight years after Buddha's death, as according to the Ceylonese chronicles, Buddha died 8 years after the enthronment of Ajātasatru. Th Nirvana of the Tirthankara would, according to this view, fall in 478 B.C., if we accept the Cantonese reckoning (486 B.C.) as our basis, and in 538 B.C., if we prefer the Ceylones e epoch. The date 478 B.C. would

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almost coincide with that to which the testimony of Hemacandra leads us and place the accession of Candragupta Maruya in 323 B.C. which cannot be far from truth. But the result in respect of Mahăvira himself is at variance with the clear evidence of the Buddhist canonical texts, which make the Buddha survive his Jnatrika rival. The Jain statement that their Tirthankara dies some sixteen years after the accession of Konika (Ajātasatru) can be reconciled with the Buddhist tradition about the death of the same teacher before the eighth year of Ajātasatru, if we assume that the Jain, who refer to Konika as the rule of Campa, begun their reckoning from the accession of the prince to the the Viceregal throne of Campa while the Buddhist make the accession of Ajātas atru to the royal throne of Rajagrha the basis of their calculation.
Expressing their views on the date of Buddha's Nir - vana; the learned historians observe (137). "The date of his great decease (Par inirvana ) is a subject of keen controversy". If, the Ceylonese tradition, that 218 years intervened between the Par inirvana and the consecration of Priyadarsana (Asoka) has any value, the day cannot be far removed from 486 B.C., the starting point of the famous 'dotted record' at Canton".
A Critique
The most remarkable thing in the above view of the renowned historians is that they have given no place to the date of Buddha's Nirvana proposed by Dr. Jacobi, and Dr. Charpentier. As pointed out before, the main reason behind this is that during the long period that has passed since the publication of the view of Dr. Jacobi and Dr. Charpentier, new conceptions have emerged in the field of history, concerning the pre-christian period. With regard to the date of Mahāvira's Nirvana, these historians have given importance to two fundamental facts and have insisted on their complete inviolation, while unravelling the present problem. The first is that out of the three dates, which are in vogue, 528 B.C. is the most veracious one. The second fact concerns the allusion of the Buddhist Pitakas regarding the death of Mahāvira. Dr. R.C. Majumdar and his colleagues have definitely accepted the veracity of the Pitakas'. statement that Mahavira predeceased Buddha. They have

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also expressed a need of such a chronology that can be reconciled with the above facts.
The only limitation of the above view of the famous historians is that though they have tried to make the lifeevents of Mahavira and Buddha consistent with each other, they have failed to present a completely consistent chronology. For they have adopted 528 B.C. as the date of Mahavira's Nirvana and the Cantonese reckoning 486 B.C. as the date of Buddha's Nirvānas. With such a long interval in between the deaths of Mahävira and Buddha, we cannot reconcile their life-events with each other. Thus we have to discover such a chronology which is compatible with the true life-events of Mahåvira and Buddha.
RESEARCH AND CONCLUSION
Need of an Exhaustive Research
An unprejudiced survey of the efforts made up to now by the various scholars shows that the problem of contempo. raneity of Mahavira and Buddha, was, first of all, tried to be unravelled on the basis of general historical facts, then available. At a later stage, some scholars carried on research into it in the light of the Buddhist scriptures, while others arrived at their conclusions of the problem with the help of the Jain scriptures. The result was that on the one hand, the research based on general historical facts was in itself incomplete without bearing the imprint of the scriptural evidences, while on the other hand, the one-sided approach solely based on either the Jain scriptures or the Buddhist scriptures coloured the whole issue with sectarian tint. Some scholars regarded each and every word of the Jain scripture as a principle evidence and attached little significance to the Buddhist scriptures, whereas other did the vice versa. This cannot be the method of historical research, 'To arrive at the perfect solution, we have to think over the issue giving proportionate value to the general historical facts, the evidences of the Buddhist Tripitakas as well as the testimonies of the Jain Agamas. We shall also have to pay heed to the fact that the Aga mas and the Tripitakas are taken to be the original and genuine evidences of the Jain and the Buddhist traditions respectively, while the evidences of the

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other traditional works are valid only so far as they conform to the original canons.
The Evidences of the Buddhist Tripitakas
The testimonies of the Buddhist Tripitakas are the most evident, obvious and direct ones out of the various evidences, which come across while considering the contemporaneity of Mahavira and Buddha. Hence, it necesstiates a through and systematic analysis of these evidences of the Buddhist Tripiṭakas. We consider them here one by one.
The Event of Mahavira's Nirvana in Tripitakas
The allusions of the Tripitakas in which the event of Mahavira's Nirvana is discussed, are as follows:
1. "(138) The Exalted One (i. e. Buddha) was once dwelling among the Sakkas, at Samagama. Now at that time, Nigantha Nataputta (i.e., Mahavira) had just departed from life in Pava. After his death the Niganthas (i. e. the Jains) were divided into two groups. They making quarrels, making strife, falling into disputes, were wounding each other with the weapons of the tongue, and were saying to each other...... 'You do not know this law of discipline': I know this law of discipline'; 'You cannot know this law of discipline you are having false beliefs, I am having true beliefs'; 'My statement is meaningful, your's is not'; You uttered the matter to be spoken first; last'; 'Your doctrine is lacking thoughtfulness, and hence, it is wrong'; 'You started the quarrel; you are unfit to be argued with'; 'Off with you Stray you to be free from quarrel'; 'If you can, end it'. Thus the Niganthas of the Nataputta were as if warring with each other.
'The disciples of the Niganthas who were wearing white robes and were householders were as much disinterested in, disgusted with and indifferent to those Niganthas (monks) of the Nataputta (Mahavira) as they were with respect to the religion of Nataputta, which is not wellmeaning, not well-founded, unable to carry one to the Nirvana, unable to bring peace of mind, not expounded by an

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enlightened. One baseless, (supported) on broken pillars, and unfit to be strayed in.
"At that time, Cunda Samañuddesa, after having passed his rainy-season at Pāva, went to Samagama and approached the venerable Ananda. Having approached, having greeted the venerable Ananda he sat down on one side. So seated, he said to the venerable Ananda, 'Reverend Sir, Nigantha Nataputta has just departed from the in Pavā. After his death, the Niganthas were divided into two groups. They are making quarrels ...... which is unfit to be stayed in. 'There upon, the venerable Ananda said to Cunda Samanuddesa; 'Reverend Cunda, this news is worthy to be presented to the blessed one. Come reverend Cunda, let us go to the Lord. Having gone there, let us, tell this matter to the Lord'.
"Yes, reverend Siri
"Then, the venerable Ananda and Cunda Samanuddesa approached the Exalted One, saluted and sat down at one side. So seated, the venerable Ananda said to the Exalted One: 'Lord! This Cunda Samanuddesa says so, 'Nagantha Nataputta has just departed ........... unfit to be stayed in. Now, Lord! it seems to me that after (the Nirvana of the Blessed One, such a dispute may not occur in the order. If it occurs, it will be for the disadvantage of the many, for the unhappiness of the many, for the unwelfare of the many, for the disadvantage and unhappiness of gods and men'.
"Do you, then believe, Ananda, that even two monks have different opinions regarding the truths, such as ..... preached by me, after having directly experienced them.
"Lord! I do not see difference of opinions of even two monks regarding the truth, such as ........ preached by the Lord. After having directly experienced them. But, Lord! when the body, which is sustained by the - Lord, will exist after the Lord's Nirvana, there may occur a dispute in the Order, regarding the livelihood and the rules of discipline. That dispute will be for the disadvantage....... of gods and men".
2. "(139) Thus have I heard:

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"The Exalted One was once staying among the Sakkas, in the palace of the Sakkas in the Mango Grove called Vedhanna.
"At that time, Nigantha Nataputta had just departed from life in Păvă. After his death, the Niganthas (i. e, the Jains) were divided into two groups. They making quarrels, making strifes, were wounding each other with the weapons of the tongue and were saying to each other: 'You do not know this law......... unfit to be stayed in'.
'at that time Cunda Samanuddesa, after having passed ............. unfit to be stayed in'.
"Thereupon the venerable Ananda....... to the Lord!
"Yes, reverend, sir!'
"Then, the venerable Ananda ......... unfit to be stayed in".
"Then the Lord said to Cunda: 'Cunda, the religion (i.e. doctrines) of the order in which the master is not perfectly enlightened one is not well-meaning.........
"Therefore, Cunda, the religion which has been preached by me after having attained the enlightenment, should be understood well by all of you unitedly and undisputedly".
3. "(140) Thus have I heard:
"The Exalted One while making a tour among the Mallas together with the large order of monks, numb five hundred, arrived at Pāvā, a town of Mallas. He was staying there fat Paya in Mango Grove of Cunda, the son of the silversmith,
"At that time, the new and lofty assembly-house (Samsthagara) of the Mallas the natives of Pāvā, was just built and no recluse (Sramana) or Brahmana or man had so far lived in it. The Mallas, the natives of Pāvā, heard - 'The Lord has arrived at Pāvá, while making tour among the Mallas, and the Lord is nou staying in the

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Mango Grove of Cunda, the son of the silversmith. Then the Mallas, the natives of Pāvā, approached the Lord. They having approached and having greeted the Lord - 'Lord' A new and lofty assembly house ........ so far lived in it, Lord! the Lord is requested to use it as a dwelling place for the first time. The Mallas, the natives of Pāvā will use it as a dwelling place after the Lord has used it as a dwelling place. This will be for the advantage and happiness of the Mallas, the natives of Pava, for a long time'.
"The Lord accepted the invitation by keeping silence.
"Then, the Lord, having dressed of taking his bowl and robe, together with the Order of monks, went to the assembly-house. Having gone ....... sat down.
"Then the Lord, having addressed the Mallas, the natives of Pāvā, by a talk on dhamma ........ said. Vasistas ! The night of yours is over. Now do what seem: good to you',
"Well, Lord! .......... the Mallas after standing up from their seats and greeting, went away.
"Then, in a little while after Mallas had gone away, the Lord, having seen the Order of monks completely soundless, addressed Sariputta .......... 'Sariputta, the Order of monks is completely soundless, Sariputta, address the monks with a talk on dhamma; my back aches and I will stretch it'.
"The venerable Sariputta addressing the monks..... said: 'Nigantha Nataputta, your reverences, has just departed from life in Pāvā. After his death the Niganthas (i. e, the Jains) were divided in two groups. They making quarrels....... to be stayed in., But your reverences the dhamma (Doctrines) of our Lord is weil-meaning, well-founded, able to carry to the Nirvana (final emanicipation)" able to bring peace of mind, and expounded by the Enlighted One. Here, all should stay without controversy and dispute, so that this Order may endure for a long time, and this will be for the advantage and happiness of many..........'.

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'......... Then, the Lord, having awoke, addressed Sariputta......... Excellent Sariputta! Excellent Sariputta! Sariputta, you have given a good talk to the monks on the way of unity'.
"The venerable sarip utta said this; the master (Buddha) agreed with him (on this point). The monks also, having satisfied with the speech of Sariputta, greeted it".
A Critical Examination
The three allusions quoted above, though they differ slightly in their outer forms, contain essentially the same idea. In this first allusion, Buddha, after having received the news of Mahavira's Nirvana preaches Ananda; and in the second one, he preaches Cunda. In both the allusions, the exhortations are worded differently, yet, they have the same intention. In the first and the second allusions, Buddha receives the report from Cunda in Samagama (a village among the Sakayas) and also admonishes Ananda and Cunda in Samagama. In the third allusion, Sariputta preaches the monks the way of unity in Pāvā by referring to Mahavira's Nirvana and the quarrels in his order after that event.
Now, some scholars have not accepted the validity of these allusions, because in their view they contradict one another. But the reality is as follows: History may not accept each and every word of any scriptural evidence as true. If the fundamental point of any such allusion is unequivocal, history adopts it as a valid proof. As far as the above allusions are concerned, the actuality is that their essences are not at all contradictory. If in the first allusion, Ananda is admonished by Buddha and in the second one Cunda is given injuction, many an intelligible reason are possible for it. It is plausible that both of them might have heard the sermons simultaneously, but later on, the compilers of the first aHusion by their own discernment, have deemed one of them more significant than the other and those of the second one by their own discernment might have deemed the vice versa. Another plausibility is that Buddha might have preached Ananda and Cunda one by one intermittently. The third allusion is already independent in Itself and also confirms the first two allusions. For, the whole incident of Mahavira's Nirvāna referred to above had

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happened in Pāvā, and hence, it is quite natural that on arriving at Pāvā, Sariputta must have referred to it.
All the three allusions bear the description of the ideological split among the disciples of Mahavira after his Nirvana. Though the Jain tradition itself does not give any direct clue to such an event, the possibility of some mutual discussion over the issue of Mahavira's successorship, cannot be ruled out. For, Indrabhuti Gautama Svami was the first Ganadhara i. e. chief disciple in the charge of the suborder (Gana) and hence, in normal state of affairs, he should have been ordained as Mahavira's successor, but as the traditional history informs us, Sudharma Svami, the fifth Ganadhara was ordained as the successor of Mahavira and that too, under the rule that Kevalin (i. e. omniscent) cannot succeed to the Tirthankara and Gautma Svami was a Kevalin while, Sudharma Svami was not Kevalin. Now it is plausible that this rule might have come into existence as a result of the above discussion. The possibility of a sort of dispute between the monks who were the disciples of Gautam Svami and the monks who were the disciples of Sudharma Svami, can also not be wholly ruled out. The fact that the Svetambar a tradition of the Jains regards Sudharma Svami as the first successor of Mahavira, while, the Digambara tradition of the Jains regards Gautama Svami as the first successor, also affords a slight hint towards the above possibility. Moreover the wordings. 'The disciples of the Niganthas who were wearing white robes' used in the Buddhist allusions quoted above, also points out to the dispute between 'the white clothed' (i. e. Svetambaras) and the unclothed (i. e. Digambaras) Nirgranthas (141). It is also probable that the Buddhists might have presented it in an exaggerated form in the above three allusions. It generally happens that the persons belonging to one sect often express even a triffling event of the rival sect in an exaggerated form. Dhar mannda Kaus ambi, the renowned Buddhist scholar has, accordingly, regarded the undermining delineation of Gosalaka in the Jain Agamas as an exaggeration (142).
One of the arguments given by Dr. Jacobi against the authenticity of the above allusions is that the Mahapar inirvana Sutta, which affords us the account of the events of Buddha's last days, says nothing about this event. But this argument of Dr. Jacobi does not prove at all that the afore

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said allusions are inconsistent. At the most it only proves that the event described in the above allusions had not happened in the last days of Buddha's life.
Muni Kalyāņa Vijayaji has regarded the whole event alluded in the Buddhist Pitakas tobe a mere consequence of a misunderstanding of the Buddhist compilers. Muni Kalyāna Vijayaji, in his interpretation of the above allusions of the Buddhist Tripitakas, has observed (143) that the event of Mahavira's Nirvāna, which is described in the Buddhist canons, is merely the result of the rumour prevalent at the time of Maha vira's serious illness due to the injury caused by the Tejolesya of Gosalaka. He has also traced the origin of the post-Nirvana dispute among the Nir grant has (Jain monks), referred to in the Buddhist allusions, to the schism in the Jain order caused by Jamali during the life time of Mahavira. He writes (144): "The Buddhist delineation of the dispute and quarrel among the Niganthas after the Nirvāna of Mahavira, is, in fact, the grotes que form of the dispute between Jamali and Indrabhuti narrated in the Jain canon Bhagvati Sūtra".
As already pointed out, such efforts of 'reconciliations' can, in no way, be regarded as historical. It is in fact, a misuse of the word 'reconciliation!. For, the whole event of Gosalaka's dispute with Mahavira had happened at 'Sravasti' (145), whereas the disputation between Jamali and Indrabhuti had taken place at Campa (146). Both the events have no concurrence of the place and time, nor, the subject of these events are related to each other. Hence the argument of Muni Kalyana Vijayaji is not at all competent to prove the aforesaid three allusions as fallacious.
Again, it should be noted that all the three allusions explicitly mention Pava to be the place of the event of the Nirvana, and the event of post- Nirvāna dispute. How is it reasonable to relate with them the events having taken place at 'Sravasti' and Campa ? Moreover, how can it be plausible that a rumour about the death of a distinguished man of the age like Mahāvira, might be connected and might continue to have its sway over the people for so long a time? In addition to this, the whole event was narrated again by Sariputta during his speech, and that too in Pāvā its elf. If Mahavira had not really died by that time, Sariputta must have been informed of the reality by the people of Pāvā.

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If there had been even a single reference in the Jain Aga mas contradicting the fact stated in the above three allusions viz. Mahăvira predeceased Buddha, it could have created a doubt over the credibility of these allusions. But, because we do not get any such contradictory description in the Jain Aga mas, we should not doubt the veracity of these allusions. Secondly, had there been a fourth allusion in the Buddhist Tripitakas, stating something about Buddha's predeceasing Mahāvira, it would have been necessary for us to ponder over the above three allusions seriously. But in absence of any such contradictions, it would not in the least be inequitable to accept these allusions, which are unequivocal in themselves, as the valid testimonies for the discovery of truth.
The Events of Mahavira's Seniority in Buddhist Tripitakas
Besides the above quoted three allusions, the Buddhist cannons are replete with numerous allusions which show that Mahavira was older than Buddha. Most of the scholars, so far, have mainly discussed the aforesaid three allusions only. Only God knows why they have lost sight of other relevant allusions wherein it is explicitly stated and even Buddha himself accepts that he is the youngest of all the religious leaders of his time. We quote here three such allusions (147): "Thus have I heard: -
The Exalted one was once staying near Sayatthi, atthe Jeta Grove, in Anathapind ika's Park. Now the king, Kos alana Pasenadi, came into the presence of the Exalted One, and after exchanging greetings with him and compliments of friendship and courtesy, sat down at one side. So seated he said to the Exalted One.
"'Does master Gotama also make no claim to be perfectly and supremely enlightened ? '
" If there be anyone, sire, to whom such enlightenment might rightly be attributed, it is I. I verily, sire, am perfectly and supremely enlightened'.
" 'But, master Gotama, there are recluses and brahmins who also like yourself) have each their order of disciples, their attendant followers, who are teachers of dis

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ciples, well-known and reputed theorizers, highly esteemed by the people - I mean Purana-Kassapa, Makkhali Gosala of the Cowstall, the Nigantha Nataputta Nata's son i.e. Mahavira Sanjaya Belatthi's son, Kaccayana of the Pakudhas, Ajita Kesa Kambli of the Hairblanket. Now they, when I have asked this same question of them, have not laid claim to perfect and supreme enlightenment. How can this be? For (as compared with them) master/ Gotama is young in years, and is a novice in the life of religion'.
"'There are for young creatures, sire, who are not to be disregarded or despised, because they are youthful. What are the four? A noble prince, a snake, a fire, an almsman (Bhikkhu). Yes, sire, these for young creatures are not to be disregarded or despised becuase they are youthful'.
"Thus spoke the Exalted One. And the Blessed One so saying the Master spoke again on this wise: -
"A princely youth, by birth with fortune blest, Off spring of well-born families, let none Dis dain for being youthful nor despise. The time may come when he, as lord of mean, Comes to his heritage, and in his wrath May with a despot's weapons seek revenge With heavy hand. Hence from such attitude Let everyone who guards his life refrain.
"Or if a man do walk within the woods And see a snake glide by, let him not say Disdainful: 'Tie a young one, and despise. In diverse shapes and with an ardent force Fareth the snake. Should be attacking strike, He bites the heedless, be it man or maid, No matter when. Hence from such attitude Let everyone who guards his life refrain.
"A fire ablaze with appretite immense And (swarthy) trail let none despite as young Since it was lit, nor hold of no account. If it but win to fuel, growing great, It may attack the heedless, man or maid, And burn no matter when. From this therefore Let everyone who guards his life refrain,

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"The forest burnt by fire, the Swarthy trailed, After the lapse of many nights and days, In shoots and seedlings springs once more to life, But he whom almsman, strong in righteousness, Burneth with ardent flame, may look in vain For child, or offspring 'among his stock'. No wealth His heire may find; childless and without heirs, Like to a plam-tree stump such men become.
Hence with these four - the serpent and the fire, The prince of high estate, the saintly friar - Let the wise man, his own goodwill in sight, Conduct himself as seemly is and right.
"When these things had been said, King Pas enadi, the Kosalan, spoke thus to the Exalted One:
" 'Most excellent, Lord, most excellent! Just as if a man were to set up that which has been thrown down, or were to reveal that which is hidden away, or were to point out the right road to him who has gone astray, or were to bring a lamp into the darkness so that those who have eyes could see external forms - just even so, Lord, has the truth been made known to me, in many a figure by the Exalted One, I, even I, Lord, betake myself to the Exalted One as my refuge, to the Norms and to the Order. May the Exalted One accept me as a follower, as one who from this day forth as long as life endures has taken his refuge therein".
At one time Bhagāvan i. e. Buddha was dwelling at Rajagrha in Venuvana, in Kalandakanivapa, At and that time some questions were recited to Sabhiya, the Paribbajaka (a wandering mender mendicant), by an old benevolent diety (who had in a former birth been a relation of his): 'He who, O Sabhiya, be it a Sramana or a Brahmana, explains these questions to thee when asked, near him you should live a religious life'.
"Then Sabhiya the Paribbajaka having learnt the questions from the deity, went to whatever Sramanas and Brahmanas there were, who had an assembly (of Bhikhus), and a crowd (of followers), and were well-known teachers famous leaders and were considered excellent by the multi

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tude, such as (1) Purana, Kassapa (2) Makkhali Gosala, (3) Ajita Kesakambali, (4) Pakuddha Kaccayana, (5) Sanjaya Belatthiputta, and (6) Nigantha Nataputta, (i. e. Mahavira). Those how want to and after going to them, asked these questions. They, being asked the questions by Sabhiya, the Paribbajaka, did not succeed (in answering them), and not succeeding they showed wrath and hatred and discontent, and they also in return put questions to Sabhiya the Paribbajaka.
"Then this came to the mind of Sabhiya, the Paribbajaka: 'Whatever Sramanas and Brahamanas there are, that have an assembly (of Bhikkhus) and a crowd of followers), and are well-known teachers, famous leaders, considered excellent by the multitude, as Purana Kassapa, Makkhali Gos ala, Ajita-Kesa Kambali, Pakuddha Kaccayana, Sanjaya-Ballatthiputta, and Nigantha, Nataputta they being asked questions by me, did not succeed in answering them, and not succeeding they showed wrath and hatred and discontent, and they also in return put questions to me in this matter, surely I think I shall go back to what I have left, and enjoy sensual pleasures'.
"Then this came to the mind of Sabhiya, the Paribbajaka: 'This Sramana Gautama, i. e. Buddha, too has an assembly (of Bhikkhus) and a crowd (of followers), and is a well-known teacher, a famous leader, and is considered excellent by the multitude; surely I think I shall go to him and ask him these questions'. Then this came to the mind of Sabhiya, the Paribbajaka. Whatever Sramanas and Brahmanas there are, decayed, old aged, advanced in years having reached old age, experienced elders, long ordained having assemblies (of Bhikkhus) crowds (of followers), being teachers well-known, famous leaders, considered excellent by the multitude, such as (1) Purana Kessapa, (2) Makkhali Gosala, (3) Ajita Kes akambali, (4) Pakuddha Kaccayana, (5) Sanjaya Belatthiputta: and (6) Nigantha Nataputta, (i. e. Mahavira) and they, being asked questions by me, did not succeed (in answering them) and not succeeding they showed wrath and hatred and discontent and they also in return put questions to me in this matter. (I should like to know)whether Sramana Gautama (i. e. Buddha), will be able to explain them to me, for Sramana Gautama is both young by birth and new in ascetic

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life'. Then this came to the mind of Sabhiya the Paribbajaka: Sramana Gautma is not to be slighted because he is young; even if the Sramana Gautama is young, yet is mighty and powerful: surely I think I shall go to Sramana Gautama and ask these questions (148)".
3. (149) Thus have I heard:
"Once the Exalted One was staying at Rajagrha in the Mango Grove of Jivaka Komarbhacca, together with the large order of monks, numbering one thousand two hundred and fifty.
Now at that time, when it was the night of the fullmoon day of the observance-day, the full-moon day being the Kaumudi of rainy-season (i, e, the full-moon day in the month of Asvina or Kartka (150), Ajatas atru, the king of Magadha, the son of Vaidehi, surrounded by the ministers of the kingdom, was sitting on the terrace of the best palace. Then King Ajatas atru expressing praise of the observance day (i, e. the full-moon day), said 'Ah'!
How charming is the night illuminated by the light of
the full-moon! How beautiful is the night illuminated by the light of
the full-moon !! How handsome is the night illuminated by the light of
the full-moon !!! How pleasant is the night illuminated by the light of
the full-moon !!! How exquisite is the night illuminated by the light of
the full-moon !!!
Buddha, we do not have a chronological account in the main (at such a pleasant time) to which Sramana (recluse) or Brahmin should we go to pass our time in the company of the good (man), so that his company may please our minds ?'
"On his saying so one of the ministers of his kingdom said to Ajatas atru, the king of Magadha the son of Vaidehi: 'Sire! there is one Purana Kassapa, who has his order of disciples and his crowd of followers who is the teacher of

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disciples, well-known and reputed founder of a school of doctrine, esteemed as good mən by the maultitude, experienced, long-ordained, advanced in years and having reached old age. The king, sire, should have a religious discussion with Purana Kassapa. The religious discussion with Purana Kassapa even for a little time will delight your heart'. On his saying so, Ajātas atru, the king of Magadha the son of Vaidehi, kept silence.
"Another minister said this to Ajatasatru the ...... Vaidehi: "Sire, there is one Makkhali Gośāla (i, e, of the cattle pen) who has his order of disciples, ........reached old age. The king, sire, should have religious discussion with this Makkhali Gosala. The religious discussion with Makkhali Gośāla even for....... kept silence.
"Another minister said this ....... there is one Ajita Kesa Kambali who has...... old age. The king with this Ajita Kesakambali..... The religious discussion with Ajita Kesakambali even for.... kept silence.
"Another minister said this ..... there is one Pakuddha Kaccayana who has ...... old age. The king.....with this Pakuddha Kaccayana. The religious discussion with Pakuddha Kaccayana even for ..... kept silence,
"Another minister said this..... there is one Sannajaya Belatthiputta who has ....... old age. The king ..... with this Sannajaya Belatthiputta. The religious discussion with Sannajaya Belatthiputta even for ..... kept silence.
"Another minister said this...... there is one Nigantha Nataputta (i, e. Mahavira) who has ....... old age. The king....... with this Nigantha Nataputta. The religious discussion with Nigantha Natputta even for..... kept silence.
"At that time Jivaka Komarabhacca was sitting silently near Ajātas atru, the king of Magadha, the son of Vaidehi. Then Ajātasatru, the king....... Vaidehi, said to Jivaka Komarabhacca, 'Why, good Jivaka you are keeping complete silence ?
"Sire, this Lord the Perfected One and the wholly Awakened. One (i. e. Buddha is staying in my Mango Grove

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together with a large order of monks numbering one thousand two hundred and fifty.
The auspicious fame of such Lord Gautama has spread thus he is the Lord the Perfected One, the wholly Awakened One, having knowledge and conduct, having reached the best life (Sugata), knower of the world, an unparalleled whip for restraining people (i. e. for bringing people on the virtuous path) the instructor (i. e. preacher) of the Gods and men, and the Enlighted One Sire; Your Majesty should go to him and have religious discussion with him. By having a religious discussion with him, perhaps your Majesty's heart will be delighted".
A Critical Examination
-
These three allusions are so explicit in themselves. to prove the seniority of Mahavira to Buddha that it would be entirely needless to reconcile or explain them.
In this way the three allusions (quoted before) prove that Mahavira predeceased Buddha and the other three allusions (quoted now) prove that Mahavira was senior to Buddha, and that too not only from the point of view age but also from the point of view of knowledge, influence and period of Monkhood.
These allusions themselves speak eloquently that when Buddha had just started his preaching work, Mahavira by that time, had already done a good deal in that direction.
The veracity of the above allusions is also proved by the fact that the Buddhist Tripitakas themselves accept the juniority of Buddha. If Buddha had been regarded senior from the point of view of age, period of Monkhood and influence by Buddhist Tripitakas, we would have questioned their credibility. On the ground that the compilers of the Buddhist scriptures might have done so in order to enhance the glory and fame of their religious preceptor, but acknowledging the juniority of one's religious preceptor cannot be regarded as a means of fostering the sentiment of sectarian egoism.
The already stated fact. viz. Mahavira was a senior, contemporary of Buddha, is also substantiated by the fact

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1
that the Jain cannons are as reticent about Buddha as the Buddhist canons are eloquent about Mahavira. The possible reasons thereof, are as follows:
A budding religious leader generally speaks much about his senior rivals. He has psychologically a feeling of equating himself with his senior rivals, and, hence, he endeavours to show himself superior and his rivals inferior. Consequently, refers every now and then to the weak points of his rivals. This very process is reflected in the Buddhist canons which are replete with the allusions about Niganatha Nataputta (and also other five religious teachers) and the doctrines of the Niganthas (i. e. the Jains) (150). On the contrary the Jain canons do not mention even the name of Buddha as the sponsor of Buddhism. This also signifies the same fact that those who have already earned the name and fame and become dignifying and dominating figures, shrink from giving an importance to the rival budding power all of a sudden.
Another possible reasons is that the teachings of Mahavira had already been complied in the form of 12 Angas, comprising the most original portion of the Jain canonical literature, by the eleven Ganadhar as soon after Mahavira's attainment of omniscence. Now because Buddha's advent was not even 'in the air' at that time, How could we expect to find allusions in those canons about the life of Buddha? Also, on the other hand, if Buddha were really a senior contemporary of Mahavira, how the Jain canons could have refrained from referring to the events of Buddha's life (151).
Again because Buddha was a junior contemporary of - Mahavira and the Buddhist canons were compiled after the Nirvana of Buddha by his perfected disciples, it is quite natural that the Tripitakas afford us with a lot of allusions about Mahavira's life.
Contemporaneity and Chronology
On the basis of the facts discussed in the preceding sections, we indubitably reach the conclusion that Mahavira predeceased Buddha and that Mahavira was a senior contemporary of Buddha. Now it remains to decide the period of

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other contemporaneity i. e. how long they lived in the presence of each other. But we can know this completely only after chronologizing the chief events of their life. Though the Agamas and the Tripitakas afford us the account of the days and the months of their birth and death, they do not mention the years of these events in terms of any prevalent era. This might have happened on account of the fact that no such systematized era, was in vogue at that time. Thus the only means at our hand to determine their correct dates is the use of other chronicles after having attested their veracity on the touchstone of history.
First we shall consider the chronology of Mahavira, for it is rather more unequivocal and less controversial than that of Buddha.
Chronology of Mahavira
In the foregoing chapter it has already been elucidated that the most unequivocal date of Mahavira's Nirvana is 527 B.C. (152). This date is substantiated by an extraordinary evidence: History accepts 322B. C. as the date of the accession of Candragupta Maurya to the sovereignty of Magadha (153). The historians call this date a 'light house' in that dark period of Indian history (154). They decide the chronology of hundred of years, posterior and prior to this period, on the basis of this unanimously accepted and definitely verified date. According to the chronology adopted by some ancient Jain traditional works, such as Titthogali Painnaya, Titthodhara Prakrana. Merutunga's Vicarasreni, etc., the event of Mahavira's death had taken place 215 years before Candragupta's accession. It should also be remarked here that the above work speak of Candragupta's accession to the throne of Avanti, and not that of Magadha. It is also a historical fact that in 312 B. C. (i. e. 10 years after Candragupta's accession to the throne of Magadha) Candragupta acquired the kingdom of Avanti (155). Thus, the Jain chronology and the historical chronology endorse each other and the date of Mahavira's Nirvana is confirmed in 312 + 215 = 527 B.C.
The Vikrama Era
The above date of Mahavira's Nirvana is also supported by the historical dates of Vikrama, Saka and Gupta eras.

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The ancient chronicles and works of Jain tradition state that Mahāvira's Nirvana took place 470 years before the commencement of the Vikrama era (156). According to the unanimous opinion of historians, the Vikrama, era started in 57 B.C. (157). This clearly implies that Mahavira died in 57 +470 = 527 B.C.
The Saka Era
According to both the traditions of Jains - Svetambara and Digamba ra, the Saka era commenced 605 years and 5 months after Mahāyira's Nirvana (158). According to history, the Saka era started in 78 A.C. (159). Hence, the date of Mahāvira's Nirvana comes out to be 605-78 = 527
The Gupta Era
Dr. Vasudeva Upadhyaya, M. A., Ph. D. discussing about the Gupta era, writes in his famous historical work on Gupta period (160). "On the basis of the account given by some Jain writers of centuries prior to Alberuni, it is found that there is an interval of 241 years between the Saka and Gupta eras. One of these writers, Jinasena, who flourished in the 8th century A, D., states (161) that 6 05 years and 5 months after Mahāvira's Nirvāna, the Saka king flourished and 231 years after the Saka, Gupta's reign began, during which was born the Kalakiraja. Another Jain auther Gunabhadra writes in his work Uttara pur ana (162) (889 A.D.), that 1000 years after Mahavira's Nirvana, the Kalakiraja was born. The statements of Jinasena and Gunabhadra are seconded by a third writer, Nemicandra.
"Nemicandra writes in his work Trilokasara (163). "Sakaraja was born 605 years and five months after Mahāvira's Nirvana and Kalakiraja was born, 394 years 7 months, after the Saka era'. Thus, 605 years 5 months + 394 years 7 months, = 1000 years. In this way on the basis of these three Jain writers, the time of Sakaraja as well as that of Kalakiraja are ascertained. "In this way, after ascertaining the times of Saka and Kalaki on the basis of some Jain works, Dr. ,Vasudeva Upadhyaya has proceed ed further to find out the interval between the Saka era, and the Gupta era on the basis of Khoha inscription of king

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Hastina. In conclusion of the whole discussion, he writes (164): "On the basis of the above discussion, it can be said that adding the number 241 to a date in Saka era, we get the corresponding date in Gupta era. Also, the statement of Alberuni is substantiated by this extensive discussion. It can be definitely concluded that the Gupta era began 241 years after Saka era (i.e, in 319 A.D.)".
The above quotation shows how the date of Mahavira's Nirvana has become the base of the chronology upto the beginning of Gupta era. Dr. Upadhyaya, as shown above, has reached at the date of the Gupta era by starting from the date of Mahāvira's Nirvana Now, if we employ just the reverse process we reach back to the date of Mahāvira's Nirvana as 527 B.C. For, the beginning of Gupta era - 319 A. D. Interval between Mahāvira's Nirvana and the beginning of era - 846 .years..... Date of Mahāvira's Nirvana - 527 B.C.
527 B.C. Foten Mahāvira's Ne Mahāvira's
Astrological Calculations
The learned Acar yas of Terapantha have also accepted 527 B.C. as the date of Mahāvira's Nirvāna. They have supported their belief by the astrological calculations. According to the Jain scriptures, at the time of Mahāvira's death, an asterism of ashes (Bhas ma -graha) entered into the sign of Zodiac under which Mahavira was born (the birth-rasi) and it continued to stay for 200 years (165). According to the fourth Acar ya of Terapantha, Srimad Jayacarya, that asteris m left the sign of Zodiac of Mahavira's birth in the year 1531 of Vikrama era (166). Again, the scriptures have predicted that a comet (Dhumaketu) of duration of 333 years, will set in, 1990 years after Mahavira's death (167). According to Srimad Jayacarya (168), the comet left the sign of Zodiac of Mahavira's birth in the year 1853 of Vikrama era. On the basis of the above two astrological evidences, we reach 527 B.C. as the date of Mahāyira's Nirvana as follows:
Total duration of asterism of ash - 200 years. Date of its leaving the birth-rasi – 1473 A.D. Date of Mahāvira's Nirvana - 527 B.C.

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Similarly, 1990 + 333 years after Mahavira's death, the comet left the birth-rasi, so that -
Total duration of comet - 2323 years. Date of its leaving the birth-rasi – 1796 A. D. Date of Mahāvira's Nirvāna - 527 B.C.
Traditional Era of Vira - Nirvana
.
The era of Mahāvira's Nirvana, which is in vogue at present in the Jain traditions, is also based on the date 527 B.C. It is remarkable that this era is unanimously and uncontrovertibly accepted by all the sects of Jains. At present, in the year 1963 A. D., the era of Mahāvira's Nirvana is 2490, which is 527 years ahead of Christian era, as it should be.
Chronology of Mahavira's Life
After having decided the date of Mahāvira's Nirvāna, now we can easily chronologize the important events of Mahāvira's life as follows:
B.C. 599 569 557 527
Event Birth Initiation into ascetic life Attainment of omniscence Final emanicipation
Traditional Dates of Nirvana
It is not so easy to discover a unique date for Buddha's Nirvana as in the case of Mahavira. More than a millenium ago, there existed ambiguity about it and even today it persists to a great extent. Famous Chinese traveller Fa Hien, who visited India in 400 A, D., remarks (169). "Up to now, 1497 years have passed since the Nirvana of the Blessed One (Buddha)". Another wellknown Chinese traveller Hiuen-Tsang who toured in India in 630 A.D., wrote (170). "Lord Buddha lived for 80 years, There is a great controversy over the date of his Nirvana. Some believe that Buddha attained the Nirvāna on the fullmoon day of Vaisakha, while the Sarvastiva dins take the

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full-moon day of the month Kartika as the day of Nirvāna. Some people say that 1200 years have passed since the Nirvāna, while others contend that 1500 years have passed, and some other believe that 900 and a few more years have passed since the Nirvana". On the basis of these beliefs, the dates of Buddha's Nirvana come out to be 570 B.C. 870 B.C. and a few years earlier than 270 B.C. respectively. But all these dates have no more value than the legends.
At present, there are several dates prevalent on the basis of different Buddhist traditions. One of these is based on the Ceylonese chronicle, Mahavamsa.(171). According to this, the Nirvana of Buddha took place in 544 B.C. (This is popularly known as 'Ceylonese date'). Another date is based on the "dotted record of canton (172)". Sanghabhadra brought this news to China. The people of Canton established a "Dotted record", the starting dot of which synchoronis ed with the year of Buddha's Nirvana. Then, every year a dot was added to it. This tradition continued up to 489 A, D. When all the dots were counted, they were found to be 975, on this basis, the date of Buddha's Nirvana was calculated to be 486 B.C.
There is a third date, prevailing in Chinese Turkestan. This is also known as 'Khotan tradition (173)'. "It place, Dhar ma - Asoka 250 years after the Nirvana of Buddha, and makes him contemporary with Chinese emperor Shih Huang-Ti (Chin), the builder of the great wall, who came to throne in 246 B.C., became, universal emperor in 221 B.C. and reigned up to 210 B.C". On the basis of this tradition, some scholars affirm that Buddha died in 246+250 = 496 B.C. (174).
Historian's Date of Buddha's Nirvāna
It is really surprising that in spite of the extensive research work, that has been carried into the problem of Buddha's date, the historians failed to reach an unanimous decision regarding it. Most of the scholars have put forth new opinion, and thus, they have elongated the list of these dates. The dates, suggested by the prominent scholars are enlisted here:

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Name of the scholars
(Date of Buddha's) Nirvăna in B.C.
E. J. Thomas and a Japanese Scholar (175)
386 Rhys Davids (176)
412 Max Muller (177) and Jarl 477 Charpentier (178) Gen. ... Cunnigham (179) and Diwan Bahadur
478 Swami Kanna Pilley (180) 480 Oldenberg (181)
481 Ferguson (182) Dr. Buhler (183) In between 483 & 471 Dr. Wheeler, Gelger (184), Dr. Fleet(185)
483 Tukaram-Krisna laddu (186), Pt. Rhaul Sankrityayana (187),
Dr. Jacobi (188) Dr. H.C. Ray Chaudhri (189),
Dr. Smith's later view (190) 487 Prof. Kern (191)
488 Dr. Smith's Earlier Views (192),
Dharmananda Kausambi (193) 543 Pt. Bhagawan Lal Inderji (194)
638
It can easily be inferred, from the above list that out of the twenty two opinions quoted, nineteen hold that Buddha's Nirvana took place later than 527 B.C. If 527 B.C. is accepted to be the correct date of Mahāvíra's Nirvana Buddha can be considered as a Junior contemporary of Mahavira in opinion of the above 19 scholars.
Though in course of time, new changes have entered in the opinion regarding the date of Buddha's Nirvana, not a single view has been propounded so as to reconcile the events of Buddha's life connected with Mahavira, Gosalaka, Bimbis ara (Srenika), Ajātasatru (Konika), etc. This suggests that there has remained some fundamental mistake in our way of approach to the problem. It is nothing but the adoption of the chronology of Ceylonese · chronicles as the basis.

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Problem of Chronology
There are mainly three sources, which throw light on the ancient chronology of India:
1. Puranic, 2. Jain, 3. Buddhist
The first of these, viz., the Puranic chronology is based on the Purana such as Visnu Purana, Matasya Purana. Vavu Purana. Bhagvat-Purana, etc. The second one i.e. the Jain chronology is found in the ancient works of Jain tradition such as, Titthogali Painnaya, Merutunga's Vicara Sreni, etc. The Buddhist chronology is based on the Ceylonese chronicles Dipavamsa and Maha - vamsa.
The first of the above sources is the earliest of all. The Puranas cited above according to the historians, were compiled in the fourth century BC. (195).
Titthogali Painnaya, the work of the Jain tradition describing the chronology of ancient India, is believed to be composed in the 3rd or the 4th century A. D. (196).
The Ceylonese chronicles, date back, according to the scholars (197) to the 4th or 5th century of our era.
The Puranic and the Jain chronologies are wholly Indian, and endorse each other (198). It is worth noting that the authority of the Puranic chronology has been accepted by the historians (199). The Buddhist chronology is non-Indian, in as much as the Ceylonese chronicles were composed in Ceylon. Dr. Rhys Davids writes (200): "In the fourth century of our era, some one collected such of these Pali verses, as referred to the history of Ceylon, piecing them together by other verses to make a consecutive. He called his poem, thus constructed, the Dipavamsa, the Island Chronicle......"
"As generation afterwards Mahanama wrote his great work, the Mahavamsa. He was no historian, and has, besides the material used by his two predecessors,

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only popular legends to work on. "This quotation of the renowned scholar clearly indicates of the unauthenticity of the Ceylonese chronicles. The greatest weakness of the Ceylonese chronology is that it shows a great discrepancy with the Puranic and the Jain chronologies (201).
Reconstruction of Chronology
We have already reached a definite conclusion about the following dates:
Birth of Mahāvira
Accession of Ajātas atru Death of Gośālaka
Nirvana of Mahavira
Accession of Candragupta
(at Magadha)
Accession of Can dragupta (at Avanti)
599 B.C.
544 B.C.
543 B. C.
527 B. C.
119
322 B. C.
313 B. C.
Now, we should try to reconstruct the whole chronology from the king Sisunaga, the founder of the Sri Sunga dynasty to the end of Nandas rule (202). As we have seen, the Jain sources assign 60 years to the rule of Palaka dynasty and 155 years to that of Nanda dynasty over the kingdom of Avanti, after the death of Mahavira in 527 B.C. Thus in Avanti, the Palaka dynasty rule from 527 B. C. to 467 B. C., and the Nanda dynasty ruled from 467 B. C. to 312 B. C.
Now regarding the chronology of Magadha, we find that after the Nirvana of Mahavira, the Sisunaga dynasty continued to rule of 54 or 53 years (203), after which the Nanda's rule began in Magadh.
In terms of chronology, rule of the Sisunaga-dynasty ended and that of Nanda-dynasty began in Magadha in 474-3 B. C. (204). Again, according to the Puranas, the ten kings of Siunaga-dynasty reigned Magadha for 333 years (205). Hence, the beginning os Sisunaga dynasty (206) dates back to 807 B. C.
Thus, the rule of the ten kings of Sisunaga-dynasty in Magadha lasted from 807 B. C. to 474 B. C. by accept

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ing the regnal period given in the previous foot-note, the accession of Bimbis ara falls in 582 B.C. (207). As we have already seen Ajātasatru's reign began 17 years before the death of Mahāvira (527 B.C.) and ended 30 years after it. Thus, Ajātasatru reigned from 544 B, C. to 497 B.C. , Then, Udayi (208) reigned for 16 years i.e. from 497 B.C. to 481 B.C. As stated before the Sisunaga dynasty was succeeded by the Nanda dynasty. The first Nanda, probably called as Nandivardhana (209), acceeded ! to the throne of Magadha in 473 B.C.
This Nandivardhana conquered the kingdom of Avanti and established the Nanda's rule there in 467 B.C., thus ending the rule of the Palak dynasty or "Pradyotas "(210). After conquering Avanti, it seems that Nandivardhana attacked Kalinga and brought a Jain-statue to Magadha. On the basis of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, this event should have been taken place in 466 B.C. (211). Thus, after having established the rule of the Nanda - dynasty within 16 or 18 years, Nandivardhana, the first Nanda king died in 456 B.C. (212).
It may be remarked here that this date (474-456 B.C) of Nandivardhana, the first Nanda king, is also corroborated by the date of famous grammarian Panini, who is proved to be his contemporary and to have lived in 480-410 B.C.(213).
Nandivardhana was succeeded by his son Mahanandina, whose regnal period according to the Puranas in 83 years (214).
Thus, in 413 B.C., Mahapadma Nanda acceeded to the throne of Ma ga dha. He is said to have established "Ek vat" Kingdom in India (215). He is assigned a regnal period of 88 years by the Puranas (216), and hence, his rule must have ended in 325 in 325 B.C. (217). The remaining Nandasare assigned totally 12 years as their regnal period, and hence, the Nanda dynasty should have ended in 313 B.C. (218).
Thus, we have reconstructed a complete chronology of the kings from the foundation of Sisunaga-dynasty to ti of Maurya- dynasty. We give it here in a tabular form:

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Event
Date(B.C.)
807
747
711 661 625 582 544 497
Foundation of Sisunaga-dynasty Accession of Sisunaga " " Sisunaga
Ksemavardhana Ksemajita Pras enjita Bimbisara Ajatasatru Udayi (in Patliputra) Darska or Nagadasaka in
Rajagrha
" Aniruddha - Munda Foundation of Nanda -dynasty Accession of Nan divardhana (in Patliputra)
(in Avanti) "1 Mahanandi " Mahapadama Nanda
eight sons of Mahapadma Foundation of Maurya-dynasty (in Magadha ) Accession of Candragupta Maurya (in Magadha)
" " Candragupta, Maurya (In Avanti)
497 481 474
467
456 413 325 322
313
Inconsistencies in Ceylonese Chronology
Some inconsistencies in the chronology described by the Ceylonese chronicles are so obvious that it surprises us how they were accepted as the authoritative sources by the historians. For instance, the Puranic and the Jain chronologies assign 100 and 150 years respectively to the Nanda dynasty, whereas the Mahavamsa ascribes only 22 years to the whole dynasty, and more surprisingly, we find that no place is given to this important dynasty of India in the chronological list supplied by the Dipavamsa (220). Another inconsistency of the Ceylonese chronology is that whereas in the Puranas the king Sisunaga Kakavarna, etc., are enumerated as the predecessors of Ajatasatru, the Ceylonese works enlist them as the successors of Ajāta satru(221). This can be said to be an untolerable blunder from the historical point of view. Besides such inconsis

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tencies, the chronological beliefs of the Mahavamsa such as "Buddha's death in the 8th year of Ajatas atru's reign (222), "Asoka's coronation (anointment) 218 years after Buddha's Nirvana" contradict not only Tripitakas and more genuine literary works, but also run counter to the fundamental historical facts.
Dr. Vinsent Smith had long ago warned the historians against the over-estimation of the value of the Ceylonese chronicles (223). Dr. H.C. Raychaudhuri has also maintained that these Ceylonese legends cannot be made basis of the historical conceptions (224). Dr, Shanti Lal Shah has already found out the reason of the discrepancy which is found in the Ceylonese chronicles, and which he terms as a deliberated perversion(225). He writes (226): "The peculiarity of the Buddhist tradition (The Ceylonese tradition) is that it confines itself firstly to the history of the Hinayana Buddhism and secondly to the history of its development in Ceylon, since Buddhism although originating in India, had found its development in Ceylon. Because of this territorial limitation, which has been a great factor for the preservation of the history of Ceylon, the account of this tradition about Ceylon is much more perfect than that about India. One who is acquainted with the scheme and content of the Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa will hardly fail to notice that the account of the North Indian kings in these two books is only occasional and of minor importance. This conclusion is absolutely borne out by the typical construction of the Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa (227)".
In spite of all these inconsistencies, in the most of the approaches made up to now to fix the date of Buddha's Nirvana, the Ceylonese chronology has been accepted as the main basis. This seems to be the main reason responsible for the discrepancy created between the chronology of Buddha and the genuine life-events of Buddha.
The Chronology of Buddhaiddha
In such a condition, when the chronology of Buddha itself is dubious and uncertain, in order to compute the period of contemporaneity of Mahāvira and Buddha, the life-events depicted in the Agamas and the Tripitakas,

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serve as the most authentic means. Out of the six contemporary rivals of Buddha, Mahāvīra was the most prominent one. The Tripitakas bear testimony to their intimate relations, either bad or good. Hence, a complete consistency in their life-events will reveal their period of contemporaneity, and consequently, the chronology of
Buddha.
According to the Jain canon Bhagvati Sutra, Makkhali Gosalaka, the leader of the Ajivakas, died 16 years before the Nirvana of Mahavira. Also, as we have already proved (228), Bimbisara's (Srenika's) death and Ajàtasatru's accession took place 17 years before the Nirvana of Mahavira. On the basis of the foregoing discussion, it has also become clear that Ajatasatru fought the Maha-Silakantaka war and the Rathamusala war with the Vajjis of Vaisali, in the first year of his regin.
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The following four facts are quite obvious in the light of the foregoing discussion of the life-events of Mahāvīra and Buddha, as dipicted in Agamas and the Tripitakas.
1. Mahavira was elder than Buddha, the former having lived for 72 years, while the latter for 80.
2. Mahavira's omniscience is antecedent to Buddha's enlightment, Mahavira attained omniscience at the age of 42, while Buddha attained enlightenment at the age of 35.
When Gosalaka died, Mahavira was 56 year old.
4. Buddha's enlightenment had taken place before the death of Gosalaka (229), i. e. Mahavira. Buddha as well as Gośālaka were alive at the time of Maha-Sila -Kantaka war.
3.
On the basis of the above facts, the following conclusion can easily be deduced When Mahavira was 56 years old, Buddha must be at least 35. So the maximum possible seniority of Mahavira could be 21 years, and because Mahavira died at 72 and Buddha at 80, the maximum possible interval between their Nirvanas could be 29 years.
-
Again, as stated above, Mahavira attained omniscience 14 years before Gosalaka's death. Consequently, on

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the basis of fact No. 2, Buddha could not have attained the enlightenment prior to this. At the most, he could have attained it in the same year. If we suppose so, Buddha would be 35 and Mahāvira 42 at that time. Therefore, the minimum possible seniority of Mahavira could be 7 years and the minimum possible interval between their Nirvana could be 15 years.
Thus Mahāvira's seniority to Buddha lies between 21 and 7 years, and the interval between their Nirvanas lies between 29 and 15 years.
We get another way to reach a more definite period within the possible range stated above. The Atthakatha of Anguttara Nika ya supplies us a complete chronological list of the places where Buddha passed his rainy seasons after his enlightenment (230). According to the above work, inRajagrha, Buddha spent his 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 17th and 20th rainy seasons after the enlightenment(231). Now according to the Sammannyaphala Sutta of Digha Nikaya, the event of Ajātasatru's only call upon Buddha, during which the king Ajātasatru asked Buddha a question about the fruitfulness of monkhood and repented for murdering his father, took place during one of the rainy seasons passed by Buddha at Rajagrha (232). Again, this event should have happened in the first year of Ajātasatru's reign, in as much as soon after his accession, he had transferred his capital to Campa, on account of the great sorrow he felt over his father's death. Now, if we suppose that the above event recorded by the Sammann yaphala Sutta had taken place in the 17th or 20th rainy-season after Buddha's enlightenment, the fact No.2(stated above) is violated. For, as shown before(233), Ajātasatru's accession took place in the 13th year after Mahavira's attainment of omniscience. So the possibility of the above event taking place in 17th or 20th rainy-season is ruled out. Consequently the event should have taken place either in the 2nd or 3rd or the 4th rainyseason after Buddha's enlightenment.
Thus it was the 13th year after Mahavira's omnisci. ence and the 2nd, the 3rd, or the futur year after Buddha's enlightenment. This means that Malayira was, at that time 55 years old, and Buddha either 36, 37 or 38. In other words Mahāyira was 19, 18 0 17 years older than

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Buddha, and attained the Nirvana 27, 26, or 25 years earlier than Buddha.
Further to reach to a definite conclusion out of these three alternatives, we fortunately get a small way out - If we suppose that the event of Sammannya-phala Sūtra, had taken place in the 2nd or 3rd rainy season after Buddha's enlightenment, it would mean that Ajātasatru's accession and Bimbis ara's death took place only one or two years after Buddha's enlightenment, that is to say, the contemporaneity of Bimbis ara with enlightened Buddha was of one or two years. But à closer study of the Buddhist Tripitakas reveal that it should be slightly wider than this. Therefore, it will be consistent to take the 4th rainyseason after enlightenment to be the year of Ajatasatru's accession. This will allow a period of three years which is fairly long, for the contemporaneity of Bimbis ara with enlightened Buddha. Thus by taking the last alternative, we reach the final conclusion that:
1. Mahāvira was 17 years older than Buddha.
2. Mahāvira attained the Nirvāna 25 years earlier than Buddha.
3. The total contemporaneity of their life was 55 years, the contemporaneity of their life as religious leaders was 20 years.
It should be borne in mind that the above conclusion is based only upon the life-events of Mahavira and Buddha. Even if we suppose them to have lived in any period of history, this conclusion will hold good. In order to accomplish our discussion, it is essential to think over it from the chronological point of view (234).
It has already been made clear that the chronology of Buddha is in itself quite uncertain. Also, it has been shown that the chronology of Mahavira in itself is almost unanimous and certain. Hence, on the basis of the unequivocal date of Mahavira, the above conclusion can be put in chronological terms. The date of Mahā vira's Nirvana is 527 B.C. Therefore, that of Buddha's Nirvana should be 502 B.C. Now as we have found out the date

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of Nirvāna, we can easily compute the dates of the important events of his life as follows:
Date
Event of Buddha's Life
Birth
Renunciation
582 B.C. 554 B.C. 547 B.C. 502 B.C.
Enlightenment Nirvana
The comparative chronological table of the important events of their life is as follows:
Mahavira
Buddha
Birth
599 B.C. 569 B.C. 557 B.C.
582 B.C. 554 B.C. 547 B.C.
Renunciation Enlightenment (Omniscence) Nirvana
527 B.C.
502 B.C.
Thus Mahavira and Buddha lived contemporarily from 582 B.C. to 527 B.C. i. e. for 55 years. As religious leaders, their contemporaniety lasted from 547 B.C. to 527 B.C. for 20 years.
It should also be noted here that Buddha had attained Nirvāna in 42nd year of Ajātasatru's reign; and that Candra. Candragupta Maurya and Asoka acceded to the throne of Magadha 180 and 229 years after Buddha's Nirvana respectively.

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CORROBORATION OF THE CONCLUSION
We have reached the above conclusion regarding the date of Buddha's Nirvāna solely on the basis of historical and mathematical methods. Hence it can be regarded as a 'self evident' fact. But, because it is being disclosed to the field of history for the first time, it will not be unnecessary to corroborate it by some other evidences which directly corroborate the above conclusion. They are as follows:
1.
Tibetan Tradition
According to the Buddhist tradition of Tibet, the day on which Buddha was born, was also the birthday of the king Canda Pradyota (also known as Mahasena) of Avanti (235). The same tradition also records that Buddha's enlightenment and Pradyota's accession took place on the same day(236).
The king Pradyota is mentioned in all the three traditions - Buddhist, Jain and Puranic. According to the Puranas such as Vayu Prana (237), Matsya Purana (238), Bhagvat Purana (239), etc. and the famous literary works like Kathasar its agara(240), Svapanavasvadatta(241), Mrcchakatika(242) etc., and the Jain works like Avas yaka - Nir yukti - Dipika (243), Pradyota was succeeded by his son Palaka. Now, as we have already seen the king Palaka acceded to the throne of Avanti in the same night on which Mahavira passed away(244). Thus, it becomes clear that the king Pradyota was born on theday of Buddha's birth, he acceded to throne on the day of Buddha's enlightenment, and lastely, his reign ended on the day of Mahavira's Nirvana. The puranic chronology unequivocally ascribe 23 years to Pradyota's rule.
"Trayov imsat sa maraja bhav ita sa narotta mah" (245) that is "Best among men (Pradyota) will rule for 23 times (years)".
Thus, when Buddha attained the enlightenment at the age of 35, Pradyota became the king, and when Mahāvīra attained the Nirvāna at the age of 72, Pradyota's rule ended (246). Therefore, at the time of Pradyota's acces - sion, Mahavira must be 72-23 = 49 years old, and Buddha

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was 35 years old. Hence, we conclude that Mahāvira was 14 years older than Buddha. This conclusion nearly endorses our conclusion that Mahā vira was 17 years older than Buddha.
The Traditional Date of Chinese Turkestan
Our conclusion is also quite consistent with the traditional date of Buddha's Nirvāna, prevalent in Chinese Turkestan(247), and also known as "Khotan Tradition".
the Chinese empertinet Shih-Huang-11
1
96 B.C.)
This tradition places the King Asoka 250 years after the Nirvāna of Buddha by taking him as a contemporary of the Chinese emperior Shih-Huang-Ti. Some scholars, on the basis of the fact that Shih-Huang-Ti's accession took place in 246 B.C, have accepted (246+250 = 496 B.C.) as the date of Buddha's Nirvana (248). It may be noted that there is only a nominal difference of 6 years between this date and our conclusion. But, it seems that the interval of 250 years between Buddha's Nirvāna and Asoka should, in reality, be the one between Buddha's Nirvana and the famous third Buddhist council, that had taken place in the 18th year after Asoka's consecration, and according to historians, in 252 B.C. (249). Hence, the date of Buddha's Nirvana, on the basis of the above tradition should be 252 + 250 = 502 B.C which exactly coincides with our conclusion.
3.
Asoka's Edicts
The stone (rocks) and pillars inscribed by Asoka the great Mauryan emperor, are, in fact the foundation-stones and foundation pillars of Indian history. Many a doubtful facts regarding history were made undoubtful on the basis of the above inscriptions. The present conclusion regarding the date of Buddha's Nirvana is too corroborated by these edicts. The edicts are mainly divided in the following types:
5 Minor Rock Edicts 14 Rock Edicts 4 Minor pillar Edicts 7 Pillar Edicts 3 Cave Edicts 6 Misceallenous Edicts

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The following is the text of the Minor Rock Edicts No. 1, which is found at Rupanatha, Sahasarama and Vairata (251).
"Devanam piye evam aha (:-) Satilekani adhatiyani vayı sumipaka savake(251) no cu vadhi pakate; satilake cu chavachare ya sumi hakam samghe upete.
"Badhi cu pakate. Yi ! imaya kalaya jambudipamsi amisa deva husu te dani misa Kata. Pakamayi hi esa phale. Noca esa mahatata papotave. Khudakena hi ka!
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"Pi parumaminena sakiye pipule pi svage aroghave! Etiya athaya ca savane kate Khudaka cha udhala ca pakamantu ti ata pi ca jana mtu iyam pakakha.
"Kiti (?) cirathati ke siya. Iya hi athe vadhi vadhisiti vipula ca vadhisiti. Apalaghiyena diyadhiya vadhisata (.) iya ca athe pavatisu lekhapeta valatahadha ca (.) athi.
"Silatha me silathambhasi lakhapatavayata Etina ca vayajanena yavataka tupaka ahale savara vivasetavayuti. Vyuthena savane kate 256 Satavivasata!"
The following is the translation:
Thus saith His sacred Majesty: For more than two and a half years I became a disciple, without, however exerting myself strenously. But it is more than a year since I joined the Order, and have exerted myself strenously.
In the mean time the Gods that were regarded as true have been proved false.
"For this is the fruit of exertion. Nor is this to be attained by a great man only, because even by the small man who chooses to exert himself immense heavenly bliss may be won".
"For this purpose has the precept been composed: 'Let small and great exert themselves".
"My neighbours too should learn this lesson: and may such exertion long endure".

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"And this purpose will grow, yea it will grow immensely at least one-and-a half-fold will it increase ingrowth".
"And this purpose must be written on the rocks, both and here afar of; and wherever there is a stone-pillar, it must be written on stone-pillar". And according to this text, so far as your jurisdiction extends, you must send it out everywhere".
"By (me) was the precept composed, when 256 years had passed since the Nirvana of Buddha".
In the Minor rock Edict No. 2, which is found at Brahmagiri Sidhapur, and Jatinga-Rames 'vara, we find the same thing repeated with a slight difference. Emperor Asoka writes there (252):
"Suvannagiri te aya Aputasa mahamatanam ca vacanena isilasi Mahamata arogiyam vataviya. Hevam ca vataviya". Devanam piye anapayati !
"Adhikani adhati yani vaya sumi.. siti Iyam ca savane savapate vyudhena 256.
diyadhiya vadhi
The translation is "By command of the Prince and high officials at Suvaranagiri, the high official at Isila are to be addressed with greetings, and further addressed as follows:
His sacred majesty gives commands: 'For more than two and half ..... grow one and a half fold. And this discipline was preached by? (me) in 256th (year) after Buddha's Nirvana'.
There are mainly two things in the above edicts to be noted: The first in concerning Asoka's joining order, which is experessed by the words "Samghe upete"; the second one the date inscribed in the end of the edicts viz. 256 years after Buddha's Nirvana, expressed by the words "Vyuthena savane kate 256 Satavivasata".
The words "Samghe upete" used in the above Edicts have become a matter of controversy amongst the scholars and different scholars have tried to interpret them in differ

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ent ways. Dr. Radha Kumud Mukherjee, discussing about this controversy, writes (253): "It is difficult to understand what Asoka exactly intends by the expression on Samghe upete, which has been translated above to mean that he lived with, entered or visited the Samgha, and the opinion of the scholars is sharply divided on this point. Some scholars hold that Asoka actually became a Buddhist monk (Bhikkhu). Others, however, take the expression simply to mean that Asoka made a state-visit to the samgha and publicly proclaimed his faith as the Sinhalese chronicle informs us. The former view is, however, supported by the statement of I-tsing that he actually saw a statue of Asoka dressed as a monk. A third possibility is that Asoka lived with the samgha for more than a year, without taking orders.
"Among those who assume that Asoka became a monk, there is again a difference of opinion. Some hold that during the period Asoka was a monk, he must have ceased to be a monarch, for monastic life is hardly compatible woth royal duties. Others, however, point out actual examples of kings who were monks at the same time and find no reason for the assumption that Asoka, even tempcrarily abdicated the throne.
"Whatever may be the right interpretation of this association with the Samgha, there is no doubt that since this event, Asoka exerted himself with unflagging zeal for the propagation of Bud dhism, or at least that part of it which he accepted as his Dhar ma.. He not only set up a net-work of missions to preach the doctrine both in and
utside India, but himself undertook tours for this purpose and took various other steps to the same end".
Dr. Mukherjee has not emphasised a particular view regarding the interpretation of the expression, Samghe upete. Nevertheless, it is easily understood even by, glancing at the different interpretations, that the event of Asoka's "Samghe Upete" is related with his historical religious tour or pilgrimage, which is explicitly mentioned even in Asoka's own edicts. In the Rummindei Pillar Edict, Asoka writes (254): "Devan piyena piyadasin lajina visati-vasabhisitena atana agaca ma hivite ! Hiya budhe jate sakya muniti silavigada bhica kalapita silatha ma ca

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upa papi te hida bhagavam jate ti luminigame uvalike kate athabhagiye ca(255)".
It means, "His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King, when he had been consecrated twenty years, having come in person, did reverence; and because "Here Buddha was born, the Sakya sage", a great (?) railing of stone was prepared and a stone pillar erected.
Because "Here the Venerable one was born" the village of Lumbini was made free of religious cesses and declared entitled to the eighth share (of the produce claimed by the crown).
In addition to this, the way in which the famous Buddhist work Asokavadana describes the pilgrimage of Asoka, suggests that the expression "Samghe -Upete" is a quite competent with the pilgrimage of Asoka. 'The pilgrimage of Asoka' is described thus (256):
"The King said 'I desire to visit all the places where the venerable Buddha stayed, to do honour unto them, and to mark each with an enduring memorial for the instruction of the most remote posterity'. The Saint (Upagupta) approved of the project, and undertook to act as a guide. Escorted by a mighty army, the monarch visited the holy places in Order.
"The first place visited was the Lumbini garden. Here Upagupta said: 'In this spot, great king, the Venerable one was born; and added: 'Here is the first monument consecrated in honour of the Buddha, the sight of whom is excellent. Here, the moment after his birth, the reculse took seven steps upon the ground'.
"The king bestowed a hundred thousand gold pieces on the people of the place, and built a Stupa. He, then passed on to Kapilvastu.
"The royal pilgrim next visited the Bodhi-tree at Bodhi Gaya, and there also gave a largesse of hundred thousand gold-pieces, and built a Caitya. Rsipatana (Saranatha) near Banaras, where Gautama had turned 'the wheel of law' and Kusinagora, where the teacher had

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passed away, were also visited with similar observances. At Saravasti the pilgrims did reverence to the Jetavana monastery, where Gautama had so long dwelt and taught, and to the Stupas of his disciples, Sariputra, Maudgalayana, and Mahakasyapa. But when the king visited the Stupa of Vakkula, he gave only one copper coin, in as much as Vakkula had met with few obstacles in the path of holiness and had done little good to his fellow creatures. At the Stupa of Ananda, the faithful attendant of Gautama, the royal gift amounted to six million gold pieces".
Many a scholars are of the view that Asoka had also become a Buddhist monk in his life-time may it be only for a short time. It seems most probable that the pilgrimage was undertaken by Asoka in the form of a Buddhist monk. But it does not mean that he ceased to be the king at that time.
Thus the purport of the expression "Samghe -Upete" also become meaningful. Asoka has stated in the above edicts that he became a lay-disciple two and half years before his stage of "Joining the Order" (Samghe -Upete). Now, if Asoka "Joined the Order" 20 years after his consecration, as stated by him in the Rummindei pillar Edict, he must have become a lay disciple seventeen and half years after his consecration. This is exactly the time of the 'Third Buddhist Council (257). Though generally it is helt that Asoka became a follower of Buddhism 9 years after his consecration, it seems that he considered himself initiated into "formal Upasaka -dharma (rules of the lay-disciple)" from the time of the Third Buddhist Council. Thus, we can say that Asoka became a lay disciple seventeenth and half years after his consecration; he "joined the order" 20 years after his consecration; and he wrote the above inscriptions (Minor Rock Edict Nos. I & II), slightly more than 21 years after his consecration.
"The second thing, to be paid attention to, in the aforequoted edicts, is the last time of the inscription viz. "Vyuthena savane kate 256 satavivasata". This line has also been interpreted differently by different scholars.
Etymologically, vyuthena is the Apabhramsa of the Sanskrit word vyustena and vivasa that of vivasat. Vyusta

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is formed by adding the termination kta to the root vi + vas (forming the part participle), and Vivasa is formed by adding the termination ghan to the root vitvas. According to the distinguished scholars like Dr. Buhler, Dr. Fleet etc. Vyuthena means 'one who has passed away' i, e. Buddha, and vivasat means 'the Nirvana (of Buddha (258)'. Dr. Fleet also observes (259): "It is quite probable that king Asoka would have become a monk by abdicating the throne 255 years and 7 or 8 months after the Nirvana of Buddha and since then he would have "joined the Order". When 8 months and 16 days were thus completed, on the 256th night, Asoka would have written these inscriptions (Minor Rock Edict Nos. I & II). But a question arises that why Asoka specially mentioned 256th night in these inscriptions. The answer is 256th year from Buddha's Nirvana had just completed on the 256th day or night of Asoka's tour, and to mark the 256th anniversary of Buddha's Nirvāna, Asoka wrote these inscriptions. Thus it is proved that the number 256 mentioned in these inscriptions is indicative of the fact that Buddha's Nirvāna took place 256 years before Asoka".
The above view of Dr. Fleet and Dr. Buhler is based on a critical study of the inscriptions of Asoka. But the modern historians, however, accept it only partly. According to them (260), it can only be said that the distinguished was written on the 256th departure from staging-place or on the '256th day of the tour', but to say that it was written to observe 256th anniversary of Buddha's Nirvāna, does not seem to be correct.
The only reason behind this view of the modern historians seems to be that the period which is 256 years precedent to Buddha's Nirvana, does not synchronize with the whole period of Asoka (273-236 B, C) on the basis of any prevalent date of Buddha's Nirvāna (261).
Hence, they say(262), "The number 256 in the earliest edict has no bearing upon chronology". But their argument is neither justifiable nor correct. Dr. Max Mullar, the profound Oriental Scholar, has criticized this trend of the historians, and supported the view of Dr. Buhler. He writes (263), "I fully admit the difficulties in the phraseology of these inscription but I ask, "Who

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could have written these inscriptions, if not Asoka ? and, how if written by Asoka, can the date, which they contain mean anything but 256 years after Buddha's Nirvana ? These points, however, have been argued in so masterly a manner by Dr. Buhler in his 'Second Notice' that I should be afraid of weakening his case by adding anything of my own, and must refer my readers to his 'Second Notice'.
Now, the remarkable and important thing regarding this matter is that the "number 256 years" of the above inscriptions becomes quite consistence, with the date 502 B.C., which we have proved in this book to be the date of Buddha's Nirvana. It has already been made clear that the above inscriptions were written by Asoka a little more than a year since he "joined the Order", and he "joined the Order" 20 years after his consecration. Here, we reach a definite point regarding the chronology which is unanimous and certain. It is the date of Asoka's consecration 269 B.C. Thus,
Asoka's consecration
269 B.C. Asoka "joined the Order" in
248 B.C. (264) The date of the minor Rock Edicts I & II
247 B.C. Hence, by going 255 years back from 247 B.C. we, reach the date of Buddha's Niriāna. 247 +255 = 502 B.C.
4.
Burmese Tradition
The most sound evidence among the traditional evidences is that of Burmese tradition. There prevails an era called "Eetzana era" in Burma (265). Eetzana is the Burmese term for Anjana, who was the Sakya king of Devadaha which is the Burmese for Deya daha Country and who was also the maternal grandfather of Buddha(266). The chief events of Buddha's life have been chronicled in the Eetzana era and the tithis, (the lunar days), the week-days as well as the constellations with which the moon was in combination on these days, have also been recorded with reference to the different years of that era, which would seem to have been current at that ancient time.
(1) Birth of Buddha (267) on Friday the full-moon day of the month Katson which is Burmese for the Indian lunar

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month Vaisakha, combined with the constellation Visakha, which is Burmese for the 16th lunar mansion Vis 'akha in the 68th year of the Eetzana era.
(2) Renunciation (268) (Departure from the household life and initiation into ascetic life); On Monday the fullmoon day in the month of July i.e. Asadha (the Indian lunar month), combined with the constellation Ootharathana, which is Burmese for the 21st lunar mansion Uttrasadha in the 96th year of the Eetzana era.
(3) Enlightenment of Buddha (269). On Wednesday the full-moon day of Katson = Vaisakha, combined with the constellation Withaka = Vaisakha in the 103rd year of the Eetzana era.
(4) Parinirvana of Buddha (270): On Tuesday the full-moon day of Katson = Vaisakha combined with the constellation Withaka = Vaisakha, in the 148th year of Eetzana era.
According to the Burmese tradition, the Eetzana era began on Sunday which was the 1st lunar day of the waxing moon of the month Tagoo i. e. Burmese for the Indian month Caitra (271).
A research scholar Mr. M. Govind Pai has found out the corresponding English dates of the above Burmese (272) dates. According to his conversations the chronology date is as follows:
1. Birth of Buddha 30th March, 581 B. C.
2.
Renunciation of Buddha; 18th June, 553 B.C. 3. Enlightenment of Buddha: 3rd April, 546 B. C. 4. Parinirvana of Buddha: 15th April, 501 B. C. 5. Beginning of Eetzana era: 17th February 648 B. C.
Thus, it can be seen that the Burmese tradition is in perfect congruence with the chronological date of Buddha's life-events, which we have deduced in the last chapter.
It is really a surprising coincidence that the Burmese tradition and our approach arrive exactly at the same fact,

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for the author of this book was not at all aware of the Burmese tradition till he reached the conclusion.
13.
The author came to know about the Burm: se tradition only after the whole book had already been published in the form of articles in the journals like Jaine Bharali (273), Anekanta (274), etc.
Well, the four evidences cited above have corrome Pated our conclusion in the same way as the fourway torrs from different directions would confirm th: reality ..the pole by arriving at the sam polar point.
!
Notes on Chapter Four
Scholars like F'rof. Lassen regarded Buddha ani Mahavira as identical, because the Jain and Buddhist traditions are almost identical on some points (cf. the Gaina Sutras, Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII, introduction, p. XIX).
According to the Jains, the chief disciple of their Tirthankara Mahavira was called Gautma Svami (Ward's Hindus II p. 247, and Colebrooke's Essays, Vol. II p. 279) or Gautama Indrabhuti, whose identity with Gautama Budana was suggested both by Dr. Hamilton and Major Delamaine and was accepted by Colebrooke.
"This is what Golebrooke says in his Essays, Vol. II p. 276. In the Kalpa Sutra and in other books of the Jains, the first of Mahavira's disciples is mentioned under the name of Indrabhuti, but in the inscriptions under that of Gautams Svami. The names of the other ten precisely agree, whence it is to be concluded that Gautama, the first one of the first list, is the same with Indrabhuti, the first of the second list. It is certainly probable, as remarked by Dr. Hamilton and Major Delamine, that the Gautams of the Jains and the Gautama of the Buddhists is the same personage. Two out of eleven disciples of Mahavira survived him, viz. Sudharma and Gautama Svami. Sudharma's spiritual successors are the Jain priests, whereas the Gautama's followers are the Buddhists".

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138
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)
-
(9)
Manmath Nath Shastri, M. A. M. R. A. S., Buddha: His life, His Teachings, His Order, 1940 (Second Edition), p. 21-22.
Digha Nikaya, Mahaparinivana Sutta, 2-3-16.
Kaipa Sutra, 147.
Although Dr. Jarl Charpentier first dealt with the subject specially with 3 view to decide the chronology of Buddha and Mahavira, but Dr. Jacobi is responsible for the primary research in this field.
There are 50 volumes in his series, out of these the Vol. XXII contains the translations of the Acaranga Sutra and the Kalpa Sutra, and the Vol. XLV contain= the translations of the Sutrakrtanga Sutra and the Utaradhyayana Sutra.
Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XLV, Introduction to the Jain Sutras Part II, p. XXI, 1894.
Sacred Books of the East Vol. XXII, Introduction to the Jain Sutra Part I, pp. IX to XIX, 1884.
During his second visit to India (March 1914) he met Acarya Sri Kalugani, the 8th Acarya of Terapantha Sect and held important discussions with him for three days.
(10) S.B. E. Vol. XXII, Introduction, pp. XVII, XVIII.
(11) S.B. E. Vol. XXII, Introduction, p. XXXVII. (12) A. V. means "after the death of Vira" (i. e. Mahavira).
(13) S.B. E. Vol. XIV, Introduction, p. XI.
(14) S.B. E. Vol. XLV. Introduction, p. XXXVII, quoted from S. B. E. Vol. X, p. XXXII; S.B. E. Vol. XXII, p. XLII.
(15) See Cullvagga II, 12-1-1; Buddha Carya by Rahul Sankrityayana, p. 556; Political History of Ancient India, by H. C. Raychoudhuri (Sixth Edition) 1953, p. 228.

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139
(16) Bharitiya Vidya, Vol. III, No. I, July, 1944. (17) Sramana Vol. XIII, No. VI-VII, 1962. (18) Ibid. Vol. XIII, No. VII, p.10.
(19) Ibid. Vol. XIII, No. VII, preface to the essay of
Dr. Jacobi, p.9.
(20) Op. cit., pp. 9-10. (21) Srmana, Vol. XIII, No. VII, p. 35. (22) Digha Nikaya Samannya-phal Sutta, 1-2.
(23) Buddhist India, pp. 15-16.
(24) Hindu Sabhyata, p.191.
(25)
Tassanam Koniyassa ekke purise viulakae vihie bhagvau pavittivaue, bhagvau taddevasiyam pavitti nivei ! Tassanam purisassa behave anegapurisa dinabhatti bhattaveyana bhagvato pavittivauya bhagvato taddevasiyam pavittim niveda mti ! Aupapatika Sutra, Samayasarana Adhikara, 10.
26) Tenam kalenam tenam sama enam konie raya bham
bhasaraputte bahariya uvatthanas alae anega gananayaka damdanayaga..... Saddhim samparivude viharai Tenam kalenam tenam samayenam Samane bhayayam Mahavire...... Suhamsuhe Viharamane campaenayarie bahiya uvanagaragamam uvagae ! Campanagari punnabhadda ceiyam samosariokame! Tattenam se pavittiyaue imise kahae laddhatthe samane......campanaya rie majjhammajjhenam..... jeneva koniyassarannegihe.....jeneva koniyaraya bhambhasaraputte teneva uvagcchai, uvagacchitta.... evam vayasi......jassanam devanuppiya damsanam kamkhanti, jassanam devanuppiya damsanam patthanti jassanam deva dmasanam abhilas anti jassanam deva nabhagottassavi savanatta e hatthatuttha java hiyaya bhayanti senam samane bhagavam Mahavire....... campaenayarie uvanagaramgamam uvagae, campanagari punnabhaddaceie sama sariakame ! Taenam de

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140
(27)
(28)
(29)
vanu ppipyanaın piyatathayae piyani ve demi piyambhe bhavao! Tattenam se Konie raya bhambhasaraputte tassa pavitti vauyassa antie eyayattham soccanis ammahatthatutthe java hiyaye.....simhasanao abbhutthei.....egasadiya uttarasamgam karei....amjali mauliya hatthe titthayarabhimuhe sattattha payai anugacitti.....tikattu evam vayasi.....namotthunam arihamtanam.....sampattanam..... Ibid, 11-18.
The uttarasanga position is the one, in which a Jain layman bows down; he has to mask his mouth with a scarf, which should be a single piece of cloth without any joints, in order not to kill the lives of air.
Namotthunam, which is also known as Sakkathui, (Sakrastuti), is a hymn to pay homage to the Tirthankaras. This also indicates that Konika was a Jain 'Sravaka'.
Namotthunam samanassa bhagavao Mahavirassa adikarassa, tithakarassa Java sampaviokamassa mamsdhimmaigarassa dhaminova desagassa vamdaminam bhagavam tatthagayam ihagate pasaume bhagvam tathagae iahgayam tikattu, vamdamti namam samti'. - Aupapatika Sutra, Samavasarana Adhikara, 18.
(30) Ibid, 102-37.
(31) Parisisata Parva of Hom-Candracarya, cantons IV V. v. 15-54.
(32) Buddhist India, p. 88.
(33)
Ibid, pp. 15-16.
(34) Samyukata Nikaya, 1-81 (The Book of Kindred Sayings, Tr. by Mrs. Rhys Davids, Vol. I, p. 109.
(35) Ibid, Vol. I, p. 109.
(36) Vinaya Pitaka, Culla Vagga, VII 3-6 (The Book of Discipline, Tr. by I.B. Horner, Vol. V, p. 268). Cf. also "Shri Chand Kam; uria" in Chapter V of this book.

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(37) Avasyaka Curņi, Part I, leaf 245.
(38)
Ibid, uttarardha, leaf 164; Trisastis alakapurusa Caritra of Hema-Candracarya, parya, X, cantos VI, v. 188; Upadesamela, (with commentary) leaf 238; Uttarapurana, p. 483.
(39) Digha Nikaya, Maha-Parinivvana Sutta.
(40) S.B.E., (Vol. XXII, Introduction, p.XIII.
(41)
Sec, for these allusions, 'The Event of Mahā vira's Nirvana in Buddhist Tripitakas' in chapter VII of this Book.
(42) (43)
Sramana, Vol. XIII, No. VI, pp. 14-15. Ibid, p.15.
(44)
Ibid, p.16
(45)
Kalpa Sūtra, 128; cf, S.B.E. Vol. XIII.
(46)
Darsana Digdarsana, p. 444n.
(47)
Bhagvana Mahavira ki Nirvana Bhumi Pāvā ki Sthit an artical In Mahāvira commemoration volume, Vol. I 1948-48, pp. 45-9, and Bhartiya Itihasa ki Bhumika (Pracina Bharata), Part I, p. 83.
Jain Sahitya Aura Itihasa, p. 189.
(48) (49)
Uttara Pradesa Mem Buddha Dharma ka Vikasa, p. 10,
(50)
Sramana, Vol. XIII, NO, VI, p. 26.
(51) (52)
Jaina Bharati, Vol. Jan. 1951, p.17 Vaisali, pp. 85-87.
(53)
Pt. Rahul Sankrityanaya identifies it with the present Papahura, a village naar Ramkold Rly. Station in Gorakhpur Distt. (Loc.City); Cuuning

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142
ham identifies it with Padarauna in Devaria Distt. while Dr. Rajbali Pandey (cf. op. cit. pp. 47-8) and Acarya Vijayendra Suri (cf, op. cit. pp. 85-7) refute both these views on the basis of the geographical reasons and identify Paya, the place of Nirvāna with the ruins of Sathiyamva Fazilanagara, 9 miles south east of Kusinagara in Meveria District. They have corroborated their views by quoting an archaeologist named Karlayle, who, on the basis of his archaeological survey, had identified Pava with the above place.
(54)
Mahavamsa, Pariccheeda, IV-V.
(55)
Op. cit. p.10
(56)
See, "Date of Mahāvira's Nirvāna" in Chapter VII of this book.
(57)
Evam ca sri Mahaviramuktervarsasate gate ! Panc pncasadadhike Candragupto bhayennrpah !! -- Parisista Parva, VIII, V. 339.
(58)
Titthogali Painnaya, 620-21.
(59)
Epitome of Jainism, Appendix A, IV.
(60)
Published by Asiatic Society, Calcutta.
(61)
Asmin nirvanato varsasatya (ta) nyamayasodasa ! Nayasastisca yasyanti ya da tatra pure tada !! Kumarapalabhupalo, caulukyakula - candramah ! Bhayisyati mahabahuh pracandakhandasasanah !! - Trisastisalal.apurusacaritra, parva X cantos XII,
v. 45-46.
An Advanced History of India by R.C. Majumdar, H.C. Raychaudhuri, and K. K. Datta, p. 202.
(63)
Saramana, vol. XIII, No. VI., p. 10.
(64)
Ajātasattuputto tam, ghatetvadayabhaddako ! Rajjam solasavassani, karesi mitta dubbhiko !! 1!! Udayabhaddaputto tam, ghatetva anuruddako ! Anuruddhassa putto tam ghateva mundanamako !! 2!!

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1 13
Mittadduno dummatino, te pi rajjam akarayum! Tesam bhinnam rajjesu atthayassanatikkamım !! 3.!! Mundas sa putto pitaram. ghatetaya nagadasako ! Catuvisati vassani rajjam karesi papako !! 4 !! Pitughatakavamoyam. iti kuddhatha nagara. ! Naga dasakarajanam apnetva samagata !! 5 !! Susunagoti pannatam a maccam sadhu sam matam ! Rajje sambahis ificisum . savvesim hitamanasa !! 6 !! So attharasa vassani raja rajjam akaryi; ! Kala soko tassa putto attha visati karyi: !! 7 !! Atite dasame vasse. kalasokassa rajino! Sambuddha parinivvana, evem vassas atam ahu !!!!! - Mahavamsa, Pariccheda, IV, 1-8. Kalasokass putta tu, ahesum das a bhatuka! Dvavisati te vassani, rajjam samanusasisum !!14!! Nava namdatatoasum kameneva nara dhipa ! Tepi dvavisa vassani, rajjam samanusas isum !! 15 !! Möriyanam khatiyanam yanase jatam siridharam! Canda guttoti panatam, canakko brahmane tatto !! 16 !! Navamam dhananamdam tam, ghatetva candakodhava ! Sakale jambudipams mim, rajje samabhi sinciso !! 17!! - Mahavamsa, Pariccheda, V, vv. 14-17.
Cf. Political History of Ancient India, by Dr. H.C. Raychaudhuri, p. 225; Bharata Ka Itihasa, by Prof. S'rinetra Pandey, Part I. (4th edition), p. 243.
(66) Op. cit., p. 10.
(67)
It may be noted that the chronology discribed in Mahavamsa the ceylonese chronicle has been found, in general, to be erroneous on historical tests; see, for the detailed discussion of this, 'Inconsistencies in Ceylonese Chronology' in Chapter I of this book.
(68)
Tassavina vajjassa pacchanatthaaimaim attha carmaim pannavei, tamjaha - carime pane, charime geye, carime natte, carime anjalikamme, carime pokkhalassa sam-vattae mahamehe, carime seyanae gandhahatthi, carime Mahasila Kamta e Samgame. - Bhagvati Sūtra, Sataka, XV.

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144
(70)
(71)
(72)
(73)
(74)
(75)
For, taking 484 B, C., as the date of Buddha's Nirvana, Konika's accession, which according to Dr. Jacobi took place 7 or 8 years before the Nirvana of Buddha, falls in 491 - 2 B. C., and the date of Mahavira's Nirvana is 477 B. C. Hence, the maximum possible interval is 15 years.
Punarvijnpayamasa Ninendram magdhadhipah ! Bhagvan kevaljnanam kasmin uvycchedamesyati !! Nathapyakarhayat pas ya vidyunmali surohyasau! Samaniko brahmendras ya caturdevi Samavrtah !! Ahnomusmat saptamehni cyutva bhavi pure tava ! Sresthi-rsabhadattas ya Jambu hutrontyakevali !! Parisista Parva, cantos I, vv. 262-64.
-
Sudharma Svaminah paddanapadambhodhitarakan ! Pancangasprsta-bhupithah sa pranyajyam parmes
vara!
Samsarasagaratarim pravajyam parmesvara ; Mama sasvajans yapi dehi dhehi krpam mayi !! Pancamah sriganadhar. pyevamabhyarthitastada!! Tasknai saparivardya dadau diksam yathavidhi '.! Ibid, cantos III, vv. 287-89.
The total age of Jambu Svami was 80 years, out of which 16 years were spent in the household life, the next 20 years as a monk in non-omniscent stage, and the last 44 years in the omniscent stage Also, he attained the Nirvana 64 years after Mahavira's Nirvana. It means that he was initiated into monkhood in the same year in which Mahavira attained the Nirvana.
See, Traditional Dates of Buddha's Nirvana, in Chapter VII of this book.
The essay of Dr. Jacobi was published originally in 1940,

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145
Darsana Aura Cintana, Part II, pp. 47, 48.
(77)
The following is the translation of that Chapter of the Mahaparinivvana Sutta:
"Now, when the Blessed one had stayed as long as was convenient at Ambalatthika, the addressed the venerable Ananda, and said: Come Ananda, let us go on to Nalanda".
"So be it Lord" ! said Ananda, in assent, to the Blessed one.
Then the Blessed one proceeded, with a great company of the brethren of Nalanda, and there at Nalanda, the Blessed one stayed in the Payarika mango grove,
Now the venerable Sariputta came to the place where the Blessed one was, and having saluted him, took his seat respectfully at his side and said: "Lord ! Such faith have I in the Blessed one, that me thinks there never dhas been, nor will therebe, nor is there now any other, whether Samana or Brahmana, who is greater and wiser than the Blessed one, that is to say, as regards the higher wisdom'.
"Grand and bold are the words of the mouth, Sariputta ! Verily, thou hast burst forth in a song of ecstasy! Of course then thou hast known all the Blessed ones who in the long ages of the past have been Arahat Buddhas, comprehending their minds with yours, and aware what their mode of life, and what salvation they attained to"?
'Not so, O Lord'!
'But at last then, O Sariputta ! ,thou know est me as the Arhat-Buddha now alive, and hast penetrated my mind (in the manner I have mentioned)'.
'Not even that, O Lord'!
'You see then, Sariputta ! that you know the hearts of the Arahat Buddhas of the past and of the future. Why, therefore, are your words so grand and bold? Why do you burst forth into such a song of ecstasy'?

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O Lord! I have not the Knowledge of the heart of the Arahat Buddhas that have been, and are to come, and now are. I only know the lineage of the faith just, Lord ! as a king might have a border city, strong in its foundations, strong in its ramparts and toranas, and with one gate alone; and the king might have a watchman there, clever, expert, and wise, to stop all strangers and admit only friends. And he, on going over the approaches all round the city, might not so observe all the joints and crevices in the ramparts of that city as to know where even a cat could get out. That might well be. Yet all living things of larger size that entered or left the city, would have to do so by that gate. Thus only is it, Lord, that I know the lineage of the faith. I know that the Arhat Buddhas of the past putting away all lust, ill will, sloth, pride, and doubt; knowing all those mental faults which make men weak; training their minds in the four kind of mental activity, throughly exercising themselves in the sevenfold higher wisdom, received the full fruition of Enlightenment. And I know that the Arhat Buddhas of the times to come will (do the same). And I know that the Blessed one the Arahat Buddha of today, has (done so) now".
Tr. by T. W. Rhy Davids, Buddhist Sutta the Sacred Books of the East Series, Vol. X, pp. 12-14.
The renowned Buddhist Scholar Rahul Sankrityayana commenting on this Chapter of Maha-Parinivvanna-Sutta writes that the name of Sariputta has been referred to here on account of the error committed by the Bhanakas the persons who used to learn the Scriptures by heart (Buddha Carya, p.525). If we suppose so, can it not be probable that the whole event of Vassakara is also compiled in the Maha-Parinivvana-Sutta only erroneously? (78) Ayasyaka Kathanka,
(79) Maha Parinivvanna Sutta, Tr. By T. W. Rhys Davids;
S.B.E. Vol. XI, p.3. (80) Indian Antiquary, 'The date of Mahāvira' Vol. XLIII,
1914, pp.118 ff. 125 ff. 167 ff. (81) See, 'Mahāvira's Nirvana in which Paya', in the
Chapter III of this book.

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(82)
(83) See, 'The Chronology of Mahavira' in Chapter VII of this book,
(85)
Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, XIII, pp. 240-246.
(84) Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, XIII, p. 246.
Dr. R. C. Majumdar, Dr. H. C. Raychaudhari and Dr. K. K. Datta, An Advanced History of India, P.85.
(86) 1.
Dr. R. C. Majumdar, Dr. H. C. Raychaudhari and Dr. K. K. Datta, An Advanced History of India, p. 85 2. Vikrmarajjarambha parao siri vira nivvui maniya " Sunna muni veya jutto vikkama-kalau Jina-kala !! Vicura Sreni pp. 3, 4.
(87) Hindi Sabhyata (Tr. by Dr. V. S. Aggrawal), pp. 210224.
(88) Ibid., pp. 216, 223, 224.
(89) Bhagavana Mahavira Aura Mahatma Buddha, pp.110115.
(90) Ibid, pp. 114, 115.
(91) See, 'The Seniority of Mahavira' in Chapter VII of this book.
(95)
147
(92) Bhagavana Buddha, pp. 33, 155.
(93) Ibid., preface, p.XII.
(94) Hesting's Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, p. 261.
(96)
Vira Nirvana Samvat Aura Jaina Kalaganana, preface, p.1.
The date of Mahavira's Nirvana, though precisely is November 528 B. C., is usually written as 527 B. C., the reason being that there is only an interval of two

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148
months between January 528 B.C.and November 528 B.C. Muni Kalyana Vijayaji has also used the date (527 B. C) frequently in his book.
(97) See, Bhagwati Sūtra, Sataka, p. 15
(98)
Vira-Nirvana Samvat Aura Jaina Kalaganana, p.15.
(99) Sataka, p.15. (100) Op. cit. p. 160.
(101) See, The date of Buddha's Nirvana, in Chapter VII
of this book.
(102) Op. cit. p. 160
(103) Ibid, p.3
(104) For example, in the Samyukta Nikaya, Dahar Sutta,
3-1-1, the name of Niggantha Nataputta appears in the third place; in the Digha Nikaya Samanyaphala Sutta, 1-2, it occurs in the fifth place (See the Hindi translation by Rahul Sankrityayana, p. 21).
(105) Op. cit. p.4
(106) Avyam deva nigantho nataputto sainghi ceva gani ca
ganacariyo ca nato yasassi titthakaro sadhusmmato bahujanassa rattassu cirapayyajito addhagatavayo anupttati. - Digha Nikdya, Vol. 1, pp. 48, 49 (Quoted from ibid, p.4)
(107) In the original Pali text, here, two words - 'addha
gato' and 'Vayoanupatta are used. We find a frequent use of these words in the Pali texts. See, for example, Culla-vagga, Samgha Bhedaka Khandaka, Sutta Nipata, Sabhiya Sutta; Rhys Davids has translated these words as 'he' has accomplished a long journey; and this term of life is nearly run'. (S.B.E. Vol. XVII, p....); V. Fousboll has translated them as 'advanceed in years' and 'having reached old age' (S.B. E. Vol.x.p.86) Rahul Sankrityayana translates

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them 'adhyagata, and vayah anuprapta' (See, his Hindi
Translation). (108) Op. cit., p. 2. (109) Op. cit., p. 2.
(110) See for detailed discussion of all these references,
'Seniority of Mahāvira' in Chapter VII of this book.
(111) Op. cit., p.7.
(112) See also the Editor's Notes for the contradiction
between the belief and the Buddhist Scriptures.
(113) See, for the establishment of this fact, - 'Contradic
tions' in Chapter III of this book.
(114) Tirthankara Mahavira (in two Volumes) published by
Kasinatha Saraka Yasodharma Mandira, Bombay,
1963. (115) Tirthanker Mahāvira, Vol. II, pp. 319-324.
(116) Ajivikas, p. 75.
(117) Tirthánkara Mahavira, Vol. II, p.32.
(118) Ibid, p. 326.
(119) Ibid, p. 326. (120) Ibid, p.326.
(121) Publisher's name is not printed on the book.
(122) Chronological Problems, Preface, p.1. (123) Op. cit., p. 23. (124) Op. cit., p. 68.
(125) See, 'Date of Buddha's Nirvana in Traditions' in
Chapter VII of this Book,
(126) Jain Bharti (Weekly), Year 12, No. 1, Jan. 1951;
pp. 5-21.

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150
(127) Ibid., p.15.
(128) Majjhima Nikaya, Abhaya Kumara Suttanta.
(129) Vinaya Pitaka, Cullavagga, VII, 3-41. Translated
by Oldenberg, S.B.E., XVIII.
(130) The Life of Buddha, by Edward J. Thomas, pp. 140
141.
(131) For the detailed discussion of this, see, 'The Chro
nology' in Chapter VII of this Book.
(132) Ajātasatru Mathame Yasse Buddhe Parinivvaute,
Mahavamsa. (133) Op. cit., p. 17.
(134) Maha-Parinivvana Sutta, Digha Nikaya Tr. by T.W.
Rhys Davids S.B.E. Vol. XI, pp. 103 to 106.
(135) Mankhali Gosalaka died 16 years before Mahā vira's
Nirvana (see, Bhagvati Sutra, Sataka 15). In the chronology a dopted by Dr. Jacobi, Dr. K.P.Jayaswal, Muni Kalyāņa Vijayji, Dr. A. L. Basham, Gosalaka's death occurs before the Nirvana of Buddha as well as that of Mahāvira. Purana Kassapa had also died during the life-time of Buddha; see, Dhammapada Attha Ka tha, 4-2. (Also, Buddhacarya, by Pt. Rahul Sankrtyayana, p. 86).
(136) Here, instead of 'forty-five years' it should be 'forty
two years'. It seems that it is printed through a mistake (for 528-486 = 42; by taking 45, Buddha could not achieve enlightenment at that time,
(137) Ibid, p. 84. (138) Majjhima Nikaya, Samagama Sutta, 3/1/4. (139) Digha Nikaya, Pasadika Sutta 3/6. (140) Digha Nikaya, Sangiti Priyaya Sutta 3/10.
(141)
The plus ibility suggested is only conjectural. Yet it is possible on the basis of the hints given in the

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above allusions that the origin of the schism of the Jain order into Svetambara and Digambara Sects, may lie somewhere here. The researchers should pay attention to this.
(142) See, Pars vanatha ka Caturyama Dharma.
(143) Op. cit., p.11.
(144) Ibid, pp. 12-13.
(145) Bhagvati Sūtra Sataka XV.
(146) Ibid. Sataka Ix, uddesaka VI, sūtra 386-87.
(147) Samyutta Nikaya, Dahara Sutta 3/1/10 (Cf.
151
The Book of the Kindred Sayings, Tr. by Mrs. Rhys Davids, Vol. 1, pp. 93-96).
(148) Sutta Nipata Sabhiya Sutta, III-6 (Cf. Tr. by V. Fausboll S. B. E., vol. X, Part II, pp. 85-86).
It may be remarked here that in the canonical literature of the Buddhist, the Mahava of the Sutta Nipata is considered to be very old. V. Fausboll has observed: "The collection on discourses of (Sutta Nipata) which I have here translated is very remarkable, as there can be no doubt that it contains some remains of primitive Buddhism, consider the greater part of Mahavagga Sutta Nipata and nearly the whole of, Atthaka vagga as very old, (Cf. op. cit. Introduction p. I).
(149) Digha Nikaya, Samanjhaphala Sutta, 1/2. (Cf. Dialogues of the Buddha, Tr. by T. W. Rhys Davids, Vol. 1, p. 51).
(150) Kaumudi is full-moon day in Asvina or Kartika Cf. Sanskrit-English Dictionary of Vaman Shivaram Apte Ed. by P. K. Gode and C. G. Karve Part I, p. 611.
(150a)See, for the detailed discussion of these allusions the author's article titled 'Pali Vanmaya Mem Bhagavana Mahāvīra in Bhiksusmrti Grantha, Part II, pp. 6-10.

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152
(151). Though in the Jain canons such as the Sutrakrtanga
Sutra, etc., we find a mention of some beliefs of the Buddhists, it is quite negligible. Also, because the later patriarchs of Jainism possessing the know edge of the Purvas (the most important portion of the Jain canons, but not available now) had made additions and alterations in the original Angas, the above stated fact is not violated,
(152) Many an authoritative historians and scholars have
approved this date; see for example,
a) Mahamahopadhyaya Raya Bahadura Gouri Sankara
Ojha, S'ri Jain-Satya Barakasa Vol. II, Nos. IVV, pp. 217-81.
(b) Dr. Baladeva Upadhyaya, Dharma Aura Darsana,
p. 89.
(c) Dr. Vasudeva Saran Agravala Tirthankara Maha
vira, Vol. II, preface, p.XIX.
(d) Dr. Hira Lal Jain, Tattya Samuccaya, p.6.
(e) Mahamahopadhyaya Pt. Vishveshar Nath Rey,
Bharata ke Pracina Rajayamsa, Part II, p. 436.
(153) Candragupta Maurya and His Times, by Dr. Radha
Kumud Mukherjee, pp. 44-46; Bharata ka Brhat Itihasa Part I, (Pracina Bharata), by Srinetra Pandeya, 4th Edition, p. 242.
(154) To these sources, Indian history is also indebted for
what has been called 'the Sheet-anchor' of its chrono. logy, for the starting-point of Indian chronology is the date of Candragupta's accession to sovereignity.
- Candragupta Maurya and His Times, by Dr. Radha Kumud Mukherjee, p.3. Also, see, Ancient India, by Rapson, pp. 20-21.
(155)
The date 313 B.C. for Candragupta's accession, if it is based on correct tradition, may refer to his acquisition of Avanti in Malya, as the chronological datum found in a verse, where the Maurya

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king finds mention in the list of successors of Palaka, the king of Avanti.
- Political History of Ancient India, by Dr. H. C. Raychaudhuri, p. 295.
153
The Jain date 313 B. C., if based on correct tradition, may refer to his acquisition of Avanti (Malva).
- An Advanced History of India, by Dr. R. C. Majumdar, Dr. H. C. Raychaudhuri, K. K. Datta, p. 99.
Although the date 313 B. C. for Candragupta's accession is based on correct tradition it refers to his victory over Malva or Avanti, because the verse, in which this chronology is adopted, mentions Candragupta in the list of the successors of king Palaka of Avanti.
- Srinetra Pandeya, op. cit., pp. 245-246.
(156) (a)Jam rayanim Kalagao, ariha titthyamkaro maha
viro.
Tam rayanim avanivai, ahisitto palao raya !! 1 !! Satthi Palayaranno (60), Panavannas ayam tu hoi nandanam (155) !
Atthasayam muriyanam (108), tisa ciyaya pusamittassa (30) !! 2 !! Balamitta-bhanumitta satthi (60), vari-sani catta
nahavane!
Taha gaddabhilla-rajjam tessa (13), varisa sagassa cau (varisa) (4) !! 3 !!
Sri Vikramadityasca pratibo dhitas ta drajyam tu sri virasaptati catustaye (470) samjatam ! -Tapagaccha Pattavali by Dharmasagara Upadhyaya (Ed. and Tr. by Panyaa Kalyanna Vijayaji), pp. 50-52.
(156) (b) Vikramarajjarambha parao siri vira nivvu bhaniyal Sunnamuniveya jutto vikkama kalau jinakalo !! Vikramakalajjinasya virasya kalo jinakalah sunyah '(o) muni (7), veda (4) yuktah! Catvarims atani saptatyadhikavarsani srimahaviranik ra-madityayor

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154
antara mityarthah ! Nanvayam kalah viravikramayoh katham ganyate, ityaha vikramarajyarambhat paratah pascat sriviranirvrtiiratra bhanitaKo bhayah sriviranirvanadina danu, 470 vars e vikramadityasya rajyarambha dinamiti !
- Vicara-sreni by Merutunga, pp.3-4.
(c) Punarmannirvanat saptyadhikachath s'atayarse
(470) Ujjayinyam srivikramadityo raja bhavis yati .........syanamna ca samvatsaraprayrtim karisyati !
- Sri Saubhagyapancamyadiparvakathasamgraha, Dipamalika Vyakhyana, pp. 56-57:
(d) Maha mukkha gamanao palaya-nanda-candaguttai
raisu bolinesu causaya satterehim vikkamaicco raya hohi! Tattha satthi varis anam palagassa rajjam, panapannamsayam nandanam, atthottara sayam moriyam vamsanam, tisam pus amitta ssa, satthi, balamitta-bhanumittanam, calisam naravahanassa, terasa gaddabhillassa, cattari sagassa! Tao vikkamdi cco !
- Vividha tirthakalap (Apapabrhat-kalpa), pp. 38-39, Causaya sattari varise (470) virao vikkamo jao -- Pancaka vastu.
(157). An Advanced History of India, p. 118, Gupta Samra
jya ka Itihasa, Vol. I, by Dr. Vasudev. Upadhyaya, pp. 182-183.
(158a) Jam raynim siddhigao, araha tittha mkaro Mahaviro ..
Tam raynimavantie, abhisitto palao raya .. 620.. Palaya ranno satthi, puna pannasayam viyaninadanam
Muriyanam satthisayam, .panatisa pusa mittanam (ttassa) 621 ... Balamitta-bhanumitta, sattha cattaya honti nahasepe. Gaddabhasayamegam puna, padivanno to sago
raya. . . 622 .. Panca ya massa panca ya, vasa chachceva honti
vassaya.

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155
Parinivvuassarihato, toauppan (Padi vanno) sago raya
raya .. 623 .. -- Titthogali Painnaya, Vss. 620-623. b) 'Sri viranirvrtervarsaih sadbhih pancottaraih
sataih! Saka samvatsarasyaisa pravrttirbharate (a) bhayat !! - Merutunaga's Vicara-Sreni (Jain Sahitya-Samsodhaka, Vol. II, Nos. III-IV, p.4)
c) Chahini yasana saehim pancahim vas ehim panca
mas ehim ! Mama nivyana gayassa upajjissai sago raya !! - Nemi Candra's Mahavira Cariyam, leaf, 94-1. Vs. 2169.
d) Panachassayavassam panamas ajudam gamiya
vira-nivvuido ! sagarajo to kakki Cadunayatiya - mahiya sagamasam
!! 850 !! - Nemicandra Siddhanta-cakravarti's Trilokasara
Vs. 65.
e) Varsanam satsatim tyaktya pancagram masapan
cakam ! Muktim gate Mahavire sakarajastato(a) bhayat !! - Jinasenacarya's Harivamsa Purana, Adhyaya X
Vs. 549. f) "Nicvane virajine chacvasa sadesu pancvaris esu !
Panamasesu gadesu samja do saganio ahaya !!
- Tiloyapannatti, Part 1; 341. g) 'Pamca ya masa pamca ya vasa chacceva honti
yasassasaya! Sayakalena ya sahiya tha veya vvo ta do rasi !! - Dhayala, (Jain Siddhanta Bhayana, Ara), leaf 537.
(159) An Advanced History of India, p.120; Gupta Samraj
ya ka Itihasa, Part I, pp. 182-183.
(160) Ibid, Part 1, p.382.
(161) Guptanam ca satadvayam.......
Ektrimsacca varsani kalavidbhirudahrtam.....!! Dvicatvarimsadevatah Kalkirajasya rajata.....!

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156
Tato (a) jitamjayo raja syadindrapura-samsthitah Varsani satsatia tyaktva pancagram masapancakam Muktim gate Mahavire sakaraja tato(a) bhavan
Jinasena Harivamsa Purana, Adhyaya LX, VSS. 547-49.
(162) Indian Antiquary, Vol. XV, 143.
(163) Pana chasaym assam panamasa judam gamiya vira
ni vuido Sagaraja to Kalkica dukakatiya mahiya Sasamasa, Trilokasara, p.32.
(164) Op. cit., 181.
(165) Kalpa Sūtra, vs. 129 (S.B.E. Vol. XXII).
(166) Bhrama Vidhavamsanam, Preface.
(167) Bankaculia. (168) Op. cit.
(169) Bharatiya Pracina Lipimata, by Rayabahadura
Mahamahopadhyaya Gourishankar Hirachand Ojha.
(170) Ibid.
(171) Early History of India, by VincentA. Smith, p.49.
(172) Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain,
1905, 51.
(173) Sarat Chandra Das, Journal of Asiatic Society,
Bengal, Part I, 1886, pp. 193-203, Tchang, Synchrois mes Chinois; Early History of India by V, A. Smith, pp. 49-50.
(174) Buddhakaltina Bharata, by Janardana Bhatt, p.371.
(175) B.C, La Commemoration Volume, II, pp. 18-22.

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157
(176) Buddhism, pp. 212-13.
(177) Introduction to Dhammapadda, S.B.E. Vol. p.X, XII.
(178) Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLIII, 1914, pp. 126-133.
(179) Corpus Inscriptionum. Indicarum, Vol. I,
Introduction, p. II.
(180) An Indian Ephamenish, Part I, 1922, pp. 471 ff.
(181) Introduction to Vinaya Pitaka, S.B.E., Vol. XIII
p. 22 and The Religions of India by E. W. Hopkins, p.310.
(182) Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, IV, p. 81.
(183) Indian Antiquary, VI, p. 149, ff. (Also, see, Buddhism
in Translation, p. 2).
(184) Mahavamsa, Geigar's Translation, XXVIII and
Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, pp. 1-134.
(185) Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, pp. 471 ff.
(186) Quoted from Vira Nirvana Samvat Aura Jaina Kala
ganana, p. 155.
(187) Buddhacarya, preface, p.1. (188) Op. cit, p.11. (189) Political History of Ancient India, p. 227. (190) Early History of India, p.46. (191) Der Buddhisumus, Jar-Telling, II, p.63. (192) Early History of India, 1924, pp. 49-50. (193) Bhagvana Buddha, p. 89. (194) Indian Antiquary, XIII, 1884, pp. 411 ff. (195) The Purana certainly existed in any form in the

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158
fourth century B.C., for we find in Kautilaya's Arthasastra, a reference to the Purana, - Janardana Bhatt, Bhaudha Kalina Bharata, p.3.
In the opinion of scholars, the administrative system, described in Kautilya's Arthas astra is, in reality, an elaborated discussion of Candragupta Maurya's administration. So, the date of Arthasastra is, in no case, later than 3rd century BC. Hence, it can be said that the Puranas were compos ed much earlier than 3rd century B.C. Hence, it can be said that the Puranas were composed much earlier than the 3rd century B.C.
Shri Baladeva Upadhayaya, Arya Samskrti Ke Muladhara, p. 164.
(196) Muni Kalyān Vijayaji, op. cit -, p.30n.
(197) Dr. Vincent A. Smith, Early History of India, p.11.
(198) Muni Kalyān Vijayajī has discussed this point at
length in his Vira Nirvana Samvat Aura Jaina Kalaganana, pp. 15-29.
(199)
Modern European writers have inclined to disparage unduly the authority of the Puranic lists, but closer study finds in them, much genuine and valuable historical tradition.
Dr. V. A. Smith, op. cit -, P.12.
The modern scholars have now accepted the view that the Puranas give authentic account of ancient chronology. The facts described in them have been corporated by the edicts, the coins and the reminicences of the foreign travellers. The learned historians, therefore, state that these materials should be regarded as genuine and acceptable.
Shri Baladeva Upadhyaya, op. cit., p. 167. (200) Buddhist India, pp. 277-78.
(201) It is to be noted that the Buddhist tradition runs
counter to the Brahmanical and Jain traditions.

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159
Chandaragupta Maurya and His Time by Dr. Radha Kumud Mukherjee, p.20.
(202) Muni Kalyan Vijayaji (op. cit., pp. 25-29) and Dr.
Tribuyandas Laherchand Shah (Pracina Bharata Varsa) have on the basis of a comparative study of the Jain, Puranic and Buddhist traditions, computed the regnal period of the kings of Sisunaga and Nanda dynasties. We refer our readers to these sources for the detailed discussion of the topic.
(203) According to Dr. T. L. Shah (op.cit.), after the death'
of Mahavira, Ajātasatru reigned for 30 years, Udayi for 16 years and Aniruddha - Munda for 8 years, thus, assigning Mahāvira's death in 527 B.C., the rule of Sisunaga dynasty of Mahāvira's death in 437 B.C.
According to Muni Kalyān Vijayaji (op.cit., p. 28), Ajātasatru and Udayi reigned for 37 and 33 years respectively. But Mahavira's death took place 17 years after the accession of Ajātasatru. Thus, 53 years after the death of Mahā vira, ended the rule of Sisunaga dynasty, so that 474 B.Ç. is the starting point of Nanda's rule at Magadha.
(204) Nanda's rule at Magadha started in 474-3 B.C. and
at Avanti, it started in 467 B.C. It is a well-known historical fact that at that time, there was a keen struggle between the kingdoms of Magadna and Avanti. It is quite probable that 6 or 7 years after having established his reign at Magadha, the first Nanda king would have conquered the kingdom of Avanti. It is unanimously accepted by the historians that the Nandas had established 'Ek rat' i.e. One umbrella kingdom in India (See, Political History of Ancient India by Dr. H.C. Raychaudhuri, p. 234, Age of Nandas and Mauryas by Nilkantha Shastri, pp. 11-20).
(205) According to T. L. Shah (op. cit.) 'Sisunaga was the founder of the Sisunaga dynasty (cf. Vayu Purana, ad II c, vs 314). After the death of Asayas ena, the king of Kasi and the father of 23rd Tirthankara of Jain Lord Pars vanatha, Sisunaga established his kingdom in Kasi. Then Sis

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160
unaga himself went to Magadha and enthroned his son Kakayrana in Kasi (cf. Mais ya Purana, ad CCLXXI, V-5). 'Sisunaga was followed by Kakavarna Ksem-Vardhana and Ksemajita. The fifth king of the Sisunaga dynasty was Prasenjita (The name of Pras enjita is omitted in the Puranas, but according to the Jain tradition the famous king Bimbisara was the son of Prasenjita. Also the Buddhist work Divyayadana (p.369) enlist Prasenjita in the successors of Sisunaga and Kakavarna, cf. Raychaudhuri, op. cit., p. 222). 'It was Prasenjita, who transferred his capital from Kuthalnagar to Girivrija, Prasenjita was succeeded by Bimbis ara, Ajtaasatru, Uday Anuruddha and Munda'. (The Puranas enumerate Nandiyaradhana and Mahananda as the successors of Udayi, while the Buddhist chronology enlist Anuruddha-Munda. It will be shown below, Nandiyaradhana and Mahanandi were Nanda kings, and not Sisunagas). 'The regnal period of each of these ten kings is as follows: 1. Sisunaga
60 years 2. Kakavarna 3. Ks em yaradhana
50 4. Ksemajita 5. Prasenjita 6. to 10. Bimbis ara to Munda 108
Though the Puranas ascribe slightly different regnalperiods to these kings the above regnal-period assigned by T. L. Shah seems to be more correct.
36
36 43
11 11
(206) It may be remarked here that though the puranas
state that the 10 kings of the Sisunaga-dynasty reigned for 362 years, the total of the regnal period was assigned by them to these kings come out to be 333 years, (Cf. vayu purana, a ic, vss. 315-321, Pracina by Mahamabopadyaya Vishaveshar Nath
Reu, Vol. II, p. 54). (207) Sisunaga
807 B.C.
747 B.C. Kakavarna 747 B.C.
711 B.C. Ksemavardhana 711 B.C.
661 B.C. Ksemajita 661 B.C.
625 B,C. Prasenjita 625 B.C.
582 B.C.
(208) The Puranas insert Darsaka in between Ajatasatru
and Udayi. Also the famous Sanskrit play Syapanayasaya datta speaks of Darsaka as the King of Rajagrha.

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161
1
But it seems that Darsaka was really a king of viceregal throne at Rajagrha and not that of the regnal throne of Magadha at Campa or Pataliputra. (cf. Muni Kalyān Vijayaji) (op. cit. pp. 22-23) some scholars have considered it probable that Darsaka might be one of the many sons or grand sons of the King Bimbisara (cf. Dr. Sita Nath Pradhan, Chronology of Ancient India, p. 217. "The order of succession in the Visnu Purana, which inserts Darsaka between Ajātas atru and Udayas va must be rejected. Also cf. ibid, p. 212 Darshaka may be one of Bimbisara's many sons who managed the state affairs during the life time of his father. Also, of Raychaudhuri, op. cit., p. 130; Geiger, Mahavamsa, parichhedo IV, VV 1-2). Hence, in the chronological list of the main Sisunaga dynasty, we need not count Darsaka.
(209) According to the Buddhist chronology AniruddhaMunda were succeeded by Magadasaka (Mahavamsa parichhedo IV, vs. 4) and Sisunaga (Ibid, parichhedo IV, vs). Nagadasaka and Susunaga are ascribed 24 and 18 years respectively as their regnal periods. (Ibid. 1. c. cit). On the other hand, the Puranas assign Darsaka and Nandivardhana a period of 24 and 42 or 40 years respectively. Vayu Purana, II c. vs. 320 Matsya Purana, ad. CCLXXI, vs-10). Now, it seems that Darsaka of the Purana and Nagadas aka of the Ceylonese chronicles are one and the same person. (cf. E. J. Rapson, Cambridge History of India, p. 279; Dr. Radha Kumud Mukherjee, Hindu Sabhyata, p. 265). This Darsaka or Naga-dasaka, after having ruled for 24 years at Rajagrha (Viceregal throne), acceeded to the regal throne of Magadha at Pataliputra. Because he belonged to the Sisunaga dynasty, he can be called as "Sisunaga". He it seems then assigned a new name "Nandi Vardhana" and found as a new dynasty the Nandadynasty after his new name. He must have reigned for 16 or 18 years, for the Buddhist - chronology assign this period to Susunaga. Also, the Puranas have ascribed 40 or 42 years out of which 24 were spent at Rajagrha as "Darsaka' and the remaining 16 or 18 years must have spent as "Nandivardhana" It should also be remarked here, that Udayi and
11
--
1

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Aniruddha Munda reigned for 24 years at regalthrone of Magadha and at the same time. Darsaka reigned at Rajagrha for the same period. Thus the Puranas count 24 years of Darsaka twice which is an error, while the Buddhist chronology counts it only once which is correct.
(210) According to the Puranas (Vayu Purana, a Ic, vs.
309-314, Matsya Purana, ad CCLXXI, vys, 1-4), Pulaka (or Sunaka) killed his master Ripunjaga, the last king of the Brhadratha-dynasty, and enthroned his son Pradyota, Thus, when the rule of Vitihotras and Brhadrathas ended in Ayanti, the rule of the kings called Pradyotas commenced. The following five kings are called pradyotas:
1. Pravdyota (Mahasena or Candpradyota) 2. Palaka (Son of Pradyota) 3. Visakhyupa 4. Ajaka or Gopalaka 5. Ayantivardhana (Or Vartivardhana)
As we have already seen, according to the Jain tradition, Palaka acceeded to the throne of Ayanti on the very day on which Mahavira died, and his dynasty reigned for 60 years. Now, the Puranas assign 20 years to Palaka's reign (cf. Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali age, p.19, note 26. In some Puranas, 24 years are assigned; but the scholars have reliedon the above version. cf. Dr. Shanti Lal Shah, Chronological Problems, p. 26). The third Pradya king Vis akupa is assigned a period of 53 (or 85) years. But the scholars, on the basis of other literary works like Mrcchakatika, have proved that Ajaka or Gopalaka succeeded Palaka and therefore Vis akpyupa should be omitted from the Palaka dynasty, (Cf. Dr. Shanti Lal Shah Chronological Problems, p. 27, "What about Yis akhyupa who occurs in the Puranas in between Palaka and Aryaka? According to the family history of Pradyota which we have seen just now, there is no place for Visakhyupa in between Palaka and Ajaka as reported; "also cf. Majumda Shastri Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society; vol VII., p. 116. "Vis akha.

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yupa has been introduced between Palaka and Ajaka, but as that name does not occur, in all Mss, we th: ought to take no notice of him", also, cf. Dr. Ramashanker Tripathi, Pracin Bharata ka Itihasa, p.72. "The Puranas insert a third name - Visakhayupa in between Palaka and Ajaka, is probably a mistake! Ajaka is assigned a regnal period of 21 years, after which his son Avantivardhana reigned for 20 years. Thus the three kings Palaka, Ajaka and Ayantivardhana ruled for 61 years. Then, the rule of Pradyotas ended. Thus both the Jain and Puranic chronology agree that the Palaka-dynasty reigned for 60 or 61 years. (cf. Dr. Shanti Lal Shah, chronological problems, pp. 25-27).
(211) A Nanda king is twice mentioned in the Hathigumpha
inscription of king Kharavela of Kalinga (Orissa) (cf. E.J.) Rapson, Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p. 280). The sixth line of the inscription is: "Pancame cedanti vase nandaraja-ti-vasa-sata oga hitam tamsuliya-vatabandi (m) nagaram (pavesayati)........", (which means, "And now in the fifth year (of his reign), he (Kharavela) brings in to capital Tosala or Tamsuliya (or entered a particular town through or executed some public work associated with) the canal excavated by the king Nanda 300 years before". The word "tivasa-sata" has been translated as in 103rd years (of Nanda king) by some scholars, the conscientious scholars like Dr.K.P.Jayaswal, Dr. R.L. Banerjee, etc. have translated it as "300 years "(cf. Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Dec. 1917, pp. 425 ff) Dr. Shanti Lal Shah has made the following remark: "That ti-vasa-sata means" 300 years and not 103, is certain. See Dr. Banerjee's artiçal in J.B.O. R.S. Vol. III, p. 496 ff. 9 May add here that because the years are expressed in compound the word 'Sata' is used in the singular instead of the plural". (Op cit. p. 41 n).
Thus, the above Nanda king flourished 300 years before the fifth year of Kharavela's reign Dr. Jayaswal has also shown that this Nanda king was no other than · Nandivardhana cf. op. cit. Vol. XIII op. 240).

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Again, the sixteenth. line of the inscription shows that the thirteenth year of Kharavela's reign synchronized with 165th year of Maurya Era. The inscription reads: "Panamtariya sathiyasasata Raja Muriyakala, vocainam ca coyatiaga sataka turiyam Upadayati", which means, "He (Kharavela) caused to be made (the things described in the foregoing lines) in the 165th year of the Raja Muriya Era (of which) 164th year has just terminated (Vocinam). Here, also, though some scholars translate the above line in a different way and deny the existence of any date in the above inscription, others have critically refuted their view (cf. Dr. Shanti Lal Sha, op. cit., pp. 47, 48). The famous historian E.J. Rapson has made the following remark: "Even the fundamental question whether the inscription is dated or not is still in dispute. Some scholars contend that a passage in the sixteenth line can only be interpreted to mean that the inscription was engraved in the 165th year of the Maurya kings, or of the Maurya king), while others deny the existence of any such date. The discussion of problems of this kind does not fall within the scope of the present work; but it may be pointed out here that the acceptance of the supposed date would seem to involve no chronological impossibilities, and that, in any case, the inscription probably belongs to about the middle of the second century BC. We know from analogous instances that the origin of imperial eras is usually to be traced to the regnal years of the founder of the empire. A Maurya era, therefore, would naturally date from the accessionof. Candragupta C. 321 B.C.; and, if such an era is actually used in the present instance, the inscription must be dated c. 156 B.C. and the beginning of Kharavela's reign c. 169 B.C. With this hypothetical chronology other indications of date seem to agree.
Epigraphical consideration shows that the Hathigumpha inscriptionof Kharavela and the Nana ghata inscription of Naganika, the queen of Satakarni, belong to same period as the Nasika inscription of Krsna, (Buhler, Archa. eological Survey of Western India, V, p.71; Indishe Palaeo. graphie, p.39). Even, therefore, if it must be admitted that the Hathigumpha inscription is undated, there is still reason to believe that Kharavela may have been contemporary with Satakarni in the first half of the second century B.C. Moreover, a Satakarni is actually mentioned in the Hathigumpha inscription is Kharavela's rival;

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and it appears most probable that he is to be identified with the Satakarni of the Nanaghata inscription. (Op.cit. pp. 481, 482).
Thus, by taking 322 B.C., the date of Candragupta's accession, as the year of beginning of Maurya Era, Kharavela's accession should fall in 170 B.C., and the fifth year of his reign in 166 B.C. Consequently, Nanda - raja's (i. e. Nandivardhana's) attack on Kalinga must have taken place in 466 B.C. This Nanda-king is again mention ed in the 12th line of the inscription, which means, "In the twelfth year of his reign, Kharavela produced consternation among the king of Uttarapatha, created fear in the people of Magadha, made his elephants to enter into "Suganageya", humbled Brihaspatimitra, the king of Magadha and brought back to Kalinga the Jain statue which had been carried away by the Nanda-king, and also gained some Jewels fromAnga and Magadha as an evidence of victory" (Cf. Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. IV. p. 401, Vol. XII, p.732). This line also confirms the date of Kharavela, decided above. For, 'Brihaspatimitra' mentioned in the inscription is identified with Pus yamitra, the Sunaga - king, who flourished in 185150 B.C. according to the Puranic chronology, and the 12th year of Kharavela's reign falls in 159 B.C. which synchronis es with the reign of Pusyamitra. (Cf. Chiman Lal Jee Chand Shah, M. A. Jainism in North India, (Gujarati Translation), pp. 159-162; Dr. V. A. Smith, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1918, p. 554; Dr. K.P.Jayaswal, op. cit. Vol. III, p. 447, Dr. Shanti Lal Shah, op. cit, pp. 53-55).
Our view that this Nanda - raja was no other than Nandivardhana. is supported by some famous historians. Dr. V. A. Smith observes, "The Nanda-Raja referred to appears to be Nandivardhana, the ninth Sisunaga king of the Puranas. It seems to be necessary to treat him and his successor Mahanandin, No. 10 as Nandas distinct from the nine Nandas who come between No. 10 and Can gupta. In the third edition of Early History of India (1914) I placed the accession of Nandivardhana about 418 B.C. He must now go back to c. 470 B.C. or possibly to an earlier date". (Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1918, p. 547). E. J. Rapson, the editor of Cambridge History of India (Vol. 1), concludes: "If tivasa-sata in

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line 6 of the inscription can mean 'three centuries before (the fifth year of Kharayela's reign), we must suppose that in the middle of the fifth century B.C., Kalinga was under the rule of a Nanda king, and it is natural to associate him with the wellknown predecessors of the Mauryas". (-op. cit. p. 484).
This date is also approved by the fact that according to Alberuni, the Nanda era commenced 400 years before the Vikrama-era (56 B.C.) (Cf. Dr. K.P. Jayaswal, op. cit, vol. XIII, p. 240, also, cf. Ganga Prasad Maheta. Pracina Bharata, p. 103). It is quite probable that to mark the death of the founder of Nanda-dynasty, the Nanda. era was started in 456 B.C.
The ancient Brahmanical as well as Buddhist traditions show Panini to be contemporary with a Nanda king. It is mentioned by Taranath, the famous Tibetan writer, that Panini was a friend of the Nanda-king, Mahanandin, the father of Mahapadma Nanda. (History of Buddhism, p. 1608). The Buddhist work Manjusri- Mulakalpa records.
Tasyapantro raja Nandanama bhaviys ati ! Puspakhye nagre Sriman mahasainyo mahabalaka. Bhavisyati tada kale brahamanastarkika bhuvil ! Tebhi parivarito raja vai ! as yapyanatamah sakhyah Paninirnama manavah !!
Patal III, pp. 611-12; Studies on Manjusri-Mulakal by Jayaswal p. 14.
This means - "There will be a Nanda-raja in Puspapura (Patli Putra) and a Brahman called Panini will be his intimate friend. In the court of the king, there will be many Brahmanas who will be logicians and the king will honour them by gifts".
Besides these evidences, Somdeva's Kathasaritsagara and Ksemendra's Brhatkathamangiri bear testimony to the contemporaneity of Panini with the Nanda-raja the records of the Chinese traveller Hieun-Tsang also support this view. (Cf. Dr. Vasudeva Saran Aggrawal, Paninikalina Bharata varsa, pp. 467-480), Dr. Vasudeva Saran Aggra. wal has shown on the basis of literary, historical and traditional evidences that the correct date of Panini is about

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480-410 B. C. Dr. Aggrawal has also endorsed the view of Jain chronology that the Nanda-dynasty ruled in C473323 B. C. (op. cit., p. 473). Dr. Aggrawal has also accepted that in 465 B. C. Nandivardhana, the first Nanda king was reigning at Pataliputra (op. cit. p. 474). Dr. Aggrawal has also cited an allusion from the grammer of Panini, which records that Nandivardhana was the first Nanda king and that Mahanandin his son was the second Nanda-king (Loc. cit.).
214. Vayu Purana, adh, ICV 320; Matsya Purana adh CCLXXI, vs. II.
215. Vayu Purana, adh, Ic, V. 327.
216. Ibid, loc. cit.
167
217.
It is remarkable that Dr. Smith, who has established his chronology on different basis, has also ascribed the period of 88 years from 413 B. C. to 325 B. C. to Mahapadma Nanda.
218. Candragupta Maurya acceeded to the throne of Magdha in 322 B. C., but the Nandas continued to reign at Avanti, upto 313 B. C. As already discussed before, Candragupta Maurya acquired the kingdom of Avanti in 313 B. C., and this ended the rule of the Nanda-dynasty.
Some historians have called the first two NandaNandivardhana and Mahanandi as old Nandas and Mahapadama Nanda and his dynasty as Neo-Nanda (Nanira-Nanda) or new Nandas. (Cf. Dr. Shanti Lal Shah, Chronological Problems, pp. 34-37; also Cf. E. J. Rapson Cambridge History of India, pp. 279-280; Dr. K. P. Jayaswal, Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Sept, 1915, p. 21).
219. Cf. the following chronologies supplied by the Mahavamsa, Dr. Smith and Dr. Shanti Lal Shah respectively:
(i) Mahavamsa, Pariccheda 1 V, V.
(Taking Buddha's Nirvana in 544 B. C., the eighth year of Ajatasatru's reign; the dates refer to the accession of the kings mentioned).

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Regal Period
B.C.
32
16
24
- 18
551 519 503 495 471 453 425 403 381
24
Ajātasatru Udayibhadda Aniruddha-Mun da Nagadasaka Sisunaga Kalasoka Kalasoka's sons Naya Nandas Candragupta Dr. Smith: (Early History of
India) Bimbisara Ajātsatru Darsaka Udayi Nandivardhana Madanandin Mahapadma Nanda Sons of Mahapadma Nanda Candragupta Ajatasatru Darsaka Udayina The Old Nandas
Nandivardhana Kakavarna add Mahanandina
WONO COCO
582 551 527 503 480 456 413 325 313
551
519 501
467
447
The New Nandas
Nanda (Barber) Nanda II (Mahapadma) Candragupta
22 66
404 382 316
24
220. Refer to Muni Kalyān Vijayji, op. cit. p. 24, for a
detailed discussion of the topic Prof. Lassen had observed long ago. "In den Berichten die Nandas herrschtin den Singhalesischen Schriften offenbareine Verwirrung". (Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, p. 64). "The account about the Nandas recorded by the Singhalese chronicles reveal a confusion". Dr. Smith (op. cit.) and Dr. Radha Kumud Mukherjee

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(Hindi Sabhyata, p. 267) have explicitly refuted this belief of Ceylonese chronicles.
221. The greatest blunder committed by the historians
in believing the Ceylonese chronology which states Sisunaga as the successor of Ajātasatru, is probabl due to the misinterpretation of the following verse of the Puran.
Astatrimsacchatam bhavya pradyotahpancate sutah ! Hatva tesam yasah risanamsisunako bhavisyati !! The meaning of this verse becomes clear in the light of the foregoing discussion. To make it more clear, we should know that in Puranas, the name of the king of the dynasties of Kali age are mentioned in the following order:
(i) The king of Pandaya-dynasty from Abhimanyu,
who fought in the Mahabharata war, to Ksemaka, the fourth king to reign after Udayan, the contemporary of Buddha. This dynasty first first reigned at Hastinapura and later on removed the seat of its rule to Kausambi, during the reign of Nicaksus, the successor of Adhis imakrisna.
(ii)
The king of Iksavaku-dynasty from Brhadvalo, who fought in the Mahabharata war, to Sumitra, the fourth king to reign after Prasenjita, the contemporary of Buddha. This dynasty reigned at Srivasti in Kosala.
(iii)
The king of Lunar dynasty of Pandaya and successors of Brhadratha from Sahadeva, who fought in the Mahabharata-war to Ripunjya, the predecessor of Canda Pradyota (Mahasena), the contemporary of Buddha. The successors of Bahadratha (i. e. Parhadrathas) are also called Magadhas probably because they belonged to the dynasy of Brhadratha, Jarasandha, etc., who were the rulers of Magadha, and also Somadhi, the son of Sahadeva established his reign of Girivraja in Magadha after the Mahabharata war. But, after giving the chronology of the twenty-two kings, the Puranas say:

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Purna varsas ahasram vai tesam rajyam bhavisyati!! Brhadrathes vatitesu vitihotres va vantisu!
Pulakas svaminam hatva svaputrmabhiseksyati !! (Vayu Purana, adh. Ic, VV. 309-310; Matsya Purana adh. CCLXX V.30; ad. CCLXXI, V. 1).
These verses explicitly indicate that when the rule of the kings Vitihotras and Brhadrathas was over in Avanti, Ripunjaya the last king was killed by his minister Pulaka (or Punika or Sunaka) and his son Pradyota was enthroned. (We have already discussed Pradyota's rule in Avanti). Thus, though the rule of the Barhadrathas was established in Magadha in the time of Somadhi, later on it must have been transferred to Avanti.
(iv) The kings of Pradyota dynasty from Pradyotqa to Avantivardhana. This dynasty reigned in Avanti. The king of Sisunaga-dynasty from Sisunaga to Mahanandi. This dynasty reigned in Magadha.
(v)
These dynasticlists clearly show that the dynasities mentioned are not in succeeding order but are more or less contemporary. Udayan of the first dynasty, Presenjita of the second dynasty, Pradyota of the fourth dynasty and Ajātas atru (and Bimbisara) of the fifth dynasty are undoubtedly contemporary kings of Vatsa, Kosala, Avanti and Magadha respectively. (cf, Rapson, C. H. 1. p. 277). Thus, it would be mistake if we take the fifth as the successor of the fourth dynasty, although the fourth dynasty is explicitly mentioned to have succeeded the third dynasty. Also, because the Barhadrathas transferred their seat from Magadha to Avanti, the Sisunagas are justified as the rulers of Magadha and the contemporaries of the later Barhadrathas of Avanti. The only question which remains still to be answered is that during whose reign the Barhadrathas changed their seat from Magadha to Avanti. It is possible that when Sisunaga became powerful in northern India and when he established his kingdom in Magadha (in c. 807 B. C) the Barhabrathas king ruling at that time of Magadha, would have escaped to Avanti and established his kingdom there. Then onwards, the Sisunagas ruled in Magadha and the Barhadrathas in Avanti contemporarily. The Barhahrathas were succeeded by the Pradyotas, who, as already

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shown, were succeeded by Sisunaga Nandivardhana, the first Nanda king.
The above interpretation of the Puranic verses is also compatible with the chronology described therein. According to the Puranas, the twenty two kings of the Barhadratha-dynasty ruled for 100 years as follows:
Name of the King
Regnal period
58 years
60
36
:
:
56 23
::
50
:
40
28
:
64
::
(1) Somadhi (2) Srutasrva (3) Ayuta yusa (4) Niramitra (5) Suksketra (6) Brhatkarma (7) Senajita (8) Srutanjaya (9) Mahabahu (10) Suci (11) Ksema (12) Bhuvrata (13) Dharmanetra (14) Vivrti (15) Suvrata (16) Drdhas ena (17) Mahinetra (18) Sucala (19) Sunetra (20) Satyajita (21) Visvajit (22) Ripunjaya
:
OO or
::
O
::
OO
:
W
::
sto
::
35
:
50
999 years
Thus 1000 years for 22 kings.are exactly computed. Also by taking arithmetical average of these regnal periods, we find that each king is alloted 45. 45 years. This means "that the six kings ruled for 45.45 x6 = 273 years, which is also the exact total of the last six rulers. Now, we know from other sources that Pradyota acceeded to the throne of Aavanti (by ending the rule of Ripunjaya) in 549 B.C. (see 'Tibetan Tradition' in Chapter VIII of

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this book). This means that Ripunjaya's rule ended in 549 B.C. By calculating the dates of the last six kings and by comparing them with those of the first six kings of the Sisunaga dynasty, we find that their contemporaneity is surprisingly proved:
Barha datha king Date(B.C.) Saisundga king Date(B.C.)
599-549
Bimbisara
582-544
634-599
Pras enjita
625-582
(1) Ripunjaya (2) Vis vajita (3) Satyajita (4) Sunetra
717-634
Ksemajita
661-625
757-717
Ksemavardhana
711-661
(5) Sucala
789-757
Kakavarna
747-711
(6) Mahinetra
823-789
Sisunaga
807- 747
Ajátsatru the 7th king of the Sisunaga dynasty and Prodyota, the 7th king in the line of Avanti-rulers also become contemporary as follows:
Ajātas atru: 544-497; Pradyota 549-527. Thus, the whole chronology becomes complete.
It may be indicated here, that the date of Mahabharat is also fixed to a great certainty in c. 1559 B.C. This is also confirmed by another chronological fact of the Puranas and the Mahabharata that the Nanda's rule commenced 1050 years after the Mahabharat war, which is thus, dated in 474 + 1050 = 1524 B.C. (Cf. Vayu Purana adh. To viv, 217-329; Matsya Purana, adh. CCLXX v.v. 30 adh. CCLXXI, v.v.1-20 adh. CCLXXII. v.35 Mahabharata XIV = 66-70, also cf. Buddha Parva ka Bharatiya Itihasa, by Missra & Missra, pp.30-171 Pargiter, The Dynasties of Kali age, pp. 20 ff. 65 ff.; Ir. Sita Nath Pradhana, chronology of ancient India pp. 100-230.
222. Cf. Editor's Note, p. -XII
(4) Cf. T. W. Rhy Davids, Introduction to the Mahaparinirvana Sutta S.B.E. vol. XI, p. XLV: "Accord ing to the Raja-parampara or line of kings, in the

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Ceylon chronicles, the date of great decease would be 543 B.C., which is arrived at by adding to the date 161 B.C. (from which the reliable portion of the history begins), two periods of 146 and 236 years. The first purports to give the time which elapsed between 161'B.C. and the great Buddhist church council held under Asoka, and in the eighteenth year of his reign at Patna; and the second to give the interval between that council and the Buddha's death.
"It would result from the first calculation that the date of Asoka's coronation would be 325 B. C. (146 + 161 + 18). But we know that this must contain a blunder or blunders, as the date of Asoka's coronation can be fixed, as above stated with absolute certai nity within a year or two either way of 267 B. C.
Would it then be sound criticism to accept the other, earlier period of 236 years found in those chronicles a period which we cannot test by Greek chronology - and by simply adding the Ceylon calculation of 236 years to the European date for the 18th years of Asoka (i.e. circa 249 B. C) to conclude that the Buddha died in or about 485 B.C. ?
"I cannot think so. The further we go back, the greater does the probability of error become, not less. The most superficial examination of this earlier period shows that they are unreliable and what reliance would it be wise to place upon the total, apart from the details, when we find it mentioned for the first time in a work Dipavamsa, written eight centuries after the date it proposed to fix ?
If further proof were needed, we have it in the fact that the Dipa vamsa actually contains the details of another calculation - based on the lits of king (Rajaparampara), but on a list of Theras (Tharaparampara) stretching back from Asoka's time to the time of the great Teacher - which contradicts this calculation of 236 years".
223. Early History of India, p.11. 224. Political History of Ancient India, p. 6.

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174
225. Chronological Problems, p.41. 226. Op. cit., p. 19.
227. The content of Mahavamsa are as follows:
1. The visit of the Tathagata.. 2. The race of Mahasammata. 3. The first council. 4. The second council. 5. The third council. 6. The coming of Vijaya. 7. The consecration of Vijaya. 8. The consecration of Pandu Vasudeva. 9. The consecration of Abhaya,
See Giger Tr. of Dr. Mahavamsasa, p. VIII. 228. See, 'Inconsistencies' in Chapter III of this book.
229. The Tripitakas tell us that the six religious teachers
Purana Kassapa, Makkhali Gosalaka, Niganth Nataputta, Ajita Kesakambali, Sanjya Vellathiputta and
Pakuddha Kaccayana had already announced themselves as 'Tirthonkaras' and had started preaching their religions before the enlightenment of Buddha. Also, when Buddha attained the enlightenment, all of them were alive. Makkhali Gasalaka was the founder of the Ajivaka 'sect. When, just after having attained the enlightenment, Buddha was travelling from Gaya to Saranatha in the way he met an Ajivaka monk called Upaka. Buddha said to him, "I have attained enlightenment". But Upaka, being not convinced of this, paid no heed to him. Having said, "May be, perhaps, Upaka went away by another road. Vinaya Pitaka, Maha vagga, I, also see Buddhacarya by Rahul Sankrityayana, p.21 and Bhagvana Buddha by Charmananda Kausambi; p. 137. This incident makes it clear that at the time of Buddha's enlightenment, Makkhali Gosalaka had already become an eminent religious leader.
230. Anguttara Nikaya, Atthakatha, 2-4-5.
231. According to Rhys Devids, Buddha. passed his 4th
rainy-season in Mahavana (Vaisali): (Buddhism by Rhys Davids quoted by M. N. Shastri in Buddha: His Life, His Teaching, His Order p. 120). But the

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232.
This Sutta has been quoted in Seniority of Mahavira, in this Chapter.
233. See, 'Inconsistencies' in Chapter III of this book.
234. Dr. Radha Kumud Mukherjee has rightly remarked, "Chronology is essential to biography. An individual cannot rank as a historical person, unless his life and work are placed in time". Candragupta Maurya and His Times, p. 2.
Life of Buddha by Rockhill, p. 17.
Ibid, p. 32.
237. Vayu Purana, Adhyaya IC V.312.
238. Matsya Purana, Adhyaya CCLXXI V.3.
239. Bhagvat Purana Skandha, XII Adhyaya V.3.
240. Kathasaritsagara 3/5/58.
241. Svapanavasavadatta of Bhasa.
242. Mrcohakatika of Sudraka.
235.
236.
175
Attakatha states that the 5th rainy-season was spent at Vaisali in the same way Attakatha states that Buddha passed his 6th rainy-season at Mankula Parvata". While Rhys Davids has stated that he passed the 5th rainy-season, at Mankula Pravata. It seems, that in the calculation of Rhys Davids, there is an error of 1 year.
245.
243. Ayasyuka-Nirukti - Dipika part II p. 110-11, V. 1282. 244. Tithogalipainnya- quoted in "The Date of Mahavira's Nirvana in Chapter VII of this book.
Vayu Purana Adhyaya IC V. 311.
246. Pradyota's ended in 527 B. C. Hence, his accession should have taken place in 527 + 23 = 550 B. C. Cf. foot note.

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176
247. See Traditional Dates of Buddha's Nirvāna in
Chapter VII of this book.
248. See, for example Janardan Bhatt, Buddha Kalina
Bharata, p. 213.
249. Dr. Ramashankar Tripathi, Pracina Bharat ka
Itihasa, p. 129.
250. Asoka ke Dharma Lekha, by Janardan Bhatt,
251. The edicts of Sahasarama and Vairata read
"Upasake".
252. Asoka ke Dharmlekha, by Janardan Bhatt.
253. The Age of Imperial Unity. (The History and
Culture of Indian People, Vol. II), pp. 75-76.
254. Asoka ke Dharama-lekha, byJanaradan Bhatt.
255, Asoka, by Vincent A. Smith, p. 199.
256. Translated from Asokavadana by Dr. Vincent A.
Smith, in Asoka (The Rulers of India), pp. 227-228.
257. Cf. Asoka, by V. A. Smith, p. 211.
258. Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1904, pp.1-26,
Dr. Buhler, 'Second notice, Indian Antiquary, 1893'.
259.
Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, pp. 1301'8, 1911, pp. 1091-1112 (quoted from Janardan Bhatta, Asoka ke Dharma lekha).
260. For the view of the modern history, see Vincent A.
Smith Asoka, p.150; Dr. F. W. Thomas, Indian Antiquary, 1908, pp.19-23, Dr. H. C. Raychaudhuri, op. cit., p. 341 n; Yadhunandana Kapur, Asoka, p.128, etc.

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CHAPTER V PREVIOUS BIRTHS
We are provided with a similar discussion about the previous births of Bhavayan Mahavira nd Gautama Buddha in the Jaina and Buddhist traditions respectively, and there is a very extraordinary similarity between the two accounts We have it in the Jaina tradition that many many lives before the birth of Mahavira, the first Tirthankara Rsabhadeva had revealed about Tapasa Marici. This monk would be the last Tirthankara Mahavira. In the same way, we have it in the Buddhist tradition that many many kalpas before the birth of the Buddha, Dipankara Buddha had revealed about Tāpasa Sumedha, 'One day, he will be the Buddha'. The forecast about Mahāvira was made 25 lives before his birth as Mahavira, while that about the Buddha was made 551 lives prior to his birth as the Buddha.
TĀPAS A MARĪCI
Marici's vacillation - Marici was the son of Bharata. He was greatly impressed by the festivities organised by the gods and the demons on the occasion of the attainment of omniscience by Bhagavān Rşabhadeva, and he became a monk along with his 500 brothers, Marici was the master of 11 Angas, and day after day, he followed Bhagavān Rşabhadeva as his shadow. It so happened once that he was exceedingly tired because of terrific heat. His whole body was soiled by Sweat, and his body and clothes emitted a foul smell. Besides, he was very much thirsty. Because of heat and hardships, he last his patience, and he slipped out from the sramanu order and fell a prey to inferior thoughts. Thought he in his mind,
'I am the grandson of the first Tirthankara Bhagavān Rşabhadeva. I am the son of the first World-monarch Bharata who had conquered all the six regions (or Bharatavarsa). In the presence of the four orders,

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I courted monkhood out of indifference to wordly life. It will be shameful for me to give up discipline and return home. But at the same time, the fact remains that I cannot bear the heavy responsibility of monkhood on my weak shoulders. It is impossible for me to practise the great vows, and yet in giving them up and returning home, I shall be staining the family line. Thus I have a tiger on one side, and a river on the other. But just as in climbing a mountain, there is always a narrow foot-path, so by the side of this most difficult road (i.e., religion, there should be an easy way'.
Marici as a tridandi monk - Lost in the tangle of his own thoughts, Marici further pursued his contemplation:
The monks in the order & Bhagavan Rsabhadeva conquer mind, speech and body, and I have conquered all the three. So I shall be a tri-dandi (triple-wanded). The sramanas with their senses subdued tonsure their hairs and become bald. I shall also tonsure my hairs except a few at the crest. The nirgranthas desist from killing all forms of live, minute as well as big, but I shall desist from killing big lives. (But) I shall not give up possession (property), and I shall us e foot-wear. I shall apply sandal paste and others to perfume my body. I shall spread umbrella over my head. Being wholly free from passions, these monks put on white robes, but since I am not wholly free from passions (called/kasaya), I shall put on kasaya (saffroncoloured) garments. These monks do not drink fresh (unboiled) water, but I shall take bath with a limited quantity of fresh water and drink the same'.
He gave effect to his thought and changed his dress and way of life, but he did not give up the company of Bhagavan Rşabha. He always moved in the group of his monks. When people saw a peculiarly-dressed monk in the group of nirgrantha monks, they felt a curiosity about him and asked him about his religion. But to everyone he spoke about his original religion (i, e., sramana, religion, and nothing about his new religion).

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When people asked him why he did not follow it in his own life, he frankly confessed his own inability. If anyone got inspiration from his words and desired to be initiated into the holy order, he always referred him to Bhagavān Rsabhadeva and advised him to join his order.
Kapila - Marici spent many years with Bhagavan Rsabhadeva. Once he fell seriously ill and there was none to take care of him. For the first time, he experienced the misery of a solitáry life, and he thought that he should take some direct disciples of his own. One day, as Bhagavan Rsabha deva was delivering a sermon, a prince Kapila was present in the assembly. Somehow, he did not like the sermon and he felt a disgust for it. So he looked around, and his eyes fell on Tridandi Marici who conspicuous for his dress. So he got up from his seat, came to Marici and asked him about his religion. Said Marici,
"I have no religion to offer to you. If you care for it at all, then I would advise you to seek the protection of the Bhagavān".
So the prince came back to his own seat and tried to concentrate again on the sermon. But despite his best effort, he found no interest in it. So he came back to Marici and said,
"Don't you have some inferior staff with you on which you may advise and direct me. If you have
none, then why have you taken a friar's robe"? When Marici heard these words, thought he,
"It seems that this fellow bears similarity with me, They say - birds of the feather flock together. Very well. He will be a good companion to me'.
Then he said aloud,
"You have religion with the Bhagavān as you have it with me".
This is a false statement that Marici made, and because of this falsehood, he enlongened his span of worldly exist

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ences. However, he initiated Kapila as his own disciple, taught him his 25 'fundamentals', and started a new school. According to the Jaina Purānas, Kapila took a disciple in Asuri, and the latter in his turn took a disciple in Sankhya. Kapila and Sankhya together elaborated the 25 fundamentals of their preceptor Marici, and thus became the first philosophers of the new school. Their philosophy which has come down to us is known as the philosophy of Kapila or of Sankhya, though, it must be borne in mind, that the real founder of the school was Marici (1).
As Future Tirthankara - Once Bharata submitted to Bhagavan Rsabha deva,
''Bhante! Is there any soul present in this assembly who, like your worthy self, will establish the order and consecrate the land of Bharata"?
Ordained the Lord,
"Your son Marici is the first Tridandi Parivrajaka, His soul is still impure because of the dirt of kar ma. But gradually it will be purified with the help of white (pure) meditation (sukla -dhyāna). (Thereupon, after having passed through several lives), he will be the first Vasudeva named Triprstha at Poitane apur in Bharatavarsa in the down phase of the timecycle. Then passing through several more lives, he will be born in western Videha as a son unto King Dhananjaya and his queen Dharini when he will be named Priyamitra, and he will be a world-monarch. Thereafter, to close his chapter of worldy glidings, he will become the 24th Tirthankara in this group of 24 (headed by me), and at that time, he will bear the name Mahāvira. He will (re-establish the order, on this earth, and will be perfected, enlightened and liberated".
Marici felt elated - Bharata became exceedingly happy to hear these words of the Lord. He was proud that his son would be the first Vas ideva, a world-monarch and the last Tirthankara. In order to communicate this great news to his son Parivrajaka Marici, he hurried to him from

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the proximity of Bhagāvan Rşabhadeva, and narrated all that he had heard about his future greatness, Marici's joy too knew no bound. He clapped his hands thrice in joy, sprang up in the sky and praised again and again his own good luck. Shouted he,
"How great is my line! How noble is my line! My grand father is the first Tirthankara, my father is the first World-monarch, and I shall be the first Vasudeva, a world-monarch and the final TirthankaraAll my great ambitions will thus be fulfilled. My line is the best of all".
Because of this ego, Marici acquired great karma that gave him a lowly birth. This is the reason why, though he was marked to be the last Tirthankara Bhagavan Mahā vira, and he should have been placed in a Ksatriya womb, to start with, he had to spend some time in the (lowly) womb of the Brahamana lady Devānandā (2).
We get an account of total 27 (past) lives of Mahavira of which he lived two before he was born as Marici, and the rest afterwards. Of the 27, he lived the first life as Nayas ara Karmakara. In this life, he had offered food to a meritorious monk because of which he acquired right faith. But later, when he lived as a World-monarch as also as a Vasudeva, he had acquired great sins because of which he had been assigned to the hells, as low as the seventh one. In his 25th birth, he propitiated the 20 nimittas (list given at the end of this Chapter) which are basic to the attainment of Tirthankarahood, and he acquired thereby auspicious karma to give him the name and line (nama-gotra) of a Tirthankara. He spent his 26th life in the 10th heaven named Pranata, and in his 27th life, he was born to be Sramana Bhagavān Mahavira.
TĀPASA SUMEDHA
Sumendha was born in a Brahmin family in the city of Amarvati. He lost both his parents in his infancy. Thereupon, be became indifferent to the world, and was initiated as a tāpasa monk.
Immersed in deep thinking, he had a realisation as follows:

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'There is suffering in the next life. I must find out the way what would liberate me from rebirth. There must be some such way. As happiness and misery are two counterparts, so there must be acounterpart to this life to end further life. Heat goes with the emergence of cold; so does the fire of attachment, etc., with liberation'.
This thinking gave a further stimulus to his indifference. He built a cottage on the Himalayas and settled there. He spent his time mostly in trance and meditation.
At that time, Dipankar Buddha, the Leader of mankind, was preaching in the world and served as a becon-light. While on his tours, once he arrived at the great vihāra (Buddhist resting place) named Sudarsana in the city of Rammaka. The people of the city welcomed the great teacher with the offerings of incences and wreaths, and paid their homage and obeiscance to him. They attended his sermons, invited him to take food from them on the following day and returned home. On the next day, the Buddha would enter the town to beg. So the town was being decorated to receive him. The ditches on the streets, through which water flowed, were filled up with dust. Thereon they spread white sand as bright as silver, and scattered on it fried rice and flowers, Flags of various hues were unfurled, and all important places were decorated with rows of banana trees and filled-up jars, Groups of happy people were strolling all over the city. All that time, Tapās a Sumedha who had come out of his cottage (on the Himalayas) was flying through the sky on some business, When he saw the decoration of the city, and groups of merry people moving about, he had a desire in his mind to know the reason for all this. So he descended from the sky to the ground and made enquiries when he was told by the people, in part, as follows:
"Bhante! Revered Dipankara who has become a Buddha and is currently preaching the best religion to mankind is at this moment stationed at the great vihā - ra named Sudarsana outside our city. We have invited him to our city, and he is scheduled to visit us to-day. So we are decorating the route through which the Buddha will pass".

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On hearing these words, Sumedha thought,
'What to speak of being born as a Buddha in this world, it is a rare luck even to hear the word (Buddha). I should also join with these people to decorate the path of the Buddha'.
183
At once, he applied himself to the work. Within a short time Dipankara Buddha arrived. The bugles were sounded heralding his entry into the city. Men as well as gods shouted joy at his sight, and mandara flowers were showered on him from the sky. Sumedha untied his matted hairs, spread his bark, saffron robes and (deer) skin on the ground, lay on it and thought.
'It will do me the greatest good if Dipankara Buddha touches my body with his feet'.
From his bed, be beheld the great leader and witnessed in him the lustre of Buddhahood. Thought he,
'I can attain liberation by ending all misery, but that is not my objective. Like Dipankara Buddha, I must attain the Great Enlightenment, and help the people to cross through the worldly ocean by boarding on the ship of religion. Thereafter I should attain liberation',
He felt an intense desire within himself to attain Buddhahood. For this, he was even prepared, to sacrifice his life.
The Buddha came to Sumedha and said,
"Behold this matted monk. One day, he will become the Buddha. This is the explicit meaning of Buddhahood".
-
'One day, he will become the Buddha' when men and gods heard these words, they became immens ely happy and said,
"Monk Sumedha is the seed of future Buddha, he is the sprout of the future Buddha. The 'progeny of the Jina' (iina-putra, which should mean in this context

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the progeny of the Buddha)moved round Sumedha (thrice). People said,
"Holy sir! You will surely become a Buddha., Exert yourself with all your might, move on forward, retrace not backward".
When Sumedha heard these words, thought he,
'The Buddha's words cannot be wrong'.
Now he concentrated all his efforts for the attainment of Buddhahood. He looked for the path that would entitle him to this great status, and he exhibited great enthusiasm in his search for this. He practised 10 paramitās (list given at the end of the Chapter) which had formerly been practised by the Bodhi-sattvas. Sumedha received the Buddhist disciplines from the living Buddha and bowed before him. From now on, Sumedha started his penances and passed through 550 lives. Thereafter, he was born in what is called Tusit-loka (which is stated to be the abode of the Bodhi-sattvas). In this world (of the would-be Buddhas), a thousand years prior to the Great Enlightenment, there aros e a din that Sumedha's success was now a certainty. Having descended from the Tusit-loka, he entered as an embryo into the womb of Queen Maya devi, and on the arrival of the right moment, he was born as the next Buddha(3).
There are many items of researchers' interest in the two accounts given above, such as the glidings of the two, their life-span, etc., etc. Twenty nimittas have been considered a must for the attainment of Tirthankarahood, as 10 paramitas are a must for the attainment of Buddhahood. It is interesting that both the lists have many similar items. The lists are as follows:
20 nimittas (4)
Devotedness to the Arihantas (
Worthy Ones ). Devotedness to the Siddhas (Perfected Souls). Devotedness to the Teachings (prayacana). Obedience to the Preceptor, Obedience to Senior Monks (sthaviras). Obedience to Canonists (scholars).
Woo -

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7. 8.
Obedience to the Austere Monks. Perpetual Activity of Knowledge, Pure Right Vision (samyak darsana).
9.
10. 11.
12. 13.
Humility/Discipline (vinaya). Practise of six essentials as per prescription (e. g., practice of equanimity, eulogy of 24 Tirthankaras,' obeisance, confession, suspension of bodi of bodily activity, and renunciation). Unfailing pursuit of celibacy (brahmacarya). Meditation (dhyāna). Penances (tapah). Offerings to the Apt Ones (patra-dana). Service to the distressed or ill monks (vaiya vrtya). Tranquilizing the Perturbed Monks. Unprecedented Practice of Knowledge. Devotion to Canons. Propagation of Spiritual Discipline (pravacana-pravavana).
14.
15.
16.
17.
18. 19. 20.
10 paramitas (5)
1.
oco
Offerings (dana) Discipline (sila). Detachment (naiskramya) Wis dom (prajna) Exertion (virya) Forgiveness (ksanti) Truth (satya) Firmness (adhisthana) Compassion (maitri) Equanimity (upeksa)
10.
While there is much similarity between the 20 nimittas (of the Jainas) and the 10 paramitas (of the Buddhists), there is, however, a basic difference between the two traditions. The (would-be) Buddha is determined for the attainment of Buddha hood, and all the practices are directed to the same end. In contrast, in the Jaina tradition, all efforts (even by an would-be Tirthankara) are to be concentrated on attaining supreme indifference (vitaraga (what the Buddhists have called the Arbathood). Tirthankarahood is

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indeed a glorious state, but it cannot be coveted; it comes of itself on the accumulation of merit. To direct prescribed penances to the attainment of a transcient goal is, in Jaina terminology, a nidana (6), the very reverse of true devotion. To practise penances with a material end is a sacrilege (7). In the Buddhist tradition, Buddha hood has been considered to be a coveted thing, because herein personal liberation is secondary, the primary mission of the Buddha being the liberation of the world. The implication is that the Jainas have viewed Tirthankarahood as a state, but the Buddhists have viewed Buddha hood as a mission for doing good to others. This relative difference has been the fundamental cause of difference between the two traditions. (For the rest), doing good to others is not wholly undesired in Jainism, nor is the desire for status glorified in Buddhism. The difference thus turns out to be one of presentation.
Notes on Chapter Five
E
Based on Trişaşti - salākå-puruşa-caritram, Parva 1, Sarga 6, Slokas 1-52;
(2)
A di-purāņa, Parva 18; and Āvaśyaka Sūtra Niryukti, Malayagiri Vștti, Pp. 232. 2 to 234. 1. Trişaşți-salākā-puruşa-caritram, Parva. 1, Sarga 6, Slokas 370-90. Also Avaśyaka Sūtra as above, 244 to 245.1.
Jataka-atthakatha, Dure Nidana, Pp. 2 to 36. Cf. Nāyā dhammakahão, Adhyayana 8, Sútra 70, imehi ya ņam visāehi ya kāraņehimāseviyabahuli ka ehim titthayara-nāma-goyam kammam nivattimsu tam jaha:
arahanta siddha pa va yana guru thera, bahus sue tabassisum vacchallayā ya tesim abhiksn-nāņovayoge ya 1 damiana viņaya ābassae ya silabbae ņiraiyāram khanalava tava cciyā e veya vacce samāhi ya 2 apubba-ņāņa-gahaņe suyabhatti pavayaņe pabhāvaņaya e-e-him káraņehinh titthayarattaṁ lahai jiyo 3 Bauddh Dharma Darsan, Pp. 181-182; Also Jātak, VOL. I, Pp. 110-113.
(5)

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(6)
Dassasūyakkhandha, Nidāna Prakaraņa. Cf. Dasāveāliyam, Adhyayana 9, Uddešaka 4:
(7)
caubbihā khalu tavas amāhi bhavai tam jahā: no ihalogatthayāe tavamihiţthejjā no paralogatthayā e tava mihiţthejjā no kitti-vanna-saddasilogatthayāe tavamahitthejjä nannattha nijjaraţthāe tavamahiţthejjā.

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CHAPTER vi BIRTH AND INITIATION
The original version of the life-story of Bhagavān Mahāvira is contained in the two Jaina Agamas, the Ayāranga and the Kappa. This version has been further elaborated in the commentaries, cūrnies, nir yukties and poetical works. The earlier lives of Bhagavan Buddha are mainly contained in the Jātakas.' Of course, in their entirety, the
nas and the Tripitakas are virtually the life-stories of these two great men, but in the aforesaid texts, (i, e., the Ayaranga and the Kappa, and the Jätaka) the two life-stories have been given in biographical forms. There are indeed similarities as well as differences between the two descriptions regarding the birth and initiation of these two great men, and these similarities and differences are especially important for understanding the difference between the two cults, viz, Jainism and Buddhism. These apart, the two accounts throw ample light on popular usages, social customs and religious traditions of that age.
Both Mahavira and Buddha think towards the end of their previous birth about their next live; but there is difference in the thinking of the two. For, whereas Mahāvira thinks where he is going to be born, the Buddha thinks where he should be born.
About the time of his birth, the Buddha thought,
'I should be born at the time when the span of human life is more than a hundred years but less than 1,00,000 years. That time is good for nirvana!
. In the Jaina tradition too, that period has been considered most propitious for the birth of a Tirthankara when the span of human life is of a medium size.
The Jambūdvipa of Mahāvira is stated to be 1,00,000 yoj anas, but that of the Buddha (only) 10,000 yoj anas. Mahavira was born at Uttara-ksatriya-Kundapura in South

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India in Jambūdvipa, and the Buddha was born at Kapilavastu in the central part of Jambudvipa. The two places were in closest proximity; only their names were different.
When Mahavira came in the Brāhmaṇa line in the womb of Devanandā, Indra thought as follows:
"The Arahantas have never been born outside the Ksatriya line, among the Brahmanas, Vaisyas or Sudras, nor will they be so born. So I should remove him from the womb of Devānanda and place him in the womb of the Ksatriya woman Tris ala. '(1)
At the command of the Indra, the god named Harinaigamesi performed the job. (In the Buddhist tradition), the Buddha thought himself,
'A Buddha is born as a Brāhmana or a Ksatriya, but never as a Vaisya or a Sūdra. At this moment, the Ksatriyas are the superior of the two; so I should be born as a Ksatriya.'
Thus according to the Indra, a Tirthankara could be born only in the Ksatriya line, but according to the Buddha, a Buddha could be born either in the Ksatriya line or in the Brāhmana line.
At the time of her conception, Mahavira's mother dreamt 14 dreams, such as, a lion, an elephant, an ox, and so on; but the Buddha's mother dreamt only a single dream. In both the cases, the next morning, the dream-interpreters •were called in. For Mahavira, they predicted that he would either be a Cakravartį or a Tirthankara; in the case of the Buddha, they predicted that he would either be a Cakr av arti or a Buddha.
The occasion of the birth in both the cases is commemorated by the association of gods. The descriptions in both the traditions are hyperbolic; (but compared to the Jaina tradition), the description in the Jataka is more elaborated and exaggerated. Both Mahāvira (2) and the Buddha were free from dirt as they emerged from the wombs of their respective mothers.
Suddhodana (Gautama Buddha's father) desired to place the child at the feet of a holy man named Kala..

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devala; but before he could do so, the Buddha's feet touched the matted hairs of the monk. For, the Buddha is supposed not to bow before anyone. We read of no comparable inci. dent in the life of Mahāvira; but the Tirthankarás too are governed by a similar rule, viz., that they bow before none(3).
Mahavira as a child was taken care of by five trained nurses. They had different assignments like cleaning the boy, dressing him, feeding him, carrying him on the lap, etc. The Buddha as a child was taken care of by dirtfree nurses.
Neither Mahāvira nor the Buddha had formal schooling in crafts, grammar, etc. Mahavira came to the school for a day when he displayed his profound enlightenment by solving the most difficult questions on grammar put to him by no less a person than the Indra. In the case of the Buddha, we have it that one day, he demonstrated his craftmanship in an assembly of technicians.
Mahavira started his married life on maturity ( this is not accepted by the Digambaras, as already stated); whereas the Buddha did the same when he was sixteen. The Jātaka narrates his affluence by stating of his three palaces, one being his winter resort, another his summer resort, and the third one his resort during the rainy season. In the Jaina tradition, Mahavira's palaces have been described as 'wide and vast' (u na and vipula) (4). We have it from other sources that in those days, the affluent people had several mans ions which they used during different seasons, and as the seasons changed, they moved from one mansion to the other (5).
For the Buddha's enjoyment, there is mention of ,000 dancing girls.
When the time for his initiation had come, the Lokantika gods came to Mahavira and reminded him of his great mission; in the case of the Buddha, this purpose is served by the sight of an old man, an ail ing man, a corpse and a monk. On the attainment of Enlightenment (Bohi) by the Buddha, Sahampati Brahmā arrived and requested him to introduce the wheel of Religion (dhar ma-cakra) for the good of the world(6). Before his initiation, Mahāvira gave in

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alms enormous treasures for a full year; but in the life of the Buddha, we do not have any mention of an analogous event.
As the Buddha moved out of the city precincts (on way to courting monkhood), Måra came to him and said,
"On the seventh day from to-day, a Wheel of Paramontcy (cakra -ratna) will be born; so renounce not your home. "
In the Jaina tradition, too, the birth of a Wheel of Paramontcy is conceived in the case of a would be world - monarch(7).
The occasion of Mahavira's initiation was celebrated by the gods headed by the Indra and by men headed by Nandivardhana. They decorated him with ornainents and placed him on a palanquin, took out a procession, till they saw through the whole process of initiation. In the case of the Buddha during the night when the Buddha left his home, at the command of the Indra, gods came after the Buddha had finished his bath, and remaining invisible from the rest of the people who had assembled, they dressed and decorated him.
Placed side by side, it should appear that the process of initiation as described in the Agamas has been followed in (describing the initiation of the Buddha in) the Jātaka. In the Buddha's eventful march for initiation, the association of the gods is not difficult to add. As the Buddha rode on his horse-back, it is stated, 60,000 gods moved with him from all directions with torches in their hands, without disturbing the silent environment of the night.
In the Jaina tradition, the throne of the Indra is shaken on the occasion of the birth, initiation and other special events in the life of a Tirthankara; but in the Buddhist tradition, it becomes hot on such occasions.
At the time of his initiation, Mahāvira uprooted five handfuls of hairs from his head; the Buddha cut his long hairs with a sword. Mahā vira's hairs were received by the Indra on a saucer made from vajra -ratna and were immer -

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sed in the Ocean of Milk. The Buddha, in contrast, hurled his hairs in the sky where, at a height of a yojanu, they became fixed. Indra collected them from the sky in a pot made from gems and gave them the shape of a caitya named Cudamani in the Trayas-trimsaloka.
It has been stated about Mahavira that his hairs, beard, pore-hairs and nails were fixed and did not grow (avaṭṭhie kesamamsu romanahe) (8). From the time of his initiation, the Buddha is also stated to have his hairs fixed. This has been considered to be a miracle in both the traditions (9). Both are stated to have curly hairs(10).
The name of the horse on which the Buddha rode (while renouncing his home) was Kanthaka. From his neck upto the tall, the horse was 18 cubits in length.
The Buddha is said to have the physical strength equal to that of 1000, 00, 00, 000 elephants. In the Jaina tradition, a Cakravarti has the strength of 40,00,000 astapadas (an animal, believed to be extinct now, which was stronger than the lion), and a Tirthankara has infinite strength. Mahavira rid the Indra and other gods of doubt about himself by shaking Mount Meru by the touch of the first finger of his leg just at his birth. Though no such miracle is recorded about the Buddha, still, by dint of his great yogic powers, he is stated to have performed many a miracle.
BHAGAVAN MAHĀVĪRA
Of the current down-phase of the time-cycle, the double-bracing period (suşama-suşama) had gone out (long ago); even the bracing phase (suşama) had ended; and so did the bracing-non-bracing phase (suşama-duṣama); and a good part of the non-bracing -bracing phase (dusamasuşama) was also out. Of the last mentioned phase, only 75 years and 8 months still remained. At this time, in the fourth month of the summer season, during the eighth fortnight, on the sixth day of the bright half of the month of Aşadha, when the star Hastottara was in conjunction with the moon, Bhagavan Mahavira descended from the great vimana named Pundarika in the tenth heaven named Prāṇata on completion of his celestial life-span of 20 sāgaropamas.

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In the southern part of Jambūdvipa, in Bharatavarşa, at a village named Da kşiņa - Brāhmaṇa - Kundapura, Maha - vira descended to enter into the womb of the Brāhmana woman Devānandā of the Jalandhara line, the wife of one R$habhadatta of the Kodāla line. For a moment, all the living beings were liberated from their pa inful experiences. The three worlds witnessed joy and light.
At that time, Bhagavān Mahāvira was the master of three types of knowledge, mati, śruta and avadhi. He realised that it was time for him to descend from celestial life. Ha ving descended, he realised that he was safely lodged in the womb of the Brāhmaṇa woman Devānandă. But what he did not know was his descent because it was completed within a very short time(11).
When a god has 'only six months of his life left in heaven, his wreath dries up, the kalpa tree shakes, his grace becomes dim, his beauty fades away, his clothes lose their brightness, he looks pale, his sleep is gone, his desires end, his body loses its vigour, his eyes lose their vision, he shivers and his entire time is spent in distres - sing thoughts. But Mahavira was an exception. He did not undergo these 12 experiences.
At the time of Mahavira's entry into the womb, Devānandă, half asleep and half awake, dreamt 14 dreams. At once, she got up in a happy mood and narrated her dreams to Rsabhadatta. Rşabhadatta was also very happy to hear about them. Said he,
"Lucky woman ! These dreams are very important; they are good, blissful and worthy; they give health and well-being. As a result of these dreams, you will get wealth, affluence, son and happiness. You will give birth to an extraordinary boy on the expiry of 9 months and 7 days. The hands and feet of that boy will be very tender, his organs of senses plea - sant and duly developed, and his body beautiful and well-proportioned in every limb. He will be rich in signs, marks and merits. He will be placid like the moon, beloved of all, beautiful and pleasant."
(Continued the Brå hamana:)

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On completion of his childhood, when he will step into his youth, his knowledge will be widely extended. He will be the master of the ækveda, the Sāmaveda, the Yajur - veda and the Atharvaveda, History and Lexography, with all their complementary texts. He will expound their deepest mysteries. He will revive the lost meanings of the Vedas. He will be thorough in the six Angas and in Şasti-tantra (of Kapila). He will be an expert in Mathematics, Astronomy, Grammer, Brahmanical lores, the holy books of the Parivrajaka order, etc., etc.
Transfer of the embryo - When, by dint of his clairvoyant knowledge, Indra came to know that Mahavira had descended on the earth to be born, and had entered the womb of a lowly (Brahmana) woman, he had a sudden thought in his mind,
'The (would-be) Tirthankaras, Cakravartis, Balade - 'vas, Vasudevas, to not descend in a caste which is Sūdra, lowly, insignificant, having few kinsmen, poor, miserly, begging, or Brāhmanical. They descend in such royal families as the JKatr, the Ikşvāku, the 'Hari or some other Kşatriya line(12).
At once, he looked for the god Harina igameşi and commissioned him to transfer the embryo. It was the midnight of the 13th day in the dark half of Asvina. The star Uttara-phalguni was in conjunction with the moon. Ma hã - vira had already spent 82 day-nights in the womb of Deva - nanda. On the 83rd day, at mid-night, Hariņaigamesi transferred the embryo from the womb of Devānanda and placed it in the womb of the Ksatriya woman Trisala. Mahā vira was already equipped with three types of knowledge, and so he knew of it before the transfer and also after the transfer, and he did know when he was being transferred(13).
In the latter half on the night, Trisalā dreamt the following objects in fourteen dreams: a lion, an elephant, an ox, Goddess Lakşmi, a pair of wreaths, the moon, the sun, a pitcher, a lotus tank, ocean of milk, a celestial vimana, a heap of jewels and smokeless fire. She woke up, and in a happy frame of mind, she came to King Siddhārtha and narrated her dreams. On hearing all about them, the

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king was also very much delighted. The king addressed the following words to Queen Trisala:
"You have dreamt very worthy dreams, as a result of these, we will have wealth, affluence, son and happiness; and the kingdom also will prosper. Some great soul is coming to us."
The queen was delighted to hear this precise explanation in the outcome of her great dreams from King Siddhartha, From the king's bed-room, she came back to her own. In order to retain in tact the good effects of the dreams, she spent the rest of the night in practising spiritual vigil.
In the morning, King Siddhartha got up. He was in very high spirit. Having finished his morning duties, he repaired to the gymnasium. There he practised the use of arms, jumping, wrestling, etc., various sitting and respiratory postures (asanas). To get his fatigue removed, he had his body massaged with śatapāka and sahasrapăkā oils. Then he entered into his bath room and fin tähed his bath. After bath, he had sandal pa ste besmeared on his body, put on clothes and ornaments, and with the decorations of the highest office, he came to the assembly hall. Beside the king's throne, behind a ta pestry, was placed an excellent chair for Queen Trisala which was bedecked with jewels. Orders were issued to invite to the assembly all the leading dream-interpreters of the city.
Dreams interpreted on receiving the invitation, the dreaminterpretors took their bath, worshipped gods, wore tilaka - mark on the forehead, and performed the propitiatory rights with curd, durvā grass and rice to drive away evils. Then passing through the heart of the city of KsatriyaKunda pura, they arrived at the palace entrance. There they discussed among themselves and chose a leader. Then they entered into the assembly and bowed before the king. The king received them with due honour, explained to them the purpose for, which they had been brought in and asked them about the outcome of the dreams.
After a threadbare consideration and' scrutiny of the dreams, the interpreters submitted:

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"Oh King! In the text-books on Dreams, there are on record 42 types of dreams which yield ordinary results, and 30 types of dreams which yield good results. In all, there are 72 types of dreams. Of the latter 30: the mothers of the would-be Tirthankaras and Cakravartis dream 14, those of the Vāsudevas 7 those of the Baladevas 4 and those of the Mandalikas only one."
The experts continued:
"Queen Trisala has dreamt 14 good dreams, and so it is a certa inity that, you will have wealth, affluence, son and happiness. On the expiry of 9 months and 7 day-nights, the queen will give birth to a son who will be (like) the ensign of the family. the light of the family, the crown of the family. the tilaka- mark of the family. He will ennoble your family line, and widen its achievements, prosperity and fame. He will have his organs of senses in right proportion, with his limbs tender and graceful. He will have good marks and signs on his body, and will be pleasantlooking and gentle.
"Even at the expiry of his childhood the boy will be mature in knowledge. On stepping into his youth, he will be a great philanthrophist and a great hero and thereafter he will either be acarruvarti commanding all the four directions, or he will be a Tirthankara who would help living beings in the four existences to terminate their rebirth".
Then the dream-experts analysed each one of the 14 dreams separately and in complete details. The delight of King Siddhartha and Queen Tribalá increased a hundred- fold The king offered them ample wealth and gifts, honoured them and bade them good-bye.
Affection for the Mother
While stationed in the womb, once Mahāvira thought as follows:
'If I move, it causes pain to my mother. So I should not move and cause her trouble!

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So he fixed his limbs and did not stir. When the embryo in the womb did not stir, this became a source of great anxiety to the mother:
'Has the child been stolen from my womb by some god? Is it dead? Is it dilapidated?,
These and similar other mental worries made Queen Trisalā extremely restless. She felt very much depressed and began to weep. Her distress was so heavy that she fell down in a swoon. Her maids rushed forth to help her and restore her to her senses. They made enquiries about the safety of the embryo. The elderly ladies performed various expitiatory and propitiatory rites, and the astrologers were called in to throw light on various queries. When King Siddhartha heard the news, he also felt a great anxiety. The ministers did not know what to do in the situation. There was a shadow of unknown apprehension all over the palace.
By dint of his avadhi 'knowledge, Mahavira came to know all this. Thought he,
'I withheld the movement of my limbs to save pain to my mother, but the outcome has been far from good.'
So, to relieve his mother of unnecessary anxiety, he began to move. This was an indication to the queen that the child was in good health, and this gave her a great delight. She regretted for her earlier apprhensions. She was now fully convinced that neither the child had been stolen. nor was it lost or dilapidated. So she thought that henceforth she should entertain no such evil ideas in her mind. The queen's happiness restored the palace to its own cheerfulness,
The above event took place about the time when Mahā vira had already lived in the womb for six months and a half. This cast a profound impact on his mind. Thought he:
'How very deep will be the sorrow of my living parents if I renounce the world during their lifetime! :

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In consideration of this distress to his parents, he made the following decision while he was still in the womb:
'I shall not renouce the world so long as my parents, live.'
On the realisation that the child in the womb was in perfect order, Queen Triếalà took her bath, said prayers and per - formed her propitiatory rites. Then she put on her dress and ornaments. For the good of her child, she gave up food which was too hot (to touch) or too cold, too sour, too pungent, too hot (to taste), too oiled or too rough. She took care to protect hereself from too much anxiety, too much grief, too much meanness, too much joy, too much fear and too much terror.
Keeping in view the suggestion of the elderly and experienced ladies in the household, for the comfort and protection of the child in the womb, she walked slowly and infrequently, indulged not in anger or loud la ughter, ate only wholesome food, avoided garments that were tight at the waist, kept aside from uneven and rough grounds, and was especially careful, and never sat under the bare sky.
Ever since Mahavira came into the household of King Siddhartha, his wealth and grains increased. At the order of Sakra, the Indra of the gods, the valet-gods (Jrmbhakas) of Vaiśravana, the keeper of the celestial treasures, transferred to King Siddhartha's household all sorts of treasures that were buried under ground, treasures of which there was no owner or no protector, even treasures whose existence was not known to anyone, and treasures from villages. towns, forests, highways, tanks. holy places parks, vacant chambers, caves and many other resorts. Wealth, grains and vehicles of diverse sorts increased manifold in the kingdom.
Desire of a Pregnent Women According to the Kalpalatā : commentary of the Kalpa Sūtra, during his pregnancy, Queen Tribalã felt a yearning to put on the ear-rings of the consort of Indra, though (she knew well that) it was an impossible desire. So she became depressed. Suddenly, the throne of Indra shook, and by dint of his avadhi knowledge, he saw the cause of it. To safeguard against this position, he took his principal consort and other nymphs with him,

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and in a very dangerous valley on an inaccessible mountain, he built a celestial city and took shelter there. When King Siddhartha came to know this, he came to that valley with his army, and demanded the surrender of the ear-rings. But Indra was not prepared to oblige him. So there started a war between the two. Although Indra was quite capable to fight, somehow in the present case, he failed to do so for long, and after some time, he took to his heels. King Siddhartha plundered the nymphs. Thereafter. he snatched the ear-rings from Indra's queen and gave them to Trisalā. The queen wore them, and thus her desires were fulfilled.
At the mid-night of the 13th day of the bright half of Caitra, the embryo had completed the stay of 9 months and 71⁄2 day-nights in the womb and was now mature for birth. Mahavira was born in good health. At the time of his birth. (as it happens in the case of the gods,) he was perfectly clean, and had no coat of blood and other dirts. During that night, all the seven stars were high up in the sky and the star Uttara-phalguni was in conjunction with the moon. The universe was lit with a wonderfull light. Heavenly drums sounded in the sky. For a while, even the infernal beings enjoyed a bracing respiration. All the directions were placid pure. All omens forecast victory and success. Wind was blowing gently and favourably. The clouds sent a delightful shower. The landscape was green with corn. The whole country was full of joy.
Celebrations at Birth- At the time of Mahavira's birth, 56 divine damseld (dik-kumaris) came and served as midwives. At the Saudharma -kalpa, the throne of Indra was shaken. By dint of his avadhi knowledge he realised that the final Tirthankara Mahavira had been born. Being highly delighted at this realisation, he set out for KsatriyaKundapura in the company of all members of his family. He had with him four species of gods viz.. the Bhavanapatis. the Vanavyantaras, the Jyotiskas and the Vaimanikas. and many other Indras. All the gods were anxious to be the first to reach King Siddhartha's palace. Indra moved round Mahavira and Trisala thrice and bowed before them. Thereafter, Indra made a dummy of Mahavira and placed it beside the mother. The mother was then hypnotised to sleep, and real Mahavira was carried to the summit of Mount Meru. There all the gods stood in readiness to pour water on him brought from eight sources in 8064 pitcher

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Indra, the Lord of Saudharma-kalpa became alarmed at the thought of the heavy shower of water that the just-born baby would be required to undergo(14).
By dint of his avadhi. knowledge. Mahāvira came to know of Indra's apprehension. To remove this, he gave a little pressure on Mount Meru with his left leg and the mountain began to shake. To ascertain the cause of this sudden quake, Indra applied his own knowledge, and he was convinced of the infinite power of Mahavira, At once, he begged to be forgiven for his unnecessary apprehension). Then Indra and other gods bathed him with water, chanted
re him, and placed him again by the side of his mother, Queen Tribalā.
At day-break the good news (about the birth of a son to him) was conveyed by the slave-girl Priyamvada to King Siddhārtha. The king became very much delighted, and rewarded her by giving to her all the ornaments that he had on his body. except the crown. Besides he restored her freedom for the rest of her life. He sent for the jailors, and to mark the special occasion. he ordered them to set free the convicts. The debtors were relieved of their debts. In the markets people who had no purchasing po were given leave to purchase whatever they needed against payment assured from the Treasury. Weights and measures for all things were increased. The city was cleaned everywhere. Scented water was sprinkled at all places. Temples and highways were decorated. At the market place and elsewhere, temporary seats were erected for the members of the public to sit comfortably and watch the celebrations. The walls were white-washed and decorated with paintings in traditional style. Invitations were sent to actors, dancers, rope-players wrestlers, boxers, jesters, jumpers, swimmers, readers, acrobats, musicians and instrument players of all sorts, and they were required to display their skill in squares, at places where three roads meet, where four roads meet, and at all other public places. Accordingly, all the aforesaid artists turned up and displayed their skill.
King Siddhārtha came to his gymnasium and took exercise as usual. Then he took his bath, put on his royal robes and ornaments and came to the assem

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bly hall. He ordered the celebration of sthiti-patita (a celebration at child birth) for 10 days with pomp and grandeur. On the third day, Mahavira was exposed to the moon and the sun. On the sixth day, there was a complete vigil at night and people of the royal household did not sleep during that night. The naming ceremony took place on the twelfth day. On that day, King Siddhartha invited all his friends, relatives. kinsmen. officers and slaves and entertained them at a great banquet, and gave them clothes and ornaments. Addressing his guests, the royal host said.
"Ever since the boy has come into the family, we are passing through a period of unusual growth of wealth, grains. treasures, granaries, man-power, kinsmen and territory. So I suggest that he may be named Vardhamana (ever-growing). 11
The proposal was unanimously approved. Thus Mahāvīra was named Vardhamana (by his parents). Later, after he had entered into a hard life of penances. and remained unshaken in the midst of unbearable. terrific and dreaadul hardships, the gods named him Mahavira (the great hero). by which name he became famous.
Childhood Mahavira's childhood was spent like that of any other prince in the midst on plenty and pleasures. He had five trained maids to look after him. They had their duties carefully assigned, and they performed them carefully at proper hour. The duties included feeding, washing, dressing, playing and carrying on the lap, Mahavira was not fond of games and plays. But still he played sometimes in the palace garden in the company of his peers. Once when he was less than 8 years of age, he was playing a gq a game called samkuli. In this game, the target was a tree at which all the boys ran. On reaching the tree, they were required to climb up and get down. One who completed the process in the minimum time was declared to be the most successful. Other participants would then carry him on their shoulders to the place wherefrom the race had started.
Once pointing to Mahavira who was at play, Sakra, the Indra of the gods, said in the assembly of gods,
"Though a child, Mahavira is very powerful and brave. None, not even an Indra, a god or a demon, can defeat him. "

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One of the gods, who did not believe in these words of the Indra thought at once of holding a test of the child and arrived at the place where Mahavira was at play with his friends. The god turned himself into a dreadful snake, coiled round the trunk of a banyan tree and began to hiss. Mahāvira was at that time climbed on the same tree. When the boys saw the snake, they were terrified and ran away, but Mahavira sat perfectly unconcerned. With is right hand, he caught the snake and placed it aside.
The boys met again and started a fresh game called tindusaka. In this game also, a tree was chosen as target, but the boys were paired, and both were required to run at the same target. Of the two, he who touched the target first was declared successful, and then he would enjoy a ride on the defeated partner to the place wherefrom the race had started. The aforesaid god changed himself into a boy and got mixed into the group. He managed to pair himself with Mahavira, but was defeated by the latter. As per the rule of the game, Mahavira rode on the boy's back and was on his way to the place wherefrom he had started. Maybe to terrorise him or hide him from others, the god enlongened his body to the length of seven palms and looked severely dreadful. All the boys became alarmed. Some began to shout and others began to cry bitterly; but Mahāvira remained free from fear. He measured the extent of his wickedness and gave him a severe blow on the head and another on the back. The blows were too powerful for the god to bear, and be began to sink into the ground. Quickly he changed his form and fell at Maha vira's feet. Said he,
"Indra spoke highly about your courage and bravery,
but, I think, you surpass all description." The god went back to his heavenly abode. After the god had departed, Indra came himself and congratulated Mahavira for his masterly demonstration of courage. Physical strength About Mahāvira's physical strength; the widely held belief is as follows: In strength, 12 soliders are equal to 1 ox;
10 oxen are equal to 1 horse; 12 horses are equal to 1 buffalo; 15 buffaloes are equal to 1 elephant;

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500 elephants are equal to a lion with mane; 2000 maned lions are equal to 1 asṭapada; 1, 00. 000 aṣṭapadas are equal to 1 Baladeva; 2 Baladevas are equal to 1 Vasudeva; 2 Vasudevas are equal to 1 Cakravarti;
1,00,000 Cakravartis are equal to 1 Indra of the Nagakumara gods;
An infinite number of Indras is equal to the smallest finger of the Tirthankara
orna
Education When Mahavira had crossed his eighth year, his parents sent him to school. The teacher was given a cocoanut as his fee and costly gifts of cloths and ments. Sweets were distributed among the students, and they were given things necessary for scholars. The teacher arranged a separate seat for the prince.
Indra was surprised at this arrangement made by King Siddhartha and Queen Trisala for the education of their boy. For, it was very much unbecoming to send one endowed with three types of knowledge to a school to be taught by an ordinary mortal. So Indra came there at once in the guise of a Brahmana. He put some typical questions on grammar to Mahavira in the presence of the teacher and senior students; but to the surprise of everybody, Mahavira took no time to provide the correct answers. The teacher and the students became very much surprised. Some of the answers even the teacher himself did not know and they got enlightenment from the answers given by Mahavira. After this demonstration, Indra said to the teacher,
"Sir! This is an exceptionally gifted boy. He is the Master of all arts. 11
On the basis of Mahavira's answers to his queries, Indra produced a new grammar to be called Indra's Grammer.
Marriage - When Mahavira stepped into his youth, his parents desired that the should marry and take a wife. Mahavira had no desire to lead a married life, but at the same time, he did not wish to disappoint his dear parents. So he married Yasoda, the daughter of a mahasamanta (15) from Vasantpura by his wife Padmavati (16).

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In the various Aga mas, we have an elaborate record about the members of his family. Supārsva was the name of his uncle, and Nandivardhana that of his elder brother. His *elder sister was Sudarsanā, and his daughter was Priya - darśanā who was married with Jamali. The name of his grand-daughter this daughter's daughter) was Sesavati or Yasasvati.
From his very birth, Mahavira was indifferent to worldly life. His body was strong and highly graceful. All objects of pleasure were readily available to him, but he had no fasci nation for them. Both his parents were the followers of Parsya, and were very pious souls. They lived a long life as devoted followers, and before their final exit, they devoted themselves to the practise of the vows li ke ahimsa, etc., discussed, decried and denounced their sins, performed pratikramana, etc., a nd at last courted fast unto death. Thus closing their earthly chapter, they were born in Acyutakalpa.
By the time Mahāvi ra was 28, he had lost both his parents, and so he desired to fulfill the resolve he had made earlier. He placed before his elder brother a proposal about his own renunciation and initiation. Nandivardhana was deep-hurt to hear such untimely request. The parents had just died, and Nandivardhana was not mentally prepared to let his brother go at this time. So at the pressing request of his elder brother, he agreed to defer his exit by two years. Meanwhile, rumour had spread far and wide that as Mahavira's mother had dreamt 14 dreams, he was now sure to become a world-monarch. So the leading kings of period sent their sons, Srenika, Canda Pradyotana and many others to serve under him (17). But Mahāvira was not in the least interested to be a world-monarch. For one who was ear-marked to be a Tirthankara, the position of a worldmonarch was too insignificant. Although Mahavira was still living at the palace, he was virtually living like a monk, almost renounced in everything. He did not drink raw water, did not take food at night and remained strictly celibate. He slept on the ground, and to quench the fire of passions, he was always immersed in deep concentration on Self. He spent a year like this. After this, he commenced his final year in the household and during the whole of this year, he gave alms (var si-dana). He gave out 1, 08, 00, 000

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gold coins per day, so that during the year, he gave 3,88,80,00,000 gold coins in all.
Great Renunciation - At the age of 30, Mahavira completed his resolve. As per their convention, they came to Mahavira and submitted as follows:
Jai jai khattiya vara vasabha
bujjhani bhayavam savva jagajjiva hiyam arahań
tittham pavvattehi
(Oh Bull among the noblest Ksatriyas! Victory be to thee. Now it is for thee to get initiated and organise the holy order for the good of all living beings on earth).
Mahā vira now placed his firm resolve regarding his own initiation before his elder brother Nandivardhan, his uncle Suparsva and his other kinsmen. All the kinsmen approved of his resolve. .
Nandivardhana started the celebrations to mark the occasion of the great renunciation. He ordered his men to procure jars made from eight substances (viz., gold, silver, jewels, gold-silver, gold-jewels, silver-jewels, gold-silver-jewels, and simply clay), 1008 of each variety. The order was immediately put into effect. To participate in the celebrations, Sakrendra arrived with his entire family. Then, Nandivardhana, Sakra and other gods placed Mahāvira on a golden throne facing the east and poured water on him from the eight varieties of jars (as aforesaid). His body was then dried with a scented saffron cloth, and divine sandal paste was a pplied to it. Then he was made to wear light but costly robes and ornaments. Having gone through these initial rites, Mahavira sat on a spacious and decorated palanquin named Candraprabhā. Sakra himself, men and gods together shouldered the palanquin. Fallowed by a vast crowd, the procession passed through the heart of Ksatriya-Kundapura and stopped beneath an excellent asoka tree in a park na med jnátr-khanda. There Mahavira took off all his clothes and ornaments with his own hands. Then he plucked out five handfuls of hair from his head. Sakra received the hairs on a saucer made from vajra-ratna in a kneel-down posture . and immersed them in the ocean of

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milk. Henceforth Mahavira had only a single divine cloth to cover his body.
On that day (of his initiation), he was on a two-day fast missing six meals in all. His tinge was pure. It was the season of winter. It was the 10th day of the month of Margasirsa. The day was named as Suvrata, the moment as Vijaya, and it was the fourth quarter of the night when the star Uttara-phalguni was in conjunction with the moon. While bowing to the liberated souls, asceticism in the great assembly of gods and men, he accepted based on equanimity (samayika) and uttered the following words:
Savvam me akaraņijjam pāvakammam
(From this day, I desist from all sinful acts).
There was silence everywhere. That day, the winkless eyes of thousands of gods and men witnessed the superb scene. Just then, the manah-paryaya knowledge (knowledge of the fourth type) was attained by him.
Resolve
Immediately after his initiation, Mahavira took leave of his friends, relations and kinsmen, and dismissed them. Thereon he resolved as follows:
-
'Henceforth for 12 years, I shall remain indifferent to my body and take no care of it. If during this period any disturbance is created by gods, men, animals or birds, I shall bear it with perfect equani - mity.'
Thereafter, he moved out from the Jnaty -khanda park. On the same day, just a muhurta (48 minutes) before sun-set, he reached a village named Kumara and stood in meditation.
BHAGAVAN BUDDHA
When the Bodhi-sattva was in the Tuşit -loka, there arose a din about (the imminent birth of) the Buddha. Having learnt that on the expiry of a thousand years, the omniscient Buddha would be born in the world, the Lokapāla

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gods stirred all over, addressing their friends, and announcing,
now, the
'On the expiry of a thousand years from Buddha will be born in the world.
Being inspired by the announcement, all the gods residing in the 10,000 cakravalas (each ca kravala is a world by its elf, with a diameter of 12,03450 yojanas and circumference of 36, 10, 350 yojanas). assembled. They enquired who the next Buddha was, and having observed his prior marks they came to him and prayed. When the marks had become explicit, all the gods from the cakravālas, such as Caturmahārā jika, Sakra, Suyāma, Santusit, Paranirmita-vasavarti. and others, met in the same cakravāla with the Mahabrahmas, and held consultation among themselves. Thereafter they came to the Bodhi-sattva in the Tuşitloka and prayed unto him:
'Friend! You have acquired the 10 päramitas not to win the seat of Indra, nor to usurp the position of Mara, Brhama or a cakravarti, but you have done so in order to save the world and attain enlightenment for yourself. Friend! We have come to tell thee that it is time for thee to become the Buddha.'
Five great selections - Without committing anything to the gods, the Bodhi-sattva analysed threadbare five items, the time (period) of his birth, the isle (continent), the country (region), the parental line and the span of his life. The first item up in his thought was whether the time was propitious or not. When people had a life-span of more than one lakh years, that period was not propitious for the birth of a Buddha; for, with such a long life, people did not have the experience of birth, old age or death, nor are the preaching by the Buddhas (during this period) free from transcience, misery and emphasis on non-self. During this period, people did not pay heed to these preachings, and had no respect for these. Rather, they made adverse comments. (During this phase, ) people were not conscious about the utility of religion, and unless they were so conscious, the preachings by the Buddha had no impact on them. So such a period (when people lived more than one lakh years) was not suitable (for the birth of a Buddha).

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Likewise, a life-span of less than a hundred years was equally unsuitable. For, when life-span was very short, it had the dominance of malice and attachment, and in such a situation, all words of wisdom fell as if on deaf ears. Just as a line drawn in water with the help of a stalk dipped in it disappears in no time, so good counsel would get lost (with people who had a very short life). So this period also was not suitable.
Most favourable was the period when life-span was less than one lakh years and more than a hundred. (He saw that) the current time was like that. So (he was statisfied that) it was the proper time for the birth of a Buddha. Considering next the isles (continents), he gazed at the four isles with their peninsulas. Apara-goyana, Purvavideha and Uttara-kuru, these three were not suitable for the birth of a Buddha; he could be born only in the Jambudvipa. So he decided in favour of this isle (18).
-
Now, (in the Buddhist tradition), the Jambu-dvipa is of the size of 10,000 yojanas. So while thinking of the region (suitable for the Buddha's birth, he looked at the central part (of the Jambu-dvipa). In the eastern part of this region, there was a village named Kajangala; beyond that, there was a forest of grown-up sala trees. Between the two (i. e., the village and the forest) flowed the river Salalavati. In the south, there was a village named Setakannika, and in the west, a Brahmana village named Thuna. In the north, there was the mountain Uşiradhvaja which was 300 yojanas in length, 250 yojanas in breadth and 900 yojanas in circumference. It was this region that was most suitable for the birth of a Buddha, a Pratyeka-Buddha, Agra - śravaka (leadingmost disciple), Mahasravaka, 80- Mahaśravaka, Cakravarti rulers, and the most powerful and affluent among the Ksatriyas, the Brahmanas and the Vaisyas. The city of Kapilavastu was located in this very region. So he decided to be born in this city.
Considering next the parental line, he took the following decision about it:
'A Buddha is never born among the Vaisyas or the Sudras. He may be born either in the Brahmana or in the Ksatriya caste which are revered by the peo

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ple. These days, the Ksatriya caste is more respected; so I shall be born in this caste. King Suddho - dhana would be my father. '
Analysing the nature and behaviour mother, he thought as follows:
209
of his (would be)
a lakh
'The mother of the Buddha is free from restlessness and addictions to drinking, etc. She needs to be one who has been fulfilling the paramitas for innumerable) kalpas, and who, since her birth, practises the pancasilas without a break. Queen Mahamaya fulfils these conditions very admirably. her be my mother. '
So let
But when he considered the remaining part of her life-span, he found that she had only 10 months and 7 days more at her disposal on this earth.
Having considered the five items and made his selections, he made the following announcement:
"This is time for me to be the Buddha. "
ted.
The gods were delighted to hear this, and then they deparThen in the company of the other gods of the Tusitloka, he entered into the park named Nandana. There (in the park) they enjoyed a promenade in the course of which the gods reminded the Bodhi-sattva of the coveted exismove out from tence that he would attain after he would there (Tusit-loka), and of the states he would experience because of his pious karma in the past.
.
Thereafter he descended from there to enter into the womb of Queen Mahāmāyā.
Dreams of the Queen At that time, all the residents of Kapilavastu were celebrating the Asaḍha festival. (It started a week before the full moon night). At the commencement of the week, she decorated herself with wreaths and On the perfumes, and participated in the celebrations. seventh (last) day, she got up in the morning and took her bath with scented water. She offered alms amounting to a After total of 4 lakhs. Then she took very delicious food.

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this she took a vow called uposatha and lay on a beautiful couch in a well-decorated room. While asleep, she dreamt four dreams which were as follows:
'Four great kings, Lords of the four directions, lifted me with my couch and took me to some part of the Himalayas. They placed me on a slab of stone named Manahsila which had a dimension of 60 yojanas under an excellent sāla tree whose shadow covered an area of 7 yojanas and stood aside. Then the consorts of these Lords of the directions took me to a lake named Anotapta . They bathed me in order to remove the human dirt from my body, dressed me in divine clothes, sprayed perfumes on me and decorated me with divine flowers. There is a mountain nearby named Rajat, where there is a golden palace (vimana). There they lay me on a divine couch with my head towards the east. The Bodhi-sattva who had become a beautiful white elephant came to a mountain named Suvarna which was very adjacent, and from there, he climbed the northern part of Rajat mountain.' He came there from the north. There was a white lotus in his trunk which looked like a silvery garland. Trumpeting sweetly, he entered into the golden palace. Thrice he moved round the couch, and then he entered into my womb by piercing through the right.'
That day, the star Uttarāsādha was in conjunction with the moon.
Next day, Queen Mahamaya narrated her dreams to King Suddhodana. The king sent for 64 leading Brahmanas. In order to accord them a befitting reception, the ground was purified with a coast of cowdung; propitiation was done with paddy sheaves and costly cushions were spread. The Brahmins came and sat on those excellent seats. They were served with khir (rice boiled in milk) dressed and sweetened with ghee, honey and sugar which was served on silver saucers, each such saucer being covered with another. Then they were honoured with the gift of clothes and kapila cows. Having thus fulfilled all the wishes of the invited Brāhmaṇas, the king drew their attention to the dreams which they were to interpret. Said the Brāhmanas in reply.

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"Great King!
Have
no anxiety. The child in the womb of the great queen is a boy, not a girl. You will have a son. If he remains in worldly life, he will be a world-monarch, but if he renounces the world, he will be mightily enlightened to be the Buddha."
When the Bodhi-suttva entered into the womb, the 10,000 cakravalas were, in a sense, shaken. Thirty-two auspi cious prior omens appeared. In the 10,000 cakravālas, there was a non-ending lustre, and, as if to witness this lusture, the blind people regained their vision, the deaf their capacity to listen, the dumb to speak, the hunchback to stand erect, and the lame men to walk properly. Living beings who were chained and handcuffed, or who were tied with fetters became free. Fire in the hells was extinguished. The evil spirits had their hunger and thirst quenched. The beasts became free from fear. All the living beings were cured of diseases. All the living beings became sweettongued. The horses neighed sweetly, and sweetly did the elephants trumpet. All musical instruments gave out music themselves. The bangles on human hands jingled even without a clash. All the directions became quiet. Pleasant, gentle and cool air began to blow. There were untimely showers of rain. Water rushed out from the earth and flowed. The birds stopped flying in the sky. The rivers stopped flowing. The water of the great oceans became sweet. The entire landscape became covered with lotus es (flowers) of five colours. All the flowers of land and water became blossomed. Flowers on the trunks of the trees, on the branches of the trees and on the creepers became blossomed. Even stone-slabs pierced to emit forth bunches of seven flowers each. Hanging flowers blossomed in the sky. There were showers of flowers everywhere. Divine instruments played in the sky. In all the directions, all the 10,000 worlds looked like a bunch of garlands, or like garlands pressed and tied together, or like a decorated garland-seat, or like columns of garlands, or like a fullblown camara scented with flowers, incences and perfumes.
From the time the Bodhi-sattva entered into the womb, four gods stood ready closeby with swords in hand to keep. out any disturbance to the child or the mother. Henceforth, the mother of the Bodhi-sattva lost all hankering for the

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male (husband). She attained great benefit and fame, and she lived in a happy frame free from fatigue. She could see the Bodhi -sattva in her womb as one can see a yellow thread passing through an exquisite gem. Now the rule is that like a diety's abode in a temple, the womb occupied by the Bodhi-sattva cannot afterwards be occupied or enjoyed by another being. This is why the mother dies a week after the birth of the child and she is then born in the Tuşit doka. Unlike other women who give birth to a child in sitting or lying posture after having carried the child in the womb for 10 months more or less, the mother of the Bodhi -sattva carries the child in the womb exactly for ten months and then she gives birth to the child in a standing posture. That is typical of the Bodhi-sattva's mother.
Birth When the time of delivering the child came, Queen Mahāmāyā expressed a desire to go to her parental home. The king got the road connecting Kapilavastu with Devadaha repaired, and then had it decorated with banana trees, filled-up jars, ensigns, flags, etc. Then the queen started on a golden palanquin being accompanied by a thousand officers and many valets and maids. Half-way between the two cities, and used by the citizens of the two cities, there was a park named Lumbini which was full of excellent sala trees. At this season, the trees in the park were in full bloom from top to bottom. Between the twigs and between the blossoms, bees hummed sweetly and birds chirped gently. The entire park of Lumbini was in full decoration. Queen Mahamaya expressed a desire to take a stroll in the park. The attending officers at once carried out her wishes. The entire party moved into the park. When the queen came under an excellent sala tree, she desired to capture a branch. At once the branch bent itself and came within her reach. The queen stretched her hand and caught it. Just then, she had her labour pain. At once an enclosure was put up and all people stood apart. As the queen stood holding the branch in her hand, the child was born. The child was received on a golden net by the four Mahabrahmas of pure heart who had arrived there in time for this purpose. They placed the child in the presence of the mother and said,
'Queen! Be pleased to learn that you have given birth to a very powerful son.

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Like other beings, the Bodhi-sattva is not besmeared with dirt and blood at the time of his birth. He comes out from the mother's womb, wholly clean, like a spiritual teacher coming down from a holy seat, or like a man descending from a staircase, with both his hands and feet stretched, like one in a standing post ure, glittering like a jewel placed on a clean and pure silk from Kasi. For the use of the Bodhi-sattva and his mother, two flows of water rushed forth from the sky, and they cooled the body of the two.
From the hands of the (four) Mahà-brahmās, the child was received by the four Lords of the directions on soft deer skin which was considered auspicious. From them (the Lords of the directions), men received them on a piece of folded silk. But the child slipped from the hands of men and stood on the earth. He cast his glance towards the east. In that direction, several thousand cakravālas had been mixed up as if into a single surface. From there, gods and men worshipped him with incences and flowers, and submitted:
"Noble sire! In this direction, what to speak of one excelling thee, there is not even one to be equal with thee."
In the same manner, the Bodhi-sattva looked in all the directions and sub-directions very thoroughly, and when he found that there was no one to equal him, he walked seven steps towards the north. At this time, the Mahă-brahmā held a white umbrella on his head, the Suyamas fanned him with palm leaf, and other gods held other royal objects (kakudhabhändas, such as sword, umbrella, crown, sandals and fan) in their hands and followed him. At the seventh step, the Bodhi-sattva stopped and spoke the following fearless words of the best among men:
"I am the best in the Universe."
Then he gave a tremendous yell.
Thus immediately on coming out from the mother's womb, the Bodhi-sattva spoke in the same manner as he had done (in two of his previous births) when he was born as Mahauşadha and Vessantara. (19) As at the time of his

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entering into the womb, so at the time of his birth, 32 auspicious omens appeared. When the Bodhi-sattva was born in the Lumbini park, Queen Rahul-mātā, minister Channg (Chandaka), minister Kala-Udai, hastiraja (elephant) Ajaniya, asvarāja (horse) Kanthaka, mahabodhi tree and four pitchers full of treasure were also born. The pitchers were placed respectively at a distance of one gavyūti (i. e., at a distance of 1/4 yojana), 1/2 yojana), 3 garyūtis (3/4th of a yojana) and one yojana. The residents of the two cities together came to Kapilavastu with the Bodhi-sattva.
Tapasa Kaladevala
Hermit Kala-devala who was the master of eight samadhis was held in the highest esteem in the family of Suddhodana. One day, having finished his dinner, the Tapas a went to the Trayas trimsa-loka for the purpose of a change and recreation. To the gods who were having a nice time, he said,
"Will you kindly tell me what it is that makes you so very gay and palyful?"
The gods said,
"Dear me! Don't you know that? A son has been born unto king Suddhodana. He will sit beneath the bodhi tree, be enlightened himself and then he will introduce the Wheel of Religion (dharma-cakra). We will have unlimited opportunity to see his great activit ies and hear dharma from his lips. This explains why we are so happy and gay."
Without losing any further time, the monk hurriedly descended from heaven and came to Suddhodana's palace. (He was duly received.) Having taken his seat, he said to the king,
"King! A son is born to thee. I want to see him, "
The king sent for the boy, and (after he was brought in,) he advanced to place him at the monk's feet, But (before he could do so,) the Bodhi-sattva's feet touched the matted hair of the monk. In his life as a Bodhi-sattva, he bows before none. If, through ignorance, the Bodhi-sattva's

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head were placed at the feet of the monk, then, the latter's head would have broken into seven pieces. But no monk would desire his own ann ih ilation. So, no sooner was the child was ushered in than the monk stood up from his seat and bowed before him. The king witnessed this unusual event and himself bowed before the boy. The monk was in possession of the superhuman power of seeing through a time-span of 40•kalpas on both sides. He observed very carefully the physical marks of the boy to make sure if he would be a Buddha, and he had now no doubt about it. He saw that this was a wonderful personality. So he smiled within himself. Next moment, he thought if he would live enough to see him become a Buddha; but after thinking for some time, he saw (to his greatest disappointment) that he would not live to see him (become a Buddha). (He saw that) before the boy would attain Buddha -hood, he would pass away to be born in the Arupa-loka where he would not be enlightened even till the descent of a hundred, nay, a thousand, Buddhas. He began to cry on his own ill-luck. The people present were surprised and asked,
"Holy sire ! Just a moment ago, we saw you gay, but so soon you weep. Did you notice any difficulty for prince?"
The monk became serious and firmly asserted,
"He will have no difficulty. He will undoubtedly be a Buddha."
- "Then what's it that makes you so restless and unhappy"?
The monk's voice was faltering. He said
''I myself won't live to see him be a Buddha".
The monk extended his thought to see if any one from his own family line would witness this great event, and he saw that his own nephew (sister's son) Nälaka would do so. At once, he reached the house of his sister and enquired,
"Where's Nalaka"?

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The sister said,
"He is at home".
"Call him hither at once",
said the monk.
When Nala ka came to him, the monk said,
"My dear child'. A son has been born to King Suddhodana. He is the Buddha in the making. Thirty-five years from now, he will become the Buddha, and you are lucky enough to be able to witness it. So I wish, renounce this very day".
Thought the boy,
"Though I am born in a household which possesses a huge treasure worth 87 crores, my maternal uncle does not desire me to be entangled in this source of evil.
11
So he ordered to be brought from the market a saffron robe and a clay bowl. He tonsured his hairs and shaved his beard, and put on the monastic robe. Then he said,
זיי
get initiated in the name of one who is the best among men in the world".
Uttering these words, he paid his obeisances to the Bodhisattva by folding hands and bowing five limbs. Then he put the earthen bowl in a bag, hung it from his shoulder and became settled in the Himalayas observing the conduct and practices of a śramana. To anticipate the story of the later part of his life, after Tathagata had become a Buddha, he came to him, received instructions from him, and went back to his seat in the Himalayas. There he became an arhat and attained the most exquisite state. (After this event), he lived for seven months, and then, he entered into an exclusive nirvana in a standing posture.
Question on the Future
On the fifth day, the Bodhi-sattva was given a bath from his head down. The naming ceremony was performed.

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The palace was besmeared with four perfumes. Four types of flowers with stalks were scattered. Khir was boiled in milk without water. The king invited (to dinner) 108 Brahmanas who were versed in the three Vedas. The Brahmaņas included eight scholars, named Rama, Dvaja, Laks maņa, Mantri, Kaunḍinya, Bhoja, Suyama and Sudatta, who were masters of the six Angas. It was these (eight) who chanted the mantras. It were these again who had earlier interpre ted the dreams. They (eight) were given seats inside the palace, served excellent food and duly honoured and then they were requested to give their considered views abut Bodhi-sattva:
"What about the future of this boy, learned Brāhmanas!
Of the eight Brahmanas, seven raised two fingers each and predicted either of the two futures for the boy:
217
"With marks like these, if the boy sticks to the household, he will be a Cakravarti; but if he renounces, he will be a Buddha".
Then they tendered a complete accounts of the grandeurs of a Cakravarti. But the youngest Brahmin, who belonged to the Kaundinya line, raised only one finger to give a definite reading of the boy's future and firmly asserted:
"I do not see any chance of his remaining in the household. He will acquire profound knowledge and become a Buddha. Most deserving, and holding the final body, he excels any other person. Such a man cannot, by any chance, remain in the household. will surely become a Buddha.
He
"1
The king interrupted,
'Sir! What will be my son's immediate inducement(s) to renunciation"?
-
"Four prior scenes".
- "What four scenes, pray?"
"An old man, a sick man, a corpse and a monk".
-
The king at once issued a strict order as follows:

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'None of these four should, by any chance, be allowed to come near the prince. I am not interested in his becoming a Buddha. I wish to see him as overlord of four great isles surrounded by 2000 smaller islands, seated at the head of a vast assembly hall as much as 36 yojanas in circumference, and freely flying through the unobstructed firmament.'
At the order of the king, check-posts were set up all around the city at a gap of three korsas from one another. The guards were asked, on pa in of severe punishement, not to allow anyone of these four inside the city.
On that day, at the place where ceremonies were performed, 80, 000 kins men and relatives declared.
'No matter whether the prince becomes a Buddha or a Cakravarti. we shall offer him one son each. If he becomes a Buddha, he will be surrounded by 80,000 Ksatriya monks; and if he becomes a Cakravarti will be surrounded by 80,000 Ksatriya warriors'.
A Miracle - To take care of the Bodhi-sattva, the king empolyed five very exquisitely beautiful and blemish-free maids. In a vast family, the Bodhi-sattva was growing in grace and majesty. It was the occasion of the farm festival in the city. On this occasion, people decorated the city very beautifully so that it acquired the look of a heavenly vimāna. All the king's valets, slaves, etc., put on new clothes, scented themselves, wore wreaths and a sembled at the palace. The king himself possessed a vast farm which needed a thousand ploughs to cultivate, He had eight hundred less one (799) silver ploughs bedecked with gold and jewels. The horns of the bulls as also their whips and bridles were similarly decked with gold. The king came to the farm in the company of the prince and the entire retinue. In the farm, there was a berry tree which was vast and shady. A bed was spread for the prince beneath the tree, A canopy was hung above it with the help of golden threads, Then it was enclosed on all sides and guards were placed outside the enclosure.
Thereafter, the king, in the company of his ministers, went out to plough. The king held a golden plough, the

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ministers held 800 less l silver ploughs and other men held other ploughs. They started ploughing the land from one end to the other.
There assembled a vast crowd of men to witness the occasion. Even the maids who held charge of the prince inside the enclosure could not check the temptation of coming out and be eye-witness of the occasion. When the BodhiSattva saw that there was no one near him, he got up quickly, controlled his respirations and sat down in meditation for the first time. At that time, the shadow of all the trees had changed their direction (i. e., became enlong ened), but the shadow of the tree beneath which the Bodhi-sattva sat remained round, without a change., This attracted the attention of the maids who hurried inside the enclosure to find the Bodhi-sattva on his bed sitting in meditation. They were ta ken by surprise and rushed to the king to report about this miracle. The king too rushed to the spot, witnessed the miracle and became surprised. At once, he bowed before his son, saying,
"My son! This is the second occasion when I bow before thee."
The Bodhi-sattva grew to become 16. The king erected three palaces to be used by his son during three seasons. One of these was nine-storeyed, another seven and the third one five. He employed 40,000 dancing girls to amuse the prince all the time. Like gods surrounded by nymphs, he was surrounded by these finely dressed girls who, in their turn, were attended by trained female instrument players. Thus the prince lived amidst grandeur, and moved from one pa lace to another with the change of seas on. (The prince was, however, already married, and) Rahul-mata was his principal consort.
Displaying technical skill: One day, there was a discusion among the relatives and kinsmen as follows:
'The prince is planted amidst, pleasure all the time. He takes no interest in learning crafts. How will he fare in case there is a war ?'
The king who had heard this discussion sent for the Bodhisattva and said unto him,

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"My son! You have not learnt any craft. Is it good ? Does, it help? "
The Bodhi-sattva, however, replied with confidence:
"There is no craft which I do not know. You issue forth a proclamation that on the seventh, I shall dis - play my skill in public".
The king did accordingly. On the appointed day and at the appointed place, there assembled a vast crowd of thousands of people. Sixty thousand expert archers having diverse proficiency were especial invitees for the occasion, The Bodhi-sattva put on a suit of armour. He wore a turban on his head. He tied a thread of light yellow colour on a bow made from a ram's horn, and tied a bucket full of arrows at his back. He hung a sword at the waist on the left. Then dangling an arrow with a vajra tip on his finger, he came forward. The people welcomed him with a great applause. Addressing the king, the Bodhi - sattva said,
"Sire! From among the archers who are assembled here, the leading -most four who can hit the target in no time, hit a fixed target, follow with an arrow the course of sound, and hit an arrow in motion, may be sent forth to me."
The king did accordingly. The Bodhi-sattva erected a square platform and placed the four archers at the four corners. Each archer was given 30,000 arrows and an expert to assist each. The Bodhi-sattva took his position at the centre of the platform. He was still dangling the same arrow with a vajra tip on his finger. Addressing the king, he said,
"Sire ! These worthy archers may be asked to discharge volleys of their arrows at me. I assure you, their arrows will not touch me."
"Great king ! We are trained in archery. We are respectivel y a quick shot, a fixed shot, expert in following the course of sound with an arrow and expert in hitting at an arrow in motion. The prince

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may be induced to desist from this daring feat. He is still a notice, and we do not desire to discharge our arrows at him.
The Bodhi-sattva protested,
"Hit me if you can.
This is my challenge to you."
The archers accepted the challenge and discharged their arrows at a time. The Bodhi-sattva cut their arrows before they could touch him. With his own arrows, the Bodhi-sattva created an enclosure round himself so that the arrows discharged by the adversaries could not even come near him, whereas the arrows discharged by him puzzled his adversaries very severely. When the archers had exhausted all their arrows, the Bodhi-sattva, without dismantling his own enclosure of arrows, gave a jump and stood before the king. The people shouted a deafening applause, and offered him gifts of costly ribes and ornaments which made a huge pile. The ya lue of the treasure was 18 crores,
The king was the proud father of such a meritorious son. He received the Bodhi-sattva very cordially, and asked the name of this particular skill and that of the master-archer who had devised it. Said the Bodhi-sattvå.
"Sire ! This skill is called arrow-resisting (bäņavarodhini), and in the whole of the Jambu-dvipa, there is none who excels me in this."
The king - "My dear son! Display another skill. "
The Bodhi-sattva started,
"Sire ! These four skilled archers could not hit me though they enjoyed vantage over me in their corner positions. Now, from my position at the centre, I shall pierce all the four with a single arrow."
But the archers had no more courage to face his arrow and they withdrew, whereon four banana trees were placed at the four corners. A red thread was put through the eye at the far end of the arrow and it was then dis -

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The
charged by the prince at one of the banana trees. arrow passed through a tree, took a turn, passed through the second tree, took a turn again, passed through the third, and likewise it passed through the fourth tree, and returned into the prince's hand. Thus the four trees were placed on a single thread. The people were delighted to witness this wonderful feat and hailed the prince with a tremendous applause.
The Bodhi-sattva displayed a few more skills named sara-yaşți (stick), sara-rajju (rope), sara-veni (braid), sara-prasada (palace), sara-mandapa (platform), Sarasopana (staircase), sara - puskarini (pond), sara-padma (lotus) and sara -varsa (shower of water). In all, he displayed 12 superhuman skills. After this, he pierced through seven very thick objects with his arrow. Among other things, these included wooden planks from fig tree of the thickness of eight fingers each (4 inches), copper sheets of the thickness of two fingers (1 inch) and iron sheets of the thickness of one finger (1⁄2 inch). Then he pierced 100 planks tied together. After these superhuman demonstrations, no one had even an iota of doubt about the skill and craftsmanship of the prince.
Four scenes One day, the Bodhi-sattva expressed a desire to go to the garden. He asked his charioteer to make his chariot ready which he did. The chariot was decorated, and four excellent horses from the Sindhudeśa were yoked to it. When the chariot was ready, it was announced to the prince. The Bodhi-sattva sat on the chariot, which looked like a divine thing, and started his journey. Meanwhile the gods thought that the time when the prince would become a Buddha was fast drawing near so that it was time for them to prepare and present before him the four scenes. So they deputed a young god in the guise of an old man who had lost his teeth, whose hairs had turned grey, whose body was bent under the weight of age, whose feet had become un - steady and who could move with great difficulty with the support of a stick. The old man appeared before Siddhartha and his charioteer who alone could see him (and none else). Said the Bodhi-sattva to the charioteer,
"Saumya! What sort of man is this? Why are his body and hairs different from those of others?"

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Charioteer. De va ! This man has grown old due to age".
Bodhi-sattva - "What do you mean by grown old due to age"?
11,
Charioteer - "Deva ! The body of this man is worn. So he is called old. "He will not live long on this earth."
*Then, does it mean that I shall also grow old some Is it an unavoidable law ?"
day?
"Deva !. Such is the law. For you, me and everyone else, old age is unavoidable."
"Bhadra ! I have no more desire to go to the gärden. Turn the chariot and get me back to the palace."
The charioteer did as he was asked to do. The Bodhisattva came back to his apartment. His mind had moved away from everything and wholly concentrated on what the charioteer had said,
These words raised a tre
Old age is unavoidable. mendous storm in his mind.
The king noticed that the prince had come back so soon. He had no doubt that the prince did not go to the garden. So he made an enquiry, and he was told that he had seen an old man on the street. At once, the king's mind went back to the day when a young Brahmana. had predicted that the sight of an old man would be one of the induce ments for the prince to renounce the world. So he ordered that dances and merry-making should commence at once to. divert the mind of the prince. For, he was still sure that the prince could be held back through such means. Besides, all around the city, upto a distance of half check-posts were extended, and watchmen were ordered to be especially vigilant.
One day, the Bodhi-sattva :was on his way to the garden. The gods placed a sick man on the road, and the Bodhi-sattva's eyes fell on him. The man was besmeared with his own excreta, and could not even move or turn hï's,

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body without help. The Bodhi-sattva saw the man from a distance, and said to his carioteer:
"Who is this fellow? His eyes are so different. Even his voice is different."
Charioteer. "Deva ! He is a sick man. His body has become weak due to disease. Perhaps he cannot rise now."
- Bodhi-sattva - Does it mean that I too am under the same inexorable law about disease? Is sickness unavoidable ?
Charioteer -."'Deva ! It is so. It cannot be avoided."
This came as a shock to the Bodhi-sattva. At his order, the chariot was at once turned back towards the palace.
The prince's indifference did not escape the attention of the king, and as a further precaution, he extended the check-posts upto a distance of three quarters of a yojana.
One day, the Bodhisattva was out in his chariot. On the way, he saw a scene again placed by the gods. He saw that at a distance, some men were busy making something. The Bodhi-sattva 'asked his charioteer what these men were busy at. Said the charioteer.
*Deva.! It seems that somebody is dead. The members of his family, friends and kinsmen are preparing for his creamation".
The Bodhi-sattva directed the charioteer to proceed thither. When the Bodhi-sattvå had reached the spot, he saw the dead body and said,
What do you mean by dead' ?*
Charioteer. "Deva'! Now this fellow has no more relation with his parent, friends or kinsmen. Neither will he see them any more, nor will they. His relation with them is now cut off for ever."

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Bodhi-sattva - "Am I too subject to the same inexorable law about death? Is death unavoidable?"
Charioteer - "Deva! It is so. It cannot be avoided." With an air of indifference, the Bodhi-sattva said, "I have no more intention to proceed. Turn the chariot and take me back to the palace."
The king learnt all this. He was struck with deep anxiety. Check-posts were extended upto one yojana beyond city precincts, and strict orders were issued to the guards to be particularly vigilant. Meanwhile, all sorts of pleasures were provided for the diversion of the prince.
One day, the Bodhi-sattva was again on his way to the garden. The gods placed a monk on the road. The Bodhi - sattva saw the strange man who had a tonsured head and who had saffron clothes on. On seeing him, the Bodhisattva Said,
"Saumya! Who is this fellow? He has no cover of hair on his head and he puts on a different cloth."
Charioteer - "Deva ! He is renounced."
Bodhi-sattva - "Saumya! Why does a man get renounced."
Elaborating the objectives of a renounced person, the charioteer said,
"Deva ! This he does to practise virtue, to attain bliss, to perform good deeds, to acquire merit, to observe non-injury, and to have compassion for all. For these, he has renounced."
The Bodhi-sattva directed the charioteer to go near the monk. He observed him most closely, and asked him many. questions. He enquired about the merits of monkhood. He felt an attraction for the life of a monk. This time, he did not return to the palace at once, but proceeded to the garden.
(Elderly Buddhist monks who can freely recite Digha Nikāya, called Dīgha-bhāņa ka, are of the view that the

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:
Bodhi-sattva witnessed the four scenes in course of a single day).
A son is born - He spent the whole day in the garden enjoying diverse pleasures. He took bath in a beautiful tank, Then in the evening, he sat on a stone slab in order to be decorated. His attendants stood around him with wrappers of various colours, ornaments, garlands, perfumes, etc in their hands. Just then, the throne of Indra became hot. He became angry and thought,
"Who is this that desires to remove me from my
throne''.? But at once he realised that it was time for the Bodhi-sattva to decorate. He became pacified and sent for Visva karma at once. When Visva karma arrived; Indra said to him,
"Saumya ! At midnight to-day, there will be the great renunciation by Prince Siddhartha. His decoration to-day will be his last. You go yourself to the garden and adorn him with divine ornaments.".
By dint of his divine power, Visva karmā came to the garden at once. He changed himself into one of the valets attending the prince and got mixed up with them. He took a wrapper from the hands of another attendant, and began to wrap it round the Bodhi-sattva's head. From the touch of his hand, the Bodhi-sattva realised that this was no ordinary human being but some divine personality. No sooner was the wrapper given a single turn round the head than, like jewels in the crown at the head, it produced forth a thousand wrappers, and like this, ten such turns produced 10,000 wrappers. The biggest of these, wrappers had the weight of a flower of shyāmā creeper, while others had no more than that of a kutumvaka flower for each. The head of the Bodhisattva looked like a kuyyaka flower. After he had been decorated in all respects, the Brahmaņas who were experts in musical rhythms displayed their skill. Then, after being honoured by the eulogies and propitiatory words of the bards, and being adorned in all respect, he sat on the chariot.
Just then, a son was born to Rāhula-mātā. When this report reached King Suddhodana, he sent forth messengers

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at once to convey this good news to the prince at the garden. These men came running to the garden and communicated the good news' to the prince. When the Bodhi-sattva heard the news, the following words suddenly dropped from his lips:
'A Rāhu-fetter is born.'
(In India, Rahu is considered to be an inauspicious planet that swallows the moon and the sun during an eclipse).
When the men came back to the palace, the king enquired about the reaction of the prince. On being asked like that, the men tendered a verbatim account, where on the new-born babe was named Rahula.
The Bodhi-sattva returned to the city. At that time, . a Ksatriya girl, Krša-Ga utami by name, was observing the beauty of the city from the top of her mansion. Her eyes fell on the Bodhi-sattva, and on seeing his grace and adornment, she expressed a great joy and uttered a happy couplet (udāna) which was as follows:
"Perfect calm have the parents
who have a son like this, Perfect calm has the woman
who has a husnand like this".
This joyous couplet reached the ears of the Bodhi - sattva, and his thought became concentrated on this. Thought he,
What's that whose calmness imparts calm to the heart?,
As he became indifferent to attachment and other causes of misery, his thoughts reached a depth:
'Perfect calm is attained only when the fire of attachment, aversion and delusion is put out. Perfect calm is attained only when the dirt of ego and wrong outlook is wa shed away. This girl has uttered words that are good for me. I am in search of nirvāna. I must give up my home this very day and move out in search of nirvana.'

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At once, he took out a pearl necklace from this neck and gave it to 1-Gautami who had shown him the way. The girl was very much delighted to receive such a costly gift from the prince. She thought that the prince had been exceedingly good to her and loved her.
Departure from home - The Bodhi-sattva returned to the palace. He stretched himself on the counch. At once, he was encircled by nymph-like beautiful girls who were nicely dressed and adorned, and who were proficient in music and dancing. They were playing on instruments. They tried their best to relieve the prince of his fatigue and make him happy and gay. But to-day, the Bodhi-sattva was somewhat in different and taking no interest in them. So all the efforts by the girls failed. The Bodhi-sattva reti red, they stopped their music and dances, and lay on the floor. Lamps filled with perfumed oils were still burning.. At the dead of night, the Bodhi-sattva woke up. He sat on his couch. His eyes fell on the girls lying on the floor. What he saw there created a great reaction in him. Some of these girls had their dresses soiled by saliva which came out from their mouth; some were rattling their teeth; and some were coughi ng or murmuring. Some had their mouths agape and some were undressed in a shameless manner. These very ugly scenes that he witnessed within his own chamber made him all the more detached to worldly life. At that moment, that grand palace appeared to him to be no better than a crematorium filled up with dilapidated corpses. It appeared to him that all his three palaces were ablaze. In such a situation, the following words dropped from his lips,
"What a sorrow | What a grief!" His mind was now fully turned towards renunciation. He resolved,
"I must move out from my home this very night."
He came out from his bed, reached the door and called out,
"'Is there anyone?"
Chanda ka who sat reclined against the wall responded,
"Aryaputra! I am Chanda ka here, ever at your ser
vice."

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"I want to go out. Prepare a horse for me."
Chanda ka took the necessary outfit and proceeded to the stable. In the light of the lamp, he saw an excellent horse named Kantha ka standing on a beautiful ground beneath a well-decorated canopy. Chanda ka considered him to be the best for the purpose in his view. He prepared and disciplined it in the best possible manner. Kantha ka had a very natural thought at this moment that the night's preparation was somewhat unusual. He had a feeling that his master was not going out to the garden to come back after some time; it was his final exit from home on a noble mission. So in a delightful mood, he gave out a loud neigh. This neigh would have been audible all over the city, but the gods prevented it in time from spreading.
When Chanda ka went out to prepare the horse, the Bodhi-sattva turned his steps towards the apartment of his wife to have a look at the son. He opened the door a jar. An oil lamp was burning inside the chamber. Rāhulamātā lay fast asleep on her bed which was covered with sweet flowers as much as one ammana (i.e., 11 drona), with one of her hands placed on the head of the new-born babe. Standing at the door, the Bodhi-sattva saw the mother and the child. He desired to hold his son on his own lap, but soon he desisted thinking,
'If I do this, this may disturb the mother and wa ke her up. If that happens, that may foil my own plan. So it is better that when I am enlightened, I shall come back and see my son.'
According to the Jataka Kathā written in old Ceylonese language, when the prince ieft his home, Rahula was seven days old.
.: The Bodhi-sattur came down from his palace. He came near Kantha ka and said,
"Kantha ka! My child! You help me to cross through during this one night. With this co-operation from your side, when I shall be enlightened, I shall help the entire universe, including the gods, to cross through."

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So saying, he gave a jump, and was straight on the horse's back. Kanthaka was a colossal steed who was 18 cubits in length from his neck till the tail; he had a great speed, and he had the hue of a cleaned conch. (He had the speciality that) if he neighed or struck with his hoofs, the sound went far throughout the city. (At the Bodhi-sattva's words, the horse neighed again, and again the gods prevented the sound from going far. All along the route, the gods made the horse trot on their own palms so that the horse's movement was silent and free from any sound. Chanda ka held the horse's tail in his hand. At mid-night, all the three arrived at the city-gate.
The king always held the apprehension that the prince might escape during some night. So to render that impossible, he made the doors so very heavy that they could not be moved by less than a thousand people. But (the king knew not that) the Bodhi-sattva was even more powerful. He commanded a strength which was as much as that of 10 crores elephants or a hundred crore men. Arriving at the gate, the Bodhi-sattva thought,
'If the door does not open, then, seated on the horse, with Chandaka at the horse's tail, I shall press the horse with my legs and make it jump across the 18 feet rampart. '
Chandaka had his own thinking,
'If the door fails to open, then, I shall place the prince on my shoulder, hold the horse in my arms, and jump across the rampart."
And the horse thought,
'If the door fails to open, then, having the prince on my back, and the horseman at my tail, I shall jump across the rampart. '
Had not the door been open, each would perhaps have acted as per his thinking; but this was rendered unnecessary. The gods opened the gate at once.
At this moment, to induce the Bodhi-sattva to retrace, Mura stood ready in the sky. Said he,

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"Good friend! Do not renounce the kingdom. On the seventh day, a Wheel of Paramountcy (cakra -ratna) will arise to help thee. You will have a vast empire extended over four great isles and 2000 islets. So come back. Do not go further".
Bodhi-sattva - "Who are you"?
Mara- "I am a god belonging to the Heaven of Vasavarti".
Bodhi-sattva "I know it perfectly well that a wheel of Paramountcy will arise before me; but I am not keen to have an empire. I shall be a Buddha inspiring and resounding through thousands of human material".
But Mara issued forth his warning,
"Let me see how you do not fall a prey to the thoughts regarding lust, malice and causing injury even once".
Thereafter, he followed him like a shadow.
In this manner, the Bodhi-sattva abandoned the empire of a Chakravarti like a spittle and moved out from his own city in the full-moon night of Agadha when the star Uttarāgādha was up. No sooner had he moved out of the city than he felt a desire to have a look at the city. At once, the Earth began to shake like the potter's wheel as if communicating her disapproval in the following words:
'Great man! In the course of your life, you have never turned to look at the rear. '
At the place where the Bodhi-sattva felt the desire to look at the city, a caityd came up named Kanthakanivartaka-caitya. He resumed his journey again attended with respect and fortune. At that time, 60, 000 gods were moving with him, on his left and right and on his rear, with burning torches in their hands. At the doors of the cakravalas, innumerable torches were lit. Many gods, nagas, suparnas, and others appeared at the sky and worshipped the Bodhisattva with divine incences, wreaths, powders and perfumes, and scattered various flowers like pārijāta, man

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dára, etc. Divi ne melodies were sung. In all the four directions, eight types of instruments totalling 68, 00, 000 in all were playing. Moving with exceptional good look, in course of a single night, the Bodhi-sattva passed through three kingdoms, šākya, Koliya and Rāmagrāma, leaving them behind. He covered a distance of 30 yojanas and reached the bank of a river named Anomā.
Kant ha ka was a very powerful horse. Setting out in the morning, he could trample under his hoof the central circle of i cakravāla, like a circle trampled on the ground, trot at all the points on it and come back to his original position in time for his mid-day meal. But during this night, he could cover only 30 yojanas and there was suffici ent reason for that. For, the gods had showered so many flowers and so much of other stuff that he was buried upto his hips. It was for this reason that his speed had been very much slowed down, and every time he took a step, he had to make a tremendous effort.
Initiation into monkhoad - Standing on the bank of the river, the Bodhi -sattva enqui red what the name of the river was.
"Anomā", said Chanda ka.
Thought the Bodhi-sattva at once, "Ano mā - na avam. Then my initiation too cannot be in vain.'
At once, he directed the horse with his heel, and at on jump, the horse reached the other bank of the river which was as much as 8 7 şabhas (1 rşab ha= 140 cubits) in width. The Bodhi-sattva alighted from the horse and stood on the sandy bank which was silvery (in hue) and soft like silk. Adressing Chanda ka, he said,
"Saumya.' Chanda ka! You take my ornaments and Kantha ka back home. I am going to be initiated."
Chanda ka - "Deva! I shall follow thee. I intend to be in itiated." Very distinctly did the Bodhi-sattva say,
"You cannot be initiated. Get back, as I say."

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Chanda ka had no other alternative but to obey. He handed over his ornaments and the horse to Chanda ka. The Bodhi-sattva thought,
'The (long) hairs of mine do not make me appear like a sramaņa. For cutting the hairs of the Bodhi-sattva, no instrument is good enough except a sword. Sol should apply the sword.'
He held the sword in his right hand and the bunch of hairs with the peacock plume in his left hand and cut them. Only very short hairs as big as two fingers (1 inch) remained, which, turning from the right, stuck to his head. Till the last day of his life, this remained the size of his hairs. And the same was the size of his moustache and beard. Henceforth, he needed no more hair cut.
He hurled the bunch of hairs in the sky thinking that if he was destined to be a Buddha, they should remain in the sky; otherwise, they should come down. That bunch attained a height of a yojana in the sky and remained there. Sakra, the Indra of the gods, saw them with his divine vision. He held them in a pot made of gems, and erected with them the Cudāmaņi-caitya in the Traya strimóa heaven.
The Bodhi-sattva thought again,
'These clothes made at Kasi are of no good for a monk.'
Just then, Mahābrahmā, a contemporary of KasyapBuddha, thought,
'My friend has renounced his home to-day. I must provide him with all the things he would need as a monk.'
At once, he took three robes, a pot, a razor, a needle, a belt and a piece of cloth to filter water - in all eight things, and gave them to the Bodhi-sattva. The Bodhi-sattva put on the excellent dress and accepted the other objects used by an Arhat, and dismissed Chanda ka saying,
"Chanda ka! Console my parents on my behalf."

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Chanda ka moved round him thrice, bowed before him and departed. Kantha ka heard the conversation between the Bodhi-sattva and Chanda ka. When he understood that he would never again see his master, he could not bear the separation. He died on the spot and was born as a god. named Kantha ka in the Traystrimsa heaven. Chanda ka who was already deeply wounded at the renunciation by his ma ster was now doubly grieved by the death of his dear horse. Weeping bitterly, he turned his steps towards the city.
Notes on Chapter Six
The Digambaras do not accept the event of the transfer of the embryo.
(3)
(4)
(5)
Tri-şasți-salākāpurusa-caritram (Hindi ed. ) Parva I, P. 139. Kalpasūtrārtha Prabodhini, P. 127. Cf. Uvavãi, Sūtra 6: vicchina-viula-bhavana. Cf. Vijāha-Pannatti (Bhagavatī), S. 9, U. 33. Jataka-attha-katha, P. 154. Cf. Tri-sasti-salākāpuruşa-caritram, Parva I, Sarga 3, Śloka 513. Cf. Samavāyānga, Sama. 34.
(6)
Cf. Sama vāyānga, Sama. 34, and Uvavai Sūtra 10 which contain reference to 34 miracles of a Jina. Worthy of note is that the words Jina and Buddha are used as synonyms.
(10)
About Mahā vira, we have it in the Uvayāi, Sūtra 10, nikuramba-niciya-kunciya-payā hinā vatta muddhasiraye
(11) (12)
Ayāranga, 2/15, Pp. 388/1. Kappasūtta, 17-18.
(13)
According to the Kappasutta, the act of transfer was unknown to Mahā vira. This may need explanation.

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As Mahavira was endowed with a vadhi knowledge, there is no reason that he did not know the act of transfer.
Kappasūtta, Kalpalata commentary, Pp. 108/2, 109/1.
According to Vaijayanti Kosa, 'sāmanta' meant a neighbouring king. This is supported from Kautialya's Arthasāstra. The leadingmost among the neighbouring kings was called mahā-samanta.
We have it in the Harivamsa Purāņa of the Digambaras that Mahavira's parents desired their son to marry and take a wife, and that many kings wanted to bestow their daughters on him. Particularly deserving of mention is King Jitasatru who wanted to marry his daughter Yasoda with him; but Mahavira declined to marry. -
Kappasūtta, Kalpalată commentary, P. 123/1. According to the Jainas, too, Purva-videha, Pascimavideha, Uttara-kuru, etc., were portions of Jambudvipa.
For what did the Buddha speak in these two births, see Jataka, No. 546,547.

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CHAPTER VII SPIRITUAL EXERTIONS
The period of penances of Mahavira lasted for 12 years and 13 fortnights and that of the Buddha for six years. In the life of both these great man who marked their epoch with great achievements, we find hard penances, harder perseverance and still harder concentration. In the early part of his career as a monk, the Buddha like Mahavira, lived like an ordinary monk, and became lean and pale,and one day he fell down on an alter named Cankarmana. Then he realised that this sort of hard penance did not lead to enlightenment. So he again started taking food, and before he attained bodhi, he had taken khir served by Sujātā. He accepted that it was meditation that led to enlightenment. In reviewing through the stages of his penance, it should appear that he considered them as unpalable as a farmer wrongly attributes germination to a shower that comes after germination. The farmer fails to realise that not this shower alone, but the entire process like digging the earth, sowing seed, rainfall, all these taken together help in the germination.
Mahavira used cloth for slightly more than a year (after initiation), and thereafter he moved about without any cloth (1). The Buddha put on saffron robe at the time of his initiation (2).
There is much similarity between the two in their spiritual exertions. Mahāvira lived on dried rice, manthu and udad and the Buddha lived on sesamum, rice, etc. When for the first time, the Buddha took these coarse things, he felt a severe reaction in within his body, but he checked himself and ate. In both the traditions, we get a very exhaust account of the coarse food-stuff obtained from begging.
Regarding Mahāvira, we have the following from a discourse between Monk Ardraka and Gosālaka:

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"Mahāvira wandered alone in the beginning, "said Gośālaka, "but now he wanders with a vast group. This is his method of earning a living".
Likewise, after the Buddha had attained his enlightenment, monks from the rival (five) orders said as follows about him,
"Gautama Buddha is now serious about building up accumulations, and he has deviated from his spiritual exertions.... In the beginning of his life as a monk, he was thin and ematiated, but now he is nourished with rich food".
To prepare khir for the Buddha, Sujātā fed 500 cows with the milk of 1000 cows, and in this descending order, she gave at last the milk from 16 cows to 8. In the Jaina traditions, too, we have similar account for making milk mcre palatable, delicious and nourishing. Take for instance khir prepared for a Cakravarti, we read that the milk from 1,00,000 cows who had grazed in a sugar-cane farm was given to 500 cows, and that, in this descending order, the milk obtained from the last cow was used to prepare khir. This was considered to be (very tasteful, and also) a very wholesome food. Only Goddess Sri and a Cakravarti was capable to eat this, and they alone could digest this (3).
MAHĀVĪRA'S EXERTIONS FOR ATTAINING KAIVALYA
We have a detailed account of the spiritual exertions of Mahăvira in the Acārānga Sūtra. In this Sūtra, these exertions have been described as follows:
At the time of his initiation, Mahāvira had only one cloth on his body. For about 13 months, he kept that cloth on his shoulder. In the second year, when half of winter had passed, he gave up that cloth, and became a monk without cloth. He never folded his arms as a protection against cold, but wandered with his arms stretched. In winter, when there was chilly wind, and it was terribly cold, other monks ran about in search of some warm shelter, wrapped themselves with cloth, or, as did the tāpasa monks did, burnt wood in order to warm themselves up; but Mahavira remained in .

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an exposed place without any cloth, and he never desired to protect himself. In such a place, he would sit to mediate. Being unclad, he was not only exposed to heat and cold, but he also suffered innumerable hardships due to bite from insects and mosquitoes, and due to touches hard as well as soft.
For his halting, Mahāvira sometimes used lonely cottages, sometimes he chose inns, alms-houses, shades put up for weekly (bi-weekly) market hāt), black-smith's workshops, and even gardeners' homes, and sometimes he lived in towns, cremation grounds, discarded homes, even under the shed of the trees or mere thatched roofs. Sometimes he was bitten by snakes and other poisonous creatures, and sometimes he was pecked by hawks and similar giant birds. He was often put into trouble by wicked people, ( Taking him to be a thief), many village watchmen caned him with their sticks or hurt him with their javelines. Many lusty women who were attracted by his grace tried to cast their snares round him. He had to bear many hardships inflicted by men and beasts, and many harsh and terrific yells which were intended to frighten him. Security men were very much annoyed to see him alone in lonely places; they beat him, chastised him with rebukes and asked him to quit. But inspite of all these tortures and hardships, he remained unmoved in his meditation, and when he was asked to quit, silently he moved elsewhere.
Mahā vira was very much restricted in his diet. Though enjoying a good health, he took a measured quantity of food. He begged from door to door without caring for warm or cold reception; but he never humbled himself before the donor. He felt no greed for dainties and delicacies, and he did not at any time look for them. Whatever he got from begging, no matter whether it was coarse food, cold food, food cooked on a previous day, udad, dry rice, manthu, barley, or any other, he ate with peace and contentment. Once, for a stretch of eight months, he lived on such coarse things. If on any day he was offered nothing, he did not feel miserable. Sometimes, he did not drink water for a fortnight, for a month or even for six months. He moved out (from his halting place) even during a fast. He was never a daily eater, and he took his meal, irrespective of its quality, at a gap of three, four or five days. Thus the con

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quest of appetite (taste) was an important item in his programme. If in the course of his begging mission he came across a pigeon or any other bird picking grains, he would not scare them in any way but retraced his steps and went back. If at the house of a donor he came across a brah
mana, a dramaņa, a beggar, a guest, an untouchable, a cat or a dog standing in expectation of food, he did not distrub. them but silently left the place. In this manner, he carefully avoided all occasions that would rouse anger or jealousy
in others.
Exceptionally thrilling is the account of his indifference to his own person. He never used medicine even when he was unwell. He never used purgatives, massage, etc., nor did he take bath or clean his teeth. He never desired his feet to be pressed for the sake of comfort. If any particle of dust fell into his eye, he did not care to remove it, nor did he rub his eye in order to be relieved of it. He did not itch his skin at any time.
Mahavira did not enjoy a sleep. (It is believed that in the long period of his career as a monk, only once did he sleep for a muhurta which is equal to 48 minutes). He kept awake all the time, immersed in mediation or kayotsarga practice.
While living in homes, he was never attracted by music, dancing or drama. He was neither interested to witness duels nor to watch wrestling. He was never attracted by the lusty words of women, or love-making by a young married couple. Unholding his supreme detachment, he remained indifferent to objects of senses.
While in meditation, he sat in various postures, such as utkatuka, godohika, virasana and others. In winter, he practised meditation in some cool place, but in summer, he sat in utkaṭuka or some other posture wholly exposed to the scorching sun. On many occasions, when he halted in some home, many beautiful women felt attracted by his graceful personality, but he did not care to look at them. He was wholly turned inward (and did not care for external things). He did not establish any (friendly) relation with the householders. While in meditation, he did not give reply to any query. He spoke little, and was very much

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measured in his speech. He did not lose his patience, and rigorously held his tongue against all ridicules and provocations. Some praised him, but others spoke ill of him, lashed a cane at him, pulled his hairs or gave scratches on his skin; but he remained perfectly unconcerned to all these praises and blames. In this manner, Mahāvīra spent his time, with perfect peace and forbearance, wholly liberated from passions, immersed in pious thoughts and concentrated on self.
While walking, he fixed his eyes in his front over the ground as long as a man, but never looked in the rear or on the sides. (In other words), he walked with proper precaution fixing his gaze on the way in front of him. He did not talk while walking.
At the time of his initiation, many perfumed objects were pasted on his body. Because of these, for more than four months, bees and other flying insects were attracted to his body eating at his flesh or sucking his blood; but Mahavira never lost patience with them. What to speak of killing them, he never desired even to remove them.
Mahavira wandered through the most inaccessible
regions named Vajra -bhumi and Subhra-bhumi in the country .named Ladha. In this country, he had to face most severe difficulties. The people were very much after him, and he had the greatest difficulty in getting even very coarse and commonplace food. Shelter was equally difficult to get, and even when he got one, it was unfit for habitation. On many occasions, people set dogs on him, and there was none to help him, still less to protect him. Even in such difficult situations, he never wished ill to his adversaries, nor did he ever think of taking revenge on them or inflicting any punishment on them. With perfect patience, he bore all the harsh words of the wicked people.
Sometimes it so happened that even after wandering for a long time, (i. e., despite persistent effort), he was prevented from coming near a village. As he approached a village, the barbarians chased him out, abused him and shouted, 'Go away from here'. On many occasions, they bit him with sticks, fists, spears, stones and bones and created deep wounds on his body. When he was in medita

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tion, they scratched his flesh, showered dust on him, raised him up and dropped him, or pushed him down from his seat (4).
In many ancient texts of the jainas, we have authentic accounts of Mahavira's fasts when he took no food or water. Once he was on a fast without food and water for 6 months, once for 5 months and 25 days, nine-times for months, twice for 3 months, for two and half months, six times for two months, twice for one and half months, 12 times for 3 days, 229 times for 2 days, and he practised the following pratimas at least once, viz., bhadra, mahabhadra and sarvato bhadra (5). Of the 4515 days of his life as a monk, he spent 4165 days fasting, and he took food and drink only for 350 days. Thus compared to the penances of the other Tirthankaras, his penances were doubtless more severe (6).
BUDDHA'S EXERTION FOR ATTAINING SAMBODHI
Immediately after his initiation, the Buddha spent a week comfortably in a mango grove named Anupiya. Starting from there, he covered a distance of 30 yojanas in a day, and reached Rajagṛha. He went into the city to beg his food. Like a palace at the entry of Dhanapala, the god of Wealth, or a heaven at the entry of Camarendra, the Indra of the Asuras, the city of Rajagraha became delighted at the sight of such a charming monk. The king's officers at once reported about him to the king.
"Your Majesty! A wonderful man is begging in the street of our city. We cannot say if he is a human being, a deva, a naga or a garuda"!
The king came at the roof of his palace and looked at the man. He was himself amazed. His men had not exaggerated. He said to his men,
"You follow this wonderful man. If he be a spirit, he will disappear as soon as he goes out of the city; if a deva, he will fly away through the sky; if a naga, he will craw into the earth; but if he be a human being, he will sit somewhere in order to eat whatever he has got".

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When the Buddha had collected enough food for himself, he moved out by the same gate through which he had entered into the city, sat down in the shadow of a mountain named Pandava and began to eat. When he saw the coarse and tasteless food before him, he had from within himsdf a severe reaction as if his entire digestive system revolted. He had never seen such a bad food in his life. To get over this feeling of misery, he argued with his own self in part as follows:
'Harken thou myself! You were born in an affluent home where there was plenty of food. You were served with most delicious dishes prepared from threeyears old fragrant rice. But you came across a poor monk, in rags and you thought, if there would ever be an occasion in your life when you will beg your food like that. It is this though which induced you to renounce your home. Oh my Mind! Why then do you feel miserable now'?
Having argued like that with himself, he ate that abominable food without any reaction.
The king's men who watched him from a distance reported it to the king. Thereon, the king came personally to the Buddha. Being impressed by his simplicity, the king offered him riches; but The Buddha declined the offer saying,
"Oh King! I care neither for 'pleasures nor for riches. I have renounced my home in order to attain the great sambodhi."
The Buddha agreed and departed from that place. In the course of his wanderings, he came to Alār-kālām and
The king tried his utmost to induce the Buddha to accept his offer, but he failed. At last, the king made a humble request:
"Sir! May I beseech you that as soon as you attain the great sambodhi, you will first lay your feet on my kingdom".

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Uddäk-Rāmputra from whom he learnt the art of total absorption (samādhi). But after some time, he realised that this was not the path to sambodhi, Samādhi appeared to him to be a very inadequate tool for sambodhi. So, in order to display his energy and powers to all men and gods, and to acquire the highest truth, he came to Urūvelā. The place was delightful and he liked it. He stayed on at this place and started his exertions.
Five Parivrājaka monks, including Kaundinya, who walked through villages and towns and capital-cities begging their food, came where the Buddha was to felt that this new monk was soon going to be enlightened. So they had come. For ful six years, they lived with him, served him in all manners and waited eagerly for the day when he would become the Buddha. During these years, the Buddha practised severest penances living only on sesamum and rice. On many occasions, he observed a complete fast when he did not even touch these. On these occasions, to save his life, the gods poured energy into his body through his poreholes, but as he did not take food, he became very weak. He lost his golden complexion and became blackish. The 32 marks of greatness on his body became invisible, (He had become so weak that) one day, when he had controlled his respirations and was in meditation, he fell senseless on an altar named Cańkramana. Some of the devas said,
'Sramana Gautma is dead'
The Buddha realised that even severe penances were not the way to attaining Sambodhi. So, once again, he started begging food from villages and market-places and ate freely. The golden hue of his body was restored. The aforesaid Parivrājaka monks thought,
'Despite very hard penances for six years, this fellow could not become a Buddha, Now that he accepts food from villages and other places, how does he aspire to attain his goal? He has become greedy, and has slipped from the har d path of penance, What purpose will be served if we still continue to follow him? (The sooner we give him up, the better for us'.)

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So, they gave up his company, picked up their belongings and started in the direction of Rsipattana which was at a distance of 18 yojanas.
In a religion named Uruvela, in a village named Sanāni, Sujātā was born as a daughter upto one Senani Kutumbi. At her youth, she prayed to Baragada (Banyan tree):
'If I am married in a family which has an equal status with my parental family, i.e., if I have an endoganous marriage, and if my first child is a boy, then, every year, I shall spend a lakh to worship you'.
Her wishes were fulfilled. This happened about the time when the Buddha was about to close his six-year long chapter of hard penances. It was the full-moon day of Baisakha. With a view to offer the promis ed workshop. Sujātā gave the milk of 1000 cows who had grazed on a sugarcane farm to 500 cows, the milk of these 500 cows she gave to 250 cows, and so on, till at last, she gave the milk of 16 to 8 cows. The idea in doing so was to increase the density, sweetness and strength of the milk. Having done so, she milked these eight in the very early hours of the morning, and with this milk, she prepared khir in a brand new pot.
Sujātā asked her maid Pūrṇā to clean the god's alter outside beneath the tree. The maid went out. She came beneath the tree. During the same night (when Sujata was preparing the milk for her worship), the Buddha dreamt five great dreams on the basis of which he felt sure that the time of his attaining sambodhi was imminent. When the night was over he performed his morning duties, and sat beneath the (same) tree waiting till the arrival of the time for begging. As he sat beneath it, the whole tree looked radiant by his brilliance. When Pūrṇā came there, he was sitted with his face turned towards the east. When Pūrņa saw this brilliant man, she thought as follows:
'Meseems that the god has come down in person to receive the offer with his own hands'.
At once, she turned her steps and went back to her mistress to report about the arrival of the god in person. When Sujata heard the tale narrated by the maid, she too became very much delighted and said,

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"Pūrṇa, my dear child! What lovely tidings you have broken before me! From this day, I shall look on you as my own eldest daughter. You dwell with me like my own child".
So saying, she gave her many gifts of clothes and ornaments. Then she poured khir on a golden saucer, covered it carefully with another similar saucer, and securely tied the whole thing in a piece of cloth. Then she herself wore dress and ornaments suitable for the occasion of worshipping god. After he had been ready, she placed the golden saucers on her head and came beneath the tree. she saw the Buddha there, she became immensely happy. She thought that this was the deity of the tree.
When
Sujata stood at the place wherefrom she had first seen the Buddha. Then she plucked down the saucers from her head, took the one containing khir in one hand, took a jar of scented water in the other, and stood before the Buddha. The earthen bowl which was provided to the Buddha by Ghatikar Brahma, and which was with him upto this time disappeared at this moment, When the Buddha did not find the bowl near him, he extended his right hand and accepted the jar of water. Sujātā then placed the saucer containing khir in his other hand. The Buddha looked at Sujātā. Sujātā understood his mind. She said,
"Arya!
I offer this to you. Be pleased to accept it and thereafter repair wherever thy convenience suits thee".
Then Sujātā bowed before him and said,
"As my heart's desire has been fulfilled, so, may your desire be fulfilled as well".
As one discards a used leaf-plate, so Sujata did not care for her golden saucer worth a lakh. She left it there and departed from that place.
The Buddha stood up from that place. He moved round the tree and came to the bank of the Niranjana. He placed the saucer containing khir on the river bank. went inside the water, took his bath and came out, and he sat facing towards the east. It was this food that sustained him for 49

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days when, after attaining the Buddhahood, spent seven weeks in the Bodhi bower bodhi-manda). During these 49 days, he did neither take food, nor bath, nor did he clean his mouth. He spent these seven weeks in the joy of meditation, in the joy of the path and in the joy of the result. Having taken the khir, the Buddha threw the golden saucer into the river (7).
Dreams
On the last night of his life as a monk, Mahavira dreamt 10 dreams which were the precursors of his future life. The Buddha aslo dreamt five dreams at the end of his careers of spiritual exertions, and these were intimately related with the future course of his life. The details of the dreams dreamt by the two are very much different, but they have some similarity as well in their inner content.
Dreams of Mahavira:
During the period of his penances, Mahavira slept only once, and that for a muhurta when he dreamt dreams as follows:
1.
He saw that he was killing a dreadful pisaca as big as a palm tree.
Inplication
He saw that a white male cuckoo had come into his presence.
Implication
2.
ww
white (pure) meditation.
3.
He saw that a multi-coloured male cuckoo had come into his presence.
5.
In plication gave the contents of 12 Angas full of deep thoughts of various sorts.
4. He saw before him two garlands of gems.
Implication enunciation of Law (dḥarna) for the monks (anagar) and for the householders (āgār).
He saw before him a herd of white cattle.
annihilation of attachment.
-
-

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Implication - he would be served by a four-fold order.
6.
He saw before him a lake with blossomed lotuses.
Implication - he would preach before four species of gods:
7. He saw that he had crossed a vast ocean full of mighty waves only with the help of his own hands.
Implication - he would put a stop to his own glidings into life, (i.e., he would stop his rebirth).
8. He saw that a blazing sun was giving light to the whole universe,
Implication - attainment of supreme and unobstructed vision - knowledge (kevala-darśana-jñāna).
9. He saw that he had encircled the Mānuşottara mountain with his own sinews which were of the colour of cat's - eye.
Implication - his fame would spread in the world of men as well as in heavens occupied by gods.
10.
He saw that he sat on the crest of Mount Meru,
Implication - he would give discourses on dharma in the assembly of gods and of men. (8)..
Dreams of the Buddha
1. The Buddha saw that he lay on a vast couch. The Himalayas served him as his pillow. His left hand touched the Eastern Ocean and his right hand touched the Western Ocean.
Implication - attainment of complete bodhi by Tathāgata.
2. The Buddha saw that a tree named titiyā grew on his palm, and soon it touched the sky.
Implication - propagation of the eight-fold path.

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3. The Buddha saw that white insects with black tips were coming upto his knees.
Implication - white-robed householders would take shelter with him.
4. The Buddha saw that four multi-coloured birds came from four directions. They fell at his feet, and at once they became white.
Implication - men belonging to four castes (varņa) would be sheltered with him and would be liberated.
5. The Buddha saw that he was walking on a hill of cowdung, but he did neither slip nor fall.
Implication - indifference to the easily available wordly objects. (10).
Notes on Chapter Seven
Āyárānga, śrutaskandha One, Chapter 9. Lalit Vistara. Also, Mookerjee, Hindu Civilisation (Hindi), P. 238.
Cf. Jambūdviya-pannatti Vrtti, Vaksa. 2: Cakravarti-sambandhininām pundrekşu-cā riņinamánatankánām gavāṁ lakṣās yardhārdhakra meņa pitagokṣirasya paryante yāvadeksyāḥ goḥ sambandhi yat ksiramtat-prāptakalamaśāli-paramānna rūpam-anekasamskäraka-dravyasammis ram kalyana-bhojanam iti prasiddhaṁ cakriņam striratnām ca vinā anyas ya bhoktur-durjaraṁ mahat unmādakam ceti. Based on Āyā rānga, 9/1-4. Trişaştisalākā-purusa-caritram, Parva 10, Sarga 4, śloka 652-57; Āvaśyak Niryukti, Haribhadriya Vștti, 227-2 to 229-1: Malayagiri Vrtti Pp. 298-2 to 300-2; Āvaśyaka Niryukti Dipikā, Part One, Pp. 107-1 to 108.
(6)
Cf. Āvaśyaka Niryukti, Gāthā 262:

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(7)
(8)
(9)
(10)
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
uggam ca tavokammam visesato Vaddha māṇassa. Jātakatthakatha, Nidāna.
Viaha Pannatti (Bhagavati) S. 16, U. 6, Sū. 579. Also Thaṇānga, Tha. 10, U. 3: Avaśyaka Niryukti, Malayagiri Vrtti, P. 270.
In the Jaina view, the outcome of this dream is the attainment of complete liberation (mokşa) from the that very birth. Compare, Bhagavati, S. 16, U. 6, Sutra 580.
Anguttara Nikaya 3-240; also Mahāvastu 2-136; E. J. Thomas, Life of Buddha, P. 70, fn. 4.
In this manner, he was protected by the divine couple for three days (11).
249
Notes on Chapter Eight
265
Trisasti-salaka-1 -purusa-caritram, Parva 10, Sarga 3. Also, Avasyaka Niryukti, Malayagiri Vṛtti, Gāthā 46667, Pp. 273-74.
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)
(9)
(10) Vinaya Piṭaka, Mahāvagga, Mahākhandhaka.
(11)
Vinaya Pitaka, Mahavagga Mahakhandhaka.
Based on Avaśyak Curņi, Part I, P. 311. The order and nature of hardships delineated in the Kappa Sutta are somewhat differenc.
Avasyak Niryukti, Gatha 508.
Ibid., Gāthā 509.
Ibid. Gathā 509.
Ibid. Gatha 510.
Jātaka-attha-kathā, Nidāna.
Āvasyaka Niryukti, Malayagiri Vṛtti, Gāthās 498-517.
For details, see Triṣaṣṭi-salākā - purusa-caritram.

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CHAPTER VIU
HARDSHIP AND FORBEARANCE
Unlike Buddha, there are many thrilling accounts of a number of difficult events experienced by Mahavira in the course of his penances. There are, however, a few such events which happen more or less identically in . the lives of these two great men. To cite an instance, the story of the snake Canda-kausika (Canda-Kausika-udbodhan) in the life of Mahavira and that of Canda-näga (Canda -nāgavijaya) in the life of the Buddha come very near to each other.
Mahavira fixing Caņda-kausika on spiritual path
While wandering from village to village, Mahavira was once on his way to the city of Svetambika. As the way was blocked by a dangerous snake named Canda-Kausika, some people requested him not to go by that way. They said,
"Oh monk! A glance of the sna ke is enough to kill a man. Thousands of men have lost their lives in this manner. This fact is well-known to the travellers and they discard this path as a prohibited one. So, in the interest of your own safety, please do not take this path."
From the day Mahavira was initiated as a monk, he had given up all attachment to the body, and lived on with exclusive reliance on penances. So he never cared to change his course or retrace his step simply because there was some danger or hardship on the way. So, although he gave a patient hearing to all that these men said, he was neither influenced by them, nor did he like to change his course. He walked on at his usual pace. When he had reached near the snake's hole, the sna ke lay in a coil on the surface outside. When Mahāvira stepped into that way, the sna ke had observed it. He was very much surprised. For, it was after a very long time that a human being had

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stepped into that way. The sna ke glanced at the sun and blew out a terrific fire in his hiss at Mahavira, Mahavira stood firm in meditation. The hiss failed to have any effect on him. He stood motionless with his eyes shut. When the snake saw that his venom, which he had known to be nonfailing, had failed in this case, he became all the more infuriated, and his rage knew no bound. So he crawled towards Mahavira and gave him a severe bite at the finger on the leg. Even then the poison had no effect. So he crawled on the body and gave a severe bite at the shoulder; but still the poison failed to overpower him. Mahavira stood firm and motionless as before, completely immersed in meditation (dhyana-mudra). The snake found that the man's blood was very tasteful and sweet. So he started sucking more and more of it. But soon he felt a curiosity at this wonderful event. His poison had never failed to act on a human body. But this was the first occasion when it had failed. He wondered as to how this happened. As he concentrated on his own thinking, at once he revived his memory of his previous birth, and he realised that the man who stood in his front was no less a person than the 24th Tirthankara. Mahāvira. At once, he became very much alarmed. Thought he,
'In biting him, I have committed the greatest sin.'
He crawled down from his body and rolled in remorse at his feet. At this moment, he remembered not only his present crime, but all the crimes committed by him throughout his life, and even those committed by him in his previous life on account of his outrageous nature, discussed them, decried them, returned to his hole, gave up his attachment to his own body and started living without taking anything. He gave up his natural instinct of giving a bite to human beings and other animals, big as well as small, Totally unmindful of the body, he concentrated wholly on his own self.
When people saw that inspite of their repeated warnings, the monk did not pay any heed to them but proceeded on the same route, they were taken by surprise. Some people followed him at a safe distance. When they witnessed the whole'episode, their surprise knew no bound. The complete pacification of such a dreaded reptile could not but be viewed as a very unusual event. After having

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witnessed the epis ide, the people came back, and discussed it with others in the same village, and with people in the neighbouring villages. It became widely known that the snake Canda kausika had become perfectly peaceful and had given up the administration of his venom to others. People became immensely happy. The snake had changed into a god in their eyes. So they came to worship him everyday with milk and sugar. They placed these before him and went away. The smell of these things attracted many pests and ants round the snake at all hours, and these made his life extremely miserable; but the snake had been inspired to the great ideal of Mahavira, and so he did not display anger or restlessness in any way. He held fast to the great ideal of forbearance. What to speak of hurting or disturbing any insect in any way, he did not change his place (to save his own life). Bearing pain with calm and equanimity, he died and was born in heaven as a god. (1)
The Buddha's victory over Canda-naga
The Buddha reached the cottage of Uruvela Kasyapa Jațila and said to him,
"If it causes you no inconvenience, then, I desire to take shelter in your sacrifical cottage (agni-śālā).
11
On hearing these words of the stranger, Uruvela Kasyapa said,
"Great Śramaņa! You are perfectly welcome to stay at my cottage. It will be a pleasure for me, except for the fact that here lives a king-cobra who is extremely severe and who possesses great divine power too. I am afraid, he may cause you great harm".
The Buddha repeated the request for the second time, and then for the third time, and said,
"Kasyapa! That snake will do me no harm. You give me shelter in your cottage. "1
Uruvela permitted him to stay. The Buddha spread some hay in a corner, prepared his seat on it, sraightened his body, fixed his mind and sat on it, King-cobra saw him

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1
on his seat, He became angry and started emitting fire. The Buddha had a thought in his mind,
'Without causing any harm to his skin, flesh, sinews, bones and marrows, I shall suck out his power. '
He did as he had thought by dint of his spiritual power. He himself started emitting fire. The cobra found this fire more powerful than his own and was soon ablaze. Even the Buddha became ablaze like fire. The brilliance coming out of the two brightened the whole cottage as if it was on fire. Uruvela Kasyapa moved round the cottage and lamented,
"Alas! snake"!
The Mahasraman has been killed by the
The night ended. In the morning, without causing the snake any physical pain, he sucked its venom making him wholly harmless, placed him in a basket, held him before Uruvela Kasyapa and said,
"I have sucked the cobra's prowess. He is powerless. He can do no harm to anyone. "(2)
now
Hardships caused by the gods
In Mahavira's life, the hardships caused by a god named Sangama are very famous; and likewise in the life of the Buddha the hardships caused to him by Mara. The similarity between the two accounts is astonishing.
The story of the God Sangama
Starting from Sanulaṭṭhiya, Mahavira directed his steps in the direction of Drdhabhumi. He arrived at a caitya named Polāsa in a park named Pedḍhala in the vicinity of a village bearing the same name Peḍhāla, and went on a fast for three days missing eight meals. He reclined slightly against a rock and spread his hands. He fixed his vision on a rough object, exercised full control on his mind and did not allow his eyes to wink. This sort of penance is called mahapratima. At this place, Mahavira remained in meditation of a whole night. Observing this excellent

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method of penance, Indra spoke the following words in his assembly of gods;
All the gods were very much delighted to hear these observations of Indra. There was, however, one god named Sangama who did not like these words. He protested and said,
"At this moment, in the entire land of Bharata, there is no one more patient and firm in meditation than Mahavira. No power is capable to shake him from his standing posture of meditation. "
To establish that the Indra had made a wrong observation, he declared,
"There can be no one holding a human body who will not yield before divine power.
"
Adding strength to what he had observed earlier, Indra re-affirmed,
1.
"I can shake him; he will have to yield before my power.
"Neither has this happened, nor will this ever happen that a Tirthankara in meditation is shaken by any wound or by sharp words."
2.
To give effect to his ignoble design, he came down at once and arrived at the polasa caitya. To shake him during the same night, he caused him 20 very severe pains one after another. They were in the following order:
But Sangama protested again with equal vehemence,
"I must hold a .test of his firmness."
He produced a terrific dust storm as if the deluge was imminent. Mahavira's eyes, ears and nose
were all choked with dust.
He produced poisonous ants who gave severe bites all over Mahavira's body.

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3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
255
He produced swarms of mosquitoes and released them on Mahavira. They sucked his blood to their heart's content.
He produced sharp-mouthed white ants. They stuck to Mahavira's body and gave him severe bites which swelled his pore-holes.
He produced a vast army of scorpions who launched a simultaneous attack on Mahavira, and pinned his whole body with their stings.
He released many mongeese who cracked down on Mahavira with a terrific noise and tore off his flesh.
He released on him snakes with sharp teeth and a lot of venom. They gave bites to him again and again till they were exhausted when they fell aside.
He produced a horde of rats who gave sharp bites to his body and passed urine on it.
He produced an elephant with a very long trunk. The elephant coiled Mahavira with his trunk and hurled him in the sky again and again. As he was dropped to the ground, he was trampled by the elephant under his feet and struck with his sharp tusk.
He produced a she-elephant with a long trunk. She too coiled Mahavira in her trunk and hurled him in the sky again and again. As he was dropped to the ground, she trampled over him and wounded him severely with her tusk.
He appeared in the guise of a fierce-looking pisaca (spirit), and while giggling bitterly, he leapt on Mahavira with a dagger in his hand. He sank the dagger into his body with all the strength he could command.
Guised as a terrific tiger, he pierced Mahavira's body with his thunder-like sharp teeth and trident-like
claws.
Guised as Siddhartha and Trisala (Mahavira's parents), he uttered a heart-rending lament and said,

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'Where have you fled leaving us without support in our old age?"
14.
Between Mahavira's two legs, he lit a fire and set a pot on it to cook food. But Mahavira stood firm, and! the red flame added to his own brilliance.
15. He hanged birds' cages on Mahāvira's body. The
birds gave him bites with their beaks and claws.
He raised a severe cyclone which uprooted many trees and swept away innumerable thatches. The terrific roar of the wind created a severe panic everywhere. In that terrific cyclone, Mahāvira himself was raised up several times and dropped down.
17.
He created a whirlwind in which Mahāvira was entangled severai times.
18.
He hurled a death-trap in consequence of which Mahāvira sank into the ground upto his knees.
When he saw that Mahavira was not perturbed by all these hardships, the god felt somewhat a shamed. But he did not stop. Now he tried several favourable means to break his meditation
19.
Flying in an air-chariot, he came to Mahāvira and said, "Speak out what you want, heaven or liberation (moks a), I shall fulfil your wishes."
20
At last, he brought a nymph and placed her before Mahavira. By her lusty Overtures, she sought to disturb his meditation, but she could do nothing(3).
Mahāvira. By her lusty overtures, she soug
By this time, the night was over. In the morning, Mahavira's meditation was over, So he departed on the way to Våluka...
An unsuccessful person does not give up his wicked thoughts so soon. He is bent on achieving success by hook or by crook. Although the god was completely perplexed to find Mahāvira unshaken like Mount Meru, still he did not give up his evil designs. On the way to Vālüka, he created a habitation of 500 thieves. But Mahāvāra remained un

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daunted. He neither changed his route nor slowed down his pace of movement. He passed by the abodes of the thieves and crossed through a number of villages such as Suyoga, Succhetā, Malaya and Hastisirsa. At each one of these places, the wicked god Sangama was after him and he continued to create diverse troubles for him.
Mahavira reached a village named Tosali and went into meditation in the park. Guised as a monk, Sangama went into the village and broke into a house through the wall. People took him to be a thief, caught him and beat him very severely. While howling, Sangama said,
I am only
"Why do you beat me ? I am innocent. carrying out my guru's order."
The people shouted,
"Who is your guru? Where is he ?"
Sangama led the people into the park and pointed to Mahāvira who was still in meditation. Now the people launched an attack on him. They tied him and started preparations to take him to the village. Just then, a magician named Mahābhūtila came there. He revealed the identity of Mahavira to the villagers and got his release. The people were now looking for the so-called monk who had posed as a disciple, but he was nowhere to be found. The villagers were now convinced that there was some conspiracy behind the whole thing (4).
From Tosali, Mahavira reached Mosali. He was in meditation in the park when Sangama again charged him of being a thief. The policemen came and arrested him. He was brought before the king. King Siddhartha's friend, one Sumagadha who was present at the court at this time recognised him at once. He stood up and saluted him. He introduced Mahavira to the king and got him released. Mahåvira came back to the park and started his meditation again(5).
Once, Mahavira was in meditation in a kayotsarga posture. Sangama placed some booty beside him. People took him to be a thief, caught him and brought him before

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the Kșatriya Chief of Tosali. The chief asked him many questions and wanted to know who he was, but Mahāvira spoke nothing. His silence evoked greater suspicion. The chief consulted his council of advisers, and they came to the decision that this was not a real monk. So they ordered that he should be hanged. The executioners at once became active to give effect to the order. They brought him to the scaffold and placed the nook round his neck. But the nook dissipated and dropped to the ground. They tried this seven times, and every time, they had the same experience. This was a great surprise for the Ksatriya Chief and his coun: sellors. They had now no doubt that this must be a very exceptional man. At once, the king expressed regret and released him(6).
Mahavira now reached Siddharthapura.. Because of · the trap already laid by Sangama, even here, he was caught as a thief, but was released when his identity was revealed by a horse-dealer named Kausika. Starting from there, he reached Vajragrama. On that day, people were celebrating 'some festival. So khira had been cooked in every home. Mahāvira got up to beg his food. Sangama did not lag b hind. Before Mahavira reached a home, Sangama was already there, and the prior presence of a monk at the donor's home made the food unacceptable for him. Mahā - vira real is ed at once that this was the trick by the same god. So he left the village and went elsewhere (7).
For full six months, Sangama continued to pursue Mahavira harming and harrassing him in every manner. In this, he had degraded himself to the nadir of indecency and me anness. But still Mahavira did not budge from his way. Sangama was now ashamed in his mind (for his mis be haviour towards a great monk). He realised beyond all doubts that despite his vilest efforts, Mahavira had continued to add to his mental stature and attained a colossal spiritual height. He had never allowed himself to be overpowered by his meanness. Being thus defeated, he appeared before Mahavira, and revealing the identity, he submitted,
"The praise given by the Indra about you is true to the last word. You are a man very firm in your resolve. I have fallen from my promise. No power, howsoever great, can force you off your path. In

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future, I promise, I shall never be mean like this with any one".
Mahavira was balanced in his mind. He was neither bothered about his past meanness, nor did he rejoice at his
hise to improve in future. Sangama returned to his abode in heaven. The Indra became much displeased with him, rebuked him severely and turned him out from heaven. After being exiled, Sang ama came to the Summit of Mount Meru with his wife and settled there.
The story of the God Māra
When the Buddha made a firm determination for the attainment of Bodhi, and sat down for the purpose, Mara thought as follows:
"The prince wants to get out from my authority; but I won't let this happen."
So Mára repaired to his army camp, equipped all his soldiers for an onslaught and set forth to launch an attack on the Buddha. It was a vast army which covered a very wide expanse and altitude of many yojanas. Māra himself took weapons in his one thousand hands and started on the back of an elephant called Girime khala, His soldiers were not only equipped with arms, they were also diversely painted so that they looked very dreadful as they marched. As Māra and his entire entourage came near the bodhialtar, one by one, all his soldiers dropped out. They could not stare at the unusual brilliance of the Buddha, Māra became conscious of his own limitation, and while looking for an alternative route to divert his army, he decided as follows:
"There is no one equal to the Buddha in power, I can never win a victory over him by launching an attack from the front; so I must launch my attack from the rear."
So he directed his army to the Buddha's rear. The Buddha saw that the army of Marā was advancing on him from the north only; all other directions were perfectly free. Thought he,

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'Such a vast number of gods have been mobilised against me. On my side, there is no one-neither my parents, brothers or kinsmen. So the ten päramitás are like my own relations. So I must make a shield of them for my own protection and throw the same as my weapon, and in this manner, I must finish my adversaries'.
The Buddha invoked the ten pāramitās to come to his aid and sat tight on his seat. Mára started his onslaught to disolodge him from this place. He caused him troubles which were as follows:
He started a severe dust storm. The summits of mountains were separated and these began to fly, trees were uprooted; towns and villages lost their trace. But the Buddha sat unperturbed. As the moving storm reached the proximity of the Buddha, it had already lost its rigour, and not even a corner of his garment was disturbed.
ted to drown, so very sharpus. The flood
Having failed to harm him with the dust storm, Mara attempted to drown him in heavy downpour. The streaks of water were so very sharp that they bored the earth with holes at many places. The floodwater reached the top of the trees in the forest; but the Buddha's garment did not receive even as much exposure as in a mist.
'He started a shower of pebbles. Even big rocks emitting smoke, even whole summits blazing with fire came floating through the sky, but no sooner did they reach the vicinity of the Buddha than they changed into boquets of flowers.
This was followed by a shower of arms - one-edged weapons, two-edged weapons, swords, spears, arrows and many others incessantly disgorging fire, but no sooner did they reach the vicinity of the Buddha than they changed into heavenly flowers.
5.
Then he started the shower of burning charcoal. Hot and red charcoal incessantly dropped from the sky, but on the Buddha's feet, they scattered like flowers.

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6.
Then he created a shower of ashes. Burning a shes dropped from the sky, but as they reached the Buddha's feet, they changed into powder of sandalrood.
7.
Then he started a shower of dust. Dark, blazing and very fine particles of dust started pouring from the sky, but it turned into heavenly flowers on the Buddha's feet.
There was a shower of mud. Grey and boiling mud trickled from the sky, but it fell as a divine pa ste at the Buddha's feet.
There emerged a pitchy darkness from all around, but before it could engulf the Buddha, it cleared away as does the night at sunshine.
10. When Māra failed to make the Buddha flee by his
storm, rain, pebbles, weapons, charcoal, ashes, dust, mud and darkness, he thundered at his stalwarts,
"'Why stand ye cowards inactive ? Take this young fellow, beat him and put him to his heels."
He himself did not remain idle. Seated on his elephant Girime khala, with a wheel in his hand, he rushed at the Buddha and shouted,
"Ye Siddhartha ! You get out from this seat. It has not been meant for thee; it is mine."
The Buddha reacted,
"Māra ! You have neither fulfilled the ten paramitās, nor sub-parāmitás, nor the supreme paramitās. You have not even made the five great renunciations, nor done anything either for the good of the clan nor for that of humanity. You have not even acquired knowledge. So, how can this seat be for thee; it is mine."
Mára could no longer restrain his fury. He hurled his wheel at the Buddha. The Buddha at once remembered

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his ten para mitās. The wheel became a canopy of flowers over his head. Be it mentioned that the wheel was so very powerful that it could smash even a solid pillar made from a rock as if it were a blade of grass. The stalwarts of Māra showered many rocks and stones at the Buddha to ma ke him flee, but because of the protection given to the Buddha by the par amitás, all these turned into garlands of flowers and fell on the ground within a short range of the Buddha.
Standing at the brink of the cakr avalas, the gods witnessed the scene with the greatest suspense. From time to time, all of them had the same apprehension in their mind,
Siddhartha has lost all his grace. What will he do now ?!
"The seat which is allotted to the Bodhisattvas fulfilling the paramitās on the day they attain Buddhahood is mine; you are a pretender".
When Māra uttered this, the Buddha asked him, "Māra! Who bears witness of your donations"?
Māra stretched his hands to his stalwarts and said,
'Why? All these you see are my witnesses."
At this hint from Māra, his soldiers shouted in one voice,
" We are his witnesses. We shall testify. "
The noise was so very tremendous as if the earth had fallen into pieces.
Mara - "But, pray, who bear witness to your own donations ?
The Buddha firmly declared,
"These bear witness to your donations; but I have no witness of mine who is alive. So let alone the donations made by me in other births. But the do

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nations I made for seven weeks when I was born as Vessantara, even this solid and unconscious earth will testify."
The Buddha took out his right hand from under his cloth. Addressing the Great Earth, he said,
"Do you bear witnesses to the donations made by me for seven weeks during my birth as Vessantara? 11
The Great Earth - "Yes, I do."
So saying, she gave out tremendous roars, hundreds, thousands, millions, so that the army of Māra di sappeared in utter confusion.
Māra's defeat was complete. Agreeing wholly with the Buddha, he said,
"Siddhartha ! I admit, you made great donations. You made excellent donations."
The moment Mára concentrated on the Buddha's donations in his life as Vessantara, his elephant Girimekha la stooped low on his knees. Just then, the army of Māra fled in confusion in whatever direction they could without caring for their dress and ornaments. In the great confusion that prevailed, not two could go by the same route.
The gods witnessed the victory of the Buddha and the defeat of Māra. They were very happy. They came to the Buddha and worshipped him (8).
-
Conclusion
There are important similarities between the hardships inflicted by Sangama and those inflicted by Mara; but there are significant differences too. The hardships inflicted by Sangama acted straight on the person of Mahavira, but he was so firm in his physique that he did not care. But the phenomena created by Mára did not operate on the Buddha's body. When they came into his proximity, the

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Buddha invoked the pāramitās, these helped him to change them into flowers or some other excellent objects, and did not allow them either to touch the person of the Buddha or cause him any pain. At no time did Mahavira enter into any dialogue with his foe, but in the case of the Buddha, there were challenges and counter-challenges, and even sharp exchanges of words. In the end, however, both the adversaries were defeated, - Sangama in the hands of Mahavira and Māra in the hands of the Buddha. The event took place in the eleventh year of Mahavira's life as a monk(9). (This was one year before he attained omniscience). The praise by the Indra of Mahavira's firmness in meditation was the immediate provocation for the episode that unfolded itself. Sangama has been considered to be a god with a false belief in the case of the Buddha the Mara episode took place in the last year before his Enlightenment. Having taken the khira served by Sujatá, the Buddha took the vow that he would not leave his seat till he was enlightened. Then he successfully passed through the ordeal and attained the Buddha hood. Thereafter, he changed his seat and spent spent under Ajapala banyan, and during the third week, he was in samadhi under the shade of the mucalinda tree. spent under ajapala vargada, and during the third week, he was in Samadhi under the shade of the mucalinda tree During that week, trouble was caused to him by the appearance of unexpected clouds. There were chilly winds giving severe bites on the flesh. At that time, there arrived a cobra named Mucalinda who made seven coils round the Buddha's body and spread its hood over the Buddha's head. In this manner, the snake protected the Buddha from heat and cold, mosquitoes, wind, sun, insects and reptiles, etc(10)..
These (last-mentioned) hardships of the Buddha are comparable to those undergone by Arhat Pārsva in the hands of Kamatha. In his career as a monk, Pārsva stood in meditation near a well under the shade of.a banyan tree. His enemy from his previous birth, a god of the name Meghamali, started a terrific shower with thunder and hail. The rivers and canals became overflooded, and it seemed that the deluge is not far. Rārsva was drowned upto his neck. It was at this time that god Dharanendra and his consort Padmavati saved his life by making him stand on a lotus shooting out from their novels, and a cobra which they created provided him with an umbrella with its hood.

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In this manner, he was protected by the divine couple for three days (11).
Notes on Chapter Eight
(1)
Trisasti-sala ka-purusa-caritram, Parva 10, Sarga 3. Also, Avaśyaka Niryukti, Malayagiri Vștti, Gāthă 46667, Pp. 273-74.
(2)
Vinaya Pițaka. Mahavagga Mahakhandhaka.
(3)
Based on Avaśyak Cūrņi, Part I, P.311. The order and nature of hardships delineated in the Kappa Sutta are somewhat different.
(4)
Āvaśyak Niryukti, Gāthā 508.
Ayas yan
(5)
Ibid. Gāthā 509.
(6) Ibid. Gāthā 509. (7) Ibid. Gāthā 510. (8) Jataka-attha- kathā, Nidāna. (9) Āvaśyaka Niryukti, Malayagiri Vịtti, Gāthās 498-517. (10) Vinaya Pițaka, Mahāvagga, Mahākhandhaka. (11) For details, see Trişaşți-salākā - purụsa-caritram.

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CHAPTER IX OMNISCIENCE AND ENLIGHTENMENT
On Mahavira's attainment of Omniscience
"Ma hā vira spent a long term of 12 years in enriching his soul by excellent knowledge, vision and conduct, by simplicity, study, energy, lightness, forgiveness, detachment (greedlessness), controls, contentment, truth, restraint, penance and excellent practice, and by the pursuit of the surest way to the ripe fruit of liberation. In the thirteenth year of his career, one day, he was in meditation in a milking posture (go-dohikāsana) exposing himself to the blast of the blazing sun under a sal tree, in the north-eastern direction, neither near nor far from the Vyāvrta caitya, in a farm belonging to a gathāpati named Syāmāka, on the ba nk of the Rjubālikā outside the village named Jambhiya. On that day, he was on fast without water missing altogether six meals. It was the tenth day of the bright half of Vaisakha. The shadow had fallen towards the east. It was the final quarter of the day. The name of the hour (muhurta) was Vijaya, and the name of the star was Uttarā -phālguni. Ma hā vira was immersed in pure (white) meditation with a fine concentration in the midst of an environment which was perfectly serene and silent. At this time, Mahavira, the great master of exertions, reached the acme of spiritual practices. He exhausted his four terminable kar mas, and attained supreme (kevala) knowledge and vision, which were final, excellent, unsurpassed, unlimited, expansive, allround, unshrouded and unobstructed. On the attainment of these, he became capable to know and see the diverse mental states and categories of all living beings in the worlds of men, gods and demons" (1).
No sooner did he attain omniscience than there was light in heaven. The seats of the gods moved. The Indra of the gods, the Sāmānika gods, the Trayas -trimsaka gods, the Lokapālas, their principal consorts, gods who were members of their families, commander gods, body-guard

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gods, valent gods, - all descended in a hurry to be the first to reach the world of men. At several places en route, the gods met in meetings. The goddesses smiled and chanted sweet hymns. All the directions were becoming placid and pure. The whole earth became bright with an exceptionally strange light. Heavenly drums sounded in the sky. Infernal beings enjoyed a pleasant respiration. Gentle and comfortable breeze started blowing. Many unusual events took place (2).
On the Buddha's attainment of Englightenment
During the day, the Buddha was wandering in the wellblossomed sal forest on the bank of the river. In the evening, he started from there and came near the bodhi tree. On the way, he met a grass-cutter named Srotriya who was carrying grass. He gave eight handfuls of hay to the Buddha. With these, the Buddha ascended the bodhi altar and reached the southern corner where he stood turning his face towards the north. At this, the southern horizon became depressed to reach the hell named Abici, and the northern horizon soared high as if it touched the crest vi the world. The Buddha realised that he would not attain enlightenment at this place. So he moved from there, and, giving a round, he reached the western corner, and stood with his face turned eastward. At this, the western horizon sank to the hell Abici, while the eastern horizon rose at if it touched the crest of the world. Wherever he stepped, the great earth became curved like a wheel spread on the support of its spokes. Even this place he did not find suitable for the attainment of his enlightenment. So he moved out from the re, went to the north, and stood with his face turned southward, At this, the northern horizon sank to the hell Abici and the southern horizon kissed the crest of the world. Even this place he rejected as being unsuitable for the attainment of enlightenment. He moved round, went to the east, and stood with his face turned westward. At once, a thought caine to his mind:
'This is the place unrejected by the Buddhas. This is the most suitable place for ending all misery.
Then he caught the tips of the grass and gave a jerk. At once, the grass spread to make a cushion which was 14

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cubits in length. The form in which the grass spread was very beautiful. Not even an artist or a skilled craftsman could have produced such a superb thing. The Buddha turned his back towards the bodhi tree, and with a complete concentration of mind, he resolved.
'Even if I am reduced to mere skin, sinews or bones, even if my body, flesh and blood dry up, I shall not move out from this seat till I attain enlightenment',
Having made a resolve like this, he sat in an appropriate posture on his cushion which was proof even against the stroke of lightening.
To remove him from that seat, Māra created storm, rain shower of stones, of weapons, of burning charcoal, of hot ashes, of dust and of mud; he created dark shadows; but he could not be effective. Before the sun was down, he admitted his own defeat and departed. At that time, the sprouts of the bodhi tree were dropping on the Buddha's garment, and it looked as if he was being worshipped by the shower of red ming. During the first one third of the night (yå ma), he received Fnlightenment about his previous birth; during the second one-third, his divine sight became purified; and in the final one-third, he witnessed Dependent Origination (paticca -samuppada). The 8000 space-gaps (lokantara) between the cakravālas, which were never sufficiently lighted even by the rays of the seven suns, became lighted at this time in all the directions. The waters of the great oceans, 84000 yojanas deep, became sweet. The flow of the rivers came to a stand still. The born-blind got vision, the de af had their faculty of hearing restored the lame walked. The hand-cuffs and chains of the convicts broke and dropped down; they were thus liberated. Many surprising events took place at this time (3).
The description of bodhi is much more hype rbolic than that of the kaivalya. In Mahavira's attainment of the kaivalya, we have description of the arrival of gods; in the Buddha's attainment of the bodhi, we have description of the arrival of men. Both the accounts are, however, similar in their description of strange and supernatural events. Conclusion
On the question of omniscience, the Buddhistic view is that whatever the Buddha desired to know, he couid know,

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while the Jaina view is that whatever was worth-knowing, Mahāvira knew in the first moments of his attainment of the kaivalya, On the attainment of the bodhi but before he started preaching, Buddha thought,
'To whom do I preach this religion? Who is capable to accept this religion at once'?
once, he remembered,
'Alar -kālāma is intelligent, brilliant and for ever with little dirt of mind. Why do I not make a beginning with him'? He will accept it immediately'.
Remaining in hiding, the gods reported,
'Bhante! Alar-kālām died a week ago'.
Just then, knowledge and vision came to the Buddha with which too he knew of it. He thought,
At
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'Alar-kālāma was highly receptive.
this religion, he would surely have accepted it'.
If he had heard of
Then he looked for the next suitable man, and his choice fell on Uddakrām-putra. Thought he,
'Uddakram-putra is intelligent, bright and for ever with little dirt of mind. Why don't I first preach to him? He will soon accept this religion.'
vision.
But again from hiding, the gods informed him,
'Bhante! He has died last night'.
The Buddha also learnt this by his own knowledge and
Starting his search again, the Buddha thought,
'The panca-varga monks were of great help to me. During my penances, they rendered me a lot of service. Why don't I first start with them?!
Thinking further ahead, he tried to locate them:

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"Where are they at this moment?'
With his superhuman, pure and divine vision, he saw,
'At this moment, they are wandering in the deer-park at Rşipattan in Vārāṇasi (4)'
Thus on the attainment of the Buddha hood, the Bud - dha's choice of his first disciple fell on such persons as were already dead. On each occasion, this was pointed out to him by gods, and then he saw it with his own knowledge and vision. It is worth noting that in both the Jaina and Buddhist traditions, the two words, knowledge and vision (iñana -darśana) have been used together. Thus we have that Ma ha vira acquired kevala jnana -kevala -darsana, and the Buddha learnt about the death of Alāra-kālāma and Uddakrāmputra with the help of his jñāna darśana. In the Jaina view, there are five types of knowledge ( mati, sruta, avadhi, manah-par yāya and kevala) and four types of vision (cakşu, a-caksu, avadhi, kevala). The third type of knowledge (and a vision) is avadhi (or Vibhanga) in which one with this knowledge perceives the knowledgeable object only by concentrating on it. The Buddha's knowledge appears to be of the same order as the Jainas have termed avadhi knowledge (or Vibhanga, depending on the persori concerned). A further reason may be adduced in support of this view, which is that the Buddhist canons have, while conceiving kevala -jñāna as unreliable and impossible for all times and in all countries, never hesitated to hurl a ridicule on it. For instance, we have the following in the Sandaka Sutta:
'Here is a spiritual leader who claims to be allknowing, all-seeing, a master of unlimited knowledgeand-vision. As he walks, stands, lies or sleeps, these are stated to be ever present with him. And yet he goes to an empty home for begging where he gets no food; furthermore, he is bitten by a dog or is confronted with an uncontrollable elephant, a powerful horse or a violent bull. Though claiming to be allknowing, he asks men and women their name and the line to which they belong. He also enquires about the name of the village and the road leading to that vil - lage. When people say, 'Sir, you are all-knowing and yet you ask such simple questions', he replies, 'I went

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to an empty house because this was so pre - deter mined'. He says, 'Not getting food was pre-deter mined, and I did not get food. Being bitten by a dog was pre-determined, and so I was bitten by a dog. Being confronted by an elephant, a horse and a bull was pre-determined, and so I was confronted by these (5)'.
It is not intended to go into the merit or otherwise of observations like these. What, however, is intended is that the kaivalya and the bodhi are not synonymous. The omniscience of the Jainas have always remained like a query - mark with the Buddhists. In the present age, omniscience is indeed a disputed field. In the new ideas (of contemporary life), Ma hā vira's omniscience enters into the realisation of
Uppannei vā viga mei vā dhuvei vā (reality persists through creation and cessation)(6)
and the Buddha's bodhi merges with
Yat sat tat Kșanikam (whatever exists is momentary).
Notes on Chapter Nine
(1)
(2)
(3)
Āyárāng, śru. 2 Adhya ya na 15; Kappa Sutta, Kalpa-druma Kalikā Vștti. Trişaşti-salākā - puruşa -caritram, Parva 10, Sarga 5. Jātaka-attha - kathā, Nidāna. Based on Vina ya Pițaka, Mahā vagga, Ma hākhandhaka. Also Majjhima Nikaya, Majjhima Panna saka, Parisvajaka Vagga. Bhagavatī, sataka 5, Uddeśaka 9, Sūtra 225.
(4)
(5)
(6)

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CHAPTER X
THE MONASTIC ORDER AND ITS EXPANSION
The monastic order of Mahāyira contained, according to the scared texts, 14, 000 monks and 36, 000 nuns (1). But it is difficult to get a definite and undisputed statement about the number of monks and nuns in the monastic order of the Buddha. We find a mention that when sometime after the attainment of the Buddhahood, the Buddha came to Rajagrha, he had 1093 bhiksus with him. At Rajagrha, Sariputta and Moggallāna joined the order of the Buddha with their 250 par ivrajaka monks. Thus at Rajagrha, the number of his disciples Swelled to 1345. When he first came to Kapilvastu, he had with him 20, 000 bhikşus. According to Lalita Vistara, at the time of his arryal at Srāvasti, he had 12,000 bhiksus and 32,000 bodhi-sattvas with him(2).
The organisation of the respective orders started with the attainment of omniscience by Mahavira and of enlightenment by the Buddha. Groups of thousands of people were initiated into monkhood at special occasions, Among those so initiated, the largest number came from the Vedic scholars, par iv tájaka monks and the Ksatriya princes. The accounts of initiations in both the traditions are highly inspiring and entertaining.
At several places, there is a striking similarity between the two accounts. Thus we have (in the Jaina account that Mahāvira accepted within his order 11 Vedic scholars headed by Indrabhūti along with their 4400 Brāhmaṇa disci. ples; and likewise, (in the Buddhist account), we have that the Buddha accepted into his order three Jatila leaders headed by Uruvela along with their 1000 disciplines. Further we have it that Indrabhūti initiated three tāpasa leaders named Kodinna, Dinna and Sevāla along with their i 500 tāpasa disciples.
On coming back to his own birth-place, Mahāvira initiated into monkhood his own son-in-law Jamali with a family of 500 and his own daughter Priyadars'anā with a

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family of 1500 people. Likewise, on coming back to Kapilavastu, the Buddha initiated into monkhood 10, 000 citizens. his own son Rāhula, and also Nanda who was the son of Mahaprajāpati Gautami.
Are the Buddhist accounts exaggerated
Dhar mānand Kosāmbi, a Buddhist scholar, is of the view that the number of the Buddhist bhiksus is exaggerater to the point of rousing doubt about their correctness, To quote him,
"At Vārāṇasī, the Buddha got 60 bhikşus....... Did the number of bhikṣus whom the Buddha could claim in his order till he reached Rajagrha exceed these 15 (i.e., five pañcavarga monks, Yas'a and his four friends, three Käs'yapa brothers, and the two disciles of Sanjaya named Sariputta and Moggailāna)? He added 60 at Vārānasi (as aforesaid), 30 on the way to Uruvela, and 1000 (1003 according to some) at Uruvela, so that with a group of 1093 bhikṣus, the Buddha might have come to Rajagrha. At Rajagsha, 250 disciples of Sanjaya came with Sariputta and Moggallâna and joined the Buddha's order, raising the total to 1345.
But there is no mention in the Sutta-pitaka of there being such a big group with the Buddha. It is stated in the Sāmanaphala Sutta. that one or two years before he passed away, when the Buddha came to Rajagrha, he had 1250 bhiksus in his company; but we have a figure of 500 in eight suttas in Dighanikāya, from which it appears that there were only 500 bhiksus who followed the Buddha's body after he had passed away. The first Buddhist Council meeting at Rājagrha after the death of the Buddha was attende 500 bhiksus' only, from which also it would be a safe surmise that till his death, the total number of monk in the Buddha's order did not exceed 500.
"It was perhaps after the death of the Buddha that exaggerated figures were produced about the number of the bhiksus. At the opening chapter in Lalita Vistara, it has been stated that at Srāvasti, the Buddha had 12,000 bhiksus and 32, 000 bodhisattvas. About this

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time, the practice of giving exaggerated figures of monks in previous times started in order to give prestige to their own order, and later, the canonists of Mahāyāna sect observed no restraint in giving such figures. This was a main cause of the decline of Buddhims. To create glamour for their own order and religion, the Buddhist bhikṣus started fabricating many cock-and-bull stories, but the Brāhmanas went further ahead than the Buddhists in this enterprise and ultimately inflicted a complete defeat on the Buddhist bhiksus "(3).
In this manner, Kosambi has put up the thesis that the accounts about the numerical strength of the Buddhist bhiksus are completely exaggerated. In his zeal, however, Kosambi may have somewhat overstated his position. It is quite plausible that the non-canonical literature of both the Jainas and the Buddhists have many exaggerated accounts; but it may not be fair to reject the figures about initiates as wholly imaginary. Man always lives in the midst of his environment and moves with the current. The age of Mahavira and the Buddha was one when religious consciousness must have been at its height. In this age, renunciation was considered to be the pinacle of spiritual behaviour. It was also an age of devotion. Lofty examples were set by the kings, princes and rich merchants who took to the spiritual path. In an atmosphere like this, it should not be particularly surprising that a large number of people renounced their homes at a time and became initiated as monks. Whatever that may be, we should strive to understand the accounts of the two traditions with due respect and sympathy, and with an open mind.
The accounts of initiations in the two tradition that have been restated below have neither been in chronic order nor have they been drafted in toto. Some of the more important accounts are presented at random.
Initiations in the Nirgrantha Order
1. Eleven Gañadharas - A Brāhmaṇa named Somila had started a grand sacrifice at Madhyma Pāvā. There was a great enthusiasm all over the city. Many renowned scholars from near and far came with their disciples to parti

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cipate in the celebrations. The better known among them were Indrabhūti, Agnibhūti, Váyubhūti, Vyakta, Sudharmā, Mandita (Mandika), Mauryaputra, Akampita, Acalabhrāta,
rya and Prabhāsa. Indrabhūti, Agnibhuti and Vāyub huti belonged to the Gautama line and were the residents of a village named Gobara in Magadha. All the three were masters of the 14 branches of learning, and each had a band of 500 disciples. Vyakta and Sudharma were from a village named Kollāga, the former being in the Bhāradvaja line and the latter in the Agni-vais yayana line. Both had 500 disciples each, Mandita and Mauryaputra came from a village named Maurya, the former being in the Vasistha line and the latter in the line of Kas yapa. They had 350 disciples each. Akampita came from Mithila and belonged to the Gautama line. Acalabhrātā came from Kosala and he belonged to the line of Harita. Metārya was a resident of Tungika, a place near Kausāmbi, and Prabhāsa came from Rājagsha, and both belonged to the Kaundinya line. All the four had 300 disciples each. The presence of these eleven renowned scholars in the elaborated arrangement of the sacrifice added to the elegance of the grand celebration.
All these eleven scholars were the accepted commentators of their respective schools of philosophy, besides being great researchers in deepest mysteries. They were also acquainted with the philosophy of the other schools. But despite so profound a scholarship, not one of them was wholly free from doubt, though they never allowed these to be known to their disciples. Their doubts concerned the following:
1. Indrabhūti - whether the soul exists. 2. Agnibhūti - whether kar ma exists. 3. Vāyubhūti - whether the conscious principle and
the body are the same. 4. Vyakta - whether there are five elements. 5. Sudharmā - whether in the next birth, one is the
same as he is now. 6. Mandita - how are fetters of, and liberation from
kar ma. 7. Mauryaputra - whether heavens exist. 8. Akampita - whether hells exist. 9. Acalabhrātā - whether there are virtue and vice, 10. Metārya - whether there is life hereafter. 11. Prabhāsa - whether there is liberation.

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On the second day after the attainment of omniscience, Bhagavan Mahavira arrived at the same place (Madhyama Pava) and halted in the Mahasena park. A congregation was organised. The people of the township hurried at a rapid pace to be the first to reach the park. Even the gods were not lagging behind. When the vedic scholars saw air-chariots of the gods coming through the sky, they felt elated at the successful performance of the sacrifice. But within a short time, their happiness turned into dejection. For, the air-chariots of the gods did not halt over the sacrificial ground, but proceeded towards the park. With a feeling of depression, the scholars felt curious as to the destination of the gods. Who was this great soul in the neighbourhood that had attracted the gods from heaven? Men were sent in all directions to procure the information. Soon it became known to them that this exceptional man was none other than the all-knowing Mahavira. They learnt further that the gods had come to pay their homage and obeisance to him. At this, Indrabhūti thought in his mind,
'In the presence of such an ominiscient person like me, who is this other omniscient person that has come?. Common folks may be deceived by anyone, but, it seems, this fellow has deceived even the gods. This is the reason why instead of coming to me, they are going to him'.
Immersed in his own thought, Indrabhuti felt a doubt about the gods. Thought he again,
'Maybe, they are as much gods as this fellow is omniscient. Whatever that may, but two swords cannot be placed in the same sheath. When I am present here, I cannot tolerate the presence of another all knowing person'.
Indrabhūti saw people returning after having paid their homage and obeisance to Mahavira. He asked them many questions about him:
"Did you see this omniscient person? What sort of omniscient person is he? How does he look like"?

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Being asked like this by Indrabhuti, people spoke at great length about the superhuman qualities of Mahavira. Indrabhuti felt in his mind,
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said,
'This must be a hypocrite, a dissembler, who has hypnotised the entire populace. He has entrapped them all in his snares. For, otherwise, so many could not have been deceived at a time. I cannot allow this sort of deceiptfulness being practised here. I have silenced so many great scholars. What is he in comparison to them? My scholarship is so far-reaching that being afraid of me, many have fled from their motherland. It is silly that a pretender should dominate like this in my presence'.
He gave a severe kick at the ground and stood up in anger. He printed a dozen tilakas on his forehead, hang a golden thread from his neck, wore yellow robes and took darva-cushion and water-pot. Then surrounded by 500 disciples, Indrabhuti set out and came straight to Mahavira.
No sooner did Mahavira saw Indrabhuti than he
"Hallow Indrabhuti of the Gautama line! You have doubt about the existence of the soul. It does not come to visual perception in the same sense as a jar does. You believe that anything which cannot be perceived by the sense organ is very much unreal as a flower blossoming in the sky".
Indrabhuti was surprised at the way in which Mahāvira deciphered his inner thought. This was followed by a long discussion on the Soul in which his doubt was completely resolved. Indrabhuti aeeepted Mahavira as his spiritual master, and with all his disciples, he took shelter in Mahavira's spiritual order.
In the same manner, the remaining ten Brahmanas came one after the other, and in the same manner, they too had their doubts resolved, and along with their followers, they joined the nirgrantha order. These 11 became famous as the Ganadharas (segment-leaders) in the spiri

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tual order of Mahavira. Thus the spiritual order of Mahāvira started with a total strength of 4411 disciples all of whom were Brahmanas converted to Jainism,
Indrabhūti became well-known as Gautama (which the name of his line). At the liberation of Mahāvira from this worluy life, Sudharmā succeeded him as Acārya to the spiritual seat.
According to the Digamvaras, it was Gautama who was the first successor of Mahavira to the spiritual seat (4).
2. Candanavālā - In the Buddhist order, for some time, women were not initiated as nuns; but in the nirgrant ha order, even at the first congregation of Bhagavān Mahāvira, women were initiated as nuns. Candanavālā was the first to join the order as a nun, and even when the strength of the nuns reached 36,000, she remained foremost among them. Once, Mahāvira went on a fast for six months, whose termination depended on the fulfilment of certain conditions set by himself (i. e., these were not known to others). These conditions were as follows:
As to object - this must be dried udada, and it must exist
at the corner of winnowing fan.
As to place - the donor must have one leg inside the thre
shold and another outise it.
As to time - at the fag end of the usual begging time.
As to state - a princess, enslaved, chained, with head
tonsured, crying, and one fast for three days.
He would accept food if these conditions were fulfilled; otherwise, the fast would be extended for another six months (5).
When there were five days to complete six months, all the conditions were fulfilled in the hands of Candanavālā. The life-story of this pious woman was full of events from the start through its middle till its end. She was the only daughter of Dadhivāhana of Campa from his queen Dhariņi.

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She had two names, Candanavālā and Vasumati, and she was reared up with the greatest care and in the midst of all joys. Once, King Sátänika of Kaus àmbi came with a vast army by the water route, and without giving any time, laid seize of Campa, Dadhivāhana was unprepared for this. So he was completely defeated. For two hours, Satānika's men looted the city of Campā like free booters. One of the charioteers got into the harem and carried away Queen Dhāriņi and princess Candanavālā.
After his success, Satānika returned to Kausāmbi; but the charioteer carried the queen and the princess to a lonely forest. He wanted to enjoy a sexual intercourse with them. The queen tried to dissuade him from this mean design, but the rogue was not prepared to listen to entreaties: or good counsel. As the fellow was about to transgress the: bounds of decency, and rushed towards the queen, she com mitted suicide by pulling out her tongue. This came as a great shock to that man and he did not dare to repeat a sim ilar behaviour towards the princess.
The charioteer came back to Kausāmbi and sold out the princess as a maid-servant in the market. At first, she was bought by a prostitute, and she passed her on to a merchant with whom she lived like a maid-servant. In her behaviour, she never made a display that she was a princess. Rather, she was always as soft and agreeable as Candana (sandal), from which she took her name which later became famous.
Candanavālā had the knack to make each one of her acts especially attractive. She was lab was liked by everybody. Other servants and maids were happy at her popularity. Whatever the assignments, the pressure of work could not hide her personality. Candanavälá reached her youth, all her limbs had their full. development. The merchant's wife Mula became jealous of her lest she should be replaced by this servant girl in the eyes of the merchant. So she kept Candanavālā constantly under observation. As Candanavă lă worked, the mistress would supervise her. Candanavālā, however, did not bother. She always looked on her benefactor and benefactress as her own parents, and she never let them know that she was a princess of the royal blood.

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One day, the merchant returned home from another village. It was already past midday. He walked on foot, and was very hungry and thirsty by the time he reached home. So, on reaching home, he sat down to clean his feet. Candanavàlà fetched water for him. As the merchant rubbed his feet, she poured water on it. Suddenly, her hairs became loose and scattered on the ground. To save them from being soiled in unclean water, the merchant gently picked up the bunch of her hairs and placed them on her back. Seated at the window, Mula observed all this. She was alarmed to discover that her apprehension, was not unfounded. Her whole body was ablaze as if with fire, and from that very moment, she started her conspiracy against her.
The merchant regularly visited other villages on business. One day, when the merchant was absent from home, Mula caught hold of Candanavala, cut her hairs, tied her legs with a chain and pushed her into a vault. Then she locked her home from outside and went to her parental home. The merchant was absent from home for three days. When he came back, the home was locked.. He had surprise as well as irritation.
He took another door to go inside the house. One by one, he checked all the rooms, and they were looked. Then he came near the vault at the basement, and heard somebody groaning inside. He shouted,
"Is it Candanā"?
"Yes, dad, I am here"
These words came in a very low voice. The merchant's sorrow knew no bound. With a great difficulty, the merchant rescued her from the vault. He asked,
"My daughter! Who did this to you"?
But Canadanavala was calm. She did not lose her patience. She said,
"Dad! Could you help me with some food"?

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The merchant came up at once. The kitchen was
ed. While looking around, he found some dried uda da lying an a winnowing fan. He came to her with the fan, placed it in her hand and said,
"My daughter! You help yourself with these. Meanwhile, let me arrange for the removal of your irons".
The merchant went out. With great difficulty, Candanavālā reached the door. With her legs chained, her head tonsured, and without food for three days, Candanavălā, while holding the winnowing fan with the dried udada at a corner in her hand, thought,
'If at this moment a nirgrantha monk comes, I shall deem it a great good-luck of mine to offer him a portion of my dry and rough food'.
Her luck favoured her. By chance, Bhagavān Mahāvira who was on a conditional fast came there. He had already completed five months and 25 days of his condition, Candanavala became thrilled to see the future Tirthankara at her door. All her pain turned into joy. Overflowing with joy, she prayed,
"Supreme Master! Be gracious enough to accept this pure food and fulfil my wishes".
Mahävira possessed avadhi knowledge. He checked if his conditions were fulfilled. He found that they were all fulfilled save one. Candanavālā had no tears in her eyes. Mahavira turned to go back. Candanavālā cried. Mahavira turned and looked at her. All his conditions were now fulfilled. He retraced his steps and proceeded towards her. With her eyes shedding tears and with her heart overf ing with joy, she offered the dry uda da skin to Mahāvira, Mahavira broke his fast at that place. There arose a din in the sky,
'A Grëat offer ! A laudable offer! '
Five divine things made there appearance, There was a shower of 12,50,00, 000 gold pieces. : Candanavāla's

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beauty was at its best and her iron chains turned into gold ornaments. She was now hailed all over the city as a great lady.
The report reached the king's palace where the king and the queen heard about Candanavālā. It came to light that Mrgāvati was her own maternal aunt. She was at once taken to the palace. The king started looking for a suitable groom to settle her; but she made it clear that she was not keen to settle in dornestic life.
After the attainment of omniscience, when Mahāvira came to Madhyama Paya and held his first congregation, Candana vālā was initiated into his order as a nun. It was the occasion when Mahāvira accepted many lay followers and administered them necessary vows. These became śrāvakas and srāvikās. The fourfold order emerged in this manner, consisting of the monks, the nuns, male followers and female followers, and collectively, it was given the name 'tirtha!, and as the organiser of the tirtha, Mahavira became the celebrated Tirthankara, the Organiser of the Fourfold Order (6).
3. Meghakumará - Meghakumarā was the son of King Srenika. He was married to eight princesses. Once, Tirthankara Mahāvira came to Rajagrha. King Sreniks and the entire royal household came to pay their homage and tribute. After the sermon was over, people returned home. Even the king went back to his palace. Mahavira's words had, however, created a great inspiration in the mind of Prince Meghakumarã,and he saw a new way opened before him. He became keen to give up his life at the palace and take the life of a wandering monk. He came to his parents, and with folded hands, he submitted to them as follows:
"You are my parents, and it is under your care and affection that I have grown. During the years of my life, you have taken great pains for me. But now I pray for one thing from you. I have seen through life and it holds no more attraction for me. At this moment, Bhagavān Mahāvirais present in the city, and if you be so good as to permit me. I would like to utilise this chance and follow him like a monk in his order".

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The king and the queen explained to him the difficulties and hardships of a monk's life, but the prince was firm in his resolve. He convinced his parents that his choice was not the result of emotion, nor was it based on ignorance.
When King Srenika found that the prince was decided, he made a last request to him:
"My dear son! You say that you have seen through life and that you are tired of the world. Very good. Neither kingdom, nor wealth or family attracts you to the rear. But I have a final request to you, and I hope, you will fulfil it. It is that at least for one day, you hold the reign of power and seat on the throne as king. I shall be happy if you agree".
Meghakumarā agreed to his parent's request. With complete celebrations and rituals, he was placed on the throne. There was rejoicing all over the city. The king was fully happy. With a filian affection, he looked at his son. The he said,
"My dear son! What can I do for you" ?
With due humility, Meghakumarā said,
"Father! If you are pleased with me, then, get me from the market the duster, the wooden pot etc. Now I want to go out as a monk".
King Sreņika fulfilled all his requests. The duster cost a lakh of gold coins and the pot cost another lakh, Like his coronation, his initiation was also marked by great festivities. On beging initiated by Bhagavān Mahavira, Meghakumarā dedicated his life to spiritual pursuits (7).
4. Nandisena - Nandisena was also a son of King Srenika. Once, Mahāvira came to Rajagrha when, in the company of the king and other members of the royal household, Nandis ena attended his congregation. Thousands came to pay their homage and obeisance and to listen, and there were questions and answers, whereupon, out of inspira

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tion, thousands courted equanimity and became partially renounced; but Nandis ena was in favour of a total renunciation in order to be a monk.
People all over the city talked of his great resolve to give up non-ending pleasures at the palace and to go out like a begging mendicant. Suddenly, a voice was heard from the sky:
It
'Prince Reconsider your decision. Your karma giving you a worldly life is yet to be exhausted. exists and it must be gone through. Your resolve is indeed noble, but karma is more powerful and inexorable'.
The prince smiled within himself. He was so full of the idea of renunciation that he said with courage:
"Does darkness withstand light? How long do the patches of clouds struggle against gusts of wind? On initiation, I shall submerge myself deep under hard penances, so that it would be impossible for karma to be effective. What can be the base of the future except the present? I shall spend every moment of my life carefully to the performance of penances, combined with studies, meditation and kayotsarga. I will not let any evil force to strike any root there".
Thus completely unmindful of the favourable as well as unfavourable factors, a determined Nandisena came to attend the congregation of Bhagavan Mahavira, and display. ing supreme indifference to the mundane life, he joined the order of monks. But the possibility of harm makes a man vigilant every moment. To render the divine voice in efficacious, Nandisena immersed himself into deep penances. In this manner, he turned his plump and powerful body into a skeleton devoid of all lusture. Only his bones were visible. He led a solitary life, and concentrated on the nature of the self. Fortnight after fortnight, and month after month, he lived on fast, and visited human habitation only on the fast-breaking day to beg food, but soon he came back to his own seclusion and concentrated on self. In consequence, he acquired good many powers that come from penance.

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While discharging pious duties, sometimes a man slips from his path, and gets entangled in an unexpected
p. One day, Nandis ena came to the village to beg food. It was a sheer accident that he found himself into a harlot's home. He met a lady inside. In his usual manner, he asked,
"May I get some right food here" ?
The women observed the begger-like appearance and mean status of the man, and spoke out instantaneously,
"One who is rich is welcome at my door, but a poor man, a beggar, has no place here".
These words of the fallen woman roused a strong ego in him. He thought that the woman had not yet recognised him, that she had no idea of the powers of his penances. He should display some. It was time for that. He picked up a stick from the floor and broke in into two, and at once, there was a shower of gold coins from the stick. The woman looked at Nandis ena, as Nandis ena looked at her. She did not realise for once if this was a dream or a reality; but soon she recollected herself with great skill. She came forward and welcomed Nandisena with all sorts of lusty overtures. This became an occasion for a straight clash between Attachment and Detachment. On one side, there were penances practised over years, and, on the other there was the sweet welcome that he had just received a couple of minutes ago. Nandis ena forgot all about his penances and responded to her overtures. He agreed to enjoy life in her charming company.
Knocked out from the spiritual path, Nandis ena dangled for some time between two extremes. The only bright spot was the vow he took even in this lowly position. The vow was as follows:
'Everyday, I shall send 10 persons to join as monks the holy order of Mahavira. Till this vow is fulfilled, I shall not touch any food'.
Nandisena remained true to his vow. Everyday, he induced 10 persons to join the nirgrantha order and sent

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them to Bhagavān Mahāvira. He took food only on fulfilment of his vow.
One day, he had nine persons on hand, and the tenth one was a goldsmith who proved to be a very hard nut to crack. He was not responding to his arguments and pursuasions. It was already very late, and the harlot was restless. She came to Nandis ena and asked him to take his food. But Nandisena said,
"How do I accept food till I have a tenth convert"?
The harlot had lost her patience. She retored,
"In that case, why don't you offer yourself as the tenth convert" ?
The words went deep to shake his heart. And as the harlot looked on, he came to Bhagavān Mahavira and became re-initiated into his order (8).
5. Rsabhdatta and Devānandā - Having spent his thirteenth year at Rajagrha, Bhagavān Mahavira turned his steps in the direction of Videha. On the way, he paid a visit to Brāhmana Kundagrāma. In this village lived Brāhmaņa Rşabhdatta and his wife Devānandā. The news of the arrival of Mahāvira spread through the village with the speed of lightning. Rşabhadatta and his wife came to pay their homage to him. As they came near Mahavira, they took the five precautions. They gave up live objects, arranged their clothes in proper order, place a cloth on the shoulder, folded their hands and concentrated their mind. They then moved round Mahavira and sat down to listen his inspiring words. Now, the more the pious lady Devānandā looked at Mahavira, the more she became thrilled. Her breasts were swollen with motherly affection, and the eyes were wet with joy. But she did not realise why she was experiencing this change within herself. All of a sudden, her brassier loosened and milk flowed out from her breasts.
Ganadhara Gautama observed this unusual scene, and he had a curiosity about the implication of all this. He came forward, paid his homage and obeisance to Mihavira and submitted

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"Bhante!. Why is Devānandā so much thrilled today? What is the special occasion for which milk has flown out from her breast"?
Bhagavān Mahāvira explained,
"Gautama' Devānandā is my mother. I am her son. She has been so much thrilled because of her motherly affection towards me".
People were surprised at this unusual revealation. They had never heard of it before. But Gana dha Gautama came out with a fresh interpellation:
"But, Bhante, we know that you are born of Queen Trisalā.
At this Bhagavan Mahavira revealed the whole story of the transfer of his own embryo. Till then the account was unknown to everybody. The joy of Rşabhadatta and Devānandā knew no bound.
Bhagāvan Mahavira delivered his sermon to Rşabhdatta, Devānanda and all other people that had assembled there. The people became very much inspired. At this moment, Rsabhadatta stood up and made the following submission:
"Bhante! I have faith in your religion. I have devotion for it. This religion helps one to terminate rebirth. I want to accept it and be sheltered in it, desire to be initiated as a monk and terminate my karma in its entirety".
So saying, he went to the north-eastern direction, gave up his ornaments, etc., uprooted five handfuls of hairs and stood before Mahavira. Then he moved round him thrice and paid him his homage and obeisance, Thereafter, he was initiated as a monk in the order (9). Devānandā too did as her husband had done, and became a nun under the most illustrious Candanvālā (10).
6. Jamāli and Priyadarśanā - Jamali who was a Kșatriya prince was a resident of Ksatriya Kundagrāma. he was

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was a very rich man. He was the son of Sudarsanā, Mahävirā's own sister. Jamāli was married with Mahavira's Own daughter Priyadarsana. So, on one side, he was Mahāvira's nephew from his sister, and on the other, he was his own son-in-law (11).
While wandering from village to village, Mahāvira came to Ksatriya Kundagrama. People assembled round him and a congregation was held. After the meeting had been addressed by Bhagavan Mahāvira, people returned home. Now, Jamali who had come to attend the sermon felt especially inspired. He stood before Mahavira and said,
"Bhante! The words of the nirgranthas appeal to me. They appeared to be truths. I desire to give up my life as a householder and be initiated as a monk".
Said Bhagavān Mahāvira,
"Do as it may suit your convenience, but delay not".
Jamāli returned to his own palace and discussed his intention with his parents. This came as a great shock to them. They argued with him in all manners, but all their efforts were in vain. At last, they had to give him permission. The initiation ceremony was organised with the greatest pomp. Thousands of citizens came to witness the occasion. They showered their blessings and good wishes on the new initiate.
Then, at a humble request from Jamāli and his parents, Mahāvira took him in his holy order. On the occasion of Jamali's initiation, 500 Ksatriyas courted monkhood with him. Jamali's wife, Priyadarsana, who was Mahāvira's own daughter, joined the holy order as a nun in the company of 1000 Ksatriya women (12).
7. Jayanti - From Vaisālī, Bhagavan Mahavira proceeded towards Vatsa. Kausambi was the capital of Vatsa, There, he took shelter in a caitya named Candrāyatarana. The ruling monarch was King Udayana, who was the son of Mrgāvati, the daughter of King Cetaka of Vaiśāli. Udayana's father was Sátānika and his grand-father was Saha

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srānika. Jayanti happened to be Udayana's paternal aunt. She was a follower of the sramana path and was well-known for her devotion and service to the monks. Any monk visiting the city came first to Jayanti's abode and lodged there for some time.
When Jayanti came to know that Bhagavān Mahavira had arrived, she came to him in the company of her son to pay her homage and obeisance. She attended the sermon and asked questions on which she desired to be enlightened, The discussion was as under:
Jayanti - "Bhante! How does a living being quickly acquire heaviness" ?
Mahāvira - "Jayanti'. There are 18 lapses or sins, and by practising these, a living being quickly acquires heaviness. These 18 are: slaughter, falsehood, usurpation, sexual relation, possession, anger, pride, deceit, greed, liking, dis liking, quarrel, non-acqusitiveness, malice, back-bitting, attachment-detachment, falsehood to deceive and wrong outlook".
Jayanti - "Bhante!! How does a living being become light"?
Mahāyira - "He becomes light by desisting from these (eighteen) starting with slaughter. Just as slaughter, etc., increase wordly life, give it a longer span and make one to be born again and again, so abstension from them reduces wordly life, shortens its span and cuts out rebirth".
Jayanti - "Bhante! Does one become entitled to liberation through his own exertion or by some inexorable law" ?
Mahāvira - "One acquires title to liberation through his own exertion, and not by some in exorable law".
Jayanti - "Bhante! Do all the souls who are to be perfected in this life attain liberation"?
Mahāvira - "That 's right. Whoever be perfected in this life must attain liberation".

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Jayanti - "Bhante! If all the would-be perfected souls are liberated, then there will be no more of them in the world".
Mahāvira - "Jayanti ! It doesn't happen like that. If from different categories of pudgala which are with a beginning, which are limited, and bounded (by nonsphere) on both ends, one atom is taken out during each (smallest) unit of time, and if the process is repeated over an infinite num. ber of clock-wise and anti-clockwise phases of the time-cycle, still the different categories of atoms will not be exhausted; in the same manner, even though the would-be liberated souls who are to be liberated in this life are liberated, the world will not be empty of them."
Jayanti - "Is it good that a living being sleeps or. wakes"?
Mahāvira - "For some, it is good that they sleep; but for others, it is good that they wake".
Jayanti - "Bhante! Why is it so"?
Mahavira - Jayanti! Those who are habitually sinful, who follow sin, to whom sin is very dear, who explore sin, who inspire sin, who are addicted to sin, who take delight in sin, and who live on sin, for them it is good that they sleep. When they sleep, they do not be instruments of sorrow and pain to one-organ beings, to two-to-four-organ beings, to flora bodies and to the immobile beings. When they sleep, they save themselves as well as others from sinful acts. So it is good that they sleep".
Bhagavān Mahavira went on: "Jayanti ! Those who are pious, who follow dhar ma, to whom dhar ma is dear, who explore dhar ma, who uphold dhar ma, who are inclined to dhar ma, who derive delight in dhar ma, who live on dhar ma, - it is good that such be awake. When they wake, they do things which relieve many of their sorrow and pain. When they wake, they become instrumental for pious deeds for themselves as wel as for others. So it is good that they wake. It was with this in view that I said that it was good for some to sleep, and for others to wake".

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Jayanti - "Bhante! Is weakness or strength good for the living being"?
Mahavira "Strength is good for some, and weakness is good for others".
Jayanti "Bhante! How is to so"?
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Mahavira "Those who are sinful, and those who live on sin, it is good that they are weak. Their weakness makes them incapable to cause pain to others. But those who are pious, - for them it is good that they are strong. It is for this that I say that strength is good for some and weakness is good for others".
-
Jayanti-Oh great monk, the very embodiment of piety! it good for the living beings to be excrtive or to be lethargic"?
Mahavira "For some, it is good to be exertive, while for others, it is good to be lethargic".
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Jayanti "Of thou the very embodiment of forgiveness how is it so"?
·
Mahavira "Those who are impious, and those who move about performing sinful deeds, it is good that they are lethargic. But those who are pious, they should be energetic. For, in being energetic, a pious being is ever vigilant, and he is respectful of and serviceable to his preceptor, teacher, senior monks, other monks, segment (gana), order (Sangha) and breathren-in-faith".
"Bhante! By being a slave unto his organ of audition, what does a living being bind"?
Jayanati
-
Mahavira
"Not a slave unto his organ of audition alone, but being a slave unto all his five organs of senses, he glides back and forth in the world".
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The devoted woman Jayanti was delighted to obtain solutions of all her difficulties from Mahavira. Having acquired the knowledge of Soul and Matter, she joined the order of Mahavira as a nun (13).

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8. Kasyapa (14) - Kasyapa Gṛhapati lived at Rājagṛha. He became a monk in the order of Mahavira. He mastered the 11 Angas and practised severe penances. He continued to enrich his soul in the holy order for 16 years. Then he gave up his mortal frame on Mount Vipula by courting a fast unto death (15).
9. Parivrajaka monk Skandaka Mahavira moved out from Gunasila caitya, and after passing through many villages, he came to Kayangala. There he halted at a caitya named Chatrapalasaka which was on the north-eastern side. The congregation of Bhagavan Mahavira met at this place.
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Not far from Kayahgala was the city of Sravasti. There lived a Parivrājaka monk named Skandaka who belonged to the Katyāyana line and who was the disciple of Parivrajaka Gardabhāla. He was versed in the Vedas, Itihasa and Nighantu. He was a specialist in the Sastitantra of Kapila. He had mastered mathematics, phonetics, conventions, grammer, prosody, etymology, astronomy and many other profound texts produced by the Brahmanical scholarship. In the same city, there lived a Vaisalikas rāvaka named Pingala who was a follower of Mahavira. One day, be came to the cottage of Skandaka and said to him,
"Magadha (i. e., one born in Magadha) Are the spheres with limit or without limit? Are the souls with limit or without limit? Is the above of the perfected beings with limit or without limit? Are the perfected beings with limit or without limit? By what death does a being enlongen his stay in various existences, and by what death does he cut short that stay"?
On hearing these questions, Skandaka was in confusion. He did not know the correct answer. Whenever he wanted to open his lips, the answer would not come. Besides, he was not sure if his question would satisfy Pingala. Confused by his own thought, he could give no reply. He remained silent. Pingala repeated his questions with eagerness twice or thrice. But a hesitant and apprehensive Skandaka could give no reply. He lost confidence in himself. His intellect did not work.

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One day, Skandaka heard people discussing about the. arrival of Mahavira at the Chatrapalāsaka caitya outside the city. Thought he,
"How very nice it would be, if I go to him and obtain solutions of these questions from him'. He made his decision firm and returned to his cottage. Having returned, he picked up the triple stick, small cup, garland made from rudrāksa beads, earthen, pot, cushion, cloth for drying vessels, channalaya, hook, ring, wrist-band, umbrella , vanana, sandals and saffron robes, held them in proper manner and set out for reaching the city of Kayangalā.
Just then, śramana Bhagavān Mahāvira said to Gautama.
'Gautama ! To-day, you will meet with your former companion".
Gautama - "Bhante! Who do you mean"?
Mahāvira - "Skandaka Parivrājaka of the Kātyāyana line".
Gautama - "Bhante! When and how will the same Parivrājaka meet me"?
Mahāvira - "At Srāvasti, Pingala, who is a follower of the nirgrantha order, asked him some questions: but he could not give any reply. So equipped with all the external marks and objects of his order, he is coming here. He has covered a good part of the way. He is on the road. Soon he would arrive here. You will meet him today".
Gautama - Bhante! Is he fit to be your disciple"?
Mahāvira - "Yes, he has it, and surely he will be my disciple".
As Mahāvira and Gautama were conversing, Skandaka became visible. Gautama got up and advanced to welcome him. Said he,

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"Skandaka! Welcome to thee! A very hearty welcome to thee! The coming is good. But, Māgadha, tell me if it is true that Pingala, a follower of the nirgrantha order, asked you some questions, and that you could give no reply to them, and that this is the purpose of the coming here".
Hearing his own secret thoughts being uttered by Gautama so openly, Skandaka was taken by a great surprise, He said,
"Gautama ! Who is that wise man, or savant, who has known beforehand the inner thoughts of mine so soon"?
Gautama had a feeling of wholesome pride. Said he,
"Skandaka! My spiritual master, my spiritual preceptor, Séamaņa Bhagavān Mahāvira is the holder of supreme knowledge (kevala darśana). He is an Arhat, a Jina, a Kevalin, a knower of the past, present and future, all-knowing and all-seeing. None of your thoughts could remain unknown to him".
Skandaka expressed his desire to pay homage and obeisance to Mahāvira. Gautama conducted him before his Master, and Skandaka felt very happy to see him. With due regard, he moved round him thrice and bowed before him. Then addressing Skandaka, Mahavira said,
"'Indeed, Skandaka, in the city of Srāvasti, the Vaisalikas rāvaka Pingala had said unto thee as follows: 'Oh Māgadha! Are the spheres with limit or without limit? Are the souls with limit or without limit? Is the abode of the perfected beings with limit or without limit?. Are the perfected beings with limit or without limit? By what death does a being enlonged his stay in (various) existences, and by what death does he cut that stay short"?
Skandaka - "Bhante! You are correct, He asked me these questions".

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The Bhagavān Mahavira started his answers which were as follows:
"The spheres have to be viewed from four angles, viz., as substance, as place, as time and as phenomena".
As to substance, the spheres are one and with limit.
"As to place, the spheres are said to be extended over innumerable crores of yojanas in length and breadth, and over innumerable crores of yojanas in circumference, but still with limit".
"As to time, the spheres existed in the past, they exist in the present and they will exist in the future. There was, there is and there will be no time when there were no spheres. The spheres did exist, and will continue to exist. The spheres are fixed, eternal permanent, non-depreciating, non-wearing-out, ever-existent, and without limit!'
"As to phenomena, the spheres are with limitless colours, smells, substances and touches, with limitless physical structures, with limitless heaviness and lightness, with limitless non-heaviness non-lightness, and without limit.
"So, you see, Skandaka, as to substance, the spheres are with limit, and so they are with limit as to place; but as to time, the sphères are without limit and so also without limit they are as to phenomena".
"As to souls, think in terms of the same four items. As to substance, the souls are one and with limit. As to place, souls are with innumerable space-units, holding innumerable space-units, but still with limit. As to time, there was no time, nor there will be any, when souls did not, do not and will not exist, till ever-existent and without limit. As to phenomena, souls are in possession of limitless knowledge, of limitless vision, of limitless conduct, of limitless non-heaviness non-lightness, and again without limit. So, you see, as to substance, souls are with limit, and so also as to place, they are with limit; but as to time, without limit, and so as to phenomena, i.e., without limit".

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"And so you had in your mind whether the abode of the perfected souls is with limit or without limit. On this too, I ordain that the abode of the perfected souls is to be viewed from four angles, viz., substance, place, time and phenomena, As to substance, the abode of the perfected souls is one and with limit. As to place, this abode of the perfected souls extends over an area of 45,00, 000 yojanas in length, and so also in breadth, and with a circumference which is 142, 30, 249 hundred-thousand yojanas more or less, but still with limit. As to time, there was no time, nor there will be any, when the abode of the perfected souls did not, does not and will not exist. As to phenomena, the same as with the spheres. So, you see, the abode of the perfected souls is, as to substance, with limit, and so also as to place; but without limit as to time, and so also without limit as to phenomena".
"And Skandaka, you had in mind whether the perfected souls are with limit or without limit. Here, too, you have to consider them in terms of the same four, viz., as to substance, as to place, as to time and as to phenomena. As to substance, the perfected souls are one and with limit; as to place, the perfected souls are in possession of innumerable space-units and hold innumerable space-units, but still with limit; as to time, the perfected souls are with a genesis but without limit; as to phenomena, the perfected souls are in possession of limitless knowledge, limitless vision, till in possession of limitless non-heaviness, limitless, non-lightness, still without limit. So, you see, the perfected souls are, as to substance, with limit: as to place, with limit: but as to time, without limit, and so without limit as to phenomena".
"And then, Skandaka, you had in mind, by what death does a being enlongen his stay and by what death do es he shorten it. On this, I say that death is of two types, viz., death of the fool (bāla marana) and death of the prudent (pandita-marana).
"And what about the death of the fool"?
"Well, it may occur by 12 causes which are",

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1. due to starvation and thirst, 2. due to too much submission to the organs of
senses, 3. due to inner thorn, 4. death called tadbhāva condemning one to rebirth
in the same existence again and again, 5. death due to a fall from a mountain, 6. due to a fall from a tree, 7. due to drowning in water, 8. due to entering into fire,
9. due to taking poison, 10. due to wound from some deadly weapon, 11. due to hanging, and 12. due to piercing by some wild animal.
Death due to any one of these causes enlongen stay in the infernal existence, or in animal, human and celestial existences. One dying due to any one of these causes continues to glide back and forth in the wilderness, without a beginning and without an end, in the infernal, subhuman, human or even celestial existences. Hence he enlongens his stay by dying the death of a fool".
.
- "And pray what about dying the death of the prudent"?
- "Death of the prudent may take place in either of the two ways, which are, by lying steadfast (till death) like a tree(padapopagamana), and lying without intake (bhattapacca). Lying steadfast till death may be of two types, which are, lying in the midst of a human surrounding, and lying far away from human habitation. Even death by renouncing intake of food may be of two types, which are, lying in the midst of a human surrounding, and lying far away from human habitation. A monk, who dies in ali upasraya (monks' abode), either by lying steadfast or by renouncing intake, has to be cremated outside the monks' abode or outside the city because of which such death is called nir harima. A monk who dies in a forest in either of the two ways need not be taken out of the forest for cremation because of which such death is called a nir harima. Pădapo paga mano death, no matter where nir harima or anirharima, restricts all physical activities (apratikar m2), for which such death prescribes no duty to preceptor, teacher,

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and others on the part of the dying monk. Dying by giving up all intakes, no matter whether nir hārima or anirharima, does not restrict physical activities. (In other words, it is sapratikar ma). Hence, in this, duty to preceptor, teachers and others (till death) is not forbidden. Skandaka! People who die in either of these ways do neither go to hell, nor do they pass through an infinite number of births. They shorten their long stay".
On receiving the reply to all his question, Skandaka became very happy. He expressed full confidence in the words of Bhagavān. Mahavira and expressed a desire to court monkhood. Mahavira initiated him and gave him complete instructions about the life of a monk (16).
10. Sramaņa Kesikumara-While wandering from village to village, once Bhagavān Mahāvira turned his steps towards Hastināpur. The whole party of monks, including Ganadhara Gautama and others, headed by the Leader, arrived at Srāvasti and camped at a caitya nanied Kosthaka. Outside the same city, there was a park named Tinduka which was already occupied by Sramaņa Keśikumāra and his disciples who belonged to the order of Arhat Pārsva. Kesikumāra was initiated into monkhood at a very early age. He was formost in knowledge and conduct and possessed three types of knowledge, viz., mati, sruta and avadhi.
(When the two groups were camped side by side), it was but natural that the monks of the two groups, compared their respective orders, tenets and practices, Arhat Par - sva had propagated religion based on 'four vows'; but Bhaga - vān Mahāvira lay emphasis on 'five vows'. When the striving of both the groups was towards the same goal, the differences needed justification. One had suggested the use of cloth, and the other had preferred nudity for the monks. These differences highlighted the discussions between the monks of the two orders. The situation reached a staze when it became necessary for the top people of the two orders to meet and settle the points at issue. In the company of his own disciples, one day, Gana dhara Gautama came to the Tinduka park. Sramaņa Keśikumāra was there with his own monks. When Keśikumāra saw that Gautama was coming to him, he came forward to receive him with due respect and honour. A cushion made from palāla, kusa,

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and other grass was spread for the honoured guest. The meeting of the two monks attracted many people at the park who were eager to know the outcome.
Being requested by Gautama, Kesikumāra started the discussion.
Kesi - "Mahābhāga! I find that Bhagavān. Vardhamāna, lays emphasis on five vows, whereas Arhat Pārsva did on four. Oh learned monk! When our goals are the same, - why should there be so much difference in our ways ? When there is so much difference in our ways, why don't you feel inquisitive about it"?
Gautama - "In a religion which deals with such fundamentals as jiva, ajiva and so on, it is intellect alone that
probe into them. By virtue of the period to which they belonged, the monks of the first Tirthankara were simple and unwise (rju-jada) and those of the last Tirtņonkara are crooked and unwise (Vakra Jada); in contrast, the monks of the remaining 22 Tirthaņkaras were simple and wise (rju-prajna). This is why there are differences. The age of the monks of the first Tirthankara was difficult to purify and that of the last Tirthankara is difficult (for spiritual exertions), but the ages of the intervening Tirthankaras were easy to purify and easy for spiritual exertions.
- Gautama ! You have given a very satisfactory reply to my first question. Now, I have a second question which, I hope, you will answer. Now, Bhagavān Vardhamana has prescribed nudity for the monks, but Arhat Pār - suu suggested that they should use clothes. Why this differ. ence between the two when the goal is the same? What is the special reason for this ? Famous monk! When there is so much difference in the externals, does it not raise a querry in your mind"? -
Gautama - "You will agree with me that an external mark is necessary to create a confidence in the people, to uphold restraint during the rain season, to practise restraint in the course of one's wanderings, to receive knowledge, etc., (which are bestowed on those who possess such mark), or simply to be cognizable that 'this is a monk'. Bhagāvan! Both the Tirthankaras hold the undis

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puted view that the necessary equipments for a monk who is dedicated to the attainment of liberation are Knowledge, Vision and Conduct. "
Kesi - "Noble sire! You are standing surrounded by several thousand foes. They are advancing on you in order to conquer you. How do you win victory over them"?
Gautama "When I overpower one, five have been overpowered; and when I have overpowered five, ten have been overpowered, and in this manner, I win victory over thousands of my foes".
Kesi - "Whom do you call your foes"?
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Gautama - "Great monk! The foes consist of the wandering (i. e., not concentrated) mind, four passion and five organs of senses
Kesi - "Oh monk! In the world, we see many beings who are fettered; but how have you liberated yourself of fetters and move about by being light"?
Gautama
"Monk! I have cut the fetters in all ways; and so they don't claim me, I move about free and light".
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Kesi "Bhante! Whom do you call fetters"?
Gautama 'Bhagavan Fetters consist of liking and disliking and deep affection which are very dangerous. I have uprooted them with endeavour, and live free and light".
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Kesi - "Gautama! How did you uproot the creeper whose root goes to the depth of the heart, and whose fruits are highly poisonous "?
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Gautama "I have wholly uprooted that creeper, cut it into pieces and thrown out. Now I am wholly liberated from the intake of the poisonous fruits".
Kesi - "Great soul! Whom do you call the creeper"?
Gautama- "Great monk! In this world, desire is the most dangerous creeper, and it gives, very dangerous fruits. Having duly uprooted it. live on".

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Kesi "Wise monk! There is a severe, a tremendous fire raising in the body. It will reduce the body to ashes. How did you cool it? How did you put it out"?
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Gautama "Great sage! I keep this fire under check by pouring water which is born in a great cloud, which is excellent and pure. Thus watered, the said fire causes me no trouble".
Kesi "Great soul ! What is this fire and what is this water"?
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Gautama "Wise monk! The passions are the fire. Scriptures, discipline and penance are the great clouds. Controlled by the pour of śruta, water this fire causes me no trouble".
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Kesi - "Oh monk! A brave, dreadful and wicked horse is running about in all the directions. Though you are riding on this horse, how is it that it does not take you in the wrong direction"?
Gautama "Great sage! I keep the running horse tied with the bridle of sruta so that it cannot run in the wrong direction; it proceeds in the right direction".
Kesi "Famous man! What is this horse"?
Gautama - "Oh monk!
Mind is the most tremendous and dreadful horse. It runs about in all the directions. Like Kanthaka-horse, it is kept under control by me by spiritual instructions".
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Kesi "Great monk ! In the world, there are many bad ways which degrade a man from the honest track. But how is it that you, while moving on the honest track, are never taken off it"?
Gautama - "Oh leading-most among the monks! I know well those who move on the right track and also I know those who follow the wrong track. So I do not deviate from the right track".
Kesi "Oh wise man! What is the right track and what is the wrong track"?

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Gautama - "Oh sage! The heretics who believe in wrong prescriptions are on the wrong track. The right track has been described by the Jinas. And decidedly this track is the best one".
Kesi "Great monk! What is the island which provides succor and stability to living beings who are flowing in the current of a vast water"?
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Gautama
"Great monk!
There is a vast island. It is widely extended. But the flow of the water is completely helpless here".
Kesi "Wise monk! What is that great island"?
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Gautama "Great monk! For living beings drowning in the flow of old age and death, the isle of religion provides the shelter, and to take shelter on it is good".
Kesi - "In a sea of mighty waves, you are on board a ship which is haphazardly moving across the current. I beg to ask how do you reach the other shore"?
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Gautama "A boat with leaks does not reach the other shore, but a boat without leak reaches the other shore".
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Kesi "What is that boat"?
8
Gautama "The body is the boat; the soul is the sailor; the world is the ocean which great sages easily cross through".
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Kesi "Many living beings live in the midst of a great darkness. For these living beings, what serves as the beacon light"?
Gautama - "The sun which has risen is the beacon light for all the living beings".
Kesi "Pray, whom do you call the sun"?
Gautama "One whose attachments are exhausted such a Sun, a Victor, an Omniscient has already risen. He is the beacon light in the whole world".
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Kesi - "For living beings, tortured by physical and mental pain, which place do you .consider wholesome, full of bliss and free from obstructions"?
Gautama - "There is a permanent place at the crest of the sphere where there is no old age, death, disease or pain. But to reach there is extremely difficult".
Kesi - "What place is that"?
Gautama - "That place attained by the great sages has been variously called nirvana, avyābādha, siddhi, lokāgra, ksema, śiva and anābādha. Oh monk ! This is a place where one may eternally live, which is at the crest of the sphere, but which is most difficult to attain. Great souls who attain this position terminate the long course of wordly life and be free from anxiety".
Concluding the discussion, Keśikumāra said,
"Great monk Gautama! Your wisdom is profound. You have uprooted my doubts. So, oh one who is free from all doubts, oh one who has mastered all the Sutras, I bow to thee".
Having bowed to Ganadhara Gautama, Sramaņa Kesikumara,with siis vast body of monks accepted the religion of 'five vows' with deep devotion and joined the holy order of Bhagavan Mahāvira (17).
Like Sramana Keśikumāra, many others, notably monk Kālās avesiyaputta (18), monk Gangeya (19), Pedhälaputta Udaka (20), and others, held discussions on the fundamentals and changed over from the religion of 'four vows to one of 'five vows'.
The above account brings to our knowledge the history of the absorption of the Order of Arhat Par sva by the emerging Order of Bhagavan Mahavira, 2s also the points of difference or divergence between the two which kept them separate till this absorption.

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11. Salibhadra and Dhanya
The Jaina tradition has been enriched by the exceedingly charming and widely known life-story of Salibhadra and Dhanya. The two were closely related as brothers-in-law, one having married, another's sister, and both were the followers of Mahāyira,
Salibhadra was the son of Grhapati Gobhadra, an affluent resident of Rajagrha. His mother's name was Bhadra and that of his sister was Subhadra. When Salibhadra was still a child, his father died. So his mother had an extra affection for him and he was brought up in the midst of all comforts. It is stated that after his death, Salibhadra's father was born in heaven, and he supplied everyday 33 boxes full of clothes and ornaments (33 boxes of clothes, 33 boxes of ornaments and 33 boxes of sweets, according to another reading) for his son and his daughters-in-law. Bhadra managed the affairs of the entire household. Salibhadra spent his days at the seventh floor of his mansion enjoying the finest pleasures of life.
One day, some dealers in ratna -kambala (blankets made of fine gėms) came to the city. They carried a stock of 16 pieces each valued at 1, 25, 000 gold pieces. But they could not find a single buyer in the entire market of Rājagsha. At last, they came to King Sreņika. The blankets were liked by the queens, but they were too costly even for the king's treasury. The king did not buy a single piece.
Seated outside their hotel in the shade of a tree, the dealers discussed among themselves that if in a place like Rajagsha, they could not get a buyer, how did they expect to sell the blankets elsewhere. At that time, Salibhadra's maids were passing by them on their way to the water tank. On their way back, they stood for a while and started a conversation with the blanket dealers,
"Hello gentlemen! It appears that you are in the midst of some great difficulty. Will you share it with us "?

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The dealers - "Our difficulty could not be resolved even by King Srenika. Being mere drawers of water, what can you do to relieve us of the difficulty"?
The maids - "Gentlemen! Sometimes help comes even from unexpected quarters".
To get rid of the interrupting maids as early as possible, the dealers narrated their story rather coldly and in a few words, Said the maids,
"Oh! Your difficulty is a trifle. Come with us. It will be solved in no time. We shall help you to • sell the entire lot in one deal".
The merchants became serious and asked who could that buyer be. The maids gave them an idea of the wealth of their master, Sálibhadra. The merchants now followed the maids to Salibhadra's house. Even from outside, the mansion was more magnificent and grand than the king's
palace. They were now at the first floor and they were surprised at its frunishing. Said the maid,
"Sir ! This portion is meant for the servant's use".
They were now at the second floor and were struck at its lavishness. This floor was occupied by the writers and then they were at the third floor which was occupied by Bhadra herself. The dealers were introduced to her. Said the dealers.
"Madam! We have come to meet Salibhadra. We intend to show our blankets to him for sale".
Bhadra - But, sir, you eannot see him. You may display them before me, if you please".
Partly with hesitation and partly with surprise, the blanket-merchants sat before Bhadrā. They took out a piece and placed it in Bhadra's hand. Without bothering to ask its value, Bhadra enquired how many pieces they had with them. Said the merchants,

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"Madam! We have sixteen."
Bhadra - "But, you see, I need 32. I have 32 daughters-in-law. If the number is less than that, then, the distribution becomes difficult".
The dealers - "But, Madam, you should know the price per piece". .
Bhadra - "Don't you worry, sir. Whatever the price, it will be paid".
The dealers were surprised. They were not sure if they were moving in dreamland. Said Bhadra,
"All right. You leave all your blankets here".
The dealers did accordingly. Bhadra sent for the chief manager and asked him to make payment. The manager took them to the cash section and asked,
"Gentlemen! How much is the price of each piece"?
- "1, 25, 000 gold coins".
The manager asked the cashier to make payment for 16 blankets at this rate. This was done. The dealers were happy as well as surprised. While coming out of the mansion, they remembered the maids with gratitude. But for their assistance, it would have been impossible for them to sell their wares. In fact, they had given up the hope of being able to sell a single piece.
On the next day, Queen Cellaņā, the principal consort of King Sreņika, became insistent that she must at least have a piece of blanket for herself. Sreņika was helpless.
He sent out his men to look for the dealers. The dealers were at once brought before the king. They said,
"Your Majesty! After we left from here, we have been able to seel all the sixteen pieces at a single deal. "

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King Srenika was surprised to hear this. He sent his Chief Minister Abhaykumara to Bhadra to enquire if she could spare one for the queen. Abhayakumara came to Bhadra and said,
307
"Madam! I understand you have bought sixteen blankets. Could you spare at least one piece for the king? He is prepared to pay for it.
11
Bhadra - "Sir! I am very sorry, I have already cut each into two pieces and distributed them to my 32 daughters-in-law.
Abhyakumara -"Then get me two such pieces. They will serve my purpose of pacifying the queen".
Bhadra sent a maid to her daughters-in-law. They said that they had put their pieces as towels to clean their feet. This information was given to the Chief Minister.
Having collected the information, the Chief Minister, came back to the palace. Bhadra, too, followed him with suitable gifts for the monarch. She said to the king,
In presenting her gifts to the king, she said,
"Sir! Please take no offence, but Salibhadra and his wives put on divine robes. You know, after his death, my husband has been born in heaven. Everyday, he supplies clothes, ornaments and sweets for the use of his son and daughters. The balnkets were somewhat coarse. So my daughters have used them as towels to clean their feet".
When the king and people at his court heard this account, they were all taken by a great surprise.
As a matter of courtsey, Bhadra invited the king to see her at her own residence. The king was already very curious about Salibhadra and his fabulous wealth and he wanted to see this exceptional man. So at once he welcomed the invitation. Bhadra returned home and started preparations to receive the king at her house. The king came in a magnificent royal style. He was duly received.

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The king was surprised to see the divine furnishing of the house. He was seated at the fourth storey. The sole thought in his mind was the owner of so much grandeur. Salibhadra was still in his own apartment. After the king had been received, Bhadrā came to her son and said,
"My son ! King Sreņika has come to see you. Come, meet the king and salute him".
Sālibhadra - "Mummy! Why do you trouble me? You are the mistress of the house. You pay the price and buy Sreņika".
Bhadrā - "My son ! You have not understood me,
ka is not a vendible commodity. He is our monarch, our master. He has been kind enough to respond to my invitation. So you come down and salute the king".
These words from his mother came as a shock to Salibhadra, Then he was not his own master ! thought he. There was someone above him who was the master ! He felt that he should look for the way where he could be his own master.
At the bidding of his mother, Sálibhadra came to Srepika and saluted him. The complexion, colour and youthfulness of Salibhadra was a fresh surprise for the king. When Salibhadra came near the king, he received him by the hand and made him sit on his lap. But so very tender was Salibhadra that the temperature of the king's body was too hot for him and he began to perspire all over his person., He felt extremely uneasy. The king understood this. Salibhadra was given a separate seat wherefrom he talked with the king.
Thrilled and surprised, Srenika returned to his palace. Sãlibhadra went back to his apartment at the seventh floor. His mind had been severely shaken by the words of his mother, '..... the king.... he is our master'. Then, was he not the master of his own self?

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One day, there came a monk named Dharmaghosa to the city. He halted at a park to the north-east of the city. Thousands of people moved out to pay their homage and obeisance to the celebrated monk. From his apartment at the seventh floor, Salibhadra witnessed vast wavęs of crowd moving towards the park. He enquired where for the people were bound, and having obtained the information, he thought of meeting the monk about the solution of his own personal problem. With this end in view, he got ready and slipped out of the house. From the inspiring sermon of the monk, he realised the transitoriness of wordly pleasures. He found that a monk alone was his own master. So he decided to be a monk.
Salibhadra returned home and shared his own thoughts with his mother. This came as a great shock to her. She tried her best to change the son's mind, but her efforts were in vain. At last, it was settled as a compromise that instead of being initiated on that very day, he should renounce at the rate of one wife per day, and should be initiated at the expiry of 32 days, When his wives learnt this, they felt very much disturbed, and they tried their best to keep him back. But Salibhadra had his mind made up. He gave up one wife per day.
Salibhadra's own sister Subhadra was married to Dhanna, who was the son of another very rich man in the same city of Rajagrha - Dhanná had in all eight wives. One day, all the wives were helping Dhannā to bath at the asoka garden. Just then, Subhadrā had a thought in her mind that her dear brother was soon going to renounce the world and be initiated as a monk, and she had her eyes filled with tears. A drop of hot tear fell on Dhannā's back. When Dhannā turned to look at her, he found that her eyes were wet. Said Dhanna,
"Why this? My dear! What makes you grieved at this joyful moment"?
Subhadrā - "Sir! My brother is going to be initiated very soon. Each day, he is giving up one wife".
With indignation, Dhannā looked at Subhadrā's face and said,

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"Your brother is very weak and cowardly. If he is decided to be a monk, why should he renounce his wives at this rate? It is just ludicrous".
These words were too hard for Subhadrā's self-respect. She retored,
"My dear sir! It is easy to say like that; but difficult to do so. Can you do this"?
Dhannā felt as if he had been lashed. His mind revolted. Addressing all his wives, he said,
"Keep apart. I have already renounced you all".
The wives were struck dumb at this unexpected turn of events. Other members of the family tried their best to change his mind. A right man takes decision but once. Dhannā at once came to Salibhadra's house. He saw Salibhadra and said,
"Why are you wasting your time. Come with me. This very day, we go to Bhagavān Mahāvira and be initiated".
Sālibhadra had his mind already made up; if still he had deferred his action, he did so at the pressing request of the mother. (Now that the final call had come), he renounced the remaining wives at once. Both came to the congregation of Mahavira and joined his holy order as monks (21). 12. Rājarși Udāyana (22) - In ancient times, Sindhu Sauvira was considered to be one of the biggest states of Bhāratavarşa. It consisted of 16 big provinces and 363 cities and towns. The name of the king was Udayana. Ten crowned kings headed by Canda-Pradyotana were always at his service. The name of his queen was Prabhāvati who was the daughter of King Cetaka of Vaisāli. The name of the crown-prince was Abhicakumāra, and that of the king's nephew (son of his sister) was Kesi. Queen Prabhā.vati was the follower of the nirgy antha path, but the king was the follower of the Tapasas. After her death, Queen Prabhāyati was born in heaven. From there she effectively induced the king to change over to the nirgrantha way. In this manner, the king became a staunch convert to the faith of his wife.

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One day, the king was performing pauşadha in his pausadha room. While he was undergoing a vigil at night, he had a thought in his mind,
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'Fortunate are those villages, towns and cities which are sanctified by the dust from the feet of Bhagavān Mahavira. If some day, my city Vitabhaya has a similar good-luck (i. e., if Bhagavan Mahavira is gracious enough to visit this city), I shall give up the life of ahouseholder and follow him as a monk'.
Bhagavan Mahāvīra was an omniscient personality.
He came to know at once the toughts of Udayana and turned his steps towards his country. It was a very long trek of 700 krosas. The way was uneven and exceedingly difficult. Some of the monks died on the way due to extreme hardship. (At last, the party of Mahavira reached Vitabhaya). The king was immensely delighted to receive Bhagvan Mahavira in his own city. He attended the congregation of Mahavira, and expressed his mental resolve of very long standing of joining the holy order as a monk. Said he,
"Bhante!
Till I come back after placing my son on the throne, please be not in a hurry to move out from here".
"But don't be careless and slow in this matter", advised the master in reply.
The king came back to his palace. On his way, he gave his mind to the arrangement he would make for the kingdom after he would be initiated into monkhood. He thought.
"If I place my own son on the throne, he would grow attachement for it, and continue gliding back and forth in wordly existences. (In other words, he would be a perpetual victim of rebirths). And I shall be the cause of his fetters. I can save him if, instead of placing him on the throne, I place my nephew on it. This will save the prince".
The king took a final decision on it and made it effective. Having completed the necessary rituals he moved out, and followed the footsteps of Mahavira as a monk (23).

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13. Tapasa monks A group of 1503 tāpasa monks were going up on the Astapada mountain. Koḍinna, Dinna and Sevala were the leaders. In other words, each headed a family of 500 monks. All of them were thin and emaciated because of hard penances. Kodinna and his group reached upto the first stage on the Aṣṭapada mountain, Dinna and his party upto the second stage and Sevāla and his monk upto the third stage of the mountain. The Aştapada mountain had in all eight stages, each being at the distance of a yojana from the other. The monks found themselves incapable to go any further up.
(As the tapasa monks watched), Ganadhara Gautama reached the top of the mountain by dint of his spiritual powers. When the tapasas saw this unusual feat, they were very much impressed. The monks decided that when the monk would come down from the Astapada mountain, they would all become his disciples.
When Indrabhuti Gautama descended from the Astapada mountain, all the tapasa monks prayed,
"Sire! You are our guru, and we are your disciples".
Thereon, Indrabhuti reinitiated the 1503 monks, and by dint of his spiritual power called aksina-mahāna salabdhi, he produced a pot of khira with which all the monks were fed. The newly reinitiated monks became obliged to him at this second display of spiritual power by their guru (24).
(The authenticity of this account has not been accepted by some sects of the Jainas).
14. King Dasārṇabhadra Dasarnabhadra was the king of Dasarnapura. He maintained a harem of 500 queens, and had a very large army. Having finished his lunch, the king was comfortably seated enjoying various pleasures. Suddenly, the keeper of the royal garden rushed in and announced,
"Deva! Today, the last Tirthankara, Bhagavān Mahavira, has arrived at the garden".

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The king became very happy to get this good news. He came down from his throne at once, and bowed with his 'head bent low in the appropriate direction where Mahavira was. The he dismissed the gardener with suitable gifts for conveying such a hearty news. The king then had a thought in his mind,
"Tomorrow in the morning, I shall call on Bhagavān. Mahāvira with unprecedented grandeur and pay homage and obeisance in a manner never witnessed before".
At once, he sent for his army chief and asked him to keep his soldiers ready on the following day in the morning. He asked another officer to make the city thoroughly clean, to sprinkle perfumed water everywhere, to shower flowers, to decorate the streets with jars and suitable hangings of leaves and flowers, and decorate the whole city with flags and ensigns. To still another officer he assigned the task of mobilising all the feudal chiefs, ministers and leading citizens on the following day in the morning with a directive that they should all be properly dressed for the occasion.
"We are to go together to pay homage and obeisance to the Spamana 'Bhagavān Mahāvira", added he.
King Dasarnabhadra himself got up early in the mor-, ning, took his bath, rubbed sandal paste on his body, put on the finest fabrics and adorned his person with gold and costly jewellery. The he sat on the principal elephant.
An umbrella was held over his head. The camarabearers fanned the king with camara. After the king thousands of feudal lords and citizens riding on elephants, horses and chariots. The entire army followed. Five hundred queens started in their own chariots. Thousands of flags touching the sky were unfurled. The sound of music became a sort of link joining the earth with the sky. Thousands of chanters repeated auspicous hymns. Thousands of singers sang to the great delight of the listners.
Attended by the display of an unusual pomp and followed by his entire family, the king came to attend Mahavira's congregation. On reaching the garden, the king alighted

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from his elephant and discarded the royal umbrella, camara and other external marks of kingship. Then he moved round Mahavira, paid his homage and obeisance, sang in praise of him and took his seat in the assembly.
Meanwhile, Sakra, the Indra of the gods, came to know about the arrogant intentions of the king. Thought he,
"Dasárṇabhadra has a profound respect for Mahāvira, but he should not be too proud".
He became ready to caution the king. He asked a god named Airayana to create a vast herd of 64, 000 brilliant and lofty elephants. Each elephant had 512 faces, each face had eight tusks, each tusk had eight holders, each holder had eight lotuses and each lotus had one lakh petals. On each petal were being performed 32 dramas. At the centre of each lotus, there stood a palace with openings on four sides. From all the palaces, the Indra witnessed the dramas in the company of his eight consorts. Thus attended by a great pomp, the Indra covered the entire firmament and arrived to pay his homage and obeisance to Mahavira, King Dasárnabhadra saw all this. At once, the king turned his gaze inward and thought,
"In vain did I boast of my riches. In comparison with this vast wealth of the Indra, my own pales into insignificance. Only a fool boasts of his riches. The only atonement for what I have done is to court monkhood and attain,liberation which is free from old age, death and diminution".
The king rose from his seat, came near Mahāvira and submitted,
"Bhante! I am tired of mundane life. Please oblige me by giving me a place in your order".
Sakra, the Indra of the gods, witnessed the king being initiated. He felt that he had been paid back in his own coins. He came to monk Dasarnabhadra and praised his act with an open heart. Thereafter the Indra returned to heaven and monk Dasárnabhadra became immersed in spiritual exertions in the holy order of Bhagavan Mahavira (25).

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In this manner, many people became initiated as monks in Mahāvira's order. They have been introduced as follows:
"'They were from the Ugras, the Bhogas, the Rajanyas, the Jnatas or the Nāgas, the Kurus and the Ksatriyas. There were many chroniclers, warriors, army-cominanders, spiritual teachers, merchants and commoners. Many came from noble families from the sides of both their parents. Many of them were foremost in beauty, humility, knowledge, appearance, grace and power. They were second to none in wealth and excellence. They were rich in wealth, grains and families. They had ample supply of objects bestowed by their respective kings to give happiness to their five organs of sens es, and they could have enjoyed a comfortable life if they had so wished. But they considered these to be of no more worth than kimpāka fruits. They took life to be transcient like a dew drop at the tip of a Kusa grass. They were ever prepared to thrown out riches and ephemeral objects in the same manner as one throws out dust deposited on cloth. They joined the order of monks by giving up vast stores of silver, gold, wealth, grains, army, vehicles, treasures, granneries, kingdoms, states, cities, seraglios, riches, bullion, gems, jewels, pearls, conches, corals, padma rāga (a precious stone with lotus tinge) and many other valuable things".(26) The Upasampadás of the Buddha (27)
1. The Pañcavarga Bhikṣus (28) - These bhikṣus lived at Rsipattan (present Saranatha) in Varānasi. The Buddha who was seriously considering after his Enlightenment whom he should first give the knowledge of the four 'noble truths' (ārya -satya) arrived at the same place. the bikhşus saw him from a distance and thought.
"Here comes Gautama Buddha who has fallen from . the spiritual path and is now after wealth. So, let us not receive him, let us not salute him, let us not stand in honour of him, nor assist him by holding his begging bowl, garments, etc. We should only keep a seat for him. If he desires, he may take it".

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But as the Buddha approached near, they could not remain firm in their decision. Some went forward to receive his begging bowl, garment, etc.; some spread cushion for him; and some came with water, wooded seat and towel and held these before him for his use. Gautama Buddha sat and washed his feet. When the bhiksus addressed him as 'abus', he protested,
"Bhiksus! The Tathagata should not be addressed as 'abus' or by some lowly expression. The tathagata is an Arhat who is duly enlightened. Pay attention to him, and then he will share with thee the immortality of which he is the possessor. If thou follow his advice, then, in this very life, and that too very soon, thou will be in possession of great merits
11
But the bhiksus retored,
"Abus! Gautama! When you practised severe penances and underwent great exertions and seriously cultivated knowledge-and-vision, you could neither attain speciality, nor divine power. How do you claim to be duly enlightened when you have slipped from austerities, eat as you please and accumulate riches"?
The Tathāgata protested and repeated what he had said before; but the monks persisted. They did this for a second time and for a third time. In the end, the Tathagata said,
"Bhiksus! Did I ever speak like this in the past"?
The bhikṣus were silenced to think, and after a while they said,
"No, never in the past, did you speak like this".
"Then why don't you pay heed to my words. I have found the way to immortality. If you accept this, you too will soon be liberated".

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The Tathāgata became successful with the bhiksus. With rapt attention, they listened to his words. For the first time, the Buddha gave them the Dhar ma -cakr apra - vartana Sūtra. Said he,
"Bhiksus! A monk should neither be a slave unto his sens es, nor should he inflict too heavy a torture on his body. He should avoid extremes. This is the Middle Path (madhyama pratipadā)".
Being thus equipped with seen-religion (drsta -dhar - ma), known-religion (vidita -dhar ma) and the middle path, Kaundinya submitted to Bhagavān Buddha,
"Bhante! May thou initiate me ! May thou confer on me the upasampadā! "
Said the Bhagavān,
"Bhikṣu! I welcome thee. This religion is duly propounded. To terminate all misery, practise carefully the ways of a sramana".
Kauņdinya was thus initiated. Later, other four followed him. Thereon the Buddha imparted to them the necessary training by dint of which the bhikṣus were cleaned of their mental dirt (āsrava) and became liberated (29). At that time, there were six Ar hats in the world.
2. Yaśa and others - Yasa was a darling son of a s'resthis (honorary magistrate or notary) at Vārāṇasi. He had three palaces which he used at different seasons. He never came down from his apartment. Living at a top floor, he spent his life happily enjoying sweet music flowing from exquisitely beautiful maidens. One day, Yasa Kula-putra (which was his full name) was sleeping in his chamber. Suddenly he awoke and opened his eyes. In the light of the dim lamp, he looked at the girls all asleep, some with venā in their arms, some with mrdanga hanging from their neck, some with their hairs disshevelled, some pouring out saliva from their mouth and some snoring aloud. It was for him a ghastly sight, and he felt a disdain for the whole lot. His heart revolted. Suddenly, the following words dropped from his mouth,

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"1
"Oh ye miserable! Oh ye wretched!
Putting on his golden slippers, Yasa Kulaputra came down and moved out of the house. Passing through the citygate, he came to the deer-park at Rsipattana where the Buddha was gently pacing on the open ground. When he saw that Yasa was coming to him, he sat down on his seat. Yasa came to him and repeated what had earlier dropped out from his lips:
"Oh ye miserable! Oh ye wretched!
Said the Buddha,
11
"Here there is neither misery nor wretchedness. Come, take a seat. I shall show you the way".
Yasa enjoyed a real peace of mind. He removed his golden slippers, came near the Buddha, saluted him and took his seat. The Buddha spoke to him about the bad outcome of the desire for objects, and about the great utility of keeping away from mundane activities. When the Buddha saw that he had been fixed in his mind, light in his mind, receptive in his mind and delighted in his mind, he spoke at length on misery, on the cause of misery, on the annihilation of misery and on the way of becoming free from misery. Just as a clean and stain-free cloth nicely takes any hue, in the same manner, seated on his cushion, Yas'a Kulaputra had his pure, spiritual eye opened.
ment.
The Grhapati Even he him
Meanwhile, Yasa's mother came to his place apartWhen she did not find her son there, she rushed to her husband and reported the matter to him. sent men in all directions to look for him. self went out. As luck would have it, he proceeded towards the deer-park at Rşipattana. On the way, he detected the mark of his son's golden slippers on the ground. He pursued them. When the Buddha saw the merchant at a distance coming towards him, he thought that he should better make Yasa invisible to his father by dint of his own spiritual powers, and he did accordingly. The Sresthi came to the Buddha and said,
"Bhante! Did you by any chance see anywhere my son Yasa Kulaputra "?

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The Buddha - "Gy hapati! Take your seat. You will be able to see your son here".
The Gyhapati became happy. He saluted the Buddha and sat down. The Buddha gave a sermon for him. On hearing this, the Gy hapati had his pure, spiritual eye opened on his seat. Being thus inspired into religion, he uttered,
"Bhante! It's wonderful. Bhante! It's simply wonderful. Just as something turned upside down is put again in its right posture, just as something covered is uncovered, just as one who has lost his way is put back to his track, just as an oil-lamp removed darkness so that one may see as with his own eyes, so thou hath revealed religion from diverse facets. So I seek refuge unto the Buddha, unto the Dhar ma, unto the Sangha. From this day, therefore, be gracious to accept me as a follower (upāsaka) who has sought refuge with thee with folded hands".
Thus in the world, the Grhapati became the first lay follower by taking refuge with the Buddha, the Dhar ma and the Sangha.
The son heard the sermon given for the benefit of the father, and having pondered over it deeply, his mind became detached and free from sin (āsrava). The Buddha realised th situation. He had a firm belief that inspite of all efforts, Yasa was henceforth no more capable to enjoy pleasures of life in the manner he did before. So he removed the veil he had created by dint of his spiritual power. From his own seat, Yasa became visible to his
Said the Grhapati to him.
"My son ! Since your disappearance, your mother is completely upset. She is weeping bitterly out of grief. You should save her life".
Yaśa looked at the Buddha. The Buddha said at once,
"Gyhapati! Just as you have received a glimpse of Dharma by your imperfect knowledge-and-vision, has

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not Yasa done the same ? On seeing, knowing and realising, his mind is now detached from everything and free from sin. In his present position, can he enjoy the pleasures of life in the.same manner as he did before"?
Out of devotion, the Grhapati's head bent low, and the following words spontaneously slipped from his mouth,
"Bhante! He cannot". The Buddha spoke again,
"Yas'a Kulaputra's mind has moved away from mundane life. He is no longer fit for it".
The Gshapati - "Bhante! It has thus happened for the good, for the real good of Yaśa Kulaputra. You take him as a monk who will be following you, and be pleased to accept food from my household today".
Having received a silent assent, the Grhapati rose from his seat, moved round him and saluted him, and de- · parted. Thereafter, Yasa Kulaputra begged for his own initiation as a monk and for being awarded the upasampada. Said the Buddha,
"Bhiksu! I welcome thee. Dhar ma has been wellenunciated. To end misery in the best possible manner, you practise celebacy."
In the manner, he was the first to be given the Upasam pada. At that time, there were seven Ar hats in the world.
Four young men from the families of Śresthis and other merchants at Vārāṇasi who were named Vimala, Subāhu, Purnajit and Gavāmpati were Yasa's peers. When they heard that Yas'a had been initiated as a monk, they thought,
"Surely the order in which Yasa is a monk cannot be an ordinary one. It must be an important one".
So they started from their respective homes and came to Bhiksu Yasa. They saluted him and stood on one side. Bhiksu Yasa introduced them to the Buddha and requested him to give sermon for them. The Buddha gave a lofty

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sermon for them. All the four were attracted to Dharma. They sought their own initiation as monks in the order and to be admitted in the upasampada. The Buddha at once favourably responded to their request. As they heard his words, they became free from sin. At that time, there were 11 Arhats in the world. ·
Fifty friends from the households who lived in the villages heard the story of Yasa's initiation as a monk, and they felt an attraction for the Buddha's order. On hearing the sermon, they became monks, and their minds became free from sin. At that time, there were 61 Arhats in the world (30).
While staying at Varanasi, the Buddha gave the upasampadas to the aforesaid 60. To these sixty, he gave his well-known message, Carata bhikkhava car ikām, Carata bhikkhava carikām at Vārāṇasi, and at this very place, he empowered his monks to give upsampada themselves. It appears that for the future growth of the Buddhistic order, the message of carika and the power conferred on the monks to give upasampadā acted like a boon.
3.
The Bhadravargiyas- For the propagation of the message of carikā, the Buddha sent his 60 disciples in different directions. Starting from Vārāṇasi, he himself came to Uruvela. He took rest under tree in a park which was somewhat a far from the road. At that time, thirty friends from Bhadravarga were having a nice time with their wives in the same park. One of them had no wife; so he hired a woman to give him company. They indulged in revelry and merry-making to the extent that they lost all senses. The hired woman made full use of the situation. She removed their ornaments and disappeared with them. When the young people had recovered their senses, they realised what had happened to them. They searched every part of the garden. While looking for the woman, they came to the same tree under which the Buddha sat. They narrated the incident, and enquired if he had seen the woman coming thither.
The Buddha asked them back,

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"Young folks! You consider a search for the woman more important, or a search for your own self"?
"For us, a search for the self (soul) is the most important".
The Buddha gave sermons for them. All the Bhadravarga friends became fixed in religion. They were admitted in to the upasampada by the Buddha (31).
4.
The Parivrajakas - Bhagavan Buddha reached Uruvelā. At this place, three friends (brothers) named Uruvela Kasyapa, Nandi Kasyapa and Gaya Kasyapa, all nicknamed Jațila because of their matted hairs, were practising penance by offering oblation to the fire. The Buddha reached the cottage of Uruvela Kaśypa Jațila and took shelter in his sacrifice room (where burnt the fire). During the first night, he deprived the cobra of his venom and finished his virility.
This strange event made a deep impression on Uruvela Kasyapa. He was convinced that his guest was a man with a great divine power and experience., He requested him to stay in his cottage and accept food from him.
The Buddha conceded to his request. Once a proposal has come to Uruvela Kasyapa to be the chief priest at a great sacrifice. A large number of men from Anga and Magadha were expected to participate in it with vast supplies of food with them. Uruvela thought:
"On the occasion of this sacrifice, many people will come to attend. If, on this occasion, the great sramana displays his occult powers before the crowd, then, in their estimation, he will go up, and I shall go down. So it will be better if he goes out from here before this occasion".
The Buddha came to know the wishes of Uruvela Kasyapa. He left his cottage and arrived at Uttarakuru. Having begged food from that city, he sat on the bank of a tank named Anavatapta and ate. He spent the day there. Next day, Uruvela Kasyapa came to the Buddha and said,

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"Mahā śramaną! It is time to dine. Cooked rice is ready. But why didn't you, turn up yesterday? We
The Buddha had no intention to hide the reasons for which he did not return on the previous day. in clear terms and added,
He stated it
"It is for this that I did not stay there yesterday".
Uruvela Kasyapa realised that the great monk was no ordinary person; he was in possession of great powers. He knew easily in his own mind what was there in the mind of others; but still, thought he,
"He is not as great an Arhat as I am".
The Buddha accepted the food provided by Uruvela Kasyapa and continued to stay on in that forest-strip. Once he got some old clothes and he thought where he should clean them. Sakra, the Indra of the gods, came to know his wishes and dug a tank with his own hands for the Buddha's use. Then he said to him,
"Bhante! You may wash your clothes here".
Immediately thereafter, the Buddha had another thought, 'Where should I strike them to make the clean'?
At once, Sakra placed a big slab of stone for his use. The Buddha then had a third thought in his mind: "With what support shall I get down into the tank"? At once Sakra provided a branch of a kakudha tree.
And the Buddha thought again,
"Where shall I spread them to dry"?
Having known his mind, Såkra, the Indra of the gods, placed another big slab of stone for his use. The night was, over. Uruvela Kasyapa came to invite the Buddha to receive food from him. On seeing the unusual tank, the stone slabs and the branch of the kakudha tree, he asked

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the Buddha about them whereon the Buddha narrated the whole story. On hearing this, Uruvela Kasyapa thought that the great monk was no ordinary person, but that he was still not as great an Arhat as he himself was. The Buddha accepted the food but continued to stay on in the same place.
Once there was an untimely shower. There was almost a flood. The region where the Buddha lived was submerged. Thought the Buddha,
"Why don't I remove water from all around myself and live on a dry ground"?
He did accordingly. Els ewhere, Uruvela Kasyapa had a sudden thought in his mind that the great monk must have been drowned in the flood-water. With other people of his clan, he rushed forth with a boat to rescue him. He found to his surprise that the Buddha was on a dry plot. With a great surprise, he said,
"Mahāśramana! Are you the same person"?
Said the Buddha,
"Yes, I am".
The Buddha flew in the sky and stood on board the vessel. Uruvela Kasyapa thought again that the great monk was no ordinary person, but that he was still not as great an Arhat as he himself was.
In this manner, the Buddha displayed before him 15 surprises, but Uruvela continued to have similar thinking in his mind about the Buddha being a lesser Arhat than himself. In the end, in order to remove this thought from his mind, the Buddha sai d,
T..
11
"Kas yapa!. You are neither an Arhat nor on the road to be one. You have not even the idea as to what it is that makes an Ar hat, or how to be an Arhat".
At these words of the Buddha, Uruvela's head bent low out of respect. He placed his head at his feet and said,

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''Bhante! I beseech to be initiated by thee, to be given upasampadā by thy hand".
The Buddha said in a very soft voice, "Kas yapa! You are the leader of 500 Jatilas. You think of them".
Uruvela Kās'yapa understood the hint dropped by the Buddha. He came to his men and apprised them of his intention of being initiated by the great monk. He advised his men to feel free and act according to their discretion.
They thought for a while and then said in one voice,
"We too have respect for the great monk. If you intend to be initiated by him, we shall follow you".
All the Jatilas rose in a. body. They immersed . their hairs, mats, begging cloth, gee pot, fire oven, etc., in the water and came to the Buddha. With their heads bent low, they prayed to be initiated and to be given his upasampadā. The Buddha accepted their prayer and gave them the ubasa mpadā.
Nandi Käsyapa observed the various objects (of the Parivrājaka monks) being carried away in the flow of the river. He was surprised. He apprehended that some disaster must have befallen his brother. So in the company of his own followers he rushed to look up his brother. But when he saw him as a monk, his surpriseknew no bound. Suddenly the following words dropped from his mouth.
"Kāsyapa! Have you done a good thing"?
Uruvela Kās'yapa said in reply,
"Yes, abus, I have done a good thing".
Nandi Kasyapa and all his 300 men immersed their belongings in the river and accepted upasampadă from the Buddha.

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Gayā Kās'yapa also saw the objects being carried by the river. He came to his brothers and enquired all about them. He was pleased to hear their account, and in the company of his 200 Jațilas, he too accepted upasampadā from the Buddha.
Starting from Uruvelā, the Buddha came to Gayā with his great Sangha only recently expanded by the inclusion of 1000 Jatila initiates (32),
5. Sāriputta and Moggalāna - At Rajagsha, there lived Parivrājaka Sanjaya with his 250 followers. Sāriputta and Moggallana were the leadingmost among them. They were undergoing a training in the practice of brahmacarya under the direction of Sanjaya, One day they decided that whoever obtained Truth (amrta) first would communicate it at once to the other.
One day, in the forenoon, Bhikşu As vajit, equipped with his begging bowl and cloth, entered into Rajagrha, with a noble demeanour, excellent movement, with his eyes bent low and walking at a measured pace, in order to beg. Sāriputta saw him. He was much impressed by his calm and thoughtful appearance. Thought he,
"Among the Ar hats or would-be Arhats in the world, this monk may be one. Why do I not ask him by whom has he been initiated, who is his preceptor, and what spiritual line he belongs to"?
But at the very next moment he thought,
"The monk is on a begging mission. This is not an appropriate time to ask a question. Why do I not follow him and obtain my answers in his cottage"?
Having begged his food, Bhiksu As'vajit came back to his shelter. Sāriputta entered just after him. He enquired about his welfare and stood on one side. While speaking highly of Asvajit, he said,
"Abus! Delightful are your organs of senses. Noble and bright is your stature, Who is your initiator? Who is your preceptor? What is your line"?

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Asvajit
"There's a great monk named Sakyaputra who is born in the Sakya line. I have accepted him as my preceptor and I have been initiated by him. He is my guide and I follow him".
Sāriputta
"What are the principal teachings he
follows"?
Asvajit - "I am only a recent entrant. So I cannot give you the details of his teachings. But I can surely give you a concise idea of them".
Sāriputta "Concise or detailed, abus, I don't mind. Tell me what you know about it. Even a brief account will serve my purpose. I am not interested in
details.
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B
Asvajit stated in brief the four fundamentals of his religion, (viz., misery, cause of misery, annihilation of misery and the way to liberation. In concluding his state
ment he said,
"Such are the teachings of the Mahāśramaṇa".
Immediately on hearing this, Sariputta acquired the pure, spiritual eye. As per his prior agreed, he rushed to Moggallana to convey to him the Truth he had obtained. Moggallana saw him from a distance. He was impressed by his calm demeanour, his restrained and slow pace, Suddently he said,
"Have you attained the Truth"?
Sariputta expressed himself in the affirmative. Moggallana enquired where he got it. Sariputta gave a complete account. Moggallana was especially delighted to hear it. He too had his pure spiritual eye opened. Both of them at once took a decision that they should go to the Buddha and accept him as their guide. They brought their decision to the notice of other 250 parivrājaka monks so that they would be able to take a decision about themselves.
All the parivrājaka monks hailed their decision and expressed their intention to follow them and take shelter with the great guide.

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Sāriputta and Moggallāna brought this collective decision to the notice of Parivrajaka Sanjaya. He did not like it. To induce them not to give effect to it, he said,
"Abusas! You do not go there. I am prepared to share my leadership position with you".
But Sariputta and Moggallana did not agree. They reaffirmed their decision for a second time, and then for a third time. From his own side, Sanjaya repeated his disapproval. Hot blood flowed out from his mouth. Sariputta and Moggallana gave up the company of Sanjaya and arrived at Venuvana in the company of other fellow parivrajakas. The Buddha saw them coming from a distance and said as follows to his own monks:
"Kolita (Moggallana) and Upatiṣya (Sariputta), the two friends will be my principal disciples, a couple of noble souls".
The two parivrājaka leaders and their families saluted the Buddha. They received upasampadă at the hands of the Great Monk, and lived on true to their new faith (33).
ons,
6.
Mahakatyayana - Mahakatyayana was born in the
family of a priest at Ujjaini. He belonged to the Katyayana line. When he grew up, he mastered the three Vedas, and after the death of his father, he was installed as a priest. Once King Candapradyota said to his ministers,
"The Buddha has been born in the world. Someone should go and bring him here".
At this, the ministers made the following suggesti
"Sir! We think that Acārya Katyāyana is the most suitable person for this commission. So you may be pleased to give this to him".
The king sent for Katyayana and repeated his wishes to him, but Katyayana set a condition:
"Sir! I am prepared to take up the commission provided I am given leave to be initiated into monkhood".

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In accepting his condition, the king said,
"I don't mind what condition you set, but I insist that the Tathāgata must be brought to our city".
Acarya Katyayana agreed to undertake the commission. While making preparations to depart, he thought that in carrying this invitation, he should not be accompanied by a crowd. He took only seven persons with him and came to the Buddha. The Buddha gave sermons for them. All of them were enlightened and attained arhathood. The Buddha extended his hand to them and said, You are welcome".
"Bhiksus!
At once, all of them became tonsured, were equipped with begging bowls and clothes and looked like a -hundredyear old monks (sthaviras). After his initiation, Sthavira Katyayana did not sit idle. He extended invitation to the Buddha to come to Ujjaini. The Buddha gave him a patient hearing and said,
"The Buddha does not go to a place rendered unworthy even by a single cause. So, Bhiksu, you go yourself. The king will be happy to see you".
Katyayana reviewed the situation within himself: 'The Buddha never reconsiders'.
So he saluted the Tathagata and started back for Ujjaini with his seven companions. In the way, they came to a village named Telappanali in order to beg food. In that village, there lived two girls. One of them was born in a very poor family. She lost her parents in her infancy, and was brought up by a maid servant. She was extremely charming and possessed long hairs. The other girl was born in the family of a rich merchant, but she was without hair. She sent a proposal to the poor girl:
"If you give me your hairs, I shall pay you a thousand
coins.
But the poor girl refused to part with her hairs.
The poor girl saw Sthavira Katyayana moving in the village for the purpose of begging. The monk had received nothing in his bowl so far. Thought the girl,

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"If I had the necessary wherewithal, I would not let this happen.
Just then she remembered the proposal sent by the merchant's daughter about the sale of her hair. She decided at once that with the money she would get by selling her hair, she would buy food and offer it to the monk. No sooner had she taken the decision than she gave effect to it. She sent her foster-mother to invite the monks to her house. Meanwhile, she cut her hairs and said to her,
"Mummy dear! Please send my hairs to the merchant's daughter. The money these would fetch, I shall use to help the monks".
11
Her foster-mother felt very sorry at the poor girl cutting her hairs. But what could she do now? She wiped her tears and tried to be patient. Then she received the hairs and proceeded to the merchant's home to sell them. Even the finest things on earth receive no appreciation when they come unwanted. This happened to the hairs. When the merchant's daughter saw the hairs, she thought,
"I offered a fabulous price for these hairs, but then she did not sell. But now they are cut. So I shall pay what I consider just".
Turning to the maid, she said,
"The price of the hairs of a living person is no more than 8 kārṣāpaņas. She took the hairs and thrust the coins into the maid's hand. The maid gave the coins to the poor girl. She used these eight coins to procure eight varieties of food and offered them to the monks. Sthavira Katyayana realised the noble intentions of the donor and said to the maid, "Where is the girl, our benefactress"?
"Arya! She is in".
The monk "Call her hither".
The maid
-
-
When the girl came to know that the monks have known her noble intentions, she was very much impress'ed. She felt a great respect for them in her mind. She

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came and bowed before the monks. An offer made to a worthy person always yields a great result. As the girl bowed before the monks, she had her hairs restored. The monks ate the food. As the girl looked on, they flew through the sky and reached Kancana-vana, the park in their own city Ujjaini. The report of their arrival was conveyed to King Candapradyota by the gardener:
"Your Majesty ! The noble priest Katyāyana has become a monk along with his companions. He is in the park waiting for Your Majesty's orders".
The king was delighted to hear the news. He himself came to the park. After the monks had taken their food, the king saw them. He bowed before them with his five limbs and said,
"Bhante! Where is Bhagavān Buddha"?
Kātyāyana - "Maharāj ! The Great Teacher has not himself come. He has sent me instead".
The king - "Where did you get your food today"?
The monk narrated the most difficult feat performed by the poor girl. The king was very much impressed by this. He arranged for the monks' lodging, invited them to receive food at the palace and came back. He sent his men to bring the poor girl. When she came, the king married her and made her the first queen. She became the most beloved of the king. The king paid full attention to the monks.
The new queen gave birth to a son who was named Gopālakumāra, after his maternal grand-father and the mother was nicknamed Gopāla -mātā. At her request, the king erected a vihāra in the Kancana-vana for the use of the monks. The monks provided inspiration to the entire populace of Ujjaini and converted them to the new faith and returned to the Buddha (34). 7. Nanda, Rahula and others - King Suddhodana learnt that having gone through severe penances, his son had attained the status of the Buddha and had rolled the Whee! of Religion 'dhar ma-cakra). He learnt further that at

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that time, he was staying at Veņu-vana (in the outskirts of Rajagṛha). He said to his minister,
"You go to Rajagṛha with a thousand men with you and tell the Buddha, Your father King Suddhodana desires to meet you'. You bring him here with you
11.
The minister obeyed the king's order. With one thousand men in his company, he covered a distance of 60 yojnas and arrived at Veņu-vana in Rajagṛha. At that time, the Buddha was delivering a sermon in a four-fold assembly comprising of the monks, nuns and male and female followers. The minister and his 1000 men entered into the vihara. Without communicating the message they stood in one corner and became engrossed in listening. Standing there, the minister and his 1000 attained arhat - hood. They prayed to the Buddha for their own initiation into his order. The Buddha extended his hand and said,
'Oh bhiksus! You are welcome".
In a moment, as if by magic, all of them became equipped with the begging bowl and cloth and looked like a-hundred-year-old sthaviras. In becoming an arhat, one attains the middle state. This happened to the minister and his 1000, and they forgot to deliver the invitation sent by the king to the Buddha.
The minister did neither deliver the king's message to the Buddha, nor did he go back to his city. After waiting for some time, the king sent another minister with a thousand men with him as before. They too became arhats and did not come back to report. Thereafter, in succession, the king sent out more ministers, in all nine, with a thousand men with each; but all of them became involved in their own spiritual growth, and no one came back to report to the king. The king became very anxious, Thought he,
'All these men had so much affection for me, but none returned to give me any tiding. In this situation, who will obey my orders'? In deep anxiety, he looked at his council. His eyes fell on Kalaudai. Kālaudai was very dear to the king, very faithful, on whom the king depended in all matters. He was born on the same day with the Bodhisattva. Both were great friends in their childhood. Addressing Kalaudai, the king said,

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"My child! I am keen to see my son. I sent nine thousand men, but not a single person came back to report. I do not know how long I shall live. I want to see him once during my life. me my son"?
Can you show
Kalaudai "Deva! I hope to be able to fulfil your wishes, but please permit me to be initiated. "
-
The king "My dear child! Whether you be initiated or not, you bring my son to me once.
11
333
-
With the assignment from the king, Kālaudai set out. He arrived at Rajagṛha. Standing at one end of the assembly, he heard the sermon given by the Buddha. In the company of his men, he attained arhat-hood.
On the attainment of Enlightenment, the Buddha spent his first rainy season at Rsipattana (Saranatha). Then he came to Uruvela and stayed there for three months. There he acquired the three Jațila brothers with their fellow parivrajakas into his own order. Then with a family of 1000 monks, he arrived at Rajagṛha on the full-moon day of the month of Pausa. He lived there for two months. Since he departed from Varanasi, five months were over. It was seven or eight days since Sthavira Udai had arrived there.
On the full-moon day of the month of Phalguna, he thought,
"The winter is over. It is spring. The farmers have harvested the crop and so the way is free. The earth is covered with green grass, and the forest-strip is fully blossomed. The way is comfortable for movement. This is the most appropriate time for the Buddha to acquire converts from his own clan".
So he came to the Buddha and submitted,
"Bhante! At this time, it is neither very hot noi very cold. Food is not difficult to get: The earth is green with grass. It is a nice time for you to pay a visit to your own city".

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The Buddha - "Udãi ! Do you really think so"?
Udai. "Bhante! Your father King Suddhodana is keen to see you. You should also have recruits from your own people".
The Buddha - "Very good, I shall receive converts from my own people. Meanwhile, tell the monks to get ready to depart".
When the Buddha started, he had a following of 10,000 from Anga and Magadha, and another 10, 000 from Kapilavastu. These 20, 000 were arhats with little (no) sin. Travelling at a speed of a yojana per day, they reached Kapilavastu in sixty days. On hearing that the Buddha had arrived to their city, all the Sakyas held a meet ing and chose the Nyagrodha garden for his stay. They cleaned it and decorated it in a beautiful manner. To receive him, they sent young boys and girls, nicely dressed and wearing ornaments, with flowers, incences, etc., in their hands. They were followed by princes and princesses, In this manner, offering him ovation and worship, they brought him to the Nyagrodha halt. The Buddha resumed an appropriate seat (buddhāsana) established by his 20,000 ar hats.'
On the following day, followed by his monks, the Buddha entered into Kapilavastu to beg. In the city, no one invited them to dinner, and none held their begging bowls. The Buddha stood on the indra-kila and thought,
"How did the Buddhas in the past beg in their own cities? Did they beg from the selected affluent homes, or, did they beg from one end without discrimination"?
He learnt that they discarded no home but begged all from end to end. He thought again,
"As a Buddha, I belong to the same line. Then I must adhere to the practice of my line, In future, my followers will follow the practice I uphold before them and fulfil the rule of begging".

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So he started begging from one end (35).
It became widely known throughout the city that Prince Siddhartha, the noble soul, was begging in the city Out of curiosity, the citizens stood at their respective windows to witness the unusual scene.
Rāhula's mother, Princess Yasódharā also beheld him from her own window. It occurred to her,
"At one time, Āryaputra (husband)used to drive through the city in a golden chariot with full pomp and dignity; but now with his hairs and bear cut, with saffron robes on, with his forehead held in his hand, he is out to beg. Does it look nice"?
She drew the attention of the king. Shaken with nervousness, the king hurried to the Buddha and said,
"Bhante! Why do you put me to an awkward situation? Why do you beg? Do you want to prove that I do not have enough food to feed you monks"?
The Buddha - "Mahārāja ! This is the practice of my line".
The king - "Bhante! Ours is a great Ksatriya line started by Mahāsammata. None from this line has ever begged".
The Buddha - "Mahārājā! You belong to that royal line. But I belong to the line of the Buddhas laid by Dipankara and others. Thousands of Buddhas in the past had been begging mendicants. They had laid down this way to livelihood".
The king received the Buddha's bowl in his own hand and with the entire body of monks, he returned to the palace. They were served with excellent food. After the dinner, all the inmates of the harem, except Rāhula's mother, came and bowed before him. Rāhula's mother had only one explanation,
"If I have merit, then the Aryaputra will come to see me. and then I shall bow before him".

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The Buddha gave his begging bowl to the king, and then with his two leading disciples (Sāriputta and Moggallana), he came to the bed-chamber of the Princess (Yasodhara). To both his leading disciples, he gave the following instruction,
"Let the Princess bow as she pleases. Do not obstruct her in any way".
Then he sat down on a cushion that was already spread. The Princess came at a hurried pace. She held the Buddha's feet, placed her head thereon and bowed as she pleased. As to Yaso dharā, the king said to the Bud
dha,
"Bhante! From the day you took the saffron robes, she too has done the same. When she came to know that you take food only one time per day, she started the same. She has given up sleeping on a couch, but spends her nights on a wooden plank. Since you do not use garlands, perfumes, etc., she too has given them up. Several invitations came from her parental home, and her own people desired to help her; but she did not even care to read them". (36).
Approving the words of the king, the Buddha said,
"Mahārāja! There is nothing to be surprised in this. Besides being in your protection, she herself is very mature in her senses. She is capable of providing her own protection. Even in the past, under very adverse circumstances, and without sufficient maturity, she protected herself at the foot of a mountain".
The Buddha rose from his seat and departed. On the third day, Prince Nanda was to be the crown-prince; he was to enter into a new palace and he was to be married. So on that day, three auspicious ceremonies were to be celebrated for him, The Buddha arrived on the spot on the same day to induct him into his own order as a monk. he placed a begging bowl in Nanda's hand, uttered some auspicious words and departed from there. While returning, he did not take the bow! back. The prince too was very much overwhelmed at the greatness of the Buddha

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(and at the great favour he did to him by giving him the begging bow!), that he could not ask the Buddha to take the bowl back. He thought that the Buddha would take the bowl at the staircase, but he did not do that, nor did he take it at the bottom of the staircase, nor in the courtyard. He went on. When the people saw this, they said to Janapada Kalyāni Nandā,
"Behold! The Bhagavān is taking away Prince Nandā. He will separate you from him.
With water dropping from her uncombed hairs which she carelessly held, she went up and shouted from her window,
"Aryaputra! Come back soon".
But the words rebounded and pricked her heart like a javeline. But still the Buddha did not take back the begging bowl from his hand, Out of bashfulness, Nanda too could not utter a word. They come to the lodge, To Nanda he asked,
"Do you like to be a monk"? Out of hesitation he said, "Yes, I like to be a monk". The Leader at once ordered, ''Initiate Nanda into monkhood".
In this manner, on the third day of his arrival at Kapilavastu, Nanda was taken as a monk (37).
On the seventh day, Rāhula's mother dressed and decorated her son and sent him to his father saying,
"My dear son ! In the centre of 20, 000 monks, the man with a golden, excellent complexion is your father. He possessed enormous wealth, but ever since his initiation, this is nowhere to be found. You pray to be given this wealth. Tell him also that you are a prince, and that you would like to be a worldmonarch after you are coronated as a king. For this purpose, wealth is needed. So please give me wealth. The son inherits the wealth of the father".
In the early part of the day, the Buddha, equipped with his begging bowl and cloth, came to Suddhodana's house to beg.

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After lunch, being sent by his mother, Prince Ráhula came to the Buddha and said,
"Sramana! Pleasant is thy shadow."
The Buddha left the place. But Rāhula follow ed him shouting,
"Sramana! Give me my paternal property. Give me my paternal property".
The Buddha did not ask the prince to go back, nor did the kinsmen prevent him from going with the Buddha. He came upto the Buddha's camp. The Buddha thought,
"The treasure he is asking for is wordly treasure. It is liable to destruction. Why don't I bestow on him seven noble treasures (viz., devotion, conduct, humility, fear of public censure, knowledge of scriptures, renunciation and wisdom) (38) by inducting him into the order. I shall make him the master of this unusual realm".
At once, he called Sāriputta and said, "Initiate Prince 'Rāhula as a monk."
Sariputta - "Bhante! By what mode should I initiate Prince Rahula ?"
On this issue, the Buddha delivered a sermon, and then addressing the monks, he said,
"Bhikṣus! I order an initiation called srāmanera for him. This prescribes the seeking of shelter with three. It involves the following practices: the hairs on the head and the beard need be cut; saffron clothes need be put on; a piece of cloth needs be placed on the shoulder; then he should be made to bow at the feet of the monks; then he should be made to sit in the utkatuka posture, and with folded hands, he should say,
I take shelter with the Buddha
I take shelter with the Dharma

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I take shelter with the Sangha".
Säriputta initiated Prince Rahula in the manner.prescribed by the Buddha. When Suddhodana came to know of this, he rushed to the Buddha and submitted,
"Bhante ! I seek a boon". Being permitted by the Buddha, Suddho dana said,
"I became immensely unhappy when you were initiated. I became unhappy again when Nanda was initiated. Now I am most unhappy when Rāhula has been initiated.. Bhante ! Affection for my progeny is piercing through my skin; it is piercing through my flesh; and then penetrating through my flesh, it is piercing through my veins; then penetrating through my veins, it is piercing through my bones; and then penetrating through my bones, it has shattered me. Bhante ! The monks should not initiate anyone without the prior permission of the parents."
Thereafter, on the point made by Súddhodana, the Buddha gave a sermon. Suddhodana stood up from his seat, bowed, moved round the Buddha thrice and departed. After he had gone, the Buddha said to the monks,
"Let not the monks initiate anyone without the prior permission of the parents. Anyone violating this commits the sin of having performed a prohibi
ted act". (39). 8. Sākaya Princes and Upáli - Having initiated Prince Rāhula,the Buddha departed from Kapilavastu, and while performing the carikā, he arrived at the mango park outside city of Anūpiyā in Malladesa. At that time, many Sakya youths from noble families were being initiated into the Buddha's order on their own initiative. There were two Sákaya brothers, Mahānāma and Anuruddha by name. Anuruddha was the younger of the two, and he had three sions for his use during fall, summer and rains respectively. He was at that time residing in his monsoon mansion. He never came down. When Mahānāma heard that many Sakya youths were joining the monastic order of the Buddha, he came to his younger brother Anuruddha, narrated the recent initiations and said,

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"From our family, no one has yet joined the Buddha's monastic order. So, between us two, at least one must be initiated". Anuruddha said at once, "I am yet too young. I cannot give up my home and join the monastic order. So you consider the matter for yourself".
With profound affection for his brother, Anuruddha said,
"My dear brother Anuruddha! I agree. Let me explain to you the affairs of our household".
Anuruddha became all attention, and Mahānama started,
"First, plough the farm; then sow the seed and water the farm. Thereafter, drain out the excess water and dry the farm. When the crops are ready, harvest them, bring them up, make them straight, spread them, have them molested, take out the straw, dehusk them, winnow them and then place them in the granneries. Do in this order every year. The work will never suffer nor come to a stand still".
Anuruddha - "But tell me when the work ends so that I may return to my carefree life and enjoy five types of pleasure".
Mahānāma - "Brother Anuruddha ! The work never ends, nor is it possible to know its finale. Our own parents and grand-parents died even before they could finish the work".
Suddenly, the seed of renunciation sprouted in Anuruddha. He said,
"You better look after the household and let me go".
Anuruddha came to his mother. He explained his inclination to her and sought her permission. The mother, however tried her best to dissuade him.

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"Anuruddha, my child, both you and your brother are my darling sons. I shall not turn away from you even after my death. So how I permit you to go when I am still alive? I cannot give you permission".
Anuruddha did not give up his hope. He repeated his intention for a second time, and then for a third time. But the mother remained firm about her disapproyal. At last, she devis ed a strategy to prevent him, which was as, follows. At this time, Bhaddiya was the king of the Sakyas. He happened to be a great friend of Anuruddha. The mother knew for certain that Bhaddiya would never be ready to join the monastic order. So she said,
"If Bhaddiya joins the monastic order, then, I may permit you to do the same'.
On getting such a straight reply to his difficult question, Anuruddha came to Bhaddiya and said,
"Friend ! My own initiation depends on you".
Bhaddiya - "If that be so, I permit you very gladly to be initiated and be in the monastic order".
Anuruddha - "But, friend, let us go together".
Bhaddīya - "I am not interested. But I shall gladly do anything for you. Go ahead, my dear fellow"..
Anuruddha explained to him the condition laid down by his mother for his own initiation and emphatically affirmed.
"You must come with me. You are bound by your own words. You cannot go back on your words. We must tread on the same path".
People in that age used to be truthful. Bhaddiya said to Anuruddha,
"I am not going back on my words, But I must be spared for seven years to get ready, and after that, I may go with you".

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Anuruddha - "But seven years is too long a time. I cannot wait for such a long period".
Bhaddiya reduced it to six years. But, for Anuruddha, who was keen for initiation, even a six-year period was too long. So he protested. Bhaddiya cut it down, by stages, to five years, then to four, three, two, one, to six months, five, four, three, two, one, and at last to a fortnight. But even a fortnight was too long for Anuruddha. So he rejected this too, and insisted on him to get ready at once. Bhaddiya said at last,
"Give me at least a week's time so that I may properly give charge of my kingdom to my sons and brothers".
"Anuruddha agreed. As the week went out, the Śākya king Bhaddiya, Anuruddha, Ananda, Bhrgu, Kimbila, Devadatta, and a barber named Upali, these seven were taken to the park accompanied by the four-fold army. After the procession had covered a great distance, the army was ordered to return. Thereafter, the seven moved on. Having crossed into another kingdom, they took out their ornaments and valuables and tied them in a piece of cloth. Then they entrusted the bundle to Barber Upali and said,
"You go back from this place. These will be encugh to support you through life".
Upali returned with the bundle. While still on the road, he thought,
"The Sākyas are by nature haughty. When they will know that I have returned with ornaments and valuables, they will at once suspect that I have murdered the princes and robbed them of their valuables and jewels. They will at once kill me. If Bhaddiya, Anuruddha and others, who are princes, are going to be initiated, then, why should I not follow them"?
Having thus taken a firm decision, he hanged the ornaments from a tree and shouted,
"Whosoever sets his eyes on these may take these".
Upāli started back and soon overtook his companions.

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On seeding the barber return so soon, the princes asked,
"Upali! Why have you come back"?
343
Upali apprised them with his own thinking and narrated to them how he had disposed off the ornaments.
The Sakya princes approved his action and added,
"You are very correct. The Sakyas are, by nature, very haughty. Your apprehension is not baseless".
With Upali in their company, the Sakyas came to the
Buddha. They saluted him and sat in one corner. They submitted,
'Bhante! We, the Sakayas, are a proud people. This fellow, Barber Upali, has for ever been our servant. Please initiate him first so that (being senior in initiation), we shall be liable to salute him, revere him and tender him our services. If this is done, then alone our pride in being Sakyas will be duly tempered".
The Buddha accepted the request of the Sakya princes. Upali was the first to be initiated as a monk, and then the other six princes followed (40).
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
Notes on Chapter Ten
Aupapâtik-sutra 10; Kappa Sutta Su. 134-135
Dharmananda Kosambi, Bhagavan Buddha, p. 154
Ibid, pp. 153-54.
Based on Ganadhara-vada; Avasyaka Niryukti, Gatha
17-65.
Cf. sami ya imam etārūvam abhiggaham abhigenhati cauvviham dabbato 4: davvato kumase suppa-konenam khittao eluyam vikkhamvaitta kalao niyattesu bhikkhayaresu bhavato yadi rayadhuya dasattanam pattaniya labaddha mundiyasira royamani attham-vattiya abam kappati sesam na kappati kalo ya posa-bahula

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padibao, ebam abhiggaham ghettunam kosambiye acchati. - Ābas'yak Cūrni, Part I pp. 316-317.
Also Avas yak Niryukti, Malayagiri-vrtti, pp. 294295: Sri Kalpasutrartha Prabodhini, p. 154.
We have a mention of the duration of the fast for six months in
(6) (7)
Āvaśyak Curni, Part 1. Based on Naya-dharmma-kahao, Adhyayana 1. On the attainment of Enlightenment, the Buddha spent. .
(8)
Based on Trişasti salakä-puruşa-caritram, Parva 10, Sarga 6.
(9)
After his initiation into monkhood, Rsabha datta duly studies the 11 Angas. He practised many fasts missing six, eight, ten or more meals at a time and lived for many years attaining higher spiritual levels. In the end, he courted fast till death, observing it for 30 days when he passed away, and became liberated.
(10)
After her initiation in the order of nuns, she studied the 11 Angas. She practised various penances enriching her soul. In the end, she was liberated.
(11) Višeşāvas yaka-bhāaşya, Saţika (with commentary),
p. 935.
(12) For Jamali's initiation, Bhagavati, Sataka 9, U. 33.
For the initiationof Priya darsana, Trisasti-salakapurusa-caritram, Parva 10, Sarga 8.
.
(13) Based on Bhagavatī, Sataka 12, Uddesaka 2. (14) He is not the same person as Kāsyapa of the Buddhist
tradition.

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(15) Antagadādasao, Varga 6. (16) Bhagavati, Sataka 2, Uddesaka 1. (17) Based on Uttarajjhayanani, Adhyayana 23. (18) Bhagavati, Sataka 1, Uddes'aka 9. (19) Ibid, sãtaka 9, Uddeśaka 32. (20) Suyagadang, Sruta 2, Adhyayana 7. (21) Based on Trisastisalāka-puruşa-caritram,
Parva 10, Sarga 10. In the Jaina tradition, there are many legends and poems on Dhanya and Salibhadra.
(22)
In Tirthankara Mahavira, Part II p. 509, Vijayendra Suri has called him as Udrayana. This is not correct. Compare, for instance, senam udayane raya. Also vide Bhagavati, Sa, 13, U6.
(23)
After his initiation, we have the following account of his life:
The royal-monk practis ed severe penances. He underwent many fasts from one-day to 30 days durations. He enriched his soul by studies and meditations. Because of too many fasts and intake of coarse and dry food, his body became very thin and he lost his physical strength. He was frequently ill and his condition worsened. He could no longer study or mediate with the same ardentness as he previously did. The doctors suggested that he should take curd. As it would be easy for him to obtain curd from a cow-herds' village (gokula), the royal-monk begged from that village.
Once in the course of his wanderings, he visited his own city Vitabhaya. A wicked minister told King Kesi that the royal-monk had returned to recover his kingdom and he warned him to be very watchful. King Kesi took the counsel in all seriousness and issued strict orders that the former king should not be given shelter by anyone in the city. The royal

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monk moved from one end of the city to the other calling at every door, but no one was prepared to receive him. At last, he was received by a potter in his workshop. King Kesi tried to poison the former ruler on several occasions, but his life was saved by the grace of a goddess. But one day, when the goddess was away, the royal monk was given some food which contained poison. As the royal monk ate, the poison ran through his whole body. Since then the royal monk went on fast and remained like that for a whole month. In this state, on the expiry of a month, he obtained omniscience and passed away while he was in meditation.
When on her return the goddess came to know that the royal-monk had been killed by the evil design of King Kesi, she became furious in rage and started incessant showers of dust on the city. The whole city of Vitabhaya was buried. The solitary exception in this total carnage was the potter's cottage.
(24)
Based on Srikalpasūtrārtha Prabodhini pp. 169-171; also, Kalpasutra Balayabodha, p. 260.
(25)
Uttarajjhyanāni, Vrtti by Bhāvavijaya Gani, Chapter 18, pp.375-379.
(26)
Uvavai, Su. 14.
(27)
In the Buddhist tradition, the order of the sramanas is called pravrajya and that of the bhiksus is called upasampada.
(28)
Rāma, Dhvaja, Lakshmana, Mantri, Kaundinya, Bhoja, Suyama and Sudatta - these Brāhmaṇas had mastered the Vedas with their six Angas. Seven. from among these had predicted at the birth of the Buddha that if he would remain in the household order, he would be a world monarch and if he would renounce, he would be a Buddha, Kaundinya who was the youngest of them predicted only one future for the child, viz., that he would be a Buddha, The former seven advised their sons to join the holy order of Prince Siddhartha when he would be a Bud dha. By the time the prince renounced his

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home, all these Brahmanas were dead except Kaundinya. He brought it to the notice of the sons of his former colleagues that the prince had left his home and that he would definitely be a Buddha. Added he in the end, "So let us also be wandering mendicants". Only four young men responded to his call. They were Vaspa (vappa), Bhadrika, Mahanama and Aš vajit. Later, these were called Pancavarga bhikşus.
(29)
Based on Vinaya Pitaka, Mahāvagga, Mahākhandhaka, 1-1-6 & 7.
(30)
Ibid., 1-1-8 to 10.
(31)
Ibid., 1-1-13.
(32) (33)
*Ibid, 1-1-14 & 15. Ibid., 1-1-18.
(34)
Anguttara Nikaya Atthakatha, 1-1-10. Cf. Dasaveyaliyam, Agastyasinha Cūrņi, Adhyayana 5, Uddes'a ka 2, Gathā 25.
(35)
(36)
Jataka Nidana, 4, Mahavagga Atthakatha, Mahakhandaka, Rahulvastu.
(37)
Udana Atthakatha, 3- 2; Anguttara Nikaya Atthakatha, 1-4-8; Vinaya Pitaka, Mahāvagga Atthakathā.
(38)
Jatak (Hindi) Part 1, p. 118.
(39)
.
Jātaka Atthakatha, Nidana 4; Vinaya Pitaka, Mahayagga, Mahākhanda ka, 1-3-11.
(40)
Based on Vinaya Pițaka, Cullavagga, Sanghabhedakas kandhaka, 7-1-1 & 2.

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CHAPTER XI MONKS AND NUNS
It is an inevitable fact of history that certain persons acquire immortality because of their association with the great men of their age. We have many such personalities associated with the lives of both Mahāvira and the Buddha.
Eleven Gaņa dharas of Mahāvira have become immortal with him. They were the leaders of their respective teams called gaņa. It is they who preserved the great treasure of 12 Angas.
1. Indrabhūt i Gaut me. - He was the foremost among Mahāvira's disciples, and is inseparable from him. He used to ask from the most commonplace to the most difficult questions to the Master, and based on these questions and answers, there has been the compilation of the biggest of the Jaina Agamas, Vihāya Pannatti, popularly called Bhagavati. He was also famous for his great spiritual powers.
Gautama had the deepest affection for the Master. On the occasion of Mahavira's death, this affection overpowered him completely like a river flooding both the banks, and Gautama was deeply aggrieved at the apparent lack of reciprocation from the other side. But soon he controlled himself. He recognised the supreme detachment of the Master and his own attachment. From the outward, he turned to the inward. The vèil of ignorance was torn. He attained the supreme and limitless knowledge and himself became Arhat.
Once, Gautama felt a great mortification for his own self for not attaining the supreme knowledge. To rid him of this, Mahāyira said, -
"Gautama ! For a very long time, You are tied with me by affection. You have been all praise

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about me for a very long time. We have been acquaintances for ever, and for ever you have served me, for ever you have followed me, and for ever you have carried out my orders. In your previous lives, whether as a god or as a human being, you were always linked with me, and what more, after we die, and when this body is destroyed, we shall be together again, in the same state, as liberated souls "(1).
The above should indicate how very intimate was Gautama's relation with Mahavira,
2. Candanabālā - She was the foremost in Mahavira's order of nuns. Her position in the order was called pravartini. She was a princess, but her life was full of many vicissitudes. She spent a part of her life as a maid-servant. She underwent the experience of being in chains. But in the closing chapter of her life, we see her holding the most illustrious position of being the head of Mahāvira's order of nuns.
According to the Thānanga and the Samavāyānga (2), 700 in Mahāvira's order attained Omniscience (3), 1300 attained avadhi knowledge, 500 attained manah-paryava knowledge, 300 were the masters of the 14 Pūrvas, and there were many other monks and nuns who held great powers, who had practised hard penances, who were great debators, and so on.
At times, Mahavira even mentioned about the specialities of his monks and nuns.
In the Tripitakas, too, we have accounts of monks who lived around the Buddha, foremost among them being Sariputta, Mogga'llana, Ananda, Upāli, Mahākāssapa, Ajnākodi - nna, and so on. In the Jaina order, the Gana dharas enjoyed a dignified position and were entrusted with a welldefined responsibility. In the Buddhist order, there is no counterpart of Jaina Ganadhara; but Säriputta and others held quite high positions of honour and responsibility in that order.
3. Sariputta - As was Ganadhara Gautama to Mahāvira, so was Sāriputta an inseparable companion of the Buddha, He

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was highly intelligent and learned and was a great commentator. The Buddha depended on him in various matters. On one occasion, the Buddha had observed, 'Sariputta ! In whichever direction you go, you emit the same sort of light as the Buddha does". (4).
The Tripitakas give an illustration of Sariputta's intellect. When the Buddha's recalcitrant disciple Der'adatta broke away from the order with 500 Vajji monks, it was mainly the wit of Sariputta that could reclaim these 500 from the clutches of the rebel (5).
Once the Buddha said to Ananda, "How do you like Sāriputta"?
Ananda said in reply,
"Bhante! Who will not like the long-lived Sariputta unless he is a fool, a wicked person, or one with an unbalanced mind? The long-lived Sariputta has a great knowledge and a great wisdom. His wisdom is as delightful as it is sharp" (6).
At Sāriputta's death, the Buddha observed,
"A vast branch of Kalpa-tree of Religion is gone".
The Buddha nick-named him as the spiritual cominander.
4. Moggaliana - Moggallana, like Sariputta, was among the foremost disciples of the Buddha. He was a great monk and was considered to be endowed with the greatest power (7). As in the Jaina tradition we have many examples of the occult powers (labdhi) of Gautama, so in the Buddhist tradition, we have many stories about the occult powers (radhi) of Moggallana.
With Sāriputta, Moggallāna too had a hand in the reclamation of the 500 Vajji monks for the Buddha's order from the clutches of rebel Devadatta (8).
Visakha, a female devotee of the Buddha had decided to erect an abode (vihara) for the Buddha and his monks on

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an outlay of 27, 00, 00, 000 gold coins. She prayed to the Buddha to give her a monk who could help her in supervising this work. Said the Buddha,
"You pick up the begging bowl and the rag of the monk whom you intend to have for this purpose".
Visakha thought the Moggallana commanded great powers by dint of which he could help her in the quick construction of the shelter. So she named him and the Buddha agreed. It is stated that because of the occult powers of the great Moggallana that Visakha's masons were able to mobilise big trees and stone-slabs from a distance of even 60 yojanas in course on a single night (9).
The Jaina tradition, however, does not permit a monk to assist in this sort of enterprise, nor does it consider worthwhile to permit a monk to display his occult powers. But even in this tradition,, (in somewhat different contexts) we have on record many strange accounts of labdhi-power and its application. We have noted elsewhere how Nandisena, a son of Srenika, who had joined the monastic order of Mahavira, displayed his power to stupefy a prostitute.
We have in the Jaina tradition the story of Mahavira shaking the whole of Mount Meru by the touch of his thumb in order to alert the Indra. Likewise, we have in the Buddhist tradition the story of Moggallana shaking a palace named Jayanta by the touch of his thumb for a similar purpose (10). It is stated that once the Buddha, Moggallana and others were at the topmost floor of a shelter (purvārama). At the ground floor of the same building, some misguided monks were making a noise and indulging in indecent talks. To warn them, Moggallana shook the whole palace by dint of his occult power. When these misguided monks became thrilled and alarmed, the Buddha spoke to them words of enlightenment (11).
About the monks of Mahavira, we have the following in the Uvavai (12):
There were many who could mentally curse or favour anyone.

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There were many who could do the same by their speech.
There were many who could do the same by physical activity.
There were many who commanded sles mausadha labdhi; with their pheegm could be cured even most difficult diseases like leprosy.
There were many who commanded jallausadha labdhi; their body-dirt could cure any disease.
There were many who commanded âmarşausadha labdhi; a drop of their urine could cure any disease.
There were many who commanded amarsausadha labdhi; a touch of their hand could cure any disease,
There were many who commanded sarvausadha labdhi, their hairs, nails, porehairs, in brief, everything, served as medicine.
There were many monks who commanded padanusari labdhi; on hearing a couplet, they could hear many such couplets.
There were many monks who command samb hinnaśroty labdhi; with any one sense organ, they could take th objects of all the sense organs. (For instance with their eyes, they could not only see, but also hear, smell, taste and touch).
There were many monks who commanded aksinamahanasa labdhi, they could feed hundreds, even thousands, with food they had begged before they themselves ate.
There were many monks who commanded vikurvana labahi by dint of which they could assume any form.
There were many monks who commanded janghācāraṇa labdhi by placing their hand on the upper part of the leg, they could, in a single flight, reach the 13th Rucakayara Isle or the summit of Mount Meru,

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There were many who commanded vidyācārana labdhi; by a slight upaşaţambha, in two stages, they could reach the eighth isle named Nandis vara or the summit of Mount Meru.
There were many who commanded ākāśātipāti labdhi; they could fly into the sky and shower from there silver and many other wholesome and unwholesome objects.
It is, however, stated that Moggallana had a very tragic end. People of other faiths became so very jealous of him that they beat him to death like a beast. His bones were smashed to small particles so that no single particle was bigger than a grain of rice. It is further stated that he could have saved himself by dint of his spiritual powers, but he did not do that. He submitted to the torture silently taking it to be the outcome of his past karma (13).
4. Ananda - In several respects, Ananda was more intimate with the Buddha than either Sariputta or Moggallana. His relation with the Master makes an interesting and inspiring account. He was associated with many historic events which have become immortal in the Buddhist tradition. The inclusion of nuns in the Buddhist order was the outcome of his zeal. The Buddha was never in favour of it. He saw many faults in it. It was at the suggestion from Ananda that he initiated Mahāprajāpati Gautami as a nun. But at the same time, the Buddha said,
"If, without nuns, this order would have lasted for a thousand years, now it will remain for not more than 500. The initiation of a woman in my order has knocked out half its life-span".
The Tripitakas were compiled at the first Buddhist Council. Among the 500 ar hat bhikṣus who attended, Ananda was the only one who had an authoritative knowledge of the Sūtras. It was on his exclusive authority that the Sutt
z was compiled. It is, however, interesting that for not obtaining the necessary clarifications about the texts from the Buddha during his life-time, Ananda had to make atonements before the whole Sangha. But by far the most surprising thing is that the Sangha penalised him on

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account of his proposal to the Buddha for the inclusion of women in the monastic order (14).
Ananda was the Buddha's personal attendant (upasthăka). The story of his attaining this position is very inter
esting. At his 56th year, the Buddha called all his monks and said,
"Bhiksus ! Engage an attendant for me. In the absence of one, I am not getting proper attention. I say, go by this route, and the bhiksus go by another route. Carelessly they place my bowl and cloth on the ground. Overriding the claim of Sariputta, Moggallana and others, the Buddha took Ananda as his personal attendant" (15).
From that time, Ananda became the Buddha's inseparable companion. Sometimes he put questions to ihe Buddha as Ganadhara Gautama did to Mahavira, and sometimes he gave his suggestions. Just as it stated that Gautama was linked to Mahāvira in his previous births, so we have many accounts in the Jåtaka about Ananda's link with the Buddha in his previous births. When strangers came to see the Buddha, they had invariably to apply through him, Just as after the passing away of Mahavira, Gautama became very much overwhelmed with grief, so was Ananda after the passing away of the Buddha. As Ananda had come to know before hand that the Buddha would pass away on that day, he went aside, took the support of a pole and wept bitterly. In the case of Gautama, he became omniscient during the same night when Mahāvira passed away. Ananda attained arhathood after a considerable gap but before he went to attend the first Buddhist Council. Like Gautama who felt a remorse till he became omniscient, Ananda too passed through a similar state till be became an arhat. Thus there is much similarity between the two events.
Mahāvira too had a devoted follower bearing the same name (Ananda) (16), but he was a householder. Beyond a similarity of the two names, there is nothing to cause confusion between the two. There was still another Ananda: who was a monk in Mahavira's order. It was to this (third) Ananda that Gosalaka had said,
"By the stroke of my fiery powers, Mahāvīra will soon meet with his end".

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5. Upali.- At the first Buddhist Council, it was Upāli who reproduced the Vinaya-sutta. He had memorised this during his intimate association with the Buddha. (A barber by birth), he was initiated as a monk in the company of five Sakya princes named Bhaddiya, Ananda and others.
CIS.
6. Mahakāśyapa - He was one of the very hard-working disciples of the Buddha. His early life was also very illustrious and inspring. The legand of Pippa likumara and Bhadrākumāri (17) is based on his life. In the Buddha's monastic order, the same Pippalikumāra became the longlived Mahakas yapa. Touching his delicate and costly garment, once the Buddha spoke highly of it. He offered his garment to the Buddha, when the Buddha said,
"Supposing I accept your garment, can you use my old, coarse and dirty rags"?
Mahākās'yapa was ready whereon there was an exchange of robes between the two. This has been considered to be a historic event in the life of the Buddha, as also in the Buddhist tradition.
Mahākāsyapa was a learned man. He became famous as the commentators of the Buddhist suttas. At the Buddha's funeral, again, it was he who directed the funeral rites. On the day and at the time when the Buddha was to be cremated, he came in the company of 500 monks to the cremation ground (18).
It was at his suggestion that King Ajātasatru preserved the bones of the Buddha in a metal casket which, at a later period, was opened by Emperor Asoka, and portions of the same were sent to far-off lands (19). He was one of the leading organisers of the first Buddhist Council (20).
There were many other monks such as Ajna-ko dinna, Anuruddha and many others who were intimately associated with the Buddha. "
7. Gautami - In the Buddhist tradition, the name of Mahā - prajāpati Gautami is a much famous as that of the great nun Candanavala in the Jain tradition. There is, however, no common ground between the early lives of the two,

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thought both were the first women disciples of their respective masters, and both headed the orders of nuns in the two orders.
Two things in the life of Gautami are deserving of special attention. She not only induced the Buddha to accept women in his monastic order, but also suggested that the nuns should be given equal status with the monks. But in accepting Gautami in his monastic order, the Buddha imposed a number of conditions. One such condition was that even a fresh monk would be entitled to homage and obeisance from a veteran nun. Gautami agreed, but very soon after her initiation, she took the matter up with the Master. She submitted,
"Bhante! Why do you insist that a veteran nun must pay homage and obeisance even to a newly initiated monk? Why should it not be to the contrary that a newly initiated monk should pay his homage and obeisance to a veteran nun"?
On this, the Buddha said,
"Gautami! Such is not the practice even in religious orders which are lesser than mine; and, you know, mine is a very superior religious order "(21).
The question raised by Gautami about the status of women in the Indian society at a distance of about 2500 years has not lost its significance even now. In contrast with the importance of the issue, the reply given by the Buddha would appear to be very evasive. The reply would give the impression that even among the great men, there are few who are prepared to give recognition to fresh values; most of them prefer to adhere to established practices and conventions. It is true that even now women are fighting to improve their status in a society which is dominated over by men; but the fact remains that even 2500 earlier, there was a woman in this country who had made it an important issue with no less a man than the Buddha himself.
Gautami apart, a number of other nuns, notably Khema, Utpalavarna, Patacara, Bhadra, Kuṇḍala kesa, Bhadra Kapilayani and many others, became famous in the Buddhist order. In naming the eta dagga vagga (foremost among the

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foremost) (22), the Buddha himself has honoured the names of 41 monks and 12 nuns, giving specifically the best quality in each. The list would run as follows:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
Ajna-kaundinya for his devotion to the Buddha; a Brahmana from Drona-vastu near Kapilavastu in in the Sakya country.
Sariputta for his wisdom; a Brahmana from Upatisya (Nalaka) which was not far from Rajagrha in Magadha.
1
Mahamoggallana for his spiritual powers; a Brahmana from Kolita near Rajagrha in Magadha.
-
A
Mahakas yapa for his renunciation; a Brahmana from Mahatirtha Brahmanagrama in Magadha.
357
Anuruddha - for his divine vision; a Ksatriya from Kapilavastu in Sakya country. He was the cousin of the Buddha, being the son of his uncle Amṛtaudana.
Bhaddiya Kaligodha-putra - for his noble parentage; a Ksatriya from Kapilavastu in Sakya country.
Lakuntaka Bhaddiya - for his mila voice; a Dhani (Mahabhoga) from Sravasti in Kosala.
Pindola Bharadvaja
mana from Rajagṛha in Magadha.
-
·
for his roaring voice; a Brāh
Purna Maitrayani-putra for being the best speaker of spiritual lores; a Brahmana from Dronavastu near Kapilavastu in Sakya country.
Mahakatyayana foremost among commentators; a Brahmana from Ujjaini in Avanti.
Cullapanthaka for his mastery in giving shape to imagination and for his expertise in psychiatry; a son of a Sreṣthi's daughter from Rajagṛha in Magadha.

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12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
Mahapanthaka - for his mastery of definitions (concepts); son of a Sresthi's daughter from Rajagṛha in Magadha.
Subhuti foremost among those who were liberated from pains; a Vaisya from Sravasti in Kosala.
Revata-khadira-vaniya- foremost among the forestdwellers; a Brahmana, Sariputta's younger brother, from Nalaka Brahmaṇa-grāma (near Rajagṛha) in Magadha.
-
Kankha Revata
foremost among mediators; a Mahabhoga from Sravasti in Kosala.
Sona Koḍivisa - most enterprising; a Sresthi from Campa in Anga.
Sona Kutikanna - foremost among speakers; a Vaisya from Kuraravara în Avanti.
-
Sivali foremost among the covetous of spiritual gains; son of Supravasa, daughter of Koliya; a Ksatriya from Kundiya in Sakya country.
-
Vakkali foremost among the most devoted; a Brahmana from Sravasti in Kosala.
Rahula
foremost among those who observed the discipline of the Sangha; son of Siddhartha, a Kṣatriya from Kapilavastu in Sak ya country.
-
Raṣṭrapāla foremost among those who were initiated for their devotion; a Vaisya from Thullakonnita in Kuru.
-
-
Kunda dhana first to pick up the stick (salākā); a Brahmana from Sravasti in Kosala.
Vangisa foremost among the writers of verses; a Brahmana from Sravasti in Kosala.
Vanganta-putra foremost among the most graceful; Sariputta's younger borther; a Brahmana from Nalaka Brahmana-grama in Magadha.
·

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25.
Malla-putra Dravya - foremost among those who
were in charge of beds and cushions; a Ksatriya from Anupiya in Malla.
26.
Pilindivātsya - foremost among the beloved of the
gods; a Brāhmaṇa from Srāvasti in Kosala.
27.
Vāhiya-dāru-ciriya - for his sharp intellect; a Kula
putra from Vahiya-rāştra.
28.
Kumāra Kas yapa-among extempore speakers; from
Rājagrha in Magadha.
29. Mahākosthita - foremost among the most consoled
souls; a Brāhmaṇa from Srāvasti in Kos'ala.
30.
Ananda - foremost among the most well-versea,
with keenest memory, most progressive outlook, with greatest perseverance and among the most intimate companions of the Buddha; son of Amrtadona; a Ksatriya from Kapilavastu in Sakya country.
31.
Uruvela Kasyapa - foremost among the councellors;
a Brāhmana from Vårāṇasi in Kasi.
32.
Kāla-udayi - foremost among those who had bright
ened their lines; born in the family of a minister from Kapilavastu in Sakaya country.
33.
Bakkula - foremost among those enjoying a most
perfect health; a Vaisya from Kausămbi in Vatsa.
34.
Sobhita - foremost among those who had a memory
of their previous birth(s); a Brāhmaṇa from Sravasti in Kosala.
35.
Upali - foremost among the most courteous; a
Barber from Kapilavastu in Sakya country.
36.
Nandaka - chief adviser in the affairs of the order
of nuns; from a noble family at Srāvasti in Kosala.

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37.
Nanda - foremost among those who had subdued · their senses; son of Mahāprajāpati; a Kşatriya
from Kapilavastu in Sakya country.
38.
Mahākappina - chief advis er in the affairs of the
monks; born in a royal household from Kukkutavati on the frontier. - .
39.
Svāgata - foremost among experts in teja-dhatu; a
Brāhmaṇa from Srāvasti in Kos'ala. Rādha - for his great brilliance; a Brāhmaṇa from
Rajagrha in Magadha.
40.
,
41.
Mogharāja - foremost among those who put on coarse
rags; a disciple of Bāvari; a Brāhmapa from Srăvastī in Kos'ala.
The following is the list of the foremost among the
nuns:
1.
Mahāprajāpati Gautami - for her great devotion for
the Buddha; wife of Suddhodana; a Kşatriyāni from Kapilvastu in in Sakya country.
2.
Khema - for her great wis dom; wife of Bimbasara,
king of Magadha; a princess from Sagala in Madras.
3.
Utpala - varpā - for her great spiritual powers; born
in a Sresthi family of Sravasti in Kosala.
4.
Patācărā - foremost for her courts ey; born in a
Sresthi family of Srāvasti in Kosala.
5.
Dhammadinna - foremost among discourse-givers;
wife of Visakha Sresthi of Rajagrha in Magadha.
Nanda - foremost in meditation; daughter of Mahap
rajāpati Gautami; from Kapilavastu in Sakya country.
7.
Sonā - most enterprising from a noble household at
Srāvasti in Kosala.

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8.
Sakula - foremost among those endowed with a divine
vision; from a noble household at Srayasti in Kosala.
9.
10.
Bhadrā-kuņdalakesa - the most brilliant; born in a
Sresthi family at Rajagrha in Magadha. Bhadra Kapilāyani - for her memory of previous
birth(s); wife of Mahakas yapa; a Brahmani from Sagala in Madras.
11.
Bhadrā-katyayani - for her divine powers (abhijñā);
dauthter of Rāhulamāta who, in turn, was the daughter of Suprabuddha, a resident of Devadaha; a Ksatriyani from Kapilavastu in Sakaya
country. Krsā Gautami - for her use of coarse rags; a Vaisya
from Srāvasti in Kos'ala.
12.
13. Srgāla-mata - the most respectful; born in a Sresthi
family at Rajagrha in Magadha.
In the Jaina Agamas, we do not come across any list of the foremost among the foremost' as we have in the Buddhist texts cited above; but the figures in the Kappa Sutta of the omniscients and others and the account in the Uvayai give an idea about the length of penances of the nirgrantha monks and their other multifarious qualities, As to penances, it is stated, in part, as follows:
"Many monks practised a penance called kanakāvali, many practis ed ekāvali, laghus inha-nişkrīdita, mahasinha-niskridita. bhadra-pratima. mahābhadrapratima, sarvatobhadra-pratima, ayamvila-vardhamana, tapah, pratima for one month, for two months, and so on, till seven months, pratima for one, two or three weeks for whole day and night, pratima for one day-night, pratima for one night, seven saptamika pratima, yaya-madhya-candrapratima, and many practised vajra-madhya-candrapratima".
As to qualities of the monks, it is stated in the same Sutra:

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"The monks were endowed with knowledge, with vision, with conduct,, with humility and with simplicity. They were endowed with oration, brilliance, speech and fame. They had conquered senses, slumber and hardships. They had no expectation from life and no fear from death. They were experts in arts like prajnapti, etc., and in the use of mantras. They were excellent, wise, restrained from sex, truthful and clean. They wore a beautiful complexion. They had overcome all the worldly desires. They were above all curiosities, careful about the observance of rules prescribed for a monk and experts in breaking both the external and internal ties. They were well-acquainted with their own philosophies as well as those of others. They were foremost in defeating their rivals who held different views. They new well the 12 Angas and were the masters of all the ganipitakas. They knew all word-formations and all languages. Although they were not yet complete jinas, they were very much near them" (27).
The life-story of many monks and nuns remains scattered here and there in the entire Agamic literature from which it is possible to gather their individual traits.
8. Dhanya of Kākanai - Dhanya of Kākandi became a monk by giving up 32 young maidens and 32 seraglios. Under the guidance of Mahavira, he practised very severe penances so that his body was reduced to a mere skeleton. On a point of enquiry about him by King Bimbisāra, Mahāvira said, in part, as follows:
"In a group of 14,000 monks, this monk Dhanya is about to perform something most difficult by dint of his penances, his spiritual exertions "(24).
9. Meghakumāra - During the first night after his initiation, Meghakumāra, the son of King Bimbisāra, deviated from his path. Thought he,
"Till yesterday, when I was a prince, all the monks took care of me and expressed their affection and respect for me. Today, I have become a monk, but

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where are their affection and respect for me gone? Without caring for me, they run about their own affairs. They do not assemble round me as they did in the past. The place allotted to me for taking rest (sleeping) is the last one near the door so that while going out or coming in they disturb me all the time. What sort of behaviour is this towards me ? At dawn, I shall return my monk's garment to Bhagavān Mahavira".
In the morning, as he stood before Bhagavān Mahavira, the latter know his mind by dint of his omniscience and said,
"Meghakumarā ! Last night, you had such and such thoughts in your mind, and you have made up your mind to go back to your palace-home by handing over the monk's pot, duster, etc. Is it correct?"
''Bhunte! Every word of what you have stated is correct".
In order to refix him in necessary restraint, Mahavira gave him necessary advice and spoke to him revealing his life in the previous birth whereon Meghakumara was refixed in restraint.
Meghakumara acquired the knowledge of his previous birth. He studied and mastered 11 Angas. He practised the most difficult of penances named guna-ratnasamvatsara and also 12 pratimas. In the end, with the permission of Mahavira, he courted death by a long fast unto death, and was born as a god in an excellent existence.
10. Nanda - In the Buddhist tradition, a new initiate named Nanda (the Buddha's Cous in) underwent a similar predicament as did Meghakumara in the Jaina tradition. Remembering the final entreaties of his newly-wed bride Janapada-Kalyani Nanda, he was shaken immediately after his initiation. The Buddha came to know this and went to reclaim him. The Buddha pointed to a shemonkey on the street whose ears, nose and tail were cut, whose hairs were burnt, whose skin was wrecked and blood dropped therefrom, and said,

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"Is your wife more beautiful than this"?
"1
- "Sure, of course !
Thereafter, the Buddha took him to the Trayastrimsa heaven. The Indra along with him nymphs bowed before him. Pointing to the nymphs, the Buddha said,
"If your Janapada-Kalyani Nanda more beautiful than these"?
"No, sir, to these, Janapada-Kalyani stands in the same position as the lame monkey does to her".
The Buddha said,
"Then why are you so much excited for her? Observe the rules of monkhood, and you will acquire nymphs like these (25)".
-
Nanda was refixed in the monastic order. His motive for a material gain was, however, completely erased only after he was ridiculed by 80 monks including Sariputta who said that Nanda had become a monk in order to win the nymphs. In this manner, Nanda was freed from desires and he became an arhat (26).
The facts over which Meghakumara and Nanda became perturbed were somewhat different, but the course of events for both bears a lot of resemblance. Mahavira refixed Meghakumara by showing him the scene of tenacity and perseverance which he possessed in his previous life, whereas the Buddha reclaimed Nanda by pointing to the joy he will be entitled to by leading the life of a monk. Deserving of special note is that like Meghakumara who was an elephant in his previous birth,' we have it on the authority of the Jatakas that Nanda was also an elephant in his previous birth (27).
11. Salibhadra - Salibhadra of Rajagṛha, whose treasures had been a cause of wonder of King Bimbisara, became an excellent monk in his life. He regularly practised fasts for one, two or even three months at a time. Once Mahavira came to Rajagṛha in the company of a large number of monks. Salibhadra was in the group. On the day they

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arrived, Salibhadra was to break his fast for a month. So, with his head bent low, he sought permission from Bhagavān Mahavira to move into the city to beg. Said Bhagavān Mahāvira.
"You go and receive food from your mother's hand".
Salibhadra came to his mother Bhadra. Bhadra was busy in her own business and did not pay attention to the monk. Other members of the household did not recognise him. Salibhadra returned empty-handed. On the way, he met a milk-maid who carried a pot of curds on her head. When she saw the monk, she felt a sponteneous affection for him. A spark of thrill ran through her body, and milk flowed out from her breasts. She requested the monk to accept some curd from her. The monk accepted it and returned to the shelter. After he had broken his fast, he made the following submission to Bhagavan Mahavira,
"Bhante ! You asked me to receive food from my mother's hand in order to break my fast. How is it that it did not materialis e"?
Said Bhagavān Mahāvira. "Salibhadra ! You have broken your fast with food received from your mother's hand. The milk-maid was your mother in the previous birth".
On the same day, with the permission of Bhagavān Mahāvira, Sălibhadra went up the Baibhāra hill and courted fast unto death. Meanwhile, Bhadra came to Mahavira's congregation. From Bhagavan Mahavira, she got a complete account about her son from the time he visited his former home in order to beg food to break his fast till now when he was on a fast unto death. The mother's feelings for her darling child are easier to imagine than state. At once, she rushed to the hill and went up. She was completely overwhelmed and shaken to see the ematiated frame of her son, now dedicated to death by a fast. She began to cry aloud. King Bimbisara spoke words, to console the mother's grief and took her back home.
Having discarded his mortal' frame, Salibhadra became a god in heaven. He had started the life on the pinacle of wealth and affluence; but when it closed, he was on the pinacle of restraint and renunciation.

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12. Skandaka He had been inducted from the order of parivrajaka monks into the monastic order of Mahavira. It is extremely noteworthy that, a highly accomplished mar as he was, he not only changed over to another order, but soon gained for himself a noteworthy position in the new order of his adaptation. We have it in the Agamas that monk Skandaka walked carefully, stopped carefully, sat carefully, slept carefully, ate carefully and spoke carefully. He practised restraint towards one-organ beings, two-to-five-organ beings, flora-bodies and static beings. Skandaka had courted the five precautions, was restrained in mind, in words and in body, was devoid of desires and of restlessness and was rooted in restraint. Skandaka mastered the 11 Angas under the guidance of the senior monks, and with the permission of Bhagavan Mahavira, performed a prolonged penance named guna -ratna -samvat - As a result of this severe penance, his body which was beautiful, well-proportioned and pleasant became rough, dry and emaciated. All his flesh was gone, and he was reduced to a mere skeleton with a cover of skin on it. When he moved, his bones rattled like a moving cart loaded with dry leaves or with charcoal. But he shone all the time due to brilliances acquired through severest penances (28).
sara.
What to speak of talking, Skandaka felt weak even when he desired to talk. Considering the state of his body, one day, he came to Bhagavan Mahavira and sought his permission for a fast unto death. Having obtained the necessary permission, and duly attended by fellow monks, he proceeded to Mount Vipula where he courted the fast as per rules. After fulfilling the fast for a month, he passed away to be born as a god in a heaven named Acyutakalpa. Among the monks around Bhagavan Mahavira, he held a very important position.
Among the nuns in Mahavira's order, Candanavala was indeed the leadingmost; but others deserving mention were Mrgavati, Devananda, Jayanti, Sudarsana and others.
Such is the briefs account of the monks and nuns who lived with and around the respective leaders of the two order, Mahavira and Buddha.

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Notes on Chapter Eleven
Bhagavati Sataka 14 Uddesaka 7. (2) Thānanga, Sutta 230; Samayayanga, Sama, 110.
According to the Kappa Sutta (Sutta 144), 700 monks and 1400 nuns were perfected.
Ariguttara Nikāya Atthakathā, 1-4-1. (5) Vinaya Pițaka, Cullavagga, Sangha-vedaka-khand
haka. (6) Samyutta Nikāya, Anāthapindikavagga, Susima Sutta.
Anguttara Nikaya, 1-14.
Vinaya Pitaka, Ibid. (9) Dhammapada Atthakathã, 4-44. (10) Majjhima Nikāya, Cūla-tanha-samkhaya Sutta. (11) Samyutta Nikaya, Mahāvagga, Rddhipāda, Samyutta
Prāsāda-kampana-vagga, Mauggalana Sutta. (12) Uvavaiya, Sutta 15. (13) Dhammapada Asthakatha, 10-7; Milinda-pannha,
Pari. 4, Varga 4, p. 229. (14) For detail, Chapter 18 at the end. (15) Anguttara Nikaya Atthakatha, 1-4-1. (16) Uvasaga-dasao, Adhyayana 1. (17) Agama and Tripitaka Vol.2. (18) Digha Nikāya, Mahāparinivvāņa Sutta. (19) Digha Nikāya Atthakatha, Mahāparinivāna Sutta.

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(20) Vinaya Pițaka, Cúllavagga, Pañcasatikā Khandfraka. (21) Vinaya Pitaka, Cúllavagga, Bhịkkhuni-Khandhaka. (22) Anguttara Nikaya, Ekeka-nipặta 14. (23) Uvaväiya, Sutta 15-16. - (24) Anuttarovavāi-dasao, Varga 3, Adhyayana 1.
(25) The story of Sundari Nanda in the Jaina tradition
bears resemblance with this Buddhist story. The only difference between the two stories is_that in the Jaina story, the brother-monks of Sundari Nanda showed him, by dint of their spiritual powers, a shemonkey, vidyadhari and a nymph in order to refix him in restraint, whereas in the Buddhist story, this is being done by the Buddha himself to reclaim his own cousine. Vide Avasyaka Sutta, Malayagiri Commentaries.
(26) Sutta-nipāta Atthakatha, p. 272;
Dhammapada Atthakathā, Part 1, pp. 96-105, Jataka 182; Theragatha 157; Dictionary of Pali Proper
Names, Vol. 1, pp. 10-11. (27) Sangamāyacara Jataka 182, (Hindi ed.) Vol. 2,
pp. 248-254.

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CHAPTER XII
LEADING FOLLOWERS (UPĀSAKAS)
Wending through the Āgamas and the Tripitakas, one comes across ample material about the followers and disciples of both Mahavira and Gautama Buddha. To signify these, both the orders have used a common term, śrama - nopasaka. Both Jainism and Buddhism were parts of a common cult called sramaņa, and the term śramanopāsaka reveals the common source of the two. Even the word śrāvaka has been used in both the traditions; but whereas in the Jaina tradition, a śrāvaka is a lay-follower, in the Buddhist tradition, it may be a monk as well as a follower, - e.g., bhikṣu-srāvaka upāsaka-svavaka (1).
Leading Jaina Upāsakas
The accounts about the leading followers are more organised and detailed in the Agamas than in the Tripitakas. Among the 11 Agamas in the Jaina tradition, the seventh one is devoted to the life-story of 10 leading sravakas. This apart, the Bhagavati and many other canonical texts have noticed innumerable followers, both male and female. The account of 10 srávakas in the Uvāsagada sao gives details of their conversion to the nir grantha faith, their families, their business, their riches and their cow herds. Each one of these 10 śrāvakas, it is stated, possessed 24, 00, 00, 000 gold coins and 80,000 cow-heads. The Buddhist follower Visakhā is stated to have even a much greater amount of wealth with her and she is stated to have spent 27, 00, 00, 000 gold coins in the construction of pūrvarām, a shelter for the use of the Buddhist monks. We further learn from the Tripitakas that the Buddhists followers, too, maintained large herds of cattle. The main traits of the Buddhist followers have been stated to be lavish outlay on the construction of shelters for the monks and on making offers of food, cloth. ing, etc., to the monks. In contrast, the principal traits of the Jaina followers have been the fulfilment of 12 vows, practice of equanimity, penances, etc. We have thrilling

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accounts of the disturbances created by gods (with wrong outlook) in the performance of spiritual practices by the followers. In consequence, some slipped from their path, while others held firm. The ten leading followers of whom account is given in the Uvasagadas ao are as follows:
1. Ananda from Vāņijyagrāma possessed 40,000
cows and 12 crores of gold coins.
2. Kāmadeva from Campā possessed 60,000 cows
and 18 crores of gold coins. 3. Culiņippiyā from Vārāṇasi possessed 80,000 cows
and 24 crores of gold coins. 4. Surādeva from Vārāṇasī possessed 60,000 cows
and 18 crores of gold coins.
5. Cullasataka from Alambhikā possessed 60,000 cows
and 18 crores of gold coins.
6. Kunda-kolika from Kāmpilyapura possessed 60,000
cows and. 18 crores of gold coins.
7. Sakaļāla-putra from Polās apura possessed 10,000
cows and 3 crores of gold coins.
8. Mahāśataka from Rājagrha possessed 80,000 cows
and 24 crores of gold coins.
9. Nandini-pitā from Srāvasti possessed 40,000 cows
and 12 crores of gold coins. 10. Sālihi-pită from Srāvasti possessed 40,000 cows
and 12 crores of gold coins.
Apart from these 10 leading followers, Bhagavān Mahā. vira had many others of whom the following are deserving of mention:
Sáňkha (2), Pokhalī (3), Sudarsanā (4), Sulasā (5), and Revati (6). It has been stated that Mahāvira had a total of 1, 59, 000 male followers and 3, 18,000 female

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followers (7). But it is not indicated what type of followers they were, i, e., whether they were ordinary followers of Mahavira or they practised the 12 vows prescribed by him.
Leading Buddhist Upāsakas
The foremost-among-the-foremost (etadagga-vagga) list of the Buddha accords place to the following leading followers (8):
1. Foremost among those who first sought refuge with
the Buddha were Tapassu and Bhalluka, both Kutumbika-geha from the city of Asitanjana.
2. Foremost among the donors was Grhapati Sudatta
Anāthapiņờika, son of Sresthi Sumana from Srāvasti in Kosala.
3. Foremost among the deliverers of spiritual discour
ses was Gyhapati Citra who was born in a Sreșthi family at Macchikāşanda in Magadha.
4. Foremost among those who supplied for essential
objects to the people at the congregation was Hastaka Alavaka, a prince from Alavi in Pancāla,
5. Foremost among the donors of excellent objects was
Mahanāma Sakya, a Ksatriya (elder brother of Anuruddha) from Kapilayas tu in Sakya country.
6. Foremost among the donors of dear (pleasing to
the mind) objects was Gyhapati Ugra who was born in a Sreșthi family at Vaisali in Vajji.
7. Foremost among the servants of the order was
Gyhapati Udgata who was born in a śreșthi family at Hastigrama in Vajji. -
8. Foremost among those with the most cheerful
disposition was Sūra Ambaşta who was born in a Sreşthi family at Srāvasti in Kosala.
9. Foremost among the self-delighted (i, e., one who
was made of pleasant matter) was Jivaka Kaumāra

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Bhrtya, born of Sātavalikā who was Abhayakumāra's concubine. He belonged to Rajagrha in Magadha.
10. Foremost among the most faithful was Gyhapati
Nakulapitā (father of Nakula) who was born in a Sreșthi family at Samsumāra Giri in Vagga.
The following is the list of upāsaka-sravikās (female followers) as given by the Buddha:
1. Foremost among those who first took refuge with
the Buddha was Sujätā, daughter of Senāni Kutum. bika from Uruvelā Senāni gräma in Magadha.
2. Foremost among the donors was Visakhā, mother
of Mrgāra, a Vaisya from Srāvasti in Kosala.
3. Foremost among the well-versed was Khujja
uttarā, daughter of the nurse of a Sreșthi named Ghosaka from Kaus'ambi in Vatsa.
4. Foremost among those who were most friendly
to the monastic order (maitri-vihāra) was Samavati, queen of King Udayana of Vatsa. She was the daughter of a Sresthi named Bhadravatika. 'Later, she became a foster-daughter of Sreşlhi Ghoşita from Kausāmbi in Vatsa. She belonged to the city of Bhadrikā in Bhadravati.
5. Foremost among the experts in meditation was
Uttara, mother of Nanda, who was the daughter of one Purnasinha, who worked under a Sresthi named Sumana. She belonged to Rajagrha in Magadha.
6. Foremost among the donors of the pranita objects
was Suprayasa, daughter of Koliya. She was the mother of Sivali, and she belonged to Kundiya in Sakya country.
7. Foremost among those who nursed the sick
monks was Supriya who was a Vaisya from Varanasi in Kasi.

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8. Foremost among those who had a pleasant dis
position was Kätyāyani, mother of Sopakuţikanna. She was a Vais ya from Kuraraghara in Avanti.
9. Foremost among the faithful was the mother of
Nakula, a housewife who belonged to Samsumaragiri in Vagga.
10. Foremost among the self-delighted was Kāli who
was born in a noble family at Rajagrha in Magadha and who was married at Kuraraghara in Avanti,
Some of the above followers, male as well as female have just been mentioned, while others have received a more detailed attention. Of these, Tapassuka and Bhalluka. made the offer of modaka and do dhi to the Buddha after his Enlightenment and were the first to take refuge with him. Both of them were travelling merchants, and both met the Buddha by sheer accident.
Householder Citra was an ideal follower of the Buddha and he was a discussing follower. He held discussions even with Nigantha Nataputta (Mahavira). Once he differed from a monk named Sudhamma. When Sudhamma appealed to the Buddha for arbitration, the latter said,
"Sudhamma ! You are at fault. You seek forgiveness from Citra".
This account bears resemblance with the one in which Mahavira said something very similar to Indrabhūti Gautama about Ananda (a lay follower).
When the final moments for householder Citra on this earth were drawing near, gods approached him with a request to be their Indra. They said,
"Sir, please decide to be our indra".
Citra said in reply,
"I do not entertain a desire for the ephemerals". (9)

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The Jaina Agama Bhagavati (10) contains a similar account about a tapasa monk Tamali who had courted a fast unto death and who was approached by the gods with a request to be their Indra; but Tamali thought that it was unwholesome and unprofitable to bargain with his penances and made no reply to the request made by the gods.
Jivaka Kumāra Bhrtya was the place physician to King Bimbisara. He was well-known to royal families and sresthi families even in far-off lands. He had exceptional skill in many surgical cases. In appointing him as his palace physician, King Bimbisara also assigned to him the duty of attending the Buddha and the monks of his order. Jivaka was the son of a well-known public woman of Rajagṛha named Salavati (11). As he was abandoned at his birth on a heap of rubbish, he was brought up later in the palace of (minister) Abhayakumara. He had his education at Taxila. Anguttara Nikaya Aṭṭhakatha, Vinaya Pitaka and many other Buddhist texts contain interesting accounts of the remarkable skill of this surgeon which he applied even on the person of the Buddha and many other distinguished people of that age.
In the Buddhist tradition, Jivaka Kumāra Bhṛtya was a very distinguished person of his time. It was he who had introduced Ajatasatru to the Buddha. The Jaina Agamas or Purāņas take no, note of him.
Ananda and Sulasa have, however, been taken to be the representative-most lay followers of the Jaina tradition, as Anathapindika and Visakha (mother of Mrgara) have been taken to be the representative-most lay followers of the Buddhist tradition. A brief account of each follows:
Ananda
Jitas'atru was the ruling monarch at Vanijyagrāma. To the north-eastern direction of the city, there was a garden named Dyutipalasa. In the same garden, there was a caitya which was dedicated to a spirit of the same name (i. e., Dyutipalasa). In fact, the garden took its name from him. Householder Ananda lived in the same city. The name of his wife was Sivananda. She was a very beautiful,

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a devoted wife and highly skilled in arts. So the conjugal life of Ananda was one of great happiness. Besides, he had a vast property. He had four crores of gold pieces in reserve, four crores lent out as loans, and four crores invested in business. To add to these, he possessed four herds of cattle each having 10,000 cows. He was therefore called an affluent person (mahardhika) because of his vast wealth and cattle herds.
Ananda was highly trusted and respected person of his city. Kings, princes, chief of the town police, frontier kings, village administrators, merchants, exporters, importers and many others consulted him and took advice from him on many matters, including confidential correspondences and deals.
In the north-eastern direction of Vanijyagrāma, there was a prosperous satellite town named Kollaga. A large number of friends and relatives of Ananda lived there. Once, wandering from village to village, Bhagavān Mahāvira came to Vanijyagrama. People assembled round him in a holy congregation. King Jitasatru himself and thousands of people of his kingdom came to pay their homage and obeisance to Bhagavān Mahāvira and derive inspiration from his words. There was an unusual enthusiasm in the city at his coming. Ananda also heard the happy news of the arrival of Bhagavān Mahävira and became delighted and pleased. He thought that it was profitable to see the Lord. So he decided to come and see Bhagayān Mahavira and worship him. He took his bath, put on clean clothes and ornaments, and then being surrounded by his men, he walked on foot through the heart of the city. The canopy held over his head was decorated with a garland of koranta flowers. Thus Ananda arrived at the Dyutipalāsa caitya where Mahāyira had camped. He moved round him thrice, paid his homage and obeisance and took his seat in the assembly. When the sermon was over, the people went away. Householder Ananda became exceedingly delighted and happy to hear the sermon. He submitted,
"Bhante ! I have devotion for the prescription of the nirgyanthas. I have faith in them, I have taste for them. These prescriptions are the same as they have been stated by you. You are very correct. I hold

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this religion in the highest esteem, in the greatest esteem. Bhante ! Many kings, princes, commanders, city guards, mandala chiefs, respectable persons, merchants, exporters and importers and many others have tonsured their heads and joined your order as monks by throwing out their wordly responsibilities. I am, howeyer, incapable to bear the hardships of a monk's life. So I intend to court the 12 vows of the lay followers".
In giving his approval to this submission by Ananda, Bhagavan Mahāvira spoke the following words,
"Ananda ! Do as it may suit your convenience, but delay not".
In courting the 12 vows of a lay follower, Ananda said,
"Bhante ! With two instruments and three modes, I give up injury to life, falsehood and acquisition of anything not duly bestowed on me. Except for the company of my own wife Sivānandā, I shall look on every other woman as my mother. I restrict my possession to 4 crores in hard cash, 4 crores in loans and 4 crores invested in business, and beyond this, I renounce all other possessions. I shall keep no more than four herds of cattle. On my farm, I shall have no more than 500 ploughs. I shall have 500 carts to go abroad and another 500 for local use, but not more than that. I shall have four vessels for overseas trade and four boats for inland trade, but no more than that. I discard the use of all clothes after bath except the use of a perfumed towel. I shall use nothing except madhu-yasti as my toothstick. I give up all fruits except ksirāmalaka. I renounce the use of all clothes except a pair of silk and of all ornaments except a ring with my name printed on it, and a pair of ear rings".
Whereon said Bhagavan Mahāvira as follows:
"Ananda ! A follower of the sramana path who has knowledge of fundamentals, like soul, non-soul, etc., and who strictly lives within his bounds, should also

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have knowledge about slips or transgressions, and in fulfilling his spiritual routine, he should carefully avoid them".
On a request from Ananda, Bhagavan Mahavira elaborated at length the various slips of transgressions. Thereon Ananda courted five anuvratas and seven sikṣavratas. In reciting one of these vows, he said,
"Bhante! From this day onward, I affirm that I shall not pay homage and obeisance to a heretic, to the gods of the heretics or to the arihantas (great souls) of the heretics. Unless addressed by them, I shall not talk to them, nor enter into discussion with them, nor consider them worthy of my offer of food, drink, dainties and delicacies. From the purview of this vow, however, the following will be excluded: the king, the sect, the strong, the pressure from the gods, the advice of the preceptor, an inclement situation as in a forest only, when I may make an offer of food, etc."
Expressing his firm devotion to religion, householder Ananda said,
"Bhante! I affirm that I shall offer pure and prescribed food, drink, dainties and delicacies, cloth, blanket, bowl, duster, back-plank, bed-plank, bed, wrapper, medicine and herbs to the nirgrantha monks"
Having courted the 12 vows of a lay follower, householder Ananda asked many questions and tried his best to get into the fundamentals of religion. Then he thrice moved round Bhagavan Mahavira, bowed before him and returned home. Being delighted beyond limit, he said as follows to his wife Sivananda:
"Today, I have heard about religion straight from the mouth of Bhagavan Mahavira. This is very good for me. This is very helpful to me. My dear! It is my sincere wish that you too go to him, pay him homage and obeisance, worship him and court from him five aṇuvratas and seven sikṣavratas which are meant to be practised by the householders".
1.7/

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Being thus directed by her husband, Sivānanda became very happy. She took her bath, put on clean clothes, decorated herself with light but costly ornaments, and then being surrounded by her maids, she sat on an excellent chariot and arrived at the caitya named Dyutipalasa in order to attend the congregation of Bhagavān Mahavira, She took her seat in the vast assembly and attentively listened the Lord's soul-stirring words and became thrilled at her heart. She accepted the 12 vows of the householder from Bhagavān Mahāvira and returned home.
Gandhara Gautama put the following question to Bhagavān Mahāyira,
"Bhante ! Is your disciple and follower (sy umano - pāsaka) Ananda fit to be initiated as a monk in the order"?
To this enquiry, Bhagavān Mahavira gave reply as follows:
"Gautama ! He is not. For many years to come, he will continue practising the vows of a householder, and then he will discard his mortal frame by a fast unto death and will be born in a vimana named Arunabha in Saudharma-kalpa with a life-span of four palyopamas".
Concentrating on the categories of soul and non-soul, Ananda and Sivananda lived happily on. They spent 14 years of their life in fulfilling silavratas, gunavratas, and practising formal renunciations, pausadha and fasts. The fifteenth year was now running. One night, during the second half, while Ananda was awake on a spiritual vigil, he took a decision as follows:
"I am a tower of strength to the king, the crown prince, the city guard, the city administrator and many others. About many of their affairs, they discuss with me. Being too busy and too much involved in their affairs, I have not been able to do full justice to the vows I accepted from Bhagavān Mahāvira. How fine it will be if at the dawn of the day, tomorrow, I invite my friends, relations and

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kins men, entertain them with food, drink, dainties and delicacies, hand over the charge of the household to my eldest son and settle myself in the pausadha room of the Jnatrs at Kollaga to fulfil the spiritual assignments I have taken from Bhagavān Mahavira".
At the next morning, he gave effect to his thought of the previous night. He invited his friends and relations at his house, and in the presence of these, he entrusted the responsibility of his household to his eldest son. Thereafter, he said,
"Henceforth I have decided to spend my life in total seclusion".
With the permission of his kinsmen, householder Ananda came to the pausadha room at Kollaga. He cleaned the room and he selected a place for passing urine and depositing his excreta. Then he spread darbha grass, sat on it and devoted himself to fulfilling the assignment for which he was committed to Mahavira,
Householder Ananda practised the 11 pratimās of a lay follower. He did so with his body, as per the sacred texts (sūtra), as per kalpa, as per the path (märga) and as per the fundamentals (tattva), and duly fulfilled them. By avoiding carefully the slips and transgressions, he became pure. Even after the time allotted to pausadha was over. he overstayed in his spiritual practices.
It was on account of performing the pr at imās and the austerities involved in them that Ananda became very lean and emaciated. His veins became prominent over the skin. One night, while he was practis ing a spiritual vigil, he had a thought in his mind which was as follows:
"Because of these spiritual practices, I have been reduced to mere skeleton. But still sheltered within me are endeavour, karma, strength, energy, exertion, power, devotion, patience and earnestness. So (when there's time), why don't I renounce food and drink for ever and court fast unto death. I think, that is good for me".

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He gave effect to his thought.
As he was on fast unto death, one day, because of his pious effort, pious outcome and gradually purifying tinges, karma which enshrouded Ananda's knowledge and exhausted, and he came to acquire a very extensive ayadhi knowledge because of which he could know and see in the north as far as the Himalayas, in the south, the east and the west over an expanse of 500 yojanas till the salt ocean, till the Saudharmakalpa, and underneath, till the dreary cells in the first hell.
In those days, Bhagavan Mahāvira arrived at Vāņijyagrāma. On that day, Indrabhūti Gautama had completed a two-day fast, and, with the permission of Bhagavān Mahāvira, he moved into the town to beg. There when he heard people talk about Ananda's fast unto death, he felt a keen desire to call on him. So he turned his steps in the direction of the pausadha room where Ananda was and arrived there. Ananda had become too weak to get up from his bed to receive such a distinguished caller. So from his bed, he expressed his homage and obeisance and touched Gautama's feet. Said Ananda to Bhagavān Gautama,
''Bhante ! Is it possible for aya dhi knowledge to be generated in a householder who is committed to fast unto death"?
Gautama - "Yes, it is quite possible".
Ananda - "Sir, I am glad to tell you that I have generated within me such knowledge which is widely extensive in all directions".
Gautama - "Ananda ! A householder, to my mind, cannot acquire so extensive an aya dhi knowledge. While you are on a fast unto death, I am afraid, false words have been uttered by you. So you should discuss and make atonement for them".
Ananda - "Respected sir! Under the spiritual governance of Mahāvira, is atonement to be practised for fals ehood or for truth"?

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Gautama - "Why, for falsehood, i am sure"!
Ananda - "Then, sir, I think, it is you who have to make atonement yourself, as you have indulged in a falsehood".
These firm words of Ananda gave a severe jerk to Gautama. Starting from there, he came straight to Bhagavan Mahāvira and narrated the whole conversation to him, whereon Bhagavan Mahāvira said,
"Gautama ! You have been wrong. You go to Ananda at once, and beg to be forgiven by him".
So Gautama came back to Ananda and said,
"Ananda ! I have it from Bhagavān Mahāvira that what you have said is correct. Please forgive me for starting a futile controversy".
Householder Ananda lived the life of a devoted follower for full 20 years. After his death, he was born in a vimāna named Aruņābha in Saudhar makalpa(12).
Sulasa
At Rājagrha, there lived a charioteer named Nāga. Sulasa was the name of his wife. Both Naga and Sulasa were the followers of the nirgrantha path. Being very devoted followers, they were known as dydha-dhar mi (firm-in-faith) or priya-dhar mi (in-love-with-faith). Their equanimity was pure and firm, and they sincerely fulfilled the vows of a lay follower. Sulasā was, however, more devoted of the two. They happily lived on performing spiritual exercises.
One day, Näga saw some boys who were at play in the courtyard of a merchant. These boys were tender, play. ful and lovely. The courtyard looked gay as they played. The scene created a delightful impression on the mind of Naga. Since that day, Naga often felt in his mind that a home without playful children in it was absolutely useless. But this was something beyond human control, and man was no free agent to fill his home with children, Naga was

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now keen to have at least a son, and all the time he was thinking how to fulfil this desire. For the fulfilment of this desire, he was henceforth very much after poppular gods, astrologers, priests and brāhmanas. When Sulasa came to know this, she said to her husband in very clear terms:
"Sir ! One gets a son, fame, wealth, etc., as per his past kar ma, In these matters, human effort and the grace of gods are no more than secondary aids. If one does not get a coveted object, it must surely be attribu ed to the obstructing karma. I do not understand how this can be done away with by the advice of the astrologers, by the grace of gods or by any other means. I think it is better for us that we devote a greater part of our time in making offers (of food, etc., to worthy monks), in improving conduct, in practising penances and other spiritual exercises. These may help us to loosen the fetters of the obstructing karia, and as a conquence, we may attain the coveted objects. But I am afraid, you cannot get a son from me. So I suggest that you take another wife".
Nāga - "But, my dear, if I am to have a son, it must be from you, and none else. I am not going to marry again".
Sulasā - "But that is just a matter of chance or, if I may say so, a piece of good luck. We should not be overjoyous when we have, as we should not feel morose when we have not. If we rise above such petty desires, we may surely attain our goal".
Nāga was somewhat reconciled at these wise words of his wife. Their life flowed on like this.
One day, a monk came to Sulasā's home. He begged to be given laksapāka oil which he needed for the use of an ailing monk. Sulasā became delighted to see a monk at her house to beg. At a hurried pace, she came to her room to get the oil. As she picked up the jar, it slipped accidentally from her hand. It fell on the ground and broke into pieces so that oil flowed on the floor. This

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happened for the second time and again for the third time, so that the whole supply of the medicated oil flowed on the ground. On an occasion like this, it is but very usual for the person concerned to be filled with rage and disgust; but Sulasā did not lose control by herself. With perfect peace in her mind, she came out and narrated the incident to the monk. The monk observed her very carefully and found her to be perfectly at ease. He found that inspite of her loss, which was in a sense due to the monk, she was as respectful to him as ever before. The monk now changed his guise and appeared before Sulasā in his original form as a god from heaven. Sulasā felt completely lost and did not know what to say or do. The very next moment, the god started.
"Worthy lady! In the assembly of gods, Sakra, our Indra, our king, spoke very highly of your great forbearance, Sakra intended to convey that you are so very firm in your e quanimity and so very sincere in the practice of the vows of a devoted follower that neither a god nor a demon, still less a human being, was capable to throw you out from your coveted path. These words of Sakra induced me to come down in order to see you. I appeared before you as a monk and it was by dint of my power that all the three jars slipped from your hand and broke into pieces. But I saw that despite so much loss, you did not lose control on self, nor be disrespectful of me in any way. I am very much impressed by your self control. I am more than convinced that Sakra, our Indra, did not exaggerate. I am very happy and I request you to ask for anything".
Sulasā smiled and said,
"Divine sir, I am in no dearth of money, property or respect from fellow men. But you know very well that I have a hankering for something which is a normal hankering of any woman, and the absence of which hurts her in life. But I am pretty certain that even this hankering of mine will be fulfilled at appropriate time".

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The god felt a profound respect for the lady. In order to share in her joy and grief, he said,
"My dear sister. You take these 32 pills. Take one at a time whenever you please, and these 32 pills will give you 32 sons. Thus your desire will be fulfilled. This apart, if you ever stand in need of any assistance from me, please do not forget to remember me".
Sulasā accepted the pills and the god disappeared.
Sulas a thought that 32 sons would be too many for her. To brighten a childless home, one meritorious son was enough. She felt that perhaps this purpose would be served if, instead of taking the pills one by one, she took all the 32 at a time, so that she would give birth to a son possessing all the (32) qualities. So she took all the pills at a time. After some time, (when the 32 pills turned into 32 embryos), she felt a severe pain in her abdomen. She became extremely restless and found no means of getting any relief. So at last, she remembered the god who appeared before her at once. When Sulasā had narrated all that she had done with the pills, the god said to her,
"Worthy lady ! You have committed the greatest mistake. Since you have taken 32 pills at a time, you have acquired 32 embryos. Now, the position is that at appropriate time, 32 sons will be born to you; but if perchance anyone of them dies, then, all the other 31 will follow him. This is inevitable.
Sulasā - "Divine sir ! Ultimately it is Destiny that is the final arbiter of a man's life. But I was wondering if you could do something with your divine power to relieve me of my present suffering".
The god took pity on her, and by the application of his divine power, he alleviated a good part of her suffering at that very instant. At suitable time, Sulasā gaye birth to 32 sons. All the 32 were identical in features and similar in behaviour. Their loveliness, brilliance and grace attracted everybody. Henceforth, the home of char

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ioteer Naga wore a cheerful look. When he looked at his sons, his heart leapt with joy. All the 32 sons grew up to their youth when they were married with 32 beautiful girls from respective families. The brothers and their wives lived together and worked together.
All of them got employed as the aide-de-camp to King Sreņika. They were experts in the art of welfare. Once when King Bimbisāra eloped with Celana, daughter of Cetaka, through an underground tunnel and was pursued by Ceṭaka, these 32 brothers prevented the latter to proceed any further. This enabled Srenika to return to his palace safely. After Srenika had escaped, there started a fierce battle between the two camps in which one of the aides of Sreņika lost his life, and at once the other 31 fell dead on the ground. In this manner, the 32 sons of Sulasā met with their end.
The simultaneous death of all her sons was the severest blow that Sulasã received in her life. Although she was a pious woman, she was overwhelmed with grief. No less a person than chief minister Abhaykumara came to console her. Sulasa recollected herself and devoted herself to pious meditation.
While wandering from village to village, Bhagavan Mahavira once came to the city of Campa. A congregation was organised outside the city. People assembled to pay their homage and obeisance and listen the inspiring words of the Lord. A follower (śrävaka) named Ambada from Rajagṛha had also come for the same purpose. Ambada was in command of magical powers (vidyas) by dint of which he could change his form. When the sermon was over, he submitted to Bhagavan Mahavira.
"Bhante! My life has been worth living to attend thy sermons. My plans are to depart for Rajagṛha today. May I do anything for you"!
Bhagavan Mahāvīra - "At Rājagṛha, I have a very devoted follower named Sulasa. She is very firm in her devotion to religion. So much devotion in a lay follower is very rare. Look her up if you can".

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These words of praise about Sulasa uttered by no less a person than Bhagavan Mahavira made people think that she must be a highly meritorious and fortunate lady about whom the Lord spoke so eloquently. But Ambaḍa had a different thought in his mind. He became inquisitive about the special qualities of Sulasa and he decided that he must hold a test. So guised as a 'parivrājaka monk, he came to Sulasa's house and said to her,
"Pious lady! Give me some food. In doing so, you will acquire great merit".
Sulasa- "Sir! I know well what offer earns merit and what offer is just a matter of course".
The monk went away. He started wonderful penances and in padmasana posture, he remained pending in the sky. It was a wonderful feat. Thousands of people were attracted to see it. Thousands came from far-off districts and they spoke eloquently about the great powers of the monk. Sulasa heard all about him, but she felt no curiosity to see, nor did she make any inquisitive enquiry about him. People invited the monk to receive food at their homes, but the monk declined to everyone. This surprised the people all the more. They asked him wherefrom would he receive his food. The monk's instant reply was,
"From Sulasa".
People at once turned their steps towards Sulasa's home. Within a short time, a vast crowd had assembled there. The people brought her the good news that the exceptional monk had chosen her for receiving his food. They said,
"This great monk has expressed a desire to receive tood from your hands even though you have not extended any invitation to him. Now, we think, you should come forward and make a formal request to him to receive food. You are such a lucky woman".
But a curt reply from Sulasa disheartened them all. She said,

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"Well, you may cali him great, but I attach no value to his feats. They are all a sham".
People were surprised to hear these words from the mouth of so pious a lady as Sulasā. They came back to the monk and reported to nim, Ambada had now no doubt that Sulasā possessed excellent right outlook and she did not revere anyone who was not an ar ihanta or a nir grantha. He was convinced that no power on earth was capable to disturb her in her faith. Ambada now changed his guise and came to Sulasā's home as a nirgrantha monk. He had not merely copied the external form of such a monk, but also evinced his sensibility. When Sulasă saw the monk, she bowed before him and expressed her profound regard for him. Now, Ambada stood before her in his real form and conveyed to Sulasā verbatim what Bhagavān Mahavira had said about her. On his own behalf, too, he expressed a deep admiration for her and praised her steadfastness in religious matters. (13)
Because of her great qualities, Sulasā acquired kar ma that imparts to one the name and lineage of a l'irthankara. Among the forthcoming group of 24 Tirthankar a (in the following up-phase of the time-cycle), she would be born as the fifteenth Túrthankara named Nirmana. (14)
Anāthapiņdika - Anathapindika Sudatta was a householder who lived in the city of Srāvasti. He was the son of a Sreșthi named Sumana and brother-in-law (sister's husband) of another Sreșthi named Rājagrhaka. Once he came to Rājagrha on business. At that time, Bhagavān Buddha was staying at Sita-vana outside the city. Anāthapindika had heard that the Buddha had already been born in the world, and he had an ardent desire to meet him if he could. It was such a happy co-incidence that brother Raja. grhaka (with whom Anäthapindika was staying as a guest), had invited the Buddha with all his monks to receive food from his house on the following day. So he directed all his men and slaves to cook some gruel, rice and soup in time. (As all these preparations were going on), Anāthapindika thought in his mind,
'Usually when I come here, my brother-in-law is all attention to me; but to-day, he appears to be somewhat

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disturbed in his mind, and busy giving orders to his men and slaves to prepare food. I wonder if there is some wedding at the house, or some great sacrifice, or if Sreņika, the King of Magadha, is coming to his house with all his men to dine'.
When at last Sreşihi Rajagrhaka found time to come to him and welcome him to his house, Anāthapingika enquired about the special occasion for which all his men were so very busy. Said the Sreșthi,
"'There is no wedding in the house, nor any sacrifice. I have not even invited Srenika, the, King of Maga dha, to dinner. But I have invited Bhagavan Buddha with all his monks to come and receive food at my house".
Anāthapiņờika felt a pleasant surprise when he heard these words, Said he,
"What did you say, the Buddha"!
And as if mechanically, he repeated this thrice. The Sreșthi said,
"You are right. The Buddha is coming to my house".
“Anāthapiņdika - "It's a rare chance even to hear the word 'Buddha' being mentioned. (I am so fortunate that I shall have a chance to meet him). May I go at once to - see the duly Enlightened, the Bhagavān, the Arhat".!
Sreşthi - "No, this is no appropriate time to see him".
Anathapindika somehow passed the night. During the night, he got up thrice and intended to go, but in the prevailing stillness, he could not gather necessary courage to step out. But he could neither remain in bed, (so great was his uneasiness), and got up pretty early. He started to see the Buddha. But when he arrived at the city gate, it was not yet open. But the gods came to his aid and the gate was opened. Anathapindika came out of the city. After he had gone some distance, the city lights came to an end and it was all pitchy dark. Anātha

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pindika was simultaneously shocked, alarmed and thilled. His legs, refused to carry him further. A spirit (yakşa) named Sivaka gave him inspiration from the sky:
"Go on, Grhapati; move fast. It is good for you to step forward, not backward".
Suddenly, the veil of darkness was lifted up and the way became visible. His fear, shock and thrill were gone. Anāthapiņdika moved forward with confidence. But he was swallowed by darkness again, and he felt alarmed. He lost courage to move up. He had this experience thrice, but on each occasion, an invisible voice from above continued to inspire and direct him. Anathapindika gathered courage on each occasion and moved further on. At last, he was within sight of Sita-yana. At that early hour of the morning, the Buddha was having his usual constitutional in the fresh air of the morning. When he saw Anāthapindika at a distance coming towards him, he went back from the place where he was pacing and took his seat to receive the guest. Addressing Anathapindika, the Buddha said,
"Sudatta! I welcome thee".
Being thus welcomes by the mention of his name, Anathapindika became immensely overwhelmed. He reach. ed near the Buddha and fell at his feet. He enquired about his welfare and said,
"Bhante ! May I hope that you had a nice sleep at night".
- 'Thank you for the expression of a fine sentiment. But you know that one who has attained nirvāna always enjoys a nice sleep at night".
And at once the Buddha started his inspiring sermon for Anāthapindika. Just as a clean and dirt-free cloth tak es any hue, so, while seated on the cushion, Anāthapindika became free from sin, and his pure spiritual eye opened as he listened the sermon from the Buddha. When in this manner Anāthapindika acquired the fundamentals of religion and became free from all doubts, he prayed for his own admission into the Buddha's order. Submitted he,

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"Bhante! It's wonderful. As a thing turned upside down is put back in its right posture, as a covered think is uncovered, as one who has missed his path is restored to the right track, as an oil-lamp shows the way in the midst of darkness so that one may see with his own eyes, so, Bhante, you have given the Law (dharma) in diverse ways. I take shelter unto the Buddha. I take shelter unto the Dharma. I take shelter into the Sangha. From this day, please count me as one come to thy succour with folded hands, and for to-morrow,please accept invitation to receive food with thy monks from me".
The Buddha conveyed his assent through silence. Anathapindika bowed and returned home.
When Sresthi Rajagṛhaka heard that the Buddha had been invited by Anathapindika on his own behalf, he hurried to Anathapindika and said to him.
"Grhapati! You are my guest. So please let me bear the cost of serving food to the Buddha and his monks, and you supervise over the management".
Anāthapindika
"Please allow me to avail this chance of serving food to the Buddha and his monks. hope, you agree".
I
When the Naigama (which is a higher position than that of a Sresthi) of Rajagṛha heard this, he offered to bear the cost himself; but Anathapindika declined the offer again.
Thus Grhapati Anathapindika arranged to receive the Buddha and his monks at the residence of Sresthi Rajagṛhaka. A party was sent to bring the Buddha to the Gṛhapati's house. In the forenoon, the Buddha came duly covered, with the begging bowl and cloth in his hand, to the residence of Gṛhapati Rajagṛhaka. He sat on the cushion already spread for him. Anathapindika served him food with his own hands. After the Buddha had dined, Gṛhapati Anathapindika sat near him and submitted,
"Bhante! I invite you with your monks to spend the next monsoon at Sravasti".

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The Buddha - "Gịhapati! The Tathāgata stays only in vacant homes".
The Grhapati - "Bhante ! I understand what you mean. Sugata ! I understand what you mean".
Grhapati Anāthapindika had many friends at Rajagrha. After he had finished his business in the city, he started for Sravasti. In all the way-side villages he stopped and said as follows to the villagers,
"Aryas ! Build up shelters at every yojana. Erect vihāras. The Buddha has been born in the world. I have invited him to come to Srāvasti. He will come by this route".
Those people, who could so afford, built up shelters and vihāras at their own cost. For those who did not have the necessary wherewithal, the finance was provided by Anathapindika(15). At the inspiration and leadership provided by him, all the villages between Rajagrha and Srāvasti was duly provided with shelters and vihāras.
Having reached Srāvasti, Anāthapiņdika looked for a place all over which would be suitable for the construction of a shelter for the monks. The place must be neither too near nor too far from the city. It should be easily accessible to the people who would come to see the Buddha. It should not be too much crowded during the day, nor too much noisy at night, fairly secluded, so that it might be a good place for purposes of meditation. For this purpose, he selected a garden belonging to Prince Jeta; for, this appeared to him most suitable in all respects. So he came to the prince and said,
"Noble sir ! Please give me your garden wherein I intend to construct a shelter for the monks".
Prince Jeta - "Gyhapati ! I can't sell it even for a crore".
Anāthapiņņika - "Noble sir ! I have already bought
ît".
Prince Jeta - "No, Grhapati, you have not",

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They referred the matter to the Justice who ruled,
"Since a price has been quoted, it has been acquired".
Anāthapin dika ordered to be brought cart-loads of gold coins which were to be used to cover the entire garden (in fact, this was the price he had agreed to give for Jetavana). In this manner, one vault containing 18 cores was exhausted(16). There was only a small place near the entrance which remained uncovered. Anāthapindika ordered more coins to be brought to cover this vacant spot. All of a sudden, the Prince thought,
"This fellow appears to be layish in spending so much gold on this project . Surely there must be something especially important in this, Why do I not join with him"?
So he said to Anāthapiņdika,
"Grhapati ! Leave this portion uncovered. You needn't pay for this. Let this be my contribution to your project".
Anāthapindika had a different thought in his mind: Prince Jeta is a respectful person. It's good that he feels attracted to my project.
So he left the portion uncovered, and the prince constructed a big hall on it. Anāthapindika constructed a 'vihāra at Jetavana which had a reading room for the monks, residential rooms, assembly halls, rooms for boiling water, stores, latrines, urinals, cankramana altar, caňkramana rooms, propa, p rapa,rooms, bathrooms, tanks, mandapas, etc. (17). Thus he spent 8 crores in building a vihara which stood on a plot 8 kroşas in area(18).
Wandering through Vaisāli and many other places in his cãrikā mission, Bhagavān Buddha came to Srāvasti. He stayed at the newly constructed vihāra at Jetavana. Anathapindika felt immensely obliged. He bowed before the Buddha and sat on one side. He invited the entire group of monks to dinner on the following day. The Buddha communicated his assent through silence. From early in the mor

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ning, Anāthapiņdika made elaborate preparations for the cooking of food. At the appropriate hour, the Buddha arrived with his monks, Anathapindika served food with his own hands. When, after dinner, the Buddha-sat, Anathapindika made a humble submission:
"Bhante ! What should I do about Jetavana"?
The Buddha said,
"You dedicate it for the use of the monks, present as well as future, coming from anyone of the four directions".
Anāthapindika accepted the Buddha's suggestion and dedicated it at once for the use of the monks, present as well as future, coming from anyone of the four directions. The Buddha gave his approval to the gift made by Anāthapiņdika and departed(19).
After this, the Buddha paid frequent visits to Srāvasti and he mostly stayed at the vihāra in Jeta vana. It was from this place that he propounded many rules for his Sangha.
When his life on this earth was about to come to a close, Anathapiņdika became ill. He sent the following message to the Buddha:
'I am ill. I send my homage and obeisance from here. Please accept them'.
To Sāriputta he sent the following message:
"Be good enough to come so that I may bow before thee".
Sāriputta came to his house with Ananda. Anāthapindika was completely bed-ridden with several complications. Säriputta spoke to him of the utility of restraining one's organs of senses and also on the utility of detachment. With an exuberance of emotion, Anāthapindika began to cry. He said,

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"Bhante ! All through my life, I have heard many things from the Great Leader; but the words you spoke to day stand unique and without parallel".
Sāriputta went away.
Anāthapiņdika died and was born in a heaven named Tuşitakāya. From his abo de-in heaven, he came down to Jetavana to pay his homage and obeisance to his spiritual guide(20).
The coming of Sariputta at the house of Anathapindika before his death has a close resemblance with the coming of Indrabhūti Gautama to see srāyaka Ananda before he passed away.
Visakhā, Mother of Mrgāra
Visākhā was born at the city of Bhaddiyā in Angadesa. "Gyhapati Mendaka was her grand-father, Dhanajaya was her father and Sumanā was her mother. With Jotiya, Jatila, Punnaka and Kākabaliya, Mendaka ranked among the 'big five'most affluent and most fortunate people of the time. All the five lived in the empire of Srenika Bimbisāra, the ruler of Magadha. Each one of these, again, had a family of five, and all of them were endowed with divine powers. In the family of Gyhapati Mendaka, these five were Mendaka himself, his wife Candrapadmā, his eldest son Dhananjaya, Dhananjaya's wife whose name was Sumana and their attendant named Purana. All these five had very pious souls (21).
(The divine powers enjoyed by them were as follows). When, after taking his bath, Grhapati Mendaka had his granneries cleaned and he sat at their doors, grains were showered from the sky, and his granneries were filled up with these grains. His wife Candrapadma was capable to feed up any number of her servants, slaves and workers out of a bowl of rice and soup, and till' she got up from her seat, these would not be exhausted. The special capacity enjoyed by Dhananjaya was that he placed a thousand coins in his purse, and with these he could settle the pay of all his servants, slaves and workers for six months. Daughter-in-law Sumană enjoyed the special capacity to

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offer grains sufficient for six months to any number of servants, slaves and workers out of a jar where initially she had placed only four dronas of grains, and till she got up from her seat, the jar was never empty. The special capacity of Puraṇa, the attending slave, was that he could furrow seven lines with a single plough.
When Srenika Bimbisāra, the ruler of Magadha, heard about the special capacities of Grhapati Mendaka and of other members of his family, he sent one of his most efficient ministers to gather complete information about them. The minister came to Mendaka's house, saw with his own eyes these exceptional gifts of all the five persons and submitted his report to the king (22).
Once the Buddha came to Bhaddiya. When Gṛhapati Mendaka heard the news, he asked Visakhā to arrange a suitable reception for him and his monks. Visakha started with 500 girls from her family and 500 maids on 500 chariots. As far as the chariots could go, they rode on them, and thereafter they covered the remaining distance on foot and at last they came to the Great Leader. They saluted the Buddha and stood on one side. The Buddha gave a sermon for them and they had their pure, spiritual eye opened. Even Sresthi Mendaka came to the Buddha, heard his sermon and acquired a similar state. For the following day, Mendaka invited the Buddha and his monks to receive food at his house. He entertained the Buddha and his monks with excellent dishes. This he continued to practise for full eight months because of which he acquired the merit of a 'great offer! (mahādāna). Having spent his time happily at Bhaddiya, the Buddha departed.
King Bimbisara and King Prasenajit of Kosala were brothers-in-law. Once King Prasenajit of Kosala thought,
"King Bimbisara is very lucky to have the 'big five' within his realm, but I do not have a single person equal to them in my kingdom. I think, I should request King Bimbisara to send one of them to me.
11
With this end in mind, King Prasenajit arrived at Rajagṛha. Bimbisāra received him very cordially, and asked him about the purpose which had brought him to his

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city. After Prasenajit had explained his purpose, Bimbisara said,
"How can I ask anyone of them to go and settle in your kingdom? They are after all free agents".
Prasenajit - 'But I am not moving out from here till my purpose is fulfilled".
Bimbis ara held consultation with his minister who gave advice as follows:
''To ask any one of the big five to go is as difficult as to shake the earth. So it is not worth trying. A comparatively easier job may be to induce Dhananjaya, son of Mendake, to migrate, and if he agrees, that will be equally good".
Bimbisāra sent for Dhananjaya. When Dhananjaya came, he said to him,
"'The King of Kos'ala has come to invite you to the position of a Sreşthi in his kingdom. The offer is open. Are you agreeable to it"?
Very humbly did Dhananjaya submit,
"Your Majesty! If that be your pleasure, I must abide by it".
The king became very happy to hear this reply. He said,
"Very nice. Then you get ready to go".
Dhananjaya made necessary preparations, and came back ready to depart. Bimbisāra welcomed him and handed him over to Pras enajit as a gift unto him. The King of Kos'ala was very much delighted and obliged to receive him, and taking Dhananjaya with him, he started for his own capital Srāvasti. Having spent a night on the way, they were now in the vicinity of the capital which was no more than seven yojanas from that place. Dhananjaya said to the king,

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"Sir! Whose kingdom is this"?
Prasenajit - "This is mine". Dhananjaya - "How far is Srāvastī from here"? Prasenajit - 'Only seven yojanas ".
Dhananjaya - "Sir! If you kindly permit me to submit, the big cities are usually very congested places. I maintain a fairly large household. So if you kindly permit, I would like to settle at this place".
The king agreed. A township came up there within a short time. The king bestowed that town and 14 other villages on Dhananjaya. As Dhananjaya had spent a night (sayan, there in the company of the king, his town came to be called Sāketa (23).
At Strāvasti, there lived a śreșthi named Mrgāra. He had a son named Pūrņavardhana. When he grew up to - his youth, preparations were made for setting him in marr: iage. Sresthi Mrgăra sent out matchmakers in all directions in the capital to look for a suitable bride for his son, but they did not find a suitable girl in the whole of Srāvasti whom Mrgāra could accept as his daughter-inlaw. So the matchmakers came to Saketa. Visakhā was at that time celebrating a festival in the company of 500 girls on the bank of a big tank. These matchmakers who had passed through the lanes and bylanes of Sāketa but did not find a suitable girl came out of the city and held consultations about their next plan. Suddenly there started a heavy shower. Five hundred girls who accompanied Visākhā were in a great confusion. They ran towards a shed at the speed they could command and took shelter therein. Standing at a short distance, the matchmakers observed all these girls, but none was suitable for their purpose. Visakhā was the last to reach the shed and she came at a gentle pace. When the matchmakers saw her, they were at once impressed by her gaiety and grace. But they thought that in the selection of a bride, physical grace should not be the only consideration, and that a still more important thing was to make sure that the girl was sweet tongued. So with a view to open conversation with her, they said,

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"Mother! Are you sufficiently old"?
Visākhā - "Sir !
Why do you ask such a question"?
The men - "We observed that your companions hurriedly took shelter under the shed in order to save themselves from the shower, but you came walking very slowly, like an aged woman, without caring so much for your s sari which has been spoiled. Will you move in the same manner if you are chased by a horse or an elephant"?
There was softness in Visakha's voice. She said, A young
"Sir! Sari is not very important for me. girl is, so to say, a vendible ware. If she fractures a limb, she is useless. People start hating her, and nobody wants to marry her. This is why I walk carefully and at a gentle pace".
The people were deeply impressed at these words. They saw that the girl was not only beautiful, but also very considerate and sweet-tongued. Whatever words she spoke, she did so after great consideration. They rolled a garland and threw it over her head. Instantaneously, Visakha felt that while a moment ago, she belonged to no one, now she had been taken over. Out of bashfulness, she sat down on the ground. Later, surrounded by her companions, she returned to her home.
The matchmakers came to Dhananjaya's house and introduced themselves. When Dhananjaya asked about the cause of their coming, they said,
"Sir! Our master Sresthi Mrgara has a son whose name is Purņavardhana. He is an excellent young man, with fine health, physical grace and merits. If your daughter is united with him in marriage, then, we think, that will be ideal for both".
To this, Dhananjaya made the following reply,
"Your master is somewhat inferior to me in wealth, but in lineage, we are about equals. It is difficult to find one who is equal in all respects. So, I think, your proposal is good, and I welcome it. vey my consent to your master.".
You con

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Sreşthi Mrgāra's men hurried back and gave the good news to him, adding in the end,
"Visakhā. daughter of Sresthi Dhananjaya, who lives,at Saketa, will make a good bride for our boy".
gāra became highly pleased to hear this. He felt honoured to think that he would be able to establish a connection with such a noble family. At once, he scribbled a letter addressed to Dhananjaya which was as follows:
"I am starting to receive your daughter as bride for my son. Please make necessary preparations".
Dhananjaya sent the following reply,
"There will be no difficulty at this end. You go ahead with your own preparations".
Sreșthi Mpgāra came to the King of Kośala and submitted,
"Your Majesty! I have a wedding at my house. Sreşthi Dhananjaya will settle his daughter Visākahā in marriage with my son Purna yardhana, So please permit me to go to Saketa".
In giving his permission, the king said,
"Do you invite me also to go with the party"?
Mrgara - "Your Majesty! I would deem it to be a great good-luck for me".
The King - "I shall also go. Dhananjaya of very noble descent will be happy to receive me".
King Prasenajit came to Säketa in the big marriage party of Sreşthi Mrgāra. Dhananjaya welcomed the two great guests, the king and the sreşthi; with great warmth. Suitable arrangements were made for their stay and enormous supplies of garlands, perfumes, robes, etc., were

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arranged. Everyone had a feeling as if he was receiving personal attention from Dhananjaya himself. The party had already been there for a number of days, and there was yet no preparation in sight to see the party off. So, one day, the king sent the following note to Dhananjaya;
"We do not want to stay permanently as your guests. So fix a suitable date when you may let us depart and bid farewell to your daughter".
Dhananjaya's reply followed immediately:
"The rainy season has already started. So you cannot go for four months. Whatever you may need, please send me your orders. You can depart only after I send you my consent".
At Säketa, there was festivity everyday. Three months passed in this manner. A costly ornament named mahālatā for the use of Vis'ākhā was not yet ready,
One day, the cooks came to Sreşthi Dhananjaya and said, "Sir! We have everything else in plenty, but we are running short of fuel for cooking".
The Sreșthi ordered at once,
"Take out the big poles from the elephant-stables, horse-stables, cow-Sheds, and use them all as fuel".
This was done; but they were used up in a fortnight's time, and again there was the same difficulty. When the matter was brought to the notice of the Sreşthi, he said,
"At this time, it is difficult to get fuel in the market. So open the go downs where cloth is in stock. Roll cloth into thich wicks, moist them in oil, burn them and use them as fuel".
At last, the four months of the rainy season were over. The mahalata for the use of Visakhã was also ready by that time, Now, Dhananjaya decided to let his daughter go to her new home. He invited her near him and imparted

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to her ten instructions which, he said, she would be welladvised to follow in her new career. These were:
Do not take fire out from inside the home.
Do not take fire into the home from outside.
Give to those who are worthy.
4.
Do not give to those who are not worthy.
Give to both who can or cannot return.
6.
Sit comfortably.
Eat comfortably.
Lie (sleep) comfortably.
Behave as you would towards fire.
Bow before family deities:
When Dhananjaya was imparting the above advice to his daughter, Sreşthi Mrgāra overheard it from outside.
At the time of departure of the marriage party, Dhananjaya invited all the people to come and assemble. Then in the presence of all, he handed over the charge of his daughter to eight elders saying,
"If in her new home my daughter errs in any way, please correct her".
Dhananjaya decorated his daughter with the most precious mahālată which had cost him nine crores, Besides, he bestowed on her a profuse dowry. They took in all 5500 trucks to carry. Treasures, ornaments, gold, silver, copper and utensils were each loaded on 500 trucks. Similarly, ghee, rice and paddy were each loaded on 500 trucks. Fifteen hundred trucks were loaded with farm products. There were 500 excellent chariots with three maids in each. There were as many milch cows as could stand on a plot 3/4 găbuta by 8 yasti. When these started

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moving towards Srāvasti, other cattle-heads belonging to Dhananjaya numbering 60, 000 oxen and 60, 000 cows left their sheds and followed them.
Dhananjaya had 14 villages under him. When Višākhā was to depart, people from all the villages became very sorry. Dhananjaya gave the following orders,
"If anyone wanted to go with Visakha and settle in her city he is given leave to do so".
Visakha was popular with all her people. As soon as the people heard this announcement, all of them moved out and the villages were virtually depopulated. This became a source of great anxiety for Sreşthi Mrgara who was worried about the cost of maintenance of such a large population. He requested them all to return to their homes.
Starting from her parental home, Visakhā and her party arrived at the city gate of Srāvasti. Suddenly she thought whether she should enter into the city in a covered vehicle or whether she should stand in an open chariot. For, if she entered into the city in a covered vehicle, the people would not get a chance of seeing her precicus mahalatā ornament. So she entered into the city in an open chariot. The people of Srāvasti witnessed with their own eyes the grace and affluence on Visakhā's person and lauded her and welcomed her with their finest expressions. People who had gone out with the marriage party had reason to be particularly happy at the grand reception and hospitality they had received from Sreşthi Dhananjaya, and they bestowed many gifts on Visakhā. She distributed them to people in all walks of life.
During Visakha's first night at her new home, a mare in the stable had a severe labour pain. When Visakha heard this, she went out from her chamber. She was attended by her maids who carried torches in their hands. The mare was given a hot bath and oil was rubbed on her body. After she was safely delivered, Visakhā returned to her chamber.
The marriage festivity lasted for a whole week. Sreşthi Mrgāra was a follower of the nirgranthas. To

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mark the last day of the festivity, the Sreşthi invited many nirgy antha monks to his house to the utter exclusion of the Buddhist monks. The. Sresthi sent a message for Visakhā,
"The Arhats have come to our house. So come and bow before them". "
Višākhã was an inspired Arya s'rāvikā. When she heard that the whats had come, she became very happy. She took no time to get ready and appear before the monks to pay her obeisance. But when she saw so many nude monks at a time, she felt a severe reaction from within her, and the following words spontaneously dropped from her lips,
"Do arhats look like these? Why did my father-inlaw ask me to come in the presence of these shameless sr amaņas? What a shame"!
Visakha's behaviour gave affront to the nude monks. They lodged a strong protest against her with Sresthi Mrgara. Said they,
"Couldn't you get a better bride for your son? Why did you bring to your home a worthless follower of Sramaņa Gautama ? Get rid of her as early as you can".
Sreşthi Mrgāra was between the horns of a dilemma. Thought he,
'Visākhā comes of a good family. She cannot be driven out like this at the bidding of the monks. But if I do not do something in the matter, the rage of the monks will not be pacified'.
He begged the monks to forgive him and saw them off. After the monks were gone, he sat down to eat. He started eating Sweet khir with a golden spoon from a golden saucér. The khir was boiled in milk to which no water was added. Just then an elderly monk who was out on a begging mission arrived at the Sresthi's door. Visakha saw him but did not consider it fit to announce him to her father-in-law. So

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she moved a little aside so that it would be possible for the Sreşthi to see the monk himself. But the foolish Sreşthi did not care to respond. With his face bent low, he remained deeply absorbed in eating. When Visakha saw that her father-in-law was perfectly unmindful to the monk's presence at the door, she could no longer check herself. She shouted to the monk,
"Bhante ! Better try your luck elsewhere. My father-in-law is subsisting on a cold stuff saved from the previous day":
The Sresthi's temper was already ruffled by Visakha's behaviour towards nude monks. But when he heard her say that her father-in-law was subsisting on a cold stuff saved from the previous day, he lost all control on himself. He withdrew his hand from the food and said to an attendant boy,
"Take away this saucer and ask Visakhā to leave my home at once. In such a pious home, she calls me to be an eater of impure food",
The servants of the Sreşthi's house were very much obliged to Visakhă. They held her in the greatest esteem. So what to speak of turning her out from the house, none dared to utter an undignified word in her presence. To her father-in-law, Visakhā said,
"Sir ! I am not to be turned out like this. I did not join this house as a water-maid. When my parents are alive, you cannot behave towards a daughter-inlaw in this manner. The day I was seen off by my father, he handed over my charge to eight elders. They must be called in to rectify my mistake, if any".
Sreşthi Mrgāra assembled the elders, and in great excitement, he narrated the account. The elders wanted Visakha to defend herself. Visākhā said,
"May be my father-in-law intends to be an eater of impure food, but I made no such attribution to him. A elderly monk who was out on a begging mission

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stood at our door. The Sresthi did not care to observe him, still less to receive him, but remained busy with his food. When I saw this, I said to the monk, 'Bhante! My father-in-law is not keen to earn fresh merit in this body; he wants to live on his past acquisitions'. Please tell me, considering the situation, if I committed a crime in saying like this".
405
The elders found Visakha innocent on this count. They said, "This is no crime. Our daughter has pointed at a right thing".
Changing the topic, the Śreṣṭhi came out,
"During her first night at my house, this girl, without caring for my son, went out, I know not where. Was it worthy of a freshly wed bride"?
The elders turned to Visakha to receive her explanation about the charge. Visakhā said,
"I did not go to any undesirable place. In this very house, a mare was suffering acutely from labour pain which I could not just overlook. So with torches and with attendant maids, I went to the stable to help the mare to deliver safely".
On hearing this, the elders gave the following verdict,
"Arya! Our daughter served as a midwife to your mare which, we suppose, not even the maid-servants in your household would attend. We see nothing wrong in this".
But Sresthi Mrgara was blind with rage. He said,
"In your view, gentlemen, this has been an act of merit, But let me cite another instance. When she was to depart from her father's home, her father said to her, 'Do not take fire out from inside the home'. When there are good neighbours on both the flanks of our home, is it honestly possible to practise this precept"?.

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The elders now turned to Visakhā who explained,
"My father-in-law has misunderstood the whole meaning. What my father intended to convey is that one should not discuss the affairs of the family with servants and maids. For, that may start a quarrel in her family. This is what he intended to convey through this aphorism".--
As śreșthi Mrgāra was fast losing his ground, he repeated one after another all the words that Sresthi Dhananjaya had given to his daughter at the time of her departure, He said,
"She may be innocent about the first aphorism; but what about the second ? Her father had said to her, 'Do not take fire from outside into the home'. Please tell me if such a maxim is practicable in life. When the fire in the home is extinguished, can you stick to this advice"?
Visakhā explained,
"My father did not mean that. He intended to convey that the lapses, shortcomings and errors of servants, and maids, as they come to one's notice, should not be discussed with other members of the family. For, in that case, they would lose faith in the servants".
śreşthi Mrgāra shouted, "But her father said so many other things. What did he mean? I want a complete explanation".
Visakhā started explaining,
"My father said, 'Give to those who are worthy; do not give to those who are not worthy'. These words were directed to beggars. Next he said, 'Give to both who are capable and incapable to make a return'. You see, even among our own people, all are not equally affluent. Some are rich and some are poor. So you understand the implication of his words. Next, he said, 'Sit comfortably', by which

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he meant that a daughter-in-law should not sit at a place frequented by the elders. (In sitting in such a place, she has to stand up everytime an elderly person comes, making herself uncomfortable). Then he said, eat comfortably, by which he meant that a daughter-in-law should never dine before her parents-in-law and her husband had taken food. She should take her meal only after making enquiry that everyone in the house has been duly fed. And then he said, 'Lie comfortably', by which he mean that a daughter-in-law should retire only after the elders had retired. And then he said, 'Behave as you do towards fire', by which he meant that a daughter-inlaw should view her parents-in-law, even her own husband, as she would view a heap of fire, or even king cobra. And my father's final words were, 'Bow before family deities', by which he meant that the guests arrived at the house should be duly taken care of".
Even before Visakhā had stopped, the elders said to Sresthi Mrgāra,
'Sir! Does your ethics debar you from giving food to the mendicants"?
The Sreşthi could give no reply. He bent his head low.
Being now confident about their own strong position, the elders said,
"Sreşthi! Is there any other thing on which you intend to charge our daughter"?
Finding that the Sresthi had nothing more in his stock, they said,
"Then why do you intend to turn her out from your home"?
Vis'ākhā's self-respect flared up. Addressing the elders, she said in an angry voice,
'It was not proper for me to get out at the bidding of my father-in-law. My father had placed my

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charge in your worthy hands and requested you to rectify me in case I committed any error. You have now exonerated me from the charges levelled against me by father-in-law. So now I feel free to depart of my own".
Then turning to her maids, she said,
"Get my chariot ready at once".
Sresthi Mrgara looked blank. He knew not what to say or do. In deep penetence, he pathetically appealed to Visakha's good sense:
All I said and did was the outcome Please forgive
"My daughter! of my own stupidity and ignorance. me".
Visakha said,
"Sir! I am born in a family which is devoted to the Buddha. I am used to serving the Buddhist order of monks. If I am permitted freedom of faith and conscience, then only I may live in your house".
Sresthi Mrgara agreed to everything. He gave her leave to invite the Buddha with all his monks. As for himself, he said that he would keep himself wholly out of her way.
Visakha invited the Buddha and his monks on the following day. When the Buddha arrived, the whole house was filled up with his monks. Visakha welcomed the party. When the nude sramanas heard that the Buddha had been received at the house of Sresthi Mrgara, they came running and besieged the house. Meanwhile, Visakha gave water to the Buddha and the monks to wash and sent words to her father-in-law to come and serve food to the Buddha. But Mrgara was afraid of the nude monks and so he did not show his face. After the Buddha and his monks had dined, Visakha again sent words to her father-in-law to come and listen the sermon from the Buddha. The Sresthi thought that it would not be decent on his part to decline. So he came out of his room. The nude monks

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tried their best to prevent, him, but at last they yielded to some extent,
"If you must attend, do so from outside". Addressing śreșthi Mrgāra, the Buddha said,
"You may choose to sit behind the tent, a wall, a mountain or at the far-end of the Cakrawala; I am Buddha and hence can make you listen to the sermons."
The Buddha started his sermon. Like a branch of a mango tree, laden with ripe golden mangoes' which drop when the branch is shaken, so, as the Buddha progressed in his sermon, the sins of the Sresthi started dropping out, and by the time the Buddha ended, the Sreşthi had his pure spiritual eye opened. The curtain was removed. The Sresthi moved forward, lowered his five limbs till the ground and bowed at the feet of the Great Leader. In the august presence of the Buddha, he said to Visakha,
"From this day, you are no longer my daughter, but my mother, and as 'mother', I shall address you".
He bowed before her as one does before his mother and sucked her breast. From that day, Visakhā became known as Mrgara-mātā or mother of Mrgāra. One of Visakhā's own sons was also named Mrgāra. (24)
The Sreşthi organised a grand celebration to mark the occasion of his accepting Visakhā as his mother, and the Buddha and his monks were invited to attend. She was bathed with 15 jars full of flower essence and was given an ornament named ghana-matthaka-prasādhana by the Sresthi. It was worth' a lakh (25).
Mrgāra-mātā Visakhă invited 500 monks everyday to dine at her house(26). She was very regular at the Buddha's sermon, she personally looked after and took care of guests, patients, outgoing monks, incoming monks junior monks, and others sheltered at the vihara(27).
• It was a festive day. Dressed in their finest clothes, people on the road to th
where they were

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to attend a lecture on dharma. Visakha took her food at the festival canteen and proceeded straight to the vihara. She had her mahālatā ornament on that day. So on reaching the vihara, she took out her mahalata and other lesser ornaments, and entrusted them to a maid saying to her,
"I shall take them on my way back from the Leader"
Visakha attended the sermon and returned to receive her jewellery. Meanwhile, the maid had forgotten all about the ornaments so that they were lying uncared for. Now, it was a self-allotted duty of Ananda that after the people dispersed, he checked carefully if anyone had left any personal belonging in the assembly hall, and if he found any, he carried it and placed before the Leader. While on his usual round, Ananda came across the discarded ornaments. At once he placed them before the Buddha who asked him to keep them aside in safe custody. Ananda deposited them near the staircase. When after fulfilling her work at the vihāra she asked the maid to give her ornaments back, the maid suddenly woke up to her absent-mindedness and looked alarmed. Visakha read into the situation and said,
"Go and get them back if they are there where I gave them to you. But remember that if perchance they have been taken care of by Sthavira Ananda, then do not ask for them. I shall prefer to leave them with the great monk".
The maid went to the spot inside the vihara where she was entrusted with the ornaments. Ananda at once observed her and asked her the cause of her coming back. When maid Supriya explained the position, Ananda said
to her,
"I have kept them near the staircase. Pick them up from there".
But Supriya made no secret to tell Ananda that since the ornaments had been touched by him, they were no longer fit to be used by her mistress. When Visakha heard all about them, she gave them to the monks. But then she had a thought in her mind that in leaving such valuable ornaments with the monks, she would be putting them into

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difficulty about their safe keeping. So she decided to take them back and put them to some worthy use for the monks. So she asked the maid to get them back.
She decided to
Visakha did not use the ornaments. sell them. The jewellers who were called into make the valuation stated at fabulous price of nine crores, with an extra one lakh for their making. She asked the jewellers to sell them for her, but they expressed difficulty about finding a suitable customer for such costly things. So she bought them herself. She loaded nine crores and one lakh coins on heavy trunks, arrived at the vihara, saw the Buddha, bowed before him and said,
"Bhante! My ornaments had been touched by the hands of Sthavira Ananda. So I could not use them any more, I decided to make a gift of them to the monks. But monks have no use with ornaments. So I decided to sell them so that the money could be used for the benefit of the monks. But the next problem was to find a buyer of such costly things. So I decided to repurchase them myself which I have done, and I have brought the wherewithal to pay for them. Please direct me on which one of the four objects used by the monks I may spend this money".
The Tathāgata directed her to erect a.shelter at the eastern gate of the city. Visakha at once started preparations to give effect to the suggestion. She purchased a plot of land for nine crores and the construction work was taken on land.
The Buddha's routine was to beg at Visakha's house and to return to his camp at Jetavana by the southern gate. The day he received food at the house of Anathapindika, he went out of the city by the eastern gate and lived in the shelter in the east. But when he turned his steps to the northern gate, that was an indication to the people that the Buddha was moving out from the city on his carikā mission. One day, Visakha observed that the Buddha had turned his steps in the direction of the northern gate. At once, she hurried after him, bowed before him and asked him with deep anxiety,
1

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"Bhante ! Do you intend to muve out on your cārikä mission"?
- "Yes, Visakha, I do".
Visākhā was full of emotion, as if her heart had reached the throat. In a choked voice, she said,
"Bhante! I am erecting this shelter for your use, and you are going away. No, I will not allow this. Please come back".
The Buddha - 'But, Visakhā, I have already started on my mission. I cannot get back".
Visakha - "Then, Bhante, at least leave a veteran monk here who may continue to enlighten us".
The Buddha - "Visakha, you pick up the begging bowl of anyone whomsoever you intend to retain".
Visakha thought at once of picking up the begging bowl of Sthavira Ananda. But the next moment she changed her mind.
"The long-lived Moggalana is in command of great spiritual powers. He will be useful for my construction work now in progress. He will help me to complete the construction soon'.
So she picked up the begging bowl of Moggalana. Moggalana looked at the Buddha. The Buddha said,
"Moggalāna ! Stay back with your entire family of 500 monks".
So Moggalāna stayed. The work of construction became pretty easy under his supervision. With the support of his occult powers, Visakhā's masons could carry heavy trees and rocks from as far as 50 or 60 yojanas in course of a day. They found no difficulty in loading heavy trucks wir trees and rocks, and the axles of the wheels never gave way under such heavy weight. The two-storeyed shelter was ready for use. It had 500 rooms, big and small at each floor. The whole cost of construction was nine crores.

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On the completion of his carikā mission for nine months, the Buddha came back to Srāvasti. By that time, the shelter was ready for the use of the Buddha and his
ks. But the Buddha was proceeding towards Jeta vana. When Visakhā heard this, she came to him and requested him to stay at the new shelter for four months of the rainy season. The Buddha agreed.
One day, a friend of Visákhā came to her. She brought with her a carpet which was worth a lakh. She said to Visakha;
"I want to spread my carpet somewhere in your new guesthouse. Where shall I do so"?
Visakha - "If I say that no portion of the floor is uncovered, you will not believe me. You will feel that I do not intend to take your carpet. So it is better that you look up yourself. See if you can spread it somewhere".
The lady moved all over the building but in vain. She did not find any portion of the floor which was uncovered. Wherever she set her foot, she came across a costlier stuff than her own already spread. She became depressed and began to weep. Sthavira Ananda observed this and enquired the cause of her grief. When she explained, Ananda tried to console her. He said,
"You may spread your carpet between the staircase and the bathroom. It will be useful for us to wipe our legs. The monks would wash their legs and dry them with your carpet."
(It is necessary to add that) this portion of the floor escaped the attention of Visakha and remained uncovered.
Visākhā served the Buddha and his monks for four months with food and shelter. On the last day of their stay, she distributed clothes among them. The cheapest cloth given to a new initiate cost a thousand. Besides, she filled their begging bowl with ghee, jaggery, etc. The entire cost of enertaining the monks before their departure was nine crores. In this manner, Visákhā spent a total amount of Rs. 27 crores - nine crores on land, nine crores on building and nine crores on gifts. For Visakhā who was

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married in a home which was not a Buddhist, the total amount spent by her for the order of the Buddha has no parallel(28).
Starting from Vārānasi, the Buddha came to Srāvasti. He stayed at Jetayana. Visakhā came to pay her homage and obeisance. The Buddha delighted her and inspired her with his profound sermon. For the following day, Vis äkhā invited the Buddha and his monks to receive food from her. With his silence, the Buddha signified assent.
As the day dawned, there was a heavy downpour as if the clouds from the four isles (continents) had come together to crack down, The Buddha said to his monks,
"Like the heavy shower at this Jetayana, there is a severe downpour all over the four isles. These are the last great clouds of the season over the four isles. So you take your bath in the rain water".
The monks obeyed. They removed their clothes and started taking bath, Meanwhile, Visakhā sent a maid to the vihara with the word that the food was ready. When the maid came, she saw the naked monks taking their bath in the rainwater. At once, she felt embarassed and turned her steps back. She reported to Visakh
"Madam! They do not look like the Buddhist monks. They are all Ajivakas. They are taking their bath naked in the rain water".
Visakhā was very intelligent. She read through the whole situation at once. She asked the maid to go again. The maid came back to the monks' abode. By that time, the monks had finished their bath, dried their bodies, put on their clothes and gone back to their respective rooms. So she did not see any monk. She came back again and reported to her mistress that the monks were not there. Visakhă understood the position again and asked her to go back and try again in their rooms.
At the appropriate time for dinner, the Buddha asked the monks to get ready to go, which they did. Like a man who can spread his arm and withdraw it at ease without any special effort, so the Buddha disappeared from Jetavana without any effort and appeared at the house of Visā

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khã and took his seat with his monks. Said Visakhā with a great surprise,
"Truly praiseworthy is the great power of the Tathāgata. The whole township is flooded upto the knee, or even upto the waist, but not a single monk of the order has his legs or cloth drenched in rain water". i
With great joy in her mind, Visakhā served food to the Buddha and his monks and fed them. When the Buddha had finished his meal, she sat in one corder and made following submission:
"'Bhante ! Please permit me to seek some boons from thee".
- "But you know, Visakhā, the Tathāgata is far away from boon".
- "Bhante ! What I ask for are permitted and free from fault of any kind".
Being permitted by the Buddha she made the following submission,
1.
For the rest of my life, please permit me to offer bathing suits to the monks for their use during the rainy season.
For the rest of my life, please permit me to feed the newly arrived monks.
For the rest of my life, please permit me to feed the outgoing monks. For the rest of my life, please permit me to feed the ailing monks.
For the rest of my life, please permit me to feed the people who would take care of the ailing monk (i. e., nurses).
6.
For the rest of my life, please permit me to supply medicine in the ailing monks.

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7.
8.
For the rest of my life, please permit me to supply breakfast (yavāgu) to the monks.
For the rest of my life, please permit me to supply (udaka-sāṭikā) to the nuns.
When the Tathāgata asked about the cause that induced her to ask for these boons, she explained each one of them as follows:
"Bhante! Nudity is hateful, base and low. So I wish to supply bathing suits to the monks which they may use during the rainy season. This I propose to do till I die.
"Bhante! Incoming monks are not acquainted with the roads at Śravasti. Besides, they are tired. If they are permitted to take food at my house, then, they will at leisure pick up acquaintance with all the roads, lanes and bylanes in the city, and being relieved of their exhaustion, they will be able to beg their food later.
"Bhante! When the monks are to move out from
śravasti, a good part of their useful time is wasted in begging food. Due to this, at times, they are separated from the party, or reach their destination at a very odd hour. If they are permitted to receive food at my house, then, I am sure, both these risks may be easily eliminated. They will not run the risk of being separated from their fellow monks, nor reach their destination at odd hours. Besides, they will not be exhausted on account of their trek. It is due to consideration like this that I beg leave to supply food to the outgoing monks.
"Bhante! If the ailing monks do not get right food, their suffering augments, and they may even die before their time. If they are permitted to receive food from me, they will be safeguarded against both the possibilities.
"Bhante! If the people who are to attend the ailing monks are busy procuring their own food, they will be delayed in coming to the patients, and if they are punctual, they may miss their food. If they received food at my house and if they carry food for the patients from my house, such a situation will not arise.

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"Bhante ! If the ailing monks do not receive suitable medicine, their suffering will increase. If they accept good medicine from me, their suffering will not increase, (rather it will diminish), and the chance of dying before time (on account of taking improper medicine) will be very much reduced.
"Bhante ! Keeping in view the ten merits, you have permitted the distribution of morning food to the blind. On a similar consideration, I want to supply morning food to the members of the holy order."
"Bhante ! Once it so happened that the nuns were obliged to take bath in the river Acirayati at the same bath. ing spot where harlots were taking bath. These fallen women said curtly to the nuns, 'You are so young. Why do you keep away from mem? At this age, you should enjoy life, and you will have enough time to practise celibacy in your old age. If you do this, you will do full justice to both parts of your life. "The nuns could give no suitable reply. Nudity among women is particularly hateful and mean. So I intend to supply udaka -sātikā to the nuns".
The Buddha - "Visakhā ! What special merit have you detected in these which you intend to acquire"?
Visakha - "Having completed their withdrawal during the monsoon months at various places in all di tions, monks will flock to Srāvasti to pay their homage and obeisance to thee when they will ask, 'Bhante ! Monk so and so is dead: What will happen to him? Is there a next life'? And at that time, in reply, those will explain at length the outcome of srotāpatti (i.e., to be firm on the roral to liberation), of sakydagāmi (i. e., one on the road to liberation who is busy exhausting fetters of sin), of arhat -hood, and so on. I shall enquire from the monk if ever the dead monk had come to Srāvasti or not. If I learn that the dead monk had visited this city during his life-time, I shall be able to check at once if he received a bathing suit from me, or incoming monk's diet or outgoing monk's diet, if he received a patient's food, or a nurse's food, or medicine or daily yavāgū. A remembrance like this will give joy to my mind, joy will give happiness and happiness will generate peace in the body. Phy

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sical peace will enable me to enjoy bliss, and bliss will help my mind in attaining concentration. These chain reactions will give me thought of my senses, thought of my power and thought of the bodhi-anga (which are seven, viz., smrti, dharma-vicaya, virya, priti, prakṣabdhi, samadhi and upekṣa). I think, I shall benefit in this manner from these boons".
The Tathāgata approved of her thoughts, praised her and granted her all the eight boons. Thereafter, the Buddha stood up from his seat and departed. Having reached the vihara, he called the monks in his presence and gave them permission about the eight items (29).
One day, Visakha came to the Buddha with a towel in her hand. She bowed before him and sat on one side. In offering the towel to the Buddha, she said,
The Buddha accepted the towel and delighted and inspired her by his sermons. After Visakha had gone, he called the monks in his presence and permitted them to accept a towel, it offered to clean dry their face(30).
Notes on Chapter Twelve
(1) Anguttara Nikaya, Ekakanipata, 14.
Bhagavati, S. 12, U.1.
ཅི ཆེ བརྒྱ ནྱ ࿄ ཕྱེ 8 ཋ
(2)
(3)
Ibid.
Ibid.
Avasyaka curņi.
(6) Bhagavati, S. 15.
(4)
"Bhante!. Please accept this. This will give me perpetual peace and happiness".
(7)
(8)
(9)
Samavayanga, Sū. 114-115.
Anguttara Nikāya, Ekakanipāta, 14.
Samyutta Nikaya, 39.1.11.
Also Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. 1, pp. 866.

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(10) Bhagavati, S. 3, U. 1.
(11) According to Anguttara Nikaya (II. p.399), he was the son of Abhayakumara.
(12) Uvasagdásao, Ad. 1.
(13) Avas'yaka Curni, Second half, p. 164; Bharatesvara Bahubali Vṛtti pp. 248/2, 255/1. Upadesa Prasada, Stambha 3, Vyakhana 36.
(14) Thananga Sutra Tha. 9, U. 3, Sutra 691. (15) Vinaya Pitaka Atthakatha.
(16) Ibid.
(17) Vinaya Pitaka Cullavagga, 6.3.1.
(18) Vinaya Pitaka Atthakatha.
(19) Vinaya Pitaka Cullavagga, 6.3.6.
(20) Majjhima-nikaya, Anathapindikovada Sutta, 3.5.1.
(21) Dhammapada Atthakatha, 4-8.
..
(22) Vinaya Pitaka Mahavagga, 6. 6.1 and 2.
(23)
Dhammapada Atthakatha, 4-8.
(24) Ibid.
(25) Dictionary of Pali Proper names, Vol. II, p. 902.
(26) Jataka (Hindi) Part IV, p. 144.
(27) Dhammapada Atthakatha, I-128.
(28) Ibid, 4-4.
(29) Vinaya Pitaka Mahavagga, 8-4-5 & 6 (30) Ibid, 8-3-5.
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CHAPTER XIII DEFIANT DISCIPLES
Both Mahavira and Buddha collected many worthy men around them who, by dint of their dedication, service, submission and brilliant exertions, created history; but at the same time, they had some bad disciples who built a parallel history of defiance and opposition. Two such leading disciples who became foremost rebels were Gosālaka and Devadatta, the former rebelling against Mahavira and the latter against the Buddha. Both had received their initiation at the hands of their respective masters and both were advanced enough to acquire occult powers through their penances, but in the end, both turned against their masters. Gosalaka called Mahāvira Ajina. Jina and himself a Jina. Likewise, in a great assembly, Devadatta said to the Buddha,
"Sir! You are now aging and are worn out. So you hand over the charge of the Sangha to me. I shall be its leader".
Both Gosálaka and Devadatta conspired to kill their respective masters and this became a cause of concern in both the camps. When, on hearing about this, Ananda was completely upset, Mahavira said to him and to other disciples,
"A Jina cannot be killed before he reaches the time of his exit. He does not die premature".
In the same manner, the Buddha told his disciples,
"Bhiksus / The Buddha cannot be killed before his time. He dies only at the appropriate time. None can kill him".
A striking resemblance between the two events is that while Gosalaka used Ananda to carry his message to

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Mahavira, Devadatta used (another) Ananda for a similar errand to the Buddha. The reactions of Mahavira and the Buddha, too, have striking similarity.
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Both the rebel disciples became very influential for some time. Gosalaka had a large following. Devadatta could mobilise the patronage of King Ajatasatru. The king was under his personal influence.
But it is worth while to note that at the closing time of their life, both regained reverence for their respective masters. Both died of similar diseases.
After his death, Devadatta was born in a hell named Avici. He will be there for 1, 00, 000 kalpas, after which he will get his release from the hell and be born as a Buddha, and will then enter into liberation. But it was the reverse with Gosalaka. After his death, he was born in a heaven called Acyutakalpa. When he will descend from there, he will have to spend many lives in infernal and sub-human existences. In the end, he will be perfected, enlightened and liberated.
T'he
The Gosalaka episode is recorded in the Bhagavati and has been incorporated earlier in this volume. Devadatta episode is contained in the Sangha Bhedaka Khandhaka Prakarana in the Vinayapitaka Cullavagga. A summary from the same source is given below. Both stories are important in so far as they throw ample light on contemporary religious movements, social and political conditions and communal mentalities of the people. Both the narratives appear to be very much distorted and full of rancour and bitterness. But a researcher's eye may still discern some useful material from them.
Devadatta
Starting from Anupiya, Bhagavan Buddha arrived at Kausambi. He encamped at a shelter named Ghoşita. Monk Devadatta was seated in a secluded corner thinking, "Whom should I cultivate in order to earn a great merit'?
Suddenly he thought of King Ajātasatru and he thought, 'King Ajatas atru is young and promising. He had a bright

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future before him. I should please him. This will give me much gain and prominence'.
Devadatta picked up his cushion and begging bowl and took the road to Rajagrha, Having arrived there, he changed himself into a boy, wore an ornamental chain (as was used by young children) round his waist and appeared straight on the laps of Ajātas'atru. At this unusual appearance, Ajātasatru became somewhat afraid, alarmed and terrified. Said the boy to the King,
"Prince ! Are you afraid of me"?
Ajātas'atru - "Yes, I am. Who are you"?
Devadatta - "I am Devadatta".
Ajātasatru - "Bhante! If you are Devadatta, as you say, please appear in your proper form".
At this, Devadattạ gave up his disguise and appeared before Ajātas'atru in his proper form with his begging bowl and cloth in his hand. Ajatasatru was very much impressed by this wonderful feat of the monk. Since this event, Ajātasatru became a regular visitor to Devadatta every morning and evening. He was followed by 500 chariots and he supplied 500 dishes of food everyday for the use of Devadatta and his monks.
Having thus gained royal favour, prestige and prominence, Devadatta thought,
'Now I should be the leader of the bhiksus
No sooner did he think like that than his spiritual power was gone.
Starting from Kausambi, Bhagavan Buddha came to Rājagyha. He halted at Venu-vana which belonged to Kalan daka Nivapa. Many monks came to the Buddha. They paid him their homage and obeisance and sat on one side, They narrated the account of the honour conferred on Devadatta by Prince Ajatas atru, When the Buddha heard this, he observed,

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"Don't ye be covetous of royal patronage, prestige and prominence that have been acquired by Devadatta. So long as Prince Ajatasatru continues his patronage, Devadatta will be a loser rather than a gainer. He will wane in spirit. He will not enrich his own self. This royal favour is a prelude to his defeat and annihilation, just as it happens to a banana tree, a bamboo tree and a narakața tree which die after their first fruit, or even to an asvatari who becomes pregnant in order to die at the birth of its offspring. The same will be the case with Devadatta. You should not attach too much importance to it".
One Kakudha Koliyaputra who was a devoted follower of long-lived Mahamoggalana had died about that time and was born in a heaven named Mano maya. His body was as large as two or three farms at Magadha. But such a large body caused inconvenience neither to him nor to others. This Kokudha Devaputra came to the long-lived Moggalāna, saluted him, stood on one side and submitted,
"Bhante! Aspirant Devadatta has a thought like this: 'I must assume the leadership of the monastic order'. No sooner did he entertain such a thought in his mind than he lost all his spiritual powers".
Having communicated this, Kakudha Devaputra disappeared at once.
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Moggalana came to the Buddha and narrated the account tendered to him by Kakudha Devaputra. Said the Buddha to Moggalana,
"Did you yourself verify the same by dint of your spiritual power"?
To this Moggalana humbly submitted,
"Bhante! I feel that whatever Kakudha Devaputra has tendered is correct. There is no distortion in it".
The Buddha was speaking before a vast assembly. Prince Ajatasatru was also present. In this assembly, Devadatta stood up, paid his obeisance and with folded hands said,

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"Bhante! You have become old, aged and worn. Now, you should retire from all responsibilities and lead a carefree life. You should hand over the responsibility for the monastic order to him. I am prepared to take it over".
The Buddha retorted at once,
'Stop, Devadatta ! You are not fit to be the leader of the monastic order".
Devadatta repeated the same words thrice. But the Buddha protested emphatically everytime:
"Devadatta ! You should know for certain that I am not going to pass on the leadership of the monastic order even to such worthy disciples as Sariputta and Moggalana. I do not understand how do you cherish the idea of becoming the leader of the monastic order though you are no better than an worthless fellow".
But all the time Devadatta was boiling within himself. He shouted,
"In this grand assembly, where even the Crownprince, the future monarch, is present, you have insulted me by calling me an worthless fellow. In contrast, you have extolled Sāriputta and Moggalana as being very worthy disciples".
He was very angry and unhappy. He saluted the Buddha, moved round him and quitted the place at once. This was the first revolt by Devadatta.
The Buddha called the monks around him and said,
"Bhikşus! At Rājagrha, the monastic order should expose Devadatta in the following manner: Deva datta was a different person in the past, but he has totally changed now; and whatever Devadatta does now in body and speech, neither the Buddha, nor Dhar ma nor Sangha is in any way responsible for that. Devadatta alone is responsible for all he does".
The Buddha continued,

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"I suggest that this should be brought to the notice of the entire monastic order, this should be made known to them, and the following should be repeated again and again: 'The Sangha'agree with this and accepts this tacitly. I accept this".
Addressing Sāriputta ! You take the responsibility of exposing Devadatta at Rājagsha".
Sariputta - "Bhante! In the past, at Rājagrha, I have spoken words of praise about Devadatta. I have said, 'Godhiputra (Devadatta) commands great powers. 'Bhante! Should I now speak just the reverse in order to expose him"?.
The Buddha - "Sāriputta ! In the past, you showered praise on him which he rightly deserved. Is that right"?
Sāriputta - "Bhante!
It is so.
The Buddha resumed,
"In the same manner, Sāriputta, you expose him as he is now".
Säriputta accepted the order of the Buddha. To the monastic order, the Buddha said,
"May the monastic order nominate Sāriputta to the task of exposing Devadatta at Rajagrha".
Then he himself explained how Sāriputta should be given the necessary nomination:
"The monastic order should first interview Sāriputta; then it should bring this to the notice of the wise and able people in the order; and thereafter, it should be made known, announced and upheld".
Having been given the nomination by the monastic order, Sariputta entered into Rājagrha with a large body of monks. There they exposed Devadatta. The kindhearted, wise and intelligent people thought that this exposure of Devadatta in the city at the instance of the

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Buddha was too important an event to be lightly overlooked.
him,
Devadatta rushed to Prince Ajātasatru and said to
"Prince! In the past, people enjoyed a long life, but now life has become very short. Who knows you may die as a prince (and never get a chance of sitting on the throne). So, Prince, I suggest that you assassinate your father and ascend on the throne, and I do the same to the Buddha and occupy his position in the monastic order".
Ajatasatru hid a dagger beneath his trousers and suddenly burst into the seraglio at noon hour. He was afraid, alarmed, anxious and shaken. In that state, he was caught by the palace guards who said to the prince,
"Speak the truth why you entered into the seraglio at this very odd hour. What is in your mind"?
Ajatasatru "I came to kill my father".
The guards mean thing"?
Ajatasatru
-
-
"But who inspired you to do such a
"Arya Devadatta".
Some guards said that the prince, his instigator and all the Buddhist monks should be beaten up; but others did not agree. They were of opinion that this should be brought to the notice of the king and then they should leave the whole matter to His Majesty's discretion.
The guards conducted the prince to the presence of King Bimbisara and tendered a complete account of all that had happened. The king asked the guards what they thought about it, and these men submitted as they deemed appropriate in a situation like this, whereon the king gave the following order:
"Guards! I do not think that in this matter, the Buddha, his Dharma or his Sangha is responsible

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in any way. The expulsion of Devadatta from the order has already been announced by the Buddha at Rājagrha. So those men from the palace guards who had suggested that the prince, Devadatta and all the Buddhist monks should be beaten up should be dismissed forthwith; and those who had suggested that the matter should be brought to my notice and that the action should be left to my discretion should be promoted at once to higher positions".
Having given these orders about the palace guards, the king turned to Ajātas'atru and said,
"Prince ! Why did you intend to kill me"?
Ajātasatru - "Deva! I wanted to be the king myself!
At once, Srenika Bimbisāra handed over the kingdom to his son.
Now that Ajātas'atru had become the king, Devadatta came to him and exposed before him his own designs about himself. In the end, he added,
"Oh king! Send your men with necessary orders to kill the Buddha".
Ajātasatru who was already very much impressed by the great ability of Devadatta readily agreed. He ordered his faithful men to act accordingly. Devadatta elaborated on that. Addressing the first man, Devadatta said,
"Abusa! Sřamuna. Gautama is encamped at such and such place at that time. Kill him and come back by this very road".
After he had gone, he placed on the same road two guards and said to them,
"If you see a single man coming by this road, you kill him at once and come back by this very road".
In the same manner, (at a certain distance from the previous party of guards, he placed four guards, and likewise eight and sixteen guards, with a similar instruction.

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All the guards took positions as directed, ready to execute the order. Equipped with a sword and a shield, the first man came to the Buddha's camp. He was afraid, anxious and alarmed, looking completely blank. As he was of a very mild tone, he said to him,
"Come, ābusa I welcome thee. Have no fear".
The man threw aside his sword and shield, fell down at the Buddha's feet and said,
"Bhanté ! Like a child, a fool, an ignoramous, I have committed the meanest crime against thee. With a wicked design in my mind, I came to kill thee. Please forgive me my sin.
"Bhante! Please forgive me for what is past now; and for the future, please fix me in Sa řvara (restraint)".
In consoling him, the Buddha said,
"Although you have committed a great sin, still, penitent as you are, and you are keen to rectify for the future according to the Law (dharma), I accept your words and grant you reprive".
Then the Buddha spoke to him words of enlightenment and the man had his pure, spiritual eye opened at once, Said he to the Great Leader.
"Bhante! From this day, please accept me who is come to this succour with folded hands as a devoted follower of thee".
By dint of his divine powers, the Buddha saw the whole trap laid by Devadatta and so he changed the route of the man's going back. In consequence, he did not go by the route assigned to him by Deva datta, but he went by a different route. The two guards were anxiously waiting for this man to return; but after waiting for a long time when they found that nobody did come back, they themselves proceeded in the same direction to check, They came across the Buddha seated beneath a tree. They saluted

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him and stood on one side, The Buddha spoke to them words of enlightenment, and both the guards had their pure, spiritual eyes opened at once. With folded palms, they took shelter with him. In the same manner, the four, eight and sixteen guards came to him, heard his inspiring words and with their folded palms, all of them took refuge with him. For each party, the Buddha changed the route of their return (in the same manner as he had done to the first man). Meanwhile, the first man returned to Devadatta and narrated his experience adding in the end,
"Bhante ! I could not kill the Buddha. He is a great soul with great powers".
In a fit of absent-mindedness, Devadatta said,
"All right. If you have failed to kill Sýamaya Gautama, I must do it with my own hands.
The Buddha was now pacing on the shady side of the Grdhrakūta mountain. Devadatta reached the peak of t mountain and rolled a rock down to crush the Buddha. But the rock was held between two (minor) peaks. But a small portion of the rock fragmented out and hit the Buddha's leg which started bleeding at once. The Buddha turned his gaze upward and said to Deva datta,
"Notorious man! You have acquired a great sin by making the Buddha bleed". (1)
Then addressing the monks he said,
"Devadatta has erected the first rock to his own liberation".
When the monks came to know about the mean conspiracy by Devadatta, they started a strict vigil of the place (where the Buddha was lodged) and read aloud their sacred texts. The Buddha asked Ananda to send the monks to him. To the monks he said,
"Bhiksus! It is not possible that the Tathagata can be killed by the conspiracies of any one. The Tatha - gata never courts death from another's hand; he passes away only when it is time for him to enter into

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liberation. So you relax in your own rooms. The Tathāgata needs no protection".
At Rājagrha, there lived an elephant named Nālāgiri who was extremely turbulent and played havoc with human life. One day, Devadatta came to the keeper of the said elephant and said,
"When Sýamana Gautama comes by this route, you place your elephant before him. (You will be rewarded for this)". The keeper agreed to oblige him. Next morning, the Buddha followed by the monks entered into Rajagrha to beg food. The elephant-keeper released the elephant towards the Buddha. The monks became very much confused and alarmed and requested the Buddha to move aside from the road for his own safety. Many people went atop their own houses or stood at the windows witnessing with concern the scene of the turbulent elephant chasing the Buddha. There were alsс many among them who had no respect for the Buddha, or were really wicked people who said,
"The so-called Mahasyamana is going to be trampled and crushed to death under the feet of the elephant". Those who were wise and had respect for him said, "One nāga (elephant) will fight with another nāga (meaning the Buddha)".
When the Buddha saw the elephant at a distance, he tamed him through his own affectionate feelings for him. The elephant came near the Buddha and stood motionless with his trunk hanging down. The Buddha touched the elephant with his own hands. The elephant touched the Buddha's feet with his trunk, licked some dust from them and placed it at his crest. Then he moved to go in backward steps, without turning his rear portion towards the Buddha. This form he did not change till the Buddha was visible to him, and then he returned to his own shade and stood at his own place. This, roused a wide gossip all over the city. People openly said,
"How vile and mean Deva datta must be to hatch an ignoble plot to kill such a worthy man with great divine power and influence''!

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Devadatta moved down in their estimation, while the Buddha moved up.
Unsuccessful Devadatta was, however, not to sit quiet. He set his mind to devising more effective plans for the Buddha's annihilation. He came to Kokālika Katamoratissaka and Khanda Deviputra Samudradatta. In order to inspire them to effect the split of the Sangha, he placed before them a proposal for their consideration which was as follows:
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"I intend to request Sramana Gautama to prescribe
five new rules for the monks of his order. These rules are as follows:
(1) The monks should remain throughout life in the forests, and never in the villages (or towns).
(2) The monks should subsist on begging, and should never expect to be invited.
(3) The monks should put on rags; they should not use cloth supplied by the householders.
(4) The monks should live at the foot of the trees.
(5) The monks should not touch fish or meat throughout
their life.
I am sure Sramana Gautama will never accept these rules for his monks, in which case it will be easy for me to turn the people against him and for myself".
With his followers, Devadatta came to the Buddha. He saluted him and placed before him his well-conceived plan for his consideration. The Buddha said in reply.
"Devadatta! These are all right. I have already asked the monks to live in the forests as well as in the villages; to live on begging as well as to accept invitation to receive food; to put on rags as well as clothes provided by the householders; to sit and lie under the shade of the trees; and I have asked the monks to subsist on meat. They have three conditions to fulfil viz., not seen the slaughter, they have

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not heard that the slaughter has taken place for their sake, and they have no hunch that the slaughter has been effected for them. I see no sin in these".
When the Buddha rejected the proposals made by Devadatta in this manner, the latter became very happy and returned to Rajagṛha. In his effort to expose the Buddha to the people, he said,
"The Lord supports and prescribes little desire, contentment, penance, simple living, prāsādika, renunciation and endeavour for the monks. So I placed before him for his consideration for making five rules for the members of the monastic order, but he did not approve of them. I approved these five rules"
When the disrespectful and foolish people heard these words, they said,
"Born in the Sakya line, the Buddha is a false and property-earning monk. He builds up property and inspires people to do the same".
The devoted and wise people, on the contrary, became sorry at this mean attitude of Devadatta. All of them denounced him in the same manner saying,
"Devadatta is trying for a cleavage in the Buddhist order".
The monks heard the people discussing these. They came to the Buddha and reported. The Buddha's reactions were as follows:
"We should be very careful so that Devadatta may not create a cleavage in the order. This is a hineous crime. He who strives to divide a monastic order which is united acquires a life in hell as long as one kalpa. He rots in hell for one kalpa. He who unites a divided order acquires great merit. He enjoys life in heaven for one kalpa. So tell Devadatta that it is not good on his part to try to create a split in the monastic order".

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In the morning, the long-lived Ananda entered into Rajagrha to beg food. When Devadatta saw him, he called him. He said to Ananda,
"Abusa Ananda ! From this day, I shall perform upa - satha outside the Buddha's monastic order and fulfil rituals outside the order".
Having finished his begging, Ananda returned and reported to the Buddha,
"Bhante! From this day. Deva datta is separated from our order. He will create a charge in the order today carry on his spiritual practices outside the order. When I went to the city to beg, he himself told me like that".
At this, the Buddha uttered a maxim as follows:
"It is easy to be honest with honest people but honesty is difficult to practise with the sinful. Sin is easy with the sinful, but difficult with the Aryans (honest people)".
It was about this time that 500 Vajjiputtakas had been initiated into monkhood at Vaisali. But they were not familiar with the code to be followed by the monks. One day, when they were practising upasatha, Deva datta said to them,
"Abusa! I placed five rules before Sramana. Gautama for his acceptance, but he declined. But I shall put them into currency. He who is ready to follow them · may pick up a stick".
So saying, he extended the sticks towards the initiates. The initiates thought,
"This is dharma. This is Vinaya. This is the direc-' tion given by the Leader'.
All of them picked up the sticks.
Thus Deva datta created a split in the monastic order

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and won over 500 monks on his side. In the company of his monks, he started for Gayasisa on a Cărikā mission.
Sariputta and Moggalāna brought this event to the notice of the Buddha. The Buddha said,
"Sa riputta, Do you not feel any compassion for these new initiates? You should try to save them before they are in deeper water".
Sariputta and Moggalana started at once and came to Gayāsisa. Devadatta was then delivering a sermon before a vast assembly of men. He saw the two at a distance coming towards him. He became very happy and : said to his monks,
"You see how very well prescribed is my religion.. Being attracted by this, Sariputta and Moggalāna, the two stalwarts of the Buddha have broken away from the order and are coming to me. They have high regard for my way".
Kokālika lodged a mild protest against what Devadatta had said:
"Sir! Do't be so very cockish about Sāriputta and Moggalāna. They are sinfully inclined".
But Deva datta repeated what he had said earlier.
"No, we must welcome them. They have faith in my way".
By this time, Sāriputta and Moggalana had come nearer. Deva datta invited Sariputta to share his seat, but Sa riputta and Moggalana sat on separate cushions on one side. Meanwhile, Devadatta started his sermon for the monks. The sermon continued till very late hours in the night, but the monks were deeply absorbed in the flow of the discourse. On seeing this, Devadatta said to Sariputta,
"Abusa! At this time, the monks are free from fatigue and deceit and deeply concentrated in the holy dis course. I do not want to disturb their concentration. But I am already red and must retire now.

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You take my place and carry on".
Sariputta started his discourse to the monks. Meanwhile, Devadatta spread his bed on one side and stretched on it turning to the right. Being lightened from the burden of memory and samprajanya, Devadatta was soon fast asleep. Sariputta and Moggalāna took advantage of the situation. Sariputta addressed the monks on the wonders of ādesanā and anusā Sāniya and Moggalana did the same on radhi. On hearing these discourses, all the initiates had their pure spiritual eyes opened.
With 500 monks with them, Sāriputta and Moggalāna took the road to Venuvana at once. When Kokalika saw this, he gave a sharp pull to Devadatta and said,
"I had already warned you not to rely on these two. They are going away with our 500 monks".
On hearing this sad news, Deya datta vomitted hot (fresh) blood.
With 500 monks, Sāriputta and Moggalāna now stood before the Buddha and prayed as follows:
''Bhante ! We submit and pray that these 500 monks who broke away from the order may be readmitted into the order".
Ordained the Buddha,
"Sariputta ! It should not be done like this. First make them at one for the great sin they committed, and till they do so, they cannot be admitted into the order".
Changing the topic, the Buddha said,
"Sāriputta ! How did- Devadatta behave towards you"?
Sariputta narrated his experience as follows:
"Bhante! Till very late hours in the night, Devadatta continued to stimulate and humour the monks with his

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speech. Then he was fully exhausted and retired asking me to carry on the sermon in his place for the benefit of the monks who were neither fatigued in their body nor exhausted in their mind. Then I took over from him. This is how he behaved towards me".
Addressing the monks, the Bud dha said,
"In ancient times, there was a great pool. There lived many elephants in its neighbourhood. Everyday, they came to the pool, pulled out the lotus stalks, washed them clean and ate them. This (diet) contributed to their beauty and physical strength and relieved them of all sufferings. Now, some young jackals started imitating the elephants. They also started eating the lotus stalks, but they did not care to clean them. So they were steadily losing their physical stamina and grace. They felt very unhappy and miserable. So you see, oh monks, in trying to imitate me blindly, Devadatta will die as a bankrupt. He is ominous, hellish, destined to a long, span of a kalpa and beyond any remedy (2)".
For vomitting hot (fresh) blood, Devadatta fell seriously ill. For full none months, he continued to suffer great pain. In his last days, he woke to his follies. With deep regret, he enquired where the Buddha was at that time. He was told that he was in Jetavana. He requested his followers to carry him thither so that he could at least see His followhis former preceptor before he left this earth. ers placed him on a cot and started. (But he could never reach his destination). In the vicinity of a tank near Jetavana, he fell into a crater and lost his life. He took birth in a hell named Avici where he will spent his life for
1, 00, 000 kalpas, and thereafter he will be born as a Pratyeka-Buddha named Atthissara, and in that birth, he will attain his liberation (3).
According to another source, (after his sojourn in hell), he will be born as a Buddha named Davarāja (4).
Jamāli
Gosalaka apart, another illustrious name among the rebel disciples of Mahavira is that of Jamali who happened to be his nephew as well as his son-in-law. The account

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of his early life and initiation have been narrated earlier in this volume. He was initiated in the company of 500 Kṣatriya youths. We have a complete account in the Agama (5) why Jamali rebelled against Mahavira. given below: One day, Jamali came to Bhagavan Mahāvīra
It is
and said,
"Bhante! If you kindly permit me, I intend to move in some other area in the company of 500 monks".
Mahavira heard Jamali's prayer but gave no reply to him. He remained silent. Jamali repeated his prayer thrice, but when there was still no reply from Mahavira, he did not care any more for his permission, but moved out for another region in the company of his 500 monks.
Once monk Jamali was stationed in a caitya named Kosthaka at Sravasti. As he was living on poor, dry, cold He and inadequate food, he had an attack of yellow fever. had a severe pain and burning sensation all over his body. He asked his monks to spread the bed for him. The monks were busy with other duties. But Jamali could sit no longer. Even a moment's delay was oppressive for him. He shouted,
"Is my bed ready"?
The monks said,
"No, sir, it is not yet ready. It will be ready soon".
On hearing these words, Jamali hit on an important point. Thought he,
'According to Bhagavan Mahāvīra, what is being done has already been done, what is moving is already moved, and so on. But I find that this is totally wrong. Till the bed has been spread, and not still in the process of being spread, how do I correctly say that the bed has been spread'?
He called the monks round him and shared his thought with them. Some monks agreed with his logic, but some others did not. The former remained with him, and the latter went back to Mahavira.

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Monk Jamali recovered after some time. Starting from Srāvasti, he came to Campa. At that time, Bhag - vān Mahāvira was also encamped at the same city. Jamāli came to Mahavira and said,
"Many of your monks are ordinary persons, not keva - lms. But I am fully equipped with kevala knowledge and kevala vision. I am an ar hat, Jina, and I am moving about as an omniscient person".
Ganad hara Gautama protested. He said,
"The knowledge of an omniscient person is never obstructed by a mountain or any other thing. If you are a kevalin, please give reply, to my question: Is the sphere eternal for transcient? Is Jiva eternal or transcient"?
Jamali could give no reply. He held his tongue, Addressing him, Bhagavān Mahāvira said,
"Jamali ! You should know that many of my disciples can give reply to these questions. Still they do not declare themselves to be Jinas or kevalins."
Jamāli did not relish these words of Mahāvira. He stood up and left the place. He lived separately, and in this manner, he spent many years of his life implanted in falsehood built up by an erroneous logic. In the end, he died of starvation without discussing his sins and without performing pratikra mana, and he was born in a heaven named Lāntaka as a junior god (kilvişika).
When Jamāli was still alive, Priyadarsanā (she was Mahavira's daughter and Jamali's wife) arrived at Sravasti with her nuns. There she took shelter in the workshop of a potter named Dhanka. Dhanka was a devoted follower of Mahāyira. In order to reawaken her and reclaim her to the right path, (for, like her husband, she, too, was misguided and rebelled against the monastic order and broke away from it), the potter set fire to her samghāti. As it was burning, Priyadarsanā shouted,
"The samghāti is burnt".

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Said Dhanka,
"The sang hati is still burning and is not yet been burnt. Why do you utter false words"?
At this, Priyadarsanā realised her mistake and understood the implication. She went back to reenter 'Mahā. vira's order (6).
Notes on Chapter Thirteen
. (1) For a similar story of one Kūlabalaka who made a
plot of kill his preceptor, vide Uttarajjya yanani, Laksmiballabha Gani's commentary, pp. 8-9.
(2) Vinaya Pitaka, Cullavagga, Khandha-bhedaka Khan
dhaka,
(3) Dhammapada Atthakathā, Part I, p. 125. (4) Saddharma Pundarika, Chapter 11. (5) Bhagavatī, s.9, U. 33. (6) Višeşāvasyak Bhāsya, Gātha 2324-2332.

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CHAPTER XIV
FOLLOWER KINGS
senika Bimbisara
Among the lay followers of Mahāvira and the Buddha, there were many kings. It is somewhat surprising that some of these kings and princes have been claimed as 'followers' by both the Jainas and the Buddhists. Among the most important names that fall in this group are Sreņika-Bimbisāra, Koņika (Ajatasatru) and Abhayakumara. Both the religious are vociferous in claiming them as very staunch supporters. The Agmas, the Tripitakas and the Purana literature of both the religious are full of accounts about them. These accounts have attracted the attention of researchers, and they have arrived at diverse conclusions. Some of these hold that all the three aforesaid persons were the followers of Mahāyira, while others are of opinion that they were the followers of the Buddha. A third line of thinking is that Srenika was at first a Buddhist and then he became a Jaina, and a fourth line would reverse the order, making him a Jaina first and then a Buddhist. Effort is being made in the following pages to collect and analyse the available material about him and to try to arrive at a conclusion, '
First Acquaintance
The first acquaintance of Bimbisāra with the Buddha appears to have taken place long before the latter's enlightenment, and shortly after his initiation into monkhood. The young monk, the Buddha, entered into the city of Rājagrha in order to beg. His charming personality attracted the attention of thousands of men and women. In the words of the great poet As'vaghosa,
"People had their eyes arrested on eye-brows, forehead, face, eyes, body, hands, feet or the movement of the Buddha wherever they set first". (1)

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While begging in Rājagrha, the Buddha's eyes were firm. He walked keeping his vision restricted within avery short distance no longer than a Jua. He was mute. His pace was slow and restricted. His mind was under full control(2).
Even.Bimbisāra saw this extraordinary monk from his palace and was deeply impressed. He wanted to talk with him. He met the monk on the Pandu (Ratnagiri)hill in Rajagrha.
Bimbisāra made a request to the Buddha to accept and enjoy his kingdom and other objects of pleasure. In declining the request, the Buddha explained to the king the evil effects of wordly pleasures and said,
"I have courted monkhood not to win a kingdom but to attain the state of Buddhahood".
Said Bimbisāra,
"Sir! May your wishes be fulfilled! When you become a Buddha, please pay a visit to this city".(3)
According to the Jaina sources, it appears that King Bimbisara had his first acquaintance with Monk Anathi. This meeting too bears a close resemblance with the other one just noted. Near the city of Rajagrha, there was a garden named Mandi-kukşi which was full of many flowers and was exceedingly charming. One day, King Srenika came to that garden for holiday-making. He saw a great nirgrantha monk in that garden. He was seated under the shade of a luxuriant tree. His look was tender and impres - sive. He was young in age. He had endless peace stamped on his face. No sooner did the King of Magadha see him than the following words came out from his mouth,
"What a fine complexion ! How very beautiful ! What an embodiment of serenity is this noble soul ! How very lofty is his forgiveness, his renunciation, his detachment'(4)!
King Srenika cam e to the monk and said,

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"Monk You look very young. How did you court monkhood in such a tender age when one is supposed to be enjoying the pleasures of life"?
"Oh King"! replied the monk, "I was anātha (helpless)".
The King - "Oh Monk! A man of such unusual fortune calling himself anātha ! I shall be a parent unto thee. I request you to come back to wordly life and enjoy pleasures of life".
The Monk - "But, Oh King of Magadha, you are yourself anatha (helpless). How can you be a succour unto me'?
The King - "You say I myself am helpless? What do you mean"?
The monk started the account.
"There was a city named Kausāmbi. There lived my father Prabhūta-dhana-sancaya who justified his name by the accumulation of a vast fortune. Beside, I was fortunate to have the pleasant company of my mother, wife and friends. Once I was severely affected by eye sore, and I ran high temperature with burning all over the body. It was terrific and unbearable, Top physicians and reputed charmers were called in, but they failed to give me any relief. Oh King ! Believe me, my father was prepared to give away his all for my sake, but still he could not relieve me of my pain. Such was the state of my helplessness. My mother looked at me with tearful eyes, but could not free me from the clutches of pain. Such was the state of my helplessness. No more effective were my own brothers and sisters to relieve me from pain. Such was the state of my helplessness My wife stood by me all the while shedding tears on my chest, but even this was of no use. Such was the state of my helplessness".
Continuing, the great monk said to the King of Magadha,
spects,
"Oh King! Finding myself helpless in all I placed myself under the protection of rel

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I made a resolve, 'If I am relieved of pain, I shall be a monk'. Next day, the pain subsided, and I became a monk'.
A complete account of the conversation between Monk Anāthi and King Srenika is the subject-matter of Chopter 20 entitled 'Mahānirgranthiya' in the Uttarādhyayana Sūtra. In this context, the illustrious monk narrated another type of helplessness which overtakes when a monk, duly initiated, does not abide by the code of conduct prescribed for a monk. Denouncing laxity in the strongest possible terms, the great monk said,
"Oh King ! Hear from me with full attention another type of helplessness in man. There are such weak souls who become lax in discipline even when they are the recipients of the benefit of the nirgratha religion "(5).
"Just as alkaline soil is unfertile, just as a debased coin has no currency, in the same manner, monks who use only the external marks of monkhood are worthless. Even a jewel made from glass may shine bright like a saphire, but to an expert it has no value. In the same manner, from one's external marks, one may look like a monk; but when the monk uses only the external marks he does not carry any value in the eyes of wise people"(6).
"A dishonest person (monk) who makes use of omens, dreams, etc., and who had addiction for ceremonials, wastes his life on false and wonder-generating arts. When his sins fructify, he has no escape"(7).
"A dishonest person (monk) who does not discard anything including food brought for him, food bought for him, regular food and food to be searched, who is all-eating like fire, acquires life in hell"(8).
Having described the conduct of monks who did not observe restraint, Monk Anāthī said to King Srenika the following very outspoken words,
soccāņa mehāvi subhāsiyam imam anusāsaņam
nāna gunova veyan

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mággam kusilāņa jahāya savvaṁ mahāniyanthāna
vae pahenam
h intelligent man! Having heard this discourse full of merit and knowledge, and having discarded the path of bad men, follow the path chalked out by the Tirthankaras).
On hearing all this, King Sreņika became immensely happy. Out of gratitude for the monk, he submitted with folded hands,
"Great Monk ! You have given me a real insight into the state of helplessness. Fruitful is thy life. You are well-protected and with good friends; for, you are firmly fixed on the best of ways, the Jina way. I invited you to enjoy pleasures, I disturbed you in your meditation, for which I beg to be forgiven. I accept the direction given to me by you"(9).
Concluding this chapter, a couplet in the Uttarādhjayana Sūtra runs as follows:
"In this manner, the lion among kings bowed before the lion among monks, and with his family and kingsmen, he befriended the nirgrantha religion"(10).
Surprisingly enough, there is much common ground between the two accounts. In both the accounts, the King of Magadha is attracted by the grace and serenity of a young monk; in both the cases, he induces the monk to come back to wordly life, and in both the cases, the invitation evokes a similar reply. All this makes one inclined to think if it were not copied by one from the other. The garden named Mandikucchi has been rendered Maddakucchi in the Buddhis account(11). Excepting for this chapter, Monk Anathi has not received attention anywhere else. It is not known for certain if he belonged to the order of Mahāvira or to that Pārsva. It is not mentioned if he ever met Mahāvira. It is probably on account of these reasons, Radha kumud Mookerjee has linked up the whole account with Mahavira on the basis of such expressions as 'Lion among monks' which could not apparently be an epithet of Monk Anāthi. He suggests that this was really a meeting between Mahāvira and King Srenika(12). Although the acceptance of such an interpretation would impart a great

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historical value to the meeting between the two, on a deeper consideration, there does not appear much basis for it. 'City of Kausambi', 'Sresthi Prabuta-dhana-sancaya', 'eye-sore', etc., are some important items in the account which would support that the monk referred to was some other than Mahavira.
Coming to differences in the two accounts, as per the Buddhist account, King Srenika merely requests the Buddha to look him up in his own city Rajagṛha after he became a Buddha; in the Jaina account, in contrast; the meeting with Monk Anathi induced King Srenika to accept nirgrantha religion with the members of his family.
In his description of the second type of helplessness, Monk Anathi administered severe lashes at the monks who relished in wordly pleasures. One explanation of this may be that thereby he tried to remove the king's patronage to these monks with lax habits. But the account is insufficient to indicate to which sect his reference was made, or to which sect Srenika himself belonged. As per the account, the exposure related to the lax nirgrantha monks, but the account does not indicate which particular sect of the nirgranthas had become so very lax at that time. If thes é were some monks of the order of Pārsva, then the event must be placed somewhere before Mahavira attained omniscience and came to Rajagṛha when the lax monks of the order of Parsva dominated over the society.
In the Tripitakas
In the Tripitakas, we have a few clear records of King Bimbisara having embraced Buddhism. The early mention is in the Vinaya Pitaka which states, in part, as follows:
"Having initiated into monkhood a thousand Jatilas headed by Uruvela Kasyapa, the Buddha came to Rajagṛha. King Bimbisāra heard this news. He waited on him in the company of 12 lakh Brahmins and householders, all residents of Magadha. At that time, the Buddha was at the Latthivana. He delivered a sermon for the benefit of King Bimbisara and his party of 12 lakhs. On hearing the pious words of

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the Buddha, 11 lakh residents of Magadha had their pious spiritual eye opened on the same seat and they realised tiha 'whatever is born is transcient'. The remaining one lakh people become lay followers (13).
Being thus converted to the religion of the Buddha, Bimbisara submitted,
"Bhante! In my youth, when I was a prince, I cherished five desires which were: (a) may I be coronated as a king, (b) may the Buddha come to my kingdom, (c) may I have a chance to serve him, (d) may he deliver a sermon for my benefit and (e) may I know him. They have been fulfilled in due order, one after the other, till this day. May I now request you to accept food for to-morrow in the company of all the monks of your order".
So on the following day, Bimbisara, the King of Magadha, served food to the Buddha and his monks with his own hands, and dedicated a royal garden named Venuvana for the use of the monks of the order(14).
The Kütadanta Sutta of the Digha Nikāya contains something which would give support to the above account. Said Kutadanta to other monks who were his companions and counsellors,
"Why should not go to see Sramaņa Gautama ? Srenika, the King of Magadha, with his sons, wives and ministers, has taken shelter with the Buddha, and dedicated his life for him"(15).
A similar assertion is made by Brāhmaṇa Sonadanda in the Sonadanda Sutta (16).
Beginning of Uposa tha
There are many accounts indicating the relation between Bimbisara on the one hand, and the Buddha and his monks on the other. The Vinaya Pitaka, Mahāvagga has several accounts of the meeting between the Buddha and Bimbisāra. In the course of one of these meetings, Bimbisāra made a request as follows:

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"On the 8th, 14th and full-moon days of the fortnight, people of other faiths meet together and hold discourses. Bhante!. I wonder why this cannot be introduced for our own order of monks".
The Buddha at once gave his approval to this request.
Prohibiting the initiation of soldiers
In another meeting with the Buddha, Bimbisara requested the Buddha not to initiate into monkhood men of the armed personnel. At that time, a war was going on at the frontier of the kingdom for which men were sent to the frontier in order to fight. In order to escape from this to save their life, many got initiated into the order as monks. The request was granted by the Buddha.
Once King Bimbisara assembled round him the representatives of 80, 000 villages which were under his administration. He gave them necessary direction about social, political and economic matters. In the end, he added,
"All that I have said so far pertain to this world. For a knowledge of things beyond this world, you should take shelter with the Buddha".
Thereafter, all of them came to the Grddhrakūta mountain and placed themselves under the protection of the Buddha (17).
It has been noticed elsewhere in this volume that King Bimbisara engaged the famous royal physician Jivaka Kauma rahhrtya for the treatment of the Buddha and his monks. There are also records of King Bimbisara having erected shelters for the residence of the monks and the nuns of the order(18).
According to the Petavatthu Aṭṭhakatha, King Srenika practised upo satha on the 8th and the 14th days of the fortnight and also on the new moon and full-moon days (19).
The Buddha's appearance in prison
According to the Amitāyurdhyāna Sutta of the, Mahayana Buddhism, when in the last part of his life, Sreņika

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Bimbisāra was lodged in prison. Monk Moggallāna appeared in his cell by dint of his supernatural powers and gave out a discourse for him. While in prison, Bimbis ara had desired this, and this desire was fulfilled. Vaidehi, who was Bimbisāra's queen, was imprisoned in another cell. It is on record that at her prayer, the Buddha visited her in the cell(20).
According to the Dhammapada Asthakathā, on accepting on invitation from Mahali, who was an emissary of the Licchavis, the Buddha turned in the direction of Vaisali, King Bimbisāra came to see him off till the bank of the Ganga. On this occasion, he constructed a road from Rajagrha up to the bank of the Ganga decorated it with flowers, and had guest houses erected all along the road. The Buddha took his seat on the boat and the boat sailed. Bimbisāra held the boat and followed it inside water till he was deep into water upto his chin. Then he turned his back. Till the Buddha came back from Vaisali, he remained camped on the bank of the Ganga. After the Buddha's return, he came back to Rajagsha with him(21).
Lalitavistara records that for the Buddha and his monks, travelling by boat was made free of charge for all times.
Awakening of Pakkusāti
The Atthakathā of the Dhātuv ib hanga Sutta of the Majjhima Nikāya has as follows:
Once some traders from Taxila came to the court of King Bimbisāra. In the course of conversation, they spoke highly of the qualities of their king, Pakkusati. In age as well as in qualities, they said, he was similar to King Bimbisāra himself. Soon a friendship was established between the two kings. Traders from Taxila were exempted from the customs at Rajagrha, as traders from Rajagrha were accorded a similar privilege at Taxila. Pakkusati sent five colourful, printed shawls as gifts for King Bimbisara. In return, King Bimbisara had scribed on a golden plate a hymn to the Buddha and sent it to Pakkusati. Pakkusati came to Rajagrha all along on foot in order to see the Buddha and entered into his order as a monk.

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After his death
The Janavasab ha Sutta of the Digha Nikāya gives a description of Bimbisāra's life after death. Said Ananda,
"Bhante! You have narrated the life after death of many a follower from many lands. Sreņika Bimbisara was a pious man, who was under the protection of the Buddha, the spiritual king. Will you kindly state which life did he attain after death, in which world was he reborn"?---
On hearing this .request from Ananda, the Buddha went into a trance. He concentrated his soul power and strove to decipher the joys and sorrows Bimbisāra was then passing through. Thereon a Yaksa appeared and said,
"I am Janayasabha, I am Janavasabha. I am Janavasabha. I am Bimbisara".
Then the Buddha came to know all about him and said to Ananda,
"Bimbisāra has become a Yaksa named Janayasabha".
According to the Therī Gāthā, Queen Khemā, wife of Bimbisāra, joined the Buddha's order as a nun, and she was named by the Buddha as the wis est among the wise.
In the Agamas
All the above accounts are clear in themselves. If we have to arrive at a conclusion exclusively on their basis, we have to accept that Srenika Bimbisara was a follower of the Buddha. But when we penetrate into the world of the Agamas, we have a much more vigorous and forceful evidence on hand to suggest that King Bimbisara was a Jaina.
In touch with Mahavira
It has been stated above that King Srenika got a direc tion from the nirgrantha monk Anāthi about religion. The
ruatksand ha contains a brilliant account of his direct

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relation with Mahavira and the great esteem in which he held him. The account is as follows:
In that period, at that time, there was a city named Rajagṛha. There was a garden named Gunasila outside the city. Sreņika was the ruling monarch. One day, seated on his cushion in his spiritual chamber, he sent for his officers, and after they had come, he said to them,
"Of beloved of the gods! You go outside the city of Rajagṛha to all rest houses, gardens, workshops, hill temples, public halls, hill water stores, shops, restaurants, quarries, wood shops, coir shops, etc., and tell their owners, 'Oh beloved of the gods ! King Srenika Bimbisāra so orders, when Sramana Bhagavan Mahavira comes to this city, you give him shelter, cushion, bed, etc., and convey the news of his arrival to the king'.
11
The officers carried out the orders of the king.
In that period, at that time, Sramaya Bhagavān Mahavira came to Rajagṛha. People met in a congregation. The above-mentioned owners of rest houses, etc., met together to hold discussion, and then they came to Srenika in a group and said, "Your Majesty! Bhagavan Mahavira, the founder of religion, Tirthankara, all-knowing and all-seeing, whom you were keen to see, the mention of whose name and face pleases you, is at the Gunasila caitya".
On hearing this news, King Sŕeņika was delighted and happy. Coming down from his throne, he moved seven or eight steps forward, and from there, he paid his homage and obeisance for Bhagavan Mahavira. Then he profusely rewarded those people who had brought the good news, sent for his army commanders and keepers of royal vehicles and ordered them to make ready the fourfold army and to decorate all the chariots for the spiritual mission to pay a visit to Bhagavan Mahavira.
Having done all this, he came to Queen Celana and said, "Oh beloved of the gods! Highly fruitful is the visit

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to th Bhagavān Arihanta. So let us go, pay homage and obeisance to Sramana Bhagavan Mahavira, welcome him in our midst and adore him. He is the giver of the greatest goods, the greatest bliss. He is even superior to Gods and immensely wise. Let us go to him and worship him. This will be good for us in this life, and also in the next life, for our happiness, for our welfare, for our liberation, till for terminating the bondage of rebirth".
On hearing all this, Queen Celanā became immensely delighted and happy.
She took her bath and put on costly garments and jewellery. With King Srenika, she sat on the special chariot that was to carry them to Bhagavān Mahavira. They arrived at Gunasila caitya. Taking precedence, she stood in front of Bhagavan Mahāvira, moved round him thrice and bowed before him. Enquiries were made about health and well-being, and then the king taking precedence over her, the royal couple resumed their seats to attend the sermon.
Bhagavan Mahavira delivered his sermon. After the sermon was over, people went away. Some of the monks of the order who were immensely impressed by the display of the wealth of King Srenika, had a thought as follows in their mind,
"How very fortunate must be King Bhambhasara who has a queen like Celaņā and a kingdom like Magadha. If our austere penances have any effect, we would like to have fine.wordly pleasures like this".
Seeing the great fortune of Queen Celanā, some of the nuns thought in their mind,
"How very fortunate must be Queen Celanā ! If our austere penances have any effect, we would like to have a fine wordly life like this".
By dint of his supreme knowledge, Bhagavan Mahavira came to know about the thinking of these monks and nuns. He collected them round him and apprised them of the evil consequences of this kind of thinking. Thereon the monks and nuns confessed their guilt.

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The above account indicated not only the great esteem in which Srenika Bhambhasara held Mahavira, but it also indicates in all probability that this was their first meeting. It is explicit in the account that the queen took precedence, apparently to introduce the king to Bhagavān Mahavira, and thereafter, while taking their seats, she yielded the precedence to the king. According to the Jaina tradition, in his early life, Srenika was the follower of some heretical creed, but Celana imbibed Mahavira's religion in her parental home. It was, therefore, in the fitness of things that she introduced the king, as in a first meeting. The sort of thinking that the monks and nuns had about the great wealth and fortune of King Sreņika and Queen Celanā was also a natural thing for a first meeting.
It has been recorded in the Anuttarovavai -dasao that King Srenika called on Bhagavān Mahavira, and, having attended his sermon, he made the following submission,
"Bhante! Among your 14, 000 monks, Indrabhūti and others, who, in your considered opinion, performs maximum penances and exhausts kar ma fetters to the highest extent"?
Said Bhagavān Mahāvira, "Srenika ! Monk Dhanya has maximum penances and maximum kar ma exhaustion to his credit".
The king was delighted to hear this. He came to Monk Dhanya and said,
"Oh beloved of the gods! You are fortunate. You have the highest merit to your credit".
From there, he came back to Mahavira, paid his homage and obeisance, and went back to his palace(22).
Chapter 13 of the Nayadhammakahao has an account of Srenika's visit to Mahāvira with his household and retinue.
Initiation of the Princes
On the solemn occasion of the initiation of Meghkumāra

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into monkhood, King Sreņika showered praise on the religion of the nirgrant has in the following words:
"Nirgrant ha religion is based on truth, is foremost and complete; it is a way to liberation; it transcends all logic and is unprecedented. Its fulfilment is as difficult as the chewing of iron chocolates "(23).
Nandis ena, another son of Srenika, was initiated into monk hood in one of Mahavira's congregations (24).
There is on record that once King Srenika declared in the presence of the members of the royal household, feudatory kings and ministers that he would not prevent any one who desired to be initiated into monkhood by Bhagavān Maha vira from doing so(25). It is further stated that being inspired by this proclamation, 23 sons of Srenika, Jali, Mayali and others (26), and 13 queens, Nanda, Nanda mati, and others (27), were initiated at the hands of Mahavira.
Going to Hell and Subsequent Tirthankarhood
Once Srenika was present at the congregation of Bhaga - vān Mahavira, Just then a leper came and sat beside him. Meanwhile, Mahavira sneezed, when the leper remarked,
"You die".
He was followed by Srenika who sneezed when the leper commented,
"You live."
The third to sneeze was Abhayakumara when the leper commented,
"Live or die."
And then sneezed the great butcher, Kālas'aurika, when the leper's curt comment was,
"Neither live nor die".
On hearing these irreleyant and uncalled for comments of the leper, Srenika's soldiers wanted to put the man under

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arrest; but they failed to do so because the fellow had already disappeared. When Srenika requested Mahavira to explain the significance of this mysterious episode, the latter observed,
"This leper was a god, and whatever he has observed is perfectly correct. He asked me to die because liberation lies ahead of me. He asked you to live because you are marked for hell hereafter. As for Abhayakumara, he is in human existence in this life (the most coveted even of the gods), and, besides, he is a pious man. When he goes out from here, he goes to heaven. So it is immaterial whether he lives or dies. This explains his comment about him, 'Live or die'. The great butcher, Kalasaurika, has a miserable life on this earth, and hereafter he goes to hell, which is equally bad. So he said to him, "Neither live nor die!".
Bhante! Does every person who worships thee get this sort of result"?
Said Mahavira,
'Oh King! It's not like that. But because of your excessive love for hunting, you have already tied a life in hell. But the outcome of worshipping me will be that, just as you see, I am the last of a group of 24 Tirthankaras, so, immediately on coming out of your infernal life, you will be the first of the next group of 24 Tirthankaras named Padmanabha in the new era "(28).
On hearing this great news, Srenika was immensely delighted and happy.
Srenika enquired if there was a way whereby he could escape life in hell. Said Mahavira,
"If you can make the Brahmana lady Kapila to give alms and the great butcher Kalasaurika to give up animal slaughter, then you may escape hell".
Srenika sent his request to both Kapilā and Kālasaurika, but it was entertained by none. When Kapila was forced to give alms, she said,

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"It's not I but the king who is making the offer".
When Kalasaurika refused the request, he was thrown into the well where he produced 500 buffaloes out of clay and slaughtered them(29). The implication was that these two were as impossible as Srenika's averting life in hell.
The Jaina literature has on record many occasions to remind one of the meeting between Bhagavān Mahāyira and King Srenika. In this connection, there is an interesting episode which also involves the royal-monk Prasannacandra. Prasannacandra was the king of Potanapura, He was initiated into monkhood by Mahavira himself. One day, at Rajagrha, as the congregation met, Prasannacandra stood in meditation outside the pandal. When Sreņika's party arriyed there, his army commander Durmukha pointed to the royal monk and remarked.
"This man is a hypocrite and unenlightened too. He has entrusted his kingdom to a young prince who is in the prime of life, and has himself escaped to be a monk. His miniters are conspiring against him in collusion with the enemy kings and have already started usurping his kingdom".
These words reached the ears of the royal monk as he stood in meditation. He felt a confusion within himself. He had within him a feeling of anger against his enemies and ministers.
Sreņika made a formal bow to the royal monk and hastened to the presence of Mahāvira. Coming there, he put the follow-question,
"Bhante ! If Prasannacandra, who is standing here outside in meditation, dies just now, what state does he attain"?
- "Nineth hell".
Srenika was taken competely aback. After a short gap of time, he asked again, "Bhante ! If he dies now, then"?

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"He goes to Sarvartha Siddha; the above of the Liberated Souls at the crest of the sphere, which is the highest form of divine existence. But, King, there is nothing to be surprised at this. The main determinants of his future state are the states of his mind from time to time. At the moment when you put your first question to me, he was in the midst of a profound mental conflict. By the time you put your last question, he had regained full self-control and was busy with the purification of self".
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As Srenika was having the conversation with Mahävira, the royal monk standing outside in meditation attained omni-science. Heavenly drums were beaten in the sky. Seeing this glory of the spiritual governance of the Arhats, Srenika felt a delightful surprise (30).
According to the Caupanna Mahapurisa Cariyam, one day Indra praised Srenika in the following manner,
"At this moment, there is no one on the earth as pious and devoted as King Srenika".
Having heard these words of Indra, one god came down to this earth in order to hold the test, but when he found that Srenika was very firm in his devotion to the nirgrantha religion, he was very happy. While taking leave, this god bestowed on Sreņika a very precious eighteen-fold necklace which later became the cause of the
Rathamusala and the Mahasila -kantaka wars.
According to the Digambara belief, the first serman of Mahavira was delivered on the Vipulacala mountain at Rajagṛha on the first day of the dark half of Savana. Srenika, the king of Magadha, and his family attended that historic sermon. King Sreņika and Queen Celaņā were the foremost among the lay followers of Mahavira (31).
A Jaina or a Buddhist
If one depends wholly on the Jaina sources, one will hardly have occasion for doubt that Srenika was not a staunch follower of the nirgranthas. But when the Buddhist and the Jaina sources are placed side by side, the attention tends to be bifurcated. One finds it difficult to be dogmatic if he was one or the other. But in looking at the historical

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value of the above accounts, one is bound to find that many of these were later interpolations. Thus, for instance, Rhys Davids has written, "The Kuṭadanta Sutta appears to be fictitious. There is no proof anywhere to support that there was a man named Kutadanta" (translated from Hindi) (32).
Edward Thomas has expressed the following opinion,
"The importance of the first meeting between the Buddha and Srenika is no more than a fiction. This account has taken diverse forms in diverse texts. There is nothing of this sort in the older Pali texts". (translated from Hindi) (33).
A review of the Jaina sources too would place some of them in the category of fiction. But then sometimes it is. very difficult to draw a straight line between fiction and reality. When we think that a particular account is fictitious, that thinking may itself be rooted in fiction. Under the circumstances, a consideration of fiction or reality does not take us to a sure enough ground.
In this respect, the only dependable clue may be a consideration about the time when Mahavira, Gautama Buddha and Srenika lived. This point has been already discussed in and earlier chapter wherein it has been shown that the contemporaneity of Mahavira after his attainment of omniscience and Srenika lasted for 13 years, but the same in the case of the Buddha after his attainment of the Buddhahood
lasted for only 3 years. And during these 3 years too, Mahavira was still alive. Mahavira's first monsoon retreat after the attainment of omniscience was spent at Rajagṛha. At the commencement of this period, Srenika courted the voew of equanimity (34) and Abhayakumāra and many others courted the vows of the householders (35). It has already been stated in the account of Monk Anathi that Srepika courted the nirgrantha religion. Maybe, this account came to assume a proper form here. There is no occasion for doubt that a close link came to be established between Mahavira and Sreņika in the very first year of the attainment of omniscience by the former. As an outcome of this very intimate relation, Srenika gave leave to his queen and princes to join Mahavira's order as monks and nuns,

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and the king himself organised necessary celebrations for each. Both Meghakumara and Nandis ena were initiated into monkhood during this very first year(36). It is quite likely that because of this extraordinary devotion of Sreņika, Mahavira very often spent his monsoons there.
By his very nature, Srenika was a man of religious disposition. Before the Buddha had come into prominence, Mahāvira had been afrequent visitor to Rajagrha. It cannot be conceived that in a situation like this, Srenika would not become a follower of Mahā vira, And it is equally difficult to conceive that in the last four years of his life,
ka would give up the nirgrantha religion, particularly when Mahāvira was still alive, and court the religion of the Buddha, the more so when many of his queens and princes were in the order of Mahavira as monks and nuns. Dalsukh Malvaniya's suggestion that Srenika courted Buddhism because of Mahā vira's prediction about him that he would go to hell after death is not at all convincing (37). Had it been so, then, why should Mahāvira reveal at the same time that on completion of his life in hell, would be a Tirthankara like himself and be named Padmana bha?
The Manāyamsa which is a Buddhist text states, in part, as follows:
The Buddha was senior to Bimbisāra by five years. The Buddha attained Buddhahood at the 35th year of his life and came to Rājagrha. Bimbisāra ascended the throne at the age of 15. In the 16th year of his reign, i. e., when he was 31, he placed himself under the protection of the Buddha. Then during the next 37 years of the Buddha's life, Bimbisara was still alive. The Buddha passed away in the 8th year of the reign of Ajātaśatru(38).
The record of Mahāvaṁsa is not correct. This has been discussed threadbare in an earlier chapter on the determination of time.
There is a further proof of Sreņika's intimate link with the nirgrantha religion which is that the number of queens and princes who were converted by the Buddha was insignificant compared with those converted by Mahāvira.

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Evidence is also available to suggest that Srenika was a Jaina by birth. It has been said about his father that he belonged to the order of Pārsva and had courted the vow of equanimity and also the 'lesser vows'(39). According to Dr. Kasi Prasāda Jaiswal, Srenika's ancestors came from Kāsi to Magadha(40). He has further suggested that his was the same family in which once, Tirthankara Pārsva had been born. On the basis of this source, it is plausible to think that Jainism was his family religion. According to some Jaina view, though Srenika was a jaina by birth, he became hostile to it during his banishment. It is quite likely that during this period of his banishment, he became the admirer of Sramanas with lax morals, of which there is a hint in the account of Monk Anathi. All things considered, it was natural for Srenika to be a Jaina when his ancestors were Jainas and his father was a Jaina.
During the last four years of his life. Srenika had a link with the Buddha and his order of monks; but this does not appear to be anything more than a relationship of friendliness and mutual appreciation.
There is a strong proof in support of this view which is that Rājagrha happened to be the main centre of activity of Mahavira and his order of monks, Mahavira spent 14 monsoons in this city. On many occasions, he spent time immediately preceding the commencement of monsoons in that city. Even from an earlier period, people of that city belonged to the sect of Pārsva. Under the circumstances, there should be no doubt that Rajagrha became the principal centre of activity of Mahavira and his order of monks mainly because they could count on the ruling monarch among thier principal followers.
The main centre for the Buddha and his monks was not Rājagrha but Srāvasti. Jetavana of Anāthapindika and Pūrvārāma of Visakhā Mrgāramātā where the Buddha and his monks often lived were both located at Srāvasti. Prasenajit who happened to be a great follower of the Buddha reigned in that city. The Buddha spent 26 monsoons there as against only 5 at Rājagsha. Mahāvira spent only one, monsoon at Srāvasti. It is worth while to note that just as Mahāvīra predicted a future Tirthankar hood for Srenika, so did the Buddha predict a future Buddhahood for Prasenajit(41).

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On the whole, therefore, it appears certain that Srenika was a follower of Mahavira and Prasenajit was a follower of the Buddha.
Regarding Sreņika, Vincent A. Smith has expressed the following opinion:
"He appears to have been a Jaina in religion, and sometimes is coupled by Jaina tradition with Asoka's grandson Bamprati, as a notable patron of the creed of Mahāvira". (42).
Further, he writes,
Bing related through his mother to the reigning King of Videha, Magadha and Anga, he was in a position to gain official patronage for his teaching and is recorded to have been in personal touch with both Bimbisāra and Ajātasatru who seem to have followed his doctrine". (43).
About the name
Bhimbisára, etc. - Various words like Bhambhasara, Bhimbhasāra, Bhimbhisara, etc., have been used in the Jaina Agamas as the names of Sreņika(44). In later Sans - krta Pråkrta texts. the name more frequently used has been Bhambhasara (45). Bhambha, bhimbha and bhimbhi, these three words are accepted as synonyms for a musical instrument called behri (cf. Pāyiya -Sadda -mahānnavo, pp. 794, 807). In diverse texts, the interpretation that has been given to this name of Srenika is that during the outbreak of fire at the palace once, while other princes ran away with diverse objects, Srenika, to whom the bhambha alone stood important as the royal insignia ran away with it. Hence he was given the name Bhambhasāra(46). According to Vijayendra Suri 'Bhambhasara" was the only correct name, all others being incorrect(47). This explanation is far from satisfactory. The amas have used all the forms, and, therefore, even if the contention of Vijayendra Suri be accepted, still it has to be said that all these words, the of bhambha, bhimbha, etc., are associated with Srenika. Being used as proper nouns, they refer to the same person. There can be no question of the proper nouns used by the

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monks to be incorrect. In support of his view, Vijayendra Súri has quoted the following line from the Thānanga Vytti,
bhambhā tti dhakkä sä sāro yasya să bhambhāsārh
But it appears that he has quoted this evidence out of a fc.lty outlook in order to support his own viewpoint. For, tue same text from which he has quoted his also the following line,
bhimbhi tti dhakkā sā sāro yasya sa tathā bhimbhisärh (48).
The excerpt that is being discussed here is distinctly as follows:
seņie rāyā bhimbhisare
Commentator Abhayadeva Sūri has clarified the point as follows:
tena kumāratve pradipanake jaya dhakkā gehānniskāsitātath pitrā bhimbhisăra ukt!49).
Dr. Pichel too has accepted 'Bhimbhisara' to be the correct word(50).
Bimbisara - In the Buddhist tradition, the name of Srenika that has gained acceptance is Bimbisāra. 'Bimbi! stands for gold. He was given the name Bimbisāra because of his golden complexion(51). According to the Tibetan tradition, the name of Bimbisara's mother was Bimbi from which the son took the name Bimbisāra(52).
The words 'Bhimbhisāra' and 'Bimbisara' come very near to each other. This may be a very important point for investigation. It may be that the two words are identical, but they are pronounced differently in different vocabulary.
ka - The name 'Srenika' has been equally used in both the Jaina and the Buddhist traditions. In both the traditions, it has been mostly used as a compound, 'Srenika Bhimbhisara' in the Jaina tradition, and 'Srenika Bimbisāra' in the Buddhist tradition. There is also much

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similarity in the etymological meaning of the word 'Srenika!. According to the Jaina interpretation, he was named Sreņika because he established 'sreni' or 'clans'(53). According to the Buddhist interpretation, he was named Srenika because he was made the overlord of sixteen clans by his father(54). Both the traditions have recounted 18 clans (55). Even the names of the clans bear a striking similarity between the two in many respects. The Jambūdipa-pannatti, which is a Jaina Agama, gives details about 9 clans named Nārus(56) and another 9 named Kārus (57). In the Buddhist tradition, in contrast, we do not get these names in a consistent form. The names given in the Mahavastu(58) bear much resemblance with those given in the Jambadiba -pannatti, but they have been 30 in number. Basing on diverse texts, R.C. Majumdar has compiled a list of 27 clans, but in doing so, he has totally overlooked the Jaina source book Jambudipa -pannatti. Otherwise, he would not have written that it was difficult to say what these 18 clans were(59). Some scholars are of opinion that he was called Srenika because of his vast army(Senā), or because the name of his family line was Seniya (60).
Father's name
According to the Svetambara tradition of the Jainas, Prasenajit was the name of Sreņika's father(61). In the Uttarpurāņa of the Digambaras, his father's name has been stated to be Kunika(62), which apparently is not correct. According to the Br had -kathā -koşa by, a Digambara Acarya, Harisena, (story 55), the name of Sreņika's father has been 'stated to be Upasreņika(63). Srimad Bhāgavat Purana has called Srenika as Vidhisāra, and his father as Kşetrajna (64). Elsewhere we find his name as Bhattiya, Mahapadma, Hemajit, Kșetrojā, Kşetprojā, etc. (65). Queens of Srenika
In the Jaina texts, we find the names of 25 queens of
ka. Of these, 13 names, Nanda and others, and another 10 names, Kāli, Sukāli and others, are contained in the Jaina text Antagada -dasāo. All of them joined Mahāvira's order of nuns after the death of Srepika, The Dasāsuyakhandha has described Celanā as the Empress. The

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Nišitha Cūrni has the name of Apatagandhā as the queen of Sreņika, but this name is not very well-known(66). The Nayadhammakahao gives a detailed description of Dhārini, another queen of Srenika(67).
According to the Vinaya Pitaka, King Bimbisāra had 500 wives (68). Once Jivaka Kaumara, Bhrtya, the royal physician, cured the king of fistula by a single application of ointment because of which the king rewarded him with as many ornaments as his 500 women could use at a time. From this, however, it is difficult to state that these 500 women were the queens of Srenika.
According to the Buddhist view, Kos'alá Devi, the sister of King Prasenajit was Srenika's principal consort. As a dowry from this marriage, Bimbisara got a village which yielded him a revenue of one lakh kârşāpaņas(69).
Queen Ksema was a princess from Madra. She was proud of her beauty. She received spiritual inspiration under proper guidance, and was initiated at the hands of the Buddha (70).
A prostitute named Padmāvatī who hailed from Ujjain has also been called to be a wife (concubine ?) of Sreņika (71).
There is a reference in the Amitāyurdhyāna Sūtra. that Vaidehi Vasavi was a queen of Bimbisāra.
About the queens of Bimbisara, the Jaina and the Buddhist sources are widely apart from each other. It appears that Bimbisara had many queens. Different traditions have given different importance to different queens depending on their relations. It is quite likely that some queens have figured in the two traditions under different names.
Princes (Sons of Syenika)
Srenika's successor was Prince Kūņika, also called Ajātasatru. The Buddhist tradition names only some of these princes. Abhayakumāra has been called the son of a concubine named Padmavati(72). Another prostitute Ambapāli gave birth to a son for Bimbisara who was named

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Vimala Kodamna. At a later period, he became a Bụddhist monk(73). Another son of Bimbisāra named Silayā (Silayat) also became a Buddhist monk, and later an Arhat(74). Bimbisāra had another son named Jayasena(75).
In the Jaina tradition, Kunjka apart, there is a con
y other princes. The Aņuttarovavãyiya gives the following ten names:
(1) Jalī, (2) Mayālī, (3) Uvayali, (4) Purimasena, (5) Vāris ena, (6) Diha danta, (7)‘Latthadanta, (8) Vehalla, (9) Vehāyasa and (10) Abhayakumara Of these, the first seven were by Queen Dharini, Vehalla and Vehāyasa by Celana and Abhayakumara by Nandā (76).
Elsewhere in the same Agama, the following names are given of 13 princes:
(1) Dihasena, (2) Mahāseņa, (3) Latthadanta, (4)Gūdhadanta, (5) Suddha danta, (6) Halla, (7) Duma, (8) Dumasena, (9) Mahadumas eņa, (10) Siha, (11) Sihasena, (12) Mahāsihasena and (13) Punnas ena.
According to Niriyāvalikā, the following ten princes were born of Kāli, Sukali and other queens of Sreņika:
(1) Kālakumāra, (2) Sukālakumara (3) Mahākalākumāra, (4) Kanhakumăra, (5) Sukanhakumāra, (6) Mahakanhakumāra, (7) Virakaṇhakumāra, (8) Rāmakanhakumāra, (9) Seņakanhakumāra and (10) Mahāseņakanhakumāra
Two princes, viz., Meghakumara and Nandis ena have been very famous in the Jaina tradition.
The Jaina āga mas not only mention the names of the aforesaid princes, they give an appropriate places their biological sketches in very consistent forms. Of these, ten, Kālakumāra and others, died in the Mahāśilākantaka war and the remaining princes became monks.
Ajātsátru Künika
Like Srenika, even Kūņika (Ajātas'atru) enjoys a respectable position in both the Jaina and the Buddhist tra di

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tions. Both claim him as a close follower, and both come forward with evidence in support of this claim. According to the Buddhist tradition, the Samanjaphala Sutta deals with the first meeting between the Buddha and Ajatasatru. According to the same text, during this meeting, he took the protection of the Buddha, the Dharma and the Sangha. One important example of his great devotion to the Buddha that has been put forward is that he erected a vast stupa on the bones of the Buddha. So goes the account that when the last remains of the Buddha, bones and ashes after the funeral, were going to be distributed, at that time, Ajāta-. sastru, too, sent the following message to the Mallas at Kusinārā,
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"The Buddha was a Ksatriya. I am also a Ksatriya.. Of his last remains, I must also have a share".
On the advice of the vipra Drona, he got a portion of the bones over which he erected the stupa (77).
According to the Samanjaphala Sutta, during a fullmoon night in the month of Kartika, Ajatasatru came to know of the Buddha from the royal physician Jivaka Kumāra Bhrtya, and during the same night, followed by his 500 queens seated on 500 elephants, he met the Buddha. It is difficult to say when he first met Mahavira; but all the accounts suggest an old acquaintance between the two in which Ajatasatru held Mahavira in the highest esteem. The Uvavai, which is the first Upanga of the Jainas, throws light on the relation between Mahavira and Kunika. The same text contains beautiful description about the city of Campa and also about Kunika's kingdom. Regarding the great esteem in which Kūnika held Mahāvīra, It is stated therein, in part, as follows:
"He had an officer to report about the daily routine of Mahavira to him. He was very lavishly paid. His duty was to report to the king about the day-to-day affairs of Mahavira. The officer had a vast supporting field staff through whom he collected all the information about Mahavira and reported it to the king (78).
The Uvavai Sutta has a detailed and illuminating discussion on Mahavira's arrival at Campa and the honour

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shown to him by Kunika. Had the researchers been attracted to this account, it would have been as useful a material as the account in the Samañjaphala Sutta. The researchers have, in general, neglected the Aga mas totally and have relied exclusively on the Tripitakas. The views expressed by the researchers could have been more balanced and useful if they had used both the sources of information for the purpose of their investigation. It is more particularly so about Ajātasatru Künika of whom the account in the Tripi Tripitakas is scrappy, and not as much detailed as the account in the Agamas.
The meeting between Mahāvira and Kūņika took place at Campā. Wandering through village to village in the company of 14,000 monks and 36,000 nuns, Mahavira reached the suburb of that city. The officer on Mahavira's daily routine was delighted and happy when he got the information about his coming. He took his bath, put on clean clothes, decorated himself in light-weight high-cost ornaments and moved out of his residence. Passing through the heart of the city of Campā, he came to the court of Kūņika, son of Bhambhasara, wished victory to the king and submitted, in part, as follows:
"Wandering through village to village, Sramana Bhagavān Mahāvira, whom you wanted to meet, whose sight is so much coveted by you, and whose name and family line are a source of delight to your ears, has arrived in the suburb of this city, Campa, and the party is about to reach the Purnabhadra caitya very soon. May this news be a source of delight for your majesty".
On hearing this news from the officer, Kūnika, the son of Bhambhasara, became very happy. His face and eyes beamed with joy. In a hurry, he got up from the throne and removed his slippers. He took out the five emblems of kingship, Sword, umbrella, crown, foot wear and camara. He retained only a single piece of cloth on his person. Then with folded hands he moved seven or eight steps in the direction of Mahāvira, contracted his left leg and placed the right one on the ground. Thrice he touched the ground with his forehead. Then rising slightly, he folded his hands, with which he touched his

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"May my homage and obeisance reach Srmana Bhagavan Mahavira, who is an Adikara, a Trithankara,
till entitled to the seat of the Liberated Souls, who is my spiritual guide and acarya. From here I send my homage and obeisance to him to where he is at this moment. May the Bhagavan view me from there" (79)!
Having paid his homage and obeisance the king again sat on the throne. He rewarded the officer with 1, 08, 000 gold coins and said,
"Please send me information as soon as the Bhagavān reaches the Pūrṇabhadra caitya".
Decorated with a thousand rays, the sun rose in the sky. In that serene atmosphere of the dawn, Bhagavān Mahavira stepped into the Pūrṇabhadra caitya. He set up his camp there and lived in restraint and penance. over the city of Campa, in the parks and squares, and at the confluence of roads, people said,
All
"Bhagavan Mahavira has come to our city. He is staying at the Purnabhadra caitya. The mention of his name and that of his family line give a great merit, what to speak of the merit in seeing him with our own eyes. Oh beloved of the Gods! Let us go and pay homage and obeisance to Bhagavan Mahavira. That will be for our good, and for our happiness in this life and in the next one".
Thereon the people took their bath, put on clean clothes and decorated themselves with garlands. Then, some on horse back, some on elephants, some on palanquins, but the largest majority on foot, started on their. way to see Bhagavan Mahavira.
The officer in charge of Mahavira's routine communicated this happy news to the king. This time, the king gave him a reward of 12, 50, 000 gold coins (80). Then Kūņika, son of Bhambhasara, sent for his army commanders and said,

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"Decorate the best of elephants and make them ready for me. Mobilise the four-fold army for a full procession. Prepare the chariots for the queens, Subhadra and others. Ciean the city of Campā both from inside and outside. Erect platforms at various places for the use of the members of the public. I shall go to pay my homage and obeisance to Bhagavān Mahāvira".
All preparations were ready as per the king's order. The king sat on the best of elephants, Subhadra and other queens took their seats on the chariots. Followed by the magnificient fourfold army, the king set out to see Bhaga - ván Mahavira and pay his homage and obeisance(81). Passing through the heart of Campa, the royal party reached the vicinity of the Pürnabhadra caitya. As the superhuman marks announcing the presence of a Tirthankara came with in his sight from a distance, he gave up the elephant, and discarded the five emblems of kingship. From there, walking, he came within the august presence of Bhagavān Mahāvira, and bowed before him in due manner. Then he took his seat, worshipping the Bhagavan with his mind, words and body(82).
Bhagavān Mahavira gave out his sermon to the assembly, and he spoke in Ardh-Māgadhi language. In the course of the sermon, he said,
"There is the sphere, and there is the non-sphere. Likewise, there are soul and non-soul, bondage and liberation, virtue and vice, influx of kar ma, their check, their experience, their exhaustion, etc. There are slaughter, falsehood, usurpation, sex indulgence accumulation, anger, pride, attachment and greed. There are abstention from slaughter, from falsehodd, from usurpation, from sex indulgence, from superfluous accumulation, till from the thorn of wrong faith. There is asti - hood in all the astis and nāsti -hood in all the năstis. Good deeds yield good results as bad deeds yield bad results. All souls touch virture and vice, pass through life and death and allow virtue and vice to fructify. There are two types of religion, religion of the homeless (anagāra) monks, and religion of the householder. The former religion demands that a person gets tonsured, and goes out

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from the state of a householder to be a homeless monk, to desist from killing, etc., all forms of abstention. The latter religion prescribes 12 items, viz., 5 'lesser vows' (anuvratas), 3 vows prescribing controls (gunavratas) and 4 educational vows (sikşāvratas) "(83).
Having attended the sermon on religion, the assembly dispersed, Kunika, the son of Bhambhasara, also got up. Having paid his homage and obeisance, he submitted,
"Bhante! Your sermon on the nir grant ha religion has been well delivered, full of information, well said, well expressed, well conceived and insurpass. ed. While discussing religion (dharma), you passed on to tranquility (ubasama), therefrom to conscience (viveka), thence to abstention (viramana), to nondoing (akarana) of sinful deeds. What to speak of excelling thee, no other Sra mana or Brāhmana,could have given such a brilliant exposition of religion as thou hast done"(84).
So saying, the king went away in the direction from which he had come(85).
A Jaina or a Buddhist
If the Sāmañjaphala Sutta and the Uvavai are placed side by side, then the Uvavai will appear more profound in depth and penetration. The only line in the Să mañja - phala that would give support to Ajātas'atru's having become a Buddhist is:
"From this day, the Bhagavān may accept me as a follower who has come to his protection with folded hands".
In contrast, the Uvavai has a more detailed account of the information given by the officer in charge of Mahavirā's routine, Ajātasatru's coming down from the throne, expressing his homage and obeisance with the familiar utterance of namotthunań' his meeting with Mahavira, etc., etc. His concluding words, "What to speak of excelling thee, no other Sramana or Brāhmana could have given

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such a brilliant exposition of religion as thou hast done", signify his full confidence in the religion of the nirgranthas. Therefore, Ajatasatru's utterance to the Buddha were a mere formality befitting a meeting with a holy man, and does not prove that he had ever become a follower of the Buddha,
Whereas Ajātasatru met the Buddha only once(86), he had several meetings with Mahāyira(87). Even after the death of Mahāvira, he was present at the Council'that met under the guidance of Sud har mã, the successor of Bhaga - gần Mahavira to the spiritual throne(88).
Vincent Smith has written,
"Both Buddhists and Jainas have claimed him as one of themselves. The Jain claim appears to be well founded"(89). :
According to Radha Kumud Mook erjee, so long as both Mahāvira and the Buddha were alive, Ajātasatru was a follower of Mahavira"(90). He writes further,
"As it is often found in the Jaina tradition, both Ajātasatru and Udaibhadda have been described as men of good character because both were the followers of the Jaina religion. And this is the reason why the Buddhist texts have given a black paint on their character". (translated from Hindi) (91).
There are other evidences too which would suggest that he could not have been a follower of the Buddha, viz., his intimacy with Devadatta, who happened to be an enemy of the Buddha, his enmity with the Vajjis who were the great favourites of the Buddha, and the last but not least, the war with Pras enajit who was a great devotee and follower of the Buddha.
The Buddhist tradition has described him to be a patricide(92). But after he had confessed his guilt and expressed repentance, the Jainas ha ve called him to be obedient to his father(93). These events are sufficiently expressive of his nearness to one religion and distance from the other.

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That the Buddha was unfavourably disposed towards Ajatasatru should be clear from the fact that after Ajātasatru had held a discussion with the Buddha on the outcome of monkhood and departed, the Buddha is said to have made the following observations about him to his monks,
"The background of this king has not been very good. He is very unfortunate. If he had not killed his pious father, then, today, he would have his dirtfree, spiritual eye opened on his very seat (94). In the context of Devadatta, he said, "Monks! Ajatasatru, the King of Magadha, who is an embodiment of sin, is his friend, is very intimate with him, and maintains a close relation with him "(95).
Once the Buddha was tendering some spiritual advice to Bimbisāra at the latter's palace. But instead of concentrating on the Buddha's words, he was all the time busy with patting his dear son. The Buddha invited the king's attention towards himself and told him a story whose substance was that the boy for whom he had so much of affection would one day take his life (96).
For the victory of the Vajjis, once Ajatasatru sent his minister Vassakara to the Buddha. This was a conspiracy to ascertain beforehand as to who would win. Had Ajàtasatru been a follower of the Buddha, how would he have played such a mean trick with him?
It is said that 500 nirgrantha monks were butchered by the command of King Ajatasatru after the murder of Moggallana (97). This would suggest that he was a staunch follower of Buddhism. But this record is only in the Aṭṭhakatha, and, therefore, it has no more value than a fiction.
The Atthakathās have other interesting records as well. For instance, it is said that after the death of the Buddha, the problem for his ministers was as to who would break this sad news to the king and how. They were particularly careful to make sure that the revelation of the said news of the demise of the Buddha did not overwhelm the king. So the ministers organised a 'catu-madhura' bath for the king as an antedote against evil dreams. In the pleasant surrounding created by the bath, they broke

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the news to Ajātas'atru. But no sooner did the king hear about the death of the Buddha than he fell down in a swoon. The administration of the same bath was repeated twice in consequence of which the king regained his consciousness and expressed a deep grief(98). According to another account, minister Vassakāra showed the king pictures on the life of the Buddha from birth till death, and in this manner, he broke the news to the king(99). This has been cited as a mark of great esteem in which the Buddha was held by King Ajātasatru. But since the accounts are of a much later period, they cannot be taken as authoritative and authentic.
Once Upaka, son of one Mindikā, and a disciple of Devadatta, held a discussion with the Buddha. Then he came to Ajātasatru and spoke ill about the Buddha. This irritated Ajātasatru who asked him to get out(100). The author of the Atthakathā has added that Ajātas'atru asked his men to turn him out by the neck(101). But even this does not establish any more that he was a follower of the Buddha. For, any wise man will do the same to another who violates the code of decent behaviour or indulges in a mean denunciation. Besides, if Upaka knew for certain that Ajātasatru was a follower of the Buddha, he would surely not have gone to him to discuss his own experiences with the Buddha. If still he went to him, he did so knowing fully well that the king was a friend of his own master, Devadatta.
In the later literature, there are on record certain episodes which would support Ajātasátru's deep enmity towards Buddhism. According to the Avadāna -śataka, King Bimbisara erected a stūpa on the nails and hairs of the Buddha even when the latter was alive. The women of the harem worshipped at this stūpa with incences, lamps and flowers. When Ajātasatru ascended the throne, he ordered the worship to be stopped. Srimati, a palace maid, disobeyed the order for which she had to pay dearly with her life(102). According to the Theragāthā Atthakathā, Ajātas atru even tried hard for the execution of his own brother, Silavat(103). These illustrations do not support in any way that Ajātasatru was a follower of Buddhism; rather, they point to the same conclusion that he was its inveterate enemy. But even these evidences may be rejected as not being very substantial.

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Dhys Davids, who is an authority on Buddhism, has written,
"At the end of the conversation, Ajātasatru frankly accepted the Buddha to be his guide and expressed deep regret for murdering his father. But it has been stated without any doubt that his religion could not have been changed. There is not a single proof that even after this shocking event, he had become a follower of the Buddha's teachings. So far as I have been able to understand, after this meeting, he did not even meet either the Buddha or any other monk of the Buddhist order, nor did he discuss about religion with any one of them; and it does not occur to my mind that he ever made any financial donation to the Buddhist order in the life-time of the Buddha,
"Of course, this much is known that he sent a request for a share of the bones of the Buddha; but his justification for this request was that "I am a Ksatriya, and the Buddha was a Ksatriya". And then he erected an altar on the bones. Second, in later texts, it is recorded that when, immediately after the death of the Buddha, the Buddhist Council met, Ajātas atru had erected a conference hall at the entrance of the Saptaparņi cave where the Buddhist Pitakas were compiled. But the older Buddhist texts are silent on this. Therefore, it is very much likely that even without courting the religion of the Buddha, he had a great regard for this religion. In doing so, Ajatas'atru was only following the great tradition of kingship in India according to which it was the sacred duty of a ruler to extend protection to all religions". (translated from Hindi)(104).
Desire during Pregnancy and Birth of Kūņika
The account of the birth of Künika and of his revolt against his father is more or less similar in the two traditions. On this, the Jaina source book is Nirayāvalikä, and the Buddhist source book is the Digha Nikaya Atthakathā. According to both the sources, the name of his father was Sreņika (Bimbisāra). .

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But his mother's name was Celaņā according to the Jaina tradition, and Kosála Devi according to the Buddhist tradition. The Jaina tradition believes that during her pregnancy the mother saw a lion in her dream, but the Buddhist tradition has nothing like this. During her pregnancy, the mother had a desire, According to the Jaina tradition, the desire was that he should eat the fried muscle of the heart of King Srenika and drink liquor; but according to the Buddhist tradition, it was to drink blood from the king's arm. According to both, the desire was fulfilled by the king. The Jaina source, however, holds that Abhayakumara so contrived that the muscles of the king's heart had not really to be taken out, and yet the queen had the satisfaction that she had eaten the fried muscles of the king's heart. According to the Buddhist tradition, a surgeon took out the blood from the king's arm and the queen drank it. After the fulfilment of her desire, the queen was very much ashamed and sorry. She tried even to kill the child in her womb. This she tried because, as per the Buddhist tradition, the astrologers had forecast that the child would one day kill his father. As per the Jaina tradition, the queen could visualise herself what sort of childshe was carrying in her womb who desire to taste the muscles of his father's heart.
Srenika's Love for his Son
According to the Jaina tradition, when the child was born, Celaņā had it thrown out. From there, a cock took out his little finger. There started a profuse bleeding at the place wherefrom the finger had been pecked out. When
nika came to know of this incident, he became restless out of affection for the son, He picked up the boy, brought him back to the queen and repeatedly sucked at the wound to stop bleeding.
King
As per the Buddhist tradition, the officers of the king had the child removed at once out of fear lest the queen should kill it herself. After a gap of time, the child was restored to his mother. Then the queen felt an affection for him. Once boy Ajātasatru had a boil on his finger. As the prince was bitterly crying, he was brought to the king
the court. The king held the finger in his mouth to warm the boil. After some time, the boil burst in the king's

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mouth. Out of affection for the son, the king did not spit the blood, but Swalloed it in.
Imprisonment of the Fathe
Regarding his revolt against the father, we have it in the Jaina tradition that Kunika was a man with restless aspiration. So he won his brothers to his side, chained his father and imprisoned him, and himself ascended the throne,
According to the Buddhist tradition, the aspiration of Kūņika was aflame at the provocation given by Devadatta. So he had his father locked up in a smoky cell. Murder of the Father
According to the Jaina tradition, on a festive occasion, Künika came to his mother to bow at her feet, but the mother did not respond. When she was asked about it, she narrated the old story of Srenika's affection for his son. She condemned Künika for all he had done to such an affectionate father. At this touch on a delicate part, Kūņika's affection for his father came up. At once, he picked upon axe in his hand and hurried to the prison cell to set his father free. But when Srenika saw him coming towards him with an axe in his hand, he thought,
"So he is now coming to kill me. It is better that I end my life with my own hands".
At once, he swallowed tālapuța poison and ended his
life.
It has been said in the Buddhist tradition that no one was permitted to go to the former king inside the smoky cell except Kosala Devi. Ajātasatru wanted to starve him to death,
For, Devadatta had counselled him as follows:
'The father cannot be killed by weapon. So he has to be starvedto death".
When Kos'ala Devi went to see the king, she used to carry some food in a small wallet. When this was reported

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to the king, he ordered the guards not to allow the wallet to be taken in. So next she used to carry some food hidden beneath her hairs. When this too was detected, she carried some food in her golden slippers. When even this was prohibited, the queen took bath in scented water and bes meared four coats of honey on her body with which she came to the king. The king licked this honey from her body and lived on. In the end, Ajātasatru completely stopped her going to the king. Now the king lived on the joy of srotāpatti.
When Ajātasatru saw that the king was not still dying, he sent for the barber and gave him the following order,
"Pierce the legs of my father with a knife and pour salt and oil on the cut, and foment it hot with fire made from khaira wood".
When this was done by the barber, the king died.
Repentance
According to both the traditions, Ajātas'atru became repentant after the death of his father. As per the Jaina tradition, the repentance came much earlier when Ajātasatru heard from the mother the great affection that his father always had for him. After the former king ended his life with his own hand, Ajātasatru fell down in a swoon, like a campaka tree hewn by an axe. After a while, he regained consciousness and lamented grievously,
"Alas ! How very unfortunate I am! How much devoid of virtue I am! How devoid of meritorious deeds I am! What a cruel act have I committed ! In chain did I tie my father who was god-like. It is because of me that King Srenika is dead".
Being overwhelmed with grief, he could no longer bear his residence at Rajagsha and transferred the capital of Magadha to the city of Campā.
Coming to the Buddhist tradition, on the day Bimbisāra died, Ajātas atru had a son born to him. The king was beside himself with joy at the birth of the son. The affection for the son filled up his bones and marrows. He thought

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that his father too must have experienced a similar delight when he himself was born. At once he ordered his gaolers to set his father free. But just then he received a note conveying the death of the former king. As the king read it, he gave out a shriek of distress and rushed straight to his mother, He asked,
"Mother ! Did my father have affection for me"?
The mother narrated how the ex-king had sucked at his finger when he was afflicted by a severe boil on it. This redoubled his grief and he lamented for what he had done.
Biographical Sketch: A review
Though the details of the mother's desire during her pregnancy, the finger boil, the imprisonment of King Bimbis ara, etc., are different, the two accounts run almost parallel. Keeping in view the fact that the two traditions are widely different, this much difference between the two need not be overemphasized. All great events gain currency in diverse forms even when they are a part of current history. The date of the writing of the Jaina Agama, Nirayālikā, is accepted to be before the commencement of the Vikrama era (105), whereas the Buddhist Att hakathās were written in the fifth century of the Vikrama era (106). This is another reason for the difference between the two. Stories which were preserved in, and transmitted through, memory in different traditions were put to writing after a few centuries or at a gap of a few centuries.
The accounts of the murder of the former king make it clear that whereas the Buddhist tradition was bent on exposing the cruelty of Ajātas'atru, the Jaina tradition attempted a sort of compromise. The Buddhist account of the piercing of the legs, pouring salt and oil, etc., is extremely inhuman. In the Jaina account, Srenika was imprisoned, of course, but there is nothing to establish: that he was starved to death. Whereas in the Jaina account, Srenika himself committed sucide, in the Buddhist account, he was actually killed. The softness of the Jaina account may be due to the fact that Künika had an extraordinary devotion for Jainism.

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About his mother
The names of Kunika's mother have been differently given in the two traditions. According to the Jātakas, Kosala Devi was the daughter of Maha-Kosala, the king of Kosala, and she was the sister of Prasenajit who succeeded on the throne(107). On the occasion of this marriage, the village of Kasi was given to Bimbisara as a dowry. After the murder of Bimbisara, so goes the Buddhist account, Prasenajit took that village back. There followed a war in which Prasenjait was defeated at first, but was successful later. As Ajātas atru happened to be his own nephew (sister's son), he was spared his life, a peace treaty was entered into and Prasenajit's daughter, Vajira, was married with him (108). The same village, Kasi, was given to him as dowry. The Samyutta Nikaya account has simultaneously called him as the 'nephew of Prasenajit' and as 'Vaide hi putta (109). There is, however, no consistency between the two epithets. The meaning of the word 'Vaidehi' is, as given by Buddhaghosa, not 'princess of Videha', but 'Pandita (110). The fact is that Queen Celana was called "Vaidehi" in the Jaina tradition because she was the daughter of Cetaka, the head of the Vaisali confederacy. Kosala Devi who has been described as a sister of Prasenajit might perhaps be one of the step-mothers of Ajatasatru. According to the Tibetan tradition (111) and also the Amitayurdhy - ana Sutta(112), the name of Ajatasatru's mother was "Vaidehī vāsavi", and the cause of her being called Vaidehi" has been stated to be that she was a princes from Videha (113). The word "Videha" has been used in a similar sense in many other places. Even Bhagavan Mahavira has been called Videha Videhadinne Vide hajacce (114). As he was born in Videha, he has been called "Vaideha!; as his mother happened to be a princess from Videha, he has been called "Videha dinne"; and as he was the best among all the Vide hans, he has been called "Videhajacce" (115).
In his dramatic work, Svapnavāsadattam, the great poet, Bhāsa has called Udayana as Vide haputra (116), because his mother happened to be a princess from Videha. According to the Jaina tradition, Queen Celana and Mrgavati who was the mother of Udayana, were sisters. Both were the daughters of Cetaka, the chief of the Vaisali confederacy(117). Trisala who was Mahavira's mother was Cetaka's sister(118). So the adjectives like Videhadinna

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Videhaputta, etc., become easily intelligible. In the Jaina Agamas, even Kūņika has been called Videhaputtra (119). According to Rhys Davids, King Bimbisara had two queens, one being Kosala Devi, the sister of Prasenajit, and the other, a princess from Videha. Ajātaśatru was born of the latter (120).
When King Bimbisara was placed in the smoky cell, according to the Atthakatha, Queen Kosala Devi was entrusted with the duty of taking care of him. According to the Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, the queen taking care of the ex-king in prison was Khema, and she has been said to be a princess from Kosála (121). This is apparently a mistake. For, Khema was from the country named Madra (122). Maybe, Kosala Devi has been confused with Khema. According to the Amitayurdhyāna Sutra, as also the Tibetan tradition, the name of the queen looking after the exking was Vaidehi Vasavi(123). Radha Kumud Mookerjee has identified Vaidehi Vasavi as Queen Celaņā (124). These conflicting views in the Buddhist tradition does not in any way disprove the fact that Ajatasatruwas born of a princess from Videha, and it was because of this that he was called Vaidehiputra. It is not known why Buddhaghoşa made the confusion that "Vaidehi" stood for "Pandita", and that Ajātas atru was the son of Kosala Devi, a princess from
Kosala.
Difference in Name
Between the Jaina and the Buddhist traditions, there is a lot of difference about the names of Ajātasatru. Whereas he has been called Kuņika throughout the Jaina tradition, the Buddhist texts have consistently called him Ajātas atru. The latter name, Ajātasatru, has been used even in the Upanisads (125) and the Puranas (126). The fact appears to be that 'Kunika' was the original name and 'Ajātasatru' was only an epithet added later. Sometimes, as it happens, the epithet acquires a wider currency than the name itself. For comparison, 'Vardhamana' is the original name and 'Mahavira' is only an epithet, but, for all practical purposes, the epithet 'Mahavira' has a wider currency. The writers of Indian history have used the name 'Ajātasatru'. An inscriptionin the Mathura museum has it as 'Ajātasatru Kuņika'. (Vide Journal of Bihar & Orissa Research Society,

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Vol. V Part IV, pp. 550-551). It is desirable that in future, this latter name is used in the history of India.
Two meanings are given to the word, 'Ajātasatru', as follows:
na yātah satrur yasya, i.e., one to whom no enemy has been born(127), and ajāto hapi satruh, i.e., one who has been an enemy even from before his birth(128).
The second meaning is due to Buddhaghoşa, and is correct in a sense, and logical too, though the first meaning is more apparent, and comes at once. Kūnika was a powerful and a brilliant monarch. He had overpowered many an invincible foes. So the epithet Ajātas atru, instead of standing as a condemnation (as in the interpretation of Buddhaghosa), should appropriately stand as an eulogy for his gallantry.
The word "Künika" is derived from the word 'kuni" which means sore of the finger(129). Hence "Kūņika" should mean one who had suffered from soar finger. As Acarya Hemacandra has written.
rūąhavraņāpi sā tasya kūạitāitta'vadanguliḥ,
tataḥ sapāṁsura maņaiḥ sohabhyaściyata kūņihā. Kūņika has been named "Asóka Candra" in the Avasyak Cūrņi(130); but this use is very rare.
Mahāśilākaņțaka War and the Conquest of the Vajjis
One of the historical episodes in the life of Kuņika was, to use a Jaina expression, the Mahasilakantaka War, called the 'conquest of the Vajjis' by the Buddhists. The causes of the war, the process of fighting and the termination of hostilities have been diversely described in the two traditions; but one truth that inevitably emerges is that Magadha achieved victory over the Vaisali confederacy. When this war broke out, both Mahavira and the Buddha were alive; both answered questions about the war. Most thrilling is the account of the war itself in the two sources,

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and sufficient light is thrown by them on the then political situation in the country. The main Jaina source books for this great event are the Bhagavati, the Niraya valiya Sutta and the Avasyaka Curni, their Buddhist counterparts being the Mahaparinivvana Sutta of the Digha Nikaya and its Atthakatha.
From the Jaina Sources
Having arrived at the city of Campa, Kunika sent for his ten brothers, Kalakumar and others. He divided the kingdom, army, wealth, etc., into eleven equal parts and lived on happily with his own share. Kunik a had two brothers (from the same mother Celana) named Halla and Vihalla (131). During his lifetime, King Srenika had bestowed on them two gifts, viz., one watering (secanaka) elephant, and another, an 18-fold divine necklace(132).
Everyday, Vihallakumar rode on this elephant with his harem to come to the river Ganga and enjoyed water sports there. Seeding the happiness and joy of the prince, the people in the city said,
"Vihallakumar, and not Kunika, enjoys the real pleasures of the kingdom".
This gossip reached the ears of Queen Padmavati, wife of Kunika. She thought in her mind,
"If I do not have this elephant and this divine necklace in my possession, then, what's the use of this kingdom?".
So she shared her thinking with her husband Kunika at the first available opportunity and became excessively insistent in her demand. Kunika at last agreed to make a request to his two brothers to surrender these two precious objects. Accordingly, he sent for Halla and Vihalla and requested them to give the elephant and the necklace. But they were not ready to oblige him. They said,
"These are gifts from our dear father to ourselves. Why should we part with them?"
The arrogant reply caused much annoyance in Kunika. Halla and Vihalla availed a chance and escaped to their

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maternal grandfather, Cetaka, along with their harem and valuable possessions. When Künika came to know this, he despatched an envoy at hot haste to King Cetaka requesting him to send back Halla and Vihalla, the necklace and the elephant at once to Campā. In reply, the following message was received from Cetaka,
"The elephant and the necklace rightfully belong to Halla and Vihalla. And they have taken shelter with me. They are my protege. I cannot surrender them. If Kūņika, who is the son of Sreņika and Celană, and my own grandson, is prepared to surrender half his ki om in favour of Halla and Vihalla, then I may arrange the return of the necklace and the elephant in exchange".
A second envoy came to Cetaka with a message as follows:
''Halla and Vihalla have taken out the elephant and the necklace without my knowledge and permission, Both these things belong to the kingdom of Magadha".
Cetaka refused to abide by the request and dismissed the envoy. When the envoy came back and reported, Kūņika became furious and lost control on himself. His lips were quivering; his eyes were bloods hot; he wore three distinct lines of from on his forehead. He bade the envoy,
"Go for the third time. I am giving you my demand in writing. This note contains, 'Return the necklace and the elephant at once, or get ready for the war'. You go inside the court of Cetaka and kick at his throne. You deliver this letter to Cetaka from the tip of your sword".
The envoy started to fulfil his mission. He did all he was asked to do, Cetaka became furious at the content of the letter and the behaviour of the envoy. Said he to the envoy,
"I am ready for the war. May Kūpika come. I am waiting here to receive him".

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Cetaka's men turned out the envoy by the neck, Kupi-. ka got the full report from the envoy and at once sent for his ten brothers Kālakumāra and others. After they had come, he said to them,
"Hurry back to your respective kingdoms and return as early as possible with your full army. I am at war with Cetaka".
The brothers brought each 3000 elephants, 3000 horses, 3000 chariots and 3 crores of infantrymen. Kunika also made ready his own army of a similar size. With such a colossal preparation, he marched against Vaisali.
Cetaka, in his turn, invited his own allies, 9 Mallas and 9 Licchavis, in all 18 kings of Kasi-Kosála and conferred with them. He said to them,
"Kūņika, the son of Sreņika and Celanā, my own grandson, has come to fight. Either we must fight, or we must surrender".
All the kings replied in one voice,
"We shall fight; we shall not surrender".
Having arrived at this decision, the kings returned to their respective kingdoms. They came back each with 3000 elephants, 3000 horses, 3000 chariots and 3 crores of infantrymen. Cetaka himself prepared a fourfold army of a similar size. Altogether, with 57,000 elephant, 57,000 horses, 57,000 chariots and 57 crores of infantrymen, Cetaka took the field.
King Cetaka was a devoted follower of Bhagavān Mahavira. He had courted the 12 vows of the lay foll He was also bound by a promise not to shot an arrow more than once per day. He was the most proficient archer of his time and his shot never missed its target. On the first day of the war, Kalakumaracommanded the army of Ajātasatru. He organised the army in 'Garuda' formation. Cetaka, in contrast, organised his army in 'chariot! formation. It was a terrific battle. King Cetaka shot his

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infallible arrow which killed Kalakumāra,the commander of Ajātasatru's men on the first day.
On the nine following days, nine brothers of Ajatasatru, who were named commanders one after the other fell in the same manner, i.e., by the infallible arrow of King Cetaka. At that time, Mahāvira was at the city of Campā. The mothers of the dead princes, Queen Kāli and others, made enquiries about the war and their own sons, and Mahavira gave replies to their questions. These queens were then initiated in a body in the order of Mahāvi ra(133).
Help from Indra
Thereafter, Kūņika practised penances for three days. He offered prayers to Sakrendra and Camarendra who appeared before him. When the war started again, the battle on the first day was fought with Indras on the side of Kunika. Sakrendra provided Kunika with an impenetrable armour to protect him before he took the field. This was a sure protection against the arrow of Cetaka. There was a severe fighting. But, under divine influence, even pebbles, straw and leaves hurled by Kunika's men fell like rocks on the army of Cetaka. On that day, 84 lakh men lay dead on the battle field. On the second day, a divine chariot and mace were used. Kunika sat on the chariot driven by Camarendra himself. The chariot moved freely through the enemy columns throughout the day smashing innumerable men. Thus 96 lakhs lost their lives on the second day. Cetaka and his allies, the 18 kings of KasiKosara, - 9 Mallas and 9 Licchavis - were completely defeated. Kūnika won the laurels of victory(134).
Storming of the Wall round Vaiśālī
Being defeated in the battle field, King Cetaka took shelter in his own city. The city gate was closed. Kūnika was unable to break through the wall. Thus Vaisali lay under a state of seize for many days. One day, an oracle was heard from the sky as follows:
The day on which Sramana Kūlavālaka(136) will be attracted by prostitute Magadhikā will be the day

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on which Asokacandra (Kunika) will occupy Vaisāli (136).
Kūņika gathered information about Sramana Kūlavālaka. Then he sent for the prostitute Māga dhikā. Disguised as a devoted follower, this fallen woman attracted the monk towards herself. Then disguised astrologer, Kūlavalaka intered into the city of Vaiśāli, of course with great difficulty. He learnt that the city was saved by an alter which was dedicated to Muni Suvrata. When people saw the astrologer, they enquired from him how their city would be saved from the enemy, when the astrologer said that the enemy columns would be broken only if the alter dedicated to Muni Suvrata was removed. The people now turned to the alter which they uprooted from the foundation and cleared. For once, the army of Kunika retreated. This it did by a prior arrangement. But as soon as the alter was removed, as per the signal given by Kulayalaka, Kūpika launched a sudden attack and pierced through the wall of the city(137).
Halla and Vihalla tried to escape with the elephant and the necklace. They reached the city wall. Beneath the city wall, there burnt a secret fire. The elephant came to know of this by dint of his superior knowledge and stopped. When he was still forced to advance, he threw down both Halla and Vihalla and himself entered into the fire. The elephant died, but because of his pious endeavour, he was born in the first heaven. The divine necklace was picked up by the gods and taken away. sasana Devi, the administrative goddess of the Jaina order picked up Halla and Vihalla and carried them to Mahavira, There, they were given initiation into monkhood(138).
King Cetaka courted a fast unto death. He attained an exalted state because of his pious endeavour(139).
From the Buddhist Sources : Enmity with the Vajjis
There was a diamond mine near a village on the Ganga (140). There was an agreement between Ajātasatru and the Licchavis that they would have an equal share of diamonds. But on account of sheer lethargy, Ajatas atru failed to collect his own share, and the whole lot of the

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diamonds was carried away by the Licchavis. This happened many a time, and at last, Ajatasatru became angry, He thought,
"It is difficult to fight against a whole confederacy which is never unsuccessful infighting(141). But whatever that may be, I must uproot these powerful Vajjis, I must exterminate them".
He sent for his chief minister and said to him, "Go to Bhagavān Buddha. Apprise him with my thinking and get me his reply as early as possible" (142),
At that time, the Buddha was on the Grddhrakūta mountain at Rajagrha. Vassaka racame to him. On behalf of the monarch, he enquired about his health and wellbeing, and then revealed the purpose of his mission, whereon the Buddha gave out to him the following seven fundamental rules which the Vajjis observed with meticulous care and which made them so very powerful.
1.
They have a cent per cent attendance in their meetings.
2.
They sit in the assembly with a single mind and they rise with a single mind, they do the same deed, they assemble at the sound of the bugle, no matter whether they are dining, dressing or decorating at that time.
They do not honour the unwise, nor uproot the wise.
They honour the elderly people, respect them, have regard for them, and worship them,
They do not forcibly marry with their woman or maidens.
They adore the caityas inside as well as outside their cities; they do not at any time transgress their respectability They give a spiritual protection to the Arhats so that those Arhats who are with them live on happily, and those who are to arrive in future may easily come.

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Till the Vajjis continue to observe these fundamental rules, they will continue to attain greater and still greater heights, he said(143).
Split among the Vajjis
Vassakāra came back to Ajátasatru and said,
"Sir, as per what Bhagavān Buddha as revealed, the Vajjis are an invincible people. They may be overpowered only through corruption and split".
- "But how do we expect to bring about a split among them"?
- "Sir, I have a plan for this. Tomorrow, you speak something against the Vajjis at the court, and then I shall speak something in their favour. On account of that insubordination, you order the tonsure of my head and expulsion from the city. When I shall be taken out of the city, I shall shout, 'It is I who constructed the city wall and the ditch around it. I know all the weak spots. My name is not Vassakāra if soon I do not teach you a good lesson.".
All these things were enacted on the following day. When the news reached the Vajjis, some of the said,
"He must be a rogue. Don't let him come to this side of the Gangā".
But many more said,
"The whole incident goes in our favour. Upto this time, Ajātasatru relied on Vassakara's wisdom. The man is very intelligent. Why do we not use him now? He happens to be the enemy of our enemy. So we should welcome him".
Under this impression, the Vajjis made him their minister.
Within a short time, he established his hold on the Vajjis. Now it was time for him to create a split among

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them. Whenever many Vajjis assembled at one place, he would take one aside and say,
"Have you started ploughing your farm"?
"Yes, sir, I have".
"You yoke two bulls, I suppose"?
"Yes, sir, I do".
-
-
say,
1
Then another Vajjis would enquire.
"What confidential thing did the minister discuss with you"?
But even when he reproduced the conversation verbatim, the other fellow would not believe in him that the minister could talk of such flimsy things. He would then react.
"You are not speaking the truth. You are hiding. It seems that you have no faith in me".
Henceforth, they would be enemies for good.
Sometimes, Vassakara would say to a Licchavi.
"What vegetables did you cook to-day in your house"?
And again the same thing would happen, a mutual dis rust.
Someday, he would take a Vajji aside and say,
"You are very poor".
To some he would say,
"You are very weak".
If the Vajji enquired how he know about it, he would

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"Such and such Vajji told me".
Thus, within a short time, the split among the Vajjis was complete, and no two of them would use the same road. To be further sure, one day Vassakafahad the bugle sounded, but not a single Vajji turned up. Then he was con ced that it would be easy now to overthrow the Vajjis. A secret message was sent at once to Ajātasatru to launch an attack. Ajatasatru did the same with his vast army. In the face of this imminent danger, the bugle was sounded asking the people not to allow the enemy to cross the Gangā, but not a single Vajji responded. The bugle was sounded again calling upon the people to shut the entrances to the city, but nobody turned up. Some of them said, "We are too poor to fight". Other said, "We are too weak to fight". Still others said, "Let those who are heroic fight". And so on. - So the city gates lay open. Ajātasatru entered the city without resistance, ravaged it to a complete ruin and went back (144).
According to the Pariniyvāņa Sutta, two great ministers of Ajātasatru, Sunidha and Vassakāra, erected the city of Pāțaliputra on the bank of the Gangā in order to remain at a safe distance from the Vajjis. When the city was being erected, by chance, the Buddha came there. On an invitation from Sunidha and Vassakāra he took his meal at their house. In the course of a conversation, the Buddha praised the city of Pataliputra, and pointed to three difficulties of a city, viz., fire, water and mutual split among the people. According to the Buddha's advice, the two ministers consulted the Trayastrimsa gods about the construction of the city. :
Review
Both the sources give, in their respective ways, the account of the victory of Magadha and the destruction of Vaisali, but the cause of the war and the description of battles are wholly different. In the Jaina tradition, Cetaka figures as the leader of the Vajji (Licchavi) Confederacy; but in the Buddhist account, the Confederacy figures by its elf. Some details of the Jaina account, 33 crores constituting the army of Kūnika and 57 crores that of Cetaka, the collaboration of Sakrendra and Camarendra, death of

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one crore and 80 lakh people in course of two days, the oracle about Kulavalaka, the forecast about the overthrow of the Vajjis on the destruction of the sacred altar, etc., do not appear to be very convincing to a rational mind. The Buddhist account, in contrast, is easy and natural.
As a cause of the war, we have in one account a diamond mine, and in the other, a very costly divine necklace. This shows some similarity between the two. Accor ding to the Jaina account, the arrow of Cetaka never failed its target; in the Buddhist account, the description of the Vajjis as the most invincible people makes almost a similar hint. In the Jaina account, an altar in the city protected the city of the Vajjia; this may be compared with what the Buddha said, "So long as the Vajjis will honour the caityas both inside and outside their city, they will attain fresh heights and will never go down".
As to the main personalities of the war, the Jaina account is more detailed than the Buddhist. The latter does not even take note of Ceṭaka, who was the main adversary of Ajatasatru, and his allies, 9 Mallas and 9 Licchavis, the 18 kings of Kasi-Kosala, who were the members of the Confederacy.
The use of a secret strategy has been admitted in both the accounts. The Jaina accounts gives two phases of war, viz., i) straight fighting for a fortnight, and ii) storming of the wall round Vaisali. There is a time gap between the two phases. Radha Kumud Mookerjee is of the view that this gap could be as long as 16 years (145). According to the Buddhist account, Vassakara lived for three years in Vaisali and created a split among the Vajjis. From this, the conclusion is unavoidable that the Buddhistaccount deals only with the second phase of the war.
Queens and Progeny of Kūnika
In the Jaina account, we come across principally three names of Kunika's queens. They are Padmavati (146), Dharini(147), and Subhadra (148). According to the Avasyak Curyi, Kuņika married eight princesses (149), but we do not get any worthwhile detail about them from this
source.

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According to the Buddhist tradition, the name of Kunika's queen was Vajirā. She was the daughter of Prasenajit, King of Kosala. The name of Kūnika's son, according to the Buddhist tradition, Udayibhadra. He was born of Padmavati, according to the Jaina tradition, and of Vajira, according to the Buddhist tradition. In being born of Vajirā, however, there aris es one inconsistency, viz., that whereas, as per the Buddhist tradition, Udayibhadra was born on the dame day on which Bimbisara died (150), Vajirā was married after Bimbisāra's death(151).
Death of Kūnika
The account of the death of Ajātasatru Kūņika is widely different in the two accounts. According to the Jaina account, Kūņika asked Bhagavān Mahāvira,
"Bhante! Where do the world-monarchs go after death"?
- "A world monarch dying while in office goes to the
seventh hell"
- "Where shall I go after my death"?
- "You will go to the sixth hell".
- "Then am I not a world monarch"?
- "No, you are not".
This made Künika anxious to become a world monarch. He created 12 artificial jewels and set out for the conquest of the six regions of the world. When he reached the Timisra cave, however, he was stopped by a god who said,
"Only a world monarch can pass through this cave, and already there have been 12 world monarchs". On this, Kūņika said,
"Then, count me as the thirteenth".

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The god became enraged at this impossible request, and reduced him to ashes right on the spot (152).
According to the Buddhist tradition, Ajatasatru was murdered by his son, Udaybhadra, who was greedy of the kingdom(153).
The only common element between the two traditions has been that after his death, Ajātas átru Kūņika went to hell, Tamahprabhava according to the Jaina, and Lo hakumbhiya. according to the Buddhist (154). There are in all seven hells according to the Jainas (155), and eight according to the Buddhists (156). In the Buddhist version, after passing through many births, Ajātas atru would be born as a Pratyeka Buddha, when he will be liberated(157).
1
Previous Births of Kūņika
We have an account of Kūņika's previous births in both the traditions (158). Their factual details widely differ, but they have a similarity if fundamentals. The similarity is that in one of his previous lives, Sŕenika had murdered Kūnika.
Abhayakumara
More mysterious than the life of either Srenika Bimbisara or Ajatasatru Kuņika is the life of Prince Abhayakumāra. Not only the two traditions claim him to be their own follower, they go even so far as to claim him to have · been initiated as a monk in their respective orders. According to the Agamas, he was initiated by Mahavira himself, and according to the Tripitakas, by the Buddha himself.
Birth of Abhayakumāra
According to the Jaina account, he was born of Queen Nanda, wife of Srenika Bhambhasara, (159). She was the daughter of a Sresthi named Dhanvaha who lived at Vennatatapura (160). In his youth, when Srenika was exiled, he went to that city when he married her. Abhayakumāra spent first eight years of his life at the house of his maternal grand-father. After that, both mother and son were brought to Rajagṛha (161).

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Throughout the Buddhist accounts, Abhayakumara has been consistently called 'Abhayarajkumāra'. According to this tradition, he was born as a son to Bimbisāra from his concubine Padmavati who hailed from Ujjain (162). Bimbisāra heard stories about the beauty of this woman and was attracted towards her. He consulted his priest who propitiated a Yakşa named Kumbhira to help his king. The Yakşa appeared and carried Bimbisāra to Ujjain. At Ujjain, Bimbisāra established contact with Padmavati. From the time of his birth, Prince Abhaya lived for seven years with his mother at Ujjain. After that, he came to Rajagrha and was brought up with other princes (163).
It is difficult to say anything about the mother of Abhayakumāra. On this, the two accounts widely differ. The Jaina sources on this are the Agamic texts, while the Buddhist sources are the Atthakathas. The apnear. ance of the Yaksa and his carrying Bimbisāra to Ujjain are no more than fictions.
Habits and Personality
The Buddhist tradition does not depict Abhayakumara as anything more than an ordinary prince. At the most, he has been pres ented as an expert charioteer(164). In contrast, a Jaina text depicts him as follows:
"Abhayakumāra, son of King Sreņika and born of Queen Nanda was not a man of mean origin. He was handsome, expert in the four principles of statecraft, viz., sāma, dāna, bheda and danga, and he was expert in matters of commercial policy. He was versed in ihā, apoha, märganā, gaveşaņā and arthaśāstra. He was endowed with four kinds of intellect, viz., autpåtiki, Vaināyiki, kār miki and Pārināmiki. In the discharge of many of his royal duties, in the matters concerning the harem affairs, in secret and confidential discussions, in diplomacy, he was worthy to be taken into confidence once, and again and again. For all people, he was like the 'medhi', the pole round which bullocks move in threshing grains. For them, he was the authority, the basis, the support, the very eye

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sight. He was a man who attained fame in everything he did, and he made a name everywhere. He was the administrator of justice, the man at the helm of the statecraft, and he personally looked after the kingdom, its administration, the treasury, grannery, army, vehicles, the city and the harem (166).
According to the Jaina belief, Abhayakumāra was nominated by Srenika Bhambhasāra as his minister(167). As a minister, he was like a single (unfailing) solution in all the problems with which the king was faced. It was he who contrived to fulfil the desires of Queen Dhārini, mother of Meghakumāra, during her pregnancy, and that of Queen Celaņā, mother of Kūņika, by dint of his sharp intellect. Even the marriage between his step-mother Celana and King Sreņika was wittily arranged by him (168). For his fine intellect, Abhayakumāra became a famous man in the Jaina tradition. There are many episodes on record which are a proof of his great intellect.
On many occasions, Abhayakumāra averted political crises. Once Candapradyota, King of Ujjain, along with his 14 allies, launched an attack on Rajagrha. Abhayakumār! had some gold pieces under the ground beforehand where the encounter between the two armies was about to take place. When Candapradyota besiezed the city, Abhayakumāra sent a note to him as follows:
"I submit as your well-wisher that all your friends have now become the allies of King Srenika. ,They are about to tie you up very soon and hand you over to Srenika. They have already received huge quantity of gold from him. You will find a corroboration of this if you dig the ground on which stands your army".
When Candapradyota had the ground dug up, he found gold pieces buried everywhere. This made him nervous, and he fled back to Ujjain(169).
There is no similarity in the two accounts about any episode in the life of Abhayakumara, except a minor one. This is as follows. According to the Buddhist tradition, on

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the dexterous handling and settlement of a border dispute, Srenika rewarded Abhayakumāra with a fine dancing girl (170). According to the Jaina account, however, King Srenika had a sister named Senā. She was married with a Vidyādhara. When Seņā had been murdered by other Vidya: dharas, her daughter was sent to Sreņika. Srenika settled this girl as the wife of Abhayakumara (171).
Initiation into the Buddhist Order
It has been stated in the Abhayarajakumara Sutta of the Majjhima Nikāya, (172), in part, as follows:
Once Bhagavān Buddha was lodged at the Kalandaka Nivāpa in Venuvana at Rājagrha. At that time, Abhayarājakumāra went to Nigantha Nātaputta who said to him,
"Rājkumāra. Discuss the meaning of the Sūiras.with Sramana. Gautama. This will help you to be famous. People will say, Abhayarajkumara discussed the meaning of the Sūtras with Sramana Gautama who is such a powerful person".
"Bhante! How shall I open the discussion"? In giving him the guidelines, Mahāvīra said,
"You start like this: "Can Tathāgatà speak such words as may sound harsh to others"? If Sramana Gautama's reply be in the affirmative, then ask him about the distinction between the Tathāgata and an ordinary person. Even an ordinary person does the same. If the answer be in the negative, then ask him why he made a forecast about Devadatta that he was destines to go down, that he would go to hell and be lodged there for full one kalpa and that nothing would save him. Being querried thus from both the angles, Sramana Gautama will be able neither to Swallow nor to dis gorge. His condition then will be like that of a man who has a hook stuck up in his throat which he can neither take in nor throw out.
Having saluted Nigantha Nataputta, Abhayarājakumăra got up from there and came to the Buddha. He saluted

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him and took a seat. Finding the latter busy, Abhayarājakumāra thought in his mind,
"Today, there will be no time to discuss the meaning of the Sutras with Bhagavān Buddha, I shall do it tomorrow at my own residence where let me invite him".
So he invited the Buddha with four monks to receive food at his house on the following day. The Buddha gave him his silent consent. Thereupon Abhayarajakumara came back to his own palace. Next morning, the Buddha, dressed in his robe, and with the begging bowl and cloth in his hand, came to the house of Abhayarājakumāra. He sat on a cushion which was already spread for him. Abhaya rajakumăra served the Buddha with delicious food with his own hands. After the Buddha had dined and withdrew his hand, Abhayarājakumăra took a lower seat, and started his discussion on the meaning of the Sūtras.
- "Bhante! Can the Tathāgata speak such words which may sound harsh to others"?
"Rājakumāra ! No single answer is possible to this".
As the Buddha was speaking, Abhayarājakumāra spoke
out,
"Bhante! The Nirgranthas are undone".
- "What did you say? The Nirgranthas are undone ? What do you mean by thật"?
- "Bhante! I mean exactly what I have asserted. I have just been to Nigantha Nataputta. It is he who has sent me hither to put this two-pronged question to you. He holds the view that being asked a question like this, you will be able neither to swallow nor to disgorge".
At that time, a very young but dull-looking child was seated on the lap of Abhayarājakumara. Pointing to him, the Buddha said,

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"Rajakumara! Suppose due to your own carelessness, or to that of the attending nurse, this child places a piece of wood or pebble in his mouth. Then what will you do "?
"Bhante! I shall take it out. If I cannot do so easily, then I shall hold his head with my left hand, and then with a finger on my right hand turned like it hook, I shall force it out, if necessary, with blood. I shall do so because I have great affection for the child".
-
Picking up the thread, the Buddha started,
"Rajakumara! The Tathāgata does not utter words which are meaningless, harmful and harsh. Though full of meaning, but harmful or harsh, the Tathāgata does not utter even such words. Though pleasant to others, but meaningless or worthless, even such words the Tathagata does not utter. The Tathāgata who has full time sense speaks only what is meaningful and necessary, no matter whether words are palatable or harsh. This he does because he has compassion for all living beings".
497
"Bhante!
Scholars from among the Ksatriyas, the Brahmins, the Grhapatis and the Sramanas prepare their questions, come to the Tathāgata and put their questions before him. Does the Tathāgata know beforehand that he will be asked such and such questions so that he will give such and such answers"?
J
"Rajakumāra ! put a question to you. You give whatever reply you like. I guess, you are an expert in the mechanism of a chariot".
-
-
"Yes, I am. I know thoroughly the mechanism of a chariot".
- "Suppose, somebody points to a chariot and asks, what is this part of the chariot called. Do you think beforehand what reply you will give to such and such question? Or, you just give the reply as it may suit the occasion"?

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- 'Bhante! I am an experienced charioteer. I know all its parts. So I can give the answer right then".
- "In the same manner, Rājakumāra, the Tathāgatha can give answer right then, because he is religion".
- "Bhanie!: How surprising ! How very wonderful ! You have expounded religion in diverse forms. I place myself under thy protection, under the protection of thy Dhamma, of thy Sangha, From this day, please accept me as a follower who has come to thee with folded hands".
In the Abhaya Sutta of the Samyutta Nikāya. (173), there is an account of a meeting between the Buddha and Abhayarājakumāra, in which the latter asks a question about the position occupied by Pūrana Kāsyapa in the spiritual hierarchy.
Abhayarājakumara had his pious, spiritual eye opened (174) when being overwhelmed with grief at the death of his dancing girl, he came to the Buddha, and the latter spoke words of inspiration for his benefit(175).
According to the Theragāthā (176) and its Atthakathā (177), being overwhelmed at the death of his father, Abhaya rajakumara was initiated into monkhood by the Buddha, and later he became an Ar hat. The Therigāthā Atthakathā (178) further states that during his monkhood, he inspired his mother, Padmāyati, to take shelter in religion. She was also initiated into the order and attained the status of an Arhat.
Initiation in the Nirgrantha Religion
According to the Jaina belief, Abhayakumāra was a gre great devotee of Mahavira. Once a woodcutter (henceforth called Drumaka) was initiated into monk hood by Sudharma Svāmi. When this monk entered into the city of Rājagrha for begging, people laughed at him saying,
"Here comes a great renouncer. He has given up his gold, wealth and everything".

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The curt remarks hurt the new monk severely. He came back to the camp and narrated his experience to his spiritual master, Sudharma. To help the monk out of this difficult situation, it was decided that the whole party of monks would depart immediately on the following day. But the departure was cancelled at the pressing request of Abhayakumara.
Coming back to the city of Rājagsha, Abhayakumāra made three piles of gold coins, each having one crore pieces. Then the people of the city were invited to try their luck with these. All people were attracted at the prospect of a windfall gain. After the people had assembled, Abhayakumara made the following announcement:
"These three piles, each having one crore gold coins, will go to one who can give up for good his wife, water and fire".
This was too difficult a string and none dared to come forward. Thereon Abhayakumāra said,
"You see how very noble is Monk Drumaka who has renounced for good woman, water and fire".
In this manner, Abhayakumāra put an end to the popular discussion about the monk (179).
The Jaina tradition has many stories about the great devotion of Abhayakumara towards religion. Speaking about him, Mahavira himself has called him intensely pious (180). Sulasakumāra, son of the butcher Kālasaurika, became a follower of the nir grantha religion under his influence(181).Ardrakakumara also became a monk under the inspiration given to him by Abhayakumāra (182).
About the initiation of Abhaya kumāra, it has been said that once when Bhagavān Mahāvira came to Rājagrha, Abhayakumara called on him at the garden to pay him his homage and obeisance. When the sermon was over, Abhayakumāra made the following submission:
"Bhante! Who will be the last king to attain liberation"? (183)..

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To this, Mahāvira made the following reply,
"King Udāyana of Vitabhayapura who has already received initiation from me will be the last king to attain liberation".
Abhayakumara thought in his mind,
"If I am initiated after I become a king, there will be no chance for me to attain liberation. So why do I not be initiated in my youth"?
Abhayakumăra came to Śreņika, and expressed to him his desire for instant initiation. After hearing him, Srenika made the following observation:
"It is time for me to be initiated into monkhood. I am afraid, you are yet too young for that. At this age, you should assume the responsibility of running the administration of the state".
But Abhayakumāra was adamant. So Srenika said at
last,
"Look here. On the day I am angry with you and ask you to get away, and not to show me your face, you will have your permission for initiation into monkhood".
After a gap of some time, Mahavira came again to Rajagrha. It was a chilly winter. One evening, as King Sreņika and Celana were coming back after paying their homage to Mahavira, they saw a monk standing in meditation on the bank of the river. At night, as the queen lay in her bed, she woke up suddenly, and just then she remembered the said monk, when the following words slipped from her mouth,
"What he (the monk) may be doing at this moment"?
The king heard these words and had at once an apprehension about the chastity of his wife. Next morning, while going to pay his homage and obeisance to Mahavira, he gave the following order in Abhayakumāra;

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"Reduce the harem into ashes. This has become the abode of impurity".
Abhayakumāra was in a dilemma; at the same time, he could not disobey the king. So he took out the queens to a safe resort and set fire to the palace.
On a point of enquiry by Sreņika, Bhagavān Mahāvira
said,
"All your queens, Celana and others, are spotlessly
chaste".
On this, the king became penitent for the order he had given earlier. So he rushed forth to save the situation. He saw Abhayakumāra on the way, and enquired,
"What have you done with the palace"?
- "Why? I have put it to flames".
The king became intensely sorry. He was also angry with Abhayakumāra for giving effect to such a silly order. And then suddenly the following words dropped from his mouth,
"Get away. Don't show me your face".
Abhayakumara accepted the order of his father. He joined the order of monks of Mahavira wherein he was given initiation by the Master himself.
The king soon discovered that all the queens were safe. Then the only thought in his mind was that he should prevent Abhayakumara from renouncing the world. As he rushed to Mahavira's camp, he found that Abhayakumāra had already been initiated(184). The Antagadadasao mentions that Abhaya's mother, Nandā, too was initiated and liberated(185).
After his initiation, Abhayakumāra studied all the 11 Angas, performed the penance named Gunaratna and became extremely lean and emaciated(186). After his death, he was born in the celestial vimana na med Vijaya

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as a god, where he will live as long as 22 sāgaropamas, on completion of which he will be born in Mahāvide ha and from there, he will attain the status of Liberated Souls (187).
Gleaning carefully through the two accounts, one may be left free to wander why Abhayakumāra and Abhayarajakumat should not be taken as two separate persons. Leaving aside the only fact that they had a common father, all other evidences would support the suggestion that they were two distinct persons. According to the Buddhist tradition, Abhayarajkumāra was the name of the father of the royal physician, Jivaka Kaumārabhrtya, but the Jaina tradition gives no hint to that effect. Coming to other differences, while the mother of one is the daughter of a merchant, that of the other is no more than a prostitute woman; while one is the chief minister of Magadha, the other is only an expert charioteer; while one is initiated by Mahavira, the other is initiated by the Buddha. Abhayo. arājkumāra is stated to have given up the nirgrantha religion and too shelter in the religion of the Buddha, Had Abhayarājkumāra been the same person as Abhayakumāra, how could there be an account of his initiation by Mahavira? Srenika Bimbis ara had many sons, and it should cause no surprise if two of them bore similar names.
'Indeed, if all the discussions in the two traditions refer to a single person, then it is worthwhile to note that the Jaina account of his initiation in the nirgyantha religion is a part of the Agama named Anuttarovavayiyadasa, which is one of the 11 fundamental texts. It must have been written prior to the second century of the preVikrama era (188).
The Buddhist account of his initiation is contained in the Atthakathā andThera Apadāna(189).
The Atthakathā is a posterior construction, and even Apadana of the Tripitaka literature is considered to belong to a later period(190).
'Udrayana' is one of the names of a king that figures in the list of those initiated in both the orders. According to the Budahist work, Avadā nakalpalatā, (191), the name

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is 'Udrāyaṇa', and according to Divyāvadāna, (192), it is 'Rudrāyaṇa'. We get the name as 'Udrāyana' in later-day Jaina literature(193). Both the accounts are unanimous that he was the king of Sindhu Sauvira. However, they differ as to how he came in contact with Mahavira and the Buddha. In the Jaina source, the name of his capital has been given as Vitabhay, and in the Buddhist source, as Rorūka. According to both the traditions, he received inspiration in religion from his deceased queen.
A
According to the Jaina account, Mahavira went to Sindhu Sauvira in order to give him initiation in his own order, but according to the Buddhist account, the Buddha gave him initiation after the king came to him in Magadha, According to both the traditions, King Udrayana came back to his own capital after his initiation for a short visit, but he was murdered by the order of the king who was couns elled to do so by his wicked ministers. We have it from the Jaina source that before he became a monk, Udrāyana gave his kingdom to his nephew in order to save his son from the inevitable course of going to hell if he would administer a state. (In other words, he deprived his son of his rightful claim to the throne). According to the Buddhist source, however, he gave his kingdom to his own son, Sikhandi. Both the traditions agree that before he died, he became a Kevalin Arhat, after which his city was ravaged by the anguish of the gods (194).
The account of 'Rudrāyana' is nowhere available in the Pali literature, nor does it exist in the literature of the Hinayana sect. Both Divyavadana and Avadana -kalpalatā are the texts of the Mahayāna sect. The Mahāyāna Tripitakas are written in Sanskrit and belong to a much later period (195). In itself, the Divyāvadāna is a mere compilation, and its date of compilation falls somewhere between 200-350 A. D(196). Under this circumstance, it is very much likely that the Jaina account about Udrāyana has been turned into Rudrāyanăvadana by the Buddhist writers. Otherwise, how is it possible that the same king has been initiated both by Mahavira and the Buddha and he attained liberation? That the Buddhist work is a mere copy is further supported by the fact that in this work, Bimbisara and Udrāyana have been made to enter into friendship in same manner in which Abhayakumāra and Ardrakkumāra did

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in the Jaina account, (197), or even as Bimbis āra and Pakku. sāti did in the Buddhist tradition(198). The Avadana makes it perfectly clear that the account of his initiation by both Mahavira and the Buddha must in itself be an imitation of one account by the other. From very olden times, it has been a practice to enlist well-known names among the followers by each religion. This is the reason why Rāma figures as an ideal man in the Jaina, the Buddhist and the Vedic traditions alike. Each tradition has built up the Rama story in its own way.
The Jaina account about Udayana is contained in the Bhagavati Sūtra (199). The Uttarājjhayanāni contains a concise account of the same(200). The early texts apart, the story has figured in the later-day commentaries and curni literature of the Jainas.
According to the Jaina Āgamas, (201), Abhicakumāra: who was the sone of Udrayana, was also a follower of the nirgranthas. As he was deprived of the kingdom, he became angry with his father, and could never forget the injustice done to him, so that after his death, he was born as asura.
Canda-pradyota
Like the names of Srenika Bimbisāra and Ajātasatru Kūņika, the name of Canda-pradyota also figures in both the traditions. Both the traditions agree that in his early life, Canda-pradyota was haughty, a lover of war, an addict who was fond of mischievous ways. Both the traditions contain many accounts of his wars. Of these, a war between him and Udayana of Vatsa has been described with much similarity in both(202). Even the Pauranic literature of the Hindus contain an account of this war(203). On the basis of this very episode, the great poet, Bhāsa, produced his dramatic master-piece, Svapanavā savadattam.
According to the Jaina account, Canda-pradyota fought with King Udāyana of Sindhu Sauvira, (204), Satānika of Vatsa, (205), Bimbisāra of Magadha, (206), and Dummaha of Pancāla(207). He fought with Udayana for a servant maid named Svarna-gulikā, with Satānika for Queen Mrgāvati, with Dummaha for a crown with two faces and with Bimbi

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sāra for his growing power and influence which he could not tolerate. These accounts are thrilling as well as interesting.
According to the Majjhima Nikaya, (208), Ajātasatru strengthened the fortification of Pātaliputra out of fear from Canda-pradyota. The Buddhist account has no record of other wars.
According to the Jaina belief, Canda-pradyota became a follower of the nir grant has from the time he was released from his captivity of King Udayana who himself was a devoted follower of the nirgranthas (209). Prior to this, he used to say, "My parents were Jaina srāvakasi. (210). When at a congregation of Mahavira, Mrgāvati, queen of King Satanika, and Siva and other consorts of Canda-pradyota himself were initiated, the latter king.witnessed the event by his personal presence(211). That was his first meeting with Mahavira, and during that first meeting, he accepted the religion of the nir grant has in proper manner(212).
According to the Buddhist account, Canda-pradyota was induced to accept Buddhism by a monk named Mahakātyāyana. Before becoming a monk, Mahakatyayana was the priest of Canda-pradyota. Canda-pradyota had sent him to invite the Buddha. The Buddha did not come, but he initiated Mahakatyayana into his own order and sent him back to Ujjain. It was he who converted Canda-pradyota to to Buddhism(213). The Buddhist literature contains no account of his meeting with the Buddha.
In the basic literature of both the traditions, there is no mention of Canda-pradyota having ever been a devoted follower of any religion, the account exists mainly in the story literature. The question is, therefore, still unresolved how he became a follower of either Mahā vira or the Buddha. It is quite possible that he was the follower of one in early life, and then, later, he changed over to the other. It is also possible that he maintained a link with both the religions, and that this link was exploited by the story-writers who gave an exaggerated account of the connection in order to establish that he was a follower of their own religions, whatever that might have been.

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Udayana
Kind Udayana of Kausāmbi was also a historical person. The account of his life, with minor differences of details is available in the Jaina, Buddhist and Vedic traditions. This king had a vast collections of elephants who were caught by the music of the Vina (a musical instrument of strings popular in India), --
According to the Bhagavati Sūtra of the Jainas, (214),
"At that time, there reigned a king named Udayana, who was the grandson of King Sahasranika, son of Satānika, born of his queen Mygāvati, who was the daughter of King Cetaka, head of the Vaiśālī confederacy. He was a nephew of the celebrated Jayanti who was a pious follower of the Jaina path. At that time, Bhagavān Mahāvira came to Kausambi. When Kind Udayana got this news, he was happy and delighted. He called in his officers and gave them detailed instructions as Kūnika had done in another account (215).
"The King came to attend the congregation of Mahavira with the display of same sort of pomp and grandeur as Kuņika had done. He was accompanied by his mother Mrgāvati and aunt Jayanti (216). All of them were present at the sermon".
The Jaina Agama Vipāka Sūtra(217) has an account of the misconduct of Queen Padmavati, the consort of the king On this, Gautama put many questions to Mahavira, and the latter gave his answers in details. The Vipaka Sūtra has described this king to be as great and noble as the Himac. layas.
The Jaina story literature gives a detailed account of the war with Canda-pradyota and also about indatta,
According to the Buddhist belief, in his early life, Udayana was hostile to the Buddha and his order. Once, three S this of Kausāmbi named Ghosaka, Kukkuta and Pāvāriya (218) invited the Buddha to their city. Now, Khujjuttarā, who happened to be the maid servant of Queen

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Syāmāyati, used to attend the Buddha's sermon every day. Then she started reproducing the words of the Buddha. Under her influence, even Queen Syāmāyati was attracted to the Buddha in her devotion. When the Buddha passed from beneath the palace, she used to pay him her homage and obeisance from her window. Her co-wife Magandiya reported all this to King Udayana, As Udayana happened to be hostile to the Buddha and his order, he became displeased with her. It was only through the divine grace that the queen could save her life. When at last the king's anger was pacified, at the request of Queen Syāmāyati, he gave permission for inviting the Buddhist monks to the palace for receiving food. After the monks had dined, the women of the palace desired to give them clothes, to which, again, the king raised objection. But after Ananda had convinced him of its utility, he agreed(219).
There is nothing on record to establish that Udayana ever met the Buddha, According to the Samyutta Nikāya · (220), the king saw Pindola Bharadvāja at Ghoşitārāma at Kausambi. He discussed with him why young folks became monk and said in the end,
"I take shelter with the Buddha, with the Dhamma and with the Sangha. May thou accept me as a follower who has come to seek protection with thee".
Review
All the Jaina records are unanimous in showering praise on him, while all the Buddhist records have nothing but indignation for him. There is a description even to the effect that once he had red ants sprayed on Pindola Bharadvāja. On hearing about this, the Buddha is reported to have said,
"Not only in this life, but in his previous life, too, Udayana had been a source of pain to monks". (221).
From these, it may be definitely inferred that Udayana was at first a follower of Mahāvira. The eulogistic records about him in the Jaina literature and contemptuous references in the Buddhist literature are not the only

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proofs in support of his being a Jina. A more convincing proof is that his father, Satanika, his mother, Mṛgāvati, his aunt Jayanti, were all the followers of the Jaina path.
One reason why he was not very respectful of the Buddha is the influence exerted by Queen Magandika on him. She was angry with the Buddha from a very young age. Her father was looking for a handsome groom for his daughter who was well-known for her beauty. He made a request to the Buddha to accept the hand of his daughter. The Buddha who was hurt by this request said,
"She whose body is full of urine and stool you call beautiful. I do not care even to touch her with my legs "(222).
Later, Magandika was settled in marriage with Udayana, but she remained ever hateful of the Buddha. Udayana was very much under her influence. Naturally, he could not be a follower of the Buddha.
The Buddhist account of his becoming a "follower who came under protection" would give the impression that in course of time his distance from the Buddhist order was obliterated and his hatred of it was wiped out.
The Buddha outlived Mahavira by 25 years. It is, therefore, just likely that Udayana was influenced by the growing strength of the Buddhist church and was converted to this religion by Pindola Bharadvaja. We have a description of his son, Bodhirajkumara (223), only in the Pitaka literature, just as we have a description of his father only in the Jaina Agamas. This will give a strong support to his being a Jaina in his early life, though at a later period, he might or might not have been converted to Buddhism.
As a follower of the Buddha
Prasenajit
Prasenajit, who was the king of Kosala, was a contemporary of Mahavira and the Buddha, and was also a historical person. In the prime of his life, he a follower of the Vedic religion. He performed a number of sacri

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fices. According to the Samyutta Nikāya, (224) for one such sacrifice, he had collected as many as 500 oxen, 500 male calves, 500 she-calves, 500 goats, 500 rams, etc., etc. But at the advice of the Buddha, he did not kill them, but released them(225). In this manner, because of his frequent contact with the Buddha, he became his follower. It is well-known that the Buddha spent the last 25 monsoons of his life either at Jetavana or at Pūrvārāma Bihar at Srāvasti. So it was but natural that Prasenajit would have a constant and regular touch with him. On many occasions, on many matters, big and small, he put many questions to the Buddha. These questions and answers are contained in the Chapter on Kosala Samyutta in the Samyutta Nikāya.
The following is an interesting account worthy of quote:
"Seeing that King Prasenajit of Kos'ala was out of breath after he had taken food, the following couplet dropped from the mouth of the Buddha,
manujasa sadā satimato mattam ianato laddha-bhoiane tanu tassa bhavanti vedanā sanikam jirati āyu pālayam
( A man who is alert in his mind Who is measured in the intake of food, The Pain of such â man is less, His food is digested helping long life).
"At that time, Sudarsana Mānayaka was standing just behind the king.
Addressing him, the king said, in part, as follows:
'Dear Sudarsana ! Learn this couplet from the Bhagavān. You recite it everyday as I sit to dine. For this extra assignment, you will be paid 100 kārsāpaņas per day'.
- 'Your Majesty! I accept the assignment, and I shall do as you desire me to'.

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"So saying, Manavaka learnt the couplet from the Buddha and recited it everyday as the king sat down to eat.
"Henceforth the king ate just enough and no more.
"Within a short time, he developed a fine and muscular body. Feeling his own cheeks with his hands, the king said to himself,
'Bhagavān has been kind to me in two respects, viz., in matter pertaining to this life, and in matter pertaining in life hereafter"(226).
This apart, the Tripitakas have recorded at diverse places episodes on the life of King Prasenajit some of which have been noticed in this work.
Angulimāla happened to be a famous robber of that period. He was the son of Gagga who was the preceptor of the royal household. One day, when Angulimala was seated near the Buddha after being initiated into his order as a monk, Prasenajit was out with 500 cavalrymen in search of him. The Buddha held the hand of the robber, and in presenting him to the king, he said,
"Here's Angulimāla you are looking for".
The king was terrified to hear these words, his porenairs stood erect on his body, and he was stunned. His whole frame was wet with warm sweat. The Buddha started again,
"Have no alarm, oh king. You needn't be afraid of him any more".
By this time, Prasenajit was seized of the whole situation. He praised the Buddha for his wonderful feat in captivating such a notorious character(227).
Cause of his Devotion for the Budha
On being asked by the Buddha why the king was so much devoted to him, the king, in the main, assigned two causes which were as follows:

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1. "'I know many monks who have lived for 10 to 40 years and then come back to wordly life and plunged in worldly pleasures. But I have never seen a Buddhist monk indulging in such a behaviour. I have seen quarrelling parents and sons, kings and their vassals, but I have always found the Buddhist monks living in peace and amity. I have seen such monks who have become pale from disease, but I have never found a Buddhist monk like that. In the law courts, I have seen people indulging in incessant gossips, but in a gathering where the Buddha speaks, I have never seen anyone even coughing. Here nobody even asks a question as I have seen people doing in the congrega. tions around other spiritual leaders.
2.
"The Bhagavān is a Ksatriya and so am I, The Bhagavān is a resident of Kosala and so am I. The Bhagavān is 80, and I am also 80. So it is in the fitness of things that I show him respect and accord him diverse honours "(228).
Queen Mallikā was one of the principal consorts of Prasenajit. She was highly devoted to the Buddha. All the time she was exerting her influence on the king in favour of the Buddha, Vajirā who was married with Ajātas'atru was her daughter.
Vidūdabha
In order to augment his proximity to the Buddha, Pras enjait wanted to marry a princess from the Sākya clan. But the Sāk yas looked on him as being inferior to them in caste status and so they did not agree. But knowing him to be a powerful king, they dared not to disoblige him altogether. So they married with him one Vasayakhattiyā, daughter of Mahanama Sakya by a servant maid. To keep it a close secret, from Prasenajit Mahānāma sat to dine with this servant girl. But as he lifted his first morsel of food, as per a previous arrangement, an errandboy arrived with an urgent message, and, on the pretext of attending to it, he left the place in a hurry without touching any food. Prasenajit was under the impression all the time that he had married a Ksatriya woman of a distinguished family, and he gave the lady the position of the first queen. From this marriage, a son was born who was

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named Vidudabha. He grew into an immensely powerful young man and he was given the command of the army at a pretty early age. At the age of 16, he came to the house of his maternal grandfather in the company of a large party of men. The Sakyas sent all the princes who were junior to him outside the city. Only the elders came forward to receive him and accord him a suitable welcome, Vidudabha bowed before the elders one after another. But he was surprised to find that there was no one in the city, junior to him, who would bow before him. This created a suspicion in his mind. After he departed from the city, the wooden stool on which he sat was washed with milk and water. His valets gathered all this information, and as the prince was on his way back to Srāvasti, they brought these to his notice. Soon he came to know that as he was the son of a maid, no one bowed before him, and the stool on which he sat was washed clean by milk and water, he became furious and resolved to uproot th as to their very root.
When King Prasenajit came to know that VasavaKhattiyā was the daughter of a maid servant, and was not a lady of a high breed, he sent the mother and the son to live in the quarters assigned for the menials. The Buddha argued with him,
"Oh King! Vasava-Kḥattiya is born of Mahānāma Sakya, and Vidūdabha is born to you. Under the - circumstances, the mother's line loses its importance.
On this, the king restored them to their original position.
Dirghakarayana was an army commander of King Prasenajit. He was given the command after the murder of his maternal uncle. So in his heart, he was an enemy of the king. Once Prasenajit came to see the Buddha. Before coming to the Buddha's presence, he entrusted his Sword and crown to Dirghakārāyaṇa. With this important things in his possession, the general slipped out and joined with Vidūdabha who he declared king. When the Buddha's sermon was over, the king came out but did not find his general there. Soon the whole conspiracy came before

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him. So he hurried to Rājagrha with a view to get the necessary support from Ajātas atru for his own restoration. When he came back, he found that the entrance to the city was closed. So he decided to spend the night in a charitable guest house outside the city. The king was very much tired by the scorching rays of the sun and by the blast of hot wind. At night, he died in the same guest house. In the morning, when the news, reached Ajātasatru about the sudden death of the deposed king, he arranged a suitable funeral to him.
Now, Viļūdabha marched against the Sákyas. The Sākyas were very much afraid of his power. Those who submitted without resistance had their lives spared; the rest were butchered to death. This included breast-fed children even. The stool which he had once used was washed with the blood of the Sakyas. It is recorded that on this occasion, 77,000 Sāk yas lost their lives (229). The historians are of the view that after this carnage, the republic came to an end(230).
a
But when Vidüqabha was on his way back to Srāvasti, he and his entire army were washed away by a bore in the river Aciravati(231).
While recounting to Sariputta the future Buddhas, the Buddha announced that Prasenajit would become the fourth Buddha(232).
In the Jaina Āgamas
The name of this Pras enajit is nowhere to be foạnd in the Jaina Aga mas wherein the name of the king of Srāvasti has been given to be Jitas'atru(233). It is not even clear if he ever met Mahāvira. Mahāvira had two important followers from Srāvasti. They were Nandinipiā and Sahilipia, About them, the record states, Jahā ananda tahā niggae (the same in weal and woe). From the word 'taha', it is inferred by some that it referred to Jitas atru who came to pay his homage, but this sounds like a farfetched meaning which is far from convincing. According to the writers of the Agamas, the kings of Vānijyagrāma, Campā, Vārañasi, Ālambhiyā and many other places had the same name 'Jitaśatru"(234). It appears, therefore, that this

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name was very popular and widely used in those days. In the Agama named Rayapaseniya, there is some detail available about one Jitasatru, but it is not mentioned anywhere that he had any contact whatsoever with Mahavira. According to the Digha Nikaya, (235), King Pradesi was a vassal unto King Prasenajit. According to the Rayapaseniya, Jitasatru was a vassal unto King Pradesi. Even if we do not enter into this disputed territory as to who was vassal unto whom, this much should be clear from what has been said that in the Jaina tradition at least, Prasenajit has been called Jitasatru. It is also very likely that he was a great follower of the Buddha because of which the writers of the Jaina Agamas have neither noticed his great achievements nor mentioned his name as Prasenajit. In the course of their discussion, wherever the mention of the king of Sravasti has been relevant, they have very coldly called him as Jitasatru. From this, however, it does not follow that the same would apply to those kings who had been called Jitasatru.
The king of Sravasti might not have been a follower of Mahavira, but there is no occasion for doubt that Sravasti was a principal centre of activity of the Jainas. The immortal discussion between Kesikumara and Gautama took place in this city. The sharp exchange between Gosalaka and Mahavira also took place in this city. There is also a record that the followers of Mahavira from Sravasti came to the city of Kayangala in order to pay their homage to their spiritual leader (236).
Cetaka
Just as there is no mention about Prasenajit in the Agamas, so there is no mention about Cetaka in the Tripitakas. Like Prasenajit, King Ceṭaka was also a historical personality. If still the Tripitakas did not notice him, it must be because he was a great follower of Mahavira. According to the Jaina tradition, he was not merely a follower, but a staunch follower too, of Mahavira. We have it in authoritative sources that he had a resolve not to settle his daughters with one who was a follower of some other religion. But, surprisingly enough, nowhere in the Agamas, Cetaka has been called a follower of the nirgranthas. Only in the later Jaina texts like the Avasyak

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Cūrni and others, there is nothing either in the Jaina or any other tradition to prove that he was anything other than a Jaina. Under the circumstances, it may be claimed that he was a Jaina.
His family
Tris'alā, Mahāvira's mother was the sister of Cetaka. All the daughters of Cetaka were settled in marriage with the principal kings of the time, and were themselves wellknown. They were: Prabhayati married to King Udayana of Vitabhaya, Padmāyati married to King Dadhivahana of Anga, Mrgāvati married to King Satānika of Vatsa, Sivā married to King Canda-pradyota of Ujjain, Jyesthā married to Mahāvira's elder brother, Nandivardhana, and Celana
ed to King Bimbisāra of Magadha. One of his daughters, Sujyesthā, was initiated in the order of Mahāvira.
Vaiśāli Republic
The kingdom of Cetaka was well-known as the Vaisali Republic, which consisted of many small and big kingdoms. (238). Together, these kingdoms constituted a 'fede on or 'confederacy'. According to the Jātaka Atthakathā, (239), the confederacy had 7707 members. All the members of the confederacy were called 'kings'. King Siddhārtha, Mahāvira's father, has been stated to be a member of this Confederacy(240). According to Panini, (241), these kings were coronated in the usual manner, and enjoyed full autonomy in their own territory. It was customary to call a coronated king as 'Rājanya'. We have it in the Lalitavistara (242) that the Licchavis did not recognise any difference in status between one king and another, and each had a feeling, 'I am a king'. Each king had his own vassals, commanders, store-keepers, etc. Each member of the Confederacy maintained a palace, guest-house, etc., at the metropolis of the entire confederacy, Vaisāli. The Assembly of the 77 07 kings was called the Confederate Assembly and the entire Confederacy was called Vajjī or Licchavi Confederacy.
The Republic had two Committees consisting of nine members each. One looked after the administration of justice and the other took care of the external relations.

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It was this second Committee that was responsible for the building up of the Confederacy which claimed within its fold the Licchavis, the Mallas and kingdom of Kasi-Kosala, of which the head was King Cetaka.
Jitasatru, Singha and Cetaka
In his English translation of the Uvasagadasão, Dr. Hornell has confused King Jitasatru of Vanijyagrāma with King Cetaka. This is not correct. When in the Vaisāli confederacy, there were 7707 kings, there is no reason why the two should be confused as one and the same person. Dr. Otto Stein has, however, tried to throw light on this in diverse ways (243).
Some people have stretched their imagination to suggest that Singha Senapati to the Buddhist tradition and King Cetaka were one and the same person (244). The reason for his surmise may be that according to the Tibetan tradition, (245), Queen Vasavi, wife of Bimbisāra, was the daughter of Singha Senapati, and she was the mother of Ajātas atru. But leaving aside the Tibetan tradition, this has not been corroborated by any other source. Had Singha Senapati been the father-in-law of Bimbisāra and maternal grand-father of Ajātasatru, the Tripiṭakas would have taken pride to record this relation. Under the circumstances, this should not be given too much importance beyond what may be due to a popular gossip of the later period.
In the Buddhist literature, Singha has been consistently called a 'Senapati' or army commander, whereas Cetaka was the head of the most powerful confederacy of the time. This is not very likely that a king would be confused with an army commander by anyone. In the social hierarchy of the time, as also of later period, the position of the king and that of a general were clearly distinct. Dr. Jyoti Prasad Jain is of opinion that King Cetaka had 10 sons of whom the eldest named Singha or Singhabhadra was a famous general of the Vajjis (246).
The main Jaina sources on the life-story of King Cetaka are the Nirayavalika and the Bhagavati. This story has been already recounted at length under the section on 'Ajātas atru' above.

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517
Othe Kings
Apart from the above-mentioned kings, many other names of kings exist in both the traditions. Many of them have been noticed in different contexts in this work. They were either the followers of Mahavira or of the Buddha and there is hardly any dispute about them. Their names have usually figured in the tradition to which they belonged, and they are by no means important for purposes of a comparative study. Therefore, they are not relevant for our present purpose.
Notes on Chapter Fourteen (1) Buddha Carita, sarga 10, sloka 8. (2) Ibid, sarga 10, sloka 13. (3) Ibid, sarga 11, sloka 72. (4) Uttarājjhayanāni, adhyayana 20, gathā 6.
Ibid, adhyayana 20, gātha 38.
Ibid, adhyayana 20, gāthās 42, 43. (7) Ibid, adhyayana 20, gāthā 45. (8) Ibid, adhyayana 20, gātha 47. (9) Ibid, adhyayana 20, gāthas 54-57. (10) Ibid, adhyayana 20, gâthā 58. (11) Digha Nikāya, Mahāvaggo, Mahāparinibbāna Sutta,
p.91.
(12) Hindū sabhyatā (Hindi), p. 185. (13) Vinaya Pitakla, Mahāvaggo, Mahākhandhaka, p. 35-36. (14) Ibid, pp. 37-38. (15) Digha Nikāya 1-5, pp. 111-112.

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518
(16) Ibid, 1-4, p. 108. (17) Vinaya Pitaka, Mahāvaggo, Cammakhandhaka, p. 199. (18) Vinaya Pițaka, Cullavagga, Kşudrakavastu-skandha
ka, p. 458. (19) Petavatthu Atthakathā, gâthā 209. (20) Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XLIV, p.166.
(21) Dhammapada Aţthakathā, Vol. 2, pp. 438 et seq.;
also Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. 2, p. 288.
(22) Anuttarovavāi-dasão, varga 3, sutta 4. (23) Nayadhammakahão, 1/1. (24) Triş astis'alākā- puruşa-caritram, parva 10, sarga 6.
(25) Ācārya Guņacandra, Mahāvira Cariyam, p. 334-1. (26) Aņuttarovavāi-dasão, varga 1, adhyayana 1-10,
also 1-13.
(27) Antagada-dasão, varga 7, adhyayana 1-13.
(28) For details about Tirthankara Padmanabha, vide
Thānanga, 9-3-693. (29) Tris aştis'alākā-puruşa-caritram, parva 10, sarga 9. (30) Ibid. (31) Bhāratiya Itihāsa.eka drasti,p. 65. (32) Dialogues of Buddha, Part 1, p.163. (33) Edward Thomas, Life of Buddha, pp. 68-80. (34) Tirthankara Mahāvira, Part 2, p.11.

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(35) Trisaṣṭi-salākā- puruṣa-caritram, parva 10, sarga 6, sloka 376.
Also, Nemicandra, Mahavira Cariyam, gāthā 1294.
(36) Tirthankara Mahavira, Part 2, pp. 11-16. (37) Sthananga-Samavāyānga (Gujarati), p. 741.
(38) Mahāvamsa, Chap. 2, gāthā 26-32.
(39) Trisasti-salaka-purus a-caritram, parva 10, sarga 6, sloka 8.
(40) Bharatiya Itahāsa, Eka dṛṣṭi, p. 62
(41) Anāgatavamsa; also Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. 2, p. 174.
(42) V. A. Smith, The Oxford History of India, p. 45.
(43) Ibid, pp. 51-52.
(44) Naya-dhamma-Kahās, s'ru 1, adhyayana 13 (p. 189
92);
Dasāsuya-khandha (10-1 et seq) have it, seņie
bhambhasare
Uvavai (Sūtra 7, page 23; Sūtra 9, p. 25; Sūtra 29, p.115)
senie Bhambhas äre, senie bhimbhasare
Thananga (Tha. 9, p. 458-2)
senie bhimbhisāre
(45) Abhidhana Cintamani, kāṇḍa 3, sloka 376;
Upadesamālā Satika, p. 334;
Rṣimandala Prakaran, p. 143;
Sri Bharates vara Bahuvali Vṛtti, Part 1, p. 22;
519
Avasyak Curni, Second half, p.158.
(46) Upadesamālā Saṭīka, p.334-1.

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520
(47) Tirthankara Mahavira, Part 2, pp. 630-633.
(48) Agamodaya Samiti Prakasana (1920)
(49) P. 461-1.
(50) Gramatic der Prakrit Sprachen, Para 201;
Hemarandra Josi, Prākṛta Bhāṣāon kā Vyākaraṇa, p. 313.
Bihāra Rāṣṭra Bhaṣā Pariṣad, Patna.
(51) Udana Atthankatha, 104.
(52) W. W. Rockhill, Life of Buddha, p. 16.
(53) Abhidhana Cintamani, Svopajňavṛtti, Martya Kanda, śloka 376.
(54) Vinaya Pitaka.
(55) Jambuddipa Paņņatti, vakṣa 3;
Also, Jataka, Mugapakkha Jātaka, V. 6, 539.
(56) They are
kumbhara pattailla suvaņņakārā, sūvakārā ya gandhavva kāsavaggā mālākāra kacchakārā. 1. tamboliya ya e e navappayara ya narua bhaniya (57) aha nam navappayāre kāruovanņe pavakkhāmi. 2. cammayaru jantapilaga ganchia chimpaya kamsare ya sivaga guara bhillaga dhivara vannai atthadasa. 3. (58) Part 3, p. 113, also 442-443.
(59) Corporate Life in Ancient India, Vol. 2, p. 18.
(60) Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. 2, pp. 289, 1284.

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(61) Trisasti-salāka-puruṣa-caritram, parva 10, sarga 6,
sloka 1.
(62) Uttarapuraṇa, parva 74, sloka 418.
(63) Cf. tathasti magadhe des'e puram rājagṛaham param
tatropaśreņiko rajā tadbharya suprabha prabhā. 1.
(64) Skandha 12, adhyaya 1, p.903.
(65)
(66)
(67)
(68)
(69)
Political History of Ancient India, p. 205.
Sabhāṣya, bha 1, p. 17.
Nayadhamma-kahão, adhyayana 1, sutra 8.
Mahavagga, 8-1-15.
Jataka, 2-403; Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. 2, p. 286; Samyutta Nikaya Atthakatha.
Therigatha Atthakatha, 139-143.
Theri Gatha, 31-32.
(70)
(71)
(72)
(73)
(74)
(75) Majjhima Nikaya Atthakatha, 2, 932.
(76)
Anuttarovavayiya, varga 1.
(77)
(78)
(79)
(80)
Ibid.
521
Theragatha Atthakathā, 64.
Thera Gatha, 608-619.
Buddhacarya, p. 509.
Uvavai Sutta, 8.
Ibid, 12.
Ibid (Hindi), p. 133.

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522
(81)
Ibid, Sutta 28-31.
(82)
It appears that this description of paying a visit to the spiritual leader was later adopted by the Buddhists. In the Mahàvastu (translated by J.J. Jones Vol. 3, pp. 442-443) of the Mahayana sect, there is an identical description when King Bimbisara came to pay his homage and obeisance to the Buddha.
(83) For details, vide Upāsaka-dasānga Sūtra, Adhya
yana 1. (84) Uvavaí Sutta, 25.
(85) Ibid, 34-37. (86) Buddhist India, p. 88. (87) Thānānga Vrtti, 4-3. (88) Mayadhamma-kahão, 1 to 5; Parişişța Parva, sarga
4, sloka 15-54.
(89)
V. A. Smith, Oxford History of India, Second Edition, 1923, p.51.
(90) Hindu Sabhyatā, pp. 190-91. (91) Ibid, p. 264. (92) Digha Nikāya, Sāmaññjaphala Sutta, p. 32. (93) Uvavai (Hindi), p. 26;
also, Senapraśna, ullāsa 3, question 237.
(94) Digha Nikāya, Sámaññjaphala Sutta, p. 32. (95) Vinaya Pitaka, Cullavagga, Sangha-bhedaka Khan
dhaka, 7.
(96)
Jataka Atthakathā, Thusa Jataka, sam. 338.
(97)
Dhammapada Atthakathā, 10-7.

Page #563

(98)
Ibid, Part 2-605-6.
(99) Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, p.320. (100) Anguttara Nikaya, 4-8-188.
(101) Encyclopaedia of Buddhism,p. 319.
(102) Avadāna-sátaka, 54.
(103) Theragāthā Atthakathā, 609-19.
(104) Buddhist India, pp. 15-16. (105) Dalsukh Malvaniya, Agama yuga kā Jaina
Darsana,' p. 29. (106) Bhiksudharma Rakṣita, Acārya Buddhaghoşa, p.7. (107) Jātaka, edited by Fausboll, Vol. 3, p.121. (108) Jataka Atthakath, sam. 249, 283. (109) Samyutta Nikaya, 3-2-4. (110) Cf.
vedeniputto ti vedehīti panditādhivacanam etam
paņqititthiyā putto ti attho. Saňyutta Nikaya Atthakatha, 1, 120.
(111) Rockhill, Life of Buddha, p. 63.
266...
(112) Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XLIX, p.166. (113) Rockhill, op. cit., p. 63.
(114) Kalpa Sūtra, 110.
(115) Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII, p. 256;
Kalpa Sutra (Bengāli) by Basanta Kumāra Chatto
padhyāya, p.27. (116) Hindū Sabhyatā, p.198. (117) Avasyaka Cúrņi, Part 2, 164.

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524
(118) Ibid, Part 1, p. 254. (119) Bhagavatī, 7-9-576. (120) Buddhist India, p.3.
(121) Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, p.316.
(122) Therigāthā Atthakathā, 139-43. (123) Rockhill, Life of Buddha, p. 63. (124) Hindū Sabhyatā, p. 183. (125) Dialogues of Buddha, Vol. 2, p.78.
(126) Vāyu Purāpa, Chapter 99, śloka 319;
Matsya Purana, Chapter 271, S1.9. .
(127) Dialogues of Buddha, Vol. 2, p.78. (128) Digha Nikāya Atthakatha, 1, 133.
(129) Apte's Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Vol.1, p. 580.
(130) Trišaştisalākā-puruşa-caritram, parva 10, sarga 6,
śloka 309.
(131) There is unanimity between the two names, Halla
and Vihalla. The original text of the Nirayavaliya has linked the whole episode with Vihalla, The Nirayāya a commentary, the Bhagavati commentary, Bharates'vara-Bahubali-vrtti, etc., make use of both the names. According to the Anuttarovavaiya, Vihalla and Vehayasa were the sons of Celana, and Halla the son of Dharini. According to the Nirayavaliya-vrtii and Bhagavati-vrtti, both Halla and Vihalla were born of Celana. This is worthy of research,
(132) It is said that the money value of the elephant and
the necklace was as much as the value of Srenika's kingdome. (Avasyak Curni, Second Half, p.167).

Page #565

(133) Nirayavaliya Sutta (with commentary), p. 6-1.
(134) Bhagavati, S. 7. U. 9. Sutra 301.
(135) Kulavalaka monk used to practise penances on the bank of a river. It was because of his penance that the flow of the river got a twist, from which he acquired his name.
(Uttaradhyayana Sutra with Vṛtti by Laksmi Vallabh, in Gujarati) Ahmedabad, 1935, Part 1, p. 8.
(136) Ibid, p. 10.
(137) Ibid, p.11.
(138) Bharatesvara Bahubali Vrtti, pp.100-101.
(139) Acarya Bhiksu, Bhikṣu Grantha Ratnākar, Vol. 2, p. 88.
(140) Buddhacarya (p. 484) states that costly and fragrant commodities were being unloaded near a mountain.
(141) Digha Nikaya Aṭṭhakatha, (Sumangala-vilāsini), Vol. 2, p. 526.
Also, B. C. Law, Buddhaghosa, p. 111 and Hindu Sabhyata, p. 187.
(142) Digha Nikaya, Parinivvāna Sutta, 2/3 (16). (143) Ibid.
(144) Digha Nikaya Atthakatha, Vol. 2, p.523.
(145) Hindu Sabhyata, p. 189.
(146) Nirayavaliya Sutta (ed. by P. L. Vaidya), p. 4.
(147) Uvavai Sutta, su.7, p. 22.
525
(148) Ibid, Su. 33, p. 144.
(149) Avasyak Curņi, Second Half, p.167.

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526
(150) Acarya Buddhaghosa, Sumangala-vilās inī, Vol.1,
p. 137.
(151) Jataka Atthakatha, Vol. 4, p. 343; Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, p. 317. (152) Thanaga Sutra Vṛtti, Tha. 4, U. 3; Avasyak Curni, Second Half, pp. 176-77.
(153) Mahāvamsa, 4/1.
(154) Digha Nikaya Atthakatha, Vol.1, pp. 237-38.
(155) Bhagavati, S. 1. U. 5. The names of hells given therein are Ratnaprabha, Sarkaraprabha, Balukaprabha, Pańkaprabha, Dhumaprabha, Tamaḥprabha, Mahātamaḥ (Tamatama) prabha.
(156) According to the Jataka Aṭṭhakatha (Vol. 5, p. 266, 271) these names are Sanjiva, Kalasutta, Saṁghāta, Jalaraurava, Dhumaraurava, Maha-avici, Tapana and Patapana. The Divyavadana (67) has these names, except that it has Raurava in place of Jalaraurava and Mahāraurava in place of Dhumaraurava. Samyuta Nikaya (6-1-10), Anguttara Nikaya (P.T.S. Vol. 5, p. 173) and Sutta Nipata, Mahavagga, Kokaliya Sutta (3/36) name ten hells as follows: Abbuda, Nirabbuda, Avaba, Atața, Ahaha, Kumuda, Sogandhika, Uppala, Pundarika and Paduma. According to the Atthakatha, these are not the names of the hells, but the names of different time-spans one is to spend there. The Agamas too have mention of diverse time-spans in hells. (Vide Bhagavati, sataka 6, uddes aka 7). Elsewhere in the Buddhist literature, we get a list of five hells only. In the Devadattasutta of the Majjhima Nikaya and in the Jātakas, one comes across the names of other hells also. For the hell named Lohakumbhi Niraya, vide Jātaka Attḥakatha, Part 3, p. 22; Part 5, p. 269; and Sutta Nipata Atthakatha, Part 1, p. 59.
(157) Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. 1, p.35. (158) Jataka Atthakatha, Samkicca Jataka, No. 530.

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527
(159) Cf. Nirayavaliya, Sūtra 23;
Nayadhamma-kahão, Sru. 1, adhyayana 1. Anuttarovavaiya-dasao, 1/1.
(160) This town should be located on the bank of the river
Krsna in the Deccan, near its confluence with the sea, for details, vide Tirthankara Mahāvira, Part 2, pp. 641-43.
(161) Bharatesvara Bāhuvali Vrtti, p.36.
(162) As per Gilgit Manuscript (Part 3, 2, p. 22), Abhaya
rajakumāra was the son of Bimbisara, born of a prostitute named Amrapali who hailed from Vaisáli. In the original Pali texts, the name of Bimbisara's son from Amrapali is Vimala Kodanna, who later became a Buddhist monk. (Vide TheragathaAtthakathā, 64).
(163) Theragāthā-Atthakatha, 31-32. (164) Majjhima Nikaya Abhaya rājakumāra Sutta.
(165) It is a pole in the threshing shed round which the
bullocks move to separate the grains.
(166) Nayadhamma-kahão, 1/1.
(167) Bharatesvara Bāhuvali Vrtti, p. 38.
(168) Triş aşti-salākā-puruşa-caritram, parva 10, sarga 6,
sloka 226-27, p.78-2.
(169) On reaching Ujjain, Canda-pradyota realised that
all this was a plot by Abhayakumāra of which he had been a victim. Out of sheer anger, he organised a counter-plot and took Abhayakumāra a prisoner. On regaining his freedom, Abhayakumāra took revenge on him, and made Canda-pradyota a captive. For de tails, Trisasti-salāka-purusa-caritram, parva 10, sarga 11, sloka 1 24-293; also, Avasyak Curni, Second Half, pp. 159-1963.

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528
(170) Dhammapada-Atthakatha, 13-4.
(171) Avaśyaka Curņi, Second Half, p. 160.
(172) Episode 76.
(173) 44-6-6.
(174) According to the Theragatha Atthakatha (1-58), Abhayarājakumāra had his spiritual eye opened when Buddha gave a sermon which became Tálacchigulupama Sutta.
(175) Dhammapada Atthakatha, 13-4.
(176) Theragathā, 26.
(177) Theragatha Atthakatha, Part 1, pp. 83-4.
(178) Ibid, 131-32.
(179) Dharmaratna-prakarana, Abhayarājakumāra Kathā,
1-130.
(180) For details, vide "Sreņika Bimbisāra" in this volume.
(181) Hemacandra Yogasastra, with svopajňavṛtti, adhyayanal, sloka 30, p. 91-95.
(182) For details, vide "Ardraka Muni" in this volume.
(183) An alternative view is that Abhayarājakumara did not ask about "would-be liberated king", but about "duly crowned king". Vide Abhidhana Rajendra, Vol. 3, p. 481.
(184) Bharatesvara Bahubali Vṛtii, pp. 38-40.
(185) Edited by Modi, p. 51.
(186) For comparison, vide the account of Monk Skandaka elsewhere in this volume.

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529
(187) Anuttarovavayiyadasa, Varga 1, adhyayana 10.
(188) Dalsukha Malvāniyā, op. cit., p. 28.
(189) Thera Apādana Bhaddiyavaggo, Abhyayatthera
apadanam,
(190) Buiksu Jagadis á Kāśyapa, Khuddaka Nikāya, Vol. 7,
p.V. (191) Avadāna, 40. (192) Ibid, 37. (193) Cf. uddāyaṇa rāyā tāvasabhatto,
Avasyaka Cúrni, First Half, p. 399.
(194) Vide section on "Udāyana" under the Monastic
Order in this volume. For the Buddhist account, vide Divyāvadana, Rudrayanavadana, 37.
(195) Divyavadāna, edited by P.L. Vaidya, Intro.
(196) Ibid, p. 17.
(197) Vide subsection on "Ardrakakumāra" under section
"Gośālaka" in this volume.
(198) Vide section on "Bimbisāra" in this volume.
(199) S.13, 1.6.
(200) Uttarajjhayanāni, 18/48.
(201) Bhagavatī, s.13,-0.6.
(202) Dhammapada-Atthakatha, 2-1;
Trişastis alaka-purusa-caritram, parva 10, sarga 11, sloka 184-265.
(203) Kathāsaritsāgara, 12/16/6.

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530
(204) Trisaṣṭisalaka-purusa-caritram, parva 10, sarga 11,
sloka 445-597;
Uttarajjhayanani, adhyayana 18, Nemicandra vrtti. Bharates vara Bahubali vrtti, Part 1, p. 177-1.
(205) Trisastisalaka-purus a-caritram, parva 10, sarga 11, sloka 184-265.
(206) Ibid, sloka 172-293.
(207) Uttarajjhayanāni, adhyayana 9, Nemic andra Vrtti. (208) 3-1-8, Gopaka Moggalana Sutta.
(209) Cf. Bharates vara Bahubali Vrtti, Part 1, p. 177.
(210) Trisaṣṭisalākā- puruga-caritram, 10/11/597. (211) Bharatesvara Bahubali Vrtti, Part 2, p.323. (212) Ibid.
(213) Vide section on "Mahakaccayana" in this volume. (214) S.12, U. 2.
(215) Vide section on "Ajātas atru Kunika" in this volume. (216) Vide section on "Jayanti" in this volume.
(217) Srutaskandha 1, adhyayana 5.
(218) In their early life, these three Sresthis were the followers of heretical monks. Then they became Buddhists and erected guest houses for the monks, each in his own name. For details, vise Dhammapada Atthakatha, 2-1.
(219) Ibid; also Nalinakṣa Datta, Uttara Pradesa me Buddha Dharma ka Vikasa, p. 114.
(220) 34-3-3-4.

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531
(221) For details and also account of previous life,
Jātaka Atthakatha, Matanga Jataka, Sam. 497.
(222) Dhammapada Atthakatha, 2-1.
Cf. tas mādimām mūtrapurisapūrņām, sprşğum hi yattāmapi nots aheyam.
- Divyāvadāna, 36.
(223) Bodhirājakumāra was his son by Queen Vasava dattā.
For details, Majjhima Nikāya, Bodhirajakumara Sutta, 2/4/5; Also Majjhima Nikāya Atthakatha,
2/4
(224) Kosala samyutta, yajña Sutta, 3-1-9.
(225) Dharmmapada Atthakathā, 5-1;
Also, Buddhist Legends, Vol. 2, p. 104 ff.
(226) Samyutta Nikaya, 3-2-3. (227) Majjhima Nikaya, Angulimala Suttanta, 2/4/6. (228) Majjhima Nikaya, 2-2-9. (229) Avadānakalpalatā;
Also, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. 2,
p. 877, fn. (230) Hindū Sabhyatā, p. 194; Buddhist India, p.11. (231) Based on Dhammapada Atthakathā, 4-3. (232) Anāgatavaṁs'a;
Also, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. 2, p. 174
p. 174. (233) Uvasagadasão, 9/10; also Rayapas eniya Sutta. . (234) Uvas agadasão, adhyayana, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, etc. (235) Digha Nikaya, 2/10. (236) Bhagavatī, s.2, U.1.

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(237) Cf, so cedavo sāvao
Avsyaka Cūrņi, Second Half, p. 164. cetakastu srāvako,
- Trisastis'alākā-purusa-critram, 10-6-186.
(238) Hindū Sabhyatā, p. 193. (239) Part 1, p. 336 (Bhāratiya Jñānapítha Edition, Kāśi). (240) Tirthankara Mahāvira, Part 1, p.96. (241) Pāņini Vyākaraṇa, 6/2/34. (242) 3/23. (243) Jinist Studies, ed. by Muni Jina Vijayaji.
(244) For illustration, Vide Narakesari, a fiction in
Gujarāti by Jayabhikṣu, p. 234 fn.
(245) Rockhill, Life of Buddha, p. 63 (246) Bhāratiya Itihasa, eka drști, p. 56.
.

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CHAPTER XV
LIBERATION
Bhagavān Mahavira entered into his liberation at Pāva and Gautama Buddha entered into his liberation at Kusinara. As to the distance between the two places, we read, in part, as follows:
pāvā-nagarato tini gavutāni kusinārā-nagaram which means that Pāvā was at a distance of three gavyutas (about six miles) from Kusinara (1).
We have it on the authority of Rāhul Sămkstyāyana, the Buddha, starting at midday from Pavā, reached Kusinārā in the evening. As he was ill and weak, so he stopped at several places to rest before he reached his destination. The distance between Kapilavastu (Lumbini) and Ksatriya-Kundapura is accepted to be about 250 miles (2).
Thus, though born at a distance of 250 miles, the distance at the time of their death was no more than 6 miles. So it may be stated that the two who were not far apart from each other in their spiritual attainments came closer even in space at the time of their death.
The final (funeral) rites for both were performed by the Malla Ksatriyas. At the time of Mahavira's death, nine Mallās and nine Licchavis were by his side. Eighteen kings who were the heads of their respective ganas at Kasi and Kosala were at that time performing their pausadha. In the morning, they also joined the funeral procession. At the passing away of the Buddha, Ananda came to Kusinārā and broke the sad news to the Mallās who were assembled in the public hall. Ananda did not consider Kusinārā to be a suitable place for the death of the Buddha from which it should appear that the Mallas were perhaps more intimate with Mahavira than they were with the Buddha,
In the funeral ceremony of both, the Indras and their gods participated in a very large number, Mahāvira's

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pyre was lit by Agnikumāra gods and it was cooled by Meghakumāra gods. The last mortal remains of both were carried away by the Indra's of the upper and lower (subterranean) heavens. On both the occasions, the Indras and their gods were very much stricken with grief. There is, however, an important difference between the two, viz., that whereas at the funeral of Mahavira, the leadingmost role was played by the gods, human beings taking only a subsidiary role, at the funeral of the Buddha, human beings were the principal participants, and the gods only witnessed the occasion by remaining invisible in the sky. What the gods wanted about the Buddha's funeral and how they wanted it to be performed was communicated by the arhat- monks to the Mallas, The Buddhist account of (the participation by the gods appears to be more realistic,
In their final years, both moved out from Rājagrha. Mahāvira chose Pāvā for his monsoon retreat and he passed away at this place in the last quarter of the newmoon night in the month of Kārtika. We have no record of any important event which might have occurred between Păvă and Rājagrha, nor any to indicate that Mahăvira taken ill before he passed away. As to the Buddha, we have a complete record of his wandering from Rājagrha to Kusinārā, and he is stated to have died for having taken a pig's meat. The date of his death has been accepted to be the full-moon night of the month of Vaisakha. But according to the Sarvāstivāda tradition, the Buddha(too) passed away on the full-moon night in the month of Kārtika (3).
Before their liberation, both delivered special sermons. Mahavira's sermon was a long one, but that of the Buddha was brief. There were many questions and answers on both the occasions. Many questions were asked by the disciples and all ere duly answered by their respective masters. In both the traditions, however, some of the questions appear to be later interpolations and perhaps were not in the original. At a later period, these have been placed in the mouths of their respective leaders according to the needs of their followers. On the night during which he passed away, Mahavira initiated Has tipala into monkhood with his own hands, and the Buddha did the same to Subhadra Parivrājaka.

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On hearing the news about the passing away of Mahavira, his very intimate disciple Ganadhara Gautama was very much afflicted with grief. The same thing happened to Ananda who was a close and faithful associate of the Buddha, and Ananda began to cry. Shortly after the outburst of this grief, Ganadhara Gautama attained his omniscience. Ananda became an Arhat sometime after the passing away of the Buddha. .
On their respective life-spans, Mahavira and the Buddha held widely different views. Mahāvira said,
"As to the possibility of increasing the life-span (of a Tirthankara), well, this has never happened, nor can it ever happen".
But, according to the Buddha,
"'The Tathāgata is capable to live as long as a whole kalpa if he so chooses".
Kalpa Sutta is the source book on the episode of Mahavira's liberation. Adopted from this source, it has been elaborated in the commentaries, curnis and biographies. Kalpa Sūtra is believed to have been composed by Bhadrabahu who was the seventh Acārya since Mahăvira. Since it was first composed till the time of Devardhi Kşamāsramana when it was put into writing which event took place in c. 453 A. D. , it appears that there had been a number of interpolations in the Sūtr a which became an integral part of it. Bhadrabāhu's own time is believed to be . 371-357. B.C.
The story of the liberation of the Buddha is contained in the Mahā-parinivvāna Sutta of the Dīgha Nikāya. This Sutta includes sundry other discussions which one comes across at several places in other Tripitakas. From this it should appear that this Sutta was compiled on the basis of later gleanings. Of course, the Digha Nikaya. is a part of the Tripitakas, but even Western Orientalists like Rhys Davids, E.J. Thomas and Wintenitz are of opinion that the Mahāparinivyāna Sutta must have been added at a somewhat later period (4). This, however, should not be taken to mean that the Mahāparinivvāna

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Sutta is not very much posterior. The ideas, language and style of the two are also expressive of their nearness in time. In the matter of rhetoric and exaggerations, there is much common ground between the two.
The account of Mahavira's liberation appears to be scrappy and somewhat disconnected, but no one gets the impression that some of the events have been later additions. Many of the events have been narrated in general terms as 'it so happened during that night'. The account of the Buddha's liberation is more consistent and more elaborate too.
The account of the liberation of Mahāvira and the Buddha are given in this Chapter one after the other. Although the representation has had to be concise, care has, however, been taken to make it correspond to the original. Kalpa Sūtra is of course the principal work on Mahāvira's liberation which has been used in the preparation of the present Chapter, but other sources utilised are the Bhagavati, Jambu-dvia Pannatti, Saubhagya-pancamya di Parva Katha-Sangraha, Mahavira Cariyam and many others. For the counter part of the Buddha story, the exclusive source used has been the Mahāpa rinivvānna Sutta. In both the cases, the original text of the main assertions has been given in the commentary.
Liberation of Mahāvira
Starting from Rājagrha, Mahāvira came to Apāpā (Päväpuri). People assembled. In the course of his sermon, Mahavira said in part, as follows:
"In the presence of a Tirthankara, this land of Bhārata is like a heaven full of wealth and grains, dotted with villages and towns all over. In such a period (when a Tirthankara is alive), villages are prosperous as towns, towns as heavens, common folks as kings, and kings as Kuvera (the god of wealth) himself. In such a period, the Acārya is like the Indra, the parents are like the gods, the mother-in-law is like one's own mother and the father-in-law is like one's own father. In such a period, people know the distinction between the pious and the impious;

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they are polite, truthful, dedicated to the gods and subservient to their spiritual leaders and firm in right conduct. The wise people are honoured. Lineage, good conduct and learning are recognised. There are no disturbances and calamities. The monarchs are the followers of the Jina path.
"When, as now on, Tirthankaras, Cakravartis, Vasudevas, etc., will be no more, and kevala and manah-parya. ya knowledge will disappear from the land, the state of things in Bhäratavars a will steadily deteriorate. People will have more of anger and less of reason; standards will be badly shaken; arbitrariness will go up; piety will decline making room for impiety. Villages will wear the look of creamation grounds, towns will look haunted by spirits, honest people will be subdued like slaves and wicked people will be aggresive like monarchs. In the prevalent chaos, the 'logic of the fish' will be the order of the day in which the strong will torture upon the weak. The state of things in Bharatayars a will be like a ship without a rudder. Thieves will commit more thefts, kings will levy more taxes and men of the judiciary will accept more bribes. People will have a great attachment for wealth and grains.
The preceptors' home (where scholars reside to learn) will lose their dignity. The teachers will not impart scriptural knowledge to the pupils. The students will not tender service unto the teachers. The earth will be full of insects and bacteria. The gods will disappear from the world. Sons will not pay attention to their parents, Daughters-in-law will lose their morals. Charity, conduct, penance and thought - all will sink to a low level. There will be splits and skirmishes within the spiritual orders. False weights and measures will be in use. Mantras, tantras, herbs, gems, flowers, fruits, substances, beauties, life-span, fortune, body-form and stature - all these will be very diminutive.
"Conditions will be extremely miserable in the sixth fraction of the time-cycle called nonbracing-nonbracing (duḥsama-duhşama). Towards the end of the fifth fraction, called non-bracing (cuhsama), there will be an Acarya (monk) named Dubpras aha, a nun named Phalgus ri, a srävaka named Nagila and a srāvikā named satyasri. Only

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these four will keep the (fourfold) order alive. The ruling monarch will be Bimalayâhana and Sumaka will be his monister. The people will have a height of 2 cubits (one yard), and they will have a life-span of 20 years. On the closing day of the fifth fraction of the time-cycle, the virtue of conduct will disintegrate in the morning, the virtue of administration will disintegrate at midday and fire will disintegrate in the afternoon.
"The fifth fraction of the time-cycle called duḥsama will have a duration of 21,000 years and the sixth fraction called duhsama-duhs amã will also have a similar duration. That will see the end of religion, society, and administration. The normal relations between parents and progeny will be gone. At the commencement of the sixth fraction, there will be cyclones and heavy showers causing a complete deluge(5). Very few men and beasts will survive as seedlings (when the cycle looks up). These will somehow keep themselves alive in the cravice and holes on the banks of the Gangā and the Sindhu (which themselves will be no more wide than a chariot's route) (6). They will live on fish and meat.
"When the sixth fraction of the time-cycle will come to an end, the first fraction of the next half which is the up-phase of the time-cycle will commence. This period will bear resemblance with the sixth part of the prior half. The second fraction of the up-phase will resemble the fifth part of the previous down phase, and things beneficial will have their genesis. At the commencement of the second fraction, there will be a shower from a cloud named Puskara-samyartaka which will remove the heat from the earth. Then there will be milk showers which will help corn to sprout, and these will be followed by butter showers which will add alluvium to the earth. Then there will be nectarine showers which will help all types of flora to germinate. And the fifth and the last, there will be moisture-giving showers which will augment the moisture content of the earth. Each one of these showers will last for a whole week and they will be incessant(7).
"The environment will again become more favourable. People will come out from the cravices and holes on the river banks and start living on the flat grounds, Gradu

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ally, they will wax in physical beauty, intellect and lifespan. In the third fraction called unbracing-bracing (duhsama-susamá), villages, towns, etc., will come up. Tirthankaras will appear one after another. In the fourth fraction of the up-phase, people will be born as twins and die as twins. (In this system called yaugalika, children born as brother and sister live as man and wife). They will have big bodies and big spans of life. The kalpa trees will meet all their needs. The size of the body and the span of life will continue to increase in the fifth and the sixth fractions of the up-phase. And then a day will come when the up-phase of the time-cycle will come to its close. One down phase and one up phase together constitute one complete time cycle. Such time cycles have appeared in the past and they will continue to appear in the future. Those who make full propitiation of human life will break through the time cycles and attain liberation. Their soul will gain its true self''(8).
Bhagavān Mahāvira spent his last monsoon at Påvapuri. Hastipāla was the king of the place. Mahăvira was' encamped in his writers' building (rajjukajsabha,j which according to some was his customs office). The new-moon day of the month of kārtika drew near. The last congregation met to attend the final sermon. Sakra the Indra of the gods, stood up and prayed. He was followed by King Hastipāla himself who stood up and prayed.
Now, Bhagavan Mahavira started his final sermon. He recited 55 adhyayanas on the whirl of the outcome of piety and another 55 on the whirl of the outcome of impiety(9). At the present time, they exist as Agamas called Sukhavipāka and Duhkha-vipāka.. Then he gave forth 36 adhyayanas of the unasked vyákar ana which have come down as an Agama called Uttarādhyayana. While reciting the adhyay ana named Pradhāna on Mother Marudevi, he became fixed in the paryanka posture (10). Then gradually he became fixed in coarse kāya-yoga and stopped coarse manah yoga and coarse vacana-yoga. Then he changed over to fine kāya-yoga'and cancelled coarse kāya-yoga, and also fine manah-yoga and vacana-yoga. Then he attained the third step called suksma-kriyā-apratipāti of white (pure) meditation calles śukla dhyâng. Then he stopped even the fine kāya-yoga and reached the fourth step called

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samucchinnakriya-anivrtti of white meditation. Then he lived in the rock-like state (sailaeśi) for as much time as is taken to utter a,, i, u,.,,1, and having completely exhausted his non-terminable karma, Mahăvira attained the state of perfection, enlightenment and liberation(11).
It was the fourth month of the rainy season, the dark half of the month, the 15th day, the last full-moon night of the fortnight. Five years make one yuga; it was the second year of the yuga and it was named Candra. Twelve months make one year; it was the fourth month named Pritivardhana. There are two fortnights in a month; the fortnight was named Nandivardhana. Fifteen days make a fortnight; it was the fifteenth day called Agnivesya, also called Upasama. There are fifteen nights in a fortnight; it was the fifteenth night. called Devānandā or Nirati. The lava at that time was Arca, the prāna was Muhurta, the stoka was Siddha(12), the karana was Naga (13). There are 30 muhūrtas in one day-night; it was the twenty-ninth muhūrta named Sarvārtha-siddhi(14). At that time, the asterism Svāti was in conjunction with the moon.
The final sermon of Bhagavān Mahavira lasted for 16 praharas (48 hours)(15). He was on a fast missing six meals (16). There were many question and discussions, King Punyapāla enquired about the outcome of his eight dreams. On receiving the answer, he became indifferent to the world and became initiated as a monk(17). King Hastipāla also received inspiration to be initiated as a monk,
On a point of enquiry, Indrabhūti Gautama asked,
"Bhante! After your liberation, when will the fifth faction of the time-cycle commence"?
Mahavira - "Gautama! It will commence after the expiry of 3 years and eight and half months".
On further questions by Gautama, Mahavira gaye out the names of the Tirthankaras, Vasudevas, Baladevas, Patriarchs and other who would make their appearance in the next up-phase of the time-cycle.

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Ganadhara Sudharman submitted thereafter as follows:
"Bhante ! When will the Sun Omniscience (kaivalyasūrya) go out"?
Mahavira - "Twelve years after me, Gautama will attain perfection, and 20 years after me, you yours attain perfection. Sixty-four years after me, your disciple monk Jambu will attain perfection. In fact, he will be the last omniscient personality (of this phase). Jambu will be followed, in due order, by Prabhava, Sayyambhava, Yasobhadra, Sambhutivijaya, Bhadrabahu and Sthūlabhadra, all of whom will be the masters of 14 Pūrvas. Among these, only Sayyam!: haya will be the author of Desaveyali-. ya which he will write because of his pūrva-knowledge(18).
As the final moments of Mahavira's liberation drew near, the seat of the Indra was shaken. With the famil of his gods, he came down to the spot. With tears in his eyes, he submitted,
"Bhante ! At the time of your entering into the womb, at your birth, initiation and at your attainment of omniscience, the asterism Hastottarā was in conjunction with the moon. At that time, an evil star named Bhasma-graha is about to come up. It will cast its bad influence on the star at your birth and stand in the way of the future progress of your monastic order. After 2000 years, when this evil star will be separated from the star at your birth, then the sra manas, the nirgranthas will be adored and honoured. So till this evil star continues to haunt the star at your birth, I pray, you hold on your life-span in tact".
On this submission, the comments of Bhagavān Mahā. vira were as follows:
"Sakra! Life-span can never be increased. It has never happened like that, nor will it ever happen like that. The non-bracing phase of the time-cycle will by itself be a handicap to the future progress of my order; but this is unavoidable"(19).

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On the very day (when Bhagavan Mahavira was to enter into liberation), he sent his first Gaņadhara Indrabhūti Gautama to a Brāhmaṇa named Devas'arma in order to inspire him. The reason why Mahāvira sent away his intimate disciple in that manner was that being present on the spot), Gautama, who had enjoyed his close association for a long time would break down with grief at his death. Indrabhūti received the sad news of the liberation of Bhagavān Mahavira when he was at the house of the Brāhmaṇa, Devas armā. It came as a stroke of lightning on the devout heart of Indrabhuti. In a fit of soliloquy, he said,
'Bhagavan! What has thou done ! On an occasion like this, I have been separated from thee. Is it possible that I would have acted like a child and tried to prevent your exit to the summum bonum. Did you conceive my affection for thee to be so very artificial? If perchance I had followed thee, would there have been so much shortage of space in the Siddhasila? Would I have been a burden for thee? Henceforth, at whose lotus-like feet shall I bow in reverence? To whom shall I henceforth ask questions on life and liberation. Whom shall I henceforth address as 'Bhante', and who will affectionately call me 'Goyama'?
Thus floating in the tormenting current of sentiments, Gautama somewhat controlled himself, and his thoughtcurrent was reversed:
'Well! Why am I blinded by affection? What is the attachment for one who is beyond all attachment-detachment (vitarāga)? This is no more than a one-sided affection in me for him. Enough with it. I give it up now. I am my own unity. I am shared by none. I belong to none: nothing (no one) here belongs to me. Attachment and malice are just perversion of the mind. Equanimity (balance) is the only strength and support for the soul'.
Thus passing througi. ne deeper consciousness of the self, Indrabhūti Gautama attained omniscience right on the spot(20).
During the night when Bhagavān Mahāvira passed away, 9 Mallakis, 9 Licchavis and 18 gana-chiefs from Kasi and Kos'ala were performing the vow of pausadha(21).

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To participate in the funeral rites of Bhagavan Mahāvira, all the Indras of the gods and the asuras came down with their respective families of devas and asuras. All had tears in their eyes. All were overwhelmed with the feeling that they had been turned into orphans. At the order of the Sakra, the gods brought gosirşa sandal wood from Nandanavana. They brought water (milk) from the Kṣira-sagara (Ocean of Milk). With this water, Indra gave a bath to the body of Mahavira, applied perfumed pastes to it and covered it with divine cloth. Then the body was placed on a divine palanquin.
The palanquin was lifted up by the Indras. The gods showered divine flowers with shouts of 'victory'. On the way leading to the creamation ground, some gods and goddesses danced at the head of the palanquin, and some other gods worshiped the body with diamonds and gems. Overwhelmed with profound grief, the sravakas and the srav - kas followed the palanquin. On arriving at the appropriate place, the planquin was placed on the ground. The Agnikumara gods lit the pyre. The Vayukumara gods started the winds. Other gods emptied jars full of ghee and honey on the pyre. When the mortal remains of Bhagavan Mahāvira were turned into ashes, the pyre was cooled by the Meghakumara gods with water (milk) brought from Kṣirasagara. Sakrendra and Isanendra respectively collected the right and left upper jaw-bones. Other gods collected teeth and other bones pieces. Human beings became happy to collect the ashes. In the end, at the place where the pyre was lit, the gods erected an altar of gems (22).
During the night of the liberation of Bhagavan Mahavira, the surface of the earth was lit bright because of the coming of gods and goddesses (23). Even men burnt lamps. Thus started the Festival of Light (dipavali) on this earth (24).
During the night of the liberation of Bhagavan Mahavira, the minutest of organisms called kunthu made it appearance on this earth. This was a symbolic indication
that in future swarms of insects would be on the wax on this earth, and this would make restraint next to impossible. In anticipation of bad times ahead, many monks and nuns ended their lives by fasts unto death(25).

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Liberation of Gautama Buddha
Starting from Rājagrha, the Buddha came to V He spent there sometime and then came to Veluvagrāma (Benugrāma) to stay there during the monsoons. He asked the monks to find convenient places with friends and acquaintances around Vaisāli to live there. This was the last monsoon sojourn for the Buddha.
During this sojourn, he fell victim to a mortal disease. The Buddha thought,
'It is not appropriate for me to die without bringing it to the notice of my attending monks and monks of my order beforehand'.
He held fast to the thread of life and recovered from the disease. On seeing the Leader fully recovered, Ananda expressed a profound satisfaction and said,
"Bhantel. Because of your serious illness. I felt a blank within me. I had lost my sense of direction even. I had ceased to have a perception of religion".
Said the Buddha,
"Ananda ! I have now become aged, old, worn out, exhausted , advanced in age. I have touched 80. Like an old cart which can with difficulty be used with patches here and there, I am also somehow pulling on my body. But, you see, how can I live long in this state. So, Ananda, henceforth live in the light of thyself, in the succour of thyself, with no other succour, in the light of religion, in the succour of religion, with nothing else to depend upon".
atta dipa viharatha attas aranà anannas arană dhammadiva dhammasarana anannasarana
One day, the Buddha was resting in a caitya named Cäpāla. The long-lived Ananda sat beside him. To Ananda Bhagavān Buddha said,

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"Ananda ! I am in possession of four powers (şddhipāda). So if I desire, I can stay on for a full kalpa".
But Ananda missed even such a clear hint from the Buddha. He failed to request him to live on for a kalpa for the good of many, for the happiness of many. The Buddha repeated the same words for the second time and again for the third time. But Ananda said nothing. The wicked Māra had full control of Ananda's mind. Thereafter, to give a break to the talk, the Buddha said,
"Let us drop it, Ananda. You will understand the implication tomorrow".
No sooner had Ananda separated from the Buddha than Māra appeared before him and said,
"Bhante! You had said, in part, as follows: 'I shall not enter into liberation till that time when the monks and the nuns, the male followers and the female followers are not fixed in religion, are not versed in religion to be able to communicate it to others, till they are capable to prevent remorse; till the religion of the Buddha which is brahmacarya (non-sex) prospers, spreads and is not adopted by many. 'Bhante ! Now, all these have been fulfilled, So now it is time for you to enter into liberation".
To this, the Buddha gave the following reply,
"Ye sinful ! Be at peace. After three months from this day, I shall enter into liberation"
At the Capala caitya on that day, the Buddha loosened his grip on the thread of life with conscience and feeling. There was a severe earth-quake at that time. The heavenly drums were beaten. Ananda rushed to the Buddha and said,
"Bhante! How very strange ! How very wonderful ! What's the cause for this severe earth-quake? What's the factor behind this all"?
The Buddha said,

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"There are eight causes for the earth-quake. One of these is that the Tathāgata gives up his hold on the thread of life. Just now, at the Capāla caitya, I have finished my elan vital. This is the reason for this earth-quake. This is the reason why the heavenly drums are beaten".
On hearing all this, Ananda realised the situation. He said,
"Bhante! Please live on for a kalpa for the good of many for the happiness of many".
The Buddha said,
"Now make no such prayer to the Tathāgata. There is no more time for such prayers".
Still Ananda repeated his prayer thrice. The Buddha
said,
"Why do you create an awkward situation for the Tathāgata? Drop this topic. Ananda! If I do not live for a kalpa, you are the person to blame for this. On many occasions did I mention to you the capability of the Tathāgata in this matter, but you held your tongue every time".
The Buddha rose and repaired to the summit-like shelter in Mahāvana. There he gave the following order to Ananda:
"Assemble at the upasthāna hall all the monks who may be living near Vaisali".
When the monks had assembled, the Buddha addressed them as follows:
"Harken, of Bhikşus ! Any produced thing (samskāra) is liable to destruction. Be free from delusion and fulfil thy duty (adeya). In the very near future, after three months from this day, the Tathagata is going to enter into liberation".

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Bhagavān Buddha started from Vaisals to reach Kusinārā. At the Ananda caitya in Bhognagara, he said,
"Bhikşus ! If you ever hear a monk saying, 'Ābue ! I have heard this straight from the Buddha. This is Dharma. This is Vinaya. This is the counsel imparted by the Great Leader', then, I say, neither welcome the statement at once nor decry it. Check it from the Sūtra, and from the Vinaya. If you do not find it there, then take it for certain that the assertion has been ill-begotten by the said Bhiksu. If, however, you find it in the Sūtra ,and the Vinaya, then, take it to be the word of the Tathāgata".
Starting from there, the Buddha reached Pava. He halted at the mango garden belonging to one Cunda, son of Karmara. Cunda invited the Buddha with his monks for dinner at his residence. On the previous night, a special preparation was made from the dinner to be given next day. A huge quantity of meat from young pigs was cooked (26). At the appointed hour, the Buddha came with his begging bowl and cloth the house of Cunda, the son of Karmāra and sat down to dinner. While dining, the Buddha said as follows to his host,
"Don't give this rich meat to the monks. They wont's be able to digest it".
No sooner had he finished his dinner than the Buddha felt a severe pain in his abdomen. He vomited several times and this was full of blood.
Despite his being ill, the Buddha departed from Pavā to reach Kusinārā. Being tired, he sat on the roadside. As he became very thirsty, he asked Ananda to fetch him some water from the river. Said Ananda,
"Bhante! Just now, .500 carts have passed through this river. This is a small stream and the water is already muddy. Just ahead of us, at a short distance from here, we shall come across the river Kakuttha. The water of that river is clean and tasteful. So you may drink water there".

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"
548
But the Buddha repeated his request for the second time and for the third time. So Ananda was obliged to move out to fulfil his desire. To his surprise, he found that the water was calm and clean. He became very much delighted at the display of the great spiritual power of the Leader. He carried water in a bowl and offered it to the Buddha to drink.
As the Buddha sat resting, there came Pukkus, son of Malla, a disciple of Alara Kalam, who was passing by 'that way. He sat on one side and said,
"Bhante! Initiated people (monks) move absorbed and carefree. Once it so happened that revered Alara Käläm was resting under a tree on the roadside. Five hundred carts passed from his hind. After some time, a member of the same caravan came to him and asked,
"Bhante! Did you see the carts pass"?
"No, abus, I did not see them".
"Bhante! Did you hear any sound"? "No abus, I did not hear any". "Bhante! Were you asleep"?
"No, abus, I was not.
"Bhante! There is dust deposited on your robe" "Yes, it is there".
-
-
-
-
Then the man said,
"How very strange! How very wonderful! The onks wander at ease, fully concentrated in self".
Said the Buddha,
"Pukkus! Once I was encamped at Bhu-sagar in Atuma. At that time, there was a torrential shower. Thunders roared. At the fall of the lightning, two farmers and four bulls lost their lives. Just at that time, a man came to me and said, 'Bhante! There were showers, there were thunders, and farmers and bulls have lost their lifes. Bhante! Did you realise all this"?

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I said, "No ābus, I did not".
The man - "Where were you at that time"?
"Why? I was right here". "Bhante ! Did you hear the roar of thunder"?
"No, abus, I did not" . - "Bhante ! Were you asleep at that time"?
"No, abus, I was not". "Were you in your full senses then"? "Why? I was fully in my senses".
"Pukkus ! Then the man said, 'How strange ! How very wonderful! This is the real movement at ease".
On hearing this account, Pukkus, the son of Malla, was very much impressed. He said,
"Bhante ! This is even more strange than the passing of 500 or even 5000 carts. Whatever respect and devotion I had in Alära Kalām, I throw it to the winds, I wash it down in a quick-flowing river. From this day, please accept me as your worshipper who is come to take shelter with thee".
Pukkus presented to the Buddha two very costly and glittering shawls, one for the Lord himself and the other for Ananda,
Pukkus, the son of Malla departed. Ananda placed his own shawl also on the Buddha. A glow came out from the Buddha's body and outs hone the brilliance of the shawls. On a point of enquiry from.Ananda, the Buddha said,
"Such purification of pigment of the skin) of the Tathagata takes place on two occasions, viz., once at the time of his enlightenment, and again at the time of his liberation. Tonight, in the last quarter, in the sāla forest of the Mallas at Kusinārā, surrounded by śāla trees, the Tathāgata will enter into his liberation".

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With his monks, the Buddha reached the bank of the river Kakuttha. He took his bath. He crossed through the river and came to a mango grove at the other bank.. While taking rest there, the Buddha said to Ananda,
"Ananda! If, in future, anyone blames Cunda, the son of Karmara saying, 'Abus Cunda! You have earned to gain, rather, you have suffered a severe loss; by eating the food served by you, the Tathāgata lost his life', then you remove this stigma from Cunaa. You tell Cunda. 'You have earned a gain, a good gain; the Tathāgata entered into liberation by accepting food from thee'; and tell him further that two meals of the Buddha are of equal merit, viz., one preceding his enlightenment and the other preceding his liberation"".
Moving out from the mango grove on the bank of the river Kokuttha, Bhagavan Buddha took the road to Kus inārā. Having crossed through the river Hiranyavati, he reached the săla forest at Kusinārā named Upavattana which belonged to the Mallas. In a grove made by sala trees, his cot was spread whereon he lay with his head towards the north.
At that time, the long-lived Upavana stood before the Buddha helping him with a fan. Suddenly the Buddha burst out,
"Get out, bhikṣus, get ye out from my presence".
"At this Ananda asked,
"?
"Bhagavan! Why so"
The Lord said,
"Ananda! Gods from the ten heavens (lokas)have assembled to see the Tathagata for the last time. All around this sala forest, upto a distance of 12 yojanas, there is no vacant space even as much as to accomodate the tip of a hair. The gods are being irritated because of the obstruction caused by the monk with a fan in his hand".

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Anand - "Bhante ! In what state do you see the gods"? The Buddha - "Ananda ! Some are lamenting with their hairs disshevelled; some others are shouting holding each others hand; some are falling on the ground like trees hewn. They are all in grief saying, 'So soon the Sugata is entering into liberation; so soon the enlightened is going out of the world'".
Ananda - "Bhante ! When you are alive, the monks, on completion of their monsoon sojourn, come from many directions to pay their homage and obeisance to you. We too benefit from their pious association. But, Bhante, in future, (after you enter into your liberation), what pious association shall we get, and to whom do we come to pay our homage and obeisance"?
The Buddha - "Ananda ! In future, four places will continue to provide the necessary inspiration to turn men away from the mundane life. They are:
1. the place where the Tathāgata has been born
(Lumbini),
2. the place where he has been enlightened (Bodhgayā),
3. the place where he started the Wheel of Religion
(Sarnāth), and
:
4. the place where he enters into his liberation
(Kusināra)".
- 'Bhante ! What should be our attitude to women
folks"
"Not to look at them". - "Bhagavān! In case one has already seen"? - "Have no chat".
- "But, Bhante, where conversation is necessary"?
- "Then be fully alert, with your mind awakened":

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"Bhante! What funeral rites are to be performed for the Tathagata's body"?
"The same as are done to the body of a Cakravartin".
"Bhante! What are these performed for a Cakravartin"?
R
"Ananda! The body of a Cakravartin is to be wrapped with a new piece of cloth. Then it is wrapped with cotton, and with a new piece of cloth again. Then the body is placed in an iron vat full of oil. Then a pyre is built with fragrant trees and the body of the Cakravartin is burnt on it. After the cremation, an altar is erected for the Cakravartin at a place where four roads meet".
The long-lived Ananda went to his room and began to weep supporting himself against a poll. He said,
"Alas! How unfortunate am I! My Master is entering into liberation".
The Buddha enquired,
"Where is Ananda"?
"Bhante! He is weeping in his room".
- "Bring him hither".
-
Thereon the long-lived Ananda came there. The Buddha spoke unto him as follows:
"Ananda
Weep not. Lament not. I told you yesterday that the separation even of the dearest one is inevitable.
Ananda! You have served the Tathāgata for a very long time. You are really meritorious. Now, you devote yourself to the attainment of liberation. Get rid of all fetters (asravas)".

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Ananda - 'Bhante ! May ye not enter into liberation in th is small township, in this branch township ! There are many big cities, '- Campā, Rajagrha, Srāvasti, Saketa, Kosambi, Varanasi. Choose anyone of these places for thy liberation. In these cities, there are many rich Ksatriyas, many rich Brāhmanas, many other rich householders who hold thee in highest of esteems. They will worship the body of the Tathāgata".
The Buddha - "Ananda ! Don't ye say so. Kusinārā has a very long history. At some remote past age, this city, then named Kušāvati, was the headquarter of Cakravartin Mahasudarsana. You go to the city and tell the Mallās. there that tonight, at the last quarter, the Tathāgata will enter into liberation. So came at once so that you may not repent later that you did not get a glimpse of him (when he was alive)".
Ananda did as per the Buddha's wishes. The Mallás became sorry and grieved to get the news. All of them came to pay their homage and obeis ance. Since time was very short, Ananda took one family at a time to see the Buddha. In this manner, during the first quarter of the night, all the Mallas finished paying their homage and obeisance to the Buddha.
During the second quarter, Subhadra was initiated into monkhood (at the hand of the Buddha).
In giving out his Last Testament, the Buddha said,
(1)
"Ananda ! It is very likely that you will feel that the Leader is gone, that there are his words, but not the Leader himself. Ananda !
Take it in this manner that the religion I have propounded is your Leader after me, the Vinaya I have given is your Leader after me.
(2)
"Ananda ! Upto this time, when addressing one another, the monks have been using the word 'abus '; but after I am gone, a monk junior to one is to be addressed as abus',

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and a monk senior to one is to be addressed as 'bhante' or 'äyuşmān'.
(3)
"Ananda ! After I am gone, if the Sangha so desires, it may drop the minor and ordinary rules for the monks.
(4)
"Ananda ! After I am gone, Monk Channa is to be made the Brahma-danda".
Then addressing the assembled monks, the Buddha said,
"If anyone from among you has any doubt about the Buddha, the Dharma and the Sangha, he may have his doubt clarified. Otherwise, he may later repent because he could have his doubt resolved".
The Buddha repeated the words for the second and for the third time, but the monks remained silent.
Said Ananda,
"Bhante ! There is none among these 500 monks who has any shred of doubt. All have full faith in the Buddha, the Dharma and the Sangha".
Said the Buddha,
hanta yani bhiksave amantayami vo vayadhamma sankhara appamadena sampadeya ti
"Hallow ! Bhikşus ! I say so to you: Things done are transient; free from deceit, do your duties. These are the last words of the Tathagata to you".
Bhagavan Buddha had his first bout of meditation. Having completed it, he had his second bout, then the third and the fourth. The one after the other, he attained Akāsāntyāyatana (the first of the four formless Brahmalokas), Vijñānantyāyatana (the second), Ākincanyāyatana (the thira) and Naivasanjñānās anjñāyatana (the fourth). Then he attained Sanjñā-vedayita-nirodha (a form of trance). Ananda said to Anuruddha,

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"Is Bhagavan liberated"?
"No, not yet; he is in sanjñā-vedayita-nirodha samāpatti".
Then the Buddha rose above sanjñā-vedayitanirodha and attained naivas anjnanasanjnayatana. Then, one by one, having completed all the stages in the reverse order, he returned to the first meditation. Then again he moved up to come to the fourth, after having passed through the second and the third, and then he entered into his liberation. At the time the earth shook severely and the heavenly drums were beaten incessantly.
After the Buddha had passed away. Sahampati Brahmā, Sakra who is the Indra of the gods, longlived Anuruddha and long-lived Ananda offered prayers to the departed Master.
At that time, the monks who had not yet transgressed attachment-detachment, began to lament and cry. They fell on the ground like hewn trees. Anuruddha tried to make them free from attachment.
The long-lived Ananda came to Kusinārā, met the Mallās at the public hall and said to them,
He
"The Bhagavān has entered into liberation. is no more".
The entire city of Kusinara had a shadow of gloom cast on it at this sad news.
The Mallas performed the liberation rites for six days. They made necessary preparat ions for the
On the seventh day, eight Mallās lifted the body of the Buddha. They were followed by gods and men. The funeral procession stopped at a caitya name Mukuta-bandhana which was dedicated by the Mallās. Having received the Buddha's wishes from Ananda, they arranged the funeral of a Cakravartin for him. Having completed the rites in due order, they placed the body on the pyre.

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The Mallas wanted to lit the pyre, but they could not do so. Explaining the reason for this Anuruddha said,
"Vāśisthas ! You want to do something, and the gods want to do something else. It is the desire of the gods that the pyre be lit after the longlived Mahākāsyapa has a chance to touch the Buddha's feet".
- "Bhante ! Where is the long-lived Mahakasy
apa at this moment"?
Anuruddha said,
''With 500 monks following him, he is on the road between Păvă and Kusinärä".
On this the Mallás said,
"We shall abide by the wishes of the gods".
The long-lived Mahäkäs yapa arrived at last. He placed his rag on one shoulder, and then with folded hands, he thrice moved round the pyre. Then he removed the shroud a little and touched the Buddha's feet with his forehead. His 500 monks also did the same. No sooner were all these done than the pyre lit its elf. After the body was consumed by the flames nothing remained, neither ashes nor charcoal. Just as butter or oil in a burning lamp simply ceases to exist, so did his skin, flesh, etc. Only the bones remained, When the body was thus consumed up, there appeared clouds in the sky, and these cooled the pyre.
The Mallas collected the bones and placed them in their public hall. For the safe-keeping of the last remains, a circle of guards was placed with javelins and another with bows and arrows. Dances and music were started in honour of the last remains.
Ajātasatru, the King of Magadha sent a request to the Mallas which was as follows:

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"The Bhagavan was a Ksatriya and I am also a Ksatriya. So I should have a share of the bones on which I desire to raise an altar and offer worship".
Similar requests were sent by the Licchavis of Vaisali, the Sākyas of Kapilavastu, the Buliyas of Allakappa, the Koliyas of Rāmagrāma, the Bräḥmaņās of Bethadvipa and the Mallăs of Påvå. The Mallas of Kusinārā made the following decision:
"The Bhagavän entered into liberation at our place. So we wont's shares the bones with anyone".
The Drona Brahmanas said to the Mallas:
"This is not a fair decision. The Bhagavan was an embodiment of forgiveness, and we should also settle our affairs in the same spirit of forgiveness. It is not good that we quarrel over the bones. If the bones are taken to eight places, then, there will be eight altars dedicated to him, and more people will get a chance to worship the Buddha".
The Mallas agreed. Then the Drona Brahmnas divided the bones into eight shares and each was given to one people. The Brāhmanas kept for themselves the urn in which the bones were kept.
The Mauryas of Pippalivana arrived and they collected whatever they could find from the remnants of the pyre and carried these with them. All erected altars on what they got.
On jaw-bone of the Buddha is worshipped in heaven and another in Gandharpura, a third in Kalingadesa and the fourth in the domain of Nagaraja (worlds of serpents). Forty hairs, porehairs, etc., were carried away by the gods, one each for each cakrāvalā(27).

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Notes on Chapter Fifteen
(1) (2)
Digha Nikaya Atthakathā (Sumangala-vilasini). Rāhul Saṁkrtyāyana, Introduction to the Suyagdanga Sutta, Page 1, Sūtragama. Prakasan Samiti, Gudgaon, 1961.
E.J. Thomas, Life of Buddha, p.158.
(4)
Rhys Davis, Dialogues of Buddha, Vol. II, p.72; E.J. Thomas, op. cit., p. 156; Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, pp. 38-42.
(5)
Bhagavati, 5.7. U.6. Op. cit, s.7.U. 6.
(6)
Jambūdiva Pannatti Sütta, Vaksa 2, Kal Adhikāra, According to this, after two showers lasting altogether for two weeks, there is a gap of one week. Again after the third and fourth shower, there is a gap of one week. Altogether, then, the showers inclusive of two gaps lasted for 49 days.
(8)
Nemicandra Suri, Mahāvira Cariyam. Samavāyānga Sutta, Sama, 55; Kappa Sūtta Su. 147.
(9)
(10) Kappa Sutta, Su. 147; Uttarādhyayana Cūrni, p. 283.
The last Zutra in the Uttarādhyayana calls Mahāvira 'Buddha'. Cf.
i-i păukare buddhe nāyaye parinivvuye Also Kappa Sutta, Kalpārtha Bodhini, p. 123 for the posture in sitting. Cf.
sampaliyanka-nisanne - samyak padmāsanenopavista.
(11) For complete details, Kappa Sutta, Su. 147.

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(12)
According to the Bhagavati, 5.6.0.7,
7 prānas make 1 stoka, 7 stokas make 1 lava, and 77 lavas make 1 muhurta (48 minutes)
(13) We have it in Kalpārtha-bodzini, p. 112.
sakunyadi-karaṇa-catuske trtiyamidam amāvās yottarārdhe avas'ya havati etad
(14)
For details about year, month, fortnight, day, night, muhurta, etc., see Kappa Sutta, Kalpárthabodhini, p. 113. The commentators have called these names of time-unit to be 'typically Jaina'.
(15) Saubhagya - Pancamyadi Parva-katha Samgrha,
p.100, Vividha-tirthakalpa, p. 36.
(16) Kappa Sutta, Su.147; Nemicandra, Mahavira Cari
yam, p.99. (17) Saubhāgya-Pancamyādi Parva-kathā Samgrha,
pp. 100-02. (18) Ibid, p.106. (19) We have the following in Kappa Sutta, Kalpärtha
bodhini, p.121.
jinesa 'tava janmarksa gantā bhasmaka durgrahaḥ, bā dhis yate sa va rşāņām sahasro dve tu śāsanam, tasya samkrāmanam yavq ad bilambas ya tatah prabho, bhavat-prabhā-prabhāveņa sa yathā bifalo bhavet, Svāmi uce Sakra' kenāhpi nāyuḥ sandhiyate kvacit, duhşamabhāvato bādhā bhavini mama sāsane.
(20) Kappa Sutta, Kalpārtha-bodhini, p. 114. (21) Kappa Sutta, Su.132. (22) Trişasti-salaka-puruşa-caritram, Parva 10, Sarga
13.
(23)
Kappa Sutta, Su. 130-131.

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(24) Saubhagaya-Pancamyadi Parva-katha Samgraha,
p.100-110.
(25) Kappa Sutta, Su. 136-37.
(26) In Udana Attha-katha, 8/5, Buddhaghosa gives the following explanation of 'sukara-maddava'.
nati-tarunassa natijiņņassa eka jetthakasukarassa pavatta mamsam.
Some 'non-meat' explanations of the word have been given. But Anguttara Nikaya (Pancaka Nipāta) gives support to Buddha's being a meat-eater. We have it that at the request of Grahapati Ugga, he took pig
meat.
(27) Cf.
ekahi dana tidivehi pūjità
ekā pana gandharapure mahiyati kålingaranjo vijite punekam
ekapana nagarajā maheti
cattalisa sama dantā kesa-loma ca sabbaso
deva harisam ekekam cakkavala parampara tti.

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CHAPTER XVI
WANDERINGS AND MONSOON CAMPS
Both the great men of their age bear a close resemblance in their wanderings as well as in their monsoon camps. Both walked through Magadha, Videha, Käsi, Kosa la, Vatsa, Anga, Vajji, Malla and many other kingdoms. Rajagrha, Mithila, Vārāṇasī, Srāvasti, Kaušāmbi, Campā, Vaisāli and Pāvā, - these were the capitals of the aforesaid kingdoms. Both passed through these places many a time. Both spent a good number of their monsoons at these capital cities. According to the calculations given earlier in this book, both must have spent at least two monsoons together at Rājagsha.
A complete account of Mahavira's monsoon camps is given in the Kappa Sutta (1). Monsoon sojourns apart, the account of Mahavira's visit to other places is scattered throughout the Agamas in the context of other events. A chronological account of the events of Mahavira's life is contained in the niryukti, cūrni and commentary of the Ayas yaka, in the commentaries of the Kappa Sutta, and in the biographies of Mahavira written by Nemicandra, Gunacandra and Hemacandra. But their is no separate account of his wanderings and monsoon camps either in the Kappa Sutta or in other Jaina literary works. Some recent scholars, notably Muni Kalyanvijayji(2) and Acarya Vijayendra Suri(3) have sought to fill up this gap.
Regarding the wanderings and monsoon camps of the Buddha, we do not have a chronological account in the main Buddhist Pitakas. Effort has been made to record his monsoon camps at least after his enlightenment by the text of the Anguttara Nikāya Atthakathă(4), Rhys Davids (5), Rahul Sārkrtyāyana(6) and Bharat Singh Upadhyāya (7) have each sought to build up a complete account of the Buddha's wanderings and monsoon camps. Based on guess as these accounts are, they are likely to rais e more controversy than they would solve. But in the absence of more authentic sources, we have to make use of them for whatever worth they may be. Given below are the

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two accounts, for Maha-Samkrtyāyana respectively. It is expected that these accounts will provide a good comparative study. In preparing this comparative study, the author has kept in view considerations about correctness of dates given earlier in this book. For the sake of clarity and convenience to the readers, the lists of itineraries and monsoon camps have been provided on a comparative basis.
1.
Mahavira's Wanderings and Camps
(as a monk)
B.C. Year
(ordinal)
Wanderings
Camps
569
1
Kundagrāma, Jnatakhandayana, Karmāragrāma, Kollaga Sanni- vesa, Moraka Sannives'a, Duij- jantaka Ashrama, Asthikagrama.
Asthikagrama (Vardhaman)
568
2
Nalanda Sannives a
Morāka Sannivesa, Vácāla, South Vācālā, Suvarna Válukā (river), Rupya Valukā (river), Kanakakhala Ashramapada, North Vacála, Svetämbi, Surabhipura, the Gangā, Thunaka Sannivesa, Rajagrha, Nalandă Sannivesía
567
3
Campā
Kollāga Sannivesa, Suvarna-khala, Brāhmanagrāma, Campa
-664
PrşthaCampā
Kālāya Sannivesa, Patta Käläya, Kumāräka Sannivesa, Corāka Sannivesa, Prştha-Campā.
565
5
Bhaddiyā
Kayangalā Sannivesa, Srāvasti, Halidduyam, Jangalā, Avattā, Corāya Sannivesa, Kalamkabukā Sannives'a, Radhades'a (non

Page #603

1
564
563
562
561
560
559
558
557
2
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
3
Aryan land), Pūrṇa-kalasa (non-Aryan village), Malaya Pradesa, Bhaddiyā.
Kayali Samagama, Jambusanḍa, Tambaya Sannivesa, Kupiya Sannivesa, Vaisali, Grāmāka Sannivesa, Salisirsa,
Bhaddiyā.
Magadha, Ālambhiyā.
Lādha, Vajrabhumi, Sumhabhumi, non-Aryana lands.
Siddharthapura, Kürmagrāma, Siddharthapura, Vaisāli, the Gandak (river), Vanijyagrama, Srāvasti.
Ālambhiyā
Kundāla Sannivesa, Maddana -Rajagrha Sannivesa, Bahus àlaga, Salavana, Lohargalā, Purimatāla, Sakatamukha park, Unnaga (Tunnaga), Gobhūmi, Rajagrha.
Sanulatthiya Sannivesa, Drḍhabhūmi, Polasa caitya, Vālukā, Subhoga, Succhetā, Malaya, Hatthisisa, Tosali, Siddharthapura, Vrajagãon, Alambhiya, Seyavia, Srāvasti, Kosambi, Varanasi, Rajagrha, Mithila, Vaisali (Kāma Mahāvena).
4
Jambhiyagrāma, Mendhiya, Chammāņi, Madhyama Apāpā,
-do
563
Vajrabhum
Srāvasti
Vaisāli
Sumsumarapura, Bhogapura, Campā Nandigrama, Mendhiyagrāma, Kosambi, Sumangala, Succhetā, Pālaka, Campā.

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Jambhiyagrāma, the Rju-vāluka (river as a Kevalin) .
557
Räjagļha
The Rju-vālukā, Pāvápuri, Rajag ha.
556
2
Vaisäli
Rajagrha, Brahmaṇakunda, Vaišāli.
555
Vaišali, Kosambi, Srävasti Vānijyagrāma.
Vāņijyagrāma
554
Vāņijyagrāma, Rajagsha
Rajagsha
553
Rājagrha, Campā, Vitabhaya, Vänijyagrāma. =
Vanijyagrāma
552
6
Vănijyagrāma, Vārāṇasi, Älambhiyā, Răjagrha.
Räjagrha
551
Rājagrha.
Räjagļha Vaisali
550
Rājagrha, Ālambhiya, Kosambi, Vaisali.
5499
Vaisälä
Vaisali, Mithilä, Kākandi, Kāmpilyapura, Polās apura, Vānijyagrāma, Vaisăli.
548
10
Vaiśäli, Rājagrha.
Rājag ha
11
Rājagrha, Krtangalā, Srāvasti, Vānijyagrāma.
Vanijyagrama
546
12
545
13 14
Vānijyagrāma, Brähmaņa- Rājagrha kunda, Kośāmbi, Rājagsha. Rājagrha, Campā, Rajagsha. Rājagsha Rājagrha, Käkindi, Mithilä, Campa Campa.
544

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565
1_
2
3
543
15
542
16
Campā, śrävasti, Medhiya- Mithilā gräma, Campā, Mithilä. Mithila, Hastinapura, Mocä City, Vänijyagrāma. Vānijyagrāma
Väņijyagrama, Rajagsha. Rajagrha Rajagrha, Prstha-Campä, VanijyaCampā, Darsānapura,
grāma Vānijyagräma.
541
17
540
18
539
19
Vānijyagräma, Kāmpilya- pura, Vaisäli.
Vaisali
538
20
Vaisăli, Vanijyagrama, Vais ali,
Vaisäli
537
21
Rajagrha
Vaisăli, Räjagrha, Campa, Prstha-Campa, Rājagsha.
536
Rājagrha, Nalanda.
Nalanda
535
Nalanda, Vanijyagräma, Vaisali.
Vaisali
534
24
Vaisāli, Sāketa, Vaiśäli.
Vaisali
533
25
Vaišali, Rajagsha.
Rajagrha
532
26
Nalanda
531
27
Räjagrha, Nälanda. Nálanda, Mithilă Mithila -
Mithilä
530
28
Mithila
529
29
Mithila, Räjagsha.
Rajagrha
528
528
30
30
Räjagpha, Apāpāpuri.
(Liberation)
Apăpäpuri (Pāvā)

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566
Buddha's Wanderings and Camps
1
1_ 553
2 1
Kapilavastu, Anūpiya (Malla) Urūvelā Rājagrha, Urūvela
(Senanigra
(According to the Mahāyāna tradition, , Kapilavastu, Vaisāli, Rājagsha, Urūvelä).
Urūvelā
552 551
2 3
Urūvelā Urūvelā
Urūvela
Urūvela
Urūvela
550
Urūvela
Urūvelā
549
Urūvela
Urūvela
548
(After Enlightenement)
547
Urūvelă, Gayā, Rsipattana (Vārānasi)
Rşipattana (Várānasi)
546
2
Rş ipattana, Urūvelā, Gaya, Rājagsha.
Rājagsha
(According to Bharat Singh - Upādhyāya, Vaiśāli, Kapilavastu, Anūpiyā, Rājagrha).
5453
Rājagsha
Rājagrha, Kapilavastu, Anûpiyā (Malla), Nalakapana (Kos'ala) Rājagraha.
(According to Upadhyāya, Rājagrha, Vaiśāli, Srāvasti, Kitāgiri, Alavi, Rājagrha). Rājagặha, Vaiśāli, Srāvasti, Rājagrha Rājagsha (According to Upadhyāya).
544

Page #607

567
543
Rājagsha, Kapilavastu, Vaisāli. Vaisail
6
Vaisāli, Mankula Parvat.
542 5417
Mankula Parvat Trayastri.msa
Mankula Parvat, Rājagsha, Srāvastī, Trayastrims'a. Trastrims'a, Samkāsyanagar, Srāvasti, Rājag rha, Vaisalí, Sumsumāragiri.
540
Sumsumaragiri
539
Kosambi
Sumsumāragiri, Kośāmbi, Bālaka Lonakāra, Prācina Vams'adava.
(According to Upadhyāya, Kosambi, Kammāsadamma (Kuru).
538
Prācina Vamsadāva, Pārileyaka, Srāvasti.
Pärileyaka
537
Nälä
536
Veranja
Nála (Ekanālā, according to Upadhyaya). Nala, Nālanda, Pancaśālā, Kammas adamma(Kuru), Mathurā, Veranjā. (śrāvasti, Veranjā, according to Upadhyāya). Veranjā, Varanasi, Vaišāli, Cāliya Parvat. (Veranjā, Mathurā, Veranjā, Koreyya, Samkassa, Kannakujja, Payāgapatitthana, Vārāṇasī, Vaisali, Srāvasti, Cāliya Parvat, according to Upadhyāya).
535
13
Cäliya Parvat
534
Srāvasti
Cāliya Parvat, Vaisāli, Bhaddiyā, Apaņa(Angut

Page #608

568
12
3
tarāpa), Kusinārā, Atumā, Srāvasti.
533
15
15
Kapilavastu
Śrāvasti, Manasákata (Kos ala) Icchånangala (Kosala), Opasāda, Khāņumatta (Magadha), Campā, Kapilayashu.
532
Alavi
531
Rājagsha
Kapilavastu, Kētāgiri, Alavi. Alavi, Rājagsha (Alavi, Srävastī, Alavi, Rājagrha, according to Upadhyāya).
530
Rājagsha, Cāliya Parvat.
Cāliya Parvat
529
-do
Cāliya Parvat, Campā, Kajagala, Silāvati (Suhma), Setakarnika (Suhma), Cāliya Parvat.
(According to Upadhyāya, Cāliya Parvat, Alavi, Cāliya Paryat).
Cäliya Parvat, Rājagsha. Rajagsha
528 527
20 21
Srävasti
Rājagsha, Srāvasti, Kapilavastu, Sāmagāma, Pävä, Vaisáli. (According to Rahula Samkrtyāyana, he visited Sāmagāma and Pāvā only two years before liberation, and not at this date).

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4
22-45
526503
Anga, Magadha, Kasi, Kosala, Vajji, Vansa, Cedi, Pancāla, Kuru, Videha, Săkya, Kiliya, Malla and other republics and kingdoms (8).
502
502
46
46
Srāvasti, Rājagrha, Vaisäli, Päyä and Kusinärä(Liberation)
Veluva (Vaisali)
Notes on Chapter Sixteen
1. B.C. 122 2. Sramana Bhagāvan Mahāvira 3. Tirthankar Mahāvira (Part II)
4.
2-4-5
5. Buddhism
6. Buddhacharyā
7. Buddhakālin Indian History, Parishad Hindi Sahitaya
Sammelan Prayāg, 1961...

Page #610

CHAPTER XVII
THE NIGANTHAS AND NIGANTHA NATAPUTTA IN THE TRIPITAKAS
Compared to the Jaina Agamas where Gautama Buddha has received very scant attention, the Tripitakas are over ful' with accounts about Bhagavan Mahavira. Therein he has been called Nigantha Nataputta1. In general, the word 'nigantha' stands for the Jaina monks. The word 'Natapucta has been used even in the Jaina Agamas for Mahavira2. If we do not indulge into a speculation about the authenticity of the narrated events, then we can say without hesitation that they are very interesting, delightful and inspiring. They throw ample light on the mutual relation between the two orders, their doctrines and ideas.
There is no mention anywhere that Mahavira and Buddha had ever met each other. It is abundantly recorded that the two leaders had camped simultaneously in different parks of the same city. In the account of Gṛhapati Upāli and Asibandha kaputra Gramani, we come to know that both were in Nalanda at the same time; in the account of Sinha Senapati, we have it that both were at Vaisali. In the account of Abhaykumar, it is mentioned that both were at Rajagrha. The Mahasakuladayi Suttanta mentions seven spiritual leaders having camped in Rajagṛha during one rainy season. On the occasion of the display of "occult 3 powers", they had assembled again at Rajagṛha3.
Odium Theologicium
The idea and expression behind all the mentions in the Tripitakas narrate the superiority of Buddha over Maha. vira. The best illustration of this communal narrowness are some of the episodes contained in the Jātaka -Aṭṭhaka
1. Sometimes Nigantha Nathaputta and again Nigantha Nataputa.
2. Daśavaikalika Sutra, S 6-20.
3. See items 2, 6, 1, 3, 13 an d 17 below.

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thā4 and Dhammapada -Atthakathā5. One episode would at least appear at first sight to be exceedingly mean, though
eally it is not so. While, on the passing away of Mahāvira, the bearer of the news, one bhikṣu Cunda, was being conducted to the presence of Buddha by Ananda, the latter is recorded to have said, "Abusa Cunda ! This news will be worthy of presentation to the Lord when you meet him". (atthi kho, idam, Abusa cunda, kathāpábhatam bhagavantam dassanāya). At first sight, it would appear that the news was heartily welcomed by Ananda who, further, considered it to be worthy of presentation to the Lord. In one of my early articles, I have considered this observation threadbare. Elsewhere too, on hearing of the death of Sariputta, Ananda is recorded to have made a similar observation. From this it should appear that such was the vocabulary current in the Buddhist tradition even for a sad occasion; really it meant no insult.
In Pali literature, all references to Nigantha Nātaputta and the religion of the Niganthas are in the nature of an attack. This does not mean that the ideas and the doctrines of the two sects were poles apart from each other. Often it is found that those who are nearest to each other are again most critical of each other. Differences from a distance are pardonable, but not those which are round the corner. This is purely mental factor. Even today, this is not rare. The diverse Jaina sects are more critical of one another than they are of the Buddhist or any other.
Totality of Episodes
Only such episodes from the Tripitakas have been gleaned wherein Mahavira figures in some form. Even those passages have been collected wherein the members of the Nigantha order appear. Some of these have already been considered at various places in this book; but in the interest of totality or comprehensiveness, they have been
4. See items 34, 35 and 36 below. 5. See items 17, 18 and 40 below.
my article entitled "Pali Vangma ya me B an Mahāvira" in Bhikşu Smsti Grantha, Sri Jain Svetāmbara
Terapanthi Maha sabhā, Calcutta, 1960, Part 2, pp. 6-10. 2. S.B.E. Vol. XIV Introduction, p.XIV-XXIII.

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brought in again in this Chapter. Dr. Hermann Jacobi has, in his Introduction to the Jaina sutras, made a review of the references to Mahavira and the Niganthas as they have figured in the Tripitakas. Such references are 11 in number. In Jacobi's view, that was the total number of references in the Pali literature printed upto his time. In the present Chapter, more references have been added raising total to 51. Some of these additional references might not have been extent in Jacobi's time, but there were others which clearly escaped his notice. In the case of one text at least, while he has noticed some references, he has clearly missed a few others. Also the article by Dr. MalaIsékhara entitled "Nigantha Nātaputta" is not comprehensive in this regardl.
In the present Chapter, especial care has been taken to see that not a single account about Nigantha Nataputta and his order in the Tripita kas may escape attention. The Atthakathās and lesser texts have not been neglected, so that the present Chapter gives a complete view of the Niganthas and Nigantha Nātaputta as they have appeared in the entire Buddhist literature and may be taken to be the most authentic. It is expected that it will be immensely valuable to the interested readers.
The discussion is a compact whole. But for the sake of convenience, it has been placed under three heads: viz., episodes (13), events (8) and references (30), Separate comments have been added in each case,
EPISODES
1 - Siha Senāpati
Simha Senapati happened to be the general of the Licchavis. He was a lay follower of Mahā vira. Once when Mahavira and Buddha were encamped at different parks in the city of Vaisali, Simha wanted to pay Buddha a visit, but Nataputta tried to dissuade him from it, because the Niganthas held Kriyāvāda, while Buddha taught Akriyavāda. Simha tried to obtain the permission twice, and the third time he decided to go without permission. He came to Buddha, bowed and took a seat. Said he, "Bhante ! I have
1. Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. II, pp. 61-65.

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heard that Sramaņa Gautama believes in Akriyāvāda and guides his disciples into it..... I would like to know from you if anyone who depicts you like this gives a correct or a distorted description of your views"? To this, Buddha reacted,
"Simha ! There is reason why I am called Akr In my view, Akriyā covers the ill behaviour of the body, of the speech and of the mind. As I advise people to keep aside from these, I am called Akrivāvadi..... But I am also called a Kriyāvādi because I advise people to indulge in kar ma which may lead to the purity of the body, of the speech and of the mind. I have also been described as Ucchedavādi, Jugupsu, Vainayika, Tapasvi , Apagarbha...... also Assasanta because I have acquired 'supreme bliss (consolation) and I speak of it and guide people into
it".
When Simha expressed his decision to join Buddha's order, the account says, the Master advised him to consider the matter thoroughly before taking a step. He further advised him not to close his door to the Nigant has for whom his house had so long been like a fueling station. This impressed Simha all the more.He joined the Buddhist order and invited Buddha to dinner with his monks. For the occasion, he arranged sumptuous meat dishes which the monks ate. As the feast was in progress, with Simha serving meat to the Lord with his own hands, the account says, the Niganthas were heard shouting in the street, "Siṁha has got slaughtered a giant animal and prepared dishes for Sramana Gautama". According to the account, this was lie, since Simha had taken necessary precaution beforehand.
At the end of the feast, Buddha permitted the use of meat unseen, unheard of and unsuspected, and departed.
Source - Vinayapitaka Mahāvagga, Bhaivajya
Khandhaka, 6-4-8.
Comment:
In the Jaina Agamas, Simha Senāpati and men like him find no mention. Of course, it is neither strange nor im

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probable that some disciples of Mahavira would defect and join Buddha's order and vice versa; but had there been even a slightest hint about this episode in the Jaina Agamas, it would have become historical. In the absence of it, the whole account becomes baseless motivated and concocted.
The Gujarāti_writer Jaibhikṣu has, in his fiction entitled Narakesari, identified Simha with King Cetaka, a close follower of Mahāyira; but he has not cited the supporting material in favour of his conjecture.
A detailed account of Cetaka is not available in the Buddhist literature. The account of Simha apart, the only two places where Cetaka finds a mention are: Anguttara Nikāyat in the course of a discourse by Buddha on 'offer', and in Theragăthā2 wherein he has been mentioned as the uncle of a nun named Simha.
In the above account, Mahavira has been called a Kriyāyādi. In Mahavira's time, the word had a wide connotation. The Jaina tradition notes 363 varieties of Krivāvāda, Akriyāvāda, Ajañanvāda and Vina yavāda3. These are exclusive of the views propounded by Mahāvira. Sūtrakrtanga describes Mahavira's Kriyavāda in the following words: One who knows the soul, the universe, gati and Antar gati, permanent and transcient, life and death, the order of transmigration of the soul, the pain of living beings, influx and efflux of Kar ma, experience with and exhaustion of kar ma, he alone is competent to discuss kriyāvāda4. He who knows these in the sense of practising these in trust sense is Kriya va di'.
Moreover, Mahavira was an Anekāntavādi. The gist of his doctrine was: Ahansu vijjacaranam Pamokkham 6 i.e.; the simultaneous existence of knowledge and action creates the possibility of Mokşa.
1. The book of Gradual Sayings Vol. III, p. 38, VOL. IV, p. 69. 2. Gathā 77-81, Vo 3. Sūtrakritānga, Sr. 1 Gàthā 1, Niryukti Gāthā 119-21. 4. Ibid, 1.12, 20-21, 5. Ibid, 1.12. 21. 6. Ibid, 1.12.11.

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In the episode quoted above, even Buddha spoke about the ill behaviour of the body, and sought to give an idea of Kriyāvāda and Akryāvāda as he conceived these. The epišode provides the basis of meat eating by the Buddhist monks, provided the meat is unseen, unheard of and unsuspected. Such meat was permitted by Buddha as edible for his monks. The Niganthas too have objected to the intake of intended meat. Even the account of Ardakakumāral decries the intake of intended meat.
2. Grahpati Upāli
The account starts with a meeting between Buddha and one Dirgha Tapasvi,a monk in the order of Mahā vira when both the leaders were camped at Nalanda, Buddha said,
"How many kinds of acts (kar ma), Tapassi, effect and start demerit according to Nigantha Nāt putta" ?
- "It is not his usage, Gautama, to employ the term kar ma; he speaks of inflictions or danda'
- "How many kinds of inflictions or danđa, according to him, effect and start demerit"?
- "Three, Gautama, those of body, word and mind".
- "Which of these three does Nātaputta declare to be the most criminal in effecting and starting demerit"?
- "Those of body, the other two being less criminal".
- "You say, of the body; don't you"?
- "Yes, Sir, I said, of the body".
In this wise Buddha three times pinned the monk down to the issue.
At this point, Digha Tapassł said to Buddha, "And how many kinds of danda, according to you, Gautama, effect and start demerit"?
- "It is not the truth-finders usage, Tapassi, to employ the term danda; he speaks of karma".

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"How many kinds of karma, according to you, effect and start demerit"?
-
-
• "Three, Tapassi, those of body, word and mind".
"Are these three distinct each from the other
-
two"?
. "Yes".
"Which of these three you declare to be the most criminal, Gautama, in effecting and starting demerit"?
"Those of mind, the other two being less criminal". "Those of mind, you say. Is that right"?
"Yes",
-
-
-
The nigantha made Buddha repeat the same thrice, as he had done with him, pinned him do to the issue and departed. As he was a little way off from the Nigantha camp, Mahavira enquired where he had been in the heat of the day, the Digha Tapassi narrated the whole account. To this Nataputta gave his blessing and support saying,
"Quite right, Tapassi, quite right. You answered Gautama like a well informed disciple who understands his Master's teachings. For, what show can the mind's danda make as compared with the stupendous danda of the body? Indeed, the danda of the body are the most criminal in effecting and starting demerit; those of word and mind being less criminal".
On hearing this, Grhapati Upali, a lay disciple of Mahavira expressed a desire to go to Buddha and engage him in a discussion on the same topic. He assured Nataputta that he would teach Buddha a right lesson. These are his words,
"Just as an elephant at the age of sixty enters into a tank and plays the game called Sanadhovana, in the same manner I will play Sanadhovana with

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Gautama. Please permit me to go and hold a discussion with Gautama".
Digha Tapassi dissented but Nātaputta apprehended - no mishap a nd he permitted Upali to go and hold a discussion with Gautama. Starting from there, Upāli came to the camp of Buddha. Being asked by him, Buddha reproduced the whole discussion he had with Digha Tapasst upon which Upali said,
- "Tapassi, Sir, was right, quite right. His answer was that of a well-informed disciple who understands his Master's teachings.......".
Said Gautama Buddha, "If, Gșhapati, you were to speak as one grounded in the Truth, we might have a talk about it.
Upāli agreed. Said Buddha, "Grhapati, take the case of a Nigantha who, being sick and ill, very ill indeed, refuses cold water, and will only take warm water, so that he dies in the act of refusing to touch cold water. Where, according to Nigantha Nätaputta, will he be reborn next"?
- "There is a heaven, Sir, called Manaḥ-Sattva and he will be reborn there, because he does in devotion to an idea".
- "Grhapati ! Think carefully. Your present observation contradicts the previous one and your previous obser: vation contradicts the present one. And yet you represented you could speak as one grounded in the Truth and able to discuss it".
Buddha raised the question of unintended slaughter by a Nigantha rooted in the four vows while on movement, to which Upali replied that it was not criminal if there was no intention behind the crime, but it was a great crime if it was intentional. Asked Gautama Buddha,
- "Where does Nātaputta classify intention"? - "In danda of mind".
The discussion continued in similar line, in each case the danda of the mind taking precedence over the other two. A convinced Upáli said,

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''I was pleased and won over by the very first of the Lord's illustrations. It was only because I wanted to listen to his nimble versatility in questioning that I thought I must maintain a hostile attitude, Wonderful, Sir, Wonderful. Just as a man might set upright again what has been cast down, etc., etc., while life lasts".
Gșhapati Upāli joined the order of Buddha, saluted him and departed. From that day, his doors were shut for the Niganthas. The rest of the account is still more derogatory. Upali's conversion was reported to Nataputta by Digha Tapassi at least three times before he was ready to accept it. Then he hurried to Gshapati's house to win him back. Needless to add, the reception was very cold, Upāli made it clear that the precepts of the Niganthas were meant for the fools, not for a man like him. So saying he sang in praise of Buddha when said Nätaputta,
- "Pray, when, Gșhapati, did you compose this eulogy of the recluse Gautama"?
- "Like a vast heap of diverse flowers, Sir, from which a skilled garland-maker or his apprentice might heave a garland manifold, - even so in the Lord there is full many a beauty, Yes, many hundreds of beauties, to praise. Who will refuse praise where praise is due"?
Then and there, from the mouth of Nigantha Nataputta, who could not bear to hear the Lord extolled, -there gushed hot blood.
Source: Majjhima Nikaya, Upāli Suttanta,
2.1.6
Comment
There is no mention anywhere in the Jaina Agamas of there being a senior disciple of Mahavira named Upāli. It is nowhere in the Jaina tradition of a senior monk enquiring about the well being of a monk of another sect. It is also apparent from the conversation and address between Digha Tapassi and Buddha that Buddha was younger and Tapassi pretty old. This should lend support to Mahavira's being elder in age than Buddha.

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In the discussion on danda and kar ma, the two words are synonyms. As to kar ma of the mind, etc., there is no difference even in the Jaina tradition. It is not correct to describe Mahāvira's views to be exclusively emphatic of the kar ma of the body. From the standpoint of virtue and vice, mind, word and body are equally important in the Jaina methodology. There are many accounts in Jaina tradition in which the karma of the mind have been highlighted. As examples may be cited the mental conflict in Rajarsi Prasannacandra the mental jealousy of Tandula Matsya, the peeling of a kacara (a tiny fruit )by monk Skandaka in his previous birth, etct. The Agamas go to the extent of saying that it is non-Aryan to say that difference in the number of sense organs makes a difference in sin acquired from slaughter. In his comment on the episode of Upāli, Dr. Jacobi has written, "Mahāvira's description of the sin of the body as the most criminal is supported by the Aga mas. It is supported in Sutrakrtānga 2/4, 2/6". This comment by Dr. Jacobi is not correct. What Mahavira said about the sin of the body in the sutra under reference is limited by the context and what he rejec ted was the exclusive importance of the sin of the mind. 4 This episode describes the Nigantha monks as discarding cold water and using warm water; this is very much consistent with the practice of the Nigantha monks.
3. Prince Abhaya
This is a story of Prince Abhaya who was a close disciple of Nataputta. One day, so goes the account, Nigantha Nataputta asked him to go to Gautama and hold discussion with him. When the Prince asked what the line of discussion should be, Nigantha Nataputta said,
1. Sthananga, 5th 3/126; also Avasyaka Sutra, Adhyayana.4. 2. See above Chapter on 'Follower King" item Srenika
Bimbisara. 1. Muni Dhanarajji, Bhava Bhaskara Kavyam, Atmarama &
Sons, Delhi. 2. Ahimsa Paryaveksana, p. 97. 3. S.B.E. Vol. XLV, Introduction, p.XVII 4. See above "Contemporary religious leaders" item
entitled Muni Ardraka.

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"Go to him and ask this question - Would a Truthfinder say anything which would be displeasing and disagreeable to others? If he says yes, ask him how then he differs from the ordinary man - who does say what is displeasing and disagreeable to others. But if he says no, then you ask him how did he declare Deyadatta to be a reprobate, a child of perdition, doomed to purgatory for ages and beyond all hope of redemption - words which angered and upset Dayadatta. This two-edged question which you will put to him is more that he will be able either to spew out or to swallow down......"
The Prince invited the Lord with three others to a meal next day which the latter accepted by his usual silence. The meal over, the Prince started the discussion. To this, the Lord replied, "Prince! There can be no absolute answer to this ".
On this the Prince narrated the background, whereupon the Lord said,
"Prince! The Truth-finder never says anything which he knows to be false, untrue and unprofitable, and also displeasing and disagreeable to others; never says anything which he knows to be a fact and true, but unprofitable, and also displeasing and dis agreeable to others; but should it be a fact and true and profitable, but also displeasing and disagreeable to others, then the Truth-finder knows the due reason to state it. He never says anything which he knows to be false, untrue and unprofitable, albeit pleasing and agreeable to others to hear; never says anything which he knows to be a fact and true but unprofitable, albeit pleasing and agreeable to others to hear; but if it be a fact and true and profitable, while pleasing and agreeable to others to hear, then the Truth-finder knows due reason when to state and why - out of pity for creatures".
To a further question by the Prince, viz., when people came to the Truth-finder with their questions, did he reflect what their question would be and what his answer would be or did his answer came off-hand without reflection

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the Lord said that just as the Prince himself who had a thorough knowledge about a chariot would answer any question about it offhand, and without reflection, so does the Truth-finder, adding, "Because, Prince, I have plumbed that particular constituent of the Doctrine and because my answer therefore comes to me offhand".
This was enough, and, the account says, the Prince became a disciple of Buddha,
Source: Majjhima Nikaya, Abhaya Rajkumara
Suttānta, 2.1.8. Comment
The same episode has been narrated in Avadānal. Therein the gâtă on his earlier life states that he separated from Mahavira and became a follower of Buddha. Worthy of note is the wording of the prayer he offered to his new spiritual mentor: Kittayitva jinavaram kittito ho mi savvada
4. Discussion on Karma
In the course of a lecture delivered to his monks at a place called Devadaha, Buddha reported the Nigantha view on karma in the following words: 'Some śra manas and brāhmanas are of the view that whatever pleasure or pain, non-pleasure or non-pain one experiences is due to sin committed in the previous birth. When he is able to terminate his past kar ma through a rigorous penance and check their fresh influx, he is unfettered of karma bondage. With kar ma bondage unfettered, his suffering ends; with suffering ended, his pain is gone; with pain gone, all his troubles come to an end". Continued he,
!'When I ask them, if I existed in the past, if I committed such and such sinful deed, if the suffering has end or is yet to end, etc., the Niganthas look blank. They have no answer except repeating the familiar, viz., that there Nigantha Nataputta is all-knowing, all-seeing, having infinite jnāna and darśana are ever by his side.
Then he spoke about the Nigantha view of Vedaniya Kar ma, but here too, he said, they gave a wrong answer.

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For instance, 'Oh bhikṣu! I asked the Niganthas, when your endeavour is strong, do you experience a strong pain, and when it is not that'strong, you experience not too strong a pain? They said, yes, I told them, because of their nescience, ignorance and illusion, their understanding was wrong. To this they gave no reply". Continued
he,
"Then I asked, can a kar ma scheduled to be experi
enced in this life be transmitted to next life? They said, no.
"Can a kar ma scheduled to be experienced in the next life be brought backward to this life? They said, no.
"Can a kar ma giving pleasant experience be transformed into one giving unpleasant experience and vice versa? They said, no. In every case, they gave a negative reply".
He added, "People holding this sort of view are condemnable at ten places; people holding the view propagated by the Truth-finder are blessed at ten places for revealing the Truth". He gave the details of the ten places.
Source: majjhima Nikaya, Deva dana Suttanta
3.1.1
Comment
In this episode, the description of omniscience and rigorous penance (see item 5 below)is similar to what is contained in Cula -dukkha -khandhaka , For all the questions, the Niganthas have been made to give a negative reply. The position is that this may be correct for the nikacita state of karma, but not for many other states, like udvartana, apavartana. udirasankraman, etc.

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5. The Penance of the Niganthas:
This is what Buddha communicated to one of his followers named Mahānáma Sákya when he had come to see him at Nyagrodhagrama at Kapilavastu. Said he, "Once when I was on the Grdhrakūta hill at Rajagrha, I saw quite a few Nigantha monks preparing for a rigorous penance on the Risigiri. When I asked them why they were going to torture themselves like that, they said that they had been advised to do so by their master who was all-knowing and all-seeing. This, they said, would end their past kar ma, and as they would not indulge in fresh kar ma, they would be free from all kar ma bondage in due course. They said that they were convinced of the truth underlying this view".
Continued he,
"When I asked them if they at all existed in the past, if they had committed sin in the past, etc., they gave a negative reply and expressed their ignorance, Whereupon I said to them, It is for this reason that people with stained hands, people who are cruel and people who belong to low caste usually flock to the order of Nigantha Nata
putta".
"To my above assertions the Niganthas replied: Abusa Gautama ! Happiness does not impart happiness; it is hardship that imparts happiness. For else, Srenika Bimbisára, the ruler of Magadha, would be the happiest man".
Giving a twist to this, Buddha said, "I asked them if Bimbisara could enjoy unobstructed happiness for a week, for six days, till for one day, without movement and in complete silence ? When they said, no, I told them that I could do so. Then they admitted that I was the happiest man".
Mahānáma Sākya was happy to hear this and he welcomed the Lord's words.
majjhima Nikāya, Cule dukkha hadha
Suttanta, 1.2.4.

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Comment
Penance and omniscience highlighted here are perfectly in harmony with the Jaina view. The mode of discussion is, however, petty sectarian.
6. Asibandhaka -putra Grāmaņi
Once when Buddha was at Nālandā, Asibandhakaputra Grāmani came to him. Buddha said,
"Grāmaņi ! What advise does your master, Nigantha Nātaputta, tender to his followers these days "?
- "Bhante ! He tells them that he who causes injury to
others, tells a lie, commits theft, and acquir es things not bestowed goes to hell; and the deeper down, the more intense his crime".
"But I think, according to your master, nobody ever goes to hell".
"Bhanta ! How is it so"?
Upon this, Buddha asked if in the course of a whole day, a man spent more time in causing injury, or in not causing injury, in committing theft or in non-theft, etc., to which Grāmani's answer was that one spent more time in not causing injury, etc., than in causing them. Buddha said,
"Grāmani ! Thus your master deviates from reality. The approach, I say, should be like this: a Srāvaka should ask himself if he had committed any crime. If he had, he must feel that it was wrong on his part. Then he must repent and decide not to indulge in it again. In doing all this, he saves himself from a lapse, you understand; and this applies to all the five laps e mentioned by your master. Such one acquires a right outlook. Such one free from all blemishes and weaknesses lives andi moves in all directions. Kar ma putting him into a state of mis ery can stand no longer near him".

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These words of the Truth-finder so impressed Grāmani that he became his disciple then and there.
Samyutta Nikāya, Sankha sutta, 40.8
Comment
In Agama literature, we do not come across anyone. of the name of Grāmani. In the Tripitakas, the only other place in which he finds a mention is Gramani Saṁyutta. Gramani means 'the leader of a village', .
The discussion centres on Four Vows. Buddha's refutation appears to be no more than jugglery of words. But in the same talk, Buddha himself considers non-injury, truth, etc., to be wholesome. In the Panca sila of the Buddhists, four items at least are identical with the four vows of the Niganthast. Even amity, compassion, etc., mentioned by Buddha in this episode are in harmony with Patañjali's Yogadar sanal and the Jaina traditiona.
7. Famine in Nālandā:
Once Nalanda was in the grip. of a famine when Buddha was camped there with a large number of followers, Asked Nigantha Nataputta his follower Asibandhaka-putra Grāmani to go to Buddha and enter into a discussion with him.
Said he,
"Grāmaņi! Go and ask Sramana Gautama if he was bent on the destruction of kulas, or at least on their misery by being at Nalanda with so many followers at a time when the area was in the grip of a severe famine. This two-edged question will be more than he will be able either to spew out or to Swallow down". Grāmani did as he was asked to do. To his query, Buddha said,
1. Cf. Anguttara Nikāya, Pancaka Nipāta, 5.18.179. T. Samāanipāda, 1.33; 2. sántasudhārasa Bhavana 13-16.

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"Grāmani! From now backwards, I can recall as much time as 91 kalpas, but I do not see a single kula which has been destroyed for making an offer from cooked food. A kula is destroyed not by my stay here, but for one or other of the following eight reasons: by the king, by thieves, by fire, by flood, when hoarded wealth is removed, when farm is not duly cultivated, by the birth of a worthless child and because of transience of every earthly object. If still someone says that I am bent on destroying the kulas, he will go to hell immediately on death.
Grāmani was impressed. He joined the Buddha's order.
Source: Samyukta Nikaya, Kula Sutta,
40.1.9
Comment
The Āgamas do not mention Nalandă ever being in the grip of a famine. The only thing that comes out of this story is that once Nātaputta, and Buddha were in Nalanda at one and the same time.
8. Grahapati Chitra
One day when Nigantha Nataputta was at Macchikasanda, Grihapati Chitra came to him. Nataputta asked, "Grahapati ! Can Sramana Gautama restrain controversy and consideration and enter into an absolute samādhi (avicara -a0 tarea samādhi)"?
- "Bhante! I do not accept this with devotion".
Nigantha Nāta putta praised his simplicity to the assembly. Asked Grahapati, "Bhante ! According to you, which one is superior, knowledge or devotion"?
- "In my rating, knowledge is higher".
- "Bhante ! When I so desire, I roam in first, second, third or fourth meditation. I stand in no need of knowing by devation for a sra mana or brāhmana".

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Said Manaputta to the assembly, "How silly, crooke ed and cunning the Grahapati is"!
Just now you
The Grahapati burst out, "Bhante! extolled my simplicity and now you call me silly and cunning. You contradict yourself. Bhante! Ten questions are usually known in religion. If you know the answers, please come out".
So saying, he produced the ten questions and depar
ted.
Comment
Source: Samyutta Nikaya, Nigantha Sutta,
39.8
In Jaina Philosophy, avitarka-avicāra samadhi has been mentioned as a second step. Citra Grahapati was a resident of Macchikasanda and a cashier by profession2. He was thorough in his knowledge of religious themes. He had held discussions with many, such as Mahaka, Kamabhu, Godatta, Acela, Kasyapa and many others 3 Buddha considered him foremost in this respect4.
9. Hall of Curiosity Sutta
587
(This was a hall where people of different sects assembled and discussed their respective view-points). This is an account of a meeting between Buddha and Vatsa Gotra Parivrajaka. Vatsa Gotra said that once there was a discussion in the Hall of Curiosity that his own master Purana Kasyapa could correctly say where a dead follower of his has been born. Other leaders, including Nigantha Nataputta, too, had this capacity. Then he added, people say that even Sramaņa Gautama could say the whereabouts of his deceased followers. The leading disciples of these leaders were also endowed with the same faculty. But in
1. Jaina Siaahanta Dipika, 5/34
2. Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. I, p. 865
3. Samyukta Nikaya, Sála Yatanavagga, Citta samyutta.
4. Anguttara Nikaya, Eta daggavagga Sutta.

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the end, he added, they said some thing more about you, viz.. that you can say, so and so has uprooted his desires, so and so has cut his fetters, so and so has terminated his misery. So I became anxious and curious to know about your way".
The rest of the account is irrelevant for our present purpose.
Comment
In the Jaina view, it is very commonplace to be able to tell the whereabout of a departed soul. Mahavira was an omniscient personality. Even a lesser person who possessed upto extra-sensory knowledge could even do so
Source: Samyutta Nikāya, Kutuhala Sala 42.9
Sutta, 10. Abhaya Licchavi
Once Abhaya Licchavi and another came to Ananda at Vaisali and narrated the view of Nigantha Nataputta on karma nırjarā.
"Bhante! What does the Lord say on this "?
Ananda told him that his Lord has described at least three types of nirjarā and described them at length.
Source: Anguttara Nikāya, Tik
Nipāta 74 (Hindi translation), pp. 227-28.
Comment
Abhaya Licchavi figures in another text, sālha Sutta, wherein Salha who was accompanied by Abhaya in asking questions, Dr. Woodward has identified Abhaya Licchavi with Prince Abhaya which is wrong. 1. Anguttara Nikaya, Chatukka Nipāta, Mahāvagga,
Sālha Sutta, 4. 20. 196. 2. The Book of Gradual Sayings, Vol. 1, p. 200.

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The former was a prince at Rajagrha and the latter: a resident of Vaisali. The discussion on penance is consistent with the Jaina view of penance. The word nirjara' has been very appropriately used.
11. Loka -finite or infinite
Two brānmins came to Gautama Buddha and presented the views of Pūraņa Kāsyapa and Nigantha Nataputta on loka, asking which one was correct and which one was wrong. Buddha did not discuss the correctness or otherwise of the two views, but stated his own.
Source: Suttapitale, Anguttara Nikaya Pāta,
Navaka Nipāto, Mahāvaggo, Lokāyatika Suttam, 9.4.7
Comment
The rival viewpoints of Purāņa Kás'yapa and Nigantha Nataputta on Loka have been stated in identical terms. Then what is the point at issue ? In both the views, the loka has been called infinite. According to its English translator, E. M. Herr, loka is finite to Purana Kasyapa but infinite to Nigantha Nātaputta?. The translator has done so on the basis of an alternate reading which the translator has given in the footnote, loka is "anantam" to Purana Käsyapa but "antavantam' to Nigantha Nātaputta2. Well, this reading appears correct. For, according to Mahāvira, loka is finite, but aloka is infinite. In a further break up, Mahavira has called loka finite when viewed as an object and as space, but infinite when viewed as time and as a subjective factor4. It seems that the brahmins were concerned with loka as space which in the words of Mahavira was sa -ante, which comes near the reading in Anguttara Nikāya. The reason why Buddha evaded the question was that he had revealed this and eight other questions in Majjhima Nikāya and other texts.
1. The Book of Gradual Sayings, Vol. IV, pp. 287-88. 2. Ibid, p. 288 fn. 3. Bhagavati Suttra 11-10-421. 4. Ibid, 2-1-90. 5. Mahhjima Nikaya, Chula malukya, Sutta 63: also
Dīgha Nikāya, Potthapada Sutta, 1.9.

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590 12. Jaina śrävaka Vappa:
There is a preliminary discussion between the Jaina follower Vappa and the long-lived Mahamaudgalya - yana on karma committed in a previous birth but its result not experienced then by one who is fully restrained and pious in this birth. The point at issue is, if he experiences the outcome in this birth. According to Vappa who is expressing the Jaina view, he does. The discussion is then referred to Buddha who had just arrived after evening meditation. Buddha broke up the issue under four heads, activity of the body, activity of words, activity of mind and removal of nesciences, and posed the question from a different angle and in each case, the answer of Vappa was now in the negative. He was convinced that Buddha was right and his own master was wrong. He became a follower of Buddha Source: Suttapițake Anguttara Nikāya Pali, Catu- .
kka-Nipata Mahāvagga Vappasutta, 4. 20.5, (from Hindi version), 'p. 188-192.
Comment
Vappa was a Sakya King, Buddha's own unclel. The Jaina sources, however, do not mention him. What Buddha told him was not contrary to the Jaina tradition, but he had confused him through his mode of presentation, Mrs. Rhys Davids has expressed the possibility of this Vappa being identical with "one of those five friends in whom the Sakyamuni sought fellow helpers?. But this is not correct. Both belonged to Kapilavastu, of course, but one was a brahmin of the Vasistha line while the other was a Sakya Ksatriya. The brahmin
had been initiated much earlier. After Buddha's enlightenment, he and his friends attained the ar hat-hood.
Though he was Buddha's uncle, he was a follower of Mahāvira, according to this account, which should easily 1. Añguttara Nikāya Atthakatha, Part II, p. 559. 2. The Book on Gradual Sayings, Vol. II, Introduction,
p.XIII. 3. Vinaya Pițaka, Mahāvagga Mahākhandhaka, item on
Pancavaggiya Bhikṣu,

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establish Mahavira's seniority and the popularity of his religion. This may be the reason why Buddhism might have been influenced by Jainism.
13. Sakul Udayi
Once Sakul Udayi, the leader of the Parivrajakas, and Buddha were both camped at Rajagrha. One day Buddha came to Udayi and asked, -
Udayi! What are you talking about today"? Udayi told him that when he was present at his camp and talking, his followers were all attention; but when he was out, they would indulge in all sorts of gossip. When Buddha expressed a desire to hear something from him, he said, "Only the other day, I met a leader who claims to be all-knowing and all-seeing. When I asked him about his genesis (prior birth), he looked blank". On this, Buddha enquired who this great leader was, and Udayi reported that he was Nigantha Nataputta.
Said Buddha,
"Let him enter into a discussion with me and silence me, or I silence him. But let us drop this and let me tell you my view on this, etc.
11
Comment
591
Source: Majjhima Nikaya,
Cula-Sukula - Dayi Suttanta, 2. 3. 9
The episode contains a discussion on Omniscience.
EVENTS
14. News of Nataputta's demize (1)
This is the repetition of the same unted in the introduction to this Chapter. wer of Buddha, came with the news of the passing away of Nigantha Nataputta. He reported it to Ananda adding that a fight was going on in that camp among his followers.
He
episode as recoCunda's follo

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was conducted to Buddha's presence to report the same to his spiritual leader.
Source: Majjhima Nikaya,
Samāgama Suttana, 3.1.4.
Comment
Vide Chapter on Chronology, discussion on the nirvăna of Mahavira.
15. News of Nātaputta's demise (2)
The same event is repeated in Digha Nikāya, Pāsādik Sutta 3/6. Comment as above.
16.
A Discussion on Nātaputta's demise
In this account, when Nataputta had passed away, Buddha had just arrived at Pavā and camped at the newly constructed and elegant Assembly Hall of the Mallas. Cunda had reported about the severe in-fighting in the other camp. At Buddha's bidding, the discourse is being given by Sariputta, Buddha himself prostrated to have a rest. Sariputta recounted the event and spoke in high praise of the teaching of Buddha
Source: Dīgha Nikaya, Sangiti-paryāya
Sutta, 3/18.
Comment
As Above.
17. Cause of the death of Niganţha Nātaputta
The said Nataputta was a resident of Nalandā. How did he die in Pavā ? Truth regarding Buddha's teaching was revealed to Grhapati Upali. Be reproduced it in 10 verses when Nataputta started vomiting blood. In that state he was carried to Pāvā, There he died.
Source: Majjhima Nikāya Attahatha. Samåga ma Sutta V annana, Part II, p. 34.

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Comment
No such event has been noted anywhere in the Jaina texts. It does not even tally with the account of Upali Sutta on Majjhima Nikaya. Hence it is apparently a concoction of the Atthakatha. According to the Jaina account, starting from Rajagrha Mahavira reached Pava where he camped for the monsoon months. There he passed away on the last day of the dark fortnight of the month of Kartika. We do not find any account of his prolonged illness.
18. Display of Occult Powers
-The story runs like this that once a merchant at Rajagrha got a log of sandal wood which was curved into a bowl. He hanged it from a very tall poll and made an offer it to anyone who could pluck it down. The invitees, six spiritual leaders, which included Nigantha Nataputta, assembled but failed. At last, one Pindola. Bharadvaja, acodisciple of Maudgalyayana, went into the sky, pucked it from the poll, flew over Rajagrha thrice and reached the ground. When Buddha came to know what one of his disciples had done, he openly chastised him, rejected the display of their occult powers by his disciples and prescribed that henceforth his bhiksus would use only iron or earthen vessels.
Comment
Source: Vinaya Pitaka, Cullavagga,
5.1.10.
also, Dhammapada Aṭṭhakathā, 4-2.
This is a fantastically exaggerated account. Even Buddha had disapproved the display of occult power. By what stretch of imagination would one say that Mahavira took part in the contest and failed ? The Jaina tradition. strictly prohibits the display of any power1. It appears that whenever the author of the Tripitakas wanted to insult the leaders of the other paths, he invariably indulged in this cheap device.
1. Vide Presnottara Tattvabodha, Gosaladhikara by Jayacarya, p. 190.

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19. Six Buddhas
According to this account, six leaders who had declared themselves to be omniscient, - and this included Nigantha Nataputta - while wandering, reached the city of Srävasti. Their respective disciples carried the news to the king. The king invited them all to the palace. They did not have the courage to face the king. But since their disciples would not be dissuaded, all of them reached the palace. The king offered them cushions to sit upon. But they preferred to squat on the bare ground. The reason why they did like this was that in taking the seat offered by the king, they would let their body be polluted by the king's power. The king's interpretation of this behaviour was that none of the six leaders possessed "white religion" (sukla dhar ma). The king asked if they were all Buddhas, They were afraid that if they answered in the affirmative, the king would put them to test, and if they failed, they would be punished and thrown out. So all of them said that they were not Buddhas. On this, the king dismissed them at once. As they stepped out of the palace, their disciples were waiting for them with great inquisitiveness, The leaders said,
"'Indeed we are Buddhas. But the king did not know the qualification of a Buddha. So if our answer was in the affirmative, the king's mind would have been overcast with doubt. So we said that we were not Buddhas. For the rest, we are what we are. Our Buddhahood cannot be washed down".
Source: Samyukta Nikāya Atthakathā.
3.1.1
Comment
This is nothing more than a false, concocted account.
20. Mrgara Sreșthi
Mrgāra Sreşthi was a merchant at Srāvastī. He celebrated the marriage of his sons with one Visakhā, daughter of Dhananjay Sreşthi. On this occasion, on the sixth day of the celebration, he invited the nigantha monks

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to his house to offer them food. All the nigaạthas were assembled there. When Visakha was called upon to serve food, she had a severe reaction at the sight of the nudes. She declined at once to do anything with them and requested her father-in-law to turn them out of the house. The merchant begged to be forgiven and dismissed the monks with due respect. On another day, some nigantha monks came at the merchant's door to beg food, when Visakhā dismissed them by saying that the merchant was eating cold (remnant from yesterday) food. So the monks went away. The merchant heard these words and was aflame with anger. When he ordered his men to throw her out, she protested that that was not easy. She said that she could be r only after her guilt was established in the presence of elders from both sides who were present at her marriage. The elders assembled and Visakha's explanation on the allegations of the merchant was accepted by them. Th merchant begged to be forgiven. Visakha was ready to do so and remain at the house on condition that Buddha and his bhiksus were invited. The merchant agreed on condition that the invitees would be received by Visakha. This was done. Buddha arrived, but the merchant did not appear. Even at the dinner, he excused to be absent. At last, it was time to listen the words of Buddha. The merchant could no longer keep aside. As he started, the nigantha monks at the door urged him to listen from a .. distance and not to enter into the room where Buddha sat. But what a marvel, as Buddha began to speaks, the sins began to drop out from the merchants body and soon he was purified.
Source: Dhammapada Atthakatha,
4-4.
Comment
This appears to be an exaggerated concoction of the Atthakathā which does not figure anywhere in the Jaina Agamas or in the original Tripitakas.
21. Garahadinna and Sirigutta
Two friends, Sirigutta and Garahadinna, lived at Srávasti. Sirigutta was a follower of Buddha while Garahadinna was a follower of the Niganthas. They would often

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discuss their mutual faith and Garahadinna wanted to attract the other to his side. He would say, the Niganthas were all-knowing and all-seeing, etc. So one day Sirigutta invited 500 nigantha monks to his house to test their omniscience. He had a deep ditch dug in his house which he covered with a deceptive net. Cushions were placed on the net. As the monks came and occupied the seats, they slipped down into the ditch.
This shocked his friend Garahadinna who was bent on taking revenge. After some time, he invited Buddha and his monks to his house and adopted the same device to trap them. But Buddha could foresee it. By dint of his spiritual power, he filled up the ditch with lotuses in full bloom so that he and his followers could comfortably take their seats. Then Buddha delivered his sermon which purified the two friends and many others.
Source: Dhammapada Aṭṭhakatha,
4-12.
Comment
This sort of partisan and sectarian stories were galore in both the Buddhist and Jaina traditions. In the Jaina tradition, there is the famous story of King Bimbisara of Magadha and his consort Chelana. The former was a follower of Buddha and the latter of the Niganthas. Once the Buddhist monks were invited to the palace. Chelna had their slippers collected, cut into fine pieces, boiled in butter milk and served to the monks who swallowed it with the greatest relish. To take revenge, the king one day saw a nigantha monk in a temple settled in deep meditation. The king arranged to get a harlot and deposited her near the monk. Next morning, words went round that a nigantha monk spent the night with a prostitute. People flocked in largest number. Even the king and the queen came. But all saw to their surprise that a monk was there alright, but he was a Buddhist monk. It seems that it was age when a race was going on for fabricating such stories to glorify one's own religion.
Even the Questions of Milinda
(P350) has an exaggerated account of 84000 people having been purified by Buddha's sermons in course of one day.

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References
22. Pious outcome of Sramanahood
Once Buddha was camped at Rajagrha when Ajātas'atru was the ruling monarch there. It was a moonlit night. The king was seated with his ministers. He expressed a desire that in such a beautiful night, it would be worthwhile to listen to the words of some advanced spiritual leader. All the ministers suggested one by one the names of the six enlightened persons of the age, including Nigantha Nataputta, but the king remained silent. The last name suggested was that of Buddha. This time, the king expressed a desire to go and see him. The king came to him, paid him homage, took a seat and said,
"Bhante ! People follow one craft or another and they become happy by earning, a livelihood from it. Can we say the same about sramanahood"?
On this, Buddha asked if the king had put the same question to other spiritual leaders and if so, to narrate what they had said to him. The kink said that he had put the same question to Pūrana Kas yapa, Gosalaka, Ajitakesakambala and Prakrudha Kätyāyana and what they said in reply was all non-sense. Then, he said, he went to Nigantha Nataputta who spoke at length about his fourfold withdrawal, whereupon Buddha gave his solution in great detail. (See Chapter two above). The king was very much impressed by Buddha's words and he became his follower. The king confessed to him that he had been a patricide, but that he was penitent for this crime and that in future he would behave more carefully. Buddha forgave him and gave him his blessings. After the king had gone, Buddha told his monks that the king had committed a heinous crime crime, but for which he could have his spiritual eye opened on that very day.
Source: Dīgha Nikāya, Samaññjaphala Sutta
1-2 .
Comment
The fourfold withdrawal to which Buddha makes reference shows that he was acquainted with the fourfold

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path of Pārsva and he confused the views of Mahāvira to be the same which is not correct, Besides, the four items described by him are a distortion. Buddha confused the four vows with the restraints prescribed by the Nigapthas, We have a similar confusion about catruyāma in other Buddhist texts like Cūlasakuladayi and Grāmaņi Samyutta, It is not mentioned in the text under reference that Mahāvira's name was suggested by any minister to king Ajatasatru. It has, however, come down through the Mahāyāna tradition. In this account, all the other leaders have been called elderly and senior, from which it follows that Buddha was junior to all.
23. Buddha: Youngest among the spiritual leaders.
Once when Buddha was camped in Jeta vana at Srāvasti, King Prasenajit of Kosala came to see him. Said the king, "Gautama ! Do you with authority claim to have acquired unprecedented right enlightenment"? When Buddha replied in the affirmative, the king expressed surprise adding that when senior leaders like Purana Kády. apa, Nigantha Nataputta and others could not do so, he though young, could with authority claim to be rightly enlightened. Then Buddha spoke a few inspiring words at which the king was greatly impressed. He praised him and became one of his followers.
Source: Samyukta Nikaya, Dahara Sutta
3-1-1.
Comment
This is the most glaring proof of Buddha's being the youngest among the contemporary spiritual leaders. While considering the contemporaneity of Mahavira and Buddha, Jacobi and other leaders have not touched this issue of seniority of Mahāyira. Had it been readily available to them, they would have accepted Mahavira's seniority without dispute.
24. Sabhiya
Parivrājaka
Once Buddha was camped in Rajagrha. A friendly god gave some questions to Sabhiya Parivrājaka and asked

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him to become a brahmacāri (celibate) under one who could give satisfactory reply to those questions. In the morning, the Parivrājaka rose and went to all the spiritual leaders, including Nigantha Nataputta, one after another; but none could give him a reply. They confused him instead with counterquestions. At last he came to Rajagrha, in the presence of Buddha. The account says that the Parivrājaka produced his questions, to which Buddha gave convincing answers, after which, needless to add, he became a follower of Buddha. Later, he joined the order as a monk, ended his sins and attained the rank of an arhat.
Source: Suttanipata, Mahāvagga,
Sabhiya Sutta
Comment
This is another undoubted proof of Mahavira's senior ity. Compared to Buddha, other spiritual leaders of the age have been described by Sutta Nipāta as jinna, buddha, mahallakā, addhagata, vayo anupattā, thera, rattajnbhu, chira pavvajitā, i. e., worn, aged, elderly, long-lived, - having attained age, senior, experienced and ever initiated.
Theregathā Atthakathā and other texts contain details of Sabhiya Parivrājaka. A sub hata girl was placed for her instruction by her parents under a Parivrājaka. In course of time, the girl conceived. She was turned out of her parental home. She gave birth to a boy at a public place where four roads met. Since the boy was born in a sabha or crowded place, he was named Sabhiya. These texts also contain account of his previous lives?.
25. Subhadra Parivrājaka
Subhadra Parivrājaka, a resident of Kusināra, had heard that Buddha was to pass away at that night. So he thought that he must see him and have his doubts clarified
1. S. B. E. Vol X Part II Introduction by Fausboll. 2. Theragātnā Atthakathā, 1, 381; Sutta Nipāta Atthakathā, - 2, 410,

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before it was too late, So he reached his camp. But since Buddha was tired, Ananda would not admit him in the presence of the master. Subhadra insisted again and again. This reached the Buddha's ear. So he asked Ananda to let him in. He asked if all the spiritual leaders of the age were correct in their stand, or not correct, or some were correct and others not. Said, Buddha, "Liet us drop this and let me present my own stand". And then he spoke at length.
Source: Digha Nikāya, Mahāparinivvana
Sutta, 2-3
Comment
As per this, Mahavira was alive at the time of Buddha's death, which is not correct.
26. Seven spiritual leaders at Rājagrha
This is a account given by Sakula Udãyi to Gautama Buddha of the simultaneous presence of seven spiritual leaders at Rājagrha. during one monsoon and about the nois y debates in'each camp as to which leader was really great. Some extolled Pūraņa Kās'yapa, some Gosālaka, some Nigantha Nataputta and so on. Some, Udayi reported, came out with the superiority of Sramana Gautama.
Source: Majjhima Nikaya,Mahāsabuladai 2-3-7
Suttanta,
Comment
The account highlights the simultaneous presence of the seven spiritual leaders at Rājag rha during one monsoon.
27. Nigantha Uposatha
Once when Buddha was camped at Srāvasti, Visakhā, the mother of Mrgāra, came to him pretty early in the morning. When Buddha asked about the purpose of her visit, she said that she had undergone uposatha (a vow with fast) and hence she had come on a visit. Buddha spoke at length about three types of upo satha. The first

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one, called gopālaupo satha, was practised by the cowherds which according to him was without any great outcome or result. The second one he called nigantha - uposatha, practised by the Nigant has. According to this, the monks would restrain their followers from committing himsa (slaughter, injury) upto a hundred yojanas in each direction. They advise their followers to remove their clothes on the uposatha night, and not to think of their parents, wife, children, other near and dear ones temporarily as their own. This according to him was indulging in falsehood and hence virtually a puerile form of upo satha. The third which he considered to be correct he called the arya upo satha which was the one prescribed by him to his followers and then he gave her the details about it. According to this, an arya follower took shelter with dharmi, sangha and Buddha and thought of and review ed eightfold restraints in his life. The upo satha day was to be spent like that, according to him. This gave a great result. Then he gave an idea through comparisons as to how great it could be.
Source Source: Anguttara Nikaya, Tika Nikita, 20
Comment
Of the 12 vows of the Jainas, the eleventh one is Pauşadha, of which a very distorted picture has been given here. In this, the follower takes a vow to desist from slaughter or injury upto a certain distance in each direction. It is not fair to say that he ceases from causing injury to some only and not to all. This vow is not a falsehood. The pausadha prescribes the life of a monk for a householder for one night when he takes out his clothes and ceases to think of his parents and near and dear ones as his own. Besides, he remains without food and water. But this is not basically different from what Buddha has prescribed, nor does it involve any form of theft, as suggested.
The Jain text Bhagavati (8/5/677) gives an exhaustiver account of Pausadha on the basis of questions posed by the Parvrājakas to the Nigantha monks, which were later represented by Gautama to Mahavira. The sole purpose of the Buddhist account appears to be to give a distorted version of the Jaina vow and enjoy a fun by laughing at it.

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28. The place of the Niganthas in the six subcastes
The Buddha told Ananda at Rajagrha that according to Purana Kasyapa's classification, there were six subcastes as follows:
Black - Thieves, butchers, etc., who indulged in slaughter of others. Blue - Beggars. kar mavadi, kriyavadi, etc. Red - Nigantha with a single piece of cloth. Yellow - Nigantha followers clad in white or nude. White - Ajivaka and their followers.
Pure white - Nanda, Vatsa, Krişa-sāṁkritya and Makhali. Gosala.
Source: Anguttara Nikaya,
6-6-57.
Comment
Contrary to the authorship of these six subcastes to Pūraņa Kāsyapa the text under reference, in others like Digha Nikāya, Sāmaññjaphala Sutta, Sämyukta Nikaya, Khandhavagga, and Majjhima Nikāya, Khandaka Sutta, the the authorship is attributed to Gos'alaka. This is apparently a mistake. The Buddhist texts contain many other instances of fals e attribution like this. For instance, Samyukta Nikāya attributes the Ahetuvādā of Gośālaka to Pūrāņa Kāsyapa2. In Jātaka Afthakathā, the views of Pūrana Kasyapa have been superimposed on Mahaviral. In Saṁyukta Nikāya, the entire viewpoint of Gosāla ka has been placed under Prakrudha Katyayana 2. In that text, the six subcastes have been attributed to the latter. The Tibetan edition of the Tripitakas attribute these to Ajit. Kesakambala Buddhaghosa, the commentator of the Tripitakas, has, at many places, linked up the six sub1. Samyukta Nikāya, Khandaka Samyutta, Majjhima Panna
sakā, Upavagga, Mahālisutta 21-2-1-8, (Hindi), p. 352. 2. Book of Kibdred Sayings, Vol. III, p. 61n. 1. Part III, p. 227 2. 23-1-8 3. A. L. Basham, History and Doctrine of Ajivikas, p. 22.

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castes with Cosala ka4. That the subcastes are due to Cosalaka can be established from the text of the Jaina
Agama Bhagavati5. The most authoritative Buddhist text on this is Samaññjaphala Sutta 6. According to this, too,
the view is due to Gosalaka. The founders and followers of the Ajivakas top the list. According to Dr. Basham, Pūraṇa Kasyapa was the seniormost among the spiritual leaders of the age, while Gosalaka was young. When Pūraņa Kasyapa saw his view waning and that of Gosálaka waxing, he readily accepted the superiority of the latter7. If this view of Dr. Basham be accepted, then it tallies with the expression in the Tripitakas linking the six subcastes to Purana Kasyapa. There are some differences in the meaning of the subcastes. According to one text, Nigantha ekasataka have been placed under the third category of red. Dr. Herr's rendering of this is "Jaina and one with a loin (single) cloth "8. The rendering by Dr. Basham" Dr. Hornell10 and Buddhaghoṣall is "a nirgrantha in a single piece of cloth". The Buddhist literature is galore with references to the clad Niganthas 12.
2
The reading for the third yellow subcaste is gihiodata vasaña acelaka-sabaka. . Dr. Basham's rendering of this is "the followers of the Acelakas - white clad
disciples "1. According to him, the word Acelaka stands for the Ajivakas2. He is of the view that compared to the bhiksus of all sects, even the Ajivaka laymen have been considered superior3. In Buddhaghoşa's view, the reading stands for the nigantha savakas. His logic is that the nigantha householder s'ravakas make offer of food to the
4. Sumangala vilasini, Part I, p. 162.
5. S. 15, Sutra 550.
6. Dr. Basham, op cit., p. 23.
7. Ibid, p. 90.
8.
The Book of Gradual Sayings, Vol. III, p. 273.
9. Ibid, p. 243.
10. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. Vol I, p. 262, 11. The Book of Kindred Sayings, Vol. III, p. 17 fn. E. W. Burlinghame, Buddhist Legends, Vol. III, p.176.
12.
603
1. Op. cit., p. 139.
2. Op. cit., p. 243. 3. Op. cit., p. 243.

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Ajivaka monks and are hence superior to nigent ha monks + Dr. Herr's translation of this reading is "white robbed householders and followers of naked ascetics "'5. Taking an overall view, it appears that avadatava sana -grihi and acelaka Srāvaka are two words. The word gihi odata vasant occurs in Samiga mui Sutta 6, Pasādia Sutta and Sangiti Paryāya Sutta 8, wherein 'Nigantha Nātaputtasya sabaka is the qualifying adjective. "It follows easily that avadata -vasana grhi are the sravakas of Nigantha Nataputta. It is difficult to say to which srūvara community the Buddhist text points. The Jaina texts are silent about "white clad householder srāvakas"; May be, they are the sthavir kalpi monks. But more important had been the Jina kalp monks. So it is likely that these had been called the disciples of the Niganthas and the Sthavira kalpi monks had been called white clad household followers. Although according to Dr. Herr, Acelaka Srāvaka means follower of Acelaka , but in this context, the word Srāvaka should mean the followers of the Acelaka monks. The Buddhist tradition has used the word Srāvaka to signify both followers and monks. Since Ajiyaka monks have been listed under subcaste five, it should be reasonable to classify the nude bhiksus as the nigantha bhikṣus.
According to Dr. Basham, "the white Ajivikas and Ajivinis" fall under subcaste fivet. Dr. Herr's translation is "Fakirs and their disciples "2. The latter's translation appears to be more correct. , The Jaina tradition has the concept of six les yas or tinges, viz., black, blue, ash, red, pink and white. For details, Uttaradhyayana Sutra". The description of the tinges in the Āgami literature is well coordinated and exhaustive. Tinges differ from one another in colour smell, taste and touch, They may be subjective and objective. Details have been
4. Sumangalabilasini, Part I, p. 163. Basham, op. cit.,
p. 139. 5. The Book of Gradual Sayings, Vol. III, p. 273. 6. V.Majjhima Nikāya, 3.1.5. 7. Digha Nikaya, 3/6 8. Ibid, 3,!0. 1. Op. cit., p. 243. 2. Op. cit., p. 273. 3. Adhyayana 34/21-32.

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given of the quantum of tinges in the heavenly being, humar beings, subhuman beings and infernal beings. The first three tinges have been considered in-auspicious and the last three auspicious. Such an exhaustive description is to be found nowhere else. According to the doctrine of tinges, the Vaimanika gods have, as per colour one or another of the first three tinges. According to a reference in the Agamas, the Ajivika bhikṣu may after death reach upto the twelfth heaven4. The implication is that they may have red, pink and white tinges. According to the Ajivikas, the niganthas belong to the red and yellow groups. Tejas and padma are synonymous with lohita and haridra 5.
605
es.
According to Jacobi6 and Basham, Mahavira had based his doctrine of lesya on Gosalaka's theory of six subcastBut the reverse may be equally possible. Dr. Basham's logic is that the doctrine of tinges is well coordinated and developed and hence it must have been based on the cruder and earlier view of Gosalaka. What, however, seems more probable is that many a doctrine from the Parsva tradition later got incorporated in the Ajivika, Buddhist and Jaina traditions. According to Buddha's classification, the six subcastes were as follows: black one to which belonged people of low castes, low habits and dark religion; black two with white dharma, black three with neither black nor white dharma, white one with black dharma, white two with white dharma and white three with neither black nor white.
Be it noted that Gosalaka's classification has relevance to present life only while those of Mahavira and Buddha to life hereafter. Wherefrom Buddha derived his classification is fairly clear. It was a part of the current gossip.
4. See above discussion on Gosalaka: the proximity between the Jainas and the Ajivikas.
Dr. Basham's translation of haridra as green is wrong.
6. S. B. E., Vol. XIV, Introduction, p. XXX; 7. Op. cit., p. 245.
5.

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29. Saccab Niganthaputra
Saccaka Niganthaputra stands for the son of a nude monk. (Here it should be taken as a proper name). Sac
caka was known to be a very powerful and well-versed monk who one day came to Buddha when he was camped at Vaisali. They hold a long discussion on sundry topics which impressed Saccaka. He'said that he had held similar discussion with other leaders of the age, which included Nigantha Nataputra, but all of them appeared to be very confused. After this Saccaka departed.
Source: Majjhị ma Nikaya, Mahasaccaba 1-4-6.
Suttanta.
Comment
No such monk as Saccaka is known to the Jaina tradition. The account is exclusive to Majjhima Nikāya which further says that after he was defeated by Buddha, he invited the latter to a dinner. For the occasion, the Licchavis had sent five hundred dishes. After the dinner was over, he prayed that the merit for this offer should go to the Licchayis, Buddha said, "they will get as much as is due to the non-detached, and he should get as much as is due to the detached"2.
Buddhaghosa writing in Majjhima Nikāya Atthakathā has written that there was a Nigantha and a Niganthi who were immensely quarrelsome. They used to quarrel very often, but none could defeat the other. At last, the Licchavis, caught hold of them and put them to wedlock. They had five children, four girl and the fifth one was Saccakal. This Saccaka has been called by Buddha as Agniya isyayana which was his line (gotra). Mahavira has also been referred to as Agnivais yāyana in the Tripitakas2. May be, at the time of the writing of the Tripitakas, this line was wrongly attributed to Mahavira. According to Jacobi, this confusion has resulted from the fact that Sudharmă was a Agnivaisyayāna". But, from the similarity of the two 2. Ibid. 1. Majjhima Nikaya Atthaeathã, 1-450. 2. Digha Nikaya, Sāmaññjaphala Sutta. 3. S. B. E., Vol. XLV, Introduction, p.XXI.

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.
607
names, Nigantha Nataputra and Niganthaputra, it appears that this confusion is not with Sudharma, but with Niganthaputra. From the discussion he had with Buddha, it does not appear that Saccaka ever belonged to the Nigantha sect. Rather, in the text under reference, he has spoken ill of Mahavira. Had he been an important person in the Jaina tradition, he should have received attention at some place which he has not. Under the circumstances, the idea of Buddha ghosa is no more than a freak of imagination or a concocted legend,
30. Practice of Celibacy which is unpleasant to the mind
This is from a discourse which Ananda gave in an assembly of 500 Parivrăjakas. According to him, there were four types of state of non-celibacy of which the first one he attributed to Nigantha Nātaputra. He said that this leader who claimed to be omniscient always en quired about the name and line of the persons he met and also about the name of the town and village he passed through. He often went to vacant homes to beg food and came back disappointed. And so on and so forth. In his list of this type of spiritual leaders, the fourth was Sanjaya Velatthiputra.
Source: Majjhima Nikāya, Sandaka Suttanta,
2-3-6.
Comment
According to Ananda's description, all the spiritual leaders of the age were non-celibate with an unpleasant state of mind and were not even initiated. Nigantha Nataputta was slightly better in this that he donned the robe of a monk. In any case, in Ananda's admission, Mahavira was somewhat superior to the rest.
31. Gods of diverse views
One day when Buddha was at Rajagrha, a few heretical gods who were the admirers of other spiritual leaders, including Nigantha Nataputta, came to Buddha and extolled their respective masters, Buddha gave them a hearing, but realised that it was Mara 'who was speaking through them. At last he said,

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"Just as among the bests are the Vipula mountain here at Rājagrha, Kailāsa in the Himālayas 1, the sun among the heavenly bodies moving through the sky, the ocean among the water reservoirs, and the moon among the planetary bodies,, so is Buddha among all beings, including the devas, in the universe".
Source: Samyukta Nikāya, Nanatitthiya
Sutta, 2-3-10.
Comment
There are references in the Aga mas in which gods are found to be taking interest in the views and teachings of the spiritual leaders. The god who discussed with Kundakaulika who happened to be a follower of Mahāvira appears to have been a admirer of Gosālaka. Sakadalaaputra who was a follower of Gosālaka received a message from a god who was friendly to Mahāvira,
32. Pingalakoccha Brahmin
Once when Buddha was at Srāvasti, a Pingalakoccha Brahmin came to him and asked if the different spiritual leaders of the age were correct in their views, incorrect or partly correct and partly incorrect. Buddha did not evince interest in the question, but described at length his own views.
Source: Majjhima Nikāya, Cala Sầropa ma
Suttanta, 1-3-10.
Comment
It had always been the practice with Buddha to avoid questions and impose his own sermon.
33. Jatilasutta
Once when Buddha was at Srāvasti, King Prasenajita came to him and took his seat. Just then 'seven Jatilas, 1. Majjhima Nikaya Atthabathã.

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seven niganthas, seven nudes, seven clad in a single 19 cloth and seven parivrajakas passed that way. The King enquired if any one from among these was an arhat or on the road to ar hathood. Buddha said, none. 'He added that only through a prolonged observation and association was it possible to know the conduct of a person. "'Don't take any one at par on a short observation", he added. Source: Samyukta Nikāya, Jațilasutta,
3-2-1. Comment
The account gives an idea of the statecraft of the time. It is strange that intelligence men used to roam about in the guise of monks." 34. Dhammika Upasakari
Once when Buddha was at Srāvasti, there came'to him Dhammika Upasaka with his five hundred Ubäsaką“ followers and sang in praise of Buddha concluding, In wisdom, no vādt, nigantha or ājivaka is equal to you as one standing motionless is nowhere near a fast-moving man".
Source: Sutta Nipāta, Culāvagga, Dhammika
Sutta (Hindi), pp. 75-77. Comment
While showering praise on Buddha, the niganthas have just been mentioned to cast slur on them. As per Sutta Nipāta Atthakatha, these five hundred upāsakas knew the art of flying and had conquered transmigration of soul.
35. Mahabodhikumāřa
The ruling monarch at Vārāṇasi was Brahmadatta. In the same city lived a highly affluent Brahmin. A son was born to him and he was named Bodhikumára. He grew into an accomplished young man. Later, he moved to the Himalayas and became a parivrăjáka monk. Many years"

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after this he came back to his own city where at the insistence of the king he agreed to remain with the king in the palace garden. The king had five Ministers all of whom were corrupt people. They used to accepted money and sided with the criminal. Once an aggrived person came to the monk and insisted that justice be administered to him. When this was done, the king placed him charge of the judicial affairs of the state. This was too much for the Ministers to swallow. So they started poisoning the ears of the king. It was decided that the monk would be murdered by the Ministers as he would be coming to the palace to receive his food. The whole arrangement was complete. As the monk came, a dog whom the monk had fed on an earlier occasion sat across his path and began to bark wildly. This was a sufficient warning. The monk retraced his steps. He came back to his thatch in the garden and started preparing to depart. The king saw all this from his window. The king came to him at once and begged to be forgiven if he had caused him any annoyance. But the monk did not agree. The King's parting request was that he should come again to the city at his convenience, to which the monk agreed. The Ministers were now happy at their success. Once again they started their nefarious practices to the greatest unhappiness of the people. The Ministers then thought that the possibility of the monk ever coming back must be nipped in the bud. So they reported to the King of an illicit connection existing between the monk and the queen. They suggested that the queen should be put to death on ground of adultery. The King agreed and the King's order was carried out. When this news spread into the city, the people in general and the four princes in particular became the enemies of the King and they thought of punishing the erring King. This news at last reached the ears of the monk in his cottage. He thought of saving the life of the King. He came to Varanasi and defeated the five Ministers with arguments. The Ministers having been exposed, they were thrown out of the kingdom. The monk then spoke words of wisdom to the King and the four princes and departed.
The five Ministers were the five spiritual leaders of the age, including Nigantha Nataputta. The dog was Ananda who had warned the monk.

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Said Buddha in his sermon:
"Not only in the present, but all along in the past, the truth-finder had demolished the views of others and established truth as discovered by himself".
Source: Jātaka Atthakathā, Mahābodhi Jataka,
528 (Hindi), pp. 312-330
Comment:
Mahábodhi Jataka and texts like that contain such stories as the present one to establish the superiority of Buddha and to run down other leaders of the age.
36. A Peacock and a Crow
In the absence of a qualified person, the mediocre dominates. When a qualified person comes on the scene, the mediocre is coveted no more, Buddha narrated a story.
"In olden times, during the reign of Brahmadatta at Vārānasi, Bodhi sattva was born as a peacock. It grew up and lived to the delight of everybody. Once a company of merchants sailed with merchandice and a directioncrow. They reached another kingdom named Bāberu where there was no bird. When the people saw the crow in a cage, they were surprised, delighted and bought it after much higgling for one hundred standard coins. The crow was reared up with the greatest care. After some time, the merchants came again, but this time with a peacock. The citizens at Bāberu saw the peacock and became mad after it. The new bird sang and danced to the delight of everybody. They bought it for one thousand standard coins, Compared to the crow, the peacock was more beautiful and received greater attention. The crow was henceforth virtually neglected. Needless to add, oh Bhiksus ! at that time I was the peacock and Nigantha Nātaputta the crow".
Source: Jataba Atthakatha, Baberu Jataka, 339
(Hindi), Part III, pp. 289-91

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Comment
The story is utterly mean and in bad taste. Although the Jatakas recognise that in the presence of a qualified person, the mediocre received no attention which is a truism, this story is not contained in the Tripitakas. Hence it does not deserve any attention.
37. A discussion on meat eating
Once Simgha Senapati invited Buddha to dinner when he served him' meat. This attracted criticism in the Nigantha camp on the ground that this was intended meat. When the monks drew the attention of Buddha to this, he said that Nigantha Nataputta is not only his critic now, he was also his critic in the previous birth too. Then he narrated a story.
3:"In a previous birth, when Brahmadatta was reign
ing at Varanasi, Bodhisattva was born in a Brahmin family. When he came of age, he became a monk and discarded his home to take shelter in the Himalayan region. Once he came down in search of spicy food. A householder invited him and served meat which Bodhisattva ate. After Boddhisattva had dined, his host said that since he had prepared the meat for his sake, he must indeed share in the vice. So saying, he uttered a couplet. In another couplet, the Bodhisattva told him that even if he had served the meat of his wife, or children, he would in no way be held responsible. Then he got up and departed. Needless to add, I was Bodhisattva and Nigantha Nataputta was the householder".
Source: Jataka Atthakathā, Telivad
Jataka, 246.
A
Comment
In Vinaya Pitaka and Anguttara Nikāya, the critics of Buddha's eating intended meat have been said to be the Niganthas. The reference to a previous birth of Buddha and the inclusion of Nigantha Nataputta in the Atthakathā appear to be the product of the fertile brain of the author

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of Atthakātha. Needless to add, such was the spirit of the age.
38. Four types of People
"Monks ! There are four types of people in the world, viz., first, those who inflict hard penance on themselves, suffering on themselves; second, those who inflict hard penance on others, suffering on others; third, those who inflict hard penance and suffering on self and others; and fourth, those who impose hard penance and suffering neither on self nor on others. The last one can live on in perfect calm and quiet, being free from attachment, and be happy".
Then Buddha spoke at length on how one particular group of persons inflicted hard penance and suffering on themselves, how they begged, how they ate, how they live and how they tonsured.
Source: Anguttara Nikaya, (Hindi), Part II
pp. 197-99.
Comment
The details given by Buddha of the first type of people tally with the description of the Nigantha like as contained in Dasavaikālika Sūtra 95/1/27-43. Portions of this description may apply to the Ajivikas and the followers of Pūraņa Kasyapa. Important in the descriptior is the following line:
"Not to take meat, not to eat fish, not to drink wine, not to take meraya".
This may be an evidence against meat eating by the Jaina monks.
39. Five Faults of the Niganthas
"Oh monks ! Those Ajivikas....... Niganthas...... senior monks......... Jatilakas..... Parivrajakas ...... Magandikas...... Dandikas...... Ārudhakas

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...... Gota makas..... those who indulge in five crimes...... Which five ? ..... indulge in injury to living beings, in theft, in sex, in falsehood, in drink and intoxication, they are as if hurled into hell".
Source: Anguttara Nikàya (Hindi), Part II,
p. 452.
Comment
The reference is to Upasampadā Varga. The same five have been mentioned for the Ajivik as, the Jațilakas, the Parivrajakas, and others.
40. Clad Niganthas
Once some Buddhist Bhiksus saw some clad Niganthas going. They said to one another, "These appear to be more civilis ed. At least they have covered the front portion. They have some sense of civilised life and social etiquette". Said one Nigantha in reply, "We don't bother about social etiquette and civilis ed life. We hold that even dust and dirt have life. We cover our bowls to keep them out. We cover ourselves". Then there ensued a long discussion between the monks of the two sects. After the Bhiksus returned to Jeta yana, Buddha said,
"To be abashed when there is no ground for it, and no to be abashed when there is ground for it, this is a wrong outlook which leads to misery. To be afraid when there is no ground for it, and not to be afraid when there is ground for it, this is a wrong outlook which leads to mis ery".
Source: Dhammapada Atthakatha,
22-8.
Comment
Here is an account of Niganthas who used clothes, but it is not clear what type of clothes they used and why. However, this much is established that the Buddhists knew of the Sacelakas and the Acelakas,

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41. Murder of Maudgalyāyana
Knowing Maudgalyāyana to be a very resourceful person, monks of other sects hatched a conspiracy to have him killed. Some kiliers were hired for the purpose. They surrounded the monk in the Kálasila region. But the monk escaped through the key hole. The monk was encircled for the second time, but this time the monk decided to stay on. The killers pounced upon him, killed him and crushed his bones to dust and threw it behind some shrub. The soul of the monk came to the Truth-finder ) (Buddha) to pay his final homage. When the news reached King Ajatas atru, he got all the monks and killers arrested, buried them waist deep and burnt them.
Source: Dhammapada Athabathã,
10-7
Comment
This account is to be found in Jātaka Atthakathā as well as in Dhammapada Atthakatha. According to the former, the culprits were the Niganthas and according to the latter monks of other sects (tairthikas). Both appear to be false accounts to run others down. According to both Dr. Malālasekharal and Dr. Von West, Ajātaśatru killed 500 Niganthas and so the Niganthas were not happy with him. But facts are just the reverse, Ajātasatru has been neglected at many places by the Buddhists, while the Jaina tradition has held him in high esteem. (Vide Follower kings above), it does not seem possible that Ajātas'atru had killed 500 Niganthas.
42. Questions of Milinda
In this account, the renounced King Milinda re- .. viewed his army. Then he expressed a desire to hold discussion with some spiritual leader, when his ministers repeated the same six names, of which one was Nigantha Nätaputta.
1. Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Part I, p.35. 2. Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, p.320.

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Source: Questions of Minander, Hindi transla
tion by Bhiksu Jagadisa Kasyapa, pp. 4-6.
Comment
Comment
?
Since Milinda lived at least six hundred years after the death of Buddha'. These six leaders could not have been present at that posterior date, According to Bhikşu Jagadisa Kaśyapa, perhaps their respective seats were named after the masters, like the seat of Sankaracàrya. But there is no solid ground for this surmise.
43. Niganthas in Lankā
This account about King Pāņdukābhaya of Lanka has a single line which may be of interest; "The king got erected apartments for the Nigantha astrologers to the east of the cremation ground".
Source: Mahāvansa, Book X, Sloka 77-79,
91-102. 91-102.
Comment
If we are to believe this account, then the Niganthas had gone out of the country. Pāņdukābhaya was the king of Lankā at least 100 years before Asoka. Thus according to this account, before the emissaries of Asoka could reach Lahkā, the Niganthas were there. On this, we have nothing from the Jaina Sources, nor it is certain Niganthas were monks or householders. The Mahāvamsa Commentary has described these Nigantha astrologers as "nagar vārdhaki".
44. Pestilence in Vaiśālī
Once a pestilence had spread in Vaisālī caused by a thousand sons of a Yakşiņi who hailed from the Himalayan region. People died like insects. They propitiate the devils, all stratagem was tried, but to no effect. Then the
1. Questions of Milinda, Hindi by Bhikşu Jagadīša...
Kasyapa, p. 4; 2. K to above, p. 6.
to aboris :

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six leaders were brought in, but even they could do nothing. Then the souls of the victims of pestilence suggested that the Buddha should be brought from Rājagrha to stop the devils. When this was done, the devils disappeared.
Source: Mahāvastu, Tr. by J.J. Jones, Vol. I,
p. 208-9.
Comment
The story must have been prepared to extol the power and influence of Buddha. We have similar stories in the Jaina tradition. Cf. "Where the Jina dwells, there, upto a distance 25 yojanas in the four directions and 12 yojanas above and the same distance below, there is no pestilence, draught, excessive rain, famine, etc. "?,
45. Namo Buddhassa namɔ Arahantānam
In Rajag rha, there lived two boys, one with a right outlook and the other with a wrong outlook. They were friends and used to play with a ball and a rod. While hitting the ball, the boy with right outlook would say, Namo Buddhassa, and the boy with wrong outlook would say, Namo Arahantānam. Needless to add, the victory was always with the former. This had its impact on the boy with a wrong outlook. He changed his core word.
One day he went with his father to the forest to collect fire wood. On their return journey, they stopped outside the city near a cremation ground to rest and relax. The bulls were unvoked. They slipped into the city. The father left the boy on the spot to look after the logs and went into the city in search of the bulls. By the time, he reached the city gate with the bulls, it was already closed. So the father and the boy were separated. At night, two spirits came to the creamation ground. One of them was with a right outlook and another with a wrong outlook. The latter wanted to do harm to the boy. As soon as he approached near him, the boy said, Namo Buddhassa. The spirit refraced. Then the two spirits brought food from the kitchen of King Bimbisära in a
1. Sa mavayānga Sūtra, Sama. 34.

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golden plate, appeared in the guise of his parents and fed the boy. But they forget to carry back the golden plate and restore it at its proper place. In the morning, the boy was arrested and brought before the king on a charge of theft from the royal kitchen. When the boy narrated the whole episode, the king in the company of the boy visited Buddha.
Source: Dhammapada Atthakathā,
21-5.
Comment
Namo Buddhassa and Namo Arahantānam are comparable core words of the two religions, and the use of the words by 'one with right outlook' and 'one with a wrong outlook' are to be found in both.
46. Offer to the Niganthas
Once Sāriputta asked his maternal uncle, a Brahmin, at Rājagrha, if he indulged in any act earning merit. Said the Brahmin,
"'I make an offer worth a thousand coins per month to the Niganthas". Sāriputta conducted the Brahmin to Buddha where he was made to repeat the same words, when Buddha said to him, "If you continue to make an offer like this to the Niganthas for a thousand years, that will not equal to looking at my monks with a pleasant mind for a moment or making a spoonful of offer to them".
Source: Dhammapada Atthakathā,
8-5
Comment
This is one more example of concocted stories in Dhammapada Atthakathā. This appears to have been the sole purpose. According to this story, Sāriputta's maternal uncle was a Nigaạtha follower. In another story, we have seen that Buddha's own uncle had been described to be a Nigantha follower.

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his establishes the fact that in many a family, both the religions were simultaneous ly observed. Both the religions have attached high value to making offers to their respective monks. But it is nowhere mentioned in the Jaina texts that any offer made to a nigantha monk earns one a seat in Brahmaloka.
47. Nālaka Parivrājaka
On a piece of information from a monk named Asita, Nalaka Parivrājaka came to Vārānasi, held discussions with all spiritual leaders, including Nigantha Nätaputta, one by one, but was not happy. At last, he had discussion with Buddha and he was satisfied.
Source: · Mahāvastu, Tr. by J.J. Jones,
Vol. III, pp. 379-88.
VO
Comment
This story has come down from the Mahāyāna tradition. In the Hina yāna tradition too, in Sutta Nipāta, Nālaka Sutta, 37, we have the same story, but other spiritual leaders have not been brought in.
48. With the Jina Śrāvakas
This is a story told by Buddha to his followers. When at Vaisā li he went to a jina Srāvaka named Arādhakālāma the core of whose teaching was, "Renounce, renounce", is śrāvakas would say, "we renounce, we renounce". He became a disciple unto him. Soon it was clear that . Buddha knew no less than Aradhakālāmi. So the latter made him his partner in the organisation. But, added Buddha, "I felt that this much knowledge was not adequate for the destruction of sin, I must search for more. So I departed".
The same thing happened with another, Udraka Rāmiputra. Buddha departed from there too.
Source: Mahāvastu, Tr. by J.J. Jones, Vol. II
pp. 114-17

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This story too comes down from the Mahāyāna tradition. Jina śrāvaka here stands for a nigantha in the Pali Tripitakas. Mahāvastu is written in Sanskrit. This is an admission of the fact that Buddha spent some time with the Jina Sravakas or nigant has and learnt practices from them.
49. Bhadrā Kundalkeśā
This is the story of a girl at Rajagsha. She saw a thief being taken by hangmen to be hanged for committing theft. At the girl's insistence, the father of the girl bribed the hangmen and got the chief released. The girl marr: ied this man. After some time, at her husbands request, the girl, well dressed and with costly ornaments on, accompanied him to a hill to perform some pūjā. There the man expressed a desire to kill her and rob her. The girl reluctantly agreed, since there was no alternative; but she made a last request which was that he should embrace her to full length before he killed her. The man agreed. As the man held her in embrace, the girl gave him a mighty push so that he went deep down. The girl descended from there and became a nun in the Nigantha order. She developed a habit of discussing with learned monks and defeating them. At last, the story concludes, she was defeated by Sariputta and joined Buddha's order.
Source: Dhammapada Atthakathā,
8/3; Therigātha Atthakathā, p. 99
She travelled to Magadha, Kosala, Kāśi, Vajji, Anga and other places carrying the teachings of Buddha. Buddha called her foremost among those with a sharp intellect2.
Comment
The narrative is interesting and full of events. Worthy of note is the fact that Buddha's foremost female
1. Theragātha, 107-11. 2. Anguttara Nikaya, Ebabbanipata, 14.

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The account
disciple was initially in the Jaina order. contains words like 'tonsure', 'white clad niganṭhas .
50. Astrologer Nigantha
There lived an astrologer Nigantha who had 500 followers, He lived on the bank of the Ganga. In the course of a discussion, the question came up, what is luck. But no answer was forthcoming. So he came near the Bodhi tree where Buddha had just been enlightened. He put the question to him. Said Buddha,
"One who has restraint, who praises hardship, is endowed with luck".
The Nigantha was impressed. He became a follower of Buddha.
Source: S. Beal Dhammapda, translated from Chinese, pp. 103-4.
Comment
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51.
atu re.
There is no mention of any such event in Jaina literThis much is, however, established that before Buddha attained enlightenment, there were many senior Jaina monks who were well advanced. Besides, it has been rare for many Jaina monks to defect from their order; but the Buddhist literature is full of such stories. These stories, however, serve one purpose which is to establish the greater antiquity of Jainism and seniority of Mahavira over Buddha.
A Nigantha in dust
In some northern province, there lived 500 Brahmins. They had heard of a Nigantha who lived on the bank of the Ganga and who kept his body besmeared with dust. They set out to become his disciples. In the way, they became thirsty. Then a spirit gave them water and advised them not to go to the Nigantha but to Buddha. The Brahmins changed the course of their journey. and became his sramanas.
They went to Buddha
Chinese Dhammapda, Tr. by S. Beal, p. 54.

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CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
CODES AND BOOKS ON CONDUCT AND DISCIPLINE
Conduct and tradition aspects of the two religious may be a nice theme for comparative research. The subject is spread piecemeal in all the Agamas and Tripitakas, but the main text of the Jainas on this subject is Nisiha and that of the Buddhists is Vinaya Pitaka.
The Jaina Āgamas have been divided into four classes as Angas, Upāngas, Mūla Suttas and Cheda Suttas. In the Cheda group, Niśiha is an important text. It has certain special characteristics of its own. Its study is permitted to a monk after three years of initiation provided he is serious. From the standpoint of age, a monk who is 16 is alone permitted to read it(1). Till a monk becomes acquainted with the text of Nisiha, he cannot go to his own folks for begging(2), nor is he considered fit to be a teacher(3). To be the leadingmost among the monks, and to undertake solitary wanderings, the knowledge of Niśiha is very essential(4). Unless a monk is versed in this text, he is not permitted to prescribe atonements to other monks. These should indicate the great importance of this particular text.
Authorship and date of composition -
So runs the traditional belief that all the Āgamas are the sacred words of Bhagavān Mahävira. The compilation of the Anga part of the Agamas is attributed to Sudharmā Svami who was the fifth among the Ganadharas of Mahavira and immediate successor to his spiritual seat. Agamas other than the Angas have been the works by the senior and learned monks. But this does not mean that the latter works have moved apart in any way from the words of the Master. The ideas for all (arthagama) are due to Mahavira, though the actual composition

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(sutrāgama) is due to some Ganadhara or senior monk. The monks who became the authors of the Agemas were also the Masters of the Pūrvas; and the texts produced by them are as much revered as the texts produced by the Ganadharas. The next questions that arise are about the name of the author of Nisiha, and the date of its writing. As to its author, the commentaries, cūris, and niryuktis have expressed diverse views. A second
of Niś iha is Acāra Prakalpa or Ayaranga (Acáranga). In discussing this topic, the author of Acaranga cūrni has interpreted the word 'sthavira' to mean a 'Ganadhara' (5). Acārya Śilänka's commentary on the word 'sthavira' as it occurs in the Acāranga Niryukti (gatha 287) is
sthaviraih-śrutabrddhai-Ścaturdaśa-pūrva -vidvih. This means that sthaviras are people who are advanced in śruta knowledge, and who are the masters of the 14 Pūrvas. The cūrni of Pancakalpa Vaşyas states as follows:
"The author of this treatise on ācāra is Bhadrabahu Svami".
According to some eulogistic gāthās on Nisiha, however, Visakhācārya has been named as the author of this text(6). It is, therefore, difficult to suggest a single name for the authorship of Nisiha. One reason for these different views on authorship may be the peculiar position of the text itself. From historical researches, it has become clear that in the beginning, the Nišjha Sutta was only a cūlā of the Ayāranga Sutta, and that the Ayaranga was the first of the 12 Angas of which only upto the ninth adhyayana was written by a Ganadhara. Later, it was elaborated by senior monks, and these elaborations were added to the text in the form of first, second and third culikās. For the monks who violated the codes of conduct, a separate text on atonements was produced by the senior monks, and this was added as a culă to the Ayāranga. This was based on a section devoted to Acara-vastu in the ninth-Pūrva. As this portion was related to the Ayāranga, it easily became its cūlā. It may be that this reflected in the second title of Nišina which is Acāra. For reason of secrecy, however, at a later period, the cūlā was again separated by the senior monks and then it was given the name Nisiha, and it became an important Agama among

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the Cheda Suttas. Difference about authorship is noticeable even in the curnis and commentaries, and it may besaid that from a relative standpoint, both the claims may be taken as correct. This thus means that according to some Bhadrabahu, and according to others Visakhacārya is the author of Nisiha Sutra.
The date of compilation of Nisiha goes deep into antiqualty According to Dalsukh Malvania, whoever may be its author, Bhadrabahu or Visákhacarya, it was written 150 and 175 years of the liberation of Mahavira (7). Thus it may be said that the ideas contained in this text are as old as 2500 years, and the written text itself is as old as 2300 years.
Intentions behind the word 'nisiha'
The original word is nisiha. Some writers like the authors of the Digamvara texts Dhavala, Jaya Dhavala and Gommatasarą Tikā, and this is supported by the Western scholars like Weber (8) have read the word 'nisiha' as a form of the Sanskrit word niśihiya, niśihiya or nisehiya from which they deduce that it is a text on 'don't do this, don't do that'.
-
According to the Tattvartha, Bhasya, Nisilha is the Sanskrit form of the word nisiha; and this is also the view taken by the writer of the nirvukti. According to the author of the Curni, nisitha means 'lack of sun-shine' (aprakāśa). According to Acarya Hemacandra, nisitha
means mid-night. To quote his expression:
nisithastvardharatra (9)
Thus according to one school, the name of this Sutra has a prohibitory significance, and according to another, it is something confidential which is not to be made public. Both the meanings are consistent with the subject-matter of the Nisitha Sutra. It is confidential as its reading is not permitted in public as per the accepted tradition, and it is prohibitory since it contains a list of things not to be perpetrated. But strictly speaking, the truly prohibitory Agama is Acaranga which states very categorically, 'A monk should not do this".

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In contrast, the literary form of the Nisiha is uniform from the beginning to the end which is that 'if a monk does this, he has to undergo such and such atonement'. From this angle, its leaning is more for secrecy than for prohibition. (For, it does not categorically prohibit anything). There are portions in the Nisiha Sutra which deal with sexual desires which cannot be divulged in public (without being , liable to the charge of pornography).
The original text and its elaboration -
The original text of the Nisiha Sūtra is neither too elaborate nor too brief. It contains 20 Chapters called uddešakas. Portions of the subject-matter in each uddesaka are interconnected and portions are not so interconnected. The last uddesaka throws light on the forms of atonement. Like other Jaina Agamas, it is written in Ardh-Magadhi. At many a place, the idea is very brief, and the reader has to look f nelp to understand its meaning. To cite one or instances,
"A monk who takes out the dirt of his eyes, of his ears, of his teeth and of his nails, cleans them, considers any other (monk) doing the same as good, has to undergo light atonement for a month (laghumāsik). A monk who removes and wipes out the Sweat from his body, Sweat from a particular part, removes and wipes out dirt, accumulated dirt, and approves of anyother doing the same has to undergo atonement for a month (māsik) "(10).
"A monk who brings food during a day and eats the food during a day has to undergo heavy atonement for four months "(11).
In texts like this, unless extra words are interpolated like 'beauty', 'attachment' 'food brought during the first quarter and taken in the fourth quarter', then the idea does not become clear. In 20 udde sakas of this Sūtra, there are in all 1652 items of atonement.
As the expressions are brief, at a later period, cūrnis, niryuktis and commentaries have been written by

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the ācāryas. All these taken together make a very large volume. But only the original Nisiha enjoys the Āgamic status (not cūrnis, etc.). Many commentators have astrayed from the text. This is the reason why no commentary is accepted as authoritative by all sects of the Jainas. For analysis and comments in this Chapter, only the text of Nisiha Sūtra is kept in view.
II - Vinaya Pitaka
Vinaya Pitaka is one of the three Pitakas which are the most authoritative texts of Buddhism. According to the traditional views, immediately after the liberation of the Buddha, the first Buddhist Council met under the Chairmanship of Mahákās sapa when the Pitakas were codified. About the codification of the Vinaya Pitaka, we have the following description in the Pancasatikā Khandhaka of Cullavagga which happens to be the concluding Chapter of Vinaya Pitaka itself:
In addressing the monks, the long-lived Mahākassapa said,
"Once I was in a forest between Paya and Kusināra with 500 monks. I was myself seated under a wayside tree when I saw an ājivaka who was carrying some mandāra flowers and was on the road to Pāvā. I asked him,
Ābus ! Do you know our leader? The Ājivaka said,
'Yes, ābus. I know him. He has entered into liberation a week ago. I am carrying these mandāra flowers there'.
"The very memory of Sramana Gautama made some monks lament in grief, some fell down on the ground like trees hewn, some began to roll on the ground crying that the Lord has entered into liberation so early, and so on. But those monks who had conquered all attachments and become vitarāgas bore the loss with patience and memory, planted themselves in equanimity, and thought,

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'Life is transient. Where can one meet him again'?
"At that time, one parivrājaka named Subhadra was seated there in that group. Said he,
'Monks ! Don't be overwhelmed with grief. Don't lament for the loss. In a sense, his liberation is a boon to us. We were suppressed by him in many ways. He would tell us so often, - this is good for you, this is not good for you. Henceforth we shall do what we like, and we shall not do what we do not like. It will be good for us if we codify dharma and vinaya. Impiety is fast coming up and virtue is yielding ground; bad conduct is replacing good conduct. Impious people are becoming powerful and pious ones are becoming weak, People with good conduct are waning and people with bad condur tare flourishing like anything'.
"The monks said in one voice,
Bhante ! You may kindly prepare a list of senior monks (who may undertake the work of codification)!
"Mahākāssapa agreed. Mahákássapa prepared a list which had 499 names. The monks submitted again,
'Bhante ! Though long-lived Ananda is not yet an arhat, yet he is a man who has conquered attachment, malice, affection, fear, indiscipline. Being a constant companion of the Buddha, he has acquired enough to dharma and vinaya. May his name be included in the list'!
"Mahākāssapa included Ananda in the list. In this manner, 500 monks were elected.
"In considering the venue where the Council should meet, the monks decided in favour of Rajagrha which is a large city with considerable facility for loding for so many people. It was decided that a monsoon should be spent there in the codification of dharma and vinaya. It was also decided that other monks should not come to Rajagrha during this period.

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"The decision was placed before the assembly of monks and read out to all. The assembly gave its concent by remaining silent. Mahakāssapa repeated it for the second time and again for the third time. Then Mahākāssapa said,
'From the silence of the assembly, I take it that this assembly agrees that the monks named in the list are to spend the next monsoon at Rājagrha, that they will codify dharma and vinaya, and that other monks will not visit Rajagrha during this period.
"As desired by the assembly, the senior monks arrived at Rājagrha for the codification of dharma and vinaya. They recollected the words of the Master:
'First, rearrange properly what is dilapidated and broken',
and they decided,
'In the first month, we shall do this, and then from the second month onward, we shall start codification'.
"Ananda thought,
'When so many learned monks are participating in the Council, it is not worthwhile for me to be there'.
"He spent the greater part of the night in thinking like this. It was near dawn when he stretched his body with a view to have a nap. But before he could stretch his legs straight and place his head on the pillow, during this very brief span of time, he was suddenly liberated of all fetters and became on arhat. Thus the long-lived Ananda took his seat in the Council only after he became an arhat.
"Addressing the Council, the long-lived Mahākassapa said,
'Abuses ! May I have your attention. If you kindly permit me, I may ask Upāli about Vinaya'.

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"Whereon said the long-lived Upāli,
'Harken ye all! If the Council permits, I may give answer to the questions put to me on vinaya by the long-lived Mahākassapa'.
"(There was the tacit consent after which Mahākāśsapa started):
'Abus! Upāli! Where was the first pārājikā enunciated? (Pārājikā is explusion from the order in case of a severe crime).
'Bhante! At Rajagrha'.
- 'Against whom'?
-'Against Sudinnna, son of Kalanda'.
1
- What for?
-
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'For indulging in sex behaviour'.
"After this, Mahākäss apa obtained all the details about the first explusion (pārājikā), its complete wording (katha), its content (nidana), its personalities (pudgala), its rules (prajnapti), its prescriptions (anu-prajnapti), its vice and atonement (dosa-danda) and non-indulgence in it in future (anapatti).
-
"Mahakassapa enquired about the second pārājikā)":
'Upäli ! Where was the second pārājikā enunciated'?
'Bhante! At Rajagrha'.
- 'Against whom'?
- 'Against Dhaniya, son of a potter'.
-
'What for?
- For theft'.

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"Mahākässapa then enquired about its wording, contents, personalities, rules, prescriptions, vice and atonement and non-indulgence in future.
"(Next he enquired about the third pārājikā)"
'Upäli! Where was the third pārājikā enunciated'?
-
- 'Bhante ! At Vaisäli'.
- 'Against whom'?
- 'Against several monks'.
- 'What for'?
- 'For committing murder'.
"'Mahakässapa then enquired about its wording, contents, personalities, rules, prescriptions, vice and atonement, and non-indulgence in future.
"(And next he enquired about the fourth pārāj ikā)": Upäli! Where was the fourth pārājikā enunciated'?
- 'Bhante ! At Vaisali'.
- 'Against whom'? - 'Against monks living on the bank of the Vaggumuda'.
- 'For the display of super-human powers'.
"Mahākáss apa then obtained its wording, contents, personalities, rules, prescriptions, vice and atonement, non-indulgence in future. In this manner, Mahakaśs apa asked questions on vinaya of monks and nuns, and Upáli gave answer to all of them".
Historical perspective -
Regarding the codification of ancient texts, tradition and history present these which are, in many cases, poles

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apart from one another. Vinaya Pitaka is no exception to this. There are some scholars who go to the length of denying that there was any such thing as the first Buddhist Council. Thus Oldenberg suggests that as the Mahaparinivvāna Sūtta makes no mention about this first Council, it is no more than a historians' fancy(12). Supporting this view, Frank writes,
"The only material supporting the first Council are the 11th and the 12th Chapters of the Cullavagga, and this support has its root in tradition. Hence its value should not be over-estimated(13). But Hermann Jacobi does not agree with this view. He is of opinion that if the Mahāparinivvana Sutta, makes no reference to the Council, it is because the Council had no relevance for the Sutta (14). Some scholars are, however, of opinion that the two Chapters of the Cullavagga mentioned above must have once been parts of Mahāparinivvāna Sutta, but were at some later period included in the Cullavagga (15). The real position appears to be that the literary style of, and the ideas contained in, the two Chapters are somewhat inconsistent and out of tune with the rest of the Cullavagga, but they bear a family affinity with the Mahāparinivvāna Sutta. In a text entitled Samyukta Vastu, the two accounts of the liberation of Gautama Buddha and the first Council are given together, This lends support to the contention of some scholars that these two Chapters were once parts of the Mahäparinivvāna Sutta. With so much support in its favour, the meeting of the first Buddhist Council cannot be ruled out altogether, though there is yet dearth of information about its deliberations. Besides, scholars hold different views about the material that was actually collected and codified at this Council. As G.C. Pande was opined, it would have been a sheer physical impossibility to compile the complete text either of the Vinaya, Pitaka or of the Sutta, Pitaka during that limited time(16). The Vinaya Pitaka mentions of the two Buddhist Councils, but not of the third which met sometime in the third century BC., nor does it make mention of Emperor Asoka who ascended the throne in 269 B.C(17). So it may be said with a fair degree of certainity that the Vinava Pitaka must have been compiled before these two events. According to G. C. Pande, the Vinaya Pitaka has reached the present bulk only after passing through at least five enlargements from time to time (18).

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The date of the Niśiha Sutta has been accepted to be 15 to 175 years after the liberation of Mahavira which gives us 375 or 350 B.C. as a fairly certain date about its compilation. The approximate date of the compilation of the Vinaya Pitaka may be around 300 B.C. So it may be said that both the texts have come down to us from the fourth century B.C.
On the Language of the Texts
The Jaina Āgamas are written in Ard-Măgadhi and the Pitakas are written in Pali. Both the languages have originally descended from Māgadhi which was the spoken language of some parts of the country at some period of time. In parts of Bihar, there is still a living dialect called 'magahi'. The birth-place of Mahavira was Vaisali and that of the Buddha was Lumbini, and the shortest distance between the two places has been accepted to be 250 miles. Even now the dialect of the two places have much similarity. The language of Vaisāli, however, came to be influenced by maithili and that of Lumbini by Avadhi. The language of both the places is, however, known by a common name which is bhojpuri. It may then be said that the contemporary magahi and bhojpuri are considered by the scholars as the progency of what was once called magadhi. It is also very likely that both Mahavira and Gautama Buddha spoke the same mother-tongue, māgadhi. The Jaina canonists have called the language magadh There may be several reasons why it is called ardhmāgadhi. It might have been the spoken language of some region in exactly the same form in which it has been used, or māgadhi might have been mixed with some other languages (for which it was given the prefix ardha(20), or it is quite likely that the canonists spoke diverse languages.
Both among the Jainas and the Buddhists, the canonical texts were preserved in memory for centuries. It is believed that the Buddhist texts lived in human memory for 24 generations and that the Jaina texts for 26, after which they were put to writing. During such a long period, the original texts must have been influenced by the spoken language of those in whose memory they lived, in consequence of which the language of the two sets of canonical texts have been somewhat different after they have been

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codified. Henceforth one became known as pāli and the other as ardha -māgadhi. Since the two have been written different times, that may to some extent account for their linguistic difference. The words of the Buddha have also been called pāli(21). It is, therefore, very likely that the language in which the Buddhist texts have been written has been called by the same name. For the rest, in literary style and expression, the two texts, Nisiha and Vinaya Pitaka, come so near to one another. The following, quoted from the two texts, will illustrate:
1. A monk who thinks that he has got a new pot, and so thinking, who rubs it with oil, ghee, butter and grease, once, and then often, repeatedly, and approves others doing the same, such a monk has to undergo light atonement for four months.
A monk who thinks that he has got a new pot, and so thinking uses various dye powers like lodraka, koştaka, padma, etc., paint them, and approves other monks doing the same, such a monk has to undergo light atonement for four months.
A monk who thinks that he has got a new pot, and so thinking he washes it with live cold water, live hot water, washes again and again, and approves other monks doing the same, such a monk has to undergo light atonement for four months (22).
2. A monk who accepts gold and silver, asks another to accept it, and makes use of the same gold or silver, such a monk has to undergo nissaggiya pāticiya.
A monk who uses diverse coins has to undergo Nissaggiya päticiya (23).
A Review of subject-matter
..
According to t
ic prescription, a monk is permitted to read the Nisiha at least three years after his initiation. Besides, Nisiha and other Cheda Sutras are for the private use of the monks, and are not to be read in public, nor to be read by any householder for any spiritual purpose. As to the Vinaya Pitaka, there is a similar

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prescription in the Buddhist tradition to the effect that it the should be read by an initiated monk only (24).
At first sight, such a restrictive prescription may appear to be the consequence of a narrow mentality and also unnecessary, but on a penetrating analysis one may see that there is a meaningful motive behind it. These texts deal primarily with atonements given to the monks and nuns of the order. Now, when there is an order, it should be conceivable that it shelters diverse sorts of people in it, and diverse situations also. Bhagavan Mahavira has himself said that as to conduct, if one monk is like the full moon, another may be no better than the moon on the first day of the fortnight (25). The aim of the monastic order is to help the people within its fold to attain the topmost stage, but then it will be somehwat unnatural to conceive that all the people who are on the march are not at dissimilar levels. Though they started together, some of them may lag behind, some may falter and some may even drop down. Again, some of those who have dropped down may stand up and start moving again. Keeping these diverse situations in view, rules and regulations must exist for the order based on past experiences and anticipations about the future. Therefore, for an immature person, their reading may be positive harmful to the reader himself. Such a reader may read in the text a state of degeneration in the order which is no more than his own fancy. It is because of considerations like these, and not due to any narrowness of mind, that the reading of these texts is not permitted by lay men. The prescription is intended, not to hide the sin, but to prevent it from spreading.
Both Nišiha and Vinaya Pitaka are exhaustive texts on the violation of the rules of brahmacarya. To lay readers, the text would appear vulgar, but in the field of research, both of them open new avenue of thinking for the scholar. Given below are extracts from the two texts on lapses from brahmacarya and atonements therefor.
Nisiha on Lapses from Brahmacarya, etc.
1. A monk who indulges in hasta -karma, and approves of other monks doing the same has to undergo severe atonement for one month. (Uddeśaka 1.1).

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2. A monk who strikes his penes with the finger, etc., and approves of other monks doing the same has to undergo severe atonement for a month. (1.2).
3. A monk who rubs his penes, and does so again and again, and approves of other monks doing the same has to undergo severe atonement for a month. (1.3).
4. A monk who rubs oil, etc., on the penes and approves it for others has to undergo severe atonement for a month. (1.4).
5. A monk who rubs paste, etc., on the penes and approves it for other has to undergo severe atonement of a month. (1.5).
6. A monk who washes his penes with cold or hot water and approves it for others has to undergo severe atonement for a month. (1.6).
7. A monk who uncovers the forepart of his penes and approves of others doing the same has to undergo severe atonement for a month. (1.7).
8. A monk who smells his own penes and approves of others doing the same has to undergo severe atonernent for a month.. (1.8).
9. A monk who places his penes into a hole and throws out semens and approves of others doing the same has to undergo severe atonement for a month. (1.9).
For a monk who desires to enjoy sexual pleasures with a grown up woman, the following atonements have been described:
1. A monk who desires to enjoy with a woman who is like his mother and approves the same for others has to undergo severe atonement for fourth months. (6.1).
2. A monk who places his finger, etc., in the uteras of a woman who is like his mother and approves of others doing the same has to undergo severe atonement for four months. (6.2).

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3. A monk who has his penes rubbed by a woman who is like his mother and approves of others doing the same has to undergo severe atonement for four months. (6.4).
4. A monk who scribes a scroll conveying his love to a woman who is like his mother and approves of others doing the same has to undergo severe atonement for four months. (6.13).
5. A monk who offers an eighteen-stringed necklace, a nine-stringed necklace, a pearl necklace, a golden necklace, or any other, and ear-rings, etc., and approves of others doing the same has to undergo severe atonement for four months, (7.8 & 9).
6. A monk who gives instruction to a woman in sacred texts with a motive to have her and approves of others doing the same has to undergo severe atonement for four months. (7.88).
7. If a monk is wandering with a nun belonging to his own order or to another order, and if they are by chance separated so that the monk feels a pang and desires to meet her again, and if he approves of such behaviour in another monk, he has to undergo severe atonement for four months. (8.11).
In this manner, Chapters six, seven and eight of the Nisiha contain prescription of atonement for diverse sex lapses.
Vinaya Pitaka on Lapses from Brahmacarya, etc.,
The frank discussion of Vinaya Pitaka which follows bears a close resemblance with the same in the Nisiha as given above.
1. While being tied to the monastic code of conduct, a monk who enjoys sex pleasures even with animals becomes a parājikā, and makes himself unworthy of living with other monks (26).

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2. Throwing out semens consciously by a monk except in a dream is a lapse for which a monk is to be given atonement called sanghādidesa (27).
3. If a monk with mental perversion touches the hand, hairs, or any other limb of a woman, the monk has to be given an atonement called Sanghādisesa(28).
4. If a monk with a mental perversion speaks indecent words to a woman about sex behaviour, then, the monk has to be given an atonement called sang hādidesa(29).
5. If a monk with a mental perversion advises a woman that the highest service she can tender is to satisfy the sexual passions of such a devout person as himself, then, the monk has to be given an atonement called sanghadide sa(3C).
The word sanghādidesa stands for a temporary expulsion from the order.
6. If a monk gives spiritual counsel to the nuns without the prior permission of the order, he is to undergo an atonement called pacittiya(31).
7. Even when a monk is permitted to tender spiritual counsel to the nuns, he is not to do so after sun-set. If he does, he has to undergo an atonement called pācittiya (32).
8. If under very special circumstances a monk goes to a nun to tender unto her spiritual counsel, then, he has to undergo an atonement called pācittya(33).
9. If a monk sits alone with a nun who is also alone, then, he has to undergo an atonement called pācittiya (34)..
(Pacittiya is a confession followed by an atonement as per prescription).
Sutta has no separate prescription on brahmacarya for the monks and for the nuns. What is prescribed for the monks applies to the nuns. vinaya Pitaka, in contrast, has separate prescriptions for the two called bhikk

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hupati mokkha and bhikkhuni-pātimokkha respectively. Some of the prescriptions of bhikkhuņi-pātimokkha are as follows:
1. A nun who uses an animal to satisfy her sex hunger is to be given a pārājikā (i.e., she is to be expelled from the order) (35).
2. A nun who hides the lapses of a sister-nun who is fit for explusion is to be given a pārājikā (36).
3. If out of passion a nun holds the hand of a man who is a victim of a similar passion, or enjoys holding the corner of his wrapper, or stands with him or talks with him, or reclines her body against him, then,she is to be given a pārājikā (37).
If a nun indulges in misconduct, earns bad reputation, and is condemned, and if this nun becomes hostile to the order, hides the lapses of other nuns and remains in evil company, then, other nuns should speak to her as follows:
"Sister! You indulge in misconduct, you have earned an ill-reputation, you are condemned by all. You are hostile to the order, you hide the lapses of other nuns and you indulge in evil ways. This order of nuns has conduct and Conscience as its ideals".
If inspite of this warning, the nun is not prepared to restrain and recuperate herself, then, the warning is to be repeated thrice. If still she be obstinate not to retrace she has to be expelled from the order (38).
(A few more rules regarding the nuns are quoted below):
1. A nun who stands with a man in the darkness of the night where there is no lamp, and talks with him, she is to be given a păcittiva.
2. A nun who shaves hairs from the secret parts of her body is to be given a pacittiya.

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3. A nun who indulges in unnatural acts has to be given a pacittiya.
4. If a nun while cleaning her uteras uses her two fingers in a manner exceeding the norm, then, she is to be given a pacittiya(39).
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It may be asked why the writers of these whole texts incorporated material which would appear to be no better than pornography, and that to in such an elaborate and exposed manner. In considering this, we must admit that those people who had written these texts were very much above sex and hence they were free from hesitation in this matter. Now, in such a delicate matter as sex, only two types of men may be free from hesitation, viz., first, moral wrecks and second truly saints. Surely, the writers of these texts belonged to the second category. Hesitation is a restrictive factor leading to incompleteness; but the writers of these texts who were naturally free were not liable to any such charge on account of hesitation.
There is a story in the Puranas (mythology). Threesages had once gone to the assembly of gods on some business. They were honourably seated on the right-hand side of Indra who is the king of gods, and so the whole assembly of gods was in front of the sages. Dances by heavenly nymphs started. At the sight of the beauty of the nymphs, the youngest monk shut his eyes and went into meditation. As the nymphs danced, they lost themselves in the dance and their divine garments were displaced. When the second monk saw this indecency on the part of the celestial damsels, he shut his eyes and went into meditation. The dance was still in progress, and in a short while, their garments dropped and the nymphs were completely naked. But the seniormost monk sat firm. On seeing this, Indra said,
"Oh Monk! How is it that you did not feel even the slightest hesitation to see the dance"?
The monk said,
"In the ups and downs of the dance, I did not find any difference. From the very first moment uptil now, I am in the same state of firmness".

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On hearing this, Indra put a further question,
"But why did these two monks shut their eyes one after another"?
The senior monk said,
"They are still on the steps to spiritual perfection. When they will reach the top, they will have no more hesitation".
The same may be said about the contents of this Chapter. Common people wonder how the sages could write so succinctly. But the explanation is simple, viz., that they did not have the least weakness in matters of sex so that they could write all this freely keeping in view the larger interest of the order. Most people in a country are good; but, at the same time, there are always some anti-social elements like thieves, looters, etc. For the latter there are laws which state: for this type of theft, such is the penalty, for this type of misconduct, such is the penalty. The monks too have a society of their own. In this society, too, there may be some who are dishonest. Therefore, for the organisational code of the society of monks, for whom conduct is extremely valuable, the above rules are neither unnecessary nor unnatural.
Method of Atonment
Atonements and their diverse methods are based on psychological considerations in both the Jaina and the Buddhist orders. The Jaina order prescribes ten atonements as follows:
1. Aloyana (alocana) whose precise meaning has
been as:
nibedana tallakṣaṇam suddhim yadarhatyaticāra jātam tadalocaná
When a fault has been committed, this atonement prescribes a free and frank confession by the monk to his acarya without supressing anything. This washes clean his mental dirt.

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2. Padikka mana (pratikramana) whose precise means ing has been given as
mithyā duşkrtań
The monk desires himself that his fault may prove false, i. e., may cease. This form of atonement is performed by the monk himself without the help of any other monk or ācārya.
3. Tad -ubhayam, i.e., a combination of confession and pratikra mana.
4. Vivega (Viveka) whose precise meaning has been given as as'uddha bhaktyādi-tyāgaḥ.
(The monk resolves to give up all prohibited acts called ādhākar ma like taking of impure prohibited food).
5. Viusagga (Vyutsarga or. Kāyotsarga). This atonement is performed with the help of meditation. Kayotsargu is a standing posture during the meditation during which the monk is supposed to lose his own body sense.
6. Tavah (tapas) whose precise meaning has been given as nirvikrtikādi..
(The monk is not to take milk, curd, etc., and to perform other penances).
7. Cheya (cheda) whose precise meaning has been given as pravrajyā-parayāya hrasvikaranam.
(This literally means shortening the stage of monkhood. By this compression, a monk who is junior in initiation may rise in seniority).
8. Mula whose precise meaning has been given as punardiksā or reinitiation.
9. Anavatthappā (anāvasthāpya) whose precise meaning has been given as krta -tapaso' vratāro panam.
After a penance is performed, a concluding vrata or vow is to be added.

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10. Pārānciya (pārāncika) whose precise meaning has been given as liñgādibhedam.
In this form of atonement, a monk who has been expelled from the order discards the robes of a monk for some time during which period he decries himself in public, and thereafter he is taken back in the order(40).
In the various commentaries of'the Niśiha, diverse and elaborate interpretations have been made of the various atonements that have been prescribed. The Nisiha Sutra prescribes atonements for a month and for four months. They are related to item 7 above entitled cheda. Thus in fulfilling atonement for a month, there is a compression of the state of monk hood by one month. Cheda atonement may be exchanged with the sixth item which is tapah. In that case, the monk instead of compressing the state of his monkhood, purifies himself by penance. Depending on the intensity of the lapse, a distinction has been drawn between light and heavy.
The Vinaya Pitaka identifies eight lapses as follows:
1. 4 lapses of a monk and 8 of a nun are prājika.
2. 13 laps es of a monk and 17 of a nun are sanghadidesa,
3.
2 lapses of a monk are aniyata.
4. 30 lapses of a monk and 30 of a nun are nissaggiya pācittiya.
5. 92 lapses of a monk and 166 of a nun are păcittiya.
6. 4 lapses of a monk and 8 of a nun are pāțidesani
ya.
7. 75 lapses of a monk and 75 lapses of a nun are sekhiya.
8. 7 laps es of a monk and 7 laps es of a nun are adhikarana sa matha.

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Atonement may be light or severe depending on the intensity of the crime.
In pārājikā atonement, the monk is expelled from the order for good.
In sang hādidesa, a monk is separated from the order for a certain period of time.
In aniyata, the intensity of the crime is determined on the basis of some supporting proof, and then the monk is given an atonement on the basis of his fault.
In nissaggiya păcittiya, a monk confesses his lapse in the presence of the entire body of monks or in the presence of another monk, and expresses his resolve to be free from the lapse.
In pācittiya, a monk confesses and makes suitable atonement.
Seikhiya is an item of instruction which a monk is to fulfil. If he fails, he makes himself liable to atonement.
Adhikarana samatha lays down the method of pacification where a quarrel has started. If this is not obeyed, then the monks makes himself liable to atonement.
The method in which the atonement is performed by a monk varies between one order and the other. In the Jaina order, the atonement is given by the acārya or guru. The acarya or guru is versatile with the sruta knowledge, and has many great qualities, like seriousness, etc. He is not entitled to disclose to anyone the atonement given to a monk. We have the following in the Vyavahāra Sūtra:
A monk at fault must confess to his ācārya or upādhyāya without reservation. If they are not near him (and hence are not available to him, then he must confess in the presence of some learned monk of the order. If, for some reason, that too is not possible, then, he should confess to a monk who is pārasvastha, i.e., who puts on a monk's robe but who does not duly fulfil the code. If this also is

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not possible, then, he must confess to a lay follower who may have acquaintance with the life of a monk and who may be conversant with the rules for atonement. If this is not possible, then, he should confess to a monk who is fixed in equanimity. And when none of these is possible, then, the monk goes to a solitary forest, turns to the east or to the north, bows to the Arihantas or the Siddhas, and keeping them as his witness, he announces his lapses, decries self and courts atonements as per his own idea(41).
Unlike the Jaina method of atonement which is indivi dual and private, in the Buddhist order atonement is given in public in the presence of other monks. The specific form of Buddhist atonement is given below:
On the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month and on the new-moon day, all the monks living at a place must assemble in the uposatha hall. As the Buddha named the whole order as his successor, the Buddhist order has no one who may be called an ācārya. So a senior monk presides over the meeting. Then the pātimokkha is read item by item. At the end of each item, the presiding monk asks,
"In the matter just read, are all the monks pure (i.e., free from lapse)"?
If, on response to that, a monk stands up and desires to discuss his lapse relating to that item, then, the assembly considers his statement and purifies him. Then it is asked for the second time,
"In this matter, are all the monks pure"?
And the same is repeated for the third time. In this manner, by repeating the same question thrice, it is publically ascertained that all are pure. In this manner, all the items are read one after another to give the monks a chance to confess and to ascertain that all the monks are pure). The nuns of the order also read bhikkhuni pātimokkha in the same manner(42).
On the question of Conduct (Ācāra)
Thus the code of conduct of the two orders becomes clear from the prescriptions of the Nisitha and the Vinaya

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Pitaka. From a comparative study of the two, it appears that some of the prescriptions come very near to one another while some remains very far. Both the texts impose strict prohibition on violence, falsehood, theft, sex indulgence and accumulation of property. Atonements, both light and severe, have been prescribed if a monk indulges in anyone of these in one form or the other. But when everything is said, it must be admitted that regarding rules of conduct, the Nisitha prescriptions reach an extreme position, those in the Vinaya Pitaka would appear to be somewhat crude, making concession or compromise with considerations of practical life. This is the fundamental difference between the two texts. The non-violence of a Jaina monk extends to earth, water, flora, air and fire as essential and unavoidable, and in case of a lapse, various monthly and four-monthly atonements have been laid down. The rules of the Nisiha make no concession to consideration of practical life; its exclusive emphasis is on the purity of doctrine, The position is reversed in the Vinaya Pitaka wherein monastic order has been given precedence over doctrine.
According to the doctrine of the Jainas, water is life. So a monk does not use water from river, tank or well, nor rain water. Only when it is boiled and made In confree from life, water becomes usable to a monk. trast, the Vinaya Pitaka prescribes that water filtered If a monk through a piece of cloth may be used by a monk. does not filter it through cloth, he is required to undergo a păcittiya (43). The Jaina monks are not allowed to take bath(44). They do not take bath in part or of the whole body with even life-free (boiled) water. According to the Vinaya Pitaka, a monk is not permitted bath before a fortnight. If he does, he has to undergo a pacittiya. Exception has been made for summer season, etc. (45). There are elaborate prescriptions as to how a monk is to take bath in rivers, tanks, etc. The point is that there is a gulf of difference between the Jaina and the Buddhists attitudes regarding life in earth, water, flora, etc.
Regarding cloth, the prescription of the Nisitha Sutra is that if a monk accepts cloth made for him or bought for him, he must undergo light atonement for four months (46). In contrast, the prescription of the Vinaya Pitaka on this is as follows:

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If a king, an official of the kingdom, or a householder sends a messenger with money to a monk and the said messenger tells the monk,
"Bhante ! This money has been sent for your robes. Please accept it".
The said monk should tell the messenger,
"Abus! I do not accept money for my robes".
If the said messenger offers the money to a householder and asks him to get the necessary robe for the monk, then, the monk is permitted to remind the householder thrice in the maximum about the same robe saying,
"Upāsaka ! I am in need of the robe".
If still the householder does not give the robe to him, he is permitted to go maximum three times and stand with a view to remind him about the robe. If, on this, the householder gives the robe, well and good. But if the monk goes beyond this prescription in order to recover the robe from the householder, then, he has to undergo nassaggiya pācittiya. The monk should see the donor of money and tell him.
"Oh Long-lived man ! Take care of your money lest it should be wasted(47).
(On accumulation of store), the Niśiha Sūtra lays down: If a monk accumulates food, water, medicine, etc., even for a single night, he has to undergo severe atonement for four months (48).
On this, the prescription of the Vinaya Pitaka is:
On Monks ! Ghee, butter, oil, honey and jaggery which are fit to be taken by the ailing monks may be kept for a maximum period of one week and put to ose. If this period is exceeded, then, the monk has to undergo nissaggiya păcittiya(49).
In the Jaina order, monks are completely debarred from taking food at night(50). According to the Vinaya

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Pitaka', if a monk takes food in the afternoon (after mid-day), he has to undergo pacittiya (51).
In the Jaina tradition, a monk receives food in his own begging bowl, brings it to his lodge and eats in some private place. In contrast, in the Buddhist tradition, a monk, when invited, goes to the residence of a householder to dine. A Chapter entitled Sekhiya in the Vinaya Pitaka lays down elaborately the careful way in which monks and nuns should go to a householder's residence to dine and take their seats. Even the instructions regarding dinning are interesting and are in good taste. In this matter, the resolves of the nuns are as follows:
1. I shall not open my mouth till the morsel is very near it.
2.
While eating, I shall not put the whole palm in my mouth.
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3.
I shall not talk when I have food in my mouth.
4.
I shall not make the food jump in my hand before I eat.
5. I shall not cut a morsel into pieces.
6. I shall not swell my cheeks while I eat.
7. I shall not throw my hands while eating.
8. I shall not spread crumbs on the floor.
9. I shall not lick my own tongue while eating. 10. I shall not make sound with my mouth while eating (53).
Such resolves are also to be made by monks. intake of garlic by the nuns is totally prohibited (54).
On Initiation
The
There is a wide difference between the two traditions regarding the age at which a person may be taken as a

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monk into the order. In the Jaina tradition, one may be initiated when one is slightly above eight years of age(55). If anyone is initiated before this age, he has to undergo atonement. According to the Vinaya Pitaka, if a monk knowingly initiates another into monk hood before he is 20, then, the person so initiated is virtually uninitiated(56).
Both Mahavira and the Buddha lived during the same age and in the same region. Both were sectarian leaders within the sramaņa cult. But so much difference in their prescriptions regarding the age of initiation is really very surprising. The question of initiation of a child into monkhood must have been a very burning topic of controversy in that age, and while on sect was in favour of initiating a child into monkhood, the other sect expressed itself to be against it. What is the reason for this ?
Mahāvira not only prescribed initiation in childhood, he himself initiated Atimuktaka at a very young age. One day, Ganadhara Gautama was wandering in the city of Polāspur on a mission to beg food when suddenly a young boy named Atimuktak a caught his finger and said,
"Bhante ! Please come to my house to receive food".
The boy was not one who could be discouraged. Guatama came to his house and received food. After accepting food, as Gautama turned to go, the boy followed behind him When the two were on the road, Atimuktaka said,
"Bhante ! Where are you going"?
- "I am going to Bhagavān Mahāvira who is the foun
tainhead of peace".
- "I am in need of peace myself. I must go to him.
Atimuktaka came to the garden where Mahāvira was, and was duly initiated. One day, because of his immaturity as a child, Atimuktaka floated his begging bowl in a stream and enjoyed the fun of having floated a boat. The senior monks chastised him at once. But Mahāvira prescribed atonement for him, made him sin-free and said,

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"Atimuktaka looks like a young child, but he will attain both supreme knowledge and liberation in this ver life''(57).
Mahavira has clearly stated that a boy who is slightly above eight may attain both supreme knowledge and liberation at that very age. But before this age, monk hood, knowledge and liberation, - all these are unattainable(58). Prior permission of parents and elders is a must before initiation.
The history of, and intention behind, the rules of initiation in the Buddhist order are contained in the Vinaya Pitaka. In the city of Rajagrha, there were 17 boys who were friends. Upāli was their leader. One day, the parents of Upāli thought what career would be most suitable for him so that he might live happily after their death. The first idea that came to them was:
"If he becomes a scribe, he will be happy for ever".
But before long, they thought,
"In becoming a scribe, he will ache his fingers".
In this manner, they thought of various alternatives, but not one appeared to be wholly safe. In the end, they thought,
"Only the monks who are the followers of Säkyaputra (Gautama Buddha) are happy. They get good food, they live in good houses. Upāli should be a monk in that order and live there so that he may be happy for ever".
Stated in one corner, Upāli heard the entire discussion between his parents. At once, he ran to his friends and said,
"Come you all. Let us be initiated into monkhood by some monk of the order of Säkyaputra and be happy for ever".
All the boys agreed. When the parents saw that all their wards cherished the same desire, they gave them

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permission to be initiated into monkhood So the boys came to some monks and were initiated as monks. During the day, they were happy, but at night, before day-break, they were very much distressed by hunger and cried bitterly,
"Give us rice. Give us food to eat".
The elderly monks tried to pacify them saying,
"Abuses! Have patience. After day-break, eat yabāgū, rice or bread whichever be available. If nothing is available, then, go out to beg and eat whatever you get". .
The words of the senior monks were no sauce for the boys who were very hungry. They were restless and rolled on the bed.
(This happened everyday). One day, the Buddha came to know of it. He collected the monks around himself and said,
"Monks ! Men who are below 20 are unable to bear heat and cold, hunger and thirst, snake bite and scorpion bite, etc. They are unable to bear harsh words of their enemies, nor are they able to bear painful, severe, rough, harsh, adverse, unbearable and fatal diseases. Monks ! Because of considerations such as these, I lay down that one should not be given upasampadā before 20"(59).
From that day, the minimum age for initiation into the Euddhist order became 20. But then occasions cropped up when it became necessary to accept a young boy below 20 into the order, so that the Buddha himself had to make concession. This was the creation of a new order of junior monks called sramaner. Once after an episode, the Buddha laid down the following rule:
"A boy below 15 should not be made a sramaner. He who initiates one into the sramaner order before this age commits a crime named dukkata"(60).

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There was a similar occasion, and concession was made for the second time. In consequence, a boy below 15 could henceforth be initiated as a sramaner.
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Meanwhile, a complete family was wiped out during a pestilence, and only two very young boys survived. This family was very much devoted to Ananda. So Ananda took pity on the two orphans. He presented their case to the Buddha requesting him to give shelter to them in the order. Said the Buddha,
"Ananda! Are these boys able to fly cros"?
"Bhante! They are".
The Buddha collected all his monks round himself and said,
-
"Monks I permit a boy who is below 15 to be taken as a sramaner provided he is able to fly cros". (61).
The story of Rahula being made a sramaner is very interesting (62). On this occasion, the Buddha gave the following rule,
"Monks ! Without the permission of his parents, the son should not be initiated as a sramaner. If anyone does it, he commits a crime named dukkața" (63).
The above accounts reveal the Jaina and the Buddhist views regarding initiation of young boys into monkhood. According to Mahavira, the minimum age for initiation is slightly more than 8 years. According to the Buddha, a boy (below 15) who was capable to fly crows could be given the status of a sramaner. Sramaner in the Buddhist order is a step to full monkhood. On the whole, therefore, it may be said that young age has not been considered to be a disqualification for the purpose of spiritual practices in either order.
Position of Women in the two Orders
Mahavira's order was fourfold from the very start (which means that it included women with the same status

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as was given to men). According to the Vinaya Pitaka, there was no provision for taking women as nuns in the Buddhist order. When and how women were accepted in the Buddhist order is, however, described in the said Pitaka as follows:
Once the Buddha was lodged at the Nyagrodha guest house in Kapilvastu. His aunt Prajapati came to him and said,
'Bhante! Please accept women in the order".
Said the Buddha,
'But I do not like the idea".
Gautami repeated her request for a second and for a third time, without any favourable outcome.
After some time, when the Buddha was at V: Gautami dressed herself like a nun, and, followed by many Sākya women, came to the guest house where the Buddha was. Ananda saw her. A profound earnestness for joining the monastic order was revealed in all her limbs. Ananda took pity on her. He came to the Buddha and said,
"Bhante ! Please give a place to women in the order".
He repeated his request for three times, but the Buddha did not give his consent. At last, he said,
"Bhante ! Here is Mahāprajāpati Gautami who did breast-feeding to the Lord at the premature demise of his mother. She must be accepted".
At this, the Buddha yielded. He accepted Ananda's request. Certain rules were made for the nuns in the monastic order and Gautami was accepted in it(64).
Notes on Chapter Eighteen
(1)
Niśitha Cūrni, gātha 6265; Vyavahāra. Sutra, u.10.20 and 21; Vyayahāra Bhāsya, U.7. 202-03.

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(2)
Vyavahara Sutra, U. 6.2-3.
Ibid, U. 3.3.
(4) (5)
Ibid, 1.3.1. Ayārānga Cūrņi, p.336. Nišitha Sūtram, Part IV, p. 395.
Ibid, Part IV, p. 25.
(8)
"The name is explained strangely enough by Nisitha though the character of the contents would lead us to expect Niş edha".
- Indian Antiquary, Vol. 21, p.97.
(9) (10)
Abhidhāna Cintāmani Kośa(Näma-mālā, 2-59). Nisiha, 3.69-70.
(11)
Ibid, 11-179.
(12)
Introduction to the Vinaya Pitaka, XXX, Zeits-.. chrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 1898, pp. 613-94.
(13)
Journal of the Pāli Text Society, 1908, pp. 1-80.
(14)
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 1880, p. 184.
(15)
Finst & Obermiller, Indian Historical Quarterly, 1923; S. K. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p. 337.
(16)
G.C.Pande, Studies in the Origin of Buddhism, p. 10.
(17) E.J. Thomas, History of Buddhist Thought, p.10. (18) G.C. Pande, Op. cit., p. 16. (19) Samavāyānga, p.60. (20) The Uvavai Sūtra writes:

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savi ya nam addh-magaha bhasa tesim sabbesim ariyamanariyanam appane sabhasae parinamenam parinamai. According to the Nisitha Curņi,
magadaddhavis ayabhas anivaddham addha-mágaham atthāras adesi bhāsānimayam va addhamagaham.
(21) G. C. Pande, Op. cit., p. 573.
(22) Nisiha Sutra, U. 14, 12-14.
(23) Vinaya Pitaka, Parājika Pali, 4-18, 125, 130.
(24) Vinaya Pitaka, Pārājika Päli, Amukha, by Bhiksu Jagdisa Kasyap, p. 6.
(25) Jñata-dharma-kathänga Sutra, Adhyayana, 10.
(26) Vinaya Pitaka, Byikkhupātimokkha, Parajika, 1-1-21.
(27) Vinaya Pitaka, Bhikkupátimokkha, Sangha disesa,
2-1-3.
(28) Vinaya Pitaka, Párājika Pali, 2-2-37.
(29) Ibid, 2-3-51.
(30) Ibid, 2-4-58.
(31) Vinaya Pitaka, Pacittiya, 21.
(32) Ibid, 22.
(33) Ibid, 23.
(34) Ibid, 30.
(35) Vinaya Pitaka, Bhikkhuņi Pātimokkha, Parājika 1.
(36) Ibid, 6.
(37) Ibid, 8.

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(38) Vinaya Pitaka, Bhikkhuni Pātimokkha, Sanghādisesa,
12.
(39) Vinaya Pitaka, Bhikkhuņi Pātimokkha, Pacittiya,
11, 2, 3 and 4 respectively. (40) Thananga Sutra, 10. (41) Vyavahāra Sutra, U.1, 34-39. (42) Vinaya Pitaka, Nidāna. (43) Vinaya Pitaka, Bhikkhu Pātimokkha, Pacittiya, 62. (44) Dasaveyāliyan, 6.61-64.
(45) Vinaya Pitaka, Bhikkhu Pātimokkha, Pacittiya, 57. (46) Nisiha, U. 18, 35. (47) Bhikkhu Pātimokkha, Pacittiya, 10. (48) Nisiha, U. 11, 179-83.
(49)
Vinaya Pitaka, Bhikkhu Patimokkha, Nissaggiya Pẫcittiya, 23.
(50) Dasaveyāliyan Adhyayana, 4.
(51) Vinaya Pitaka, Bhikkhu Pātimokkha, Pacittiya,37. (52) Ibid, 39.
(53) Vina ya Pitaka, Bhikkhuni Pâtimokkha, Sekhiya,
41-50.
(54) Vinaya Pitaka; Bhikkhuņi Pātimokkha, Pacittiya, 1. (55) Vyavahāra Sutra, U. 10, 24. (56) Vinaya Pitaka, Bhikkhu Pātimokkha, Pacittiya, 65. (57) Bhagavati Sūtra, 5.5, U. 4.

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-(58)
Ibid, S. 8, U.10.
(59) Vinaya Pitaka, Mahāvagga, Mahākhandhaka, 1-3-6.
(60)
Ibid, 1-3-7.
(61) Ibid, 1-3-8.
(62) See earlier Chapter on the Church and its expansion.
(63) Vinaya Pitaka, Mahāvagga, Mahākhandhaka, 1-3-11. (64) Vinaya Pitaka, Cullavagga, Bhikkhuni Khandhaka,
10-1.-4.

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APPENDIX I

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Nigantha and Nigantha Nátputta in Tripitakas : Original Pāli
Siniha Senāpati तेन खो पन समयेन अभिमाता अभिञाता लिच्छषो सन्थागारे सन्निसिन्ना सन्निपतिता अनेकपरियायेन बुद्धस्स वणं भासन्ति, धम्मस्स वणं भासन्ति, सङ्घस्त वण्णं भासन्ति । तेन खो पन समयेन सीहो सेनापति निगण्ठमावको तस्सं परिसायं निसिन्नो होति । अय खो सोहस्स सेनापतिस्स एतदहोसि-"निस्संसयं खो सो भगवा अरहं सम्मासम्बुद्धो भविस्सति तथा हिमे अभिजाता अभिञाठा लिच्छवी सन्थागारे सन्निसिन्ना सन्निपतिता अनेकपरियायेन बुद्धस्स वण्णं भासन्ति, धम्मस्स वणं भासन्ति, सङ्घम्स वणं भासन्ति । यन्नूनाहं तं भगवन्तं दस्सनाय उपसङ्कमेय्यं अरहन्त सम्म सम्बुद्ध" ति । अथ खो सीहो सेनापति येन निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कमि; उपसमित्वा निगण्ठं नाटपुत्तं एतदवोच"इच्छामह, भन्ते, समणं गोतमं दस्सनाय उपसमितुं" ति । "किं पन त्वं, सीह, किरियवादो समानो अकिरियवादं समणं गोतम दस्सनाय उपसमिस्ससि ? ' समणो हि, मीह, गोतमो अकिरियवादो, अकिरियाय धम्म देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती" ति । अथ खो सोहस्म सेनापतिस्प यो अहोसि गमियाभिसङ्गारो भगवन्तं दस्सनाय, सो पटिप्पस्सम्भि । दुतियं पि खो सम्बहुल अभिजाता अभिमाता लिच्छवी सन्थागारे सन्निसिन्ना सन्निपतिता अनेकपरियायेन बुद्धस्स वणं भासन्ति, धम्मस्स वण्णं भामन्ति, सचस्स वणं भासभि। दुतियं पि खो सीहस्म सेना-पतिस्स एतदहोसि-"निस्संसयं खो सो भगवा अरहं सम्मासम्बुद्धो भविस्मति, तथा हिमे अभिज्ञाता अभिज्ञाता लिच्छवी सन्थागारे सन्निसिन्ना मन्निपतिता अनेकपरियायेन बुद्धस्स वण्णं भासन्ति, धम्मस्स वण्णं भासन्ति, संङ्घस्स वण्णं भासन्ति । यन्नूनाहं तं भगवन्तं दस्सनाय उपसङ्कमेय्यं अरहन्तं सम्मासम्बुद्ध” ति । अथ खो सीहो सेनापति येन निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कमि; उपसङ्कमित्वा निगण्ठं नाटपुत्तं एतदवोच-"इच्छामहं, भन्ते, समणं गोतमं दस्सनाय उपसङ्कमितुं" ति । "....."समणो हि, सोह, गोतमो अकिरियावादो अकिरियाय धम्मं देसे ति, तेन च सावके विनेति" ति । दुतियं पि खो सोहस्स सेनापतिस्स यो अहोसि गमियाभि-पङ्गारो भगवन्तं दस्सनाय, मो पटिप्पस्सम्भि । ततियं पि खो''अभिमाता अभिप्राता लिच्छवी सन्थागारे सन्निसिन्ना सन्निपतिता अनेकपरियायेन

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बुद्धस्स वण्णं भासन्ति धस्सम्म वण्णं भासन्ति, सङ्घस्स वण्णं भासन्ति । तत्रियं पि खो सीहस्स सेनापतिस्स एतदहोसि "निस्संसयं खो सो भगवा अरहं सम्मासम्बुद्धो भविस्सति, तथा हिमे अभिञाता अभिज्ञाता लिच्छवी सन्थागारे सन्निसिन्ना सन्निपतिता अनेकपरियायेन बुद्धस्स वण्णं भासन्ति धम्मस्स वण्णं भासन्ति सङ्घस्स वण्णं भासन्ति । कि हिमे करिस्सन्ति निगण्ठा अपलोकिता वा अनपलोकिता वा ? यन्नूनाहं अनपलोकेत्वा व निगण्ठे तं भगवन्तं दस्सनाय उपसङ्कमेय्यं अरहन्तं सम्मासम्बुद्ध" ति ।
अथ खो सीहो सेनापति पञ्चमत्ते हि रथसतेहि दिवादिवस्स वेसालिया निय्यासि भगवन्तं दस्सनाय । यावतिका यानस्स भूमि, यानेन गन्त्वा याना पश्चोरोहित्वा पत्तिको वयेन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो सीहो सेनापति भगवन्तं एतदवोच - " सुतं मेतं, भन्ते, 'अकिरियावादी समणो गोतमो अकिरिया धम्मं देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती' ति । ये ते, भन्ते, एवमाहंसु 'अकिरियवादी समणो गोतमो, अकिरियाय धम्मं देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती' ति, कच्चि, ते, भन्ते, भगवतो वृत्तवादिनो, न च भगवन्तं अभूतेन अब्भाचिक्खन्ति धम्मस्स च अनुधम्मं व्याकरोन्ति, न च कोचि सहधम्मिको वादानुवादो गारयहं ठानं आगच्छति ? अनभक्खाकामा हि मयं, भन्ते भगवन्तं " ति ।
,
" अस्थि, सीह, परियायो, येन मं परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य – 'अकिरियवादो समणो गोतमो, अकिरियाय धम्मं देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती' ति । " अत्थि, सीह, परियायो, न मं परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य - 'किरियवा दो समणो गोतमो किरियाय धम्मं देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती' ति । "अत्थि, सीह, परियायो येन मं परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य – 'उच्छेदवादो समणो गोतमो, उच्छेदाय धम्मं देसेति, तेन च साधके विनेती' ति । "अत्थि, सीह, परियायो, येन मं परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य – 'जेगुच्छो समणो गोतमो, गुच्छिताय धम्मं देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती' ति । "अस्थि, सीह, परियायो, येन मं परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य — 'वेनयिको समणो गोतमो, विनयाय धम्मं देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती' ति । "अत्थि, सीह, परियायो, येन मं परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेथ्य – 'तपस्सी समणो गोतमो, तपस्सिताय धम्मं देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती' ति । "अत्थि, सीह, परियायो, येन च परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य - ' अपगब्भो समणो गोतमो, अपगब्यताय धम्मं देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती' ति । "अत्थि, सीह, परियायो, येन मं परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य - 'अस्सत्यो समणो गोतमो, अस्सासाय धम्मं देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती' ति ।
" कतमो च, सीह, परियायो, येन मं परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य — अकिरियवादो समणो गोतमो, अकिरियाय धम्मं देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती' ति? अहं हि, सोह, अकिरिय

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वदामि । कायदुच्चरितस्स वचीदुच्चरितस्स मनोदुच्चरितस्स; अनेकविहितानं 'सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य–'अकिरियवादो समणो गोतमो, अकिरियाय धम्मं देसेति, तेन च सावके विनेती' ति ।
"कतमो च, सीह, परियायो, येन मं परियायेन सम्ना वदमानो वदेय्य-'किरियवादो समणो गोतमो,...... ।
"कतमो च, सीह, परियायो, येन में परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य–'उच्छेदवादी, समणो गोतमो,......।
"कतमो च, सीह, परियायो, येन में परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य-'जेगुच्छी समणो गोतमो,......।
"कतमो च, सीह, परियायो, येन मं परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य-विनयिको समणो गोतमो,.....।
"कतमो च, सीह, परियायो, येन मं परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य-तपस्सी समणो गोतमो,......। ___ "कतमो च, सीह, परियायो, येन मं परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य-अपगन्भो समणो गोतमो,......।
"कतमो च, सीह, परियायो, येन में परियायेन सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य-'अस्सात्सको समणो गोतमो,......"
एवं वुत्तो सीहो सेनापति भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते,. पे०."उपासक मं, भगवा धारेतु अज्जतग्गे पाणुपेतं सरणं गतं" ति । “अनुविच्चकारं खो, सीह, करोहि ; अनुविच्चकारो तुम्हादिसानं भातमतुस्सानं साधु होती" ति । "इमिनापाहं, भन्ते, भगवतो भिय्योसोमत्ताय अत्तमन्नो अभिरद्धो, यं में भगवा एवमाह-'अनुविच्चकारं खो, सीह, करोहि । अनुविच्चकारो तुम्हादिसानं ज्ञातमनुस्सानं साधु होती' ति । मं हि भन्ते, अञतित्थिया सावकं लभित्वा केवलकप्पं वेसालि पटाकं परिहरेय्यं-'सीहो खो अम्हाकं सेनापति सावकत्तं उपगतो' ति । अथ च पन मं भगवा एवमाह-'अनुविच्चकारं खो, सीह, करोहि । अनुविच्चकारो तुम्हादिसानं ञातमनुस्सानं साधु होती' ति । एमाह, भन्ते, दुतियं पि भगवन्तं सरणं गच्छामि धम्मं च भिक्खुसङ्घ च । उपासकं मं भगवा धारेतु अज्जतग्गे पाणुपेतं सरणं गतं" ति । “दीघरत्तं खो ते, सीह, निगण्ठानं ओपानभूतं कुलं, येन नेसं उपगतानं पिण्डकं दातब्बं मय्यासी" ति। "इमिनापाहं, भन्ते, भगवतो वचनेन भिय्योसोमत्ताय अत्तमनो अभिरद्धो, यं मं भगवा एवमाह-"दीघरत्तं खो ते, सीह, निगण्ठानं ओपानभूतं कुलं, येन नेसं उपगतानं पिण्डकं दातब्बं मओय्यासी' ति । सुतं मेतं, भन्ते, 'समणो गोतमो एवमाह-मरहमेव दानं दातब्ब, मय्हमेव सावकानं दानं दातब्बं, मय्हमेव दिन्नं महप्फलं, न अओसं दिन्नं महप्फलं ; महमेव सावकानं दिन्नं महप्फलं, न अ सावकानं

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दिन्नं महफलं' ति । अथ च पन में भगवा निगण्ठेसु पि दाने समादपेति। अपि च, भन्ते, मयमेथ कालं जानिस्साम । एसाह, भन्ते, ततियं पि भगवन्तं सरणं गच्छामि धम्मं च भिक्खुसङ्घ च । उपासकं मं, भन्ते, भगवा धारेतु अज्जतग्गे पाणुपेतं सरणं गतं" ति ।
अथ खो भगवा सीहस्स सेनापतिस्स अनुपुब्बि कथं कथेसि सेय्यथीद-दानकथं... ....अपरप्पच्चयो सत्थुसासने भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"अधिवासेतु मे, भन्ते, भगवा स्वातनाय भत्तं सद्धि भिक्खु सङ्घ ना" ति । अधिवासेसि भगवा तुण्होभावेन । अथ खो सीहो सेनापति भगवतो अधिवासनं विदित्वा उठायासना भगवन्तं अभिवादेवा पद क्खिणं करवा पक्कामि ।
अथ खो सीहो सेनापति अञतरं पुरिसं आणापेसि-"गच्छ, भणे, पवत्तमंसं जानाही" ति । अथ खो सीहो सेनापति तस्सा रत्तिया अच्चयेन वणीत्तं खादनीयं भोजनीयं पटियादापेत्वा भगवतो कालं आरोचापेसि-“कालो, भन्ते, निहितं भत्तं" ति । अथ खो भगवा पुब्बण्हसमय निवासेत्वा पत्तचीवरमादाय येन सोहस्स सेनापतिस्स निवेसनं तेनुपसङ्कमि, उपसङ्कमित्वा पञ्चत्ते आसने निसीदि सद्धि भिक्खसङ्घन ।
तेन खो पन समयेन सम्बहुला निगण्ठा वेसालियं रथिकाय रथिकं सिङ्घाटकेन सिङ्घाटकं बाहा पग्गय्ह कन्दन्ति-"अज्ज सीहेन सेनापतिना थुलं पसु वधित्वा समणस्स गोतमस्स भत्तं कतं । तं समणो गोतमो जानं उद्दिस्सकतं मंसं परिभुञ्जति पटिच्चकम्म" ति । अथ खो अञ्जतरो पुरिसो येन सीहो सेनापति तेनुपसङ्कमि, उपसङ्कमित्वा सीहस्स सेनापतिस्स उपकण्णके आरोचेसि-यग्घे भन्ते, जानेय्यासि ! एत्तो सम्बहुला निगण्ठा वेसालियं रथिकाय रथिक सिङ्घाटकेन सिङ्घाटकं बाहा पग्गयड कन्दन्ति–'अज्ज साहेन सेनापतिना थूलं पसं वधित्वा समणस्स गोतमस्त भत्तं कतं । तं समणो गोतमो जानं उद्दिस्सकतं मंसं परिभुञ्जति पटिचकम्म" ति । अलं अय्यो, दीघरत्तं पि ते आयस्मन्तो अवण्णकामा बुद्धस्स, अवण्णकामा धम्मस्स, अवण्णकामा संघस्स । न च पन ते आयस्मन्तने जिरिद-ति तं भगवन्तं असता तुच्छा मुसा अभूतेन अन्भाचिक्खिन्त; न च भयं जीवितहेतु पि सञ्चिच्च पाणं जीविता वोरोपेथ्यामा" ति । अथ खो सीहो सेनापति नुद्धप्पमुखं भिक्खुसङ्घ पणीतेन खांदनीयेन भोजनीयेन सहत्था "सन्तप्पेत्वा सम्पवारेत्वा-भगवन्तं भुत्तावि ओनीतपत्तपाणिं एकमन्तं निसीदि। एकमन्तं निसिन्नं खो सोहं सेनापति भगवा धम्मिया कथाय सन्दस्सेत्वा समादपेत्वा समुत्तेजेत्वा सम्पहंसेत्वा उडायासना पक्कामि ति । अथ खो भगवा एतस्मि निदाने एवस्मि पकरणे धम्मि कथं कत्वा भिक्खू आमन्तेसि-"न, भिक्खवे, जानं उदिस्सकतं मंसं परि

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भुजितब्बं । यो परिभुजेय्य आपत्ति दुक्कटस्स । अनुजानामि, भिक्खने, तिकोटिपरिसुद्धं मच्छमंसं-अदि असुत्तं अपरिसंकितं" ति ।'
एक समयं भगवा वेसालियं विहरति महावने कूटागारसालायं । तेन खो पन समयेन सम्बहुला अभिञ्ञाता अभिञाता लिच्छवी०..... ।
एकमन्त निसिन्नं खो सीहं सेनापति भगवा धम्मिया कथाय सन्दरसेवा समादपेत्वा सम्पहंसेत्वा समुत्तेजेत्वा उठायासना पक्कामी ति । २
:२:
Grhapati Upāli एवं मे सुतं । एकं समयं भगवा नालन्दायं विहरति पावारिकम्बवने । तेन खो पन समयेन निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो नालन्दायं पटिवसति महतिया निगण्ठपरिसाय सद्धि । अथ खो दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो नालन्दाय पिण्डाय चरित्वा पच्छाभत्तं पिण्डपातपटिकान्तो येन पावा रिकम्बवनं येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवता सद्धिं सम्मोदि । सम्मोदनीयं कथं सारणीयं वीतिसारेत्वा एकमन्तं अहासि । एकमन्तं ठितं खो दीघतपस्ति निगण्ठं भगवा एतदवोच-“संविज्जन्ति खो, तपस्सी, आसनानि ; सचे आकसि निसीदा" ति । एवं वुत्ते दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो अञ्जतरं नीचं आसनं गहेवा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नं खो दीघतपस्सि निगण्ठं भगवा एतदवोच-“कति पन, तपस्सि, निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो कम्मानि पभ्ञापेति पापस्स कम्मस्स किरियाय यापस्स कम्मस्स पवत्तिया" ति ?
" न खो, आवुसो गोतम, आचिण्णं निगण्ठस्स नातपुत्तस्स 'कम्म, कम्म' ति पापेतुं ; 'दण्डं, दण्ड' ति खो, आवुसो गोतम, आचिण्णं निगण्ठस्स नातपुत्तस्स पञापेतुं" ति ।
"कति पन, तपस्सि, निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो दण्डानि पञापेति पापस्स कम्मस्स किरियाय पापस्स कम्मस्स पवत्तिया' ति ?
___ "तीणि रखो, आवुसो गोतम, निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो दण्डानि पञआपेति पापस्स कम्मस्स किरियाय पापस्स कम्मस्स पवत्तिया ति, सेय्यथीदं-कायदण्डं, वचीदण्डं, मनोदण्ड" ति ।
"किं पन, तपस्सि, अञ्जदेव कायदण्ड, अझं वचीदण्डं, अनं मनोदण्ड" ति ? "अञ्चदेव, आवुसो गोतम, कायदण्डं, अनं वचीदण्डं, अनं मनोदण्डं" ति ।
"इमेसं पन, तपस्सि, तिण्णं दण्डानं एवं पटिविभत्तानं एवं पटिविसिट्टानं कतम दण्डं निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो महासावज्जतरं पञआपेति पापस्त... पवत्तिया, यदि वा कायदण्डं, यदि वा वचीदण्डं, यदि वा मनोदण्डं" ति?
१. विनयपिटक, महावग्ग पालि, ६-१६; ३१-३५, पृ० २४८ से २५२। २. सुत्तपिटके, अंगुत्तरनिकाय पालि, अट्टकनिपात, महावग्गो, सीहसुत्तं, ८-२-२, पृ० २९३ से
३००।

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"इमेसं खो, आवुसो गोतम, तिण्णं दण्डानं एवं पटिविभत्तानं एवं पटिविसिवानं कायदण्डं निगण्ठो०""पवत्तिया, नो तथा वचीदण्डं, नो तथा मनोदण्डं" ति ।
"कायदण्डं ति, तपस्सि, वदेसि" ? "कायदण्डं ति, आवुसो गौतम, वदामि" । "कायदण्डं ति, तपस्सि, वदेसि"? कायदण्डं ति, आवुसो गोतम, वदामि"। कायदण्डं ति, तपस्सि, वदेसि" ? "कायदण्डं ति, आवुसो गोतम, वदामी" ति ।
इतिह भगवा दीघतपस्सि निगण्ठं इमस्मि कथावत्थुस्मि यावततियकं पतिद्वापेसि । एवं वुत्ते, दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"त्वं पनावुसो गोतम, कति दण्डानि पञआपेसि पापस्स०."पवत्तिया" ति?
_ "न खो, तपस्ति, आचिण्णं तथागतस्स 'दण्ड, दण्डं' ति पापेतुं ; 'कम्म, कम्मति खो, तपस्सि, आचिणं तथागतस्स पञ्ञापेतुं" ति ?
"त्वं पनावुसो गोतम, कति कम्मानि पञपेसि पापस्स० "पवत्तिया" ति?
"तीणि खो अहं, तपस्सि, कम्मानि पञ्अपेमि पापस्स..."पवत्तिया, सेय्यपीदकायकम्मं वचीकम्म, मनोकम्म" ति ।
"किं पनावुसो गोतम, अञ्चदेव कायकम्मं, अनं वचीकम्मं, अनं मनोकम्म" ति ? "अञदेव, तपस्सि, कायकम्म, अञ वचीकम्म, अञ मनोकम्म" ति ।
"इमेसं पनावुसो गोतम, तिण्णं कम्मानं एवं पटिविभत्तानं एवं पटिविसिट्टानं कतम कम्म महासावज्जतरं पञ्अपेसि पावस्स... पवत्तिया, यदि वा कायकम्मं, यदि वा वचीकम्म, यदि वा मनोकम्मं ति?
"इमेसं खो अहं, तपस्सि तिण्णं कम्मानं एवं पटिविभत्तानं एवं पटिविसिहानं मनोकम्मं महासावज्जतरं पञ्ञपेमि पापस्स० "पवत्तिया, नो तथा कायकम्म, नो तथा वची कम्म" ति।
"मनोकम्मं ति, आवुसो गोतम, वदेसि" ? "मनोकम्मं ति, तपस्सि वदामि"। "मनोकम्मं ति, आवुसो गोतम, वदेसि" ! "मनोकम्मं ति, तपस्सि, वदामि"। "मनोकम्म ति, आवुसो गोतम, वदेसि"! "मनोरलपस्सि, बदामो" ति ।

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इतिह दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो भगवन्तं इमस्मि कथावत्थस्मि यावततियकं पतिट्ठापेत्वा उट्ठायासना येन निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कमि ।
तेन खो पन समयेन निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो महतिया गिहिपरिसाय सद्धि निसिन्नो होति बालकनिया परिसाय उपालिपमुखाय । अद्दसा खो निगण्ठो नातपुतो दीघतपस्सि निगण्ठं दूरतो व आगच्छन्तं ; दिस्वान दीघतपस्सि निगण्ठं एतदवोच - "हन्द, कुतो नु त्वं, तपस्सि, आगच्छसि दिवा दिवस्सा" ति ?
"इतो हि खो अहं, भन्ते, आगच्छामि समणस्स गोतमस्स सन्तिका " ति । "अहु पन ते, तपस्सि, समणेन गोतमेन सद्धि कोचिदेव कथा सल्लापो" ति ? "अड्डु खो मे, भन्ते, समणेन गोतमेन सद्धि कोचिदेव कथासल्लापो" ति । "यथा कथं पन ते, तपस्सि, अहु समणेन गोतमेन सद्धि कोचिदेव कथासल्लापो" ति ?
अथ खो दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो यावतका अहोसि भगवता सद्धि कथासल्लापो तं सम्बं निगण्ठस्स नातपुत्तस्स आरोचेसि । एवं वृत्ते, निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो दीर्घतपस्सि निगण्ठं एतदवोच—“साधु साधु, तपस्सि ! यथा तं सुतवता सावकेन सम्मदेव सत्थुसासनं आजा एवमेवं दीघतपस्सिना निगण्ठेन समणस्स गोतमस्स व्याकतं । किं हि सोभति छवो मनोदण्डो इस्स एवं ओलारिकस्स कायदण्डस्स उपनिधाय ! अथ खो कायदण्डो व महासावज्जतरो पापस्स कम्मस्स किरियाय पापस्स कम्मस्स पवत्तिया, नो तथा वचीदण्डने, नो तथा मनोदण्डो" ति ।
एवं वृत्ते, उपाल गहपति निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं एतदवोच - साधु, साधु, भन्ते दीघतपस्सि ! यथा...' तथा मनोदण्डो । हन्द चाहं, भन्ते, गच्छामि समणस्स गोतमस्स इमं पि कथावत्थस्मिं वादं आरोपेस्सामि । सचे मे समणो गोतमो तथा पतिद्वहिस्सति यथा भदन्तेन तपसिना पतिट्ठापितं ; सेय्यथापि नाम बलवा पुरिसो दोघलोमिकं एलकं लोमेसु गहेत्वा आकड्ढेय्य परिकड्ढेय सम्परिकड्ढेय्य, एवमेवाहं समणं गोतमं वादेन वादं आकदिस्सामि परिकदस्सामि सम्परिकडिदस्सामि । सेय्यथापि नाम बलवा सोण्डिकाकम्मकारो महन्तं सोण्डिकालि गम्भीरे उदकरदहे पक्खिपित्वा कण्णे गत्वा आकड्ढेय्य परिकड्ढेय्य सम्परिक ढेय्य, एवमेवाहं समणं गोतमं वादेन वादं आकड्ढस्सामि परिकड्डिस्सामि सम्परिक सामि । सेय्यथापि नाम बलवा सोण्डिकाधुत्तो वालं कण्णे गत्वा ओधुनेय्य निदुनेय्य निप्फोटेय्य, एवमेवाहं समणं गोतमं वादेन वादं ओधुनिस्सामि निद्धुनिस्सामि निप्फोटेस्सामि । सेय्यथापि नाम कुञ्जरो सहिहायनो ग : पोक्खरणि ओगाहेत्वा साणघोष नाम कीलितजातं कीलति, एवमेवाहं समणं गोतमं साणघोविकं मये कीलितजातं कीलिस्सामि । हन्द चाहं, भन्ते, गच्छामि समणस्स गोतमस्स इमस्मि कथावत्थु स्मि वादं आरोपेस्सामी" ति ।

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___ "गच्छ त्वं गहपति, समणस्स गोतमस्स इमस्मि कथावत्थुस्मि वादं आरोपेहि । अहं वा हि, गहपति, समणस्स, गोतमस्स वादं आरोपेय्य, दीघतपस्सी वा निगण्ठो, त्वं वा" ति ।
एवं वुत्ते, दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं एतदवोच-"न खो मेतं, भन्ते, रुच्चत्ति यं उपालि गहपति समणस्स गोतमस्स वादं आरोपेय्य । समणो हि, भन्ते, गोतमो मायावी आवट्टनि मायं जानाति याय अञति त्थियानं सावके आवटेती" ति ।।
__"अठानं खो एतं, तपस्सि, अनवकासो यं उपालि गहपति समणस्स गोतमस्स सावकत्तं उपगच्छेय्प । ठानं च खो एत विज्जति यं समणो गोतमो उपालिस्स गहपतिस्स सावकत्तं उपगच्छेय्य । गच्छ, त्वं, गहपति, समणस्स गोतमस्स इमस्मि कथावत्थुस्मि वादं आरोपेहि । अहं वा हि, गहपति, समणस्स गोतमस्स वादं आरोपेय्यं, दीघतपस्सी वा निगण्ठो, त्वं वा" ति ।
दुतियं पि खो दीघतपस्सी पे०. "ततियं पि खो दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं एतदवोच-"न खो मेत, भन्ते, रुच्चति यं उपालि गहपति समणस्स गोतमस्त वादं आरोपेय्य । समणो हि, भन्ते, गोतमो मायावी आवट्ठनि मायं जानाति अञति त्थियानं सावके आवटेती" ति ।
"अट्ठानं खो एतं, तपस्सि, ''त्वं, वा" ति ।
"एवं, भन्ते" ति खो उपालि गहपति निगण्ठस्स नातपुत्तस्स पटिस्सुत्वा उट्ठायासना निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं अभिवादेत्वा पदक्खिणं कत्वा येन पावारिकम्बवनं येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसंकमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेवा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो उपालि गहपति भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"आगमा नु रिव्वध, भन्ते, दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो” ति ?
"आगमा रिव्वध, गहपति, दीघतपस्सी निगण्डं" ति । "अहु खो पन ते, भन्ते दीघतपस्सिना निगण्टेन सद्धिं कोचिदेव कथासल्लापो" ति । "अहु खो मे, गहपति, दीघतपस्तिना० 'कथासल्लापो" ति । "यथा कथं पन ते, भन्ते, अहु, दीघतपस्सिना० "कथासल्लापो" ति ?
अथ खो भगवा यावतको अहोसि दोघतपस्सिना निगण्ठेन. सद्धि कथासल्लापो तं सब्बं उपालिस्स गहपतिस्स आरोचेसि । ____ एवं वुत्ते, उपालि गहपति भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"साधु साधु, भन्ते तपस्सी ! यथा० "मनोदण्डो" ति । ___"सचे खो त्वं, गहपति, सच्चे पतिट्ठाय मन्तेय्यासि सिया नो एत्य कथासल्लापो" ति।
"सच्चे अहं, भन्ते, पतिट्ठाय मन्तेस्सामि ; होतु नो एत्थ कथासल्लापो" ति ।

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"तं किं मञ्ञसि, गहपति, इधस्स निगण्ठो आबाधिको दुक्खितो बाल्ह गिलानो सीतोदकपटिक्खित्तो उन्होदकपटिसेवी । सो सीतोदकं अलभमानो कालङ्करेय्य । इमस्स पन, गहपति, निगण्ठो नातपुतो कत्थुपपत्तिं पञ्ञापेती" ति ?
"अत्थि, भन्ते, मनोसत्ता नाम देवा तत्थ सो उपपज्जति । "तं किस्स हेतु " ? असु हि, भन्ते, मनोपटिबद्धो कालङ्करोती " ति ।
" मनसि करोहि, गहपति, मनसि करित्वा खो, गहपति, व्याकरोहि । न खो ते सन्धियति पुरिमेन वा पच्छिमं, पच्छिमेन वा पुरिमं । भासिता खो पन ते, गहपति, ऐसा वाचा - "सच्चे अहं, भन्ते, पतिट्ठाय मन्तेस्सामि, होतु नो एत्थ कथासल्लापो" ति ।
"किञ्चापि, भन्ते, भगवा एवमाह, अथ खो कायदण्डो व महासावज्जतरो पापस्स कम्म किरियाय पापस्स कम्मस्स पवत्तिया, नो तथा वचीदण्डो, नो तथा मनोदण्डो" ति । "तं किं मञसि, गहपति, इधस्स निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो चातुयामसंवरसंवुतो सब्बवारिवारितो सब्बवारितो सब्बवारिधुतो सब्बवारिफुटो । सो अभिक्कमन्तो पटिकमन्तो बहु खुद्द के पाणे सङ्घातं आपादेति । इमस्स पन, गहपति, निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो कं विपाकं पञ्ञापेती" ति ? "असञ्चेतनिकं, भन्ते, निगण्ठो नातपुतो नो महासावज्जं पञ्ञापेती” ति ।
"सचे पन, गहपति, चेतेती" ति ?
" महासावज्जं, भन्ते, होती " ति ।
" चेतनं पन, गहपति निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो किस्मि पञ्ञापेती" ति ?
"मनोदण्डस्मि, भन्ते" ति ।
" मनसि करोहि, गहपति, ०
" किञ्चापि, भन्ते, '
"मनोदण्डो" ति ।
"तं किं मज्ञसि, गहपति, अयं नालन्दा इद्धा चेव फीता च बहुजना आकिरणमनुस्सा" ति ?
'कथासल्लापो" ति ।
"एवं भन्ते, अयं नालन्दा इद्धा चेव फीता च बहुजना आकिण्णमनुस्सा" ति ।
"तं किं मञ्ञसि, गहपति, इध पुरिसो आगच्छेय्य उक्खित्तासिको । सो एवं वदेय्य - 'अहं यावतिका इमिस्सा नालन्दाय पाणा ते एकेन खणेन एकेन मुहुत्तेन एकं मंसखलं एकं मंसपुञ्ज करिस्सामी' ति । तं किं मञ्ञसि, गहपति, पहोति नु खो सो पुरिसो यावतिका इमिस्सा नालन्दाय पाणा ते एकेन खणेन एकेन मुहुत्तेन एकं मंसखलं एकं मंसपुञ्ज कातुं" ति ?
"दस पि, भन्ते, पुरिसा, वीसं पि, भन्ते, पुरिसा, तिंसं पि, भन्ते, पुरिसा, चत्तारीसं पि, भन्ते, पुरिसा, पञ्ञास पि, भन्ते, पुरिसा, नप्पहोन्ति यावतिका इमिस्सा नालन्दाय पाणा ते एकेन खणेन एकेन मुहुत्तेन एकं मंसखलं एकं मंसपुजं कातुं । किं हि तोभति एको छवो पुरिसो" ति !
६९

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___ "तं किं मञ्जसि, गहपति, इध आगच्छेय्य समणो वा ब्राह्मणो वा इद्धिमा चेतोवसिप्पत्तो । सो एवं वदेय्य–'अहं इमं नालन्दं एकेन मनोपदोसेन भस्म करिस्सामी' ति । तं किं मञसि, गहपति, पहोति नु खो सो समणो वा ब्राह्मणो वा इद्धिमा चेतोवसिप्पत्तो इमं नालन्दं एकेन मनोपदोसेन भस्मं कातं" ति ?
___ "दस पि, भन्ते, नालन्दा, वीसं पि नालन्दा, तिंस पि नालन्दा, चत्तारीसं पि नालन्दा, पञ्चासं पि नालन्दा पहोति सो समणो वा ब्राह्मणो वा इद्धिमा चेतोवसिप्पत्तो एकेन मनोपदोसेन भस्म कातुं । किं हि सोमति एका छवा नालन्दा” ति !
"मनसि करोहि, गहपति, कथासल्लापो'" ति । "किञ्चापि, भन्ते,..."मनोदण्डो" ति ।
"तं किं मसि, गहपति, सुतं ते दण्डकारनं कालिङ्गारनं मेज्झारजे मातङ्गारनं अरनं अरञभूतं" ति ?
"एवं, भन्ते, सुतं मे दण्डकारनं०."अरञभूतं' ति । "तं किं मञ्जसि, गहपति, किन्ति ते सुतं केन तं दण्डकारनं०. "अरञभूतं" ति ? "सुतं मेतं, भन्ते, इसीनं मनोपदोसेन तं दण्डकारनं०... अरञभूतं” ति । "मनसि करोहि, गहपति,..."कथासल्लापो" ति।
"पुरिमेनेवाह, भन्ते, ओपम्मेन भगवतो अत्तमनो अभिरद्धो। अपि चाहं इमानि भगवतो विचित्रानि पञ्हपटिभानानि सोतुकामो एवाहं भगवन्तं पच्चनीकं कातब्बं अमञिस्सं । अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते, अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते ! सेय्यथापि, भन्ते, निक्कुज्जितं वा उक्कुज्जेय्य, पटिच्छन्नं वा विवरेय्य, मूल्हस्स वा मग्ग आचिक्खेय्य, अन्धकारे वा तेलपज्जोतं धारेय्यचक्खुमन्तो रूपानि दक्खन्ती ति, एवमेवं भगवता अनेकपरियायेन धम्मो पकासितो । एसाह, भन्ते, भगवन्तं सरणं गच्छामि धम्मं च भिक्खुसङ्घ च । उपासकं मं भगवा धारेतु अज्जतरंगे पाणुपेतं सरणं गतं" ति ।
"अनुविच्चकारं खो, गहपति, करोहि, अनुविच्चकारो तुम्हादिसानं ञातमनुस्सानं साधु होती" ति । ___"इमिनापाहं, भन्ते, भगवतो भिय्योसो मत्ताय अत्तमनो अभिरद्धो यं मं भगवा एवमाह-'अनुविच्चकारं खो, गहपति, करोहि, अनुविच्चकारो तुम्हादिसानं त्रातमनुस्सान साधु होति' ति । मं हि, भंते, अञतित्थिया सावकं लभित्वा केवलकप्पं नालन्दं पटाकं परिहरेय्यं–'उपालि अम्हाकं गहपति सावकत्त उपगतो' ति । अथ च पन मं भगवा एवमाह-'अनुविच्चकारं खो,..."होती' ति। एसाह, भन्ते, दुतियं पि भगवन्तं सरणं गच्छामि धम्मं च भिक्खुसमच। उपासकं मं भगवा धारेतु अज्जतग्गे पाणुपेतं सरणं गतं" ति।

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669 "दीघरत्तं खो ते, गहपति, निगण्ठानं ओपानभूतं कुलं येन नेसं उपगतानं पिण्डक दातब्बं मओय्यास्सी" ति ।
"इमिनापाहं, भन्ते, 'एसाह, भन्ते, ततियं पि..."सरणं गतं" ति ।
अथ खो भगवा उपालिस्स गहपतिस्स अनुपुब्धि कथं कथेसि, सेय्यथीद-दानकथं सोलकथं सग्गकथं, कामानं आदीनवं ओकारं सङ्किलेसं, नेक्खम्मे आनिसंसं पकासेसि । यदा भगवा अासि उपालिं गहपति कल्लचित्तं मुदुचित्तं विनीवरणचितं, उदग्गचित्तं, पसन्नचित्तं, अथ या बुद्धानं सामुक्कंसिका धम्मदेसना तं पकासेसि-दुक्खं, समुदयं, निरोधं, मग्गं । सेय्यथापि नाम सुद्धं वत्थं अपगतकालकं सम्मदेव रजनं पटिग्गण्हेय्य एवमेव, उपालिस्स गहपतिस्स तस्मि एव आसने विरजं वीतमलं धम्मचक् उदपादि-यं किञ्चि समुदयधम्म सब्बं तं निरोधधम्म' ति । अथ खो उपालि गहपति दिधम्मो पत्तधम्मो विदितधम्मो परियोगाल्हधम्मो तिण्णविचिकिच्छो विगतकथङ्कथो वेसारज्जप्पत्तो अपरप्पच्चयो सत्थुसासने भगवन्तं एतदोच-"हन्द च दानि मयं, भन्ते, गच्छाम, बहुकिच्चा मयं बहुकरणीया" ति ।
“यस्सदानि त्वं, गहपति, कालं मञ्जसी" ति
अथ खो उपालि गहपति भगवतो भासितं अभिनन्दित्वा अनुमोदित्वा उट्ठायासना भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा पदक्खिणं कत्वा येन सकं निवेसनं तेनुपसङ्कमि, उपसङ्कमित्वा दोवारिक आमन्तेसि-"अज्जतग्गे, सम्म, दोवारिक, आवरामि द्वारं निगण्ठानं निगण्ठीनं, अनावटं द्वारं भगवतो भिक्खून भिक्खूनीनं उपासकानं उपासिकानं । सचे कोचि निगण्ठो आगच्छति तमेनं त्वं एवं वदेय्यासि–'तिट्ठ, भन्ते, मा पाविसि । अज्जतग्गे उपालि गहपति समणस्स गोतमस्स सावकत्तं उपगतो। आवटं द्वारं निगण्ठान निगण्ठीनं, अनावटं द्वारं भगवतो भिक्खूनं भिक्खूनीनं उपासकानं उपासिकानं । सचे ते, भन्ते, पिण्डकेन अत्थो, एत्थेव तिट्ठ, एत्थेव ते आहरिस्सन्ती", ति ।
“एवं, भन्ते" ति खो दोवारिको उपालिस्स गहपतिस्स पच्चस्सोसि ।
अस्सोसि खो दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो-“उपालि किर गहपति समणस्स गोतमस्स सावकत्तं उपगतो" ति । अथ खो दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो येन निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं एतदवोच-"सुतं मेतं, भन्ते, उपालि किर गहपति समणस्स गोतमस्स सावकत्तं उपगतो" ति ।
_ "अट्टानं खो एतं, तपस्सि, अनवकासो यं उपालि गहपति समणस्स गोतमस्स सावकत्तं उपगच्छेय्य । ठानं च खो एतं विज्जति यं समणो गोतमो उपालिस्स गहपतिस्स सावकत्तं तस्यगच्छेय्या" ति ।
दुतियं पि खो दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो पे०." ततीयं पि खो दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं एतदवोच-सुत्तं मेतं, भन्ते, उपालिस्स गहपतिस्स सावकत्तं उपगच्छेश्या ति ।

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"हन्दाह, भन्ते, गच्छामि याव जानामि यदि वा उपालि गहपति समणस्स गोतमस्स सावकत्तं उपगतो यदि वा नो" ति ।
"गच्छ त्वं, तपस्सि, जानाहि यदि वा. “नो" ति ।
अथ खो दीघतपस्सी निगण्ठो येन उपालिस्स गहपतिस्स निवेसनं तेनुपसङ्कमि । अद्दसा खो दोवारिको दीघतपस्सि निगण्ठं दूरतो व आगच्छन्तं । दिस्वान दीघतपस्सि निगण्ठं एतदवोच-"तिह, भन्ते, मा पाविसि । अज्जतग्गे उपालि...... आहारिस्सन्ती" ति । ___ "न मे आवुसो, पिण्डकेन अत्थो" ति वत्वा ततो पटिनिवत्तित्वा येन निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं एतदवोच-"सच्चं एव खो, भन्ते, यं उपालि गहपति समणस्स गोतमस्स सावकत्तं उपगतो । एतं खो ते अहं, भन्ते, नालत्थं न खो मे, भन्ते, रुच्चति यं उपालि गहपति समणस्स गोतमस्स वादं आरोपेय्य । समणो हि, भन्ते, गोतमो मायावी आवनि मायं जानाति याय अञतित्थियानं सावके आवटेती ति । आवट्टो खो ते, भन्ते, उपालि गहपति समणेन गोतमेन आवट्टनिया मायाया" ति ।
"अट्ठानं खो एतं, तपस्सि, ... उपगच्छेय्या ति । हन्द चाहं, तपस्सि, गच्छामि याव चाहं सामं येत्र जानामि यदि वा उपालि गहपति समणस्स गोतमस्स सावकत्तं उपगतो यदि वा नो ति।
अर्थ खो निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो महतिया निगण्ठपरिसाय सद्धिं येन उपालिस्स गहपतिस्स निदेसनं तेनुपसङ्कमि । अद्दसा खो दोवारिको निगण्ठं नातपुतं दूरतो व आगच्छन्तं । दिस्वान निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं एतदवोच-तिह, भन्ते, मा पाविसि । अज्जतमो उपालि... आहरिस्सन्ती" ति ।
"तेन हि, सम्म दोवारिक, येन उपालि गहपति तेनुपसङ्कम; उपसमित्या उपालि नाही.. एवं वदेहि-निगण्ठो, भन्ते, नातपुत्तो महतिया निगण्ठपरिसाय सनि यहि द्वारकोहरे की सो ते दस्सनकामो", ति । ___ "एवं, भन्ते" ति खो दोवारिको निगण्ठस्स नातपुत्तस्स पटिस्सुत्ला येन उपालि गाहपतित तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा उपालि गहपति एतदवोच-"निगण्ठो, भन्ते, नातपुत्तो........ दस्सनकामो" ति ।
तेन हि, सम्म दोवारिक, मज्झिमाय द्वारसालाय आसनानि पञआपेही" ति ।
"एवं, भन्ते" ति खो दोवारिको उपालिस्स गहपतिस्स पटिस्सुत्वा मज्झिमाय द्वारसालाय आसनानि पञआपेत्वा येन उपालि गहपति तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा उपालि गहपति एतदवोच-“पञ्चतानि खो, भन्ते, मज्झिमाय द्वारसालाय आसनानि । यस्सदानि कालं मजसी" ति ।

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अथ खो उपालि गहपति येन मज्झिमा द्वारसाला तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा यं तत्थ पासनं अग्गं च सेटुं च उत्तमं च पणीतं च तत्थ सामं निसीदित्वा दोवारिकं आमन्तेसि"तेन हि, सम्म दोवारिक, येन निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्क मित्वा निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं एवं वदेहि-'उपालि, भन्ते, गहपति एवमाह-पविस किर, भन्ते, सचे आकङ्खसी," ति।
_ "एवं, भन्ते" ति खो दोवारिको उपालिस्स गहपतिस्स पटिस्सुत्वा येन निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो....''आकससी' ति ।
अथ खो निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो महतिया निगण्ठपरिसाय सद्धिं येन मज्झिमा द्वारसाला तेनुपसङ्कमि । अथ खो उपालि गहपति-यं सुदं पुब्बे यतो पस्सति निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं दूरतो व आगच्छन्तं दिस्वान ततो पुच्चुग्गन्वा यं तत्थ आसनं अग्गं च सेठं च उत्तमं च पणीत च तं उत्तरासङ्गन सम्मज्जित्वा परिग्गहेत्वा निसीदापेति सो-दानि यं तत्थ आसनं अग्गं च सेट्ठ च उत्तमं च पणीतं च तत्थ सामं निसीदित्वा निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं एतदवोच-"संविज्जति खो, भन्ते, आसनानि ; सचे आकसि, निसीदा" ति । एवं वुत्ते, निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो उपालि गहपति एतदवोच-"उम्मत्तोसि त्वं, गहपति, दत्तोसि त्वं, गहपति ! 'गच्छामहं, भन्ते, समणस्स गोतमस्स वादं आरोपेस्सामी' ति गन्त्वा महतासि वादसाटेन पटिमुक्को आगतो। सेय्तथापि, गहपति, पुरिसो अण्डहारको गन्त्वा उब्भतेहि अण्डेहि आगच्छेय्य, सेय्यथा वा पन गहपति पुरिसो, अक्खिकहारको गन्वा उन्भतेहि अक्खीहि आगच्छेय्य, एवमेव खो त्वं, गहपति, 'गच्छामह, भन्ते, ..... आगतो। आवट्टोसि खो त्वं, गहपति, समणेन गोतमेन आवट्टनिया मायाया" ति ।। ___ "भद्दिका, भन्ते आवट्टनी माया ; कल्याणी, भन्ते, आवट्टनी माया ; पिया मे, भन्ते, जातिसालोहिता इमाय आवट्टनिया आवट्टेय्यु ; पियानं पि मे अस्स आतिसालोहितानं दीघरत्त हिताय सुखाय ; सब्बे चे पि भन्ते खत्तिया इमाय आवट्टनिया आवट्टेय्युं सब्बेसानं पिस्स खत्तियानं दीघरत्तं हिताय सुखाय ; सब्बे चे पि भन्ते ब्राह्मणा... पे०... वेस्सा... पे०... सुद्दा इमाय आवट्टनिया आवटे य्युं सब्बेसानं पिस्स सुद्दानं दीघरत्तं हिताय सुखाय ; सदेवको चे पि, भन्ते लोको समारको सब्रह्मको सस्समणब्राह्मणी पजा सदेवमनुस्सा इमाय आवट्टनिया आवटे य्यं सदेवकस्त पिस्स लोकस्स समारकस्स सब्रह्मकस्स सस्समणब्राह्मणिया पजाय सदेवमनुस्साय दीघरत हिताय सुखाया ति । तेन हि, भन्ते, उपमं ते करिस्सामि । उपमाय पिधेकच्चे विधू पुरिसा भासितस्स अत्थं आजानन्ति ।
भूतपुब्ब, भन्ते, अञ्जतरस्स ब्राह्मणस्स जिण्णस्स वुड्दस्स महल्लकस्स दहरा माणविका पजापती अहोसि गम्भिनी उपविजञा। अथ खो, भन्ते, सा माणविका तं ब्राह्मणं एतदवोच-"गच्छ त्वं, ब्राह्मण, आपणा मक्कटच्छापकं किणित्वा पानेहि, यो मे कुमारकस्स

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कीलापनको भविस्सती' ति । एवं वुत्ते, भन्ते, सो ब्राह्मणो तं माणविकं एतदवोच-'आगमेहि ताव, भोति, याव विजायति । सचे त्वं, भोति कुमारकं विजायिस्सासि, तस्सा ते अहं आपणा मक्कटच्छापकं किणित्वा आनेस्सामि, यो ते कुमारकस्स कीलापनको भविस्सति । सचे पन त्वं, भोति,..." भविस्सती' ति । दुवियं पि खो, भन्ते, सा माणविका... पे०." ततियं पि खो, भन्ते, सा माणविका तं ब्राह्मणं एतदवोच-'गच्छ त्वं, ब्राह्मण, आपणा मक्कटच्छापकं किणित्वा आनेहि, यो मे कुमारकस्स कोलापनको भविस्सती' ति । अथ खों, भन्ते, सो ब्राह्मणो तस्सा माणविकाय सारत्तो पटिबद्धचित्तो आपणा मक्कटच्छापकं किणित्वा आनेत्वा तं माणविकं एतदवोच-'अयं ते, भोति, आपणा मक्कटच्छापको किणित्वा आनीतो, यो ते कुमारकस्स कीलापनको भविस्सती' ति । एवं वृत्ते, भन्ते, सा माणविका तं ब्राह्मणं एतदवोच-"गच्छ त्वं, ब्राह्मण, इम मक्कटच्छापकं आदाय येन रत्तपाणि रजतपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कम; उपसङ्कमित्वा रत्तपाणिं रजकपुत्तं एवं वदेहि-इच्छामहं सम्म, रत्तपाणि, इमं मक्कटच्छापक पीतावलेपनं नाम रङ्गजातं रजितं आकोटितपञ्चाकोटितं उभतोभागविमट्ट" ति ।
"अथ खो, भन्ते, सो ब्राह्मणो तस्सा माणविकाय सारत्तो पटिबद्धचित्तो तं मक्कटच्छापकं आदाय येन रत्तपाणि रजकपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसंकमित्वा रत्तपाणि रजकपुत्तं एतदवोच"इच्छामह, रत्तपाणि, इम० ... उभतोभागविमट्ट' ति । एवं वुत्ते, भन्ते, रत्तपाणि रजकपुत्तो तं ब्राह्मणं एतदवोच-'अयं खो ते, भन्ते, मक्कटच्छापको रङ्गक्खमो हि खो, नो आकोटनक्खमो, नो विमज्जनक्खमो' ति । एवमेव खो, भन्ते, बालानं निगण्ठानं वादो रङ्गक्खमो हि खो बालानं नो पण्डितानं, नो अनुयोगक्खमो, नो विमज्जनक्खमो। अथ खो, भन्ते, सो ब्राह्मणो अपरेन समयेन नवं दुस्सयुगं आदाय येन रत्तपाणि रजकपुत्तो तेनुपसंकमि ; उपसंकमित्वा रत्तपाणिं रजकपुत्त एतदवोच–'इच्छामहं सम्म, रत्तपाणि, इमं नवं दुस्सयुगं पोतावलेपनं ० ... उमतोभागविमट्ट" ति । एवं वुत्ते, भन्ते, रत्तपाणि रजकपुत्तो तं ब्राह्मणं एतदवोच-'इदं खो ते, भन्ते, नवं दुस्सयुगं रङ्गक्खमं चेव आकोटनक्खमं च विमज्जनक्खमं चा' ति । एवमेव खो, भन्ते, तस्स भगवती वादो अरहतो सम्मासम्बुद्धस्स रङ्गक्खमो चेव पण्डितानं नो बालानं, अनुयोगक्खमो च विमज्जनक्खमो चा ति ।
"सराजिका खो, गहपति, परिसा एवं जानाति–'उपालि गहपति निगण्ठस्स नातपुत्तस्स सावको' ति । कस्स तं, गहपति, सावकं धारेमा" ति ? ___ एवं वुत्ते उपालि गहपति उहायासना एकस उत्तरासङ्ग करित्वा येन भगवा तेनञ्जलि पणामेत्वा निगढ नातपुत्त एतदवोच-"तेन हि, भन्ते, सुणोहि यस्साहं सावको ति
'धीरस्स विगतमोहस्स, पभिन्नखीलस्स विजितविजयस्स । अनीधस्स सुसमचित्तस्स, बुद्धसीलस्स साधुपञस्स । धेसमन्सरस्स विमलस्स, भगवतो तस्त सावकोहमस्मि ।।...

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"कदा सञ्जल्हा पन ते, गहपति, इमे समणस्स गोतमस्स वण्णा" ति ?
“सेय्यथापि, भन्ते, नानापुप्फानं महापुप्फरासि, तमेनं दक्खो मालाकारो वा मालाकारन्तेवासी वा विचित्त मालं गन्थेय्य ; एवमेव खो, भन्ते सो भगवा अनेकवण्णो अनेकसतवण्णो । को हि, भन्ते, वण्णारहस्स वण्णं न करिस्सती" ति ?
अथ खो निगण्ठस्स नातपुत्तस्स भगवतो सक्कारं असहमानस्स तत्थेव उण्हं लोहित मुखतो उग्गच्छी" ति ।'
Abhaya Rajakumāra
एवं मे सुतं । एकं समयं भगवा राजगहे विहरति वेलुवने कलन्दकनिवापे । अथ खो अभयो राजकुमारो येन निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कमि, उपसङ्कमित्वा निगण्ठ नातपुत्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसीन्नं खो अभयं राजकुमारो निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो एतदवोच-"एहि त्वं, राजकुमार, समणस्स गोतमस्स वादं आरोपेहि । एवं ते कल्याणो कित्तिसद्दो अब्भुग्गच्छिस्सत्ति-'अभयेन राजकुमारेन समणस्स गोतमस्स एवं महिद्धिकस्स एवं महानुभावस्स वादो आरोपितो" ति ।
"यथा कथं पनाह, भन्ते, समणस्स गोतमस्स एवं महिद्धिकस्स एवं महानुभावस्स वादं आरोपेस्सामि" ति ?
"एहि त्वं, राजकुमार, येन समणो गोतमो तेनुपसङ्कम ; उपसङ्कमित्वा समणं गोतम एवं वदेहि 'भासेय्य नु खो, भन्ते, तथागतो तं वाचं या सा वाचा परेसं अप्पिया अमनापा' ति ? सचे ते समणो गोतमो एवं पुट्ठो एवं ब्याकरोति-'भासेय्य, राजकुमार, तथागतो तं वाचं या सा वाचा परेसं अप्पिया अमनापा' ति, तमेनं त्वं एवं वदेय्यासि–'अथ किं चरहि ते, भन्ते, पुथुज्जनेन नानाकरणं ? पुथुज्जनो हि तं वाचं भासेय्य या सा वाचा परेसं अप्पिया अमनापा" ति । सचे पन ते समणो गोतमो एवं पुट्ठो एवं ब्याकरोति–'न, राजकुमार, तथागतो तं वाचं भासेय्य या सा वाचा परेसं अप्पिया अमनापा' ति, तमेनं त्वं एवं वदेव्यासि-'अथ किं चरहि ते, भन्ते, देवदत्तो ब्याकतो-आपापिको देवदत्तो, नेरयिको देवदत्तो, कप्पट्ठो देवदत्तो, अतेकिच्छो देवदत्तो ति ? ताय च पन ते वाचाय देवदत्तो कुपितो अहोसि अनत्तमनो' ति । इमं खो ते, राजकुमार, समणो गोतमो उभतोकोटिकं पञ्हं पुट्ठो समानो नेव सक्खिति उग्गिलितुं न सक्खिति ओगिलितुं । सेय्यथापि नाम पुरिसस्स अयोसिं
१. सुत्तपिटके, मज्झिमनिकाय पालि, मज्झिमपण्णासक, उपालिसुत्तं, ६-१ से २१:पृ० ४३ से ६०॥

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घाटकं कण्ठे विलग्गं, सो नेव सक्कुणेय्य उग्गिलितुं न सक्कुणेय्य ओगिलितं ; एवमेव खो ते, राजकुमार, समणो गोतमो इमं उभतोकोटिकं पञ्हं पुट्ठो समानो नेव सक्खिति उग्गिलितं न सक्खिति ओगिलितुं" ति ।
"एवं, भन्ते" ति खो अभयो राजकुमारो निगण्ठस्स नातपुत्तस्स पटिस्सुत्वा उट्ठायासना निगण्ठं नातपुत्तं अभिवादेत्वा पदक्खिणं कत्वा येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि ।
एकमन्तं निसिन्नस्स खो अभयस्स राजकुमारस्स सुरियं उल्लोकेत्वा एतदहोसि"अकालो खो अज्ज भगवतो वाद आरोपेतुं । स्वे दानाहं सके निवेसने भगवतो वादं आरोपेस्सामि" ति भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"अधिवासेतु मे, भन्ते, भगवा स्वातनाय अत्तचतुत्यो भत्तं" ति । अधिवासेसि भगवा तुम्हीभावेन । अथ खो अभयो राजकुमारो भगवतो अधिवासनं विदित्वा उट्ठायासना भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा पदक्खिणं कत्वा पक्कामि । अथ खो भगवा तस्सा रत्तिया अच्चयेन पुब्बण्हसमयं निवासेत्वा पत्तचीवरमादाय येन अभयस्स राजकुमारस्स निवेसनं तेनुपसङ कमि ; उपसङ कमित्वा पञ्जते आसने निसीदि । अथ खो अभयो राजकुमारो भगवन्तं पणीतेन खादनीयेन भोजनोयेन सहत्था सन्तप्पेसि सम्पवारेसि । अथ खो अभयो राजकुमारो भगवन्तं भुत्तावि ओनीतपत्तपाणिं अञतरं नीचं आसनं गहेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । ___ एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो अभयो राजकुमारो भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"भासेय्य नु खो, भन्ते, तथागतो तं वाचं या सा वाचा परेसं अप्पिया अमनापा" ति ?
"न ख्वेत्थ, राजकुमार, एकंसेना" ति । "एत्थ, भन्ते, अनस्सुं निगण्ठ।” ति ।। "किं पन त्वं, राजकुमार, एवं वदेसि-'एत्थ, भन्ते, अनस्सु निगण्ठा" ति ?
"इधाहं, भन्ते, येन निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो तेनुपसंकमि, उपसङ्कमित्वा निगण्ठं नातपुत्त अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नं खो मं, भन्ते, निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो एतदवोच-"एहि त्वं, राजकुमार, समणस्स गोतमस्स वादं आरोपेहि । एवं ते कल्याणो कित्तिसद्दो अभुग्गाच्छस्सति-अभयेन राजकुमारेन समणस्स गोतमस्स एवं महिद्धिकस्स एवं महानुभावस्स वादो आरोपितो' ति । एवं वुत्ते , अहं, भन्ते, निगण्ठं नातपुत्त एतदवोचं'यथा कथं पनाहं, भन्ते, समणस्स गोतमस्स एवं महि द्धिकस्स एवं महानुभावस्स वाद आरोपेस्सामी' ति ?
_ 'एहि. त्वं, राजकुमार, येन समणो गोतमो तेनुपसङ्कम' उपसङ्कमित्वा समणं गोतमं एवं वदेहि-भासेय्य नु खो, भन्ते, तथागतो तं वाचं या सा वाचा परेसं अप्पिया अमनापा ति! सचे ते समणो गोतमो एवं पुट्ठो एवं ब्याकरोति-भासेय्य, राजकुमार, तथागतो तं वाचं या सा वाचा परेसं अप्पिया अमनापा ति, तमेनं त्वं एवं वदेय्यासि-अथ किं चरहि

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ते, भन्ते, पुथुज्जनेन नानाकरणं ? पुथुज्जनो पि हि तं वाचं भासेय्य या सा पाचा परेसं अप्पिया अमनापा ति । सचे पन ते समणो गोतमो एवं पुट्ठो एवं ब्याकरोतिन, राजकुमार, तथागतो तं वाचं भासेय्य या सा वाचा परेसं अप्पिया अमनापा ति, तमेनं त्वं एवं वदेय्यासि-अथ किं चरहि ते, भन्ते, देवदत्तो ब्याकतो-पायिको देवदत्तो, नेरयिको देवदत्तो, कप्पट्ठो देवदत्तो, अतेकिच्छो देवदत्तो ति ? ताय च पन ते वाचाय देवदत्तो कुपितो अहोसि अनत्तमनो ति । इमं खो ते, राजकुमार, समणो गोतमो उभतोकोटिकं पहं पुट्ठी समानो नेव सक्खिति उग्गिलितं न सक्खिति ओगिलितं । सेय्यथापि नाम परिसस्स अयोसिङ्घाटकं कण्ठे विलग्गं, सो नेव सक्कुणेय्य उग्गिलितुं न सक्कुणेय्य
ओगिलितुं ; एवमेव खो ते, राजकुमार, समणो गोतमो इमं उभतोकोटिकं पन्हं पुट्ठो समानो नेव सविति उग्गिलितुं न सक्खिति ओगिलितुं" ति ।
Anukampāya appiyam pi bhāseyya
तेन खो पन समयेन दहरो कुमारो मन्दो उत्तानसेय्यको अभयस्स राजकुमारस्स अडे निसिन्नो होति । अथ खो भगवा अभयं राजकुमारं एतदवोच-"तं कि मअसि, राजकुमार, संचायं कुमारी तरह वा पमादमन्वाय धातिया वा पमादमन्वाय वा कट्ठ वा कठलं वा मुखे आहरेग्य, किन्ति नं करेय्यासो" ति ? ___ "माहरेय्य साह, भन्ते । सचे, मन्ते, न सक्कुणेय्यं आदिकेनेव पाहतुं, वामेन हत्थेन
म परिग्गहेत्वा दम्खिणेन हत्थेन बङ्कगुलिं करित्वा सलोहितं पि आहरेण्यं । तं किस्स अत: अस्थि मे, भन्ते, कुमारे अनुकम्पा ति ।
"स्वमेव खो, राजकुमार, यं तथागतो वाचं जानाति अभूतं अतच्छं अनत्थसंहितं सा । रेसं अप्पिया अमनापा, न तं तथागतो वाचं भासति । यं पि तथागतो वाचं जानाति
तं तच्छं अनत्यसंहितं सा च परेसं अप्पिया अपनापा, तपि तथागतो वाचं न भासति । इंच खो नथागतो वाचं जानाति भूतं तच्छं अत्थसंहितं सा च परेसं अप्पिया अमनापा, तत्र हाला उधागतो होति तस्सा वाचाय वेय्याकरणाय । यं तथागतो वाचं जानाति अभूतं अच्छं यनत्थसहितं सा च परेसं पिया मनापा, न तं तथागतो वाचं भासति । यं पि तथागतो वाच जानाति भूतं तच्छं अनत्यसंहितं सा च परेसं पिया मनापा तं पि तथागतो आचं न भासति । यं च तथागतो वाचं जानाति भूतं तच्छं अत्यसंहितं सा च परेसं पिया मनापा, तत्र कालज्यू तथागतो होति तस्सा वाचाय वेय्याकरणाय । तं किस्स हेतु ? अस्थि, राजकुमार, तथागतस्स ससेसु अनुकम्पा" ति ।

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Nanu thanasovetam Tathāgatam patibhati
"ये मे, भन्ते, खत्तियपण्डिता पि ब्राह्मणपण्डिता पि गहपति पण्डिता पि समणपण्डिता पि पञ्हं अभिसङ्खरित्वा तथागतं उपसङ्कमित्वा पुच्छन्ति, पुब्बेव नु खो, भन्ते, भगवतो चेतसो परिवितक्कितं होति 'ये मं उपसङ्कमित्वा एवं पुच्छिस्सन्ति तेसाहं एवं पुट्ठो एवं व्याकरिस्सामी' ति, उदाहु ठानसोवेतं तथागतं पटिभाती” ति ?
"तेन हि राजकुमार, तज्ञेवेत्थ पटिपुच्छिस्सामि, यथा ते खमेय्य तथा नं ब्याकरेय्या सि तं किं मञ्ञति, राजकुमार, कुसलो त्वं रथस्स अङ्गपच्चङ्गानं" ति ?
"एवं, भन्ते, कुसलो अहं रथस्स अङ्गपच्चङ्गानं" ति ।
"तं किं मज्ञसि, राजकुमार, ये तं उपसङ्कमित्वा एवं पृच्छेय्यं - 'कि नामिदं रथस्स अङ्गपच्चङ्गः” ति ? पुब्बेव नु खो ते एतं चेतसो परिवितविकतं अस्स 'ये मं उपसङ्कमित्वा एवं पुच्चिस्सन्ति तेसाहं एवं पुट्ठो एवं व्याकरिस्सामी' ति, उदाहु ठानसोवेतं पटिभासेय्या”ति ?
"अहं हि भन्ते, रथिको सज्ञातो कुसलो रथस्स अङ्गपच्चङ्गानं । सन्त्रानि मे रथस्व अङ्गपचङ्गानि सुविदितानि । ठानसोवेतं मं पटिभासेय्या" ति ।
" एवमेव खो, राजकुमार, ये ते खत्तियपण्डिता पि ब्राह्मणपण्डिता पि गहपतिपण्डिता पि समणपण्डिता पि पञ्हं अभिसङ्खरित्वा तथागतं उपसङ्कमित्वा पुच्छन्ति, ठानसोवेतं तथागतं परिभाति तं किस्स हेतु ? साहि, राजकुमार, तथागतस्स धम्मधातु सुप्पटिविद्धा यस्सा धम्मधातुया सुप्पटिविद्धत्ता ठानसोवेतं तथागतं पटिभाती" ति ।
एवं वृत्ते, अभय राजकुमारो भगवन्तं एतदवोच - अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते, अभिक्कतं, भन्ते...पे०...अज्जतग्गे पाणुपेतं सरणं गत" ति ।'
" पच्छिमे च भवे दानि गिरिम्बजपुरुतमे । मोहं बिम्बिसारस्स पुतो नामेन चाभयो ॥ "पापमित्तव गन्त्वा, निगष्ठेन विमोहितो पेसितो पुन, बुद्धट्टमुपेच्हं ॥ "पुच्छित्वा निपुणं पुञ्हं, सुत्वा व्याकरणुत्तमं । पम्बजित्वान नचिरं, अरहतमपाणि ॥ "कितयित्वा जिनवरं कितितो होमि सम्बदा । सुगन्धदेहववनो, आसि मुखमपितो ॥
१ - सुत्तपिटके, मज्झिमनिकाय पालि, मज्झिमपण्णास्त्रकं, अमयराजकुमार सुत्तं २ -८-१ से ३, पृ० ६७ से ७१ ॥

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"तिक्खहासलहुपओ, महापओ तथेवहं ।
विचित्तपटिमानो च, तस्स कम्मस्स वाहसा ॥ "अमित्यवित्वा पदुमूलराहं, पसन्नचित्तो असमं सयम् । न गच्छि कप्पानि अपायभूमि, सतं सहस्सानि वलेन तस्स ॥'
Karma-carca Niganthănam dukhanijjarāvādo
एवं मे सुतं । एकं समयं भगवा सक्केसु विहरति देवदहं नाम सक्यानं निगमो। तत्र खो भगवा भिक्खू आमन्तेसि-"भिक्खवो" ति । "भदन्ते" ति ते भिक्खू भगवती पच्चस्सोसुं । भगवा एतदवोच-"सन्ति, भिक्खवे, एके समणब्राह्मणा एवंवादिनो एवंदिट्ठिनो-'यं किञ्चायं पुरिसपुग्गलो पटिसवेदेति सुखं वा दुक्खं वा अदुक्खमसुखं वा, सब्बं तं पुब्बेकतहेतु । इति पुराणानं कम्मानं तपसा ब्यन्तीभावा, नवानं कम्मानं अकरणा, आयति अनवस्सवो ; आयति अनवस्सवा कम्मक्खयो ; कम्मक्खया दुक्खक्खयो ; दुक्खक्खया वेदनाक्खयो ; वेदनाक्खया सब्बं दुक्खं निजिण्णं भविस्सती' ति । एवंवादिनो, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठा। एवंवादाहं, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठे उपसङ कमित्वा एवं वदामि–'सच्चं किर तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, एवंवादिनो एवं दिछिनो-यं किञ्चायं पुरिसपुग्गलो पटिसंवेदेति सुखं षा दुक्खं वा अदुक्खमसुखं वा, सब्बं तं पुब्बेकतहेतु"पे०."वेदनाक्खया सब्बं दुक्खं निज्जिणं भविस्सती' ति ? ते च मे, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठा एवं पुट्ठा 'आमा' ति पटिजानन्ति । त्याहं एवं वदामि-'किं पन तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, जानाथ-अहुवम्हे व मयं पुब्बे, न नाहुवम्हा ति ?
'नो हिदं आवुसो'।
"किं पन तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, जानाथ-अकरम्हे व मय' पुब्बे पापकम्म, न नाकरम्हा' ति ?
'नो हिदं, आयुसो।
'किं पन तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, जानाथ--एवरूपं वा एवरूपं वा पापकम्म अकरम्हा' ति ?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'। १ सुत्तपिटके, खुद्दक निकाये थेरापदान पालि (२), मद्दियवग्गो, अभयत्येरअपदानं, ५५-७-२१६ से २२१ , पृ० १५५ ।

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किं पन तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, जानाथ-एत्तकं वा दुक्खं निज्जिण्णं, एत्तकं पा दुक्खं निज्जीरेतब्ब, एत्तकम्हि वा दुक्खे निज्जिपणे सब्बं दुक्खं निज्जिण्णं भविस्सती' ति ?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
किं पन तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, जानाथ-दिठेव धम्मे अकुसलानं धम्मानं पहानं, कुसलानं धम्मानं उपसम्पदं' शि? .
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
'इति किर तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, न जानाथ-अहुवम्हे व मयं पुब्बे न नाहुवम्हा ति,... कुसलानं धम्मानं उपसम्पदं । एवं सन्ते आयस्मन्तानं निगण्ठानं न कल्लमस्स वेय्याकरणाय-यं किञ्चायं पुरिसपुग्गलो पटिसंवदेति सुखं वा दुक्खं वा अदुक्खमसुखं वा, सब्बं त पुब्बेकतहेतु । इति पुराणानं कम्मानं तपसा व्यन्तीभावा, नवानं कम्मानं अकरणा, आयति अनवस्सवो, आयतिं अनवस्सया कम्मक्खयो; कम्मक्खया दुक्खक्खयो ; दुक्खक्रया वेदनाक्लयो ; वेदनाक्खया सब्बं दुक्खं निज्जिण्णं भविस्सती' ति ।... ।
"सेय्यथापि, आवुसो निगण्ठा, पुरिसो सल्लेन विद्धो अस्स सविसेन गाल्हूपलेपनेन ; सो सल्लस्स पि वेधनहेतु दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियेय्य । तस्स मित्तामच्चा आतिसालोहिता भिसक्कं सल्लकत्तं उपट्ठापेय्युं । तस्स सो भिसक्को सल्लकत्तो सत्थेन वणमुखं परिकन्तेय्य ; सो सत्येन पि वणमुखस्स परिकन्तनहेतु दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियेय्य । तस्स सो भिसको सल्लकत्तो एसनिया सल्लं एसेय्य ; सो एसनिया पि सल्लस्स एसनाहेतु दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियेय्य । तस्स सो भिसक्को सल्लकत्तो सल्लं अब्बुहेय्य ; सो सल्लस पि अब्बुहनहेतु दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियेय्य । तस्स सो भिसक्को सल्लकत्तो अगदङ्गारं वणमुखे ओदहेय्य ; सो अगदङ्गारस्स पि वणमुखे ओदहनहेतु दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियेय्य । सो अपरेन समयेन रूल्हेन वणेन सञ्छविना अरोगो अस्स सुखी सेरी सयंवसी येनकामङ्गमो। तस्स एवमस्स-अहं खो पुब्बे सल्लेन विद्धो अहोसिं सविसेन गाल्हूपलेपनेन । सोहं सल्लस्स पि वेधनहेतु दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियिं ।।."। सोम्हि एतरहि रूल्हेन वणेन सञ्छविना अरोगो सुखी सेरी सयंवसी येनकामङ्गमो ति । एवमेव खो, आबुसो निगण्ठा, सचे तुम्हे जानेय्याथ-अहुवम्हे व मयं पुब्बे न नाहुवम्हा ति,०...। यस्मा च खो तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, न जानाथ-अहुवम्हे व मयं पुब्बे न नाहुवम्हा ति ।....
"एवं वुत्ते, भिक्खवे, ते निगण्ठा में एतदवोचुं–'निगण्ठो, आवुसो, नाटपुत्तो सबञ सम्बदस्सावी, अपरिसेसं जाणदस्तनं पटिजानाति, चरतो च मे तिट्टतो च सुत्तस्स च जागरस्स च सततं समितं आणदस्सनं पच्चुपट्टितं ति । सो एवमाह-अस्थि खो वो, आवुसो निगण्ठा, पुब्बे व पापकम्मं कतं, तं इमाय कटुकाय दुक्करकारिकाय निज्जीरेथ, यं पनेत्य एतरहि कायेन संवुता वाचाय संवुता मनसा संवुता तं आयतिं पापकम्मस्स अकरणं । इति

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पुराणानं कम्मानं तपसा व्यन्तीभावा, नवानं कम्मान अकरणा, आयति अनवस्सवो ; आयति अनवस्सवा कम्मखयो ; कम्मक्खया दुक्खक्खयो ; दुक्खक्खया वेदनाक्खयो ; वेदनाक्खया सब्बं दुक्खं निज्जिण्णं भविस्सती ति । तं च पनम्हाकं रुच्चति चेव खमति च, तेन चम्हा अत्तमना' ति । Afalo upakkamo afalam padhānam
__ "एवं वुत्ते अहं, भिक्खवे ते निगण्ठे एतदवोचं-'पञ्च खो इमे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, धम्मा दिठेव धम्मे द्विधाविपाका । कतमे पञ्च ? सद्धा, रुचि, अनुस्सवो, आकारपरिवितक्को, दिट्ठिनिज्झानक्खन्ति-इमे खो, आवुसो निगण्ठा, पञ्च धम्मा दिठेव धम्मे द्विधाविपाका । तत्रायस्मन्तानं निगण्ठानं का अतीतंसे सत्थरि सद्धा का रुचि को अनुस्सवो को आकारपरिवितक्को का दिट्ठिनिज्झानक्खन्ती' ति । एवंवादी खो अहं, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठेसु न कञ्चि सहधम्मिकं वादपटिहारं समनुपस्सामि ।
"पुन च पराहं, भिक्खवे, ते निगण्ठे एवं वदामि-'तं किं मथ, आवुसो निगण्ठा, यस्मि वो समये तिब्बो उपक्कमो होति तिब्बं पधानं, तिब्बा तस्मि समये ओपक्कमिका दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियेथ ; यस्मि पन वो समये न तिब्बा उपक्कमो होति न तिब् पधानं, न तिब्बा तस्मि समये ओपक्कमिका दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियेथा' ति ?
_ 'यस्मि नो, आवुसो गोतम , समये तिब्बो उपक्कमो होति तिब्बं पधानं, तिब्बा तस्मि समये ओपक्कमिका दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियाम ; यस्मि पन नो समये न तिब्बो उपक्कमो होति न तिब्बं पधानं, न तिब्बा तस्मि समये ओपक्कमिका दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियामा' ति ।
'इति किर, आनुसो निगण्ठा, यस्मि वो समये तिब्बो उपक्कमो...'वेदना वेदियेथ । एवं सन्ते बायस्मन्तानं निगण्ठानं न कल्लमस्स वेय्याकरणाय-यं किञ्चायं पुरिसपुग्गली पटिसंवेदेति सुखं वा दुक्खं वा अदुक्खमसुखं वा, सब्बं तं पुब्बेकतहेतु"पे० "वेदनाक्खया सब्बं दुक्खं निज्जिणं भविस्सती ति । सचे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, यस्मि वो समये तिब्बो उपक्कमो०....."भविस्सती ति । यस्मा च खो, आवुसो निगण्ठा, यस्मि षो समये तिम्बी उपक्कमो०....''वेदना वेदयमाना अविज्जा अज्ञाणा सम्मोहा विपच्चेथ-यं किञ्चायं पुरिसपुग्गलो पटिसंवेदेति सुखं वा दुक्खं वा अदुक्खमसुखं वा सब्बं तं पुब्बेकतहेतु...पे.... वेदनाक्खया सब्बं दुक्खं निज्जिण्णं भविस्सती' ति । एवंवादी पि खो अहं, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठेसु न कञ्चि सहधम्मिकं वादपटिहारं समनुपस्सामि ।
__"पुन च पराह, भिक्खवे, ते निगण्ठे एवं वदामि-तं किं मन्मथावुसो निगण्ठा, यमिदं कम्मं दिठ्ठधम्मवेदनीयं तं उपक्कमेन वा पधानेन वा सम्परायवेदनीयं होतु ति लभमेतं' ति ?

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'नी हिदं, आवुसो'।
'यं पनिदं कम्मं सम्परायवेदनीयं तं उपक्कमेन वा पधानेन वा दि©धम्मवेदनीयं होतू ति लन्भमेत' ति!
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
'तं किं मञथावुसो निगण्ठा, यमिदं कम्मं सुखवेदनीयं तं उपक्कमेन वा पधानेन मा दुक्खवेदनीयं होत् ति लन्भमेतं' ति ?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
'यं पनिदं कम्मं दुक्खवेदनीयं तं उपक्कमेन वा पधानेन वा सुखवेदनीयं होत ति लम्भमेत' ति ?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
'तं किं मअथावुसो निगण्ठा, यमिद कम्मं परिपक्कवेदनीयं तं उपक्कमेन वा पधानेन वा अपरिपक्कवेदनीयं होतू ति लन्भमेत' ति ।
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
'यं पनि कम्मं अपरिपक्कवेदनीयं तं उपक्कमेन वा पधानेन वा परिपक्कवेदनीयं होतू ति लन्भमेत' ति?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
'तं किं माथावुसो निगण्ठा, यमिदं कम्मं बहुवेदनीयं तं उपक्कमेन वा पक्षानेन वा अप्पवेदनीयं होत् ति लब्भमेतं' ति ?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
'य प निदं कम्मं अप्पवेदनीयं तं उपक्कमेन वा पधानेन वा बहुवेदनीयं होतू ति लम्भमेतं' ति?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
'तं किं मचथावुसो निगण्ठा, यमिदं कम्मं सवेदनीयं तं उपक्कमेन वा पधानेन वा अवेदनीयं होतू ति लब्भमेतं' ति ।
'नो हिदं, आवुसो।
'यं पनिदं कम्मं अवेदनीयं तं उपक्कमेन वा पधानेन वा सवेदनीयं होत् ति लन्ममेतं' ति?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
'इति किर, आवुसो निगण्ठा, यमिदं कम्म दिद्वधम्मवेदनीयं तं उपक्कमेन वा पधानेन वा सम्परायवेदनीयं होत् ति अलब्भमेतं, यं पनिदं०....... "एवं सन्ते आयस्मन्तानं निगण्ठानं अफलो उपक्कमो होति, अफलं पधान' ।

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"एवंवादी, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठा । एवंवादीनं, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठानं दस सहधम्मिका वादानुवादा गारव्हं ठानं आगच्छन्ति ।
“सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता पुब्बेकतहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति ; अद्धा, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठा पुब्बे दुक्कटकम्मकारिनो यं एतरहि एवरूपा दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियन्ति । सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता इस्सरनिम्मानहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति ; अद्धा, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठा पापकेन इस्सरेन निम्मिता यं एतरहि एवरूपा दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियन्ति । सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता सङ्गतिभावहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति ; अद्धा, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठा पापसङ्गतिका यं एतरहि एवरूपा दुक्खा जिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियन्ति । सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता अभिजातिहेतु सुखदुखं पटिसवेदेन्ति ; अद्धा, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठा पापाभिजातिका यं एतरहि एवरूपा दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका तेदना वेदियन्ति । सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता दिधम्मपक्कमहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति ; अद्धा, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठा एवरूपा दिट्ठधम्मपक्कमा यं एतरहि एवरूपा दुक्खा तिब्बा कटुका वेदना वेदियन्ति ।
"सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता पुब्बेकतहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति, गारव्हा निगण्ठा ; नो चे सत्ता पुब्बेकतहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंपेदेन्ति, गारव्हा निगण्ठा। सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता इस्सरनिम्मानहेतु०...एवंवादी, रिक्खवे, निगण्ठा। एवंवादीनं, भिक्खवे, निगण्ठानं इमे दस सहधम्मिका वादानुवादा गारव्हं ठानं आगच्छन्ति । एवं खो, भिक्खवे, अफलो उपक्कमो होति, अफलं पधानं । Safalo upakkamo safalam padhānam
"कथं च, भिक्खये, सफलो उपक्कमो होति, सफल पधानं ? इध, भिक्खवे, भिक्खु न हेव अनद्धभूतं अत्तानं दुक्खेन अद्धभावेति, धम्मिकं च सुखं न परिच्चजति, तस्मि च सुखे अनधिमुच्छितो होति । सो एवं पजानाति-इमस्स खो मे दुक्खनं निदानस्स सङ्खारं पदहतो सङ्कारप्पधाना विरागो होति, इम्मस्स पन मे दुक्खनिदानस्स अपेक्खतो उपेक्खं भावयतो विरागो होती' ति । ...
, सेय्यथापि, भिक्खवे, पुरिसो इत्थिया सारत्तो पटिबद्धचित्तो तिब्बच्छन्दो तिब्बापेक्खो। सो तं इत्थि पस्सेय्य अञ्जन पुरिसेन सद्धि सन्जिट्ठन्ति सल्लपन्ति सजग्घन्ति संहसन्ति । तं किं मञथ, भिक्खवे, अपि नु तस्स पुरिसस्स अमुं इत्थि दिस्वा अञ्जेन पुरिसेन द्धिं सन्तिट्ठन्ति सल्लपन्ति सजग्घन्ति संहसन्ति उप्पज्जेय्यं सोकपरिदेवदुक्खदोमनस्सूपायासा" ति ?
"एवं भन्ते"। "तं किस्स हेतु"? "अमु हि, भन्ते, पूरिसो अमुस्सा इत्थिया सारत्तो...।

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___"अथ खो, भिक्खवे, तस्स पुरिसस्स एवमस्स-'अहं खो अमुस्सा इत्थिया सारत्तो... यन्नूनाहं यो मे अमुस्सा इत्थिया छन्दरागो तं पजहेय्य' ति । सो यो अमुस्सा इत्थिया छन्दरागो तं पजहेय्य । सो तं इत्थि पस्सेय्य अपरेन समयेन अञ्जन पुरिसेन सद्धिं सन्तिट्ठन्ति सल्लपन्ति सजग्यन्ति संहसन्ति । तं कि मञ्ञथ, भिक्खवे, अपि नु तस्स पुरिसस्स अमुं इत्यि दिस्वा अम्भेन०...संहसन्ति उप्पज्जेय्यु सोकपरिदेवदुक्खदोमनस्सूपायासा" ति ?
"नो हेतं, भन्ते'। "तं किस्स हेतु" ? "अमु हि, भन्ते, पुरिसो अमुस्सा इत्थिया वीतरागो । तस्मा तं इत्थि दिस्वा......" "एवमेव खो, भिक्खवे, भिक्खु न हेव अनद्धभूत अत्तानं दुक्खेन अद्धभावेति । ......
"पुन च परं, भिक्खवे, भिक्खु इति पटिसञ्चिक्खति-'यथासुखं खो मे विहरतो अकुसला धम्मा अभिवड्दन्ति, कुसला धम्मा परिहायन्ति ; दुक्खाय पन मे अत्तानं पदहतो अकुसला धम्मा परिहायन्ति, कुसला धम्मा अभिवड्दन्ति । यन्नूनाहं दुक्खाय अत्तानं पदहेय्यं ति । सो दुक्खाय अत्तानं पदहति । तस्स दुक्खाय अत्तानं पदहतो अकुसला धम्मा परिहायन्ति कुसला धम्मा अभिवड्दन्ति । सो न अपरेन समयेन दुक्खाय अत्तानं पदहति । तं किस्स हेतु ? यस्स हि सो, भिक्खवे, भिक्खु अत्थाय दुक्खाय अत्तानं पदहेय्य स्वास्स अत्यो अभिनिप्फन्नो होति । तस्मा न अपरेन समयेन दुक्खाय अत्तानं पदहति । सेय्यथापि, भिक्सवे, उसुकारो तेजनं दोसु अलातेसु आतापेति परितापेति उजं करोति कम्मनियं । यतो खो, भिक्खवे, उसुकारस्स तेजनं दीसु अलातेसु आतापितं होति....."न सो तं अपरेन समयेन उसुकारो तेजन द्वीसु अलातेसु आतापेति०...."तं किस्स हेतु ? यस्स हि सो, भिक्खवे, अस्थाय उसुकारो तेजनं द्वीसु अलातेसु आतापेय्य० "स्वास्स अत्थो अभिनिष्फन्नो होति । तस्मा न अपरेन समयेन उसुकारोते जनं द्वीसु अलातेसु आतापेति०'"एवमेव खो, भिक्खवे, भिक्खु इति पटिसञ्चिक्खति–'यथासुखं खो मे विहरतो अकुसला धम्मा अभिवड्ढन्ति.... स्वास्स अत्यो अभिनिष्फन्नो होति । तस्मा न अपरेन समयेन दुक्खाय अत्तानं पदहति । एवं पि, भिक्खवे, सफलो उपक्कमो होति, सफलं पधानं ।।.. _ "सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता पुब्बेकतहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति ; अद्धा, भिक्खवे, तथागतो पुल्वे सुकतमम्मकारी यं एतरहि एवरूपा अनासवा सुखा वेदना वेदेति । सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता इस्मरनिम्मानहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति ; अद्धा, भिक्खवे, तथागतो भद्दकेन इस्सरेन निम्मितो यं एतरहि एवरूपा अनासवा सुखा वेदना वेदेति । सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता सङ्गतिभावहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसवेदेन्ति ; अद्धा , भिक्खवे, तथागतो कल्याणसङ्गतिको यं एतरहि एवरूपा अनासवा सुखा वेदना वेदेति । सचे भिक्खवे, सत्ता अभिजातिहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंरेन्ति ; अद्धा, भिक्खवे, तथागतो कल्याणभिजातिको यं एतरहि एवरूपा अनासवा

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सुखा वेदना वेदेति । सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता दिट्ठधम्मपक्कमहेतु मुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति ; बद्धा, भिक्खवे, तथागतो कल्याणदिट्ठधम्मपक्कमो यं एतरहि एवरूपा अनासवा सुखा वेदना वेदेति ।
___ "सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता पुब्बेकतहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति, पासंसो तथागतो ; नो चे सत्ता पुब्बेकतहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति, पासंसो तथागतो। सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता इस्सरनिम्मानहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति, पासंसो तथागतो; नो चे सत्ता इस्सरनिम्मानहेतु खुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति, पासंसो तथागतो। सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता सङ्गतिभावहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसवेदेन्ति, पासंसो तथागतो; नो चे सत्ता सङ्गतिभावहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति, पासंसो तथागतो। सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता अभिजातिहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति, पासंसो तथागतो ; नो चे सत्ता अभिजातिहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसवेदेन्ति, पासंसो तथागते । सचे, भिक्खवे, सत्ता दिठ्ठधम्मपक्कमहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति, पासंसो तथागतो ; नो चे सत्ता दिट्ठधम्मपक्कमहेतु सुखदुक्खं पटिसंवेदेन्ति, पासंसो तथागतो । एवंवादी, भिक्खवे, तथागता । एवंवादीनं; भिक्खवे, तथागतानं इमे दस सहधम्मिका पासंसट्ठाना आगच्छन्ती' ति ।
इदमवोच भगवा । अत्तमना ते भिक्खू भगवतो भासितं अभिनन्, ति ।'
Nirgranthon kā tapa
Appassādā kāmå bahudukkhā
एवं मे सुतं । एक समयं भगवा सक्केसु विहरति कपिलवत्थुस्मि निग्रोधारामे । अथ खो महानामो सक्को येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । .......
___ "एकमिदाह, महानाम, समयं राजगहे विहरामि गिज्झकूटे पब्बते । तेन खो पन समयेन सम्बहुला निगण्ठा इसिगिलिपस्से कालसिलायं उन्भट्ठका होन्ति आसनपटिक्खित्ता,
ओपक्कमिका दुक्खा तिब्बा खरा कटुका वेदना वेदयन्ति । अथ ख्वाहं, महानाम, सायन्हसमयं पटिसल्लाना वुट्ठितो येन इसिगिलिपस्से कालसिला येन ते निगण्ठा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसमित्वा ते निगण्ठे एतदवोचं-'किन्नु तुम्हे, आवुसो, निगण्ठा उब्भट्ठका आसनपटिक्वित्ता, ओपक्कमिका दुक्खा तिब्बा खरा कटुका वेदना वेदयथा' ति ? एवं वृत्ते, महानाम, ते निगण्ठा में एतदवोचुं-'निगण्ठो, आवुसो, नातपुत्तो सब्बञ्जू सब्बदस्साबो अपरिसेप्तं
१. सुत्तपिटके, मज्झिमनिकाय पालि, उपरिपण्णासकं, देवदह सुत्तं, ३-१-१ से ४, पृ० १ से ।

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त्राणदस्सनं पटिजानाति-चरतो च मे तिट्ठतो च सुत्तस्स च जागरस्स च सततं समितं आणदस्सनं पच्चुपट्टितं ति । सो एवमाह-अस्थि खो वो, निगण्ठा, पुब्बे पापकम्मं कतं, तं इमाय कटुकाय दुक्करकारिकाय निज्जीरेथ ; यं पनेत्थ एतरहि कायेन संयुतां वाचाय संवुता मनसा संवुता तं आयतिं पापस्स कम्मस्स अकरणं ; इति पुराणानं कम्मानं तपसा व्यन्तिभावा, नवानं कम्मानं अकरणा, आयति अनवस्सवो, आयति अनवस्सवा कम्मक्खयो, कम्मक्खया दुक्खक्खयो, दुक्खक्खयो वेदनाक्खयो, वेदनाक्खया सब्बं दुक्खं निज्जण्णं भविस्सती ति । तं च पनम्हाकं रुच्चति चेव खमति च, तेन चम्हं अत्तमना' ति ।
"एवं वुत्ते, अहं, महानाम, ते निगण्ठे एतदवोचं-'किं पन तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, जानाथ-अहुवम्हे व मयं पुब्बे न नाहुवम्हा' ति ?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
'किं पन तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, जानाथ-अकरम्हे व मयं पुब्बे पापकम्म न नाकरम्हा' ति?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'। ___ 'किं पन तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, जानाथ-एवरूपं वा एवरूपं वा पापकम्मं अकरम्हा' ति?
'नो हिद, आवुसो'।
'किं पन तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, जानाथ-एत्तकं वा दुक्खं निज्जण्णं, एत्तकं वा दुक्खं निज्जीरेतब्ब, एत्तकम्हि वा दुक्खे निज्जिणे सब्बं दुक्खं निज्जिणं भविस्सतो' ति ?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो'।
'किं पन तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, जानाथ-दिठेव धम्मे अकुसलानं धम्मानं पहानं, कुसलानं धम्मानं उपसम्पदं' ति ?
'नो हिदं आवुसो' ।
'इति किर तुम्हे, आवुसो निगण्ठा, न जानाथ-अहुवम्हे व मयं पुब्बे न नाहुवम्हा ति, न जानाथ-अकरम्हे व मयं पुब्बे पापकम्म न नाकरम्हा ति, न जानाथ–एवरूपं वा एवरूपं वा पापकम्मं अकरम्हा ति, न जानाथ-एत्तकं वा दुक्खं निज्जिण्णं, एत्तकं वा दुवखं निजिरेतब्बं एतकम्हि वा दुक्खे निज्जिपणे सब्बं दुक्खं निजिणं भविस्सतो ति, न जानाथ-दिठेव धम्मे अकुसलानं धम्मानं पहानं, कुसलानं धम्मानं उपसम्पदं । एवं सन्ते, आवुसो निगण्ठा, ये लोके लुद्दा लोहितपाणिनो कुरूरकम्मन्ता मनुस्सेसु पच्चाजाता ते निगण्ठेसु पब्बजन्ती' ति ।
'न खो, आवुसो गोतम, सुखेन सुखं अधिगन्तब्बं, दुक्खेन खो सुखं अधिगन्तब्बं ; सुखेन चावुसो गोतम, सुखं अधिगन्तब्बं अभविस्स, राजा मागधो सेनियो बिम्बिसारी सुखं अधिगच्छेय्य, राजा मागधो सेनियो बिम्बिसारो सुखविहारितरो आयस्मता गोतमेना' ति ।

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'अद्धायस्मन्तेहि निगण्ठे हि सहसा अप्पटिसङ्खा वाचा भासिता-न खो, आवुसो गोतम, सुखेन सुखं अधिगन्तब्ब, दुक्खेन खो सुखं अधिगन्तब्बं ; सुखेन चावुसो गोतम, सुखं अधिगन्तब्बं अभविस्स, राजा मागधो सेनियो बिम्बिसारो सुखं अधिगच्छेय्य, राजा मागधो सेनियो बिम्बिसारो सुखविहारितरो आयस्मता गोतमेना ति । अदि च अहमेव तत्थ पटिपुच्छितब्बो-को नु खो आयस्मन्तानं सुखविहारितरो राजा वा मागधो सेनियो बिम्बिसारो आयस्मा वा गोतमो' ति ?
'अद्धावुसो गोतमो, अम्हेहि सहसा अप्पटिसङ्खा वाचा भासिता न खो, आवुसो गोतमो, सुखेन सुखं अधिगन्तब्बं, दुक्खेन खो सुखं अधिगन्तब्बं ; सुखेन चावुसो गोतम, सुखं अधिगन्तब्बं अभविस्स, राजा मागधो सेनियो बिम्बिसारो सुखं अधिगच्छेय्य, राजा मागधो सेनियो बिम्बिसारो सुखविहारितरो आयस्मता गोतमेना ति । अपि च तिट्ठतेतं, इदानि पि मयं आयस्मन्तं गोतमं पुच्छाय-को नु खो आयस्मन्तानं सुखविहारितरो राजा वा मागधो सेनियो बिम्बिसारो आयस्मा वा गोतमो' ति ?
'तेन हावुसो निगण्ठा, तुम्हे व तथ्य पटिपुच्छिस्सामि, यथा वो खमेय्य तथा नं व्याकरेय्याथ । तं किं मञथावुसो निगण्ठा. पहोति राजा मागधो सेनियो विम्बिसारो, अनिञ्जमानो कायेन, अभासमानो वाचं, सत्त रत्तिन्दिवानि एकन्तसुखं पटिसंवेदी विहरितुं' ति ?
'नो हिदं, आवु सो।
'तं किं मथावसो निगण्ठा, पहोति राजा मागधो सेनियो बिम्बिसारो, अनिम्जमानी कायेन, अभासमानो वाचं, छ रत्तिन्दिवानि पे०. "पञ्च रत्तिन्दिवानि'चत्तारि रत्तिन्दिवानि "तीणि रत्तिन्दिवानि "द्वे रत्तिन्दिवानि "एक रत्तिन्दिवं एकन्तसुखं पटिसंवेदी विहरितुं' ति ?
'नो हिदं, आवुसो' । ___ 'अहं खो, आवुसो निगण्ठा, पहोमि अनिञ्जमानो कायेन, अभासमानो वाचं, एक रत्तिन्दिवं एकन्तसुखं पटिसंवेदी विह रितुं । अहं खो, आवुसो निगण्ठा, पहोमि अनिञ्जमानो कायेन, अभासमानो वाचं, द्वे रत्तिन्दिवानि "तीणि रत्तिन्दिवानि 'चत्तारि रत्तिन्दिवानि पञ्च रत्तिन्दिवानि...छ रत्तिन्दिवानि'"सत्त रत्तिन्दिवानि एकन्तसुखं पटिसंवेदी विहरितुं । तं किं मञथावुसो निगण्ठा, एवं सन्ते को सुखविहारितरो राजा वा मागधो सेनियो बिम्बिसारो अहं वा' ति ?
___ ‘एवं सन्ते आयस्मा व गोतमो सुखविहारितरो रञा मागधेन सेनियेन बिम्बिसारेना' ति। ___ इदमवोच भगवा । अत्तमनो महानामो सक्को भगवतो भासितं अभिनन्दी ति ।' १. सुत्तपिटके, मज्झिमनिकाय पालि, मूलपण्णासक, चूलदुक्खक्खन्धसुत्तं, १४-२, २;
पृ० १२६-१३१ ।

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Asibandhakaputra Grāmaņi
एक समयं भगवा नालन्दाय विहरति पावारिकम्बवने । अथ खो असिबन्धकपुत्तो गामणि निगण्ठसावको येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा एकमन्तं नितीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नं खो असिबन्धकपुत्तं गामणिं भगवा एतदवोच-"कथं नु खो, गामणि, निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो सावकानं धम्मं देसेती" ति ?
"एवं खो, भन्ते, निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो सावकानं धम्म देसेति-'यो कोचि पाणं अतिपातेति सब्बो सो आपायिको नेरयिको, यो कोचि अदिन्नं आदियति सब्बो सो आपायिको नेरयिको, यो कोचि कामेसु मिच्छा चरति सब्बो सो आपायिको नेरयिको, यो कोचि मुसा भणति सब्बो सो आपायिको नेरयिको। यंबहुलं यंबहुलं विहरति तेन तेन नीयति' ति । एवं खो, भन्ते, निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो सावकानं धम्म देसेती" ति । ___“यंबहुलं यंबहुलं च, गामणि, विहरति तेन तेन नीयति', एवं सन्ते न कोचि आपायिको नेरयिको भविस्सति, यथा निगण्ठस्स नाटपुत्तस्स वचनं ।
"तं किं मम्मसि, गामणि, यो सो पुरिसो पाणातिपाती रतिया वा दिवसस्त वा समयासमयं उपादाय, कतमो बहुतरो समयो यं वा सो पाणमतिपातेति य वा सो पाणं नातिपातेती" ति?
"यो सो, भन्ते, पुरिसो पाणातिपाती रत्तिया षा दिवसस्स वा समयासमयं उपादाय, अप्पतरो सो समयो यं सो पाणमतिपातेति, अथ खो स्वेव बहुतरो समयो यं सो पाणं नातिपातेती" ति ।
"यंबहुलं यंबहुलं च, गामणि, ... ! यो सो पुरिसो अदिन्नादायी रतिया वा दिवसस्स वा समयासमयं उपादाय,..."।
"यंबहुलं यंबहुलं च,...' गामणि,-यो सो पुरिसो कामेसुमिच्छाचारी रखिया वा दिवसस्स वा समयासमयं उपादाय,... ।
"यंबहुलं यंबहुलं च, गामणि,०... यो सो पुरिसो मुसावादो रत्तिया वा दिवसस्स वा समयासमयं उपादाय,०"।
"इध, गामणि, एकच्चो सत्था एवंवादी होति एवंदिट्ठि-'यो कोचि पाणमतिपातेति सब्बो सो आपायिको नेर यिको, यो कोचि अदिन्नं आदियति सब्बो सो आपायिको नेरयिको, यो कोचि कामेसु मिच्छा चरित सब्बो सो आपायिको नेरयिको, यो कोचि मुसा भणति सब्बो सो आपायिको नेरयिको' ति । तस्मि खो पन, गामणि, सत्थरि सावको अभिप्पसन्नो होति । तस्स एवं होति-'मय्हं खो सत्या एवंवादी एवं दिदिठ-यो कोचि पाणमतिपातेति

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687 सब्बो सो आपायिको नेरयिको ति । अत्थि खो पन मया पाणो अतिपातितो अहम्पम्हि आपायिको नेरयिको ति दिदिंड पटिलभति । तं, गामणि, वाचं अप्पहाय तं चित्त अप्पहाय तं दिदिंड अप्पटिनिस्सज्जित्वा यथाभतं निक्खित्तो एवं निरये। मय्हं खो सत्था एवंवादी एवं दिट्ठि-यो कोचि अदिन्नं अदिति... | मय्हं खो सत्या एवंवादी एवं दिट्ठियो कोचि कामेस 'मिच्छा चरति सब्बो.... । मय्हं खो सत्या एवंवादी एवं दिट्ठिी-यो कोचि मुसा भणति....।
"इध पन, गामणि, तथागतो लोके उपपज्जति अरहं सम्मासम्बुद्धो विज्जाचरणसम्पन्नो सुगतो लोकविदू अनुत्तरी पुरिसदम्मसारथि सत्या देवमनुस्सानं बुद्धो भगवा । सो अनेकपरियायेन पाणातिपातं गरहति विगरहति' 'पाणातिपाता विरमथा' ति चाह । अदिन्नादानं गरहति विगरहति 'अदिन्नादाना विरमथा' ति चाह । कामेसुमिच्छाचार गरहति विगरहति 'कामेसुमिच्छाचारा विरमथा' ति चाह । मुसावादं गरहति विगरहति 'मुसावादा विरमथा' ति चाह । तस्मिं खो पन गामणि, सत्यरि सावको अभिप्पसन्नो होति । सो इति पटिसञ्चिक्षति-'भगवा खो अनेकपरियायेन पाणातिपातं गरहति विगरहति, पाणातिपाता विरमथा ति चाह । अत्थि खो पन मया पाणो अतिपातितो यावतको वा तावतको वा..., तं न सुट्छु, ठं न साधु । अहं चेव खो पन तप्पच्चया विप्पटिसारी अस्सं । न मेतं पापं कम्मं अकतं भविस्सती' ति । सो इति पटिसजाय तं चेव पाणातिपातं पजहति । आयतिं च पाणातिपाता पटिपिरतो होति । एवमेतस्स पापस्स कम्मस्स पहानं होति । एवमेतस्स पापस्स कम्मस्स समतिक्कमो होति ।
'भगषा खो अनेकपरियायेन अदिन्नादान'.... । 'भगवा रनो पन अनेकपरियायेन कामेसु मिच्छाचारं..." ।
'भगवा खो पन अनेकपरियायेन मुसावादं....। "सो पाणातिपातं पहाय पाणातिपाता पटिविरतो होति । अदिन्नादानं पहाय अदिन्नादाना पटिविरतो होति । कामेसुमिच्छाचार पहाय कामेसुमिच्छाचारा पटिविरतो होति । मुसावादं पहाय मुसाबादा पटिविरतो होति । पिसुणं वाचं पहाय पिसुणाय वाचाय पटिविरतो होति । फरसं वाचं पहाय फरसाय वाचाय पटिविरतो होति । सम्फप्पलापं पहाय सम्फप्पलापा पटिविरतो होति । अभिकं पहाय अनभिज्माल होति । न्याषादप्पदोसं पहाय अन्यापन्नचित्तो होति । मिच्छादिदिठ पहाय सम्मादिठिको होति ।
"स खो सो, गामणि, अरियसावको एवं विगताभिको विगतव्यापादो असम्मल्हो सम्पजानो पटिस्सतो मेतासहगतेन चेतसा एकं दिसं फरित्वा विहरति, तथा दुतियं, तथा ततियं, तथा चढत्थं । इति उद्धमधो तिरियं सम्बधि सम्बत्तताय सम्बावन्तं लोकं मेतासहगतेन चेतसा विप्लेन महम्गतेन अप्पमाणेन अवेरेन अन्यापज्जेन फरित्वा विहरति । सेव्यथापि,

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गामणि, बलवा सङ्खधमो अप्पकसिरेनेव चतुद्दिसा विज्ञापेय्य ; एवमेव खो, गामाणि, एवं भाविताय मेत्ताय चेतोविमुत्तिया एवं बहुलोकताय यं पमाणकतं कम्म, न तं तत्रावसिस्सति न तं तत्रावतिट्ठति ।
“स खो सो, गामणि, अरियसवको एवं विगताभिज्झो विगतब्यापादो असम्मल्हो सम्पजानो पटिस्सतो करुणासहगतेन चेतसा... पे०... मुदितासहगतेन चेतसा... पे०... उपेक्खासहगतेन चेतसा एकं दिसं फरित्वा विहरति, तथा दुतियं, तथा ततियं, तथा
चतुत्थं ।०...
एवं वुत्त, असिबन्धकपुत्तो गामणि भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"अभिक्कन्तं भन्ते, अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते... पे०... उपासकं मं भगवा धारेतु अज्जतग्गे पाणुपेतं सरणं गतं" ति ।'
७:
Nalanda men durbhiksa
एकं समयं भगवा कोसलेसु चारिकं चरमानो महता भिक्खुसङ्केन सद्धि येन नालन्दा तदवसरि । तत्र सुदं भगवा नालन्दाय विहरति पावारिकम्बवने ।
तेन खो पन समयेन नालन्दा दुभिक्खा होति द्वीहितिका सेतट्ठिका सलाकावुत्ता । तेन खो पन समयेन निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो नालन्दायं पटिवसति महतिया निगण्ठपरिसाय सद्धिं । अथ खो असिबन्धकपुत्तो गामणि निगण्ठसावको येन निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा निगण्ठं नाटपुत्त अभिवादेवा एकमन्तं निमोदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नं खो अमिबन्धकपुत्त गामणि निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो एतदवोच-"एहि त्वं, गामणि, समणस्स गोतमस्स वादं आरोपेहि । एवं ते कल्याणो कित्तिसद्दो अमुग्गच्छिस्सति–'यसिबन्धकपुत्ते न गामणिना समणस्स गोतमस्स एवंमहि द्धिकस्स एवंमहानुभावस्स वादो आरोपितो" ति ।
"कथं पनाह, भन्ते, समणस्स गोतमस्स एवंमहिद्धिकस्स एवं महानुभावस्स वादं आरोपेस्सामी" ति ?
"एहि त्वं, गामणि, येन समणो गोतमो तेनुपसङ्कम ; उपसङ्कमित्वा समणं गोतम एवं वदेहि-'ननु, भन्ते भगवा अनेक परियायेन कुलानं अनुद्दयं वण्णेति, अनुरक्खं वण्णेति, अनुकम्पं वण्णेती' ति ? सचे खो, गामणि, समणो गोतमो एवं पुट्ठो एवं व्याकरोति-'एवं गामणि, तथागतो अनेकपरियायेन कुलानं अनुद्दयं वण्णेति, अनुरक्खं वणेति, अनुकम्पं १. सुत्तपिटके, संयुत्तनिकाय पालि, सलायतनवग्गो, गामणिसंयुत्तं संखधमसुत्त, ४२-८-८,
पृ० २८१-८५ ।

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वण्णेती' ति, तमेनं त्वं एवं वदेय्यासि - 'अथ किञ्चरहि, भन्ते, भगवा दुब्भिक्खे द्वीहितिके सेतर के सलाकावुत्ते महता भिक्खुसङ्घ ेन सद्धि चारिकं चरति ? उच्छेदाय भगवा कुलानं पटिपन्नो, अन्याय भगवा कुलानं पटिपन्नो, उपधाताय भगवा कुलानं पटिपन्नो' ति ! इमं खोते, गामणि, समणो गोतमो उभतोकोटिकं पञ्हं पुट्ठो नेव सक्बति उग्गिलितं नेव सम्बति ओगिलितुं" ति । "एवं, भन्ते" ति खो असिबन्धकपुत्तो गामणि निगण्ठस्स नाटपुत्तस्स पटिस्सुत्वा उठायासना निगण्ठं नाटपुत्त अभिवादेत्वा पदक्खिणं कत्वा येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसोदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो असन्वकपुत्ती गामणि भगवन्तं एतदवोच
" ननु, भन्ते, भगवा अनेक परियायेन कुलानं अनुद्दयं वण्णेति, अनुरक्खं वण्णेति, अनुकम्पं वण्णेती" ति ?
"एवं, गामणि, तथागतो अनेक परियायेन कुलानं अनुद्दयं वण्णेति, अनुरक्वं वण्णेति, अनुकम्पं वण्णेती” ति ।
“अथ किञ्चरहि, भन्ते, भगवा दुब्भिक्खे द्वीहितिके सेतट्ठिके सलाकावुत्ते महता भिक्खुसङ्घ न सद्धिचारिकं चरति ? उच्छेदाय भगवा कुलानं पटिपन्नो, अनयाय भगवा कुलानं पटिपन्नो, उपघाताय भगवा कुलानं पटिपन्नो" ति ।
"इतो सो, गामणि, एकनवुतिकप्पे यमहं अनुस्सरामि, नाभिजानामि किञ्चि कुलं पक्कभिक्खानुप्पदानमत्तेन उपहतपुब्बं । अथ खो यानि तानि कुलानि अड्ढानि महद्धनानि महाभोगानि पहूतजातरूपरजतानि पहूतवित्तू पकरणानि पहूतधनधज्ञानि सब्बानि तानि दानसम्भूतानि चैव सच्चसम्भूतानि च सामञ्ञसम्भूतानि च । अट्ठ खो, गामणि, हेतू, अट्ठ पच्चया कुलानं उपघाताच राजतो वा कुलानि उपघातं गच्छन्ति, चोरतो वा कुलानि उपघातं गच्छन्ति, अग्गितो वा कुलानि उपघातं गच्छन्ति, उदकतो वा कुलानि उपघातं गच्छन्ति, निहितं वा ठाना विगच्छति, दुप्पयुक्त्ता वा कम्मन्ता विपज्जन्ति, कुले वा कुलङ्गारो ति उप्पज्जति यो ते भोगे विकिरति विधर्मात विद्धसेति, अनिच्चता व अमी ति । इमे खो, गामणि, अट्ठ हेतू, अटूट्ठ पच्चया कुलानं उपघाताय । इमेसु खो, गामणि, अट्ठसु हेतू अट्ठसु पच्चयेसु संविज्जमानेसु यो मं एवं वदेय्य – 'उच्छेदाय भगवा कुलानं पटिपन्नो, अनयाय भगवा कुलानं पटिपन्नो, उपघाताय भगवा कुलानं पटिपन्नो' ति, तं, गामणि, वाचं, अप्पहाय तं चित्तं अप्पहाय तं दिट्ठि अप्पटिनिस्सज्जित्वा यथाभतं निक्खित्तो एवं निरये" ति । एवं बुत्ते, असिबन्धकपुत्तो गामणि भगवन्तं एतदवोच - "अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते, अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते पे० उपासकं मं भगवा धारेतु अज्जतग्गे पाणुपेतं सरणं गत" ति । १
१. सुत्तपिटके, संयुत्तनिकाय पालि, सलायतनवग्गो, गामणिसंयुक्त्तं, कुलसुत्त, ४२-६-६, पृ० २८५-८७ ।

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: ८: Citra Grhapati
तेन खो पन समयेन निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो मच्छिकासण्डं अनुप्पत्ती होति महतिया निगण्ठपरिसाय सद्धि । अस्सोसि खो चित्तो गहपति - " निगष्ठो किर नाटपुत्तो मच्छिकाण्डं अनुपपत्तो महतिया निगण्ठपरिसाय सद्धि" ति । अथ खो चित्तो गहपति सम्बहुलेहि उपासकेहि सद्धि येन निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा निगण्ठेन नाटपुत्तेन सद्धिं सम्मोदि । सम्मोदनीयं कथं सारणीयं वीतिसारेत्वा एकमन्तुं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नं खो चित्तं गहपति निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो एतदवोच सद्दहसि त्वं, गहपति, समणस्स गोतमस्सअथ अतिक्को विचारो समाधि, अत्थि वितक्कविचाराणं निरोधो" ति ?
" न ख्वाहं, एत्थ, भन्ते, भगवतो सद्धाय गच्छामि । अस्थि अवितको अविचारो समाधि, अस्थि तिक्क विचारानं निरोघो" ति ।
-
एवं बुत्ते, निगण्ठो नाटपुत्ती उल्लोकेत्वा एतदवोच - " इदं भवन्तो परसन्तु, याव उजुको चायं चित्तो गहपति, याव असठो चायं चित्तो गहपति, याव अमायाबी चायं चित्तो गपति, वातं वा सो जालेन बाधेतब्बं मज्ञेय्य, यो वितक विचारे निरोधेतब्बं मज्ञेय्य, सकमुट्ठिना वा सो गङ्गाय सोतं आवारेतब्बं मज्ञेय्य, यो वितक विचारे निरोधेतब्ब मज्ञेय्या" ति ।
"तं किं मसि, भन्ते, कतमं नु खो पणीततरं- आणं वा सद्धा वा " ति ?
"सद्धाय खो, गहपति, ञाणं येन पणीततरं" ति ।
"अहं खो, भन्ते, याबदेव आकङ्क्षामि विविच्चेव कामेहि विविच्च अंकुसलेहि धम्मेहि afari सविचार विवेकजं पीतिसुखं पठनं झानं उपसम्पज्ज विहरामि । अहं खो, भन्ते, यावदेव आकङ्क्षामि वितक विचारानं वृपसमा पे० दुतिय झानं उपसम्पज्ज विहरामि । अहं बो, भन्ते, यावदेव आकङ्कामि, पीतिया न बिरागा... पे० "ततियं झानं उपसम्पज्ज विहरामि । अहं खो, भन्ते, यावदेव आकङ्क्षामि सुखस्स च पहाना पे० चतृत्थं ज्ञानं उपसम्पज्ज विहरामि । न सो ख्वाहं, भन्ते, एवं जानन्तो एवं पस्सन्तो कस्स अज्ञस्स समणस्स वा ब्राह्मणस्स वा सद्धाय गमिस्सामि । अस्थि अवितको अविचारी समाधि, अतिथ freefaचारानं निरोधी" ति ।
एवं वुत्ते, निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो सकं परिसं अपलोकेत्वा एतदबोच - " इदं भवन्तो पस्सन्तु, याव अनुजुको चायं चित्तो गहपति, याव सठो चायं चित्तो गहपति, याव मायावी चायं चित्तो गहपती" ति ।
इदानेव बो ते मयं, भन्ते, भासितं - एवं आजाजानाम इदं भवन्तो परसन्तु, याव

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उजुको नायं चित्तो गहपति, याव असठो चायं चित्तो गहपति, याव अमायावी चायं चित्तो गहपती' ति। इदानेव च पन मयं, भन्ते, भासितं-'एवं आजानाम इदं भवन्तो पस्सन्तु, याव अनुजुको चायं चित्तो गहपति, याव सठो चायं चित्तो गहपति, याव मायावी चायं गहपती' ति । सचे ते, भन्ते, पुरिमं सच्चं, पच्छिमं ते मिच्छा। सचे पन ते, भन्ते, पुरिमं मिच्छा, पच्छिमं ते सच्चं । इमे खो पन, भन्ते, दस सहधम्मिका पञ्हा आगच्छन्ति । यदा नेसं अत्थं आजानेय्यासि, अथ मं पटिहरेय्यासि सद्धिं निगण्ठपरिसाय । एको पञ्हो एको उद्देसो एकं वेय्याकरणं । द्वे पञ्हा द्वे उद्देसा द्वे वेय्याकरणानि । तयो पञ्हा तयो उद्देसा तीणि वेय्याकरणानि । चत्तारो पञ्हा चत्तारो उद्देसा चत्तारि वेय्याकरणानि । पञ्च पहा पञ्च उद्देसा पञ्च वेय्याकरणानि । छ पञ्हा छ उद्देसा छ वेय्याकरणानि । सत्त पञ्हा सत्त उद्देसा सत्त वेय्याकरणानि । अझ पञ्हा अट्ठ उद्देसा अट्ठ वेय्याकरणानि । नव पञ्हा नव उद्देसा नव वेय्याकरणानि । दस पञ्हा दस उद्देसा दस वेय्याकरणानी" ति ।
अथ खो चिनो गहपति निगण्ठं नाटपुत्तं इमे दस सहधम्मिके पञ्हे आपुच्छित्वा उठायासना पक्कामी ति।'
Kutūhalaśālā Sutta अथ खो वच्छगोत्तो परिब्बाजको येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवता सद्धिं सम्मोदि । सम्मोदनीयं कथं सारणीयं वीतिसारेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि। एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो वच्छगोत्तो परिब्बाजको भगवन्तं एतदवोच
"पुरिमानि भो गोतम, दिवसानि पुरिमतरानि सम्बहुलानं नानातिथियानं समणब्राह्मणानं परिब्बाजकानं कुतूहलसालायं सन्निसिन्नानं सन्निपतितानं अयमन्तराकथा उदपादि-'अयं खो पूरणो कस्सपो सङ्घी चेव गणी च गणाचरियो च आतो यसस्सी तित्थकरो साधुसम्मतो बहुजनस्स । सो पि सावकं अब्भतीतं कालङ्कतं उपपत्तीसु ब्याकरोति'असु अमुत्र उपपन्नो, असु अमुत्र उपपन्नो' ति । यो पिस्स सावको उत्तमपुरिसो परमपुरिसो परमपत्तिपत्तो तं पि सावकं अब्भतीतं कालङ्कतं उपपत्तीसु ब्याकरोति-'असु अमुत्र उपपन्नो, असु अमुत्र उपपन्नो' ति ।। ___"अयं पि खो मक्खलि गोसालो "पे०... अयं पि खो निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो' 'अयं पि खो सञ्जयो वेलठ्ठपुत्तो''अयं पि खो पकुधो कच्चानो 'अयं पि खो अजितो केसकम्बलो सङ्घी चेव गणी च०...... । १. सुत्तपिटके, संयुत्तनिकाय पालि, सलायतनवम्गो, चित्तसंयुत्तं, निगष्ठ नाटपुत्तसुत्तं,
४१-८-८, पृ० २६५-६६ । ७२

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___"अयं पि खो समणो गोतमो सङ्घी चेव गणी च गणाचरियो च जातो यसस्सी तित्थकरो साधुसम्मतो बहुजनस्स । सो पि सावकं अब्भतीतं कालङ्कतं उपपत्तीसु ब्याकरोति'असु अमुत्र उपपन्नो, असु अमुत्र उपपन्नो' ति । यो पिस्स सावको उत्तमपुरिसो परमपुरिसो परमपत्तिपत्तो तं च सावकं अब्भतीतं कालङ्कतं उपपत्तीसु न ब्याकरोति-'असु अमुत्र उपपन्नो, असु अमुत्र उपपन्नो' ति । अपि च खो नं एवं ब्याकरोति-अच्छेच्छि तण्हं, विवत्तयि संयोजनं, सम्मा मानाभिसमया अन्तमकासि दुक्खस्सा' ति ! तस्स मव्ह, भो गोतम, अहु देव कला अहु विचिकिच्छा-'कथं नाम समणस्स गोतमस्स धम्मो अभिनेव्यो' " ति ?
"अलं हि ते, वच्छ, कङ्कितं, अलं विचिकिच्छितुं कङ्खनीये च पन ते ठाने विचिकिच्छा उप्पन्ना। सउपादानस्स ख्वाहं, वच्छ, उपपत्तिं पापेमि नो अनुपादानस्स । सेय्यथापि, वच्छ, अग्गि सउपादानो जलति, नो अनुपादानो ; एवमेव ख्वाहं, वच्छ, सउपादानस्स उपपत्तिं पञ्ञापेमि, नो अनुपादानस्सा" ति ।
"यस्मि, भो गोतम, समये अच्चि वातेन खित्ता दूरं पि गच्छति, इमस्स पन भवं गोतमो किं उपादानस्मि पञ्ञापेती" ति ?
"यस्मि खो, वच्छ, समये अच्चि वातेन खित्ता दूरं पि गच्छति, तमहं वातूपादानं पञआपेमि । वातो हिस्स, वच्छ, तस्मि समये उपादानं होती" ति।
“यस्मिं च पन, भी गोतम, समये इमं च कायं निक्खिपति सत्तो च अञ्जतरं कायं अनुपपन्नो होति, इमस्स पन भवं गोतमो कि उपादान स्मि पञ्ञापेती" ति ? ___ "यस्मि खो, वच्छ, समये इमं च कायं निक्खिपति सत्तो च अञ्जतरं कायं अनुपपन्नो होति, तमहं तण्हूपादानं वदामि । तण्हा हिस्स, वच्छ, तस्मि समये उपादानं होती” ति ।'
Abhayalicchavi
एक समय आयस्मा आनन्दो वेसालियं विहरति महावने कूटागारसालायं । अथ खो अभयो च लिच्छवि पण्डितकुमारको च लिच्छवि येनायस्मा आनन्दो तेनुपसङ्कमिंसु ; उपसङ्कमित्वा आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदिसु । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो अभयो लिच्छवि आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं एतदवोच-"निगण्ठो, भन्ते, नाटपुत्तो सम्बन्ध
१. सुत्तपिटके, संयुत्तनिकाय पालि, सलायतनवग्गो, अब्याकतसंयुत्तं, कुतूहलसालासुत्तं,
४४-६-६ : पृ० ३४१-४२।

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सब्त्रदस्सावी अपरिसेसं जाणदस्सनं परिजानाति - 'चरतो च मे तिट्ठतो च सुत्तस्स च जागरस्स च सततं समितं जाणदस्सनं पच्चुपट्ठितं' ति । सो पुराणानं कम्मानं तपसा व्यन्तीभावं पञ्ञापेति नवानं कम्मानं अकरणा सेतुघातं । इति कम्मक्खया दुक्खक्खयो, दुक्खक्खया, वेदनाक्खयो, वेदनाक्खया सब्बं दुक्खं निज्जिण्णं भविस्सति - एवमे तिस्सा सन्दिठिकाय निज्जराय विसुद्धिया समतिक्कमो होति । इध, भन्ते, भगवा किमाहा" ति ?
" तिस्सो खो इमा, अभय, निज्जरा विसुद्धियो तेन भगवता जानता पस्सता अरहता सम्मासम्बुद्धेन सम्मदक्खाता सत्तानं विसुद्धिया सोकपरिदेवानं समतिक्कमाय दुक्खदोमनस्सानं अत्थङ्गमाय जायस्स अधिगमाय निब्वानस्स सच्छिकिरियाय । कतमा तिस्सो ? इध, अभय, भिक्खु सीलवा होति पे० समादाय सिक्खति सिक्खापदेसु । सो नवं च कम्मं न करोति, पुराणं च कम्मं फुस्स फुस्स व्यन्तीकरोति । सन्दिठिका निज्जरा अकालिका एपिस्सिका ओपनेय्यिका पच्चत्तं वेदितब्बा विञ्जूही ति ।
"स खो सो, अभय, भिक्खु एवं सीलसम्पन्नो विविच्चेत्र कामेहिपे० चतुत्थं झानं उपसम्पज्ज विहरति । सो नवं च कम्मं न करोति, पुराणं च कम्मं फुस्स फुस्स ब्यन्तीकरोति । सन्दिट्टिका निज्जरा अकालिका एहिपस्सिका ओपनेय्यिका पच्चत्तं वेदिता विज्ञहीति ।
“स खो सो, अभय, भिक्खु एवं समाधिसम्पन्नो आसवानं खया अनासवं चेतोविमुक्ति पञ्ञाविमुत्ति दिट्ठे व धम्मे सयं अमित्रा सच्छिकत्वा उपसम्पज्ज विहरति । सो नवं च कम्मं न करोति, पुराणं च कम्मं फुस्स फुस्स व्यन्तीकरोति । सन्दिट्टिका निज्जरा अकालिका एहिपस्सिका ओपनेय्यिका पच्चत्तं वेदितव्त्रा विज्ञही ति । इमा खो, अभय, तिस्सो निज्जरा विसुद्धियो तेन भगवता जानता पस्सता अरहता सम्मासम्बुद्धेन सम्मदक्खाता सत्तानं विसुद्धिया सोकपरिदेवानं समतिक्कमाय दुक्खदोमनस्सानं अत्वङ्गमाय जायस्स अधिगमाय निब्बान सच्छिकि रियाया" ति ।
एवं वृत्ते पण्डितकुमारको लिच्छवि अभयं लिच्छवि एतदवोच - " कि पन त्वं, सम्म अभय, आयस्मतो आनन्दस्स सुभासितं सुभासिततो नाब्भनुमोदसी" ति ?
"क्याहं, सम्म पण्डितकुमारक आयस्मतो आनन्दस्स सुभासितं सुभासिततो नाब्भनुमोदिस्सामि ! मुद्धापि तस्स विपतेय्य यो आयस्मतो आनन्दस्स सुभासितं सुभासिततो नाब्भनुमोदेय्या" ति । '
१. सुत्तपिटके, अंगुत्तरनिकाय पालि, तिकनिपात, आनन्दवग्गो, निगण्ठसुत्तं, ३-८-४, पृ० २०५ ॥

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११
Lokasanta-ananta
१. अथ खो द्वे लोकायतिका ब्राह्मणा येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमिंसु ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवता सद्धि सम्मोदिंसु । सम्मोदनीयं कथं सारणीयं वीतिसारेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदिसु । एकमन्तं निसिन्ना खो ते ब्राह्मणा भगवन्तं एतदवोचुं -
२. “पूरणो, भो गोतम, कस्सपो सब्बज्ञ सब्बदस्सावी अपरिसेसं जाणदस्सनं पटिजानाति —– 'चरतो च मे तिट्ठतो च सुत्तस्स च जागरस्स च सततं समितं त्राणदस्सनं पच्चपति' ति । सो एवमाह - 'अहं अनन्तेन जाणेन अनन्तं लोकं जानं पस्सं विहरामी' ति । अयं पि, भो गोतम, निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो सब्बज्ञ सब्बदस्सावी अपरिसेसं जाणदस्सनं पटिजानाति—'चरतो च मे तितो च सुत्तस्स च जागरस्स च सततं समितं त्राणदस्सनं पच्चपट्ठितं ' ति । सो एवमाह - ' अहं अनन्तेन त्राणेन अनन्तं लोकं जानं पस्सं विहरामी ' ति । इमे भो गोतम उभिन्नं जाणवादानं उभिन्नं अञ्ञमञ्ञ विपच्चनीकवादानं को सच्च आह को मुसा " ति ?
३. "अलं, ब्राह्मणा ! तिट्ठतेतं - 'इमेसं उभिन्नं जाणवादानं उभिन्न अन्ञम विपच्चनीकवादानं को सच्चं आह को मुसा' ति । धम्मं वो, ब्राह्मणा, देसेस्सामि, तं सुणाथ, साधुकं मनसिकरोथ ; भासिस्सामी" ति । "एवं भो” ति खो ते ब्राह्मणा भगवतो पच्चस्सोसुं । भगवा एतदवोच .........|
: १२ :
Vappa-jaina Sravaka
एकं समयं भगवा सक्केसु विहरति कपिलवत्थुस्मि निग्रोधारामे । अथ खो वप्पो सक्को निगण्ठसावको येनायस्मा महामोग्गल्लानो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा आयस्मन्तं महामोगल्लानं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नं खो वप्पं सक्कं निगण्ठसावकं आयस्मा महामोग्गल्लानो एतदवोच
"इधस्स, वप्प, कायेन संवुतो वाचाय संवुतो मनसा संवुतो अविज्जाविरागा विज्जुपादा | परससि नो त्वं, वप्प, तं ठानं यतोनिदानं पुरिसं दुक्खवेदनिया आसवा अस्सवेय्युं अभिसम्परायं" ति ?
१. सुत्तपिटके, अंगुत्तरनिकाय पालि, नवक-निपातो, महावग्गो, लोकायतिकसुत्तं, ६-४-७ ; पृ० ६६-६७ ।

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“पस्सामहं, भन्ते, तं ठानं । इधस्स, भन्ते, पुब्बे पापकम्मं कतं अविपक्कविपाकं । ततोनिदानं पुरिसं दुक्खवेदनिया आसवा अस्सवेय्यं अभिसंपराय" ति ।
अयं चेव खो पन आयस्मतो महामोग्गल्लानस्स वप्पेन सकेन निगण्ठसावकेन सद्धिं अन्तराकथा विप्पकता होति ; अथ खो भगवा सायन्हसमयं पटिसल्लाना वुट्ठितो येन उपट्ठानसाला तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा पञत्ते आसने निसीदि । निसज्ज खो भगवा आयस्मन्तं महामोग्गल्लानं एतदवोच
___ "काय नुत्थ, मोग्गल्लान, एतरहि कथाय सन्निसिन्ना; का च पन वो अन्तराकथा विप्पकता" ति? ___ इधाहं, भन्ते, वप्पं सक्कं निगण्ठसावकं एतदवोचं-'इधस्स, वप्प, कायेन ......... अभिसंपरायं' ति ? एवं वुत्ते, भन्ते, वप्पो सक्को निगण्ठसावको मं एतदवोच-पस्सामहं, मन्ते०,..."अभिसंपरायं' ति । अथ खो नो, भन्ते, वप्पेन सक्केन निगण्ठसावकेन सद्धिं अन्तराकथा विप्पकता ; अथ भगवा अनुप्पत्तो" ति । ___ अथ खो भगवा वप्पं सक्कं निगण्ठसावकं एतदवोच-"सचे मे त्वं, वप्प अनुय्यं चेव अनुजानेय्यासि, पटिक्कोसितब्बं च पटिक्कोसेय्यासि, यस्स च मे भासितस्स अत्यं न जानेय्यासि ममेवेत्थ उत्तरि पटिपुच्छेय्यासि-'इदं, भन्ते, कथं, इमस्स को अत्यो' ति सिया नो एत्थ कथासल्लापो" ति ।
अनुज्ञेय्यं चेवाह, भन्ते, भगवतो अनुजानिस्सामि, पटिक्कोसितब्बं च पटिकोसिस्सामि, यस्स चाहं भगवतो भासितस्स अत्थं न जानिस्सामि भगवन्तं येवेत्थ उत्तरि पटिपुच्छिस्सामि'इदं भन्ते, कथं, इमस्स को अत्थो' 'ति ? होतु नो एत्थ कथासल्लापो" ति ।
"तं कि मञ्जसि, वप्प, ये कायसमारम्भपच्चया उप्पज्जन्ति आसवा विघातपरिलाहा, कायसमारम्भा पटिविरतस्स एवंस ते आसवा बिघातपरिलाहा न होन्ति । सो नवं च कम्म न करोति, पुराणं च कम्मं फुस्स फुस्स ब्यन्तीकरोति, सन्दिहिका निज्जरा अकालिका एहिपस्सिका ओपनेय्यिका पच्चत्तं वेदितब्बा विहि । पस्ससि नो त्वं, वप्प, तं ठानं यतोनिदानं परिसं दुक्खवेदनिया आसवा अस्सवेय्यं अभिसम्पराय" ति ?
"नो हेतं भन्ते"।
" कि मञसि, वप्प, ये वचीसमारम्भपच्चया उप्पज्जन्ति आसवा......... अभिसम्परायं" ति ?
"नो हेतं, भन्ते'।
"तं किं मञ्जसि, वप्प, ये मनोसमारम्भपच्चया उप्पज्जन्ति आसवा....... अभिसम्पराय" ति?
"नो हेतं, भन्ते"।

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"तं किं मञ्ञति, वप्प, ये अविज्जापच्चया उप्पज्जन्ति आसवा०. अभिसम्पराय" ति ? "नो हेतं, भन्ते” ।
"एवं सम्मा विमुत्तचित्तस्स खो, वप्प, भिक्खुनो छ सततविहारा अधिगता होन्ति । सो चक्खना रूपं दिवा नेव सुमनो होति न दुम्मनो; उपेक्खको विहरति सती सम्पजानो । सोतेन सह सुत्वापे० "धानेन गन्धं धायित्वापे० जिव्हाय रसं सायित्वापे०.. कायेन फोब्बं पुसित्वा पे० मनसा धम्मं विघ्ञाय नेव सुमनो होति न दुम्मनो ; उपेक्ast विहरति सतो सम्पजानो । सो कायपरियन्तिकं वेदनं वेदियमानो 'कायपरियन्तिकं वेदनं वेदियामी' ति पजानाति ; जीवितपरियन्तिकं वेदनं वेदियमानो 'जीवितपरियन्तिकं वैदनं वेदियामी' ति पजानाति, 'कायस्स भेदा उद्धं जीवितपरियादाना इधेव सब्बवेदयित्मनि अनभिनन्दितानि सीती भविस्सन्ती' ति पजानाति ।
सेय्यथापि, वप्प, थुणं पटिच्च छाया पञ्ञायति । अथ पुरिसो आगच्छेय्य कुदाल - पिटकं आदाय । सो तं वृणं मूले छिन्देय्य ; मूले छिन्दित्वा पलिखणेय्य ; पलिखणित्वा मूलानि उद्धरेय्य, अन्तमसो उसीरनालिमत्तानि' पि । सो तं थूणं खण्डाखण्डिकं छिन्देय्य | खण्ड खण्डिकं छत्वा फालेय्य । फालेत्वा सकलिकं सकलिकं करेय्य । सकलिकं सकलिकं कत्वा वातातपे विसोसेय्य । वाततपे विसोसेत्वा अग्गिना डहेय्य । अग्गिना डहेत्वा मसि करेय्य । मसिं करित्वा महावाते वा ओपुणेय्य नदिया वा सीधसोताय पवहेभ्य । एवं हिस्स, वप्प, या थूणं पटिच्च छाया सा उच्छिन्नमूला तालात्थुकता अनभावङ्कता आयति अनुप्पादधम्मा |
" एवमेव खो, वप्प, एवं सम्मा विमुत्तचित्तस्स भिक्खुनो छ सतत विहारा........ पजानाति ।
एवं वृत्ते वप्पो सक्को निगण्ठसावको भगवन्तं एतदवोच - " सेय्यथापि, भन्ते, पुरिसो उदयत्थिको अस्सपणियं पोसेय्य । सो उदयं चैव नाधिगच्छेय्य, उत्तरि च किल मस्स विघातस्स भागी अस्स । एवमेव खो अहं, भन्ते, उदयत्थिको वाले निगण्ठे पयिरुपासिं । स्वाहं उदयं चैव नाधिगच्छि, उत्तरि च किलमथस्स विघातस्स भागी अहोसि। एसाहं, भन्ते, अंज्जतग्गे यो मे बालेसु निगण्ठेसु पसादो तं महात्राते वा ओकुणामि नदिया वा सीघसोताय पवामि । अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते पे० उपासकं मं, भन्ते, भगवा धारेतु अज्जतग्गे पाणुपेतं सरणं गतं " ति । १
..
१. सुत्तपिटके, अंगुत्तरनिकाय पालि, चतुक्कमिपात, महावग्गो, वप्पसुतं ४-२०-५ ; पृ० २१०-२१३ ।

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Sakula Udayi Satatam samitam sabbaññjutā
एवं मे सुतं । एक समयं भगवा राजगहे विहरति वेलुवने कलन्दकनिवापे । तेन खो पन समयेन सकुलुदायी परिब्बाजको मोरनिवापे परिब्बाजकारामे पटिवसति महतिया परिब्बाजकपरिसाय सद्धिं । अथ खो भगवा पुब्बग्रहसमयं ० . "पच्छा पि सवनाय । यदाहं, भन्ते, इमं परिसं अनुपसङ्कतो होमि अथायं परिसा अनेकविहितं तिरच्छानकथं कथेन्ती निसिन्ना होति ; यदा च खो अहं, भन्ते, इमं परिसं उपसङ्कन्तो होमि अथायं परिसा मम व मुखं उल्लोकेन्ती निसिन्ना होति–'यं नो समणो उदायी धम्म भासिस्सति तं सोस्सामा ति ; यदा पन, भन्ते भगवा इमं परिसं उपसङ्कन्तो होति अथाहं चेव अयं च परिसा भगवतो मुखं उल्लोकेन्ता निसिन्ना होम-'यं नो भगवा धम्म भासिस्सति तं सोस्सामा" ति ।
"तेनहुदायि, तं एवेत्थ पटिभातु यथा में पटिभासेय्यासि" ।
"पुरिमानि, भन्ते, दिवसानि पुरिमतरानि सब्बञ्जू सब्बदस्सावी अपरिसेसं आणदस्सनं पटिजानमानो चरतो च मे तिढतो च सुत्तस्स च जागरस्स च सततं समितं जाणदस्सनं पच्चुपाद्रुतं ति । सो मया पुब्बन्तं आरब्भ पहं पुट्ठो समानो अञ्जननं पटिचरि, बहिद्धा कथं अपनामे सि, कोपं च दोसं च अप्पच्चयं च पात्वाकासि । तस्म मय्हं, भन्ते, भगवन्तं येव आरब्भ सति उदपादि-'अहो नून भगवा, अहो नून सुगतो! यो इमेसं धम्मानं सुकुसलो" ति ।
"को पन सो, उदायि सब्ब सब्बदस्सावी... पात्वाकासी" ति ? निगण्ठो, भन्ते, नातपुत्तो" ति । पुन्बन्तापरन्तपञ्चविस्सज्जने समत्थो
यो खो, उदायि, अनेकविहितं पुब्बेनिवासं अनुस्सरेय्य, सेय्यथीद-एकं पि जाति द्वे पि जातियो"पे० 'इति साकारं सउद्देसं अनेकविहितं पुब्बेनिवासं अनुस्सरेय्य, सो वा मं पुब्बतं आरब्भ पहं पुच्छेय्यं ; सो वा मे पुब्बन्तं आरम्भ पञ्हस्स वेय्याकरणेन चित्तं आराधेय्य, तस्स वाहं पुब्बन्तं आरब्भ पञ्हस्स वेय्याकरणेन चित्तं आराधेय्यं ।
___ "यो खो, उदायि, दिब्बेन चक्खुना विसुद्धेनं अतिक्कन्त-मानुसकेन सत्ते पस्सेय्य चवमाने उपपज्जमाने हीने पणीते सुवण्णे दुब्बण्णे, सुगते दुग्गते यथाकम्मपगे सत्ते पजानेम्य, सो वा में अपरन्तं आरब्म..... वाहं अपरन्तं ारम०...मे अपरन्तं आरम बाई अपरन् आरज्म......"बाराम्यं ।

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" अपि च, उदायि, तिट्ठतु पुत्रन्तो, तितु अपरन्तो । सति इदं होति इमस्सुप्पादा इदं उप्पज्जति ; इमस्मि असति इदं निरुज्झती" ति । १०
: १४ :
Nirvana-samvāda ( 1 )
धम्मं ते देसेस्सामि – इमस्मि इदं न होति इमस्स निरोधा
Nātaputte Kälankate bhinnā nigantha
एवं मे सुतं । एकं समयं भगवा सक्केसु विहरति सामगा मे । तेन खो पन समयेन निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो पावायं अधुनाकालङ्कतो होति । तस्स कालङ्किरियाय भिन्ना निगण्ठा दधिकजाता भण्डनजाता कलहजाता विवादापन्ना अञ्ञमयं मुखसत्तीहि वितुदन्ता विहरन्ति - " न त्वं इमं धम्मविनयं आजानासि अहं इमं धम्मविनयं आजानामि । किं त्वं इमं धम्मविनयं आजानिस्ससि ! मिच्छापटिपन्नो त्वमसि, अहमस्मि सम्मापटिपन्नो । सहितं मे, असहितं ते । । पुरेवचनीयं पच्छा अवच, पच्छावचनीयं पुरे अवच । अधिचिण्णं ते विपरावत्तं । आरोपितो ते वादो । निग्गहितोसि, चर वादप्पमोक्खाय; निब्बेठेहि वा सचे पहोसी" ति । वधो येव खो मध्ये निगण्ठेसु नात्तपुत्तियेसु वत्तति । ये पि निगण्ठस्स नातपुत्तस्स सावका गिही ओदातवसना ते पि निगण्ठेसु नातपुत्तिगेमु निब्बिन्नरूपा विरतरूपा पटिवानरूपा यथा तं दुरवाते धम्मविनये दुप्पवेदिते अनिय्यानिके अनुपसमसंवत्तनिके असम्मासम्बुद्धप्पवेदिते भिन्नरूपे अप्पटिसरणे ।
अथ खो चुन्दो समणुद्दे सो पावायं वस्सं वुत्थो येन सामगामो येनायस्मा आनन्दो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिनो खो चुन्दो समणुद्दे सो आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं एतदवोच - "निगण्ठो, भन्ते, नातपुत्तो पावायं अधुनाकालङ्कतो | तस्स कालंङ्किरियाय भिन्ना निगण्ठा द्वेो धिकजाता.. पे०. भिन्नथूपे अप्पटिसरणे" ति । एवं वुत्ते, आयस्मा आनन्दो चुन्दं समणुद्देसं एतदवोच— "अत्थि खो इदं, आसो चुन्दं कथापाभतं भगवन्तं दस्सनाय । आयाम, आवुसो चन्द, येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमिस्साम ; उपसङ्कमित्वा एतमत्थं भगवतो आरोचेस्सामा " ति । "एवं, भन्ते” ति खो चुन्दो समणुद्दे सो आयस्मतो आनन्दस्स पच्चस्सोसि |
अथ खो आयस्मा च आनन्दो चुन्दो च समणुद्देसो येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमिंसु ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसिदिसु । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो आयमा १. सुत्तपिटके, मज्झिमनिकाय पालि, मज्झिमपण्णासकं, चूलसकुलुदा यिसुत्तं २६-१-२६ पृ० २५५-५७ ।

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आनन्दो भगवन्तं एतदवोच-“अयं, भन्ते, चुन्दो समणुद्दे सो एवमाह-'निगण्ठो, भन्ते, नातपुत्तो पावायं अधुनाकालङ्कतो। तस्स कालङ्किरियाय भिन्ना निगण्ठा द्वेधिकजाता... पे०."भिन्नथूपे अप्पटिसरणे" ति । तस्स मव्हं, भन्ते, एवं होति-'माहेव भगवतो अच्चयेन सङ्घ विवादो उप्पज्जि ; स्वास्स विवादो बहुजनाहिताय बहुजनासुखाय बहुनो जनस्स अनत्थाय अहिताय दुक्खाय देवमनुस्सान" ति ।'
Nirvana-samvada (2)
Nigantho Nätaputto Kalaikato एवं मे सुतं । एक समयं भगवा सक्केसु विहरती वेधञा नाम सक्या तेसं अम्बवने पासादे। तेन खो पन समयेन निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो पावायं अधुनाकालङ्कतो होति । तस्स कालङ्किरियाय भिन्ना निगण्ठा द्वेधिकजाता भण्डनजाता कलहजाता विवादापन्ना अञमनं मुखसत्तीहि वितुदन्ता विहरन्ति-"न त्वं इम धम्मविनयं आजानासि, अहं इमं धम्मविनयं आजानामि । किं त्वं इम धम्मविनयं आजानिस्ससि ? मिच्छापटिपन्नो त्वमसि, अहमस्मि सम्मापटिपन्नो। सहितं मे, असहितं ते । पुरेवचनीयं पच्छा अवच, पच्छावचनीयं पुरे अवच । अधिचिण्णं ते विपरावत्तं। आरोपितो ते वादो। निग्गहितो त्वमसि । चर वादप्पमोक्खाय । निब्बेटेहि ना सचे पहोसी" ति । वधो एव खो मझे निगण्ठेसु नाटपुत्तियेसु वत्तति । ये पि निगण्ठस्स नाटपुत्तस्स सावका गिही ओदातवसना ते पि निगण्ठेसु नाटपुत्तियेसु निम्विन्नरूपा विरत्तरूपा पटिवानरूपा-यथा तं दुरक्खाते धम्मविनये दुप्पवेदिते अनिय्यानिके अनुपसमसंवत्तनिके असम्मासम्बुद्धाप्पवेदिते भिन्नथूपे अप्पटिसरणे ।
अथ खो चुन्दो समणुद्दे सो पावायं वस्संवुट्ठो येन सामगामो येनायस्मा आनन्दो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो चुन्दो समणुद्दे सो आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं एतदवोच-"निगण्ठो, भन्ते, नाटपुत्तो पावायं अधुनाकालङ्कतो। तस्स कालङ्किरियाय भिन्ना निगण्ठा द्वधिकजाता..."पे०... भिन्नथुपे अप्पटिसरणे” ति ।
एवं वुत्ते, आयस्मा आनन्दो चुन्दं समणुद्देसं एतदवोच-"अस्थि खो इदं, आवुसो चुन्द, कथापाभतं भगवन्तं दस्सनाय । आयामावुसो चन्द, येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमिस्साम;
१. सुत्तपिटके, मज्झिमनिकाय पालि, उपरिपण्णासकं, सामगामसुत्तं ३-४-१ ; पृ० ३७-३८ ।
७३

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उपसङ्कमित्वा एतमत्थं भगवतो आरोचेस्सामा" ति। "एवं, भन्ते" ति खो चुन्दो समणुद्देसो आयस्मतो आनन्दस्स पच्चस्सोसि ।
अथ खो आयस्मा च आनन्दो चुन्दो च समणुद्देसो येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमिंसु ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदिंसु । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो आयस्मा आनन्दो भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"अयं, भन्ते, चुन्दो समणुद्देसो एवमाह-निगण्ठो, भन्ते, नाटपुत्तो पावायं अधुनाकालङ्कतो। तस्स कालङ्किरियाय भिन्ना निगण्ठा....."पे०..." भिन्नथुपे अप्पटिसरणे" ति ।'
:१६:
Nirvana-carcă Säriputto anunjñjāto dhammiya Kathaya एवं मे सुतं । एकं समयं भगवा मल्लेसु चारिकं चरमानो महता भिक्खुसङ्घन सद्धिं पञ्चमत्तेहि भिक्खुसतेहि येन पावा नाम मल्लानं नगरं तदवसरि । तत्र सुदं भगवा पावायं विहरति चुन्दस्स कम्मारपुत्तस्स अम्बवने ।
तेन खो पन समयेन पावेय्यकानं उब्भतकं नाम नवं सन्थागारं अचिरकारितं होति अनझावुत्थं समणेन वा ब्राह्मणेन वा केनचि वा मनुस्सभूतेन । अस्सोसुं खो गावेय्यका मल्ला-"भगवा किर मल्लेसु चारिकं चरमानो महता भिक्खुसङ्घन सद्धिं पञ्चमत्तेहि भिक्खुसतेहि पावं अनुप्पत्तो पावायं विहरति चुन्दस्स कम्मारपुत्तस्स अम्बवने" ति । अथ खो पावेय्यका मल्ला येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमिंसु, उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदिंसु। एकमन्तं निसिन्ना खो पावेय्यका मल्ला भगवन्तं एतदवोचु-"इध, पन्ते, पावेय्यकानं मल्लानं उब्भतकं नाम नतं सन्थागारं अचिरकारितं होति अनझावुत्थं समणेन वा ब्राह्मणेन वा केनचि वा मनुस्सभूतेन । तं च, खो, भन्ते, भगवा पठमं परिभुजतु । भगवता पठमं परिभुत्तं पच्छा पावेय्यका मल्ला परिभुञ्जस्सन्ति । तदस्स पावेय्यकानं मल्लानं दोघरत्त हिताय सुखाया" ति । अधिवासेसि खो भगवा तुण्हीभावेन । ___अथ खो पावेय्यका मल्ला भगवतो अधिवासनं विदित्वा उट्ठायासना भगवन्तं अभिवोदत्वा पदक्खिणं कत्वा येन सन्थागारं तेनुपसङ्कमिंसु, उपसंकमित्वा सब्बसन्थरिं सन्थागारं सन्थरित्वा भगवतो आसनानि पञापेत्वा उदकमणिकं पतिट्ठपेत्वा तेलप्पदीपं आरोपेत्वा येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमिंसु ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं अटुंसु । एकमन्तं
१. सुत्तपिटके, दीघनिकाय पालि, पाथिकवग्गो, पासादिक सुत्तं, ३-६-१ ; पृ० ६१-६२ ।

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ठिता खो ते पावेका मलया भगवन्तं एतदवोचुं-"सब्बसन्थरिसन्थतं, भन्ते, सन्थागारं । भगवतो आसनानि पञत्तानि, उदकमणिको पतिहापितो, तेलपदीपो आरोपितो। यस्स दानि, भन्ते, भग़वा कालं मञ्जती" ति । __अथ खो भगवा निवासेत्वा पत्तचीवरमादाय सद्धि भिक्खुसङ्घन येन सन्थागारं तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा पादे पक्खालेवा सन्थागारं पविसित्वा मज्झिमं थम्भं निस्साय पुरत्थाभिमुखो निसीदि०।......"। अथ खो भगवा पावेय्यके मल्ले बहुदेव रत्तिं धम्मिया कथाय सन्दस्सेत्वा समादपेत्वा समुत्तेजेत्वा सम्पहंसेत्वा उय्योजेसि-"अभिक्कन्ता खो, वासेट्ठा, रत्ति। यस्स दानि तुम्हे कालं मञ्जथा" ति । “एवं, भन्ते" ति खो पावेय्यका मल्ला भगवतो पटिस्सुत्वा उद्यापासना भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा पदक्खिणं कत्वा पक्कमिसु।
अथ खो भगवा अचिरपक्कन्तेसु पावेय्यकेसु मल्लेसु तुण्हीभूतं तुण्हीभूतं भिक्खुसङ्घ अनुविलोकेत्वा आयस्मन्तं सारिपुत्तं आमन्तेसि-“विगतथिनमिद्धो खो, सारिपुत्त, भिक्खु. सङ्घो। पटिभातु तं, सारिपुत्त, भिक्खुनं धम्मी कथा। पिट्टि मे आगिलापति । तमहं आयमिस्सामी" ति। "एवं, भन्ते" ति खो आयस्मा सारिपुत्तो भगवतो पच्चस्सोसि । अथ खो भगवा चतुग्गुणं सङ्घाटिं पआपेत्वा दक्षिणेन पस्सेन सीहसेय्यं कप्पेसि, पादे पादं अच्चाधाय. सतो सम्पजानो, उठानसझं मनसि करित्वा ।
Niganthā bhinna bhandanajātā तेन खो पन समयेन निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो पावायं अधुनाकालङ्कतो होति । तस्स कालङ्किरियाय भिन्ना निगण्ठा द्वेधिकजाता भण्डनजाता कलहजाता विवादापन्ना अञ्जमनं मुखसत्तीहि वितुदन्ता विहरन्ति-"न त्वं इमं 'धम्मविनयं आजानासि, अहं इम धम्मविनयं आजानामि । किं त्वं इमं धम्मविनयं आजानिस्ससि ! मिच्छापटिपन्नो त्वमसि, अहमसि सम्मापटिपन्नो। सहितं मे, असिहतं ते । पुरेवचनीयं पच्छा अवच, पच्छावचनीयं पुरे अवच। अधिचिण्णं ते विपरवत्तं । आरोपितो ते वादो। निग्गहितो त्वमसि । चर वादप्पमोक्खाय । निब्बेठेहि वा सचे पहोसि'' ति। वधो येव खो मझे निगण्ठेसु नाटपुत्तियेसु वत्तति । ये पि निगण्ठस्स नाटपुत्तस्स सावका गिही ओदातवसना ते पि निगण्ठेसु नाटपुत्तियेसु निब्बिन्नरूपा विरत्तरूपा पटिवानरूपा-यथा तं दुरक्खाते धम्मविनये दुप्पवेदिते अनिय्यानिके अनुपसमसंवत्तनिके असम्मासम्बुद्धप्पवेदिते भिन्नथूपे अप्पटिसरणे ।
अथ खो आयस्मा सारिपत्तो भिक्खू आमन्तेसि-"निगण्ठो, आवुसो, नाटपुत्तो पावायं अधुनाकालङ्कतो। तस्स कालङ्किरियाय भिन्ना निगण्ठा देधिकजाता"..."पे०....."भिन्नथुपे अप्पटिसरणे"।

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Tattha Sabbeheva Sangayitabbam __"एवञ्हेतं, असो, होति दुरखाते धम्मविनये दुप्पवेदिते अनिय्यानिके अनुपसमसंवत्तनिके असम्मासम्बुद्धप्पवेदिते । अयं खो पनावुसो, अम्हाकं भगवता धम्मो स्वाक्खातो सुप्पवेदितो निय्यानिको उपसमसंवत्तनिको सम्मासम्बुद्धप्पवेदितो, तत्थ सब्बेहेव सङ्गायितब्ब, न विवदितब्बं, यथयिदं ब्रह्मचरियं अद्धनियं अस्स चिरठितिक, तदस्स बहुजनहिताय बहुजनसुखाय लोकानुकम्पाय अत्थाय हिताय सुखाय देवमनुस्सानं । कतमो चावुसो, अम्हाकं भगवता धम्मो स्वाक्खातो सप्पवेदितो निय्यानिको उपसमसंवत्तनिको सम्मासम्बुद्धप्पवेदितो, यस्थ सब्बेहेव सङ्गायितब्ब, न विवदितब्बं, यथयिदं ब्रह्मचरियं अद्धनियं अस्स चिरट्ठितिकं, तदस्स बहुजनहिताय बहुजनसुखाय लोकानुकम्पाय हिताय सुखाय देवमनुस्सानं ?....."
Nigantha Nätaputta kỉ Mrtyuka Karana ___ ननु अयं नातपुत्तो नालन्दावासिको। सो कस्मा पावायां कालकतो ? ति । सो किर उपालिना गाहापतिना पटिबिद्धसच्चेन दसहि गाथाहि भाषिते बुद्ध गुणे सुत्वा उण्हं लोहितं छड्डेसि । अथ नं अफासुकं गहेत्वा पात्रां अगमंसु । सो तत्थ कालं अकासि ।।
.: १८:
Divyasakti Prakarsane तेन खो पन समयेन राजगहकस्स सेट्ठिस्स महग्घस्स चन्दनस्स चन्दनगण्ठि उप्पन्ना होति । अथ खो राजगहकस्स सेट्ठिस्स एतदहोसि-“यन्नूनाहं इमाय चन्दनगण्ठिया पत्तं लेखापेय्यं । लेखं च मे परिभोगं भविस्सति, पत्तं च दानं दस्सामी" ति । अथ खो राजगहको सेट्ठि ताय चन्दनगण्ठिया पत्तं लिखापेत्वा सिक्काय उड्डित्वा वेलग्गे आलगत्वा वेलुपरम्पराय बन्धित्वा एवमाह-“यो समणो वा ब्राह्मणो वा अरहा चेव इद्धिमा च दिन्न
नेव पत्तं ओहरत्" ति । अथ खो पूरणो कस्सपो येन राजगहको सेट्ठि तेनुपसङ्कमि; उपसङ्कमित्वा राजगहकं सेटिंठ एतदवोच-"अहं हि, गहपति, अरहा चेव इद्धिमा च, देहि मे पत्त" ति । “सचे, भन्ते, आयस्मा अरहा चेव इद्धिमा च दिन्न व पत्तं ओहरतू" ति ।
१. सुत्तपिटके, दीघनिकाय पालि, पाथिकवग्गो, संगीतिसुत्तं, ३-१०-१, २, ३, पृ० १६६-१६८ । २. मज्झिमनिकाय अटकथा, सामगामसुत्त वण्णना (आई० बी० होर्नर द्वारा सम्पादित), खण्ड ४,
पृ० ३४।

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अथ खो मक्र्खालि गोसालो अजितो केसकम्बलोपकुधो कच्चायनो सञ्जयो वेलट्ठपुत्तो... नगण्ठो नातपुत्ती येन राजगहको सेट्ठि तेनुपसङ्कमि, उपसङ्कमित्वा राजगह सेट्ठिएतदबोच - " अहं हि गहपति, अरहा चेव इद्धिमा च देहि मे पत्त" ति । " सचे, भन्ते, आयस्मा अरहा चेव इद्धिमा च, दिन्नञ्ञेव पत्त' ओहरतू'' ति ।
तेन खो पन समयेन आयस्मा च महामोग्गल्लानो आयस्मा च पिण्डोलभारद्वाजो पुब्बन्हसमयं निवासेत्वा पत्तचीवरमादाय राजगहं पिण्डाय पविसिंसु । अथ खो आयस्मा पिण्डोलभारद्वाजो आयस्मन्तं महामोग्गल्लानं एतदवोच - " आयस्मा खो महामोग्गल्लानो अरहा चेव इद्धिमा च । गच्छावुसो, मोगल्लान, एवं पत्तं ओहर । तुम्हेसो पत्तो" ति । “आयस्मा पि खो पिण्डोलभारद्वाजो अरहा चेव इद्धिमा च । गच्छावुसो, भारद्वाज, एतं पत्तं हर । तुम्हेसो पत्तो" ति । अथ खो आयस्मा पिण्डोलभारद्वाजो वेहासं अब्भुग्गन्त्वा तं पन गत्वा तिक्खत्तं राजगहं अनुपरियायि ।
तेन खोपन समयेन राजगहको सेट्ठि सपुत्तदारो सके निवेसने ठितो होति पञ्जलिको नमस्समानो – इधेव, भन्ते, अय्यो भारद्वाजो अम्हाकं निवेसने पतिद्वात् ति । अथ खो आयस्मा पिण्डोलभारद्वाजो राजगहकस्स सेट्ठिस्स निवेसने पतिट्ठासि । अथ खो राजगहको सेट्ठि आयस्मतो पिण्डोलभारद्वाजस्स हत्थतो पत्तं गत्वा महग्घस्स खादनीयस्स पुरेत्वा आयस्मतो पिण्डोलभारद्वाजस्त अदासि । अथ खो आयस्मा पिण्डोलभारद्वाजो तं पत्तं गत्वा आरामं अगमासि । अस्सोसुं खो मनुस्सा - अय्येन किर पिण्डोलभारद्वाजेन राजगहकस्स सेट्ठिस्स पत्ती ओहारितोति । ते च मनुस्सा उच्चासद्दा महासद्दा आयस्मन्तं पिण्डोलभारद्वाजं पिट्ठितो पिट्ठितो अनुबन्धिसु ।
अस्सेसि खो भगवा उच्चासद्दं, महासद्दं; सुत्वान आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं आमन्तेसि―" किं नु खो सो, आनन्द, उच्चासद्दो महासद्दो” ति ? " आयस्मता, भन्ते, पिण्डोलभारद्वाजेन राजगह कस्स सेस्सि पत्तो ओहारितो । अस्सोसुं खो, भन्ते, मनुस्सा - अय्येन किर पिण्डोलभारद्वाजेन राजगहकस्स सेट्ठिस्स पत्ती ओहारितोठि । ते च, भन्ते, मनुस्सा उच्चासद्दा महासद्दा आयस्मन्तं पिण्डोलभारद्वाजं पिट्ठितो पिट्ठितो अनुबन्धा । सो एसो, भन्ते, भगवा उच्चासद्दो महासदो" ति । अथ खो भगवा एतस्मि निदाने एतस्मि पकरणे भिक्खुसङ्घ सन्निपातापेत्वा आयस्मन्तं पिण्डोलभारद्वाजं पटिपुच्छि - "सच्चं किर तया, भारद्वाज, राजग कस्स सेट्ठिस पत्ती ओहारितो" ति ? " सच्चं भगवा" ति । विगरहि बुद्धो भगवा"अननुच्छविक, भारद्वाज, अननुलोमिकं अप्पतिरूपं अस्सामणकं अकप्पियं अकरणीयं । कथं हि नाम त्वं, भारद्वाज, छवस्स दारुपतस्स कारणा गिहीनं उत्तरिमनुस्सधम्मं इद्धिपाटिहारियं दस्सेस्ससि । सेय्यथापि, भारद्वाज, मातुगामो छत्रस्स मासकरूपस्स कारणा कोपिनं दस्सेति, एवमेव खो तया, भारद्वाज, छवस्स दारुपत्तस्स कारणा गिहीनं उत्तरिमनुस्सधम्मं इद्धि

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पारिहारिय दस्ति । नेतं, भारद्वाज, अप्पसन्नानं वा पसादाय, पसन्नानं वा मिय्योभावाय । अथ ख्वेतं, भारद्वाज, अप्पसन्नानं चेव अप्पसादाय पसन्नानं च एकच्चानं अञ्जयत्ताया" ति । अथ खो भगवा पिण्डोलभारद्वाजं अनेक परियायेन विगरहित्वा दुब्भरताय दुप्पोसताय महिच्छता असन्तुट्ठिताय सङ्गणिकाय कोसज्जस्स अवण्णं भासित्वा अनेक परियायेन सुभरताय सुपोसताय अपिच्छस्स सन्तुट्ठस्स सल्लेखस्स धुतस्स पासादिकस्स अपचयस्स विरियारम्भस्त वण्णं भासित्वा, भिक्खुनं तदनुच्छविकं तदनुलोमिकं धम्मि कथं कत्वा भिक्खू आमन्तेसि
"न भिक्खवे, गिहीनं उत्तरिमनुस्सधम्मं इद्धिपार्टिहारियं दस्सेतब्बं । यो दस्सेय्य, आपत्ति दुक्कटस्स । भिन्दथेतं भिक्खवे, दारुपत्त, सकलिकं सकलिकं कत्वा, भिक्खूनं अञ्जनुपपिसनं देथ । न च भिक्खवे, दारुपत्तो धारेतब्बो । यो धारेय्य, आपत्ति दुक्कस्सा " ति ।
..."न, भिक्खवे, सोवण्णमयो पत्तो धारेतब्बो...पे०.. ०...न रूपियमयो पत्तो धारेतब्बो न मणिमयो पत्तो धारेतब्बो...न वेलुरियमयो पत्तो धारेतब्बो' न फलिकमयो पत्तो धारेतब्बत कंसमयो पत्तो धारेतब्बो, "न काचमयो पत्तो धारेतब्बो...न तिपुमयो पत्तो धारेतब्बोन सीसमयो पत्तो धारेतब्बोन तम्बलोहमयो पत्तो धारेब्बो । यो धारेय्य, आपत्ति | अनुजानामि, भिक्खवे, द्वे पत्ते - अयोपत्तं, मत्तिकापत्तं" ति । '
: २२ :
Sramanya fala
Anjnjatithiya
एवं सुतं । एकं समयं भगवा राजगहे विहरति जोवकस्स कोमारभच्चस्स अम्बवने महता भिक्खुसङ्घ ेन सद्धिं अड्ढतेलसेहि भिक्खुसते हि । तेन खो पन समयेन राजा मागधी अजातसत्तु वेदेहिपुत्तो तदहुपोसथे पन्नरसे कोमुदिया चातुमासिनिया पुष्णाय पुण्णमाय रतिया राजा मच्चपरितो उपरिपासादवरगतो निसिन्नो होति । अथ खो राजा मागधो अजातसत्तु वेदेहिपुत्तो तदहुपोसथे उदानं उदानेसि - " रमणीया वत भी दोसिना रत्ति, अभिरूपा वत भो दोसिना रत्ति, दस्सनीया वत भो दोसिना रत्ति, पासादिका वत भो दोसिना रत्ति, लक्खञ्ञा वत भो दोसिना रत्ति ! 'नु सेय्याम, यं नो पयिरुपासतो चित्तं पसीदेय्या" ति ?
वज्ज, समणं वा ब्राह्मणं वा पयिरुपा
१. विनयपिटके, चुल्लवग्ग पालि, खुद्दकवत्थुक्खन्धकं पिण्डोल भारद्वाजपत्तंवत्थु, ५-५-१० ; पृ० १६६ - २०१ ।

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एवं वुत्ते, अञतरो राजामच्चो राजानं मागधं अजातसत्तं वेदेहिपुत्त एतदवोच"अयं, देव, पूरणो कस्सपो सङ्घी चेव गणी च गणाचरियो च, ञातो, यसस्सी, तित्थकरो, साधुसम्मतो बहुजनस्स, रत्तञ्जू , चिरपब्बजितो, अद्धगतो, वयोअनुप्पत्तो। तं देवो परणं कस्सपं पयिरुपासतु । अप्पेव नाम देवस्स पूरणं कस्सपं पयिरुपासतो चित्त पसीदेय्या" ति । एवं वुत्ते, राजा मागधो अजातसत्तु वेदेहिपुत्तो तुण्ही अहोसि ।।
अञ्जतरो पि खो राजामच्चो राजानं मागधं अजातसत्तु वेदेहिपुत्तं एतदवोच-"अयं, देव, मक्खलि गोसालो सङ्घी० .....।
अञ्जतरो पि खो राजामच्चो राजानं मागधं अजातरात्त वेदेहिपुत्त एतदवोच-"अयं, देव, अजितो केसकम्बलो सङ्घी० ......।
अञ्चतरो पि खो राजामच्चो राजानं मागधं अजातसत्त वेदेहिपुत्त एतदवोच"अयं, देव, पकुधो कन्चायनो सङ्घी.....।
अञ्जतरो पि खो राजामच्चो राजानं मागधं अजातसत्तं वेदेहिपुत्त एतदवोच"अयं, देव, सञ्जयो वेलठ्ठपुत्तो सङ्घी०....।
अञतरो पि खो राजामच्चो राजानं मागधं अजातसत्तुं वेदेहिपुत्तं एतदवोच-"अयं, देव, निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो सङ्घी चेव गणी च गणाचरियो च, आतो, यसस्सी, तित्थकरो, साधु सम्मतो वहुजनस्स, रत्तने, चिरपब्बजितो, अद्धगतो वयोअनुप्पत्तो । तं देवो निगण्ठं नातपुत्त पयिरुपासतु । अप्पेव नाम देवस्स निगण्ठं नाटपुत्त पयिरुपासतो चित्त पसीदेय्या" 'ति । एवं वुत्ते, राजा मागधो अजातसत्तु वेदेहिपुत्तो तुण्ही अहोसि ।
Rājá jivakambavane bhagavantam upasankami तेन खो पन समयेन जीवको कोमारभच्चो रो मागधस्स अजातसत्तुस्स वेदेहिपुत्तस्स अविदूरे तुण्हीभूतो निसिन्नो होति । अथ खो राजा मागधो अजातसत्तु वेदेहिपुत्तो जीवक कोमारभच्चं एतदवोच-"त्वं पन, सम्म जीवक, किं तुण्हो" ति ?
___ "अयं, देव, भगवा अरहं सम्मासम्बुद्धो अम्हाकं अम्बवने विहरति महता भिक्खुसङ्घन सद्धि अड्ढतेलसेहि भिक्खुसतेहि । तं खो पन भगवन्तं एव कल्याणो कित्तिसद्धो अब्भुग्गतो'इति पि सो भगवा, अरहं, सम्मासम्बुद्धो, विज्जाचरणसम्पन्नो, सुगतो, लोकविदू, अनुत्तरो, पुरिसदम्मसारथि, सत्था देवमनुस्सानं, बुद्धो, भगवा' ति । तं देवो भगवन्तं पयिरुपासतु । अप्पेव नाम देवस्स भगवन्तं पयिरुपासतो चित्तं पसीदेय्या" ति ।
"तेन हि, सम्म जीवक, हत्थियानानि कप्पापेही" ति । “एवं, देवा" ति खो जीवको कोमारभच्चो रञो मागधस्स अजातसत्तुस्स वेदेहिपुत्तस्स पटिस्सुणित्वा पञ्चमत्तानि हत्थिनिकासतानि कप्पापेत्वा रो च आरोहणीयं नागं, रञो मागधस्स अजातसत्तुस्स

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वेदेहिपुत्तस्स परिवेदेसि – “ कप्पितानि खो ते, देव, हथियानानि । मज्ञसी" ति ।
यस्सदानि कालं
अथ खो राजा मागधी अजातसत्त, वेदेहिपुत्ती पञ्चसु हत्थिनिकासतेसु पच्चेका इथियो आरोपेत्वा, आरोहणीयं नागं अभिरुहित्वा, उक्कासु धारियमानासु, राजगहम्हा निय्यासि महच्चा राजानुभावेन ; येन जीवकस्स कोमारभच्चस्स अम्बवनं तेन पाय्यासि ।
अथ खो रब्ञो मागधस्स अजातसत्तु स्स वेदेहिपुत्तस्स अविदूरे अम्बवनस्स अहुदेव भयं, अहु छमित्त, अहु लोमहंसो । अथ खो राजा मागधो अजातसत्त, वेदेहिपुत्त भीतो संविग्गो लोमहजातो जीवकं कोमारभच्चं एतदवोच— " कच्चि मं, सम्म जीवकं, न वञ्चेसि ? कच्चि मं, सम्म जीवक, न पलम्भेसि ? कच्चि मं, सम्म जीवक, न पच्चत्थिकानं देसि ? कथं हि नाम ताव महतो भिक्खुसङ्घस्स अद्धतेलसानं भिक्खुसतानं नेव खिपितसद्दो भविस्सति न उक्कासितसो न निग्घोसो" ति !
"मा भायि, महाराज ; मा भायि, महाराज । न ते, देव, वञ्चेमि । न तं देव, पलम्भामि । न तं देव, पच्चत्थिकानं देमि । अभिक्कम, महाराज, अभिक्कम, महाराज | एते मण्डलमाले दीपा झायन्ती" ति ।
अथ खो राजा मगधो अजातसत्तु वेदेहिपुत्तो यावतिका नामस्त भूमि नागेन गन्त्वा, नागा पच्चरोहित्वा पत्तिको व येन मण्डलमालस्स द्वारं तेनुपसङ्कमि, उपसङ्कमित्वा जीवकं कोमारभच्तं एतदवोच - " कहं पन, सम्म जीवक, भगवा" ति ?
" एसी, महाराज, भगवा ; एसो, महाराज, भगवा मज्झिमं थम्भं निस्साय पुरत्थाभिमुखो निसिन्नो, पुरखतो भिक्खुसङ्घस्सा" ति ।
अथ खो राजा मागधो अजातसत्त वेदेहिपुत्तो येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा एकमन्तं अट्ठास । एकमन्तं ठितो खो राजा मागधो अजातसत्तु वेदेहिपुत्तो तुम्हीभूतं भिक्खुसङ्घ' अनुविलोकेत्वा रहदमिव विप्पसन्नं, उदानं उदानेसि – “इमिना मे उपसमेन उदयभद्दो कुमारो समन्नागतो होतु येनेतरहि उपसमेन भिक्खुसङ्घो समन्नागतो" ति ।
" अगमा खोत्वं, महाराज, यथापेम" ति ।
"पियो मे, भन्ते, उदयभद्दो कुमारो । इमिना मे, भन्ते, उपसमेन उदयभद्दो कुमारो समन्नागत होतु येनेतरहि उपसमेन भिक्खुसङ्घो समन्नागतो" ति ।
अथ खो राजा मागधो अजातसत्त, वेदेहिपुत्तो भगवन्तं अभिवादेवा, भिक्खुसङ्घस्स अञ्जलिं पणामेत्वा, एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्त निसिन्नो खो राजा मागधी अजातसत्त वेदेहिपुत्तो भगवन्तं एतदवोच— "पुच्छेय्यामहं, भन्ते, भगवन्तं किञ्चिदेव देसं, सचे मे भगवा ओकासं करोति पञ्हस्स वेय्याकरणाया " ति ।
"पुच्छ, महाराज, यदाकङ्खसी" ति ।

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Samanjjafalapuccha
"यथा नु खो इमानि, भन्ते, पुथुसिप्पायतनानि, सेय्यथिदं - हत्थारोहा अस्त्रारोहा रथिका धनुग्गहा चेलका चलका पिण्डदायका जग्गा राजपुत्ता पक्खन्दिनो महानागा सूरा चम्मयोधिनो दासिकपुत्ता आलारिका कप्पका न्हापका सूदा मालाकारा रजका पेसकार, नलकारा कुम्भकारा गणका मुद्दिका, यानि वा पनञ्ञानि पि एवंगतानि पृथुसिप्पायतनानि, ते दिट्ठेव धम्मे सन्दिट्ठकं सिप्पफलं उपजीवन्ति; ते तेन अत्तानं सुखेन्ति पीणेन्ति, मातापितरो सुखेन्ति पणेन्ति, पुत्तदारं सुखेन्ति पीणेन्ति, मित्तामच्चे सुखेन्ति पीणेन्ति, समण | ह्मणे सु उद्धगिकं दक्खिणं प्रति पेन्ति सोवग्गिकं सुखविपाकं सग्गसंवत्तनिकं । सक्का नु खो, भन्ते, एवमेव दिट्ठे धम्मे सन्दिद्विकं सामञ्ञफलं पञ्ञपेतुं" ति ?
Cchatitthiyavada
"अभिजानासि नो त्वं, महाराज, इमं पञ्हं अज्ञे समगब्रह्मणे पुच्छित । " ति ? " अभिजानामहं, भन्ते, इमं पञ्हं अज्ञ समणब्राह्मणे पुच्छिता " ति ।
"यथा कथं पन ते, महाराज, व्याकरिंसु, सचे ते अगरु भासस्तू” ति । "न खो मे, भन्ते, गरु, यत्थस्स भगवा निसिन्नो, भगवन्तरूपो वा" ति । "तेन हि महाराज, भासस्सू" ति ।
Puranakassapavado
"एक मिदाहं, भन्ते, समयं येन पूरणो कस्सपो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा पूरणेन कस्सपेन सद्धि सम्मोदि । सम्मोदनीयं कथं सारणीयं वीतिसारेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदिं । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो अहं, भन्ते, पूरणं कस्सपं एतदवोचं - 'यथा नु खो इमानि भो कस्सप, पृथु सिप्पायतनानि, ०....|
" एवं वृत्ते, भन्ते, पूरणो कस्सपो मं एतदवोच - 'करोतो खो, महाराज, कारयतो छिन्दतो छेदापयतो पचतो पाचापयतो ०
.........
इत्थंखो मे, भन्ते, पूरणो कस्सपो सन्दिट्ठिकं सामञ्ञफलं पुट्ठो समानो अकिरिय ब्याकासि । सेय्यथापि भन्ते, अम्बं वा पुट्ठो लबुजं ब्याकरेय्य, लबुजं वा पुट्ठो अम्बं ब्याकरेभ्य ; एवमेव खो मे, भन्ते, पूरणो कस्सपो सन्दिद्विकं सामञ्ञफलं पुट्ठो समानो अकिरियं ब्याकासि । तस्स मय्हं, भन्ते, एतदहोसि - 'कथं हि नाम मादिसो समणं वा ब्राह्मणं वा विजिते वसन्तं अपसादेतन्वं मज्ञेय्या' ति । खो खो अहं, भन्ते, पूरणस्स कस्सपस्त भासितं व अभिनन्दि पटिक्कोसि । अनभिनन्दित्वा अप्पटिकोसित्वा अनत्तमनो, अनत्तमनवाचं अनिच्छारेत्वा, तमेव वाचं अनुम्गण्हन्तो अनिकुज्जन्तो उट्ठायासना पक्कमि । "
७४

Page #748

708
Makkhaligosalavado
" एक मिदाहं, भन्ते, समयं येन मक्बलि गोसालो........।
Ajitakesakambalavado
" एक मिदाहं, भन्ते, समयं येन अजितो केसकम्बलो........
Pakudhakaccayanavado
" एक मिदाहं, भन्ते, समयं येन पकुधो कच्चायनो०...''।
Niganthanātaputtavado
"एक मिदाहं, भन्ते, समयं येन निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा निगण्ठेन नापुत्तेन सद्धि सम्मोदि । सम्मोदनीयं कथं सारणीयं वीतिसारेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं मिसिन्नो खो अहं, भन्ते, निगण्ठं नाटपुत्तं एतदवोचं - 'यथा नु खो इमानि भो अग्गवेसन, पुथु सिप्पायतनानि "पे०सक्का नु खो, भो अग्गिवेस्सन, एवमेव दिट्ठेव धम्मे सन्दिद्विकं सामञ्ञफलं पञ्ञपेतुं' ति ?
"एवं वुत्ते, भन्ते, निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो मं एतदवोच— 'इध, महाराज, निगण्ठो चातुयामसंवरसंवुतो होति । कथं च, महाराज, निगण्ठो चातुयामसंवरसंवुतो होति ? इध, महाराज, निगण्ठो सब्बवारिवारितो च होति, सब्बवारियुत्तो च सब्बवारिधुतो च, सब्बवारिफुटो च । एवं खो, महाराज, निगण्ठो चातुयामसंवरसंवुतो होति । यतो खो, महाराज, निगण्ठो एवं चातुयामसंवरसंवुतो होति ; अयं बुच्चति, महाराज, निगण्ठो गतत्तो च यतत्तो च ठितत्तो चा' ति ।
" इत्थं खो मे, भन्ते, निगण्ठो नाटपुतो सन्दिट्ठिकं सामञ्ञफलं पुट्ठो समानो चातुयामसंवरं व्याकासि । सेय्यथापि, भन्ते, अम्बं वा पुट्ठो लबुजं ब्याकरेय्य, लबुजं वा पुट्ठो अम्बं ब्याकरेय्य ; एवमेव खो मे, भन्ते, निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो सन्दिद्विकं सामञ्ञफलं पुट्ठो समानो चायामसंवरं व्याकासि । तस्स मय्हं, भन्ते, एतदहोसि - 'कथं हि नाम मादिसो समणं वा ब्राह्मणं वा विजिते वसन्तं अपसादेतब्बं मज्ञेय्या' ति । सो खो अहं, भन्ते, निगण्ठस्स नाटपुत्तस्स भासितं नेव अभिनन्दि नप्पटिक्कोसि । अनभिनन्दित्वा अप्पटिक्कोसित्वा अनत्तमनो, अनत्तमनवाचं अनिच्छारेत्वा, तमेव वाचं अनुग्गण्हन्तो अनिक्कुज्जन्तो, उट्ठायासना पक्कर्मि ।
1
Sanjjayabelatṭhaputtavado
"एक मिदाहं, भन्ते, समयं येन सञ्जयो बेलट्ठपुत्तो ..
........

Page #749

709
Buddhavado
Pathamasanditthisamanjnjafala "सोह, भन्ते, भगवन्तं पि पुच्छामि-'यथा नु खो इमानि, भन्ते, पुथुसिप्पायतनानि०...।
Ajattu upāsakattapāti vadna एवं वुत्ते, राजा मागधो अजातसत्तु वेदेहिपुत्तो भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते, अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते । सेय्यथापि, भन्ते, निक्कुज्जितं वा उक्कुज्जेय्य, पटिच्छन्नं वा विवरेय्य, मूल्हस्स वा मग्गं आचिक्खेय्य, अन्धकारे वा तेलपज्जोतं धारेय्य चक्खुमन्तो रूपानि दक्खन्ती ति ; एवमेवं, भन्ते, भगवता अनेकपरियायेन धम्मो पकासितो। एसाह, भन्ते, भगवन्तं सरणं गच्छामि धम्मं च भिक्खुसङ्घ च । उपासकं मं भगवा धारेतु अज्जतग्गे पाणुपेतं सरणं गतं । अच्चयो मं, भन्ते, अच्चगमा यथाबालं यथामूल्हं यथाअकुसलं, योहं पितरं धम्मिकं धम्मराजानं इस्सरियकारणा जीविता वोरोपेसि । तस्स मे, भन्ते, भगवा अच्चयं अच्चयतो पटिग्गण्हातु आयति संवराया" ति ।
__ "तग्य त्वं, महाराज, अच्चयो अच्चगमा यथाबालं यथामूल्हं यथाअकुसलं, यं त्वं पितरं धम्मिक धम्मराजानं जीविता वोरोपेसि । यतो च खो त्वं, महाराज, अच्चयं अच्चयतो दिस्वा यथाधम्मं पटिकरोसि, तं ते मयं पटिग्गण्हाम । वुद्धिहेसा, महाराज,अरियस्स विनये यो अच्चयं अच्चयतो दिस्वा यथाधम्म पटिकरोति, आयति संवरं आपज्जती" ति ।
एवं वुत्ते, राजा मागधो अजातसत्तु देदेहिपुत्तो भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"हन्द च दानि मयं, भन्ते, गच्छाम । बहुकिच्चा मयं बहुकरणीया" ति ।
“यस्सदानि, त्वं, महाराज, कालं मञ्जसी" ति ।
अथ खो राजा मागधो अजातसत्तु वेदेहिपुत्तो भगवतो भासितं अभिनन्दित्वा अनुमोदित्वा उठायासना भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा पदक्षिणं कत्वा पक्कामि ।
अथ खो भगवा अचिरपक्कन्तस्स रञो मागधस्स अजातसत्तुस्स वेदेहिपुत्तस्स भिक्खू आमन्तेसि-"खतायं, भिक्खवे, राजा । उपहतायं, मिक्खवे, राजा। सचायं, 'भिक्खवे, राजा पितरं धन्मिकं धम्मराजानं जीविता न वोरोप्रेस्सथ, इमस्मि येव आसने विरजं वीतमलं धम्मचक्खू उप्पज्जिस्सथा" ति । इदमवोच भगवा । अत्तमना ते भिक्खू भगवतो भासितं अभिनन्, ति । १. सुत्तपिटके, दीघनिकाय पालि, सीलक्खन्धवम्गो, सामअफससुतं, १.२.१ से६१
पृ०४१ से ७५

Page #750

710
: २३ : Buddha : Dharmācāryon men Kamstha एवं मे सुतं । एकं सभयं भगवा सावत्थियं विहरति जेतवने अनाथपिण्डिकस्स आरामे । अथ खो राजा पसेनदि कोसलो येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवता सद्धि सम्मोदि । सम्मोदनीयं कथं सारणीयं वीतिसारेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि। एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो राजा पसेनदि कोसलो भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"भवं पि नो गोतमो अनुत्तरं सम्मासम्बोधि अभिसम्बुद्धो ति पटिजानाती" ति ? ____ यं हि तं, महाराज, सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य 'अनुत्तरं सम्मासम्बोधिं अभिसम्बुद्धो' ति, ममेव तं सम्मा वदमानो वदेय्य ! अहं हि, महाराज, अनुत्तरं सम्मासम्बोधिं अभिसम्बुद्धो" ति ।
"ये पि ते, भो गोतम, समणब्राह्मगा सजिनो गणिनी गणाचरिया जाता यसस्सिनो तित्थकरा साधुसम्मता बहुजनस्स, सेय्यथीदं-पूरणो कस्सपो, मक्खलि गोसालो, 'निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो, सञ्जयो वेलपुत्तो, पकुधो कच्चायनो, अजितो केसकम्बलो ; ते पि मया 'अनुत्तरं सम्मासम्बोधि अभिसम्बुद्धो ति पटिजानाथा' ति पुट्ठा समाना अनुत्तरं सम्मासम्बोधि अभिसम्बुद्धो ति न पटिजानन्ति ; किं पन भवं गोतमो दहरो चेव जातिया नषो च पब्बज्जाय।" ति ?
"चत्तारो खो मे, महाराज, दहरा ति न उञातब्बा, दहरा ति न परिभोतबा । कतमे चत्तारो ? खत्तियो खो, महाराज, दहरो ति न उञातब्बो, दहरो ति न परिभोतब्बो । उरगो खो महाराज, दहरो ति न उझातब्बो, दहरो ति न परिभोतब्बो । अग्गि खो, महाराज, दहरो ति न उमातब्बो, दहरो ति न परिभोतब्बो। भिक्खु, खो, महाराज, दहरो ति न उञातब्बो, दहरो ति न परिभोतब्बो । इमे खो, महाराज, चत्तारो दहरा ति न उञातब्बा, दहरा ति न परिभोतब्बा" ति । इदमवोच भगवा । इदं वत्वान सुगतो अथापरं एतदवोच सत्था
"खत्तियं जातिसम्पन्नं, अभिजातं यसस्सिनं । बहरो ति नावजानेय्य, ननं परिभवे नरो॥ "ठानं हि सो मनु जिन्दो, रज्जं लद्धान खत्तियो। सो कुद्धो राजदण्डेन, तस्मि पक्कमते मुसं। तस्मा तं परिवज्जेय्य, रक्खं जीवितमत्तनो ॥ "गामे वा यदि वा रने, यत्य पस्से मुजङ्गमं । दहरो ति नावजानेय्य, ननं परिभवे नरो॥

Page #751

711
"उच्चावचेहि वणेहि, उरगो चरति तेजसी। सो आसज्ज डंसे बालं, नरं नारिं च एकदा । तस्मा तं परिवज्जेय्य, रक्खं जीवितमत्तनो ॥ "पहूतमक्खं जालिनं, पावकं कण्हवत्तनि । बहरो ति नावजानेय्य, न नं परिभवे नरो॥ "लद्धा हि सो उपादानं, महा हुत्वान पावको। सो आसज्ज उहे बालं, नरं नारिं च एकदा । तस्मा तं परिवज्जेय्य, रक्खं जीवितमत्तनो ॥ "वनं यदगि डहति, पावको कण्हवत्तनी। जायन्ति तत्थ पारोहा, अहोरतानमच्चये ॥ "यञ्च खो सीलसम्पन्नो, भिक्खु उहति तेजसा । न तस्स पुत्ता पसवो, दायादा विन्दरे धनं । अनपच्चा अदायावा, तालावत्यू भवन्ति ते ॥ "तस्मा हि पण्डितो पोसो, सम्पस्सं अत्यमत्तनो । मुजङ्गमं पावकं च, खत्तियं च यसरिसन ।
मिक्लुं च सीलसम्पन्नं, सम्मदेव समाचरे' ति ॥ एवं वुत्ते, राजा पसेनदि कोसलो भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते, अभिकन्त, भन्ते ! सेय्यथापि भन्ते, निक्कुज्जितं वा उक्कुज्जेय्य पटिच्छन्नं वा विवरेय्य मुल्हस्स वा मग्गं आचिक्खेय्य अन्धकारे वा तेलपज्जोतं. धारेय्य-चक्खुमन्तो रूपानि दक्खन्ती ति ; एवमेवं भगवता अनेकपरियायेन धम्मो पकासितो। एसाह, भन्ते, भगवन्तं सरणं गच्छामि धम्मं च भिक्खुसङ्घ च । ·उपासकं मं, भन्ते, भगवा धारेतु अज्जतग्गे पाणुपेतं सरणं गतं" ति ।'
: २४:
Sabhiya Parivrājaka एवं मे सुतं । एक समयं भगवा राजगहे विहरति वेलुवने कलन्दक निवापे । तेन खो पन समयेन सभियस्स परिब्बाजकस्स पुराणसालोहिताय देवताय पञ्हा उद्दिट्ठा होन्ति-“यो १. सुत्तपिटके, संयुत्तनिकाय पालि, सगाथवग्गो, कोसलसंयुत्तं, दहरसुत्त, ३-१-१ से ४
पृ०६७६६ ।

Page #752

712
ते, सभिय, समणो वा ब्राह्मणो वा इमे पञ्हे पुट्ठो ब्याकरोति तस्स सन्तिके ब्रह्मचरियं चरेय्यासी" ति ।
अथ खो सभियो परिब्बाजको तस्सा देवताय सन्तिके ने पन्हे उग्गहेत्वा ये ते समणब्राह्मणा सचिनो गणिनो गणाचरिया आता यसस्सिनो तित्थकरा साधुसम्मता बहुजनस्स, सेय्यथीदंपूरणो कस्सपो मक्खलिगोसालो अजितो केसकम्बलो पकुधो कच्चानो सञ्जयो बेलपत्तो निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो, ते उपसङ्कमित्वा ते पञ्हे पुच्छति । ते सभियेन परिबाजकेन पन्हे पृट्ठा न सम्पायन्ति ; असम्पायन्ता कोपं च दोसं च अप्पच्चयं च पातुकरोन्ति । अपि च सभियंयेद परिब्बाजकं पटिपुच्छन्ति ।
अथ खो सभियस्स परिव्राजकस्स एतदहोसि-"ये खो ते भोन्तो समणब्राह्मणा सचिनो गणिनी गणाचरिया जाता यसस्सिनो तित्यकरा साधुसम्मता बहुजनस्स, सेय्यथीदं-प्रणो कस्सपो पे०. निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो, ते मया पञ्हे पुट्ठा न सम्पायन्ति, असम्पायन्ता कोपं च दोसं च अप्पच्चयं च पातुकरोन्ति ; अपि च म वेत्थ पटिपुच्छन्ति । यन्नन्नाहं होनायावत्तित्वा कामे परिभुजेय्यं" ति ।
अथ खो सभियस्स परिब्बाजकस्स एतदहोसि-"अयं पि खो समणो गोतमो सकी चेव गणी च गणाचरियो च आतो यसस्सी तित्थकरो साधुसम्मतो बहुजनस्स ; यन्नून्नाहं समणं गोतमं उपसङ्कमित्वा इमे पम्हे पुच्छेय्यं" ति ।
अथ खो सभियस्स परिब्बाजकस्स एतदहोसि-"ये पि खो ते भोन्तो समणब्राह्मणा जिण्णा वुड्ढा महल्लका अद्धगता क्योअनुप्पत्ता थेरा रत्त चिरपबजिता सचिनो गणिनो गणाचरिया आता यसस्सिनो तित्थकरा साधुसम्मता बहुजनस्स सेय्यथीद-पुरणो कस्सपो." पे०.."निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो, ते पि मया पञ्हे पुट्ठा न सम्पायन्ति, असम्पायन्ता कोपं च दोसं च अप्पच्चयं च पातुकरोन्ति, अपि च मञवेत्थ पटिपुच्छन्ति ; किं पन मे समणो गोतमो इमे पञ्हे पुट्ठो ब्याकरिस्सति! समणो हि गोतमो दहरो चेव जातिया नवो च पन्बज्जाया" ति । ___ अथ खो सभियस्स परिब्बाजकस्स एतदहोसि-"समणो खो दहरो ति न उसातब्बी न परिभोतब्बो। दहरो पि चेस समणो गोतमो महिद्धिको होति महानुभावो, यन्नूनाहं समणं गोतम उपसमित्वा इमे पन्हे पुच्छेय्यं" ति ।
अथ खो सभियो परिबाजको येन राजगहं तेन चा रिकं पक्कामि । अनुपुब्बेन चारिक चरमानो येन राजगहं वेलुवनं कलन्दकनिवापो, येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसमित्वा भगवता सद्धि सम्मोदि । सम्मोदनीयं कथं साराणीयं वीतिसारेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन् निसिन्नो खो सभियो पारंबाजको भगवन् गाथाय अजाभासि

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"की बेचिकच्छी आगमं, ( इति समियो)
पहे पुच्छितुं अभिमानो ।
सन्तकरो भवाहि पञ्हे मे पुट्ठो,
अनुपुत्रं अनुधम्मं व्याकरोहि मे" ॥ "दुरतो मागतोसि समिय, ( इति भगवा ) हे पुच्छि अभिमानो ।
सन्तकरो भवामि पहे ते पुट्ठो,
अनुपुब्बं अनुधम्मं ब्याकरोमि ते ॥
"पुच्छ मं समिय पञ्हं,
यं किवि मनसिच्छसि ।
तस्स तम्से पञ्हस्स,
अहं अन्तं करोमि ते" ति ॥
or at सभियस्स परिब्बाजकस्स एतदहोसि - " अच्छरियं वत, भो, अब्भुतं वत, भो ! यं वताहं अज्ञेषु समणब्राह्मणेसु ओकासकम्ममत्त पि नालत्थं तं मे इदं समणेन गोतमेन ओकासकम्मं कतं" ति । अत्तमनो पमुदितो उदग्गो पीतिसोमनस्सजातो भगवन्तं पञ्हं अपुच्छि -
" किं पत्तिनमाहु भिक्खुनं, ( इति सभियो)
713
११२
अथ खो समियो परिब्बाजको भगवतो भासितं अभिनन्दित्वा अनुमोदित्वा अत्तमनो पमुदितो उदग्गो पीतिसोमनस्सजातो उट्ठायासना एकंसं उत्तरासङ्ग करित्वा येन भगवा तेनञ्जलि पणामेत्वा भगवन्तं सम्मुखा सारुप्पा हि गाथाहि अभित्थवि -
" यानि च तीणि यानि च सहि,
१३७
अथ खो समियो परिब्बाजको भगवतो पादेसु सिरसा निपतित्वा भगवन्तं एतदवोच— "अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते पे० "एसाहं भगवन्तं सरणं गच्छामि धम्मं च भिक्खुसङ्घ च ; लभेय्याहं, भन्ते, भगवतो सन्तिके पब्वज्जं लभेय्यं उपसम्पदं " ति ।
0.
0*****
"यो खो, समय, अञ्ञतित्थियपुब्बी इमस्मि धम्मविनये आकङ्क्षति पब्बज्जं आकङ्खति उपसम्पदं, सो चत्तारो मासे परिवसति ; चटुन्नं मासानं अच्चयेन आरद्धचित्ता भिक्खू पब्बाजेन्ति उपसम्पादेन्ति भिक्खुभावाय । अपि च मेत्थ पुग्गलवेमत्तता विदिता" ति ।।
“सचे, भन्ते, अञ्ञतित्थियपुब्बा इमस्मि धम्मविनये आकङ्खन्ता पब्बज्जं आकङ्खन्ता उपसम्पदं चत्तारो मासे परिवसन्ति, चतुन्नं मासानं अच्चयेन आरद्धचित्ता भिक्खू पब्बाजेन्ति उपसम्पादेन्ति भिक्वुभावाय, अहं चंतारि वस्सानि परिवसिस्सा मि; चतुन्नं वस्सानं अच्चयेन आरद्धचित्ता भिक्खू पब्बाजेन्द्र उपसम्पादेन्तु भिक्खुभावाय ।" ति । अलत्थ बो

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714
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समियो परिब्बाजको भगवतो सन्तिके पब्वज्जं अलत्थ उपसम्पदं पे अज्ञतरो खो पायस्मा समियो अरहतं अहोसी ति । *
: २५ :
Subhadraparivrajaka
तेन खो पन समयेन सुभद्दो नाम परिब्वाजको कुसिनारायं पटिवसति । अस्सोसि खो सुभद्दो परिब्बाजको - " अज्ज किर रतिया पच्छिमे यामे समणस्स गोतमस्स परिनिब्बानं भविस्सती " ति । अथ खो सुभद्दस्स परित्राजकस्स एतदहोसि - "सुतं खो पन मेतं परिब्याजकानं वुड्ढानं महल्लकानं आचरियपाचरियानं भासमानानं - 'कदाचि करहचि तथागता लोके उप्पज्जन्ति अरहन्तो सम्मासम्बुद्धा' ति । अज्जेव रतिया पच्छिमे यामे समणस्स गोतमस्स परिनिब्बानं भविस्सति । अस्थि च मे अयं वङ्खधम्मो उप्पन्नो — ' एवं पसन्नो अहं समणे गोतमे । पहोति मे समणो गोतमो तथा धम्म देसेतुं यथाहं इमं कामं पजहेय्यं' ” ति । अथ खो सुभद्दो परिब्वाजको येन उपवत्तनं मल्लानं सालवनं येनायस्मा आनन्दो तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं एतदवोच - 'सुतं मेतं' साधाहं, भो आनन्द, लभेय्यं समणं गोतमं दस्सनाय ।" ति । एवं वुत्ते, आयस्मा आनन्दो सुभद्दो परिब्बाजकं एतदवोच - "अलं आवुसो सुभद्द, मा तथागतं विहेठेसि | किलन्तो भगवा" ति । दुतियं पि खो सुभद्दो परिव्वाजको पे०ततियं पि खो सुभद्दो परिव्वाजको आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं एतदवोच० ....... |
........ |
अस्सोसि खो भगवा आयस्मतो आनन्दस्स सुभद्देन परिब्बाजकेन सद्धि इमं कथासज़ा । अथ खो भगवा आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं आमन्तेसि - "अलं, आनन्द, मा सुभद्द वासि । लभतं, आनन्द, सुभद्दो तथागतं दस्सनाय । यं किञ्चि मं सुभद्दोपुच्छ्रिसति सब्बं तं अज्ञापेक्खो व पुच्छरसति, नो विहेस्सापेक्खो । यं चस्साहं पुट्ठो व्याकरिस्यामि, तं खिप्पमेव न व्याजानस्ती” ति । अथ खो आयस्मा आनन्दो सुभद्दं परिव्वाजकं एतदवोच— “गच्छावुसो सुभद्द, करोति ते भगवा ओकासं" ति । अथ खो सुभद्दो परिव्वाजको येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवता सद्धि सम्मोदि । सम्मोदनीयं कथं सारणीयं वीतिसारेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो सुभद्दो परिब्वाजको भगवन्तं एतदवोच - "येमे, भो गोतम समणब्रह्मणा सङ्घिनो गणिनो गणाचरिया जाता यसस्सिनो तित्थकरा साधुसम्मता बहुजनस्स, सेय्यथिदं - पूरणो कस्सपो, मक्खलि गोसालो, अजितो केसकम्बलो, पकुधो कच्चायनो,
१. सुत्तपिटके, खुद्दकनिकाये, सुत्तनिपात पालि, महावग्गो, सभियसुत्तं, ३-६ पृ० ३४४-५३ ।

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715
सञ्जयो बेलट्ठपुत्तो, निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो, सब्बेते सकाय पटिज्ञाय अब्भञ्ञिसु, सब्बेव न अन्भञ्ञिसु उदाहु एकच्चे अब्भस्त्रिसु एकच्चे न अन्भञ्ञिसु" ति ?
"अलं, सुभद्द, तितेतं - सब्बेते सकाय पटिज्ञाय अब्भमि, सब्बंब न अब्भञ्ञिसु, उदाहु एकच्चे अब्भञ्ञिसु एकच्चे न अब्भञ्ञिसू ति । धम्मं ते, सुभद्द, देसेस्सामि, तं सुणाहि, साधुकं मनसिक रोहि, भासिस्सामी" ति ।
"एवं, भन्ते" ति खो सुभद्दो परिब्बाजको भगवतो पच्चस्सोसि । भगवा एतदवोच—
" यस्मि खो, सुभद्द धम्मविनये अरियो अट्ठङ्गिको मग्गो न उपलब्भति, समणो पि तत्थ न उपलब्भति । दुतियो पि तत्थ समणो न उपलब्भति । ततियो पि तत्थ समणो न उपलब्भति । चतुत्थोपि तत्थ समणो न उपलब्भति । यस्मि च खो, सुभद्द, धम्मविनये अरियो अङ्गको मग्गो उपलब्भति, समणो पि तत्थ उपलब्भति । दुतियो पि तत्थ समणो उपलब्भति । ततियो पि तत्थ समणो उपलब्भति । चतुत्थो पि तत्थ समणो उपलब्भति । इमस्मि खो, सुभद्द, धम्मविनये अरियो अट्ठङ्गिको मग्गो उपलब्भति । इधेव, सुभद्द, समणो, इध दुतियो समणो, इध ततियो समणो, इध चतुत्थो समणो । सुञा परप्पवादा समभि अहि । इमे च सुभद्द, भिक्खू सम्मा विहरेय्युं, असुज्ञ लोको अरहन्तेहि अस्सा" ति ।
एकून तिसो वयसा सुमद्द, यं पब्बजिं किंकुसलानुएसी । बस्सानि पञास समाधिकानि, यतो अहं पब्बजितो सुमद्द | जायस्स धम्मस्स पदेसवत्ती, इतो बहिद्धा समणो पि नस्थि ॥
...एवं वृत्ते, सुभद्दो परिब्बाजको भगवन्तं एतदवोच - "अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते, अभिक्कन्तं, भन्ते ! सेय्यथापि, भन्ते, निक्कुज्जितं वा उक्कुज्जेय्य, पटिच्छन्नं वा विवरेय्य, मूल्हस्स वा मग्गं चिक्खेय्य, अन्धकारे वा तेलपज्जोतं धारय्य, चक्खुमन्तो रूपानि दक्खन्ती ति ; एवमेव भगवता अनेकपरियायेन धम्मो पकासितो । एसाहं, भन्ते, भगवन्तं सरणं गच्छामि धम्मं च भिक्खु सङ्घ च । लभेय्याहं, भन्ते, भगवतो सन्तिके पब्वज्जं लभेय्य उपसम्पदं " ति । १...
१. सुत्तपिटके, दीघनिकाय पालि. महावग्गो, महापरिनिब्बान मुत्त, सुभदृपरिब्बाजकवत्थु, ३-२३-८५-८८ : पृ० ११५-१७ ।
७५

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716
:२६ :
Räjagļha men såton Dharmanayaka Gaņàcariyesu Ko Savakasavakato
एवं मे सुतं । एकं समयं भगवा राजगहे विहरति वेलुवने कलन्दकनिवापे । तेन खो पन समयेन सम्बहुला अभिजाता अभिञाता परिब्बाजका मोरनिवापे परिब्बाजकारामे पटिवसन्ति, सेय्यथीद-अन्नभारो वरधरो सकुलुदायी च परिब्बाजको अञ च अभिमाता अभिञाता परिब्बाजका । अथ खो भगवा पुब्बण्हसमयं निवासेत्वा पत्तचीवरमादाय राजगहं पिण्डाय पाविसि । अथ खो भगवतो एतदहोसि-"अतिप्पगो खो ताव राजगहे पिण्डाय चरितुं । यन्नूनाहं येन मोर निवापो परिब्बाजकारामो येन सकुलुदायो परिब्बाजको तेनुपसङ्कमेय्यं" ति । अथ खो भगवा येन मोरनिवापो परिब्बाजकारामो तेनुपसङ्कमि । तेन खो पन समयेन सकुलुदायी परिब्बाजको महतिया परिब्बाजकपरिसाय सद्धि निसिन्नो होति उन्नादिनिया उच्चासद्दमहासद्दाय अनेकविहितं तिरच्छानकथं कथेन्तिया, सेय्यथीदं-राजकथं०... इतिभवाभवकथं इति वा । अद्दसा खो सकुलुदायी परिबाजको भगवन्तं दूरतो व आगच्छन्तं । दिस्वान सकं परिसं सण्ठपेसि-"अप्पसद्दा भोन्तो होन्तु ; मा भोन्तो सदमकत्थ । अर्य समणो गोतमो आगच्छति ; अप्पसद्दकामो खो पन सो आयस्मा अप्पसद्दस्स वण्णवादी । अप्पेष नाम अप्पसदं परिसं विदित्वा उपसङ्कमितब्ब म य्या" ति । अथ खो ते परिब्बाजका तुम्ही अहेसुं । अथ खो भगवा येन सकुलुदायी परिब्बाजको तेनुपसङ्कमि । अथ खो सकुलुदायी परिब्बाजको भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"एतु खो, भन्ते, भगवा। स्वागतं, भन्ते, भगवतो । चिरस्सं खो, भन्ते, भगवा इमं परियायमकासि यदिदं इधागमनाय । निसीदतु, भन्ते, भगवा ; इदमासनं पञत्तं" ति । निसीदि भगवा पञत्ते आसने । सकुलुदायी पि खो परिब्बाजको अञ्जतरं नीचं आसनं गहेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नं खो सकुलुदायि परिब्बाजकं भगवा एतदवोच
___ "कायनुत्थ, उदायि, एतरहि कथाय सन्निसिन्ना, का च पन वो अन्तराकथा विप्पकता" ति ?
"तिट्टतेसा, भन्ते, कथा याय मयं एतरहि कथाय सन्निसिन्ना। नेसा, भन्ते, कथा भगवतो दुल्लभा भविस्सति पच्छा पि सवनाय । पुरिमानि, भन्ते, दिवसानि पुरिमतरानि नानातित्थियानं समणब्राह्मणानं कुतूहलसालायं सन्निसिन्नानं सन्निपतितानं अयमन्तराकथा उदपादि-'लाभा वत, भो, अङ्गमगधानं, सुलद्धलाभा वत, भो, अङ्गमगधानं ! तत्रिमे समणब्राह्मणा सचिनो गणिनो गणाचरिया आता यसस्सिनो तित्यकरा साधुसम्मता बहुजनस्स राजगह वस्सावासं ओसटा। अयं पि खो पूरणो कस्सपो सङ्घी चेव गणी च गणाचरियो च

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आतो यसस्सी तित्थकरो साधुसम्मतो बहुजनस्स ; सो पि राजगहं वस्सावासं ओसटो। अयं पि खो मक्खलि गोसालोपे०. अजितो केसकम्बलो 'पकुधो कच्चायनो....."सञ्जयो लट्ठपुत्तो "निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो सङ्घी चेव... वस्सावासं ओसटो । अयं पि खो समणो गोतमो सखी चेव० "वस्सावासं ओसटो। को नु खो इमेसं भवतं समणब्राह्मणानं सङ्घीनं गणीनं गणाचरियानं जातानं यसस्सीनं तित्थकरानं साधुसम्मतानं बहुजनस्स सावकानं सक्कतो गरुकतो मानितो पूजितो, कं च पन सावका सक्कत्वा गरु कत्वा उपनिस्साय विहरन्ती'
ति?
"तत्रेकच्चे एवमाहंसु-'अयं खो पूरणो कस्सपो सङ्घी चेव० 'बहुजनस्स ; सो च खो सावकानं न सक्कतो न गरुकतो न मानितो न पूजितो, न च पन पूरणं कस्सपं सावका सक्कत्वा गर कत्वा उपनिस्साय विहरन्ति । भूतपुब्बं पूरणो कस्सपो अनेकसताय परिसाय धम्म देसेति । तत्रतरो पूरणस्स कस्सपस्स सावको सद्दमकासि-मा भोन्तो पूरणं कस्सपं एतमत्थं पुच्छित्थ, नेसो एतं जानाति ; मयमेतं जानाम, अम्हे एतमत्थं पुच्छथ ; मयमेतं भवन्तानं ब्याकरिस्सामा ति । भूतपुब्बं पुरणो कस्सपी बाहा पग्गय्ह कन्दन्तो न लभतिअप्पसद्दा भोन्तो होन्तु, मा भोन्तो सद्दमकत्थ । नेते, भवन्ते, पुच्छन्ति, अम्हे एते पुच्छन्ति ; मयमेतेसं न्याकरिस्सामा ति । बहु खो पन पूरणस्त कस्सपस्स सावका वादं आरोपेत्वा अपक्कन्ता-न त्वं इमं धम्मविनयं आजानासि, अहं इमं धम्मविनयं आजानामि, किं त्वं इमं धम्मविनयं आजानिस्ससि, मिच्छा पटिपन्नो त्वमसि, अहमस्मि सम्मापटिपन्नो, सहितं मे, असहितं ते, पुरेवचनीयं पच्छा अवच, पच्छावचनीयं पुरे अवच, अधिचिण्णं ते विपरावत्तं, आरोपितो ते वादो, निग्गहितोसि, चर वादप्पमोक्खाय निब्बेठे हि वा सचे पहोसी ति । इति पूरणो कस्सपो सावकानं च सक्कतो.."उपनिस्साय विहरन्ति । अक्कुट्ठो च पन पूरणो कस्सपो धम्मक्कोसेना' ति ।
"एकच्चे एवमाहंसु-'अयं पि खो मक्खलि गोसालो"पे०.. अजितो केसकम्बलो... पकुवो कच्चायनो''सञ्जयो बेलपुत्तो"निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो सङ्घी चेव०."धम्मक्कोसेना' ति ।
"एकच्चे एवमाहंसु–'अयं पि खो समणो गोतमो सङ्घी चेव०... सावकानं सक्कतो गरुकतो मानितो पूजितो, समणं च पन गोतम सावका सक्कत्वा गरुं कत्वा उपनिस्साय विहरन्ति । भूतपुब्बं समणो गोतमो अनेकसताय परिसाय धम्म देसेति । तत्रतरो समणस्स गोतमस्स सावको उक्कासि । तमेनाभतरो ब्रह्मचारी जन्नुकेन घट्टेसि-अप्पसद्दो आयस्मा होत, मायस्मा सद्दमकासि, सत्था नो भगवा धम्म देसेती' ति । यस्मिं समये समणो गोतमो अनेकसताय परिसाय धम्म देसेति, नेव तस्मि समये समणस्स गोतमस्स सावकानं खिपितसद्दो वा होति उक्कासितसद्दो वा। तमेनं महाजनकायो पच्चासीसमानरूपो पच्चुपुहितो होति-यं नो भगवा धम्म भासिस्सति तं नो सोस्सामा ति । सेय्यथापि नाम पुरिसो

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चातुम्महापथे खुद्दमधुं अनेलकं पीलेय्य । तमेनं महाजनकायो पच्चासीसमानरूपो पच्चुपडितो अस्स । एवमेव यस्मिं समये समणो गोतमो अनेकसताय परिसाय धम्म देसेति, नेव तस्मिं ममये समणस्स गोतमस्स सावकानं खिपितसद्दो वा होति उक्कासितसद्दो वा। तमेनं महाजनकायो पच्चासीसमानरूपो पच्चुपहितो होति-यं नो भगवा धम्मं भासिस्सति तं नो सोस्सामा ति । ये पि समणस्स गोतमस्स सावका सब्रह्मचारीहि सम्पयोजेत्वा सिक्खं पञ्चक्खाय हीनायावत्तन्ति ते पि सत्थु चेव वण्णवादिनो होन्ति, धम्मस्स च वण्णवादिनो होन्ति, सङ्घस्स च वण्णवादिनो होन्ति, अत्तगर हिनो येव होन्ति अननगरहिनो, मयमेवम्हा अलक्खिका मयं अप्पपुञा ते मयं एवं स्वाक्खाते धम्मविनये पजित्वा नासक्खिम्हा यावजीवं परिपुण्णं परिसुद्धं ब्रह्म वरियं चरितं ति। ते आरामिकभुता वा उपासकभूता वा पञ्चसिक्खापदे समादाय वत्तन्ति । इति समणो गोतमो सावकानं मक्कतो..."विहरन्ती" ति ।'
: २७:
Nigantha Uposatha एवं मे सुतं । एक समयं भगवा सावत्थियं विहरति पुब्बारामे मिगारमातुपासादे । अथ खो चिसारखा मिगारमाता तदहुपोसथे येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि। एकमन्तं निसिन्नं खो विसाखं मिगारमातरं भगवा एतदवोच- "हन्द कुतो नु स्त्र, विसाखे, आगच्छमि दिवा दिवस्मा" ति ?
"उपोसथाहं, भन्ते, अज्ज उपवसामी" ति ।
"तयो खोमे, विसाखे, उपोसथा। कतमे तयो ? गोपालकुपोसथो, निगण्टुपोसथो, अरियुपोसथो। कथं च, विसाखे, गोपालकुपोसथो होति ? सेय्यथापि, विसाखे, गोपालको सायन्हसमये सामिकानं गावो निय्यातेत्वा इति पटिसञ्चिक्खति-'अज्ज खो गावो अमुकस्मि च अमुकस्मि च पदेसे चरिंसु, अमुकस्मि च अमुकस्मि च पदेसे पानीयानि पिविंसु ; स्वे दानि गावा अमुकस्मि च अमुकस्मि च पदेसे चरिस्सन्ति, अमुकस्मि च अमुकस्मि च पदेसे पानीयानि पिविस्सन्ती' ति ; एवमेव खो, विसाखे, इधेकच्चो उपोसथिको इति पटिसञ्चिक्खति'अहं ख्वज्ज इदं चिदं च खादनीयं खादि, इदं चिदं च भोजनीयं भुजिं; स्वे दानाहं इदं चिदं च खादनीयं खादिस्सामि, इदं चिदं च भोजनीयं भुजिस्सामी' ति । सो तेन अभिज्मासहगतेन चेतसा दिवसं अतिनामेति । एवं विसाखे, गोपालकुपोसथो होति । एवं
१. मुत्तपिटके, मज्झिमनिकाय पालि, मज्झिमपण्णासक, महासकुलुदायिसुत्तं, २७-१,
पृ० २२४ से २६ ।

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उपो खो, विसाखे, गोपालकुपोसथो न महत्फलो होति न महानिसंसो न महाजुतिको न महाविष्फारो ।
" कथं च, विसाखे, निगण्टुपोसथो होति ? अस्थि विसाखे, निगण्ठा नाम समणजातिका । ते सावकं एवं समादपेन्ति - 'एहि त्वं' अम्भो पुरिस, ये पुरत्थिमाय दिसाय पाणा परं योजनसतं तेसु दण्डं निक्खिपाहि ; ये पच्छिमाय दिसाय पाणा परं योजनसतं तेसु दण्डं निक्खिपाहि ; ये उत्तराय दिसाय पाणा परं योजनसतं तेसु दण्डं निक्खिपाहि ; ये दक्खिणाय दिसाय पाणा परं योजनसतं तेसु दण्डं निक्खिपाही' ति । इति एकच्चानं पाणानं अनुद्दयाय अनुकम्पाय समादपेन्ति, एकच्चानं पाणानं नानुद्दयाय नानुकम्पाय समादपेति । ते तदहुपोसथे सावकं एवं समादपेन्ति - 'एहि त्वं अम्भो, पुरिस, सब्बचेलानि निक्विपित्वा एवं वदेहि-नाहं कवचनि कस्सचि किञ्चनतस्मि न च मम क्वनि कत्थचि किञ्चनत्थी ति । जानन्ति खो पनस्त मातापितरो - 'अयं अम्हाकं पुत्तो' ति ; सोपि जानाति -' इमे मय्हं मातापितरों' ति । जानाति खो पनस्स पुत्तदारो- 'अयं मय्हं भत्ता' ति; सो पि जानाति - 'अयं मय्हं पुत्तदारो' ति । जानन्ति खो पनस्स दासकम्मकरपोरिसा - 'अयं अम्हाकं अय्यो' ति ; सो पि जानाति - 'इमे महं दासकम्मकरपोरिसा ' ति । इति यस्मि समये सच्चे समादपेतन्त्रा मुसावादे तस्मि समये समादपेन्ति । इदं तस्स मुसावादस्मि दामि । सो तस्सा रत्तिया अच्चयेन भोगे अदिन्नं येव परिभुञ्जति । इदं तस्स अदिन्नादानस्मि वदामि । एवं खो, विसाखे, निगण्डुपोसथो होति । एवं उपवत्था खो, विसावे, निगण्डुपोसथो न महष्फलो होति न महानिसंसो न महाजुतिको न महाविष्फारो ।
"कथं च, विसाखे, अरियुपोसथो होति ? उपक्किलिट्ठस्स, विसाखे, चित्तस्स उपक्कमेन परियोदपना होति । कथं च विसाखे, उपक्किलिहस्स चित्तस्स उपक्कमेन परियोदपना होति ? इध, विसाखे, अरियसावको तथागतं अनुसरति - ' इति पि सो भगवा अरहं सम्मासम्बुद्धो विज्जाचरणसम्पन्नो सुगतो लोकविदू अनुत्तरो पुरिसदम्मसारथि सत्था देवमनुस्सानं बुद्धो भगवा' ति । तस्स तथागतं अनुस्सरतो चित्तं पसीदति, पामोज्जं उप्पज्जति । ये चित्तस्स उपक्किलेसा ते पहीयन्ति, सेय्यथापि, विसाखे, उपक्कि लिट्ठस्स सीसस्स उपक्कमेन परियोदपना होति । १०......
: २८ :
Cha abhijatiyon men nirgrantha
एकं समयं भगवा राजगहे विहरति गिज्झकूटे पब्बते । अथ खो आयस्मा आनन्दो येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेला एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं १. सुत्तपिटके, अंगुत्तरनिकाय पालि, तिकनिपात, महावग्गो, उपोसथसुत्तं, ३-७-१० ; पृ० १६०-६१ ।

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720
निसिनो खो आयस्मा आनन्दो भगवन्तं एतदवोच – “पूरणेन, भन्ते, कस्सपेन छलभिजातियो पञ्ञत्ता - तहाभिजाति पञ्ञत्ता, नीलाभिजाति पञ्ञता, लोहिताभिजाति पञ्ञत्ता, हलिद्दाभिजाति पञ्ञत्ता, सुक्काभिजाति पञ्ञत्ता, परमसुक्काभिजाति पञ्ञत्ता ।
"तत्रिदं, भन्ते, पूरणेन कस्सपेन तण्हा भिजाति पञ्ञत्ता, ओरब्भिका सुकरिका साकुणिका माविका लुद्दा मच्छघातका चोरा चोरघातका बन्धनागारिका ये वा पनञ्ञे पि केचि कुरूरकम्मन्ता |
" तत्रिदं, भन्ते, पूरणेन कस्सपेन नीलाभिजाति पव्ञत्ता, भिक्खू कण्टकवुत्तिका ये वा पन पि केचि कम्मवादा किरियवादा।
"तत्रिदं, भन्ते, पूरणेन कस्मपेन लोहिताभिजाति पञत्ता, निगण्ठा एकसाटका । " त्रिदं', भन्ते, पूरणेन कस्सपेन हलिद्दाभिजाति पञ्ञत्ता, गिट्टी ओदातवसना अचेलक
सावका ।
" तत्रिदं भन्ते, पूरणेन कस्सपेन सुक्काभिजाति पञ्ञत्ता, आजीवका आजीवकिनियो । १
: २६ :
Saccaka Niganthaputra Saccakassa panjho
एव मे सुतं । एकं समयं भगवा वेसालियं विहरति महावने कूटागारसालायं । तेन खोपन समयेन भगवा पुब्वण्हसमयं सुनिवत्थो होति पत्तचीवरमादाय वेसालि पिण्डाय पविसिद्धकामो | अथ खो सच्चको निगण्ठपुत्तो जङ्घाविहारं अनुचङ्कममानो येन अनुविचरमानो महावनं कूटागारसाला तेनुपसङ्कमि । असा खो आयस्मा आनन्दो सच्चकं निगण्ठपुत्तं दूरतो व आगच्छन्तं । दिस्वान भगवन्तं एतदवोच - "अयं, भन्ते, सच्चको निगण्ठपुत्तो आगच्छति भस्सप्पवादको पण्डितवादी साधुसम्मतो बहुजनस्स । एसो खो, भन्ते, अवण्णकामो बुद्धस्स, अवण्णकामी धम्मस्स, अवण्णकामो सङ्घस्स । साधु, भन्ते, भगवा मुहुत्तं निसीदतु अनुकम्पं उपादाया " ति । निसीदि भगवा पञ्ञत्ते आसने । अथ खो सच्चको निगण्ठपुत्तो येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवता सद्धि सम्मोदि, सम्मोदनीयं कथं सारणीयं वीतिसारेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो सच्चको निण्ठपुत्तो भगवन्तं एतदवोच - ० ...
१. सुत्तपिटके, अंगुत्तरनिकाय पालि, छक्क निपाता, महावग्गो, छलमिजातिसुत्तं, ६-६-३; पृ० ६३-६४ ।

Page #761

Saccakassa Bhagavati Saddha
एवं वृत्ते, सच्चको निगण्ठपुत्तो भगवन्तं एतदवोच - "अच्छरियं भो गोतम, अब्भुतं, भो गोतम ! यावञ्चिदं भोतो गोतमस्स एवं आसज्ज आसज्ज बुच्चमानस्स, उपनीतेहि वचनपथेहि समुदाचरियमानस्स, छविवण्णो चेत्र परियोदायति, मुखवण्णो च विप्पसीदति, यथा तं अरहतो सम्मासम्बुद्धस्स । अभिजानामहं भो गोतम, पूरणं कस्सपं वादेन वादं समारभता । सोपि मया वादेन वादं समारद्धो अज्ञेन परिचरि, बहिद्धा कथं अपना मेसि, कोपं च दोसं च अप्पच्चयं च पात्वाकासि । भोतो पन गोतमस्स एवं अरहतो सम्मासम्बुद्धस्स । अभिजानामहं भो गोतम, मक्खलि गोसालं पे० अजितं केसकम्बलं... पकुधं कच्चायनं "सञ्जयं बेलट्ठपुत्तं निगण्ठं नाटपुत्तं वादेन वादं समारभिता । सो पि मया वादेन ०... अप्पच्चयं च पात्वाकासि । भोतो पन गोतमस्स एवं बहुकिच्चा मयं, बहुकरणीया" ति ।
० ...
"यस्स दानि त्वं अग्गिवेस्सन, कालं मज्ञसी" ति ।
अथ खो सच्चको निगण्ठपुत्तो भगवतो भासितं अभिनन्दित्वा अनुमोदित्वा उट्ठायासन पक्कामी ति । "
: ३० :
Anasvasika Brahmacaryavasa
cattaro abhramacaryavāsa
721
...
एवं मे सुतं । एकं समयं भगवा को सम्बियं विहरति घोसितारामे । तेन खो पन समयेन सन्दको परिब्बाजको पिलक्खगुहायं पटिवसति महतिया परिब्बाजकपरिसाय सद्धि पञ्चमत्तेहि परिब्बाजकसतेहि । अथ खो आयस्मा आनन्दो सायन्हसमयं पटिसल्लाना
तो भिक्खू आमन्तेसि - " आयामावुसो, येन देवकतसो भो तेनुपसङ्कमिस्साम गुहादस्सनाया " ति । " एवमाकुसो" ति खो ते भिक्खु आयस्मतो आनन्दस्स पच्चस्सोसुं । अथ खो आयस्मा आनन्दो सम्बहुलेहि भिक्खुहि सद्धि येन देवकतसोब्भो तेनुपसङ्कमि । तेन खो पन समयेन सन्दको परिब्बाजको महतिया परिब्बाजकपरिसाय सद्धिं निसिन्नो होति उन्नादिनिया उच्चासद्द महासद्दाय अनेकविहितं तिरच्छानकथं कथेन्तिया, सेय्यथीदंराजकथं चोरकथं महामत्तकथं सेनाकथं भयकथं युद्धकथं अन्नकथं पानकथं वत्थकथं
१. सुत्तपिटके, मज्झिमनिकाय पालि, भूलपण्णासक, महासच्चकसुतं, ३६-१-१ से ३६-५-३५ ; पृ० २१-३०६ |

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722
सयनकथं मालाकथं गन्धकथं आतिकथं यानकथं गामकथं निगमकथं नगरकथं जनपदकथं इत्यिकथं सूरकथं विसिखाकथं कुम्भाहानकथं पुब्बपेतकथं नानत्तकथं लोकक्खायिक समुद्दक्खायिक इतिभवाभवकथं इति वः। अद्दसा खो सन्दको परिब्बाजको आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं दूरतो व आगच्छन्तं । दिस्वान सकं परिसं सण्ठपेसि-"अप्पसद्दा भोन्तो होन्तु, मा भोन्तो सद्दमकत्थ ; अयं समणस्स गोतमस्स सावको आगच्छति समणो आनन्दो । यावता--खो पन समणस्स गोतमस्स सावका कोसम्बियं पटिवसन्ति, अयं तेसं अञतरो समणो आनन्दो। अप्पसद्दकामा खो पन ते आयस्मन्तो अप्पसद्द विनीता अप्पसहस्स वण्णवादिनो ; अप्पेव नाम अप्पसदं परिसं विदित्वा उपसङ्कमितब्ब मञय्या" ति । अथ खो ते परिब्बाजका तुण्ही अहेसुं । __अथ खो आयस्मा आनन्दो येन सन्दको परिब्बाजको तेनुपसङ्कमि । अथ खो सन्दको परिब्बाजको आयस्मन्तं आनन्दं एतदवोच-"एतु खो भवं आनन्दो, स्वागतं भोतो आनन्दस्स । चिरस्सं खो भवं आनन्दो इमं परियायमकासि यदिदं इधागमनाय । निसीदतु भवं आनन्दो, इदमासनं पञ्चत्तं" ति । निसीदि खो आयस्मा आनन्दो पञत्ते आसने। सन्दको पि खो परिबाजको अञतरं नीचं आसनं गहेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नं खो सन्दकं परिबाजकं आयस्मा आनन्दो एतदवोच- "कायनुत्थ, मन्दक, एतरहि कथाय सन्निसिन्ना, का च पन वो अन्तराकथा विप्पकथा" ति ?
तिहतेसा, भो आनन्द, कथा याय मयं एतरहि कथाय सन्निसिन्ना । नेसा भोतो आनन्दस्स कथा दुल्लभा भविस्सति पच्छा पि सवनाय । साधु वत भवन्तं येन आनन्द पटिभातु सके आचरियके धम्मिकथा" ति ।
"तेन हि, सन्दक ; सुणाहि, साधुकं मनसि करोहि ; भासिस्सामी” ति ।
"एवं भो" ति खो सन्दको परिव्याजको आयम्मतो आनन्दस्म पर चस्मोमि । आयस्मा आनन्दो एतदवोच-"चत्तारोमे, सन्दक, तेन भगवता जानता पस्सता अग्हता सम्मासम्बुद्धेन अब्रह्म चरियवासा अक्खाता चत्तारि च अनस्सासिकानि ब्रह्मचरियानि अक्खातानि, यस्थ विज्ञ पुरिसो ममक्कं ब्रह्मचरियं न वसेय्य, वमन्तो च नाराधेय्य प्रायं धम्म कुसलं" ति।
कतमे पन ते, भो आनन्द, तेन भगवता जानता पस्सता अरहता सम्मासम्बृद्धेन चत्तारो अब्रह्मचरियवासा, अक्खाता, यत्थ वि०...."कुसलं' ति ।।
"इध, सन्दक, एकच्चो सत्था एवंवादी होति एवं दिट्ठी-'नत्थि दिन्नं, नत्थि यि, नत्यि हुतं,......" ___"पुन च परं, सन्दक, इधे कच्ची सत्था एवंवादी होति एवंदिही- 'करोना कारयतो०......।

Page #763

723 "पुन च परं, सन्दक, इधेकच्चो सत्था एवंवादी होति एवं दिही-'नत्थि होत, नत्थि पच्चयो ।
"पुन च परं, सन्दक, इधेकच्चो सत्था एवंवादी होति एवं दिट्ठी-सत्तिमे काया अकटा अकटविधा....
"इमे खो ते सन्दक, तेन भगवता जानता पस्सता अरहता सम्मासम्बुद्धेन चत्तारो अब्रह्मचरियवासा अक्खाता यत्थ० " कुसलं" ति ।
Cattāri anassāsikāni brahmcariyāni __"अच्छरियं, भी आनन्द, अब्भुतं, भो आनन्द ! यावञ्चिदं तेन भगवता.... अब्रह्मचरियवासा व समाना 'अब्रह्मचरियवासा' ति अक्खाता यत्थ..."कुसलं ति। कतमानि पन तानि, भो आनन्द, तेन भगवता जानता पस्सता अरहता सम्मासम्बुद्धेन चत्तारि अनस्सासिकानि ब्रह्मचरियानि अक्खातानि यत्थ.."कुसलं" ति ?
"इध, सन्दक, एकच्चो सत्था सब्बञ्च सब्बदस्सावी अपरिसेसं आणदस्सनं पटिजानाति–'चरतो च मे तितो च सुत्तस्स च जागरस्स च सततं समितं जाणदस्सनं पच्चुपहित' ति । सो सुझं पि अगारं पविसति, पिण्डं पि न लभति, कुक्कुरो पि डसति, चण्डेन पि हत्थिना समागच्छति, चण्डेन पि अस्सेन समागच्छति, चण्डेन पि गोणेन समागच्छति, इत्थिया पि पुरिसस्स पि नाम पि गोत्तं पि पुच्छति, गामस्स पि निगमस्स पि नाम पि मग्गं पि पुच्छति ; सो 'किमिदं' ति पुट्ठो समानो 'सुझं मे अगारं पविसितम्बं अहोसि', तेन पाविसिं ; "पिण्डं मे अलद्धब्बं अहोसि', तेन नालत्थं ; कुक्कुरेन डंसिंतब्बं अहोसि, तेनम्हि दह्रो ; चण्डेन हत्थिना समागन्तब्बं अहोसि, तेन समागमि ; चण्डेन अस्सेन समागन्तब्बं अहोसि, तेन समागमि ; चण्डेन गोणेन समागन्तब्बं अहोसि, तेन समागम ; इत्थिया पि पुरिसस्स पि नाम पि गोत्तं पि पुच्छितब्बं अहोसि, तेन पुच्छि ; गामस्स पि निगमस्स पि नाम पि मन्गं पि पुच्छितब्बं अहोसि, तेन पुच्छि ति । तत्र, सन्दक, विजू पुरिसो इति पटिसञ्चिक्षति-अयं खो भवं सत्था सबञ्जू सब्बदस्सावी अपरिसेसं जाणदस्सनं पटिजानाति""पे०... गामस्स पि निगमस्स पि नामं पि मग्गं पि पुच्छितब्बं अहोसि, तेन पूच्छि ति । सो 'अनस्सासिकं इदं ब्रह्मचरिय' ति-इति विदित्वा तस्मा ब्रह्मचरिया निबिज्ज पक्कमति । इदं खो, सन्दक, तेन भगवता जानता पस्सता अरहता सम्मासम्बुद्धन पठमं अनस्सासिकं ब्रह्मचरियं अक्खातं यत्थ वि०... कुसलं ।
......."इमानि खो, सन्दक, तेन भगवता जानता पस्सता अरहता सम्मासम्बुद्धेन चत्तारि अनस्सासिकानि ब्रह्मचरियानि अक्खातानि यत्थ वि० "कुसलं" ति ।'
१. सुत्तपिटके, मज्झिमनिकाय पालि, मज्झिमपण्णासक, सन्दक सुत्तं, २६-१-२ पृ० २१७-२२० ।
७६

Page #764

724
Vibhinna Maton men Deva
एवं मे सुतं । एक समयं भगवा राजगहे विहरति वेलुवने कलन्दकनिवापे । अथ खो सम्बहुला नानातित्थियसावका देवपुत्ता असमो च सहलि च नीको च आकोटको च वेगब्भरि च माणवगारियो च अभिक्कन्ताय रत्तिया अभिक्कन्तवण्णा केवलकप्पं वेलुवनं ओभासेत्वा येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमिसु ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं अट्ठसु । एकमन्तं ठितो खो असमो देवपुत्तो पूरणं कस्सपं आरब्भ भगवतो सन्तिके इमं गाथं अभासि
"इप छिन्दितमारिते, हतजानीसु कस्सपो। न पापं समनुपस्सति, पुनं वा पन अत्तनो।
स वे विस्सासमाचिक्खि, सस्था अरहति मानन” ति ॥ अथ खो सहलि देवपुत्तो मक्खलि गोसालं आरम्भ भगवतो सन्तिके इनं गावं अमासि
"तपोजिगुच्छाय सुसंवुतत्तो, बाचं पहाय. कलहं जनेन । समो सवज्जा विरतो सच्चवादी,
न हि नून ताविसं करोति पापं" ति ॥ अथ खो नीको देवपुत्तो निगण्ठं नाटपुत्तं आरम्भ भगवतो सन्तिके इमं गार्थ अभासि
"जेगुच्छी निपको भिक्खु, चातुयामसुसंवुतो।
निटें सुतं च आचिक्खं, न हि नून किब्बिसी सिया" ति॥ अथ खो आकोटको देवपुत्तो नानाति त्थिये आरभं भगवतो सन्तिके इमं गावं अभासि
"पकुधको कातियानो निगण्ठो, ये चापिमे मक्खलिपूरणासे । गणस्स सत्थारो सामञप्पत्ता,
न हि नून ते सप्पुरिसेहि दूरे" ति ॥ अथ खो बेगभरि देवपुत्तो आकोटकं देवपुत्तं गाथाय पच्चभासि
"सहाचरितेन छवो सिगालो, न कोत्युको सीहसमो कदाचि । मगो मुसावादी गणस्स सत्या, सङ्कस्सराचारो न सतं सरिक्खो" ति ॥

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अथ खो मारो पापिमा वेगभरि देवपुत्तं अन्याविसित्वा भगवतो सन्तिके इमं गाथं अभासि
"तपोजिगुच्छाय आयुत्ता, पालयं पविवेकियं । रूपे च ये निविद्वासे, देवलोकाभिनन्दिनो।
ते वे सम्मानुसासन्ति, परलोकाय मातिया" ति। अथ खो भगवा, 'मारो अयं पापिमा' इति विदित्वा, मारं पापिमन्तं गाथाय पच्चभासि
"ये केचि रूपा इध वा हुरं वा, ये चतलिक्ख स्मि पभासवण्णा । सब्बे व ते ते नमुचिप्पसत्था, आमिसं व मच्छानं वधाय खित्ता" ति ॥'
:३२: Pingala Koccha Brahmana
Pañjca sărtthika Puggalā एवं मे सुतं । एकं समयं भगवा सावत्यियं विहरति जेतवने अनाथपिण्डिकस्स आरामे । अथ खो पिङ्गलकोच्छो ब्राह्मणो येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवता सद्धिं सम्मोदि । सम्मोदनीयं कथं सारणीयं वीतिसारेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो पिङ्गलकोच्छो ब्राह्मणो भगवन्तं एतदवोच-"येमे, भो गोतम, समणब्राह्मणा सचिनो गणिनो गणाचरिया ञाता यसस्सिनो तित्थकरा साधुसम्मता, बहुजनस्स, सेय्यथीदपुरणो कस्सपो, मक्खलि गोसालो, अजितो केसकम्बलो, पकुधो कच्चायनो, सञ्जयो बेलपुत्तो, निगण्ठो नाटपुत्तो, सब्बेते सकायः पटिञाय अब्भनंसु सब्बे व नाभञ्जसु, उदाहु एकच्चे अब्भअंसु एकच्चे नाब्भअंसू" ति ?
"अलं, ब्राह्मण, तितेतं-सब्बेते सकाय पटिआय अब्भअंसु सब्बे व नाभञ्जसु, उदाहु एकच्चे अब्भनंसु एकच्चे नाब्भनंसू ति । धम्मं ते, ब्राह्मण, देसेस्सामि, तं सुणाहि, साधुकं मनसि करोहि ; भासिस्सामी" ति ।
"एवं, भो" ति खो पिङ्गलकोच्छो ब्राह्मणो भगवतो पच्चस्सोसि । भगवा एतदवोच२-०...... १. सुत्तपिटके, संयुत्तनिकाय पालि, सगाथवग्गो, देवपुत्तसंयुत्तं, नानातित्थियसावकसुत्तं,
२-३०-४४-४५, पृ०६४-६५ । २. सुत्तपिटके, मज्झिमनिकाय पालि, मूलपण्णासकं, चूलसारोपमसुत्तं, ३०-१.१ ; पृ० २४६ ।

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: ३३
Jatila Sutta एकं समयं भगवा सावत्थियं विहरति पुब्बारामे मिगारमातुपासादे। तेन खो पन समयेन भगवा सायन्हसमयं पटिसल्लाना वुट्टितो बहिद्वारकोढके निसिन्नो होति । अथ खो राजा पसेनदि कोसलो येन भगवा तेनुपप्तङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि ।
तेन खो पन समयेन सत्त च जटिला सत्त च निगण्ठा सत्त च अचेलका सत्त च एकसाटका सत्त च परिबाजका परूल्हकच्छनखलोमा खारिविविधमादाय भगवतो अविदूरे अतिक्कमन्ति । अथ खो राजा पसेनदि कोसलो उहायासना एकसं उत्तरासङ्ग करित्वा दक्खिणजाणुमण्डलं पठवियं निहन्त्वा येन ते सत्त च जटिला सत्त च निगण्ठा० ..... तेनञ्जलिं पणामेत्वा तिक्खतं नामं सावेसि-"राजाह, भन्ते, पसेनदि कोसलो...पे.." राजाह, भन्ते, पसेनदि कोसलो" ति । ___अथ खो राजा पसेनदि कोसलो अचिरपक्कन्तेसु तेसु सत्तसु च जटिलेसु सत्तसु च निगण्ठेसु०......। येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा०' "एतदवोच-"ये ते, भन्ते, लोके अरहन्तो वा अरहत्तमग्गं वा समापन्ना एते तेसं अञतरा" ति । ___"दुज्जानं खो एतं, महाराज, तया गिहिना कामभोगिना पुत्तसम्बाधसयनं अज्झावसन्तेन कासिकचन्दनं पच्चनुभोन्तेन मालागन्धविलेपनं धारयन्तेन जातरूपरजतं सादियन्तेन-'इमे वा अरहन्तो, इमे वा अरहत्तमग्गं समापन्ना' ति ।।
“संवासेन खो, महाराज, सीलं वेदितब्बं । तं च खो दीघेन अधुना, न इत्तरं ; मनसिकरोता, नो अमनसिकरोता ; पञ्जवता, नो दुप्पओन । संवोहारेन खो,..."। आपदासु खो, 'साकच्छाय खो,०"।
"अच्छरियं, भन्ते, अन्भुतं भन्ते ! यावसुभासितमिदं, भन्ते, भगवता-'दुज्जानं खो एतं, "।
"एते, भन्ते, मम पुरिसा चरा ओचरका जनपदं ओचरित्वा आगच्छन्ति । तेहि पठमं ओचिण्णं अहं पच्छा ओसापयिस्सामि । इदानि ते, भन्ते, ते रजोजल्लं पवाहेत्वा सुनहाता सुविलिता कप्पितकेसमस्सू ओदातवत्था पञ्चहि कामगुणेहि समप्पिता समङ्कीभता परिचारेस्सन्ती” ति।
अथ खो भगवा एतमत्थं विदित्वा तायं बेलायं इमा गाथायो अभासि

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"न वण्णरूपेन नरो सुजानो, म विस्ससे इत्तरदस्सनेन । सुसज्ञतानं हि वियञनेन, असञता लोकमिमं चरन्ति ॥ "पतिरूपको मत्तिकाकुण्डलो व, लोहड्ढमासो व सुवण्णछन्नो। चरन्ति लोके परिवारछन्ना, अन्तो असुद्धा बहि सोभमाना" ति ।'
Dhammika Sutta एवं मे सुतं । एक समयं भगवा साथियं विहरति जेतवने अनाथपिण्डिकस्स आरामे। अथ खो धम्मिको उपासको पञ्चहि उपासकसतेहि सद्धिं येन भगवा तेनुपसङ्कमि ; उपसङ्कमित्वा भगवन्तं अभिवादेत्वा एकमन्तं निसीदि । एकमन्तं निसिन्नो खो धम्मिको उपासको भगवन्तं गाथाहि अज्झभासि
"पुच्छामि तं गोतम भूरिपत्र, कथङ्करो सावको साधु होति । यो वा अगारा अनगारमेति, अगारिनो वा पनुपासकासे ॥ ०..."ये केचिमे तित्थिया वादसोला, आजीवका वा यदि वा निगण्ठा। पाय तं नातितरन्ति सब्बे, ठितों वजन्तं विय सीघगामि ॥२
Mahābodhi Kumāra किं नु दण्डं किं अजिनं किं छत्तं किं उपाहनं किं अंकुसं च पत्तं च संघाटिं चापि ब्राह्मण तरमाणरूपो गण्हासि किं नु पत्थयसे दिसं ॥१॥ द्वादसेतानि वस्सानि वुसितानि तवन्तिके,
माभिजानामि सोनेन पिंगलेन अभिनिकूजितं ॥२॥ १. सुत्तपिटके, संयुत्तनिकाय पालि, सगाथवग्गो, कोसलसंयुत्तं, सत्तजटिलसुत्तं, ३-११-२७ से
३०, पृ०७६-७८ । २. सुत्तपिटके, खुद्दकनिकाये, सुत्तनिपात पालि, चूलवग्गो, धम्मिकसुत्तं, २-१४-१५६ से १६१ ,
पृ० ३२३-३२४ ।

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स्वायं दित्तो व नदति सुक्कदाठं विदंसयं तव सुत्वा समरिस्स वीतसद्धस्स मम पति ॥ ३ ॥ अहु एस कतो दोसो, यथा भाससि ब्राह्मण,
1
एस भिय्यो पसीदामि वस ब्राह्मण मा गम ॥ ४ ॥ सब्बसेतो पुरे आसि, ततोपि सबलो अहु । सब्बलोहितको दानि कालो पक्कितुं मम ॥ ५ ॥ अन्भन्तरं पुरे आसि ततो मज्भे ततो बहि पुरा निद्धमना होति सयं एव चजं अहं ॥ ६ ॥ वीतसद्धं न सेवेय्य उदमानं व अनोदकं वारि कद्दमगन्धिकं ॥७॥ अपसन्नं विवज्जये
सचे पि नं अनुखणे
पसन्नं एव सेवेय्य, पसन्मं पथिरुपासेय्य रहदं व उदकत्थिको ||८|| भजे भजन्तं पुरिसं अभजन्तं न भाजये, असप्पुरिसधम्मोसो यो भजन्तं न भाजति ॥९॥ यो भजन्तं न भजति सेवमानं न सेवति स बे मनुस्सपापिट्ठो मिगो साखस्तितो यथा ॥१०॥ अच्चा भिक्खण संसग्गा असमोसरणेन च एतेन मित्ता जीरन्ति अकाले याचनाय च ॥ ११ ॥ तस्मा नाभिक्खणं गच्छे न च गच्छे चिराचिरं कालेन याचं याचेय्य एवं मित्ता न जंरिरे ॥ १२॥ अतिचिरं निवासेव पियो भवति अपियो आमंत खोतं गच्छाम पुरा ते होम अप्पिया ॥१३॥ एवं चे याचमानानं अज्जलिं नावबुज्झसि परिवारकानं सत्तानं वचनं न करोसि नो एवं तं अभियाचाम, पुन कयिरासि परियायं ॥ १४ ॥ एवञ्चे नो विहरतं अन्तरायो न हेस्सति तुम्हं चापि महाराज महं च रटुवडढन । अप्पेव नाम परसेम
अहोरत्तानमच्चये ॥ १५॥ भावायमनुवक्तति
उदीरणा चे संगत्या
अकामा अकरणीयं वा करणीयं वापि कुब्बति
अकामकरणीयस्मि कुविध पापेन लिप्यति ॥ १६ ॥

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सो चे अत्थो च धम्मो च कल्याणो न पापको भोतो चे वचनं सच्चं सुहतो वानरो मया ॥ १७ ॥ अत्तनो चेहि वादस्स अपराधं विजानिय न मं त्वं गरहेथ्यासि, भोतो वावोहि तादिसो ॥ १८ ॥ इस्सरो सब्बलोकस्स सचे कप्पेति जीवितं कल्याणपापकं निदेसकारी पुरिसो इस्सरो तेन लिप्यति ॥१९॥ स चे अत्यो च धम्मो च कल्याणो न च पापको
saoयसनभावञ्च
भोतो चे वचनं सच्चं सुहतो वानरो मया ॥२०॥ अत्तनो चे हि वादस्स अपराधं विजानिय न मं त्वं गरहेय्यासि, भोतो वादो हि तादिसो ॥ २१ ॥ सचे बेकहेतु सुखदुक्खं निगच्छति, पोरानकं कतं पापं तं एसो मुच्चते इणं, पोरानकं इणमोक्खो, विवध पापेन लिप्यति ॥ २२ ॥ सोचे अत्यो च धम्मो च कल्याणो न च पापको मोतो च वचनं सच्चं सुहतो वानरो मया ॥२३॥ अत्तनो चे हि वादस्स अपराधं विजा निय न मं त्वं गरहेय्यासि, मोतो वादो हि तादिसो ॥ २४ ॥ चतुन्नं एवं उपादाय रूपं सम्भोति पाणिनं यतो च रूपं सम्भोति तत्थेव
अनुपगच्छति ॥ २५ ॥
इधेव जीवति जीवो पेच्च पेच्च विनरस ति, उच्छिज्जति अयं लोको ये बाला ये च पण्डिता उच्छिज्जमाने लोकस्मिं विवध पापेन लिप्यति ॥ २६ ॥
कम्मं
सोचे अत्यो च धम्मो च कल्याणो न च पापको मोतो चे वचनं सच्चं सुहतो वानरो मया ॥ २७॥ अत्तनो चे हि वादस्स अपराधं विजा निय न मं त्वं गरहेय्यासि, भोतो वादो हि तादिसो ॥ २८ ॥ आहु खत्तविधा लोके बाला पण्डितमानिनो मातरं पितरं हजे अयो जेटुं पि भातरं हनेय्य पुत्ते च दारे च अथो चे तादिसो सिया ॥ २९ ॥
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यस्स रुक्खस्स छायाय निसीदेय्य सयेय्य वा म तस्स साखं भजेय्य, मित्तदूभी हि पापको ॥३०॥ अथ अत्थे समुप्पन्ने समूलं अपि अम्बहे अत्थो मे सम्बलेनति सुहतो वानरो मया ॥३१॥ सोचे अत्यो च धम्मो च कल्याणो न च पापको भोतो चे वचनं सच्चं सुहतो वानरो मया ॥३२॥ अत्तनो चे हि वादस्स अपराधं विजानिय न मं त्वं गरहेय्यासि, मोतो वादो हि तादिसो ॥३३॥ अहेतुवादो पुरिसो यो च इस्सरकुत्तिको पुम्बेकती च उच्छेदी यो च खत्तविधो नरो, एते असप्पुरिसा लोके बाला पण्डितमानिनो, करेय्य तादिसो पापं अथो अनं पि कारये, असप्पुरिससंसग्गो दुक्खन्तो. कतुकुद्रयो ॥३४-३५॥ उरम्मरूपेन वाकासु पुब्बे असंकितो अजयूथं उपेति, हन्त्वा उराणिं अजियं अजं च चित्रासयित्वा येन कामं पलेति ॥३६॥ तथाविधेके
समणब्राह्मणासे छदनं कत्वा वञ्चयन्ती मनुस्से अनासका
थण्डिलसेय्यका रजोजल्लं
उक्कुटिकप्पधानं परियायभत्तं च अपानकत्तं पापाचरा अरहन्तो वदाना ॥३७॥ एते असप्पुरिसा लोके बाला पण्डितमानिनो, करेग्य तादिसो पापं अथो अपि कारये, असप्पुरिससंसगो दुक्खन्तो कटुकुद्रयो ॥३८॥ याहु नत्थि विरियं ति हेतुञ्च अपवदन्ति [ये] परकारं अतकारञ्च ये तुच्छं
समवण्णयु, एते असप्पुरिसा लोके बाला फन्डिनमानिनो, करेय्य तादिसो पापं अथो अअंपि कारये, असप्पुरिससंसग्णो दुक्खन्तो कटुकुद्रयो ॥३९-४०॥

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सचे हि विरियं नास्स कम्मं कल्याणपापकं
न भरे वडढकिं राजा न पि यन्तानि कारये ॥४१॥
यस्मा च विरियं अत्थि कम्मं कल्याणपापकं तस्मा यन्तानि कारेन्ति राजा भरति वडढकिं ||४२ || यदि वस्ससतं देवो न वस्से न हिमं पते
विनस्सेय्य अयं पजा ॥ ४३ ॥
उच्छिजेय्य अयं लोको यस्मा च वस्सती देवो हिमं चानुफुसीयति तस्मा सस्सानि पच्चन्ति रटुं च पलते चिरं ||४४||
गवं चे तरमानानं जिम्हं गच्छति पुंगवो सन्बा ता जिम्हं गच्छन्ति नेते जिम्हगते सति ॥ ४५ ॥ एवमेवं मनुस्सेसु यो होति सेटुसम्मतो सो चे अधम्मं चरति पगेव इतरा पजा सब्बं रहूं दुक्खं सेति राजा चे होति अधम्मको || ४६ ॥ गवं चे तरमानानं उजुं गच्छति पुंगवो नेत्ते उजुगते सति ॥४७॥ होति सेट्ठसम्मतो सो चेपि धम्मं चरति पगेव इतरा पजा, सब्बं रटुं सुखं सेति राजा चे होति धम्मिको ॥ ४८ ॥ महारुक्खस्स फलिनो आमं छिदन्ति यो फलं
सब्बा ता उजुं गच्छन्ति एवमेव मनुस्सेसु यो
रसं चस्स न जानाति बीजं चस्स विनस्सति ॥ ४९ ॥ महारुक्खूपमं रहूं अधम्मेन यो पसासति रसं चस्स न जानाति रट्टु चस्स विनस्सति ॥५०॥ महारुक्स फलिनो पक्कं छिन्दति यो फलं
रसं चस्स विजानाति बीजं चस्स न नस्सति ॥ ५१ ॥ महारुक्खूपमं रट्ठ धम्मेन यो पसासति रसं चस्स विजानाति रहूं चस्स न नस्सति ॥ ५२ ॥ यो च राजा जनपदं अधम्मेन पसासति सब्बोसधीहि सों राजा विरुद्धो होति त्वत्तियो ॥ ५३ ॥ तत्येव नेगमे हिंसं ये युत्ता safarsa भोजदानवलीकरे स कोसेन
विरुज्झति ॥५४॥
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पहारवरखेतञ्जु संगामे कतनिस्समे उस्सिते हिंसयं राजा स बलेन विरुभति ॥५५॥ तत्थेव इसयो हिंसं सञते ब्रह्मचारयो अधम्मचारी खत्तियो सो सग्गेन विज्झति ।।५६॥ यो च राजा अधम्मट्ठो भरियं हन्ति अदूसिकं । लुई पसवते ठानं पुत्तेहि च विरुज्झति ॥५७॥ धम्मं चरे जनपदे नेगमेसु बलेसु च इसयो च न हिंसेय्य पुतदारे समं चरे ॥५॥ स ताविसो भूमिपति रपालो अकोधनो सामन्ते सम्पकम्पेति इन्दो व असुराधिपो ॥५९॥'
:३६ :
Mayūra aura Kaka अवस्सनेन मोरस्स, सिखिनो मञ्जमाणिनो । काकं तत्थ अपूजेसुं, मंसेन च फलेन च॥ यदा च सरसम्पन्नो, मोरो बावेरुमागमा । अथ लामो च सकारो, वायसस्स महायथ । याव नुप्पज्जती बुद्धो, धम्मराजा पभङ्करो। ताव अझे अपूजेसुं, पुथू समणब्राह्मणे ॥ यदा च सरसम्पन्नो, बुद्धो धम्मं अदेसयि । अथ लामो च सकारो, तित्थियानं अहायथा ति ॥
Māṁsāhāra Carcă हन्त्वा छेत्वा वधित्वा च, देति दानं असञतो। एविसं भत्तं भुञ्जमानो, स पापमुपलिम्पतिं ॥ पुत्तदारं पि चे हन्त्वा, देति दानं असमतो। भुञ्जमानो पि सप्पञो, न पापमुपलिम्पती ति ॥"
१-जातक, पंचम खण्ड, महाबोधि जातक, पृ० ३१७-३२७ । २-सुत्तपिटके, खुद्दकनिकाये, जातकपालि, 'पठमो भागो', चतुक्कनिपातो, बावेरु जानक,
४-३३९-१५३ से १५६ ; पृ० १०४।। ३-सुत्तपिटके, खुद्दकनिकाये, जातकपालि 'पठमो भागो', दुकनिपातो, तेलोबाद जातक, २-२४६
१९२-१९३, पृ० ६४।

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Cara prakāra Ke loga "चत्तारोमे, भिक्खवे, पुग्गला सन्तो संविजमाना लोकस्मि । कतमे चत्तारो ?इध भिक्खवे, एकच्ची पुग्गलो अत्तन्तपो होति अत्तपरितापरितापनानुयोगमनुयुत्तो। इध, पन,, भिक्खवे, एकच्चो पुग्गलो परन्तपो होति परपरितापनानुयोगमनुयुत्तो। इध पन, भिक्खवे, एकच्चो पुग्गलो अत्तन्तपो च होति अत्तपरितापनानुयोगमनुयुत्तो, परन्तपो च परपरितापनानुयोगमनुयुत्तो । इध पन, भिक्खवे, एकच्चो पुग्गलो नेवत्तन्तपो होति नात्तपरितापनानुयोगमनुयुत्तो न परन्तपो न परपरितापनानुयोगमनुयुत्तो। सो नेव अत्तन्तपो न परन्तपो दिठेव धम्मे निच्छातो निबुतो सीतीभूतो सुखप्पटिसंवेदी ब्रह्मभूतेन अत्तना विहरति ।
__ "कथं च, भिक्खवे, पुग्गलो अत्तन्तपो होति अत्तपरितापनानुयोगमनुयुत्तो ? इध, भिक्खवे, एकच्चो अचेलको होति मुत्ताचारो हत्थापलेखनो नएहिभद्दन्तिको नतिभद्दन्तिको नाभिहटं न उद्दिस्सकतं न निमन्तनं सादियति । सो न कुम्भिमुखा पटिग्गण्हाति, न कलोपिमुखा पटिग्गाहाति, न एलकमन्तरं न दण्डमन्तरं न मुसलमन्तरं न द्विन्नं भुञ्जमानानं न गम्भिनिया न पायमानाय न पुरिसन्तरगताय न सङ्कित्तीसु न यत्थ सा उपठितो होति न यत्थ मक्षिका सण्डसण्डचारिनी न मच्छंन प्रसं न सुरं न मेरयं न थुसोदकं पिबति । सो एकागारिको वा होति एकालोपिको द्वागारिको वा होति द्वालोपिको पे०. सत्तागारिको वा होति सत्तालोपिको; एकिस्सा पि दत्तिया यापेति द्वीहि पि दत्तोहि पापेति "पे० "सत्तहि पि दत्तीहि यापेति ; एकाहिकं पि आहारं आहारेति द्वाहिकं पि आहारं आहारेति "पे०."सत्ताहिकं पि आहारं आहारेति । इति एवरूपं अड्ढमासिकं पि परियायभत्तभोजनानुयोगमनुयुत्तो विहरति । सो साकभक्खो पि होति सामाकभक्खो पि होति नीवारभक्खो पि होति दद्दुलभक्खो पि होति हटभक्खो पि होति कणभक्खो पि होति आचामभक्खो पि होति पिञ्जाकभक्खो पि होति तिणभक्खो पि होति गोमयभक्खो पि होति ; वनमूलफलाहारो पि यापेति पवत्तफलभोजी । सो साणानि पि धारेति मसाणानि पि धारेति छवदुस्सानि पि धारेति पंसुकूलानि पि धारेति तिरीटानि पि धारेति अजिनं पि धारेति अजिनक्खियं पि धारेति कुसचीरं पि धारेति वाकचीरं पि धारेति फलकचीरं पि धारेति केसकम्बलं पि धारेति बालकम्बलं पि धारेति उलूकपक्खं पि धारेति ; केसमस्सुलोचको पि होति केसमस्सुलोचनानुयांगमनुयुत्तो; उन्भट्टको पि होति आसनप्पटिक्खित्तो ; उक्कुटिको पि होति उक्कुटिकप्पधानमनुयुत्तो ; कण्टकापस्सयिको पि होति कण्टकापस्सये सेय्यं कप्पेति ; सायततियकं पि उदकोरोहनानुयोगमनुयुत्तो विहरति । इति एवरूपं अनेक विहितं कायस्स आतापनपरितापनानुयोगमनुयुत्तो विहरति। एवं खो, भिक्खवे, पुग्गलो अत्तन्तपो होति अत्तपरितापनानुयोगमनुयुत्तो।' १-सुत्तपिटके, अंगुत्तरनिकाय पालि, चतुक्कनिपातो, महावग्गो, अत्तन्तपसुत्तं, ४-२०-८, पृ० २१९-२० ।

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Nirgranthon Ke pañca dosa “पञ्चहि, भिक्खवे, धम्मेहि समन्नागतो आजीवको यथाभतं निक्खित्तो एवं निरये । कतमेहि पञ्चहि ? पाणातिपाती होति, अदिन्नादायी होति, अब्रह्मचारी होति, मुसावादी होति, सुरामेरयमज्जपमादट्ठायी होति । इमेहि खो, भिक्खवे, पञ्हि धम्मेहि समन्नागतो आजीवको यथाभतं निक्खित्तो एवं निरये" ति ।
___ "पञ्चहि, भिक्खवे, धम्मेहि समन्नागतो निगण्ठो "मुण्डसावको “जटिलको." परिब्याजको... मागण्डिको .. तेदण्डिको 'आरुद्धको... गोतमको “देवधम्मिको यथाभतं निक्खित्तो एवं निरये। कतमेहि पञ्चहि ? पाणातिपाती होति, अदिन्नादायी होति... पे०... सुरामेरयमज्जपमादट्ठायो होति । इमेहि खो, भिक्खवे, पञ्चेहि धम्मेहि समन्नागतो देवधम्मिको यथाभतं निक्खित्तो एवं निरये" ति ।'
:४२:
Milinda Prasna
अतोते किर कम्सपस्स भगवतो सासने वत्तमाने गङ्गाय समीपे एकस्मि आवासे महाभिक्खुसङ्घो पटिवसति । तत्थ वत्तसोलसम्पन्ना भिक्खू पातो'व उद्याय यहिसमज्जनियो यादाय बुद्ध-गुणे आवज्जन्ता अङ्गाणं सम्मज्जित्वा कचवरब्यूह करोन्त !
___ अथे' को भिग्व् एकं सामोरं. 'एहि मामणेर, इमं कचवरं छोही'---न आह । सो असुणन्तो विय गच्छति । सो दुतिर्याम्प ततियम्घि आमन्तियमानो असुणन्तो विय गच्छतेव । ततो सो भिक्खु दुब्बचो वता' यं सामणेरो'ति कुद्धो सम्मानिदण्डेन पहारं अदासि । ततो सो रोदन्तो भयेन कचबरं छड्डन्तो इमिना' ह क चवरछडुनपुनकम्मेन यावाह निब्बानं पापुणामि एत्थ'न्तरे निब्बत्तनिव्वतहाने मज्झन्तिकसुरियो विय महेसक्खो महाते जो भवेय्यं' ति पठमपत्थनं पट्टपेसि ।।
__ कचबरं छड्डेत्वा नहान'त्थाय गङ्गातित्थं गतो गङ्गाथ ऊमिवेगं गरगरायमानं दिस्वा,-'यावा' हं निब्बानं पापुणामि एत्थ'न्तरे निब्बत्तनिब्बत्तहाने अयं ऊमिवेगो विय ठानुप्पत्तिकपटिभानो भवेय्यं अक्वयपटिभानो ति दुतियम्पि पत्थनं पहपेसी ।।
१-सुत्तपिटके, अगुत्तरनिकाय पालि, पंचकनिपातो, सिक्खापदपेय्यालं, आजीवकसुत्तं,
५-२८-८-१७, पृ०

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सो पि भिक्खु सम्मज्जनिसालाय सम्मज्जनिं ठपेत्वा नहान'त्थाय गङ्गातित्थं गच्छन्तो सामणेरस्स पत्थनं सुत्वा - एस मया पयोजितो ति ताव एवं पत्थेसि । मयहं किं न समिजिकस्सती' ति चिन्तेत्वा-यावा' हं निब्बाणं पापुणामि एत्थन्तरे निब्बत्तनिब्बत्ताने अयं गङ्गाऊमिबेगो विय अक्खयपटिभानो भवेय्यं, इमिना पुच्छितपुच्छितं सब्बं पञ्हपटिभानं विजटे निब्बेठेतुं समत्थो भवेय्यं' ति पत्थनं पपेसि ||
ते उभो पि देवे च मनुस्सेसु च संसरन्ता एकं बुद्धन्तरं खेपेसुं । अथ अम्हाकं भगवता पि यथा मोग्गलिपुत्त तिस्सत्थेरो दिस्सति, एवमेते पि दिस्सन्ति, मम परिनिब्बानतो पञ्चवस्ससते अतिक्कन्ते एते उप्पज्जिस्सन्ति । यं मया सुखमं कत्वा देसितं धम्मविनयं तं एते पञ्हपुच्छनं ओपम्मयुत्तिवसेन निज्जट निग्युम्बं कत्वा विभजिस्सन्ती' ति निद्दिट्ठा ॥
तेसु सामणेरो जम्बुदीपे सागलनगरे मिलिन्दो नाम राजा अहोसि, पण्डितो व्यन्तो मेधावी पटिलो अतीतानागतपच्चुपपन्नानं समन्तयोगविधानक्रियानं करणकाले निसम्मकारी होति । बहूनि चस्स सत्थानि उग्गहितानि होन्ति ; सेय्यथी दं, सुति सम्मुति संख्या योगो नीति विसेसिका गणिका गन्धब्बा तिकिच्छा धनुब्बेदा पुराणा इतिहासा जोतिसा माया हेतु मन्तना युद्धा छन्दसा मुद्दा वचनेन एकूनवीसति । वितण्डवादी दुरासदो दुप्पसहो पृथुतित्थकरानं अग्गम' क्खायति । सकल - जम्बुदीपे मिलिन्देन रज्ञा समो कोचि ना' होसि, यदि ' दं थामेन जवेन सूरेन पञ्ञाय अड्ढो महद्धनो महाभोगो अनन्तबलवाहनो ॥
अथे दिवसं मिलिन्दो राजा अनन्तबलवाहनं चतुरङ्गिनि बलग्गसेनान्यूहं । दस्सनकम्यताय नगरा निक्खमित्वा बहिनगरे सेनागणनं कारेत्वा सो राजा भस्सप्पवादको लोकायत वितण्डजन सल्ल | पप्पवत्तकोतूहलो सुरियं ओलोकेत्वा अमच्चे आमन्तेसि, बहु ताव दिवसा' वसेस ; किं करिस्साम इदाने व नगरं पविसित्वा ? अस्थि को पि पण्डितो समणो वा ब्राह्मणो वा सङ्घी गणी गणाचरियो, अपि अरहन्तं सम्मासम्बुद्ध पटिजानमानो, यो गया सद्धि सल्लातुं सक्कोति कखं पटिविनोदेतुं' ति ॥
एवं वृत्ते पञ्चता योनका राजानं मिलिन्दं एतदवोचु - अस्थि महाराज छ सत्यारोपूरणो कस्सपो, मक्बलि गोसालो, निगन्यो नातपुत्तो, सञ्जयो बेलट्ठपुत्तो, अजितो केसकम्बली पकुधो कच्चायना । ते सङ्घिनो गणिनो गणाचरियका जाता यसस्सिनो तित्थकरा, साधुसम्मता बहुजनस्स, गच्छ महाराज ते पञ्हं पृच्छस्सु, कं पटिविनोदयिस्सू 'ति ॥ १
१- मिलि-पञ्हो, बाहिर कथा, पृ० २५ ।

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APPENDIX II

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Agama Literature
Aņuttarovavāiyadasānga-sūtra : (Jaina Āgama) Ed. Modi S.C., Publishers - Gurjara Grantharatna Karyalaya, Ahamdābād. 1932. Aņuttarovavaiyadasāng-sūtra : With Vrtti of Sūri, Abhayadeva, Atmānanda Jain Sabhā, Bhāvanagara. 1921. Antakrddasānga-sūtra : (Jaina Āgama) Ed. Modi S.C., Publishers - Gurjara Grantharatna-Karyālaya, Ahmedabad. 1932. AntakȚddasárga-sūtra : Together with Vịtti of Suri Abhayadeva, Publishers - Jain-dharma-prasāraka Sabhā, Bhāvanagara. 1933. Acārānga-cūrņi : Gane Jinadāsa, Publishers - R. Sabhadeva Keśarimala Samsthā, Ratalāma. 1941. Ācārānga sūtra : (Jaina Āgma) together with Vịtti of Ācārya Silanka, Publishers - Agamodaya Samiti, Sürata. 1935. Acaränga sūtra : (Hindi Translation) Translated by Muni Saubhāgyamala, Ed. Nalavāyā Vasanti Lāla, Publisher - Jaina Sähitya Samiti, Ujjaina. 1950. Ādi Purana : Ācārya Jinasena, Ed. Pandita Pannā Lāla Jaina, Publishers - Bhāratiya jñānapitha, Kasi. 1963. Āvasyaka cūrņi (Vol. II) : Gani Jinadāsa, Publishers - R. Şabhadeva Kesarimala Institute, Ratalāma. 1928. Avaśyaka Niryukti : Ācārya Bhadrabāhu, along with Malaya
giri Vștti, Publishers - Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay. 1928. 11. Avasyaka Niryukti : Ācārya Bhodrabahu, alongwith Hari
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1916. 12. Āvasyaka Niryukti Dipikā (Vol. III) : Māņikya-sekhara, Sūrata.
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21.
14. Uttarādhyayana sūtra : (Jaina Āgama) Ed. & Pub. Vāļekara
(Prof.) R.D., N.B. Vaidya, Poona. 1954. 15. Uttarādhyayana sūtra : (Hindi Tr.), Maharaja Atmarāmaji,
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bay. 1937. 17. Uttarādhyayana sūtra : Comm. of Bhavaviyayaji, Pub. Atmā
nanda Jaina Sabhā, Bhāvanagara. 18. Uttarādhyaya sūtra (Vol. IV) : Comm. of Laksmi Vallabha,
Tr. Pt. Hirálāla Hamsarāja, Pub. Manivāē Rājakararia, Aham
dabad. 1935. 19. Upadesa Prāsāda (Four Volumes) : Suri Laksmīvijaya, Pub.
Jaina Dharma Prasāraka Sabha, Bhavanagara. 1914-1923. 20. Upadeśamālā : Gani Dharmadāsa, Comm. of Gani Rāma
vijaya, Pub. Hirā Lala Hamsarāja, Jamanagara. 1934. Upāsakadasānga sūtra : (Jaina Agama) Ed. & Tr. into English,
Gore N.A., Pub. Oriental Book Agency, Poona. 1953. 22. Uvavi sutta : Hindi Tr., Tr. by Muni Umesacandrají, Pub.
Akhila Bhāratiya Sadhumārgi Jaina Sansksti Raksaka Sangha, Sailāna (M.P.). 1963. Rși-mandala-Vịtti : Sūri Dharmaghoșa (with Tr. in Gujarāti by Sastri Harisamkara Kālidāsa and Skt. Commentry by Gani Subhavardhana), Publisher - Sri Jaina Vidyāsāta, Dosi
vādāni Pola, Ahamdābāda. 1901. 24. Aupapā tika (uvavāi) sūtra : (Jaina Āgama) with Vrtți of Sūri
Abhayadeva. Pub. Devacanda Lālabhai Pusta Koddhara Fund,
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pādhyāya, Pub. Calcutta University, Calcutta. Kalpa sūtra : Kalpa druma-kalika Vrtti (Hindi Tr.), Pub. Kota
Chābāda's Jain Sve. Sangha, 1933. 28. Kalpa sūtra : Kalpalala Commentry, Pub. Velaji Sivaji Com
pany, Daņa Bandara, Bombay. 1918. 29. Kalpa sūtra : Kalpārthabodhini, Ed., Gani Buddhisāgara,
Pub. Jainadatta Sūri jñāna Bhandāra, Bombay. 1942.
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30.
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Kalpasūtrārtha Prabodhini : Sūri Rajendra, Pub. Rajendra Pravacana Kāryalaya, Khudālā. 1933. Kalpa sūtra Bālavabodha : Buddhavijaya. Kahāvali : Bhadreśvara, Ed. Dr. U.P. Shah, Pub. Gayakwad Oriental Series, Baroda. Gommata ,sāra : Nemicandra Siddhanta Cakravarti, Vrtti by. Pandit Manohara lāla resident of Pādhama. 1913.
35.
Caupanna Mahāpurisa Cariyam : Silācārya. Citra Kalpa sūtra : Ed. Navba Sarabhai Manilala, Ahamadabad. 1941.
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Jambudvipa Pannatti sūtra : (Jaina Āgama) with Vrtti of Gani Sānticandra, (Vol. I, II), Pub. Devacanda Lālabhai Pustakoddhāra Fund, Surat. 1920. Jayadhavatā Vrtti : (Kasāyapāhuậa) Virasenācārya, Ed., Sid. dhānta-śāstrī Pt. Mūlacanda, Siddhānta-sāstri Pt. Kailasacandra, Pra. Bhā. Di. Jain Sangha, Mathura. 1961. Jñátādharma Kathānga sūtra : (Jaina Agama) Alongwith Vịtti of Suri Abhāvadeva, Ed. Sūri Ācārya Candrasāgara, Pub., Siddhacakra Sāhitya Pracāraka Samiti, Sürata. 1951. jñātādharmakathānga sūtra : (With Hindi Tr.) Ed., Bhärilla Pt. Sobhācandra, Sri Trilokaratna Sthā. Jain Dharmika Pariksa Board, Pathadhi, Ahamdābāda. 1964. Tattvartha Bāşya : Umásvāti, Pub., Rāyacanda Jaina Sästramāla, Hirābāgha, Bombay. 1906. Tapaccha Patțāvali : Gani Dharmasāgara, Ed. Pt. Kalyāna Vijayaji, Bhāvanagara. 1940. Titthogāli Painnaya : (Jain work) Unpublished manuscript. Tiloyapaņņatti : Ācārya Yativrşabha, Ed., Híralālą Jain & A.N. Upādhye, Pub., Jain Sanskști Sanrakṣaka Sangha, Solāpura. 1951. Trilokasāra : Siddhantacakravarti Ācārya Nemicandra, Tr., Pt. Todarmaleji, Pub., Hindi Jain Sāhitya Prasāraka Kāryālaya, Bombay. 1911.
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46. Trișașțisalakapuruşacaritram : (Gujarāti Tr., IV Volumes)
Ācārya Hemacandra, Pub., Jain Dharma Prasārakasabhā,
Bhavanagara. 47. Darśanasāra : Devasenācārya, Ed., Pt. Nāthurāma Premi,
Pub., Jain Grantharatnākara Kāryālaya, Bombay. 1920. Daśavaikālika sūtra : Vācanā Pramuka Äcārya Sri (Tulasi,
Pub., Jain Sve. Terāpanthi Mahāsabhā, Calcutta. 1963. 49. Daśavaikālika Cūrņi : Agastya Siniha, Pub., Prāksta Text
Society. Ahamdābāda. 50. Dasavaikālika Cūrņi : Mahattara Gani Sri Jinodāsa, Pub., Deva
canda Lālabhai Javeri, Surat. 1933. Dasāšrutaskāndha : Ed. & Pub., Ātmāramaji Mahāraja, Pub., Jain Sastramālā, Lāhore. 1936. Dharmaratna Prakaraṇa : Sri Sánti Sūri, Pub., Ātmānanda
Jain Sabha, Bhāyanagara. 1925. 53. Nirayāvaliyão : (Jain Agama) Ed., A.S. Gopāni, B.J. Cokasi,.
Pub., Sambhubhāi Jamasi Sahu, Pub., Gurjara Grantha-ratna
Kāryālaya, Ahamdābada. 1927. 54. Nirayāvaliyão : Candra Sūri, alongwith Sanskrit Commentry,
Pub., Āgamodaya Samiti, Surat. 1921. 55. Nirayávalikā : (Alongwith Sundara Bodhi Commentry &
(Hindi-Gurjara Tr.) Mahārāja Ghasi Lālaji, Pub., A.B. Sve
Séhā Jain Sastroddhāra Samiti, Rajkot, Saurāștra. 1960. 56. Nisitha Sūtra : (Alongwith Sabhāșya Cūrņi, Ed., Upadhyāya
Kavi Sri Amara Muni, Muni Sri Kanhaiyālāla “Kamala', Pub.,
Sanmati jñānapitha, Agarā. 1960. 57. Pancakalpa-bhāşya : Gani Sanghadāsa. 58. Pañca Vastuka : Ācārya Haribhadra Sūri, Pub., Devacanda
Lālabhai Jain Pustakoddhāra Fund, Surat. 1927. 59. Parisista Parna : Ācārya Hemacandra, Ed. Setha Hargobinda
dāsa, Pub., Jain Dharma Pracāraka Sabhā, Bhavanagara.
1957. 60. Parişișta Parna : Ācārya Hemacandra, Ed., Dr. Herman Jacobi,
Pub., Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta. 1932.

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61. Bhagavati Sūtra : (Jain Agama) Alongwith Vịtti of Abhaya
deva Sūri, Pub., Rşabhadevaji, Kesárimalaji Jain Svetambara
Sansthā, Ratlāma. 1937. 62. Bhagavati Sūtra : (Alongwith Gujarāti Tr.) Ed. & Tr., Pandita
Becaradāsa. Dosi, Bhagavānadása Harakhacanda Dosi, Jinā
gama Prakāsaka Sabhā, Ahamdābāda. 1922-31. 63. Bharateśvara Bahubali Vrtti : (Two Volumes) Subhasila Gani,
Pub., Devacanda Lāla Bhai Jain. Pustakoddhāra Fund, Surat. 1932. Bhāva Sangraha : Acárya Devasena, Ed., Pannálāla Soni, Pub., Manikyacandra Digambara Jain Granthamala Samiti, Hindi Grantha Ratnākara Office, Bombay. 1921. Mahāvira Cariyam : Gunacandra, Pub., Devacanda Lālabhai
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75. Samavayanga Sutra: (Jain Agama) Alongwith Vṛtti of Abhāyadeva Suri, Ed., Master Naginadasa Nemacanda, Pub., Setha Mānekalāla Cunnilala, Kāntilāla, Cunnilala, Ahamdābāda. 1938.
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Buddraghoșa, Ed., Harmana Kopa, Pub., For Pāli Text Society
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1959. 95. Avadāna Kalpalata : (Bandha Sanskrit text) (Vol. II), Kșe
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bodhi Sabhā Sāranātha. 1955. 99. Udána Atthakatha : (Paramatthadípani) Ācārya Dhammapāla,
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(Vol. III), Ed., Dr. Nalinākşadatta, Prof. D.M. Bhattācárya and Vidyāvăridhi Pt. Śivanātha Sarmā, Srinagara, Kashmer. 1942.

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103. Jataka Atthakatha Pāli : (Vol. I) Acarya Buddhaghosa, Ed.,
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286. Life and Work of Buddhaghosha: B.C. Law, Pub., Thacker Spink & Co., Calcutta & Simla. 1923.
287. Life of Buddha & Early History of His Order
(Described
from Tibetan Works) Tr. W. Woodvillae Rockhill, Pub., Trubner's Oriental Series, London, 1907.
288. Life of Buddha : E.J. Thomas, Pub., Routledge & Kegen Paul Private Ltd., London. 1956.
289. Life or Legend of Gautama: P. Bigandet, 4th Edition. 1911. 290. Miscellaneous Essays: C.T. Colebrooke, London. 1873.
291. Outline of Jain Philosophy: J.L. Jaini, Pub., Cambridge Univeristy Press. 1916.
292. Oxford History of India : V.A. Smith, Oxford.

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758
293. The Political History of Ancient India : H.C. Raichudhuri,
Pub., Calcutta University, 6th Edition. 1953. 294. The Practical Sanskrit English Dictionary : (3 Vols.) Prin.
V.S. Apte, Ed. P.K. Gode & C.G. Curve, Pub., Prasad Pra
kashan, Poona. 1957. 295. Prasmopanishada : Tr. F. Max Muller, Pub., Sacred Books of
the East Series, Vol. XV, Oxford. 296. Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy : B.M. Barua, Calcutta. 297. The Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali-Age : F.E.
Pargiter, Oxford University Press. 1913. 298. The Religion of India : E.W. Hopkins, Pub., Grinn & Co.,
Boston, U.S.A. 1895 (Hand Books on the History of Religions,
Vol. I, Ed. Morris Jestrow). 299. Sakya : Mrs. Rhys Davids. 300. Studies in Jainism : Dr. Hermann Jacobi, Ed. Jina Vijaya
Muni, Pub. Jain Sahitya Samsodhaka Karayala, Ahmedabad,
1946. 301. Studies in the Origins of Buddhism : G.C. Pande. 302. Studies in Manjushrimulakalpa : Dr. K.P. Jayaswal. 303. Synchronismes Chinois : Tchang.
Journal, Magazines, Commemoration Volumes etc.
304. Anekānta : (Bi-monthly), Pub., Virasena Mandala, Delhi. 305. Acārya sri Tulsi Abhinandana Grantha : Pub., Ācārya Śri
Tulsi Dhavala Samāroha Samiti, Delhi. 1962. 306. Jain Bharati : (Weekly) Pub., Jain Svetambara, Terāpanthi
Mahasabha, Calcutta. 307. Jain Satyaprakāsa : Magazine. 308. Prabuddha Karnātaka : (Kannada Tri-monthly). 309. Bhāratiya Vidyā : (Research Journal) Pub., Bhāratiya Vidyā
Bhavana, Bombay. 310. Bhikṣu Smrti Grantha : Pub., Jain Svetāmbara Terápanthi,
Mahāsabhā, Calcutta. 1962. 311. Vira : (Fortnighty) Pub., Akhila Bharatiya Digambara Jain
Parişad, Delhi.

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759
312. Śramana (Monthly) Pub., Parsvanatha Vidyasrama, Varanasi.
313. Hindustana: (Daily), Delhi.
314. B.C. Law Commemoration Volume, Calcutta. 1945.
315. Indian Antiquary, Bombay.
316. Indian Epheminis.
317. Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta.
318. Journal of Asiatic Society, Baptist Mission, Calcutta.
319. Journal of Bihar & Orissa Research Society, Patna, Bihar.
320. Journal of Pali Text Society, London.
321. Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Bengal.
322. Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain Pub., Trubner & Co., London.
:
323. Mahavira Commomeration Volume (Vol. I) Pub., Mahavira Jaina Society, Agra. 1948-49.
324. Leitschrift der Dautschen Morgenlaudischan Gesellschaft.

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Page #801

Hindi
LITERARY GEMS BY THE SAME AUTHOR
Ágama aura Tripitaka: Eka Anusilana. Volumes I & II.
Matimadhurya.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10. Ahimsa Ke Ancala men.
11.
12.
13.
14.
Ahimsa Viveka.
Naya Yuga: Naya Darsana.
Naitika Vijnana.
Ahimsa paryavekṣaṇa.
Jainagama Digdarsana.
Jaina Darsana aura Adhunika Vijñāna. Aņuvrata jivana-darśana.
Acarya Bhiksu aura Mahatma Gandhi.
Aņu se pūrņa ki Ora.
Aṇuvrat Vicara.
Navina Samāja Vyavasthā men Dāna aura Dayā. Acarya Tulsi : Eka Adhyayana.
Prerna Dipa.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21. Anuvrata Digdarsana.
22.
Anuvrata Andolana.
23.
Anuvrata Drsti.
24.
Yugapravartaka Bhagavan Mahavira. 25. Yugadharma Terapantha.
26.
Bāla-dikṣā: Eka Vivecana.
27. Maryada Mahotsava : Itihasa aura Paricaya. 28. Mahavira aura Buddha Ki Samasamayikata 29. Manjila Ki Ora.
Sarvadharma Sadbhava.
Terapantha Digdarsana.
Anuvrata Kranti Ke badhate Carna.
Aņuvrata-andolana aura Vidyarthi-varga.

Page #802

762 30. Terāpantha Sāsana-praņāli. 31. Satya Manjila : Samiksā Rāha. 32. Mana Ke Dvandva : Sabdon Kī Kārā. 33. Yathartha Ke Pariparśva men.
Sanskrita
34. Bhikṣu Caritram. 35. Mātherāna Suşamā. 36. Bhakteruktayah. 37. Asu Kāvyāni. 38. Niti Nilotpalāni. 39. Lalitānga Caritram.
English
40. Agama Aura Tripitaka : Eka Anusilana - Vol. I. 41. New Age : A New Outlook. 42. Aņuvrata Ideology. 43. Light of Inspiration. 44. Jain Philosophy & Modern Science. 45. Studies of Apuvrata Movement. 46. Pity and Charity in the New Pattern of Society. 47. A Pen-Sketch of Ācārya Tulasi. . 48. Glimps of Anuvrata. 49. Glimps of Terāpantha. 50. Contemporaniety and Chronology of Mahavira and Buddha. 51. Theory of Relativity and Syādvāda. 52. King Binbisara and King Ajātasatru in the age of Mahavira &
Buddha.

Page #803

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$ 11.00

Page #804
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