Indian Antiquary Vol 39

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032531/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPIY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E., HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY. VOL. XXXIX. - 1910. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052. Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS The Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE T'AN D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.: ARTHUR M. T. JACKSON, MA. (Oxon.), ... 183 1.0.8, THE LATE: ATPUE INSCRIPTION OF SAKTIKUMARA ... ACCOUNT OF A COLLECTION OF COPPER-PLATES MAY S. BURGESS, MIS : BELONGING TO THE PALITANA STATE ... 120 TRE KALPA-SUTRA, AN OLD COLLECTION OF D18 METHOD IN THE STUDY OF INDIAN CIPLINARY RULES TOR JAINA MONKS, Trans ANTIQUITIES ... . .. ... 65 lated from the German of De. WALTHER SCHOBRING H. .. ... ... ... * * ... 257 * G. A. JACOB : Bhuvanehalaukikanyayasabasri, by Pandit ThaPANDIT RAM GHARIB CHAUBE: kura Datta Setupala, of Multan; revised by Local Songs of Saharanpur ... ... ... 32 Shatris and published at Sri Veukatesvara Popular Singers in Saharanpur Press, Boinbay, Sumat 1965 ... ... 126 WILLIAM CROOKE, I.C.S. (RETD.) : DB. STEN KONOW:MENDICANT'S CRIES FROM NORTHERN INDIA, Nos, 1 to 11 ... .. ... ... ... ... 315 Denys de S. Bray, I.C.S... The Brahui Language, RELIGIOUS SONGA TROM NORTHERN INDIA, Part I. Iutroduction and Grammar, Culoutta, Nos. I to LVI... ... ... ... ... 268, 321 1909. Superintendent, Goveroment Printing, India. VIII + 237 pp. ... .. . ... 33 J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.1.E.: Felix Lacote Essui sur Gunuya et la BrbatNOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY kathil suivi du texte irelit de chapitres. The places mentioned in the Pardi plates of Vol. XXVII & XXX du Nepal Mabatmya. A. D. 456 or 457 ... ... ... ... ... 97 Paris 1808. Eruest Leroux, sro, XV, 335 Pr. 159 The places mentioned in the Nasik inscriptions L de la Vallee Poussin, Bondhisine; Opinions of A. D 120... .. ... sur l'Histoire de la Dogmatiqne' Lecons faites The places mentioned in the Harihar plates of a l'Institut Catholique de Paris a 1903. Paris, A. D. 694 .. .. .. .. .. The Burmese and Arakanese Calendars, 1909 Gabriel Beauchesne & Cie., eliteurs, 117, Rue do Rennes, 29, 120 pp., frumes Sir Alfred Irwin, C.I.E. .. 250 .. ... ... 19 Le Baron Cabra de vanz. La doctrine do GANAPATI RAY: l'Islam. Paris 1909. Gabriel Beauchesce & The Khanja Ali Mosque at Khulna... ... ... 287 Cie, editears, 117, Rue de Rennes. 89, IV, 319 pp. 4 franos=Etudes sur l'Histoire des DR. G. A. GRIERSON, I.C.S. (RETD.): religions 3 ... ... ... ... ... 10 A SPECIMEN OF TE KUMAUNI LANGUAGE. Prakritaruparatura. A Prikrit Grammar based Communicated. With Introduction ... ... 78 on the Valmikisutra, by Simharaja, son of B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S.: - Samudrabandhayajran. Edited by E. Hultzsch. London, 1909. Printed and published by the Some ROCK AND TOMB INCIBXD DRAWINGS Royal Asiatic Society (Prize Publication Fund, FROM BALUCHISTAN ... ... .. 180 Vol. I) Sro. XV, 120 pp. ... ... . .. 230 E. HULTZSCH, PH.D. : Tantrakbyayika Die alteste Fassung des PaicaDas Puspasutra, mit Einleitung and Uber tantra. Nach den Handschriften beidor Rezen. setzung herausgegeben von Richard Simon sionem zamerstem male Herausgegeben von Munchen, 1908. Abhandlungen der K. B. Aka Johannes Hertel. Berlin 1910, 49, XXVII + demie der Wiss., I, Kl. XXIII, Bd. III, Abt. 186 pp. 2 plates, Abhandlungen der Konig. Pp. 481-780 H .. ... ... ... ... 32 lichen Gellschaft Wissenschaften zu Gottingen. Sri-Jaina-Yaso-Vijaya-Granthamala (Benares, Philologiarhistorische Klasse Neue Folge Land 1901 ff.)... .. . ... ... ... ... 288 XII. Xrs, 2, Mark ... .. .. . - . .. 97 99

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iv PROF. DHARMANANDA KOSAMBI: THE PALI INSCRIPTION AT SABNATH MAJOR C. E. LUARD, I A., M.A. (OXON.) :GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA...178, 225, 245 M. T. NARASIMHIENGAR, B.A., M.R.A.S.:KALIDASA'S RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY KRISHNA PANDE: A SPECIMEN OF THE KUMAUNI LANGUAGE F. E. PARGITER, M.A., I.C.S. (RETD.) - THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL... CONTENTS. Regnal Years PAGE *** ... H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, SERIES II (concluded from Vol, axariii, p 328). 29 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, ... 217 SERIES III 242, 247 LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB, No. IV (continued from Vol. xxxviii, p. 321) DR. WALTHER SCHUBBING, BERLIN: THE KALPA-SUTRA, AN OLD COLLECTION OF DISCIPLINARY RULES FOR JAINA MONKS. Translated into English by Miss MAY S. BURGESS 257 233 78 193 ... Derivation of Talapoin. By Sir R. C. Temple 159 Early use of Tobacco in India. By Vincent A. Smith 1 Local Songs of Saharanpur. By Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube ... MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. ... 217 | Note on the Term Regnal NOTES AND QUERIES. 93 32 R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A. - THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. Translated. (Concluded from Vol. xxxviii, p. 310)...19, 44, 83, 100, 131, 161 VINCENT A. SMITH, I.C.S. (BETD.) - ASOKA NOTES. (Continued from Vol. xxxviii, p. 159) Early use of Tobacco in India 32 350 DR. M. AUREL STEIN: ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES DUBING EXPLORATIONS IN CENTRAL ASIA, 1906-8. (Concluded from Vol. xxxviii, p. 302) 11, 33 K. V. SUBBAIYA, M.A., L.T., M.R.A.S.:A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES SIB R. C. TEMPLE: Derivation of Talapoin LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. No. 10 (continued from Vol, xxxviii, p. 321) Superstition and the Inquisition at Bombay in *** 224 1707 GANGA DATT UPRETI: A SPECIMEN OF THE KUMAUNI LANGUAGE. Translated. With Introduction... MAULVI ABDUL' WALI, M.B.A.S.SARMAD: HIS LIFE AND EXECUTION Bhuvanesa laakikanyayasahasri, by Pandit Thakma Datta Setupala, of Multan fevised by Shastris and published at Sri Venkatesvara Press, Bombay, Samvat 1965. By G. A. Jacob ... 123 Das Puspasutra, mit Einleitung und Ubersetzung horausgegeben von Richard Simon, Munchen 1909. Abhandlungen der K. B. Akademie der Wiss., I, Kl. XXIII, Bd. III, Abt. pp. 481-780. By E. Hultzsch Denys de S. Bray, I C.S.-The Brahui Language, Part I. Introduction and Grammar. Caloutta, 1909. Superintendent, Government Printing. India, VIII+ 237 pp. By Sten Konow ... BOOK-NOTICES. PAGE ... 6-4 ... 93 Popular Singers in Saharanpur. By Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube ... ... ... 10 Superstition and the Inquisition at Bombay in 1707. By Sir R. C. Temple The Khanja Ali Mosque at Khulna. By Ganapati Ray... *** 145 159 119 1 78 224 64 224 Felix Lacote Essai sur Gupadhya et la Brhatkatha suivi du texte inedit des chapitres. Vol. XXVII a XXX du Nepala-Mahatmya. Paris, 1.03 Ernest Leroux. 8vo. XV, 335 pp. By Sten Konow 159 287 L de la Valles Poussin. Boudhisme, Opinions sur l'Histoire de la Dogmatique; Lecons faites a l'Institut Catholique de Paris en 1908. Paris, 1909. Gabriel Beauchesne & Cie., editeurs, 117, Rue de Rennes, 8deg, VII, 420. pp., 4 francs. By Sten Konow 191

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CONTENTS PAGR! Le Baron Cabra de Vaux. La doctrine de l'Islam. Sri-Jains. Yaso - Vijays . Granthamala (Benares, Paris 1909. Gabriel Beatoheane & Cie., editeurs, 1904 f.). By E. Haltzsch ... . .. ... 298 117, Rue de Rennes 8., IV, 319 pp. 4 franks Tantrikhyayika Die alteste Fassung des PanosEtades sur l'Histoire des religions 3. By Sten tant. Nach den Handschriften beider Rezen. Konow ... ... .. ... ... ... 160 sionen zum ersten Male herausgegeben von Joban. nes Hertel. Berlin, 1910. 4, XXVII + 156 pp. Prakritarupavatara. A Prakrit Grammar, based on 2 plates. Abhandlungen der Koniglichen Gesellthe Valmiki sutra, by Simbaraja, son of Samudra. sebeft Wissenschaften zu Gottingen. Philolobandhayajvan. Edited by E. Hultzsch. London, gisch-historische Klasse Neue Folge Band XII 1909. Printed and published by the Royal Asiatio Nro. 2, Mark 26. By Sten Konow .. . ... 351 Society (Prize Pablication Fund, Vol. I) 8vo, XV, The Burmese and Arakanese Calendars, by Sir 120 pp. By Sten Konow ... ... .. . 256 Alfred Trwin, C.L.E. By J. F. ILLUSTRATIONS. 9 Plates: The Bagh Group of Caves... ... 234 III-Grant of the time of Gopacandra ... ... 20: 5 Folding Plans of Caves, Nos. 2 to 6... .. .284 IV-Seale-A., B. and C. ... ... .. ... 205 I-Grant of the time of Dbarmaditya Rock and Tomb Inoised Drawings in Baluchistan, II-Seoond grant of the time of Dharmaditya 2001 Plates I aud II ... .. . ... ... .. 181

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME XXXIX - 1910. LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE AND H. A. ROSE. No. IV. THE WEDDING OF RAI MOBNI OR PRINCESS PEAHEN. A Panjabi Extravaganza. (Continued from Vol. XXXVIII, p. 321.) W H EN Rop Chand saw that the Purbias had gone, he went qnickly through the six courtyards and called out:-"The R&ja will rule, and the people prosper. The pigeon will coo, and who-so desires knowledge of what is hidden should apply to me." R&i Morni told her maid to see who it was, as no one could get into the palace and it must be some one come down from heaven, and a great god. So one maid began :-"Brahman tell me who is to marry me." And another said: -"Tell me first." Rai Mornt said she must question him first and said : " Brabman, do you know anything ?" He replied: "I can tell of the past twelve years and foretell the next twelve.". And when she told him to tell her, he said: "I have never told a lie. What is to be I will declare qnite truly. Bait. Verse. On adha ferd wichnd, jerhid likha si Parwardi- I can read thy wedding-day which is written by yar. the Preserver. Pahlon mdrid Tdradhird. magaron marid First died Taradhira, next died Chalmal Rai. Chalmal Rdi. Tekidi putridi ndt mdrid, magaron mdrid Rdi Then died twenty-one daughtors, and next died Majhdr. Rai Majhar. Qismat teri, Rani, kitte wal sunidd Hansd Rdi." Thy fate. Rani, is Hansa RAR I have heard of somewhere." Rai Mornt got in a great rage and began to beat the Brahman, who, after a severe thrashing, fell into a swoon and tumbled down, and one of her attendants said that the Brahman was dead. The Brahman held his breath, and when Mornt asked if he were dead, they said he was. Rai Mornt said that each one of her sixty attendants must bring a piece or two of wood from her home; and that she herself would provide the shroud. They must place half the wood underneath and half on top of the corpse) and light the fire. Then all standing round must beat (their breasts ) and lament over "the doll." No one would think it was a Brahman burning : they would fancy it was a doll being burnt. So they all brought wood, and when they had put it beside the Brahman's head, he reflected that he had escaped (with his life ) from the beating, but how was he to escape from the fire ? So he opened his eyes and when one of the girls saw this, she said: "The Brahman is alive! He had only fainted."

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2 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1910. Then the attendants brought water for him to drink, but he would not drink it at their hands, so one said Morni had better give him a drink, as he might take it from her., Rai Morni brought some sherbet and told him to drink it. He got up and went down the stairs, and opened his hands to receive the water, so that he might both see Rai Morni's face as well as get a drink. When he had had enough, he made a gaps3 between his hands and drew them away. He took his fill both of the sherbet and of his view of Morni. With his nails he removed the lac from his face and washed it with water, revealing the handsome form of a youth. Rai Mornt was surprised and said: "What's all this? He was an old Brahman, but now he had turned out to be a young man." And she told the Brahmau to tell the truth and say if he was Rai Has's Brahman or not. He said: "Kill or spare me as you please. I am his Brahman, and he sent me." The maids exclaimed that if this Brahman was so handsome, what must the Raja be like? Rai Morni asked if he knew anything about his patron and he said, "yes." So she said, "tell me," and he spoke thus: - Bait. "Jis din Hassd jamid haisi changa war. Jis ki pagri sir ute Hassa, kade na aya har. Lagge mutthe na chalda, howan katak hazar. Tun gori te oh sanwald; jor dhari Rabb sanwur. Verse. The day when Hassa was born, was an auspicious day. Since assa donned his turban he has never gone back. Opposed he does not give way, be there a thousand robbers. Thou art fair and he is dark; God hath made a pair. T'un bah nindri us nal; oh bah nindra tere nal." Thou wilt sit beside him a beauty; he will sit a beauty beside thee," Rai Morni gave all her jewelry to the Brahman and wrote a letter and told him to deliver it to Rai Has. She wrote that her wedding procession was to be expected the next day but one. Rup Chand asked how he was to get out of the palace, and so Morni had him dressed in a woman's clothes and sent him out with her maids, who were to take him out of the city. Outside, he put on his own dress and set out for his own town. Returning to Rai Has he delivered the letter to him, after first going home and making over all the ornaments to his Brahmant. He told Rai Has to expect the wedding procession and Has went home and said : Bait. Verse. Than bakhsho, mere aayo mayo; pher bakhshi, "Give me your breast, my nurses and matrons : meri Kesar man. give them again, Kesar, mother mine. Jiwan, tan le dwan Morni: moidn, tan panah If I live, I will bring Mornt: if I die, there is Khuda." the asylum of God." Said his mother: "My son, I will get you wives more beauteous than Mornt. Rai Majhar has 18,000 horse, and Taradhira as many more. That makes 36,000 horsemen in all. Compared to that force what have you?" But Rai Has insisted on going and refused to stay, and his mother said: "If you will go, don't bring Morn! by stealth. If you do, I will not give you my milk." Chhik, a draught drunk without taking breath.

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JANUARY, 1910.) LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. With Rai Has went the Dum, the bard, the Brahman, the barber, but when they had gone a little way, the bard said his lance had got left behind, and how could he recite verges without it? So the Raja told him to go and fetch it. The musician said he had left his olub and bag of hemp behind, and whence was he to beg for them? The barber said he had forgotten his case, and what was he to do? So the Raja told him, too, to go and fetch it. Thus they all went off and only the Raja and Rup Chand were left. The latter remarked that they had all thrown up the job and gone off, and if the RAJA was going on, he thought he had better go back, too, to his Brahmani, and take it easy. When Rap Chand had left Rai Majhar's city, it occurred to Rai Hasnt that he would be certain to bring back her brother into his enemies' city. Thinking of this, she went up to the top of the palace an I kept a look-out. Whon she saw him, she resolved to frighten him into going away from the city, and so when the party got near she said to her Brahman : Bait. "Rais kato, Bahmanan, wair nui le dndd kere than. Itthe duchan de Dere Mawie, ghore atthara hazar. Alchan agge wer marid ; than na dekhe tera dagh. Waste Nirankar dd wagan mor ghar da nuk jde." Verse. "It is a pity, Brahman, that thou didst bring my brother to such a place. Here comes the procession of Dera M&wia, with eighteen thousand horses. A brother slain before ber eyes : a sister cannot bear thy disgrace, For the sake of God, turn thy horges back." The Brahinan said to Bai Hag, that his sister, on whose aid he had counted, had point-blank / refused to help him, and asked if his heart failed him. The RajA said to his sister : Bait. Verse. Pal do ande tainun kapre, sone has ghard. "I have brought thee silken clothes md ornaments of gold. Ki karen Dere Mawid ? Ki karest Rdi Majhar ? What can Dera Mawia do? What will Rai Majhar do ? Teghda mdren aulid-sulian, jane kul jahdi. We can strike our swords hither and thither, ag all the world knowa. tagge matthe na chalaan, how di katak hazdr" I will not turn back, be there a thousand robbers." His sister concealed Rai Has with Rup Chand inside, and sent for four goats, which were slaughtered, and then she had the blood put into platters and the meat well minced. Then she sent for plantain leaves and had half the meat pat on top and half below. Then she put some more leaves over it and placed it in a dark room. Having made her brother bathe, she got him to go to sleep. Rap Chand said: "You have treated your brother very well. What about Rup Chand ?" She told told him to go up to the upper room and sleep. She thought her scald-headed and wall-eyed servants had seen them both coming and would probably reveal the secret, so it would be better if she killed them. For the Rant had two servants, one with one eye and the other bald, as waiting-men85 and chief of 500 men. So she said to them :" My brother's mare has had nothing to eat since yesterday, bring her some grass from outside." The scald-headed and wall-eyed servants said they would get some green grass, but the Rani said NI.., the Dum or Mirdet. . A5 Char.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1910. that her brother's mare must have hay. Scald-head made a bundle of grass and the Wall-eye told him to pick it up. Scald-head however said, that he must do that, but Wall-eye was strong and Scald-head weak and so Wall-eye by force put the bundle on Scald-head's head. When Scald-head had thrown the bundle down in front of the mare and turned to go, Morni shot him so skilfully with a pistol that he fell down dead. Then she hastened up at once to the palace and called out:"Wall-eye and Scald-hend, bring that grass at once." Wall-eye asked if his brother had not just taken the grass in. The Rani said he had not and that Wall-eye had better be quick about it. But he said: "I heard the report of a pistol and I am not such a fool as to be taken in by your tricks." Since Rai Majhar had Rai Ilasni's father's Brahman hanged, she had not been on the best of terms with her husband and had told Rai Chilmil that if he showed himself in her presence she would stab him with her dagger. Accordingly, Rai Chilmil had taken lodgings by the garden well and never came into the palace. To him went Wall-eye and said :Bait. Verse, * Kand ganja charwedar "Wall-eye and Scald-head were servants Panj se nafar de sirlar. And chief of five hundred minions. Ganja bhdi mera mdrid, hai/ leta! de teri nar. My brother Scald-bead has been killed, alas! by thy wife. Shahre pae haroli : Hasid mahlin warid be." There is a ramour in the city, that Hasia has entered her palace." The Rant afterwards sent a letter to Rai Chilmil by her maid :Bait. Verse. "Chitthi Ukhan. rduli lut bhauli : wdshan Chil- "I write a letter, a plain and simple girl, for milia, merid Rdi. Chilmil, my Lord, to read. Tun jitidn, main harian; bakhshe, ap Khudde. Thou hast won and I have lost ; forgive, my Lord. Phullan chhej wichaia, a kuntd gall lie." I have spread a bed of flowers, come and embrace," The Raje, shield and sword on shoulder, came home and his Rani made him seven curtseys. The Raja asked her why she had written this letter and she said :Bait. Verre. * Kul najumi panhde, phir gal, gae lagan bata ; " Yesterday the astrologers came and went away and they prophesied ; Muhri khidmat kare nard di, an puchhan The wife that serves her husband will go to bahishton jae." paradise." The Raj asked her what she had given them and she said, "500 rupees." Said the RajA," they got a thousand ont of me," and she asked him why he had given so much. Thereapon the Raja drew his sword and said :Bait. Verge. "Kitthe chhipdyd nilri kubatari ? Kitthe chhi payd "Where hast hidden the blue pigeon? Where Hassd Rdi ? hast hidden Hassa Rai ? Nak te gul tere wadhsan, doen hath kanndn de I will cnt off thy nose, with both thy hands and ndi.. ears. Saok kahen, tan chhadsdi, Rani mere; nahin, Tell the truth, and I will spare thee, my Roni; it Idn do dhar karanga chde." not, I will cut thee in two."

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JANUARY, 1910.) LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. Said the Rani: Bait. "Din-si Itwdr da; Hassd charha shikar. Mallmal marda sheran hihran, tai rasbi jupan jal. Nagh paya khani shardi de sheran mil mal, leti ghdl. * Chilmil, Chilmil' kar id, mar gayl: oh toekh, pidri, Hassd Rai. Verse. "It was Sunday, and Hassa went hunting. He shot fierce tigers and then he had his food. The fiercest of the murderous tigers caught sight of him. Calling . Chilmil, Chilmil' he died: there behold my beloved, Hassa Rai. Raja, seven tigers and the eighth, a tigress, together killed Has Rai anl picked his bones. His mare brought him to the hunting place and threw him down. Thy neat-berds seeing this, thy brother-in-law picked him up. I threw hirn into the room; go and see if he is alive or dead." The Raja said : -" Come and show me," and opening the door of the room, he saw a corpse lying there and, feeling it with his hands, found that the flesh bad been separated from the bones. He took a knife out of his pocket and stuck it into the flesh, and when the knife touched the plantain leaves, they rustled. Rai Chilmil thanked God that evil had been aperted from his head, and feigned griet for "poor Rai Has." Said the Rant :Bait. Verse. " Hawe ke lian mar jdega, nd bhar thande sanh. "You will die with sighing, heave not deep sighs Andar warmi jam jdega, khulle mer, khde Grief will grip your heart, laient an! scream dadhr dah. aloud. Dole sdk inhdi salidi vahaotda de: teri furti (Great are ) the connections, one wife's brother vujjae banh! and sister's husband : thy right arm is broken ! Mangan teri saldinalf; assid jehf 113 ldkh I pray thy safety; I have a thousand brothers Bhird. like Hassia. Phullah chhejh bichhdidi, a kantd gall ld." I have spread a bed of flowers : come and embrace." Seizing the Raja's hand, she led him to the bed, and told her Kallaq to bring for the Raja liquor so strong that after the third cap he would be oblivions of the world. She gave the liquor to the Raja, and to Rai Hasni too, and fanned him. The Raja was delighted, and when Rai Hasni saw that he was quite insensible, she tied him on to the bed with silken cords, and drew the arrows out of his quiver, broke off their points and threw them down a well. His own sword she took away and putting another in his scabbard, nailed it in so securely that he could not draw it out, however much he might try. She also took away his steed and put an old Dur's pony in its place. Finally she had her brother bathed and seated on the couch. Then she went to Rai Morni, whom she found squabbling with her mother, and the latter said, her slaughter had pat on mauli and henna in Taradhira's name; but she said "no, in Rai Bas's name." When Morut saw Rai Hasni coming, she reproached her and said :Bait. Verse. Jhafe wir de bakinyt, jhute qaul qardr. "Sister of a false brother, false thy pledge and prornise. Aj na dyd wofr terd, kaunt merd; mehndi lawai Thy brother is not come to-day who is my lord : kis de chda ?" for whose sake shall I put on mehndi?".

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1910. Said Rai Hasni: Bait. "Le utare: mere wir ne oh dekh baitha : de Hassd Rdi. Mehndi la, le ungli, rangawali ldin Hasse de chdh." Verse. "Bring him down : see my brother sitting there : Hassa Rai has come. Bring the mehndi, put it on thy finger ; put on the colour for Hassa's sake." Rai Morni was glad enough to put it on. She bad with her a barber's wife and a mirdot's also. The mirasan went to sleep, singing, and when Rai Mornt went out, the jingling of her anklets woke the mirasan, who said: "For twenty years past I have been living on credit trusting to your getting married, and now you are running away. What are we to do ?" So Morni took off her necklet and gave it to the mir dean, and told her to keep quiet and go. Then the mirdsan aroused the barber's wife, saying that the Rani was going away, and so she had better ask for her presents as well, as she did not mean to share hers with her. So she asked the Rani for it, and she gave her her thumb-mirror. And then she went off with Rai Hasni to Rai Han, and said to him: Bait. "Were de ghar ake, khol na baithe hathidr. Mainun bel chasha le, pao ghardi di run." Verse. "Going to thy enemy's house, sit not with thy arms andone. Pot me up behind thee, take thy road home." Said Rai Has : Bait. " Ih kam chor te yar de, chalfa ad kam narh. Verse. "That is the way of the thief and paramour, it is not the way of the honest. In the morning I will set thee behind me and depart to the beat of drum." fajre bail te sattdi u." charhatiga, jdunga dharag Bait. Rai Hasni went back to where Rai Chilmil had been left tied up and slapped his cheek. He said: "Darling, what do you mean ?" and Rai Hasni said : - Verse. "Uddal di teri bahini; oh wekk baitha de Hassd Thy sister has eloped : behold, there sits Hassa Rdi. Rai. Sad kof guni Bahman deota parotana. Ehm da Call in a clever Brahman and her family priest, wekhan bed parhde. I would see them married, Bed parhdwen, tin chhadadi, kaunid meria, Get them married and I will spare thee, my lord : nahin, tai do dhar kardigi chd." if not, I will cut thee in twain." Rai Chilmil said : - Bait. "Darye, ranndi, tuhade maker tor: sir te ghulk ba. 7 Akhen shordi Hassd marid moid; kitthon liya jid? Kitthon kaddhai guni Brahman deota, inhdi da diyds bed parha ?" Verse. "I fear thy wiles, woman; the wind blows over my head. Thou saidst that Hasal had been killed by tigers; whence hast thou brought him alive? Whence shall I fetch a crafty Brahman, to have them married ?"

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JANUARY, 1910.) LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. Rup Chand the Brahman was sitting close by and he said: Bait. Verse. * Brahman da ki 'uzar hai ? Dil di alch aund. "What is your objection to the Brahman? Tell me your heart's desire. Il Marni da ki bed hai? Maia adra shahr da What is one Morot's wedding? I could marry dean bed pashd." the whole city." Rai Chilmil said to Rap Chand that he had better get the marriage ceremony over, and he did so. At night when both were asleep, Rai Has drew his sword and put it between them. When one watch of the night remained, Rup Chand saddled both his own horse and the Raja's, and both rode off, the Raja with Mornt behind him. When they got into the gateway, Rup Chand said: -"You have disgraced the thirty-two streams of your mother's milk, for you never had the drams beaten." Rai Hss replied that having a woman mounted behind him he could not go and do it, as the dram was placed in the gateway, but that as Rap Chand was quite a young man he could go and beat it himself. Rap Chand went and did so and all the people woke up, and Rup Chand coming down, got on his horse and slew the guarl of Parbias. Then he took the road to Gaph Jammun. * Rai Hasni saddled the Dum's pony for. Rai Chilmil and gave him arms, and said :-"I will go up into my palace, Sir Rai, and see how you wield your arms." As long as he was in the bazar, the pony went fast, but when it got to the gateway the day dawned and the crows began to caw. Every day the crows bad teased the pony, and hearing them caw, it stood still. Rai Obilmil jerked the reins and plied his spars, until the pony fell over backwards. Then up came Wall-eye and said: - Bait. Verse. "LEkhai la gian tain ui : band tere bla. " Thy wife has brought thee dishonour : suffering is for thee. Pahlon sir wadh ran da : phir Hasse te jde." First cut off thy wife's head : then go for Hassa." Rai Obilmil said he would do for Has: -- " Go and get me my horse, arms and clothes." And mounting his horse he went to where Taradhira's procession of 18,000 warriors was coming along. Taradhiea, after mutual salutations had passed, said: -"Sire, that which you have come to fetch has been taken by Rai Has to Graph Mughalani." Taradbira made his elepbant sit down, took off his garland and mounted his steed. Then with all his men he pursued Rai Has, overtook him, and said : - Bait. Verse. "Na jdin, chirewdrid ghabrua: wari mert "Go not, turbaned youth: go after about deke ja." with me." When Rai Has turned his borse, Morni seized the reins and said : -" He is my husband : I am his bride. First let me take the seven turns (of marriage ) with him in this plain. If you fight first and perchance he be killed, whither shall I go ?" Bait. Verse. Dhun dhan nagara wajid, charhi Morni ndr. While the drums were being beaten, Morni, the woman, made her attack. Astut parhke dhudhi bhde: sar mangni dede, Seizing a weapon she brandished it : cut off the wahiyo ; khopar bhangal bhandar. head of her suitor and cracked his skull. Taredhore da sir wadhke, leyon ne Gadh She cut off Tara hira's head, and took the way Jummun da rdh. to Jammuo Fort.

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8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Having cut off her suitor's head, she took it and threw it down before Rai Has. When they had gone two or three kos, Rup Chand said he must play some trick there to maintain his reputation. So he took his book out of his pocket and dropped it. Then he called out to R&i Has that he had dropped his book and they had better go on while he found it. Rai Has told him to leave it and he would give him another. But Rup Chand said it was his great-grandfather's and where was he to get another like it? People would say they threw away things out of fear. So Rup Chand ent back to the spot where it had fallen, and kissed it as he put it in his pocket. Rai Majhar's forces came up, and Rai Diwan, Rai Majhar's diwan, fell upon Rup Chand. Bait. Dhun dhun nagara wajid; charhiu Diwan Chant Rai. Nerd hath ndg laun da Rai Diwan de lid dast uthdi. Pabban parne neza maria: Rup Chand le gaya dhale lai. [JANUARY, 1910. Verse. While the drums were being beaten, Rai Diwan made his attack. Wari di Rup Chand di, sit liga talwar. Rup Chand's turn came and he drew his sword. Astut pharke dhadhi bhd: sir Didn Rai de Taking his weapon, he brandished it cut off wahid; khopar bhangai bhandar. Diwan Rai's head, and broke his skull. Rai Diwan da sir wadhke, lyd Gadh Jammun Cutting off Rai Diwan's head, he took the way to Jammun Fort. da rah. Bait. Dhin dhun nagaru wajia: chayhid Madan Rai. Seizing his deadly spear, Rai Diwan took it in his hand; Poising the lance he threw it: Rap Chand took it on his shield.. And cast the head before Rai Has and Morni, asking the latter whose it was. She said it was that of the Diwan of 18,000 horse, and that he had done well in cutting it off and bringing it in. So saying they rejoined their troops. "Na jain, chirewulia chhora; wari mere deke jde. Udharon kann kaun nikle? charhid Hassa Rai. Verse. While the drums were being beaten; Madan Rai made his attack. "Go not, turbaned youth: go, when I have had a bout with thee." Who comes out from the other side? Hassa Rai made his attack. Pakri nautanki kuman terdi vichon tir kudhid: He seized his great bow; he drew an arrow from tiran vichon tir balde. the quiver, a deadly arrow from the quiver. He shot his first arrow: he slew Madan Rai. Pallc tin meru: mura Mua Rai. Madan da sir wadhke, lyd Garh Jamun da rah. Cutting off Madan Rai's head, he took the road to Jammun Fort. As soon as he drew nigh to his own city, Rai Has's mother saw that he was being pursued by the enemy, and she fancied that he had elopeds with Morni, and that was why he was being pursued. So she bade them shut the town gates and let her unworthy son be killed outside the city. But someone told Rai Bhangi,87 Rai Has's brother, that Has, Morn! and Rup Chand had come, and that his mother had the gates shut in their faces, so he said to her:-" Mother, Rai Majhar called us menials and sons of menials. See now how gentlefolk come home and their menials follow them. Open the gates, and I will devote myself for the sake of my brother and his wife." Saying thus, he went to where he need to get drunk and having drunk a large cup of poppy-heads,89 he went and threw open the gates, and brought in his brother and his sister-in-law and Rup Chand.. Udhalna, to run off with another man's wife. Panjtor pist, poppy-heads: daura, an earthern vessel with a wide month. " I. e., Rai Kedra.

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JANUARY, 1910.] LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. Bait. Verse. Dhin dhai nagard wajid : chahid Bhangi Rai. While the drums were being beaten : Bhangi Rai made his attack. Udharan kaun kaun mikled? Chashid Dial From the other side who came out? Dial Chand Chand Rai. Rai made his attack, "Najain, chirewdlia Bhangfa : wdri mere dekh "Go not, turbaned Bhangi: go, when I have jde." had a bout with thee." Nezd hath ndydaun da Rai Dial de lyd dast Rai Dial took a deadly spear in his hand and uthde, raised his hand. Pebbdn par neza maria; Bhangi le jot! He nimeil an 1 threw his spear; Bhangi caught lde. it on his shield. di di Rai Bhangi di, sut lua taloa, Now the turn of Rai Bhangi, and he drew his sword. Sir Didi Rdi dd wahid, khopar bhangii bhandar. He smote the head of Dial Rai, and broke his skull. Rdi Didi da sir wadhia. Charhia Chilmil Rdi. He cut off the head of Rai Dial. Rai Chilmil made his attack. "Na jdin, chirewalia Bhangian: wdri mere deke Go not, turbaned Bhangi; go, when I have . jan." had a bout with thee." Dast kaman te gutia liya chille charh. He lowered his bow and drew it. Pahld tfr chaldyd te mard Bhangi Rai. With the first arrow, he slew Bhangi Rai. Rai Chilmil bade them bind 80 his horse and his corpse, saying, "the people in the city would be busy mourning for bim and they would plunder it." A scoutso took the news to Rant Jaungan, Rai Bhangi's wife, that her husband had been killed. At that time Math Meora, Rai Bhangi's son, was with the Rani. He was eighteen years old, and he mounted his horse, took his arms and went forth. Bait. Verse. Dhui dhun nagard wajid: Meosd gujd; While the drums were being beaten: thundered udharon gufid Kdla Rai. Meopa; on the other side thundered Kala Rai. * Na jain, chirewdrid chhord; wari, more deke "Go not, turbaned youth; go, when I have had jde." about with thee." Pabbar pare nezd mdria; Meord le gaya dhile He aimed his spear; Meora took it on his shield. lae. Wari di Meore Rdi di ; sut lid talwar. Then came Meora Rai's turn; he drew his sword. Sir Kale Rai de dhid, khopar bhangdi bhanidr. He smote Kala Rai's head, and broke his skull. Sir Kale Rdi da wadhke. Charhia Chilmil He cut off Kala Rai's head. Rai Chilmil made Rdi. his attack. Na jdin, chirewalid chhora; wdrf more delle "Go not, turbaned youth ; go, when I have had jal. a bout with thee." Pakri nautanki kaman, tiron vicohon tir kadhia. He seized his great bow, and drew an arrow from the quiver. Pahla tir chaldyd te mdrd Meord Rdi. He shot the first arrow and slew Meori Rai. And then bade them to bind his horse and his body and send the horse to the city. Said he :"No one made mourning for Rai Bhangi, as he was old, but this is a youth : assuredly they will mourn for him, and we will plunder the town." A scout brought the news to Rant Jaunsan that her son also was dead, and she arose and went to where Rai Has and Rai Morni were sitting and said: " You are all living at ease, but my home has been made desolate, for my husband and my son have been killed, "I # Karnd, to bind or fetter, * Khurbardar. 1 This paesage recalls tho Iliad, Bk. VI, where Hector reproaches Parts for his cowardice, though the war is waged on his account: (Lang, Leat and Myers' Trans., pp. 119-121).

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [JANUARY, 1910. Rai Morni took her arms and went forth, mounted on ber steed. Bait. Verse. Dhin dhen nagdra wojta : charhid Mornindr. While the drums were being besten: Morni, the woman, made her attack. Sir wair de wahia; Ishopar bhangdi bhandar. She smote her brother's head and broke his skull. Sakke wair da wir wadhke : charhid Rdi When her own brother's headhad been cut off. Majhdr. Rai Majbar made his attack. " Kisne beta merd mdrid ? Haise kans jarodn?" "Who has slain my son? Is there any yonth who could do it P" Dast kaman wagutia lfyd chille charh. He took his great bow in his hand and drew it. Jehi charhi khundi gahr df, Ichunan burs balde. He shot a poisoned arrow, a deadly arrow, Pahla tfr challyd Majhar ne, sonowali le gaya At the first shot, Majhar sbot off her golden ide. ear-ring. Lyd chalayd Majhar ne, chore payd daskar. At the second shot, Majhar broke her bracelet. Hinas pdyd mulk di desan Morni laydi hai News spread through the countries and lands puikdn nal. that Morni is fighting her father. Na jdin, khotid bdbla Jhrwyd ; to&rf mere doke "Go not, hypocrite and father; go when I have jde." bad & bont with thee." So saying Morni attacked her father and overthrew him. She placed her sword at his throat and said :Bait. Verse. " Sad guni Bahman dootd mera, wekhar Bed "Call that clever Brahman and my priest, and parhde. duly celebrate my marriage. Bed pathawen, lan chadada; nahin, do dhar If thou wilt celebrate my marriage, I will let karungi cha." thee go; if not, I will cut thee in two pieces." Said Rai Majhar :Bait. Verse. "Kahe di kards tolls ? Kahe da waird wardh? " Of what shall I make the booth? Of what the wedding square ? Kdho diak kardn tamhidh ? Kdhe da aid Of what shall I make the posts? Of what the wardh >> wedding square ?" Said Mornf:Bait, Verse. "Tirdi de kar le tolle : dhaldi vaird wardh. 4 Make the booth of arrows: the square of shields. Barchhidi didi kar le tamhidi: rat de chaul Make the posts of spears, and fill the square with purde." blood." Bait, Verse. Rau wich khara dhar yi cha. The shot were placed in the battle field. Kand nafran da sadke, rat dd ohuk purde. Wall-eye and the servants were called and the square was filled with blood. Rup Chand anda sadke, lfyd Bed pathde. Rup Chand was sent for and came and read the marriage. Morni jit, ghar le okalia marian de maiddi. Morni victorious went home to the plain of the warriors. Morni Rdi Has gauidi, vichda sakhda dgge d. And the nations sing songs about Morni and Has. We have boon unable to discover the exact provenance of this curiosity of folk-literature, or to trace any manuscript of it. We have bowovor found that it is well-known in its present form to the prosent Rape of Hariana, in the pub-montano distriot of Hoshidrpur, who is the head of a Rajput family, now oonverted to Islam; he thinks that it originated in the adjacent hills, owing to the use of the term dhir, a'ridge or range of hills.' However this may be, it is well-known among the N&rl Rajpata of the Hoshiarpur District, and is sung by all their pirha is or bards. We are informed that the story was also current in the Ludhiana District, but this does not appear to be the one

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JANUARY, 1910] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 11 ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS IN CENTRAL ASIA IN 1906-8. BY DL. M. AUREL STEIN. (Continuel from Vul. LIVIII, p. 302.) 7. The Niya Oasis. At Niya, the last small oasis eastwards, which I reached on October 14, I had to prepare rapidly for fresh exploration at the ancient site in the desert northwards, where, on my first visit in 1901, I had made important discoveries among rains deserted already in the third century A. D. It was encouraging to learn from my old treasure-seeking guide Ibrahim, that the further search I had enjoined him to make for ancient dwellings bidden Awny amidst the dunes had been fruitful, and equally it was pleasing to see how readily my old Niya diggers rejoined me. I was resolved this time to take out as many labourers as I could possibly keep supplied with water. So it was encouraging that, what with the example set by this my "old guard" and the influence still possessed here by Ibrahim Beg, my energetic old Darogha, whom luckily, as it proved, a little local conspiracy had turned out of his Beg's office just in time to make him available for me, a colamn of fifty men with additional camels and supplies for four weeks, could be raised within a single day's halt. Then followed three rapid marches, through the luxuriant jungle belt which lines the dying course of the Niga River northward, which were made delightful to the eye by the glowing autumn tints of wild poplars and reed beds. Picturesque parties of pilgrims returning from the lonely shrine of Imam Zafar Sadik added a touch of human interest to the sylvan scenery, glowing in autumn tints. At the supposed resting place of that great holy warrior, with its quaint collections of rage, yak-tails, and other votive offerings, we left behind the last abode of the living, and also the present end of the river. Two days later I had the satisfaction of camping once more amidst the bare dunes close to the centre of that long-stretched settlement, buried under the sands since the 3rd centary A. D., to which a special fascination had made my thoughts turn so often since those happy days of labour in the winter of 1901, The bitter cold then experienced was now absent ; but when, in the twilight of that first evening, I strolled across the high sands to a ruin then sighted and reluctantly " left over" for unavoidable reasons, and lighted upon a fine carved cantilever since laid bare by a slight shift of a dune, I felt almost as if I had never been away, and yet fall of gratitude to the kindly fate which had allowed me to return. Already that day's route, slightly diverging from that followed on my first discovery of the site, had taken me past a series of ruined dwellings, rows of gaunt trunks of dead fruittrees, and other signs of ancient occupation which had not been seen by me on my previous visit. A little experimental scraping had even revealed in the corner of a much-eroded, modest dwelling, some wooden tablets inscribed in that ancient Indian Kharoshthi script, and of the curious type with which my previous excavations had rendered me so familiar. The encouraging promise thus held out to us soon proved true when, after tramping next morning (October 20), some 4 miles over absolutely bare dunes, I started our fresh diggings at the northernmost of the rained dwellings which Ibrahim, my old guide, bad discovered scattered in a line some 2 miles to the west of the area explored in 1901. High dunes

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1910. had then kept from our view these structures, evidently marking what must have been the extreme north-western extension of the canal once fed from the Niya River. The rain we first cleared was a relatively small dwelling, covered only by 3 to 4 feet of sand, and just of the right type to offer an instructive lesson to my native assistants and the men. It occupied a narrow tongue of what owing to the depression produced around by wind erosion looked like high ground, extending in continuation of the line of a small irrigation canal still marked by fallen rows of dead poplars. As soon as the floor was reached in the western end room, Kbaroshthi documents on wood began to crop out in numbers. After the first discovery of a tukhta (tablet) had been duly rewarded with some Chinese silver, I had the satisfaction of seeing specimen after specimen of this ancient record and correspondence in Indian langrage and script emerge from where the last dweller, 1700 years ago, probably a petty official, about the middle of the third century A. D., had left behind his "wasto paper." Rectangular tablets, of the official type, with closely fitting wooden covers serving as envelopes; double wedgeshaped tablets as used for semi-official correspondence ; oblong boards and labels of wood serving for records and accounts of all kinds, were all represented among the firds of this first ruin. It added to my gratification to see that a number of the rectangular and wedge-shaped letter tablets still retained intact their original string fastenings, and a fow even their clay seal impressions. How cheering it was to discover on them representations of Heracles and Eros left by the impact of classical intaglios! Just as familiar were to me the household implements which this ruin yielded. Remains of a wooden chair decorated with carvings of GraecoBuddhist style, weaving instruments, a boot last, a large eating tray, mouse-trap, etc., were all objects I could with my former experience recognize at the first glance, like the various methods employed in building the timber and plaster walls. Our next task was the clearing of the remains of a far larger structure close to my camp. Here, the walls and any objects which may have been left between them proved completely eroded, though the massive posts, bleached and splintered, still rose bigh, marking the position of the timber framework. But when I examined the ground anderneath what appeared to bave been an outhouse or stables, I realized quickly that it was made up of layers of a huge refuse heap. Of course, previous experience supplied sufficient reason for digging into this posavoury quarry, though the pungent smells which its contents emitted, even after seventeen centuries of burial, were doubly trying in the fresh castern breeze driving fine dast, dead microbes and all, into one's eyes, throat and nose. Our perseverance in cutting through layer npon layer of stable refuse was rewarded at last by striking on a level fully 7 feet below the surface, a small wooden enclosure which bad probably served as a dustbin for some earlier habitation. There were curious sweepings of all sorts - rags of manifold fabrics in silk, cotton, felt, seals of bronze and bone, embroidered leather, wooden pens, fragments of lacquer-ware, broken implements in wood, etc. But more gratifying still was a find of over a dozen small tablets inscribed with Chinese characters of exquisite penmanship, apparently forwarding potes of various consignments. The localities mentioned are of considerable geographical and historical interest as throwing light upon the connection maintained by this settlement or its Chinese garrison with distant parts on the route into China proper. Quite at the bottom of the enclosure we found a small henp of corn, still in sheaves and in perfect preservation, and close to it the mummified bodies of two mice. I cannot attempt to give details of the busy days spent in searching the chain of dwellings stretching southward. Some had suffered badly from erosion ; others had been better protected, and the clearing of the high sand which filled their room cost great efforts. But the men encouraged by small rewards for the first finds of antiquarian value, wielded their kelmans with surprising perseverance, in spite of the discomfort implied by strictly limited water rations, and Ibrahim Beg's rough-havoured exhortations sufliced to keep

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JANUARY, 1910.) ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 13 them hard at work for ten to eleven hours daily. Kharoshthi records on wood, whether letters, accounts, drafts, or memos, turned up in almost every one of these dwellings, besides household objects and implements illustrative of everyday life and the prevailing industries. Though nothing of intrinsic value had been left behind by the last dwellers of this modest Pompeii, there was sufficient evidence of the ease in wbich they had lived in fine wood carvings, etc., in the large number of individual rooms provided with fireplaces, comfortable sitting platforms, etc. Remains of fenced gardens and of avenues of poplars or truit trees could be traced almost invariably near these houses. Where dunes had afforded protection, the gaant, bleached trunks in these orchards, chiefly mulberry trees, still rose as high as J0 to 12 feet. With so much of these ancient homesteads in almost perfect preservation, and being constantly reminded of identical arrangements in modern Turkestan houses, I often caught myself wanting, as it were, in antiquarian respect for these relics of a past buried since nearly seventeen centuries. I must forego any attempt at detailed description of the results here yielded by a fortnight of exacting but fruitful work. Yet a particularly rich baal of ancient documents may claim mention were it only on account of the characteristic conditions under which it was discovered. I was clearing a large residence in a group of ruins on the extreme west of the site which had on my previous visit been traced too late for complete exploration, and which I had ever since kept faithfully in petto. Fine pieces of Architectural wood carving brought to light near a large central hall soon proved that the dwelling must have been that of a well-to-do person, and finds of Kharoshthi records of respectable size, including a wooden tablet fully 3 feet long, in what appeared to have been all ante-room, suggested his having been an official of some consequence. The hope of finding more in his office was soon justified when the first strokes of the ketman laid bare regnlar packets of documents near the floor of a narrow room adjoining the central hall. Their number soon rose to over a hundred. Most of them were" wedges " as used for the conveyance of executive orders; others, on oblong tablets, accounts, lists and miscellaneous office papers", to use an anachronism. Evidently we had hit upon office files thrown down here and excellently preserved, under the cover of 5 to 6 feet of sand. The scraping of the mud flooring for detached pieces was still proceeding, when a strange discovery rewarded honest Rustam, the most experienced digger of my " old guard." Already during the first clearing I had noticed a large lump of clay or plaster near the wall where the packets of tablets lay closest. I had ordered it to be left undisturbed, though I thought little of its having come to that place by more than accident. Rustam had just extracted between it and the wall a well-preserved double wedge tablet when I saw him eagerly burrow with his hands into the floor just as when my little terrier is at work opening rat-holes. Before I could put any questions, I saw Rustam triumphantly draw forth from circ, 6 inches below the floor a complete rectangular document with its double clay seal intact and its envelope still unopened. When the hole was enlarged, we saw that the space towards the wall and below the foundation beam of the latter was full of closely packed layers of similar documents. It was clear that we had struck a small hidden archive, and my joy at this novel experience was great, for apart from the interest of the documents themselves and their splendid preservation, the condition in which they were found furnished very valuable indications. The fact that, with a few exceptions, all the rectangular documents, of which fully three dozen were cleared in the end, had their elaborated string fastenings unopened and sealed down on the envelope, confirmed the conjectural explanation I had arrived at in the case of a few previous finds of this kind, that these were agreements or bonds which had to be kept nnder their original fastening and seals in order that in case of need their validity might be safely establiehed. Characteristically enough, the only two open records proved letters addressed in due form to the "Hon'ble Cojhbo Sojaka, dear to gods and men," whose name and title I had read already before on many of the official notes dug up previously in the scattered files. The care which bad been taken to hide the deposit and at

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1910. the same time to mark its position - for that, no doubt, was the purpose of the clay lamp, as Rastam bad quite rightly guessed - showed that the owner had been obliged to leave the place in an emergency, but with a hope of returning. This may help to throw light yet on the conditions under which the settlement was deserted. Great care had to be taken in the removal to save on clearing the clay sealings from risk of damage. It was amply rewarded when I discovered on clearing them at night, in my tent, that almost all had remained as fresh as when first impressed, and that most of them were from seals of classical workmanship representing Heracles with club and lion-skin, Eros, Pallas Promachos, helmeted busts, etc. It was strange how victoriously the art of the Greek die-cutter had survived in this distant region, and strange, too, to know myself the de facto possessor of Sojaka's deeds, probably referring to lands and other real property buried since long centuries under the silent dunes. Where was the court which might help me to claim them? As our work proceeded to the south of the site the surroundings grew, if anything, more sombre and almost lagabrious, in spite of the appearance of still living scrab. The ruins had to be s arcbed for amidst closely set sand cones raising their heads covered with tangled masses of tamarisk, dead or living, to 40 or 50 feet. Ruins just emerging from the foot of a sandhill with deeply eroded ground on the other side made up weird pictures of solitude. The dust haze raised by a cold north-east wind added an appropriately coloured atmosphere. It was almost with a feeling of relief that we emerged at last upon somewhat more open ground towards the southern end of the site. The ruined dwellings were small there; bat an inspection of the ground near by revealed features of interest. Only some 60 yards off the ruin which had yielded the first tablets, there stood a square of dead mulberry trees raising their trunks up to 10 feet or more, which had once cast their shade over a tank still marked by a depression. The stream from which the canal once feeding it must have taken off was not far to seek; for behind the nearest ridge of sand to the west there still lay a footbridge about 90 feet long stretched across an unmistakable dry river-bed. Of the trestles which had carried the bridge, two still stood upright half baried in dunes. Beyond the left banks stretched shrivelled remains of arbours for upwards of 200 yards, to where steep banks marked a large square reservoir. For over 2 miles to the north-west, we could follow the traces of the ancient river-bed, in places completely covered by drift-sand, but emerging again amongst low dunes and patches of dead forest. Finally it seemed to join a broau valley-like depression stretching far away with living wild poplars and tamarisks, and flanked by big ridges of sand. This great nullah, and others like it which Ibrahim had vainly searched for ruins rising west of it, had certainly seen no water since long ages. Over all this strange ground desiccation was written most plainly. 8. Endere. The four hundred odd miles of desert through which my marches took me in November, from the Niya site past Charchan to Charklik, offered opportunities for interesting archeological work at more than one point. But I can pause to describe it now only to mention the solution which some fortunate archaeological finds at an ancient site near the Endere River afforded for a problem of antiquarian and geographical interest. In 1901 I had excavated there the sand-buried ruins of a fort which epigraphical and other finds proved to have been occupied about the first decades of the eighth century. and abandoned during the Tibetan invasion soon after. Now it was curious that Hsuan-tsang, the great Chinese pilgrim who had passed by the same route from Niya to Charcban about 649 A: D., found no inhabited place on the ten day's march, but distinctly mentions in a position corresponding exactly to the Endere site ruins of abandoned settlements which the tradition of his time described as "old seat of the Tukhara" famous in Central-Asian history,

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JANUARY, 1910.) ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 15 That we have here a definite historical instance of an old site abandoned to the desert having been reoccupied after the lapse of centuries, was conclusively proved by discoveries made on my fresh visit. A shifting of the low danes near the fort had exposed much-eroded remains of ancient dwellings. When carefully clearing the consolidated refuse heaps, which had saved them from complete destruction, we came upon Kbaroshthi records on wood whici clearly belonged to the second or third century A. D. -- and thus to the very period of Tukhara, i. e., Indo-Scythian ascendency. Further striking evidence of the often-proved accuracy of my Chinese guide and patron saint came to light when I discovered that the rampart of the fort built within a generation or two of his passage was in one place actually raised over a bauk of refuse, which belonged to the first centuries of our era as proved by a Kharoshthi document on leather. It is significant that the time which BAW Hsiian-tsang's ruined settlement brought to light again coincides with the re-establishment of Chinese power in the Tarim basin securing peace and security. 9. The Charklik Oasis. At the small oasis of Charklik, which a variety of indications prove to be the true location of the . Lou-lan of the old Chinese pilgrims and Marco Polo's Lop, the preparations for my long-planned expedition to the ruins north of Lop-nor, first discovered by Dr. Hedin on his memorable journey of 1900, proved an exacting task. Within three days I had to raise a contingent of fifty labourers for proposed excavations ; food supplies to last all of us for five weeks; and to collect as many camels as I possibly could get for transport, seeing that we should have to carry water, or rather ice, sufficient to provide us all on a seven days' march across waterless desert, then during a prolonged stay at the ruins as well as on the return journey. 10. Ruins of Lop-nor. On the morning of December 15 we had left the last salt encrusted depression with dead poplars and tamarisk behind us, and very soon after we passed into that zone of excessive erosion which constitutes so striking a feature of the northern portion of the Lop-nor Desort. The saccogsion of steep clay banks and sharply cut nullabs between them, all carved out by wind erosion and clearly marking the prevailing direction of the winds, north-east to south-west, was most trying to the camels' feet, - several of the poor beasts had to be "resoled," a painful operation, and did not allow us to cover more than 14 miles at the utmost, though I kept men and beasts on the move from daybreak antil nightfall. There could be no doubt about this ground forming part of a very ancient lake-bed. Yet curiously enough we had scarcely entered it when frequent finds of worked flints and other implements of the Stone Age, together with fraoments of very coarse pottery, supplied evidence that it must have been occupied by man in prehistorical times. An equally important discovery was that of small bronze objects, including early Chinese coins, together with plentiful fragments of well-finished pottery, at a point still fully 12 miles to the south of Hedin's site. By that time we were already in the Clutches of an icy north-east wind, which in the middle of the following night nearly blew my tent down. With short intervals it continued during our whole stay in this region. With minimum temperatures rapidly falling below Zero Fahr., it made life exceedingly trying for the next weeks. Had it not been for the plentiful fuel supplied by the rows of bleached dead tree-trupks, evidently marking ancient river-beds, the men would have suffered even more from exposure than they did. In spite of the sun shining brightly, a double supply of my warmest wraps and gloves failed to keep head and hands warm,

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1910. So it was a great relief for us all when, on December 17, the first grent mound indicating proximity of the site was duly sighted, exactly where Hedin's sketch-map had led me to expeet it. By nightfall I was ablo to pitch camp at the foot of the ruined stupa which stands out in this weirdly desolate landscape as the landmark of the main group of ruins. The excavations which I carried on unremittingly for the next eleven days, with a relatively large number of men, enabled me to clear all remains traceable at the several groups of ruins, and yielded plentiful results. Among the dwellings, constructed of timber and plaster walls exactly like those of the Niya site, wind erosion had worked terrible havoc. Its force and direction may be judged by the fact that of the solid walls of stamped clay once enclosing the principal settleinent, those facing east and west had been completely carried away, while the north and south walls could jast be traced. But, luckily, in various places a safficient cover of drift sand or consolidated refuse had afforded protection for many interesting relics. In a large rubbish heap, fully 100 feet across, extending near the centre of what proved to have been a small fortified station, we struck & particularly rich mine. The finds of written records, on wood and paper, also on silk, proved remarkably numerous, considering the limited size of the settlements and the number of dwellings which had escaped erosion. The majority of the records are Chinese, apparently chiefly of an administrative character ; their detailed examination is likely to throw light on questions connected with the use of the ancient trade route which passed once here along the south foot of the Kuruk-tagh and north of Lop-nor into Kan-su, and also on matters of geographical nomenclature (Lou-lan, e.g., being referred to in a way clearly showing that the name could not apply to this settlement). Kharoshthi documents were also numerous. Their character and the observations made as to their places and conditions of discovery justify the important conclusion that the same early Indian language found in the records of the Niya site was in common local use also in the Lop-nor region for indigenous administration and business. Considering how far removed Lop-nor is from Khotan, this uniform extension of an Indian script and language to the extreme east of the Tarim basin has a special historical interest. Architectural wood carvings, objects of industrial art, metal seals, etc., brought to light in considerable number show the same close dependence on models of Graeco-Buddhist art brought from India as the corresponding finds of the Niga site. The resemblance to the latter is so great that even without the evidence of dated Chinese documents and of the very numerous coin finds, the art remains would have snfficed to prove that the ruins which from the salt springa situated a long march northward may for the present be called those of Altmish bulak, were abandoned about the same time as the Niya site, i. e., the latter half of the third century A.D. The results of our excavations prove clearly that the principal group of ruins represents the remains of a small fortified station garrisoned by Chinese troops, and intended to control an important ancient route which led from Tun-huang (Sha-chou ), on the extreme west of Kan-su to the onses along and to the north of the Tarim. We knew from Chinese historical records that this route opened through the desert about 110 B.C. served for the first expansion of Chinese political influence and trade westwards, and remained in use through the whole period of the Han dynasty. But it was only in the course of the explorations of this winter and spring that its exact direction and the starting-points east and west of the absolute desert intervening could be determined with certainty. There were a series of indications to show that the settlement around this western station derived its importance far more from the traffic with China which passed through it than from the resources of local cultivation. Yet eren allowing for this, how impressive is the evidence of the great physical changes which have overtaken this region, mainly through desiccation For over 150 miles to the east, no

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JANUARY, 1910.) ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 17 drinkable water could be found now along the line which the route must have followed towards the westernmost point of the ancient frontier-line subsequently discovered by me in the desert west of Tun-huang, and no possible canal system from the Tarim could now carry water for anything like that distance beyond the Altmish-bulak site, nor even as far probably as the latter. The springs of Altmisb-bulak and some to the west of them where we sent such of our camels as could be spared from transport work, proved so salt that the poor beasts, even with the thirst of a fortnight, would not touch their water. For the same reason no ice had as yet formed on them, in spite of the minimum temperatures during our stay at the rains having fallen as low as 45deg below freezing point. On 29th December, 1906, I set out with a few meu through the unexplored desert southwestward, and afer a seven days' tramp, we safely reached the ice of the Tarim lagoons. Relics of the Stone Age, including a fine jade axe cropped up on the rare patches of eroded bare ground en roule. 11. Miran. After surveying some localities of archeological interest on the lower Tarim and Charchan Rivers, I hurried vid Charklik to resume my excavation at Miran. This, too, was a very desolate spot situated at the foot of the absolutely barren gravel glacis which stretches down from the mountains towards the westernmost of the Lop-nor marshes. The latter had probably within historical times receded fully 10 miles or go to the north of the position occupied by the rains. But luckily a small stream which had once been used to irrigate the area, still passes within a few miles of the ruins. In the narrow jungle belt on its banks our hard-tried camels found such grazing as dead leaves of wild poplars and dry reeds can offer, and we ourselves were spared the anxieties about water transport. I had got quite used to connect cold and hardships with my archeological work, but none of our party is ever likely to forget the misery we endured during those three weeks of hard work from the icy gales almost always blowing. There were days wiren all my assistants were on the sick-list with the exception of bright, alert, Chiang-ssu-yieh. But the results achieved offered ample reward to me. The ruined fort quite fulfilled the promise held out by the first experimental digging. The rooms and half-underground hovels which had sheltered its Tibetan garrison during the eighth to ninth century A. D. were rough enough in design and construction, but proved to contain in some respects the most remarkable refase accumulations it has ever fallen to my lot to clear. Rubbish filled them in places to a height of 9 to 10 feet, and right down to the bottom the layers of refuse of all kinds left behind by the occupants yielded in profusion records on paper and wood, mostly in Tibetan, but some in a script which looks like Kok-turki, the earliest Turki writing. The total number rose in the end to close on a thousand. Similarly, the remains of implements, articles of clothing, arms, etc., were abundant. Their condition, I am sorry to say, illustrated only too well the squalor in which these Tibetan braves must have passed their time at this forlorn frontier post. Evidence often of a very unsavoury kind seemed to indicate that the rooms which alone could have given shelter against the inclemencies of the climate, continued to be tenanted to the last, while the refuse accumulations on the floor kept steadily rising. In some places they actually attained the zoofing. I have had occasion to acquire a rather extensive experience in clearing ancient rubbish heaps, and know how to diagnose them. But for intensity of absolute dirt and age-persisting "smelliness" I shall always put the rich " castings" of Tibetan warriors in the front rank. There can be no doubt that the stronghold was intended to guard the direct route from the southern oases of the Tarim basin to Tun-huang (or Sha-chou). As a branch of the one previously mentioned as leading north of Lop-nor, this must have been a main line of communication into China from the last centuries B. O. onwards, and still grew in importance when the

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1910. former became impracticable after the early centuries of our era. But older in date and of far wider interest were the art remains which we brought to light from the debris mounds of some Buddhist shrines surviving erosion in the vicinity of the fort. These must have been in ruins at least four centuries before the Tibetan occupation led to the erection of the latter. From one of them emerged remnants of colossal stucco relievos, representing seated Buddhas, and showing in their modelling, closest relation to Graeco-Buddhist sculpture as developed in the extreme north-west of India during the first centuries of our era. The influence of classical art was reflected with surprising directness in the much-damaged yet remarkable frescoes which covered what remains of walls of two circular-domed temples enclosing small stupas. The paintings of the main frieze on a background of Pompeian red, illustrating scenes of Buddhist legend or worship, showed the same clever adaptation of classical forms to Indian subjects and ideas which constitutes the chief characteristic and charm of Graeco-Buddhist sculpture, but which in the pictorial art of that period can no longer be studied within Indian limite, owing to the destruction of all painted work through climatic vicissitudes. But even more interesting were the figures of the elaborate fresco dadoes Some of the frescoes were so thoroughly Western in conception and treatment that when they first emerged from the debris, I felt tempted to believe myself rather among the ruins of some Roman villa in Syria or Asia Minor than those of Buddhist sanctuaries on the very confines of China. There were half-length figures of beautiful winged angels, and, more curious still, a cycle of youthful figures in a gracefully designed setting of garland-carrying putti, representing the varied pleasures of life. It was such a strange contrast to the weird desolation which now reigns in the desert around the ruins, Kbaroshthi inscriptions painted by the side of some frescoes and pieces of silk streamers bearing legends in the same script indicate the third century A.D. as the approximate date when these temples were deserted. Unfortunately, the very confined space and the semi-Arctic weather conditions made photographic work very difficult, and what of frescoes, we succeeded in safely removing, still awaits unpacking. 12. The Lop-nor-Tun-huang Route. On February 21. 1907, I started on the long desert journey, in seventeen long marches, which was to take us from the dreary Lop-nor marshes vight through to Tan-huang on the westernmost border of Kansu and Chins proper. It was the same route by which Marco Polo had travelled "through the desert of Lob." Six centuries before him it had seen a traveller scarcely less great, Hsuan-tsang, the pilgrim of pious memory, returning to Chinc laden with Buddhist relics and sacred books after many years' wanderings in the Western Regions." Ever since the end of the second century B.C., when the Chinese first brought the Tarim Basin under their political influence, this desolate desert track close on 350 miles in length had served as an important caravan roate during successive periods, only to be forgotten again, when Chinese power westwards weakened or policy of rigid seclusion strangled trade. Some twenty-five years ago it had thus to be rediscovered. Mulla, the quaint honest Loplik, who had helped me at Altmish-bulak and Miran, was one of the small party who guided a plucky Chinese official through. Captain Kozloff, to whose excellent pioneer work in the Pei-shan and westernmost Nan-sban it affords me special pleasure to bear testimony, had followed it in 1894, and since then, just a year before me, also Colonel Bruce with Captain Layard. Now the rapidly rising tide of prosperity and commercial enterprise in the southern oases of Turkestan is bringing the route into favour again with traders from Khotan and Kasbgar, but only during the winter months when the use of ice makes it possible to overcome the difficulties arising from the want of drinkable water at a succession of stages. (To be continued.)

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JANUARY, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 19 THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA (BOOKS V - XV) Translated by R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., Librarian, Government Oriental Library, Mysore. [Note. The first four books have been published in the Mysore Review, 1906-1908.] (Continued from Vol. XXXVIII, p. 310.) Chapter V. Considerations about marching against an assailable enemy and a strong enemy; canses leading to the dwindling, greed, and disloyalty of the army; and considerations about the combination of powers. (Yatavyamitrayorabhigrahachinta kshayalobhaviragahetavah prakritinam. Samavayikaviparimariah.) When two enemies, one an assailable enemy and another a strong enemy, are equally involved in troubles, which of them is to be marched against first ? The strong enemy is to be marched against first; after vanquishing him, the assailable enemy is to be attacked, for, when a strong enemy has been vanquished, an assailable enemy will volunteer of his own accord to help the conqueror; but not so, a strong enemy. Which is to be marched against? An assailable enemy involved in troubles to a greater degree or a strong enemy troubled to a lesser degree? My teacher says that as a matter of easy conquest, the assailable enemy under worse troubles should be marched against first. Not so, says Kautilya: The conqueror should march against the strong enemy under less troubles, for the troubles of the strong enemy, though less, will be augmented when attacked. True, that the worse troubles of the assailable enemy will be still worse when attacked. But when left to himself, the strong enemy under less troubles will endeavour to get rid of his troubles and unite with the assailable enemy or with another enemy in the rear of the conqueror. When there are two assailable enemies, one of virtuous character and under worse troubles, and another of vicious character, under less troubles, and with disloyal subjects, which of them is to be marched against first? When the enemy of virtuous character and under worse troubles is attacked, his subjects will help him; whereas, the subjects of the other of vicious character and under less troubles will be indifferent. Disloyal or indifferent subjects will endeavour to destroy even a strong king. Hence the conqueror should march against that enemy whose subjects are disloyal. Which is to be marched against? An ene ny whose subjects are impoverished and greedy? or an enemy whose subjects are being oppressed?

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1910. My teacher says that the conqueror should march against that enemy whose subjects are impoverished and greedy, for impoverished and greedy snbjects suffer themselves to be won over to the other sido by intrigue, and are easily excited. But not so the oppressed subjects whose wrath can be pacified by punishing the chief men of the state). Not so, says Kautilya : for though impoverished and greedy, they are loyal to their master and are ready to stand for his cause and to defeat say intrigue against him; for it is in loyalty that all other good qualities have their strength. Hence the conqueror should march against the enemy whose subjects are opppressed. Which enemy is to be marched against ? A powerful enemy of wicked character or a powerless enemy of righteous character ? The strong enemy of wicked character should be marched against, for when he is attacked, his subjects will not help him, but rather put him down or go to the side of the conqueror. But when the enemy of virtuons character is attacked, bis enbjects will help him or die with him. (a) By insulting the good and commending the wicked; by causing unnatural and unrighteous slaughter of life; (b) by neglecting the observance of proper and righteous customs; by doing unrighteous acts and neglecting righteous ones; (c) by doing what ought not to be done and not doing what ought to be done ; by not paying what ought to be paid and exacting what ought not to be taken ; (d) by pot punishing the guilty and severety punishing the less guilty; by arresting those who are not to be caught hold of and leaving those who are to be arrested ; (e) by undertaking risky works and destroying profitable ones; by not protecting the people against thieves and by robbing them of their wealth ; () by giving up manly enterprise and condemning good works; by hurting the leaders of the people and despising the worthy ; (g) by provoking the aged, by crooked conduct, and by untruthfulness; by not applying remedies against evils and neglecting works in hand ; (h) and by carelessness and negligence of himself in maintaining the security of person and property of his subjects, the king causes impoverishment, greed, and disaffection to appear among his subjects ; ) when a people are impoverished, they become greedy ; when they are greedy, they become disaffected; when disaffected, they voluntarily go to the side of the enemy or destroy their own master 28 Hence, no king should give room to such causes as would bring about impoverishment, greed or disaffection among his people. If, however, they appear, he should at once take remedial measures against them. Which of the three is the worst?): an imporerished people ? greedy people ? or disaffected people? An impoverished people are ever apprehensive of oppression and destruction (by over taxation, &c.), and are therefore desirous of getting rid of their impoverishment, or of waging war or of migrating elsewhere. A greedy people are ever miscontented and they yield themselves to the intrigues of an enemy. A disaffected people rise against their master along with his enemy. When the dwindling of the people is due to want of gold and grain, it is a calamity fraught with danger to the whole of the kingdom and can be remedied with difficulty. The dearth of efficient men can be made up by means of gold and grain. Greert (is) partial and found among a few chief officers, and it can be got rid of or satisfied by allowing them to plander an enemy's wealth. Disaffection or disloyalty (viraga) can be got rid of by putting down the leaders; for in the absence of a leader or leaders, the people are easily governed (bhogya) and they will not take part in the intrigues of enemies. When a people are too nervous to endure the calamities, they first become dispersed, when their leaders are put down; and when they are kept under restraint, they endure calamities. 28 a-i are in sloka metre.

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JANUARY, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 21 Having well considered the causes which bring about peace or war, one should combine with kings of considerable power and righteous character and march against one's enemy. A king of considerable power,' means one who is strong enough to put down or capture an enemy in the rear of his friend or to give sufficient help to his friend in his march. A king of righteous character,' means one who does what one has promised to do, irrespective of good or bad results. Having combined with one of superior power or with two of oqual power among sach kings, ebould the conqueror march against his enemy? It is better to march combined with two kings of equal power ; for, if combined with a king of superior power, the ally appears to move, caught hold of, by his superior, whereas in marching with two kings of equal power, the same will be the result, only, when those two kings are experts in the art of intrigue;' besides it is easy to separate them; and when one of them is wicked, he can be put down by the other two and made to suffer the consequences of dissension, Combined with one of equal power or with two of lesser power, should a king march against his enemy? Better to march with two kings of lesser power; for the conqueror can depute them to carry out any two different works and keep them under his control. When the desired end is achieved, the inferior king will quietly retire after the satisfaction of his superior. (@ Till his discharge, the good conduct of an ally of usually bad character should be closely scrutirised either by suddenly coming out at a critical time from a covert position (sattra) to examine his conduct, or by having his wife as a pledge for his good conduct. (6) Though actuated with feelings of true friendship, the conqueror has reason to fear his ally, though of equal power, when the latter attains success in his mission; having succeeded in his mission, an ally of equal power is likely to change his attitude even towards the conqueror of superior power. (c) An ally of superior power should not be relied upon, for prosperity changes the mind. Even with little or no share in the spoils, an ally of superior power may go back, appearing contented; but some time afterwards, he may not fail to sit on the lap of the conqueror and carry off twice the amount of share due to him. (d) Having been satisfied with mere victory, the leading conqueror should discharge his allies, having satisfiel them with their shares; he may allow himself to be conquered by them instead of attempting to conquer them in the matter of spoils ); it is thus that a king can win the good graces of his circle of states27 Chapter VI. The march of combined powers; agreement of peace with or without definite terms; and peace with renegades. (Samhitaprayanikam paripapitAparipanit&pasritAssandhayaboha.) The conqueror shonld,thus over-reach the second element (the enemy close to his territory): - he should engage his neighbouring enemy to undertake a simultaneous march with him and tell the enemy: - Thou, march in that direction, and I shall march in this direction, and the share in the spoils is equal." 14-d are in Sloka metre,

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1910. If the booty is to be equally divided, it is an agreement of peace , il otherwise, it is overpowering the enemy. An agreement of peace may be made with promise to carry out a definite work (paripanita ) or with no such promise ( aparipanita ). When the agreement is to the effect that "Thou, march to that place, and I shall march to this place", it is termed an agreement of peace to carry out a work in a definite locality. When it is agreed upon that "Thoa, be engaged so long, I shall be engaged thus long", it is an agreement to attain an object in a fixed time. When it is agreed upon that "Thou, try to accomplish that work, and I shall try to finish this work", it is an agreement to achieve a definite end. When the conqueror thinks that "my enemy (now an ally) has to march through an unknown country, which is intersected with mountains, forests, rivers, forts and deserts, which is devoid of food-stuffs, people, pastural grounds, fodder, firewood and water, and which is far away, different from other countries, and not affording suitable grounds for the exercise of his army; and I have to traverse & country of quite the reverse description," then he should make an agreement to carry out a work in a definite locality. When the conqueror thinks that "my enemy has to work with food-stuffs falling short and with no comfort during the rainy, hot or cold season giving rise to various kinds of diseases and obstructing the free exercise of his army during a shorter or longer period of time than necessary for the accomplishment of the work in hand, and I have to work during a time of quite the reverse nature," then he should make time a factor of the agreement. When the conqueror thinks that "my enemy has to accomplish a work which, not lasting but trifling in its nature, enrages his subjects, which requires much expenditure of time and money, and which is productive of evil consequences, unrighteous, repugnant to the Madhyama and neutral kings, and destructive of all friendship ;, whereas, I have to do the reverse," then he should make an agreement to carry out a definite work. Likewise with space and time, with time and work, with space and work and with space, time, and work, made as terms of an agreement, it resolves itself into seven forms. Long before making such an agreement, the conqueror has to fix his own work and then attempt to overreach his enemy. When, in order to destroy an enemy who has fallen into troubles and who is hasty, indolent, and not foresighted, an agreement of peace with no terms of time, space, or work is made with an enemy merely for mutual peace, and when under cover of such an agreement, the enemy is caught hold of at his weak points and is struck, it is termed peace with no definite terms (a paripanita). With regard to this there is a saying as follows: "Having kept a neighbouring enemy engaged with another neighbouring enemy, a wise king should proceed against a third king, and having corquered that enemy of equal power, take possession of his territory." # In Slo ka metro.

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JANUARY, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 23 Peace with no specific end (aksitachikfrsb), peace with binding terms (kritasleshaya), the breaking of peace (klitavidusbana), and restoration of peace broken (apabirnakriya) are other forms of peace. Open battle, treacherous battle, and silent battle, (i.e., killing an enemy by employing spies when there is no talk of battle at all) are the three forms of battle. When, by making use of conciliation and other forms of stratagem and the like, a new agreement of peace is made and the rights of equal, inferior, and superior powers concerned in the agreement are defined according to their respective positions, it is termed an agreement of peace with no specific end (other than self-preservation). When, by the employment of friends at the Courts of each other), the agreement of peace made is kept secure and the terms are invariably observed and strictly maintained so that no dissension may creep among the parties, it is termed peace with binding terms. When, having proved through the agency of traitors and spies the treachery of a king, who has made an agreement of peace, the agreement is broken, it is termed the breaking of redse. When reconciliation is made with a servant, or a friend, or any other renegade, it is termed the restoration of broken peace. There are four persons who run away from, and return to their master : one who had reason to run away and to return; one who had no reason either to run away or to return; one who had reason to run away, but none to return; and one who had no reason to run away, but had reason to come back. He who runs away owing to bis master's fault and returns in consideration of (his master's) good nature, or he who runs away attracted by the good nature of his master's enemy and returns finding fault with the enemy is to be reconciled as he had reason to run away and to return. Whoever runs away owing to his own fault and returns without minding the good nature either of his old or new master is a fickle-minded person having no explanation to account for his conduct, and he should have no terms of reconciliation. Whoever runs away owing to his master's fault and returns owing to his own defects, is a renegade who had reason to run away, but none to return; and his case is to be well considered (before he is taken back). Whoever returns deputed by the enemy; or of his own accord, with the intention of hurting his old master, as is natural to persons of such bad character ; or coming to know that his old master is attempting to put down the enemy, his new master, and apprehensive of danger to himself ; or looking on the attempt of his new master to destroy his old master as cruelty should be examined ; and if he is found to be actuated with good motives, he is to be taken back respectfully; otherwise, he should be kept at a distance.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1910. Whoever runs away owing to his own fault and returns owing to his new master's wickedness is a renegade who had no reason to run away, but had reason to come back ; such a person is to be examined. When a king thinks that "This renegade supplies me with full information about my enemy's weakness, and, therefore, he deserves to remain here ; bis own people with me are in friendship with my friends and at enmity with my enemies and are easily excited at the sight of greedy and cruel persons or of a band of enemies," he may treat such a renegade as deserved. My teacher says that whoever has failed to achieve profit from his works, lost his strength, or made his learning a commercial article, or is very greedy, inquisitive to see different countries, dead to the feelings of friendship, or has strong enemies, deserves to be abandoned. But Kautilya says that it is timidity, unprofessional business, and lack of forbearance (to do so). Whoever is injurions to the king's interests should be abandoned, while he who is injurious to the interests of the enemy should be reconciled ; and whoever is injurious to the interests of hnth the king and his enemy should be carefully examined. When it is necessary to make peace with a king with whom no peace ought to be t'ade defensive measures should be taken against that point where he can shew his power. (a) In restoring broken peace, & renegade or a person inclined towards the enemy should be kept at such a distance that till the close of his life, he may be useful to the state. (6) Or, he may be set against the enemy or may be employed as a captain of an army to guard wild tracts against enemies, or thrown somewhere on the boundary. (6) Or, he may be employed to carry on & secret trade in new or old commodities in foreign countries and may accordingly be accused of conspiracy with the enemy. (d) Or, in the interests of future peace, a renegade who must be put to deach may at once be destroyed. (e ana / That kind of wicked character which has from the beginning grown upon a map owing to his association with enemies is as ever fraught with danger as constant living in company with a snake, and is over threatening with destruction just us pigeon living on the seeds of Plaksha (holy fig-tree) is to the salmali (silk cotton) tree. 1) When battle is fought in daylight and in some locality, it is termed an open battle ; threatening in one direction, Assault in another, destruction of an enemy captured while he was careless or in troubles, and bribing a portion of the army and destroying another portion, are forms of treacherous fight; and attempt to win over the chief officers of the enemy by intrigue, is the characteristic of silent battle.20 # gare Sloka metre.

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JANUARY, 1910.1 THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. Chapter VII. Peace and war by adopting the double polioy. (DvaidhibhavikAssandhivikramah.) The conqueror may overpower the second member (6. e., the immediate enemy) thus: - Having combined with a neighbouring king, the conqueror may march against another neighbouring king. Or if he thinks that " (my enemy) will neither capture my rear nor make an alliance with my assailable enemy against whom I am going to march ; (for otherwise) I shall have to fight against great odds : (my ally) will not only facilitate the collection of my revenue and supplies and put down the internal enemies who are causing me immense trouble, but also panish wild tribes and their followers entrenched in their strongholds, reduce my assailable enemy to a precarione condition or compel him to accept the proffered peace, and having received as much profit as he desires, he will endeavour to endear my other enemies to me," then the conqueror may proclaim war against one and make peace with another and endeavour to get an army for money or money for the supply of an aring from among his neighbouring kings. When kings of superior, equal or inferior power make peace with the conqueror and agree to pay a greater, or equal, or less amount of profit in proportion to the army supplied, it is termed even peace; that which is of the reverse character is styled uneven peace; and when the profit is proportionally very high, it is termed deception (atisandhi). When a king of superior power is involved in troubles, or is come to grief or is afflicted with misfortune, his enemy, though of inferior power, may request of him the help of his army in return for a share in the profit proportional to the strength of the army supplied. If the king to whom peace is offered on such terms is powerful enough to retaliate, he may declare war; and otherwise he may accept the terms. In view of marching for the purpose of exacting some expected revenue to be utilised in recouping his own strength and resources, an inferior king may request of a superior the help of the latter's army for the porpose of guarding the base and the rear of his territory in return for the payment of a greater share in the profit than the strength of the army supplied deserves. The king to whom such a proposal is made may accept the proposal, if the proposer is of good intentions ; but otherwise he may deolare war. When a king of inferior power or one who is provided with the aid of forts and friends has to make a short march in order to capture an enemy without waging war or to receive some expected profit, he may request a third king of superior power involved under various troubles and misfortunes the help of the latter's army in return for the payment of a share in the profit less than the strength of the army supplied deserves. If the king to whom this proposal is made is powerful enough to retaliate, he may declare war ; bat otherwise he may accept the proposal. When a king of superior power and free from all troubles is desirous of causing to his enemy loss of men and money in the latter's ill-considered undertakings, or of sending his own treacherous army abroad, or bringing his enemy under the clutches of an inimical army, or of causing trouble to a reduceable and tottering enemy by setting an inferior king against that enemy, or is desirous of having peace for the sake of peace itself and is possessed of good intentions, he may accept a less share in the profit (promised for the army supplied to another) and endeavour to make wealth by combining with an ally if the latter is equally of good intentions ; but otherwise he may declare war (against that ally).

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1910. A king may deceive or help his equal as follows: When a king proposes peace to another king of equal power on the condition of receiving the nelp of the latter's army strong enough to oppose an enemy's army, or to guard the front, centre and rear of his territory, or to help his friend, or to protect any other wild tracts of his territory in return for the payment of a share in the profit proportionally equal to the strength of the army supplied, the latter may accept the terms if the proposer is of good intentione ; but otherwise he may declare war. When a king of equal power, capable of receiving the help of an army from another quarter requests of another king in troubles due to the diminished strength of the elements of sovereignty, and with many enemies, the help of the latter's army in return for the payment of a share in the profit less than the strength of the army supplied deserves, the latter, if powerful, may declare war or accept the terms otherwise, When a king who is under troubles, who has his works at the mercy of his neighbouring kings, and who has yet to make an army, requests of another king of equal power the help of the latter's army in return for the payment of a share in the profit greater than the strength of the army supplied deserves, the latter may accept the terms if the proposer is of good intentions : but otherwise, war may be declared. Wben, with the desire of putting down a king in tronbles due to ine diminished strength of the elements of sovereignty, or with the desire of destroying his well-begun work of immense and nnfailing profit, or with the intention of striking him in his own place or on the occasion of marching, one, though frequently getting immense (subsidy) from an assailable enemy of equal inferior, or superior power, sends demands to him again and again, then he may comply with the demands of the former if he is desirous of maintaining his own power by destroying with the army of the former an impregnable fortress of an enemy or a friend of that enemy or by laying waste the wild tracts of that enemy, or if he is desirous of exposing the army of the ally to wear and tear even in good roads and good seasons, or if he is desirous of strengthening his own army with that of his ally and thereby putting down the ally or winning over the army of the ally. When & king is desirous of keeping under his power another king of superior or inferior power as an assailable enemy and of destroying the latter after routing out another enerny with the help of the latter, or when he is desirous of getting back whatever he has paid (as subsidy), he may send a proposal of peace to another on the condition of paying more than the cost of the army supplied. If the king to whom this proposal is made is powerful enough to retaliate, he may declare war; or if otherwise, he may accept the terms; or he may keep quiet allied with the assailable enemy; or he may supply the proposer of peace with his army full of traitors, enemies and wild tribes. When a king of superior power falls into troubles owing to the weakness of the elements of his sovereignty, and requests of an inferior king the help of the latter's army in return for the paymert of a share in the profit proportionally equal to the strength of the army supplied, the latter, if powerful enough to retaliate, may declare war and if otherwise, accept the terms. A king of superior power may request of an inferior the help of the latter's army in return for the payment of a share in the profit less than the cost of the army supplied ; and the latter, if powerful enough to retaliate, may declare war, or accept the terms other wise.

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JANUARY, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 27 The king who is sued for peace and also the king who offers peace should both consider the motive with which the proposal of peace is made, and adopt that course of action which on consideration seems to be prodactive of good results.30 Chapter VIII. The attitude of an assailable enemy; and friends that degurve help. (Yatavyavfittih anugrahyamitravikeshah.) When an assailable enemy who is in danger of being attacked is desirous of taking upon himself the condition which led one king to combine with another against himself, or of splitting them from each other, he may propose peace to one of the kings on the conditiou of himself paying twice the amount of profit accruing from the combination. The agreement having been made, he may describe to that king the loss of men and money, the hardships of sojourning abroad, the commission of sinfal deeds, and the misery and other personal troubles to which that king would have been subjected. When the king is convinced of the truth, the amount promised may be paid ; or having made that king to incur enmity with other kings, the agreement itself may be broken off. When a king is inclined to cause to another, loss of men and money in the ill-considered undertakings of the latter or to frustrate the latter in the attempt of achieving large profits from well-began andertakings; or when he means to strike another at his another's) own place or while marching; or when he intends to exact subsidy again in combination with the latter's assailable enemy; or when he is in need of money and does not like to trust to his ally, he may, for the time being, be satisfied with a small amount of profit. When a king has in view the necessity of helping & friend or of destroying an enemy, or the possibility of acquiring much wealth (in return for the present help) or when he intends to utilise in future the services of the one now obliged by him, he may reject the offer of large profit at the present in preference of a small gain in future. When a king means to help another from the clutches of traitors or enemies or of & superior king threatening the very existence of the latter, and intends thereby to set an example of rendering similar help to himself in future, he should receive no profit either at the present or in the future. When a king means to harass the people of an enemy or to break the agreement of peace between a friend and a foe, or when he suspects of another's attack upon himself, and when owing to any of these causes, he wants to break peace with his a lly, he may demand from the latter an enhanced amount of profit long before it is due. The latter under these circumstances may demand for a procedure (krama) either at the present or in the future. The same procedure explains the cases treated of before. The conqueror and his enemy helping their respective friends differ according as their friends are ench or are not such as undertake possible, praiseworthy, or productive works and as are resolute in their undertakings and are provided with loga! and devoted snbjects. ** In floka matre.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1910 Whoever undertakes tolerable work is a beginner of possible work; whoever undertakes an apblemished work is a beginner of praise worthy work; whoever undertakes a work of large profits is a beginner of a productive work ; whoever takes no rest before the completion of the work undertaken is a resolute worker; and whoever has loyal and devoted subjects is in a position to command help and to bring to a successful termination any work without losing anything in the form of favour. When such friends are gratified by the enemy or the conqueror, they can be of immense help to him ; friends of reverse character should never be helped. Of the two, the conqueror and his enemy, both of whom may happen to have a friend in the same person, he who helps a true or a truer friend overreaches the other; for, by helping a true friend, he enriches himself, while the other not only incurs loss of men and money and the hardships of sojourning abroad, but also showers benefits on an enemy who hates the benefactor all the more for his gratification. Whoever of the two, the conqueror and his enemy, who may happen to have a friend in the same Madhyama king, helps a Madhyama king of true or truer friendship overreaches the other; for, by helping a true friend, he enriches himself, while the other incurs loss of men and money and the difficulties of sojourning abroad. When a Madhyama king thus helped is devoid of good qualities, then the enemy overreaches the conqueror; for, such a Madhyama king, spending his energies on useless undertakings and receiving help with no idea of returning it, withdraws himself away. The same thing holds good with a neutral king under similar circumstances. In case of helping with a portion of the army one of the two, a Madhyama or a neutral king, whoever happens to help one who is brave, skilful in handling weapons, and possessed of endurance and friendly feelings will bimself be deceived while his enemy, helping one of reverse character, will overreach him. When a king achieves this or that object with the assistance of a friend who is to receive the help of his army in return later on, then he may send out of his various kinds of armysuch as hereditary army, hired army, formed of corporations of people, his friend's army and the army composed of wild tribes-either that kind of army which has the experience of all sorts of grounds and of seasons or the army of enemies or of wild tribes, which is far removed in space and time. When a king thinks that "Though successful, my ally may cause my army to move in an enemy's territory or in wild tracts, and during unfavourable seasons and thereby he may render it useless to me," then under the excuse of having to employ his army otherwise, he may help his ally in any other way; ut when he is obliged to lend his army, he may send that kind of his army, which is used to the weather of the time of operation, under the condition of employing it till the completion of the work, aud of protecting it from dangers. When the ally has finished his work, he should, under some excuse, try to get back his army ; or he may send to his ally that army which is composed of traitors, enemies, and wild tribes; or having made peace with the ally's assailable enemy, he may deceive the ally. When the profit aceruing to kings under an agreement, whether they be of equal, inferior, or superior power, is equal to all, that agreement is termed peace (sandhi); when unequal, it is termed defeat (Vikrama). Such is the nature of peace and war.31 (To be continued.) N1 In Sloka metre

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JANUARY, 1910.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 29 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. (Concluded from Vol. XXXVIII, p. 398.) SERIES II. BY H, A. ROSE, I.C.S. Toi: stream. Kobat S. R., 1884, p. 7 Tokh: (i) a long narrow valley which intersects the hill country lying east of the Saleman Range. D. I. Khan S. R., 1809, p. 182. (ii) a natural road, so termed by Balochis. D.I. Khan Gr., 1884, p. 3. Top a, from tupan = to eat or bite: the injury done to crops by field rats. Maltan Gr., p. 221. Topah : a grain measare. Bannu S. R., p. xvi. Tor: digging out the sand of a well till water has been reached. Monty. S. R. Gloss.. p. xii. Trapl& : the green pin-tailed fly-catcher, so called from a fancied resemblance to the spinning wheel. Mgarh, S. R., p. 38. Toria'=satthri : Multan Gr., p. 221. Traddi: a palm mat. See phari and parchh. Multan Gr., p. 82. Trard: the bunch of ears, given to the reaper as part of his wages. Jhang S. R., p. 98. Trat: a rope (? cracking a rope). Multan Gr., p. 209; a whip and goad combined. Cf. landiyar. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. iii. Trel: dew. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. ix. Trer: third ploughing. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. vi. Treranwalt: (fr. frer, crack), soil which dries and cracks into huge blocks with miniature crevasses between them. Multan Gr., p. 193. Tret: a disease of sheep. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvii. Trihan : a camel at the commencement of its third year. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Trihana, Sem. Trihan: the name of a buffalo from its second to third year. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Trimundi: indigo plants in their third year, cf. trundhi. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 111. Tringal : a pitch-fork. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. iv. Trophar: a she-buffalo in milk. D. I. Khin S. R., 1872-79, p. 355. Trundhi : indigo crop in its third year. Mgarh. S. R., p. 76. Tsarai=bara: the lesser bustard. Cf. karmor. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 134, Tsata : a sackful (of wheat, etc.). Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 140. Tuhaya: the grebe. Mgarh. S. R., p. 38. Tukari: profits of a gambling house. Jhaag. Tupdar: a game-bird. Jhang. S. R., p. 27.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1910. Tukma : an earring. Multan Gr., p. 89. Tura: a unit of measurement. Dir, etc. Cf. P. D., p. 1154. Tura,-1: a horse or mare. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xiv. Turai = murnd : Yusufzai bag-pipes. Peshawar S, R., 1878, p. 137. Turwala kallar: a synonym for shor soil. Of. kala kallar. Chenab Col. Gr., 1904, p. 64. Tutin: the female dove. Mgarh. S. R., p. 36. Ubba: the north. Banni S. R., p. xli. Ubhao: water in a well which is exhausted on the well being worked. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. v. Ubhar: the east. Banna S. R., p. xli. Volhar : a rich cloth spread over a corpse. Mgarh. S. R., p. 70. Udai : the grain received by the sweeper for winnowing. Monty. S. R., p. 30. Udhala : the abduction of a girl or woman, Bannu S. R., p. xli. Udhara : a loan. (Cf. adhar, a loan, Jukes' Dicty. W. P., p. 7). Multan Gr., p. 189. Udna: a hairy snake. Cf. jalul, Mgarh. S. R., p. 42. Uga : absorption. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. v. Ukhli mohle: pestle and mortar. Multan Gr., p. 83. Ora: (i) a revolving arrangement in the form of a capstan for clearing ont silt at the bottom of a well. Of. dol. Moltan Gr., p. 196; (ii) a spindle. Mgurb. S. R., p. 61. Orial: the moufflon, (ovis cycloceros). Jhelum S. R., p. 20. Ushar: tithe, of the produce taken by the Khans in the minor Khanates of Bajaur. Usri : tack or furrow made by a ploughman without turning. Also used of reaping. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. vi. Utangan : kind of jhaldr, used when the water is at a medium distance: the wheel contains about 50 or 60 pots. Multan Gr., p. 205. Uth pairara : a common weed, with a fan-shaped leaf. Multan Gr., p. 208. Utla = chaddar: shovel. Jhang. S. R., p. 103. Vadanak: a kind of wheat. Multan Gr., p. 218. VadhAnak : & white variety of wheat. Cf. pamman. Chenab Col. Gr., 1904. p. 79. Vaha : * bird like a starling in its flight. Mgarh. S. R., p. 38. Vaini : the best kind of Biloch mare. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 119. Vais: a kind of snake. Mgarh. S. R., p. 42. Valdi: * disease of wheat. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. viii. Valh : indigo refuse. Mgarh. S. R., p. 75. Valori : vatting. Multan Gr., p. 214. Valwin lichh : returned lichh', also called khuti. Mgarh. S. R., p. 96. Van de pind : (dates) as picked, i.e., fresh. Multan Gr., pp. 227-8. Varan : cotton (standing crop). Multan Gr., p. 215.

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JANUARY, 1910.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. LAPHY. 31 31 Vata: a kind of marriage, in which an exchange of brides is effected. Mgarh. S. R., p. 68. Vatta bhann : stone-breaker', title of a saint. Shahpur Gr., p. 86. Vela : & canal. Cf. vial. Bannu S. R., p. xli. Velawi: cotton-cleaner's wages, 8 annas a maund. D. G. Khan Gr. p. 110. Velgi: a canal, diminative of vela. Bannu 8. R., p. xli. Veo: fish oil. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xxiv. Vokh : (i) a block of cultivated land. Kohat 8. R., 1884, p. 86; (ii) redistribution of land. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 85. Khula vesh: a system by which each clansman, present at the time of the partition, gets an equal share, no regard being paid to original proprietary right. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 86. Vhola (bahola): a mattock. Monty. S. R. Glosa., p. iv. Vial: a canal. Cf. vela. Bannu S. R., p. xli. Viohobi: a system of cultivation which resembles the ordinary hill torrent cultivation to which this term is also applied. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 9. Vil: a disease of cattle. Mouty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvi. VisAkhi: a bullock race (80-called because the first of Baisakh = Visakh is the favourite day for soch races). Mgarh. S. R., p. 12. Vohr: the name of a bullock till 4 years old. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvi. W&: a disease caused by eating peas. Mgarh. S. R., 81. Wachoba: dry-wet. Peshiwar S. R., 1874, p. 279. Wadah: the wedding ceremony. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 137. Wadah dobai: see jang. Wadhna: to reap. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. v. Wadna (= karwd): a vessel with a spout. Multan Gr., p. 83. Wagin: a female cow-herd. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xii. Wahan: a hill torrent. Cf. wahi. Bannu S, R., p. xli. Wahi: (i) hill torrent. Cf. wahan. Bannu S. R., p. xli; (ii) a channel. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 103. Wairha : the name of a bullook till 2 years old. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. Ivi. Wajjh takra: (of evidence). fortuitous, met by chance.' Waka: a canal labourer. Bannu S. R., p. xli. Wal: (i) an indigo stalk. Moltan Gr., p. 208 ; (ii) a dry melon stalk. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xii. WAIA: the stage, which wheat and barley reach after the angiri, when the plant is young and bends easily to the wind. Monty 8. R. Gloss., p. xii. Wand: a branch canal. D. I. Khan S. R., 1872-79, p. 131. Wandas : sharing of the crop. Banna 8. R., p. xli; division of grain, orop, eto. Monty. 8. R. Gloss., p. viii. Wanni: (i) the gift of a girl as compensation for a murder. D. G. Khin Gr., p. 44. Of. banni; (ii) a bit of land given to a complainant in a woman Onse. Kohat 8. R., p. 79.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1910. Warah: the custom of distributing one or two pice each to merasis at weddings. Gajrat S. R., p. 42. Warboi : descriptive of the best land close to a village. Bannu S. R., p. xli. Warewan : cotton seed. Monty, s. R. Gloss., p. xii. Warihil: a treatment of land. Jhelum S. R., p. 88. Warisat: the visit of the bridegroom's father with a small party to the bride's home to receive the daj. Multan Gr., p. 94. Zahmat: a disease of camels. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Zakat: transit duties. Mgarh. S. R., p. 83. Zam: a perennial spring. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 5. Zamin lamber bane bande par hojana : of land, to be transferred by avulsion; samin dahkar (par hojdna) to be transferred by diluvion. Zanin dhat-hoke (par hojdnd) to be transferred by diluvion; namin tot hoke (par hojdnd), to be transferred by avulsion. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xxiv. Zango : & swing cot. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 184. Ziarat: a sacred grove. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 11. NOTES AND QUERIES. LOCAL SONGS OF SAHARANPUR. eminent personage. The composition is ugually Saharanpur has a class of local songs peculiar in the form of a dialogue. to itself which are known as sang or swang. Singers meet at several recognized places The singing of these songs commences generally known as akara and large crowds assemble to about five days before the Holi festival. Much listen to the competitors. competition goes on among the local poets It is said that these songs were originated by in the composition of them. Another name for amba Ram, a Gujarati Brahman, who was a this class of songs is chamold and they are sung resident of Saharanpur. He was a man of to the accompaniment of a little drum known as considerable wealth, most of which he spent on mridang. encouraging this class of performance. He finally became destitute and wandered to HaidarThe song generally begins with some verses in praise of the ustad or teacher from whom the Abad, where he received much patronage. After poet has received instruction in the art of com living there some time, he died. position. Then it goes on to treat of some The singing of these songe commenced at important event which has engaged the attention Sabaranpur about 1819 A.-D. of the public, or to record the career of some PANDIT RAMGHARIB CHAUBE. BOOK NOTICE. DAS PUSPABUTBA, mit Einleitung und Ubersetzung To each section of the text he has added a herausgegeben von RIORARD SIMON. Munchen, German translation with critical and explanatory 1906. Abhandlungen der K. B, Akademie der Wiss., notes, which are supplemented by a complete I, KI. XXIII, Bd. III, Abt. pp. 481-780. index of melodies and verses. The introduction The Pushpasutra belongs to the Vedic school contains an elaborate glossary of the numerous of the Kauthumas. It professes to teach the technical terms that render the Pushpastatra a correct liturgical intonation of the single words sealed book to the outsider. The composition of the Samasamhita according to the melodies of the work is ascribed to Cobbila or to Varaand songs mentioned in the song-book called ruchi. It was commented on by Ajitasatru, who Uttaragana, and may thus be considered a quotes the Abhidhanaratnamala of Halayudha kind of Pritisakhya on the Uttaragana. No (about A. D. 950), and subsequently by Rimaother European scholar was better qualified krishna. for editing this difficult work than Professor Simon, who has made Hindu music one of his HALLE (SAALE), special studies. His edition is based on E. HULTZSCH. thirteen Mss. and the Calcutta edition of 1890. August 19th, 1909.

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FEBRUARY, 1910.) AROH ROLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 33 ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS IN CENTRAL ASIA IN 1906-8. BY DR. AUREL STEIN. (Concluded from p. 18.) 13. The Tun-huang Oasis, an Ancient "Great Wall." W E discovered that a considerable river flows out of the Khara-nor Lake, hitherto supposed to be the end of the Sulaiho, during the spring and summer floods, and after draining a series of smaller lakes and marshes lower down, carries its water right through to the lake beds we had passed so much further west. The deep-cut bed of this river could easily escape discovery, oving to the very deceptive way in which its course is masked by what looks an unbroken flat glacis of gravel. After emerging from this terminal river basin and at a point still five long marebes from the edge of the Tun-huang oasis, I first sighted the remains of ruined watch-towers, and soon came upon traces of an ancient wall connecting them. A lacky chance rewarded already the first scraping of the ground near a watch-tower with relics of manifest antiquity, including a Chinese record on wood, and & variety of archaeological indications gathered rapidly as we passed onwards, made me feel convinced that these ruins belonged to an early system of frontier defence corresponding in character to the extant "Great Wall" on the Kansu border. So, as soon as men and animals had recovered from the preceding fatigues by a short halt at Tun-huang, I returned to the still wintry desert in order to explore this ruined limes in detail. It proved a fascinating and fruitful task, but also one of uncommon difficulty. The ground over which the line of the wall ran, was, from the old frontier town of Ansbi westwards, practically all an absolute desert of gravel, broken only at rare intervals by belts of sandy scrub or thin jungle near the river or marshes. Nothing was knowo of the rains to the magistrate and others. No information could be obtained about the ruins through the educated Chinese officials of Tun-huang, who all took a very friendly interest in my work, and would have been ready enough to help us. On the other hand the deep-rooted secretiveness of the local Chinese population effectively prevented any of the hunters or shepherds who occasionally visit the nearer of the riverine jungles, from coming forward with guidance. So all the tracking of the ancient wall, often completely effaced for miles, and frequently crossing most deceptive ground, had to be done by myself. Still more serious was the trouble about adequate labour for excavations. The slum-dwelling coolies, whom only the exercise of specia) pressure on the magistrate's part could induce to venture into the dreaded desert were, in spite of very liberal treatment, ever ready to desert, or else to get lost in the desert through their helplessness as confirmed opium smokers. Yet, by moving first to the north of the oasis, and subsequently striking the ancient limes by a new route right through the desert west of Tun-buang, we succeeded in the course of two months, in accurately surveying its line all the way from An-shi to its westernmost point, & distance of some 140 miles, and in exploring the ruins of all watch-stations, sectional headquarters, etc., which adjoined it. The fine massive watch-towers, usually rising at intervals of two to three miles along the wall, were my best guides in tracking the line. Almost invariably I could trace near them ruins of the modest quarters which had sheltered the detachments echelonned along the wall. From the Chinese records, mostly on wood or bamboo, which the excavation of almost every ruin yielded in plenty, I soon made certain with the scholarly help of my indefatigable Chinese Secretary, Chiang-ssu yieh, that this frontier-line datod back to the end of the Second Century B, C., when Chinese expansion into Central Asia first began under the emperor Wi-ti. Exactly dated documents commencing with the year - 99 B. C. showed that the regular garrisoning of the border wall

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. continued throughout the first century B. C., and probably for the greatest part of its length down to the middle of the second century A. D. But the outlying westernmost section appears to have boen abandoned already earlier. The main purpose of this imes was undoubtedly to safegnard the territory south of the Su-lai-ho River, which was indispensable as a base and passage for the Chinese military forces, political missions, etc., sent to extend and consolidate Chinese power in the Tarim basin. It is equally certain that the enemy who: eruptions from the north had to be warded off were the Asiong-nu, the ancestors of those Huns who some centuries later watered their horses in the Danube and Po. It is an important geographical fact, brought out by the very existence of this defensive line, that the desert hill region north of the Su-lai-ho marshes, now quite impracticable owing to the absence of water, must then still have been passable, at least for small raiding parties. The very character of the ground through which the fortified frontier-line ran from An-shi westwards, almost all of it already in ancient times a real desert, bad presented exceptionally favourable conditions for the preservation of antiques. Whatever objects had once passed under the protection of a layer of gravel or debris, however this, were practically safe in a soil which had seen but extremely scanty rainfall for the last two thousand years, was far removed from any chance of irrigation or other interference by human agency, and had suffered on its flat surface but rarely even from wind erosion So it was natural enough that the hundreds of inscribed pieces of wood, bamboo, silk, the remains of clothing, furniture and equipment, all the miscellaneous articles of antiquarian interest, which the successive occupants of these desolate posts had left behind as of no value, should have survived practically uninjured. Sometimes a mere scraping on the sarface of what looked like an ordinary gravel slope adjoining the ruined watch-station, sufficed to disclose rubbish heaps in which files of wooden records, thrown out from the office of some military commander before the time of Christ, lay amongst the most perishable materials, straw, bits of clothing, etc., al looking perfectly fresh. The Chinese documents, of which I recovered in the end over two thousand, refer mainly to matters of military administration, often giving exact details as to the strength, movements, etc., of the troops echelonned along the border; their commissariat, equipment, and the like. There are brief official reports and more curious still are private letters addressed to officers full of quaint actualities, family news from their distant homes, etc. The careful study of these miscellaneous records, far older than any which have as yet in original come to light in Central Asia or China, together with that of the actual remains of quarters, furnitures, arms, etc., will suffice to restore an accurate picture of the life led along this most desolate of borders. But in addition to this evidence I recovered very interesting relics of the traffic from the distant west, which once passed along the line guarded by the limes in the form of silk pieces inscribed with Indian Kharoshthi and Brahmi and in a number of letters on paper found carefully fastened, containing writing in an unknown script resembling Aramaic. Are these perhaps in some Iranian tongue, and were they left behind by some early traders from Persia or Western Turkestan coming for the silk of the distant Seres? The construction of a regular defensive line across 90 extensive a stretch of desert, bare of all resources, must have been a difficult task, and it was interesting to find again and again cvidence of the skill with which the old Chinese engineers had attacked it. Guided by a sharp eye for all topographical features, they had cleverly used the succession of salt marshes and lakes to supplement their line by these natural defencec. For the wall itself they had had recourse to materials which, though of little apparent strength, were particularly adapted to local conditions, and have stood the stress of two thousand years, on the whole, remarkably well. Between layers of stamped gravel, about one foot high each, they interposed carefully secured row of fascines, about as high, made of neatly cat and strongly tied bundles of reeds, which were obtained from the marshes. The salts contained everywhere in the soil and water soon gave to the strange rampart thus constructed a quasi-petrified consistenoy, which in such & region could well hold its own against man ari datare - all forces in fact, but that of slow grinding but almost incessant wind erosion. Again and again I noted in the course of my

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FEBRUARY, 1910.] ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. surveys how well preserved the wall rose along those sections which lay parallel to the pre vuiling direction of the winds, while where the line lay across it and in any way barred the progress of driving sand, wind erosion had badly breached or completely effaced the rampart. The winds which now blow over this desert with remarkable violence and persistence come mainly from the east and north-east. The observation derives additional importance from the fact that those winds make their effect felt even far away in the Tarim basin, as I have had ample occasion to observe in the climatic conditions and surface formations about Lop-nor. The extent and character of the damage which the various sections of the wall have suffered prove that the same conditions must have prevailed for the last two thousand years. Aspiration," due to the higher temperatures which the atmosphere of the low-lying desert around and west of Lop-nor must generally attain as compared with the great plateaus of stone and gravel which rise on either side of the Sulaiho depression, may supply a likely explanation. 35 The wall shows everywhere a uniform thickness of 8 feet, and still rises in places to over 10 feet. But that its builders knew how to make greater efforts where needed in spite of all difficulties about labour, materials, etc., is proved by the watch-towers, which are ordinarily built of sun-dried bricks of considerable strength, rising in one solid square mass to heights of 30 feet or more. One small fort, marking probably the position of the gate station of Yu-men, long vainly sought for by Chinese antiquaries, at a period when its original position at the westernmost extension of the wall had already been abandoned, about the commencement of our era, showed high and solid walls of stamped clay fully 15 feet thick. Still more imposing is a solid block of halls nearly 500 feet long and with walls of 6 feet thickness still rising to 25 feet or so, which at first puzzled me greatly by its palace-like look and dimensions, until finds of dated records of the First Century B.C. near by proved that it had been constructed as a great magazine for troops garrisoning the line or passing along it. I might talk for hours about the strange observations and experiences which, in the course of those fascinating months, made me forget, as it were, the lapse of long ages. A few touches must suffice here. Never did I realize more deeply how little two thousand years mean where human activity is suspended, and even that of nature benumbed, than when on my long reconnoitring rides, the evenings found me alone amidst the debris of some commanding watch-station. Struck by the rays of the setting sun, tower after tower far away, up to 10 miles' distance and more, could be seen glittering in a yellowish light. As they showed up from afar, with long stretches of the wall between them, often clearly rising as straight, brownish lines above the grey bare gravel desert, how easy it was to imagine that towers and wall were still guarded, that watchful eyes were scanning the deceptive plateaus and nullahs northward? The arrow-heads in bronze which I picked ur in numbers near the wall and towers, were clear proof that attacks and alarms were familiar incidents on this border. Unconsciously my eye sought the scrub-covered ground flanking the salt marshes where Hun raiders might collect before making their rush in the twilight. But the slanting rays of the sun would reveal also things far more real. Then the eye caught quite clearly a curiously straight, furrow-like line keeping parallel to the wall, and about 20 feet within it wherever there was a well-preserved stretch of it. Repeated examination proved that it was a shallow but well-defined track worn into the fine gravel soil by the patrols and others who had tramped along here for centuries. In spite of the persistence with which this strange uncanny track reappeared along wall sections situated miles away from the caravan route, I might have doubted this simple explanation had I not again and again had occasion to convince myself of the remarkable persistence with which this gravel soil retains and preserves all impressions. Thus, the footprints we had left on our first march to Tun-huang, looked two months later absolutely as fresh as if we had just passed there. Yet we knew by sad experience the force of the gales which had blown here almost daily.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1910. I may quote another curions observation in illustration of the extraordinary preserving power of this desert soil and climate. At a namber of watch-stations I had noticed a series of queer little mounds, arranged in regalar cross rows (quincuns fashion), ench about 7 feet square and about 6 feet in height. Closer examination revealed that they were built up entirely of regular reed fascines, iaid crosswise in alternate layers, and intermixed with a slight sprinkling of coarse sand and gravel. Through the action of the salts once contained in them, the reeds had acquired a quasi-petrified appearance and considerable consistency, though each reed, when detached, still showed flexible fibres. I was at first greatly pazzled as to the real meaning and purpose of these strange little structures until it dawned upon me, in consequence of various conclusive observations, that they were nothing but stacks of the reed fascines,' used in the construction of the agger, kept ready at the posts for any urgent repairs. Of course, they reminded me then at once of the stacks of wooden sleepers seen neatly piled up at a railway station. 14. Tun-huang and the Halls of the Thousand Buddhas, An important archeological task made me doubly eager to return to Tun-huang. Already in 1902, my friend, Prof. L. de Loezy, the distinguished head of the Hungarian Geological Survey, and President of the Geographical Society of Hungary, had called my attention to the sacred Buddhist grottoes, known as the "Halls of the Thousand Buddhas," to the south-east of Tan-buang, which, as member of Count Szechenyi's expedition and thus as a pioneer of modern geographical exploration in Kansu, he had visited as early as 1879. His glowing description of the fine fresco paintings and stucco sculptures which he had seen there and the archaeological importance of which he had quite rightly recognized, withont himself being an antiquarian student, had then greatly impressed me, and had been a main cause inducing me to extend the plans of my expedition so far eastwards into China. When, soon after my arrival at Tan-huang, in March, 1907, I had paid my first flying visit to the sacred caves carved into the precipitous conglomerate cliffs at the mouth of a barren valley some 12 miles to the south-east of the oasis, I had found my expectations fully verified, and now I was drawn back by the remembrance of a wealth of art treasures waiting for closer study. There were hundreds of grottoes, large and small, honeycombing in irregalar tiers the sombre rock-faces, and my first hurried inspection showed that almost all of them had on their plastered walls a profusion of beautiful and more or less well-preserved frescoes. In composition and style they showed the closest affinity to the remains of Buddhist pictorial art as transplanted from India to Eastern Turkestan, and already familiar to me from the ruined shrines I had excavated in the Khotan desert. The sculptural remains in these grottoes were equally plentiful, and bore equally interesting testimony to that early art connection between India and China proper ; but much of this statuary in friable stacco had evidently suffered both from the hands of iconoclasts and the zeal of pious restorers. Plentiful antiquarian evidence, including a series of fine Chinese inscriptions on marble, proved beyond all doubt that a very great portion of the shrines and relics belonged to the period of the Tang dynasty (seventh to ninth century A.D.). when Buddhism had greatly flourished in China and when for nearly two centuries this westernmost outpost of Obina proper had enjoyed imperial protection against invasions, both from the Turks in the north and the Tibetan southward. The vicissitudes of the succeeding period, when, until the establishment of paramount Mongol power, these Marches, then already outside the Great Wall, had been abandoned to barbarian inroads of all sorts, must have sadly diminished the splendour of the temples and the numbers of the monks and nans established near them. Yet, in spite of all changes and devastations, Tan-hoang had evidently managed to retain its traditions of Buddhist piety even to the time of Marco Polo, for as! I examined one grotto after the other, noting the profusion of large images on their platforms, and the frequency of colossal figuros

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FEBRUARY, 1910.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 37 of Buddhas in a variety of poses, I felt convinced that it was the very sight of these colossal statues, some reaching nearly 100 feet in height, and the vivid first impression of the cult paid to them, which had made Marco Polo describe just in his chapter on Sa-chui, i.e., Tan-huang, the strange idolatrous customs of the people of Tangut." The good folk of Tan-huang have, indeed, remained to this day attached with particular zeal to such forms of worship as represent Buddhism in the queer medley of Chinese popular religion, and it scarcely needed the experience of a great annual religious fair which drew the villagers and townspeople of the oasis by the thousands to the " Thousand Buddhas " just about the time of my return, to make it clear to me that the cave temples, notwithstanding all apparent decay, were still real cult places "in being." I knew well, therefore, that my archeological activity at them, as far as frescoes and sculptures were concerned, would, by every consideration of prudence, have to be strictly platonic, i.e., to remain confined to the stady of the art relics by means of photography, drawing of plans, etc. ; in short, to such work as could not reasonably arouse popular resentment with all its eventual serious consequences. Yet when by May 20 I established myself for a prolonged stay in camp at the sacred site which then had once more resumed its air of utter desolation and silence, I confess what kept my heart buoyant were secret hopes of another and more substantial kind. Already two months before I had heard vague rumours about a great hidden deposit of ancient manuscripts, which had been accidentally discovered by a Taoist mouk about two years earlier, while restoring one of the temples. The trove was jealously guarded in the walled-up side chapel, where it was originally discovered, and there were good reasons for caution in the first endeavours to secure access to it. The Taoist priest who had come upon and taken charge of it proved a very quaint person as ignorant of what he was guarding as he was full of fears concerning gods and men. He was at first a difficult person to handle, and the story of our lengthy struggle with his objections, conscientious and otherwise, must be left to be told thereafter. But I may confide here already that our success in the end was, apart froin Chiang-ssa-yieh's tactful diplomacy, due mainly to what the priest was prepared to accept as a special interposition on my behalf of my Chinese patron saint, the great Hsuan-tsang. Already the fact of my well-known attachment to the memory of the saintly traveller had been helpful ; for curiously enough the Tao-shi, though poorly versed in, and indifferent to things Buddhist, was quite as ardent an admirer in his own way of "T'angsen," the "great monk of the T'ang period," as I am in another. It is true the fantastic legends which have transformed Hsuan-tsang in popular belief into a sort of saintly Munchhausen, and which accounted for the Tao-shi's worship, are not to be found in the great pilgrim's genuine Memoirs. But wby should that little difference matter? When the first specimens which we at last prevailed upon the priest to pick out from the hidden manuscript store and show us in secret, proved by mere chance to be fine rolls of paper containing Chinese versions of certain Buddhist texts, which the colophoas declared to have been brought from India and translated by Hsuan-tsang, the priest and even my zealous secretary were greatly impressed by the portent. Was it not Hsuan-tsang himself, so Chiang declared, who had at the opportane moment revealed the hiding-place of that manuscript hoard in order to prepare for me, his disciple from distant India, . fitting antiquarian reward on the westernmost confines of China proper ? Under the influence of this quasi-divine hint the Tao-shi then summoned up courage to open before me the rough door closing the entrance which led froin the side of the broad front passage of his temple into the rock-carved recess, and which, previous to accidental discovery through a crack, had been hidden behind a frescoed wall. The sight of the small room disclosed was one to make my eyes open wide. Heaped up in layers, but without any order, there appeared in the dim light of the priest's little oil lamp a solid mass of manuscript bundles rising to 10 feet from the floor and filling

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38 TITE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. as sabeequent measurement showed, close on 500 cubic feet. It was impossible to examine anything in this black hole." But when the priest had brought out some bundles, and had allowed us to look rapidly through the contents in a side room of the newly built porch, where we were well screened from any inquisitive eyes, my contentment rose greatly. The thick rolls of paper, about one foot high, which turned up first, contained Chinese Buddhist texts in excellent preservation, and yet showing in paper, arrangement, etc., anmistakable sigas of great age. To discover exact date records in these big rolls opening out to 10 yards length and more was not easy at first. But when I lighted on the reverse of a Chinese roll upon the extensive text in a cursive form of Indian Brahmi script, I felt relieved of all doubt. Here was indisputable proof that the bulk of the manuscripts deposited went back to the time when Indian writing and some knowledge of Sanskrit still prevailed in Central-Asian Buddhism. All the manuscripts were manifestly preserved exactly in the same condition they were in when deposited. Nowhere could I trace the slightest effect of moisture. And, in fact, what better place for preserving such relics could well be imagined than a chamber carved out of the rock in these terribly barren hills, and hermetically shut off from what moisture, if any, the atmosphere of this d::sert valley ever contained P How grateful I felt for the protection thus afforded when, on opening a large packet wrapped in a sheet of stout coloured cotton I found it full of fine paintings on silk and cotton, ex-votos in all kinds of silk and brocade, with a miscellaneons mass of paper pictures, strearners in various fabrics, fragments of embroidered materials, etc. The silk and cotton paintings had served as temple banners, and were found neatly rolled up. When unfurled they displayed beautifully painted figures of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, either quite Indian in style, or else illustrating in a very interesting fashion the adaptation of Indian models to Chinese taste. Below the divine figures or scenes there appear frequently representations of worshippers, in the characteristic inonastic dress of the period. And it was not long before Chiang-ng-yieh had discovered dedicatory legends, with dates of the ninth and tenth centnry A. D. The silk used for these paintings was almost invariably a transparent gauze of remarkable fineness. Hence, when we came apon larger pictures of this sort, up to 5 or 6 feet in length, closely folded up at the time of their deposition, and much creased in consequence, their opening out could not be attempted from obvious risks of damage. Nor was there time then for any closer stody. My main care was how many of these delicate graceful paintings I might hope to rescue from their dismal imprisonment and the risks from their present guardian's careless handling. To my surprise and relief he attached little value to these fine art relics of the Tang times. So I could rapidly pat aside" for further inspection" the best of the pictures, without the risk of displaying too great empressement. It was probably the priest's indifference to remains of this kind, and his secret hope of diverting by their sacrifice my attention from the precious rolls of Chinese canonical texts, which made him hand out now more readily bundles of what he evidently classed under the head of miscellaneous rubbish. I had every reason to be satisfied with this benevolent intention ; for in the very first large packet of this sort I discovered, mixed up with Chinese and Tibetan texts, a great heap of leaves in the variety of Indian script, known as Central-Asian Brahmi. They proved on arrangement to belong to half a dozen different MSS., several of considerable rize and some quite complete None of my previous finds in Sanskrit or the "unknown" ecclesiastical language of Turkestan written in this script equalled them in this respect or in excellence of preservation. So Chiang-ssd-yieh and myself worked on without a break that first day until it got quite late, picking out sometimes stray Indian leaves even from regular Chinese or Tibetan bandler, or else Chinese texts with Central-Asian versions and notes. Though our honest Taoshi grew visibly tired with climbing over MS, heaps and dragging out heavy bundles, I could see that our appreciation of all this, to him valueless lore flattered and reassured him.

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FEBRUARY, 1910.] ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 89 It is impossible for me to describe here how the search was continued day after day without remission, or to indicate all the interesting finds with which this curious digging was rewarded. It was particularly the bundles filled with miscellaneous texts, painted fabrics, papers of all sorts, which yielded in plenty important finds of Buddhist MSS., in Indian and other non-Chinese languages. One of the most important among them was a large and remarkably well-preserved Sanskrit MS. on palm-leaves, apparently containing some text from the northern Buddhist Canon. The material makes it quite certain that the MS. had been brought from India, and palaeographical features indicate its having been written earlier than any so far known Sanskrit MS. Tibetan texts, both in form of big rolls and pothis, were abundant. But not from the south alone had the old temple library, which had laid here hidden for long centuries, received its additions. Considering how flourishing Buddhism was under the Uighur kingdom, which existed in the north-east of Turkestan up to the twelfth century, and at one time probably also held Tun-huang, I was not surprised when also old Turki Uighur MSS. and block-printed books cropped up in various miscellaneous bandles. Kok-turki, too, and even the peculiar form of Syriac script, usually employed for Manichaean writings, were represented. Less attractive at first sight, but in reality of particular antiquarian value, were the miscellaneous records in Chinese such as letters, monastic accounts, etc., which filled those bundles of apparent "waste paper." They not only throw instructive light on monastic organization as prevailing here in the ninth to tenth century, but the plentiful dated documents found among them soon enabled me to determine that the walling-up of the chamber must have taken place about 1000 A.D. There can be little doubt that the fear of some destructive invasion had prompted the act. But the well-sheltered small cave had in all probability served for a long time previously as a place of deposit for objects far more ancient and for all kinds of objects sanctified by their use but no longer needed. That these objects must have been very often of considerable antiquity already at the time when the deposit was finally walled up, was obvious from the first. Yet it was to me a most gratifying assurance when the partial examination of our Chinese collection, which became possible a year later, disclosed in fact quite a series of manuscripts showing exact dates which extend certainly as tar back as the third century A. D. Of course, it will need yet protracted scholarly labours before the time of the earliest piece can be definitely established. When after long days of anxious work had resulted in the rapid search of all miscellaneous bundles piled up on the top and the selection of all manuscripts of special interest, pictures and other relics I was eager to rescue, we attacked the solid rampart of hard-tied uniform packets of Chinese manuscript rolls. This was a troublesome undertaking in more than one sense, though discreet treatment and judiciously administered doses of silver did much to counteract the Tao-shi's relapses into timorons contrariness. The labour of clearing out the whole chamber might by itself have dismayed a stouter heart than his. However, in the end, it was amply rewarded by the discovery, quite at the bottom, of more miscellaneous bundles with to us precious silk paintings, etc. Rapid as our search of the rest had to be, it led also to the recovery of more manuscripts in Central-Asian Brahmi and other foreign scripts which had got embedded among the great array of Chinese rolls. The negotiations about the compensation to be offered to the Tao-shi in the form of a liberal present to the temple, which by his restoration he could claim to have annexed as his own with all its contents known or unknown, were necessarily protracted. But I need not attempt to relate here all the difficulties which had to be overcome in the course of this strange digging before most of the "selections for closer study," as our polite convention styled by them, could be safely transferred to my improvised store-room without any one, even of my own men, having received the slightest inkling. How this was accomplished, mainly through Chiang's devotion, is a curious story which I may yet be able to tell elsewhere, and how our acquisitions were safely packed without arousing any attention, is also " another story." Enough for the present that

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. in the end the Tao-shi had received a weighty proof of our fair dealing in the form of a goodly number of silver-horse shoes, and had by temporary visit to the oasis gathered assurance that his Spiritual influence, such as it was, had suffered no dimination whatsoever, he became almost ready to recognize that I was performing a pious act in rescuing for Western scholarship all those relics of ancient Buddhist literature and art which were otherwise bound to get lost earlier or later through local indifference. I received gratifying proof of the peaceful state of his mind when on my return four months later he agreed to let depart for a certain seat of learning in the distant West, a fair share also of the Chinese and Tibetan manuscripts. But my time for feeling true relief came when all the twenty-four cases, heavy with the manuscript treasures rescued from that strange place of hiding, and the five more filled with paintings and similar art relics from the same cave, bad safely been deposited in London. 15. Nan-shan - The Valley of the Ten Thousand Buddhas. The strain of these labours had been great, and when by the middle of June, I had completed also the examination and photographing of all the more notable frescoes and sculptures of old date in the "Halls of the Thousand Buddhas." So, by the end of June, I felt heartily glad to exchange archaeological work in the torrid desert plains for geographical exploration in the western and central Nan-shan. After leaving my collections in the safe keeping of the Yamen at An-shi, I moved towards the great snowy range south, which forms the watershed between the Su-lai-ho and the river of Tun-huang. On my way there I discovered a large ruined site near the village of Chiao-tzu, between the lowest two of the barren outer ranges. The great change in physical and economic conditions which desiccation has worked in this lower hill region, was illustrated by the fact that the stream from which a canal still traceable for a long distance brought water to the town and the once cultivated area around it, has completely disappeared. Though the damage done by extensive erosion and the height of the dunes left little scope for excavation, yet there was enough archaeological evidence to show that the walled town must have been occupied up to the twelfth to thirteenth century A. D. All the more striking was the proof which its walls afforded of the effects of wind erosion since that period. In spite of very massive construction all lines of walls facing east have been completely breached through the diving and scouring band, and in many places practically effaced, while the walls facing north and south and thus lying parallel to the direction of the prevailing east winds, have escaped practically uninjured. When I subsequently ascended the canon-like valley in which the stream of Ta-shi cuts through the second onter range, I came upon very picturesque series of Buddhist cave temples, known as Wang-fu-hsia, the valley of the Ten Thousand Buddhas, and still forming & pilgrimage place. In character and date they showed cloge affinity to the "Halls of the Thousand Buddhas." The large and well-preserved fresco compositions decorating their walls furnished fresh illustrations of value for the study of Buddhist pictorial art as practised in this region from the eighths to the twelfth century, A.D. 18. Nan-sban. - The Chia-yu-kuan Gate of the Great Wall. After surveying the great chain of glacier-crowned peaks which overlook the terribly barren detritus plateaus of the Nan-shan west of the Su-lai-ho, ve descended to the pleasant little Oasis of Chong-ma. Then we made our way through a bitherto unexplored mountaia tract where even at this favourable season want of water was a serious difficulty to the famous Chia-yu-kuan Gate of the still extant Great Wall. Here I succeeded in Olearing up an archeological problem of considerable historical interest. It concerned the relation which this wall, hitherto believed to end at Chia-yu-kuan, bears to the ancient defensive border line I had discovered to extend into the desert over 300 miles further west. All books and maps, whether European or Chinese, represent the imposing line of wall which bends round the westernmost part of the Su-chou oasis to the very foot of the Nan-shan, as the termination of the ancient Great Wall protecting the

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FEBRUARY, 1910.) ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 41 northern border of Kansu. Since centuries the big fortified gate leading through it has been greeted by travellers coming from Central-Asia as the threshold of trae Cathay. Yet certain early Chinese records seemed to place the position of that famous gate much further to the west, and the remains of the ancient frontier wall I had discovered in the desert of Tan-buang spoke still more emphatically against the common assumption. Careful examination on the spot suffiood to solve the problem. I was able to trace near Chia-yu-kuan the junction of two defensive lines of widely different age and purpose. Oue line represented by the crumbling wall of stamped clay which runs along the whole northern border of the Su-chou and Kan-chou districts, proved to have been originally connected with the limes of Tun-huang and An-shi and to date like this from the second century B. C. Its purpose was to protect the narrow belt of oases along the north foot of the Nag-shan which since Chinese expansion westwards bad commenced under the first Han dynasty was indispensably needed as a passage into Eastern Turkestan. The second line, which meets this ancient wall at right angles and is passed now through the Chia-yu-kuan gate, is of far more recent construction and was built for the very opposite purpose, that of closing the great Central Asian route, at a time when China had resumed its traditional attitude of seclusion. 17. Hami and Turfan. Of the long journey commenced early in October 1907 and covering close on 900 miles marching distance, which took me within about two months from An-shi to Karashahr, in the extreme north-east of the Tarim basin I cannot pause to give details here. Both at Hami and Turfan, the only oases breaking the monotonous stony waste between the Tien-shan and the Pei-shan, I devoted some time to visits of important ruined sites, though a variety of considerations precluded archeological operations on any scale. Advantage was taken of these breaks for detailed surveys of those districts and the adjoining parts of the Tien-shan. At Turfan the inspection of the numerous and extensive rains, dating chiefly from the time of the Uighar dominion (ninth to twelfth century A. D.), which had been largely explored by successive expeditions under the auspices of the Prussian Government, and had yielded a rich harvest to Prof. Grunwedel and Dr. Lecoq, proved very instructive. To me it was interesting also to study the conditions which accounted for the survival of these ruins within or else quite close to the still cultivated area, particularly as I could well, after my desert experiences, appreciate the practical facilities thus assured to the archaeologists. 18. Karashahr and Ming-oi. On reaching Karashahr early in December, I lost no time in setting the spade to work. Sites of ancient towns of some size could be traced at several points of the great scrab-covered plain which encircles the northern shores of the Bagrash lake. But the vicinity of subsoil water, often impregnated with salts, and the effects of a climate evidently less dry than in other parts of the great Turkestan basin, had completely destroyed all stractural remains, and reduced even the clay-built town walls to mere shapeless earthen mounds. A fair field for systematio excavations was offered by an extensive collection of ruined Buddhist shrines, known to the local Muhammadans by the name of Ming-oi, "the Thousand Houses," which dot some low rock terraces jutting out from the foot of the hills, one march to the west of Karashahr. The disposition of the hills in long rows of detached cellas, varying in size, but all similar in plan and construction, facilitated the employment of a large number of labourers. It soon became evident that, apart from the destructive effects of rain and snow, the temples had suffered much damage by a great conflagration, which, in view of coin finds reaching down to the ninth century A. D., is likely to have been connected with the earliest Muhammadan invasions. But in spite of all the destruction due to iconoclastic zeal and atmospheric influences, plentiful archaeological spoil rewarded our diggings here. The deep debris layers filling the interior of the larger shrines yielded a great quantity of excellent relievo sculptures in stucco, once adorning the temple walie. From vaulted passages enclosing some cellas we recovered fine fresco panels which a timely

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. burial had saved both from fire and moisture. Of the lavish adornment with votive gifts which these shrines once enjoyed, there survived evidence in finds of painted panels and delicately carved relievos once richly gilt. The style of these art relics displayed quite as clearly as the work of ancient Khotan, the predominant influence of Greco-Buddhist models brought from the extreme north-west of India. The frequency with which cinerary urns and boxes turned up around some of the shrines was a curious feature of the site; but of traces of the abodes of the living there were none. Was the great plain stretching eastwards already in old days that desolate waste of sand and scrub which it is now, notwithstanding the relative ease with which it could be brought under irrigation by canals from the large Karashahr River? 19. Karadong. The ground we had passed through during the dangerous journey through the Taklamakar had its own fascination, and survey work on it offered considerable geographical interest. Yet 1 was glad when after a day's rest I could resume archeological labour in Feburary 1908, at the Kara-dong site, which the river by its latest change has approached again after long centuries. On my first visit in 1901 a succession of sandstorms had prevented a complete examination of the site and the shifting of dunes had since laid bare ruined dwellings then too deeply buried beneath the sand. Their excavation now furnished definite antiquarian evidence that a small agricultural settlement, and not merely a frontier guard post, had existed here far away in the desert during the first centuries of our era. Having been joined on the Keriya River by a party of my old "treasure-seeking guides" from Khotan, I marched with them by a new route to the desert belt north of the oasis of Domoko. There in the deceptive zone of tamarisk-covered sand-cones they ad succeeded in tracking an extensive but much scattered series of ruined dwellings, with several Buddhist shrines which had previously escaped our search. Though these ruins had suffered much hrough the vicinity of" Old Domoko," a village site occupied until some sixty years ago, my excavations were rewarded in the end by valuable finds of well-preserved manuscripts in Indian script, Buddhist paintings on wood, etc. The time of abandonment was here, too, about the end of the eighth century A. D. 20. The Mazar-tagh Fort. March and April were thus spent in supplementary archaeological labours along the desert fringing the oasis from Domoko westwards to Khotan. Amongst the ruins newly traced it must suffice to mention the remains of a large Buddhist temple decorated with elaborate frescoes, which, completely buried under high dunes, came to light now in the desert strip between the Yurung-Kash and Kara-kash Rivers. Like the great Rawak Stupa, discovered in 1901, on the opposite bank of the Yurung-kash in a closely corresponding position, this temple belonged to the early centuries of our era. Unfortunately here, too, subsoil moisture had, as at Rawak, played havoc to such an extent that continued excavation would have resulted in complete destruction. We then set out northward for Aksu by the desert route which leads along the Khotan river-bed, then practically dry. While following it I had the satisfaction of discovering the ruins of a fort once guarding the route on the curious desert hill of Mazartagh, which, as the last offshoot of a low and now almost completely eroded range from the north-west, juts out to the left bank of the Khotan River. The fort had been destroyed by fire but on the steep rock slope below huge masses of refuse, chrown down by the occupants in the course of long years, had fortunately remained in excellent preservation, safe alike from moisture and driving sand. In the course of three days' hard work we recovered from them a great collection of documents on wood and paper in a variety of scripts, and none apparently later than the eighth and ninth centuries A.D. Tibetan records predominated, pointing, as it the case of the ruined fort of Miran, to the period of Tibetan invasions.

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FEBRUARY, 1910.) ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 43 21. Kelpin and Ancient Settlements on the Kashgar Biver. We reached Aksu early in May, after suffering & good deal en route from the heat of the desert and a succession of sandstorms. There I arranged, through the kind help of my old Mandarin friend, Pan Darin, now Tao-tai, for the local assistance which Rai Lal Singh needed for the continuous survey he was to carry through the outer Tien-shan range as far as the passes north of Kashgar. I myself, after foregathering for a few days with that most learned of Mandarins and kindest of friends in China, travelled up the Uch-Tarfan valley, where opportunities offered for useful anthropometrical work among the Kirghiz, and then made my way across a barren and yet remarkably picturesque range, previously unsurveyed, to the little known oasis of Kelpin. The peaks, curiously recalling the Dolomites, reuch up to 12,000 13,000 feet, but they carry very little snow, and throughout these mountains want of water is a serious trouble for the few Kirghiz herdsmen who still cling to them. Apart from useful observations about obvious desiccation I could gather here and in the equally barren outer. ranges, it was of special interest to me to study conditions such as may be supposed to have prevailed in the now absolutely waterless hills of the Poi-shan south of Hami during the period when Hun raiders could still make their way through them towards Tun-huang and the great Chinese route to the west. In fact, Kirghiz raids of a similar kind upon the Aksu-Kashgar high-road are still a matter of living recollection, and might yet be revived in practice if the bold of the Chinese administration were relaxed. From information opportunely secured through treasure-seekers of Kelpin I subsequently succeeded in tracing extensive debris areas marking ancient settlements in the desert between the arid outer hills of Kelpin and the lower course of the Kashgar River Though far-advanced erosion had left little or no remains for excavation, I secured ample archeological evidence showing that this tract had been occupied down to the eighth century A. D. by large settlements, to which canals, still traceable in parts, carried water from the Kashgar River. I also ascertained the line of the ancient Chinese high road to Kashgar which had passed through them. There was room, too, here for interesting topographical work, as I discovered in this previously unsurveyed desert belt a series of low parallel ranges clearly connocted geologically with the curious rugged hills about Tumshnk and Maralbashi, which have hitherto figured in onr maps as isolated rock islands.. 32. Haji Habibullah's Route over the Kunlun. It was a great relief when, after three depressing marches, we struck traces of the old route, forgotten since more than forty years, by which Haji Habibullah, Chief of Khotan at the commencement of the last Muhammadan rebellion, tried to open up direct communication with Ladak and India, and over which Mr. Johnson in 1865, had been taken on his adventurous visit to that ill-fated ruler. The survival almost intact of the cairns, the stacks of burtse roots to be used as fuel, and of other relics left behind by those who followed this route during the few years it was open, was a characteristic proof of the dryness of the climate even at this high elevation. We had used up the last of our fodder store when guided by those marks and crossing several side spars from the main range, we emerged at last, on the evening of September 18, in the valley of an eastern feeder of the Kara Kash. Descending this, I was joined two days later by a party of Kirghiz with yaks from Shahidulla, whom I had ordered from Khotan to await my arrival here. The only task now remaining was to trace Haji Habibullah's route up to the point where it crossed the main Kun-lan range towards Karangbu-tagh. A line of cairns running up a side valley showed where the pass wonld have to be looked for. But advancing masses of ice and snow had obliterated all trace of the old route at the head of the valley. As, however, it was important to fix our position accurately by linking it op with our former surveys from the north side of the main range, I ascended on September 22, with Lal Singh and some Kirghiz, a steep glacier which seemed to offer the nearest approach to the watershed. The ascent, over miles of muoh-crevassed ice and neve, deeply covered with fresh snow, taxed us severely, and it was late wben at last we had gained the crest at an elevation of about 20,000 feet.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. THE ARTH ASASTRA OF CHANAKYA (BOOKS V-XV). Translated by . SHAMASASTRY, B.A., Librarian, Government Oriental Library, Mysore,sa (Continued from page 28.) Chapter IX. Agreement for the aoquisition of a friend or gold, (Mitrasandhih hiran yasandhibcha.) Of the three gains, the acquisition of a friend, of gold, and of territory, accruing from the march of combinod powers, that which is mentioned later is better than the one previously mentioned; for friends and gold can be acquired by means of territory; of the two gains, that of a friend and of gold, each can be a means to acquire the other. Agreement under the condition, let us acquire a friend, etc., "is termed even peace; when ode acquires a friend and the other makes an enemy, etc., it is termed uneven peace ; and when one gains more than the other, it is deception. In an even peace (i, e., agreement on equal terms), whoever acquires a friend of good character or relieves an old friend from troubles, overreaches the other; for help given in misfortune renders friendship very firm. Which is better of the two : a friend of longstanding, but unsubmissive nature, or a temporary friend of submissive nature, both being acquired by affording relief from their respective troubles ? My teacher says that a long-standing friend of unsubmissive nature is better inasmuch as such a friend, though not helpful, will not create harm. Not so, says Kautilya : & temporary friend of submissive nature is better; for such a friend will be a true friend so long as he is helpful; for the real characteristic of friendship lies in giving help. Which is the better of two submissive friends : a temporary friend of large prospects, or a longstanding friend of limited prospects ? My teacher says that a temporary friend of large prospects is better inasmuch as such a friend can, in virtue of his large prospects, render immense service in a very short time, and can stand undertakings of large outlay. Not so, says Kantilya: a long-standing friend of limited prospects is better, inasmach as a temporary friend of large prospects is likely to withdraw his friendship on account of material lobs in the shape of help given, or is likely to expect similar kind of help in return but a long-standing friend of limited prospects can, in virtue of his long-standing nature render immense service in the long run. Which is better, a big friend, difficult to be roused, or a small friend, easy to be roused ? My teacher says that a big friend, though diffioult to be roused, is of imposing nature, and when he rises up, he can accomplish the work undertaken. Not so, says Kautilya: a small friend easy to be ronged is better, for such a friend will not, in virtue of his ready preparations, be behind the opportune moment of work, and can, in virtue of his weakness in power, be used in any way the conqueror may like; but not so the other of vast territorial power. The first four books have been published in the Mysore Review 1906-1908,

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FEBRUARY, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 45 Which is better, scattered troops, or an unsubmissive standing army? My teacher says that scattered troops can be collected in time as they are of submissive nature. Not so, says Kautilya: an unsubmissive standing army is better as it can be made submissive by conciliation and other strategic means ; but it is not so easy to collect in time scattered troops as they are engaged in their individual avocations. Which is better, a friend of vast population, or a friend of immense gold ? My teacher says that a friend of vast population is better inasmuch as such a friend will be of imposing power and can, when he rises up, accomplish any work undertaken. Not so, says Kautilya: a friend possessing immense gold is better; for possession of gold is ever desirable ; but an army is not always required. Moreover armies and other desired objects can be purchased for gold. Which is better, a friend possessing gold, or a friend possessing vast territory? My teacher says that a friend possessing gold can stand any heavy expenditure made with discretion. Not go, says Kantilya : for it has already been stated that both friends and gold can be acquired by means of territory. Hence a friend of vast territory is far better. When the friend of the conqueror and his enemy happen to possess equal population, their people may yet differ in possession of qualities such as bravery, power of endurance, amicableness, and qualification for the formation of any kind of army. When the friends are equally rich in gold, they may yet differ in qualities such as readiness to comply with requests, magnanimous and munificent help, and accessibility at any time and always. About this topic, the following sayings are current :. (a) Longstanding, submissive, easy to be roused, coming from fathers and grand-fathers, powerful, and never of a contradictory nature, is a good friend; and these are said to be the six qualities of a good friend. (6) that friend who maintains friendship with disinterested motives and merely for the sake of friendship, and by whom the relationship acquired of old is kept intact, is a long standing friend. () that friend whose munificence is enjoyable in various ways is a submissive friend, and is said to be of three forms - one who is enjoyable only by one, who is enjoyable by two ( the enemy and the conqueror ), and one who is enjoyable by all, is the third. (d) that friend who, whether as receiving help or as giving help, lives with an oppressive hand over his enemies, and who possesses a number of forts and a vast army of wild tribes is said to be a long standing friend of unsubmissive nature. () that friend who, either when attacked or when in trouble, makes friendship for the security of his own existence is a temporary and submissive friend. (5) that friend who contracts friendship with a single aim in view and who is helpful, immutable, and amioable is a friend never falling foul even in adversity, () whoever is of an amicable nature is a true friend ; whoever sides also with the enemy is a mutable friend ; and whoever is indifferent to neither the conqueror and his enemy) is a friend to both. (h) that friend who is inimical to the conqueror or who is equally friendly to the conqueror's enemy is a harmful friend, whether he is giving help or is capable of helping.

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. () whoever helps the enemy's friend, protegee or any vulnerable person or a relation of the enemy is a friend common to (both) the enemy (and the conqueror). () whoever possesses extensive and fertile territory and is contented, strong, but indolent, will be indifferent (towards his ally) when the latter becomes despicable under troubles. (k) Whoever, owing to his own weakness, follows the ascendancy of both the conqueror and his enemy, not incurring enmity with either, is known as a common friend. (1) Whoever neglects a friend who is being hurt with or without reason and who seeks help with or without reason despises his own danger.33 Which is better, an immediate small gain, or a distant large gain? My teacher says that an immediate small gain is better, as it is useful to carry out immediate undertakings. Not so, says Kautilya: a large gain, as continuous as a productive seed, is better; otherwise an immediate small gain. Thus, 34 having taken into consideration the good aspects of a permanent gain or of a share in a permanent gain, should a king, desirous of strengthening himself, march combined with others. Chapter X. Agreement of Peace for the Acquisition of Land. (Bhumisandhih.) The agreement made under the condition, "Let us acquire land," is an agreement of peace for the acquisition of land. Of the two kings thus entering into an agreement, whoever acquires a rich and fertile land with standing crops overreaches the other. The acquisition of rich land being equal, whoever acquires such land by putting down a powerful enemy, overreaches the other; for not only does he acquire territory, but also destroys an enemy and thereby augments his own power. True, there is beauty in acquiring land by putting down a weak enemy; but the land acquired will also be poor, and the king in the neighbourhood, who has hitherto been a friend, will now become an enemy. The enemies being equally strong, he who acquires territory after beating a fortified enemy overreaches the other; for the capture of a fort is conducive to the protection of territory and to the destruction of wild tribes. As to the acquisition of land from a wandering 35 enemy, there is the difference of having a powerful or powerless enemy close to the acquired territory; for the land which is close to a powerless enemy is easily maintained while that bordering upon the territory of a powerful enemy has to be kept at the expense of men and money. Which is better, the acquisition of a rich land close to a constant enemy, or that of sterile land near to a temporary enemy? My teacher says that a rich land with a constant enemy is better, inasmuch as it yields much wealth to maintain a strong army, by which the enemy can be put down. 33 Not so, says Kautilya: for a rich land creates many enemies, and the constant enemy will ever be an enemy whether or not he is helped (with men and money to conciliate him); but a temporary enemy will be quiet either from fear or favour. That land, on the border of which there are a number of forts giving shelter to bands of thieves, Mlechchhas, and wild tribes is a land with a constant enemy; and that which is of reverse character is one with a temporary enemy. a-1, in loka metro. 24 In Sloka metre. Observe the difference between a wandering enemy (chala satru) and an entrenched enemy (sthita satru).

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THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. FEBRUARY, 1910.] Which is better, a small piece of land, not far, or an extensive piece of land, very far? A small piece of land, not far, is better, inasmuch as it can be easily acquired, protected, and defended, whereas the other is of a reverse nature. 47 Of the above two kinds of laud, which is better, that which can be maintained by itself, or that which requires external armed force to maintain ? The former is better, as it can be maintained with the army and money produced by itself, whereas the latter is of a reverse character as a military station. Which is better, acquisition of land from a stupid or a wise king? That acquired fron a stupid king is better, as it can be easily acquired and secured, and cannot be taken back, whereas that obtained from a wise king, beloved of his subjects, is of a reverse nature. Of two enemies, of whom one can only be harassed and another is reducible, acquisition of land from the latter is better; for when the latter is attacked, he, having little or no help, begins to run away, taking his army and treasure with him, and he is deserted by his subjects; whereas the former does not do so, as he has the help of his forts and friends. Of two fortified kings, one who has his forts on a plain is more easily reduced than the other owning a fort in the centre of a river; for a fort in a plain can be easily assailed, destroyed or captured along with the enemy in it, whereas a fort, surrounded by a river requires twice as much effort to capture and supplies the enemy with water and other necessaries of life. Of two kings, one owning a fort surrounded by a river, and another having mountainous fortifications, seizing the former's land is better, for a fort in the centre of a river can be assailed by a bridge formed of elephants made to stand in a row in the river or by wooden bridges, or by means of boats; and the river will not always be deep and can be emptied of its water, whereas a fort on a mountain is of a self-defensive nature, and not easy to besiege or to ascend; and when one portion of the army defending it is routed out, the other portions can escape unhurt; and such a fort is of immense service, as it affords facilities to throw down heaps of stone and trees over the enemy. Which is easier, seizing land from those who fight on plains, or from those who fight from low grounds ? Seizing the land from the latter is easier, inasmuch as they have to fight in time and space of adverse nature, whereas the former can fight anywhere and at any time. Of the two enemies, one fighting from ditches and another from heights (khanakakabayodhibhydm), seizing land from the former is better; for they can be serviceable inasmuch as they fight from ditches and with weapons in hand, whereas the latter can only fight with weapons in hand. Whoever, well-versed in the science of polity, wrests land from such and other enemies will outshine both his allies in combination with him and enemies out of combination.36 Chapter XI. Interminable Agreement (Anavasitasandhih). The agreement made under the condition, "Let us colonize waste land," is termed an interminable agreement. Whoever of the two parties of the agreement colonises a fertile land, reaping the harvest earlier, overreaches the other. In loka metre.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1910. Which is better for colonization: a plain or a watery land ? A limited tract of land with water is far better than a vast plain, inasmuch as the former is conducive to the growth of crops and fruits throughout the year. Of plains, that which is conducive to the growth of both early and late crops and which requires less labour and less rain for cultivation is better than the other of reverse character. Of watery lands, that which is conducive to the growth of grains is better than another productive of crops other than grains. Of two watery tracts, one of limited area and conducive to the growth of grains, and Another, vast and productive of crops other than grains, the latter is better, inasmuch as it affords vast area not only to grow spices and other medicinal crops, but also to construct forte and other defensive works in plenty: for fertility and other qualities of lands are artificial (kritrimdh). Of the two tracts of land, one rich in grains and another in mines, the latter helps the treasury, while the former can fill both the treasury and the store-house ; and besides this, the construction of forts and other buildings reqnires grains. Still, that kind of land containing mines and which yields precious metals to purchase large tracts of land is far better. My teacher says that of the two forests, one productive of timber, and another of elephants, the former is the source of all kinds of works and is of immense help in forming a store-house, while the latter, is of reverse character. Not so, says Kautilya : for it is possible to plant any number of timber-forests in many places, but not an elephant-forest; yet it is on elephants that the destruction of an enemy's. army depends. Of the two, communication by water and by land, the former is not long-standing, while the latter can ever be enjoyed. Which is better, the land with scattered people or that with a corporation of people ? The former is better inasmuch as it can be kept under control and is not susceptible to the intrigues of enemies, while the latter is intolerant of calamities and susceptible of anger and other passions. In colonizing a land with four castes, colonization with the lowest caste is better, inasmuch as it is serviceable in various ways, plentiful, and permanent. Of cultivated and uncultivated tracte, the uncultivated tract may be suitable for various kinds of agricultural operations; and when it is fertile, adapted for pasture grounds, manufacture of merchandise, mercantile transactions of borrowing and lending, and attractive to rich merchants, it is still far better than a cultivated tract). Which is better of the two, the tract of land with forts or that which is thickly populated ? The latter is better; for that which is thickly populated is a kingdom in all its senses; what can a depopulated country like a barren cow be productive of ? The king who is desirous of getting back the land sold for colonization to another when the latter has lost his men and money in colonizing it, should first make an agreement with such & purchaser as is weak, base-born, devoid of energy, helpless, of unrighteous character, addicted to evil ways, trusting to fate, and indiscreet in his actions. When the colonization of a land entails much expenditure of men and money, and when a weak and base-born man attempts to colonize it, he will perish along with his people in consequence of his loss of men and money. Though strong, bage-born man will be deserted by his people who do not like him lest they may come to grief ander him; though possessing an army, he cannot employ it if he is devoid of energy; and such an army

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FEBRUARY, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 49 will perish in consequence of the loss incurred by its master ; though possessing wealth, a man who hesitates to part with his money and shows favour to none, cannot find help in any quarter; and when it is easy to drive out a man of unrighteous character from the colony in which he has firmly established himelf, none can expect that a man of unrighteous character would be capable of colonizing & tract of waste land and keeping it secure; the same fact explains the fate of such a colonizer as is addicted to evil ways; whoever, trusting to fate and putting no reliance on manliness, withdraws himself from energetic work, will perish without undertaking anything or witheut achieving anything from his undertakings; and whoever is indiscreet in his actions will achieve nothing, and is the worst of the sot of the colonizers. My teacher says that an indiscreet colonizer may sometimes betray the weak points of his employer, the conqneror. But Kautilya says that, just as he betrays the weak points, so also does he facilitate his destruction by the conqueror. In the absence of such persons to colonize waste lands, the conqueror may arrange for the colonization of waste land in the same way as we shall treat of later on in connection with the "capture of an enemy in the rear."37 The above is what is termed verbal agreement (abhihitasanthih). When a king of immense power compels another to sell a portion of the latter's fertile territory of which the former is very fond, then the latter may make an agreement with the former and sell the land. This is what is termed "unconcealed peace" (anibhritasandhih). When a king of equal power demands land from another as above, then the latter may sell it after considering "whether the land can be recovered by me, or can be kept under my control; whether my enemy can be brought under my power in consequence of his taking possession of the land; and whether I can acquire by the sale of the land friends and wealth, enough to help me in my undertakings." This explains the case of a king of inferior power, who purchases lands. Whoever, well versed in the science of polity, thus acquires friends, wealth, and territory with or without population will overreach other kings in combination with him.89 Chapter XII. Agreement for undertaking a work. (Karmasandhih). When an agreement is made on the condition "Let us have a fort built," it is termed agreement for undertaking a work. Whoever of the two kings builds an impregnable fortress on a spot naturally best fitted for the purpose with less labour and expenditure overreaches the other. Of forts such as a fort on a plain, in the centre of a river, and on a mountain, that which is mentioned later is of more advantage than the one previously mentioned ; of irrigational works (setu-bandha), that which is of perennial water is better than that which is fed with water drawn from other sources; and of works containing perennial water, that which can irrigate an extensive area is better. of timber forests, whoever plants a forest which produces valuable articles, which expands into wild tracts, and which possesses a river on its border overreaches the other; for a forest containing a river is self-dependent and can afford shelter in calamities. Chapter XIII, Book VII. * In floka metre.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. Of game-forests, whoever plants a forest full of cruel beasts, close to an enemy's forest containing wild animals, causing therefore much harm to the enemy, and extending into an elephant-forest at the country's border, overreaches the other. My teacher says that of the two countries, one with a large number of effete persons, and another with a small number of brave persons, the latter is better inasmuch as a few brave persons can destroy a large mass of effete persons whose slaughter brings about the destruction of the entire army of their master. Not so, says Kantilya : a large number of effete persons is better inasmuch as they can be employed to do other kinds of works in the camp.: to serve the soldiers fighting in battlefields, and to terrify the enemy by its number. It is also possible to infuse spirit and enthusiasm in the timid by means of discipline and training. Of mines, whoever exploits with less labour and expenditure a mine of valuable output and of easy communication, overreaches the other. Which is better of the two, a small mine of valuable yield, or a big mine productive of commodities of inferior valne ? My teacher says that the former is better inasmuch as valuable products, such as diamonds, precious stones, pearls, corals, gold and silver, can swallow vast quantities of inferior commodities. Not so, says Kantilya : for there is the possibility of purchasing valuable commodities by a mass of accumulated articles of inferior value, collected from a vast and long-standing mine of inferior commodities. This explains the selection of trade-routes : My teacher says that of the two trade-routes, one by water and another by laud, the former is better, inasmuch as it is less expensive, but productive of large profit. Not so, says Kautilya: for water-route is liable to obstruction, not permanent, & source of imminent dangers, and incapable of defence, whereas a land-route is of reverse nature. Of water-routes, one along the shore and another in mid-ocean, the route along, and close to the shore is better, as it touches at many trading port-towns; likewise river navigation is better, as it is uninterrupted and is of avoidable or endurable dangers. My teacher says that of land-routes, that which leads to the Himalayas is better than that which leads to the south. Not so, says Kautilya : for with the exception of blankets, skins, and horses, other articles of merchandise, such as, conch-shells, diamonds, precious stones, pearls and gold are available in plenty in the sonth. Of routes leading to the south, either that trade-route which traverses a large number of mines which is frequented by people, and which is less expensive or troublesome, or that route by taking which plenty of merchandise of various kinds can be obtained is better. This explains the selection of trade-routes leading either to the east or to the west. Of a cart-track and a foot-path, & cart-track is better as it affords facilities for preparations on a large scale. Routes that can be traversed by asses or camels, irrespective of countries and seasons are also good. This explains the selection of trarle-routes traversed by men alone (amsa-patha, shoulder-path 1..., a path traversed by men carrying merchandise on their shoulders).

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FEBRUARY, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 51 (a) It is a loss for the conqueror to undertake that kind of work which is productive of benefits to the enemy, while a work of reverse nature is a gain. When the benefits are equal, the conqueror has to consider that his condition is stagnant. (6) Likewise it is a loss to undertake a work of less out-put and of greater ontlay, while a work of reverse nature is a gain. If the ont-put and outiay of a work are at par, the conqueror bas to consider that his condition is stagnant. (c) Hence the conqueror should find out such fort-building and other works as, instead of being expensive, are productive of greater profit and power. Such is the nature of agreements for undertaking works,39 Chapter XIII. Considerations about an enemy in the rear. (Parshnigrahachinta). When the conqueror and his ene my simultaneously proceed to capture the rear of their respective enemies who are engaged in an attack against others, he who captures the rear of one who is possessed of vast resources gains more advantages (atisandhatte); for one who is possessed of vast resources has to put down the rear-enemy only alter doing away with one's frontal enemy already attacked, but not one who is po or in rescurces and who has not realised the desired profits. Resources being equal, he who captures the rear of one who has made vast preparations gains more advantages; for one who has made vast preparations has to put down the enemy in the rear only after destroying the frontal enemy, but not one whose preparations are made on a small scale and whose movenients are, therefore, obstructed by the Circle of States. Preparations being equal, he wbo captures the rear of one who has marched out with all the resources gains more advantages; for one wbcee base is undefended is easy to be fubdued, but not one who has marched out with a part of the amy after having made arrangements to defend the rear. Troops taken being of equal strength, te who captures the rear of one who has gone against & wandering enemy gains more advantages; for one who has marched out against a wandering enemy has to put down the rear-ene my only after obtaining an easy victory over the wandering enemy; but not one who has marched out against an entrenched enemy, for one who has marcted out against an entrenched enemy will be relled in his attack against the enemy's forts and will, after his return, find himself between the rear-enemy and the frontal enemy who is possessed of strong forts. This explains the cases of other enemies described before. Enemies being of equal description, he who attacks the rear of one who has gone against a virtuous king gains more advantages, for one who has gone against & virtuous king will incur the displeasure of even his own people, whereas one who has attacked a wicked king will endear himself to all. This explains the consequences of capturing the rear of those who have mare bed against an extravagant king, or a king living from band to mouth, or a niggardly king. The same reasons hold good in the case of those who have marched against their own friends. When there are two enernies, one engaged in attacking a friend and another an enemy, he who attacks the rear of the latter gains more advantages ; for one who has attacked a friend will, after easily making peace with the frier d, proceed against the rear-enemy; for it is easier to make peace with a friend than with an enemy. are in Sloka metre.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. When there are two kings, one engaged iu destroying a friend, and another an eperny, he who attacks the rear of the former gains more advantages; for one who is engaged in destroying an enemy will have the sapport of his friends and will thereby put down the rear-enemy, but not the former who is engaged in destroyiug his own side. When the conqueror and his enemy in their attack against the rear of an enemy mean to en force the payment of what is not due to them, he whose enemy has lost considerable profits and has sustained a great loss of men and money gains more advantages; when they mean to enforce the payment of what is due to them, then he whose enemy has lost profits and army, gains more advantages. When the assailable enemy is capable of retaliation and when the assailant's rear-enemy, capable of augmenting his army and other resources, has entrenched himself on one of the assailaut's flanks, then the rear-enemy gains more advantages; for a rear-enemy on one of the assailants' flanks will not only become a friend of the assailable enemy, but also attack the base of the assailant, where as a rear-enemy behind the assailant can only harass the rear. (a) Kings, capable of harassing the rear of an enemy and of obstructing his movements are three : the group of kings situated behind the enemy, and the group of kings on his flanks. (6) He who is situated between a conqueror and his enemy is called an antardhi, (one betwoen two kings); when such a king is possessed of forts, wild tribes, and other kinds of help, he proves an impediment in the way of the strong.40 When the conqueror and his enemy are desirons of catching bold of a ma thyami king and attack the latter's rear, then be who in his attempt to enforce the promised payment separates the Madhyama king from the latter's friend and obtains, thereby, an enemy as a friend, gains more advantages; for an enemy compelled to sue for peace will be of greater help than a friend compelled to maintain the abandoned friendship. This explains the attempt to catch hold of a neutral king. Of attacks from the rear and front, that which affords opportunities of carrying on. treacherous fight (man trayuddha) is preferable. My teacher says that in an open war, both sides suffer by sustaining a heavy loss of men and money; and that eren the king who wins a victory will appear as defeated in consequence of the loss of men and money. No, says Kautilya even at considerable loss of men and money, the destruction of an enemy is desirable. Loss of men and money being equal, he who entirely destroys first his frontal enemy, and nert attacks his rear-enemy gains more advantages ; when both the conqueror and his enemy are severally engaged in destroying their respective frontal enemies, he who destroys a frontal enemy of deep rooted enmity and of vast resources, gains more advantages. This explains the destruction of other enemies and wild tribes : (a) When an enemy in the rear and in the front, and an assailable enemy to be marched against happen together, then the conqueror shoalu adopt the following policy: (6) the rear-enemy will usually lead the conqueror's frontal enemy to attack the conqueror's friend: then baving set the Akranda (the enemy of the rear-enemy) against the rear-enemy's ally, (6) and, having caused war between them, the conqueror should frustrate the rear-enemy's designs; likewise he should provoke hostilities between the allies of the dkrands and of the rearenemy; 4. a and I are in sloka metre.

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FEBRUARY, 1910.) THE ABTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 53 (d) he should also keep his frontal enemy's friend engaged in war with his own friend; and with the help of his friend's friend, he should avert the attack, threatened by the friond of his enemy's friend, () he should, with his friend's help, bold his rear-enemy at bay; and with the help of his friend's friend, he should prevent his rear-enemy attacking the deranda (his roar-ally); () thus the conquerer should, through the aid of his friends, bring the Cirole of States under his own sway both in his rear and front; (9) he should send messengers and spies to reside in each of the states composing the Circle and having again and again destroyed the strength of his enemies, he should keep his counsels concealed, being friendly with his friends; (h) the works of him whose counsels are not kept concealed, will, though they may prosper for a time, perish as undoubtedly as a broken raft on the sea. Chapter XIV. Recruitment of lost power. (Hinabaktiparanam.) * When the conqueror is thus attacked by the combined army of his enemies, he may tell their leader, "I shall make peace with you; this is the gold, and I am the friend; your gain is doubled; it is not worthy of you to augment at your own expense the power of your enemies who keep a friendly appearance now; for gaining in power, they will put you down in the long run." Or he may tell the leader so as to break the combination : "just as an innocent person like myself is now attacked by the combined army of these kings, so the very same kings in combination will attack you in weal or woe ; for power intoxicates the mind; hence break their combination." The combination being broken, he may set the leader against the weak among his enemies ; or offering inducements, he may set the combined power of the weak against the leader; or in whatever way he may find it to be conducive to his own prosperity, in that way he may make the leader incor the displeasure of others, and thus frustrate their attempts; or showing the prospect of a larger profit, he may, through intrigue, make peace with their leader. Then the recipients of salaries from two states, exhibiting the acquisition of large profits to the leader), may satirise the kings, saying "you are all very well combined !" If some of the kings of the combination are wicked, they my be made to break the treaty; then the recipients of salaries from two states may again tell them so as to break the combination entirely, " This is just what we have already pointed out." When the enemies are separated, the conqueror may move forward by catching hold of any of the kings ( as an ally). In the absence of a leader, the conqueror may win him over who is the inciter of the combination; or who is of a resolute mind, or who has endeared himself to his people, or who, from greed or fear, joined the combination, or who is afraid of the conqueror, or whose friendship with the conqueror is based apon some consanguinity of royalty, or who is a friend, or who is a wandering enemy,-in the order of enumeration. are in the flola metro.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. Of these, one has to please the inciter by surrendering oneself, by conciliation and salatation, him who is of a resolute mind; by giving a daughter in marriage or by availing oneself of his youth (to beget a son on one's wife ?) him who is the beloved of his people ; by giving twice the amount of profit him who is greedy ; by helping with men and money him who is afraid of the combination; by giving a hostage to him who is naturally timid; by entering into a closer union with him whose friendship is based upon some consanguinity of royalty; by doing what is pleasing and beneficial to both or by abandoning hostilities against him who is & friend ; and by offering help and abandoning hostilities against him who is a wandering enemy; one has to win over the confidence of any of the above kings by adopting suitable means or by means of conciliation, gifts, dissension, or threats, as will be explained under "troubles."42 He who is in troubles and is apprehensive of an attack from his enemy should, on the condition of supplying the enemy with army and money, make peace with the enemy on definite terms with reference to place, time, and work ; he should also set right any offence he might have given by the violation of a treaty ; if he has no supporters, he shonld find them among his relatives and friends, or he may build an impregnable fortress, for he who is defended by forts and friends will be respected both by his own and his enemy's people. Whoever is wanting in the power of deliberation should collect wise men around himself, and associate with old men of considerable learning; thus he would attain his desired ends. He who is devoid of a good treasury and army should direct his attention towards the strengthening of the safety and security of the elements of bis sovereignty; for the country is the source of all those works wnich are conducive to treasury and army; the haven of the king and of his army is a strong fort. Irrigational works (setubandha) are the source of crops ; the results of a good shower of rain are ever attained in the case of crops below irrigational works. The roads of traffic are a means to overreach an enemy; for it is through the roads of traffic that armies and spies are led (from one country to another); and that weapons, armour, chariots, and draught-animals are purchased; and that entrance and exist in travelling) are facilitated. Mines are the source of whatever is usefnl in battles. Timber-forests are the surce of such materials as are necessary for building forts, conveyances and chariots. Elephant-forests are the source of elephants. Pasta re-lands are the source of cows, horses, and camels to draw chariots. In the absence of such sources of his own, he should acquire them from some one among his relatives and friends. If he is destitute of an army, he should, as far as possible, atract to bimself the brave men of corporations, of thieves, of wild tribes, of Mlechchhas, and of spies w bo are capable of inflicting injuries upon enemies. He should also adopt the policy of a weak king towards a powerful king in view of averting danger from enemies or friends. Thas with the aid of one's own party, the power of deliberation, the treasury, and the army, one should get rid of the clutches of one's enemies. ** See Chapter V, Book IX. Ia Iloka metre.

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FEBRUARY, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. Chapter xv. Measures conducive to peace with a strong and provoked enemy; and the attitude of a conquered enemy (Balavata vigrihyoparodhahetavah, dandopadatavfittam cha). When a weak king is attacked by & powerful enemy, the former should seek the protection of one who is superior to his enemy and whom his enemy's power of deliberation for intrigue cannot affect. Of kings who are equal in the power of deliberation, difference should be sought in unchangeable prosperity and in association with the aged. In the absence of a superior king, he should combine with a number of his equals who are equal in power to his enemy and whom his enemy's power of purse, army, and intrigue cannot reach. Of kings who are equally possessed of the power of purse, army, and intrigue, difference should be sought in their capacity for making vast preparations. In the absence of equals, he should combine with a number of inferior kings who are pure and enthusiastic, who can oppose the enemy, and whom his enemy's power of purse, army, and intrigae cannot reach. Of kings who are equally poszessed of enthusiasm and capacity for action difference should be sought in the opportanity of securing favourable battlefields. Of knigs who are equally possessed of favourable battle-fields, difference should be sought in their ever being ready for war. Of kings who are equally possessed of favourable battlefields and who are equally ready for war, difference should be sought in their possession of weapons and armour necessary for war, In the absence of any such help, he should seek shelter inside a fort in which his enemy with a large army can offer no obstruction to the supply of food-stuffs, grass, firewood and water, but would sustain a heavy loss of men and money. When there are many forts, difference should be sought in their affording facility for the collection of stores and supplies. Kautilya is of opinion that, one should entrench oneself in a fort inhabited by men and provided with stores and supplies. Also for the following reasons, one should shelter oneself in such a fort : "I shall oppose him (the enemy) with his rear-enemy's ally or with a madhyama king, or with a neutral king; I shall either capture or devastate his kingdom with the aid of a neighbouring king, a wild tribe, a scion of his family, or an imprisoned prince; by the help of my partisans with him, I shall create troubles in his fort, country or camp; when he is near, I shall murder him with weapons, fire, or poison, or any other secret means at my pleasure; I shall canse him to sustain a heavy loss of men and money in works undertaken by himself or made to be undertaken at the instance of my spies; I shall easily sow the seeds of dissension among his friends or his army when they have suffered from loss of men and money ; I shall catch hold of bis camp by cutting off supplies and stores going to it; or by surrendering myself (to him), I shall create some weak points in him and pat him down with all my resources, or having corbed his spirit, I shall compel him to make peace with me on my own terms; when I obstruct his movements, troubles arise to him from all sides; when he is helpless, I shall slay him with the help of my hereditary army or with his enemy's army, or with wild tribes ; I shall maintain the safety and security of my vast country by entrenching myself within my fort; the army of myself and of my friends will be invincible when collected together in this fort; my army which is trained to fight from valleys, pits, or at night, will bring him into dificulties on his way, when he is engaged in an immediate work ; owing to loss of men and money, he will make himself powerless when he arrives here at a bad place and in a bad time; owing to the existence of forts and of wild tribes (on the way), he will find this country accessible only at considerable cost of men and money ; being unable to find positions favourable for the exercise of the armies of himself and of his friends, suffering from disease, he will arrive here in distress; or having arrived here, he will not return."

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. In the absence of such circumstances, or when the enemy's army is very strong, one may run away abandoning one's fort. My teacher says that one may rash against the enemy like a moth against a flame ; success in one way or other (i. e., death or victory) is certain for one who is reckless of life. No, says Kautilya : having observed the conditions conducive to peace between himself and his enemy, he may make peace; in the absence of such conditions, be may, by taking recourse to threats Becure peace or a friend ; or he may send & messenger to one who is likely to accept peace; or having pleased with wealth and honour the messenger sent by his enemy, he may tell the latter :* This is the king's manufactory; this is the residence of the queen and the princes ; myself and this kingdom are at your disposal, as approved of by the queen and the princes." Having secured his enemy's protection, he should behave bimself like a servant to his master by serving the protector's occasional needs. Forts and other defensive works, acquisition of things, celebration of marriages, installation of the deir apparent, commercial undertakings, capture of elephants, construction of covert places for battle (sattra), marching against an enemy, and holding sports, -all these he should undertake only at the permission of his protector. He should also obtain his protector's permission before making any agreement with people settled in his country or before punishing those who may run away from his country. If the citizens and country people living in his kingdom prove disloyal or inimical to him, he may request of his protector another good country; or he may get rid of wicked people by making use of such secret means as are employed against traitors. He should not accept the offer of a good country even from a friend. Unknown to his protector, he may see the protector's minister, high priest, commander of the army or heir-apparent. He should also help his protector as much as he can. On all occasions of worshipping gods and of making prayers, be should cause his people to pray for the long life of his protector ; and be should always proclaim his readiness to place himself at the disposal of his protector. Serving him who is strong and combined with others, and being far away from the society of suspected persons, a conquered king should thus always behave himself towards his protector. Chapter XVI. The attitude of a conquered king ( Dancopanayivrittam ). In view of causing financial trouble to his protector, a powerful vassal king, desirous of making conquests, may, under the permission of his protector, march on countries where the formation of the ground and the climate are favourable for the mancuvre of his army, his enemy having neither forts nor any other defensive works, and the conqueror himself baving no enemies in the rear. Otherwise (in case of enemies in the rear ), he should march after making provisions for the defence of his rear. By means of conciliation and gifts, he should subdue weak kings; and by means of sowing the seeds of dissension and by threats, strong kings. By adopting a particular, or an alternative, or all of the strategic means, he should subdue his immediate and distant enemies. He should observe the policy of conciliation by promising the protection of villages, of those who live in forests, of flocks of cattle, and of the roads of traffic as well as the restoration of those who have been banished or who have run away or who have done some harm. Gifts of land, of things, and of girls in marriage and absence of fear, - by declaring these, he should observe the policy of gifts. By instigating any one of a neighbouring king, a wild chief, a scion of the enemy's family, or an imprisoned prince, be should sow the seeds of dissension. In floka metre.

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FEBRUARY, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OP CHANAKYA 57 By capturing the enemy in an open battle, or in a treacherous fight, or through a conspiracy, or in the tumult of seizing the enemy's fort by strategic means, he should punish the enemy. He may reinstate kings who are spirited and who can strengthen his army ; likewise he may reinstate those who are possessed of a good treasury and army and who can therefore help him with money; as well as those who are wise and who can therefore provide him with lands. Whoever among his friends helps him with gems, precious things, raw materials acquired from commercial towns, villages, and mines, or with conveyances and draught-animals acquired from timber' and elephant forests, and herds of cattle, is a friend affording a variety of enjoyments (chitrabhoga); whoever sapplies him with wealth and army is a friend affording vast enjoyment (mahdbhoga ); whoever supplies him with army, wealth, and lands 18 a friend affording all enjoyments (sarvabhoga ); whoever safeguards him against a side-enemy is a friend affording enjoyments on one side (ekatobhogi); whoever helps also his enemy and his enemy's allies is a friend affording enjoyment to both sides (ubhayato bhogi); and whoever belps him against his enemy, his enemy's ally, his neighbour, and wild tribes is a friend affording enjoyment on all sides (sarvatobhogi). If he happens to have an enemy in the rear, or a wild chief, or an enemy, or a chief enemy capable of being propitiated with the gift of lands, he should provide such an enemy with a useless piece of land ; an enemy possessed of forts with a piece of land, not connected with his conqueror's ) own territory; a wild chief with a piece of land yielding no livelibood ; a seion of the enemy's family with a piece of land that can be taken back ; an enemy's prisoner with a piece of land which is (not 1) snatched from the onemy; a corporation of armed men with a piece of land, constantly under troubles from an enemy; the combination of corporations with a piece of land close to the territory of a powerful king; a corporation invincible in war with a piece of land under both the above troubles ; a spirited king desirous of war with a piece of land which affords no advantageous positions for the manoeuvre of the ariny; an enemy's partisan with waste lands; a banished prince with a piece of land exhausted of its resources ; a king who has renewed the observance of a treaty of peace after breaking it, with a piece of land which can be colonized at considerable cost of men and money, a deserted prince with a piece of land which affords no protection; and his own protector with an uninbabitable piece of land. (The king who is desirous of making conquests ) should continue in following the same policy towards him, who, among the above kings, is most helpful and keeps the same attitude ; should by secret means bring him round who is opposed ; should favour the helpful with facilities for giving further help; besides bestowing rewards and honour at all costs upon him; should give relief to him who is under troubles; should receive visitors at their own choice and afford satisfaction to them : should avoid using contemptuous, threatening, defamatory, or harsh words towards them; should like a father protect those who are promised security from fear; should punish the guilty after publishing their guilt, and in order to avoid causing suspicion to the protector, the vassal king should adopt the procedure of inflicting secret punishments upon offenders He should never covet the land, things, and sons and wives of the king slain by him; he should reinstate in their own estates the relatives of the kings slain. He should install in the kingdom the heir-apparent of the king who has died while working with the conqueror ) ; all conquered kings will, if thus treated, loyally follow the sons and grand-sons of the conqueror. Whoever covets the lands, things, sons, and wives of the kings whom he has either slain or bound in chains will cause provocation to the circle of states and make it rise against himself ; also his own ministers employed in his own territory will be provoked and will seek shelter under the circle of states, having an eye upon his life and kingdom. Hence conquered kings preserved in their own lands in accordance with the policy of conciliation will be loyal to the conqueror and follow his song and grand-sons, 46 In fola metra.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. Chapter XVII. Making peace and breaking it ( Sandhikarma sandhimokshabcha). The words euma (quiet), sandhi (agreement of peace), and samddhi, (reconcilement), are synonymous. That which is conducive to mutual faith among kings is termed sama, sandhi or samddhi.' My teacher says that peace, depended upon honesty or oath, is mutable, while peace with a security or an hostage is immutable. No, says Kautilya :- Peace, dependent opon honesty or oath, is immutable both in this and tha next world. It is for this world only that a security or an hostage is required for strengthening the agreement. Honest kings of old made their agreenent of peace with this declaration : "We have joined in peace." In case of any apprehension of breach of honesty, they made their agreement by swearing by fire, water, plongh, the brick of a fort-wall, the shoulder of an elephant, the hips of a horse, the front of a chariot, & weapon, seeds, scents, juice ( rasa), wrought gold ( suvarna), or bullion gold (hiranya ), and by declaring that these things will destroy and desert him who violates the oath. In order to avoid the contingency of violation of oath, peace made with the security of such persons as ascetics engaged in penance, or nobles is peace with a security. In such a peace, whoever takes as security & person capable of controlling the enemy gains more advantages, while he who acts to the contrary is deceived. In peace made with children as hostages, and in the case of giving a princess or a prince as an hostage, whoever gives a princess gains advantages; for a princess, when taken as an hostage, causes troubles to the receiver, while a prince is of reverse nature. With regard to two sons, whoever hands over a high-born, brave, and wise son, trained in military art, or an only son, is deceived, while he who acts otherwise gains advantages. It is better to give a base-born son as an hostage than a high-born one, inasmuch as the former has neither heirship nor the right to beget heirs ; it is better to give & stapid son than a wise one, inasmuch as the former is destitute of the power of deliberation ; better to give a timid son than a brave one, inasmuch as the former is destitute of martial spirit; better a son who is not trained in military art than one who is trained, inasmuch as the former is devoid of the capacity for striking an enemy; and better one of many sons than an only son, since many sons are not wanted. With regard to a high-born and a wise son, people will continue to be loyal to a high-born son, though he is not wise ; a wise son, though base-born, is characterised with capacity to consider state matters, but so far as capacity to consider state matters is concerned, a high-born prince associating himself with the aged, has more advantages than a wise but base-born, prince. With regard to a wise and brave prince, a wise prince, though timid, is characterised with capacity for intellectual works; and a brave prince, though not wise, possesses warlike spirit. So far as warlike spirit is concerned, a wise prince overreaches a brave one just as a hunter does an elephant. With regard to a brave and trained prince, a brave prince, though untrained, is characterised with capacity for war; and a trained prince, though timid, is capable of hitting objects aright. Notwithstanding the capacity for hitting objects aright, a brave prince excels a trained prince in determination and firm adherence to his policy. With regard to a king having many sons and another an only son, the former, giving one of his sons as an hostage and being contented with the rest, is able to break the peace, but not the latter.

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FEBRUARY, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 59 When peace is made by handing over the whole lot of sons, advantage is to be sought in capacity to beget additional sons; capacity to beget additional sons being common, he who can beget able sons will have more advantages than another king (who is not so fortunate); capacity to beget able sons being common, he by whom the birth of a son is early expected will have more advantages than another (who is not so fortunate). In the case of an only son who is also brave, he who has lost capacity to beget any more sons should surrender himself as an hostage, but not the only son. Whoever is rising in power may break the agreement of peace. Carpenters, artisans, and other spies, attending upon the prince (kept as an hostage) and doing work under the enemy, may take away the prince at night through an underground tunnel dug for the purpose. Dancers, actors, singers, players on musical instruments, buffoons, court-bards, swimmers, and saubhikas (?), previously set about the enemy, may continue under his service and may indirectly serve the prince. They should have the privilege of entering into, staying in and going out of, the palace at any time without rule. The prince may therefore get out at night disguised as any one of the above spies. This explains the work of prostitutes and other women spies under the garb of wives; the prince may get out, carrying their pipes, utensils, or vessels. Or the prince may be removed concealed under things, clothes, commodities, vessels, beds, seats, and other articles by cooks, confectioners, servants employed to serve the king while bathing, servants employed for carrying conveyances, for spreading the bed, toilet-making, dressing, and procuring water; or taking something in pitch dark, he may get ont, disguised as a servant. Or he may (pretend to) be in communion with god Varuna in a reservoir (which is seen) through a tunnel or to which he is taken at night; spies under the guise of traders dealing in cooked rice and fruits may (poison those things and) distribute among the sentinels. Or having served the sentinels with cooked rice and beverage mixed with the juice of madana plant on occasions of making offerings to gods or of performing an ancestral ceremony or some sacrificial rite, the prince may get out; or by bribing the sentinels; or spies disguised as a nagaraka (officer in charge of the city), a court-bard, or a physician may set fire to a building filled with valuable articles; or sentinels or spies disguised as merchants may set fire to the store of commercial articles; or in view of avoiding the fear of pursuit, the prince may, after putting some human body in the house occupied by him, set fire to it and escape by breaking open some house-joints, or a window, or through a tunnel; or having disguised Kimself as a carrier of glass-beads, pots, and other commodities, he may set out at night; or having entered the residence of ascetics with shaven heads or with twisted hair, he may set out at night, disguised as any one of them; or having disguised himself as one suffering from a peculiar disease or as a forest-man, he may get out; or spies may carry him away as a corpse; or disguised as a widowed wife, he may follow a corpse that is being carried away. Spies, disguised as forest-people, should mislead the pursuers of the prince by pointing out another direction, and the prince himself may take a different direction. Or he may escape, hiding himself in the midst of carts of cart-drivers; if he is closely followed, he may lead the pursuers to an ambuscade (sattra); in the absence of an ambuscade he may leave here and there gold or morsels of poisoned food on both sides of a road and take a different road. If he is captured, he should try to win over the pursuers by conciliation and other means, or serve them with poisoned food; and having caused another body to be put in a sacrifice performed to please god Varuna or in a fire that has broken ont, (the prince's father) may accuse the enemy of the murder of his son and attack the enemy. Or taking out a concealed sword, and falling upon the sentinels, he may quickly run away together with the spies concealed before,46 46 In sloka metro.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. Chapter. XVIII. The conduct of a Madhyama king, a neutral king, and of a circle of states (MadhyamodAsinamapdalacharitani ). The third and the fifth states from a Madhyama 47 king are states friendly to him; while the second, the fourth, and the sixth are unfriendly. If the Madhyama king shows favour to both of these states, the conqueror should be friendly with him ; if he does not favour them, the conqueror should be friendly with those states. If the Madhyama king is desirous of securing the friendship of the conqueror's would-be friend tben having set his own and his friend's friends against the Madhyama, and having separated the Madhyama from the latter's friends, the conqueror should preserve his own friend; or the conqueror may incite the circle of states against the Madhyama by telling them, "This Madhyama king has grown haughty, and is aiming at our destraction ; let us therefore combine and interrupt his march." If the circle of states is favourable to his cause, then he may aggrandise himself by putting down the Madhyama; if not favourable, then having helped his friend with men and money, he should, by means of conciliation and gifts, win over either the leader or a neighbouring king among the kings who hate the Madhyama, or who have been living with mutual support, or who will follow the one that is won over (by the conqueror ), or who do not rise owing to mutual euspicion ; thus by winning over a second (king), he should double his own power; by securing a third, he should treble his own power; thus gaining in strength, he should put down the Madhyama king. When place and time are found unsuitable for success in the above attempt, he should, by peace, seek the friendship of one of the enemies of the Madhyama king, or cause some traitors to combine against the Madhyama; if the Madhyama king is desirous of reducing the conqueror's friend, the conqueror should prevent it, and tell the friend, " I shall protect you as long as you are weak," and should accordingly protect him when he is poor in resources; if the Madhyama king desires to rout out a friend of the conqueror, the latter should protect him in his difficulties ; or having removed him from the fear of the Madhyama king, the conqueror should provide him with new lands and keep him under his (the conqueror's ) protection, lest he might go elsewhere. If, among the conqueror's friends who are either reducible or assailable enemies of the Madhyama king, some undertake to help the Madhyama, then the conqueror should make peace with a third king; and if, among the Madhyama king's friends who are either reducible or assailable enemies of the conqueror, some are capable of offence and defence and become friendly to the conqueror, then he should make peace with them ; thus the conqueror can not only attain his own ends, but also please the Madhyama king. If the Madhyama king is desirous of securing a would-be friend of the conqueror as a friend then the conqueror may make peace with another king, or prevent the friend from going to the Madhyama, telling him, " It is unworthy of you to forsake a friend who is desirous of your friendship"; or the conqueror may keep quiet, if the conqueror thinks that the circle of states would be enraged against the friend for deserting his own party. If the Madhyama king is desirous of securing the conqueror's enemy as his friend, then the conqueror should indirectly (i. e., without being known to the Madhyama ) help the enemy with wealth and army. If the Madhyama king desires to win the neutral king, the conqueror should sow the seeds of dissension between them. Whoever of the Madhyama and the neutral kings is esteemed by the circle of states, his protection should the conqueror soek. The conduct of the Madhyama king explains that of the neutral king. If the neutral king is desirous of combining with the Madhyama king, then the conqueror should so attempt as to frustrate the desire of the neutral king to overreach an enemy or to help a friend or to secure the services of the army of another neutral king. Having thus strengthened himself, the conqueror should reduce his enemies and help bis friends, though their position is inimical towards him. 47 See Chapter II, Book VI.

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FEBRUARY, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. Those who may be inimical to the conqueror are, a king who is of wicked character and who is therefore always harmful, a rear-enemy in combination with a frontal enemy, a reducible enemy under troubles, and one who is watching the troubles of the conqueror to invade him. Those who may be friendly with the conqueror are one who marches with him with the same end in view, one who marches with him with a different end in view, one who wants to combine with the conqueror to march against a common enery), one who marches under an agreenient for peace, one who marches with a set purpose of his own, one who rises along with others, one who is ready to purchase or to sell either the army or the treasury, and one who adopts the double policy (1.e., making peace with one and waging war with another ). Those neighbouring kings who can be servants to the conqueror are a neighbouring king under the apprehension of an attack from a powerful king. one who is situated between the conqueror and his enemy, the rear-enemy of a powerful king, one who has voluntarily surrendered oneself to the conqueror, one who has surrendered oneself under fear, and one who has been subdued. The same is the case with those kings who are next to the territory of the immediate enemies of the conqueror. (a) Of these kings, the conqueror should, as far as possible, help that friend who has the same end in view as the conqueror in his conflict with the enemy, and thus hold the enemy at bay. (6) When, after having put down the enemy, and after having grown in power, a friend becomes unsubmissive, the conqueror should cause the friend to incur the displeasure of a neighbour and of the king who is next to the neighbour. (6) Or the conqueror may employ a scion of the friend's family or an imprisoned prince to seize his lands; or the conqueror may so act that his friend, desirous of further help, may continue to be obedient. (a) The conqueror should never help his friend when the latter is more and more deteriorating; a politician should so keep his friend that the latter neither deteriorates nor grows in power. (@) When, with the desire of getting wealth, a wandering friend (i. e., a nomadic king) makes an agreement with the conqueror, the latter should so remove the cause of the friend's flight that he never flies again. When friend is as accessible to the conqueror as to the latter's enemy, the conqueror should first separate that obstinate friend from the enemy, and then destroy him, and afterwards the enemy also. (9) When a friend remains neutral, the conqueror should cause him to incur the displeasure of bis immediate enemies; and when he is worried in his wars with them, the conqueror should oblige him with help. (h) When, owing to his own weakness, a friend seeks protection both from the conqueror and the latter's enemy, the conqueror should help him with the army, so that he never turns his atten tion elsewhere. 1). Or baving removed him from his own lands, the conqueror may keep him in another tract of land, having made some previous arrangements to panish or favour the friend. (1) Or the conqueror may harm him when he has grown powerful, or destroy him when he does not help the conqueror in danger and when he lies on the conqueror's lap in good faith, (b) When an enemy furiously rises against his own enemy (i. e., the conqueror's friend ) under troubles, the former should be put down by the latter himself with troubles concealed. (2) When a friend keeps quiet after rising against an enemy under troubles, that friend will be subdued by the enemy himself after getting rid of his troubles. (m) Whoever is acquainted with the science of polity should clearly observe the conditions of progress, deterioration, stagnation, reduction, and destruction, as well as the use of all kinds of strategic means. (n.) Whoever thus knows the inter-dependence of the six kinds of policy plays at his pleasure with kings, bound round, as it were, in chains skilfully devised by himself. 18 -- are in Sloka metre.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. Book VIII. Concerning vices and calamities (Vyasanadhikarikam). Chapter I. The aggregate of the calamities of the elements of sovereignty (Prakritivyasanavargah). When calamities happen together, the form of consideration should be whether it is easier to take an offensive or defensive attitude. National calamities, coming from Providence or from man happen from one's misfortune or bad policy. The word, vyasana (vices or calamities), means the reverse or absence of virtue, the preponderance of vices, and occasional troubles. That which deprives (ryasyati) a person of his happiness is termed vyasana (vices or calamities). My teacher says that of the calamities, viz., the king in distress, the minister in distress, the people in distress, distress due to bad fortifications, financial distress, the army in distress, and an ally in distress, that which is first mentioned is more serious than the one, coming later in the order of enumeration. No, says Bharadvaja: Of the distress of the king and of his minister, ministerial distress is more serious; deliberations in council, the attainment of results as anticipated while deliberating in council, the accomplishment of works, the business of revenue collection and its expenditure, recruiting the army, the driving out of the enemy and of wild tribes, the protection of the kingdom, taking remedial measures against calamities, the protection of the heir-apparent, and the installation of princes constitute the duties of ministers. In the absence of ministers, the above works are ill-done; and like a bird, deprived of its feathers, the king loses his active capacity. In such calamities, the intrigues of the enemy find a ready scope. In ministerial distress, the king's life itself comes into danger, for a minister is the mainstay of the security of the king's life. No, says Kautilya: It is verily the king who attends to the business of appointing ministers, priests, and other servants, including the superintendents of several departments, the application of remedies against the troubles of his people, and of his kingdom, and the adoption of progressive measures; when his ministers fall into troubles, he employs others; he is ever ready to bestow rewards on the worthy and inflict punishments on the wicked; when the king is well off, by his welfare and prosperity, he pleases the people; of what kind the king's character is, of the same kind will be the character of his people; for their progress or downfall, the people depend upon the king; the king is, as it were, the aggregate of the people. Visalaksha says that of the troubles of the minister and of the people; the troubles of the people are more serious finance, army, raw products, free labour, carriage of things, and collection (of necessaries) are all secured from the people. There will be no such things in the absence of people, next to the king and his minister. No, says Kautilya: All activities proceed from the minister, activities such as the successful accomplishment of the works of the people, security of person and property from internal and external enemies, remedial measures against calamities, colonization and improvement of wild tracts of land, recruiting the army, collection of revenue, and bestowal of favour. The school of Parasara says that of the distress of the people and distress due to bad fortifications, the latter is a more serious evil; for it is in fortified towns that the treasury and the army are secured; they (fortified towns) are a secure place for the people; they are a stronger power than the citizens or country people; and they are a powerful defensive instrument in times of danger for the king. As to the people, they are common both to the king and his enemy. No, says Kautilya: For forts, finance, and the army depend upon the people; likewise buildings, trade, agriculture, cattle-rearing, bravery, stability, power, and abundance (of things). In countries inhabited by people, there are mountains and islands (as natural forts); in the absence of an expansive country, forts are resorted to. When a country consists purely of cultivators, troubles due to the absence of fortifications (are apparent); while in a country which consists purely of warlike people, troubles that may appear are due to the absence of (an expansive and cultivated) territory.

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FE RRUARY, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 63 Pisuna says that of the troubles due to the absence of forts and to want of finance, troubles due to want of finance are more serious: the repair of fortifications and their maintenance depend upon finance ; by means of wealth, intrigue to capture an enemy's fort may be carried on; by means of wealth, the people, friends, and enemies can be kept under control; by means of it, outsiders can be encouraged and the establishment of the army and its operations conducted. It is possible to remove the treasure in times of danger, but not the fort. No, says Kautilya : For it is in the fort that the treasury and the army are safely kept, and t is from the fort that secret war (intrigue ), control over one's partisans, the up-keep of the army, the reception of allies and the driving out of enemies and of wild tribes are successfully practised. In the absence of forts, the treasury is to the enemy, for it seems that for those who own forts. there is no destruction. Kaunapadanta says that of distress due to want of finance or to an inefficient army, that which is due to the want of an inefficient army is more serious; for control over one's own friends and enemies, the winning over the army of an enemy, and the business of administration are all dependent upon the army. In the absence of the army, it is certain that the treasury will be lost, whereas lack of finance can be made up by procuring raw products and lands or by seizing an enemy's territory. The army may go to the enemy, or murder the king himself, and bring about all kinds of troubles. But finance is the chief means of observing virtaous acts and of enjoying desires. Owing * to a change in place, time, and policy, either finance or the army may be a superior power; for the army is sometimes the means of securing the wealth acquired ; but wealth is (always ) the means of securing both the treasury and the army. Since all activities are dependent upon finance, financial troubles are more serious. Vatavyadhi says that of the distress of the army and of an ally, the distress of an ally is more serious : an ally, though he is not fed and is far off, is still servicenble; he drives off not only the rear-enemy and the friends of the rear-enemy, but also the frontal enemy and wild tribes; he also helps his friend with money, army, and lands on occasions of troubles. . No, says Kautilya: The ally of him who has a powerful army keeps the alliance; and even the enemy assumes a friendly attitude ; when there is a work that can be equally accomplished either by the army or by an ally, then preference to the army or to the ally should depend on the advantages of securing the appropriate place and time for war and the expected profit. In times of sudden expedition and on occasions of troubles from an enemy, a wild tribe, or local rebels, no friend can be trusted. When calamities happen together, or when an enemy has grown strong, a friend keeps up his friendship as long as money is forthcoming. Thus the determination of the comparative seriousness of the calamities of the various elements of sovereignty. (a) When a part of one of the elements of sovereignty is under troubles, the extent, affection, and strength of the serviceable part can be the means of accomplishing a work. (6) When any two elements of sovereignty are equally under troubles, they should be distinguished in respect of their progressive or declining tendency, provided that the good condition of the rest of the elements needs no description, (c) When the calamities of a single element tend to destroy the rest of the elements, those calamities, whether they be of the fundamental or any other element, are verily serious.50 (To be continued.) 4 A line or two introducing the opinion of Kantilya against that of Kaunapadanta, seem to have been lost bere. 06 a, b, and care in floka metre.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1910. ASOKA NOTES. BY VINCENT A. SMITH. (Continued from Vol. XXXVIII., p. 159.) No. XI. - The Etymology of Samipas in Rock Ediot II. Some time ago [ Asoka Notes,' No. VI. ante Vol. XXXIV (1905) p. 245] I discussed the meaning of the word sdmonta as applied to the unnamed YOna or Hellenistic kings referred to in Rock Edict II, and showed that admanta must be interpreted in the light of the Girnar variant 8dmipash so as to mean neighbouring' or 'bordering,' and not. Vassal-kings,' as translated by Buhler, That point may be taken as settled, and nobody, I think, will dispute that the words Axtiyako Yonardja ye vd ri tasa Ahtiyakasa admi pash rdjano of the Girnar recension are properly translated . Antiocbos the Greek (Yona) king, or the kings bordering on the said Antiochos.'1 Dr. Truman Michelson of New York, while accepting the translation given above, has undertaken to investigate the exact meaning and etymology of the word samipan in a paper published recently in a journal not accessible to many readers of the Indian Antiquary, to whom an abstract of the learned writer's results may be acceptable.2 In the first place, Dr. Michelson observes, sdmipam must be a nominative, as is shown by the 8 dmarita (with slightly variant forms) of the other recensions, and it can be nothing else than a nominative singular neuter. The next thing is to find a Sanskrit counterpart that will fit the case, and that offers little difficulty, because samipas phonetically corresponds exactly with the Sanskrit edmipyar, neighbourhood.' In Sanskrit samipya, as a masculine noun, means neighbour.' The abstract word neighbourhood' is thus used as an equivalent for neighbours.' Dr. Michelson further observes that the word sdma itd (including variant forms) also may be treated as a substantive. I see no objection to Dr. Micbelson's conclusions. The use of an abstract boun in place of a concrete one may be illustrated by the passage in the Brahmagiri text of Minor Rock Edict I, no hiyam sakye mahatpeneva papotare, nor is this to be attained by mere greatness,' meaning by great men only,' such as the mighty sovereigo, Asoka. NOTES AND QUERIES POPULAR SINGERS IN SAHARANPUR. Singers of both the varieties are found in In Saharanpur and the neighbourhood there is Saharanpur, and they sometimes meet and cona class of religious mendicants whose business it tend, each asserting their superiority. Money is is to compose what are known as the Lawant deposited on both sides and the singer who can Songs. These they teach to their disciples, sing the greatest number of superior songs is some of whom are ordinary householders and awarded the prize. The prize won is expended some mendicants. These teachers are held in the in buying liquor and tobacco, which is distributed highest regard by their disciples. The songs among the companions of the winner. tbey sing are known as Lawant or Marhatht. Some call them Khayal. Such people, though they pretend to extreme This class of songs is said to have originated piety of life, are not held in much estimation by in the Dakkhin under two teachers named respectable people. Tuk&gir and Shah All. From these are descended two parties known as Turra and Kalangi PANDIT RAMGHARIB CHAUBEfrom their preference for this particular form of song. 29th August, 1909. Asoka the Breddhist Emperor of India, 2nd ed., revised and en'arged, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1909, p. 137. 1 The American Journal of Philology, Vol. XXX, 2, April, May, June, 1900, 'The meaning and etymology of the Girnar word samfpath,' pp. 183-7.

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MARCH, 1910.) METHOD IN THE STUDY OF INDIAN ANTIQUITIES. 65 METHOD IN THE STUDY OF INDIAN ANTIQUITIES.1 BY A. M. T. JACKSON, M.A., I.C.S. J E popular iden of an antiquary las changed but little since the days of Sir Walter 1 Scott. In most minds the word still calls up a picture of the friends and correspondents of Mr. Jonathan Oldback of Monkbarns," who, like himself, measured decayed entrenchments, made plans of ruined castles, read illegible inscriptions, and wroto essays on medals in the proportion of twelve pages to each letter of the legend.' The study of antiquities is regarded either as a harmless hobby on a. par with fret-work or the collection of postage stamps or as the dry and dull pursuit of blear-eyed and anemic scholars who are so absorbed in the past that they have lost all interest in the present. There is this much truth in popular view, that the study of antiquity tor its own sake is liable to fall into dilettantism on the one hand and into pedantry on the other. To avoid these faults, it is needful to keep steadily in view the relations of archeology to other branches of science. In this connection, the first point to be emphasized is the unity of all knowledge. How ever theories may differ as regards the order of the universe, all alike are agreed that it is intelligible only so far as it is coherent, that is, in so far as it fornis a single whole. Only to this extent then can it be the object of knowledge, and that knowledge itself must form a singlo coherent whole. But the mass of facts to be noted and classified is grown so great that no one man can now follow Bacon in taking all knowledge to be his portion. Commonly, therefore, we divide knowledge into two great kingdoms, the kingdom of nature and the kingdom of man, and in each of these we make further sub-divisions for the convenience of teaching and research. But it must never be forgotten that the divisions are more or less arbitrary and created for our own convenienco. Even the two great primary divisions are open to criticism, for man himself belongs to the kingdom of nature in respect of his bodily frame, and even his mental processes have been investigated by methods of observation and experiment that belong to the same realm. Still, Renan's two great primary divisions are generally accepted as convenient, and there is little dispute as to the class to which any given fact should be referred. Broadly speaking, wo have to do in the kingdom of man with what a well-known English archaeologist (Prof. P. Gardner) has called " Human Science," the study of man as an individual and in society, in the present and in the past. But here again the field is too vast to be studied as a whole, and we break it up into geographical and historical sections that are of more manageable compass. If now, we take India as one of these sections, we find there three living civilisations--the Hindu, the Arab and the European, wbich subsist side by side, not, it is true, without profoundly influencing one another, but without fundamental change of their original character. Each has its own special outlook on life, its own ideals of public and private conduct, and its own self-contained and coherent theory of the universe. Of these three worlds of thought, we have to deal here with the one that is indigenous to India. This microcosm, which is Indian life, is the embodiment of the Indian spirit, which in art, in religion, and in material civilisation, has deeply influenced all Asia and the islands, from Balkh to Borneo and from Ceylon to Japan. A spirit that could dominate so large a part of civilised mankind is assuredly worthy of the most careful study in all its manifestations. It is not by examining Indian life in a few only of its aspects that we can learn its value as 1 A lecture delivered at the Wilson College, Bombay, August 3rd, 1907.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910. a coherent expression of the Indian spirit. Only when it is studied as a whole is it possible to appreciate its full value in the history of mankind. Indian life of course has not always been what it is to-day, for though changes have been slow, yet they have taken place. The study of Indian, antiquities, or Indian archaeology, is merely another name for the study of Indian life in its historic. al aspect. There are several reasons why this study cannot be fruitful without a wide and deep knowledge of Indian life as it exists to-day. It is not only that, as Huxley said, "Archaeology, which takes up the thread of history beyond the point at which documentary evidence fails us, could have no existence except for our well-grounded confidence that monuments and works of art and artifice have never been produced by causes different in kind from those to which they now owe their origin." This is merely a special case of the general law of uniformity in causation which is the basis of all human activities, and tells us no more than that we can explain the origin of material remains t we know how similar objects are produced at the present day. Moreover, it is not only that here, as in other sciences, we must work back from the known to the unknown, and that we cannot explain the origin of a thing unless we clearly understand the nature of that thing. This is true, indeed, but not the whole of the truth. The great difference between the study of Indian antiquities and the archaeology of the dead kingdoms of Mesopotamia and the buried cities of Greece or Italy, lies in the fact that the latter, despite all their influence on later ages, no longer have an organised existence whereas, the civilisation of India remains to this day a living whole. It has been truly aid that no other country except China can trace back its language and literature, its religious beliefs and rites, its domestic and social customs, through an uninterrupted development of more than three thousand years." At present we know the greatness of Greece and Rome only from the fragments of literature and of material remains that have survived the drums and tramplings of innumerable conquests. From these we painfully piece together a most incomplete picture of Greek or Roman life. How much clearer an insight we should have could we live the life of Greeks and Romans even for a day. It is easy to picture the delight that classical scholars would feel, if Mr. Andrew Lang's ingenious tale should come true, and an island should be discovered in some remote sea, peopled by a remnant of the Homeric Greeks. This good fortune, for which the classical seholar can never hope, can be had for the asking by the student of Indian life, yet how few of them have made use of their opportunities. It would seem as if the limitations of knowledge that are imposed upon the classical scholar by the disappearance of Greco-Roman civilisation had come to be regarded as necessary conditions of the study of other "classical" languages, so that it hardly occurs. to the Sanskrit scholar to seek light from the Indian life of the present day. The European-Sanskrit scholar still for the most part draws his knowledge of India from books, and is only half aware of the consequent limitations of his outlook. He may admit, with Prof. Macdonells that it is impossible even for the Sanskrit scholar, who has not lived in India, to appreciate fully the merits of this later (karya) poetry". Yet he wiH proceed with the utmost confidence to follow Roth in assigning meanings to Vedic words according to his own arbitrary will and pleasure. In the Vedic domain, indeed Roth and his followers have gone so far as to make a merit of their ignorance, and have laid it down that a European scholar is better able than the most learned Indian to arrive at the true meaning of the Vedas. This arrogance has, however, aroused the inevitable reaction, and saner views now have their advocates. The average European student, who has never been in India, is still, however, hardly aware of the gaps in his knowledge and understanding of the Indian spirit. I have met with no more ludicrously absolute statement of the all sufficiency of book knowledge than the following words of James Mill: "Whatever is worth seeing or hearing in India can be expressed in writing. As soon as everything of importance is expressed in writing, a man, who is duly qualified, may attain more knowledge of India in one year, in his closet in England, than he could obtain during the course of the longest life by the use of his eyes and ears in India." 4 2 Collected Essays, IV, 9. Oldenberg, Veda Forschung, p. 6. Macdonell's Sanskrit Literature, pp. 7-8. Ib., p. 279. Pischel and Geldner, Vedische Studien.

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MARCH, 1910.] METHOD IN THE STUDY OF INDIAN ANTIQUITIES. Blindness so pathetically complete as this, beggars criticism. But an Indian audience hardly needs. to be reminded that pratyaksha is the best pramana or that those European scholars who have done the most enduring work have had first hand knowledge of India. Nor should it be needful, before European scholars at the present day, to vindicate the claims of direct scientific observation against book-knowledge gleaned from a heterogeneous mass of half informed writings, Yet it is strange that scholars should spend so much labour in the collection of printed evidence, while they neglect the living evidence that is to be had in any quantity if looked for on the spot. If they were true to their principles, it would be reckoned a graver fault in method to write upon Indian life without studying it on the spot than without reading the latest Gymnasial-program or Doctor-dissertation. We have seen that the study of Indian antiquities is but a branch of the study of Indian life, and that, before we investigate the life of the past, we must make ourselves acquainted with the life of the present. The sciences of observation and description must come before the historical sciences. But here the Indian student may object that he has no need to study the life with which he has been familiar from his birth. It may be all very well, he will say, for the European observer of Indian life to collect and classify, by painful degrees, the facts that he is able to discover, but an Indian has no need of such laborious methods. To this we may reply. Is it indeed so? Is it true that the average Indian student acquires an ordered and complete knowledge of Indian life without conscious effort? Scientific knowledge, we must remember, is ordered and organised knowledge, and order and organization can be attained only through effort. It is perfectly true that an Indian scholar starts with an enormous advantage in the fact that the Indian spirit has nursed him from his birth; but he needs as much as the European the discipline which effort in the discovery of truth alone can give. Not only do we all need that noble "fanaticism of veracity" that Huxley was never tired of preaching, but we all need no less a special training that we may observe and record with exactness the facts that we may discover. As Browning has said?: 67 "But when man walks the garden of this world "For bis own solace, and, unchecked by law, "Speaks or keeps silence as himself sees fit, "Without the least incumbency to lie, "Why, can he tell you what a rose is like, "Or how the birds fly, and not slip to false "Though truth serve better ?" And the process by which alone truth can be reached, he speaks of in another places: "Truth, nowhere, lies yet everywhere in these "Not absolutely in a portion, yet "Evolvible from the whole: evolved at last "Painfully, held tenaciously by me." For further illustration of this point, I cannot do better than quote the words of Professor Gardner: "Some people speak as if observing facts and accurately reporting them were the easiest of things. But in fact it is only the highly-trained mind which can really see the simplest fact, only a master who can precisely describe the commonest phenomenon. This is the case as regards the observation of nature: but how much more as regards the observation of mankind. In human studies the facts are far more complicated, the chances of observation far rarer; and at every moment inherited bias and acquired tendency come in to distort the vision. The virtues which the votary of physical science acquires as he works-patience, self-suppression, infinite respect for factmust be cultivated in a still higher degree by him who would really learn about mankind. From experiment, he is almost shut out, and the instruments of precision, which are of so ready avail in all physical studies, help but little where mind and thought are concerned." Ring and the Book, the Pope, 361 f. Jb., 229 f. * Oxford at the Cross Roads, p. 91.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910. The student, then, has to practise himself in observation and description of the life around him, and to select some particular aspect thereof to begin upon. These aspects are infinitely various, and whereas some have already been closely studied, others have hardly yet attracted the attention of qualified investigators. For instance, the real beliefs of the Indian people as regards the constitution and duties of Governments have not yet been enquired into without bias: and the study of Indian economics in a scientific spirit has only just begun. In these two regions, the passion and prejudice engendered by political disputation are still dominant, and little progress can be hoped for until they are put aside. On the other hand, much study has already been devoted, with encouraging results, to the bodily structure, languages, ethnology, social organisation, religious beliefs and customs of the Indian peoples. It is well known that an experienced eye can discern from the appearance of a man from what part of India he comes and to what caste he belongs. Measurements of large numbers of persons of all castes from all parts of India have established the existence of a limited number of racial types, roughly corresponding to the great linguistic divisions of India, and have shown that within the area of each such type is to be found a number of caste sub-types. The bars to marriage arising from caste rules and difference of language account for the persistence of these types, but their ultimate origin may lie in an admixture of foreign blood. It is a good training in observation to learn to distinguish the castes by the eye, and the anthropological measurement of new subjects will doubtless result in the establishment of a number of new types and sub-types, and perhaps in the correction of some of the averages upon which the conception of the type is based. Upon the whole, however, the anthropological measurements hitherto taken in India have yielded somewhat disappointing results. In every civilised country, the rapidity of mental evolution far exceeds that of physical change, and the bodily frame of man remains practically unaltered over great intervals of time and space. Taking next the study of the living languages, the first remark to be made is that the spoken and not the written language is the proper subject of study, and therefore the lower and not the educated classes are to be singled out for observation. The educated man's pronunciation is largely governed by his reading, and he gives Sanskrit pronunciation to many words that in the mouths of the peasantry retain their Prakrit form. Thus, where a Maratha Brahman will say smaran as in Sanskrit, a Kunbi will give the word in its Prakrit form as sumaran, though the latter is never to be found in printed Marathi. The first essential for scientific study of the language is careful analysis of its sounds, and minute observation of differences of pronunciation. In Europe the study of phonetics has been brought to great perfection, and whole alphabets of symbols have been devised to represent in writing minute differences of sound that cannot be expressed in ordinary letters. It is not possible to distinguish all these without long special study, nor is it necessary for the ordinary student of language to try to do so. A little practice will give those who have a naturally acute ear a sufficient command of the subject. Thongh the languages of India are being comprehensively treated in Dr. Grierson's great enterprise, the results of which are now being published under the name of the Linguistic Survey of India, much remains to be done in the way of determining dialectal differences in pronunciation and vocabulary. Moreover, the analysis of the vocabularies of vernacular languages is capable of yielding results of high historical value. Take for instance the familiar word ghoda which is in common use in the Gaudian languages as the name of the horse. Sanskrit dictionaries give a form ghotaka, which is not a genuine Sanskrit word, for it has no Sanskrit etymology or congener, but is a mere Sanskritised form of the vernacular word. What then is the origin of the word ghoda? Now, Chinese authorities tell us that the Western Turks, who first appeared on the frontiers of India in the 6th century, A. D., had a word ghoran, meaning a white horse; and it seems probable that, by an extension of meaning that is common in all languages, this name came to be applied to horses in general, and completely displaced derivatives of the old Sanskrit word aeva. Further investigation is very

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69 MARCH, 1910.] METHOD IN THE STUDY OF INDIAN ANTIQUITIES. likely to show that other vernacular words also are of Turkish origin. The chief difficulty of the inquity lies in the absence of early literary monuments, both of the Turki dialects and of the Indian vernaculars. In these circumstances a suggested derivation cannot be more than a more or less probable guess. Such derivations are of no great value as evidence, unless they are cumulative; unless, that is, a large number of phonetically exact correspondences can be found between the two families of languages. When they are found, they prove that at some period the two families were in close contact. The question, which is the borrower of any given word that is common to both is to be answered upon a consideration of each case on its merits. In the case of the Turki tribes of Central Asia, we have historical evidence of their invasions of India, and there is good reason to believe that many of them have been adopted as Rajputs into the Hindu community, so that we should naturally expect their languages to have influenced the Indian vernaculars. The use of linguistic arguments, and especially of etymology, in tracing the history of a tribe or caste, needs. a word of caution. Likeness of language is no proof of sameness of race, and etymology is a blind guide when the earliest forms of the words or proper names, that are to be compared, are unknown. More wild speculation has grown out of false etymologies of proper names than out of any other single cause of error in historical enquiry. Such etymologies, therefore, should be used as sparingly as possible, and never without carefully testing them by the phonetic laws of the language concerned and by the known history of the tribe or caste whose origin is under discussion. In the study of ethnology and social organisation, though much has been done, much still remains to do. The detailed and accurate record of caste customs and peculiarities calls for many more workers than are as yet available. It is a good exercise to write down all you know about a caste other than your own, and then test and supplement your information by enquiry from members of the caste. A useful guide to the points on which information should be collected is to be found in a pamphlet published in 1902 by the Ethnographic Survey of India under the name of Draft Manual of Ethnography for India. Special attention should be paid to the machinery by which caste disputes are settled, for this is of great importance for the history of the caste system. In these ethnological enquiries, it will often be found that the people questioned are unwilling to give information, that they claim a higher orgin than they are really entitled to, or that they give information obtained from books (especially Puranas) instead of the real traditions of the caste. Enquiry should be made by preference from the oldest and the least educated members of the caste and every statement should be checked by comparing the versions of two or three independent authorities, whose names should always be noted. The people are often more or less ashamed of peculiar customs, and will not admit them until their confidence has been gained. It is in the investigation of religious beliefs that the greatest difficulties are met with. Side by side with the orthodox Hinduism of the Puranus, we find a popular religion which consists in the worship in every village of a number of local deities and spirits, which may at different times be either kindly or malevolent, and some of which are, while others are not, regarded as the ghosts of dead men. There is a strong tendency among the more educated members of the village communities to regularise this popular religion by assimilating it to orthodox Hinduism. The local deities are identified with the Puranic gods and the rites of worship are described in terms taken from the Puranas. Hence information on this subject, given by persons who are well up in the Puranic worship, is to be received with great suspicion. Information as to magical rites is specially hard to get, but sometimes, if the enquirer shows that he knows something already, the people can be induced to tell him more. A useful set of questions regarding the popular religion was published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal in the year 1898. It is in the region of beliefs and customs which are conveniently summed up under the name of folklore, that we have, for the first time, to depend more upon testimony or the statements of witnesses, than upon direct observation. The information has to be obtained by questioning members of the class about whom information is desired, and the replies of these witnesses must be weighed and compared in exactly the same manner as the depositions taken in a court of law. As regards

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910. each witness, we must assure ourselves (1) that his testimony has been correctly recorded, (2) that he has the means of knowing the facts he asserts, and (3) that he is not influenced towards error by stupidity, want of care or bad faith. Contradictions and obscurities in the evidence must be cleared up by supplementary enquiries. In the sciences of pare observation, also, the testimony of skilled observers is largely made use of, because it is impossible for each and every student to investigate every detail of his science. This testimony is to be weighed in the manner described above and can always be tested in the last resort by a repetition of the experiments upon which it purports to rest. To the experimental method in science corresponds in some degree the opportunity which the student of folklore has to verify doubtful points by special enquiries. Perhaps the most important service rendered to science by the modern German school lies in their insistence upon the doctrine that all available evidence must be collected before any jadgment should be risked. Oi course this dogma of thoroughness bas its own dangers and its own lin:itations. On the one hand, a vast amount of time and labour may be spent in accumulating so great a mass of particulars, that, as the proverb has it, you cannot see the wood for the trees. On the other hand, while a German scholar will take infinite trouble to make himself acqrainted with even the most fugitive German writing that has any connection with his subject, he is not unfrequently very imperfectly informed of the work done in other languages. Moreover, to him more particularly attaches the blame in the Indian field of ignoring the light which the Indian life of the present day can throw upon Indian history and literature. Still, as an ideal, thoroughness in the collection of all relevant evidence deserves all respect, and special note must be taken of all facts that seem to contradict or modify received views. The most learned of English historians (Lord Acton) reminds us10 of "Darwin taking note only of those passages that raised difficulties in his way; the French philosopher complaining that his work stood still, because be found no more contradicting facts; Baer, who thinks error treated thoroughly nearly as remunerative as truth, by discovery of new objections; for as Sir Robt. Ball warns us, it is by considering objections that we often learn." So far we have dealt chiefly with the collection of facts. The next and much more difficult process is their interpretation. It calls for extreme self-abnegation to limit our theories to what is warranted by the facts, when so wide a field lies open to imaginative conjecture. Yet such selfabnegation is necessary, if our most brilliant guesses are not to be a stumbling block in the way of further research. No better example of this can be chosen than the long controversy over the epoch of the Gupta era, in which certain scholars substituted their own conjectures for the available evidence. It was, I think, Burnell who said that, before research into Indian antiquities could make much progress, it would be necessary to jettison current theories and make a fresh start. Colebrooke's biographer, in comparing his subject with Sir William Jones, brings out very clearly the difference between the imaginative and the scientific scholarll: "The one class of writers, imaginative and inventive, powerful in illustration, always eager to trace analogies and to seek to throw light on the history of progress in one department by comparison with another. When these valuable qualities are united, as in the case of Jones, with great erudition, their works constitute the most attractive as well as instructive of compositions. The aim of the other school, of which Mr. Colebrooke may be regarded as the expouent, on the other hand, is to examine and record facts with the rigour of a student of physical science, and to lay down the results of their inquiries with a method necessarily dry, but affording a storehouse of important observations for future students." For all the attractiveness of bis essays, Sir William Jones is remembered now chiefly as a translator, and as ihe first indentifier of Chandragupta with the Sandrokottos of the Greek historians: whereas Colebrooke's works remain to this day not only as models of method, but as storehouses of fact which have never been superseded. 10 Lectures, p. 21. 11 Colebrooke, Lifo, p. 235.

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MAROA, 1910.) METHOD IN THE STUDY OF INDIAN ANTIQUITIES. The importance of sobriety in the use of conjecture is thus emphasized by Andrew Lang 12 - " It is above all things needful that our science should be scientific. She must not blink facts, merely because they do not fit into her scheme or hypothesis of the nature of things, or of religion. She really must give as much prominence to the evidence which contradicts as to that which supports her theory in each instance, not only must she not shut her eyes to this evidence, but she must diligently search for it, must seek for what Bacon calls instantia contradictorice, since, it these exist, the theory which ignores them is useless. If she advances an hypothesis, it must not be contrdictory of the whole mass of human experience. If science finds that her hypothesis contradicts experience she must seek for an hypothesis which is in accordance with experience, and if that cannot be found, she must wait till it is found. Again, science must not pile one unverified hypothesis upon another unverified hypothesis until the edifice rivals the Tower of Babel. She must not make a conjecture on p. 31 and on p. 210 treat the conjecture as a fact. Because if one story in the card castle is destroyed by being proved impossible, all the other stories will come tumbling after." These remarks apply, not only to the sciences of observation and experiment, but also to the historical sciences to which the course of this survey now leads us. We have already seen that if Indian life is to be studied in a scientific spirit, the life of the present day. has the same claim to our attention as the life of the past. It now remains to point out that a knowledge of the past is no less indispensable to the student of the present. Knowledge of the present only is maimed and imperfect knowledge of the surface of life, which gains new meaning and value when we trace. it back through the ages to its hamble beginnings. In this way only can the human spirit approach the insight of the Trikalajna. But the results of historical inquiry into the earlier phases of Indian life have not yet become part of the equipment of the ordinary well-educated man. The facts lie scattered in monographs and the proceedings of learned societies, and the task of making them known to the publio in a connected form and in sufficient detail has buit lately been taken up. Hence it is not uncommon to find that men, who have studied the religious beliefs, customs and social organisation of modern India, pay 110 heed to Indian history prior to the Mahomedan invasions, and are quite unaware of the light which it throws upon such disputed points as the origin of the caste system, the transition from the Vedic to the puranic ritual, the absorption of foreign tribes into the Hindu social system, and the rise of the vernacular languages. The popular writings of Prof. Max Muller have made his conception of the Vedic period fairly familiar, but to most ethnologists of modern India the period lying between Alexander the Great and Mahmud of Ghazni is an absolute blank. The natural consequence is that a web of more or less ingenious conjecture takes the place of bistorical fact, and that 80 much of their work as is not purely descriptive is almost without scientific value. In the linguistio field, matters are not quite so bad, but enough attention has not yet been paid to the evidence of inscriptions as to the bistory of the Prakrit dialects, and little has been done for the scientific study of the oldest works of vernacular literature, which deserve special attention by reason of tho very close analogy between the history of the Gandian languages of India and that of the Romance lenguages of Europe. In the religious field, considerable knowledge of the Puranas is needed in order to distinguish those parts of the religion of the people which are of primitive origin from those wbich are of more recent introduction: while folklore can glean much valuable evidence of early date from the older Sanskrit religious books. Let us then suppose we are agreed as to the need for studying Indian life in its historical aspect, even thongh our primary business may be with its most modern forms. We have next to consider the nature of the the evidence that is available for the history that we have to work out. Now, apart from inferences that we can draw as to religion, customs, and so on from the comparison of modern Indian conditions, with those that prevail among races in other parts of the world, we find three main kinds of evidence-(1) written records, (2) material objects, and (3) traditions, about each of which it is necessary to say a few words. Written records range from inscriptions 11 Magic and Religion, p. 4.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910. consisting of a letter or two to literary works of enormous extent, and may be preserved upon infinitely various materials, such as paper, birch bark, palm leaves, copper plates, stones or coins. The first step in dealing with a written record is to decipher the character in which it is composed. The majority of Indian MSS. of literary works are written in characters that differ so little from those now in use as to be read with ease. But the inscriptions upon stones, copper plates and coin, go back to much earlier dates, and modern Indian alphabets do not give much assistance in deciphering them. Our knowledge of the earlier Indian alphabets dates from Prinsep's success in deciphering with the aid of the Greek legends the Indian inscriptions upon the coins of some of the Greek kings of Bactria and the Punjab. But for these bilingual legends we might never have been able to penetrate the secrets of the oldest Indian writings. Prinsep's work was carried on and completed by many later scholars, and has been summed up by Buhler in his handy little treatise on Indian Palaeography. In dealing with written records, the next step to reading the character is the interpretation of the language. In India the great bulk of our documents are written either in classical Sanskrit or in some one or other of the vernaculars perhaps of a somewhat archaic type, but not so much so as to be difficult to understand. The oldest inscriptions, those of Asoka, however, are in Prakrit, and are not yet satisfactorily explained in all details. The oldest monuments of the Vedic period are in part very difficult to interpret, and a whole literature has grown up around the question of their interpretation, which would require an entire series of lectures to itself. I can only say here that unless we can establish a continuity of linguistic tradition from Vedic to classical Sanskrit, the Vedic problem must remain for ever insoluble. Assuming that we are able to decipher our written record and to understand its language, we have still to see whether it has reached us in its original form, or whether we can work back to an earlier version than that which is presented to us. This is the function of textual or diplomatic criticism. In the case of inscriptions, its value is limited, as a rule, by the fact that only one version of the inscription is available and improvement of the text is restricted to the correction of obvious errors in grammar and spelling. For this purpose the inscription should always, if possible, be studied in original but, when this cannot be done, the best available mechanical copies, such as photographs, rabbings or squeezes should be used. No trust should on any account be placed in eye copies. In the case of literary works however, we usually have a number of MSS. which differ from one another in detail, and the original words of the writer have to be recovered by carefully comparing together the different MS. versions. The principles which are followed by Europea. scholars in this kind of criticism were originally laid down for their own guidance by those scholars who prepared the text of Greek and Latin works for the printing press at the time of the revival of learning. They are based upon a consideration of the mistakes that are observed to occur when books are preserved in hand-written copies. A half-educated scribe changes a rare word that he does not understand into one that is familiar to him. A careless writer omits a word, a sentence a line, even a whole chapter, or copies a marginal note as a part of the text. When writing from dictation, he confuses words of similar sound, and when copying from a MS. he confounds letters of similar form. These and other possibilities of the same kind have to be taken into account when the text does not read straightforwardly, or when there is great divergence between the diferent MS, copies. It will often be found that one MS. proves to be more carefully written and therefore more generally trustworthy than others. Such a MS. is to be given a certain preference even in doubtful cases by reason of its general correctness. It is important to classify the MSS. into families as they are called. When a number of MSS. agree in characteristic readings, and especially when they have numerous errors in common, it is likely that they all were derived from a common original, and they therefore form a family. The comparison of MSS. of the same family is of much less value than the collation of MSS. belonging to different families. It is by a process of inference from the indicationsof the MSS., that it is possible to arrive at what the author probably wrote. These inferences or conjectures may be of all degrees of probability, from practical certainty to pure guessing and it is very unsafe to base far-reaching theories upon conjectural emendations as has sometimes been done. :

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73 MARCH, 1910.] METHOD IN THE STUDY OF INDIAN ANTIQUITIES. The rules of diplomatic criticism were originally laid down for works, all the various versions of which can be traced back to a single original text. But Indian literary history knows a number of very early and important works which exist in soveral versions that are current in different parts of the country, and that appear to be independent of each other. As Weber says13; "the mutual relation of the MSS. is of itself such as to render any certain restoration of an original text for the most part hopeless. It is only in cases where ancient commentaries exist that the text is in some degree certain, for the time at least to which these commentaries belong. This is evidently owing to the fact that these works were originally preserved by oral tradition; their consignment to writing only took place later, and possibly in different localities at the same time, so that discrepancies of all sorts were inevitable." The best known examples of this class are the two great Sanskrit Epics, but many other works also really belong to it. For instance the different schools of the Black Yajurveda give in their Samhitas variant versions of the same matter, and the Brahmanas of all schools have much in common. So also the Puranas have a common substratum which appears in many different guises. Some European scholars have held that the text of Indian works is peculiarly untrustworthy,. partly because they were handed down by oral tradition, partly because owing to the climate, MSS. had to be renewed more frequently than in Europe, so that transcriber's errors are more numerous, and partly because quotations, being made from memory, are of no assistance as regards textual details. Some have even gone so far as to hold that large intentional alterations have been made, and argue that we cannot say that any passage of a Sanskrit work has come down to us in its original form, unless we can produce positive evidence to that effect. Such evidence, of course, is rarely, if ever, forthcoming, and these principles of criticism make our researches barren of any conclusions whatever. It is to be borne in mind on the other side of the case that oral tradition, so far as it is fixed in the schools of the various technical Sastras, is a positive and very valuable protection to the text of the works studied, and prevents any great divergence of the MSS. from the traditional reading. This same scholastic tradition goes far to guarantee the accuracy of quotations from technical works. Moreover, though it is true that some important works show traces of having been retouched by the adherent of some particular sect or school, there is little difficulty in detecting the existence and extent of such alterations. We are fully justified, therefore, in following with Sanskrit works the same principles that we apply to Greek and Latin writers in accepting the traditional text except where we have some definite indication of corruption or alteration. Having thus fixed the text of our author, we have next to test his credit by the standards that have already been referred to. We can, as a rule, from the internal evidence of the work itself, form a fair idea of the intelligence, carefulness, and good faith of the writer. The question whether he had the means of knowing what he asserts is largely a question of date and place. We must know who he was, or at any rate where and when he lived, in order as a retailer of hearsay. that we may know whether to treat him as an eyewitness or Writers of the 7th and later centuries often give some account of themselves and of the kings under whom they wrote in the introductions or colophons of their works, but in earlier works such information is limited as a rule to the bare name of the author, who as often as not is a purely legendary person. In such cases it is no easy matter to fix even approximately the date of the real writer. As Weber says: "an internal chronology, based on the character of the works themselves and on the quotations therein contained, is the only one possible." Some progress has been made in determining sach a chronology, which can be relied upon as fairly exact, at least in the case of the chief PostVedic Works. The chronology of the Vedic period, and especially of its oldest works, is still in dispute, and no general agreement can be said to have been arrived at. When a relative internal chronology has been arrived at, it can sometimes be brought into relation with events 14 Ib., p. 7. 13 Ind. Lit., p. 181.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910. of known date, and thereby made nenrly, if not quite, absolute. It was in this way that Dr. Bhandarkar fixed the date of the Mahabhashya of Patanjali; which in turn sapplies relative dates for Katyayana, for Panini, and ultimately for Yaska. The evidence for such a relative chronology is in general cumulative, consisting of a number of small details which while singly of little weighit, all point in the same direction. The general chronological framework of - Indian history into which we must fit our relative dates for literary works will be referred to again later. It may perhaps be objected that, in laying down these elaborate principles for inquiry into the historical authority of Indian writers, we have overlooked the fact that India before the Mohammadan Conquest had.no historical literature. But the criticism rests upon that narrow view of history as a mere relation of political events, which has long since ceased to be excepted by the learned world. Political history is only a part of that study of Indian life in its historical aspeet which we have taken as another name for Indian archeology. Nearly a century ago, Colebrooke said in his address to the Royal Asiatic Society of London 15,-"In speaking of the history of Asiatic nations ... I do not refer merely to the succession of political struggles, national conflicts, and warlike achievements; but rather to less conspicuous yet more important occurrences, which directly concern the structure of society, the civil institutions of nations, their internal, more than their external relations, and the yet less prominent but more momentous events, which affect society universally, and advance it in the scale of civilised life." In another place he explains his view more fully as followg16 -" The state of manners, and the prevalence of particular doctrines, at different periods, may be deduced froni a diligent perusal of the writings of authors whose age is ascertained ; and the contrast of different results, for various and distinct periods, may furnish a distinct outline of the progress of opinions. A brief history of the nation itself, rather than of its government, will be thus sketched; but, if unable to revive the memory of great political events, we may, at least, be content to know what has been the state of arts, of sciences, of manners in remote ages among this very ancient and early civilized people ; and to learn what has been the succession of doctrines, religious and philosophical, wbich have prevailed in a nation ingenious, yet prone to superstition." More light upon these matters is to be gained from works of general literature than from professed writers of history in the old-fashioned sense of the word, and such evidence is the more valuable, because it is unconsciously given. The writers necessarily reflect the views and feelings of their own age and even the outward furnitare and eqnipnient of their stories is that of their own time, for, as Mr. Andrew Lang has shown in his work on Homer and His Age, Poets of an uncritical age do not archaise." Weber's contrary opinion, which led him to explain the imperfect knowledge of Indian geography which appears in the Ramayana, as due to the fact that the poet rightly apprehended and performed the task he had set himself, and so did not mix up later conditions, although familiar to bim, with the earlier state of thing827" cannot be sustained. There are of course elements of the traditional stories wbich were too vital to be dropped, although they clashed with later views, and had to be explained away as no longer of authority in the Kali age. But the very feeling that these points required explanation shows that the writers looked at things from the standpoint of their own day and did not try to carry themselves back to the outlook of the prehistorie or heroic age. In testing the credit of an inscription, we have not, as a rnle, much difficulty in fixing the text, but it is always needful to enquire whether the inscription is really of the date to which it professes to belong. The forgery of grants of land has always been common, and is referred to in an inscription of the early 7th century. It can often be detected by the alphabet used being of later date than the period to which the grant refers itself. But this is not an infallible guide, for on the one hand, old inscriptions have sometimes boen copied at a later date to preserve them from decay, and, on the other hand, many forgeries are very nearly as old as they profess to be, and therefore cannot be detected with certainty by their alphabet. In these cases, forgery is inferred from the fact that the grants mis-state historical facts, give incorrect genealogies of the granting kings, or do not use the 15 Life, p. 391. 1. Ib., p. 215. 11 Ind. Lit 193.., D.

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MARCA, 1910) METHOD IN THE STUDY OF INDIAN ANTIQUITIES. regular official formula of the dyuasty to which they purport to belong. Our authorities for these historical lacts, these genealogies and these forniulo are other grants and inscriptions which are recogi sell as gengine, so that it may perl aps be asked how, when all the evidence is of the same kind, it is possible to say that some of it is genuine while some of it is forgd. The answer is that the grants which we regard as genuine are consistent with one another, and with such other evidence ns we have. For insauce, the genu no granis of the Valabhi dynasty agree with one another in thu genealogy which they give, an I all of them, except the very earliest, begin with a fixed form of words. Moreover they agree with the evidence of the Chinese pilgrin, Hiuen Tsiang, and at least do no: disagree w.th statem nts of the Arab historians. Forgeil grants, on the other hand, are, as a rule, isolated. They w.re composed in the interest of an individual grantee or boly of grantees, very often in the troubled years foilowing the fall of the dynasty to which they are attributed, and they commonly give a quite baphazard account of the genealogy of the granting king, and often do not foilow the proper forms used ir. genuine grants. Even where a geunine grant is copied as regards the genealogy and the formules, torgery may betray itself in the date, through the forger erroneonsly readiny a date, for instance, of the Chedi era as one of the Saka era. Oi course, it is quite possiblo that a forgery, ii copied from good models before the written'characters had undergono mach change, might remain uudetected. But, as te falsity in such a case lies only in the name of the grantee and the description of the object granted, whi e the royal geneal.gy and the formulae are per ectly correct, the value of the inscription as historical evidence is hardl; impaired. Having said so much about the written evidence, we may now turn to the second class of witnesses, diz., material objects. These are of all degrees from the structural or excavated stone temple to the smallest fragment of stamped gold leaf from a Buddhist relic mounl. In India the objects that have been studied in any detail fall under the three leads of architecture, sculpture and coius. Pottery, which to European Archeologists constitutes the essential alilabet of reblogy in every land13" has bardly been studied at all, while even less attention lerus been paid to costume, ornaments, tools, weapons and metal vossels and images. This neglect of small objects other than coins arises chiefly from the want of materials of ascertained date, owing to the fact that scientific excavations havo harlly been attempted on any early Indian site on any important scals. To remely this defect must be a Lubour of many years. For excavation is not a task that can be entrusted to any casual person. It needs great care anil patience, as will as considerable technical gifts, and perfect accuracy in recording resolts. As Prof. Petrie says: "To suppose that excavating-one of the affairs which needs the widest knowledge, can be taken up by persons whe are ignorant of most or all of the technical requirements, is a fatuity which has lead, and still leads, to the most miserable catastrophes. Far better let things lie a few centuries longer under the ground, if they can be let alone, than repeat the van.lalism of past ages without the excuse of being a barbarian." The works of excavation then must be undertaken by experts. It is high time that some serious attempt were made to Excavat: scientifically anl exliaustively the site of some desertel capital snch as Taxila. The work would have to be bugun by the experts of the Archological Departinens, who alone at present have the necessary kaowlodge and exprience. But there is no reson why their exca.alions should not become a scliool of training for a who would work thereafter in other parts of India, whether for Governments or for private focieties or person. Pending such arrangement, the progress of these branches of Indian archaeology must be very slow. In architecture and numismatics, the task of modern students is to fill in, and perhaps to correot in a few details, the outlines which Fergusson and Cunningham liave drawn. The former was able, by a wide comparison of buildings in all parts of India, to establish a sequence of styles upon which he could confidently rely for dating ang fresh example. His conclusions were only partly based upon the study of buildings with de suite dates : with these as a starting point; he established his series of developments by close observation of details of construc 18 Potrio, Methods and Aims in Archology, p. 13. 10 op. cit., p. 180.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCII, 1910, tion, plan and ornament, which show a progressive growth, culmination and decay sueh as is observable in the other arts. In large parts of India the archeological surveys are still very incomplete, but it does not seem very likely that Fergusson's views, as to the characteris. tics and the order in time and place of the different styles of architeeture, will be greatly modified. In nomismaties, new material comes in almost every day, but most of it consists in variations of well-known types, and it is only occasionally that a new king or a new dynasty is disclosed. A catalogue of all the varieties of a well-known coinage, though a necessary work, is a doll one, whether to make or to read. The pursuit of numismatics for its own sake, is a hobby, like the collection of postage stamps or of the labels of match boxes. As a snbjeet of rational study it inust be followed for its buman interest, as evidence for politieal or artistic history. It is more important in these respects in India than elsewhere, because of the comparative searcity of other evidence. Forgeries of old coins are not so common in India as forged grants, as most varieties are not in suel demand among coin collectors as to make the production of imitations a paying business. But there was not many yenrs ago an enterprising person in Rawal Pindi who produced imitations of the Kushan gold coins which may be known by the hadness of their Greek legends. In sculpture only the works of the Buddhist period bare been seriously studied : the whole of the more modern period still awaits the enquiring archaeologist. Material is abundant but is at present absolutely unclassited. The method here, as in the other arts, is one of comparison of style and details. Indian art has profoundly infloenced the art of Central Asia, China and Japan, as well as that of further Iudia and the Islands, but the subject has never yet been treated as a whole. Tradition is the third and least trustworthy kind of eridence of historical facts. It is in reality an extreme case of what lawyers call learsay evidence, handed down throngh an unlimited succession of witnesses as regards each of whom arises the same question of bias as in the case of the author of a literary work, while the means of testing his credit are wanting. It is only when a tradition is handed down in a fixed form of words that we can rely upon it As evidence. Verses are protected in this way by their form, but the case of the Sanskrit epics shows that the protection extends only to the general subject matter and not to details of wording. Religious traditions possess the greatest vitality, because superstition is a bulwark against change, and the repetition of ritual acts fixes in the memory the words that accompany them. This is the case with the tradition of Vedic works, which were further protected by the elaborate arrangements made in the Vedic schools for their accurate study and transmission. But the ordinary traditions that pass for history in India, such as the legends connected with the names of Vikramiditya and Salivahana, are entirely worthless from a critical point of view. So are many, perhaps most, of the so-called traditions of the separate castes regarding their origin and history, which are based more often than not upon some piece of popular etymologs, the incorrectness of which is obvious at the first glance. Thus the Agarwal Banias claim to belong, somo of them to Agra and others to Agroha, while all alike ignore the ancient city of Agar in Malwa which was probably their real home. We have now seen of what the evidence for Indian history consists. It is next needful to Fay n few words as to the chronological framework into wbich the facts are to be fitted. To fix the date of any fact, it must be shown that it is either contemporary with, or separated by i definite interval of time from, some other event of known date. If we find its date recorded in some era that is still in use, we can fix it by counting back from the present day. The two fixed points in Indian chronology to one or other of which all dates bave to be related are (1) the accession (c. 320 B.C.) of Chandragupta the Maurya, whom we know from Greek historians to have been a younger contemporary of Alexander the Great, and (2) the invasion of India by Mahmud of Ghazni in 1000 A.D. Attempts have been made to reach an earlier initial point by fixing the date of Buddha's death, but the results obtained are so far only approximate. The date of Chandragupta's grandson, Asoka, is fixed partly by his relationship and partly by the .

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MARCH, 1910.] METHOD IN THE STUDY OF INDIAN ANTIQUITIES. mention in his edicts of certain Greek kings whose dates are known. From the dates of Mahmud's invasions we can work forward to the dates of Musalman conquests in various parts of India, and then reckon back again through the dynastics of Hindu kings who preceded them. Thus in Gujarat we begin with the conquest of Ulagh Khan (A.D. 1297) and work back to the middle of the 10th century, though a series of inscriptions dated in the Samvat era, and by means of a synchronism between the Samvat and Valabhi eras we can go further back to the beginning of the 6th century A.D. In the Deccan we have a continuous record with dates. in the Saka era, counting back from the invasion of Alauddin to the later years of the 6th century. The date of the Gupta dynasty was long in dispute, but it is now accepted that Alberuni was right in identifying their era with that of the Valabhi kings. Before the Guptas we find in Western India the Kshatrapas, who used an era that is with great probability identified with Saka era, and their contemporaries, the Satavahanas. The dates of the Kshatrapa Chashtana and of the Sitavahana Pulumayi are fixed to about 130 A.D. by their mention in the Geography of Ptolemy. The one great problem of Indian chronology as yet unsolved, is the position to be assigned to the Kushan kings of Mathura, who used an era of their own, the epoch of which is not yet ascertained with certainty. 77 It remains to refer to certain kinds of mental bias that are apt to affect the judgment in questions of Indian history. There is, in the first place, what may be called the patriotic bias, though it is shared more or less by European as well as Indian scholars. It shows itself in a tendency to exaggerate the freedom of India from foreign influences, and to claim entire originality for such inventions as the Indian alphabet which bear their foreign origin on their face. This school loves to trace the leading castes of the present day to an Aryan origin, and to accentuate the Hindu orthodoxy of the kings and conquerors of old. When these are looked upon as Hindus from the beginning, the most important fact in Hindu history is overlooked. I mean the attractive power of Hindu civilisation, which has enabled it to assimilate and absorb into itself every foreign invader except the Moslem and the European. Those Indians have indeed a poor idea of their country's greatness, who do not realise how it has tamed and civilised the nomads of Central Asia, so that wild Turkman tribes have been transformed into some of the most famous of the Rajput Royal races. There is on the other hand in Europe another school who are led by an opposite bias to exaggerate the influence upon India of foreign and especially Greek civilisation, and to undervalue the achievements of the Indian spirit. It is no easy matter to steer a straight course between these two opposite tendencies, but the task must be attempted if sound conclusions are to be reached. We can have no better guides in this matter than the acknowledged masters of method, which it has been truly said20is only the reduplication of commonsense." In Indian antiquities you will need no better models than the works of Henry Thomas Colebrooke and of Ranikrishna Gopal Bhandarkar. In conclusion, we may borrow a few maxims from the most learned of modern historians21: "Learn as much by writing as by reading," for nothing clears the mind more than to have to express oneself on paper. "Be not content with the best book; seek sidelights from the other," for nothing short of the whole evidence can be a safe basis for our conclusions. "Guard against the prestige of great names," for the views of no scholar, however famous, are to be accepted on the strength of his reputation, but only on account of the evidence and arguments that he may put forward. "See that your judgments are your own and do not shrink from disagreement," but before expressing them, make sure that you understand the views you criticise, and that your own theory is built on solid foundations. Lastly, "no trusting without testing." Take nothing for granted, trace every theory back to its origin so far as possible, and draw a sharp line between what is certainly known and what is more or less obscurely guessed. The lumber rooms of every science are filled with discarded theories, so we must always be ready to put our most cherished beliefs to the test of new evidence. Finality is not to be hoped for, but every advance of enquiry should bring us nearer to the truth. 20. Lord Aoton, Lectures, p. 20. 21 Ibid, p. 24.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910. A SPECIMEN OF THE KUMAUNI LANGUAGE. (Extracts from the Compositions of Krishna Parde.) (Translate:l by Ganga Dati Upreti. Communicated by G. A. Grierson.) Introductory Note by G. A. Grierson. The three great administrators of Kumaun were Mr. Traill (1815-1835), Mr. Batter ( 1848-1856 ) and Captain (afterwards Major-General, Sir Henry) Ramsay, all of whom are remembered with affection by their whilom subjects. After the conquest of Kumaga by the English, there were several short settlements of the land-tenures, the first being in 1815-16, the second in 1817, and the third (for three years) in 1818. Kpishna Pande, the author of the following verses, was a contemporary of Mr. Traill, and shared with his fellow-countrymen of those days a strong dissatisfaction at the new English regime. In some of his poems be Sercely attacked the new rulers and Mr. Traill, the first chief of the district. Mr. Traill, nevertheless patronized him and, it is said, used to go unattended to the village assemblies and hear the songs sung in his presence. Krishoi Pance's more political songs are not here printed. What are now given. are his verses lamenting the condition of his country, and attributing its state to the evil influence of the Kali Yuga, or Iron Age. They have been collected by Pandit Ganga Datt Upreti, and are published with his introduction and translations as taken down by him from the lips of villagers of the present day. A few notes on the grammar of the Kumauni language have been added by me and are enclosed in square brackets. Another poem by the same author will be found in J. R. A.S. for 1901, p. 475 ff. Introduction by Pandit Ganga Datt upreti. A few verses of the poem of Kyishna Pande, resident of village Patiya, MallA Syanara, Zillah Aliora, in the hill dialect known as Kumaun, have been collected by me from the lips of people, owing to my having been unable to obtain them from his descendants or the members of his family. The poet is said to bave died some sixty years ago, but there are many people who still remember some fragments of his poem. When * boy, I saw him singing his Pahdyi Songs ( Bairds and Bhagnaulas) and these verses of his at fairs, in the company of hundreds of villagers. The villagers were very fond of him, and crowded round him wherever he went, owing to his being very dexterong and well-versed in extemporising new Pabati songs of various sorts and descriptions. It is a pity that we cannot get them dow from his family. He was a good Sanskrit scholar of his time. and was also of a very frolicsome disposition. He used to dance with the villagers to the best of drums, sometimes beating drums himself, a conduct which did not behove a person of the Brahmana caste. I believe his talente, songs, and conduct were not unknown to the British officers of that time. In reality he did not seem to have ever intended big verses for sedition or dissatisfaction against Government, but sang them satirically to make his audience laugh. All his predictions are based on those in the Hindu Scriptures in regard to the whole world, and he translated them rhetorically into attractive Pabari verses referring to the state of Kumaun only, to please the illiterate people of these hills. mulaviyA yAro kali yuga dekho| ghara kur3i beci bera istaphA lekhau // 1 // O my countrymen, see the approach of the Kali Yuga. Eell off your houses and land. Write out deeds of relinquishment and leave the country). 1 Bar in the suffix of the conjunctive participle. Pechi-b&r=bica-karls.

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MARCH, 1910.] A SPECIMEN OF THE KUMAUNI LANGUAGE. 2. (The fertility of the soil is decreasing day by day). mulaka kumAU~ meM bar3o bhAri caina / bI naoNoNla ve bera chai nAli bhaina // 2 // There are a good many agricultural operations going on in the land of Kumanu, the result of which is that if nine nalis (18 seers) are sown, the yield is but six nadis ( 12 seers). 3. (Interest on a loan of grain, paid in kind, is exorbitant. The principal is increased at compound interest, by a third every year, so that after a few years a loan of a small amount of grain becomes an amount large enough to purchase a girl for marriage.) DI mAraNA dhAna meM dhanuli ka cha / eka mANA mar3avA meM manuli chaM 1 // 3 // // Two-half seers of paddy procure a (high-caste; Dhanuli, and a single half-seer of millet gets a (low-caste) Manuli. [Dhanuli and Manuli are the names of castes. The former is high-caste, while a Mannli is a girl of the Dum caste.] (The wretched poverty of the Brahmana caste, of which the poet was a member. ) bAmaNa yAroM ko yI bar3I jJAna / mar3avA mAnira vina ghara ghara jAna // 4 // 79 The mighty knowledge of my friends, the Brahmanas, has come to this, that they are begging and seeking for millet (a coarse and cheap grain) from every house. 5. (The poet refers to the present bad times. The most unnatural and impossible things are taking place.) tala ghara khimadA ko bahar3a binAra / malA ghara gopidA ki ve lAgi dhAra // 5 // In the lower house the bullock of my elder brother Khima has become pregnant, and in the same way, in the upper house, the wife of my elder brother Gopt has flown away to the mountainridge. 6. (The poverty of the people is due to their sins.) mulaka kumAU~ maiM bar3o bhayo pApa / ghara kur3i beci bera iSTAma chApa // 6 // Bhain is 3rd plur, maso. past of hona. There is much sin in the land of Kumaun, in consequence of which everyone has to sell his house and land on stamped paper. Ai-chhitt-hai. Chan dekhte hai.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910. ( Iudifference of people towards God and religion ). kiSNA pA~DejyU kolekhaNAko kAma / hara nAma lIlA kI nai rUni phaam||7|| It is the duty of Ksishna Piace to write down (exhortations), but no one cares to take the name of God. 8. ( The neglect of religion, virtue, and honesty, these being superseded by befici in the great shrines of Badarinatha and Kediranatha.) badI kedAra bar3A bhayA dhAma / dhame karma ki ke nhAti 'phaam||8|| Badarinatha and Kedaranatha are supposed to be ) great shrines, but no one is any potion of virtuous deeds. badrI kedArahI banadhAmA kali yuga gocha' kai nhAti phAma // 9 // Bailarinatha and Kedaranatha are two (famous) shrines, but no one know that the Kali Yuga has come. 10. (The selfishness of bad people.) pAtara bhauji ko bar3o bhAri jJAna / ghara kur3i Thagi bera mukha ni bulAna 10 // 10 // My elder brother's friend, the harlot, has great cleverness. She robs a man of his house and chattels, and then does not speak to him (i.e., beccmes cool anl indiff-rent ). 11. (The perversion of the times.) munnaka kumAU~ meM kapuvAbAso / vaMkana he-gayo khazama ko saaNsii|| 11 // The cuckoo sang in the land of Kanaun, anl the husband has becoma: a nuisa:1cto his wiie. 12. (The world is topsy-turvy, and there is no respect for elders.) hosiyA yArI kaliyaga aalo| cyAlA kA hAtha ne bApa mAra khAjo // 12 // My jolly friends, the father will be beaten by his own son when the Kali Yuga comes. 13. (Family dissensions.) mAi birAdara ghara ghara mAra / munnaka kumAU~ meM par3i gayo chAra / / 13 / / Brothers and kinsmen assault each other in every house. Ashes and dust are cast upon the land of Kumaun. . Ph&m=fahm. * Bhayd hud. Nhati is the negative verby, substantive, 'is not "Chhan = hai. Ai gj-chh = a gaya-hai .Kai = kief ko. 10 Eulan-bulatt-ha.. 11 The ka puud is a kiod of pigeon. It is an omen of evil to hear its song. 13 Hausid seems to be a corruption of havdehf. Ald and that are futuros, equivalent to Hindt dice, and khdega.

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MARCH, 1910) A SPECIMEN OF THE KUMAUNI LANGUAGE. 81 14. bhAibirAdara ghara ghara maar| bhavyAni lI bera jve lAgi dhAra / / 14 // Brothers and kingmen assault each other in every house. The wife has flown away to the mountain top, taking the iron pot (the only cooking-vessel of the family) with her. 15. (Ruinous extravagance in dress.) bijati kapar3A kA bAbA koTa / rINa kari bera ghara kur3i coTa / / 15 // People get their coats made of English cloth, and thus they incar debts and lose their houses and lands. 10. (Ingratitude for what is now done with toil and expense, contrasted with the simplicity of former times.) saukyANA jai bera Ayocha / ghAgari dI bera jve nhAti gUNa / / 16 // The salt is brought all the way from the snowy bills (i. e., Tibet), and the wife is not grateful for the skirt given to her (by her husband, though it cost him a good deal). 17. mulakiyA jogo kali yuga muunn| ghAgari dI bera kve nhAti gUNa / / 17 / / My countrymen, listen to the effects of the Kali Yuga. given to her. The wife is not grateful for the skirt 18. hausiyA yAro kali yuga suunn| latA sera dI bera jve nhAti gUNa // 18 // My jolly friends listen to the effects of the Kali Yuga. The wife is not grateful for the food and clothing given to her. 19. (Village officials neglect their duties.) eka gA~va kA nI chiyA pdhaan| gA~va bajIgayo kevhAti phAma // 19 // There were nine head-men for a single village. The village has become barren, and no one heeds it. 20. thaika yeka gargoM kA nau nau padhAna / / gvAr3a baNaki ke nhAti phaam||20|| There are nine head-men in each village, and no one takes care for building cowsbeds. BJai-der-ja-karks. "Ayl-chi-aya-hat. 3. Chhiyd-the. It is mano, plar, of chhigh

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. [MARCH, 1910. 21. gaMgA meM hai - gocha tumaDiyA tAra / bhAi birAdara ghara ghara mAra // 21 // * The Ganges can be crossed with the help of gourds (used as floats for crossing narrow streams), and brothers and kinsmen assault each other in every house. 22.. bhAi birAdara ghara ghara maar| khazama hai| ve hai-gecha nyAra // 22 // Brothers and kinsmen assault each other in every house, and the wife has separated liesci from her husband. 23. dharma karma meM par3i gocha chaar| kauNi a~garo bina jve lAgi dhAra // 23 // Religioa and virtuous acts are buried in ashes, and, for want of kausi and jhungard (two coarse grains) the wife has flown away to the mountain top. 24. kiSNA pAr3e ne kali yuga kholo| mulaka kumAU~ ko Tugo DhuMgo holo 1 // 24 // Krisbui Pan & has disclosed the effects of the Kali Yuga, and warned the people against them, The land of Kumaun will be reduced to a skeleton. 25. (Exhortation to the people to become devotees.) mujakiyA yArI hara nAma lIyo: jve celA beci bera iSTAma dIyau // 25 // o my countrymen, remember the name of God. Sell yonr wives and children by means of giving a stamped document (and give up all desire for worldly prosperity). 28. cAra dina meri bhauji bhaja rAma rAma / hara nAma Alo0 paranAma kAma // 26 // o my brother's wife, repeat the name of God for a few days (while we are in this worlds. The name of God will help us in our next lives. 27. mulakiyA logo hara nAma lIyo / kiSNa paur3e le kali yuga kIyo // 27 // O my countrymen, take the name of God. Krishna Pance bas warned you against the effects of Kali Yuga. 10 Khatam-haikh asam 28. 11 Khol8 = kh61d, but noid = htega. 11 Hal g&-chh-h8 gat hai, ngi.chh = gaya-hai. 10 A18-dwegd. 41 Lt is the postposition of the agent can* ne.

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MARCH, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 83 THE ARTIIASASTRA OF CHANAKYA (BOOKS V-XV), Translated by B. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., Librarian, Government Oriental Library, Mysore.51 (Continued from p. 63.) Chapter II. Considerations about the troubles of the king and of his kingdom. (Rajarajyayorvyasananachinta ). The king and his kingdom are the primary elements of the State. The troubles of the king may be either internal or external. Internal troubles are more serious than external troubles which are like the danger arising from a lurking snake. Troubles due to a minister are more serious than other kinds of internal troubles. Hence the king should keep under his own control the powers of finance and the army. Of divided rule and foreign rule, divided rule or rule of a country by two kings, perishes owing to mutual hatred, partiality and rivalry. Foreign rule wbich comes into existence by seizing the country from its king still alive, thinks that the country is not its own, impoverishes it, and carries off its wealth, or treats it as a commercial article ; and when the country cesses to love it, it retires abandoning the country. Which is better, a blind king, or a king erring against the science ? My teacher says that a blind king, i.o., a king who is not possessed of an eye in sciences, is indiscriminate in doing works, very obstinate, and is led by otbers; such a king destroys the kingdom by his own mal-administration. But an erring king can be easily brought round when and where his mind goes astray from the procedure laid down in sciences. No, says Kautilya, a blind king can be made by his supporters to adhere to whatever line of policy he ought to. But an erring king who is bent upon doing what is against the science, brings about destruction to himself and his kingdom by mal-administration. Which is better, a diseased or a new king ? My teacher says that a diseased king loses his kingdom owing to the intrigue of his ministers, or loses his life on account of the kingdom; but a new king pleases the people by such popular deeds as the observance of his own duties and the act of bestowing favours, remissions of taxes), gifts, and presents upon others. No, says Kautilya, a diseased king continues to observe his dnties as usual. But a new king begins to act as he pleases under the impression that the country, acqnired by his own might, belongs to himself ; when pressed by combined kings (for plunder), he tolerates their oppression of the country, Or having no firm control over the elements of the State, he is easily removed. There is this difference among diseased kings: a king who is morally diseased, and a king who is suffering from physical disease ; there is also this difference among Dew kings : a high-born king and a base-born king. Which is better, a weak but high-born king, or a strong but low-born king?!! My teacher says that a people, even if interested in having a weak king, hardly allow room for the intrigues of a weak, but high-born person to be their king; but that if they desire power, they will easily yield themselves to the intrigues of a strong but base-born person to be their king. 61 The first 4 Books have been published in the Myrore Review 1906-1968.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910, No, says Kautilya, a people will naturally obey a high-born king though he is weak, for the tendency of a prosperous people is to follow a bigh-born king. Also they render the intrigues of a strong but base-born person, unavailing, as the saying is, that possession of virtues makes for friendsbip. The destruction of crops is worse than the destruction of handfuls (of grains), since it is the labour that is destroyed thereby; absence of rain is worse than too much rain. The comparative seriousness or insignificance of any two kinds of troubles affecting the olements of sovereignty, in the order of ena meration of the several kinds of distress, is the cause of adopting offensive or defensive operations63. Chapter III. Tho aggregate of the troubles of men (Purushavyasanavargah). Ignorance and absence of discipline are the causes of a man's troubles. An antrained man does not perceive the injuries arising from vices. We are going to treat of them (vices) : Vices due to anger form a triad ; and those due to desire are four-fold. Of these two, anger is worse, for anger proceeds against all. In a majority of cases, kings given to anger are said to have fallen & prey to popular fary. But kings addicted to pleasares have perished in consequence of serious diseases brought about by deterioration and improverishment. No, says Bharadvaja, anger is the characteristic of a righteous man. It is the foundation of bravery ; it puts an end to despicable (persons); and it keeps the people under fear. Anger is always & necessary quality for the prevention of sin. Bat desire (accompanies) the enjoyment of results, reconciliation, generosity, and the act of endearing oneself to all. Possession of desire is always necessary for him who is inclined to enjoy the fruits of what he has accomplished. No, says Kautilya, anger brings about enmity with, and troubles from, an enemy, and is always associated with pain. Addiction to pleasure (kama) occasions contempt and loss of wealth, and throws the addicted person into the company of thieves, gamblers, hunters, singers, players on musical instraments, and other undesirable persons: Of these, enmity is more serious than contempt, for a despised person is caught hold of by his own people and by his enemies, whereas a hated person is destroyed. Troubles from an enemy are more serious than loss of wealth, for loss of wealth causes financial troubles, whereas troubles from an enemy are injurious to life. Suffering on acconnt of vices is more serious than keeping company with undesirable persons, for the company of undesirable persons can bo got rid of in a moment, whereas suffering from vices causes injury for a longtime. Hence anger is a more serious evil. Which is worse ? abuse of language, or of money, or oppressive punishment ? VisAlaksha says that of abuse of language and of money, abuse of language is worse ; for when harshly spoken to, a brave man retaliates ; and bad language, like a nail piercing the heart, excites anger and gives pain to the senses, No, says Kautilya, gift of money palliates the fary occasioned by abusive language, whereas abase of money causes the loss of livelihood itsell. Abase of money means gifts, exaction, loss or abandonment of money. The school of Parasara say that of abuse of money and oppressive punishment, abuse of money is worse; for good deeds and enjoyments depend upon wealth; the world itself is bound by wealth. Hence its abuse is a more serious evil, # In floka metro.

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MARCH, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. No, says Kautilya: in preference to a large amount of wealth, no man desires the loss of his own life. Owing to oppressive punishment, one is liable to the same punishment at the hands of one's enemies. 85 Such is the nature of the triad of evils due to anger. The four-fold vices due to desire, are hunting, gambling, women and drinking. Pisuna says that of hunting and gambling, hunting is a worse vice; for falling into the hands of robbers, enemies and elephants, getting into wild fire, fear, inability to distinguish between the cardinal points, hunger, thirst and loss of life are evils consequent upon hunting, whereas in gambling, the expert gambler wins a victory like Jayatsena and Duryodhana. No, says Kautilya: of the two parties, one has to suffer from defeat, as is well known from the history of Nala and Yudhishthira; the same wealth that is won like a piece of flesh in gambling, causes enmity. Lack of recognition of wealth properly acquired, acquisition of ill-gotten wealth, loss of wealth without enjoyment, staying away from answering the calls of nature, and contracting diseases from not taking timely meals, are the evils of gambling, whereas in hunting, exercise, the disappearance of phlegm, bile, fat, and sweat, the acquisition of skill in aiming at stationary and moving bodies, the ascertainment of the appearance of beasts when provoked, and occasional march (are its good characteristics.). Kaunapadanta says that of addiction to gambling and to women, gambling is a more serious evil; for gamblers always play, even at night by lamp light, and even when the mother (of one of the players) is dead; the gambler exhibits anger when spoken to in times of trouble; whereas in the case of addiction to women, it is possible to hold conversation about virtue and wealth, at the time of bathing, dressing, and eating. Also it is possible to make, by means of secret punishment, a woman to be so good as to secure the welfare of the king, or to get rid of her, or drive her out, under the plea of disease. No, says Kautilya: it is possible to divert the attention from gambling, but not so from women. (The evils of the latter are) failure to see (what ought to be seen), violation of duty, the evil of postponing works that are to be immediately done, incapacity to deal with politics, and contracting the evil of drinking, Vatavyadhi says that of addiction to women and to drinking, addiction to women is a more serious evil: there are various kinds of childishness among women, as explained in the chapter on The Harem53,' whereas in drinking, the enjoyment of sound and other objects of the senses, please. ing other people, honouring the followers, and relaxation from the fatigue of work (are the advantages). No, says Kautilya: in the case of addiction to women, the consequences are the birth of children, self-protection, change of wives in the harem, and absence of such consequences in the case of unworthy outside women. Both the above consequences follow from drinking. The auspicious effects of drinking are loss of money, lunacy in a sensate man, corpselike appearance while living, nakedness, the loss of the knowledge of the Vedas, loss of life, wealth, and friends, disassociation with the good, suffering from pain, and indulgence in playing on musical instruments and in singing at the expense of wealth. Of gambling and drinking, gambling causes gain or loss of the stakes to one party or other. Even among dumb animals, it splits them into factions and causes provocation. It is specially due to gambling that assemblies and royal confederacies possessing the characteristics of assemblies are split into factions, and are consequently destroyed. The reception of what is con lemned is the worst of all evils since it causes incapacity to deal with politics. 55 Chapter 20, Book I.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1910. (a) The reception of what is condemned is (dne to) desire; and anger consists in oppressing the good ; since both these are productive of many evils, both of them are held to be the worst evils. (6) Hence he who is possessed of discretion should associate with the aged, and, after controlling his passions, abandon both anger and desire which are productive of other evils and destructive of the very basis of life). Chapter IV. The group of molestations, the group of obstructions, and the group of financial troubles. (Pidanavargah, stambhavargah, kobasange vargabcha.) Providential calamities are fire, foods, pestilence, famine, and the epidemic disease called ) maraka. My teacher says that of fire and floods, destruction due to fire is irremediable; all kinds of troubles, except those due to fire, can be alleviated, and troubles due to floods can be passed over, No, says Kautilya: fire destroys a village or part of a village, whereas floods carry off hundreds of villages. My tencher says that of pest'lence and famine, pestilence brings all kinds of business to a stop by causing obstruction to work on account of disease and denth among men and owing to the flight of servants, whereas famine stups no work, but is productive of gold, cattle, and taxes. No, says Kautilya: prstilence devastates only a part of the country) and can be remedied, whereas famine causes troubles to the whole (of the country) and occasions dearth of livelihood to all creatnres. This explains the consequences of marak 1. My teacher says tbat of the loss of chief and vulgar men, the loss of vulgar men causes obstruc. tion to work. No, says Kantilya : it is possible to recruit valgar men, since they form the majority of people: for the sake of vulgar men, nobles should not be allowed to perish; one in a thousand may or may not be a noble man; he it is who is possessed of excessive courage and wisdom and is the refuge of vulgar people. My teacher says that of the troubles arising from one's own or one's enemy's Circle of States, those due to one's own Circlo are doubly injurious and are irremediable, wherens an inimical Circle of States can be fought out or kept away by the intervention of an ally or by making peace. No, says Kautilya: troubles due to one's own circle can be got rid of by arresting or destroying the leaders among the subjective people; or they may be injurious to a part of the country, whereas troubles due to an enemy's Circle of States cause oppression by inflicting loss and destruction and by burning, devastation, and plunder, My teacher says that of the quarrels among the people and among kings, quarrel among the people brings about disunion and thereby enables an enemy to invade the country, whereas quarrel Among kings is productive of double pay and wages and of remission of taxes to the people. No, says Kautilya: it is possible to end the quarrel among the people by arresting the leaders or by removing the canse of quarrel; and people quarrelling among themselves vie with each other and thereby help the country, whereas qnarri) among kings causes trouble and destruction to the people and requires double the energy for its settlement. My teacher says that of a sportive king and a sportive country, a sportive country is always ruinous to the results of work, whereas a sportive king is beneficial to artisans, carpenters, musicians, baffoons, and traders. Ma and b are in loka metre,

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MARCH, 1910.) THE ARTH ASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 87 No, says Kautilya: a sportive country, taking to sports for relaxation from labour, causes only. a trifling loss; and after enjoyment, it resumes work, whereas a sportive king causes oppression by showing indulgenco to his courtiers, by seizing and begging, and by obstructing work in the manufactories. My teacher says that of a favourite wife and a prince, the prince causes oppression by showing indulgence to lis followers, by seizing and begging, and by obstrusting the work in manufactories whereas the favourite wife is addieted to her amorous sports. No, says Kautilya: it is possible to prevent through the minister and the priest, the oppression caused by the prince, but not the oppression caused by the favourite wife, since she is asually stubborn and keeps conspany with wicked persons. My teacher says that of the troubles due to a corporation of people and to a leader (a chief), the corporation of people cannot be put down since it consists of a number of men and causes oppression by theft and violence, whereas leader causes troubles by obstruction to, and destruction of work. No, says Kautilya: it is very easy to get rid of the troubles from) a corporation, since it has to rise or fall with the king; or it can be put down by arresting its leader or a part of the corpor*ation itself, whereas a leader backed up with support, causes oppression by injuring the life and property of others. My teacher says that of the chamberlain and the collector of revente, the chamberlain canses oppression by spoiling works and by inflicting fines, wbareas the collector of revenue makes use of the ascertained revenue in the dapartment over which he presides. No, says Kautilya: the chamberlain takes to himself what is presented by others to be entered into the treasury, whereas the collector makes his own revence first and then the king's; or lo destroys the king's revenue and proceeds as he pleases to seize the property of others. My teacher says that of the superintendent of the boundary and a trader, the superintendent of the boundnry destroys traffic by allowing thieves and taking taxes more than he ought to whereas a trader renders the country prosperous by a favourable barter of commercial articles. No, says Kautilya: the superintendent of the boundary increases commercial traffic by welcoming the arrival of merchandise, whereas traders unite in causing rise and fall in the value of articles, and live by making profits cent. per cent. in Panas or Kumbhas (measures of grain). Which is more desirable, land occupied by high-born person or land reserved for grazing a fook of cattle? My teacher says that the land occapied by a high-born person is very productive; and it supplies men to the army; hence it does not deserve to be confiscated lest the owner might cause tronbles, whereas the land occupied for grazing a flock of cattle is cultivable and deserves therefore to be froed, for enltivable land is preferred to pasture land. No, says Kautilya : though immeasely useful, the land occupied by a high-born porson deserves to be freed, lest he might cause troubles (otherwise), whereas the land held for grazing a flock of cattle is productive of money and beasts, and does not therefore deserve to be confiscated unless cultivation of crops is impeded thereby. My teacher says that of robbers and wild tribes, robbers are over bent on carrying off women at night, make assaults on persons, and take away hundreds and thousands of panas, whereas W tribes, living under a leader and moving in the neighbouring forests can be seen here and there using destruction only to a part.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910. No, says Kautilya: robbers carry off the property of the careless and can be put down as they are easily recognized and caught hold of, whereas wild tribes have their own strongholds, being numerous and brave, ready to fight in broad daylight, and seizing and destroying countries like kings. Of the forests of beasts and of elephants,-beasts are numerous and productive of plenty of flesh and skins; they arrest the growth of grass and are easily controlled, whereas elephants are of the reverse nature and are seen to be destructive of countries even when they are captured and tamed. Of benefits derived from one's own or a foreign country, benefits derived from one's own country consist of grains, cattle, gold, and raw products and are useful for the maintenance of the people in calamities, whereas benefits derived from a foreign country are of the reverse nature. Such is the group of molestations. Obstruction to movements caused by a chief is interual obstruction; and obstruction to movements caused by au enemy or a wild tribe is external obstruction. Such is the group of obstructions. Financial troubles due to the two kinds of obstruction and to the molestations described above are stagnation of financial position, loss of wealth due to the allowance of remission of taxes in favour of leaders, scattered revenue, false account of revenue collected, and revenue left in the custody of a neighbouring king or of a w ld tribe. Thus the group of financial troubles. In 53 the interests of the prosperity of the country, ono should attempt to avoid the canse of troubles, remedy them when they happen, and avert obstructions and financial troubles.55 Chapter V. The group of troubles of the army, and the group of troubles of a friend. (Balavyasanavargah Mitra vyasana vargascha). The troubles of the army are:-That which is disrespected; that which is mortified; that which is not paid for; that which is diseased; that which has freshly arrived; that which has made a long journey; that which is tired; that which has sustained loss; that which has been repelled; that of which the front portion is destroyed; that which is suffering from inclemency of weather; that which has found itself in an unsuitable ground; that which is displeased from disappointment; that which has run away; that, of which the men are fond of their wives; that which contains traitors; that of which the prime portiou is provoked; that which has dissensions; that which has come from a foreign state; that which has served in many states; that which is specially trained to a particular kind of manoeuvre and encampment; that which is trained to a particular movement in a particular place; that which is obstructed; that which is surrounded; that which has its supply of grains cut off; that which has its men and stores cut off; that which is kept in one's own country; that which is under the protection of an ally; that which contains inimical persons; that which is afraid of an enemy in the rear; th; which has lost its communication; that which has lost its commander; that which has lost its leader; and that which is blind (i. e., untrained). Of the disrespected and the mortified among these, that which is disrespected may be taken to fight after being honoured, but not that which is suffering from its own mortification. Of unpaid and diseased armics, the unpaid may be taken to fight after making full payment but not the diseased, which is unfit for work. Of freshly arrived and long-travelled armies, that which has freshly arrived may be taken to fight after it has taken its position without mingling with any other new army, but not that which is tired from its long journey. 65 In Sloka metre.

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MARCH, 1910.) TEE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 89 Of tirod and reduced armies, the army that is tired may be taken to fight after it has refreshed itself from bathing, eating, and sleeping, but not the reduced army, i, e., the army, the leaders of which have been killed. Of armies which have either been repelled or have their front destroyed, that which has been repelled may be taken to aght together with fresh men attached to it, but uot the army which has lost many of its brave men in its frontal attack. O2 armies, either suffering from inclemency of weather or driven to an unsuitable ground, that which is suffering from inclemency of weather may be taken to fight after providing it with weapons and dress appropriate for the season, but not the army on an unfavourable ground obstructing its movements. Of disappointed and renegade armies, that which is disappointed may be taken to fight after satisfying it but not the army which has once) ran away. Of soldiers who are either fond of their wives or are under an enemy, those who are fond of their wives may be taken to fight after separating them from their wives, but not those who are under nu enemy, and are, therefore, like internal enemies. of provoked and disunited armies, that, of which a part is provoked may be taken to fight after pacifying it by conciliation and other strategic means but not the disnnited army, the members of which are estranged from each other. Of armies which have left service either in one state or in many states, that, whose resignation of service in a foreign state is not due to instigation or conspiracy may be taken to fight under the leadersbip of spies and friends, but not the army which has resigned its service in many states and is, therefore, dangerous. Of armies which are trained either to a particular kind of manoeuvre and encampment or to a particular movement in a particular place, that which is taught a special kind of manoeuvre and encampinent may be taken to fight, but not the army whose way of making encampments and marches is only suited for a particular place of obstructed and surrounded armies, that which is prev:nted from its movements in one direction may be taken to fight against the obstructor in another direction, but not the army whose movements are obstructed on all sides. Of troops whose supply of grain is cut off or whose supply of men and stores is cut off, that which has lost its supply of grain may be taken to fight after providing it with grain brought from another quarter or after supplying to it moveable and immoveable food-stuffs (animal and vegetable food-stuffs), but not the army to which men and provisions cannot be supplied. Of armies kept in one's own country or under the protection of an ally, that which is kept in one's own country can possibly be disbanded in time of danger, but not the army under the protection of an ally, as it is far removed in place and time. Of armies either filled with traitors, or frightened by an enemy in the rear, that which is full of traitors may be taken to fight apart under the leadership of a trusted commander, but not the army which is afraid of an attack from the rear. Of armies without communication or without leaders, that which has lost its communication with the base of operations may be taken to fight after restoring the communication and placing it ander the protection of citizens and country people, but not the army which is without a leader, such as the king or any other persons. Of troops which have lost their leader or which are not trained, those that have lost their leader may be taken to fight under the leadership of a different person but not the troops which are not trained.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910. (a) Removal of vices and troubles, recruitment (of new men), keeping away from places of an enemy's ambush, and harmony among the officers of the army. are the means of protecting the army from troubles. (b) He (the king) should ever carefully guard his army from the troubles caused by an enemy, and should ever be ready to strike his enemy's army when the latter is under troubles. (c) Whatever he may come to know as the source of trouble to his people, he should quickly and carefully apply antidotes against that cause. (d) A friend who, by himself, or in combination with others or under the influence of another king, has marched against his own ally, a friend who is abandoned owing to inability to retain his friendship, or owing to greediness or indifference; (e) a friend who is bought by another and who has withdrawn himself from fighting; a friend who following the policy of making peace with one and marching against another, has contracted friendship with one, who is going to march either singly or in combination with others against an ally; (7) a friend who is not relieved from his troubles owing to fear, contempt, or indifference; a friend who is surrounded in his own place or who has run away owing to fear; (h) a friend who is displeased owing to his having to pay much, or owing to his not having received his due, or owing to his dissatisfaction even after the receipt of his due ; (i) a friend who has voluntarily paid much or who is made by another to pay much (to his ally); a friend who is kept under pressure, or who, having broken the bond of friendship, sought friendship with another; (j) a friend who is neglected owing to inability to retain his friendship; and a friend who has become an enemy in spite of his ally's entreaties to the contrary;such friends are hardly acquired; and if acquired at all, they turn away. (le) A friend who has realised the responsibilities of friendship, or who is honourable; or whose disappointment is due to want of information, or who, though excited, is unequal (to the task), or who is made to turn back owing to fear from another; (1) or who is frightened at the destruction of another friend, or who is apprehensive of danger from the combination of enemies, or who is made by traitors to give up his friendship,-it is possible to acquire such a friend; and if acquired, he keeps up his friendship. (m) Hence one should not give rise to those causes which are destructive of friendship; and when they arise, one should get rid of them by adopting euch friendly attitude as can remove those causes,56 Book IX.. The work of an invader. (Abhiyasyatkarma) Chapter I. The knowledge of power, place, time, strength, and weakness; the time of invasion. (Saktidesakalabalabalajnanam; Yatrakalascha.) The conqueror should know the comparative strength and weakness of himself and of his enemy; and having ascertained the power, place, time, the time of marching and of recruiting the army, the consequences, the loss of men and money, and profits and danger, he should march with his full force; otherwise he should keep quiet. 58 a to m are in sloka metre.

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MARCH, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 91 My teacher says that of enthusiasm and power, enthusiasm is better: a king, himself energetic, brave, strong, free from disease, skilful in wielding weapons, is able with his army as a secondary power to subdue a powerful king; his army, though small, will, when led by him, be capable of turning out any work. But a king who has no enthusiasm in himself, will perish though he is powerful and possessed of a strong army. No, says Kautilya: he who is possessed of power over-reaches, by the sheer force of his power, Another who is merely enthusiastic. Having acquired, captured, or bought another enthusiastic king as well as brave soldiers, he can make his enthusiastic army of horses, elephants, chariots, and others to move anywhere without obstruction. Powerful kings, whether women, young men, lame, or blind, conquered the earth by winning over or purchasing the aid of enthusiastic persons. My teacher says that of power (money and army) and skill in intrigue, power is better; for a king, thongb posbessed of skill for intrigue, (mantrasakti), becomes a man of barren mind if he has no power; for the work of intrigue is well defined. He who has no power loses his kingdom as sprouts of seeds in drought vomit their sap. No, says Kautilya : skill for intrigue is better; he who has the eye of knowledge and is acquainted with the science of polity can with little effort make use of his skill for intrigue and can succeed by ineans of conciliation and other strategic means and by spies and chemical appliances in over-reaching even those kings who are possessed of enthusiasm and power. Thus of the three acquirements, viz., enthusiasm, power, and skill for intrigue, he who possesses more of the quality mentioned later than the one mentioned first in the order of enumeration will be successful in over-reaching others. Country (space) means the earth; in it the thousand ynjanas of the northern portion of the country that stretches between the Himalayas and the occan for the dominion of no insignificant emperor ; in it there are such varieties of land, as forests, villages, waterfalls, level plains, and uneven grounds. In such lands, he should undertake such works as be considers to be conducive to his power and prosperity. That part of the country, in which his army finds a convenient place for its manoeuvre and which proves unfavourable to his enemy, is the best ; that part of the country which is of the reverse nature, is the worst; and that which partakes of both the characteristics, is a country of middling quality. Time consists of cold, hot, and rainy periods. The divisions of time are: the night, the day, the fortnight, the month, the season, solstices, the year, and the Yuga (cycle of 5 years). In these di visions of time he should undertake such works as are conducive to the growth of his power and prosperity. That time which is congenial for the manoeuvre of lis army, but which is of the reverse nature for his enemy is the best ; that which is of the reverse nature is the worst; and that which possesses both the characteristics is of middling quality. My teacher says that of strength, place, and time, strength is the best; for a man who is possessed of strength can overcome the difficulties due either to the unevenness of the ground or to the cold, hot, or rainy periods of time. Some say that place is the best for the reason that a dog, seated in a convenient place, can drag a crocodile and that a crocodile in low ground can drag a dog. Others say that time is the best for the reason that during the day-time the crow kills the owl and that at night the owl the crow. No, says Kautilya: of strength, place, and time, each is helpful to the other ; whoever is possess. ed of these three things should, after having placed one-third or one-fourth of his army to protect bis base of operations against his rear-enemy and wild tribes in his vicinity and after having taken with him as much army and treasure as is sufficient to accomplish bis work, march during the month of Margasiraha (December) against his enemy whose collection of food-stuffs is old and insipid and who has not only not gathered fresh food-stuffs, but also not repaired his fortifications,

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910. in order to destroy the enemy's rainy crops and automnal bandfals (mushi). He should inarch during the month of Chaitra (March), if he means to destroy the enemy's autumnal crops and vernal handfuls. He should march during the month of Jyesh/ha (May-Jone) against one whose storage of fodder, firewood and water has diminished and who has not repaired his fortifications, if he means to destroy the enemy's vernal crops and handfuls of the rainy season. Or he may march during the dewy season against a country wbich is of hot climate and in which fodder and water are obtained in little quantities. Or he may march during the summer against a country in which the sun is enshrouded by mist and which is full of deep valleys and thickets of trees and grass, or he may march during the rains against a country which is suitable for the maneuvre of his own army and which is of the reverse nature for his enemy's army. He has to undertake a long march between the months of Margalirahu (December) and T'aisha (January), a march of mean length between March and April, and a short march between May and June; and one, afflicted with troubles, should keep quiet.57 Marching against an enemy under troubles bas been explained in connection with March after declaring war." My teacher says that one should almost invariably march against an enemy in troubles. But Kautilya says: that when one's resources are sufficient, one should mareh, since the troubles of an enemy cannot be properly recognised; or whenever one finds it possible to reduce or destroy an enemy by marching against him, then one may undertake a march, When the weather is free from heat, one should march with an army mostly composed of elephants. Elephants with profuse sweat in hot weather are attacked by leprosy; and when they have no water for bathing and drinking, they lose their qnickness and become obstinate. Hence against a country containing plenty of water and during the rainy season, one should march with an army mostly composed of elephants. Against a country of the reverse description, i.e., which has little rain and maddy water, one should march with an army mostly composed of asses, camels, and horses. Against a desert, one should march during the rainy season with all the four constituents of the army elephants, horses, chariots, and men ). One should prepare a programme of short and long distances to be marched in accordance with the nature of the ground to be traversed, vis., even ground, uneven ground, valleys, and plains. When the work to be nccomplished is small, march against all kinds of enemies should be of a short duration ; and when it is great, it should also be of long duration ; during the rains, encampment should be made abroaduo. Chapter II. The time of recruiting the army; the form of equipment; and the work of arraying a rival foroe. (Balopadanakalah, Sannahagunan, ratibalakarma cha). The time of recruiting troops, such as hereditary troope (maula), hired troops, corporation of soldiers (areni), troops belonging to a friend or to an enemy, and wild tribes. When he (a king) thinks that his bereditary army is more than he requires for the defence of his own possessions ; or when he thinks that as bis hereditary army consists of more men than he requires, some of them may be disaffected; or when he thinks that his enemy has a strong hereditary army famous for its attachment, and is, therefore, to be fought out with much skill on his part; or when he thinks that though the roads are good and the weather favourable, it is still the hereditary army that can endure wear and tear; or when he thinks that though they are famous for their attachment, hired soldiers and other kinds of troops cannot be relied upon lest they might lend their ears to the intrigues of the enemy to be invaded; or when he thinks that other kinds of force are wanting in strength, then is the time for taking the hereditary army. 87 The text here is fisulty. " See Chapter 4, Book VII. 59 In sloka metre.

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MARCH, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 93 When he thinks that the army he has hired is greater than his hereditary army; that his enemy's hereditary army is small and disaffected, while the army his enemy has hired is insignificant and weak; that actual fight is less than treacherous fight; that the place to be traversed and tbe time required do not entail much loss; that his own army is little given to stapor, is beyond the fear of intrigue, and is reliable; or that little is the enemy's power which he has to put down, then is the time for leading the hired army. When he thinks that the immense corporation of soldiers he possesses can be trusted both to defend his country and to march against his enemy; that he has to be absent only for a short time; or that his enemy's army consists mostly of soldiers of corporations, and consequently the enemy is desirons of carrying on treacherons fight rather than an actual war, then is the time for the enlistment of corporations of soldiers (areni). When he thinks that the strong help he has in his friend can be made use of both in his own country and in his marches; that he has to be absent only for & short time, and actual fight is more than treacherous fight; that having made bis friend's army to occupy wild tracts, cities, or plains and to fight with the enemy's ally, he, himself, would lead his own army to fight with the enemy's army; that his work can be accomplished by his friend as well; that his success depends on his friend ; that he has a friend near and deserving of obligation; or that he has to utilize the excessive force of his friend, then is the time for the enlistment of a friend's army. When he thinks that he will have to make his strong enemy to fight against another enemy on account of a city, a plain, or a wild tract of land and that in that fight he will achieve one or the other of his objects, jast like an outcaste person in the fight between a dog and a pig; that through the battle, he will have the mischievous power of his enemy's allies or of wild tribes destroyed ; that he will have to make his immediate and powerful enemy to march elsewhere and thus get rid of internal rebellion which his enemy might have occasioned ; and that the time of battle between enemies or between inferior kings has arrived, then is the time for the exercise of an enemy's forces. This explains the time for the engagement of wild tribes. When he thinks that the army of wild tribes is living by the same road (that his enemy has to traverse; that the road is unfavourable for the march of his enemy's army; that his enemy's army consists mostly of wild tribes; that just as a wood-apple (bilra) is broken by means of another wood-apple, the small army of his enemy is to be destroyed, then is the time for engaging the army of wild tribes. That army which is vast and is composed of various kinds of men and is so enthusiastic as to rise even without provision and wages for plander when told or untold ; that which is capable of applying its own remedies against anfavourable rains; that which can be disbanded and which is invincible for enemies; and that, of which all the men are of the sane country, same caste, and same training, is (to be considered as) a compact body of vast power. Such are the periods of time for recruiting the army. Of these armies, one has to pay the army of wild tribus either with raw prolaze or with allowance for plunder.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. When the time for the march of one's enemy's army has approached, one has to obstruct the enemy or send him far away, or make his movements fruitless, or, by false promise, cause him to delay the march, and then deceive him after the time for his march has passed away. One should ever be vigilant to increase one's own resources and frustrate the attempts of one's enemy to gain in strength. Of these armies, that which is mentioned first is better than the one subsequently mentioned in the order of enumeration. [MARCH, 1910. Hereditary army is better than hired army in as much as the former has its existence dependent on that of its master, and is constantly drilled. That kind of hired army which is ever near, ready to rise quickly, and obedient, is better than a corporation of soldiers. That corporation of soldiers which is native, which has the same end in view (as the king), and which is actuated with similar feelings of rivalry, anger, and expectation of success and gain, is better than the army of a friend. Even that corporation of soldiers which is further removed in place and time is, in virtue of its having the same end in view better than the army of a friend. The army of an enemy under the leadership of an Arya is better than the army of wild tribes. Both of them. (the army of an enemy and of wild tribes) are anxious for plunder. In the absence of plunder and under troubles, they prove as dangerous as a lurking snake. My teacher says that of the armies composed of Bralimans, Kshattriyas, Vaisyas, or Sudras, that which is mentioned first is, on account of bravery, better to be enlisted than the one subsequently mentioned in the order of enumeration. No, says Kantilya: the enemy may win over to himself the army of Brahmans by means of prostration. Hence the army of Kshattriyas trained in art of wielding weapons is better; or the army of Vaisiyas or Sudras having great numerical strength (is better). Hence one should recruit one's army, reflecting that "such is the army of my enemy; and this is my army to oppose it." The army which possesses elephants, machines, Sakatagarbha (?), Kunta (a wooden rod), prasa, (a weapon, 24 inches long, with two handles), Kharvataka (?), bamboo sticks, and iron sticks is the army to oppose an army of elephants. The same possessed of stones, clubs, armour, hooks, and spears in plenty is the army to oppose an army of chariots. The same is the army to oppose cavalry. Men, clad in armour, can oppose elephants. Horses can oppose men, clad in armour. Men, clad in armour, chariots, men possessing defensive weapons, and infantry, can oppose an army consisting of all the four constituents (elephants, chariots, cavalry and infantry). Thas considering the strength of the constituents of one's own quadripartite army, one should recruit men to it so as to oppose an enemy's army successfully60. 60 In bloka metre.

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MARCH, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 95 Chapter III. Consideration of annoyance in the rear; and remedies against internal and external troubles (Paschatkopachinta; bahyabhyantaraprakritikopa pratikarabcha). Of the two things, slight annoyance in the rear, and considerable profit in the front, slight annoyance in the rear is more serious ; for traitors, enemies, and wild tribes augment on all sides the slight souogance which one may have in the rear. The members of one's own state may be provoked about the acquisition of considerable profit in the front. When one under the protection of another has come to such a condition it., slight annoyance in the rear and considerable profit in the front), then one should endeavour so as tr uause to the rear enemy the loss and impoverishinent of his servants and friends, and in order to fetch the profit in the front, oue should also employ the commander of the army or the heir-apparent to lead the army. Or the king himseli may go in person to receive the profit in the front, if he is able to ward off the annoyance in the rear. It he is apprehensive of internal troubles, he may take with him the suspected leaders. If he is apprehensive of external troubles, he should march after keeping inside his capital as hostages the sons and wives of suspected enemics and after having split into a number of divisions the troops of the officer in charge of waste lands (sinyapala) and having placed those divisions under the command of several chiefs, or he may abandon his march, for it has been already stated that internal troubles are more serious than external troubles.. The provocation of any one of the minister, the priest, the commander-in-chief, and the heirapparent is what is termed internal trouble. The king should get rid of such an internal enemy either by giving up his own faalt or by pointing out the danger arising from an external enemy. When the priest is guilty of the gravest treason, reljef should be found either by confining him or by banishing him ; when the heir-apparent is so, confinement or death (nigraha), provided that there is another son, of good character. From these, the case of the minister and the commander-in-chief is explained. When a son, or a brother, or any other person of the royal family attempts to seize the kingdom, he sboald te won over by holding out hopes; when this is not possible, he should be conciliated by allowing him to enjoy what he has already seized, or by making an agreement with him, or by means of intrigue through an enemy, or by securing to himn land from an enemy, or any other person of inimical character. Or he may be sent out on a mission with an inimical force to receive the only punishment he deserves ; or a conspiracy may be made with a frontier king or wild tribes whose displeasure he has incurred; or the same policy that is employed in securing an imprisoned prince or in seizing an enemy's villages may be resortod to. The provocation of ministers other than the prime minister is what is called the internal ministerial trouble.c3 Even in this case, necessary strategic means should be employed. The provocation of the chief of a district (rashtramukhya), the otficer in charge of the boundary, the chief of wild tribes, and a conquered king is what is termed external trouble. This should be overcome by getting one against the other. Whoever among these bas strongly fortified himself should be caught hold of through the agency of a frontier king, or the chief of wild tribes, or a scion of his family, or an imprisoned prince; or he may be captured through the agency of a friend, so that he may not combine with an enemy; or a spy may prevent him from combining with an enemy by saying: "This enemy makes a cat's paw of you and causes you to fall upon your own lord; when bis aim is realised, he makes you to lead an army against enemies or wild tribes, or to sojourn in a troublesome place; or he causes you to reside at a frontier station far from the company of your sons and wife. When you have lost all your strength, he solls you to your own lord; or having made peace with you, he will please your own lord. Hence it is advisable for you to go to the best friend of your lord." When he agrees to the proposal, he is to be honoured; but when he refuses to listen, he is to be told, "I am specially sent to separate you from the enemy." ci Seo Chapter 18, Book I. 62 Chapter 1, Book XIV. 63 The text is a little faulty here.

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1910. The spy should however appoint some persons to murder him; or he may be killed by some concealed persons ; or some persons pretending to be brave soldiers may be made to accompany him and may be toll by a spy (to murder him). Thus the end of troubles. One should cause such troubles to one's enemy and ward off those of one's owul. In the case of a person who is capable of causing or alleviating troubles, intrigue should be made use of; and in the case of a person who is of reliable character, able to undertake works, and to favour bis ally in his succes, and to afford protection against calamities, counter-intriguo (pratijapa) should be made use of (to keep his friendsbip secure). It should also be considered whether the person is of good disposition or of obstinate temper (baha). The intrigue carried on by a foreigner of obstinate temper with local persons is of the following form :-" If a'ter killing his own master, he comes to me, then I will secure these two objects, the destruction of my enemy and the acquisition of the enemy's lands; or else my enemy kills hin, with the consequence that the partisans of the relations killed, and other persons who are equally guilty and are therefore apprehensive of similar punishment to themselves will perturb my enemy's peace when my enemy has no friends to count ; or when my enemy fails to suspect any other person who is cqnally guilty, I shall be able to cause the death of this or that officer under my enemy's own command." The intrigne carried on by a local person of obstinate temper with a foreigner is of the follow. ing form :-" I shall either plunder the treasury of this king or destroy bls army; I sball murder my master by employing this man ; if my master consents, I shall cause him to march against an external enemy or a wild tribe ; let his circle of states be brought to confusion, let him incur enmity with them, then it is easy to keep him under my power, and conciliate him; or I myself shall selze the kingdom ; or having bound him in chains, I shall obtain both my master's land and outside land; or having caused the enemy (of my master) to march out, I shall cause the eneny to to murdered in good faith ; or I shall seize the enemy's capital when it is empty (of soldiers). When a person of good disposition makes a conspiracy for the purpose of acquiring what is to be enjoyed by both, then an agreement should be made with bim. But when a person of obstinate temper so conspires, he should be allowed to have his own way and then deceived. Thus the form of policy to be adopted sbould be considered. Enemies from enemies, subjects from subjects, subjects from enemies, and enemies from subjects should ever be gnarded ; and both from bis subjects and enemies, a learned man should ever guard his own person. (To be continued.) . NOTES AND QUERIES. EARLY USE OF TOBACCO IN INDIA. (2) At what depth and etactly in what cit. cumstances were the Sarnath hubbleWITH reference to Mr. Ganapati Ray's note bubbles' found P Everybody knows (ante, p. 176), I beg to ask him : that excavations at ancient sites produce objects of all periode, and no inference (1) To be good enough to state the evidence can be drawn from finds of small objects, for the use of the banskrit word unless the exact particulars of their ar45EUR (tamrakuta), at a very early discovery are recorded accurately. period, long before the reign of Akbar.' The subject is of interest sufficient to jtstify une can prove suon use, 1816 que careful enquiry. There is no doubt that to If he can prove such use, is it quite certain that the word meant' tobacco 'P Akbar himself tha herb tobacco Was an absolute The word looks like a Sanskritized novelty. The story of its introduction to him is rendering of the vernacular tambakat told in von Noer's book. etc., which is always 1880 med to VINCENT A. SMITU. represent an American word. I lot September, 1909. 64 In Suo ka metre.

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APRIL, 1910.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY, NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. BY J. F. FLEET, 1.C.S. (RXTD.), PA.D., C.L.E. The placos mentioned in the Pardi plates of A. D. 466 or 457. THE record on the Pardi plates was brought to notice and edited, but without a lithograph, - by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, in the Jour. Bo, Br. R. As. Sue., Vol. XVI, p. 346 ff. It is now being re-edited by Professor Hultzsch, with a facsimile, in the Epigraphia Indica. The plates were found in 1884, in digging a tank at Pardi, the head-quarters town of the Pardi subdivision of the Sarat District in Gujarat, Bombay. The charter contained on these plates was issued by the Traikutaka Maharija Dabrasena from his "victorious camp" located at Amraka. It conveyed to a Brahman named Nannasvamin, a resident of Kapura, a village named Kaniyas-Tadakasarika," the smaller or younger (later) Ta lakasariki," situated in a territorial division known as the Antarmandali vishaya. It is dated on Vaisakba sukla 13, the year 207: The year is the year 207 of the 80-called Kalachuri or Chedi era of A. D. 249: and the date falls in 456 1. D. if the year is taken as current ; in 457 A. D. if it is taken as expired. I identify Kapura with a fairly large village on or near the southern bank of the River Mindhola, algo called Madao,' the ancient Mandakini and Madavi, three miles south-southwest from Vyara, the head-quarters town of the Vyara sab-division of the Baroda State: the place is shown as Kapura' in the Indian Atlas quarter-sheet No. 23, S. E. (1888), in lat. 21deg 4', long. 73deg 25', and in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 34 (1882) of Gujarat. And, bearing in mind the great and sometimes apparently irregular changes which many placenames in Gujarat have undergone, as is illantrated in some of my previous Notes of this series, we have no difficulty in identifying Kaniyas-Tadakasarika with the Tarsari, Tarsari,' of the maps, fifteen miles almost due west from 'Kapara,' and about half-way between the Mindhola and the Purna: there is another Tarsari,' Tarsari,' apparently a larger village, ten miles south-west-by-west from it, on the south bank of the Purna ; and the existence of this latter village may account for the village which was granted being known as "the smaller or younger (later) Tadakasarika." I take the appellation Antarmandali vishaya as meaning "the district of the territory between " the Mindhola on the north and the Purna on the south. From the mention of the Kapurs ahars in the inscription dealt with in my next Note, we learn that Kapura was the chief town of, and gave its name to, & subdivision of the Antarmandali vishaya. The place Amraka, at which Dahrasena was encamped when he made the grant, may possibly be the Ambachh, Ambaohh,' of the mape, about two miles towards the south-west from Kapora.' But it would not necessarily be anywhere near the other places mentioned in the record. The places mentioned in the Nasik insoription of A, D, 120. An inscription in Cave No. 10 on the so-called Panda lona Hin, about five miles sonth-west of Nasik, has been edited by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI, p. 578, by Professor Buhler in Archaeol. Sury. West. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 102, No. 9, and by M. Senart in the Epi. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 82, No. 12. It registers the fact that in the year 42, in the month Vaibikha, Dinikapatra-Usbavadata, son-in-law of the king the Kshaharata Kshatrapa Nahapana, presented the cave to the commanity of monks from all the foar quarters. The year is the year 42 (expired) of the so-called Saka era of A. D. 78: and the given month falls in A, D. 120. Amongst the endowments of the cave, the record mentions 1 Seo Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXI (1902), p. 254 t.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. a sum of 8,000 kahapanas invested in cocoanut-trees at a village named Chikhalapadra in a territorial division known as the Kapura ahara: and, at the rate of 1000 kahapanas for from 200 to 300 coconnut-trees, indicated in another of the Nasik inscriptions, this endowment represents a plantation of from 1600 to 2400 trees, a fairly large one. " Now, there are no such names as Kapura and Chikhalapadra anywhere in the Nasik District: and I may add that any such name as Kapura is not found anywhere except in the cases of the Kapura' mentioned above in my Note on the Pardi plates, and of a Kapurai also in Baroda, and a 'Kapuria' in the Broach District. Also, it does not appear that the Nasik District is adapted to the cultivation of the cocoanut-tree to any appreciable extent. On the other hand, the name Chikhalapadra is of common enough occurrence, in various corrupted forms, in Gujarat, where the cocoanut-tree is largely cultivated. In these circumstances, I identify the Kapura which gave its name to the Kapura ahara of the Nasik inscription with 'Kapura' in the Vyara subdivision of the Baroda State, the exact position of which is given on page 97 above. And we find Chikhalapadra in the Chikhalda' of the maps, on the south bank of the Mindhola, two and a half miles east-north-east from Kapura': I have mentioned above that many place-names in Gujarat have undergone great and sometimes apparently irregular changes; and we have a case which is closely analogous to the present one in the modern Wardla,' the ancient Vatapadraka.* * This identification locates the plantation of cocoanut-trees about eighty miles north-northwest-half-north from the cave where the community of monks, to which it was granted, had its head-quarters. And the monks must of course have visited the property from time to time, to check the cultivation of it and collect the revenue. But no difficulty need be felt on that account. In the first place, the monks were always wandering about the country, except when they were in retreat during the rains. And secondly, there would be good access through a variety of ghauts from the Pandulena Hill to Peint (Peth), and thence to the open country of Gujarat, along the route now followed by the road from Peint to Pardi, as far as a point about forty-five miles south-south-west from Kapura,' with easy travelling from that point up to Kapura' and Chikhalda': or, indeed, there may have been an almost direct way from the neighbourhood of Nasik by the great trading-route between Broach and Tagara, the modern Ter, which, if it did not itself go vid Peint, must have passed somewhere near to Vyara. 2 The words in the text, line 4, are:- Kapur- ahare cha game Chikhalapadre datani naligerana mula sahasrani atha 8000; where three of them stand for dattani naligeranam mulah. This passage was taken by Bhagwanlal as indicating "eight thousand cocoanut palms," and by Senart as meaning "eight thousand stems of oocoanut trees." For reasons given in the next note, I follow Buhler, who, understanding kahapana from other parts of the record, translated "eight thousand, 8000, have been given as the price for cocoanut trees." 8 Bomb. Gas., Vol. XVI, p. 569; Archeol. Surv. West. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 99, No. 5; Epi. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 78, No. 10. The words here, in line 8 of the record, are grame Nanamgole dvatrisata-naligera-mula-sahasrapradena; the instrumental being in apposition with Ushavadatena in line 1. Taking dvatisata as meaning thirty-two, (in which case, however, the text ought to have presented dvatima or dratisa), - and understanding kahapana from line 4 and similar indications elsewhere, Buhler translated "who has given, in the village of Nanamgola, one thousand as the price of thirty-two cocoanut trees." Taking deatrisata in the same way, but observing that "the word mula literally means 'a stem or trunk,' but according to local usage it seems to be used for 'tree,'" Bhagwanlal translated "who has bestowed in gift thirty-two thousand cocoanut trees in the village Nanamingola." And, following that, Senart has translated "who has given thirty-two thousand stems of cocoanut trees at the village Nanamgola." Whereas, however, a grant of only 32 trees would be somewhat insignificant, a grant of 32,000 would be decidedly excessive: at the rate of 170 cocoanut-trees to one aore, which is indicated in the Bomb, Gas., Vol. XIII, p. 298, such a plantation would require close on 190 acres, which would certainly be far in excess of the average size of such properties, even in Gujarat. Moreover, there are various plain indications in the Nasik inscriptions that the word mula is there used, throughout, in the sense of a principal sum invested or to be invested. The sense is perfectly reasonable, if we take dva-tri-sata just as it stands, and understand it as meaning two or three hundred.' See Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXI (1902), p. 256. * See Jour. R. As. Soc., 1901, p. 587 f.

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APRIL, 1910.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. 99 I may add that, for the identification of Nanamgols, where another cocoanat-tree plantation was granted to the same community of monks ( see note 3 above ), Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji proposed the modern Nargol, close to Sanjan in the Thana District, about seventy miles towards West-by-north from the Pandulena Hill. The identification seems probable enough, through such forms as Nangol, Nalgol. At any rate, no better proposal can be made. The places mentioned in the Harihar Plates of A. D. 694. The record on these plates has been edited by me, with a lithograph, in the Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 300 ff., and since then by Mr. Rice, with another lithograph, in his Epigraphia Carnatioa, VOL XI (Chitaldroog), Davangere No. 66. The plates appear to be in the possession of one of the Kulkarnis at Harihar in the Chitaldr oog District, Mysore. The charter contained on these plates was issued by the Western Chalukya King Vinayaditya from his " victorious camp" located at the village Karanjapatra near Hareshapura or Harishapura. It is dated in the Saka year 616 exp.red, and ou the full-moon day of the month Karttika, falling in A. D. 691. It conveyed to a Brahman named Isangvarman a village named Kiru-Kagamasi, "the smaller or younger (later) Kaga masi," which was situated in a territorial division known as the Edevolal bhoga in the Vanavasi mandala or province : also a field in the western part of the village Per-Gagamasi, " the larger or older Kagamisi." In specifying the boundaries of the field, it presents various place-names, one of which, Sirigalu, can be identified as the name of a village: the others may deuote villages or hamlets whicb do not now exist, or fields and tanks. The Edevolal bhaga is mentioned again in the Sorab plates of A. D. 692, where it is described as & vishaya on the north-east in the neighbourhood of the city Vaijayanti. It is well-known that Vaijayanti is another name of the place which is mentioned as Vanavasi in the record with which we are dealing : it is the modern Bangwasi, in the Sirsi subdivision of the North Kanara District, Bombay, which is shown as * Bannawassi,' in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 42 (1827), and as * Banvasi' in the quarter-sheet No. 42, N. E. (1894), in lat. 14deg 32', long. 75deg 4. And with this guide we find Kiru-Kagamasi in the modern Chik Kowsee of the Atlas sheet, and Per-Gagamasi in the 'Heereh Kowsee' of the full sheet, the Hire Kavasi' of the quarter-sheet, one mile on the south-west of Chik Kowsee.' In the Postal Directory of the Boinbay Circle (1879), these names are presented as Chikkansi' and 'Hirokawsi.' The second component of the came is, no doubt, really Kawumsi; one which the ordinary official would naturally find it difficult to transliterate properly. The prefixes hire and chik, s. e., chikka, are the modern substitutes for the ancient per, per, and kiri, leiru. Sirigodu is the Seergor' of the Atlas sheet, = Sirgod, one mile and a half north-by-west from Chik Kowsee. It may be added that later inscriptions in the Hangal taluka, from the ninth century on wards, including some at Kesnur, Kyusanur, the ancient Kosalur, two miles on the west of Chik Kowsee,' mention the Edevolal bhoga more specifically as the Edovolal soventy, marking it as a small district of seventy villages. In the name Edevolal, the second component is polal, holal, hofalu, 'a town.' The place which bore this name, and gave the appellation to the district, does not seem to exist now, unless it can be found in .Chik Hoolal,' or Heera Hoolal,' geven or eight miles east-by-south from Hangal. Hareshapura or Harishapura is supposed to be the modern Harihar, in Mysore, fifty-one miles nearly due east from Banawasi, But there cannot at present be found in that neighbourhood any name answering to that of the village Karanjapatra, where Vinayaditya was encamped when he made the grant. * Bomb. Gas., VOL. XVI, p. 572, note 1. + Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 149. * The quarter-sheet is practioslly confined to Mysore ; and, though it shows 'Banvasi' and 'Hire Kavasi, which are close on the frontier, it does not extend as far as the other two places.

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100 . THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA (BOOKS V - XV). Translated by R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A. Librarian, Government Oriental Library, Mysore.68 ( Continued from p. 96.) Chapter IV. Consideration about loss of men, woalth, and profit. (Kshayavyayalabhaviparimarkah. ) Loss of trained men is what is called kshaya, loss of men. Diminution of gold and grains is loss of wealth. When the expected profit overweighs both these, then one should march ( against an enemy). The characteristics of an expected profit are:-that which is receivable, that which is to be returned, that which pleases all, that which excites hatred, that which is realised in a short time, that which entails little loss of men to earn, that which entails little loss of wealth to earn, that which is vast, that which is productive, that which is barmless, that which is just, and that which comes first. When a profit is easily acquired and secured without the necessity of returning it to others, it is termed receivable'; that which is of the reverse nature is repayable'; whoever goes to receive a repayable profit or is enjoying it gets destruction. When he, however, thinks that by taking & repayable profit, I shall cause my enemy's treasury, army and other defensive resources to dwindle ; I shall exploit to impoverishment the mines, timber and elephant forests, irrigational works, and roads of traffic of my enemy; I shall impoverish his subjects, or cause them to migrate, or conspire against him; when they are reduced to this condition, my onomy inflames their hatred (by punishing them ); or I shall set my enemy against another enemy; my enemy will give up bis hopes and run away to one who has some bloodrelationship with bim; or having improved his lands, I shall retara them to him, and when he is thus brought to ascendency, he will be a lasting friend of mine,"then he may take even a repayable profit. Thus receivable and repayable profits are explained. That profit which a virtuous king receives from a wicked king pleases both his own and other people; that which is of the reverse nature excites hatred ; that profit which is received at the advice of ministers excites hatred, for they think, " This king has reduced our party and impoverished us." That profit which is received without caring for the opinion of treacherous ministers excites hatred, for they think, "Having made the profit, this king destroys us." But that which is of the reverse nature pleases. Thus pleasing and provoking profits are explained. That which is acquired by mere marching is what is acquired soon. That which is to be realised by negotiation ( mantrasadhya66) entails little loss of men. That which requires merely the expenditure of provisions (for servants employed to earn it) entails little loss of wealth. That which is immediately of considerable value's Vast. That which is the source of wealth is productive. as The first four books have been published in the Mysore Review 1908-1906. * The word, mantra,' is used in various shades of meaning : Sometimes it means intrigue or treachery and sometimes negotiation,

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APRIL, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 101 That which is attained with po troubles is harmless. That which is acquired best is just. That which is acquired without any hindrance from allies is prufit coming first. When profits from two sources) are equal, he should consider the place and time, the strength and means (reqnired to acquire it), affection and disaffection caused by it), intrigue and absence of intrigue (involving it), its nearness and distance, its present and future effects, its constant worth or worthlessness, and its plentifulness and usefulness; and he should accept only that profit which is possessed of most of the above good characteristics. Obstractions to profit are :-passion, anger, timidity, mercy, basbfulness, living like one who is not an Arya, baughtiness, pity, desire for the other world, strict adherence to virtuous life, deception, neediness, envy, negligence of what is at hand, generosity, want of faith, fear, inability to endure cold, heat, and rain; and faith in the auspiciousness of lunar days and stars. (a) Wealth will pass away from that childish man who inquires most after the stars; for wealth is the star for wealth ; what will the stars do? (6) Capable men will certainly secure wealth at least after a hundred trials; and wealth is * bound by wealth just as elephants are bound by counter-elephants.67 Chapter v. External and internal dangers (Bahyabhyantarabchapadah). The formation of a treaty and other settlements otherwise than they ought to have been niade is impolicy. From it arise dangers. The various kinds of dangers are :- that which is of external origin and of internal abetment; that which is of internal origin and of external abetment; that which is of external origin and of external abetment; and that which is of internal origin and of internal abetment. Where foreigners carry on an intrigue with local men or local men with foreigners, there the cousequences of the intrigue carried on by the combination of local and foreign persons will be very serious. Abettors of an intrigue have a better chance of success than its originators; for when the originators of an intrigue are put down, others will hardly succeed in undertaking any other intrigue. Foreigners can hardly win over local persons by intrigue; nor can local men seduce foreigners. Foreigners will find their vast efforts after all unavailing, and only conducive to the prosperity of the king (against whom they want to conspire). When local persons are abetting (with foreigners), the means to be employed to suppress them are conciliation (sdma) and gifts (dana). The act of pleasing & man with a high rank and honour is conciliation ; favour and remission of taxes or employment to conduct State-works is what is termed gifts. When foreigners are abetting, the king should employ the policy of dissension and coercion. Spies under the guise of friends may inform foreigners, "Mind, this man is desirous of deceiving you with the help of his own spies who are disguised as traitors." Spies under the garb of traitors may mix with traitors and separate them from foreigners, or foreigners from local traitors. Fiery spies may make friendship with traitors and kill them with weapons or poison, or having invited the plotting foreigners, they may murder the latter. OT a and b are in fluka metre.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. Where foreigners carry on an intrigue with foreigners, or local men with local men, there the consequences of the intrigue, unanimously carried on with a set purpose, will be very serious. When guilt is got rid of, there will be no guilty persons; but when a guilty person is got rid of, the guilt will contaminate others. Hence, when foreigners carry on an intrigue, the king should employ the policy of dissension and coercion. Spies under the guise of friends may inform foreign conspirators," Mind, this your king, with the desire of enriching himself, is naturally provoked. against you all." Then fiery spies may mix with the servants and soldiers of the abettor (of foreign conspirators) and kill them with weapons, poison, and other means. Other spies may then expose or betray the abettor. When local men carry on an intrigue with local men, the king should employ necessary strategic means to put it down. He may employ the policy of conciliation with regard to those who keep the appearance of contentment, or who are naturally discontented or otherwise. Gifts may be given under the pretext of having been satisfied with a favoured man's steadfastness in maintaining the purity of his character, or under the plea of anxious care about his weal and woe. A spy under the garb of a friend may tell the local persons, "Your king is attempting to find your heart; you should tell him the truth." Or local men may be separated from each other, by telling them," This man carries such a tale to the king against you." And coercive measures may be employed as described in the Chapter on "Awards of punishments69." Of these four kinds of danger, internal danger should first be got rid of; for it has been already stated that internal troubles like the fear from a lurking snake are more serions than external troubles. "One must consider that of these four kinds of danger, that which is mentioned first is less grave than the one subsequently mentioned, whether or not it is caused by powerful persons; otherwise (i. e., when the danger is caused by insignificant persons), simple means may be used to get rid of it.00 Chapter VI. Persons associated with traitors and enemies (Dushyasatrusamyuktah.) There are two kinds of innocent persons, those who have disassociated themselves from traitors and those who have kept themselves away from enemies. In order to separate citizens and country-people from traitors, the king should employ all the strategic means, except coercion. It is very difficult to inflict punishment on an assembly of influential men; and if inflicted at all, it may not produce the desired effect, but may give rise to undesirable consequences. He may, however, take steps against the leaders of the seditious as shown in the chapter on " Awards of punishments". To In order to separate his people from an enemy, he should employ conciliation and other strategic means to frustrate the attempt of those who are the enemy's principal agents or by whom the enemy's work is to be carried out. Success in securing the services of capable agents depends upon the king; success of efforts depends upon ministers; and success to be achieved through capable agents is, therefore, dependent both upon the king and his ministers. When, in spite of the combination of traitors and loyal persons, success is achieved, it is mixed success; when people are thus mixed, success is to be achieved through the agency of loyal persons; for in the absence of a support, nothing that requires a support for its existence can exist. When success is involved in the union of friends and enemies, it is termed a success contaminated by an enemy; when success is contaminated by an enemy, it is to be achieved through the agency of a friend; for it is easy to attain success through a friend, but not through an enemy. Chapter 1, Book V. 69 In floka metre. To Chapter 1, Book V.

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APRIL, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 103 When a friend does not come to terms, intrigue should be frequently resorted to. Through the agency of spies, the friend should be won over after separating him from the elemy. Or attempts may be made to win him over who is the last among combined friends ; for when he who is the last among combined friends is secured, those who occupy the middle rank will be separated from each other; or attempts may be made to win over a friend who occupies middle rank; for when a friend occupying middle rank among corabined kings is secured, friends, occupying the extreme ranks cannot keep the union. (In brief ), all those measures which tend to break their combination should be employed. A virtuous king may be conciliated by praising his birth, fa nily, learning, and character, and by pointing out the relationship which his ancestors had ( with the proposer of peace ), or by describing the benefits and absence of enmity shown to him. Or a king who is of good intentions, or who has lost his enthusiastic spirits, or whose strategic means are all exhausted and thwarted in a number of wars, or who has lost his men and wealth, or who has suffered from sojourning abroad, or who is desirous of gaining a friend in good faith, or who is apprehensive of danger from another, or who cares more for friendship than anything else, may be won over by conciliation. . Or a king who is greedy or who has lost his men may be won over by giving gifts through the medium of ascetics and chiefs who have been previously kept with him for the parpose. Gifts are of five kinds :- abandonment of what is to be paid ; continuance of what is being given ; repayment of what is received ; payment of one's own wealth ; and help for a voluntary raid on the property of others. When any two kings are apprehensive of enmity and seizure of land from each other, seeds of dissension may be sown between them. The timid of the two may be threatened with destruction and may be told, " Having made peace with you, this king works against you; the friend of this other king is permitted to make an open peace." When from one's own country or from another's country merchandise or commodities for manufacture in a manufactory are going to an enemy's country, spies may spread the information that those commodities are obtained from one whom the enemy wanted to march against. When commodities are thus gathered in abundance (the owner of the articles ) may send a message to the enemy," these commodities and merchandise are sent by ine to you; please declare war against the combined kings or desert them; you will then get the rest of the tribute." Then spies may inform the other kings of the combination, " these articles are given to him by your enemy". The conqueror may gather some merchandise peculiar to his enemy's country and unknown elsewhere. Spies, under the garb of merchants, may sell that merchandise to other important enemies and tell them that that merchandise was given (to the conqueror ) by the enemy (whose country's product it is). Or having pleased with wealth and honour those who are highly treachers us ( among an enemy's people), the conqueror may cause them to live with the enemy, armed with weapons, poison, and fire. One of the ministers of the enemy may be killed. His sons and wife may be induced to say that the minister was killed at night (by such and such a person). Then the enemy's minister may ask every one of the family of the murdered minister ( as to the cause of the death ). If they say in reply as they are told they may be caused to be set free ; if they do not do so, they may be caused to be caught hold of. Whoever has gained the confidence of the king may tell the king (the enemy) that he (the enemy has to guard his own person from such and such a minister. Then the recipient of salaries from the two States (the conqueror's and the enemy's State) may inform the suspected minister to destroy (the king ).

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. Or such kings as are possessed of enthusiasm and power may be told," seize the country of this king, our treaty of peace standing as before". Then spies should inform the particular king of the attempt of these kings and cause the destruction of the commissariat and of the followers of one of these kings. Other spies, pretending to be friends, should inform these kings of the necessity of destroying the particular king. When an enemy's trave soldier, elephant, or horse dies, or is killed, or carried off by spies, other spies may tell the enery that the death is due to mutgal conflict among his followers. The man who is employed to commit such murders may be asked to repeat his work again on the condition of bis receiving the balance due to him. He should receive the amount from the recipient of salaries from two States ; when the king's party is thus divided, some may be won over to the side of the conqueror). This explains the case of the commander-in-chief, the prince, and the officers of the army of the enemy ). Likewise seeds of dissension may be sown among combined States. Thus the work of sowing the seeds of dissension. Spies under concealment may, without the help of a fiery spy, murder by means of weapons, poison or other things a fortified enemy who is of mean character or who is under troubles; any one of hidden spies may do the work when it is found easy; or a fiery spy alone may do the work by means of weapons, poison, or fire ; for a fiery spy can do what others require all the necessary aids to do. Thus the four forms of strategic means. Of these means, that which comes first in the order of enumeration is, as stated in connection with " invaders ", easier than the rest. Conciliation is of single quality; gift is two-fold, since conciliation precedes it; dissension is threefold, since conciliation and gift precede it; and conciliatory coercion is fourfold, since conciliation, gift, and dissension precede it. The same means are employed in the case of local enemies, too; the difference is this :- the chief messengers known to the manufactories may be sent to any one of the local enemies in order to employ him for the purpose of making a treaty or for the parpose of destroying another person. When he agrees to the proposal, the messengers should inform their master of their success. Then recipients of salaries from two States should inform the people or enemies concerned in the local enemy's work, -" This person (the local enemy) is your wicked king." When & person has reason to fear or hate another, spies may augment dissension between them by telling one of them, " This man is making an agreement with your enemy, and will soon deceive you ; hence make peace with the king soon and attempt to put down this man." Or by bringing about friendship or marriage connection between persons who have not been hitherto connected, spies may separate them from others; or througb the aid of a neighbouring king, a wild chief, & scion of an enemy's family, or an imprisoned prioce, local enemies may be destroyed outside the kingdom ; or through the agency of a caravan or wild tribes, a local enemy may be killed along with his army; or persons, pretending to be the snpporters of a local enemy and who are of the same caste, may under favourable opportunities kill him; or spies under concealment may kill local enemies with fire, poison, and weapons. When the country is full of local enemies, they may be got rid of by making them drink poisonous (liquids); an obstinate (clever) enemy may be destroyed by spies or by means of (poisoned) flesh given to him in good faith.nl 11 In floka metre.

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APRIL, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 105 Chapter VII. Doubts about wealth and harm; and success to be obtained by the employment of alternative strategic means. (Arthanarta sambayayuktah ; tasamupayavikalpajassiddhayagcha). Intensity of desire and other passions provoke one's own people; impolicy provokes external enemies. Both these are the characteristics of denioniac life. Anger disturbs the feelings of one's own men. Those causes which are conducive to the prosperity of one's enemy are dangerous wealth, provocative wealth, and wealth of doubtful consequences. Wealth which, when obtained, increases the enemy's prosperity, or which, thongh obtained, is repayable to the enemy, or which causes loss of men and money, is dangerous wealth; for example, wealth which is enjoyed in common by neighbouring kings and which is acqnired at their expense; or wealth which is asked for by an enemy; or wealth which is seized like one's own property; or wealth which is acquired in the front and which causes futnre troubles or provokes an enemy in the rear; or wealth which is obtained by destroying a friend or by breaking a treaty and which is therefore detested by the Circle of States, all these are the varieties of dangerous wealth. Wealth which causes fear from one's own people or from an enemy is provocative yealth. When, in connection with these two kinds of wealth, there arise doubts, such as, "Is it provocative wealth or not? Harmless wealth or provocative wealth P First provocative and then harmless? Is it profitable to encourage an enemy or a friend? Would the bestowal of wealth and honour on an enemy's army excite hatred or not?" Of these doubts, doubt regarding the acquirement of wealth is preferable to ( doubts regarding harm or provocation). Wealth productive of wealth ; wealth productive of nothing; wealth productive of harm; lose or harm productive of wealth ; sustenance of harm for no profit ; harm productive of harm,-these are the six varieties of harmful wealtb. Destruction of an enemy in the front resulting in the destruction of an enemy in the rear is what is termed "wealth productive of wealth". Wealth acquired by helping a neutral king with the army is what is called " wealth productive of nothing." The reduction of the internal strength of an enemy is " wealth productive of harm." Helping the neighbouring king of an enemy with men and money is "harm productive of wealth." Withdrawal after encouraging or setting a king of poor resources (against another) is "harm productive of nothing." Inactivity after causing excitement to a superior king is "harm productive of harm." Of these, it is better to pursue that which is mentioned first in the order of enumeration than that which is subsequently mentioned. Thus the procedure of setting to work. * When the surrounding circumstances are conducive to wealth, it is known as wealth from all sides. When the acquirement of wealth from all sides is obstructed by an enuniy in the rear, it takes the form of dangerous wealth involved in doubts. In these two cases, success can be achieved by securing the help of a friend and the enemy of the rear-enemy.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. When there is reason to apprehend fear from enemies on all sides, it is a dangerous trouble ; when a friend comes forward to arert this fear, that trouble becotnes iuvolved in doubt. In these two cases, success can be achieved by securing the support of a nomadic enemy and the enemy of the rear-enemy. When the prospect of acquiring profit from one or the other side is irremediably obstructed by enemies, it is called " dangerous wealth." In this case as well as in the case of profit from all sides, one shoull undertake to march for acquiring profitable wealth. When the prospects of getting wealth (from two sides) are equal, one should march to secure that which is important, near. unfailing, and obtainable by easy means. When there is the apprehension of harm from one quarter as well as from another, it is wealth beset with danger from two sides. In this case as well as in the case of wealth involved in danger from all sides, success is to be desired with the help of friends. In the absence of friends, he should attempt to ward off harm from one side with the help of an ally who can be easily won over; he should ward off harm from two sides with help of an ally of superior power; and he should ward off harm from all sides with all the resources he can command. When it is impossible to do this, he should run away, leaving all that belongs to him; for it he lives, his return to power is certain as in the case of Suydtra and Udayana, When there is the prospect of wealth from one side and the apprehension of an attack from another, it is tormed a situation beset with wealth and harm. In this case he should march to acquire that wealth which will enable him to ward off the attack; otherwise he should attempt to avert the attack. This explains the situation which is beset with wealth and harm on all sides. When there is the apprehension of harm from one side and when the prospect of acquiring wealth from another side is involved in doubt, it is termed doubt of harm and wealth from two sides. In this, he should ward off the harm first; when this is done, he should attempt to acquire the doubtful woalth. This explains the doubtful situation of harm and wealth from all sides. When there is the prospect of wealth from one side and the apprehension of doubtful harm from another, it is a doubtful situation of harm and wealth from two sides. This explains the situation of doubtful harm and wealth from all sides. In this he should attempt to ward off the doubts of harm against each of the elements of his sovereignty in order; for it is better to leave a friend under circumstances of doubtful harm than the army; also the army may be left under circomstances of doubtful barm, but not the treasury. When all the elements of his sovereignty cannot be relieved from harm, he should attempt to relieve some of them at least. Among the elements, he should attempt to relieve first those animate elements which are most loyal, and free from firebrands and greedy men; of inanimate elements (he should relieve) that which is most precious and useful. Such elements as are capable of easy relief may be relieved by such means as an agreement of peace, observance of neutrality, and making peace with one and waging war with another. Those which require greater efforts may be relieved by other means. of deterioration, stagnation and progress, he should attempt to secure that which is mentioned later in the order of enumeration; or in the reverse order, if he finds that deterioration and other stages are conducive to future prosperity. Thus the determination of situations. This explains the situation of dorbtful harm and wealth in the middle or at the close of a march. Since doubts of wealth and harm are constantly associated with all expeditions, it is better to secure wealth by which it is easy to destroy an enemy in the rear and bis allies, to recoup the loss of men and money, to make provisions during the time of sojourning abroad, to make good what is repayable, and to defend the State. Also harm or doubtful prospects of wealth in one's own State are always intolerable.

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APRIL, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 107 This explains the situation of doubtful barm in the middle of an expedition. But at the close of an expedition, it is better to acquire wealth either by reducing or destroying a reducible or assailable enemy than to get into a situation of doubtful harm, lest enemies might cause troubles. But, for one who is not the leader of combination of states, it is better to risk the situation of doubtful wealth or harm in the middle or at the close of an expedition, since one is not obliged to continue the expedition. Wealth, virtue, and enjoyment form the aggregate of the three kinds of wealth. Of these, it is better to secure that which is mentioned first than that which is subsequently mentioned in the order of enumeration. Harm, sin and grief form the aggregate of the three kinds of harm. Of these it is better to provide against that which is mentioned first than that which is subsequently mentioned. Wealth or harm, virtue or sin, and enjoyment or grief, are the aggregate of the three kinds of donbts. Of these, it is better to try that which is mentioned first than that which is mentioned later in the order of enumeration, and which it is certain to shake off. Thus the determination of opportunities. Thus ends the discourse on danger. Regarding success in these dangerous situations and times in the case of troubles from sons, brothers or relatives, it is better to secure relief by means of conciliation and gifts; in the case of troubles from citizens, country people, or chiefs of the army, it is by means of gifts and sowing the seeds of dissension; in the case of troubles from a neighbouring king or wild tribes, it is by means of sowing the seeds of dissension and coercion. This is following the order of the means. In other kinds of situations the same means may be employed in the reverse order. Success against friends and enemies is always achieved by complicated means; for strategie means belp each other. In the case of suspected ministers of an enemy, the employment of conciliation does not need the use of the other means; in the case of treacherous ministers it is by means of gifts; in the case of combination of States, it is by means of sowing the seeds of dissension; and in the case of the powerful, it is by means of coercion. When grave and light dangers are together apprehended, a particular mexus, or alternative means or all the means may be employed. By this alone, but not by any other means, is what is meant by a particular means. By this or that, is what is meant by alternative means. By this as well as by that, is what is meant by all the means. Of these, the single means as well as the combination of any three means are four; the combinations of any two means are six; and the combination of all the four is one. Thus there are fifteen kinds of strategic means. Of the same number are the means in the reverse order. When a king attains success by only one means among these various means, he is called one of zingle success; when by two, one of double success; when by three, one of treble success; and when by four, one of four-fold success. As virtue is the basis of wealth and as enjoyment is the end of wealth, success in achieving that kind of wealth which promotes virtne, wealth and enjoyment is termed success in all (sarvarthasiddhi). Thus varieties of success. Such providential visitations as fire, floods, disease, pestilence (pramara), fever (vidrava), famine, and demoniac troubles are dangerous. Success in averting these is to be sought by worshipping gods and Brahmans, Whether demoniacal troubles are absent, or are too many, or normal, the rites prescribed in the Athardaveda as well as the rites undertaken by accomplished ascetics are to be performed for success.72 13 In Noka metro.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. Book x Relating to war (Sangramikam). Chapter I. Encampment (Skandhavaranivebah). On a site declarod to be the best according to the science of buildings, the leader (Nayaka), the carpenter (Vardhaki), and the astrologer (Mauhurtika) should measure a circular, rectangular, or square spot for the camp which sbould, in accordance with the available space, consist of four gates, six roads, and nine divisions. Provided with ditehes, parapets, walls, doors, and watch towers for defence against fear, the quarters of the king, 3,000 bows (900 feet) long and balf as broad, should be situated in one of the nine divisions to the north from the centre, while to the west of it his harem, and at its extremity the army of the harem are to be situated. In his front, the place for worshipping gods; to his right the departments of finance and accounts; and to his left the quarters of elephants and horses mounted by the king himself. Outside this and at a distance of 100 bows froni mach other, there should be tixed four cart-poles (sakalamedi), pillars and walls. In the first of these four divisions), the prime minister and the priest (should have their quarters); to its right the store-house and the kitchen ; to its left the store of raw products and weapons ; in the second division the quarters of the bereditary army and of horses and chariots; outside this, hunters and keepers of dogs with their trampets and with fire; also spies and sentinels; also to prevent the attack of enemies, wells, mounds and thorns should be arranged. The eighteen divisions of sentinels employed for the purpose of securing the safety of the king should be changing their watches in turn. In order to ascertain the movements of spies, a time-table of business should also be prepared during the day. Disputes, drinking, social gatherings, and gambling should also be prohibited. The system of passports should also be observed. The officer in charge of the boundary of the camp) should supervise the conduct of the commander-in-chief and the observance of the instructions given to the army. The instructor (prasdstd) with his retinue and with carpenters and free labourers should carefully march in front on the road, and should dig wells of water. 73 Chapter II. March of the camp; and proteotion of the army in times of distress and attack: (Skandhavarapray&pam; balavyasanavaskanda kalarakshanam). Having prepared a list of the villages and forests situated on the road with reference to their capacity to supply grass, firewood and water, niarch of the army should be regulated according to the programme of short and long halts. Food-sinffs and provisions should be carried in double the quantity that may be required in any emergency. In the absence of separate means to carry food-stuffs, the army itself should be entrusted with the business of carrying them; or they may be stored in a central place. In front the leader (Nayaka); in the centre the barem and the master (the bing) ; on the sides horses and body-guards (bahutsdra); at the extremity of the (marching) circular array, elephants and the surplus army, on all sides the army habituated to forest-life; and other troops following the camp, the commissariat, the army of an ally, and his followers should select their own road; for armies who have secured suitable positions will prove superior in fight to those who are in bad positions. 1 In floka motre.

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APRIL, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 109 The army of the lowest quality can march a yojana (6 miles a day); that of the middle quality a yojana and a half; and the best army two yojanas. Hence it is easy to ascertain the rate of march. The commander should march behind and put up his camp in the front. In case of any obstruction, the army should march in crocodile array in the front, in cart-like array behind, and on the sides in diamond-like array (i. e., in four or five rows, each having its front, rear and sides); and in a compact array on all sides. When the army is marching on a path passable by a single man, it should march in pin-like array. When peace is made with one and war is to be waged with another, steps should be taken to protect the friends who are bringing help against enemies, such as an enemy in the rear, his ally, a madhyama king, or a neutral king. Roads with obstructions should be examined and cleared. Finance, the army, the strength of the armies of friends, enemies, and wild tribes, the prospect of rains, and the seasons should be thoroughly examined. When the protective power of fortifications and stores (of the enemies) is on its decay, when it is thought that distress of the hired army or of a friend's army (of the enemy) is impending; when intriguers are not for a quick march; or when the enemy is likely to come to terms (with the invader), slow march should be made; otherwise quick march should be made. Waters may be crossed by means of elephants, planks spread over pillars erected, bridges, boats, timber and mass of bamboos, as well as by means of dry sour gourds, big baskets covered with skins, rafts, gandikd (?), and vanika (?). When the crossing of a river is obstructed by the enemy, the invader may cross it elsewhere togther with his elephants and horses, and entangle the enemy in an ambuscade (sattra). He should protect his army when it has to pass a long desert without water; when it is without grass, firewood and water; when it has to traverse a difficult road; when it is harassed by an enemy's attacks; when it is suffering from hunger and thirst after a journey; when it is ascending or descending a mountainous country fall of mire, water-pools, rivers and cataracts; when it finds itself crowded in a narrow and difficult path; when it is halting, starting or eating; when it is tired from a long march; when it is sleepy; when it is suffering from a disease, pestilence or famine; when a great portion of its infantry, cavalry and elephants is diseased; when it is not sufficiently strong; or when it is under troubles. He should destroy the enemy's army under such circumstances. When the enemy's army is marching through a path traversable by a single man, the commander (of the invader's army) should ascertain its strength by estimating the quantity of food-stuffs, grass, bedding, and other requisites, fire pots (agninidhana), flags and weapons. He should also conceal those of his own army. Keeping a mountainous or river fortress with all its resources at his back in his own country, he should fight or put up his camp." Chapter III. Forms of treacherous fights; encouragement to one's own army; and fight between one's own and enemy's armies. (Katayuddhavikalpah ; svasainyotsahanam; svabulanyabalavyayogascha.) He who is possessed of a strong army, who has succeeded in his intrigues, and who bas applied remedies against dangers may undertake an open fight, if he has secured a position favourable to himself; otherwise a treacherous fight. 13 In floka metre.

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. He should strike the enemy when the latter's army is under troubles or is furiously attacked; or he who has secured a favourable position may strike the enemy entangled in an unfavourable position. Or he who possesses control over the elements of his own State may, through the aid of the enemy's traitors, enemies, and inimical wild tribes, make a false impression of his own defeat on the mind of the enemy who is entrenched in a favourable position, and having thus dragged the enemy into an unfavourable position, he may strike the latter. When the enemy's army is in a compact body, he should break it by means of his elephants; when the enemy has come down from its favourable position, following the false impression of the invader's defeat, the invader may turn back and strike the enemy's army, broken or unbroken. Having struck the front of the enemy's army, he may strike it again by means of his elephants and horses when it has shown its back and is running away. When frontal attack is unfavourable, he should strike it from behind; when attack on the rear is unfavourable, he should strike it in front; when attack on one side is unfavourable, he should strike it on the other. Or having caused the enemy to fight with his own army of traitors, enemies and wild tribes, the invader should with his fresh army strike the enemy when tired. Or having through the aid of the army of traitors given to the enemy the impression of defeat, the invader with full confidence in his own strength may allure and strike the over-confident enemy. Or the invader, if he is vigilant, may strike the careless enemy when the latter is deluded with the thought that the invader's merchants, camp and carriers have been destroyed. Or having made his strong force look like a weak force, he may strike the enemy's brave men when falling against him. Or having captured the enemy's cattle or having destroyed the enemy's dogs (avapadaradha?), he may induce the enemy's brave men to come out and may slay them. Or having made the enemy's men sleepless by harassing them at night, he may strike them during the day, when they are weary from want of sleep and are parched by heat, himself being under the shade. Or with his army of elephants enshrouded with cotton and leather dress, he may offer a night-battle to his enemy. Or he may strike the enemy's men during the afternoon when they are tired by making preparations during the forenoon; or he may strike the whole of the enemy's army when it is facing the sun. A desert, a dangerous spot, marshy places, mountains, valleys, uneven boats, cows, cart-like array of the army, mist, and night are sattras (temptations alluring the enemy against the invader). The beginning of an attack is the time for treacherous fights. As to an open or fair fight:-a virtuous king should call his army together, and, specifying the place and time of battle, address them thus I am a paid servant like yourselves; this country is to be enjoyed (by me) together with you; you have to strike the enemy specified by me." His minister and priest should encourage the army by saying thus: "It is declared in the Vedas that the goal which is reached by sacrificers after performing the final ablutions in sacrifices in which the priests have been duly paid for is the very goal which brave men are destined to attain." About this there are the two verses : Beyond those places which Brahmans, desirous of getting into heaven, attain together with their sacrificial instruments by performing a number of sacrifices, or by practising penance are the places which brave men, losing life in good battles, are destined to attain immediately. Let not a new vessel filled with water, consecrated and covered over with darbha grass be the acquisition of that man who does not fight in return for the subsistence received by him from his master, and who is therefore destined to go to hell. Astrologers and other followers of the king should infase spirit into his army by pointing out the impregnable nature of the array of his army, his power to associate with Gods, and his omnisciency; and they should at the same time frighten the enemy. The day before the battle, the king should fast and lie down on his chariot with weapons. He should also make oblations into the fire,

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APRIL, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 111 pronouncing the mantras of the Atharvaveda, and cause prayers to be offered for the good of the victors as well as of those who attain to heaven by dying in the battlefield. He should also submit his person to Brahmans; he should make the central portion of his army consist of such men as are noted for their bravery, skill, high birth, and loyalty and as are not displeased with the rewards and honours bestowed on them. The place that is to be occupied by the king is that portion of the army which is composed of his father, sons, brothers, and other men, skilled in using weapons, and having no flags and head-dress. He shonld mount an elephant or a chariot, if the army consists mostly of horses; or he may mount that kind of animal, of which the army is mostly composed or which is the most skilfully trained. One who is disguised like the king should attend to the work of arraying the army. Sooth-sayers and court-bards should describe heaven as the goal for the brave and hell for the timid ; and also extol the caste, corporation, family, deeds, and character of his men. The followers of the priest should proclaim the auspicious aspects of the witchcraft performed. Spies, carpenters and astrologers should also declare the success of their own operations and the failure of those of the enemy. After having pleased the army with rewards and honours, the commander-in-chief should address it and say : A hundred thousand (panas) for slaying the king (the enemy); fifty thousand for slaying the commander-in-chief, and the heir-apparent; ten thousand for slaying the chief of the brave ; five thousand for destroying an elephant, 'or & chariot; a thousand for killing a horse; a hundred (panas) for slaying the chief of the infantry; twenty for bringing a head; and twice the pay in addition to whatever is seized. This information should be made known to the leaders of every group of ten (men). Physicians with surgical instruments (dastra), machines, remedial oils, and cloth in their hands; and women with prepared food and beverage should stand behind, uttering encouraging words to fighting men. The army should be arrayed on a favourable position, facing other than the south quarter, with its back turned to the son, and capable to rush as it stands. If the array is made on an unfavourable spot, horses should be run. If the army arrayed on an unfavourable position is confined or is made to run away from it (by the enemy), it will be subjugated either as standing or running away ; otherwise it will conquer the enemy when standing or running away. The even, aneven, and complex nature of the ground in the front or on the sides or in the rear should be examined. On an even site, staff-like or circular array should be made ; and on an uneven ground, arrays of compact movement or of detached bodies should be made. Having broken the whole army of the enemy). (the invader) should seek for peace , if the armies are of equal strength, he should make peace when requested for it; and if the enemy's army is inferior, he should attempt to destroy it, but not that which has socured a favourable position and is reckless of life. When a broken army, reckless of life, resumes its attack, its fury becomes irresistible, hence, he should not harass a broken army of the enemy) 7. Chapter IV. Battlefields; the work of infantry, cavalry, ohariots, and elephants. (Yuddhabh mayah; pattyabvarathahastikarmani ohs). Favourable positions for infantry, cavalry, chariots, and elephants are desirable both for war and camp For men who are trained to fight in desert tracts, forests, valleys, or plains, and for those who are trained to fight from ditches or heights, during the day or night, and for elephants which are bred in countries with rivers, mountains, marshy lands, or lakes, as well as for horses, such battlefields as they would find suitble ( are to be secured). 16 In floka matre.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.. [APRIL, 1910. Thnt which is even, splendidly firm, free from mounds and pits made by wheels and foot-prints of beasts, not offering obstructions to the axle, free from trees, plants, creepers and trunks of trees, not wet, and free from pits, ant-hills, sand, and thorns is the ground for chariots. For elephants, borses and men, even or uneven grounds are good either for war or for camp. That which contains small stones, trees and pits that can be jumped over and which is almost free from thorns is the ground for horses. That which contains big stones, dry or green trees, and ant-hills is the ground for the infantry. That wbich is uneven with assailable hills and valleys, which has trees that can be pulled down and plants that can be torn, and which is full of muddy soil free from thorns is the ground for elephante. That which is free from thorns, not very uneven, but very expansive, is an excellent gronnd for the infantry. That which is doubly expansive, free from mud, water and roots of trees, and which is devoid of piercing gravel is an excellent ground for horses. That which possesses dast, maddy soil, water, grass and weeds, and which is free from thorn (known as dog's teeth) and obstructions from the brancbes of big trees is an excellent ground for lephants. That which contains lakes, which is free from mounds and wet lands, and wbich affords space for turning is an excellent ground for chariots. Positions suitable for all the constituents of the army have been treated of. This explains the Dature of the ground which is fit for the camp or battle of all kinds of the army. Ooncentration on occupied positions, in camps and forests; holding tho ropes (of beasts and other things) while crossing the rivers or when the wind is blowing hard; destruction or protection of the commissariat and of troops arriving afresh; supervision of the discipline of the army; lengthening the line of the army; protecting the sides of the army; first attack; dispersion of the enemy's arrmy); trampling it down; defence ; seizing; letting it out ; causing the army to take a different direction; carrying the treasury and the princes ; falling against the rear of the enemy; chasing the timid; pursuit; and concentration ;-these constitute the work of horses. Marching in the front, preparing the roads, camping grounds and path for bringing water; protecting the sides ; firm standing, fording and entering into water while crossing pools of water and ascending from them; forced entrance into impregnable places ; setting or quenching the fire ; the subjugation of one of the four constituents of the army i gathering the dispersed army; breaking a compact army: protection against dangers ; trampling down ( the enemy's army); frigatening and driving it; magnificence ; soizing; abandoning; destruction of walls, gates and towors; and carrying the treasury ;-these constituto the work of elephants. Protection of the army; repelling the attack made by all the four constituents of the enemy's army ; seizing and abandoning (positions ) during the time of battle ; gathering << dispersed army ; breaking the compact array of the enemy's army; frightening it; magnificence; and fearful noise ;-these constitute the work of chariots. eriots. Always carrying the weapons to all places; and fighting ;-these constitute the work of the infantry.

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APRIL, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. . 113 14. The examination of camps, roads, bridges, wells and rivers ; carrying the machines, weapons, armours, instruments and provisions ; carrying away. the men that are knocked down, along with their weapons and armours ;-these constitute the work of free labonrers. The king who has a small number of horses may combine bulls with horges; Likewise when he is deficient in elephants, he may fill ap the centre of his army with mules, camels and carts.76 Chapter V. . . The distinctive array of troops in respect of wings, Aanks, and front; distinction between strong and weak troops; and battla with infantry, cavalry, ohariots and elephants. (Pakshakakahorasyanam balagreto vydhavibhagah; AraphalgubalavibhAgah ; patyalvarathahastiyuddhani oba). Having fortified a camp at the distance of five hundred bow (5,000 feet), he should begin to fight. Having detached the flower of the army and kept it on a favourable position not visible to the enemy), the commander-in-chief and the leader should array the rest of the army. The infantry should be arrayed such that the space between any two men is . sama (14 angulas or inches); cavalry with three samas ; chariots with four samas; and elephants with twice or thrice as much space (as between any two chariota). With such an array free to move and having no confusion, one should fight. A bow means five aratnis (5 X 24=120 angulas). Archers should be stationed at the distance of five bows (from one line to another); the cavalry at the distance of three bows; and chariots or elephauts at the distance of five bows. . The intervening space (anikasandhi) between wings, flanks and front of the army should be five bows. There must be three men to oppose a horse (prati yoddhd); fifteen men or five horses to oppose , chariot or an elephant; aud as many (fifteen) servants (padagopa) for a horse, a chariot and an elephant should be maintained. Three groups (anska) of three chariots each should be stationed in front; the same number on the two flanks and the two wings. Thus, in an array of chariots, the number of chariots amounts to forty-five, two hundred and twenty-five horses, six hundred and seventy-five men, and as many servants to attend upon the horses, chariots and elephants;- this is called an even array of troops The number of chariots in this array of three groups of three chariots each) may be increased by two and two till the increased number amounts to twenty-one. Thus, this array of odd numbers of chariots gives rise to ten odd varieties. Thus the surplus of the army may therefore be distributed in the above manner. Two-thirds of the (surplus) chariots may be added to the flanks and the wings, the rest being put in front. Thus the added surplus of chariots should be one-third less (than the number added to the flanks and wings). This explains the distribution of surplus elephants and horses. As many horses, chariots and elephants may be added as occasion no confqsion in fighting Excess of the army is called surplus (dvdpa); deficiency in infantry is called absence of surplus (pratydvdpa); excess of any one of the font constituents of the army is akin to surplus (anvdvdpa); excess of traitors is far from surplus (atydrapa); in accordance with one's own resources, one should increase one's army from four to eight times the excess of the enemy's army or the deficiency in the enemy's infantry. The array of elephants is explained by the array of chariots. -An array of elephants, cbariots, and horses mixed together may also be made: at the extremities of the circle (array), elephants ; and on the flanks, horses and principal chariots. The array in which the front is occupied by elephants T# In Roka metre.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. the flanks by chariots, and the wings by horses is an array which can break the centre of the enemy's army; the reverse of this can harass the extremities of the enemy's army. An array of elephants may also be made the front by such elepbants as are trained for war; the flanks by such as are trained for riding; and the wings by rogue elephants. In an array of horses, the front by horses with mail armour; and the flanks and wings by horses without armour. In an array of infantry, men dressed in mail armour in front, archers in the rear, and men without armoar on the wings; or horses on the wings, elephants on the flanks, and chariots in front; other changes may also be made 10 As to oppose the enemy's army successfully. The best army is that which consists of strong infantry and of such elephants and horses as are noted for their breed, birth, strength, youth, vitality, capacity to run even in old age, fary, skill, firmness, magnanimity, obedience, and good habits. One-third of the best of infantry, cavalry and elephants should be kept in front; two-thirds on both the flanks and wings; tbe array of the army according to the strength of its constituents is in the direct order ; that which is arrayed mixing one-third of strong and weak troops is in the reverse order. Thus, one shonld know all the varieties of arraying the army. Having stationed the weak troops at the extremities, one would be liable to the force of the enemy's onslaught. Having stationed the flower of the army in front, one should make the wings equally strong. One-third of the best in the rear, and weak troops in the centre, - this array is able to resist the enemy; having made an array, he should strike the enemy with one or two of the divisions on the wings, flanks, and front, and capture the enemy by means of the rest of the troops. When the enemy's force is weak, with few horses and elephants, and in contaminated with the intrigue of treucheroas ministers, the conqueror should strike it with most of his best troops. He should increase the numerical strength of that constituent of the army which is physically weak. He should array his troops on that side on which the enemy is weak or from which danger is apprehended. Running against; running round; running beyond; running back; distarbing the enemy's halt; gathering the troops ; carving; circling; miscellaneous operations; removal of the rear ;, parsuit of the line from the front, flanks and rear; protection of the broken army; and falling upon the broken army, - these are the forms of waging war with horses. The same varieties with the exception of what is called) miscellaneous operations; the destruction of the four constituents of the army, either single or combined ; the dispersion of the fianks, wings and front; trampling down; and attacking the army when it is asleep, these are the varieties of waging war with elephants. The samo varieties with the exception of disturbing the enemy's halt; running against; running back; and fighting from where it stands on its own ground, these are the varieties of waging war with chariots. Striking in all places and at all timen, and striking by surprise are varieties of waging war with infantry. (a) In this way, he should make odd or even arrays, keeping the strength of the four constituents of the army equal. (6) Having gone to a distance of 200 bows, the king should take his position together with the reserve of his army; and without a reserve, he should never attempt to fight, for it is by the reserved force that dispersed troops are collected togetber.77 Ta and b are in foka metre.

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APRIL, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 115 Chapter VI. The array of the Army like a staff, a snake, & circle, or in detached order; the array of the army against that of an enemy. (Dandabhoga mandalasam hatavyuhanam; tasya prativyahasthapanam cha). Wings and front, capable to turn (against an enemy is what is called) a snake-like array (iloga); the two wings, the two flanks, the front, and the reserve (forms an array) according to the school of Btihaspati. The principal forms of the array of the ariny, such as that like a staff, like a snake, like a circle, and in detached order, are varieties of the above two forms of the array consisting of wings, flanks and front. Stationing the army so as to stand abreast, is called a staff-like array (danda). Stationing the army, in a line so that one may follow the other, is called a snake-like array (broga). Stationing the army so as to face all the directions, is called a circle-like array (mandala). Detached arrangement of the army mto small bodies so as to enable each to act for itself, is termed an array in detached order (asamlata). That which is of equal strength on its wings, flanks and front, is a staff-like array. The same array is called prulara (breaking the enemy's array) when its flanks are made to project in front. The same is called dridhala (firm) when its wings and flanks are stretched back. The same is called asahya (irresistible) when its wings are lengthened. When, having formed the wings, the front is made to bulge out, it is called an cagle-like array The same four varieties are called "a bow," "the centre of a bow," "a hold," and "a strong hold," when they are arranged in a reverse form. That, of which the wings are arrayed like a bow, is called sanjaya (victory). The same with projected front is called vijaya (conqueror); that which has its flanks and wings formed like a staff is called sthulakarna (big ear); the same with its front made twice as strong as the conqueror, is called visalavijaya (vast victory); that which has its wings stretched forward is called chamimukha (face of the army); and the same is called ghashasya (face of the fish) when it is arrayed in the reverse form. The staff-like array in which one (constitnent of the army) is inade to stand behind the other is called a pin-like array. When this array consists of two such lines, it is called an aggregate (valuya); and when of four lines, it is called an invincible array ;--these are the varieties of the staff-like array. The snake-like array in which the wings, flanks and front are of unequal depth is called sarpasari (serpentine movement), or gomutrikd (the course of a cow's urine). . When it consists of two lines in front and bas its wings arranged as in the staff-like array, it is called a cart-like array; the reverse of this is called a crocodile-like array; the cart-like array which consists of elephants, horses and chariots is called vdripatantaka (?);these are the varieties of the snake-like array. The circle-like array in which the distinction of wings, flanks and front is lost is called sarvatomukha (facing all directions ), or sartalobhadra (all auspicious), ashtanilca (one of eight divisions), or vijaya (victory); these are the varieties of the circle-like array.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. That, of which the wings, flanks and front are stationed apart is called array in detached order ; when five divisions of the army are arranged in detached order, it is called vajra (diamond), or godhd (alligator); when four divisions, it is called udyanaka (park), or Idkapadi (crow's foot); when three divisions, it is called ardhachandrika (half-moon), or karkatakasringi (1);-- these are the varieties of the array in detached order. The array in which chariots form the front, elephants the wings, and horses the rear, is called arishta (auspicious). The array in which infantry, cavalry, chariots and elephants stand one behind the other is called achala (immoveable). The array in which elephants, horses, chariots and infantry stand in order one behind the other is called apratihata (invincible). Of these, the conqueror should assail the pradara by means of the dridhaka; dridhaka by means of the asahya ; syena (eagle-like array) by means of chdpa (an array like a bow); a hold by means of a strong-hold ; sanjaya by means of vijaya; sthulakarna by means of vildlavijaya; varipat antaka by means of sarvatobhadra. He may assail all kinds of arrays by means of the durjaya. Of infantry, cavalry, chariots and elephants, he should strike the first-mentioned with that which is subsequently mentioned ; and a small constituent of the army with a big one. For every ten members of each of the constituents of the army, there must be one commander, called padika; ten padikas under a sendpari ; ten senapatis under a Nayaka (leader). The constituents of the array of the army should be called after the names of trumpet sounds, flags and ensigns. Achievement of success in arranging the constituents of the army, in gathering the forces, in camping, in marcbing, in turning back, in making onslaughts, and in the array of equal strength depends upon the place and time of action. (a) By the display of the army, by secret contrivances, by fiery spies employed to strike the enemy engaged otherwise, by witchcraft, by proclaiming the conqueror's association with gods, by carts, by the ornaments of elepbants ; (6) by inciting traitors, by herds of cattle, by setting fire to the camp, by destroying the wings and the rear of the enemy's army, by sowing the seeds of dissension through the agency of men under the guise of servants; (c) or by telling the enemy that his fort was burnt, stormed, or that some one of his family, or an enemy or a wild chief rose in rebellion,-by these and other means the cona ieror should cause excitement to the enemy. (d) The arrow shot by an archer may or may not kill a single man ; but skilful intrigue devised by a wise man can kill even those who are in the womb.78 Book XI. The Conduct of Corporations. (Sanghavrittani ). Chapter I. Causes of dissension, and secret punishment. (Bhedopadanani, upambudandabcha ). The acquisition of the help of corporations is better than the acquisition of an army, a friend, or profits. By means of conciliation and gifts, the conqueror should secure and enjoy the services of such corporations as are invincible to the enemy and are favourably disposed towards himself, But those who are opposed to him, he should put down by sowing the seeds of dissension among them and by secretly punishing them 15 a d are in Sloka metre,

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THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. APRIL, 1910.] The corporations of warriors (kshattriyasreni) of Kambhoja, and Surashtra, and other countries live by agriculture, trade and wielding weapons. The corporations of Lichchhivika, Vrijika, Mallaka, Madraka, Kukura, Kuru, Panchala and others live by the title of a Raja. Spies, gaining access to all these corporations and finding out jealousy, hatred and other causes of quarrel among them, should sow the seeds of a well-planned dissension among them, and tell one of them, "This man decries you". Spies, under the guise of teachers (acharya) should cause childish embroils among those of mutual enmity on occasions of disputations about certain points of science, arts, gambling or sports. Fiery spies may occasion qaurrel among the leaders of corporations by praising inferior leaders in taverns and theatres; or retending to be friends, they may excite ambition in the minds of princes by praising their high birth, thongh they (the princes) are low-born; they may prevent the superiors from interdining and intermarriage with others; they may persuade the superiors to interdine or to intermarry with inferiors; or they may give publicity to the consideration of priority shown to inferior persons in social intercourse in the face of the established custom of recognising the status of other persons by birth, bravery and social position; or fiery spies may bring about quarrel among them at night by destroying the things, beasts, or persons concerned in some legal disputes. In all these disputes, the conqueror should help the inferior party with men and money and set them against the superior party. When they are divided, he should remove them (from their country); or he may gather them together and cause them to settle in a cultivable part of their own country, under the designation of "five households," and "ten households"; for when living together, they can be trained in the art of wielding weapons. Specified fines should also be prescribed against any treacherous combinations among them. He may instal as the heir-apparent a prince born of a high family, but dethroned or imprisoned. Spies, under the guise of astrologers and others, should bring to the notice of the corporations the royal characteristics of the prince, and should induce the virtuous leaders of the corporations to acknowledge their duty to the prince who is the son of such and such a king and who is the hearer of their complaints. To those who are thus prevailed upon, the conqueror should send men and money for the purpose of winning over other partisans. On occasions of any affray spies, under the guise of vintners, should under the plea of the birth of a son, of marriage or of the death of a man distribute as toast (nishechanika) hundreds of vessels of liquour adulterated with the juice of madana plant. Near the gates of altars (chaitya), temples, and other places under the watch of sentinels, spies should pretend to declare their agreement (with the enemy of the corporations), their mission, their rewards, and bags of money with the golden seals of the enemy; when the corporations appear before the spies, they may tell the corporations that they (the spies) have sold themselves to the enemy, and challenge the corporations for war. Or having seized the draught animals and golden articles belonging to the corporations, they may give the most important of those animals and art cles to the chief of the corporations, and tell the corporations, when asked for, that it was given to the chief (for the purpose of causing quarrel among them). 117 This explains the method of sowing the seeds of dissension in camps and among wild tribes. Or a spy may tell a self-confident son of the chief of corporations, "You are the son of such and such a king and are kept here under the apprehension of danger from enemies." When he is deluded with this belief, the conqueror may help him with men and money and set him against the corporations. When the object in view is realised, the conqueror may also banish him. Keepers of harlots or dancers, players, and actors may, after gaining access, excite love in the minds of the chiefs of corporations by exhibiting women endowed with bewitching youth and beauty. By causing the woman to go to another person or by pretending that another person has violently carried her off, they may bring about quarrel among those who love that woman; in the ensuing affray, fiery spies may do their work and declare, "Thus has he been killed in consequence of his love."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. A woman who has disappointed her lover and has been forgiven, may approach a chief and say, "This chief is troubling me when my mind is set upon you; when he is alive I cannot stay here," and thus induce the former to slay the latter. 118 [APRIL, 1910. A woman who has been violently carried off at night may cause the death of her violator in the vicinity of a park or in a pleasure house, by means of fiery spies or with poison administered by herself. Then she may declare, "This beloved person of mine has been killed by such and such a person." A spy, under the garb of an ascetic, may apply to a lover such medical ointments as are declared to be capable of captivating the beloved woman and as are adulterated with poison; and then he may disappear. Other spies may ascribe the incident to an enenemy's action. Widows or women, employed as spies with secret instructions, may dispute amo g themselves about the claim for a deposit kept with the king, and attract the chiefs of the corporations (by their beauty when they present themselves before the king). Harlots, or a dancing woman, or a songstress may make an appointment to meet a lover in some secret house; and when the lover comes to the house with the desire of meeting her there, fiery spies may kill him or carry him off bound (in chains). A spy may tell the chief of a corporation who is fond of women, "In this village, the family of a poor man is bereaved (of the householder); his wife deserves to be the wife of a king; seize her." Ilalf a month after she has been seized, an ascetic spy may accuse the chief in the midst of the corporation by saying, "This man has illegally kept my chief wife, or sister-in-law, or sister, or daughter." If the corporation punishes the chief, the conqueror may take the side of the corporation and set it against wicked persons. Fiery spies should always cause an ascetic spy to go abroad at night. Spies, selected suitably, should accuse (the chiefs) by saying, "This man is the slayer of a Brahman, and also the adulterer of a Brahman woman." A spy, under the guise of an astrologer, may describe to a chief the destiny of a maiden who is at the point of being married to another, and say, "This man's daughter deserves to be the wife of a king and will bring forth a son, destined to be a king; purchase her with all your wealth, or seize her by force." When it is not possible to secure her, spies should enrage the parties; but when she is secured, quarrel will necessarily ensue. A mendicant woman may tell a chief who is fond of his wife, "This (another) chief, proud of his youth, has sent me to entice your wife; being afraid of him, I have taken with me his letter and jewellery (for your wife); your wife is free from sin; secret steps should be taken against him; and I am very anxious (about your success)." Thus in these and other kinds of brawl which has originated of itself or which has been brought about by spies, the conqueror should help the inferior party with men and money and set them against the wicked or cause them to migrate (to other parts of the country). Thus he should live as the only monarch of all the corporations; the corporations also under the protection of such a single monarch, should guard themselves against all kinds of treachery. The chief of corporations should endear himself to all the people by leading a virtuous life, by controlling his passions, and by pursuing that course of action which is liked by all those who are his followers.70 (To be continued.) T In floka metre.

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APRIL, 1910.) SARMAD: HIS LIFE AND EXECUTION. 119 SARMAD: HIS LIFE AND EXECUTION. BY MAULAVI 'ABDU'L WALI, M.R.A.S. Mirza Muhsin-i-Faui, author of the Dabastan, met Sarmad in 1057 A, H. (1647 A. D.) at Haidarabad (Deccan). Other facts about him can be gleaned from the chronicles of the reign of Aurangzib and from tradition. Sa'id, whose takhallus or nom-de-plume was Sarmad (everlasting), was born at Kashan in Persia, of Jewish parents, and brought up as a Rabbi, but went over to Islam. He read science and metaphysics in Iran with Mulla Sadral and Mirza Abu'l Qasim Fandarsakit and other eminent scholars of the time, and came to India by sea as & trader. He set up in business at the town of Thath, (Tatta) in Sindh, where he contracted a close friendship with a Bania by name Abhai Chand, gave up all clothing and developed peculiar opinions. The following distich by Abhai Chand is quoted regarding the views of the two friends : rby yhwd lm khfrm mslmnm : hm mTy` frqnm hm khshysh wrhbnm "As I am a follower of the Forqan, so am I a priest and a monk. A Rabbi of the Jews, an infidel and a Masalmen." Sarmad and Abhai Chand came to Delhi, during the reign of Shahjaban, and Prince Dara Shikoh was one of their constant visitors. It was Dara Shikoh who brought to the notice of the Emperor the miraculous powers of the saint. The prudent Emperor deputed 'Inayat Khan, one of the 'Omara of his court, to ascertain the real facts. "Inayat Khan visited the naked saint, and while reporting, recited the following Persian distich to the Emperor by way of illustration : . khshfy khh Zhrst zw khshf `wrt st br srmd brhnh khrmt thmt st " To ascribe mirecles to naked Sarmad is to accuse him. The only miracle ( kashf) which is visible is the nudity (kashf) of his private person." When Aurangzib-Alamgir seized the reins of Government, and Dura Shikoh was execated, he ordered Mulla Shaykh Abdu'l Qavi, a scholar holding the rank of Panjhazari with the title of I'timad Khan, to direct Sarmad to cover his nakedness. The Mulla said to him "Tryan chira mibashi? Why do you remain nude ? " Sarmad gave a witty reply: "Shaitan qavist, Satan is powerfal (qavi )" and recited the following rubai : , chshmy bdr jm brdh z dst mr : dzdy mmby brhnh khrd st mr bly khwshy khrdh chnyn pst mr w dr bGl mn st w mn dr Tlbsh A lovely height (figure ) has made me so low. A two-cupped eye has taken me out of hands. He is at my armpit and I in quest of him. A wondrous thief has made me naked." In order to understand Aurangzib's conduct, one must go back to the time of his great grandfather. The religious toleration inaugurated by Akbar-call it by whatever name you pleasewas, according to the opinion of the public, quite antagonistic to the established church of Islam. Akbar's son and grandson did not pay any attention, while on the throne, to those questions ; but their indifference produced very bad effects on the morale of their Courts and of the public. Prince Dara Shikoh openly countenanced those beliefs. The fire of disgust and

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. dissatisfaction were smouldering in the breast of the Indian Muslims, when the great puritan of India' mounted the throne. A strong reaction set in over the empire, and the party of Shar' encouraged by the Padshah, were bent upon wreaking their vengeance upon those who sided with Dara in his godless beliefs. Aurangzib tried to reintroduce that Puritanism, which three of his immediate predecessors were instrumental in undermining. His whole energy was directed towards the eradication of those evils, which in the opinion of the orthodox, were eating into the vitals of the Constitution. While Aurangzib was tolerant to all in other respects, he was firm against the infringement of religious ordinances. In this he did not spare his relatives, or even care for those on whose countenance and support the empire rested. The stupendous fabric of the mighty empire of the Mughals fell rapidly into pieces, after his death, not because of Aurangzib's intolerance, but because of his sons and grandsons' impotency and inability to support it. When Aurangzib seized the reins of Government, and Dara Shikoh was executed, Sarmad was called before a council of Olama,' who gave the opinion that he was worthy of death. This fatwa was ratified by Aurangzib and Sarmad was executed. His nakedness, his refusal to utter any but the negative part of the Islamic creed, and his pantheistic view of the deity caused him to be regarded as a heretic, while his friendship for Dara Shikoh, whose succession to the Empire he is said to have foretold, made him politically a suspect. Various quatrains are said to have been improvised by Sarmad when he was led out to execution. Of these the finest are: And rsydh yr Gryn tyG yndm .. bhr rngy khh ay'y my shnsm "The Friend of the naked sword has now arrived. In whatever disguise thou mayst come I recognise Thee."" shwry shd w z khwb `dm chshm gshwdym .. dydym khh bqy st shb ftnh fnrdym "There was an uproar, and I opened my eyes from the eternal sleep. Saw that the night of wickedness remained, and slept again." Sarmad died valiantly. The following epistle which Dara Shikoh wrote to Sarmad and the latter's reply thereto have come down to us : Text. nmh dr shkhwh bh srmd pyrw mrshd mn. gr mn mnm rd@ mn kjst wgr mn nystm ps chh khTst rswl mkhtr bhng khfr my rft -shkhst br lshkhr slm my ftd sbb chyst jrb srmd khnym hrchh khwndym frmwsh khrdym .. l Hdyth drst khh tkhrr my Translation. Dara Shikoh to Sarmads. My Pir and Guide, If I be I- where is my will? If not I- what is the fault? The powerful Prophet used to go to fight with the infidel, the soldiers of Islam were defeated. What's the cause?

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121 SARMAD: HIS LIFE AND EXECUTION. APRIL, 1910.j --- --- --- Sarmad's reply. "Whatever I have read, I have forgotten; .: Except the word of the Friend I am repeating." Sarmad was executed in 1071 H. (1661-1662 A.D.) and Dari Shikoh in 1069 H. (1659 His tomb is still visited and veneA.D.). Sarmad lies buried near the Dehli Jami Masjid. rated by the pablic, who make offerings of flowers and light candles there. Aurangzib, in this as in other matters, is to be looked upon as the leader of an orthodox Musalman reaction against the laxity of Akbar and his successors. Sarmad's poems consist, mostly, if not entirely, of quatrains, of which no complete collection has been published, though a few of them have been lithographed at Bombay and Delhi, A fard and a ghazal and a few ruba'iyat are given below. Rieu notes that more than 400 of his quatrains are preserved in MS. in the British Museum. Text. frd dr kh`bh w btdyr sng w shd w chwb rshd : yk Hjrlswd ykj bt bndr shd Gzl . swkht by rjhm tmsh r bh byn ngsht bh jrmm msy`r bh byn zndh khsh jn nbshd dyd : khr ndydsty by m r bh byn y khh z dydr ywsf Gfly : dG y`qwb w zlykh r bh byn y khh z rwz bdm dr Hyrty : ykhzmn yn rwy zyb r bh byn shh w drwysh w qlndr dyd : srmd srmst rsw r bh byn rb`yt khrdy tw `lm bdlrby'y khwd r yn dydh khh bynst nmshly nst . . m dr fn mhrw ashny'y khwd r dr lHZh bh Sd rng nhy'y khwd r khr mtqym khr byrmt mr b sb`h rznr chh khr st mr yn khrqh pshmynh khh Sd ftnh dr wst : bzsh nkhshm bdwsh - mrst mr yn fsq wfjwr khr dr rwz m n pr shd zgnh khsh w khwz m mygndd rwzgr w dygryh `mr : br T`t w br nmz w br rwz m srmd jsmyst jnsh drdst khsyst . nyryst wly khmnsh drdst khsyst mykhwst khh adm shdh z dst jhd . khry shd w rysmnsh drdst khyst tnh nh hmyn dyrw Hrm khnlr wst . yn rD w smh tmm shndr wst `lm yh dywnl fsnl rst , `ql bwd ankhsy khh dywndh wSt yn nfs stmkhr bh byn shyTn st blys khrdy chr br blys bdy : pywsth myn bwd wly pnhn st : dr pysh khylk nwr Hyrn st

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[APRIL, 1910. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. srmh grsh wfst khwd my ayd gr amdnsh rwst khwd my ayd byhwdh chr dr py w mygrdy ... bnshyn gr w khdst khwd my ayd srmd Gm `shq bwlhws rndynh .. swz dl prwnh mly r ndhnd `mry byd khh yr ayd bkhnr yn dwlt srmd hr khs r ndhnd hr chnd khh Sd drst bmn dshmn shd ... z drstly ykhy dlm ymn shd wHdy bgrdym w khthrt rstym ... akhrmy wr shdm w w z mn shd srmd glh khtSr my byd khrd y tn brDy dwst my byd dd lkhs khh tr khr jhnbny dd .. mr bh sbb pryshny dd pwshnd lbs hr khh r `yby bwd by `ybn r lbs `ryny dd z whm w khyl w fkhr dny bgdhr dywnh mshw brng w bry gl w ml mtbr w`dh hy mrdm dny GlT byny'y dywn `mr m mprs nskh@ 1. b fkhrw khyl khs nbshd khrm m brb`y m mryd khym ... .. ... ykh khr zyn dw khr my byd khrd ... y jn br bsh nthr my byd khrd 12 ... chwn bdSb z bG SHr bgdhr .. wshyr bshw zyn r b bgdhr IP .. .. 15 ... . 10 dr Gwr Gzl Tryq . HfZ drm .. nh jr`h khsh bdhy w bsyrm 17 srmd lw Hdyth kh`bh w dyr mkhn ... dr wdy'y shkh chw gmrhn syr mkhn rw shhr bndgy zshyTn amrz ... ykh qblh gzyn sjdh bhr fyr mkhn 17 wn GlT ary GlT mshb GlT frd GlT khT GlT m`ny GlT nsh GlT ml GlT nkhrdh gnh dr jhn khyst bgw ... ankhs khh gnh nkhrd chwn zyst bgr ... ps frq myn mn w tw chyst bgw mn bd knm wtw bh mkhft dhy ... gr srw ghy snbl wgh y syny khh khwh w bybny w ghy chmny khh nwr chrGy w ghy bwy gly .. khh dr chmny w gh dr njmny IA srmh dr dyn . `jb shkhsty khrdy .. ymn bldy chshm msty khrdy b `jz w nyz jmlh nqd khwd r .. rfly wthr bt prsty khrdy 122

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APRIL, 1910.) SARMAD: HIS LIFE AND EXECUTION. 123 Translation. Fard. In the Ka'ba and the idol temple He became the stone; and He became the wood. In one place He became the Hajru'l Aswad, and in the other a Hindu idol. Ghazal. He burnt me without cause, behold the spectacle. He slew me without guilt, behold the Messinh. A living being who has no soul, thou hast seen; If thou hast not seen, come and see me. Ye, who care not to have sight of Joseph, Behold the agony of Jacob and Zulaikha ! Ye, who wonder at my hapless days, Behold for a moment this charming face. Thou hast seen a Shah, a darwish and a qalindar. Behold Sarmad, the drunken and dishonoured. Ruba'iyal (Quatrains). Thou hast made thyself famous in winning hearts, Also in the art of friendship and affection. These eyes which are vigilant ara observant of thyself ; Every moment thou showest thyself in a hundred colours. If I am a devotee, my object is the Friend, What have I to do with the rosary and the (sacerdotal) thread! This woollen garment wherein lie a hundred evils Never shall I put on my shoulder : it is disgusting to me. Our every-day avocation is villainy and wickedness. Our platters and vessels have been filled with sins. Creation is laughing and life is wailing At our prayers, genuflexions and fastings. Sarmad is a body, his soul is in the hand of another : An arrow, but its bow is in the hand of another. He wished to be a man in order to jump out of the net : He became a cow whose tether is in the hand of another. Not only are these temples and sanctuaries His house, This earth and this sky are entirely His abode. The whole world is mad about His fictions. He is truly wise who is mad about Him. This tyrannous passion, lo ! is Satan : Always visible, yet hidden. Thou art thyself the Devil, why art thoa ill-disposed to the Devi ! Before thy thoughts, he is bewildered.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. Sarmad ! if He is true to his word, He Himself will come: If His coming is permissible, He Himself will come. Why shouldst thou wander aimlessly after Him? Sit down: if He be the Khud-a, He Himself will come. in Sarmad I the pang of Love is not given to the self-seeking The fire in the heart of the moth, is not given to the fly.. It takes a life-time for the beloved to come to the lap : This everlasting wealth is not given to every One. Although a hundred friends have turned mine enemies, Owing to the friendship of the One, my mind has become contented. I have accepted Unity and been freed from multiplicity. At last I became of Him, and He of me. 10 He who gave thee the soverignty of the world, Gave me all the causes of anxiety. He covered with a garment those with whom He found fault. To the faultless He gave the robe of nudity. 11 Sarmad I thou shouldst shorten thy murmurings. Thon shouldst adopt one course out of these two courses Either, thou shouldst give thy body for the pleasure of the Friend; Or, thou shouldst sacrifice thy life in His way. 12 Pass on from the worldly fancy, thought, and care. Like the breeze of morn pass on from the garden and field. Be not mad on the colour and smell of the role and wine. Be wise, pass on from these ballucinations. 13 To put trust in the promises of the men of the world is wrong Yea wrong, verily wrong, to-night wrong, to-morrow wrong. Of the copy of the inquiry of our Book of life do not ask. . Its transcriptions are wrong, meaning wrong, composition wrong, and spellings wrong. 14 I have no business with the fancy and thought of others. In composing * ghazal I adopt the manner of Hafix. But in a ruba't I am the disciple of Khayyam, But do not quaff much of his wine. 15 Sarmad ! speak not of the Ka'ba and of the temple. In the valley of doubt do not wander like the strayed wayfarer. Go and learn from Satan how to worship. Accept one Qebla and do not bow before every stranger.

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APRIL 1910.) SARMAD: HIS LIFE AND EXECUTION. 125 16 Say; who is in the world that has not committed a sin ? He who has sinned not: say; how could he live? I do evil and thou requitest with evil: Then bay ; 'what is the difference between me and thee? 17 Sometimes thou art a cypress, sometimes a hyacinth and sometimes a jasmine, Now a mountain, a wilderness, and at another time a flower-garden. Now thou art the light of a candle, now the scent of the rose, Sometimes thou art in a garden, and sometimes in an assembly. . . . 18 Sarmad! thou hast done strange injury to the religion. Thou hast bartered thy faith for one with an intoxicating eye. With supplication and belief-thy entire wealth Thou didst go and squander on an idol-worshipper. Notes. 1. Mulla Sadruddin Shirazi was a great scholar, who flourished during the reign of Shah Abbas I. His books are still taught to advanced Arabic students. Mirza Abu'l Qasim was of Fandarsak in Astarabad, in Persia. He, too, flourished at the time of Abbas I. He travelled extensively in India. He was asked why he did not go on pilgrimage to Mecca. He replied that there goats were sacrificed, and he did not like to take the life of a living being. It would be interesting to study the life and teachings of these two scholars, which exerted, no doubt, powerful influences in moulding the future character of their papil, Sarmad. 2. Cf. Sadi khh pysh amdm gftm wst khh hr khs ... ndly khh chwn mn rsydm bd wst "Do you not know that when I reached the Friend, Of anyone that came before me, I said. It is He.'?" 3. I have not seen this letter in any book, but it is remembered for the beauty of its style. I am afraid that some passages of the letter have escaped my memory. Cf. the following in Jami's Sataman and Absal in Fitz-Gerald's translation: If I - this Dignity and Wisdom whence ? If thou - then what this abject Impotence ? Also Whether I be I or no: If I - the pumpkin why on you ? If you - then where am I, and who? 4. Ka'ba--the inner part of the temple at Mecca. Hajrul Aswad, or the black stone, has come down from the time of heathenism, and is venerated by the Mecca pilgrims. Quatrain 7. Khuda is used in a double sense. Kkuda = God, and Khud- = self-comer. Quatrain 10. Sarmad's Sartor resartus', or clothes philosophy, has been very beautifully expressed in this quatrain. Quatrain 14. Sarmad, who was himself a great poet, pays a well-deserved compliment to two of the greatest poets of Iran - Khwaja Hafix of Shiraz, a master of the ghazal, and Hakim Omar-al-Khayyam of Nishapur, whose quatrains are the delight of both East and West. Quatrain 15. The Devil fell for refusing to pay homage to Adam at the command of God. Quatrain 18. In this, Sarmad apparently mentions his prosperous days at Tatta, his love for Abhai Chand, his neglect of business, and his renunciation of the exoteric religion of Islam.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. General. Sarmad composed the following verse in praise of Abhai Chand : .:. khwny mn bhy chndSt y fyr nmydnm dryn mrd khhn dyr . I do not know if, in the whole universe, My God is Abbai Chand or any other beside him." Cf. the following verses quote1 by Prince Dara Shikoh in the Risala-i-Haqnuma, the first from the Lam'at. chwn wSl dr ngnjd whrn chh khr drd m`shwq w `shq w `shq br sr ykhyst ynh .. "The Beloved, the Love, and the Lover all three are One here. 'When there can be no union, what is the use of separation?" .. nw`yn khdy'y nh jdy'y bd | .. qTrh bmyn ab rjwyd dry y ankhh khdy r bjry rj yn jstn tr myn ban my mnd " Thou who seekest God everywhere: Thou art the very God, not apart from God, by God. This thy search is just like that (When) the drop is in the water and is seeking the river." BOOK-NOTIOE. BHUVANZSALAUKIEJNTAYARAKABEL by PANDIT These are not only identical but are also TERTURA DATTA SETOPALA, of Multan ; revised by illustrated by the same example, vis, "aurre Sastris, and published at Sri Venkate vars Pross, saMsthitasya payasaH &c." No reference is given in Bombay, Samvat 1965. either case, but the verse is found in Bhartrihari's This book has a pomewhat pathetic history. It | Nitidataka (67), and as Pancatantra, i, 250. was commenced with the aid, and for the sake of the author's Bon, Bhuvanesa, a young man of 1139. yobhayoH samo doSaH parihArodhI vA smH|| great promise, who was suddenly cut off at the 1140. yacobhayoH samo doSo na tcaiko'nuyojyH|| early age of twenty-six. To perpetuate his The author tells us that the former is aler memory his name was prefixed to the title. In an introductory notice of him we read : vacanabhASyadhRtaH and that the latter is pUrvanyAyamUlakA "yasyoNegena yasyArthamayaM anya ArabdhaH sa bhUtale nAsti / ki Both statements are wrong. Aniruddha's com ment on sutra, i, & contains the former, and the kurmaH parizramam / athavA sadAzivaloke tasyAtmasaMtoSArthamAra. source of both is Mahabhapya, 6, 1, 9 (vart. 2). bhAmo / tasyodyogasAphalyehayA * bhuvanezanyAyasAhasrI 'nAcA tasya smaraNe prakAzyate granthaH" || 1148. ekAkinI pratijJA hi pratijJAta na sAdhayet // As its name implies, it consiste, professedly, 1149. na hi prtijnyaamaatrennaarthsidi|| of 1000 nyayas, or, as Dr. Buhler called them, 'inferences from familiar instances. But even 1158. varaghAtAya kanyAvaraNam / / a cursory inspection makes it clear that a large 1154. nahi baraghAtAya kanyAmubAiyani // number of them are, strictly speaking, subhapitas rather than nyayas; whilst a closer examination 1187. nAjJAtavizeSaNaviziSTa buddhirvishessnnmupsNkraamaati|| 1461. nAgRhItavizeSaNA buddhirvizeSyamupasaMkAmati / reduces the number of the latter still further by revealing the fact that many of them are dupli These two are meant to be identical in meancates. Here is a list of such: ing, but the former is manifestly wrong. 8. jltuNbikaanyaayH|| 1704. vypgtlepaalaabnyaayH|| 1237. zAdI vAkAMkSA zandenaiva pUryate / / 1238. nahi zAndamazandena / / The latter is simply a description of the former, and not a separate nyaya at all. (256. ashveshnyaayH|| 199. saMsargajA doSaguNA bhavanti / 1773. aiikukuttiimyaayH|| 1635. sNggunndossnyaayH|| 1876. avaishsbhyaayH|| kyatA

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APRIL 1910.] The first of these three must have been invented by the author. But, though meaningless, the explanation assigned to it by him is practically the same as that of the other two. 273. // { 808. svajAtirduratikramA / / 328. 24. The bhramanyAya does duty for the three. 325. 389. vaizeSyAsu tAdaH // " The former of these is Brahmasutra 2, 4, 23, in explaining which Saikaracharya says, "vizeSasya bhAvI vaiSyaM bhUyastvamiti yAvat- ' (842. pracAlanAddhi paMkasya, &0 // paMkamAlana myAyaH // 348 { 365. bahUnAmanugraho nyAyyaH // 567. bahUnAmanurodhI nyAyyaH // 414 & 415. ghaTIyantranyAyaH // 726. ghaTIyanvasthinaghaTabhramaNamyAyaH // 727. AraghaTTaghaTI bhrAntinyAyaH // BOOK NOTICE. *418. tatsthAnApatrastatkAryaM labhate || 615. atidezamyAyaH // The three are explained in the same way. The last, taken from Mahabharya, 1, 1, 56 (viirt. 1) has two mistakes! 426. na cAnyArtha prakRtamanyArthaM bhavati // 445. abhyantare hi samudAye'vayavaH // 458. manipradIpaprabhAnyAyaH // 981. saMvAdibhramanyAyaH // For the connection between these two, see Part ii of my Laukikanyayanjali (second edition) nnder maNiprabhAmaNimatinyAya. 5474. kAntArotaraNAya sArthaH // 514. gozrRMgagrAhikAnyAyaH // 1748. zrRMgamAhikAnyAyaH // {813. yatmAyaH bhUyata itivanyAcA gavagamyate / / These are regarded by the author as too clear to need elucidation; but I doubt if even Sarasvati herself could get much meaning out of them. 893 yau yasya prasaMge labhate'sau tatkRtAni kAryAni || |The nyaya of which they are a perversion is quoted correctly by Raghunathavarma (on p. 60 of the Benares edition of his smaller work) and agrees with the first line of the following verse in Bhamati, 1, 1, 4 :- " yanmAye zrUyate yaca tatAdgava gampate // . bhAkapAye bhutamidamato bhAkaM pratIyate " || In the preface to the first edition of my Second Handful of Popular Maxime, I gave a short description of Raghunatha's two treatises, and stated that "the general plan in both is, first a disquisition on the tenets of some school of philosophy, in which a great many maxims are incorporated, and then a recapitulation of the latter alone, numbered consecutively." When thus repeated it is often in a shortened form. It was so in this case, the nylya being quoted on page 100 as " yanmAye zrUyata iti. " It is not unreasonable to suppose that this, though marred by the Pandit, was the source of his 812. That he has been a borrower on a large scale is undeniable. In itself that is no orime, for all of us make use of good material when we come upon it; but to do so without acknowledgment, is, in my opinion, at any rate, most reprehensible. And this is what Pandit Thakur Datta has done. All but 38 of the 404 nyayas contained in the Laukikanyaya sangraha are reproduced in his pages, in much The latter is invariably the form in which the nyaya is quoted. 1808. sUcamupAyaH // {603. was vertat, &c. 1 The author quotes the following verse under 658, and tells us that it was addressed by the monkey to the cataka in the well-known story in Panncatantra :-" sUcImukhi durAcAre raNDe paNDitamAnini / asamartho gRhAraMbha samartho gRhabhaMjane " || This is by no means borne out by the Bombay edition, where verse i. 392 stands thus:- sUcImukhi durAcAre re he paNDitAdini / nAzaMkase prajasyantI tarikamenAM va hammyaham // 46 { 711. ananyalabhyaH zAkhArthaH // 712. anamyalabhyaH zabdArthaH // 127 1777 bhUtaM bhagyAya kalpate / / 1804 bhUtaM bhagyAya dinazyate ! We get no explanation of the former, but are told that the latter is taken from the Mimaysanyayaprakata. It is found on page 16 of Prof. Ganginath Jha's edition, but the verb is neither kalpate nor didRzyate, but upadizyate. So, too, on pp. 577 and 427 of Tattoadpana (Benares Sanskrit Series). What explanation can be. given of didRzyate? It beats me altogether.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1910. the same order in which Raghunathavarma grouped them, and generally accompanied by his explanatory matter; but without << syllable of acknoutledgment! We are informed on the title-page that the book was revised by Sastris; but their must have lacked thoroughnese, judging by the incorrect form in which several of the nyayas are found. The following is a list of the worst of them : 28. 19deg for 24/7 39 rut for 1177915779f . 93. 9984997744&c., for 9997447-44: As pointed out in the second edition of Part ii of my Laukikanya yanjali, this is the 2nd line of Naiskarmyasiddhi, ii, 35; and I have since traced it to the expression " att tact T: 4594-ar CE: ".in Bankara's bhasya on Brihadarany-a kopanigad, 1, 4, 7. 135. 1 aasta ta: should be THnudhAvatI baddho'pi gtH|| 165. 17deg should be 371417 194. go should be firar 280. The example from Vasistha is wrongly quoted. It should read marca in the second line, not tror. The verse is Yogavasietha, 5, 37, 7. 263. faevit a shonld be aftree . 382. - 19, &c. See my remarks on this incorrect quotation of Raghunatha's under 57174gEna, &o., on page 118 of Part iii of my collection. The verse is from Tontravartika, 2, 1, 5 (p. 374). 446. Phe author maintains that the form 44 , in which this is invariably found, is wrong, and that it ought to be CST: One of his reasons is that 917 is masculine. But what of that p u is feminine, and 179a:TEIT is an adjective in agreement with it. According to Thakur Datta, FiraT is a feminine noun from the root spaz bAdhanasparzanayoH The root is correct enough, but can the Pandit quote a passage in which the feminine noun For occurs ? 477 47 GET fata fat is nonsense, and so is the explanation of it. The real form of the nyaya as quoted by Udayana is " Tt - TET . F ar." Yet the author says a rar qurfari SFRY arena paar T qada" Il This is exactly the opposite of what the.nyaya teaches ! Both che nyaya and the comment on it were transferred from Raghunatha's treatise, but were transfigured en route ! 531. ap: () agua 24:11 It goes without saying that this ungrammatical sentence was not taken from Raghunatha. It is said by its author to teach that a man should not learn from numerous teachers, but should select one competent guru only! What were the learned Sastris about, in allowing this to pass ? But apo ufaft: || Let me close with a word of thanks to the author for his nyaya 755, "a : Taloy ," with the . reference to Bhisma Parva, v. 12. This line (with yojayet for sAdhayet) is quoted in the Skikarabhasya on Brahmasitra, 2, 1, 6, and the complete verse in that on sutra, 2, 1, 27; but I tried in vain some years ago to trace them to their source. Dr. Thibaut and Dr. Deussen were apparently in the same predicament, since no reference accompanies it in their well-known translations of the bhinya. The second line of the verse in Bhimma Parva and in the bhasya is " for 4:9 atau ", but under pyaya 756 of this volume it is quoted as "arfafcaa offert R :" and it is in that form that it appears in Vidyaranya's Anubhutiprakada, xiii, 73, in Advaitabrahmasiddhi, page 56, and in the Vacaspatyam, 8. v.a. I would add that although the volume under review was published early in the year, it came into my hands only three weeks ago. G. A. JACOB. Redhill, 30th Nov. 1909. 388. This is quite wrong. The nyAYA is " qercado P a rafat:" See page 53 of my work quoted above. Important as this and 882 are, each is dismissed with the one word "$2" Why include a nyaya which needs neither explanation nor illustration P Yet there are scores of sucb in this volume. In contrast to these two, such & mis-called nyaya as * Taraman fy:" has 15 lines of explanatory matter, and even auch rubbish as EP: 9 is allowed three. But these are thrown into the sbade by the erfar to which, though utterly out of place in a work of this kind, no less than ten and-a-half pages are allotted !

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MAY, 1910.) COPPER-PLATES BELONGING TO PALITANA STATE. 129 ACCOUNT OF A COLLECTION OF COPPER-PLATES BELONGING TO PALITANA STATE. BY THE LATE A. M. T. JACKSON, I.C.S. LARLY in 1909 I received from Mr. W.0. Tudor Owen, I.C.S., Administrator of Palitana, a collection of twelve copper-plates and a seal, as to which Mr. Tudor Oven writes, "I am told that the twelve plates were found fastened together by it (the seai) and suspendel by it from the roof of a small underground chamber adjoining a tank in the city (Palitana) underneath a large stone. They were found some 40 years ago, but kept secretly in the Palace here. It is said an old Brahman told the Chief of their existence and that he dug them up." The twelve plates make up five complete grants and the first halves of two others. The most interesting is the Grant numbered I, below, which belongs to a hitherto unknown dynasty, the Garulakas. All the rest, including the two fragments, belong to the Valabhi dynasty and all but one of them (the fragment marked VII ) follow the earlier form of Valabhi grants, in which the genealogy is given in full. In the later grants of this family (from Siltaditya I, downwards) all the successions between Bhatarka and Guhasena are omitted, The standard forms are printed as Nos. 38 and 39 of Fleet's Gupta inscriptions, I hope to publish elsewhere the full text of No. I, together with a collation of the others with the standard Valabhi grants. The chief points of interest as regards each grant are noted below: No.I.--Two plates 7' X 9' carefully engraved on one side only in 6th century characters of the southern type, measuring about *. Each plate bears fourteen lines of writing. Dated in figures the year 255 of an unspecified era (doubtless the Valahhi) on the 13th day of the bright half of Abvayaja. The thing granted is (the field) Bhondaka Badhira Kutumbi with a well in Darbhacara village. The recipient is the Brahman Bappasvami, Maitrayaniya student of the Krisnatreya gotra, and a resident of the village of Valapadra. The grantor is Samanta-Maharaja Sinihauitya, son of Samanta-Maharaja Varahadasa, who was younger brother of Samanta. Mabataja Bhattisura who was son of Senapati Varahadasa of the warlike Garulaka family. The grant is made from Phankapusuvarna (?) and there is no dutaka. The general scheme and phraseology are very similar to those of Valabhi grants, and no definite historical information is given except as to Varahadasa II, who is compared to Krisna in that he attacked with irresistible valour the lord of Dvaraka, and is descrited as a great builder. There is no seal or ring. No. II.-Two plates 7 x 10 engraved on one side only in 6th century characters of the southern type, measuring. There are fifteen lines of writing on the first plate and sixteen on the second. Dated in figures the year 205 of an unspecified era (the Valabhi) on the 10th day of the bright hall of Bhadrapada. The things granted are:-(a) 110 padavarttas (of land) in Madkana village of Hastavapra (Hathab) district: (6) 140 padivarttas in Tapasiya village : 'and (0) 100 padavarttas in Tinishaka village. The grantees are Kumarasarman and Jarabhajyi, two Brahman students of the Samaveda and Sandilya gotra, living at Sankara Vataka. The grantor is the Mahasa manta and Maharaja Dhruvasena, younger brother of Maharaja Dronasinha, who was younger brother of Senapati Dharasena, who was son of Senapati Bhatakka of the Maitraks family. The grant is made from Valabhi. The dataku is the chamberlain Mammaka and the writer is Kikkaka. There is no seal or ring.

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-130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1910. No. III. Two plates 6' x 10' carefully engraved on one side only in 6th century characters of the southern type, measuring about '. Each plate bears fourteen lines of writing. Dated in figures in the year 210 of an unspecified era (the Valabhi) on the 15th of the bright half of Sravana. The place at which the grant was issued is Valabhi. The things granted are:(a) field and well in the south-west of Bhallara village in Hastavapra district: and (b) 50 padavarttas in the north of Vasukiya village. The grantee is Viannaarman, a Brabman student of the Vajasaneya, who belonged to the Jabali gotra and lived at Sinhapura. The grantor is the Mahasamanta and Maharaja Dhruvasena, younger brother of the Maharaja Dronasinha, who was younger brother of the Senapati Dharasena, who was the son of Senapati Sri Bhatakka of the Maitraka family. The dutaka is the chamberlain Mammaka, and the writer is Kikkaka. No. IV. Two plates 7' x 10' engraved on one side only in 6th century characters of the southern type, measuring about '. The first plate bears fifteen and the second twelve lines of writing. Dated in figures in the year 210 of an unspecified era (that of Valabhi) on the 5th of the bright (P) half of Aevayuja. The grant was issued from Valabhi. The things granted are a field and a well in the village of Krolaka. The grantee is Skanda, a Brahmn student of the Vajasaneya, who belonged to the Aupasvasti gotra and lived at Krolaka itself. The grantor was the Mahasamanta and Maharaja Dhruvasena, who was younger brother of the Maharaja Dronasinha who was the younger brother of the Senapati Dharasena, who was son of the Senapati Sri Bhatakka of the Maitraka family. The dutaka is Rudradhara and the writer Kikkaka. There is no seal or ring. No. V.-Two plates 8' x 11' engraved on one side only in 6th century characters of the southern type, measuring about. Each plate bears eighteen lines of writing. Dated in figures in the year 252 of an unspecified era (that of Valabhi) on the 15th of the bright half of Vaisakha. The grant was issued from Valabhi. The things granted are lands in the villages of Natyotaka Yakalika and Derakshita pataka, on both banks of the Vatsa stream, in the bed of the Khandabhedaka tank, in Citra-athalya village and in Kadamba-padra village with all rights thereto appertaining. The grantees are Rogha and Syena, Brahman students of the Vajasaneya Madhyandina school and the Kausika gotra. The grantor is Sri Maharaja Dharasena, son of Sri Maharaja Guhasena, son of Sri Maharaja Dharapata who was younger brother of Sri Maharaja Dhruvasena who was younger brother of Maharaja Sri Dronasinha who was younger brother of Sri Senapati Dharasena, who was son of Sri Senapati Bhatakka. There is no dataka. The writer is Skandabhata, minister of peace and war. There is no seal or ring. No. VI.-A single plate 6' x 11' engraved on one side only in 6th century characters of the southern type, measuring about ', in thirteen lines. The date, the thing granted, and the names of the grantee, dutaka and writer are lost. But the grant was made from Valabhi by the Maharaja Dhruvasena, younger brother of the Maharaja Dronasinha, who was the younger brother of the Senapati Dharasena, who was the son of Sri Senapati Bhatakka of the Maitraka family. No. VII-A single plate 8' x 11' engraved on one side only in 6th or 7th century characters of the southern type, measuring about ', in eighteen lines. The date, the thing granted, and the names of grantee, granior, dutaka and writer are lost. But the plate gives the genealogy in the later standard form, breaking off in the middle of the description of Siladitya I, who was very probably the grantor. There is no seal or ring. The seal above referred to is of the usual Valabhi type showing in relief a humped bull lying facing to the proper right, and below it a line under which is the legend "Sri Bhatakka" in 6th century characters. As it gives the name of the king in the older form, it may have belonged to any one of the grants numbered II to V above.

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MAY, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 131 THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA (BOOKS V-XV). Translated by B. SHAMASASTRY. B.A., Librarian, Government Oriental Library, Mysore. 77 (Continued from p. 118.) Rook XI. Concerning a powerful enemy (Abaltyasam ). Chapter 1. The duties of & messenger (Datakarmani ). When a king of poor resources is attacked by a powerful eng ay, he should sarren der himself together with his song to the enemy and live like a rael in th: nilst of a current of water). Bharadvaja says that he who surrenders himself to the song, bons down before Indra (the god of rain). But Vibalaksha says that a weak king should rather fight with all his resources, for bravery destroys all troubles ; this (fighting) is the natural duty of a Kshattriya, no matter whether he achieves victory or sustains defeat in battle. No, says Kautilya : be who bows down to all like a crab on the banks of a river) lives in despair ; whoever goes with his small army to fight perishes like a ma: attempting to cross the sex withoat a boat. Hence a weak king should either sezk the pro-ection of a powerful king or maintain himself in an impregnab le fort. Invaders are of three kinds : & just conqueror, a demon-like coaqueror, and a greedy conqueror. Of these, the just conqueror is satisfied with mere obeisance. Hence a weak king should seek his protection, Fearing his own enemies, the greedy conqueror is satisfied with wbat he can safely gain in land or money. Hence a weak king should satisfy such a conqueror with wealth. The demon-like couyderor satisfies himself not merely by seizing the land, treasure, sons and wives of the conquered, but by taking the life of the latter. Hence a weak king should keep such a conqueror at a distance by offering him land and wealth. When any one of these is on the point of rising against a weak king, the latter should avert the invasion by making a treaty of peace, or by taking reconrse to the battle of intrigue (mantrayuddha), or by a treacherous fight in the battle-field. He may se lace tha enemy's men either by conciliation or by giving gifts, and should prevent the treacherous procedings of his own men either by sowing the seeds of dissension among them or by panishing them. Spies, under concealment, may capture the enemy's fort, country, or camp with the aid of weapons, poison, or fire. He may harass the enemy's rear oa all sides; and he may devastate the enemy's country through the help of wild tribes. Or he may set up a scion of the eneroy's family or an imprisoned prince to seize the enemy's territory. When all this mischief has been perpetrated, a messenger may be sent to the enemy (to sng for pence); or he may make peace with the enemy without offending the latter. If the enemy still continues the march, the weak king may sue for peace by offering more than one-fourth of his wealth and army, the paymeat being male after the lapse ofa day anl night. 11 The first four books have been published in the Mysore Review, 1908-1909.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. If the enemy desires to make peace on condition of the weak king surrendering a portion of his army, he may give the enemy such of his elephants and cavalry as are uncontrolable or as are provided with poison; if the enemy desires to make peace on condition of his surrendering his chief men, he may send over to the enemy such portion of his army as is full of traitors, enemies and wild tribes under the command of a trusted officer, so that both his enemy and his own undesirable army may perish; or he may provide the enemy with an army composed of fiery spies, taking care to satisfy his own disappointed men (before sending them over to the enemy); or he may transfer to the enemy his own faithful and hereditary army that is capable to hurt the enemy on occasions of trouble; if the enemy desires to make peace on condition of his paying certain amount of wealth, he may give the enemy such precious articles as do not find a purchaser or such raw products as are of no use in war; if the enemy desires to make peace on condition of his ceding a part of his land, he should provide the enemy with that kind of land which he can recover, which is always at the mercy of another enemy, which possesses no protective defences, or which can be colonised at considerable cost of men and money; or he may make peace surrendering his whole State except his capital. He should so contrive as to make the enemy accept that which another enemy is likely to carry off by force; and he should take care more of his person than of his wealth, for of what interest is perishing wealth? 78 Chapter II. Battle of intrigue (Mantrayuddham). [MAY, 1910. If the enemy does not keep peace, he should be told : "These kings perished by surrendering themselves to the Aggregate of the six Enemies; it is not worthy of you to follow the lead of these unwise kings; be mindful of Virtue and Wealth; those who advise you to brave danger, sin and violation of wealth, a re enemies under the guise of friends; it is danger to fight with men who are reckless of their own lives; it is sin to cause the loss of life on both sides; it is violation of wealth to abandon the wealth at hand and the friend of no mean character (meaning the addresser himself); that ki ng has many friends whom he will set against you with the same wealth (that is acquired with your help at my expense), and who will fall upon you from all sides; that king has not lost his influence over the Circle of the madhyama and neutral States; but you have lost that power over them who are, therefore, waiting for an opportunity to fall upon you; patiently bear the loss of men and money again; break peace with that friend; then we shall be able to remove him from that stronghold over which he has lost his influence. Hence it is not worthy of you to lend your ear to those enemies with the face of friends, to expose your real friends to trouble, to help your enemies to attain success, and to involve yourself in dangers costing life and wealth." In sloka metre. If without caring for the advice, the enemy proceeds on his own way, the weak king should create disaffection among the enemy's people by adopting such measures as are explained in the chapters, "The Conduct of Corporations70," and "Enticement of the enemy by secret contrivances80" He should also make use of fiery spies and poison. Against what is described as deserving protection in the chapter, "Safety of his own person81," fiery spiesand poisoners should be employed (in the enemy's court). Keepers of harlots should excite love in the minds of the leaders of the enemy's army by exhibiting women endowed with youth and beauty. Fiery spies should bring about quarrels among them when one or two of them have fallen in love. In the affray that ensues, they should prevail upon the defeated party to migrate elsewhere or to proceed to help the master (of the spies) in the invasion undertaken by the latter. 13 Chapter 1, Book X. 30 Chapter 2, Book XIII. Chapter 21, Book I.

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MAY, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. Or to those who have fallen in love, spies, under the guise of ascetics, may administer poison under the plea that the medical drugs given to them are capable of securing the object of love. 133 A spy, under the guise of a merchant, may, under the plea of winning the love of an immediate maid-servant of the beautiful queen (of the enemy), shower wealth upon her and then give her up. A spy in the service of the merchant may give to another spy, employed as a servant of the maidservant, some medical drag, telling the latter that (in order to regain the love of the merchant), the drug may be applied to the person of the merchant (by the maid-servant). On her attaining success (the maid-servant) may inform the queen that the same drug may be applied to the person of the king (to secure his love), and then change the drug for poison. A spy, under the guise of an astrologer, may gradually delude the enemy's prime minister with the belief that he is possessed of all the physiognomical characteristics of a king; a mendicant woman may tell the minister's wife that she has the characteristics of a queen and that she will bring forth a prince; or a woman, disguised as the minister's wife, may tell him that "the king is troubling me; and an ascetic woman has brought to me this letter and jewelry." Spies, under the guise of cooks, may, under the pretence of the king's (the enemy's) order, take some covetable wealth (to the minister) meant for use in an immediate expedition. A spy under the guise of a merchant may, by some contrivance or other, take possession of that wealth and inform the minister of the readiness of all the preparations (for the expedition). Thus by the employment of one, two, or three of the strategic means, the ministers of each of the combined enemies may be induced to set out on the expedition and thus to be away from the inimical kings. Spies, under the service of the officer in charge of the enemy's waste lands may inform the citizens and country people residing in the enemy's fortified towns of the condition of the officer's friendship with the people, and say. "The officer in charge of the waste lands tells the warriors and departmental officers thus: The king has hardly escaped from danger and scarcely returns with life. Do not hoard up your wealth and thereby create enemies; if so, you will all be put to death." When all the people are collected together, fiery spies may take the citizens out of the town and kill their leaders, saying, "Thus will be treated those who do not hear the officer in charge of the waste lands." On the waste lands under the charge of the officer, the spies may throw down weapons, money and ropes bespattered with blood. Then other spies may spread the news that the officer in charge of the waste lands destroys the people and plunders them. Similarly spies may cause disagreement between the enemy's collector-general and the people. Addressing the servants of the collector-general in the centre of the village at night, fiery spies may say, "Thus will be treated those who subject the people to unjust oppression." When the fault of the collector-general or of the officer in charge of the waste lands is widely known, the spies may cause the people to slay either of them, and employ in his place one of his family or one who is imprisoned. Spreading the false news of the danger of the enemy, they (spies) may set fire to the harem, the gates of the town and the store-house of grains and other things, and slay the sentinels who are kept to guard them.83 82 In floka metre.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1910. 11 Chapter III. Blaying the commander-in-chief and inciting a Circle of States. (Senamukhyavadhah ; manqalaprotsahanam cha.) Spies in the service of the king (the enemy) or of bis courtiers may, under the pretence of friendship, say in the presence of other friends that the king is angry with the chiefs of infantry, cavalry, chariots and elephants. Wben their men are collected together, fiery spies, baving guarded themselves against night watches, may, under the pretence of the king's (the enemy's) order, invite the chiefs to a certain house and slay the chiefs when returning from the house. Other spies in the vicinity nay say that it has been the king's (the enemy's) order to slay them, Spies may also tell those who have been banished from the country, this is just what we foretold; for personal safety, you may go elsewhere." Spies may also tell those who have not received what they reqnested of the king (the enemy) that the officer in charge of waste lands has been told by the king, "such and such a person has begged of me what he should not demand; I refused to grant his reqnest; he is in conspiracy with my enemy. So make attempts to put bim down." Then the spies may proceed in their usual way. Spies may also tell those who have been granted their request by the king (the enemy) that the officer in charge of waste lands has been told by the king, "such and such persons have demanded their due from me; I have granted them all their requests in order to gain their confidence. But they are conspiring with my enemy. So make attempts to put them down." Then the spies may proceed in their usual way. Spies may also tell those who do not demand their due from the king that the officer in charge of waste lands has been told, "such and such persons do not demand their due from me. What else can be the reason than their suspicion abont my knowledge of their guilt? So make attempts to put them down." Then the spies may proceed in their usual way. This explains the treatment of partisans. A spy employed as the personal servant of the king (the enemy) may inform him that such and euch ministers of his are being interviewed by the enemy's servants. When he comes to believe this, some treacherous persons may be represented as the messengers of the enemy, specifying as "this is that." The chief officers of the army may be induced by offering land and gold to fall against their own men and secede from the enemy (their king). If one of the sons of the commander-in-chief is living near or inside the fort, a spy may tell him, "you are the most worthy son; still you are neglected; why are you indifferent ? Seize your position by force; otherwise the heir-apparent will destroy you." Or some one of the family of the commander-in-chief or the king), or one who is imprisoned may be bribed in gold and told, "destroy the internal strength of the enemy, or portion of his force in the border of his country."

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THE ARTHASASTRA OF OHANAKYA. MAY, 1910.] Or having seduced wild tribes with rewards of wealth and honour, they may be incited to devastate the enemy's country. Or the enemy's rear-enemy may be told, "I am, as it were, a bridge to you all; if I am broken like rafter, this king will drown you all; let us, therefore, combine and thwart the enemy in his march." Accordingly, a message may be sent to individual or combined states to the effect, "after having done with me, this king will do his work of you; beware of it. I am the best man to be relied upon." 135. In order to escape from the danger from an immediate enemy, a king should frequently send to a madhyama or a neutral king (whatever would please him); or one may put one's whole property at the enemy's disposal, 83 Chapter IV. Spies with weapons, fire, and poison; and destruction of supply, stores and granaries. (Sastragnirasa pranidhayah; vivadhasaraprasaravadhascha.) The conqueror's spies who are residing as traders in the enemy's forts, and those who are living as cultivators in the enemy's villages, as well as those who are living as cowherds or ascetics in the district borders of the enemy's country may send through merchants, information to another neighbouring enemy, or a wild chief, or a scion of the enemy's family, or an imprisoned prince that the enemy's country is to be captured. When their secret emissaries come as invited, they are to be pleased with rewards of wealth and honour and shewn the enemy's weak points; and with the help of the emissaries, the spies should strike the enemy at his weak points. Or having put a banished prince in the enemy's camp, a spy, disguised as a vintner in the service of the enemy, may distribute as a toast hundreds of vessels of liquor mixed with the juice of the madana plant; or, for the first day, he may distribute a mild or intoxicating variety of liquor, and on the following days such liquor as is mixed with poison; or having given pure liquor to the officers of the enemy's army, he may give them poisoned liquor when they are in intoxication. A spy, employed as a chief officer of the enemy's army, may adopt the same measures as those employed by the vintner. Spies, disguised as experts in trading in cooked flesh, oooked rice, liquor, and cakes, may vie with each other in proclaiming in public the sale of a fresh supply of their special articles at cheap price and may sell the articles mixed with poison to the attracted customers of the enemy. Women and children may receive in their poisoned vessels, liquor, milk, curd, ghee, or oil from traders in those articles, and pour those fluids back into the vessels of the traders, saying that at a specified rate the whole may be sold to them. Spies, disguised as merchants, may purchase the above articles, and may so contrive that servants, attending upon the elephants and horses of the enemy, may make use of the same articles in giving rations and grass to those animals. Spies, under the garb of servants, may sell poisoned grass and water. Spies, let off as traders in cattle for a long time, may leave herds of cattle, sheep, or goats in tempting places so as to divert the attention of the enemy from the attack which they (the enemy) intend to make; spies as cowherds may let off such animals as are ferocious among horses, mules, camels, buffaloes and other beasts, having smeared the eyes of those animals with the blood of ss In Sloka metre..

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. a musk rat (chuchundari); spies as hunters may let off cruel beasts from traps; spies as snakecharmers may let off highly poisonous snakes; those who keep elephants may let off elephants (near the enemy's camp); those who live by making use of fire may set fire (to the camp, &c.). Secret spies may slay from behind the chiefs of infantry, cavalry, chariots and elephants, or they may set fire to the chief residences of the enemy. Traitors, enemies and wild tribes, employed for the purpose, may destroy the enemy's rear or obstruct his reinforcement; or spies, concealed in forests, may enter into the border of the enemy's country, and devastate it; or they may destroy the enemy's supply, stores, and other things, when those things are being conveyed on a narrow path passable by a single man. [MAY, 1910. Or in accordance with a preconcerted plan, they may, on the occasion of a night-battle, go to the enemy's capital, and blowing a large number of trumpets, cry aloud," we have entered into the capital, and the country has been conquered." After entering into the king's (the enemy's) palace, they may kill the king in the tumult; when the king begins to run from one direction to another, Mlechchhas, wild tribes, or chiefs of the army, lying in ambush (sattra), or concealed near a pillar or a fence, may slay him; or spies, under the guise of hunters, may slay the king when he is directing his attack, or in the tumult of attack following the plan of treacherous fights. Or occupying an advantageous position, they may slay the enemy when he is marching in a narrow path passable by a single man, or on a mountain, or near the trunk of a tree, or under the branches of a banian tree, or in water; or they may cause him to be carried off by the force of a current of water let off by the destruction of a dam across a river, or of a lake or pond; or they may destroy him by means of an explosive fire or poisonous snake when be has entrenched himself in a fort, in a desert, in a forest, or in a valley. He should be destroyed with fire when he is under a thicket; with smoke when he is in a desert; with poison when he is in a comfortable place; with crocodile and other cruel beasts when he is in water; or they may slay him when he is going out of his burning house. By means of such measures as are narrated in the chapter, "enticement of the enemy by secret means", or by any other measures, the enemy should be caught hold of in places to which he is confined or from which he is attempting to escape.85 Chapter V. Capture of the enemy by means of secret contrivances or by means of the army; and complete victory (Yogatisandhanam, dandatieandhanam, ekavijayascha). Chapter 1, Book XIII. Contrivances to kill the enemy may be formed in those places of worship and visit, which the enemy, under the influence of faith, frequents on occasions of worshipping gods, and of pilgrimage. A wall or a stone, kept by mechanical contrivance, may, by loosening the fastenings, be let to fall on the head of the enemy when he has entered into a temple; stones and weapons may be showered over his head from the topmost storey; or a door-panel may be let to fall; or a huge rod kept over a wall or partly attached to a wall may be made to fall over him; or weapons kept inside the body of an idol may be thrown over his head; or the floor of those places where he usually stands, sits, or walks may be besprinkled with poison mixed with cow-dung or with pure so In floka metre.

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MAY, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 137 water; or under the plea of giving him flowers, scented powders, or of causing scented smoke, he may be poisoned; or by removing the fastenings made under a cot or a seat, he may be made to fall into a pit containing pointed spears; or when he is eager to escape from impending imprisondient in his own country, he may be led away to fall into the hands of a wild tribe or an enemy waiting for him not far from his country; or when he is eager to get out of his castle, he may be likewise misled or made to enter an enemy's country which is to be restored (to the conqueror); the enemy's people should also be kept under the protection of sons and brothers of the conqueror) in some forts on a mountain, or in a forest, or in the midst of a river separated from the enemy's country by wild tracts of lands. Measures to obstruct the movements of the enemy are explained in the chapter, "The conduct of a conquered king88." Grass and firewood should be set on fire as far as a yojana (611 miles); water should be vitiated and caused to flow away ; mounds, wells, pits and thorns outside the fort wall) should be destroyed; having widened the mouth of the underground tunnel of the enemy's fort, his stores and leaders may be removed; the enemy may also be likewise carried off; when the underground tunnel has been made by the enemy for his own use, the water in the ditch outside the fort may be made to flow into it; in suspicious places along the parapet (of the enemy's fort) and in the house containing a well outside the fort, empty pots or bronze vessels may be placed in order to find out the direction of the wind (blowing from the underground tunnel); when the direction of the tunnel is found out, a counter-tunnel may be formed; or having opened the tunnel, it may be filled with Binoke or water. Having arranged for the defence of the fort by a scion of his family, the enemy may run in an opposite direction where it is possible for him to meet with friends, relatives, or wild tribes, or with his enemy's treacherous friends of vast resources, or where he may separate his enemy from the latter's friends, or where he may capture the enemy's rear, or country, or where he may prevent the transport of supplies to his enemy, or whence he may strike his enemy by throwing down trees at band, or where he can find means to defend his own country or to gather reinforcements for his hereditary army; or he may go to any other country whence he can obtain peace on his own terms. His enemy's (the conqueror's) allies may send a mission to him, saying, "This man, your enemy, has fallen into our hands; under the plea of merchandise or some presentation, send gold and a strong forco; we shall either hand over to you your enemy bound in chains, or banish him." If he approves of it, the gold and the army he may send may be received (by the conqueror). Having access to the enemy's castle, the officer in charge of the boundaries of the enemy's country) may lead a part of his force and slay the enemy in good faith; under the plea of destroying a people in some place, he may take the enemy to an inimical army; and having led the enemy to the surrounded place, he may slay the enemy in good faith. A pretending friend may send information to an outsider, "Grains, oil, jaggery, and salt stored in the fort of the enemy) have been exhausted ; a fresh supply of them is expected to reach the fort at such and such a place and time; seize it by force." Thon traitors, enemies, or wild tribes, or some other persons, specially appointed for the purpose, may send a supply of poisoned grains, oil, jaggery, and salt to the fort. This explains the seizure of all kinds of supply. # Chapter 15, Book VII.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1910. Having made peace with the conqneror, he may give the conqueror part of the gold promised and the rest gradoally. Thus he may canse the conqueror's defensive forces to be slackened and then strike them down with fire, poison or sword; or be may win the confidence of the conqueror's courtiers deputed to take the tribate. Or if his resources are exhaasted, bo may run away abandoning his fort; he may escape through a tunnel or through a hole newly made or by breaking the parapet. Or having challenged the conqueror at night, he may successfully confront the attack; if he cannot do this, he may run away by a side path; or disguised as a beretic, bo may escape with a small retingo; or he may be carried off by spies as a corpse ; or disguised as a woman, he may follow a corpse (as it were, of her husband to the cremation ground); or on the occasion of feeding the people in honour of gods or of ancestors or in some festival, he may make use of poisoned rica and water, and having conspired with his enemy's traitors, be may strike the enemy with his concealed aray, or when he is surrounded in bis fort, he may lie concealed in a hole bored into the body of an idol after eating sacramental food and setting up an altar; or he may lie in a secret holo in & wall, or in a hole made in the body of an idol in an underground chamber; and when he is forgotten, he may get out of his concenlment throagh a tunnel, and, entering into the palace, slay his enemy while sleeping, or loosening the fastenings of a machine (yantra), he may let it fall on his enemy; or when his enemy is lying in a chamber which is besmeared with poisonous and explosire substances or which is made of lao, be may set fire to it. Fiery spies, hidden in an underground chambor, or in a tunnel, or inside a secret wall, may slay the enemy when the latter is carelessly amusing hiniself in a pleasure park or any other place of recreation; or spies under concealment may poison him; or women under concealment may throw a snake, or poison, or fire or poisonous smoke over his person when he is asleep in a confined place; or spies, having ccess to the enemy's harem, may, when orportunities cecur, do to the enemy whatever is found possible on the occasion, and then get out unknown. On such occasions, they should make use of the signs indicative of the purpose of their socioty. Having by means of trompet sounds called together the sentinels at the gate as well as nged men and other spies stationed by others, the enemy may completely carry out the rest of his work.87 Book XIII. Strategic means to capture a fortress (Durgalambhopayah). Chapter I. Bowing the seeds of dissension (Upajapah). When the conqueror is desirous of seizing an enemy's village, he should infase enthusiastic spirit among his own men and frighten his enemy's people by giving publicity to his power of omniscience and close association with gods. Proclamation of his omniscience is as follows:-rejection of his chief officers when their secret, domestic and other private affairs are known; revealing the names of traitors after receiving information from spies specially employed to find out such men ; pointing out the impolitic aspect of any course of action suggested to him; and pretensions to the knowledge of foreign affairs by means of his power to read omens and signs invisible to others when information about foreign affairs is just received through a domestic pigeon which bas brought a sealed letter. IT In Sloka metro.

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MAY, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 139 Proclamation of his association with gods is as follows:-holding conversation with, and worshipping, the spies who pretend to be the gods of fire or altar when through a tunnel they come to stand in the midst of fire, altar, or in the interior of a hollow image; holding conversation with, and worshipping, the spies who rise up from water and pretend to be the gods and goddesses of Nagas (snakes); placing under water at night a mass of sea foam mixed with burning oil, and exhibiting it as the spontaneous outbreak of fira, when it is burning in a line; sitting on a raft in water, which is secretly fastened by a rope to a rock; such magical performance in water as is usually done at night by bands of magicians, using the sack of abdomen or womb of water animals to hide the head and the nose, and applying to the nose the oil, prepared from the entrails of red spotted deer and the serum of the flesh of the crab, crocodile, porpoise, and otter; holding conversation, as though, with women of Varuna (the god of water), or of Naga (the snake god) when they are performing magical tricks in water; and sending out volumes of smoke from the mouth on occasions of anger,88 Astrologers, sooth-sayers, horologists, story-tellers paurdnika), as well as those, who read the forebodings of every moment, together with spies and their disciples, inclusive of those who have witnessed the wonderful performances of the conqueror should give wide publicity to the power of the king to associate with gods throughout his 'territory. Likewise in foreign countries, they should spread the news of gods appearing before the conqueror and of bis having received from heaven weapons and treasure. Those who are well versed in horary astrology and the science of omens should proclaim abroad that the conqueror is a saccessful expert in explaining the indications of dreams and in understanding the language of beasts and birds. They should not only attribute the contrary to bis enemy, but also show to the enemy's people the shower of firebrand (ulka) with the noise of drums (from the sky) on the day of the birth-star of the enemy. The conqneror's chief messengers, pretending to be friendly towards the enemy, should highly speak of the conqueror's respectful treatment of visitors, of the strength of his army, and of the likelihood of impending destruction of his enemy's men. They should also make it known to the enemy that under their master, both ministers and soldiers are equally safe and happy, and that their master treats his servants with parental care in their weal or woe. By these and other means, they should win over the enemy's men as pointed out above, and as we are going to treat of them again at length: They should characterise the enemy as an ordinary donkey towards skilfol persons; as the branch of lakucha (Artocarpus Lacucha) broken to the officers of his army; as a crab on the shore to anxious persons; as a downpour of lightnings to those who are treated with contempt; as a reed, a barren tree, or an iron ball, or as false clouds to those who are disappointed ; as the ornaments of an ugly woman to those who are disappointed in spite of their worshipful service; as a tiger's skin, or as a trap of death to his favourites; and as eating a piece of the wood of pilu (Careya Arborea), or as churning the milk of a she-camel or a she-donkey (for butter) to those who are rendering to him valuable help. * These and othor magionl trioke employed by ancient kinga for politioal purposes, satisfactorily explain the origin and growth of Parknio Mythology. No one can believe them as real miracles in the face of Chanakya's plain statement of the trioks.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1910. When the people of the enemy are convinced of this, they may be sent to the conqueror to receive wealth and honour. Those of the enemy who are in need of money and food should be supplied with an abundance of those things. Those who do not like to receive such things may be presented with ornaments for their wives and children. When the people of the enemy are suffering from famine sad the oppression of thieves and wild tribes, the conqueror's spies should sow the seeds of dissension among them, saying, Let ns request the king for favour, and go elsewhere it not favoured." When they agree to such proposals, they should be supplied with money, grains, and other necessary belp: thus, much can be done by sowing the secds of dissensions Chapter II. Enticement of kings by secret contrivances. (Yogevamadam.) An ascetic, with shaved head or braided hair and living in the care of a mountain, may pretend to be four hundred years old, and, followed by a number of disciples with braided hair, halt in the vicinity of the capital city of the enemy, The disciples of the ascetie may mako presentations of roots and fruits to the king and his ministers and invite them to pay a visit to the venerable ascetic. On the arrival of the king on the spot, the ascetic may acquaint him with the history of ancient kings and their states, and tell him, "Every time when I complete the course of a hundred years, I enter into the fire and come out of it as a fresh youth (bala). Now, here in your presence, I am going to enter into the fire for the fourth time. It is highly necessary that you may be pleased to honour me with your presence at the time. Please request three boons." When the king agrees to do so, he may be requested to come and remain at the spot with bis wives and children for Beven nights to witness the sacrificial performance. When he does so, he may be caught hold of. An ascetic, with shaved head or braided hair, and followed by a number of disciples with shaved heads or braided hair, and pretending to be aware of whatever is contained in the interior of the earth, may put in the interior of an ant-hill either a bamboo stick wound round with a piece of cloth drenched in blood and painted with gold dust, or a hollow golden tabe into which a snake can enter and remain. One of the disciples may tell the king, "This ascetic can discover blooming treasure trove." When he asks the ascetic (as to the veracity of the statement), the latter should acknowlodge it, and produce a confirmatory evidence (by pulling out the bamboo stick); or having kept some more gold in the interior of the ant-bill, the ascetic may tell the king, "This treasure trove is guarded by a snake and can possibly be taken oqt by performing necessary sacrifice. When the king agrees to do so, he may be requested ta come and remain . .. (as before). When an ascetio, pretending to be able to find out hidden treasure trove, is seated with his body burning with magical fire at night in a lonely place, his disciples may bring the king to see him and inforin the king that the ascetic can find out treasure trove. While engaged in performing some work at the request of the king, the latter may be requested to come and remain at the spot for seven nights ... (as before). 19 In sloka metre.

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MAY, 1910.) THE ARTH ASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 141 An accomplished ascetic may begaile a king by his knowledge of the science of magic known as jambhaka, and request him to come and remain .. . &s before. An accomplished ascetic, pretending to have secured the favour of the powerful guardian deity of the country, may often begaile the king's chief ministers with his wonderful performance and gradually impose apon the king. Any person, disguised as an ascetic and living under water or in the interior of an idol entered into through a tunnel or an underground chamber, may be said by his disciples to be Varana, the god of water, or the king of snakes, and shown to the king. While going to accomplish whatever the king may desire, the latter may be requested to come and remain ...before. An accomplished ascetio, halting in the vicinity of the capital city, may invite the king to witness the person of his enemy; when he comes to witness the invocation of his enemy's life in the image to be destroyed, he may be murdered in an unguarded place. Spies, under the guise of merchants come to sell horses, may invite the king to examine and purchase any of the animals. While attentively examining the horses, he may be murdered in the tumult or trampled down by horses. Getting into an altar at night in the vicinity of the capital city of the enemy wit blowing through tabes or hollow reeds the fire contained in a few pots, some fiery spies may shout aloud, "We are going to eat the flesh of the king or of his ministers ; let the worship of the gods go on." Spies, under the guise of soothsayers and horologists may spread the news abroad, Spies, disguised as ndgas (snake-gods) and with their body besmeared with burning oil (tejanataila), may stand in the centre of a sacred pool of water or of a lake at night, and, sharpening their iron swords or spikes, may shout aloud as before. Spies, wearing coats formed of the skins of bears and sending out volumes of smoke from their mouth, may pretend to be demons, and after circumambulating the city thrice from right to left, may shout aloud as before at a place fall of the horrid noise of antelopes and jackals; or spies may set fire to an altar or an image of a god covered with a layer of mica besmeared with burning oil at night, and shout aloud as before. Others may spread this news abroad; or they may cause (by some contrivance or other) blood to flow ont in floods from revered images of gods. Others may spread this news abroad and challenge any bold or brave man to come out to witness this flow of divine blood. Whoever accepts the challenge may be beaten to death by others with rods, making the people believe that he was killed by demons. Spies and other witnesses may inform the king of this wonder. Then spies, disguised as soothsayers and astrologers may prescribe auspicious and expiatory rites to avert the evil consequences which would otherwise overtake the king and his country. When the king agrees to the proposal, he may be asked to perform in person special sacrifices and offerings with special mantras every night for seven days. Then, (while doing this, be may be slain) as before. In order to delade other kings, the conqueror may himself undertake the performance of expiatory rites to avert such evil consequences as the above and thus set an example to others. See Chapter 2, Book XIV.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1910. - In view of averting the evil consequences of annatural occurrences, he (the conqueror) may collect money from his subjects). When the enemy is fond of elephants, spies may delude him with the sight or a beautiful elephant roared by the officer in charge of elephant-foreste. When he desires to capture the elephant, he may be taken to a remote desolate part of the forost, and killed or carried off as a prisoner. This explains the fate of kings addioted to hunting. When the enemy is fond of wealth or women, he may be beguiled at the sight of rich and beautiful widows brought before him with a plaint for the recovery of a deposit kept by them in the custody of one of their kinsmen; and when he comes to meet with a woman at night as arranged, hidden spies may kill him with weapons or poison. When the enemy is in the habit of paying frequent visits to ascetics, altars, sacred pillars (stupa), and images of gods, spies hidden in underground chambers or in subterranean, passages, or inside the walls, may strike him down. (a) Whatever may be the sights or spectacles which the king goes in person to witness ; wherever he may ongage himself in sports or in swimming in water; (6) Wherever he may be careless in uttering such words of rebuke as "Tut" or on the occasions of sacrificial performance or during the accouchement of women or at the time of death or disease (of some person in the palace), or at the time of love, sorrow, or fear; (6) Whatover may be the festivities of his own men, which the king goes to attend, wherever he is unguarded, or during a cloudy day, or in the tumultuous concourse of people ; (d) Or in an assembly of Brahmans, or whenever he may go in person to see the outbreak of nre, or when he is in a lonely place, or when he is patting on dress or ornaments, or garlands of flower, or when he is lying in his bed or sitting on a sest; (c) Or when he is eating or drinking, on these and other occasione, spies, together with other persons previously hidden at those places, may strike him down at the sound of trumpets; ( And they may get out as secretly as they came there with the pretence of witnessing the sights ; thus it is that kings and other persons are enticed to come out and capta red.92 Chapter III. The work of spies in a siege. (Durgalambhopaye apasarpapranidhih.) * The conqueror may dismiss a confidential chief of a corporation. The chief may go over to the enemy as a friend and offer to supply him with reoraits and other help collected from the conqueror's territory; or followed by a band of spies, the chief may please the enemy by destroying a disloyal village or regiment or an ally of the conqueror and by sending as a present the elephants, horses, and disaffected persons of the conqueror's army or of the batter's ally; or a confidential chief officer of the conqueror may solicit help from & portion of the territory (of the enemy), or from a corporation of people (treni), or from wild tribes; and when he has gained their confidence, he may send them down to the conqueror to be routed down on the occasion of a farcical attempt to capture elephants or wild tribes. Chapter, 2, Book V. na-aro in sloka metro

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MAY, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 143 This explains the work of ministers and wild chiefs under the mission of the conqueror. After making peace with the enemy the conqueror may dismiss his own confidential ministers. They may request the enemy to reconcile them to their master. When the enemy sends & messenger for this purpose, the conqueror may rebuke him and say, "Thy master attempts to sow the seeds of dissension between myself and my ministers; so, thon should not come here again." Then one of the dismissed ministers may go over to the enemy, taking with him a band of spies, disaffected people, traitors, brave thieves, and wild tribes who make no distinction between a friend and a foe. Having secured the good graces of the enemy, the minister may propose to him the destruction of his officers, such as the boundary-guard, wild chief, and commander of his army, telling him, " These and other persons are in concert with your enemy." Then these persons may be put to death under the unequivocal orders of the enemy. The conqueror may tell bis enemy, "A chief with a powerful army means to offend us, so let us combine and put bim down; you may take possession of his treasury or territory." When the enemy agrees to the proposal and comes out honoured by the conqueror, he may be slain in a tumult or in an open battle with the chief (in concert with the conqueror). Or having invited the enemy to be present as a thick friend on the occasion of a pretended gift of territory, or the installation of the heir-apparent, or the performance of some expiatory rites, the conqueror may capture the enemy. Whoever withstands such inducements may be slain by secret means. If the enemy refuses to meet any man in person, then also attempts may be made to kill him by employing his enemy. If the enemy likes to march alone with his army, but not in company with the conqueror, then he may be hemmed in between two forces and destroyed. If, trusting to none, he wants to march alone in order to capture a portion of the territory of an assailable enemy, then he may be slain by employing one of his enemies or any other person provided with all necessary help. When he goes to his subdued enemy for the purpose of collecting an army, his capital may be captured. Or he may be asked to take possession of the territory of another enemy or a friend of the conqueror; and when he goes to seize the territory, the conqueror may ask his (the conqueror's) friend to offend him (the conqneror), and then enable the friend to catch hold of the enemy. These and other contrivances lead to the same end. When the enemy is desirous of taking possession of the territory of the conqueror's friend, then the conquerer may, under the pretence of compliance, supply the enemy with army. Then, having entered into a secret concert with the friend, the conqueror may pretend to be under troubles and allow himself to be attacked by the enemy combined with the neglected friend. Then, hemmed from two sides, the enemy may be killed or captured alive to distribute his territory among the conqueror and his friend. If the enemy, helped by his friend, shuts himself in an impregnable fort, then his neighbouring enemies may be employed to lay waste bis territory. If he attempts to defend his territory by his army, that army may be annihilated. If the enemy and his ally cannot be separated, then onch of these may be openly asked to come to an agreement with the conqueror to seize the territory of the other. Then they will, of course, send such of their messengers as are ter med friends and recipients of salaries from two states to each other with information, " This king (the conqueror), allied with my army, desires to seize thy territory." Then one of them may, with enragement and suspicion, act as before i.e., fall upon the conqueror or the friend). The conqueror may dismiss his chief officers in charge of his forests, country parts, and army, under the pretence of their intrigue with the enemy. Then, going over to the enemy, they may catch hold of him on occasions of war, siege, or any other troubles; or they may sow the seeds of dissension between the enemy and his party, corroborating the causes of dissension by producing witnesses specially tutored.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. EMAY, 1910. Spies, disguised as hunters, may take a stand near the gate of the enemy's fort to sell flesh, and make friendship with the sentinels at the gate. Having informed the enemy of the arrival of thieves on two or three occasions, they may prove themselves to be of reliable character and cause him to split his army into two divisions and to station them in two different parts of his territory. When his villages are being plundered or beseized, they may tell him that thieves are come very near, that the tumult is very great, and that a large army is required. They may take the army supplied, and surrendering it to the commander laying waste the villages, return at night with a part of the commander's army, and cry aloud at the gate of the fort that the thieves are slain, that the army has returned victorious, and that the gate may be opened. When the gate is opened by the watchmen under the enemy's order or by others in confidence, they may strike the enemy with the help of the army. Painters, carpenters, heretics, actors, merchants, and other disguised spies belonging to the conqueror's army may also reside inside the fort of the enemy. Spies, disguised as agriculturiste, may supply them with weapons taken in carts loaded with firewood, grass, grains, and other commodities of commerce, or disguised as images and flags of gods. Then spies, disguised as priests, may announce to the enemy, blowing their conch-shells and beating their drums, that a besieging army, eager to destroy all, and armed with weapons, is coming closely behind them. Then in the ensuing tumult, they may surrender the fort-gate and the towers of the fort to the army of the conqueror or disperse the enemy's army and bring about his fall. Or taking advantage of peace and friendship with the enemy, army and weapons may be collected inside the enemy's fort by spies disguised as merchants, caravans, processions leading a bride, merchants selling horses, pedlars trading in miscellaneous articles, purchasers or sellers of grains, and as ascetics. These and others are the spies aiming on the life of a king. The same spies, together with those described in "Removal of thorns 8" may, by employing thieves, destroy the flock of the enemy's cattle or merchandise in the vicinity of wild tracts. They may poison, with the juice of the madana plant, the food-stuffs and beverage kept, as previously arranged, in a definite place for the enemy's cowherds, and go out unknown. When the cowherds show signs of intoxication ir consequence of their eating the above food-stuffs, spies, disguised as cowherds, merchants, and thieves, may fall upon the enemy's cowherds, and carry off the cattle. Spies, disguised as ascetics with shaved head or braided hair and pretending to be the worshippers of god, Sankarshana, may mix their sacrificial beverage with the juice of the madana plant (and give it to the cowherds), and carry off the cattle. A spy, under the guise of a vintner, may, on the occasion of procession of gods, funeral rites, festivals, and other congregations of people, go to sell liquor and present the cowherds with some liquor mixed with the juice of the madana plant. Then others may fall upon the intoxicated cowherds (and carry off the cattle). Those spios, who enter into the wild tracts of the enemy with the intention of plundering his villages, and who, leaving that work, set themselves to destroy the enemy, are termed spies under the garb of thieves. 94 (To be continued.) . See Book IV. In Sloka metre.

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MAY, 1910.] A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES. A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES. BY K. V. SUBBAIYA, M.A., L.T., M.R.A.S., Lecturer, Rajahmundry College. (All rights reserved.) I. Nouns and Cases. 145 1. Dravidian nouns have four natural cases, namely (1) the nominative, (2) the accusative, (3) the dative, and (4) the genitive. 2. These cases have an inflexional character; and the terminations that form them, are mere particles that have never been known, in any historical period of the language, to have had an independent existence, or to have been used as separate words. All the European scholars, including even Dr. Caldwell, suppose that these case-signs must once have had an independent existence and must now have lost the faculty of separate use, on the erroneous notion that an agglutinative language must be entirely agglutinative and show no traces of inflexion. This theory has long been exploded; and it is now held by all scholars that no one language is entirely agglutinative or inflexional. Hence I think that the Dravidian case should be considered as one of the few instances of inflexion found in this decidedly agglutinative language. 3. The Dravidian grammarians have drawn up their tables of declension in imitation of Sanskrit grammar, and "in following the order of Sanskrit cases, have also adopted or imitated the Sanskrit mode of denominating them not by descriptive appellations, as dative or ablative, but by numbers. They have affixed a number to each case in the same order as in Sanskrit, e.g., first case, second case, etc., to eighth case." The imitation of Sanskrit in this particular is certainly an error. 4. I shall, therefore, divide Dravidian cases into two classes, namely, (1) primary cases and (2) secondary cases. The primary cases are:-(1) the nominative, (2) the accusative, (3) the dative, and (4) the genitive. The secondary cases are the rest, except the vocative, which may be considered more as a primary than as a secondary case; for it is only the nominative in form with the final vowel lengthened if it be a, or with e added towards the end if the nominative should end in any other letter. So under secondary cases, we shall include the instrumental, the ablative and the locative. 5. There are some very important points of difference between the primary and the secondary cases which justify this classification. These are: (a) The primary cases are formed by means of inflexional suffixes, whereas the secondary cases are formed by the addition of post-positions. These post-positions retain, in all Dravidian dialects, traces of their original character as auxiliary nouns or participles. (b) The primary cases are distinct in themselves, and the case-sign of one is not used for that of another, though in some of the North Dravidian languages the accusative and the dative are confounded through the influence of the neighbouring language, namely, Mun-da, in which there is no difference between these two cases. But the secondary cases, such as instrumental, the ablative and the locative, are interchangeable; and what is the case-sign of the locative in one language is that of the instrumental in another, and also that of the ablative in a third; and in the same language the same sign may be used for all the three, or at least, two of the cases. (c) Canarese exhibits a marked difference between these classes of cases. Kanna-da primary cases are formed by affixing the case-suffixes to the crude base, whereas its secondary cases are formed by adding the post-positions to the genitive form with inflexion.

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1910. 6. The case-suffixes are the same in the singular as well as in the plural, except in Tulu and Telugu, where different suffixes are added. 7. The declinable base to which the case-terminations are suffixed, is, in a very large majority of cases the crude form of the noun. This is, in ail the languages except Telugu, identical with the nominative. In such cases this crude form is also used as genitive (except perhaps in Canarese). In Telugu the nominative has often been changed in accordance with special phonetic laws peculiar to it, whilst the genitive retains generally, the old form. Hence in this dialect, the oblique base is the genitive and not the nominative. The difference, in Canarese, between the primary and the secondary cages in the natore of the declinable base has already been noted under 5, (c). In short, it might be stated that the crude form of the noon, when it is used as the declinable base, is identical with the nominative-genitive form; and cago-suffixes are added to it without any link of connection whether inflexional or eaphonic, except the ordinary y, y introduced to prevent hiatus between two successive vowels. (For an explanation of these links, see Phonetics.) 8. But in a very small number of instances, this crude form undergoes some alterations before it can become the declinable base. These changes are of four kinds: namely, (1) contraction, (2) doubling and hardening the final consonant, (3) euphonic links, and, (4) augmentation ; the last being the most important of all these. (a) Contraction. 9. In the solitary instance of the personal pronouns in almost all the Dravidian dialects and in the case of nouns too in Kurukh, the nominative or crude form undergoes a contraction, in the quantity of its root-vowel on becoming a declinable base. In Canarese, nanu, I; becomes nanna, my; ninu, thou, ninna (gen.). In Telugu nivu, thou; ninnu, thee. In Kai anu, I; nange, to me. This root-vowel shortening is found in all the oblique cases of personal pronouns in Tamil, Malayalam, Canarese and Tulu; and in the accusative in Telugu; and only in the dative in Kui. In Gondi, the reverse is the case, that is, the root-vowel of the oblique cases is long and the towel of the nominative is short : e. g., nanna, I; nakun, me; navor, my ; etc. In Kurukh, the final long vowels of nouns too are shortened in the accusative: e... mukka, a woman, has mukkan (acc.); alla a dog, has allan. (b) Doubling and hardening the final consonant. 10. This is peculiar to Tamil and Malayalam. In these languages, nouns ending in du, and ru double these consonants. The doubled du becomes tt. (i. e., d 3 becomes r); and the doubled r is written rr and pronounced as such in literary Tamil, but both written and pronounced as tt (=th th) in colloquial Tamil and literary Malayalam ; e. g., nidu, country natrai (acc.) aru, river, arrai (acc.). (c) Euphonic links. (See also under Phonetics.) 11. Whenever a noun ends in a vowel and a case-sign also beginning with a vowel is added to it, the semi-vowels v and y are introduced to prevent hiatus. This is the rule in Tamil and Canarese. In Telugu and sometimes in Tolu too, the v or y is replaced by n.1 Again in Tamil, the dative case-sign ku is generally preceded by an euphonic u in the case of nouns ending in a consonant, or by an a in the case of pronouns: e. g., man, deer, man-u-kkou (dat.). Val, sword, Val-u-kku; but tan (self), tana-kku (dat.). If the letter preceding the final consonant of the noun be short, it is doubled : e.g., kal, stone, kall-u-kku (dat.). Words ending in y directly take the case-sign without the euphonic u, for it is itself a semi-vowel. In the case of nouns ending in-,-,-, it is also usual, especially in old Tamil and modern literary dialect to add directly the case-sign: 6.9., kay, a fruit, kaykku. Ver, a root; Verieku, pal, ruins, palkku, we have also Verukku and palukku. 1 Cf. Caldwell, pp. 72, 73, 74.

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MAY, 1910.) A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES, 147 (d) Augmentation (at, af, an): 12. At, ar and an are the augments that some of the Dravidian languages add only to neuter nouns ; at is used only in the singular number by Tamil, Malayalam, Canarese, Tulu, Telagu and Gondi; an is used only in the singalar by Canarese alone; ar is used both in the singular and the plural by Canarese, and in the plural by Tamil and Malayalam. 13. The augment-at. At becomes attu in Tamil and Malayalam and is added to all nouns ending in am whether Sanskrit or purely Dravidian. These nouns are all neuter. They reject am and take attu instead, in the oblique case in the singular, the finalu dropping before case-signs beginning with & vowel. For example : gramam & village. (Tam.-mal): gramattil (locative). "This role admits of no exception in the ordinary dialect of Tamil; but in the poetical dialect, which represents more or less distinctly an older condition of the language, attu is sometimes left unused, and the case-sign is added directly to the base : 6. 9., instead of kay-attu-kku to the depth (from kayam, depth ), kay-a-kku is used in the Chintamami. When the increment attu is not followed by any sign of case, but by another noun, it has ordinarily the force of genitive or locative in Tamil." In this respect Tamil differs from Canarese, Telugu and Gondi, which never suffix this augment without the case-sign and never give it the signification of the genitive. In Tulu, at becomes t or d: e. g., maram tree, marata (gen.), kuri a sheep, keurita (gen.), meji a table, mejida (gen). In Tulu this augment is found only in the genitive case, singular. In Canarese, at becomes d ; and is used only for the singular of the genitive, instrumental ablative and locative cases, of neuter nouns: e. g., maram a tree, has marada (gen.), maradim (int. and abl.) marado! (loc.), but maranam (acc.), and marake (dat.). In Gondi, there are two declensions of nouns. Nouns denoting rational beings, add n to the base ; and those denoting irrational beings add t. This t is a contraction of the augment at. As in the case of Tamil and Malayalam, this t is used for the singular of all cases in Gondi. Dr. Grierson says "The second declension in Gondi now comprises several nouns denoting rational beings, and is, broadly speaking, the regular one. The final consonant is often combined with the following t, into one sound. Thus rot is the oblique case of ron, a house ; Dongut of - Dongur, jungle. Final plus t sometimes becomes -- !, and I plus t also gives d, and so on. Thus nar, village, oblique nat, nel, field, oblique ned." In Telugu, there are only a few neuter nouns that take t as augment. These are called irregular' nouns by Native Grammarians. These end in one of the letters :-du, -r--lu, (11), 110,- anu and y. And when t is added to these, the final euphonic (or :) of all the first five, and y the last letter disappear before t, and produce - in the case of the first three and -t in the case of the next two; or more clearly, -(3); or -, or - plus t gives - (T); - Il or-nn plus t gives - (T); y plast gives 1, y disappearing. The same is the case in Gondi. (See above para.) As the genitive is the declinable base in Telaga, i is added to these ; so that --du ()-ru, -- lu give -ti (fa) the vowel preceding -ti being always long. I-lu, nnu -- give - nti (Pre), y gives ti. For example, peradu a yard, perasi (gen.); yeru river, yeti (gen.); pagalu day, pagati (gen); kaugili an embrace, kaugiti (gen.); mullu & thorn, munti (gen.); kannu eye, kanti (gen.). Nay & well, nuti (gen.). Some nouns ending in - lu or li add the genitive suffix i without the augment t, that is kalu a leg, kali (gen.), nemali peacock, nemali (gen.). In the second example, the final i disappears before the suffixal $. The nouns kavidi A yoke, and chavidi & porch, take also the augment 1 before which, as usual, -d is unvoiced. Thus kaviti and chariti are genitives, proddu

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1910. morning, and mapu evening, also take -- i to form the genitive as prodduti and mapati. Some irregular nouns ending in ru form the genitive singular both with and without the augment 1: that is, nuru has nuti and nuri ( gen.) goru has goti and gari. Again peru and veru have pirifi and peri and veriti and veri as genitives. The following are the irregular nouns ending in - du andru and - lu that form the genitive by ! :- peradu, gudu, kadu, kudu, kuradu, tadu, kodu, chavudu, nadu, padu, bidu, tarudu, pandu, pundu, purudu; noru, yeru, yesaru, kuduru, nuduru, kaduru, goru, miru, netturu, panniru, munniru, yeduru ; rolu, pagalu, bailu, kundelu, modalu, tubelu. The following are the irregular nouns ending in-llu and Anu that form the genitive by -nti :-illu, mullu, pallu, villu, kallu, kannu, channi, minnu, mannu. The following are the irregular nouns ending in y that take ti for genitive :-nuy, tey, goy, ney vay, roy. 14. The augment af. At becomes afru in Tamil, and this is added as augment to some few plural pronominals and nouns of relation in Tamil, as avai (they); kila (few); pala (many); ella (all); e. 9., avarai, tilavarrai, palaparrai, ellararrai (all accusatives). As regards the use of ar and an in Canarese, the Sabda manidarpana says (1) In the instrumental, genitive and locative (singular and ploral, neuter gender), verbal nominal themes pronouns, adjectives, numbers and words denoting quantity when ending in u: that is, adu, avu, etc.) insert ar. Words denoting direction, insert an in the instrumental singular. (Sutra, 110 ) (%) The nominative of the pronoun en is either en or etar ; its dative etarke, or eke for the other cases its theme is etar (Sutra 112). (See also article 124 of Kittel's Kannada Grammar.) 15. The relation between af, at and an. As regards the relation between these augments, Dr. Kittel considers them to be identical. He says : - "That the letter is another form of -d, becomes a fact when the Talu dialect is compared; further appears as -- in Tula: e. g., mone becomes mure in Tala and- as n in Telugu (e. g., Telugu kanu, kannu = Kannada kan, kan nu, the eye ). Hence it may be concluded that the letters -1,-1,-nand n are closely related in Di avidian language and change places in the dialect ....... These are ultimately the same" (page 83). Dr. Caldwell does not at all treat of an, but as regards the other two he says "ad and ar are evidently related. Are they also identical ? Both are increments of the neuter alone; and where Canarese uses ar, Tulu uses t-d and rare known to change places dialectically, as in the southern provinces of the Tamil country, in which adu, it, is pronounced aru ; and the Canarese increment ad is certainly, and ar probably, identical with that very word, viz., with the Tamil-Canarese demonstrative adu or ad, it. Dr. Gundert thinks ar derived, not from adu, but from an, the equivalent of aru. I do not feel gure of this." My own opinion is that ad, ar, and an were alternative jments of neuter nouns in Primitive Dravidian, and that it is not possible to connect them wiany word that has now an independent existence in the Dravidian dialects. ad and ar may possibly be the same; but it is not clear bow ad or ar can become an, as such a change is not allowed by Phonetic laws. Dr. Kittel's example seems to be solitary, and we don't find any other world where d has become -or---. Nor can we hold with Dr. Caldwell that al, as and an and also am the neuter nominative ending, am the accusative case-sign, and adu the Tamil neuter singular, genitive suffix,-are all identical. It seems nothing but fancifal to hold that adu becomes ar-a theory not supported by any example in the language.

Page #155
MAY, 1910.] A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES. A. Primary Cases. 149 16. The Nominative : The Dravidian nominative singular is the noun itself the inflexionial base of the nounwithout addition or alteration; the nominative plural differs from the nominative singular only by the addition of the pluralising particle. 17. The accusative or second' case: (am). The Primitive Dravidian termination of this case was am. This is found in an unaltered form in Old Canarese: viz., maranam aoc. of maram, a tree. In Mid. and New Canarese the m of am is softened to n and the transformed termination takes a final euphonic u, thus becoming anu, or annu with the consonant doubled. For instance, we have bhagavanu acc. of bhagava, god; maravannu, acc. of mara, a tree. Sometimes the n of an is dropped and a alone is used as case-suffix. Its, lengthened form a is also used. But while a is attached to the base with the finals vorn, its length a is directly added to the crade base: viz., tavava, marana, but halla. Sometimes the euphonic u is changed to a so as to make it correspond with the preceding vowel of the suffix. It then becomes anna vis., yaranna, acc., of yar (= 'who). In Tulu the vowel of am is dropped and m is changed to n. Hence the case-suffix is n which may, or may not have a final half-pronounced u to help enunciation. Thus pravadi, a prophet, has pravadinu (acc.); tare a head, has tarenu (acc.). In Old Teluga, the primitive am is reduced to n: viz., vanamun acc. of vanamu, godan, maganin, etc.; then being added to the genitive case. In Mid. and New Telugu, this n takes a euphonic final u and becomes nu. But this nu is changed to ni when it is to be added to genitives ending in i, i or ai. The rule for forming the accusative case in Mid. and New Telugu may therefore be thus enunciated. The accusative is formed (1). by adding ni to the genitive of all mahat or masculine nouns and to all other genitives ending in i, i or ai (palatal vowels); (2) by adding nu to a genitive ending in any other vowel: as, puli, tiger, pulini (acc.), bidda child, biddanu (acc,). Ramudu has Ramuni (acc.), yeru a river, has yetini (acc.). If the genitive already ends in ni then the objective ni is either dropped when the accusative becomes the same as the genitive, or it coalesces with the genitive ni and becomes-nni, This latter form is only colloquial, tammudu a younger brother, has tammuni (gen.) and tammuni (acc.), also tammunni (acc). (Cf., Arden's Grammar 90-106 and 810). In Gondi the primitive am is changed to un or n. But through the influence of the Munda languages in which there is no difference between the dative and the accusative signs, Gondi uses this (acc.) sign also for the dative. Thus: chhauva a child, becomes chhauvan (acc.-dat) In Chando and Bastur, however, the two cases are distinguished as in other Dravidian languages: babo (= father in Chando) has babon (acc.) and babonku (dat.); tate (= father in Bastur); has taten (acc.) and tatenku (dat). But there is also confusion as in vorunnu to them. Madras Gondi is influenced by Telugu and uses ni for the accusative sign in all cases: chhauva, a child, has chhauvani (acc). This dialect has also a separate dative chhauvaniki to a child. Of the other dialects of the North, Kui also uses ni as the accusative case-sign: e. g., dada (elder brother), has dadani (acc). In Kurukh the case-sign is n, an, in. The form n is used, after vowels; in after definite mascaline bases ending in as and after the plural suffix ar. In other words the accusative ends in an." (Dr. Grierson's L. S., page 412). Alla a dog, has allan (acc.).

Page #156
150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1910. In Malto, it is nie. g., malle man, has mallen (acc.). In Kolami and Naiki, the dative and accusative signs are blended together and the combined form koun or ng is used to denote both the cases : e. g., masur, a servant in Kolami has masurung (acc.-dat.). Chakarkun means in Naiki, either to the servants' or servants' (acc.). But in very many cases the accusative sign alone, i.e., n, in Naiki and Kolami, or un in Naiki is used for both the cases. Thus bala, a child in Kolami has balan (acc.-dat.). In Naiki, anun means me' and banun means 'to the father.' Tamil drope the final letter of am and giving the vowel a greater enunciation, changes it into ai : as, kal leg, kalai (acc.). Even this vowel is dropped in some of the rude dialects of Tamil, In Kaikadi and Burgandi the accusative has either no case-sign or takes on that of the dative, i. e., k. But the Korava dialect perhaps through the influence of Canarese has an, nna. Even here there are not a few nouns which take only e, a monophthonged form of ai, for the accusative. Mau a child in Korava, has marunna (acc.), atne is accusative of that'(at). In Malayalam, the modern literary danghter of Tamil, the monophthonged form of ai, namely, e is used (as in Koraya dialect). Thus magan, a son, has magane (acc.) avan he, has avane (him), tan (self) has tanne (acc.). In Brahui the dative and the accusative have the same form as is also the case in Kaikadi Burgandi, Gondi, Naiki, and Kolami. The usual suffix is e (as in Korava and Malayalam), or, in Karachi, in (as in Kurukb). Thus: lummah mother, has lummahe (acc.-dat.) ofte and often = to them [L. S., p. 622.]. To sum up, generally, the North Dravidian languages retain the nasal with the vowel dropped or changed; n, un, nu, or ni. Tulu too must be included in this group. Canarese has am, an, a and the South Dravidian languages have ai (Tamil) or e (Korava, Malayalam and Brahui ) for the accusative caso-suffix; thus dropping the nasal and retaining the vowel in a modified form. 18. The Dative or Fourth' Case: (k). The suffix of this case in Primitive Dravidian was k; and it is found unaltered in this primitive form in all the dialects. The only change that is noticed is that it is voiced in certain dialects to g, influenced, no doubt, by the character of the preceding sound. Thek is generally followed by a vowel ; but it is of little moment what vowel is used, as it only helps the enunciation of k. In Tamil, the case-suffix is ku, which in combination always becomes kku; the final u being only half-pronounced : e.g., kal leg, kalukku (dat.). In Korava, it is found as k, ku, ka, ke or ki showing clearly that the vowel added to k may be anything : e.g., arank to him (L.S., 326); maunku, to the son (L. S., 326); arasanaka, to the king (L. S., 328); tanka, to him (L. 8., 325); topanke, to the father (L. S., 822); kolliki, to the field (L. S., 321). It appears from these examples that l, loue, ka or ke is indifferently used in the case of nouns ending in consonants or guttaral vowels. But if the noun ends in 4, ki seems to have been used as in Telugu. The same is the case in Kaikadi : e. g., gaunk, to father (L. S., 886); ivanka, to these (L. S. 389); rand yarku, to both (L. S., 341); but tangaiki, to the sister (L. S., 340). In Burgandi we have ittak, to this (L. S., 346), atnidike, to him, so that the dative case-sign appears to be k or ke. In this connection, one striking feature of these three spoken dialects of Tamil must be noticed. The dative case-sign in these has a predominating influence over the other cases too. In Koraya, the dative is also used as an accusative, though the latter has got its own suffixes e, an anna, or ni. In Kaikadi, the dative is commonly used as an accusative, as the latter bas lost its accusative termination. In Burgandi, the dative is not only used as tbe accusative but as the ablative, the locative and the instrumental. Compare also the Telugu, Kolami, Naiki and Gondi dialects.

Page #157
MAY, 1910.) A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES. 151 Ia Malayalam tho dative case-saffis is klu as in Tamil; but this besomo nou if k be preceded by a nasal; e. g., magalkku to the daughter, but magannu, to the son. In this connection it may be statel that Dr. Gundert holds the view tbat innu is derived from the possessive case inadu. But he is himself doubtful of the correstuess of this theory and thinks that ku might have been dropped and a doublel, Dr. Caldwell thinks that any is a softened form of inku. In Canarese it is ge or ke. The rule is: The dative singolar of masculinos onding in am (or an) is ge; that of neuters ending in an is k3 or kke. The dativo of all other themes, singular or plural, masculine or feminine, is ge. (Smd. 113). The ge of the Sanskrit and Canarese masealine and feminino plorals may also be optionally doublei. (Sid. 115). For example: arasinje to the king, marake or mirakke to the tree, maraga!ke to the trees, Davarge to gods. The doubling is always optional. In Badaga, the dativo suffix is ga: e. g., dechaga to the country (L. 8., 403). In Kurumba too it is ga or ka: e. g., manse-ga to man, adika to that (L. S., 399). In Holiya, it is k, ka: 6.g., mansak to men, gavaka to village (L. S., 389). But Holiya is largely influenced by the neighbouring languages. Henco se (Aryan genitive sing.), e (Aryan dative) are also usel. In Tula it is k or g; ku or gu (Brigel, page 11) ammaju; to a mistress ; maroku, to a tree. In Oll Telaga the dative s'gns were kun and kin, in these suffixes is the accusative sign. Compare Kolami and Naiki. But this n was soon dropped. Native grammarians call this n an euphonic n which explanation may te accepted. In Mid. and New Telugu tho suffix is lu or ki. The role is :- The dative case is formed by adding ki to a genitive ending in i, i, ai and by adding ku to a genitive ending in any other vowel : e. g., puliki, to a tiger; bidluku, to a child. In the spokea Northern dialects of Telugn, we find that under thcs circumstances when Telaga uses ki they use ki or ke and under other circuinstances, ku or ka. In the Gondi dialects and in Naiki the dative sign is, through the influenca of the neighbouring Munda Innguages, either droppel and replaced by the accusative sign n or un or blended with it to forin one combination as unl. Iu some few cases we have the original primitive k: vis, tammun to a brother, tamnurkeun to the brothers, mirsans to the man, chhaurangk to the children (L, S., p. 480). Ia Chanda and Bostur, there are separate forms for the dative and the accusative though thoy are often confounded. The siga is ku or ke: babonku and baboneko mean to the father (L. S., 536). In Kui, it is ge or ki: nange to me, tinaki, to him ; ge is mostly used in the case of personal pronouns. In Kurukh as in Gonli, the datire and the accusative are sometimes confounded, especially in the South. The dative suffix is ge : e.g., alge to a man (L. S., 418). In Malto, the suffis is k, ko, ge : e. g., malko to a man (L. S., 448), also malel to a man (L. S., 452), enge to me (L. S.. 452). In Kolami as in Gondi, the dative has the same form as the accusative 4 or ng: 6. g., vegadung to the field (L. S. 564). Probably the g in ng represents the dative k. 19. Tho Genitive or Sixth Case : (a and in). In Primitivo Dravidian there was only one genitive suffis, namely, a. Bat at a late period, in, which was originally a locative post-position came to be used also as genitive suffix. Thus, in Early Dravidian, there were two genitive suffixes, namely a and in. . Of these two, a was used by some dialects: Tamil, Canarese and Gondi, in by Kurukh, Malto, Kai, Madras Gondi and Vadari (a dialect of Telugu). The rest of the dialects of the Dravidian family used both a and in. These were Tulu, Telugu, Kolami, Naiki, and Brahui. The dialects that used in as genitive suffix modified it in many ways. In some, the nasal was dropped and the possessive sign was reduced to i,

Page #158
152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAT, 1910. Telaga uses this, i, as the genitive singular suffix of :-(1) all masculine nouns ending in n-du (when the du drops and 1 is added to n): e. g. tammundu younger brother, tammuni (gen.). (2) all irregular nouns ending in du, ru, -l and -y (when du, -tu and -Iu are changed to ! (?) and y is changed to ! () and i is added to these changed forms): e. g., peradu a yard perasi (gen.). Yeru a river Yelli (gen.), pagalu, day, pagati (gen.), chey hand cheti (gen.). Irregular nouns ending in Ilu and nou form the genitive singular by changing these letters into nti, s, being the possessive suffix. For example, illu a house, inti (gen.). Kannu an eye, kanli (gen). All other nouns have the genitive singular the same as the nominative singular: e. g. gurramu a horse (nom.-gen.). Bid da a child (nom.-gen). stri woman (nom.-gen). These nouns are chiefly amahat or non-masculine nouns. Sometimes, a is added to form the declinable base of the dative case of masculine nouns, singular, ending in n, du. This a is decidedly the genitive sign a, though in singular it is used, in Telugu, only to form the declinable base of the dative. For example, tammunaku to a brother and also tammuniki. Influenced by the analogy of these masculine singular noans ending inn, du, even amahat or non-masculine nouns ending in u and ! () form their dative singular by adding ni or na. Here nis due to false analogy. For example: we have not only gurramulu bat gurra-ni-ki and gurra-na-kou. Note the vowel lengthening here. Gurramuku and gurramunaku are Northern Circar's dialect. And the other two are Ceded-districts' dialect. Hence it may be stated that a too was used as genitive singular suffix in very early Telaga. But in all periods of Telagu, the plural genitive of all nouns is always formed by adding a :e. g., tammula of younger brothers, gurramula of horses, biddala of children strila of women. In New Telugu, the word yokka is usually added to the genitive. Yokka means 'together and has come to give the genitive meaning thus: na yokka pustakamu means the book with me' i. e.,' the book that belongs to me' or my book.' In colloquial Tamil oleka also means together' okka ppoifu akkudal means cooking together.' Hence yokka' is really instrumental in origin. Though yokka is largely used in New Telugu conversation and prose, it is not found in the literary dialects of Mid, and Old Teluga. In must be stated here before passing on to the other languages that Dr. Caldwell, too, following the native grammariang, thinks that the genitive singular suffix of masculine nouns is ni. Perhaps he did not note that * in ni is radical and is no part of the suffix. Further he seems not to have taken into consideration the so-called irregular nouns, which regularly form the genitive singular by the addition of only i. Irregular' words in any grammar are the most regular and retain faithfully the original suffixes. Dr. Caldwell does not also explain how in becamo ni. In Kai also as in Telugu, i is used to form the genitive of all nouns, singular and plural: e. 9., tavenju A youth lareni (gen.), dadaru elder brothers dadari (gen.). But tanu self has tana (gen.) and the plural taru has fura (gen.). This is the only word that forms its genitive by adding a. In Kurukh and Malto, the i is greatly influenced by k, the dative suffix which is the strongest Case-termination in these languages. Hence they use ki (Malto), hai or gahi (Kurukh). In Karukh, sometimes the dative ke or ge entirely replaces these genitive signs. For example in Kurukh we have: algahi of a man, enhai my. Kamiyake of a servant, aege his (L. S. 433). In Malto, male a man, has maleki (gen.). In the specimens given in Dr. Grierson's Linguistic Survey, we find two Kurukh words that form their genitive by adding a attranta of country (420) rajita of country (p. 426). The nominative forms are attrant and rajit as easily inferred from raji-nu in the country' (page 428). The tin rajit is the augment equivalent to Tamil attu. This clearly establishes that a too was once a genitive suffix in Kurukh, In some of the dialects that used in as genitive suffix, it became too weak in force; and hence the old primitive genitive suffix a was also added to it, thus making it ina. But the i of ina after changing a to' (as in Kolami, Naiki, and Burgandi) or without doing so (as in Toda, Kota, Badaga, and Irrula, the dialects of Canarese and also in Brahui), finally dropped, thus reducing the

Page #159
MAY, 1910.) A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES. 163 genitive suffix to na or ne or even ne (with the vowel lengthened). This last ne may further be reduced to e, after a word ending in n. In the dialects of Canarese mentioned above, the suffix is na. They have also the pure a (written ya). In Kolami it is no, but this is sometimes contracted to nor added to the locative suffix t through a confusion. Thus Kolami has n, ne, net, as genitive suffixes. In Naiki and Burgandi it is ne; or e. Tulu too, seems to have used the double form ina for the plural genitive, in pre-historie period while the singular had only a. But in this plural ina the whole in was dropped after a had been fronted to e; so that we have now in Tulu a for genitive singular, and e for the genitive plural. Otberwise it seems to us that e of the plural genitive cannot be explained. Dr. Caldwell and Rev. Brigel merely mention that a is changed to e, but offer no explanation. Canarese too, showed very clearly, a tendency to use in as genitive case-suffix and hence the double form ina due to the weakening of in is found even in the oldest period. But this tendency was almost immediately checked ; and the form ina was restricted to the following cases :-(1) Singular genitive nouns ending in u and I () short and long, and 7, au, and also those ending in consonants take ina. With nouns, however, that receive a euphonic v, ina is only optional ; and a may be used instead (Smd. 108). (2) the insertion of in takes place only in a very few instances with words ending in consonants. It is optional with pagal and irul, necessary with igal and agal (Smd. 109). In all other cases, Canarese uses a wbich in many cases is lengthened to a. So Canarese is chiefly an a-dialect, i. e., one that uses a chiefly for genitive. Dr. Kittel considers the in in ina as euphonic, but we think that the euphonic' explanation must be given up when comparative study can give a better one. Dr. Caldwell, no doubt, identifies this in with the locative genitive in, but says that it has lost its force in Canarese and has become a mere euphonie particle. Brahui, a Dravidian dialect spoken in Baluchistan, nses na and a as genitive suffixes, na is ina with the first vowel dropped and final vowel lengthened, and a is a lengthened. For example: lemmah mother, has lummahni (gen.), nat foot, has natta (gen.) (L. S. 628). In Gondi the genitive suffix is uniformly a when it is not supplanted by the Aryan or (-asya): e. g., chalarkna of servants. undina of one (L. S. 489). In the earliest period of Tamil a was the only genitive suffix; and in was restricted to the locative case. But soon even this a was confined to possessives followed by plural nouns, influenced no doubt by the nenter demonstrative plural suffix a of appellative nouns. And for the singular, the possessive nouns ending in allu (which were till now used only as nouns) were made to do duty as adjectives too, i.e., they were also used predicatively (just as in English we find mine used for my). A similar tendency seems to have existed in Earliest Canarese. In a stanza quoted in Sabdamanidarpa Na (Smd.) we see that tanattu (his) is used adjectively. But in Cavarese such a use is of the rarest kind. Thus in Early Tamil we find two genitive suffixes a and adu. Adu was used when a singular noun followed the possessive and a when a plural noun came after it (Tolk Sol. 65). In Mid. Tamil, this distinetion was preserved; but in some cases, adu was used even when a plural noun followed the possessive : e. g., nindu adiyar and enadu kaigal mine hands. (Nannul 300). In Early New Tamil, a went out of use except in high literary style ; and adu took its place universally. In this period, in which was till now only a locative sign came to be used as genitive suffix also. In late New Tamil, in is more largely used than even adu. In Modern Tamil, the relative participle waiya has come to be used very largely especially in prose and conversation. Sometimes both in and udaiya are added to words in modern Tamil when in is placed first : e.g.. puli. y-in-udaiya of tiger. This shows that udaiya is gaining influence even over in as 'olla in Modern Telugu

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1910. Malayalam uses in as genitive suffix, in some cases; but generally this in is followed by Re. In other words, the genitive suffix becomes in re: e. g., maganre of a son. This re is only de the modified form of Tamil adu, n + de naturally becomes n re. In fact, after nasals we have re and after any other letter de. Thus re and de are identical. Dr Caldwell says, "The Malayalam de, like the Tamil adu is used as a genitive suffix of the singular alone, a confirmation of the fact that it is derived from adu, which in its original signification is the neuter singular of the demonstrative. In the genitive plural, Malayalam uses ude answering to the colloquial Tamil udaiya (from uda). Compare the Malayalam en re, endre, en de, of me, with the corresponding Tamil enadu. The Malayalam possessive noun, mine' or that which is (mine) is endredu. This is surely a double form, the origin of dre being forgotten." In modern Malayalam ude is used even in the singular and tends to replace even re or de: e. g., Maga fu de of a daughter Te lin re of a scorpion (L. S. 356). (B) Secondary Cases. 20. It has been already noticed that the secondary cases have three important features distinguishing them from the Primary cases :-namely: (1) These have a great tendency to interchange; (2) they are post-positions, traces of whose original independent existence as auxiliary nouns or participles are still to be found in all the languages; (3) different languages use different words as suffixos of these cases. Primitive Dravidian used the following words as the post-positions of these cases:-kil (instrumental-locative-ablative); to dan (conjunctive case); in and il (ablative-locative and also instrumental); iru (n) du and u ! du (ablative). The Post-Position: kal. 21. The word kal has in Tamil two meanings :-(1) place (2) path or way; and it had these two meanings also in Primitive Dravidian. Hence it was used both as the locative and the instrumental suffix. For, place' denotes 'location' and 'path or way' instrumentality or agency. If the two meanings be combined, we would naturally get the idea proceeding from the place.'. Hence kal was also in some cases used as ablative of motion. In late Primitive Dravidian kal was in some cases changed to l; the initial guttural dropping. This al readily changed to an (as the il of agil Tamil, is changed poetically to ayin and as il the sign of the locative becomes in the ablative of motion either il or in). The dropping of the initial guttural is seen also in Tamil arugu, a grass which has, in Canarese and Teluga, Tulu and Malayalam, an initial guttural: e. g., karuka (Mal.); karike (Can.); garika (Tel.); kadike (Tala). Thus in late Primitive Dravidian, kal, al and an were all used to denote the locative, the instrumental, or the ablative case. In Tamil, kal is always locative suffix; and al and an are instrumental suffixes. Thus a division of labour among these is introduced. Old Tamil prefers an to al; but al has gradually gained over an and is now the regalar one. For example: urkkal in the village; Ramanal, by Rama; avanan ayadu, that which was done by him.' 6 The only other language in which kal is preserved, is Malayalam. In this dialect, kal and its shortened form kzl are alternative signs of the locative. The Malayalam instrumental suffix is al as in Tamil. 22. In Brahui the ablative suffix is an ; and the locative termination is al: e. g., lammah mother, has lammahin (abla.); lammahal (loc.). In Gondi too the ablative use of al is preserved. Chhauva a child has chhauvatal (abl. instr.). This al is also used as instrumental suffix, but this is very largely replaced by the Sanskrit word sanga'.

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MAY, 1910.) A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES. 155 In Kurukh, Malto and Telugu, the Primitive Dravidian instrumental locative an took a fipal euphonic w and became anu. This anu anderwent many changes. In Kurukh the initial a dropped after lengthening the final u and sometimes making it more open. So the locative suffixes of Karukh are nu and no. Malto has only no. For example: male a man in Malto has meleno (loc.) (L. S. 452); al a man in Kurukh, has al nu (loc.) (L. S. 418). The Raigarh dialect of Kurakh generally uses no for nu : e. g., buddhino in sense (L. S. 435). Old Telugu uses an and a as locative instrumental suffix, a is a contracted form of an : and an is again shortened form of an. Thus inta and intan both mean' in the house'; and hence un (1) and a are optionally used. Now in new Teluga, these suffices are restricted to the 80called irregular nouns.' Sometimes the form na is also used, especially in new Telugu, in the case of neuter nouns ending in th, na is anu with its final vowel u changed to a tbrongh the influence of the initial a which subsequently dropped ; Vanambuna in the forest. Beradi, a dialect of Telugu, has an; and Vadari, another Telugu dialect has na as their locative soffixes. Dr. Caldwell thinks that na is & corruption of in the locative sign. But it is difficult to understand how in can produce na. Surely he has been misled by the Finnish form na, ne, ni; and indeed he compares the Dravidian na to the Japanese locative ni! In New Telugu, the post-positions, valunan, and chetan are largely used to denote the instrumental case. Velanan and chetan are themselves the instrumental of valan and chey formed by adding an (See above). Chey means hand' and valan, a side (compare Tamil pal= side). So valanan and chetan respeetively mean' by the side of 'and by the hand of' i, e., by, through-dani valla or dani cheta means by her'. Valanan and chetan, are also shortened to valla and shela, or, chen. The Post-Position : to-dan. 23. In Primitive Dravidian to-dan was ased to denote the conjunctive case giving the meaning with' fo-dan is the instrumental or locative of the noun to-du'a crowd, contact' formed by the addition of an or an. Indeed, to-dan was subsequently shortened to to-dan. It means by the crowd of or in the contact of'; i. e., with.' This to-dan was also/used adverbially to denote closeness of time, meaning at once.' In Telugu fo dan is the conjunctive case-sign meaning with'. It is also used as an adverb. Then it takes the form to dane' at once'. It is often contracted to fo-du, to n, and to. Vani to, vani to, vani to dan all mean' with him'. In Tamil, to-dan loses its initial consonant. Compare the following pairs of words where the initial t is optionally lost in Tamil : tu fai dal=ulai dal (paining); tura fal=uva lal (bending); tuvarppu = uvarpu (brackishness); tunnalar=unnalar (foes); and so on. Hence to-dan becomes 7.dan in Tamil. This 6-dan further changed in prehistoric period to u dan 7 du, and o du all of which are now the instrumental suffixes of Tamil, meaning with. There is also in Tamil the ad verbial form u dane (=at once). In colloquial Tamil -du is often pronounced as -da or o dce. Malayalam has the same instrumental suffixes as Tamil: namely, u dan, o du du. Canarese preserves only the adverbial form: Old Canarese o dam, Modern Canarese o dane mean'at once'. In Tola, the locative-instrumental was originally o du oro tu. These were propounced also as in colloquial Tamil as o-Da oro ta. But subsequently the initial o was dropped in rapid pronunciation. It must be remembered in this connection that Tulu which is only a spoken dialect differs from the rest by a process, not of growth, but of decay, not having been ever reduced to writing. Hence Du or Tu and Da or Ta were the instrumental locative gaffixes. Soon a division of labour was introduced between these : These pa or Ta became instrumental suffix ; and Du or Tu was used as locative : e. g., amma da with a mistress ; amma Du'in a mistress

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1910. The Post-Position : u! 24. The peculiarity of this post-position is that it is used only as locative suffix. In its primitive form uit is found in Tamil, in Old Canarese and in the word undu in Telugu. Bat in Mid. Canarese ! was changed to Ou. O . In Telugu, early in the prehistoric period u! became Ou as in Canarese and then was changed ul. For L always becomes l in Telaga. Ol took a final enphonic w. Olu again was changed to o lo and further lo with the initial o dropped. For example: marattu in a tree (Tamil); marado / in a tree (Can.); dani-lo in that ('Tel.) In Mid Canarese of also becomes olage, ge being a formative. New Canarese uses also alli as locative suffix alli mean place.' In New Telaga, andu is more frequently used as locative suffix andu means within and is identical with the adverb andu there'. The Post-Positions : il and in. 25. I have already stated that these are identical and mean'a place'. Sabsequently they came to denote also motion from a place'. Hence, il and in were used in the Primitive Dravidian language as locative and ablative suffixes. In Tamil, il is used both as locative and ablative suffix ; but in is used only as the sign of the ablative of motion. Its 180 as genitive saffix has already been given. In Canarese, in is used as the soffix of the ablative of motion of old Canarese ; and also as the instrumental termination. Frequently the ablative in in Canareso takes the demonstrative adverb altan-attan is atta plus an (the argument denoting direction), atta means there. Hence atta nim means from the direction of or shortly from.' The Post-Positions: Irundu, undi, Nunt Si, inde and-Dudu. 26. The Tamil irundu the Canarese inde, the Talu-(x)du, and the Telugn undi and nunchi are all past-participles of a verb meaning to be' or 'to place. All these are ablative CA86-suffixes denoting motion from a place. For their literal meaning is 'baving been in' which is the same as coming from; or from. Nunchi and-D(u)du both mean having been placed in' which is the same as having been in." Nunchi has taken an initial euphonic #, and is the causal of Undi the past participle of undu 'to be.' In Telugu untsu or vulgarly untsu means to place.' The Tolu-d(u)du is a contraction of iddu-id means 'to place'; and its past participle is iddu or idudu. Tamil irundu is from it to be. Canarese inde is also from ir tole, but has undergone many changes. The Canarce past-participle of is is irdu or iddu : Bat when this was used as an ablative suffix, iddu was influenced by the original ablative suffix in and by the Tamil ablative sign irundu. Hence the Lasal was introduced by false analogy; thus we get indu which being a suffix had its final u changed to e. Compare Tamil dative siga ku with the Canarese ke. Inde also became inda. Subsequently the ablative inde was also used as instrumental in Canarese like the ablative in. In Telugu, undi is more classical and old and nunt Si is more modern. I will bere close our notes on the Dravidian Case with a table showing the case-sigas in the difforent languages.

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DRAVIDIAN CASE-SIGNS. CASOS. Tamil, Spoken Dialects of Tamil. Malayalam, Sapago80. Spoken Dialeota of Canarese. Tulu. Old Now. Korara. Kaikadi. Bargandi. Old. Mid. Now. ad age. Kurum- ba. Irala. Accusative e same 88 * Dat. same as 4 n nu Dative ... ... ka kuk ke ke gege ku ka, n+ ku= nnn ke also Acc. MAY, 1910.) A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES. Genitire ... ... na n o & ada ada aduadu (oblique) oblique) in udaiya 1 Re ne de (oblique) - De in, tu in + in+& & (sin.) e (pl.) in +8 Instrumental ... al, Du inda ind inde indainda inda Du adu; vullu oja odu inde u Dan udan an al im im indamindam inde inde indai an Ablative ... .. ke kun 1 il UND ilindri inde -il+ ninna dadu in indam and attan +3 sa me as instrument al. atta Locative ... ... ali ko il ULLI OLLI oL o Vollage vollage Yollage -allu Da ni 157 h olage

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DRAVIDIAN CASE-SIGNS. 158 Caner. Rade Dialects of Telnga. Kuru Malto. Telaga. Gon Dialects. Kui. Kolami. Naiksi. Brahui. Dravidian. kh. Old. Now. Kamati. Dabari. Bera Di. Va Dari. Mixed Chan Da. Bustur. Madras Gongi. Gondi. Accusative ni n ni, i un algo 4 un on also 4 n, ng, n, un also 4 kan Dative ... k ki A 2 R$ 2 , (in) ... kako THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Genitive kii, , n, ne ne oblique oblique net yokkal hi nea, in (sin.) * (pl.) -dai barobar barobar -at -to Dam -Kal Instramental ... to dan Val- to Daananton valla sanga sang sang Ablative... al al al nte ... undi Nanchinunchi nunchi nu ti nunti inda -nad nad -&n iranda ul-da iDudu in Locative to to la loan It lopulac [MAY, 1910.

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MAY, 1910.] NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES AND QUERIES. DERIVATION OF TALAPOIN. " In my notes on the derivation of this old puzzle among Indo-European words, meaning a Buddhist monk (ante, Vol. XXXV, p. 268) I noted that Gerini had stated that it represented the Talaing expression tala poi, my lord': and I gave reasons for showing that he was probably right. There is now at last proof that he was so. In a Talaing Inscription on a pillar of the Myazedi Pagoda at Pagan recently edited by Mr. C. O. Blagden in J. R. A. S., 1909, occur (p. 1023) the words (line 18) tila poy Mhather, 'My Lord Mbather. This Talaing Inscription relates to the presentation of a golden image to the Pagoda in 108 A. D., and corresponding with it on the BUDHASVAMIN-Brhatkatha Clokasamgraha I-IX Texte Sanskrit publie pour la premiere fois, avec des notes critiques et explicatives et accompagne d'une traduotion francaise par Felix Lacote. Paris 1908. Ernest Leroux. 8vo. XIII+2+115 pp. THE Brihatkatha of Gunadhya is a famous work in Indian literature. We know that, according to tradition, it was written in the Pais&chi dialect, and that it was, at a comparatively early date, lost in India proper, but continued to be handed down in Kashmir, where it was later on remodelled and translated into Sanskrit by the two authors Somadeva and Kshemendra. Buhler has made it probable that the original drawn upon by them was written in Prakrit, and the common opinion has been that this original was Guna lhya's Brihatkatha itself. The natural inference was that wherever Somadeva and Kshemendra agree, their statements can be traced back to Gunadhya. some 159 In 1893 Mahimahopadhyaya Hara Prasad Sastri found, among the Nepalese manuscripts acquired for the Bengal Asiatic Society, a Sanskrit version of the Brihatkatha, on which he reported in the Bengal Asiatic Journal (Vol. LXII. Part I, pp. 245 and ff.). His remarks were, as we can now sce, neither exhaustive nor quite accurate, and it is only after the publishing of M. Lacote's books that we can judge of the real importance of the find. These books are, as will appear from the titles, an edition of the first nine chapters of the text and a study summing up the results to be derived from the new version of same pillar is a Burmese Inscription (p. 1021) which (lines 22-23) translates the above words by (bhagri Mahather) p'ongyi Mahathi, i.e., the monk Mahathi. The inscription purports to relate that the dedication of the image was made in the presence of the Monk Mahathera and seven other monks, all named. BOOK NOTICES. FELIX LACOTE-Essai sur Gunadhya et la Brhatkatha | Gunadhya's work. The manuscripts discovered do suivi du texte inedit des chapitres Vol. XXVII d XXX du Nepala-Mahatmya. Paris 1908. Ernest Leroux. 8vo. XV 335 pp. There seems, therefore, to be no room left for doubting that the term tala poin, in all its variations, for a Buddhist monk is the Talaing term 'tala poi' ('my Lord, ') as applied to a Buddhist monk, and is the equivalent of the ordinary Burmese term p'ongyi. R. C. TEMPLE. not contain the complete work. Only 20 chapters have been found, and they will all be published by M. Lacote. To judge from the part just issued, we have every reason for being thankful that the work of editing them has fallen into ao able hands. The study on Gunadhya is a very important work, written with great learning and throughout bearing testimony to the critical skill of its author. I do not intend to review it at length, I shall only draw attention to one or two points which are bound to change the views hitherto commonly held about Gunadhya and his work. An abridged translation of M. Lacote's study ought to be published for the benefit of those who cannot read it in the original. M. Lacote first shows that the legends about Guna ya contained in the Kathasaritsagara and the Brihatkathamanjari cannot go back to Gunadhya himself. Taken together with the traditions contained in the Nepala Mahatmya and published as an appendix to the Essai, however, they make it all but certain that the historical Gunadhya did not live at Paithan at the court of the Andhrabbrityas, bat was born in Mathura and spent much of his time in Ujjayini, and that his Brihatkatha was written somewhere on the line which takes us from Ujjayini to Kausambi. This result is, I think, of considerable importance for the question about the home of the old Paisacht dialect. M. Lacote agrees with Dr. Hoernle that Paisachi was an Aryan dialect as spoken in the month of un-Aryan tribes. He thinks that the evidence brought into the field by the late Professor Pischel and by Dr. Grierson makes

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. it probable that these un-Aryan tribes lived somewhere on the North-Western Frontier. It will be seen that here he places himself in opposition to Indian tradition according to which Gunadhya learnt to speak Paisachi in the Vindhyas (Somadeva). I shall not in this place take up this difficult question. I shall only remark that I think it possible to prove that the Indian tradition is right as against European scholars, and that the home of the Paisachi dialect should be looked for in the neighbourhood of the present Ujjain. M. Lacote further shows that the original on which Somadeva and Kshemendra drew was not Gunadhya's Brihatkatha, but a later version which had become localised in Kashmir and which had been written by a Kashmirian. It did not give a good impression of Gunadhya's work, the whole had been recast, the original story had been made in parts almost unintelligible, the composition had become changed, and numerous additions, such as the Panchatantra and the Vetalapanchavimsati, had been made. The proof is followed up in a double line, by considering the internal evidence of the Kashmirian versions themselves, and by comparing the new Sanskrit text from Nepal. It will be seen that this result makes it necessary to give up the old view that Gunadhya had already dealt with all those various subjects which meet us in the works of Somadeva and Kshemendra. Thus for instance, the Panchatantra was formerly considered to be an old collection which already existed before Gunadhya's times, and which he incorporated in his work. That can no more be proved by the fact that it has been embodied in the later Kashmirian versions. Thus the Brihatkatha loses something of its importance for the history of Indian tales. But on the other hand, the results to which we can now come are much more certain; and our critical horizon has been widened so that we now begin to see our way towards a really critical history of this important branch of literature. We therefore have every reason to be thankful to M. Lacote for his excellent study on Gunadhya. LE BARON CARRA DE VAUX. La doctrine de l' Islam. Paris 1909. GABRIEL BEAUCHESNE & Cie, editeurs, 117, Rue de Rennes. 8deg IV 319 pp. 4 franos.-Etudes sur l'histoire des religions 3. THIS new essay on the Muhammedan religion is not meant to be a history of the Islam. It is a study on the actual doctrines which can be considered as orthodox at the present day and only occasionally deals with their development. Muhammedanism is, further, in various respects compared with the Christian religion, and it is always easy to [MAY, 1910. see that the sympathies of the author are with his own belief. His attitude towards Muhammedanism is, however, friendly, and he succeeds in imparting the keen interest he evidently takes in the subject to the reader. He does not go too much into details, his intention has been, throughout, to draw the broad lines, and to illustrate what is essential and typical. His style is admirable, and he has therefore succeeded in producing a book which will be read with great interest by the educated public for which it is destined. The first chapter deals with the unity of God. The author here justly reproves the theory of Renan that monotheism was a natural result of the dispositions of the Semitic nations. Then the different rites and prayers are described. The second chapter is devoted to the future life, and the third to the well-known fatalism of the Islam. Then follow chapters on the duty of giving alms, the pilgrimage, and the Sacred War for the propagation of the Faith. The seventh chapter deals with the position of woman in Muhammedanism. The author here emphasises, the fact that the lack of consideration of the female sex is the weakest point in the whole system and the one which makes it absolutely unlikely that European nations should ever, to any extent, embrace the doctrine of Muhammed. A good illustration of the difference of view between Muhammedan and Western ideas is afforded by the rules about divorce. The husband can divorce his wife and afterwards take her back twice. But after a third divorce he cannot remarry her unless she has, in the meantime, been married to another man. An amusing story is told in illustration of this rule, (page 169): a wife had been three times divorced by her husband Rofaah, but still wanted to return to him. She came to Mohammed and asked his permission. "Another man has married me," she said, "but he sent me away after he had only touched the fringe of my coat." But the prophet did not allow her to return to her old husband until the new one had actually had intercourse with her. After some time she returned and said that so had been the case, but Mohammed refused to believe her. It is hardly possible for a European mind to imagine how such a state of affairs can be possible. The concluding chapters contain remarks on children and education, on mysticism and on the future of Islam. They all contain many fine observations, and, on the whole, it is a real pleasure to follow the author throughout the book, even in those few cases where one cannot agree with the views he takes of some question or other. STEN KONOW.

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JUXE, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 161 THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA (BOOKS V-XV). Translated by R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., Librarian, Government Oriental Library, Mysore.06 (Continued from p. 144.) Chapter IV. The operation of a siege (Paryupasanakarma). DEDUCTION (of the enemy) must precede a siege. The territory that has been conquered I should be kept so peacefully that it might sleep without any fear. When it is in rebellion, it is to be pacified by bestowing rewards and remitting taxes, unless the conqueror means to quit it. Or he may select his battlefields in a remote part of the enemy's territory, far from the populous centres, for, in the opinion of Kautilya, no territory deserves the name of a kingdom or country unless it is full of people. When & people resist the attempt of the conqueror, then be may destroy their stores, crops, and granaries, and trade. By the destruction of trade, agricultural produce, and standing crops, by causing the people to run away, and by slaying their leaders in secret, the country will be denuded of its people. 26 When the conqueror thinks, "My army is provided with abundance of staple corn, raw materials, machines, weapons, dress, labourers, ropes and the like, and has a favourable season to act, whereas my enemy has an anfavourable season and is suffering from disease, famine and loss of stores and defensive force, while bis hired troops as well as the army of his friend are in a miserable condition," -then he may begin the siege. Having well guarded his camp, transports, sapplies, and also the roads of communication, and baving dug up a ditch and raised a rampart round his camp, he may vitiate the water in the ditches round the enemy's fort, or empty the ditches of their water or fill them with water if empty, and then he may assail the rampart and the parapets by making use of anderground tunnels and iron rods. If the ditch (dvdram) is very deep, he may fill it up with soil. If it is defended by a number of men, he may destroy it by means of machines. Horse soldiers may force their passage through the gate into the fort and smite the enemy. Now and then in the midst of tumult, he may offer terms to the enemy by taking recourse to one, two, three, or all of the strategic meang. Having captured the birds ruch as the vulture, crow, naptir, bhdsa, parrot, maina, and pigeon which have their nests in the fort-walls, and having tied to their tails inflammable powders (agniyoga), he may let them fly to the forts. If the camp is situated at a distance from the fort and is provided with an elevated post for archers and their flags, then the eneny's fort may be set on fire. Spies, living as watchmen of the fort, may tie inflammable powder to the tails of mongooses, monkeys, cats and dogs and let them go over the thatched roofs of the houses. A splinter of fire kept in the body of a dried fish may be caused to be carried off by a monkey, or a crow, or any other bird (to the thatched roofs of the houses). Small balls prepared from the mixture of sarala (pinus longifolia), deraddru (deodar), putitrina (stinking grass), guggulu (bdellium), sriveshtala (turpentine), the juice of sarja (vatica robusta), and laksha (lac) combined with dungs of an ass, camel, sheep, and goat are inflammable (agwid haranah, i.e., such as keep fire). The first four books have been published in the Mysore Review, 1906-1909. This is in flo ka metre. *

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1910. The mixture of the powder of priydla (chironjia sapida), the charcoal of avalguja (ounyza, serrafula, anthelmintica), madhuchchhishta (wax), and the dung of a horse, ass, camel, and cow is an inflammable powder to be hurled against the enemy. The powder of all the metals (sarvuloha) as red as fire, or the mixture of the powder of kumbh (omelia ar berea), sisa (lead), trapu (zinc), mixed with the charcoal powder of the flowers of paribhadraka (deodar), paldsa (butea frondosa), and hair, and with oil, wax, and turpentine, is also an inflammable powder. A stick of risoasughati painted with the above mixture and wound round with a bark made of hemp, zinc, and lead, is a fire-arrow (to be hurled against the enemy). When a fort can be captured by other means, no attempt should be made to set fire to it ; for fire cannot be trusted; it not only offends gods, but also destroys the people, grains, cattle, gold, raw materials and the like. Also the acquisition of a fort with its property all destroyed, is a source of further loss. Such is the aspect of a siege. When the conqueror thinks, "I am well provided with all necessary means and with workmen whereas my enemy is diseased, with officers proved to be impare under temptations, with unfinished forts and deficient stores, allied with no friends, or with friends inimical at heart," then he should consider it as an opportune moment to take up arms and storm the fort.. When fire, accidental or intentionally kindled, breaks out; when the enemy's people are engaged in a sacrificial performance, or in witnessing spectacles or the troops, or in a quarrel due to the drinking of liquor; or when the enemy's army is too much tired by daily engagements in battles and is reduced in strength in consequence of the slaughter of a number of its men in a number of battles; when the enemy's people wearied from sleeplessness have fallen asleep; or on the occasion of a cloudy day, of floods, or of a thick fog or snow, general assault should be made. Or having concealed himself in a forest after abandoning the camp, the conqueror may strike thu enemy when the latter comes out. A king, pretending to be the enemy's chief friend or ally, may make the friendship closer with the besieged, and send a messenger to say, "This is thy weak point; these are thy internal enemies; that is the weak point of the besieger; and this person (wbo, deserting the conqueror, is now coming to thee) is thy partisan." When this partisan is returning with another messenger from the enemy, the conqueror should cateh hold of him, and, having published the partisan's guilt, should banish him, and retire from the siege operations. Then the pretending friend may tell the besiegel, "Oome out to help me, or let us combine and strike the besieger." Accordingly when the enemy comes out, he may be hemmed between the two forces (the conqueror's force and the pretending friend's force) and killed or captared alive to distribute his territory (between the conqueror and the friend). His capital city may be razed to the ground; and the flower of his army made to come out and destroyed. This explains the treatment of a conquered enemy or wild chief. Either a conquered enemy or the chief of a wild tribe (ia conspiracy with the conqueror) may inform the besieged," with the intention of escaping from a disease, or from the attack in his weak point by his enemy in the rear, or from a rebellion in his army, the conqueror seems to be thinking of going elsewhere, abandoning the siege." When the enemy is made to believe this, the conqueror may set fire to his camp and retire. Then the enemy coming out may be hemmed ... as before Or having collected merchandise mixed with poison, the conqueror may deceive the enemy by sending that merchandise to the latter. Or a pretending ally of the enemy may send a messenger to the enemy, asking him, "Come out to smite the conqueror already struck by me." When he does so, he may be hemmod ..... as before.

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JUNE, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 163 Spies, disguised as friends or relatives and with passports and orders in their hands, may enter the enemy's fort and help to its capture. Or a pretending ally of the enemy may send information to the besieged, "I am going to strike the besieging camp at such a time and place; then you should also fight along with me." When the enemy does so, or when he comes out of his fort after witnessing the tumult and uproar of the besieging army in danger, he may be slain as before. Or a friend or a wild chief in friendship with the enemy may be induced and encouraged to seize the land of th: enemy when the latter is besieged by the conqueror. When accordingly any one of them attempts to seize the enemy's territory, the enemy's people or the leaders of the enemy's traitors may be employed to murder him (the friend, or the wild chief); or the conqueror himself may administer poison to him. Then another pretending friend may inform the enemy that the murdered person was a fratricide (as he attempted to seize the territory of his friend in troubles). After strengthening bis intimacy with the enemy, the pretending friend may now the seeds of dissension between the enemy and his officers and have the latter hangel. Causing the peaceful people of the enemy to rebel, he may put them down, unknown to the enemy. Then having taken with him a portion of his army composed of furions wild tribes, he may enter the enemy's fort and allow it to be captured by the conqueror. Or traitors, enemies, wild tribes, and other persons who have deserted the enemy, may, under the plea of having been reconciled, honoured, and rewarded, go back to the enemy and allow the fort to be captured by the conqueror. Having captured the fort or having returned to the camp after its capture, he should give quarter to those of the enemy's army who, whether as lying prostrate in the field, or as standing with their back turned to the conqueror, or with their hair dishevelled, with their weapons thrown down or with their body disfigured and shivering under fear, surrender themselves. After the captured fort is cleared of the enemy's partisans and is well guarded by the conqueror's men both within and without, he should make his victorious ertry into it. Having thus seized the territory of the enemy close to his country, the conqueror should direct his attention to that of the madhyama king; this being taken, he should catch hold of that of the neutral king. This is the first way to conquer the world. In the absence of the madhyama and neatral kings, he should, in virtue of his own excellent qualities, win the hearts of his enemy's subjects, and then direct his attention to other remote enemies. This is the second way. In the absence of a circle of states to be conquered), he should conquer his friend or his enemy by hemming each between his own force and that of his enemy or that of his friend respectively. This is the third way. Or he may first put down an almost invincible immediate enemy. Having doubled his power by this victory, he may go against a second enemy; having trebled his power by this victory, he may attack a third. This is the fourth way to conquer the world. Having conquered the earth with its people of distinct castes and divisions of religious life, he should enjoy it by governing it in accordance with the duties prescribed to kings. Intrigue, spies, winning over the enemy's people, siege, and assault are the five means to capture a fort. 97 Chapter v. Restoration of peace in a conquered country (Labdhaprabamanam). The expedition which the conqueror has to undertake may be of two kinds : in wild tracts or in single villages and the like. >> In sloka metre.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1910. The territory which he aucquires may be of three kinds: that which is newly acquired, that which is recovered (from an userper) and that which is inherited. Having acquired a new territory, he should cover the enemy's vices with his own virtues, and the enemy's virtues by doubling his own virtues, by strict observance of his own duties, by attending to his works, by bestowing rewards, by remitting taxes, by giving gifts, and by bestowing honours. He should follow the friends and leaders of the people. He should give rewards, as promised, to those who deserted the enemy for his cause; he should also offer rewards to them as often as they render help to him; for whoever fails to fulfil his promises becomes untrustworthy both to his own and his enemy's people. Whoever acts against the will of the people will also become unreliable. He should adopt the same mode of life, the same dress, language, and customs as those of the people. He should follow the people in their faith with which they celebrate their national, religious and congregational festivals or amusements. His spies should often bring home to the mind of the leaders of provinces, villages, castes, and corporations the hurt inflicted on the enemies in contrast with the high esteem and favour, with which they are treated by the conqueror, who finds his own prosperity in theirs. He should please them by giving gifts, remitting taxes, and providing for their security. He should always hold religious life in high esteem. Learned men, orators, charitable and brave persons should be favoured with gifts of land and money and with remission of taxes. He should release all the prisoners, and afford help to miserable, helpless, and diseased persons. He should prohibit the slaughter of animals for half a month during the period of Chaturmasya (from July to September), for four nights during the full moon, and for a night on the day of the birth-star of the conqueror or of the national star. He should also prohibit the slaughter of females and young ones (yonibalavadham) as well as castration. Having abolished those customs or transactions which he might consider either as injurious to the growth of his revenue and army or as unrighteous, he should establish righteous transactions. He should compel born thieves as well as the Mlechchhas to change their habitations often and reside in many places. Such of his chief officers in charge of the forts, country parts, and the army, and ministers and priests as are found to have been in conspiracy with the enemy should also be compelled to have their habitations in different places on the borders of the enemy's country. Such of his men as are capable to hurt him, but are convinced of their own fall with that of their master, should be pacified by secret remonstration. Such renegades of his own country as are captured along with the enemy should be made to reside in remote corners. Whoever of the enemy's family is capable to wrest the conquered territory and is taking shelter in a wild tract on the border, often harassing the conqueror, should be provided with a sterile portion of territory or with a fourth part of a fertile tract on the condition of supplying to the conqueror a fixed amount of money and a fixed number of troops, in raising which he may incur the displeasure of the people and may be destroyed by them. Whoever has caused excitement to the people or incurred their displeasure should be removed and placed in a dangerous locality. Having recovered a lost territory, he should hide those vices of his, owing to which he lost it, and increase those virtues by which he recovered it. With regard to the inherited territory, he should cover the vices of his father, and display his own virtues. He should initiate the observance of all those customs, which, though righteous and practised by others, are not observed in his own country, and give no room for the practice of whatever is unrighteous, though observed by others. 98 * In Sloka metre.

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JUNE, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 165 Book XIV. Secret Means ( Aupanishadikam). Chapter I. Means to injure an enemy (Paraghata prayogan). In order to protect the Institution of the four castes, ench measures as are treated of in Becret science shall be applied against the wicked. Through the instrumentality of such men or women of Mlechchha class as can put on disgaises appropriate to different countries, arts, or professions, or as can put on the appearance of a hump-backed, dwarfish, or short-sized person, or of a dumb, deaf, idiot, or blind person, kalakuta and other manifold poisons should be administered in the diet and other physical enjoyments of the wicked, Spies lying in wait or living as inmates (in the same house) may make use of weapons on occasions of royal sports or musical and other entertainments. Spies, under the disguise of night-walkers (ratrichari) or of fire-keepers (agni-jiri) may set fire (to the houses of the wicked). The powder (prepared from the carcass) of animals such as chitra (?), bheka (frog), kaundinyaka (1), korikana (perdix sylvatika), panchakushtha (?), and satapadi (centepede); or of animals . such as uchchisinga (crab), kambali (1), krikaldsa (lizard) with the powder of the bark of satakanda (Phyalis Flexuosa); or of animals such as grihagaulika (a small house-lizard), andhdhika (a blind snake), krakanthaka (a kind of partridge), putikita (a stinking insect), and gomarika (?) combined with the juice of bhattataka (Semecarpus Anacardium), and valgaka ();-the smoke (ased by burning the above powders causes instantaneous death. Any of the above) insects may be heated with a black snake and priyangu (panic seed) and reduced to powder. This mixture, when barnt, causes instantaneous death.1 The powder prepared from the roots of dhamargava (luffa foetida) and yatudhana () mixed with the powder of the flower of bhallataka (semecarpus anacardium) causes, when administered, death in the course of half a month. The root of vydghdta (cassia fistula) reduced to powder with the flower of bhallataka (semecarpus anacardium) mixed with the essence of an ingect (kita) causes, when administered, death in the course of a month. As much as a kala (th of a tola) to men ; twice as much to mules and horses; and four times as much to elephants and camels. The smoke caused by burning the powder of batakardama (?) uchohifinga (crab), kararla (nerium odorum), katutumbi (a kind of bitter gourd), and fish together with the chaff of the grains of madana (1) and Kodrava (paspalan scrobiculatum), or with the chaff of the seeds of hastikarna (castor oil tree) and paldsa (butea frondosa) destroys animal life as far as it is carried off by the wind. The smoke caused by burning the powder of putiketa (a stinking insect), fish katutumbi (a kind of bitter gourd), the bark of Satakardama (?), and indragopa (the insect cochineal), or the powder of putikita, kshudr drdla (the resin of the plant, shorea robusta), and hemaviddri (?) mixed with the powder of the hoof and horn of a goat causes blindness. The smoke caused by burning the leaves of piti karanja (guilandina bonducella), yellow arsenic, realgar, the seeds of gunja (abrus precatorius), the chaff of the seeds of red cotton, dspota (a plant, careya arborea), kacha (salt ?), and the dung and urine of a cow causes-blindness. The smoke caused by burning the skin of a snake, the dung of a cow and a horse, and the head of a blind snake causes blindness. - This is in sloka metro.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1910. The smoke caused by burning the powder made of the mixture of the dung and urine of pigeons, frogs, flesh-eating animals, elephants, men, and boars, the chaff and powder of barley mixed with kd sisa (green sulphate of iron), rice, the seeds of cotton, kutaja (nerium antidysentericum), and kosataki (lupla pentandra), cow's urine, the root of bhandi (hydrocotyle asiatica), the powder of nimba (nimba meria), tigru (hyperanthera morunga), phamirjaka (a kind of tulasi plant), kshibap luka (ripe coreya arborea), and thanga (a common intoxicating drug), the skin of a snake and fish, and the powder of the nails and tusk of an elephant, all mixed with the chaff of madana (1) and kodra va( paspalam scrobiculatum), or with the chaff of the seeds of hastikarna (castor oil troe) and paldsa (butea frondosa) causes instantaneous death wherever the smoke is carried off by the wind. When a man who has kept his eyes secure with the application of ointment and medicinal water barns, on the occasion of the commencement of a battle and the assailing of forts, the roots of kali (tragia involucrata), kushtha (costus), nada (a kind of reed), and eatdvari (asperagus racemosus), or the powder of the skin of) a snake, the tail of a peacock, krikana (a kind of partridge), and panchakushtha (?), together with the chaff as previously described or with wet or dry chaff, the smoke caused thereby destroys the eyes of all animals. The ointment prepared by mixing the excretion of drika (maina), kapota (pigeon), baka (crane), and baldka (a kind of small crane) with the milk of kakskiva (hyperanthera morunga), piluka (a species of careya arborea), and snuhi (euphorbia) causes blindness and poisons water. The mixture of yavaka (a kind of barley), the root of sdla (achyrantes triundria), the fruit of madana (datura plant ?), the leaves of jati (nutmeg ?), and the urine of a man mixed with the powder of the root of plakeha (fig tree), and riddri (liquorice), as well as the essence of the decoction of musta (a kind of poison), udumbara (glomerous fig tree), and kodrava (paspalam scrobiculatum) or with the decoction of hastikarna (castor oil tree) and paldia (butea frondosa) is termed the juice of madana (madanayoga). The mixture of the powders of bringi (atis betula), gaumevriksha (1), kantakdra (solanum canthocarpum), and mayura pudi (?), the powder of gunja seeds, languli (jusseina repens), vishamilika (P), and ingudi (beart-pea), and the powder of karavira (oleander), akshi piluka (careya arborea), arka plant, and mTigamarini (?) combined with the decoction of madana and kodrava or with that of hastikarna and palasa is termed madang mixture (madanayoga). The combination of the above two) mixtures poisons grass and water when applied to them. The smoke caused by burning the mixture of the powders of krikana (a kind of partridge, krikalasa (lizard), grihagaulika (a small house-lizard), and andhdhika. (a blind snake) destroys the eyes and causes madness. The smoke caused by burning the) mixture of krikalasa and grihagaulikd causes leprosy. The smoke caused by burning the same mixture together with the entrails of chitrabheka (a kind of frog of variegated colour), and madhu (celtis orientalis P) causes gonorrhoea. The same mixture wetted with human blood causes consumption. The powder of dushivisha (?), madana (datura plant ?), and kodrava (paspalam scrobiculatum) destroys the tongue. The mixture of the powder of mdtpirahakd (?), jaluka (leech), the tail of peacock, the eyes of a frog, and pfluka (careya arborea) causes the disease known as vishchika. The mixture of pancha kuththa (?), kaundinyaka (?), rdjarriksha (cassia fistula), and madhupushpa (bassia latifolia), and madhu (honey ?) causes fever. Tho mixture prepared from the powder of the knot of the tongue of bhdja (?), and nakula (mongoose) reduced to a pasto with the milk of a she-donkey Causes both dumbness and deafness,

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THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. JUNE, 1910.] The proportion of a dose to bring on the desired deformities in men and animals in the course of a fortnight or a month is as laid down before. Mixtures become very powerful when, in the case of drugs, they are prepared by the process of decoction; and in the case of animals, by the process of making powders; or in all cases by the process of decoction. 167 Whoever is pierced by the arrow prepared from the grains of salmali (bombax heptaphyllum) and viddri (liquorice) reduced to powder and mixed with the powder of milavatsanabha (a kind of poison) and smeared over with the blood of chuchun dari (musk-rat) bites some ten other persons who in their turn bite others. The mixture prepared from the flowers of bhallataks (semecarpus anacardium), jatudhana (?) dhamargava (achyranthes aspera), and bana (sal tree) mixed with the powder of ela (large cardamom), kakshi (red aluminous earth), guggulu (bdellium), and halahala (a kind of poison) together with the blood of a goat and a man causes biting madness. When half a dharana of this mixture together with flour and oil-cakes is thrown into water of a reservoir measuring a hundred bows in length, it vitiates the whole mass of water; all the fish swallowing or touching this mixture become poisonous; and whoever drinks or touches this water will be poisoned. No sooner does a person condemned. to death pull out from the earth an alligator or iguana (godha) which, with three or five handfuls of both red and white mustard seeds, is entered into the earth than he dies at its sight. When, on the days of the stars of krittika or bharani and following the method of performing fearful rites, an oblation with a black cobra emitting froth at the shock of lightning or caught hold of by means of the sticks of a tree struck by lightning and perfumed is made into the fire, that fire continues to burn unquenchably. (a) An oblation of honey shall be made into the fire fetched from the house of a blacksmith; of spirituous liquor into the fire brought from the house of vintner; of clarified butter into the fire of a sacrificer (?); (b) of a garland into the fire kept by a sacrificer with one wife; of mustard seeds into the fire kept by an adultrous woman; of curds into the fire kept during the birth of a child; of rice-grain into the fire of a sacrificer; (c) oi flesh into the fire kept by a chandala; of human flesh into the fire burning in cremation grounds; an oblation of the serum of the flesh of a goat and a man shall be made by means of sacrificial ladle into the fire which is made of all the above fires; (d) repeating the mantras addressed to the fire, an oblation of the wooden pieces of rajavriksha (cassia fistula) into the same fire. This fire will unquenchably burn deluding the eyes of the enemies.100 Salutation to Aditi, salutation to Anumati, salutation to Sarasvati and salutation to the Sun; oblation to Agni, oblation to soma, oblation to the earth, and oblation to the atmosphere. Chapter II. Wonderful and delusive contrivances (Adbhutotpadanam). A dose of the powder of sirisha (mimosa sirisa), udumbara (glomerous fig-tree), and samt (acacia suma) mixed with clarified butter, renders fasting possible for half a month; the scum prepared from the mixture of the root of kaseruka (a kind of water-creeper), utpala (costus), and sugar-cane mixed with bisa (water-lily), durva (grass), milk, and clarified butter enables a man to fast for a month. 100 and are in floka metro.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1910. The powder of masha (phraseolus radiatus), yava (barley), kuluttha (horse gram) and the root of durbha (sacrificial grass) mixed with milk and clarified butter; the milk of valli (a kind of creeper) and clarified butter derived from it and mixed in equal proportions and combined with the paste prepared from the root of sala (shorea robusta) and prisniparni (hedysarum lagopodioides), when drunk with milk; or a dose of milk mixed with clarified butter and spirituous liquor, both prepared from the above substances, enables one to fast for a month. The oil prepared from mustard seeds previously kept for seven nights in the urine of a white goat will, when used (externally) after keeping the oil inside a large bitter gourd for a month and a half, alter the colour of both biped and quadruped animals. The oil extracted from white mustard seeds mixed with the barley corns contained in the dung of a white donkey, which has been living for more than seven nights on a diet of batter, milk and barley, causes alteration in colour. The oil prepared from mustard seeds which have been previously kept in the urine and fluid Jung of any of the two animals, a white goat and a white donkey, causes (when applied) such white colour as that of the fibre of arka plant or the down of a (white) bird. The mixture of the dung of a white cock and ajagara (boa-constrictor) causes white colour. The pastry made from white mustard seeds kept for seven nights in the urine of a white goat mixed with butter milk, the milk of arka plant, salt, and grains (dhanya), causes, when applied for a fortnight, white colour. The paste, prepared from white mustard seeds which have been previously kept within a large bitter gourd and with clarified butter prepared from the milk of valli (a creeper) for half a month, makes the hair white. A bitter gourd, a stinking insect (patikita), and a white house-lizard; when a paste prepared from these is applied to the hair, the latter becomes as white as a conch-shell.* When any part of the body of a man is rubbed over with the pastry (kalka) prepared from tinduka (glutinosa) and arishta (soap-berry), together with the dung of a cow, the part of the body being also smeared over with the juice of bhallataka (semecarpus anacardium), he will catch leprosy in the course of a month. (The application of the paste prepared from) gunjs seeds kept previously for seven nights in the mouth of a white cobra or in the mouth of a house-lizard brings on leprosy. External application of the liquid essence of the egg of a parrot and a cuckoo brings on leprosy. The pastry or decoction prepared from priydla (chironjia sapida or vitis vinifera ?) is a remedy for leprosy. Whoever eats the mixture of the powders of the roots of kukkuta (marsilia dentata), kodtak (duffa pentandra), and satdoart (asperagus racemosus) for a month will become white, Whoever bathes in the decoction of vata (banyan tree) and rubs his body with the paste prepared from sahachara (yellow barleria) becomes black. Sulphuret of arsenic and red arsenic mixed with the oil extracted from sakuna (a kind of bird) and kanku (a vulture) causes blackness. The powder of khadyota (fire-fly) mixed with the oil of mustard seeds emits light at night. The powder of khadyota (fire-fly) and gandunada (earth-worm) or the powder of oceah animals mixed with the powder of bhringa (malabathrum), kapalu (a pot-herb), and khadira (mimosa catechu), and karnikara (pentapetes acerifolia), combined with the oil of sakuna (a bird) and kanka (vulture), is tejanachurna (ignition powder). 1. In sloka metro,

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JUNE, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 169 When the body of a man is rubbed over with the powder of thu charcoal of the bark of paribhadraka (erythrina indica) mixed with the serum of the flesh of manduka (a frog), it can be burnt with fire (without causing hurt). The body which is painted with the pastry (kalka) prepared from the bark of paribhadraka (erythrina indica) and sesamum seeds burns with fire. The ball prepared from the powder of the charcoal of the bark of pilu (careya arborea) can be held in hand and burnt with fire. When the body of a man is smeared over with the serum of the flesh of a frog, it burns with fire (with no burt). When the body of a man is smeared over with the above serum as well as with the oil extracted from the fruits of kusa (fcus religiosa), and drra (mango tree), and when the powder prepared from an ocean frog (samdura manduki), pheraka (sea-foam), and sarjarasa (the juice of valica robusta) is sprinkled over the body, it burns with fire (without being hurt). When the body of a man is smeared over with sesamum oil mixed with equal quantities of the serum of the flesh of a frog, crab, and other animals, it can burn with fire (without hurt). The body which is smeared over with the serum of the flesh of a frog burns with fire. The body of a man, which is rubbed over with the powder of the root of bamboo (venu) and fait dla (aquatic plant), aud is smeared over with the seram of the flesh of a frog, burns with fire. Whoever has anointed his legs with the oil extracted from the paste prepared from the roots of paribhadraka (erythrina indica), pratibala (?), vanjula (a kind of ratan or tree), vajra (andropogon muricatum or euphorbia), and kadali (banana), mixed with the serum of the flesh of a frog, can walk over fire (without hurt). Oil should be extracted from the paste prepared from the roots of pratibald, van juld and paribhadraka, all growing near water, the paste being mixed with the serum of the flesh of a frog. (6) Having anointed one's legs with this oil, one can walk over a white-hot mass of fire ag though on a bed of roses. When birds such as a hamsa (goose), krauncha (heron), mayura (peacock) and other large swimming birds are lot fly at night with a burning reed attached to their tail, it presents the appearance of a fire-brand falling from the sky (ulked). Ashes caused by lightning quench the fire. When, in a fire-place, kidney beans (masha) wetted with the menstrual fluid of a woman, as well as the roots of vajra (an Iropogon muricatum) and kadali (banana), wetted with the serum of the flesh of a frog are kept, no grains can be cooked there. Cleansing the fire-place is its remedy. By keeping in the mouth a ball-like piece of pilu (careya arborea) or a knot of the root of linseed tree (sucarchald) with fire inserted within the mass of the ball and wound round with threads and cotton (pichu), volumes of smoke and fire can be breathed out. When the oil extracted from the fruits of kuia (ficus religiosa) and Amra (mango) is poured over the fire, it burns even in the storm. Sen-foam wetted with oil and ignited keeps burning when floating on water. The fire generated by churning the bone of a monkey by means of a bamboo stick of white and black colour (kalmdshavenu) burns in water instead of being quenched. There will burn no other fire where the fire generated by churning, by means of a bamboo stick of white and black colour, the left side rib-bone of a man killed by a weapon or put to the gallows; or the fire generated by churning the bone of a man or woman by means of the bone of another man is circumambulated thrice from right to left. (a) and (b) in sloka metre.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1910. When the paste prepared from the animals such as chuchundari (musk-rat), khanjarita (?) and kharakita (?), with the urine of a horse is applied to the chains with which the legs of a man are bound, they will be broken to pieces.3 The sun-stone (ayaskanta) or any other stone (will break to pieces) when wetted with the serum of the flesh of the animals kulinda (?), dardura (?), and kharakita (?). The paste prepared from the powder of the rib-bone of naraka (?), a donkey, kanka (a kind of vulture), and bhasa (a bird), mixed with the juice of water-lily, is applied to the legs of bipeds and quadrupeds (while making a journey). When a man makes a journey, wearing the shoes made of the skin of a camel, smeared over with the serum of the flesh of an owl and a vulture and covered over with the leaves of the banyan tree, he can walk fifty yojanas without any fatigue. (When the shoes are smeared over with) the pith, marrow, or sperm of the birds, eyena, kanka, kaka, gridhra, hamsa, krauncha, and chiralla, (the traveller wearing them) can walk a hundred yojanas (without any fatigue). The fat or serum derived from roasting a pregnant camel together with saptaparna (lechites scholaris) or from roasting dead children in cremation grounds, is applied to render a journey of a hundred yojanas easy. Terror should be caused to the enemy by exhibiting these and other wonderful and delusive performances; while anger causing terror is common to all, terrification by such wonders is held as a means to consolidate peace. Chapter III. The Application of Medicines and Mantras (Bhaishajyamantraprayogah). Having pulled out both the right and the left eye-balls of a cat, camel, wolf, boar, poreupine, raguli (P), naptri (?), crow and owl, or of any one, two, or three, or many of such animals as roam at nights, one should reduce them to two kinds of powder. Whoever anoints his own right eye with the powder of the left eye-ball, and his left eye with the powder of the right eye-ball can clearly see things even in pitch dark at night. One is the eye of a boar; another is that of a khadyota (fire-fly), or a crow, or a mina bird. Having anointed one's own eyes with the above, one can clearly see things at night.5 Having fasted for three nights, one should, on the day of the star, Pushya, catch hold of the skull of a man who has been killed with a weapon or put to the gallows. Having filled the skull with soil and barley seeds, one should irrigate them with the milk of goats and sheep. Putting onthe garland formed of the sprouts of the above barley crop, one can walk invisible to others. Having fasted for three nights and having afterwards pulled out on the day of the star of Pushya both the right and the left eyes of a dog, a cat, an owl, and a vaguli (?), one should reduce, them to two kinds of powder. Then having anointed one's own eyes with this ointment as usual, one can walk invisible to others. Having fasted for three nights, one should, on the day of the star of Pushya, prepare a round-headed pin (salaka) from the branch of purushaghati (punndga tree). Then having filled with ointment (anjana) the skull of any of the animals which roam at nights, and having inserted that skull in the organ of procreation of a dead woman, one should burn it. Having taken it out on the day of the star of Pushya and having anointed one's own eyes with that ointment, one can walk invisible to others. * In Sloka metre. In Hoka metro. In Roka metre.

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JUNE, 1910.] THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 171 Wherever one may happen to see the corpse burnt or just being burnt of a Brahman who kept sacrificial fire (while alive), there one should fast for three nights; and having on the day of the star of Pushya formed a sack from the garment of the corpse of a man who has died from natural causes, and having filled the sack with the ashes of the Brahman's corpse, one may put on the sack on one's back, and walk invisible to others. The slough of a snake filled with the powder of the bones and marrow or fat of the cow sacrificed during the funeral rites of a Brahman, can, when put on the back of cattle, render them invisible. The slough of prachalaka (a bird ?) filled with the ashes of the corpse of a man dead from snake-bite, can render beasts (mriga) invisible. The slough of a snake (ahi) filled with the powder of the bone of the knee-joint mixed with that of the tail and dung (purisha) of an owl and a vaguli (?), can render birds invisible. Such are the eight kinds of the contrivances causing invisibility. (a) I bow to Bali, son of Virochana; to Sanibara acquainted with a hundred kinds of magic; to Bhandirapaka, Naraka, Nikumbha, and Kumbha. (6) I bow to Devala and Narada; I bow to Savarnigalava; with the permission of these I cause deep slumber to thee. (c) Just as the snakes, known as ajagara (boa-constrictor) fall into deep slumber, so may the rogues of the army who are very anxious to keep watch over the village, (d) With their thousands of dogs (bhandaka) and hundreds of ruddy geese and donkeys, fall into deep slumber; I shall enter this house, and may the dogs be quiet. (e) Having bowed to Manu, and having tethered the roguish dogs (sunakapheiaka), and having also bowed to those gods who are in heaven, and to Brahmans among mankind. To those who are well versed in their Vedic studies, those who have attained to Kailasa (a mountain of god Siva) by observing penance, and to all prophets, I do cause deep slumber to thee, The fan (chamari) comes out; may all combinations retire. Oblation to Manu, O Aliti and Paliti. The application of the above mantra is as follows: Having fasted for three nights, one should, on the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month, the day being assigned to the star of Pushya, purchase from a low-caste woman (evapuki) vilikhavalekhana (finger nails?). Having kept them in a basket (kandolika), one should bury them apart in cremation grounds. Having unearthed them on the next fourteenth day, one should reduce them to a paste with kumari (aloe ?) and prepare small pills out of the paste. Wherever one of the pills is thrown, chanting the above mantra, there the whole animal life falls into deep slumber. Following the same procedure, one should separately bury in cremation grounds three white and three black dart-like hairs (salyaka) of a porcupine. When, having on the next fourteenth day taken them out, one throws them together with the ashes of a burnt corpse, chanting the above mantra, the whole animal life in that place falls into deep slumber. (a) I bow to the goddess Suvarnapushpi and to Brahmani, to the god Rhma, and to Kusadhvaja; I bow to all serpents and goddesses; I bow to all ascetics. (b) May all Brahmans and Kshattriyas come under my power; may all Vaisyas and Sudras be at my beck and call.7 Oblation to thee, O, Amile, Kimile, Vayujare, Prayoge, Phake, Kavayusve, Vihale, and Dantakatake, oblation to thee. a-fare in iloka metre. 1a and b are in floka metre.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1910. (0) May the dogs which are anxiously keeping watch over the village fall into deep and happy slumber; these three white dart-like hairs of the porcupine are the creation of Brahma, (d) All prophets (siddha) have fallen into deep slumber. I do cause sleep to the whole village as far as its boundary till the sun rises.8 Oblation! The application of the above mantra is as follows: When a man, having fasted for seven nights and secured three white dart-like hairs of a porcupine, makes on the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month oblations into the fire with 108 pieces of the sacrificial fire-wood of khadira (mimosa catechu) and other trees together with honey and clarified butter chanting the above mantra, and when, chanting the same mantra, he buries one of the hairs at the entrance of either a village or a house within it, he causes the whole animal life therein to fall into deep slumber. (a) I bow to Bali, the son of Vairochana, to Satamaya, Sambara, Nikumbha, Naraka, Kumbha, Tantukachchha, the great demon; (6) To Armalava, Pramila, Mandolaka, Ghatodbala, to Krishna with his followers, and to the famous woman, Paulom!. (c) Chanting the sacred mantras, I do take the pith or the bone of the corpse (savasarika productive of my desired ends-may Salaka demons be victorious; salutation to them; oblation!May the dogs which are anxiously keeping watch over the village fall into deep and happy slumber. (d) May all prophets (siddharthah) fall into happy sleep about the object which we are seeking from sunset to sunrise and till the attainment of my desired end. Oblation! The application of the above mantra is as follows: Having fasted for four nights and having on the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month performed animal sacrifice (bali) in cremation grounds, one should, repeating the above mantra, collect the pith of a corpse (savasarika) and keep it in a basket made of leaves (pattrapau!!aliku). When this basket, being pierced in the centre by a dart-like hair of a porcupine, is buried, chanting the above mantra, the whole animal life therein falls into deep slumber. I take refuge with the god of fire and with all the goddesses in the ten quarters; may all obstructions vanish and may all things come under my power.10 Oblation! The application of the above mantra is as follows: Having fasted for three nights and having on the day of the star of Pushya prepared twentyone pieces of sugar-candy, one should make oblation into the fire with honey and clarified butter; and having worshipped the pieces of sugar-candy with scents and garlands of flowers, one should bury them. When, having on the next day of the star of Pushya unearthed the pieces of sugar-candy, and chanting the above mantra, one strikes the door-panel of a house with one piece and throws four pieces in the interior, the door will open itself. Having fasted for four nights, one should on the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month get a figure of a bull prepared from the bone of a man, and worship it, repeating the above mantra. Then a cart drawn by two bulls will be brought before the worshipper who can (mount it and) drive in the sky and tell all that is connected with the sun and other planets of the sky. O, Chandali, Kumbhi, Tamba Katuks, and Sarigha, thou art possessed of the bhaga of woman, oblation to thee, When this mantra is repeated, the door will open and the inmates fall into sleep, * c and d are in floka metre. a-d are in sloka metre. 10 In floka metro,

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THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. JUNE, 1910.) 173 Having fasted for three nights, one should on the day of the star of Pushya fill with soil the skull of a man killed with weapons or put to the gallows, and, planting in it valli (vallari ?) plants, should irrigate them with water. Having taken up the grown-up plants on the next day of the star of Pushya i.e., after 27 days), one should manufacture a rope from them. When this rope is cut into two pieces before a drawn bow or any other shooting machine, the string of those machines will be suddenly cut into two pieces. When the slough of a water-snake (udaldhi) is filled with the breathed out dirt (uchchhvasamrittika 1) of a man or woman and is held before the face and nose of any person), it causes those organs to swell. When the sack-like skin of the abdomen of a dog or a boar is filled with the breathed-out dirt (uchchhvdsanittikd) of a man or woman and is bound to the body of a man) with the ligaments of a monkey, it causes the man's body to grow in width and length (ancha). When the figure of an enemy carved out of rajarriksha (cassia fistula) is besmeared with the bile of a brown cow killed with a weapon on the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month, it causes blindness to the enemy). Having fasted for four nights and offered animal sacrifice (bali) on the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month, one should get a few bolt-like pieces prepared from the bone of a man put to the gallows. When one of these pieces is put in the faeces or urine (of an enemy), it causes (his) body to grow in size (andha); and when the same piece is buried under the feet or seat (of an enemy), it causes death by consumption; and when it is buried in the shop, fields, or the house of an enemy), it causes him loss of livelihood. The same process of smearing and burying holde good with the bolt-like pieces (kilaka) prepared from vidyuddanda tree. (a) When the nail of the little finger (punarnavam ardchinam) ? nimba (mimba melia), kuma (bdellium), madhu (celtis orientalis), the bair of a monkey, and the bone of a man, all wound round with the garment of a dead man (6) is buried in the house of, or is trodden down by, a man, that man with his wife, children and wealth will not survive three fortnights. (6) When the nail of the little finger, nimba (nimba melia), kama (bdelliun) madhu (celtis orientalis), and the bone of a man dead from natural causes are buried under the feet of, (d) or near the house of, a man or in the vicinity of the camp of an army, of a vil'age, or of a city, that man (or the body of man) with wife, children, and wealth will not survive three fortnights. e) When the hair of a sheep and a monkey, of a cat and mangoose, of Brahmans, of low-caste men (avap dka), and of a crow and an owl is collected, (S) and is made into a paste with faeces (vishtavakshunny), its application brings on instantaneous death. When a flower garland of a dead body, the ferment derived from burning corpse, the hair of a mangoose, (9) and the skin of scorpion, a bee, and a snake are buried under the feet of a man that man will lose all human appearance so long as they are not removed.11 Having fasted for three nights and having on the day of the star of Pushya planted gunja seeds in the skull, filled with soil, of a man killed with weapons or put to the gallows, one should irrigate it with water. On the new or full moon day with the star of Pusbya, one should take out the plants when grown, and prepare out of them circular pedestals (mandalikd). When vessels containing food and water are placed on these pedestals, the food stuffs will never decrease in quantity. 11 - aro in sloka metre.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JONE, 1910. When a grand procession is being celebrated at night, one should cut off the nipples of the adder of a dead cow and burn them in a torch-light flame. A fresh vessel should be plastered in the interior with the paste prepared from these burnt nipples, mixed with the urine of a bull. When this vessel, taken round the village in circumambulation from right to left, is placed below, the whole quantity of the butter produced by all the cows (of the village) will collect itself in the vessel. On the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month combined with the star of Pushya, one should thrust into the organ of procreation of a dog on heat an iron seal (kataldyasim mudrikam) and take it up when it falls down of itself. When, with this seal in hand, a collection of fruits is called out, it will come of itself (before the magician). By the power of mantras, druge, and other magical performances, one should protect one's own people and hurt those of the enemy.12 Chapter IV. Remedios against the injuries of one's own army (Svabalopaghatapratikarah). With regard to remedies against poisons and poisonous compounds applied by an enemy against one's own army or people When the things that are meant for the king's use, inclusive of the limbs of women, as well as the things of the army are washed in the tepid water prepared from the decoction of eleshmataki (sebesten or cordia myo), kapi embliga officinalis), madanti (?), danta (ivory), satha (Citron tree), gojigi (gojihud p = elephantophus scaber), visha (aconitum feroa:), patali (bignonia suave olens), bala (lida cardifolia et rombifolia), ayonaka (bignonia indica) Punarnava (?), Sveta (andropogon aciculatum), and tagara (tabernaemontana coronaria), mixed with chandana (sandal) and the blood of adlavriki (jackal), it removes the bad effects of poison. The mixture prepared from the biles of prishata (red-spotted deer), nakula (mongoose). nilakantha (peacock), and godha alligator), with charcoal powder (mashirdjt), combined with the sprouts (agra) of sinduvdra (viter trifolia), tagara (tabernaemontana coronaria) udruna) (teriandium indicum), landuliyaka (amaranthus polygamus), and sataparva (convolvulus repens) together with pinditaka (vangueria spinosa) removes the effects of the mixture of madana. Among the decoctions of the roots of srigala (bignonia indica), vinna (?) madana, sinduvdra (itsu trifolia), tagara (tabernaemontana coronaria), and valli (a creeper ?), any one or all mixed with milk removes, when dronk, the effects of the mixture of madana. The stinking oil extracted from haidarya (vangueria spinosa) removes madness. The mixture prepared from priyanga (panic seed) and nakramdla (galedupa arborea) removes, when applied through the nose, leprosy. The mixture prepared from kushtha (costus), and lodhra (symploous) removes consumption. The mixture prepared from katuphala (gmelina arborea), draranti (anthericum tuberosum), and vilanga (a kind of seer) removes, when applied through the nose, headache and other diseases of the head, The application of the mixture prepared from priyangu (panic seed), manjishtha (ribia manjit), tagara (tabernaemontana coronaria), lakshdrasa (the juice or essence of lac) madhuka (P), haridra (turmeric), and kahaudra (honey) to persons who have fallen senseless by being beaten by rope, by falling into water, or by eating poison, or by being whipped, or by falling, resuscitates them. The proportion of a dose is as much as an aksha (1) to men; twice as much as to cows and horses; and four times as much as to elephants and camels. A round ball (mani) prepared from the above mixtare and containing gold (rulma) in its pontre, removes the effects due to any kind of poison. 11 In floka metre.

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JUNE, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 175 A round ball (man) prepared from the wood of asvattha (holy fig tree) growing wound round with the plants such as jivanti (a medicinal plant), sveta (andropogon aciculatum) the flower of mushkaka (a species of tree), and vandaka (epidendrum te88eloides), removes the effects due to any kind of poison,13 (a) The sound of trumpets painted with the above mixture destroys poison; whoever looks at a flag or banner besmeared with the above mixture will get rid of poison. (6) Having applied these remedies to secure the safety of himself and his army, a king should make use of poisonous smokes and other mixtures to vitiate water against his enemy.14 Book xv. The plan of a treatise (Tantrayuktih). Chapter I. Paragraphical divisions of this treatise (Tantrayukta yah). The subsistence of mankind is termed artha, wealth ; the earth which contains mankind is also termed artha, wealth; that science which treats of the means of acquiring and maintaining the earth is the arthasastra, Science of polity. It contains thirty-two paragraphical divisions : the book (adhikarana), contents (viahana) suggestion of similar facts (yoga), the meaning of a word (padartha), the purport of reason (hetvartha), mention of a fact in brief (uddesa), mention of a fact in detail (nirdesa), guidance (upadesa), quotation (apadesa), application (atideaa), the place of reference (pradesa), simile (upamana), implication (arthapatti), doubt (samsaya), reference to similar procedure (prasanga), contrariety (vi paryaya), ellipsis (vakyasesha), acceptance (anumata), explanation (uydichyana), derivation (nirvachana), illustration (nidarsana), exception (apavarga), the author's own technical terms (spasanja), prima facie view (purva paksha), rejoinder (uttarapalesha), conclusion (ekanta), reference to a subsequent portion (anagatdvekshana), reference to a previous portion (atikrantavekshana), command (niyoga), alternative (vikalpa), compounding together (samuchchayd), and determinable fact (thya). That portion of a work in which a subject or topic is treated of is a book : as for example "This Arthasastra or Science of polity has been made as a compendium of all those Artlasastras which, as a guidance to kings in acqniring and maintaining the earth, have been written by ancient teachers. "16 A brief description of the matter contained in a book is its contents: As," the end of learning ; association with the aged ; control of the organs of senge ; the rise of ministers, and the like." 10 Pointing ont similar facts by the use of such words as These and the like,' is suggestion of similar facts : for example, " The world consisting of the four castes and the four religious divisions anil the like." 17 The sense which a word has to convey is its meaning: for example, with regard to the words mulahara, "whoever squanders the wealth acquired for him by his father and grandfather is a mulahara, prodigal sop." 19 What is meant to prove an assertion is the purport of reason: for example, "For charity and enjoyment of life depend upon wealth." 10 Saying in one word is mentioning a fact in brief : for example, "It is the control of the organs of sense on which success in learning and discipline depend." 20 13 There seems to be some error in this passage and its meaning is not quite certain ; see also Chapter 20, Book I. 16 (a) and (b) are in sloka metre. 16 Chapter 1, Book I. 16 Chapter 1, Book I. 11 Chapter 4. Book I. 11 Chapter 9, Book II. 19 Chapter 7, Book I. * Chapter 6, Book I.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (Juns, 1910. Explanation in detached words is the mentioning of fact in detail: for example, " Abeence of discrepancy in the perception of sound, touch, colour, flavour, and ecent by means of the ear, the skin, the eyes, the tongue, and the nose, is what is meant by restraint of the organs of sense." 11 Such statement as . Thus one should live,' is guidance: for example, "Not violating the laws of righteousness and economy, be should live." Such statement, as He says thus, ' is quotation : for example, "The school of Manu say that king should make his assembly of ministers consist of twelve ministers; the school of Btibaspati say that it should consist of sixteen ministers; the school of Usanas say it should contain twenty members; but Kautilya holds that it should contain as many ministers as the need of the kingdom requires." 23 When a rule dwelt upon in connection with question is said to apply to another question also, it is termed application : for example, "What is said of a debt not repaid holds good with failure to make good a promised gift." Establishing a fact by what is to be treated of later on is place of reference': for example, "By making use of such a strategic means As conciliation, bribery, dissension, and coercion, as we shall explain in connection with calamitiou." 35 Proving an unseen thing or courso of circumstances by what has been seen in simile: for example, "Like a father his son, he should protect those of his subjects who have passed the period of the remission of taxes." 26 What naturally follows from a statement of facts, though not spoken of in plain terms, is implication: for example, "Whoever has fall experience of the affairs of this world should, through the medium of the courtiers and other friends, win the favour of a king who is of good character and worthy sovereign. It follows from this that no one should seek the favour of a king through the medium of the king's enemies." 27 When the statement of a reason is equally applicable to two cases of circumstances, it is tormed doubt : for example, " Which of the two should a conqueror march against: ono whose subjects are impoverished and greedy, or one whose subjects are oppressed?" When the natnre of procedure to be specified in connection with a thing is said to be equal to what has already been specified in connection with another, it is termed reference to similar procedure : for example, " On the lands allotted to him for the purpose of carrying on agricultural operations, he should do as before." ** The inference of a reverse statement from a positive satement is termed oontrariety : for example, "The reverse will be the appearance of a king who is not pleased with the messenger." 30 That portion of sentence which is omitted, though necessary to convey complete sense, is ellipsis : for example, "With his feathers placked off, he will lose his power to move." Here like a bird,' is omitted. . When the opinion of another person is stated, but not refated, it is acceptance of that opinion : for example, " Wings, front, and reserve, is the form of array of the army according to the school of Uganas." 13 Description in detail is explanation : for example, "Especially amongst Assemblies and confederacies of kings possessing the characteristics of assemblies, quatrel is due to gambling ; and destruction of persons due to the quarrel. Hence among evil propensities, gambling is the worst evil, since it renders the king powerless for activity." $ Chapter 6, Book L. # Chapter 14, Book VII. # Chapter 11, Book 1. # Chapter 3, Book VIII. Chapter 7, Book I. Chapter 1, Book II. hapter 16, Book I. Chapter 15, Book 1 Chapter 6, Book V. 1 Chapter 1, Book VIII. Chapter 16, Book III. Chapter 5, Book VII. Chapter 6, Book. X.

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JUNE, 1910.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 177 Stating the derivative sense of a word, is derivation : for example, " That which throws off (vyasyat) a king from his prosperous career is propensity (vyasana )." ** The mentioning of a faot to illustrate a statement, is illustration : for example, "In war with a superior, the inferior will be reduced to the same condition as that of a foot-soldier fighting with an elephant." 35 Removal of an undesired implication from a statement is exception : for example, " A king may allow his enemy's army to be present close to his territory, unless he suspects of the existence of any internal trouble." 30 Words which are not used by others in the special sense in which they are used by the author are his own technical terms : for example, " He who is close to the conqueror's territory is the first member; next to him comes the second member; and next to the second comes the third." 37 The citation of another's opinion to be refuted is prima facie view : for example, " Of the two evils, the distress of the king and that of his minister, the latter is worse." 38 Settled opinion is rejoinder : for example, " The distress of the king is worse, since everything depends upon him; for the king is the central pivot, as it were." 30 That which is universal in its application is conclusion or an established fant: for example, " A king should ever be ready for manly effort." (0 Drawing attention to later chapter is reference to a subsequent portion : for example, "We shall explain balance and weights in the chapter, The saperintendent of weights and measures.'' 41 The statement that it has been already spoken of is reference to a previous portion : for example, " The qualifications of a minister have already been described." 19 Thus and not otherwise 'is command: for example, " Hence he should be taught the laws of righteousness and worlth, but not unrighteousness and non-wealth." 13 This or that is alternative: for example, " or daughters born of approved marriage (dharmavivaha)." + Both with this and that 'is compounding together : for example, "whoever is begotten by A man on his wife is agnatic both to the father and the father's relativer." 45 That which is to be determined after consideration is determinable fact : for example, "Experts shall determine the validity or invalidity of gifts so that neither the giver nor the receiver is likely to be hart thereby." 40 (a) Thus this Sastra, conforming to these paragraphic divisions, is composed as a guide to acquire and secure this and the other world. (6) In the light of this Sastra one can not only set on foot righteous, economical, and esthetical acts and maintain them, but also put down anrighteous, uneconomical, and displeasing acts. (c) This Sastra is written by him by whom the science of knowledge and weapons as well as the territory of the king, Nanda, have been forcibly taken possossion of. 47 Thus ends the first chapter, Paragraphic divisions of this treatise' in the Book, Plan of treatise. This is the one-hundred-and-Giftieth chapter from the first chapter of the entire work. The fifteenth book, Plan of treatise,' of the Arthasustra of Kautilya is thus bronght to a close. d) Having seen innumerable discrepancies of commentators in their commentaries on Sastras, Vishnugapta composed the aphorisms and their commentary of his own, 48 # Chap. 1, Book VIII. 3 Chap. 1, Book VIII. "1 Chap. 1, Book VI. # Chap. 16, Book III. ** Chap. 8, Book VII. >> Chap. 1, Book VIII. ** Chap. 17, Book L. 41 (a)-(e) are in floka metre. # Chap. 2, Book Ix. *Chap. 19, Book I. # Chap. 4, Book III. (d) is in drys metre. B7 Chap. 2, Book VI. Chap. 10, Book II. 15 Chap. 7, Book III

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1910. GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. BY CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, 1. A., M.A. (Oxon). Superintendent of Gazetteer in Central India. BUNDELI SONGS. 1.-Chhatarsal Bundela and Muhammad Khan Bangash. In 1729-30 the Emperor Mobammad Shah sent Mubammad Khan Bangash into Bundelkband. At first the Pathan was successful, but later Chhatarsal called on the Peshwa to help him and Muhammad Bangash was defeatedat Jaitpur. To this the song refers. The dialect is Bundeli. Text. Translation. Ayo ut Bangas it Bundela hai malabir From this side came the Bangash, from tho Jure saph jang doi Angad' ke payale. other the brave Dandelas ; firmly planting their feet, even as Angad did (at Ravana's court), the two armies met in battle. Mare bhar nete paith dekhiye kaban lao ao (Many) mighty warriors were slain, How far Lekhiye kalan lao ran ghayalpar ghayalai. must I stretch my vision to behold (their encounters). How can I describo how tho wounded lay in heaps. Shankar bhulanao mahabharat bhayankar Even Shankar, so fierce was the fight, was bhayao dismayed (and heard not) Kali shouting to Kali kahai erkai kapali malagalai. him. "Come and make a necklace of the skulls." Yese ud murao wa Dalelkon, Jagat juisen So swiftly flew Jagat and slew yon Dalol, just Chitao mrig jhundmen pachhari karsiyale. as the leopard strikes down the blackest deer in a herd. Baddal se dal aye Pathan ke Chappat jor On came the Pathan army like (thickly bhayao kshit nati. gathering clouds); but Champat's grandson Shronit ki sarita jo bahi phirai Joggin (withstood them firm) as the earth. As the manjh baratin mati.7 blood flowed in streams, the Joginis revelled in it, like drunken women at a marriage feast. Baini kahi Mahabube kon dab so khadgan Beni (the poet) cries" (See) how Jagat conkhel kari bahurati trolling (his steed) Mahabud, wields liis Ropken paop Chhata ke puta Jagata bani sword in endless different ways. Planting sel Dalel ki chhati. his foot (firmly), Jagat, son of Chhatars.il, drove his spear into the breast of Dalel." 1 Angad, son of the Monkey Bali, was sent as ambassador to Ravana's court, where he planted his foot so that none could move it. ? rete, 1.e., net-dar. possessing vigor, determination, * Dalel was leader under the Bangash. Jagat Rai was the son of Chhatarsal of Panna and, by the division of territory made by that chief, received Jaitpur (now in the Hamirpur District of the United Provinces). * karaayalo, 6.., "of black body." A leopard is supposed to choose darkcoloured deer always. * Champat Rai, father of Chhatarsal Bundela. Jagat Rai was Champat's grandson, + Matia=Matwari. * Jagat's horse.

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GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. JUNE, 1910.] Jaitpur men hot hain milap humka humki se Jang ke umang juren man ke masaoda 10 men. Yeken sank alchharen yeken hath paliti jhaden Yeken tir tarkas det gubbe mel raoda men.13 Kahat hain Raja, Maharaja Chhatrasal, "Yesi Pati rakhau jaisi rakhi kachhu Maudha meu.13 Uchak ken hathi se hamak Hanuman yesau Dabke Nabab ko Hirdesha bethe hauda men. Baun hajar aswar sang ati umang koti jang Jiten jahan nek na sakanau hai.14 Bade bade tile khurtaran murchhar15 hot Dhaunsa ki dhakar sunen saba akulanau hai. Pancham16 prachand Hirdesha Hanuman bhayao Jakao prakram dekh Bangas bhulanon hai. Panyaya pratap Maharaj Chhatrasal Ju ke Yetau bado suba an wela men bilanau hai,17 Pilkar pasar kinhi Bir Arjun Sinh ade aye Chittar Sinh arijit ke bheje se.18 Golan ki warsha duhun aorse honan lagi Dal billane manon aye je majeje se.19 Bhale ghale prabal Parmiran uthaye ghode Loha men bhare dopop hath rangreje se. Sengar ade je an khetmen lareje tinke Phor ken kareje neje nisse bareje se,20 14 Sakanaushanka karna. 16 Panoham Bundela was the ancestor of the clan. (Thus) with eagerness they entered the lists at Jaitpur; the excitement of the struggle urging them on (lit: caused to form new plans). Some are hurling spears, others were firing volleys, others again were adjusting arrows from their quivers to the bow. 179 66 'Keep, Oh Lord (of battles)!" exclaims Chha tarsal, "our honour (bright) as you did at Maudha." (Hearing him) Hirdesha sprang from his elephant ardently, like Hanuman, seized the Nawab (Bangash) and sat in his howdah. Fifty-two thousand horsemen accompanied (Bangash), all eager for the fray ready to win a crore of battles; but (Hirdesha) was no wit dismayed. Whole hills were reduced to dust by the trampling of hoofs, and the Subah (Bangash) was unnerved by the beating of the drums. Fierce as Hanuman was Hirdesha, descendant of Pancham, and seeing his power the Bangash was afraid. Only through the virtues and glory of Maharaja Chhatarsal was it that so mighty a Suba thus vanished from the field. Breaking through, brave Arjun Sinh met Chittar Sinh, sont by the enemy. This fight took place at Jaitpur. 10 Per: masavadah,sketch, plan. 11 Per: palita, a match of a matchlock. Hence paliti jharen, to fan matches, idiom, to fire a volley. 13 raoda-gut, a bow-string. 18 Maudha scene of a previous fight. 16 Murchhar bona make dust of. Cannon balls rained from both sides; and the army which had come in pride vanished. The brave Parmars struck home with their spears, and driving on their steeds, both hands were (soon) red like those of a dyer. The Sengar Rajputs who joined in the fight, spears pierced their hearts and came out behind like bamboo spikes in a betel house. 17 This may be "an Bela men bilanon hai," i.e., vanished into the Bela tank (at Jaitpur), or Bela is used as a synonym for Jaitpur. 18 arijit, or arjit: uncertain, it may be an epithet of Chattar Sinh," conqueror of the enemy." He was a Sengar on Bangash's side. 19 majoje=mizaj. 20 neje mesa, spear. nisse nikse from nikama.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (June, 1910. II.-The sword of Chhatarsal. Niksat myan sen mayush pralaiyabhan kaisi It springs forth from the sheath shining like Pharai tam tikhan gayandan ko jal kov.21 the rays of the sun' on the day of doom, scatters darkness and the phalanx of fierce elephants. Bairan kon lapat ar lagat hai Naginsi. It twines round the hearts of its enemies like Rudra kop rijha wai dai mapdan ki mal kon. a female serpent, and delighta Rudra with a necklace of skulls. Lal bhumpal Chbatarsil ran rapgdhir Oh royal Chhatarsal, firm in battle, how can Kahap lao bakhan karon tere karbal kop.23 I fitly extol your sword's prowess! Prat bhat kathin katilai ran kat kat How it cuts down the bravest and fiercest of Kalka-Bi kilak kaleu det kal kon. the foe, and with a shout like Kali's provides breakfast for Death ! III.-The spear of Chhatarsal. Bhuj bhujagesh kaisi sa pgoi bhujangnisi Your arm is like Seshnag, your spear like K bed, khed kbat deh danao dalan ke 33 a female serpent pursues che (enemy's) army and provides food (for the jogins). Bakhtar pakaran bich yese dbas jat jase It pierces the armour of the foo as easily as Min pair jat par wahan jalan ke 24 a fish swims across a river. Raiyya Rao Chappat ke Maharaj Chhatrasal Oh royal Chhatarsal (son) of Champat (the Bhushan bakhan karai tere kar balan ke. poet) Bhushan sings of the power of your arm. Panchhi par chhine parai yese tirchhine bir Like birds shorn of their wings the enemy lie Teri barchhine bar chbinen bar kbalan ke 26 about (the field ); your spear has deprived them of their greatest boon. SOME ROCK AND TOMB INCISED DRAWINGS FROM BALUOHISTAN. BY B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.8., Assistant Director of Ethnography for India. Between Madt and Tangay Pir in the Kalat State and also between Mahrt and Khuzdar in the Khedrant Country, both in Baluchistan, are a number of boulders 25 to 40 feet by 80 to 50 feet and 15 to 23 feet lying above the camel-tracks over the mountain passes, but within easy reach of passera-by. On some of these boulders a number of designs have been scooped out with rough stones barder than the traps of which tho boulders are formed. I judge that they are the work of local residents, as very few strangers are likely to pass by this route. The designs are reproduced on the plate opposite, As I have already shown ante, Vol. XXXIII, p. 117, in an article on tattoo 'marks at Vindhyachal, primitive designs exhibit the desires or aspirations of those who draw or suggest then. In Baluchistan, I think, there is further evidence of the same tendency, both in the design abovementioned and in others I have found there. The country baving been inhabited by a Musalman population for a very long whild, animals and figures in designs would naturally not only be unexpected, but would be referred to the ancient Hindu pre-Muhammadan times. But this would be clearly a mistake, although such are to be found on ancient tombs at Hinidan on the H&b River.' because, at the same place, a new tomb erected only twenty-five years ago is decorated with animal 31 mayusha=s. mayukha: tikhan 8. tikahana, hot. 1 karbal=sword. 25 bhnajagesh, ..., lord of serpente, vis., Seshnag. pakar 1 armour used on horses and elephants. 26 There is much play on words --tinchhine lit, aoro -bar: the first time "boon," the second "bent or priceless," hence life.

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Indian Antiquary. ROCK AND TOMB INCISED DRAWINGS IN BALUCHISTAN. Plate I. ** Fig. 1 FIG. 2 FIG. 3 %ym bm FIG. 4 Fid. 6 8.FIG 3. A. GUPTE DEL. W. GRIGGS & SONS, PHOTO-LITHO.

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B. A GUPTE DEL FIG. 1 ROCK AND TOMB INCISED DRAWINGS IN BALUCHISTAN. Plate II. FIC. S } yuyu l`ml FIG. 2 FIG. 4 FIG. 5 111-++* Indian Antiquary. W. GRIGGS & SONS, PHOTO-LITHO

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JUNE, 1910.) BOME BOOK AND TOMB INCISED DRAWINGS. 181 designs. In the hut of my guide at Saruna, was a wooden mortar similarly decorated, showing that the Muhammadanism of the molern Baloch does not prevent him frota drawing pictures of bis prized possessions or from portraying his highest ambitions. I will now proceed to explain the figures in the plate attached in the light of the above observations. Plate I. Fig. 1. This represents a camel, by far the most valuable animal in these regions, where there is hardly any vegetation for fodder and a great scarcity of water. Riches are here ganged by the possession of camels, and therefore to the ordinary Baloch, living in a mat hut, made of the leaves of the dwarf palm (pis), corypha procumbens ), the possession of a camel is a great ambition. Fig. 2 represents a modern warrior on his own camel ; sword in one hand and reins in the other. This is a prouder position than that shown in the previous figure, for it denotes that the rider owns the camel himself and is no hireling of a mdibar, or rich man, as in that case, he would be driving, not riding, the camel, as one of a caravan. Fig. 3. Here is a higher ambition still :- the possession of a matchlock as well as a camel. Fig. 4 represents the final ambition of the Brahui :- the possession of a camel, a matchlock and an antelope. Fig. 5. He has, however, a great continuing desire in life, and that is to bag an ibex (har-raf). Fig. 6 is a kind of "sign manual" among these people. It corresponds in some measure to the portrait among the more cultivated nations. A prominent tribesman places his hand on the rock and draws an outline thereof, which is afterwards cut into it and is handed down as the imprint of his hand (panja). It is, in fact, his memorial so long as his name is remembered. The inference is, that we have here the portraitare of the few and simple desires of this remote half nomad, half pastoral people of the present day :- 8 people so remote and isolated that only two British Officers have visited them, Mr. Hughez-Buller and Major Showers, and then only during a special journey of exploration. Plate II. Fig. 1. The Indian hump-backed bull here represented is a curions thing to find depicted on thebe rocks. Possibly, it represents something that the Brahui artist was proud to possess, Ele must have often seen it to get the general idea of it so accurately. Figs. 2 and 3. The apparently inexplicable picture drawn in fig. 2 was explained by Sardar Muhammad Azim Khan, Shahwant, one of the exploring party, as depicting a man crossing a hill to shoot an ibex. No doubt, he is right. We see him starting on his camel in front of the hill," then we find him on foot in the valley or pass summit with the ibex below him. In the other bottom corner of the picture is his dog. The hill and valley are drawn according to the almost universal Oriental and Indian notions of indicating such objects, like the artificial hills made in stucco round the late Burmese King's Palace at Mandalay in the ornamental gardens there, and they approximate to the painting of mountains in the Ajanta frescoes as outlined in fig. 3. Fig. 4 is a copy of some script, ancient or modern, which is unintelligible to me. Fig. 5 takes us back to remoter times :- anterior, at any rate, to the completo Muhammadanising of the population. The gun is here replaced by the dagger, spear and composite bow of Northern India, and the horse of the Rajput replaces the camel of the Brabui. These ancient weapons are still preserved as heirlooms in the houses of some of the people and arrow-heads are frequently picked up in different parts of the country. This figure is not a rock inscription, hnt from an old tomb at Hinidan in the flat country near Sind. It clearly represents a notable Hindu warrior and his possessions. He is depicted as riding on his own horse with spear, bow and dagger, aud his "sign-manual."

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1910. COLONEL H. B. HANNA'S COLLECTION OF INDO-PERSIAN PICTURES AND MANUSCRIPTS. BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S. (BETD.). The Mughal, or Indo-Persian school of art, which was known to a certain extent to English connoisseurs in the eighteenth century, had almost wholly dropped out of notice until interest in it was revived by the recent publication of Mr. Havell's book on Indian Sculpture and Painting. I do not propose on this occasion to examine the merits and limitations of the Mughal school, or to discuss the opinions which Mr. Havell has enunciated with so much fervid eloquence. Whatever be the intrinsic value of his more extreme judgments, all critics must recognize that he has done valuable service in forcing people to see that Indian art is not a negligible quantity, and in emphasizing the high quality of its better manifestations. The Mughal school, although largely foreign, has many Indian elements, and undoubtedly produced works which have never been surpassed in their kind. I hope to discuss the subject at some length in the book which I am now preparing for the Clarendon Press, to be entitled A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon from the Earliest Times to the Present Day, and take this opportunity of saying that any assistance which readers of the Indian Antiquary may be pleased to offer, will be thankfully accepted and acknowledged. For about thirty years prior to 1890, Colonel H. B. Hanna made it his business to collect the best specimens of the skill of the Indo-Persian artists, and thus succeeded in bringing together a wonderful collection, probably the best in the world. The style is rightly described as Mughal or Indo-Persian, but many of the best artists were Hindus, and this fact gives a special interest to the study of their works. The artists, whether Hindu or Muhammadan, were in the habit of frequently, though not invariably, signing their compositions, and thus inviting attention to the individual peculiarities of each man's work. Whenever any competent critic shall find time to examine the Indo-Persian drawings and paintings in minute detail, and shall meet a public willing to treat seriously the productions of artists with outlandish Hindu and Muslim names, there will be room for a bulky treatise of criticism, differentiating the style and technique of Basawan, Mansar, and numerous other masters. But that time has not yet come, and at present the gentle reader is not prepared for too much detail. Colonel Hanna's collection was offered for sale by Messrs. Dowdeswell and Dowdeswells, London, so far back as 1890, without finding a purchaser. The printed catalogue then prepared, for a copy of which I am indebted to the kindness of the owner, lies before me, and is the principal source of my knowledge of the collection which I have not had the good fortune to see. A few portraits from it were, I think, reproduced in Mr. Constable's edition of Bernier, and others by Mr. Havell. Some time ago the collection was on view at the Newcastle Art Gallery, but now, unhappily, it is lost to the Empire in which it should have found a home, and goes, like so many other literary and artistic treasures, to the United States. The owner, who generously offered it to the Government of India at a low price, was met with a refusal, and has now sold it to the authorities of the great Art Gallery which is being built at Washington. Colonel Hanna believes his collection to be far superior to the similar collections at the British Museum, South Kensington Museum, and India Office Library, claiming that those institutions have none to compare with the best of his. But Dara Shukoh's album recently acquired by the India Office, and some of the wonderfully fine specimens in the British Museum and the Johnson collection at the India Office seem to me to belong to the highest class of their kind, and I doubt if they can be surpassed. Undoubtedly, there are

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JONE, 1910.) COL. HANNA'S COLLECTION OF INDO-PERSIAN PICTURES, &c. 183 works in both the British Museum and the India Office which it would be hard to beat, and, if Colonel Hanna's specimens really are better, they must be supremely good. But, while I have seen and admired the London examples, I have not seen Colonel Hanna's, except in a few reproductions, and so cannot deny his claim to have obtained the absolute best. The catalogue enumeratos 130 piotures and 8 richly decorated manuscripts. Colonel Hanna still retains three good albams, which I have had the pleasure of inspecting, and are distinct from those catalogued. Many readers may be glad to have some account of the unrivalled colleotion lost to India and England, and to read the following notes on some of the more remarkable items. Most of the piotures were painted during the reigns of Akbar, Jahangir, and Shahjahan (A.D. 1656-1658), a century of high art, but some portraits of Taimar (Tamerlane) and others, in the Persian style, are earlier, while certain portraits are later. The pictures, as distinguished from the portraits, were all, or almost all, executed between the dates abovementioned. Many of the pictures and books come from the Royal Libraries at Delhi and Agra, which were dispersed at the time of the Mutiny or some earlier revolution. The greatest glory of the collection is Akbar's copy of the Persian version of the Ramayana, prepared in 1582 and adorned with 129 full page pictures or miniatures,' signed by the artists, which in Colonel Hanna's judgment are far superior to anything to be seen in London. He supposes that this book must have cost at least PS20,000 to produce. It is known that the similar Razm Nama or version of the Mahabharata, at Jaypur, cost PS40,000 sterling. Another remarkable manuscript is that entitled Hamls-i-Haidari, which is said to treat of the wars of Muhammad, It contains 45 exquisite pictures in the best Indo-Persian style, and formerly belonged to the Nawab-Vazirs of Oudh. A volume produoed in the eighteenth century, entitled Ajaib-ul-makhlakat, or Wonders of Creation, is described as containing 'over 300 curious illustrations of men and monsters, of beasts, birds and fishes, and of the vegetable creation.' The pictures were examined by the late Sir Frederick Burton, Director of the National Gallery, London, who was delighted with their beautiful colouring,' and regarded thein all as exquisite examples of native art.' He was particularly interested in No. 107, The Emperor Jahangir in his Palace'; No. 23, Deerstalking by Night,' with the young Emperor Akbar on horseback; No. 25, A Village Scene,' painted towards the end of the sixteenth century, and No. 21, the so called Angels ministering to Christ,' painted at some time in Akbar's reign. Colonel Hanna regards as the goms of his oollection,' Nos. 21, 23, 25, and 107, abovementioned. But No. 21, of which a photographic reproduction is given on the cover of the catalogae, is wrongly named. At first sight it seems to be what it is called Angels ministering to Christ.' Four women, fitted with the conventional wings of Christian art, are bringing offerings to a holy man with a halo seated on the ground, and are watched by celestial figures hovering in the clouds, while an old man with a beard is seated in the distance. But a recent writer (J.R.A.S., 1909, p. 751) has shown that the subject, although treated under the influence of Italian art, really is purely Muhammadan, the saint honoured being Ibrahim bin Adham, the ex-King of Balkh. I have shown (J.R.A.S., Jan. 1910) that the sabject was a favourite one of the Indo-Persian artists. All students of the Indo-Persian paintings are, of course, aware that Christian ubjects were often treated. The London collections offer many examples beyond dispute but the work labelled Angels ministering unto Christ,' is not one of them.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1910. Sir Frederick Burton's praise of the exquisite colouring' of the best pictures of the Moghal school is fully deserved. There is a tradition that the artists compounded their pigments by grinding down precious stones. Whatever may have been the processes osed, the result is admirable, and I suspect that no modern artist in India is able to attain one as good. A few other notable compositions in the collection may be specified. No. 5 represents the Iron Pillar at Delhi. No. 7 depicts a Zanana scece with fireworks, a subject treated more than once in the London collections with excellent effect. The Mughal artists, as Mr. Havell has observed, were fond of the contrast between strong artificial lights and the inky blackness of night. No. 12, a fragment dealing with tiger-shooting, is noticeable as a fine example of the employment of the single hair (ek bal) brush. Other striking illustrations of skill in the use of that delicate instrument may be seen in Dard Shukoh's lovely albam at the India Office. No. 27 represents the reception of Persian envoys by the Emperor Jahangir, who sought to impress his visitors by the theatrical expedient of holding a tiger under each arm during the audience. The same subject is treated in an exceptionally large picture still in Col. Hanna's possession. No. 28 depicts the same monarch standing on a globe, and so illustrating the meaning of his name, 'world-taker.' In No. 29 we see a crowd assembled imploring Jahangir to spare their favourite elephant, named Kanjar. No. 84, a picture of a Chinaman at the court of Akbar, reminds us of one of the many foreign influences which determined the character of the pictorial art of his reign. These examples may soffice to prove the exceptional merit of the wonderful collection formed by Colonel Hanna and to increase our regret that it has been exported to a foreign country. The only consolation is that it will be carefully preserved in its new home, and probably more appreciated than if it had remained in London or Calcutta. ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES FROM BURMA. BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., 1.C.S. (RETD.). The latest Progress Report of the Archeological Survey for Burma for the year 1908-9, written as usual by Mr. Taw Sein Ko, contains various items of interest, which deserve wider publicity than that given by the Report. The Chief Secretary's review announces that rules for the control of excavations in certain specified areas in the province have been issued, which, it is hoped, will prevent unauthorized exploration. The list of protected monuments also has been notified, and the removal of sculptures, carvings, and the like, without the written sanction of the Deputy Commissioner has been prohibited. The measures specified above, designed to prevent injury to existing monuments, have been supplemented by orders intended to provide a succession of skilled students of antiquity. The orders are as follows: "() His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor has approved a proposal to offer annually one Archeological Scholarship of the value of Rs. 100 a month for the purpose of training students in Archeological work. The scholarship will be awarded by the Local Government upon the nomination of the Director of Pablic Instruction. Candidates may be of any race or class but must have passed the B.A. examination of an Indian or British University and possess a sound knowledge of Burmese and Pali. (ii) The holders of the scholarships will be under the orders of the Superintendent of the Archaological Survey, and will be attached to his office. During the touring seasons they will be sent wherever the best opportunity may offer itself for receiving a training in architecture, excavation, and other branches of Archaeology, and in the technical processes of photography, drawing,

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JUNE, 1910.) ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES FROM BURMA. 185 etc., and, for this purpose, may be attached to the Archaeological Department in India. At other times they will be employel at headquarters in working up materials collected during their tours. While on tour, the holders of the scholarships will be entitled to travelling allowance at the rates admissible under the Civil Service Regulations. (iii) The scholarships will, in the first instance, be awarded for one year. In the case of promising students, they may be extended by the Director of Public Instruction for a further period not exceeding two years, and the amount in that case may be raised by the Director to Rs. 125 a month, if the work done justifies the increase. (iv) The first of these annual scholarships will be tenable from 1st August 1909, and applications should reach the Director of Public Instruction by 1st July 1909." These liberal rules seem to be well adapted to effect their purpose, and we hope that suitable candidates will apply. During the year "the collection of coins in the Phayre Provincial Museum was catalogued. Including pieces of silver bullion, it consists of 76 typical coins, which have been claseed according to nationality as follows: Arakanese, 16; Burmese, 8; Indian, 48; Siamese, 1; Chinese, 2; and European, 1. Burmese ocinage dates only from the reign of Bodawpaya (1781-1819 A.D.) and few Burmese coins are, therefore, extant. Both Arakanese and Burmese coins, however, appear to have been primarily intended for a commemorative purpose, being struck in the first regnal year of kings, or to be deposited in the relic-chambers of pagodas. Their use as currency was an afterthought, borrowed from India, where the idea that coinage for currency was an act of the State arose after contact with Western nations." The Rangoon collection is merely a nucleus, and notwithstanding the scarcity of Burmese and Arakanege pieces, is capable of much enlargement. The coius of Siam and the adjoining countries should be added, but there is no use in including casual specimens of European and Chinese mintage. The Rangoon cabinet should be given & special local character, and miscellaneous rubbish should be excluded. Mr. Rellard of Sagaing submitted impressions of two silver coins or medals, supposed to be about a thousand years old. The obverse device is simply the trident of Siva, and that on the reverse the discus of Vishnu. Certain discoveries of sculptures at Prome, according to Mr. Taw Sein Ko, "have established three most important facts :" (i) That the North-Indian variety of Buddhism, whose vehicle was Sanskrit, prevailed at Prome; (ii) that there was intercourse between Prome and Northern India when the latter was ruled by the Guptas (319-606 A.D.), whose toleration of Buddhism is well-known; (iii) that authentic Burmese history based on sculptures and inscriptions, which has hitherto been limited to the eleventh century A.D., has now been pushed back for at least four hundred years, i.e., to the seventh century A.D. Mr. Taw Sein Ko's third proposition shows that the work already so largely effected for India is beginning to be done for Burma. It is not very long since students were accustomed to regard the regular history of India as beginning with Mahmud of Gbazni in A.D. 1000 : but the discoveries of the last half century have rendered possible a fairly complete narrative of historical events in Northern India from B.C. 500, and in Southern India, where the materials are less abundant, great progress has been made in piecing together the fragments of the story of the earlier dynasties. I bave no doubt that systematic study of ancient Burmese monuments and inscriptions will produce a similar result, and that twenty or thirty years hence it will bo possible for somebody to write the Early History of Burma,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1910. Notice of the conservation work undertaken at the Taungthaman Kyauktawgyi Pagoda of Amarapura and the Nanpaya Temple of Pagan leads the Superintendent to make some interesting remarks upon Burmese architecture. "The former," he writes, "was built in 1847 A.D., by King Pagan, the immediate predecessor of Mindon Min. In constructing this shrine the model taken was the Ananda Pagoda at Pagan. There was an interval of a little more than seven centuries and a half between the building of the two temples, and the achievement must be pronounced a fair success. The prototype is awe-inspiring by the chastity of its design and the simplicity of its grandeur, while one's religious sense is bewildered by the extraordinary wealth of detail and the amount of fantastic ornamentation lavished on the later edifico. 186 In the nineteenth century the Burmans had apparently forgotten much of their knowledge of architecture in brick and stone, and had been accustomed to build and carve in wood; hence one serious defect of the Amarapura Pagoda, which is conducive to its instability, is the use of wooden beams and joists in the interior aisles. The best specimen of stone architecture at Pagan, if not in the whole Province, is the Nanpaya, erected in 1059 A.D. by Manuha, the last king of the Talaings. The wealth of its ornamentation lies in the frieze below the cornice, the corners of the building, and the frieze at the basement. The sculptor's art reached its climax in the decoration of the four pillars flanking the sanctuary in the main building. On the sides of each pillar are carved the four-faced Brahma, the Creator of the Universe, holding lotus flowers in each hand. The anatomy of the figure and its facial expression are perfect. The broad forehead, the firm mouth, the thin lips, and the well-developed chin indicate high intellectual power." It is satisfactory to learn that as late as 1847 a Burmese architect could erect at Amarapura a building deserving to be called "a fair success. "Probably, if encouragement be forthcoming, Burmese artists will appear capable of rivalling, even in these days, the glorious work of the olden time. But the needful encouragement is hard to find. ATPUR INSCRIPTION OF SAKTIKUMARA. BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., (POONA). Tuose, who are interested in the ancient history of Mewar, cannot possibly overrate the importance, for settling the earlier portion of the genealogy of the Udaipur dynasty, of what Tod calls the "Inscription from the Ruins of Aitpoor." He has given a translation of this epigraph at the end of his Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. I, but, like his other translations of old inscriptions, it is far from satisfactory. Nobody even knew where this "Aitpoor" was. Tod no doubt in one place says that Ait is a contracted form of Aditya, and that "Aitpoor" means the "city of the sun. But this explanation by nom eans enables anyone to determine its whereabouts. In such a state of things only one hope remained. It was well-known that while Tod was writing his Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, he received very great assistance from a Jaina Jati called Gyanchand, who was his constant associate during his peregrinations in Rajputana. This assistance has been freely acknowledged by Tod himself, whenever he speaks about old inscriptions and Sanskrit texts. And it was hoped that everything would be clear only if Gyanchand's transcript of the Aitpoor inscription were traced in his bhandar. But here again nobody knew where his bhandar was. This mystery has now been unravelled by Pandit Gaurishankar Ojha, of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. As 1 Pp. 756-7; all references to this work in this paper are made from the edition published by 8. K. Lahiri a Co., Caloutta, 1894. Ibid. p. 229 and note e.g., Ibid. p. 18,

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JUNE, 1910.] ATPUR INSCRIPTION OF SAKTIKUMARA. 187 was surmised, Gyanchand's transliteration could also be traced in that bhandar, and I am indebted to the Pandit for having supplied me with a copy of it, without which it would havo been somewhat difficult to write this note. Perhaps it would not be here quite out of place to say a few words abont tbis Gyanchand and his bhandar. He belonged to the Khadatara gachchha, and was a papil of Amarchand. He was originally a native of Jaipur. Being thoroughly conversant with Sanskrit and tho vernaculars of Rajputani, he was induced by Tod to remain with him and was treated with the greatest respect and consideration. By way of acknowledgment of the services rendered to him, Tod prevailed on Maharana Bhimsingh to grant to Gyanchand a few bighas of land near Mandal about two miles north-west of Bhilwada, a railway station in the Udaipur territory on the Ajmer-Khandwa live. His pupil was Sivchand, and Sivchand's pupil Ganeschand is now living at Mandal. In his bhandar is an oil-painting drawn by a native painter, in which both Tod and Gyanchand are represented as sitting in a shamiana on chairs near a table and engaged in their work probably of inspecting the materials gathered for the Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan. It has all the faults of a native painting, and yet it is not without interest. Now, to turn to the contents of the inscription. It commences with the date: the 1st of the bright half of Vaisakha of [Vikrama-] Sam vat 1031, and records the erection of a temple to the god Naniga-svami. All this is written in prose and the remainder in verse. Verse 1 speaks of Guhadatta as a Brahmana (mahi-deva ) belonging to the Brahmana family emigrated from Anandapura and as the founder of the Guhila dynasty. In his lineage were Bhoja, Mahendra, Naga, Sila, Aparajita, Mahendra (II), Kalabhoja, Khommana, Mattata and Bhartripatta (v. 2). After Bhartsipatta, Simba became king, after him his son Khommina (II), after him his son Mahayaka, after him his son Khommana (III), and from him sprang Bhartripatga (II), "who was the ornament of the three worlds" (v. 3). Verse 4 says that. Bhartripatta Il's queen was Mahalakshmi of the Rashtrakata family, and from her he had a son named Allata. Both Mahalakshmi and her son Allata are alluded to in an inscription found in the temple of Saranesvara near Udaipur and dated V. S. 1008 and 1010. In verse 5 we are told that Allata had a queen named Hariyadevi, daughter of a Huna prince, and that her fame shone in the form of Harshapura. The latter expression probably means that she founded the town of Harshapura. After Allata his son Naravahana became king (v. 6). Of Narava hana an inscription, dated V.S. 1028= A.D. 971, has been discovered at Eklingji, which has been published by me already. Owing to the transcript of Gyanchand not being clear after verse 6, I am not in a position to determine with certainty what was further intended to be said. But in all likelihood, what is meant is that Nara vahana's queen was of the Chahumana family and the daughter of Jejaya, and from them sprang Salivahana. His son was Saktikumara, who obtained the glory of Bhartripatta and consolidated his kingdom ( v. 9). This Bhartsipatta must be Bhartripatta II, who is described in verse 3 as "the ornamont of the three worlds." Verse 10 inforrns us that Saktikum ara established himself at Atapura, and the verse following is devoted to the praise of this town. Verse 12, which is the last, makes mention of a place called Vatasthana. But what the sense of that verse is, is not clear from the transliteration, as it stands. Of the localities just mentioned, Vatasthana is probably Vasantgadh in the Sirohi State, five miles east of Pindwada, a railway station on the Ahmedabad-Ajmer line. Here I found two inscriptions one of V.S. 682 and the other of V.S. 1099. Both give Vata, Vatakara or Vatasthana as the old name of the place. It is worthy of note that the place where Saktikumara is represented to have been settled is distinctly called Atapura. Tod, however, in his translation of the inscription, calls it Aitpar. Forgetting that t in Aitpur is lingual and not dental, he no doubt takes it in another place, as we have seen above, to be dental, and derives ait from Aditya, and makes Aitpur to mean the " city of the sun." But Tod's Aitpur is really * Prog. Rep., Archaeol. Surv. Ind., West. Circle, for 1905-06, pp. 52-3.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1910. Atapura, as Gyanchand's transcript unmistakably shows. It is unquestionably Ad or Aha, nearly two miles east of Udaipur. It is thus described by Tod in his "Personal Narrative: " "Ar or Ahar, near which we encamped, is sacred to the manes of the princes of Oodipur and contains the cenotaphs of all her kings since the valley became their residence. The ground is strewed with the wrecks of monuments and old temples, which have been used in erecting the sepulchres of the Ranas. The great city was the residence of their ancestors, and is said to have been founded by Asa-ditys upon the site of the still more ancient capital of Tamba-nagari, where dwelt the Tuar ancestors of Vicramaditya, before he obtained Awinti, or Oojein. From Tamba-nagari its name.was changed to Anundpur, the happy city,' and at length to Ahar, which gave the patronymic to the Gbelote race, viz, Aharya." The present names of this place, it will be seen from the above, are Ad and Abad. Ad is, of course, a corruption of Ata [pura ) mentioned in our inscription, and Abad of Aghata[ pura ] which is also referred to in several Mewar and Marwar inscriptions. In the ruins of this very Ad or Ahad, e.g., the late Professor Bendall found another inscription of Saktikumsra, in which in lino 1 is mentioned Srimad- Aghata. This establishes the identity of Aghata with Ahad. A had, like Nagda near Eklingji, was one of the old capitals of the Guhilot dynasty. It is not unlikely that they were capitals of two different branches of the dynasty. It will thus be seen that the name Aitpur, an inscription of which was translated by Tod and about the whereabouts of which no information was so long forthcoming, is really Atapur, i.e., Ad or Ahad. And further it may be said that of the two inscriptions which Tod says he obtained at Ad, this is no doubt the one which he was able to get deciphered. The importance, however, of this inscription chiefly consists in giving us reliable informa. tion regarding the earlier part of the dynastic list. No less than three such lists had already been supplied to us by the Ranpar, Achalgadh and Chitorgadh inscriptions. But none of these is complete, or of earlier date than the close of the thirteenth century. Our inscription, on the other hand, is of the tenth century, and gives & full dynastic list. The following table sets forth the lists specified in the four inscriptione just referred to: Rappar Inscription, dated V.S. 1496 A.D. 1499. Achalgadh Inscription, Chitorgadh Inscription, dated V.S. 1342 d ated V.S. 1331A.D. 1285. A D. 1274, II. * III. Atapura Inscription, dated V.S. 1034 A.D. 977. IV. Seria Bappa Bappa Bappa ... Guhila 1 2 Gubila Bhoja .. Gubila ... Bhoja ... Guhila Bhoja ... Sila Sils ... ... Sila .. | Kalabhoja ... Kalabhoja ... Kalabhoja ... Gubadatta. Bhoja. Mahendra I. Naga. Sils (V.S. 703). Aparajita (V.S. 718) Mahendra II. Kalabhoja. Khommana I alias Bappa, abdicated his throne in V.S. 810. Mattata. Bhartripatta I. Simha, Khommana II. Mahiyaka. 11 Bhartsibhata Simha Bhartsibbata Simba .. Mallata Bhartribhaga Simha . Mahayaka Mabuyika ... ... Mahayaka ... * Vol. I., PP. 745-6. * Bhavnagar Pr. and Sk. Incore. P. 114; Ibid, p. 81; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI, p. 347; Ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 80.

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JUNE, 1910.) ATPUR INSCRIPTION OF SAKTIKUMARA, 189 Serial No. Rippur Inscription dated V.S. 1496 A.D. 1139. Achalgadh Inscription dated V.8. 1942A.D. 1285. II. Chitorgadh Inscription dated V.S. 1337A.D. 1274. III. Atapura Inscription, dated V.S. 1094 A.D. 977. I. IV. Bappa Bappa Bappa 15 Khummana Khummana ..Khummans 17 Allata ... 18 Naravahana Allata ... ... Naravahana .. Allata ... ..Naravabana Khommana III. Bhartsipatta II married Mahalakshmi of the Rashtrakta family. Allata. V.S. 1008, 1010. Naravahana, V.S. 1028. Hie queen was the daughter of the Chahumana king Jejaya. Salivahans. ... Saktikumara, V.S. 1034. 20 Saktikumara ... Saktikumara ... Saktikumara 1.-Guhila is the same as Guhadatta. 5.-Stla must be the same as Siladitya, of whom an inscription has been found at Samoli in the Bhumat district, Mewar. It is dated V.S. 703= A.D. 646 (Prog. Rep., Archaeol. Surv., Westerr Circle, for 1908-09, p. 48). The stone is now in the Ajmer Museum. 6.-This Aparajita is doubtless identical with the Guhilaraja Aparajita, whose inscription has been published by Prof. Kielborn in Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 31. The stone is in the Victoria Hall, Udaipur. 12.-Simha is referred to in an inscription of V.S. 1335 as Sri-Ekalinga-Har-dradhana-Pasupatacharya-Haritardsi-kshatriya-Guhilaputra-[Sinha]-labdha-mahodayarn. The stone was originally found at Chitorgadh, but has now been removed to the Victoria Hall, Udaipur (Jour., Beng. As. Soc., Vol. IV, Pt. I, p. 48). 16-17.-Bhartripatta II's queen was Mahalakshmi of the Rashtrakota family, from whom sprang Allata. Both Allata and his mother are referred to in an inscription found in the temple of Saranesvar, near Udaipur. The inscription gives for him the two dates, V.S. 1008 and 1010 = A.D. 951 and 953 ( Bhavnagar Pr, and Sk. Inscrs., p. 68). Allata's wife was Hariyadevi, daughter of a Huna prince. 18.-A record of Naravahana's reign has been found at Eklingji, dated V.S. 1028= A.D. 971 (Jour., Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. XXII, pp. 166-7). His queen was the daughter of Jejaya, of the Ch &humana dynasty. 20.-For Saktikumara the date V.S. 1084= A.D. 977 is furnished by the Atapura inscription. Two other inscriptions have been found apparently of his reign (Bhavnagar Pr. and Sk. Inscrs., p. 72 ; Professor Bendall's Journey, P. 82). It will be seen that Lists I, II and III make Bappa the founder of the dynasty. But this is a mistake, which is excusable in such late records as those of the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries. Our inscription, which is the earliest that contains a genealogical list, distinctly makes Guhadatta or Gubila the progenitor of the dynasty. Again, the Eklingji inscription of Naravahana says: [ : efter fefergfa: forfata [ ] "In this city), there flourished.Sri-Bappaka, lord of the earth, the gem of the surface of the earth and the moon among the kings of the family of Guhila."

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1910. Now, if Bappa had been really the founder of the family and consequently a predecessor of Guhila even, he would never have been here described as belonging to the family of Guhila. But Bappa does not appear to be the name of a merely legendary or a later prince. For, as we have seen, he is mentioned in this Eklingji inscription which is one of the early records of the dynasty. And now the question arises : with what early prince is he to be identified, for it must be remembered that Bappa, Bappaka, or Bappa is not an individual name, but rather a personal title. Tod also says the same thing when he writes "Bappa is not a proper name, it signifies merely a child." I do not, however, think that Bappa can here mean a "cbild." In my opinion, it is the same thing as Bapa or Bava, a respectful term for ascetics. Again, it is worthy of note that Bappa is always popularly called BAPA Raval and supposed to be the pupil of Haritarasi. Now, Raval is the name of a sect of ascetics and also of their lay-followers. These Ravals still abound in Mewar, and are found also in Gujarat and Maharashtra, even so far south as SAwantvali. I shall seize an early opportunity of writing a special note on this sect, but it is sufficient to say here that Bappa was called Raval because he joined that sect, of which Haritarasi was the head priest. And the name Bappa or Bapa becomes significant only if it is taken to refer to his having become a member of this sect. Now, in the Ekalinga-mahatmya composed during the reign of Rana Kumbha, the following verses occur : shriimevpaattvsudhaampaalydvaapppRthviishH|| 19 ugu grad: TTI bhAkAzacandradiggajasaMkhye saMvatsare bbhuuvaadyH| zrIekaliGgazaMkaralabdhavaro bAppabhUpAlaH / / 20 Verse 20 thus simply gives [V.S.] 810 as the date of Bappa, but does not tell us to what incident in his life it refers. In another Ekalinga-mdhdtmya, but composed during the reign of Rana Rayamalla, son of Kumbha, the following verse is given rAjyaM dattvA svaputrAya aathrvnnmupaagtH| khacandradiggajAkhye ca varSe nAgahave mune / This verse also furnishes the date [V.S.] 810 for Bappa, but tells us that tbis was the year of his bestowing his royalty on his son and becoming an ascetic. Now, with regard to the first verse mentioning the same date, it will be noticed that it is prefaced with the words Yad-uktari puratanaih karibhih. I have shown elsewhere that wherever these words occur in Kumbha's Ekalinga-mahatmya, there the verse is borrowed from some old record. The date 810 for Bappa, therefore, deserves some credence. Let us now see with what Gahilot prince in the dynastic list this date enables us to identify Bappa. The date for Aparajita is V.S. 718 and for Allata 1010, Here, then, we have a period of 292 years extending over twelve generations. This calculation would give 24years to each one of these generations. The difference between 810, the date of Bappa, and 718, that of Aparajita, is 92, and, by assigning 24 years to each generation, we find that Bappa bas to be placed in the fourth generation from Aparajita. Now, the Guhilot prince, who was in the fourth generation from Aparajita, is Khommana I. Bappa must, therefore, be identified with this Khommana. There now remains one point to be considered in connection with the iuscription. It is in respect of verse 1. The translation of it is as follows :-"Triumphant is Sri-Gubadatta, the founder of the Guhila fainily, a Brabmara, and the delighter of the Brahmana family, emigrated from Anandapura." Here then Gubadatta, the founder of the Gubilot family, is called a Brabmana, and spoken of as belonging to a family originally of Anandapora, i.e., Vadnagar; in other words Guhadatta was a Nagar Brahmana. This points to the Brahmanic origin of the Udaipur dynasty, further proofs in support of which are by no meaus wanting. All these bave been set forth by me in my paper on the Guhilots recently contributed to the Jour. Beng., 48. Soc. I have also therein discussed the question how, if they were originally Brahmanas, they came to be amalgamated with the Kshatriyas. I shall, therefore, refrain froin dwelling on these points here. Pol. I, p. 207, note s.

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JUNE, 1910.] ATPUR INSCRIPTION OF SAKTIKUMARA. ^^ Text. 8 saMvyAne 18 caturvizatyadhikeSu vaizAkha patipadi saMvat 2034 sAlapratipadAtithI zrInAni gasvAmidevAyatanaM kArApitaM | AnaMdapuravinirgatavi prakulAnaMdano mahIdevaH / jayati zrIgurudatta prabhavaH zrIguhilavaMzasya [ // * ] [1] yasyAnvaye jagati bhojamahendranAgazIlA parAjita maheMdra jAyataikavIra : 12 13 jAtairyathArkasamazobhitakAlabhojakhommANa- 'nRpaiH saha bhartRpa: / / [2] siMghobhavattadanu taddhRtIpi" jajJe khommANa ityatha sutosya - mahAyakobhUt / khommANamAtmajamavApa sa cAya tasmAllokaca yeka tila kojani bhartRpaH // [3] rASTrakUTakulodbhUtA mahAlakSmIriti priyA / abhUdyasthAbhavattasyAM tanayaH zrImadallaTaH [1] [4] sa bhUpati-yA yasya hUNakSoNIzavaMzajAhiriyadevI yazo yasyA bhAti harSapurahvayaM" / / [5] avikalakalAdhAro dhIraH sphuradvaralasatkaro vijayavasatiH kSatrakSetraM kSatAhavisaMhatiH / samajAne janA pratAparUddhRto vibhavabhavanaM vidyAvedI nRpo naravAhanaH / / [6] cAhamAnAtrayodbhUtA zrI je jayanRpAtmajA 20 [1 *] rAjA jayati" zAlivAhanaH iti khyAtapratApastataH ( ? ) [ // * ] [4] tataH zaktikumAro bhUtsutaH zaktitrayojita: [ / * ] bhartRpahAbhidhA * zrI prApa rASTramadhApayat / [][ 9 ] zrImadArapura-- zrutAlayaM yasya vAsa iti saMpadAM padaM / yatra saMti nRpapuMgavAH samaM kalpapAdapapadAtagAminaH / / [10] - svAtaM kanakAvikaMdaragRhA~dIrNapratApaM vivi khyAtaM naikavaNigvizAlavibhavobhUtAnizobhaM zubhaM / doSo yatra paraM vizAlanayana strIvAralolekSaNaiH bhRtyAdRSTimanAninirdhakalanAMnIyatna svacchaM narAH / / [11] zrIvasthAne samAvAsaH puramAstevyasaMpadAM / yadyathAvitita yatra puMsAM bhAge -------- [12] ww. BOOK NOTICE. L DE LA VALLER POUSSIN. Bouddhisme; Opinions sur l'Histoire de la Dogmatique: Lecons faites a l'Institut Catholique de Paris en 1908. Paris 1909. GABRIEL BEAUCHESNE & CIE, editeurs, 117, Rue de Rennes. 8deg, VII, 420 pp., 4 francs. WE are already in possession of a rich literature en Buddhism, and it might be urged that a new book on the same subject is somewhat superfluous. But if anybody thinks so, he will have to confess himself in the wrong after he has read M. Poussin's book. It is different from its predecessors. It is not a history of Buddhism, nor a systematical treatise of all its tenets. It aims at investigating the evolution of some of the leading ideas, more especially the Buddhist doctrine of salvation. Readers of the Indian Antiquary will know that M. Poussin is very well at home in the vast Buddhist literature, and they will expect to find in this new book much valuable information also about the history of the religion, the sects, and so forth. And they will not be disappointed. But, above all, the reader will be fascinated at the author's fine analysis from a religious point of view. 191 Some of the best known and most widely read treatises on Buddhism are almost entirely based on the Sacred Books of one single Buddhist school, and their authors have not escaped the temptation of becoming themselves imbued with the theories of the sect whose books they are using. Even in Europe, amongst scholars who a are not themselves Buddhists, we can with some right talk of Hinyanists and Mahayanists. In most cases Buddhism has been viewed as philosophy and not as a religion. This is in accordance with the general tenor of the Pali canon. And the phenomenalistic view of the world, including the Buddha, which largely prevails in it, has influenced eminent scholars in their views on Buddhism. Now M. Poussin ig undoubtedly right in reminding us that the philosophy of Buddhism, like Indian philosophy on the whole, is subservient to religious ends. If Buddhism were only, or principally, a philosophical doctrine, it would be difficult to understand its success in India. Even the most fundamental theories, the belief in Karman and in the This is nothing but a copy of the transcript prepared by Gyanchand Jati, now lying in the Jaina bhandar at Mandal. 10 Read kAritaM. Rend catustriMzada. 11 Read guhadattaH 12 jAyataikavIraH violates the metre and makes no sense. This whole verse is cited in an unpublished copper-plate inscription found at Kadmal, dated V.S. 1140, and referring itself to the reign of Vijayasimha. It given the reading mahendrabha hernavIre: The true ronding appears to be mehandrabhaTekavIrAH. 18 Read jAtA yathArka. 14 Supply before : in accordance with the Kadmal inscription. 16 This name occurs as bhartRpaTTa: also in tho Kadmal and Chited inscriptions, though the later inscriptions bave bhartRbhadaH 16 Road tasya sutopi as in the Kadmal inscription. IT See note 15 above. 18 Read degtiH priyA. 19 Read purAhnayaM. 20 This and the following are two lines from two different verses of two different metres. 23 Road yorjitaH 21 Read rAjAjAyata 23 Read vAhana iti 24 Read 'pahAbhidhAH 25 The text of this and the following verse is corrupt and is full of mistakes. 28 The inscription does not seem to have been completed here. Vatasthana is perhaps given here as the original place of the person, who built the temple of Nanigasvimt, and some further account of his family must have been contained in the lines following, which had been either lost or not transcribed.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1910. impermanence of the ego, are not original in, or not from the beginning considered as a god. tho exclusive property of, Buddhism, but had, M. Poussin reminds us that the Indian idea of a long before Buddha, been coined by Brahmanic god is quite different from the European, Even ascetism. Moreover, there have, from the oldest Brahm& is not eternal, and the divine power is times, been conflicting philosophical views within the result of sacrifice or of tapas. And the Buddhism. There have been personalists (pud- ascetio can, by tapas, acquire such a power galavadins) and phenomenalists (skandhavddins), that he endangers the position of the gods. It is and even in such sayings as are recognised by all doubtless true that at the time of the Buddha, sects as the teaching of the Buddha himself, we the teachings of the Upanishads were not in sole can point out different ways of viewing one and possession of the ground. The Hindd gods and the same question. It can be contended, and the ideas pervading Hinduism had already come M. Poussin does so, that the founder himself into existence. And to & Hinda mind the would sometimes bave been unable to define the Buddha, who was superior to BrahmA and t most important ideas clearly. A notion like other gods, was not an ordinary man. How Nirvana cannot, on the whole, be satisfactorily could he then have had the power of continuing explained. Even if we admit that the prevailing his life till the end of the Kalpa ? It is a notion was negative, absence of misery, there will difficult, not to say an impossible, tank to disstill be room for a double explanation. Happiness entangle the history of the Hindo ideas of a must be one of its aspects, and cessation of pain, supernatural being, of a mahapurusha. It is of which must be almost identical with cessation of course, quite possible that many notions belongexistence, another. From the very beginning, 1 ing to them are ultimately derived from solar therefore, there has been room for discussion and myths, though I think some scholars have been dissension. Nevertheless, all the various sects inclined to go much too far in adducing them. must be recognised as Buddhists, just as both But there is no doubt that, to the first Buddhists Catholics and Protestants are Cbristians. I the Bnddba was such mahapurusha. Nobody can think that M. Poussin has done well in reminding obtain salvation without the three refugees, the us of such facts. His is an intensely religious first of which is the Buddha. And I quite agree mind, and he naturally perceives the religious with M. Poussin that the deification of the Buddba aspect of Buddhism. Though the Buddha always is old, and that it has grown out of the Indian appeals to the reasoning of bis followers, his soil, and also that the chief reason for the early teaching is not a drishti, a theory. or mata, an success of Buddhism was that piety recognised in opinion. In metaphysics he admits the idens him superhuman being. The frame of mind prevailing in his days, but shows to what conse-of the Hinda community in the days of the quences they lead. The aim of his teaching is Buddha, and also of his followers in later daya, to show the way to salvation. Buddhism is was complex, and it is useless to try to reduce professedly no rationaliatie system, it being a Buddhism into definite formulas. There have superhuman (uttarimanussa) law founded upon always been different views, some of which wa the decrees of an omniscient and infallible Master, know, while others are only known from the and in such a creed mysteries are admissible polemics of their adversaries. We do not as yet (Kern). The Buddha is a physician and his Law know more than a portion of Buddhist literature a healing art. And many of his sayinge, such as and I agree with M. Poussin that what we know the conflicting ideas of trangmigration and imper- is not, in its actual form, so old as some sobolars manence, must be accepted unquestioningly on his maintain. We have so far only been able to word. His fundamental teaching is the doctrine follow the development of the theories of some of the middle path. He starte from such notions few seots; we can, however, see that all seets have as the world considers as proved. In order to a stock of traditional sayings in common which attain salvation, it is necessary to believe in trans- seem to represent the teaching of the Buddha migration conditioned by one's acte ; otherwise himself. If we want to build up a system from nobody would renounce desire and lust, but it is them, wo mnst bear in mind that Buddhism is aluo necessary to believe in impermanence, ia not alone, or, from the beginning, primarily order to obtain detachment and emancipation. In * philosophical system, but a religion, faith. this theory of the middle path, M. Poussin sees It is M. Poussin's great merit to have laid stress the work of the Buddha himself, whose law he on this, and that alone would assure his treatise therefore claims As a religion. He urges that on Buddhism a high rank, even if it did not it is a mistake to judge about Buddhism socord. abound in information about the varied questions ing to European ideas. That mistake is at the connected with the development and history of bottom of much that has been written about Buddhiet theology. the question whether the Buddha was or was STEN KONow.

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JULY, 1910.) THREE OOPPER-PLATE GRANTS YBOM BAST BENGAL 193 THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL. BY P. E. PABGITER, M.A., 1.0.8. (Ratp.). T HREE copper-plates with Sanskrit inscriptions were found in the Faridpur District in East 1 Bengal, and Dr. Hoernle, who was then in India, hearing of them, succeeded after some difficulty in purchasing them on behalf of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Plate B was first discovered in 1891 and was mentioned by him in his "Note on the Date of the Bower Manuscript" in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XXI, 1892, p. 29 (at p. 44). The two other plates were discovered during 1892. He hoped to be able to decipher and pablish them himself, but was unable for years to spare the time. At length he sent them to Prof. Kielhorn in March 1905 to be published, but they remained undisposed of on that scholar's death in 1908. They were then returned to Dr. Hoernle, and he asked me in October 1908 to take them in hand. It was with great pleasure that I assented to his request, because these plates come from a part of the country, with which my service under Government in East Bengal has made me familiar, and they raise various questions touching matters that formed a large part of my official duties. The greater part of this article was ready early in 1909, but it could not be completed till nearly the end of November for the following reasons : Recently fourth plate has been discovered in East Bengal and apparently in the same dietrict, and was brought to Dr. Hoernle's notice by Dr. T. Bloch, Archeological Surveyor of the Eastern Circle. He wrote in September 1908 that it had a marked resemblance in its com mence nent to the plate described in the Indian Antiquary, and asked for information about the latter. Dr. Hoernle replied that we had three similar plates which I was preparing for publication, and requested that the new plate or a transcript of it might be sent to me, so that all the plates might be dealt with together, or that at least our three plates might have the benefit of the light which the new plate might throw on them. In answer, Dr. Blooh stated after some delay that the new plate belongs to a Bengali gentleman, to whom it was returned and whose name he did not know, and that a rubbing which he made of it will be published in the Archaeological Report for the year 1907-8. By the kindness of a friend in Calcutta, bowerer, the new plate was traced out without difficulty, and photograph of it was sent me. I am not at liberty to edit it as tho Archeological Department proposes to publish it, but I am not precluded from using portions of it to solve som, intricate points that arise upon these three plates. I found it necessary, besides, to obtain more information from East Bengal regarding certain land measures. These steps bavo delayed the publication of the plates longer than I had boped. The three plates are all in the Gapta character of the North-Eastera class. They resemble oue another in many featares of their composition and contents, and when compared help to elucidate one another very materially. I must farther acknowledge the great advantage which I have obtained in Dr. Hoernle's opinion upon various points of uncertainty or difficulty, and I must thank Dr. Fleet for help and advice which he has most kindly given me in revising the proofs. I will first give a description, transcription and translation of each plate, theo notice peculiarities in the script, thirdly discuss their age, and finally offer some general remarks on various interesting questions which they suggest. A.--Grant of the time of Dharmiditya : the year 3. This plate (the largest) is of dark-coloured copper ; oblong in shape, being 67 inehea long, 41 broad, and thick, and without a rim. Including the seal it weighs 1 lb., 7 03., 4 drams. It is written lengthwise on both sides, but not fally on the second side. It is in good preservation, except along the margins where in some parts it is almost obliterated.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1910. The letters are of the Gupta character of the North-Eastern class, nearly #inch in size, clearly-cut, erect, well-shaped and rectilinear in appearance, with the wedge-shaped tops well-developed. The letters and are made alike, but are generally distinguished in that the loop is round in and triangular in s. Only two numeral signs odour, 3 for the regnal year and 5 for the day of the month. The S is expressed, in the asual ancient manner, by three horizontal strokes one above the other; and the 5 resembles the upper of the two Nasik forms, with the right limb, however, lengthened downwards (see Table IX of Babler's Indischen Palaeographie). A circular soal is fastened on to a projecting portion of the plate on the left side and is lightercoloared than the plate. It is 27 inches in diameter, with a rim around and external scroll-work projecting on either side. It is all in relief with a countersunk surface, and the whole is much decayed. The emblem occupies the upper sol can be seen to consist of a female figure standing in the middle with at least one figure knoeling on either side ; above on either sido is an elephant portrayed as if pouring water on the female. The legend in the lower is so much corroded that only a few letters are clearly legible, but what can be discerned shows that it agrees with the legend on plate 0 and runs thus :-Varaka-mandala-viqayadhikaranasya. The language is Sanskrit, and the whole is in prose except the concluding verse of imprecation. It contains many modifications of Prakrit nature : The plaral instrumental is formed with -bhi, as in sarikalpabhi (1. 14), asmibhi (1. 16), rajabki ( 1. 20); and this even in words where it ought to end in aih, as in sastrabhi (1. 21); but conversely we have the strange form anai(A) for ebhik (1. 22). In three instances the form bhih appears, armabhir (1.9), rajabhir (1. 22 ) and pitsbhus (for pitsbhis, 1. 26). The last occurs in . quotation and is not the soribo's own composition ; noreover, the final consonant is necessary for the metre, bat the two former cannot for certain be declared regular, for the final r may be. euphonic insertion (such as certainly occurs in plate C, 1. 9), thus rajabhi-r-anai(b), and asmabhir-akatyo-r-bhatva, where a second r is inserted. Two irregular genitives occur, adhyayinasya and wiminasya (1. 19). Dhammana (1. 12, 17) appears to be Prakrit rather than an incorrect spelling of dharmana, for dharma is written correctly in 1. 13. Vijnaptah appears for vijnapitah (1. 17) as also in plate B. The affis -ka occurs freely, as in viniyhtaka (1.3), vikriyaminaka (1. 11), manaka (1. 12, where it should be manika), and likhitaka (1. 20). Three new words may be noticed, sadhanika (1.7, 15), apavinchya (1. 16), and kseni (1. 25), the first two of which are discussed in the concluding general remarks; and ekatmya (l. 9) as a noun may be added. As regards orthography many mistakes occur and sandhi is not always observed. These errors are pointed out in the notes, but the principal peculiarities may be mentioned here. Some confusion occurs among similar letters, especially dentals and cerebrals. Thus, nasals go wrong in vitriyamanakani (1. 11), pascimena (1.2) and daksinena (1.23); and once the sibilants, as drsti for drsti (1.12). L takes the place of a in sal-anga (1. 19), and of ri in lerya (1. 14) as in plate 0 1. 3-4. Such confusions are common in modern vernacular Bengali. B is rare and vis written for it in Amparisa (1.1) and pravandhena (1.2); they are the same now in Bengali. Letters compounded with r are often doubled, as in maryyada-caturddainarikya (1. 10), attra (1.13, 23), vikkrita (1. 17), etc.; and even when the compound letters are initial, as in ttrayam (1.17) and ttri (1. 23, 24). Doubling also occurs sometimes in y compounds, as in addhyasana (1.8).

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JULY, 1910.] THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL. 195 On the other hand difficult compound-letters are simplified by the omission of the least important, as in sakasa () knettra (1. 7), 8amya(9) dattani (I. 21) and 6(l)okah (1.25); to which may be added akatye for ekal(m)ye. This may perhaps be due to puro ignorance of such letters on the soribe's part and not to Prakrit influences. Visarga is sometimes omitted as in puroga (1. 6), and in the plural instrumentals as already mentioned. Anusvara is omitted in vikrita (1. 17) and visthaya (1. 26); wrongly inserted in asuttra (1.13) and tannra (1. 17); and wrongly changed to n in bhavatan (1. 7). The plate is dated the fifth day of the month Vaisakha in the third year of the Emperor Dharmaditya. Its object is to bestow, as a public meritorious gift, about 3 acres of cultivated land (ksetra) in the village Dhruvilati on a Bharadvaja brahman named Candrasvamin. The donor, the Sadhanika Vatabhoga, bought the land from the mahattaras or leading men of the locality (no private owner is mentioned) at the established rate, for 12 dinaras, and conveyed it to Candraspamin. TEXT. First Side. 1 Om Svasty-Asyan pithivyanapratirathe Yayaty-Amvariga8-sama-dhtau ma2 haraj-fdbiraja-Sri-Dharmmaditya-rajye tat-prasada-labdh-Aspade mabaraja-stha3 nudattasy-addhyasana-kale stade-viniyuktaka-Varaka-mandale vigay apati-Ja4 javasy-ayogo ['dhikaranam visaya-mahattar-Etita-Kulacandra-Garuda-Vphacca5 tt-luk-Anacara-Bhasaitya-Sabhadeva-Ghosacandr-Animittra-Gunacandra-Kalasa6 kha-Kulasvami-Durllabha-Satyacandr-Arjjuna-Bappa-Kundalipta-puroga[bo] prakstayas= sa 7 sadhanika-Vatabhogena vijnaptah? Icchamy-aham bhavatan=sakasa ksettra-khandam pra 8 kriya brahmanasya pratipadayitum Tadarhatha matto mulyam grhitva vigaye vibh 9 iya datum-iti Yatab etad-abhyarthanam-adhikrty-asmabhir10-akatyerli-bhutva pustapala Vi[na]-13 10 yasen-Avadbaranayals avadhitam-Ast=1ha vipaye prak-samudra-maryyada satur-ddaill. 11 narikya-kulya-vapena ksettrani vikriyana nakani tatha-vapa-kgettra-khandala12 krta-kalani-dcsti15-mattra.pravandheng18 tamrapatta-dhammani17 vikrayamanaka 18 Tac=ca 13 parama-bhattaraka-padanam-amttrale-dharmma-sad-bhaga-labhah Tad=etam pravsttim adhigamya nyasa14 dho30 sva-punya-kirtti-samsthapana-kft-abhilasasya yatha sam kalpabhi[s] tatha krya(y=adbr]-21 15 tya sadbanika-Vatabhogena dvadasa-dinaran=agrato datva23 Sivacandra ha[sten-asta]241 See General Remarks, p. 216, below. . ? Denoted by a symbol. * Read Ambarisa. * Read tad; thes appears to be a mistake. Sio. . Rond Anamitra. Read vishapita). * Read bhavatam. Rend sakafat, the t being omitted, as it would require the complicated compound tkse. 10 Read domabhir. 11 Read ekatmye. 12 Or perhaps Vija- ; but Vinayasena is matched by Nayasorta in plato B, line 7, and plate C, line 6. 13 Sio: no sandhi. 14 Read di-; but the proper form would be caturdinarikya from catur.dinara, 16 Read drsti. 16 Read prabandhena. 11 Read dharmana. 1! Read manika. 19 Read atra. 20 Read nyas Acheh ? 21 For krya read kriya. The last two letters are illegible, but the reading must be kriyayadhitya or something equivalent. 13 Read agrato. 13 Read dattra. * The last three letters are illegible e100pt the vowel mark , but by comparing the corresponding words in plate B, lino 19, and plato C, line 19, it seems most probable that the reading should be hastendsta..

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1910. Second Side. 16 ka-navaka-nalenam28-apavinchya Vatabhoga-sakase ['*]smabhi[ro] Dhruvilatyam ksettra-kulya27 17 Vapa-ttrayari tanimrapatta-dhammana2 vikkrita[m] Anenapi30 Vatabhogena 18 candra-tar-irkka-sthiti-kala-sambhogyan yavat3l-parattr-anugraha-kam ksina Bharad vaja sago32 19 ttra-Vajasaneya-sa/33-ang-Adhyayinasya Candrasva minasya mata-pittror-anugraha20 ya mudaka-purvvens pratipaditamiti Tad-upari-likbitak-agama'lsamanta-ra jabhi[bo] sama21 dhigata-sastrabhi[ro] bhumi-dan-anupalans-ksep-numodanegu samya[8']-dattapy-api danani 22 rajabbir-anaish(r)] pratipadaniyanitis pratyayagamya bhumi-danam sutara meva pratipalani23 yam-iti Sima-lingani c-attra purvvena Himasena-patake37 daksinena3 ttri-ghatika 24 Apara-tamrapatlasca pascimena ttri-ghattikaya Sila-kundas-ca uttarena navata.1 25 kseni Himasena-patakasaca Bhavati c-attra sokal Sva.dattam para-dattam-va yo ba36 reta vasundharam eva13-vietbaya[m]4 krimir-bhutva pacyate pitsbhas*5=saha 27 Samvat 46 3 Vaika di 6 TRANSLATION. Seal. [The seal] of the government of a district in the province of Varaka. Plate. Om ! Welfare ! During the sovereignty of the supreme king of great kings, Sri-Dharmaditya, which sovereignty is without an adversary on this earth and is equal in steadfastness to Yayati and Ambarina-in the time of the reigning of the great king Sthanudatta, who gained his dignity through his (Dharmalitya's) favour-in the provinces of Varaks which was entrusted to him 1 There is some mistake bero; perhaps a letter has been omitted, and the reading should be nalondam. 26 This word ooours also in plato B, line 19, and plate C, line 19. It is discussed in the General Remarks, p. 213. 11 These two letters are not quite clear, but what can be seen suggests kulya. " Read dharmana. * Vikritam must be the reading. It alearly agrees with vapa-trayam. The sentence must also end here, because them if final would be written as sansvara and might easily have been omitted; but if the sentence does not end here them would have taken up the initial a of the followed word, and been written ma. ** Read anendp. 31 Read yatat. * Road sago-. * Read sal, 6.6., $. * Read kagama. This soems obvionsly so agree with rajabhir, and to be a peculiar instrum, plural from idam ; anai) being formed by regular analogy from anons like fivais from sipena. Or we might read enai) for etai. This is the only instrum, plural terminating in aim in these three plates, this case being otherwise always formed with bhib or bhi, cp. fastrabhi in the previous line for fastruih. * Read Ryanfti. 31 Read patako. * Read daksinene. * Read -ghettika as in the next line? 49 Read pascimena. << The first letter is intermediate between na end bha and might be read either way, though na seems preferable. Read Slokal. * In some inscriptions the reading is na, 'he' (Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 104, 106, etc.), but sva appears in others (ibid. pp. 128, 181, etc.). * We may read vigthayal th) or vifhaya(h). The former is preferable as it appears olearly in Fleet's Gapta Inscriptions, p. 108. 45 Road pitrohih. That is sanhualoare. *T The expression tal-pranada-labah dapado agrees grammatioally with adhyaaanakalo, but in senso with Bthanudattarya labdh depadanya or labd/ da parla. would, therefore, be better. * Mandala here is larger than and includes the vipaya or " distriot," whioh follows; soe Gonoral Remarks, p. 211, below.

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Plate I. A.-Grant of the time of Dharmaditya.-The year 3. Front 22 ||dshbaar war suphl bhPGrEaa z n , 18, ??"kk snggaa kyu&w= Exw6c8xzsiiclbiN / 'suu'bs24wy kht yaibnpaar'sguktyunaam| y ybeh (38:13ssybs' suyemy' / kg'muusbr'uupr'yaab yaab| sz / sss stre66aa !] lothrlyrthrg ni? | ke'iannxmzstthiymaan Sx4n8ukhk'repraast57, **nl' r'tth smgootthser| 4 shb s naab subhok - esmy' mhilth ek baar Back. 7%8F3yn&a30% * 1 :1cvA. (11.45 ' khsyUSS Act es'{musn mnywauseyogs WEw0j@| otthvshraaphchi ei ckhusnttisis yaabe+fkhaa 64spnsmuhl aifuznaayzrgt Tass fs& arassaambur'nyj| smmnaam", n my'lur09nna4yee+ "ili sup Agcgazo sul+mukhzsbt| 20 sis" ac42&kzuu | msu: 3tti 24 sussm o JF.FLEET. SCALE & W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLLOTYPE.

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Page #207
JULY, 1910.) THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL 197 (Stha nudatta).49 Jajara as lord of the district has the direction and administration,50 The leading men of the district, who were headed by Itita, 51 Kulacandra, Garuda, Vrhaccatta, 62 Aluka, Anacara, 53 Bhasaitya,64 Sabbadeva, Ghosacandra,56 Anamitra, Gunacandra, Kalasakha, Kulasvamin, Durlabha, Satyacandra, Arjuna-bappa 50 and Kundalipta,67 and the common folk 58 were apprised by the agent89 Vatabhoga, thus:-"I wish to buy a parcel of cultivated land from your honours and to bestow it on a brahman; therefore do ye deiga to take the price from me, to divide the land in the district and to give it to me." Wherefore we, giving heed to this request and being unanimous, determined the matter by a determination by the keeper of the records Vi[na]yasena. There is in this district the rule established along the eastern sea that cultivated lands are things which are sold according to the rate of the sum of four dinaras for the area that can be sown with a kulya of seed, and that the evidence of a sale is by the custom of giving a copper-plate, which custom applies immediately on seeing the counting made for the parcel of cultivated lands of such-and-such-sowing area, and then the feet of the Emperor receive the sixth part of the price according to the law here. Therefore the agent Vatabhoga, having adopted this procedure, and having by tendering the deposit [complied with it] by the act as well as by the intentions of one who has desired to establish the fame of his own merit, and having paid twelve dinaras in our presence1_we, having severed the land according to . The reading is stad-viniyuktaka, but the appears to be a mistaken addition. If, however, it must be retained, we can only read 'sta-dyin iyuktaka., "in the provinoe of Varaka, which is under eight pairs of administrators." This would be permissible, because and at are sometimes confused in this plate as mentioned in the introductory remarks ; and it is quite possible there were eight or sixteen visayas in the province. 5. Ayoga means apparently the mandatory side of government-tho appointment of officials and the issuing of orders and regulations as distinguished from adhikarana, which seems here to moun the administrative side (erooutive and judicial). 01 With this name compare Ita Bhargava, the author of Rig Veda X. 171. 01 With this compare Cattopadhyaya, which is common Brahman family name in Bongal and is generally pronounced " Chatterji." ** He appears again in plate 0. 94 This word is a diffio alty. If it be taken as a proper name, the construotion of the long compound from visay-mahattaretita to purogah is peculiar, because the word puroga (like purahaara in plate B, 1. 8). at the end of a oompound always, as far as I am aware, qualifius a suoceeding noun of general import, and there would be no anch noun hero, for the worde prakrtayai ca are clearly separate, so that puroga would have to qualify the first words of its own compound. It has been so translated. The construction and the sense might be better if inatoad of kanacara-bhasaitya we might read okanacara abritya ; and the meaning would then be "The leading men of the district, namely, Itita, eto., and Anacara, on approaching (Vatabhoga), and the common folk who were headed by Subhadeva, elo , were apprised by the agont Vatabhoga." Tho indeclinable verbal participle is weed with congiderable freedom in good Sanskrit, and accurate construction is hardly to be expected in these grants ; see dalta in l. 15. The preceding sentenos cannot run on into this sentence : adhikaranam by itself might be so read as in plato B ; but hardly ayogo 'dhikaranam. 66 He appears again in plate C. - Soo note in Fleet's G. I, p. 185, on bappa, "father." This name would apparently mean "Arjuna's fatber," a not uncommon way of mentioning a man at the present day alao. of This is a peculiar name for a man. It invites comparison with the name of the town and district) Tamra lipta, which was the capital of the people and country called Suhma and which is the modern Tamluk on the west side of the River Hooghly not far from its mouth. ** Prakrtayah here must mean "the subjects, the common folk" and not " ministers." Ministers would have beon mentioned first and not last, and had nothing to do with ordinary cultivated land. On the other hand the land we bought from the mahattaras and prakrtayas, mis shown by the words bhavata sakalat (1,7), okaimyebhiitva (1.9) and asmabhis (1. 16). No private owner is mentioned, but the village is mentioned (1. 16). Honoe the land appears to have been the common property of the village so that all had to join in selling it, both Mahattarts and common folk. *Sadhanika; see General Remarks, p. 211, below. . Bee General Remarks, Pp. 214, 215. * Or" in the first place." The sentence is left without a finito verb to completo it.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1910. the standard measure of eight reeds in breadth and nine in length02 by the hand of Sivacandra, have sold to Vatabhoga a triple kulya-sowing area of cultivated land in Dhruvilati by the custom of the copper-plate. This very Vatabhoga, who desires benefit in another world as long as this land shall be enjoyed while the moon, the stars and the sun endure, has joyfully, for the benefit of his own parents,43 bestowed the land on Candrasvamin, who is of the lineage of Bharad vaja, who is a Vajasaneya and who studies the six Angas. Therefore the kings, who are neighbours to the above-mentioned grant and who have studied the scriptures, fully understanding that "gifts, although given absolutely to persons who rejoice in safeguarding or in discarding gifts of land, must be held valid by these kings," must scrupulously safeguard this gift of land. And the boundary-indications are here stated : on the east, Himasena's portion of the village ; on the south, the three ghatget and the land of the other copper-plate; on the west, the paths to the three ghats66 and the Silakundae ; on the north, the ship-building harbour67 and Himasena's portion of the village. And here applies the verse : Whoever confiscates land that has been granted away by himselt or granted away by another, he becoming a worm in a dog's ordure rots along with his ancestors. In the regnal year 3; the fifth day of Vaibakha. + See General Remarks, p. 215. * The sentence might also be translated," has joyfully bestowed it for the benefit of the parents of Candra. svamin, who is of the lineage, etc.," : but the translation above is better, becausO (1) Candranaminarya pratipadi. tam exactly tallies with brahmanasya pratipalayitum in L. ; (2) the words mala piror anugrahaya obviously anawer to the preceding paratranugraha, which mean benefit for some one who was dead, that is, no doubt the donor's parents, while his own personal interest was fame as mentioned; (3) those words correspond to mata pitror almanas oa punyabhirddhaye in plato B, 1. 10, and plate C, 1. 12, where the allusion is clearly to the donor's parente; and (4) the grant must be definitely made to some person and could hardly have been mado vaguely "for the benefit of Candrasvamin's mother and father," the former of whom did not need mention in such a transaction. " Reading tri-ghattika, yet it may not be necessary to read so here. Trigotika would have some reference to three pitchers, but I cannot suggest any application. Ghat means steps leading down into water; here no doubt into the Silukanda. * The reading must be either tri-ghat: kaya Silakundasca or righatika Yaklakundas ca. The former is preferable, because (1) a village Bilakunda-grams is olearly mentioned in plate C, 1. 28; (2) the two grants were close together, for this grant was ip Dhruvilati village (line 16 ) and so also was that grant (see note to ita agat and west boundaries): (3) both grants have the same name Slakonda as the western boundary, if we read Silakunda here; and (4) it is hardly likely there could have been two places called Silakana and Yabila kunda in almost the same situation. If then the former reading be right, we must read tri ghattokya(h) i.e.. tri ghaffikatayam (or aya) ) meaning the tracks or footpathe leading to the three ghao." With three ghat it is highly probable there were several tracks from various groups of houses in this locality. In the Ganges delta village does not always onnsist of one collection of houses, because the situation of the houses depends on the area of high ground available, for the whole country is flooded during the rainy season by the immense quantities of water brought down by all the rivers from the north, and houses can be built only on such pieces of higher ground as will enable them with a raised foundation to stand above food-level. The situation of such pieces of high ground therefore determines the form and size of a village, and it may consist of two or more group of houses, each of which groups is called s para (indigenous) or less commonly basti (Skt. vasati). * Silakunda here must be distinguished from Bilakupda-grama in plato c, 1 23. Kunda means a largo pool or pond. Sheets of water of all kinds and sizes are common in the Ganges delta, being the remains of old water.courses or depressions, and havo various names according to their formation and size, such as daha, bauilar bil. Silakunda was no doubt such a piece of water, and Bilakuoda-grims would have been the village adjoining it. of Navata-ko ini must, as Dr. Hoornle suggests, be nau (or nava) + ala + kseni. Kseni is evidently a modification of kayana 's harbour', with a fem. termination. Ata or ata means the frame of a door, and bere in conjunotion with nau must means ship's frame. Nau here should be translated by the word 'ship' aod not 'boat'. Boat-making in this rogion requires very little frame-work and no harbour (dockyard) for boats are made on the banks of rivers anywhere. Frames and dockyards are only necessary for large vessels and abips; yot all country-built ships are small oven at the present day. There must have been a river to the north into which the harbour or dockyard opened.

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JULE, 1910.) THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL. 199 B.-Second grant of the time of Dharmaditya. This plate (the smallest) is of copper, less dark than plate A ; oblong in shape, being 6 inches loog, 41 broad and to thick ; and without a rim. With the seal it weighs 1 lb., o oz., 13 drams. It is written lengthwise on both sides and both sides are completely filled, so that there is no room for the date. It is in fair preservation except that letters near the margin are sometimes illegible. The letters are of the Gupta character of the North-Eastern class, about 5 inch in size, but the two sides display a marked difference. On the first side they are fairly well cut and erect, though their shapes are neither good nor neatly finished. On the second side they slope slightly and are often poorly cut, and their shapes are ill-made; indeed in many instances the engraver has bung led his work either by bad workmanship or by mistakes, so that some letters appear as indistinct blurs. It would seem as if the second side were done by a different hand of little skill. $ and 8 ure so much alike that no consistent distinction is perceptible. A circular seal, 2 inches in diameter, is fastened to the left side of the plate, and is lighter in colour. It has no proper rim. It is in low relief and is much decayed. The emblem in the upper represents a female figure standing in the middle, with what looks like a sapling tree on her right; and close to her left is a very small figure standing. On either side, but not above her, appears an elephant semi-erect. The legend is so much corroded that only a few lotters are legible, but what can be made out agrees with the legend on plate C; thus:Varaka-maydala-visayadhikaranasya. The language is Sanskrit, and the whole is in prose except the two concluding verses of imprecation. The peculiarities which have been noted in plate A appear here and rather oftener. The following may be specially mentioned The Prakrit forms laddha (1.3) and jasima (. 18) occur. The plural instrumental is formed with bhi as in pitrbhi (1. 27), but the form in -aih occurs perhaps in l. 9-10; the plural genitive visayana (1. 8) occurs; the plural ablative bhavaddhyo (1. 18); vikrtyantani as nom. pl. neut. of a pass. present participle (1. 14); and perhaps the plural accus. nent. Itsettra (1. 9). Brahmana is treated as if ending in an, so that the dative becomes brahmane (1. 11); but for brahmana (1. 20) we should probably read brahminaya. Slola is neater in slokani (I. 24); and other irregularities are vijnaptah (1. 8); prati paditum (1. 11-12); and arhattya (1. 12). The affix -ka appears in viniyuklaka (1. 5) and leriyamanaka (1. 13). The particle iti appears in the form -li, if my emendations in l. 12 are valid ; and a euphonic r is inserted between two vowels in bhavaddhyo-r-eva (1.13). Several new words appear, as karandaya (1. 5), aparinchya (1. 19); which are discussed in the concluding general remarks ; vijiap: (1.12), and perhaps mrddha (1.17), which are discussed in the notes; and dandaka (1. 23) has probably the new meaning of "mast (of a ship)." The general impression is that the scribe was loss literate than the author of plate A. This is displayed also in the orthography, where the faults are similar to those in plate A, but sometimes grogs as in Doijisineya (1. 10-11), samvava (1. 6), jyesra (1. 7), prark (1. 13) and tyani (1. 25). Sandhi is not regularly observed, and n appears for min bhavatan pranadad (1.9). Letters compounded with r are often doubled here as in plate A ; thus maryyada-caturddinarikkya (1.13), etc.; and even when initial as in lekrita (1. 20). This plate was execnted during the Emperor Dharmaditya's reign, but as already mentioned bears no date.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1910. Ite objeot is to bestow, as a private meritorious gift, some land (its quantity cannot be made out) which was apparently mostly waste or fallow, on a Kanva-La a hitya brahman named Somasvamin. The donor wag Vasudeva-svamin (apparently a brahman) who was an official supervising the customs dues in the district (see General Remarks, p. 212 below). He bought the land from a mabattara named Thoda or Tholasa, at the established rate, for 2 dinaras and conveyed it to Somasvamin. TEXT. First Side. 1 Svasty-Asyam=prohivyam 63-apratirathe Nrga-Naghusa 60-Yayaty-A. 2 mbariga-sama-dbstau maharajadbiraja-Sri-Dharmmaditya-bhattaraka-ra8 jyai 70 tad-anamodana-laddb-aspadu?l Navy-Avakasikayan maha-prati4 haroparika-Nagaderasy-addhyasana-kale ['Joensapi Varaka-mandalar 5 vigay-dhiniyuktaka-vyapara-karaqdaya72-Gopala-svami 6 Yato=[']aya samv[y"javabarato 73 Vasudava 74 -svamina sadaram-abhigamya 7 jsegra76-kayastha-Nayasena-pramukham-adhikaranam-mahattara- 76 8 Somaghosa-paragsaras-ca visayanam 77 mahattari vijnaptah 79 9 Icobeya-bhavatko-prasidad=yath-arghena bhavaddhyo-r-eva 70 ksettra 80 khandalakai10 181-kkritva mata-pittroritmanas-ca pugy-abhivrddhaye ganavat-Kinva-dva. 11 jisineya 93. Lauhittya-sagottraya brahmane Somasvamine prati 12 paditu[m] 93 Tad-arhattyassad 84 Vijiapa-vasanganamamsamvitakumvi 85 etad=av=A13 bhyarthanam 86 -adbiketty-asty=etat-prark87-kriyamanaka 98-maryyada catur-ddinarikkya14 kulya vapena ksettraai vikriyantan=ity-asmad-Vasu-svaminah Road prthivyam. 8. Read Nahupa. T* Read rajye. "1 Read labdhaapadasya. T! It appears to be karandaya rather thin karandaya, because tbe end of the top line of the letter is torced distinotly apwards. ** Compare vuyavaharala in plato. C, 1. 5-6. The fourth plate (see p. 193) roads clearly Yato[Jaya uyau aha ratar. T Read Vanndora. 15 Read jyestha. * Read mahattara. 17 Read tisayanam. ** Read vijnapila!. This is meant for bharadbhya evc. # This seam; msant for ksstrani. 11 Or khand lakad, as Dr. Hoerole reads it. 12 Rond vaja saneya.; the mistaken d may bavo oropt in through somo fancied connexion with Bharadvaja; 600 plato A, 1. 18, and plato O, 1. 14. # Read praliya layitum. ** Read arhathasmad. All the letters are clear except that the mya might be real blya. These words aro pasaling, but soom to be resolvable if we note that they mast contain an infinitive after the word afhatha, and that the request must be concluded with it. As there is only one vowel 1, the infinitive is probably to be found at the end in the letters vitakum, and the correct roading should probably be vibhaktum, the lotters ta and bha being similar, and the having been forgotten in the compound ktw. The preceding sam may or may not belong to this verb. The oon. cluding mui is probably intended for m-ti (a tolosed at the base would booome v), that is m iti. Vasa is probably a mistako for vasa; and afa might stand either for salu (nom. pl.), or for raat (abl. sing.) which would buoome vajas before the following nya, and one might be dropped oat of the compound mnya ; compare sakasa for sakadat in plato A 1.7. The latter alternative agreez better with the style of this inscription, but the meaning in the same in either way. The words than would ran thus asma l-vijfapa-vada nyanamamsam vibhaktum iti; but nyanamanisam remains unintelligible whether wo read it as syaran annaam, nanam-diam or taking the rain with vibhaktum) myanamain. * Read eukbhyarthanam. >> Read prak. # Vikriyamanaka would be better. Or vikriyatlanliy. It appears to be moans for present participle, nom. plural neater. Vikriyanta iti would be better.

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Plate II. B.--Second grant of the time of Dharmaditya. Front. izuLie 40 nakanakamimodesu)14:40ariTpoi desunodeodesuga tanetsutodepongonekara togaarimasugaarakasumi netsudeinanogasutamuNOriegade koremadedesugaeaPATA tsumarikurotokadenaimonodesuga neirudezagurinobadekimasu. Shi haantobarisutaruno retekaretetatokasumatoshigakuritsupususetsuto gadekirunoganetsutosunode Back 10 kagasuiteirusumanNET korehaiiiiiiitsuteitandatsutekoidesushi. teshimaimasunode, desuga, sandoitsuchikatsusanpurudesumitaidesushi, kuitsukunarukamoshire ipandetosakatachidenondenakatsuta kadeFen katsuteimasugakau 26 asuyuziade hanai. isudemerukaodendedesu J. F. FLEET. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLLOTYPE. SCALE -

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JULY, 1910.] THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL. 201 Second Side, 15 khila ...........10 kulya-vapasya pravarttal-vap-adhikasya dinara 16 dvamyam 2 nadaya yath-arhan-ca sastharggandayavaptrayurasmani- 17 satpalani krimino-mahattara-Thoda-samvaddha 96-ksettra-khandalakatasani " 18 pusta pala-Janmabhuter-avadharanay=&vad brttya purtteddbunivada 87-patatas 19 dharmmakila-Sivacandra-hast-astaka-navaka-Dalen-pavinchya [Va(r)]sude20 Ya-brahmana " vikkritam-Aten-api 100 kkrita[i] 1 Sima-lingani emattra 21 purvvasyat soga 1-tamrapatta-sima ? vaddha-stha-pattaki-parkkrati3-vrksa-si22 ma pascimneyam gorathya-saktparabhastajakasthad vanderneyapi23 ndetiscya -nau-dandaka sima I uttarasyam Garggn-varni-tinira pagta-sima 24 Bhavanti crittra dharnymi5-gastra-slokani 11 Sasim var -sa hasrani 25 syargge modati bhumida[ho] aksepta 7 ceanumantu ca tyanye-eva 26 narake vaset | Sva-dattam-para-dattam=va yo bareta vasu27 ndhara[m] sva-[vi]sthaya[m] ksmir-bhutva pitbui[h*] saha pacya[te] TRANSLATION. Seal. [The seal] of the government of a district in the province of Varaka. Plate. Welfare. During the sovereignty of the supreme king of great kings, Sri-Dharmaditya tha Emperor, which sovereignty is without adversary on this earth, and is equal in steadfastness to NTga, Nahusa, Yayati and Ambarisi -- in the time of the reigning of the Uparika Nagadeva, chief war.len of the gate, in New Avakasika, who (Nagadeva) gained lis dignity through gratifying that Dharma litya, Gopala-svamin is the custom3-officer, to appointed as such in-chief in this district within the province of Varaks by this very (Nagadova). Whereas, while he (Gopala-svamin) is administering affairs, Vasudeva-svamin respectfully approached and apprised both the district government, wherein the oldest kigastha Nayasena is the chief, and also the leading men of the districts, foremost of whom is the leading man Somaghosa, thus:-"I would wish through your * These five aksaras look like salvalprapyardha, but the engraver has bungled some of them, and they are unistelligible . So the letters appear. Read duayam. * These are what the lettera appear to bo, but I can inake nothing intolligible of them and the last akuara to illegible. The first two might be read sanwa. The 'ri is not free from doubt. * These two aksaras aro badly written. The first might bo st, or for combined with v orr; the second is adhu or du. Only thres combinations soem possible for the whole, (1) Thoda-sarivaidla (for sambaddha), or (2) Thoda-aastaldha (for salutabls 1) or (3) Tholasa-mrddha, Seo note in the translation. * The last three lotters might perha 3 bo read as nasabhi, but yield no senso. T This is what those sir aksaras appear to bo, but they are not oloar. The first three may be meant for pur vedyw(), but I can make nothing of the last three. * The letter p' would seein to be a badly fornied pra; the first ta has been inserted beneath; and there is blurred vowel mark above which might be i. The word is probably pralita ; see plato , 1. 18-19. * Read brakmanaya. 101 Read Annapi. 1 The first of these two akwaras is so badly out, that it is difficult to say what it is really. * The word daksinuat has been omitted here. Read parkati. * This is what all the letters after gorathya appear to be, bat I can make nothing intelligiblo out of them. All the word. from (and including) gorathya to rima oonstitute one compound, as appears by the analogies of all the other boundaries. * Read dharma. . Sloka is ordinarily masc. Road aksepta. Read tuny. * Soe General Remarks, P. 210 infra. 10 See Gereral Remarks, p. 211 infra. 11 Sen (ona) and Ghosh or Ghone (ghopa) are common family names Among kayasthas in Bengal at the presa day.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1910. honours' favoar to bay at the proper price from your honours cultivated lands with portions ;13 and, in order to augment the merit of my mother and father and mine own merit, bestow it on the virtuous brahman Somagvamin, who is of the lineage of Kanva, is Vajasaneya and is a Lauhitya!8: therefore do ye deign in compliance with my intimation to sever off portion of land . .. . . . .. . . .. . ." Wherefore we, giving heed to this very request, have-because there is a rule established regarding things transacted in the eastern region, namely, that cultivated lands are sold at the rate of the sum of four dinaras for the area which can be sown with a kulya of seed 16 - taken from this Vasu-gvamin a couple of dinaras for (so many] " kulya-sowing areas of waste land plus a pravartta 17- sowing area, and have according to the valle . . . .. .. . . . ............. and have determined by the record-keeper Janmabhuti's determination ..... ........ the compact portions of cultivated land belonging to the leading man Thoda 18 . . . . . . .. . ........ . and have yesterday (?) severed the lands off according to the standard measure of eight reeds in breadth and nine reeds in length by the hand of trusty and upright Sivacandra .. .. . .. and have sold them to the brabman Vasudeva. He has bought them. And the boundary-indications are here stated : on the east, the boundary of Saga's (1) copper-plate land; [on the south] the boundary marked by the old-standing pattukils and parkati20 trees; on the west the boundary marked by the bullock-cart track . .. . . ..... . . .... .......... and the ship's mast,91 on the north, the boundary of Garga-svamin's copper-plate land. And bere apply the verses of the Dharma-sastra. The grantor of land rejoices sixty thousand years in Svarga : may both he who annuls a grant and he who abets such an act dwell just so many years in hell. Whoever confiscates land that has been granted away by himself or granted away by another, he becoming a worm in a dog's ordare, rots along with his ancestors. 19 If Dr. Hoernle's reading ksettrakhandalakam bo taken, the meaning would be "an unbroken (or compat) area of onltivated land." This would agree with sambaditha, if that is the correct reading, in l. 17. The subs quent description of the land so far as it can be made out, hardly suggests one compaot blook, and certainly bews that the greater portion was waste land. 13 Launitya is derived from Lohita, and might mean either " & descendant of Lohita," or "one who dwella by the river Lohita (the Brahmaputra)." One group of Viavamitra's descendants was named Lohitas or Lawhilas (Harivansa xxvii, 1465; xxxii, 1771 ; Brahma Parana x, 62), but he was not a Kapya. 14 Vijnapa; this is a new word, unless it is a mistake for vijiapana, 15 See General Remarks, p. 214 infra. 16 The words which aro illegible no doubt state sono number, IT This is what the word appears to be ; but whatever it be, its meaning must be some measure smaller than ball a kalya, because the price for all the land, waste and cultivated, was only two dinaras. I cannot, however, find any word with a suitable meaning. 1. The only two readings which make any sense are Thoda-samladdha-ksetra and Thodara-moddh a-ksetra, and I have taken the former in the translation because it requires no new word; but the latter reading is well worth attention. Mridha, or valgarly mirdha, ir a title common in this region at the present time; it is applied to a zamindsr's head peon and is also a surname. It has no derivation that I know of, and is probably an old indigenous word; and if Sanskritized for such an occasion as this grant would naturally be written meddha. The meaning then would be the portions of oultivated land belongiog to the leading man Thodasa Mridha." This makes better sense, as the land doos not appear to have been oom paot, and I am inolined to thin true meaning of these words. 19 Patuka is a gourd, Trichosanthes diaca (Mon. Will. Dict.), and pat ka is a name of the betel nut palm ; and there are other plants or trees of similar names. A plant like the gourd would be a quite possible land mark, for I have found equally temporary things specified as boundary marks in old land measurement papers in this region; bat the epithet "old-standing" shows that some large tree is me 16 Parkati is the waved-leaf fig-tree, Ficus infectoria. 31 Nau-dandaka; or it may mean only boat'a pole ; but an old ship's maat is more likely to have been erected than a boat's pole. Dauda, or rather its vernacular form da uhr, when used in connexion with a boat, generally means sa oar' now; but I think I have heard danda used also for a 'mast.'

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JULY, 1910.] THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL. 203 C.-Grant of the time of Gopacandra : the year 19. This plate appears to be of copper, but is of a brown colour and looks as if there is a good deal of iron in it. It is obling, being Ginebes long, 44 broad and i't thick; and bas no rim. With the seul it weighs 1 lb., 1 oz.. 12 drams. It is not quite as large as plate A, and is considerably lighter. It is writ:en lengthwise on both sides, but the second side is not completely filled. The latter side is in fairly good preservation (parts indeed are very fresh), except along the margin; but the first side has become so badly corroded that a great portion of it is wholly undecipherable. Fortunately the portion that has remained leg ble contains many of the important particulars, and by means of careful scrutiny and comparison with plate B, to which its contents bear considerable resemblance, I have, I hope, been able to restore some portion, which is not in itself legible, but the remains of which quite accord with the readings proposed. This last portion is printed in italics in the transcript. The letters are of the Gupta character, about inch in size. They are clearly though not deeply incised, gracefully shaped, erect and well spaced apart. The tops have a small wedge-shape often but are quite as often almost a line. $ and s are distinguished genera ly as In plate A, but on the seal has a different form more like its shape in the Deyanagari alphabet. The later form of y(J) appears here. Only two numerical sigas occur, ris., 10 + 9 for the regnal year. The 10 is like the sign found in the Bower MS. (see plate IX in Buhler's Indischen Palaeographie), except that the curves on each side are more open, so that the upper part resembles the letter in these inscriptions. The 9 is an upright with a small horizontal bar projecting from the top to the right : the lower part of it is only faintly visible in the original, and has failed to appear in the plate. A circular seal, 27 inches in diameter, is fastened to the left side of the plate, and is like the plate in appearance. It has a low double rim, and on either side small scroll-work. It is in relief with a countersunk surface, but the emblem is in high relief, standing above the rim. It is so badly corroded that nothing definite can be made out ; but the legend, which occupies the lower }, is in very fair preservation and runs thus:--Varaka-mandala-visa yadbikaranasya. The language is Sanskrit, anl the whole is in prose except the concluding verse of imprecation. The composition appears to be as good as that in plate A, if not better; but the opportunity of discovering peculiarities is small because so much is illegibls. A few instances of Prakrit natura appear here : thus, the plural instrumental is formed with -bhi in pitbki (I. 25); gunaranta (1. 12-13) stands either for a crude base or for a dative; and pratipaditum occurs for pratipadayitum as in plate B. One new word, vyapara,dya (1. 3) occurs if my reading is right, and is discussed in the General Remarks (p. 212). Kulatura (1. 18) appears with a new meaning. As regards orthography, peculiarities occur similar to those in plate A; thus krya for kriya (1.3), and vileleriyumanani, incorrectly (1. 17). Letters compouuded with r and y are doubled, as in maryyada catur-ddinarikkya (1. 16), etc., and when even initial as in kritca (1. 20). In two instances spannine (1. 13, 20) has lost its final syllable, apparently by accident. The transcript must not be taken a reproducing the orthography as it was originally, because the vowel marks have often suffered more than the consonants, and the latter without the former can only be now transcrilted as possessing simply the inherent a; thus, for instance, sagotira (1. 14) was no doubt sagottra originally, and Kana (1. 13) most probably Kanra. Such defects are not real errors. This plate bears as its date only the 19th regnal year of the Emperor Gopacandra.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JOLT, 1910. Its objoct was to bestow, as a privato writorious gift, about one acre22 of cultivated land, apparently in village Dhruvilati (the swem in plate A) on a Kanva-Lanhitya (?) brahman named Bhatta Gomidatta-svamin. The donor was Vatsapula-svamin (apparently a brahman) who was a kind of customs officer (800 General Remarks p. 212), aud he bought the land from some Bhiradvaja brahmans (1. 14) at the established rate. The prioo is not statod but must have been about 4 dinaras. He then conveyed it to Gomidatta. Text. First Side. 1 Srasty-Asyam=prthivyam-apratirathe Yayaty Amarisa-dama-dhrlau maha% rajidhiraja-Sri-Gopacandra-bhattaraka-rijye . . . .... 23 labdh-dspa3 dasya Navy-Avakakikayam mala-prati["hara-vya]parandya-dhta-mula-ku-24 4 y-amatya25- Uparika-Nagadewasy-ajdhyasana-kape2Varuka-mandala-visaya5 vyuparays viniyakta-Vatsapala-[svami].727 .. etha28 (vvya]vabara6 ta jyratha-kayastha-Nayasena-pramukham=a[dhika]rona .. . .. ..80 7 ttara-visaya-kunda-pa ................. ba ...... Gbo8 pacandr-Anacara-Rajya .. .. .. .. .. .. .. la .... vaha .. maha ttara[ho] pradhana 31 - vyaplarinah?] .. .. ya .. .. .. .. ra .... mana10 sa yatharha[vijnaptah 1 ] T[ccheyan) bhavatasi pras(adad] .. .. mcha-ko11 tikanama ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. pa .... ta .... dbhyo kgettra-kulya12 vap-aikar yath-arghen-Opakkeriya mata-pittro[ra]imanagata 31 puny-abhivrddhaye [ga] 13 nayanta Kana-Vajasinnya-[Laulhattya 84.[bhatta *-Gomidatta-svami 36 pra14 nipaditush" Tad-arlatba) Bharadvaja sagottra 38 bhavanto [*]smatto mulyam-ida13 .. .. .. .. dhainamasa 3 ... nkatamata 0 [yata etad-a]bhya[rthanam-adhikkm.) Second Side. 16 [ty]-gamyamana prak-pravsti-marygada cator-ddini [rijkkya-kulya-vapenas [kettri-> 17 i vikkriyaminaawiti pasta pala [Na]yabhatis4.tra'-sthal-Avadharana. 18 yivadbftya vigay-adbikaranen=adhikarasaka-jvana" kulavaran-prakalpya pra19 dita-dharmmabila-Siracandra-hast-astaka-navaka-nalen-fpavinchya Vatsapala20 Bvami kgettra-kulya-vap-aikam-vikkritart. Anen-api kkritra bhatta-Gomidatta-svami21 no puttra-pauttra-kramena vidhina pratipaditan Sima-lingani cwattra 22 purrvasyam Dhruvility-agrabara-simi daksinasyan Karanka[bo] 28 pabcimasyi Silakanda-grauna-simi uttarasyum Karauka-sl. 24 m Sva-dattam para-dattam=ra yo hareta vasundharam 25 Bamvat 19 eva-Visthaya[m] krmir-bhutva pitrbbi[ho] saba pacyate Bee General Remarks, p. 216. * The akrar Go is quite plain in the original plate, though it does not come out clearly in the reproduction. # These letters are illegible, but sbould be equivalent to tat-grasada in plato A, 1.2, or tad arumodanta in plate B, line 3. It might perbapa bo read ly, which is no doubt right. Krija is written brya in plate A, l. 14. The ma was omitted and was added by insertion beneath. Read Kale. Soo lines 19 and 20. # Or perhaps sya. Compare plate B, 1. 6, noto 7. The reading should probably be tasya. * Read vyavaharato. Compare plate B, 1. 6. # The last two skarns should probably be maha-, but so much as appears on the plate hardly agrees there with. n The skana dha approximates to pa but agrees with dha in l. 17. Compare plate B, 1. 10. # Read gunavat as in plate B, 1, 10, or unavate separately. # Read Kanvarajana:reya-lauhiltya; compare plate B, 1. 10-11. " Seo I. 20. Bead mamine. # The same error as in plate B, 1, 11, 13. Read Pratipadayitum. Rond magotra, agreeing with bhavanto. Instead of dhai, we might perhaps road pai. * Bond perhaps arbam akitum iti, the vowel marks being loat. The rest of this line is so much blurred that only two or three letters can be distinguished with any certainty. Its purport mast bavo been to the effect indicated by the alpars suggested, which are compatible with so much of the letters as remains. * The pa appoars to be inserted above and between ta and na. Rond bawla Road tri? Jve might be rond stu; but rond probably jana. Boud svamine the termination is omitted in l. 13.

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Plate III. C. ----Grant of the time of Gopacandra.--The year 19. Front khaaye`ng u21 phra 9 Ple 6 14 4 8 8 5 5 0 ng 3maich s. 1 I A4 3 wa ~ 3 4 kha5 eE 1 3 ndah Back. miik2wnmaak xa 4 ain 5s, ** , * * * * 18 in.2 43 44 : : 0563 In1" 56 . baan Y0I J K L 43 44 145 1%) ch 411Zale 20 01 mii 4554 22 (4) & (4 th syaam 5 245/y5 irfeca. L1 2 5 1 2 3 4 5 Uy gs $831 21 20 10 raay 15 1 1 J5 20 0 2 1 3 0 3 15 4 n. urz 1x 1 3 1 3 2 54 1 24 1 2 4 mkh + kan 4 mng a J. F. FLEET. W. GRIGGS & BONS, LTD., COLLOTYPE. SCALE -B

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JULY, 1910.] THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL 205 TRANSLATION. Seal. [The seal) of the government of a district in the province of Varaka. Plate. Welfare. During the sovereignty of the supreme king of great kings, Sri Gopacandra, the Emperor, which sovereignty is without an adversary on this earth, and is equal in steadfastness to Yayati and Ambarisa-in the time of the reigning of the Uparika Nagadeva, chief warden of the gate and the minister entrusted with the principal business of regulating trade in New Avakabika e, who (Nagadeva) gained his dignity [through the favour of that Gopacandra]--while he is administering affairs, Vatsapa la-Bvamin, who is appointed over trade in this district in the province of Varuka, becomingly [apprised] both the district government, wherein the oldest kayastha Nayasena is the chief, and also the leading men.......... [foremost among whom are] the leading men Virayakunda(?), . .. . .. . . . ... . .. . . . . . . . . . . . Gbosacandra, Adacara, Rajya- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . and also the principal (traders (?)] . . . . . . . . . . . . ......with [respectful?) mind, thus-"[ I would wish] through your honour's favour to buy at the proper price about so much cultivated land as can be sown with a kulya of seed"7 from .......... Maba-kottika (!), Nama- . . .. . .. .. . . ...........and, in order to augment the merit of my mother and father and mine own marit, to bestow it on the virtuous Bhatta Gomidatta-svamin, who is of the lineage of Kanva (?), is a Vajasaneya and is a Lauhitya: therefore let your honours, who are of the family of Bharadvaja deign to take the price from me and to mark off a portion (?) [of about a kulya-Bowing area of cultivated land" (?)]. Wherefore we (giving heed to this request] have-because the rule established regarding practical affairs in the eastern region is being now acknowledged 48 here, namely, that cultivated lands are sold at the rate of the sum of four dinaras for the area that can be sown with a kulya of seed 17-determined the land by the record-keeper [Na]yabhuti's determination in three places (R) and have constituted as referees (or arbitrators), the government officials together with the govern. ment administrator) of this district, and have severed it off according to the standard measure of eight reeds in breadth and nine reeds in length 50 by the hand of trusty and upright Sivacandra and have sold about one kalya-sowing area of cultivated lend to Vatsapala-svanin. He has bought it and bestowed it on Bhatta Gomidatta-svamin with the right of succession to son and grandson. And the boundary-indications are here stated. On the east, the boundary of the royal grant to brahmang51 in Dhruvilati village; on the south, Karanka; on the west, the boundary of Silakunda village6; on the north, the boundary of Karaika. Whoever confiscates land that has been granted away by himself or granted away by another, he becoming a worm in a dog's ordure, rots along with his ancestors. *See General Remarks, p. 210 infra. 11 See General Lemarks, p. 214 infra. * 9 amyamana. A-gam means "to attain, have recourse to." *** The word hulavaran ooours also in the fourth plate (see p. 193)--thus, Karanika-Nayanaga-Kesav-Adin= kulararan= prakalpya, "having made the karanika (official) Nayanaga, Kesava and others the kulavarae." As Govora ment officials are clearly mentioned in this plato and apparently so in the fourth plate, kulavara wonld seem to mean referee or arbitrator or umpire, to whom referenob.could be made in one of disagreement. This to a new meaning of the word, and it may perhaps be explained as = kula-vara, "a choice man of good family." - See General Remarks, p. 815 infra. Silakunde village must be distinguished from Silakunda in plato A, 1. 24; se note thereto. 1 Agrahara.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1910. AGE OF THE PLATES. Plate A is dated in the third year of the Emperor Dharmaditya, and plate B, though undated, belongs to his reign. Plate O is dated in the nineteenth year of the Emperor Gopacandra. The Uparika Nagadeva governed the mandala or province, and Nayasena was the chief administrator of the visaya or district in both plates B and C, but Sthanudatta ruled the mandala and Jajava the visaya in plate A. Hence it is clear that plates B and C stand together and plate A stands apart. If then Dharmaditya reigned before Gopacandra, the order of the plates must be A the oldest, B next and latest ; but if Gopacandra preceded, the order must be C, B, A. It may also be noted that Anacara and Ghosacandra were mahattaras in plates A and C (many other names in plato O being illegible), and Sivacandra was land-measurer in all three plates. With a certain amount of similarity there is however far more diversity, and Anacara and Ghosacandrs are named in different order in plates A and O. There can be no doubt that the same persons are meant by the same names in the plates, for it is hardly possible that 80 many different persons of the same names could have occupied the same positions on these different occasions in the same locality, and there is no indication that any of the plates are forgeries. Since the oldest and the latest plates must be A and o, it follows that all the plates were executed within the lifetime of three persons, Anacara, Ghoscandra and Sivacanura. The question, which of the orders, A, B and C, or C, B and A, is the right one is solved in two ways, first, by the use of the various signs for the letter y, and secondly by the refer-- ences to the land-measurer Sivacandra. Two forms of the letter y are found in plate A, N and on. They occur uncompounded 25 times clearly; and is used in 15 of those instances and in 10. It may be noted that initial ya in the 4 places where it occargl is written with W, and initial yo in the single place where it is found (1. 25) is written with N. No particular choice is apparent as regards medial y, except that vi in the 2 places where it occurs (1. 8 and 19) is written with N. In plate B the same two forms are found and occur' uncompounded 23 times legibly, but. the second form is preferred, for it is used 13 times clearly and 3 times probably, while occurs only 3 times clearly and 4 probably.56' It may be noted that initial ya (1. 1, and probably 6 and 16) is written as before with , and initial yo (1. 26) with N. As regards medial y, the form is confined to ya and ya and probably to one case of yu, while e appears to be used with any vowel. In plate O we have the same two forms and a new form 3. This plate is so much corroded that the instances in which the forms can be unmistakably distinguished are only 11 ; of these is used in only 3 places, 66 while J is used in 8.57 In 2 other places seeras to be used,68 and in 5 others the form is probably Nor , but in no instance does appear for certain. 53 See the remarks about the situation of the grants, p. 216 infra. ** L. 1, Yayaty; l. 9, yatah; 1. 14, yatha; 1. 18, yavat. w Clearly, 1. 1, Yayaty (bia); 1. 3, ka likayam. Probably, 1. 5, vigaya ;' 1. 6, yuto; l. 13, kriyamanaka ; 1. 18. vaptrays. L. 8, kakikayan: 1. 5, vyaparaya; 1. , Nayasona. * L. 6. kayaatha; 1. 7, visaya; L 17, vikkriyamanani and [Na]yabhuti; 1. 18, "yavadhrtya and visaya; 1. 49, yo; 1. 25 visthaya. L. 12,vrddhay(r) ; 1. 18, oqjaninaya.

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JULY, 1910.) THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL. 207 Hence it appears that the form which is commonest in plate A yields the chief place to the form av in plate B, and almost, if not quite, disappears in plate C; and in plate C, though a persisted, the form I decidedly predominates over it. Dr. Hoernle has shown that and an are the oldest forms and the latest; and it seems to me that the form is an intermediate modification of W. The various shapes of these letters in these plates and in the fourth plate (when it is published) will show readily how the earliest passed through the intermediate forms into the latest form. It follows, therefore, that plate A is the oldest, plate B the second and the latest ; and also that the new form was introduced in the short time that elapsed between plates B and 0. Coming to the second criterion we find a noteworthy difference in the way in which the land-measurer Siyacandra is mentioned. In plate A, he is referred to by his bare name (line 15,) but in plate C, he is styled prahita-dharmasila, "trusty and upright" (1. 18-19) and in plate B he is certainly styled dharmailla (1. 19) and also pratita if my reading is right (1. 18). These epithets are put into the mouths of the local folk and could have been given him only after he had earned their high opinion by long and upright service ; hence ho must have been an old man when plates B and C were granted, and a young man with his reputation to make when plate A was executed. It follows, therefore, that the order of the plates is A, B and 0. . Both these lines of argument, therefore, make it clear that plate A is the oldest, plate B next, and plate is the latest. The personal references in these plates afford further valuable information towards fixing the interval of time within which these plates were executed and towards computing the length of Dharmaditya's reign. Sivacandra could not well have obtained his office before he was about 18 years old, and could not well have performed its duties much beyond 70 years of age, indeed 70 years mean a very advanced age for active work among the people of the delta. Hence it is hardly possible that his total period of service could have been more than 55 years. At any rate, if we confine our attention to these plates and leave out of consideration any margin of service before the first plate and after the last, it may be concluded with reasonable certainty that his period of service between plates A and could not have exceeded 55 years. This is an extreme estimate. The period may have been shorter, even considerably shorter, and in fact 40 or 45 years are more probable ; still 55 years may be taken as the maximum interval possible between plates A and O. These remarks equally affect the two mahattaras Anacara and Ghosacandra, who witnessed the first and last grants. The longer the period between these grants, the younger must their ages bave been at the time of the first, and they were mahattaras or leading men even then. This consideration also suggests that 40 or 45 years would be a more probable interval, though one of 55 years is not impossible. From Dharmaditya's third year, then, to Gopacandra's nineteenth year we have a naximum possible interval of 55 years, that is, a maximum possible length of 40 years for Dharmaditya's reiga. Further, since plates B and C belong to the period of Sivacandra's nature service, and plate A to his youth, it is a reasonable inference that the interval between A and B is greater than that between B and C. This is corroborated by the reference to Nayasena, the chief of the adhikarana in B and C. In both he is styled the oldest kayastha. As C is dated in Gopacandra's nineteenth year, and B belongs to some unknown time in Dharmaditya's reign, it is clear there was an interval of at least 18 or 19 years between them, and it could not well have been much longer, because Note on the Date of the Bower MB., Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, 1892, p. 29.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1910. Nayasena could hardly have occupied the position of oldest kayastha in the administration much more than 18 years. We obtain, therefore, a minimum possible interval between plates B and C of 18 years, and the maximum could not be much greater. Plate B must therefore, in all probability, date from the closing years of Dharmaditya's reign; and it is impossible that any reign could have intervened between him and Gopacandra unless it were very brief. The conclusions, therefore, as regards the relative order of the plates, to which these. considerations lead are these: 1. Dharmaditya had a maximum possible reign of 40 years, and its probable duration was some years shorter (at least in this province). 2. Plate A was executed in his third year, and B in the closing years of his reign. 3. Gopacandra succeeded him, with no one intervening unless it was for a very short interval. 4. Plate C was executed in his nineteenth year. 5. The new form of the letter y came into use in this part of Bengal during the period comprising the last years of Dharmaditya and the first 19 of Gopacandra, that is, within a period of some 20 years or not much more. As regards the approximate date of these plates, Dr. Hoerale has very kindly given me his opinion. He has made a special study of the period to, which these grants belong, and his opinion is far superior to any that I can offer. From the graphic evidence of these inscriptions (which has been noticed above) and of the Bower MS. and other inscriptions, Dr. Hoernle assigns these three plates to the sixth century A.D. The full discussion of all that evidence will be published by him in his forthcoming Introduction to the Bower MS. and in a separate article in which he proposes to consider the chronology of these three grants. He thinks that the Emperor Dharmaditya is the Emperor Yasodharman, who took the title Visnuvardhana when he became emperor, and who was apparently known popularly as Vikramaditya. He was reverenced as an ideally upright and just monarch, and may well, therefore, have been popularly known as Dharmaditya also. He conducted a successful dig-vijaya or conquest of India during the four years A.D. 525-529 and established his supremacy in 529-30. It is presumably from that year that we should reckon his acknowledged reign, at least in the extreme eastern portion of his realm where these grants were made, because he had to acquire both the title of emperor and also that of Dharmaditya in this outlying province. That is therefore the basal date in calculating the dates of these plates. His third year then would have been A.D. 531, and that is the date of the first grant A. According to the above conclusions his reign would have ended in A.D. 568, and the second plate B, which was executed in the closing years of his reign, may be dated about 567. Gopacandra would have succeeded in A.D. 568, and his nineteenth year would have been 586; and this would be the date of the third plate C. These dates allow the maximum interval of 55 years between the first and the third grants. If the interval was less, the date of plate A would remain A.D. 531, and dates of B and C would be shifted earlier so as to suit the interval adopted. Dr. Hoernle is further inclined to identify the Emperor Gopacandra with Prince Govicandra (= Gopicandra), who is mentioned in a certain confused tradition cited by Taranath in his Thibetan History of Buddhism in India. That tradition seems to suggest that Govicandra was a grandson of Baladitya and was son of the last Gupta Emperor Kumaragupta II, whom Yasodharman displac ed. If this identification is permissible, it can be readily seen why Govicandra alias Gopacandra should, while reigning (it might be) only over this extreme eastern province, take the title of emperor given him in plate C; he would have been simply asserting his right to the title held by his ancestors, the Gupta Emperors.

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Plate IV. Seals. REN Ti SCALE - 8 W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLLOTYPE

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JULY, 1910.] THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL. 209 It may be further suggested, Dr. Hoernle thinks, that the termination assigned above to Dbarmaditya's reign, namely A.D. 568, Deed not mean that he died then, but would imply simply that his sovereignty in this extreme eastern province came to an end then, while he may have continued to reign over the remainder of his territories. Yasodharman's wide empire began to break up towards the close of his reign, and the outlying provinces would naturally have been lost first. Gopacandra may thus have wrested this eastern province from the empire, and established his independent sway over it many years before the time when Yasodbarman alias Dharmaditya actually died. GENERAL BEMARKS. Topography. The first point that calls for notice is the mandala or province in which these grants were made. It is clearly named Varaks in plates A and B 60 and in the seals attached to all the plates, and reads Varuka in plate 0. Varaka was no doubt the correct name. This is an entirely new name of which nothing was known before, and it has left no modern representative. Perhaps it may be connected with the modern Barind, that is, Barendra, Sanskrit Varendra, which denotes a tract of high ground of stiff red clay lying east and wost across the middle of North Bengal. Varendra, which literally means " lord of Vara," no doubt signified the " noblest portion of Vara," because at the present day in North Bengal the words barindra and barind denote also (1) high ground not submerged in the floods during the rainy season, and (2) main land, as distinguished from alluvial formations. What dara (or perhaps vara ) meant it is difficult to say, because it is probably an indigenous word Sanskritized. Presumably it denoted some kind of country, perhaps all the alluvial lands and islands of the Ganges delta; see the remarks below. Varaka, as a natural derivative from it, might easily have been given as the name to the province comprising all those lands and islands. If this were so, Varendra would have appropriately denoted the high tract bounding the vara on the north. The main stream of the Ganges, which now joins the Brahmaputra, the ancient Lohita, at the north of the Faridpur District, where these grants were found, must at that time have been rather one of the large streams in the western or middle part of the delta. In those days the Brahmaputra, after leaving Assam, turned eastward under the Garo hills, passed round east of Daoca, and so found its way into the sea ; and its mouth must have been praotically the same as at present, namely, the Meghna. There would thus have been a large region between the main stream or streams) of the Ganges on the weat, the Brahmaputra on the east, and the ses on the south, its northern limit was probably the Barind. That region no doubt constituted the mandala or province of Varska,61 The province thus consisted of the delta formed by the Ganges and the River Karatoya (the modern Kurattee) and other rivers from North Bengal. At the present time the delta has been largely filled up with the immense quantities of earth washed down by all those rivers and also by the Brahmaputra, and many of the rivers themselves have become narrowed and mach blocked with silt. But at the time of these grants, they must have been wider and more powerful streams, and must in the southerly part of their courses have been estuaries rather than ordinary rivers. The southern belt of the delta was no doubt then, just as now, covered with dense forest more or less swampy. * So also in the fourth plate (Heo'p. 198). a It agrees no doubt with the region Samatata in Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, P. 501

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1910. The delta has also been growing south ward into the Bay of Bengal with the alluvium brought down. What the rate of increase is is not known, but thirteon centuries have made some difference. At the time of these grants, therefore, the sea must have been appreciably Dearer, if not so much in actual distance, yet certainly in accessibility; and the tide, which now flows some 80 miles up the Hogli, must have penetrated well up into the province through all the large estuaries and rivers of that time. The rivers were interlaced with a network of small streams, many of which can be traced at the present day. Thus the whole region consisted of islands of all degrees of separation. This is borne witness to by Kalidasa, who was practically a contemporary of these grants. When mentioning this country in the Raghavamsa he speaks of it as consisting most noticeably of islands amid the streams of the Ganges, Ganga-eroto-'ntaresti (IV. 36). In such a country boats were indispensable, and the business of life could not have gone on without them. Ka lidsa noticed this also for he describes the people as nau-sadhanodyatan (ibid.), and Mallinatha explains this as naubhih sadhanair udyafan sannaddhan, which means that they nsed boats for all the business of life including war and were expert in all nautical resources. In such large rivers widening into tidal estuaries ordinary boats alone would not have been enough, and they must have had large boats or rather small ships as well, as indeed they have at the present day. 03 Government. The plates show that the province of Varaks was governed as a local kingdom under the Bupreme monarch or emperor, who is called maharajadhiraja, bhatfaraka and parama-basaraka. In plate A the local ruler was the maharaja Sthanudatta. In plates B and C no such king is mentioned, but we have instead the Uparika Nagadeva governing the province. He is styled mahapratihara, chief warden of the gate," and this designation is amplified in plato C by the explanation that he was some kind of chief minister, mula-kriyamatya (which will be considered further on), so that Nagadeva was not a maharaja by title, but rather a great officer who had been appointed to the position formerly held by Sthanudatta. Evidently, therefore, some change or re-construction had taken place in the provincial government. Navyavakasikayam seems obviously composed of narya + apakasika. I felt inclined to take it as the name of a town, the provincial capital, "New Avakasika," but Dr. Hoernle suggested it might mean "during the new or recent interval," and refer to some kind of interregnum. It hardly looks like the name of a town, nor does it seem possible to resolve the compound so ag to make it mean a second Kabi (Benares). It seemed, therefore, that his suggestion must be right. This expression is used in plate B during Dharmiditya's sovereignty, and in plate during Gopacandra's sovereignty; hence the idea of an interval can hardly refer to the supreme Bovereignty. On both occasions the Uparika Nagadeva was governing the Varaka province and the word cannot refer to his rule. But, as already mentioned, while plate A makes the maharaja Sthanadatta lord of the province, plates B and O place the chief minister, the Uparika, in that position. It seemed natural then to conjecture that Sthanudatta had died, the then maharajs was a child (or his kingdom was in abeyance) and the minister had been appointed to govern the province during the interval. This explanation appeared to satisfy all the conditions of both position and time. Soo note to narata-kseni on p. 198 xboro.

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JULY, 1910.] THREE OOPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL. 211 Bat the fourth plate (see p. 193 ) militates against this view. It states that Samacaradeva is the supreme monarch and adds that Jivadatta who is the chief officer appointed over Savarna-vauthya is the Uparika in Navyavakasika, which he obtained through paying court to Samacaradeva, and under him Pavitrala is the raler of the district in Varaka province.63 The context here seems incompatible with treating navydvakasi ka as anything but a place. Moreover that grant is dated in Samicaradeva's fourteenth year so that it must be at least 14 years later than plate C, and the expression " the new (or recent) interral" can hardly be applied to a period not less, and probably considerably more, than 32 years. Navydvakasika must therefore mean a town," the New Avakisika," which would be the capital of the Varaka province. It is true we know of no such town, but neither did we know before of the province Varaka, which these plates (and also the fourth plate) make quite clear. The province must have had some capital. The mandala was, as appears from these plates, divided into a number of visayas or districts and these were under local administration which is styled adhikarana. The district was either under a single visayapati, "lord of the district," as in plate A (1, 3); or was managed by a Board of Officials, of whom one was pramukha, "chief," as in plates B (1. 7) and C (I. 6).66 No name is given to this district in these grants, but as this region consisted largely of islands as already mentioned, it is very probable that the vignyag were islands. It may be noticed that the pramukha in both these plates was a kayastha, in fact the same person Nayasena, who was the jyestha or oldest kayastha. Is this the earliest instance of the mention of this caste? Officials. Under the district adhikarana were subordinate officials or persons, of whom the following are mentioned, (1) the Sadhanika, (2) the officer who looked after the vyapara, (3) the mahattaras, (4) the pusta pala, and (5) the land-measuser. These will be considered in order. The word sadhanika does not occur in the dictionaries. It is a noon of agency formed from sadhana, and would seem to mean a person who transacts any kind of business or who carries any matter through. In plate A it seems to denote some agent, attorney or factotum, and he was no doubt appointed by the lord of the district to transact business generally on his behalf. The comparison made further on between him and the dyapara officials points in that direction. It is perhaps not a mere coincidence that Kalidasa uses this very word sadhana with reference to this very region in the Raghuvamsa, where he speaks of the people as nau-sidhanodyata, which has been noticed already. The position of the vyapara officials depends on the meaning of the terms used, namely, r'ya para-karandaya in plate B (1.5), and in plate. C vyaparandya (as I read it, 1. 3), and vyaparaya riniyukta (1. 5); and perhaps there is a third reference in pradhana vyap[arinah....? ] in the same plate (1. 9). Vyapara in ordinary Sanskrit means occupation, business, trade or profession," with reference to persons, but here it certainly seems to have the more special meaning of " trade, traffic, commerce," with reference to merchandize. It has this special meaning in Bengali, where bepart (Skt. vyaparin) means "merchant, trader," and more particularly " a trader who carries his goods about to different marts, an itinerant trader." 63 Etao = carana-karala-yugal-Aradhan-opatta-navykvakatikayan Suvarnpa-vauthy-Adhikrt-Antar-lage-Uprika-Jivadattas. For karala read kamala, and probably kztottaranga for "kriantaranga. Of tawhy I cannot make any sense, but with Swarna-vanthya comparo Kirana-Suvarna in Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, P. 504. 84 The new form of the letter y (300 p. 203) occurs in this plate. 68 I wannot suggest any identifioation of it. So also in the fourth plato.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1910. The word karandays is not given in the dictionarios. It seems to be formed from karanda, which would he a noun of agency formed from the root ky or the word kara with the termination anda. This termination is mentioned by Whitney (Grammar 1201) as very rare one for which no authority can be cited in literary Sanskrit. Karanda would, therefore, mean apparently "one who manages, directs or regulates." Rarandya wonld be a noun formed correctly from it to mean the business of managing," or "the duty of directing," or "the office of regulating." Karandaya, the word used, might either be a secondary form of karanda or an inaccurate form of karandya ; and the former seems more probable from its position and context. It seems fairly certain that vyapara-karandaya must mean" one who has to regulate trade." Vyaparandya (if the reading is correct) would be a word of precisely similar formation from the root tyi-pr or the word vyapara. Vyaparanda would mean "one who manages trade," and vydparandya, "the business of managing trade." The two words vyapara-karandaya and vyaparandya therefore refer to the same thing, and show that there was an official who was charged with the duty of looking after trade, & minister of commerce in fact : and this is clearly what the third expression vyaparaya diniyukta implies. The fourth phrase pradhana-vyap[arinah ..!) seems to refer rather to the principal traders or merchants. The larga rivers in this province and the proximity of the Orissa and Chittagong Coasts afforded great facilities for riverine and coastal trade, and the people were largely occupied in boating and shipping as already mentioned. There can be little doubt that they engaged in shipping. Trade must have been very brisk in the province, and such a department of commerce must have been a most important source of revenue. Its duties would have been to levy customs dues on foreign trade and octroi on internal trade; and it would no doubt have been expected to look after harbourg and marts in order to maintain trade, and probably to exercise some kind of maritime jurisdiction. It must have been a most lacrative office. At the date of the latest of these grants, plate C the Uparika himself had charge of this department, The management of the department obviously required that there should be one or more officials in each pisaya or district, local customs officers in fact; and the descriptions of Vasudera and Vatsapala in plates B and C shew that such was the arrangement. The former is styled risayddhiniyult ala-vyapara-Kirandaya, and so appears to have been the chief Customs Officer in this district. The latter is described as visaya-vyaparaya viniyukta, and was presumably a subordinate officer. Both of them were brahmans. These offices must have been very lucrative, and both those men might well afford to make these grants, The Sadhanika was clearly a person of higher authority than the officer who looked after the vyapara, as appears from the following reasons : The Sadbanika was the donor in plate A; the donors in plates B and were vyapara officers. The latter made their application for the purchase of the land to the adhikarana and the mahattaras, and so the seal of the adhikarana was a fixed to the grants; the former addressed the mahattaras directly and yet got the seal affixed to his grant. The donor in plate B proceeded respectfully (sadarom), worded his proposal deferentially by using the form iccheyam, and explained fully the merits of his purpose. The donor in plate C acted similarly, so far as the text can be roade ont. But the Sadhanika communicated his proposal in a manner rather curt and imperative. He spoke plainly (icchami), emphasizing his wish by adding the pronoun aham, and stated his parpose withont going into particulars. The others asked for the land as a favour (bhavatam prasadat); be rather demanded it (bhavatari sakagat). Their object was simply to augment their parents' merit and their own (abhiorddhaye), 48 any private person might;

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JULY, 1910.] THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL. his was (besides benefitting his parents who were apparently dead) the aim of a person of position to establish the fame of his own merit (kirtti-samsthapana), the accomplishment of which followed naturally on the intention (1. 14). 213 The mahattaras were the men of position in the villages, the leading men.67 The word occurs in the Dasakumara-carita, where Vikatavarman, king of Videha, when disclosing his Becret machinations to Upaharavarman, speaks of a janapada-mahattara as being his confidential agent (Part LI, ucchvasa 3, Upaharavarman's story). Some may have reached this position by ability and age, but some no doubt were such by inheriting wealth, for Anacara and Ghosacandra, who were mahattaras in both plates A and C, must, as explained above in the discussion of the age of the plates, have been quite young men at the time of plate A and could hardly have had any claim to such a status except on the ground of their wealth. A man born to a position is not ordinarily known by his son's name, so that Arjuna-bappa, "Arjuna's father," in plate A, had probably reached his position by age. The mahattaras were no doubt of different castes also, as the variety and character of their names suggest. Kulasvamin in plate A was probably a brahman, as in the other cases where a name ends in svamin. As parts of other names may be noticed Caffa (plate A) and Ghosa (plates A, B and C). Cattopadhyaya (Chatterji) and Ghosa (Ghosh or Ghose) are common surnames now, the former among brahmans, and the latter among kiyasthas. Vrhaccatta would mean either "big Catta" (from his size), or the "elder Catta" or even 'great Catta (from his status) as distinguished from some other Catta: the word bara "great" is used in these senses at the present day. Kandalipta (plate A) and Visayakanda (plate C) appear to be (partially, at least) indigenous names and not of Aryan origin. 68 The pustapala or keeper of the records may have been a village official or an official of the visaya. The allusions suggest that he was subordinate to the mahattaras and therefore a village official. If he were a district official, they would have had to make some application to him at head-quarters to examine his records and give them information, but in all the plates they speak of him as carrying out the investigation on their behalf and seemingly under their order, so that his determination was their act. What he had to ascertain was no doubt the title to the land; for that was all that could be learnt from the records, unless we add the area and quality of the lands. It appears, therefore, that lands must have been held in private ownership and not always in joint village right, that records of all such information were kept by an official, and the title to land was ascertained through him when any transfer of (at least) a public or semi-public kind took place. No designation is given to the man who measured and divided off the land which was the subject of the transfer. But a special word is used to describe his work, namely, apavinchya, the past indeclinable participle from the root apa-rinch. The root vinch is not given in the Dictionaries, and vich which is given has no meaning of dividing or severing. This root is no doubt to be connected with the root vic, "to divide, sever." Vich would be a natural modification of vic, if one may judge from modern linguistic tendencies, for e and ch are very little distinguished in East Bengal, and ch generally and c often have the sounds in those parts 67 A common title for the head man of a village in East Bengal now is matabbar or mutabar. This word also means "worthy of respect, eminent, principal." It is said to be a Mohammedan word and is generally derived from the Arabicas mu'tabar, "trustworthy, reputable." As a title, however, it seems to me to be more probably a corruption of matar-bar, that is, mahattara-vara," the chief of the leading men." No doubt the Arabic word, however, has blended with this derivation to produce the present significance of the term.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JCLY, 1910. now. The insertion of the nasal may be explained in two ways: (1) vic is conjugated in the 7th class with an inserted nasal, as vinakti, and the nasal might easily persist in this local variation ; or (2) nasals are often inserted superfluously in East Bengal. Tenure of land. The references to the mahattaras and others seem to warrant certain inferences regarding the ownership and sale of land, in addition to what has been said above. In plate B the owner who sold the land was the mahattara Thoda or The Lasa, and in plate C the owners were certain Bharadvaja brahmans. In plate A no private owner is mentioned, but the collective body of mabattaras and common folk sold the land, so that the land must apparently bave belonged jointly to all the villagers.ee In these plates, then, we appear to have instances of individual private ownership in plate B, joint-family ownership in plate C and joint village ownership in plate A. The rights of private ownership, however, were subject to certain limitations as the procedure adopted in the transfer of the lands indicates. The private owners did not sell their land direct to the purchaser, but he made his request to purchase to the leading men, and the transfer was arranged through them and effected by them. In erery case the alienation of land was an act which took place before the leading men of the village. In fact, the alienation of land and the introduction of a new owner were evidently matters which concerned the whole village, and to which the consent of the village through its leading men was indispensable from beginning to end, although the land might belong to a private owner. Price of land. An interesting fact mentioned in all three plates is that there was an established rule (maryada) fixing the price at which cultivated land was sold in this region. In plate A it is said to be a rale prevailing along the eastern sea, prak-samudra (l. 10); in B it is expressed more generally as regulating the transaction of business in the east, prak-kriyamanuka (1. 13). and so also in C, pral-pravrtti (1. 16). The region referred to was evidently the whole of the conntry bordering on the Bay of Bengal, for the word prak is very wide and is not qualified by any territorial word, such as visaya or mandala, and it is stated as a matter of course that the general rale held good in this district. The present Faridpur district, where presumably these grants were made, does not abut on the sea now and could not have done so at the time of these grants, but from the description of the delta given above the district must have been more closely connected with the sea then, and might well come under a rulo prevailing along the eastern sea. That role was that the kulya-vapaco was priced at 4 dinaras. This phrase must, as Dr. Hoernle suggested to me, mean " so much land as is usually down with a kulya of seed," and that would be of rico, for the only staple crop in lower Bengal is rice (paddy). This would not, however, mean that the seed was sown broadcast, because rice is not sown in that way in Bengal, except in land recently cleared of forest, where it is impossible to plough and prepare See note 53 on p. 197 above. @ Tho torm kulya.tara suggests an explanation of the word dron which is the name of the largest landmeasure ourrent in the eastern distriots of Bengal, namely, that it donotod originally the quantity of land which could be sown with a buoketful of seed. Its size, however, is now very much greater, for it contains kani is noticed further on) and comprises many mores, and a broketful of seed could never provide for that extent. Moreover the kulyar8 dronas (Mon.-Will. Diot.), and yet the kulya-vapa was muoh smaller than the modern dron, as will be explained; so that there has been an inversion of the application of these two torms.

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JULY, 1910.) THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM EAST BENGAL. 216 the ground because the ground is fall of tree roots. Rice is ordinarily sown in seed-plote, which are carefully prepared and tended, and the seedlings when of a large size are trane planted out into the fields. So better results are obtained, and a larger area can be effectoally planted. This was the practice at the time of these grants also, been use Kalidasa uses it as a simile in describing Raghu's conquest of the Vangas: he says Raghu uprooted and replanted them (utkhata-pratiropita) like rice plants (Raghuvarsa IV. 87). This practice, no doubt, went back to the earliest times. The kulya-vapa would presumably be tbe area which could be planted out with the seedlings grown in the nurseries from a kulya of rice-seed. Measurement of laud. The kulya-vapa appears, however, to have acquired a definite value (and that would be a natural tendency), for there can be no doubt that it is expressed by the words arlaku-navakanala, which occur in all these grants, though the quantity of land conveyed in them is different. We may attempt to fix its area. The commonest land-measure in the eastern districts of Bengal has been the kani, though it is now being superseded by the standard Government bigha. It is not a square, but an oblong. Its dimensions vary in different localities, its measurements being 24 X 20 reeds, or 24 X 16, or 12 X 10. The reed (Bengali nal, Sanskrit nala) consists of a certain number of cubits (Bengali hal, Sanskrit hasta), and the cabit varies according to the length of the lower arm (hat, hasta) from the elbow to the tip of the middle finger. The hasta originally was probably that of the measurer, or (if some noiformity was aimed at) that of the local raja or landowner. It has been found in this part of the country to vary now from 18 to 214 inches. Again the number of cubits that constituted a reed has also been found to vary, being 16 or, various figures intermediate between 10 and 5. A kani may, therefore, vary from about 7 acres to acre in different localities. The kani no doubt, however, gives a clue to the system of measurement referred to in these grants. The words astaka-navaka cannot be applied to the word hasta which precedes them, because that would mean the reed was 8 or 9 cubits and do not a definite length. They cannot be read as meaning 8 + 9, that is, 17 cubits, because the affis ka indicates that asta and nava are separate quantities, and because such a construction is most unlikely in these matter-offact grants. The term astaka-navaka-nala must, threfore, mean 8 reeds in breadth and 9 reeds in length, and this area no doubt constituted the kulya-vapa. We may read the words Sinacandra-hasla which precede that term as meaning either was measured by the hand of Siva candra," or "according to the length of Sivacandra's lower arm (the cubit)." Practically, however, the difference is unimportant, and in neither case is the length of the cubit indicated. The actual size of this area would depend, as in the case of the kani, on the number of cubits in the reed and the length of the cabit. In old days measurements were not precise, and as the cabit is now found to vary from 18 to 21 inches and cannot naturally vary much more, we should probably be not far wrong in estimating its length at 19 inches in these grants. The question of the number of cubits contained in the reed is more difficnlt. It seems fairly clear, however, from inquiries, that the farther back we go, the larger was the reed. Local opinion has always asserted that there was a fixed rate of rent for the unit of area, and it is no doubt correct, just as those grants state distinctly that there was a fixed price for the unit of area. In modern times when landlords have wished to exact more rent, it has been a very common device to try, while acknowledging the rate of rent, to reduce the size of the unit of area, that is, to diminish the length of the cubit or reed or both. It is reasonable, therefore, to suppose (and recent inquiries in land-settlement appear to indicate) that the

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1910. number of cubits contained in the reed was large originally and has gradually decreased. I know of no cause that might render the reverse process probable. Moreover, it has been found in this district of Faridpur that in localities, where the kani was only 12 x 10 reeds, the length of the rood was far greater than that given to it in other looalities where the kani measured 24 X 20 or 24 X 16 reeds. In these grants the unit (the kulya-vapa) consisted of only 8 X 9 reeds, and we should probably be not far wrong in taking the highest figure mentioned above for the number of cubits in the read, namely 16. If these argaments are reasonable, the kulya-vapa consisted of 8 X 9 reeds, the reed being about 16 cubits long and the cubit about 19 inches; that is, its arer was a little larger than an acre. A kulya of seed could certainly provide for this area (and probably more), if it containod 8 dronas or bucketfuls (Mon-Will. Dict.). The quantity of land then conveyed by plate A was something more than 3 acres, and that in plate C a little more than one acre; while that in plate B cannot be deciphered, but may have been more than half an acre (for which 2 dinaras would be paid), because it was largely waste land. Situation of the grants. In conclusion we may notice the situation of these grants. Plate A says expressly that the land was situated in Dhru vilati (1. 16), and Himasena's portion of the village, which was the bonndary on the north and east, was no doubt also in the same village, as the word pataka without the mention of any village almost necessarily implies. The land in plate also was either in Dhruvilati or immediately adjoined it. Its boundary on the west was the boundary of Silakunda village, and therefore it could not have formed part of that village. The boundaries on the other sides are not said explicitly to have been village boundaries, and therefore the land may have belongoil either to Karanka, which bounded it on the north and south and would seem to have been a village, or to Dhruvilati, the agrahara portion of which bounded it on the east. Two of the mahattaras in this plats, Anatara and Ghosacaadra, appear also in plate A and the land-measurer was the same, hence it is reasonable to infer that this grant also belonged to the same village Dhruvilati. Plate B does not mention any village with regard to the grant or its boundaries; but it lay within the same visaya administrated by Nayasena as the land in plate C, and further it bad the same land-measurer as the two other plates; hence in all probability this grant also belonged to Dhruvilati or its immediate neighbourhood. Thus plate A certainly and plates B and probably belonged to the village Dhruvilaci. Dhruvilati was evidently a large grama, because it had a large number of mahattaras (plate A). Further, none of these grauts, except perhaps that in plate A, was large enough for the complete support of a brabman, and the grantees would have had to depend on their religious functions to provide additional means; there were besides several other grants to brahmans in this locality. Thas a community of brahmans was settling down here, and none but a flourishing grama could have supplied them all with sufficient religious daties. The place evidently had attractions for them, and wo may even conjecture that Dhruvilati was the capital of this visaya. I have examined the large Revenge Survey map of the Faridpur District (on the scale of one mile to the inch) to see whether any of the villages named in these plates could be traced out at the present time, but found nothing in point, except perhaps a village called Dhoolat, that is, correctly spelt, Dhulat. This might be an easy corruption of Dhruvilati, even if we suppose that Dhruvilaci was the ordinary name of the place and not & Sanskritized form of it. Dhulat is situated in long. 89deg 28', lat. 29deg 43', that is, about 28 miles W.N.W. of Faridpur town,

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JULY, 1910.) THE PALI INSCRIPTION AT SARNATH. 217 THE PALI INSCRIPTION AT SARNATH. BY PROF. DHARMANANDA KOSAMBI, POONA. Tas Pali inscription on a fragment of a stone-umbrella discovered at Sarnath, Benares, is important. It was found by Dr. Sten Konow and published in the Epigraphia Indica (July, 1908). This was brought to my notice by Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar, and, at his instance, I am writing the following note. The text of the inscription according to the photo-litho is as follows : (1) Chatt[]r-imani bhikkhave ar[1]yasachchani (2) katamani chhattari dukkha[>>] di(bhi)lck have ara(ri)yasachcha[] (3) dukkhasamudayash ariyaya(sa)chchari dukkhanirodha ariya sachchan (4) dulekhaniraha-gamini cha palipdd ari ya]sachohast. The inscription contains a short enumeration of what is known as the four noble truths (chattari ariya-sachchani). Dr. Sten Konow, in bis article, says that though he has not found the exact quotation in the Pali canon he does not doubt that the passage cut on the stone is meant as a quotation. In this connection, I may be allowed to point out that the quotation can be traced in the Pali canon. The last chapter of the Sanyutta-Nikdya, called Sachcha-Sanyutta, refers in one way or another to the four noble truths. It has ten Vaggas (divisions), each of which contains ten sultas (lectures), so that the whole chapter contains one handred suttas. Of these suttas, the third and fonrth sutta of the second Vagga called Dhamma-chakka-parattana-ragga, and the seventh, eighth and ninth suttas of the third Vagga called Kotigama-vagga, begin with the same passage as that given in the inscription. The Burmese text of these sultas reads thus (1) TRATA Arantzaufar (2) raft! Igas wani, (3) dukhasamudayaM bhariyasacaM / dukhanirodhaM aribsc| (4) arata qe apie But the Siamese text slightly differs from the Burmese. It reads for un and Trunit for EO but the rest is the same as in the Burmese text. In both the texts, the word so is not repeated a second time as in the inscription. That is the only difference between the text and the inscription. Dr. Sten Konow reads samudaya and nirodha, but in the photo-litho, given by him, they may be rend as samudayan and Onirodiem. And even if one does not discern any dot over the words here, such dots are not unfrequently omitted in inscriptions and have to be sapplied; but there is certainly nothing like samudaya and Onirodho in the photo-litho. From the usual genders of the words, one may consider the Burmese reading to be erroneous and that of the Siamese text to be correct. Bat the present inscription shows that the former, notwithstanding the use of the neuter gender therein, is correct. The occurrence of this text in the Dhamma-chakka-ppavatlana-vagga shows that it was appropriately inscribed in the place whero the " turning of the wheel of law was first made. MISCELLANEA. REGNAL YEARS. but also continued for a long timo alongside of IT is generally known to students of ancient | the use of eras. And our settlement of exact the Indian history that there prevailed in India, details in Indian political chronology has been from very early times, the custom of recording dates according to the regnal years of the kings facilitated almost as much by the dating in regnal of the country. This custom not only existed years, found sometimes alone, and sometimes in before the use of eras, which commenoed with combination with a date in an era, as by any the so-called Vikrama era beginning in B. 0.58, other assistance.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. LJULY, 1910. Cases, however, are met with, in which there is 1 Taking these three dates in the order in which a difficulty about reconciling statements thus the months stand in the lunar year, we find presented to us. And a pointed instance is thatfound in connection with the Western Chalakya From (2) the full-moon day of Vaisakha in king Kirtivarman II. Of this ruler we have April, A. D. 745, should be in the first year of three fully dated records, as follows: the reign. (1) The record on the Aindli plates, belonging, From (1) Ash&dha sukla 8 in June, A. D. 746, in respect of the properties granted by it, should also be in the first year. perhaps to the Kulbarga District of the Nizam's From (3) the full-moon day of Bhadrapada in Dominions, perhaps to the neighbourhood of August, A. D. 747, again should be in the tirst Ron in the Dharwa District: for part of the year. text, with a facsimile, see the Annual Report of And it is seen at once that there is no way of the Archaeological Survey of Mysore for 1908-9, bringing these results into agreement, even if we p. 12a. This is dated on Asbadba sukla 8, take them in pairs instead of all together. That Saka-samvat 671 expired, = 28 June, A, D. 749, could not, in fact, be done, even if in (2) we should in the fourth year of the reign. apply the Saka year as current, though the (2) The record on the Kendar plates, belong- record specifies it as expired, in order to accept ing to the Hnbli talnka of the Dharwad District : the eclipse A. D. in 749 : to us that, woald only edited, with a facsimile, in Epi. Ind., vol. 9, p. 202. enhance the difficulty. This is dated on the occasion of an eclipse of the The above three dates, and some others also moon on the full-moon day of Vaisakba, Saka- are for the present a puzzle, the solution of which samvat 672 expired, = 26 April, A. D. 750, in the is not apparent. sixth year of the reign. We must remark, Now, there are two occasions from which regnal however, that there was no eclipse-(not even an years might most appropriately be reckoned: the invisible one) - on the stated day. There was, in date of accession, or of usurpation of the fact, no eclipse of the moon at all in A. D. 760. sovereignty; and the date of anointment to the Nor was there any lunar eclipse in Vaisakha in sovereignty. The latter event would but seldom A. D. 751. There was such an eclipse, visible in be coincident with the former. An Indian India, on 7 April,- Vaisakba full-moon, anointment would generally be deferred to the A. D. 749: but that was in Saka-sarhvat 672 occurrence of an auspicious moment selected by current (not expired, as stated in the record). the astrologers. Also, other causes for delay (3) The record on the Vakkaleri plates, might occur. Such of the records of Asoka as. belonging to the neighbourhood of Hangal in !are dated in his regnal years at all, are dated the Dharwad District : edited, with a facsimile, in specifically according to the number of years Epi. Ind., vol. 5, p. 202. This is dated on the elapsed from his anointment; and in his case full-moon day of Bhadrapada, Saka-sathvat 679 the circumstances were as follows: he did not expired, - 2 September, A. D. 757, in the eleventh succeed to the throne peaceably, in the natural year of the reign. Here, in the specification of order of things, but seized it against opposition the year, the actual reading, which is quite even if he did not actually usurp it: it took him legible, is th=gmabhir=gata-saptatguttara, ete, four years to make his position securo: and it in which rgava is taken as a clerical mistake for was only then that he found it practicable to have rnava: it is quite admissible as such; and it i himself anointed, and to treat his reign as having cannot, in point of fact, be well understood in really begun. Something of the same kind any other way. occurred in the case of the Western Ohalukya 1 The editor of this record has said (loc. cit., p. 201):-"It also mentions the occurrence of a lunar eclipse. Therefore, the date in this grant, which admits of verification, is correot." It is diffioult to imagine the point of view from which such a remark could be made. The fact that a date presents details which admit of verification is no proof that the data is oorreot: the point depends upon whether those details, when examined, are or are not found to be correot. The date before us is not correct: either (like some others) it asserts an eclipse which may have been expected as the result of oaloulation, but which did not really occur; or it states or defines the Saka year wrongly.

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JULY, 1910.] king Pulakesin II., who had to overcome a general state of anarchy before he could consolidate his power, and have himself formally recognized as king by anointment. Again, the Mahavamsa indicates another occasional reason: it tells us that king Vijaya of Ceylon postponed his anointment because he had not a consort of Kshatriya birth: also, that king Panduvasa did the same because he had no consort at all. MISCELLANEA. Some kings, again, were anointed twice. That a practice of second anointments existed is shown by the fact that the ancient Sanskrit books give elaborate rules both for the abhisheka or ordinary anointment of kings, performed on the recognition of their succession, and for their punarabhisheka or reanointment, usually performed at the end of a rajasuya-sacrifice, celebrated as a token of the attainment of supreme dominion. And we have two historical instances of reanointment, though the occasion was not exactly that. King Devanampiya Tissa of Ceylon was first anointed in the natural course of things: and then, five and a half months later, he had himself reanointed because some presents sent to him by Asoka happened to include certain articles, amongst them being a right hand conchshell (a very rare shell, with its spiral turning to the right instead of the left), which constituted the paraphernalia for an anointment. And another great king of Ceylon, Parakkamabahu I, was first anointed and crowned when, in accordance with the recorded wish of his predecessor, he was made king by the ministers, on the eve of the commencement of the war with the pretender Manabharana, and was anointed again. some two years later, when the contest was ended and his dominion was fully established. In such cases dates may have been recorded sometimes from the first anointment, sometimes from the second, and possibly without an explicit statement in either direction. Again, there was a custom in India according to which kings not only selected their successors, but also installed, crowned, and anointed them as such, in the post of Yuvaraja, literally "young king" or Uparaja, "secondary king," and gave them an active share in the government. And any particular king may sometimes have counted 219 his regnal years from his appointment in that capacity. Reasons for discrepancies in regnal reckonings might be found in any such circumstances as those indicated above. Others may be conjec. tured; such as a gradual extension of sovereignty, with an absorption from time to time of new territories by conquest. And, as it is desirable to bring together any hints that may be helpful, especially as the practices of royalty would appear to have been always much the same all over the world, it seems useful to reproduce some information about varying customs in the reckoning of regual years in European countries which is found, with much other interesting matter, in a work by Sir Harris Nicolas, K. C. M. G., entitled "The Chronology of History," which was published in or about 1838 and is now difficult of access. We therefore quote the passage from the second edition, pp. 270-82, as follows: REGNAL YEARS OF SOVEREIGNS. One of the most important and usual dates, as well in this as in other European countries, is that of the year of the reign of the Sovereign in which an event occurred, or by whom any public instrument was issued. Although Justinian was the first Emperor who adopted this practice,' it was before in use by the barbarian Kings whose dominions were formed out of the ruins of the Empire, and particularly by the French Monarchs. But the epoch fixed upon as the commencement of the regnal years of the French Kings, was not always strictly marked in instruments. Whenever the date was introduced by the Merovingian Monarchs, the expression was, "Given in ... year of our reign;" which form was continued until the time of Louis le Debonnaire. Under the Carlovingian Princes, so low as the first three reigns of the third race, notaries stated that the act was done in the year of the reign of such a King; but after Philip I., the custom of the Merovingian Sovereigns was partly revived. The grand Feudatories of the crown also dated "in the reigns of the Kings of France." During an interregnum, it was, usual to date from the death of the preceding King; and there are instances of this being done even during the reign of his successor. 2 In September, A. D. 537, De Vaines 'Dictionnaire Raisonne de Diplomatique, art. "Dates;" from which learned work the remarks in the text on the regnal years of the French and other Foreign Monarchs have bee translated.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1910. The dates of regnal years have been extremely Public Acts and Charters. It has already various; and it is scarcely possible to reconcilebeen observed that Justinian first ordered the many of them with any general principle, or to regnal years of the Emperors to be inserted in make them agree with each other, or with i publio acts; but though this fact is certain, it is History. This fact has often caused documents not unlikely that such a date may bo kound which were unquestionably authentic, to be re- previous to his reign. From the second to part jected as forgeries. It is necessary to remember of the third century, the reigns of the Emperors ( 271 ) that the reign of one King often formed were usually reckoned from the time when they several epochs. That of Charlemagne, for exam- assumed the title of " Augustus," and not from ple, presents no less than three: his reign over the period when they were recognised as Emperors France; over the Lombarde; and his Empire. by the senate. From the close of the third, and Some Kings dated from their Coronation, which, in the fourth century, the reigns were computed in early periods, frequently occurred in the life- from the time when they were made Emperors. time of their fathers; from their accession to the The following observations on the date of the Crown; from their marriages; from their con- regnal years of the Sovereign Princes will be quest, at different periodis, of other kingdoms, etc. divided according to centuries. Many sovereigas computed their reigns from The Fifth and Sixth Centuries. the entire revolution of one regnal year; while The acts of the first Kings of France, besides the others included the fractions of a year; that is to date of the day, contained the date of their say, a Prince having ascended the throne in the reign; and they omitted that of the Emperors, middle, or towards the close of a civil year, that to show their independence of Imperial supreyear was reckoned as an entire year. maoy. The dates of private charters of the Bulle. --The date of the regnal year of the Romans and Gauls, in the sixth century, were Emperors was first introduced into Bolls by nearly the same, and only differed from each Popo Vigilius, in the sixth century; and the other by the former being dated more frequently custom was continued until the middle of the in the years of the consulate of the Emperors, eleventh century. After the establishment of and the latter more frequently in the years of the the Empire of the West by the French Monarohs, reign of their Kings. The last date often caused the dates of their coronation succeeded that of muob confusion, as the regnal years of A Prince the Greek Emperors in Bulls; but in the tenth did not then always commence with his accession, century the regnal years of the Emperors were but occasionally with the civil year; so that it again used. After the time of the Emperor Otho was sometimes requisite to oompute their reigos this custom fell into desuetude, and no instanoe by the current year, and sometimes by the year is known of its occurrence subsequent to the which ended on the anniversary of the day on year 1038. The genuineness of any Bull in which they mounted the throne. which such a date is introduced, since that period, The Seventh Century is therefore open to much suspicion. From what [ 273 ] In the seventh century, the regnal has been just said, it is to be inferred that the years of the French Kings were so commonly omission of the date of the Emperors in Bulls, used that in many instances no other date from the middle of the sixth to the middle of the occurs. In Italy they still dated in the year of eleventh century, ought not to oreate a doubt of the Emperors. their authenticity : that a Bull anterior to the sixth, and subsequent to the eighth century, The Eighth Century. which contains the date of the reign of an Em- Charlemagne, until the year 800, used both the peror of Constantinople, ought, at least, to be date of the years of his reign in France, and of suspected, and that if it contains the date of an his reign in Italy. As these events have several Emperor of the West between 919 and 962 i. is distinct epochs, that practice often creates em evidently false. barrassment. The death of his father, King Ecclesiastical Instruments - The Churches Pepin : his coronation, and the death of his of Spain and France dated their acta from the brother, Carloman, after which he reigned alone, reign of their Kings, as early as the sixth are all periode from which his reign in France is century, as appears by ( 972 ) the council of dated. During the interregna, or in the time of Tarragons in 516, and by the fifth council of Princes who were not recognised as Kinge, Orleans, which is the first dated from the reign private charters of this age (in places where of a King of France. This date was afterwards! it was customary to use the regnal year) were very generally adopted: and in the eleventh dated in such and such year after the death of centary, the custom became nearly universal, the last King.

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JULY, 1970.) MISCELLANEA. 221 The Ninth Century. he was made King of Lombardy; the third from In the succeeding centuries, especially from Christmas, 880, the day on which he was crowned the ninth, in France and Germany, the years of Emperor; the ( 275 ) fourth from the 20th of the reigns of Sovereigns were frequently reckoned, January, 882, the day of the death of his brother wben indicating new regnal year, from the Louis, King of Austrasia, or Eastern France; the commencement of the civil year, which then fifth from the year 884, in whicb Carloman, King began at Christmas. Thus, a Prince, having' of France, died. ascended the throne on the 20th of December, Louis of Bavaria, also, dated from divers would call the period from that day to the 25th epochs. The first was from the end of the year 825; of the same month the first year of his reign the second from the year 833 or 834; the third and his second regnal year commenced from the from the yoar 838; and the fourth from the year 25th, because regard was only paid to the civil 840. It is presumed that the commencement of year, and not to the revolution of 365 days from the reign of King Eudes was dated from several the beginning of the reign. Besides this mode of epochs; the two principal of which are the years computing the regnal years in the ninth century, 887 and 888: this last being that of his coronathey were dated from different epochs. tion. The first epoch of the reign of Arnould is The dates in the acts of Louis le Debonnaire from the month of November, 887, when he was are reckoned from two epochs-his reign over declared King of Germany, on the deposition of Aquitaine, [274] and his Empire. The vears of Charles le Gros; the second is from the year 894, his reign in Aquitaine were only reckoned from when he went into Italy, and the third from the Easter day, 781, on which he was crowned King year of his elevation to the Empire, in 896. at Rome, though he had been named King of Other Kinga dated more commonly from one Aquitaine from his birth. The epoch of bis Empire epoch, namely, from the beginning of their reign. was fixed to the 28th of January, 814, though be It is necessary to be observed that Sovereigns was crowned Emperor in the month of September, were not always acknowledged immediately on 813. their accession, in all parts of the kingdom; for Four epochs are to be discovered, from which this sometimes did not take piace for two, three, the years of the reign of Lothaire were com- or four years afterwards. Thus, the beginning puted. The first was from the 31st of July 817, of the same reign varies in different provinces. when he was associated in the Empire by Louis | The most usual date in the private charters of lo Debonnaire ; the second began in 822, when the ninth century, is that of the reigns of Kings he was sent to the Kingdom of Italy; the third and Emperors. It has been already said, that it in 823, when he received the Imperial Crown was usual to date from the death of a King. In from the hands of the Pope; and the fourth in this century, charters were occasionally dated, 840, when he succeeded bis father in the Empire. during an interregnum, in the reign of Jesus The acts of Louis II., son of the Emperor Christ ("regnante Christo"), which formula was Lothaire, were also dated from four epochs. even used in countries where a King existed but The first from the year 844, when be was declared had not yet been acknowledged. King of Italy; the second from the year 849, The Tenth century. when he was associated in the Empire by his In this century, many Sovereigns datrd their father; the third from the 2nd of December, 849, instruments from different epochs of their reign. the day of his coronation as Emperor; and the Charles le Simple used four :-the first was the fourth from the 28th of September, in the year 28th of January, [278] 893, the year of his 855, when he succeeded his father. coronation; the second, the 3rd of January, 898, In dating the acts of Charles the Bald, no less the year of the death of King Eudes, when he than six epochs were used. The first was from became master of all the French monarchy; the the year 837, when his fatber gave him the third, the 21st of January, 912, the year of the Kingdom of Neustria; the second from the year death of Louis of Germany, when he began to 838, when he was made King of Aquitaine ; the reign in Lorraine; the fourth, was the year third from 839, when the lords of that Kingdom 900, when he was acknowledged in Aquitaine. swore fealty to him; the fourth from 840 Raoul dated from the year of his coronation, when he succeeded Louis le Debonnaire; the 923. Louis d'Outremer generally dated from his fifth from the oth of September, 870, when he coronation, in 936; but sometimes from the was crowned at Metz as King of Lorraine ; and death of his father, Charles le Simple, in 929. the sixth and last from the 28th of December, Lothaire, son of Louis d'Outremer, very rarely 875, when he was crowned as Emperor. dated his public acts from his association in the Charles le Gros, likewise, used divers epochs. throne in the year 952, during his father's lifeThe first was the death of his father, the 28th of time, but commonly from his coronation, in the August, 876; the 2nd from the year 879, when year 954. Louis V., son of Lothaire, and the

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1910. last King of the second race, was associated in this period which have been most used in dates: the regal dignity in the vear 979, by his father, for to such acts as are otherwise dated, the with whose name his own is joined in some preceding observation applies. instruments, but be is not known to have granted The first epoch of the reign of King Robert'is any after the death of Lothaire. the 30th of December, 987, the day on which he Under the third race, public acts varied much in was crowned: but his coronation is Tuore fretheir dates. Those of Hugh Capet are dated from quently assigned to the 1st of January, 988; and his election, in the year 987; and in 988, wben he these two epochs are improperly confounded, associated his son Robert with him in the throne: because the regnal year was reckoned according the greater part of his instruments are dated from to the civil year. The third is from the death of both epoche. Hugh Capet, who had associated Robert in the It must not be forgotten that the revolution throne, on the 24th of October, 998, which epoch of the regnal year was not always computed from is the best known, and most followed. A fourth the time of the coronation, but from the first [878 ] was the second coronation of Robert at day of the civil year. The observation relative to Rheims, in 990 or 991, but this was rarely used. the private charters of the preceding century is also Henry the First was crowned at Rheims on the applicable to this. The Kings were not always 14th of May, 1027, during his father's lifetime, acknowledged by all the provinces under their domi and succeeded him on the 20th of July, 1031. nions immediately after their coronation, and in the These are the only two dates derived from known interregnum it was usual to date " from the reign of and settled points. Jesus Christ," or from the death of the last King. Charters of unquestionable authenticity differ In Italy, the date of the reigning King was always from each other in the reign of Philip the First, used. The Emperors of Germany in this century in which there were at least four epochs. The usually dated from their elevation to the throne: first wa, the day of his coronation, the 25:h of but as they did not bear the title of Emperor until May, 1059; the second, from the death of King after they were crowned as such, they sometimes Henry, his father, the 4th of August, 1060; the dated from the period when they received the tbird, from the time when Philip assumed the Imperial [277] crown. Some of them used many government of the Kingdom, in 1061; the fourth, other epochs, with reference to their acquisitions, from the death of Count Baldwin, his guardian, as well by succession as by right of conquest. in 1087. The public acts of the Emperor Henry the The Eleventh Century. Second are dated from two epochs: from the 6th It was especially in the eleventh century that of June 1002, on which day he succeeded his father, the Ecclesiastical calculation began to be atteuded Otho III.; and from the 14th of February, 2014, to; and it is evident, by the accumulation of on which be was crowned Emperor. His sucdates introduced into charters, that a knowledge Cessor, Conrad II. also reckoned both from his of the subject was much cultivated : but the accession to the throne, and from his coronation different modes of reckoning the years, and the as Emperor. Henry III. added thereto the very frequent variations in the dates of the reigns epochs of his association in the throne by of the Kings of France, are a source of great Conrad III., and of his coronation at Soleure, as perplexity to chronologists. Their public acts King of Burgundy, in 1038. Henry IV, reckoned often show many fixed points, derived from from the year 1054, when he was declared and certain events, which deserve to be considered as crowned King of Germany; from the 5th of epochs; but there are others, and in great num October, 1056, when he succeeded his father, and bers, which, from the faults of the copyists, or from the 31st of March, 1084, when he received from the different periods at which the French the Imperial crown. The Kings of Spain rarely Kings were snccessively acknowledged by their use the years of their reign. provinces and their subjects, from the different Remarks on the use of the regnal year in manner of beginning the civil year and the years the diplomas of the Kings of England, will be of the reigos, or from our ignorance as to what found in another part of the volume." may have served as epoche, confuse those who seek to reconcile all the dates which occur therein, The Twelfth Contury. with each other. The observation applies parti. The dates of the reigns of the Kings of France cularly to this century although the preceding in the twelfth century were still taken from is not free from similar inconveniences. It is, different epochs. (270) Louis le Gros reckoned however, sufficient to mention the fixed epoche of the years of his reign from his association in the * Vido pp. 283 et seq. postea.

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JULY, 1910.] MISCELLANEA. 223 throne by his father, and from his coronation The Thirteenth Century. after his father's death; the first of which In the thirteenth century, important docuevents is fixed to the year 1099, and the second ments are easily distinguished from those of to the 3rd of August, 1108. In the first period, less moment, by the date of the reign, which instruinents were often dated from the joint does not occur in the latter. reign of the father and tbe son, and sometimes The coronation of Philip-Augustus, during from the reign of either of them separately: the life of Louis le Jeune, his father, on the lat in the second, many acts were dated, precisely. of November, 1179, anx the death of the latter, from the month of August, 1109, and not from formed two epochs for dating his regnal years. the beginning of the civil year; so that acts, of Louis VIII., the first Capetian King, who was the year 1109, were nevertheless dated from the not crowned during the lifetime of his father, first year of the reign of Louis VI. It is dated from the beginning of his reign only. singular that Louis le Gros should sometimes, Although Saint Louis did not attain his in his acts, have added the years of the reign of majority until the 25th of April, 1236, he always his Queen to those of his own : and it is no less dated his acts from the death of his father, and extraordinary that he should have admitted from the year of his coronation, in 1226. Philip the years of the reign of his eldest son Philip, III. dated from his coronation, in 1270. Philip and especially those of Louis le Jeune, after IV. rarely used the date of his reign, but only their respective coronations in 1129 and 1131; the date of the current year. The Emperor and that he should have mentioned, in his dates, Frederick II. dated from four epochs;-first, the consent of his children. from his coronation at Palermo, as King of Louis VII. was sonsecrated on the 15th of Sicily, in 1198; secondly, from the day of his October, 1131, and assumed the administration election 2.8 successor to the Kingdom of of the Kingdom during the long illness of his Germany in 1212, and not from the day of his father, whom he succeeded on the 1st of August, coronation; thirdly, from the 22nd of November, 1137 or 1136. All these events have served as when he received the Imperial crown at Rome; epochs whence part of his acts are dated. fourthly, from his title of King of Jerusalem, Moreover, be was crowned four times: the first which he assumed [281] in 1226, during the life time at his consecration, and the three otbers of Jane of Brienne. Nevertheless, the date of at his successive marriages, which perhaps form the regnal year does not always appear in the four additional epochs. He also dated from the acts of this Prince. The Emperor Philip, and birth of his son, Philip-Augustus; and some. | his successors, dated from their coronations. times the date of the reign is not found in The years of the reign are freqaently omitted his acte. Philip-Augustus was consecrated at in the acts of the Kings of Spain. The Kings of Rheims, on the 1st of November, 1179, and England dated either from their coronation, or crowned, a second time, at St. Denis, on the 29th from the year in which they were acknowledged of May, 1180, and succeeded his father on the as Kings, but this date is not always found in 18th of September in the same year, from which the acts of the Kings of Scotland. three epochs his public instruments, as well as Among the dates of private charters, that of historians, date the years of his reigu. the reign of the Sovereign Princes is usual: but The great vassals of the crown showed scarcely sometimes, as in Normany [sic], they are only any other mark of dependence on the Kings of dated at the place, on the day, and in the current France than (280) dating their charters in the year. In England, the date of the reigning yonra of their reign : but even this was not Prince was generally introduced. always observed ; and when they did so, they The Fourteenth Century. added thereto the regnal years of some other ! In the fourteenth century, the dates of the Sovereign. years began to be derived from one epoch The Emperors of Germany in this century Louis X. although King of Navarre dated from two epochs; from tincir elevation early 18 1307, only dated his acte from bio to the throne of Germany, and from their reign over the French, that is, from the year coronu ion as Emperors, with the exception of 1314, after the death of his father. After the Conrad III, who always dated from the years death of Louis X, in 1316, the regeney of the of his reign only, even after he received the Kingdom was conferred upon his brother, Pilip Imperial crown. In Spain, the dates of the le Long. In the interval from the 8th of June, regnal year were still rare, but in the charters 1316, to the 9th of January of the same year of the Kings of England and Scotland they (ie., 1317, the year having begun at Easter), the often occur. This date was always used in private day of his coronation, he issued many acte in charters. | quality of Regent. But these two Kings, and

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1910. many of their successors in this century, did not into dictionaries, and is not found in all of them. date from their reign, but only used the common Yet it is not of reoent invention. Sir Harris dates of place, day, and the current year. The Nioolas, to whom the necessity for such a word only exceptions are some acts of John II. and of naturally saggested itself, found this term a Charles V. subject for special notice and inquiry : and the The Emperors often dated from the year of result was that he carried back the existence their reign, though from only one epoch: they of it to 1615, as shown in the following remarks, only added thereto the date of the place, day, which we quote from a footnote on page 383 and current year. The Kings of Spain and Sicily of his book :dated nearly in the same manner. The charters The necessity of a word to express the senof the Kings of England differed little in this tence-"years of a King's reign,"--might almost respect from those of other Sovereigns; and it justify the creation of one for the purpose; but is to be remarked, only, that Edward III. though the appropriate word "regnal" does not sometimes used the [ 282 ) the date of his reigns ocour in any dictionary, there are early in France as well as in England. In France, as authorities for its use, in the sense in which it well as in England, private charters were some- is employed in the text. In the dedication of times, in this century, dated from the reigns of Hopton's "Concordanoy of Years," to Lord Obiet the respective Monarchs. Justice Coke, first pablished in 1616, he says, The Fifteenth Century. "After, as induced by complaint of some, I In the fifteenth century, Charles VII., Louis observed the inconveniences that happened to II., and the two following Kings of France, tbe valgar wits and mean capacities, in the dated in the years of their reigns, but always calculation of the expiration of time by puch from one epoch only; whereas the Emperors of rules and compatations as is now extant. Germany still dated from many epocha, viz., from occasioned chiefly thereunto by the participation their accession to the throne of the Romans, of every one regnal year with two ecclesian of Hungary, of Bohemia, ato., and from their years; because the year of any Prinre's reign Imperial coronation. But these various dutes, as yet) begun in one year of our Lord, taking both in this and in the following century, were part of the same, ending in the next, and specified by the common formula--" of our participating likewise thereof; by which means reign in Hungary, the year," etc.-" of our when a question is made by the regnal year only. reign in Bohemia, the year," etc. While the the common doubt is, to which year of our Lord Duke of Albany administered the attairs of it answers unto : or, a question being made by Sootland, the public instruments were dated in the year of our Lord, without mention of the the years of his government." regnal year, to know if it answer to the year of The Sixteenth century. the King that did take beginning or ending In the acts of the Kings of France in the in the ecclesian year." In the preface to the sixteenth century, the dates of the place, of the "Chronica Juridicialia," published in 1885, the day, of the current year, and of the reign, word regnal also occurs. After noticing the civil uniformly occur. and astronomical year--"thirdly, there is what NOTE ON THE TERM REGNAL. we call the year regnal; and that beginneth on The term regnal," pertaining to the reign of the day, and at the immediate moment, of the king," seems to deserve a comment. Appro-decense of each last preceding King, to the priate as it is, and obvious as seems to be the rightful heir and successor of this Imperial existence of it, it is only now making its way crown." NOTES AND QUERIES. one of them, an la habitant of Bombay, is sent to SUPERSTITION AND THE INQUISITION AT the Inquisition at Goa, which proceedings will BOMBAY IN 1707. discourage the Inhabitants. Wherefore the " UPON a dream of a Negro girl of Mahim that Generall is desired to Issue proclamation there was a Mine of Treasure, who being over release bim, and if not restored in 20 days, no beard relating it, Domo. Alvares and some others Roman Catholiek Worship to be allowed on the went to the place and Sacrificed a Cook and dugg Island." the ground, but found nothing, they go to Bombay General Letter, daced 17th Mar, 1707. Bundara at Salsett, where disagreeing. the Bombay Abstracts, Vol. I. P. 78. Government there take notice of the same, and I R. O. TEMPLE. * Vide p. 318 postes. 5 For example :-"Datum sub testimonio magni sigilli ofii nostri, apad villam de Imperkethyne, degimo Dor die mensis Augusti, anno Domini 1483, at Gubernationis nostra fortio, "-Fadere, vol. X, p. 299.

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AUGUST, 1910.] GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. BY MAJOR. C. E. LUARD, M.A., L.A. The Buddhist Caves of Central India. era. 225 Introductory Remarks. THE HE Buddhist Caves of Central India, the relics of the last refuge of Buddhism, are met with in two districts of Central India, in Northern Malwa, where there are several groups of caves and in the Vindhya hills at Bagh. The caves belonging to the Malwa series lie at Dhamnar and Poladungad in Indore State, Ramagaon and Hategaon in Tonk, and Kholvi, Awar and Benaiga in Jhalawar. Hategaon is said to be near Ramagaon, but is not given in the Survey Maps (see infra Map of the Malwa Caves). The caves at Dhamnar and Kholvi are described by Cunningham in Vol. II of his series of Reports and will not be dealt with here, though some views of the former will be given at the end of this article. Bagh and Poladungad will be described in detail. The caves at the other places mentioned lie outside the Central India Agency and have not been visited by me. From all accounts, however, they appear to be similar to those at Dhamnar. All these caves are comparatively late, and fall between the seventh and ninth centuries of the Christian The southern series of caves at Bagh have already formed the subject of two papers, one by Lt. Dangerfield in Vol. II, p. 194, of the Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay, and the other by Dr. E. Impey in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. V, p. 543. The latter is very fall, but is not accompanied by illustrations, and I have, therefore, to all intents, re-produced it here, with such modifications as have appeared necessary. Buddhism in Central India. The Brahmanism, which was established over most of India north of the Narbada river by the eighth and seventh centuries B.C., appears to have given place to Buddhism in the sixth and fifth centuries. The early Buddhist books actually mention a king Pajjota of Ujjain, and various tales are narrated of his relations with other rulers. Even if he was not a genuine historical personage, the inference may be made that Buddhist princes then ruled in these parts. In the third century B.C., the vigorous Buddhist propagandism of the Mauryan Emperor Asoka brought this form of religion to the front, and all the stupas round Bhilsa, including the famous Sanchi Tope and the similar tops which once stood at Barhut besides numerous remains at Udayagiri and Beshnagar, prove the influence exerted by this faith throughout the tract now included in the Central India Agency. Epigraphic records shew, moreover, how generally the faith was followed, as they record gifts from every class of society. Not only royal personages, but great merchants, trade guilds, simple shopkeepers, scribes, private householders, and even labouring men, record their gifts at the shrines1. With Asoka's death, Buddhism rapidly decayed and by the middle of the first or the commencement of the second century A.D. it exerted very little influence, its followers being chiefly monks or nuns living in retirement. This decay, once set in, continued and was no doubt hastened by the foreign Kshatrapas, who held Malwa from 120 A.D. to 400 A.D. If not actually very strict 1 See J. F. Fleet-Gupta inscriptions in Corpus Inscriptorum Indicarum, Vol. III. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II., 87, 366. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIV, 138; Vol. XXI, 225.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1910. Saivas, they were at any rate indifferent to Buddhism. The final blow to the faith was given by the Guptas, who were most orthodox Hindus, even to the extent of reviving the ancient royal afvamedhu ceremony. The Buddhist pilgrim from China, Hiuen Tsiang, who visited Central India in the seventh century (640-644 A.D.), remarks on this decay of Buddhism, on the emptiness of the religious houses and the absence of Buddhist princes'. Buddhism, inherently unsuited to everyday life, continued to decay and was finally relegated to such secure retreats as were afforded by these caves situated in the heart of the forest; and these dwellings, far from large settlements, may possibly have been the very last refuges of the faith in all India. The importance of Buddhism in this part of India is also shewn by the names of several local scholars of the faith which have come down to us. Between the fifth and seventh century A.D. Dharmaraksha, Guna-bhadra, Paramartha (of Ujjain) and Atigupta (also of Ujjaia) all visited China to study Buddhist lore), while a Chinese scholar Hsuan-tai came to Central India. THE BAGH GROUP. Village of the Bagh. The village of Bagh, from which the caves near by take their name, lies about 800 feet above sea-level on the southern slope of the Vindhya hills, in 22deg 22' N. and 74deg 48 E, and belongs to the Gwalior Stato. It is situated on the prolongation of the metalled road from Mhow to Sardarpurs. The situation is picturesque, as the village stands on the Bagh river with thick forest round it. The Bagh river, which only flows for eight months of the year, takes a very sinuous course and its sandy boulder-strewn bed is traversed four times by the road leading to the caves, three and a half miles from the village. of the history of this place nothing is really known, though tradition, as is usual in the case of such caves, assigns it great importance. Lying on a route from Gujarat, it may possibly have had some prominence, but was certainly never a very large place. The signs of early settlement which remain are situated on and round a bill to the north of the present village. A rough stone wall runs along the western and part of the northern edge of this hill, and traces of old foundations are also visible upon it. Below the hill stands the Baghebvari tomple. It is a reconstructed building made up of portions of a twelfth century temple. Two records of St, 1900 and 1919 refer to the rebuilding. Between this temple and the hill side are many traces of foundations. The site has been used as a quarry, and a small fd-gah near the river is built of old bricks from these remains. The bricks appear to be of some age, being of the large size found near Ujjain and on other ancient sites. The destruction of the original temple is accounted for by the existence, hard by, of a small Muhammadan fort with a square tower at its southern end. A pointed gateway with an aronaded top leads into it. 1 Beal-Buddhist Records of the Western World and Si-yu-ke, Ounningham--Ancient Geography. * Catalogue of the Chinese Translation of the Buddhist Tripittaka by Bunigu Nanjio, pp. 411, 416, 423, 437. Chavannes.-Memord compose a l'epoque de la grande dynastid Tang, oto., p. 34. * The portion beyond Tanda is not yet metalled, although it is laid out up to 10 miles north of Bagh.

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AUGUST, 1910.) GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. 227 Though Bagh is not mentioned in the Ain Akbart, it must have been included in the Kotrah mahal of the Mandu Sarkar and was no doubt an out-post on the Gujarat route. Another similar out-post existed at Tanda, On the road to the caves, which lies east of the Baghesvari shrine, are some carved stones representing females, one carrying a child. They have been mutilated, but were originally good pieces of work cut in a different sandstone to that of the hill in which the caves lie. Tradition assigns the old wall and settlement generally to a Baja Mardhaj. Later on it fell to one Baja Bagh Singh, whose descendants, still locally termed raja, live at Girwani, a village close by. The place fell to Sindhis in the eighteenth century and hence its present inclusion in the Gwalior State. The Caves at Bagh. The caves lie in the face of a sandstone hill which rises above the Wagh or Bagh and Girni rivers, and are known locally by the generic term applied to all such excavations as the Panch Pandu ka Gupha, the Buddhist figures in the second cave (of which there are, however, eight) being supposed to represent the five Pandava brothers. The hill in its general aspect is given in Plate I, figs. 1 and 2. It is notable as being the only outcrop of sedimentary rock in this basaltic region, and consists geologically of Nimar sandstone, a softer rock than most of the Vindhyan series. It is often highly ferraginous and was used for smelting iron, until competition with imported metal killed the industry. Superimposed on the sandstone is a band of claystone, often as much as 20 feet in thickness. The destruction which has overtaken all but one of the caves is due to the weight of this moisture absorbing band. The cliff has an average elevation of about 150 feet above the river bed and lies approximately north-east by south-west, the caves facing about north-west. This aspect must have made them dark even when in good repair, as they never received full sunlight, and it is difficult to explain how all the elaborate frescoes, with which the caves are ornamented, were carried out, The caves, of which there were once eight, occupy a frontage of 700 yards. They are not all contiguous and were undoubtedly excavated at different times as necessity dictated. (See general folding plan of the Bagh Caves attached.) Generally speaking, the caves consist of a vihara or central ball with a daghoba in a chamber in rear, forming & small chaitya hall or chapel, while the sides are occupied by cells for the monks, a colonnade running before the larger excavations. Bagh 'Group. Cave No. 1. The Griha Cave. Cave No. 1 lies to the extreme north-east end of the cliff, but presents no features of special interest. The excavation is 23 feet by 14 feet. It was supported on four pillars, each formed of an octagon standing on a square plinth terminating in a spirally Aluted column. The pillars are much eroded and the roof must soon fall. A portico, which formerly stood before the door, has already gone. Not far off, to the sonth-west of this cave, are apparently traces of an excavation, but the collapse of the hill-side makes identification impossible. It may have been only a commencement.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1910. Cave No. 2 at Bagh. The "Gusain's" Cave. Cave No. 2, which derives its present title from a gusain who now occupies it, is perhaps the most interesting of the series, as it is certainly the most complete. The claystone band is here narrow, while the sandstone is more compact, and consequently the roof has not fallen in. This cave is now approached by a steep flight of steps which leads to the central door (See Plate II, figs. 1 and 2); a portico originally protected the entrance, but it has fallen in. The floor has been plastered with cow-dung to make a terrace, but from traces in the upper portion and the remains of a pilaster, it is evident that there was once a colonnade of pillars before the doors. The side walls projected beyond the portico and so admitted of the excavation of two niches. In the south-western niche is a modern figure of Ganesa (Plate II, fig. 3) usurping the earlier Buddha's seat," which the emblems still above the niche prove the place to have originally been. The north-eastern niche still holds an image of Buddha, but it is badly defaced. He is represented in the lalitasana mudra with the usual attendants, and over him a dome with figures bearing garlands above it. The cave possesses five doorways, of which all, except the central entrance, are now blocked. (See Plate II, fig. 3.) These doors respectively lighted the central hall, very faintly the daghoba at the end, the side aisles and cell entrance. The central door is 10' x 5'-37 and is ornamented with five lintels. The side doors are 8' x 4'. The interior walls of the cave are so blackened by many years of smoke that 1. sign of frescoes is traceable, but as the walls are all plastered, the probability is that they were once adorned with paintings. The shape and size of the cave can be seen from the attached folding plan of Cave No. 2. It consists of a large hall 85'-6"x86', possibly 86 feet square [88 ft. sq.]. Twenty massive pillars with four pilasters on the outer walls, make it a twenty-four pillared cave. In the centre are four circular columns reeded spirally (Plate II, fig. 4). These were necessitated by the weak nature of the sandstone, and are found also in other caves of the series. The roof is 14 feet from the ground, but the pillars. are only 11 feet high, the difference between them being made up by what in a wooden structure would have been a beam, 2 feet thick, on which the top of the pillars abut. These "beams" of stone are cut everywhere and are relics of the wooden structural buildings with which the excavators were familiar. The pillars are very fine and are all varieties of a square, having a diameter of between 5 and 6 feet [4 and 5 feet]. They stand on a pedestal one foot high surmounted by a torus and cornice, from which the shaft springs. The shaft is square to a height of 3 feet. It then becomes a dodecagon for 3 feet, a spiral for 14 feat, and finally a dodecagon again for one foot. On this rests the abacusbearing bracket architrave. Though the pillars varv in detail, this is the general type. See Poladungad Caves Pl. II, fig. 8. The figs. have been misplaced. Dr. Impey's measurement was 10' x 5. The measurements were made very carefully, but in such dark places necessitating the use of torches, and with so much damage as has taken place in many of the cavos, it was not easy to measure with absolute certainty. Dr. Impey's figures are given in brackets for comparison, where they differ. The ribbing of care roofs to represent beams and even the use of actual beams is met with in early caves. At Dhamnar, stone-ribbing is used. Cf. Fergusson and Burgess.-The Cave Temples of India.

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ATAUBT, 1910.) GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. 229 The cells round the cave number eighteen, seven on either side and foor in rear. A space to the width of two cells is used in making the ante-chamber to the sanctum, in which the daghoba stands. The cells are not symmetrical, but are about 9 feet square (see plan). One cell corresponds rooghly to each inter-columniation. The ante-chamber to the sanctum lies in the centre of the rear wall. It is 26'-6" x 16' ( 26' x 12'] and is open in front, save for two octagonal pillars. Against its north-eastern and south-western walls are the groups of figures described below. From the centre of the antechamber, in rear, a door, 15' x 6', leads to the sanctum a chamber 20'-3" x 17'-10" and 17'-6" Ligh [20' 18 x 17'). Within the sanctum is a daghoba of the usual type. The daghoba is 17'-6" high and is connected with the roof of the chamber. PLAN OF STUPA IN CAVE NO 2. Sule.Q.D.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . [AtIust 2010 The usual On an octagonal base a cylinder crowned by a section of a sphere is superimposed htt crowns the summit. It is quite plain save for a few astragale. ELEVATION OF STUPA IN CAVE Ndeg 2 Scale 13 $ SQUARE * .....8:8. -- >ROUND | K - CIRCUM ar OCTAGON 5 504 SULE G.D. In the side walls of the ante-chamber are two narrow recesses, 9 feet from the floor, popularly said to have been treasure chambers. From the first cell in the north-east wall a series of celle opens out and rises to the summit of the cliff. The passage is now blocked with debris washed in from above. Careful examination of the top of the hill disclosed no definite outlet, though possibly a depression full of detritus surrounded by a stone wall once marked the exit. There is no doubt, however, that this passage did once lead, to the plateau above.

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August, 1910.) GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. 231 The most interesting objects in this cave are the figures. There are two groups of three personages each and two single figures. The groups are situated on the sides of the ante-chamber, and the single figores on either side of the doorway leading to the sanctum. The two groups represent in each case a Bodhisatva (or Buddha ?) and two attendants, and are, except in minor details, identical. Their general appearance is given in Plate III, figs. 1 and 2. They stand in recesses and are very well executed. The photographs do not do justice to the contemplative expression of the central figure. It differs in both instances in refinement of features from the rock hewn representations of Baddha at Dhamnar and Kholvi, which have countenances of the usual negroid type. The central figure of the Bodhisatvas is :-in the north-eastern group (Plate III, fig. 1) 8-8" high, 2-8" across the shoulders, with a foot of 1-9" ;-in the south-western group 9'-5" high (Plate III, fig. 2). In each case the hair is close and curling, the face fine with a straight, well-modelled nose, short neck, and ears carrying ear-rings which do'not quite reach the shoulders. The janeo is worn and the clothes are of fine maslin, reaching down to the ankles, but leaving the right shoulder bare. No ornaments are worn on arms or legs. The right hand is in the vardha mudra, extended downward with palm open. The left hand, resting on the shoulder, holds up the loose end of the 'muslin robe, that falls in folds over the arm. In execution the north-eastern figure is rather the more finished of the two. A lotus flower forms the pedestal in each case. The supporters are also very much alike. They are 6-10" in height in the south-western, and 6' south-eastern group. The right supporter wears a mulut, which is highly ornamented and bears a figure of Buddha on the front. A jewelled belt slung like a janeo crosses the breast. A jewelled belt also surrounds the waist, and necklaces, amulets and bracelets complete the adornment. The only garment is a muslin loin-cloth. The right-hand holds a chaori, while the left resta on a knot of the loin-cloth. In the south-western figare a lotus forms the pedestalo. The other supporter has no mukut, but simply wears the hair dressed like a wig. The clothes and ornaments reserable those of the right supporter. In the north-eastern figure the right hand carries a lotus flower and in the south-western figure some fruit. The left hand rests on the thigh. The two remaining figures stand as dwarpalas at the sanctum door (Plate IV, figs. 1 and 2), ono on the north-east (fig. 1) and the other on the opposite side (fig. 2). Though thus placed, they bear none of the usual insignia of dwarpalas, and are moreover very richly dressed". Each is five feet in height and stands on a lotus pedestal three incbes high. The south-western figure is not so richly adorned as the other. Each has on a mukut with a figure of Buddha on the centre of it, ribands lie on the shoulder and bangles and necklaces are worn, while a jewelled belt (janeo ?) falls across the chest; and in the north-eastern figure, a richly jewelled waist-belt supports the clothing, which consists of a long dhoti reaching to the ankles. The most marked variation is the presence of a halo in the north-eastern figure, which is also generally speaking superior in its details to the other. The right hand of the north-eastern figure is broken, the left rests on the thigh. The south-western figure a flask (?) is held in the left hand, while the right points to the ground. It is carious that no other cave of this series contains any figures at all, not even the rougher representations of Buddha ao common at Dhamnar and Kholvi. Flash-light photographs were taken by Ashgar Ali, photographor to the Gwalior Stato Gazetteer Ofice, andor the direotion of Rai Babador Pandit Dwarka Nath, State Gazetter Officer-The trouble taken by these two Sato Officials in assisting me in my investigation of the OAVOS was infinite, anu deserves all praise. 1. It may bavo existed in the other group and have been worn away. 11 Dr. Impey states that tbey were coloured. There are no signs of this now. 15 They are perhaps also Bodhisatvas, as Bodhisatvas of royal docent were usually given orowas.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1910. Cave No. 3 at Bagh. This cave is one of the minor excavations of the series and appears to have been an adjunct of that which has just been examined. It is well decorated, but bas no daghoba in it and seems to have been a residential excavation only, perhaps used by the superior members of the brotherhood, This cave never had a portico, but opened directly on to the valley through an ornamental facade. Of this facade part remains, showing the tigers' beads used in ornamenting it. This facade and some of the pillars of this cave, which has become in part filled with debris, are shown on Plate V, fig. 1. The cave is very plain in design, but was originally plastered for painting, though only the cells appear to have been actually ornamented with frescoes. It is difficult, however, to understand how the frescoes were done, as the cells are even now, when much of the front has fallen away, almost pitch dark. The frescoes consist of decorative and conventional designs, as well as representations of Buddhas, disciples and monks. Almost all have been defaced until the pictures themselves are unrecognizable, but the general style can still be seen. Two paintings of monks will be found on Plate VI, figs. 1 and 2, both taken from cell doorways13. The colouring of the caves was usually simple, but, inside the cells, the floral designs on the ceilings and the figures of men were often elaborately coloured. The figures in the cells were also generally surrounded with ovate halos (mandorla) forming a frame to the whole figure. The outer hall of Cave No. 3 is 28'-6" x 40' and the ceiling was originally supported by six octagonal pillars of which only two are now intact. On the north-east side are six cells. Of these four are grouped round an inner hall, into which what may have been intended for a daghoba chamber projects. Three rough hewn door ways lead into a large chamber, 39-9" square (50' x 56' (?)]. It is incomplete and shews many signs of being in a state of excavation, when it was abandoned. It is probably a later addition. The total length of the cave from front to back is about 130 feet, and the general height is about 16 feet. (See folding Plan of Bagh Cave No. 3 attached.) Cave No. 4 at Bagh. The Rang Mahal. Between Caves Nos. 3 and 4 are 200 yards of solid rock, and the two are quite unconnected. Cave No. 4 is, or rather was, the most magnificent cave of the series, both in structure and ornamentation, having indeed received its name of the Bang Mahal, or Painted Hall, from the frescoes with which it is adorned. The front of the cave was originally protected by a grand portico, which included Cave No. 5 in its sweep, and has a total length of 223 feet", excluding the cells at either end, but including the partition wall. The portico was supported on twenty octagonal pillars, some traces of which remain, a pilaster completing the facade at each end. The height of the portico was 14 feet, the width 10 feet : the pillars being 3 feet to 3 feet in diameter. Steps originally led down to the stream, but the only approach at present is at the north-east end by a mean foot-path (Plate VII). On approaching this cave the first object met with is a colossal figure of Buddha, which can be seen in a gap in the trees in Plate I, fig. 2, standing in a recess 13 feet high. The teacher is represented as seated with the left hand resting on the left knee, the foot resting on the ground. 13 The left foot in fig. 2 is most awkward. The original was somewhat damaged at this point, but so far as ould be made out the foot was in this position. 14 Front of Cavo No. 4, 108, partition 19-3", front of Cave No. 5, 97-8" total 222-9'.

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Avqust, 1910.] GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. 233 The right side is damaged, but appears to have completed the bhumi sparia mudra!5. An open makara's mouth is behind the figure's head, while a riband (?) lies on his shoulder. The left arm carries an amalet. Above is a daghoba and triple hti, with the usnal garland bearers. Just beyond the great imago, round the corner, is the niche shewn in Plate VII, which contains two figures seated on a bench. It is impossible now to say whom they represent. A cobra's head is expanded over the right figure, while a representation of Buddba with a chakra between two antelopes surmounts the group. On the wall next this niche were painted eight rows of seated Buddhas 16. (Plate VIJI, fig. 1.) * The portico springs from the pilaster shewn in Plate VII, in which can also be seen the door of the portico cell and one of the side doors of the cave. This pilaster is more elaborate than that at the other end of the portico. The historical frescoes mentioned below are painted on the wall of the cave, of which a part is shewn in Plato VII. The portico is plastered throughout and was covered with paintings. The roof was decorated with flowers and other conventional designs in frets, while the inner wall of the facade was covered along ito whole length with valuable frescoes representing incidents of a non-mythological character. These frescoes are now, I fear, past copying, though by wetting the wall momentary glimpses of royal personages, horsemen, priests and attendants can be obtained. Some of the costumes appear to be non-Indian, but the damage done to the pictures is so serious that a definito opinion is impossible. The frescoes were more complete in Dr. Impey's day, and his account is all we have to go by. The cave itself is 99'-6" x 92' [94 square) and bas twenty-eight outer pillars in it, forming with the walls an aisle 12' wide right round it. In the centre are four pillars, as in the case of Cave No. 2, but they are built up and not rock-cut, while reight extra rock-cut columns arranged in pairs assist to bear the roof. In rear is a small eanctam, with no ante-chamber, in which stands daghoba of plain desigo, 14 feet high. (See folding Plan of Cave No. 3 attached.) The cave is lighted by three doors and two windows. The central door is well decorated (Plate VIII, fig. 2). It measures 15' X 8' to the outermost lintel, the actual entrance being 9' X 6'. The cornice has a row of nine Buddhas and a daghoba at each end, the frieze nine heads of Buddhs and the architrave & flowered scroll, which leads on to the inner pilastera. The consoles carry a female figure with one hand on a child's head, rising from a inakara's mouth. The windows shew socket holes for wooden beams. The pillars supporting the roof and forming the aisles are 12 feet high [11 feet] and 84 feet in diameter. They are square at the base, bat become octagons as they rise and then polygons, and finally return to tbe octagonal form at the summit. The intercolumniation is about 6 feet. The pillars fronting the daghoba chamber are, however, plain octagons and in Dr. Impey's time bore painted figures of Baddha, which have now almost vanished. There are seventeen cells, but there were twenty planned, as three on the south-west wall have evidently never been excavated. In each set the terminal cell is 4 fect wider than the others. (See folding Plan of Cave No. 4 attached.) The central arrangement in this cave is most unusual in having eight columns arranged in pairs, besides four central built up pillars. These eight columns are cylindrical with a circumference of 12 feet. Unlike the pillars they are carved and moreover once bore a regular frieze, 4 feet in height, 18 I do not believe that the figure represents Buddha himself, from the amulet and goneral appearance, but it is so termed by De Impey. * It was impossible to photograph this picture clearly, owing to the darkening of the colour.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1910. ornamented with figures and heads of Buddha carved in the stone. Within the frieze on a level with its upper edge, are the four central built up pillars. They are square with a side of 5-10", and 22 feet high from the floor. This makes them 7 feet higher than the aisle pillars and 3 feet [ 4 feet) higher than the columns, which are themselves 4 feet higher than the aisle pillars. The four central pillars are constructed of sandstone blocks without mortar, and they were certainly added after the cave had been excavated. It is by no means easy to account for this very unusual arrangement, now that the collapse of the roof has filled the centre of the cave with debris. Dr. Impey suggests that some sort of dome was borne on them, under which a daghoba or image of Buddha stood. Clearing away the debris might settle this point, and considering how unusual tho arrangement is, it would be well worth doing??. The whole cave is covered with plaster and was once profusely decorated with paintings. An idea of the nature of the decorations may be obtained from Plato LX, figs. 1, 2 and 3. The frescous are already seriously injured and will in a few years' time bave vanished 18. Cave No. 6 at Bagh. Care No. 5 is covered by the same portico as Cave No. 4. A pilaster and portico cell and the remains of a pillar mark its termination, but the pilaster is not so richly carved as that at the north-eastern end. In place of the colossal figare of Buddba to be found at the end are four figures of Buddha cut in the face of the rock between this cave and Cave No. 6. Cave No. 5 is a parallelogram 96'-6" x 43'-6" [94' x 44'). It has no aisles and no cells. The walls were plastered for painting, and it seems to bave been covered with frescoes similar to, but less elaborate ihan, those in Cave No. 4. Sixteen pillars, about 6 feet apart and 12 feet from the wall, an in two rows down the centre. They were 11 feet high, the ceiling being nearly three feet above them and connected by an architrave of that depth. (See folding Plan of Caves Nos, 5 and 6 attached.) The pillars are curious and, as Dr. Impey suggests, appear to shew the influence of Greek models. The shafts, which are round, smooth and unornamented throughout, spring directly from the ground without any pedestal. A small astragal, shaped like a torus, six inches from the top, is the only ornament between base and cavetto. Foor windows and a door light the cave. Cave No. 5 must, from its shape and arrangement, have been a lecture hall (shala), or refectory. A door, at the termination of the long portico, leads by a small ante-chamber 18'.8" x 17'-5" (18' x 15'] into the next cavo, No. 6. Cave No. 6 at Bagh. This was evidently a residential cave only. It is 48-9" X 46'-7" [46' square) and has no portico. A door and two windows open on to the valley direct. Only traces remain of the six pillars which supported the roof. Five cells in rear and two in the south-western wall supply chambers. Some are large, being 18 x 10-9' and 18' X 12. (See folding Plan of Caves Nos. 5 and 6 attached.) The walls were plastered, but not painted. it Porsonally I am inclined to think they were simply a constructive necessity required by the weakness of the roof. 18 It would perhaps be worth while deputing competent draughtsman to copy the more important design.

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Indian Antiquary. THE BAGH GROUP OF CAVES. PLATE I. Fig. 1. Entrance to Caves Nos. 2 and 3. Fig 2. Entrance to Caves Nos. 4 to 6 with Colossal Figure of Buddha. ASHGAR ALI. PHOTO W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTO, COLLOTYPE.

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ASHGAR ALI, PHOTO W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLLOTYPE Fig. 3. Approach to the Suraj Pol Cave. (Misplaced for Fig. 3, Pl. II, Poladungar Caves.) Fig. 4. Central Columns and Pillars, Gusain's Cave. Fig. 1. Cave No. 1. The Gusain's Cave. Fig. 2. Steps to the Entrance of the Caves. PLATE II. THE BAGH GROUP OF CAVES. Indian Antiquary.

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SHGAR ALI, PHOTO. 0 THE BAGH GROUP OF CAVES. PLATE III. Sculptures in the Antechamber of Cave No. 2. 201 Fig. 1. The North-eastern Group. Fig 2. The South-western Group. Indian Antiquary. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD, COLLOTYPE.

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ASHGAR ALI, PHOTO. THE BAGH GROUP OF CAVES. PLATE IV. Figures in the Antechamber of Cave No. 2 Fig. 1. Fig. 2. The North-eastern Dwarpala. The South-western Dwarpala. Indian Antiquary. W. GRIGGS & SONS LTD, COLLOTYPE.

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Indian Antiquary. THE BAGH GROUP OF CAVES. PLATE V. Fig. 1. Cave No. 3. with Tiger's head. Fig. 3. Old Vaishnava Sculptures at Bagh. Fig. 2. Old Hindu Temple at Bagh. ASHGAR ALI, PHOTO. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLLOTYPE.

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Indian Antiquary. THE BAGH GROUP OF CAVES. PLATE VI. Fig. 1. From a cell door-way in Cave No. 3. Senle 25. Fig. 2. From a cell door-way in Cave No. 3. Scale -5. C. E. LUARD, DEL W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTO, CHROMO-LITHO.

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Indian Antiquary. THE BAGH GROUP OF CAVES. PLATE VII. The Entrance to the Rang Mahal, Cave No. 4. ASHGAR ALI. PHOTO W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLLOTYPE

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Indian Antiquary. THE BAGH GROUP OF CAVES. PLATE VIII. Fig 1. The Eight Rows of Painted Buddhas, with pillar in Cave No. 4. Fig. 2. Doorway of Cave No. 4. ASHGAR ALI, PHOTO W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLLOTYPE

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THE BAGH GROUP OF CAVES, PLATE IX. Indian Antiquary Effaced Faced Hierced Fig. 2. Conventional Tree. From Cave No. 4. Fig. 1. Part of Ceiling in Front Aisle, Cave No. 4. Scale 25. Fig. 3. Part of Frieze in North Eastern Cell, Cave No. 4. C. E. LUARD, DEL W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., CHROMO-LITHO.

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AUGUST, 1910.] GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. 235 Cave No. 7 at Bagh. This cave lies at a distance of 45 feet from Cave No. 6 and is unconnected with it. It is a replica of No. 2, being a twenty pillared cave and measures 88' X 86' [86' fect square]. It is so filled with debris as to be difficult of access. No figures stand in the ante-chamber leading to the sanctum. Signs of painting are traceable on walls and pillars. Caves Nos 8 and 9 at Bagh. A small cell leads from Cave No. 7 to Cave No. 8. Caves Nos. 8 and 9 are now quite blocked by their fallen roofs. Cave No. 8 was a twenty pillared excavation. The softness of the sandstone has even necessitated the building up of one wall of No. 9 with stone. Conoluding remarks. This extremely interesting series has suffered by not being examined in time, as both the caves and their frescoes were already damaged in Dr. Impey's day and are now in a still worse condition. Possibly, however, a specially deputed draughtsman might still, by constantly wetting the frescoes, copy some portions of the designs, which each rainy season is making more and more indistinct It is a noticeable fact that no trace of writing nor inscription of any kind is met with. A word should be said of the site in which these caves bave been excavated. Still romantically picturesque, it requires no great stretch of the imagination for one encamped in the gorge to restore the caves as they onco were, with their colonnades and flights of stops leading down to the stream below. The valley is yet full of that peace which belongs to meditation, and in early days, buried in the heart of the forest, it must have formed an ideal retreat for & brotherhood of monks. Though the prayers and chants of the Buddhist have long ceased to awaken the denizens of the neighbouring jangle, Religion still asserts her rights and the old gusain's drum continues to signal the hour of prayer at nightfall and daybreak. As its echoes roll down the gorge, hundreds of monkeys hasten to the cave's mouth, bounding from tree top to tree top along the steep scarp, cbattering and screaming as they assemble to receive the grain thrown for them. And then at eventide the last boom dies away in a low moan, and the valley is given up to darkness and the ghosts of the old Buddist monks. Leaving the caves and striking north-east the half ruined shrine of a twelfth century Hindu temple is encountered. Only the garbha-griha remains (Plate V, fig. 2). The shrine was no doubt destroyed by the Muhammadans, who made a cemetery close by. A comparatively recent restoration has taken place in a promiscuous manner, many of the original stones having been reversed in the process. The foundation stands on a fine plinth, 10 feet high, and the blocks of which the body of the shrine is built are uncemented. Inside is a plaque, 4 feet long, of Vishga as Narayana lying on Sheshpag, which points to its having been originally # Vaishnava temple, though it is now put to Saiva uses, as a modern lingam has ugurped the place of Vishnu. Some small carved stones were found lying in the shrine (Plate V, fig. 3); the central one represents the sage Dattatreya and his wife. (To be continued.)

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUQUAT, 1910. KALIDASA'S RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY'. By M. T. NARASIMHIENGAR, BA., M.L.A.S. RELIGION and Philosophy always go hand in hand, and it is difficult to draw the line between tbem, especially when they are considered from the Hindu standpoint. Religion is the prac. tical side of Philosophy, and Philosophy is Religion theorized. The Hindu Religion is so mixed up with philosophy, and the philosophy displays so many religious features that we cannot think of the one without at the same time thinking of the other. No apology is therefore needed here for treating them together. According to tradition, Kalidasa was a native of Magadha, and was a Brahman by birth, He was left an orphan by the sudden death of both his parents, when he was scarcely six months old. In this helpless condition, he was seen by a cowherd, who brought him up as a member of his family. The boy was very handsome, though illiterate. Now, Bhimabukla, king of Benares, had a daughter by name Vasanti, who was regarded as the most accomplished lady of her age, and would accept no one as her husband, who was not versed in all the arts and sciences. The king's minister very cleverly imposed upon her, by proclaiming the orphan boy as the most learned pandlit of the day, and eventually got her married to him. The princess discovered tbe trick that had been played upon her. She was a favoured devotee of the goddess Kali, and by her advice her husband proceeded to the temple of that deity, worshipped her with devotion, and ultimately, nuade a row that bo would offer his own heal, if she did not touchsafe to him the gift of learning. The goddess took pity on the worshipper and his bride, and marked upon his tongue the mantrik letters for which endowed him with a ready wit in speaking and versifying. Thereafter, the young Brahman became known to the world as Kalidasa, or the devotee of Kali. The traditional account that Kalid Asa was a Brabunan by birth is supported by the fact, that he displays in his works a thorough acquaintance with the Upanishads, the Gita and other Brahmanic Religious Literature. Moreover, from the invocatory verses at the beginning of his works, we can infer that Kali dasa was a follower of the Advaita School of Philosophy and was a devont worshipper of Siva, For example, bis master-piece, the Sakuntala-nd!aka, contains the following invocatory verse : yA saSTismraSTurAyA vahati vidhihutaM yA haviryA ca hotrI the kAlaM vidhattamzrutiviSayaguNA yA sthitA vyApya vizvam / AATTEET farcra za grrrr: Ara: pratyakSAbhiH prapannastanubhiravatu vastAbhiraSTAbhirIzaH // In this, the poet invokes the blessing of God Siva or Ashta-murti, whose form is describeu as the sum of the eight elementary manifestations : (1) qe frana the Earth, known in the Tantra Sastra as Sarva. (2) Fara Water Bhara. (3) HAFA Fire Rudra. (4) The Air Ugra. (5) W afa the Sky or Ether Bhima. (6) Ana the Sacrificer Pasupati. (7) a the Moon Mahadeva. (8) et the San 1sana. 1 A short locture delivered at the KAlidasa Commemoration Meeting, held on behalf of the Friends' Union Bangulore, 8th July 1909. * There is a well-kuown stolra, called "3, in praise of Kali, the authorship of which is ascribea to Kalidasa.

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AUGUST, 1910.] KALIDASA'S RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY. In the Kalika-Purana, however, these eight martis are mentioned as the eight padas, or feet of Siva, incarnate in the form of Sarabhs (.e., a fabulous animal considered to have eight legs and to be stronger than a lion). Kalidasa seems to be an upasaka (or devout worshipper) of Ashtamurti, as he frequently refers, in his works, to Siva by that name : (i) In his Malavikagnimitra the invocatory verse runs thus :ekezvarye sthito'pi praNatabahuphale vaH svayaM kRttivAsAH kAntAsammizradeho'nyaviSayamanasAM yaH parastAdyatInAm / aSTAbhiryasya kRtkhaM jagadapi tanubhirbibhrato nAbhimAnaH sammAgaulokanAva vyapanayatu sa vastAmasa vRttimAMzaH // (ii) In the Raghuvamia we find: segurgit: kumbhodaraM nAma nikumbhamitram // (iii) Also in the Kumarasambhava we read : tatrAbhimAdhAva samitsamiddhaM 287 Evite yoksacurgft: 11 We might quote some more instances, but these will suffice for our purpose. In the first of these verses, Kalidasa identifies Ashtamurti with Ardha-narisvara, and it may be interesting to note that we find reference, as early as the second century A. D., to a temple in the Western Ghats, where an image of this description was being worshipped. In an article by Mr. J. Kennedy, appearing in the J. R. A. S. (p. 969), October 1907, we read: "Clemens (of Alexandria) tells us that Indians of his day (that is, the Indians of the west coast of India in the end of the second century A. D.) worshipped Herakles and Pan. It is not quite certain which Pan Clemens meant, but probably it was the Orphic Pan, and the Greek conception of the Orphic Pan is closely akin to that of Vishnu. The value of Clemens' statement is brought out by a story given by Bardaisan. In the kingdom of Sandanes,' says Bardaisan, that is, in the Western Ghats, there was a sacred cave of the Indians with a colossal statue of their supreme god. He was represented as half male and half female. On his right breast, the sun was engraved, and the moon on his left; while on the two arms was artistically engraved a host of angels and whatever the world contains, that is to say, sky and mountains and sea, and a river and ocean, together with plants and animals, in fact everything.' Every one recognises this as Siva-Ardhanarisvara; and Bardaisan's description shows that, by the 2nd century A. D., Siva had attained the highest rank as an embodiment of Pantheistic divinity." Mr. Kennedy does not, however, seem to have noticed that the description given by Bardaisan applies to Ashtamurti, though he calls the deity Siva-Ardhanariavara, 1 The introductory verse of the Vikramorvasiya-nataku is also in praise of Sthanu or Siva; and is universally appreciated for its liberal style. The verse rans thus: vedAnteSu yamAharekapuruSaM vyApya sthitaM rodasI yasminnIzvara ityananyaviSayazzabdo yathArthAkSaraH / bhantabaMdha sunirniyamitapaNAdinirmRgyate sa svAnusthirabhaktiyoga niSevasAyAstu vaH // It will be seen that the Bhakti-yoga here referred to, is no other than the Bhakti-yoga taught by Sri-Krishna in the Bhagavad-Gita. Some recent scholars are of opinion that the doctrine of Bhakti is foreign to Hindu Philosophy, and must have been imported from the West. But we know

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. [AVOUST, 1910. for a fact that the idea of Bhakti or Love of God' is as old as the Upanishads themselves; and modern scholars are in fact being led away by parallelisms of thought found in the different religious systems of the world. Mere parallelism in ideas does not signify much. All great minds, for instance, often think alike on common subjects, and numberless examples can be cited from Western and Eastern authors in support of this fact. A few will soffice for the present : (i) *All the world's a stage, And all the men and women merely players : They have their exits and their entrances ; And one man in his time plays many parts, His acts being seven ages..., "-Shakespeare. The Sanskrit rendering of this passage runs, in my Paritritti-ratnamdid, thus : agadidameko naTakularakRstadupari saryo naTajanasaH / bhAgamanirgamasahito manujo dhane saptavidhAniha veSAn // It compares strikingly with Bhartrihant's well-known verne sanaM bAlo bhUtvA kSaNamapi buvA kaamrsikH| sarva vittahInaH kSaNamapi ca smpuurnnvibhvH|| jarAjIraGgairmaTa iva vliimnnddivtnu-| narassaMsArAnte vizati bamabhAnIyavanikAm // (III. 30) Will it therefore be asserted that Shakespeare borrowed these ideas from Bhartrihari? (ii) Again, Wordsworth's lines on the Intimations of Immortality of the Soul "Our birth is bat asleep and aforgetting: The soul that rises with us, our life's star, Hath had elsewhere its setting, And cometh from afar ; Not in entire forgetfulness, And not in utter nakedness, But trailing clouds of glory, do we como From God, who is our home"-, the Sanskrit rendering of which again reads thus: prANinAM ananamatra nAparaM svApajAtakRtivismRti binaa| bhAsmabhAnurUdito'varAjate prApyacAstamitaraba duurtH|| mAtivismRtitamohatA vayaM nirgatA bhagavato'smadAlavAn / pUrvajanmakRtakarmaNAM bato jnyaanleshmlinprbhaabutaaH|| --may be well compared, in idea, with the following stanza from Kalidasa's Sakuntala-ndtaka (Act VI): rambAle vIkSya madhurAMzca nizamya zabdAn / parvAsako bhavati yatsukhito'pi jnnuH|| tacetasA smarati mUnamabodhapUrva / bhAvasthirANi jmnaantrsauhaani||

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AUGUST, 1910.] KALIDASA'S RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY. Who will therefore infer that Wordsworth borrowed his idea from Kalidasa ? (iii) Compare also : with with with (a) Through error's maze, through folly's night, The lamp of reason lends me light." 64 hartuM tamassadasatI ca vivektumIzI mAnaM pradIpamiva kAruNiko dadAti // (b) Thy bounty still the sunshine pours, That guilds its morn and evening hours." John Langhorne. yadAdityagataM tejo jagahAsabate'khinam / yacandramasi yaccAnau tattejo viddhi mAmakam || John Langhorne. Parasara-Bhattarya's Sriranga-rajastava, II, 1. so'haM vipAkAvasare mukunda krandAmi sampratyagatistavAme // (c) "Where stern affliction waves her rod, My heart confides in Thee, my God!" Bh: Gita, XV, 12. John Langhorne. vAgarthAviva sampRktau vAgarthapratipattaye / jagataH pitarau vande pArvatIparamezvarau // Yamunarya's Stotra ratna, St. 23. 239 Can we conclude by these parallelisms that the British Poet, Langhorne, copied the Sanskrit Poets above quoted? It would not be safe, therefore, to argue from mere similarity of ideas that one of the authors has borrowed from the other. The common idea, in each case, must have occurred to the two poets independently. In the same way, the idea of Bhakti must have sprung up independently amongst different nations of the world, simultaneously with the idea of God; for bhakti is only a loving devotion to a God, who is all-merciful and ever beneficent. It would be unreasonable, therefore, to argue that the doctrine of bhakti is foreign to a Philosophical System that has been universally admitted as the most ancient in the world. To return to my subject, the idea conveyed in the Mangalasloka of the Raghuvamsa is in close agreement with the ideas contained in the invocatory verses above quoted. This wellknown sloka runs thus :

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1910. It has been commented upon largely; and some ingenious scholars would interpret the last pada- cam-s signifying both Siva and Visbnu. They would explain the compound thus : pArvatIpatha ramezvaraca-pArvatIparamezvarI This interpretation is hardly convincing, and is to be taken simply as an attempt to show that Kalidasa was equally devoted to Vishnu and Siva, a fact that can be easily proved otherwise. The passage quoted by Mallinatha from the Vayupurana, viz., sapanAsamopaM dhatte sarvasva vllbhaa| bharyarUpaM brkhilNdhtemugdhendushekhrH|| -offers the key-note to the correct interpretation of the verse. It must, however, be admitted that Kalidasa's religious belief is fall of toleration. His liberal viows mark him out as an unprejudiced and impartial Vedantin. The following are some of the main philosophical tenets referred to in his work. :(1) that the individual souls enjoy in this birth the results of past karma ; () that God, though omnipresent and ever-watchfal, is indifferent when the sonls act against his injunctions as laid down in the Sastras ; (3) that the soul's observance or non-observance of the Sdstras is dependent entirely on the samakdras (mental impressions) of previous births ; (4) that God is always jast and impartial, and is all-merciful ; (5) that meritorious deeds, done with attachment to the results thereof, are only productive of trivial and ephemeral fruit; (6) that deeds performed as duties, 1.c., without attachment to the resnlts thereof, are conducive to the attainment of salvation; and (7) that God, who is residing in everybody's heart as Antary&min, is realisable by means of yoga-namddhi or uninterrupted concentration of the mind, which realisation is the highest end of life. Kalidasa's verseg, containing these and other philosophical ideas, are frequently found to echo the very sentiments expressed in the Upanishads, the Bhagavad-Gita, and the Brahma-stras. One could easily quote parallel passages in support of this statement. Kalidasa's philosophical knowledge is exhibited to the greatest advantage in the 10th sarga of the Raghuvamia (stanzas 16--82), where the Devas (derni-gods) approach Vishnu lying on the Milky Sea and sing his praises. A summary of the thoughts ranning through these few stanzas may not be out of place here : (1) God is three-fold in form-as the Evolver, the Preseryer and the Dissolver of the Universe. (2) If it be objected -"How can the Immatable take this three-fold form ? "-the answer is-Just as the very same rain-water acquires different tastes by falling on different regions, so the Immutable God takes different forms by assuming different qualition, vis., satta (parity), rajas (turbidity), and tamas (darkness).

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August, 1910.) KALIDASA'S RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY. 241 (3) God is immeasurable, while He has measured all the worlds ; He has no requests to make, while He fulfils the requests of others; He is invincible, while He is the conqueror of all and he is inconceivable, while He is the cause of all that is conceivable. (4) He is seated in the heart of every one, though residing in a region far away from this world ; He is ever engaged in tapas (penance or meditation), though He has no desires of his own; He is untouched by sorrow, though feeling sorry for the plight of the afflicted ; and He is never subject to old age, though existing from time immemorial, (5) He is the bestower of the four objects of life, viz., dharma (virtue), artha (wealth), kama (enjoyment) and moksha (Salvation). He is the cause of Time and all its divisions (such as the chatur-yugas). He is the originator of the chatur-narnya, or the Four Castes. (6) The yogins, desirous of attaining salvation, tarn their well-disciplined minds inwards to seek the Antary&min, residing in their hearts. (7) God's nature is inexplicable. He is without births, and yet He becomes incarnate. He hates none, and yet He inflicts punishments. He is sleeping on the Milky Sea, and yet He is everawake and watchfuls. (8) Just as all the waters of the Ganges eventually reach the . so all kinds of means adopted for salvation have Vishnu for their goal. (9) God's creations, that can be realised by the sense of perception, are themselves boundless. Such being the case, what can we say with regard to His own nature, which is conceivable only by the aid of the revealed Sastras or by inference ? (10) The very thought of God sanctifies the soul. It is therefore needless to dilate upon the results that would follow from the various ways of paying homage to Him. (11) Though he has no desires of His own to be fulfilled, yet He becomes incarnate, and works only for the elevation of mankind. (12) If we pause while singing the praises of God, it is only because our tongaes fail, and not because His qualities are exhausted". From this summary it is evident that our poet is equally devoted to Vishnu also. That he can take rank with the best of philosophers, is evidenced by his keen insight into the subtle points of the various philosophical systems. We can see from his works how a poet, who is unparalleled in the bringdra-rasa or Sentiment of Love,' can handle philosophical subjects with credit to himself. In fact, it may be said that poetry shines best when the subject-matter is sublime ; for it is only then that the poet's inspiration reaches its zenith : na brahmavidyA na ca rAjyalakSmIstathA yatheyaM kavitA kavInAm / lokottare puMsi nivezyamAnA putrIva harSe hRdaye karoti / / cf. . cf. at fafceresortare 4-Bhoja's Champa-Ramdyana. ada araftarlarar! matikSayAtrivartante na govindaguNakSayAt / /

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1910. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. This Series has been compiled almost entirely from Gazetteers and Settlement Reports relating to Districts in the Eastern Panjab. It includes such stores of words as are contained in the late Sir Denzil Ibbetson's Settlement Report of the Karndl District, Sir J. B. Lyall's Kangra Settlement Report (including the Glossary), and other publications of their school. It also includes somo Bauria words and phrases collected by Mr. S. L. Williams of the Panjab Police, some addenda to the Panjabi Dictionary by Miss Francis, Inspectress of Schools, Panjab, and some definitions of local words by Dr. J. Hatchison of the Chamba Mission. At least one more Series will be required to exhaust the material available in published books, and as my material is published by degrees, it will be preferable to refer to published articles than to insert words without references. Moreover, several new or revised Gazetteers, etc., are under issue in the Panjab and some of these contain fresh words which will have to be excerpted. It may be noted that the present Series does not embody Mr. A. H. Diaok's Kuluhi Dialeot of Hindi or the Glossary in the revised Gazetteer of the Kangra District, 1904. In conclusion, attention is invited to a Supplement to the Panjabi Dictionary by the Rev. T. Grahame Bailey, C.M.S., now ander publication in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in which a Glossary of Pahari, by Pandit Tika Ram Joshi, will also appear shortly. Abbar bhandi=abhagat : impiety. Abdal, mad: Shahpur. Abra, habra: land in small plots among boulders, difficult to plough ; aud so generally gown with mdh, etc. (Dera). Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Abban=abba. Ablakh, 8. m.: lime obtained from burnt shells, used as a cosmetic : tale, mica. Adj.: piebald, parti-coloured. Achhopla, adj. Ad: the boundary ridge between individual fields. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 171. Add=&d : a garden aqueduct. Adda: the land appertaining to a bucket or wheel, when there are two wheels or buckets ou the same well. Cf. sek. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 169. Addhwata : half-way. Addi: etcetera, and so on. Addna, munh: to open the mouth. Adh: the irrigation channel of a well. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 100. Adhaman: half a ghumao, or half of any ares. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Adhamia: a jacket. Bauris argot. adhar: the second day of a wedding. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 131. Adheo: a tenant farmer residing in the village, but not on the land le cultivates. Cf. opaha and leirsar. Kangra S. R. Review, pp. 8, 44. Adhor: half a bher, q. v. - Adht ghart : a tenancy for which half the produce is payable as rent: Pangi ; cf. ghard. [Chamba].

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AUGUST, 1910.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. Adhsali: a person sharing the landlord's share of grain and paying half the revenue. Glossary. Adith said to be from Sanskrit adrisht: invisible-a bubo- gambhir. Gurgaon. Adita: a tenant paying half of the grass produce to the proprietor; Palam. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. 243 Afi: a little viper. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 20. Agam: a shallow surface drain. Cf. sud. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 293. Agast, agat: a north wind, which blows for a day or two about Bhadon, 22nd (middle of) September and breaks the maize stalks, besides injuring in a less degree sugar-cane and cotton. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 125. Ahar, ahr: a small duct or water channel. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Ahn locust. Ludhiana S. R., 1888, p. 125. Ai, man: mother; see aga. Agath a destructive wind-storm. Jullundur S. R., p. 12. P Ago, aga: father. Bauris argot. Cl. bapa; ex. ago, aita mare giye his father and mother are dead." Aigar unlucky, uncanny; see greh. Ailo barley, Pangi. A beer (lugri or chang) made from it. [Chamba]. Aisan a tree (pentap tera tormentosa). Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 14. Kangra Ajjhna to proceed, go. Akhar: seed of sarson. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 190. Ak-ka-mama: the al's maternal uncle,' the handsome parasite of the ak plant, called margoza. Akhanet: hail (Gadi). Cf. an, and kharet. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Akhri: black buck, ex. akhri har diya there is a black buck,' Bauria argot. Akhwal: see kawal. Rohtak. Akar: fees of begar. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Akbari: the three principal clans of Jats:--Bains, Sahota and Khunga. Hoshiarpur S. R, p. 51. 'Al: a hole or pool, or deep place in a stream, not backed by rocks or a steep bank (if so backed, kund). Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Al a black oily appearance upon the leaves of cotton and sugar-cane; also used for a gregarious caterpillar, which especially attacks cotton, rape and sesame. Of. did. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 180. Al moist sub-soil. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 169. Al a nick-name. Karnal S. R., p. 77. Ala: a niche in wall'; Kangra: see gahi. 'Ala, alan: a rope bridge; in Tibetan chag zam. Cf. jhala. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Alan a mess of Indian corn meal. Ludhiana S. R.. 1885, p. 70. Alked carelessness, indifference; from the adj. alki, careless. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. x. Alsu a woollen shoe. Sirmur trans-Giri. Alubal police officer. Bauria argot. Alapuri: a variety of jowar; it gives a large sweet grain, but is delicate. Cf. pilt. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 186.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1910. Amar: heaven. Ex. amar pakka, a red sky. Cf. ambar; Sanskrit, ambara. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Ambakari: a tax on mango-trees. Kangra S.-R. (Lyall.), p. 34. Amlera sour flour, used as a leaven. See under bhatoru. Amri: adj. natural, unartificial. Amukkna: to ferment (of grain). Amussna: to become slightly putrid. An: hail: akhanet and kharet in Gadi. Andhrata: night blindness. Cf. rataunda. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 152. Andrar, undrar: a house-yard or enclosure; a common enclosure in which several houses of one family stand. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Andrari: a place in front of a house for keeping fuel and grass. Fr. andrar. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Ang: the number of heads in the lana. Karnal S. R., p. 112. Angra: a piece of wood with a hole in which the axle of the horizontal wheel of a well works. Jullundur S. R., p. 102. Angta: a waistcoat for women. Sirmar trans-Girt. Anhara anhera. Anjan: a grass (Andropogo iwarancusa). Karnal 8. R., p. 12. Anjana: sorting or sifting two kinds of grain. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix Anokhra anokkha. Ansari: a coarse rice. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 184. Anusar ansar. Antna: to twist. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 199. Apgat: violent death. Cf. ghazimard. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 153. Aprauna: to cause to arrive. Aqiqa: the feast celebrated at the end of forty days after a birth. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 71. Ar: an irrigation channel. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 407. Ara: a weight=4 thakuris or 6 sers; Jubbal. The area sown with one ard is reckoned as equal to a bigha. Arak untrained ox. Arat: a tax levied on all imports; Jubbal. Arata a ceremony at a wedding performed by the bride or bridegroom's mother; she takes a 5-wicked lamp made of flour, places it on a tray, and while her brother stands on a stool, waves it up and down his body from head to foot: Cf. minna. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 129. Arla: a variety of edible arum, the colocasia himalensis, Cf. kachala and gundiali. Kangra S. R., p. 25: Arbinga charl. Arha: wolf nahr. Banria argot. Arhar: Cajanus indicus. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 90. (To be continued.)

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE MALWA GROUP OF CAVES. hanpura. prapater Rompura. Chendel R Saajit. Garot. Polodundar. Chandwas. Dhamber gaon. mugaon. Bu bida *Khan andaco SQ angrar Dog R. M. Ry. Agar Or.. REFERENCES 1. Indore a. Gwalior * Sitamau .. Dewas S. Jcora Jhulamer ---Care silas underlined, Halegaor is not insecake SEALE 16 MILES-I INCH Mohidpur.

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY. POLADUNGAR CAVES. ELEVATION ON C.D. OF PLAN OF SURAJ POL CAVE. Broker rog Lerel Porticoid side ailo roofing SCALE INCH. 6 FEET.

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY. POLADUNGAR CAVES. PLAN OF SURAJ POL CAVE Rocks Height of rautt so Height of archiwa Height ----- UAHeight - Tolat langth 49-5 - ------ Height -i. -Ante chamber Partico SCALE INCH-6EE

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O. E. LUARD. RAUDITHA WRIGHT NO MAIN 12204 THE POLADUNGAR CAVES. 40 PLATE I. Indian Antiquary. Entrance to the Suraj Pol Cave. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLLOTYPE.

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Indian Antiquary. THE POLADUNGAR CAVES. PLATE II. Fig. 1. The Daghoba in the Suraj Pol Cave. Fig 2. Doorway of the Suraj Pol Cave. Fig. 3. Main and South-Western doors. Niche with image of Ganesa-Gusain's Cave. (Misplaced for Fig. 3. PI. II, Bagh Caves.) W, GRIGGS A SONS, LTO, COLLOTYPE GELUARD

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Indian Antiquary, "THE POLADUNGAR CAVES. PLATE III. Fallen Facade of the Cave lying to the west of the Suraj Pol Cave. . E. LUARD W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLLON YPE.

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SEPTEMBER, 1910.) GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. 245 GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. BY MAJOR C. E. LUARD, M.A., I.A. (Continued from p. 235.) THE MALWA GROUP As already mentioned the excavations in Malwa are situated at seven places, Dhamnar and 44 Poladungad in the Indore State of the Central India Agency, and Kholvi (24deg 1' N., 75deg 55' E.) Awar (24deg 8' N., 75deg 56' E.) and Benaiga (24deg 3' N., 75deg 56' E.) in Jhallawar, and Hategaon (P) and Ramagaon (24deg 7' N., 75deg 59' E.) in the Tonk State, in the Rajputana Agency. The last four I have not visited, but from accounts they appear to resemble the Dhamnar excavations, and not those at Kholvi.10 The relative positions of these places, except Hagegaon, which is not on the Survey maps, are given in the map attached. The Poladungad Caves. Poladungad, or "the hollow hill," is an isolated hill of laterite, situated in 24deg 14' N., and 75deg 45' E., 12 miles south-east of Garot in the Rampara-Bhanpura zila of Indore State. The excavations lie on three faces of the hill, and, owing to the highly friable nature of tbe stone, have in most cases suffered severely from the collapse of their roofs. The excavations number over one hundred, but are all small residential caves, except two, which are Chaitys balls. Of these, moreover, one situated on the western face of the hill has collapsed. (See Plate II, fig. 3.) * The hall which is still in a fair state of preservation lies at the southern extremity of the hill. It is locally called Suraj-Pol-ka-gupha, or Cave of the Gate of the Sun. The general plan of this cave is shewn in the plan and elevation attached. It consists of a portico, 28 feet long by 4 feet deep and 14 feet 4 inches high, opening directly on to the plain at the foot of the bill. Of this portico little now remains, owing to the collapse of the rock. Behind it are one door and two windows, the door being 5 feet 3 inches wide, and 13 feet 7 inches high. The sockets for wooden frames can be traced in the stone (See Plates I and II, fig. 2). The door leads into an ante-chamber, 24 feet 9 inches by 7 feet 1 inch, in the rear of which is the OhAltya Hall, 33 feet 1 inch by 24 feet 9 inches, and supported on four square pillars of simple design. The ball ends in a vaulted chamber with an apse in which the Daghoba stands. The Daghoba, which is quite plain, is 14 feet 4 inches high (See Plate II, fig. 1). Owing to the collapse of part of the vault the Daghoba has been damaged. Se A. Cunningham's Archeological Surwy Roport, Vol. II, 280.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1910. The four pillars bear an arched roof which is 19 feet, 4 inches high. The Vault over the Dagloba was, when complete, about 24 feet high, or 8 feet ahove the top of the Daghoba. The roof of the ante-chamber and also of the side aisles is 14 feet 4 inches high. The ornamentation used in this cave and indeed, throughout the series, is of the simplest (Plate III). No representations of Buddha are met with, but Daghobas are frequently seen. There are also no signs of plastering for frescoe work. The cave on the western face was evidently an exact replica of this one and, judging from the appearance, both the caves should be placed in the Seventh Century A.D. THE DHAMNAR CAVES. As a very full account of the Dhamnar Caves is given by Sir Alexander Canningham (in Archaeological Survey Report, Vol. II, p. 270) a description is unnecessary here. Plate I gives a general view of the caves described by Cunningham, the principal excavations being indicated below by the same number as are used in the Archaeological Survey Report. On Plate II, figs. 1, 2 and 8 are views of Cave No. 6, called the Bapi Kaohahri. It consists of a flat roofed central hall, 20 feet square, supported on four pillars. In rear is the small Chaityn chamber with its Daghoba. The portico is fine. It rests on two pillars and two balf pilasters, bearing an entablature and frieze, the latter being ornamented with the characteristic Buddhist device and a representation of # Tope. Below is a railing imitating # wooden structure. Plate III, fig. 1, represents the portico of Cave No. 8, the Chhoti Kaohahri. It resembles the Bari Kachahri, but is of simpler design, while the roof is domed and ribbed to represent rafters. Plato III, fig. 8, 'shews Cave No. 10, known as the Bajlok Gupha. It is 25 feet by 23 feet, and resembles Cave No. 6. Plate III, fig. 4, represents Cave No. 11, called Bhim's Bazar, from the seated figure of * Buddba in it. It is unusually interesting as it is a combined Chaitya hall and Vihara. The representation shews one of the passages with the cells for monks. In size it is the largest of the series, being 115 feet by 80. The roof is domed and ribbed as in the case of No. 8. The facade. resembles that of No. 6. Plate No. III, fig. 2, gives Cave No. 12 called the Hathimokh Cave, from the Daghobs which supports the roof. It is of simple design, 25 feet by 27 feet. A staircase just outside this cave leads to the top of the hill. On Plate IV, fig. 1, is general view of Caves 8, 9, and 10, 11, shewing also a broken Daghoba in the foreground, the sphere from the top lying in front of the damaged base. Plate IV, fig. 2, gives A view of one of the Colossi, 10 feet high, at the entrance to Cave No. 13, known as the Child's Cave, so called from this figure and some representations of Buddha in it. Plate IV, fig. 3, shews the steps near Cave No. 12. Plates V and VI shew two views of the fine rock-out Brahmanical temple to the north of the Caves. This temple lies in a pit 104 feet by 67 feet and 80 feet deep. The temple is 48 feet by 33 feet, and has seven small shrines round it.

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LTD, COLLOTYPE. V VI VII X XI The numbers indicate the positions of the Caves as described and numbered by Sir Alexander Cunningham, Arch. S. R. Vol. III, p. 270. XI XII XHI PLATE I THE DHANMAR CAVES. Indian Antiquary.

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Indian Antiquary. THE DHANMAR CAVES. PLATE II. Fig. 1. Cave No. 6, The Bari Kachahri, General View. Fig. 2. The Daghoba in Cave No. 6. Fig. 3. Interior of Cave No. 6, with Daghoba. w, ORIOS BONO, LTD., OLLOTYPE. GELUARD

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E LUARD PLATE 111. THE DHANMAR CAVES. Fig. 1. Portico of Cave No 8. The Chhoti Kachahri Fig. 2. Cave No. 12. with Daghoba. The Hathi-mekh Cave W. GROOS & SONS. LTD. COLLOTYPE Indian Antiquary Fig. 3. General View of Cave No. 10. The Rajlok Cave Fig 4. Cave No. 11, with cells in the passage. Bhim's Bazar.

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Indian Antiquary. THE DHANMAR CAVES. PLATE IV. Fig. 1. General view of Caves Nos. 8. 9. 10 and 11. Broken Daghoba in foreground. Fig 3. Steps near Cave No. 12. Fig. 2. Colegus in front of Cave No. 13. "The Child's Cave. w. GRIGOS a O . LTD, COLLOTYPE. Q . LUARD

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CE LUARD THE DHANMAR CAVES. PLATE V. Xiang Yuan Yuan Nian Indian Antiquary. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD, COLLOTYPE Rock-cut Brahmanical Temple at Dhanmar From below.

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Indian Antiquary. THE DHANMAR CAVES. PLATE VE Rock-cut Brahmanical Temple at Dhanmar. From above. GELUARD. W. GRIGOS SONS LTD., COLLOTYPE

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SEPTEMBER, 1910.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Continued from p. 244.) Ari khor: perverse. Arjan: a timber tree (Terminalia glabra). Kangra S. R., p. 22. Arli: the handle of a plough. Cf. thaili. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 99. Armann: perverse. Arns (erna ?) burnt cow-dung (?); Gurdaspur. Arni: a tree (Clerodendron phlomoides). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Arogta arogan. Ars: P. ambaltas. Arthi: a bier for carrying a dead body. Cf. sidi. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 168. arti: a bier Cf. pinjri. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 136. Asang 8. m. strength. Aseb: shadow, p. 12 of Miss B. Asidda asada. Aspghol: Flicus, fleswort. Gurgaon S. R., 1883, p. 68. Assahur early morning, 3 a. m, 247 AsseAssa, Assuj. Atam devi: [Kangra] houses. Atholu: a tenant who farms land with plough and oxen furnished by the landholder. Cf. chintequ and trihana. Kangra S. R. Review, pp. 8, 44. Athra: a disease which attacks children on the 8th day, month or year, of their age. Athraha wasin: Karnal. Athwara: daily begar or corvee, by which each pargana has to supply three coolies a day for various services to the state. Gulhar Lit. 8 days' free labour in the darbar. Jubbal. Atiala: a platform of masonry built under, or round the trunk of, a tree(=atala, P. D. p. 52) Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Atll: a raised sitting place-see bihi. Atthra adj. restless. Attun:=atan. Augshumari: Hissar S. R., p. 10. Aula, aulk&: a ditch behind land or a house to intercept and carry off drainage from a hill above; also a drain to carry off water from a field. Of. challa. Kangra S. R., App. iv, p. ix. Aulka: Cf. aula. Aun: the iron rings, with which the sides of the hole in the pulley, through which the axle passes, are lined, to prevent friction. Jullundur 8. R., p. 102. Aur: heat (of season). Aura: S. M. scarecrow in human shape. Aura: a receipt for revenue:-i, a tax or due levied to cover the cost of writing the auru. Kangra S. R. (Lyall.), p. 38. Autri: a patch of barren land. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 12. Awai: coming, arrival. Awer: delay. Awi jana: to come. Bauria argot.

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1910. Bachwa: a fish (Eutropuchthys vacha). During the rains, after the first heavy floods have swept down the Budha Nala, this fish begins to run ap. It is rarely in good condition owing to the thickness of the water, but is notwithstanding the very best eating fish to be had there. In the Sutlej, it is found in great quantities near any place where young fish congregate. It probably migrates for part of the year and also to spawn. Ludhiana 8. R., 1883, p. 17, Karnal S. R., p. 7. Badd : a mow or reap; see barra bad. Badh : enlarged glands :=kachhrdle, kan-pera. Karnal. Badhe: (lit. extra ') an extra coss. Of. bodh. Kangra S. R. (Lyall.), p. 33. Badhun: cultivated, see bahuddh. Badkanak: a very tall variety of wheat growing to a height of 4 or 5 feet in good wel land. The grain is large ; but said to be hard and not good for floar. Of. phaman. Ladhien S. R., 1888, p. 113. Badrol: a timber tree. Kangra S. B., p. 29. Bafr: a kold or plot of rice-land to which there was no bereditary claimant: opposed to mudi Kangra 8. R. (Lyall), SS 82. Bagar: a blind alley. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 120. Bagar-wala: the greatest of the snake-kings. Cf. gaga and jdkirpir. Kargal S. R., 1880, p. 151. Baggi: a small irrigation-cnt. Sirga 8. R., 1888, p 406. Bagtari; a coat. Bauria argot. Bagart: a cane-hoe with short handle. Jallandar S. R., p. 108. Baha: an earthen vessel ia which juice running out of the sugar press is received. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 182. Bahal: a tree (Greria oppositifolia). Cf. dhaman. Jollandur S. R., p. 120. Baharu : lit. an outcast'; the name of the next son of a mother after she has lost one by small-pox. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 150. Bahera : (Terminalia belerica.) Kangra 8. R., p. 22. Bahaj, bahj : land ploughed ready for sowing. Bahnbanjar: the poorest land, obliged to lie fallow for two or three years before yielding even one crop. Hoshiarpar S. R., p. 69: inferior land. Kangra 8. R., p. 24. Bahndol behndol: cultivated. Kangra Glossary. Cl. badhun. Bai: sister. Bauria argot. Bai: two. Sirsa 8. R., 1883, p. 124. Bain badli or bauri, : & covered spring. Bains : a big harmless sako, Jollandur 8. R., p. 12. Bair : string connecting the two circles of spring-wheel. Bairia: the man who catches the backet (in irrigating with the leather bucket). Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 169. BAIS: the number of viHages contained in a tlluga. Cf. bet. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 12.

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SEPTEMBER, 1910.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, 249 Baisak, bastdk : see bihak. Baje : without. Kangra Glossary. Bakhari : a fire-place in a well. Kangra Glossary. . Bakbarna : to separate, put apart, Kangra Glossary. Bakra: he-goat ; * sum of money, R. 1-0 or B. 1-8, paid to the parents of a widow on her remarriage. Charah. Bakral: Ahed in which goats are kept. Sirmur, Bakri (Gadi): a she-goat ; towdt, he-goat; cheila or cheli, a kid ; patla, young male up to two years; pat, young female; charrara, a cut male. Kangra Glossary. Ballen lent: to bless (a child). Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 168. Balaur: the vertical axis of the horizontal cogged wheel of a Persian well. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 160. BAldi: the man who foods the bullocks. Cf. nytr w dla. Karnal 8. R., 1880, p. 168. Bale, 'yes': assent, to assent to a betrothal, a betrothal. Pathing of Hoshiarpur and Muhammadans of Kangra ; among the latter the bale is a regalar observance which precedes the betrothal (mangns) : Hoshiarpur. Balhrt, balhi, balri: A small meadow or field on the side of a stream. Kangra Glossary. Balla: level land on the side of a river. Kangra Glossary. Balti mels: a paja ceremony held in the month of Magh or Phagan on an auspicious day is called balt and people then assemble for a fair (mela). Simla Hills. Balu : a bear:rich is also commonly used ; gdhi or gdi in Kula, where chidha gdi means a black bear. Kangra Glossary. Ban: a sheep-ran. Kangra S. R. (Lyall.), pp. 88-40. Ban: the dam of a water-course. Of, dang. Kangra S. R. (Lyall.), p. 92. BAN: . ceremonial oiling the boy has to undergo at. Karnal B. R., 1880, p. 127. Ban-kironk : lit. forest watchman', the loklds pheasant ; ses under lakrola. Ban-kui: woodoock ; see jaldkeri. Bana : bash of some size, also called sambhald, lei; Simla Hills. Banahata :=chela. Ola bam, Sun and Serpent, p. 94. Banisat: female spirit which dwells in forests on nigh mountain slopes. Cattle are believed to be under her charge and when taken to graze in the forests she is propitiated. Cf. banbir, Chamba. Banbir: a tree spirit which has a specially evil influence. Cf. bandeat, Chamba. Banchatht: dried stems of the cotton plant. Cf. bansati. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 184. Band khulai: the ceremony in which the bride's mother makes the bridegroom untie one knot of the manda. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 132. Bandarwal: garland of mango leaves hung up in the doorway when a boy is born. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 125.

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. (SEPTEMBER, 1910. Bandha: all the ornaments collectively worn by a man or woman. Used in Pangi for the ornaments (bdlu and kangan given by the boy to the girl at betrothal) ; luand, to put on ornaments, a form of marriage used when a widow marries her husband's brother on the liria day;- dend, to give R. 1 to the bride for her ornaments on betrotbal. Oharkh. Bani : * village copse. Rohtak. Banjan: the egg-plant (Solonum melongena). Karnal 8. R., 1880, p. 123. Bankarila : (Momordica Charantia.) Gurgaon 8. R., 1888, p. 14. Banar: see bandr. Bangat, vangat: a cash due payable to the Reja on a band or lot. Kangra 8. R. (Lyall.) $31. Banj-pa-dona: to put out of caste. Kangra Glossary. Bankukar: the jangle-fowl. Kangra Glossary. Banna: a shrub (vitex negundo ). Hoshiarpur 8. R., p. 14 : * scrub (Tamarisk gallica). Rohtak. Bannhnan, bannhne: to manage, govern, Bannbanan: a tying, management, arrangement. Bans: a fish (Rhynchobdela aculeata). Karnal S. R., p. 7. Bansa : a scrub (lephrosia pramila). Rohtak. Cf. bamsk, P. Dy., p. 95. Bansati: dried stems of the cotton plant. Of. banchat/t. Bans-looban: a substance, sometimes coagulated, sometimes liquid, found in the cylinder of the nal bamboo; highly valued for its cooling and strengthening properties; also called tabashir according to P. Dy., p. 95. Kangra S. R., p. 20. Bant: a sub-division of the ban or sheep-ran. Kangra S. R. (Lyall.), p. 40. (To be continued.) - BOOK NOTICES. THE BURMES) AND ABAKANES CALENDARS, treatments of the matter, however, left us by A. M. B. IRWIN, O.S.I., Indian Civil Service. under the impression that the Burmese calendar Pp. 5, 92, including ten tables. Rangoon: Hanth answered exactly, mutatis mutandis, to the waddy Printing Works: 1909. Hindu calendar, so that Burmese dates might This work, a revised and amplified issue of a be treated as Hindu dates, and could be book by the same anthor entitled "The Burmese caloulated and verified by the tables and procesCalendar" which was published in 1901, supplies see which we apply to Hindu dates. That that # want that has long been felt by all who are is not the case, was shown in 1894 by Prointerested in the chronology of India and its fessor Kielhorn's examination (ante, vol. 23, surroundings. A few remarks about the Bur- p. 139 1.) of the six dates, capable of verification, mese calendar and reckonings were made by which are given in the Po-u-daung inscription Francis Buchanan in 1799 in Asiatic Researches, of A. D. 1774. But we were still left without a vol. 6, pp. 169-71, and by Prinsep in his Useful plain guide. And it is in these circumstances Tables published in 1834-36. Prinsep's obeer (Mr. Irwin's first book, and a work by Mr. Htoon vations were reproduced by Cowasjeo Patell Chan entitled The Arakancas Calendar which in 1866, in his Chronology, p. 48. And a few was published in 1905, not having secured general more details were given in 1883, by Oan- attention) that the present work oomea in so ningham, in his Indian Eras, p. 71, #. These opportunely. This is particularly the case

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SEPTEMBER, 1910.) BOOK NOTICES. 251 - because archaeological exploration in Burma is that the amanta Chaitra always begins at the now making considerable progress, and we new-moon oonjunction which occurs next after may expect to have, ere long, a very appreciable the entrance of the sun into the Hindu constellanumber of inore or less ancient records contain tion and sign Mina (Pisces), the first civil day of ing dates which can be, and should be, the year being the day after that conjunction; examined properly with a view to verification : and the Chaitridi lunar year does not begin in fact, we already have a fair number of such earlier than on the thirtieth day (on very rare records, ranging from A. D. 1140 onwards, in occasions the thirty-first day)' before the Meshidi the book Inscriptions of Pagan, Pinya and Ava, solar year regarded as beginning astronomically translatioas, published at Rangoon in 1899. We at the moment of the Mesha-samkranti. propose to re-examine in a separate article The Burmeso and Arakanese lunar year the dates which were examined by Professor answers theoretically to the Hindu Obsitriidi year. Kielhorn ; to show how they work out correctly It begins with the first day of the waxing or from the bases supplied by Mr. Irwin; and to I bright fortnight of the month Tagu, which is the ofter some remarks on the various reckonings Burmese and Arakanese equivalent of the Hindu which prevail or have prevailed in Burma. Ohaitra. It, also, is regulated by a system of Meanwhile, we will indicate why Burmese dates intercalated months. And it is governed by a cannot be treated as Hindu dates, though solar year beginning at the entrance of the sun theoretically the Burmese year is of the same into Mesha, called by the Burmese and Arakanese nature with the Hindu year. Meiktha. But there are the following important The principal Hindu lunar year is the differences in detail between the Hindu and Obaitridi year, which begins with the first day - the Burmese and Arakanese systems. The of the lukla or bright fortnight of the month details of the Hindu calendar, both lunar and Chaitra, now falling in March or April. This solar, are all regulated by true time (i. e., true year is governed by the Hindu astronomical according to the Hindu bases); the true newsolar year, which begins at the Mesha-sarh kranti, moons, the true entrances of the sun into the the entrance of the sun into the Hindu cons successive signs of the zodiao, the true endingtellation and sign Mesha, which answers to our times of the tithis or lunar days, and so on. But Aries, but does not actually coincide with the Burmese and Arakanese regulate their either the sign or the constellation Aries. The calendar entirely by mean time. They use the beginning of Chaitra, taken as the amanta mean new-moon, which does not by any means month (beginning and ending at the new-moon always fall on the same day with the Hindu conjunction), must always precede the moment true new-moon. And instead of the true of the Mebha-samkranti. But, also, the Mesha. Mesha-sarakranti, the actual entrance of the sankranti must always occur in the amanta sun into Mesba, they use the entrance of the Chaitra. This connection between the lunar and mean sun into Mesha, called Thingyan Tet by the solar years is maintained by the system of them, which comes later than the true entrance intercalation and suppression of lunar months, by two days and about four hours. Further, the which gives from time to time thirteen months, Hindus (as explained above) intercalate months instead of the ordinary twelve, to the lunar year, on scientific lines, and from at least about A,D. and is regulated on the following scientific basis : 1050-1100 have determined the intercalations when there are two new-moons while the sun is by the actual new-moons and entrances of in one and the same sign of the zodiac, a lunar the sun into the successive signs; with the month is intercalated, in the sense that the name result that any month whatsoever is liable to of a month is repeated; when (as happens occa- be intercalary, and a month is occusionally supsionally in an autumn or winter month) the sun pressed. But the Burmese and Arakanese interenters two successive signs in the course of one calate by rule of thumb, on the principle of the lunar month, a lunar month is expunged or Metonic system, and have no suppressed months : suppressed, in the sense that its name is passed with the Burmese the intercalated month is always oyer. And the Chaitradi lunar year is thus | Wazo (= Ashadha), and with tbe Arakanese it is bound to the Meshudi solar year in such a manner I always Tagu (Chaitra); this expedient having In the years A. D. 300 to 1900, the elements of which are giveu in Sowell and Dikshit's Indian Calendar, Tablo I, I detoot only one case of this : in A.D. 1137, when Chaitra itself was intercalary, bukla 1 of the first Chaitra began on 21 February; the Mosha-sathkranti was on 24 March. In actual practice, however, the system of trae intercalation works out in such a manner that, during the period covered by Tablo I of Sowell and Dikshit's Indian Calendar, thoro was no intercalation of Pansha and Magha, and only ono of Margairaha, in A.D. 1293.

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. been adopted with a view to keeping the day after the full-moon of Wazo, or of second Wazo, as near as is practicable to a suitable time for commencing the vassa or Buddhist Lent (as it has come to be called), the retreat into a fixed abode during the rainy season or the worst part of it. And the result is that, while the Thingyan Tet (mean Mesha-sarkranti) always occurs in Arakan in the first or the second Tagu, in Burma it sometimes occurs in the second month, Kason, answering to the Hindu Vaisakha in which month the Hindu true Mesba-samkranti can never fall. Again, the Hindu lunar month comprises 29 or 30 civil days according to the true movements of the sun and the moon: but the Burmese and Arakanese months have the fixed number of 29 and 30 civil days alternately; except that the intercalated month always has 30 days, and the third month, Nayon, which usually has 29 days, sometimes has 30 days in a year in which a month is intercalated. Also, the waxing or bright fortnight of the Burmese and Arakanese month,-which precedes the waning or dark fortnight bearing the same month-name, just as is the case in Southern India for civil purposes and everywhere in India for astronomical purposes, always comprises 15 days, while in the Hindu month the duration of either fortnight may range from 14 to 16 days. Further, in India, the Chaitradi year, wherever it is used for civil purposes, changes its number on the day of Chaitra sukla 1, but in Burma and Arakan the lunar year changes its number on the day and at the time of the Thingyan Tet. + We would remark, in passing, that we are particularly interested in some of the details indicated above because the mean-time calendar of Burma and Arakan is a surviving illustration, in a general way, of the earlier system that prevailed in India before the period when the Meshadi solar year was established, and the use of true time was adopted, under the influence of the Greek astronomy which was introduced into India about A. D. 400. In that earlier period, as [SEPTEMBER, 1910. we know from the Jyotisha-Vedanga, the Irabmans had a Maghadi lunar year, beginning with the first day of the bright fortnight of Magha, which was bound to a solar year beginning at the winter solstice, in the same way, but not on such strictly scientific lines, as that in which the Chaitradi lunar year is bound to the solar year biginning at the Mesha-samkranti, which was originally, and still is nominally, the vernal equinox. All the details of the Maghadi year (except perhaps occasionally a crucial new-moon or solstice) were regulated by mean time. And two fixed months-either Ashadha and Pausha, or Sravana and Magha-were intercalated alternately. Now, in determining the English equivalent of a Burmese or Arakanese date, the practical process is to start with the equivalent of Tagu waxing 1; just as, in determining the English equivalent of a Hindu lunar date on the lines followed in Sewell and Dikshit's Indian Calendar, we start with the equivalent of Chaitra sukla 1, which is given in that book for every year from A. D. 300 to 1900. But, as a result of the differences in detail between the Hindu calendar on the one side and the Burmese and Arakanese calendars on the other side, it is only occasionally that Tagu waxing 1 coincides with Chaitra sukla 1: it usually does not do so; and it may differ from Chaitra sukla 1 by as much as a full month. And, even when Tagu waxing 1 does coincide with Chaitra eukla 1, the same coincidence of days does not necessarily occur, and for the most part will not occur, during the rest of the year. It may be added that, though the Burmese and Arakanese calendars were in close if not actual agreement down to A.D. 1739; there are now considerable discrepancies between them, because the intercalations in the present time do not all fall in the same years. In illustration of the differences between the Burmese and the Hindu calendars, 3 The Ceylonese Buddhists probably still intercalate in the same manner with the Hindus. But it appears that early in the last century there was an attempt to substitute a fixed intercalation of Aesala, Ashadha Wazo, on the Burmese lines: see Alwis' paper "On the Principles of Singhalese Chronology" in the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1855-8, p. 190. It appears that this rule is so rigid that, if the full-moon day of Waso or of second Wazo, as determined by calculation, falls on a day which would involve allotting one day too much or one day too little to any of the preceding months, then that full-moon day, cardinal as it is, must give way, and must be placed one day earlier or one day later. 5 The statement has been made (JBBRAS, vol. 19, p. 135) that the Saka years must at first have begun with Magha. But all that we have to understand from the Panobasiddhantika, 12.2 (which is the basis of the statement), is. that one of the five-year cycles of the Paitamaha-Siddhanta (the Jyotisha-Vadanga) began with Magha fukla 1 in (not at the beginning of) Saka-samvat 2 expired. The years of the Saka era were originally regnal years: and one reason for which the era was taken up by the astronomers, and so was perpetuated, apparently was, that they began at some time near the vernal equinox. See note 9 on page 255 below.

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Comparison of Tagu waxing 1 and Chaitra sulla 1. Burma. India. Intercalations. SEPTEMBER, 1910.) A.D. Lunar. Solar. Lunar. Solar. Burma. India. Tagu waxing 1. Thingyan Tet (mean Mesba). Chaitra sukla 1. True Mesha. - 1759 29 March 1760 17 29 March... 15 Tagu... 26 EUR 18 ... Sravana " 1761 1762 6 25 - 9 Kason... 19 Tagu ... 6 April ... 26 March ... Wazo 15 1763 1764 Jyaishtha 1 Kaso... 12 . .. *** Wazo 2 April .. 22 March ... BOOK NOTICES. 1765 1766 23 Tagt ... 5 Kason ... Wazo Chaitra 1767 30 176818 14 Taga ... 2013 Sravana Wazo 17697 17701 8 Kason ... 17 Tagu... 7 April ... 28 March ... . 1771 * ...17 Ashadha 1772 4 April .. Wazo 1773 1774 10 Kason ... 21 Tagu ... 3 Kason ... 13 Tagu... 25 ... ... Wazo ... Vaisakha 24 March ... 13 ... 1 April ... 20 March... Bbadrapada 177531 1776 1777 1778 7 Kason... 16 Tagu... 8 April ... 29 March ... Wazo 253

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. SEPTEMBER, 1910. we give on page 253, comparative state. however, are somewhat lengthy and intricate. ment of the elements of the two calendars for But Mr. Irwin has kindly consented to supplement the twenty years A.D. 1759 to 1778, which cover bia book by giving us in this Journal the necessary one of the nineteen-year cycles by which the elements, in tabular form, extending back to A.D. Burmese and Arakanese intercalation of months is 638. When that has been done, his supplemenregulated; the twentieth year being added in order tary table will enable us to handle with ease any to show how, in both calendars, the intercalations Burmese and Arakanese date from that time during nineteen years bring back the initial day of onwards. But his book will be needed along the lunar year to the same, or almost the same date. with the extended table: and it should be in the We take the details for Burma from Tablo I of hands of everyone who is interested in either tho Mr. Irwin's book, and the details for India from critical treatment of Burmese inscriptions or the Sewell and Dikebit's Indian Calendar. It will be broader line of research which we have indicated. Been that Tagu waxing 1 and Chaitra sukla 1 fell The Burmese and Arakanese astronomy, on the same day only in A.D. 1759 and 1767; while by which the calendars are regulated, was derived in A.D. 1761, 1764, 1769, 1772, and 1777, Chaitra from India: this is shown, if in no other way, by sukla 1 came one month later than Tagu waxing the obvious Sanskrit origin of so many of the terms 1: in the other years, Tagu waxing 1 was always used in the local astronomy and calendar. The one day earlier than Ohaitra sukla 1. A.D. 1766 text book now in use in Burma is one wbich is and 1774 were the only years in which there was known by the name Thandeikt. (see $$ 13, 14 of an intercalated month according to both calen- Mr. Irwin's book), and was written according to dars, Burmese aud Hindu. And A.D. 1771 was one account about A.D. 1738, according to another the only year in which intercalation happened to account a century later. It is based on the Present affect in the Hindu calendar the month which is Surya-Siddhanta, and applies the length for the always intercalated in Burms. It may be added solar year of that work from A.D. 1739. Before it, that Mr. Irwin's Table IV shows that in the Ara- the authority in Burma was the Original Suryakancse calendar Tagu waxing I came one day | Siddhanta as represented in a work or in certain earlier than the Burmese Tagu waxing 1 in A.D. I processes known by the name Makaranta 1759, 1760, 1761, 1770, 1771, and 1772: in all (99 11,12): and this is still the authority in Arakan. other respects, the Arakanese elements are the In this name we recognize a Saneksit Mekaranda : same as the Burmese for these twenty years; but the only Hindu Makaranda known to us in the except, of course, that Tagu was intercalated astronomical department is one who wrote a work, instead of Wazo, and so, in the second division of with A.D. 1478-79 as its epoch or year for calculacolumn 3 "second Tagu" has to be read in the place tive purposes, which is used by makers of almanaca of " Kason", and the lunar day is one day more in at Bonares and in Tirhut and those parts. We the six years, A.D. 1759, etc., mentioned just above. strould be glad of further light both on the It is thus plain that Burmese and Arakanese Makaranta of Burma and on the Thandeikta. dates cannot be calculated as Hindu dates with And another work, the recovery of which would any approach to certainty : and without certainty be highly interesting, is the book attributed to we may as well leave them alone. This is where "Raja Mathan, a Hindu astronomer", menMr. Irwin's book has come in so opportune tioned by Mr. Irwin (14) as propounding in ly and usefully. A full explanation of the its tenth chapter the use of the Metonic cycle of calendar is given on pages 1 to 14. Tables I, II, 19 solar years, as equal (not very closely) to 235 and IV give us the English equivalent of Tagu lunar months, on the general lines of which the waxing 1, and the other necessary elements, intercalation of months is regulated in Burma and for both the Burmese calendar and the Araka- Arakan. Any formal recognition of this cycle in nese, from A.D. 1739 onwards. Those tables India is, so far, not known, except to the extent and the subsidiary ones enable us now to deter- to which it figures as a factor in the number of mine easily and accurately the equivalent of any years, 19 x 150 = 2850, which constituted the Burmese and Arakanese date falling in that period. I calculative cycle of the Original Romaka-SidAnd processes explained on pages 15 to 25 put us dhanta, and seems to have been a reason for in the way of calculating any date back to A.D. which the year Saka-samvat 427 expired, = 638, when there commenced the ers which now A. D. 505-6, was laid down as the epoch for prevails in Burma and Arakan. These processes, making calculations according to that work.' " See Mabamahopadhyaya Sudhakar Drivedi's Ganaka-Tarang ini or "Lives of Hindu Astronomers," p. 52. * The Burmese and Arakanese first nineteen-years cycle began in A. D. 638 : which is probably a reason why that year was selected for starting a reckoning which has grown into an era. Counting back from that year, wo find that a similar cycle began in A. D. 505.

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SEPTEMBER, 1910.) BOOK NOTICES. 265 Nor do we know of any Hindu astronomer, king with reference to any fixed star, measures nearly or ordinary person, who bore the name Mathane, 8 hours in excess of 27 days, and so runs well into the 28th day. or of any noteworthy astronomer who was named Madana. Does this book of Raja Mathan" The invention of the ecliptic, and the division of mean the Rijamartanda, an astrological work its circle into 360 degrees and so on, made it practicable to measure distances : and, the princiwhich is attributed along with an astronomical pal attention being still paid to the moon, the idea treatise entitled Rajamriganka to king Bhoja of | was then entertained of noting its course with Dhari (A.D. 1042 ) P Or is it possible that regard to the ecliptic, and of referring the nak"Mathan" is in reality only & reminiscence of shatras to the ecliptic for that purpose. In those " Meton"? In any case we should much like to days, however, only mean motions of the sun and the moon were recognized : that is, the sun and have the text of this book of "Raja Mathan ": the moon were believed (not simply assumed) to be especially because (see 115) it seems to teach the always travelling with absolute regularity of moveoriginal Motonic cyole, without any adjustment. ment. Also, 360 degress are divisible conveni ently by 27, but not by 28. And the length of In $-46, Mr. Irwin has given us, from the the sidereal month is ncarer to 27 than to 28 Thandeikta, a system of the nakshatras - the days. Accordingly, as a matter of convenience, 80-called "lunar mansions" and " signs of the the number of the nakshatras was fixed at 27, lunar zodiao" - which is of a quite exceptional by omitting one, Abhijit, lying rather closely between two others; and the circle of the ecliptio nature. And in this connexion he has made a was divided into 27 equal portions, each of 13deg 20', remark, -namely, that "the most inodern system some of which have in reality only a rather disin India is that of equal spaces, 13deg 20' being ag- tant connexion with the stars from which they signed to each nekkat", which is liable to convey have derived their names. An advance in calcuan erroneous impression. The equal-space system lative processes soon gave ability to compute the course of the sun as well as that of the moon. is certainly the one which has survived and now But the signs of the zodiac had not yet been prevails in India. It is, however, by no means the invented. So the divisions of the ecliptic, arrived latest by origin. Regarding the country in which at as indicated above, were applied to the sun also. the idea of the nakshatras had its origin, and re And we find this oqual-space system of the nakshatras used for both the sun and the moon garding the stars which constitute some of them, in the Jyotisha-Vedanga, the earliest known there may still be differences of opinion. But the Hindu astronomical work. Accordingly, 8 redevelopment of the matter appears to have been gards a point of terminology, though the nak. distinctly as follows: shatrus are of lunar origin, and are now used moet markedly in connexion with the moon, and may The nakehatras are certain conspicuous stars from this point of view be fairly called " lunar and groups of stars which lie more or less closely mansions and " signs of the lunar zodiac ", there along the course of the sun and the moon, and is nothing exclusively lunar about them; and they consequently are more or less near to the ecliptic. are still used, in subordination to the signs of the Now, the course of the sun with reference to the zodiac, to note the course of the sun too. stars can only be determined by calculation, or, in a rough manner, by inference from the position of Subsequently, attention was paid to the point the moon, and so could not be considered when that the nakshatras or their principal stars, the the scienco of astronomy was still in a primitive "junction-stars ", do not really lie at equal disstate. The case is quite different with the moon, tances; and a refinement was made, in accordwhich can be watched from night to night through ance with which, the number of 27 nakshatras almost the whole of its course. A part, then, from being still retained, and the space of 13deg 20' being other considerations, such as that the moon regu preserved as the unit, there was devised a system lates the months, the succession of which attracte of unequal spaces, of which some measure that notice far nuore readily than the succession of the unit, others measure hall the unit, and others years determined by the sun, attention was measure one and a half times the unit. To this naturally paid first to the course of the moon. In system there became attached the name of an that early time, bowever, the ecliptic, with its early astronomer called Garga. divisions, had not been devised: and so the course After that, another refinement was made, and of the moon could only be noted by saying that there was devised a second system of unequal the moon was from time to time near to or in spaces which is exbibited in the Brahma-Bidconjunction or in a line with some particular star dhanta of Brahmagupta (written A.D. 628-29). or group of stars. Originaily, 28 such stars and The unit taken in this case was the mean daily groups of stars were used; because the sidereal geocentric motion of the moon, 13deg 10' 35". The month, the period in which the moon makes e spaces of the Garga ayatem were recast accordcomplete circuit of the heavens round the earth | ingly. And the balance which remained over, Moton (B.C. 432) is understood to have intercalated in the years 3, 5, 8, 11, 13, 16, and 19: 300, .. 9., Clinton, Pasti Hellenici, vol. 2 (third edition), p. 408. As is well known in connexion with the use of the "Golden Nambers" (an adaptation of his oyolo) to determine the date of Easter, it has been nooossary to roadjust the oyole from time to time, by obanging the years of intercalation. The Burmese are now intercalating in the years 2, 5, 8, 10, 12, 16, 19; the Arakanoso, in the years 2, 6, 8, 11, 14, 16, 19.

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256 THE 'INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1910. J. F. FLERT 40 1415"was assigned to the 28th nakshatra, Sotras wbich have been commented on by Abhijit, which was then restored to the list, and Trivikrama. Pischel was of opinion that he sim. stands between the 21st and 22nd nakshatras of the other arrangement. ply rearranged Trivikrama's grammar. Professor The Burmese system presented by Mr. Irwin Hultzsch, however, shows that the common base answers neither to Hindu equal-space system, bor of SinnharAja as well as of Trivikrama was a collecto either the Garga or the Brihina-Siddhanta sys- tion of Satras which tion of Satras, which acoording to the manuscripts tem: and we should like to know more about it. * registered in Professor Rangacharya's Madras In connexion with it, by the way, we are told that the first nakshatra, Athawani (the Hindu Asvini) Catalogue, pp. 1,083 Beq., were attributed to "commences at longitude 3500." We presume Valmiki. I agree with Professor Hultzsch that it that this means. neither that Athawani commences is not likely that the Valmikianthulant * at 350deg of the Hindu ecliptic, 10deg west of the time between Hamachandra and Trivikrama. It initial point of the Hindu sphere, nor that it commences 10deg west of our present processional must be older, and a critical edition would be first point of Aries; but that, like the Hindu very useful. The Mysore edition of 1886, where ASvini, it commences at or closely about the star it bas been printed as an appendix to the Shad. Zeta Piscium, regarded as 10o distant to the west bhash&chandrika, is not accessible to me and from the precessional first point of Aries as it was hardly sufficient. The Valmikisatra was probably in the time of Hipparchus (B.O. 160-145). Pages 26 to 36 and Table III of Mr. Irwin's a South Indian compilation, and some rules book are devoted to suggestions for a reforma- contained in it were also known to Hemachandra. tion of the Burmese calendar : the proposals Thus his remark III. 25, where he informs us being to transfer the Thingyan Tet in A.D. 1919 that some authorities (ledchit) also enjoin an from 15 April, on which day it now comes, to 8 April, fixing it permanently there ; _and to regu and to rega- Anungsika ia the nominative of vocalie neuter late the lunar year thenceforth by De Cheseaux's bases perbaps refers to a rule such as the corresluni-solar cycle of 1,040 mean tropical years, which ponding passage in Sinharaja's Prakritarapavaare almost exactly equal to 12,863 mean lunar tara, where the suffix madded in such bases has months. This opens an interesting topio wbich is not confined to Burma, and which we cannot the anabandha ", which involves an anunsika. go into here. Hemachandra was no original grammarian but drew freely on the works of his predecessors, and a careful comparison of his Satras with the ValPRAKRITABUPAVATARA. A Prakrit grammar based on mikisQtras would probably throw some light on the Valmikisutra by SIMHAXAJA, son of Samudrabandhayajvan. Edited by E. HULT38CH. London 1909. his methods and on the history of the later Prakrit grammarians. For such & work Professor (Prize Publioation Fund, Vol. 1), 8vo, XV, 180 pp. Hultzsch's edition of Sirahardjo would have to The Pr&kitardpevatara is a Prakrit grammar be consulted throughout. in the same way as the Laghukaumudt | The Prakritard pevatars will probably prove to and similar works. Its object is, accordingly, to be especially useful to the Indian student who give easy rules about inflexions, and so on, for wants to learn Prakrit and who is familiar with those who want to learn the language. The the arrangement of the Kaumudis. There are lamented Professor Pischel remarks in his Prakrit some signs that the interest for the Prakrits is grammar that our work is not unimportant for reviving in India. The arrangements made to the knowledge of the declension and conjugation, I years ago for a series of lectures on the Prakrits chietly because Simharaja frequently quotes more in the Calcutta University by the late Professor forms than Hamachandra and Trivikrama. No Piachel point in that direction. The importance doubt many of these forms are theoretically in- of the Prakrits in the linguistic history of India ferred; but they are formed strictly according to and even for the development of Sanskrit is not, the rules and so are not without interest." An however, so much appreciated in India as it is in edition of Simharaja's book has therefore long Europe. This is much to be regretted, and I been wanted, and our thanks are due to Professor sincerely hope that Professor Hultzsch's edition Hultzsch for undertaking the work. It could not of Sirahardja's Prakritardpavatara, which is perhave come into better bands. baps the most convenient Prakrit grammar easily Simharfja's time is not known, but he is pro- accessible to Indian scholars, will find a wide cirbably a modern author. Professor Hultzsch shows calation in India. It is much to be deaired that in his preface that he is certainly younger than many Indians should follow the glorious example Kshirasv&min and perhaps even posterior to Ngojt set by Dr. Bhandarker and join hands with their Bhatta. His Prakrit grammar is not of course, European colleagues in the work of elucidating an original composition, and the arrangement of the history of the Prakrits, that much neglected the materials is no doubt an imitation of the field of Indian philology, Kaumudis. The basis of his work are the same STEN KONOW.

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OCTOBER, 1910.) THE KALPA-SUTRA. 257 THE KALPA-SUTRA. AN OLD COLLECTION OF DISCIPLINARY RULES FOR JAINA MONKS. BY DR. WALTHER SCHUBRING, BERLIN. (Translated from the German by May S. Burgess.) [TAE text of the Kalpa-Sutra with introduction, notes, German translation and glossary was published by Dr. W. Schubring as No. 2 of the Indica edited by Prof. Ernst Leumann of Strassburg. The author has revised the introduction and translation submitted in the following version. -- EDITOR.] Introduction, We are accustomed to associate the name Kalpa-sutra with the well-known work first translated by Dr. Stevenson, and more recently in 1879, published by Professor Jacobi, and translated into English in 1882, under the title of "Kalpa-sutra of Bhadrababu'." Notwithstanding this designation only the last of the three disjointed parts of which it consists, deals with the practice of monasticism. The subject of it is the conduct of monks and nuns during the rainy season which confines them to a fixed dwelling place, and it therefore bears the name of Pajjosavana-Kappa ; of it alone Bhadrabahu can be the author or, at least the redactor. This text is preceded by the Jinacharita, an almost entirely mythological biography of the first twenty-four Jinas, and the Sthaviravali, a collection mostly of historical lists of the fathers of the Jaina church. The grouping of these two works together with the Pajjosavana-Kappa, or, as it is usually called, the Samachuri, as one Kalpa-sutra is accounted for by the fact, that, as tradition tells us, they were made the subject of recitation and study during the rainy season. This special employment has brought the whole to celebrity, proved by numerous commentaries and copies, which have rather outshone the true, old Kalpa-sutra. The latter now bears the title of the "greater," or Brihat-Kalpa-sutra, because it exceeds in extent the Pajjosavana-Kappa. It gives, in a fundamental way and simple form, the rules for the whole conduct (kalpa) of monks and nuns. So it is the chief piece of Jaina disciplinary literature, if we understand by this-not schematical classifications of sins nor the treatment of the great vows, which are the basis of all Jainism,-but the precise wording of commandments and interdictions, whether with or without addition of the punishment incurred in case of transgression. The Kalpa-sutra appears, of old, in close connexion with the Dasasrutaskandha-sutra, commonly called the Dabas, and the Vyavahara-sutra. Tradition groups the three texts together in the succession of Dasa-Kappa-Vyavahara', and reckons them as one srutaskandha (to be studied in the fifth year of monastic life in 20 or 22 days)". They belong assuredly to the oldest parts of the Svetam bara canon. For the Sthananga names the single chapters of the Datas, and has a number of parallels with the Kalpa-sutra, and all three texts are reported to have once formed part of the Drishtivada, the lost twelfth anga. Besides this, texts called Kalp'adi-Vyavahara, according to Sakalakirti's Tattvarthadipaka", belonged also to the Digambara canon. It is quite probable, thongh it cannot be proved, that they correspond to the Svetambura texts. IA Nugari transcription of tue text is in the press. Published as No. 1 of the Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Vol. vii, and translated Vol. xxii of the Sacred Books of the East. We take this and other statements from Weber's Essay in Vols. xvi and xvii of his Indische Studien. + R. G. Bhandarkar, Roport 1893-4, pp. 109, 398; Wobur, Verzeichnis der Sanskrit-Handschriften, p. 824.

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [OCTOBER, 1910. It appears from their combination that the toxta were meant to represent a sum of disciplinary matter. But in the Dasas, according to our definition, only a small part can be reckoned, vix, the last section of the eighth chapter. This is the Pajjosavana-Kappa above referred to. The Vyavahara-sutra represents a supplement to the Kalpa-sutra in so far as it deals, in accord with its title, with the modes of confession and expiation of transgressions. We notice, however, that its contents are not confined to this subject. In quite a different style the rules of daily life are given in the Achardnga: some passages in the first Srutaskandha and, again the first two Chudas are different in the second. Many relations to the latter appear in the Nifitha-sutra very detailed list of transgressions combined with the incurred penance. Tradition informs us that this text temporarily formed the fifth chada of the Achardiga. On the other hand, it offers many parallels to the Kalpa-sutra, so that it may be regarded as taking an intermediate position between the two groups of old disciplinary texts. As to an attempt to fix the relative age of the works hitherto spoken of, the question lies between the Kalpa-sutra and the Acharanga. For it is clear that the forming of prescripts for one part of the year, as in the Pajjosavana-Kappa, must be preceded by rules concerning monasticism in general. The Vyapahara-sutra too, presupposes the Kalpa-sutra as commandments and interdictions must exist before dealing with their offence; it is the same with the Nifitha-sira and the Acharanga. Now, when comparing the K. and A., we are led to suggest the greater age where we find the simpler form and less detail. So the K. would occupy the first place. But the difference in age will, by no means, be great, and especially K., V. and P. may be of almost synchronous origin. When we look at the details of the K., we find-and without surprise in a canonical Jaina text-that suutras may be distinguished of different origin. For the last sentence of I. 51: tena param jattha nana-damsana-charittain useappanti, we have the testimony of the commentaries that it is a late addition, namely, a concession of the time of King Samprati, son of Kunala and grandson of Asoka, wino gained over the lauds adjacent to his kingdom to Jainism. In other cases, the conclusion may be made from the language. With regard to the nominative singular in o we conjecture a special origin for II, 25-28 (sagario, parijano) and for the passages settling the punishment in I, 38; II, 18; III, 34, which begin with jo nigganthol. For the restraint of the prohibition in I, 14, kichcha is characteristic instead of the usual kattu (the same case IV, 27, 2nd half; compare P. 11) nhat and chilimiliyaga, instead of which other sutras have nam and chiliminiya, and the ending aga in the latter word belonging generally to a later period. Finally, differences in style must be observed. At first glance they appear in most of the parallels to the Sthananga : IV.1-8; VI. 1,2, 13, 14. They have been apparently inserted by the redactor, because of the words kappanti and kappa respectively. (On the other hand, VI. 7-12 and also II. 29-30 do not agree in style with the Sthananga.) We further observe that the expressions for a mendicant in K, V. and P. are sometimes niggantha and nigganthi, sometimes bhikkhu without its female counterpart. The * bhikkhu-sutras', as we may call them, divide as to K. and P., in two groups. The first shows a close relation with V. It must be noted that the rules given in this text not only speak of confession and punishment, but in sutras which should logically precede the others, they also fix the authority of the common monk and regulate his conduct. So they deal also with the persons fit to be teacher and catechist (@yariya-upajjhaya) or a higher superior (garavachchheiya, 'bishop'), and with the monk's subjection to them and his as well as their duties in leaving the clan (gana) or remaining in it. This is expressed in the first two strophes of the Vyavahara-bhashya (with which compare the words of Malayagiri, the author of the Vyav-tika, given by Weber, p. 467., Ver. 640) * duhao bhinna-palambo masiya-tohi t vanniya Kappe; tana puna imam danam thaniyar aloyana-vihi yali em eva bona eu vi outtesuth Kappa--nama-aijhayana jahi masiya avatti, tine dapath tham bhaniyam 2. (duhao: vilio and avihie, or ame and pakke, I. 1-5.) . A new edition of which, with analysis and glossary, has appeared in the Abhandlungen f. d. Kunde der Morgenandes, Bd. XII, 4. Seo Homachandra's Parls ishta parran, ed. Jacobi, XI, 89 foll. Read thus in the text, instead of je nigganthe.

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OCTOBER, 1910.] THE KALPA-SUTRA. 259 Now, this is just the object of one part of the bhikkhu-satras in K. and P. These are the satnes introduced by the words bhikkhu ya (gana, avakkamma) ichchhejja: K. IV. 15-23, P. 46-52, like a great number of prescripts in V. In the same way, K. IV. 26, and V. 53, which deal with the pariharakappalthiya bhikkhu, a monk on whom penance is laid, have their parallels in V., beginning with the same words. The subject of K. I. 35. IV. 25, 55, is a monk who has not atoned for an offence committed and may tberefore be boycotted by his brethren: bhikkhu yti ahigaranam kattu tam ahigaranam adiosavetta . ...In an entry very similar to this, as well as in the phrase iccha(e) ...iccha(e) no ... and in the question kim ahu bhante (a motivation of the rule given before) V, has a number of parallels. Even the one bhikkhu sutra which does not correspond to the contents determined above, IV, 24, has its exact counterpart in V: VII, 16. The second group of sutras in which the bhikkhu appears instead of the niggantha is formed by K. V. 6-9, P. 20-26, 28-31. Their common subject is the monk's eating or drinking, and we venture the suggestion that here the original sense of the word bhikshu as 'begging for food' is still continued. In the Acharanga and Nisi tha-sutra, the term bhikkhu is used throughout, while in V., the genesis of which calls for special inquiry, both bhikkhu and niggantha occur. Our conclusion is that texts in which this fine distinction is carried out must be older than those where it is dropped. That niggantha is the older term, appears from Acharasiga II, 15, where the five great vows (still without the raibhoyona-veram mna) together with their supplements, the bharanco, are given. This complex must be very old, not only because of its evident use at the monk's reception but also as it is presupposed by K. III, 2. A few remarks may be added on the commentaries to our text. Bhadrabahu who passes as redactor of the sutra, was likewise the author of a niryukti to it which, however, exists only incorporated in the bhashya. Ita author was Sanghadasa (about the 6th century A.D.). To him followed Pralambasuri (about the 8th century) with the first prose commentary, the churni19. The old bhashya exists, remarkably enlarged, also as brihadbhashya. No complete copy of this is known, for Bh's. XIII, 6, is said to contain the second to the sixth uddesa only, and XII, 150, does not go beyond the discussion of sutra III, 32.-We should expect to find a brihachchurni also to the brihadbhashya, and indeed, Pet. IIL 177 bears this name. But when we compare the extract therefrom with the churni (Kielhorn Report' 1880, 13), they fully agree, and so III, 177, being wrongly intituled, and III, 170 compete each other; for the former contains the pedhiya and first uddeba, the latter the second to the sixth uddeka. On the other hand, the pagination shows that III, 170 and 163. belong together as one corpus of sutra, bhashya, and churni, like Bh. V, 120, 130. A vibokhachurni, apparently the old churni enlarged and modernized, is registered as Bh. VI, 190 and (incomplete) XII, 399 (Kielhorn, Rep.' 1880: 190 and 299 respectively).-As to the Sanskrit commentaries, we know first the lika begun by Malayagiri (12th century) and continued (on the discussion of bhashya, pedhiya 809) by Balasirahsekhara. This author, too, seems to have left it unfinished as only the first two uddetas exist. Parallel with this tika is the vritti of Kshemakirti. It is reported (Bhandarkar: *Report' 1883-1: 174, 198; 1897: 1221; Pet. V. 101) to have three khandas of two uddelas, each. It may also be mentioned that the Dasas, K. V., and the Nifitha-sutras are reckoned to the Chheda-sutra group of the Svetambara canon. Weber follows a list given by Buhler when placing N. as the first of them, V., D., and K. as the third to the fifth. The position of N. at the head of the groups may be a kind of parallelism to that of the Achardiga to which it is brought in a certain relation, as the first of the angas. But it is not clear why V. has changed its place. Between V. and N. the Mahanisitha-sutra is inserted, the tradition of which seems to be unfavourably influenced from . Here the authority to be asked is a layanan. 1. With two exceptions in A. II: V, 1, 1; VI, 1, 1, 11 A third expression is samana niggantha in K. (once III, 29.) V. P. 12 So the Kalpa-tika has at pedh, 603. Pralambasuri is not named here, but in a copy of the churni itself (Bh. V. 130.). 13 Bh.-Shridhar Bhandarkar, Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Deccan College, 1888 ; Pet.-Peterson, Report on Operations in Search of MSS. (Detailed Rep.-I.).

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1910. a doubt as to its authory. The sixth place is occupied by the Paschakalpa-sutra the text of which is R8 yet, extant only as bidden in the commenting bhashyas and churnis. Occasionally, Jinabhadra's Jitakalpa (ed. Leumann 1892)- detailed metrical summary of the cases in which the single punishments take effect-places as sixth the chheda-sutra. This like the fact, that the Pinda- and Ogha-niryukti are also sometimes (by Kasina'h Kunte and Rajendralala Mitra, comp. Weber) reckoned as Chheda-sutras, indicates that disciplinary contents are connected with this title. We may suggest that such texts bear this name because they had to be studied by a monk on whom the 80-called chheya, a sort of punishment (see note to II, 4-7) was laid. Similarly, the Uttaradhyayana and Datava ikaliki-sulras and the quasyaka-and Pinda-niryukli already mentioned, are grouped together as mula sutras, a title which might mean that they were destined for a monk standing, normally or in execution of punishment, in the beginning (mula) of his ecclesiastical career. Translation. (Interpolations by the translator, mostly founded on the commentaries and various readings of the manuscripts are given in italips, the readings of thoso mentioned being enclosed in square brackets.) Chapter I. 1. The monks or nuns may not take as alas unripe palm-froits, if they are not broken up; 2. only when they are broken ap. 3. The monks may accept ripe palm-fruits whether they are broken up or not. 4. The nuns may not accept ripe palm-fruits, if they are not broken up ; 5. only if they are broken up an that in the way permitted, not in the forbidden way. 6. In a village, a free town, a fortified towa, a country town, an isolated place, an inland place, an island town, a matal foundry, a coast town, a market place, & residence, a place of pilgrimage, a caravansarai, a place of shelter, a rural village, a hamlet, an emporium, when confined and without outside houses, &c., the monks may remain one month summer and winter ; 7. in the same kind of places when enclosed and with outside houses, &c., two months, one within and one without; their begging tour is to be inside when they are living inside, and outside when living outside. 8. In the same places when enclosed and without outside houses, &c., the nuns may remain two months, summer and winter ; 9. when enclosel and with outside houses, &c; four months, two within and two without ; their begging tour is to be inside when they are living inside, and outside when living outside. 10. In the same places when having only one barrier14 gate, or ong exit and entranoo, the monks and nuns may not live together ; 11. they may-if there are no barriers and gates but free exit and entrance. 12. The nuns may not live in a shop, a main road, a cross road, a triangular or quadrangular place or court or in the bazar, 13. only the monks. 14. The nunns may not live in a house with an open entrance, only if it has a curtain made by a mat inside and out. 15. The monks may live in a house with an open entrance. 16. The nuns may carry or possess A ing pitched inside ; 17. Not the monks!5. 18. The monks or nuns may carry or possess a covering for the clothes16. 19. The monks or Buns may not at the water's edge stand, sit, lie. 16 Vagada, a word probably identionl with vayada in Hemachandra's Dekinamamala, VII, 35. In our texti still occurs II, 1, 48 V, 23. Can it be related to vagaka, with the feminino form vatika, by which it is explained by Hemachandra? 16 Jagghadi-mattaya. In the MSS. of the text only, sutras 16 and 17 ran as follows: "The monks may not arry or possess a samahi-mattaya pitobed inside (anto litta ya), the nuns may carry or possess ghadi.mattaya pitched inside." Ioannot make out the difference between these two vossols. Samahi might be "collectedness," concretely of alms instead of, as usual, abstractly of mind, and such a vessel destined for the collection of alme to be eaten immediately (conf. IV, 11) or mixed as they are (oonf. II, 17), while a ghadi-mattaya oould serve for a longor transport. But in every Oase, logio requires that both sutras refer exclusively either to the monks or to the nuns. 10 Rond chala-chiliminiyah in the text (conf. above in the introduotion). For the second word I accep the meaning given by the commentary to chilimika (sic) Chulla vagga VI, 3, 6, Parikammakataya bhumiya chavisamrakkhar'atthaya attharana, The Kalpachurri has doro, (davaraka) which in Hemachandra's Dekinamamala is identified with kati-sutra.

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OCTOBER, 1910.) THE KALPA-SUTRA. 261 sleep or nap, partake of meat, drink, sweetmeats and spices, secrete excrement, urine, mucus, phlegm. study, meditate (practice vigils), dedicate themselves to ascetic practices and attitudes. 20. The monks or nuns may not live in a house with wall paintings ; 21. only a house without these. 22. The nuns may not live without the householder's consent; 29. only with it ; 24. the monks with or without it, 25. The monks or runs may not live in a family house 17; 26. only in such as have few inhabitants ; 27. the monks not live in such as have female inhabitants; 28. only male inhabitants ; 29. the nuns only when there are no male inhabitants ; 30. only females. 81. The monks may not occupy a resting place distant from the road18; 32. only the nuns. 83. The monks may not live where they have to go through the abode of the householder sheltering them ; 34. only the nuns. 35. If monk has committed an offence and withont having atoned for it, is refusing stonement-then the other may if be pleases, show him honour, greet him, speak to him respectfully, eat or sleep with him, keep calm, or not do all this ; at any rate he who is calm, his is the perfection; he who does not keep calm, lacks perfection. Therefore one should be calm spontaneously. Why has the Master said this? The essence of monasticism is to be calm. 36. The monks or nung may not journey during the rainy season ; 37. only during summer and winter. 38. They may not wander to and fro in a kingdom just when it is in anarchy or rebellion. The monk or the nun, who does this, or approves anyone who does it, committing a fault in both cases, inours four months unshortened penance10. 39-42. If to a monk (& nun) who has entered a householder's dwelling for an alms, or who has gone to a place of rest or relief, is offered by anyone a dress, an alms-vessel, a cloth, a broom, he (she) may only receive it as his (her) own; after he (she) has, regarding the gift as prepared by the layman, laid it at the feet of the master (mistress) and from him (her) has asked the possession of it a second time. 43. At night-time or twilight the monks or nons may not receive food, eto. (as in 19); 44. only one bed of straw previously examined 20 ; 45, receive no dress, no alms-vessel, cloth or broom; 46. only one single article, brought home as though stolen21, and this must have been used, or washed, or dyed, or rubbed, or smoothed, or perfumed. 47. At night or twilight the monks or nuns may not go on the street; 48. or to a feast for the sake of the feast. 49-50. A monk (nun) may not go alone to, or enter, & place of rest or relief, only in twos or threes (or fours); 51, The monks or nung may journey eastward inclusively to Anga-Magadha, southward to Kaasambi, westward to the district of Sthunas, northward to the district of Kunala. So far it is allowed, so far extends the land of the pious. Still they may wan ler beyond that, where Jaina knowledge, belief, and custom flourishes-So say I. IT Suohagariya wanaya is sa-itthiya sa-paru-bhatta-pana, Conf. Achardiga II, 2, 1, 8. 18 Pacibaddha, Achar. II. 2,3,6, more fully pantha-padibaddha. Compare the same passage also for sutra 387. 19 Parihara-tthana, or simply parihara, 'isolation. In the Kalpa. And Nikitha-ritra, it is inflicted either for 1 or for 4 months; in the Vyavahara-sutra, it does not exceed 6 months. Between its ordering and its carrying out, period may be inserted; benoo it is onlled ugghaiya or anugghaya. In the commentaries its performance lighter type (lahu) and stricter (guru) One. This kind of punishment, however frequently it oocurred, is not namod in the well-known gatha, ooof. Jitakaipa, p. 2, whioh enumerates the tonfold penitence: aloyana padikamane misa vivege taha vlussaggo tara cheya mula aparatthaya ya parafichie ch'eva. Probably it is specialized by the fifth and sixth type : punitive fasts and asoetio practices. The first to the third form denote by the 'emall' or great' confession (100 Aupapatika-ritra, sub voce) the reprimand received in one of them or in their combination. The fourth (to spoll rightly vivengga) is merely the giving up of the objoot by which an offence against had been committed. For the rest, see notes to II, 47 and IV, 1.2. 20 The sutras 43 and 4 do not correspond to each other. When the tika once afterwards cites thom. we rond sea-samtharayam in the place of asanam va4. 1 Hariyahadiya. Tradition explains this word as a dress stolen (hrita) and restored again or M dress brought from the groon tart (harita). But apparently an object ordinarily forbidden and only allowed as makeshift for one night is meant. * Conf, the westerly situated Brahmana-yama Thuna, Mahavagga, V, 13.12. .

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1910. Chapter II. 1. If within a house enclosure there are grains of water or rain-rice, 23 mudga or musha-beans,24 Besamo or pulse, wheat or barley, or yavayava, spilt, dispersed, mixed or scattered about, the monks or nuns may not live there even a very short time. 2. If, however, they see, that they are not spilt, etc., but gathered into bushels and heaps, piled up at walls and partitions, plastered with ashes, or cowdung, or covered, then the monks or nuns may live thero in summer and winter. 3. If, however, they see that they are not gathered into bushels, etc., but kept in stores, sacks, shelves or boxes, or smeared or overlaid with cowdung, plastered with ashes, or dung, or covered, then the monks or nons may live there in the rainy season. 4. If in a house enclosure there is set a vessel with spiritnous liquor or sour barley-grael; 5. a vessel with pure cold or warm water, 6. a light burns, 7. a torch barns throughont the night, then the monks or nung may not live there even a very short time. If one searches further for a house but finds none, then one may live there a night or two, but not longer than this. He who does this, incurs a suspension and penance corresponding to the arbitrary transgression25. 8. If in a house there are lamps or pieces of flesh, fresh or sour milk, lard, fresh butter, oil, dumplings, moist or dry pastry or spiced curd, whey spilt, etc., then the monks or nans may not live there even for a very short time. 9. If, however, they see (as in 2). 10. If, however, they see that they are not gathered into veseels, etc., but kept in stores, sacks, shelyes, boxes, pails, cans26, etc., (as in 3). 11. The nuns may not live in a house of meeting, an assembly house, a house with a gallery, a house built on the roots of a tree or a house open to the rain ; 12. only the monks. 13. If the monk has one barbourer, this one must not be visited on the begging tour; if two, three four, five harbourers ordinarily--these likewise ; still, except the principal one, the monk may visit the others. 14. The monks or nans may not accept alms from a harbourer if they are not brought out, though mixed with other alms, 15. nor when they are not brought out and not mixed, 16. nor when brought out but not mixed, 17. but only when brought out and mixed. 18. They may not mix harbourer's alms, which are brought out but not mixed. The monk or nun, who does this or who approves of anyone who does it, committing & fault in both cases, incurs four months unshortened penance. 19. If food presented to the harbourer, has been appropriated by him, then one may let him give it for another monk, but one may not take any for oneself ; 20. this latter only if it has not been appropriated by the harbourer. 21. lj food presented by a harbourer, has not been appropriated by the other, then one may, etc. (as in 19); 22. this latter only if it has been appropriated by the other. 23. If the single gifts of a barbourer are not sorted, separated, marked, and divided, then one may, etc. (as in 19); 24. this latter only when they are sorted, etc. 25-26. If a harbourer's food is prepared as with regard to honoured guests, intended for them, and looked upon as a present to them, if an article belonging to the harbourer, is destined for them, and held at their disposal, food and article as regular gifts-be it the harbourer or his servants, or be it neither the harbourer nor his servants, but an honoured guest of his, who gives them-one may let him give it for another monk, but one may not take anything for oneself. 27-28. Only if the gift is not regular, one may, if an honoured guest of the harbourer gives it, let him give it for another monk and likewise take it for oneself. 21 Op. Hemachandra's Abhidhanachintamani, 1168. 24 Phaseolus mungo and Ph. radiatus. * Se s'antara chheo va pariharova, Chhaya means the loss of a part of the monk's coolesiastioal rank among his brethren, which dates from his second reception, the definitive consecration to the vows. This reduction corresponds to the duration of the trespasa, what is expressed in our autras by santara svantarat. If a monk persists in his fault whrough half a month, his seniority will, according to probably lato soolo given in the churpi, be reduced by 2 months, as the minimum for monk is 5 days (for an uavhaya 10, an ayariya 15. the maximum 6, 12, and 18 months rospootively). If the monk loves the wholo period sinoo his consecration, his is called mala. The commentarios are full of this kind of punishment, but it does not oogur in the old stars. For parihara see note to I, 38. *Kurabhi, also dhi, vi in the Churi, where as explanation only dukkay'adi is given.

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OCTOBER, 1910.) THE KALPA-SUTRA. 263 29. The monks or nuns may wear or possess the following five kinds of clothes : camel's hair, linen, hemp, woollen, and fifth, such as are woven from tirida-rind 27. 80. They may carry or possess the following five kinds of brooms : woollen, camel's hair, hemp, woven out of balbaja grass, 28 and fifth woven from rushes - 90 say I. Chapter III. 1. The monks may not stay, stand, sit, lie, etc. (as in 1, 19), in the house of the nuns ; 2. also the nuns not in the house of the monks. 3. The nuns may not oarry or possess untanned skins; 4. only the monks, 29 and, for them they must be a regular, not an irregular gift, cast off, not new, to be used only for one night, not for several nights ; 5. The monks or nuns may not carry or possess whole skins; 6. only pieces of skins; 7. not whole garments ; 8. Only pieces of garments; 9. not untorn clothes ; 10. only torn. 11. The monks may not possess or wear a hip or loin cloth ; 12. only the nuns. '13. If a non, who has entered the dwelling of a householder to ask alms, the need of clothing arises, then she may not accept a cloth30 herself, only from her superioress. 14. Should there be no superioress present, she may accept it from a teacher present, & catechist, superior, presbyter, leader, superintendent or bishop. 15-16. A monk (a nun) who commences to wander for the first time may take broom, almsVessel, and dust brush, and wander, provided with three (or four) new clothes. If he (she) is already initiated 31 then he (she) may not wander with this outfit, but only if he (she) takes the clothes in the condition into which they have become through use. 17. The monks or nuns may not accept clothes kept for the rainy season ; 18. only those kept for the rest of the year. 19-20. They may, according to their rank, accept clothes or a straw-bed, 21. or perform services. 22. The monks or nuns on their begging tour may not stay, stand, sit, etc. (as in 1), inside a house. If, however, they see a monk weak from old age, ill, exhausted by asceticism, feeble or weary, who might collapse or become unconscious, then that one may stay, stand, sit, etc., inside a house. 23-24. The monks or nung may not say, declare, recite, communicate, four or five strophes (the five great vows with their supplementary rules), inside a house only one example, one description, one strophe, one sloka, and they must stand while doing so. 25. The monks or nuns may not depart with a straw bed with which the layman has provided them without giving it back ; 26. nor, if it belongs to the layman, depart without somewhat changing it39. 27. They may depart with a straw bed with which a layman has provided them, or which belongs to him, if they have somewhat changed it.33 28. Now such a bed of theirs may be lost and have to be sought for. If the loser seeks and finds it, then it is given over to him ; if he soeks and does not find it but another finds it, and gives it to him, then he may accept it for himself again, after he has entered upon the possession a second time. 29. If, on the day when the monks leave, other monks come by chance, then the previous permission of the begging district stands for them for the day of their leaving in case they return, even if they had it only for a very short time. 80. If by chance, another single monk31 has arrived at the house where those had stayed ; 31. if the house is not closed during their absence, not alienated from the household, not taken possession of by others, except by spirits, then the previous permission, etc. (as in 99); 27 Tirita : Symplocos racemosa. 28 Balbaja : Eleusine indioa. 20 In opposition to this are, Nintha-sutra 12, 5, tho salomaim cammaim forbidden for the bhikkhus and bhikkhupis. 10 In the text road chelan instead of chel' attham. 31 I.e., he (he) has alrundy engaged in the wandering. 32 P Ahigaranam kattu. 35 Vigaranan kattu. 5 The words achitte pariharanariho have boon omitted, because they can refer only to a material object (as in IV, 18, 24) and soom to bo wrongly intorpolated here. Perhaps achitte is an old mistake for achitthe-ach eshta! (Conf. Acharanga, I, 2, 1, 1-vinivittha-chitthe pathantara for chitte).

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1910. 32. while as to houses closed, alienated, taken possession of by others, in order that the monk's duty may be performed, the district must be asked for, & second time. 88. In spaces near walls, lanes, trenches, boundary paths, borders, the former permission, etc. (as in 29). 34. In a village (as in 1, 6 as far as 'a caravansarai') the monks or nuns, when having gone on a begging tour, they come to an army encampment, they must return the same day; they may not let the night set in there36. The monk or nan who does this, or approves of one who does it, committing a fault in each case, incurs four months' anshortened penance. 35. In a village (as in I, 6, as far as caravansarai), the monks or nans may make a district of a yojana and a krosa in each direction and make exclusive use of it-40 say I. Chapter IV. 1. There have been proclaimed three cases of unshortened punishment: for him who commits forbidden acts of contact, sexual intercourse, and who eats during night. 2. Also, three cases of expulsion : for a criminal, a careless person, a sodomite. 8. Also, three cases of temporary excommunication : for one who steals from members of his own, or from members of another sect, and for one who strikes with the fist. 4. Three sorts of persons have been proclaimed as not to be received, and if this has happened by mistake, not to be shaven, instructed, ordained, admitted as meal and house companions, an impotent person, castrated, sexually ill. 5. Three sorts of individuals may not teach : one without manners, one easily exciteds, one who refuses atonement for an offence. 6. Three sorts of individuals may be allowed to teach : a person of manners, one not easily excited, one who makes atonement for an offence. 7. Three sorts of individuals are difficult to convert, -- an ill-intentioned person, a stolid one, one who has a fixed idea. 8. Three sorts of individuals are easily converted: one who is not ill-intentioned, who is not stolid, who does not live under a fixed idea. 9-10. When a sick nun is embraced by her mother, sister, or daughter (when a sick monk is embraced by his father, brother or son), and a monk (aun) affords him (her) assistance, and thereby commits impurity, then he (che) incurs four months' unshortened penance. 11. Monks and nuns may not, when they have received food, etc. (as in 1, 19), in the first quarter of the day, keep it till a later [the fourth] quarter 37. If, perchance, it should be kept, one may neither eat it himself, nor give it to others, but it must be laid aside in a very clean place after it has been examined and swept. If he eats it himself or gives it to another, he incurs four months' penance, which may be shortened. 12. Monks or nuns may not take food, etc. (as in 1, 19), with them beyond the limits of half a yojana. If, perchance, it should have been taken farther, one may, etc. (as in 11). 13. Should a monk, who has entered a householder's dwelling for alms, have received some food or drink free from anything living, but otherwise unclean, and if a disciple not yet ordained is just there, he may present the gift to him; if no such disciple is there, he may, etc. (as in 11). 14. What food has been prepared for regalar monks, it is not allowed them to eat, only for the irregulars 38. What has been prepared for irregular monks, it is not allowed the regulars to eat, - only the irregulars. Regulars, even if observing modifications, rank as regulars, those who as yet observe no rule rank as irregulars. 55 Uvainavettae, probably uvayana, a denominative from upayana, which occurs also in Samachari, VIII, 57, 62; Achar. II, 2, 2, 6 foll.-where wainitta of the M89. seems to be a mistake. This is evidently the translation of vigai-padibaddha, that mits best here. Curiously, Abhayadeva, in his Sthandiga tika, comments the words with ghrit'adi-rasa-vitesha griddho'rupadhana-kari, i, e., man who is fond dainties. * See note on III, 36, above. 19 Irregulars are (according to Bhashya IV, 460.) followors of Parts and his disciples.

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OCTOBER, 1910.) THE KALPA-SUTRA. 265 15. If a monk, having left his Gana, wishes to enter another and to wander in the latter, he may not do it without having asked the permission of the teacher, catechist, superior, presbyter, leader, superintendent, or bishop ; only after he has asked permission from these may he do 8o : if they grant it to him, he may do it, otherwise not. 16-17. If a bishop (a teacher and catechist) having left etc. (as before, as far us "the latter'), he may not do so without having laid aside his office of bishop, teacher and catechist), and ask the permission of the teacher, etc., only (as b.fore, as far as; otherwise not). 18. If a monk having left, etc. (as in 15 as far as "the latter") for the purpose of seeking alms jointly with him, he may not do it without, etc. (as in 15 to the end). Where he finds belief and morals strong, he may do it, otherwise not. 19-20. If a bishop (a teacher and catechist) having left, etc. (as before as far as "him " he may not do so without, etc. (as in 16, 17 to the end). Where he finds, etc. (as in 18). 21. If & monk wishes to take another teacher and catechist, be may not do it without, etc. (as in 15 to the end). He may not do it without giving the reason to them ; only having given i. he may do it. 22-23. If a bishop (a teacher and catechist) wishes, etc. (as in 21 to the end). 2.4. If a monk, perchance, dies during the night or at dusk, and the serving [monks] wish to convey the body to a very clean place, and if something belonging to a layman, free from any living creature, fit for the purpose, be at hand, then one shall-regarding it as prepared by the layman,after the body has been conveyed to a very clean place, -lay it again where it had been taken from. 25. If a monk has committed an offence and has not atoned for it, he may not go to, or enter & householder's dwelling for food and drink, go to, or enter a place of rest or relief, nor wander from a village to village (from one Gana to another or stay during the rains). Where he sees his teacher and catechist, one learned in the traditions, versed in the canon, he must confess to him, repent alone, and before the teacher, renounce, become clean, swear not to sin again and accept all due penance. This must be accepted if imposed by tradition; as otherwise not. The monk baving penance imposed according to tradition who does not accept it is then to be shut out of the Gana. 26. A monk doing penance may receive daily [through the teacher and catechist] his alms at one house only. Besides this, the teacher may not give or hand to him food, etc. The monk mast do some service: help others to rise, follow, sit down, lie, take charge of the disposal of excretions, etc. (as in 1, 19). If, however, the teacher sees that, on roads where there are no dwellings, the monk, exhausted by asceticism, resk or tired, might'collapse, or become unconscious, then he may give or hand him more food, etc. 27. Monks or nuns may not twice or thrice within one month crosse the following five fixed, enumerated and named large rivers, viz. : the Ganga, the Yamuna, the Sarayu, the Kosh[ik]a, the Mabi0. If, however, they see at places like the Ajiravati in Kunala- where it is possible to cross by putting one foot in the water and the other on the ground, then one may cross the river twice or thrice within a month, otherwise not. 28-81. Upon grass, heaps of grass, straw, or heaps of straw, which are free from eggs, living beings, seeds, spronts, dew, stuffing of crocks, mould, moist clay and cobwebs, the monks or nuns may not stay during summer and winter (during the rainy season) in a house of the kind that is lower than their ear (than their arms raised to the position of a diadem on the head), only if it is higher--50 say I. 80 Uttaritta eta sashtarittaera, two equivalents digtinguished as to cross on foot or in a boat, which, however, does not suit the last phrase of this nitra, as the Churni says, that tho Ajiravati is addha Yojanavitthiopa and addha-janghao udayath. 40 In this pentad the Buddhists have the forma Barabhu and Achiravati (Chullavagga, ix, 13, 4), the latter in iya, which is also thananga (ed. Calo. fol. 8650) replaced by the Era vai (aic). The text MSS. have a tendency to refer, by reading the loo. sing. instead of plur., the qualities of freedom from living beings, eto., likewise to the house and not to the grana, &o., as we find Achar. II, 2. 2,5. With all MSS. must be read, ahe(uppim)-savana-mayae for mayaent. Conformably to this we should expect in the next outras ahe (uppi)-rayati-mukka-maude for-mauden.

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1910. Chapter V. 1-4. If a god magically creates a woman (a man) and offers her (him) to a monk (a nun) and the latter accepts her (him)-or if a godess magically creates a man (a woman) and offers him (her) to a nun (a monk) and the latter accepts him (her)-then he (she) committing unchastity incurs four months' unshortened penance. 5. If a monk has committed an offence, and, without having atoned for it, wishes to enter another Gana and to wander in it, and if he carries this into effect, he may-after having been punished with the five days' suspension; and the dispute having gradually cooled down, matters may be arranged according to the wish of the former Gans for his return to it. 6-9. If a monk, who takes his food at the rising of the sun, and satisfies his wants to eat before the sun sets, having received food, etc., eats it well and without hesitation (or: well but, with hesitation, or suffering, but without hesitation, or suffering, but with hesitation, and then notes "the sun is not yet risen," or, "is already set," and throws or wipes away what he has in his mouth, hand or vessel, then he does not sin. If he eats it himself or gives it to another, then he [guilty of eating during night-time] incurs four months' unshortened penance. 10. If an eructation of drink or food should happen to a monk or nun at night time or twilight and if he (she) throws or wipes away what has been eructed, then he (she) does not sin; if he (she) re-swallows what has been eructed, he (she), being guilty of eating at night time, incurs four months' unshortened penance. 11. If a monk has entered a householder's dwelling for alms, and there falls a living creature, a seed or a grain of dust into the alms-bowl and the monk is able to throw or wipe it away, then he may eat or drink with care; if he cannot throw or wipe it away, then he may neither eat it himself nor give it to another, but it must be laid aside in a very clean place, after he has examined and swept it. 12. If a monk, who, etc. (as above) and there falls water, a spray of water, or a drop of water into the alms-bowl and he has warm food in it, then it can be eaten; if cold food, then he may neither, etc. (as in 11). 13-14. If while a nun at night time or twilight secretes or passes urinary or other excretions any four-footed animal or a flying insect touches an organ of feeling (or penetrates into an opening of her body) and she permits it, then she, being guilty of forbidden contact (unchastity), incurs four months' unshortened penance. 15. A nun may not be alone; 16. may not go alone to, or enter a householder's dwelling to ask for food and drink; 17. may not go alone to or enter a place of rest or relief; 18. may not go alone from village to village [or stay during the rainy season]. 19. A nun may not go unclothe l; 20, may not be without an alms-vessel; 21. may not give her body to asceticism. 22. She may not, outside a village, etc. (as I, 6, as far as "caravansarai""), continually stretching the arms upwards, the face turned towards the sun, standing upon one foot, mortify herself on an estrada; 23. she may do it only within the house enclosure with a cloth on, with the feet on level ground. 24. She may not take up a general position of penance; 25. may not stand motionless, 26. sit crouching on the ground, 27. cower down, 28. sit as a hero," 29. stiff as a stick [29a. with hanging down arms], 30, bent like a cudgel, 31. lie on the back, 32. on the face; 33. bent round like a mango fruit, 34. stretched out on one side. 35-36. Not the nuns, only the monks may carry or possess a roll of clothes as a back support; 37-38 lie or rest on a seat with a back, 39-40. stand or sit on a board or stool with ledges; 41-42. carry or possess a bottle-gourd with stem, as alms vessel [alms vessels with handles]; 43-44. a brush for the vessel with a handle [brushes with cover]; 45-46. a broom with a wooden handle42. * Nisitha-sutra II, 1-8, any use of such a daru-dandaya paya-punchana is forbidden even to the monks. It appears from sutras 35-45 that they were by no means sure of the perfect chastity of the nuns' thoughts.

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OCTOBER, 1910.] THE KALPA-SUTRA. 267 47-48. Except in cases of severe illness, the monks or runs may not mutually 43 suck up or transfer saliva ; 49. not take even as much as a film from the edge, or a drop of food, which has stood over night; 30. not rub or smear the limbs with salve which has stood over night ; 51. not massage or shampoo the limbs with oil, lard, butter or fat, which has stood over night ; 52. not treat or anoint them with paste, paint, perfumes, or any other ointment which has stood over night. 53. If a monk who is doing penance goes out of the service of the elders and there perchance commits a fault, and the elder hear of it, either coming themselves or hearing it from others, then one may proceed towards him in the lightest way 5. 54. [l by a nun, who has entered a householder's dwelling for alms, any little bit of food is brought home, then, if she is able, she may be satisfied with this food on that day; if not, she may go out for alms to a householder's dwelling a second time---30 say I. Chapter VI. 1. The monks or nons may not use the following six forbidden forms of speech : lying, sneering, insult, coarse speaking, worldly speech, or speech renewing atoned matters, 2. There are six cases of idle talk about right conduct : of speaking rashly in relation to others, of damaging living creatures, of untruthfulness, of forbidden appropriation, of a jade, a eunuch or a slave. Whoever uses these six kinds of idle talk, without being able to prove them fully, ranks as one who has committed the transgression himself. 3-6. If a monk (a nun) gets a piece of wood, a thorn, or a snare into the foot, or an insect, a seed, or a grain into the eye, and the monk (the nun) cannot draw it out, or remove it, then. nun (a monk) does not sin, if she (he) removes it or draws it ont. 7. If a monk holds or supports a nun, who stumbles or falls in a dangerous place, on a rough path, or on a mountain ; 8. who is drawn or dragged into a water-hole, a marsha mire, pond; 9. who gets on board or leaves a boat, he does not sin. 10. If monk holds or supports a nun of deranged mind; 11. clouded reason ; 12. possessed by a yaksha, a crazy nun, one who is troubled by temptations, has committed an offence, is doing penance, has renounced meat and drink, or is the object of a claim on the part of relations, etc., he does 13. There are six disturbers of proper conduct: the joker, a disturber of self discipline; the babbler, a disturber of truthfulness; the discontented, a disturber of the right begging, he who has his eyes everywhere; a disturber of careful walking on the road, he who is full of desire, a disturber of the way to deliverance ; he who always cherishes a new (desire and) reward for asceticism ; a disturber of the way to salvation. Everywhere, abstemiousness in claiming reward is preached by the Master. 14. Six are the steps in a monk's life : the position of the monk at introduction, the position of the monk after new consecration, the position in special mortification of the flesh, the position as helper of an ascetic, the position as a naked ascetic, the position as superior,--so say I. 13 I. e., a monk a nun's, and the converse. * I supply the word pariyasiya which is wanting here but stands regularly in sutra 49-51. *5 Tao paccha tassa aha-lahusae nama ravahare patthaviyavre siya. The vavahara, the procedure towards a transgressor, is five-fold divided iu agama, suya, ana, dharana, and jiya- yavahara, socording as the canon, tradition, a rule, a charge, or custom fixes it (see Leumann, Jitakalpa, p. 2). The second kind oooura IV, 25. W . never meet, at least in the Kalpa. and Vyavahara-sutras, with another procedure as the aha-lahusaga. I think the commentators are wrong, or their statements belong to a later time, when they (churni to bha shya V, 359 foll. - V.-th. II, 85.) give vatahara as fasts and divide it nine-fold in this way : guruo 1 month, tam atthamenar vahai. gurugatarao 4 months, da sumonar aha-guruo 6 duvalasa menar lahuo 30 days, chhatthenault Lahugatarao 25 chauttherarii aha-lahuo 20 ayambilonas lahusao 15 ega-tthananaris lahusatarao 10 purim' addhenath aha lahusao 5 iuuionati

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1910. RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. BY WILLIAM CROOKE (LATE 1.C.S.). No. I. A Holi Song. Sung by Manohar Bhant. Recorded by Ram Chandra Dube of Pal Khurd, District Itawod. Text. Jo koi nirgan jbar lakbi pawai, Bluin bin kuan, khet bin bari, bin kar rahat chalawai. Bina shish ki dhol pani hariya, pani bina lej bhari lykwai. Bin hi khet bijuka garai, mirig chunan nahin bawai. Jo koi bhay ko marai, bhayen bhaja wai, kal nikat nahin awai. Jo parain pat baithi ek dadur sang sowadu na pawai; Kamal phul ka bhanwara lobbi, sau jogan lon dhawai. Jo bekar tal pakbiwaj baja wain, we rasna gun gawain, Gawinbari ko khara khoj nahin, Sat Guru ani batawai. Refrain. Jo koi nirgun jhar lakhi pawai. Translation. He who can see the bodiless fall, Can dig a well withont earth, and can plant a garden without a field, and can draw water without hands. A hendless female water-bearer can draw water without a rope and bring it. Without a field he sets up a figure to scare animals, and no deer can graze in the field. He who kills bear, drives it away, keeps the duty of death away from himself. The frog sitting on a leaf of the lotus flower does not know its value; But the beetle, who knows the value of lotos, goes hundreds of miles in search for it. Those who sing the praise of God with the tongue without any musical rule or instrument, Mal. God (Sat Garu ) come to them and teach them everything, though they do not know who came and taught them. Refrain. He who can make the bodlilegs fall No. II. A Song attributed to Kabir. Sung by Manohar Bhant. Recoriled by Ram Chandra Dube of Pali Khurd, District Itawa. Text. Lagi Shabd ki cbot, jin ke lagi Shabd ki cbot ; Kya naddt; kya kuan; baori; khain ; kya kot? Kya barchhi; kya cbhuri, katari; kya dhalan ot ? Kya bhAf; kya mata pita, re; kya tiriya ko soch ? Kahain kabir ;"Suno bhai santo: bachain garun ki ot, Jinke lagi Shabd ki chot "

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OCTOBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 269 Translation, Those who have received a blow from the Word ; To them what is a river, a well, a tank, a ditch or a fort? What is a spear, a knife, a dagger, a shelid ? What is a mother, a brother, a father, or a wife's anxiety ? Saith Kabir :-"Brothers and saints, listen to me: any protection is behind the spiritual guide, To those who have received a blow from the Word." No. III. A Hymn to Salim Shah of Fathpur Sikri. Sung by Daulat Ram, Brahman of Bagi ;Recorded by Jiwan Sinh, Brdhman of Bagi, District Dehra Dun. Text. Dewari men minnat tibara ! A yo saran Dewari men minnat tihara Augun hai, dowa; gun nabii mujh meo. Mera kard nistara ! Dewari men minnat tihara ! Nangon nangon pairon, dewi, Akbar iya, sunke nam tumhara ! Deweri men minnat tibara ! ..Translation. At the Dewart, thou art worshipped ! I have sought thy protection at the Dewari. O godling, I have many defects and no good quality. Be my support! At the Dewari thou art worsbipped ! O godling, Akbar came to pay his respects to thee bare-footed hearing of thy fame! At the Dewari thou art worshipped ! No. IV. A Hymn of the Pilgrims to Jagannath. Current in the Eastern District of the United Prorinces. Collected by Ramgharib Chaube. Text. Ab to dil lag rahe cbaran men tibare. Pratham yog jagmagat unch nich tare. Markand, Shesh, Gang, Indradaman tare. Gokula mon janm linho, Pari ko sidha ro. Baudh rup baithi rahe kit makat dhare Yatri sab jane na pawev roki, gaye nyare, Dosh pap chhuti gaye panch keta se tumhare. Markand, Shesh, Gang, Garud khambh dware; Ram Dan charan aye, Jagannath pywre. Translation. Now my heart is set on thy feet (worship). Thy fame as the giver of salvation to the high and low is shining. Thon gavest salvation to Markand, Shesh, Gang and Indradaman. Thou wert born in Gokul and wentest to Pari. Thou sittest in the form of Bandh with a crown and ear-ornaments. The pilgrims are not allowed to go to thee and they are kept away from thee. (On seeing thy flag) from a distance of ten miles all sins and faults are destroyed. The columns on the doors are (under the designations of) MArkad, Shesh, Gang, Garnd; O beloved Jagannath, Ram Das has taken refuge in thee.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. No. V. A Popular Song by Sur Das, about Krishna. Recorded by Ramgharib Chaube. Text. Brindaban Mohan dadhi lati. Kahan mero har? Kahan nath besar? Kahan motin ki lar tuti ? Barajo, Yasoda, apne lala ko! Jhakjhorat matuki phut!! Surdas Prabhu Hari milan ko sarbas de gwalin chhuti. Translation. Mohan (Sri Krishna) stole curds in Brindaban. Where is my necklace? Where is my nose-ring? Where is the broken string of pearls? O Yasoda, check your son! In his pulling and handling, my earthen vessel of curds broke! Surdas says that cowherd's girls gave up all for the sake of meeting Prabhu Hari (Sri Krishna). No. VI. A Hymn to Mahadeva. Recorded by Ramgharib Chaube. Text. [OCTOBER, 1910. Shankar Sheo, bambam bhola ! Kailash pati, maharaj raj, Shankar Sheo, bambam bhola ! Orhe sinh khal, gale byal mal, lochan bishal ati 181 lal, piye bhang rang so, karat kaj ! Bachhaha turang, chhabi ang ang, sohai sis Gang, mathe chand bhal, sundar biraj ! Ardhang rup, ati chhanh dhup, nirkhat swarup, bhaye chhakit bhup, kar dimik dimik dim damaru baj! Kahat Nizami, kar jort jori :-" Dijai bhakti dan, rakho man mori, taji charan kamal, kahan jaun aj!" Translation. O Shankar Shiv, simple-hearted and careless! O Lord of Kailash, king of kings, Shankar Shiv, simple-hearted and careless! Clad in tiger-skin, snakes around the neck as garlands, large eyes very red, drunk with bhang, thou dost realize the hopes (of thy votaries)! Bull for thy steed, surpassing beauty in every limb, the Ganges beautifying the head, in thy forehead the moon, and doth thy beauty shine! Half-formed, and like a sun-shade, seeing which kings were surprised, and in thy hands the damaru (a musical instrument) soundeth! Nizami with folded hands says:-"Give me devotion as a boon, keep up my honour in the world, leaving thy lotus-like feet whither may I go!" No. VII. A Song about Deoband in Saharanpur District. Sung by Sita Ram. Recorded by Ramgharib Chaube. Text. 1. Durga Kund yan tirath sana tan; Sheo ne racha; nir ganbhir bhara. Deoband nahin, yah Devi Ban; nam Rishiyon ne dhara. 2. Bala Sundari Chaf yah, jis bidhi kahan main. Wah sat hal. Na is men farq zara. Deoband nahin, yah Devi Ban; nam Rishiyon ne dhara.

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OCTOBER, 1910,] RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 271 3. Puran hul tapasya, tab ja Parbati ne diya darsban: pati Shambhu ko bara. Deoband nahin, yah Devi Ban ; tam Rishiyon ne dhara. Tripura Sur ka juddh hoa, jab Devi Darge ne shakti: dusht ek chhan mei mara. Deoband nahin, yah Devi Ban ; nam Rishiyon ne dhara. 6. Tripura Sundari bala, jab se Bala Sundar nam ; Ved vikhyat kara. Deoband nahti, yah Devi Ban ; nam Rishiyon ne dhara. 6. Pandwon ki rajdhani bhai, phir barah baras kiye bes; ghus pat asan chara. Deoband nahto, yah Devi Ban; nam Rishiyon ne dhara. 7. Dharo Dwait Ban nam Yudhisthir, Devi Ban jisko kahain, Rag aru dwesh tara. Deoband nahin, yah Devi Ban; nam Rishiyon ne dhara. 8. Yak Banjari tha: Ang le sab Banjare chaphu; an yahan tande dere. Deoband nahin, yah Devi Ban; nam Rishiyon ne dhara. Jab Durge ne kale dikhai, yahii nagar rach diya. Sohawan shahar kara. Deoband nahin, yah Devi Ban; nam Rishiyon ne dhara. 10. Phir Akbar Shah Badshah Maghal bahat se pare. Desh sab un se dara Deoband nahto, yah Devi Ban; nam Rishiyon ne dhara. 11. Hinduon ne qatal am kiya, base Mahajan log; chali yonbio param para. Deoband nahin, yah Devi Ban; nam Rishiyon ne dhara. 12. Khushhalt Bohare ko chitaya, bana diya un bhe wan : subhag un ghat dhara. Deoband nahin, yah Devi Ban ; nam Rishiyon ne dhara. 13. Pichhe Kali Mat, pichhe Bhairon Bir launkare ; samhne sher khara. Deobund nahin, yah Debt Ban ; nam Rishiyon ne dhara. 14. Ho rabi jai jai kar bhawan men karke Dhaau darshan. Bhagat Darge ka tara. Deoband nahta, yah Devi Ban ; nam Rishiyon ka dhara. 15. Sita Ram niyadar darsi, Devi kripa kari : kaj santon ka sara. Devoband nahin, yah Devi ban ; nam Rishiyon ki dhari. Translation. 1. The Pool of Durga is an ancient place of pilgrimage : Shiv built it, and the water is deep. It is not Deoband but Devi Ban, a name given by the Rishis. There is This is the lady Bala Sundari, whose tale I will now tell. It is the true story. no difference in it. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban; a name given by the Righis.

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1910. 3. When (Mahadev) had fulfilled his penance, Parbati went and worshipped him and married the lord Shambhu. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban ; a name given by the Rishis. 4. In the trouble with Tripura Sur, the Devi took the form of Darga and killed her enemy at a blow. It is not Deoband but Devi Ban; a name given by the Rishis. 5. Tripura and Sundari fought, hence her name of Sandari Bala, and the Vedas were saved. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban; a name given by the Rishis. The Pandavas dwelt twelve years and ruled here, and here they ate grass and leaves. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban ; & name given by the Rishis. 1. Yudhisthir gave it the name of Dwait Ban, which had been called Dorf Ban. Hence enmity and desire were banished. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban ; a name given by the Rishis. 8. There was one Banjara and all the Banjaras came with their goods, and here they pitched their tents. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban; a name given by the Rishis. Whon Durga showed her powers, a town was built here. It became a beautiful city. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban; a name given by the Righis. 10 Then Akbar Shah, the Mughal King, greatly destroyed it, and the whole country feared him. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban ; & name given by the Rishis. 11. When the Hindustanis were killed off, Mahajans lived here and came in great numbers. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban; a name given by the Rishis. 12. The desire came to Khushhali, the Banker, and he built a temple, and be set up a beautiful bathing ghat. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban; a name given by the Rishis. 18. Behind is the Temple of Kalf, and behind that the shrine of Bhairon, and in front stands his lion. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban ; a name given by the Rishis. 14. (The pilgrims) pay the respects to Dhanu and keep on crying victory ' in temple. The devotee of Durga obtains (his desire). It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban; a name given by the Rishis. 16. Daily Sita Ram pays his respects, and the goddess has mercy and grants all his desires. It is not Deoband, but Devi Ban; a name given by the Rishis.

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OCTOBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 273 Note. Tho story intended to be related in the above verses is much this. Mahadeva settled at Deoband for his austerities, and the place became known as the Mahadeva Ban or Forest, and was revered as a holy place. When his austerities were accomplished, he married Parbati there, whence it became known as Devi Ban. Then comes the story about the rescue of the Vedas from the demons by the goddess under the form of Durga. The legend goes that Tripara Sura was in possession of the place and Durga undertook to oust him. So she went there in the guise of a beautiful girl, Bala Sundari, Tripura Suru desired to marry her and she said she would do so, if he defeated her in battle. Thinking her to be only a delicate girl he agreed and was killed. Next we have a legend connecting the place with the Pandavas. The idea is that in all tapoban, forests for penance, there is universal peace and amity, the lion lies down with the lamb and the sheep with the wolf. So when Yudhishthir settled at Deoband for a while, he forgot all his enmities, and named the place Advaita Ban, the forest in which he obtained the two most desirable qualities. After this comes the more modern story of Dhana Bhagat, the Banjara, who is fabled to have offered his head to the goddess, and of whom long stories are sung in verse. Many of his caste came to worship at this shrine where this took place, and are said to have been ousted by the Musalmans, represented in story by the Emperor Akbar. They in turn were driven out of the holy place and it has now become the property of the Baniya class, and the last phase of the holy place is its enlargement and adornment by one Khushalt, a banker, in quite modern times. No. VIII. A Prabhati or Morning Hymn. Sung on opening a temple to Ram or Krishna. Recorded by Ram Kishn of Kaulagir, Distriot Dehra Dun. Text. Jagiye, Gopal Lal, panchhi ban bole. Nisha angari bit gai. Bhanu ko prakash, bhayo. Bhanwaran gunjar kiub. Kawalan dal khole. Shashi ki jot malin bhai. Chakawi piya milan gaf. Pawan chalat ati sugandb, tarwar ban dole. Jagiye Gopal Lal panchhi ban bole. Translation. Awake, O Gopal Lal, the birds in the forest have begun to chirp. The night is passed. The light of the sun has become visible. The bees have begun to hun. The lotus flowers have opened their petals. The light of the moon has dimmed. The Chakawi has gone to meet her beloved. The breezes low scented and the tree-leaves in the forest are moving. Awake, O Gopal Lal, the birds in the forest have begun to chirp. No, IX. A Chaubold Hymn to Kali. Recorded by Shobhd Ram, School Teacher of Bibhault Village, District Dehra Dun. Text. Kali ri, tu Kalka, joti teri bharpur ! Garh Lanka, ri, tu charhi : are sanware kaj. Are sau ware kaj : khun se khappar bhar linhi. Siga Ram ki phauj bijay tumhin ne dinbi. Lalkarain rakshas zor zor pi pi mad pgala. Pai taine Rawan mar kiya ; munh sab ka kala.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Garh Lanka ko tor, son ko mitti kinhin. Aisi tu mahrani; tumhain Nanak bhal chinhin. Meri tu Kali Mai. Tert main bhent banat. Chandashwale Raje bhawan men dhwaja charbai. [OCTOBER, 1910. Translation. O Black one (Kali), thou art the goddess of the age (Kalka), thy work is fulfilled! Thou didst attack Lanka and achieve success. Thou didst achieve success and didst fill thy earthen vessel with the blood (of those who fell in the struggle). Thou didst give victory to the army of Sita and Ram. The cannibals drinking the cups of wine challenged hoarsely. But thou by laying Rawan low didst blacken the faces of all of them (humiliated them). Reducing the fort of Lanka, thou didst convert gold into ashes. So art thou queen: Nanak knows thee full well. O Black Mother, thou art mine. I have composed this as a present to thee. May & flag wave on the palace of the Raja on the fourteenth day of the Hindu months. No. X. A Vaishnava Hymn sung daily to the shalgram Stone. Sung by Madho Das. Recorded by Bhagwant Prashdd, School Teacher of Dhimshri Village, District Agra. Text. Shalgram, suno binatt mert; yah bardan daya kari paan. Prat hot, jal se manjan kari, prem sahit ahshnan karaun. Chandan, dhup, dip, tulshi dal, bhant! bhanti ke phul charhaun. Unche singhasan baitharon, ghanta sankh, mridang bajaun. Ek bund, charnamrit pauu pitrin ko Vaikunth pathaun. Jo ahar jurai hai rain din, bhog lagaya ke juthan paun. Gilane pap kare duniya men parik rama ke sath babaun. Chhuti gayo janjal jagat ke, dewaut ko darba men jaun. Madho Das daya Sat Guru ke sat sadhun ko das kahaun. Translation. O Shalgram, listen to my prayer: of thy kindness give me this boon. In the morning washing my body with water, I bathe you with affection. Then I offer to you sandal, incense, lamps, leaves of the tulsi plant, and various kinds of flowers. Then I place you on a high seat and play on bells, drum, and blow the conch-shell. I get a drop of water in which I have bathed you and thereby send my ancestors to the paradise (of Vishnu). The food I have been able to procure, I offer you that your leavings I may eat. Then walk round you and thereby throw off all the sins. I have committed in the world. Then free from the snares of the world, I go to the covert of the gods. Madho Das says, that through the generosity of the True Guide he may be called the servant of all the saints.

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OCTOBER, 1910.] RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. No. XI. A Hymn to Bhawani. Sung by Hukm Sinh, a boy in the Ruknutd Village School. Recorded by his teacher. Text. 1. Ak kt gari, dhak ke pahiye; surahi ke bail jurawati. Meri Mata Maia: tumhin son dhyan lagawati. 2. Ja men charhi awain Kanbaur ki Mata: kesan bagar baharati. Meri Mata Maia: tumhin son dhyan lagawati. 3. Ja men charhl awain Lalta Maia: kesan bagar bubarati. Meri Mata Maia: tumhin son dhyan lagawati. JA men charhi awain Masani Mata. Ja men chaghi awain, Mau ki Mata. Ja men charhi awain, Gargawen ki Mata. Kesar bagar buharati. Mert Mata Maia, tumhin son dhyan lagawati. Ja men charhi awain Kuanwall. Ja men charhi awain Sato Bahinain. Ja men charhi awain ekhattar sau Mata. 5. Ak ki gari, dhak ke pahiye, surahi ki bail jurawati. Meri Mata Maia, tumhin son dhyan lagawati. Translation. 1. The car of dk, the wheels of palds1; wild oxen yoked to it. Mother Maia mine: I meditate only on thee. 2. In the car is coming the Mother of Kanhaur: I sweep the way with my hair. Mother Maia mine: I meditate only on thee. 3. In the car is coming Mother Lalta: I sweep the way with my hair. Mother Maia mine: I meditate only on thee. 4. In the car is coming Mother Masani. In the car is coming the Mother of Mau. In the car is coming the Mother of Gurgaon. I sweep the way with my hair. Mother Maia mine: I meditate only on thee. 5. In the car is coming the Mother of the Wells. In the car are coming the Seven Sisters. In the car are coming the Seventy-one-hundred Mothers. The car of dk, the wheels of palds: wild oxen yoked to it. Mother Mait mine: I meditate only on thee. 1 The palas is the abode of the goddess. 275

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Ostovkv, 1910. No. XII. A Song about the Forest godlings: The Cow and the Lion. Sung by Salig Ram Kayasth of Aparpur Village. Recorded by Lalta Prasad, School Teacher of Aparpur. Text. Din ko uan, kiran ki bera surain ban ko jawe, ri. Ek ban nigh; dujo ban naghai; tije ban pahunche jaya, ri. Ban kai patana mukhhu na dinhe, upar nahar hukai, rf. "Ab ki dain bakas mere sama la; ghar bachhra nadan, ri. " "Ko tero sakh bharat hai ? Ko tero bhayo zamani, ri?" "Suraj sabita sakh bharat hain; Banaspati zaman, ri." "Suraj sabita sahajayan athay gaye? Banaspati jhar jay, ri?" "Dharti Mata sakh bharati hain; Basuk hot zaman, ri. " Ek ban nagh, dujo ban naghi, tije ban pahunch! jaya, ri. Awo: "Mere bachhara pilo dudhwa, sinh bachan hari ai, ri." "Awat dekho ab to dudh ham na piwain, mata. Chalihon tumhare sath, ri, " Unche parbat here ware sinhla: "Surain aj na ai, rf." Awat dekhi surabhi bachhara, sinhla man musaka, ri, "Ab to surbhi bachan, ki sancht: ek gai, do ai, ri," "Pahile, mama, monhin bhaksb lijo, pichhe surain mai, ri." "Kaune, bhanaija, toihin sikh dinhon kaun lagyo tere kan ri ?" "Dharti Mata monhin sikh dinh!; langur lagyo mere kan, ri. " "Jawo, bhanaija, ban tumhin ko dinhon. Bhor hot char jawo, ri; " Charne ko Kajali Ban dai dinho; pine ko Ganga jal pani, ri. " Translation. A cow went into the forest at day-break. She passed one forest and then the second and then she went into the third forest. She had not taken any leaf of the forest into her mouth before she found a lion roaring at her. (She begged of him) "Have mercy on me this time. I have a very young calf at home.". (The lion asked) "Who is thy witness and who stands security for thee ? " (The cow replied) "The sun is my witness and Banaspati is security for me." (The lion rejoined ) "The sun will set, and Banaspati will drop." (The cow then said) "Mother Earth is my witness and Basak (the snake king) is my security." Then the lion allowed her to go and she went back from one forest to the other and then to the third and reached her home. She arrived (and said to her calf), "My calf, come and suck my teats, I have given my word to a lion." (The calf said)" Look here, mother, I won't suck thy teats now. I shall go with thee (to the lion)." The lion kept watch on the lofty hills (and said within himself) "the cow does not come to-day." He saw the cow and the calf coming towards him and he smiled. (When the the cow with the calf went up to the lion, he said):-"O cow, thou art very trathful. Thou didst go alone and hast come back doubled," (The calf broke in upon the conversation and said):-"O maternal uncle, first of all eat me, and then you can eat the mother-cow."

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OCTOBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 277 (The lion then said ) " Who advised thee to call me maternal uncle and who poisoned thy ears against me?" (The calf replied ) " Mother Earth gave me her advice; the monkey poisoned my ears against thee." (The lion then said ) "O my sister's son, go, for I give this forest to thee. Come in the morning and graze in the forest. I give thee Kajali Forest to graze in and the water of the Ganges to drink." Note. The idea of the Hindus is that lions and demons are appeased and cease to do harm to any one who calls them 'maternal uncle,' because no Hindu can do injury to his sister's son, who is to him an object of worship. No. KhIII. A Song of the Kanwarthus, Purveyors of Ganges water. Text. Kamarthiya (Kinwarithiya), mere param adhar, Bbol& paras ghar ays jaiho. Aya jaiho apne me we ke bhag, Bhola paras ghar kya jaiho. Aya jaiho apne babul ke bbag, Bhola paras ghar aye jaiho. Aya jaiho apne bhaian ke bhag, Bhola paras ghar kya jaiho. Aya jaiho apne bahint ke bhag, Bhola paras ghar Aya jaiho. Aya jaiho apnt dbaniya ke bhang, Bhola paras ghar kya jaiho. Kanwarathiya, mere param adhar, Bhola paras ghar aya jaiho. Are, pahalt bam' angna mei bolt; duji galian men jaya; Tiji bam'daure pai boli ; chauthf jhati men jays; Panchato bam 'Gangan pai bolt; chhathain Lakhnaus mon jaya; Satain 'bam' Sheo nere pai boli ; athafn BholA darbar. Kamarthiya, mere param adhar, Bhola paras ghar aya jaibo. Translation O Kamartht, thou art my chief support, Touching Mahadev, come back home. Come back for the blessing of your mother, Touching Mahadev, come back home. Come back for the blessing of your father, Touching Mahadev, come back home. Come back for the blessing of your brothers, Touching Mahadev, come back home. Come back for the blessing of your sisters, Touohing Mahadev, come back home. Come back for the blessing of your wife, Touching Mabadev, come back home. O Kamarthi, thou art my chief support, Touching Mahadev, come back home. 0, he (the Kanwartht) says.bam :' first in the courtyard; next in the lanes;

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1910, Thirdly (he says ) bam' in the village precincts; fourthly in the woods ; Fifthly at the Ganges ( he says ) bam'; sixthly at Lucknow; Seventhly (he says) bam' at the Sheo river ; eighthly in the court of Mahadev. O Kamarthi, thou art my chief support, Touching Mahadev, come back home. Note. The Kanwarthis are parveyors of Ganges water from Hardwar for use on the lingam of important temples of Mabadeva. Like the devouter pilgrims to Jagannath, they have, in order to secure the full benefits of their merit, to eschew the Railways and travel on foot. The above song is that of the Kanwarthis who supply the temple of Lodheswar Mahadeva, No. XIV. Song to the Goddess of Small-poz. Sung when a boy is aotually suffering from the disease. ) Recorded by Mathurd Prasdd, School Teacher in Phanphund Village, District Itawa. Text. Devi hoya gan dayal abai more angana. Devi ke payan chandan khasgun : khodai chalin, re, abai more angana. Devi hoye gain dayal abai more angana. Devi ke hathan phulan ki chbariyan; chhariyan marai chalin, re, abhai more angana. Devi hoye gain dayal abai more angana. Devi ki godin lal balakwa, lalna dewai chabu, re, abai more ang ana. Dort hoye gain dayal abai more angana. Translation. The Devi has been kind to us in our courtyard. The Devi has a sandal made of gold : she has just gone to dig with it our courtyard just now. The Devi has been kind to us in our courtyard. The Devi has sticks of flowers in her hands : with them she has gone to beat us in our courtyard. The Devi has been kind to us in our courtyard. The Devi has a red child in her lap: she is just going to give the child to us in our courtyard. The Devi has been kind to us in our courtyard. No. Xy. A Morning Hymn (Sumirini). Sung by lou-oaste Hindus, Sung by Surdds. Reportel by Laki Teli of Pilna Village, District Elah. Recorded by Pandit Shivdaydl, School Teacher of Pilnd Village. Text. Deota sigare aja manaun. Shukra, Badh, Sanishchar, Vrihaspati, Suraj, Chandra, sabai man laun. Langur, Gauri, Ganesh, Sorda, Gangaji, charan sir nauu. Bharat, Ram, Lakshman, Ripusudan, Sita, Hanuman, Yamuna, chit lagi.. Pancho Panda, chhathe Narayan, Rohint putra, charan sir naun. Dhanya dhany& win Bhimgen ke; aru Baldco charan sir naun. Sar Dus : Bhagwan bharose Ram Chandra ke seb gun gun. Deota sigre aju manaan.

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OCTOBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 279 Translation. To-day, invoke all the gods. I call them all to mind : Shukra, Budh, Sanchar, Vrahaspati, Sarya and Chandra. I salute the monkeys : Gaurt, Ganesh, Sarda, and Gangaji. I call to mind Bharat, Ram, Lakshman, Ripusudan, Sita and Hanuman and the Yamuna. I lay my head at the feet of the five Pandwas and the sixth Narkyan, the son of Rohini. Blessed is Bhimsen, and Baldeo I salute. Sor Das says that he has confidence in Bhagwan and so he sings the praises of Ram Chandra. I invoke all the gods to-day. No. XVI. Village Hymns in Itawa Distriot. Recorded by Pandit Bhagwan Din from the lips of Kundan Ahir and Gonul Ahir of Pali Village. 1.-To Devt. Text. Bharant, tero Gangaji men ghalo, re, hindolo ! Kabe ke kbambhe marware? Kahe ki hai bagdor? Bhawani, tero, etc. Chandan ke khambhe marware : resham ki hai bagdor. Bhawani, tero, etc. Ko ju jhulai ? Kaun jhula wai? Koja domacbi macbawal? Bhawani, tero, etc. Devi jhulain; langur jhulawain. Hanumat dumacht machtwain. Bbawani, tero, etc. Sumiri sumiri, Mata, tero yash gang. Nagart men rahaha dayala; Bhawan tero Gangaji men ghalo bai hindolo. Translation. O Bhawani, thy cradle swings in the Ganges! Of what are made the sapports ? Of what is made the rope ? O Bhawani, thy cradle, etc. The supports are made of sandalwood, and the rope is made of silk. O Bhawani, thy cradle, eto. Who swings on it? Who causes the cradle to swing? Who plays on the drum? O Bhawani, thy cradle, etc. The Devi swings in it; the apes make the cradle swing. Hanuman plays on the dram, O Bhawani, thy cradle, etc. O Mata, calling thee to my mind I sing thy praises. I pray that you may be kind to the city, O Bhawani, thy cradle swings in the Ganges. 2.-To Kal1. Text. Gagan urf rath ki raj; gagan uri Kali ke rath ki raj. Kabe ke pahiya bani anr kahe ke don bail? Rath ki raj gagan urt. Chandan ki pahiya bant aur surah gau ke bail. Rath ki raj gagan uri. Ko ja rath met baitht hai? Ko haoke don hail?

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1910. Rath ki raj gagan uri. Kalt rath men baitbt hain : Hanumat hankain don bail. Rath ki raj gagan asi. Sumiri samiri, Mata, terd yash gaon; tohi ke Ram dobai. Rath ki raj gagan uri. Translation. The dust of the chariot roso to the heavens: the dast of the chariot of Kali rose to the heavens, Of what is made the wheel and of what are made the oxen ? The dust of the chariot rose to the heavens. The wheel is made of sandalwood and the oxen are the wild kine. The dast of the chariot rose to the heavens. Who sits in the chariot and who drives the two oxen The dust of the chariot rose to the heavens. Kali sits in the chariot and Hanaman drives the two oxen. The dust of the chariot rose to the heavens. O Mata, I sing thy praises, calling thee to my mind : be kind to me for Ram's sake. The dust of the chariot of Kak rose to the heavens. 8.-To Dharmdhart. Text. Milan bhaye, re, Hart son milan bhaye. Ganga gbat Dharmdhart son milan bhaye. Kaban ten aye Dharni Deota ? Kahko te kye Sri Ram ? Pashchim teh fye Dharmi Deota, Parat ton aye Sri Ram. Hari son milan bhaye. Bhent le, bhent le Dharml Deota, tere janam ke kati hain pap. . Hari son milan bhaye. Translation. O! I have met Hart. On the banks of the Ganges I have met Dharmdbari. Whence has come Dharm Deota ? And whence has come Ram P Dharm Deota has come from the West and Ram has come from the East. I have met Hari. Meet Dharmdhari Deota and the sins of several lives shall be washed away. I have met Hari. 4-To Maiks str. Text. Kyon jorf hath raini, mama mere ? Ghi meri kapiya ; kanak kothariyan; bakar bandbe chatsal. Mama mere, kyon jori hath rainf? Miroi bakar; karon, re, kandur : prem newati jimion. Mama mere, kyori jore hath raini ? Translation, O maternal) uncle, why have you folded bands? I have ghf in pitobers, gold in the treasure room and a goat is tied in the yard. O uncle, why have you folded your hands ? I shall kill the goat and offer flesh and food (to Maika Sur) after respectfally inviting him. (maternal) uncle, wby bave you folded your hands ?

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OCTOBER, 1910.] RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 281 5.- Kala Khan. Text. Aju nind bhari sowo. Kalu Khan ke phir soe Ganga tarahati kai Isan nadiya ki par. Kalu Khan na kahun sowain na Ganga tarahati na Isan nadiya ke tir. Bhramat phirain aswari nadi pai; ltla ghora, sin sonahara Kalu Khan bhayo aswar. Kahan lila gard bhare? Kahan bhari samal sej? Gangs par lla gard bhare; wahin kathin chall talwar. Nadi pai bhramat phirain aswar Kala Khan. Translation. O Kala Khan, have a sound sleep to-day. Kalu Khan sleeps either in the valley of the Ganges or beyond the Isan river. Kalu Khan sleeps neither in the valley of the Ganges or the bank of the Isan river. He wanders about (at Makanpur Village) on the river banks mounted on his steed: mounted on his dark-grey horse with the golden saddle. Where did the dark-grey horse get covered with dust? Where did the bed get covered with dast? The dark-grey horse got covered with dust beyond the Ganges, where a bloody fight took place. Kalu Khan wanders about on the banks of the river mounted on his steed. No. XVII. A Hymn sung at the Ekadashi Vrat, the most popular of the Vaishnava fast Sung by Kundan Ahir of Pali Khurd. Recorded by Pandit Bhagwan Din, School Teacher of Pal Khurd Village, District Itawa. Text. Bhali racht Raghubir hamare rath atake din huf rahe. Pratham bandi guru charan shish Sharad ko naun. Sharad kripa jo hoya kachhu Hari ke gun gaan. Kanth baithu, Parmeshwari, tin bhuan ki rani. Jo vrat sadhe Raja Rup Mangal te kachhu karon bakhani. Dadhisat upjai sinh, ish bin shish bihara. Dhani dhani Singhal-dwip jahan Padmini paukhana. Raja phirat kull thangar men. Sut Basuk lon jay pakario we u tam lai awo. Asano ek baro qarur hai biti gaye bahu roza. Malin aya, kahi Raja se: Monhi na paye khoja." Sughar banak ban bani, manon shobha ten karhi. Asht paw rath ke bane wa men char juri. Dekhat banai kahat nahin awai; sar Basudao nbari. "Rabi ki jwala kathin, chhanh rath chalai hamara." Waigan tul hamain tan byapai, rath rakhe bilmay. "Kai, Raja, tum rathahincha lawo, nahin lewo apradh." Bhai, sanjha ati bhfr, sabai ranwas buldi. Sakal jure muni ai ke bahu ke dware. "Kaun disha se gaman kigo hai ?" Bolo bachan samhar. Hin jati ek hati nagar men wako khoji bulat. Bin puchhen vrat rah! kant wohl tras dikhayo. Ai nikat tharhi Garur ke taki pauriya, phir milai kutumb ko jay.

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Translation. The hero of the Raghuvanshis (Ram Chandra) ordained that a chariot be stopped a long while in the daytime. First of all I salute my religious guide and then I salute the goddess of learning. If Sharda be kind to me I shall sing some praises of Hari. Parmeshwari, queen of the three regions, sit in my throat. So that I may sing like Raja Rap Mangal when he commenced his fast on the eleventh day of the month. To Dadhisut was born a lion (a very powerful man), but for lack of devotion bis mind was troubled. Blessed be the island of Singhal where a low-born woman is Padmini (a woman of the highest class). The Raja wandered about in (search of) thieves and evil men. If the son of Basuk (the king of the serpents) was found in evil acts, he was not spared. Once there was trouble because (the Raja) did not return for a long time. The malin (gardener's wife) came and informed the Raja that there was no trace of the prince. Very beautifully adorned, she appeared as if she had been taken out from the ocean of beauty and loveliness. [OCTOBER, 1910. Then appeared a chariot of eight wheels to which four horses were yoked. (The chariot was so very beautiful) that it could not be admired in words, but merely on seeing Basudeo bowed his head. (The Raja said when the chariot was driving) that his chariot could not go in the sun and must travel in the shade. curse. (The chariot was stopped) and in the evening when he began to drive it again, it would not go. (The snake king then asked the Raja Rap Mangal) to set the chariot going or to hear his The Raja called all his ranis and saints and relatives. A great crowd assembled at his door. They asked (the snake king): " from which direction have you commenced your journey 2.?" Then (Raja Rup Mangal) called from the city a low-caste woman that fasted (on eleventh day of the month). Against the will of her husband, who would have punished her if he had heard of it. No sooner she came, than the chariot flew up with the help of the (sacred) Garud bird and the woman went to her house and joined her family. No. XVIII. A popular Vaishnava Song. Attributed to Tulsi Das. Text. Aiso ko udar jag mahin! Binu sewa jo drawai din par Ram saris kau nablu! Jo gati yog virag yatna kari nahli pawat mun! jnani. Jo gati dai Gidh Shabari kahang prabhu, tab hun na jiya jant Jo sampati dash dish sadhi kar Rawan Sheo pahan linhin. So sampada Bibhishan, ko ati sakuch sahit Hari dinhin ; Tulshi Das: "Sab bhaati sakal sukh jo chahasi man mere; Tau bhaju Ram kam sab puran karai kripa nidhi tere." 2 They asked this to convince the snake king that the chariot did not go because he had commenced his journey facing an unauspicious and unlucky direction.

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OCTOBER, 1910] RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 283 Translation. There is none so charitable in this world! There is not, except Ram, a single being who moves at the sight of the poor, without requiring any service from him. That salvation which the saints and the wise do not get even after exerting themselves : To secure it he gave to the Vulture and to Shabari, bat even then, O Lord, the heart did not recognise thee. That property which Rawan gained from Mahadeva by offering his ten heads to him. Hari gave to Bibhishan with bashfulness. Tulshi Das says: "O my heart, if thou desirest perfect bappiness, Worship Ram and all thy desires shall be fulflled by him who is the Treasure of Meroy." No. XIX Hymns to Village Godlings. Recorded by Sayyid Al-Hasan, Master of the Tahsili School, Mathurd. To Kela Davi, the Plantain Goddess. Text. Bhar BhAdoo ke, Kell, rat andhert: kare sint pai pathar dari. Kaban ko chalt adht rat, he Ek ban dekh, bhagta tero kol na payo he May. Paya p&ya Lakha Gajar ko payk. Hath kt lakariye der de ban manhin. Tuhain to niayen Agai, he May. Translation. During the whole of Bhadon, O Kola, the nights are very dark : on the black lion the hail falls. At midnight, O Mother, whither goost thoa ? Thou hast searched a forest, but found no votary of yours therein, O Mother, Now thou hast found one : thou hast found one in Lakb& Gajar. Now, throw away the burning stick' to burn the negligent votaries with In the forest, O Mother, I have come to propitiate thee. To Bhamiya. Text. Unche kbair Bhumiya basai, jake niobe basai kaler. Mad ke wykle Bhumiy& piwai, bhar bhar dewai kalar. Bhumiy& ke hath kt mundari, jakd hati kaler. Kbere ko rachhpal Bhamiya, Kbere ki chamar sath Bhumiga. Tere bewan Bhairo sath Bhumiya. Translation. On a high platform (or cateoha tree ) doos Bhumiye live and below it lives the distiller. Bhumiya drinks cupfuls of wine : the distiller fills the cups, and bands them over (to BhQmiya), The large ring on Bhumiya's hand is the reward of the distiller. Bhumiya is the protector of the village. The skins (or the dead) of the village are with Bhumiya. Fifty-two Bhairons are with Bhumiya. To Pret, the Arch-Demon. Text. Pret, tere bej rabin changhariyan. Unoho so tero bano chautaro, apar jal ki ghariyan. Pret, toro baj ghariyan ka thandha pani, yahi piwai, Pret Mahababbaniya. Kauno lngai tere bagh baghich& ? Kaun ner ki dariyan? * Lats is the most proper Hindt word for it. . It may also mean that such goddooms Ms Chamariy, oto., are with BhQmiya

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FOCTOBER, 1910. Pret tere baj rabin chaughariyan. Mar paltht baith gayo : bhajan kiyo char ghariyan. Pret, tert baj rabin changhariyan. Translation. O Pret, thy bells are sounding hoarsely. Thy platform is bigh: on it are placed water-pitchers. O Pret, the water of some pitchers in cold : the demon-wife of the Mahabrahman drinks it up. Who has planted thy gardens ? Who has planted the ner trees? O Pret, they bells are sounding hoarsely. Thou sittest with crossed legs (paltki ) : sing hymns for four hours. O Pret, thy bells are sounding hoarsely. No. XX. Song sung on the Toranhwin. The last day of the obsequies of a Hindu. Sung by Nandkumari Thakurans of Shamedbad, Agra- Recorded by the Head Master of Shamsibad Village School. Text. Aipan padult mandhati, jahan baithe hain sagaro deo. Badhawo sanche deo ko. Hath mat pakarai, deota ; toi apnt kt an. Badbawo sancho deo ko. Mohfa tohtomagaigo, samai khoygo. Badhy wo sa ochi deo ko, May to manai mere bhauji aur sahodar bir. Badhawo sancho deo ko. Translation. Balls of powdered rice and tarmeric (I place), where are sitting all the gods ancestors). I sing the praises of the true gods. Hold not my hands, O gods (the departed ): let me make the balle. I sing the praises of the true gods. Swear by thyself (not to dispate, the time for ) dispute bas gone. I sing the praises of the true gods. Thy mother reminds me she is my brother's wife and my brother is a hero (godling). I sing the praises of the true gods. Explanatory Version, As given by the Recorder of the song. I am making lumps of rioe, powdered with water and mixed with tarmeric in the name of the ancestors (these lamps represent ancestors). It is supposed that when a place is assigned to the lumps, the spirits of the ancestors inhabit them and then they do not wander about, but receive the offerings made to the lamps which represent them, where all the ghosts of the ancestors are sitting. O gods (properly demons, ghosts of the ancestors) do not be stubborn, let me make lumps to represent you ali, and inbabit your representations. I sing the praises of the trae ghost (demon). Swear by yourself (tum ko apni qasum hai jo na badawon ) if you do not let me do so. The time of dispute between you and me is gone. I sing the praises of the true ghost ( demon). Thy mother minds me as she is my brother's wife and my brother also minds me as he and I are born of the same mother's womb and he is a brave ghost. I sing the praises of the true ghost. Notes by the Beoorder. This song exposes the fact that, even after the tenth day's ceremony, the ordinary Hindus do not believe that the ghost of the dead has been admitted into paradise, or that his connection with the family has ceased. They believe, though we have been hitherto ignorant of the fact, that the ghosts of the dead are supposed to remain ghosts for ever and to tronble the family if not regularly propitiated and this accounts for yearly srddh in Kuar. The Brahmana say that in Kuar, ancestors come out from paradise or hell, as the case may be, to receive offerings, but this song assures us that this explanation is intended for strangers only and does not express their inward belief. * Who has become chwol and benoe the wife of the Prot. . The bar or banyan tree.

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OCTOBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 283 In reality they teach that the ghosts are demons, who are constantly on a look-out for an oppor(unity to trouble the survivors, whenever they fail to do homage, and also to create new occasions for demanding puja. What we knew on the point amounted to this :-those ghosts, who have not been properly burnt or buried, become demons, and when proper ceremonies performed they cease to remain demous. But this song assures us that whether the ceremonies bave been performed properly or not, the dead become demons and remain demons for ever and ever. No. XXI. A Hymn to Devi. Low-castes of the Saharanpar District (gardeners and scavengers). Recorded by Ramgharib Chaube. Text Sur ki data adi Sarswati, budh ka data dar hall. Ann ki data Annporna hai; dushton ko bhakshai Kali. Sat Yug men kis ki thi puja ? Dwapar men kis ne mani ? Treta Yug meii kaua puji thi ? Ka Yug, Kal Yag men ko bachali ? Ann kt data Annparna ; dushton ko bhakshai Kali. Sat Yug meh sab ki devi Sita : Dwapar mer Dropadi Rani. Treti Yug men Tulsiji tbin, Kal Yug men pragati hain Kali. Sur ki data adi Sarawati; budhi ki data dar hali. Vrahmaji ko Kahiye Sumitra ; Vishnu ke Lakshmi Rani; Mabadera ke alakh Gaura kasht kalesh katai Kali. Translation. Sarswati is the prime giver of sur (melody) and also the giver of wisdom in t'mes of necessity Annpurna Devi is the giver of food, and Kali is the devourer of the wicked. Who was the object of worship in the Sat Yug? Who was acknowledged (as a deity) in the Dwapar Yug? Who was worshipped in the Tret& Yng? Who speaks in the Kal Yug? Annpurna is the giver of food, and Kali is the devourer of the wicked. In the Sat Yug Sita was the goddess of all. In the Dwapar Yug Dropadi was Queen. In the Treta Tulsiji was the goddess of all ), and in the Kal Yug Kali is manifest. Sarswati is the prime giver of melody and also the giver of wisdom in times of necessity. Vrabma has Sumitra for his queen and Vishnu has Lakshmi; Mahadeva has Gaura for his queen, who, in her form of Kali, removes the pains and sufferings of the people. Note by the Recorder. In the District of Sabaran pur, Malis and Bhangis are regarded to be special favourites of Devi by the low-caste people. The Malis act as priests of Devi in popular worship, and the Bhangis act as chanters of hymns to her. No. XXII. Songs to Sitala (goddess of Small-pox.) Sung when commencing any important undertaking or on the departure of small-poc from a village or family. l'ecorded by a School Teacher at Chhaward Mau, District Farrukhabad. 1. Text. Tu meri din dayal ho, jagtarini Mata. Sitala ke ban meri gauwen bidar gaii. To meri din dayala ho, jagtarini Mata. Ishwar diyen maiya kahabat hai ? Sitala deyan, to pai : ye jag tarini Mata. Dudh, dudhanrt, put palna, ghar, angana, na suhay ho: jagtarini Mata. Tom jal, tum thal tumbio aparbal. Tin lok ki rant ho, jagtarani Mata. Translation. O Mother, giver of salvation to the world, thou art kind to the poor. My kine have strayed into the forest of Sitala.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1910. O Mother, giver of salvation to the world, thou art kind to the poor. What can avail if God gives (a child) to any one ? One gets it only when Sitale gives; the giver of salvation to the world, When Sitala is wroth with one, one finds no pleasure in milk, in the milk-pot, in the son on the cradle, in the house or the courtyard. O Mother, giver of salvation to the world. Thou art land and water, and thou art the most powerful of all. Thou art the queen of three regions. O Mother, giver of salvation to the world. 2.-Text. Shahar men Sitala shital bbal. Bas o bagar bahoro, meri abla, bilua bait dal. Gahgahe sipan pujo, meri abla, rori ki tip dai. Pariya subariya ke bhojan banaye amrit dhar dai. Dipak bari dharo math bhitor jag may joti bari. Translation. In the city Sitala bas abated the small-pox. Sweep and plaster the dwelling places and the streets, Owomen, and distributo swoets in your neighbourhood. Worship (Sitala) with fresh and shining nrixtare of powdered rice and turmeric and smear (the representation of Sitala) with red powder (rori). Make cakes (of flour) and cakes with powdered gram, and offer the libation of the water of life (amrit) to the goddess. Light lamps and put them in the temple of the goddess) so that they may give out dazzling light. No. XXIII. A Malar (August) Song for Rain. Sung by Hari Vildsh, Recorded by School Teacher of Chhaward Mau, District Farrukhaudd. Text. Un bin ghan garjat bar bar.. Chahun disbi chhaye hain kar kar. Sital saras pawan porwal, mand, sugandh mabb sukh dA. Bundan megh maha jhari lai. Mor kuk dram dar dar, an bolat madhur kokila bani. Koyal shabd sunat akulani. Vraj banita Hari hath bikani. Kaise jiye man mar? Ek to monhin darkwai dimini: Daje jagunu chamaki andheri yamint. Man marorat Vraj sab kamini. Shochati hai biya har har. Ritu barkha monhin lagai pyar pyar. Hari Vilash :-"Kab milai Murari ban bibar ? Kab karain bibari ?" Translation, Without him (the beloved) clouds are thundering again and again. They are overhanging on all sides, black and black. The east wind is the coolist of all and to increase the bappiness, it imparte (to the human beings) it is light and perfumed. The showers are falling incessantly. Peacocks are sbrieking on every bough and cackoo is singing sweetly. But the voice of the cuckoo makes (women) uneasy in mind, The maidens of Vraj are bought and sold for Hari (Sri Keishna Jhandra). How can I live suppressing my feelings ! Lightning is threatening ine on one hand : On the other, the fire-fly is shining in the dark night.

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OCTOBER, 1910.) NOTES AND QUERIES. 287 Love arrests the maidens of Vraj. They are discouraged at heart. The rainy season seems very pleasant to me. Hari Vilash says :- "When will Hari meet me in the garden ? When shall I have his company ? " (To be continued.) NOTES AND QUERIES. THE KHANJA ALI MOSQUE AT KHULNA. To the east of the Shat-Ghomote, there is a IN ANCIENT times, the District of Khulna formed smaller tank called the Thakur Dighi or God's part of the old kingdom of Banga or Samatata, Tank, about half a mile in length, which is and subsequently of the Bagri division of Bengal supposed to be the deepest in the place. At the constituted by Ballal Sen. The earliest popular bottom of this tank is a large temple, the roof of traditions are, however, associated with the name which can be seen in March, but during the rest of Kbadja Ali, who came to the district four and a of the year the temple remains wholly submerged half centuries ago. He obtained a jagir from in the water. There are two huge crocodiles in one of the kings of Gaud and made extensive the Thakur Digbi, named respectively Dhola clearances in the Sundarbans, where he appears Pabar and Kala Pabar (i. e., White and Black). to have exercised all the rights of sovereignty They are very timid and gentle and quite harmtill his death in 1459 A. D. He covered the less. If any one calls them by name, they at country with numerous mosques and tombs, the once make for the ghat in the hope of getting remains of some of which are still to be seen food. People generally give them hens, pigeons, at Bagerhat and Masjidkur! &c. This note contains an account of one of these Directly to the east of the Thakur Dighi is the situated in the Bagerhat Sub-Division of the Pacha Dighi, about three-quarters of a mile in District. There is a Persian inscription on one length, the second largest tank in the place. of the walls, which states that Khanja Ali con- Both of the tanks are in the village of Kida Pada. cealed a vast quantity of wealth in the earth, The Chaumohana river joins the Thikur Dighi, covering about three or four bighas of land round and thereby makes its water brackish, wbile the the mosque. The general belief is tbat be | waters of the other two are so pure and healthy adopted this device, in order to increase the that a scheme is on foot to connect those two by fertility of the land, and it is said that many pipes for the benefit of the town of Bagerhat. local cultivators have become enriched by It is said that when Khanja Ali Sahib wished digging for money. The mosque is of a simple to build his mosques and tombe in Bagerhat and style. Masjidkur, he sent an order to a well-known To the east of the mosque is the Shat-Ghomote, faqir at Chittagong to send the stone and other & gigantic hall or fortified building with sixty materials required, as there was very good water doors. It was erected in the end of the thir. communication with Chittagong. The faqir teenth century, and stands to the south by the wrote to Khanji Ali Sahib, "Ek ratti barani tar Bagerhat Road. Chatgan e borat." You are too petty to send an North of the road are Mogra and Chinterkhol order to Chittagong, as petty as a paddy.husker villages and the Hanli pargana, to the north of and rice-grinder." The faqir meant thereby that which flows the Bhairab river. To the east lie Khanja Ali was a man in very straightened cir. Kadipada village and part of the Hauli pargana. cumstances. But when he found out that he was To the south are the Modhudia pargani, Khon. a great jagirdar, he asked his pardon and acted takata Chak and the Chaumohari river. To in accordance with his bidding. the west are Barrakpur and the Rangdia All the ghags of the dighis, mosques, the hall, pargana. This last stretches as far as the and the tombs are built of stone with khilan, i.e., Bhairab rivea. without mortar. Earthquakes have made no There is a large tank at Barrakpur to the changes in them. south-west of the mosque called Gbork Dighi GANAPATI RAY, (Horse Tank), more than a mile in length. Ita Librarian, Bengal National College. water is pure and deep, and it abounds in large 166, BOW BAZAR STREET, fish. | Calcutta, 27th December 1909. 1 1. G. of India, New Edition, Vol. xv, p. 287.

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1910. BOOK-NOTICE. SRY-JAINA-YABO-VIJAYA-GRANTHAMALA. given by Dr. Guerinot in the Journal Asiatique, Benares, 1904 ff. 10. serie, Vol. XIV, p. 102 1. No. 8.-Mudrita kumudachandraprakarana by The learned Jainacharya Vijayadharmasuri Yasnschandra. Benares, Vira-Saravat 2432, pp. 51. having been good enough to present the German A drama of five acts. The scene is laid at the Oriental Society with a complete set of the Jains court of king Jayasitaha Siddharaja of Gujarat, works published under his directiou in a series 1 No. 10.-Kriyaratnasamuchchaya by Gunaentitled Bri-Jaina.Yabo-Vijaya-Granthamala, ratnasuri. Benares, Vira-Sanivat 243t, pp. 315. it gives me much pleasure to draw the attention of Sanskrit scholars to the carefully edited This work was written in Vikrama-Samvat 1466. It forms a supplement of Hemachandra's grammar and beautifully printed volumes which we owe to his disinterested enterprise. During the and contains very useful paradigms of Sanskrit Inst few years he has issued no less than fourteen verbe. No. 11.--Siddhahemasutrapathasya Akaradyabooks, a short description of which is subjoined nukramanika. Benares, Vira-Samvat 2435, pp. 46. here. No. 1.-Pramananayatattvalokalamkara by Va An alphabetical list of the aphorisms of Hema chandra's Sanskrit grammar. didevasuri. Benares, 1904, pp. 65, on glazed No. 12.-Kavikalpadruma by Harshakulagani paper. The author of this philosophical treatise Benares, Vira-Samvat 2435, pp. 64. A treatise lived from Vikrama-Sarvat 1134 to 1226 and was on the meaning of Sanskrit roots, composed about a contemporary of the Chaulakya king Siddha Vikrama-Samvat 1570. raja (ie., Jayasimba); see my Third Report on Sanskrit MSS., p. vi. No. 13.-Abhayadevasuri's Tattuabodhini, a No. 2.-Haimalinganubasana by Hemaobandri huge, philosophical commentary on Siddhagenacharya, with Avachuri. Benares, 1905, pp. 160. divakara's Sanmatyakhyaprakarana. Benares, Vira-Samvat 2436. The published portion conA fine edition of this well-known treatise on the sists of 200 pages and contains the commentary gender of Sanskrit words. on a single Prakpit stanza. This reminds of the No. 3.- Siddhahemababdanubasana by Hema great Jaina professor Vakragriva, who briefly chandracharya, with his own Laghuvritti, Dhatu discussed the meaning of the word atha (the first patha, etc. Benares, 1905, pp. 590. A beautiful word of his text) in the course of six months' edition in large type of Hemachandra's Sanskrit (Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 199). grammar. No. 14.-Jagadgurukavya by Padmasagaragani. No. 4.-Gurvavali by Munisundarasuri. Ben Benares, pp. 34. With a photograph of the highares, 1905, pp. 110. A pedigree of the teachers priest Vijayadharmasuri, the editor of this series. of the Tapugachchha sect, composed in Vikrama A poem of 233 Sardulavikridita stanzas in Samvat 1466 ; see above, Vol. XXIII, p. 179. honour of the teacher Hiravijaya suri, written in No. 5.-The first two chapters (parichchheda) Vikrama-Sadivat 1648. of Vididevaauri's Pramananayatattvalakalankara Yahovijayajainagranthamala. This is a (No. 1) with Ratnaprabhacharya's commentary magazine arranged on the plan of the Bombay (Ratnakaravatarika) and two other commentaries. Kavyumala. The two parts before me (for the Benares, Vira-Samvat 2431, pp. 136. months Karttika and Margasirsha of Vira-Saravat No. 6.-Siddhahemasatrapatha. Benares, Vira- 2436) contain the Jagadgurukavya (No. 14) and Sarnvat 2432, pp. 143. The aphorisms of Hema- portions of the Vijayaprasasti kavya with comchandra's Sanskrit grammar. mentary, Santinathucharita, Gadya-PandavuNos. 7 and 9.-Jainastotrasangraha. A collec- churita, Anekantajayapataka with commentary, tion of religious poems. Two parts, pp. 118 and and Abhidhanachintamani with commentary, 256. Benares Vira-Samvat 2432. Part II con HALLE (SAALE), E. HOLTZSCH. tains a photograph of the high-priest Vriddbi. chandra. A list of the contents of Part I was 18th March, 1910.

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NOVEMBER, 1910.) ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR 289 THE ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR FROM A.D. 639 TO 1752. BY SIR ALFRED IRWIN, C.S.I., I.C.S. (LeTD.). THE following table has been prepared, at the suggestion of the Editor of the Indian Antiquary, as a supplement to "The Burmese and Arakanese Calendars" (1909), with & view to facilitating the calculation and verification of Burmese inscriptional dates for the period before A.D. 1789. It is compiled on the assumption that the rules of Makarants were observed in Barma from 0 to 1100 B.E. = A.D. 638 to 1738. In paragraph 10 of the above-mentioned book, it was indicated that it is not certain what calendars were actually observed in Burma and in Arakan before the year 1100 B.E. (see also paragraphs 11, 12 and 13). The present table, therefore, must be taken only as a working hypothesis for those 1101 years. The fourteen years 1101 to 1114 B.E. are added by way of correction to the corresponding part of Table I of the book. In that table the "English dates" are New Stylo throughout, because New Style is a correct index of the seasons But New Style, though current in Roman Catholic countries, was not introduced into England until A.D. 1752. Consequently, the dates given for these fourteen years in the book may be misleading. In the present table the dates are Old Style throughout. For the years 0 to 1100 B.E., the time (hours, minutes and seconds ) is Lanka time, following Makarants, that is, the time is according to the Original Surya-Siddhanta, and is for the meridian of Ujjain. For the years 1101 and onwards it is Amarapura local time, in accordance with the present practice in Burma, that is, the time is according to the Present Surya-Siddhanta, reduced for Amarapura (Mandalay) by the addition of 1 hour, 19 mins., 12 secs., which is the amount taken by the Burmese as the difference of time for the difference of longitude between Ujjain and Amarapura. See paragraphs 13 and 63 of the book. The intercalated days for the years 0 to 1100 are taken from Htoon Chan's table. For the remaining years they are from notes supplied by Maung Kyaw Yan and other records, 23 stated in the preface to "The Burmese Calendar" (1901). The present table is for Burma proper; but it applies equally to Arakan if " Second Tagu" de substituted for "Kason" wherever Kason occurs in column 10. In Watat years, t.e. years in which there is an intercalated month, the first five months stand thus : WA-NGE-TAT. WA-GYI-TAT, Burma. Arakan. Burma. Arakan. Month. Days. Month Days. Month. Days. Month. Days. .. Taga ... Kason Nayon 1st Wazo 2nd Wazo 1st Tagu 2nd Tagu Kason Nayon Taga Kason Nayon 1st Wazo 1st Tagu 2nd Tagu Kason Nayon ... ... 30 ... 30 Wazo... .. 2nd Wazo 30 Wazo... In the extended table now given, Tagu waxing 1st sometimes falls as early as 19th February: whereas, Table IX in "The Burmese and Arakanese Calendars" does not go back beyond 13th March in Part I and 2nd March in Parts II and III. As, however, the table applies to

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[NOVEMBER, 1910. any day of the Burmese month, it may be used by understanding "the full-moon day" instead of "the first day" in the titling of it. The following corrections may be made in "The Burmese and Arakanese Calendars" :PAGE 4. Last line but four. In the decimal 006, the figure 6 should be marked as repeating. PAGE 7. Para. 35; last line. For "86" read "56." PAGE 16. Para. 55. For "1099 Tabaung Lagwe midnight" read "midnight of the day on which mean new-moon occurred, riz., 1099 Hnaung Tagu waxing 1st." PAGE 16. Para. 56. For "Kali Yug 8738 Tabaung Lagwe midnight" read "midnight of the day on which mean new-moon occurred, viz., Kali Yug 3738 Hnanng Taga waxing 1st." For didi or day." PAGE 17. Para. 59. For " read day "read 650 "176 692 176 703 " day" didi or 650 day." 692 703 For "Tabaung Lagwe", in both places where it occurs, read "Hnaung 290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. "176 692 650 692 Tagu waxing lat." PAGE 43. In the heading of col. 8, for "English" read "Gregorian." This correction is essential only for the fourteen years A.D. 1739-1752. The dates in cols. 2, 3, 6, 7 and 8 are New Style, which was not current in England until September, 1752. SAME PAGE. PAGE 45. PAGE 51. PAGE 53. PAGE 68. Year 1132 B.E., col. 9, has a defective type. The figures should be "10." Col. 9. For "15" read "14." Year 1272 B.E., cols. 9 and 10. Col. 10. Year 1301. For "29" Year 103. For "2" read "1." For "6 12" read "16 22." read "30." Year 1810. For "22" read "23."

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NOVEMBER, 1910.] A. D. TAGU WAXING 1ST. Weekday. 638 Sat. 639 Wed. 640 Sun. 641 Sat. 642 Wed. 643 Sun. 644 Sun. 645 Thur. 646 Wed. 617 Sun. 651 652 648 Thur. 649 Thur. 650 Mon. Fri. Thur. 653 Mon. 654 Mon. 655 Fri. 656 Tues. 657 Mon, 658 Fri. 659 Tues. 660 Tues. 661 Sat. 662 Wed. 663 Wed. 664 Sun. 665 Sat. 666 Wed. 667 Sun. 668 Sat. 669 Wed. 670 Sun. 671 Sun. 672 Thur. 673 Wed. 674 Sun. 675 Thur. 676 Thur. 677 Mon. 678 Fri. 679 Fri. 680 Tues. 681 Sat. 682 Fri. Month. Day. March Feb. March Feb. March Feb. March Feb. March ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR. Feb. March Feb. March Feb. March Feb. March WE ARE DOR DE CO 8 21 10 27 17 6 23 14 22 11 28 19 8 25 15 24 13 1 Feb. March Feb. March 15 20 9 26 17 6 23 3 22 11 28 18 7 24 16 4 23 12 1 20 9 26 18 6 23 14 SOLAR NEW YEAR (THINGYAN TET). Julian date. March 22 22 21 22 22 22 22 Week H.M. S. day. 22 181424 Sat. 027 0 Mon. 639 36 Tues. 22 1252 12 Wed. 22 19 448 Thur. 22 22 22 22 22 111124 Sun. 1724 0 Mon. 23 36 36 Tues. 549 12 Thur. 12 148 Fri. 11724 Sat. 730 0 Sun. 13 42 36 Mon. 1955 12 Tues. 2 748 Thur. 8 20 24 Fri. 1433 0 Sat. 22 22 22 20 4536 Sun. 25812 Tues. 22 91048 Wed. 22 22 15 23 24 Thur. 22 21 36 0 Fri. 348 36 Sun. 22 10 112 Mon. 22 161348 Tues. 22 22 22 26 24 Wed. 22 439 0 Fri. 22 105136 Sat. 22 17 412 Sun. 22 23 1648 Mon, 22 529 24 Wed. 22 1142 0 Thur. 22 1754 36 Fri, 23 0 712 Sun. 22 61948 Mon. 23 22 22 123224 Tues. 22 18 45 0 Wed. 05736 Fri. 71012 Sat. 22 13 22 48 Sun. 22 19 3524 Mon. 23 148 0 Wed. 22 8 036 Thur. 22 14 13 12 Fri. 22 2025 48 Sat. Burmese. Month. Day. Tagu NOTE ON 0 2 4 2 DON R 788 2 13 24 6 17 28 20 12 24 4 15 26 19 Tabaung 29 Tagu 10 22 3 14 25 17 28 8 20 1 12 23 5 16 27 8 19 Tabaung 30 Tagu 23 3 14 25 6 17 28 B. E. New Year. CH234 BCN HORRY FOR 22222 22222 *** 11 14 16 24 25 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 42 43 44 EXPIRED. Cycles. 0 01234 1 2 291 Days in Nayon. Years. 58999 6 16780 10 30 11 12 13 29 14 15 12345 67 HRS CAROL 23456 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 0 29 1 30 29 30 29 30 30 29 29 80 29 30 30 29

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1910. TAGU WAXING 18r. SOLAR NEW YEAB (THINGYAN TET). EXPIRED Burmese Days in Nayon. Woek Month. Julian day. Day. date. H.M.S. Weekday. Month. Day. Cycles, March 8 Tagu 683 Tues. 684 Mon. 685 Fri. 686 Tues. 687 Tues. March 282 38 24 Mon. 22 851 0 Tues. 22 15 3 36 Wed. 21 1612 Thur. 233 28 48 Sat. 8 March 8 688 Sat. 689 Wed. 690 Wed. 691 Sun. 692 Sat. Feb. March 8 Tabaung 22 9 41 24 Sun. 22 15 54 0 Mon. 22 226 36 Tues, 28 419 12 Thar. 22 10 31 48 Fri. U 22 16 44 24 Sat. 22 22 57 0 Sun. 23 5 9 36 Tues. 22 11 22 12 Wed. 22 17 34 48 Thur. Tagu 698 Wed. 694 Sun. San. 696 Thur. Mon. 695 697 9 Feb. March 698 San. 699 Thur. 700 Mon. 701 Mon 702 Pri. Feb. March 22 23 47 24 Fri. 23 6 0 0 Sun. 22 121236 Mon. 22 18 25 12 Tues. 23 0 37 48 Thur. 8 703 Thnr. 704 Mon. 705 Fri. 706 Fri. 707 Feb. March Tues. 23 6 50 24 Fri. 22 13 3 0 Sat. 22 1915 36 Sun. 2312812 Tues. | 7 40 48 Wed. 22 18 53 24 Thur. 22 20 6 0 Fri. 232 18 36 Sun. 23 | 8|3112 Mon. 22 14 43 48 Taes. Feb. March 708 Sat. 709 Fri. 710 Tues. 711 712 Sat. Tues. Tabaung Taga 715 Wed. Feb. March 713 Wed. 714 Tues. Sat. 716 Wed. 717 718 719 Thur. 720 Mon. Sun. 22 2056 24 Wed. 8 9 0 Fri. 23 921 86 Sat. 22 15 34 12 Sun. 22 21 46 48 Mon. 23 359 24 Wed. 23 1012 0 Thur. 22 16 24 36 Fri. 22 37 12 Sat. 449 48 Mon. Sun. Feb. March Tbur. 721 722 723 724 725 726 727 Thur. Mon. Sun. Thur. Mon. Feb. March 23 11 224 Tues. 22 17 15 0 Wed. 22 23 27 36 Thur. 23 540 12 Sat. 23 11 5248 Sun. Feb.

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NOVEMBER, 1910.] 728 729 780 781 789 788 737 748 748 767 758 760 764 TAGU WAXING 1ST. TRUE BAB for 1970 TO 12 R Rege Bay 12 11dd44 ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR. Day 2222 222 22 2 2 2 2 228 SOLAR NEW YEAR (THINGYAN TET). ***** ***** **** ** 22222 222 222 2222 896 28 28 89 28 Burmese Month. Day. Tagu Kason Tagu md 00 882840 2 0 LLR POT ON TO RE PEARL BE780 30 123450 #11 CORTO CARE PRO PER 8 EXPIRED 138 184 Cycles. 4 Days in Nayon. Years. M 293 01234 56789 30 339 22 89 209 338 20

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1910. TAGU WAXING 16T. SOLAB New YEAR (TAINGYAN TXT). EXPIRED A.D.! Burmese BE New Year. Weekday. Month. Julian date. Week Day. H.M.S. day. Month. Day. Oyoles. Tagu 773 774 775 Thur. Thor. Mon. Feb. March March 23 9 32 24 Tues. 28 15 45 0 Wed 28 21 57 36 Thur. 23 4 10 12 Sat. 28 10 22 18 Sun, Fri, - 776 777 | Fri Feb. Mareh Kason Tagu 778 Tues. 779 Mon. 780 Fri. 781 Tues. 782 Tues. 23 16 35 24 Mon. 23 22 48 0 Tues. 23 5 0 36 Thur. 23 1113 12 Fri. 23 17 25 48 Sat. I Feb. March 783 784 785 786 787 Sat. Wed. Tues. Sat. Feb. March 28 23 38 24 San. 285511 o Taes. 23 12 8 36 Wed. 23 181612 Thar. 240 28 48 Sat. AR Fri. 11 150 788 789 790 791 792 Tues. Sat. Sat. Wed. Sun. March 286 41 24 Sun. 23 12 54 0 Mon, 19 6 36 Tues, | 119 12 Thur. | 7 31 48 Fri. Feb. March 793 794 795 796 797 Sun. Thur. Mon. Sun. Thur. Feb. March 18 44 24 Sat. 1957 of Sun. | 2936 Tues. 82212 Wed. 34 48 Thur. Kason Tagu HHHHHH 798 Thur. 799 Moa. 800 | Fri. 801 Thur. 602 Mon. Feb. March 23 20 4724 Fri: 24 3 0 Sun. 2391236 Mon. 23 15 25 12 Tues. 23 21 3748 Wed. Feb. March 803 Fri. 804 Fri. 806 Tnes. 206 Mon. 7 Fri. 248/50 24 Fri. 23 10 3 0 Sat. 23 16 15 36 Sun. 23 22 28 12 Mon. 24 440 48 Wed. 166 168 169 167 170 Feb March 8118 Tues. 09 Tues. 10 Sat. $11 | Wed. 12 Tues. Feb. March 23 1053 24 Thur, 23 17 6 0 Fri. 23 28 18 36 Sat. 24 531 12 Mon. 23 1143 48 Tues. 23 17 56 24 Wed. 240 9 0 Fri. 24 621 36 Sat. 12 3412 San. 18 4648 Mon. $13. Sat. 814 Wed. 815 Wed. 816 San. 817 Feb. March Kason Tagu Sat.

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NOVEMBER, 1910.) ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR. 295 TAGU WAXING IST, SOLAR NRW YEAR (TSINGIAN TAT). EXPIRED A. D! Burmese BE New Year. Week 1 Month - Julian date. Day dey. Weekday. B.M.S. Month. Cycles. Day. March Tagu 818 Wed. 819 Sun. 820 Sun. 821 Thur. 822 Mon. March Feb. March Feb. March 185 186 Fri. 823 Mon. 824 825 Thur. 826 Mon. Fri. 059 24 Wed. 712 0 Thur. 23 18 24 36 Fri. 23 19 37 12 Sat. 241 49 48 Mon. 248 224 Tues. 28 14 15 0 Wed. 28 20 27 36 Thur. 24 12 40 12 Sat. 24 8 52 48 Sun. 1919 28 J18) 524 Mon. 28 21 18 Taes. 24 8 30 36 Thur. 24 9 1812 Fri. 116 55 48 Sat. 187 188 827 189 Thur. Mon. 828 829 830 831 832 Fri. Fri. Tues. Feb. March 17 Sat. Feb. March Kason Tagu 833 Sat. 834 Sat. 835 Wed. 836 Tues. 837 Sat. 23 28 824 San. 24421 0 Tues. 24 10 33 36 Wed. 16 4612 Thor. 22 5848 Fri. 198 199 838 839 840 Wed. Wed. Feb. March 24 51124 San. 24 11 24 0 Mon. 28 17 36 36 Tues. 28 29 49 12 Wed. 6 1 48 Fri. 200 201 202 San. 841 208 849 Thur. Wed. Feb. March 204 1 lat. San. San. 843 844 845 846 847 Thur. Mon. Sun. 205 206 207 208 209 24 12 14 24 Sat. 1847 of San. 0 39 36 Tues. 52 12 Wed. 448 Thur. 28 19 17 24 Fri. 24 180 0 Sun. 247 42 36 Mon. 24 18 55 12 Tues. 20) 748 Wed. 210 848 Thur, 849 Mon. 850 Mon. 851 852 Tues. Feb. March Fri. 09 Feb. March 33 0 Sat. 858 854 855 856 857 aaaaaa ao Mon. Fri. Fri. Taes. Sat. 218 219 | 220 24 Fri. 24 14 46 36 San. 58 12 Mon. 48 Wed. 24 93324 Thur. 24 1586 0 Fri. 48 36 Sat. 244 112 Mon. 24 10 13 48 Tues. March 858 Fri. 859 Tues. 860 Sat. 861 Sat. 862 Wed. Feb. March 220 221 222 223 224 11 Thes.

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1910. TAQU WAXING 18T. SOLAR New YRAB (TBINGYAN TET). EXPIRAT BE A. D. Vagsheve Julian Year Week day. Month. Day. date. H.M.S. Weet day. Oyoles. Month. March March Taga Sat. 863 Tues. 864 865 Wed. 866 Wed, 867 Sun. Feb. March 24 16 26 24 Wed. 23 22 39 0 Thur. 24451 86 Sat. 24 11 4/12 Sun. 24 17 1648 Mon. 25 225 226 227 228 229 Thur.' Feb. March 868 869 870 871 872 Wed. Sun. Thur. Feb. March | Kavon Tagu Thur. 873 Mon. Sun. 874 875 876 877 Thur. Mon, Mon. 23 29 29 24 Tues. 24542 0 Thur. 24 11 54 86 Fri. 24 18 712 Sat. 240 1948 Mon. 24632 24 Tues. 24 12 45 O Wed. 24 18 57 36 Thur. 24 1 10 12 Sat. 247 22 48 Sun, 24 13 55 24 Mon. 24 19 48 9 Tues, 242 0 36 Thur. 24 81312 Fri. 24 14 2548 Sut. 235 236 237 238 239 Feb. March HR 240 241 878 Fri. 879 Toeg. 880 Tues. 881 Sat. 882 Fri. Feb. March 242 248 244 883 Tues. 884 Sat. 885 Sat. 886 Wed, 887 Sun, Feb. March 24 20 38 24 Sun. 242 51 Tues. 24 9 3 36 Wed. 24 15 16 12 Thar. 24 21 28 48 Fri, 245 246 247 248 249 Feb. March 888 Sat. 889 Wed. 890 Sun. 891 892 34 3 4124 San. 24 9 54 0 Mon. 24 16 6 36 24 22 1912 Wed. 24 431 48 Fri. Feb. March 250 251 252 253 254 Sun. Thur. Taga 893 894 895 896 897 Wed. Sun. Thur. Thur. Mon, Feb. March 255 256 257 258 269 260 March 898 Fri. 899 Thur. 900 Mon. 901 Mon. Fri. 24 10 44 24 Sat. 24 1657 Sun. 24 23 936 Mon. 24 52212 Wed, 24 11 34 48 Thur. TI 24 17 47 24 Fri. 25 000 Sun. 24 612 86 Mon, 12 25 12 Tues. 37 48 Wed. 25 0 50 24 Fri. 24 7 3 0 Sat. 24 13 15 36 Sun. 24 1928 12 Mon. 25 140 48 Wed. 265 14 903 Tues, 904 Mon. 905 Fri. 906 Tues. 907 Tues. Feb. March 269

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NOVEMBER, 1910.) ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR, 297 TAGU WAXINA 18T, SOLAR NEW YBAR (TEINOYAN TAT). EPIRRD BE New Burmese Weet Month Day. Julian dato. H.M.S. Week day. Oyoles. Month. Day Tagu 270 908 Sat. 909 Wed. 910 Tues. 911 Sat. Sat. March Feb. March 271 March 24 75324 Thur. 146 0 Fri. 24 20 18 30 Sat, 25 231 12 Mon. 24 8 43 48 Tues. Kason Tagu 272 912 274 275 913 Wed. 914 Sun. 915 Sat. 916 Wed. 917 Sun. Feb March 24 1456 24 Wed. 24 21 9 0 Thur. 25 321 36 Sat. 249 3412 Sun. 24 16 46.48 Mon. 276 277 278 279 Feb. 24 10 Kason . pues. March Tagu 280 24 21 59 24 Tues. 35 412 0 Thur. 24 10 24 36 Fri. 163712 Sat. 22 49 48 Sun. co19 Feb. 284 918 Sun. 919 Thur. 920 Wed. 921 Sun. 922 Thur. 923 924 Mon. 925 926 Fri. 927 Tues. March 15 285 286 Fri. Feb. March 25 5 2 24 Tues. 24 11 15 0 Wed. 24 17 2736 Thur, 24 23 40 12 Fri. 25 552 48 San. 287 288 289 928 929 Sat. Fri. Kason Feb. March Teen 930 Tues. 24 12 5/24 Mon. 24 18 18 0 Tues. 250 80 36 Thur. 25643 12 Fri, 24 12 55 48 Sat. 290 291 292 293 294 931 932 Mon. Fri. Feb. March 933 Taes. 934 Toes. 935 936 Wed. 937 Wed. Sat. 24 19 824 Sun. 251 21 0 Tues, 25 733 36 Wed. 24 13 46 12 Thur. 24 19 58 48 Fri. 295 296 297 298 299 Feb. March Kason Tagu 939 938 Sun. Sat. 940 Wed. 941 Sun. 942 Sun. 300 301 302 308 304 Feb. March 25 211 24 Sun. 258 24 O Mon. 24 14 36 36 Tues 20 49 12 Wed. 25 3 148 Fri. 25 9 14 24 Sat. 24 15 27 0 Sun. 24 21 39 36 Mon. 25 852 12 Wed. 25 10 448 Thur. 943 Thur. 944 Mon. 945 Sun. 946 Thur. 947 Mon. Feb. March 805 806 307 308 309 Feb. Kason March Taga Fri. 948 Mon. 949 950 Thur. 951 Mon. 952 Fri. 24 16 17 24 Fri. 24 22 30 0 Sat. 442 36 Mon. 25 10 55 12 Tues. 24 17 748 Wed. 310 311 312 313 Feb. 814

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1910. TAQU WAXING 18T, SOLAB New YBAB THINGYAN TET). Burmese Weekday. Month. Day. Julian Week dato. H.M.S. day. Month. Oyoles. Years. Day. March Tagu 953 Fri. 954 Tues. 955 Sat. 956 Fri. 957 Tues. Feb. March March 24 23 20 24 Thur. 25 533 0 Sat. 25 11 4536 Sun. 24 17 58 12 Mon. 01048| Wed. Kason Tagu 00 VOOR 319 320 821 958 Tues. 959 Sat. 960 Wed. 961 Ines. 962 Sat. 623 24 Thur. 12 86 0 Fri. 24 18 48 36 Sat. i lli2 Mon. 713 48 Tues. Feb. March 322 323 Feb. March 325 963 Wed. 964 Wed. 965 | Sun. 966 Thur. 967 Thur. Feb. March Kason Tagu 326 827 328 329 968 Mon. 969 Sun. 970 Thur. 971 Mon. 972 Sun. 330 331 832 333 834 Feb. March 13 26 24 Wed. 1989 Thur. 1 51 36 Sat. 8 412 Sun. 14 16 48 Mon. 24 20 29 24 Tues. 2/42 o Thur. 85436 Fri. 26 16 7 12 Sat. 24 21 1948 Sun. 982 24 Tues. 9 450 Wed. 25 15 67 36 Thur, 24 221012 Fri. 25 422 48 Sun. 25 10 3524 Mon. 25 16 48 of Tues. 24 23 036) Wed. 25 51312 Fri. 25 1125 48 Sat. 885 978 Thur. 974 Mon. 975 Mon. 976 Fri. 977 Thur, Feb. March Kason 36 Tagu 337 938 839 978 Mon. 979 Fri. 980 Pri. 981 Tues, Sat. Feb. March 340 341 842 843 844 982 Feb. 983 March 984 985 986 987 Sat. Wed. Sun. 25 17 38 24 Sun. 24 23 51 0 Mon. 25 6 3 36 Wed. 25 12 1612 Thur. 25 18 28 48 Fri. Feb. March Sat. Wed. Kason Taga 349 Sat. 350 851 988 Tues. 989 999 Wed. 991 Wed. 992 Sun. 250 41 34 San. 25 654 0 Mon. 25 13 636 Tues. 25 19 1912 Wed. 251 81 48 Fri. Feb. March 862 883 354 Feb. March Kason Tagu 998 Thur. 994 94 Thur. Thur. 995 Mon. 996 Sun. 997 Thur. 257 44 24 Sat. 25 1357 0 San. 20 936 Mon. 222 12 Wed. 8 34 48 Thur. 355 356 358 857

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NOVEMBER, 1910.) ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR 299 Tau WAXINa 18T. SOLAR New Yus (TOINGYAN TYT). BR Burmese Daye in Nayon. Years. Weekday. Month. Day. Julian date. Week H.M. S. Month. Day. Cycles March Tag Feb. March 360 361 998 Mon. 999) Mon. 1000 Fri. 1001 Tues. 1002 Mon. 23 14 47 24 Fri. 25 21 0 0 Sat. 25 8 12 86 Mon. 25 9 25 12 Tues, 25 15 37 48 Wed. Feb. March 364 365 1003 Fri, 1004 Tues, 1005 Tues. 1006 Sat. 1007 Fri. Feb. March 366 25 21 50 24 Thur. 25 41 8 Sat. 25 10 15 36 San. 25 16 28 12 Mon. 25 22 4048 Taes. Kason Tagu 867 368 869 1008 Tues. 1009 Sat. 1013 Sat. 1011 Wed. 1012 Sun. Feb March 254 53 24 Thur. 25 11 6 0 Fri. 25 17 18 36 Sat. 25 28 3112 Sun. 543 48 Tues, 373 Feb. Kason 874 to CONTA COMO 0 sessions O Over 600 5 March Tagu 1018 Sat. 1014 Wed. 1015 Wed. 1016 Sun. 1017 Thar. 25 11 56 24 Wed, 25 18 9 0 Thur. 0 21 36 Sat. 256 84/12Sun. 25 12 46/48 Mon, 875 376 377 378 379 Feb. March 1018 Wed. 1019 Sun. 1020 Thur. 1021 Thur. 1022 Mon. 25 18 5924 Tues. 26 112 o| Thur. 25 7 24 36 Fri. 25 18 37 12 Sat. 25 19 49 48 Sun. 380 381 882 Feb. March Kason Tagu Feb. March Kason Taga 1023 Fri. 1024 Fri. 1025 Tues. 1026 Mon. 1027 Fri. 26 2 2 24 Tues. 25 815 0 Wed, 25 14 27 36 Thur. 25 20 40 12 Fri. 262 52 48 Sun. 888 890 Feb. March 891 1028 Tues. 1029 Mon: 1030 Fri. 1031 Tues. 1032 Tues. Feb. March Kason Taga 25 9 5.24 Mon, 25 15 18 0 Paes. 25 21 3036 Wed. 26 3 4812 Fri. | 95548 Sat. 11 25 16 8 24 San. 25 22 211 o Mon. 264 83 36 Wed. 10 4612 Thur. 25 1658 48 Fri. 1033 Sat. 1034 Fri. 1035 Tues. 1036 Sat. 10371 Sat. 998 March 1038) Wed. 1039 Sun. 1040 Sun. 1041 Thur. 1042 Mon. 25 23 11 24 Sat. 26 524 0 Mon. 25 11 3636 Tues. 25 1749 12 Wed. 0 1 48 Fri. Feb. March O to go GTA CON 400 401 402 403 404 Kason Tagu Feb. Kason

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800 4.1 1058 1002 TAGU WAXING 18T. 24 de Jul 21 de la s 11 ldddddddd UN DR 2 NOT NO CHAR THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. SOLAR NEW YEAR (THINGYAN TET). 11 *** *** *** *** *** *** ***** **** **** H 6 Lelyed 7 BRFE PHONE 09 E 48428 96 K 210 73888 988! 11887 u 2 add Bead than that es das atte 2848 8: LONG T 18 29 664496 Z E J 15 28 48 Fri. Burmese Month. Day. Tagu Kason Tagu Kason [NOVEMBER, 1910. Tagu New Ja Ja HREE OR FALL 2 2 ON CRO CORE FROM NAHUG NOT WHO PROLE B4567 30 45804 #6688 9933 T EXPIRED 27205 Days in Nayon. Years. Oyoles. 16 280 BOLE 886 3280 28 380 20 30

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NOVEMBER, 1910.) ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR. 301 TAou MAXINa 181, SOLAK Nxw YRAR (TBINOYAN TYT). Burmese BE New Year Week day Month. Day Julian date. Month. Cycles. Dy 1 Feb. March Kason Taga 1088 Thur. 1089 Wed. 1090 Sun, 1091) Sat. 1092 Wed. March 25 21 41 24 Sat. 268 54 0 Mon. 10 636 Tues. 26 16 19 12 Wed. 22 31 48 Thur. 450 451 452 453 454 Feb. March 1093 San. 1094 Sun. 1095 Thur. 1096) Mon. 1097) Mon. 26 44424 Sat. 26 10 57 0 Sun. 26 17 936 Mon. 25 23 22 12 Tues. 5 34 48 Thur, 455 456 457 458 Feb. March Kason Tagu 459 1098] Fri, 1099 Toes. 1100 Mon. Feb. Kason March 26 11 47 24 Fri. 26 18 0 0 Sat. 26012 86 Mon, 26 625 12 Tues. 26 12 3748 Wed. 460 461 468 464 462 110 Fri 1102 Fri, 465 466 Feb. March 26 18 50 24 Thur. 261 3 0 Sat. 26 7 15 36 Sun. 26 132812 Mon. 26 19 40 48 Tues. Feb. Kason 469 1108 Tues. 1104 Sat. 1105 Fri. 1106 Taes. 1107 Sat, 1108) Sat. 1109 Wed. 1110 Tues. 1111 Sat. 1112 Wed. 26 Taga 1 5824 Thur. 800 Fri 26 14 18 36 Sat. 26 20 31 12 San. 26 243 48 Tues. 472 473 Feb. March 475 1118 Wed. 1114 Sun. 1115 Thur. 1116 Wed. 1117 Sun, Feb. March 26 8 56 24 Wed. 26 13 9 0 Thur. 26 21 21 36 Fri. 26 3 34 12 8an. 26 9 46 48 Mon. Kason Tagu Feb. March Kason Tagu 1118 Thur. 1119 Thur. 1120 Mon. 1121 Sun. 1122 Thar. 26 1515924 Tues. 26 2212 0 Wed. 26 42436 Fri. 26 108712 Sat. 26 16 49 48 Sun. 0909 1998 og som om 683 484 Feb. 485 March 486 1123 Mon. 1124 Mon. 1125 Fri. 1126 Tues, 1127 Tues, 26 23 2 24 Mon. 265 15 0 Wed, 26. 1127 36 Thur. 26 17 4012 Fri.. 26 23 52 48 Sat. 487 Kason Feb. March Tagu 1128 Sat. 1129 Fri. 1130 Tues. 1131 Sat. 1132 Fri. 2665/24 Mon. 26 12 18 0 Tues. 26 18 80 36 Wed, 2704312 Fri. 2665548 Sat. 492 Feb. March 493 494 26

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802 THR INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1910 TAQU WAZING IST, SOLAR New YRAB (THENGYAN TRT). EXPIRED B. E. New Year. Week day. Month. Day. ante H.M.S. Week Month. Oroles. Day. Tears. 1188 Tues. 1134 Sat. 1135 Sat. 1186 Wed. 1137 San. March Feb. March Tagu Kason Tagu 495 496 497 498 499 Feb. Kason 7 March 26 13 824 Sun. 26 1921 Mon. 27 1 8888 Wed. 267 4612 Thur. 26 18 58 48 Fri. 26 2011 24 Sat. 27 224 0 Mon, 8 36 36 Tues. 26 14 49 12 Wed. 26 21 1 48 Thor, March Tagu 1188 Sun. 1139 Thur. 1140 Wed, 1141 Sun. 1142 Thur. 500 501 502 503 504 March 505 506 1143 Thur. 1144 Mon. 1145 Fri. 1146 Thur. 1147 Mon. Feb. March 27 14 24 Sat. 26 927 0 San. 26 15 39 36 Mon. 28 21 5212 Tues, 144 18 Thur. Kason Taga GAUNO GOOD ENOR Mon. Mon. March 1148 Sun. 1149 Thur. 1150 1151 1152 Fri. 1158 Tues. 1154 Tues. 1155 Sat. 1156 Wed. 1157 Tues. 10 17 24 Fri. 16800 Sat. 22 42 36 San, 4 55 12 Tues. 7 48 Wed. 17 20 24 Thar. 2338 0 Fri. 54536 Sun. 11 5812 Mon, 18 10 48 Toes. ex Feb. March Kason Tagu Feb. March Kason Taga 1158 Sat. 1155 Sat. 1160 Wed. 1161 Sun. 1162 Sat. 0 2324 Thar. 6/36 of Fri. 26 12 48 36 Sat. 26 119 112 Sun. 27 113 48 Tues. Feb. March FEU 1163 Wed. 1164 Sun. 1165 Sun. 1166 Thur. 1167 Wed. Feb. March 277 2624 Wed. 26 13 39 0 Thur. 26 19 51 36 Fri. 27 2 412 San. 816 48 Mon. Kagon Taga 530 531 1168 Sun. 1169 1hur. 1170 Thur. 1171 Mon. 1172 Fri, Feb. March 26. 142924 Tues. 26 20 42 0 Wed. 2 54 36 Fri. 19 712 Bat. 26 15 19 48 Sun Feb. Kason NOT CO NO March Taga 1178 Thur. 1174.Mon. 1175) Fri. 1176 Fri. 1177 Tues. Feb, March 26 21 3224 Mon. 278 45 0 Wed. 27 95736 Thur. 161012 Fri. 22 22 48 Sat. Kason Tagu 535 636 587 588 539

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NOVEMBER, 1910.) ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR. 303 TAGU WAXING 18t. SOLAR N@w YRAS (THIROYAN TX). Vasheva Days in Nayon, Years Woes day. Month. Day. Julian Ella Wool H.M.S. dato. day. Month. Day. Oycles Marcb A Taga 1178) Mon. 1179) Fri. 1180 Tues. 1181 Tues. 1182 Sat. rch 27 4 35 24 Mon. 27 10 48 0 Tues. 0 36 Wed. O no o Feb. March 540 541 542 543 544 Kason Taga Thur. Feb. Kason Tagu March 1183 Wed. 11841 Wed. 1185Sun. 1186 Sat. 11871 Wed. 545 546 547 548 549 Feb. March 1188 Sun, 1189 San. 1190 Thur. 1191 Mon, 1192 Sun. 2548 Sat. 3824 'San. 51 0 Mon, Wed. 1612 Thor. 28 48 Fri. 4124 Sat. 27 054 0 Mon. 27. 7. 636 Tues. 27 18 19/12 Wed. 26 19 31 48 Thur. 1 44 24 Sat. 557 0 Sun. 986 Mon. 550 551 552 558 554 E kos G o NOUA COMO Feb. March Kason Tagu 1193 Thar. 11.94 Mon. 1195 Mon, 1190 Fri. 1197 Thur. Kason Tagu March 555 556 557 558 599 22/12 Tuee. 34 48 Thur. ERA DE COME CONHEVOS DOCE 561 O 1198 Mon. 1199) Fri. 1200 Fri, 2 2011 Tues. 1202 Sat. Feb March 278 47 24 Fri. 27 (15) 0 0 Sat. 26 21 12 36 Sun, 27 82612 Tues. 279 37 48 Wed. Kason Taga 560 562 568 564 Feb. Kason March 11350 24 Thur. Taga 26 22 3 0 Fri. E J203 Fri. 1204 Tues. 205 Tues. 1206 Sat. 1207 Wed, 41536 Sun. 110 2812 Mon, 1640 48 Tues. 565 566 567 568 569 Feb. March 1208 Tues. 1209 Sat. 1210 Wed. 12111 Wed. 1212 Sun. Feb. 22 53 24 Wed. 27 560 Fri. 27 (111836 Sat. 27 17 31deg12 Sun. 26 23 48 48 Mon. 570 571 572 573 574 Kason Tagu March OVO CONHO Solo Feb. March Kason Tagu 1213 Thnr. 1214 Wed. 1215 Sun, 1216 Sun. 1217 Thur. 5 56 24 Wed. 27 12 9 0 Thur. 27 18 21 36 Fri. 270 34 12 Sun. 276 46 48 Mon. 575 576 577 578 579 Feb. March Kason Taga 1218 Mon 1219 San. 1220 Thur 1221 Mon. 1222 Mon. 27 12 59 24 Tues. 27 19 12 0 Wed. 27 12436 Fri. 2778712 Sat. 27 18 49 48 Sun, 580 581 582 588 584 Feb. March Kason Tagu A

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304 A. D TAGU WAXING 18T. As a 11 dl ald dddddd ell last 1828 Day. 02 22 2 2 24 1LR8 GO C THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. SOLAR NEW YEAR (THINGYAN TET). 22812 NNNNN NNNNN NNNNN NNNNN NNN NNNAN 2 H NNNN N ART TO COAT 42885 5 8348 3il 4il 5il 281 + P 24 sille asted as a butt Jess theat 28 388 vi Burmese Taga Jb Jb Jb Jb Kason Day. 208 22 NO IN * 2 2 2 [NOVEMBER, 1910. Kzt ghuM. EXPIRED Days in Nayon. Years. Cycles. 30 g 38 30 18780 1234 8 22 8 67000 2 R1 30 23456 889 309 30 THROW 23 TL2 888

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NOVEMBER, 1910.) ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR. 805 TAGU WAXING 1ST. SOLAR Naw YEAR (T8IXGYAN TXT). EIPIBID A. D. Burmese Weekday. Month. Day. Jalian date. H.M.S. Weekday. Month. Cycles. Day March | 15 630 Feb. March 27 11 29 24 Tues. 27 17 42 0 Wed. 27 28 54 36 Thur. 28 6 712 Sat. 27 12 19 48 Sun. Taga Kason Tagu 131 631 682 633 634 6 March 1268 Thur. 1269 Mon. 1270 Fri. 1271 Fri. 1272 Tues. 1273 Mon. 1274 Fri. 1275) Tues. 1276) Mon. 1277 Fri. REDONDOO Years. IT11 Kason Feb March 635 636 637 638 639 Tagu 27 18 32 24 Mon. 28 0.45 0 Wed. 2865736 Thur. 27 131012 Fri. 22 48 Sat. 3 35 24 Mon. 7 48 0 Thes. 14 0 36 Wed. 20 18 12 Thur. 28 225 48 Sat. I1 Kason Tag March 1278 Tues. 1279 Tues, 1280 Sat. 1281 Fri. 1282 Tues. 640 641 642 643 a Peb Kason Tagu March 1283 Sat. 1284) Sat. 1285 Wed. 1 286 Sun. 1287 Sun, 28 8 38 24 Sun. 27 (14 51 o Mon. 27 21 3.36 Tues. 2881612 Thur. 28 928 48 Fri. 644 645 646 647 648 649 Kason Feb. March COO Taga 650 1288) Thur. 1289 Mon. 1290 San. 1291 Thor. 1292 Wed. Feb. March Kason Tagu 651 652 653 654 27 15 41 24 Sat. 27 21 54 0 Son. 284 636 Tues. 28 101912 Wed. 27 16 31 48 Thur. 27 22 44 24 Fri. 28 457 0 Sun. 28 11 986 Mon. 17|2212 Tues. 23 3448 Wed. 6. 1293 San. 1294 Thur. 1295 Thur. 1296 Mon. 1297 Fri. | Feb. March Kason Taga 655 656 657 658 659 Feb. Kason March 28 Taga 1298 Fri. 1299 Tues. 1300 Mon. 1301 Fri. 1302 Tues. 660 661 662 663 664 0056 Feb. Kason 547 24 Fri. 28 12 00 Bat. 27 18 12 36 Sun. | 0125 12 Tues. 637 48 Wed. 28 1250 24 Thur. 27 19 3 0 Fri. 281 15 36 San. 72812 Mon. 28 18 40 48 Tues. March Taga 1308 Tues. 1304 Sat. 1305 Wed. 1306 Tues. 1307 Sat. Feb. March Kason Tagu 665 666 677 688 699 COO Kason 670 O Feb. March Tagu 1808 Wed. 1309 Wed. 1810 Sun. 1311 Sat. 1312 Wed. 27 1968 24 Wed, 28 2 6 0 Fri. 28818|36 Sat. 28 14 31/12 Sup. 27 2048 48 Mon. 671 672 673 674

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306 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [NOYMBER, 1910, TAQU WAXING IST. SOLAR Nxw YRAB (TBINGTAX Twr). EPIRID A. D. Burmese Neet Month. day Day. Julian date. H.M.S. Week day. Month. Cyoles. Yean. Day. Feb. Kason Tagu 675 676 March 1378 Sun. 1314 Jan. 1315 Thnr. 1316 Mon. 1317 San. 677 Feb. March Kason Tagu 678 679 1318 Thur. 1319 Thur. 1820 Mon. 1321 Fri. 1322 Thur. 680 681 682 688 684 Feb. March Kason Taga Feb. Kason 1923) Mon. 1824 Fri. 1325 Fri 1326 Tues. 1327 Sat. March Taga 685 686 687 688 689 Feb. Kason March Tagu 1328 Sat. 1329 Wed. 1330 Tues. 1331 Sat. 1882 Wed. 690 691 692 698 694 Kason March Taga 1333 Taes. 1334 Sat. 1885 Wed. 1836 Wed. 1337 Sun. March 28 256 24 Wed. 28 9 9 0 Thur. 28 1521 36 Fri. 27 21 84 12 Sat. 346 48 Mon. 28 9 5934 Tues. 28 1612 0 Wed. 27 22 24 36 Thur. 43712 Sat. 28 10 49 48 Sun. II 28 17 2 24 Mon. 27 28 15 0 Tues. 28 527 86 Thur, 28 11 40 12 Fri. 28 1752 48 Sat. 28 0 524 Mon. 6.18 0 Tues. 28 12 80 36 Wed. 4312 Thur. 55 48 Sat. 28 7 8 24 Sun. 28 18 21 0 Mon. 28 193836 Tues. 28 11 4612 Thur. 58 48 Fri. 28 14 11 24 Sat. 28 2024 0 San. 28 236 86 Tues. 28 84912 Wed. 28 15 148 Thur. 28 211424 Fri. 327 of Sun. 3986 Mon. 52 12 Tues. 448 Wed. 28 417 24 Fri, 28 10 30 0 Sat. 28 16 32 36 Sun. 28 2255 12 Mon. 28 5 748 Wed. 28 11 20 24 Thur. 28 1783 0 Fri. 28 28 45 36 Sat. 28 558 12 Mon. 28 12 1048 Tues. 695 696 697 698 Feb. March Kason Tagu 750 699 1838 Sat. 1339 Wed. 1340 Tues. 1341 Sun. 1342 Thur. Feb. 700 701 702 703 704 K8son Tagu March 705 Feb. March Kason Tagu 1343 Mon. 1844 Mon. 1345 Fri, 1346 Tues, 1347 Mon. Feb. - March Kason Taga 710 Feb. March 711 1948 Fri. 1849 Fri. 1350 Tues. 1351 Sat. 1352 Fri. 713 Feb. March Kason Tagu 714 Kason 1858 Tues. 1354 Sat. 1355 Sat. 1356 Wed. 1357 Toes, Feb. March Tagu

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NOVEMBER, 1910:1 ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR. 307 TA TSIkha . Bonus Now Yus (TSINGTAN Tur). Days in Nayon. 1 || Burmese BE Now Year, Weele Month. ,w`@ Day. Julian date. H.M. S. Wook day. Month. Cholen. DAY. 1358 Sat. 1859. Wed. 1360 Wed. 1361 Sun. 1362 Thur. March Feb. March Taga Kason Taga Kason Taga post Feb. 724 March 13681 Wed. 1364 Sta. 1385 Thur. 1366 Thar. 1367 Mon. Kason Feb. March Taga 726 727 729 728 29 200 1368 Sun. 1369 Thar. 1370 Mon. 1371 Mon. 1372 Fri, I Kason less Feb. March Tagu 10 March 28 18 2324 Wed, 29 036 0 Fri. 38.648 36 Sat. 28 13 112 San. 28 1913 48 Mon. 29 | 126 24 Wed. 28 739 0 Thur. 28 1851 36 Fri. 28 20 412 Sat. 216 48 Mon. 2882924 Ties. 29 14 42 0 Wed. 28 20 54 36 Thur. 29 3 712 Sat. 289 1948 San. 28 15 3224 Mon. 28 21 45 0 Tues. 29 357 36 Thur, 28 101012 Fri. 28 16 22 48 Sat. 235 24 Snn. li 036 Wed. 171312 Thur, 28 2548 Fri. II 29 5 39 24 San. 1151 Mon. 28 18 336 Tues. 01612 Thur. 628 48 Fri. Feb. March Kason 735 736 1378 Tues. 1974 Mon. 1875Fri. 1376 Fri. 1877 Tues. o is 737 738 799 740 Feb. March 28 29/35/5.7 Cat. 248 0 Taes. Kason Tagu 141 1978 Sat. 1379 Fri. 1380 Tues. 1881 Sat. 1382 Sat. 243 Feb. March Kason Tagu 744 gen 1883 Wed. 1384 Sun, 1385 Sun. 1386 Thur. 1887 Wed. Feb. March Kason Taga 746 747 749 750 1388 San. 1389 Thur. 1390 Thur. 1891) Mon. 1392 Fri. | Feb. March Kason Taga g 753 Feb. Kason 755 1398 Thur. 1894 Mon. 1395 Sun. 1996 Thur. 1397 Mon. 28 1941 21 Sat. 1854 0 Sun. 29 1 636 Tues. J71912 Wed. 13 31 48 Thur. 19 4424 Fri. 157 0 San. 89 36 Mon. 142212 Tues. 20 3448 Wed. 2 47 24 Fri. 900 Sat, 15 12 36 San. 337 48 Wed. s Feb. Kason March Taga 767 got 1998 Mon. 1399 Fri. 1400 Taon. 1401 Tues. 1402 Sat. Kason Feb. March Taga 2512 Mon. 762 763 764 I

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1910. TAGU WAXING 18T. SOLAR New YBAB (THINGYAN TIT). EXPIRED 2. D. Burmese Days in Nayou. Week Month. Julian date. Week E.M.S. Day. day. day. Oyole. Month. Day. March 29 Feb. March Kagon Tagu 765 1408 Wed. 1404 Tues. 1405 Sat. 1406 Sat. 1407 Wed. Feb. 29 950 24 Thur. 16 8 0 Fri. 28 22 15 36 Sat. 29 425 12 Mon. 29 1040 48 Tues. 767 March 768 769 770 Feb. March Kason Tagu 1408 Sup. 1409 Sat. 1410 Wed. 1411 Sun. 1412 Sun. 28 16 58 24 Wed. 28 23 6 Thur. 29 518 36 Sat. 29 113112 San. 28 17 43 48 Mon. MENS Feb. March Kaeon Taga 1413 Thur. 1414 Wed. 1415 Suu. 1416 Thur. 1417 Thur. 28 23 56 24 Tues. 29 6 9 0 Thur. 29 12 21 36 Fri. 28 18/8412 Sat. 29 0 46 48 Mon, 775 776 777 778 779 March Kason Tago 780 781 1418 Mon. 1419 Fri. 1420 Thur. 1421| Mon. 1422 Fri. Feb. March 6 59 34 Tues. 1812 0 Wed. 1924 36 Thur. 18712 Sat. 749 48 Sun. | Kason Tagu Kason 782 788 784 Feb. Tagu March Feb. March 785 786 1423 Fri. 1424 Tues. 1425 Mon. 1426 Fri. 1427 Taes. 28 787 788 789 Feb. Kason 29 14 224 Mon. 2015) Ol Tues. 99 227 36 Thur. 298 4012 Fri. 29 14 62 48 Bat. 28 21 524 Sun: 29818 0 Tues. 29980.86 Wed. 29 15 43,12 Thur. 28 21 55 48 Fri. March Taga Sat. 1428 Tues. 1429 1480 Wed. 1431 Wed. 1432 Sun. 790 791 792 793 Feb. March Kason Tagu 794 1438 Sat. 1434 Wed. 1435 Sun. 1486 Sat. 1437 Wed. Feb. March Kason Taga 795 796 797 798 799 294 8l24 Sun. 29 10 21 0 Mon. 29 16 3386 Tues. 28 22 46 12 Wed. 29 458 48 Fri. 29 11 11 24 Sat. 29 1724 Sun. 28 23 36 36 Mon. 29 54912 Wed. 29 12 148 Thur. Feb. March Kason Tagu 1488 Sun. 1489 Sun, 1440 Thur. 1441 Mon. 1442 Mon. 800 801 802 EUR03 804 Feb. March Kason Tagu 1443 Fri. 1444 Thur. 1445 Mon. 1446.Fri. 1447 Fri. 29 18 14 24 Fri. 29 027 0 Sun. 639 36 Mon. 29 12:5212 Tues. 19 448 Wed. 805 806 807 808 809 Feb. March Kason Tagu

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NOVEMBER, 1910.) ELEMENTS OP THE BURMESE CALENDAR. 809 TAGU WAXING L8T. SOLAR NEW YEAR TEXGTAN TXT). Burmese BE New Year Days in Nayon. Week day. Month. Day. I Jalian date Week H.M.S. Cyoles, Month. 1 42 1449 Tues. 1449 Sat. 1450 Fri. 1451 Tues. 1452 Mon. March Feb. March Taga Kason Taga 810 811 812 818 814 8 1458 Fri. 1454 Tues. 1455 Tues. 1456 Sat. 1457 Wed. Feb. Kason Taga Kason Taga 819 March 1458 Wed. 1459 San. 1460 Thur. 1461 Wed. 1462 San. Feb. March Feb. Kason Taga Kason 820 821 822 823 824 19 March arch 29 1 1724 Fri, 297 800 Sat. 29 13.42 36 Sun. 29 19 55 12 Mon. 29 27 48 Wed. IT 29 8 20 24 Thur. 29 14 88 Fri. 29 20 4536 Bat. 258 12 Mon. 29 910 48 Tues. 15 28 24 Wed 29 21 36 0 Thur. 293 4836 Sat. 29 10 112 Sun. 29 16 13 48 Mon. 29 22 26 24 Tues. 29 489 O Thur. 29 10 51136 Fri. 29 17 412 Sat. 29 23 1648 Sun. 529 24 Tues. 11 42 0 Wed. 17 54 86 Thur. 7 12 Sat. 19 48 San. 1128224 Mon. 118 451 ol Tues, 0 57 38 Thur. 1012 Fri. 22 48 Sat. San. Taga 1468) Son. 1464 Thur. 1465 Mon. 1466 Sun. 1467 Thar. 825 Feb. | Kason DE March Taga 826 827 828 829 Feb. 1 March Kason Tag 830 831 882 833 834 1468 Mon. 1469 Mon. 1470 Fri. 1471 Thur. 1472 Mon. 1478 Fri. 1474 Fri. 1475 Tues. 1476 Sat. 1477) Fri. Feb. Kason March Taga 885 886 887 Feb. 888 Kason Taga March 839 1478 Tues. 1479 Sot 1480 Sat. Feb. March 298 0 38 Wed 840 841 842 843 844 1481 Wed. Kason Taga Kason Taga Feb. 1482 Tues. March 88/24 Sun. 88 HOD 1488 Sat. 1484 Wed. 1485 Wed. 1486 Sun. 1487 Thur. Feb. 1 March Kason Taga 1612 Wed 845 846 847 848 849 Feb. Kason March Taga 1488 Thur. 1489 Mon. 1490 Sun. 1491 Thor. 1492) Mon. 82848 Fri Sat. 29 1554 o San 22 636 Mon. 81 48 Thur. 850 851 852 853 1912 Wed. Kason 854

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1910. TAOU WAXING 1ST. Bon No Yes (TUI GIAN Tn) EXPIB: Burmese Wool Mouth. day. Julian date. Week Day. H.M.S. day. Month. Cyoles. Day. March Tagu 855 856 1498 Sun. 1494 Thur. 1495 Mon. 1496 Mop. 1497 Fri. Feb. March Kason 857 ve O No Years. Taga March 29 16 44 24 Fri. 29 22 57 0 Sat. 5 9 36 Mon. 29 11 2212 Tues. 17 8448 Wed. 29 23 47 24 Thur. 600 Sat. 29 12 12 36 Sun. 29 18 25 12 Mon. 0 37 48 Wed. 858 859 860 861 1498 Tues, 1499 Tues. 1500 Sat. 1501 Fri. 1502 Tues. Feb. March Feb. March Kason Taga Kason Tagu 868 864 Feb. March Kason Tagu 1503 Sat. 1504 Sat. 1505 Wed, 1506 Sun. 1507 Sat. 6|50|24 Thur. 13 8 0 Fri. 29 19 15 86 Sat. 112812 Mon. 48 Tues. Feb. March Kason Tagu 865 866 867 868 869 870 871 oro 1508 Wed. 3509 Wed. 1510 San. 1511 Thur. 1512 Wed. 13 58 24 Wed. 29 206 Thor. 3021836 Sat. 808 3112 Sun. 29 14 43 48 Mon. Feb. March Kason Tagu 872 878 874 b 1513 Sun, 1514 Thur 1515 Thur. 1516 Mon. 1517 Fri. Feb. March Kason Taga 875 876 878 879 877 Feb. Kason 29 20 5624 Tues. | 8 9 0 Thar. 8092186 Fri. 29 1534 12 Sat. 29 21 46 48 San. 3 59 24 Tues. 80 10 12 of Wed. 29 16 24j36 Thur. 22 37 12 Fri. 30 4 49 48 Sun. March Tagu Feb. 1518 Thar. 1519 Mon. 1520 Mon, 1521 Fri. 1522 Tues. Kason Taga Ovo O March Feb. Kason March Taga 1529 Mon. 1524 Fri. 1525 Tues. 1526 Tues. 1527 Sat. Feb. March 11 2 24 Mon. 17 15 0 Tues. 29 28 27 36 Wed. 8054012 Fri. 80 1152 48 Sat. Kason Taga 1528 Fri. 1529 Tues. 1530 Sat. 1531 Sat. 1532 Wed. 888 889 890 891 892 89347 894 1181 524 Sun. 0 18 0 Tues. 680 36 Wed. 12 48 12 Thur. 29 18 55 48 Fri. Feb. Kason Taga March O Feb. March Kason Taga 1533 San. 1534 San. 1535 Thur. 1536) Mon. 1587 Sun. 1 824 Sun. 721 0 Mon. 13 38 36 Tues. J194612 Wod, 15848 Fri, 895 896 897 898 899 OGA CON Feb. March Kason Tagu

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NOVEMBER, 1910.] A. I 1577 TAGU WAXING 1ST. Bill full did Atli au tatu Just als 1dddddddddd Week ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR. BOTH DER R 2 * " * SOLAR NEW YEAR THINGYAN Tar). Julian 28 March 30 81124 Sat. 2 - 28 H.M. S. 30 10 42 86 88 6 30 16 55 12 Mon. 29 23 30 11 33 0 * a . . . 30 17 45 36 28078 91440 28423 2 2 813 748 64548 8820 888 888 13 1111 Burmese Month. Day. FAT STAY AT AT 414 415 414 4 226 10000 22 700 22 2 KZH EXPIRED 811 Days in Nayon. Years. Cycles, 00126 388 TAROT 28K PRO CON BLUE BULLS 45678 30 88886 38888 3886 31 839 888

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812 A. D. TAGU WAXING 18T. Weekday. 1588 Wed. 1584 Sun. 1585 Sat. 1586 Wed. 1587 Sun. 1588 Sun. 1589 Thur. 1590 Mon. 1591 Mon. 1592 Fri. 1593 Tues. 1594 Mon. 1595 Fri. 1596 Thur. 1597 Mon. 1598 Fri. 1599 Fri. 1600 Tues. 1601 Sat. 1602 Sat. 1603 Wed. 1604 Tues. 1605 Sat. 1606 Wed. 1607 Wed. 1608 Sun. 1609 Thur. 1610 Wed. 1611 Sun. 1612 Thur. 1618 Thur. 1614 Mon. 1615 Sun. 1616 Thur. 1617 Mon. Month, 1623 Fri. 1624 Tues. 1625 Sat. 1626 Fri. 1627 Tues. March Feb. March Feb. March Feb. March Feb. March Feb. March Day. March Feb. March Feb. 28 March 18 7 Feb. March 20 9 26 17 6 28 15 * 2 2 0 22 276 3 13 March 30 23 38 24 Sat. 30 551 0 Mon. 80 12 836 Tues. 18 16 12 Wed. 02848 Fri. 80 31 20 11 24 16 4 21 13 2 Feb. March Feb. March 11 Feb. 28 March 19 7 24 Feb. March 1618 Mon. 1619 Fri. 1620 Tues. Feb. 1621 Mon. 1622 Fri, 20 9 26 18 6 23 14 3 20 16 5 12 1 21 9 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 17 SOLAR NEW YEAR (THINGYAN T Julian date. 31 80 30 64124 Sat. 80 12 54 0 Sun. 19 636 Mon. 119 12 Wed. 731 48 Thur. 30 80 81 30 13 44 24 Fri. 19 57 0 Sat. 2 936 Mon. 80 30 H.M. S. Weekday. 81 30 20 47 24 Thur. 3 0 0 Sat. 912 36 Sun. 30 30 15 25 12 Mon. 80 21 37 48 Tues. 30 31 81 8 22 12 Tues. 14 34 48 Wed. 31 350 24 Thur. 80 10 3 0 Fri, 80 16 15 36 Sat. 30 22 28 12 Sun. 81 440 48 Tues. 80 30 80 10 58 24 Wed. 30 17 6 0 Thur. 23 18 36 Fri. 30 31 5 31 12 Sun. 80 11 48 48 Mon. 17 5624 Tues. 0 9 0 Thur. 621 36 Fri. 12 84 12 Sat. 18 46 48 Sun. 31 05924 Tues. 12 0 Wed. 81 30 1324 32 Thur. 80 19 37 16 Fri. 149 48 Sun. 31 81 8 224 Mon. 80 1415 0 Tues. 30 20 27 36 Wed. 240 12 Fri. 81 31 852 48 Sat. Burmese Month. Tagu Kason Tagu Kason Tagu Kason Tagu Tagu Kason Tagu Kason Tagu Kason Tagu Kason Tagu Kason Tagu Kason Tagu Kason Tagu Day. / j tthyH tshndhotttth% 2hm nnnnaa dddda*# REa R2deg tthx tttthsm Tagu Kason Tagu Kason 18 Tagu 11 22 5 Kason 14 Kason 10 955 28 20 13 [NOVEMBER, 1910. 24 B. E New Year. 25 951 7 952 6 16 946 17 953 947 945 49 14 948 949 950 50 954 956 957 960 961 27 962 968 958. 959 18 964 1 965 Tagu 17 972 11 966 22 967 Kason 11 974 4 968 25 970 7 971 4 29 973 Tagu 15 26 20 975 Kason 6 979 3 976 18 977 24 978 16 980 27 981 9 982 19 983 2 984 EXPIRED Oyoles. 985 14 969 51 0 LEKT8 01234 986 987 988 52 989 15 29 16 17 18 30 POPHR CER CARD CLO 6 5 29 8 7 29 9 11 10 30 12 13 14 1 15 16 17 18 30 8 6 Days is Nayon. 2 29 8 5 30 9 30 7 29 LERLE BN000 11 12 30 10 30 14 29 16 17 18 13 29 1 15 30 29

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NOVEMBER, 1910) ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR. 318 TAQU WAXING 1er. SOLAR New YBAR (TSINGTAN TET). Burmese B. B. New Your. Week day. Month. Jalian date. linis Wool day Month. Day. Cyoles. Feb. March Kason Tagu 1628 Sat. 1629 Sat. 1680 Wed. 1631 Sun. 1632 Sun. 990 991 992 993 994 Feb. March Kason Tagu Feb. March March 30 15 524 Sun, 30 2118 0 Mon. 31 8 3036 Wed. 31 9 43 12 Thur. 30 1555 48 Fri. 30 22 824 Sat, 81421 0 Mon, 31 10 33 36 Tues. 30 1646121 Wed. 30 22 58 48 Thor. 111 Sat. SI 1124 0 San. Mon, 1633 Thur. 1634 Wed. 1635 Sun. 1636! Thur. 16371 Wed. Kason Tagu 995 996 997 998 999 Feb. March Kason Tagu 1000 1688 Sun. 1689 Thur. 1640 Thur. 1641 Mon. 1642 San. Feb. March 1001 Tues. 148 Thur. Kason Tagu Kason Tagu 1002 1003 1004 1643 Thor 1644 Mon. 1645 Mon. 1646 Fri. 1647 Tues. Feb. March 12 1424 Fri. 11827 Sat. 0 3936 Mon. 6/52 12 Tues. 13 448 Wed. 1005 1006 1007 1008 1009 53 Kason Tagu Kason Tagu Feb. March 1648 Tues. 1649 Sat. 1650 Wed. 1651 Tues. 1652 Sat. Feb. March Feb. March 30 19 1724 Thur. 31 130) 0 Sat. 81 742 36 Sun. 31 1855 12 Mon. 30 20 7 48 Tues. Kason Tagu Kason 1010 1011 1012 1018 1014 Tagu 1658 Sat. 1654 Wed. 1655 Sun. 1656 Sat. 1657 Wed. Feb. March 31 220 24 Thur. 31 8 38 0 Fri. 31 14 45 36 Sat. 30 2058 12 Sun. 31 3 10 48 Tues. Kason 1015 1016 1017 1018 1019 Tagu Feb. March Kason Tagu 1658 San. 1659 San. 1660 Tbur. 1661) Wed. 1662 Sun. Kason Tagu 1020 1021 1022 1023 1024 31 9 23 24 Wed. 81 1536 0 Thur. 21 48 36 Fri. 4 112 Sun. 31 10 18 48 Mon. 31 16.26.24 Tues. 30 22 89 0 Wed, 31 451 86 Fri. 31 11 4 12 Sat. 81 1716 48 Sun, Feb. March Kason Taga 1663 Thur. 1664 Thur. 1665 Mon. 1666) Fri. 1667 Thur. 1025 1026 1027 1028 1029 Feb. March Kason Tagu 1668 Mon. 1669 Fri. 1670 Fri. 1671 Tues 1672 Mon. Feb. March Feb. March 30 28'2924 Mon. 81 642 0 Wed. 31 11 54 36 Thur. 81 18 712 Fri. 01948 Sun. Kason Taga Ksson Taga 1080 12 | 1031 21 1032 13 1089 1034 14

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314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1910. TAau WAXING 18T. SOLAR New YBAB (THINGYAN TET). EXPIRED Burmese Days in Nayon. Week Month. Julian Week day. Day .mml H.M.S. day. Month. Day Cycles March Feb. March 25 | 1035 1036 1037 1038 1039 Feb. 1678 Fri. 1674 Tues. 1675 Tues. 16761 Sat. 1877 Wed. 1678 Toeg. 1679 Sat. 1680 Sat. 1681 Wed. 1682 Sun. 1040 1041 1042 1043 1044 Feb. March 55 1683 Sat. 1684 Wed. 1685 Sun. 1686 Sun. 1687 Thur. Feb. March 1045 1046 1047 1048 1049 March 6 32 24 Mon. Tagu 31 1245 0 Tues. Kason 18 57 36 Wed. Taga 11012 Fri. 22 48 Sat. Kason 31 13 35 24 San. Tagu 19 48 Mon. Kason 2 088 Wed. Tagu 8/13 12 Thur. 81 14 2548 Fri, Kason 31 2038 24 Sat. Tagu 2 511 o Mon. 9836 Tues. Kason 151612 Wed. Taga 21 28 48 Thur. 31 8 41 24 Sat. Kason Taga 81 16 636 Mon. Kason 31 22 19 12 Tues. Tagu 314 31 48 Thur. 81 10 44 24 Fri. Kason 31 1657 0 Sat. Tagu 31 23 986 Sun. 31 522 12 Tues. Kason 31 11 34 48 Wed. Tagu 31 17 47 24 Thur.' Kason 20 April 100 o Sat. Tagu March 31 6 12 36 Sun. 81 12 2512 Mon. Kason 31 18 37 48 Tues. olsun. 121050 1051 1688 Mon. 1689 Mon. 1690 Fri. 1691 Thur. 1692 Mon. Feb. March Feb. March 1052 lang o ko Feb. | March 13 | 1053 1054 1055 1056 1057 1058 1059 1698 Fri. 1694 Fri. 1695 Tues. 1696 Sat. 1697 Fri. Feb. March 1698 Tues. 1699 Mon. 1700 Fri. 1701 Tues. 1702 Tues 1060 1061 1062 1063 106456 Feb. March Tagu 1703 Sat. 1704 Wed. 1705 Wed. 1706 Sun. 1707 Thur. Feb March Kason Tagu 1065 1066 1067 1068 1069 Feb. Kason 1708 Wed. 1709 Sun. 1710 Sun. 1711 Thur. 1712 Mon. March Feb. March April 10 50 24 Thur. 730 Fri. 81 13 15 86 Sat. 81 192812 San. 11 40 48 Tues. March 3175224 Wed. 31 14 6 0 Thor. 31 2018 36 Fri. April 12 3112 San. March 318 4348 Mon 81 14 5624 Tues 31 21 9 0 Wed 821 38 Fri. si 934 12 Sat. 15 46 48 Sun. 1111 Taga Kason Tagu 22 1070 4 1071 13 1072 25 1078 71074 Feb. Kason March Taga 1713 Sun. 1714 Thur. 1715 Mon. 1716 Mon. 1717 Fri. Feb. March Kason Tagu Kason 1075 1076 1077 1078 1079 ano ang

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NOVEMBER, 1910.) ELEMENTS OF THE BURMESE CALENDAR. 315 TAQU WAXING 18t. SOLAR New YSAX (THINGTAN TET). EXPIRED A. D. Burmese Days in Nayon. Woek day. Month Day 1 Julias date. H.M.S. Weck day. Month. Cholen. Tean. Tagu March 1718/ Thur. 1719 Mon. 1720 Fri. 1721 Fri. 1722 Tues. Feb. March Kason Taga 1080 1081 | 1082 15 1088 26 1084 -0 Feb. March Kason Taga 20 March 31 21 59 24 Mon. 9 April 1 412 0 Wed. 26 March 81 1024 36 Thur. 21 1687 12 Fri. 31 22 49 48 Sat. 11 23 April 15 224 Mon. 13 March 31 1115 Toes. 31 17 27 36 Wed. 81 23 40 12 Thur. 11 April 1 55248 Sat. March 31 12 524 Sun. 31 18 18 0 Mon. April 10 30 36 Wed. i64812 Thur. roh 31 12 55 48 Fri. 1723 Sat, 1724) Fri. 17251 Tues. 1726) Sat. 1727 Sat. Kason 1085 1086 1087 121088 1089 Feb. March DIA Taga Kason Tagu 4 Feb. March O 1728 Wed. . 1729 Tues. 1780 Sat. 1781) Wed. 1732 Wed. 1090 1091 1092 1093 1094 Feb. March Kason Tagu Feb. March 1738 Sun, 1794 Thur. 1735 Thur. 1 736 Mon, 1737 Sun. Kaeon Tagu Kason Tagu 1095 1096 1097 1098 1099 1788) Thur. 1739 Mon. 1740 Non. 1741 1742 Tues. Peb. March Kason Tagu Kason 1100 1101 1102 1108 1104 88 Fri. Feb. 81 19 8 24 Sat. i 121 0 Mon. 17 3986 Toes. ch 81 13 46 12 Wed. 31 1958 48 Thur. 12 11 24 Sat. 1 10 2812 Sun. March 81 1640 48 Mon. 81 226824 Tues. 1360 Thur. 1886 Fri. 8112 Sat. 31 28 48 48 Sud. i 12 9 0 Wed. March 81 1821 36 Thur. April 1 0 34 12 Sat. i 646 48 Sun. i 12 59 24 Mon. 4 March 31 1912 Tues. NOORA CON NOS March Tagu Kason 1743) Mon. 1744 Fri. 1745 Toes. 1746 Toes. 1747 Sat. Feb. March Feb. 1105 1106 1107 1108 1109 516624 Tues. Tagu Kason March Taga 1110 1111 5. 1112 1748 Fri. 1749 Tues. 1750 Sat. 1751 Sat. 1752 Wed. Feb. March Kason Tagu 1113 1114

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816 2. His body (Deha) 3. His kin (Bandhu) THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. THE NAVARATNA-MALA OR THE NINE-GEMMED GARLAND OF PILLAI LOKACHARYA. Translated from the Tamil original. BY ALKONDAVILLI GOVINDACHARYA SVAMIN, C.E., M.B.A.S. THE view, the Suppliant (earana-'gata) or the God-resigned is to take, of 1. Himself (Atman) 4. The Worldlings (Samsarins) 5. The Godlings (Devata-'ntaras) 6. The Godly (Sri-vaisnavas) 7. The Spiritual Guide (Acharya) 8. The Spiritual Mother (Sri) 9. The Spiritual Lord (favara) is as described hereinafter : [NOVEMBER, 1910. 1. Himself or the Soul is an entity distinct from the body :-eternal;-subtile in its own kind (anu);-determined by consciousness (jana) and bliss (ananda) ;-the seat of consciousness (jndna) and bliss (ananda);-naturally kin to the Lord to the exclusion of all other thought or utterance ;-not master of its destiny, but having the Lord alone as Goal. 2. The Body-his (or its) foe-is a congeries of Twenty-four (material) categories ;-the generator of illusion :-ephemeral-constantly changing ;-the root of endless pain and never the haven of knowledge;-and even tempting the soul to fall into the five-fold worldly snares consisting of sound, touch, sight, taste, and smell. 3. The kin (or those who gather round his body) are those who destroy Soul-knowledge, God-knowledge, God-love and God-yearning; but on the other hand, they foster body-love, the I-ness and My-ness, the lusts and hates and, crowded round to one's side by the agency of sin, compass ruin (or damnation). 4. The Worldlings are those who obstruct the love and service of the Lord, and encourage wanderings (in material realms). 5. The Godlings are those subordinate or minor lords who oppose the One Supreme Lord, albeit their genesis from Him, albeit their own little knowledge and little power, and albeit their high estate, enjoyed by His sufferance ;-those who delude humanity by leading them to disaster. 6. The Godly are those who prosper God-knowledge and God-love and loathing for all that is not God, masters and companions, and the final reach (of ambition). 7. The Spiritual Guide is he, who has vouchsafed to correct (the erring), and make (him) fit for acceptance by the All-Lord, and has brought (him, the erring) to His Feet, and giving (him) the light of knowledge, not known (before). stands (to him) as the master and benefactor, planting (him) in (Divine) Service. 8. The Spiritual Mother is she who pardons all faults (of sinners) and, constraining the free play of the Lord's independence, renders possible the free play of His Graces such as mercy and compassion,-stands between Him and souls as the Mediatrix,-the Mother, the Mistress and the Goal. 9. The Spiritual Lord (or Father) is He, who at the time of Creation, equips (souls) with bodies and senses, indwells (in them) as the Support of life, engenders (in them) the soul-ish qualities of non-hate, love for the Lord, and holy association,-leads (them) to the Spiritual Guide,overlooks all faults-relieves (them) from the world of changes (sahedra),-grants (them) the Path of Light (archiradi), the Highest State (parama-pada) and the joy of loving and serving Him, the Supreme Master, for ever and ever. 1 Satta haraka.

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NOVEMBER, 1910.) THE PRAPANNA PARITRANA. 317 THE PRAPANNA-PARITRANA, OR THE REFUGE OF THE REFUGEE, OF PILLAI LOKACHARYA. Translated from the Tamil original. BY ALKONDAVILLI GOVINDACHARYA SVAMIN, C.E., M.R.A.S. The aspirant for release (moksha), who solely leans upon the All-Lord, must posses the two-fold qualifications of: - 1. Resortlessness (Ananya-gatitva). 2. Waylessness (Akinchanyatva). 1. Resortlessness means that attitude of the refugee (or aspirant) which makes bim to rely as his Protector on no other than the Universal Lord Himself (Sarvesvara), according to the text: Relieve me or not of distress, I have no other resort, It may be argued however, why may not brothers, sons, mother, father, Brahma, Rudra and others be protectors? This argument is met by the answer that in the Sacred History) it is discovered that: (c) Brothers cannot be protectors, taking the examples of Vali 2 and Ravana'. (6) Sons cannot be so, from examples of Rudra . and Kansas (c) Mother cannot be so, from the example of Kaikeyis. (11) Father cannot be, from the example of Hiranya7. Husbands cannot be, from the examples of the Dharma-patra-brothers 8 and Nala. (1) Sun, Moon, etc., cannot be. (9) Indra, Brahma and Rudra, cannot be. (1) Wealth or Riches, cannot be. Some of the foregoing incidents are expanded for the instruction of the novices. Thus: (c) and (d) Mothers and Fathers often neglect their children, thinking they are inimical to their youth10; cast them into pita, unobserved, in times of famine; sometimes sell them; part from them in times of distress, and oft oppose and kill them for the sake of wealth and acres. 6) The Sons retaliate upon the parents, and when the latter are on their death-bed, besiege their beds with demands as to where they might have hidden their property, in the manner of the verse : " If thou art becoming forgetful, let us know where thou hast hidden thy wealth "11 and thus at the hour of death prevent the dying from remembering God, the Lord, and thereby reaching the Shore (of their pilgrimage). Thus do they harass and finish their parents. 1 Ralaiviy tumbam kalaiydd-ozhivdy kafai kan mattilen" (St. Nammazhvar's Tirudy-mochi. Y. 8. 8.). * This is the story between the fighting brothers, Vall and Sugriva (Ramayana). This again in the story of enmity betweon the brothers Rivapa and Vibhlshana (Ramayana). * This is the story of Rudra, the son, wrenching the head of his father Brabma. * This is the story with reference to Kansa ugurping the throne of his father, Ugrasons. . This is with reference to Rama's betaking to the woods through his stepmother Kaikly! (Ramdyana). This is the reference to Prahlada persecuted by his father Hiranya-Kasipu (Vishnu-Purana). . This is referring to the Five Sons of Pandu unable to help their wife Draupadl in her hour of disgrace (Maha-Bharata). * This is again the story of Nala nogleoting his wife Damayant1-in the wilds (Mahd-Bhdrata). 10 For example. mothers not suokling their infanta, and otherwise entrusting their holy charges to the care of outsiders who cannot love the children. 11 Sorvinal poruk-vaittad-undagil folha soll' enru suttum irundu." (Poriy-xhuar Tirumozhi IV. 5. 3).

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1910. (1) But they may say: "Well and good so far, but may not celestial denizens like the Sun and Moon who are to us like our eyes, be our protectors ?" This objection is met by the answer that these beings go round their determined orbits at determined velocities by the fiat of a Supreme Lord above them, and thus have their risings and settings in fixed order. And more, they are sometimes known to be vanquished by such mighty Asuras as Hiranya and Ravana, and compelled to do for them all sorts of menial services. (0) But what about (the demi-gods such as) Indra, Brahma and Rudra ? an objector may ask. The answer is :-It is too true that Indra is the Ruler of the Three Regions12, and yet it is too well-known how he is in constant fear of losing this high estate. He is often cursestricken13, pays the penalty, by suffering for Brahmicide, is bound as a captive by Indrajit15 and allows his sway to get into the hands of such beings as Maha-bali16. Such then is Indra, weeping and crawling in the dust! Brahman (the four-faced demiurge--the Lord of the Brahmaada) is no better (than Indra); for he is assailed by such evil genii as Madhu and Kaitabha, and is deprived of his Vedas which to him are his eyes and treasure.' And his head he allows to be ripped by Rudra (his own son). Nor again is Rudra any the better. For he is to begin with, the Destroyer par excellence (how can he then protect 1). Water is wished for by the thirsty, but Rudra of the fire-colour offers himself to such thirsty (worshippers of his) as fire! He exacta horrid offerings from his devotees by saying: "Kill for me, roast for me!7." Bana-'sura was his votary-80 mach so that Rudra pledged himself to guard him so that even the flower he wore on his head should not fade. But when Krshna was hacking Hana's (one thousend) arms as if they were so many cactusstems, the boasted guardian Rudra shat his eyes and slipped away from his ward, uttering: "If life is spared, I can live by selling salt." Again he, a sinner, out the throat of Brahma, the Guide of the worlds, his own father; and wandered about after such acts of treason in his own house, with the skall of his victim (father) fast clinging to his hand, from door to door, in search of a Saviourls. (1) Can wealth save a man then? No. For it is subject to be stolen by thieves, bartered away for last, seized by kings, mulcted by kith and kin, chased by illness, breeds enmity and warand men for its sake poison themselves and die. Hence, the All-God (Narayana) alone is the True Resort or Protector inasmuch as He stands by as when parents and all bare deserted. He is the true Narse of the soul from the beginning. He incarnates for us and thus stands like a mother in visible presence, speaking to us like her in sweet endearing accents. He takes apon Himelf the duties of a Carrier, when brothers and husbands stand aloof. He gaides the chariot (of his votary) in the thick of raging battle, breasts the falling arrows, saves from death and gives life to the dead. All this He does by virtue of His being Narayana (or He who is in and over all), the Life of life, Soul of soul, abiding in the core of all thing310. Only He can be the Resort and none else. This is the attitude of the refugee known as Resortlessness, for he is destitute of all Resorts save Him-the High Lord. 2. Now what is WaylessnessP It is the attitude of the refugee (or aspirant) which makes him resiga all the several ways, indicated in the Sastras, leading to the Highest Goal he has in viow; and by virtue of such resignation alone, and by virtue of his sole leaning on the Lord, considering 11 Tho Bhd (lower), Bhuvar (middle) and Svar (upper) worlds. 13 This is with reference to the ourse of Darvas (Vishnu Purana). 24 Refers to Vitra killed by Indra (Srimad-Bhagavata). 18 Soo Ramdyana. # Seo Srf-Bhagavata. 11 Road Sifatondar's legend in the Saiva books. 18 See Vishnu-Purana and Matrya, p. 183, v. 87 to 100 [Anandaprama Series). 19 See Vish -Purana, Mald-Bhdrata and Srf-Bhagavata for the story of Krahna and other Avataras

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THE PRAPANNA-PARITRANA. NOVEMBER, 1910.] his nature (or soul-nature) made perfect, i.e., realised. These several ways are karma, jnana and bhakti 20. In this attitude of perfect resignation he recognizes that it is not he who is the fashioner of his destiny, but He the Lord alone. This is named Waylessness, for the refugee is bereft of all other Ways save The Way-the High Lord. Thus Resortlessness and Waylessness mean in other words that the Lord Narayana alone is the True and Only Goal (upeya) and Way (updya). The refugee in such a frame of mind feels that he is disburdened, or rather relieved of all burden. When the time comes for ending the body (with which the soul is mating), and the Goal is near, the Lord Himself deigns to come, as said in the verse: "I lead him 21"-comes as the most willing Servitor of his refugee, escorts him along the 'Path of Light or Glory' known as archir-ddi, and in the Spiritual Regions krown as parama-pada, unites him with the blessed bands of nityas and muktas, thus ordained in Divine Service for ever and ever. 319 Note.-Resortlessness is the positive attitude of the soul, and Waylessness is the negative. The soul empties itself as it were of itself (negative) and fills in the same with God (positive). These two joined together produce the required effect, viz., eternal salvation, which is no other, according to the Bhagavata Religion, than Eternal Disinterested Divine Service. A NOTE ON THE NAME "VASUDEVA." BY ALKONDAVILLI GOVINDACHARYA SVAMIN, O.E., M.B.A.S. THIS word has two meanings: (i) He who is resident everywhere, and (ii) the Son of Vasudeva. The first meaning is connected with the word wherever it happens in the Vedas, Smrtis, Itihasas1 and Puranas, and with the Holy twelve-syllable Mantra of the Bhagavat-Sastra or the Pancha-ratra. As illustrations of this position, one may read : (1) fid-vasyo-panishad-the term vasya1. (2) The Taittirty-panishad-Vishnu-gayatri, vis., "Narayanaya vidmahe, Vasudevaya, dhimahi, tan no Vishnuh prachodayat." (3) The many minor Upanishads where the term occurs, and the Pancha-ratras. (4) The explanation of the term given in the Vishnu-Purana: (a) confirming its universal sense in V. 17, 15: Vasudevae cha satvataih' (here satrata meaning Pancha-ratra), and confirming the raicha-ratra also indirectly; and (b) entering into an explanation of its meaning in VI. 5, 79: "Sarvani tatra bhatani vasanti parama-'tmani bhuteshu cha sa sarva-'tma Vasudevas tatas smritah" IP and (5) The Bhagavad-gita itself, where the real son of Vasudeva (second meaning of the word) vis., Sri Krishna, declares its universal sense in the verse : "Vasudevas sarvam iti Sa mahatma su-durlabhah." (vii-19). 30 See J. R. A. 8. for July, 1910, Artha-Panchaka. These are two verses called the Vardha-charama, one beginning with: "athite manasi su-evasthe bartre" and "tatas tam mriyamanam tam," 33 Bee Chhandogya and other Upanishads and Bh. Gita, viii, 24. 25 See J. R. A. 8., July, 1910, Artha-panchaka, 1 Also read:"Vishnum kratam VASUDEVAK vijanan vipro vipratvam Apnuyat tatva dartt." 2 Cp. Sahasra-nama-bhashya (name 334) and M. Bh. Moksha. 166 Ohhadayami jagas marvam, bhatva aarya iva 'meabhibi Sarva-bhuta-'dhivisa cha Vasudevas tatas smritab II

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1910. These are the documents from which it may be inferred that Bhagavatism or Vasudevism was not founded by Krishna Vasudeva, as Dr. G. A. Grierson says on page 3 of his Narayaniya and the Bhagavatas' (Indian Antiquary, 1908)3; but it may be safely said that Krishna Vasudeva was most decidedly a propagator or promulgators of that religion. In this same paper (loc. cit.) Dr. Grierson further says: "Krishna Vasudeva. must be identified with the Krishna Devaktputra, mentioned as a disciple of Ghora Angiras in Chhandogyo-'panisad III. 17, 6." Why should the two be identified? Is it because the disciple of Ghora Angiras happens to bear the matronymic Devaki-putra, i. e., the son of Devak!, which Sri Krishna also bore? But no identification should so hastily be established or conceived, simply from similarity of names. For such similarities are a legion in Indian literature, and much historical confusion is, therefore, likely to occur. Further, there is no vindication for this identification in view of the fact that Ghora Angiras is never mentioned as the Tutor of Krishna Devaki-putra (=Krishna Vasudeva, by the bye) in any of the several treatises dealing with Sri Krishna, for instance, Vishnu-Purana, Sri-Bhagavata, Mahabharata or Harivansa. Whereas, in all these treatises, Sandipani is the real Tutor of Krishna Vasudeva, who is also of course Krishna Devakiputra. But the other Krishna Devaki-putra3, who is the pupil of Ghora Angiras is quite a different personage altogether, is further made clear from Sri Madhva's (= Purga-Prajna) Bhashya on the Chhandogya passage under discussion. This is what he writes there: "Sakshat sa Bhagavan Vishnuh tan-namaiko munir hy abhut | Krishnas tu Vasudeva 'kbyah Parama-tmaiva kevalam || tan-nama Devaki-putras | tv anyo 'py abhavad anjasa Kapilo Vasudeva 'khyah Sakshad Narayanah prabhuh || tan-nama Kapilo 'nyas tu Sishya namna saha 'bhavat | Sa shodasa-satam jivi Mahiduso paras tv rishih || Ghora-sisbyas tatha Krishnah Kapilas cha ku-sastra-krit || traya ete varam prapya | Brahmanah parameshthinah | Krita-krityah pra-mumuduh | tan-namanas cha te 'bhavan" (Kalakiye.) That the two Vasudevas are different is also evident from the verse :-" Vasudeva sutasya pi'sthapanom Vasudeva vat" [Pancharatra, Padma, III. 29, 28]. Hence, in the light of these remarks one needs be over-cautious before establishing identities between personages from mere similarity of names, particularly in Hindu literature. 176]. Ante. Vol: xxxvii, p. 253. "Vasudev Apatyatve dvigatka-'dhyatmam niyachhati-'ti Vasudevah" (Sahasra-nama-bhagya, Name 714). Devakt also means Brahma-vidya. Read: "Devakyam Brahma-vidyavam" [Brihad-Brahma-Samhita, II, 4,

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DECEMBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 321 RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. BY WILLIAM CROOKE (LATE I.C.S.). (Continued from p. 287.) No. XXIV. A Song sung at the investiture with the janeu (saored thread). Recorded by a teacher of the Village School of Talgram, District Farrukhabad. Text. Lio, meri ajt, satul, o das lapua; main to Kasht Benares jaihon, Ved paphi aihon. Kaheko, beta, Benares jaibo, Ved pashi aiho ? Beta, ghar hf men vidyuman : Ved pashi lijo. Lao, meri mata, satua o das lapaa ; main to Kashf Benares jaihon, Ved papht aihon, Kaheko, beta, Benares jaiho, Ved parhi aiho ? gbar hi men vidyaman, Ved pashi lijo. Translation, O my grand-mother, give me some parched and powdered barley and gram and ten sers of ladda ( sweetmeat) and I shall go to Benares and after reading the Vedas return home. Why will you go my son, to Benares to read the Vedas? My son, there is a learned man at home : read the Vedas with him. [The second verse is a repetition of the first.) Note by the Recorder. This song reminds one of the ancient custom of Brahmans, when they, after investiture with sacred thread, go to Benares to read the Vedas and return home, after becoming well versed in their ancient scriptores. No. xxv. A Hymn to Mahadeva. ( Sung at the Holf.) Recorded by a teacher of the School at Chhaward Mau Village, District Farrukhabad. Text. Khelat phag Sadasheo dani, Shesh, Suresh, sakha sang linhe, shish Gang laptani. Parsat ang bhayo ang ang par, shobhit saj laptani. Charan parain pawan o pani. Parbati kar kam kum linhe hain ai bartan tani. Paryo jaya ar mond mal par, dagro galal agmani. Gaur hanske masnkani. Gail cbhenk, chash bail chhail ne, nar khojat Mahrani. Dwij Sheo Shankar, shakti kt apma Ved Puran bakhani. Manorath deyan man mani. Translation. The charitable, eternal Sheo played phag with Shesh (Snake-god ) and Suresh (Indra) and the Ganges stuck to his body. By touching him one smears the body with red powder, and brilliant ashes stick to every member of the body. On the feet water and air throw themselves. Parbati had a vessel full of red water and stretched out her hand for it.

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822 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. (DECEMBER, 1910. Then red water fell on the garland of skulls around the neck of Mahadeva and then the red powder of the besyens ran towards him. Then Gaurk (Parbatt) laughed at the curious sight. The husband of the great queen (Parbatt) mounted on an ox has blocked the way and is in search of a man to do a favour to. (The Brahman) Shankar says that the power of the two, Mahadeva and Parbatt, has been sony by Vedas and Parinis. He gives to mankind to their entire satisfaction. * No. XXVI. An Ahir Eymn to Birba. Sung by Niranjan Ahir of Mahond Village, District Jaunpur. Recorded by Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. NA Burha ke mai bap ; na Birhl ke bhit; NA Birha kahun dar pharat hain : gao banky banat. Sanjhi giun Sanjhe Taran, aur adhi rat ko Arjan ben: Hot bhor gluh Raja Karan ko, jin din kuarin ki dan. Translation. Birha has neither father nor mother; Birbt has no brother; Neither is Birba borne as a fruit by a tree : we sing this sowe anom In the evening we sing of Sanjha Taran (probably Sheo, and at midnight the praises of the arrows of Arjan. In the morning wo sing the praises of the Raja Karan, who gave alms to unmarried girls, No. XXVII. A Hymn to Shakambam Devt. Sung by Ram Chandra Brdhman Recorded by a school teacher of the Saharanplir District. Text, Darshan de, MA, anu kampi kayle. Dashmi bijay A sanj payata puj sant jan chale daras k8 Shakambar ke. Anbad naabat bajai sabhon par ; lal dhwaja phahrani shikbar par girwar ke. Pin-apart, dh waja, narial liyo, sant jan khape thal magdal ke. Bhakt janpo lt bijai karsi nij kshetra men, phirte dusht dal sanghar ke. Ram Chandra Dwij dapas lihe ton sakal p&p hon dur janmintar ke, Arjaz roh kind man that if he heard anybody orying at midnight bo got up from bed and went to his novour. To givo Nlms to unmarried girls is considered an act of it piety.

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DNCHYBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 323 Translation. O Mother, show me thyself kindly. On the tenth lunar day of Assuj good men flock to pay their respects to Shakambari Devi. Over all is blown an infinite sound and red flags waive on the top of the mountains. Good men are standing before thee) with dishes, containing betel, betel-nat, card, coco-nut and sweetmeats. Thou girest victory to thy votaries in thy region, and thy followers wander about to kill the evil men. Ram Chandra Brahman says, that by paying his respects (to Shakambari Devi) a man frees himself from all his sins. No. XXVIII. A popular prayer. Recorded by Ram Gharib Chaube. Text Surattaya gai tamhari As jiya jan; Swami mor bar samarath jiy& harkhan.. Sabhin alang ten man bath tumhari or, Arz karahin; sani lijahi tani kari kor. Tanik daya ke chitayo mor bachau ; Jal apar chintf ko tinakau naa. Translation. I remembered thee at last and was cheered ; Thinking that my Lord was Almighty. Collecting (alms) from all directions, my attention I directed it towards theo, I make a request; of this kindness lend me thine ears awhile. If thou showest if but a little kindness to me, I am saved : For to an ant a straw on the water is like a boat. No. XXIX, Gratitude to God. A popular hymn by Bindu Madan. Recorded by Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Tere dar hai ham sar jhukai hue hain. Ganah bakhshwane ko aye hue hain. Bankya hai tu ne hamen khak se bhi. Zab&o pai terk shukra lae hae hain. Karoge hamare ganah maf ab tum. Tere samne ham lajke hue bain. Wah bunyad kya tht shikam men. ? Hamari karam se sab azo banke hue hain. Kari parwarish tu no us dam, Hamari shikam men 8 mg ke pale hue hain. "Na Akar kabhi bamko Shaitan chherai;" tere pas faryad lae hue bain. Tere nur se yah roshan hai Alam. Karamat tert jo hio hue hain. Kiya, bai sadaq men wo qatare ko roshan, wahi dane ganbar kahai hue hain. Piya martaba ta ne bhakton ko aisa jo adam se deote kahaye hue hain, Kisi se nahin kam Binda Madan ko. Tera dhyan bar dam lagae hue hain.

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1910. Translation. I have bowed my head at thy door. I have come to have my sins forgiven. Thou hast made me out of the dust. I have brought gratitude to thee on my tongue. Thon wilt forgive my sins now. I am ashamed before thee. What was my foundation in the (mother's) womb ? Thou hast made every limb of mine through thy generosity. Thou nourished me at that moment. I have been tended by thee) in my mother's womb. "Let not Satan interfere with me:" I have brought to thee this request. This universe is illuminated by thy splendonr. It has received thy miraculous power. Thou hast brightened the drop in the shell which has come to be called the grains of pearls. Thou hast given so (high) a rank to (thy) devotees that being in human form they are called gods. Bindu Madan has nothing to do with anyone. He has fixed his attention on thee. No, xxx. A Hymn of the Kahars, Attributed to Kabir. Text. Ram nem bhaju, Ram nam bhaju. Cheti dekha man mihin ho. Laksh karori jori dhan garinh, chale dolawat babhi ho. Dada baba an pariwara jin ke i bhuin gale ho. Andhre bhayehu hiye hu ki phuti; tin kahe sab chhare ho. I sansar asar kai dhandha. Ant kal koi nahin ho. Upjat binsat barna lagal, jyon badal kt chhabin bo. Nata qota kul kutumb sab inh ki kaun barat ho ? Kahain Kabir ; ek Ram bhaje bina basi sub chaturat bo. Translation. Repeat the name of Ram, repeat the name of R&m. Think it over in your mind. Collecting millions of rupees they bury them under earth and (at last) go emptyhanded. The father, the grandfather are buried under the earth. You are blind and the eyes of your heart are also blind ; (for) you do not see that they have also left everything (behind them). In this world every business is unreal. In the long run nothing is yours. No time is spent in coming into existence and sinking into oblivion, like the shadow of a cloud. What is the reputation of relatives, kinsmen and family? Kabir says that without the repetition of Ram's name all skill is drowned (worth nothing).

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DECEMBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 325 No. XXXI. A Hymn to Hardaul (Hardeo) RAJA (a deified hero of Bundelkhand). Recorded by Ram Sewak, a teacher in the village School, Audinya, District Mainpuri. Text. Kin birahin belmhayo Hardaul Raja ? Apne to baithe al palang par qadam ki chhahiyan. Je galiyan ham kabahun na dekhi, so galiyan dikbraye Hardeo Raja. Nai kalk teri jagi, Hardeo Raja. Kin birahin belmbayo Hardaul Raja ? Chalat chalat mert pendari pirano, ghut bal ke bal ayo. Kin birahin belmhayo Hardaul Raja ? Translation. What woman with an absent husband has allared Hardaul Raja ? He sits himself on a red cot under the shade of the qadam tree. I have seen Hardeo Raja in a street, in which I had never seen him before. A new lustre is visible (added to thee), O Hardeo Raja. What woman with an absent husband has allared Hardaul Raja ? On account of having to travel long I have a pain in the bowels, and have managed to come to you on my knees. What woman with an absent husband has allured Hardaul Raja ? No. XXXII. A Prayer to Hardaul Baja. Recorded by Chaube Vrij Kishor, Assistant Master in the Town School, Pinahat, District dgra. Text. Hardaul, mert binatt suni lijai. Inati mano, binati mino; chuk parai, to baksbf aljo. Hardaul mert binatt man ljo. Translation. O Hardanl, lend a hearing to my request. Mind my entreaties and supplications, and if I commit any omission, of thy kindness forgive me. O Hardaul, lend a hearing to my request. No. XXXIII. Kajali Songs. Recorded by Pandit Rum Gharib Chaube. The Origin of the Kajali songs. The Kajali is a kind of song, which according to the well-informed on such subjects, owes its origin to Mirzapur. It is said that there was one Danu Rai, a Gaharwar Thakor and ancestor of the present Raja of Kantit, who founded a very powerful kingdom on the banks of the Ganges with its capital at Pampapur. Dana had such an overwhelming hatred for the Musalmans, who were then new-comere, that he allowed no Musalman to touch the Ganges. Mohamadans could not, like others who have manly blood in their veins, brook this insult with impanity. They attacked Dana and some say that he fell in the fight with them.

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1910. Danu was held in great esteem by his subjects, partly on account of his religious enthusiasm and partly on account of his love for them. On his death, the women of his kingdom retired into a forest known as Kajjal Ban (Black Forest, properly near Hardwar) and mourned his loss by: singing mournful songs in his honour. These songs afterwards came to be named Kajalt. Though they were originally rhymes expressive of sorrow and grief, yet in after-times, people began to compose love songs to the tone of Kajall. They too, took the same name accordingly. The Kajalt song is sung throughout the month of Srawan (July-August) by men and women in Mirzapur and on the last day of that month there is a festival of the same name. In Mirzapur City, and in every village of that district, there is a tank or reservoir which is termed Kajraha wa Pokhra. On Kajali Day women and girls of every Hinda family go to this tank to bathe. After bathing they wash certain plants of barley, which they grow in this month for the purpose of tying round the top-knot on their heads. Thon four or five of them stand in a circle and perform what is called by the people of Mirzapur, Dhan Muniya. This consists in each woman moving in a circle without breaking it, and at short intervals of bending the back and then stretching out the bands and closing the fists. They walk roand this circle at least five times, singing Kajali. Then they return home and tie the plants of barley in the choti of their brothers, for which they get some reward in return. On the night preceding the Kajali Day, women of every Hindu family keep awake the whole night and sing Kajali. In short, there is now a religious festival where there was none before. Another Version. In the Kantit Country (Mirzapur District) there was a Gaharwar Rajpat named Dadu Rai. He was a powerful Raja, and raled over Manda and Bijaipur. Near the temple of Vindhyabasini Devi at Mirzapar (Vindhychal is three miles from Mirzapur) by the stream, the imprints of his fort are still to be seen. He surrounded his fort with four Bhairons, or guardian.gods of a sacred place, and he never allowed any Musalmans in his dominions to touch the Ganges. Once when the annual rains held off for a very long while and great distress prevailed, he performed charitable acts on a large scale, and then the rain-god Indra was propitiated, shedding showers of rain in abundance. When Dada RAI died and his wife Nagmati became sati, the women of Kantit, who held their Raja and the Rani in great esteem, sang their praises in a melody of their own, now called Kajalt. The name owes its origin to & forest, owned by the Raja, in which the women mourned his loss. The third day of the month, in which this song is sung, is named in the Purdnas or local records, Kajalt Tij, or the Black Third. Old Kajalis. 1. Text. Piga binu piar bhailyun te jas anar kt kali; Dilli ke darwazwan ho nathiya ailin bikay lay. Jay kuho more bare sainAn se nakiya chhachhai bay. Translation. I have been as pale as the young flower of a pomegranate. I have sold my nose-ring at the Dilli Gate. Go and tell my young bridegroom that my nose is empty.

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DECEMBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA., 327 Text. Kahe more sudhi bisarkye, re bidesiye ! Tasapi tarapt din raina ganwayo, re. Kabe mon se nehiyan lagaye, re bidesiya. Apne to Kubari ke prem bhuline, re; moke likh jog pathae, re bidesiya. Jin makh adhar ami ras paye re ; tin bish pan kariye, re bidesiya. Kahain Beni Ram "Lagi prem katari re, Udho ji ko jnko bhulago, re bidesiyi. Translation. O foreigner, why dost thou forget me? O foreigner, I am sponding days and nights in the greatest anxiety. Why didst thon make friends with me? O foreigner, thou hast made friends with Kabari and so forgotten me. O foreigner, thou hast made the lips, that have tasted nectar, taste the poison. Beni Ram says "The women have been struck with the dagger of love (katori), and so they do not care for Udho's instruetions in asceticism, O foreigoer. Modern Kajalis. Text. Kahan gayo? Dada Raia bia jag sun? Tarkan Gang jath&ra bin Arjan. Translation. Whither art thou gone P Without thee Dadu Rai, the world is all alone. The Turks have made the Ganges impure without Arjun.20 Text. Kahe mose lagan lagal, re Skowaliya. Lagan lagai hay bedardi, Kubja ke ghar chhiye, re Sanwalia. As be pir Ahir jati tain, kaul qarar bhalde, re Sanwaliya. Sawan bita Kajet ai, tain na suratiye dekhae, re Sanwaliya. Sri Murlid har ja piya, bhal ham ko tar seye, re Sanwaliye. Translation. O Sanwaliya (Krishna), why did you make love to me O Sanwaliyen the cruel, having made love to me, thou hast made thy home at Kubja's house. O Seawaliya, as thou art a cowherd by caste, thou hast forgotten thy promises. Siwan has come to an end and the Kajalt festival has arrived, but thou hast not shown thyself, O Sai waliya. O beloved Krishna (Murlidhar, flute-bearer) well thou hast tantalized me, o Sanwaliye. "But in order to seroon it, thou hast went Udbo to teach us a etioism." . Udho wa Krishna's friend. 16 Arjun here stands for DAdu BAL. Arjun was one of the most powerful ap-holders of the Hiada religion.

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928 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1910. No. XV. A Pilgrimage Song. Sung by Kripd Ram, Baniya of Khard, District Saharanpur. Recorded by Abdu'r-Rahim Khda, teacher in Khord Village School. Text. Adbt Ganga men jau boye, adbi men bare hare bans. Kabe karan jau boya Ram? Are jt, kahe karan haro hare bans ? Nom dharam ne jau boye R&m; au dhoti sukh wan ko bans. Kaban raho Kishanit? Au kabla rahe Ram P Radha Rant lar parin Ram. Radbe ne lipi hai pich picha, au Rukmini ka rapta hai paon, Lapat laptt we gain Ram sagar ke darbar. Kahan rahe Krishna moubin 1 Kab, milain Ram? Are ji, kon bahuon ko nyawa ohukAwA ? Translation In half the Ganges, barley is sown and in half is grown green bamboo. What made Ram sow barley? And what made him to sow bamboos ? For performing religious duties Ram sowed the barley, and for drying loin-cloths he sowed the bamboos. Where is Krishnna ? and where is Ram ! Queen Rodbi has fallen out with Ram. Radha plastered the ground with mud and on it the feet of Rukmini havo slipped. Quarrelling together they went into the court of R&m's father. Whither are Krishnna and Ram gone? When shall wo meet Ram ? Who will decide the dispute between the wivos ? No. XXXV. A Hymn to Nagarsen. Recorded by Durga Prasdd, School Teacher in Sadhupur Village, District Mainpuri. Uncho ; chauro ; chachhasa ingar dhore bun : kaladbart manhin rahf. Arx sune rah; god bhare rahf : mad men jhuke rahl. Kai 14kh umart hai banjhult; kai lakh bare ki mu ? Kaladhari mahin rahi. Naulakh umarl hain banjhuli : das lakh bare ki mat. Kaladhari mshi rabi. Than bapho rahf; god bharo rahi; mad men jhuko rahl. Dewa, Maharaja re, ka lai chashawaing banjhal? Dowa, Maharaja re, kaba lai bere kt mal? Kalidhart mahi rabi. Rupayi charbivainge baijuli ; naria bi re | mat. Dewi, Maharaja re, aras parasf thiphf bhali. Deo, Maharaja re, Nagarsen Doo, bida ghar, jaun. Kaladhari mahi rabi. "Jka, jati, ghar apne." Are, jate to ghar janmen bain put ! " Pat kbildwo ghar apne, barsen bheat charbal." Kaladhari mahi rabt.

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DECEMBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 329 Translation. Thy platform is high. It is square. On it the marks of red lead are made. Thoa art of influence in the world. Hear my prayer. Fill my lap (with a child) and be bent with the weight of intoxication. How many barren women have swarmad round thy platform, and how many mothers of children? Thou art of influence in the world. Nine lakhs of barren women have swarmed and ten lakhs of mothers of children. Thou art of influence in the world. May your platform attain greater popularity and may the laps (of mothers) be filled with children and mayest thou be bent with intoxication. spirit, o great king Nagarsen, what sball be offered by the barren women ? and what, O spirit, O great king, by the mothers of children 1 Thou art of influence in the world! The barren wonen shall offer rupees and mothers of women shall offer cocoanuts to you. O spirit, o great king, we have touched thee and have worshipped thee and we stand before thra. O spirit, O great king, O Nagarsen Deo, permit us to go to our homes. In the world thou art of influence. Go holy ones, to your homes."No sooner had they reached their homes than children were, born to them ! " Amuse yourselves with the children and continue to make offerings." Thou art of influence in the world. No. XXXVI. A Popular Hymn. Recorded by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Kijai, Prabhu, apne birad ki laj. Moh patit kabhun, nahin iyo neku tumare kaj. Maya sabal, dham, dhan, banita, band hyo baun ih saj. Dekbat, sanat sabai janat haun, tau na ayo baj. Kahint bahat kabi tam tane ? Srawanan suni awaj. Diyo na jat par utarai chahat chashan jabaj. Lijai par utari sur kon, Mahiraj Brajraj. Nai na karat kahat, Prabha, tum son. Sada gharibnewaj. Translation. Lord, have mercy on me, thy servant. Loving worldly allurements, I have never been of service to thee. I bound myself to all the illusions, wealth, wife. Knowing all things that are to be seen and heard, yet I do not abstain from them. W bat may I say further? Thy servant hath heard thy voice. Though I wish to sit in the boat, I cannot pay the fare. O King, O Lord of Braj, take me across the ocean of the world. I do not request a now thing of thee, Lord. Thou art ever the cherisher of the poor.

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880 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1910. No. XXXVII. A Hymn to Ganga, sung at the Dasahra Festival. Recorded by Nek Ram, teacher in the Village School of Anandpur, District Agra. Text. Gangaji Harijan jag men taran ko. Brahm kamandal men se niksin bipati biraran ko. Hari bhaktan ko matu pita si, jyon sut palan ko. Jin ninda kiya Gangaji ko, so jhakh maran ko. Lakh kaho kon lagat na hai, jnan gawaran ko. Jo kon prem nem son dhawai, pap bidaron ko. Kasht pare pai dhyan dharai, to karaj saran ko. Lal Das:-bhau sagar men, ten tumbin uburan ko. Das Kalyan:-Sagar sut tare, sathi hazaran ko. Translation. Gangaji (exists) to bring salvation to the votaries of Harl. She came out of the gourd of Brahm to undo the troubles of the pious. To the votaries of Hari she is as father and mother, and protects them as do parents. Those who speak ill of Gangajt shall rue their folly. Reason with idiots a thousand times, it will be to no purpose, for they will not learn wisdom. Whosoever worships (the Ganges) with punctuality, regularity and affection shall have his sins washed away. If in time of trouble thou wilt invoke her aid she will surely come to thy aid. Lal Das says that she alone can save mankind from the ocean of the world. Kaliyan Das says that she has brought salvation to sixty thousand sons of (Raja) Sagar. No. XXXVIII. A Hymn to Durga. Recorded by Nek Ram, a school teacher of Anandpur Village, District Agra. Text. Parbat ki basani, darshan de, Maharani. Parbat phori, maht men nikasl. Joti jagat men jani. Arjan tero bhawan banayo; Bhim dhoyo pani. Sinh charhi, gal gajai, Mata. Lal dhwaja phabrani. Jan apne ko palan kariho. Binay mor yah mani. Translation. O dweller of the mountains, appear unto me, O Queen. Breaking the mountains asunder thou coment into the world. Then thy lustre became known in the world. Arjun made a temple for thee and Bhim drew water (for the mortar). O Mother, thou roarest with pleasure, mounted on the lion. (On the lion) a rel flag waves. Protect thy servant. Of thy kindness accept this prayer.

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DECEMBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 331 No. XXXIX A Hymn to Bhairon. Recorded by Ram Sewak, a school teacher in Audiny? Village, Distriot Mainpuri. Text. Mere birdai manjh basai Kasi. Kahan, re, basain mere bhola Mahadeo? Kabad, re, basain Bhairo ghazi ? Kabin, re, jemain bhola Mahadeva ? Au kaban, re, jemain Bhairo ghazi ? Dudh piyain je bhola Mahadeo au ghrit piyain je Bhairo ghazi. Kabao, re, ophain je bhola Mahadeva? Kahan, re, ophain je Bhairao ghazi? Jog to len mere bhola Mahadeo, au bhog len mere Bhairon gbazi. Mere hirdai manjb basai Kasi. Translation. In my heart lives Kasi (Benares). O, where lives my simple Mahadeva ? O, where lives the hero Bhairon ? O, what does the simple Mahadeva eat P And what does Bhairon eat ? The simple Mahadeva drinks milk and the hero Bhairoh drinks ghi. What does the simple Mahadeva wear? And what does the hero Bhairon wear? My simple Mahadeva takes to asceticism and the hero Bhairon takes to worldly enjoyments. In my heart lives Kast. No. XL. A Dirge. Recorded by Ram Sewak, a school teacher in Audinya Village, District Mainpuri. Text. Tambiro, Ram Dasya, chantara upjt chandan dar. Murli nek bajaiye, sanche deota. Tumbari murli bijan bajai ani ani bhanti, saucbe deota. Kin je deota newatiye ? Kin ja kari jeonar? Sancbe deota. Dudh bhari doniyan sanche deota. Kava, chonch na boriyo; Ram Das sanche deota ko lalkar. Translation. O Ram Das (or any name the deceased may have borne) on your platform (tombstone) the sandal trees have grown up. O trae spirit please blow your flute. Your flate can be blown in various ways, 0 true spirit ! Which spirit should we serve? With what should we serve? O true spirit. Servo milk in a leafy cup to the true spirit. O crow, do not dip your bill (in the milk): Ram Das (or whatever the name of the deceased may have been), true spirit, is challenging thee.

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332 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. No. XLI. Songs of the Months. Recorded by Nek Ram, a teacher in Anandpur Village School, District Agra. 1 Chaiti, sung in Chait. (Really a Rustic Calendar.) Text. Chait men mithi lagai kakari; Baisakh men mithi lagai bhanta. Jet men mithi nidra lagai; Asarh mithe hain tapaka. Sawan mitho lagai semari; Bhadon mithi lagai shyam ghata. Kwar karaila mitho lagai; Katik mitho lagai matha. Aghan mithe hain sitaphal; Pus mithe hain alu gatha. Magh men mitho lagai gudarf; aur Phagun men mitho lagai lath&. [DECEMBER, 1910. Translation. In Chait the fruit of the kakari is palatable: in Baisakh, bhaid (a vegetable) is pleasant to the taste. In Jeth, sleep is sweet: in Asarh, (ripe) mangoes (that drop from the branches) are sweet. In Sawan semari (perhaps the fruit of kathal) is sweet, and in Bhadon the black clouds. are pleasant. In Kwar karaila (a vegetable) is pleasant, and in.Kartik matha (liquid curd) is tasteful. In Aghan sitaphal (pumpkin) is sweet, and in Pas potatoes are pleasant. In Magh heavy wrappers of cotton are pleasant, and in Phagan union with the beloved is pleasant. Malar, Sung in Sawan in the Western Districts. Corresponding to the Kajals of the Eastern Districts. Text. Dekho, ri, mukut jhonka lai raho: Brindaban ke ghat par Jamunaji ke tir. Kaun baran Rani Radhika? Kaun baran Ghan Shyam? Chandra badan Rant Radhika; ghata baran Ghan Shyam. Gawat hain Rani Radhika; jhulet uain Ghan Shyam. Translation. See, my girls, the crown is swingingll to and fro, At Brindaban on the bank of the Jamuna. What is the colour of queen Radhika. What is the colour of Ghan Shyam (Sri Krishia ) ? Queen Radhika's face is like the moon and the colour of Ghan Shyam is like the black clouds. Queen Radhika is singing and Ghan Shyam is swinging in the cradle. 11 Reference to the custom of swinging in Sawan.

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DECEMBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 338 Godhani, Sung in Kartik. The festival of Godhan takes place in Kartik (sudi daj), when the women abuse their relatives. Text. Godhan awat main suni. Phule ang Da samati. Dare, Arjun, naw, ri; God han lehu atari ho. Ratan jasit to naw, ri, malayagiri ko bans. Aye hain God han ras bhore. Kahe le adar ledi? Sinhasan deun baithana aur sanjowan dudh. Translation, I heard that Godhan was coming. I could not contain myself (with pleasure). 0 Arjan, put the boat into the river and bring Godhan across (the river). The boat is studded with gems and the oar is of maldyd giri (sandalwood). Godhan has come fall of loveliness. What kind of respect should I pay to him ? I shall set him on a royal seat and worship him with the offering of milk. Hindola (Cradle Song), Sung in Bhadon. Text. Hindolana men jhulat hain Maharaj. Shyam gbata ghan garjan lagi, barsat ghora dhar. Ratan jarit ko bano hindola, malayagir ko saj. Resham dori ; pawan purwaia ; gawan hain Giriraj. Barkhat phul saman Vraj Apar; gopin sang samaj. Translation. The Great King is swinging in the cradle. The black gathering of clouds begins to thunder, and it begins to rain and pour. The cradle is studded with gems and the seat is made of maldydgiri (sandalwood). The ropes are silken, and the Eastern wind is blowing, and the King of the Mountains Mahadeva) is singing. On Vraj the gods are showering flowers; and also on the gathering of cowherd girls. Holi, Sung in Phagun, Text. Hari laye nart birani, Asur, taine ek na mani. Jin ki Janaki tu hari laye, we hari antaryami, Taji ghamand charnan gabi lijai. Samujhf jan abhimani. Asur, taine ek na mani. Raja karante, Raja jayange ; rup dharanti Rani. Ved parhante Vrahma ja gange; Narad muni se jnani. Asar, taine ek na mani: hari la nari birant. Nau akabobant dal, padm athasi. Hanuman agmani. Jhandi di garyo rett mei; lal dhwaja phahrani. Asur taine ek na mint ; hari laye nari birani. Kahatt Mandodari :" Sunu, Pati Rawan, chhoren deo katu bani, JA dig kapi charhaill Raghunandan, plat karain tori ghal.

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334 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1910. Translation. O Demon, thou didst not heed any advice and stole away another's wife. He whose wife, Janaki, thou hast stolen away knows the heart of every one. Do away with thy pride and take hold of his feet. Understand it, thou vain one, O Demon, thou didst not heed any advice. Tho Rajas leaving their rule and the Ranis leaving their toilet come to the Raja's (Ram's) aid. Vrahma from the study of Vedas and Narad, the wisest ascetic (come to Ram's aid). O Demon, thou didst not heed any advice, and didet steal another's wife. (Ram has an army) of nine akshohani and eighty-eight padm of men. Hanuman is at the head. The flag-staff has been set up in the sand and the red flag is waving. O Demon, thou didst not heed any advice, and didst steal another's wife. Mandodari says : My lord Rawan listen to me, give up the use of bitter language. On the day Raghunandan Ram Chandra) attacks you in anger he will grind you down as the oil-maker grinds seeds." No. XLII. An Allegory: The devotee, represented as a maiden, is told that she must go to her father-in-law's house (out of this world) without companions, playmates or relatives, to be married (gain knowledge of God) in order to meet her beloved (God). Recorded by Dwarkd Prasdd, a School-Master of the Mainpuri District. Text. Sasure tom ko jana hai. Kbel khilauna lagain ati pyare ; gurian men chit shuna hai. Sasure tum ko jan& hai, Sang sakhi kon kam na aibain; mata pita chhut jan& hai. Sasure tum ko jana bai. Abhin kumari buddhi thori. Byah bhaen ras prana hai. Sasure tum ko jana hai. Piya sang mel bhayo tin ko sab, dubidha bharm Dasana hai. Sasure tum ko jan& hai. Shankar sharan gahen Sat Guru ko, sahajahin me piya pana hais Translation. You must go to your father-in-law's house. Your toys seem now very dear to you and your heart is in your dolls. You must go to your father-in-law's house. No companion or friend shall be of any use there and even the parents shall be left behind. You must go to the father-in-law's house. Now, you are a maid with little wisdom. But when you are married you will find much pleasure. You must go to your father-in-law's house. Those who have met their beloved have lost their doubts and apprehensions. You must go to your father-in-law's house. Shankar says that a woman who throws herself on the mercy of the True Guide obtains her beloved.

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DECEMBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 335 No. XLIII. A Popular Song at the Holl (Hort). Recorded by Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Shyam, mose kbelo na horf; palagun kar jori. Gaia charawan main niksi hun, sas nanand ki chori. Sagari chunar rang meu na bhijowe. Itani bat suno ho mort. Shyam, mose khelo na horf, etc. Chhin jhapat more hath se gagar; zor se babiyan marori. Dil dharakat hai ; sans charhat hai; deh kampati gori gori. Shyam, mose khelo na hori, eto. Abir galab lipat gayo mukh se ; sart rang mer bont. Sas hazaran gari degi; balam jita no chhori, Shyam, mose khelo na hori, etc. Phang khelke taine, re Mohan, kaha gati kini morf? Sur Das lakhf, magan bhayo hai, laj rahi kachha thorf. Shyam mose khelo na hori, etc. Translation. O Shyam, I salute you with clasped hands and beg you not to play hori with me. I have come out to feed the cattle secretly from the mother-in-law and my husband's sister. Do not make the whole of my garment wet with (red) colour. Listen to these words of mine, O Shyam, do not play hori with me, eto. You have snatched away my pitcher from my hands and twisted my arms forcibly. My heart beats and the breath pants and my fair body shudders. 3 O Shyam, do not play hori, etc. Red powder and red water has stuck to my face and the whole of my dress has been wet with red water. My mother-in-law will call me a thousand bad names and my husband will not leave me alive. O Shyam, do not play hori, etc. O Mohan, to what a state have you reduced me by playing phag? Sur Das seeing it, was absorbed in love and forgot all shyness. O Shyam, do not play hori, etc.

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336 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1910. No. XLIV. A Dirge on the death of an old woman. Reoorded by Auld Hanni from the lips of Hindu women in the Saharanpur District. Text. ce Hay, hay, deshot ki Rani ; hay, day, Hay, day, jiti may jati ; hay hay. Bay, hay, bachchon ki barhiyo ; bay, hay. Hay, bay, ghar khani barhiyo ; hay hay. Hay, hay, yanun ki ghuriye; hay hay. Hay, hay, jadu ki puriya; hay, hay. Jai bolo jamari ki; jai bolo. Jai bolo kabari ki; jai bolo. Jai bolo mukhiya ki; jai bolo. Jai bolo dukhiya ki; jai bolo. Jai bolo sanpin ki; jai bolo. Jai bolo papin ki; jai bolo. Jai bolo sohani ki; jai bolo. Jai bolo mohani ki; jai bolo. Translation, Alas, alas; for the Queen of the countries ; alas, alas. Alas, slas; the living should have died; alas, alas. Alas, alas; O matron of children ; slas, alas. Alas, alas, old woman, tbat ate up the house ; alas, alas. Alas, alas; old mare with the limbs ; alas, alas. Alas, alas; O box of the magic; alas, alas. Say "Victory to the dead matron;" say " Victory." Say " Victory to the old hunchback;" say " Victory." Say " Victory to the head (woman) of the family;" say "Victory." . Say " Victory to the unhappy one ; " say " Victory." Say " Victory to the old snake;" say " Victory." Say "Victory to the old sinner ; " say "Victory." Say" Victory to the glorious one;" say " Victory." Say "Victory to the charmer ;" say " Victory." No. XLV. Ghami ki Git, a Dirge. Sung among upper-class women. Recited by Kabir Khan. Recorded by Abdu'r-Rahim Khan, a school-master in the Saharanpur District. Text. Ta apne bath se phos, sasu meri, churiyan baryalf. Sar med daloa khak, meri zulfain hain kaki. Mera hara bagh gaya sakh, bhag gaya in baghon ka malt: Utar mera nath, bulak, aur mere kanon ki balt;

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DECEMBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 337 Nerk lele gale ka har : saian sang gat Ali More bhesh kiya tu ne rando k& ; ab deti hau gali. Kof ha main batawai ghair, ap ban baithi gharwalt. Ta apne hath se phos, skru, chariyan haryali. Translation. O mother-in-law, break my green bangles with your own hand. Although my locks are black, I shall throw dust on my head. My green gardon has gone dry, because the gardener bas run away. Take off my nose-ring, my ear-ringe, And the garland which is around my neck, because my happy days are gone with my husband. You have made my vestage that of a widow and now you abuse me. Some one says that I am a stranger and herself becomes the mistress of the family. O mother-in-law, break my bangles with your own hand. No. XLVI. A Popular Prabhati (Morning Song). Sung by pious Hindu mothers with their children in their laps before daybreak. Recorded by Ram Gharib Chaube, from the lipe of his mother, who says that the recollection of the song still gives him pleasure. Text. Thumoka chalat Ram Chandra ; bajat paijaniyan. Kilik, kilik utbat dhat ; Girat bhumi lat patai ; Dhal, mod-god leti Dashruth ki raniyan. Anchal raj ang jhar ; Bibidhi bhanti sou dular; Tan, man, dban, wirf darf; kahat mrida bachaniyan Thamuki chalat Ram Chandra ; bajat paijaniyan. Bidrum se adhar tarun; Bolat mridu buchan madhur ; Sundar nasikan bich latkati latkaniyan. Thumuki chalat Ram Chandra: bajat paijaniyen, Tulashi Das: ati anand; Nirakhi ke mukhar bind; Raghubar chhabi saman: Raghubar chhabi baniyan. 4 Thumukt chalat Ram Chandra ; bajat paijaniyan.

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338 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1916. Translation. Heavily treads Ram Chandra: his anklets jingle. Laughing, laughing he runs alongi Falls to the earth with legs entangled ; Rushing, the queen of Dashrath gathers him in her lap. With her cloak ahe dusts his body; Fawns upon him in various ways; Raorificing body, soal and wealth ; she croons to him childish words, Heavily treads Ram Chandra : his anklets jingle. Lips as red as bidrum fruit; Voice as soft as a child's; From his pretty nose hangs a noge ornament. Heavily trende Ram Chandra : his anklets jingle. (Saith) Tolst Das : very pleased At beauty like none else ; Raghubar is made like Raghubar (alone). Heavily treads Ram Chandra: his anklets jingle. No. XLVII. The song of the Blessed Housewife. Sung by a Brdhmans of Chhawara Mau, District Farrukhabad. Recorded by the Head Master of the Village School, who remarks that this song indicates the truth of the statement that among the ancient Hindus there was no dislike to the birth of daughters, such as now exists. Text. Ek dhaanri dhumart gay so Hariju ke dwar kharf.. Wake bachchha lal gulal, so sono sing marhe. Rani baithin tekht bichhay, tau dhi bahu sang liye. Kar kankan abhran chir, to motid mang bhare. Dhan dhan bahuriya ki bhag to kokhi men lal dhart. Dware to age an ke damad; Rant sakuch rahfi. Ab ka, Rani, sakuch kalt kirit yahi. Translation, At the door of Hari (a blessed man) is standing a brown cow. She has red (charming) calves and their borns are gilt with gold. The Rant (the blessed housewife) sits inside the house in company with daughters and daughters-in-law. They have kankan (bracelets) on their hands (wrists) and other ornaments and silken clothes and the partings of their hair are filled with pearls. Blessed is the mother who has children in her lap. At the door sons-in-law have arrived, and the chief housewife (Rant) grows sad (thinking that she would have to part with her daughters). Be not sad Ran, this is the way of Kalyug (present age, that the mothers are deprived of their danghters at certain age).

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DECEMBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 339 No. XLVIII. Hymn to Shah Madar. Sung by the Dafalis, when women go to the shrine annually to pray for their children. Recorded by Ray Bahddur, a school-master in the Jaunpur District, and Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Dadha dhari Shah Madar. Darbar tera sewor, Shah Madar. Kale neza, kala bana, kalt tert talwar. Kali chilman Shah ko, jismon sohai hiri lai. sali mera jogiya : main jog men bhari. Pir mera bhanwara ; main phul ke kali. Darbar tera gewon, Shah Madar, Andhe ko Ankhain; korbi ko kaya; banjh khari darbar. Paun bete, rozah bangua, khushi khushi ghar jaun. Ek kwat, ek jat, bidawhi; ek khari darbar. Jhuk jhuk Miyan ko sis nawawai; chal ghar apni jaya.. Translation O'shah Madar, giver of milk (riches). I serve in thy court, O Shah Madar. Black thy flag, black thy badge, and black thy sword. Black the chilmans of the Shah, which is studded with diamonds and rubies. My Lord is an ascetic and I am full of asceticism. My Plr (Shah Madar) is a beetle and I am the bud of a flower.. Shah Madar, I serve in thy court. Thoa givest eyes to the blind, (a sound) body to the lepers, and barren women are standing in thy court (for children). Give me a child that I may keep my fast and go home happily. One comes, one goes, taking leave of you and one is (still) standing in t ourt. They all bow down their heads to the Lord (Miyan) and go to their homes. No. XLIX. A Corn-grinding Song. Sung by low-caste women. Recorded by Lakshmi Nardyan Pande, a master in the District School, Jaunpur, and Pandit Ram Gharib Chube. Text. Dharati hkas dono, re, pal jatawa, ho.. Kilwa Sumer bich wan lagal, re. Kin de le gohuan, Rama ? Kin, re, chameriya ho ? Kekara duariyan gohuan pisat, re. 11 The cover of the chilam or hubble-bubble.

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840 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1910. Gura dele gohdan, Rama : Satgura chameriya ho. Santan ke duariyan gohuan pisat, re: jhink lehu lebu manik jate wan ho. Balma bhukhail Satguru pabun, re. Jo main pisaton, R&ma, urart darari ke Saian ghar hoton dur dar chhiya chhiya, re. . Jo main pisaton, Rami, mebli kankiye, ho, Saien ghare hotou sohagin, re. Translation. The two parts of the mill (the upper and the lower stones) are the earth and sky. The hole in the middle is Mount Sumeru. Who gives wheat, 0 Ram? Who gives chameriyl (a coarse corn) ? I shall grind the corn (learn wisdom) at the door of my Lord, The religious guide gives the wheat, O Ram, and the True Gaide gives the coarse corn.13 I shall grind the corn at the door of my Lord, and pat little by little the corn into the mill (learn little by little) which is made of a precious stone. The True Guide who is the object of my love is my guest. If I grind the corn coarsely, O Ram, I shall be driven from my Lord's house in disgrace. Bat if I grind the corn finely, 0 Ram, I shall be acknowledged as a lucky housewife. . No. L. A Hymn to Herdeo (Hardaul) Baja. Sung by women when worshipping him. Recorded by a school teacher of Chhaward Mau, Distriot Farrukhabad. Text.. Hardeo Lala ki jagi kala. Bhaye Lala jab jagi kale. Dushman mori pachhare sare : more Bandela bare aqila. Hardeo Lalaji ki jagi kala. Tumhain charhawain dhwaje narial; khelain, kudain, hansain, LAld. Bari umarl, Lala, Pathan mare : tam mere, Lald, albele Lala. Translation. The influence of Prince Hardeo began to be felt. As soon as he was born, his influence began to be felt. He killed and defeated all our enemies : my Bundhela is very wise. The influence of Prince Hardeo began to be felt. I offer you flags and coco-nuts, that my Prince may play and jump and laugh. You killed in your childhood a Pathan, O my Prince : you are my sweetheart. 19 1. e., teachings of a True Guide are hard to practise.

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DECEMBER, 1910.] RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. No. LI. A Hymn to Jakhai (a godling). (Invoked at times by women.) Jakhai, or Jakhai Baba, appears to have been a noted highway-man in his time and after his death to have passed into the list of the malevolent dead. Recorded by Chaube Vrij Kishor, an assistant master in the Town School, Pinahat, District Agra. Text. 1 Jakhai Baba, nek bilam; ho hari. Kachha harf, kachhu manzil ki mari; kachhu hoa payan bhari. 2 Mere Deota nek bilam; ho hari. Kari, re, hathini zard ambari; ankus de de hari. 8 Mere Deota, nek bilam; haun hari. Ghar ke nahu mere sangan lage. Jatiare ke sang sidhari. 4 Mere Deota, nek bilam; haun hari. Drabya luti jaise kankar patthar; khand luti jaise khari. 5 Mere Deota, nek bilam; haun hari. Meri luti monhin kachhu nahin byapi; nanad luti Banijari. 6 Mere Deota nek bilam; main hari. Translation. 1 341 O Jakhai Baba, let me rest awhile; I am weary. I am weary partly with the journey and partly I am heavy with child. 2 O my Spirit, let me rest awhile; I am weary. The elephant is black and his coverings are yellow: I have been tired of goading her along. 3 O my Spirit, let me rest awhile; I am weary. None of my family is with me. A clansman has accompanied me. 4 O my Spirit, let me rest awhile; I am weary. My money has been robbed like stones and pebbles, and my sugar has been plundered like salt. 5 O my Spirit, let me rest awhile: I am weary. I do not care for being plundered but my husband's sister has been plundered by the Banjaras. 6 O my Spirit, let me rest awhile: I am weary.

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342 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1910. No. LII. A Hymn to Krishna. (Attributed to Mira Bai.) Sung by Chiranjan Lal of Mitha Khurd, District Agra. Recorded by Tuld Ram, a teacher in the Village School. Text. Mere to Girdhar Gopal dasara na kof. Main to al bhakti; jani jagat dekhi moihin. Ankhiyan jal sinchi sinchi, prem boli bof boi, santai dhig baithi baithi lok laj khoi. Ab to bhakta phail gai; janai sab kof. Sankh, chatra, gada, padm, murlf, kar hoi. Jake mathe mor makut : mero pati sof. M&tu, pita, bhai, bandha, chh&ry On sab koi. Dasi Mire saran ki hona : hoy & so hoi. * Mere to Girdhar Gopal dusara na koi. Translation. I have none else than the uplifter of mountains and the protector of the cow (Ksishna). I came to satisfy my instincts of love (bhakt) and the whole world saw me. I am lost to worldly shame, by watering the plant of love, with the water of my eyes (tears) and sowing it with speech, and sitting with the saints. Now the news of my devotion has spread far and wide, and everybody knows it. (My husband is he, who) has in his hands, the conch-shell, the wheels, the mace and the lotus, and the flate (Krishna). On his head & peacock crown that is my husband (Krishna). I have forsaken mother, father, brother and relative, all. Thy slavo, Mira, has come under thy protection : come what may, I have done else than the uplifter of mountains and the protector of the cow. No. LIII. Women's Bathing Songs. Sung at the morning ceremonial ablution at a tank or river. They are hymns to Ram, sung with confused allusions to parts of the well-known story. Sung by Kript Ram, Baniyd of Kherd in the Saharanpur District. Recorded by Abdur Rahim, a teacher in the Village School, Kherd. Text, Ap gaye the Raja rahan, zanjiri tala thonk gaye, moro Ram. Kya kholai Bhagwan, kya Panchhi ayake, more Ram, Khari pakaron ki dall, taspate men chhor chale, more Ram. Translation. O my Ram, the King (husband) is gone to bathe, leaving me shut op under lock and key. O my Ram, only Bhagwan (God) or a bird can open the door, coming here. Whatever branch I may oatch at; he has deserted me that tremble (I am in extreme Agony of mind and body).

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DECEMBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 343 Text. Prabhu, Lacbhiman donon, re, bhais, mere Ram, ban k8 sidhare. Phat ja, Dhartt. Sama ja, Slta. Dwar khare Bhagwan. Dhak lo, ri Bita, kesh jo apne, it pak sare larka Prabhd. Gaia changiwai aur hilawai jangal jharl, re Ram. Tere to kare hath, re lapke, main jal bht ns pfun. Pita apne ka nam bane de. Pita apne ka nim na jauun; mata to kahiye Kausalyf, more Ram. Jhar jhapatiye lapka; god athaya ; patake se ponchbai us ko paon : ho Ram. Dwar khare Sri Rim aise balak; mert abbag maine mukh hun na dekhyon. Kinne diga ban bas. !Io Ram. Phat ja, rf Dharati. Samaj, re Sita. Dalre kbare Sri Ram, more Ram. Translation. The Lord (Rim) and Lakshman; both the brothers, O my Ram, have started for the woods. O Earth, break asunder. O sita, go into it. Bhagwan (Ram) is standing at the door. O sita, cover thy head, thongh the Lord is buts child after all, He feeds kine and plays in the forests and bushes, O Rim. I cannot drink water even from thy hands my boy (Rim) for they are black. Tell me thy father's name, I do not know my father's name but my mother is called Kausalya, O my Ram. Then she picked the boy up quickly into her lap, wiping the dast off his feet with her garment; it was Rim. At the door a child like Sri Ram is standing, and I am so unfortunate as not to see him. Who sent them to live in the woods? It was Rim, earth burst asunder, O Sita, go into it. At the door Sri Ram is standing. O my Rim. NO. LIV. A Women's Hymn to Rem. Sung by a Brahmani of Chhawdra Mau, District Farrukhabad. Recorded by a teacher in the Village School, Ek chakai, dui chakwi. Jo main janati Hari mon ko taji bail, more Ramji : Pakarl ghurilawa ki bagh gharf ek bilmbuti. Chaliyo, na sakhiyo saheliyo, jari mill chali hain, mere Ramji. Hari ne lagaf phul bagiga sinch awali. Ko sakbi gayaan, kon sakhi anjarib, mere Ramji. Main apradhin ansuan sinch lagat. Jo main janati Hari monhio tajt hain, Hari Monbio taji hali : Hoti main bon ki koiliga banahin ban rahati, mere Ramjl. Jo Hari jate sbikar to kubak gunauti. Jo main junati Hari monbin taji hain, mere Ramji : Hoti jal ki machbariya jalshin jal rahat, mere Ramji. Jo Hari awate nahan cha ran gahi leti, mere Ramji. Translation. One chak wt and two chakwa." O my Ram, had I known that Hari (husband) would desert me, I would have caught the reign of his horse and stopped him for (at least) an hour. O my girl friends and companiona let us go together, O my Ram, Let us water the garden that Hari (my husband) has planted. The chaked and chakut, the male and fomale of the Brahmin Duok are the stock emblems of conjugal loro.

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344 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1919. Some of my girl friends began to water the garden with a jar (furnishod with a spout) and some began to water it with handfuls. I, a signer, began to water the garden with tears. Had I know that Hari (husband) would leave me, that Hari would leave me, I would have become a cuckoo and would have dwelt in the forest. When my Hari went hunting I would have made him hear my sorrowful note (kuhuk). Had I known that my Hari would desert me, O my Ram, I would have become a fish of the water and made the water my abode, my Ram; When Hari came to bathe, I would have caught his feet with reverence, O my Ram. No. LV. A Song of the Tij. Sung by the women at the Festival in Sawan. Sung by Kripd Ram, Baniya, of Kherd. Recorded by Abdu'r-Rahim Khan, teacher in the Fillage School, Khera, District Saharanpur. Text. Kar de, re amma, Kothall : bubu ko lene jaud : kl Sawan aya. . Kyon kar, re beta, jaynga? Age nadiyon ki dir. Nadiyon re, naw laga lun; besa par utar. Pher, re, kyonkar beta, jayaga ? Age sko pon kt dar. Sanpon, re, dudh pilaya dad; bese par utar. Kyoukar, re beta, jayaga? Age uiton ki dar. U uton, re, pipal khilay du: bera par utar. Kyonkar, re beta, jayaga ? Age hathiyo ki dar. Hathiyon, re, am khilaya dun; bera par utar. Kothe, rf, chahkar, dekhti ki main dur ki nere. Age, age, ri, nai aur pachhe Brahmana, pichhe mera mai jAya bir. Nai ke, re, hath lathariya, mai jaya bath sundar kaman. Nai ke, re, langt " Ram, Ram," maijaya laangt rolaye. Nat ke kawaren dungi pirha; maijaye ke takht do bichbaya, Tua kyoi ai, bubu, duball? Kyon tere mail tare bhesh ? Sasa Danad ke tanon se main dabil; aur yoshin mere mail tare bhesh : kl Sawan ayi. Tui ky6o, re bhai, dabla? Kyoi tere mail tare bhesh? Kasrat kara gard dhul men yase mail tare bhesh. Na ko kaware dungi khinchasi; matjaya bari mnogi dhof dat. Kaise, ro, rikt ko kbicbart? Kaise mujhhe harl mung kl dalt Aobchui hai teri khichari: ras bhari tert mung kt dal, Bhej de, re mawasi, bhej de bubu ko lone lys. Kyonkar, re bira, bhej dun ; Age nadlyo ki dar" Dabi dabi, re Brahmani aur nal; mere lambo lambe kesh. Deware pai aur Brahmana, jin chhoriyo naddi bich. Jiyo, re merk muijaya, biran, jin karhi nadiyon bieb. Translation, O mother. get things) ready for the Tij (Kotball, in the Western Distriets). I am going to bring my sister (bubu), for Sawan bas come. O my son, why do you go? There are rivers in the way. I shall get boats in the rivers and pass across them. O why do you go, my son ? There are snakes in the way. >> Repetition Lere of verses to 9 above.

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DECEMBER, 1910.) RELIGIOUS SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA. 845 I shall give milk to the snakes, and pass along. O my son, why do you go? There are camels in the way. I shall feed camels with (the branches) and leaves of the pipal tree and pass along. O my son why do you go ! There are elephants in the way. I shall feed elephants with mangoes and pass along. She goes upstairs and sees if it (the daughter's house) is near or far. The barber first and next the Brahman and the brave son of mother brother) in rear. The barber has a staff in his hand and my brother has a beautifal bow in his. I salute (Ram Ram) the barber and cry holding the feet of the brother.16 I shall give (or I give) to the barber a wooden seat in a corner of the courtyard, and for my brother I set a throne. O sister why are you thin? Why is your appearance dirty! I am lean on account of the teasing of my mother-in-law and my husband's sister. I am dirty of my own accord; for Sawan has come. Why are you thin, O brother? Why is your appearance dirty? I am dirty-looking because I have taken my exercise in the dust. I shall give to the barber (a dish of) mixed rice and pulse (khichari) for food; and my mother's brother I shall prepare (a dish of) freshly washed pulse (murg) separately from the rice. How will you give the khichari? Will you give me freshly washed mung? Your khichasi is good and your pulse of mung is tasty. O mawasi (mother-sister) I have come to take my sister to my house. Allow her to go with me. Why should I let her go ? There are rivers in the way.17 The Brahman and the barber will drown and so will my long locks of hair. A curse on the barber and the Brahman, who left me in the river. O my husband's brother, may you live long that carried me safely across the rivers. No. LVI. A Popular Tij Song. Sung by women in Sawan, Recorded by Allah Bakhsh, a teacher in the village school, Kaja, District Sahdranpur. Ab ki chau mase swami, ghar raho, ghar raho, nandi ke bir. Sahpon ne chhori kanchali; nadiyon ne anchwe nir. Bell phula., chameli phan; khil rahe Jamuna ke tir? Kare pile badra aye; kaun bandhawai dhir ? Translation. O my lord, stay at home this rainy season (chau mded) stay at home my husband. The snakes have cast their skins, and the rivers are bubbling with water. The 'beld has blossomed and the chamelf has blossomed and they are making pleasant, the banks of the Jamuna. The black and the yellow clouds have come, who else will inspire me with courage ! 1. The outom of the women in Northern India is that if they should moet a brother or a father when in trouble, to hold his feet and ory and in the courts of this unpleasant way of meeting they bring to bis notice all their troubles and misfortunes. 11 Repetition here of versos 2 to 9 above.

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245 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MENDICANT'S CRIES IN NORTHERN INDIA, BY WILLIAM CROOKE (LATE I.C.S.). 1. The Qalandar Faqirs of Piran Kaliar. Recorded by a Teacher in the Sikandara School, Agra. Communicated by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Samajbkar banij kiya hai bhart. Kisi ne ladi lawang ilaicht; kisi ne mitha khar?. Jab Sain ne manga lekha, bhulf sudh sari. dam ne lada hai nam Dhant ka: puran khep hamari. Samajhkar banij kiya hai bhari. Translation. I have undertaken a trade in a heavy thing after mature consideration. Some have purchased cloves and some cardamom, and some sugar and salt. When God required of them an account, then they forgot all about it. I have purchased the name of the Rich (God) and my load is full. I have undertaken this trade after mature consideration. 2. The followers of Shah Karaila. Recorded by a Teacher in the Sikandard School, Agra, Communicated by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Shah Karaila phalaiga tera bera. Titti roti aur naqad dhela. Aya zindah Shah ka mela. Haq chuka de sham, Aur sawere Maula bhala karaiga tera.. [DECEMBER, 1910. Translation. Shah Karaila shall cause thy boat (in the ocean of the world) to be fruitful. Give me bitter bread and half a pice in cash. The fair of the living Shah has arrived. Give him his rights in the evening, And God will do thee good in the morning. 3. The followers of Nikhatta Shah, a saint of Sikandarabad, Agra: in the month of Ramsan. Recorded by a Teacher in the Sikandara School, Agra. Communicated by Pandit Rdm Gharib Chaube. Text. Khoda ke khasah logo ! Nabt ke pyare! Mithe logo, dhela Khoda ke nam, dhela! Khod& ke Rasul ke nam! Id ke roz Shah Nikhattu ke thikare men gharawwan.

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DECEMBER, 1910.) MENDICANTS ORIES IN NORTHERN INDIA. 847 Translation, O special people of God! O beloved people of the Prophet! One-half pice in the name of God, sweet people ! And one-half pice in the name of the Prophet of God! On the Id day fill the broken vessel of Sbah Nikattu. 4. The Ordinary Mendicant. Communicated by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Ram khat kophi tari, ki jake mong na chan. Sandar badan pay ke; kyon na bhajo Sri Ram ? Translation. The leper attains salvation who has neither bones nor skin. Why do you with a fair boly not repeat the name of Sri Ram ! I-Mendicants at Hardwar. Communicated by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Matt kbina, mati bichhana; mati ka sirhana. Mati se miti mati milf, ram gaya bhanwar na mana. Translation. Earth to eat; earth to sleep on ; earth for the pillow. Earth mixed with earth, and the beetle (the sonl) flew away heeding nobody. II-Mondioants at Hardwar. Communicated by Panpit Raw Gharib Chaube. Text. Baja nagara kuch ka: akharan lag gat mekh. Panchhi so to lad gai; khari tamasha dekh. Translation. The drum announces the hour of departare: the tent-pags begin to be aprooted. The bird (soal) is loaded up (departs); while they (the female relatives) watch the show. Mendioants in general, Communicated by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. Texts. &. Gantharf bandit dhal kt; rabi pawan se phul. Girah jatan ki khal gat, ant dhul ki dhal.

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348 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. b. Tum dekhat jag jat hai, jagat dekhat ham jat. Yahi jagat ki rit hai; ek awat, ek jat. 0. Tumbin hamare Saiyan: tum lag hamari daur; Jaise kug jahaz pai, sujhat aur na thaur. d. Tan ki tanak saray men nek na payo chain. Sans naqqara kunch ka, bajat hai din rain. Chalna hai, rahna nahin; chalna biswe bis, Aise sahal suhag ko, kaun guhawe sis? Translation, 8. A man's body is a bag of dust and is filled (puffed out) with air. If by carelessness the air escapes, the end of the dust is dust. b. You see that the world is going and the world sees that I am going. It is the way of world; one comes and one goes. 0. You alone are my Lord: to you I can complain; Like the crow on the ship's mast that sees no end of the ocean. d. In the inn of the body I have found no rest; The drum for departure is being beaten day and night. [DECEMBER, 1910. We have to go and may not tarry, for surely we have to go. Then for such a transitory married life, who would adorn the hair? (What's the use of personal decorations and worldly pleasures that are not to last!) 8. Hindi Mendicants. Communicated by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Nahak soch karo dhan ko. Tum gath! kai udra men ketik khayo? Jabai janmyo jag jiwan men, tab ketik laksh liye sang ayo? Tinhain bisray phiro man mudh, jo.din ajan ajachak khyayo. Tulst: "Jiyu jani bhajo Bhagwant, to sinchai wahi jin biro lagayo." Translation, You care for wealth uselessly. How much did you spend from your pocket in the womb? When you were born in the world, how many lakhs (of rupees) did you bring with you? Forgetting him who feeds the poor, the ignorant, the unbegging, you wander about. Tulsi says "Repeat the name of the Blessed, fully believing that He who has planted the plants will water them."

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DECEMBER, 1910.) MENDICANTS ORIES IN NORTHERN INDIA. 349 Hindi Mendioante. Communicated by Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Jhumat dwar matang apek janjir jare mad anbud ohate; Tikhe turang mano gati chanchal pann ke beghu se badh jate. Bhitar chandramukht awa lokahin, bahar bhupa khade na samate Ete chaye jo, kahs Talsi, jo pai Janaki Nath or rang na rate. Translation. At the door elephants are swinging tied with chains, and the water of bloom (rutting) is flowing (from their heads); And horses 80 swift of foot that they surpass the air in swiftness. Within are (maidens having) faces like the moon, and without are kings (80 numerous) that the room cannot accommodate. Tulsi says : " What is all this worth when you did not make friends with the Janaki's husband (Ram Chandra)." 10. Muhammadan Mendioante. Communicated by Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Tan Kaya, man masjid ; &p Khoda jis men baitha bolai, ji; Aise Khoda ko chhor kar, kahau wahmai? Kahan bahankai? Kahan dolai, ji ? Fani ke pahale, fana ho ja. Sidha Thata rahnumli ka pai. Translation, The body is the Ka'ba, the mind is the mosque, in which God keeps his seat and speaks out. Leaving such a God, whither goes thy fancy P Whither dost thou stray ? Whither dost thou wander? Be outwardly destroyed before the day of destruction. The path to paradise is straight. ul. The Suthard ShAhts. Recorded by Lakshmi Nandyan, a Master in District School, Jaunpur, and communicated and translated by Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Jag ko lt karoran khaya, man men ab to laj behaya. Apna apna karko pala deb rah& baurky. Indrin ko paritokh karan hit agh bhar pet kamaya. Swarath lobht jeg lige dukh roya, bharam gamay. Laj gaf aar dharam dubiya, hath kachhu nahla dyh. Maza kabfo nabia payt, jag moi nahag raha bhulaya.

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850 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Chhin ke sukh ki lalach jit, tit swan lar tapkaya. Eht jag men jis ko apna kar jhutha bharam barhaya: Tin swarath phansi kukar sukar sam, dutkar bataya. "Apna, apna, apna " karke, bahut barhai maya. Ant samai taji dino mal sam, jin ko ati apnaya. Translation. Man receives millions of kicks from the world, but receives no shame in his mind. Through madness he nourished the body, giving out that it is his. In order to satisfy the senses he earned his bellyful of sins (an exceedingly large amount). He weeps out his grievances before the selfish world and exposes his own faults to censure. He loses his shame and drowns his virtue and gets nothing by it. He finds no pleasure anywhere and remains careless in the world (or mixed up with the world). Where there is the desire of momentary pleasure, think those places to be defiled (by the spittle of dogs). In this world they whom he thinks to be his own, are false. They are selfish and when he goes to them, they treat him as dogs and swine. He has increased his concerns (in the world) saying: "they are my own, my own, my own." But he will have to leave that like filth which in his heart he thought to be his own. BOOK NOTICES. DENYS DE 8. BRAY, 1.0.8.-The Brahui Language, Part I. Introduction and Grammar. Caloutta, 1909. Superintendent, Government Printing, India. VIII+ 237 pp. Rs. 2-8 or 38, 9d. [DECEMBER, 1910. Binti is, as is well-known, the dialect spoken by the Brahtis in Baluchistan. The fullest account of the tribe is, so far as I am aware, that contributed by Mr. R. Hughes-Buller, I.C.S., to Sir H. H. Risley's Ethnographic Appendices, Census of India, 1901, Vol. I, pp. 66, ff. Like the Balochis they are classed under what Sir Herbert Risley calls the Turko-Iranian type. Mr. Bray now informs us that their appearance is somewhat "Somedifferent from that of their neighbours. what below the medium height, with oval face, round eyes, and high, slender nose, he [the Brahat] is framed in a less imposing mould than the Pathan or Baluch proper... he usually accepts, as a matter of course, the claims of 'both Pathan and Baluch to be his superior in race, and certainly displays a distinct alacrity to trace a non-Brahat descent whenever he can do so with decency. It is significant that no Baluch with proper pride would stoop to give his daughter in marriage to a Brahat; the Brahui, needless to say, marries a daughter into a Baluch family, without a scruple... Eliminate all foreign elements from his tribe, and we are left with a people whose kinship with the races to which it has opened its ranks, or by which it is geographically surrounded has, to say the least, yet to be proved." It is interesting to read these remarks by a scholar who knows the Brahuis so well as our author, and it is to be hoped that we shall soon get a series of anthropometric data referring to so great a number of Brahdis as possible. It would be advisable to extend the ethnological examination of the tribe also to its females. A peculiar interest attaches itself to the language of the Brahtis. Since the days of Chr. Lassen, it has been commonly supposed that it contains a Dravidian substratum, which is now, it is true, much overgrown by foreign elements, but which is still visible in certain characteristic features. I do not intend to analyse the details in this place. Mr. Bray's book should go a long way towards removing such doubts as are still entertained in certain quarters. We shall however be able to judge with greater certainty after the appearance of the same author's analysis of the Brihti vocabulary, which is to be published as a second volume. The present, first part contains

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DECEMBER, 1910.) BOOK NOTICES. 351 The Brahat territory is adjacent to the area of what Sir Herbert Risley calls the Scytho-Dravidian type, in which a Dravidian element must be contained. This Dravidian substratum has perbaps once also been found over large areas now peopled by tribes speaking Rajasthani and Bhil dialects. It might even be suggested that the use of a cerebral I in Gujarati, Rajasthani, Panjabi and Marathi might be due to the influeuce of such a substratum and have something to do with the curious cerebral in Dravidian and Brahui. On the whole, I think that the general history of Indo-Aryan vernaculars cannot be understood if we do not assume a strong influence of one or more non-Aryan substrata, which have exercised their influence on their phonology and grammatical system. A thorough analysis of a mixed dialect like Br&hui will probably throw much light on many obscure points, and we may congratulate ourselves that this analysis has been undertaken by so able and so enthusiastic a scholar as Mr. Bray. STEN KONOW. A very full Brahat grammar, one of the very best grammars published by the Indian government. It will in future be necessary for everybody who wants to study the Brabat language, to consult this work and to consult it thoroughly. And I do not doubt that most scholars will adopt the author's view about the linguistic affinities of the Brahi language, i.e., of its old base. If we accept the theory that Brahot was originally a Dravidian form of speech, as I think we must do, the remarks about the outer appear. ance of the typical Brahui reproduced above, get more important. It would be highly interesting if any of the Brahui characteristics could be comparable with such as are found among the Dravidas proper, and here there is a rich field for the Ethnographical Survey. In this connexion I would also remind of the fact, that the Dravidian race has not as yet been thoroughly examined from an ethnological point of view. I have not myself the slightest doubt that it contains individuals whose ancestors have from the beginning belonged to two different races, and it is still an open question whether traces of two different types can still be shown to exist somewhere within the Dravidian area. If that is not the case, one of the two types must have disappeared and its only traces are now to be found in one of the two linguistic groups between which the Dravidian race is, at the present day, divided. Language is not, of course a test of race. But if we find one race speaking two different languages, which have no philological connexion with each other, and one of which is distributed over a very wide axea and spoken by tribes presenting different racial characteristics, we have a strong indication that the race in question is not unmixed. Now we find many variations in the typical features within most Dravidian tribes, as will be apparent from a glance at the table in Sir H. H. Risley's Ethnographic Appendices, pp. 22, f. Such variations are very interesting, and some day they will be studied with the same interest as that now brought to bear on the study of dialects and mixed languages. A thorough investigation of the Brahat tribe in this respect will no doubt yield interesting results. If, after all, the Brfhais should turn out to be identical in race with the Balochis but to speak a language which in its base is Dravidian though the races are quite distinct, we shall have to infer that the original Brahat stock has become 80 mixed that no anthropological traces are left of its origin. Geographically, the connexion of Brahois and Dravidians does not, perhaps, present so great difficulties as would appear at the first glance. TANTRAKHYAYIXA Die alteste Fassung des Pafcatan. tra. Nach don Handschriften beider Rezensionen zum ersten Male herausgegeben von JOHANNES HERTEL. Berlin 1910. 4deg XXVII+1C6 pp., 2 plates. Abhandlungen der Koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen. Philologisch-historieche Klasse. Neue Folge Band XII. Nro. 2, Mark 24. DR. HERTEL's edition of the Tantrakhyayika is the last of a long series of papers and books in which he has given the results of his thorough study of the history of the Panchatantra and other collections of Indian folklore. Thanks to his indefatigable zeal, we are now in a position to judge about the various questions connected with this important branch of Indian literature with comparative certainty. Dr. Hertel has taken infinite pains in comparing all available manuscripts of the different recensions of the Panchatantra, and the result is that the current opinion about the history of the work has had to be modified in important points. In his introduction the author gratefully acknowledges the assistance rendered him by various scholars and institutions. Thanks are especially due to Dr. M. Aurel Stein, who has again added to the record he holds for kindness and unselfishness in assisting fellow-scholars in providing manuscripts and other materials for their work, and to Mr. F. W. Thomas, the Librarian of the India Office, who has made it possible to obtain the loan of numerous manuscripts from India and London. The author has thus been able to make use of almost the whole available material

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852 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1910. during a prolonged period. Most libraries and drawn upon by Somadeva and Kabemendra, and institutions possessing Panchatantra manuscripts in the second place by an old unknown manushave placed them, or copies of them, at the cript, NW. The common source of Somadera author's disposal. The Kashmir government and Kahemendra was not, so far as we now forms a notable exception. Dr. Hertel, whose know, the old Brihatkath of Gunsdhya, but a request for a loan from the Ragbunath Temple later Kashmirian work based on it. Dr. Hertel's Library was forwarded by the India Office on studies show how this conclusion, arrived at from November 29th, 1907, was, after delay of other considerations by M. Lacote, is casily ex. almost two years, on August 12th, 1909, informed plained from the history of the old Palichatantra. that, according to the views of the Kashmir If this latter work was originally written in authorities, the manuscripts "are rare and of Kashmir, it is quite natural that its contents great value to the State and that if copies are given should have been incorporated in a Kashmirian out their value and importance will diminish revision of Gunadh A BrihatkathA. From NW. greatly. His Highness has, however, no objectionare derived the Pahlavt versions, the abbreviated to allowing a copy of the manuscripts to be text current in South India, the Hitopadesa, and supplied to Dr. Hertel at his expense on the un- finally the popular versions and the Jains recenderstandirg that the copies so supplied or any sions current in North-Western and Central portion thereof will not be made use of or India. published without the express and distinct sane- Dr. Hertel considers Tantrakhyana to be the tion of the State previously obtained." Nobody moet original form of the name of the book, and who knows the generous liberality which His he explains tbis name as meaning a tale which Hichness Sir Pertab Singh displays towards may serve as a model, an instructive tale. He students of Indian history and philology will feel further makes it probable that the original comthe slightest doubt that this Abderitio answer to position cannot have taken place too long time Dr. Hertel's request has not been dictated by after Chanakya, who is distinguished as inahat him. The matter is however typical for the in a stanza where be ocenre together with present state of affairs in Kashmir. The care authorities such as Manu, Vachaspati, ParAsara, of the manuscripts of the State has been en- and who must therefore have been remembered trusted to the Director of Archaeology, Babu at the autbor's time. It is even possible that Chatterii, who is, I believe, an adept in theosophy, Chanakya was still alive when the original but who does not seem to take a sufficient in- Panobatantra was written. The fact that this terest in archaeological and historical research work mentions wood as the material used in to understand that the work which he is unable building temples, also points to a high age, and it to do bimself should be left to other more com- is scareely possible to date it later than 200 B.O. petent scholars. It is much to be regretted that It is self-evident how important a careful the archaeological and historical treasures of the edition of the oldest available version of this Kashmir State shall be allowed to remain in- famous work must be. Dr. Hertel has not spared accessible and to decay owing to the policy of any effort in order to make bis edition as good inactivity and jealousy followed by the Archaeo as possible, and the work he has turned out is logical Department of the State, which has excellent. Nobody can, I think, help admiring not, of course, anything to do with the Arcbao-this enthusiastic scholar, who is a professor in a logical Survey of India. German college, and whose day is spent in the It is not, in this place, possible to give more daily routine of ordinary school work, but who than a short summary of the important results can still find time to undertake such a difficult attained by Dr. Hertel. He has shown that the and complicated work as the elucidation of the sixteen different Sanskrit recensions of the Pad- history of the Panchatantra. All students of chatantra all show traces of having been derived Indian history and civilisation will feel heavily from old manuscripts in Sarada character. Inter- indebted to him, and those Indian scholars who mal evidence also points to Kashmir as the place are unable to read his German papers in the where the original work was composed. The old- Journal of the German Oriental Society will be est recension of the work now in existence is the glad to have an opportunity to study the SansTantrakhyayika, of which Dr. Hertel has krit text which he now lays before the public, brought to light two slightly different versions. and in which only the footnotes tell us about This recension, which Dr. Hertel calls S, goes the infinite time and trouble it has taken to directly back to the original work. The same produce this standard edition. is the case with a similar recension K, which is represented, in the first place, by the old work STEN KONOW.

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INDEX 5. 76 dbaliyasam, Concerning a Powerful Enemy: Bk. XI. of the Arthasastra of Ohinakya... 131 Abhai Chand, Bania, friend of Sar mad ... ... ... 119, 195 n., 126 Abhayadeva, Jains author ... ... 264 n. Abhavad&adri, author of the Tattva bodbini. 288 Abhidhanachintamani, of Hemachandra ... 262 n. Abhidhanaratnamild, of Halayadha ... ... 32 abhihitasandhih, verbal agreement ... .. 49 abhishaka, anointment to the sovereignty, was sometimes performed twice ... ... 218 abhivriddhayo, personal merit... ... ... 212 Abhiyasyatkarma, The work of an invader, Bk. IX, of the Arthatastra of Chanakya ... 90 Acharanga, a Jaina work -. .. 258-259 dcharya, teachers ... ... .... ... 117 Acharya, Spiritual Guide ... ... ... 316 Achiravati, riv. ... ... ... 265 n. Acton, Lord, bistorian ... 70, 77 n. Ad or Ahad, Agb&ta, near Udaipar, for Atapura ... ... ... ... ... 188 Adbhutotpadanam. Wonderful and Delusive Contrivances. Ch. II, Bk. XIV, of the Arthatastra of Chanakys ... .. ... 167. adhikarana, department of govern ment ... ... ... 197 n., 207; 211, f. Adam ... ... ... ... ... 125 a. Aditya and Aitpoor ... ... ... 186, 1. Advaita School of philosophy, and Kalidasa. 238 Advaita Ban, Deoband ... ... ... 279 agar in Malwa, and the Agarwal Banias ... Agbata or Ahad... ... .. Agni, g. ... ... .. agnfdharanah, inflammable ... .. agninidhana, fire-pots ... .. ... ... 109 agniyoga, inflammable powders .. Agra, and the Agarwal Banias 76; Royal Library 183; Sikandarabad ... ... 346 Agreements, in the Arthasastra, for the acquisition of a friend 44; of land 46; interminable 47; for the undertaking of * work . ... .. ... ... ... 49 Agroha, and the Agarwal Banias ... ... 76 a ha-guruo, ahd-lakuo, aha-lahusao, Jaina fasts ... ... ... ... 287 n. Ahad, Ad, Agbata ... . .. ... 188 Ahar, Apundpar or Tamba-nagari ... ... 188 Aharya, the Ghelote race .. ... 188 Ahir Hymn to Birh& ... ... ... ... 322 Aini Akbari, work of 'Abul Fazl' .. . 227 Aindli plates of Kirtivarman II.: date of the record on them ... ... ... ... 218 Aitpoor, Aitpur, Atapura ... ... 186, 1. Ajdib-ul-makhlukit, or Wonders of Creation 183 Ajanta frescoC8 ... ... ... ... ... 181 Ajk'asatru, commentator on the Pushpasutra 32 Ajiravati, Achiravati river in KunALA 265 and n. Ajmer Museum ... ... ... ... ... 189 ak wood ... ... ... ... . .. 275 akara, place of assembly for singers... 32 Akbar, Eup., and the use of tobacco, 96; his religious toleration 119-121; his copy of the Ramayaxa ... ... 183, 1. ; 269-272, f. Atinchanyatva, Waylessness ... ... ... 317 akranda, rear-ally or enemy of the rearally 52, f. akritachikarska. Peace withont specified end 23 Aksu, in C. Asia, visited by Dr. Aurel Steio. 43 Alauddin in vaded the Deccan .. 77 Alberant, and the Gupta Era ... ... .. 77 album, Dara Shukoh's ... ... ... 182-184 Alexander the Great, date of ... ... Aligupta of Ujjain, Buddhist seholar ... 226 Allata, a Guhila k. .. ... .. 187, 189, f. allegory, from N. India ... ... ... 334 alms-giving in Islam, 160; among Buddhist monks ... ... ... ... .. . 266 Alphabet, Indian, invention of ... ... 77 Altmisb-bulak, Salt springs in Chinese Tar kestan .. ... .. .. .. 16-18 Aluka, name in grant ... ... ... 195-197 Alvares, Domo. ... ... ... ... 224 Amarchand, tutor of Gyanchand ... ... Ain bachh, village in Gujarat, perhaps the ancient Amraka ... ... .. . 97 Amba Ram, a Gujarati Brahman, reputed originator of the Saharanpur local songs. 32 Ambertsba, Amvarisha, a king of the Solar race . ... 195 and n., 196, 201, 206, t. Amraka, an ancient town; perhaps the mo dern Am bachh in Gujarat ... ... ... 97 amrit, life .. ... .. .. .. 286 ansa-patha, shoulder-paths ... .. .. 50 amulet, on figure in eave ... ... 233 and n. Amachara, name in a grant, 195, 197 and n., 204-207, 213, 216 Anandapura, early home of the Guhila dyn. 187; also called Vadnagar or Anandapura 190

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354 INDEX 40,, Anamitra, name in a grant ... .. 195, 197 Arjun Singb, warrior ... ... ... ... 179 Ananda Pagoda, in Pagan ... ... 186 Arjuna Bappa, name in a grant 195, 197 Ananya-gatitva. Resortlessness ... ... 317 and n.; 213 Andhrabhsitya, dyn. of ... ... 159 Army, the, in the Arthasestra of ChanakyaAnga, tn. in Magadba... .. ... ... ... 261 dialoyalty 19, 1; group of troubles of 88; Angao, the works auxiliary to the Vedas ... 198 time of reoraiting 92, tf.; protection of, Angad, son of the Monkey Bali ... 178 and n. eto. 108; encouragement to one's own Angela ministering to Christ, a Mughal pic 109; infantry, etc. 111, 11.; and the capture ture ... . ... .. . .. 183 of the enemy 136, f.; remedies against anibhritasandhih, unconcealable peace .. 49 the injuries of one's own ... ... ... 174 anikasandhi, intervening space in an army. 113 Arrow-heads, bronze, near the Tunhuang Aniruddha, author ... .. .. ... 126 basis 85; in Baluchistan ... ... ... 181 Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, by Art, remains in o. Asia, in Miran 18; in Tod ... ... ... ... ... 186, 1. Tun-buang 37, in Nan-shan 40; 42; Indian annoyance in the rear, consideration of, in 76; Mughal or Indo-Persian School of ... 182 the Arthakastra of Chanakya ... ... 95artha, wealth ... ... ... 175; 241 anointment to the sovereignty was some Arthaldatra of Chanakya (Books V-XV. times performed twice ... ... ... 218 translated by R. Shamasastry, B. A. Anshi, frontier town in 0. Asia, ruins rear Contd. from Vol. XXXVIII, p. 310. 39. 93, .; 40, 1. 40. 19-28; 4463; 83-96; 100-118; 131-144; Antardhi, between two enemies .. . 52 161-177 Arya leadership in war ** Antarmandalt viskaya, an ancient prov 94; 101 ince in Gujarat ... ... ... ... 97 Aryan, origin of Indian castes 77; dialect, (Paibachi) and on-Aryan tribes Antary&min=regulating the feelings ... 159 Antelope, in rock drawings ... ... 181; 233 Asa-ditya, reputed founder of Udaypur ... 188 Antiochos, Greek k. ... ... ... ... 64 Asceticism, Buddhist 261 n.; 263, 265-267; mentioned in song ... Anumati, g. .. ... 327 and n.; 339 .. .. . .. 167 Anandpur, Tamba-nagari ... Ascetics, the Rivas, in Mewer ... ... 190 Aparajita, Guhila k. ... ... Ascetism, Brahmanic ... ... ... ... 192 .. aparipanita and paripanita ... ... Ashtaka-navaka, a land measure ... ... 215 apabirnakriya, restoration of peace ... ... 23 Ashta-Morti, a manifestation of Siva 236; apavinichya, measuring, etc. ... ... ... 213 and Ardba-narisvara ... .. . ... 237. Ar, Abad Ad, present names of Tamba Asia, Central, explorations in, by Dr. Aurel nagari ... ... ... ... ... ... 188 Stein, 11-18; 33-43; and Indian art 76; Arab civilization in India ... ... ... 65 the Tarkoman tribes of ... ... ... 77 Ara kanose calendar: remarks on it 280, ff.; Asoka Notes, by V. A. Smith. Contd. from it is regulated by mean time, 251, :-its Vol. XXXVIII.p. 159, No. XI. The Etymoelements from A. D. 838 to 175 ... 289, 1. logy of Samipam in Rock Ediet II ... 64 Arakanese coins Aboka, k., inscriptions of 72; date 76; and ... Archaeological Notes during explorations Buddhism ... .. .. .. 226; 258 in C. Asia 1906-08', by Dr. Aurel Stein. Assam ... . .. .. . ... 209 Contd. from Vol. XXXVIII, p. 302. Advameda, horse sacrifice ... ... ... 226 1118; 39-43. Archwological Notes from Atapura, Aitpur, and Saktikumam ... 187-189 Burma, by V. A. Smith ... ... 184, f. Atharvadeda, the ... 107; 111 Archfridi, Path of Light ... ... 316; 319 Atisandhatte, advantages .. . ... 51 Architecture, in India 75, f., Burmese ... 186 Atisandhi, deception ... ... .... 23; 25 Arden's Grammar, reference to ... ... 149 Atpur Inscription of Saktikumara, by D. R. Ardha-nariavara, identified with Ashtamarti. 237 Bhandarkar, M. A. ... ... ... 186, Aries, the first sign of the Zodiac, the Aupanishadikam,- Secret Means. Bk. XIV Hindd equivalent is Mosha, 251 called of the Arth abastra of Chanakya ... ... 105 Meiktha by the Barmese and Araktiese ... 251 Aurangzib Alamgir, and Sarmad ... 119, #, Arjun, hero ... ... 322 and 1.; 333 Aurel Stein, Dr. *** .. . ... 11; 33; 352

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INDEX 855 DA, V. Waga 226 ben me afatonai Avlipa, reserve of army ... ... ... ... 113 Barind, Barendra, Sk. Varendra, in N. BenAvakyaka Niryukti, one of the milla-Stras ... 260 gal, suggested connection with Varaka ... 209 Awar, in Jhalawar, C. India, Buddhist caves Barrakpur vil. in Bengal ... ... ... 287 at ... *** ... .. . .. . 225; 245 Basdwan, an artist ... .. ... ... 182 Awinti, or Oojeir, tn. ... ... ... ... 188 basti, Sk, vasati, a group of houses ... 198 n. Ayariya, a Jaina teacher ... ... 259,262 n. Bastur lang. 149; or Bostur 161; case-signa Ayoga, 195; a department of government 197 n. .. . . .. ... .. 159 Basuk, snake king ... ... ... 276; 282 Bathing songa, women's ... ... ... 342 Batten, Mr., of Kumaun ... ... 7EUR Badaga, dialect .. .. ... 151, f. battles, battlefields, in the Arthabastra of Badarinatha, Shrine in Kumaun ... ... 80 Chanaky ... ... ... 111, 113; 131, f. Baer, writer .. ... ... 70 Baaria words in the Panjabi Lexicography. 242 Bagerhat vil., Khulna dist., Sundarbans, Bay of Bengal ... ... ... ... 210, 214 ruins in .. .. .. .. .. 287 Beal ... ... ... ... ... 226 n. Bagh, riv., Wagh ... beams, of stone in caves ... ... 228 and n. Bagh, in Gwalior State, Buddhist caves at begging-tour, of Buddhist monks and nuns, 225, 227; 231 n. rules for ... ... ... 260, 262--264 Bagh Singh, Raj. ... ... ... ... 227 Bela, perhaps a tank at Jaitpur ... 179 n. * Bagbosvari temple in Bagh ... ... 226, f. beld tree ... ... ... ... ... ... 345 Bagrash, lake in C. Asia, ruins near ... ... 41 Benaiga, in Jhalwar, C. India, Buddhist baheitsdra, bodyguards ... ... ... 103 caves ... ... ... ... ... 225; 245 BAJAditya, probably the grandfather of Benares, Kasi ... ... ... 210; 321 ; 331 Guvichandra ... ... ... ... ... 208 Bendall, Prof., found the Saktikumara inBAlasirahsekhara, commentator .. ... 259 scription ... ... ... ... 188, f. balbaja, Eleusina indica ... ...263 and n. Bengal, E., three Copper-plate grants from, Bali, g. 171; the Monkey ambassador to by F. E. Pargiter, M. A. ... ... 193, ff. Ravana .. ... ... ... ... 178 n. Bepi, poet ... ... ... ... ... 178 bali, animal sacrifice ... ... ... ... 173 Beradi, a Telugu dialect ... ... 155, 158 Ball, Sir Robt. ... ... ... ... ... 70 Beshnagar, Buddbist remains at ... ... 225 Ballal Sen, Bengal k. ... ... ... ... 287 | Bhadon, month, song sung in ... ... 333 Balochis, and the Brah Qis ... ... 350, f. Bhadrabahu, and the Kalpasutra ... 257, 259 Baluchistan, and the Brahois 163; 350 ; Bhagavad-Gita, the ... 237, 240; 318 n., 919, 1. incise 1 rock and tomb drawings from... 180, f. Bhagavata .. ... ... 318 n., 320 Band-sura... ... ... ... ... ... 318 Bhagavatism, or Vasuderism ... ... 320 Banawlei in North Kanara; the capital of Bhairab, riv. in Bengal ... .. ... 287 the ancient Vanavasi province, 99 :-it Bhairon, g. hymn to iron hymn to ... ... ... 331 had also the name Vaijayanti ... .. 99 Bhairons 283; guardian-gods ... ... 326 Banga or Samatata, an ancient kingdom ... 287 bhakti, belief in God ... ... ... 319; 342 Bangash, Mubammad Khan Bangash 178 Bhakti-yoga ... ... ... ... 237-239 and n.; 179 and n. Phallara village, in Hasta vapra dist., menBaniya class and Deoband ... ... ... 273 tioned in grant ... ... . ... 130 Banjaras and Deoband ... 272, f. ; 341 bhandar ... ... ... ... 186, f., 191 n. Bappa, Bapa Raval, alias of Khommana I, Blandarkar, Dr. fixed the date of the MahiGubila k. ... ... . .. 188-190 biashya of Patanjali 74; and Indian bappa, 195,-father ... ... 197 n.; 213 Antiquities 77; and the Prakrits 256, Bappasvami, a Maitrayaniya Brahman ... 129 257 n.; 259 Barduisan, properly Bardisanes Babylonius, Bhandarkar, Mr. D. R. and the SarnAth * Syrian writer early in the 3rd century. 237 Pali inscription ... ... ... ... 217 Barbat Tope ... ... .. ... ... 225 Bhandarkar, Shridhar, and MSS.... 259 n. Bari Kachahri, cave in the Dhamnar group, Bhandirapaka ... ... ... ... ... 171 C. India ... .. ... .. ... 246 bhang, a drug ... ... .. . ... 270

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356 INDEX . .. .. 210 . 159 Bhangis, and Devt ... ... ... ... 285 Bower manuscript ... 193; 203, 207 n.; 208 Bharudvaja, author 84 ; 131 ; founder of Brahma, g. -. 171 ; 186; 192; 317 and n., 818 the Bharadvaja Brahman Sept. 198, Brahman faith and Kalidasa ... ... ... 236 200 n., 204, f., 214 | Brahmana caste 78, f; family of Anarda Bhartsihara, Sanskrit poet and gram- pura, ancestors of the Gubila dyn.... 187; 190 marian ... ... ... ... 126 ; 238 Brahmani ducks, emblems of conjugal love. 343 n. Bhastripatta, I and II., Gohila kings 187-190 Brahmanical rook temple in C. India ... 246 Bhasaitya, name in a grant ... 195, 197 and n. Brahmanism and Buddhism in C. India ... 225 bhata, a vegetable ... ... ... ... 332 Brahmans ... ... 212; 214; 216; 281; 321 Bhatarka, a Valabhi k. ... ... 129 Brahmaputra, Lobita, riv. ... .. 902 n.; 209 Bhatta Gomidatta-svamin, donee in a grant 204, f. Brahma-sutras .. ... ... .. ... 240 bhataraka, title of emperor as governor of Brahmi script finds in C. Asia ... 34; 38, 39 Varaka ... Brahmicide, committed by India ... ... 318 . Bhawani, hymn to ... ... ... 275; 279 Brahai, language 150-153; case-signs ... 158 Bhil dialect ... ... ... ... ... 351 Brahdi, Balochi tribe ... .. ... . 181 Bhilaa, stupas at ... ... ... ... 225 Brahai Language, The, Part I., by Denys de Bhimasuklu, k. of Benares, and Kalidasa ... 236 S. Bray. Book-Notice ... ... 350, f. Bhim's Bazar, << cave in the Dhamnar Brigel, and Dravidian grammar ... 151; 153 group, C. India ... .. ... ... 246 brihachchurni=old charni ... ... ... 259 Bhimsingh, Mabarana, and Gyanchand ... 187 brihadbhashya= old bhashya ... ... 259 bhoga, snake-like array of an army... ... 115 Btihaspati, founder of a school ... 115; 176 bhogya, easily subdued ... ... ... 20 Brihat-Kalpa-Sutra, Kalpa-Sutra 257, f. Bhoja, Guhila k. ... ... ... 187, f.. Brihatkatha of Gunadhya ... 159; 352 Bhoja, author of the Champu- Ramayana ... 241 Brihatkathamanjari .. ... Bha, the lower world ... ... ... 318 n. Brindaban .. .. 270; 392 Bhimisandhih=Agreement of peace for the British Museum... ... 182, f. acquisition of land. Chap. X. Bk. VII, of bronze finde in C. Asia... 15; 35 the Arthakustra ... ... ... ... 48 brooms, for monks and nons... ... 263 bhumi-sparka mudra attitude... ... ... 233 Browning, R. ... - - Bhomiya, g., hymn to ... ... ...283 and n. buba, sister . ... .. .. ... 344 Bhashan, poet ... ... ... ... ... 180 brick architecture in Burma - ... ... 186 Bhuvanesa, and the Bhuvanebalaukikanyaya Buddha, images of, in C. Asia 18; 37, f.; suhasri ... ... .. ... 126 attempts to fix the date of 76; 191; 228, Bhuvar, the middle world ... ... 318 n. 231; 234; 246 bidrum, fruit Buddhas, Hall of the Thousand, sacred grot... .. *** toes near Tun-huang, C. Asia ... bigha, land measure 36-40 ... Bijaipur State, and Dada Rai Buddhism in China 36; in Tun-buang 37, f.; ... ... 326 under the Uighur kingdom 39;in Prome bilde, woodapple... ... 185; in India 191, f. ; Thibetan History of, Black Yajurveda... ... ... ... ... 73 by Taranatha 208; in C. India, and the Blagden, Mr. O. O., and the Talaing inscrip Kshatrapas ... .. ... ... .. 226 tion ... ... ... ... ... ... 159 Buddhist shrines at Miran, O. Asia 18; texts Bloch, Dr. T., discovered a new copper-plate. 193 37-39; temples, known as Wang-fu-hsia boats and boatmaking, ancient, in E. Bengal. 40-42; sculptures 76; monk, or Talapoin 198 n., 210, 212 159 ; caves in 0. India ... 225-235; 246 Bodawpaya, k. of Burma, in whose reign Bui.ler, Dr., on Samanta 64; 126; and the coins were first struck ... ... .. 185 Brihatkatha 159; bis Indischen PalaeograBodhisattvas, on MSS. in Tun-huang 38; or phis 194; and the Kalpa-Sutra ... ...259 Buddha, in a cave .. .. ... 231 and n. bull, Indian, bumped, in rock drawing ... 181 Bombay, Saperstition and the Inquisition in, Bandara, dist., in Salsett ... ... ... 224 in 1707 ... ... ... ... ... 224 Bundeli Songs . ... ... ... 179, l. books from royal libraries at Delhi, etc. ... 183 Bundelkhand, and the Emperor Muhammad bow, composite, in tomb drawing . . 181 Shah .. .. .. 178 ... 67

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... Burgandi, Tamil dialect 150, 152, f., 157 Burma, Archaeological Notes from, by V. A. Smith 184, f. Burmese, inscription 159, coins 185; text of suttas ... 217 Burmese Calendar: remarks on it 250 ff.; it is regulated by mean time, 251:-its elements from A. D. 638 to 1752 Burton, the late Sir F., and the Hanna Collection 289, ff. ... calamities and vices, in the Arthabastra of Chanakya Caldwell, Dr., and the Dravidian languages. 145, 148, 151-155 calendar, the Hinda: it is regulated now by true time 251; but in ancient days by mean time 252; the Burmese and Arakanese calendar is regulated by mean 251;' its elements from A. D. 638 to 1752. camel, in rock drawing... camp, march of the, in the Arthasastra of Chanakya 289 ff. 181 ... ... ... ... 160 108 Canarese language 145, ff. Carra De Vaux's (Le Barou) La Doctrine de l'Islam, Book-notice carvings, Greeco-Buddhist in C. Asia 12, f., 16; and Scalptures in Burma 184 cases of Dravidian nouns 145, ff. Caste, Castes, the study of 69; 71; Aryan origin of 77; the four, or chatur-varnya Cathay cavalry, in the Arthasastra of Chanakya ... ... *** *** 183, f. 241 41 111 113, f. cave temples, Buddhist, in C. Asia 36, 37, 40; in C. India 225-235; 245, f. cells, in caves 227, 229, f., 232-234; 246 Central India, Gazetteer Gleanings from 178, f.; 225-235; 245, f. Chahumana family, and the Guhila dyn. 187, 189 Chait month, song sung in ... 332 Chaitra fukla 1, the first day of the principal Hinda lunar year: the number of days by which it may fall before the Mesha-samkranti ... 251, and n. Chaitya, Buddhist temple ... 117; 227; 245, f. Chakawi, bird ... 273 chakra 233 chakwi, chakwa, the male and female of the Brahmani duck chala satru, a wandering enemy *** ... ... INDEX ... ... ... ... ... 62 343 ...46 n. chumels, tree chameriya, a coarse corn. chamola, swang or sang, local songs, Saha ranpur... ... 158 ... 76 Champu Ramayana, a work by Bhoja. chamukha, face of the army ... Chanakya's Arthasdstra, contd. from Vol. XXXVIII.,p. 310. 19-18; 41-63; 83-96; 100-118; 131-144; 161-177 Chanakya, mahat, in the Panchatantra 352 chandala, low-caste ... 167 Chando, lang. 149; or Chanda 151; casesigns Chandragupta identified with Sandrokottos 70; date of .... Chandrasvamin, Brahman donee in Copper plate grant 195, f.; 198 and n. chaori' fly-whisk ... 231 Char, waiting men ... 3. characters, Southern type, of the 6th or 7th century, in Copper-plate grait... Charchan, riv. in Khotan chariots, in the Arthasastra ... Charklik, Oasis in Khotan, the true site of Lou-lan or Lop 14, 15, 17 Chashtana, a Kshatrapa, date of 77 chastity, and unchastity, in the Kalpa-Sutra 266 and n. 101 d. noble Joe ... 130 14, 17 111, 113 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 100 ... 217 Chats inscription chattari-ariya-Sachchani the four truths ... Chatterji, Babu, Director of Archaeology in Kashmir Chattopadhyaya, (Chatterji) Brahman family. name in Bengal, and Vrihachchatta 197 n., 213 Chaturmasya, period from July to September... *** 352 ... chatur-varnya, the four castes chau masa, rainy season Chaumohana, riv. in Bengal Chavannes, and the T'ang dynasty Chaudogya Chhatarsal Bundela and Muhammad Khan Bangash, etc. Bundeli Songs 178-180 chheda-sutra a group of the Svetambara Canon 259, f, chheya, partial loss of ecclesiastical rank 260, 262 n. chhik, draught drunk without taking breath 2 n. Ohhoti Kachahri, a cave in the Dhamnar. group, C. India Chiang-ssu-yieh, Chinese Secretary to Dr. Aurel Stein 17, 38, 37-30 *** 357 ** .. ***.345 340 32 211 n. 115 ... 164 ... 241 ... 345 ... 287 226 n. 320 246

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359 INDEX "* .. 98 chilam, chilman, hubhla Chiao-tzu, vil. in Nanshan, C. India, ruins of 40 combination of powers, in the ArthaChia-yu-kuan. Gate of the Great Wall ... 40, t.. fastra ... ... ... .... ... 19; 21 Cbik-Kowsee, village in Dharwar; ancient Commander-in-chief, Slaying of, in the name was Kira-Kagamasi ... ... ... 99 Arthabitra ... ... ... ... ... 184 Obikhalapadrs, ancient village, the modern Conduct, of a Madhyana king, etc. 60; of Ohikhalda in Gujarat... ... ... ... 98 corporations, in the Arthandstra ... 182 Chikhalda, vil. in Gujarat, ancient name Confession, in the Jaina faith 258; 261 n. Chikhalapadra ... ... ... ... 98 conquerors, and conquered, in the Arthaekilam, chilman, bubble-bubble and cover Sastra ... ... ... ... 55, 1, 163 339 and n. conquest of India, by Vikramaditya ... 208 Child's cave, one of the Dhamnar Group, 0. consecration, Buddhist ... 262 n ; 267 India .. ... . ... .. ... 246 contributions to Punjabi Lexicography, con China and 0. Asia. 18-18; 36; 41; 68; in cluded from Vol. XXXVIII, p. 328, fluence of, on Indian art 76 ; visited by Series II . 29-32; 242--241; 247-260 Indian Buddhist Sobolars ... ... .. 226 contrivances, secret 138; 140; wonderful and Chinaman at Akbar's court . .. 184 delusive, in the Arthabuistra . ... 167 Chinese characters on tablets found in C. copper-plates belonging to Pantana State, Asin 12; power re-established in the Tarim Account of a collection of, by the late Busin 15; records eto. 16; 18; expansion in A MT. Jaokson, 1.0.8.... ... 129, f. the 2nd century B. C. 33, .; inscription, etc. copper-plate inscription at Kadmal ... 191, n. 36-41; highroad to Kashgar 43; coins. 15; 185 Copper-plate grants, three, from Eastern Obinterkhol, vil. in the Sundarbans... ... 287 Bengal, by F. E. Pargiter, M.A. ... 193-216 Chitorgadh insorip., and the Gubilas 188 f. Corn grinding soug from N. Iudis ... ... 339 Chittagong 212; Stone from ... ... .. 287 corporations, the conduct of, in the ArthaChittar Sinb, warrior ... ... 179 and n. Sastra ... ... ... ... ... 116, f. Chong mi, Oasis in Khoan . . . 40 country, a conquered, in the Arthaldatra ... 168 Ohristian, and Muhammedan religions 160; orooodilo, in Barrakpur tank... ... ... 287 subjects in Ind Persian paintinga ... 183 cubit, land measure .. ... ... ... 213 2. chronology Indian, fixed points in 76; a Cunningham and Indian arobitecture 75; bis problem in ... ... .. ** 77 Ancient Geography of India 211 n.; on the chuckundarf, a musk rat ... . 136 Buddhist caves of 0. India 225; 226 n.; 245 n. churel, a ghost ... ... ... ... 384, n. Oirear or Sarkar, North dialeot ... .. 158 Dacoa, tn. .. ... ... ... ... 209 Cirolo of States, conduct of, in the Artha Dadbisut... ... ... ... ... .... 282 fdstra 60; inciting of ... .. .. 184 Dadu RAI, # Gaharwar Rajput, and the Citra-Sthalya vil., mentioned in a grant ... 130 Kajalt Songs ... ... ... 326 ; 327 and n. Clemens of Alexandria and Indian worship dagger, in tomb drawing ... ... ... 181 of Pun, etc. .. ... .. . ... 237 daghoba, rear olamber in caves 227, 229, olothes, of Buddhist monks and nuns ... 268 232-234, 245, f. cobra's head, carving in Buddhist cave ... 233 Dahrasboa (Traikataka): identification of Coconut-tree plantation, grants of, in places mentioned in his record of A. D. ancient times ... . ... 98 and nn. 457 on the PArdi plates ... ... .. 97 coins, early Chinese, in C. Asia 15,f; 41; as Dakkbin, Deccan, and the LAwant songs ... 04 historical evidence in India 75, f. ; in the Dalel, leader under Muhammad Khan Ban. Phayre Provincial Museum... ... ... 185 gash ... ... ... ... ... 178 and n. Coibbo Sojaka, the Hon'ble; name in damard musical instrument .. ... 270 Ancient ducuments found in 0. Asia ... 13, f. dando, a mast ... ... ... . 403, 0. Colebrooke, T. H., as a writer 70; on history dandopanayivrittam, The attitude of con. 74; and Indian antiquities ... . 77 quered king, Ch. XVI., Bk. VII., of the Collection of Indo-Persian pictures and Arthabastra ... ... ... ... .. 56 MSS., Col. H. B. Hanna's ... ... 182 dangers, external and internal, in the artha colonization, in the Archadastra .. 48, f. 1 sautra ... ... ... ... ... ... 101

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INDEX 859 Danu Rai, a Gabarwar Thakur and the Dharmdhari, hymn to ... .. ... ... 280 * Kajali songs ... ... ... ... 325, f. dhir, a ridge of hills ... ... .. ... 10 n. Dara Shikok, and Sarmad 119-121; 126; his dhoti, loin cloth ... ... ... ... ... 231 album ... ... ... ... ... 182, 184 | Dholat, Dhoolat, village W. N. W. of Farid. Darbhacara village, mentioned in a grant ... 129 pur, and Dhruvilati ... ... ... ... 216 dardura (?) an animal ... ... ... ... 170 Dhun Muniya ceremony, in Mirzapur ... 326 Darwin ... .. .. ... ... ... 70 Dhruvasena, Mahasa macta and Mab@raja, a Dajakumara charita of Dandin... ... ... 213 grantor... ... ... ... ... 129, f. Daldsrutuskandha-sutra and the Kalpa-sutra Dhruvil&ti village, mentioned in copper-plate 257; or Dasas ... ... ... ... 258, f. grant 195, f., 198 and n., 204, f; and Dhulat, 216 Dasavdikalika-sutras, one of the mula-selras 260 Diack's, Mr. A. H, Kuluhi Dialect of Dattatreya, Indian sage ... ... . 235 Hindi ... ... ... ... ... ... 242 Dangerfield, Lt., and the Buddhist caves at Digambara canon, tests attributed to it ... 257 Bagh ... ... .. . .. .. 326 dig-vijaya, or conquest of India .. . 208 dawra, earthen drinking vessel ... ... 8,n. Dilli Gate, mentioned in song ... ... dead, ghosts of thre ... ... ... ... 284 dindra ... 197, 200, 202 and n.; 204, f., 214, Deccan, Dakkhin 61; invaded by Alauddin... 77 dirge, a 331; or Ghami ki Git ... ... 336 Deer-Stalking by Night, Mughal picture ... 183 dissension, in the Arthasasra, causes of 116; Delhi, and Sarmad 119, 121; Royal library at Bowing the seeds of ... ... ... ... 138 * 183; Iron Pillar at 183; Dillt ... ... 326 divorce, Mohammedan ... .. ... ... 160 demons 273; Hindu belief in 277; song to, documents, ancient, found in 0. Asia. 13; 15; 16; 24 etc. ... .. .. .. . 483, ff. Domoko oasis, in C. Asia ... ... ... 42 Deoband, in Saharanpur District, A Song double policy, in the Arthasdstra ... ... 25 about ... ... ... ... ... 270-273 | Dravidian Languages, a Comparative GramDerakshita shita-pataka village, mentioned mar of, by K. V. Subbaiya, M. A. ... 145-158 in a grant ... ... ... ... ... 150 Dravidian elements in the Brahui language desert, of Lop-nor ... ... ... 15, 18 Dehinc mamalu of Hemachandra ... 260, n. drawings from Baluchistan, incised rock and Deussia, Dr. ... ... ... ... ... 128l tomb ... ... ... ... ... ...180, f. Devanagari alphabet ... ... ... 203 drishti, theory ... ... ... ... ... 192 De vanampiya-Tissa, king of Ceylon, was Drishtivida, the lost twelfth anga of the twice anointed to the sovereignty... ... 219 Jainas ... ... .. ... ... 257 Devay, demi-Gods .. .. . ... 240 drona, a landmeasure ... ... 214, n.; 216 Devata-'ntaras, godlings ... ... ... 316 Dam or Mirast ... ... ... 3 and n.; 5; 7 Devi 123; 278; hymns to ... ... 279, 285 Durga, hymn to ... ... . ... ... 380 Devi Ban, Deoband, ... ... ... 270, ff. Durga Kund, place of pilgrimage, Deoband Devil, the ... ...123, 125, n. 270-273 Dhamnar, in Indore State, Buddhist caves at Durgalambhopayah, Strategic means to cap 225, 228n., 231; 245, f. ture a fortress. Bk. XIIl of the ArthasdsDhanu Bhagat, a Banjara, and Devi... ... 273 tra ... .. ... ... ... 138 Dhanuli, a high caste ... ... ... ... 79 Durlabha, name in a grant ... ... 195, 197 Dharasona, Sri Maharaja, a grantor ... ... 130 Durvasas, the curse of ... ... ... 318 n. dharma, virtue ... ... ... ... ... 241 Duryodhana, k.... ... ... ... ... 85 Dharmaditya, copper-plate grants of his Dashyasatrusamyuktah, of persons associated reign 193, 193, 199-201; 206, f; probably with traitors and enemies. Bk. VIII, the Emperor Yasodharman; he took the Chap. VI of the Arthasastra ... ... 102 title Vishnuvardhana and was known as Datakarmani, the duties of a messenger. Bk. Vikramaditya XI, Cbap. I, of The Arthasastra ... ... 131 Dharmaraksha, Indian Buddhist scholar, Doaidhibhavikassandhivikramdh, Peace and visited China ... ... ... ... ... 226 War by adopting the double policy. dharmavivaha, approved marriage ... ... 177 Bk VII, Chap. VII of the Arthasastra ... 25 Dharm Deota ... ... ... ... ... 280 Dvaraka, o. ... ... ... ... ... 129 350, f.

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360 INDEX ... 160 ... 184 dvaram, ditch ... .. ... ... 161 financial troubles, in the Arthaldatra... 84, 86. 88 Dwirka Nath, Rai Bahadur Pandit, and the fire, providential calamity ... ... ... 86 Bagh caves . .. - 231 n. 1 Fleet, Dr. and copper-plate grants 193; dwarpalas, door-keepers ... ... ... 231 Gupta Inscriptions ... 196 n., 197 ., 225 D. flints, worked, found in the Lop-nor desert. 15 floods, providential calamity ... ... ... 86 Earth, Mother, in song .. 276, f. 1 ... folklore, Study of 69-71; Indian, and Dr. Edevolal bhaga, an ancient group of seventy Hertel ... ... ... ... ... .. villages on the north-east of Banawasi in Forest godlings, a song abort ... ... 276 North Kanara ... ... ... ... .. 99 Forqan, the ... ... ... ... ... 119 edicts of Asoka ... ... ... ... 64; 76, f. fortress, means to capture a iu education and Islam ... .. Arthasastra ... ... ... ... ... 138 ek bal, single hair brush Francis, Miss, and Panjabi words ... ... 242 Ekadashi Vrat, Vaishnava fast, hymn sung frescoes, in Halls of the Thousand Baddhas, at ... ... ... .. ... 281 Tan-huang 36; in Buddhist caves of c. Eklingji tn., near Udaypur ... ... 187-190 India ... ... ... 228, 232--235; 246 elephant, on grant seal... ... 191, 198 | friends, in the Arthalastra ... 27; 44; 88 elephants, in the Artha sastra ... ... 111-113 frieae 186, in caves ... ... ... 233, f., 246 Endere, ruins and river in Khotan ... 14 frontier defenoe, ruins of, near Tan-huang... 33 enemy, enemies, in the Arthasastra 19. 27, Frontier N.W., and up-Aryan, tribes - 160 51, 55, 102, 109, 115, 131, 132, 136, 165 era, used in grants .. .. .. 129, 1. Eravai, Kosiya riy. ... ... ... 265 n. Eros, image of, on tablets found in C. Asia 12, 14 GORE 258, 265, f. Ethnographic Appendices, and the Brandis, gandvachchheiya, Jaina bishop ... ... 258 by Sir H. H. Risley ... ... ... 350, f. Gandian, misprint for Gaudian ... ... 71 European, civilisation in India 65: con- gandika ... ... ... ... ... ... 109 querora, not influenced by Hinduism 77; Ganesa, figere in Bagh Cave ... ... ... 228 coin .. ... ... ... ... ... 185 Ganeschand, papel of Sivachand excavations in Burma, rules for the control Ganga, riv. ... ... .. . ... 265 of . .. ... Ganges, river, and delta 82; 198 n.; 209, f.; .. .. ... 184 excommunication, Buddhist ... ... ... 264. 241; in song 270, 277, ff.; 321; and ... execution and life of Sarmad... Musalmans 119, ff. ... .. . - 325-828 explorations in o. Asia, Hee Arebaeological gardeners, song of ... ... ... 285 Notes ... ... .. Gardner, Prof., on observation ... 11-18: 33--13 ... 67 Garga-svamin, name in a grant ... ... 202 Garh Jammun, fort ... ... famine, providential calamity ... ... 86 Gash Mughalani... ... ... ... ... 7 Fandarsak, in Persia, home of Mirza Abu" Garud ... ... ... 269; 282 Qasim ... ... ... ... ... 125 n. Garada, name in a grant ... ... 195, 197 Faqirs, tbe Qalandar, of Pirin Kaliar, men. Garulakas, unknown dynasty, grant from ... 129 dicant cries of ... ... ... ... 346 Gaudian, (misprinted Gandian,) languages, Faridpur District, find of copper-plate grants of India, and the Romance languages of ... ... 193, 209, 214, 216 Europe .. .. .. .. .. 71, fasts, Buddhist ... ... ... 261 n.; 267 n. Gaurishankar Ojha, Pandit, and Gyanchand. 186 fatalism and Islam ... ... ... ... 160 Gazetteer Gleanings in Central India, by Fathpur Sikri, hymn sung in... ... ... 269 Capt. O. E. Luard, M.A., Bundeli Songs, I. Fergusson, and Indian architecture 75, f.; Chhatarsal Bundela and Muhammad Khan and Burgess, The cave Temples of India 228 a. Bangash 178, f.; II. The Sword of Chhafights, treacherous, in the Arthuddstra ... 109 tarsal; III. The Spear of Chhatarsal 180; figure, female, on a seal 194; 198; in Buddhist The Buddhist Caves of c. India ...225- cuves ... ... 227, 228 and n.; 231-235 235; 245 ... 7, f.

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INDEX 361 ... 159 - 336 *** .. .. 320 38 Gerini, and the derivation of Talapoin ghadi mattaya, jag ... ... 260 n. I Ghamt Ki Git, a dirge ... ... ... Ghan Shyam, Sri Krishna ... ... ... 332 ghashasya, face of the fish ... ... 115 Ghats 198 and n.; Western, temple in ... 237 ghazal ... ... ... ... ... 123-125 n. Gbelote race, the Abarya ... ... ... 188 ghoda, ghotaka, ghoran, horse ... ... 68 Ghora Angiras, teacher of Krishna Devukiputra ... ... .. ... ... 920 Ghora Dighi tank, near Barrakpur ... ... 287 Ghoshachandra, name in a grant 195, 197 n., 205-207, 213, 216 ghosts, Hindu beliefs about 284; and demons... ghotaka, ghoda ghoran, horse, afva ... Girnar Edict ... ... ... ... ... 64 Gimni riv., in 0. India ... ... ... ... Gita, the ... ... ... Goa, inquisition at ... ... ... ... 224 Gobhila, reputed author of the Pushpasurta.. 32 God 125 n., 126; Unity of 100; 236, 238-241; 266 ; 268; 279; 286; 317-319; bymn of gratitude to ... 322; 346, f. Goddess, of the Plantain, KelA Devi, bymn to 283 ; of Small-pox, songa to ... 278, 285 Godhani, Song sung in Kartik ... .. 333 Godling, Jakhai, hymn to ... ... ... 341 Godlings, Forcst, song about 276; Village, hymns to 283 ; Devata-'ntaras ... ... 316 Gokul, tn. ... ... ... .. .. 269 gold, in the Arthasastra ... ... ... 44 Gondi, language... 146, f., 149-151, 153, f., 158 Gopachandra, Emp., grant of bis time... 203-206; 208-210 Gopala-svamin .. ... ... ... 200, f. government, mentioned in grants ... ... 210 Govichandra and Gopachandra ... ... 208 Graeco-Buddhist carvings, etc., in C. Asia 12,14, 16, 18; 42 Grahame Bailey, Revd. T., and Panjabi ... 242 Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, A Comparative ... ... ... ... 145-158 granaries, eto, destruction of, in the Artha- Sastra ... ... ... ... ... ... 135 grants, copper-plate from Palitana State 129; three from East Bengal ... 193--216 Gratitude to God, a religious song ... ... 323 Great Wall of China, the Chia-ya-huan gate of ... ... ... ... . .. 40 Greek intuenced in India ... ... ... 77 Grierson, Dr., Linguistic Survey of India, 63; on Dravidian grammar 747 ; 149; 152; and the Paischi dialect 159; on Krishna Vasudeva Griba cave, in Bagh, C. India... ... ... 227 grottoes, Buddbist, in 0. Asia ... Grunwedel, Prof., and C. Asia ... Gubadatta, founder of the Gubila dyn. 187, f. Guhasena, a Valabhi k. ... 129 Gubila or Guhilot dynasty .. ... 187, f. Gujarat, conquered by Ulugh Khan 77; 190 Guna-bhadra, Buddhist scholar of O. India... 226 Gunachandra, name in a grant . 195, 197 Gunadhya's Brihatkatha ... 159, f.; 352 Gunaratnasari, Jaina author of the Kriya ratnasanuchcharya ... ... .. . 228 Gundert, Dr., and Dravidian grammar 148; 151 Gapta, era 70; dynasty, and the Valabhi era 77; inscription 129; 185; character, on copper-plate grants 193, 1.; 196 n.; 199; 203; Emperors 208; and Buddhism ... 226 guruo, a Jaina fast ... ... ... 267 n. Gurvapali, a Jaina work by Munisundarasuri. 288 Gusain's cave, in Bagh ... ... 228; 235 Gwalior State, Buddhist caves in ... 226, f. Gyancband, Jaina Jati and Tod. 186-188, 191 n. Hafiz, Khwaja Hafix, a poet ... ... 124, 125 n. Haidarabad, later home of Amba Ram 32; and Sarmad ... ... . ... 119 Haimalinganusasana, a Jaina work by Hemachandra ... ... ... ... 288 Haji Habiballah, Ohief of Khotan, his route over the Kunlun .. ... ... .. Hajru'l Aswad, or the black stone ... 123, 125 Kalayudha, author ... .. ... .. 32 Halls of the Thousand Buddhas, sacred grottocs near Tunhuang, 0. Asia... 36-40 Hami, oasis in C. Asia 41; ruins at... ... 43 Hamlw-iHaidari, MS. in the Hanna Col lection ... ... ... ... ... ... 183 Han dynasty 16; first, and Chinese expan sion in 0. Asia ... ... ... .. 41 hand, panja, in rock drawing ... ... 181 Hanna's, Col. H. B., Collection of Indo Persian pictures and MSS. ... ... 182, t. Hanuman ... ... ... 179; 279, f. Hardaul, Hardeo, Raja, deified hero of Bun| delkhand, prayer and hymn to ... 325; 340 1 Hardwar, tn. 278; mendicant's cry... ... 347 Hareshapura or Harishapura, perhaps an ancient name of Harihar in Mysore ... 99

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362 INDEX Hariana, district in Hoshiarpur ... 10 n. Hirdesh& ... ... ... ... ... ... 179 Harihar, town in Mysore; perhape men- Hire Kowsee, village in Dharwar; ancient tioned by the ancient name Hareshapora, name was Per-G&gamasi ... ... ... 99 Harishapura ... ... ... ... ... 99 bistory, Indian, evidences of 71; 74; 76, f.; Harihar plates of A. D. 694 of Vinayaditya : extent of 185; ancient, of Mewar ... ... 186 identitication of places mentioned in the History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, eto.. record ... . ... ... . 99 work in preparation by V. A. Smith ... 182 Harishapars or Hardshapura, perbape an History, Thibetan, of Buddhism in India, by ancient name of Harihar in Mysore Taranatha ... ... ... ... ... 208 Haritari bi, Rava! High Friest ... Hitopadeka, the ... ... ... ... ... 352 Haridasnea, the ... ** ** ** .. ... 320 Hiuen Tsang, Heuang-teang, in C. Asia 14; Hari Vilash, poet ... 286, f. 18; 37; and Valabht grants 75; in India ... 226 Hariyaduvi, Hana princess and Gubila 4. Hoernle, Dr., and the Paisachi dialect 159, f.; 187, 189 and copper-plate grants from E, Bengal Hariy 'ahadlyi, a dress ... ... 261 n. 193; 198 n.; 200 n; 202 n.; 207-210; 214 harm, in the Arthasastra ... ... ... 105 Holi festival, songs 32 ; 268 ; hymn 321; 333; har-raf, ibex .. ... ... 181 or Hori... ... ... ** *** Harshak ulagani's Kavikalpadruma ... Holiya dialect ... ... ... ... Harsbapura, tn.... ... ... ... ... 187 Hooghly river, 197 n.'; or Hugli .. ... 210 hat, hasta, land-measure ... ... ... 215 horse, in tomb drawing ... ... ... 181, Hategaon, in Tonk, C. India, Buddhist caves Housewife, the Blessed, song of ... ... 338 ... ... ... ... ... 225, 245 Hsiong-nu, ancestors of the Huns ... ... 34 Hathimekh, cave in the Dhamnar group ... 216Hsuang-tsang, Hiuen Teang ...14, 18, 37; 75; 226 Hauli pargand, in the Sundarbans ... ... 287 Hsuan-tai, Chinese Buddhist scholur visited Havells, Mr., Indian Sculpture and Painting 0. India ... ... . . ... 226 182; 184hrita, stolen dress ... ... ... 261 n. Bector, hero ... ... ... ... ... 9 n. hti, capital of a stupa ... ... ... ... 233 Hedin, Dr., on Lop-no: ... ... ...15, f. hubble-bubble, of S&i nath ... ... ... 96 Hellenistic, Yona ... ... ... ... 64 Hughes-Buller, Mr., visited the Brahtis 181; 350 Hemachandra 256; his works ... 258 n.; Hugli, Hooghly river ... ... ...197 n. ; 210 260 n.; 262; 288 Hultzsch's edition of the Prakritarupavatara, Heracles, image on tablets found in C. Asia book-notice ... ... ... ... ... 256 12; 14; worshipped in India ... ... 237 Hund princess became a Guhila queen. 187, 189. Hertel's, Dr., edition of the Tantrakkyayika, Hindustants, killed in Sab&ranpur district ... 272 book-notice ... .. ... .. 251, f. Hutchinson, Dr. J., and Panjabi words ... 242 hill, in rock drawing ... ... .. ... 181 Huxley, quoted ... ... ... ... 66, f. Himalayas ... ... .. . 50; 91 Hymns to Salim SL.Ab 269; Mahadeva Himasena, name in grant ... 196; 198; 216 270; Kali 273, f.; Vaishnara 274 ; 281; Hinasaktipuranam, Recruitment of lost power. Bhawani 275; Morning, etc. 278, f.; Ch. XIV. Bk. VIII of the Arthasastra ... 53 Village Godlings 283; Devi 285; MahdHindi Mendicants' cries, in N. India. 348, f. deva 321; Birba, Shakambari Devi 322; Hindola, Cradle song, sung in Bhadoh ... 333 of gratitude 323; of the Kabars 324; Hindu, civilisation, in India 65; and the Hardaul 325, 340; Nagarsen, etc. 323, f.; Turki tribes 69; social system 71; 77; idol Ganga and Durga 330; Bhairon 331; 123; 180; artists in Mugbal school 182; Shah Madar 339; Jakhai 341; Koishna 192; temple near Bagh 235; religion and *** .. .. . ... 343 philosophy 238; f.; beliefs, etc. ... 277, f.; 284 Hindus, the Guptas 226; and Kajali songs... 326 Hinid&n, near Sind. tomb drawings at 180, 181 Ibbetson, Sir Denzil, and the Panjabi lexicoHinyanists .. .. .. .. ... 191 g raphy ... ... ... ... .. . 243 Hiranya-Kasipu ... ... ... 817 and n.; 318iber, har-raf, in rock drawing ... ... 181 Hiravijayasuri, Jaina teacher... ... ... 288 Ibrahiin Beg, Darogba to Dr. Aurel Stein, 11-14

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INDEX 863 Ibrahim bin Adham, Saint, er-king of Balkh. 182 intercalation of lanar months : how it is Id festival ... ... ... ... ... 347 arranged in India and in Burma and Art fd-gkh, place for Muhammaden worship at kan 251 :- point about it which was festivals ... ... ... ... ... 226 raised in Ceylon ... ... ... ... 252 n. Iliad, the... ... ... ... ... ... Om intrigue, battle of, in the Arthabastra ... 132 imagen, Dear Tunhuang 38; in care.... 283, 1. invader, and invasion. Bk. IX, of the Imam Zafar Sadik, sbrine in Niya Oasis ... 11 Arthafastra ... era *** ... "* " .. 90 in mortality of the soul ... . .. 238 Iran and Sarmad .. ... .. 119; 125 n. impermanence, Buddbist conception of ... 192 Iron Pillar at Delhi, Mughal picture of ... 184 Impey. Dr. E, and Buddhist caves 225, Irrula dialect 152; or Irula ... ... ... 157 228 n.; 231 n.; 233 n.-235 Isan, riv ... ... ... ... ... ... 281 implements and relies of the Stone Age in Islam and Sarmad ... .. 119, 1., 125n. Lop-nor. ... ... ... ... 15, 17 Islam, La Doctrine de l', by Le Baron Carra InAyat Khan, An "Omark of Shah Jahn . 119 de Vaux, book-notice ... ... ... 160 India, and Graeco Buddhist Art in C. Asia 16, Isvara, Spiritual Lord ... ... ... ... 316 18, 36, 37, 39, 42, 43; three living civili Ita Bhargava, author of Rig Veda X, 171: sations in,etc. 65-69; invaded by Mahmud 197 n. of Ghani 76. 1.; and the early use of tobac- Itawa dist., Village hymns from ... ... 279 co 96, 97, tt.; and Sarmad 119, 1., 125 n. Itita, Epita, witness in grant of Dharm and the Brihatkatha 159, 1.; Central, Gazet ditya ... .. .. .. 195, 197 and n. teer Gleanings from 178, 1., 225-235, Itihases, the ... ... ... ... ... 319 245, f.; rock carvings in 180,4.; Office, Library 182, 1; intercourse with Prome 185; and Buddhism 191, 193; conquest Jacob .. .. .. . ... ... 125 (dig-vijaya) by Vikramaditya 208; 250-252; Jacobi, Prof., and the Kalpa-sutra of Bhadra and the Prakrits 256; Northern, Religious bahu ... ... ... ... ... 257, 258n. Songs from 268-286, 321-345; Mendi jade are, found in Lop-nor ... ... .. 17 cant's Cries in 346-350, recensions of the Jagadgurukavya, a Jaina work by Padma Parichatantra in ... . .. ... 852 sagaragani ... ... ... ... ... 288 Indian Antiquities, method in the study of 65-78 Jagannath ... ... ... ... 269, 278 Indian Sculpture and Painting, Havell's 182 Jagat Rai, son of Chhatara&t.. ... 178 and n. Indian, Script in MSS. found in C. Asia 38, Jahangir, Emp. ... ... 183, f. 39, 42; elements in Mughal School of Art Jaina, monks, the .Kalpa-edtra 257, I.; 182; coins 185; folklore and Dr. Hertel... 351 works 288; recensions of the PafchaIndians worshipped Herakles and Pan ... 237 tantra ... ... ... 194 .. . Indischen Paleography, by Dr. Buhler .. 352 Jainastotramangraha, a Jaina work ... Indo-Persian pictures and MSS. Col. H. B. ... 288 Jainism and k. Samprati Hanna's collection ... ... ... 182, f. ... ... ... 258 Indo-Scythian or Tukbara Ascendancy in .. Jaipur, home of Gyanchand ... ... ... 187 Jaitpur, soene of the defeat of Muhammad Asia ... ... . . ... ... 15 ... Khan Bangash Indore, Buddhist.caves in ... ... 225, 245 178 and n, 179 and n. ... ... ... Indra, 8. ... 317, 1.; 326 Jajava, name in a grant ... ... 197, 206 Jakbai, a godling, hymn to ... ... infantry, in the Arthabistra ... ... 111, 113 ... 341 Inquisition and superstition in Bombay Jami Masjid, Dehli, near which Sarmad is in 1707 buried ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 224 . .. ... ... 121 inscriptions, in C. Asia, Kharoshthi 18; Chi Jami's Salanda and Abeal 125 n. nese 36, 64; as evidence of historical facts Jamani, riv. ... ... ... ... 245; 332 in India 71, 1., 74, 1., 77; Gupta.-by Dr. janeo, pored thread 231 ; or janou, song sung J. F. Fleet 129, 225 n.; Talaing etc. 159, at the investiture of... ... ... 185; Atpar, of Saktikumara 186, R.; Sans Janmabhati, name in a grant... krit, on copper-plate grants, etc. 193, 196 Japan, influenced by Indian art n.; 208; Pfli, at Sarnath 217; absence of, in Jarabhajyi, a Brahman grantee Buddhist caves 286 ; Persian, at Khulna... 287 | Jayasiraha or Siddharaja ... ...

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364 INDEX ... 183 -267 Jayatsena, k. ... ... 86 Kalidass's Religion and Philosopby, by M. T. Jaypur, C. ... - Narasimhaiengar, B.A. ... ... 236-241 Jejaya, a Ohabumna . 187, 189 Kalpa ... ... ... .. .. . 192 ... 119 Kalpa, conduct ... Jews and Sarmad ... ... ... ... 267 Jhalawar, C. India, Buddhist caves at ...225; Kalp'adi-Vyavahara, texts said to belong to or Jhallawer .. .. .. .. .. 295 the Digambara Canon . ... .. 257 jhungard, a coarse grain ... ... ... 82 Kalpa-Sutra of Bhadrabha ... ... 257- Jinabhadra, author of the Jitakalpa ... ... 800 Kald Khan, hymn to ... - ... 281 Jinacharita, section of the Kalpa-edtra treat- kama, pleasure ... 241 ing of the first twenty-four Jinan ... ... 257 Kamati, dialect... - ... 158 Jitakalpa, a work by Jinabhadra 260, 261 n., 267 n. Kamboja, co... ... ... ... ... 117 Jinas, the first twenty-four, and the Jinacha- Kama ... ... ... ... ... 31 7 and n. rita ... .. .. .. ... ... 257 kanis, land measure ... . ... 214 , 216 Jivadatta ... ... . ... 211 and n. Kaniyas-TadAk&sarika, ancient village, the Joginis, furies . modern Tarsari in Gujardt ... ... .. 97 Jelangon, Mr. and Haj Habibullah ... ... 48 Kanjar, name of an elephant ... .. ... 184 Jones, Sir W. .. kankan, bracelets ... ... ... 388 Joseph ... ... .. Kanna-da, dialect ... ... ... 145, 148 Jyeshtha, May-June ... ... Kansu, in 0. Asia, ancient trade route rear jyesbtha (eldest) Kayastha ... ... .. 211 16, 18; and the Great Wall... ... 83; 36; 41 Kantit country, Mirakpur dist., and the Kajall songs ... ... . .. ... 326 Ka'ba, the ... ... .. 123-125 n.; 349 Kenya, founder of the Vedic School 202 and n., 204 n., 205 Kabir, a reformer and poet, song attributed Kanya-Laubita, a branch of the Kapva to him 268, f; hymn... ... ... 324; 336 Brahmans ... ... 200, 202 and 11., 204, t. Knohahrt, Bari and Chaotf, caves in Dham Kanwarthus, Parveyore of Ganges water, a Dar group ... ... ... ... ... 246 song of... ... ... ... ... ... 277 Kadamba-padra village, mentioned in a grant. 130 K¶, an ancient town, chiet town of the Kad pada, village in the Sundarbans ... 287 Kapura dhara : the modern Kapara in Kadosal, inscription ... ... ... 191 n.. Baroda ... . .. ... 97, 98 Kagam&si, an ancient form of Kavasi, KA Karachi dialect ... ... ... ... wursi, name of two villages in Dharw&r ... 99 Kara-dong, in O. Asia, excavations near Kahan, a bymn of the ... ... ... ... 324 karaila, a vegetable . . Kaikadi, dialect ... ... ... ... 150, 157 Kara kash, riv. in 0. Asia ... . .. Kaikeyi, step-mother of Rama ... Karandaya, a note on the word ... Kailasa, mt. of Siva ... ... ... ... 171 Karanghu-tagh, in C. Asia .. .. ... 43 Kajali, songs of N. India, origin of, eto, 325, ., Karasjapatra, an ancient village, not identi382 fied ... ... ... ... ... ... 94 Kajjal Ban, Black Forest, probably near Karaoka, name mentioned in a grant 204, Hardwar, and the Kajall songs ... ... 826 205 and n., 216 Kajra hawa Pokhra, a tank in Mirzapur dist. 326 Karashahr, in C. Asia, explorations near ...41 f. kakari, fruit ... ... .. 332 Karatoyli, river, the modern Kurate ... 209 KAlabboja, Gubilak. .. ... 187, f. karma ... ... ... ... ... 240; 319 Kalklan, attendant ... ... ... ... 5 Karmasandhih, Agreement for undertaking Kalangf, singers... . .. ... ... 64 & work. Ch. XII., Bk. VII, of the Artha Kalanakha, name in a grant ... ... 195, 197 sastra ... ... ... ... . . 49 Kaldt, in Balochistan, rook drawings from 180, f. karna, to bind or fetter ... .. ... 9 n. Kall Age... ... ... ... 74; 79, 88-82 | Kartik, month, song sung in ... .. .. 883 Kall, goddess 178, 180; and Kalidasa 236 | Kashan, in Persia, birth-place of Sarmad ... 119 and n.; temple in Saharanpur 872; 274; Kashgar 18; riv., ancient settlements on ... 43 hymn to ... ... ... ... ... 279, f. Kashmir, and the Brihatkatha 159, f.; aud Kalidasa, poet ... ... ... 210, 211, 215 the Panchatantra .. ... ... ... 352 ... 317

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... Kasi, Benares Kasinath Kunte, and Jaina works ... kathal tree Kathasaritsagara, the ... Katika-Purana, and the murtis of Siva ... *** *** katori, the dagger of love Katyayana, grammarian Kaunapadanta, writer... kauni, a coarse grain Kausambi, tn. Kautilya, quoted in the Arthasastra 19, 20, 24, 44-46, 48-50, 55, 58, 62, 63 and n., 83-88, 91, 92, 94, 131, 161, 176 Kauthumas, Vedic School Kavasi, name of two villages in Dharwar, ancient form was Kagamasi Kavikalpadruma, a Jaina work by Harshakulagani kavya, poetry 32 ... ... ** ... ... *** ... Kawumsi, name of two villages in Dharwar: ancient form was Kagamasi www www 210; 331 260 ... ... 332 ...159 *** 237 827 74 63 and n., 85 82 261 ... 99 kayastha, the writer caste 201 and n., 204-206 n; 208, 211, 213 ... Kedaranatha, shrine in Kumaun 80 Kela Devi, the Plantain goddess, hymn to. 283 Kelpin, oasis in C. Asia 43 ... Kendur plates of Kirtivarman II: date of the record on them Kennedy, Mr. J., on the worship of Pan, 218 ... *** etc. Keriya, riv. in C. Asia... Kern, on Buddhism Kesalar, ancient name of the modern Kesnur, Kyasnur in Dharwar *** Kesava, name in a grant 205 n. Kesnar, Kyssnur, village in Dharwar: ancient name was Kesalur ketmans, picks khanakakabayodhibhyam, heights Khanja Ali Mosque, at Kulna kharakila (?) an animal Khara-nor, lake in C. Asia Kharoshthi script, on Asia ... ... ... *** ... ... INDEX ... ... 99 www 288 66 ... ... ...12,f. www 237 tablets found in C. 11-13, 15, 16, 18, 34 ... Kharvataka, army Khayal, Lawant, songs Khayyam 124, Hakim Omar-al-Khayyam, poet 125 n. Khedrani, in Baluchistan, drawings from 180, f. khichari, rice and pulse khilan, without mortar Kholvi, in Jhalawar, in C. India, Buddhist 225, 281, 245 345 287 caves in 192 287 170 22 64 Khommana I, Gubila k. 187, alias Bappa Khommana II, Gubila k. 188, 190 187, 188 187-189 287 Khotan, and Dr. Aurel Stein... 16, 18, 36, 42, 43 Khuda 124; meanings... 125 n. Khommana III, Khummana, Guhila k. Khontakata Chak, in the Sundarbans Khulna, the Khanja Ali Mosque at Khummana, Khommana, III... Khurbardar, a scout... ... 287 ... 189 ... 9 n. 272 f. Khushhali, a banker, and Deoband... Kielhorn, the late Prof. and copper-plates 193; and Jaina sutras Kikkaka, writer of a grant King, in the Arthakastra,-Attitude of a conquered. Ch. XVI, Bk. VII, 56; Conduct of a Madhyama, and a Neutral, Ch. XVIII, 60; and kingdom, troubles of, Ch. II, Bk. VIII, 83; Enticement of, by secret contrivances Ch. II, Bk. XIII Kirghiz, C. Asian tribe ... ... ... Krolaka, village in grant Kebatrapas in Malwa Kshatriyas Kirtivarman II (West. Chalukya): three discordant dates in his regnal years ... 218 kirtti-samsthapana, the fame of one's m rit. 213 Kiru-Kagamasi, ancient name of the modern Chikkawumsi in Dharwar ... 99 Kittel, Dr., on Dravidian grammar. 148, 153 Kok-turki, earliest Turki script, finds in C. Asia 17,39 Kolami, dialect 150-153,158 Korava dialect 150, 157 ... 265 and 1. 152, 157 227 Koshika, Kosiya riv. Kota, dialect Kotrah mahal of Mandu dist. Kowsee, name of two villages in Dharwar, ancient form was Kagamasi ... 365 krama, a procedure *** Krishna, an incarnation of Vishnu 237; song of 270, 318-320; in songs 327 and n., 328, 332; hymn to Krishna Pande of Kumaur, verses by him. 78 kritasleshana, a form of peace 342 ... 23 48 kritrimah, artificial ... ... 259 ... 129 *** ... Kriyaratnasamuchchaya, a Jaina work by Gunaratnasuri ... 288 kshaya, loss of men kshattriyasreni, corporations of warriors 140 43 130 225 190 117 ... 100 Kahemakirti, commentator ... 259 Kshemendra, and Somedeva translated the Brihatkatha of Gunadhya 159, f.; and the Panchatantra 99 27 *** *** 352

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866 INDEX Kabirasvamin, grammarian ... ... ... 256 Lanka, and Kalt ... Kufr district ... ... ... ... ... 284 Lassen, Ohr., and the Brahat lang. ... ... 350 Kui, dialect ... ... 146, 149, 151, 152, 158 Laubitya, and Lohita (Kanva) 200, 202 and n., Kukura, people ... ... ... ... ... 117 204, 205 Kulachandra, name in a grant ... 195, 197 Laukikanyayadljali .. ... ... Kulasvamin, name in a grant... 195, 197, 213 Laukikanyayasangraha ... ... ... 127 Kulavarae, probably a referee ... 205 n. Lawani, Marbathi, or Khay Al, songs in Sahlkulinda (1) an animal ... ... ... ... 170 ranpur ... ... ... ... ** kulya, a measure 197, 1., 202 n., 214 and n., 215 Lecoq, Dr., and O. Asia ... Kum&ragupta II, last Gupta emp. of India, 208 lectare hall or refectory in oave, shala ... 234 Kumarasambhava, a work by KA}idea ..... 237 legend, on seal ... ... ... 194, 198, 199 Kumarasarman, a Brahman grantee 129 Legends from the Pasjeb, by Sir R. O. TemKuinaun, conquest of ... ... ... 78-80,82 ple and H. A, Rose. No. IV. The Wedding Kumauni Language, & specimen of, translat | of Rai Mornt or Princess Peahen. Oontd. ed by Ganga Datt Upreti ... .. 78-82 from Vol. XXXVIII., p. 321 ... 1, 1. Kumbha, RAnd ... ... ... ... ... 190 letters, in a grant ... ... ... 199, 203 kumbhas, measures ... ... ... ... 87 Leumann, Prof. Ernst, edited the Jitakalpa Kunala, k. ... ... ... ... 258, 261 257, 260, 267 n. Kunda, a pool ... ... 198 n. Loxicograpby, Paljabi, contributions to 29Kundalipta, name in a grant ... 195, 197, 213 82; 242--244; 247-250 Kunlun, mts., Haji Habibullah's route over . Libraries, royal, of Delhi and Agra ... ... 183 them ... ... . .. ... 43 Lichchhiviks, corporations ... ... ... 117 tunta, a wooden rod ... ... ... ... 94 Life and execution of Sarmad... ... 119, ff. Kurattee, river, the ancient Karatoys ... 209 lingam ... ... ... ... ... 235, 278 Kuru, people ... ... ... ... ... 117 Lodheswar MahAdeya temple... ... ... 278 Kurukh, lang... ... ...146-152, 154, 158 Looxy, Prof. L. de, and the Halls of the Kuruk-tagh, in C. Asia, ancient trade ropte Thousand Buddhas ... ... ... ... 86 near .. ... ... .... ... 16 Lohita, the Brahamaputra ... 202 n., 209 Kurumba dialect ... ... ... 161, 157 Lop, Charklik ... ... ... ... ... 15 Kusban, coins, imitations of 76; kinge of Lop-nor, in Chinese Tarkistan, ruins 15-18; 35 Mathura ... Lou-law, Charklik ... ... ... ... 77 ... ... ... 15, 16 Kylenor, Keandr, village in Dharyar: ancient Lucknow .. .. .. .. ... 378 Ludhisna district Dame was Kesalar ... ... ... ... .. ... ... 10n. 99 lunar months : see intercalation ... ... 251 Lyall, Sir J. B., and the Palijabi Lexicogra pby ... ... .. . .. . 242 Labdhaprafomanam, Restoration of peace in & conquered country. Oh. V. Bk. XIII of the Arthaldatra .. .. .. 163 Macdonell, Prof., quoted ... ... ... 66 Lacote, Felix, and the Brihatkatha of Gunt Madhva's (=Parga Prajia) Bhashya ... 320 dhya ... .. ... ... 159, f., 352 Madhyama-neutral, kinga, in the ArthaLadak ... ... .. .. fdatra ... 22, 28, 52, 55, f., 60, 1, 132, 185, 163 ladda, a sweetmeat ... ... - Madkana village, in Hastavapra dist., grant Laghukaumudi, a Prakrit grammar ... of ... ... ... ... . . .. ... ... 129 Takucha, the Artocarpus Lacucbs . Madraka, people ... ... ... ... 117 lalitas ana-mudra, attitude of sitting ... ... Magadha, home of Kalidhen ... ... ... 236 land, in the Arthaldatra ... .. .. 48 Mahabharata,Ramm-Nama 183; 317 n., 318 'and, mentioned in a grint, tenure and price D., 820 of, 214; measurements ... ... ... 215 Mahabhashya of Patanjali, date ... 74, 126 Lang, Andrew, on the use of conjecture 71; 76 Mahabad, Jagat's horse ... ... ... 178 Langhorno, J., quoted ... ... ... ... 239 Mahadeva, 8., bymn to, eto. 270, 272, 1.. language, of copper-plate grants 194, 199, 203 277, 1., 283, 821, 1., 333

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INDEX 867 236 210 98, O Nopala 169 ... 43 . .. 280 ** 287 213 n. Mahajans and Sabaranpur ... .. .. 272 mantrafakte, diplomacy Mahalakshmi, Gubila q. ... ... 187, 189 mantrayuddha, a treacherous fight 52; or MahamahopAdhyaya Hara Praedd Sastri, diplomaoy, eto. ... ... ... ... 131 and the Brihatkatha ... ... .. . 159 kantrayuddham, Battle of Intrigue. Oh. II, Mahonibitha-sutra ... ... ... ... 269 Bk. XI of the Arthasaetra ... ... ... 132 Mahapratihara, Chief warden of the gate; Mantrik letters, bijakaharani, bestowed on title used in a grant... ... ... ... 210 KA?idasa . .. ... ... --* Maharjadhiraja, title of the emperor us Manu, Iswgiver... ... ... ... 176; 352 governor of Varaka ... ... ... Manuba, last Talaing k. ... ... ... 186 Maharashtra, co. ... 190 Manul, girl of the Dam caste . 79 Malathera, monk, in an inscription... ... 159 manuscripts, found in 0. Asia 38, 39, 42; Mihatmya, the Nepals Indian, the Study of 72, f.; Indo-Persian mahattaras, leading men 195, 197 and n., 182, f. 200 and n., 211-214, 216 maraka, epidemios ... ... .. 86 Mabayaka, Guhila k. ... ... ... 187, f. Maralbhashi, in 0. Asia ... MsbayAnists ... ... ... ... . 191 Marco Polo, and 0. Asia ... 15, 18, 36, 37 Mahendra, I and IT, Gabila kings ... 187, 1. Mardhaj. RAJA ... ... ... 227 Mabi, riv. .. * ... 265 Marbathi, or LAwani Songs ... ... Mabim ... ... ... ... 224 Marwar inscription ... ... ... ... 188 Mahmud of Ghazi invaded India ... 78, f., 185 maryadu, a fixed rule of land value ... Maika Sor, bymn to ... masha-beads, mudge, Buddhist rules for tho Maitraka family ... .. .. ... 180 use of ... ... ... ... . .. 262 Makanpur village, in Itawa dist. ... ... 281 Masjidkur, village in Jessor district... makara, crocodile ... ... ... 282, f. mata, opinion ... .. ... ... .. 192 Makaranta, an astronomical work used in matabbar, head man of a village ... Burma, based on the Original Sarya- muitbar, rich mart ... .. ... .. 181 Siddbanta ... ... ... ... ... 264 mutchlock, in rock carving Malar, song sung in Sawan ... ... ... 332 matha, liquid curd ... . .. 332 Malavikagwimitra, a work by Kalidasa ... 237 Muthurs and the Kusban kinge 77; and Malayagiri, author of the Vyav-lika 258 n., 259 Gundbya ... .. malayagiri, sandalwood .. .. .. 933 Mattata, Mallata, Gahila k. ... ... 187, 1. Malayalam, lang. ... 146, 4., 150, f., 153-155, 157 Maudha, scene of a battle ... ...179 and n. M&lis, and Devi ... ... ... ... 286 maula, hereditary troops ... .. ... 92 Mallaka ... ... ... ... ... ... 117 mawasi, mother-sister Mallata, Mattata, Gubila, k... ... ... 188 Mazar-tagh fort, ruins in 0. Asia ... ... 42 Malinatha, poet and commentator ... 210; 240 meantime regulates the Burmese and AraMalto, dialect ... ... ... 150-152, 155, 158 kanese calendars, 251; the ancient Hinda MAlw&, N , Buddhist caves in... ... 225, 245, 1. calendar also was regalated by it ... ... 252 Mammaka, chamberlain, ddtaka of a grant measurements of land, in grants. ... ... 215 Mecca ... ... ... ... ... 125 n. Maud State, and Dadu Rai... ... ... 326 medals or silver coins ... ... ... 185 Mandal, tn. and Gyanchand ... ... 187, 191 n. Medicines and mantras, the application of mandala, province 195, 196 and n., 199, 1., Ch. III, Bk. XIV of the Arthafastra - 170 204, 206, 209, 211, 214 Meghna, river ... ... ... ... ... 209 Mandalay . ... ... ... ... ... 181 Meiktba, the Burmese and Arakanese form ... of the Hinda term Mesha, q. v. ... mandorla, ovate halo ... 251 Mandu Sarkar ... men, considerations about, in the Arthalas. ... ... ... ... 227 tra .. . .. .. .. ... 100 Manichaean writings ... mendicants, compose songe ... ... ... 64 Mansur, artist ... ... ... 182 Mendioante' Cries in N. India ... 346 1. mantra, mantrasadhya, intrigne, negotiation | Mosha, the first sign of the Hinda zodiac, 105 and n. the equivalent of our Aries, 251; the Mantras, and Medicines, in the Arthafdatra. 170 Burmese and Arakanese term is Meiktha... 251 ... 181 . 169 ** * ... 345 129, 1.

Page #406
368 INDEX Mesha-sankranti, the entrance of the sun Muhammad Shah, emp., and Bundelkhand ... 17 into the sign Mesha, q. v., marks the be- Muhammudan, invasioms of C. Asia 41; 43; ginning of the Hinda astronomical solar Culiquest of India 74; religion, and the year .. .. .. .. .. .. 251 Christian 160 ; fort at Bagh 226; cemetery inessenger, the duties of e, in the Arthasdo. 235; Mendicants' cries in N. India 349 tra ... ... ... ... ... . 181 Mubanmadaniam in Balochistan ... Method of study of Indian antiquities by Muhamadans, Musalmans ... A.M.T. Jackson, M.A. ... ... 65, ff. mrikula, crown or bead dress... ... Metonic cycle of 19 solar years... 251, 251, 255 n. malahara, prodigal Rou... ... ... Mewar, ancient history of 186; inscription maila-krigamatya, title in a grant ... ... 210 188; ascetics in ... ... ... ... 190 maila-sitras ... ... . Michelson, Dr. Truman, and the meaning of Mulla, a Loplik, with Dr. Aurel Stein ... 18 Samipar .. ... ... ... 6+ Mulla Sadra, 119 or Sadruddin Shirazi, and Milky Sea, the ... ... ... ... 240, f. Sarmad ... ... ... ... 125 n. Mill, J., and Indian studies ... ... ... 66 Mulla Shaykh 'Abdul'l Qavi, a scholar in the Mindon Min, k. of Burma ... ... ... 186 reign of Surangzib ... ... ... ... 119 Ming.oi, in C. Asia, ruins at ... ... 41 Munda dialect .. .. ... 145, 149, 151 Miran, in Taklamakan dist., explorations in I mung, freshly washed pulse ... ... ... 345 17, 18, 42 | Munisundarasidi Jaina author of the GurudMirssi, or Dam caste ... ... .. 3 n., ali ... ... .. .. ... .. 288 Mirz& Abd'l Qasim Fandareaki, and Sarmad Murlidhar, Krishna ... ... ... ... 327 119, 125 n. martis of Siva ... ... ... ... ... 237 Mirza Muhsin-i Faui, author of the Dabastan, Musalman, conquests in India 77; faith of and Sarmad .. ... ... .. ... 119 Sarmad ... ... ... ... 119-121 Mirzapur, and the Kajali song .. ... 395 Musalmans and Deoband 273; and Raja Miyai .. ... ... ... ... ... 339 Linu Rai TA ... ... ... ... 325, f. Mlechchhas, in the Arthasitra ... 46, 54 Mureums, British and South Kensington Modbudia pargani, in the Sundarbans 182, f.; Pbayre Provincial 185; Ajmer... 189 Mogra village, in the Sundarbans ... mushti, scanty crops ... ... ... ... 92 Mohammed ... ... ... ... ... 160 Muslims, Mobleme ... ... ... 120 Mohan, Sri Krishna ... ... ... ... 270 mu'tabar, Arabic, meaning trustworthy, and molestations, the group of, in the Arthasas Ritabbar . ... .. ... .. 213 n. tra Myazedi Pagoda, Pagan ... ... monasticism, in the Kalpa-sitra ... 257, f. mysticism and Islam ... ... 160 Mongol power, in C. Asia ... ... ... 36 Mythology, Puranic ... 139 n. Monks, Buddhist ... 225, 227, 232, 285, 246 Monks, Jaina, and the Kalpa-sutra.. 257, ff. monotheism, and Semitic nations ... ... 160 Naga, Guhila k. ... ... ... 187, f. months, song of the ... ... .. Nagadevu ... ... ... 201, 204-206, 210 monuments, protected, in Burma .. Morning hymn, Sumirini ... Nagar Brahmana sect, to which Gudabatta belonged ... ... ... ... ... 190 mortification of the flesh, in Buddhism nagaraka, officer in charge of the city ... 59 Moslems and Hinduism ... Mosque, the Khanja Ali, at Khulna ... Nagarsen, hymn to ... ... ... 328 f. mridang, a little drum... nigas, snake gode ... ... ... ... 141 .. mudga, masha-beans ... ... ... Nagda, near Eklingji, old capital of the Mudritakumudachandraprakarana, & Jaina Guhila dynasty ... ... ... . 188 work by Yasaschandra ... ... ... 288 Nagmati, wife of Dadu Rdi, became sati ... 326 Mughal, Empire 120; or Indo-Persian, Nagoji, Bhatta, grammarian ... ... ... 256 School of Art ... ... ... ... 182, f. | Nabapana, king : identification of places Muhammad Azim Khan Shahwani, explorer. 181 mentioned in the Nasik inscriptions of Muhammad Khan Bangash defeated by A.D. 120 of his time ... ... 97 Chhatarsal Bundela ... ... ... 178 and D. Nahusha, the father of Yayati ... ... 201 287

Page #407
*** ... Naiki dialect Naiskkarmyasiddhi nakshatras, the so-called 'lunar mansions' and signs of the lunar zodiac: the development of the three systems of them nal, nala, land measure Nala ... 274 99 nali, a weight Nanak Nanamgola, ancient village; perhaps the modern Nargol' in Thara ... Nanda, k. N&niga-svam, g., temple of... Nanpaya temple of Pagan Nan-shan, C. Asia, explorations in Nara R&jputs *** 177 ...187, 191 n. ...186 *** 40 10 n. Narad, Narada 171; 334 Naravahana, Guhila k.... 187, 189 Narayana Visbna 235; 318, 1. Narayanaya and the Bhagavatas, by Dr. Grierson 320 ... 99 ... Nargol, village in Thana; ancient name perhaps was Nanamgola... Nasik inscription of Ushavadata, of A.D. 120; identification of places mentioned in it 97 Nasik form of numerals Natyotaka Yakalika village, mentioned in a grant 194 Nau-dandaka, meaning of ... ... ... ... ... ... ... *** www 128 150-152, 158 Natieataka, of Bhartrihara Niya riv, and oasis, in Khotan Noer, von and Akbar Northern India, Religious Songs from 268286; 321-345; Mendicants' Ories from 346-950 Notes, during Archeological explorations in C. Asia 11, ff,; 33, ff. 184, f. Notes, Archaeological from Burma... Nriga, an ancient king... ... 201 194, 203 numeral signs in copper-plate grants numismatics in India 75, f. nuns, conduct of, in the Kalpa-sitra... 257, 260, ff. 126, ff. nyayas ... ... ww *** *** INDEX ... 130 202 n. nau-sadhanodyatan using boats, or given to water traffic ... 210, f. 316 198 n. 255 215 Navaratna-Mala, of Pillai Lokacharya navata-ksheni, 196; meaning Navy-Avakasikayam, or New Avakasika 200, 201, 204, 210, 211 Nayabhati, name mentioned in a grant 204 1. Nayaka, leader 108 Nayanagaaa, name in a grant.... 205 n. Nayasena, name in a grant 195 n., 201, 204, 206-203, 211, 216 183 159 Nawab-Vazirs of Oudh.... Nepala Mahatmya ner, bar, Banyan tree... ... 284 and n. New Avakasika, Navy Avakasikayam 201, 205, 210, 211 nigraha, confinement or death Nikhatta Shah, a saint of Sikandarabad Nimar dist,, Central Provinces Nirvana 95 346, f. ... 227 ... 192 Nishapur, home of Omar-al-Khayyam 123 n. Nikitha-sutra, a list of transgressions and ...258 f., 261, 263 n. penances ... 85 79 ... www hhh Pacha Dighi, tank near Barrakpur padas, feet of Siva paddy rice... padm ... 126 11, 12, 14, 16 96 ... Oasis in O. Asia, Niya 11, 12, 14, 16; Charklik 14, 15, 17; Tun-huang 16-18, 33, f. Chongma and Su-chow 40, f. 58 oaths, in the Arthasastra object, of copper-plate grants ... 195, 200, 203 obstructions, group of, in the Arthasdstra officials, in grants Oojein, Awinti *** 86, 88 211 ...188 . 212 Orissa orthography of copper-plate grants 194, 199, 203 Oudh... 183 ownership of land, mentioned in grants 214 ... ... 869 ... Padmasagaragani, author of the Jagadgurukavya Pagan ...288 ... 186 352 Pahlavi versions of the Panchatantra Paisachi, dialect of the Brihatkatha 159, f. Paithan, tn., and Gunadhya ... 159 Pajjosavana-kappa, or Samachari, part of the Kalpa-sutra ... 257, f. jjata of Ujjain, perhaps a Buddhist k.... 225 palas, abode of Bhawani ... 275 and n. Pali canon ... 191, 217 ... 217 Pali inscriptions at Sarnath Palitana State, copper-plate grants from ... 129 Pallas Promachos, image on seals found in C. Asia... ... 14 palm-fruits, as alms ... 260 palthi, with crossed legs ... 284 Pampapur, on the Ganges, capital of Raja Danu Rai ... *** 287 ... 237 ...214 334 ... 325

Page #408
370 INDEX ... 237 ... 260 *** .. 933 ... 185 Pan, g. in India ... Pathan army ... ... ... ... ... 178 panas ... ... ... ... ... 87, 111 Patiya village, Almora, home of Krishna Panchakalpa-sutra Panda ... .. ... .. .. 78 Panchala, people ... 117 palfika, a betel-palm ... ... ... 202 n. Pancham, ancestor of the Bundelas ... 179 and n. patfuki, patuta, a gourd ... ... 202 and n. Panchatantra 127; 159, f.; and Dr. Hertel Pavitraka, ruler, in a grant ... ... ... 211 351; Sanskrit recensions of ... ... 352 Peace, in the Arthakastra ... 21; 25; 58; 163 Panchd-rdtra ... ... ... ... 319, f. Pei-sban ... ... ... .. .. .. 41 Panch Pandu ka Gupha, generic term applied penance 241; in the Jaina faith 258, 1., 261, to excavations ... ... ... ... 297 1. ; 284, ff.; forests for ... ... ... 273 Pandava brothers, figures in caves, etc. 227; 272 penitence, in the Jaina faith ... ... 261 n. Pan Darin, or Tao-tai, a Mandarin, friend of Per-Gagamasi, ancient name of the modern Dr. Aurel Stein ... ... ... ... 48 Hirek&wumai in Dharw&r ... ... ... 99 Panini, grammarian ... ... ... ... 74 Pertab Singh, Sir, of Kashmir ... ... 352 panja, band ... ... ... ... ... 181 Peshwa, the, and Chhatarsal ... ... ... 178 Panjab, legends from, contd. from Vol. Persian, Indo-Persian, pictures and MSS. XXXVIII. p. 321 ... ... ... 1, f. 182; inscription in the Khanja Ali Mosque 287 Paljabi Lexicography, contributions to, con pestilence, providential calamity ... ... 86 cluded from Vol. XXXVIII, p. 328. Series Petrio, Prof., on excavation ... ... 75 aud n. II, 29-32; III . 242-244; 247-250phag ... ... ... ... ... 321; 335 panjtor=post ... ... ... ... ... 8 n. Phagun.month, song sung in ... para, a group of houses ... ... 198 n. Phankapusuvarna (P) grant made at ... 129 Paraghalaprayogah, means to injure an Phayre Provincial Museum, coins in enemy. Ch. I, Bk. XIV of the Arthabastru Philosophy and Religion of Kalidasa 236, ff. of Chanakya ... ... ... ... ... 165 pictures, and MSS., Indo-Persian ... 182, 1. Parakkamabahut; king of Ceylon, was pigments, used by Mughal painters... ... 184 twice anointed to the sovereignty... ... 219 pilgrimage and Islam 160; a song of ... 328 parama-bhattaraka, title of the emperor as Pillai Lokacharya, author of the Navaratna governor of Varaka ... Mala, and Praptuna-Paritrana ... ... ... 210 ... 316, 317 parama-pada, the Highest State ... 316; 319 | pil, the Careya Arborea ... ... ... 139 Paramartha of Ujjain, Buddhist scholar, Pinda-niryukti and Oghasiryukti, parts of the Kalpa-sidra visited China ... ... .. . ... 226 . ... ... . .. 260 pipal tree ... ... Parasara, founder of a school 62; 84; 352 ... ... ... 3-45 Piran Kaliar, and the Qalandar Fagfrs Parfsara-BhattArya, Sanskrit poet ... ... 348 ... 239 Pardi plates of A.D. 457 of Dabrasena : pirhais, bards ... ... ... ... 10 n. identification of places mentioned in the Pinchel, the late Dr., and the Paisachi dialect 159; on Prakrit grammar ... record on them ... ... ... ... 97 ... ... 256 Pisuna, writer ... ... ... paripanita, agreement of peace ... 22 ... ... 63; 85 Plantain goddess, Kela Devi ... bhikku, & monk ... parihara-kappalthiya ... 283 Plaksha, the holy fig-tree ....... whom penance is laid ... 24 ... ... ... 259 poems by Sarmad Parihara-tthuna, isolation ... 261 n., 262 .. ... ... 121, ff. Paris, hero Poi-shan range in C. Asia ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 43 ... 9 n. Paridishtapartan, by Hemachandra ... 258 n. poisons, in the Arthalustra ... 135, 174 parkati, fig-tree ... ... ... ... 202 and n. Poladungad, in Indore, Baddhist caves in 225, 228 n., 215 Parmars ... ... .. ... ... ... 179 policy, the double, in the Arthatastra ... 95 Parsh Nigrahachinta, considerations about an p'ongyi, Burmese=Talapoin ... ... ... 159 enemy in the rear. Ch. XIII, BK, VIII of poat, panjtor, poppy-beads ... ... ... 8 n. the Arthakastra .. ... . .. 51 pottery, remains in the Lop-nor desert 15; in Parars, Jaina Tirthankara ... 264 n. the study of Indian antiquities .. ... 75 Paryapasanakarma, the operation of a siege. Poussin, L. do La Vallee, and Buddhism 191, f. Ch. IV, Bk. XIII of the Arthalastra ... 161 power, powers, the combination of, etc., in Patanjali's Mahabhashya, date ... 74 tho Arthafaatra ... ... 19; 21; 53; 90; 131

Page #409
INDEX 371 . .. 107 PrabhAti, or morning hymn... .. 278 ; 837 Raghunathavarna, author ... .. 127 f. Prahlada ... ... ... ... ... 817 n. Raghuvamsa ... ... 210, f., 215, 237, 239, t. prik kriyamanaka, the regulation of business Raigarb dialect ... ... ... ... ... 155 in the East ... ... ... ... ... 214 Rai-lal Singh, assistant to Dr. Aurel Stein.. 49 prak-samudra, Eastern Sea ... ... ... 214 railing in cave ... ... ... ... ... 246 Prakrit, vebicle of Asoka inscriptions 72; in RAI Morni or Princess Peaben, Panjab legend copper-plate grants ... ... 194, f., 199, 203 1, f. Prakritar pavatara, book-notice of ... ... 235 rain-rice, Jaina rules regarding ... ... 262 Prikritaya) 195 ; meaning .. ... 197 n. rain a song for ... ... ... ... ... 286 Prakritivy sanavargah, Ch. I, Bk. VII of Raj& Merdhaj, and Bagh ... ... ... 227 the Arthasastra ... .. . 62 Raja-Mathan; the Burmese and Arakanese Pralambasuri, commentator ... .. 259 and n. name for a certain Hindd astronomer, Pramananayat attvalokalavikara, Jaina work meaning perhaps the author of the Rajaby Vadidevasuri ... .. . 288 martanda, q.. ... ... .. .. 254 premera, pestilence ... Rajamartanda, an astronomical work attripramukha, chief ... ... 211 buted to King Bhoja of Dhara, A. D. 1042: Propanna-Paritrana, of Pillai Lokacharya ... 317 it is perbape the bouk attributed in Burms prasa, a two handled weapon ... and Arakan to Raja-Mathan ... ... 255 pralijipa, counter intrigue ... ... . rajas, turbidity ... ... ... ... ... 240 Pratis&khya, a commentary ... ... .. 32 Rajasthan Annals and Antiquities of 186 f. pratydvapa, deficiency of infantry ... ... 113 R&jasthani dialect ... ... .. .. 351 prayer, to Hardaul Raja ... ... 323, 325 RajendralAla Mitra, and Jaina works ... 260 Pret, arch-demon, hymn to ... 283, 284 and n. Rajlok Gupha, cave in the Dhamnar group... 246 price of land, mentioned in a grant ... ... 214 Rajput, and Turki tribes 69, 77; Sengar Princess Penhen, or RAI Morni ... 1. ff. 179 and n., 191 profit, in the Arthaldstra RajputAnd 186, f.; caves in ... ... ... 245 Proine, discovery of sulptures at ... Ram, 8. ... ... 280, 282; 317 n.; 328; 312, f. protected monuments in Burma ... Ramagaon, in Tonk, Buddhist caves in. 225, 245 protection, of the Army, in the Arthaldstra... Ramakrishna, and the pushpasutra ... ... 32 Ptolemy's Geography ... ... ... ... Ramayana, the 76; Akbar's copy 183; pudgalavddins, personalists (Buddhist) 317 n. ; 318 n. pulse and sesame, Jaina rales regarding Ram Chandra ... ... ... ... 20; 349 Pulumayi, a Satavahana, date ... ... .. Ram DAS ... ... ... ... .. ... 269 punarabhisheka, reanointment to the sove Ramsay, Sir H, of Kumaun... .. .. 78 reignty: two instances ... ... ... 218 Ramzan mendicants' cry in ... ... ... 346 punishment, secret, in the Arthasastra 116; Rangoon collection of coins ... ... ... 185 241; Jaina rules regarding 257, f., 260-262 n., 264 Rangacharya, Prof., author of the Madra. Catalogue ... ... Puranas ... ... 73; 319, 322, 326 ... ... ... ... ... 256 ... .. 287 Puranic Mythology ... Rangdia pargand, in Bengal ... . ... 139 n. Rang Mahal, Painted Hall, a Bagh cave .. 232 Pari, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 269 Ranpur it.serip, and the Gubilas purity ... ... ... ... ... 261 n. R&shtrakQta family .. ... .. 187, 189 Pushya, Star ... ... ... 170, f., 172, f. rastramukhya, chief of a district ... 211, 213 .. 95 pustapila, an official ... Ratnikarivatarikd, a Jaina commentary ... 288 Rava! ascetics of Mewar ... ... ... 190 qadam tree ... ... ... ... ... 325 Revana, g. ... 178 and n., 317 and 1., 318 Qalandar Fagfrs of Pirai Kaliar, ery of ... 346 Rawak Stupa ... ... ... ... ... 42 Qebla, misprint for Qibla ... ... ... 124 Ray, Mr. Ganapati, and the use of tobacco ... 96 Rayamalla, RanA ... .. ... ... 190 Ragbu, ancestor of Rama .. ... Rarm Nama, the Mahabharata ... ... 188 Raghunandan, Ram Chandra ... ... 334 records, Chinese, in C. Asia ... 33-35 Raghunath Temple Library, Kashmir ... 352 reed, a land measuro ... 215, 4. * - 184 188, f.

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372 INDEX refectory, lecture-hall, shala ... ... ... 234 Saka era, dates ... .. ... ... .. 77 rognal, the word: note on the time from Sakalakirti, author of the Tattvarthadipaka. 257 which it has been in use ... ... ... 224 Sukatagarbha (P)... ... regoal year 3, in grant... ... ... ... 198 Suktikumara's, Atpar inscrip ... ... 186, if. regnal years; various customs in the use of Bakuntala nataka, by KA!idea... ... 236, 238 them in different countries 217, ff,; the Salim Shah of Fathpur Sikii, hymn to ... 269 events from which they would usually date. 218 Salivahana 76; a Guhila k. ... ... 187; 189 religion and philosophy of Kalidasa ... 2:36, ff. & ilmali, silk cotton tree Religious songs from N. India... 269-288; salt springs in C. Asia ... ... ... ... 16 321-345 salvation, in Buddhism 191, 267; and Kaireligious toleration under Akbar ... ... 119 dasa ... ... ... ... 240, f.; 286 Relland, Mr., and Burmese coins ... ... 185 sama, sandhi, samadhi, oonducive to mutual remedies against injuries of one's own army. faith te; conciliation ... ... ... 101 Oh. IV, Bk. XIV of the Arthasastra ... 174 San&cb&rudeva, name in a grant ... ... 211 Renan, and monotheism ... ... ... 160 Samachari, the Pajjosavanakappa ... 257, 264 n. renegades, in the Arthabastra... ... samahi-mattaya, a jug ... ... ... 260 n. rice, paddy ... ... ... ... 214, 1. Samanta-Maharaja Sinibaditya, a grantor ... 129 Rieu, and Sarmad's poems ... ... ... 121 | Samasanhita, tbe ... ... ... ... 32 Risala-i-Haqnuma, a work ... 126 Sumatata, probable identity with Veraka Risley's, Sir H. H., Ethnographic Appendices, 209 n.; or Banga ... ... ... ... 287 and the Brihis .. ... 350, f. Sumipan, in Rock Edict II., the etymology Rock edict II ... ... ... ... 64 and n. of .. .. .. .. .. 64 and n. rock drawings in Balachistan 180, f.; Brah Samoll, in Mewar, inscrip. at... ... ... 189 manical temples in C. India Samprati, k., and Jainism ... ... ... 258 Rogha, Brahman grantee ... ... ... 130 saisira, world of changes .. ... ... 316 Romaka-Siddhanta, the Original : A. D. 505; Sams&rins, Worldlings ... ... 18 an epoch for making calculations samskiras, mental impressions ... ... 240 according to it ... ... ... 254 and n. Samvat and Valabhi oras 77; (samvatsare) Roman Catholio worship in Goa .. ... 224 for regoal year ... ... 196 and n.; 205 rorf, red powder... ... ... ... ... 286 Sanchi Tope .... ... ... ... 225 rosary ... .. ... ... ... 123 sunctums, in caves . ... 229, 231, 233, 235 . routes, ancient, in C. Aniu ... 16-18, 43, 50 Sandanes, misprint for Sandales, the infor. Rudra, 8. ... ... ... 180; 317 and n., 318 mant of Bardisanes ... ... ... ... 237 Rodradhara, dataka of u grant ... ... 130 Sandhikarma. sandhimokshakcha. making : ruins, in 0. Asia 11-18, 33, 41, .; of Aitpoor, peace and breaking it. Ch. XVII, Bk. VII inscrip. from ... ... ... ... ... 186 of the Arthasaxtra .. .. .. 53 rules for control of excavations in Barma ... 18+ Sandspani, tutor to Krishia Vasudeva ... 320 Rap Chand, character in Panjab legend ... Sandrokottos and Chandragupta identified ... 70 1-3, 6-A, 10 sring, sung, chamola, Sabaranpar songe ... 32 Rustam, a digger with Dr. Aurel Stein... 13, 14 Sanghadasa, commentator ... ... .. Sanghavrittam, the conduct of Corporations. Bk. XI of the Arth atastra ... ... ... 116 Sangremikam, Relating to war. Bk. X of Sabdamanidarpana, and Oanarese grammar Arthakrislra ... ... ... ... ... 116 148, 153 Sankaracharya, commentator... ... 127, 128 Sa-chui, or Tun-buang, and Marco Polo ... 37 Sankarshana, g.... ... ... ... ... 144 sadhanika, an official ... ... 195, 197 n., 211 1. Sanskrit, and Central Asian Buddhism 38; safety, of the king, in the arthaf.istra ... 132 and Dravidian declensions 145, 147, 151; Saharanpar, local songs 32; popular singers. 154; translation, of the Brihatkatha 159; 64; 270 and N. Indian Buddhism 195; texta, etc. Sa'id, Sarmad ... ... ... ... 119 186,fi; inscrips. 193, 2., 197 n., 199, 203; Saiva, and Kshatra pa 226; use of Vaishnava poets, quoted 238, f,; and the Prakrits 256; temple ... *** .. ... 235 recensions of the Panchatantra ... ... 359

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INDEX 373 *** ** * 287 ... . ... 107 ... 317 ... 111 ... 13 ... 326 ... 256 Sanwaliya, Krishna ... ... .. .. 327 Shat Ghomote, hall near the Khanja Ali Sarabha, a fabulous animal, incarnation of Mosque, Kbulna dist. Siva ... ... ... ... ... ... 237 ships, shipping ... ... .. ... 210; 212 Sarabha, Saray, river... ... ... 265 and n. Shiraz, home of Khwaja Hafiz ... 125 n. Sarada characters ... ... ... 352 Showers, Maj. visited the Brandis ... ... 181 Saranevara temple, near Udaipur, inscrip. sbrides, ruined Buddhist, in C. Asia. 41, 42 ... 187,189 Siamese, coins 185; texts in PAli canon ... 217 Sarasvati, goddess ... ... Siddhahema sabdanukisana, Jaina work by Sarrand, Life and Execution of ... 199, ff. Hemachandracharya ... ... ... .. 288 Siddhahemasutrapalha, #Jaina work... ... 288 Sarr ath, hubble-bubble 96; Pali inscripe. ... 217 Saruna ... ... ... ... ... ... 181 Siddhahamasutra pathusya Akaradyanukramasarvurthasiddhi, success ip all... nika, a Jaina work ... ... ... ... 288 Sarve 'svara, The Universal Lord Siddharaja or Jayasimba, a Chalukya ... 288 Sastra ... .. siege, in the Arthasustra ... ... 142, 161 Sastras, (technical) M8S. of ... sign-manual, the hand, in rock drawing ... 181 Satan ... ... ... ... ... 119, 123, f. Sikandarabad, Agra, home of the Saint Satavahana dyn. .. ... ... ... 77 Nikhatta Shah ... ... ... 346 sati ... .. Sila, Guhila k. 187, f.; or 'Siladitya... ... 189 sattra, ambush ... 21, 56, 59, 109, f., 136 Siladitya I. 180; or Sila ... ... ... 189 .. sattva, purity ... ... ... Sildkunda, probably a tank ... .... 240 196, 198 Satyachandra, name in a grant . 195, 197 and n., 204, 205 and n., 216 saubhikas (?) ... Siltaditya I. a Valabhi... ... ... .. ... 57 ... ... ... 129 Sawan, month, songs sung in...332 and 1., 344, f. silver coins, or medals in Burma ... 185 ... S&wantvadi, co. ... ... ... Simba, Gubila k. ... 190 ... ... ... 187, ff. Sinbargja, grammarian 184, 1. ... scholarships, Archeological in Burma. Schubring, Dr. W., published the text of the Simon, R., his Das Pushpasutra reviewed ... 32 Kalpa-sutra Sindhia and Bagh .. ... ... ... .. ... 257 ... ... ... 227 Singhal, Ceylon ... ... 181 script, Syriac 39 ; in rock drawing ... .. Singers, in Saharanpor... ... ... .. 64 sculptures, stucco in C. Asia 41; in India 75; and carvings in Barma ... ... 184; f. Sirgod, village in Dharwar, the ancient Soytho-Dravidian type, and the Brahdis... 351 Sirigodu ... . . . .. 9 Sirigodu, ancient village, the modern Sirgod seals, on copper-plate grants ..-130, 194, 196, 199, 201, 203, 205, 206, 209, 212 in Dharwar ... ... ... ... ... 9: ... 332 semari, perhaps the fruit of the kathal Sitala, goddess of small-pox, songs to. 285, 1. ... sitaphal, pumpkin ... 160 Semitio nations and monotheism ... ... ... ... 332 Sengar Rajputs ... ... ... Siva, trident of, on coin 185; and Kalidasa ... 179 and n. 236; murtis, etc. .. Sesame or pulse, Jaina rules on the use of ... 262 ... ... 237; 240 Sivachand, pupil of Gyanchand Settlements, ancient, on the Kashgar river... 43 ... ... 187 setu-bandha, irrigational work ... Sivachandra, name in a grant... 195, 198, 202, 49, 54 205--207, 215 Sha-chon or Tun-huang tn. in Kansu, West Skanda, Brahman grantee ... ... . 230 ern China ... ... ... *** 16, f. Skandabhata, grant writer ... ... ... 130 Shah Abbas I ... ... ... ... 125 n. skandhavidins, phonomenalists, Buddhist ... 192 Shah Ali, and the Lawani songe ... Skandhavaraniresah, Encampment. Bk. X, Shahidulla, in C. Asia ... Ch. I of the Arthafastra ... ... ... 108 ShAhjahan,,emp. ... 119; 183 small-pox goddess, songs to ... ... 278, 285, f. Shah Karaila, song of his followers ... smaran and sumaran .. ... ... .. 68 Shah Madar, hymn to ... ... ... ... 339 smritis ... ... ... ... ... ... 319 Shakambari Devi, hymn to ... ... 322, f. Soga (?) ... ... ... ... ... ... 202 Shakespeare ... ... ... 238 Soma, g. ... ... .. shala, lecture-ball, refectory ... ... ... 234 Somadova, and Ksheuendra, translated the Sbalgram stone, Vaishnava hymn to ... 274 Brihatkatha 159; and the Panchatantra ... 352 Shar' ... ... .. ... ... 120 l Somaghosha, name in a grant... & grant... 201 ... 64 ... 339

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374 INDEX Somas vamin, donee in a grant ... 200, 202 Sundarbans, and Khanja Ali ... ... 287 songs, of Saharanpur 32, 64; Bundeli 178, f.; Sunyapala, officer in charge of waste lands... 95 Religious from N. India ...268-286; 321-345 Superstition, in India 76; and the Inquisisoul, immortality of, etc. ... ... 239, 240 tion in Bombay in 1707 ... ... ... 224 south Kensington Museum ... ... ... 182 supply, etc., destruction of, in the ArthaBovereignty, The aggregate of the calamaties sastra ... .. ... .. .. .. 135 of the elements of Bk. VIII, Ch. I of the sur, melody ... ... ... ... ... 235 Arthasistra ... ... .. ... ..62 Soraj-Pol-ka-gupha, cave in the Poladungad spear, in tomb drawing... ... ... ... 181 group ... ... ... ... .. . ... 245 speech, forbidden forms, among Buddhist Surashtra, in Gujarat ... ... ... ... 117 monks and nuns ... ... ... ... 267 SQr Das, song by ... ... ... ... 270 spies, in the Arthasastra ... 135, 142 Sarya-Siddhanta, the Original : an adaptasprings, salt, in C. Asia ... ... ... 16, f. tion of it, known as Makuranta, was used freni, a corporation of soldiers. 92, f. ; 142, f. in Burma till A, D. 1738,'and is still used Sri, Spiritual Mother ... ... ... ... 316 in Arakan: from A. D. 1739 the Burmese Sri-Bhatakka, legend on seal ... ... ... 130 authority has been the present SaryaBri-Jaina-Yago-Vijaya-Granthamila, comp Siddhanta ... ... ... ... 254, 289 lete set of Jaina works, reviewed ... ... 288 Suthara Shabis, mendicant cries ... ... 349 kringara-rasa, sentiment of love ... .. 241 Suvarna--vauthya ... ... ... ... 211 Sriranga-rijastava, by Parasara-Bhattarya ... 239 Suyatra ... ... ... ... ... ... 106 Sri-vaishnavas, the Godly ... ... ... 316 wabalopoghatapratilirah, Remedies against States, circle of, in the Arthasastra ... ... 60 the injuries of one's own army. Ch. IV, Sten Konow, Dr., and the Fali Sarnath Bk. XIV of the Arthasastra ... ... 174 inscrip. .. ... ... ... ... 217 svapadavadha, the enemy's dogs ... ... 110 Stevenson, Dr., and the Kalpa-sutra of Bha- Svar, the upper world ... .. ... 318 n. drababu ... ... ... ... ... 257 Svarga, Siva's heaven ... ... ... ... 202 Sthaninga, Jaina work, and the Dasas. 257, Svetambara canon 258, 264 n. scing, chamola, sang ..... ........ Sthanu, Siva ... ... ... ... ... 237 sword, in rock-drawing ... ... ... 181 Sthanudatta, k. ... ... ... 195-197, 206, 210 Syena, Brahman grantee ... ... ... 130 Sthaviravali, section of the Kalpa-sutra, Syrinc script in MS. ... ... treats of the early Jaina fathers ... ... 257 Szechenyi's, Count, expedition to C. Asia ... 36 sthita batru, an entrenched enemy ... ... 46 n. Sthalakarna, big ear ... ... ... ... 115 Sthand district in Magadha ... ... ... 261 Tadekasarika, ancient village, the modern Stone, Age relics in 0. Asia 15, 17; architec Taraari in Gujarat ... ... ... ... 97 ture in Burma 186; umbrella inscrip. ... 217 Tagu, the first month of the Burmese and Stores, etc., destruction of, in the Artha- Arakanese lunar year; the equivalent of kastra .. ... ... .. ... ... 135 the Hindu Chaitra, with which however it Stotra ratna, work by Yamunarya ... ... 239 does not necessarily coincide ... ... 251 students' archeological scholarships, Barma. Taimur, Tamerlane, emp. .. .. 184, f. talchta, wooden tablet ... ... ... Stupa, remains in C. Asia 16; Rawak 42; Taklamakan desert ... ... 142; in C. India Agency ... .. ... 225 Talaing., inscrip, Pagan 159; dynasty Subhadeva, name in a grant ... 195, 197 and n. Talapoin, derivation of ... ... ... 169 subhasitas ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 126 tamas, darkness ... ... ... ... 240 Su-chon oasis, C. Asia ... ... 40, f. Tamba nagari, ancient Anundpur or Abar, Sulaiho, riv., in C. Asia ... ... 33-35, 40 capital of Udaipur ... ... ... ... 188 sumaran and smaran ... ... 68 Tamil language ... ... 146-148, 150, ft. Sumeru, mt. ... .. ... 340 | Tamluk, the ancient Tamralipta, capital of Sumirin, a morning hymn ... ... ... 278 Subma, on the Honghly ... ... 197 n. Sun, g. . . ... 167) tamrakuta and tambaki, tobacco ... ... 96

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INDEX 375 Tanda, in C. India .. ... ... 226 n., 227 l'ij, Kothalt in Western Districts, songs from Tang dyna-ty and Buddhism, eto.... 36-38 344, f. Tangsen, Heuang-tsang ... ... 37 Tika Ram Joshi's (Pandit) Glossary of Pahari. 242 Tangat, and Marco Polo ... ... ... 37 Tiniehaks village, grant of ... ... ... 129 Tantrathy tyika, Dr. Hertel's edition, re- tirita, symplocos racemosa ... ... 263 and n. viewed ... ... ... ... ... ... 351 Tiruvay-mozhi, a work by Nammazhvar 317 n. Tantrayuktih, The plan of a treatise. Bk. XV tobacco, in India, early nse of... ... ... 96 of the Arthadastra ... ... .. . 175 Tod, Mr., and the Aitpoor' inserip. ... 186, ff. Taoist priest, and MSS, in Tun-buang 37-40 Toda dialect ... ... ... ... 152, 157 Tapa zachchha, Jaina sect .. .. ... 288 tomb incisod drawings from Baldchistan tapas ... ... ... ... - 192, 241 180, f. Tapasiya village, in grant .. .. .. 129 Took, O. India, Puddhist caves at ... 225, 245 tapoban, forests for penance ... ... ... 273 tope, represented in a cave . ... ... 246 Tiradbira ... ... ... ... 1, 2, 5, 7 topography of grants ... ... ... ... 209 Tarangth mentioned prince Govichandra ... 208 trade route, ancient, across C. Asia ... 16, 50 Tarim Basin, Chinese power in, etc. 15, ff., tradition as evidence of historical fact 71, 76 34, ., 41 Traill, Mr. of Kamaun ... . ... 5. 78 Tarsari, village in Gujarat; ancient name traitors, in the Arthabastra ... . ... 102 was TadakAskrika .. ... .. ... 97 transgression, Jains rules about 257, 1., 262, 267 Tatta, Thath .... ... ... ...119; 125 n. transmigration, in Buddhism ... ... 192 tattoo marks, at Vindhyachal .. ... 180 Trivikrama, Grammarian ... ... ... 256 Tattoabedhini, a Jaina work by Abhayadevar troops, in the Arthardstra .. ... ... 113 suri .. .. .. .. ... .. 288 troubles in the Arthadastri, of the king 83; Tattoarthadipaka, a work by Sakalakirti ... 257 of men 84; financial 86; of the army, etc. Taungthaman Kyauktawgyi pagoda at Ama- 88; external and internal ... .. .. 95 rapura ... .. .. .. .. .. 186 Tuar ancestors of Vikramaditya ... ... 188 Taw Sein Ko, Mr., and Burma ... ... 184Tudor Owen, Mr. W. C., of Palitana... ... 129 Taxila .. .. "* " ... 75 Tukagir, reputed originator of the LAwani Telugu language ... .. ... 146, 1. Songs ... ... ... ... ... ... 64 temples, Buddhist in C. Asia 42; in W. Tukbara or Indo-Scythian ... 14, 15 Ghats 237; rock-cut in O. India 246 ; Tulsi Das, poet ... ... ... 282, f. ; 348, f. Sah&ranpor 272; of Lodbebwar Mahadeva Tulu dialect ... ... ... ... 146, ff. 278; near Bari Akpur... ... ... 287 | Tumshuk, in C. Asia. * . .. 43 tenure of land, in grants ... ... ... 214 Ton-buang, Bha-chou, tn, in Kan-su 16-18; Teranbwin, last day of the obsequiod of a Oasis ... ... ... ...33, I.; 36--40, 42 Hinda, song sung OR... .. . ... 284 Turfan oasis, O. Asia ... ... ... 41, 43 Thakur Dighi, tank near Barrakpur ... 287 Turkestan, E. and Buddhist art ... 36; 89; 41 Thandeikta, an astronomical work used in Turki, or Kok-Turki, Script 17; tribes of O. Burma and Arakan, based on the prevent Asia ... .. ... .69 Sdrya-Siddhanta ... ... * . 254 Turki-Uighur MSS. found in Tun-buang ... 39 Theth, Tatta, in Sindh, and Sarmad ... 119 Turkman tribes ... ... ... .. 77 Thibaut, Dr. ... ... ... ... ... 128 Turko-Iranian type and the Brahdis Thingyan Tet, the Burmese and Arakanese Turks and O. Asia 38; 68; and the Ganges... 327 term for the mean Meeha-sankranti, q.. Turra, Singers of Lawani Songe ... ... 64 at which time their year changes ite number ... ... .. . ... 261 Tbode, Thodesa, name in a grant 200-202 n., 214 Ueb-Turfan Valley in C. Asia... ... ... 43 Thomas, Mr. T. W., Librarian, India Office... 351 Udaipur Oodipur dynasty, genealogy, etc. 186 1. Tibet, salt from ... ... ... ... .. 81 Udayagiri, Buddhist remains at ... 225 Tibetan, invasion of C. Asia in the 8th cen Udayasa ... . . ... .. .. 100 tury ... 14; 42; 17, f., 36; tests 38, 40 Udayana ... ... . .. ... 128 Tien-shan, range in C. Asia ... ... 41, 43 udhalnd, elope with another's wife ... ... 8 n.

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376 INDEX 59 ... 128 *** 97 **. 82 Uighur kingdom in C. Asia ... ... 89; 41 vardha mudra attitude ... 231, f. Ujjain, co., Buddhist Caves in ... ... 226 Varendra, Sk. Barind ... ... 209 Ujjayini, and Gandhya ... ... ... 159 varipatantaka (?)... ... ... ... ... 115 ulkd, firebrands .. 139, 169 Varuka, province .. 209 Ulugh Khan, conquered Gujarat .... ... 77 | Varuna, g. ... .. umbrella, stone, inscrip ... ... ... 217 Vasantgadb, Vatasthana ... 187 uncle, maternal, Hinda beliefs about 275, f., 280 Vasanti, wife of Kalidasa ... 286 Universe and God ... ... ... ... 240 VAsishtha, author ... Upajdpal, Sowing The Seeds of Dissension. Vasudeva, note on the name ... ... 319, f. Oh. I. Bk. XIII. of the Arthabastra ... 138 Vasudeva-Sva nin, donor of a grant ... 201, 1., 212 Upanishads 192; and Kalidasa 236, 238, 240; Vasukiya village, mentioned in a grant .. 130 319 and n. Vatabhoga, the Sadhanika, donor in grant Uparika, name in a grant ... 204,206, 210-212 195, . upasaka, devout worshipper ... ... ... 237 Vatasthana, mentioned in the Atpur inscripUsanas, School of ... ... ... tion, probably Vasantgadh in Sirohi State. Usbavadata, son-in-law of Nahapana; identi 187; 191 n. fication of places mentioned in his Nasik VatavyAdhi, a writer on policy ... 63; 85 inscription of A. D. 120 - ... Vatsapala-svamin, donor of grant ... 204, f., 212 ustad, teacher ... ... ... Vavahara, Juina fasts ... ... ... 267 n. uttaradhyayana, & mula-sutra ... ... 260 Vayupurana ... ... ... ... .. 240 Uttaragana, song book ... Vedic period, monuments of 72; chronology. 73 uttarinanussa, superhuman law ... 192 Vetilapanchadimfati ... ... ... ... 160 Vices and calamities. Bk. VIII of the Arthasastra ... ... ... ... ... 62 Victory, in the Arthatastra ... ... ... 138 VAchaspati, name in the Panchatantra ... 352 Videba, Tirhat ... ... ... ... ... 213 Vadari, Telugu dialect... ... ... 151, 155. vidrava, fever ... ... ... ... ... 107 Vadidevasdri, Jaina author of the Pramanana. Vidyaranya ... ... ... ... ... 128 yatattvalokalankara ... 264 n. ... ... ... 288 vigas-padibaddha, meaning of ... Vadnagar, Anandapura apura pihdra, central ball, in caves ..."... 227, 246 . ... ... 190 vagada, wataka, a barrier ... ... 260 n. ... 288 Vijayadharmastri, Jaina High Priest Vaijayanti, an ancient name of Bana wasi in Vijayadharmastri, JainachArya presented North Kanara .. ... Juins works to the German Oriental So ... .. 99 Vaishnava, temple at Bagh 235; hymn 274; ciety ... ... ... ... ... ".. 288 Vijayasinha, k. ... fast 281; song ... .. ... 282 ... ... ... Vijayasimba, k. ... ... ... 191 n. V&jasaneya, a branch of the followers of the Vikatavarman, k. of Videha ... ... .. 213 Yajur Veda ... 130; 196 ; 198; 202, 204, 205 vikrama, defeat ... ... Vakkaleri plates of Kirtivarman II: date of Vikramaditya k. 76, 188; popular name of the record on them ... ... ... Yasodbarman ... ... 218 ... ... ... ... 208 Vakragriva, Jains Prof. ... ... ... 288 Vikramorvafiya-ndtaka, by KAriddaa ... ... 237 Valabhi, era, and Gupta dates 77; dynasty, Village hymns in Itawa ... 279-281, 283 VinayAditya,(West. Chalukya): identification grante of ... .. .. ... 95; 129, f. valaya, an aggregate ... ... ... ... 115 of places mentioned in his record of A. D. Valmiki, MS. attributed to bim ... ... 256 694 on the Haribar plates ... ... ... 99 Vanavlai mandala, ancient province, the capi Vinayasena, keeper of records ... 195 n., 197 tal of which was Banawasi in North Kanara 99 Vindhya hills, and Gunadhya 160; Buddhist Vangas people of Bengal proper ... ... 215 CATea in ... .. .. .. .. 225 vanika (P).. .. . .. ... VindhyAchal, near Mirzapar, and tattoo ... 109 Vardhadisa II ... ... ... ... ... 129 marks 180; Devt temple at ... .. 828 Varaka mandala, province mentioned in a viraga, disloyalty ... .. ... 20 grant ... ... ... ... 195, 1. Visalaksbe, author ... ... ... 62,84; 131 Vararachi, reputed author of the Pushpanitra 32 viedlavijaya, rust victory ... ... ... 115 ... 28

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IDDEX 877 342 ... 166 Wond - vishaya ... - 195-197 n., 211-214, 216 Williams, Mr. S. L. and Padjabi words ... 242 Vishayakunda, name in a grant ... 205, 213 Wati, emperor under whom Chinese expanVishna, on coin etc. 185; 235; 237; 240, 1., 274 eion into C. Asia began ... .. .. 18 Vishnugapta, commentator ... ... ... 177 Woman's bathing songs Vishnusarman, a Brahman grantee ... ... 130 Woman's position in Islam 160 ; hymn to Vishnuvardhana, title of Vasodharman ... 208 Ram ... ... ... ... ... ... 313 vishdchike, a disease... Wonders of Creation, Ajaib-ul-makhluk it ... 188 Visvamitra ... 202 n. wooden structural buildings, Bagh .. ... 228 vows, Buddhist ... ... 262 n. Wordsworth quoted ... ... ... 238, f. Vrahmi, g. ... ... ... 334 work, an agreement for undertaking. Ch. Vriddhichandra, Jaina High Priest Jains High Priest ... 288 XII, Bk. VII of the Arthasistra ... ... 49 Vrihachchatta, name in a grant 195; and worship, Roman Catholic, at Goa ... ... 224 Chattopadhyaya ... ... 197 and n., 213 writing, not found in Bagh caves ... ... Vrijika ... ... . . .. ... 117 Vpitra, killed by Indra ... ... 318 n. vyapara, tyaparandya ... ... 211, 1. Yajurveda, Black, schools ... .. ... vyasana, propensity . ... ... ... 177 yaksha, a crazy Jains non ... - .. Vyasanadhikarikam, Concerning vices and Yamuna, riv. ... ... ... ... ... 265 calamities. Bk. VIII of the Arthalastra ... 62 Y&munarya .. . ... 239 Vyavahdra-sutra and the Kalpa-sutra, 257; I Yasaschandra, author of the Mudritakumudadates ... ... 258 and n., 261 n., 267 n. chandraprakarina ... .. ... .. 288 Vyav-tika, a work by Malayagiri . 258 n. Yasilakunda .. .. .. .. 198 n. Y&eka, writer ... ... ... . ... 74 Yaiodharman, emperor, and Dharmaditya. 208, f. Wagh, Bagh river ... ... ... ... 227 Yayati, founder of the Lunar race of kings Wall near Tunhuang 33, ff.; the Great ... 40 198, 201, 205 Wang-fu-hsia, the valley of the Ten Thou- yoga-samadhi, uninterrupted concentration of sand Buddhas ... .. . ... ... 40 the mind ... ... ... ... ... 240 war, in the Arthafastra... ... 25; 108, 1. yogavdnanan, Enticement of kings by secret war, sacred, and Islam ... .. . ... 160 contrivances. Bk. XIII, Ch. II of the warrior, in rock drawing * 181 Arthasastra ... ... ... ... ... 140 Washington Art Gallery, purchased, Col. Yons, or Hellenistic kings, and the word Hanna's collection of Indo-Persian pic sumanta . ... .... .. ... 64 turos and MSS. ... ... ... ... 182 yonibularadham, young ones ... ... watch-towers, ruins near Tun-huang ... 33, 35, 36 Yudhishthira ... ... ... ... . 85 wealth, in the Arthabitstra ... ... 100, 105 Yuga, Yugas ... Weber, on Indian MSS. 73, f.; his Indische Yt-men, tn. near Tunhuang ... Studien, etc. ... ... ... 257 n. ; 258 Yurung Kash, river in C. Asia Western Ghats ... ... ... 237 wheat, Jaina rules on the use of ... ... 262 Whitney's Grammar ... .. ... ... 212 212 | Zanana scene, Mughal picture Zaning

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ERRATA. P. 204, line 10 of the Text, in [n rijnaptah I] delete I. P. 204, line 25 of the Text, for 19 read 10 9; and understand a blank space of about inch between the 9 and eva-viathaya[mo]. In the reproduction of Plate C (excellently as it has been done) the tail of the symbol for 9 in the last line has failed to appear : it is very faint in the original ; but it can be distinctly recognized there as an open loop, made by a stroke to the right and then down towards the left, very much as in Professor Biihler's Table VIII, line for 9, col. 5. P. 211, line 9, for Avakisika read Avakakika. P. 212, line 24, after insert a comma. P. 293 ff. : in the column Days in Nayon," cancel the entries opposite the years A.D. 728, 908, 953, 1013, 1133, 1178, 1358, and 1448. P. 299 : in the column "B. E. New Year," next below 384 read 385, instead of 335. P. 305 : in the same column, next below 666 read 667, 668, 669, instead of 677,688, 699.

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