Indian Antiquary Vol 35

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032527/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
.
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY. FOLKLORE. LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS. PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c.
EDITED BY
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E.,
TORMEBLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY.
VOL. XXXV. - 1906.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
The Name of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE
PAGE 8. KRISHNASVAMI AIYANGAL, M.A.,M.B.A.B. G.A. GRIERSON, O.I.E., Ph.D., D.LITT., I.C.S.:S Y -IXOLATION WHICH IS NOT SATI ... 129 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PANJABI LANGUAGE ... 65 TIRUM.KNGAI ALVAR AND IS DATE ... ... 228 Sanskrit-Lesebuch. Zur Einführung in die altin
dische Sprache und Literatur. VON BRUNO MABEL BODE
LIEBICE. Leipzig, 1905. Pp.i-1, 1-651. 4o. 184
Dr. Sörensen's Index to the Names in the TAKEABOSTRA COUNTRY AND TAKEAROSTRI
Mahabharata, Part II. .. ... ... .. 18 WRITING by SILVAIN LÉVI (translated into English) . .. ..
. 1 B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S. J. BURGESS, 0.1, E., LL.D.
HARVEST FESTIVALS IN HONOUR OF GAUBI AND GANESE .
.. . * * * The Care of Ancient Monumento, by G. BALDWIN
TA SYMBOLIEM OT TER SAVITRI-VRATA ... 116 Brown, M.A., Watson Gordon professor of
NOTES ON F#MALA TATTOOING FROM OOTACA Fine Art in the University of Edinburgh.
WUND .. ... .. .. ... ... ... 269 Cambridge (University Press): 1906 ... ... 126 L'Art Greco-Bouddhique da Gandhara: Etude sur
E. HULTZSCH, PH.D. :les Origines, de l'Influence classique dans l'At bouddhique de l'Inde et de l'extremo Orient.
A Grammar of the Kannada Language in English, Par A. FOUCHER, Doot, és Lett. Tome premier
comprising the three dialects of the language Introduotien-les Edifices -- les Bas-reliefs ;
(ancient, medieval, and modern), by the Ray avec 300 illustrations, une planche et une carte.
DR. F. KITTEL. Mangalore : Basel Mission Paris: 1905 ...
** . . . .. .. ... 218
Book and Tract Dopository, 1903 ... ... .. The Jaipur Observatory and its Builder, by
The Kabatrachudamani of Vadibhasimha, with LIEUT. A. . GARRETT, R. E., asisted by
critical and explanatory notes, by T. S. PANDIT CHANDRADAR GULEBI (Gold Medallist
KUPPUBWAXI SASTRIYAR. Tupjore: 1903. of the Maharaja's College). Published under
(Sarasvativilass Series, No. III.) ... ... 96 the Patronage of H. H. tho Maharaja Sawal The Champu-Jivandhars of Harichandrs, edited Madho Singh of Jaipur, G.C.S.I., G.C.I.E.
by T. S, KUPPURWAMI SASTRI. Tanjoro 1 1906 Allahabad : 1902 .. . . ..
(SArasvativilas Serios, No. IV.)... 234
... ... 368
TAW SEIN KO: MAIDERA N. CHITTANAH:FOLKLORN TROM THE CENTRAL PROVINCES
CHINBR WORDS IN THE BURMESE LANGUAGE ... 211 I.--Tu KING AND HIS CLEVER GUARD ... 212
STEN KONOW, PH.D. - WILLIAM CROOKE :
Parijatamanjari or Vijayasri, a Natiks composed FOLKTALIS YROX NORTHURN INDIA . 142,
about A. D. 1213 by Madans, the preceptor of
the Paramara king Arjunavarman, and engraved Rev. A. H. FRANCKE:
on stone at Dhiri, Edited by E, BULTISCH,
PH.D. Leipzig : Otto Harrossowits ; 1906 ... 235 Tu Rock INSCRIPTIONS AT MULBS ARCHEOLOGY IX WESTERN TIBNT
287, 825N. KURUTHALWARYung-drang - Lamayura
... 292 TALES OP TE TELUGU VAISHNAVAS (translated
into English ) (Prefatory Notes by Mrs. I. J. 0. FRANKE; HALEN
PITT) ... . ... . ... ... .. 48 TSOK AND KANISKA, selected and translated by Miss 0. A. NICOLBOX, M.A...
88 SYLVAIN LEVI:
THR KRABORTBA COUNTRY AND THE KHAROSTRI WILHELM GEIGER ; ERLANGEN
WRITING, translated by MABAL BOD ... ... 1 TH) DIPAVAXBA AND TH) KARAVANSA AND
G. K. NARIWAX THHISTORICAL TRADITION IN CEYLON,. . condensed translation by Miss O. A. NICOLSON, TS RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLE, by the M.A. ... ...
.. 158 late c. P. TIB (translated into English) ... 196
179

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ir
CONTENTS.
PAGA
ΡΔΟΣ 188 C. A. NICOLSON, M.A. -
VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., 1.C.S. (RITD.) Thx SOK AND KANISKA, Selections from the PTOMY FLINTS ... ..
...
.. 185 German of Dr. O. FRANKE, of HALENBEN
BACON'S ALLUBION TO THOITDRAKAT... . 335 (translated into English ) ... .. .. ... 33 The Alleged Custom of naming Hindu after his TH. DIPAVAMSA AND TRE MALLVAXBA AND
Grandfather .
135, 231 TRW HISTORICAL TRADITION IN CEYLON, by Thanem ... ... ..
... ... ... ... 125 WILHELM GEIGER (translated into English ) ... 153 Tibetan Illustration of the Yandheys Tribal H. A. BOSE :
Is Tobacco indigenous to India? -
. .. 292 HINDUISM IN THE HIMALATAB
... 242 LEJRNDS YROM THE PANJAB (with the assistance
H. WARINGTON SMYTH :of LALA KABAX CHAND BHALLA) ... ... 300
BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY Two PANJABI LOV SONGS IN TH DIALECT OY THE LAUNDA OR WXBTERN PANJAB, BY JINDAN
PENINSULA (with notes by WALTER W. SKRAT). 97 (with some Notes by Dr. G. A. GBIERBON, C.IE)... ...
. .. .. ... 333
LT.-Col. SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BABT., C.I.E. - A Disputed Succession Chamba State, Panjab ... 152
TAX TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN Indian "Half-Heads" ... .. . .. . 213 CAMPBELL) IN THE EAST INDIES, PERBIA, AND A Succession Custom among Sikh Chiefs in the
PALESTINE, 1654-1670 ... ... ...131, 168, 203 Panjab ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 23 A NATIVE ACCOUNT OF THE TAIRTY-SEVEN NATS, Customary Law regarding Snooession in Ruling
being a translation of rare Burmese Families of the Padjab Hill States ... ...233, 291 Manuscript ... .. ... .. ... ... 217 Titles among Ruling Families in the Punjab
Negritos of Zambales. By WILLIAM ALLAN REED: Hill States: Addendum . .. ... ... 824 Department of the Interior, Ethnologioul Survey
Publications, Vol. II., Part I. Manila: Barosu RICHARD SCHMIDT :
of Pablic Printing, 1904 .. ... ... .. 32 Parvati Parinaya, with an introduction and Talapoin... . footnotes, by PANDIT R. V. KRISHNAMA
Juncameer, Junkeon ... ... ... ... 292 CHABLAB. Srirangam: 1906 (Sri Vani Vilas
Christian Tomb used for Muhammadan Worship... 356 Sanskrit Series, No. 1). II., 16 + 71 pages. 8°. 215 ROBERT SEWELL, M.R.A.S., 1.C.S. (RED.):
TAE LATE Prof. C. P. TIELE:ANTIQUARIAN NOTES IN BURMA AND CHILOK 293 THE RELIGION OY TUX IRANIAN PROPERA
translated by G. K. NARIXAN ... - . 196 LAL SHAH, BANNU :NOTE ON SOME FRONTIER SHRINES ... ... 119 M. N. VENKATASWAMI, M.R.A.S., M.F.L.S.
I SOM THUGU NUSS RY SONGS AND CATUKX8... 150 R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A. - A THRORY OF THE ORIGIN OF TRE DEVANAGARI J. PH, VOGEL : ALPHABET ... .. .. . ...253, 270, 311) A Woman's Wilos
g.
21 T. SIVASANKARAMI
J. W. YOUNGSON, D.D. - TELUGU FOLKLORH:-THE HUNTER AND THE
Doves (translated into English )... ... ... 81 THE CHURRAS. ... .. ... ... 82, 302, 337
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. The Allored Custom of naming * Hindu after his Castomary Law regarding Succession in Ruling
Graodfather, by Vincent A. Smith ... 125, 291 Families of the Panjab Hill States, by H. A. T'banesar, by Vincent A. Smith ... .
. .. 125 Rose
*** -
233, 291 A Disputed succession : Chamba State, Panjab, by H. A. Rose ... ... ..
... 152 Tibetan Illustration of the Ysudheya Tribal Indian "Hall-Heads," by H. A. Rose ... ... 213 Organization, by Vincent A. Smith ... . ... 290 A Succession Custom among Sikh Chiols in the
Panjab, by H. A. Ron... ... ... ... ... 233 A Woman's Wiles, by J. Ph. Vogel ... ... ... 291
NOTES AND QUERIES. Talapoin, by Sir R. C. Temple. ... ... ... 267 | Titles among Ruling Families in the Panjab Hill Junonineer, Jankeon, by Sir R.C. Temple ... ... 292 States: Addendum, by H. A. Rose...
- 324 I. Tobnoso indigenous to India? by Vincent A.
Smith ... . ... ... . .. ... 292 Christian Tomb uned for Muhammadan Worship, by Yung-drung - Lamnyuru, by Rev. A. H. Francke... 292 Sir R. O. Temple

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82
Negritos of Zambales. By William Allan Reed: Department of the Interior, Ethnological Survey Publications, Vol. II., Part I. Manila: Bureau of Public Printing, 1904. By Sir R. C. Temple A Grammar of the Kannada Language in English, comprising the three dialects of the language (ancient, medieval, and modern), by the Rev. Dr. F. Kittel. Mangalore: Basel Mission Book and Tract Depository, 1903. By E. Hultzsch... The Kshatrachudamani of Vadibhasimha, with ⚫ critical and explanatory notes, by T. 8. Kuppuswami Sastriyar. Tanjore: 1903. (Sarasvativilasa Series, No. III.) By E. Hultzsch The Care of Ancient Monuments, by G. Baldwin Brown, M.A., Watson Gordon professor of Fine Art in the University of Edinburgh. Cambridge (University Press): 1905 By J. B. Sanskrit-Lesebuch. Zur Einführung in die altindische Sprache und Literatur. Von Brano Liebich. Leipzig, 1905. Pp. i-x, 1-651, 4°. By George A. Grierson...
184
-
...
Dr. Sörensen's Index to the Names in the Mahabharata, Part II. By G. A. G. 184 L'Art Grego-Bouddhique du Gandhara: Etude sur les Origines, de l'Influence classique dans l'Art bouddhique de l'Inde et de l'extréme Orient. Par
The Symbolism of the Savitri-Vrata ...
Pygmy Flints
Chinese Words in the Burmese Language...
Devanagari Alphabet, Plate I.
Do.
do. do. IL.
Do.
Do.
do.
CONTENTS.
Harvest Festival - Gauri and Ganesh
The Rock Inscriptions at Mulbe, Plates I. and II. ... Malay Boats, Plates I.-III.
Do. do. Plate IV. ...
do.
BOOK-NOTICES.
do. III.
do. IV..
PAGE
64
96
***
126
ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
213
A. Foucher, Doct. és Lett. Tome premier : Introductien les Edifices -les Bas-reliefs; avec 300 illustrations, une planche et une carte. Paris: 1905. By J. Burgess ... Parvati Parinaya, with an introduction and footnotes, by Pandit R. V. Krishnamachariar. Srirangam: 1903 (Sri Vani Vilas Sanskrit Series, No. 1). II.,18+71 pages, 8°. By Richard Schmidt, 215 The Jaipur Observatory and its Builder. By Lieut. A. ff. Garrett, R. E., assisted by Pandit Chandradhar Guleri (Gold Medallist of the Maharaja's College). Published under the Patronage of H. H. the Maharaja Sawai Madho Singh of Jaipur, G.C.S.L., G.C.I.E., Allahabad: 1908. By J. B.... Parijatamanjari or Vijayasri, a Natika composed about A. D. 1213 by Madana, the preceptor of the Paramara king Arjunavarman, and engraved on stone at Dhara. Edited by E. Hultzsch, Ph.D. Leipzig; Otto Harrassowitz; 1906. By Sten Konow
108
114.
118
186 ... 212 ...255
232 275 276
The Champu-Jivandhara of Harichandra, edited by T. 8. Kuppuswami Sastri. Tanjore : 1905. (Sarasvativilasa Series, No. IV.) By E.
Hultzsch
268
APPENDIX.
INDEX OF PRAEBIT WORDS, BY DON M. DE ZILVA WICKREMASINGHE
***
64 | Devanagari Alphabet, Plates V. and VL 80 do. Plate VII.
Do.
Do.
do.
do. VIII.
Do.
do. IX.
Do.
278 ...281 ...290 do. ... 311 do. do. X. 316 Female Tattooing in Ootacamund 270 Antiquarian Notes in Burma and Ceylon, Plate L. 294 Do. do. do. do. II 296 Araheology in Western Tibet Plates I., II., and III. ...
... 825
"
234
1.
235
... pp. 93-120

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXXV. – 1906.
THE KHAROSTRA COUNTRY AND THE KHAROSTRI WRITING.
BY SYLVAIN LÉVI. Translated, with the author's permission and under his direction, from the "Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient," Vol. IV., 1904, pp. 543 to 579,
by Mabel BODE. (N.B. - In the oase of Chinese words, the French system of
transcription has been followed in this article.) T HAVE published in the Bulletin of the Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient a document of 1 Chinese origin, in which the name Kharostra appears as an ancient designation of the town of Kashgar. On the faith of this text, I proposed to trace the origin of the Kharoştri writing to Kashgaria. M. Pinehel and M. Franke have collaborated in the task of refuting my thesis, in two successive communications to the Academy of Berlin (Sitzungsberichte der Königl. Pr. Al. d. Wiss., February 5, and July 9, 1903). M. Halévy, who has already broken so many lances on the subject of Indian scripts, has again seized his weapons and hastened to my sid (Revue Sémitique, 1903). M, Pelliot, an umpire no less impartial than competent, has followed in the Bulletin (1908, p. 839 and 479) the phases of the fight, scored the points, marked the blows, and pointed out weaknesses, excesses and omissions.
The question raised has gained alike in width and in precision. I merely thought to offer a fortunate discovery to the patient curiosity of scholars. But the impetaous heat of attack, and perhaps also of defence, bears witness, notwithstanding my caution, to the importance of the problem posed and the weighty consequences of my solution, if once accepted. Being responsible for the controversy raised, I have felt bound to re-examine the facts in detail, without amour-propre, and without parti-pris, fally ready to acknowledge my error if I was mistaken. The results of the new inquiry have surpassed, I will not say my wishes, but my expectation. If I abandon the connection I had suggested between Kharoştra and Kashgar, it is to carry the use of Kharo tra as a geographical designation, further back by centuries, to the very epoch of the Kharoştri writing, - that is, the Indo-Scythian period, and to make this geographical expression cover a more extensive ground, on the North-West frontiers of India.
I must begin by rectifying or completing certain inexact statements in my article, which my critics have neglected to point out. I mentioned the Sin-yi Ta-fang-houang Fo-houa-yen-king Yin-yi of Houei-yuan as a work only (544] preserved in the Korean collection; the text I consulted in the Tokyo edition of the Tripitaka does, in fact, only reproduce the Korean copy. But the Chinese collections of the Soung, the Yuen and the Ming also contain the work of Houei-yuan; the characters
• 1 [For a translation of M. Lévi's artiole on this subjeot, see Vol. XXXIII., 1904, above, p. 79 f.- EDITOR.]
[For a translation of those artioles by Dr. Franke and Professor Pischel, see Vol. XXXIV., 1905, above, Pp. 21 ff., 41 ff.,-EDITOR.]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1906.
Sin-yi at the head of the title do not occur in the edition of the Ming. The Korean and the Chinese texts, however, show such divergences that they may be considered as independent recensions ; moreover, the Japanese editors, contrary to their usual method, have published two texts, each by itself (Korean, ib. XXXIX.: 10, 109–129; Chinese, ib. 129–147). The Chinese edition naturally appears in Nanjio's Catalogue, which is based on the Collection of the Ming; here it comes under the number 1606. I had not succeeded in finding Hogei-yuan, the author of the Yin-yi, in the biographies of the Kao-seng-tchouan ; M. Nanjio's references (Appendix III., No. 82; Hwui-wan) have put me on the track. The Soung-kao-seng-tchouan, compiled in 988, contains a brief notice of our Honei-yuan. This notice does not give a precise date ; but it is inserted (T8k. ed. XXXV. 4, 945) between two biographies, of which the one mentions the year 766, the other the year 782 A. D. One would be inclined to suppose that Houei-yaan's period of activity fell between these two dates. This would be an error. As a matter of fact the K'ai-yuen-chi-kiao-lou, compiled in 730, classes the Yin-yi of Houei-yuan among the canonical texts and places its author (T6k. ed. XXXVIII. 4, 834) immediately after I-tsing and Bodhiruci, who died, the one in 713, the other in 727, and immediately before Tche-yen and Vajrabodhi who began their work as translators in 721 and 728 respectively. Hogei-yuan then belongs to the first quarter of the VIIIth century.
The new translation of the Avatamsaka-būtra, of which the Yin-yi of Houei-yuan is commentary, was written between 695 and 699; the translator, Çikşānanda of Khotan, died in 710 at the age of fifty-nine. The interval between the interpreter and the commentator is slight even to the vanishing point. Even if Houei-yuan did not personally collaborate in the collective work which bears the name of Çikşānands as the name, so to speak, of the firm, he may well have received oral instruction from the monk of Khotan. Hence his Yin-yi bears the character of a supplement, or rather, an appendix to the translation of the sūtra. If we regard it as such, the note on Chou-le and Kharogtra is illuminated by a sudden and penetrating light. The formula introducing this note is the same in the two recensions (Kor, text, p. 121; Chin. 3, p. 140): "Chou-le-kouo, tokeng ming, K'ia-lou-chow-tan-le" ("The kingdom of Chou-le; the exact name is K'ia-lou-chou-tan-le"). I have gone carefully through the whole of the two recensions of the Yin-yi ; I have not once met with another example of this formula: Tcheng-ming. Hogei-yuan regularly employs, without once varying from it, the phrase Tcheng-yun; "the exact expression is ...," every time he restores tha correct form of a Sanskrit word mutilated or altered in the translation, Examples of this are innumerable. I will content myself with instancing a few :-(Kor. 110 - Ch. 1304): Pi-cha-men, tcheng-yun, Pei-che-lo-man-nang ("Pi-cha-men; the exact expression is Vaiçramaņa"). (Kor. ib.= Ch. ib.): (545] P'i-leou-po-tch'a, tcheng-yun, Pi-lou-po ho-ki-tch'a ("Pi-leon-po-teha; the exact expression is Virūpa-akşa"). (Kor. 111* = Ch. 131*): Tak'a, tcheng-yun Ki-tch'ai-tan-lo ("Tch'a; the exact expression is Kşetra"). It is the same with san-mes and sun-mo-ti (= samadhi) (ib.); with Yon-feou-t'an-kin and Jan-pou-nai-t'o (Jämbunada) (Kor. 111b = Oh. 1310); yeon-po-lo and ni-lo-wow-po-lo ( = nila atpala) (ib.); Fou-po-ti and Pou-lou-p'o-p'it'i-ho (= Pürvavideha) (Kor. 118* = Ch. 188b; Yon-feourt'i and Tohon-pou-ti (Jambudvipa (ib.); Tao-li-t'ien and Tan-li-ye tax-i-chõ (=Trayaotrime&h) (Kor. 114b = Ch. 1849) &e.
On what authority does Houei-yuan base a correct restoration of the Sanskrit forms? Study of the Yin-yi enlightens us. To explain the expression chan-hou = coral (Kor. 1176 = Ch. 137) Hogei-yuan writes: fan-pen-tcheng-yun po-lo-mo-houo-lo wei-pao-chou. "The Sangkrit original (fan-pen) has the exact expression : paramavāla, that is to say, precious tree." Thus Houei-yuan uses the Sanskrit original side by side with the Chinese version: In the same passage of the sutra Cikginanda uses the Chinese expression : tch'o-k'iu; Houei-yuan comments on it in these terms: fan-pen-tcheng-yun-meow-sa-lo-kie-p'o." The Sanskrit original has the exact expression : mosäragarbha." In another passage (Kor. 124b = Ch. 1482), where the text has, kiun-houei-pi-kicou, Houei-yaan adds the gloss : fan-pen-tcheng-yun Yin-to-lo-mo-ti-pi-Kieous.” “In the Sanskrit text
See the Special Note A on page 19 below.

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JANUARY, 1906.) KHAROSTRA AND THE KHAROSTRI WRITING. 3 the expression is: Indramati bhiksu." Thus the author of the Yin-yi does not attempt arbitrary restoration : in case of doubt he turns to the Sanskrit manuscript. He has also at his disposal, and consults with the same conscientiousness, the original manuscript of the translation designated by him: king-pen (Kor. 1148 -- Ch, 134a, twice). Either the Sanskrit or the Chinese copy, the Fan-pen or the King-pen, probably contained marginal notes, similar to the notes of our classic editions, and it is from these that Houei-yuan must have drawn a part of his information. Fifty years before, Hinen-yuan had compiled, from the same materials, his glossary of the Tripitaka : Yi-tsie-king-yin-yi, and later, towards the end of the VIIIth century Houei-lin composed a still fuller glossary under the same title. I have already pointed ont in my first article, when speaking of the enumeration in which the name Chou-le (= Kashgar) occurs, that (546] Houei-yuan does not comment on all the terms employed; he leaves out Pataliputra, Kacmira, Nan-ti-po-tan-na, which he explains elsewhere in his work, Tsing-tsingpei-ngang (perhaps because it is a compound made up of purely Chinese words instead of being a simple transcription); finally Mo-lan-to and Ran-pou-tche. Each of these two names is accompanied by the same note : wei fan "no translation." He means that Ciksananda bas omitted to give the translation. Houei-yuan, as a good etymologist of the Hindu school, would bave had no difficulty in imagining a satisfactory interpretation of these words, but he refuses to invent one when * the translation is missing. We are now enabled to seek the source whence Houei-yuan drew his information about Chou-le. The formula introducing the merrtion of the term K'ia-lou-chou-tan-le is unique, as I have said, throughout the whole of the Yin-yi. This apparent exception, in the case of a usage absolutely uniform, cannot in fairness be considered accidental. Houei-yuan did not say : Chou-le, tcheng-yun, k'ia-lou .... ["Chou-le; the correct expression is K'ia-lou ..."). By using this phrase he would have indicated that Chou-le was correctly rendered K'ia-lou ... in Sanskrit. He was too well-informed to make such a statement; and he knew as well as modern philologists the forms brought into the language by Hiuan-Tsang : Kia-cha, Chi-li-ki-li-to-ti. But we have another means of clearing up the question definitively. Before the translation of the Avatamsaka by Ciksananda, the sutra had been translated, towards the beginning of the Vth century, by Buddhabhadra. This translation has been preserved and I have given an account of it in my first article ; it coincides exactly, as to the names of countries, with the translation of Ciksananda, except in the case of this ve s Chou-le. In place of this name which corresponds to a precisely defined locality, Buddhabhadra's translation gives: Pien-yi, "the borderbarbarians." Yet there was nothing to prevent the first translator from writing Chowle, or an analogous name, if the original text contained the name Kashgar. This divergence requires explanation. To guard against any hasty conclusion I will first examine a document closely allied to our list. The Maba-samnipata-sutra (Ta-tsi-king) translated into Chinese by Narendrayacas between 589 and 618 contains, in the section of the Suryagarbha sutra (Tok. ed. III. 3, 52), a list of the spots sanctified by the presence of a Bodhisattva. "At Vaicali dwells the holy man Chen-tchou (happy sojourn: Susthana ?) meou-ni (muni) ... ; in Magadha, Pi-pou-lo-peng-kia (Vipulapanga) meow-ni (mani)...; at Mathura, Ngai-yu-yen (to love-cloud-fire)...; in Kocala (547) Che-ye-cheou-to (Jayacuddha ?) meou-ni (muni) ..; at Sou-po-la-k'ia-sa-tche-meou-tchi-lin-to (Sa paraka saca ? mucilinda) the holy man Hiang (perfume) , . ; in Gandbara Ta-li-che-na-joumo-lo (Darcanajnamala ?) meou-ni (muni) . . . . ; in Ki-pin (Kapica-Kacmira) Kong-[kong]mo-ni-k'ia (Kuokuma ?) meou-ni (muni). . .; in Ngan-feou-li-mo, Yi-t'sang-yeu (myriad, deposit, Cikgananda's translation omits, however, the note conserning Pata liputra and the Monastery of the Golden Lamp. The note marked 1 (p. 247 of my first article in the Bulletin, p. 3, of the tirage a part) refers to this notice and has nothing to do with the indication of the 45th ohapter, over which the note-sign has been erroneously placed

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1906.
flame : Koţigarbhaprabha ?) meou-ni (muni) ... ;in China (Tchen-t'an) Na-lo-ye-na-fo-lo-po80 (Nārāyana-prabhāsa ?) meou-ni (muni) .....; at Khotan (Yt-t'ien) on the steep banks of the river near mount Nicou-t'eou (cow's head : Goçirga) Kine-mo-po (var-so]-lo-hiang (Gomasālagandha)."
This list is evidently parallel to that of the Avatam saka ;s the only notable divergence bears on the very name we are studying. Where Çikşānanda writes Chou-le (Kashgar) or Buddhabhadra writes Pien-yi (the border-bar barians), the translator of the Suryagar bha writes Yu-t'ien (Khotan). The divergence is the more surprising as the details agree all round (548). Whether it be a question of Kashgar or the border-barbarians or Khotan, the consecrated locality is always the Cow's Head" (Gocirşa). The difference between the three interpreters can only be explained by admitting a common original capable of three interpretations.
The value of Houei.yaan's forinula is then most clearly evident. In the new translation of the Avatamsaka he meets with an expression which, compared with the ancient version, looks alarmingly like an arbitrary invention. Why Chou-le when Buddhabhadra said Pien-yi? The correct name is K'ia-lou-chou-tan-le, replies Hodei-yuan. Well and good, but why Chou-lé rather than Pien-yi? In reply to this question (549] Houei-yuan then gives the venturesome etymology that sends a shudder through such severe philologists as M. Pischel and M. Franke. Nothing is more simple, adds Houei-yuan, with the calm assurance of etymologists who have not studied Comparative Grammar ; Chou-le is derived directly from K'ia-lou-chou-tan-le (a derivation recalling cadaver from caro data vermibus). You can see quite well how Chou-le is a faithful translation of the word in the Sanskrit original.
We know now whence comes this mysterious Kia-lou-chou-tan-le, which could not have fallen from heaven. Houei-yuan had simply taken it from the Sanskrit text at his disposal, whether it were that he reproduced a note justificative of the translator Cikşānanda or himself invented the etymological explanation pat forward. At the same time, the name Kia-lou-chou-tan-le retreats into the past as far as the distant epoch to which the Avatamsaka-sutra belongs. We shall succeed in fixing the data, but before undertaking this new research I ought to submit anew to verification the transcription I have proposed for K'ia-lou-chou-tan-le: Kharoetra. M. Franke, who has discussed it, has not disputed its phonetic exactness, but, taking his stand on the etymology of Houeiyuan, who could hardly have expected the honour of being taken seriously so late in the day, he has proposed two other restorations of the Sanskrit form : Kaluşāntara, Kaloşadhara ; and M. Pischel has suggested yet another: Kaluşottara.
These restorations of M. Franke, supported by the authority of M. Pischel, mark & regrettable step backwards in science. It is forty-three years since Stanislas Julien founded the étude positive of transcriptions and published a Méthode pour déchiffrer et transcrire les noms sanscrits qui se rencontrent dans les livres chinois (Paris, 1861). The work is not perfect; the materials brought together demand, at the present day, more rigorous classification ; bat, such as it is, it would have rendered it annecessary for M. Franke to have recourse to fanciful combinations. The [650] character Kia occurs there [No. 570-No. 575], and in all the examples it represents the aspirated guttural of the Sanskrit. No sound is more sorely established, and it is easy to add to the examples given by Julien. I will refer the reader in a general way to the Index of Hiouen-tsang, and content myself with quoting transcriptions borrowed from works less widely known. The Japanese Dictionary of the Dhäranis (To-lo-ni treu-tien) gives, among others, the following: -k'ia, translated the void = kha; k'ia-ni-ye-to-kia, translated fire-fly = khadyotaka; k'ia-tch'a, translated bed = khata ; L'ia-ngo-tche-lo-na, translated flight = khagarana (corr, khacaro); li-k'ia, translated letter = lekhā, and t'ia-lo, translated ass=khars. The Fan-yu-tsien-tseu-wen or Thousand Sanskrit Words of I-tsing makes (p. 47) k'ia-lo represent the Sanskrit word which translates ass (=khara), whereas
• See the Special Note B on page 19 below.
• See the Special Note Con page 21 below.

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JANUARY, 1906.) KHAROSTRA AND THE KHAROSTRI WRITING.
the Fan-yu-tra-ming (p. 88*) renders the same Chinese word (lou), ngo-lo-ra, that is, garda, an incomplete form of gardabha. The Fou-kiao-theu-tien (p. 36) quotes l'ia-li, bushel = khari, and k'ia-lou, the tenth of a bushel = khara. One of the clearest examples occurring in the Yin-yi of Hionen-ying, Chap. L, is the rhinoceros [=khadga). Thus in the case of k'ia-lou-chou . . . no transcription can be accepted, having other than an aspirated guttural as the initial letter; the same may be said with even more certainty (if that could be) where a word is reproduced by the author of a Yin-yi (561) professing to represent the written sounds in a scientific way, uninfluenced by the alterations often inherent in oral transmission.7
The character lou does not call for discussion ; it represents the liquid followed by a labial vowel. On the other hand the character chou, according to M. Franke, lends itself to a transcription differing from nine. "Among the divers pronunciations of this sign," he says, "the dictionary of K'ang-hi gives, beside the sounds ohou and chouo (Cantonese : chok) two sounds, both of which have a final nasal (soung and sun). It is evident from this that the said sound chou had a nasal element at the end or, at least, could have one'; this sign therefore was fitted to represent a Sanskrit ano rather than another sign chou, which, according to Kang-hi, had no nasal sound." As this is purely a question of Chinese philology I will let the Sinologists speak for themselves. M. Pelliot replies (Bulletin, III. 479-480): “It is none the less a fact, I fear, that shou is not in any case pronounced with a final nasal. Certainly the Kang-hi-trei-tien says that chou is pronounced in certain cases like the character which M. Franke transcribes song ; but to this last character belong, in reality, a whole series of pronunciations : seou, sou, chou, song, and the K'ang-hi states very distinctly that if our chou is sometimes prononnced like the other chou, it is because the latter character is pronounced chouang) (y)u, that is to say chou ... It is the same with another sign which M. Franke reads siuan. Such is, in fact, the ordinary pronunciation of the character, but there is also a subsidiary pronunciation (ong) (ts') iu = siu, and K'ang-hi here again lays down the rule that chou is pronounced like siuan when this last character is pronounced sit. Conseqnently chou can in no case be pronounced with a final nasal.” Confining myself to the field of transcription from the Sanskrit, I can put before M. Franke a fact which will doubtless convince him in the Yinyi in which Honei-yuan gives the transcription K'ia-lou-chou-tan-le, this same character chou is employed in the body of a word which can be restored withogt difficulty (Kor. 129* = Ch. 1476). The text of the Avatamsaka has Mo-lo-ti-kouo, kingdom of Mo-lo-ti. Houei-yuan adds the gloss : “It is the Mo-lo-ye-ts-chow; Mo-lo-ye is the name of a mountain ; ti-chou is the interior. It is said: that in the interior of this kingdom is the mountain Mo-lo-ye; hence its name." The Sanskrit then is Malayadeco in which chou represents the palatal sibilant followed by a labial vowel.
(552] The transcription 'chou-tan-le, employed here by Houei-yuan, is not the normal transcription of the Sanskrit group stra, I willingly admit: we should rather expect to find, as the Chinese equivalent, cho tch'a lo; the first two chö-tch'a may be found almost uniformly serving to reproduce the Sanskrit cerebrals and ţ. Here again it is sufficient, so numerous are the examples, to refer to Julien's Méthode (No. 1554) and the Index to Hionen-tsang. The group etra is rare in Sanskrit and not often to be found in the transcriptions. Still I have been able to find some. The To-lo-ni-tseu-tien contains wou-cho-tch'a-lo, translated camel = litra, or tan-cho-tch'a-lo or neny-chatoh'a-lo, translated tooth = damstră. The Fan-yi-ming-yin-yi-tsi (XVIII. 10) gives ho-lo-cha-tch'alo = răstra, kingdom. But if the form ochou-tan-le is not the usual transcription, it is not abnormal and is quite defensible. I have already quoted, following Julien (No. 1622) who borrows it from the Fan-yi (XV. fol. 19), the transcription pou-chou-po [563] = pagpa. The Fan-yi itself copies the Fa-yuen-chou-lin (Ch. 9; Tók, ed. XXXVI. 5, p. 84) which reproduces the list and the transcription
TI will ada, to be quite certain on this point, that though the Korean edition has, mistakenly, the character vi (corrooted by the gloss), the Chinese edition gives the character t'ia, us do the compilers who have reproduced this text.
• See the Special Note D on page 22 below.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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of the Fo-pen-hing-tsi-king, translated by Jñanagupta between 580 and 618 (Nanj. 680 ; T8k. ed. XIII. 7, 40b); thus the form Pou-chou-po goes back to Jñanagupta and the VIth-VIIth centary. The Fan-yi gives, in another passage, another transcription of this word (VIII. fol. 13, Julien No. 1554): pou-86-po. The transcriptions pou-chou-po = puppa, lou-chou-tan = rost, are in perfect harmony with fundamental principles ; the Chinese method caunot directly express a group of consonants (more particularly this group stra, a combination of letters which not any Chinese can pronounce as M. Schlegel says in "The Secret of the Chinese Method . ." 23). The Chinese, therefore, resolves the elements one by one, but brings out their organic unity by means of vowel harmony. Thus, to take an example which may be found everywhere, the name Pūrņa is regularly transcribed Fou-lou-na in which fou-lou represents pūro as pou-chou does pus and lou-chou roş. If Houei-yuan, or Çikşananda himself, preferred the optional transcription lou-chou-tan to the usual transcription lou-se-tch'a, it was because he had need of it to justify the new translation. The introduction of the syllable chou in the Sanskrit word afforded, in appearance, some ground for the proposed equivalent to chou-le: (k'ia-lou) chou-tan-)le. Afterwards it only needed a little sleight-ofhand, at which no one could wish to cavil, to substitute for the syllable chou in the transcription (that is, chou marked with the falling tone, k'iu-cheng) the syllable chou of the name chou-le (Kashgar) marked with the uniform higher tone (chang-p'ing).
Last comes the group tan-le which M. Franke transcribes at pleasure otara and "dhara, with e preference for dhara. M. Pischel, without any objection from M. Franke, restores the form as ottara. I have never seen a single example of the character employed to represent a Sanskrit aspirate. The word dhāra occurs in the list in the Avatamsaka ; Çikşānanda employs the character to to transcribe the aspirated dental in Gandhāra. The restoration 'tara, ottara, is not impossible. Julien quotes (1680, 1691) two examples of this; some others may be added. Mahattara, Himatala, Uttara in Hiouen-tsang; but the regular, almost uniform, function of the character tan is to indicate a Sanskrit t as the first element of a group. Julien gives (1682) ta-lo for t-ra ; (1683) ta-li for t-re; (1684) ta-li for t-r; (1685) ta-lan for tram ; (1686) la-touo for t-tva. Given the frequent occurrence of the group tra in Sanskrit, we could add to this list from the Index of Hiouen-tsang. But I prefer to ask from Houei-yuan the solution of the problem posed by him. Commenting on the word che-li-fou of the new translation, Houei-yuan (Kor. 124* - Ch. 143a) says : "The correct expression is che-li-pou-tan-lo: che-li is the paroquet ; pou-tan-lo is the son " = putra ; tan-lo = t-ra. To (554] explain the expression tch'a-li-wang (p. 1196 = 1398) he writes :- The exact expression is tch'a-tan-li-ye, which means : lord of the earth = Ksatriya ; tan-li for t-ri. But the most obvious case is that of tan-li-lien (1146 = 134") on which Houei-yuan comments in these terms: The correct expression in Sanskrit is tan-li-ye, tan-li-che; tan-li-ye means three ; tan-li-che means thirty = trayastriipçãs ; tan-li, twice represents t-ra(y) and tr-i.
The character le also deserves notice ; its use reveals, as the character chou has already done, the concealed intention of the commentator. Houei-yuan regularly employs the character lo to render the Sanskrit final ra. The Sanskrit-Chinese texts usually employ the character le to represent the Sanskrit sound la or ra followed by a mute guttural (cf., for example, Julien No. 780—783). It may be found regularly as a final: the traditi-nal abbreviation of the name Maitreya, Mi-le, where it represents a Sanskrit sound re. I cannot help believing that Houei-yuan (or Çikaānanda) has carried exactitude too far this time and rendered the final of the Sanskrit word with unexpected fidelity, just as it appeared in the original, that is in the locative singular. In this way he obtained the second clement necessary to his equation; K'ia-lou-chou-tan-le=Chou-le.
We are led on with almost mathematical certainty to write Kha-ro-c[0] or []-tre opposite K'ia-lou-chou-tan-le. I have shown how this transcription has been made to serve an argument; I do not think I am presumptuous in substituting for its wilful anomalies the correct forn: Kharoştra. Kharoştra belongs henceforth to the geographical nomenclature of India. The Avatamsaka, which makes us acquainted with it, is a work with a history, or at least with a tradition.

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JANUARY, 1906.) KHAROSTRA AND THE KHAROSTRI WRITING,
Like all the sūtras, it naturally originates with the Buddha in person, but the orthodoxy of the Great Vehicle makes no difficulty of its appearance in the world at the same time as so many texts of the Mahāyāna, the Lankāvatāra, the Ghanavyūha, the Ratnakūta, the Dharmasamgiti and many others, when the son of king Kaniska resided at his capital Puşkalāvati, and the same with many other texts, among them sūtras coming from the gods, the Nāgas, Gandharvas, Rākşasas and various countries, especially the land of the Nāgas (Tāranātha, trans. Schiefuer, p. 63). Nāgärjuna is the hero of this period; it is said, indeed, that Nāgārjuna discovered the Avatamsaka in the land of the Nägas. Nāgārjuna was the contemporary of king Çātavāhana, to whom he addressed a celebrated epistie. On all sides (555) indications agree in placing the edition to or compilation of the Avatamsaka at the beginning of the Christian era. And we are brought back to this same period by the geography of the writings mentioned in the Lalitavistara, in which the Kharoştri script figures in the second rank. It is again to the Indo-Seythian period that we must refer the name "Kharosta Yuvarnja" inscribed on the Mathurā pillar.
Can we go yet further with our documents and determine the region to which custom gave the name Kharoştra? Buddhabhadra understands by this: the barbarians of the North ; Çikşānanda translates: Kashgar; the Süryagarbha gives: Khotan. Bat, notwithstanding these divergences, the consecrated place bears the same name in the three texts; it is the "Cow's Heal," which presupposes some such Sanskrit word as Goçirşa in the original. The name has not hitherto been found in the religions geography of Buddhism. But I have discovered it in an interesting notice in the Yin-yi of Honei-lin11 (Ch. 11 ; Tôk, ed. XXXIX. 8, p. 88a ), “Yu-t'ien .. . as to this kingdom it has been united with the cities of the four garrisons (tchenn) (of the protectorate) of Ngan-si; it forms one of these garrisons. In this city is a temple of the genius Pi-cha-men (Vaiçravana); it is a seven-storied wooden tower; the genius dwells at the top of the tower; he shows his supernatural power in many ways. Within the borders of this kingdorr. is the Cow's Head Mountain (Goçirşa). A celestial spirit comes from time to time to set foot on this mountain and to abide there; this mountain has a river of jade; the river usually brings down magnificent jade in its course. The king of the realm regularly collects these gems and comes from afar to offer them at the court. Tehang-ngan lies more than 12,000 li to the East."
From the description of the Cow's Head Mountain as given by Houei-lin, we are enabled to recognise at once the famous mountain which Hionen-tsang (Mem. II. 229) describes under the name of Goçriga (Cow's Horn), of which we still possess the "Mabütmya" preserved in the Tibetan Kanljour (Mdo. XXX. 10: Ri-glan-ru-lung betan-pa = Gocřiga vyäkarana). The Tibetan translation of the Suryagarbha-sūtra (Kandjour, Mdo. XX, p. 336a) turns our confidence into practical certainty. The Chinese version of Narendrayaças, quoted above, concludes an enumeration of pithas consecrated to the residence of Bodhisattvas by saying: "At Yu-t'ien on the precipitous rock quite close to the river, on the [556] mountain Nieou-t'eow (Cow's Head) are the dwelling and the Caitya of the great saint Kive-mo-po so]-lo hiang (perfume)." The corresponding passage in the Tibetan says : In the country of Kha-ca in the place of the bosom of the carth (Sa':nu-ma, Ku-stana) on the hilly (nos) shore of the Gomati (Tib. Go-ma-ti) near the Cow's Horn
Journ. Roy. As. Soo., old ser. XVI. 326: "A Chinese editor (of the Avatamsaka) says in his profaoo that the Buddhist at Twa-Lung-shu (naga kroshuna) Cate! corr, the Bodhisattva Lung-shu Nagarjnnal found it in the Dragon Palace, containing forty-eight sections (pin). The Chinese translation has but thirty-nine sections." (The translation desoribed here is therefore that of Çikdand). - Cf. also Wassilieff, Buddhismus, German trans, p. 123.
10 Acoording to Taranatha, the original recension consisted of 1,000 section (nooording to the Chinese editor. mentioned in the preceding note, 49 sections). But wars, conflagrations and repeated devastations, following one upon another, between tho time of Matseeta (Açvaghoza) and that of Asnaga, reduced the number to 38 sections (Tar. p. 98). The Chinese translation of Buddhabhadra reckons 31 sections (subdiviled into 60 chaptera), while that of Çikgananda reakons 39 subdivided into 80 chapters. The Mahābhārata, Bșhatkatha, &c., have similar legends which doubtless indicate the unstable condition of the original material.
11 As to this Yin-yi (Yi-tgie-king-yin-yi), cf. my first article, Bulletin, 1902, p. 218 m. I will remind the reader that the work dates from the VIIIth-IXth century.

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Mountain (Glair-ru = Goçţiga) dwells Go-ma-sa-la-gan-dha. If we compare these two versions we have no longer any doubt that the Cow's Head Mountain is identical with Mount Gocróga. The site of the Goçråga has been recognised by M. Grenard (Mission Dutreuil de Rhins, 8e partie, p. 142) and verified by Dr. Stein (Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan, p. 244); it is the hill now known as Kohmari," the conglomerate cliff rising almost perpendicularly above the right bank" of Kara-Kash (Stein). This is certainly the "precipitous rock" of the Chinese version and the "hilly (Mos) shore" of the Tibetan. The saint Gomasālagandha is, without doubt, the Arhat of whom Hiouen-tsang speaks : plunged in the ecstasy which extinguishes thought, he awaits, within a chamber bollowed out of the rock, the coming of Maitreya." Finally it is this grotto which is considered, rightly or wrongly, to be the repository of the celebrated manuscript of the Dhammapada in the Kharostri character, found in 1872, and acquired partly by the Dutreuil de Rhins Mission and partly by M. Petrovsky.
The Tibetan version of the Süryagarbha gives the Sanskrit name of the Kara-Kash in the Hindu period of Khotan; the river was then called the Gomati. One of the great monasteries of Khotan also bore this name: Gomati-mahāvibāra (Kiu-mo-li ta-tcheu); it is there that Ngan-yang Heou (Nanj. App. II. 68 and 83) met the Hindu monk Buddbasens at the beginning of the Vth century (T'chou-can-trang-ki-tri, Chap. 14; Tók, ed. XXXVIII. 1, p. 861).
Since the holy place of Kharogtra was in the neighbourhood of Khotan, we need not be surprised if the name Khotan alternates with that of Kharoştra in the geograpbical nomenclature of the sūtras. But, according to the testimony of the Tibetan version of the Süryagarbha, Khotan was situated "in the land of Khaça" (Kla-ça'i yul na sa'i nu-ma'i gnas). The name Khaça is well known in Sanskrit literature ; it is familiar in epic poems, codes and religious works. I have already had Occasion to discuss it with reference to Nepal, where the name still survives in current usage; the Gurkhas like to call themselves Khas (Khascs) and their language is best known by the name Khas (or Parbatiya); not to multiply detailed references, which will be found in my book on Nepal, I will Content myself with pointing out that the name Khasa or Khaça (the two forms are equally authorized) applies, in current Hindu usage, to all the half-Hinduized tribes inbabiting the Himalayan region. But in Central Asia this name had acquired a more precisely limited meaning. The list [667] of writings in the Lalitavistars mentions a writing of the Khaças ; Khāçya or Khāsya, in Chinese K'ia-cha or Koo-cha or K 0-80, corresponding to the Sanskrit variants, Khaca, Khaşa, Khasa, and this writing is classed between that of the Daradas (To-lo; Ta-lo-to, with the note "mountain on the borders of Ou-lahang," that is, of Udyāna) and the writing of Cina (the gloss on which is: Soei, the name of the dynasty reigning in China at the time of the translation). Thus, the land of Khaça occupied the space between Dardistan on the lower Indus and the frontiers of China proper. Jñānagupta, who translated the Biography of the Buddha between 589 and 618 (Fo-pen-hing triking, Nanjio, 680 ; Tôk. ed. XIII. 7, 406) simply adds to the name of the R'o-cha (Khaşa) script the gloss : "Chou-le," that is, Kashgar. In the T'ang period, Khasa was uniformly accepted as the equivalent of Chou-le. Hiouen-tsang (Mémoires, II. 219) describes Kashgar under the name başa and only mentions Chou-le as the ancient name of the kingdom. Others relied on his testimony from that time and it has been constantly repeated. The Annals of the T'ang give the two names Chou-le and K'a-cha side by side. Çikşînanda was not therefore, properly speaking, mistaken in translating the Sanskrit name Kharoạtra : Chou-le. According to one of the sacred texts, the Süryagarbha-sútra, the mountain Goçriga is in the Khaça country, and orthodox opinion held Khaça to be no other than the name of Kashgar.
But if Khotan and Kashgar have each a claim to be considered the regular equivalent of Kharostra, the translation proposed by Buddhabhadra has the merit of reconciling these rival
19 A coording to M. Grenard the natives interpret the name Kohmari, "the serpent of the mountain." According to the Süryagarbha this site was inhabited by the Naga Ki-li-ho-po-ts (Tib. Khyim-bdag), that is Ghapati. The modern interpretation, whether correct or not, certainly carries on the ancient traditioa.

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JANUARY, 1906.) KHAROSTRA AND THE KHAROSTRI WRITING.
pretensions and bringing the two equivalents together in one, which, by its greater comprehensiveness, is so much the more authentic. Khotan and Kashgar are certainly situated in the zone of the Pien-yi, the border-barbarians settled on the frontiers of India and of China, in those undefined regions which have the common characteristic of being open to the competing influences of China, India and Persia without yielding to them, regions which we can include with tolerable correctness in the “Turkestan" of modern geography. India, Kharoştra, China, these are the three great divisions of the Buddhist world, and study of the traditional notions on writing confirms this statement. In vain did the redactor of the Lalitavistars enjoin belief in a supposed list of sixty-four scripts which the Buddha claimed to know without having studied them, to the great confusion of the professors of his century. The schools in which the real characters were studied prudently set this list aside without discussion, and only three categories of writings were recognised by them: the Fan (Brāhmi), written from left to right; the Kia-lou (an abbreviation of K'ia-lou-cho-ti, Kharostri), written from right to left; and lastly the Chinese, written downwards. Each character has its sacred sponsor; the god Far (Brahona) created the first; the rşi (sien-jen) K'ia-lou (an abridged forin of K'ia-lou-cho-tch'a : Kharoştha) created the second ; lastly, Ts'ang-hie created the third. The first work in which I found this classification of the scripts, with the names of their inventors, was the valuable catalogue of the Tripitaka compiled by Seng-yeou towards the year 520 : Tchou-san-tsang ki-tsi [658] (Nanjio, 1476; Tôk, ed. XXXVIII. 1, p. 36). The Siddham (Si-tan) scbools, which devote themselves to the mystic study of the Sanskrit characters, repeat and perpetuate this division into three. I found it again, among others, in the Si-tan-tsang, Ch. I. p. 16; in the Si-tan san-mi-tchao, Ch. I. p. 36; in the Si-tan-tseu ki-tche-nan-tch'ao, Ch. I. p. 4a. Thus the Kharostri character takes the same place among writings as Kharoạtra in geography: it is the halting-place, the stage between India and China.
The use of the word Kharoşţra marks a phase in the Asiatic movement: the conversion of the Yue-tchi to Indian Buddhism opened the whole of Central Asia to Hindu expansion, from the frontiers of Persia to the western bank of the Hoang-ho. The India of the Sanskrit tongue, brought abruptly into relations with new countries of whose existence she was hardly aware, learned new names for them, either invented by herself or adopted according to her fancy. But the India of the Brahmans scornfully refused to annex these barbarous lands, these countries of Mleccbas; taking her script as her flag, so to speak, the Brāhmi script, which she professed to have received from the god Brahma himself, she set it up as a symbol of perfection against the vulgar character of Kharoştra, the Kharoştri. The prejudice implanted by Brahmanic superiority appears clearly in a Buddhist work, the Vibhāşi-Castra, translated in 383 by Sangha-po-teng (Nanjio, II. 54). The anthor teaches that there should be a gradual progress through each one of the bhūmis in due order, and adds, by way of comparison : "Even so, it is from study of the Brāhmi (fan) writing that one advances with greater speed in the study of the Kharoştri (Kia-lou); it is not by studying Kharoştri writing that one advances more speedily in the study of the Brāhmi." (Pi-po-cha-loun, Oh. XI., Nanj. 1279; Tôk. ed. XXII. 9, p. 67). The same train of thought, accompanied by the same comparison, is to be found in the corresponding passage of the Abhidharma-vibhāşa-castra, translated by Buddhavarnan between 425 and 440 (Ngo-pi-tan pi-po-cha-loun, Ch. XI., Nanj. 1264 ; Tôk. ed. XXI. 10, p. 12b), and of the Abhidharma-mabā-vibhāçã-cāsta, translated by Hionen-tsang13) (Ngo-pi-ta- o-ta-pi-pocha-loun, Ch. LXXXII., Nanj. 1263; Jap. ed. XXII. 4, p. 26). The Vibhāşa-cāstra nga in brings us back, with a mention of the Kharo trī writing, to the same period as the Avatamsaka-sutra and the Lalitavistars; indeed, it passes for the work of the 500 Arhats summoned together in council by Kanişka (Hiouen-tsang. Vic. p. 95; Mémoires, I. 177).
An interesting gloss on the passage in the Abhidharma-vibhaga-castra is given by Hiouen-ying in his Yi-trie-king-yin-yi, Ch. XVIII.: “Kia-lou. The correct expression is K'ta-lou-cho-tch'a =
13 Hionen-tuang, a more scrupulous translator than his predecessors, writes, instead of the shortened form t'ia-lou, the word k'ia-low-cho-tcha, Kharootha.

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Kharostha. This name is given to [559] the writing of the frontier peoples of the Northern region." This gloss has found its way, word for word, into the Yin-yi of Houei-lin, Ch. LXVII., and afterwards into the Fan-yi-ming-yi-tsi, Ch. XIV., where M. Franke has already pointed it out. It is not without interest to ascertain that this information occurs for the first time not in a compilation of the XIIth century (1151), but in a glossary composed at the time of Hionen-tsang himself, in 649, when Sanskrit learning was flourishing in China. Hiouen-ying's gloss on the Kharoştri comes very near Buddhabhadra's translation of the word Kharoştra. Just as Kharoştra is the country of the border-barbarians, Kharoştri is the writing of the border-barbarians. The country nearest to the Kharoştri on the north is, and can only be, India, for the information of the author of the Sanskrit-Chinese commentary is evidently derived from Hindu sources, whether collected by him personally or borrowed from explanatory notes given by his predecessors. The second alternative is the more probable, for the names Kharoştri and Kharoştra seemed to have disappeared from actual usage in the VIIth century, doubtless even earlier. They have been supplanted by another term marking a new change in the destinies of Central Asia. After the impetuous advance of the Yue-tchi, which had momentarily connected Central Asia with India, China resumed her policy of expansion towards the West, reconquered lost territory and imposed her hegemony on distant vassals. When brought into regular contact in her turn with the chaos of tribes and hordes wandering round about the Pamir between the Yellow River, the Aral Sea, Siberia and India, China included them in the vague and convenient designation Hou. Whatever the original value of this vocable may have been, it was made to apply, without distinction of race, to all the inhabitants of that vast territory. India herself was confounded from afar with her barbarian neighbours and incorporated with the undefined mass of the Hou. The sanctity of the associations belonging to the country of the Buddha has safeguarded the name Fan (Brahma), reserved, in principle, for things Indian, but in the practice even of the Buddhists themselves there is a confusion between the terms. It would be as easy as it would be useless to multiply examples. I will only quote the scholar Seng-yeou, who wrote between 500 and 520, at a period when correct and clear notions on India were already widely diffused among the Chinese clergy. In his catalogue of the Tripitaka, of which I have already made use, Seng-yeou (XXXVIII. 1, 1) frequently has occasion to compare the originals of texts with the Chinese versions, either with respect to the meaning, the spirit or the sound; but in mentioning the originals he uses sometimes the word hou, sometimes the word fan, with such complete impartiality that the editors of the Yuan and the Ming versions have thought themselves justified in uniformly restoring the form fan instead of. hou; and the Japanese editor points out that the same observation holds good for the entire work. In the Korean text, which has not undergone these alterations, the terms hou-wenn (p. 77b) and fan-wenn (93), hou-chou (9b) and fan-chou (78b) occur without any apparent or plausible distinction. If Buddhabhadra founded his translation of [560] the Avatamsaka on a hou-pen brought from Khotan, we are tempted to admit that the terin hou here denotes either a Prakrit original, or a writing of the Kharoştri type, as against the Sanskrit (fan) or the Brahmi (fan). But Fa-hien stayed three years at Patalipntra (Pa-lien-fou) to study the hou writing (hou-chou) and the hou words (hou-yu); and in this case the Prakrit and Kharoştri must evidently be excluded. Seng-yeou's variations can, without doubt, be accounted for by the diversity of his sources; he is but a compiler, and copies his extracts faithfully, without thinking of bringing them into harmony with one another.
But, a century later, the accession of the T'ang begins a new era. The empire has grown and organisation follows; facts and order find their place in science. Hiouen-tsang's journey introduces systematic knowledge of the Hindu world. The word hou regains a precise and definite value. Hiouen-tsang, it is true, is not very precise himself as to the sense of this term; he seems to avoid it purposely, as giving rise to regrettable confusion. If by chance he uses it, it is simply as an ethnological term used by the imperial government; in this way he distinguishes the Hou from the Khotanese, the Hindus and the Huns, in a curious note in the Si-yu-ki, which Stanislas Julien has overlooked or omitted. At the end of his notice of Tcho-kiu-kia (Book XII.) he writes "after a journey of eight hundred li you reach Kiu-sa-tan-na"; he adds, "In Chinese this means the bosom

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of the earth. Such is the popular interpretation. In the current language they say Houan-na. The Hioung-nou say : Yu-touen. The Hou say: Houo-tan. The In-tou (Hindus) say: Kiu-tan. Formerly people used to say: Yu-tien." Unlike Hiogen-tsang, Yi-tsing rather enjoys the word Hou ; but he has a precise notion of its meaning. “The Hou frontier," he says, "is the whole of Sou-li, in the Northern region (Nan-hai..Ch. XXV. ; Tôk. ed. 82*; Takakusu's translation, p. 119). In the same work he again mentions (Ch. IX.; Tôk. ed. 784 ; Takakusu, 49): "The Hou of the Northern region, Tou-ho-lo and Sou-li" and (Ch. X. ; Tôk. ed. 750 ; Takakusu 68) " beyond Kashmir the Hou of Sou-li, the T'ou-fan, the Tou-kiue." The Dictionary of the Thousand Sanskrit Words by Yi-tsing (Fan-yu-tsien-tseu-wen) renders the Chinese Hou by the word Sou-li in Sanskrit characters, with the transcription Souen-lin (p. 566). The same word Sou-li reappears in the Biographies des Religieux éminents (trad. Chavannes, p. 12) associated with the name Tou-ho-lo and coming before it on the route from China to India. Finally the word Sou-li transcribed serves to translate the name Hou in the Sanskrit Chinese Dictionary Fan-yu tra-ming, where it appears between the Tou-kiue and the Ki-pin.
But this term Soru-li is perfectly defined by Hiuan-tsang (Mem. I. 13): “From the city on the river Sou-ye (to the north of the lake Issi-kul) to the kingdom of Kie-choang-na (to the S.-W. of Samarkand) the country is called Sou-li and the inhabitants bear the same name; this name is also given to the writing and the language. The root forms of the graphic signs are few in number, being but a little more than twenty letters (Julien [561] errs in saying thirty-two), which, in combination, produce a large number of words. They read the texts downwards." Thus the progress of Chinese geography, due to pilgrims, explorers, and ambassadors, brings to our knowledge an intermediate group existing between China and India and affirming its unity and independence by the use of & special character, as did the Kharoştra of ancient times by the Kharoştri writing.
The distinction between India and the land of the Hou, once recognized and admitted, provoked a kind of reaction against the ancient interpreters who had confounded the two terms and, in so doing, the two regions. Yi-tsing (Nan-hai ... Ch. IX.; Tôk. ed. 72; Takakusu, p. 42), explaining how the Hindus prostrate themselves, adds: "Formerly people used to say: to kneel down in the Hou fashion. This is badly expressed, for in the five Indias they do likewise. Then why should they speak of doing as the Hou?" A late compilation, the Song-kao-Beng-tch'oan made in 988 (Tôk. ed. XXXV. 4, p. 80 sq.), brings as an echo of the controversies raised from the end of the VIIth centary onwards by the distinction between the Hou and the Fan, controversies which are said to have continued to the time of the Song dynasty : -
"Yen-ts'ong! sets forth the eight precautions to be taken, .... Bigan-tsang has determined the five categories which are not to be translated16 ... Now a new theory has been established which involves six rules ... The second rule concerns the Hou language and the Fan words. In the five Indias it is the Fan language in all its purity; to the north of the snow-clad mountains it is the Hou. To the south of the mountains the name is Po-lo-men (Brahma, Brāhmaṇa). This kingdom is separate from the Hou; the writing and the language are different. Beyond the kingdom of Kie-choang-nalo the written characters number originally twenty and a few over; these are multiplied by combination, and they continue to increase. This writing is read vertically like the Chinese characters. When you come among the Tou-kie-lo (Tukhāras) the words and sounds vary gradually;
#4 The personage named Yen-to'ong mentioned here belongs to 557-610. M. Chavannes has given a résumé of his biography (Bulletin Ec. Fr. E. Or. III. 438 q.) we must be careful to distinguish this Yen-ta'ong from another Yen-to'ong known for completed edition of the Biography of Hionen-taong by Honei-li, published in (the date of the preface placed by Yen-teong at the head of his work). As to the eight precautions, the Numerical Dictionary, Ban-tsang fa-chou, gives the list (chap. 46, p. 206 ), asoribing them, indeed, to (Yen)-ta'ong but not indicating the souroe.
16 In his preface to the Vie de Hiouen l'sang (p. xvii.) Julien translates the list (as given in the preface to Fan-yi-ming-yi-tai) of the five categories of words which, according to Hionen-tsang, should not be translated..
16 Kesh, on the confines of the Sou-li country and Tou-ho-lo, cf. Hiouen-tsang, Julien's translation, Mem. I. 19; also ib. 22 and Vic. 61, Chayannen, Les Tou-kius oocidentaux, p. 217, note, also 120 and 146.

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the characters number originally twenty-five. This (682) writing is read horizontally. Beyond the mountains Ts'ong-ling, in a southerly direction, is the kingdom of Kia-pi-che (Kapiça). The spoken tongue and the letters are the same as among the Tukhāras. The different characters just enumerated are the Hous
"In India the words and characters are those invented by the god Fan. Originally forty-seven they are continually multiplied; this is called the Blue Treasure (Ts'ing (slang) which is made up of twelve sections. It is taught to children; when they are older they go on to the treatises on the Five Sciences.17 On the whole, these and the Hou do not agree. As the territory of the five Indias is very vast, how should there not be certain slight differences ?
"And now, as to these regions, the translators, from the Eastern Han (25-220) to the Sonei (589–618), include the whole of Western India under the name of the Hou kingdom. And they always speak of the books of sūtras of the Hou country, thus confusing with others the true descendants of the god Fan. "That master of the law, Yen-ts'ong, alone understood whither this leads us.
understood whither this leads us . . . . At the beginning all were called Hou, without distinction. In the same way, from the time of the Sonei dynasty the name Fan was bestowed on all in common. As the saying goes: To overstep the mark is not to reach it. If we begin with the primeval trunk it is certainly the Fan which predominates ; if we begin with the ramifications, we can keep the designation Hou. How so? From the five Indias to the north of the (Ts'ong-)ling, translations have been made from (the language of) near neigh bours. We may then believe that (Yen)-ts'oung has provisionally accepted this for the period preceding ours, and we will not venture to criticise him for so doing. The Hou and Fan may be found together. For example, the sūtras and the vinaya are transmitted even to K'icou-tseu (Koutcha). At K'icou-tsou, as the language of India was not understood, India was called : the kingdom of Yin-te-kia; thus the word was translated. On the other hand, the Fan words were retained for such terms as were easy to understand. Thus the Hou and the Fan were both currently used at the same time,
"In another case both Hou and Fan are wanting. This happens when the pure Chinese is employed.
We must distinguish between double translations and direct translations. The translation is direct when the manuscript from India comes straight to China and is translated there; the translation is donble when the sūtras, for example, are handed on to the regions north of the mountains, Leou-lan, Yen-ki, &c. . . . where the language of India is not understood; then they are translated into Hou. Thus in Fan they say: ou-po-to-ye (upādhyāya); at Chou-le (Kashgar), they say: ou-che; at [563] Yu-tien (Khotan), they say: hou-chang. And the king of heaven (devarijs) in Fan calls himself kiu-kiun-lo (sic = Kuvera); in Hou they say : Pi-cha-men (Vaiçramana). The translation is at once double and direct when the monks, bringing texts with them, pass through the Hou kingdoms on their way, and thus introduce Hou expressions. Thus Kiao-ming (Buddhayaças; cf. Nanjio. II. 61), who recited orally the vinaya of Dharmaguptas, brought in expressions such as howo chang. The translation is neither one nor tlıe other (peither double nor direct) when the monks who bring the sutras and have used the Hou language to travel hither do not make any translation."
If the Hou country is the ancient Kharostra, the writing of the Hou country must represent the Kharoetri. The Siddham schools, which have preserved so many curious notions on the history of Indian writing, do, in fact, know this identity and it comes in their teaching. "The Hou writing is the K'ia-lou writing. K'ia-lou is the name of a șşi (sien-jen) who transcribed the Fan characters to adapt them to the needs of the time." The work from which I borrow this very precise information, 18 the Si-tan-ts'ang (Ch, I. p. 16), was composed by a Japanese priest in 880, at the period when the
11 CS. Hlouen-tsang, Mem. I. 72.
See the Special Note E on page 22 below.

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Shin-gon sect cultivated with passionate enthusiasm the study of the Siddham, introduced (564] into Japan by the illustrious Ko-bo Dai-chi, who had been to China for initiation (804806), and who, on his return to his own country, was careful to give directions that the most important texts should be copied and sent to him, among others the Si-tan-tsen-ki of Tche-kouan, the Siddham of Campanagara and the Siddham of Kumārajīva. A sub-commentary on the Si-tou-taeu-ki of Tche-kouan, composed at the end of the XVIIth century, the Si-tan-tseu-ki-tche-nan-chuo hioven-t'an, reproduces the passage of the Si-lan-ts'ang which I have just translated and adds (p. 3b) some further information, the origin of which I cannot determine: “This rşi was born in the Hou kingdom; he composed the writing like this."
It may seem surprising, at the first glance, that Chinese commentators and lexicographers, once in possession of the Sanskrit word Kharoştra (through the transcription K'ia-lou-chou-tan-le), were not led, almost immediately, to connect it with the name of the Kharoştri writing. As a matter of fact, the question could not present itself; the idolum libri, which has done so much harm everywhere, had intervened to falsify science. When the name Kharoştra disappeared from actual use, wiped out, doubtless, by the extension of Chinese influence; the name of the Kharosti, stripped of all connection with facts, changed, by a normal process of alteration, into Kharosthi, a word which suggested to the imagination an entirely satisfactory interpretation, “ass-lip," and corresponded quite as well as Kharogtrī to the intermediate form, Kharoţthi, of the vulgar tongue. The two words Kharostri and Kharosthi do, in fact, yield the same Prākrit form Kharoţthi; at this stage of confusion the ides of the lip, ostha, was destined to efface all recollection of the original uatra the camel, so much the more easily as this word uşțra, standing alone, goes through an abnormal process in the Präkrits (cf. Pischel, Gramm, der Präkrit-Sprachen, § 304) by which it loses the regular aspiration; the Präkrits turn the Sanskrit uetra, auştrika, into utta, attiya, while raţthika, for instance (ib. $ 83), represents the Sanskrit rūgtrika. Placed, as it was, in the regular classification between the Chinese writing and the Brähmi, the Kharotthi writing needed some such sponsor as Ts'ang-hie, the traditional inventor of the Chinese characters, and Brahma whose name was naturally suggested to the imagination by the name Bräbmi (writing of the Brahmans or of the Brahman's country). The holy man Kharootha, "ass-lips," presented himself to fill the vacant place.
Was he specially invented to explain the name of the Kharoşthi by a process of grammatical induction? And did there exist, before, among the vast collection of Central-Asian saints, a saint marked out by the unenviable privilege of having ass-lips? However this may be, one of the Mahāyāns sütras most closely connected with the region of Khotan and Kashgar represents the rsi Kharoetha as the hero of a rather highly elaborated legend; it is the same Süryagarbha-sūtra, which has already helped me to resolve the question of Kharoştra, and which was translated into Chinese, as will be remembered, between 589 and 618. The two sections of Chapter 8 of this work ( = Chap. 41 of the Mahā-samnipāta ; Tôk, ed. III. 3, 36-42) are consecrated to the si Kharoştha :
[665] "The Bodhisattva Chou-tche [ho]-lo-80 (translated, light-savour = Çaci-rasa) addressed the Nägas and said to them: Great kings ! in past time, at the beginning of the Bhadrakalpa, there was a great city called Campā .... in this city was a devaputra named Ta-san-mo-to (mahāsaminata)." One of his wives, a woman of more than commonly violent passions, gave birth, after union with an ass, to "a son who had the head, ears, mouth and eyes of an ass, but the body of a man .... One day a Rākşasi named Lou-chen (ass-spirit, Khari?) saw the child, whom his mother had abandoned ; she took him, reared him even as one of her own children and taught him to feed on the drugs of the immortals. He passed his time with the children of the gods. A certain great god, afterwards, became interested in him and protected him. The gods gave him the name K'sa-lou-che-tcha (K barorths) which means in Chinese: Agg-lips) t'a sien (maba +rai), the hody inan. In the Himālaya and other places, whithersoever he went, fine flowers and fruits, good medicines, sweet smells and so forth were produced, .i. These drugs and fruits wrought upon

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"his ugliness, his body grew more beautiful, and of the ass-head only the lips remained. For this reason he is called the rşi Ass-lip. This rşi Ass-lip studied the Sacred Law and passed sixty-thousand years standing on one foot. The gods, beholding him, came, headed by Çakra, to adore him, as also did all creatures."
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Then begins a lecture, in the form of a dialogue, on the practice of the rules of the sun, the moon and the constellations. This astronomical discourse is carried on to the end of the first section of the chapter. The story is continued in the second section:
"Then the rsi (sic) Cucirasa, addressing the gods, said: This rsi K'ia-lou-che-teh'a himself had committed some ill-deed in the past, and therefore, though it was given to him to be born a human being, he was formed partly like an ass. By the might of his benevolence his sin was destroyed and he came.to have a body as beautiful and regularly formed as Çakra."
Then, at the request of the gods, Kharostha continues his lecture. Finally "when the ri Kharostha had finished expounding the law, gods Nagas, Yaksas, Asuras, Kinnaras, Mahoragas, men and non-human beings, all creatures extolled him and rejoiced beyond measure. Then the gods, 1.he Nāgas, etc... . . worshipped Kharoştha day and night. Later after innumerable generations, a rşi named Kia-li-kia (Garga) appeared in this world and again he expounded and established the law of the constellations and the whole of astronomy in an abridged form."
Thus, when the rsi Kharostha takes his place in the Buddhist pantheon of Central Asia, it is as the representative of the knowledge of the celestial bodies and their movements. There is not a single link connecting him with the alphabet. Besides, before it was accepted universally in China, the explanation derived from the rsi Kharostha had had to contend with another etymology still less serious but showing the absence of any settled and authentic tradition. A Chinese dictionary [568] of Sanskrit expressions, the Fan-fan-yu (which my friends of the Nishi Hongwanji discovered and caused to be copied for me) gives in Section 5 of Book I. the words K'ia-lou-chou referring to the Vibhāṣā (P'i-po-cha), Chap. 4, and adds: "the explanation given is: like this." On the following page it gives the expression: Fan-kia-lou; referring to the translation of the Lalitavistara made by Tchou-Fa-hon in 308 under the title P'ou-yao-king, Chap. II. (a list of writings, as appears from the following expressions: Pou-kia-lo-chou; Ngan-k'ia-chou, etc... .), he adds: "The rendering is: Pure like this." The word pure is the regular translation of the word Braliman, Brāhmaṇa transcribed as Fan. Jou-cheu "like this" is therefore the translation of the second part of the expression fan-k'ia-lou, which the Chinese lexicographer mistakes for a single word. I have already mentioned the phrase "like this" as the designation of a character, and applied to the Kharoştri in a Japanese commentary on the Si-tan-tseu-ki (v. supra, p. 13, top). It is evident that this translation supposes the Sanskrit khalu, "certainly" (Böhtlingk-Roth; ja, freilich). An exégète of more ingenuity than learning had boldly restored the Sanskrit particle khalu from the abridged form K'ia-lou (for Kia-lou-cho-tch'a) and thought he had re-discovered the original meaning of the name of the Kharoştri writing. The Dictionary Fan-fan-yu is certainly anterior to the T'ang; it quotes only ancient translations, some of which are lost: it cannot be later than the Liang (502-557). Thus, before the middle of the VIth century the Chinese admitted an interpretation of the name Kharoştri having no connection with the rşi Kharostla.
As for the name Kharoştra, henceforth a possession of science, is it so unexpected that we are tempted to accept it with an underlying scepticism? This name, whatever may be the real substratum, presents a regular combination of the two words: khara (ass) +ustra (camel), united, according to the euphonic laws of Sanskrit in the form Kharoştra. I shall not pause to discuss the explanations of the Chinese commentator; their vagueness is such that they lend themselves to any and every interpretation. Even Houei-yuan cor.tents himself with recording two divergent opinions without declaring for either. According to some, Kharoştra was originally the name of a mountain and was afterwards made to apply to the whole country; according to others, the name applies to

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the evil disposition of the people of the country. People may indeed have amused themselves by tracing the characteristic features of an ass and a camel in the curious outline of a mountain (many analogies might be found in the naming of Alpine peaks). On the other hand there is a natural fitness in the name for ill-disposed people. In the streets of Paris the French equivalents of klara and uştra may be frequently heard. “The reason for this name," adds Houei-yuan," is that the inhabitants are by Dature full of rudeness and wickedness." I observe that, in the list of kingdoms which I shall publish in my forthcoming memoir, the Khara country (K'ia-lo appears (E. 39) by the side of Uraça, where it corresponds to the Kharavara (K'ia-lo-po-lo) of the lists A. 40; C. XII. 11; C. XIX. 13; D. 40; on the other hand a kingdom of Uştrava (Yeou-se-tch'a-lo-yo) occurs in list G. VI.
[567] It is not by accident that the ass and the camel appear together in the name Kharoştra ; they may be found closely and constantly connected in the most widely differing texts. The Chinese Sanskrit dictionary Fan-yu-tsa-ming (p. 38) clases the camel (translation : ou-88-tcli'a-lo = aştra) immediately before the ass (translation: ngo-lo-na = garda bha]). In Yi-tsing's Chinese-Sanskrit dictionary, the Fan-yu-tsien-t8eu-wen (p. 47), the ass (translated k'ia-lo = khara) is immediately followed by the camel (translated wou-chö-tch'a-lo as above = uştra and kia-lo-po = karabha). Among the words of the gavāçvaprabhrtini type, that is, words combining to form a dvandva neuter, the Gaņapātha on Pāņini, II. 4, 11, mentions the compound uştra-kharam, “camel and ass." The same compound ustra-kharam is given in the Kāçikā-vrtti to illustrate the rule ajādyadantam of Pāṇini, II. 2, 83, which assigns the first place in a dvandya to the word having an initial vowel and a final a. The rule is clear; the grammarian states that these two words are coupled by common usage together in a compound, and he establishes the order in which they should be pronounced, the camel first, the ass afterwards. There is no observation (vārttika), to my knowledge, modifying this rule, and Vamana, in a treatise on style, many centuries later than Pāṇini confirms it again (Kāryālamkāra, V. 2, 26, ed. of the Kāvyamālā). "It is not right to say kliaroştrau, but ustrakharam, according to the Ganapātha. To say: riding the ass and the camel (kharoştrau) is to commit an error of language, for the Ganapatha, in the gavāçvam series, gives uştrakharam."
Dr. Pischel, who has collected and quoted, in his two articles, a large number of examples in which the two words uşțra and kbara are combined, does not give a single example of the uętrak haram type with two terms forming an independent and autonomous compound in the order laid down by the Ganapatha. For my part I have only found one example, that is in the Dharma-cāstra of Gautama, 12, 23; sad ustrakhare, “the (fine consists of) six (māşas) in the case of a camel or an ass." The two words renppear in the same order in the body of a longer compound, gvāpadoştraklarāņām, in the same text, 234, I have found no law corresponding to the first case, in the parallel passages, Manu, VIII. 288 sqq., and Apastamba, II, 28, 5. The Vişnusmrti which reproduces this law (but with a fine of eight māşas) keeps the same order : acvas tūştro gardabho vā, V. 112, but the two terms are not joined. Finally Yājiavalkya, II. 160, turns the compound the other way: kharoştram mahişīsamam. Except in the passage from Gautama, the literature, ordinarily in such strict subjection to the authority of Pāņini, continually and invariably breaks the rule of the Ganapātha. Even when these two words are incorporated in a longer compound, the order disavowed by the grammarian seems still to be the only one authorized by custom. The examples (568) are namerous, for the ass and the camel nearly always go together; witness Mann, 1V. 115 : çvakharoştre; Manu, IV. 120: na nāvam na kharam noftram ; IX. 69: kharācroftramrgeblānām; XI. 155 : vidvarālakharoştrāņām; XII. 55 : çvasükarakharostrāņām (c. also, for a parallel mention of the khara and ustra, XI. 187, 188; 157; 200). It is superfluous to reproduce here the long list of references drawn up by Dr. Pischel, belonging to widely different categories of Sanskrit liternture. Among these examples the only one with ustrakhara, in the order of the Gaņapātba, is taken from the Lalitavistara (306, 6; Ogardalhagohastyaçvostrakharamabişacaça-camarao vikytavaktrāh, in the

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description of the demons of the Temptation); Dr. Pischel himself observes that the corresponding passage of the Buddhacarita (XIII. 19) restores the usual order : acvakharoştrao. It is not a question of metrical necessities only, for the Lalitavistara in another passage (203, 15) also adopts this gradation (sarvahayagajakharustragomahişastripuruşa çabda).10
The idea of welding, so to speak, the ass and the camel into a compound name in which they form a sort of organic unit, could hardly have arisen elsewhere than in a region where they existed together and played an equal part in practical life. This region by no means coincides with the whole of India. Hunter, in the Gazetteer of India, Vol. VI. p. 523, gives a table of the approximate distribution of domestic animals in six of the Indian provinces in 1882-88 (Bengal was not included in this census); the following are the figures relating to our research :
Punjab. Bombay, Sind. Madras. Central Provinces. Berar. Asses ... 251,068 78,179 124,731
24,660 27,707 Camels ... 125,584
50
59
996
Andrew Murray's classic work (The Geographical Distribution of Mammals; London, 1866) gives as the south-eastern limit of the camel (Map XL.), a line starting from the mouths of the Indus and running towards the Upper Sutlej ; for the ass (Map XLII.) the line of demarcation crosses India almost from North to South, leaving out the whole of Eastern India. The true country of the ass (equus hemippus, equus onager, equus hemionus) extends from Syria to the desert of Gobi through Persia, Beluchistan and Western India. As for the camel it suffices to recall its scientific name, cameluis bactrianus, to define its habitat. The ass and the camel are the characteristic animals of the Iranian countries. Spiegel, discussing the fauna of Iran (Eranische Alterthumskunde, I. 260), writes: "Hardly less important than the horse) is the camel, particularly the two-humped or Bactrian canel, which carries heavy [569] loads and costs little to feed. Of yet greater importance is the ass, of which two species may be distinguished. We do not find in the Iranian ass the stupidity and laziness of the European ass." We know what importance the Avesta gives to the camel. The Vendidad, VII. 42, enumerates, as an ascending scale of values, "the ox, the quadriga, the milch ass, the milch cow, the milch mare, the milch camel," and as a descending scale, IX. 37, "the camel, the stallion, the ball, the cow, the lamb." The Yasht, 19, 68, enumerates " the strength of a horse, the strength of a camel, the strength of a man." The perfection of piety is that of the pious believer who has given to the righteous a thousand she camels great with young" (Afringan, III. 10). The name of Zarathustra and of Frashaoshtra, his father-in-law, also testify to the value attaching to the camel in the economic life of Iran,
I cannot understand why the School of Roth has insisted on the disappearance of the camel from the Veda. Did the prejudice of Aryan nobility demand this sacrifice ? Boilean, with greater liberality. excuses Homer for having compared Ajax to an ass. The word uatra appears everal times in the Rg-Veda; Grassmann always renders it "buffalo," Ludwig translates it sometimes camel," sometimes camel or beast of burden." It is chiefly in the dānastatis, or panegyrics of donors, that the word ußtra appears. Vatsakāņva records, in honour of Tirindara Pārçavya, VIII. 6, 48, how Kakuha covered himself with glory by a gift of uạtras. Vaça Açvya, extolling the generosity of Prthucravas Kanita, VIII. 46, 22, cries : "I have obtained twenty hundred uşțras!" Brahmätithi Kāņva calls on the Açvins, VIII. 5, 37, to find him new patrons such as Kaçu Caidya "who gave a hundred ustras, ten thousand cows." There is nothing surprising in the mention of the camel among the domestic animals of the Vedic Aryas since the Pañjāb is the land of the Rg-Veda. The ass (gardabha, rasabha) figures also in the Vedic hymns, but not in association with the camel.
19 Cf. also Lal. Vist. 306, 19: Hastya vostragardabhamahişārudhab. The first three oocur in the same order on a grant of Vigraha Pals of Bengal towards the year 1000 (Amgachi Plate, Ind. Ant. XIV. 167: hastya vostraDauvala.)

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The abs and camel naturally reappear together at most diverse periods, when the North-West of India is in question. At the time of Kaniska, Açvaghoşa relates (Satrālamkāra, conclusion, the tale of a merchant of Po (= So)-lo-tou-lo (Calātura, Pāņini's native country) in the kingdom of Tö-tch'a-chi-lo (Takşaçilā) who was returning from the Ta-ts'in country, that is, the land of the Yavanas, with a caravan consisting of camels and asses. Seng-yeou, who writes at about 520, records in his Catalogue, already mentioned several times (Tchou-san-sang-king, Tôk, ed. XXXVIII. 1,93a), the journey of Tan-ou-kie (Nanj. App. II. 82) who travelled from China to India towards the year 420. To go from Cha-le (Kashgar) to Ki-pin (Kapiça) "he crossed the T's'ong-ling and the snowclad mountains. The paths there are bad and the foot-ways precipitous. Neither ass nor camel can go over them." Lastly, Dr. Stein, when about to plunge into the Takla-makan desert, where such splendid discoveries awaited him, began by sending his horses, which would not have found enough food and water there, back to Khotán, and replaced them by a dozen donkeys which, with a small number of camels, (570] conveyed the provisions and baggage (Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan, p. 273).
Sanskrit literature, though so unfortunately disdainful of vulgar realities, has, however, preserved a positive and precise commentary on the expression kharoştra. It is buried in that enormous encyclopedia the Mahābhārata, which is still so insufficiently explored and which ought to occupy the rank in Indian studies long usurped by the Veda: In canto VIII. the hot-headed Karna, when about to rush into combat with Arjuna, is recalled to prudence by Çalya, king of the Madrakas, who points out the dangers to which be is laying himself open. Karna foams with rage at the excessive good sunsc of this advice and overwhelms the wise Calya with invective and insult. Once more in history " Quidquid delirant reges plectuntur Achivi." Karna turns on all the Madrakas and reviles them with an exhaustible flow of words — VIII. 40, 20 = 1835 899.: "Hear, 0 Çalya, these stanzas that men are wont to chant as repeating a lesson. ... The Madraka must needs be a traitor to his friends. If there be one who nates us, 'tis a Madraka. The Madraka knows no ties, his language is a base tongue, he is the vilest of men..... Their women, drunk with spirituous liquors, throw off their garments and betake themselves to dancing; they know no restraint in intercourse ; they are swayed only by their fancy. Shall a Madraka dare to speak of the law, being a son of these women who stand upright to make water like camels and asses20 (yathaivostradacerakāh, 1852)." Two hundred verses further, Karna continues to vent his wrath in insults; to drive them home the better, he is careful to give his authority - VIII. 44, 3= 2026: "Listen and give heed, king of the Madras, to that which I have heard at the court of Dhstarāştra. In Dhịtarāştra's palace certain brahmans told of strange countries and the kings of old time. Then an old brahman of the highest rank fell to reviling the Vāhīkas and the Madras .....While on secret business I dwelt with the Vähikas, and I know their practices, having lived among them .
Their women dance and sing stark-naked on the terraces of the houses and cities, stripping off their garlands and dyes, with vile drinking-songs like the braying of the ass and the camel (kharogtra-ninadopamaih, 2036); naked as they are, they give themselves up to their lusts and are swayed only by their fancy . . . . . . One of these wretched Vähikas who dwelt at Kurujangala, being sad at heart, sang thus: Does she think of me, as she lies on her bed, the fair, tall girl robed in fine woollen stuffs ! Does she remember the poor Vähika at Kurajāigala ? When shall I cross the Catradru and the pleasant Irāvati 'going homeward to see once more the beautiful women with large temples ?
When shall we, amid the sound of conch-shells and [571] the beating of drums, with asses, camels and mules21 (kharogtrācvataraih), tread the forests of cami, pilu and karira, where the
30 The commentator Nīlakantha here explicitly translates daceraka by "195," and the P, W.* 'records thie interpretation, although dageraka means: the young of a oamel. Protap Chandra Roy, following Nilakantha, translates: "like camels and asses."
1 Protap translates: "sweet as the ories of asses and camels and males," but Nilakantha's gloss on yānaih is "animals for riding."

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paths are so delightful!'. And when he had related this story the virtuous brahman went on: Listen to what he said about the rude Vähikas: Hear a diabolical song, which is always sung on the fourteenth day of the dark fortnight in the lusty city of Çakala, amid the beating of drums by night: When shall I once more sing Vähika songs in Çakala, full of meat of oxen and drunk with the strong drink of Gauḍa, in gorgeous raiment, with fair-skinned women tall of stature, eating the flesh of sheep with mouthfuls of onions, and the flesh of the boar, of fowls, of oxen and of the ass and the camel (gardabham austrikam, 2051).. fold, Calya, I will tell thee what another brahman related before the assembled Kurus: "The Vähikas eat and drink of the milk of the goat, of the she-camel and the ass (austrikam ksṣīram gardabham eva ca, 2059).
=
Thus, whether it be in the reminiscences of a traveller or in homesick visions, the ass and the camel return like a refrain, whenever the land of the Vähikas is described. This country is clearly defined in the Mahabharata, VIII. 44, 6-7, 2029-30, "Far from the Himavat and the Ganga, far from the Yamuna, from the Sarasvati and the Kurukgetra, settled in the midst of the five rivers, these being six with the Indus, dwell the Vähīkas, strangers (vahya) to the law" (cf. ib. 2041, 2055, 2064). The Vähika country is the Pañjab, Çakala being the capital. In another canto of the Mahabharata the same animals reappear, when the same regions are mentioned : "When the peoples of the earth come to do homage and offer gifts to Yudhisthira, the king of Kamboja (on the North-West border of India) offers, among other presents, three hundred camels and as many she-asses (uṣṭravāmis triçatam ca) fed on pilu, çami and inguda,22 II. 50, 4, 1824. The people of the Trans-Indus (paresindhu), Vairāmas, Pāradas, Abhiras, Kitavas bring precious stones, sheep, goats, oxen, gold, asses and camels (kharoştra, 1833). Bhagadatta, the king of Pragjyotisa, accompanied by the Yavanas (Greeks), brings six thousand black-necked asses, from the bank of the Vanksu (Oxus): 1839-40; the Cinas, the Çakas, the Barbarians offer likewise ten thousand asses bred on the banks of the Oxus: 1846.
The real meaning of kharoştra crops out again, so to speak, over the vast expanse of the Mahabharata; the last echoes of this name must have reached the diaskevastes of the brahmanic period; whether isolated or combined, the two [572] terms of which it is composed could not fail to remind them of the impure heretical and barbarous region beginning at the banks of the Sutlej and stretching westward toward unknown horizons. It points, like so many other indications, to the period of the Indo-Scythians, rather towards the decline of their power, as the time when the Mahabharata was compiled. Brahmanic India, threatened by the barbaric world, gathered up the scattered treasure of her traditions and institutions and composed their epitome, in epic and in juridical code, in the Mahabharata and the Manava-dharma-çãstra; these works are inseparable from one another, animated by the same spirit, constructed partly from the same materials, both looking out on the same alien horizon: Çakas, Yavanas, Pahlavas, &c. The same movement was destined to be repeated before the Musulman conquest.
I do not pretend to decide whether Kharoştra really is, originally, the land of the ass and the camel: Kharoştra-deça, or whether it owes this appellation to the play of popular etymology upon a local name. I have already compared this name with that of the "dogheaded," Kalystrioi, described by Ctesias. M. Halévy has compared it with the Khafçtras of the Avesta, who themselves are too obscure and shadowy to afford a solution of the problem.23 If the word were a purely-Hindu creation,
22 Cf. the forests of gami and pilu in the Vähika country, sup. I adopt Protap's translation, but ustravami may mean simply "she-camel." ef. Harga-carita (ed. Nirnaya Sagar, p. 159, comm.), ustravamy ustrabharya kooid vami dvayam anye vesarim anye garvim ahub.
23 Bartholomew's Hand-Atlas of India (Constable, 1893) gives in map 24 a locality named Kharoti, two degrees south of Cabul on the upper course of the Gumal, an affluent of the Luni which falls into the Indus. I quote this name merely to show that there may have been in the same regions a similar name which could serve as a base for the Sanskritised form Kharoştra. The name Siyah posh, "black garments," given by Sadik Isfahani to the frontiers of Cabul may translate some such word as Kalavaatra, Kälostra, in which would appear a learned and late interpretation of the same original word (History of India, Elliot Dowson, II. 407).

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if it had been coined with the express purpose of mentioning by name the two animal species characteristic of the region, one would expect to meet with the form ustrakhara, which, according to the grammarians, is enjoined by custom when the ass and the camel come together in a dvandva compound. As a matter of fact, the reverse process takes place. The compound kharoştra, incorrect as it is, has overborne the authority of the grammarians in literary usage. I cannot help believing that this anomaly or inversion is not a freak of chance. The geographical name Kharoştra, copied from and adapted in form to a foreign original, spread through the Hindu world, as relations with the countries to the North-West were multiplied, and was at last sufficiently popularized to hold its ground against the compound ustrakhara, which the language had brought forth from its own treasure, and to force upon it a sort of conversion. The ear had grown accustomed to the sound of Kharogtra and no longer felt it incorrect or shocking. This is only a hypothesis, but one fact remains; about the beginning of the Christian era the name Kharoştra applies vaguely, in Hindu usage, to the regions bordering on India towards the North-West; it is the country of the [578] "border-barbarians," beginning on the edge of the brahmanic kingdoms and stretching away towards the undefined West. The digraphic inscriptions of the Kangra Valley (Epigr. Ind. VII. 116), traced in the Brahmi and in the Kharoştri character, mark, near the Upper Sutlej, the meeting-place of two worlds on the East, the land of purity reserved to the brabmans; on the West, the vague zone given up to barbarism.
19
SPECIAL NOTES.
A. See page 2 above, and note 3; original page 545, note 1.
This Sanskrit form: paramavala, is surprising, and Houei-yuan does well to remark on it. The Sanskrit name for coral is pravala, which also means: young shoot of a tree. I do not quite see how Houei-yuan arrives at the meaning "precious tree." The Korean text differs sensibly from the Chinese text, which I have reproduced, but keeps the formula with which our researches are concerned: Fan-pen-tchang-yun, Po-lo-so-ho-lo, Pao-chou tchen-ming. There is a frequent confusion between so' and p'o, so that it is possible to read and explain the passage thus: "Prabhakara. This is the name of (tche) the precious tree." But I have hardly any doubt that we have here, as in the variant po-lo-mo-houo-lo, a faulty or altered transcription of prabala; po-lo-houo-lo or po-lo-po-lo.
B.
See page 4 above and note 5; original page 547, note 1.
In the place of Pataliputra, mentioned by Buddhabhadra, but omitted by Çiksananda, our list gives Magadha, which is, certainly, the equivalent, since Pataliputra is the capital of Magadha. Kundina (the capital of Vidarbha) is replaced by Kosala, that is the Daksina-Kosala which is confounded with Vidarbha. Mo-lan-to and Kan-pou-tehe are omitted in the Suryagarbha-sutra. The transcription Sou-po-lo-kia clearly furnishes the Sanskrit equivalent of Tsing-teing-pei-ngan (Pure that side), a translation which is based on the etymology: Su-pära (+ affix aka), good-other side.
I have found another and entirely independent list of these Bodhisattva-pithas in the Hevajratantra, of which we possess the Sanskrit text and a Chinese translation made in the first half of the XIth century by Fa-hou (Jap. ed. XXVII. 3). I quote the Sanskrit text, following the MSS. in the Bibiothèque Nationale (Burnouf, 117, 118 and 118bia); it is to be found in the 7th patala of the work entitled Chomapatala and Chom ayithap. As for this singular choma or chomayitha the Chinese translates: mi-in (section of), "mysterious signs."

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B 117, p. 168:
(1) pitham Jalandharam kyātam Oddiyanam tathaiva ca
pitham Pauruņagirim caiva kämarūpam tathaiva ca. (2) Upapitham Mālava. prokta Sindhunagaram eva cs
kgetram mommuni khyāta kşetram kārunyapatakam. (3) Devikoetham tathā kşetram ketram karmālapätakam
upakşetram kulatā proktam Arbudam ca tathaiva ca. (4) Godavari Himādriç ca upakşetrap hi samkşipyat
Chandoham Harikelam ca lavanasāgaramadhyajam. (5) Lampāke Kāncikam caivam Saurāşgram ca tathaiva ca
Kalingam Upacchandohan dvipam cāmikarānvitam. (6) Kokkanam copacchandobam samüsenäbhidhiyate
Pilavam grāmānta tham Pilavam nagarasys ca. (7) Caritra Koçalam caiva Vindhyākaumärapaurika
Upapilavam tat
sannivecain Vajragarbha mahäkypa. (8) Smaçãnam pretasamhātam çmacānam codadhyay tatam
Udyanām väpikätiram a paçmaçanam nigadyate.
Var. B. 118, p. 14: (1) Odiyānam - Pūrngagiryanva. (2) Märavam Sindhuo. Manmuniprakhyātam. (8) Devikosam. (4) Sam ksipet. (5) Lampākam. (8) codadhes otirām.
B. 118b16, p. 136: (1) Jālancara khyātam li turyyāyena tathaiva ca 11 pītha yolagiri caiva. (2) märava-mumuni. (3) Devikota - Karmārapatakam. (4) Sādāvari, samkşepatah, Halikelam. (5) Lampakam kācītare ca. (6) Pilavam grāmatasya Piravalagarasya ca. (7) Vivyakormalapūraka.
Translation of Fa-hou (loo. laud. p. 696): --The twelve places are : 1the kingdom of Jo-lan-towolan (Jalandhara); the kingdom of Ko-mo-lou (Kamarūps) or the exceedingly pure forest of Mount Kourlo (Kou-lo-shan tsing-tsing yuen-lin; 2. the kingdom of Mo-lo-wan (Mālava) or the city of the river Sin-tou (Sindhunagara); 3. the kingdom of Mong-meou-ni (Mummuni); the kingdom of Kiu-mo10-po-tch'a (Kumārapāta[ka]), and the city of the Queen of the Gods (Tien-heou = Devi); 4, the city of Kou-lo, the city of Ngo-li-mou (Arbuda); the river of Yu-na-li (Godāvari) and the river Hi-mu (Himadri!); 5. the kingdom of Ho-ls (Hari[kela]), the kingdom of Lan-p'o (Lampāka), the kingdom of Chao (thriving), or Sau [rāştra]; the city Colour-of-Gold (Kiu-che = Kāñc) and also in the sea of salt; 6. the kingdom of Kia-lin-ngo (Kalinga); the kingdom of Tcheou-tseu (son of the island); the kingdom of Mi-k'iu-lo; the kingdom of King-kie-na (Konkana) - The 7th and the 8th are missing in the Sanskrit original (note of the Chinese translator)]; 9. the city of Pi-lo-fo (Pilava) and the large villages (Koang-ta-tsin-lo); 10: the city of Good Conduct (Chen-king, Caritra), the city of Riao-sa-lo (Kausala); the city of Min-to (Vindhya); the city of Kiu-mo-lo-pou-li (Kaumārapaurika); 11. the place where created beings rejoice (tsoung-chou-lo-tchou) (probably priti-samghātam) or the shore of the great sea (udadhes tatam); 12. the garden of flowers and fruits (hoa-ko yuen-lin, udyāna) and the basin of a pure lake (tsing-tsing tch'eu-tchao, vāpikātira)."
Similar lists scattered here and there in a great number of works belonging to the Tripitaka throw light alike on the geography and the chronology of the books. The horizon of the Hevajratantra is much narrower than that of the Avatamsaka and the Mahasamnipāta, but interesting names are to be found in it: Oddiyāns seems to be translated by tsing-tsing yuon-lin, “the pure Forest." It is a surprise to find opposite the mountain Rou-lo of the Chinese text, the Sanskrit form Paurgagiri or Pūrnagiri, which cannot correspond to it. Further on, the city of Koulo answers quite well to the Kulata of the original. The name Mammoni throws light on the obscuro allusions

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of the Rājatarangini (III. 332 ; IV. 167 and 516), the subject of a learued discussion by Stein; I find this same word as the name of a country in my list of the cities of Central Asia, to be published after the present work. Devikoştha or Devikots, is, as far as I know, only quoted in the lexicons (Trik. 2.1, 17; Hemac. 977). The name Kāruṇyapätaka, omitted in Chinese, and Karmarapātaka (or Kumāra) are examples of the use of the work pataka, a term of administration which is missing in the Amarakoça but which Hemacandra (v. 962) records, and explains by grāmārdha. The first official use of this word which I have met is in the inscription on the Salotgi pillar, dated 867 Çaka = 945 A. D., under the rule of Rāştrakūta-krsnarāja III. Akālavarsa (Ep. Ind. IV. 60). The word appears regularly afterwards in the formulary of the Rāthors of Kanauj (f. Ep. Ind. IV., index 8. v. pāțaka and also Ind. Ant. XVIII. 135). The mention of Harikela is, I believe, the first occurring in a Sanskrit text; Hemacandra, in his lexicon, gives Harikelya as the equivalent of Vanga, Bengal, and this indication agrees with the statement of the pilgrim Yi-tsing (Les Religieux Eminento, p. 106 and 145: "This country forms the eastern frontier of Eastern India; it is a part of Jambudvípa ; Tâmralipti was the sea-port"). The name Harikela also occurs in the legend of one of the Nepalese miniatures of which M. Foucher has made a study (Iconographie bouddhique, p. 105 and 200). Chandoba and Upacchandoha are enigmatic; the kingdom of Tcheon-tset (son of the island) seems to correspond to them in Chinese ; but how and why? The kingdom of Mi-kia-lo seems to originate in a wrong reading at v. 5: dvipam ca mikarānvitam. Kokkaņa is, as the Chinese indicates, Konkana, Konkan. The city of Caritra is doubtless the one mentioned by HionenTsang (Mém. II. 90 and 124) on the confines of Orissa (Ou-tch'a) and Malakūta (Mo-lo-kin-icha). The list of Hovajra may be placed (jadging by its whole contents) between Hiouen-Tsang and the MSS. with miniatures studied by M. Foucher,
0.-800 page 4 above, and noto 6; original page 550, note 1.
With apparently only one exception, No. 573, Julien there gives: "l'ia for ga in Samparāgata Fan-i, liv. xix. fol. 2." The Fan-yi, in this passage, explains the abridged expression Seng-po, used in monastic life in China, and refers to Koei-hi, the disciple of Hiouen-Tsang, who says : S'eng-po is in Sanskrit sam-po-lo-k'ia-to; it is the ceremony known as the song of the equal offering. Yi-tsing in his Memoir sent from the southern seas (Takakusu's translation, p. 39), employs the same transcription and fully explains the word : When food is served to priests "he who serves the salt saye, turning back his hands, holding them out and kneeling before the superior, Sam-po-lo-k-iato (ut sup.). Translated, this is welcome,' chan-tcheu. The old transcription Seng-po is wrong. Then the superior says, Let the food go in equal portions!' The meaning (yi-tao) is, the offering of food is well prepared and that the time is come to eat.' This, it must be said, is the literal sense. But, once when the Buddha with his disciples had had poisoned dishes given to them, the Buddha taught them to recite the Sam-po-lo-k'ia-to before eating. All the poison in the food changed to delicious nourishment. From this point of view the word is also a magic spell."
The story repeated by Yi-tsing is also recorded by the Fan-yi-ming-yi-tai, in which there is a reference to the Tchoang-yen-loun (Sūträlamkāra). In that work there does occur, in fact (book xiii), the story of Crigupta who had had a poisoned meal prepared for the bhikgus; but the Buddha bade them recite the Song-po to neutralise the poison. The story gives an adequate explanation of this word; the transcription is evidently sampra-khyāta (and not samparigata as given by Julien) in which Kia represents the Sanskrit khya as in seng-k'ia' = Samkhya in Hiouen-Tsang.
: Yi-tsing's confused rendering is only one proof the more of his imperfect knowledge of Sanskrit. The monk, before partaking of the poisoned dishes, says: Samprakhyātam - It is very clearly soen"; in other words: you will not entrap me, and the poison thus recognized loses its power,

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D. - See page 5 above and note 8; original page 552, note .
It would have been interesting to compare the transcription of the name Zarathustra. But in the passages pointed out hitherto (Chavannes, Journ. A8. 1897, I. 61; Deveria, 16. II. 462) the name Zoroaster is represented, with complete disregard of the original form, by Sou-lou-tchi
M. Chavannes inadvertently transcribes Sou-li-tchi). This transcription deserves notice; in common with the Greek form and unlike the Oriental forms (Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 23), it has a labial vowel in the first part of the name; it presupposes, in fact, the pronunciation : so-ro-ci or B0-ro-ti, sor-ti, sor-ci, sro-ci, sro-ți, which comes neither from the Zend Zarathustra nor the Pehlevi Zaratust. Among all the forms collected by Mr. Jackson in his excellent work (Appendix V.), the one approaching most nearly to the Chinese rendering is that employed by Marius Victorinus Afer (§ 23 in Jackson) who writes, about 350 A. D. (ad Justinum Manichæum, col. 1003, ed. Migne): “Jam vidistine ergo quot Manis, Zoradis aut Buddhas haec docendo deceperint ?" The form Zoradis, employed by Victorinus, is evidently of Manichæan origin. We know moreover that Manichæista had made powerful strides in China ; the first Chinese text that names Zoroaster (Sou-low-Ichi), in alluding to an imperial odiet given forth in 631 A. D.(cf. Chavannes, loc. laud.), associates his name with that of the Mo-ni, that is the Manichæan cult. Either it was Manichæism that introduced into China the form Suu-lou-lchi, or there existed in the regions where Manichæism took its rise and in the Persian countries in touch with China a form of the name Zoroaster more nearly allied to the Greek than to the original Zend or to the Pehlevi derived from this latter. It is for Iranian scholars to clear up the problem ; the solution may bring with it some interesting corollaries. A propos of Zoroaster, and only in passing (to avoid bringing in too many combinations) I will point to a hypothesis which I perhaps might be reproached for omitting. The rşi K baroetha, whom I shall have the occasion to deal with later, as the imaginary sponsor of the Kharoşthi writing, is introduced into the pantheon of Central Asia as a revealer of astronomy, though no known antecedente qualify him for the rôle. But Zoroaster, on the other hand, as “Chief of the Magi,” is intimately connected with astrology (cf. Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 95 and 125). The Greek transcription of his name translates this idea, or at least, has helped to propagate it. Might not Kharoạtha perhaps be only a disgaise for Zoroaster popularized in Central Asia by the syncretism of the Indo-Scythians, who have given so great a place on their coins to the Avestic pantheon? In this way there would be a distant connection between Zoroaster and the Kharoetbi character.
E. - See page 12 above and note 18; original page 588, note 1.
This information goes back to Sie Ling-yun: -"Sie Ling-yun of the Soung kingdom says: The Hou writing is that which is employed, concurrently with the Fan writing, both for religious and secular purposes. And the origin thereof likewise goes back to the Buddha. The sūtra says: the words, letters, cāstras and heterodox mantras - all have been set forth by the Buddha and not by the heretics. The heretics use them for communicating by letters. The Hou writing is, etc." Sie Ling-yun was a Chinese man of letters (Nanjio, III. 3) who collaborated with Houei-yen and Houei-kouan, between 424 and 453, in a corrected translation of the Mahāparinirvāņa-sūtra (Nanj. 114, Tôk, ed. XI. 7 and 8). The Mabāparinirvāņa būtra contains (chap. 8, sect. 13, of the revised translation = chap. 8, sect. 4, div. 5 of Dharmarakşa's translation) a chapter on the characters of the writing and their mystic value, which occupies a large place in the speculations of the Siddham. We might hesitate to ascribe the whole quotation to Sie Ling-yun, if the phrase immediately following the passage I have translated (: "Thus it is that in this country (China) Trang (hse)...") did not occur again, on the anthority of this same Sie Ling-yun in a commentary on the Mahāparinirväņasūtra, the Ta-pan-nie-pan-king hiouen-yi (Nanjio, 1544 ; Tok. ed. XXXI. 6, p. 91).

Page #29

JANUARY, 1906.) KHAROSTRA AND THE KHAROSTRI WRITING.
23
The author of this commentary, Kouan-ting (Nanj. III. 15), lived from 562 to 682.“ Sie Lingyun says: Fan and K'ia-lou are the names of men. Both of them have brought the too numerous characters down to an abridged form. Thus it is that in this country, Ts'ang...."
This passage is repeated and explained in the sub-commentary (nie-p'an-hiouen-yi fa-yuen ki yao (Nanj. 1546; Tôk, ed. XXXI. 6, p. 25b).
The sūtra-quotation given by Sie Ling-yan on the origin of the letters and words is identical with the beginning of the chapter on characters in the Mahaparinirvāņa: "The Buddha said, addressing Kāçyapa: the words, the letters of the castras, and of the heterodox mantras -- all have been enunciated by the Buddha and not by the heretics."
Kicyapa the Bodhisattva then said to the Baddha : Bhagavat, what does the Tathāgata declare the origin of the characters to be?” The Buddha said: "It is well. The characters, divided into two classes, which were enunciated at the very beginning, are those which I consider to be their origin. By means of these, men master the tales, cāstras, mantras, the literature, the skandhas, the true law. The common folk obtain instruction in these, the original characters, and then are they able to know the true law from the false law." Sie Ling-yun probably added to his translation some notes which have not been preserved.
APPENDIX.
List of writings in the Lalitavistara compared with parallel texts in Chinese.
[573] I have thought it opportune to add to this article on the Kharoştri the lists of writings, parallel to that of the Lalitavistara, which have been preserved in the Tripitaka canon of Chinese Buddhism. These lists, four in number, are to be found in the following works
1. P'ou-yao-king, a biography of the Buddha translated into Chinese by Tchou-Fa-hou in 808 A. D. (Nanj. 160; Tök. ed. VI. 4, 79a ).
2. Fo-per-hing-tsi king, a biography of the Buddha translated into Chinese by Jñanagupta in 987 A.D. (Nanj. 680 ; Tok, ed. XIII. 7, 406 ). Beal has partly analysed, partly translated, this work: The Romantic Legend of Sākya Buddha; London, 1875. The chapter on the writings begins at p. 68. Like all Beal's works, this translation, which has, however, rendered indisputable service, is very unreliable in detail. This can be easily verified by comparing his list with mine.
3. Fa-youen-chou-lin, & vast encyclopaedia of Buddhism compiled by Tao-chi in 668 A. D. (Nanj. 1482 ; Tok, ed. XXXVI. 5, 84). Tao-che has simply reproduced the list of the lastnamed work. The use, in the annotations, of the term Souei for the Chinese language denotes that the original had been written under the Souei dynasty (581 - 618)); comparison of the texts shows that the translation of Jūānagupta was copied by Tao-che. It was therefore useless to reproduce his list; I have contented myself with pointing out the variants, which are rare.
4. Fang-kouang-ta-tchouany-yen-king, a biography of the Buddha translated into Chinese by Divākara in 683 (Nanj. 159; Tèk. ed. VI. 4, 17).
In the table of comparison I have placed the most ancient work in the middle, the two others being on either side. For the Sanskrit I have followed Lefmann's Edition of the Lalitavistara (Halle, 1902), p. 125.

Page #30

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1906.
The Chinese lists,
FoU-PEN-HING-T8I-KING
(587 A. D.).
POU-YAO-KING (308 A. D.).
FANG-KOANG TA-TCHOANG-YEN-KING
(683 A. D.). 1. Fan-mei.
1. Fan.
1. [574] Fan writing. 24
NOTE. This is the present brahmanio character (po-lo-men-chou). It contains, correctly, fourteen vowels.
2.
K'ia-lou.
2.
K'ia-lou-che-ti.
2. K'ia-lou-che-tch'a.
Note. - In Chinese,
ass-lip. 3. Writing set forth by the sại
Fou-cha-kia-lo = lotus flower.
3. Fou-kia-lo.
8. Pou-cha-kia-lo.
4. Ngan-k'ia.
4
Yang-kia-lo.
5. Man-kia.
5. Mo-ho-ti.
6. Ngan-kion
6.
Yang-k'tu.
4. Ngo-kia-lo
= articulation. 5. Meng-kia-lo
= good luck. 6. Ya-mei-ni
NOTE. - Mei has partly the pronunciation of (to)ang, partly of (p) (that is: wi)
= kingdom of Ta-te'in. 7. Yang-k'iu-li
= finger. 8. Ya-na-ns-laia
= riding on horseback.
7:
Ta-te'in.
7. Ye-par-ni.
8. Po-li-kia.
the
8. Hou-lohong
(protecting
multitude). 9. T'iu
(collecting).
9. Ngo-po-low-cha.
9. 80-kia-p'o
= cow.
(The Fa-yuen-tchou-lin writes: So-kia-lo.)
* At the head of the lint in the Fou pon-hing-tai-ling, following the question asked by the Bodhisattva, "Well, master, what writing will you tonoh mo?" the Korean edition, and the Toky8 edition which reproduce it, insert this note: - "At the beginning no writing is given." The Tokyo editor adds, in his critical noto at the head of the page, that the text of the song and that of the Yuan introduoe, between the last word of the question miked in the text (chou writing) and the note, the two words: Fan-pon-Hindu original; that is to say, that woording to those two texta, the writing at the head of the list is missing in the Hindu original of the litre. This note is an obvions error, proved by the original text of the Lalitavistars and also of the Maharasto. It ww, no doubt, brought about by the expression which precedes Fan-t'ion in the Chinese text.

Page #31

JANUARY, 1906.) KHAROSTRA AND THE KHABOSTRI WRITING.
c1
10.
Po-lo-p'o-ni
= shoot of a tree.
10. Pan
(half).
10.
Ta-p'-lo.
11.
Po-licou-cha
= evil speech.
11. Kiow-yu
(long-given).
11. Ki-lo-to.
12.
[575] Ps-to-tcha
= setting a corpse erect.
To-ts'o-na.
12. Tokios
(sickness-solid). 13. T"o-po-lo.
13.
• 13.
Yeon-kia-lo.
To-p'i-icha
= Southern India.
14.
Tche-lo-ti = naked men.
14. Seng-k'i.
14.' Yi-ti-sai
(border-barbarians of the North).
16. Nge-po-meo.
15. Che-yu
(gift-given). 16. K'ang-K'iu
16. Ngonou-lon.
15. Tou-k’s-tch'ai-na-p'o-to
= turned to the right. 16. Yeou-kia
= burning splendour.
(The Fa-yuen reading
is : Yeou-po-kia.) 17. Seng-k'ia
= counting, calculation, 18. Ngto-pow-o
= turned back.
17. Ta-lo-to.
17. Troci-chang
(very high). 18. Todo.
18.
K'o-so.
19.
Kia-oha.
19.
Tche-na.
19. Ngo-neou-lou-mo
= docile. 20. P'i-ya-mei-che-to
= mized. +
20. Toin.
20. Hou-na.
21.
21. Hioung-not.
21. Mo-l'i-ngo-tch'a-lo.
T'o-lo-to
= border mountain of Udyāns.
(The Fa-yuen has the erroneous reading Ngot'o-lo-to).
22.
22. Mi-ta-lo.
22. Si (West) Kiuya-ni.
Note. - No Chinese word.
(Fa-yuen: "The translation is wanting.")
Tchong-kien-tsen
(words in the middle).
35 Following 11 and before 12, the Ya-yuan-tchou-lin inserts : "the Fowy (father-given) writing" and notes the translation is wanting." Towy Onnot be a transcription from Sanalerit and it is inadmissible that the list. entirely in transcription, should make this one exception. This is an error of the Fashion-tohow-kin

Page #32

26
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1906.
23. Web-ki-to.
23. Fo-cha.
24. Pour-cha-pou.
24. T'i-po.
23. K'o-cha
=Chou-le (Kashgar). 24. Tche-na (kingdom of)
= the great Souei.
(Fa-yuen: "The trans
lation is wanting.") 25. Mona
(a bushel). 26. Mo-tch'a-tch'a-lo
= middle-word.
25. Na-kia.
26.
Ye-tch'a.
25. Tien
(deve). 26. Writing of the
Long and writing of the Koei (nāgas
and demons) 27. Kien-ta-hou.
27. Kan-ta-po.
27. [678] P'i-to-si-tó
= arm's length. 28. Fou-chou-po
= flower.
28.
Tohen-to-lo.
28. Mo-heou-lo.
29. Mo-hioule,
.
29. Ngo-sicou-lo.
80. Ngo-ricou-loun.
0. Kia-lou-lo.
31. Kia-loulo.
31.
Kin-na-lo.
32. Mi-li-kia.
29. T'i-po
=deva. 30. Nokia
dragon. 31. Ye-tch's
Nota. - No Chinese word.
(Fa-yuen: “ The trans
lation is wanting.") 32. Kan-ta-p'o
= heavenly musicians. 33. Ngo-tieo-lo
= who drinks no wine. 34. Kia-lou-lo
= bird with golden wings. 35. Kin-na-lo
= who is not a man. 36. Mo-heou-lo-kia
great serpent. 37. Mi-kia tche-kia
= noise of animals.
33. Mogu.
34. Pao-mo-t'i-p'o.
35. Ngan-to-li-tch'a-t'i-po.
.
32. Lou-loun
(stag-circle). 38. Yen-chen
(word-good) 34. Tien-fou
(deva-belly). 35. Foung
(air). 86. Kiang-fou
(submitting) 37. Pe-fang-t'ien-his
(northern coun
tries). 38. Keou-na-mi l'ion-hia
(country of Glo dani).
36. Keow-ya-ni.
37.
Yv-lan-yue.
38.
Kia-kia-low-to
noise of birds.
38. Foup'o-li.

Page #33

JANUARY, 1906.)
KHAROSTRA AND THE KHAROSTRI WRITING.
39.
Feou-mo-t'i-p'o
= god of the earth.
39.
Toung-fang-t'ien-hia (eastern countries).
39. Ouo-k'i-po.
40. Ni-ki-po.
40. Ngan-to-li-tch'a-t'i-p'o
= god of space. 41. Yu-to-lo-keou-lou
= North of Sumeru.
40. Kiu
(raising). 41. Hia
(lowering). 42. Yao
(summary).
41. Pan-lo-ki-p'o.
42.
Pou-lou-p'o-p's-t's-ho
= East of Sumeru.
P'o-kie-lo.
43.
43.
Po-che-lo.
Ou-tch'ai-po
=raising
43. Kien-kou
(solid). 44. T'o-ngo.
Li-k'ia-po-lo-ti-li.
44. Ni-tch'ao-po
= laying down. 45. So-kia-lo
=sea.
45.
45.
P's-k-po.
Te-hoa (obtaining the outline)
46.
46.
Po-che-lo
= diamond.
Yen-kiu (satiated-raising).
46. Ngan-nou-po-tou-to.
47.
47.
Che-sa-to-p'o.
Li-kia-po-lo-t-Is-k'ia
= going and retorning.
47. Wou-yu .
(not-given). 48. Tohoan-chou
(rolling-number).
48.
48.
Kie-ni-na.
Pi-K'i-to
remains of food.
49. Ou-tch'ai-po.
49. [577] Ngo-neou-feou-to
= which exists no longer.
49. Tchoan-yen
(rolling-eye). 50. Pi-kiu
(closing-phrase, sentence).
50. Ni-tch'ai-po.
50. Che-80-to-lo-po-to
= rolling as one who has prostrated himself.
51. Kia-na-na-po-to
=rolling over counting
51. Chang
(raising up).
51. Poto-li-kia.
while
52.
62.
Ti-ou-ta-lan-ti.
Ts'eu-kin (order-neighbour).
52. Yeou-tch'ai-po-po-to
= rolling while raising,
rolling up. 53. Ni-tch'ai-po-po-to
rolling and laying down.
63. Nai-tohe
(happening thus).
53.
Ye-p'o-la.
64. Pofo-tan-ti.
54. Po-to-u-k'ta
= footprint.
54. Toutain
(measure-near).

Page #34

28
55. P'i-keou-to-lo-po-to-na-ti increasing, two by two, adding (words) two by two.
56. Ye-p'o-t'o-chou-to-lo increased to ten.
57. Mo-toh'a-p'o-hi-ni
=middle-flowing, passing
away.
58. Li-cha-ye-so-to-po-to-pi-to practising the tortures of the ṛṣis.
(Fa-yuen: "Li-cha-yep'o, etc.)
practising the torments of the mountains" (error in reading).
59. To-lo-ni-pi-tch'a-li seeing the earth.
60. Kia-kia-na-pi-li-tch'a-ni = seeing space.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
61. Sap’cu-cha-ti-ni-chan-to
cause of all plants (Fa-yuen: "List of all plants.")
62. Cha-lo-seng-kia-ho-ni collected all together.
63. [578] S'a-cha-lou-to noise of all kinds.
...
Lalitavistara (A) Fou-pen-hing-tai-king (B) P'on-yao-king (C) Fang-koang-ta-tehoang-yen-king (D)
55, Tohong-yu
56. Si-mie-yin (all-extinguishedsound).
57. Tien-che-kiai
(middle-leading).
(lightning-worldlimit).
58. To you (var. fou) (animal for ridingalso) (var. father).
59. Chen-ts'i-ti
(good-calm-earth).
60. Koan-k'ong (contemplating the void).
61. Yi-tsie-yo (all grasses).
62. Chen-cheou
(good-receive).
63. Che-ts'iu (containing).
64. Kiai-hiang (every noise).
Comparison with the Lalitavistars.
1 Brähmi.
1
1
1
www
...
[JANUARY, 1906.
55. Mo-t'i-ho-li-ni.
56. Sa-p'o-to-seng-kia-ho.
57. P'o-chi.
58. Pi-t'o-ngo-nou-lou
mo.
59. Ni-che-ta-to.
60. Hou-lou-tche-mo-na.
61. To-lo-ni-pi-tso.
62. Kia-kia-na-pi-li-ki
na.
63. So-p'o-ouo-oha-ti-ni
tch'an-t'o.
2 Kharoşți.
2
2
2
64. So-kie-lo-seng-kia-ho.
65. Sa-p'o-pou-to-heoulou-to.
3 Puskarasarī.
3
3
3

Page #35

JANUARY, 1906.)
KHAROSTRA AND THE KHAROSTRI WRITING.
5 Vanga.
6 Magadha
7 Mangalya.
8 Anguliya.
A 4 Anga. B 4 C4
9 Sakāri. 9?
5?
8?
13 Kirāta.
A 10 Brahmavali. 11 Pāruşya. 12 Dravida.
13
15 Ugra. 16
14 Dākşinya. 15 (dakşiņāvarta
or dakşiņā patha). 15 (dakşiņā, gift). 12
13
13
11
A 16 Samkhyā.
17 Anuloma. 18 Avamürdha. 19 Darada.
21 Cina.
19
20 Khāgya. 28 19
17
C 16? Kankhya. ... D 14
A 22 Lūna.
27 Nāga.
23 Hūna. 25 ? (Māna). 21 20
24 Madhyākgaravistara. 25 Paşpa. 26 Deva.
29 22
24
30
25
26 (long). 25
31 Mahoraga. 32 [679] Asura. 33 Garuda.
29 Gandharva. 30 Kinnara. 82
85
86
33
84
Yaksa. B 31 C 26 (Koei). D 26
28?
30
31
27
81
30
34 Megacakra. 35 Vayasarata. 36 Bhaumadeva. 37 Antarikşadeva. 88 Uttarakaradvipa.
88 (Käkaruta). 39 33 ? 83 (Maya). 84
34
39 Aparagodāni. 40 Purvavideha. 41 Utkpepa. 42 Nikṣepa.
22
48 Viksepa. 48 (Vikşipta). 46
45
44 Prakşepa.
45 Sagara.
46 Vajra.
47 Lekhapratilekha. 48 Anadruta..
49 (Anubhūta). 47 (Anupadatta?). 46 Anupadruta.

Page #36

30
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1906.
50 Gananāvarta.
49 Çāstrāvartā. 50 49?
51 Utkşepăvarta. 52 51
52 Nikçepāvarta. 53
53 Padalikhita.
54 Dvirattarapadasamdhi. 55 Yavaddacottarapadasamdhi. 54 55
56 50 ? 52 ?
53 ? + 54 ? 52
53 + 54 56 Madhyābāriņi. 57 Sarvarutasamgrahaņi. 58 Vidyānulomavimiçrita, 59 Bşitepastaptā.
20 (Vyāmigra),
58 55 .
56
56
58 ?
58
62 Gaganaprekgini.
60 Rocamānā. 61 Dharanīprekşiņi.
59 59 (very calm). 59 (earth),
61
63 Sarvauşadhinigyandā. 61 61
63
65 Sarvabhūtarutagrahaņi.
64 Sarvasārasamgrahani, 62 62 + 63. 64 (Sakalasamgraha).
64
65
This comparison shows that not one of the Chinese texts is in complete agreement with the Lolitavistara either as to the names or the order adopted. In Sanskrit as in Chinese the attempt has been made, with indifferent success, to divide up the traditional terms of the nomenclature under sixty-four heads, the consecrated number; there has been cutting, carving, patching and sewing in the dark, and, in spite of all, some are below and some above the regular total. Certain divergences may be explained by the graphic variants of the Sanskrit originals, others are particularly important; unlike the Sanskrit, the three lists mention the writing of the Yavanas (Greeks): Ta-tsin, Ya-mei-ni, Ye-pan-ni, and these last two forms come out as Yavani instead of Yavanāni, the form prescribed by the Sanskrit grammar. The writing Yananika given in the Fo-pen (No. 8) seems to be a graphic modification of Yuvanike which is also a name for the writing of the Yavanas; the hypothesis has so much the more likelihood as this writing is followed immediately by the Çakäri, writing of the Cakas, a people who were usually associated with the Yavanas and who were said to be born from the excrement (sakrt) of Vasiştha's cow, whence the Chinese translation of their name, “Cow." The writing next on the list, Po-lo-p'o-ni, is evidently Pablavāni, the writing of the Pahlavas; the form thus restored agrees with the etymology indicated, "sboot of a tree," Pahlava being traced back to Pallava. Çaka-Yavana-Pahlava make up the traditional triad in the Sanskrit classics, * grouping which bears distinctly the mark of an epoch.
The names I have not been able to trace in the Sanskrit forms of the Lalitavistara are P'ou-yao - Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 86, 44, 50, 57; Fou-per - Nos. 6, 8, 10, 12, 27, (Vitasti); Ta-tchoang - Nos. 7, 22, 57..

Page #37

JANUARY, 1906.)
TELUGU FOLKLORE.
31
TELUGU FOLKLORE.
THE HUNTER AND THE Doves.
Translated by T. Sivasankaram.
THERE was once & sinful hunter, who lived by killing a number of birds, of which he ate some and sold the rest. For this purpose he invented many snares and used to roam over forests with them. Once upon a night, while he was so roaming, a severe storm broke, with the result that many living things were destroyed and the whole forest was flooded with water. The hanter became terrified, cautiously approached a big tree and stretched himself for rest, shivering with cold, with a stone for a pillow.
Contemplating the tree with awe, he invoked the evil spirits inhabiting it, that they might show mercy to him and save him from harm. While he was thus resting, he heard the wailing of a male dove from a hollow in the trunk of the tree over the absence of his dear partner, who had not returned from her quest of food :-"Where can she be now? Is it possible that my darling love should leave me alone for so long? What can have happened to hor? Perhaps she has perished in the storm! Ah! Without her my existence is meaningless. The qualities of a loving wife are means for a husband's attaining happiness here on earth and bliss hereafter. What can I do now? My house has become empty."
The female dove, who happened to be caught in the net of the hunter, listened to this soliloquy with unlimited joy and exclaimed thus :-"A fortunate wife indeed is she, to whom it is given to stand so high in the estimation of her lord. Now that I have heard my lover's protestations, I have not lived in vain and fear death no longer."
Thus she consoled herself and announced her presence in the net to her lover in the tree and said that there was no use in sorrowing over what had happened :- "The wise say that to show hospitality with a full heart to those who seek refuge with us is sopreme charity. This hunter, by coming to the tree in which we live, has sought for refuge with us. He is shivering with cold. See that no harm befalls him and give him the best shelter you can."
At this the male dove, at once ceasing to grieve, introduced himself to the hunter and spoke to him thus : "Brother, you must be very tired. You are a guest in my house and it is for me to show you hospitality. What is your pleasure ?"
To this the hunter replied, well pleased :- "Prince of birds, my limbs are shivering with cold, pray do something to relieve me."
The dove set out at once, collected a number of small dried twigs with its beak, brought another stick lighted at one end from a village close by, put it in the fuel, fanned it into fire by its wings, and invited the weary hunter to warm himself, all with an overflowing heart. To the delight of the bird, the hanter warmed himself at the fire, and then he began to feel the sensations of the returning hunger, of which he told the dove, his host. The bird felt intensely grieved at his inability to provide his guest with food, and exclaimed thus: “We birds do not keep any store of food. We eat whatever we find and live by it, but you are tired and I must show you hospitality. Therefore accept my body!"
So saying, the bird turned to the fire and suddenly fell into it, to the utter amazement of the hunter, who stood struck with awe. Collecting himself after & moment he soliloquised thus :- "Conld there be such moral courage on earth ? Is it possible that a bird could sacrifice its body with such loving kindness ? What a tragedy has my sinful life caused! I must give

Page #38

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1906.
up my merciless and brutal ways. The bird is my teacher and it has taught me this holy teaching."
As these thoughts occurred to his mind, it became filled with the spirit of renunciation, and he resolved within himself thus:-- "The bird fell into the fire, giving up his wife and relations. I shall give up all my desires, redeem my sins, and thereby acquire merit enough to attain Heaven."
He really gave up his desires and his mind became calm. He immediately let go all the birds that were caught in the net, threw down his gun, bow and arrows, and everything he was using to kill the birds with, and walked away a thoroughly reformed being.
When her lover sacrificed himself thus, the female dove overpowered with grief wept with tears rolling down her cheeks and exclaimed :-"You could never bear to see me hungry, nor would you taste anything before I had eaten, and would caress me whenever I felt wearied. Is it right for you to leave me alone and go? You used to take me to bushes covered with flowers and tender leaves, ride with me on the froth formed by the waterfalls in streams of crystal water, escort me to island gardens studded with young mango plants covered with tender leaves, make me alight on lotus blossoms, and return home. Is it possible for me to forget all the sports of love, which, while in your company, brought me bliss ? I would dedicate my life to you and would at once go to where you have gone. I learn that a wife who gives up her mortal body on her husband's death accompanies him to the abode of 'everlasting bliss."
So saying, the female dove kindled the same fire, and with loving thoughts on her beloved, foil into it. Then there appeared in the heavens a divine car surrounded with angels with the wedded dcves in it in a state of perfect joy.
воок-хотICE.
NEORITOS OY ZAMBALES. By WILLIAX ALLAN RRED:
Department of the Interior, Ethnological Survey Publications, Vol. II., Part I. Manile, Bureau of Public Printing, 1904.
This is a welcome publication and shows the energy with which the Americans are setting out to learn about the inhabitants of their recentlyaognired territory. So far as regards the present writer's line of research is concerned it is disappointing to find that so little seems to be left of the aboriginal Negrito in the populations of the Philippines as to make it practically impossible now to prove their connection with the Andamanese, who are possibly the only pure Negritoes left. There is little to prove connection physically. Linguistically there is nothing at all, as the Philippine Negritoes do not seemingly now talk their original tongue. In arts and crafts the Philippine aborigines have borrowed so much for so long from different races, with whom they have come in contact, that no doubt it is now difficult to distinguish what has been borrowed from that
which is the result of internal development. And when the manners and customs come to tis more fully recorded it will be found, perhaps, that many of these, too, have been borrowed from, or at least greatly influenced by, outsiders. Such as have been recorded certainly appear to bear the stamp of imitation of "betters" and to have lost the aboriginal form. The chief indications of untutored "culture" I have been able to detect 30 far lie in the body ornaments and the temporary shelters or huts, which bear a consider able likeness to those of the Andamanese.
The photographs and illustrations of the publication are excellent and most useful, and it is to be hoped that the work thus begun so well will be vigorously followed up, until as much at least has been discovered about the Negritoes under American administration as has been found out in the course of many years about those under the British Government.
R. C. TEMPLE.

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THE SOK AND KANISKA,
33
THE SOK AND KANISKA. Passages from an article by Dr. O. Franke, Halensee, entitled "Beiträge aus Chinesischen Quellen zur Kenntnis der Türkvölker und Skythen Zentralasiens," published in the Proceedings of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Prussia, 1904; selected and translated
BY MISS C. NICOLSON, M.A.
(The pages are those of the reprint.) Some forty years ago, the opinion was held that Kanishka founded the so-called Vikrama era commencing B. C. 58 ; that is, that the year B. C. 58-57 was the first year of his reign, and his regnal reckoning developed into the era. And, if that opinion had been maintained, the early history of India during the first centaries B. C. and A. D. would by this time have been worked out on consistent and intelligible lines.
Subsequently, however, various writers advanced other and varying theories, none of which have been supported by any definite proof. And the result has been an amount of confusion from which it is extremely difficult to disentangle any real facts.
It may be said, no doubt, that there is not as yet any conclusive proof in support of the original view. But there are not wanting clear indications that we are every year getting nearer and nearer to the required proof. And we cordially welcome, as a decided step in that direction, the article by Dr. Franke, of Halensee, Berlin, the title of which is given above, and express our thanks to Miss Nicolson for so obligingly giving an abstract translation of certain parts of it for the information of those students to whom the German original is not available.
On the sabject of Kanishka, Dr. Franke arrives at the following conclusions, from the Chinese sources with which he is so well acquainted : that Kanishka preceded KuzuloKadphisēs; that a period of decline in the Kushan power intervened between the last of Kanishka's immediate successors and the reign of Kuzulo-Kadphisēs ; and that the initial date of Kanishka must be placed appreciably before B. C. 2, and may, in fact, be most appropriately taken as coincident with the commencement of the so-called Vikrama era.
Closely connected with that question there is another; that of the migrations of a people known to the Chinese by the name of Sök. In this matter, we may perhaps not agree with Dr. Franke in respect of the view that the Sök, - the Szu, Su, Sai, Sse, Se, of some writers, - are to be identified with the people known to the Greeks and Romans as Sacae and to the Hindus as Sakas. And, with reference to a remark on page 37 below, we would observe that there is at any rate no epigraphic evidence (see JRAS, 1904. 703; 1905. 154, 635) for placing a line of Saka rulers at either Taxila or Mathuri. We are, however, none the less greatly indebted to Dr. Franke for the clear and fall exposition, that he has given us, of the movements of the Sök, - a people who certainly played a part of importance in the early history of the territory lying on the north-west of India. - EDITOR.] THE Han-Annals say that "the Wusun lived in the home of the Sök," but, since the Yue-chi
had subsequently expelled the Sök, and then the Wasun had driven the P. 20 ; Conquest of the Yuë-chi further weat and taken possession of their land, therefore "the country of the Sök or Sakas.
race of the Wusan contained elements of the Sök as well as the Yoë-chi." After the massacres of the Hiung-nu princes Moduk and Kiyuk, they (the Ynë-chi) divided :
one part remained behind, the rest travelled north-west, taking along with P. 41 ; Southerly migra- them, as before hypothetically laid down (cf. p. 31), the Tocharer tribe in tion.
the Tarim basin, and reached the land of the Sakas, who partly wandered south and partly settled along with the invaders (as Strabo's and Trogus Pompeias' accounts ahew).

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In 174 B. O, the Yue-chi, driven west by the Hiung-nu, occr pied the country of a people called by
the Chinese annalists Sai, and compelled them to emigrate. Few P. 46 f.
references are found regarding this event.
“The Yue-chi had been conquered by the Hiung-nu and had attacked the Sai-wang (princes of To'ien Han shu . 61. the Bai) in the west. The Sai-wang went south and wandered far ofl. fol. 4 v.
while the Yüe-chi lived in their land."
"Long ago, since the Hiang-nu had conquered the Ta Ynë-chi, the Ta Yuë-chi went west and
made themselves masters of Ta Hia (Bactria); but the Sai-wang went Han-Annals, cap. 96A, fol. 10 .
south, and conquered Ki.pin." By the older sinologists, who transcribe the name variously as Sza (Klaproth), Su (De Guignes),
Sai (Rémusat), Sse (Julien), and Se (Schott), this tribe of the Sai was Identified with the Saka. considered to be identical with the Sárdi and Sacae of the Greco-Roman and the Sakas of Indian chroniclers. Two non-sinologists, however, Lassen and St. Martin, take exception to the identification, chiefly on account of the diversity of forms of the name. But, from considerations of texts and analogous cases, the identification of the Sök with the Sacae apd Şakas CANNOT be doubted in the least degree. It appears that even V. de St. Martin attaches to the name “Han" a narrower meaning than
was befitting, when he takes pains to prove, in his acute and scholarly P. 45; note 2.
enquiry on the White Huns, that the Epthalites, the Yeu-ta or I-tan of the Chinese, who are mentioned by the Greek authors as a Hunnish people, were not Huns but Yue-chi, and hence, according to his statement, a Tibetan race. So far as his results rest on the identity of the names Yeu-ta or Ye-tha and Yuë-chi-the Yoë-ti of Klaproth -- they are weak, for the old name of the one race was sounded Yep-ta(r) or Ip-ta(r), while that of the other was Güt or Get, two designations which, in spite of their later similarity in sound, had nothing to do with each other. But it must be questioned whether the Greek authors bad in their designation an ethnological classification in view. At all events, the customs of the Eptbalites were Hunnish, as recorded in the History of Monasteries by Lo Yana in the Pien yi tien on the authority of Sung Yun's statements. Further, the kingdom of the Epthalites extended (aecording to Wei shu, ch. 102) " from the Altai Mountains southwards as far as the country to the west of Khotan." So that this originally Turkish people probably incorporated many elements of the Ynë-chi in the south, and were rightly considered by the Chinese as partly Scythian, partly Turkish races. Even the wider objections of Lassen and St. Martin to the identification of the Sök and Sache
might have been easily set aside on closer inspection of the Chinese texts. P. 47; Objections of the former sought the people, strangely enough, on the upper Huang ho, Lassen and St. Martin.
and so stumbled upon a very abstruse explanation, the latter found it " more than rash to attempt to see in the name of a small, hitherto unknown tribe that came from the heart of Mongolia, the origin of an old designation for the inhabitants of Central Asia, which appears to have been used in quite a general sense among the Arian peoples on both sides of the Indus."
The continuation of the above-quoted passage from the 96th chapter of the Hap-Annals gives us an entirely different point of view for the discrimination of the Sök. " The race of the Sök,” it says, “bas spread far and wide and founded a succession of states.
From Shu-le (Kashgar) on to the north-west, all that belongs to the HiuRatatation of Lassen's Sün and Kün to states are ancient tribes of the Bok." objections.
A description of Hui-sün follows, ending with the words, "The people belong originally to the race of the old Saka." A description of Kün-tu also ends with the statement that the inbabitants belonged originally to the old Saks race.

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FEBRUARY, 1906.]
THE SOK AND KANISKA.
The names of these states, though mentioned by the chroniclers only in a cursory way, have given
rise to a whole succession of misunderstandings both among ancient Errors of commentatore Chinese and modern European authors; e. g., Ritter and Lassen identity about Hiu-sün.
Hiu-sün with Wusun, apparently on the authority of De Guignes, Ritter (Asien, Vol. VII. p. 430) writes Hiu-sün as Siusiun but afterwards has a "Hieousnn" (after the French transliteration) which he identifies with “Usun" or "Ousiun." Langen rightly takes * Hieu-siun" to mean tribe of the Sae (Sök), but adds that later they were called Usun and that
Sse ma t'sien calls them Usiun. Now, Ma tuan lin describes a country P. 49.
Po-han or Poʻhanna (in the old pronunciation probably Fat-ban-nx = Ferghana) 'and thinks it is the old country of K'ü-bou, taking the statement verbatim from the Sui sku and Tang shu, where, among other things, it is stated that in 658, by order of the Chinese emperor, the capital K'o-sai was changed from Ferghana into the prefecture-town of Hiu-sün. Ritter takes this to be different from Siusion and declares it to be the old designation of the Wusun. In a translation of the above-quoted passage of Ma tuan lin, von Richthofen apparently interchanges Khiu-seou and Hieu-suin = Hiu-sün. Consequently, he applied all that was said of K-u-sou or Fat-ba-na to Hiu-sün and concluded logically that it was not Ta-wan that was Ferghana, bat Hia-siun. Still greater are the misunderstandings about Kün-tu. The Pien yi tien identifies Kün-tu with
names of similar.sound, Sbên or Sên-ta and Yin-tu, which mean “Indian," Misinterpretation of Kün and then takes Kün-tu to mean "Indian"! So too Yen shi ku remarks, tu.
Kün-tu is the same as Shên-tu or T'ien-chu (i. e., Indian). Originally those names were all the same"! Pauthier, in his translation of the Pien yi tien, accepts the statements of his original and refers all that is said in the Hen-Annals about Kün-tu to India. Similarly, Rémusat renders the name as "Sind."
Th. Watters has cleared himself of this interchange in so far as he thought "the country described in Chinese Literature ander the name Yun-ta was evidently one to the E. or N.-E. of all that has been called India." Confining our attention to the short but perfectly intelligible statements in the Han-Annals, we
shall find the simple fact that the Hiu-sün and Kün-ta were two tribes of P. 50; Evidence from the the Sake, who pastared their flocks in the N.-W. of Kashgar and on the texts.
S.-W. slopes of the Tien-shan system and about the 8. tributaries of the Narin, the Hin-sün rather towards the boundaries from Ferghana, and the Kün-tu east of this, stretching north to the country of the Wusun that extended to the Issi-kul. These two tribes disappear later from history as independent states: and naturally so, since, owing to the coalescing of the tribes with their kindred race, the Ta Yuë-chi, they would have become merged with them in their south-westerly movement. These two names are probably preserved by a more accident: they certainly were not the only Saka tribes that inhabited that district. The above-cited statement P..61.
in the T'ang-Annals about the prefecture-town of Hiu-sün might indicate
that the family of the Hin-sün was the ruling one in the 7th century in Ferghana, or at least in part of it. On the other hand, tho Sketch of the History of Wei enumerates 'both Kün-tu and Hin-sün among the states which then i. e., in the 3rd century) belonged to Kashgar. So, too, the Encyclopechia of To-yen asserts that, at the time of its composition, the so-ch', Kün-ta, and Hiu-siin formed part of the state of Kashgar.
At that early time, the race of the Saks does not seem to have spread south and east beyond Kashgar. The enumeration of a number of small states, among which is the So-chê, together with the P. 69.
account of the introduction of a Wusun prince among the so-cb'd in
65 B. O., the subsequent rising of the small neighbouring states against the Chinese, and the splitting up of their confederacy by the ambassador Feng-feng-shi, - all go to

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
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shew that the So-chê and their neighbouring states formed the transition from the Tibetan peoples to the Turkish races and the Saka north from them. We have then, in the tribes of the Hiu-sün, Kün-ta, and that driven south from Issi-kul by the Yue-chi, not, as Bt. Martin believed, "a small, hitherto unknown people," but they are the tribes of the Sacae, which in the 2nd century B.C. were pushed furthest south and east, whose large province Ptolemy could get describe as extending from the N. bank of the lower Jaxartes on to Serica.
According to Tomascbek, the Sache, whose conquest by Alexander is told in Arrian (VII. 10,5),
inbabited the district on the apper Oxus as neighbours of the Indians: Habitat of the Sacao. their capital was Rokhsanaka on the Oxus. Perhaps they were direotiy connected with the Hiu-sün, north-east from them. As regards the question whether the Saka or "Scolotes," who, according to Herodotus, are the true Scythians and who, as A. v. Humboldt thinks, "are a people, and emphatically not a common designation for nomadic tribes," belong to the Arian P. 53 ; Arian origin.
race, no positive verdict can be drawn from Chinese sources. Klaproth,
in his Introduction to the Voyage of Count Potoki, says that one can affirm its with tolerable certainty but he regrets the lack of statements to settle the point more definitely. In the Han-Annals it is stated that "from Wan (Ferghana) to An-si (Parthia) the languages are, it is true, somewhat different, but yet the same in general, so that speakers can understand one: another. These people have all deep-set eyes and laxuriant beards. They love barter and quarrel about the fraction of a trifle. They set great store by their women, and whatever a woman saya, ber husband unquestioningly agrees with."
Clearly the three races, the Saka, the Wusun, and the Yuë-chi were in great measure co-mingled,
What might point to an affinity of race among the Saka, the Scythians, and the Getae, is their
o primitive home: for not only have the two last-named, but also the Saks Seythee, and Getme.
race, moved out from the great cradle of peoples by the Aral sea to east and south.
It is noteworthy that the Han-Annals speak, not of the Sai but of the Sai-wang, i.e., "Prince,"
or "Princes" of the Saka, Sach an adjunet is unusual, especially in P. 54; Sai-wang.
& speech so poor in vocabulary as that of the Han-Annals. It must be very closely associated with the word Saka. The different variants of the word found among western: authors, e. g., Sakaupare and Saxaßgárm, &c., in Lacian, Sarangae in Pliny, Zayapaysa by Ptolemy and others, suggest that wang is an element of the name, and that it serves to indicate a distinct branch of the Saka. Another possibility would be that the Saka-prince was * specially-marked character, called by Chang-k'ien the oppressor of the whole people, and handed down as such by him. Those who refuse to identify the Chinese Sai with the Indian Suks are deprived of the
possibility of making this migration a starting point. Lassen simply says .
that the See travelled southwards to Sogdiana, and, driven further S. by the Ynë-chi, crossed the Hindu Kush and conquered the land of Ki-pin or the N-E. part of Arachosia: by the Saks of the Indians be means the Indo-Seythian race later forced into India from Bactria. This interpretation, of course, is not reconcilable with the Chinese accounts. In the biography of Chang kien we find that the Yne-chi, conqnered by the Hiung-nu, had
attacked the Saka princes in the west. The latter, driven south, settled Date of the southward in new country. K'on-mo begged Shan-yü for permission to avenge the migration
wrong done to his father; and the attacked and conquered the Yut-ohi who went west again." Prince Moduk died in 174 B.C. This second ejection of the Yoë-cli took place in 160 B. C. Hence the Sakas' sonthward migration took place between 174 and 160, 1. 6. & Tery long time before the conquest of India by the Indo-Scythians,

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It is, moreover, nowhere stated, that the Sse went to Sogdiana, which lies west, not southnay, it is said "They went S. and made themselves masters of Ki-pin," which, at the Han period, was not the N.-E. part of Arachosia, but corresponds to Kapila or Kapira, the Kasperia of Ptolemy, . e., to the name Kaśmīra,
P. 56; Ki-pin. which sounds like Kaspira.
THE SOK AND KANISKA.
37
One short indication of the route followed by the Sakas is given in the third passage of the Han-Annals, Ch. 96, where we are told that "the Sai-wang went south The route of the Sakas.and passed Hien-tu." To locate Hien-tu the travels of Fa hien furnish materials which prove it to have been on the Indus. The Shui king Chu cites Fa hien's description, and adds that the substance of all the chroniclers about this place is: On the border of Ki-pin there is a bridle-path leading up from the flat rocks, only a little over a foot broad. The travellers go step by step here and hold each other fast; rope-bridges are joined to one another for a distance of 20 li till the Hien-tu (lit., " hanging passage ") is reached. Kuo yi kung says: "West from Wu-ch'a is the land of Hien-tu This Hien-tu is the one of which the Buddhist
Fa hien says that he crossed the Indus at that point, before coming to Udyana."1
We allot, then, to Hien-tu a S. S. W. direction from Kasbgar to the P. 58. Indus, slightly west of Skardo, near the boundary of the modern Dardistan. About the location of Ki-pin, Chinese evidence is of little service. According to the Han-Annals it is said to have had on the S.-W. Wu-i-shan-li or Arachosia, on the S.-E. P.59; Location of Ki-pin. the Bactrian kingdom of the Ta Yuë-chi. On the N.-E. it is said to have been 9 days' journey to Nan-tou, on the E. 2250 li to Wu-ch'a. Now Wu-ch'a is E. from Hien-tu, the latter being on the borders of Ki-pin. The distance of 2250 li, if taken to mean from the capital Sün-sien, would bring the capital near Peshawar. The Chinese must, in describing the "great land of Ki-pin," have had in view part of the Pañjab, especially as it is described as low-lying and warm.
P. 60.
The route followed by the Sakas from the Tarim basin to Hien-tu, and thence south, is not indicated by Chinese sources, which vouchsafe almost no information on the further history of these Sakas as well as of the other Parthian Sakas on Indian ground.
Saka-dynasties are found not merely in Gandhara with Taksaśila, but also in Mathura in India, and the name Sakastene, the modern Sejistan, has preserved the memory of the Saka even to the present day. But we must guard against seeking the same race under the same name. The Indians employ the names Saka, Turuşka, Húna, and others, apparently indiscriminately, for those strangers who seemed to them more or less barbarians.
P. 61 f.; Kaniska. Dates very diversely interpreted.
The lack of direct information regarding the later fortunes of the Saka races renders much more difficult a chronology of the important period between the beginning of the 2nd century B. C. and the year 318 A. D. This period groups itself round a succession of princes, of whom the most famous is Kaniska. Here we enter the realm of most widely diverging and contradictory statements and hypotheses. The commencement of his reign is variously dated from 57 B. C. to 278 A. D., the sources being the evidence of coins and inscriptions and passages (very variously interpreted) from Chinese works.
The later events in Ki-pin are found in the Han-Annals (fol. 11 ro ff.). Relations between China and Ki-pin began in the time of Wu ti (140-85 B. C.). It being remote, Chinese troops could not reach it. The king Wn-t'ou-lao put to death
P. 63; Embassy to China.
1 Bitter thought that Hien-tu meant, (1) merely the country of Ki-pin; (2) the Oxus-passage of the Pamir; (3) a pass over the Hindu Kush.
Watters sees in it originally only a variant for Indus, which spread afterwards to the highlands from Ladak to the Indus.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1906.
several ambassadors. His son, succeeding, sent ambassadors to collect tribute. These were accompanied by Wên chung, an official of the border-province, whom the prince meant later to treat with violence. Wên chung, however, got word of this and plotted with the son of the prince of Jung-k'ü, called Yin-mo-fu. They made a concerted attack on Ki-pin, and killed the prince. Yin-mo-fu mounted his throne. Later, dissensions sprang up between Yin-mo-fu and the ambassador Chao tê. The latter was put in prison and his followers, 70 men, put to death. From 48 to
33 B. C. communications were broken off. In the time of the emperor Character of the ambassa- Ch'êng ti (32—7 B. C.) ambassadors were sent to bring tribute and dors,
ask pardon. It was intended to send them back with an escort of ambassadors to Ki-pin. But the generalissimo Tu k'in opposed the measure, saying that, whenever Chiva had shewed clemency to these barbarian races, their borders had become the scene of rapine and that the ambassadors were not men of standing, but tradesmen, people of lowly position, who wish to dispose of their wares and carry on traffic at the market, and to whom the bringing of the tribute is a mere pretext."
The Sakas, then, came among a peaceful, commercial people, from whom they wrested the power, Commercial interconrse with China was interrupted ; and this the native merchants sought to restore by their expeditions with tribute. An analogous Case presents itself in the invasion of the Yue-chi races into Bactria (Shi-ki,
ch, 123, fol. 6 vol.):-“The Ta-hia or Bactrian soldiers are weak and are P. 65.
afraid of battle, but are fond of trading." When the Ta Yuë-chi moved west, they attacked and defeated the natives, and made Bactria subject. Chang k'ien, who lived there in 125 B. C., heard from them that "the people of our land carry on trade with Shên-ta (= Sindhu, the Indus region)."
The conquest of Bactria by the Yuc-chi, their gradual advance south over the Oxus, and their The fire Hi-Hoa princes.
final conquest of India are testified to by Chinese sources, but the dates
of specific events are almost entirely wanting. The proximity of two passages gives some indication about the Yuc-chi (Tsien Han shu, ch, 96 A, fol. 15 ro): - "There are in Bactria five princes, namely, the princes of Hiu-mi.” (Then follow the well-known names of the tive Hi-Hou, the prince of Knei-shuang being third, and of Kao-fa fifth.) "All these five princes are subject to the Ynë-chi." In the Hou Han shu, ch. 118, fol. 11 °, we are told that "at first the Yuë-chi were over
thrown by the Hinng na. They removed their settlements to Bactria P. 66; Supremacy of the and divided the kingdom into five, putting a Hi-Hou at the head of Hi-Hou prince of Kusban.
each division. A century later the Hi-Hou of Kuei-shuang attacked and overthrew the four other Hi-Hou. He assumed the rank of Prince (Wang) and bore the dynastio title of King of Kuei-shuang. He pressed into An-si (Parthia) and took the province from Kao-fa. He annihilated Pu-ta and Ki-pin; all this formed his realm. When K'ia-tsin-k'io was 80 years
old, he died; his son Yen-kao-chên became prince. He thereupon P. 66 f. ; Foundation of conguered India, and placed « (sic!) deputy there, who governed the the Kushan kingdom.
country. The Ynë-chi thereupon became extremely rich and flourishing ; in all countries they were designated as Kings of Kgei-shuang; the Chinese, however, retained the old name of Yue-chi."
Hirth and Marquart have shewn the error in this distorted passage: the five principates formed, not the whole of the old kingdom, but a small portion of it: possibly, however, during the last century, before the conqnest of India, it formed the actual Ynë-chi kingdom. And a possible explanation is that the K'ang-nu, an allied race, drove the Yuë-chi southwards and took possession of their vacant settlements.

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The Han-Annals cover the period 206 B. C. to 24 A. D. They make no mention of this reconstruction of the Yue-chi kingdom; the author Pan ku (who died P. 69 f. 92 A. D.), brother of the famous Pan ch'ao, must have known of the conquering invasion of the Yue-chi: and a consideration of the political relations of China with Central Asia at the death of the usurping prince Wang mang in 23 B. C. confirms the conclusion that such an event had not then taken place. Lévi, however, founding his arguments on mistaken premises, assigns the foundation of the Kushan kingdom to the middle of the 1st century B. C.
THE SOK AND KANISKA.
39
P. 70.
The Annals of the later Han cover the period 25-220 A. D. Their author Fan ye lived till 445, so that the establishment of the native Yüe-chi realm was for him ancient history. With the rise of the Gupta dynasty, in 318 A. D., the Kushan kingdom must have broken up into small states about the 5th century, and in Bactria the Yue-chi were driven westwards by their northern neighbours the Juan-juan. Hence, scarcely a century after the later Han dynasty, the power of the Kushan kingdom must have been on the wane. Yet the later chronicler points to a period of flourishing development after the conquest of Kiu-tsiu-k'io and Yen-kao-chên, but makes no mention of a corresponding decline.
With the end of Pan yung's biography in 124 D. D., sources of information about the peoples of Turkestan were exhausted. It is clear, however, that the period when the Chinese sway over "the kingdoms westwards from Ts'ung ling" that of the flourishing epoch of the great Kushan kingdom.
P. 71. began to be insecure, was In 24 A. D., then, the P. 72; Date of the Kushan
kingdom.
union of the Yuë-chi principalities under the Kushans had not taken place. while by 124 not only the conquests of K'iu-tsiu-k'io and Yen-k'ao-chên had taken place, but also a period of flourishing development had come to a close. A century is not a long period for such events, and we cannot, in view of this, place the overthrow of the four Hi-hou princes far from the beginning of the later Han dynasty. We hear of a considerable army being sent into the field in A. D. 90 by the Yue-chi king against Pan ch'ao. This king could be neither K'iu-tsiu-k'io nor Yen-kao-chèn, for Pan chao would have named them here in his biography, as he does in a later passage. We should then be dealing with a successor of Yen-kao-chên. We may then, with confidence, place the establishment of a native Kushan kingdom in the period between 25 and 81 A. D., with greater probability nearer the earlier date than the later.
P. 73 f.; An-si and Wu-ishan-li,
Of the peoples in the north-west, the Chinese texts mention two great kingdoms, Wu-i-shan-li and An-si, giving a description of the physical and economical conditions of these countries, which ends with the words "Eastward from An-si are the Ta Yue-chi." From the Hou Han shu we learn that An-si in 87 A. D. sent an embassy to China, and in 97 Kan ying, Pan ch'ao's ambassador, came to the W. boundary of An-si. In 101, the king of An-si, Man-kü, again sent tribute to China. Hirth considers An-si to be a form of Arsak, a designation of the Parthians. In P'an-tou (the capital) he sees the name Parthuva, the Persian original of the Greek Πάρθοι or Παρθαύνικα, &c.
Chinese sources give
no information about the internal wars of the Parthian kingdom: but we know from Justin that the Scythians were appealed to for help. The latter, however, about 127 B. C. laid waste the Parthian borderland and killed the king Phradates II. At the same period they took possession
of a part of Drangiana, and though driven from Drangiana into Arachosia, this Saka race became a, powerful people again in the 1st century B. C. and probably founded a Saka dynasty. At all events, Saka and Parthian kings seem to have reigned promiscuously over that kingdom of Indo-Parthians, which is particularly to be understood as the An-si and the Wu-i-shan-li of the Chinese. The oldest of these sovereigns is said to be Maues, who reigned about 100 B. C., if the numismatic investigations of A. v. Sallet are correct. Of his successors, Azes (40-30 B. C.) is the most powerful, and Yndophares or Gondophares (probably 21 A. D. according to Rapson, Ind. Coins, p. 15, § 62) is the best known.
P. 75; The Parthian branch of the

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We obtain from the above statements the following picture of the distribution of power on the
north frontier of India about the middle of the 1st century B. C. In the P. 76; Distribution of N.-E. and N., i. e, first in Kashmir and latterly in the upper Indus power, 50 B, C.
region at Kabul and Suãt, the Saka race, from the Tarim basin, with an accession of the Turkish eleinent, held sway. North of this, on both sides of the Hindu Kush and on the upper Oxus, the tive Hi-Hou (Jabgu) of the Yuë-chi dwelt. And in the west, finally, in S.Afghanistan as well as in the middle and lower Indus region, there flourished the Indo-Parthian kingdom of the other Saka race who came as fugitives from the old Parthian country. The Chinese designate the first-amod Saka kingdom as Ki-pin, the other as An-si. The peace-loving commercial natives, refined by Greek culture, were soon overpowered and deprived of political unity by the warlike invaders, who however soon began to strive about the booty and supremacy. This may be inferred
from Hou Han shu, ch. 118, fol. 11 vo and 127: “The subjection of the P. 77.
country to the ruling power was never of long duration : of the three countries, India (T-ien-chu), Ki-pin and An-si, the one which was powerful gained the upper hand, the one which was weak lost it. Among the five Hi-Hou provinces which the earlier Annals mention, this did not actually take place. It belonged later to the An.si,aud when the Yue-chi conquered the An-si, they, for the first time, got possession of Kao-fu." Kao-fu corresponds with the kásovpa of Ptolemy and with the modern Kabul, but geographically it must have been the boundary province between An-si and Ki-pin. Marquart with considerable probability identifies it with Gandhara. Cunningharu's identification of it with the wbole of Afghanistan is put out of court by the above citation,
What country Tie-chu ("India") may mean, it is not easy to tell. Immediately after the above translated passage of the Han-Annals, we find that "Tien-chu is another name for Shen-tu (Sindhu); the country lies more than 1000 li S.-E. from the Yuë chi ; its customs resemble those of the Yüe-chi..... the inhabitants are weak against the Yuë-chi. The province of Sindhu
comprises all the country from the Yue-chi and Kao-fu to the S.-W. and
indeed westward as far as the sea, and eastward as far as the country of P'an-k'i. Sindhu has several hundred distinct towns with their governors and several half-scores' of states with their princes, all distinct but having the common name of Sindhu. At that time (?) all was tributary to the Yue-chi. The Yuë-chi killed its prince (or princes) and placed deputies there, who ruled the subjects." These statements shew how vague was the information abunt this country. The coins found in Kabulistan, bearing the image of the Indo-Greek king Hermaios on the one side and the Kushān prince Kozulokadphises on the other, perhaps indicate
that Hermaios was the last Greek king in India and ruled then in the Lassen, von Sallet, and Kabul countries. If this be correct, one might understand by the Rapson.
T'ien-chü of the Han-Annals the Greek kingdom which was divided in the 2nd and 1st century B. C. among the successors of Menandros, the last of whom was Hermaios, The principality of Kushān, as we say, came out as final victor in the struggles for supremacy in
N. India. The two conquerors, father and son, are called by the Chinese Kaniska identified with K'iu-tsiu-k'io and Yen-kao-chên. Both these rulers must have made K'iu-taiu-k'io. Not satis factory.
a great name ior themselves. It is, accordingly, no far-fetched theory to
see in one of them, preferably the first, the most eminent of the Kushan princes, Kanişka. Many scholars have concluded that this identification is correct. Marquart,
who at first was of this opinion, has returned to Cunningham's
older identification which transliterates K'i-tsiu-kio by Kozulokadphises mentioned above. This is rendered the more likely theory by the transliteration of the name of the Bon Yen-khao-chên, which becomes Oēmokadphiaes. Where then must we seek the mighty Kanişka ? The succession of princes (with one exception, as we shall see later) of Kushän kings
is: Kozulokad phises, Oēmokadphises, Kaniska, Huviska, Väsudeva. Knabas princes.
V. Smith dates Kaniska at 125 A. D. The dates assigned by others vary according to their dates for the founding of the Yuë-chi.
P. 78.
P. 79.

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THE SOK AND KANISKA.
41
The remarkable thing is, that Kanisks, the Buddhist hero and the alleged founder of
a powerful Indo-Asiatic kingdom, is to the Chinese historians an entirely P. 80Buddhist stories of unknown person and nowhere explicitly mentioned by them. This is Kaninka
astonishing in view of the facts that Kaniska had actually a son of the emperor of China at his court as a hostage, and that he must have been known to them as a formidable neighbour and rival in the establishment of their power. But, as mentioned above, the year 124 A. D. was the last in which occasion occurred for exact kaowledge of events in the west.
The Buddhist records, however, are less reticent. First Hüan tsang tells us, in writing of the monasteries of Kia-pi-shi (modern Kafiristan), that, according to old chroniclers, "a great king Kaniska lived in the kingdom of Gandhāra. His power spread to neighbouring states and his ennobling influence pressed into distant countries. He treated his hostages with especial distinction. They had separate residences for Winter, for Summer, and for Spring and Autumn, and at each place they built monasteries, and, even after returning home, never neglected to send their gifts." P. 81.
Statements to the same effect are found in the description of the land
of Cinapati. The pilgrim further relates that the king Kanişka took the throne in the 400th year after the Nirvāņa of Tathagata (fulfilling a prophecy of Buddha) and ruled the territory of Jambudvipa. He believed peither in priniehment nor in benediction, he despised the law of Buddha and trampled it down." In a wonderful way he was converted by a boy who tended the cows, so that "he professed the law of Buddha and revered his law from his in most soul."
This legend is told 200 years before Hüan tsang by Fa hien, who, however, dates the accession to the throne at 300 years after the Nirvana. Other legends are interpreted in the light of Buddhist extravagance and tell us nothing of any significance. We must bere note that Hüan tsang begins his chapter on Kaniska with the words, "The following is told there by the earlier annalists." This puts even the Chinese evidence on a lower footing than the early anpals as regards reliability, i. e., the cautious Chinese will not vouch for the correctness of his history: he is willing only * relata referre." The monastery given to the hostages as a summer residence is called Jen-kia-lan by Hüan
tsang, but otherwise She-lo-kia, which Beal and Marquart take to P. 83.
be Sanskrit Saraka = Serica = China," i. e., a Chinese monastery. Moreover, it happens that the pictures of the hostages on the monastery walls represented the inhabitants of "East Hia." Now, both Hüan tsang's translators understand East His to mean China. Let us now test these statements by the Chinese texts. The Si yu chi, a work issued in 666 by imperial command, states that there was in the capital of Ki-pin (= Kapiša) a monastery called Han seě, i. e., monastery of the Han or Chinese, and that in earlier times a pagoda was erected by an ambassador from Han (China). I tsing, the Buddhist biographer, makes a similar statement about one of the fallen "Monasteries of China," which seems to have been situated on the Ganges.. This monastery, according to a local tradition, was built more than 500 years before his time
(about 680 A. D.), that is, abont 150 A. D., for the Chinese pilgrims. P. 84 f.
This tradition seems to be entirely without foundation. Hüan tsang says nothing explicitly about Chinese hostages. "The races in the province westward from the stream," he says, "sent hostages." He found representations of them on the walls in the monastery of
Marquart pats another interpretation on the name, seeing a word Säraka (not authenticated), i. e., a Sanekrit form of the name Barak for Kashgar, in Chinese Sha-lek or Sha-lok. This interpretation be then connects with an episode from the history of Shu-16(k) translated by Specht, and concludes that Kaniska must have occupied the throne at that time, s, &, during the reign of the Emperor Nganti (107–125). The proof, however, does not require that to support it: in the Chinese text, the subject is not the prince who was sent as hostage to the Yuë-chi, nor is there any reference therein to the king Kaniska.

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Jen-kia-lan, and in these portraits they had the outward appearance of the inhabitants of Tung Hin. Every one who knows the primitive political designation of China will at once see from the title "fan" (part of word translated "race") that no reference can possibly be made to China: for a Chinaman would under no circumstances employ such an expression for his country.
Bat we do not require this argument. The province west of the stream" (Ho si) is, in the older
geography of China, & well-defined political and administrative tract P. 85 f.
corresponding to the Kukunor province west of the Huang ho. These provinces were lost one after another to the Tanguts (tu-fan). Hiian tsang's "tribes from the province west of the stream," were, in other words, Tanguts (tu-fan) from the Kukunor district. It Follows from this that by "East Hia" in Hiian tsang's account, China cannot possibly be meant, as Beal and Julian maintain, apart from the fact that it would be quite an unusual expression for China. But other proofs are forthcoming. Ho si was only a small part, indeed only the east part, of the great kingdom of the Tanguts or Tibetans. This Tangut kingdom was the old K'iang of the Han period; but the name was naturally not familiar to Hüan tsang. In his time another name, viz., "Hia," came into vogue; this seems in fact to be originally the name of a single tribe, on the borders of the Ordos-Mongols in Kansu, and then probably of the tribe driven furthest east. At all events, it is stated in the T'ang-Annals that the tribe dwelling in the district of His chou (modern Ning his) bore the title Ping His or "Peaceful Hias." The name subsequently was extended to mean the whole eastern portion of the Tangut kingdom. Hence Hüan tsang, by the East Hia" or rather the "Hia in the East," meant, and could have meant, nothing but the Tanguts in Kansu.
That the peoplo (of Ki-pin) retained traditions of their early home appears from a remark
made upon the Chinese travellers, that is a man from the country of our P. 87. earlier kings." Directly in the province of Ho si lay, as we know, the former homes of the Yue-chi, to whom even Kanişka as well as the other "earlier kings" traced their descent. These traditions were kept by the Chinese also, as we see from a remark made in the description of the province of Ho si. During the T'sin dynasty (255—209 B. C.) the Yue-chi called Jung lived there.
Let it be granted, then, that Kaniska built an important monastery in Kapisa, for the hostages,
and that at that time a "monastery of China" existed, and even admitting Hostages at Kanigka's that these two were identieal, which is nowhere explicitly stated, we are left Court not Chinese, but Tan.
with the bare fact that at Kanişka's court there was erected a monastery guts.
for Tangut hostages, and that it served later as a place of sojourn for Chinese pilgrims. Tirese facts give us nothing towards the determination of Kaniska's reign : for. De the statements do not deal with Chinese hostages, we shall seek in vain in Chinese history for a corresponding reference to Kaniska. A son of the emperor of China as hostage at the court of Kanigka is absolutely inconceivable. P. 87.
Apart from the fact that such an unusual event must have been men
tioned in some form in Chinese chronicles, and that the reliable and wellinformed Hüan tsang makes no mention of this tradition, the statement is damaged by its inherent impossibility. Whatever be the period accepted for Kaniska's reign, it must be either the early prime or the decadence of the Han dynasty. If the emperors were powerful, they would never have submitted to such a humiliation; if they were weak, they would have had no political relations with so remote states. In any case, it is not clear what the object was in sending the hostages: Kaniska could not wage war with China, any more than the latter could with him. We may, then, confidently ascribe the tradition of Chinese hostages to a Buddhist fiction which has no claim to bistorical value.

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With regard to the date of Kaniska's accession, the Chinese travellers give us merely repetitions of Indian traditions. Hüan tsang puts the fulfilment of the prophecy of Buddha at 400 years after the Nirvana, Sung yün at 300 years, but unfortunately neither states the date accepted for the Nirvana.
Hüan taang on Kaniska's
dates.
THE SOK AND KANISKA,
43
Hüan teang tells of a stone pillar near a pagoda in Kusinagara on which an important inscription regarding the death of Buddha was found: but neither month nor day was there mentioned. He asserts that, according to earlier records, two different dates were accepted for this event, viz., either a day corresponding to the 15th day of the 3rd month or to the 8th day of the 9th month of the Chinese calendar. Reference to a year he had apparently neither found nor expected from the inscription. Instead of this, he says "as regards the period since Buddha's Nirvana, the schools are of very diverse views. Some say it dates back over 1200 years, others over 1300 years, a third section over 1500 years, others again over 900, yet none say 1000." Going back from the year 648 A. D. as the date of the Si yü ki, we would get the dates 552, 652, 852, and a year between 352 and 252 B. C. The Tang-Annals and the SuiAnnals each get different dates from these, so that it is impossible to fix the year of Kaniska's accession by these data.
/
P. 89-90.
Hüan tsang (Si-yü-ki, ch. III. fol. 15 r°) further places the king Aśoka 100 years after the Nirvana, as do also the Wei-Annals (fol. 4 r°). This would give a much higher date for the famous ruler than has been confirmed: Asoka's reign began about 260 B. C. In speaking of the settlement of Indian chronological classifications, Hüan tsang notes that, resulting from errors on the part of foreign translators as regards the settlement of dates for the conception, birth, becoming a monk, attainment of Buddhahood, and the Nirvana of Tathagata, differences exist everywhere in the months and days. Unfortunately, he has not mentioned what date, at all events what year, he took for his standard. Marquart (Eransahr, p. 212, n. 4), who, I know not on what grounds, implies that Hüan tsang accepted the year 552 B. C. for the Nirvana, has been at the trouble to try to find a systematic abbreviation of the dates in Hüan tsang's statements with a view to drawing conclusions therefrom for the chronology of certain events and also for the reign of Kaniska. I do not believe it is profitable to take seriously this chaos of large, round numbers, in which Buddhist tradition, here as ever, loses itself. The only thing that we can probably deduce from this source is that at the time of Hüan tsang the Indian account of Kaniska's reign was in as great fluidity as that of the Nirvana. We may confidently set aside the dates.
P. 90.
The remaining statement of the Chinese Buddhists is only that Kanişka turned to Buddhism and became a zealous patron and propagator of the creed, that he was a powerful ruler who overthrew East India and led his army as far as the T'sung ling, conquered the king of Pataliputra, and successfully resisted an attack of the king of the An-si. The details of these statements will naturally have to be regarded in the light of Buddhist exaggeration, but this circumstance corroborates the fact that Kaniska was a powerful protector of the Buddhist cult. And in this one sure fact, it seems to me, is found a thread, which leads from Kaniska to the notes of the Chinese historians.
Several of the
Specht and Lévi.
Chinese Annals contain, in their sketches of the development of Chinese Buddhism, a very important statement to which Rémusat (Foě Kouě Ki, p. 39) has referred, and which has since become the subject of a lively controversy between two French savants. The passage is found first of all in the commentary to the historical work San kuo chi (ch. 30, fol. 29 v°), the author of which died in the year 297, while the commentary was completed in the year 429. Indeed it is cited by the commentator from the work Wei lio (not accessible to us), the composition of which might date at about the end of the 3rd or beginning of the 4th century. It is further met in the Annals of the Wei Dynasty (Wei shu,

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ch. 114, fol. 1 ro et vo) and also in those of the Sui Dynasty (Sui shu, ch. 35, fol. 33 ro et ro), R. 91.
in both cases it appears not to be a quotation. Besides, Specht and Lévi
have specified number of works where that passage likewise occurs. Unfortunately, the text, as the numerous variants shew, is not rendered with certainty, but, apart from readings, one fact remains with which alone we are concerned and which we shall immediately proceed to investigate. We choose for our translation the text of the Wei Annals (which is unaoticed by Specht and Lévi) because it gives the shortest, clearest, and most logical setting. The passage is to be found here in the chapter on the history of Buddhism in China, and runs as follows: "In the period Yuan shou of the emperor Wa ti of the Han dynasty (i. e., 122-115 B. 0.), Ho k'ü ping was despatched to punish the Hiung nu. He reached Kao-lan and traversed Kli-yen, where he perpetrated a great massacre by decapitations. He took captive the king K'un-sie, and killed the king Hiü-t'u of the people. 50,000 souls came and submitted. The gold statue of their god, which represented their great deity, was taken and set up in the palace of Kan ts'üan. The gold statue was over 10 feet long. No sacrifice was offered ; only incense was burned and reverence was paid before it, otherwise nothing. In this way the stream of the Buddhist system began to permeate. Further, when the alliance with the western provinces was opened up, Chang k‘ien was sent as ambassador to Ta-hia (Bactria). On his return he reported that the kingdom of Shên-tu (Sindhu), aleo called T'ien-chu, lay in the neighbourhood of this country. At that time people first heard of the cult of Buddha. In the first year of the period Yuan shou of the emperor Ai ti of the Han dynasty i.e., in the year 2 B. C.) the Assistant in the sacrificial office of the royal ancestral temple, Ts in (?) king, received from the ambassador of the king of Ta Ynë-chi, named I-ts'un, the Buddhist sūtras in a vernacular translation. In China, too, the cult of Buddha was heard of but not believed in."
Three events, then, are here notified, which brought to the Chinese the first news of Buddhism
and prepared for its real introduction under the emperor Ming ti in
61 A. D.: the plundering of a gold statue in Western Kansu about 120 B. C. ; the report of Chang kifen upon India, and the vernaculer rendering of Buddhist sūtras by the Yuë-chi for the Chinese in the year 2 B. C. The last fact is the only one which comes under our observation at this place. It shews us that in 2 B. C. the king of the Yue-chi was devoted to Buddhism and was active in its propagation. That the Yue-chi also exercised an energetic Buddhist propaganda in Central Asia and China is manifest from the history of Buddhism in the Sui Annals (ch. 35, fol. 33 vo ff.). How, then, can it be asserted that Kaniska, the king of the Yuë-chi, who is said to have lived after Kozulokadphises and Oēmokad pbises in the 2nd century A. D., was turned to Buddhism, and that this conversion was extoiled by Buddhist tradition in most extravagant fashion, because by it a new era began for the spread of the cult in the North-Indian bordercountries? How can this be reconciled to the fact that already in the 1st century B. C. there lived a king of the Yue-chi who took concern for the extension of the cult? Shall we agree with Boyer, that already one or more predecessors of Kanişka had shewn favour to Buddhism ? Then the glorification of Kanişka's conversion would be entirely incomprehensible. I am convinced that the riddle must be solved by other means, and that this very contradiction contains for us a very important indication of the way. It points clearly in another direction, in which we have to seek Kaniska by time in a direction, indeed, the very opposite to that hitherto followed. In other words, we have to look for Kaninka not after ķozolokadphises and Oēmokad pbises, but before their time,
To investigate this assertion more closely, we must now answer the question: "Who
was Kaniska?" The coins of Kanisks now extant show the legend P. 94.
PAONANO PAO KANHPKI KOPANO. Oldenberg and, after him, Stein have asserted beyond all question that KOPANO signifies Kuşaņa, i. e., Kushăn. Cunningham (Verification, &c.), too, tells of an inscription in a pagoda at Tak agilā, between the Indus, Haro, and

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THE SOK AND KANISKA.
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Suān, in which Kaniaka is entitled “the Maharaja of Gughang." No doubt can be entertained that Kaniska was a Kashăn prince. Marquart, who first made the attempt to identify the provinces of the five Jubgu of the Yuë-chi, locates Kusbār in one of the northern valleys adjoining the Kabul river between the Kunar and Pangsir river, i. e., immediately west (not north as Marquart thinks) of the Gandhära of Hüan teang, the borders of which, according to Cunningham, lay in the west, near Jalālābād, at the mouth of the Kunar river, and extended, on the south of the right bank of the Kūbal, as far as the mountains of Kālābagh. Marquart considers the province of the five Jabgu,
Kao-fu in the earlier Han-Annals, to be the most southerly, and seeks P. 95.
it in the immediate neighbourhood of Kābul. The Annals of the Wei Dynasty give the names of the five Jabga provinces (these names have not till now been identified) and mention with them the old Kuei-shuang as the country of K‘ien-tun. The old pronunciation of the first symbol was kan or kyan (Canton, kym, Japan. kan); un can stand as equivalent for a foreign tur or dur; I have no doubt that K‘ien-tun may be read as Kan-tur or Gan-dur and is an older equivalent for Gandhāra. The old Kao-fu (or Ta-mi) the Wei-Annals call Yen-fou-ye, with the capital Kao-fu; they give its position as a short distance from Kushān. I do not know how to identify Yed-fou-ye; the two first symbols serve otherwise to represent the Sanskrit word jambu. Between Kushan and Kao-fu, Fu-ti-sha, the old Hi-tun, seems to have been placed. Kushān, then, here seems to be synonymous with Gandhara; but as regards the name Kao-fu, which, as before mentioned, corresponds etymologically to the modern Käbal, we must bear in mind that, of the nonChinese authors, Ptolemy first knows it (as KaBoupa). The name was undoubtedly introduced either by the Parthian Sakas (An-si) or by the Indo-Scythians (Yuc-chi). The country thus designated in upper Kabal is either actually, as is maintained in the older Han-Annals and the Wei-Annals, one of the five Jabgu provinces, which was then wholly or partially lost, so that the name Tu-mi, which perhaps designated the rest of the province, stepped into its place from Kao-fu, or it was originally an Indo-Parthian province partially conquered by the Yuë-chi, and, as far as possessed by them, received the name Ta-mi in the time of the later Han. In any case we are not justified in declaring the statement of the very reliable earlier Han-Annals, even on the evidence of the later chronicler, without further proof, to be an error. At the time of the later Han, at all events, the name Kao-fu, according to the earlier communicated description, must bave extended from a long time previously over a much greater kingdom reacbing eastwards and southwards : P. 96.
if we cannot, with Marquart, exactly identify this with Gandbāra, yet
the latter must have been entirely or for the most part included in Kao-fu. Here, too, we cannot venture to attach to the same names at all periods the same extent of meaning.
The three originally small Jabgu provinces, Kusbän, Hi-tun (Futisha) and Kao-fu or Ta-mi were situated then as the most southerly offshoots of the Ynë-chi kingdom in the first half of the first century B. C. in the mountainous country north from apper Kabul. Regarding the sovereigns of these states, and their inter-connection, we have no direct information, but we have seen from the descriptions of the chroniclers, how a long-standing feud subsisted between the Sakas of Ki-pin in the east, the Parthian Sakas of An-si in the west, the Jabgu of the Yuë-chi in the north, and the weak Greek rulers in the south, and how the middle tract of Kao-fu was an object of contention, torn now to one side, now to another. The Chinese historians repeatedly mention how the native commercial but gradually refined population helplessly surrendered to the powerful barbarian tribes, whose chiefs could have cared for neither barter nor culture. One must realise these conditions in order to estimate the significance which the advent of Kaniska must have had.
A Kushän prince, by the testimony of his own coins, i, e., the Jabga of Kushān, he is depicted by the Buddhist travellers according to tradition as the king of Gandhära. Fa hien and Sang yün locate, as we have seen, his capital at Peshawar in Gandbāra. Hüan tsang gives him a residence in

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Cinapati, and narrates that he had a monastery built for his captives in Kafiristan. Finally, the legends in Hüan tsang have it that he ruled the whole tract of Jambudvipa. The historic kernel of these glorified tales may possibly be that Kaniska, probably continuing the work of a predecessor, extended his principate of Kushan to the south and east, while he conquered the provinces of Kao-fu and portions of Ki-pin (Hüan tsang knows nothing of these two names). The last country especially seems, according to the legends, to have been forced to feel his power, since it is repeatedly observed that he overthrew "East India" after he went to Ki-pin to see a celebrated Arbat; that shortly before his death he equipped an army to punish the "East Provinces." Also the sending of hostages from the Tangut country indicates that he must have extended his conquest as far as Kashmir and North Tibet. After this, then, Kaniska would seem to have conquered and driven the Saka princes of Ki-pin from the Pañjab. According to one legend, too, he waged successful war against the Sakas of An-si, so that at all events he must have actually had the upper hand in the great battles for the possession of North India.
P. 97.
46
Now, if a ruler with such powerful sway, and indeed the first of all barbarian princes, accepted Buddhism and took concern for its extension, and on the other hand beat down, or at least repelled its adversaries on both sides, the Saka races, it is easy to understand that the Buddhists could not do enough to exalt its new-gained champion. The coins of Kaniska and his immediate successors are a plain copy of the new state of matters; besides the Greek, Scythian, and Iranian divinities, they shew representations of Buddha. So, too, the coins of Kozulokadphises have Buddhist images and symbols, a new proof that the latter cannot possibly have reigned before the first convert to Buddhism, Kaniska. Whether it was only from religious motives that Kaniska embraced the Indian cult, or, as is more probable, chiefly from political considerations, we cannot determine. Were he a ruler of foresight, he must have recognized that he not only in this way brought culture nearer his people, but that he had also gained an effectual means of extending his influence over India. However that may be, we have to see in Kaniska the man who by the protection of the native cult, prepared the ground for the great Kushan kingdom that Kozulokadphises and Oemokadphises founded in the middle of the 1st century A. D. on both sides of the Hindu Kush.
P. 98.
-
That the Jabgu provinces lying nearest Kushan, Hi-tan, and Kao-fu or Tu-mi, the latter in any case, were already included in the Kushan kingdom under Kaniska is, at least, highly probable. But now, how great may the intervening period between Kaniska and Kozulokadphises have been? The Chinese historians, as above stated, did not know Kaniska's name, and this circumstance after all the preceding can no longer seem to us extraordinary. There can be no question of a world-wide sway of Kaniska, including all old Bactria and extending to the gates of China, as has been accepted as a result of misunderstandings. The Chinese had no connection with the warfare waged in the Kabul districts and in the Pañjab between the various Seythian and Turkish races; if they knew of them at all, they were, in any case, of no interest to them. We can at once infer from the silence of all the annals, that Kaniska's kingdom had not the importance historically with which Buddhism has later invested it.
We have seen above that the Chinese made little progress in their attempts to gain influence in Ki-pin and that they resolved about the middle of the 1st century B. C. to abstain from all interference in the affairs of those "barbarian tribes." The kings Wu-t'on-lao and Yin-mo-fu, who were mentioned on this occasion, lived in the first half and about the middle of the 1st century B. C. The submissive attitude which the latter took up apparently toward China may have been occasioned by the pressure of the Kushan princes, but of this we have no information whatever. Of the princes of An-si (Parthia), i. e., the successors of Maues, especially Azes and Gondophares, who lived in the

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THE SOK AND KANISKA.
1st century B. C., and in the first decade A. D., we get no information from Chinese sources, so that from this side also we get no chronological reference to Kaniaka. We have seen that Kanigks must have reigned before 2 B. C. Haviska and Väsudeva are
usually named as the immediate successors of Kanigka. A short time ago P. 99.
J. F. Fleet proved (JRAS, April, 1909), from an inscription in Bhopal, that between Kanisks and Huviska one Väsiska or Vasaska must have reigned. The period from 2 B. C. till towards the middle of the 1st century A. D. would be sufficient for the two or even the three successors of Kaniska.
Meanwhile we have another consideration to review. Kaniska was already ruler of Gandhára. the N. Pañjāb, and parts of Kashmir, i. e., of parts of the kingdom of An-si and of Kao-fu and Ki-pin. The Han-Annals, however, say of Kozulokadphises that he "pressed into An-si and took the province from Kao-fa; be also annihilated Pu'ta and Ki-pin : all this formed his kingdom." The power which Kaniska had founded was, then, meanwhile lost, and had to be won afresh by the latter rulers of the same race. Between the immediate successors of Kaniska and Kozulokadphises there must have intervened a period of decline in the Kushän sway, which was probably occasioned by risings on the part of the Sakas in Ki-pin and An-si. We shall have accordingly to push back Kaniska's reign a good bit before 2 B. C. The so-called Vikrama-era began in Indis with the year 56-57, and if the accepted epigraphic dates mention Kaniska, e.g., with 5, there is no reason why this number should not refer to that era, i, e., the year thus indicated from Kaniski's reign should be understood as 52-53 B. C. We have, then, by means of examination of Chinese sources, as regards the time of Kaniska.
reached again the point where Cunningham once believed the famous ruler P. 100.
should be sought, i, e., in the beginning of the Vikrama-era. This result stands in contradiction to the accepted theories of almost all Sanskritists. Since I can express no opinion on the importance of the grounds for these theories, especially on the conclusions which must of necessity be drawn from coins and inscriptions, I should have misgivings about coming forward with this result, bad I not received an unexpected confirmation of it on the part of an eminent anthority in the department of Indian inscriptions.
J. F. Fleet, in his essay, "A hitherto unrecognised Kushaq king," writes (loc. cit. 334): - "The leading mistake has been the assumption, ever since the time of Professor H. H. Wilson, that Kanishka came after that king whose name appears as Ooēmo-, Hoēmo-, or Hwēmo-Kadphisēs in the Greek legends on his coins, and in the Kharosh¢hi legends as, most probably, Hima-Kapimba. In reality, the Kadphísēs group of kings came after Vasudēva. On the other hand, a valuable suggestion made by Professor H. H. Wilson has been lost sight of, and consequently has not been worked out to its proper result. He expressed the opinion, and shewed some reasons for it, that Kanisbka founded a new dynasty, different from that of the Kadphisēs group. In reality Kaniska belonged to a separate clan, sept, or ruling house of the Kushan tribe, which made its way from Khotan into Kashmir, and thence into India, aboat a century before the time when, the first member of tbe Kadphisēs group having established the supremacy of his branch of the tribe in the country on the banks of the Oxus, bis son invaded and conquered India from that direction."
Fleet has reserved the establishment of his thesis. But we see that he has arrived by quite another path at essentially the same results as those to which our study of the Chinese historians has led us. These results must accordingly be brought into barmony also with the results of investigation of the Indian coins and inscriptions. The theory that a branch of the Kushåns came from Khotan through Kashmir to India is, of coarse, irreconcilable with the Chinese statements. The investigation given above has dealt in detail with the Scytho-Turko-Tibetan coalition which at a very early time moved to Kashmir and India.

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TALES OF THE TELUGU VAISHNAVAS. Translated by N. Kuruthalvar.
Prefatory Notes
By Mrs. I. J. Pitt.
MANY pleasant hours were spent by me in India with some Hindu friends, who related for my benefit stories peculiarly characteristic of their modes of thought and sentiments. Of these I have selected some which seem to bring out most clearly the essentially Hindu ideas.
With the exception of the one story of the "Hunter and the Doves," which was told me by Mr. T. Sivasankaram, all the others were translated, as they were read from the Telugu, chiefly the Bhagavata Purana, by Mr. N. Kuruthalvar, a Brahman school-master, and, with the exception of a word here and there, they are reproduced exactly as he read them out to me.
I.
The Elephant and Vishnu.
From the Bhagavata Purana.
There once lived a king in the Tamil country named Indradyumna, who was a devotee of Vishnu and used to worship on the summit of a great hill. One day, while he was there in meditation, the Rishi Agastya came to that place. Indra, being wholly absorbed, did not notice Agastya nor salute him, whereupon Agastya became very angry and cursed Indra that he and all his retinue should take the forms of elephants. The curse thus falling upon them, the king-elephant Indra and all his retinue went to the mountain Trigurta. Here there were beautiful waterfalls, where Gandharvas lived and spent their days bathing, dancing and singing, decked and perfumed with sweet unguents. Groves of trees, full of sweet-scented flowers and fruits, mangoes, areca-nut, limes and many others, and various kinds of palms and banyan trees were there.
Enshrouded by these was a calm lake, full of yellow, red, and blue lilies, and on its borders grew many kinds of flowers and creepers. Water-birds swam upon the surface and the forests resounded with glad songs. Here wandered herds of elephants, deer, rhinoceros, boar and many other animals. When the hot season approached, the King one day feeling thirsty, and scenting the water, and seeing the bees humming round the flowers, the yellow dust from which was sprinkled over the surface, took with him a hundred female elephants and young ones, and entered in the water, bathed in it, quenched his thirst, poured streams of it upon his back, and afterwards, in the same manner, bathed the young ones, as a father does. While he was doing this, an alligator, being disturbed, in great fury seized hold of the two front legs of the King, who struggled unsuccessfully to free himself. His wives and children in terror and dismay tried to help him, but without avail. In this way the two continued to struggle for one thousand years, and gradually the King's strength was failing him, and his enemy overpowering him. At last, realising his helplessness and weakness, he thought to himself, " There are none now to help me, and I must take refuge in the Highest Being. He is able to save me from fear of death." Then remembering one of the holiest prayers, with which he had been acquainted in his former birth, he cried as follows:- "Om! I prostrate myself before thee, Bhagavân, from whom and in whom and to whom is the whole of this existence. Thou art the Primordial Force, the First Seed. The greatest Lord, the All-wise, the whole universe is thy manifestation. There is none beyond thee, I hold fast to such a being. Thou art Self-created, the whole world appears and disappears by thy mysterious divine power, throwing out manifestations as Mâyâ. Thou art the root of all existence. I pray thee to save me!

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"At the end of this won all the worlds and the rulers thereof will disappear into impenetrable darkness. Beyond that darkness thou shinest! Even Dévas and Rishis are unable to find thy abode. Who then can know it? Like an actor in a play, thou assumest different aspects. Thy ways are beyond my understanding. Savo me!
“Thy abode is all good. Rishis, who have thrown off all worldly attachments, desire to be thine ; so they leave the world and live in forests. Thou art the soul of all beings; thou art their friend. Thou art the way. Thou hast neither birth, nor action, name, nor form. Thou hast no evil in thee. Thou art never any less. Thou art unborn, yet givest birth through thy Mâyå. I bow down before the highest and greatest Lord! Thou art the light of the soul, the Great Soul, with uninterrupted sight. I prostrate myself before a being who is beyond words, mind and buddhi. I can only approach thee through truth and wisdom and passivity. Thou art the only Lord of Kaivalya, nothing but that. Thou knowest the bliss of Nirvana, - all bliss, for the good; all fear, for the bad ; secret, unknown, possessing perfect equilibrium, no attributes. Thou art concentrated wisdom, the Kurower of the body, from whom nothing is hidden. Omnipresent. Origin of all souls. Thou art the Primordial Matter. The cause of all changes. Thou art invisible to the bad and visible to the good. Thou possessest all the Vedas. Thou art in the form of the great ocean. Thou art emancipation, the final goal. Thou art hidden in the world, as heat is hidden in the bodies of all things. Thou art undisturbed by the turmoil of the world. Thou art self-illumined. Thou performest no work. I worship thee.
“Thou art all meroy. Thou art known through the mind. Thog appearest in the form of the soul. Thou canst not be attained by those immersed in worldly matters. Thou art not subject to the three qualities. The redeemed will have thee in their hearts. Those who have renounced the world go to tbee, obtaining their desires and never-dying bodies. Those who desire nothing will be singing thy praises, for ever merged in the ocean of bliss. I praise the Changeloss One, the Highest, the Unknown, understood only by mental perception, beyond the senses, the smallest Atom, the Farthest, Endless, Perfect. I worship such a being !
Dêvas, Vedas, and worlds are produced from a small portion of thee. These worlds proceed from thee, like the rays from the sun, and sometimes they disappear. Thou createst buddhi, mind and the five elements, and the bodies made of them. Thou art not a Dêva, nor a Rakshasa, nor a human being, woman or man, nor a lower animal, nor & reptile, nor an insect. Thou hast no qualities, no action, no being, no non-being. Thou neither receivest nor rejectest. Thou art in and out of the world. I desire to be free from the cover of my soul through thee!
“Thou art the most excellent Place. All thy deeds are yôgi-like. Thou art conceived in the heart of human beings through yoga. All yogis see thee. Thou art the Lord of yôga. Thy swiftness is unbearable! Thou possessest the three kinds of power, that is, governing, thought, and capability. Thou savest all who take refuge in thee. I am in misery. Oh, save me from this misery!"
Vishnu heard the King's prayer and with all haste proceeded to save him. Lakshmi, seeing the great haste of Vishnu, was amazed, and said to herself, "He does not tell me where he is going : maybe he heard the distressed cry of a woman; perhaps the Vedas have been stolen by the wicked, or Rakshasas are besieging the Devas, or some evil persons are asking the devotees of Vishnu to show the god to them." Thinking thus, she quickly followed him. In his haste be caught at the end of her garment, and without glancing at her, flew on. So she accompanied him with disordered attire. Garuda also went after Lakshmi, the five weapons following. But Vishnu in his extreme haste outstripped them. Even then, feeling that his greatest speed was insufficient, he seized his mighty disc, aimed it, and hurled it at the alligator, which being struck was broken to pieces and the king-elephant was saved.

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II.
Ambarisha and the Fiory Diso. Ambarisha was a King, and son of Nabhaga. His capital was between the Sarasvati and Jamnâ, and he ruled the whole world. He was a true rdjarshi. He regarded all worldly pleasures as a dream, and looked upon his riches only as earth, fixing bis mind on God alone, in contemplating his lotus feet. His mouth was engaged in praising God's qualities; his ears in hearing of bis wondrous works; his eyes in regarding the different forms of Vishnu in different temples ; his nose in smelling the perfume of his sweet lotus feet; his tongue in tasting the tulasi offered to him; his head in bowing down to him ; his hands in keeping clean his temples ; his feet in going to different temples of Vishnu and performing circumlocution ; his body in embracing his devotees. His love was in God's service without hope of return. Although he was always engaged in this way, yet he did not neglect his State affairs. He had many sacrifices performed through the help of Vabishta and other Rishis, on the bank of the Sarasvati. All the Rishis and Devas were present at his sacrifices, and he gave to many cows tips of gold for their horns, bracelets for their feet, and good cloths. In this way he spent his time, while his mind gradually detached itself from worldly pleasures.
In this wise be went to the banks of the Jamna, and performed the dvadasi prata for one year. On the last dvddafi day, Durvasa came to that place, and at Ambarisha's invitation the two went to the Jamna to bathe. As Durvasa delayed in the river a long time, and the period for the performance of the prata was fast drawing to a close, Ambarisha, knowing that he could not finish it without the presence of Durvasa, became very anxious, and consulted with the other Brahmans as to what he sbould do. They said that he could neither leave ont Durvasa, nor yet delay in finishing the vrata, and so they advised him to sip up a little water, instead of taking a meal, as a compromise. While doing this and anxiously waiting, Durvasa came up, and seeing what was done, was very angry, and took one of the hairs from his head and beat the ground with it. invoking a certain demon to come and punish Ambarisha. Now before this, Ambarisha had been given the Fiery Diso of Vishnu, which was able to aid him in difficulties and also to help him role his country with wisdom. So when the demon appeared, Ambarisha invoked the Disc, which came and quickly destroyed the demon. After doing this, it rolled swiftly after Durvasa. Then Durvasa was terrified and began to run, but the Disc rolled after him, dogging his footsteps; and if he stopped, it stopped also; when he ran again, it also ran. Then Durvasa finding the burning fire of the Disc unendurable, flew to Brahma for help and besought him to save him from the Disc. But Brahms said, "I, Sive, Daksha, and other Prajapatis will never do anything against Vishņu's will, but must always bear bis commands on our heads. At the end of every æon a frown from his brow destroys the whole universe, and we cannot even bear the sight of this Disc of his."
Thus, finding no help from Brahmâ, Durvasa went to Siva, who also could do nothing for him, and advised him to go to Vishņu, as no one else could stop the Disc. Then Durvasa, all the times being tormented by the flames from the Disc, managed to get to Baikunta whoro Vishnu wag with Lakshmi. There Durvasa besought him to save him from the Disc, saying, “Thou art my Saviour, relieve me from this distress. It was in ignorance that I offended thy devotee."
Then Vishnu said, "I am not my own master. My mind is dispersed amongst my devotees, they always have their minds fixed on me. I am bound by the cords of their love. My mind is theirs, and theirs are mine. I am in their hearts, and they in mine. They know nothing but me. I will never do anything without them. They serve me by their penance, their wisdom, and their lives, and so I cannot stop the Disc. You must go to Ambarisha, and ask his pardon."
So Durvasa in great distress, ran back to Ambarisha, fell down before him and caught his feet in sign of great hamility, and begged forgiveness. Then Ambarisha was grieved to see this, and addressed the Disc as follows:
"O Sudarshana, I bow down to thee; thou hast a thousand spokes; thou art the close companion of Vishņu: thou canst destroy all the other weapons. Now I pray thee to be good towards this Rishi

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Thou art the courage, the truth, the sacrifice. Thou receivest sacrifice. Thou art Dharma. Thou art the shelter of all the worlds. Thy shining is very brilliant and holy. Thou art the bridge between earth and heaven, Thou destroyest all vices. Thou savest the three worlds. Thy speed is quick as mind. Thy deeds are very wonderful. Thou art the sight of the good, and destroyest all the darkness of sin. My tongue fails to praise thee. Thy form is beyond being or non-being. I respect this Rishi as my tutelary god, therefore I pray thee to abate thy anger towards him: in being good to him thou wilt be doing good to me. If the all-pervading Vishņu is pleased with me, I pray thee let Durvasa cease to be troubled."
When Ambarisha had finished speaking, the Disc stopped. Thereupon Durvasa rejoiced and began to bless the King saying, "Now do I know the real power of God's devotees, and whoever thinks upon such as you will become holy and like you return good for evil."
III.
Saryati. King Baryati W88 a son of Manu, and had a daughter namod Sukanya. Saryati went one day hunting to the forest accompanied by his daughter. It was in this forest that Chayára the Rishi was making penance. Here Sukanya left her father, and playing about by herself, she came upon a little hillock, from one side of which were shining two little lights. Thinking that these were glow-worms, she got & thorn and stuck it into both of them. As soon as she did this, the King and his retinue, who were near, felt themselves attacked with violent pains, and saw a shower of blood falling upon them. Then Saryati suspected that some injury was done to Chayåra and enquired amongst his followers, who denied knowledge of anything. Meanwhile Sakanyå approached and told the King about the hillock and the little lights, and what she had done. Then the King was much afraid, and went with her to the hillock. This they found to be Chayâra, who, from remaining there so long, had a hillock grown over his body, from which his two eyes were glowing like lights, and it was these which Sukanyâ had pierced. The King in great fear pleaded for forgiveness, and offered to make amends, whereupon Chayâra demanded that his daughter should be given to him in marriage, to which the King consenting, Sukanya was left in the forest to attend to the Rishi; and though he was very bad-tempered, she patiently waited on him for many years.
.
One day, there came to the hermitage the Asvins, heavenly physicians, and they complained to Chayâra that they were given no share in the sacrifices. Chayâra told them that he would procure for them a share, if in return they would restore to him his youth. They agreed, and took the decrepit old man with them, and all descended into a well, coming up again all alike, with youthful beautiful forms. Sukanyan, who was waiting for them, when she looked at them, could not recognise her husband, so in distress she prayed the Asvins to point him out to her. They expressed their pleasure at her faithfulness, pointed out her husband, and went their way.
One day Saryati returned to the forest to invite Chayâra to a sacrifice, and was amazed to see his daughter sitting with a handsome young man, and, mistaking him for her lover, began to upbraid her as follows: "I gave you to a man, who was respected by the whole world, who was a great Rishi and very virtuous, and was beloved by a chaste woman. You have left such a husband, and are living with your lover. This is wicked, your bonour is lost. By doing this you have thrown me into hell! My dear daughter, whether the husband be youthful or old, the wife must attend on him. Bat I reproach myself for giving you to an old Rishi."
But Sukanya only smiled, and told her father how this was her husband Chayâra, and how he came to be changed. Then her father embraced her gladly, and blessed her, and performed a sacrifice, wben Chayâra kept his word and gave a share to the Asvins.

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IV.
Kantidēva. Kantideva was a King, the son of Samkțiti. He was a good ruler and was very compagsionate and merciful, and so generous that he gave away all his property, and at last was reduced to great poverty, and could not get even a morsel of food. In this way he wandered for forty-eight days. At last some one gave him some rice, milk, and water. Being very tired, and starving and thirsty, he sat down and was preparing with great eagerness to eat this food, when there appeared a Brahman who begged food of him. At once, without a frown or any ill-feeling he gave the Bråbman half of what he had. After this a Sudra came along, who also begged, and he gave this man a portion of what remained. After this some famished dogs appeared, and to them he gave all the remainder! When all was gone, a Chandála came up who said he would die, if he did not get water to drink, Then Kântideva, filled with pity seeing the man's starving condition, told him that he could give no food, but only a little fresh water, and that he would gladly give him. He considered it his highest duty to give to those in need, though he had nothing left himseli. With the utmost faith in God he poured all the water into the Chandala's vessel, who went away. Then the Dêvas appeared to him in their real forms, and told him that his virtue was fully tested. He saluted them without making any request of them. Being pleased with this, they restored to him his kingdom. Those who served under him followed his example.
v.
The Origin of Ganga. There once lived a great King called Sagara, who conquered all his enemies, and by the advice of the Rishi Aurva made many horse sacrifices to please Vishņu. At one of these Indra took away the horse and hid it in Nagaloka, near to where Kapila, a Rishi, was engaged in penance. Then Sagara, in great distress, sent all his sons to search for the horse. They wandered over the whole earth, searching for it without success. Then in despair they began to look for it underground, digging out a large passage to go to the nether world. There, at the northern side they saw the horse, hidden behind the Risbi. Suspecting him of having stolen it, they unsheathed their swords, ready to punish him. Ay they approached, Kapila fixed his eyes upon them, when they were all immediately turned into heaps of ashes.
In the meantime Sagara conld not finish the sacrifice and waited a long time for his sons and the horse. As they did not return, he sent his grandson Amsuman in search of them, who traced them to the underground regions and discovered the borge near Kapila, and saw also the heaps of ashes. Then, suspecting that these were all Sågara's sons, who had been thus destroyed, he was much afraid, and began to propitiate Kapila by worshipping him. Kapila being pleased, gave up the horse to him, saying, "Your fathers were not as wise as you, and so they became heaps of ashes. If you can obtain the water of Ganga, that which is poured over the feet of Vishnn by Brahma, and retained by divine power in Svarga, and pour it over these ashes, the souls of your fathers will go to Svarga."
Then Amsumân saluted the Rishi and took the horse and went back to the King and told him all. Sagara then gave up his kingdom to Amsumân, and, being advised by Aurva, sent the rest of his life in penance. Ansumân, not knowing how to bring Gangå down to pour on the ashes, was in great sorrow till he died. His son Dallpa also, though making penance for the same purpose, failed, and died, leaving his son, Bhagiratha, who determined to succeed in the attempt, and performed penance.
This time the prayers wore heard and Siva appared to him and asked what he wanted. Bhâgiratha told Siva that he wanted the water of Ganga, whereupon Siva, making with his plated

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hair a big reservoir, the whole firmament became covered with it. Then Ganga descended into this reservoir with great force, while Siva remained holding all the water on his head, without letting a drop fall down, so that from that day forward he was called Gangadhara. But Bhagiratha, seeing that he was no better enabled to procure the water than before, besought Siva to allow the water to flow, whereupon Siva let loose the water in three streams; one flowed to Svarga, one to Patals, and the third to the earth. Then was Bhagiratha greatly rejoiced, and mounted his car and proceeded to the place of the ashes of his ancestors, the stream following him. Arrived there, it flowed over the heaps of ashes, purifying them all. Then the souls were liberated and went to Svarga. From that day forth the river is considered to be able to wash away all sins.
The Sibi King and the Bird. The Sibi King ruled over the whole world, and was very charitable, and always kept his word. He would do all that he possibly could for everyone. But the Dêvas wanted to put him to the test. So Indra, Agni and Varuna consulted together, and Agni agreed to take the form of a bird, and the others the forms of two hunters. These proceeded to chase the bird, which took refuge in the King's arms. Then the hunters came up and demanded the bird, but he refused to give it ap, and offered them anything else in exchange. After some discussion, they finally consented, on condition ke let them out a piece of flesh from him equal to the weight of the bird. The King consented and allowed them to cut the flesh, which they placed with the bird on some scales. During the process, the bird began gradually to increase in weight, so that to make up the weight they went on cutting off nearly all the flesh from the King's body; but he endured it all to the end without flinching, or showing any signs of pain. Then Indra was amazed at his steadfastness, and be, Agni and Varuņa appeared in their true forms and all said they had never before seen such constancy and fortitude. Indra then sent for the Asvins and told them to heal the King's wounds.
VII.
King Bharata and the Deer. King Bharata ruled over all the world, and his wife was Pandrajapi. She was a true companion to him. He offered good sacrifices, as his ancestors had doue with vrutas, and be regarded the whole world as the manifestation of the Supreme Spirit. He worshipped God in the form of Vishnu, and was full of devotion. He ruled the earth for one hundred thousand years, and had five sons, amongst whom he divided all his kingdom, and went at last into the forest of Pulahasrama near the river Gandak, where he remained alone, making pilja to dlagramas. His worship consisted of offering fresh flowers, tender leaves, tulasi roots and fruits and lotus flowers, and he never grew weary. So he increased in vairágya, and controlled all his senses. And there being none to hinder him, he was able to continue uninterruptedly in God's service, and in solving all the problems of religion. In this way he remained often in extasy, and became merged in the sea of bliss. He wore deer skins and bathed three times a day, and let his hair grow. He worshipped Vishna also in the sun, which had a gold body. He found in that being his only refuge, that being who cherishes those who are engaged in his service, who is omnipresent and full of bliss.
One day Bharata was bathing in the river, and remained under the water for about two hours, meditating on God throngh Pranava (Om), when he suddenly heard a lion roaring, and saw a deer, which was about to give birth to a fawn, flying before the lion and jumping over the river. Whilst jumping she gave birth to the fawn, and fell on the other side and died. Then Bharata saw the little helpless fawn struggling in the water, and being moved with compassion, he took hold of it And saved it, and carried it home and reared it, and began to love it, and became attached to it: so that little by little he was neglecting his services to God. But he was unconscious of this, and said

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to himself as follows: "I saved this helpless fawn, it has none to care for it, and so I will take care of it, and bring it up. I have heard some Munis say that to help the helpless is a virtue." In this way his love towards it grew, and he used to bring it tender grass to eat, and wash it, and had it near him, even when engaged in worship. Sometimes he would take it in his arms or his lap, and loved its company. When performing some ceremony, he would ofter leave off in the midst of it to look for the deer and rejoiced when he saw it, and would bless it and kiss it.
But one day the deer disappeared. Then Bharata was overwhelmed with grief and bewilderment, and began to think thus: "Have I not taken care of you in every way? You who lost your mother the day you were born. Have I not sheltered you from cruel beasts, and brought you up? Now I do not know what animal has destroyed you; or if you will return to gladden my heart. You used to touch me gently with your horns when I sat in contemplation, sometimes you would playfully trample on the things brought for worship, and if I cast an angry glance at you, like a child, you would stand at a distance till I called you again, when you would return and stand behind me without causing me any disturbance, and were so careful not to annoy me in any way. The earth touched by your hoofs is blessed. The Munis and Rishis looked upon you as a holy animal. Perhaps the moon has taken you. When I was with my family I lost a son. My sorrow was so great that I felt that even the moonlight was hateful, and thus I feel now in the absence of this deer."
With these lamentations, by some past bad karma, he neglected his yoga, and his attachment to the deer grew even greater. In order to obtain emancipation, he had renounced his family and everything, and come to the forest and striven with all his powers to obtain this end. Now, by means of this deer, all his efforts were rendered futile. After he had been for a time sunk thus in grief, the deer returned. Seeing it, he was transported with joy, and his devotion to it was now such, that he treated it as his own son. In his last days on his death-bed his thoughts were all centred on the deer, and so, on leaving his body, he was re-born as a deer; but the memory of his past life remained. Remembering his former state and all his service to God, he was very sorrowful and bitterly repented his former attachment to the deer. He never mingled with the herd, and at last left them and his mother, and went away alone to his old place, where he had before lived and worshipped God, and there he remained grazing on leaves and dried grass and bathing in the river and so much did he desire to be delivered from this body of a deer that, when he died, he was able to be born again as a Brahman.
VIII.
King Bharata as a Brahman.
Bharata, being born to a Brahman father, was well brought up, and remembering his former lives, was much afraid of bad associations, and kept aloof from others with abstracted mind: so that he was considered by them to be half-witted. After a time his good father died and his mother performed sati. Then his brother forced him to do menial work, which he humbly submitted to, at the same time not neglecting his meditation. The ignorant people reviled him and called him a fool, but he paid no attention, took everything that was offered to him, good or bad, even from the hands of strangers, cared neither for cold nor heat, going without clothes and lying on the bare ground: so that his sacred thread became black with dirt. Withal he remained stout and strong, and though his good qualities were unsuspected by people, he might be likened to a diamond wrapped in a black cloth. Meanwhile the king of the country determined to offer a human sacrifice to Kali, and the messengers finding Bharata watching his brother's fields, and thinking him a worthless fellow, they seized him as being suitable for the sacrifice. They washed him, gave him fine clothes and decorated him with jewels, and supplied him with rich foods and fruit, and burning camphor and perfumes before him. Accompanied with bands of music and dancing, they led him to

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the temple of Kalf. Then the king himself conducted him to a raised place, and taking a sword in his hand, was preparing to cut off Bharata's head, when Kali, seeing Bharata and knowing that he was a man with full experience of Brahma, without hatred in his heart, and having love to all, was afraid to receive such a sacrifice, and feeling very angry with the king for bringing him, became visible, and caused the king and his retinue to be struck dead on the spot. She turned to Bharata and said, "No Deity will suffer any harm to befall a good Brâhman," and disappeared. Tben Bharata, who feared neither the sword nor Kali, but looked upon all as forms of God, with his mind steadfast in God, remained standing. The people being much afraid, let him go and he returned to watch the fields as before.
A few years passed in this way, when the king, wishing to go to Kapila the Rishi on some religious enquiry, was being carried along in a palanquin, passed by the field where Bharata was watching. One of the bearers, seeing Bharata, seized hold of him, and made him bear the palanquin in his place. Bharata, being unable to keep pace with the others, got out of step, so that the even balance was disturbed, which made the king angry, and he bade the bearers stop and find out who was in fault. They said, " It is not one of us, but this new man." Then the king spoke angrily to Bharata, who remained quite undisturbed. The king was amazed at his calmness, and asked him how it was. Bharata replied, “It is not I who am bearing this palanquin, but only my body, and you have reproved me without knowing the truth." In this manner he continued to instruct the king, who perceived that he was a Rishi, and saluted him with respect and begged him to instruct him further. So Bharata lived with the king, and died, and obtained mukti.
IX.
Ajamila and the Angels of Death. In the country of Kanyakubja lived a good Brāhmaṇ, well versed in the Vedas. He had a son named Ajamila, who was well taught and performed his duties willingly, reading all the Vedas. He served his teachers and performed all the duties required of him towards uninvited guests. He treated all animals equally, was very truthful, and knew many mantras and obtained the results thereof. He performed the daily as well as the occasional ceremonies, tried to overcome all bad, and to cultivate all good, qualities, and was always doing virtuous actions with a good will. Besides this, he grew up into a young man of beautiful appearance.
One Spring season his father asked him to go to the forest and fetch kusa grass, fuel, flowers and fruit. He went and collected them all, and was returning, when he caught sight of a Sudra courtezan and her lover disporting themselves in the groves. Seeing her, he became fascinated with her beauty and forgot his father and his wife and everything, and became entirely given up to this woman. Then he left all and losing the good opinion of everyone, he began to work to earn money to support the woman. For her sake he underwent many hardships and difficulties, falling into debt, and at last was seized and put into prison. Even after this he did not leave the woman. She bore him ten children, of whom he loved the youngest the best.
He lived to the age of eighty-eight and on his death-bed, just before he died, he called out the name of the youngest child, Narayana, several times. Then the Angels of Death came and took him out of his body, and bound him hand and foot. While thus in terror and dismay, he saw four Celestial Beings approach, who came to his rescue, put aside the Angels of Death and released him. Then the Angels of Death saluted these Beings, and asked who they were, saying, "O Beings of wonderful form, having beautiful shining eyes, with, crowns on your heads and earrings, and wearing yellow silk garments, your bodies smooth and decorated with sweet-scented garlands, with your four arms bearing the Disc, Conch, Bow, and Sword! All who see you are lost in admiration! Your calmness is andistarbed, the worlds shine by your light and darkness is dispelled, your presence sheds comfort upon us all, your radiance dazzles our eyes, you appear as the upholders of all the virtues ! But why do you hinder us from taking this bad man to Yama P",

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Then the Celestial Beiuge replied in grave and majestic speech as follows: "If you are the messengers of Yâma, tell us where does your Master reside? Tell as what is right and what is wise ? What actions and what men are punishable? Are all beings punishable, or only sinners ?"
The Angels of Death replied, "Whatever is ordained by the Vedas is virtue, the rest is vice. The Vedas proceod from Vishnu, by whom all souls are passed into different bodies. All this is known from the Vedas. The sun, the moon, the heavens, the air, the two twilights, days and nights, time, earth, fire, water, and the Devas, all bear witness to the actions of each embolied soul. Nothing is hidden, and the actions will deterinine the punishment as well as the place. All who transgress these laws are punishable. When a man begins to live, he must be doing something, good or bad, according as he is associated with the different yuņae. He must reap the exact fruit of action, Yama is also present wherever a being is and witnesses all his actions, words and thoughts, which are determined by the guna he is in. And some will remember their past actions in a former birth by virtue of their bodies being made of fine matter; others will forget, by reason of their bodies being made of gross matter. Some will frequent the company of good men, and so obtain knowledge of God. Sin can only be got rid of by serving Vishnu, who resides in the mind, who is known through the Vedas and Védánta, and is the Highest Being. The man who does not know God, or keep in the company of the godly, will be lost, as a stra:7 is destroyed in the fire. But those who serve God will be restored, as a sick man is restored by good medicine. But this man left his good life, and fell in love with a bad woman, and became sunk in sensuality, drank wine and ate mcat, and so he must be punisbed by Yâma, and purified og that discipline."
Then the Celestial Beings enumerated all Ajamila's good deeds, and showed that in his past births he had accumulated much virtue as well as some vice, and for this vice he had been siredy panished by falling into a state of vice. Hearing this, the Angels of Death left him and went away.
Then Ajamila, who had heard all the conversation between the Angels of Death and the Celestial Beings, stood up and saluted Visbņu and the Celestial Beings, and humbly tried to express bis gratitude. The Celestial Beings told him that it was by his calling his son Narayana (the highest name of God) that his thoughts were directed towards God and therefore they were able to come to his aid. Saying this, they left him, whereupon he surveyed all his past life and his bad actions, and repented of them, and said, "I was in danger of falling into hell, when these Celestial Beings saved me. This is the result of my former service to God, which can never be frnitles .." Oa this, he was taken to heaven.
X.
Chitraketu. Chitrakátu was the King of Surasong in the Maharashtra Country. He ruled bis people well, being very patient and trying to gain their good opinion. He had a thousand wives, who were all of them beautiful, bat none of them had any children. All his riches and prosperity did not make up to hire for the want of a son. One day the Rishi Angiraba carne to see the King, and seeing that he appeared sorrowful, asked the cause of his trouble. The King replied, “Through the power of your penance nothing is hidden from you, and therefore you know the cause," and bent his head with shame. The Rishi understanding what he wanted, advised him to perform a certain sacrifice by which he would be granted a son. The King performed the sacrifice, and in course of tipe, his chief wife bore him a son. The King was transported with joy, and made a great feast. The child grew well and strong, and the King became much attached to the chief wife and neglected the others. This filled their minds with jealousy, and at last they contrived together to poison the ehild. When the mother saw the dead child, she fell to the ground like a tree cut down. The King heard her cry and filled with fear, hastenod to the place, where seeing his son dead, he shooned sway with grief.

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Then the Rishis Angirasa and Narada came near, and began exborting the King in the teachings of Krishna as follows: "In a former birth yon did not know wbose son this was, nor whose father you were. Who can understand the mysterious connection ? Our meetings are like the meetiags of grains of sand in a flowing stream. You must not grieve for wbat you cannot help. There is no death, and no life. Separation is a mirage, and it is through ignorance that one soul appears to be many. When you cast away the cover of ignorance, you will realize the truth, as a mail wakes up from a dream."
Hearing these words, the King recovered himself, and asked who they were. They replied, "We come to comfort and instruct you in wisdom. We are the Rishis who gave you your son, if now we restore you your son, you will again have the same sorrow as those who have children. All the pleasures of this world are transitory and through them come misery, fear and anxiety. It is all máyd, like a fortune found in a dream. Man, by his thonghts and actions, unknowingly creates transitory misery and happiness, and reels in it. There is only the one true path of the pure mind to reach the everlasting life."
Then Narada began to say, "I will give you a mantra. If you repeat it for seven days without interruption, you will see God, who is the cause of all, so, you will obtain the highest happiness. I will now raise up your son, and you can then see if there is any true connection between you and him." Then Närada looked at the dead boy, and called him by name, "Come back into your body again and comfort your parents. You can then be happy and enjoy your father's kingdom!" Upon this the boy's soul replied as follows: "I am revolving by my own karma through the bodies of gods, men, and animals; how am I to know who are my parents ? All are like actors in a drama: there is not any real relationship between man and man. Åtma is one, eternal, has no end or beginning, is in all, and all is in him, is the shelter of all, is the smallest and the greatest, is equal to both, shines with his own light, and sees all. By his mdya he creates all. He is Narayana, the Soul of All. I feel neither pleasure nor pain, I am that Great Soul! I am God himself! How then can you speak of fathers and sons? There is no real connection between you and me. You have nothing to sorrow for." So saying, he abruptly ended.
Then Chitraketu and his relatives were amazed and felt relieved of their sorrow and attachment towards the boy, and proceeded to perform the funeral obsequies. After a few days Chitrakétu left bis kingdoin, like a big elephant who had been caught in a bog and was escaping from it, went to the Jamna and bathed there, in accordance with the ordinances, and afterwards went and saluted Narada, who was pleased with him, and gave him the mantra formerly promised.
Then Chitrskátu, following Narada's instructions, fasted and sat in samadhi for seven days, meditating upon that knowledge which is Narayana itself. At the end of seven days, he found himself to be the chief of the Vidyadharis, and that he possessed a flying car, ornamented with precious stones, and by the grace of God he could move about in the airy regions with the quickness of mind. Soon he met the King of Serpents, Adisesha, who had a body as white as snow, and was clothed in black garments, and wore a crown shining with precious stones and bracelets and shoulder ornaments. He had a zone of gold and the white sacred thread. His face was very beautiful: his eyes were round and bright. He is the bed of Vishņu, and also his foot-stool. Many Siddhas followed him. When Chitrakêtu saw him, he became free from sin, his love to God increased, his body thrilled with bliss, tears of joy fell from his eyes, and in his extasy be could not speak, bat fell down before the King.
Aiter a while he calmed himself, and drew in his senses from the outer world and concentrated his thoughts on the Reality, and put together his mind and speech, and began to praise that Eternal Being of perfect equanimity, and the gurú of the whole world, in these words: “ Thou art the Unconquerable One! Yet the devotion of thy worshippers can conquer thee! It is through thee that these worlds come into existence, remain for a time, and then dissolve. Those

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who are engaged in creating and destroying worlds are also a part of thee. These Agents dispute among themselves, without knowing thy real nature, each thinking himself greater than the other. Thou art the Atom and the Universe. Thou art the essence of the Universe. Thou art above the three gunas, thy power is always equal, in the beginning, middle, and end. There are seven world sheaths, each one is ten times larger than the other. All these worlds are as an atom, when compared to thee. In some places men like beasts are panting after sensual enjoyments; desiring only riches, they serve other gods, and leave thee. The riches given to them are only transitory, and are lost as they are lost. Those who serve thee, desiring nothing else, will undergo no further births, as burnt seeds do not germinate. Thy service in any way will give liberation. Thou establishest the moral code for thy devotees. To gain emancipation Sanat Kumara and others are serving thee according to that code. Those who act upto that code will never want in wisdom. Being worldly-minded, inen are apt to think that they are different from one another, and have the idea of possessing property. The godly consider all and everything alike. When they see thee they become siriless. I became like one of them by seeing thee. Nárada long ago instructed me in the true nature of God. A few glow-worms can temporarily hide the sun; in the same way, worldly happiness can hide thee for a time, and people do not see thee, though thou art the Soul of the whole Universe. To-day I experience thy true nature, and prostrate myself before such a being. Even Brahmâ, Siva, and Indra serve thee with great devotion, through their minds. Thou hast * thousand heads : upon them this world is like a mustard seed!"
Then the King was much pleased with Chitrakêtu's knowledge and said, “You were able to see me by the knowledge given you by Nárada. All you see the manifested world, and the beings therein – are my forms. I am the holiest. I am able to purify the most unholy. I am Brahma. I am the Vedas. All the worlds live in me: sometimes they disappear in me. As a man asleep understands nothing, but only when he is awake: so a man in ignorance does not understand me, but only when he obtains knowledge. I am that knowledge which is present in three states, - sleeping, dreaming, and waking. The condition of a human being is very hard ; if he does not gain true knowledge, he can never know true happiness. In one state, Pravritti, developing in worldly affairs, there is misery. In Nivfitti, developing in spiritual affairs, there is happiness. Men waste their time to attain happiness in the first way, but can thereby never attain emancipation. They can only become merged in sorrow; yet they do not seek to know me with their heart and soul. Some are proud of their knowledge and art. To these it is very difficult to know my real nature. He who can. find out the real good from the unreal, in the end will know me. You have found out this way. You have praised me with a language full of truth. You have become truly emancipated!” Saying this the King disappeared.
Then Chitraketu mounted his flying car, and roamed in it for many thousands of years. He retained all his faculties, and in his company were many Dêras, Munis and Yogis, who all praised him, and to whom he gave instructions. He was able to create any beautiful place that he wanted which would be filled with Devas and Apsarasas, dancing and singing in honour of Vishnu. He supplied all the wants of the followers of Vishņu, and in his mind was always decorating the person of Vishņu. He would speak to God with all his powers of expression, and would sing and chant with great zeal at the highest pitch of his voice, shining with the splendour of Brahmic knowledge. He would serve the servants of God, and make them also sing, for which he composed hymns in God's praise. In this way he spent his time.
On a certain day he wont to Kailasa, where Siva was seated with Gauri, his wife, on a throne, surrounded by Devas, and those who were waving chamaras. On one side Vedas were being chanted, on the other Sanaka was praising God, and all made a feast of beauty to the eyes. When Chitrakitu looked and saw that Gauri was seated in the lap of Siva, he laughed contemptuously, and remarked that it was ebameless of Siya to sit like that, for even a boor would

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not behave in this way, and for Siva, being one of the greatest gods, to act like this was very unseemly. Although 'Siva heard these remarks, he took no notice, and said nothing, but Gauri was very angry, and exclaimed, “Is this person the controller of the worlds that he should reprove us ! Sages, Rishis, and Munis have not before disapproved of this, and are they ignorant of proper behaviour ! Siva is too great to be judged by anyone, and in doing so this man has committed a sin, and must be punished." Having addressed the assembly in this manner, she turned to Chitrakétu and said, "For committing this sin you must be born again as a Rakshaba." Chitraketu hearing this did not lose his composure, but descended from his flying car, approached Gauri and saluted her saying, “I know thou art the mother of the worlds. I have received thy curse. It is only the effect of my former karma. Happiness and misery inust follow each other in the circle of savisras. It is only the ignorant man who thinks he is either happy or miserable, to the wise both curse and blessing are the same, so that I am not in the least affected by your curse, nor afraid of it, I am considering only why I spoke to you in that way." Then mounting his car he flew away. Then Siva, torning to Gauri, remarked, “You see how the servants of Vishnu act. How magnanimous and eqnable is this Chitraketu. To him good and evil are alike, and though he could have cursed you in return, he refrained from doing -o!"
. XI.
The Story of the Fifth Avatara, Vamana, A powerful giant, named Bali Chakravarti, ruled once in Patalaloka. He conquered all the worlds and none could resist him. He was also a devout follower of Vishịu.
Once he wished to make a great feast, and requested Indra to send Rambha to dance at his conrt. Indra, wisbing to insult bim, sent instead a plantain tree, which also goes by the name rambli. The giant was enraged at this, and in vaded Svarga, conquered Indra, and got possession of Svarga. Then Aditi, the mother of Indra, did penance, when Vishņu appeared before her, and asked her what she wanted. She prayed that she might have a son, who would be able to conquer Bali. Vishnu granted her reqnest, and caused himself to be born of Aditi in the form of a dwarf. In this form he studied in the bermitage with other boys of his age, outstripping them all.
In the course of time, Bali wanted to perform a great horse-sacrifice, when all the Rishis and Yogis thronged to his court, amongst them the dwart, Vamana, who appeared as a Brahman mendicant. Bali caught sight of him, and supposing him to be a Brahmachari, wished to worship him, and called him to come near. Then the dwarf weut up and received worship from Bali, who asked him to make some request of him. The dwarf told Bali that he wanted only three strides of land, measured by himself. Bali was very surprised at such a humble request, and said it was beneath his dignity to bestow so little, therefore he should grant him a hundred lacs of strides. Then Bali's guru, Bukracharya, interfered and whispered aside, "Be careful what you do. Though he looks like a poor dwarf, he is in reality • divine being, and means to take all your possessions for Indra." Bat Bali replied, " It may be so, nevertheless I am determined to give whatever he asks, should he want all that is mine, I will give it up. If such a being comes and asks me, how can I deny him? It will be the greatest joy to me!" So Sukracharya saw that he could not persuade Bali.
Then calling the dwarf, the King took his hand, and told him he would give him anything he wanted, and made him sit down and called his wife to bring water, and washed his feet, and then pou red water from his hands into the dwarf's hands, thereby renouncing possession over it, and exclaiming, “ Vishnu is to be praised with this my action !” Instantly the dwarf appeared to begin to increase in size, and grew and grew, up and up, till he reached the clouds: and larger and further, till he reached the run, which appeared over him like a rast umbrella. And still he grew and grew till he reached the Pole star, when the sun's globe showed like a huge ruby on his head,

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and still he grew till he reached Satyalôka, and then the sun glowed like an earring in his ear. And beyond this he grew, and the sun looked like an ornament on his shoulder, still higher and higher, till it appeared like a bracelet on his wrist. Even yet higher, when it looked like a red cloth round his waist. Even still higher, when it appeared like an anklet on his foot, and at last. it seemed like his footstool. Then he filled the whole earth. His feet occupied Bhûlôka, his head filled the sky. The sun and moon were in the line of his eyes. The Pisachas lay at his feet, Gunyakas were at his fingers, Viśvas at his knees, Sadhyas at his legs, Yakshas at his finger-tips, Apsarasas at the line of his palms, the rays of the sun were in his hair, the stars at the roots of his hair, Maharshis at the ends of his hair, Asuras at his ears. His arms extended towards the four cardinal points, and his shining was greater than that of the sun.
Then Bali was overwhelmed with amazement, and paralysed with wonder, and remained speechless, while Vishnu with one stride measured the whole earth, with the second stride he measured the firmament. Then he stopped, and addressed Bali as follows: "You granted me three strides, the earth and heavens only measure two strides of mine, now show me the place for the third stride." Then Bali offered Vishnu his head for the third stride, but Vishnu hesitated and said, "I have taken all your possessions, this at least you can refuse." But Bali replied, "Wherever I go, thou art there, I cannot be anywhere without thee. Thou art full of mercy and condescension to thy devotees. Only command me how I may serve thee!" Then Vishnu was pleased at these words, and commanded Bali to return to his own regions of Pâtâlalôka, and reign there as before.
HARVEST FESTIVALS IN HONOUR OF GAURI AND GANESH. BY B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S.,
Personal Assistant to the Director of Ethnography for India.
-
I. Gauri.
On the sixth day of Bhadrapad or thereabouts, a bundle of the wild flowering balsam plants touch-me-not (Impatiens Sp.) is ceremoniously collected through maid-servants, brought home, and placed in the verandah on a low stool with the roots towards the main entrance of the house. Under the stool is drawn a magic square with turmeric powder (fig. 1). Care is taken by the maids that before the plants are removed from the soil, they are worshipped, wrapped in a cloth, and placed in a winnowing bamboo tray (see fig. 3), previously decorated with the svastika. At sunset the bundle is worshipped and taken to the entrance, when rice and water are waved round it and thrown to the left side, to guard against the evil eye. It is then placed on a chair or high stool and again worshipped, along with an unmarried girl, and all married women are served with the red powder, &c., the emblems of conjugal life.
The next ceremony consists of carrying the bundle from room to room, while the supposed foot-prints of Gauri (fig. 2) are being impressed on the floor with guldl (red powder) paste. As each room is entered, the girl, who has been previously worshipped, has to reply to the questions "Gauri, Gauri, whither have you come ?" and "What do you see?"
The first room so honoured is generally the central or chief hall. The girl then replies: "I have come to the diwan-khand, and I see that Râvsâhîb So-and-so has been sitting on a high cushion, reclined against another, and dictating orders to his secretaries, and that sepoys and chôbdars are in attendance," and so forth, generally depicting the highest desire as to the prosperity of the bread-winner. The girl is then given a mouthful of sweets, and the mistress of the house says, "Come with golden feet and stay for ever."

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The middle room is next visited and the questions repeated. This is the dining-hall, and a suitable" tall" description is given of feasts and banquets. The same request is repeated, as she is taken from room to room. The important" lying-in room” is never neglected, and the description of the cradle, the babies, and their pleasure-giving pranks are minutely detailed. The bundle is then replaced on a high stool or chair.
On the first night the chief food offered is the milk and sugar ksher, or porridge with wheat-flour rolls resembling small pieces of vermicelli. Before retiring for the night the plants are tied up into a mummy-like figure, with a woman's mask, dressed and decorated with ornaments, which is treated as the goddess Gauri.
Next morning the goddess so formed is worshipped as usual and she is offered a rice-cake, prepared like an omelette, with the aid of cocoanut kernel and raw sugar. Every married woman now takes a hand-spun cotton-thread of sixteen times her own height, places it before the goddess, and worships it.
If there be a new bride in the house (daughter-in-law), pan-cakes with pounded gram pulse (puran) and raw sugar are specially offered. Twenty-five bamboo winnowing-trays are then filled up with bangles, combs, red-powder boxes, turmeric-tubers, rice, a necklace of
glass-beads, dates, almonds, betel-leaves, betel nuts, a cocoanut, some fresh fruits and a bodice• piece. They are distributed by the new bride, who is carried in a palanquin with tom-tom, accompanied by female friends.
On the second night, all the girls in the honse sing songs and dance, keeping ap late, visiting the honses of girl friends for dancing and singing in front of Gauri. At midnight she is supposed to have to go away, that is, her 'spirit' departs, when an arti, consisting of incense and camphor, is offered.
The third day again sees her effigy worshipped. The food offered consists of crescentshaped pan-cakes, containing cocoanut kernel mixed with sugar. The 'one's own-measureskein' of thread of the previous day, which had been placed before the figure, is then lifted up, folded into a smaller skein, and to it sixteen knots are tied. It is then worshipped, dyed with turmeric and tied by each woman round her own neck. This curious necklace is retained until the eighth day of the second half of Ashvin, the next harvest time, and removed before the sun sets on that day. The knots are untied, the skein worshipped, sixteen ghi-lights are burnt before it, and sixteen til seeds (the crop is then ready), sixteen grains of rice, and flowers of cucumber are offered to it. The food prepared in hononr of this necklace, called mahdlakshmi, after the goddess of plenty and wealth, consists of the porridge described above. The thread is ultimately thrown into a river.
In regard to the chief goddess, Gauri, the Goddess of the Harvest, one great peculiarity remains to be mentioned. She is supposed to have been followed secretly by her husband Siva, who remains hidden under the outer fold of her sári (garment), and is represented by a lóta, covered by a cocoanut and filled with rice carefully measured for the reason given below.
Daring the third day of the ceremony the effigy of Gauri is thrown into a river or tank, and a handful of pebbles or sand is brought home from the spot, worshipped and then thrown all over the house and over the trees to bring good Inck to the house and to protect the trees from vermin. Before the image is taken away for disposal, in a fold of the sári it wears are placed rice, turmeric-tubers, and betel nuts. The woman who carries the figure is warned not to look behind her, as is the case when carrying dead bodies. The rice in the 16 a representing 'Siva is finally carefully measured, to see if the quantity has increased or decreased, in order to prognosticate the results of the next harvest.
In some families aghada (Achyrantes aspera) plants are used instead of the balsam or touch-me-not for the purposes of this ceremony.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1906.
The fable to account for the ceremony is translated below verbatim, as taken down: - “There was a big town, in which lived a poor Brahman, with a large family. The month of Bhadrapad came, and he saw effigies of Gauri in all the houses of the town, and heard the music in her honour. His children saw them too. They asked him to bring Gauri to them. He could not. He was too poor. He had not enough money to buy even the little rice-flour and sugar required for the offering. He went to a tank to drown himself, but was accosted by an old married woman. She dissuaded him from the resolution, and accompanied him home. His wife made enquiries. He told her that she was his grand-mother, wherenpon the wife went in search of some grain for food for her. To her surprise, she found her barn quite full. Porridge was prepared and all partook of it. Next morning, the old woman asked the Brahman to tell his wife to bathe her, and added, "Do not deny and do not demur.' He did so, and left the house on his daily begging-tour. He received plenty of alms that day. The old woman asked for rice and milk kahîr (konji or gruel), but there was no milk. So she advised him to make a number of pegs and strings for tying up cows and buffaloes, and advised him to call by name at sun-set as many cattle as he could accommodate in his farmyard. They came and were milked, and so the kshir was prepared and partaken of by the whole family. The honoured guest then asked leave to depart. The poor Brahman expressed his fears of losing what he had got, through her favour. He was blessed and assured. The Brihmad took her to the tank, she gave him some sand and asked him to throw it over every possession of his to secure 'plenty.' She advised him to repeat the ceremony in honour of Gauri every year on a suitable day in the month of Bhadrapad."
This story, however, presupposes the existence of the annual worship, and is therefore merely a record of its introduction into a new family.
The rationale of the ceremony suggests, (1) the allavial soil of the river-side or tank as the original seat of the crops, (2) the old woman as the old season going out, (3) the young girl as the new season budding up, ready to burst out, as the symbol touch-me-not' specially suggests, (4) the lay figare as possibly the dead body of the old season, the rice and the millets being just in flower at that time of the year, and (5) the food offered as the expected Bhâdvi, new rice-crops. The distribution of the trays, fruits, &c., represents the usual materials in use. But, (1) the loss of the spirit in the lay figure at midnight, the last day of the particular season of 'field work,' (2) the drowning of the lay figure into the bowels of Mother Earth. (3) the sprinkling of sand, and (4) the skeins with sixteen knots are symbolical of the simultaneous death and resurrection of the season, celebrated all over the world by primitive races, found here stereotyped into a Hinduised form. The sixteen knots and the sixteen folds of the skein turned into a necklace, suggest the number of weeks a rice-crop takes to grow.
II.
Ganesh. At the same time as Gauri is worshipped, or only a day or two previous, that is, on the fonrth of Bhadrapad, Ganosh is also worshipped. The god is worshipped in the form of a clay figure, representing a fat human body with an elephant's head, riding on a rat. The terms Ganêsa and Ganapati both mean the head or chief of the people, from gana, servants, and isa or pati, master.
1 The headman, or Patel, always commands the position of a tikdit and is offered the pan first of all, and so is Gands in the verge which runs :
STTTT ter il fatto II
आधी नमीला ।। गण राज॥१॥ The pan is firat placed before Ganesh, I have bowed unto him. And now I put the gmin into the mill to grind.

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FENRUARY, 1906.)
HARVEST FESTIVALS OF GAURI AND GANESH.
63
From the primæval attributes of this deity, he also seems to represent the harvest festival. He is called Mushhakváhan, rider on a rat, but the word mushhak comes from a Sanskrit root, which means a thief. The title therefore implies that he is riding over the thief of the field (field-rat). The elephant's head and snoat have possibly their origin in the appearance of a fariaer, carrying on his head a load of the corn-sheaf, particolarly when the lower or lowest ears swing to and fro. The appearance was readily passed to the symbol possibly owing to the riythological fable of the four diggajas, or elephants, who are sapposed' to support the heavens in the four directions represented by the points of the compass. In India at any rate the idea of hugeness is conveyed by comparison with an elephant, the biggest animal known. For instance, when & strong young man dies unexpectedly, people say :- What an elephant of prowess he was, but within a few hours Death has levelled him to the dust.' Råma is compared in the Puranas to the young of the elephant, Diggaja Dasaratha, when he broke the bow of Parasarâma. The idea therefore of a bumper crop over-riding the pestilence of the rats might well be expressed by a god with an elephant's head, riding a rat or mushhak (thief), and possessing in addition a fair round belly,' the latter evidently symbolical of the barn. Conquest is very often symbolised in this manner. Siva rides the bull (Nandikêávar) he conqrered; Krishna dances on the hood of the snake Kaliya, whom he vanquished ; and so Ganessa rides over the rat he destroys as Lord of the Harvest. The origin of the gigantic head of an elephant on one side and the little field mouse on the other can thus be accounted for in the representations of him.
As to the particular form which the elephant-headed god has taken on in representations, the human body of the figures may have been taken from the primitive effigies in vogue, and the well-known titles of Ganesa, Surpakarna, and Ekadanta, one-toothed, gives & clue to the rest. Surpa or sipa is the winnowing basket so essential at harvest time, and the one-tooth may well represent the ploughshare. Let two winnowing baskets and a ploughshare be added to the fat body as shown in fig. 8, and one fairly gets the form of the elephant's head with which god Ganosh is usually endowed.
The food offered to Ganesh connects him with the harvest, as it consists of balls, called módalcs, made of rice-four, raw sugar, and the kernel of the cocoanat; all in season at the time of th festival in the month of Bhadrapad. And there is a symbol attached to him which speaks for itself in relation to the harvest. Round the fat belly, representing the fall barn, is showa a hooded cobra, the great destroyer of the field-rat.
The new crop or harvest ceremonies connected with the cult of Ganësh seera to confirm his primitive origin as above explained. After the clay figure is thrown into a tank or river, a handful of clay or sand is brought in the tray, or on the stool used for carrying it, and ceren:oniously thrown into the barn and the grain barrels, and particularly into the room in which provisions are stored. This is an exact counterpart of what the people did on the continent of Europe and elsewhere in primitive days. The Indian Ganesa may in this matter be compared with the grain goddess of Mexico, the Alo Alo of the Tonga Islands, the Demeter of the Greeks, or the Ceres of the Romans.
As society advanced and philosophical speculation usurped the domain of direct argument, Ganêra seems to have obtained rapid promotion and came to be styled Siddhidata, the Giver of Success, 80 necessary to the production of a good crop. He was also styled Vighna-hartâ, the Remover of Distress, which is the peculiar power of a bumper crop. So success in every undertaking began to be attributed to him even in learning and he acquired another name as the Lord of the Goddess of Learning, Sarasvati. So also when the clay figure of Ganesh is lifted up for temoval, it is customary to turn its face back thrice towards the house, in conformity with the belief that such a step ensures the speedy return of the man or woman leaving the paternal roof on a journey. This custom is always followed by good Hindus. I was compelled to do so when I left for England in 1886.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1906.
During the performance of the death ceremony of the Old Season, represented by Gauri, Ganesh is naturally invoked and asked to return soon, as the sooner a new harvest-season returns, the happier will it make the simple farmer-worshippers. That is why they say: "Ganapti, bappa, môriá, Father Ganêsh, Lord of the people, wish yon a speedy return," to which in the Maratha Country, children add:"Pudhaliya varshi, laukar ya!, Come early next year." Môriá may be the corruption, or rather transformation, of an exclamation of the simple Kunbi (farmer): Mhóra yd, Come before all." The Kanaits of Kângrâ say "môré yé" when they want a friend to return quickly. This expression has been transformed by the learned into the grandiloquent title Môrêśvar, or yet more grandiloquent still Mayûrêśvar, Lord of the Peacocks. Môryd therefore represents the welcome with which Ganêsh is hailed every year at the harvest season, Bhadrapad, rice-in-ear month, which occurs just when his mother Ganri (Mother Earth) is enceinte and cries out "touch-me-not," through the balsam which is used in the preparations for the ceremonies in her honour then performed.
64
BOOK-NOTICE.
A GRAMMAR OF THE KANNADA LANGUAGE IN ENGLISH, comprising the three dialects of the language (ancient, medieval, and modern), by the REV. DR. F. KITTEL. Mangalore, Basel Mission Book and Tract Depository, 1903.
on the 19th December of the same year he died, in bis 72nd year, after having worked until the last day of his life.
Ferdinand Kittel was born on the 7th April 1832 at Resterhafe in Ostfriesland (North-West Germany), where his father was protestant minister. He received his education at the highschool in Aurich and entered the Mission College at Basel (Switzerland) in 1850. Three years later he sailed for Mangalore, where he began to study the Kannada language and to lay up stores for his greatest scientific achievement-the KannadaEnglish Dictionary, which appeared at Mangalore in 1894 and will remain a monumentum ære perennius of a noble life devoted to incessant earnest labour. The earlier volumes of the Indian Antiquary contain a number of articles from his pen on Dravidian philology. Among the educational books which he published for the Basel Mission we may mention an useful Canarese Poetical Anthology (3rd edition, Mangalore, 1874). Another important work is his edition of Nagavarman's Canarese Prosody, to which 'he prefixed a learned essay on Canarese literature (Mangalore, 1875). In 1892 he left India for good and settled at Tübingen (Württemberg), whose University conferred on him the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in 1896. In the summer of the last year of his life he still enjoyed the pleasure of having all his children staying with himself and Mrs. Kittel. On the very eve of his sudden and peaceful death he wrote to inform the Basel Committee that he had received from Mangalore the first printed copy of his Grammar of the Kannada Language.
As its title implies, this work aims at a complete description of the Kannada language throughout its different stages of development. It is chiefly based on the Sabdamanidarpana, a, grammar in Kannada verse which was drawn up by Kêśava in the 13th century and edited by Dr. Kittel in 1872 with the commentary of Nishthurasanjayya. But Dr. Kittel has not only explained and arranged Kesava's rules, but supplemented them with the help of the existing vast literature in Old Kannada and of epigraphical records in the same language. In every separate chapter of noun and verb inflexion he furnishes a complete list of the forms of the three successive dialects. This will be felt as a great boon and an important step in advance by all scholars who have to deal with ancient or mediaval Kannada works or documents. But Dr. Kittel does not rest content with supplying the facts of the language. Following in the footsteps of Dr. Caldwell, he tries to ascertain the prehistoric growth of roots and inflexional forms by subjecting them to an analytical treatment. His explanation of the relative participles (§§ 178,185) resembles Dr. Caldwell's (Comparative Grammar, p. 413 f.). His ingenious explanation of the negative verb (§ 210) seems to be preferable to the more mechanical one of his predecessor (op. cit. p. 366 ff.). Throughout the book we feel the master-hand of a ripe scholar, whose deep erudition and love of his subject is blended with amiable modesty. It is sad to remember that this grammar was to be his last work. The preface is dated on the 5th February 1903, and Halle, 11th December 1905.
E. HULTZSCH.

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Indian Antiquary.
HARVEST FESTIVAL, 'GAURÎ AND GANESH.
Fig. 1. Gauri Festival.
Evil Eye Protector.
Fig. 2. Print of Gauri's Foot. A possible origin of the well-known
"shawl-pattern."
DNIKO
A. Corn-sheaf. B, B. Winnowing trays or baskets. C. Plough-share.
g. 3. A possible origin of the form of the onetoothed elephant's head given to Ganesh.
GUPTE, DEL.
W. GRIGGS, CHROMO-LITH

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MARCH, 1906.]
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PANJABI LANGUAGE.
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PANJABI LANGUAGE. BY G. A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., PH.D., D.LITT.
AREY, the famous missionary of Serampore, was the first to describe the Pañjabi language, find is a couple of brief notices in Adelung's Mithridates (1808-1817).
only previous mention of it can
The following is a list of all the works dealing with Pañjâbî which have come under my notice. Except in one or two instances, I have excluded reference to texts printed in India. These can be found in Mr. Blumhardt's catalogues mentioned below. I give, however, a pretty full account of editions of the Adi Granth. I have excluded all mention of works in Western Pañjabl, or Lahndâ, in which the Janam Sakhi and other works are written. This is an altogether different language, akin to Sindhi and Kâśmiri.
I.
GENERAL (including Texts).
Adi Granth, Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji. Numerous editions. I have noted the following. Unless otherwise stated, they are in the Gurmukhi character. Lahore, 1864; ib., 1868; ib., 1881; Gujranwala, 1882; Lahore, 1885; ib., 1886; ib. 1887; ib. 1889; Amritsar, 1892; Lucknow (Dêva-nagari character), 1893.
65
Selections, &c., A Collection of slokas from the Adi Granth. Composed by Tégh Bahadur, the ninth Guru. Lahore, 1867. Pôthi Anandu Sahib Mahla (Devotional hymns of the Sikhs), composed by Guru Amar Dds (consisting of 40 verses from Râg Râmkall of the Adi Granth). Lahore, 1873.
1
Pañj Granth Adi, -(A collection of eight devotional books of the Sikhs, consisting of selections from the Adi Granth. Lahore, 1874; Gujranwala (Persian character), 1875; Lahore, 1878; ib., 1879; Gujranwala (Persian character), 1879; Lahore, 1881; ib., 1882; ib., 1885; ib., 1886; Amritsar (Persian character), 1895.
Pôthi Japji,
Pothi Rahiras, -(A manual of Sikh evening prayers, consisting of selections from the Adi Granth and the Granth of Guru Gobind Singh). Lahore, 1867, 1869, (with other extracts from the Adi Granth) 1869, 1873, 1874, (with select passages from the Adi Granth, Persian character)
1874, 1875, 1878, 1879; Amritsar, 1893.
-
- (A collection of Sikh hymns and prayers, composed by Nanak, which form the introductory chapter to the Adi Granth). Lahore, 1865, 1868, (Persian character) 1871, (Persian character) 1872, 1873, (with other verses by Nának taken from the Adi Granth) 1873, 1874, (Persian character) 1874; Amritsar, 1875; Karachi, (in KhojaSindhi characters) 1875; Lahore, 1876, (with other verses by Nanak) 1876, (with a Pañjâbi commentary by Bihârî Lâl) 1876; (Persian character) Sialkot, 1876; Lahore, 1877, (with a commentary by Mani Singh) 1877, (with a commentary by Pandit Salgrâm Dâs) 1877; (Persian character) Sialkot, 1877; (Persian character) Lahore, 1878, 1879, (with Mani Singh's commentary) 1879; (Persian character) Sialkot, 1879; Amritsar, 1882; (with commentary of Hariprakâs, entitled Bodh-arthdvali) Rawalpindi, 1889; Lahore, (with Bihârî Lâl's commentary) 1891, (with Mani Singh's commentary) 1900.

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GG
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCH, 1906.
(The original text of the Japji form is given as an appendix to Trumpp's Translation of the Adi Granth.)
Translations of the Japji. Text in Persian characters, with a Hindôstâni translation and notes. Followed by the Janam-sakhi, or life of Nanak, and the Gurbilds, or account of his successors. Lalore, 1870. The same, Lahore, 1878. With an interlinear translation in Hindôstâni, Gujranwala, 1879. With an Introduction and translation into Hindostani by Sardar 'Itr Singh of Patiala, Gujranwala, 1879. Jap-paramartha, an edition of the Pañjabi text, with a Hindi translation and notes by Lakshma Prasad Brahmachari, Lucknow, 1887. A Circular Letter to the Sikhs, dated Amritsar, December 24th, 1897, written by M. Macauliffe. To this is added a tentative translation of the Japji into English. Letter printed at the New Anglo-Gurmukhi Press, Amritsar. Translation of the Japji. By M. Macauliffe. Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1900, pp. 43 and ff. Pothi Asadi War. (A collection of hymns from the Råg Âså of the Âdi Granth.
Repeated by Sikhs after the Japji and the Hazârêde Sabd as a morning divine service.) Lahore (1878), (Persian character) 1874, (Persian character) 1875, 1876, 1877. The Asa di War. A Morning Prayer of the Sikhs. By M. Macauliffe. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xxx. (1901), pp. 537 and ff. (A translation of the Asadi War into English, with
a short Introduction.) Translation of the Adi Granth - Trumpp, Dr. Ernest, - The Adi Granth, or the Holy Scriptures of the Sikhs, translated
from the original Gurmukhi, with Introductory Essays. London, 1877. According to Mr. Pincott (see below), Trumpp only translated 5,719
stanzas, out of a total of 15,575. . Books dealing with the Adi Granth - Pincott, Frederic,- The Arrangement of the Hymns of the Adi Granth. Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. xviii. (1886), pp. 437 and ff. Vishnu Das Udasi, - Ådi Granthdd Kosha. Glossary to the Âdi Granth. Amritsar, 1892.
Meanings of Words occurring in the Sikh Granth. (A Vocabulary in Punjabi of difficult Words occurring in the Adi Granth). By Báwá Bishan Dás. Amritsar, 1893..
Adelung, Johann Christoph, Mithridates oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde mit dem Vater Unser
als Spracheprobe in bey nahe fünfhundert Sprachen und Mundarten. Berlin, 1806-1817. Vol. i., p. 195, a short account of the local Dialect of Lahore called the Panzabische Sprache, about which nothing except the name, together with the fact that it is much mixed with Persian, was known. On p. 201 a version of the Lord's Prayer in the Gemeine Mundart s Kasi by the missionary Schultz (bio), which is a mixture of Pañjábi and Bihari. There is also a brief mention of the
language in Vater's appendix to Vol. iv., p. 487. Abbott, Major J., - On the Ballads and Legends of the Punjab. Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, Vol. xxii. (1854), pp. 59 (general account of the subject), and 123 (A Rifacimento on the Legend of Russaloo).

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MARCH, 1906.)
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PANJABI LANGUAGE.
67
Beames, John, - Outlines of Indian Philology, with a May shewing the Distribution of Indian
Languages. Calcutta, 1867. ...
A Comparative Grammar of the modern Aryan Languages of India: to wit. Hindi
Punjabi, Sindhi, Gujarati, Marathi, Oriya, and Dengali. Three Vols.
London, 1872–79. Sraddha Bam, -Silkehab Rajdi Vithid. A History of the Sikh Rulers, and of the present
Administration of the Panjab. Ludhiana, 1868. Another edition, Lahore, 1892.
Translated by Major H. Court, Lahore, 1888. See under Grammars. Tolbort, T. W. H., - The District of Lúdiana. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Vol. xxxviii. (1869), Pt. I., pp. 88 and ff. Hoernle, Dr. A. F. R, C.I.E., - Essays in Aid of a Comparative Grammar of the Gaurian
Languages. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. xli. (1872), Pt. I, pp. 120 and ff. Vol. xlii. (1873), Pt. I., pp. 59 and ff.
Vol. xliii. (1874), Pt. I., pp. 22 and ff. The Local Distribution and Mutual Affinities of the Garuian Languages.
Calcutta Review, Vol. lxvii (1878), pp. 752 and ff. , A Grammar of the Eastern Hindi compared with the other Gaudian
Languages. Accompanied by a Language-map and Table of Alphabets.
London, 1880. Various Writers, The Roman Urdú Journal. Lahore, 1878-88 (Vols. 1-VI). Contains
many well-edited texts in the Pañjabi language. Steel, Mrs. F. A., and Temple, Lieutenant (Lieutenant-Colonel Sir] Richard Carnac,
Folklore in the Panjab. Collected by F. A. S., with Notes by R. C.T., Indian Antiquary, Vol. ix. (1880), pp. 205, 207, 209, 280, 302; Vol. x. (1881), pp. 40, 80, 147, 228, 381, 347; Vol. xi. (1882), pp. 32, 73, 163, 169, 226, 229; Vol. xii. (1883), pp. 103, 175, 176, 177. . Folklore from Kashmir. Collected by F. A. s., with Notes by R.C.T., Indian Antiquary, Vol. xi. (1882). Note on Raja Rasálů by R.C.T. on p. 346 ff. ,, Wide Awake Stories. A Collection of Punjab and Kashmir Tales.
Bombay, 1884 (many Linguistic and other Notes). Steel, Mrs. F. A., - Tales of the Punjab told by the People, with illustrations, by John
Loclewood Kipling, C.I.E., and Notes by R, C. Temple, London, 1894. Temple, Lieutenant [Lieutenant-Colonel Sir] Richard Carnao, - Notes on the Country
between Khújak Pa88 and Lugári Bárkchan. Journal of the Asiatic
Society, Bengal, Vol. xlviii., Pt. II., 1879, pp. 103 ff. The Sassi Punnm of Fláshim Shah. The Roman Urdí Journal (q. n.), 1881,
Vol. iv., July, pp. 19-31 : August, pp. 34-43: September, pp. 12-20 (contains, carefully transliterated, the whole Punjabi
text of this important poem). Muhammadan Belief in Hindu Superstition. Indian An.iquary, Vol. X.
(1881), p. 371 (contains extracts from Panjabt Ballads).

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68
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1906.
Templo, Lieutenant (Lieutonant-Colonel Sir] Richard Carnao, A Song about Sakhi
Sarwar. Caloutta Review, Vol. lxxiii. (1881), pp. 253 ff. Notes on some Coin Legends. Indian Antiquary, Vol. x., 1881, p. 90. Note on Malik-ul-Maut. Indian Antiquary, Vol. x. (1881), pp. 289 #. Some Hindu Songs and Catches from the Villages in Northern India. Caloutta
Review. Part I in Vol. lxxiv. (1882), pp.316 ff. Part II in Vol. lxxv.
(1882), pp. 41 ff. Some Hindu Folksongs from the Panjáb. Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal, Vol. li.(1882), Pt. I., pp. 151 ff. (The Introduction contains
full Grammatical Notes on the Language.) Honorific Class Names in the Panjab. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xi. (1882),
pp. 117 ff. Lamia or Adua. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xi. (1882), pp. 232 ff. A Panjab Legend. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xi. (1882), pp. 289 ff. Sarikā, — Maina, - KEPKIAN. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xi., 1882, pp. 291 ff. Twice told tales regarding the Akhund of Swdt. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xi.,
1882, pp. 325 f. Songs of the People, - The Civil and Military Gazette, 4th July, 18th and 29th
August, 13th September 1882 ; 19th January, 10th and 24th February, 21st March, 6th April, 26th July 1888. (In Punjabi, with
translation.) Folklore oj the Headless Horseman in Northern India. Calcutta Review,
Vol. Ixxvii. (1883), pp. 260 ff. (contains some Pañjabi verses). , . Some Notes about Rája Rasdld. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xii. (1888),
pp. 303 ff. See also Steel, Mrs. F, A. A Dissertation on the Proper Names of Panjabis, with special Reference to the
Proper Names of Villages in the Eastern Panjdb. Bombay, 1883. An Examination of the Trade Dialect of the Naqqash or painters on papier
maché in the Panjáb and Kashmir. Journal of the Asiatic Society,
Bengal, Vol. liii. (1884), Pt. I., pp. 1 ff. On Rasûlû and salivdhaņa. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xiii.(1884), pp. 178 ff. Folksongs from Northern India. Calcutta Review, Vol. lxxvii. (1884),
pp. 270 ff. Folksongs from Northern India. Second Series. Calcutta Review, Vol. lxxviii.
(1884), pp. 273 ff. Raja Rasalu. Calcutta Review, Vol. lxxix. (1884), pp. 379 ff. The Legende of the Panjab. Bombay and London. Vol. i., 1884; Vol. ii.,
1885; Vol. iii., 1900. The Dehli Dalals and their Slang. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xiv., 1885, pp. 155 ff.

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MARCH, 1906.] A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PANJABI LANGUAGE.
Temple, Lieutenant [Lieutenant-Colonel Sir] Richard Carnac, The Coins of the Modern Native Chiefs of the Panjab. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xviii., 1889, pp. 321 ff.
27
Syamacharan Ganguli,
Corruptions of English in the Punjab and Burma. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xx.,
1891, p. 89.
Maclagan, E. D.,
39
Folklore in the Legends of the Panjab. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xxix., 1900, pp. 73 ff., 89 ff., 163 ff.
69
-
and Parry, J. W., The Hymns of the Nangipanth. Indian Antiquary, Vol. xiii, (1884), p. 1 ff.
See also Fallon, W., and Steel, Mrs. F. A.
Ibbetson, [Sir] Denzil Charles Jelf, Outlines of Panjáb Ethnography, being Extracts from the Panjab Census Report of 1881, treating of Religion, Language, and Caste. Calcutta, 1883. (Chapter v. - The Languages of the People, pp. 155 ff.)
-
Thornton, Thomas H., C.S.I., The Vernacular Literature and Folklore of the Panjab. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. xvii. (1885), pp. 373 and ff.
99
II.
-
-
-
The Language Question in the Panjab. Calcutta Review, Vol. lxxv. (No. 150) (1882).
Bhai Hazara Singh, Giant, Dulhan Darpan. Mirror for Girls. (An adaptation of Nazir Ahmad's Hindôstânî Novel, the Mir'dtu'l-'arûs). Amritsar, 1893 (3rd) edition).
Blumhardt, J. F., Catalogues of the Hindi, Panjabi, Sindhi, and Pushtu Printed Books in the
Library of the British Museum. London, 1893.
Census of India, 1891. Volume XIX. The Punjab and its Feudatories. Part I., Report. Calcutta, 1892. (Chapter ix. The Languages of the People, pp. 260 and ff.)
Rose, H. A., - Census of India, 1901. Vol. XVII, Punjab and North-West Frontier Province. Part I., Report. Simla, 1902. Chapter vi., Language, pp. 278 ff.
Catalogue of the Library of the India Office. Vol. II., Part III. - Hindi, Panjabi, Pushtu, and Sindhi Books. London, 1902.
Swynnerton, Rev. Charles, Romantic Tales from the Panjab, collected and edited from various Sources. London, 1903.
GRAMMARS, DICTIONARIES, AND AIDS TO THE STUDENT, INCLUDING COLLECTIONS OF PROVERBS.
Carey, Dr. W., A Grammar of the Punjaulee Language. Serampore, 1812.
Leech, Lieut, (Major, C.B.) Robert, Epitome of the Grammars of the Brahuiky, the Balochky, and the Panjabi languages.. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. vii. (1838), pp. 711 and ff. Reprinted, Calcutta, 1838. Another copy in Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society, Vol. i. (1838). Reprinted under title of A Grammar of the Panjabee Language, Bombay, 1838. Reprinted under title of Grammars of the Brahoreekee (sic), Beeloochee, and Punjabee

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1906. -
Languages, as No. 12 of Reports and Papers, political, geographical, and commercial, submitted to Government by Sir A. Burnes, Lieutenant Leech, Doctor Lord, and Lieutenant Wood, employed on Missions in the Years 1835-36-87, in Scinde, Afghanistan, and adjacent Countries.
Calcutta, 1839. Janvier, Rev. L., - Idiomatic Sentences in English and Punjabi. Lodiana, 1846. See also
Newton, Rev. J. Starkey, Captain Samuel Cross, and Buss&wa Sing, - A Dictionary, English and Pun
jabee, Outlines of Grammar, also Dialogues, English and Punjabee, toith Grammar and Explanatory Notes, By Captain Starkey, assisted by
Bussawa Sing. Calcutta, 1849. Newton, Rev. J., - A Grammar of the Panjabi Language, with Appendices. Lodiana, 1st
edition, 1851; 2nd, 1866; 3rd, 1893. Appendix I. deals with numerals and the calendar. Appendix II., Extracts in Panjabi, (1) Pañjabi Customs, (2) An extract from the Life of Nanak,
(8) Selection from Panjabi Proverbs, with explanations by a native. and Janvier, Rev. L., - A Dictionary of the Panjabi Language, prepared
by a Committee of the Lodiana Mission. Lodiana, 1854. (This Dictionary was founded on a collection by Newton, and was completed by Janvier and others. The Pañjabi words are printed in the Gurmukhi
and Roman characters, in the order of the Gurmukhi alphabet.) Cunninghan, Sir Alexander, - Ladak, physical, statistical, and historical, with Notices of the
Surrounding Countries. London, 1854. Chapter xv. contains vocabularies ... Alpine Dialects from the Indus to the Ghāgra, viz., ...
Panjabi, etc. Campbell, Sir George, - The Ethnology of India. By Mr. Justice Campbell. (Appendix C.
Comparative Table of Northern and Arian Words ... Panjabee, etc.) Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. xxxv. (1866), Pt. II.,
Special Number Specimens of the Languages of India, including those of the Aboriginal Tribes
of Bengal, the Central Provinces, and the Eastern Frontier. Caleatta,
1874. (Vocabulary of Punjabee of Lahore on pp. 24 and ff.) Bihari Lal, - Panjabi Grammar. Labore, 1867. . . Paitjabi Vyakaranasdra. An Elementary Grammar of the Panjabi Language
(in Pañjábi). Lodiana, 1869. Another Edition, Labore, 1895. Baden-Powell, B. H.,,- Handbook of the Economic Products, and of the Manufactures and Arts
of the Punjab, with a combined Index and Glossary of Technical
Vernacular Words. 2 Vols., Roorkee, 1868, and Lahore, 1872. Lyall, [Sir) James Broadwood, - Report of the Land Revenue Settlement of the Kangra District,
Panjab ... 1865-72. Lahore, 1874. (Appendix IV., Glossary.
Appendix V., Proverbial Sayings.) Drew, Frederio, - The Jummoo and Kashmir Territories. A Geographical Account. London,
1875. Account of Dogri, pp. 463 and ff.; Dôgri Alphabet described, p. 471. Appendix I. (pp. 503 and ff.), Dagri Grammar.

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MARCH, 1908.]
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PANJABI LANGUAGE.
Muhammad Abdul Ghafur, - A complete Dictionary of the Terms used by the Criminal Tribes
of the Punjab; together with a short History of each Tribe, and the Names and Places of Residence of individual Members. Lahore, 1879. Ste Leitner, G. W.
Leitner, G. W., - A Collection of Specimens of Commercial and Other Alphabets and Handwritings,
as also of Multiplication Tables current in various parts of the ranjab,
Sind and the North-West Provinces. Lahore, no date. , , A detailed Analysis of Abdul Ghafur's Dictionary of the Terms used by
Criminal Tribes in the Punjab. Lahore, 1880. See Muhammad Abdul
Ghafur, above. Sardha Ram, Pandit, - Panjabi Bát Chit. Lodhiana, 1884. Walker, T. G., - Final Report on the .. . Settlement .. . of the Ludhiana District in the
Panjáb. Calcutta, 1884. (Appendix XIV., Glossary and Proverbs.) Wilson, J., - Final Report on the Revision of Settlement of the Sired District in the Punjab.
1879-83. Calcutta, 1884. (Appendix II. describes The Panjabi and Bagri Dialects as spoken in the Sirsa District; with Verses, Proverbs,
and Sayings.) Fallon, s. w., Ph.D.; Temple, Captain (Lieutenant-Colonel Sir] Richard Carnao; and
Lala Faqir Chand Vaish, - A Dictionary of Hindustani Proverbs, including many Marwari, Panjabi, Muggah, Bhojpuri and Tirhuli Proverbe, Sayings, Emblems, Aphorisms, Maxims and Similes. By the late S. W. F. Edited and revised by R. C. T., assisted by L. F. Ch.
Benares and London, 1886. Court, Major H., - History of the Sikhs; or a translation of the Sikkhan de Rdj di Vikhid.
With a Short Gurmukhi Grammar. Lahore, 1888. See Sraddhå Råm,
under Heading I, General. Tisdall, Rev. Wm. St. Clair, - A Simplified Grammar and Reading Book of the Panjabi
Language, London, 1889. Maconacbie, R., - Seleoted Agricultural Proverbs of the Panjab, edited with notes by R. M.
Delhi, 1890. Bhanu Datt, Pandit, - Pañjdbi Akhaută. Panjabi Proverbs, with Explanations. Lahore, 1891. Dane, L. W., - Final Report of the ... Settlement of the Gurdaspur District in the Punjab
... 1892. Lahore, 1892. (A Glossary precedes the Report.) Purser, W. E., - Final Report of the ... Settlement of the Jullundur District in the
Punjab. Lahore, 1892. (Appendix XIII., Proverbial Sayings.
App. XIV., Glossary.) Bhai Maya Singh, - The Panjabi Dictionary prepared by Munshi Gulab Singh and Sons, under
the Patronage of the Punjab Government. Compiled and edited by Bhai Maya Singh, Member, Khalsa College Council. And passed by Dr. H. M. Clark, of Amritsar. In behalf of the Panjab Text Book Committee. Lahore, 1895. The Panjabi words are printed in the Roman and in the Gurmukhi characters, and are arranged in the order of the English alphabet.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1905.
Dunlop-Smith, James Robert, - Final Report of the ... Settlement of the Sialkot District
in the Punjab ... 1888-1895. Lahore, 1895. (Appendix I..
Glossary.) Jawahir Singh, Munshi, A Vocabulary of Two Thousand Words from English into Panjali.
Lahore, 1895. Anon, - A Guide to Panjábi. Lahore, 1896. Mul (P Mal) Singh, Havildar, - A Handbook to learn Panjabi. Amritsar, 1897. Saligram, Lala, – Anglo-Gurmukhi Dictionary. Lahore, 1897. , Anglo-Gurmukhi Bolchal. (Sentences in English and Pañjabi.) Lahore,
1900. Newton, Rev. E. P., - Panjabi Grammar, with Exercises and Vocabulary. Ludhiana, 1898. O'Brien, E., - (Appendix I, of the last edition of the Kangra Gazetteer consists of Notes on the
Dialect of the Kangra Valley with a Glossary of Words peculiar to the
• Kangra District, by the late Mr. O. O'Brien.) Grahame Bailey, Rev. T., - Panjabi Grammar. A brief Grammar of Panjabi'us spoken in the
Wazirābād District. Lahore, 1904. Grierson, G. A., - On the Modern Indo-Aryan Alphabets of North-Western India. Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1904, pp. 67 and ff.
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS AT MULBE.
BY A. H. FRANCKE.
Introduction. The village of Mulbe has a mixed population so far as regards religion, being inhabited by both Muhammadans and Lamaists. It is situated between the village of Kargil, which is entirely Muhammadan, and the village of Kharbu, which is almost entirely Lamaist. The language of the. village is now-a-days Tibetan, bat according to the recollection of the people it used to be Dard. When the people of Malbe speak of the past, they divide it into three separate periods : (1) 'Brogdus, or Dard-time; (9) rGyaldus, or the time of the Tibetan Ladakhi kings; (3) Jambu paidus, or reign of the kings of Jammu.
Mulbe belongs to the district known as Purig (in Tibetan Burig), which received its name from the Tibetans on account of its inhabitants, who are called Purigpa (in Tibetan Burigpa). The term Burigpa means 'clever boys,' and was given by the Tibetans to the people of the region between the Namika Pass and the Zoji Pass, i.e., to an originally pure Dard population, probably in recognition of the higher civilisation of the Dards. For, as I have stated in another place, there are many signs to indicate that Western Tibet was brought under cultivation by the Dards, who probably surpass all primitive nations in the art of irrigating the most unfavorable ground, while Tibetans that conquered Western Tibet about a century after Langdarma, were, as I believe, herdsmen, who had not yet practised agriculture to the extent to which the Dards had developed it. The change of the original Burigpa to Purigpa is due to the influence exercised by Lhassa on the educated people, especially the kings, of Ladakh, because in Lhassa the word bu, boy, is pronounced in a way for which the LadAkhis would adopt the spelling pu. We find occasional traces of the Lhassa pronunciation also in other words, for instance, in the name Buthrid, Educator of children, which is prononnced Pathrid. Another case is the name of the village Stog near Leh, which was altered to Tog for official correspondence, because in Lhassa an: before t is not pronounced.

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MARCH, 1806.)
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS AT MULBE.
73
The inscriptions at Mulbe are fonnd on the north-side of the rock, which is crowned with two small modern monasteries. On the top of the rock are also seen the ruins of at least two distinct castles. One of them, the walls of which are roughly constructed, is called the Dard Castle ; the other one, the stones of whose walls have been carefully fitted together, is called the Castle of the Ladakhi Kings. According to the ideas of the people, the inscriptions date from the times of the Dards, but, &s will be shown later on, they date from the times of the Ladakhi Kings. It is, however, possible that Dard dialects were still spoken by the side of Tibetan, when the earliest inscription was carved.
The inscriptions are of great historical interest, because for the first time we find in them the names of Ladakhi Kings which are mentioned in the rgyalrabs, the official history of Ladakh ; and because, for this reason, they can be dated approximately. It will be well, therefore, to give a rough outline of the history of Ladakh, according to the r Gyalrabs.
The first person to tell us something of Western Tibetan historiography was General Sir (then Major) Alexander Cunningham in his Ladakh. He did not believe in the first part of the history, because he had heard that the Baltis, when conquering Ladakh in 1600 A. D., bad destroyed all the ancient books, which was an unnecessary assumption, as there must have always been in existence a number of copies of a book like the rGyalrabs, and although several were destroyed, others probably survived. His History of Ladakh, therefore, begins with King Thse-dbang-rnam-rgyal, whom he calls Chowang namgyal. He had the Tibetan text translated into Urdu and wrote down in English what he was told, and if we compare his account with that of the rGyalrabs, we see at once that he must have had before him much the same books as those translated later on by Schlagi. eit and Marx.
Einil von Schlagintweit edited a somewhat imperfect copy of the rGyalrabs with a still more imperfect translation in 1866 (Abhandlungen der kgl. bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1. Ol., X. Bd., III. Abtheilung.). The late Dr. Karl Marx, a Moravian Missionary at Leh, provided himself with a more correct copy of the rGyalrabs, and the first part of it appeared in 1891, soon after his death, with an excellent translation in J. A. S. B., Part I. Of the second part, the Tibetan text being lost, only the English translation appeared in the same Journal, 1894. The third part was also published in it in 1902, consisting of the Tibetan text and an English translation by Mrs. Francke. On this work by Dr. Karl Marx are based the remarks on the history of Ladakh which follow.
The whole chronology of the ancient kings would be in a fluid condition, were it not that fortunately we have a few kings with fixed dates, and going by them, the other kings can be given some approximate date. The following are the fixed dates: Langdarma; Tsongkhapa; the conquest by the Baltis; the conquest by the Dogras.
The following is a list of the Ladakhi Kings, arranged according to generations, not according to probable length of reign : -
List of the Ladakht kings.
Name. 1. Langdarma
...
...
Approximate date. Beginning of the 10th cen
tary A. D.
2. Odsrang ... ... 3. Lde-dpal-'akhor-btsan ... 4. Skyid-lde-nyima-mgon, he conquered Western Tibet
About 920—1000 A, D.

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6
,
0mgou
...
...
...
...
>
5. Lha-chen-dpalgyi-mgon, he received Ladakh as one)
third of his father's realm. 6. 'Gro-mgon, and Chosmgon
About 1000—1100 A. D. 7. Lha-chen-gragspa-lde ... ... 8. Lha-chon-byang-chub-sem-dpa ... 9. Lha-chen-rgyalpo, he was the founder of the first Tibetan
lamasery in Ladakh, at Likir. 10. Lha-chen-utpala, he conquered Laboul and Purang ...
About 1100-1200 A. D. 11. Lha-chen-nag-lug, he was the founder of Wanla and
Khalatse. 12. Lha-chen-dge-bhe... ... 13. Lha-chen-joldor ... 14. Krashis-mgon ...
*** About 1200-1300 A. D. 15. [Lha-rgyalji 16. Lha-chen-jo-dpal ... 17. Lha-chen-dgos-grub; henceforth all novices have to go to
Central Tibet. 18. Lha-chen-rgyalba-rinchen 19. Lha-chen-shesrab, he built the village Senge sgang About 1800-1400 A. D.
near Sabu. 20. Lha-chen-khri-btsog.lde; he built 108 stupas in Loh,
and 2 x 108 in Saba, 21. Lha-chen-grags-'abum-lde, contemporaneous with bTsong
khapa, whose date is 1878-1441 A. D. This king will be treated more fully under Inscription No. 1.
About 1400—1450 A. D. 22. Lha-chen-gragspa-'abam, younger brother of the preced
ing; he built Tingmogange and reigned there. 23. Lha-chen-bbara ; he was the son of Lha-chen-gragspa->
'abum. 24. Lha-chen-bhagan ; he deposed the sons of Lha-chen-grags- LA
en-bhagan; he doposed the sons of Lachen-gras About 1480-1580 A. D.
'abum-lde. 25. Lha-chen-ha-dbang-mam-rgyal; deposed by his younger
brother bKrashis-rnam-rggal.
1 This king is doubtful. The name oooars only in Sohlegintweit'. M8. It is quite possible also that it stands in the wrong place. One great advantage of taking it out here would be that it geta king Lha-chen-rgyalbu-rinohen's date in oloser correspondence with the Rdja Tarangins of Kashmir.
This king apparently ooours in the Raja Tarangint under the name of Ripohana Bhoti, 6. e., Rinchen the Tibetan. It must be understood that in the above only the word Rinchen is the proper name; tha chon means • great god,' and is the title of many kings; rgyalbu menns 'prince. This king invaded Kashmir in 1814 A. D. And reigned in Kashmir from 1818-1818 A, D, nooording to Cunningham, Il Cunningham's date is correct, I am Frrong by 10-20 yours, which is not much considering the great anoortainty of the whole. It is of some partioular interest that the Raja Tarangini specially states that a Tibetan prince quarrolled with his father and therefore left home. For this reason we do not find Binchen mentioned as a 'king,' but only as a 'prinoe,' in the Tibetan record. Before he loft Ladakh a son had probably been born to him.
As we know from the Balu-mkhar Inscriptions, the original name of this village was mTbing-brang, house of the lapis lasuli. The prenent namo yTing-agang, us we find it in the r-Gyalrabe, was probably given in recollection of the Tibetan place-name yling skyes. There is no proper sense in the present DAM Ting-agang; for yling means 'doep' (of water) and sgang hill-spur.' But whether the present name ought to be spelt mThingmoegang, 'full of lapis lazuli,' or mThingmo'sgang, lapis lazuli Lill,' I must leave undecided.

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MARCE, 1908.)
THE ROOK INSORIPTIONS AT MULBE.
26. Lha-chen-Thse dbang-rnam-rgyal. Ladakh was conquered 2 .
About 1550-1600 A. D. by the Baltis about 1600 A. D. 27. 'aJam-dbyangs-rnam-rgyal, brother of the preceding ... 28. Senge-rnam-rgyal, son of the Balti princess Khatun; he
built the palace of Lah. 29. De-ldan-mam-rgyal, victory over the invading Turks ... i 80. Lha-chen-bde-legs-mam-rgyal; great battle of Basgo,
when the invading Mongols and Central Tibetans were About 1600-1800 A.D.
defeated with the help of the Kashmiris. 31. Lha-chen-nyima-ram-rgyal 82. Lha-chep-bde-skyong-rnam-rgyal... ... 33. Thse-dbang-ram-rgyal ... ... ... 34. Thse-dpal-mi'agyur-don-grab-rnam-rgyak king of the) Known dates during his reign Dogra conquest which put an end to the political power
are 1805, 1822, 1834, of the Ladakhf kings.
1841.
Note. There is still an interesting reminiscenoo of Langdarms in the head-dress of the Lad Akhi ex-kings. They wear long hair to cover the middle part of the head. They say that Langdarma had to wear his hair in this fashion to cover two horns of one inch in longth each, which grew out of his head. Thomo horns proved that Langdarma was a devil in his capacity of a kind of Julian the Apostate of Buddhism. This is what the lamas say, but the idea of his having horns may have been suggested by the first part of his name 'lang' or 'glang,' which means.ox.'
TEE INSCRIPTIONS. There are a number of pictures of stúpas, om-mani-padme-kum's and similar formule on the rock, besides the inscriptions given here. They were not copied, because they were of no particular interest
INSCRIPTION NO. I. Text in Roman transliteration.
lama khyen, chos rgyal bum Ide yis thee phimai las 'apra, thongnas ni mul 'abyepala: phyug their thog phud
de phyag dpaspo
chunpa phud dangs. Text in Classical Language and Orthography.
blama mkhyen. chos rgyal 'abum Ideyis thee phyimai las 'abras mthongnas ni mul 'abyepala: phyug thair thog phud
de phyag dpe btangaso.
[or: phyag thaallo]. mchodpa phud btange.
Translation,
Oh Lama, take notice [of this)! The religious king 'Bum-lde, [1400-1450 A.DJ having seen the fruit of works in the future life: [gives order) to the men of Mulbe to abolish, above all, the living sacrifices and places the sign of his hand (on the rock], (or: and greets [the lama]). The (bloody] offerings are abolished.

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Notes on the Tibetan Text.
phima, instead of phyima, corresponds to the modern dialectical pronunciation of the word. There are no examples of the pre-classical orthography in this inscription. At the same time there do not occur any characteristic words in it which might exhibit the ancient orthography. Nevertheless, we may say this much: if the y after the ph was lost, it is not likely that y after m was written in those days, for instance myi and mye, instead of modern mi and me, which would be one of the characteristics of pre-classical orthography. My conclusion is that it is probable that the preclassical orthography, as exhibited in the Stein MSS. of Endere, was no longer in existence in 1440 A. D.
'apras, instead of 'abras, is an instance of the influence of the Lhassa dialect on the educated people of Ladakh, unless it is an ordinary orthographical mistake. After about 1300 A. D. all novices were sent to Central Tibet.
mul 'abye, the name of the village means opening of silver.' It may refer to an ancient silver-mine.
phyug their is a word which is still in use. It signifies the bloody sacrifices which take place every year in spring before a lha tho or altar of the Pre-buddhist Religion of Ladakh. Whether the custom is originally Dard or Tibetan, I cannot decide. The word phyug their means literally turn of cattle,' because every year another peasant has to give one of his animals to be sacrificed; generally it is a goat, but the word phyug seems to point to oxen or cows being sacrificed originally. In Khalatse these sacrifices are very cruel, as the heart is torn out of the living animal. About Saspola, another village, I am informed that only some blood of the goat is spilled before the tha tho.
phyag dpaspo; this is the only difficult word in the inscription. Two explanations are possible. (1), dpas is the ancient form of the present word dpe, likeness, example, just as we find thoras as the ancient form of thore in the Ladakhî dialect. This would make the translation run, 'places the mark of his hand on the rock,' and there is a mark of a red hand on the rock. The red colour used is of the same kind as that smeared on flour-offerings as a substitute for the blood of animals. The inscription would thus refer to the mark of a hand, the red colour of which has of course been renewed again and again in course of time. (2) The expression stands for phyag bas (not byas), which phrase is used by Purigpas now-a-days in a similar way as phyag theal in Ladakh. It means 'making a salutation,' and this salutation would have to be understood as being offered by the king to the lama (bTsongkhapa).
chunpa is a dialectical Ladakhi word which is used in the sense of mchodpa, sacrifice. Here it can only mean 'living sacrifice.'
dangs, instead of btangs, can only be explained as an orthographical mistake, which is common even now-a-days.
Notes on the English Translation.
The inscription was carved by order of King 'aBum lde, whose full name is Lha-chen-gragspa'abum-lde, the contemporary of the great reformer bTsongkhapa. Apparently it was not then customary to call the kings by their full names. From the rGyalrabs we learn that this king was generally called Lde, and that his brother, who was a minor king at mThingmo sgang, was called Gragspa (full name: Lha-chen-gragspa-'abum).
This inscription, containing an edict of the king, was probably carved shortly after bTsongkhapa's embassy to him. Of this embassy we read the following in the rGyalrabs (Marx's translation): "At that time it came to pass that the omniscient of the period of degeneration, the great bTsongkhapa-bLobzang-Dragspa, having in his possession a Thee-dpag-med about as long as a finger joint, which had originated from the blood of his nose, entrusted the same to two

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MARCH, 1906.]
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS AT MULBE.
ascetics, and said, "Give it either to the one called Gragspa, or to the one called Lde. When the two arrived in Mar-yul (Ladakh), the one called Gragspa was in Nubra. They went into bis presence, but he did not deign to look at them with so much as one eye. So they went on to Leh. On the morrow the king gave command : At to-day's Darbar, whosoever attends, be it ascetics, or Bheda, or Mon, or Tishi (three low castes), he should not be refused admittance. Now when the two ascetics came into his presence, the king rose and met the two ascetics. The two ascetics made over the present, and the king was delighted with it. Taking the precious law of Buddha for his pattern, he built the Lamasery of Spe-thub (Spithug), though in reality he did not build it, but it came into existence by a miracle. Having built it, he caused many brotherhoods of Lamas to settle down in the country)."
My explanation of the Thse-d pag-mod is that it was a short summary of the doctrines of bTsongkhapa, perhaps written with his own blood, which had to be explained by the two ascetics. King 'a Bum-lde seems to have had a sincere wish to purify the Buddhism of Ladakh and to abolish the living sacrifices in the first place, and it is not likely that he published his edict at Mulbe only. In the other villages it was perbaps written on wooden boards, as, in spite of special enqniries, no other edict of a similar character has as yet been discovered. Apparently the edict did not meet with general approval, as is shown by Inscription No. 3 (see below), and, without doubt, the phyugthsir sacrifice is still a general practice.
The date of the Inscription. I put the date of the inscription at 1430-1440 A. D., because it is not very likely that bTsongkhapa, who died in 1441, would have sent the embassy to Ladakh in his early years. Besides the Spithug monastery, this king built a temple according to the pattern of the ro Tho-gling Temple on the upper Sutlej and the greatest mchod-rten of Ladakh. The ruins of this tremendous structure can be seen a mile above the Commissioner's compound at Leh. It was called Teu-bkrashisol-intho, and is now called Ti-serru, because it was built over the "yellow crag" - teu yserpo.
The Legend of the Red Hand. At the present day the following story is told about the print of a red hand on the rock, mentioned above. Ages ago a good king was asked by his people to relieve the poor from their taxes. He printed the red hand on the rock and said: Only those who can reach up to the red hand, will have to pay taxes.' In consequence of this order all the fatherless children were exempted from taxes, until they were tall enough to touch the red hand. It requires a man of about six feet to reach the red spot. Men of six feet are ooly found among the 's Brogpa or Dards now-a-days. To-day there is hardly a single man in the village who would be able to touch the red mark. If the legend were true, it would have meant in earlier days that only the Dards had to pay taxes and not the shorter Tibetans of Mulbe.
INSCRIPTION No. II. Position : About the middle of the rock, below Inscription No. I.
Text in Roman Transliteration,
Om mani padme hüm hri
om ,sbasli chos rgyal mchog gyur rgyalpo khri rgyal yab yum sras bcas yeum gyi sku drin dpa yongyi bdagpo 'agarba montiyis (thongnga?) don Wan risa brgyad maņi bzhangs dgebas potalaru skyebar
This date is given in Grünwedol and Pandor's Pantheon. I see in Journal and Proceedings, A. S. B., Vol. I. No. 4, 1905, that Sarat Chandra Das gives 1418 A.D. as the year of Tsongkhapa's death,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1906.
Text in Classical Orthography.
Om maņi padme hüm hri
om sbasti chos rgyal mchog 'agyur rgyalpo khri rgyal yab yum sras boas yeum gyi aku drin[la] dpa yongyi bdagpo mgarba montiyis don Idan [brgya]rtsa brgyad mani beheng8; dgebas yotalaru skyebar (gyurcig].
Translation. Om, happiness be to you, Manipadma, through the kindness of the religious king mChog-'agyur-rgyalpo-khri-rgyal, father, mother (and) son, the three together, the head-sacrificer of the heroes, the smith Monti, [in brackets : did you see it ?] erected 108 mohod rten; through [this] virtue may he be reborn at Potala!
Notes on the Tibetan text. padme; as regards the writing of this word, now-a-days the d is generally written with the second syllable, and then the d and m form one compound letter. As will be seen in the plate, the d is here written with the first syllable, and thus the compound letter is avoided. The latter mode of writing I have always found in ancient carvings.
mchog 'agyur rgyalpo, may not be part of the name of the king, but may stand to express the idea 'may he be elevated !'
Ichri rgyal, seems to be the proper name of the king; it means throne-king.' dpā yongyibdagpo; lit., the owner of the sacrifices of the heroes. Monti, is not a Tibetan name, but may be Dard. thongnga, which I put in brackets, seems to be an addition by another hand.
rtsa brgyad, in similar connections is always understood to mean 108, not 28, as the modern dialect has it.
don ldan mani, is a certain kind of mchod rten.
The inscription was left unfinished, but it was necessary to add only two more syllables to inake it complete.
Notes on the English Translation, This inscription is one of the ordinary type of LadAkht rook-insoriptions, and is a record of the erection of mohod-rten. Still, it would be of some historical interest, if it were possible to identify the name of the king mentioned in the inscription with one of the kings of the Gyalrabs. This, however, I find impossible, as neither a king mChog-gyur-rgyalpo-khri-rgyal, nor a king Khri-rgyal can be traced there. For this reason it is impossible to date the inscription approximately. Bat I believe we shall not be far wrong, if we say that it was probably carved after Inscription No. I., and before Inscription No. IV., which is placed below it (1440-1600 A, D.). It is possible that the king, given here, is one of the vassal-kings of the kings of Leh. The line of the Khri Sultans, for instance, often tried to shake off the sovereignty of the kings of Leh. Before they became Muhammadane, their title may have been Khri-rgyal. They had their residence at Kartse, not far from Mulbe. It is of some interest to see a smith in a high position, and in Inscription No.IV. also we find a smith among the nobility. It is possible that among the Dards the position of the smiths was not so low as it was among the Tibetang.
As regards my rendering of the well-known formula Om maņi padme hum!' I have followed Dr. F. W. Thomas, who explains it as a vocative case of a female name Manipadma. The ordinary translation is Oh thou jewel in the lotus!'

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MARCH, 1906.)
THE ROOK INSORIPTIONS AT MULBE.
INBORIPTION No. III. Position: To the right of No. I.
Text in Roman Transliteration,
ska'athabs yin
risobola yanpar Text in Classical Orthography.
dka thabs yin yisobos nanpar [ mdzodcig).
Translation. [This is a difficult way.
May the Lord hear [us]!
Notes on the Tibetan Text. ska, instead of dka, is one of the many cases in which a d, b, or y prefix assumes the pronunciation of sorr.
rtaobo, instead of yesobo, is another example of the same kind. This inscription also was left unfinished, but it was necessary to add only two more syllables.
Notes on the English Translation, This short inscription refers evidently to Inscription No. I., which makes its date 1400—1440 A. D. In it is expressed the voice of the people with regard to the edict of king 'a Bum-lde. The people were afraid that the god to whom the goat had been annually offered would be displeased, if it was withheld from him, and apparently wish to tell him that it was not their fault if the sacrifices were discontinued. This god is addressed by the title yłsobo, Lord. Of course, the sacrifices were resumed later,
INSCRIPTION No. IV. Position : Below Inscription No. II.
Text in Roman Transliteration, Om [ba]ati dam sridla pad rgyud rgyalpo ngyalmo co 'amir 'akhadum nyingyi chab
orid rgyas 'agyur cig thonpo husen mir chos don gru[b]pa yongyi bdagpo the gar 'agaripa (Inga yon 'adag gurubu yu Inga) rtrig rbon ali mama so rame Idanoig (khanmo bis 'ajoma) (man thang whung sa yin) rtoo cas kris rgyas oig.
Text in Classical Orthography, Om sasli, dam sridla pad brgyud rgyalpo rgyalmo jo mir khatun myiskyi chab
orid rgyas 'agyur oig; blowpo huson mir, chos don grubya yongyi bdag po the mgor 'agaripa (Inga yon bdag guru bu yyu Inga) rinig dpon ali mahmad bood nams Idancig: (Ihanmo bio 'ajoma) (man khang yahung sala yon) yao boasla bkrashis rgyas shig.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1906.
Translation, Om, happiness be to you! During their] holy reign may the progeny of the king of the lotus-family and of the noble queen Mir Khatan become many! May the minister Husen Mir and the fulfiller of the meaning of religion, the sacrificer, 'aGaripa, the seal-smith, and the architect Mahmad bSod-rnams, prosper! May happiness spread over this assembly of lords !
In brackets : (apparently later additions) the five priests, the five turquoise-sons of the teacher; the wife of the Khan, Bis-'ajoms; the mani-house is in the middle.
Notes on the Tibetan Text. vad broyud, the lotus-family. This is the name of the ancient Buddhist family of the Ladakhi Kings. The proper name of the particular king was 'aJam-dbyangs, who, after being defeated by the Baltis, was compelled to marry a Musulman lady, the doghter of Ali Mir.
00. instead of jo, either shows the influence of the Lhassa dialect, or it is an ordinary orthographical mistake.
'Mir 'akhadum ig a case of not fully grasping a foreign name.
chab-srid, does not mean government' in Western Tibet, but progeny, as I am informed. But I must add that since I read the Mulbe inscriptions, I have found other inscriptions in which the word chab-srid has to be translated by Government.'
Thonpo, instead of blonpo, is due to mispronunciation. The h after the l is due to such spellings as lha and lho, instead of the more correct hla and hlo.
the gar, is said to be a particular kind of smith. I believe of those who make seals (thetse). The compound formed of thetse and wgarba would be the-mgar.
guru, teacher. This is the first time that I have met with this Sanskrit word in the colloquia: language of Ladakh.
rbon instead of dpon. The d prefix became an r prefix, as is often the case, and the b instead of p is an ordinary orthographical mistake.
Mama So-rnams. Mama is still the ordinary Ladakhi pronunciation of the name Mahmad. So-rnamas is apparently the ancient careless pronunciation of the Tibetan name 6Sod-rnums. It is remarkable that the same personality possesses both Musalman names and Buddhist names.
khanmo, a daughter or wife of a Khan. Bis 'ajoms. This name is said to ocour still. man khang, house of mani-[stones). This is a kind of mchod-rten. ytso bcas," assembly of Lords," or "the Lords together," may also be translated by "aristocracy." kris for Okrashis, is a well-known abbreviation,
Notes on the English Translation, The date of this inscription can be fixed with some certainty. The inscription contains in its first part a wedding congratulation, which was probably carved on the rock on the occasion of King aJam-dbyangs' marriage to Ali Mir's daughter rGyal-Khatun. Wo find similar wishes expressed in Ladakhi Songs Nos. XVIII. and XIX., ante, 1902. The LadAkbîs were defeated by the Baltis, and Ali Mir, the Balti general, compelled the Ladakhi king to marry his daughter. The wedding took place about in 1600 A. D. The name of the queen, Mir Khatun, represents a combination of the father's and the daughter's names. I am told by the natives, it is a general custom in Purig to add the father's name, or part of it, to the names of the children. In Ladakh proper, ingtead of the father's name, the name of the house is added.

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indian Antiquary
Rock Inscriptions at. Mulbe.“
Plate 1
ན གྱི ༑ ༑ལཁྱེ ན ། ཆོས་རྒྱལ་བྲུལ་ལྔ་ཡིས་ཚེ་ཐེ་མ་འི་ ལས་ ༢དྲས་སྦོང་ནས་་་ མལ་འབྱེ་པ་ལ༔ ཕྱག་ཚིར ་ཐོག་ཕུད
དེ་ག་རང་ས་པ། ཆུན་པ་ཕད་དདས .
ཡཾ་མ་ཎི་པད་མེ་ཧཱུྃ་ཧི། ཨེམ་ཧྥ་༔ ཆིས་རྒྱལ
མཆོག་གྱུར་ རྒྱལ་པོ་ཁྲི་རྒྱལ་ ཡབ་ཡཾ ་སྲས་བཅས་གསུ་ ཀྱི་སྐུ་དྲིན་དཔཱ་ཡོན་གྱི་བརག་པོ་འགར་བ་མིན་ཏི་ཡིས །ཐོ ང : དོན་༣ ན ་ རྩ་བརྒྱད་མ་ཎི་བཞེངས་དགེའ་བས་པོ་ཏ་ལ་རུ་སྐྱེ་བར
w སྣ་ ༢ཐབས་ ་ཡིན ། རྩོཏྲེ་ལ་ གསན་པར་
1.H. Franche, Del.
B.E.S. Press, Litho.

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Indian Antiquary
w94.
Rock Inscriptions at Mulbe. ལ།ཨོཾ་༽ ཨེ་ དམ་སྲིན་ལ་པད་རྒྱུར་ རྒྱལ་པོ་
རྒྱལ་ནོ་ཅོ་འམིར་འཥ་དུམ་ཉིས་གྱི་ཆབ་ སྲིད་རྒྱས་འགྱུར་ཅིཀ་ལོ ན་པོ་སུ་སེན་མིར་ཆོས་ དོན་གླུ་པ་ཡོན་གྱི་བདག་པོ་ཟེ་གར་འག་རི་པལྔ་ཡོན་འག་གུ་རུ་བྱ་ཡུ་ ཚིག་ཁྲོན་མ་ལ་མ་ལ་སོ་རྣམས་ལྡན་སཾ)ཁན་ལོ་ཀིས་འཇོམས་ ལན་ཀར་ཞུང་ས་ཡི ན རྩོཅས་ཀྲྀས་རྒྱས་ཅིག ། བློན ཀོ་ རྒྱུ་སེན་ ཨ་ལོ་སྐྱབས་ཕེལ་ལ་
་འོ་མ་ཞིག་ རྡོ་གསུཾ་ལྟ་ཝ་པ་ཡིན་་ ་ བྲིས་ཁན་ འོན་པོ་དང་
དགོན ་འབྱོར ་ ཡིན་
T
བཀྲིས།
B.2.5. Press, Litho.
1.H. Francke, Dell

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MARCH, 1906.]
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS AT MULBE.
81
With reference to that part of text which is given in brackets, I may say that in the minds of certain people the list of the nobiltty was not considered complete, and that for this reason the first two additions were made. The notice about the man-khang (mchod-rten) had probably nothing to do with the rest of the inscription.
INSCRIPTION No. V. Position: To the left of Inscriptions Nos. II. and IV.
Text in Roman Transliteration, blonbo husen ali skyabs ['a]phelle
'oma cig di yum shuwapa yin briskhan 'onpo dang
dgon 'abyong yin
bkris.
Text in Classical Orthography, blonpo husen, ali, skyabs 'aphelle
'oma ycig 'adi youm shubapa yin brismkhan 'on po dang
dkon 'abyong yin.
Okrashis.
Translation. Minister Husen, Ali [and] Skyabs—’aphelle,
[who are all of] one mother, these three are the petitioners. The writers of the inscription] are the astrologer
and Kon—'abyong. Happiness!
Notes on the Tibetan Text 'aphelle may either represent an original name 'aphel-los, or it may be the word 'aphel furnished with the termination of respect.
'oma rcig, originally means 'one milk.' It expresses the ides that the three drank from one mother's breast.
zhuwapa, instead of shubapa, comes near to the actual pronunciaton of the word.
dgon, instead of dkcm, can only be explained as an orthographical mistake, which shows once more how uncertain the people are about the actual phonetical value of tenuis and media.
bloris is another well-known abbreviation of the word Okrashis.
Notes on the English Translation. What the petition of the three men was will probably always remain obecare. The Tibetans have always been very fond of making petitions. The occurrence of Muhammadan names in it seems to show that it was carved after 1600 A. D., i.e., after the conquest of Ladakh by the Baltis,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1906.
THE CHUHRAS. BY THE REV. J. YOUNGSON, D.D., CHURCH OF SCOTLAND MISSION : SIALKOT, [Under the title of "The Genealogies of Lal Beg," Sir Richard Temple, in his Legends of the Panjab, gave several leursfnanas or so-called genealogies of the Chubrds, but "after repeated enquiries extending over several years" he was unable to obtain more than these and some fragmentary tales related verbally.' The Rev. J. Youngeon, D.D., of the Church of Scotland Mission at Sialkot, has, however, since 1891, been able to obtain not only an apparently complete kursfndma, bat also a complete version of the songs sung by the sweepers at weddings and so on. These he has translated, and thus the following pages contain a very full account of the caste, its observances and ritual. As pointed out by Sir R. Temple in his Lsgends, "the kursinamas, as a matter of fact, contain also their stories and their ritual, as much of them, at any rate, as they ever commit to paper." Dr. Youngson, however, has taken much of the material now published from a MS, which he found at the village of Kharolian in the Sialkot District, and he was informed that another book existed at Gujranwala, which he had not seen. Enquiry would probably result in the discovery of other MSS. Nothing has as yet been printed by the Chutsås from these records, and fuller accounts of them would be of interest.-H. A. Rose, Superintendent of Ethnography, Panjab.)
I.- CONSTITUTION OF THE TRIBE.
Origin and internal organisation. I VENTURR to write about this tribe shortly, and with considerable diffidence, as contributing an mincertain quantity to the knowledge of the origin, manners, custome, and, if we may dignify it by the name, literature of this people. This small endeavour to add to the materials from which their story must be finally written, has been deterinined by a real interest in the people themselves, and terms of close intimacy with them. The Chuhras of the Panjab, by whatever name they may be known elsewhere in India, are a people worthy of study, destined, as they probably are, on account of their hardy, patient, kindly nature, as well as their simple religion, to rise in the social scale, while they benefit by the opportunities wbich the British Government bas brought them. I claim no value for the account that I give of them -- that will be estimated by those who are qualified to jndge. It may be of some interest; it may be useless. The writing of it has given me a better insight into their character and life.
1. Caste divisions. In order to ascertain the names of the various divisions of the Chuhfas I thought the best plan was to invite a number of them to give me all available information. I seated them in my room in Sialkot one day, conceiving that I had an opportunity to obtain the very best that could be had, for there were priests and genealogists among them. But I had reckoned without my host, for the very mention of tribal distinctions set them all by the ears. When, however, they had exhausted their first ardour, I was furnished with the following tribal names.
The original division, they said, was into Latê, Jhke, and Têngre, the Laté being Manhiis Rajpat, wandering Dögris; the Jhe, Dhad or Sabi being named from their founder, who, when a child, slept beside a hedgehog (seh); and the Têngre being makers of winnowing sieves, living in the desert, and named Tôngre on account of their pride. Besides the three original divisions, there are Goriye, so called from the fact that their founder was born in a tomb (gór). They hail from Debli. The founder was Sbkh Jahan's son. He was also called Kandára, because he spoke harshly.
Next come Pathan, originally from Kibui, in Akbar's time. There were three brothers, of whom Dhagana was the eldest. They entered the country as faqirs, or pfre. Gil; trom Chakrari in Gujranwala. A tree sheltered the first of the name in a time of rain. Bhatti; from the Bar in Gajranwala, Pindi Bhattian, Dulla being their chief. Sahôtrê; in Akbar's time Sabótra was thrown to the tigers, but the tigers did not injure bim. Soên Bhunniar; descendants nf RAJA Kain, the Braluman who gave away 17 maunds of gold every day, efore he ate his food.
[The great interest in this article is the light it throws on the religious notions of the Lalbegi Mohtars - title Vol. 1., Legends of the ranjal, the section on the Genealogies of Lái Bèg." - ED.]

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MARCH, 1906.)
THE CHUHRAS.
83
Then follow Laddar, Khokar, Khônje, Kaliane, Ratti, Mathi, Bort, Momo (in Illaqah Môm near Gôndhal), Haung, Chapriban (in Khák beyond Lahore, makers of wicker-work), Ghussar, Balbim, Labantê, Nahir.
The Dam, the Chubra, the Mirial, the Mâchchi, the Jhiwar, and the Changar, are all of the same origin. They claim to be indigenous in the Sialkot District, at least as far as the older divisions are concerned.
In the time of the Pandavas and Kairavas there were four sons of Kanwar Brahma, vie., Paraba, Pártha, Siddhra, and Prishta, the last being also called Jhaumpra, from living in a jungle. There are other names applied to him and to his successors, such as Ghungur Bég, Ail Malak, Lal Bér, Pir Chhota, Balmik, BAIA. The following genealogical tree was given, but I presume it is a very uncertain one:
A Genealogy
Prâshta. Kalak Das, and his wife Silawanti.
Alif. Eighteen generations, all jangli.
BAIA Rikhi and his house.
Bamrik.
Bai.
Another Genealogy or Kursináma.
Att.
Patt.
Adis and wife Veshna. Sadda sad va and wife Govittri.
Ghung and wife Surangiya.
Dhand and wife Sila Sakat. Nil Kanth and wife Go Atmâ Devi. Kanwar Brahmâ and wife Burhadji or Jastri.
Siabrá
Paraba
Bhartha Prashtà, also called Jhaumpra, 1st Incarnation, and wifo Mansi Davi.
Ad Gopal and wife Bhilni. Sankėswar and wife Sadawanti and Incarnatio.
Unesh Deộtå Mugat Gosáin and wife Dhanwanti.
Gaur Rikh and wife Naurangea. Dayal Rikh and wife Manglâu. Jal Bhigan and wife Pavittarán.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
A
1.
Angash Dêôtâ and wife Satwanti.
1
Agganwar and wife Asnå.
Sankh Pat or Santokh and wife Jass Vanti, 3rd Incarnation.
1
BALA Rikhi and wife Shâm Rup, 4th Incarnation.
Bir Bamrik and wife Rajwanti, 5th Incarnation.
1
Ball and wife Nau Chandran.
I
Iswar Bâlâ and wife Mans, 6th Incarnation.
J
Bâlmik and wife Mahên, 7th Incarnation.
Ud Rikh Budh Rikh and wife Salikân.
I Marwar Didâri and. wife Dayâli.
Når Didari and wife Asâwanti. I
Shâm Suranda and wife Surgan, 8th Incarnation. J
Sh&m Barbari and wife Lachhmf.
Sri Rang Sham and wife Râjwanti.
Sati and wife Salò.
L
Shah Saff and wife Savân.
Arján and wife Arfan. Pir Saval and wife Jafaran.
Asa and wife Janatan Qas. 1 Ahir Malak and wife Sikiawati. I Ghungar Bêg and wife Nasaran.
Baz Bêg and wife Sadiqân.
1
Barehhi Bêg and wife Varsan.
T
[MARCH, 1906.
Lal Bêg and wife Satilân, 9th Incarnation.
1
BALA Sher (also called Pir Jhôtê, the wrestler) and wife Amôlikán, 10th Incarnation.
Sada Bala Lal Khan and wife Roshanan.
T
Pir Dhagana and wife Når Divini.
Shah Sara and wife Gussân. 1
Mahi Shah. Dargahi Shah. Shah Akhlas and wife Lachhmi,
Ghasita Shah. Yara Shah.
Seva Shah and wife Sarsi. B

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MARCH, 1906.]
THE CHUHRAS.
85
B
Arpar Shah.
Arif Shah.
Sarâm Shah. Jam Shah. Karm Shah. Langar Shah. Fazl Shab. Mohammed Shah.
Zabardast Chugattå Murid
Shâh. Shåh. Shah.
Jawabir Shéh. Bâra 'Shah.
Alim Shah. "Jamiat Shân. 'Alif Shah. 'Gauhar Shah.
Falel Shah.
Qasim Shah.
Karim Shah,
"Qutb Shah.
Rahm Umar
Shah. Shah.
Sardar Shah.
Sultan Shah.
Hakim Shah.
Fath Shal.
Bahawal Shâh.
'Fath Shah.
Bahadur Shah. Nadir Shah.
Bala is a name given to the leaders. Another genealogy appears in the religious service.
The Gil will not oat bataan, the egg-plant (thatá bart): the Late do not eat hare or rabbit : the Kanare (?) abstain from cloves: the Sahôtre refuse to look on a tiger; at marriages, however, they make the image of a tiger which the women worship: the Bhatti will not sit on a bench of boards or bricks: no Chuhsa will eat séh, or hedgehog:
2. Governing body. There representative assembly, or governing body, is the Painch, Panch, Panchayat, the members of which are chosen by the people, and the head of which, i.e., the Pir Panch, or Bar Panch, is selected by the other members. I have heard them speak of a kharpanch too, ie, the most troublesome member of the panch! The office of the per panch is held permanently, and is even in some cases hereditary. If the pir is unable to preside at the meetings his place may be taken by a' sarbarih, or substitute, for the time being. The painch settles disputes of all sorts, having to interfere especially in matters of marriage and divorce; it also looks after the poor. It punishes offenders by excommunication, hukka pani band, and also by imrosing fines of 20, 50, 100 rupeen, or even more. The punishment of excommunication, of being barádarí sé judd, is a heavy one, pointing to the fact that the people, valuing so highly the opinion of their fellow-men, are amenable to the rules of their society by reason of sanctions affecting their standing in the society. All over the Panjab the dearest thing to a Panjabi is hia 'istat, i.e., the estimation in which he is held by his fellows.
3. Rules of inter-marriage. They do not marry within their own section, but they take wives from all the other divisions. Marriage with a wife's sister is permitted after the death of the wife. Marriage with the wife's mother, or wife's aunt, is not allowed. Two wives are allowed; the former of whom is considered the head, and has peculiar rights and privileges. The wives live together in the same house. Marriage takes place when the girl is about 7 or 8, and even 5 years of age.
Marriages are arranged by the nat (barber), the chimba (washerman), and the mirdsi (village bard and genealogist). The consent of the parents is necessary in all cases, except when the woman is & widow, or independent of her parents. Girls are never asked whom they will marry, or if they are willing to marry. They would not give an expression of their wishes, as they say, sharm ke mdré, for 'shame. There is no freedom of choice in the case of young persons marrying.
A price is paid by the bridegroom's family, the amount of it being settled by the two contract. ing parties. It becomes the bridegroom's property after marriage. An engagement to marry may be broken off in the case of a defect or blemish in either the man or the woman, and divorce may be
1 Present representativos.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1906.
obtained after marriage by a regular "writing of divorcement." Divorced wives marry again. Children of different mothers inherit on equal terms, and all assume the father's section.
Widows remarry, but they have no price. The widow of an elder brother may marry a younger brother, and the widow of a younger brother may marry an elder brother. A widow marrying out of her husband's family takes her children with her.
II. - DOMESTIC CEREMONIES.
Birth and pregnancy.
In accouchement the woman sits, with one woman on each side of her, and one behind her. The dif, or midwife, sits in front. No seat is used. When the child is born, the midwife places her head on the stomach of the mother to press out the blood, and with her feet and hands presses, dobáti, the whole body. The dái and women relations attend during and after confinement.
As an expression of joy at the birth of a child a string of shirin, or acacia leaves, is hung across the door. Green symbolises joy and blessing, mubarakbådi. The leaves of the akk, a plant with poisonous milky juice, are thrown on the house to keep away evil spirits. If the child is a boy, born after two girls, they put the boy in a cloth, which they tie at both ends as a sort of cradle, and then they lift the child through the roof, while the nurse says - Trikhal ki dhár á gal, i. e., 'the third time thrives. Gur is given to the friends, and ten days after that a dinner, to which the relatives are invited. At the end of 21 days the mother is over her separation, and resumes cooking.
Adoption. Adoption of children is common, but with no special ceremonies.
Betrothal. When a betrothal takes place, the lâgî, the marriage functionary and go-between, goes to the house of the boy's parents, taking with him sugar and dates for the inmates. He states the purpose of his visit, and there is placed before him five or ten, or more, rupees, of which he takes one and goes. If the people are very poor they intimate to the lagi how much he should take out of the heap. Returning to the house of the girl's parents he makes his report, describing the boy, bis prospects, circumstances, and so on.
A lagi now goes from the boy's residence, carrying clothes and jewels for the girl. He himself is presented with a turban (pagri) and songs are sung by the womankind. The binding portion of the ceremonies is where the turban is given to the lagi before witnesses.
In two, three, four, or five years, the girl's parents send the lági to say that it is time for the marriage. If the parents of the boy find it convenient, they declare that they are ready, and instruct the läge to ask the other house to send nishdn, bhochii, bahord, which is a present of three garments, one to the mirdal, one to the nás, and the third to the Chubså who lights the fire. There is guy also in the basket containing the clothes, and this is distributed to the singing girls and others. The lagi receives a rupee or two, and goes back with the news that the bhôcha has been acoepted. Then a trêwar, & present of seven garments, is prepared, and sent from the girl's residence, a white phulkari (embroidered shawl), a chób or chop (a red cotton shawl with a silk embroidered edge), a chóli (bodice), a kurta (jacket), a dariái (narrow silk cloth), a lungs or saya (a check cloth or petticoat), two pagris (turbans) and one chádar (sheet or shawl). The jacket has a gold button, bírá, and three silver ones called allian, and gôtá, or gold and silver lace, with the figure of a man embroidered on the right breast or shoulder. This present is sent to the boy's residence, where the garments are spread out on a bed to give the inmates and friends an opportunity of seeing them. The lagi takes with him also gur, potássé (sweete), and a rupee as rúpna, which he gives to the bridegroom. This ropnd may be seven dried dates, and other things. The boy's hands are dyed with maindi (henna) to signify joy. Again rupees are placed before the låge, of which he takes as many as he has been instructed to take. He then says that such and such a day has been fixed for the wedding,

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and goes back to tell the bride's friends that the day is appointed. On this occasion songs are sung. The following are some of them :
Marriage Songs.
The sister sings. Ghori téri vé, malla, abhni,
Your mare is beautiful, beloved, Sohni bandi kathián de nál,
Beautiful with cushions, Kathi dher te hajár.
Thousands of cusbions. Main mandhari, bahinú déa surjna.
I am a sacrifice to you, my sister's friend. Surina, vich vich bágás de janj & awe,
The procession has entered the gardens, friend, Jhuldein sehréas de nal,
• With waving garlands as crowns, Bajdéan bájean de nál,
With beating drums. Shahr nawaban dé ghar dhukná:
You come to the house of nobles. Dhakná vé amirân di teri chal,
Your gait is princely, Barkhurdarán då têrê baithna,
Your seat is graceful. Chira tërá vé, malla, sôhna,
Your turban is beautiful, beloved, Söhná banda kalgein de nál,
Beautiful with plumes, Kalgi dhér te hajár.
Thousands of plumes. Main manéhári vé, bahina dei surind.
I am a sacrifice to you, my sister's friend, Surjna, vich vich bấgan de janj awé,
Friend, the procession enters the gardens, Jhuldkan sehréan de nál,
With waving garlands, Bajdkan bajêr de nál,
With the beat of drums. Main manéhárf ve bahinú ded surjna.
I am a sacrifice to you, my sister's friend. Valé teré ve, malla, sôhna,
Your earrings are beautiful, beloved, Sohne bandé sabzéán de nál,
Beautiful with green drops, Sabzé dhér té hajar,
Thousands of jewel drops. Main manéhári ve bahini deå surjná.
I am a sacrifice to you, my sister's friend. Surjnán, sich vich bágår då tussi đó,
Come into the gardens, beloved, Chłt nigarlán de wil
With the beat of drums, Jhuldkan sehr an dé nál,
With the waving of garlands. Main mandhari ve bahinú déa surjna.
I am a sacrifice to you, my sister's friend. Shahr nenodban de ghar dhukna,
You come to the house of nobles. Dhund vê amirdi di tért chal
Your gait is that of princes, Badshah jehéd térd baishna.
Your seat is kingly.
Ghori têrî ve, malli, sohni, Jarí mótián dé nál, Móti dhér të hajár. Main balhiári, má dlá surjni, &c.
The mother sings.
Your mare is beautiful, beloved, With set pearls. Thousands of pearls. I am devoted to you, the mother's friend.
Haria, Harid, gawiyên. Haridwaļa banna he. Kis ghar Harid gåviyen? Kis dhang vidk he? Báp ghar Haría gâviyeis, Vir da dhang bih ne. Harian chugan lapérián, Dudh vadhérá dehn hd. Ghuenda khól, buldkärmalit. Khól bulakan-wodlie. Chirlwald ars kare. Ghunda khói, bulakar-solit. Khól, bulakan dia.
Let us sing Haris, Haris. The bridegroom is handsome. In whose house shall we sing Harla ? Whose marriage is to be celebrated ? We will sing Hariâ, in the father's house. It is our brother's marriage. The cows graze on the green grass. They give plenty of milk. Untie the knot of your veil, nose-ringed lady. Unloose it, nobe-ringed lady. The bridegroom entreate you. Open your veil, nose-ringed lady, Open it, none-ringed lady.

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They sing for the bride. Aj méré lal né đúna.
My bridegroom comes to-day. Buhd put gali vich láván.
Take off the gate and put it in the lane. Put gali vich láván.
Take it out, and put it in the lane. Hire ni, húnj galian dá kúrá;
Like Bir I would sweep the lanes of dust; Hann galián da kúrá.
Sweep the lanes.
Thoy sing for the bridegroom. Jadói gharé avasiga,
When I come home, Odón päin sône då chúrá;
Put gold bracelets on thy wrists; Páin sôné dá chúri.
Put on golden bracelets. Hiré nê, húnj gaļian dian thikaricia;
Like Htr I would sweep the potsherds from the lanes; Húnj galián dían thikarián,
Sweep the lanes clean of potsherds.
Jadôń ghard awanga, Odôr páin tún laung tavitrián: Pairi Mri laung tapitian. Görf ve kahin pajjarké á hón; Pahis pajarke đã hôn.
When I come home Then put on your nose and forehead jewels : Put on nose and forehead jewels. You are come well dressed; Yon have come well dressed.
Mukhôn tún bóldi kyun nahin ? Mukhôn bol, bandi dea sátán: Ból, bandi dká scian; Terian ve Allah në púrián páiyan; Maulé né púrián ptian, Kardi gobi goi main. Mang tert, Párná, vé, Mapa hôngé demân de lobí.
Why do you not speak! Speak, your handmaid's friend: Speak, o handmaid's friend. God has blessed you; God has fulfilled your desires. I say gobi, g6bf (to unite the songs). I am your bride, O Poran, My parents are avaricious.
Eight or nine days before the wedding they have what they call mai pana, that is, they take ghungnidis, wheat roasted in the husk, to the quantity of five or six paropf, which they put in the boy's lap. This he distributes with gur to his friends of the same age as he is seated on a basket. Wheat is distributed to the other friends, perhaps as much as four or five maunds, with guy. The boy is anointed with oil as many times as there are days before the marriage:
The friends sing.
Maiais paindian laré nú, Allah dián vadhaiyan. Allah dian vadhaiyán. Pirán diän vadhaiyán. Charh jivin ve, charh jívín. Sarb suhagan dea painan va lari de saiyari. À, mallà, páo mainan Terban naiyán de man chah. Chireale dián vélan dendi min: Velan dendi sú mán: Chirewalt de sagan mannandi mán, Sagan mannindi man : Volán dêndi sú mán.
While the bridegroom is being anointed, May God bless him. May God bless him. May the priests bless him. May no misfortune befall you as you ride. May the master of the beautiful Bride live long Come, beloved, we will anoint you. Make happy the barbers. The mother of the bridegroom gives gifts : The mother gives gifts: The mother of the bridegroom seeks good auspices, Good auspices she seeks : The mother gives gifts.
It is the nái that anointa the bridegroom to make him sweet. The ointment is made of the four of wheat and barley, kachur (a drug), kh ardal (white mustard), chaihal charíla (a scent), and oil. This preparation is called batna.

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When the boy is taken off the basket they bind & ganna (ornament) or kangna (bracelet) on his wrist, which consists of an iron ring, a cowrie, and a manka (string) of kach (glass) beads. They put & knife into his hand at the same time. All this is to keep off the evil spirits. The same operation is performed on the girl by her friends; only she puts on a kangni (wrist ornament) or chúri (bracelet) of iron, instead of taking a knife in her hand,
Betrothal takes place at any time from five years of age and upward, the consent of the parents only being necessary. If the betrothal is cancelled, the painch arranges the amount to be repaid, and recovere' it.
When the wedding day approaches, a big dinner is given in the boy's home on a Wednesday, the entertainment extending to Thursday morning. This is called me.
The bharjái, or other relative, with his wife, goes to the well for a jar of water, which they carry between them. With this water the nat washes the bridegroom on a basket. His hair is washed with buttermilk and oil. Seven chapniai, unburnt earthen plates, are placed before him. These he breaks with his feet. His uncle on the mother's side gives him a cow, &c., and the bride's uncle gives the same to her. The bridegroom puts on his new clothes, the old ones being appropriated by the na.
The uncles bing.
Pahin kapre, malla vd, pahin kapre, Têrê janj savete apre. Pahin lungian, malla vé, pahin lungids. Térián sabbé muridin punnidn. Terian sabbô muradan punnian. Pahin lache, malla vé, pahin lache. Térd kaj savaran chaché, &c. Charh ghorí, malla né, charh ghôn. Téré mil bharăvân di jórf.
1 Dress, beloved, dress,
That your marriage party may arrive early. Put on your turban, beloved, put it on. May all your wishes be gratified, May all your desires be gratified. Gird yourself, beloved, gird yourself. Your uncles will grace the marriage. Mount your mare, beloved, mount your mare. With you are your two brothers
The bridegroom's sister singa and gives him his clothes.
The bridegroom's sister sings.
Méré armá bábé jáya. Taió carbigo núp sauậga. 74 pahin, main mul dónian. Bahô uchche, má té páo nd puchhké. Charh ghóraye, teré nal bharaván di joriye. Malla, wikkå nikka mut Bahin katiyd vi malla, Nikka, nikka süt Téré pagga aya rúp. Máà thôk Maya. Ti pahint, main mul deniári. Tu pahin layá vé, Méré amma bâbé jaya Tainú chashiya rüp sadaya. W& dal kangna ve! Ve tür lothré désôn acón ? Késar sohnid ve ! Ná ragas kaforé páéón.
My own brother, my parents' child, Your handsome appearance is enhanced. Dress yourself, I will pay for the dress. Seat yoursell with leave of father and mother. Mount your mare, with your two brothers. Beloved, fine threads spun by your sister Have made your turban beautiful, With fine thread, Your turban is beautiful. My mother had it woven, Put it on, I will pay. You have put it on, Son of my father and mother, How beautiful you look. O Saffron, Saffron ! Where have you come from? O Saffron, beautiful Saffron ! The barber prepared you in the cup

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Ve dal kangna ve! TM te Pirab desón adin. Ve dal kangni ve! Vá tú kis kis paggé lábon ? Tu Yuraf pagge libois. Ve dal kangnå ve, Ta Dandé paggé laen, Ve dal kaingna re, Phir lokaii niti vartaluis, Ve da? kaigna ré.
O Saffron, Saffron ! You come from the East. O Saffron, Saffron! Whose turban did you first adorn P It was Joseph's. O Saffron, Saffron ! It was David's. O Saffron, Saffron ! Now it is of the common people. O Saffron, Saffron !
They dress him on a rug after his bath; the sáfá or turban is placed on his head, over which they throw the sehrî, or garland of flowers. They sprinkle saffron on bis clothes.
A tray in put down with a rupee in it, representing 101 rupees. On the rupee gur is spread, while they say, "Jagat parwan supri að dharm, Ikotr sau rupaid ghar da; According to the custom which binds us like religion, we lay before you 101 rupees of our own house."
Then into the tray is put the tamból, néundro, ie, the contribution given by wedding guests to defray the expenses of the festival. At each succeeding marriage one rupee more is given, or the same sum is given each time, if it is so arranged. Neundra is given in the girl's home as well. This custom of giving at each other's wedding is a very binding one. Whoever receives néundrá from his guests must pay back in neundri one and half or double the amount at their wedding feaste.
The party now gets ready to go to the bride's home. The bridegroom is seated on a mare, or, if poor, he goes on foot. He is accompanied by the sarbúna, or bridegroom's friend, generally seated behind him on the same animal. On their way they give a rupee to the head men of the villages they pass. This is for the poor. Fireworks blaze as they proceed, while the drums and other noisy instruments of music announce the coming of the bridegroom, who sits under a paper umbrella, or canopy, which has been made by the fireworks man. This last-named individual gets money also on the way - a rupee or so. As they approach the bride's village the women and girls come out, singing, to surround the whole party with a cotton thread, as if they had made prisoners of them all,
The village women sing.
A dlouk re, Téré (hukne dá véli. Tá a huk ve. Mđó janke na chatten, Paandi ral outcois. Tu á dhuk vé, &c.
Come, It is time for you to approach. Come, Your mother did not lick you when you were born, She threw you away at her feet. Come, &c.
Hanérá lábi re, Naiya lalachid. Tainu damm dudiyê ve, Kauré Shah kolun ! A dhuk vd. Térd dhukne da veli: Tú a dhuk vd. Phul, mérié phuliare, Sajjan milan piyare. Phu, merit, dhréke, Sajjan milan ochéché.
To the barber they sing.
You have brought him late, Covetous barber because you are not well fod). We will get you money, From our Banker Kaurá. Come. It is time for you to come: Oome. Flower, my orchard, When friends meet. Flower, my dhrék, When our friends meet by appointment.

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Har ná álón, Siyal na akon, Aeon sáwan rutte, Sawan minh diára Pahn phuarán. Vadd vadd khandi gutti. Utté nahinon pambrí: Téri pairi nahión jutti, Bahin di ldivéán pámbri, Bhanuje di levéán jutti. Kaman pániyan kóthe ti charhké, Sallan mangdiin rángle charkhe, Deh ve kanaiya : teri man uddal gaiya. Main téré küman paniyan: Kaman pániyan javán di kasari, Traé gaz muchan té nau gaz dárhí. Main téré káman paniyán. Ráni Begam déi jaya, Aunde de sagan manáníyán. .
You did not come in spring, Nor in winter. You came in the rainy season, In July and August. There are showers. The mosquitoea bite us. You have no shawl: You have no shoes. You should have brought your sister's shawl, And your brother-in-law's shoes. I go on the roof and put omens on you. Sisters-in-law ask for coloured spinning wheels. Give something: your mother has run away. I put omens on you: I put omens of husks of barley. Three yards mustaches and nine yards of beard. I put omens for you. Son of Rani Begam, I observe auspicious omens at your arrival.
Meantime the bride has been dressed, and songs have been sung by her friends.
The bride's friends sing.
Ból ní mari ból kaniya! Boldi kyan nahin ? Ant piyari ! Boldi kyun nahin ? Kaniyá súé sód jhat jagdi. Apné vîr kolón kujh mangdi. Dharmi báp kolon kujh mangdi, Bólni méri, &c. A is véle kaun jagé ? V& Rája, dharmé dá veļa. Ais ved båbul jagé. Vé Raja, Dharme da véti. Churá vi denda. Tá bírá vi denda. Kapar dan karenda... Ais vele kaun ? &c. Ais vele mámá jige. Ve Rája, dharmé då veļa. Gavan of denda. Ta maiyán vi dendi. Palang pire da dan karenda, Ais vele, &c.
Speak, my daughter! why don't you speak? My darling child! why don't you speak? The girl now awakes. She asks something from her brother. She asks something from her generous father. Speak, my daughter, &c. Who will awake at this time? O Raja (father) this is the time for gifts. Let the father awake now. O Raja, this is the time for gifts. He gives bracelets, He gives golden buttons, He gives a gift of clothes. Who will awake, &c. The mother's brother now rises, O Raja, this is the time for gifts. He gives cows. He gives buffaloes. He gives a bedstead and a chair. At this time, &c.
Having arrived at the village they rest in a garden, or go to the dárå, or traveller's rest-house, while dinner is being prepared. A large tray is brought out (changår lal) with sugar in it. The Ligis put some into the bridegroom's mouth, the rest being divided among the guests. The sarbáhld, or bridegroom's friend, and the others prepare to go to the bride's house with the beating of drums. The two parties meet and salute one another. The bride's father gives a cow or a buffalo, but if he is poor be gives a rupee, which the mirasi, or village bard, gets. Nearing the house they find the

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way obstructed by #stick (kuddan) placed across the path by the mohtars, or ag baindwal, firelighters. They must be paid a rupee before the party can proceed. They reach another gate formed by a red cloth held by women. This is chunni. The bride's sister receives rupee at this stage. The machi, or jhfwar (water-carrier) bringe a veheel of water, and says, "Mord kumb då låg deo, Give the price of my earthen water jar." He also receives a rupee.
The marriage party now dine, while the women sing.
The women of the marriage party sing.
Haaké buli, dil hogayd raad. Saddá pardesiàn da rakha ab Khuda.
Zara haské bula, dil ho gaga razd. Dholki baja, sara haské bula, Jhathé manjé saddi paindi al bald. Suché suché manje vd shitab mangd.
Zara has ke buld, &c. Chandi dà chhalla saddi paindi hai bala. Sônë da chhalla vd shitab manga.
Zara haské buld, do. Kanak di mání ve tú mérá val på. Javán di mani ve tú man val på.
Zara hask& bula, dc. Léke gharotâ vd main pani val ja. Gadi péyá váhana dil ho gaya rand.
Zara haaké buls, &c. Pani' bhariya chheti mérá ghará té uthd; Dér lagi mainit gali dendia pei mán.
Zara hask& bula, &c. Gadhi uttón utarke tri jôrá pairf pd. Ghará mérá chukké tú sir té taka.
Zara haskó buli, &c. Goli hái main téri, mérá janda Khuda. Té mápå méré apé payé karangé natáh.
Zara haaké bula, &o. Pâni ghar lê jándi têrî rôti di paka, Roti 6ļi kháké mil karangé salah,
Zara haski buld, dil hogaya rasi, Lokár bé samajhân di ki jane bala.
Laughing call me, my heart agrees. God is ever the protector of us strangers.
Chorus. Laughing call me, my heart agrees. Beat the drums, and laughing call me. I will not wear shoes with false gold thread. Bring me quickly shoes with real gold thread.
Chorus. Laughing call me, &c. I will not wear a silver ring, Send instantly for a gold ring.
Chorus. Laughing call me, &c. Give me 200 measures of wheat. But give 200 measures of barley to your mother.
Chorus. Laughing call me, &c. Taking a pitcher I go to the water. You drive the wheel-my heart is glad.
Chorus. Laughing call me, &c. Quickly I have filled my jar; help me to lift it; I am late, my mother will scold mo.
Chorus. Laughing call me, &c. Coming off the seat put on your shoes. Lift my pitcher and put it on my head.
Chorus. Laughing call me, &c. I am yours, God knows this. My parents will marry me to you.
Chorus. Laughing call me, &c. Taking the water home, I will cook your dinner. After dinner we will sit and plan.
Chorus. Laughing call me, &c. A plague on people who do not understand.
While the party dines outside, the lará (bridegroom) and the sarbáhlá (friend) go inside the house. A chhinar, a sort of sieve for cleaning flour or wheat, is placed over the door with a light burning in it. The bridegroom strikes this with a sword or knife seven times, knocking it down, light and all, with the seventh stroke. The sarbáhli, or bride's friend, comes with a handful of oil and guy which she holda firmly, while the other girls tell the bridegroom to open the hand with his little finger. This he tries to do, but the sarbah!á advises him to use his thumb and press more forcibly. When her band is opened, she rubs the bridegroom's face with the mixture. The young lady also spits rice in his face-phurkrd. The bridegroom is then drawn into an inner room by means of a pair of trousers (pádjáma) twisted round his neck. He has to give the girls a rupee before they let him go. They place a small tent made of reeds (ghôróbérí) like a tripod, on a piyi (stool), and in it kujian (small lamps and vessels) made of dough. One of these is lit, and the bridegroom is asked to put cloves into the little kujicia,

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The girls sing. Téréan laungán da lá kariya.
What are we to do for your cloves (jewels) P Térf man ná gahna dhariya,
Let us mortgage your mother, Utôn laung vi pard kariye.
And so obtain cloves. Ukh lavd re, bábul,
Get a mortar made, father, Ukhli ladd.
Get a mortar made. Avégå dâmád térd,
When your son-in-law comes, Dháin chharega.
He will clean rice. They then take a tray and put it on a cup (katord). This they call tiskan. All the girls press down the tray on the cup with their hands one above another, telling the bridegroom to lift it up. He tries to do so bat cannot, and the sarbáhlá with his foot overturns it. This is the signal for the girls to give gali (abuse) to the serbahla: they pull his hair, slap him, push him about, and generally ill-treat him until the bridegroom at his cries for help asks them to desist.
The girls sing:
Lara aya kamman na. Sarbáhlá dyd amma na.
| The bridegroom bas come for his wife.
The bridegroom's friend for his mother,
They deny having bestan him, and treat them both to sweets (laddd and parakrián) and sugar, which they call bējwárí or hájiri. The bride is now admitted and seated. They throw bits of cotton wool on her, which he picks off. He takes off her tropbles, as it were. They throw them on him also.
The girls sing. Khád, malla, gur rôridni.
Play, beloved, with balle of sugar, Téri mán dian gallan marorián.
We will pinch your mother's cheeks. Khad, malla, khudalond,
Play, dear, with your toys, Teri mi de bhanne chalend.
We will break your mother's lega. Khádega, khadalga,
He will play, he will cause to play, Salian paroháidinga.
And please his sisters-in-law. Kaudi kaudi churandon de
You should have stolen cowries. Salidn parchands ud.
And given something to your sisters-in-law. Raudi di taufiq nahia.
You haven't even a cowry. Kanjrian di rit nahin.
We do not allow the custom of dancing girls here. He walks seven times round the bride, and the bride seven times round him. He lays his head on bers, and she hers on him, after which she kioks him on the back. The others follow suit. It goes hard with the unhappy bridegroom then. They seize his chadar (shawl), and tie two pice in it. The bride then fastens it tightly round his neck, meaning by this that he is captured and is hallan jóga nahin (unable to move).
The bridegroom singe.
Main khatángd, tun tháin, Mérf galón pat & lahin.
| I will earn money, and feed you.
Remove the shawl from my neck.
She takes it off, but they tie it to the bride's shawl (gand chattraod), meaning that they are now one.
The girl is bathed, the barber's wife, náin, braids her hair, then she sits on a tokra, basket, under which is a light. Two pice are placed under her feet. The one that gives the bath gets the pice.

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The uncle gives the girl a cow, &c. Of the earth wetted with the water of the bath some is thrown to the ceiling. The mother (khará langái) passes before the girl seven times a large basket made of reeds.
The bride's mother singe. Khárd chittar machittar,
The basket is of divers colours, Khárd addiya.
And I sit on the breket. Kart tôn tậr,
Take me off the basket, Mammá vaddhiya.
Great unele. The girl is taken away, and the bridegroom gives the barber's wife a rapee.
The lågt in now sent to bring the clothes that the bridegroom has brought for the bride. Jewels also he brings, and she is fully dressed. These jewels are various for the nose, bulak, laung, nath; ear, dandián, pattar, chawiki, balt; neck and throat, hass, hamdi, takhtian; forebead, chitkán, chaunk, phúl; arm, ádán, bowatta, chard, gokhri, kangan; fingers, chhap or chhalla, aral; foot, panjilbar, tarián.
The bride is now ready and comes to be married. She is seated and the Brabman (or the Maulavl) is called. Four poles are stuck in the ground fastened together with green branches above. The Brahman (or Maulavi) reads a service, and two pice are handed seven times. The Brahman says: Butto; eki, méki, néki, teki, páo dhanga, and snape the pice.
The bridegroom goes round the bride seven times, and she round him seven times under the green canopy. The Brahman gets four annas in pice, and one ropee. The married pair sit on a bed or seat, while the bride's people bring him clothes, which he puts on over the ones he has. Tho mirási Beizes his turban, and retains it until it is redeemed with a rupee. The parents are next called, and water is brought to be sprinkled over the bande of the married pair. She is thus given over to him. They rise from the charpe, and go inside, throwing backward over their heads barley and cotton seeds which had been placed in their lape. They do not take away all the blessing.
A trówar (21 or 19, So., pieces) of clotbes is now given (khat), all shown to the assembled guests. and vessels also seven, vis.: that (platter), chhanna (metal drinking vessel), lók (large iron baking pan), karahi (frying pan), dégchi (pot), karchi (ladle), dhakná (lid). There are 21 kalu, or scones, placed in the basket of clothes. The lágís who take this away receive presenta of money. The bridegroom's father gives alms to the poor at this point, and there is much crying and weeping as the bride prepares to leave her home.
The bride is put into the doll (nalanquin), and the bridegroom's father throws money on it, which goes to the poor.
The women sing Hun ki da'vd, babal tera?
Now what claim have you, father? Da'vd banda lare da bhái.
The brother of the bridegroom has a claim. Pakar khalonda dole di bar.
He stands holding the side of the palanquin. Da'oa banda lare då chacha.
The uncle of the bridegroom has a claim. Pakar khalonda qoys då påsad.
He standa holding the side of the palanquin. The bridegroom's party returns home carrying the bride with them. At the bridegroom's house all the women sing. '
The women sing. Jin jitóriai ghar dyd,
They have come like conquerors. Mérd ládfa.
My darling, Tari bábk dd b6l saváyd.
Your father's plan was successful pô đã manh khôi về,
Open the palanquin, Téré sadki kahara.
Good bearer. Lai lai apná lág :
Take your hire: Dále sáddá mál.
The palanquin is ours.

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MARCH, 1906.]
When they reach the house the mother is at the door.
The women sing.
Jé tú andri vé, malla,
Pârê dî kówár.
Mão pânî pîtá vár.
Assan saik saik laddí. Teri dhoti dé lar badhi. Teri dhoti pallé bâdâm. Vouhti nikal paí jawân.
THE CHUHRAS.
Vouhti nanấm mận thôn sharmat. Vôuhi chúri mul na khâé. Bhainan, hun nahin khanndí chúrí. Pichhon na chhadegi turi.
Beloved, you have brought The maid from a distance.
The mother passes and drinks the water. We tried hard to find a maiden.
The mother has a cup of water in her hand, which she waves round the heads of the married couple. She then attempts to drink it seven times, the bridegroom preventing her. At the seventh time she drinks. Then they enter the house.
Ni khôl, pîyarîye, ganṛá, Téréán dévrán baddát badháé.
We tie her to your girdie.
There are almonds in your girdle.
Your wife appears to be a grown-up girl.
The bride is placed on a mat. All the bridegroom's relations are called, and a large vessel called a parat is brought, in which is a mixture of rice, ghi and sugar cooked. This is gótaknálá. The women seat themselves and of this they take a morsel and each puts a little in the bride's mouth. She sharm ke maré, out of shame, refuses to take it, but they insist as they are her relations.
Khôl, piyâréd, ganṛa, Térian salian badhas. Salian chambé díán dâlîán. Bat mânsian badhaî
The bridegroom's relations sing.
The bride is shy before her sisters-in-law. The bride does not now eat pudding. Sisters, she does not eat pudding now. Afterwards she will eat even chaff.
The women all partake. They call this bharmdálá, i.e., union with the family. If they do not have this meal, they do not admit the other party to family privileges.
95
After this the bride remains two days more in the house, and on the third and fourth day the women again gather. They take a parât (tray) in which they put water and milk, or kachchi lassi, and in another vessel they put atá (meal). In the meal they put guy and ghi, mixing them together (gulra). Into the tray of milk and water they make the bride put in her heel, and the bridegroom washes her foot. The bridegroom now puts in his foot, and she is told to wash it. This is shagun. The bride unties her gânná (wrist ornament), which is so securely fastened that they sometimes draw it over the haud.
The women sing.
Unfasten the band, my dear,
That your husband's younger brother fastened. They fastened it on an auspicious day, It is to be unfastened to-day.
Ni badhai war sulakhné,
Aj khulan laggáé.
It is thrown into the pardt of milk and water. Then the bridegroom unfastens the bride's gahna.
The bride and bridegroom sing.
Unfasten, my dear, the band That your sister-in-law bound. Sisters-in-law that are like jessamine branches. They tied seven knots.

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[MARCH, 1906.
It is placed in the vessel next. They are fastened together. The náin (lagin) takes both and turns them round in the water seven times. She drops them in the water seven times, the bride and the bridegroom grabbing at them. The one that succeeds the oftener in getting hold of them first wins-the caste therefore wins.
96
Lagi je ghérní. Gánná jit jana.
Mallá, paré di kowár. Más pânî pîtâ vår. Vôuhti ék nanánán chár.
The women sing.
The flour, ghi and sugar are then divided amongst them. first comes to the house.
It is done amid great laughter. Only women are present, excepting the bridegroom. Other songs are sung when the bride
Burki léndi vár 6 vår. Vouhti ân baithi havéli. Téri man phire arbélî.
Home coming songs.
The turning has begun.
We have to get possession of the band.
(To be continued.)
THE KSHATRACHUDAMANI OF VADIBHASIMHA, with eritical and explanatory notes, by T. 8. KUPPUSWAMI SASTRIYAR, Tanjore, 1903. (Sarasvativilass Series, No. III.).
BOOK-NOTICE.
THE indefatigable scholar whose editio princeps of Vadtbhasimha's Gadyachintamani I noticed in a former issue of this Journal (above, Vol. XXXII. p. 240) now presents us with the text of another hitherto unpublished work by the same Jaina author. The Kshatrachádámani also has for its subject the legend of Jivadhdhara or Jivaka and is divided into eleven lambas, but, unlike the Gadyachintamani, it is written in the Anushṭubh metre and in comparatively simple Sanskrit.
Beloved, the bride comes from across the river. Your mother has passed the water and drunk it. One bride and she has four companions (the sisters of her husband).
She takes a morsel with each.
The bride has come into the house. Your mother goes about happy.
In the introduction Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri discusses the question of the author's lifetime. The upper limit of Vadibhasimha is about A. D. 900. For the subject-matter of his two works is taken from Gunabhadra's Uttarapurana, which was completed on the 23rd June, A. D. 897.1 In this connection Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri states that Gunabhadra is mentioned in Hastimalla's drama Vikrantakaurava, and that he was the preceptor of Mandalapurusha, the author of the Tamil dictionary Chúddmani. Vadibhasimha's two
works were again drawn upon by Tiruttakkadevar in his Tamil poem Jakachintamani, and this book is referred to in Sekkilar's Periyapuranam, which was composed at the instance of the Chola king Anapaya or, as he calls himself in an inscription at Tiruvarar, 'Rajakesarivarman alias Tribhuvanachakravartin Kulôttunga.' 76 Unfortunately the precise time of this Kulottunga, surnamed Anapaya, has not yet been settled. It he is identified, his reign will furnish the lower. limit of the Jivakachintamani and, with it, of the Gadyachintamani and Kshatrachidamani.
The text of the last-mentioned work Kshatrachuḍdmani, is accompanied at the foot by explanatory notes and parallel passages which greatly add to its value and testify to Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri's extensive knowledge of the Sanskrit language and literature. I am glad to note that he is going to issue also a commentary to his previous publication, the Gadyachintamani, which on account of its ornate language offers to the reader more serious difficulties than the Kshatrachadamani.
E. HULTZSCH.
Halle, 22nd November 1905.
1 Compare above, Vol. XII. p.217, and Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1883-94, p. 430. Edited with the commentary of Nachchinarkkiniyar by Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Svaminathaiyar. Madras, 1887 (over 900 pages). See South-Ind. Insor. Vol. II. p. 153.
Compare above, Vol. XXV. p. 150.

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APRIL, 1906.) BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY PENINSULA.
97
BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY PENINSULA.
BY H, WALINGTON SMYTH.
(With Notes by Walter W. Skeat.) AVING regard to the wide reputation which the Malays have earned for themselves as
& maritime people in Eastern seas, it is at first sight not a little remarkable that, so far as the Malay Peninsula is concerned, they have developed no really able type of 898-going boat. European writers have credited the Malays with building boats, the lines of which are unsurpassed by European types; yet, so far as the writer has been able to discover, no specimen answering to sucb a description is to be met with in the Peninsula. The characteristics of build are small displacement, hollow lines, V-shaped sections and sharp floors, shallow draft, lack of beam, and a consequent want of stability and weatherliness. An enquiry into local conditions, however, explains much. Three main factors have been at work, influencing the development of the boats, and tending to produce the results arrived at.
In the first place, the rivers, which almost invariably constitute the ports of the Peninsula, are, with scarcely one exception, protected by very shallow bars of sand or mud, which make it impossible for a deep-bodied boat to obtain shelter within them. Those bars are caused by the vast quantities of detritus brought down by the rivers in flood time, as a result of the very heavy tropical rainfall ;detrital fans of mud are deposited around their mouths, over which the mangroves steadily grope their way out to sea; the current keeps open a channel, which is of fair depth within, but shallow and shifting upon the bar, varying often with the strength and direction of the wind preFailing outside. Safely ensconced within these creeks, protected from observation by the mangroves, and from pursuit by the shallow bars, the old Malay pirates scarcely sixty years ago used to watch the seaboard traffic of the Straits and swarm out upon their chosen prey. When pursued by the boats of His Majesty's Ships, they would make good their escape by just bumping over a friendly bar, where their pursuers could not follow them, and then turning aside up some of the innumerable creeks that intersect the mangrove swamps near the river mouths. Hence came the necessity for shallow draft and small tonnage. (Plate I., fig. 1.)
The second factor, scarcely less potent, so far as the west coast of the Peninsula, from Penang to Singapore, is concerned, has been the variable character of the light breezes prevailing in the Straits of Malacca. The monsoon currents of the neighbouring seas do not blow with any regularity or force, owing to the protection afforded by the island of Sumatra on the south-west and the Peninsula on the east; and the usual light winds are varied only by occasional south-westerly squalls of great violence but short duration, known as "Sumatras."
The third factor was the great strength of the tides, which, on the Selangor coast-line, have a rise and fall of as much as 20 feet. The lot of the sailing vessel in this neighbourhood is thus precarious; racing tides and baffling winds and calms make progress very slow. Hence propulsion by Oars or paddles was a first necessity of the old-time Malay seaman in the Straits ; sails were merely
Reprinted from the Journal of the Society of Arts, 1902. Some of the illustrations are from Mr. Skeat'. Collection of boat models in the Archeological Museum at Cambridge.
The question of what constitutes "boat," properly speaking, is not always easy to decide. Many of the Malay oraft, up to 70 feet in length, may, owing to their narrow beam and shallow draft, be legitimately styled boats, especially as they are by no means invariably deoked in. The line which divides & boat frem & sea-going vessel, is, on the whole, very arbitrary, and varies really with the sea-worthinese, or goa-keeping power, of the type under discussion. For instance, the Penzanoe lugger of 40 feet long, or the Norwegian pilot "boat," of somewhat similar dimensions, is, from a Hea-keeping point of view, not a "boat" at all, while the native canoe, a hundred feet long, as certainly falls within the category for all purposes.
• Upwards of 110 inches per annum, in some inland districts.
In many parts of the Peninsula, the on-shore monsoon causes wholesale alterations in the banks and channels of these bars, and leaves enormous deposits of sand in the river entrances, through which the fresh water has to cut & new channel to the sea, nearly every season.

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an occasional convenience. (Plate I., fig. 2.) He soon found that a long light craft, having plenty of accommodation along its sides for paddlers, was by far the best form for the navigation of these waters, and, further, this form had the sailing vessel at its mercy nine times out of ten,- a very pleasing feature in the eyes of the Malay at the time when the Straits of Malacca served as the high road for all the sailing tonnage of the Eastern trade. Moreover the lack of freeboard suitable for n.anual propulsion was not a serious danger in a locality, where heavy weather is so little known. Hence it came about that the long canoe" form of craft established itself as the most suitable type, and that not only, as was natural, for the river navigation of the interior, but also for the estuariess and the more open waters of the Straits. Steam and the growth of the British power in the Straits have combined to make impossible the old buccaneering pursuits dear to the heart of the Malay sailor, and he is now constrained to ship as a "fo'c'sle" hand in Penang or Singapore steamers, or to make sailing voyages up and down the coasts as a common-place trader or peaceful fisherman.
The foregoing remarks are not, however, entirely applicable to the east coast of the Peninsuls, where, during the prevalence of the north-east monsoon in the China sen, strong gales with heavy sea and violent rain blow havoc upon the unprotected coast line. At first sight then, we might have expected to find some powerful sea-keeping boats on this coast; but in fact, we find practically the same types as on the sheltered waters of the Malacca Straits. (Plate I., fig. 3.) The explanation is easy. During the prevalence of the on-shore monsoon, the bars at the entrance to the rivers, which form the only ports, are a whirling mass of breaking seas, through which, only during rare lulls in the weather, can any vessel pass with safety. From the shelving beaches thrown up by the monsoon it is, of course, impossible to launch a boat. Hence from October or November to February or later, according to the strength of the weather, the whole coast is shut up, so far as local navigation is concerned. An occasional high-sided Chinese junk will now and then venture along the coast, but communication in most cases becomes easier across the peninsula, and the men of Patani and Singora find it simpler to cross overland to Kedah to reach the west coast, than to attempt to get out across the dangerous bars, and through the heavy sea raging on the eastern coast.
During the open season the weather is not unlike that in the Straits, bringing light ses and land breezes, varied by occasional squalls. Then the Malay fishermen run their long canoes down the beach and put to sea again, and the traders creep out with new mat sails to resume their coagting voyages.
Owing to lack of ports free from shallow bars large displacement is impossible ; and for the fishermen light canoe-like craft are preferred, as they launch easily from the beach, and can be paddled at high speeds to come up with fish. Hence deep-bodied boats, which can beat to windward, are again absent on this coast; and as the centre board and the leeboard is not known, the paddle retains its importance for working to windward. Though hardly coming under the heading of boats it should be remarked that for some trades, involving long voyages and calls at deep water ports, the advantages of big-bodied craft are fully recognised by the Peninsular Malays, and that between Singapore and Siamese ports, for instance, fine Vessels of 200 tons, built on European lines, are frequently to be met with. They are rather nondescript craft, often with overhanging clipper stems and deck-houses galore. The masts are generally very light and crooked-grown spars; the rigging and gear aloft make up in quantity what is lacking in quality. They are generally rigged with two nearly equal-sized masts and a bowsprit on which from one to three jibs are set. The mainsaj] and foresail are either Chinese lugs or on the European fore and aft plan, the gaff being a standing spar controlled by vange, and the sail being set by hauling out along it and being taken in by brails to the mast, topsails being used. The sails are of light material, when they are not, as in the case of regular Chinese or Malay lugs, made of matting; and they seldom set very flat. (Plate I., fig. 4.)
The truo Malay sail, however, is nothing more than an adaptation of the original and primitive square sail, as used alike by the sailors of ancient Egypt, of Rome and of Scandinavis; and
To such an extent in this the cand, that the north-east monsoon is oalled by the Malays, "Musim Tutop Kuala," or the "shut-port (1..., olose) season."

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APRIL, 1906.] BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY PENINSULA.
this sail is used still in the majority of the Malay fishing craft and small traders, matting being the material used. A boom along the foot is almost as necessary as a yard along the head. The Malays, by the simple expedient of tilting the sail forward, so as to bring the tack right to the deck, have long converted this square-cut sail into the most powerful of lifting sails on a wind. (Plate I., fig. 5.) The dipping lug is set tant along the luff by a spar bowline fitting in a cringle, the lower end of which comes to the deck abaft the mast. The yard, being too light to stand alone by the wind, is invariably controlled by a vang. The unhandiness of the dipping lug in tacking is felt to the full with this sail, owing to the stiffness and weight given to it by the material of which it is made, and the boom along the foot; and the operation is such a long one, that the anchor is often thrown over while the manoeuvre is gone through with the two big sails. (Plate I., fig. 6.)
The devotion of the Malays to top hamper in the shape of raised deck houses and outrigged superstructures over the bow and stern, is shared with many other Eastern races, and is no doubt largely owing to the lack of body in their craft. In boats with sharp bottoms and fine lines, the cargo, whether of fish or merchandise, has often to lie high; and consequently all the accommodation for the crew is high up, and every foot of extra space, which can be built on in this manner, is so much added to their comfort and to convenience in working the vessel. The galleries built out over the bows of the larger craft are used for working and storing the anchors, just as was the case in the vessels of the classical and mediaeval seamen, and as still remains the rule in the Chinese junks; and in boats, which are often so lean about the quarters the little stern galleries and rails, they add greatly to the comfort and safety of the steersman and of men handling the mainsail. (Plate I., fig. 7.)
Even in the smallest canoes, which most of us would think crank under any circumstances, there is generally, in the East, a grating (or lattice) forming a raised floor, within an inch or two of the top of the gunwale, upon which the crew is accommodated. It can certainly not be claimed that such an arrangement conduces to stability; yet such good watermen are these warm water sailors, and the Malays in particular, that even long coasting voyages are undertaken in such craft without any apparent anxiety as to the result.
The Penjajap on the east coast is often a rather unsuccessful imitation of European build, with transome stern, half concealed by the overhanging stern galleries. There is generally plenty of show, but the boat is very wall-sided and with insufficient beam, which facts combine to spoil her appearance on a close inspection, although she looks smart enough a little distance off. The writer has seen these boats nearly on their beam ends when caught by a heavy squall at anchor, though with nothing but their slender masts aloft, a fact largely caused by the want of under-water body in the hull, and the amount of top-hamper by way of accommodation on deck. A bundle of bamboos along under each gunwale frequently adds some much needed stability, and provides a store, from which to renew broken spars. Yet crank as these craft seem, the Malays manage to make their way for long distances in them with very few accidents. No fact could form more conclusive evidence of their pluck and skill.
The Malay, like a true seaman, takes a great pride in his vessel, and if his ideas of ornamental decoration do not always accord with those of the West, he has, at all events, never been guilty of producing such scarecrows of the seas as many of the tramp steamers at this moment lying in the port of London. In rigging, as already hinted, he is partial to slender lofty masts, and if his vessel is large enough, he indulges in two masts of nearly equal height, to which is generally given a very smart rake forward. Under Chinese sails, the advantages of which over the dipping lug have been recognised by many on the east coast, the Malay may be distinguished from the Chinaman at sea, when yet hull down, by the equal size of the big sails, and the invariable absence of any mizzen. (Plate I., fig. 8.) The hull is also low and long, with no many-storied castle aft, but merely a kajang or thatch awning, over the raised, overhanging poops, or a simple dandan or gallery. There is something of the yachtsman in the Malay, and ho is much addicted to graceful

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(APRIL, 1906.
little vanities about the stern-head and stern-post of his small boats, and so greatly does he hold the " figare-head" in estimation, that a class of boat is often named after the form given to the stern-head. European influence may now be seen at work to a greater or less degree in almost every class of rig in the ports of the Peninsula, bat the Malay more than any other Oriental, has adopted the jib, or three-corned staysail. This essentially modern product of Western Europe, he has adopted not only in the large traders already referred to, but also in the kolek or "ses canoe" of Singapore, in which also the old Malay lag has been altogether discarded, especially for racing purposes, in favour of the spritsail. The staysail is recognised as the most convenient form of head sail, to prevent excessive griping, and does not involve the disadvantage of the weight of a mast right in the eyes of the ship. (Plate I., fig. 9.)
It will thus be seen that, from a variety of causes, with which the physical geography and the meteorology of the locality have much to do, the canoe shape, the canoe idea, predominates in most of the boats of the Malay Peninsula. It may, in fact, be said that the maritime enterprise of its inhabitants obviously commenced with the canve and continued with the canoe, and that its highest form of development has resulted in a craft of larger dimensions, which yet, in all essential particulars, still remains - & canoe. (Plate II., fig. 10.)
The nomenclature employed by the Malays for their boats appears to the traveller at first to be unnecessarily intrionte. Closer attention, however, soon shows that the name, as has indeed been already suggested, is very rarely derived from the rig, as is so much the case in Earope, but rather from distinctions, which often seern to the stranger to be comparatively insignificant, in the hulls or build. (Plate II., fig. 11.) Nearly every water-side settlement of any importance having developed its own ideas of ornamentation or of construction, it is not to be wondered at, that boats, which might well be classed under one head, as far as all essential particulars are concerned, yet come under the observation of the traveller under widely different names, differing often merely with the locality of their origin. (Plate II., fig. 12.) For instance, a number of otherwise very similar boats are named (a) simply after the form of figure-head, to the frequency of which reference has already been made, e.g., the Hornbill-boat, the Crocodile-boat7; or (6) from some peculiarity in construction, e.g., the Patani "Hall-decked " boat (literally, Boat with decked fore-part), or the "Ciret-fence" boat, which is nothing but a form of the type generally known as penjajap, to which a peculiarly ornamental balwark or rail is given.
A large number of boats, as might be expected, are distinguished by the use for which they are built; e.g., the "boat for going up-stream," 10 and various types of fishing boat.11 Others are of purely local significance; e... Banting (an Achinesa type]. While several appear to be derived from European names; e.g., skonar (schooner], and pinis (pinnace], and perhaps kichi (ketch], skuchi [scotchy), and katar (cutter].
It is noticeable that, in most of their larger built boats, the Malays have adopted the comparatively modern method of slinging the rudder by metal fastenings on the stern post, known afloat as "gudgeons" and "pintles."
In many of their dug-out canoes, in the kolek, and in some of the non-Europeanised types of fishing boats1% of Selangor and the East Coast, for instance, the rudder consists of the simple raddle held on the quarter, or a paddle-shaped rudder slung at the head on a stout upright, and held at the neck by a rattan lashing. This is the earliest and simplest form of rudder known to man. It was that used in the ships of the earliest navigators of the Mediterranean, of whom we have record, 13 and it remained, with slight modifications, as the usual steering contrivance of the Egyptians, of the Greeks and Ronians, and of the Danes and Saxons and Normans, down to Medieval times.
Prahu Buaya. Katop 'Luan.
Pagar Tonggdlong. 16 Prahu pemudik, from mudik, to go ap-stream.
11 Prahu ikan, or per-jkan, from kan, fish. 116.9., the Kakap Jeram. 13 We have records of oraft in Egypt Bo steered from the time of the Third Dynasty (about 6000 B. C.).

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APRIL, 1906.] BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY PENINSULA.
It is much used in some of the craft of the Northern portion of the Gulf of Siam, and it may be noted that the rudder is always used on the lee quarters, if, as is usual, the boat carries a weatherhelm, this position giving far greater power and deeper immersion. (Plate II., figs. 13 and 14.)
101
The Malays do not use oars to a great extent, except with the bigger decked vessels. These oars are somewhat heavy about the loom and have often sharp pointed blades, shaped rather like a broad angular spear head. They are generally worked in a rattan grommet to a sharp quick stroke, any other kind of stroke being impossible, owing to the friction in the grommet and the shortness of the oar. The "standing up and pushing" (or "salmon-stroke") position, common with the Siamese and Chinese and in the Mediterranean, is, on the whole, rarely adopted by the Malays. In the smaller craft, with low freeboard, the paddle is used, the blades in some localities having the same angular spear shape. (Plate II., figs. 15, 16, 17, 18.)
BOAT-BUILDING.
The Malays usually follow the general Indo-Chinese method of construction, in the first stages, at all events, of their smaller boats.
A selected tree is laboriously hollowed out by the adze, until the sides are sufficiently thinned to open out under pressure, and by the judicious application of heat from a slow burning ember fire beneath the bottom. The fore and after ends are roughly modelled with the adze. Before proceeding further, the hull is, at this stage, frequently soaked for some days in the water. In many parts of Siam and Burma, the presence of a monastery can almost be certainly predicted by the little fleet of hewn modelled hulls lying sunk beside a landing place, a sure sigu of the boat-building propensities of the brethren of the yellow robe close by. When sufficiently soaked, the opening out process begins.
The opening out of dug-outs. Various methods are used for this purpose. In this case, water is placed inside the dug-out hull, and hot embers are placed upon the ground underneath her and kept at the required temperature, until the sides have opened out sufficiently to take ribs, knees, and cross-pieces. The sides, in falling out, come down to the bow and stern, and a specimen of your up-river canoe is now complete, viz. :
-
1. Sampan s'lit, a dug-out canoe with wash strake raised on the inside. 2. Chemplong, a fairly deep bodied canoe.
3. Jalor, a shallow dug-out canoe.
Another method of opening the dug-out bull is often used. To the perpendiculars on each side cross-pieces are securely lashed under the hull. A similar number of crosspieces are placed above the hull over the lower ones and connected by a strong double rattan rope. Through these rattans hardwood levers or handles are placed to give a purchase, and are then twisted round and round, bringing the ends of the crosspieces together. This pressure is kept constant, while water and hot embers are applied as necessary.
Two dug-outs may sometimes be seen being cut from one log; the inner and smaller one is worked out by the driving of stout wedges. In order to facilitate the heavy work of driving home these wedges, a low scaffolding is erected alongside one of the canoes for the wedger to stand upon, and the log itself is turned over till it lies at a convenient angle, by means of a lever placed underneath it, the end of the lever being raised by a rope made fast to a windlass. Sometimes a simple floor or keel-piece is used, on which the boat is subsequently built up. In this case, stem and stern pieces will be worked in. The sides are rabetted into the floor-piece, and the upper strakes built on, as in an ordinary carvel-built boat. The simple dug-out form having been obtained, the upper strakes can be built on, the ribs being carried up to receive them. For this purpose the planks are bent by various ingenious applications of levers and hot embers. Many clever devices are used by the Malays for getting the necessary power, and the boat-builder has many arrangements of stout upright pegs about his shop or in his compound.
In the inland sea of Singora, many dug-outs may be seen, built up with strake on strake, in the most unblushing way, without any attempt to hide the roughest method of boat-building, perhaps,

Page #112

102
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1906.
to be seen anywhere. No attempt is made to work in stem and stern posts. The ends are blocked across, a foot or two inside the end of the boat's nose or tail, if one may use the expression, thus forming thwartship water-tight bulkheads. The two or three strakes, often various coloured, are built on, and the topmost one is utilised to give a finish to the whole, by being extended and turned up forward and carried out to form a steersman's staging some way aft. The almost submerged noses of these boats, which are really more Siamese than Malay in type, have generally a most pathetic expression. These boats draw very little water, and are used all over the lake, being able to navigate the shallows, which now form so large a portion of it. They are usually rigged, not with the Malay lug, but the Siamese high-pointed standing lug, a far handier and handsomer sail. For these, the very light yellow matting is used, which is almost universal in the upper portion of the Gulf of Siam.
In another method of warping planks by aid of a fire, when the planks are ready to go on as upper strakes, they are fixed in position, and built up upon the dug-out keel and floor portion of the boat, which has already been opened out to the required extent, as described. The strakes, as they are put on, are held in position by a system of bamboo ties, and secured by rattan lashings.
The last stages of the Malay boat differ with the district. In many cases a beautiful finish is given to the fittings, and a shining polish to the under-water portion of the hull. At this stage half the village may be found at the boat-builders', polishing or criticising with much energy and enthusiasm.
LIST OF
BOATS.14,
1. Balok.15 A single-masted lugsail boat. The model suffers from a mast which is too short to hoist the lugsail. The boat has good beam and fairly flat floors. There are washboards at the quarters and a peculiar slightly outrigged grating or staying over the stern post. The rudder is very small and short, and has a yoke and lines.
2. Bedar or Bidar.1- From shape of stemhead or beak; built of chengal: length, 24 ft.; beam, 4 ft.; depth of hull, 2 ft.; freeboard, 1 ft.; capacity, 1 koy; number of crew, 3: oars only.
3. Bandong. Built of merawan: dimensions, 54 ft. by 6 ft. by 3 ft.; 13 ft. freeboard; capacity, 2 koy; crew of 5; length of mast, 50 ft.; cloth lugsail.
4. Banting17 (Achin, Sumatra). A two-masted trader, built of giam wood: dimensions, 90 ft. by 27 ft. by 7 ft.; 2 ft. freeboard; capacity, 12 koy; crew of 6; length of mainmast, 50 ft.; sails of cloth, but rig uncertain.
5. Bermat (Gelmat). A type of boat frequently seen in tidal waters on the west coast. Has one mast, carrying a square-headed dipping lugsail of the usual type; also a small, roughlymade gallery aft, which amounts to little more than an out-rigged seat; fitted with a steering paddle in place of a rudder. Length of this model is 19 in.
6. Gubang (Bugis or Celebes). The hull of this model shows a lot of dead-wood aft and a lack of body abaft the midship section. A clipper cut-water, a long, straight bottom, narrow quarters, leading to a perpendicular stern-post, do not combine to make a handsome vessel, or to satisfy one as to the accuracy of the model. The rig is a European adaptation, scarcely satisfactory, except when beam-winds are available. (Plate III., fig. 1.)
7. Chemplong (Sumatra).-A long paddling canoe, built of jati. Dimensions, 60 ft. by 5 ft. by 2 ft. 3 in.; 1 ft. freeboard; capacity, 1 koy; crew of 12: oars only.
8. Gubang (" pirate" boat). The gong is usually hung just forward of the deck-house. This model is chiefly interesting as showing what in old days was a very formidable type of sea rover, or pirate, propelled chiefly by oars and armed with swivel guns of considerable size in
-
14 The illustrations are from the models in the Cambridge Archeological Museum.
15 Klinkert says: a trading vessel of great tonnage formerly used.
16 Klinkert says: a small, single-masted sailing boat, also used as a state boat by princes.
17 Klinkert says: a two-masted Achinese vessel.
Klinkert says: A small sea vessel, exceedingly seaworthy. In reality it is no doubt much more so than in the model.

Page #113

APRIL, 1906.7 BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY PENINSULA.
103
the bows. A stout timber breastwork forward gave shelter to the crew when, as usual, the attack was made end on.
9. Gurap. One of the largest Malay traders, fore and aft rigged on two masts : material. giam; dimensions, 300 ft. by 30 ft. by 20 ft.; 11 ft. freeboard ; capacity, 100 koy; crew of 30 ; length of mainmast, 100 ft.
10. Jalak. --The Pabang name for the ordinary east coast two-masted penjajap-rigged trader, known as payang at Trengganu. The main proportions are the same as of the preceding, as is the rig, but there are local differences in build of hull, though the material is the same giam wood, and the general appearance practically the same. Dimensions, 72 ft. by 12 ft. by 9 ft.; 4 ft. freeboard ; capacity, 2 koy; crew of 8; length of main mast, 36 ft, in this instance. The lugsails are of the usual screw-pine leaf.
11. Jong (junk). - A large type of trader, having mainmast, foremast, and possibly mizzen. Built of jati : dimensions, 200 fts by 29 ft. by 18 ft. ; 10 ft. freeboard ; capacity, 50 koy; crew of 21; length of mainmast, 90 ft., said to carry gusi sail. According to Klinkert, this inay be a bezaan, mizzen, or gaffelzeil, fore and aft gaffsail, as distinguished from Chinese or Malay lug. The probability is, that this craft is always rigged with fore and aft sails. For in this case topmasts are always used by the Malays, while with the lugsails, pole masts are used. The length of the mainmast given almost precludes the latter.
12. Jong-Batubara. - Built of chengal : dimensions, 90 ft. by 24 ft. by 16 ft. ; 7 ft. freeboard; capacity, 15 koy; crew of 9; length of mainmast, 90 ft.
13. Kakap Jeram 19 (native Selangor coast fishing boat). - A typical Malay fishing boat of the Selangor coast. The rig is practically the same as that of the nadir. The model shows the figurehead, ornamented stern-post and the long paddle rudder already described. The gratings on which the crew are accommodated are shewn, and along each side forming the gunwale may be seen & Wash-strake formed of strong lacing of split bamboo strips, stoutly sewn together with bamboo withies and filled in with palm-leaf, the whole held in position by lasbings to knees brought up from the boat's ribs. This is a very usual form of w.sb-strake in Malay boats, and is strong, light and effective. It is given considerable flare at each quarter. The equivalent of the lumber irons used in European fishing craft is provided by loops of rattan on the starboard side, and here the punt poles and other spars are stowed. Forward will be noticed a peculiar form of bits, stretching athwart ships, used for winding the cable upon, as well as bitting it. Dimensions, 13 it, by 7 ft. by 3 ft.; 1 ft, freeboard ; capacity, 2 koy; crew of 3 ; length of mast, 23 feet: material, meranti:
14. Kater. - Built of jati: dimensions, 180 ft. by 21 ft. by 9 ft. ; 4 ft, freeboard ; capacity, 20 koy; crew of 10; length of mainmast, 90 ft. Said to be a one-master. Though the name resembles our word cutter, one cannot suppose that a Malay vessel of such dimensions is cutter-rigged, The Malays are not accustomed to use material of sufficient strength to stand the enormous strains that would be involved.
15. Ketiap (trading river boat, built of giam). - Dimensions, 48 ft. by 9 ft. by 3 ft. ; 1 ft. freeboard ; capacity, 2 koy; crew of 3: oars and poles only. (Plate III., fig. 2.)
16. Ketiap Buaya (Katar). - A cutter-rigged river boat, carrying a figurehead, representing a crocodile, and an outrigged gallery. It is propelled by sweeps. The length of this model is 214 in. (Plate III., figs. 3 and 4.)
17. Kichi (large two-master). - Material, jati: dimensions, 200 ft. by 80 ft. by 15 ft.; · 5 ft. freeboard; capacity, 60 koy; crew of 20 ; length of mainmast, 80 feet; said to be rigged
with yards, brig-rig.20 Some of the Malay Peninsula Rajas have at various times owned very fine European built and rigged vessels, half as traders, half as yachts. A very handsome brig belonged to an East Coast Raja a few years ago.
15 Kakap means "spy" or "scout," or "look-out," and Jeram is the name of a big fishing village in the Kuala Selangor district (of Selangor), from which this boat took its name of the Jeram Scouter.
20 Klinkert says: English brig or yacht.
sacht.
.

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104
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1906.
18. Kolek (lit., the "Rocker" or wobbler, from its crank build). The term sampan, a word of apparently Chinese origin, which is given generally to any small, especially Chinese boats, is also frequently applied to these canoes. The kolek is the usual form of small sea-fishing canoe, the stem and stern-post are generally high and pointed, with some decorative paint work, or other ornamentation. It is generally carvel-built, with a shapely hull and prettily rounded forefoot; but there is very little bilge, and consequently small stability, which, combined with the low canoe-like freeboard, makes these boats somewhat tricky to the novice. The peculiar "crab's-eyes" are frequently to be seen in these boats. They carry single or double lugsails according to length. In the former case, the tack of the sail is usually belayed at the mast, so as to form a standing sail. In these little boats the young Malays generally get their first lessons in sailing. In the longer boats, with larger crews, two dipping lugs of the usual Malay type are generally preferred. Dimensions of 5-man boat: length, 24 ft.; beam, 4 ft.; depth, 2 ft.; freeboard, 1 ft.; capacity, 20 pik; length of mast, 24 ft. Some of these boats are said by the Malays to carry the sabang sail.22
-
In Singapore, the koleks have developed into long boats, used a good deal in racing, rigged with large cloth-made sprit mainsail and stay-foresail, and manned by a large crew of 20 or more, who act as live ballast out to windward. In a fresh breeze they stand on the gunwale, and, holding on to man-ropes leading from the mast, lean out all their length to windward. These boats are very slippy with the wind abaft the beam, for, with a length of 45 feet, they have a beam of not more than 5 ft. 6 in., and a draught of about 2 ft. But they have no grip for weatherly work. The increase of the lateral resistance, by the introduction of a centreboard, would probably result in enabling these boats to perform well on a wind in smooth
water.
19. Lancha23 or Lanchang (Malay two-master, with dipping lugsails). This is an approach to a sea-keeping type of vessel. She is rigged with the ordinary square-headed dipping lugsails, which are of nearly equal size as in the penjajap. The lofty slender masts are well stayed, and are stepped in tabernacles of a kind which is common to the Malays, and both are raked forward. The sails are made of the screw-palm with cloth tops, and there are main and peak halyards. The vessel has a clipper stem, over which the foregallery is built for the anchors; this also acts as a bumpkin or bowspit for spreading the tack of the foresail. A comparatively commodious deck-cabin and stern gallery are added over the straight sternpost. The hull is carvel built on very European lines, but has no great depth. The model is armed with pivot m. 1. guns, and has sweeps along her sides as is usual. (Plate III., fig. 5.)
In Selangor it is affirmed that the lanchang is a type of boat, which was frequently owned by Malay Rajas on the Sumatran coast, and to this day in Selangor, it is this royal vessel, which is dedicated to the service of the spirits, when the medicine-man invites them to sail
away.
20. Lanchang To'Aru25 (Bandar). very similar to the other lanchang in hull, and fitted fore and aft gaff and boom sails.
Malay two-master, fore and aft rigged. This is but the model has short masts, and two badly cut She would need very much a larger spread of head
21 Klinkert saya: The small variety for one person only; but big ones hold 10 or more persons.
22 Klinkert describes this as "the sail of a small boat which has no tackle except a brace, but has instead a kind of sokong [prop ]." This presumably means a spritsail, set up by its spreet no other sail so exactly answering to this description.
25 Klinkert says: big Indian three-master, with slanting or sloping sails from port; lancha, boat or sloop. (See Lanchang.)
24 A galley or oared vessel with yards, but without spiegel.
Klinkert.
25 To'Aru was one of the council of four great chiefs of Selangor, who in former days had much power, and to whom was entrusted the election of the Sultan. To'Ara was the most powerful of these four great chiefs, and took his name from a district called Ara, in Sumatra, from which he came over to settle in Selangor. Aru is probably the same as the word aru (also eru or 'ru), which means a casuarina-tree. Bandar was the name of the place (on the Langat river) where To Aru lived.

Page #115

April, 1906.] BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY PENINSULA.
105
canvas, and boats thus rigged on the east coast generally carry long topmasts and jib-booms for light-weather sails. (Plate III., fig. 6.)
21. Nadir. - This is a more Europeanised form of the next, with cloth sail and weather-boards astern,
22. Nadir. - A shallow-draft Malay fishing-boat of the Malacca coast, carvel built, with straight stem and stern posts of European type. The rig is a single lug, the tack or fore-end of the boom being made fast well forward and to windward of the mast. The luff is Bet taut by a spar-bowline fitting in a cringle, the after-end coming to the deck abaft the mast. There is a peak as well as a main halyard, both in single parts, the sheet and vang being the same, and leading to the helmsman aft. There are spear-bladed paddles, and in the model the kajang or attap-thatch shelter, used by the crew when riding to an anchor, is shown rolled up on the gratings. The sail is reefed by rolling round the main boom by help of a wooden pin used as a lever, from the fore-end to the height required. A rope parral, as is usual, keeps the sail to the mast. Such a boat would be enormously improved by centre or lee boards. Material, kelidang : dimensions, 24 ft. by 6 ft. by 3 ft. 3 in. ; 1 ft. freeboard; capacity, 1 koy; crew of 5 ; length of mast, 30 ft. ; screw pine-leaf sail.
23. Pedewaka (Bugis, Celebes). - A two-masted trader. Built of giam wood. Dimensions, 99 ft. by 15 ft. by 12 ft. ; 6 ft. 8 in. freeboard ; capacity, 60 koy; crew of 16; length of mainmaat, 60 ft.
24. Payang. - This is a type which has a divided deck-house. The payang has usually the ordinary two-lug rig, and dandans fore and aft. Dimensions, 72 ft, by 12 ft, by 5 ft. ; 3 ft. freeboard ; capacity, 4 koy; erew of 4 men; material, giam; sails of screw palm-leaf ; length of mainmast, 60 ft.
25. Pelang27 (a large canoe-like boat, built of giam wood). - Dimensions, 42 ft. by 5 ft. by 2 ft. 3 in. ; 1 ft. freeboard ; capacity, 1 koy; one mast about 40 ft. long, with cloth lagsail.
26. Penchalang (Bugis, Celebes). - A two-masted trader, built of jati. Dimensions, 80 ft. by 15 ft. by 9 ft. ; 4 ft. freeboard ; capacity, 15 koy; crew of 80 (?). Apparently European rigged, the masts having ratlines,
27. Pemudik.- A river boat, built of seraya. Dimensions, 48 ft. by 15 ft. by 2 ft.; 6 in. freeboard; capacity, 2 k. 20 p.; crew of 5. Carries no awning.
28. Pinis.- Built of penak wood. Dimensions, 120 ft. by 27 ft. by 8 ft. ; 3 ft. freeboard ; capacity, 30 koy; crew of 9 ; mainmast, 50 ft. long. (Plate III., fig. 7.)
29. Prahu Ayam (Cook boat). - So-called from its figurehead. In other respects it differs little from other forms of Malay river boats.
30. Prahu Buaya (Crocodile boat). - So-named simply from its figurehead. Has a stern gallery, a kajang for the passengers and four oars, with mast and a sail. The rudder is hung upon the stern post. Length of model, 23 in.
31. Prahu Enggang (Hornbill boat). — Named after its figurehead. The boat has a stern gallery and the peculiar, but not uncommon, divided deck-shelter aft. As regards her rig, we may charitably suppose that the skipper, having been dismasted in a squall, has borrowed or stolen his mast and sail from a passing kolek.
92. Prahu Kumbang (Borer-bee boat, the Royal barge from Selangor). -The gong is usually suspended from the ridge pole aft.
93. Prahu Naga (Dragon boat).- A two-master with the ordinary square-headed dipping Jugsails, deck-house radder and galleries both fore and aft. The name of this boat, which means dragon, is taken from its figurehead which represents a dragon. It is said to be of a type formerly used by Malay Rajas, e.g., by the Sultans of Perak and Selangor. The length of this model is 27 in.
26 Klinkert says: Pedewakan, a Bugis trading vessel. 37 Klinkert sayu: A fat-bottomed vowel. Chinese pilan,

Page #116

106
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1906.
34. Prahu Penggalah (a river boat of Kelantan type propelled by from four to six quanters). - The quanting poles, when out of use, are slung under the eaves of the deck-house, which is very low and entirely unprovided with Windows. The quanters stand in pairs on the outrigged staging over the bows, and when the first pair have planted their poles, they walk rapidly down towards the door of the deck-house, pushing hard as they go. Immediately behind them come the second pair, and behind them come the third ; each pair, as they come to the end of their walk, lifting the poles over the heads of the succeeding pairs and returning to the fore-end of the staging referred to. Length of this model about 19 in.
35. Prahu Polet (Eng. pilot). -A thorough-going Malay as regards hull, with a low-cut imitation of an European gig's dipping lag, with the addition of the usual Malay boom and the vang to the yard. These vangs are always necessary, owing to the sails not being of sufficiently stout material to carry a stout luff-rope, by which the sail can be set up tant to stand on a wind.
36. Prabu Jolong-jolong (Long-beaked boat), from her cut-away fore-foot and clipper stem. She has the galleries shared by most of the large-decked Malay boats. The rigging of the model is, as will be seen, somewhat faulty, but is sufficient to show that the ordinary two lug of the penjajap and her sisters is used.
37. Prahu Tambang (Passenger or Ferry boat). - Has the bows prolonged into a sharp beak, mast and shoulder-of-mutton sail, outrigged seat for the steersman and washboards astern. The steersman's seat is called Teetam kemudi, lit., radder-crab, from a supposed resemblance between its shape and that of a crab. The rudder is hung European fashion. The length of this model is 20 in.
38. Salah-salah. A large three-master, being fore and aft rigged on two masts, with yard or peruan (square or lugsail) on the third. Built of kelidang. Dimensions28 - 240 ft. by 30 ft. by 15 ft. ; 5 ft. freeboard; capacity, 30 koy; crew of 20; length of mainmast, 80 ft.
39. Skonar (? schooner). - Built of jati: dimensions, 180 ft. by 26 ft. by 12 ft. ; 4 ft. freeboard; capacity, 40 koy; crew of 10. Described as being rigged on fore and mainmasts with yards, and the third mast with gusi sail (mizzen or fore-and-aft sail). It would appear that the two forward masts either carry lugsails or square yards. The mizzen would be a fore-and-aft sail. This might be a barque-rigged or Chinese-rigged vessel.
40. S'kuchi or skoohi.29 - A two-masted trader. Dimensions, 50 ft. by 15 ft. by 7 ft.; 3 ft. free board ; capacity, 10 koy; crew of 8; length of mainmast, 40 ft.; lugsails of screw palm-leaf, of the usual type. (Plate III., fig. 8.)
41. Tongkang Malayu (Malay Lighter). - This ketch-rig is now much used in the cargo lighters of Singapore, and is a handy one for a small crew, working about a crowded anchorage liable to sharp squalls. Mainsail and mizzen are set by an outhaul along the gaff, and are easily and rapidly taken in by being brailed to the mast. Many of these boats may be seen any day working in Singapore roads. There is also a class of lighter in Singapore rigged with a big flat-headed lugsail, somewhat like similar lighters at Rangoon. They are big powerful boats, well suited to their work. The rig is handy for going alongside ships, as involving very little gear.
42. Top or Tob.- A two-master, built of gian wood. Dimensions, 90 ft. by 18 ft. 8 ft.; 4 ft. freeboard; capacity, 15 koy; crew of 8 ; length of mainmast, 60 ft. Probably a fore-and-aft schooner-rigged vessel, being described as having the gusi sail. Bat if the name means " mizzen," the rig is left open.
43. Tunku Kudin's Barge (Kedah pattern), called Kempeng or Ketiap Kedah.
44. Wilmana (from the name of a fabulous bird), an obsolete type of State-boat, formerly used by Selangor Rajas. The particular boat from which this model was copied belonged to one Ungku Alang. - A river boat propelled by sweeps, and fitted with an awning for the crew, as well as for the passengers. It has outrigged galleries fore and aft, and carries a flag and royal gong. The length of this model is 82 ins.
* Probably over-all length to end of dandans or galleries » Klinkert says: from Dutch schuitke, used for any small saili..g boats of European rig.

Page #117

TABLES OF BOATS.
A.
Material.
Length.
Beam.
Tonnage.
Free board.
APRIL, 1906.]
Crew.
Maste.
Depth (of
hull). Inches.
No.
Name of Bost.
Material of Sails.
Remarks.
Name of Wood.
Feet.
Koyan, Pikul.
Feet.
Height in feet
None
Oars only. Oars and potes only; used for trading up the
rivers. Carries no awning; open river boat. Leaf.
Screw-pine (mengkuang)
118
Cloth
1 Bedar
Chengal
| 42 0 1 0 2 Ketiap
Giam
48 93 02 010 3 Pemudik Seraya 48 15 2 2 0 2 200 6 4 Nadir ... ... Kelidang
3 91 0 1 0 5 Payang
Giam 6 Kakap
Meranti 7 G'lemat Merbau | 36 2 3 1 0 1 0 8 Skuchi Kelidang 50 7 0 10 0 3 0 9 Jong ... . Jati 200
0 50 0 100 10 Jong (Batu Chengal 90
15 0709 bara). 11 Sulah-Salah ... Kelidang 240 060 050 Garnp
Giam 300 30 20 ...
20 0100 0 11 0 30 Kichi ... .... Jati
15 0 60 0 5 0 20 12 0 40 0 4 0 10
Screw-pine
leaf Cloth
Gusi sail.
BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY PENINSULA.
200
30
S'konar
(1) Mast, with yard (peruan); (2) Masts
with gaff topsail (gap tapsir). Same as No. 11. Two masts, with yards. Two masts (fore and main), with yards, third
mast with gusi (gaff topsail). Masts furnished with ladders (? tangga)
(possibly European shrouds"). Oars only.
Penchalang
(Bugis). 16 Chemplong.
Merawan 18 Pede wak
- Giam (Bugis). 19 Pinis ... .
Penak 20 Katar...
Jati 21 Banting
Giam (Acheh).
15 04 01 2 31 0 10 12 3 0 2 0 13 5 12 050 0 6 3 16
30 0 3 0 9 0 2004 01 7 0 12 0 2 0 0
Pelang
Top":
19
Jalak (Pahang) Kolek... .
2 3 101015 8 0 15 0 4 0 10 9 02 04 0 8 2 0 0 2010
Screw-pine
leaf
Gusi sail.
Awning fixed permanently astern askew (?)."
Seraya
Sabang (sprit) sail (9).
107

Page #118

108
Name of Boat. (Nama prahu.)
Sampan...
Jalor
Sagor
Kolek
Bedar
Ketiap
Pemudik...
...
...
...
Nadir Payang...
Kakap
Bermat ...
Skuchi ...
Salah Salah
Jong
...
T⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀E
...
...
Gebang...
Lancha
Lanchara
...
Length. (Panjangnya.)
4 depa
8
www
25 ft.
3 depa
4
+8
19
30 ft.
35
48 ft.
5 depa
Gubang Penjajap (lebak 7 bergantong).
Balok
12 depa Tongkang-Malaya 35 ft.
4 depa
...
72 ft.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
20-25ft. 6,
7"
80 ft.
10 depa
5
Beam. (Awaknya.)
19
4 kaki
3
5 ft.
6 kaki
5
33
50-60ft. 8 ft.
33
7
7 ft.
1}"
6-7 ft. 1 ft.
1 1}"
2
1 kaki 2 kaki
TABLES OF BOATS.
Freeboard,
kaki
Cargo.
Draft. (Brapa (Brapa kaki dalam makamnya.)
tinggi-nya (Muatan deri pada nya.) ayer.)
19
1 kaki 1 kaki
14
1 ft.
1 kaki
"
2 "1
5 ft.
"
...
8 ft.
5 n
10 "
2 depa 5 kaki
6-7 ft. 2 ft.
4 kaki 1 kaki
1 depa 2
B.
= $
39
1.
8 ft.
6
1 kaki 6 pikul
2
6
2 ft.
8
33
"9
4,
...
5 ft.
6 ft. 1 ft.
2 ft.
2 depa 23 kaki 5 kaki
1
4
1},,
3
7
6 kaki 5 ft.
4 kaki
4
5
"
10
2 ft.
Prahu-Tambang, 18 ft. ft. &c. Kolek lamba 6 depa 1 depa 1 kaki 4 kaki (Singapore).
3"
21, 1 kaki 5
6 pikul
8
"3
1
33
1 koyan
2
23
8
19
1
4
39
5-6 koyan 10"
10 2 "
...
33
29
""
Number Number of Crew. of Masts.
(Orang- (Brapa nya.) liang-nya.)
2
1
3
1
4
5
6
4
12
27
5
5
8 pikul
3
5 koyan 4
1..
5
7
5
5
4
6
...
8
6
[APRIL, 1906.
2
ទ
1
1
2
...
2
2
3
2
1
1
...
2
1
...
1
1
Remarks.
1 jib
2 jibs
...
607
090
...
...

Page #119

Indian Antiquary
MALAY BOATS.
Plate I..
ANSK
E FOREMAST, WITH SQUARE SAIL
2. TOP-MAST AND GAFF.
3. MALAY TYPE, SINGORA
!
3
4. TRANSOME-STERNED PENJAJAP, RUNNING INTO SINGORA
5. FAIR WIND OFF PATANI.
6. FISHING BOAT REACHING : SINGORA
SA
7. SINGAPORE LIGHTER, TRAILING MAINS
8. LAKE BOAT. SINGORA
Q. RUA YAYAP, CLOSE HAULED. SINGORA HARBOUR
H. WARINGTON SMYTH. DEL
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #120


Page #121

Indian Antiquary
MALAY BOATS.
Plate II.
2
TEUIL HY
tra
10. AT ANCHOR, FROM A SKETCH OFF LAKAWN
I.
KELANTAN TYPE OF SEA CANOE
12. IN SINGAPORE ROADS
EU
Vi
MWAMY
HY
15. FROM A SKETCH IN THE GULF OF SIAM.
WITH FAIR MONSOON
18. BOW, BUILT UP DUG OUT
14. STERN, BUILT UP DUG OUT
33
16. FISHING CANOE. BINQORA
17. MALAY TRADER WITH CHINESE LUGS, CLOSE HAULED.
EAST COAST
16. PENJAJAP OFF TANG RANAUT
H. WARINGTON SMYTH. DEL.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #122

1. GUBANG BUGIS
6. LANCHANG TO ARU
W. W. SKEAT, PHOTO.
MALAY BOAT MODELS.
Plate III.
2. KETIAP
4. KETIAP PENGALLAK
www
A 46
W
7. PINIS
Indian Antiquary
5. LANCHA
3 KETIAP AYAM
8 S'KUCHI
W GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #123

APRIL 1906.7 BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY PENINSULA.
109
LIST OF PRINCIPAL WOODS USED IN MALAY BOAT-BUILDING,
Malay Name.
Botanioal Name.
Names of Boats in whiob they are used.
1. Chengal or chengai ... .
Bedar, Jong Batubara. 2. Giam ... ... . |
Shorea sp. (in Sumatra), Ketiap, Pelang, Payang, Top,
Balanocarpus sp.? (in Malay Gurap, Jalak, Pede wak, Peninsula).
Banting Acheh. 3. Jati... ... (Teak) Tectona grandis ... Jong, Kichi, Skonar, Katar,
Chemplong, Penchalang
Bugis. 4. Kelidang or K'ledang (sel.) Artocarpus lancifolius Nadir, Skuchi, Salah-Salah. 5. Meranti Hopea meranti
Kakap. 6. Merawan ... Hopea menga rawan ...
Bandong. 7. Merbau
Afzelja palembanica ... Gelemat (Bermat ?). 8. Penak ...
Balanocarpus maximus Pinis (?). 9. Saraya or Seraya Chempe- Shorea ... ... ... Pemudik, Kolek.
dak ayer.
Among the many other woods used in Malay boat-building may be mentioned the several species of medang (tetranthera), and mentangor (calophyllum), used especially for masts and spars, &c.; also perhaps the Indian daun (sdl or shorea); k'ranji (leguminose and dipterocarpece); and kosak or lousak (dipterocarpeæe); penaga (calophyllum inophyllum) is used especially for "boats'knees" (siku-siku); perepat (sonneratia alba ?); pudeh (calophyllum inophyllum) for big boats, especially stem and bow pieces, not planks; bentangor bunga for masts (oalophyllum pulcherrimum); glam-bark (melaleuoa leucodendron) and damar, instead of oakum and pitch.
GLOSSARY. Andang-undang. - The "yard." Anjing-anjing. - Lit., the "dogs"; tack-ring for sail fixed in chabang guling (q.v.). Angkul-angkul. – Metal ring for setting up stays to, or belaying tack of sail (both fore
and aft). When these rings are of wood, they are called anjing-anjing, q.o.; e.g. also
the other use of the word angkul-angkul (in kolek). Angkul-angloul. - The ornamental "bit" across the stem of the sea-canoe (kolek) only,
with "crab's eyes" lashed in position; v. angkul-angkul (supra). Apit lempang. - Lower strake. Balas. - (v. tolak bara). Bantal. - Lit., pillow; i. e., "rest" or "support." Batang (dayong) or yandar. - The shaft of an oar. Batu sarh. - Lit., "anchor-stone," i.e., weight lashed to shank of Malay anchor as
a "sinker." 'Bam (kamudi). - Rudderhead,

Page #124

110
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1906.
Bédar. - An elongated and flattened beak, broadening towards the tip (not unlike the bill
of an ornithorhyncus). V. also list of boat names. Bekas pengumpil. - Cratch for helmsman's steering oor or paddle. Bekas tombak sayang. - Cringle in the luff taking spar-bow-line. Bengku-bengku (kajang). - Crutches or solid forks for supporting awning (kajang), stepped in "joints" (internodes) of bamboo: native (Malay) awning rests for supporting
sides of awning only, Beranda. - Gallery or deckhouse ; lit., "verandah " (perhaps from the Portuguese). Ber ombong. - Mast-tabernacle. Birei. -"Side" of a boat (i.e., a thin, sharp boat-side as distinct from a boat-side with
broad gunwale, for which latter v. loper-leper). Bom (Dutch). - The "boom." Buah berambang. - The truck (lit., berembang fruit, so-called from an onion-shapened
fruit which grows on a big tree in the tidal mangrove swamps). In Jav. berembang =
onion. The fruit is acid and may be eaten. Buaya-buaya. – Lit., the “crocodile." The posts at bow and stern of some Malay boats,
which are nailed to the linggi (q.o.). Chabang guling. - Horizontal forked bow-and-stern gunwale-pieces, Cherok jegong. - Locker under bow-sheets. (Klinkert says : For stowing cable or sails,
ropes, &c.). Cherok jegong. - Bow and stern-lockers. Chupu-chupu tiang). - Mast-steps and partners. Dandan. - Projecting or bow or stern galleries, as in many old and some modern sailing
vessels. Dap'ras or daperaa, - A rope "fender" for protecting the side of a ship. Daun dayong. - Lit., 4 Oar-leaf"; s.c., oar-blade. Daun pengayuh. - Paddle-blade. Dayong. - Dar. Gading-gading. The ribs (lit., ivories or elephant-tasks) of a built-ap boat. Gai p'lang jib. - Bowsprit-staye. Gaing. - Klinkert says: Beak-like piece formed by the tapering of both stem and stern
of a ship above the keel. Gandar jauh. - Shank of anchor. Gelemal. - (horizontal) forked strengthening-piece inside stem of a river-boat or
ketiap only). Gula (also algula). - Grommets or oarloops (made of rattan, for oars). Jamban. - The "jakes." (Dinding jamoan, the side of the "jakes"); . jerambah. Jaring-jaring. - Lit., nettings or network (.e., the gratings of the flooring of a sampan, &c.). 2 wjempt. - Ensign-staff step. Jongor. - Jib-boom (spar on end of bow-sprit).

Page #125

APRIL, 1906.) BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY PENINSULA,
111
Jerambak. - The open-work floor of a dandan or out-rigged stern gallery, consisting of
narrow fore-and-aft battens, with open spaces between them, and used as a "jakes," &c. (Klipkert says: Place where plates are washed and people bathe, the cook's) gallery on
board, &c.). Jerambah. - Out-rigged bow gallery. Jerubong. - Klinkert says : Projecting roof above the deck, made by covering in with
matting the cargo which cannot otherwise be stowed. Kajang serong. - Lit,, cross-kajang or awning. Kamar (or bilek). - A cabin (fr. Port, kamar). Kamudi. Rudder. (1) . sepak or the kicking rudder (the native steering-paddle).
(e)k. shawat, the close-shipped" or European rudder (lit., "loin-cloth" rudder, because
it is fitted to the stern-post). Kandar dayong). - 0, gandar (or batang). Kapi. - A double sheave-block, Klodau sauh (or kaladau). -Cable-bits, extending across bows, on which cable is wound. Kelikir. - Robbins for bending sail to yard. Kelilir (dayong). - Big rattan loop lashed to sangga (q.v.), for carrying oars, like
European fisherman's lumber iron. Ketam kamudi. - Lit., Radder crab. An ornamental plank taking rudder upright in the
sea-canoe (kolek) only. Kota mara. - Transverse deok bulkheads at stem and stern. Kuku. - Lit., "claw" or "talon" -anchor fluke, Kwong. — Deok-house. k. bajan, the desk-house of a pirate (gubang laut), which
consisted of two separate fore and aft shelters facing each other at the stern. Lantai. - Flooring (of a sampan, &c.); frequently a wooden grating or grid. Layar, or layer. - A sail. (a) potive, of the leaf of the screw-palm, or the badut, &c.;
called l. batang. (b) foreign, e.g., the cloth-sail. - puchols jala. -Lit., "peak of casing-net" sail; i.e., what should call "shoulder-of
matton" sail, bara gawir suai (? extra sail" between the masts").
bare gawir suai. - Staysail, - bara gusi. - Mainsail.
gap topoier. - Gaff topsail or topsail, - trengkit. - Fore-sail.
trengkit gedeling. Fore topsail. --- trengkit topsier. - Pore topsæil (over gaff ?) Leper-leper. - Flat top of gunwale. Liang kumbang. - Lit., borer-bee holes," limber holes, .o., spaces left underneath the
ribs for the water to pass by (to reach the bailing-well). Linggi.-Stem and stern-pieces of some Malay Ashing boats. Linggi or kepala 'luan. - Stem-piece (kepala 'luan bow-bead). [Linggi also means
stern-piece, but for this the corresponding synonym is kepala buritan, or stern-head.]

Page #126

112
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Linggisan (dayong) or linggis. False gunwale-piece, taking the grommets. Lunas.
-
- Keel or keelson (European).
Magun. By some said (rather vaguely) to be a "small hut above the kajang"; by others, "a small shelter formed by an additional kajang in the stern" (at the back of the main awning).
-
-
Mata kakap. Lit., "scout-hole," or more lit. " scout's eye"; i.e., the plughole.
Mata ketam-Lit., " crab's eyes "; v. angkul-angkul. (These mata ketam are short sticks with knobs on them, thus resembling crab's eyes on stalks; they are fitted into the angkul-angkul).
Naga-naga.Central fore-and-aft piece let into deek between thwarts, over bailing-well;
[APRIL, 1906.
v. also naga-naga, infra.
Naga-naga. Lit., the "dragon"; bottom floorboard or stringer; horizontal fore-and-aft timber nailed to the keel, along the inside of the boat; v. also naga-naga, supra. Pakau. (1) Strengthening piece, as in case of pakau rubing; (2) cross-piece, like the bar of a bucket or bailer, which is used as a handle for making rope fast to, &c. Split cane. Strengthening piece for edge of awning or kajang.
Pakau kajang.
Paku chabang 'luan.- Metal fastenings holding strakes to bow rib, (Paku nail.) Lit., "nails of bow-fork."
Paku gading-gading.. - Metal fastenings holding strakes to rib abreast mast. (Lit., "rib-nils.")
Pangger.The cross timbers taking the flooring of a sampan, &c.
Pantok. Short weather-boards on the quarters in a river boat or ketiap.
Papan guntong or guntong (only). - Top-strake.
Papan kamudi. Steersman's out-rigged seat,
Papan lupi or lupik (or lopi).
sea-canoe).
Papan tembatu.- Fore-and-aft battens of out-rigged gallery. Papan ketiak.
bow.
-
Stern-sheet floor-piece for steersman (in the kolek or
Lit., "arm-pit planks," i.e., horizontal out-rigged wash-boards on each
Papan lapek sauh.
Bow-sheets (on which anchor is stowed).
Pasak tuli. Lit., " deaf"-pegs, i. e., wooden pegs making fast ends of strakes to stem. Pelkah. The hatch.
Pemetar or pemutar (also tangan) kamudi. The tiller [ lit., the turning-piece or rudderarm (tangan)].
Penchachi. A pin or lever (short spar), used only to help in rolling up the leafsail, which is much harder to roll than a sail of cloth upon the boom, whether for reefing or furling.
Pendua apit lempang. - Middle (lit., 2nd) strake.
Pengayuh, Paddle.
Pengapit Rubing. Lowest slat (or split cane), made fast to gunwale and ribs, to hold in place the bottom of the rubing (q..).
Perambut takal changking. Stropping of peak-halyard block. Perapatan. The jointure or joining-places of the strakes. wooden caulking-piece, such as is well known elsewhere. Klinkert does not mention this. but gives perapat: Peg upon which, or hole in which, the oar-handles are stuck (?)
Probably also originally a

Page #127

APRIL, 1906.] BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY PENINSULA. 118
Peruan. Yards, i. e., andang-andang (q.v.).
Perimpin. Petak. Petak ikan.
Pisang-pisang. Lit., the plantain or banana, i, e., the galver-strake or rubbing-strake. 'Pit. - Described as a spar or timber above the mainsail, apparently another name for the gaff or yard (possibly a confusion with English peak).
-
The luff-rope (rope edging of foreport or "luff" of the sail).
The hold.
The fish-hold.
Rubing.
False gunwale, or wash-strake, made of palm-leaf and fixed on to the gunwale of Malay fishing-boats, &c.
- A dug-out with in-board wash-strake.
Solid forked lumber-piece for carrying quanting-poles, &c.
Sampan slit. Sangga (galah). Sauh. Anchor. Sengkar. A thwart. Sengkar b'lakang. Sengkar timba ruang.. Sengkar tiang (or tiyang).
Bailing-well thwarts. The mast thwart.
Senta. —
According to Klinkert, the fore and aft timbers on which the deck timbers (" deck baulks ") come to be laid.
-
Senta (or rembat). Klinkert says: Rimbat, the false gunwale-piece taking the grommet (linggisan, q. v., but v. senta supra).
Serempu. Dug out keel-piece, previous to building upon, or, more strictly, "keel and bottom-piece."
Siar (or sier). Sail (Eng. ?).
Siku-siku. The "knees," according to Klinkert. Lit., it means the " elbows." S'kat kamudi. Aft thwart. S'kat 'luan. The bow thwart. Subang babi.
Lit., pig's ear-rings (from its shape), i. e., false stem-taking ends of false gunwale (rubing). Sulor-bayong. Ornamental wooden scroll finial in stern sheets of sea-canoe (kolek). Tajok.-Native forked rests (or crutches) for supporting the ends of the Malay awning or kajang.
—
-
—
Stern-sheet thwart.
Tajok lelei (v. supra). - Elongated rib with knee at stern, taking the end of the rubing or surf-board.
Takal.
A single sheave block.
Tali anak. The lashing which holds cable to shank.
anjar.-Peak halyard (standing part).
anggo'. Lit., nodding or pitching rope the name given to the bob-stay of the
jongor (jib-boom, q. v.).
bara gai.. -"Rope used with boom of stern-mast." Main tack.
bubutan. -bustai.
Runners or running back-stays. (Eng.) "bob-stay."
-
-

Page #128

114
Tali changking. Peak halyard (hauling part).
dugang. Man-rope, enabling crew to lean out-board to windward when carrying press of sail.
k'lat. Sheet.
klendara. Yard parral, holding yard to mast.
labrang.. lalei.
Synonym for timberang; shroud, or main halyard. Vang, controlling the end of the yard. prahu. Lit., boat-rope (the " painter"). Sauh. The cable (lit., anchor-rope).
-
-
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
—
—
temberang (or témbérang). Shrouds; main-rigging.
trengkit gai. Rope used with boom of foremast (fore-tack). Teletei. The slats of the rubing (wash or surf-board). Fore and aft battens of out-rigged bow gallery.
Tembatu.
Tembuku. Flat wooden block in which the thole is stepped. The mainmast. Tiang (or tiyang) gapil. The mizzen.
Tiang (or tiyang) agong.
Tiang kamudi (or tiyang k.). The rudder upright, holding by a grommet the rudder head. This is in craft where the rudder is used on the quarter, generally on the lee side. Tiang (or tiyang) tupang. The foremast. Klinkert says: This mast (the foremast) is called t. tupeng from the fact that it stands so close to the crutch (tupang) on which the awning (kajang) rests.
-
Timba.-Bailing bucket or "bailer."
Timba ruang (or ruwang).
Tenda. Short weather-boards on the quarters in a nadir..
Tolak bara.Ballast (also balas Eng. " ballast").
Tombak sayang.
Lit., "Hugging lance" (or "shaft"). Spar-bow-line fitting into a cringle in the luff. Topang kajang. Awning crutch (when made in. two pieces, taking the ends of the awning or kajang).
The bailing-well.
[APRIL, 1906.
Tul. (Eng.) thowl or thole: (Dutch) dol.
Tupei-tupei. - A "cleat" (piece of wood fastened to a mast, thwart, or gunwale, for belaying ropes: distinct from belaying-pins, which go through a thwart or gunwale). Ular-ular. Lit., the "snake" or "serpent." (1) a State or Royal pendant or streamer. (2) See the scroll-work at the side of (out-rigged) galleries.
Ulu pengayuh, Paddle-handle. Ulu (dayong).
-
- The "loom" of an oar (lit., oarhead, or hilt).
NOTES BY W. W. SKEAT.
I.
Plate IV., fig. 1, is taken from the photograph of a model kolek, or Malay sea-canoe, now in the Cambridge Musenm. This particular type is that of the kolek, as known on the Selangor. (.e., west) coast of the Malay Peninsula. It obviously differs in several respects from the racing canoe (also called kolek) of Singapore, and somewhat curiously approaches, in fact, in build and

Page #129

1. MALAY KOLEK OR SEA-CANOE, SELANGOR OR WEST-COAST TYPE
3. MALAY KOLEK OR SEA-CANOE, SINGORA, EAST-COAST TYPE
MALAY BOATS.
(Additions).
Plate IV.
H. WARINGTON SMYTH AND W. W SKEAT, DEL AND PHOTO.
SectionAB
2. MALAY KOLEK OR SEA-CANOE, SINGAPORE RACING TYPE
ZAA
Indian Antiquary
4. THREE TYPES OF SAIL
(a) SPRIT-SAIL, SET UP BY ITS SPREET; LAYER SABANG.
(6) FORE-AND-AFT GAFF-SAIL: LAYER GUSI. (c)
DO
WITH TOP-SAIL ADDED: LAYER GUSI WITH LAYER PAKAI-GAP OR TAP-SIR
DO.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #130


Page #131

APRIL 1906.) BOATS AND BOAT-BUILDING IN THE MALAY PENINSULA.
115
general appearance, the cheemaun, or birch-bark canoe of Canada. The curious cylindrical bit" which is lashed in position across the stem of this type of sea-canoe (kolek), and furnished with what are called "crab's eyes” (meta ketam) in Malay, is worth noting. It is probably the highly conventionalised form of some more or less typical bow furniture, the fisherman's line being allowed to bang overboard between the "eyes," which then help to keep it in position. This boat is always steered by a paddle.
Plate IV., fig. 2, represents the punggei, a kolek, or Malay sea-canoe (Singapore racing type), the property of one of the local Rajas, reproduced by the kind permission of the editor of the
Yachtsman. It will be seen that the criticism of its build, &c., made by Mr. Warington Smyth in his paper are fully borne out. Nevertheless, it is this type of Malay boat, of whose speed so many remarkable stories have been told, which has earned for the Malays the very high reputation for seamanship that, among native (non-Europeanised) races, they undoubtedly possess. The truth seems to be that these crafts are, beyond any doubt, exceedingly slippy, and can show a very clean pair of heels when running more or less before the wind, but are of quite inferior speed under any other circumstances. A centre-board would, no doubt, as Mr. Warington Smyth suggests, improve them immensely.
Plate IV., fig. 3, Malay kolek or sea-canoe, - east-coast type. The kolek of the east coast (Kelantan and Patani) is a third, and a very different type, not unlike a small payang.
The following is the translation of a valuable explanatory note received from a Malay correspondent since the publication of Mr. Smyth's paper, the note being accompanied by the diagrams in Plate IV., fig. 4, the first of which (a) represents the layer sabang or "spritsail," set up by its " spreet" (as Mr. W. Smyth surmised); the second (6) being the sail called layer gusi, or "fore-and-aft gaff sail"; and the third (c) representing the gusi sail with "gaff topsail" (gap tap-sir) in addition, "The payang formerly carried forty men, but this was when it was used for piratical purposes, and that was why it carried so large a crew. At the present day it carries one master (juragan), one boatswain (jerbatu ; lit., master of the anchor'), one helmsman (jermudt). ten seamen (klasi), and a cook (tukang masak), in all about fifteen men : a crew of forty men would mean a pirate. The gurap ("grab') is certainly as much as three hundred feet long, i.e., as big as a small fire-boat' (or steamer'). The salah-salah is quite as much as two hundred feet long; in some cases it is as long as the gurap."
To the foregoing note may be added the following name which is not included in the list : prahu kepala kelalang, or “ .mantis-head' boat." This boat is described by Clifford and Swettenbam as a long, narrow boat, the deck of which is below water-level, with plank sides, and awning or kajang or atap (palm-leaves). It is said to be much used in Kelantan, on the east coast of the Peninsula. The name of this boat was doubtless given on account of its rounded figure-head, which is not unlike the head of the insect referred to. To the list of canoes should be added the prahu sagor, which is a kind of "dag-out."
It should be explained that the first list of boat measurements was collected for me by Malas friends at Klaang in Selangor; the second list by Mr. C. Curtis of Penang. In both cases they sincere thanks are due for what was doubtless a tiresome job.
In consequence of pressure of time I was unable to revise the second Table of Boat Measurements. and hence in many cases the Malay equivalents for weights and measures were retained, instead of giving the English ones. The following are the English equivalents of the Malay terms: - depa = Eng. "fathom" (6 ft.); kaki = Eng. "foot" (12 in.); pikul = 133} lb. av. ; koyan = 40 piku. = 5,388 16. av. These latter measures are abbreviated in the text to pik. and koy. respectively.

Page #132

116
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1906.
THE SYMBOLISM OF THE SAVITRI-VRATA.
BY B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S. The Savitrf-vrata is a fast kept by Hinda women on the last three days, or the last day of the bright half of the Jyêshtha (June) to avert widowhood.
In order that the reader may appreciate the Nature-myth of Savitri, which underlies the symbolism and the ceremonies proper to the occasion, I will quote the Paarânic story: - She was the daughter of the king Aśva pati. When she had reached a marriageable age, her father asked her to go in search of a husband and make her choice herself. She returned and announced to her father that she had chosen Satyavat, the son of an old king, who, after being dethroned, was then living in the jungle with his wife. At this time Nârada, the all-knowing saint who happened to be present, told her and her father that it would be choosing grief and misery, because Satyavat was fated to die within a year. But the high-minded maiden could on no account be persuaded to change her mind. They were, therefore, married. Såvitri discarded her princely jewels and dresses, and followed her husband in the coarse raiment of the hermit. During the last three days of his life sbe vowed to fast. On the fated day, as her husband bad gone out to collect fagots or to fell trees, she accompanied him. Fatigued by his work, Satyayat rested his head upon his wife's lap and fell asleep. At this point there are variants in the story. Some authors say that a branch of the tree fell on his head, while others proclaim that he was bitten by a snake. Anyhow the fact remains that he rested his head on the lap of his wife, - Mother Earth, as will be shown further on. At that moment Yama, as the Marathas call him, or Jama as the Bengalis say, snatched his soul out of his body in the presence of his devoted wife and moved towards the South. Savitri closely followed the God of Death, and as she was a Sati, even the hard-hearted Yama dared not interfere with her. At last, Love conquered Death, and at her earnest solicitation, Yama restored life to the prostrato body of her Lord, and blessed her with gifts. Among them were the restoration of the lost eye-sight, youth, and crown of her father-in-law, and the birth of a hundred sons to the now happy pair.
Såvitri is therefore regarded as the highest type of conjugal fidelity, and her example is held out to every daughter of high-class India for imitation. Here the Purana ends, but Ethnology does not discard all mythological records as mere stories. Carlyle tells us that behind literature there is a great deal of the history of the evolution of religion handed down by tradition. Traditions are still recorded in India by symbols or in hieroglyphic or pictographic writings, and with my wife's help I have been able to get a copy of some traditional drawings lately made with sandal-wood paste on a wall. I have not interfered with her original production (Plate attached), as I prefer it to any of the artistic embellishments of modern artists, who would introduce the ghost-like shadow of death in servile imitation of Watt's celebrated paintings of Love and Death and murder or mutilate the chaste symbolism of the past, unde modern chromolithographs sold in the bd drs.
The first impression produced by the picture is that it is a marriage scene. The priost (fig. 36) and the group of musicians (figs. 37, 38, 39) tell us that. But let us look at the San (fig. 1) and the Moon (fig. 5). They are the two eyes of the Mahapurusa or the Great Person, the common source of life, the highest manifestations of fructifying force. Emerson tells us that it is the vivifying morning sun, which, rising, awakens the sleeping world and gives life to men and plants. The Sun and the Moon signify beatific life, and in their conjunction were emblems of blessedness. On the elaborate Shield of Achilles, Homer is careful to describe
Noto by Mr. R. Burn, I.C.S. The Sun and the Moon almost invariably occur on Sati-pillars in Bundelkhand, and are usually interpreted as symbols of chastity, thus implying the everlasting union of the faithful wife with her husband.

Page #133

APRIL, 1906.]
THE SYMBOLISM OF THE SAVITRI-VRATA.
117
a representation of the Moon in full, together with the disc of the Sun. In Egypt the Sun is Osiris, the Good Being, the vivifying eye of Hor. In the harvest-scenes of the Mexican gods in the Codex Tarono, the lives of the seeds are shown to exist to immortal fruitage in the country of the Sun, and in that Blessed Isle, the garden of Ialon, even the soul of the mar awaits the touch of the solar fire to kindle again and bloom into the familiar and coveted form of man. It is a boon which the Egyptian seeks in his appeal to Osiris that the Sun should shine upon his sarcophagus. The Persian symbol of the divinity resembles one drawn in India. Emerson adds that they are considered to be anthropomorphic beings, and are in both the countries represented with human faces. In India, the Moon is called Ośadhipati or Lord of The Vegetable Kingdom, and the brother of the Sun. In Egypt again, the Moon is the presiding genius of the Thunder Bird, the giver of rain. In Chaldea, as well as in Mexico, the Moon is not always distinguishable from the earth goddess, Coltine.
Figs. 2, 3, and 4 are hanging lamps. May it be that they represent siars or constellations? Fig. 3 is called akasa-dird, sky-lamp, and is exhibited on a pole at the time of the Divali Festival, to guide, according to the Marâțhâs, the gods who are expected to grace the festival with their presence. In Bengal they are supposed to guide the departed souls of the people.
Fig. 6 is the arti, or one of the floating frames for lamps which are launched on the Ganges in Benares and other places, reflecting in the limpid water a scene all ablaze.
Arti, in some shape or other, is necessary in all pújás. The other articles required for s pújd, as well as for a marriage ceremony, are also in evidence. Fig. 16 is the cylindrical box for keeping kunkun, the red powder applied by married or unmarried (excepting widows) Hindu women to their foreheads. Fig. 17 is the box which contains a preparation of beeswax, the adhosive medium for the red powder. Fig. 18 in the labak or tray for Holding flowers, inoistened rice, and sandal-wood paste. Fig. 19 in the panch, die, or sive-partite box, for keeping turmeric powder, Tunkur, scented abhir, brown gulal, and red
endir. Fig. 20 is the lambyd or lota to hold water and to represent Varuna, the God of Rain. Fig. 21 illustrates the water-cup and the sacrificial spoon: Fig. 24 is the comb: Fig. 25 the looking-glass. These are the toilette requisites of a bride, and are not symbols, except in so far as they indicate the happy married state of the main figure.
Fig. 23 is, however, an exceptional group of fine coils, with a double significance. In this place they represent the bamboo-trays, in which a bride's requisites are put together and distributed among married women. But when considered with the winnowing-basket trays, shaped like a horse-shoe, similarly used during the Gauri or Harvest Festival, they lead one to think of the coil -- the symbol of the celestial serpent - the emblem of the
wakened forces of the Spring, as will be seen further on. Fig. 7 is the serpent or nag, represented in Hindu mythology by the Sesa, or thousand-headed cobra, who supports the Earth, and by Väsuki, the snake that coils itself rourd Siva. In Egypt, it symbolize lightning. The North Indians attribute to this symbol the power of giving life in their shamanistic rites, and the medicine-man uses it to secure resurrection and preservation. The Mexican sun-snakes were marked with disks on their heads, and, says Emerson, would appear to refer to the awakened forces of Spring after the hybernat.ag Winter: (vide specimens in the Ithnological Museum of Berlin.) The Indian rattlesnake is supposed to hold a mani or jewel ia his head, which he puts out at night to guide himself with its bright light. This head-jewel er mani is sometimes drawn above the head this: A . The serpent hair of the Gorgon-head amulet of Athene's shield is a representation of the airial serpent, seen to leap from the skies in forked lightning. The coils on the locks of the gods of Assyria and Chaldea, the waving locks of the Egyptian god Bes, and the serpent-locks of Ato-to-harto, the Indian demi-god, are all intended as signs of celestial approaches and domination. An idol in

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the Ethnographic Museum at Berlin has all the lineaments of its face composed of serpents, and is supposed to be a graphic, though barbaric, image of Immortal Reawakening Life, the God-head of Nature. The hybernating snake awakens with the approaching Summer. When the heat of the Sun descends in vast waves upon the Earth, and vegetation springs up, the serpent throws off his old garments and comes forth in burnished splendour, the symbol of bright Athene's celestial array. Thus then the serpentine coil suggests the joys of the vernal epoch of resurrection. Demeter, the goddess of maize, was once adorned with serpentine locks. It was she whom the Greek believed to be in attendance within the tomb with the maize in her hand.
Fig. 8 is a peacock, closely associated, like the stormy petrel, with the approach of the monsoon. At that time the peacock pats on his annual new plumage. Sanskrit literature is full of references to the joy which the approach of a cloud produces in the peacock. Fig. 9 is called jalindraphal, which may mean fret-work, but the lotns-design deserves notice Fig. 10 is called chendu, a ball. I am unable to explain what it means and why it comes in here. Fig. 11, séódcha-palang or 'bed of the thousand-headed cobra. Vishņu sleeps on it, but the name Vishņu literally means he who pervades the universe.' Fig. 12 is the sacred tulsi plant, the consort of Vishņu, itself an emblem of resurrection as well as chastity. Fig. 13 is a kamal or lotus, the seat of Brahma, the Creator, and of Lakshmi, the Goddess of Wealth. Fig. 14 is the fylfot cross, the Svastik, the symbol of the four quarters of the globe, 15 well as of the wirds and the emblem of good-luck.' Fig. 15 is the Fous indioa, the Indian fig-tree, with associations like the Golden Bough of the West. It never dies, its aërial roots support its new branches and it goes on growing for ages, as the historical kabir bar has been. Fig. 22 is called Vata-savitri after this king of the forest. It represents the chief deity :Mother Earth, the daughter of the Sun. She holds a twig of the Ficus religiosa in one hand, and the aërial root of the Ficus indica in the other, and has growing over her head an offshoot of the vata. She is the bride, whose marriage is celebrated every year, with the revived Fructifying Force personified in Satyavan or Satyavat, who is seen climbing the eternal, evergreen fig-tree (fig. 40) in the presence of, and side by side with, & snake, the emblem of resurrection. Figs. 27 and 31 are sparrows, the harbingers of a crop. Fig. 28 is a mango-hawker, the mango being the first-fruit of June. Fig. 29 is the mango-tree. Its leaves are strung into wreaths to make festoons for marriago-bowers : its inflorescence is sacred to Madan, the God of Love; its fruit is offered to gods. Fig. 30 is the bel (Ægle marmelos). Its trifoliate leaf is sacred to Siva, the emblem of procreative power, as seen in the phallus. Figs. 32, 33, 34, and 35 are the usual associates of a river. All primitive colonies were established on the ban's of the rivers. Fig. 36 is the priest reading his text, and figs. 37, 38, and 39 represent a group of musicians, Bo essential to a marriage ceremony.
One important feature remains to be noticed: the altar on which the two fig-trees and the central figure are depicted : (see figs. 15, 22, 26). The square altar represents the Earth in Egyptian hieroglyphics, the stepped altar indicates the verb 'to be' or 'to make.'s The Egyptian Isis bears apon her head a stepped altar or throne and kneels deploring the death of Osiris, in a sculpture in the British Museum. The Greeks used stepped altars, and to the lesser gods they built altars of two steps, as is the case in this pictograph.
? The ring-topped cross or crua anaata of Egypt, Asia Minor, and Chalden, the guarded orose, the gammadion or avastika, of Sonndinavia, Central Europe, the Caucasus, India, Tibet, China, and Japan, is hold to be lucky. - Sir James Campbell, in his Notes on Spirit Basis of Belief and Chatom, p. 53.
SMS. Mericaine Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, Codex Telleriano. • Champolion, Gr. Egyptienne, p. 454.

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NOTES ON SOME FRONTIER SHRINES.
APRIL, 1906.]
From all these symbols and from the time at which the Savitri-fast is observed, the conclusion forced on us is that it is a Nature-myth. Dr. Tylor tells us that the close and deep analogies between the life of Nature and the life of man have been for ages dwelt upon, and poets and philosophers have, in simile or in argument, told us of light and darkness, of calm and tempest, of birth, growth, change, decay, dissolution, renewal. The natural phenomena of the seasons due to the relation of the Earth with the Sun have given rise to many myths. The Sun is Savitur in Sanskrit, and Savitri means the daughter of the Sun, just as Janaki and Bhimaki mean the daughters of Janaka and Bhimaka respectively. Savitri is also the name of the wife of Brahmâ, the Creator (Nature), and the heroine of the legend is supposed to be her avatára or incarnation. The Sâvitri-vrata is therefore the annual celebration of Mother Earth's marriage with Nature, the Creative Power, Satyavat (lit., truth incarnate), or Nature just reviving after the first few showers of the monsoon. It is the marriage (not rape) of Persiphone. It is Odysseus returning to his mourning, constant, Penelope.
119
A few points from the Sanskrit text called Savitri-puja in the Skanda Purana deserve notice. The original Savitri of the story is called the wife of Brahmâ, the Creator. When she appeared before "the king" she held aksha sûtra in one hand, and a water-jug in the other. Aksha sútra means terrestrial latitude, from aksha, to reach or to pervade, and it may mean the root of a tree when it reaches the earth and spreads itself. The king is called Dyumatsena, but dyu is sky and dyumat is brilliant. Satyavat or Satyavan, the husband of Savitri, who has mythologically been called his son, is also called Chitrasva, which means a wonderful horse-player, which is the name of Aruna, the Charioteer of the Sun, who manages the seven-faced horses of the St.n, and these wonderful horses represent the Sapt-rishis or the Constellation of the Northern Pole with the Polar star. Further on, there occurs expression, glanischa mchatija, a swoon. Can it be the state of hybernation? The God of Death is called an Southern Yama. May it not mean the Southern blast of wind which destroys tender shoots ?
One more interesting quotation, though not directly connected with this myth, gives strong corroborative evidence of the belief in the little man (soul) in the body of the living big man, described by Fraser in his Golden Bough, thus: aige ar godt front autore || o || i. e., Yama forcibly took out an image of a man of the size of the thumb from the mortal frame of Satyavat. This quotation serves to confirm the conclusions ethnologists have arrived at regarding primitive belief about "life as distinct from the body."
NOTES ON SOME FRONTIER SHRINES. BY LAL SHAH, BANNU.
I.
SHRINES OF THE KURBAM WAZIRIS.
1.The Ziarats of Pir Sabiq and Pir Ramdin.
THESE two shrines lie close to each other at the junction of the Thal and Biland Khel boundary, about four miles from the latter village, and are held in high veneration by the Biland Khêls, Thalwals, Khattaks and Kâbul Khêl Waziris, who pay annual visits to them and make Vows for the increase of their cattle, wealth, and sons. In former days, cows and sheep were slaughtered as offerings here, but no sacrifices are now made. Hindûs also resort to them,
Primitive Culture, Vol. Irp. 318.
"Tat Savitur Varenyam," &c. Hindu Sandaya.
7 Savitri is Gayatri, and Gayatri or Cow is the form in which Mother Earth appeared before Indra, whenever in distress through drought.

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but Shi'as never visit them, although the saints were Hussaini Sayyids. The descendants of Pir Såbig and Plr Ramdin are known as the pirs, or religious guides, of the Biland Khêls and comprise no less than fifty families. They own one-fifth of the Biland Khêl possessions, and are a powerful community.
The Kábul Khel and other Waziria, when proceeding to the Shawâl and other places in summer, lesve their grain, hay, and household property within the precincts of these shrines and find them intact on their return in winter. The shrines are covered over with domes shaped like canopies, and are consequently called the dud-gumbat zidrat, or shrines with two domes.
The story about the miraculous power of the saints is as follows:- The Biland Khêls, being in want of water for the irrigation of their lands, begged Pir Sabiq and Pir Râmdin to dig them a canal from the Kurram river, and this the saints andertook to do. Though they had no money, they commenced excavation, and when in the evening the labourers came to them for wages, they directed them to go to a certain rock, where they were paid. Nobody could tell how they came by the money. One day, while excavating, the labourers found their way blocked by a huge stone, which they could neither remove nor blow up. The saints thereupon ordered them to leave it alone and retired. In the morning, when the labourers returned to work they found that the rock, which had to them appeared an insurmountable obstacle, had been riven asunder by the saints, who had made a passage for the water to flow through. Two years after the completion of this canal, the saints died. The Biland Khéls, who are their chief disciples, attribate their prosperity to their patronage and the proximity of the two shrines. To cut trees in tho vicinity is looked upon as sacrilege.
2.- Bamdin Ziarat.
This shrine lies midway between Biland Khel Village and the shrines of Pirs Sabiq and Råmdin. This Ramdin was a descendant of Pir Sabiq, and should not be confounded with the Pir Ramdin who was Pir Sabiq's contemporary. He was a great Arabic and Persian scholar, and endowed with saintly powers before he came of age. When a child of four, as he was seated one day on a low wall, repeating verses from the Qurdn and meditating on their import, he happened in his abstraction to kick the wall with his heels, which began to move, and had gone seven or eight paces before the saint became aware of what had happened and stopped it. The wall can be seen even to this day.
One day he went to a hill, sat down under & pleman tree and began to repeat verses from the sacred book. The shade of the tree pleased him so much that he determined to plant one like it near his own house. Having finished his reading, he walked home and was surprised to find the tree following him. He turned round and ordered it to stop. The tree is now known as the raudn pleman or walking pleman' and is held in high esteen by the surrounding tribes. Its twigs, when worn round the neck, are said to cure jaundice. A stone enclosure about fifty yards in diameter surrounds it, and to this the Kábul Khel Waziris bring diseased cattle there. The moment they taste the earth of the enclosure they are cured.
8.- Bar Prêkarai Faqir.
The Shrine of the Beheaded Saint. This shrine lies about four miles from Biland Khol Village. The saint is said to have been a cowherd, and one day, while grazing his herds on a hill-top, he was attacked by a gang of Mall Khel Taris, who killed him and carried off his cattle. Tradition says that the severed

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APRIL, 1906.]
head of the saint pursued the raiders for nearly a mile, and that when they turned and saw it they fled in dismay, leaving the cattle behind. The cattle were thus recovered. There are now two shrines, one at the place where the saint's body fell, and the other where his head was found. As he was a great lover of cattle, all those desirous of increasing their herds visit his shrine, fix small pegs in the ground and tie bits of rope to them, as a hint that they want as many cattle as there are pegs; and the belief is that their efforts are not in vain. The saint's descendants, who go by the name of Mandúri Sayyids, are found in Kurram and the Bannů District. They are supposed to possess the power of curing people bitten by mad dogs. Their curse is much dreaded by the people, and nobody ventures to injure their property. In the tribal jirgas, whenever one party wishes to bring the opposite side to a permanent settlement or termination of a fend, it invariably secures the attendance of a Manduri Sayyid at the jirga, as no one will venture to violate or contravene an agreement drawn up in his presence. People whose property is insecure in their houses take it to the precincts of this shrine in order to secure its safety, and no thief will venture to touch it. A jackal is said to have once entered the compound of the shrine with intent to steal, but it was miraculously caught in a trap and killed.
4.Ziarat Sarwardin.
This shrine is situated about hundred yards from the shrine of Râmdîn (No. 2). This saint also was a Sayyid. His descendants, who live in the surrounding villages, are said to have been much oppressed by the high-handedness of the Thalwals (inhabitants of Thal), who maltreated them and forcibly diverted their water. One day descendants of Sarwardin, exasperated by the excesses of the Thalwâls, went to their ancestor's shrine and prayed against them, and it so happened that one of the men, who was actually engaged at the time in injuring them, died within twenty-four hours. Another man, who had stolen some grass from the field of a descendant of this saint, saw in a dream that he was stabbed by a horseman and when he awoke he went mad, ran about like a wild animal and died soon after. The descendants of this saint are also respected and dreaded by the people, though not to the same extent as those of the Sar Prêkarai saint.
5. Nasimu'llah Ziarat.
This shrine is about three hundred paces from Biland Khêl Village. The saint belonged to the Qaz Khêl family and lived a life of great austerity. He very seldom spoke, always remained bareheaded, and passed his days and nights, both summer and winter, in water. He left to his posterity a green mantle and a green cloak. The popular belief is that these clothes, when drenched in water, have the power of bringing down rain from the sky. His descendants look upon them as a sacred and valuable legacy and would not part with them for anything.
6.Khalifa Nika Ziarat.
This shrine lies about a mile from the Village of Biland Khêl. The saint, who goes by the name of Khalifa, was a beloved disciple of Háji Bahadur Sâhib, whose shrine is at Kohât, and he is said to have been allowed by his spiritual guide to lift kettles of boiling water on his bare head. There is a belief that if a man receive a piece of cloth from this saint's descendants and dip his hand along with it in boiling water, it will come out unscathed. This shrine is visited both by men and women and vows made for the birth of sons and increase of wealth. The Kâbul Khêl and Khôjal Khêl Waziris make frequent visits to it. A stone taken from the ziárat and passed over the body is looked upon as a potent charm against evil-spirits.

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7. – Khand Ziarat. This shrine is close to the village of the Karmandi Khel Waziris and is highly venerated by them and by the Mayâmis. Khand was a Manduri Sayyid, and the popular belief among the Karmandi Khels is that the vicinity of the saint is a strong safeguard against the prevalence of cholera, fever, and small-pox. The Karmandi Khêls, on proceeding to their summer settlements in the Shawal hills, leave their household property in the precincts of this shrine and find it untouched on their return in the following winter.
8.-
Saif Ali Ziarat.
This shrine stands six miles from Spinwim. The saint was a Kabnl Khel Waziri, His descendants, who are known as Isa Khel Kabul Khêls, are much respected by the people. A man, who stole a bundle of hay from the precipcts of this shrine, became blind and his house was burnt down the same night. The saint's descendants are held in repute by the Waziriş of the Karmandi Khel section, and when the rains hold off they are fed by the people by way of offering, the belief being that a downpour will immediately follow. They are also empowered to give charms to the people, which they say have a wonderful effect in curing various diseases.
9. - Ghundakai Ziarat. The shrine stands on high ground and is known as the shrine of an Ashab, or Companion of the Prophet. In its precincts, the people stock their crops, after they are cut, and they are then safe from the hands of an incendiary,
U.
SHRINES OF THE MADDA KHEL AND OTHER WAZIRIS OF THE TOCHI VALLEY AND OF THE AHMADZAI WAZIRIS AND OTHERS OF WANA.
1. - Maman Ziarat.. This shrine lies in a village, called after it the Ziarat Qil's, which stands within a bugle sound of Shêranna. The saint is a descendant of the famous Dangar Pir, whose shrine is in the Gyan country in Khôst, Afghanistan. Almost all the tribes of the Tộchi Valley, viz., the Maddá Khêls, K hizzar Khols, Dangar Khêls, Tannis, and Dauris, visit it, and to its presence they ascribe their prosperity, security, and very existence. The tribes living close to the shrine visit it almost every Friday. Those living farther away resort to it at the id and Mabarram. It is guarded by Waziri muzávars (guardians) who are entitled to one ozhal of grain per house from each crop. They also receive a share of the alms of pilgrims, who make offerings and slaughter sheep, goats, and cows at the shrine. Vows are made here for an increase in wealth and the birth of sons. The Spërkais, Wali Khêls, Tôri Khêls, and Maddi Khêls when going to Shawal, and the Kâbal Khêls when returning to Marghầ, on their way to Kurram, deposit in the precincts of this shrine all such property as is not required for immediate use. The belief is that it is immediately transformed into a snake if touched by a strange band. A murderer wishing to make peace with his enemies resorts to the shrine for seven consecutive Fridays and thereby spcceeds in his object. During his lifetime, the saint is said to have asked one of his shekhs (disciples), called Dále, to cook a kók a two maunds in weight, and the
1 About 20 aéra. . A kók is a Wazirl loaf, round like a ball, and cooked on the embers by placing a hot stone in the centre.

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NOTES ON SOME FRONTIER SHRINES.
123
story goes that the shélsh succeeded in so preparing it, that when it was weighed it was fount correct. The saint is said to have blessed Dald for his deftness, and the following proverb is associated with his name: "Dila dan laikôlé dang dai, Dalê is tall and his kók is also tall." The large boulders seen near Dagar Qil'a are said to have been detached from the hill by the miraculous power of this saint. On one occasion he sent his shékh to Paolai, a gardener, to fetch fruit, but the latter refused to give himn anything. On this the shéleh called out “fall, fall," and the fruit began to fall one after another. The gardener was frightoned and gave him as many as he could carry, Lunatics, who cannot otherwise be cured, are tied up by the side of this shrine and recover in a week. It is said that unholy persons cannot pass & quiet night within the precincts of the sidrat. The descendants of Miron are known by the name of virón.
2.- Baba Ziarat. This shrine stands near Dands Village and is visited by Madda Khels, Tori Khêls, Dauris and other tribes of the valley, who make offerings of live animals. The flesh is distributed among the poor and needy Waziris, who hang abont the place at such times. The descendants of this saint are called faqiron and are looked upon with respect by the people.
3. - Mara Panga Shahid (Martyr). This shrine is situated on the slopes of the Char Khel Range and is held in high esteem hy the Machâs, Ismail Khels, Nazar Khels, Khizzar Khêls, Tannis, Joni Khels, and Bakhshi Khels, who visit it in the hot weather en route to their summer quarters. A goat or sheep is slaughtered for every flock that passes by this ziấrat. All those visiting it go on a Friday morning, and after throwing some wood-chips round about the tomb, fall asleep and in their dream see their desires fulfilled. On waking they pray to the soul of the saint, slaughter a sheep or goat, and distribute its flesh among the poor. All who have onco slaughtered a sheep or goat at this shrine become the saint's disciples, and it becomes incanıbent upon them to slaughter a sheep every year by way of offering to the shrine. Chi, querns, beams and mats are depositel within the precincts of this shrine by the nomad tribes. Flags are also hang here, and a bit of stuff taken from them and tied about the neck is looked upon as a safeguard against all diseases.
4.- Chang Mangal Zikrat.
This is situated close to Achar, a village about twelve miles west of Datta Khel. The saint was a Mangal and passed a pious life in this vicinity. He has no descendants here. The shrine is visited both by Madda Khêls and Achary. A thread, equal to the length of this tomb, worn round the neck is said to be a specific for fever and jaundice.
5. -- Dangar Pir Ziarat. This is a most important shrine, situated in Gyan and periodically visited by almost all the tribes of the Tochî, Khost, Zadrân, and Urgün. The saint was a Sayyid and an ancestor of Mamân. His descendants are called Dangar Khels and are found at Ghazlami and other villages of the Tộchi Valley. They are called pirs by the Tôchỉ tribes and are highly venerated by them. Their displeasure is much dreaded, especially by those who become murils, or disciples of Dangar Pir. The name Dangar, which means 'lean,' was given to the saint on account of his physical condition. His home is traced to Egypt, of which country he is said to have been king, He is afterwards said to have laid down his sceptre for a saintly stat and to bave travelled to this country. In his travels he was accompanied by Mis) or

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Musa (now known as Musâ Nikkâ) and Mamân (new called Mamân Pir). People take special care never to offend the descendants of Saint Dangar, for it is said that whenever anybody does so, the saint in his rage miraculously flings blades of iron at him, and destroys him and his family. These iron blades are called zaghbirs by the people.
6.Maman Pir Ziarat.
This shrine is about two hundred yards from Dangar's shrine. In the autumn a joint fair is held by the Gyâns at the shrines of Mâman Pir and Dangar Pir, at which a sheep is slaughtered by every family attending it. Mâman Pir belonged to the Abbaside dynasty, and the following saying shows how much, according to popular belief, he was loved by God:
ما من عباسي – خداي درسي به بين دا کم غوپه تندي حسي
"God is as enamoured of Mâman the Abbaside, as a cow is of her new-born ealf."
7. Must Nikka Ziarat.
This shrine stands on the right bank of the Shakin Algad in Birmat on the Wânâ-Urgûn border. Musâ Nikkâ claims to be the ancestor of all the Waziris, whether in Wânâ, Birmal or the Tôchi. The Ahmadzai Waziris and others on their way to Birmal in summer leave their superfluous property in the precincts of this shrine and on their return in autumn find it intact. The belief is that any one stealing property thas deposited is immediately struck
blind.
The Masi Ziarat is visited by the Ahmadzils and Mahsûds of Wânâ, the Saifalis and Paipallis of Birmal and the Maddâ Khêls and others of the Tôchi. Many stories are told of the miraculous powers of this saint, as, for instance :- One day the saint's brother Isâ was grazing his flock in the hills. There was no water in the neighbourhood. Isa and his flock both became parched with thirst. Just then Musâ came to his brother's help and with his stick made a small hole in the ground, covered it with his mantle, and began to pray. After a while he told his brother Isâ to remove the mantle. The tradition says that a spring of clear water began to ooze from the hole, at which Isâ and his flock quenched their thirst. Musâ then closed the hole and the spring dried up. The site of this spring is in the Warmâna. Nâlâ, close to which are seen two large heaps of stone called the chillas of Musâ and Isa. Within the walls of this shrine are three trees, which are believed to be endowed with different miraculous qualities. To embrace the first will give a man a wife; to climb the second will give him a horse; and to swing from the third will give him a son. Close to the Musâ Nikkû Ziarat are two others, known respectively as Shin Starga Ziarat and Baghar Ziârat. All three shrines are visited on one and the same day and joint sacrifices made.
8.
Michan Baba Ziarat.
This shrine stands about eight miles east of Wânâ. The descendants of this saint are not found in Wânâ, but it is probable that the scattered families of Michan Khêls, found in the Bannů District and elsewhere, are his descendants. The shrine is visited by the Zalli Khêls and Mahsûds and vows made for the birth of sons.
III.
MINOR SHRINES OCCASIONALLY VISITED BY THE AHMADZAI WAZIRIS AND OTHERS.
1. Umar Aga.
A Daftani saint, who has a shrine at Dhana, about twelve miles north-west of Wânâ.

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MISCELLANEA,
125
2.- Khojaki Ziarat. This is situated at Maura. The saint was a Sayyid and the shrine is visited by the nomad Waziris.
3. - Madár Baba Ziarat. This is about fifteen miles west of Wanâ and has a well close to it, where Waziris encamp every year.
4.- Mamin Ziarat or Patan Ziarat. This is situated on a hill Dear Madár Ziarat.
MISCELLANEA.
TAE ALLEGED CUSTOM OF NAMING A HINDU from Dharasena III. only by Dhruvasena IL AFTER HIS GRANDFATHER.
So in the Vákataka Maharajas we have DR. VOGEL recently favoured me with a criti- Pravaraaena I. and II. with three generations cism in the following terms :
intervening; and Rudrasena II. and III. with
only one between, namely, Pravarasena II. In . "In your account" (E. Hist., p. 254) "of the
the Gurjjara line of Bharoch we have Dadda I. Guptae, you refer to a Hindu custom to name
and ILseparated by Jayabhata I. In the a child after its grandfather. Are there really
Chalukya dynasty of Badami, the celebrated enough instances, except that of Chandragupta,
Pulakesin, or Pulikesin II., was grandson of his to justify the use of that term P Here, in
namesake, Pulakesin I. All these examples may Chemba, I have been told that it is considered
be seen together in Dr. Hoernle's Synchronistic inauspicious to name a child after any of its
Table in J. A. S. B., Vol. LVIII., Part I., 1889. ancestors." The same difficulty may present itself to other readers, and I shall therefore try The Pallava genealogies (E. Hist., India, to show that my assertion of the alleged custom p. 353) offer other instances in the recurrence of in ancient times was not made without warrant, the names Mahendra varman, Parameśvaravarman, It wag, however, made rather on the authority of and Skandavarman, where the homonymous chiefs Sir Alexander Ounningham, who published the were all related severally as grandfather and proposition more than once, than upon a rigorous grandson. induction. But, although this is the case, the
The above list will suffice, perhaps, without examples which can be cited without much search,
further search, to establish the existence of the are, I think, sufficient to justify me in following
alleged custom among the ruling families of Cunningham's authority.
ancient India both in the north and south. The case alluded to by Dr. Vogel is, of course,
VINCENT A. SMITH. the leading one, that of Chandragupta I. and
Hassiwood, Cheltenham, Chandragupta II. of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty
6th December 2005. in the fourth century A. D., who undoubtedly were related respectively as grandfather and grandson. The same dynasty offers a nearly
THANESAR. exact parallel in the two Kumāraguptas, who
The derivation and spelling of the name of were related as great-grandfather and greatgrandson. It is quite clear that the Gupta kings
Thåndear, the famous city in the AmbAlA
(Umballa) District, Pažáb, N. lat. 29° 58', did not agree with the Chamba people in thinking
E. long. 78° 52', being open to doubt, and the actual it unlucky to name a child after an ancestor.
practioe varying, it may be worth while to note In the genealogy of Harshavardhana's the variations in spelling, and the reasons for ancestors, we find Rajyavardhana I. and IL.them. Dr. Vogel recently wrote to me to enquirer similarly related A great-grandfather and why I gave the Sanskrit equivalent of the name great-grandion. In the Valabhí list the names (1). Hist. India, p. 275) ap Sthiinvisvara.' That Dharasena, and Dhruvasena each opeur three or form, without dinoritioal marke, was given four times, Dharasena IV. being separated because Bāna in the Harsha charita, cb. III.

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(Cowell and Thomas, transl. p. 81) celebrates the praises of a certain district called Sthanviçvara.' This form, g, implies the derivation from ur and, and is explained by the observation of Cunningham, who has recorded that one of the holy spots near Thânêsar is the Sthanu-tirath, where Vena Raja dedicated a shrine to Siva, under the name of Sthânu.' He gives the legend (Reports, II., 217).
But Cunningham himself (ibid. p. 212) believed the modern name to be derived from the Sanskrit Sthâneswara,' that is to say Fur, a compound of sthâna, with the dental n, and isvara. The modern spelling will vary accordingly as the name is derived from sthanu or sthana. Notwithstanding Bana's sanction to the form sthanviévara, Cowell and Thomas, in their
THE CARE OF ANCIENT MONUMENTS. By G. BALDWIN BROWN, M.A., Watson Gordon professor of Fine Art in the University of Edinburgh. Cambridge (University Press), 1905.
[APRIL, 1906.
Preface (p. xi.), simply write 'Thanesar.' Bühler (Ep. Ind, IV. 208) adopts the spelling 'Thapêéar,' with the cerebral th and p and the palatal é. Dr. Fleet (Gupta Inscr., Index, s. v. Harsha") writes Thanêsar,' with the dental s. Modern Hindi spelling is so lax and capricious that every variation in the way of writing the consonants in the name probably could be justified by local examples. Scientific European writers are, I think, fully warranted in writing either Thanesar, or Thanesar, with the minimum of diacritical marks.
BOOK-NOTICE.
THE Care of Monuments- Die Denkmalpflege, as the Germans call it has, during the latter half of the nineteenth century and especially during the last twenty-five years or so, developed into an important subject of public consideration and even of Government administration in most European countries. It has its annual Congresses, its legal enactments, its private Societies, its periodicals, and official publications, its inspectors and conservators, and Government commissions of experts. The thought and influences that have created this interest and its resulting activity have also called forth a literature already extensive and rapidly growing, which has largely enlisted the attention and sympathies of men of business and in general of the educated public, and is by no means restricted to the antiquary and the scholar. Popular interest is the basis on which the care of national monuments should properly be founded, and it is of the highest importance to awaken among all classes of the population this personal concern. They are "heirlooms from the past and appeal to the piety and patriotism of the present"; and "as the decay or destruction of any one of them involves an increase of value in those that endure, so the care of them will become every year a matter of more and more urgent duty." This appeal of the writer is to the Englishman, but it may well be accepted both by the Hindu and the Anglo-Indian. In India, as yet, there is no such
VINCENT A. SMITH.
Hazelwood, Cheltenham, 6th December 1905.
public interest because there has been no intelligent study of the importance of its remarkably instructive monuments. Properly regarded they are national assets, and the intelligent preservation of them might well be recognized by every educated individual in the country. For long, however, our rulers did but little for their care and too frequently did that little wrongly or in a half-hearted way: it cost money, and that could not be spared from other objects. Recently the poliey has swung in certain ways to the other extreme. But their survey,
ventorization and preservation are now apparently to be set aside on behalf of "restoration." And, as Professor Baldwin Brown pertinently remarks in the volume under notice, a" comparatively lavish expenditure on monuments is not always wholly to the credit of a country, for much of the money is possibly spent on works of so-called restoration, many of which had better have been left unattempted. Restoration for the sake of restoration is the worst possible way of spending money voted for the care of ancient monuments."
The valuable work of Professor Baldwin Brown under notice consists of two parts: the first discusses the principles and practice of Monument administration; the second and larger deseribes Monument administration as conducted in the various European countries, with a chapter on India, Egypt, Algeria, and Tunis. The first part deserves the careful study of every one at all interested in the subject. To many it will be both new and highly instructive. The author has

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BOOK-NOTICE.
127
given us, in small compass, a volume that condenses Are we in no danger of such "deplorable" a clear account of the principal activities in this restorations in India, or do not the Progress field that have of late been prevalent in Europe. reports of the last few years already indicate As in his other works, he writes with judicial cases of the kind where "the mechanical neatness self-restraint-stating the relevant facts, where of a new job'" was not required P When diversity of opinion may prevail, from which the a monument, whether in Europe or India, is "put reader may form his own judgment. The main into a state of decorative repair' which has purpose of the book is thus to enable those robbed it of almost all its aesthetic charm,"every interested to form an opinion for themselves on one must agree with the author that it becomes the proper way in which ancient monuments & place to avoid rather than to seek, and a should be dealt with."
monumental example of the evils of restoration The question of Restoration versus Preserva- for restoration's sake." tion or Conservation is treated briefly (pp. 46-56)
Last century many regarded the exact copying and in consideration that in Europe ancient
of older work as the orthodox theory of restora. monuments (churches, &c.) sometimes need
tion. But this was dissented from by thoughtful enlargement for modern requirements, when
antiquaries, and it was subjected to unsparing “the alternative is no longer between protection
criticism. "The assault was led," says Professor and restoration, but between restoration” and
Baldwin Brown, "by Mr. Ruskin, whose Lamp practical abandonment for modern purposes.
of Memory' in the Seven Lamps of Architecture This, however, is what rarely if ever occurs in
(1849) contains in its latter pages an eloquent India. Without taking a side on the question,
protest against the whole idea of faithful the author explains that "Restoration or addition,
restoration' then in vogue. William Morris which at best must mean the placing of new work
followed upon the same side, and in the tracts in juxtaposition with old, necessarily involves
issued by the Society for the Protection of a certain westhetic loss, while this loss may become
Ancient Buildings, founded by Morris and others & most serious and even fatal one when, as too
in 1877, as well as in the French periodical often bas happened, the old work is itself
L'Ami des Monuments, we have clear and tampered with to bring it into accord with the
accessible statements of the anti-restoration new." This be illustrates by the case of a medieval
argument." church, to which it may be necessary to re-erect a ruined portion or to add a new aisle. "The case "Condensing this into the narrowest possible however is different when the ruined structure limits, it may be reduced to the two propositions; serves no actual purpose in the life of to-day, first, that the theoretically faithful reproduction and when restoration, if undertaken, would be, of old work is impossible: and, second, that even 80 to say, forced on the building merely for if it were possible, it would not be desirable. It restoration's sake. An attempt has been recently is impracticable because in the nature of tbinge made to bring this distinction out more clearly old work cannot be reproduced. This is true by dividing ancient monuments into two classes, 1 both as regards its form and its spirit. Materials, dead monuments, i.e., those belonging to a past processes, appliances, tools, the training and the civilization or serving obsolete purposes, and habits of workmen, are in modern times unlike living monuments, i.e., those which continue to what they were of old, and still more dissimilar serve the purposes for which they were originally is the present relation of designer and craftsman intended. The idea is a sound one in so far as it to that prevailing in mediæval days, with the emphasizes the fact that buildings must be result that the whole spirit of the work of the treated with due regard to the place they hold in two periods must necessarily be different. It modern life." But there are ruined monuments must be remembered that the mediaval builders that no longer serve any utilitarian or practical were themselves artists, and the mere skill of use and where restoration is uncalled for. Such tooling shewn on an ancient stone gives us was the ancient church of Iona. Yet "the hand pleasure. Any art which is found in the modern of the restorer was laid on a fabric that so far as work is the art of the designer and not of the it remained was of great interest and beauty" workman. The two periods differ so widely in and only required to be properly supervised and conditions and methods, that it is impossible that then left alone with its romantic memories about they should both produce similar work. A man it. The restored building has no useful purpose who knows exactly what he wants to make, works that it can serve. The restoration is for restora- in a much freer way and will meet with better tion's sake and is in every way to be deplored." success than the man who is only copying

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something he does not fully understand, and who note of the sources of information relative to consequently cannot put into his work the human the country under consideration. These chaptere quality which gives such an interest and charm we cannot stay to analyse. to all spontaneous work.'
With reference to India (pp. 230-238) Professor "Again, were such exact reproduction in itself Baldwin Brown sums up the position in these possible, it would be inadvisable, because by
it mania ha inadvianbla. bernAA by sentences: "The story of archaeological work imposing this conscientious, nay, slavish, copying under British rule in India is in the main what upon designer and craftsman alike, we should be a student of our national idiosyncrasies would starving their creative faculty, and condemning have expected. Efforte have been spasmodic, and them to forego their artistic birthright, their have depended largely on the personal initiative prerogative of freedom. Furthermore, the result
of individual administrators. There has been when achieved would to the ordinary spectator
little continuity in policy, because the objects to have the effect of a deceit or forgery. No doubt
be aimed at bave not been clearly defined, and the sensitive eye could always detect these great
the centre of interest has shifted backwards and though subtle differences between old work and forwards between the rival aims of research and new but the intelligent thonch inernert student conservation." This condition of tbing has been of architecture might often be led betray in the
led batray in the largely due to the want of any settled authority, matter of dating. The danger of this has as in European countries and in the French and presented itself to the minds of those who have Dutch po6866810ns of Camboja and Java. In these worked out the orthodox theory. The resolutions
the Commissions of experts advise and control the of the Dresden Congress forbade the use of
direction of the surveys and of works of preservaartificial colouring-matter to assimilate the hue tion, and so ensure continuity of policy and wise of new stonework to that of the old, and an
guidance. But in India, the Secretary of the elaborate system has been devised for indicating Department under which the survey is placed can by conventional marks or inscriptions those parts hardly be expected to interfere judiciously, and, of a building which are modern additions or
if the Viceroy takes a sbare in the direction, all restorations. There is something ridiculous in
has to give way to his wishes whilst he rules the idea of labouring anxiously to make one thing that is for a few years, and then the responsiexactly like another, and then labelling them
labelling them i bility lapses into the hands of the chief officer, with equal care to show that they are different."
who may follow his own bent and direct bis staff
to co-operate in his own particular line of At the Dresden Congress of 1900, protests
operations. Expert advice or guidance is entirely against the pedantry and futility of the old
wanting, and restorations are carried out by his orthodox theory were not wanting, and, as the
subordinates and the officers of the Public Works author remarks, “it was significant that
Department who have only been trained for work Dr. Clemen, who, as chief conservator of
of a very different kind. In such circumstances, monuments for the Rhineland, has more fine
what can be expected but results that every buildings under his care than any other man in
competent student must deplore in the future ? Europe, admitted that as a rule all representa
The best that can be looked for is the decorative tives of the care of monuments in Germany now
restoration of monumental structures by the agree in this, that restoration work properly so
insertion of careful imitations of details from called must everywhere be confined within
others of similar style. But the original builders narrower and narrower limits,' so that the Germans
were artists who never imitated details, and these are coming to occupy the same position in this
slavish reproductions, as the Professor says, matter as the English anti-restorationists and
have only the effect of a deceit or forgery. No the French Friends of monuments."
thanks can be in store from the future writers on The section on classement,' inventorization Indian art and architecture for the perpetrators and official publications is well deserving of of such false and foolish restorations. . attention and has its applications to India, but | The author, having traced in the briefest the reader must be referred to the book itself for manner the history of the Archeological Survey the details.
of India to the present date, concludes with The history of monumental administration in a clear and concise analysis of the Indian the various European countries, contained in the Monument Act of 1904, explaining its action second part of the book, presents a succinct and and its relationship to similar laws in operation clear account of the various official enactments, in European countries. each chapter being headed by a bibliography and
J. B.

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SELF-IMMOLATION WHICH IS NOT SATI.
129
SELF-IMMOLATION WHICH IS NOT SATI.
BY S. KRISHNASVAMI AIY ANGAR, M.A. TT is an undoubted fact in India, that self-immolation was practised from time immemorial, 1 in one shape or another, the motive having been sometimes spiritual, but often entirely personal. The universally known practice called sati, where a woman burnt herself on the pyre of her husband, was only one form of it.
Whether the practice was Dravidian or Aryan in origin, we have instances of it occurring pretty frequently in South India; the earliest known, of an historical character, being the death of the wife of Bhata Pandya, an early celebrity in Tamil Literature. One poem ascribed to her is to be found in the collection known as the Purandnúru. That self-immolation was not confined to women who had become widowed, but was common even among men, sometimes great warriors or learned Brahmane, is amply borne out by the great epics of India and the lesser ones alike. Arjuna was about to slay himself more than once, bat the supreme example is that of Bharata, the younger brother of Râma, who was saved by the arrival of Hanuman with the happy message of R&ma, just at the moment of entering the sacrificial-fire. It is of self-immolation within historical times that I shall concern
myself here.
There is a numerous class of archaeological monuments in South India, known as Virakkal and Mastikkal. The latter term represents Mahdsati-kal, 6. e., a stone erected in memory of one who performed a mahdsati, or act of self-immolation by a woman on the pyre of her husband. The former is a stone erected in memory of a man who displayed valour, either on the field of battle or by some other act of personal courage.
The erection of memorial stones in honour of a fallen hero is as old as the days of the Kural, 1. e., at least as early as the initial centaries of the Christian Era, and there are innumerable examples scattered through the Mysore Province. There are, nevertheless, others recording cases of self-immolation, which were the result of a vow, and in the volumes of the Epigraphia Karndtakd brought out by Mr. Rice, & number of inscriptions on these memorial stones havo been brought to light. Most of them record acts performed in pursuance of vows rather of a civil than of a religious nature.
That religion did indeed sanction self-immolation is borne ont by the belief that such acts always forced open the gates of heaven to receive the performers, in spite of the cynical proverb that no one ought to pull out his tongue to die on an ekddafi day," and of the popular notion that the suicide cannot go to heaven except by spending the rest of his allotted earthly span as a wandering devil, hovering about his aspal habitat. Notwithstanding these beliefs, we have numerons instances of Jains performing the act of sallekhana, s. e., death broaght on by starvation. The Chalukya emperor Ahavamalla somôsvara, when attacked with a malignant fever, " went to Svarga" by planging into the Tangabhadrà after a regalar confession of faith in Siva. In the sallékhana ceremony, men and women alike took part and devoted themselves to contemplation of the divinity for days without food or water, and we have numbers of instances in the Sravana Belagoļa Records.
I now give a number of instances of men putting an end to themselves without any direct motive of religion, although faith, such as it was, did underlio most of the acts.
Two insoriptions found in the Arkalgad Talug in the Hassan District record instances of friends having thrown themselves into the fire out of sorrow for their late masters, the Ganga kings NitimArgga and Satya Vakya, respectively. A third case to the point is given in an insoription in Kadur, dated about 1180 A. D. The Governor of A sandinad died, or,
1 The eleventh day after follor new moon, regarded as a partionlarly good day for one to die on.

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as the inscription has it, "laid siege to Indra's Amaravati." On this Bammayya Nayaka, the slave of Sankamale," shewed the way to Svarga." The next instance, Masaņayya's younger brother Boppanna, "making good his word for the occasion,' went to heaven on the death of Tailappa, the ruler of Bankvase, &c., in 1030 A. D. What the occasion was and why he took this vow is not vouchsafed to us. Perhaps it was a vow that the minister's brother took to show his attachment to his sovereign. Sach vows, once made, were apparently not merely expected to be carried out, but sometimes the votary was asked to make good his word, as in the following instance. In the fifth year of Tribhuvanamalla Vira Somèsvara, i.e. 1185 A. D., his senior queen Lachchala Devi went to heaven. Bôka, an officer of the king, had previously taken a vow -"I will die with the Devi." "On his master calling him, saying, you are the brave man who with resolution have spoken of taking off your head,' with no light courage, Bóka gave his head, while the world applauded, saying, He did so at the very instant.' The word spoken with full resolve is not to be broken."
The next instance I have to exhibit records a vow, taken even without a personal motive, as in the preceding cases. A certain Tuļuva, Chandiya, took a vow "not to let his finger-nails grow," apparently, if the Banavase Fort should be disposed of in a manner he did not approve of. It so happened that Ballavarass and Satyasraya Deva jointly made a grant of the fort and a temple endowment in the twelve-thousand country. Upon this the Tuluva, Chandiga, "cutting off the finger which he had given at the Permala temple and climbing the Bherundêsvara Pillar leaped upon the point of a spear and gained the world of gods."
Here is another vow made from an entirely different motive. Votive offerings of the nature of that following are made now-a-days also, but by the person who is the direct recipient of the favour sought. This case is, however, pecnliar from the fact that the vow was taken, not by the party directly concerned, but by a friend. In 1123 A. D. while Vikramaditya VI. was emperor, and his governor of Banarase was Ramayya, the Mahasamanta (great lord) Bopparasa and his wife Siriya Dêri, surrounded by all the subjects, were in the temple at the rice-fields, the cowherd, Marana's son Dêki Nayaka, made a vow, saying: If the king obtain a son, I will give my head to swing on the pole for the God of Kondaśabhavi ......' This is nothing more, so far as the details of the deed are concerned, than the hook-swinging of modern times, but, as has been pointed out above, the vow is taken by an attendant and not by the principal party.
All these instances show clearly that, when there was enough attachment to persons, or even to ideas, the people of India did not display much respect for life, but showed themselves ready to offer "even the most precious thing on earth, as though it were a careless trifle." The supreme instance of such throwing away of the most precious thing was the suicide, purely from personal affection, of the general of Vira BelAA, Kuvara Lakshmana (or Kamara Lakshma) with his wife Suggalâ Devi and the army which was attached to him (at least of a select part of it). Kuvara Lakshma was both minister and general of Vira Bella!a and cherished by him as his son. “Between servant and king there was no difference; the glory and marks of royalty were equal in both." "His wealth and his life Kuvara Lakshma devoted for the gifts and victories of Vira Bellala Deva, and conquered the world for him as far as the Southern ocean." His wife was Suggala Devi, who also wore a todar (8 hollow anklet, with pebbles or precious stones inside) like the husband, as a mark of her unswerving devotion to her lord. He had a company of a thousand warriors, vowed to live and die with him. He set up a rira sásana (which is recorded on a pillar near the Hoysalesvara temple at Halebid). on which are placed images of himself and Garuda, indicating the latter alone as his equal in devotion to his master. "While all the world was praising him as the founder of the greatness and increase of King Bellala and the cause of his prosperity, the Dandêsa Lakshma, together with his wife, mounted upon the splendid stope pillar, covered with the poetical vira

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THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL). 131
sdsana, proclaiming his devotion to his master : and on the pillar they became united with Lakshmi and with Garuda." The inscription is left incomplete, but the sculptures on the pillar, being all figures of men with swords, cutting off their own arms and legs, and even their own heads, indicate unmistakably what had been done. This example was followed by others, and acts of such wholesale immolation are on record on the occasion of the death of each of the warlike successors of Vira Bellaļa.
Useless waste of life as this appears to us, and entirely needless to demonstrate faithful attachment, it still shews a depth of devotion and a sacrifice of that most precicus legacy, life in this world, which ought to evoke the admiration of all, however misguided was the zeal in a cause hardly deserving the sacrifice.
THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL) IN THE EAST INDIES, PERSIA, AND PALESTINE.
1854-1870. BY SIR R. O. TEMPLE.
Preface. This MS., the full title of which is given below, is catalogued as Sloane, 811, in the collection at the British Museum. It was first brought to my notice by Mr William Foster, at whose suggestion I examined it, and, finding it of great interest, I have had it copied and worked up by Miss L. M. Anstey. No attempt at elaborate editing has been made, but, where possible, names and places have been identified and short notes added to elucidate the text. In this work I have had the valuable assistance of M: William Irvine, who has not only read the whole of Part I. of the MS, and translated many of the vernacular puzzles, but has also cleared up many points and has given me notes from the work he is now engaged upon :- a translation of the Storia do Mogor of Nicolão Manucci. I am also indebted to M: A. N. Wollaston, C.I.E., to M! Foster, and to Miss Anstey herself for help in preparing the work for the press.
The MS. contains 128 folio pages, written in a somewhat illiterate 17th century hand. The first half of the volume consists of a series of disjointed narratives connected with India and Persia, but without cohesion either as to date or place. The latter half, commencing after Campbell's arrival at Ispahan in 1668, is a chronicle of events, and a Journey to Jerusalem is added in the form of a complete diary.
With the exception that each page of the MS., up to the end of the second portion is initialled R. B., there is no mention of Richard Bell until February, 1669, when Campbell joined him at Aleppo; nor is there any evidence to show that Bell participated in the many marvellous adventures recounted by "J. C." Also, the part of the MS. entitled “Travels into Prester Jobns Country" ends in August, 1669, at p. 86 and is dated "at Roome" 2 Jan. 1670, and witnessed by "Richard Bell and Joseph Kent."
The natural assumption is that Bell wrote down, from dictation, John Campbell's wonderful stories, which record facts strangely distorted in the telling. Indeed, some of Campbell's statements explain why “Travellers' Tales" have become a by-word and a synonym for pure invention. That the MS. is known as Bell's, rather than Campbell's, is probably due to the fact that Bell transcribed the whole, that he was the author of the last 42 pages, and that he was the elder of the two men, His mention of Campbell as "my son Cambell" seems to suggest that the relationship between them was son-in-law and father-in-law.
• It is clear, from the way in which they are set down, that the events described by "J. 0." were recorded long after their real or imagined occurrence. There is no attempt at chronological order,

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and anachronisms are frequent. Indeed, were it not for the evidence of a reliable traveller like Manucci, who mentions many of the persons alluded to by Campbell and reasonably describes events of which Campbell gives a distorted account, it might have been difficult to attach any credence whatever to the first two portions of the narrative. Still, with the assistance of M: Irvine's valuable notes, the task of sifting the wheat from the chaff becomes comparatively easy. Moreover, the records of the English in India at this period, 1654-1670, are so scanty that any account by an eye-witness is worthy of reproduction, especially when, as in this case, quaint and out-of-the-way information is interspersed with wondrous stories of magical occurrences.
The MS. has been copied exactly as it stands, retaining all the contractions, capital letters and original spelling. The punctuation has been modernised for the sake of clearness.
Up to the time of going to press, no independent facts relating either to Richard Bell or John Campbell have come to light. Should such be found during the publication of the MS., they will be given in biographical form at the end, as will also any additional facts that may be discovered respecting persons or places mentioned in the narrative.
Richard Bell's Journal and Travels to the East Indies and the Mogals Country in the Year
1654.
An Aocount or Journal of the Travels of Richard Bell in the Mogule Country in India & his Residence in the Court of Sajahan (Shah Jahan] the Emp & father to Oran Zeeb [Aurangzēb], to both which he was Gunfounder Several Yeers, from 1654 to 1668, as also an accompt of Jo: Cambol [John Campbell] f others at that time residing in that country.
As also another Journal of the said Richard Bells Travels to Prester Johns Country & Persia yc. As also an acct of his Travels from Lisbon to Jerusalem & other places &c. 1669 & the year 1670.
[I. - Narrative of John Campbell. ] From Collumba Colombo we Saled to Madderass Lepotan [Madraspatam, i. e., Madras] & soe for Surratt in East India, the Mogulls Contrey, from which place I was assigned to goe to John a Badd (Jahānābād, i.e., Delhi], the Mogulls Court, Saiahan (Shāh Jahān] then Emperor, to be his Gunn founder.
It was his pleasure after he had made tryall of me to send me to Carnatt [the Carnatic], wch was in warrs wth a Kinge cald Swagie [Sivaji), Wheere I remaned Two yeares in the warrs, We takeinge Twenty eight Castles from yo Gentues (Hindus].
This Kinge after he had made his peace wth the Emperer, the Emperer commanded bim to Court, & sent him word if he came he would forgive him all past. Kinge Swagie, by yo perswation of Radger Gessor (Rāja Jai Singh), a Gentue Kinge and then Gennerall of the Emperors Army in that quarter, came, & his sonn wth Ten thousand horse to John a Badd The Cheife Oitty of India and Court of yo Emperer, beinge fifteene Miles English in compagse or more; this was in 1654."
The Emperor, iudging he had Swagie safe, provided to send him over the River Attick (Atak] we parts his Contrey & yo pattans (Pathāns] and when he had him theire he could never returne withont his plesure back. This River 'Attick is Nine Leagues Over, all fresh watter, the lenth not knowne. It hath only two passages wch y Mogull hath Castles, both on his owne side and yo pattans, y of ypattans he purchased of them wth great pollisy, by woh he keeps them in Awe & preserves his passage throw theire Contrey into Pertia as after is declared.
1 Later on in the MS. the writer speaks of Maddera leptan ( one word).
? Sivaji's arrival at, and escape from, Dehli took place in the year 1685, during the reign of the Emperor Aurangēb.
3 Sakkar, Bakhar, and Rohri.

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King Swagie, vnderstandinge ye Emperors designe, for many Gentaes are at Court & greate Commands they have, Cast about how to escape away. Soe Addrest himselfe to y Emperor & desired of him he would give him his passe to send for mony to pay of his men & disband them : ye Emperor gave it him, ye wh passe he made vse of to Convey all his men into theire owne Contrey, in woh way was two Great Rivers, & wth Sach expedition that yo Emperor haveing notis of his goeinge, could not prevent it. His sonn was left in ye Mogulls Court & his vnkle.
The Emperor Commanded ye ynkle to be brought & beheaded & afterwardsl y Sonn of K: Swagie. But y Casanna [khazāna, treasury] beinge full of people, Lords & officers of y Emperer, & ye Boy standinge neare me wth many Gentues, they Bid me indeavor hig preservation. Soe I tooke of his ypper garm! & took my Manns & putt on him; soe presently Conveyed him to my owne howsę. Serch was made all over the Court & Citty of John a bad & places neare it for this yonge Kinge, But I beinge y Emperers Sarv! & in his favor they had noe suspition of me. Soe did not serch my howse, By wch means I had oppertunity to Contrive his Escape & did accordingly effect it, ffor woh service comeinge to King Swagies Court, I had great many respects showne me, ye Queene falling at my foote and kist it, telling me I was hir child, for yt I had saved yo Joy of hir life. Many gifte I had, But one a Dymond as Bigg as a pidgions Egg wth y King of Englands Armes Catt in it: Many Dymond Marchts from ffrance Holland and other Contreys had beene sent into India to purchas it, but money could not procure what love did.?
1868-e. Saiabaun [Shāh Jahān], Emperor, in this yeare wag-aged about 130, One hundred and thirty yeares ;9 Meer Jumla his Councell and yo wisest man Industian (in Hindustan] or India had then Dyed.This Saiahaun had 4 fower sonns, Eldest 1 Mallabucks [Murad Bakhsh], 2 Shaw Sonia [Shāh Shujā], 8 Dorrish sha cour [Dārā Shikoh], 4 Oram Zebb [Aurangzēb].10
• Saiahaun being old, ptly by reason of his age & more espetially as its Genbally sd, to see what his songs would doe, absented or came not to sit on his royall throne for two days, 11 ffor wch absence the Cort & nobles gave out he was deade, ffor its the Custome for yo Emperer every day to appeare publiquely on his throne or he is adiudged to be deade.12
On this, yo Emperors Eldest sonn, Mallabucks [Morād Bakhsb],13 & who ye Emperor did desire should succeed him, tooke Armes. The other 8, in the seall parts of ye Empire they weere in, did the same each for bimselfe.
Its the Custome of that Monarchy not to set vp the Eldest, but he is Emperor whose sword is strongest & Conquers the rest.
This Mallabucks [Murad Bakhsh] invested wth the strength of the Empire about the Court as his father designed, raised an Army of 150000 horse, 150 greate Gunds and 20000 Ollyphants, And
• By Sivaji's vnkle' Nathaji is probably meant. The whole story is, however, so full of mistakes that it is gzobable the writer is retailing the current inaccurate tales of the day about the great personages of the country.
are to be confusing khazana, treasury, with Am-khās, the name for the place of public audience. which, later on, he calls the "Am Casa." See Constable's Bernier, pp. 259, 360.
• Oan this story apply to Nathaji's son P Sivaji and his son are said to have escaped together, in baskete, from Delhi.
Tavernier ed. 1676, VOL. I. p. 484, had, in his possession, "une bague de diamant o sont gravées les armes du Roy d'Angleterre," which he showed to the Persian King in December 1664. I am indebted to M: William Irvine for this note.
• Shah Jahan died on the 22nd Jan. 1666, in the 8th year of the reign of the om peror Aurangzēb, aged 76 lunar years.
• Mir Jumla died in 1668. 10 This order is wrong. Dari Shikoh was the eldest and Murad Bakhsh the youngest of the four, 11 The illness of Shah Jaban, which led to the insurrection of his four sons, occurred in Sept. 1657. 13 This statement is bome out by contemporary writers. 31 These remarks refer to Dära Shikoh, whom the write has confused with Murad Bakhah.

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has y Casanna [kharāna], wch is the tresure, of 6 of the princypall Oitties to himselfe, ffor there are 24 great Cittys in the Empire, in each of weh is lodged a tresure of vast Riches.
Mallabucks [Murad Bakhsh] commanded his second brother ont of Bengall to come to him. Shaw Souia Shāh Shuja'], his broth, sent him word he would waite On him, Sayinge you raigne soe high now, you may haue a fall, I haue as much right to the crowne as you.
Shaw Sonia [Sbāh Shujā'] came 2 Months after vppon his Brothr Mallabucks [Murād Bakhsh] Trth an Army of 20000 horse 200 greate Gunns. They pitched betwixt groy and Goleere [Agra and Gwalior] ; 2 days and 2 nights they fyred theire great Gunns at one an other. Att last Mallabucks broke Shaw Souia his army wth his Ollyphants & routed him soe as he could not recreate, But fed to Recan (Arakan].14
In the meane tyme comes Dorrishacour [Dārā Shikoh]15 yo 34 sonn and Oram Zebb [Aurangzēb] yo youngest wth 2 greate Armys ioyned, but for theire seuerall interests.
Oram Zebb [Aurangzēb] had, lik Jonathan, stole away the hearts of the people, he livinge among them as a fowkeer [faqir] as a begger, for though he had to attend him 12000 horse as a prince, yet did not he, Lady, or his Children eate or weare ought but what theire hand worke brought from yo Bazars or shops for 7 yeares before yo Warrs.
Dorrishaw: cour [Dārā Shikoh), seinge his youngest Broth soe stronge, Said to Mallabucks [Murad Bakhsh] yo Eldest Bro:, I iudge it fitt we ioyne our Armys, for its my intent you be Emperror.
Mallabucks [Murad Bakhsh] invited him to his tent and in his tent feasted him & made him drunke, & when a sleepe put him in Chaines and sent him poner on an Ollyfant to Goleere [Gwalior). And by this meanes got Dorrishawcours [Dārā Shikoh's] army to Joyne wth him.17
They ioyned, vp comes Oram Zebb, ye yongest Brothr, wth an Army of 300000 horse, 150 Ollyfants, 200 grt Guns. His strength did princepally lie in the Rashpouts [räjpūts] ; he had 4 Kings, great Radg[as], to his assistance, he marrying into theire Cast.18
I John Cambell was then wth Mallabucks, But M* Roch, M. Robt. Smith & Mr Jno. White19 was wth Oram Zebb. Wee fought 4 days wth of great Gunns, But Oram Zebb routed vs.
In yo meane tyme breakes out Dorrishawcour ont Golleere & Rased an Army & plandered all yo Casannays or tresurys wheere ever he caime,20
Oram Zebb, when he conqaerred Mallabucks & tooke him, caused him to be put to death by an Ollyfant 21
Dorrishacour, vext at this his Brothers death, drew his army towards Oram Zebb & sent him a challenge. Oram Zebb returned him answer, I will first goe see my father and after I will fight.
24 Shah Shuji's flight to Arakan did not occur until after his defeat by Aurangzāb in 1600. 16 This remark refers to Murad Bakhsh..
16 This story may have arisen from the fact that, before his accession, Aurangzeb gave away in alms a portion of his allowance for food and olothing.
» Those statements constituto curious mixing up of the actual facte. It was Aurangzēb who connived at making Murad Bakhsh intoxicated, in July 1658, and who then imprisoned him.
1 The author is confusing Aurangzēb with Akbar and Jahangir, who both had Hindu wives.
19 Mr. Irvine tells me that these three men are mentioned by Manucoi as being in India at this period. For details respecting Roch, see later on.
0 It Was Murad Bakhsh who was imprisoned in Gwalior by Aurangaab. His attempt to escape was discovered and frustrated. He was murdered in 1662 and buried within the fort of Gwalior.
21 Dari Shikoh, after his betrayal into the hands of Aurangzab, was paraded through the streets of Delhi, on wretched elephant

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Both armies came to John-a-badd, 22 But Saiahan, yo father, then in ye Castle verry strong, would admitt of neither of his sonns into it, but wth his great Gunns fyred at them, willing to see who was conquerrer. Oram Zebb still lay before the castle & for 9 days space great Gunns & Mortars plaid agat him from y Castle.
Dorrishacour was on thother side of ye river cald Corno (a local branch of the Jamna], woh is 3 English miles over & comes from Bengall, & is 12 mo Jurney for a man to goe betwixt Jno a Bad & Bengall by yo river.
Oram Zebb wth drew his seige from his father to fight Dorrishacour bis Brother & yo 10th day made a bridge wth botes 12 leagues below y Citty to get over his guns and Army; 3 days it was ere be got over his Army,
Then they ioyned battell in 3 Battallios. Dorrishacour was at first to hard for vs. But a Lord of his, wth 30000 horsse, advized him to light of his Ollyfant & get on his horsse, whose advice he followed. He was no sooner of his Ollyfant but his soldiers cried, he is kild, On web y Lord runn to Oram Zebb wth 30000 horsse; yo rest run away, wcb was y losse of ye feild to Dorrishacour.24
The arrowes web weer shott yt day on both sides and gathered vpp burnt 15000 Gentues.
Dorrishacour beinge taken poner; his Brother Oram Zebb sent him into Agray Castle,25 & after, wth his son,26 beheaded them. After this, wee drew vp to Johnabadd and ley 4 days before yo Castle ere Saiaban, his father, would surrender.37 When his father surrendred, he tooke him & put him in Irons & Continewed him soe for 4 yeares yt it kild him.
I lived wth Oram Zebb 6 yeares after he tooke his father pisoner weh was till yo yeare 1666.28
Noe sooner had Oram Zobb sotled things about John-a-bada, but comes vp Shaw Souia his 24 Brother wth a great army, A releife of the Pattans [? Rchillas] ; Oram Zebb gent his sonn Sultan Azam 20 to feight his vnkle & Conquerd him & tooke him psoner, And after let him scape for his life. A great Lord in his army, seing him let his vncle goe, tooke y prince & sent him to his father giving acco! of his Crime. Oram Zebb pat his sonn psoner in Goleere, 3e but cut of yo Lds heade, saying he y had ye boldness to lay hands on his prince would not feare in tyme to doe as much to him. Sultan Azam, a hopefull prince, hath beene poner 7 yeares, but now, in ye yeare 1668 he is vnder yo care of an English physition to purge out yo Opium & pest31 wch was in this tyme given him to stupefie his senses. All yo Lords are ingaged to his father Oram Zebb as hostages he, when at liberty, shall not rebell.
This Shaw Souia after routed, filed againe to Recan [Arakan], leaveinge yo Pattans Contrey ;3 yo Recans & Gentues treated him well. This Recan is distant from Bengall 800 leagues by Ses;
91 Shah Shuja' marchod with a powerful army towards Jahānābād (Delhi) in 1658 and was defeated by Aurangzēb.
25 There is no foundation for this story. # The author is here correct and is not confusing the names of the princes as he does above.
20 This is incorrect. It was Shah Jahan who was confined in Agra Castlo. Dārāh Shikoh was imprisoned at old Delhi and there behoaded, in 1659.
* Sipahr Shikoh, Dara's son, was sent, a prisoner, to Gwalior, but ultimately released. 27 The fortress of Agra was taken by Aurangzeb's son in June, 1668. 2% If this statement is correct, the date should be 166,
29 Muhammad A'sam wa Aurangzēb's third son. It was Muhammad Sultan, the eldest son, who, with Mir Jumla, was sent against Shah Shuja'. The prince was won over to his uncle's side, and married Shuja's daughter. Ho, however, repented of his desertion, escaped from Shah Shuji's camp and returned to Court.
* Muhammad Sultan was said to have been confined either in the fort of Mir-garh, or Salim-garh. See Elliot, History of India, VII. 251.
#1 . 6., pgat, poppy-hoad. A drink prepared from poppies was given to stato prisoners a slow poison. Seo Constable's Bernier, f. 1. p. 107.
# He moans (P) the country of the Rohilla, 6. 4. Oadb.

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But he died in ann 1666,33 Leaveinge two sonns, weh the Gentues assisted with an army, And one M: Thomas Pratt,34 an English man, wth 14 more, And went to Sultan Mahomett, who was the eldest son of Shaw Souia, Assisted wth 20 Briggantines, weh the above mentioned Mr Pratt commands, and is come into Bengall & taken most of the places theire, in August 1668.
Candahor, a stronge Citty in Pertia on y South South east borders of it, bounded with ye Pattans contrey on ye Nor Nor east side of ye River Attick [Indus]. Those Pattans are Sarvants to ye Mogull; the other Pattans on ye Sou Sou est are trebutarys to the Mogull by 2 Castles he hath,35 wch he bought of them, one on each side of this river Attick, & theirs noe other passages into ye Pattans or out of it, or into Pertia but by them, or into the more North parts of the world. These Pattans are a great Nation, but by reason the Magull bys all theire horsses, weh is all ye Goods they have to raise money by, they keepe freindship wth him. All ye Magulls Contrey was formerly ye Pattans.
This Candahor is the inlett for all travellers & Carravans wth all rich Marchandize into Pertia, Turke, and soe for Chrissendome, & brings vast Customes to ye King of Pertia, for theirs noe way into ye Northen parts of it from Maltan & other India parts by land Except you come by way of Sindey, weh is 6 mo Jurney wth ye Coffelaw [kafila, caravan] aboute.
The Mogull, takeing councell wth ye Christians, beinge Ambitious to take this towne, Advanct a great army weh was pparing 12 mo, And past the River Attick & beseiged it 3 mo, ann 1666,36 Batterred ye Walls soe as a Cart might passe, Theires 4 Walls, one without an other, And the Towne fortifyed as stronge as most in the world. Twice wee beseiged it thus; But its not to be taken by forsse. We had it betraid to vs, but after we drew of or army, the Kinge of Pertia brought his army & starved out ye Magulls forces in ye towne: for it lies a great way from ye Mogulla releife, And 6 mo in the yeare theirs noe travellinge for ye great Snowes & raines, & ye Centinells at the passes are mewed vp by the Wether till ye winter is over, And ye Contrey for 40 Leagues of it on y pattans side hath neither gras, corne, Cattell or stick of wood.
The Magull, Oram Zebb, in ann 1665 sent an Embassador37 to Shaw Bash [Shah 'Abbas], Kinge of Pertia; y pertian Kinge, beinge merry, caused ye Mogulls Embassadors berd to be Cutt of, wth other affronts to him & his maister; And askt him wt was his Maister that he cald himselfe Emp of ye world & Conqueror, Saying he had only murdered his owne fammyly by weh he gained ye Crowne; he had neither conquerd Turke or Christian.38
Mad [Memorandum]. When the Kinge of Pertia sent for the Magulls Embassadr, he refused to come, so he sent horssemen & bound him & brought him before him.
But next morning when ye wyne was out, he sent for ye Embassadr & told him he was not sorry for what he had done, Neverthelesse he would send his Maister a peent, weh he did, 90 Braue horsses with rich furnture to admiration, A sword or Cattar [kattar] wrought with gold & sett wth dymonds & pretious stones.
Shah Shuja' disappeared in 1660 and was commonly supposed to have met with his death in that year, but various stories are told as to his end.
54 Thomas Pratt planned an attack on Bengal, but was, so Mr. Irvine informs me, suspected of treachery by the King of Arakan, and met his death at the hands of that monarch. For details about Pratt, see end of this section. 35 Sakkar, Bakhar, and Rohri on the Indus in Sindh.
se Kandahar was taken from the Persians by Akbar in 1594, re-taken from Jahangir by Shah 'Abbas in 1622, and again delivered to Shah Jahan by the treachery of the Governor, Ali Mardan Khan. Twenty-six years later, the Persians once more took possession of the place. In 1649 Aurangzeb made an unsuccessful attempt to re-take the city, and another in 1652, when, after a siege of two months and eight days, he was compelled to abandon his design. According to Bernier, he refused to storm the breach made by the cannon of the Europeans, because the enterprise had originated with Dara. If the author is referring to this siege of 1652, he is hopelessly wrong in his dates. See also Tavernier, ed. 1684, Voi. I., Persian Travels, p. 268.
Tarbiyat Khan was sent to Ispahan from the Court of Delhi in 1666.
28 See Dow, History of Hindostan, Vol. III. p. 841 f., for an account of this incident,

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I was peent when they were prented to ye Magull, who Comanded yo sword to be broken & stampt to poother & burnt, And sent ye horsses to seuerall Christian doores where theire heads were Cutt of & they burnt wth all theire Ornaments, And the Ashes of them & theire furniture throwne into ye River.39
Shaw Bash Dyed, [26th August 1666], Soe ye Magull wthdrew his army sayinge he would not disturbe a Child in his sorrowes for his father, nor should other princes say he took advantages not honorbloc
Mad The Magull, at his first comeinge to y Crowne, tooke all base advantages, but now setled & fixt in y. Empire, he is a mighty honnorado.
In the yeare 1669, the Magull marcht wth a great Army towards Candabor wth three yeares pertions [? rations]. & swore by his beard hee would never leave it, till he had taken it, wch vndoubtedly he will, And then he hath an inlett into Pertia, for there is noe other way by reason of the Mountans, Nor ought to hinder his march to Ispawhawne save the Pertian Army, wch now is devided into 3 three parts, vizt One against the Turke at Bossara [Basrah), the 24 second against a Collony of Hutterritts, 1 & kind of Christians consisting of about 10000, And this prince, tho small, Texes him by Sea for he hath bat a verry small Isleland, And Generally his wife, Children and all his people aboard his Vessells, wch are small & runs vnder ye pertian vessells. And his way is to Jand his people on yo Pertion shore & take away whole Townes of people & plunder & Carrie them aboard his shipps, & if they can redeeme themselues, he accepts of ransome & ye goods he carries to his Isleland, woh yo Pertian cannot come at for yo reason aboue, his vessells being small & y pertians great, gets vnder them and sinks them by some art they haue.
Att the tyme I was at Ispawhawne, this Chiefe of ye Hutteretts gent 4 of his Chiefe men to Shaw Sollymon, now Kinge of Pertia, as Embassador, to desire he would give them a peece of land and be theire ptecter and they would doe him homage. But ye Kinge beheaded them all 4 ;, wch makes them doe all the mischeife they can in his Contrey, vol is great, on those townes weh lie on the Sea Coast. Att one tyme they tooke & kild 1500.
Johnabadd, 1668. In the yeare 1609 or there abouts, Jogeern [Jahangir], Emperrer of Industion," had to his Councell in Chiefe Allan Cown" who got vnder y Empergreate Riches, yo emperor warringe wth ye Gentues & conquerd them wth theire pedegoge (pagoilas), and before his Death caused it to be buried in his howse Cald Old Dilley (Delhi) in John a Badd. After his death, the then Emperor made greate serch, knoweing he had vast Riches, But not fyndinge it, It hath ca[u] sed continuall serch to this day, 1670, There haueinge beene, since Jogeeres tyme, Saiahan Empero & Now Oram Zebb.
Mdd yt Jogeere (Jahangir], by pnnnishinge some of Alla Caws Generation, mad a discovery, yo he gott Six Ollyfante Load of Tresure, wch was esteemed worth 3000000 Thirty hundred thowsand pounds sterling money, wch hath Caused a Jealosy (suspicion] to this day great tresure is yet in that how se.
Ma Thatt Allam Cawne, second to Jogeere Emperor, in Año 1507 [? 1607), was imployed by ye Emperor in his warts wth y Gentues who weere many petty Nations. Great riches they had, The Dymond Mines and other Jewells beinge found in theire Contreys, And ye great pride of ye Gentues is to adorne theire pagodays, theire gods & places where the[y] put them, some beinge a Cow,
* Compare Bernier's account of the reception of the present: Constable's ed. pp. 146-151. ** This statement is supported by contemporary writers.
+1 The writer refers to the trouble which was given to Shah 'Abbas and Salimän by the Kodarite Arab pirates of Al-Kadar on the Eastern side of the Persian Gulf and on the Shatt-al-Arab mouths of the Tigris and Euplustes. These are referred to by Chardin, Coronation of Solyman III., 1691, p. 1. It is not likely that there were may Christians amongst them, though there might have been Muha 12 Jabangir nscended the throne in Oct. 1805.
s ? a mistake for Asaf Khan.

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some beinge a sheepe & ye like they worshipt. This Allam Cawne plundered all, conqueringe them, & by yt meanes horded vast and vnknowne riches, woh he hid from ye Emperor, they Consistinge in Images and Jewells of incredable vallew; And to hide or conceale this his greate welth from ye Emperor and suspition of the people, he Borrowed & tooke vp on interrest vast sumes and Dyed indebted soe.
138
Alla-Cawns sonns, pferd by Jogeere to Command in his Army, But since by Saiahan and Now Oram Zebb Emperors to make discoverey, hath brought them to poverty. Theirs Only One in beinge, ye Lord Jeffer Cawna, a Collonell of horsse, who beinge in Nessessity for money, caime to Mr Tho: Roch, Mr Robt Smith, Mr John White And I, John Cambell, & told vs if wee would lent him such a some of money, he would pawne to vs such a howse, a greate pennyworth. Wee lent him the money. On woh an old Brammonist, sarvt to his grandfather, told vs if we would serch, theire was to be found great riches in that howse, Sayinge yu are Xpians and may doe it, We can not, but indanger of lives & families. The Emperer will not call yu to soe strict accot as he will doe vs if ought but well happen.
We agreed to give yo Lord and him two shares and each of vs one; Soe we went to worke, haveing laborers, And had dugg Nine fathom deepe, for Alla Cawn had built howse vppon howse over y place he buried ye money and tresure in.
This howse is as bigg as Whitehall & Scotch yard [Scotland Yard] 5 and verry stronge, built Castle wise. The laborers in digging, some weere struck dead, vizt 2:; others lamd, leggs and armes broke; & others hurried out; Soe yt all other laborers weere discurraged.
Oram Zebb, now Emperer, heareing we weere digginge, sent to know ye reason. We returnd him answer for stones to build a howse, weh Mr Roch, vnder Culler, then was buildinge; for 6 mo we continewed digging, but found noethinge. Soe I, John Cambell, required my money againe. Said the Lord Jeffery Cawn, such things are heere: And I will consult some coniurers, and if you finde them not you shall haue your money againe. He did consult and brought three of those Coniurers to vs. On wch wee came to gether and showed them how farr wee had diggd, which was wth in Nine inches of a pott of brass as bigg as a bushell. Said ye coniuers, take vp such a stone, weh don, y pott appeared. Said they, medle not wth it now, but lett it a lone till morninge. Wee knew not what was in it, but iudgeing it ye prize, or pte of what wee sought for, That night we weere verry merry. But in the midst of our mirth comes into ye Midle of ye Court, wch was large, a great many laborors with Mattock, Spade and other Implemts, All of siluer, And in an instant cast vp a banke of earth higher then the rest, & erected On it a Cannope of State.
Others came And spred Carpetts. This Cannopie of State was borne by Nine seemeinge Men. The Staves of Siluer. We had Candles and lamps, but they Great wax torches.
Mad One pott, when we caime to itt, was turnd into Charcoaie to or thinkinge, but we weere forbidden to medle wth it and next tyme the same pott was gold; it had been taken away & brought againe,
An hower after the Cannope was erected & Carpette spred, being about 12 Clock at night, comes a great Devell in shape of Man in a Chaire state borne vppon mens shoulders and a summerre [sumbreiro, umbrella] over his head, supported with gold staves, in great state and many attendants after him. He sits downe vnder ye place of state; most of ye rest stand by him. We all sadly amazed, I, Jno Cambell, sounded [swooned] but recovered psently. I had, as ye other 3 xpians, my bible and seriously fell to readinge.
Jafar Khan, son-in-law of the wasir Asaf Khan, was appointed prime minister by Aurangzeb in 1663 and died in 1670.
46 From Stow we learn that "a large plot of ground enclosed with briok is called Scotland, where great buildings have been for receipt of the kings of Bootland."

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The Devell said, lay by yor Evengell, but we continewed. The Ld Cawn sat in ye Midle of vs. Out comes a Devell and hawled him from vs 4 or 5 tymes his lenth. Mr White steps out & lay hold of him and demanded for why they did that.
In comes a huge ill shapt Monster and said, will not this fellow ye Ld. Cawn let vs a lone, but must show ya this tresure; he shall never haue it, and vannisht.
Then did y greate Devell command him to be brought in Irons, the coniurers haveing first don somewhat.
This ill shapt Devell had remoued y tresure, but said, set me at liberty & I will bring it againe.
This ill shapt monster had been slaue to y Ld Caws grandfather who buried ye tresure & se it buried; Soe ye Lds Grandfather kild him to prent discoverey, woh this devell gave vs ye full
relation of.
He brought it againe. And ye next day went a slave of Mr Roches & informd ye Emp! Oram Zebb what she had seene, for all the howse saw plã [plainly] what was don. This brought vs all into great troble, But wth great bribes we accquitted our selves. They weere given to yo Ministers of state, And wthall purchased vs liberty for future to doe what we pleased in the howse.
I, John Cambell, goeing home to my owne howse, a horsman mett me in ye way & told me, yu must goe noe more to Old Dilley [Delhi]; But what yor share is yu shall haue.
That night Mr Roch & ye Ld. Cawn was throwne ouer the wall out of the howse & a little brewsed.
Mr White Questioned ye great Devell who he was. He sd, I am Mortezalle [i. e., 'Ali, also known as Murtaza 'Ali], sonn in Law to Mahomett, & governs this part of ye world; wth that he rose and wth all y rest vanuisht, but left ye ground rased on wch stood ye Cannopy state.
Mr White & y Coniurers weere taken in a sound [swoon]. When they came to their selfs, theire was some thing they Dugg for laid at theire heads, vizt., An Image of gold wth 3 pretious Chaines to it, y Image as Bigg as a sheepe. This was kept privat 8 mo.
Dureinge the tyme Mortezalle sat in state, woh was 3 or 4 howers, he askt Mr Roch, what haue yu to doe heere. Mr Roch replied, I haue given money for this place. Sa yo Devell, let it a lone & we will give yu yor money againe & 3 tymes more. 8 Mr Roch & Mr White's replied, we will haue all or none. Sa yo Devell, you may thank Esay [Isa] woh is Christ, & yor vengell [Evangel], wch is ye bible. Wee cannot hinder you from it now, you beinge Xpians, But yu shall pay deere for it, if ya will haue it, wch proved trew, as before is mentioned by ye slaves information to Oram Zebb.
Take, ad ye Devell, yor vengell from that Gollum [ghulam], meaneinge ye Ld. Cawn, for we caused him keepe a bible in his hard, (Gollum signifies slave), And we shall be sure of him, for Certainly they woud [have] carried him a way alive, for they declared they had power over him, but that he kept Close to ye Bible wth some directions we gaue him.
Sa yo Devell, yu are sarvis & of seuerall professions, why doe yu not follow yor pfessions: what haue ya to doe to Cast Guns heere; get ya to yor owne Contrey.
Then caime one from yo great Devell weh Mr Roch was talking wth, and struck vp his heeles, wch put him into a sound [swoon], and as he fell, he cried, god help me. Så ye Devell, god is neere.
When Mr Roch cald y ill shsp Devell, Devell, he replied, I am noe Devell, iut Cotte [jhut kahta], ya lie, for I was murdered for this money, And if yu will take away yor Cattabb [kitab, book], weh is ye bible, from this Gollum [ghulam], ye Ld Jefferey Cawn, yu shall haue y desire.
46 Mr. Irvine tells me that Manucci mentions in Delhi an "English renegade named João Witt who had married a Muhammadan woman." If João Witt and John White are identical, the incident here described must have happened before White renounced his religion.

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The Devell in ye nights baled & puld & brused ye Ld Jeff: Cawn and soe frighted him he durst not be from yo xpiang, who praled wth him to lie wth y bible on his brest & while he did soe, yo Devells had no power of him.
1. John Cambell, warned not to come at Old Dilly more, had a tent sett vp wthout the gate, wheere my friends & those Consernd met together. AL3 Clock in an afternoon, appeares y great Devell without attendance and said, since you will hane ye trebure I charge y" give Cawn none of it. We said he must share.
If it be soe, said y. Devell, he shall never inioy good hower with it, nor did he, till he was baptized, but pined away.
M Smith, after 6 howers discorse wth ye Devell, commanded him away. Yo Devell went 3 tymes and caime againe. The 3d tyme he enquired of me, John Cambell, why I did not goe into ye howse. I replied not. Sa yo Devell, I know yu weere forward. Mr Smith replied, Brough [barão), wch is begon, I command yo, in ye name of Christ begon, I, Jno Cambell, still reasoned y scripture wth yo Devell, but not capable to undertake as M Smith was, I left it to him, After wch y Devell vanisht away, but Mr Smith for 3 mo afterwards kept his bed, we doubtinge his life all the tyme. He recoverd at last, but every other night was tempted yt he would take away yo bible from yo Ld Cawn, But we defyed ye Devell.
Then said y Devell, I baue Armies & Riches and am an Emperor & Emperror of Emperrers & can pfer yo, & vanisht.
After this, we being in the feild wth Oram Zebb, Emps, his army, we saw a Maltitude of Men, wych we tooke for the Enemie Kinge Swagies [Sivaji's) army. But it was y Devell or Mortezally with his Armie, for we weere 130 Leagnes from yo enemy, as we trewly vnderstood after, but by these weere led too & froo for about 2 mo & mett wt noe enemy, tho we sought them.
This La Jeffery Cawn, then in ye Army & a Stont Soldier, Commanded 4000 : fower thowsand borsse could never get yo Devells army out of his sight, Told yo Minister who saw it as well as he, and we alsoe y rest of yo Christians saw it, That the Christians faith was good & he would willingly Die for it, y honor of the vengell. Mi Smith yo minister told him, theires noe forse to be vsed to yo, yu haue seene what we doe.
Its written, Sa yo Ld, in of lawes that when Mahommett died, some of his greate Councell askt how they should be saved. Or proffett told them by water, Pray, 8d y. LA, what is that water. Mr Smith replied, it was yo water of Baptisme. The La replied, I anderstand not what that is ; we wash much. Sa yo Minister, wth Mr White, That washinge did not save or peserve him in those troubles y are come throw. This Ld replied, keepe my secretts friends. And if yo will baptize me in ye way yy are in I am willinge to receive it.
A feast was made at my bowse, J: Cambell, and y' Lord Jeffery Cawn Baptized ;47 M: White was Godfather. Never after this did Ans of ye spirrifts or Devells troble him, Though, as before said, he till then washed in his bodey; Every day at yo tyme of of prayer would he come by stelth, leaveing behind his serva.
After this, Mr Roch & this Ll was sent for to paon (prison) by the Casa (gazt], who is gapreeme in Ecclesiasticall Orimes, On plence they 2 weere propagatinge yo Christian Religion : and after y Casa had Examoned them, they weere Commanded before the Emperor Oram Zebb, The Ld wpth a greate Chaine about his neck. The Emperor demanded what relation he had to y Christians. The Casa had told y Emperor what had past.
07 Mr. Irvine tolle me that there is probably some fondation for this story, as Manucci has a good deal to say About Jaar Khan and his kindnew to, and intimacy with, Christiana. Manuel does not say that he actually became . Christian, but he adds that "he drank his drop of liquor,"

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The Ld Cawn replied, noe marrackle ever Mahomett or his Lawes did, like ye evengell wch he had made proofe of. Sa the Casa ya wilbe a Coffer [kafir, unbeliever], wch is Heathen. Sd ye Ld, then I must give Accompt to Hodah [Khuda], vizt. God. Att last they weere both Cleered.
141
Mad Mortazelle, in yo discorse before, told them he lived not by bread, or his Army, or weere vizable at all tymes, But Sd theirs a day we must appeare.
These Spirritts or Devells haue noe paine; they Delight much in Gardens, in Jewells & Gold, And when they weere forst to lett ye Ld Cawn haue ye Tresure he Diggd for, they Caused ye Brammonist [Brahman] to make an agreemt, wth Consent of his ptners, to repaire the ruins they made in Digging in the howse in Old Dilly, And to make a faire Garden wthin Such a tyme, or elce he should never enioy quiet; this is pforminge Att this day, año 1668.
As for ye tresure got, it was greate, & more is lookt for.
This Mortazelle Sd, we haue power to destroy all but those weh belonge to Esay48 & ye Evengell, vizt. Christ, & ye Gospell or scriptures. We medle wth none of yu; why do yu give yo vengell to anie of or people to hinder or revenge on them. Mr White Answered, we are bound by Esay y" tell vs of, to doe it, and ye word of God is open & free to all men yt will receive it. Wth that he grew in a fewrey, but at last becaime calme, And said, we haue noe more liberty then God gives vs, As Esay is yor profett, Soe haue wee beene pfetts to these men, weh makes vs now goe like wanderinge spirritts. Sa Mr White, when you weere on earth vizable, why did you not mind those things. Wee, said ye Devell, hane hopes of rest for or now wanderinge, Hatter Gouna [lihtar günā], because wee may mend. All this while wee stood wth of Bibles in our hands. Sd ye Devell, put away yor Evengell. Mr White replied, noe, its our Belefe. S4 ye spirritt, its good for you you haue it, but still we are bound to tempt you. Sd Mr White, Dower Sitan [dur, Shaitan], weh is, avoyd Satan. I am Sad he, noe Devell. Then showed all the Sarvts themselves in terrable shapes, some Lyons, some tygers and seüall Monsters, But we were not abitt amazed. Oh hum deights to'mor'ror' ra dust hey [ab ham dekhta tumhārā rāḥ durust hai], Sa ye Devell, Now I see yor way is right. Wth that he & his Crew vannisht.
Two howers after comes in a great Sarpent, ye Cull of gold; ye Minister & wee went to prayer; ye Sarpent tooke on his belly a turne or two on ye Carpett & vannisht.
That night M White fell sick & vomitted blood and went vp & downe stampinge & could not speake for 3 howers. It pleased god he went to ye bible and desired yo Minister to turne to and led his hand to it, for we weere all then affrighted. When ye Minister had red 4 lines, Mr White spooke & Sa, O Lord What haue I don, I will never more discorse wth Spirits.
49
For 3 days after this he was sick, but to him nor anie of vs did ye Devell appeare ever after.
They then went to ye Ld Cawn who owned ye howse & said, go & give yo Christains that booke thou hast, And we will give the wt riches thou demandest of vs. The Ld replied I fynd theire way trewth and yu all deceivers, And if I should do it yu would teare me to peeces. He, ye Ld, caime next day & told vs what had hapned.
Mr White S4, if he appeares againe, give him this answer to resolve ya whether hee can doe more for yu then the vengell hath don. This was the last thinge after ye Ld was baptized yt hapned, vizt.
The Devell caime to ye La, & ye Ld gave him ye Question above mentiond. The Devell replied, for Riches and welth I will assure the enough; what follows I cannot tell.
The La replied, I have got riches & will more in spight of yu by ye helpe of that I beleive in.
It is possible from the form which the author has adopted for the Arabie 'Isa, that he is mixing up the name Isa, Christ, with 'Isai, Christian.
49 Hiatus in original.

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The L4 speakvinge this, y• Devell vannisht away, Anl the Lord was taken deade, And was stript and washt, and was about to be wound and laid forth as to his buryall. We, the Christians, were sent for to old Dilley howse to come to bis buryall, his freinds knowing we weere intimate. We caime, And of A Snddan he Started vp & s, O hodah Iss a'ra' Bou' lu' law' [O Khuda, 'Isa ar-rasulu'llāh, O God, Christ is the prophet of God], wch is in English, O god who bath saved me by ye providence of Jesus Christ. One of his sarvants, beinge a Moore, went to ye Casa & sd, his Ld was turned Coffer. He ye L4, was sent for ; we yo g® durst not be seene in it. The L, haueing good parts, disputed a litle wth leane of the Cas & desired him look into Moses lav & told him their was one God, And sd we are bound by Mahomett our profett to pray for all other profetts but espetially Ela Ela Issa' ra' sou'la' law [Allah, Allah, 'Isà ar-rasulullah] ch is interpreted before. Sa yo L4, when I was taken sick, God & Issa ['Isā, i. e., Christ) caime in my heart first. S4 y Casa, this was in former tymes, But Issa is not yet come. We know, s' ye Ld to the Casa, he is a great profett. Sa ye Casa, doe şu not acknowledge Mahommett greater. Ho-dah a' mer' a' cull' ham so se' de'ra' buttella [Khudā mērā ankh khula ham ko sidha rah batlāyā), st is, God open my eies and direct me ye right way, I cannot dispute wth yu being Casa, w' is as High preist,
Said the Casa, ham Dalgeere bey [ham dilgir hai], I am sorrie yu will goe to hell. Su ye L", Ho-dah Jan te Khuda jäna or jinté], God knowes whether I sball or noe. Brough [barão), Sd y. Casa, begon. The next day ye Casa related this to ye Emperer. The Emperer cald ye Casa & y Lis his Counsell to debate it. The Casa said, he is gilty of death, because he disputs ay aiust the Law of Mahom nett. Su ye Emperer, lets know by whome this powation of his caime. They sent to ye Padrees, imponed them, thretned some others had Strips to Confesse, but they knew nothinge of it, noe more they did. Then sa yo Emperer, Bi r'ga ban'den [Bira Jahannam), Gou & be hanged. Je hob Mussellman A Good Moore will never make a Christian nor a Christian a good Moore. Esub ho da'ca' lut huy [Yeh sab Khuda ke hath hai] Sd y Empor, wou is All this is in gods band And Cleered him. But after this we durst not meete but it he caime to vs at night, be staid privat wtla vs all next day and away at night, Soe we the same if we went to his howse.
(To be continued.)
FOLKTALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA.
Collected by William Crooke.
A Tale of Human Sacrifice.1 THERE was once a Râjâ who had a very wise Wazir. One day the Rają went to hunt, and they encountered a tiger. The Râjâ wounded the beast, but in the fight which followed it so happened that the tiger bit off one of the fingers of the Raja. When he returned all the courtiers condoled with him on his misfortune, but the Wazir said: "Whatever Bhagwan does he does for our good." When he heard this, the Râjâ flew into a passion, and turned the Wazir out of his Court.
As the Rajâ suffered much pain from the wound, he determined to go for a ride in the jungle. He rode on a long way and became separated from his escort, and as night came on he went for shelter into a temple of Devi. He sat by the door, but continued to hold his horse by the rein. Now in this temple there was a gang of thieves, who had got possession of some valuable goods. And they had vowed that if they were successful they would sacrifce a man to the goddess. But they had forgotten to bring a victim, and just as the Râjâ came up they
80 Probably the commencement of some formuls Khub Musalman, &c. 1 Tola by Rameswara Datta, Ojha, of L!lapur, Partabgash District, Oudh.

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were discussing what they should do. Suddenly the lightning flashed and they saw the Rájâ at the door of the temple. So they seized bim and were just about to sacritice him, when one of them said: 'Let us examine him to see if perc hance he have not lost any part of his body. If so, he will not serve our parpose, as it is unlawful to offer a victim who is defective in any way."
When they examined the Raja they found that he had lost one of his fingers ; so they let
him go.
The Rája came back to his palace, and when his contiers were assembled, he said : " Let the Wazir be summoned to the presence.” When he arrived the Rajâ told him what had happened and said : "Now I know that whatever Bhagwan does is for our good, and it was my fault that I drove such a wise man as you froin my Court."
The Wazir answered : " Bhagwan had in this good in store for me also." The Râjâ asked: " What good bad He in store for you?" The Wazir replied: * Had I not been expelled from the presence, surely you would have taken me with you. I would not have failed to accompany you to the temple, and the thieves in that case would certainly have sacrificed me in your stend as I had no bodily defect."
The Raja was pleased with the sagacity of his Wazir and advanced him to great honour.
How the Faqir lost his ear. There was once a Râjâ who excelled in the science of archery ; many archers contended with him, but he ased to defeat them all, and whenever he defeated a rival he would make him his slave. Daily he used to go to the river bank and test his skill by shooting at the fishes in the water. One day he went there as asual, and as he was shooting bis arrows at the fish a man in the garb of a Faqir approached him and continued watching him for some time. At last the Faqir said: “This habit of yours is not good. You had better give it up." Then the Faqir went to bathe in the water close by, and when the Râjâ observed him attentively he saw that he had lost one of his ears. So he asked the Faqir to go with him to his palace, and there he entertained him. But he was puzzled to discover how the Faqir had lost his ear, and he enquired the cause; bat when he asked him, the Faqir was wroth and remained silent. At last one day the Raja insisted that the Faqir should tell his tale, and, though unwilling as he was to speak, at length he replied: -
"O Maharaja! I was once like you famous for my skill as an archer, and so skilled was I that I despised the whole world. One day I was wandering about and came to the house of a wealthy merchant. His wife, one of the most beautiful women of the age, was sitting at the door, and when I saw her my heart was inflamed with love and I implored her to yield to my wishes. But she refused with indiguation and said: 'I am not such as you suppose. I love my husband alone. You had better leave the house, or when my husband comes, I will tell him and he will slay you with his arro v.'” I was so lost in love to her that I remained sitting there, and by and by her husband came back, and when he heard from his wife what had passed he said: 'I hear that you pride yourself as an archer. When I have eaten my food I will test your power.' So he sat down and ate, and when his meal was done he said: • Take your bow and a hundred arrows and do your best to shoot me. I took my bow and arrows and shot at him, hoping that I might slay him and then win the love of the lady. But he guarded himself so skilfully with his shield that I failed to hit the mark, and when all my arrows were spent he said: 'Take my bow and fix an arrow to it.' I took the bow; but do what I would, it was beyond my power to string it, and then I fell at his feet and prayed his pardon. But with two fingers he took me by the ear and put me outside his door, and such
1 Told by Moban Lal, student of the school at Ghazipur, Fatehpur District,

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was the strength of his fingers that my ear remained in his grasp. Such was my shame that I gave up the practice of archery and became a Faqir.".
When the Rajá heard the tale of the Faqir he was ashamed, and broke his bow and never shot an arrow for the rest of his life..
III. How the sadha was taught faith in the Scriptures.3 There was once a Sadhû who was one day reading the Sastras, and he came across a verse which taught that even asceties are enamoured of the beauty of women. He would not believe that this could be true, so Bhngwîn determined to teach him not to distrust the Scriptures. One night he sent a lovely maiden to the hermitage of the saint, and she knocked and said: "I am the daughter of a merchant and I desire shelter for the night as I have lost my way." The Sadhû at first refused to admit her, but when she implored him, he let her in, and when he had given her food he shut her up in an inner room, and locking the door gave her the key from bencath, and said: “An evil demon sometimes at night assumes my form. Should he come to the door and desire admittance, open not to him."
So they both lay down to rest, and in the night the maiden woke and began to sing songs of love until the Sådhú heard her, and be became inflamed with love of her. So he arose and knocked at the door, and when she got up and looked through a chink, and seeing the form of the Sâdhů, she remembered his words and would not open to him. He called her and said: "Open to me! I am thine host, the Sadhů." But she said: "Do I not know the evil devices of the wicked ones P" So she kept the door shut, and the Sadhu got up on the roof and tried to enter through the tiles. But his foot was caught by the rafters, and he could move neither one way nor the other. Thas he remained till the morning broke, when his brethren seeing his state came and released him. When they asked him what had happened, he told them the whole case. "This," said they," will be a lesson to you not to doubt the truth of Holy Writ."
IV.
The Virtue of Charity. There was once a Raja who possessed enormous wealth, but was such a miser that he never gave anything in charity. On the contrary, his son was so generous that every day he used to weigh himself against gold and distribute it to the poor. One day Bhagwân himself came to see him in disguise of a Brahman. He commenced reciting the sacred books at the gate of the palace, and when the prince came to listen he ordered him to call his father, the RAJA. The Rajâ came and Bhagwan demanded alms. The Râjâ promised to give him money : but when he came home and entered his treasure house he cried, “How can I give away the wealth which I have collected with such difficulty ?" So he drove Bhagwan from the city.
Then Bhagwan ordered the prince to shut up his father in prison as a madman and take the kingdom. So he began to distribute his wealth in charity till nought remained, and he was brought to poverty. Bhagwân again visited him in the form of a Sadhû. He was then living in a miserable straw hat, and when he saw the holy man he went in and ordered the Ráni to bake all the flour they had into cakes for their guest. While the meal was being cooked the Sådhů asked the RájA to come and bathe with him. As they plunged into the water the Raja was turned into an embryo and re-born as the Maharaja of Benares. For twelve years he lived in the utmost splendour and then died. When they threw his ashes into the Ganges he at once regained his form as the Raja on the Ghâţ, where he had been bathing with Bhagwan
5 Told by Pandit Jatadhar, Brahman, and recorded by Sri Ram, Brahmap of Jondhart, Agra District. • Tok by Pandit Lålman, Brahmap of Agra,
.

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Then he knew that the Sadhû was the deity, and falling at his feet worshipped him. Bhagwan asked him to choose what boon he pleased. But the Râjâ said: "All I desire is that my fatber, mother, and myself may be admitted to thy heaven." So a heavenly chariot appeared and all three were transported to paradise.
v.
The Coolie and the Jinn.5 There was once a poor coolie who was coming home to his dinner. On the path before him he saw two snakes fighting, and the larger snake was just about to kill and devour the smaller one, when the coolio,struck it with his mattock, and the small snake crept into some brushwood and disappeared. When he had eaten his food, the coolie went to pray in the mosque, and as he was leaving, a beautiful youth accosted him and said: "Pray wait a little, as my father is coming to call on you." "Who am I that any person should call on me?" replied the coolie. Just then a magnificent-looking old man came up and salated the coolie. "Who am I," he asked, "the meanest of the mean, that any one should salute me?" Said the old man: "You bave conferred the greatest possible favour upon me. I am the king of the Jinn, and this youth is my son. I have a mortal foe, one of the Jinn. He turned my son into a snake and was about to slay him when you saved his life. Now I intend to reward you, so lie awake to-night and keep the matter secret." The coolie went home and told his wife. All she said was, "Some one is making a fool of you."
But the coolie stayed awake, and just at midnight be heard something fall in the courtyard of his house, and when he went out to see what it was, he found that it was a purse of gold, and several more fell at his feet. He woke his wife and showed her the treasure. She said: "If anyone sees you with so much money they will say you stole it. Better bury all the purses but one." The coolie obeyed her, and with the money in one purse he bought cows and oxen, and when his neighbours asked him about it he said: “I have raised a loan from a Mabâjan." So he prospered, and by and by he dog up the rest of the money and became a very wealthy man, and to the day of his death he never told any one of the lack which had befallen him.
VI.
The Hunter and the Deer. A hunter went out one day into the forest and saw a pair of deer grazing. He planned. how to kill them. So he set fire to the grass on one side, on another he posted his hound, on the third laid a snare, and on the fourth stood himself with his spear in bis hand. When the deer tried to escape, the male fell into the snare, but the hind escaped. When she saw that her mate had been captured she came back, and standing before the hunter she said: "I know that thy food is flesh, and so has it been ordered by Bhagwân. But my mate whom thou hast caoght is lean, while I am fat. Kill me in his stead and let him go alive. Perchance thou hast never heard the saying: -
"NU akaj kari jo manukh sajain jag par kdj,
Jagat ubh kari vash bimal, surpur sajain samdj." " Those who at & sacrifice to themselves do good to others, win true glory in this world, and when dead, can arrange the seats for their company in the city of the gods."
When the hunter heard these words he was filled with compassion, released the deer, and gave up banting for the remainder of his life.
* Told by Mahab noht, Musalman, and recorded by Zafar-ullah of Sikandra, Aligarh District. • Told by Bachau Koera, of Mirzapur.

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VII. Allah Bakhsh the Domon, and the Saint Abdul Qadir Jilani. When the Saint Abdul Qadir Jilani was staying at Pirân Kalyar, near Rúrki, in the Saharanpur District, Allah Bakhsh, the noted demon, who frequented that neighbourhood, attacked, or, as the phrase runs, "mounted on the head" of the wife of the man at whose house the saint's bread used to be cooked. The man, when he found that his wife was under the influence of the demon, took her to the saint.
The saint said to the demon : "What do you mean by coming to the place where my bread is baked ?"
The demon answered: "I will not come again as long as your honour stays here." The saint again asked: "Why do you not come on my head ?"
The demon replied: "I have nothing to do with the Maqbul Ilahi or the accepted of God."
Again the saint asked: "Why do you not come on the heads of the women of the household of the righteous ?" "They," replied the demon, "are under the protection of the Almighty, and I cannot touch them."
So the demon departed in fear and never returned as long as the saint remained in that neighbourhood.
VIII.
A Woman's wiles.? There was in the city of Kanchanpûr a banker who had a daughter named Jay Sri, and when she grew up she was married to Jay Mohan, the son of the Raja. She lived with her father after her marriage, and had a lover of her own. One day her husband came to see her, and she professed the deepest love for him: but at night when he was asleep she left him and went to visit her lover. On the way a party of thieves saw her and followed her. When she went into the house she saw tbat her lover lay dead from the bite of a snake. She lay down beside him and began to weep and lament him.
Now there was a demon in a tree close by, and when he saw her he was overcome by her beauty and he entered into the corpse of her paramour. When she saw him, as she thought, revived, she was delighted, and they stayed together till near dawn. As she was leaving, the demon seized her and out off her nose.
She came home covered with blood and lay down beside her husband, and when it was daylight she called out to her father and said: "My husband has cut off my nose."
So the prince was seized and condemned to death, and as they were carrying bim to execution, one of the thieves saw bim, and when he heard what had happened began to weep. They took him to the Râjâ, and when the tale was told they went and found the woman's lover dead and covered with blood. The prince was released and his wicked wife was put to death with torture.
The Two Blind Men. Two blind men were sitting together, one of whom was blind from his birth, the other had become blind after he had grown up. The second asked the first if he would eat rice-milk if he got some. The other asked what sort of thing rice milk was. His friend said: "It is wbite." The other asked: "What is white?" "It is like the heron." "What is the heron
Told by Bal Govind, Bråbman of Tarinpar, Sitapur. • Told by Nannhe, tailor, and recorded by Rahmatullah, teacher of the school at Baksiya, Badaun District.

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like?” Then the second man held the hand of the first and made him touch the rice-milk. The other, when he touched it, said: "You rascal! Why are you asking me to eat this filthy stuff? I will never touch it."
IX.
The Fate of the Thieves. Once apon a time the four Ages of the World met, and Treti Yuga asked Krita Yuga what the law in his time was. Krita Yuga replied: “In my time it was the law that if his subjects behaved sinfully the Rajâ was punished." Treta Yaga answered: “It was a cruel law to panish the Râjâ for the sins of his subjects."
The Dwapara Yuga asked Tretâ Ynga what the law in his time was. Tretà Yuga answered: “In my time it was the law that if the people sinned the landholders were punished." Dwapara Yoga replied: "This indeed was a very cruel law."
Then Kali Yuga asked Dwapara what the law in his time was. Dwapara Yuga answered : "In my time it was the law that if a junior member of a family committed sin, the head of the family suffered for it." Kali Yoga answered : " This indeed was an unjust law."
So the three Ages asked Kali Yuga: "And in your time what is the law ?” He replied: "In my time the law is that he who sins suffers himself.” “How can this be " they asked.
Then Kali Yuga went into the jungle and laid there a great brick of gold. Just as he did so, two goldsmiths passed by, and when they saw the brick of gold they snatched it up at once and hid it in their luggage. Then one of them said: "Brother, if you will I will go to some village and buy food." His friend agreed, and the goldsmith hastened to his house and told his wife that when he was going through the jungle with his friend he had found a brick of gold. She said: "I will cook some sweetmeats and put poison in them, which you can give to your comrade. Then all the gold will be yours." He agreed, and when the sweetmeats were ready, he took them and hastened to the place where he had left his comrade with the gold.
He also had been planning how to outwit his comrade. So when he saw him coming up with the sweetmeats he said: “Let us bathe before we eat." The two then went to a neighbouring well to bathe, and as his comrade stood at the edge, his friend pushed him in. Then he came back to where his friend had placed the sweetmeats, and having eaten some he died.
“This," said Kali Yaga, “is the way in which in my time punishment falls on the sinner."
The Tale of the Two Thieves 10 There was once a noted thief who took his nephew, the son of his sister, and began to train him in the art of thievery.
One day the thief stole a pigeon, and bringing it home told his nephew to cook it and have it ready by the time he came back. The boy set about roasting the bird, and when it was ready he ate the liver.
When the thief returned he missed the liver and asked the boy where it was. "Pigeons," said the boy, "you ought to know never have livers." The thief knew that the boy was deceiving him, but he said nothing and waited a chance of taking his revenge.
• Told by Pandit Brindaban Miar, teacher of the school of Nar Mahal, Agra District, N.-W.P. 16 Told by Khabt 14m, Kayapth of Sainyo, Agra District, N.-W.P.

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Some time after the pair went out together and broke into a Thakur's cow-house. The elder thief loosed the shâkur's buffalo and drove it outside. Then he seized his nephew, tied him up with the rope of the buffalo, and went his way.
In the morning the Thakur came into his cow-house, found his baffalo gone, and the boy tied up in its place. "Who tied you here?" he asked. “The man who stole the buffalo," replied the boy. "And who stole the buffalo?" "The man who tied me op here." And though they cross-questioned him till they were tired they could get no more out of him than this:
At last the headman of the village said: "As this fellow will not confess, let us take him to the temple of Bhavani and offer his head to the goddess. Perhaps, she will then tell us who stole the buffalo."
So they took him to the temple, and were just about to cut off his head to offer to the goddess, when his uncle, the thief, came up on a horse and asked what they were about. They told him the whole story, and he said : "Let me take the boy aside and examine him. Perchance, I may be able to find out the truth."
So the thief took his nephew a little way aside and said: "Now, what became of the pigeon's liver. If you refuse to tell me I will leave you at the mercy of these clod-hoppers."
Uncle," the lad replied, "Burely you are old enough to know that pigeons don't have livers." "In truth you have the makings of a master-thief in you," the uncle said. "Jump up on the horse behind me and let us get out of this."
And this was the last the villagers saw of the thieves or the buffalo.
XI.
The Rani and her Lover united in death,11 Once upon a time there was a banker in a certain city who used daily to go out bunting. One day, as he was going to the forest, he saw a Raja who had just married, and was taking his Rani to bio palace. The party had halted in a garder to eat, and just as the lady came out of her litter the banker saw her and fell in love with her. By and by the party started and the banker stood looking after the lady. When she had gone some distance he climbed a tree and continued looking after her, and as she went still further he stood on the highest bough to catch a last glimpse of her, and then in his grief be fell down on his horse which was tied up below and both died immediately.
When the banker did not return that evening his father was anxious about him, and sent men to searcb for him. After a time they came to the garden and found him dead, lying on his horse. They came home and told the sad news to his father, who was overwhelmed with. grief. He directed his servants to burn the body of his son and to erect on the spot a temple of Mahadeva and a rest-house for travellers (Dharmgala).
Close to the garden lived a Faqir, who witnessed all these events, and when the temple was built he lived in the Dharmśála and received alms from travellers.
A year or so after, the Râni, for whose sake the banker had lost his life, came to that place, on her way to her father's house, and halted in the garden. She saw the new temple and the Dbarmśâla, and, remembering that they were not built when she was last at the place, asked the Faqir how they came to be erected. He replied: "These buildings have been erected to commemorate the youth whose ashes lie here." She asked the Faqir how he lost his life, and when she heard the tale, she was filled with love for the youth. So she went to the grave and cried, "O Bhagwan! If my love for the youth who lies here be true, may the earth open that I may be with him!”
11 Told by Adhar Sonar of Dadar, Fatehpur District, N.-W. P.

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Bhagwan heard her prayer, The earth opened, and she joined her lover in the grave. On this the earth closed again. After a time her servants came to search for her, and when they could not find her they made enquiries of the Faqir. He said: "This much I know.. Just now she was standing here when the earth opened its mouth, and she was engulfed in the grave with her lover. Such is the power of true love!"
XII.
The Modest Weaver,13
Once upon a time there was a very lovely princess as she was sitting at her window she saw a weaver lad passing by with his water vessel13 in his hand. She fell in love with him and sent her servants to fetch him. When he came in he began to weep and said: "Alas! for my water-pot? Alas! for my water-pot!"
"Why are you lamenting your water-pot!" She asked: "I want you to marry me and then you can have thousands of water-pots like this."
But he went on weeping and said: "I know, princess, that if I marry you I can have vessels of gold and silver. But this pot I have used for years, and it has seen me at my ablutions. This is why I am lamenting it."
The princess thought to herself: "If this weaver's son is so modest why should I hold my honour so cheap ?" So she rewarded him handsomely and let him take his old water-pot and go home.
XIII.
The Riddles of the King,14
Once upon a time there was a king whose wont it was to roam in the streets of his capital to find out the condition of his subjects. One day, as he was out, he came to a well where three young married women were talking about their husbands.
One of them said: "My husband is a professional thief. Some day he will be put to death or imprisoned. And so I am worn away with anxiety."
The second said: "My husband is always swimming across the river, and I fear that some day an alligator will devour him."
The third said: "My husband is quite a boy and is no good to me."
Then the girls went their way, and the king saw a woman gaily dressed with all her jewels, going along the road. He followed her and saw her come to the river, which she began to swim across. As she was in the midst of the water an alligator seized her by the leg, but she struck at the beast and it let her go. As she reached the other bank, she came face to face with a tiger, which she killed with one blow and went on. Then she met her lover who was waiting for her, and after a time she swam back again.
The king went another way and came to a jungle. There he saw a tigress who was being delivered of cubs. Just then three or four elephants came up and rushed at her. But one of the cubs, which had just been born, struck an elephant on the head, killed and began to devour him. The other elephants were afraid and ran away.
Next day the king saw the same woman who had swum across the river going over again and driving a buffalo with her. When she reached the other bank the buffalo ran away and she called her brother, whose name was Har Deo, to help her to catch it.
12 Told by Akbar Shah Manghi of Manbasa, Dudhi, Mirzapur- one of the aboriginal races: recorded by Pandit Ramgharib Chaube.
is The word used is badhand, the lotd with a spout used by Muhammadans for ablution.
14 Told by Shiu Nandan Râê of Surajpur, and recorded by Shaikh Didar 'All of Bibipur, Azamgarh District, N.-W. P.

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Then the king came back to his palace and summoned his ministers. He said: "Explain to me the meaning of these three sentences, or if you fail your lives are forfeited." These • were the sentences :
" Y& tinon pachhtdyến (These three suffer remorse)."
Pukare Har Deo (Calls out. Har Deo')."
Hathi panjá ghdo (The elephant wounded by a claw)." The ministers were in sore perplexity and none could explain the meaning. Seeing the Wazîr in grief, his daughter asked the reason, and when he told her the difficulty, she told him to go and tell the king as follows:
1. "War pár ki kheti an par dhan chori jdyan,
Jogi jog bydh na kariyé, ye tinon paohhtdyen. 2. Nadi panwarké bdgh maré, jal men kd jdné dhewa;
Bhaiis ka pagud max na dros, tab pukdré Har Deo. 3. Sringhin aur Padmin inki kahi na jde,
Bhuidn gira wa nahan nahin, ja mei hdchi, panjé ghdwd." In other words: "1. This one farms beyond the river; this robs the goods of others : this one's marriage
was not with her equal - all three will live to repent. 2. She swam across the river and killed the tiger. She knows the secrets of the
water, but still she cannot control a buffalo-calf, so she has to call on Har
Deo for help. 3. The tale of the tigress and the plephants cannot be told, The cub but just born,
whose nails had not grown, was able to slay the elephant." The Wazir told these answers to the king, who was so pleased that he asked by whose wit they had been discovered. When he heard that it was the wise daughter of the Wazir, he made her his queen.
(To be continued.)
Tert.
SOME TELUGU NURSERY SONGS AND CATCHES. BY M. N. VENKATASWAMI, M.R.A.8., M.F.L.S.
Ne, I. A Lullaby.
Translation. 0, o, âyi!
0, 0, dyí! Godumha ravaraika,
Furrowed mark on thumb Golusungarála,
Chain attached to rings, Godullu nidana,
Under ghady walls, Adu Nagabashi.
Playe Nagabushi. 0, o, ayt!
0, 0, dyf! Mudhu mudhikâya,
Lovely mudhi-frait, Mathiala kalla,
Cap of pearls, Mudhâda laipuduru
Awakened to be kissed Mi maina mamala.
By mother's brothers.

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Text. 0, o, ayi! Palla mudhikaya, Pagadala kulla, Pallu dhầga laipudury Mi maina måmalu. o, o, ayi! Madhikâyala mudhu Matollo mudha Mamala sankana Nagabushanum mudhu !
Translation. 0, o, ayi! Milky mudhi-fruit, Cap of coral, Awakened to drink milk By mother's brothers. 0, 0, áyi! Lovely is mudhi-fruit. Lovely is the lisper. In the lap of mother's brothers,
Lovely is Nagabůshi! No. II. A Nursery Game.
Translation.
Text.
Koko Lanka. Kodaval Lanka. Lanka dhisina. Ramudu paita. Muthia biyam. Mülaka châr, Kâla gajja. Kanka num. Aiko sukka. Yennå madha. Mamadi mogha, Mullai châr,
Koko Lanka. Lanka of the scythe. Conqueror of Lanka. Râma's city: Pearl rice. Broomstick water. Ankle bell. Kanka num. Morning star. Pat of Butter. Mango-bud Jasmine water.
Notes.
A child sits with its legs stretched out in front of itself, over which the mother or sister, or some female relative, pasges her right hand to and fro, repeating the above words, which are now more or less nonsense, though no doubt they once had a meaning connected with the story of Rama and his conquest of Lanka or Ceylon.
Kanka num is a copper ring, which, with betel leayes and turmeric powder, is fastened to the wrist during the marriage ceremony.
No. III.
A Nursery Rhyme. T'ext.
Translation,
Narayana, N&rayana, nakka toka, Nunnaila vunchi nâvuddhenkapoka ?
Narayaņa, Narayaņa, fox's tail, Why did you keep me without carrying me
away ? Setting me down at a parched-gram basket, Dipping me in a sweet water well.
Putanala gumpa kada dhinchi raka, Manchinila baikâda munchi raka.
Note. Nardyana, Narayana is a form of invocation to Rama.

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T'ext. Tammudu, tammuda taittu.
an
No. IV. A Nursery Rhyme.
Translation. Younger brother, younger brother is
amulet. Younger brother's wife is disagreeable. Disagreeable is taken and Put in the corner and Carried off by a fox.
Narayana !
Tammada pendlama marikithů. Marikithû tisukoni, Múlalo pettatai, Nakkaitûka poyai.
Narayana !
MISCELLANEA. A DISPUTED SUCCESSION : CHAMBA STATE, Kachhal's husband is never mentioned in PANJAB.
most versions of the legend, but in one version On the death of Raja Sri Singh of Obamba in a husband has been found for her in the person 1870, in the absenoe of a direct heir, Mån Suchet of Niwar, brother of Jlwar, so that these two Singh, the younger of his two surviving brothers are married to two sisters. brothers, laid claim to the gaddi, basing his In the ordinary versions, however, it is assumed, claim on the fact that he was the late Raja's rather than expressly stated, that Kachhal is uterine brother. In accordance with the sanad Bachhal's co-wife, i. e., also married to Jiwar. of 1848, however, the elder of the two brothers,
Nevertheless, in all versions, the claim of Mian Gopal Singh, was declared the rightful
Arjan and Surjan to the share in Gaga's heir.
inheritance, Jiwar's kingdom or property, It would be interesting to know on what this appears to be based on their relationship to claim was grounded. There is a very strong Gaga as the sons of Kachhal, or the adopted feeling among all the castes and tribes of the Bons of Bachhal, and not on their position &8 Pañjab that uterine consanguinity confers to the sons, actual or putative, of Jiwar or rights to any share in the inheritance. A son Niwar. by a woman's former husband is termed pichh
In the version of the myth published as the lagg, and is at most entitled to maintenance. Song of Gigá, in the Legends of the Pañjáb, we
In the legends of Gaga, however, a somewhat find Arjan and Surjan claiming Bâchhal as their similar idea appears to underlie one of the main adoptive mother, while Gaga persists in calling incidents of the myth. Gågå has two cousins, them 'sons of my mother's sister.' the sons of his mother's sister, who claim that Similarly in the Bijnor version* we find Arjan they are entitled to gbare in his inheritance on and Surjan basing their claim to a share in the
he ground that they are the adopted sons of his inheritance in the fact that their mother and mother. There are several variants of this Bachhal wero sisters. incident in the legends, but the changes appear Conflicting and vague as the variants of the to be rung on the following table of descent:- Gaga, myth hitherto collected are, it seems clear . Amar Singh
that a claim to succeed on the ground of uterine consanguinity, or on the analogous
ground of kinship through the mother's own Jiwar = Bâchhal Niwar = K&cbhal,
sister of
sister - the latter apparently being a curious, Bachhal
but not illogical, development of the former Gaga
idea - is not wholly untenable.
H. A. Rose. Arjan Surjan 4th December, 1905. Punjab Customary Law, Vol. III. p. 58 ; IV. p. 133; V. p. 63; VI. p. 9: and Feroxepore Code, p. 18, among others.
Pichh-lagy, or a child which is tacked on behind,' as it were, is a disparaging term in itself. A local term for such a son in the Ambala and Karnal Districts of the Punjab is gadhebra, a word which is not traceable in the dictionaries and the derivation of which is not known : Punjab Customary Law, Kamal, p. 13, and Ambala, p. 21.
• See Vol. III. p. 262, where 'noorn mother is an incorrect translation of dharm ki má, which can only mean 'adoptive mother.'
• See ante, Vol. XXIV. pp. 49 et 199.

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THE DIPAVAMSA AND THE MAHAVAMSA AND THE HISTORICAL
TRADITION IN CEYLON.
BY WILHELM GEIGER; ERLANGEN.
A condensed translation by Miss C. A. Nicolson, M.A. [The great value of Dr. Geiger's researches into the development of the historical literature of Ceylon, and the importance of that literature in connexion with the evolution of chronological details, both historical and religious, are so well known, that we cannot doubt that all readers of the Indian Antiquary will welcome the condensed translation here given, with the permission kindly accorded by him, of his latest writing on these topics, and that many of them will be led to look into the German work itself for the full treatment of the themes.
While dealing chiefly with the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa, the two works which must always rank foremost in this line until any of the older compositions may be recovered, - and with the Commentary on the Mahāvamsa, Dr. Geiger has bere handled also other writings which, arranged in chronological order, are as follows:
1. Samanta-Pāsādikā of Buddhaghosa (first third of 5th century). 2. Mahābodhivamsa (last quarter of 10th century). 8. Dat hävaṁsa (shortly after 1211), with Daļadāpūjāvali (about 1300). 4. Pāli Tlupavamsa (about 1250), and Singhalese Thüpavamsa (shortly before 1260). 5. Dhūtuvamsa (date unknown). 6. Püjā vali (second half of 13th century). 7. Nikayasangraha (end of 14th century). 8. Rajaratnākara (middle of 16th century).
9. Räjävali (beginning of 18th century). In the original work, an appendix (pages 120-146) gives a comparative analysis of the Dīpavamsa and the Mahāvamsa, with references to parallel passages in the other literature. This most valuable appendix must be consulted in the original, where it is presented in such a form as to be easily capable of being used even by those who do not read German. - EDITOR.]
Introduction. THERE is hardly any part of the mainland of India, respecting whose history we are so
well informed as that of the Island of Ceylon. Two chronicles in Pali verse - the Introd. pp. Dipavamsa and the Mahāvansa, the former composed in the 4th century, the
latter about the end of the 5th form our most important authorities. They contain the same material, and mainly in the same arrangement. They begin with the history of Gotama Buddha and his three visits to Lankā. After this, a genealogical section is inserted, which traces back the family of Buddha to the mythical king Mahasammata. Then the two chronicles follow out the history of Buddhism to the third Council under king Asoka. Thereafter, the narrative goes back to the ancient history of Ceylon and the first settlement of the island by Aryan immigrants under the leadership of Vijaya, and then it follows the line of ancient Singhalese kings to the death of Mahāgena at the beginning of the 4th century A.D. The reign of Asoka's contemporary, king Devānampiyatissa, is treated with especial detail; it was in his time that Mahinda, Asoka's son, introduced Buddhist learning into Ceylon. The Mahāvamse reconnts with similar detail the deeds of Datthagămani, whose reign in the 2nd century B. C. represents the heroic epoch in Ceylon.
In India the writing of history has not been quite separated from poetry, so we need nou be surprised that the two Ceylonese chronicles likewise contain a medley of myths, legends, tales and historical material. The further back into the past we go, the more mythical do

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the statements sound. Similarly, as we approach the time of the anthors, their credibility increases. Even the later sections, however, naturally demand historic criticism.
Whoever may write the history of Ceylon, has to extract the kernel of the actual from these traditions. The literary historian will, however, rejoice in the very veil in which the myths have clothed events. He will trace the origin of epic tradition, its development, and its survival in later literature. These are the problems to whose solution we would apply the following investigation.
We are here in the almost unique position of tracing how an epic sets out on a literary course. We are in a position to form for ourselves a picture of the contents and form of the chronicle which was the ground-work of the epic poem, and of the diverse elements out of which it was composed. We can still observe the traces and signs of the originally oral tradition, which, however, lies far back in time, and the co-mingling of prosaic and metrical forms. The Dipavamsa represents the first clumsy effort to fashion an epic poem out of the material already available. It is a document which arouses our attention, from the very incompleteness of its composition and its inherent defects of style. We stand as yet on the very threshold of the epic. In like manner, the stiff outlines of the Apollo of Tenea are more interesting for the historian of art than many a far-famed example of the fully developed art of Greece.
The Mahavamsa deserves at once the name of a real epic. It is the acknowledged work of a poet. And we are enabled in some measure to watch this poet at work in his workshop. Accordingly, dependent as he is on his model, to which he is at pains to cling as closely as possible, he also passes criticism on it, realizes its faults and inequalities, and seeks to improve and equalize them.
Not only has the Mahāvamen found continuators who have brought down the chronicle to their own time, but the old work itself was submitted to revision. This took place because the redactor of the poem, without reference even to essential rearrangements, inserted episodes at places where it seemed to him suitable or necessary, and thus almost doubled the extent of the poem. The sources from which he took these episodes are as a rule assignable. The revision is accordingly accomplished on literary lines. It is not " The People" who tacks on to or changes the composition, but an individual who does not follow the dictates of free fancy but takes over fixed material and with artistic ingenuity adapts it to new requirements.
Finally, we can observe how the epic material passes into later literature, assuming a historic character, and is enriched here and there, in small measure of course, by new accretions from a tradition standing apart from the epos. These additions and amplifications shew in many ways by their folk-tale and legendary character their origin in popular tradition. It can hardly however be maintained that they were taken from tales orally transmitted. This certainly is not impossible, but it is not necessary. Perhaps, they differed in individual cases, and may very well have had their origin in literary sources which are no longer or not yet accessible.
We will not assert that the development of the epos, as we observe it in Ceylon, is typical. It need not necessarily have been the same at all times and among all nations. But wherever the epic question is raised, the Dipavamsa and the Mabávam sa will serve as valuable analogies, first for the Indian epic, but also for those of other nations. Its chief value consists in the fact that in the case of the Ceylonese epics we have not to deal with possibilities and bypothetical constructions, but we can follow the actual process of development. The foundation, it is true, is unfortunately no longer accessible, and must be inferred. There are, however, valuable means of help at our disposal, and the epos itself lies before us in three stages of

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levelopment, which we are enabled to compare with one another and of which we can investigate the origin and growth.
1. THE DIPAVAMSA AND THE MAHAVAMSA
IN RELATION TO EACH OTHER.
1. - The Composition of the Dipavansa. In spite of its grandiloquent proem, we cannot call the Dīpavamsa a work of art. It appears PA rather as a collocation of fragments arranged on the system we have indicated.
In addition we have the clumsiness and incorrectness of speech, and a number of other phenomena, which require a special discussion. To those belongs the peculiarity that the same subject is frequently treated twice or three times, e.g. the story of the first Council after Buddha's death is told in IV. 1-26 and again in V.1-15, the second being a more orderly and finished picture. The chief difference is that, in the second account, greater importance is laid on the personality of Mabākassapa, the convener of the assembly. So, too, the story of the second Council, caused by the heretical teachings of the Vajjiputta
monks, is related in IV. 47-53 and in V. 16-38. Again the first version is P. 5.
more fragmentary, while the second looks like a working up of a sketch. In the first version there is a prose insertion, a list of the ten points of difference, which the orthodox Theras contest. This is versified in the second version
Two versions also exist of the third Council and its cause, viz. VII. 34-43 and VII. 44-59, in which greater discrepancies are seen. The second version mentions a new fact, wanting in the first — the deed of violence of one of Asoka's ministers, which is told more particularly in the Mahāvamsa, V. 240 ff. One circumstance is indicative of the copying tendency of the Dipavamsa or the whole tradition. The second version is associated in certain particulars
with the description of the first Council, as it is found in V. 1 ff. Single P. 6. P. 6.
verses are almost identical. Evidently these are stereotyped turns of speech, which were employed again and again in narratives of this sort.
The history of the gifts which king Asoka sent to Ceylon to king Devānampiyatissa, with the addition of an invitation to accept Buddhism, is found in XI. 32–40 and again in XII, 1-7. A third account even is given in XVII. 83 ff. The call of Mahinda and the appearance to him the cod Sakka (Indra) who commands him to make a journey are told in XII, 16–28 and
29–40. Several verses are verbally repeated, and in the second version a P. 7.
piece of prose is inserted. Finally, in the last chapter a "contamination" of two versions is certain.
Farther peculiarities in the composition of the Dipavamsa are the gaps which the narrative repeatedly shows, the immediate tacking on to one another of the episodes, the frequent interchange of speech and counter-speech without the speakers being named. One other phenomenon is of especial importance, and on this I must dwell at some length. A whole series
of verses is met with in the Dipavamsa, which contain only the heads of some P. 8 narrative. They are ranged side by side in catchwords, after the manner of headings, often without proper construction. These I designate as mnemonic verses.
An interesting example of such is found in XVII. 3 ff., in the story of the last four Buddhas and their visits to Ceylon. The events took place each time in the same way, according to legend. The island is visited by some "affliction." This causes the Buddha to journey thither. He descends on a mountain in the island and frees the people from the "affliction." Then he preaches to the prince and the people in the capital. He receives a park as a present, and
plants in it a branch of bis sacred tree, which a nun fetches from India. P. O.
.* The Buddha leaves as objects of veneration relics which are kept in a Thūpa or tope. On his departure he appoints one of his disciples to be the chief of the newly founded

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community. This is the course of events, which differs only as to the names of the Buddha, the island, the king, the capital, &c. The narrative of the history of the Buddha-visits to Ceylon begins in the Dipavamsa with the following remarkable verse: -
"The island, the town and the king, the plague and the relics,
The tope, the island and the mountain, the park, the Bodhi tree, the nun,
The monk and the best of Buddhas. These are the thirteen subjects." This is obviously a kind of heading, naming all the subjects to come under consideration in the story. The text then continues, taking up the subjects in order : "Ojadipa, Varadipa, Mandadipa are the names of the beautiful island of Lanka, which is also known as Tambapanni. Abhayapura, Vaddhamana, Visāla, Anuradhapura are the four names of the town at the times of the preaching of the four Buddhas," &c. This, then, is only a list of names, raw material for the narrative, but not itself a connected account. From v. 26 onward, however, the story of the first Buddha Kakusandha follows in orderly narration and systematic detail. Mnemonic verses are, again, met with in Dipavamsa, XIX. 2, 3, where the materials
mentioned in the founding of the Great Tope in Anuradhapura are enumerated. P. 10.
. 10. The detailed description is found in the Mahavamsa, XXIX. 1 ff. Among other examples may be mentioned a singular verse in Dipavamsa, I. 29:
“The throne, the Animisa, the cloister, the jewel-house, the Ajapāla-tree and the Mucalinda tree with the Khirapāla grove."
The verse refers to what happened immediately after the night of enlightenment. It fills up a gap between this event and the first preaching at Benares.
From these considerations it is plain that the Dipavass represents a primitive stage of epic poetry. When we find two versions of the same story placed side by side, we have obviously to deal with the deposit of an originally oral tradition. Such versions are accountable only on the assumption that, while certain phrases and verses became stereotyped by custom,
greater freedom was allowed to the narrator in other parts. It cannot indeed " be maintained that the Dipavamsa is merely this verbal tradition put directly in writing. The author has doubtless used one or more literary sources, but these again bear traces of an originally oral tradition. The collocation of versions must, in any case, have been intentional
The Dipavaṁsa in many points recalls the form of the early Indian Akhyāna poetry, the peculiarity of which is that the whole narrative did not formally take shape, but only certain parts were metrically fixed and so became more secure from farther distortions in the course of transmission. Sach parts were, especially, direct speeches. These were united by explanatory
prose passages giving the names and the situation. When this prose became
• versified, the result was a poem of the ballad type, which forms the materials for an epic. Rhys Davids rightly notices that these separate stages of the Akhyāna poetry are to be found in the canonical books of the Buddhists. In the Thera and Therigăthâs we have only the speeches preserved - the narrative framework must be taken from the commentaries. In the Suttantas of the second book of the Digha-Nikāya, both the speeches in verse and the narrative in prose are contained. Finally, we find ballads in which the narrative also is transmitted in metrical form. We stand thus on the threshold of real epic poetry.
The Dipavargs stands at this stage of development: it is not a fally developed epic. although single episodes, e. g., the visit of Kgkusandha, are worked out in ballad style ; in many parts the prose narrative is assumed. At such points the mnemonic verses are inserted as an aid to the memory. This explains the presence of dialogue without the speakers' names.
In many places the explanation of the narrator is necessary to the understanding F. 18. of the story ; e.g., we have in the Dipavamsa a prophecy about Moggaliputta with no indication of the author or occasion of the prophetic utterance. From the Mahāvamsa,

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V. 98 ff. we can infer that it was the Presbyters of the second Council who foresaw the fature fall of Buddhist learning and the restoration of the faith by Moggaliputta. Again, in the Dipavansa we find introduced quite abraptly (XII. 64): "The Thera, standing on the summit of the mountain, said to the carriage-driver, 'No, a carriage is not allowed : the Holy One has forbidden it.'” This only becomes intelligible when we add from the Mahāvamsa, XIV. 42, that in the meantime night has passed and that in the morning the king sends his charioteer to the Missaka mountain to conduct thence Mahinda and his friends into the town. Many verses in the Dipavamsa are unintelligible without a commentary.
2. - The Mahāvamsa in comparison with the Dipavamsa.
The Mahāvamsa and the Dipavamsa agree not only in matter, but also in arrangement.
This agreement is so close as to preclude any theory of a purely accidental P. 14.
4. congruity. Two alternatives remain : - (1) that the Mahāvamsa (which is andoubtedly later than the Dipavamsa) has taken matter and arrangement from the Dipavamsa ; or (2) that both have drawn from the same source. The latter assumption is, as we shall see, the correct one.
Only in two cases is there difference of order in the events treated, the Mahavamsa following a tradition neglected in the earlier poem. Quite a number of verses are verbally identical; others, though not identical, closely resemble each other. It is quite likely that the author of the Mahāvamsa knew and copied the author of the Dipavamsa, but it is more probable that for both authors many verses had, as it were, the official impress of tradition. Compare the words in which Asoka communicates to Devānampiyatissa his attachment to
Buddhism (D. XII. 5 = M. XI. 34): "I have taken my refuge in the Buddha, P. 16, the Dhamma and the Sangha; I have avowed myself a lay pupil of the doctrine of the Sakyaputta," and also the words in which Mahinda announces his mission to the king (D. XII. 51 = M. XIV. 8): “ We are monks, O great king, pa pils of the King of Truth. Out of compassion towards thee have we repaired hither from Jambudipa."
In spite of these points of agreement, there is a wide gulf between the Dīpavaṁsa and the Mahāvarga. The composition of the former is clumsy and inartistic. The latter is a work of art, a kavya according to the conception of Indian poetry. This difference is seen at the outset by & comparison of the somewhat turgid and boastfal tone of the Dipuvames with the more moderate tone of the Mahāvarsa, the author of which, however, claims for his work freedom from the faults which characterised the older compositions.
The MSS. of the Mahāvamga give at XXXVII. 50 the words Mahāvamso nitthito. The Commentary, too, stope at this point. It corresponds further with the second last
verse of the Dīpavamsa, XXII. 75. These arguments alone are sufficient to P. 19.
prove that the old work actually closed with these words, and that the succeeding chapters are the work of a later hand. In the later chapters occurs a series of words not found in the older Mahāvama. Again, at XXXVII. 93 there is made mention of the Dāthādbātavamsa, in which the history of the tooth-relic is told. If this be the poem of that name now extant, as I think probable, and not ite Singhalese prototype, the second half of the 37th chapter must have been written after the year 1219. Another instance of agreement is found in the fact that the continuation of the Mahāvamsa begins with the elosing words of the Dipavansa.
Apart from formal differences in the poems, we find important differences in the subjectmatter. While the outlines are essentially the same, the Mabávamsa amplifies old material and introduces new.

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Viewed as a whole, the Mahāvamsa falls into two principal divisions, the first being P. 20.
chapters I.--XX., this again adtnitting a subdivision into two, us. I.-X. and
XI.-XX. The latter subdivision deals with the history of Devānampiyatissa and the conversion of Ceylon; the earlier chapters form a sort of double introduction.
The second chief division is entered on at Chapter XXI. with the accession of Mahāsiva. In the Dipavasa we reach Mahāsiva at XVIII. 45; and what follows embraces only 192 more verses. This disparity is explained by the presence in the Mahavamsa of the history of king Dutthagamani, which is here worked into a completely independent poem, filling ten chapters, while in the Dipavarsa only 13 verses are devoted to this king. At Chapter AAV. we note the union of the two streams of tradition - the priestly and the popular. After the narration of war and bloodsbed, the scene is shifted to the palace and cloister, and the warrior-hero becomes the Defender of the Buddhist faith. He devotes himself, in expiation of his sins, to the founding of monastic institutions, but before the completion
of the Great Tope. he falls sick and dies. This history is summarized in P. 23.
Dīpavamsa, the mnemonic verses XIX. 2-9 shewing that all the events were known to its author.
The accession of popular tradition is further brought out by the introduction in the Mahāvams of shorter episodes, omitted or dismissed in a sentence by the Dipavarosa. These episodes either are of a secular and political type or cousist of anecdotes, tales, stories, and legends. These occar more frequently in the latter half of the poem. A genuinely Indian narrative of a popular character is the early history of Nigrodha (M. V. 43-63) who is known to the Dipavatnga only as the monk who converted Asoka. Another popular tale is that of the prince Tissa (M. V. 155 ff.) which finds an analogy in the Kathāgaritsāgara (Ch. 27) and has the same underlying idea as the story of the Sword of Damocles.
To the same class belongs the story of Vijaya and the sorceress Kureņi (M. VII. 96 ff.). P. 25. 25 This bears a remarkable resemblance to the Circe-legend of the Odyssey, while
many other episodes bear the mark of legendary and popular origin, and often resemble in a striking manner the legends of the European nations.
8.- The amplified Mahāvamsa. The Mahāvamsa, however, does not complete the course of development of the epos; we
S possess an "amplifiod Mahavamsa," embodying new material in addition to the
• original text. This discovery we owe to E. Hardy in a Kambodian manuscript. While its wsthetic value may be slight, its interest from the point of view of literary history is considerable as shewing how a ready-made work is extended by new additions. In the Kambodian MS., 5,791 verses are found, as against 2,915 in the original Mahāvadsa. It is of special interest that we can, as a rule, fix the sources from which the author has taken his materials for this extension. He himself names the Buddhavamsa and the Thüpavamse. The latter exists in Singhalese and Pāli. The Pali commentary on the Mahāvamsa is also largely used. These three works resemble one another very closely, and from them the author of the Kambodian Mahavamsa beats out his verses. Frequently, the mention of a name in the original Mahāvamsa is the occasion for a versified history of the person. Even without the earlier work, however, one could probably detect the interpolations from the presence of certain linguistic peculiarities and other signs that the interpolator was the less skilled poet. Yet, even admitting this, we should be far from establishing the original text. Apart from actual interpolations, there are in the Kambodian MS. detailed explanations of short statements in the older poem, also single lines inserted and slight alterations made for the sake of clearness.
1 Cf. J. R. A. 8. 1902, p. 171; J. P. T. 9, 1902-3, pp. 61 ff.

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P. 33.
The author of this manuscript calls himself Mogguins. Of his date we can say nothing
with certainty, but from certain clerical errors in the text we infer that it was 33 copied from an originaliu Singhalese. Other indications suggest that the anthor lived in Ceylon. In this connection it inity be mentioned that in the later Mahāvansa, LXXVIII. 9. A priest is introduced who lived in the 12th century under Parakkama bāha the Great, and clearly was one of the then prominent ecclesiastics. II. THE DIPAVAMSA AND TRE MAHAVAMSA IN RELATION TO
THEIR SOURCES. 4.- The Commentary and the author of the Mahāvansa. Turnour's identification of the author of the Mahavamsa with that of the Commentary
rests on a wrong interpretation of the closing words of the Commentary. In Pp. 3436..
.. tbe Commentary, the author of the Malāvamsa is designated as a artyo dyan acariyo, “the teacher, master or savant," A difference in time is clearly indicated in the Commentary, 417, 26, on Mahāvaṁsa, XXXIII. 53, where it is said that the samagalla mentioned in the Mahāvamsa was now (idāni), i.e., in the time of the writer of the Commentary, called Moragalla. More important for fixing a date is the passage (referred to by Snyder) at V.13 where the Dhammaruchi and the Sāgaliya are mentioned as schismatic secte. In commenting on this, the Commentary mentions later monastic strifes which took place in the reign of Dāthopatissa, "the nephew." The author of the Commentary, then, lived after the reign of Dāthopatissa II., i. e., roughly speaking, after 670 A. D. Stiil narrower limits are drawn if the Mabābodhivamsakathā is identical with the Mahābod bivainsa. This, as I can prove, is a work not of the fifth century, as bas been hitherto assumed, but of the end of the tenth. The Commentary on the Mahāramsa therefore. cannot have been written before the beginning of the eleventh century. A lower limit is fixed from the fact that the author of the Commentary did not know
the later continuation of the Mahavamsa, and so mast have lived before the P. 37. second half of the thirteenth century; also notably from the fact that the Pāli Thūpavamsa, which was composed in the middle of this century, is made abundant use of in the Commentary. The date then for the Commentary is 1000--1250.
As regards contents, the Commentary adds to the Malāvamsa, apart from exegetic and dogmatic statements, & mass of historical and legendary material, folklore, and romance. It bears the same relation to the Mahāvamsa as the Mabāvamsa does to the Dipavamsa; so that the Mahāvansa had not exhausted the store of available epic material.
From legendary sources comes the history of the earlier Buddhas, which serves in the P. 38.
Commentary, 35 ff., as an elucidation of Mahavamsa, I. 6 ff., where only the
names are given. The history of Gotama-Baddha is treated more in detail than in the epic. These Buddha-legends undoubtedly come down from the church tradition, and we may assume the same authority for the different notes which amplify the account of the festival at the laying of the foundation-stone of the Great Tope. Another history bearing the stamp of genuine monastic tradition is that of Nanduttara, an earlier incarnation of Soņuttara who was entrusted with the collection of relics for the Great Tope. The same holds good of the history of the relics and the dialogue between the dying Dutthagamani and the monk Theraputtābhaya, as spun out in the Commentary. In the Commentary there is no lack, however, of passages which seem to be derived from
popular tradition. Quite a romance is formed by the tale of the love of Pp. 39-44.
* Sālirājakumāra, a son of Dutthagamani, for a Candāla maiden. The Mahavamsa merely states that the prince, for the sake of this girl, bad resigned the throne, and that the two had been united in a previous state of existence. The Commentary elucidates this in . longer narrative. Other outlines are similarly supplemented, notably those of the Indian

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kings before Asoka. The story of Susunaga belongs to that class of folktalo which depicts the founders of new dynasties as having been exposed in infancy, and having been tended by some wild animal until the arrival of men who bring them up. Susunaga is tended by a serpent, while Candagatta, whose history is told at length in the Commentary, 119, 8 ff., is brought up by a steer called Canda. A continuons analysis of the two poems shows the degree to which the "monastic" tradition is supplemented by the " Secular." Mahānāma is named in the closing words of the Commentary as anthor of the Mabāvamsa,
and is said to have lived at the monastery built by the general Dighasanda, who Pp. 44-45.
****. was a general under Devanampigatissa. Turnour assumes that this Mahänāma was the uncle of the king Dbātusena, who is said to have lived in the institution built by Dighasanda. Turnour' has taken the name of this individual from Mahavamsa, XXXIX. 42, where we are told that Moggalāna I. (497—515) had transferred the monastery of Sihagiri to Mahānāma, the presbyter of the Dighasanda monastery. But the two Mahānāmas are not necessarily identical. Chronology is against it. Dhātasena entered the institution in the time of the Damila Pandu (436-441) when his uncle was already " Thera" and therefore considerably older than his nephew. It is extremely improbable from considerations of age that the two Mahānāmas represent the same person. Tarnour thinks that the uncle was author of the Mahāvamsa, basing his argument on the statement (Mahāvamsa, XXXVIII. 59) that on the occasion of a festival at the cremation of Mahinda, Dhātasena had ordered the Dipavamsa to be read through. Tarnour says without hesitation that the Mahāvamsa is meant. Snyder, however, has disposed of this identification. My own view is that we must entirely dissociate the Mahānama named in Mahavamsa, XXXIX. 42 from the uncle of Dhatusena. Much points to him as the author of the Mahāvarsa, but of course we have to deal with a supposition which contains a certain probability, not with a certainty. Two points ooincide : the name and the locality. In that case, the date of the composition would be the last quarter of the fifth century, a result which may at least have plausibility. With regard to the period of composition of the Dipavamsa, we have Oldenberg's
arguments for ascribing it to the time between the beginning of the fourth and P. $. the first third of the fifth centuries A. D. (1) The upper limit is fixed at 302-304, by internal evidence. (2) A lower limit is found in the fact that Buddhaghosa. (beginning of fifth century) knew & version of the Dipavamsa, which differed somewhat from ours. (8) The Dipavansa was publicly read under king Dhātusena (second half of fifth century). Besides, the Commentary mentions & “Dipavamsatthakatha." Comparing these results with those reached about the Mahā varsa, it seems probable that the two works are separated from each other by an interval of 100 to 150 years. The great difference in the matter of style which exists between them, is explained by the fact that in this period occurs the activity of Buddhaghose, which forms a turning point in the entire literary life of Ceylon.
5. - The Authorities, Various progon in the Commentary deal with the authorities on which our Mahavamsa rests and the relation it bears to them. These are : -- (a) Comm. 21, 31-22, 21; (6) Comm. 25, 31-26, 1; (6) Comm. 18-26; (d) Comm. 29, 1934; (@) Comm. 50%, 34-508, 4. From these we gather that: (1) Our Mahavamsa is the translation of a work, composed in Singhalese, into the Magadhi or literary language, 1 e., into Pāli, by rendering the original prose into verde.
From this it takes its name “Padyapadoruvamsa." (2) The translation, while " exact, was used to remedy the fanlts of omissions and repetitions found in the original. (3) Several names were attached to the original. It is called "Sihalatthakatha" (Singhaleno commentary) or Poriņaţthakathā (commentary of the Ancienta) and even "In the style of the Inhabitants of the Mahävihars," and, lastly, it is more particularly designated »
. Cf. J. B 4. 8. 1875, p. 195.

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the "old Mahavamsa of the Sibalatthakathā” or the “Mahavamsa of the Sihalatthakatha coinposed by the ancients in the Singhalese language."
It appears that at the Mahāvibāra in Anuradhapura an old commentary to the canonical
writings was preserved, which was designated "Atthakatha." A part of this formed F. 19. the "ancient Mahāvansa," on which the work of Mahānāma rests. Materially, the new work agrees with the old, but is more poetically and evenly set forth.
We have now to consider the nature and compass of the literature which the author of our Mahāvamsa had before him, more especially of the Sihalatthakatha-Mahāvamsa and what position the latter occupied in that literature. The Mahāvaṁsa speaks (Proem, I. 2) of a Mahāvamsa of the ancients, porānehi kato p'eso (scil. mahāvannso). Clearly this refers to the work which formed the basis, known also to the Commentary by the same name. It is farther briefly referred to as Porānā, "the Ancients," which name is mentioned seven times in the
Commentary. Each time occur the words tendhu porānā and one or more Pali P. 50.
W verses follow. Frequent mention of the Porāņā is found in Buddhaghosa's Commentaries, also with Pāli verses annexed. The authority, then, on which the Mahävarsa drew, was interspersed with Päli verses, but was at the same time not merely a collection. The Sumangala-Vilasini cites three Pāli. verses, but also a series of prose passages which emphatically bear the stamp of notes from a commentary. The Porāņā was then a regular Athakathā, in Singbalese prose with Pāli verses, a form still seen in modern Singhalese works. From many passages in the Commentary it is clear that Porāņā and Ațbakathā refer to the same work, and that Sihalatthakathā is only a more exact designation for the authority known more briefly as Atthakathā.
Apart from the two commentaries of Buddhaghosa, nine other works are cited in the
- Commentary, the most important of which are the Uttaravihāratthakathā and the 51-36. Uttaravibāra-Mahavamsa. The whole shews that a rich literature was at the disposal of the author; for at that time there still existed the vast collection preserved in the different monasteries in the shape of commentaries on the canonical writings. A secondary literature, too, had already begun, in which isolated subjects, such as the story of the Bodhi tree, the Topes, and so on, found a place. This literature the Commentary has nsed at all events for subsidiary incidents, the chief of these being drawn from the Sihalatthakathi of the Mahāvihára.
6. - The Contents of the sources.
The Mahavamsa follows closely, on the whole, the Atthakathā: tne Commentary amplifies P. 57.
and supplements from it: hence a combination of the two will give a nearer view of the nature and compass of the basis of the Mahavamsa.
The passages we know to be cited from the Athakathā may be divided into six classes,
vis.
I. - Early History, comprising the legends of the earlier Buddhas, though these may be taken only indirectly from the Atthakathā through the medium of the Jätaka-Nidānakathā. The text of the Commentary and of the Jātaka-Nidānakathā is simply a rendering of the old Singhalese original. Specially interesting is the narrative of the three visits of Buddha to Ceylon. These visits formed an important subject for both the Dipavamsa and Mahāvaṁsa, and both copy closely their original. The points of agreement between the Commentary and the Dipavamsa are also numerous and significant, and shew, too, how detailed the Atthakathā must

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have been, while the author of tbe Commentary was able, with great exactitude, to check the Mahāvamsa by the Afthakatha.
II. - History of India up to Asoka. - The additions of the Commentary to Indian history for which the Atthakatha is expressly named as authority are not numerous, but enough to shew that Indian history was reviewed in that work, as far as it concerned the development of Buddhism. Bat the Commentary brings into this section & mass of new materials of a genuinely popular character, nominally relating to the history of Candagutta. These narratives are taken partly from the Atthakathā, partly from the Uttaravihäratthakatha, the latter being expressly cited as the source for the story of Sasanāga, for that of the nine Nanda princes, and for Candagutta. The Commentary unfortunately does not name the authority for the tales immediately following; perhaps we may infer that, wben no source is named, the Aţthakathā is meant. III., IV. - The Commentary contributes few additions to the History of the Councils
and the Theras, none at all to that of Devādampiyatissa and Mahinda. Here the
. Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa (in almost perfect agreement) both closely copy the Atthakathā, which must have contained the accounts of the Councils and the prominent ecclesiastical chiefs with even greater detail than we find in the later works.
V.-Two references only are found to the later kings (except Dutt bagāmani) in the Com
mentary: one in connection with Suratissa, the successor of Mahāsiva, the other P. 64.
with Kanithatissa; the latter being important as shewing that the Mahāvarnsa part of the Atthakatha extended to at least the close of the second century A.D. : probably like the Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa it extended to Mahasena. VI.-- Many references to the Atthakatha relate to tho time of Dutthagāmani, which
must havo been treated in detail. The account of the festival at the laying P. 65.
.. of the foundation-stone of the Great Tope is particularly interesting because we can see from it how the Pāli verses may have been divided. At the end it is entitled iti Atthakathaya vrta; ruttam pi c'etan; and then follows the mnemonic verse, Dipavamsa, XIX. 8, which contains nothing but the names of the twelve Theras. It may reasonably be assumed that the verse stood exactly so in the Afthakathi and was transferred into the Dipavamsa. Several sections of parely epic. itaportare explicitly referred to the Atshakatha, but it is probable that such explicit references by no means indicate all the material derived from Atthakathā. Many isolated notes are given without any source being named ; these probably, though not necessarily, are from this source. For instance, names are frequently given in the Commentary, which are wanting in the text of the Mahavamsa. A series of brief notes introduced by vuttai hoti indicate that they are quoted. The narrative of Bhaddaji, Commentary, 405-407, & more extended account of Mahavamsa, XXXI. 5--14, considering its style, may come from the Athakatha.
7.- Results. From the above investigation we reach the following conclusions: -(1) Before
Buddhaghoss.'s time there was a wealth of literary commentary under the general P. 69. name of Atthakatha, called also the work of the Ancients." (2) Such Atthakathäs were preserved in the various monasteries; notably in the Mahavibära and Uttaravihūrs. (8) A definite historic part of the Atthakathā of both institutions was called Mahavamsa, the editions differing in details. (4) Our Mahāvarsa rests on the authority of the Mabavama of the Mabāvihärs, (5) und is a fairly close copy of its original, with the faults of irregularity and redundance corrected. (6) The Commentary mentions other works besides the Aghakatbā, many belonging to the literature of the Porana, others to later works. Buddhaghosa's commentaries are also mentioned.

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Two questions now confront us :--- (1) What rôle does the old Mahavamsa play in the literature of the Aṭṭhakatha, and of what elements is it composed? (2) How P. 70. did the Epic Poetry of Ceylon, as represented by the Dipavamsa and our
Mahāvamsa, arise out of the old Mahavamsa of the Aṭṭhakatha?
Oldenberg's view is that the Sihalaṭṭhakatha-Mahavamsa forms a historical introduction to the dogmatic part of the Atthakatha, just as Buddhaghosa gives a similar historical preface to his commentaries on the Digha-Nikaya. Many considerations point in another direction. Its very scope and fulness look unlike a "historic introduction," which would have ended with the establishment of Buddhism in Ceylon. More probably the Malavams of the Aucients was an independent work, brought down by the Mahavihara monks to the time of Mahasena, and interrupted at that time by wars. It may, of course, have grown out of such a historical introduction. The preface to the Dipavamsa says as much, but it belongs to an epoch in which the scope of the work was less than at the time when Mahanama worked out the material in a poetic way, or when the Dipavamsa arose. The old frame was burst, and from the "historical introduction" to the Atthakatha there grew the Mahavams of the Ancients comprehensive chronicle of the Mahavihara.
the
We have seen how a double strain of sacred and secular tradition appears in both the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa. From what the Commentary says of the relation P. 72. of the Mahavamsa to its basis, we must infer that already in the AṭṭhakathaMahāvamsa there appeared both phenomena, an originally oral tradition, and the fusion of a "church" and a "secular" tradition. The legends naturally varied with the reciter, and variants were inserted, side by side, by the monks. The work gradually assumed the shape in which Mahanama found it.
Coming now to the Dipavamsa, we find that in many places it is plainly a collection of the introductory and mnemonic verses contained in the Atthakatha-Mahavaṁsa, P. 73-76. but with some attempt at artistic treatment. It is in fact the bridge between the Atthakatha-Mahāvamsa and the Mahavamsa. As the Päli verses occur seldom or never in popular tradition and the Dipavamsa contains so many, it must have deliberately preferred the monastic part of its basis. This is one of the striking points of contrast between the two works, the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa. It is to be noted that the "repetitions" are not always verbatim; they frequently look like two versions of the same narrative. The basis-work, the Aṭṭhakatha-Mahāvamsa, would naturally have preserved such: but it is just possible that a further source, resembling the Athakatha-Mahāvamsa in plan and content, was drawn on by the compiler of the Dipavamsa.
The development of the epos in Ceylon, then, came about by the following stages. About the middle of the fifth century was extant that comprehensive chronicle called "the Mahavamsa of the Ancients"-a constituent part of the Atthakatha. It was a kind of Encyclopædia of all the legends and traditions bearing on the history of Ceylon. The Dipavamsa, on the other hand, represents the first clumsy effort to give form to the mass of material stored in that chronicle. A noteworthy circumstance is the rejection of the old Singhalese dialect for Pali, the new church-language. With the fifth century, Buddhaghosa's activity gave a great impetus to literary life in Ceylon. Pali becomes forthwith the speech of the P. 77. church and the scholar. Mahānāma is better equipped for his work. True, he has not yet surmounted his material, and transfers much of the original bodily into his work. He is no genius, and his work is no literary contribution of the first rank, but it shews, as compared with the Dipavamsa, a great step in advance.
The stage of epic form is reached with the Mahavamsa, but the process of literary development is not ended. The Commentary amplifies and supplements from other works

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material relating to the subject. And now, from this material, Moggalana has, at a later time, produced the amplified Mahāvamsa of the Kambodian manuscript, while at places he has embodied in Mahanama's epic new episodes which he thought cognate. It would be interesting to know if other MSS. exist, in Ceylon or South India, which contain similar retouchings of the Mahāvamsa.
III. HISTORICAL TRADITION APART FROM THE EPIC.
8. The Introduction of the Samanta-Pasādikā, th Mahabodhivamsa, the Dāṭhāvamsa, and the Thupavamsa.
P. 78.
Of much interest for us is the historical introduction which Buddhaghosa prefixes to his Samanta-Päsädika. This work lies between the epics in age, and its contents coincide so exactly with those of the Mahavamsa that there can be no question of their common origin. Both drew largely on the Atthakatha, and both reproduced their authority with considerable exactitude. The Samanta-Pasādikā (Smp.) begins with the events immediately following Buddha's death, and deals with the story of the two Councils. The circumstance is peculiar in so far as an account of these Councils is also given in the Chullavagga XI. and XII. Buddhaghosa's account of the first Council rests on Chv. XI. 1-8, whence he copies whole passages verbatim, and amplifies them, presumably, from the old Singhalese Atthakatha. It is significant that even in the passages which occur in the Smp., and not in Chv., verbal agreements are found. The account of the second Council is given similarly in Chv., Smp., and the Mahavamsa. Buddhaghosa cites the Dipavamsa besides other authorities, for passages which differ somewhat from the text now extant.
Notable instances of agreement between the Samanta-Pasadika and the Mahavamsa are:Smp. 294, 2: the story of Moggaliputtatissa, who conducted the third Council, Pp. 79-81. is in close agreement with M. V. 98 ff. Then, Smp. 299, 17, History of Asoka, =M. V. 9-34, D. VI. 1-14. The episodes of the Naga king Kala in 300, 12 ff. and of Nigrodha 300, 32 ff. are found in M. V. 89 and V. 36, D. VI. 24 ff. The Dedication Festival of Asoka, the entrance of Mahinda and Sanghamitta into the Order, M, V. 174-213, D. VII 1-31. The narrative 306, 18 ff. of the Thera Kontiputtatissa M. V. 213-230, the fall of the church M. V. 231-243, Tissa and his conversion, M. V. 155-174,-all find a place in both works. These are a few examples where the verbal agreement between them is noticeable. Certainly in some parts Smp. agrees even more closely with D. than with M. These, however, are cases where Mahānāma's artistic personality led him to deviate from his original.
=
=
It is of importance to note that the Samanta-Pasadika was frequently made use of in later literature. It is mentioned in the Commentary on the Mahavamsa, which contains whole passages verbally identical with it.
Here and there, the Samanta-Pasa dikā fills gaps in the epics; e. g., Smp. 310, 12 ff. narrates a dream of Asoka before the arrival of Moggaliputtatissa (cf. M. V. 246 ff.). Again, in $11, 32 ff. the Tittirajataka told by Tissa to the king is briefly summarised.
P. 83.
The assumption, then, that the Mahavamsa of the Sihalatṭhakatha was the source for the introduction of the Samanta-Pasadika may be accepted as correct. Of course, Buddhaghosa has limited himself to what seemed important for his particular object. He holds as closely to his original as Mahānāma did at a later time. Indeed, it is not impossible that Mahānāma even consulted the Samanta-Pasādikā and schooled himself in Buddhaghosa's classic Pāli
The Mahabodhivamsa begins with the story of the Buddha Dipankara, enumerates shortly the existences of the Bodhisatta, and then relates the life of Gotama-Buddha until the 3 Oldenberg, Vinaya Pitakam, II. p. 284 f.

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night of enlightenment. This forms the first chapter and bears an unmistakable likeness to the introduction of the Jätakas, the Jataka-Nidanakatha. The Mahabodhivamsa is shorter and more succint, but much more artistic, and often ornate in style. The Jātaka-Nidanakatha rests on the authority of the Aṭṭhakatha, and forms the medium through which the Buddhist history, especially that of Gotama, passed into the Mahabodhivamsa and thence into later literature.
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The second chapter of the Mahabodhivamsa rests on the Jataka-Nidānakatha, also, and is entitled Anandabodhikatha, as being the account of how Ananda planted at the P. 85. Jetavana a fruit of the holy tree from Uruvela. The subsequent chapters are more directly dependent on the Samanta-Pasadika and Mahāvamsa, most being taken from the former so much so that one might almost think that the two were independent translations of their old Singhalese forerunner. But the two texts coincide so in wording that the theory of a direct derivation seems necessary. Moreover, the style of the Mahabodhivamsa is more elaborate and yet compressed, and has the air of an epitome of the Samanta-Pasādikā. The presence of the Mahāvamsa is seen in the brief additions to the parts taken from the SamantaPäsädikā, and also in the division and arrangement of material. The closing words of the Mahāvamsa are also utilised for closing the corresponding chapters of the Mahabodhivamsa. These were certainly composed by Mahänāma and were not in the Aṭṭhakatha. As regards various isolated notes, it is not improbable that the Atthakatha was directly responsible for many.
The introduction tells us that the work is the translation of a Singhalese work into Mägadhi. If it be admitted that the Mahāvamsa preceded the Mahabodhivamsa, P. 88. then Strong's theory, which makes the author of the latter a contemporary of Buddhaghosa, breaks down, his error being the identification of Dathanaga, a Thera of the time of Mahinda IV., with Dattha, who, according to the Gandhavamsa, commissioned Buddhaghosa to write the Commentary to the Digha-Nikaya. The Mahabodhivamsa belongs to Mahinda IV.'s time, and was therefore composed in the last quarter of the tenth century. The translation was not made directly from a Singhalese text but through a Päli version.
As regards the age of the Daṭhāvamsa we are sufficiently informed. The author in the closing verse calls himself Dhammakitti. His work was a translation of P. 89. a Singhalese original into Magadhi at the instance of the General Parakkama, by whose means Lilavati, the widow of Parakkamabahu, was raised to the throne. This happened in 1211 A. D. The Daṭhāvamsa must therefore have appeared shortly after that time. The contents deal with the previous existence of the Bodhisatta, Buddha's visits to Ceylon (where the Mahavamsa is closely copied), the division of the relics, especially of the tooth-relic and its advent to Ceylon. With this part we overstep the beaten track of tradition. We notice two constituent parts of this tradition. The first is of Indian origin, and comprises the early history of the Buddhas, the life of Gotama-Buddha, the story of the first and partially of the second Council, the names and deeds of Indian kings. This tradition, being largely derived from the Atthakatha, is fixed and definite. The second ingredient is the local tradition of Ceylon, treating of Buddha's visits to Ceylon, the myths of Vijaya and the earliest kings of Laukā, the third Courcil and the mission of Mahinda, the already partly historical tradition of Datthagamani and his journeys. This latter division was liable to almost indefinite extension from popular narratives or local chronicles.
P. 91.
The materials of the Daṭhāvamsa appear in a small work entitled Daladapūjāvali, which is a very close paraphrase of the former.
Cf. Strong, Pref. viii. ff., supporting Sobhita, who in the introduction to his edition (1890) discusses the question of authorship in the same way.

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The Thüpavamsa, which comes down to us in Singhalese and in Pāli, is closely allied to
the Mahābodhivamsa and preserves the epic form. Its contents range from P. 92.
the history of the early Buddhas to the death of Duttbagamani, As regards the relation between the two versions, we may say that on the whole the Singhalese is broader and more detailed than the Pāli. In Chapters X.-XVI. the one seems a mere translation of the other, but in the history of Buddha the Singhalese makes considerable additions and amplifications. The author in his epilogue calls himself Vächissara and mentions 0_OK that he is connected with the Dhaamāgåra of the king Parakkama, giving the
* names of a number of oiher works composed by him in Singhalese. He had two Thupavatsas before bin one in Singaalese, and hence of use only for the natives of Ceylon; the other in Pali, but so defective as to necessitate a fresh working out. I am of opinion that this Vachissara was none other than the famous Thera of that name, spoken of in Mahavamsa, LXXXI. 18 ff. He was an ecclesiastical chief under Vijayabāhu III. (1236--1240) and his power may well have continued under the next king Parakkamabāhu II. (1240-1275). We have thus secured a date for the Pāli Thūpavamsa, viz., the middle of the thirteenth century A. D. The Singhalese version is to be regarded as a later extension of the Pāli text: for priority cannot be proved, and internal evidence points otherwise, as does the analogy of the Mahabodhivamsa. It must have followed quickly after the Päli version; for Parākrama Pandita, the author of our Singhalese version, is mentioned in the Rajaratnākara in the list of learned priests and laymen who flourished between the time of Buddhaghosa and 1809 after Buddha = 1266 A. D. This work must have been, composed, therefore, between 1250 and 1260.
The usual sources were drawn from in the composition of the Pāli Thüpavamsa, vis., the Jātaka-Nidänakathi, the Samanta-Päsädikā, and the Mahāvaṁsa : and more sparingly the Commentary on the Mahavamsa. Other sources, as in the case of the Mahabodhivamsa, may be traced, and it is not impossible that, where an authority is not named, the Atthakathi may have been consulted, either directly or by the medium of the old Päli Thüpa vamsa (probably the Chetiyavansatthakathā, which at all events was in close accord with the Aţt hakathā literature).
9. - Singhalese Writings. The most comprehensive of these is the Pūjávali, which is not yet completely edited, but
which, as we can see from Wickremasinghe's analysis, consists of the usual P. 99.
* material in the usual arrangement. The author, Mayurapäda Thera, wrote in the second half of the 13th century and was a contemporary of Dhammakitti Thera by whom the Mahāvamsa was continued.
The Nikayasangraha of Dhammakitti shews in the general arrangement of material and in particular instances its dependence on the same sources. The history of the sects is treated in greater detail here. We learn, for example, that the Sāgaliya sect branched off from the Dhammaruchi of the Abhayagiririhāra and bore the name of their leader Thera Sagala. They had their seat in the Dakkhiņagirivihāra. This took place under Gothābhaya, 795 years after
Buddha's Nirvana, i. e., in 252 A. D. The record of the writings of the
" separate sects is entirely new. The source for these additions I cannot name, but merely remark that the Kathāvatthu-ppakarana-Atthakatha does not so much as mention the Sāgaliya.
Of especial interest is the dream of Kālāgoks and his dialogue with the Theri Nandā. This is taken directly or indirectly through an unknown source from the Atthakatha (f. the Commentary, 108, 8 on Mabāvamsa, IV. 38 ff.).
P. 99 f.

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The Dhātuvamsa) belongs to the myth-cycle of Malays and Rohana. It contains mach popular tradition wanting in the works of the Atthakathả cycle. Otherwise, its dependence on the Mahāvamsa is easily recognised. The Dhātuvamsa, however, does not seem to be au
independent work, but corresponds to a Pāli work existing only in manuscript, 2 entitled Nalātadbātuvamsa : it is only a Singhalese translation, then, of this work, sike those of the Mabābõdhivanga and Thüpavamsa. The author of the Singhalese Dhātavamsa is Kakusandha : when he lived is not ascertainable. From several chronicles, especially the Rājāvali, Rājaratnākara, and Püjä vali, we have
accounts of the early history till Vijaya. The Rājāvali, the most recent of . 103-107. these, belongs probably to the beginning of the 18th century, and shews that its author made copious use of older sources. The introduction and the mythological parts are original. After a cosmological and geographical review, the dynastic list of kings follows down to Siddattha, the Buddha. It is, however, the introduction of new material not hitherto utilised in the epics that gives to the Räjávali an independent value. For instance, the reign of Mahāsammata is depicted as a "golden age." Of king Chetiya it is told that he was the first to bring falsehood on earth and that as a punishment the earth swallowed him. Under Mahāpratāpa, murder and other crimes forced their way in, and the span of life of the princes was from that time shorter. After an account(taken from the Mahāzarosa-Commentary, 84, 4 ff.) of the founding of the Sakya dynasty, an episode from another source follows: The eldest sister of the exiled sons of Aritta, "the third Okkāka," attacked by leprosy, is placed by her brothers in a deep grave and covered with brushwood. The king of Benares, stricker by the same disease, had sought refuge in the same forest. He cures himself by an herb, finds the princess, cures her and makes her his wife. Rāma's son hearing of his father's abode bailds there the town of Koliys. The 32 sons of Rāma and the princess marry the 32 daughters of the four kings of Kapilavatthu, and thenceforward the princes of Koliya and Kapilavattha were united into one clan. The rest of this work is taken from the Mahāvamsa. The Rajaratnākara, belonging probably to the middle of the 16th century, is likewise
specially detailed upon the history of Vijaya. The general scheme corresponds
13 to that of the Rājāvali, and adds nothing to the Vijaya myth. The Pūjävali in Chapter XXXIII. treats the Vijaya history quite briefly, disposing of it in a single section. Generally, it may be said that, of the three chronicles, the Räjaratnākara stands nearest to
the Mahāvamsa and draws upon it most largely. The other two stand in closet P. 115.
se relation to one another, as follows from several important coincidences. We can see, also, that the Rājaratnākara has had recourse to the Pujāvali, and occasionally copied from it and likewise from the Nikāyasangraha. The Räjävali shews some originality, and adds details bearing the mark of popular origin, as in the Kuveni-legend. It also brings new particulars to the story of Kävantissa, the father of Dutthagamani, while following in the main the narrative in the Mahavamsa, XXII. 13 ff. Popular accretions are visible in the history of the Beminifi famine under Coranāga, when, as the result of a curse, Jambadvipa was visited for twelve years with famine. Finally, in the story of the death of Siri Sanghabodhi, 40, 22 f., are several features absent from the account in the Mahavamsa XXXVI. 92, e.g., the allusion to the future Buddhahood of Sanghabodhi, and the recognition of the severed houd as his. The Räjävali, moroover (like the Mahābod hivamsa), mentions after the king Pandukābhaya a king Ganatissa, who is absent from the lists in the Dipavarsa and the Mahāvamsa. He is given a reign of 40 years, while Pandukābhaya is given one of 30. According to the Mahavamsa and also to the Pūjāvali, Pandu kābhaya reigned the whole 70 years.
The Dhamangaya of the Thera Kakugandhs, edited by Gintot Dhammakkbandhs, Dudanluwa, A. B 2483 = A. D. 1890. DoZoys, Catal, p. 17.

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The Singhalese chronicles agree with remarkable closeness on the subject of Gajabāhu, of whom the Mahavamsa merely says that he built or consecrated monasteries, erected Tbūpas and planned the Gāmanissa pond. A detailed account of this monarch is found in the Singhalese chronicles, especially the Rājāvali, the new matter being unmistakably from popular sources.
THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL) IN THE EAST INDIES, PERSIA, AND PALESTINE.
1664--1670. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p. 142.) Assein Pashaw Husain Päsbā), Kinge of the arrabbs on y North East of Pertia, left bis Contrey, beinge vexed and overpowred wth the strenth of ye Turke, yet fought ye Grand Senior wts 90000 horsse, but beaten, he fled to Shaw Sollymon [Shāh Suliman), Kinge of Pertia, desireing his ptection at Serash (Shiraz].62
The grand Senior hearinge it, sent to Shaw Sollymon (Shäh Sulimän], desireing him deliver vp Assem passhaw [Husain Pasha). The Governor of Serash had Orders to send him vp, But Assem Passhaw vnderstandinge it, by money got liberty to passe for Conge (Kung],69 the Chiefe sea port towne in Pertia. Theire he shipt himselfe & sarvts with 3000000, Thirty hundred thowsands of pounds sterling money vallew in Jewells gold & money, woh was put in 14 Saile of Shipps, weh he hyred, vizt 5 English, 3 Dutch, 4 Maltans (Maltanis] And 2 Mallabars : All for Lahor e bander [Lāhori-Bandar], at wch place they arrived saife, J. C. peent when they & the tresure arrived. The King of ye Arrabs said to me, have not I seene yu wth Capt Wise who was vnder my Command in Bossera [Basra]. I said, yes, And a Contreeman of his : Assem passhaw kept me 9 days wil him in Lahor-e-bander And lodged me wth him and his sonns in his owne tent.
Oram Zebb Aurangzēb], haveinge advice of his loadinge, sent 30000 men as a gard for him. 30000 ropees to eate Beetell wth, wch is A complemy to drinke his helth.
When yo Kinge of yo Arrabbs caime to Tattaw [Tätta in Sindb], Oram Zebb was theire & did embrace him, and gave him a Serpaw [saropā] wch is a garm! according to ye Industian [Hindustan] weare, wch soe soone as psented, ye ptie takes it and prently [immediately] pats it on.
Noe sooner it was On, but Assem Passhaw65 dropt downe deade, He deade, Oram Zebb possest himselfe of All his treasure And made his Eldest son 3 Azarey (Hazāri], wch is 3000 horse, yo yonger 2000 horse.
61 This must be Husain Pasha of Basrah - vide Chardin, Coronation of Solyman III, p. 125 #.
69 In a letter from Stephen Flower to Surat, dated Ispahan, 14th Aug. 1668 Factory Recorde, Surat, Vol. 105, at the India Office), there is the following allusion to Husain Pasha and his fight:-"The late Tyrant of Bussora with his rotinue of above 2000 persons at Shyras, were preparing for Bundareeoke or Congo (Kung Bandar] with resolution to Imbarque for India, having this Kings order to depart bis Country, upon the Grand Signiors demanding his head and having noe Inclination to Ingage himself in & warr upon that socount which hee must Ipect upon refusall the former or complyance with what required by the said Grand Signior."
03 Kung Bandar, & port on the northern shore of the Persian Gulf, about 100 m. west of Gombroon. See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. Congo-Bunder.
04 The port of Tatta at the mouth of the Indus on its E. side, which has now disappeared. Fo: the identification of Lahori-Bandar with Dial-Sind, see Roe's Embassy, Hakluyt Society's ed. p. 122.
From Mr. Irvine I have received the following partioulars of Hasain Pasb. His arrival in India in 1689 or 1670 is mentioned by Manuooi. He was not murdered by Aurangzēb, as stated here, but was killed in the Bijapur campaign, c. 1676. His Indian title was Talam Khan Rumi. See also Chardin, Coronation of Solyman III., p. 125 ff,

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Assem Passhaw left his Queene wth his Brother wth an Army of 80000 horse but noe gunns. The Basshaw of Bagdat, of Kirkway,66 Neneveigh (Nineveh] & other Basshaws Weere in July last all draweing down theire Armies to Bossara to feight and beseige it.
This Bossara is the Chiefe port in the gulfe of Pertia, a place of great strenth & trade since Ormous was lost by y Portugalls to yo King of Pertia.67
The Turke had it last yeare from yo Arrabbs; yo Arrabbs retooke it. And now yo Turks resolve to have it againe, wch I feare they will, 58
The Magulls Pollicy in paying his Armies and hording vp every yeare a vast Tresure is thus:
He keeps 4 Armies constantly in pay, ye least 50000 horssemen & pays them Constantly well. He gives to such a great Lord 20000 horse, an other 10000, an other 5000 horase, And to pay them assignes such a Contreys Contrebution to them, woh they gather, & y Overplasse is brought into his tresury; Soe that he hath noe troble.
The Mogull Oram Zebb, now Emperor, at prayer in the Gousall Conna [ghusal-khāna) or privy Chamber, I psent, the Emperror was taken vp, 3 fathom from betwixt his throne & y' roofe of yo roome, his heeles vpwards, wthout apie vizable thinge to draw him vp, & soe by degrees lett downe, or fell downe before his golden Chaire on his throne On his bended knees in a prayeing posture; this he does when he pleases.
He taking notis of me after he had don his prayer, said to me, if yu will show me how to cast Gunns, I will show y' to hoyse yor selfe as y" haue seene me doe.
I Sa pat' shaw Sallem' mett ham to' mor' row Chacker [Ladshäh salamat ham tumhārā chākar), yt is, May it please yor Maitle to give me leave to speak to you. Caw [kaho], sa hej Speak. My pletion (profussion) is to serve ya but I am sworne in my Contrey never to teach anie but who will serve to y trade. Ho' dan' ne' Car' ra, [Khudā na karē],5 God forbid ya breake yo Oath.
But, Sd y• Emperror, will not yu tell this to yo King when you come into yo owne Contrey. He had then given me leave to goe home.60 S4 I, yes, wth leave. S1 y. Emperror, y have leave.
This Oram Zebb, haueing beheaded his Brother Dorrishaw Cour [Dära Shikoh), who desired to dies xpian, his head being Cat of, 6 Grees (ghari] or 3 bowers after it was cut of, it was posented at yo Emperrors feete on the throne in the Am Casa [am-khās] wheere theire was Thowsands of his subjects. The Emp. trode vppon it; The head laft à loud, ha, ha, ha, in yo beareinge of all, ** IJ: Cambell puent.
Tavernier (ed. 1688, Vol. I. p. 76) speaks of a "Basha of Karkou." It is the modern Korkuk, situated 8. E. of Moonl, midway between that place and Bagdad. Otter, Voyage on Thurquie et on Perse, vent, in 1734, from Mosul to Bagdad, via "Kiorkouk," which at that date, had still its Pasha. IT In 1622.
* Vide Chardin, The Coronation of Solyman III, p. 126, and Thevenot, ed. 1686, p. 151. ** The usual formula of precation.
"One Mr John Cambell ... served the King of India as a gunner seven or eight years and ... obtained licence to depart for his country." Letter from Gombroon to Surat, 21 Jan. 1669. Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 105.
An allusion to the unorthodox opinions of this pringe. Darā was the author of the Majma'ul-Bahrain, in which he endeavoured to reconcile the Brahman and Muhammadan religions. His Christian proolivities are mentioned by Catrou, ed. 1926, p. 198. Mr. Irvine tells me that, acoording to Manucci, Dar desired, while in prison, to se Father Bunel, but was refused.
8e Dow, History of Hindostan, Vol. III. p. 286, and Catrou, History of the Mogul Dynasty, d. 1886, p. 271, for varying accounts of this incident.

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The Emperrer after this fell sick & Continewed soe for 1 mo., and yet noe rebellion, wch is rare, for ye Emperor is every day to show himselfe publiquely in his Am Casa or throne, elce his subiects will say he is dead.
Wheere this Throne or Am Casa is, are seŭall built by his pdessors glorious to behold, wth gold & Dymonds and ptious stones, But that weh this emperror hath made Exceeds all the former.
In anno 1660, in John a Badd, was one Wm Gates, 63 a rare Artist and in the service of the Magull agst Kinge Swagie [Sivaji], in weh service was Alsoe I, an intimate of Wm Gates. W Gates was kild in that service; Did afterwards appeare to me J: C: I regarded it not, Soe one night he caime about 12 Clock in ye Night & gaue me a great blow as I lay in my bedd on my buttocks, & sd, rise vp. Doe not ya know me. I, much surprised & affraid, Sa, in yo name of ye father, sonn and holly gost, what wouldest thou. He said, I am such a one was kild at such a place. If yu doe not follow me, it will be bad for yu. God did strenthen me; I followed. My sarvants weere all in bed, my doores lockt & bolted & verry stronge, yet none kne: I past out, or did I know.
Sa ye spirritt, I cannot rest, haueing hid some money, till I shew you wheere it is. We went about 200 yards, ye spirritt before me, & comeing to ye place, he made a great Stamp and theire vannisht. I fell a sleepe on ye place, how I know not, & slept till day next morninge wth out harme. Awakeinge, I found a stake stuck at my heade in ye Ground. All this while I remembred not what had past, but thought I had been at my howse. I said noe thing to anie, but Mr Smith, ye Pson [parson], who I lodged in my howse, see me come in, Askt me wheere I had beene. I made noe replie. He vrged me tell him, he knoweing it was not vsnall for me to goe out at such an erly hower, I gaue him relation of wt had past. We went, diggd, and found money in a earthen pott.
This money was sent to ye Pish of Stepney for the poore of ye parrish in weh he was borne I would [have] kept it, but ye Pson advized yo Contrary. After this I herd noe more of him.
In the yeare 166165 theire was in Dorrishacours [Dara Shikoh] Army a Monsup Dor [Manṣabdar], wch is Command of 500 horsse, his name Doyd begg [Daud Beg], yt is one of a great howse or Cast.
There was in Mallabucks [Murad Bakhsh] army a Ld Commanded 5000 horsse & was Droger [dirogha] of ye top Conney [topkhana, artillery]. These two weere sworne Brothers & pist [promised] to live & die together, Doyd Begg was kild when Dorrishawcour was routed. The Ld Radger Cowley [Riza Queli] Droger to ye Top Conney or Great Gunns, after the feight caime to his owne howse, and 3 mo. after, One night, I, J. Campbell, being sitting with him and in discorse, One of [his] Sarvants told him theire was one at ye doore desired to speake with him but would not come in. He ast who it was; they told him a verry fyne Gentleman. He, ye Ld, tooke in his hand his sword; I followed him, & his sarvt before wth lights caime to ye Doore, wheere was One in ye Likenesse of Doydbegg, who S4, pvide yor selfe for this night yu must die, and then vannisht.
63 Mr. Irvine suggests that William Gates may be Manucci's "Guilheromo Inglese" who went with him on Rajah Jai Singh's Campaign in 1664 or 1665.
P William Gates.
65 Either the date is wrong or Daud Bog was not in Dara's army, for the prince was executed in 1659.

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The Ld tooke noe notis of it, but comeing in, red a while in theire pfets booke & said to me send for M Roch66; wee wiibe inerry. Merry we weere & had singing & Danceinge wenches sent for, Notwthstanding he had of his owne in his howse. About 12 Ciock at night, The Ld went out to stoole. It hapt in yo place he went to, one of his saryta had got a weoman, and as ye Ld caime into ye place, his sarpts yt had lights retireinge, The fellow wth his hand Jarr [khanjar] stabd him and left his hand Jarr in his boddy, by wch it was knowne who kild him. The sarv! taken, told all, saue ye weoman, & hir he would not discover for all his torture. He was put to death by ye Ollyphants, weh playd wth him as long as his keeper pleased & puts yo Criminall to great torture & at last treads out his bowells. This was in Saiahans [Shāh Jahāni] tyme, Emper".
A relation of what hapned at my beinge in the fort of Gindecote [Gandikot 167 in the Contrey of Carnatt, a place belonginge to ye Kinge of Golcondogh. A man, a buckall [6aqqal], or as we terme them in England, a Satler, who had pîist a somme of money to Joggernat (Jagannāth], web is an Image of ye Gentues, not pforminge his põnisse was taken laime and blinde. After which he pformed his pmisse trible. Beinge bliride, he caime to ye Immage or pegodah, woh spooke to him & tould him he could not recover him, but gave him a hanchucher wih two knotts, & bid him goe to yo Gouerner of Gindecote, who is a Magullan or Moore, I then psent wtb ye Gouerner. Att first
60 This man, who has already been mentioned as a companion of John Campbell (ante, pp. 138-140), is several times referred to in the records of the E.I. Co. In May 1567, in a letter from the President and Council at Surat to the Court of Directors (Factory Records, Miscell, Vol. 2), there is a note as follows: "We have lately Received
lotter from one MThomas Roach an Englishman Chiefe Gunner to this Kinge [Aurangzēb], who it seemes hath lent some Moneys to My Wm Jesson and Mr Thomas Andrews when they lived att Agra, which he now demands from us in your name, alledging it was lent them in the Honble. Companyes name and for their occasions. he threatens uppon our Rofusell to make him Satisfaccon to take out an Order from the Kinge uppon this Governour to force payment; we have with what Civillity possible answered his letter, wherein we endeavour to Convince him of the unreasonableness of his Demande uppon you, and dosire him to desist from giving us further Trouble, you being in noe wise obliged to make good such unjust pret
se obliged to make good such unjust pretences. We wish we had your positive Order how to proceed when euch troubles shall come uppon us, which we are in dayly feare of, for this Thomas Roach &c. may give us great Trouble, being personally present, and having the Kings earo." Further correspondence on the subject must have been received at Surat from Roach, for, on the 8th May 1971, he writes to the President from Agra (Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 105), "I have not intruded on you againe, in regard in this time I expected your Favourable respost to my letters wherewith I formerly solicitated you, ooncerning my debt from M: Jesson, Bills of exchange by M! Andrews, and my freedom from this undesired service, of which Sir George Oxinden promised me that he had informed the Honble. Co., but nows thereof none as yet arrived with we notwithstanding it is now two yeares since and upwards, wherefore I am constrained to write to you againe hoping your worship will be pleased to afford me some speedy answere that may give some satisiaction to my troubled desires." The remainder of the letter deales with the state of the Company's house at Agra which, Roach says, had been deserted for twenty yeata and would have been forfeited had he not oooupied it.
On the 20th Nov. 1672, at & Consultation at Surat (Factory Records, Misc. Vol. 2), there is the following entry-"Mi Roach the Kings gunner at Dilly delivered the Presidente Letter to his Master about the affront Patt upon them Pr the Gov and endeavours to get him turned out but the Councell order him further prosecuting that business." The "affront" referred to was the refusal of the Goys of Surat to let the English President go to Bombay, the seizure of the Company's house eto. After this, Thomas Rouch disappears from the Records, but he appears never to havo regained his " freedom from this undesired servior." In the Surat Consaltations, on the 25th Sept. 1704 (Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 13), there is a reference to Thomas Roach's son: "Resolved that Mr Edmond Orowe out of the Prayer Mony formerly payd him by order of Councell discharge and pay Twenty Seven rupeos fourty eight pice for Cloths Shirting and other necessary's furnisht Thomas Roaoh the son of an Englishman, Master Gunner to the Mogalls Father, as the said man has bin severall yearea to the present Emperour whose Service he's left and having retaind the Protestant religion and poor have his Lodging and Dyett in the Factory till oan otherwise provide for him, now Sixty years of age."
6T Gandikõt in the Cuddapa distriot was a famous stronghold of the Vijayanagar kings. It was built in 1580, oaptured by Goloonds and held by Mir Jumla, See Madras Manual of Administration, Vol. III., 8. u. Gundy ; Algo Tavernier, edited by Ball, Vol. I. p.284.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1906.
sight of this Sutler then blinde & led before yo Gouerner, before ye blinde Satler spoke, 4 ye Gouerner, I know what thou comst for & said, goe to a place & loose one of the knotts; y blinde Sutler went & loosed one of yoknotts & returned wth one eie seinge. The Gouerner, after yo Sutler bad thanked him, bid him goe back to Jaggerdatt, weh ye Satler did & returned wth sight of both cies, & Peented y Gouerner wth 250 pagodoes, And pīnised yo 5th penny of Wt afterwards he got to give to yo pegodaye or Image & to yo tyme I was in the Contrey did. I had trade wth this man both before and after he was blinde & restord. This hapned in aŭ 1660.
Kings Trebutary to the Magull, 1. The Kinge of yo Osbacks [Uzbegs] wch are Moores (Muh..madans], a great Kingdome. 2. The Kinge of yo Pattans, cald 9 lack (naulaklcha); he can raise 900,000 men. 3.' The Kinge of Vizepoore (Bijapur), we are Moores & a grt Kingdome. 4. The Kinge of Bengall, Moores & a great Kingdome.
5. The Kinge of ye Rashpouts or Gentues, about 50 kings of them ; some Cod but 3 & 4,000 men; in these Kingdomes are all ye Dymond Mines, Saphers & Rabies.
Itts y Custom amongst yo Genta es if the husband die to take yo wife, she beinge made as fyne as if she weere goeing to be wedd, to burne hir wth y Corps of yo dead husband & its accompted a dishonor to hir fammily & kindred [if] she live after hir husband ; & if she be Dot willing to leape into yo fyer, hir owne kindred & Children will indeavor to throw hir in, as I haue seene by Psons of Quallity.
Twelve of yo Lds of ye Magull, in año 1665, had conspired his death and sworne fydillity one to an other, & bad past it vnder their signetts, intending to set vp one of his Sonns by a Rash pout (Rajput) weoman, he woh is now pion! in Goleere [Gwalior). But y Chiefe Ld in yo Conspirrisey discoverd it to the Magall. Soe he cald a Councell, of web these Lds weere, and Sett at yo Doore of his Casanna (khazana, ? for am-khas], into web they weere to Come, An Executioner. Soe, as they caime in One by One, yo signe givea, wch they, They noe sooner in, but of went yo heade. Its the Custome of the Magull To keepe his nobles from familliarity one wth an other & yt they never meeto at one an other's howses or Salate sate as they passe one by an other, till they come into y Casanna or y® Emparrer's peence.
All yo Emperrors other sonns, sage he wch is in Goleere,68 are by Magallans (Mughal] weomen, Moores.
This Goleere [Gwalior) is 40 Leagues from Agray and is one of ye Strongest peeces of Earth by nature as well as by Art in the world, And its supposed, if ye vniverse should ioyne to take it by storme, they were not hable, if they wthin weere trew to themselues. They haue Corne, wyne, Catle & all other neggessary přitions wthin themselues.
The eldest son, Muhammad Saltän.

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JUNE, 1906.) THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL.) 173
Its in Compasse 24 Leagues ; the Emperror takes hostages by Children or other neare Relation for ye Gouernrs fydillity. It was once taken by a stratigem. Instead of sendinge Weomen, they put yonge men in the habbit of weomen, weh they had gained liberty of yo Gouerner to leaue whilst an Army Marcht on a remote expeditio & to take them againe at returne, but, haueing Onee admition At y gate, showd what they weere & soe did Over come all wth in before them.
Chiefe Cittys in the East Indiays
or ye Magulls Empire Vizt.
1. John-a-badd [Jahanabad], wch is 7 leagues in lenth And 15 Leagues in
Compasse wth ye Suburbs; his Pallas, vizt. y Cupaloes are all couered
wth Massey gold. 2. Agray; from Johnabad to Agray ... ...
220 Leagues. 3. Lshor; from Agray to Lahor. ...
250 : 4. Cammallo; from Labor to Camillo
050: 5. Cobbullo from Cammallo to Cobbullo
060 : 6. Moltan (Multan]; from Cobbullo to Moltan ...
. . ... ... 130 : 7. Bucker (Bakar on yo River Cindey (Sindhi, Indus] ; from Moltan to
Buckker ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 070 : 8. Palla70 woh is a great Citty ; they have noe springs wthin 7 Leagues, but
savo yo raine in yo Raine tyme in great Taneks ; from Backer to Balla is 145: 9. Oram Caball a great Oitty bigger then Agray, 12 leagues in Compass, & hath great gardens & plesure howses ...
300 10. Pautanan (Patna], from Oram Caball ... ... ... ... ... 044
These lie Nor Northest of John a Badd.
Leagues ... 1269
From John a Badd South South
West.
**
From John a Badd to Agray ... ... ... ... ... From Agray to Goleere [Gwalior] . From Goleere to Sera-pall, a strong Citty and Castle wthin it, & lies
bordts of yo Mallabarrs ........ From Serapull [ Serampore] to Gruncan [Goloonda)... From Grunoan to Hewgley ... ... ... ... ...
**
060
...080
422
A common legend - vido Tod's Rajasthan, I. 282 f., for the story of the ruse practised by the chiefs at Chitor to recover Bhimsi.
70 Palls appears in the old maps to the North-east of Delhi,

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174
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Bengall
From Hewgley to Nocunn, web is ye Chiefe Citty in Bengall, And Many strainge things I haue seen theire; ye Raines continew 6 mo. night & day. Tygers wch are Charmed, And Allegaters
230
From Nocunn [? Nowgong, Nawagaon] to Hallow [Halabas, Allahabad], not by land but by water, ye woods hinder, besides Tygers & Allegators in yo Marshes; 2 Men I see in this place accused for theft: ye way they put them for those crimes to death is by throweing them into yo river wch is 2 Miles Over fresh water. These 2 Men weere throwne in, The Gilty quickly devowred, the Innocent an Allegator tooke vppon his back & carried him to thother side & Landed him wthout harme. This way they trie ye Innocent from ye Guilty, for the Allegators will devour ye crimenall whether from charme or wth other cause I know not, but many passing in small boats are overturnd in y river and eate by the Allegators, I once hardly escapeinge, two in the same boate Devowred by them; I did but iust gett a shore71
An Account of My Travells into Prester Johns73 Contrey begunn in ann 1667 from John a Badd.
[JUNE, 1906.
30
Leagues... 682
From John a Badd I tooke my Jurney to Tenatt, cald otherwise Ginsecote
[Gandikot], Thence to Serapelle wth a Man in my Company we had an Ox ladeinge of Bonnets or vinbrellors, One of weh I & each of my saryts had to keepe vs from the heate of ye Sunn. Att noone We Chose ye shade of a Wood to refresh of selfs vnder, & haueing fed, We set or selfs to take a nap, as vsuall in hott Contreys. The Monkeys, seinge vs wth or vmbrelloes, whilst a sleep they caime downe and ript open the pack And each toke a bonnet, soe yt of 400 theire was not one remained in yo pack; ye Man awakeinge, & seinge what hapned, fell of bewaileing his mishap. Att woh tyme caime by an Old man & askt him why he was soe trobled. His answer was, poynting to the tree in woh most Monkeys weere, doe you not see. Says the Old man, wtt wilt thou give me And I will get the all thy bonnets againe. They agreed for 3 Ropees, vizt. 68 9d Engl; I gave 2 the bonnet man one. The Old man tooke my Sarvts bonnet and began to tosse it. The Monkeys, seing how the Old man did, did the same. At last he Topke his bommett & threw it on the Ground; y Monkeys did all ye like. Soe ye Man had his bonnetts, but they weere all torne and full of holes; ye Old man så, I punist to get ya yor bonnets, but I did not pinisse wthout dammage. This was five Leagues from Sarapelle in y° Magulls contrey.
71 M Irvine tells me that Manucci has this 'alligator story' very much better related. 12 For Prester John, see Yule's Marco Polo, L. 205, f. n.

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JUNE, 1906.] THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL).
Thence we went to Candanna73 in ye Mallabars contrey, a City wthin a fort wald, & is 8 leagues from Serapelle. The Custom of those places are to haue howses without the Cittys for to Lodge travellers in, Cald Serays [sarais] for they pinitt yu not into theire ffort or Towne. In one of these howses I tooke vp my lodginge. My horss put vp, I sent my men into ye towne for přition. They of ye Contrey had liberty, I not, to goe in. Fsently after comes the Old man weh caused ye Monkeys heaue downe ye Bonnetts & desired of me reliefe. I said, I was a traveller and had not to give him. He went his way, it beinge about 6 Clock at night in the Month May. He noe sooner Gon, but I began to strip myselfe starke naked and ran into ye feilds distracted, frighted wth sights of armed Ollyfants, men in Arms Chasing me till day next morning, at wch tyme I found my selfe at the doore of ye Saray I had taken vp ye night before, shiveringe wth cold. I cald my selfe to mind I had a bible & It did please god to direct me to it. I had noe sooner red a few lines but I had my perfect senses but sadly weary. I then put on my Clothes. My horss all that night had not a bit, for my sarpts returnd not, And I demanding ye reason, they told me they thought they had beene with me. Att 8 Clock caime ye Old man and askt me how I did because I lookt soe wild, And askt me some thinge to give him. I gaue him 2 Ropees, 4s 6d Engl money. He replied, why could not I [have] given him that last night, in a thretinge manner, As he went away.
175
He was not from me pistoll shott, but I tooke one of my pistolls & fyred it at him. It was Charged with a brace Balletts & fyred both in pan & barrell, but the bulletts stuck in ye Mussell of my pistoll, soe, yt yu might touch them wth yo finger and never went out.
My sarvts beinge of ye Contrey, told me wthin 5 Leagues of yt place was a Kinge of braue Justice liveing at Kissna [Krishna, Kistna] by a River, Bigger as Tygris or Euphrates, Almost as Bigg as Attick [Atak, i. e., Indus] wch parts ye Pattans contrey & ye Osbucks [Uzbegs], yo Biggest fresh water River in ye world, Elleaven Legues in bredth, haueinge 9 Rivers comeinge into it theire. His name is Timmenagg [Trimal Naik].74 We refrest of selfs in the way, at wch place my boy askt me if I had not given the Old man money. I sd yes. Then replied he, all yor money is gon. I look & see my Scretore [escritoire] lockt, Sa, alls well. Nay, sd ye boy, Open ye lock & see, for if these men get but a penny, the[y] will baue all yu haue, if 1000 pounds. I opend it & all was gon, 100 pagodays in gold & 23 Ropees in silver, weh was every penny I had. This made me drop. my Currage, beinge 120 Leagues from Releife. The boy observeing it, sd, Sr, I haue 50 Ropees & lets goe or Jurney to Timmenagg.
Timmenagg, heareinge a Christian traveller was come, sent me All vitions for man & horsse, for he is a grt Kinge, its y Custome of y' Controy, & after sent for me to ye Walls of ye Citty, They haueing erected his tent on ye Walls, from whence he discorst wth me, asking seuall questions &wth all how I likt his Contrey, On woh I told him how I had beene vsed by ye Oldman.
Say Kinge, haue a care what yu say, & say noe more then trewth, for if yu doe, it wilbe ill for yu, but if ya say trewth, yu shall haue yor money againe yts lost.
In ye morninge he sent 5 horsemen to call me wth a dish like a pottinger running on ye ground before them.75 They sd to me, horse. I did. Away went ye dish before vs as fast as we could well pace. This Dish is cald a Battica.76 It ran ye verry same way we caime from ye howse we lodged at 4 days before, for I had staid wth ye Kinge 2 days. In yo way we mett 2 men. It ran vp theire boddys & downe againe, for its ye Quallity of this Battica to doe soe to anie yt haue but reced money from yo first robber.
13 Cundanore, old name for Kurnool (Madras Man, of Admn. III. 252).
14 Timmenagg appears to be Tirumala Nayakka (Trimal-Naik) of Madura, whose dates are given in the Madras Manual as 1623-1659 and by Sewell as 1635-1657. These do not agree with the narrative, as Campbell says he started on his travels in 1667, at least eight years after the death of Trimal Näik.
5 Mr. Irvine says that Manucci speaks of sorcerers who could make a pot move without touching it. 16 Portuguese, batega, a bowl or a gong, something to be beaten. I am indebted for this note to Mr. Irvino.

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176
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(June, 1906.
These two men bad received money of the oldman, vnknowne how he caime by it. It left them, & on to yo howse I lodged at 4 days before, and out of y howse & in at y gat of y* Citty. We weere not pūnitted to goe in. Prently it brought out the Old man & stack on his left brest, 1000da of people following out of the Citty to se it. Away it led y Oldman, And wee followed, & brought him before Timmenagg [Trimal Näik). But when he caime out of yo Citty gate & se me, he held vp his hands & gaped, but could not speake. Soe soone as he saw Timmenage, he sa, Ram Ram [Rám, Rām), wch is, 6 King be mercyfull to me; y Kinge sd, Cetteram Citan [? Sitā Rām Shaitan), yts, Thou wicked Devell, why hast thou deceived a Traveller ; wth that yo Battica fell to yo ground from his brest.77 The Kinge askt, wbeeres this travellers money. He sd, I hade only 100 pagodays, the 23 Ropees I hage spent, Sd yo King, give w' thon hast, I make good ye rest to him, wch y King did.
The King gd to me, yarr (yar], woh is, friend, y must have a care of partinge wth yor money, for these are Citans [shailans], Devells. And if they receive but la from yu they will have all about ya more or less.
Now yo man is heere, iudge him what death he shalbe put to. I replyed, I have got my owne, I desire noe maps death. Sd yo kinge, that ye may thanke me for. But if I let him passe, An other Traveller may not only loose his money, but his life, & then none can come to complaine to me, Soo my Contrey will gett a bad naime.
Next morning y Man was brought to a place where two great Millstones weere drawne wth 6 Oxen; yo King himselfe went out to se yo Oldman executed. Before yo Man was put to death, he askt for water, wpch they call Neele (nil), And sprinckled his face & gd some words, & vollantaryly put himselfe betweene y stones & was in aninstant ground to poother, wthout saying or criing soe much sa, abh.
The Kinge sskt if we had such iustice in of Contrey. I sd, we did burne witches or those gilty of such Orimes, woh he approved not of, for they burne all of theire Cast & iudge they goe to heaven, bnt those ground do goe to Hell to be further punisht for theire Orimes,
The Kinge Commanded 3, 4 & 5 at a tyme to trie, when yo Battica lay on yo ground, to take it y & they yeed Iron Crowes but could not moue it; to yo number of 500 of his Baryta tried, but could not. Observeing me looke ernestly, sd, will ya trie, wth leate, I said, yes. He gave it, &I went, & wth as much ease tooke it vp as ever I did anie pottinger; wth ye his eies beinge large, seemed to be in a flame, but said not ought.
Haneing beene well Treated by Timmenage [Trimal Näik], I tooke my Jurney from Kissnes [Kistna] to Hydrobadd [Hyderabad), y Chiefe Citty belonginge to yo Kinge of Baggenogar [Bhägnagar) in the Osbucks [Uzbegs] Contrey. I caime in about 8 Clock at Night into the Citty; But was taken vp for a spio, my selfe, sarv! & borss put in pšon. I demanded the reason of my Impdonm!. They told me I was a spie & should have my heade Out of, by reason I caime from Kissnoa [Kistna] wth whome they warred, beinge a Gentues Controy. Theire are neŭall kings of y. Glentues, As y Rashpoats (Rajputs) and78
?
Next day they Caused me to be pumpt, yt is to hold my Mouth vnder y pump yt y water may forsse it selfe into my beliy; this was don 3 tymes a day to make me Confess.
The Cadwall [lcotwāl] or justice, seinge this would not doe, Caused me back to peon, And as I past in Naked, wth Chaines on me, he caused at ye doore 2 men to bat me wth Elbow and ffist.
T The author here telle, MA matter of his own experience, what is really an old Indian folk-tale out of the Bhagavata Purāsa. Campbell had doubtles board it related, and it is still a story commonly told in Southern Indis. See onte, VoL XXXV. p. 50,
* Hintas here in the MS

Page #195

177
JUNE, 1906.] THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL).
The same night they carried my sarvt before the Justice & made him Confesse wt I was and my errand into ye Contrey. He, my sarvt, being a Moore of their Relegion, Confest all. First they butterd or tallowed his feete sooles & tosted them before the fyer, a punishm! vsed in these parts.
Next morninge they sent for me [before] ye Justice, And said, friende, we vnderstande yu are noe spie but a traveller, what we did doe was in suspition. I replied, yu wronged me without cause; I desire yu Justice of yor contrey. Sayd they, get yu gon lest it be worse for yu, And then I was halfe deade wth theire tormts. But they pvided for me a howse wth all nessessarys, in wch staid 4 dayes, & in yt tyme vsed meanes to get a petition to ye Kinge, weh was drawne by ys Justices. Brother in Law, And after psented. I was sent for to ye K: & gave relation of my vsage. He sent fr y Justice & put him out of his place and caused him to haue given 100 Chawbucks [chabuk]-or whips.
The Kinge demanded if I lost ought. I said, noe. Friende, said he, to make yu a mends I give yu a horse and a coate. This Kings name is Mack-Allam-Cawne [Malik Alam Khan] & gaue me a passe & a guide to travell throw his contrey, & order wheere ever I caime not to pay Junct money [juncan, chungam, customs, duties] weh is vsuall for travellers in that Contrey, But I, my boy & 2 horsses went free from yt and horsse meate & mans meate.
Theire was a Lord at ye border of ye pattans [Pathan's] contrey; 200 leagues I had come safe Whout paying ought. This La would not owne my passe, but kept me in pson, And sold me & my Man as A Slave to yo pattans.
I, haueing beane yo Magulls sarv! formerly, had currage by reason this pattan was trebutary to ye Magall. I made way and sent to a La sarvt of ye Magulls, weh knew me. He sent word to Oram Zebb [Aurangzeb], Magull, on weh I was deliverd vp to this Lord whose naime was Abram Caune [Ibrahim Khan], Alla-de-mer Cawns ['Ali Mardan Khan] Sonn.
But they had ham stringd my boy, but my Mistress had mercy for me, & interseded yt I was not, though its ye Custom of those places to doe it, lest theire Slaves run away; I was sent to keepe Sheepe & did for 23 days in a Cammelet Cote, They haueing stript me of my owne Clothes yt sold me.
When I was set free wth my boy, horsses and all other things that I left not a deneer?" or asper,80 I staid 2 mo. wth this La Abram Caune [Ibrahim Khan] & made him 120 Granadoes with other fyer balls, he being to war wth ye Gentues. This service pleased him well, soe as he gaue Me his passe to goe to Candehor [Kandahar], a bordering Citty on y Pertion Cost. When I esime theire, the way was stopt, And I forst to come back 300 Leagues to a Citty calld Cobbull [Kabul], In weh Citty I mett wth the prince Sultan Azam, 2 son to Oram Zebb,81 & 4 of my Contreymen woh was in his army, Gunners. They weere much agreeved heareing ye Relation of my hard travells. The next day I went before yo prinoe, & they wth me, & had liberty to pčeed in my Jurney.
The next Citty I caime to was Lahorr. The Gouerner Mama deme Cawne [Muhammad Amin Khan] toke me vp to serve him, But I refused. He would compell me, wch forst me send to John a badd to my Contreymen theire, who made a petition to ye Mogull, weh got me my liberty. I staid at Lahor 11 Days; ye Minister, Mr Roch, and Mr Robt Smiths did perswaid me give Over my Jurney, it přeing soe Cross to me, But I was resolved to Travell.
TA French money of account, 12 making a sol or sou,
89 A small silver coin, formerly current in Turkey, worth about a halfpenny.
1 Muhammad Mu'aszam was Aurangzeb's second son and A'zam Shah the third. The writer may be referring to either, but, in any case, the reference is an anachronism.
2 As Thomas Roach was Aurangzeb's "chief gunner," he probably used his influence on behalf of Campbell. See ante, p. 140, where Mr. Robert Smith is called "the minister."

Page #196

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
From Laborr I began againe my Jurney towards Prester Johns Contrey. I caime at was Maltan [Multan], ye Cheife Citty of trad in the Magulls contrey. Buckar [Bakkar], wch is 120 Leagues. Bucker is two Cittys, One On this side ye thother Al'ta'naut, and a fort in yo Middle of yo river betwixt both Citties.84
178
[JUNE, 1906.
The first Citty Thence I went to river cald Milsa,
The river is cald Bucca, a fresh water, a League Over And a huge Currant. The manner of fishinge is wth potts, woh yo Men yt fish lie On theire bellys & swime with feete & hands vp ye Curent, wth noe boate can, but haled with ropes,85
The next Citty I caime to was Cindey [probably Haidarabad in Sindh] web y River takes its Genhall naime from, & yo 9 Rivers spooke of at Kissey [Kistna] comes in theire.
The next is Tatta; betwixt Bucker & Tatta 150 long Leagues. From Tatta to Lahorebander [Lahori Bandar] 30 Leagues. In that Citty I was told I could travell throw ye bloches [Baluchs'] Contrey, for he is an absolute Kinge, strong, & lies betwixt ye Magulls Contrey & Prester Johns.
Advizeinge with some men, I tooke a guide web bound him selfe to carrie me safe throw the bloches Contrey, wch ye Guid did, tho wth great Expence to me, weh is 350 Leagues.
The first towne I caime to in Prester Johns Contrey was Ne'ge'po'tan [Negapatam]86 110 Leagues from ye bloches Contrey. The Gouerner of the place Questioned me whence I caime I told him I was goeing to Court, wch liked him verry well; The Custome of the Contrey is to receive all in, but to let none out without Lycence.
From thence to Can' na' noor [Cannanore], wch is from Ne'ga'po'tan 340 Leagues. The Gouernor questioned me wtt I was, & told me he was to give acct of all Strangers to ye Emperor. I told him I was an Englishman. He told me it was not vsuall for English to travell in theire in that Contrey. What can you doe. I said, nothinge, Only my Jurney was to se ye Contrey. He sent me with a Gard to ye Court, which is cald Pow'la' van, woh was 60 Leagues. Prester Johns Court is wald round & is in Circumference 24 Courses [kös], 3 makeing an English League, so it [is] 16 Engl Leagues.
Att Court I was assigned to ye Duan [diwan], yo Emperrors second, soe cald by reason he is most intimate & neare him in office. But ye Duan weary, I was not pinitted to speak with him till an hower before sun sett, wh was ye hower ye Lds weere pinitted yt had businesse. The gard yt caime wth me had a letter for him. When delivered, 'I was cald for before him.
He askt what I was. I answerd, an Englishman. He demanded on what ptence I caime thether or whether I was bound. I answered, to se ye Court whose faime I had herd of. He askt for my passes. I showed him One from ye Magull, One from ye Kinge of ye Bloches [Baluch's] woh he said was good, But found by one I had served ya Magull. He askt me in wit Capassity. I said as a Marchant. He told me, Jut Cotta [jhut kahta], ya lie, yu haue some other art. I said, noe. Tome-better-somsta [tum behtar samajhta]. We shall know before ya goe; Carrie him to peon.
I was carried & kept 3 mo., My man in one plaice & I in an other. One caime every day to me, woh was an Old & eminent Lord at Cort. And haueing Considered my Condition, pickt out of my man I knew some art. The Nobleman Caime to me and said, freind, yu have some art & yu had better owne it and come out then stay in pson. I confest. The Old Le brought me out to ye Emperror, wch y Daan seinge, was offended wth this Ld my freinde, intending to [have] psented me to ye Empror the first.
(To be continued.)
Whatever the names in the text may represent, the modern names are Sakkar and Rohri,
The writer means the mashak or inflated skin, on which the river-side man rides on the water in the great
rivers of North India.
The writer now muddles up his journey to Baluchistan towards Persia with some travels he had made in the Tamil Country on the Coromandel Coast!

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FOLKTALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA.
Collected by William Crooke. (Continued from p. 150.)
XIV.
The Wiles of Women 15 There was once an evil woman who sent for her lover while her husband was away, and Was sitting with him in the courtyard when her husband suddenly returned. She blew out the lamp at once and threw her sheet over her lover. When her husband came in, he asked her why she was sitting in the dark. She said: "Why should I keep a lamp burning in such an evil quarter of the town? We must remove at once to some other place." He asked her the reason for this sudden resolve and she said: “If we live bere we shall lose our good name as the wife of our neighbour, the potter, did. One night, in the absence of her husband, she admitted her lover and they were sitting together, when her husband returned and she blew out the light and covered her lover with her sheet. Then she did this." - And with the word she threw the sheet over her husband's head while her lover escaped. "This was what she did," said she, "and managed to get her lover away."
The poor husband was such a fool that he never suspected what she was about.
i
xv.
God's Care of His Creatures.16 A fowler was once ort catching birds in the jungle when suddenly he heard some partridges calling in a bush. So he made a plan. He loosed his hawk to hover over them and prevent them from escaping. Then he set fire to the bush and sat outeide on the path by which they must escape, with his bow and arrow ready to kill them. Now there was a black snake also in the bush, and when he heard the crackling of the fire he crept out and bit the fowler in the foot. When he felt himself bitten, he let his arrow fly and it struck and killed his hawk, Then heavy shower suddenly appeared and the fire was put out and the partridges saved from destruction. Hence the lines of the poet :
Jako rákhai Saiyan, mári na sakai koi :
Bál na banká karisakai, jo jag bairí hoe. “Him whom the Lord protects none can kill: even if the whole world be his enemy, they cannot even bend a hair of his head."
XVI.
The Julaha and the Mouse.17 There was once a Jalâha who went to bring his wife home from her father's house. When he came in he saw a moose ranning about, and, wishing to show his bravery, he took op
18 Told by Parmanand, Gaur Brahman, of Jataal, Saharanpur District, and recorded by Pandit Ramgharth Chaube.
16 Told by Kasht Din, Kayasth of Sarh, Cawnpur District, and recorded by Sandar Lal, master of the village school at Sarh.
1. Tola by Kohari Sinh of Shamsabad, Farrukhabad Distriot.

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his bludgeon and killed it. When his bride came out and saw this she was disgusted and said:
Agar dant, bagar dant, ek ddnt bhari;
Wuh mud kaun jisne yih mui mari. “There are all sorts of teeth and one big one amongst them, Bad luck to the wretch who killed this creature !"
When the Juláha heard this he was wroth, and when his wife asked him to come and eat, he would not touch the food.
When her mother heard this she said: "Let me manage him." So she went to him and said:
Agar dant, bagar dant, ok ddnt bhari;
Wuh bir kaun jiene yih sher mdri, “There are all sorts of teeth and one big one amongst them. Who is this hero who has killed the tigress ? " When the Juldha heard this, his wrath was appeased and he went in and ate his dinner quite contented.
XVII,
The Content between Fever and Itch,18 One day Fever and Itch had a dispute as to which was the greater. So they went on together, and Fever went to stay with an Ahîr and Itch with a Brâhman. In spite of the Fever the Ahir, who was a sturdy fellow, went about his usual work, and Fever had no peace as long as he was there, because he had always to be moving about. But when Itch went to stay with the Bråbman, he went to bed and lay quiet. After a while Fever disliked his quarters and went to see how Itch was getting on. When Fever came he said to Itch: "What a good timo you are having ! Yon stay in bed all day and do nothing but eat." Itch answered: “This is not bad if this Bribmaş would only scratch me gently ; but he must rub me with sulphur and bits of dry cowdung and I am in great trouble."
So they both went back to the Ahir, and when Fever came upon him his body became as hot as fire, and Itch was sorely troubled, So Itch said: “This will not do for me. I like the one as little as the other. I will try a Chamar." - The Chamar treated him as he wished, and so the Itch has stayed with the Chamârs ever since and Fever remained with the Abirs.
XVIII,
Why Monkeys do not fall from trees, 18 Once upon a time there were a number of monkeys who lived in one community, in the jungle. One of them ran away with the wife of one of their band, and the other monkeys tarned him out of the brotherhood. One day he came to them and said: "It is only among town people that it is considered a fault to run away with the wife of another, and this rule has never been applied to the jangle folk. I propose that in future we have our wives in common, and whoever takes one to himself his punishment is to fall from a tree."
All the monkeys agreed to his words, and since then there is no law of marriage among them and no one ever has to fall from a tree.
11 Told by Akbar Shah Manjhi, of Manbaan, Dudhi, Mirzapur Distriot, and recorded by Aisi Himid Husin.

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XIX.
The Danger of offending a Poet.10 It is very dangerous to offend a poet, as whenever he says an uncomplimentary thing about any one it is sure to come to pass. In proof of this the following tale is told :
There was once a poet named Kali Charn, who went to the house of a rich Zamindar tamed Râmdayâl. In the morning, as he was going away, he got only eight annas instead of the usual rupee. So he recited the following verses: -
Aur phal meré man hin na bhdwai, bhdwat hai Karsailá kd;
Kali Charan bichári kahain - Manh thaila hai Ramdaila ká.
“1 care for no flower but that of the stinking Karsaila. Kali Charan says with deliberation that the month of Râmdayal is like a bag."
So he went in anger, and hardly had he gone when a wasp stung Râmdayal and his face swelled up like a bag. Thus was the evil wish fulfilled.
XX.
The Shibboleth of the Musalman.20 There was once a Musalman who was a great friend of a Brâhman. Now the Brahman was constantly being invited to feasts, and when he came back he used to tell the Musalman what dainties he had been eating. The Musalman's mouth watered when he heard the account of all these good things, and he used to long to have a chance of enjoying such excellent fare. So one day he said to the Brahman: "My dear friend, you are always telling me about these famous dinners to which you are so often invited, but you never think of your 'poor comrade who never gets the chance of sharing in them." The Brêbman answered: “Well, if you have never tasted such good things I will try and smuggle you in some day among the other Brahmans when there is a nagar bhoj (a feast to which all the town is invited)."
Soon a great merchant (se!h) gave a nagar bhoj and asked all the Brahmaņg of the neighbourhood. The Brahman got a Brahmanical cord (janeo), put it round the neck of the Musalman, marked his forehead with sandalwood paste, put a Brahman's turban on his head, and gave him a lotá and a Salagrama, and taught him the way to behave when they joined the feast.
When all the Brahmans were crowding into the house of the Seth, the Musalman crept in too and took his place in the line of guests. Food was served round to all, and the Musalman got his share like the others.
When his first helping was exhausted, he called out to the Brahman who was serving round the food : "O Miyân, please give me some more (Aji Miydi, sara idhar Ido).” When they heard him speak in this way, the Brahmans began to suspect that something was wrong. One of them asked him who he was. He replied: "Be silent. God (Khudd) has given food to thoe and to me. Why do you grudge me my share ? Take thine and go thy way."
When they heard him nse the name of " Khudd," the Brahmans became still more suspicious, and insisted on knowing who he really was. He replied: "I am a Gaus Brahman." " Which Gaus?" they asked, to which he answered: "O God! is there more than one kind of Gaur ?" (Ya Khudd, kya Gauroi mek bhi Gaur hote hain ?). When they heard this, the Brâhmang shonted : * Verily, this rascal is not a Brahman at all." And they all fell upon him. Then the Musalman cried out : “ Why do you not believe that I am a Brahman when (pointing to his Salagrâma) here in my box is the sdlá ghuldm (whoregon slave)."
Told by M. Gauri Shankar Lal, Unao Distriet. • Told by Pandit Chandra Sekhar, of the Zillah school, Cawapar.

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This convinced them at last, and they all fell upon him and nearly killed him before he was able to escape from their company.
Note. The tale is told to illustrate the proverb:
Sikhal pie darbar ko nahin jdie. "The sons of the instructed do not answer at a public meeting."
XXI.
The Oman of the Pandavas.21 len of the old tine tell that when the Kauravas and the Pandavas were about to fight the great fight recorded in the Mahabharata, and they were about to set up a pillar of victory on the field of battle, the four Pandavas asked their brother Sahadeva to give them a good omen, so that they might come out victorious. Sahadeva said : “Go and search for a man who is the slave of his own wife. Bring him into the field of battle. Then a number of jackals will collect there and they will give you the omen which you desire."
When he heard this, Bhima went off in search of a man who was slave to his wife. Nuw in a village near there lived a Telf or oilman, whose wife used to sit on her cot while ber hustand cooked and did all the work of the house. When he had finished cooking he used to feed his wife, and when she had finished he would then eat the scrape himself.
One day it so happened, that while he was cooking the morning meal the fire went out. He went out and asked all the neighbours for fire, but no one would give him any. Then his wife said:
If you apply lạo dye (mahávar) to my feet and take me on your shoulders into the village, I may be able to get fire for you."
So the oilman put lac dye on the feet of his wife, and then took her on his shoulders and brought her into the village. He took her round from house to house, asking every one for fire, and all the children of the village laughed and mocked him as a fool.
When Bhima saw this he knew that he had found a man to serve his purpose. So he pulled his wife from off his shoulders and bringing him to the field of battle killed and buried him. Then he climbed into a tree close by and hid himself in the branches.
By and by a number of jackals collected and dug up the corpse of the oilman, and one jackal smelling it said: “This man's fiesh is anfit for our food." The other jackals asked him why this Was so, and he answered: “ This man never did a good action in the whole of his lifetime, because he was the slave of his wife, and therefore his head is impure. He never heard a holy text (mantra) from his religious guide (qurú) and therefore nis ears are impure. He never ate the food dedicated to Nârâyaņa, and therefore his belly is impure. He never gave alms with his hands and therefore they are impure. He never pronounced the name of Rama with his tongue and therefore it is impure. So all the parts of his body are impure."
When they heard this all the young jackals said: “Verily, all his body is impure, but what are we to eat, and we are dying of hunger." The old jackal replied: "Have patience for this day only. To-morrow a great battle will take place; millions of heroes will fall on the field of battle and their flesh we will eat."
Then the young jackals asked: "And which side will be victorious in the fight?" The old jackal answered : " That side will be victorious whose drums first sound on the morning of the battle."
Then the jackals went away, and Bhima, who heard all they said, came down from the tree and went and told all this to his brethren.
11 Told by Govind R&m, teacher of the school at Ujrai, District Aligarh, N.-W. P.

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Next day at early dawn the Pandavas beat their drums while the Kauravas slept, and so they wore victorious in the great battle which ensued.
ΧΧΙΙ.
The Saint who brought the Rain.92 There was once a land in which there was no rain for many years, and the people suffered from sore famine. The Rajâ called the Paņdits and consulted them. They said: “The reason the rain does not fall is because there is no piety (dharm) in the land." So the Raja issued a proclamation that all his subjects were to continually repeat the name of Râma and do works of charity. They did so, but still the rain was withheld.
The Raja again summoned the Pandits and consulted them. They said: "On a certain peak of the Himalaya there lives an ascetic who spends his time absorbed in de votion. If he were to come the rain would fall."
So the Râjâ sent his envoys to the saint, but he drove them from his presence and refused to come to the Raja. Then the Râjâ offered a vast reward to any one who could bring the saint to him. Many went on this mission, bat all returned unsuccessful. At last the king's daughter said that she would go and bring the saint. So she went to him and found him, as usual, absorbed in devotion. Then she plucked some jungle fruits and placed them in his water-pot, and after & while he was filled with passion for her and she lived with him and bore a child.
When her child was born she said to him: "Now that you have & wife and child, you must find support for them. Let us go to the conrt of the Raja." So she took him to her father, and as soon as he reached the kingdom, the rain fell abundantly.
ΧΧΙΙΙ.
A Wife who was & Shrew.23 There was once a Panjabi Banyà who had a wife who he supposed was most faithful and obedient. One day he thought that he would test her obedience. So, as it was a feast day, be bought the materials for a good dinner and told his wife to cook it. Meanwhile, he went out on some business and returned very hot and thirsty. He said to his wife : "Give me a drink of water." "Can't you see," she replied, " that I am busy? Go and get it yourself." "I am dying of thirst," he said ; " do give me a drink." "You may die or live," said she, “but I won't leave my work." Soon after he fell from exhaustion into a dead faint. And when his wife looked round she thought he was really dead, but still she would not go to him till she had finished frying the cakes.
After some time, when the cakes were ready, she said to herself: "I had better wait and see the cakes get cool before I attend to him." When they were cool, she thought to herself: "When the neighbours hear he is dead, they will all come running into the house, and some one will be sure to eat the cakes, so I had better oat them myself before any one comes." So she ate all the cakes, and then came and sat beside her husband and began the keening for the dead : “My beloved ! Thou hast gone to Paradise ! Dost thou ever think of her thou hast left bebind on earth P" • The Bany, who had just recovered from his faint, replied : “When I went to heaven I began to think, has she eaten the battermilk as well as the cakes?'” Then he fell on her and began to thrash her, and when she screamed the neighbours came running in and asked him why he was thrashing her, and when he told them what she had done, they said, “ She is an evil wife. We advise you to get rid of her at once." So he kicked her out and took another in her stead. -
Told by Mukund LAI, Kkyaath of Mirzapur. * Told by Kumarpal, Thakor of Bazárt, Mathura District.

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BOOK-NOTICE. SANSKRIT-LESXBUCI. ZUR EINFÜABUNG IN DIE 5. The Kumdra-sambhava, Canto I., with ALTINDTBCK SPRACKE UND LITERATUR. VON BRUNO
English translation in verse by Griffith. LIEBICH. Leipzig, 1905. Pp.i-I., 1–651. 4°.
The last named has also extracts from the PROFEBBOR BRUNO LIEBICH's Sanskrit Reader is
Sanskrit commentary, in order to introduce the new both in form and method. It is intended for
student to this style of prose. beginners, to whom the Déva-rúng is absolutely
The whole concludes with a full vocabulary, strange, and yet it plunges at once into the
Sanskrit and German, in which each form of each middle of things, and, without any previous explanation beyond a brief account of the rules of
word as it occurs in the texta is carefully sundhi, introduces the student directly to the
registered. masterpieces of Sanskrit literature. To us, who I do not think that there can be any doubt groaned in our salad days over pages and pages
that if a person entirely ignorant of things Indian of paradigms - the driest of the dry - this is
took up this book and read it as Professor Liebich a sufficiently startling innovation, but I am not
tells him he wishes him to read it, he would at all sure that it is not a step, and a great step, acquire a very competent knowledge of Sanskrit in the right direction. It is a development of the
ir a comparatively short time, and with a Ollendorfilan system along a path strewn with minimum of that dry grinding away at flowers, and the method inculcated is certainly uninteresting formulas which is a stumbling-block one which I have found practicable and practical tu so many students of tbis noble language. in the case of several languages for which no After he has gone through those parts of the grammars or dictionaries are available.
Reader that interest him, and has a certain Of course the success of such a manner of
practical familiarity with the tongue as used in its teaching depends on the form in which it is best literature, it will be time for him to take up conveyed, and this brings us to a description of the study of grammar, which in his case will be the the contents of the work before us. After a
coping stone, not the foundation, of his efforts. couple of pages devoted to telling the reader how
The book has other uses. I am myself not to use the materials offered to him, we have ashamed to confess that I am often glad to read a short account of Sanskrit pronunciation and
in European tongue versions of masterpieces three pages in which the mysteries of external which I have previously studied in Sanskrit. sandhi are explained. This last is the only thing
Here we have a capital anthology of translations, that the learner has to make himself acquainted with the original text at hand for purposes of with before commencing to read bis Nala. He comparison. is, for instance, expected to be aware of the fact Again, while the book will introduce Sanskrit that nald in nalo náma is for nalas, because as to Europeans, it will equally well introduce becomes a before a sonant consonant, and so on German to Sanskrit Pandits. If even half-a-dozen for other external changes.
good Pandits are helped to acquire German by its Then come the 335 pages of text and translation, pages, it will have done excellent work. The upper half of each page has the text
GEORGE A. GRIERSON. in the Roman character, and the lower balf a translation, not a word-for-word, literal, Da. SÖRENSEN'S INDEX TO THE NAMRE IN THX translation, but a free version by some well
MAHİBRİBATA, Part II. known writer. The following are the contents A full notice of Part I. of this work, from the of this portion of the book :
pen of Dr. Fleet, appeared ante, Vol. XXXIV. 1. The Nala, with German translations in pp. 91 fr. Part II., containing the entries
prose and verse by Rückert and Ambusayin-Asura, has since been published. Kellner.
The most important article in this part is that 2. The Panchatantra, Book I., with German on Arjuns, which is practically a synopsis of
translation in prose and verse by the entire Epic. Fritze.
Dr. Fleet has given so full an account of 3. The Kathasaritadgara, Book I., with Dr. Sörensen's great work in his review of tho
English translation in prose by first part that it is unnecessary to say more in its Tawney.
praise on the present occasion, except that the 4. The Niti, Šringdra, and Kairdgya- second part maintains the high level of
datakas of Bhartfihari, with German scholarship and accuracy which distinguished its translations in prose and verse from predecor. various sources.
G. A. G.

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PYGMY FLINTS.
185
PYGMY FLINTS.1
BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A. I.C.S. (RETD.).
T
HE study of the minute implements made of flint and allied minerals, to which the convenient descriptive name of Pygmy Flints has been given, is a curious branch of prehistoric archæology which has fascinated a few enquirers during the last thirty years. The subject, which was not mentioned in the first edition of Evans' Ancient Stone Implements,' published in 1872, has been accorded a page of special discussion in the second edition of that work issued twenty-five years later. Sir John Evans' treatment of the little implements is, however somewhat meagre, and they seem to deserve more ample investigation.
In England the most enthusiastic seeker after 'pygmies' is the Rev. Reginald Gatty, now Rector of Hooton Roberts, near Rotherham, Yorkshire, who has obligingly communicated to me the notes on the Indian finds recorded by the late Mr. A. C. Carlleyle, as well as his own valuable personal observations. The same gentleman was good enough, at my instance, to present a set of minute scrapers,' found by him at Scunthorpe in Lincolnshire, to the Museum of Cheltenham College, where they may now be seen in a table-case, accompanied by a set of photographs of Indian specimens in the National Museum, Dublin, which I obtained by the kind help of Mr. George Coffey, Curator of the Department of Antiquities in that institution. These photographs, of full size, are reproduced in the Plate attached. The British Museum possesses a good set of 'pygmies,' collected by Dr, Colley March on the Rochdale moors in E. Lancashire, and also a set of Mr. Carlleyle's Indian specimens. Other examples may be seen in the Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford, and sundry museums in Great Britain and on the Continent. The sets in the British Museum are duly noticed and illustrated in Mr. C. H. Read's admirable little 'Guide to the Antiquities of the Stone Age,' published in 1902, which, notwithstanding its modest form and nominal price, is both an adequate introduction to larger works, and in itself a substantial addition to knowledge.
The 'pygmies' having been discovered first in India by the late Mr. Carlleyle, it will be well to begin by quoting verbatim his notes, as placed at my disposal by the Revd. Mr. Gatty.
"In the cold season of 1887-8," Mr. Carllyle wrote, "I found some small flakes, etc., "of agate, jasper, and chert, near Sohagi Ghat on the northern scarp of the Vindhyas, "to the south of the Allahabad District [about thirty miles S. S. W. from Allahâbâd]. And "I remember being then very much pleased with a particularly fine crescent-shaped object, made of "white creamy chalcedonic agate, and of the same type-form as the small crescent-shaped "implements which some years afterwards I found in such numbers in caves and rock-shelters on "the Vindhyas. I had even then also (1867-8), and in the same locality near Sohagi Ghat, already "noticed some faded paintings in red colour in a recess of a low cliff under some overhanging rocks. "In Rajputâna I found some worked flakes of quartzite and one of basalt, and numerous small flakes of carnelian and agate.3
"But it was in the years 1880 and 1881 that my own principal and especial "discoveries were made of great numbers of the beautiful little Indian stone "implements of the peculiar types of the crescent, triangular, scalene, and rhomboidal "forms, and others with one end more or less elongated to a point. These discoveries were
1 Portions of this essay were read at the meeting of the Cotteswold Naturalists' Field Club, held at Gloucester, on the 9th January, 1908, and an abstract, dealing especially with the English phenomena, will appear in the Proceedings of the Club. [The photographs in the Plate attached are attributed to the author by an error. - ED.] 2 Finds at places in the Jaypur State are briefly mentioned in Archeol. Reports, VI. 107, 108, 161.

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" made by myself, mostly in the years 1880 to 1881, - that is [to say], the best, finest, and most " numerous of them in caves and under rook-shelters in the Vindhya Hills, " in Bagholkhand, to the south of the Mirzapur District, and in the northerly parts of “ Biwa.
"But some fow also I obtained in parts of the Kaimur range further south, and "following that I found other specimens of similar types, but of somewhat ruder and coarser "workmanship, on low ground in Bundelkhand, to the west of the former locality; where, I may "mention, I first pointed them out to an acquaintance (probably, Mr. F. Cockburn) who happened "to be there collecting the larger and more bulky implements of the more recent neolithic types, - and "since then, other persons have made known their finds of similar small implements to which this led. “I have, it seems, simply been myself too tardy in bringing my prior discoveries into public notice.
• The caves, rock-hollows, and rock-shelters in which these peculiar small implements were “ specially found by myself in the greatest numbers and in the greatest perfection are, as I said, "situated in the Vindhya range, in Baghệlkhand. The rock in which these hollows occur is "an induratod reddish-brown sandstone, belonging to the well-known Vindhyan series “of the Indian geological system. These caves, hollows, and rock-shelters are, of course, of natural "formation. They have all the appearance of having been hollowed out by the agency of water.
" Whenever any earth or soil or fine sandy gra vel was left on the floors of any of the " caves or rock-shelters, there one was sure to find numbers of small implements and flakes " formed of agate, ohert, and jasper. Some few lay exposed here and there on the surface, but "the majority were found in the soil, by digging for them. The depth of soil left in such "caves and under such rock-shelters varied from a minimum of about six inches to one foot and a half "and two feet up to a maximum of from two feet and a balf to three feet; though in some of the " deeper hollows of the uneven floors it might even be more, or as much as four feet. But " allowance must always be made for the constant washing-away of the surface-soil by water during " the heavy rains of the Indian rainy season, which may either drift into or percolate through such "caves. But this, at the same time, often helps to bring these stone implements to the surface; there "being in this case no accumulation, but a constant denudation of the soil.
"At the very bottom, or in the lowest stratum of the soil in the floors of such caves in which " the soil was of any considerable depth, the implements were always found to be of an older "and more archaic type than the rest. At a medium depth, undisturbed layers of embers and "charcoal (that is, of hearths) were frequently found, showing that such caves had been occupied " by the same human beings who manufactured the stone implements, and now and then it might even
be found that a few of the flakes, cores, and small implements had evidently, from their appearance, "been affected by fire.
> Mr. Carlleyle, so far as I on ascertain, never pnblished anything on this subject. The notes supplied by the Rev. Mr. Gatty are now published for the first time, I believe, and I do not know when they were written. The Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for February 1883 (p. 49) contains the following mention of a paper, as if it had been received by the Society : - "Notes on lately discovered sepulchral mounde, carna, caves, care paintings, and stone implements. By A. C. Carlleyle, First Assistant, Archeological Survey of India. In this paper Mr. Carlleyle enumerates all discoveries of interest lately made by him in the district of Mirzapur, and then gives a general account of his diroureries in Beghelkband, Bundelkband, and other places during the last nine years. This paper will be published in the Journal, Pt. I., 1883." But, unfortunately, for some reason not now ascertainable, the valuable communication so described was never printed or mentioned again. Mr. Car observed," imparted no information on either the nature or the localities of his discoveries, and his knowledge has died with him" (J.R. 4, 8., 1899, p. 89). Mr. Carlleyle's daughter was in possession in the year 1902 of certain papers of her father describing the care paintings or drawings, but they have not been brought to light. M. Seidler, who had charge of Mr. Carlleyle's collections, is now dead.

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Indian Antiquary.
PYGMY FLINTS
in the National Museum, Dublin, collected by the late A. C. Carlleyle, Assistant, Archäological Survey,
in caves and rock-shelters of the Vindhya Hills, India.
Labelled in the Museum as from Bagh Kôr, Morâhmâ Pahar Cave,
and Gharwi Pahari Cave. The exact position of these caves is not known. They are somewhere in Baghelkhand, either in the extreme south of the Mirzapur District, or in
the north of the Rewa State.
VINCENT A. SMITH, PHOTO.
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE.

Page #206


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JULY, 1906.]
PYGMY FLINTS.
187
"Lying along with the small implements in the undisturbed soil of the cave-floors, pieces "of a heavy red mineral colouring matter called gárd were frequently found, rubbed down on "one or more facets, as if for making paint this gérú being evidently a partially decomposed "hæmatite [iron peroxide].
"On the uneven sides or walls and roofs of many of the caves or rock-shelters there "were rock-paintings, apparently of various ages, though all evidently of great age, "done in the red colour called gérú. Some of these rude paintings appeared to illustrate in "a very stiff and archaic manner scenes in the life of the ancient stone-chippers; others represent "animals or hunts of animals by men with bows and arrows, spears, and hatchets.
"With regard to the probable age of these stone implements I may mention that I never "found even a single ground or polished implement, not a single ground ring-stone or hammer-stone in the soil of the floors of any of the many caves or rock-shelters I examined.
"I have found some fragments of very rude pottery, sometimes much worn, "buried in some, or a few only, of the caves, particularly near their entrance. But "one single cave, in particular, was entirely filled with pottery and ashes and nothing "else."
"Of the small implements, I may state that of crescent-shaped ones alone (without "counting any of the other forms), twelve hundred were found in two caves and two rock-shelters; and of these, five hundred were found in one cave only. Altogether "about four thousand of various sorts, including implements, flakes, and cores, were obtained "from these caves.
"I also excavated several prehistoric tumuli, or grave-mounds, in the valleys of the "Vindhya. range. In these mounds I found whole skeletons, but in such a friable condition that "not a single entire bone could be got out. I also discovered rude earthenware vessels and "fragments of pottery in the same mounds along with small stone implements and numerous "flakes. Among the smaller stone implements found in the mounds there were "several of exactly the same peculiar forms and types as those found in the caves, "leading to the conclusion that the men buried in the mounds were of the same race as the men of the caves. In six different mounds which I excavated I did not find a single bit of metal " of any kind."
The best locality in England for minute implements, exactly the same as those of the Vindhyas, except that they are even smaller, is Sounthorpe in Lincolnshire, which has been closely investigated by the Rev. Mr. Gatty. He described his researches in Man' for February 1902, and the following account of his discoveries is abstracted from that article and his correspondence with me.
The neighbourhood of Scunthorpe is level for the most part, but a ridge of hills rises abruptly from the plain, and extends to Lincoln for a distance of thirty miles. The 'pygmy flints are found in both the hills and plains, at isolated sites, of which seven are known. The whole district seems to have been covered with sand, which sometimes attains a depth of twenty feet and has a stratified appearance ascribable to the action of wind. The drifted sand forms mounds, occasionally as much as ten feet high, but usually much less. The pygmy flints are found on the floors of these mounds, in wind-blown depressions of irregular and shifting shape, which vary in dimensions, ranging from a length of twenty-four feet with a width of twelve feet up to a square of fifty feet. Mr. Gatty has obtained considerably more than 200 pygmies' from one of these depressions, which, in his opinion, mark the sites of habitations or workshops.
Although Mr. Carlleyle does not say so expressly, this pottery evidently was hand-made, not turned on a wheel.

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Below the sand lies a bed of peat some four feet in thickness, and beneath this is a bed of valuable iron ore, which is now being worked. A horn and part of the skull of Bos primigenius (B. urus, Linn.) have been found in the peat. The remains of this animal, the urus of Caesar, are common in the Danish kitchen middens,' and are also found in the lake-dwellings of Continental Europe. (Lyell, Antiquity of Man, 2nd ed., pp. 14, 24, 25, 370.)
The pygmy flints are found only on the floors under the sand, not either in the superincumbent sand, or in the peat below.
Water is very scarce in the neighbourhood. There are no remains of earthworks or of implements suitable for fighting or the chase. The traces of Roman occupation seem to be of later date.
No large implements or polished tools occur with the 'pygmies' in the sand-holes. The few ordinary chipped implements of neolithic type, which are found occasionally, are of very rough fashion, being mostly mere flakes, with an occasional coarsely made arrow-head, and seem, from their stratigraphical position, to belong to the same period as the miniature ones.
The most common form of the latter is an irregular quadrilateral or rough circle, which may be termed a 'scraper.' A triangular form occurs occasionallya right-angled isosceles triangle with a base considerably longer than the sides. The scrapers' are so minute that sixty-four of the circular shape weigh less than half an ounce. These often show traces of wear on the edges. A few triangular arrow-heads occur, some of which are only ths of an inch long. The crescent-shaped implements, so abundant in the Vindhyan caves, are rare at Scunthorpe. M. Seidler, formerly Curator of the Museum at Nantes, into whose hands Mr. Carlleyle's notes and collections passed, has compared the Vindhyan and Scunthorpe forms, with the following result:
Smallest crescent ..
scalene...
rounded and pointed
rhomboidal and trapezoidal
32
Vindhya. inch.
...
16
33
Scunthorpe. inchi.
19
37
It thus appears that while the specimens from both localities agree exactly in form, the sizes at Scunthorpe are considerably smaller. Mr. Gatty emphasizes the fact of the exact agreement in form by the explicit statements that "Carlleyle's four types [i. e., those mentioned by M. Seidler] appear at Scunthorpe line for line, angle for angle. This is not the case with arrow-heads or even scrapers, which vary all over the world... The Indian caves produced four special implements. All these occur at Scunthorpe, and if you mix them with Indians,' you can only separate them by picking out those of chalcedony for Indian, though even this is not safe, as some of the Scunthorpes' are made of chalcedony." The specimens obtained by Dr. Colley March on the Rochdale moors similarly agree' flint for flint' with the Indian and Scunthorpe types, so that no mistake is possible.'
""
39
No cores have been found at Scunthorpe, althongh Mr. Carlleyle obtained them freely in India, and they also occur in Belgium, where they are about an inch in height. The core found by Sir John Evans at Weaversthorpe in Yorkshire, which is only 85 inch high, evidently was used for the manufacture of minute implements like those found at Scunthorpe. (Anc. Stone Implements, 2nd ed., p. 276, fig. 189.)
Scunthorpe is not the only English site for pygmies,' but nowhere else are they found so small in size, and in such immense numbers. Mr. Gatty has, however, obtained thousands on the surface of the valley of the Don, between Sheffield and Doncaster; and a collection made by Dr. Colley March in the Pennine Hills, between Bradfield and Sheffield (E. Lancashire), is in the

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JULY, 1906.]
PYGMY FLINTS.
British Museum. Other English localities are Sevenoaks and Sittingbourne in Kent, a kitchen midden' at Hastings, and Lakenheath near Brandon in Suffolk. A set from the last-named place is preserved at Cambridge, and Dr. Gatty found some specimens were himself. He considers the Scunthorpe, Pennine Hills, and Lakenheath specimens only to be in exact agreement with those from India. The small implements found at other English sites are larger and coarser and not of the characteristic Indian forms. No examples from Scotland or Ireland have been recorded. In all, eight or ten English localities are known to Mr. Gatty as sites where minute implements are found, but of these only the three above named supply precisely the
Indian forms.
189
The foreign sites for miniature flint implements, agreeing closely in some cases at all events with the Vindhyan forms, are numerous. Mr. Read (op. cit. p. 109) states that "these minute and finely-chipped specimens of characteristic crescent, triangular, and rhomboidal forms are often called 'pygmy flints,' and are found in India (Wall, Case 43 and p. 101), Palestine, Egypt (Gallery, Case 152), North Africa, Southern Spain, Belgium," in addition to the English localities. Dr. Sturge of Nice, who possesses an exceptionally fine collection of large and small flint implements, found, as Mr. Gatty informs me, vast quantities of Indian types of 'pygmies' in 'a very restricted area' at Helouan (Helwan) in Egypt, and is much impressed by the very localised' distribution of the implements of this class in all parts of the world where they have been found. Besides the countries named by Mr. Read, 'pygmies' are said to be found in the Crimea and at Sinai. I have not, however, examined fully the accounts of the finds in all these regions, and in some cases the implements referred to may be merely small specimens of ordinary neolithic types, and not the characteristic forms of the Vindhyas, Scunthorpe, and Helwân.
C
The discoveries of pygmies' in Belgium have been very fully described and beautifully illustrated by M. É. de Pierpoint in an essay entitled Observations sur de très Petits Instruments en Silex, provenant en plusieurs stations Néolithiques de la région de la Meuse,' from which I proceed to abstract the principal statements.
The country in the valley of the Mense is full of traces of different periods of the Stone Age, but the 'pygmies' are found only in particular localities, and chiefly in the province of Namur, between the town of that name and Dinant, distant about fifteen miles to the South.
The implements, although not quite so small as those from Scunthorpe, are characterised by their minute size and delicate finish (ce qui les caractérise, c'est leur petitesse et leurs retouches délicates); and occur in five or six distinct forms. The crescent-shaped implements, bounded on the outside by an arc of a circle, and on the inside by a chord or a slightly bent curve, which are found at Cave No. 3 of Goyet in this region, are of somewhat large dimensions, about half an inch in length. This cave is considered to belong to the age of the mammoth. Crescents with blunt edges, which evidently were intended for use as blunt instruments, are sometimes found. The author notes that the crescent-shaped 'pygmies' occur also in the French province of Dordogne and at several localities in Spain, cluding Aguilar in Murcia. The implements in the shape of a scalene triangle are said to be characteristic of neolithic stations. The delicately worked straight-pointed flakes described as 'piercers' are said to extend from the end of the quarternary period of geology into the neolithic age, and seem to have been contemporary with the mammoth and rhinoceros.
Straight-pointed isosceles triangles with curved bases are plainly arrow-heads, and may be compared with the small iron arrow-heads now used in the Upper Congo region. But the examples
The 'pygmies' include trapezoidal,, as well as rhomboidal, Bulletin, Soc. Anthrop., Bruxelles, tome XIII., 1894-5.
forms,

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of this type of fint arrow-head figured by M. de Pierpoint are nearly an inch long, and, in my judgment, are not entitled to be considered as pygmies.
Trapezoidal forms, which are rare, occur at a place called Sarts à Soile (Bois Laitrie, Rivière), where M. de Pierpoint found 10,000 flakes and small flint chips in a space of sixty square mètres. The work at this station was almost confined to small pointed articles and blades or scrapers' (lames).
A few sites, for example Tentachanx, Tienne du loup, and the plain above the Chauvaux care, rarnish both petites pointes, or piercers, and polished neolithic axes. Two doliceeephalic skulls found in the neighbourhood suggest the remark that the palæolithic race has been interred in the midst of the neolithic civilization. Petites pointes two centimetres long (about the inch) occur at Steenbrugge in Western Flanders, and sundry small implements are found near Liège in the Luxembourg, and elsewhere.
The Spanish stations are very numerous, and the objects found there are extremely small.
M. de Pierpoint is of opinion that the pygmy' flints, although perhaps dating from the neolithic period, are the work of a population quite distinct from that which erected the lake-dwellings in Switserland. The suggestion is offered that the specimens found by Dr. Colley March under a deep peat bed on the summit of the Pennine Hills may bave been the work of an older population driven out of Yorkshire by the advancing tribes using polished implements. The minute types, according to the Belgian scholar, are the work, not of & conquering, but of a retreating and vanishing people.?
In this connexion I may cite the words of a letter, dated January 4th, 1906, from the veteran archæologist, Canon Greenwell of Durham: "As you are living at no great distance from a district of Gloucestershire, where I once opened barrows, I should like to draw your attention to a very remarkable and inexplicable circumstance. The locality was near Stow-on-the-Wold. Mr. Royce, the then Vicar of Nether Swell, had made a very large collection of flint implements, having paid labourers, etc., to bring him everything they found, which seemed out of the way. He had thousands of arrow-points, knives, scrapers, etc., of flint; but, except a piece of an ordinary ground stone-axe, he had no larger implement. The same has occurred in Gatty's experience at Bradfield and Hooton, where small implements are found by thousands, and no larger ones occur. On the Yorkshire wolds larger and smaller are equally abundant. It is a very puzzling question, which has, possibly, already engaged your attention."
The opinions of M. de Pierpoint give some support to the theory advocated by Mr. J. A. Brown and the Bev. Mr. Gatty that the 'pygmies' are the work of a special race which emigrated from the East and made its way as far as Lincolnshire and Yorkshire. Mr. Gatty feels convinced that the resemblance between the Indian and the Scunthorpe pygmies' is so exact that it can be explained only by assuming that a migration took place in the Stone Age.' He argues that we have to consider that four types are repeated, and, -allowing for accidental similarity, it is hard to credit that four different implements should occar in both places precisely alike." If we make the ordinary assumption that the people in India and England unconsciously adopted the same forms because they were living in similar conditions, with similar needs, and the same material for supplying thein, it is reasonable to point out that the conditions of a plain in Lincolnshire differ widely from those of the Vindhyan hills. Moreover, the manufacture of pygmies' is by no means co-extensive with the neolithic civilization. It is strictly localized, and the pygmy' stations
7 "Cette industrio, bien que datant de l'age actuelle, ne peut se confondre avec celle de l'age de la pierye polie. C'est l'ouvre d'une pouplade se distinguant absolument de celle qui créa la civilisation dito rolenhausienne" (p. 18). Rohenhausen is one of the typicad Swiss lake-dwelling stations. "Co ne'est pas un people conquérant, mais une race refoulée, qui tend à s'éteindre" (p. 17)..

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PYGMY FLINTS.
191
die often either quito unconnected with or, if pear to, are distinct from neolithic stations of the usual kind. The pygmies' are not merely small examples of the ordinary neolithic stock-in-trade. At Scurthorpe and the other sites where their peculiarities are distinctly marked, they form an independent series of special forms of arrow-beads, borers, scrapers, and other tools, which suggest the furniture of a doll's house. The profusion in which these little implements occur is also held to be an indication that they are the work of a separate race. It does not seem likely that the neolithic man accustomed to the use of full-sizer tools, whether chipped or polished, would sit down and manufacture as an extra these tiny implements to such an extent that hundreds are found on the floor of a single hut.
Clearly those arguments are not without force, but they have failed to convince either Sir John Evans or Mr. O. H. Bead. The former authority observes that "curiously "enough, identical forms have been found in some abundance on the Vindhyan Hills and in the Banda "district, India, at Helouan [Helwan), Egypt, and in the district of the Mouse, Belgium. Such an "identity of form at places geographically so remote does not imply any actual communication between "those who inade the tools, but merely sbows that some of the requirements of daily life, and the “means at command for fulfilling them being the same, tools of the same character have been developed, "irrespective of time and space."
Mr. C. H. Read, who has illustrated the 'pygmies' more fully, also alludes to the theories of Messrs. Brown and Gatty with the remark that "the curious persistence of the same forms in all "these countries has led to the conjecture that they are the work of one and the same race; but the "same argument might be used to prove that the barbed stone arrow-heads of Europe, Japan, and "North America were the productions of a single people. However, it may be explained, the "similarity of form is sufficiently striking to deserve careful attention."
Thege criticisms, although sound enough so far as they go, do not completely satisfy the mind. A barbed arrow-head is an implement of manifest utility in all countries, and the form is one whicb must inevitably suggest itself to all races of men. But the supposed independent inventions in India, Egypt, and England of all the four characteristic forms of the pygmy flints' is a different case, which does not seem to be explained adequately by the observations of Sir John Evans and Mr. Read. The theory of the migration from India to Europe of a peculiar rece specially addicted to the manufacture of pygmy flints,' which settled only in certain widely scattered localities, obviously is at best equally open to objection and it is difficult to work out that theory in a plausibly coherent form so as to give a probable explanation of the puzzling facts.
The question of the people who made these tiny implements is to some extent mixed up with the question of the uses to which the implements were applied. All sorts of guesses have been hazarded. Various writers have suggested that the little tools may have been used for engraving bone, tattooing, trepanning and such occasional purposes. But, manifestly, such explanations are properly applicablo only to a very small namber' of objects. The pygmies,' of course, might have been used for any or all the purposes named, and probably actually were so used ; because when people had nothing but flint to make tools and weapons of, flint implements had to be turned to every purpose for which they could be utilized. But sach casual user will not explain the facts that Carlleyle found five hundred of the pygmies' in a single small cave, and that Mr.-Gatty collected more than two hundred from the floor of a single hat at Scunthorpe. Implements made in such profusion must have been manufactured to satisfy somne general want, and not merely as the special tools of experts employed occasionally. The need of sewing clothes is such a general want, and I have no doubt that the pointed forms were employed as needles and awls, in addition probably to other uses. It seems likely, as has been suggested, that thu delicate little implements of the
pygmy' olass were the handiwork of the women. Possibly, this may be the explanation in part of their very localized distribution. It may be that in. neolithic times the women of some tribes
Ancient Stone Implements, and ed., p. 395.
• Guide to the Antiquities of the Stone Ago, p. 110.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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were trained to such work, while those of others were not; and that the tribes in which the women so occupied themselves were originally connected one with the other. The facts of the neolithic incipient civilization regarded as a whole undoubtedly do suggest extensive and prolonged migrations from east to west, and the reality of a close ancestral connection between the eastern and western populations of the period.
Bat the implements are not all possible needles or awls, M. de Morgan, as quoted by Sir John Evans, regarded the crescents as arrow-heads, an opinion with which Sir John cannot agree. It is true that crescent-shaped arrow-heads are known, but the tiny crescents among the Vindhyan and Scunthorpe 'pygmies' do not seem to be well adapted for use as arrow-heads.
The best general explanation for the modes of use of the pygmjes' is the assumption that they were always fixed in handles and holders, and utilized then in all sorta of ways. No mention is made of their being found in association with worked bones, and if the handles were made of bone, some traces of them should have been found. Probably, therefore, the handles were made of wood, which of course has perished utterly. Montelius, when discussing the neolithic condition of Sweden, states that "the spear and arrow-heads were usually made of flint - sometimes of bone. Even the latter were often provided, as fig. 25 shows, with thin sharp flakes
of flint introduced into the furrowed grooves on the sides."10 Similar harpoonheads made of stag's horn were used in Denmark, of which a good illustration is given by Mr. Read, whose figure is reproduced by kind permission. The pygmies' in the shape of a scalene triangle - a rather puzzling form to explain - seem to me well adapted to be used as barbs in the manner indicated. The swallest of them are, it is true, smaller than the fakes used in Sweden and Denmark, but would suit an arrow-head of the size of ihe illustration, which would be serviceable against birds at all events. The pygmies,' as M. de Pierpoint has observed in a passage already quoted, are not the sort of work characteristic of a fighting, conquering race. Such delicate, 'finicking manufacture indicates rather & quiet, peaceful race, living possibly in dependence on or servitude to a more aggressive and combatant population. I suspect that this suggestion, which occurs to me, of the dependence or subjection of the pygmy. makers' may be the true explanation of the poouliar facts. Such dependent communities, with women trained to the domestic flint industry, might not be universally distributed through the neplithic world, although existing in many widely separated places. The hypothesis seems particularly well adapted to explain the distribution of hoth pygmies' and ordinary neoliths in the valley of the Meuse, as described in a previous page. The big implemeuts would be the work of the fighting superior race, while the little products of domestic industry would be the result of the labours of the peaceful dependents. The big and the little implements woald be found together or in distinct stations, according as the two races were intermingled or lived in separate settlements. Immigrants who had not brought dependents with them or found them already in the land would have no
pygmy implements, but wherever the inferior race bad encountered or followed their masters, the miniature tools would be produced in quantity and would form a serviceable supplementary addition to the mechanical resources of the community. The crescents, for instance, when fitted into a groove or grooves in a block of hard wood and secured by resin, would form fairly effective cutting instruments of sorts. The suggested theory may be carried
HARPOON-ABAD, WITH FLINT BARBS, DENMARK.
[Read Guide, . fig. 118.]
* The Civilisation of Sweden in Heathon Times, English trapal. (1888).

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PYGMY FLINTS.
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a little farther, and I venture to throw out the conjecture that the 'pygmies' are the last effort of expiring paleolithic man. We have seen that on the Pennine Hills they are found below ten feet of peat, and that in Belgium they are sometimes apparently contemporary with the mammoth and rhinoceros. M. Pierpoint, as already quoted, describes the finding of dolicocephalic skulls in the Meuse valley as a case of paleolithic man interred in the midst of the neolithic civilization.' I am disposed to extend the remark and apply it to the whole series of 'pygmy flints,' which may be regarded as the handiwork of paleolithic man situated as the dependent and victim of his aggressive neolithic successor. The assumption often made that a wide gap separates the paleolithic from the neolithic period in India and England is convenient as a cloak for our ignorance, but cannot well correspond with the facts. Such gaps do not occur in nature, and the neolithic people did not find the world unoccupied.
The observations made by Sir John Evans, when discussing the Weaversthorpe core already referred to, go a long way towards solving the difficulties felt in explaining the uses of the 'pygmy flints,' which manifestly are too small to be simply held in the hand like large stone tools, or even to be fitted into ordinary hafts.
"We have no conclusive evidence," Sir John Evans writes, "as to the purpose to which such "minute flakes were applied, but they may have been fashioned into drills or scraping or boring tools "of very diminutive size. Such small objects are so liable to escape observation, that though they "may exist in considerable numbers, they are but rarely found on the surface of the ground. Numerous flakes, however, quite as minute, with their edges showing evident signs of wear, "are present among the refuse left by the cave-dwellers of the Reindeer Period of the "South of France. As will subsequently be seen, these minute flakes have been also found in "Egypt and Asia, as well as in Britain. See fig. 232 A to 232 F [scil. the Vindhyau 'pygmies' and small implements from Hastings at p. 325]. There is a class of ancient Scandinavian "harpoon-heads, the stems of which are formed of bone with small flint flakes cemented into "a groove on either side so as to form barbs [as illustrated above from Read and Montelius]. Knives "of the ame kind are subsequently mentioned. [Some of the Australian savages about king "George's Sound make knives or saws... but, instead of one long flake, they attach a number "of small flakes in a row in a matrix of hard resin at one end of a stick. Spears are formed in the "same manner, p. 293.]
"Among the Australians we find very minute splinters of flint and quartz secured to wooden "handles by "black-boy' gum, and forming the teeth of rude saws and the barbs of javelins. Some "remarkably small flints have also been found in the diamond-diggings of South Africa in company "with fragments of ostrich-egg shell, such as with the aid of the flakes might have been converted "into the small perforated discs still worn as ornaments by the Bushmen."12
Even if the hypothesis that the pygmy flints of Scunthorpe, Helwân, and the Vindhyan caves were the work of a peculiar race be rejected, the facts collected by Sir John Evans, whose notes give the needfal references, suffice to prove that very minute flint implements can be utilised in practice for all sorts of purposes; and that it is by no means necessary to suppose that they were manufactured only for special occasions. It is hardly necessary to add that the facts clearly put out of court any suggestion that the 'pygmies' were merely amulets or intended for symbolical use at funerals or other ceremonies, like the miniature pottery and weapons sometimes found in prehistoric graves. The 'pygmies,' made in large quantity in the huts of the ancients, were certainly intended to serve human nature's daily needs, and the illustrations of
11 These may be regarded as the predecessors of the better-finished 'pygmies."
1 Ancient Stone Implements, 2nd ed. p. 277. The Australian facts support my theory by proving that such minute flint implements were recently used by savages in a very low state of barbarism, much like that of paleolithic man.

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Australian practice mentioned by Evans give the best clue to the modes of their actual use.
The following extract from MM. Perrot and Chipiez, Art of Primitire Greece (Vol. I. p. 120. citing Burnonf), gives further help in understanding how minute flint implements could be utilisud in sundry ways:
“In certain parts of Greece, Epirus, Thessaly, and Albania, the peasantry still use, to thrash out their corn, an instrumant called duriorpa, the tribulum of the Latins. It consists of a triangalar board, provided on its lower face with pointed flakes or flints, in length about one centimetre, and one centimetre across. Upon this plank, drawn by a single horso, stands the conductor, whip and reins in hand. The sharp stones chop up the straw and beat out the grain from the husks. That obsidian was used until recent times is highly probable, since pieces of this material are often found on the sites of ancient threshing floors.... Mr. Flinders Petrie lately discovered in the town of Kahan, formerly inhabited by workmen who built the Illahun pyramid, & sickle with wooden handle wherein blades of this kind scil. flints] were fixed with mastic to the curved edge of the tool; a number of the flint fragments still adhered to the wood."
The general result of all the illustrations cited is that men could find many uses for even very minute Aakes and points of flint, when securely mounted in handles of wood, bone, or horn.
Mr. Carlleyle's observations on the apparent association of the Vindhyan pygmy flints with cave-drawings, pottery and the practice of inhumation are of special interest as throwing some ligh: upon the stage of development reached by the makers of the little implements. At first sight it may appear incredible that rude scrawis upon cave walls should have endured for three or 'four thousand years, but the supposition is not in reality difficult of belief. The pigment used by the primitive artists was hematite, iron sesquioxide or peroxide, which, by Virtue of its chemical composition, is not liable to oxidation, the process by which the destruction of most other colouring materials is effected. If protected from mechanical injary there is no reason why drawings in iron peroxide should not last for countless millenniums, and the details given by Mr. Carlleyle leave little reason for donbt that the makers of the pygmies' were among the rude artists who, in the course of various generations, from time to time depicted scenes from their daily life on the walls of their poor habitations. It is most unfortunate that Mr. Carlleyle's copies of the drawings have not been published; but, luckily, the late Mr. J. Cockburn took some copies of similar drawings in caves of the Kann Hills, wbich bave been preserved and in part given to the world.
The drawings were discovered in the year 1880 by both Mr. Carlleyle and Mr. Cockburn, working independently, the former in Riwâ and Mirzapur, the latter in the Banda District farther west. The first publication on the subject was a paper by Mr. Cockburt, entitled 'On the recent existence of Rhinoceros Indicus in the North-West Provinces, and a description of an archaic work painting from Mirzapur, representing the hunting of this animal' (J. A. S. B., VOL. LII. (1883), Part II. pp. 56-64, with two plates ; abstract in Proc. A. S. B., 1883, p. 123). At the meeting of the Asiatic Society of Bengal before which this essay was read 'great doubt was expressed as to whether drawings made merely by hæmatite on the surface of sandstone could last in such perfect preservation for so long a time as was supposed by Mr. Cockburn,' who then was of opinion that the oldest drawings might be six or seven centnries old, but not older. Mr. Cockburn accepted the challenge thus offered, and showed good reason for believing that hæmatite might produce stains on sandstone capable of lasting for an indefinite time. He also modified his views concerning the antiquity of the cave drawings and was disposed to claim for them a very much older date than that which he assigned at first (Proc. A. S. B., 1884, pp. 141-5).
When I met Mr. Cockburn at Naini Tâl in 1898, be showed the popies the drawings in bis possession. I was much impressed by their interest and value and persuaded bim to publish them.

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Mr. Cockburn accordingly prepared a paper entitled 'Cave Drawings in the Kaimur Range, NorthWest Provinces, which appeared, with some notes added by me, in J. R. A. S., 1899, p. 99. The illustrations represented parts of three hunting scenes, reproduced on a very reduced scale. My impression is that these drawings collected by Mr. Cockburn are of very high antiquity, and it is quite possible that those found by Mr. Carileyle in the distinct region explored by him may be much older still. The discoverers fully admit that the drawings in the caves and rock-shelters of both the Vindhyan and Kaimûr ranges vary widely in date and extend over a long period; but the fact that some of them are comparatively modern does not preclude us from assigning high prehistoric antiquity to the oldest,
Mr. Cockburn states that most of these nearly inaccessible caves, if there is any earth on the floor, form veritable museums of prehistoric antiquities in the way of flint knives, cores, arrow-heads, celts, fragments of fossil and cbarred bone, pottery, etc.' Col, Rivett-Carnac, C.I.E., who was warmly interested in the subject, undertook to describe the larger implements found, and produced a valuable paper, illustrated by three plates (J. A. S. B., Part I., 1883). But Mr. Cockburn's promised account of the smaller implements was never published, and probably was never written. He has died since I quitted India in 1900. Consequently, it is impossible to say whether or not Mr. Cockburn found pygmy flints' in the Kainûr caves, where, as already noted, Mr. Carlleyle obtained a few.
I cannot find any further record of the pottery discovered by Mr. Carlleyle in association with the pygmy Aints. He gives no detailed description, but simply calls it very rade. No doubt, it was hand-made, without the aid of & wheel, and there is no difficulty in attributing such ware to the transition time when the palæolithic barbarism was disappearing before the more advanced neolithic incipient civilization,
The association of the practice of inhumation of whole bodies with the pygmies' is also an indication of high antiquity. It is well known that, as a rule, burial is older than cremation. In later, but still very early times, the Indians largely adopted the practice of burying the mutilated corpse in a narrow-necked jar, a repulsive custom probably imported from Babylonia.
To sum up, it is clearly established that pygmy flints,' that is to say, minute implements, ranging in size from 'oths of an inch upwards, of well-marked characteristic forms, are found absolutely identical and in large quantity in the Vindhya and Kaimûr Hills, India, at Helvan, Egypt, in at least three English stations, in the valley of the Meuse, Belgium, Spain, and probably in many other localities. The profusion of specimens demonstrates that they were used for commonplare daily needs, and not only for special occasional purposes. This inference is further supported by the fact that in both India and England they occur on the floors of ordinary dwellings. They must have been utilized by being fitted into handles and holders, generally of wood, after the fashion practised in recent years by the Australian savages, and to some extent in Scandinavia during neolithic times. At one English station they occur above a peat-bed, but at another they were found under ten fost of peat, while in Belgium some forms are contemporary with the mammoth and rhinoceros. Evidently, therefore, the use of the pygmies' in some countries goes back to a very remote antiquity. Their origin is best explained by regarding them as a development of the minute flakes used by paläolithic man; and their occurrence in association with neolithio implements at certain stations finds an explanation in the theory that they were the work of palmolithic sarvivors reduced to submission and dependence by more advanced races which had attained to the neolithic stage of incipient civilization.
It my reasoning should find acceptanca, the mystery of the origin, use, and distribution of pygmy flints' may be regarded as being in large measure oleared up. I hope that the problem will receive further discussion by persons possessing wider knowledge of prehistoric archæology than I can claim to have acquired.

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THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
BY THE LATE C. P. TIELE. (Translated by G. K. Nariman.) (Continued from Vol. XXXIV. p. 66.)
5. Was the reformation influenced by Semitism ? Tue theory has often been advanced that the Zarathushtrian roformation has not sprung from a purely Aryan origin, but that it exhibits obvious indications of a Semitic influence. This is not impossible. Assyrians, and, prior to them, even Babylonian kings, according to their annals and the accounts of their wars, not only repeatedly extended their conquering expeditions into the depths of Media, but fouaded colonies there before the Aryans had gained the upperhand, or even perhaps made a settlement a long while previous to their domination of the country. Occasionally we tiad Assyrian sovereigns as overlords of undoubtedly Aryan princ. of Media or Persia or as arbiters between the latter. The description given by Herodotus (1, 98; of th: citadel of Ecbatana, the Mediar metropolis, reminds us of the Zikurats, the terrace temples of the Babylonians and the Assyrians. At any rate, the Babylon-Assyrian empire was the immediate neighbour, whose advanced culture must of itself have impressed the gifted young and undeveloped Aryan community, who stood below then in knowledge, arts and refinements of life. When the most powerful empire on the Euphrates and the Tigris finally fell to ruins, the martial Aryans became the masters of all Assyria as ar as the Halys and eventually of Babel. In many respects they now became the pupils of their subjects. The Persian architecture and sculpture, the Persian cuneiform script, and the later Persian alphabet are all imitations perhaps of Elamite, but undoubtedly of Assyrian and Aramaic, prototypes, although the Aryan genius does not belie itself in its methods of assimilation and simplification. Over the head of the sacrificing kings on the reliefs we notice a winged figure hovering, which marks the supreme Deity of Assur. Borrowed by the Assyrians from the Egyptians, it is taken over by the Persians, not direct from the latter but from the former, and adapted to serve as a symbolic representation of Ahura Mazda or his Fravashi. And may not the religious ideas themselves have been touched by this Semitic influence? It was well known to the Greeks that the Persians were highly susceptible to what was foreiga and were ever prone to adopt it.
However plausible this may appear by itself, still no scholar has succeeded in proving to demonstration that Semitic conceptions have actually co-operated in the production of the Zarathushtrian religion.26
Stray words and the objects they connoted may have been received from the Semites, and others originally Iranic may have had their significance modified owing to their intercourse with them, bat such instances of concord are scant, in part extremely dubious, and on the whole they date from no high antiquity. With regard to what the Achæmenides borrowed from the Semitic races or to what they adopted in imitation of them, for instance the symbol for Ahura Masda, and subsequently under Artaxerxes II., the goddess who was called Anahita by the Persians, the simple answer is that it has nothing to do either with the genesis or the erolution of the latria of Mazda, which at the period in question had long since been consolidated and was in fact on the decline. Much emphasis is laid on the circumstance that Mazda is called the creator of heaven and earth, men and beasts, and everything besides. This it is contended is no Aryan conception, and must, by consequence, have
4 The great advocate of the hypothesis that tangible portion of the doctrine of the Avesta must be Semitie, is F. von piogel, who has repeatedly defended it. See especially his onany "Der einfluss des Semitismus auf das Avesta" and "Zur Geschichte des Dualism" in his Arische Studien, 1. pp. 46 seq. and 62 seq. My criticism has reference to these treaties.

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been derived from the Semites; and the more so because both Jew and Persian express the notion by words which primarily mean to "cut." Thus it is argued, the Babylonian creator Marduk cuts in twain Tiamat, the cosmio Titan, as does also Bel, in Berossos, his own head. It is all pure fantasy. The words which the Jew, the Persian and likewise the Vedic Indian employ to denote creation all signify cutting, but in the sense of "forming," "making," " carpentering," "building."27 That this idea is Semitic, and ergo non-Aryan, is one of the scientific dogmas which pass current, and yet it cannot bear the test of cloge scrutiny. That one or more exalted beings have created, that is, made, shaped, or constructed the world, is neither a Semitic nor an Aryan view, but one which is universally human and which we encounter smong every people. The idea that the world has become," in materialistic or pantheistic sense, is the outcome of later speculation.
Not more tenable is the theory that the dualism which stands out so prominently in the Zarathushtrian system must be a loan from the Semites equally with the cognate doctrine of resurrection and retribution,28 The fact is qnite the reverse. True, we meet with these conceptions in the Semites, bat among them they are not genuinely indigenous. For with them the sovereignty is the fundamental and all-pervading religious principle out of which issue, as a mature fruit, their rigid monotheism, - a monotheism less philosophie than religious. Duslistic beliefs are by no means uncommon in all ancient religious systems. They are an outcome of the most primeval myths about light and darkness, the wars between the beneficent and the demoniac agencies of the heavens. And the dualism found among the Iranians is in the same way traceable to the same sources. Its bala outline among them, and more especially in Zarathushtrianism, can be explained on historical grounds, - mainly from their relation as the ruling, though perhaps numerically weaker, nation to the earlier inhabitants of the land and from their relation as a small body of believers to the devotees of the daevas.
Recently one step still further has been taken. It is alleged that so far back as prior to the reform of Zarathushtra, before the separation of the Iranians and Indians in the East Aryan age, Semitic influences were already at work. To them the number "seven" of the highest beings of the Vedic Adityas, as well as of the Zarathushtrian Amesha Spentas, owes its abstract and ethical, and therefore non-Aryan, trait of origin. Accordingly, the Semitic features which we come upon in Zarathushtrianism need not be ascribed to direct contact. They were already existing in the popular religion from which Zarathustrianism took its rise. Now this hypothesis, unnecessary to account for the facts, appears to me in the last degree improbable. Historically, such a commerce between the still united Indo- and Perso-Aryans and the Semitic tribes, who bad ascended to a comparatively superior ethico-religious level, is scarcely imaginable. This much is possible: the number "seven" was borrowed, for it does play an important rôle not only in the theology but also in the philosophy of the Iranians and the Indians. All the same it is not of Semitic origin. It belongs rather to the ancient aborigines of West and Central Asia, on whose civilization the Semites grafted their own. And
* The Hebrew bara in compared with the Avesta expressions for creation, thwardah, takah, and fwakah - but it is omitted to be remembered that the Veda, too, nines words of like import. Compare Rig Veda 11, 12 and X, 21, and Atharva-Voda IV, 2; also nee Oldenberg, Die Hymnen des Rig Veda 1, p. 314 seg. Consider at the same time the old god Twaabtr and the younger Vishwakarman, the arch-maker of all. My colleague, Dr. W. H. Koster, has had the kindness to bave all the passages in the Old Testament examined where the word bara occurs. With three exceptions, they are all exilio or post-exilio, and evidently nowhere is the sense of "cutting" intended and even in the oldest places it indicatos nothing but "to make" with reference to thinge as well as mon. It was not till later times that the term was applied to the creation of heaven and earth.
Spiegel goes so far as to assert that the Persian dualism, because unknown to Herodotus and Xenophon and not mentioned in the insoriptions of the Achæmenides, must be of younger origin; although he conoedes that it is thought in the oldest Avesta doonments and was known to the Greeks since the 4th century BC. As for Xonophon, his romanoe is no authority, and as to Herodotus from 1, 140 it is evident he understood something of the Persian dualism. The Achaemenides write no dogmatics and they mention evil genii, and, above all, donounce the spirit of Lie with the same omphasis as the Avesta. Add to it all that the most ancient texts of the Avesta oould not have been written subsequent to the 5th centuty B. C., as bus been shown abovo.

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the Iranians had no need to borrow it, inasmuch as they found it witness the citadel of Ekbatana - among the older inhabitants of their own land. The occurrence in Zarathushtra's system of a few very un-Aryan usages, such as the practice of neither cremating nor interring the corpses, but of surrendering them to birds or dogs, has to be attributed more to their influence than to the Semites. And perhaps the preponderance of the magical in the cult of the Mazdayasnian is to be laid to the same account.
I will not deny the possibility, nay the comparative probability, of the Iranian faith being affected by the Semitic. There are indeed individual features other than the aforesaid which point that way. To give an illustration, the names or epithets of the Amesha Spentas, but pre-eminently of Ahura Mazda in the Ormazda Yasht, which are eulogised as the most potent, the most sovereign, and the most lethal incantations against Satan, sound in reality more Semitic than Aryan. But the Yasht is of a much later date. If the reformers took a loan from the Semites, these Semites must be verily the Babylonians and Assyrians. And though there is no absolute lack of congruity between the religious systems of both the nations, we should not overlook the immense and radical differences. In both, the good and the evil spirits are antagonistically opposed to each other, and as the Zarathushtrian, so also the Babylonian, strives to avert and repel the evil by spells of mysterious virtue and by magical manipulations. Nevertheless the Babylonian reveres the malefacent genii, and respects and treats them at least as divinities; while it is totally otherwise with the Zarathushtrians. With them, Ahura Mazda resides high in the heaven, and Angro Mainyu in the dismal depths of the infernal regions. Among the Babylonians Anu and Bel are pitted each against the other. But it is from Anu that issue the seven most pernicious existences, and Bel but executes, when he approaches with his chastisements, the sentence pronounced by Anu, receiving the supreme homage due to the godhead. The good wise god Ea, ever ready to absolve, who most resembles Ahura Mazda, tenants the depths of the ocean.
It is therefore preferable, so long as no solid historical proof is forthcoming, to regard Zarathushtrianism as a national movement, whatever causes may have called it into being in one of the clans of the Iranian peoples.
6. Mazda Ahurs.
Hymns like the Gathas furnish no theological system, no sharply-defined conception of the Deity. This they have in common with all the religious writings of antiquity. Even in the Veda we look for it in vain. The Upanishads in which we find the first impetus to speculation about the origin of things are the termination of the Vedas, and are called Vedanta. However, the idea which the prophets of the Avesta give of the highest of their deities in their sermons, is expressed with sufficient plainness, and, what is of greater importance, are uniformly and essentially the same in all their poetry.
This most exalted and, properly speaking, the only God is called Mazda Ahura. That the authors of the songs were fully cognisant of the significance of this name follows from the manner and way in which, as we saw above, they use this designation; for they put sometimes Mazda, sometimes Ahura, foremost, while occasionally they content themselves with the mention of only one term. They knew perfectly well that they were employing not a single proper name, but a two-fold epithet, which was meant to express the highest characteristic of their conception of God. "Thou who art named by the name Mazda Ahura," addresses him one of these psalms, 20 Mazda means much-knowing or all-wise, a God that can be conceived of only in a school of theologians. Mazda Ahura has never been a nature-god. It is possible that a nature-god can be celebrated and glorificd on account of his wisdom and science. Thus Ea, the old Chaldean divinity, is styled "Lord of
19 Yasna 45, 10, ye anmene mazdao eravo ahura,

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Wisdom." But there it is a title or epithet, not a personal or proper name. Now, whether or no the etymological significance of Ahura be the "being," the “living" (cognate with the Indian Asura, which may be rendered by “spirit"), we have here no warrant for taking into consideration any sense but that of the Lord.” For it is in this sense that the word is used in the whole of the Avesta, in the Gathas it being applied not to the denizens of heaven alone but also to mankind. It is only in one Pabsage where Mazda is described as the being most worthy of worship, as the father of Vohu mano, and the creator of Asha, that we may surmise an allusion to the original import of the term.30 Lord, however, he remains in the widest meaning of the word, without doubt. He is omnipotent over all, rules according to his own pleasure, and after the resurrection and the renovation of the creation will dominate the pious, and now controls not only these but exercises bis authority over the wicked, over all who fill his followers with terror and threaten with perdition.31 Every page of the Gathas testifies to his superiority to all that is created.
This Mazda, who remains unaltered in nature and character to this day, is the creator of all things, terrestrial and celestial, spiritual and material.32 The verses which sing these facts are instinct with poetry. Here is a classical hymn :-33
This I ask Thee; aright Ahora tell me; Who ever earth and sky from falling guardeth ? Who hath save Thee brought forth rivers and forests ? Who with the winds hath yoked racers to storm-clouds ? Who of the good man's grace ever was source ?
This I ask Thee ; aright Ahura tell me ; Who with skilled band the light made, who the darkness ? Who with wise deed hath giv'n sleep or waking ? Who hath Auroras spread, noontides and midnights? Warning discerning man, duty's true guide. Thus ask I Thee; aright Ahura tell me ; Who in production first was Asha's father ? Who suns and stars save Thee their path hath given ? Who thins the waning moon, or waxing Glleth ? This and still other works, Lord, would I know
This I ask Thee; aright Ahura tell me ; Are these in very deed truths which I utter? Doth zeal in our actions further Thy statutes ? To Thine through Thy Good Mind the Realm didst Thou offer? Who didst Thou make the Kine mother to glad ?
Thus ask I Thee; aright Ahura tell me; Who in Thy kingdom has set blest Devotion ? Who, wise, hath made son dutiful to the father? With this, for full knowledge, Mazda, I press Thee ; Giver of all Thou art, Spirit kind.
# Yama 81, 8, Anghouah ahurem alvyaothanehu. "Anghu" in properly "what ezinta" And so oonboten "life" as well as the "world." #1 Van khahayas, Yanna 48, 1; 30, 8; 48, 9.
1 Yama 31, 7. # [I take the liberty of reproducing Mill's almost Miltonio version, rather than the learned author's rigidly soientific translation. What the former has not attempted in precision it has achieved in the spirit, which perhapo makes a nearer approach to the Gathio original-TR.)

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This ask I Thee; aright Ahura tell me ; What is Thy doctrine's word to teach and ponder? That I may ask Thine hymns filled with Thy Good Mind Those which through Truth reveal our tribes' perfection; How can my soul advance? Let it thus be.3%
It is evident from the above that it is not the material world only which owes its existence to Mazda, and this is inculcated with greater emphasis in many another verse. He is the prime inaugurator and father of the ethical order of creation, the creator of Vohumano, the fashioner of the lovely Armaiti and Khshthra. The whole world glorifies its maker,35 Deeds that I do, O Lord, and deeds
still further;
And what to believing eye
shone bright of yore,
stars, suns, auroras
100,
each day's light-bearers In praise of you are all
[JULY, 1906.
through Asha's lore.96
We often come upon in the Gathas and also in the younger Avesta, a creature which must detain us here a moment-Geush Tashan. This originator of cattle, as it may literally be called, is mentioned generally together with Geush Urva, the soul of cattle and also with Geush Asyao, the soul of the mother-kine. The second hymn of the first Gatha contains a colloquy between Gensh Urva and the divine powers, among them Geush Tashan. The former complains that she has been exposed to the attacks of Aeshma and Rema, and that she finds no protector, except the two divine spirits to whom she adheres, but whom she does not mention by name. To all appearance, they are Mazda and Asha, Geush Tashan asks Asha what arrangement she has made with regard to the cattle, inasmuch as the latter have a right to masters who zealously take care of and cherish them, to guardians who should defend them from the violence of miscreants. Asha acknowledges that the cattle have as yet no such keeper, but that he himself will lend his assistance, though the ultimate event must rest with Mazda. Again, Mazda admits that though the cattle are created for the herdsman and peasants, no pious faithful master was appointed over them, and adds that now Zarathushtra will appear to proclaim the Law of Mazda and Asba, and that he will, in virtue of it, constitute himself the guardian power of the cattle. Now Geush Urva indeed complains that she would much rather have a man of puissance, a sovereign for her care-taker. She, however, has to rest content with Zarathushtra. We have here an example, and the oldest one in the Avesta, of how the Zarathushtrian reformers and their later followers drew upon popular belief for the propagation of their peculiar doctrine. Here we have a piece of the ancient mythology transformed into a Zarathushtrian homily. The myth is well known. Two protoplasms were first created: one of cattle, and the other of a creature in human shape. Both were killed in the subsequent Zarathushtrian system, as may be expected, by Angra Mainyush, but originally by the creator, or rather by a creator. Then sprang human beings from the last-named protoplasm, the
Yasna 44, 3-7. The form in which this doctrine is announced, that of rhetorical questions, is not unusual also in the Veda. See Yaena 31, 11. se Yasna 50, 10.
55 Yasna 31, ; 45, 4; 48, 6; 51, 7.

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first of them being Gayomaratan or life-mortal. From the steer that was slain arose a number of edible plants and medicinal herbs, and from its semen, which was purified in the moon, the wholo animal world, the first of them being a pair of cattle. The Urve or the soul of the slaughtered kine went like the souls of all the dead to heaven. This much served the poet to represent the new prophét as the protector of agriculturists and cattle-breeders, and to recommend him as against the wandering nomadic tribes.
Of those who take part in the colloquy is Geush Tashan, the fashioner of the kine. He is not identical with Ahura Mazda, because the all-wise Lord can scarcely learn from Asha what measures were contemplated for the safety of the kine. Asha, though differentiated from Mazda, co-operated with him, so far as wisdom and order are concerned. Again, Geush Tashan is here, as well as in other passages of the Gathas, "very distinctly distinguished from Mazda.37 He belongs to the primeval folklore, wbere be figured as a creator or rather & fashioner, and in the Zarathushtrian system he is converted into a subordinate genius who engenders from the kine that was first created, plants, vegetables, and beasts. Originally he was the creator absolute who killed the cosmic steer and thereby called to life or existence the phenomenal world. (Compare how Maruduk created the world by cutting in twain the cosmic Titan called Tiamat.) According to another Old Aryan myth, the creation emanated from a being which had a human form. Comparing Gayomaratan in the Avesta with the Purasba of the Veda, we learn that this creation-myth was formerly confined in the East Aryan period to the explanation of the origin of man. But as both of them were assimilated to the Zarathushtrian system, the one about the kine was limited in its scope to the production of cattle, and thus Geush Tashan became the source of only a part of things. Who he was in the Old Aryan mythology we have no doubts. He was none other than Mithra. One needs but to look at the monuments of Mithra, in which the triumphant god of light thrusts his dagger into the throat of the steer, in order to recognise in him & pendant to the Babylonian Bel Marduk and the prototype of the Geush Tashan of the Avesta. And let it be observed that tash originally means to cut.
We have to discriminate between the created steer and the cow, which brings good fortune and diffuses blessings (ranyoskereti). A careful investigation of all the passages of the Gathas, where it occurs, demonstrates that it is not a kind of the type of castle but rather a mythical symbolization of the whole material world, and, as a rule, the earth.38
Bat to return to Masdu Ahura the creator. It is he to whom men look up — to him the author of all for boun teous blessings in this life and in the existence the other side of the grave, " in the two worlds" or "in the two lives" as the common formula runs. Man here is convinced as in all antiquity that the righteous merit reward. Good fortune is the reward for the faithful fulfilment of duty towards the deity, a reward to which he who does not cease to sing his praises has the prime claim. And all the colestial gifts and endowments are generally comprehended in " vigour and endurance" for this world and haurpatat and ameretat or eternal "salvation and immortality" for the next 39 On a single occasion a poet rises to higher level, singing that Mazda dispenses weal and woe as seems to him right.60 Another bard assures us that God has in his hands blessings for the evil-doer and the devout, which are bestowed upon them through the medium of the sacrosanct fire.11
» Yama 31, 9, where Teaba is in the nominative, Mazda in the vocative, and where Ahura has wrongly been taken to mean an earthly ruler.
* A striking instance is furnished by Yama 44, 90, where we are told that the heathen priests and minstrels (the karpane and wei) surrendered the line (gam) to Aeshma by, inter alia, not watering it and thus omitting to prepare it for the husbandman. The watering of cattle would indeed be a strange preparation for agriculture, nor is it w ally a cow that is employed for the purpose.
Yamna 84, 18 ; 50, 1; 61, 7. * Yama 45, 9. Mills renders the verse differently, gives in a footnote the alternative translation, "who has created wool and sorrow for us with good intention, but regards the latter as hardly probable, because " Abura did not originate evil." - 8. B. E. XXXI. P. 188.
1 Yama 43, 4.

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Mazda is accordingly often styled Spenta Mainyush or Spentotema, which is generally translated by the "holy spirit" and the "most holy spirit," though, properly speaking, the words indicate "salvation-giving" and the "most beneficent." We shall examine later on how far this is related to the dualism and to what extent an adverse spirit is opposed to this benevolent deity. The same epithet of honor beneficent is bestowed upon heavenly beings, chiefly Armaiti. So far as I can judge, sanctity, in the Mosaic or the Christian sense of the term, is an idea foreign to the Gathas, though the concept of holiness underlies the personified abstractions of Asha and Vohumano.43
If he is, as his common name connotes, the all-wise and the omniscient, he is likewise expressly denominated the all-seeing (vispa-hishas) who cannot be imposed upon, the watch-keeper (hara) whose eyes observe not only what is planned openly but what is designed in secret, the arbiter (vihira ahura) or judge who knows all that men and the daevas have done or will do. And it is of a piece with this omniscient conception of the deity that the commerce between the believers and their God should be a perpetual form of interrogation "This I ask of Thee, tell me aright O Ahura." Man ever seeks to learn from him not ars vivendi alone, but guidance and direction, - in electing what is best and knowledge of the origin of creation. At times when the response seems
be delayed, the faithful in despair longs for a token that Ahura Mazda, Asha, and Vohumano exist so that he might approach and sing hymns to them. And not the sage alone, but the pastor also, directs his enquiry to him who " ruling over his creatures in justice in consonance with decrees of law" prescribes the moral constitution of the world.
Sometimes Mazda Ahura is addressed in the plural and in two places Mazdas Ahuras are spoken of. The recently proposed translation "Mazda and the Gods" may be philologically incontrovertible, but it conflicts with the meaning of Ahura and runs counter to the spirit of the Zarathushtrian doctrine. For properly speaking, it knows no gods. In the inscription of the Persian kings local gods are mentioned along with Ahura Mazda, to whom the people and the royal house adhered. This does not seem to have been regarded without resentment by strict Mazdayssnians nd to have been reluctantly tolerated by the spiritual authorities. The priests and theologians inden recognised Yazatas, "adored and adorabl beings," but they would have none of the gods proper. Those were idols, daevas. I am therefore of opinion that here we have a collective noun like the Hebrew Elohim, or the modern Persian Yazdan. In Mazda are comprehended all the Ahuras, a whole class of gods from the East Aryan period, probably from a still anterior epoch; all that is godly is united in him. Hence probably the plural which occurs only in one Gátha and was obviously not generally used,$7
However pure and in many a respect lofty this conception of God on part of the old Zarathushtrian prophets may be, still even for those ancient times it is neither unthinkable nor unique. Compare what is here said of Mazda Ahura with what is said in the Veda of Varuna, the Asura, and the resemblance is perceptible and the difference negligible. The difference lies in this that, whereas Varuna is the supreme deity of a still strongly polytheistic religion, the principal figure in a rich system of mythology, the Mazda Ahura of the Zarathushtrian is, if not in the strictest sense, an only God, the only o..e among all the celestial beings who can truly be called God, and one that is exalted high above his satellites and servants. Besides, Varuna has a rival in the cult; Mazda Ahura, properly speaking, has none, though others also are invoked along with him. No Indra disputed with him precedence in his own council. Reference indeed is made in an anthropomorphic sense to his body, his hand, his mouth, his tongue, his eyes, but not otherwise than what the
42ma 45, 4; 51, 7; 43.
43 Yasna 43, 6; 45, 4; 29, 4. 45 Yasna 28, 11; 30, 11; 31, 3; 34, 6, &c.
44 Yama 44; 31; 14-21. 48 Yana 29, 1; 28, 2; 30, 4 and 9.
* In all there are four passages in the Ahunaraiti hymns. Mazda and the other Amesha Spentas cannot be meant for in all the passager. One or other of them is separately cited by name, as Yasna 28, 2.

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prophets and poets of Israel are wont to do in respect of Jahve. And when Asha Aramaiti and Vohumano, and, above all, Atar or fire are called his sons and daughters, let it be remembered that the first three are in fact personified abstract concepts and the fire a spirit, so that it is more symbolisation than mythology, and that it in no manner exceeds what the eighth Proverb expresses about wisdom and what Job i. says about the sons of God. But even in Varuna not much of the mythical is left behind, and he is hardly a less ethical conception of God than Mazda Ahura, omniscient and all-seeing like the latter, severe in chastisement, and a formidable protector of justice and veracity. Those who were familiar with a personified idea of God in Varuna had but to prolong the line a little to arrive at the presentment of Mazda. But at all events this was somewhat modified very early in Iran, in fact as soon as the creed, with its spread over larger area, lost much of its purity and nobleness, represented by the singers of the oldest odes. Nevertheless, Mazda Ahura remained the great God, the only God proper.
(To be continued.)
THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL) IN THE EAST INDIES, PERSIA, AND PALESTINE.
1654-1670.
BY SIR B. C. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p. 178.)
203
I STANDINGE at a distance, the Ld my freinde psented me & said, Allas geere ['Alamgir], yt is, may it please yor highnesse Emperror of the world, I haue brought ya heere a Traveller that can Cast Gunns.
The Empr. likt it well, & Questioned me whence I caime. I told him I was a traveller & an Englmman. Before I could speake againe, he sd to his 2d, ye Duan, Am'ar'ra golum se'fect adam' me' is kee pass a mar' ra' ra veis [Hamarah ghulam safed admi, is ke pas hamārā ra'is ?], My slave I thinke has whitemen as we are. In yt tyme ye Ld my frd woh stood by me whisperd, Je voc'cat Couch mut' cau [Yeh waqt kuchh mat kaho], Say nothing more at this tyme.
The Emp deld [delivered] me into ye hands of ye La my freind Scyat Cawne [Sayyid Khan], wth 20 Sarvts to attend on me, Appoyntinge me a larg place & Commanded wtt ever I cald for to be given me, Gold, money, Brass, Copper & sarvis to worke at my appoyntm.
When I had made 8 Moulds & my furnace, the Emperr caime to see them & was much taken wth them. I told him My Moulds would be dry in 15 days; in yt tyme he commanded me every day to Court & gave me 100 Moores [mohars] in gold, About 36s a ps Engl money and had all pleasures in eating, drinking Danceinge, Musique & wtt hart could desire.
When my mould was drie & my furnasse made, weh did q! [contain] 250 Tanns of mettle, Out of weh I did cast Eight whole cannon and 4 Morters, woh did carrie every one a shell of 1601b pounds of poother, The weight of the shell beinge 450 pounds English, ye thickness 9 inches threw. This beinge don of a ffryday morninge, I told ye Emperror ye Guns weere cast, but I wanted a Carpenter to make carrages. 84 ye Emper, to morrow it cannot be don, it beinge theire Sabbath, but next day it shall.
"A mistake here. The Muhammadan Sabbath is kept on Friday.

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I told him it was not vauall in my Contrey to worke on that day. She, does not my slave keepe y day I doe. I said, we haue a rule from above, He sa, shew me yt rule. I said, if I may haue leave to speak for my selfe. He said, you haue & be not afferd, All his Lords being by. I then showed him Obible. She, then is this ye Evengell yt Issara Lau [Isā ar-rasulu'llah] spooke, vizo or Savior. I 84, yes. Said he, baue ya Moyses law heere. Yes, 8d I. With that be tooke the bible & Kist it, And said, I commend yu yt yu will keepe yt day appoynted,
Of Monday it was appoynted we should begin about ye Carrages. Of thursday after they weer e redy, many hands imployed, I first hageing drowe ye figure for them to be made by. On fryday they weere butted by Ollyfants into ye feild and alsoe theire was Oxen.
Sd ye Emperrer, what vse are these Guns for. I told him they were for to breake downe Walls of Castles or stronge townes. Can yu, ya he, fyer them, Answer me. He cald for his owne Gunners. Sa yo Duan, Alla Geere ['Alamgir], Ho' da' ne'go' dah (Khuda na kardā), I have red yt he woh makes a gann must fyer hir himselfe. Ham' Catta' amarra but sonna' (Ham kahta hamara bat suno), Doe as I bid yo, let my man fyer y Gunns. 15 of them caime weh belonged to two Guns and a halfe, woh weere all yt he had in his Kingdome; y Emp! required his Gunnts to load y guns. They began, & wheere the Gunns should (have) had 50 lb poother, they gaue 2016 and put in yo shott first, filling yo touch hole full wth a horne poother. Tbey loaded all 8 soe; yt don, they sd to y Emperror, y. 8 Gunns are ready, But for yo Morters we know not how to medle wth them,
The Emperor out ragious against me, heareing wtt his Guard has 84, told me I had put him to great Charge & for noe purpose. I replied, let yo? men fyer the Gunds they haue laden against a marke ; y Emperrer gd, what shall yo marke be. Sd I, noe fitter thinge then yo Ollyfants that brought them. Ko'te' na' dor' (kitna dür), at what distance. I said, Ada caas [adha kos], web is 600 paces. His Gunners fyred. The bals went 15 yds from ye Mouth of yo guon. The Nobles cried, Bir'ka la [barkatu'llah], Its verry well don. The Emperrof g4 Noething, but seeinge ye smooke said, Dei'ca' a' mer ate' Morge [Dekho hamāra iznat(?) mar-gaya], Theirs none deade, Alla Geere yo catte [Alamgir yeh kahta). The Emperor says, Bulla a' mer a' golum Ka, Go' lum [Bula hamärā ghulam kā ghulam], call my slave. Ton' ca' ca' te' tom ouvall ny ca' te' yo' top durst Chellinga [Tum kya kahte ! tum aval nahin kahte yeh top durust chalenge ?] These Gunns yu said would Shoot well Against a marke. Darst ny Challinga to' morrow seer Ja' my'ga [durust nahin chalenge tumharà sir javēgā], if they doe not shoot well yor heade shall goe. Ham' ca' ta' dar ou galle deen [ham kahta därit (bärút ?) göle den], Give me poother and Shott. 8d ye Emperror, Bir' calla (barkatu'lluh), in the naime of god thou shalt haue it. I loded these 8 Gunns and set them on theire right poynt, & then caime the Emperrot & I told him I was redy. Ham ha zerba [Ham hazir hai], sd he, Hubber dar to morrow ser [ khabardar tumhārā sir), which is, have a care of yor beade. I shott y first shott & shott ye Ollyfant throw the heade. Bass [bar], Sd yo Emperro", mat mor' morra (mat aur mārő], doe not kill anie more of my Ollyfants; we will raise yua wall against woh ya shall shoote, for we thinke this shott was by Chanco. A sheete was sett vp against the wall wtb a black spott in yo midle of it a foote squaire. I shott y• 24 sbott and mist y. sheete, but at ye top of it shott into the wall a foote aboue it; the other two one after an other went into yo black spott,88
The Emperror reioyced at it and g, It'in ne' ad'ame' bo gente, a' mo'ra' Mu'lla'ck que ada'me' ; it e' ne' ge'nte an mer'ra pass dalgere mut e mer' na paw pac'ca'ra' [Itne admi bahut jante, hamare mulle ke admi itne nahin jante, hamāre pas dalgtr mat, hamārā pāor pakarő], Engl thus, This man
* Mr. Irvine tells me that Manuodi has a somewhat similar shooting story of an English gunner in Akbar's timo, who, to get liquor, pretended he could not see the mark until he was drunk.

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knowes much; theires none of my Contrey knowes soe much. Be not afferd; come to me & kiss my foote. This don, he psented me with 100 Moores [mohars] gold and told his Lords, haue a care
of this man.
He calls his Gunn' to him & ye Cheife. He sd to him, are not yow ashamed that my slaue[s] flaue should doe better things then you can doe. Ham' bul gaa [ham bhul gaya], Sa yo Gunn', I am old & haue forgott.
Said the Emperor, theirs 4 Guns of his ladeinge. Take 2 of them and shoot one at the sheete, And if thou dost not hit it wth that, nor the Ollyfant wth the other, thou shalt be shot out of the Gunn ffor its a shame a traveller should teach vs anie thinge in our Contrey, I beinge soe great an Emperror. The Gunner shott 2 shotts, but neither of them could be seene where they went, tho serch was mad by 100ds.
The Emperror cald me to him and sd, is ye vo Gunns laden. Yes, st I. Lash, Sd he, this man to ye Mouth of one of them. I told him it was not my profetion wth out I was forst. Sd ye Emp, wee forse none, we haue men enough to doe it, but, sa he, you will fyer y Gunn. I replied, not without I am forst. Then cald ye Empr one of his Lds & commanded the Gunners sonn to be brought. He caime & sd, I am willinge to doe yr Command, but am affraid to goe neare the Gunn. The Emperror askt me if I could not make some thing yt he might stand at a distance, weh I did by a traine. The sonn fyred the Gunn, the father shot so in peeces as a bone of him was not to be found.
This beinge late, y Emperror went to Court, & next morning comd [commanded] me to him. When I was come, Sa he, Toen' cob' cam geere [tum khub kam kia], Thou hast don verry good service.
M da They had noe poother till I made it. The Emperror desired me show him the vse of the little Gunns cald ye Mortar, weh I did ye next morninge; & I caused Elleauen barrells of pc other to be put into a little tower, weh tower I told the Emperror I would blow vp 700 paces from. it. His answer was, its not possible. I sd he should see. The Emperror callinge all his nobles 2 days after, a multitude of people came besides. I had then all things redy, Advized the Emperror to retire to a hill at a distance. He s he would stand by me, But pvaled wth him to retire, But his 2d soun said he would. I giveing fyer to my fuse wch was in my hand, ye Emperrors sonn run away. I fyred my shell, And 20 Minuts after my touch hole of my Morter, weh gave a great report & of a Suddan fell into ye topp of yo tower & ye shell split wthin yo tower among ye 11 Barrells of poother. Some of ye Nooble[s], standinge 1100 paces of, for 2 howers weere deafe with ye report it gaue. Immediately y Empr sent his Nobles to se if [I] weere not deade, And if alive to call me to him. When I caime to him, he rose vp & sd, ask a gift. I told him my desire was leave to Travell throw his Contrey. If it be, Sd he, to thy owne, its but a folly; I will not part wth the. He beinge an Emperror, I durst say noe more. He gaue me An Ollyfant & said what estate yu demand it shalbe giuen. I said I was A traveller & what could I doe wth an estate.
He replied, he would take of those lingeringes and Content my Minde & soe returned to Court, giveinge his Lds command to take care I wanted not what I desired.
At 8 Clock At night I was sent for & feasted plentifully wth all sorts of drinks & meats & other greate temtations, a [s] Musick, dansinge weomen & singinge & sports; yet I was Mallancholly, wch yo Emperror Observed. When ye Emperror rose to goe into the Maull [maḥal] or privey Chamber, I returned to my Lodgeings, But noe sooner theire, But a grt Ld wth dansinge Weomen & Musique & 2 Ladys wch ye Emperror psented to me to Chuse weh I liked for a wife. I Askt y Old L, who I esteemed my freind, wtt it ment. Hee answerd, it was to make me a great man, yo Emperror delighting in y". I wept,& told him my desire was for my Contrey, And yt my father

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had sent for me & writt me if [I] did not come, I was ye cause to bring his gray haires in sorrow to ye graue. He askt if my fra weere Lords or what honor they had. I told him only Gentlemen & I a Tradsman.
Before this ye Emperror & ye Old La his freind tooke me privat And Exammoned Me in My religion vizt., If we had Moses Law, If we had ye Sacrifize of Abram And if we had ye pfetts, wch said Issara' sou' la law' [Isa ar-rasulullah] should come.
They haue litle of ye old testamt & vnderstand lesse. The Emp askt of ye Creation from Adam. I had lernt my Cattechize and out of it, Mr Balls, gaue them some of or princypalls. The Emperror caused it to be written in theire Language. And askt me what was ment by Orriginall sinn or Corruption of ye whole nature. For 6 days he & his Counsell debated it & at last Sd his Slaues slane knew much. He askt how many wifes his slaue had, meaninge ye Kinge. I said but One. Issa' ra' sou' la 'law' [Isa ar-rasulu'llah] commands he should haue noe more. Wth that he smott his brest but sd noethinge in answer to yt, Bat said, Is' sa' ra soulalaw we read is to come. I said, he is alredy come & was in ye forme of Man, Relating his Birth, Sufferings, Merrackls And assention; & sd he will come againe, But it wilbe at the last day to iudgemt, ye good to life & ye bad to everlasting death. Wth that yo Emper" lift vp his eles to heaven & sd, Hodah mara cull [Khuda hamara ankh khōl], Lord open my Eies, and Kist the Booke. He commanded me Seuerai tymes to pray, Asking me to whome we praid, Sun or Moone. I told him we praid to God for all things throw ye Mediation of his sonn. He then caused me to show ye posture & to speake my prayer a Loud in their tong, & he & ye Ld my frd kneeled as I did & vsed the same postures I did in my prayer. This he commanded me often & kist y" bible & put it on his heade & would open it at venter & cause me read in yt place, And to tell him wtt it ment. I sd I was a tradesman & verry Ignorant in Is' sa' ra' la' sou' la' law' [Isa ar-rasulullah]. I know but little for my privat practice. Hee replied we knew much, & [was] might[y] Importunate to haue me instruct them in Issara sou la law, yts ye Gospell of or Savior. I did soe far as my weake Capassity served. The Etaperror then sd, we never had anie to tell or teach vs in Issa' ra' la' son' la' law', we would gladly be tought & importunate with me. I said I would bringe wth me men, hable fully to instruct them to theire. desire. The Empor had then granted me leaue to goe. He, ye Emp, sd they had herd theire weere xpians, but never one before was in his Contrey.
Mad Not only the Emperrer, but Gennerally all ye Court & Contrey, are Mightily nclined to be instructed, And are Gennerally affable, iust & witty, And a Contrey for plenty & riches, A good Climate And Grandure of State of yo Emperror. All yt ever I saw not to be Compared with it, men & weomen Beautifull, & of stature, & white.
In this Contrey are abondance of Ollyfants bredd. They haue but one in 3 yeares, some tymes two they bring forth. They are verry loveing & intelligeable Creatures & will doe ought tought. I haue seene them weepe when they haue beene Commanded wit theire strenth would not doe; they vnderstand words & will goe an errand.
The Emperror Kills in his Kitchin every day 3: 4: 5: or 6, not yt he eats anie, tho they are rare food, but for Gandue [Grandeur] yt noe prince in ye world can doe ye like. Anie tought Ollifant theire is worth 6: 700 lb some 2000, but untought, anie size, 500 pounds.
Againe I was Importuned to stay, but as before wept & told them wtt I had don was for my, liberty, elce I would [have] chosen rather to die. This Le replied, was it not better beinge made a Ld, And wall told me y Emperror would send for me & threaten me, but resenting [feeling for] my greefe, Sa to me, be not aff raid, I will stand yor freinde, & tho ye Emperror threaten you
89 John Ball, a Puritan Divine, was the author of "A short Catechisme," published in 1648.

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continew yor resolution, for its not his Oustome to forsse anie or yo Law or Custome of his Contrey against yor will, But haue a care of those weomen, for if you haue to doe wth them you must Marry & then you are tyed to ye Contrey for life.
A lord, a setter, brought the 2 Ladys y Emperrer had psented to me to his howse, where he had invited me to be merry & tooke occatiô & all yo Men to goe out & Leaue them two wth me. The[y] talked to me, but I was sad, soe One [of] them cam9 vppon my lap & kist me, On weh this La came in And said, now the business is don. The Old Ld, my freind, askt me If I had to doe wth either. I said noo. They then tooke ye Ladys to taske, And she ye ki me Sd she see me sad & would have put me out of it, but only a Kisse she gaue past betwixt vs.
Eight days tyme this was theire play. But still I was firme in my resolation throw god that strenthened me, And when yo Emperror se it, he marveld, And said since I was not willing to serve him, did I thinke I could serve a better Maister. I said, if I served anie I would serve him. He desired, since I was resolged to travell, I would show one of his men the way] to vse ye Morter, which I did for 14 days together, but all was lost laber, for we are sworne not to teach anie or art who servs not prentice to it. Soe the Gunns & Morters left are bat as Charracters that an Englishman bath beene theire, a Subiect to the Kinge of England, Whose armes are cast vppon each of y Gunns & Morters & vnder J. O., wth y picture of a Lyon Over each Trunnell (trunnion].
Mad I had one of his Maitles great Seales from my La Belmount,1 by woh I cast his armes.
The Emperror, seeinge the Kings armes, demanded what they weere. I was Jealous (afraid? he might be angry, But for my liberty did tell him that it was my kings armes. Sa he, is this my slanes print. He hath gotten as hansome armes as I. The nobleman who I tought ye use of the Gunns & Morter was wth my selfe sent for next morninge. The Emperrer askt bim if he had lernt well. He said, yes. Sa the Emperror to me, is it trewth he says. Yes, s4 I.
Then I begged ye Emperrs Pdon for my asking him a passe. 8d he, haue you a minde to goe, Yes, Sa I, wth leave. He S4, pano' hadan [nām-i-Khuda], Joe in yo naime of god. He askt me if I was intinded to travell wth my Ollyfant. I answerd, I could not tre ell in that state. He then coramanded his secretary to give me a pass & wth it I had sented a horss & 300 Moores [mohars] in gold wih 4 horssmen to gard me to ye next great Citty Cald Elba 220 Leagues from Paula van the Emperrors Court.
The Emperror yt morning I was to part caime wth his Nobles to my Lodging, haueing before beene told what I had don in my Chambers, And vewed the Kings Armes, weh Cost, those over ye Gate of ye howse assigned me & in my Lodgeings, Gilding 60 lb pounds Engl money vall.
He Commanded a great Cup of gold, set wth some stones of vallew, to be given him wth wyne, & Dranke, & sd to me, Tell my slaue, meaning ye King my Master, I drinke to him & houe [hove, threw] me ye Cup weh is yet in beinge; saying, I wonder my slaue will not soe much as write or send to me.
When he went away in his pattenkeene (palanquin] or Sedan, the Chaire of gold wth pretious Jemms & ye Barrs gold, Carried by 30 men, I being on foote, he beckned to me to get vpon my horsse or pattenkeene, for I had both, But I laid my hand on ye Barr of his chaire & went a foote as all his Lords did, & Comeinge to ye gate of his pallas, Sd the Emperror to his Nobles, See how my Slaues Slaue honors me. And askt me, does my slaue, meaning the King, goc thus, on mens shoulders.
50 P An on-letter, a temptor. See the use of the word in this sense later on.
91 This was Henry Bard, created Lord Bellomont by Charles I. and sent by him on a mission to India as Ambassador, Bellomont died in India in June 1656. Mr. Irvine, who supplied me with these particulars, has collected all available material as to this mission.

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My answer was, may I speak wth boldnesse, my Kinge is not to be carried but Rides on horss back to Charge his enemie. Yee' Cotta a' mar' ra go' lam soupa' hs (Yeh kahta hamārā ghulām sipahi hai). $ye Emperor, My Slaue is a noble Soldier, Hodah a' ca' la Khuda ta'ala), God blesse him. Too Ruxud ha [7'rukhsat hai), you have leane to goe, pan' oh' ada [nam--Khuda), Goe in the Naime of God.
That day, about 3 Clock in the after noon, I tooke my leave: 6 Engl mile 4 of his Lds conveyed me or accompanied me. Wee caime to a garden. They, haueinge brought Wine & store of
itions, Wyne past freely & merry wee weere, And in my wyne tempted me ernestly to returne, Saying, The Emperor is vext at you, you hadd be ter goe back. Sú my Old Ld & freind, whome I pray god blesse, these are On setters. I sd noe thing, But next morning, being Sunday, they staying all night, I tooke Leaue, And went towards a great Citty, Cald Car'ra'pa'. Wheere ever I cnime, theire was not ought to pay. Att this Citty, Car'ra'pa [Kadapa, Cuddapah), weh is 250 Leagues from pau'layan the Emperrors Court, They sent me out a tent, for its not the Custome of that Contrey for strangers to enter their towne.
The Governer, after pritions was sent me, caime out to se my pass, haueing first herd wtt I had don at Cort, demandud of me wtt Nouells [news] I had seene in my travells. I answerd, None.
From Car'ra'pan [Cuddapah] to Grun'ca'nda' (Golconda) is 470 Leagues. Its a great Citty & wth much troble I past it, being on the borders of ye Contrey. When I caime, the Governer of it demanded my passe, wch I showed him. Sa he, ye Emperor is Emperrer where you bad this pass, And I am kinge heere. You must give me Aces of yor Travells; Tomorrow kow' she' ha' sbom' man ra' se ham ra' se hau' tumhārā khushi hai so main rūzi ham rāzi hon] yt is, yor wilde don. We, Sa he, haue an ord from ye Emperrer to stop you heere. I replied, I haue don service for yo Emperror. Sd he, I haue Order to put you in preson, And thinke not yo worss of me for obayinge my Maister. Ho'da' ca was tom such cau [Khuda ke wartë tum sach kaho), yt is, Will you say yo will come hether againe. I gd yes, if I haue life & helth. Is wast tomorrora raxud ley [is waste tumhārā rukhsat le], Becanse of this you have yor leaue. I was not puitted to come into his fort or Citty, but he put out a tent. On a fryday morning early, being ye 26 May 1668, When I caime, Sd he, hath my Prince del[t] nobly wth you. Ans: yes. Sa ho, I had an order to stopp you wth civillity, but not by forsse. This Gouerner had herd what I had don at Cort, prided me a banquet to tempt me, and after showed me some sport verry terrable for me to see.
A propper man as ever I saw, wth his eies in his neck, his face as I, only wthout eies. What thinke you of this. I sd it was not of man but of god, an Example. Sa he, is god in yor Contrey. Yes, Sa I, theirs but one god. She, What merrackle hath yo god don or showne yo!, I Answerd, many. Sa he, does yok god speak to you. Sa I, o god does not speak to vs, but hath sent his son to instruckt vs, And others his Appostles, & hath left vs a written word wol weo beleive in. Sd he, I think you are a Generation of God, for of god tells vs no such things.
The Casa (qazi), vizt, high preist, & the Govdid consider of wt I had said, And said, I pray god lead vs ye right way, for god hath raised vs vp an instrum to teach vs ye right way; &, Sd ye Casa, who doe you tak to be yor Saviour. I said, Is' sa'ra' soul la' law' Isā ar-rasulullah], Jesus Christ. Sd they, Is' vo'ccatt han' but' cat' te is waqt ham bahut kahte , he is not yet come.
When I had don speaking these words, In caime One wth two heads, at wch I was amazed, & askt what he was. Sd they, be not affraid. This is a man borne of a weoman as you weere & No Devell; yet I was terrefyed. The Casa (qazi] & Gouerner, takeing notis of my feare, commanded the Man away. He gon, they said, haue you seene anie such thinge in yo? Contrey. I s4, noe.
[" Tempters, see ante, note 99, p. 207.]

Page #229

JULY, 1906.) THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL).
209
This man, sa they, yt you take to be Devell, hath gon wth his bow & arrowes & his Iron flaile & slinge against the Bloches [Baluchs] a lone, & kild 10000, Ten thowsand men, And brought 2000 presoners. I told them I could not beleive wthout I had seene it. The Casa replied, have you noe beleife, Ootta Moyses Batt (kahtă mu'azziz bat], If you doe not See yu will not beleive. This was of a Sunday that this discorse was. Of Monday we tooke horsee and went on ye border of ye Bloches Contrey, The Gouerner And Casa and 12,000 horsse And I, Jno Campbell. We went on to ye top of a Hill; plaines weere on each side. In the valley was soe many horsemen wth bowes and arrowes I could not number them. I desired of ye Gouerner to let me know what it ment, & sd, lets have a care of of selfs. The Casa (qazi] sd, we shall haue One by & by will have a care of all. I was in great feare and Chainged Conntenance. The Casa askt me what was ye Matter, doe you feare, Christ will come. Speaking these words, caime a Man wth two heads, wh I had seene before And sayd to yo Casa, Tou ka monte [tu kyā mangle], What would you hate don. Sd the Casa, poynting to me, this is an vnbeleiver. We have told him what thou didest formerly, but or words had not Credit. Is voccat bet' ter kering gar [is waqt behtar ka-unga], Sd he, I will doe hetter now. Beinge On the hill, downe he went amongst them w bow and arrowes sling & flaile, and kild before my eies Alcne 11000 Men (I told them One by One) And brought 3000 prisoners wch followed him, their hands bound behind wth withes; the rest run away. Bringing them to vs, sa the Casa, haue you ever seens such a thing. I, beinge hugely at szed, he askt, can yor god doe such a thing. I answered, theirs but one God.
Said ye Casa, be not affraid, you are a traveller; This Man had his boddy as full of Arrowes stuck in his flesh as a Gamor backor wth Cloues. When puld out not a drop blood followel. In this ty.ne came pritions, woh the Gouerner Ordered, being 23 Leagues at that tyme from Grancondah [Golconda]. Sitting downe Sd the Casa (qizi] be not afferd. I Replied, I trust in Issara sou la law [Isi ar-rasulullah] wol is Christ. Thou saist well, sit ho. The pritions sett before vs and we eatinge, downe sitts this 2 healed mai & I fell in a sound [swoon], But recovered psently [immediately). The Casa askt me leaue to lett him hade my Cutlase, we lay before my tarket before me at meate, for soe is ye fashið for strain zers. I gave leade. He rose vp & went behind yo 2 headed man & Cut of his speakinge heale, & y Tom dall' geer' mut [tum dilgir mat], be not aff-rd, To mor row pass vengell ny too kiss wast dall geer hey (tumhare pas injil hai to kis waste dilgir hai], baue not you the scripture wth yo', why are you atferd. This was about 3 Clock in the after noone. The man runn hor wt" one hea le to yo Casays howse and Dyed at his door. A nobleman, his neighber, seing what was don dil write yo Emperror of what was don to such a man who y Emperror had herd of, And writt him what he had don in jsence of yo Traveller, And caused go Casa (qizi] to be dragi at a horse taile to Court. 29 days I staid wth the Goaerner, The Gouerner shakeing for fear, haueing Married yo Cásays sister. We loe know, gd ye Gouerner to me, you hane don of Emperrer good service, yo word will pass heere being a traveller. Pray sane my Brothers life if you can. The Gouerer přidel 11 horsses. I writt in the Lingua of the Contrey to ye Emperror And put yo King of Englands seale to it, of wch I had 7, Beaven.
When yo Emperror se it, he sa, this is my slanes print, my slaues slaue hath sent it to me, And for his sake I pardon the. I staid in all at Gruncanda [Golconda] 60 days, in woh tyme ye Casa returned And pšented me wth 500 Moores gold & his doughter and ail he had at my service. The Gold I received, but not his doughter, haueing refused yo Emp offer.
Six dayes wee feested. This 2 headed man was about 8 feete in hight, his brothers (and] father was as other men, Nor could I vnderstand anie Devellish practis he had or vsed, haveing eate & drunke wth him. His heads weere as ours are. Only wth two necks; he eate but wth one Mouth nor spooke but wth One.
I askt him wheere his strenth lay. He showed me a lock of heare at yo top of his head and said it lay theire ; it was on the heade yt spooke.
I parted from Grunconda (Golconda) after 2 mo, stay, they greineing much at my depture, they saying they should never see me more, but caused me pmisse to returne.

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210
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1906.
The Gouerner & Casa seut wth me as a Convoy 200 horsse, woh brought me to Elsaneere, 220 Leagues from Gruncauda, on ye border of ye Bloches Contrey.
The Casa [qazi] was trobled I would not marry his doughter, And sd, you are a xpian & my Doughter noe moore,93 We vse Moses Law, and if we had to instruct vs in Issara sou' la' law' we should think it better.
In this Contrey it will not Cost a strainger ought in Expence to travell, for soe soone as you come into a towne, they will strive who shall iugrosse yor company.
Mad Why the Casa Cut of one head of y two headed man as, yt he had red in theire writeing such a man should be, and yt he should Conquer the Contrey.
From Elsameer on ye borders of ye Bloches Contrey, I went to Elsa, 220 Leagues in the Bloches Contrey, but in the way I mett wth 300 horsse woh had beene sconting out, and compeld me to stay with them. They haueing men wounded & could not cure them iudged 1, being a traveller, bad skil. I had seen tobacco salue made. I made some and applied it to theire grè [green, i. e., fresh] wounds, weh had success, and by yt means I past free till I caime to their Kings Court, Att a great Citty cald Crona. Its ye Custome theire for travellers to stay 3 days before they can speake with the Kinge. His sarvts askt me from whence I caime. I told them I caime from Prester Johns Court. They told me it was a dangerous Contrey to travell in, how caime I saife throw. I sa, god ptected me. That night the Kinge had notis of my being in his Court, & though it was not vsuall, sent for me. When I caime before him, he looked verry lofty & proud & told me I was a spie, but wthall Sd, thats noe Matter, One can Doe noe greate harme, And askt me what I could Doe. I answerd noethinge, I was a poore ffuckeere [faqir], wch is begger. Said he, does beggers ride & keepe sarvts in yor Contrey. Consulting with yo Lds about him, they s4, he is a Coffer [kafir], vizt. Heathen, lett him goe, But ask me what Contreyman I was. I sd, an Englishman, but he vnderstood not what an Engl man was, Demanded of me what pretions wee eate. We, gd he, haue herd of a Cast of man that eate Mans flesh; are you of that Cast. I told him we cate such meate as Commonly other men eate. Sa one of his Las, those people eate Doggs, Catts & ratts. I sd, noe. Jutt Cotta haram zabb [juth kahta, haramzādā! ], yts you lie you Rogue. A brave Old Gentleweoman, ye Kings Mother, Sd, wth Anger to ye L4, you must not abuse a traveller; yt word 1 likt much but durst not speake. They caused vittells to be brought & me to sit downe yt they might see me eate & my manner. I eate wth many eies over me, but I minded only my vittells & not them, at weh ye king marvelled & sd, those men look not as if they este Catts but eate after a good fashion. This don, they tooke away what I left & caused it to be buried; It would [haue] suffized 10 Men More.. I vnderstanding theire Lingua, yo King askt his Mother if they should keepe this white man for theire slaue. Greeb hey ruxud hey [gharib hai, rukhsat hai], He is a pooreman, let him goe for gods sake, & she boue [hove, threw] me 100 fanams yo vallew of 25 Engl shillings. Sd ye Queene, will not you now pray for me & askt me in wit manner I praid or to who, sunn or water. I S4, to God. Sa she, let me see. I did for feare fall vppon my knees. S she, you must speake, woh I did in Engl, at woh Lingua they Mervelld & would [have] don more at my prayer if they had vnderstood it, weh was yt I might be delivered out of their hands. I tooke my leaue of this Court next morninge & had 112 Leagues further to get cleere of This Contrey into ye Tellingays [Telingas], Goeinge towards Guzzaratt. I had not gon 12 Engl Miles, but 2 horssmen followed me, & demanded ye 100 fannams ye Queene houe me & told me it was not Buckshees [bakhshish], given, but Bouter [bhatta], Lent. Sa my man, being pfect in ye Contrey language. This man is a poore man, & reasoned ye Case soe farr as wth a knife & a little Tobacco he gaue, got me free. This Contrey is a verry wooddy Contrey & full of Sugar Caines, but noe tobacco planted; all ye tobacco comes out of Prester Johns Contrey & brings this Kinge great store of money, cald Juncan money or Custome [chungam, customs].
(To be continued.)
95 If, however, she was really a gäss's daughter she must have been a Moore."

Page #231

JULY, 1905.]
CHINESE WORDS IN THE BURMESE LANGUAGE.
211
CHINESE WORDS IN THE BURMESE LANGUAGE.
BY TAW SEIN KO. In studying the Burmese form of Buddhism we have hitherto been accustomed to look only to India for prototypes and influences. The possible influence of China 13 a factor in the religious development of the Burmese has been overlooked. The Northern form of Buddhism, which was crystallized by the fourth Buddhist Council held under Kanishka, the Scythian king, in Kashmir, was, together with its Scriptures in Sanskrit, introduced into China, in 67 A. D., under the Emperor Ming Ti, who reigned at Loyang in Houan. Balli rays: “The first centuries of its arrival were marked by the translation into Chinese of numerous Buddhistio works; and there was considerable progress in making proselytes, for, in the fourth century, nine-tenths of the inhabitants of China were Buddhists."
Later on, Indian missionaries passed into China through Nepal and Tibet as well as Burma, and Chinese monks visited India and Ceylon by way of Central Asia and Afghanistan, with the object of studying Buddhism in the land of its birth and of making a collection of religious books for translation into Chinese. Buddhism was at the zenith of its power in China, in the tenth and twelfth "centuries, not only being popular, but also exerting great literary influence.
It is extremely remarkable that terms intimately connected with Buddhism should have boon borrowed by Burms from China and her translations from Sanskrit, rather than from Ceylon and her Pali literature; and this circumstance alone is convincing proof that the Burmese are indebted to the Chinese for a good portion of their knowledge of Buddhism,
In the sixth century A. D. there was intercourse between China and Burma, and Ed kins? says: "In A. D. 523, the king of Banban sent, as his tributary offering, a true sharira (she-li) with pictures and miniature pagodas; also leaves of the Bodli, Buddha's favourite tree. The king of another country in the Burmese peninsula had a dream, in which a priest appeared to him and foretold to him that the new prince of the Liang dynasty would soon raise Buddhism to the summit of prosperity, and that he would do wisely if he sent him an embassy. The king paying no attention to the warning, the priest appeared again in a second dream, and conducted the monarch to the court of Liang-Wu-ti. On awaking, the king, who was himself an accomplished painter, drew the likeness of the emperor, as he had seen him in his dream. He now sent ambassadors and an artist with instructions to paint a likeness of the Chinese monarch from life. On comparing it with his own picture, the similarity was found to be perfect."
The exchange of courtly amenities between the rulers of China and Burma must have been followed by a close religious intercourse, for we find it recorded in the Chinese annals that Subhùti, a Buddhist monk of Burma, was the translator of the Mahayanaratnaméghasutra, wbich was lost in 732 A, D.3 Further, Sriksbatra or Prome is mentioned in the rocords of their travels by both Hiuen Thsang and I-tsing, who were in India in 629-645 A. D. and 671-695 A. D., respectively. When such intercourse began and how long it lasted, cannot, as yet, be determined with precision without examining the annals of the Later Han (25-589 A. D.) and Tang (618-960 A. D.) dynasties. But, for practical purposes, it may be accepted that Buddhism was introduced from China into Burma during the fourth century after Christ, when nine-tenths of the population of the former country were Buddhist, and when the zeal and enthusiasm for the propagation of that religion had reached its highest point.
It is, indeed, remarkable that two out of the three Burmes0 equivalents for the "Three Gems, namely, for Buddha and Dhamma, should be derived from a Chinese source. Sakra, the Recording Angel of Buddhism, also reached Burme through China. The terms for such 1 Ball's Things Chinsas, p. 51.
Pp. 104-105, Chinese Buddhism. Eitel's Hand-book of Chinese Buddhiano, p. 161. Beal's Biyuki, Vol. II., P. 200, and Takakusa's Record of the Buddhist Religion by I-tring, p. 9.

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212
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1906.
religious buildings as pagodas and monasteries are undoubtedly Chinese. The Tripitaka of the Northern and Southern Schools of Buddhism, makes no mention of a rosary, and yet the Burmans imported it from China. The most remarkable of all the coincidences is, that the terms relating to the fundamental acts of the votaries of Buddhism, namely, paja, dana, and namaḥ, hould be borrowed from the Chinese language, rather than from Sanskrit or Pâli.
The above facts appear to indicate that:
(i) Before the conquest of Thatôn by Anawrata, king of Pagan, in the eleventh century A. D., the Upper Valley of the Irrawaddy profes-ed the Mahayanist School of Buddhism.
(ii) At Tagaung, Prome and Pagan, in the early centuries of the Christian era, Chinese missionaries taught Buddhism in Chinese, side by side with Indian missionaries who taught it in Sanskrit, but Chinese political influence being in the ascendant, Chinese monks were in greater favour and their teaching made greater headway.
(iii) Indian missionaries who visited China, and Chinese missionaries who visited India, reached their destination through Burma, their route being through Bassein and Bhamo.
(iv) Burma, being a half-way house between India and China, received the converging influences of Buddhism; but the latter country being the nearer neighbour, Chinese influences became predominant.
FOLKLORE FROM THE CENTRAL PROVINCES.
BY MAIDERA N. CHITTANAH.
The King and his Clever Guard.
No. I.
मद न जाने कोई जात भूख न जाने मूखी भात ॥
प्यास न जाने धोबी घाट । नीन्द न जाने टूटी खाट ॥
In the capital of a certain King there dwelt a lovely girl of the sweeper caste who was a servant in the royal palace. It was her privilege to remove the delicacies left on the royal
table and take them home.
The king, in love with her beauty, used to visit her cottage every night, accompanied by one man as his guard. He spent the night there, ate with her the leavings from his own table, drank with her at the neighbouring washerman's ghat, and slept on a broken cot. In fact, he broke every rule of caste.
At dawn he returned home and summoned his Court. He then sent for the guard and told him to say truly what he had seen during the night, on pain of death. Through fear the guard used to falter and was led out to death.
This went on daily until the King came across a clever man, who had to accompany him to the hut, but determined not to be killed, like the others. So when he was called upon to tell the truth, he plucked up courage and said :
"Your Majesty, love is blind!"
"He is right," cried the King. "Let us hear more."
Encouraged by this the man went on: "Your Highness, hunger demands not delicacies."
All were impressed, but the subservient Court cried out: "Enough of your remarks, poor
morali t."
[In the Plate attached, col. 4, No. 12, Fu-to-tru should read Pu-t'i-tzu, and in col. 7, Pú. it should read Puti, ED.]

Page #233

CHINESE WORDS IN THE BURMESE LANGUAGE.
[ANNUARY
SKUIAL NUMBER
BURMESE.
MEANING
CHINESE
SAXSKRIT.
PAGI.
REMARKS.
Buddha
Baddha
Phn-ra (pronounced
Pha-ya)
106 1115 Fu-ya (now Buddha
pronounced Fo.
yeh)
2
Ta-ti : (also pro- Law
nounced TAA:)
i
HS Ta- Dharma erh-ma-ye
Dhamnia
The Chinese form is the transliteration of the Sanskrit teim Dharma, and is al breviated to Ta erh, or Ta-ra in Burmese.
.
3
Sangn
Assembly
of th Sêng.chia, Samgha
or Isang-ka
Sangha
S is pronounced th in
Burmese.
Wu Shih-chis
S'akra
Sakka
+Si-krá : (pronounced Indra or Ref Sagsa)
cording Angel of Buddhism
It is remarkable that the
vowel i after the consonant in the Burmeso word is derived from Chinese.
.
5
Veikban
Nirvana
* Nieh-p'an
Vibbāna
Neraban is an older form
of the word in Bur. m.ese.
6
Pu-to : (pronounced | Pa-tỏ :)
A pagoda
PE Fu-to
Chaitya
Cetiya
7
Kyaung
A monastery
Vihara
Vihara
Kung. (pronounced Kiong in the Amoy dialect)
In the Tavoy dialect of
the Burmese language, the word is pronounced
Klong
8
Rahan: or Yahan:
An ordnined
monk
WE U Lohan
Arban
Bhikkhu
9
Shan or Shin
A novice
E
Shang-jên
s'ramanera
Sananera
Shang-Jen or the superior
men denote, in Chinese, those who have renounced the world.
10 Kyam:
Ching
Sutra
Sutta
A canonical
book A palm-leaf
11
Pe
tl Pei
Talapatra
Talapatta
The Sanskrit word patra
became pei-to-lo in Chinese, which was shortened to pei.
12
Pa-ti-si (pronounced
Ba-di-zi)
rosary
MEF P'u-to
tzu
Bodhi becane Pu-ti in
Chinese ; audzu means & seed.
13 Kantaw or Kadaw
to
Kan-tao
Paja
Puja
To return
thanks to make obei sance
14
Kye :-za:
To render as sistance; to do a good turn
n DJ Kei-chu (in Northern Mandarin) and chitsa in Southern Mandarin)
15
Hlu
To give in Ho Lu
Dana
DAN
charity
16
Shi ko :
T Shih-k'ao
Namal
Namo
To worship;
to seek re. fuge in
TAW SEIN Ko.
GILBERT AND RIVINGTON.

Page #234


Page #235

JULY, 1906.]
MISCELLANEA AND BOOK NOTICES.
213
Neverthless, he continued to talk: "Your gracious Majesty, thirst is unmindful of an uncloan pool."
The King and his people were now lost in wonder and bade him continue : -"My Lord, sleep is unmindful of the mattressed bed."
The King was now so pleased that he cried out : "My man, your ingenious replies make you fit to be the chief man in the Kingdom."
Thus did the guard become Minister and wisely administered the State for many a day afterwards.
MISCELLANEA. INDIAN "HALF-HEADS."
half the face, one colour, and the other half 1. IN & version of the Legend of Gaga, occur another, may be compared. the following lines :
2. A somewhat similar custom exists in the Text.
Tochi Valley, Northern Waziristan, where some Bôle chele: - "Kappe ki jholi lengê khôs, jt of the Dauris, who are all Muhammadans, are Rosham jholi, aône kå banat bangde, jf." accustomed to shave one eye-brow, the moustache Adhi kayê jógt ne sône ki banadi, ji,
and half the beard, applying antimony above and Adht bajr ki banadi, ji.
below the eye, so as to completely disfigure
their faces. The Dauris also stain their faces, Translation,
especially the eye-brows or eye-lids, red and blue The disciples said (to Gôrakh-náth): "A wallet
to terrify their enemies. of cloth they will snatch from us, Let us wear a silken wallet, and deck our
3. In a photograph, taken at Thandsar, is the persons with gold."
figure of a faqir, half of whose face is painted The jogi (Gorakh-nath) changed half their
white. bodies into gold,
4. Other instances of similar half or partiAnd the other half into iron.
coloured decoration or disfigurement would be of
interest." With this idea it would appear that the
H. A. Rose. custom of painting half the body, or at least 1 4th December, 1905.
BOOK-NOTICE. L'ABT Gatco-BOUDDHIQUI DU GANDHIRA: Etude the fire-place; several of these being simply sur les Origines, de l'Influence olassique dans l'Art | marvels of artistic finish and taste. This is how
we treat such precious treasures of art belonging Par A. FOUCHER, Doot. és Lett. Tome premier:
to the first or second century of the Christian era. Introduotion- los Edifices - leg Barreliefs ; avec 300 illustrations, une planche et une oarto.
Attention was long since directed to the PARIS, 1905.
artistic and historical interest of these sculptures Do we take any really scientific interest in the and of the structures where they were found, but ancient and very remarkable sculptures found on it is the educated scientific mind that can rightly the north-west frontier of India, and how do we appreciate the use and value of such remaine, show.it P Beyond looking on them as curios,' Hence the German Government with its usual what have we done to promote their study instructed intelligence, through the medium of Great numbers of the larger fragments of them the Royal Maseums, in 1893, undertook the have been housed in the Labor and Calcutta publication of an illustrated handbook of Museums, and the mess-house of the Guides Buddhist Art in India,' prepared by Prof. Corps at Mardan possesses some half a dozen A. Grünwedel and based on the collection of statues nsed as wall decorations, and twenty-six these sculptures at Berlin, but dealing scientificbas-reliels, justly "reckoned among the chef- ally with the history and details of the art and d'autres of the Gandhåra school," are built into the mythology of the sculptures. Orientalists
Capt. Koen, Political Agent in the Tochi, describes the Daurt ornaments thus :- The Dauri men used to dye the right eye with black antimony and the left with red, colouring half their obeeks also in the same way. The met, not the women, also used to woar ooids sewn in the breast of their cloaks, as is commonly done by Ghilsni women."
For an instance in Africa, cf. the 'hall-heade,' Ewe-speaking Peoples, p. 168.

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214
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1906.
Lailed its appearance, and a second and enlarged almost, were excavators at the trouble to edition was issued by the Museums authorities unearth the buildings to the basements with a in 1900, of which a much-extended translation view to fix their plans and restore the scheme of into English, with additional illustrations from their decoration; their only care has been to lay the Lahor and Calcutta Museums, was again hands on the sculptures. Again, they did not published by Quaritch in 1901.
trouble to preserve or protect pieces that might
be too heavy or too fragmentary to seem worth More than twenty years ago General Sir A.
removing. In many cases headless trunks and Cunningham and Major Cole bad planned
mutilated reliefs strew the clearings and testify a volume on theso remains, but beyond selecting
to the ignorance and brutishness - if one may the subjects for 83 illustrations no more was done.
use the term with which the exenvntions have Neither of the probably had the equipment to
been cond acted, when most frequently they were make a scientific exposition of the materials, and
left to the supervision of some native subaltern nt that time the Indian Government took no
or even to the discretion of coolies from the practical interest in it.
nearest village." Thus they have been now It was reserved for the French School of the
reduced to "deliberate, not natural ruins." But far East, however, to give us the first really we may ask "whether the remains have not exhaustive treatise on these remains. A mission
suffered more within these latter years by the was committed to Dr. A. Foucher, the author of
vandalism of amateur archæologists, then they this work, and in charge of it he was sent to had done in the course of previous centuries from India in 1895. There he travelled all over the the fan Yusufzsi and part of the Swät districts, examining of treasure-seekers and collectors of bricks and all the sites where sculptures were found, stone." And surely. As the author adds. "it is excavating and photographing or obtaining time that the enlightened Government of India photographs of the sculptures in the museums. should intervene to put an end to the caprices of In 1897 he returned to Europe with a collection would-be European antiquaries at of seventy sculptures, along with some plaster greed of natives. A new and still more menacing heads, &c. Since then he has worked up his danger lies in the fact that the latter bare materials, and now lays the results before his learnt the market value of works of art, and the readers in justification of how he hns carried out enticements of gain have quickly changed them his mission. The first volume is ample proof of from iconoolasts to vendors of images. At the his success and capacity as a trained archeologist. present rate there will soon be left not a single He has discussed the whole subject with a skill historic site either beyond or within the British and research that reveals his mastery of it in all frontier sufficiently intact for the methodical its bearings the work is monumental in its research one would wish in future." The new field.
Act for the Conet vation of Ancient Monuments, The rich antiquarian remains buried in the
it systematically and judiciously applied, bow. Kübul valley and in the Yusufzai district were
ever, may open a new era for the archæology of brought to light, scarcely seventy years ago, by
Gandhāra. Mr. C. Masson, General Ventura, Capt. Court, Dr. Foucher traces briefly the various official and Drs. Gerard and Hönigberger, whose sole surveys that followed one another from 1879 to nim seems to have been to tear open every stūpa
1884, carried out by companies of Sappers and from Manikyāla to. Kabul in search of ancient European officers, often without any satisfactory coins and relic-cankets. Of sculptures or result, and of the expedition planned by Major architectural structure there is little mention: Cole to the hill-country about Kharkai, and their importance was not then considered. After entrusted wholly to a native jamadAr under whom the annexation of the Panjab in 1849, the ruing in " the buildings were badly excavated and the Yusufzai district began to be exploited," mostly," plans most rudimentary," but who was successful as Dr. Foucher remarks, "without any fized plan
in what he doubtless regarded as almoet his and with motives not quite disinterested. The sole duty, the recuring of a numerous collechistory of these depredations is a long and tion of sculptures after the old methods - lamentable ono, from the exploit of the Oolonel without relation to original positions or care for Saheb 'who, as Cunningham teils us, carried off fragments. on twelve camels the statues round the platform at | Against these is placed the excavation made by Jamalgarhi' to those irresponsible diggings, the Colonel Sir H. Deane at Sikri in 1889 - "the first ravages of which, in the scarcely opened district of in Gandhāra to be methodically conducted, and Swát, Col. Deane so justly deplores. Nowhere, from which, by an exception almost unique, we

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JULY, 1906.]
BOOK-NOTICES.
possess the frieze or drum of a stupa in its original state." This stupa has also been made the subject of a special monograph by Dr. Foucher.
In 1895-96 Sir Charles Elliot deputed a mission to Swat to obtain sculptures from the LoriyanTangai stupas, the proceeds from which are now placed in the Calcutta Museum. In 1898 also Dr. Stein was deputed to Buner, the results of which he has published.
But the actual finds have far exceeded those that have been placed in public museums, Indian, home, or continental. To no museum in England have gone any considerable number; many are in private hands, and it is to be regretted we have not at least casts of these. The collections of the late Dr. Leitner, of between 400 and 500 pieces, have all finally gone to Berlin, to which Sir A. Cunningham also contributed as extensively as to the British Museum.
-
The influence of Greek art as it existed in the provinces about tue first and second centuries A. D. presents itself very markedly in these sculptures; and though various writers have wronght out theoretical dates, they generally range chiefly between the first and Jurth centuries, with the second and early part of the third as the most flourishing period of the art.
Further to follow the details placed before the reader in this volume would far exceed our limits. After a very complete introduction to the whole subject, the discussion falls into two parts: the buildings and the sculptures. In the first Dr. Foucher discusses the stupa, its purpose, structure and technique; the Vihara and its roofing; and the evolution of the Sangharima or monastery, with the decoration of its constituent parts. The second part, dealing with the rich and interesting bas-reliefs, is subdivided according to the subjects of the sculptures whether decorative or architectural, and their elements classical and Indian, and as representing legends of the Bodhisattva, Buddha's career, death and relics. Finally the volume closes with a general review on the whole and the historic interest of these remarkable antiquities.
215
Dr. Foneer has wrought out with remarkable sagacity and mastery, the identification of the subjects of the numerous scenes represented in varied forms in the sculptures. Scholars will look forward with the greatest interest to the appearence of the second volume concluding the work, with full confidence that it will still further extend our knowledge of a subject of which the author has here shown himself so complete a master.
A share of the credit of this excellent work is
also due to L'École Française de l'Extréme Oriert, under whose competent supervision this mission as well as the important archaeological surveys in Anam and Cambodia are so ably carried out and their results published.
J. BURGESS.
PARVATI PAHINATA, with an introduction and footnotes, by Pandit R. V. KRISHNAMACHARIAE. Srirangam, 1905 (Sri Vani Vilas Sanskrit Series, No. 1). II, 1871 ages, 8°.
THE new collection of Sanskrit texts, of which this work is the first instalment, has just been started by Mr. T. H. Balasubrahmanyam, B.A., of Srirangam. Although the drama Párvatiparinaya has no poetical value at all, but is nothing but a tiresome and unsavoury rechauffé of an old story that had been charmingly told by Kalidasa in his Kumarasambhava, the new edition forms a very interesting contribution to literary history, inasmuch as the editor, Pandit R. V. Krishnamachariar, in his elaborate and flowing bhúmiki or, introduction, discusses at length the authorship of the Párvatiparinaya and the date of its author. On the strength of aesthetical and historical arguments, Mr. Krishnamachariar disproves the popular belief that the author of the Kadambari and Harshacharita composed the Pârvattparinaya as well, and attributes this drama to a certain Vâmanabhaṭṭabana, who lived in the fifteenth century A.D., Bana being only the abridged form of Vâmanabhaṭṭabana. That the Parvatiparinaya belongs to a pretty late tine, is firat concluded by Mr. Krishnamachariar from the argumentum ex silentio no writer on Sanskrit rhetorics or poetics ever cites the
1 Si o'est réellement l'auteur du Harshacharita, de la Kadambart, et du Chandisataka qui a composé ce drama, on ne peut le considérer que comme un essai de jeunesse, tant l'oeuvre est pauvre d'invention et d'imagination. Il est impossible de concevoir une pièce plus entièrement dénnéa d'intérêt. Los cinq actes sont vides d'aotion.; des conversations, des récits, des messages et des descriptions les remplissent... Les personnages ne sont que des mannequins inertes" (Lévi, Le Théatre Indien, p. 195, 196).
On the other hand, Godbole, in his Marathi translation, saya::- नाटक प्रगल्भ व सरस असून सुलभ आहे. यांत संविधानाची पूर्णता, रसांची परिपुटि संदर्भाची चतुराई, आणि सभ्यांची मनोरंजकता हे गुण असावे तसे आहेत.
But
-
de gustibus non est disputandum!
M. B. Telang, in the preface of his edition, says:- - का वेदाधुनिका बाणभट्ट विरचितान्यग्रन्थेभ्यः पार्वतीपरिणयनाट कस्य रीतिवैलक्षण्यं पश्यन्तः नेयं बाणभट्टकृतिरिति तर्कयन्ते ।। CP. Pischel, GGA. 1333; K. T. Tolang, stover Vol. III. p. 219.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
(JULY, 1906,
Prvati-parinaya: - Urar 759
- Page 47, stanza 6 t,
K
a rta , त्यदर्पणादन्यतमे ऽपि लक्षामन्ये गन्धो ऽप्यस्य नाटकस्य | GOT परिणमम्मानजी पिशजी परणम°]. #99974 (Bhumika, 2). Of course, we could Page 48, line 5, KARTTATTATURA, not rely on such an argument alone; but there GOT THR 1999ragara ITA [O - are others, taken from inscriptions and literature,
TICHET°). which show that Vamanabhattabana, the author
Page 53, stanza 14, T q, a misprint for i in of the Viranirdyanacharita, the Sabdaratncikara,
GKO. the Sringarabh Kishan bhdna, &c., sprung from the Vatsa family, and bearing the biruda Abhinava- Page 54, stanza 17, K correctly aforintrbapa, is the author of the Párvatiparinaya too. G o, a bahuvrihi compound belonging to This poet was th protégé of the Reddi king w a ; GT TOGETTI TAG . O with Vema alias Viranarayana, whose time is fixed by chhandobhanga 41361941 TTATGT. some inscriptions; see Bhumika, p. 10 ff.
Page 55, line 7, KO correctly insert feru As regards the text of the present edition,
after fi I have found it to contain several good varie lec
Page 57, stanza 2 , KOTTATGT for the tiones, by comparing it with the previous texts of
senseless reading of GT, 917 Parashuram Balla! Godbole (with Marathi transla
orar. Glaser, tion, Bombay, 1872, = Dakshina Prize Book p. 32, note 4, mentions to Series, No. 5), of Glaser (Ueber Bana's Párpati- Page 58, stanza 4 a/b, KO YOT E parinayanataka, Wien, 1883, from the Sitzungs- Tarafa ; ep. Glaser, p. 33, note 1. berichte der phil.-hist. Classe der kais. Akademie
GT Or Tarafa yat: [c/d, K der Wissenschaften, CIV. Band, II. Heft, p. 575;
rotarregafora, a misprint for refer to ] a childish reprint of Godbole's text, full of grave
Page 62, tanza blunders!) and of Mangesh Ramkrishna Telang
14 b, K (76 ...) (Bombay, 1892). It may be added here, that the
अध्यास्त भृङ्गमाना बजभिन्मणिखचितनपुरब्याजात, readings of Mr. Krishnamachariar's edition often GOT are
far foto agree with those of a MS. in the Indian Institute, Page 63, stanza 16, K and Glaser, p. 35, note 1 Oxford (No. 145 of Keith's catalogue), which in Er war frate ; GT wrongly - the following lines is marked 0, while copie- T E ; O Tato qirgt. sponds to God bole's and T to Telang's edition,
[ Page 63, stanza 18, GT G T; KO Page 5, stanza 9 b, K artaferrafat,
wrongly TCH ] GT wrongly afcat alarer Hafa :
Page 65, stanza 24 b, K correctly ; R ayPage 19, line 4 from bottom, GT omit er ar rufe, GOTOVE !! Inc, KO TATT after EETTATI.
T erug [
OT ], GT frai. In d, K Page 19, line 1 from bottom, GT omit the
48T, GT YET, O 98Totalig; Glaser, p. 36, note 1, whole passage तारक
Prshteraudra'. Page 21, KO attribute the words from afar Page 65, stanza 25 a, KO ATAR, G to मनोरथसिद्धिर्भविष्यतीति to Brihaspati, not to WITA, T . Mahendra, as does T.
Page 68, line 4, KOT Tora, Page 24, GT omit lines 9 vo 14, which are found GT GT FEL!! in KO.
Page 68, line 10, T Tag, a misprint for Page 25, stanza 12, KGO correctly o
armigias. for the wrong a o of T.
Page 68, stanza 31, KO AR age, which is Page 26, lines 5 to 6, KO Titoral
of course the correct reading tor मोबसन्तकुसुम for the bad reading of GT, परिगणितश्चन्द्रचूडो.
in GT. The former reading is to be adopted, because it
The publisher is quite right when he says that is a quotation from stanza 12, at T Hot
"The publication of this Sanskrit Series needs no Page 28, stanza 16 b, K V # afaga justification," and "Readers of this edition of
V roug, GT wrongly vastaga Pârvati Pariņaya will observe the various differGR 2. Op. Glaser's reprint, p. 18,
ences in the readings and also note what vast note 4.
improvements have been effected thereby." Our
thanks are, I consider, due to him and to the Page 29, lines 1 to 3 are omitted in GOT.
learned editor. Page 93, line 2 from bottom, GT ar
RICHARD SCHMIDT. fafararAIRhiararanara , KO T . Halle S., Germany, चर्मवमितायां [0 तारक्षवचर्मनिर्मितास्तरणायां] हिम
May 29th, 1906.

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August, 1906.) A NATIVE ACCOUNT OF THE THIRTY-SEVEN NATS.
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A NATIVE ACCOUNT OF THE THIRTY-SEVEN NATS. Being a Translation of a rare Buurm se Manuscript.
BY SIR E. C. TEMPLE.
Preface. T THILE procuring information for an account of the Thirty-Seven Nats, published ante,
. Vol. XXIX. pp. 117, 190, &c., and for the separate illustrated work on the subject, entitled The Thirty-Sevn Nats, a Phase of Spirit Worship prerailing in Burma (London: Grigys, 1906), I secured in 1892 a copy of a rare Burmese MS. of 1820 on the Nats from one Maung Kyaw Yan, « carver of Rangoon, and of this I now give a translation made in 1894. I very mnch regret that I overlooked the possession of this Ms. and its translation when preparing the abovementioned article and work for the Press, as its contents would have be a of material value to both. However, I now give the translation of the MS. in full for the benefit of students.
Accounts of the Thirty-Savon Nats. Reverence to him that is Blessed, Holy, and Omniscient.
In compliance with the commands of the Heir-Apparent communicated on the 5th waxing of Tasaungmôn, 1167 Sakkaraj [ 1805 A. D. ] Thirimahajêyyathu, afterwards Atwin wun and Governor of Myawadi, bearing the title of Mingyi Mahathilatha, drew up an account of the Thirty-Seven Nats, treating of the manner in which ceremonies and festivals were held in their honour, the dress worn by the mediums at such festivals, and the music played on such occasions. The account was compiled on the 4th waxing of Thadingyut, 1132 Sakkaraj (1820 A. D.), in the southern apartments of the Palace, in consultation with the musicians Nga Myat Thâ and Nga Tarok, the head medium Kawidê wagyaw, and many other experts conversant with the subject.
The Thirty-Seren Nats. 1. Thagga Nat.
20. Medaw Shwêsagâ Nat. 2. Mahâgiri Nat.
21. Maung Pô Tů Nat. 3. Hnamâdaw Taung-gyishin Nat.
22. Yun Bayia Nat. 4. Shwênabê Nat.
23. Maung Minbyů Nat. 5. Thônbàn Hla Nat.
24. Mandale Bodaw Nat. 6. Taang-ngu Shin Mingaung Nat.
25. Shwêbyin Naun w Nat. 7. Mintara Nat.
26. Shwêbyin Nyidaw Nat. 8. Thàndawgàn Nat. .
27. Mintha Maung Shin Nat. 9. Shwê Nawratâ Nat.
28. Tibyûsaung Nat. 10. Aungzwâmàgyi Nat.
29. Medaw Tibyúsaung Nat. 11. Ngâzishin Nat.
30. Bayin à Mingaung Nat. 12. Aungbinle Sinbyushin Nat.
81. Min Sithů Nat. 13. Taungmàgyi Nat.
32. Min Kyawzwa Nat. 14. Myauk Minshin Nat.
33. Myaukpet Shinma Nat. 15. Shindaw Nat.
84. Anauk Mibaya Nat. 16. Nyaung-gyin Nat.
35. Shingôn Mat. 17. Tabin Sb wedi Nat.
36. Shingwå Nat. 18. Minyè Aungdin Nat.
87. Shir Nemi Nat. 19. Shệ Sitthin Nat. 1 1. e., Buddha.
? ... the Eashēmin. This prince was the son of King BódawphayA (1781-1919 ) and wever succeeded his father, but both his own sons, BAjdaw (1819--1 37) and Tharwadi (1837-1813), reigned ante, Vol. XXI. p. 289.
* This list is exactly the sams as to the order of the names as the list pnt forward by me in the works above quoted and almost identical as to the form of the names. These frote are of interet, as the correctness of my names, and alloontion has been disputed, and they are ia strong coufirmation of the other proofs of the socuracy of my list that I have already produced.

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1. Thagya Nat. Thagya Nat is the Thagya [Ruler) of the Tawadênth Heaven. In the festival of this Nat the medium wears a pas loin cloth] fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, a jacket with broad sleeves, and a white shawl round the neck. He holds a conch-shell in the left hand. and thabye twigs in the right. Holding the twigs, put together in the form of a yal-fan, and pacing gently and gracefully, he chaunts an ode, in which he admonishes all his worshippers to ehun evil and do only good, threatening evil-doers with punishment and promising rewards to the righteous.
2. Mah&girt Nat. Mahagiri Nnt is the spirit of Nga Tindè, son of Nga Tindaw, a blacksmith of Tagaung. Being apprehensive of his strength and valour, the king of Tagaung tried to arrest him. He baffled such attempts by hiding himself in the woods. The king resorted to a stratagem, and made his sister, Swêmi, a queer, with the title of Thirichandâ, and made her inveigle her brother to the palace. He was then captured, tied to a sagà tree in front of the palace and burnt alive with the aid of bellows.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a pasó and & jacket, both fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, and a reddish brown gilt hat. He holds a fan in his right hand and thabye twigs and a sword in bis left. He fans himself three times and chaunts an ode, in which he bewails his own fate and the treachery of the king. After this he throws down the fan and the sword on the ground and dances.
3. Hnemadaw Taung-gyishin Nat. She was the daughter of Nga Tindaw of Tagaung. When her brother was being burnt alive, she asked the king's permission to pay her last respects to her brother. She then went to where he was, and, under the pretence of paying her respects, jumped into the fire and thus met her death. The attendants only just succeeded in saving her head, over which were afterwards performed the rites of cremation. After their death, both brother and sister became Nats on the sagà tree. They did much barm to the people by afflicting them with ailments and disease, and eventually the evil became so intolerable that the tree itself was uprooted and thrown into the Irrawaddy. It drifted down and was stranded on the shore of Pagån, near the Thàppâyànka Gate, during the reign of King Thinlègyaung. They then related their story to the king in a dream, and he mad their images and placed them in a Nat shrine on the top of Mount Pôpå.
In this fes-ival, the medium wears a skirt fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, a long jacket, and a shawl embroidered with gold and silver. The shawl is worn over the head. Sho holds a cup of betel-leaves in the left hand and a water-jug with a lid in the right hand. She lays down the jng after raising it three times, and then, holding thabye twigs in both hands, she dances and chaunts an ode, in which she recounts her old happy days and bewails her fate and that of her brother, and the treachery of the king.
4. Shwe Nabo Nat. Shwe Nabê Nat was, according to the usual story, a resident of Mindôn. She was married to a sea-serpent and gave birth to two sons, Taungmàgy and Myaukmin Sinbyushin. Being deserted by the sea-serpent she died of a broken-heart.
According to another story, she was the relative of a certain nagd or sea-serpent. On a visit to her relative at Namantå Settawya, she brought her three daughters Shwêchů,
• I avoid explanations of the text, as they will be found in detail in the works already referred to.

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Pånbyû, and Pattâmga with her. Leaving them at Nanàntâ on the Màn River, she continued her journey up the River Irrawaddy, when she met Nga Tindè of Tagaung, who was then a refugee in the forests. She fell in love with him and became the mother of Taungmagyi and Myaukmin Sinbyûshin. After a while Nga Tindè was pat to death by the king of Tagaung, and became a Nat under the name of Mahagiri. She survived her husband, but after laying two eggs on Malè Hill, she died. She then became a Nat and returned to Sagû Mindôn.
Yet another tradition says that she went up the Bóntaungbôn-nya River after leaving her three daughters at Namàntâ, and, coming across a woodman on the way, they became man and wife. She laid two eggs, which she gave to her husband, when he took leave of her to return to his parents. The man floated the two eggs down the stream. After the departure of her husband, she died of a broken-heart and became a Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a skirt fringed with a border of foreign manufacture and a long jacket with a shawl of parti-coloured design. Her hair is loosened and divided, a portion falling on her back, and another passing through the holes bored in her ears. She chaunts an ode and then dances with thabye twigs in her hands. In the ode she recounts the events of her past life and bewails her death and the condition in which she is, and expresses regret at the faithlessness of her husband.
5. Thonbàn HLA Nat.
Thôn bàn Há Nat was the youngest sister of Nga Tinde. She was a native of Tagaung also. When her brother and elder sister met with tribulation, she fled to Arakan, where she was received and adopted as a daughter by the king of Arakan, who presented her afterwards to Thamaindaw, King of Okkalaba. She became a queen of Thamaindaw and gave birth to Shinnemi. On her way to Tagaung to see her relatives, she died suddenly in Tabèdaukyit village, west of Ara. Her daughter Shinnémi also died of grief at the same place. They became Nats and haunted the Pôpå Hill, together with their relatives.
Another legend says that she was a native of Kazunnain in Hanthawadi. Her beanty is said to change three times a day, hence her name Thônbào Hlá. On account of her surpassing beauty she was presented to King Duttabaung of Thayêk hettaya [Prome]. Out of envy the senior queens bribed the attendants sent by the king to receive the new bride, and instructed them to give him a false account of her by saying that her person was not graceful, and was of large proportions, Accordingly, the attendants suggested to the king, that if the new queen was to be conducted into the palace, the doors of the palace and the gates of the city would have to be reconstructed and widened considerably. Thereupon the king ordered her to remain outside the city. A hut was, built for her residence under a tamarind tree on the east of the city. She earned her living by weaving, and having accumulated a fair sum of money she erected a pagoda. But being the neglected, she died of despair afterwards. The pagoda is known as the Kôgyilok Pagoda, the tamarind tree as the Lingồmagyî Tree, and the loom, which has turned into stone, as Thônban Hla's Loom, and are still [1820] existing in Thayêkhettaya. In Hànthawadi, however, there is no village called Kazunnain. The real name is Tâdundàt, which, by corruption, was turned to Kazunnain. In the Revenue accounts of Hàothâwadi, it is called [1820] by the name of Tadundát, which, interpreted into Burmese, means Tadàngê [small bridge).
In the festival to this Nat the medium dances with a matalali skirt and a pannun shawl. She then makes a change in her dress, wearing a skirt fringed with a border of Western manufacture and a spotted shawl embroidered with gold and silver. She afterwards makes a third change in her dress, wearing a scarlet silk skirt of the zigzag pattern, embroidered with gold and silver. After having danced three times with the three changes of dress, a dish of cooked rice is first offered, followed successively by dishes of plantains, custard-apples, guavas, &c. The musicians must first play

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a Talaing air twice and then a Burmese sir. After dancing three times she chaunts an le, in which she recognts her own story, and expresses sorrow at the death of her brother and elder sister and at her own fate.
6. Taung-ngu-Shin Mingaung Nat. He was the son of Minyèthingåthủ of Taung-ogů [Tonghoo) by a lesser queen, who was a native of Northern Kadu. He succeeded his father in the kingdom of Taung-ngů, which he ruled under the title of Kothàu Thaken Bayin Mingaang. When taken ill from a disorder of the stomach he removed his residence temporarily to the Paunglaung River. There the smell of onions was so strong that he was compelled to return to the city, on reaching the walls of which he died. In making offerings of food to this Nat, onions must be eschewed.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a pasó, fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, a jacket with broad sleeves, and a gilt hat coloured white and brown with either a white or gold fillet. In his left hand he holds a sword by the handle, with the blade away from him, and in his right hand a fan. He first chaupts an ode, in which he narrates his own story, and then walks about.
7. Mintarágyi Nat. Mintarágyi Nat, known as Sinbyushin Mintarî, was the elder brother of King Mingaung I. of Ava. He is said to have died of fever.
In the festival to thig Nat the medium wears the same dress as that of the Taung-ngu-Shin Mingaung Nat. He chaunts an ode, narrating the story of his own life,
8. Thànde wgàn Nat.
.
Thandawgàn Nat was a Secretary, by name Yèbya, of Taung-ngu Bayin Mingaung. He died of malarial fever at Myedů, whither he was sent to repair the village, while collecting flowers in a jungle for the king in compliance with his master's wishes.
Another logond says that he died of snake bite white collecting jasming flowers at night from a jasmine troe in the courtyard, in compliance with the orders of the king, with whom he was holding a conversation.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears the same dregg as that of the Mintará Nat. Holding a sword and a fan in his hands, he chaunts an ode in which he recounts his own story, bewailing the fate he met with, while still a faithful servant of the king, and enjoying the pleasures and honours bestowed upon him. The music must play a Talning tune.
9. Shwe Nawrata Nat.
He was the son of Mahathîhâtbû and grandson of King Mingaung II. of Ava. During the reign of his paternal uncle Shwe Nangyawsbin, bis servant Nga Tbank-kyk rose in rebellion. In consequence he was captured by the king, while living with his mother, and afterwards thrown into a river. The story is also mentioned in the Burmese histories,
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a red pasó, . red jacket, and a gold embroidered turban, with a white shawl thrown round the neck. He holds a fan in the right hand and chaunts an ode. He then takes out a turban, or a piece of clean cloth, and, twisting it into the form of a cradle, rocks to and fro three times. Lastly, he makes gestures as if playing gôn-nyin (polo]. In the ode he traces bis descent from the powerfal kings and recounts the happy days of his life.

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10. Aungxwamagyt Nat. He was the minister of Prince Narapatisithû, brother of King Minyineyathenga. Weliwadi was the wife of Prince Negaadisithû. Her beauty had so fascinated the king that he became enamoured of her, and determined to make her his wife. In order to attain his object he gave out that a rebell.on had broken out at Ngassungcban, anl sent his brother, Neyâbadisitlû, to quell it. During the absence of the husband he took Welûwadi to wife and made her his queen by force. Neyába lisithû divined the evil desiga of the king and left his faithful groom, Ngu Pyi, to watch the trend of affairs during his absence. The pony, Thûdawtî, was left for the groom to ride to his master. Nga Pyi was, however, delayed on the road, and was executed for tarrying on the way. Aungzwa, a confidential servant of Negabadisîthủ, was then sent to encompass the ruin of the king, the reward being a queen froin the harem. Aungzwa succeedel, but was subsequenily executed for reproaching Neyâbadisithû for failure to keep his promise. Auugzwa then became a Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a pasó, fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, & jacket with broad sleeves and a gilt hat coloured red and white. On his left shoulder he carries & sword with thabye twigs in the form of a scroll on it, and in the right hand he bears a fan. He chaunts an ode anil, putting down the sword and the fan, he dances. In the ode he narrates his own story and bewails his fate, exhorting other servants of princes to refrain from showing disrespect to tbeir masters.
11. Ngazishin Nat. He was Kyawzwâ, the governor of Pinlè, and son of. Thihathu, the founder of Pinle. He obtained five white elephants from Pinlè an l inherited the king lom from his brother Uzana, who abdicated the throne. He died of illness after a reign of niue years and became a Nat.
In the fəstival to this Nat the medium wears a court-dress, holding a fan covered with one end of his paső in the left, and twigs of thahye in the right hand. As he recites an ode, in which he narrates his owa story, he assun'es the gestures of one riding on horse-back.
12. Aungbinlè Sinbyshin Nat. He was the son of King Mingaung I. of Ava, and brother of King Kyawzwî, who died at Dalla. After the death of his father he reigned as King of Ava. While riding an elephant and superintending the plughing of a plot of lind, south of the Aangbinl) Lake, he was treacherously assassinated by the Sawbwî of Oabaang. He became a Nat under the name of Aungbinlè Sinbyúshin.
In the festival to this Nat the medium is dressed in high court-dress holding a gold elephant goad in the left hand, and a lasso, made of his white p 186, toge her with thabye twigs, is held in the right hand. He chaunts an ode, recounting his own life, tracing his descent from a powerful line of kings, and promising to all caltivators his supernatural assistance in securing them rich harvests; and after exhorting them to strengthen the embankment of the lake, he holds the twigs of thaby& in his right hand, and mimics the sowing of seed in a fieid.
18. Taungmàgyi and Myauk Minsinbya Nats. They were the sons of a sea-serpent and Shwe Nabe, a native of Mindon. According to one legend they were the sons of Nga Tinde, afterwards Mahagiri Nat, by the sea-serpent Shwe Nabê. They were born from eggs in the Malè woods after their parents had lived for some time as man and wife. After the death of their parents, these two eggs were picked up by a Risbi, dwelling near the Male River. From these two eggs were hatched the two brothers, known by the names of Shin Byû and Shin Nyê. On their death they were deified on the upper reaches of the river, each being represented with six hands.

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Another legend says that they were the sons of a woodman, by the sea-serpent Shwe Nabê. She laid two eggs and they were given to a hanter, who, being afraid to take them home to his relatives, drifted them down the Bôn taung bôn-nya River. They were stranded on a slab of stone, on which they were hatched, producing two children. They are said to have been suckled by deer, which they followed as their mother. In the meantime it was declared in Thasekhettaya, during the reign of King Dattabaung, by royal astrologers that two powerful men would appear in that country. On enquiry they were discovered and directed to attend on King Duttabaung. Acquainted with their valour, the king became suspicious of their loyalty, so he ordered a boxing match between them in front of the palace, making them wear pasos, each worth one lakh of pieces of silver. The two brothers fought so fiercely and violently that they both died of exhaustion, the elder dying after the younger. When they became Nats, the younger, Shin Nyô, became the elder of the two under the name of Taungmàggi Nat; the elder, Shin Byû, becoming the younger Nat under the name of Myaukmin Shin Byů. While in the service of the king, Shin Nyo's duty was to collect revenue from the northern parts of the kingdom, inhabited by the Shans and Chinese, and he was called the Myaukmàgyi. In like manner, and for performing similar duties, Shin Byû came to be known as Taungmàgyi. They are also known to the east of Prome as Kûdawshin, and are represented with six hands each.
In holding a festival in honour of Taungmagyi the medium wears a pasó, fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, a close-fitting military jacket, ear ornaments, and a red turban, and a red hat. He holds a sword in the right hand and a bunch of thaby& twigs in the left hand. He mimics the sharpening of his sword and, after cutting the thabyế twigs with it, he places it in bis belt and chaunts an ode, in which he recounts the events of bis life, dwelling on his accomplishments and feats, the cruelty of his mother, and the kindness of the Rishi who suckled him and his brother with milk from his fingers, and bewailing the state he has attained.
.
14. Myauk Minsinbyushin Nat. For an account of this Nat, see that of the preceding Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a paso, fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, close-fitting military jacket, a black turban, ear ornaments, and black trousers. He holds & sword with both hands and cheants an ode, in which he claims descent from Nga Tindaw, his grandfather, Mahagiri, his father, and Ma Swêmi, his aunt, and recounts the feats he performed while in the service of the king. After this he mimics the rowing of a boat and then dances freely and wildly as a Shan.
15. Shindaw Nat. He was a novice, admitted into the order of monks by the King of Ava and entrusted to the care of the high priest of Kyauktalog Hngetpyittaung. He died of snake-bito and became & Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a yellow-dyed robe and dances with a fan in the right hand. In the ode he recounts his own life, extolling his accomplishments and bewailing his own fate.
16. Nyaung-gyin Nat. He was one of the descendants of King Manuha of Thaton. He died of leprosy in Pagan during the reign of King Newratâ and became a Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium is dressed like that of Myauk Minsinbyu. He chaunts an ode and then dances with bis fingers closed, to indicate that his hands are loprous. In the ode ho claims descent from King Manuba of Thaton and recounts his own story. He bowails

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his fate as a man and Nat and the loathsome disease with which he is afflicted. As a leper he abstsins from all flesh that tends to aggravate his condition, and in making offerings to him all flesh has to be escbewed. Even as a Nat his abode is in the hearth. Anyone ponsessed by him itches all over the body. He is propitiated by offerings of rice-cakes placed on the hearth. In Burma he is as familiar as Mahagiri and others.
17. Tabin Shwedi Nat. He was the son of King Kyinyo, the founder of Taung-ngủ (Tonghoo). While he was reigning in Hanthawadi, he was advised by Thamain Sawdut to remove his capital, in order to escape from misfortune. He removed to a temporary residence, where he was treacherously murdered by one of his guards, the brother of Thamain Sawdut.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a paso, fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, a gold embroidered turban, and a gold embroidered scarf and a white shawl round the neck. He also wears á jacket and a gilt purple hat. Holding an unsheathed sword in the right hand, he chaunts an ode, in which be recounts his owu life. Lastly he thrusts the point of his sword into two bunches of plantain and lays them down, after liiting them up in the air.
18. Minyè Aungdin Nat. He was the son of King Anankpet Thalan Mindayê and son-in-law of King Thalun Mindaya. He died of excessive drinking and became a Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium is dressed in the same way as that of Tabin Shwedi. He walks with a sword covered with the pasó in one hand and chaunts an ode, in which he bewails his own fate and exhorts others not to follow his example. After this he dances while playing on a harp.
19. Shwa Thate [ Sitthin] Net. He was the son of Sawmun of Pagan, He was sent by his father to suppress the rising of the Shans at Kyaing thin. On reaching Hlaingdet he proceeded no further, but amused himself with cock-fighting. He was in consequence punished by his father for disobeying his orders by having his legs buried in the earth. He died of grief soon after in that position and became a Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a scarlet pasó, one end of which is thrown round his neck, a scarlet jacket, a gold embroidered tarban and a gilt purple bat, coloured red on the top. He takes off his turban and, laying it down on the ground, he bows down three times and chaunts an ode, in which he bewails the cruel fate be met with at his father's hands for disobedionce of orders.
20. Modaw Shw@saga Nat. She was the queen of Sawmun of Pagân and mother of the governor of Hlaingdet. She died of grief at the terrible fate of ber son and became a Nat at Hlaingdet along with her son.
. In the festival to this Nat the medium wears & skirt, fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, a long jacket (court-dress), a white shawl and a white scarf on her head. Walking with a rosary in her hand, she chaunts on ode, in which she narrates the story of her own life.
21. Maung PO TO Nat. He was a native of Pinya. By profession he was a trader in tes. On bis return from Thonze, Mômek, Thibaw, Taungbeing and other places, with which he was trading during the reign of King Mingaung I., he was killed by a tiger at the foot of a bill near Ongyaw and Lekkaung villages.

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On becoming a Nat, he became friends with Shwêsitthi Nat, the Prince of Hlaingdet. They lived toge her and are generally known as Min Hnaba Nats [the two princes]. His wife Mi Hnin E. Shan, lived at Taungbaing.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a scarlet pasd, with one end thrown round his neck, a scarlet iacket, and a scarlet turban. On his left shoulder he carries a sword with a piece of cloth, in the form of a bandle, suspended from it. He holds twigs of thabye in the right hand and chaunts an ode, while mimicking the driving of oxen. Then he drinks water as a tiger. In the ode he recounts his own story, bewailing the cruel manner in which he met with his death. According to this story he died on account of his refusal to listen to the words of his wife, who strongly urged him not to proceed on his journey. It is said that, previous to his death, he dreamt that his top-knot tied up by his wile, and his right arm on which his wise used to rest her head, were cut off.
22. Yunbayin Nat.
He was King Byáthàn of Zimms. When it was annexed in 920 Sakkaraj (1558 A. D.) by Sinbyůmyashin of Hanthawadi he was taken captive to Hanthawadi and kept there in honourablo confnement. He died there of dysentery and became a Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a pozo, fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, & jacket, & white turban, and a purple hat. Placing on the head a bundle of cocoanuts, plantains, betel-leaves and tobacco, tied in a scarf, so as to leave its corners free and raising it thrice, ho chaunts an ode. He then thrice mimics a cock-fight, and, holding a sugar-cane in each hand, he strikes each with the other by turns as in funcios. Then he fills his pipe with tobacco and mimics the rowing of a boat.
23. Maung Minbyt Nat. He was the son of the King of Ava by the daughter of a jailor at Ava. He died of excessive indulgonce in liquor and opium and became a Nat.
In the festival to this Nat, the medium wears a paso, fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, white jacket, and a goll turban. Covering his head with a piece of white cloth,. embroidered with silver threads, he recites an ode, in which he bewails his own fate, repents his intemperance, and exhorts yonths not to indulge in the same vice, which has worked his ruin in the end. He then plays on a flute, holding it in the left hand..
24. Màndal Bod&w Nat.
He was the son of a Brahman, who was a minister of King Anawratâ of Pagan. By appointment of the king he was the guardiau of the two Shwebyin brothers in their youth. When the two brothers were execnted, he was also ordered to be executed as being their guardian, while encamping at Mandals on their return from China. When the executioners came to arrest him, he made an attempt to escape by riding away on a stone elephant, which he had animated with life by throwing a charmed string over it. But it was too late. He was seized, was bound hand and foot, and was executed in Mandale and become a Nat. Up till now a rock in the form of an elephant is still to be seen near Bodaw Nat's Cave in Mandalé. His last words complained of injustice, and he is usnally represented as holding up the tip of his fore-finger. As he was called Aphô (grandfather) by the two brothers he is now called the Mandale Bodaw.
In the festival to this Nat the medium is dressed in the same way as that of the Mahigiri Nat. Fanning bimself thrice with a fan, he claunts an ode. Then laying down the fan and the sword be dances.

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25 and 26. Shwobyin Naungdaw and Shwobyin Nyidaw Nats.
They were the sons of an Indian runner of Thatôn in the service of Nawratâ. The chief duty of this man was to supply the king with flowers from Mount Pôpâ. On one occasion he met an ogress whom he took to wife. By her he got two sons, whom he placed under the charge of the king. They had to serve the king under the name of the Brothers Shwêbyin, when the king marched to China to demand Buddha's Tooth from the Emperor. The tooth was obtained, and on his way back, the king built a pagoda at Taungbyôn, where they had encamped. By royal mandate every man was eujoined to furnish one brick for erecting it. Presuming on the good services they had rendered to the king, they paid no heed to the Royal command and spent their time in courting a girl of Taungbyôn. When the appointed time had lapsed, they were too late to furnish the required bricks, and were executed for disobedience of orders. On their death they became Nats under the name of Two Brother Nats.
In the festival to these Nats the medium wears a paso, fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, a jacket with broad sleeves, and a white and purple gilt head-dress. Holding sprigs of thebye in the right hand he makes three paces forward and chaunts an ode. Then he changes his jacket for a short one of velvet, his pasô for a scarlet one, and his hat for one of felt and dances. Placing the plantains offered to him on a three-legged tray and arming himself with a sword in the right hand he mimics the hunting of rabbits and rows a boat with his sword. In the ode chaunted by the elder brother he narrates his own story, recounting the services he and his brother and their father (who was, according to the song, a khalasi, sailor) had rendered to the king. In the ode chaunted by the younger brother he recounts the past good services they had rendered to the king, mentioning the heroic exploit they performed in the palace of the Emperor of China, whither they marched to get Buddha's Tooth. He dwells at some length on the meanness of the king in not making suitable offerings to them. After their death they revealed themselves to the king on his return on a raft by stopping the progress of it. At their request the king granted them Taungbyôn and the surrounding suburbs as their home.
27. Mintha Maung Shin Nat.
He was the son of King Minyizaw of Pagân, who founded Kyauk thànbàt and Pûtet. While a novice in a monastery, he died of a fall from a swing and became a Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium is dressed in yellow robes as a priest. He chaunts an ode first, in which he narrates his own story, and then dances, playing on a harp in his hand.
28. Tibyusaung Nat.
He was the father of Nawratâ of Pagân, and was deposed by his step-sons Kyîzo and Sôkkade, and compelled to become a Buddhist priest. When his son Nawratâ had wrested the crown from his half-brother Sokkadê, the dignity and rank of a king was conferred on the old priest, who continued to reside in his monastery, surrounded by his harem. On his death, he was deified as a Nat under the name of Tibyûsaung Nat.
In one legend it is said that he resided in a monastery, south of Parainthâ village.
In the festival to this Nat the medium is dressed in yellow robes as a priest. He chaunts an ode, in which he says he taught poetry in his monastery to all learners. Then holding a fan in the right hand and an alms-bowl in the left, he walks as if he were receiving alms.
29. Tibyassung Mêdaw Nat.
She was apparently the queen of King Tânnet [the foregoing Nat], though the legends are silent on this point.

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In the festival of this Nat the medium wears a skirt, fringed with a border of foreign manufacture, a long court-dress, a white shawl, and a scarf embroidered with gold on the head. Holding a rosary she chaunts an ode. Then holding a fan in the right hand, she walks to and fro.
30.
Bayinma Shinmingaung Nat.
He was known as King Kyizó, son of King Kyaungbyû. While chasing a deer in the Nyuttaa woods of Chindwin, he was accidentally shot with an arrow by a hunter. He died and became a Nat.
In holding a vessel in his honour, the medium is armed with a bow and arrows, with which he takes aim in all directions. He is dressed in the same way as the medium of the Taung-ngû Mingaung Nat. Aiming with his bow in all directions, he chaunts an ode and dances. In the ode he says that he was killed with an arrow shot from his own bow, which broke. He exhorts other hunters to examine their bows before using them, lest they should meet with a similar fate.
31. Min Sitha Nat.
He was King Alaungsithù, the builder of the Shwêgügyi Pagoda in Pagân. He is also said to have been Sithû, Prince of Kûkhàn, and elder brother of King Kyawzwa.
In the festival to this Nat the medium is dressed in the same way as in that of the Taung-ngû Mingaung Nat. Holding up both his hands as if in the act of worshipping, he holds a fan and a sword at the inner bend of the elbow. Then bowing three times be dances and chaunts an ode, in which he calls himself Alaungsitbû and speaks of his voyage in search of Mount Meru. He adds that there were great portents at his birth, which foretold the greatness of his power.
32. Min Kyawzwa Nat.
King Thênzi of Pagán had three sons: Sithû and Kyawzwâ by the Northern Queen, and Shwêlaung by the Southern Queen. In preference to the first two sons, he desired the succession to devolve on the third, and bauished the elder princes to Taungnyô Lèma. As their strength and valour became more and more bruited abroad, he ordered them to change their residence. They went to Taung-ngû [Tonghoo], whence they returned after fighting the Karens. On reaching Kûkhan, which they founded, they constructed a canal. As a proof of their work, there are two villages which bear the names of Myaungdûbauk and Myaungdû-ywâ. Suspecting his brother's loyalty Sitha put Kyawzwâ to death on the pretext of having failed to conduct the flow of water in the canal. Kyawzwa then became a Nat, and, in revenge, possessed and killed his brother Sithû, who also became a Nat.
It is also said that Minyè Kyawzwa, the son of King Mingaung of Ava, and governor of Pakhân, also became a Nat in Pakhân, when he was killed at Dalla. In support of this belief in Pakhân, there are still shown a monastery founded by him, and a temple dedicated to him.
Besides, in the month of Nayôn (June) every year, in honour of the Nat lamps are lighted and cock-fighting is held in the public streets.
Another legend says that Kyawzwa was the youngest brother of the four ministers of King Alaungsithû, who gave him in marriage to one Bômè, a girl of Pôpâ, the daughter of a toddydrawer. While living with Bômè at Pôpâ, he died of excessive drinking. He then became a Nat. He himself was a native of Kuni village, east of Pakhân.
In the festival to this Nat the medium is dressed in a scarlet paso, with one end round the neck, and a scarlet turban. He then mimics a cock-fight, amuses himself with fireworks, and slaps his arms as Burmese boxers do. He chaunts an ode, in which he confirms the last legend about himself.

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He is said to be able to cure all affections of the stomach, and is generally propitiated with liquor, for which he has a decided preference.
33. Myaukpet Shinma Nat.
She was wet-nurse to Mintarâ Shwêdi and native of Northern Kadû village. She became the second wife of Minyè Thengâthû. On her return from her parents she was delivered of a son, to the west of Sagaing. She lived in a large shed built for her, but she soon died of the effects of childbirth. The child was safely taken to Taung-ngû and delivered into the hands of his father Minyè Thenga. When Tabin Shwêdî abdicated the throne, Kyawdin Nawratâ, the son of Miuyè Thêngâthú. became king and reigned in Hanthawadi. His step-brother, the son of Myaukpet Shinma, was then made governor of Taung-ngû under the name of Mingaung. Thus the Nat was the mother of Mingaung of Taung-ngû. In memory of the shed in which she died in child-birth, the place on the west of Sagaing is still called by the name of Taigyîngâ-ywâ.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a black jacket, with a black girdle and a shawl. She is also dressed as the medium of the Shwê Sagû Nat, with the addition of a necklace. Sh chaunts an ode, and, holding twigs of thabye in both hands, she dances. After this she mimics the sowing of the twigs as if she were sowing a field. She is supposed to cause all feminine diseases.
34. Anauk Mibya Nat.
She was the Northern Queen of King Mingaunggyi, the son of King Mingyizwa. During a pleasure trip to a cotton field, West of Ava, with her maids, she met Min Kyawzwâ coming on horseback. On reaching the palace on her return she died and became a Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium is dressed in the same way as that of the Shwe Saga Nat, but without a rosary. She chaunts an ode and mimics the picking of cotton pods, dresses and spins cotton, weaving it into cloth, which she then wears. She then dances.
36. Shingôn Nat.
She was the concubine of Sinbyûshin Thibithû, who died at Aungbinlè. She died at Ava on her return from Aungbinlè and became a Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium is dressed as that of the Anauk Mibyâ Nat. Holding a fan in the right hand she bends herself, and, walking in this attitude, chaunts an ode.
36. Shingwa Nat.
She was the sister of Mandalê Bôdaw. She was killed during the reign of Nawratâ of Pagân along with her brother.
In the festival to this Nat the medium is dressed as that of the Shingôn Nat. She holds a fan with both hands, and, walking on her knees, chaunts an ode.
37. Shinnèmi Nat.
She was the daughter of Thônbàn Hla, Queen of Okkalâbâ. She died at Tabaidaukyit, after her mother, while travelling to Upper Burma, and became a Nat.
In the festival to this Nat the medium wears a gold embroidered skirt and a shawl. Placing a bunch of Thingésà plantains on her head, she chaunts an ode and dances. In the ode she is represented as a child, as she died at the age of two. She is credited with having a special predilection for playthings, toys, dolls, and cakes. If she is not provided with these, she will cause the children of her votaries to cry in their cradles without any cause.

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TIRUMANGAI ALVAR AND HIS DATE.
BY S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., M.R.A.S.; BANGALORE, PARADOXICAL as it may seem, it is neverčbeless the fact that, although a great deal has been written concerning the Vaishnava Saints and devotees, their history has yet to be written. There has, unfortunately, been too great a tendency in the writers, great and small, to refer them to periods, more as it suited their preconceived notions as to the recent origin of Vaishnavism in general, than on any dispassionate examination of such evidence, imperfect in its nature of course, as is available. It would not be going over quite a beaten track to bring together here such historical information as has been brought to light, setting aside the extreme Saiva arguments of Tirumalaikkoļuodu Pillai and his school on the one side and the ardent Vaishnava view of A. Govinda Charlu and bis school on the other. This is not because I do not appreciate their learning, but because the one school would deem nothing impossible of belief, while the other would see nothing that could not be made to lend itself to giving the most ancient of these saints a date somewhere about the end of the first millennium after Christ. Gopinatha Rao belongs to a different school, and in his recent ambitious attempt in the Madras Review for 1905) at a history of Vaighnavism in Soutb India, he has come to certain conclusions, which would certainly have commanded assent but for a too transparent tendency to establish certain conclusions.
Without pretending to say the last word on the subject, I shall merely put forward certain facts and arguments I have been able to gather in my studies and the notes that I have made from the writings of some of my friends, who have been pursuing similar research, and leave it to my readers to draw their own conclusions, while not depriving myself of the pleasure of making such inferences as appear to me warranted. I may at the outset acknowledge my obligations to my friend, Pandit Raghavaiyangar, Assistant Editor of the Sen Tamil, who has with remarkable courtesy placed some of his notes at my disposal, and has been of great help to me in looking up references, &c., to literature.
The Vaishnavas, like their confrères of other sects, trace their hierarchy of gurus (preceptors in religion) from God bimself. Patting the translunary part on one side and coming down to terra firma, their list consists of names divided into two broad Classes, entitled, in Vaishnava parlance, the Alvars and Acharyas. There are twelve among the former and a large number among the latter, which is being added to by each separate sector unit at the decease of the existing guru for the time being. Without going into the details of the hagiology of these saints and proceptors, we are enabled to collect the Ålvars, from the traditional accounts alone, into three groups - the ancient, the middle, and the last. The list of the Twelve Ålvårs, with their traditional dates of birth, is as follows:(Poygai Alvar ...
B. C. 4203 Ancient Bhútattar
Pey Alvår Tirumaliśai Alvar Namm Alvar ... Madharakavi ...
3102 Middle. Kulasekhara ...
, 3075 Periy Alvar ... (Anda! ...
3005 (Tonderadippoời
B. C. 2814 Last ... Tiruppan Alvar Tirumangai Aļvár
. : 2706
*** ... "..
» 4203 , 4203 » 4203 B. C. 3102
...
3056
**.
»
2760

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Disregarding these apparently definite dates, in which, however, most Tamil works, particularly those of a religious character, are peculiarly weak, it is still possible to regard this traditional order as fairly in chronological sequence. Even the Vaishnava hagiologists have very little to say about the first group. Their information about the second is meagre, while of the third they have something to say that might be historical. The name at the head of the paper is the very last, and there are certain facts concerning him, which cannot lightly be passed over by any one who would try to examine the chronology of the Alvârs.
Tirumangai Alvar is the author of the largest number (1,861 stanzas) of the 4,000 verses of the Vaishnava Prabhandam, Namm Alvar coming next with a number almost as great. He belonged to the Kallar Caste and was born at Kuragûr in Âli Nadu in the Shiyali taluka of the Tanjore Distriot. There he pursued, when he grew up to man's estate, the profession of his father, which was of a duplex character, the government of a small district under the reigning Chola and playing the knight of the highway, in both of which capacity he appears to have achieved great distinction. The critical stage of his life was reached when he fell in love with the foundling daughter of a Vaishnava physician, who would not marry him unless he reformed and became a Vaishnava. He went to Tirunaraiyur, near Kumbhakồnam, and there received the sacrament. He was not yet to gain the object of his desire, as the young lady insisted upon his feeding 1,008 Vaishṇavas a day for a whole year. This he could do only by plundering wayfarers, which he did, consoling himself with the idea that he was doing it in the name of God. A second transformation was yet in store for him. One night he waylaid a Brábman bridal party, and was inhably stricken with remorse for the very enormity of this deed. He there received from the Brahn , who was no other than God himself come in human shape to falfl bis ends on earth, that mysterious mantra' the name Narayana. On being thus blessed, he broke out into verse and his first decad' of verse makes this confession. Thereafter he began visiting all the shrines sacred to Vishņu, and at last settled in Srirangam, to spend the rest of his days in the service of God, and to rebuild some parts and remodel others of the great shrine, the funds for which he bad to find by demolishing the great Buddhist shrine at Negapatam. Having done this to his satisfaction and provided for the recital of Namm Alvâr's Tiruvaymoli annually at Srirangam he passed away. This, without any of the embellishments of the bagiologists, is the life-story of the man but not of the saint, for which the carious might read A. Govinda Charla's Holy Lives of the Alvdrs..
Let us now proceed to examine what historical reliance can be placed upon this story. The materials for the bistory of these sainted personages are entirely traditional and we can attach to the details only as much value as can safely be attached to mere traditions. The general tenor of the life may be correct, while we ought not to insist on details with too much certainty. Even in this modified sense the story does not enlighten us as to the age of the Alvâr and his actual doings. But there are the monuments of the labours of Tirumangaimannan, vix., his works in the Prabhanda and the buildings he undertook in the temple at Srirangam. It is certainly very unfortunate that tradition has not preserved the Chola ruler whose vassal the Alcâr was. This omission is significant of the fact that he was not contemporaneous with any great Chola raler, although even these latter are never named specifically enough under similar circumstances.
That he was the latest of the saints is amply borne out by the fact that he celebrates most, if not all, of the now well-known temples to Vishnu in India, wbile others celebrate only a few. The destruction of the rich Buddhist sanctuary at Nega patam and the frequent references he makes to the Buddhists themselves in his works would refer us to times anterior to the centuries of Chola Ascendency, which is again indirectly borne out by the robber chieftain having been successful in his defiance of his Cbola suzerain. That Negapatam was the headquarters of a Buddhist sect is borne out by the references to the place in such Tamil Classics as the Permumbandsruppadai and so on, and the fact is attested even to-day by a place not far off being known As Buddankottam, although

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it is now a Brahman village. These facts, in conjunction with references to the Pallayas in the Periyatirumoli, would refer the Alvar to the age of the Pallava Ascendonoy previous to the rise of that Chola Power which wielded imperial sway over South India from the tonth to the fourteenth century after Christ.
The Pallava Ascendency was coeval with that of the early Western Châlukya period and vanished not long after the rise of the Rashtrakatas, who overthrew their enemies, the Western Chalukyas. Before adducing positive evidence that tends towards this conclusion, we have to examine critically the opinions offered by others as to the age of the Alvar. Bishop Caldwell and those that followed him could be excused if they held that these were disciples of Ramanuja, as now-a-days Gopinatha Rao is willing to believe that Tirumangai Alvar and other later Alvars were contemporaries, if not actually disciples, of Alavandør, Ramanuja's great-grandfather. In support of this view he quotes a stanza from a work called Koiloluhu, wbich is a history of the Srirangam Temple. In the stanza a street, called after Tirumangai Alvar, comes after a street called after Rajamahendra. This latter is identified with the son and successor of the Rajendra who fought the battle of Koppam in 1052 A. D. Hence he infors that Tirumangai Ålvár must have lived in the latter half of the 11th century.
That Bamanaja had read and had derived much wisdom from the works of this last of the Àlvårs is in evidence, so as to satisfy the most fastidious student of bictory, in the centum known as the Ramanujanúrrandhadhi, a work composed during the lifetime of Ramanuja by a convert and pupil of his own disciple Kuratt Alvar. This connection between Amudan, the author of the centum, and Kuratt Alvar is borne out by stanza 7 of the centum and the old Guruparamparai of Piubalagya Jiyar, stanzas 8-21. The former acknowledges Ramanuja's indebtedness to all the twelve Alvårs and the two early Achâryâs, Nádhamuni and his grandson Aļavandar. This inconvenient piece of
evidence bas been accorded no place in the array of evidence and authorities passed in review by Gopinatha Rao.
TO DASA on to the positive evidence available, the Vaishnavas always regarded the Alvars higher in spiritual estate than the Acharyas, not merely as such, but also as being more ancient, and they must have had some reason for making this distinction, If Tirumangai Âļvår and others of that class had been disciples of Álavandâr, why call this' latter only an Acharya and bis disciples Alvârs, the idols of the Âlvârs being placed in temples and worshipped, while those of most of the Acharyas are not. Leaving this aside as the outcome of most onreasonable partiality on the part of the Vaisbņayas, we have other evidence to fall back upon, Inscriptions of Rajârâja II., about the middle of the 12th century, contain the unusual name Arattamukki Dasan - the first part of which is a special title of Tirumangai Alvar. Next, prince Choļa-Kerala, about the middle of the 11th century, made provision for the recital of Tirunenudando ham, one of the works of Tirumangai Âlvår, which would be extraordinary if he had been living at the time and working to accumulate merit and earn his title to saintliness, especially as his life was, during the greater part of it, far from saintly.
That Tiramangai Alvar was not a disciple of Alavandar is also made probable by A stanza in praise of his work by Tirukkôttiyâr Nambi, from whom Râmanûja bad to learn, wbich goes to show that this Álvar's works had been regularly studied and handed down from preceptor to disciple for some time at least. Again, the conquering Chola brothers, Rajadhirâja, who fell at the battle of Koppam, and his younger brother Rajendra who succeeded bim, had an elder brother by name Alavandân. If this name had been given to him because of the Acharya, the latter must bave been anterior to him by a considerable interval, as even now the name is specially Vaishņaya.
Xadra Rotier, Feb. and May, 1905. - History of the Srivaishpan Movement. • Epigraphist's Roport for 1900, p. 10.

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TIRUMANGAI ALVAR AND HIS DATE.
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This would make Ålavandêr's grandfather Nadhamuni mach prior to the age ascribed to him by Gopinatha Rao. He lays much stress upon the fact that Nâdhamuni was accustomed to going to Gangaikonda Cholapuram, founded by Gangaikonda Chola, in 1024 A. D. This is a detail which cannot be looked upon as a crucial piece of evidence, as it is possible that the hagiologists alone are responsible for it. When the earliest among them wrote the lives of their saints, they were so accustomed to Gangaikoụda Cholapuram as the Chola capital, that when they heard that Nadhamuni visited the Chola ruler, they naturally put down Gangaikonda Cholapuram as the Chola capital. It certainly would not be unreasonable to ascribe Nádhamuni to a period in the earlier half of the 10th century A. D. This is exactly the conclusion warranted by the proper understanding of the traditional account, which is that Nádbamani was born in A. D. 582 and that he was in what is called Yoga Samddhi for 340 years. This would give the date 922 A. D. for the death of Nadhamuni, which is not at all improbable, taking all circumstances into consideration. But why did the hagiologists then ascribe ibis long life or long death in life to Nadhamuvi? The explanation is not far to seek. They believed, and the Vaishnavas do believe even now, that there was an unbroken succession of these saints, and unfortunately they found a gap between Nadhamuni and the last Alvår. This they bridged over this clumsy fashion,
If the above view of the connection between the Ålvârs and the Acharyas is correct, then we shall have to look for Tirumangai Ålvár a two or three centuries carlier than Nadhanjani, and this would take us to the seventh or the eighth century of the Christian era. This is certainly warranted by the frequent references to the Pallavast and by none at all to the modern Cholas, even to the Chola Rajamahendra, who did so much for the Srirangam Temple. According to Gopinatha Rao, the only Chula that is referred to by the Alvâr, and referred to elaborately, is the ancient Chola Kochchengan in the decad regarding Tirunaraiyûr. This, in combination with references to the Sangam in the body of the work, brings him later than the age of either. But another decad in praise of the Paramèśvara Vinnagar at Kanchi gives in great detail the achievements of a Pallava ruler, whom Dr. Hultzsch considers to be identical with Paramébvaravarman II., from the name of the shrine. This is not a necessary inference, as any other Pallava paramount sovereign might have had the title Pallava Paramêśvara, and the foundation, when contracted, might have become Paramêśvara Vinnagaram, e. g., Vidya Vinita Pallava Paramêśvaram. And notwithstanding the details given in the decad, it does not find support from what is known of Parameávaravarman II. This Pallava sovereign, whatever his name, won victories over his enemies at Maņņai, Nenmeli, and Karûr. At Karûr he fonght against the Pandya and at Nenmeli against the Villava (Cléra), but the enemy at Maņņai is not specified. If these names could be identified with places where Udaya Chandra won victories for his master Nandivarman Pallavamalla or Nandipôttarâja, then the Alvår must have lived after Nandivarman, or, at the earliest, during his reign.
Among these victories we find mention of a defeat of the Pandyas at Mannaikkudi and the taking of Kalidurga. Mannaikkudi may be the Alvâr's Mannai, and Kalid urga the Alvar's “Kunrail." Karâr as such does not find mention in the inscriptions. It may be that this name refers to an incident in which Udaya Chandra played no part. Then comes Nelveli, whero Udaya Chandra won a victory; but the Alvar speaks of Nenmeli, and the war was between the Pallava and the Chêra (Villavan). It is probable that these separate incidents refer to different Pallapa princes who worshipped Vishņa at the Paramêsvara Viņnagaram shrine. Whatever be the real pature of these references, whether they refer to one Pallava Nandivarman or to several, such as Simba Vishnu, Paramébvaravarman and Nandivarman in fact, all the Vaishnava Pallavas), it is
• If Kalhana, the professed historian of Kalmtr, did the same with respect to early rulers of Kasmir in the first gentarios A.D., is it wonderful that these hagiologists fell into such a trap P
• See p. 486, Vol. III., Bon Tamil, Pandit M. Raghavaiyangar's article. • Vide 8. Ind. Ins. Vol. II. Pt. III, No. 74. Floot, Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I. Pt. II. PP. 336-827.

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clear that we have to look for the date of the Alvar while the Pallavas were still in power and the Cholas had not come into prominence.
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There is one reference, however, which should give us a narrow enough limit for his time, and that is, in the last stanza of the decad immediately preceding that just considered in celebrating the shrine of Ashtabhuja karam in Kânchi, he makes what, in his case, appears as a somewhat peculiar reference to a certain Vairamêghan 'bowed down to by the ruler of the people of the Tonda country, whose army (or strength) surrounded Kanchi.' In all references made to rulers, he has been specifying people who had made special donations to Vishnu, whether with respect to Chidambaram, Triplicane or Tirunaraiyûr. In this case alone is the reference made in a secular fashion. Besides, the language indicating the connection would warrant the inference that the reference is made to a living person. In the commentary of Periya Achan Pillai, Vairamêghan is explained by the term Chakravarti (emperor). Thus it is clear that at the time referred to, there was a Pallava ruler who was under the protection of an imperial personage whose name (or rather title) was Vairamêghan. This again warrants the inference of the decline of the Pallava power.
Among the inscriptions so far brought out, we have not often come across the name, but the Rashtrakuta Dantidurga II. of the genealogical table of the family, in Fleet's Kannada Dynasties, is given this name from the Kadaba Plates published by Mr. Rice. This was the personage who overthrew the natural enemies of the Pallavas, viz., the Western Chalukyas of Bacâmî, and in their stead established the Rashtrakuta power, According to the Ellora Inscription referred to by Dr. Fleet, Dantidurga completed the acquisition of sovereignty by subjugating the ruler of Sandhuhbûpa (?), the lord of Kânchi, the rulers of Kalinga and Kôsala, the lord of the Srisaila country (Karnûl Country), the Sêshas (?), and the kings of Malava, Lata and Tanka (?)." This Dantidurga was deposed by his uncle Krishna I., about 755 A. D. The king of Kanchi (during the period including 754 A. D., the only known date for Dantidurga Vairamêgha) was Nandivarman who ruled for fifty years from about 710 A. D. He is regarded as a usurper and is so far the last great Pallava ruler known in South Indian History. It is highly probable that when the Chalukya power was overthrown, the Pallavas advanced in the direction of Karnal. The Rashtrakuta records, therefore, together with the statement of the Alvar, would lead us to believe that Dantidurga beat back the enemy and was in occupation of Kanchi. Nandivarman was a Vaishnava, and Tirumangai Alvar's praise of him is admissible as that of a brother-devotee, but any reference by him to an enemy would be far from complimentary. Hence, it could only have been made in the manner in which it is, under circumstances when he could not get out of an unpleasant reminiscence such as the above. An inference, therefore, seems to be warranted that the Alvâr flourished in this period exactly, and it would certainly be in keeping with the most cherished tradition of the Vaishnavas that the arrangement made by the Alvår for the recital of the Tiruvoyemoli of Namm Alvâr had fallen into desuetude in the days of Nâdhamuni and he had to revive it at Srirangam after much ado. The date of Tirumangai Alvar then has to be allotted to the earlier half of the eighth century of the Christian era.
We have now to dispose of another Vaishnava tradition which has often proved a red herring across the path of many a Saiva scholar of repute, and made him lose his balance of mind. It is the story that Tirumangai Alvar held a successful disputation with the Saiva sage Tirujñana Sambanda. It does not concern us here to examine whether the disputation was successful to the Vaishnava or the Saiva; but our only business is to examine whether the two could have been contemporaries. A late revered Saiva scholar, in a letter to a friend of mine, who enquired if there was anything to warrant this, promptly wrote back to say that it was "as false as any Vaishnava tradition." If Sambanda paid a visit to the man who destroyed Badâmi in 642 A D., it might have taken place about the end of the seventh century, and so, if Tirumangai Alvâr had been at the height of his religious devotion about the middle of the eighth century, it is possible they were
↑ Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I. Pt. II. p. 389.
Epigraphia Carnataka, Gb. 61, Vol. XI., Tumkur. Sen Tamil, Vol. I. p. 80.

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MISCELLANEA.
233
contemporary. Besides, they were both natives of the same place nearly; the Shiva was born at Shiyali, and the Vaishnava at a village not far off. The dispute is said to have taken a curious forni. It was not a religicus question, but was only one of title to ability in composing poetry. The Alvar's disciples went about shouting "here comes ndlukaviperumal (he that excels ia composing the four kinds of poetry)." The Adiyâr's disciples objected and ushered the Alvar to their preceptor's presence. The Ålvâr was asked to compose a leural, and burst out with a decad in praise of Sri Rama of Shiyali, beginning with “Orulura!" (unparallelled dwarf), a sense entirely different to that which the Âdiyâr would have given to the word. The story further goes on to state that Sambanda was satisfied and not only acquiesced in the titles of the Alvar, but even made him a present of the trident he used to carry. It is of no use to enter into the details of the story, as, so far, it has merely led to annoyance, but one particular, however, cannot be passed over here. And that is, that the Alvâr, who generally gives himself one of the titles in the concluding stanza of each decad, breaks out at the end of this one into a rather provoking and assertive enumeration of all of them.
It would appear, therefore, after all has been said, that tradition combined with the result of the historical research, as far as it bears upon the subject, would allot Tirumangai Ålvår to the earlier half of the 8th century after Christ; and thus possibly he was a younger contemporary of Tirujñana Samba, and perhaps an elder of Sundaramurti Nayanar.
MISCELLANEA. A SUCCESSION CUSTOM AMONG SIKH CHIEFS CUSTOMARY LAW REGARDING SUCCESSION IN THE PANJAB.
IN RULING FAMILIES OF THE PANJAB AT p. 21 of Sir Lepel Griffin's Law of
HILL STATES. Inheritance to Sikh Chiefships (Labore, 1869) In continuation of the article on this subject, occus the following passage:
ante, Vol. XXXIV. p. 226, I give here another The elder son loses his position should instance of the rule that the son first ruocgnised he be married subsequently to his younger
au heir, not necessarily the first-born son, is brother. The unanimous opinion of all the
entitled to succeed to the throne. This instance chiefs above referred to (P the cis-Sutlej comes from the Katoch family, a Raja of which, chiefs) was as follows:
Udd Chand, had three sons, Dilê war Chand, "If there be two uterine brothers betrothed in
Bhim Chand, and Kirpal Chand. In a rhymed two families, and if from any cause the marriage
Chronicle of the Katôch family it is recorded of the elder brother cannot take place, and the
that:parents of the girl to whom the younger brother
Doha (Couplet). is betrothed be importunate for the marriage, the
Dilwar Chand and Bhim Ohand were born father will not permit his younger son to be first
on the same day, married, because the periormance to his fore
The Rajâ heard of Bhim Chand's birth first. fathers of the funeral rites, &c, from the hands of an older son could not take place
Chaupai (Quatrain). unless he had been married prior to his
Ude reflected to himself:younger brother. The marriage of the elder
That both his sons were alike (ie., equal), must, therefore, precede. If the younger son,
"He, of whom I first heard is entitled to from the importunity of the girl's parents, be
the throne.' first married, and his older brother afterwards, then the performance of the funeral obsequies to
Doha (Couplet). his forefathers are prohibited to him, and it may
When Bhim Chand became Raja, be said the younger takes the place of the
Dildwar Chand became a subordinate Raja. elder by reason of his being first married.”
I have, so far, not been able to obtain a copy of I have fniled to trace any such custom in the
the original manuscript of which the above is published records of the Punjab Customary Law.
a translation. The limitation of the present rule to uterino brothers, if correct, is peculiar.
H. A. ROSE H. A. Rose. 5th December 1905.
4th December, 1005.

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BOOK-NOTICES.
TI JAIPUR OBSERVATORY AND ITS BUILDER. By LIRUR. Aff. GARRETT, R. E., assisted by PANDIT CHANDRADHAB GULIRT (Gold Medallist of the Maharaja's Collego). Published under the Patronage of H. H. the Maharaja Sawai Madho Singh of Jaipur, G.C.S.I., G.C.I.E. Allahabad : 1902.
THE five Observatories or Manamandiras erected by Jayasingh (1699-1743) at Benares, Ujjain, Mathura, Dehli, and Jaypur have been long known, by report at least, to Europeans. In the 18th century Sir Robert Barker gave an account of the one at Benares in the Philosophical Transactions (Vol. LVII.), and in Bernoulli's edition of Tieffenthaler's "Description de l'Inde" (1786) was published an account of those at Jaypur and Ujjain. Dr. William Hunter accompanied the Agra Resident's expedition to Ujjain in 1792-3, and prepared a description of the observatories at Dehli, Ujjain, Mathura, and Benares, with a translation of the introduction to, and an enumeration of Jayasingh's astrono. mical tables, which was published in the Asiatic Researches, 1797 (Vol. Y., pp. 177-211). Since then, however, but scanty notice has been taken of these very interesting structures, of which the finest was that at Jaypur; indeed the only mention we remember worth notice is a short one in 1865 of the Benares observatory by Bapa Deva Sastri.
Early in 1901 the Maharaja of Jaypur decided 'to completely restore" the observatory there, and the work was carried out and completed in February 1902, by the Public Works officials, in the usual way. The book under notice - 76 pages of text, two photographs, and ten lithographed plates-gives some account of the builder and his astronomical theories, together with a chapter of 8 pages descriptive of the observatory and another of 32 on the instruments, and some calculations, the results of which may be received with caution. On p. 70 we are told that Jayasingh found the precession in 297 (lanar) years to be 4° 8' or 50-'1 annually, “which agrees almost exactly with the modern determinations, but 297 lapar years are scarcely 288-3 tropical ones, so that the annual precession is not so close to the truth as he assumes. How the table on p. 44, repeated on p. 73, giving the sidereal mean time
of culminating for the twelve zodiacal signs, W&s computed, requires some explanation: to the siz signs are assigned exactly the same times, in the reversed order, us to the first six, which may be a Hindu method of reckoning (Jour. 4. S. Beng., Vol. VIII, p. 835), but cannot be quite correct.
Restoration for restoration's sake seems to have boon the guiding motive of the operations; and we have an example of its usual results in the treatment of the twelve instruments called Rasivalayas, formed of gnomons with graduated quadrants on each side. No description of these instruments by Jayasingh or his casistants, we Are told, could be found; but as they were
twelve in number, it seemed probable that one was connected with each of the signs of the zodiac," and this mere assumption being accepted, one of two theories dependent thereon followed, - viz. : either that one of the twelve instruments was to be used " as each sign of the zodiac" rose on the horizon; - or, that they were to be used as each "sign" culminated. One would haye expected that the Hindu yoga stars, not quite on the ecliptio, would have been chosen rather than the space of 30 degrees oocupied by a sign - without any celestial object to mark either its precise commencement or end. But as neither case was responded to by the positions of the gnomone, it was summarily "decided to make the necessary alterations in the altitudes only in conformity with the hypothesis" that they were to be used successively as each sign culminated. Whether the hypothesis is partially correct, or not, it does little honour to Sawai Jayasingh's capacity, thus to interfere with his instruments because they do not accord with it. Surely he may have bad some reason for making the radius of eight of the quadrants just three-fourths of that of the other four, and for placing the gnomons differently from what this merely conjectural we might imply. The instruments are not now to be required for use ; why then, we ask, were they at all meddled with P But even if the insunabile mutandi cacoethes could not be restrained, yet had only the actual positions of these gnomone been carefully ascertained before this foolish alteration was carried out, it might even yet have been discovered what really was Jayasingh's purpose in so arranging these twelve instruments: but now that opportunity is for ever lost.

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Througbout the book references are sparse, and 8. Baden Powell's Handbook of the Man we find little or no acquaintance with the literature factures and Arts of the Panjab (1872), pp. 260-61, of the subject. Dr. W. Hunter's account and
gives a list of instruments. Brennand's 'Hindu Astronomy' appear to be the only works distinctly referred to, and these
9. E. Burgess on the Origin of the Lunar are very insufficient guides for anyone taking in division of the zodiac represented as the Nakshatra hand to deal with the instruments of a man of system of the Hindus,' in Jour. of the American Raja Jayasingh's astronomical knowledge and Oriental Soc., Vol. VIII. pp. 309-334. This skill.
paper does not treat of the nature of the Professor J. Riem, an astronomer interested instruments. in Indian astronomy, remarks on this work that
10. J. Call on a zodiac carved on the roof of he is very much astonished to observe how completely Hindu Pandits of to-day have lost
temple in S. India. Philos. Trans, 1772, touch with the astronomical knowledge of their
pp. 353-54 forefathers, so that they no longer understand 11. W. Brennand, Hindu Astronomy (1896), the use of instruments which are only 200 years
pp. 106-111. old. The author's account of the Rasivalaya he thinks 'forced, and without a close examination 12. W. del Mar's India of To-day, p. 129. of the instruments as they were, it would hardly be possible to form an accurate opinion of them,
J. B. all the more as the description given is clearly adapted to the writer's theory.'
In the Journal of the R. Asiatic Society, 1893 (p. 737, note ), a bibliographical list of papers on
PABIJATAMANJARI OR VIJAYABRI, A NATIXA Composed Hindu astronomical instruments was given, which
about A. D. 1913 by Madada, the preceptor of the it may be useful for students to repeat here in
Paramare king Arjunavarman, and engraved on an extended form:
stone at Dhara. Edited by E. HULTZSCW, PE.D. 1. Sir Robert Barker's Account of the Leipsig; Otto Harassowitz ; 1903. Solo Agents for Observatory at Benares,' with 3 plates : Philosoph. India, Bombay Education Society's Prose, Byoulla, Transactions, Vol. 67 (1779), pp. 598-607.
Bombay. 2. Further particulars respecting the THE PÅrijatamañjart is a Naţikå of the same Observatory at Benares.' Phil. Trans., Vol. 83, pattern as other Naţikas, and, as such, it m PP. 45-49,
have contained foar acts. Only the two first 3. Tieffenthaler's Description de l'Inde, ed. acts, however, have as yet been recovered. Bernoulli, tome I, pp. 316 f., and 347 f., has short Tbey are engraved on a slab of black stone which notices of those at Jaypur and Ujjain.
has been found at Dhar, the old capital of the 4. W. Hunter's Account of the Astronomical
Paramâra kinge. The Naţika was composed in Labours of Jayasinha,' in Asiatic Researches, honour of the Paramára king Arjunavarman, Vol. V. (1799), pp. 190—211, gives some account of whom we possess copper-plate grants from the of the observatories at Dehli, Ujjain, Mathura, years 1211, 1213, and 1215 A. D. 'The Parijataand Benares.
mañjart can accordingly be dated at about A. D. 5. J. J. Middleton's Description of an 1215. It has already been published by Professor Astronomical Instrument presented to the Hultzach in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VI. Government of India by Raja Ramsing of Kota,'
pp. 96 ff., and it is now republished in handy Journal Asiat. Soc. Bengal, Vol. VIII. pp. 831-838
book-form by the same scholar. 6. Pandit Bapa Deva Sastre, in the Trar
The Parijatamasijart is not the first Sanskrit sactions, Benares Institute (1865), pp. 191-196,
play which has been found engraved on stone. described the Mânmandra at Benares.
Fragments of two other plays, the Lalitavigraba. To these Dr. Riem now adds:
rájanataka and the Harakblin&taka, have already 7. William Daniell's Twelve Views from been found on some basalt slabe in Ajmere and drawings, fol. London, 1800 (2 plates from published by Professor Kielhorn (Göttingen, Dehli).
1901, in the Festschrift für Feier des 150 jährigen

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUBT, 1906.
Bestehens der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissen- he has retained the ya-bruli where it occurs, and schaften; compare also 1. 4. XX. pp. 201 ff.; has left the dental in cases where a cerebral » Göttinger Nachrichten, 1893, pp. 552 ff.). There would have been more correct. In doing so, le is further an old tradition to the effect that is in agreement with grammarians such as the Hanumannataka was originally engraved Hêmachandra. The ya-fruti is generally used by on stone. This tradition receives a new support
Jainas, and the change of an uncompound dental from the find of the Dbâr inscription.
n to the cerebral n, which is prescribed as a general
rule by Vararuchi (ii. 42), cannot, at any time, The Pavittamalliart is also of interest in other have prevailed in the spoken vernaculars. respects. Its poetical value is small, though it Hémachandra excepts such cases where then is contains several beautiful passages of greater initial. Old Prakrit inscriptions and modern interest is the fact that it has been composed as
vernaculars seem to show that Hamachandra waa a kind of panegyric on a living person, the king nearer to the truth than Vararuchi. The Arjunavarman, who figures as the hero of the
Prakrits, as we know them from plays, had early play. It is possible, though it cannot be proved,
become literary languages which must be learnt that Professor Hultzsch is right in assuming that
from books. Their base, however, was the actual his queen. Sarvakald, and the heroine. Pariista. speech of the people in very old times. That is mafijart, are likewise real persons and not
the case not only with Saurasêni, but also with invented by the author, and that the latter was
Maharashtrì, which dialect cannot be characteriz not of royal blood, but owed her elevation ouly
ed as an attempt to imitate the indistinct language to her personal charms. This latter supposition
of singers. That is proved by the use of a dialect
which can, with the same right as Maharashtri, certainly receives some support from the play itself. It is a well-known fact that the heroine
be described as "emasculated stuff" by an of & Natika should be a princese (see, e.g..
important Indian sect in their religious books, Dabardpa, ed. Hall, III. 427). That is also the
and by the fact that the dropping of unaspirated case with the heroine of our play. She is not, single consonants between vowels must necessarily however, said to be born in & natural way in
be presupposed in order to explain the vocabulary a royal family, but we are asked to believe that
of Marathi, the modern descendant of Maharashtrf. the daughter of a Chaulukya king of Gujarat,
With regard to the use of the dental and cerebral whom Arjunavarman had defeated, found her
nasals, Marathi agrees with Hêmachandra's rule: death in the struggle but was reborn as a cluster
an old uncompounded n between vowels becomes of P&rijata-blossoms, which was afterwards
| », while an initial n and a double or compounded transformed into a woman. This fantastic tale
u is retained as dental. I therefore think that beoomes very reasonable under the supposition Professor Hultzsch is quite right in not correcting that the poet wanted to introduce a really living every n to n. In such cases the author has lady, who was not of royal blood, as the heroine been influenced by the practice in the actual of his Näţika, without infringing the rule that vernaculars. the heroine must be a princess. The Parijatamasjari contains several passages
Professor Hultzsch's edition of the text is in Prakrit. Only two Prakrit dialects are used,
excellent, as might be expected from so careful vis., Sauras@nt in prose passages and Maharashtri
& scholar. He has introduced the spelling in verses. The two dialects are not always
common in modern critical editions, but has correctly distinguished. Thus we find forms such
made some slight alterations in a few places. as piñjarijanta, mihuna, caüranga, kavalidammi,
I am not sure that he is right in altering pechchha, &c., in Saurasêni, and sahido, nijjida, pamphulla on p. 2, 1. 10, and muhayanda, p. 3, 1.6. ods, &c., in MahArashtri. On the whole, however,
On the whole, however, I think that everybody the Prakrit is fairly correct. This fact is of some
will be thankful to the editor for his sound interest, because it shows that the art of writing
criticism. A Sanskrit translation of the Prakrit a comparatively correct Prakrit had not been lost
passages, which has been added by the in the 19th century, though the PrÅkrit dialects
editor, will prove to be a great help to students. themselves had censed to be spoken vernaculars
The book will, on the whole, be a most centuries before that time."
convenient text-book for University lectures and
examinations. Professor Hultzsch has edited the Prakrit passages as he found them on the stono. Thus
STEN KONow.

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ARCHÆOLOGY IN WESTERN TIBET.
237
ARCHÆOLOGY IN WESTERN TIBET.
KHALATSE.
BY THE REV. A. H. FRANCKE. TN the pursuance of my daties as a missionary stationed at the little village of Khalatse, 52 miles
1 from Leh on the trade road, I have often to travel between these two places. My journeys have afforded me an opportunity of accumulating material of a certain archaeological and historical value, and my collection of historical records on rock and stone comprises at least 80 inscriptions, dating from c. 800 A. D. to c. 1800 A, D. Mostly out of this collection I now select some of the most interesting records and treat them in a series of articles.
INSCRIPTIONS AT KHALATSE. (A) The Rocord of the construction of the present Khalatso Bridge. On the left bank of the Indus, just underneath the end of the longer one of the two bridges, there is a boulder of granite with a somewhat polished black surface. Half of this boulder was blasted away in the most ruthless manner, when the bridge was repaired about three years ago. The inscription, however, oscaped destruction. The present Commissioner, Captain Patterson, has taken particular care of the stone, but there ought to be a law against the destruction by road-builders of any boulder bearing an inscription. On the above-mentioned boulder is an inscription of six lines. The characters employed are of the ordinary dBu-can type and very small, and have apparently been executed with steel implements. Like many other ancient inscriptions it can only be read when the Bun is in a certain position. The orthography employed in it (e. g., myig for mig) bears witness to the age of the inscription, which cannot, in any case, be placed much after 1000 A. D. Tibetan Text.
Translation. 1. brugkyi lo dbyar zla tha chungkyi thses 1. In the dragon year on the 10th day of the last bcupala rgyalpoi yab rgyalpo chenpo ....
of the [three] summer months, the king's
father, the great king .. . . 2..... cadkyi sku rnamsla blonpo.... 2.. . ..for all the bodies (idols ?) the
blonpo chenpo garkas kalatseyi zampa minister. ... the great minister byaspas
Garka having made the Kalatse
Bridge, 3. rgyalpo chenpos semscan thamscadkyi dondu 3. the great king made it for the benefit of all byaspa 'adila sus snyingla logps
creatures. Whoever thinks evil of it in
his heart, 4. Samsna snying ruleig lagpas regna lagpa chad 4. Let his heart rot; whoever stretches his hand cig myiggis log
towards it, let his hand be cut off ; whoever
harms it with his eye, 5. par byasna myig long shig .... sus 5. may his eye become blind.... whoever zampala nganpa byedpa
does any harm to the bridge, 6. semscan dmyalbar skyeshig.
16. may that creature be born (again) in hell!
20
Note. Although the names of the royal personages, father and son concerned, are not given in the inscription, I feel almost certain that it goes back to the times of king Lha-chen-nag-lug, who reigned about 1150 A. D.

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My reasons are as follows:
(1) The inscription is approximately of that date, as is proved by its orthography.
(2) Of all the ancient kings, only king Lha-chen-nag-lug's name is mentioned in connection with Khalatse, which he is said to have founded, though this can hardly have been the case, as the Dard colony of Khalatse, with a petty Dard king of its own, was already in existence in his time. But he probably built the Brag-nag Castle above Khalatse, the bridge, and perhaps a few official houses, and he was the king who made Khalatse into a real dependency of the kings of Leh. That we find two kings, father and son, mentioned in the inscription, is quite in accordance with a custom often practised by the royal families of Western Tibet, by which the heir-apparent, on reaching manhood, became the assistant of his father in the government.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(3) The dragon year, named in the inscription, is identical with that mentioned in the rGyalrabs as the year of the foundation of Khalatse. As the cycle is only of twelve years, this does not count for much, but in such a case as this the coincidence is worth remarking.
(4) From a technical point of view this inscription is very much superior to the many which surround it, as it is the only one which suggests the use of steel. All the rest were probably wrought with stone implements.
(B) Inscription of king Shirima.
A boulder very close to that just mentioned is covered with a royal inscription. It is of similar age, because it includes an instance of the ancient orthography, writing myi for the later mi. A great part of it is unfortunately illegible. The characters are of the ancient dBu-med1 type and are large and roughly executed, probably with some stone implement.
Tibetan Text.
4.
5.
1. rje rgyalpo
2. chenpo shirima myi tham
3.
1.
2.
.... lo rgyangba dung rgyud bod 3.
•
•
[SEPTEMBER, 1906.
•
yang dzadpai Khala [tse]
4.
shin 5.
•
Translation.
The lord, the great king
Shirima [for] all men
year, the rGyangba-dung family [from] Tibet
also made
. Khala[tse] ..
Notes.
There. is no king Shirima mentioned in the rGyalrabs of Western Tibet, so it is not likely that the king of the inscription belonged to the royal family of Leh. The name Shirims does not even appear to be of Tibetan origin, and the inscription probably alludes to one of the last petty kings who held Khalatse before the advent of the Central Tibetans, or to one of the vassal chiefs they set up in accordance with their policy of not exterminating the petty kings whom they subdued.
These kings or chiefs may have resided at the castle now in ruins on the banks of the Indus, at the end of the cultivated area of Khalatse. It was surrounded by a deep ditch on the land side, and is the only one I have seen in Ladakh not built on an eminence. Underneath it, just above the river, are the remains of the piers of a bridge, making the third bridge built at Khalatse.
The history of the three bridges seems to be as follows. The first bridge was at Balu-mkhar to reach which merchants had to travel on the left bank of the Indus for four miles over very uneven ground. The kings of Khalatse therefore built a second bridge underneath their castle to save four
1 Similar characters occur at Alohi-mkhar-gog.

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239
miles of bad road. The king of Leh, who made Khalatse into a Tibetan town, built a third bridge on the present site and saved the trying journey on the left bank altogether. The Balu-mkhar Bridge and the second bridge then lost their importance and decayed, but the castle of Balu-mkhar seems to have been kept up down to about the Balti invasion in 1600.
(C) Inscription of king rGya-shin. On another boulder, in the near neighbourhood of the preceding inscriptions, is one of a similar type to that inscribed by king Shirima. It is written in dBu-med cheracters and very roughly executed. The lower part is illegible, as a more recent inscription has been carved straight across it. The first lines run thus: - Tibetan Text.
Translation. 1. rgyalpo chenpo
1. The great king. 2. rgya shin[sk]a yzhon
2. Gya-shin-[sk]n-yzhon 3. Khalastse) ....
3. [of] Kbalatse] ....
Notes, We have here possibly a record of another petty king of Khalatee of the line of Shirima. * This line has, perhaps, been ignored in looal history for having given offence to the suzerain kings of
Leh. At any rate it seems to have disappeared about 1200 A. D. The last witnesses of its existence, besides the ruined castle on the banks of the Indus above-mentioned, are a number of stapas, partly in ruins, but still the highest in Khalatse. These stepas go to prove that, during its last days, the dynasty had become Lamaist, while traces of several graves close to the ruined castle go to prove that these kings, before they came into touch with the Leh Dynasty, were true Dards, whose custom it was to bury their dead.
There is another Dard Castle on the brook of Khalatse, about a mile above the Indus. This castle seems to have escaped destruction from the Tibetans. It was deserted later on, when its inhabitants joined the Khalatse people and became Tibetanized. (D) The Lost Stone Inscription of King bDe-ldan-rnam-rgyal, c. 1650–1680 A. D.
A little below the Brag-nag Castle at Khalatse, there used to be an inscribed stone, which was destroyed only a few years ago. As there are many people alive, who have seen and read it, and have a good reason for accurately handing down its contents, I give them as told to me.
Tibetan Text. Chos rgyal chenpo bde Idan rnam rgyalgyis Khalatsepala ; sabon 'adebspai dus ni, lcangrinas Itaste, nyima bragkhungla nubna btabdgos; drongpa chu drenpai res ni, dangpo bsod rnams phelpa dang grong đponpa dang gongmapa ysum; yayispa gnumpa dang starapa dang dragcbospa ysum;
sumpa ni sabipa dang sherabpa dang bedapa yum; bzhipa ni rkang chagpa dang khrollepa dang rallups youm; Ingapa ni dragchospa dang gadcanpa dang grambucanpa ysum; drugpa ni byabapa dang phanba dang bragcanpa yum; bdunpa ni rkyallapa dang skamburpa dang monpa ysummo,
Translation, The religious king bDe-lden-rnam-rgyal (tells the people of Khalatso: This is the time for sowing: when the sun sets in the cavity in the rock, looking from the Willow Hill, you must sow. The order of watering the fields (irrigating) for the peasants is this : bSod-rnams-phelpa and Grong
Besides the ancient Tibetan insoviptions, there are several ancient non-Tibetan inscriptions at Khalatse. One of them was reprodneod ante, Vol. XXXI. P. 401, Plate III., fig. 1, and Vol. XXXII. p. 351, Plate II., fig. 1. My colleotion of non-Tibetan inscriptions (mostly from Khalatse) numbers tea insoripion. Three of them were sent to Dr. Ph. Vogel, Arobmological Surveyor, Panjab, who pronounoed one of them to be Kharostht, and another Ancient Brahmt of the first oentury. Thus the theory of the presence of the ancient pre-Lamaiat Buddhism in Ladakh is becoming an established faet.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1906..
dponpa and Gongmapa, these threr, first; Numpa and sTarapa and Dragshospa, these tbree, second; Sabipa and Sherabpa and Bodapa, these threo, third ; rKangchagpa and Khrollepa and Rallupa, these three, fourth ; Dragshospa and Gadcanpa and Grambucanpa, these three, fifth ; Byabapa and Phanba and Bragcanpa, these three, sixth ; rKyallupa and skamburpa and Monpa, these three, seventh..
Notes. The “cavity in the rock" (bra, khung) is a peculiar rock formation, which, to a person looking towards it from the "Willow Hill" (loang ri), has the appearance of a window. This “Willow Hill's is in the middle of the village and is completely covered with houses, but the name seems to indicate that in by gone times there existed on it a clump or wood of willows. The time for sowing is determined at Khalatse still in the way given in the edict. In other villages it is determined by the lamas or onpos (astrologers), who find a day of good omen for it. The order of watering the fields is still the same as that above given, Administrative work of this kind is never recorded in the rGyalrabs, and for this reason the evidence of the stone inscriptions is of particular value to the student of history.
(E) Manuscript Decree of king Nyima-rnam-rgyal, o. 1700-1730 A. D.
In the possession of the Dragchos family there are two decrees in MS. One of them was issued by king Nyima-rnam-rgyal, and the other by king r Dorje-the-dpal-mi-'agyurdongrub-rnam-rgyal. I now give the text and a translation of the first. King Nyima-ramrgyal was celebrated for his wisdom in pronouncing judgment, and this decree is an interesting example of his manner of deciding difficult cases.
From very ancient times the Gongmapa family had held the highest position in the village the oldest member being honoured with the title . Wazir. But apparently king bDe-ldan-rnamrgyal, whom we know from the preceding edict, made Drag-chos the chieftain of the village, without deposing the old Wazir. The people of Khalatse did not like having two superiors, and were in doubt which of the two was the person really to be treated as such, and.king Nyima-rnam. rgyal had to decide the point. The following decree embodies his decision of the matter,
Tibetan Text. Sa skyong mi dbang phyug nyima rnam rgyalba lhai bkā.
mNga 'ogtu ytogspai rgyal khams spyi dang bye phragtu Khalatnei rgan mi manga yar mar 'agrim'agrulgyi sku tb sab zhi draggi donla mngagspa thamscad la springspa: 'aGangba rgya mthso pha mes rgyud yaum nas Khalatse drag shos byed bzhinpalas, bar zhig Dongrub bsod rnam dang 'athab rtsod byungnas sler khrims sar yonganas 'athabpar, ladvags stod bshamskyi rgan ysum rnamskyis zhib ysal nyannas, bden brdargyi bar rgyan btangnas, rgyalpoi mnā byedpar byasnas, 'aGangba rgya mthso rgyalnas, mna thsigtu : nga pha mesnas dragsbos bkā drin skyangsnas yod byinpa las dran krab laggi[s] byaspa yinri, de yang dragshoskyi thob khungs gral 'ago dang ysangma kyithsir, grongpa dgu spo reskyi yado rkang ya gong phud, phug rkyas'ol rngas rnam's thob nges engar khrims yin zhes rnam rgyal rtsemo dang yyutur zhugsnas mnā skyelnas, ytsang dag byas, sngar mal dragshoskyi dbang ris bdag thob, gong goal dang beas ynaspa bkā drin skyangspa yinpas, khyod gong 'akhod mnamskyi[8] sbyod 'athse bkā 'adod sogs ytannas, ma byed pa bdebar ynus beugpa galche, galsrid phyag rgya 'adi mthong bzhin rtsis med byasna, rtsad ycod dragpo yongbai sosor goba bgyis, zhubapo bsodnam lhungrab yin, ces shing spre zlaba 8 pai thses 29 la phobrang thaemo slel mkhar rtsenas 'abris.
Translation. [This is] the word of the protector of the earth, (who is) rich in power over men, Nyima rnam-rgyal, the god.
I was told later on, that also this ediet contained a hint sboat fizing a day of good omen, when the sun was in the position described above. But that part of the inscription bas been forgotten,

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It is proclaimed to all those under[my] government in general, and to the elders of Khalatse in particular, as well as to the messengers who are sent up and down on errands either of peace or of punishment (literally: peaceful and rough). 'aGongba-rgya-mthso, whose family has been Dragshos at Khalatse for three generations, on a certain occasion had a quarrel with Dongrubbsod-rnams (the head of the Gongmapa family). They came to the court at Leh and disputed. The elders of Upper and Lower Ladakh, having carefully listened [to the case], cast lots to find exactly the truth, and made the king swear an oath. 'aGongba-rgya-mthso won the case, and my oath is [this] I have shown kindness to Dragshos since [the days of] my forefathers, and [Dragshos] has always done his work in a clever way. Thus it is suitable for Dragshos to receive: - The place of honor (at festivals), the dish of honor, a share of the game from nine peasants [who are] to offer it in turns, [a share] at the harvest of straw and lucerne. As has been the former custom, I swear by the existence of the rNam-rgyal-rtsemo (Hill) and yYutur, and have made it clear that Dragshos receives the authority he has had before. As my mercy also extends to letting him rank with the nobility, it is important that you noblemen neither despise him nor give him any commands, &c., but let him live in peace. Whoever, when seeing this letter, does not heed it, will be sternly brought to judgment. This must be understood by everybody. The petitioner is bSodnamlhungrub. Thus it is written on the 29th of the 8th month of the wood-monkey year [about 1705] at the Leh Palace, Phobrang-thsemo.
241
Notes on the Tibetan Text.
bye phragtu, is the same as classical bye bragtu, the Ladakhi word being probably the more original. 'agrim 'agrulgyi sku thsab, are the aides-de-camp of the kings.
bar shig, at an opportunity.
brdar, is the classical bdar.
dran krab laggis, means in a clever way.'
kyi thsir, is a plate filled with more flour pudding than ordinary people receive.
rkang ya gong phud, taking off a leg, or the upper part (when game was brought); this used to be the right of chieftains of villages.
rnam rgyal rtsemo, is the name of the hill behind Leh, on the southern slope of which the royal palace stands.
yyutur, seems to be a place-name; I do not know where it is.
gong ysal, were the noblemen, who were allowed to enter into the presence of the king. Other people had to speak to the king through one of them who was called the petitioner.' So Dragshos (probably dragchos, sorcerer) had to get his case started through a petitioner, as is shown at the end of the document.
Note on the English Translation.
The matter of special interest in this case is that even by this king, who was particularly famous for his wisdom in pronouncing judgment, lots were cast, previous to coming to a decision.
Seals of king Nyima-rnam-rgyal.
There are two red seals attached to the decree. The first is printed to the right of the first line in which it is stated that the decree is to be taken as the word of the king, and seems to be of an ornamental character only. The second seal is placed at the bottom of the document. It is a square, containing in the centre the second part of the name of the king, rNam-rgyal, which is also the name of the dynasty. It is in Hor-yig, or ancient Mongolian characters. These characters are a square form of Tibetan and are written from top to bottom, after the manner of Mongolian writing. They are occasionally used for ornamental writing in Tibet. The name rNam-rgyal is written in two vertical columns, the left column containing the first, and the second column the second syllable of the name.
(To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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HINDUISM IN THE HIMALAYAS.
BY 2. A. ROSE. I. - Vaishnava Cults.
Hindu Oults in the Sirmar State, Panjab.
In the Sirmer State, Pañjáb, the Hindas have two chief cults, one Vaishnava, the other Saiva. The former of these two is represented by the cult of Paras Ram and bis derivative deities, which centres in Rainka-jio, in the Rainka tahsil of the State, at a great lake. Paras Râm's brothers are nsually supposed to have become water, but, according to one local variant, Jåmdaggan called his brothers cowards and turned them into women, so that now they are devis or goddesses, to wit: La Devi, Dormai, Bhadwachhri or Bhadarkali, and Kamli, all of whom have temples in the State. The local cult and ritual of Paras Râm are described in the forthcoming Gazetteer of Sermúr, and to that description may be added the following mantra or prayer, and the kabits or complets which are given below:
The Mantra. Sambhade Sri Ragunath sahansar nâm, jin ki kirpå 88 Hart gun gawên.
Om! Om! Om! Auukar ki nirmal jat! Nirmal jat se nabh; nâbh se kanwal; kanwal se Brahma otpati bhaê. Le dand karmandal ashnan ko gaê. Shankhâsûr Dånav otpath bhaê.
Brahmå tabân Vâd paphânê, tâ kâran Brabmå chalad Shivlok ko. "Shivji, ta hip Harta, tù Hin kartê, tủ hơn jânê Chân Ved kê mata.”
1 Compare from Vol. XXXII. p. 876, "Hindujam in the Himalayas."
? Jio is apparently an old form of jf, and the localized form of the legend runs that Jåmdaggan Risht used to practise susterities at a peak called Jambu-ki-Dhar, near Jamba, where & mari or temple still erista at the spot where the risht had his dhunt or fire. The pujari of Jambu stili visits this mari every Sunday and sankrant day to worship there. J&mdaggan's wifo, Rainki Ji, had a sister Baink& who was married to Raja Sahnsar-b.hu
lebrateda jag, Bainka saked Raink A to invite her to it. Bainka begged the rishf to do so, but at first he refused, because he could not afford to entertain ard and his queen. Ho yielded, however, to Raink's reiterated request and asked the god Indra to grant him Kim-dhan, the cow of plenty ; Kalp-brikhsh, the tree of paradise which yielded all manner of gifts; and Kaber, bhandari, the celestial steward who could supply all kinds of luxuries. When the rdj& arrived with all his court, the right was thus
A sumptuously, and the rdjd was so mystified as to the source of the riah' wealth, that he deputed his barber to find out whenoe it oame. Learning that Kim-dban was the main source of supply, the raja asked for the cow as a gift, which the risht refused, and so the rdja determined to take her by foroe, but the rishi sent her into the sky to Indra. Thereupon the raja shot an arrow at the cow and wounded her in the foot, so the cow returned and attacked him. Therlj, attributing this to the right's sorcery, put him to death and returned home. Rainka taking the rishi'body in her lap, was beweiling his death, when she was divinely told that Kuber, bhandars, had the amrit or elixir of life, and that a drop of it placed in the dead ris, month, would bring him back to life. So the rishi was restored to life and ordered his younger sons to kil Raink, thinking that she had instigated his murder with the intention of marrying Sahnser-bábu, but they refused. Then the right sunimonod Para Bam, his oldest son, who was then practising austerities in the Konkan, and who appeared in an instant. Paras Râm killed his mother, and then, in consequence of the divine ourse whioh fell upon him, went to the plains (des), and swore to kill all the Chhatrts and to swim in their blood, doeming Sabnar-bAhu the onse of all his misery Waging his war of extermination against the Chhatrts he had reached Kuro-kahetr, where Indrs learnt what blood-shed he was causing in fulfilment of his oath and sent rain until the water toue to the height of sman, and caneed the upper Ourrents to turn red. Meanwhile Jåmdaggaa had been searching for his son, and meeting him with his axe on his shoulder, was so pleased with his performances that he anked if he had any desire. Paras Lam in reply.begged his father to restore ble mother and brothers to life, and performed his mother's funeral rites. The riski roplied that his wife and sons had become jal sarup or water, and that the former was in the larger and the latter in the smaller of the tanks at Rainks.

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-
Kabên Mahadev: "bam gun vicharen, mângen bhikhshâ, kahen Hari. Wohl harta! Woht karta! Wohi jânê châr Ved kâ mata.
«Ta kåran prithmên Machh Autir ottrê. Machh ki mâta Shankhawati, pitâ Parav Rishi, guru Mandbâtâ, khêtar Mânsarowar purpâtan nirdhalante. Shankhâsûr Dânav lio dharantê.
"Dutia Narain Kurm Autar ottre. Kuram ki mätá Karnawati, pitâ Bilôchan Rishi, gurů Dhagisat Bawa Rishi, khêtar Dungarpuri purpatan nird balante. Madho Kitav Dânav lio dharante.
"Tritie Barâh-rûp Autâr ottre. Barâh ki mâtå Lilawati, pita Kanl Rishi, guru Sahaj Rishi, khêtar Kanakpur purpatan nirdhalante. Hirnâkâshap Dànav lio dharantê.
"Chatôrthê Narain Narsingh Autar ottrê. Narsingh ki mâtâ Chandrâwatt, pita Haribrabm Rishi, gurû Kaship Rishi, kbêtar Maltânpuri purpatan nird balante. Hirnâkash Dânav lio dharantê.
Pancham Narain BAwan Autâr ottrê. Bâwan ki mäta Langawati, pita Bilôchan Rishi, gurû Kashap Rishi, khêtar Banaras parpaton nirdhalante. Chhalke Balrajâ lio dharante.
" Khashtam Narain Autár ottrå Paras Râmji. Paras Ramji ki mâtå Rainkâjt, pita Jamdagganji, garú Ägast Muniji, khêtar Kôpâlpari purpatan nird halante. Sahansar-bahu Dânav lio dharantê.
Saptam Sri Râm Chandarji Autâr ottrê. Râm Chandarjî ki mâtá Kaushalya, pita Dasrath, gurû Bashisht Muni, khêtar Ajadhiâpuri purpatan pirdhalante. Dashâsur Rawan lio dharantê.
"Ashtam Sri Nârâin Krishan Autâr ottrê. Krishan ki mâtâ Dewki, pitâ to Basdêv, guru Durbhåshå Rishi, khetar Muthorâpuri purpatan nirdhalante. Kansasur lio dharantê.
“Naveme Narain Budh-rûp Autar ottrô. Badh ki mâta Padmawati, pitâ to Bilôchan Rishi, gura Dhagesat Bawa Rishi, khêtar Parsotampuri purpatan nirdhalante. Gayasur Dânav lio dharantê.
Dashmie Nârâin Daswan Autár ottrênge. Kab ottrenge? Ab ottrênge Mâghê Mágh& shukal pakhshê, Rewati Nakhshatrê, Shani-wâre, tith ashtami. Batis gaj kâ manush hôga : athârå gaj ka kharag hoga; nau gaj ki chauri hôgi, músal dhâra nir barsênge. Swait ghaura, gwait pâlân, santâ gyâlâ malo méghá, dumbar sir chhattar bráje. Khârâ jal mitha hôga. Hastni dûdh dêgf. Dudh atal mitha hôgå. Nishkalank ki mata Matangi, pita Dhanuk Risbi, guru Sabaj-rûp Rishi, khếtar Sambhêlânagri parpatan nirdhalanté. Niskalank Dânav lo dharantê.
Translation.
The story of Sri Ragunath of the thousand names, by whose grace we sing the praises of Harl.
Om! Om ! Om! The stainless light of the letter Om !3 From the light the navel; from the navel the lotus ; from the lotus was born Brahma. He took his staff and bowls and went to bathe. Shankásûr, the Dånav, was born.
Brahma then taught the Velas, and for that purpose Brahmâ went to Siva's abode. (Said he): "Shivji, thou art the Slayer, thou art the Creator, thou knowest the meaning of the Foor. Vedas."
. . ., first came the stainless light.
.s..., the dand and karmandal carried by fagars.

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Said Mahadev (Siva): “I meditate on the virtues (of God), I ask alms, I repeat (the name of) Hari (Vishnu). He is the Slayer! He is the Creator ! He knows the meaning of the Four Vedas.
"For this he first assumed the Machh (Fish) Incarnation. The mother of the fish was Shankhawati, the father Parav Rishi, the teacher Mândhâtâ, the birth-place Mansarowar (Lake). He slew Shankhâsûr, the Danay.
“Secondly, Narain (Visbạn) assumed the Kurm (Tortoise) Incarnation. The mother of the Tortoise was Karnawati, the father Bilôchan Rishi, the teacher Dhagisat Bawa Rishi, the birth-place Dungarpuri. He slew Madhô Kitav, the Danay.
"Thirdly, he assumed the Barah-rûp (Boar) Incarnation. The mother of the Boar was Lilawati, the father Kaul Rishi, the teacher Sabaj Rishi, the birth-place Kanakpur. He slew Hirnâkâshap, the Dânav.
"Fourthly, Narain (Vishnu) assumed the Narsingh (Man-lion) Incarnation. The mother of the Man-lion was Chandrawati, the father Hari-brahm Rishi, the teacher Kaship Rishi, the birth-place Multânpuri. He slew Hirnakhâsh, the Dänav.
“Fifth, Narain (Vishņu) assumed the Bâwan Incarnation. The mother of the Bawan was Langawati, the father Bilôchan Rishi, the teacher Käshap Rishi, the birth place Benares. He deceived Balrâjâ and slew him.
“Sixth, Nârâin (Vishnu) assumed the Paras Râmji Incarnation. The mother of Paras Râmji was Rainkájt, the father Jamdagganji, the teacher âgast Muniji, the birth-place Kopalpuri. He slew Sahansar-baha, the Dânav.
"Seventh, he assumed the Sri Ram Ohandarji Incarnation. The mother of Ram Chandari was Kaushalya, the father Dasrath, the teacher Bashisht Muni, the birth-place Ajudhiâpuri. He slew Dashâsur R&wan.
"Eighth, Sri Narain (Vishn) assumed the Krishn Incarnation. The mother of Krishn was Dêwki, the father Bêsdêy, the teacher Durbhâsþå Rishi, the birth-place Muthorâpuri, He Blew Kansasur.
“Ninthly, Nârâin (Vishņu) assumed the Budh-rûp (Buddha) Incarnation. The mother of Budh was Padmawatt, the father Bilôchan Righi, the teacher Dhagesat Banû Rishi, the birthplace Parsótampari. He slew Gayasur, the Dånav.
«Tenthly, Nardin (Vishnu) will assume the Tenth Incarnation. When will be assume it? Now he will assume it in the month of Mâgh, in the light half, in the Rêwati Nakshatra, on Saturday, the eighth of the month. He will be a man thirty-two yards (in beight). his sword will be eighteen yards (long): his swish will be nine yards (long). It will rain heavily. White his horse, white his saddle, heavy clouds about him, an umbrella over his head. Salt water will become sweet. The elephant will give milk. Sour milk will become sweet. The mother of Nishkalank is Mâtangi, the father Dhanuk Rishi, the teacher Sahaj-rûp Rishi, the birth-place Sambhêlânagri. He slays Nishkalank (?), the Dånav," The following are some of the coupleta or kabits addressed to Paras Râm at Rainka-jio:
The Kabits.
1. Parbat chir tal band nír ghard jahan bhar mand hai, Bådshdh gharib dhidwen kalah jahan par chand hai. The hill was broken, and the lake made full of deep water, Kings and the poor worship (there), and the miracle is known far and wide. . At the following conjunction of the stars,
• The name of the Tenth Incarnation.

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Ashnan lik pdp jdt, dhidn kie tâp ját, Darshan kie sardy jat, mdya jahan aisi alchand hai. By bathing sins fly away, by devoutly meditating trouble flees, By looking at (it) curses depart, where such prosperity is.
Chanan saman kashat jahan, Kanchan saman pakhdn jaban, Shir saman nir jahan aisd adhbat mand hai. Wood is like sandal, Stone like gold, And water like milk at this wondrous place.
Rainkd saman tirath nahin, lok tari 16k bhawan men, Gupat jagah bas kito ohdrón tarf jahan ban khand hai.
There is no place so sacred as Rainka, *The place that is holy and densely wooded all round.
5.
Kitni hi tirath basi aisd rakhte hain agyan, Jinko ashnan karnd phansi ke barabar dand hai. Some pilgrims are so foolish, That to bathe is to them as great a penalty as hanging.
Man men dhidwen aur kam mukh se bólen jal Paras Râm, Din rdt pare karên drám, jinko darshan karnd zihr hai. They are thinking of other things, while with their lips they say 'Jai Paras Rám.' They take their ease night and day, but to visit a temple is poison to them.
7. Kahe Dow Hird Lal, man papi ka ohhor Ichial, Hot Paras Ram didi, jin par unki mihr hai: Says Déwi Hîrfi Lal, Take no thought of your sin, Paras Râm favours those to whom he is gracious.'
II. - Saiva Culte.
(A) The Cult of Shirigul or Shrigul, Siva is not extensively worshipped under that name in the Pañjab Himalayas, but two cults, those of Shirigul and Mahasu, appear to be derivatives of Saivism. That of Shirigul is especially interesting and is described below. The home of this god is on the Chaur? (Chur) Peak which is visible from Simla.
See article in the Imperial Gazetteer of India.

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Shirigul (or Sargul, fancifully derived from sard, cold) has special power over cold, and, according to one account, is propitiated by a fair in order to avert cold and jaundice. In some dim way this attribute appears to be connected with the following version of the Shirigul legend :
Shirigul's expeditions to Delhi were made in quest of the colossal vessels of brass which the Muhammadans had taken away. On his return his mother's sister-in-law brought him sattu (porridge) to eat, and, as he had no water to wash his hands and feet according to custom, he stamped on the ground so that water gushed out near a field at Shâyâ, a village in the Karli ilaqa. Having washed he was about to eat the sattu when suddenly he saw some insects in it and at once refused to eat it. After rescuing his kinsmen from the snake he went again to Delhi and attacked the Turks single-handed, killing great numbers of them, but suddenly seeing a stone tied to a bor, or banyan tree, he knew that it had been sent by the wife of his servant (bhur), by name Churu, as a signal of distress. Shirigul at once returned and found that all the members of Chura's family, except his wife, had been transformed into one body by the serpents, and even to this day any branched stone is supposed to be Churu's family and is much venerated.
The following is another legend which, is current regarding the origin of the cult: One Bhakaru, a Rajput, of Shâyâ had no offspring, and desiring a son he journeyed to Kashmir where dwelt Pânûn, a pandit, whose house he visited in order to consult him. The pandit's wife, however, told Bhatkaṛû that he was sleeping and that he used to remain asleep for six months at a stretch. Bhakarû was disappointed at not being able to consult the pandit, but being himself endowed with spiritual power, he created a cat which scratched the pandit and awoke him. Learning that Bhakarû had thus had power to disturb. his sleep, the pandit admitted him and told him he was childless because he had committed Brahm-hatid, or Brahman-murder, and that he should in atonement marry a Brahman girl, by whom he would become the father of an incarnation. Bhakaṛû accordingly married a Bhât girl of high degree and to her were born two sons, Shirigul and Chandêsar, both the parents dying soon after their birth. The boys then went to their maternal uncle's house and Shirigul was employed in grazing his sheep, while Chandêsar tended the cows. But one day their uncle's wife in malice mixed flies and spiders with Shirigul's sattu or porridge, and when he discovered this, Shirigul threw away the food and fled to the forest, whereupon the sattu turned into a swarm of wasps which attacked and killed the uncle's wife. Shirigul took up his abode in the Chûr Dhâr, whence one day he saw Delhi, and, being seized with a desire to visit it, he left Churû, a Bhôr Kanêt by caste, in charge of his dwelling, collected a number of gifts and set out for the city. Halting near Jhil Rain-Kâ, "the lake of Rainka," his followers were attacked by a tiger which he overcame, but spared on condition that it should not again attack men. Again, at Kôlar in the Kiârda Dûn, he subdued a dragon which he spared on the same terms. Reaching Delhi he went to a trader's shop who weighed the gifts he had brought, but by his magic powers made their weight appear only just equal to the pasang or difference between the scales, but Shirigul in return sold him a skein of silk which he miraculously made to outweigh all that the trader possessed. The trader hastened to the Mughal emperor for redress and Shirigul was arrested while cooking his food on his feet, because in digging out a chuld he had found a bone in the soil. In the struggle to arrest Shirigul his cooking-vessel was overturned and the food flowed out in a burning torrent which destroyed half the city. Eventually Shirigul was taken before the emperor who cast him into prison, but Shirigul could not be fettered, so the emperor, in order to defile him, had a cow killed and pinioned him with a
The name is probably a corruption of Sri-Guru.
Probably bhur, 'servant,' is meant, and if so, we should read "Churd, the bhur, a Kanêt by caste."

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thong of its hide. Upon this Shirigul wrote a letter to Gaga Pir of the Bâgar in Bikaner and sent it to him by a crow. The Pir advanced with his army, defeated the emperor, and released Shirigul, whose bonds he severed with his teeth. Shirigul then returned to the Chûr Peak.
During his absence the demon Agur Danûn bad attacked Charů, completely defeating him and taking possession of half the peak. Shirigul thereupon cursed Churû, who was turned into & stone still to be seen on the spot, and assailed Asur Dânûn, but without success; so he appealed to Indra, who sent lightning to his aid and expelled Asur Danûn from the Chûr. The demon in his flight struck his head against a hill in Jubbal, and went right through it; the UI eave still exists to testify to this. Thence he passed through the Sainj Nadi and across the Dhârla into the Tons river, by which he reached the ocean. The Dhårla ravine still remains to. prove the truth of the legend.10
Another account says nothing of Shirigal's visit to Delhi, but makes Bhakarů the Rank of Sbâyâ. It further says that Shirigal became a bhagat or devotee, who left his home to live on the Chûr Peak upon which Siva dwelt. Gaining greater spiritual power from Siva, Shirigul caused all the boys of the neighbourhood to be afflicted with worms, while he himself asguned the form of a Bbít and wandered from village to village,proclaiming that if the boys' parents built him a temple on the Dhår he would care them all. The temple was built on the Ohûr Peak and Shirigul began to be considered a separate deity.
The temple of Shirigul at Churidhar is square and faces east. It has but one storey nine feet in height, with a verandah, and its roof consists of a gable, the topmost beam (khinwar), of which is adorned with brass vessels (anda) fixed to it by pegs.. Outside the temple is hung. A necklace (mdid) of small pieces of wood (kharorf). There is only one door, on which figures, &c., have been carved. Inside this temple is another smaller temple, also of dooddr, shaped like & dome, and in this is kept the ling which is six inches high and four inches in circumference: It is made of stone and is placed in a jalahrî or vessel of water, which, too, is of stone. No clothes or ornaments are placed on the ling.
A worshipper brings with him his own Bhâț, who acts as pujdri. The Bhat must not eat puntil he has performed the worship and made the offerings. He first bathes in the adjacent spring, pats on clean clothes and lights a lamp, burning ght, not oil, before the idol. Then he takes a brass 16'd' of fresh water, and sprinkles it over the idol and the floor of the temple with a branch of the chikhon or chhanbar shrab. He next fills a spoon with fire, ghi, and the leaves of the katharchal and idhésrí, odoriferous plants found on the Dhar, and burns them. before the idol, holding the spoon in his right hand, while he rings a bell with his left, and repeats the names of tiraths and avatdrs only. After this office he blows a conch, terminating it with a prostration to the idol. It may be performed at any time. The jálrf or worshipper now bathes, puts on clean clothes, and prostrates himself before the idol. After this he may make the offerings which consist of a rattill of gold or silver, money, ghi, (but not more than
10 An instance of the countless legends-whioh explain natural features by tales of Siya's prowese, or attribute them to his emanations. Below is ono attributed to Shirigul himself. The Sikan KA PÅnt legend says that in the old times an inhabitant of Jhojar village went to Shirigal at the Char Peak and asked the Deota to give him a ondal in his village. He stayed three days at the peak and did not eat or drink anything. Shirigal appeared in a monk's garb and gave him a tumba full of water, which the god covered with a leaf tolling the man not to open it on his way bome, but at the place where he wanted the canal to run. On ronching Sikan the man opened the tumba and found a snake in it whioh sprang out and ran away. Water flowed behind the snake, and a small canal still flows in Sikan and waters several villages. Being thus disappointed, again wept the man to the Chur and the god again, gave him a tumba, telling him to throw the water and say. Nicho Jhojar; wpar jhajal - Jhoja, village below and a waterfall above it,' and he should have plenty of water, But the man again forgot and said * Upar Jhojar, niche jhaja'-Jhojar above and the waterfall below. This mistake oatised the water to fluw belor the village and that only in a small quantity.
11 Rattfis & weight equal to eight grains of rice or lf of a grain (English weight).

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two chhittakes,) a pice or two, small vessels, andas, of pewter or copper', which are hung on the temple, and a he-goat. The benefits songut are secular, not spiritual, and the worship is expected to ward off evil.
Jaga or uninterrupted worship for a whole night can only be performed at the temple, as the ling must not be romoved from it. A lamp in which ghi, not oil, is burnt, is placed all night before the ling, and in the course of the night three office we performed, one at evening, another at midnight, and the third at morn. At this last the pujari feeds the god : water is poured over the back of a he-goat, and if the animal shivers it is believed that the god has accepted the offering and the goat is killed. The head is offered to the god and taken by the pujari on his behalf, the remainder being cooked and eaten. Or the goat is not killed but let loose, and it then becomes the property of the Dewa.13
Another account says that two men, a pujári and a Dêwâ, accompany the worshipper, the former receiving the goat's head, and the latter the other offerings.13
Other Temples to Shirigul,
. 1. At Manal. Shirigul also has a temple at Mânal, which was built by Ulga and Jojra, Dewas, as the following legend tells :
In order to enhance his sanctity Shirigal made an effigy. This he placed with some lamps in a basin which he floated on the Jalál stream in Bhadon. The basin reached Shakohal village in Pachhad Tahsil, and there a Rajput of the Sapala ( = sapéla or snake-charmer) family of Chanálag saw it. Struck with amazement, he challenged it to float on if a demon, but if a deity to come to the bank. The basin came to the bank wbere he was standing and the Rajput took it to his home. Some days later it was revealed to him that the image was that of Shirigul, that it would never be revered by the Râpats who were ignorant of the mode of worship, and that it should be taken to Bakhuta in Pachhåd or he would suffer a heavy loss. Accordingly, he removed it to Bakhůta, where it was duly worshipped, and hence a Dewa, Bidan by name, stole it and brought it to Manal.
A fair is held on the Hariáli,14 and another on any three days of Sawan at Gelyon, a small plateau in the lands of Nahra, at & kôs from Mânal. Men and women here dance the gi, a hill dance, and people exchange môrd (wheat parched or boiled), maize, rice, &c.
The temple at Mânal is square, 24 cubits high, with three storeys, each provided with a stair to give access to the one above it. The property of the god is kept in the middle storey, Outside the door there is a wooden verandah, on which figures are carved and which is fornished with fringes of wooden pegs. Andas are also fixed on to it. The highest storey contains the idol, and has the khinwar or gable like the Chür temple. The whole of the wood-work is stained with gêri. The temple faces south-west.
The temple contains 12 images of Shirigul, all placed on wooden shelves (gambar) in the wall, and the principal of these is the idol brought by Bidan. This is made of asht-dhat15
19 The D&ws are a class of Kanêts or Bhate, held to be peculiarly the men of the god.
15 The pujari kindles fire on a stone and offers incenne, made of ghí, páji and katarcher leaves, while he recites the following mantra: - Ao aur wanaspat: punarrar birid makht, sarb sich, sojt .... barchhak bha nang, nomi, nam, gand sognam, chdre hot, narsdngnan, tamo nami janto, mashno, jiya bhamon, nandar nán, odarkas tart gabre, mert masni, miyd adgam, bhagam, jismdr, jisanbar, bhish jamandwir, nibat hdr, parbam, parchanan, hasht Phar, parbarsát, korshanti, shaman shanti, noch kau, deina shanti, bhordtari, patrí Ghart, kdrti dabéle, sargal deod kl kara cabele, Bijal. Biji kt kard dabble Char, wa mur wa Diugadh kdy dabble, Char bhai Mahdsho, kara dabéle, Ganga, Hardwar, Badri Kiddr kara dabile, patri jhari.'
14 HariAll is the last day of HAT, and the Sankrant of SÅwan, and derives its name from hard 'green' 1 ;. e., eight motals.

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(bell-metal), and is 5 fingers high by 2 fingers broad, with a human face. It is clothed in masra or silk cloth, with a piece of broad-cloth, studded with 100 rupees and 11 gold mohars, round its neck. The remaining 11 images are of brass, and are of two classes, four of them being a span in height and 9 fingers wide, with a piece of masrú round the neck : the other seven are 10 fingers high and 7 broad. The images are thus arranged :
3,3,3,3 2,2 1 2, 3, 3, 3, the original image being in a silver chauki (throne), with a small umbrella over it.
2. At Deons and Bandal. The temples at Doona (Dabona) and Bandal are similar to the one at Mînal. Each has a bhandar or store-room, in charge of a bhandari or storekeeper. These bhandárs are rich, and from them the pujdrís, bdjgis, and bhandarís are paid, and pilgrims and addhús fed. The Dewas also are maintained from the bhandárs.
The second-class images of the Mapal and Deôna temples can be taken home by a worshipper for the performance of a jága, as can the first-class image from that of Bandal. The image is conveyed in n copper coffer borne by a bare-footed pujari on his back, and followed by 10 or 12 Dewas, of whom one waves a chaurí over the coffer. The procession is accompanied by musicians and two flags of the god.
On arrival at the worshipper's house, the place where the image is to be placed is purified, being sprinkled with Ganges water. The image is removed from the coffer inside the house and placed on a heap of wheat or mandwa. The arrival should be timed for the evening. The jagd ritual is that already described. Next day the god is fed and taken back to his temple. The worshipper has to pay to the pujari and bdjgi, each Re. 1, to the bhandari anpas 4, and to the Dewa, Rs. 2 or 3.
3. At Jamna. There is also a temple of Shirigul at Jâmnâ in Bhôj Mast. Here the god is worshipped twice daily, in the morning and evening. The pujdrí is a Bhât, who, with the bdjgt, receives the offerings. When a he-goat is offered, the pujarí takes the head, the bdjgí a thigh, while the rest is taken by the jdtrí himself. The temple is like an ordinary hill-house, having two storeys, in the apper of which the god lives. The door of the upper storey faces west and that of the lower eastward. There is also a courtyard, 15 feet long by 10 feet wide, on this side. The forefathers of the people in Jamna, Pobhâr, Kândon, Châwag and Thâna villages brought a stone from Chûr Dhâr and built this temple as a protection against disease. It contains an image which was obtained from Jùnga, and is furnished with a palanquin, canopy, singhásan or throne and an amratf or vessel used for water in the ritual. The Bisû fair is held here from the 1st to the 5th of Baisakh, and both sexes attend. It is celebrated by songs, dancing, and the thôdd or mock combat with bows and arrows.
4. In the Paonta Tahsil. Shirigul has no special mandar in Ponta Tahsil, but he has several small mandars in villages. These contain images of stone or a mixture of lead and copper. He is worshipped to the sound of conchs and drums, leaves, flowers and water being also offered daily, with the following mantra:
Namoi ad ala, namor brahm bald Namon ad Nathi, namôn shankha chakra Gadd padam dhari. Namốn machh kachh bardh awatari Namon Ndhar Singh kurb koi dhart Namon asht ashtangi, namón chhait kari
Namon Sri Suraj deotd nami namskdrd. I salute thee who wert in the beginning, who art great and supreme Brahma, who wert Lord of all that was in the beginning, who holdest the conch, mace, quoit

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and lotus (in thy four hands), who revealest thyself in the forms of a fish, a tortoise, & boar, and a man-lion, who hast eight forms and who art beneficent. I also salute thee, O Sun ! thou art worthy of adoration.'
5. At Naont. There is another temple of Shirigul at Naoni village in the Tahsil of NÄhan. A fair is held here on the day of Hariali or first of Sawan. He-goats, halwa or ghi are offered. The people dread him greatly.
8. At Sanglahan. There is also a debthali or 'place of the god,' Shirigul, at Sanglahan. The pujdri is a Brâhman and the mode of worship and offerings are similar to those at Jawâla Mukhi's teraple. Goats are, however, not sacrificed here, only halwa being offered. The fair is held on the Gyas day, the Kätik sudi ikalshi of the lunar year, and the 30th of Kâtik in the solar year. Only men and old women, not young girls, attend this fair. In Jaitak also there is a temple of this god.
Story of Sri Gul, deota of Chari Dhar in Jubbal. In the Jabbal State, which lies to the north and east of the Chaur Peak, a variant of the Shirigal legend is current. This variant is of special interest, and it appears worth recording in full: -
In the Dwapar Ynga Krishna manifested himself, and, after killing the rdleshasás, disappeared. Some of them, however, begged for pardon, and so Krishna forgave them and bade them dwell in the northern hills, without molesting god or man. This order they all obeyed, except one who dwelt at Chawkhat, some seven miles north of Chûri Dhår. In the beginning of the present age, the Kali Yuga, he harassed both men and cattle, while another demon, Neshirâ, also plandered the subjects of Bhokrû,16 chief of Shâdgå, in the State of Sirmûr. The former asur also raided the States of Jubbal, Tarôch, Balsan, Theðg, Ghônd, &c. The people of these places invoked divine protection, while Bhokrû himself was compelled to fiee to Kasmir, and being without heirs, he made over his kingdom to his minister Devi Ram. For twelve years Bhokrû and his queen devoted themselves to religious meditation, and then, directed by a celestial voice, they returned home and performed the aswamedha, or great horse-sacrifice. The voice also promised Bhokrg two sons, who should extirpate the demons, the elder becoming as mighty as Siva, and the younger like Chandêshwar and saving all men from suffering. Ten months after their return, Bhokrú's queen gave birth to a son, who was named Sri Gul. Two years later Chandêshwar17 was born. When the boys were aged 12 and 9 respectively, the Raja resolved to spend the evening of his life in pilgrimage and went to Hardwâr. On his way back he fell sick and died, his queen succumbing to her grief, at his loss, three days later. Sri Gul proceeded to Hardwar to perform his father's funeral rites, and crossed the Chûri Dhar, the lofty ranges of which made a great impression on his mind, so much so that he resolved to make over his kingdom to his younger brother and take up his abode on the peak. On his return journey he found a man worshipping on the hill, and learnt from him that Siva, whose dwelling it was, had directed him to do so. Hearing this, Sri Gul begged Chuhra, for this was the name of Siva's devotee, to wait his return, as he too intended to live there. He then went to Shadgâ and would have made over his kingdom to Chandeshwar, but for the remonstrances of his minister, who advised him to only give bis brother Nahula village, i, e., only a part of his kingdom and not the whole, because if he did so his subjects would certainly revolt. To this Sri Gul assented, making Dêvi Râm regent of Shadgå during his own absence.
Sri Gul then set out for Dehli, where he arrived and put up at a Bhâbra's shop. The city was then under Muhammadan rule, and once when Sri Gul went to bathe in the Jamnâ, a butcher passed by driving a cow to slaughter. Sri Gul remonstrated with the man but in vain, and so he cut him in two. The emperor sent to arrest him, but Sri Gul killed all the soldiers sent to take him, and at length the emperor himself went to see a man of such daring. When the emperor saw him he
16 The Bhakard of the Sirmor version. Sbadgå and Shayê would appear to be one and the same place. 11 The Chandesar of the Sirmur variant.

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kissed his feet and promised never ngain to kill a cow in the presence of a Hindu. So Sri Gul forgive him. He was about to return to the shop when he heard from Chuhra that a demon was about to poilute the Chûr Peak, so that it could not become the abode of a god. Sri Gul thereupon created a horse, named Shânalwi, and, mounted on it, set out for Chûri Chaudhari. In the evening he reached Buria, near Jagadbri, next day at noon Sirmûr, and in the evening Shadga, his capital. On the following day he arrived at his destination by way of Bhil-Khari, where he whetted his sword on a rock which still bears the marks. Thence ho rode through Bhairóg in Jubbal, and halting at Kalâbâgh, a place north of Chûri Choti, he took some grains of rice, and, reciting incantations, threw them on the horse's back, thereby turning it into a stone, which to this day stands on the spot. Sri Gul then went out to Chûri Chôti and there he heard of the demon's doings. Next morning the demon came with a cow's tail in his hand to pollate the Penk, but Chuhra saw him and told Sri Gul, who killed him on the spot with a stone. The stone fell in an erect position, so the place is called Auripotli 18 to this day. It lies eight miles from the Chûr Peak. After the demon had been killed, the remainder of his army advanced from Chawkhat, to attack Sri Gul, but he destroyed them all. Then he told Chuhrů to choose a place for both of them to live in, and he chose a spot between Churi Choti and Kalabagh. Sri Gul then sent for Dávi Ram and his (the minister's) two sons from Shadgâ, and divided his kingdom among them thus: - To Dêvî Râm he gave, i.e., assigned, the State with the village of Karlî:19 to the elder son Rabbû he gave Jorna, the pargana of Bhâhal, Jalkhôli in Jubbal State, Balsan, Theôg, Ghond and Ratesh States, and pargana Pajhôta in Sirmûr; and to Chbînû, the younger son, he allotted Sa.ahan, with the following parganas : Hamil, Chhatta, Chandløg, Chândnî, Satótha, Panôtra, Nêwal, Shak, Chanju, Bargaon, Sunthii, in Jubbal State, and Tarôch, with Lâdâ and Kangra, in the Sîrmûr State, as far as that part of Jaunsar which is now British territory. Devi Ram and his two sons limilt a temple to Srf Gul between Chôti Chûri and Kalâbâgh, which is still in existence, and the younger brother also built a baoli, which held no water until Sri Gal filled it. When the three new rulers had finished building their ráj-dhanis,20 Sri Gul sent for them and bade them govern their territories well, and he made the people swear allegiance to them. On Devi Râm's death, his third son, by his second wife, succeeded to his State. Sri Gul bade the three rulers instal, when he should have disappeared, an image of himself in the temple at each of their capitals, and side by side with them to erect smaller temples to Chuhrû. He also directed that their descendants should take with them his image wherever they went and to whatever state they might found, and there instal it in a temple. With these instructions he dismissed the ministers and their subjects. Ao ar a reign of 150 years, Sri Gul disappeared with Chuhrû, who became known as Chuhrû Bir, while Sri Gul was called Sri Gul Deota.
Two centúrics later, when the descendants of Rabbû and Chîn û had greatly multiplied, those of them who held Jornâ migrated to Manal in the Bharmaur ilága, where they built a temple for Sri Gul's image. The Raja of Sırmûr assigned half the land of the pargana for its maintenance. Some of Chinu's descendants settled in Deônâ, a village in Sirmûr, where they, too, built a temple.
According to this quasi-historical legend Sri Gul was a king, who was, we may conjecture, supplanted in his kingdom by his chief minister's family. This minister's sons dívided the kingdom into three parts, each of them ruling one part - precisely what happened about a century ago in the State of Bashahr. The old capitals of Jorna 21 Sarahan2(in Jubbal State), and Shadga (apparently in Sirmûr) are, with Deônâ, to this day the centres at which the grain collected on behalf of the god is stored. A patha23 is collected from every honse.
Every year the descendants of Rabbû and Chînû who settled in Sirmûr, take the god's image from Sarahan or Jorna in Jubbal to their own villages, in which temples have been built to him.
19 Auri means un erect stone; potui, the hide of a cow or buffalo. It is also said that the cow's hide, whioh the demon had in his hand, as well as the stone which Srt Gul threw at hiun, are still to be seen on the spot.
10 Should probably read : 'To Devi Ram he assigned his own State of Shadga, with the addition of Karit; to Rabbû, Jorn, as his capital, with Bhahal, &c.; and to Chhina, Sardhan as his capital, with, &c.
20 Royal residence or capital.
11 The god in Jorna is called Gôvând, from gon, sky,' in the Pahiri dialect. He has one oye turned towards the sky and hence is so named.
2 The god in Sardhan is called Bijat. 25 The patha is a basket-like mionguro made of iron or brass and holding some two sérs of grain,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUAR
[SEPTEMBER, 1906.
Some 50 karddr: (officials) and begaris (corvée labourers) accompany the god, and each house offers him Re. 1 and a patha of grain, but if any one desires to offer a gold coin he must give the kdrddrs, musicians and pujdris Rs. 6, 12, or even 25. Anyone who refuses to make a dhidnkra or offering will, it is believed, meet with ill-luck.
Like many other gods in the hills, Sri Gul exercises civil and criminal jurisdiction. Anyone doing wrong in his capital has to take the god to Hardwar, or, for a petty offence, pay him a gold coin. Oaths also are taken on the god's image at Sarkhan and Jorna, in cases in which enquiry bas failed to elicit the truth, by parties to cases in the States of Jubbal, Balsan, Tarôch, and Sirmir. The god reserves judgment for 3 or 6 months, during which period the party who is in the wrong is punished by some calamity.
(B) Tho Cult of Mahasa. The head-quarters of this god is at Sion, a village in Rainkä tahsil, where he has a temple on a smali hillock, at the foot of which flows the Giri. It is close to the village and shaped like a hillhouse with two storeys only. The ground floor bas a door facing to the north, while the upper storey has no door, and one ascends by small steps through the first storey. It is only lighted by sky-lights. The gods are kept on a gambar or wooden shelf. There is one large brass idol and several smaller ones. The idols are shaped like a man's hust. The big idol is in the middle, the others being placed on either side of it. On the left the second place is held by the god Sirmûrî, who is the god of Sirmûr, but who is not independent, being always found in the company of bigger god, and has no temple of his own. There is also an image of Devi Shimlâsan. The idols on the immediate right of the big one only go to Hardwar and other places, while the rest are stationary. They go out because they are kept clean for that purpose. The others are in a dirty state. All these idols, except those of Sirmûrî and Shimlasan, represent Mabású. The middle one is the most important, and there is no difference in the others. Milk and goats are offered in the temple, which is only opened twice every Sunday and Wednesday and on a Sankrant. Worship is held at 11 Am. and at sunset in the same way as in Shirigul's temple, but there is one peculiarity in that the devotees of Mahâsû who own buffaloes generally offer milk on the day of worship. If there is a death or birth in the family of the Dêwâ, the temple must be closed for 20 days, because neither
jatri nor a Déwå can enter the temple within 20 days of a domestic occurrence. The Déwå must not indulge in sexual intercourse on the day of worship or two previous days, and hence only two days in the week are fixed for worship. The morning worship is called dhúp dând and the evening. sandhiá. Legend says that one morning the god Mahasů appeared in a dream and told the ancestor of the present Dêwî to seek him in the Giri and build him a temple in the village. Accordingly the Dewê went to the Giri and found on its banks the big idol, which is also called jaldsan (i. e., set up in water). Mabású is not so widely believed in as Shirigul or Paras Râm. The present Dewa says he is 12th in descent from the man who found the idol.
The Jagra of Mahasa. This festival, which is peculiar to Kangra in Tshsil Rainka, is celebrated on the 4th and 5th day of the dark half of Bhadon. On the 3rd of the same half the deta's flag is erected on the bank of a stream, and on the 4th people arrive, who are served with free dinners. On the night between the 4th and 5th the people do not sleep the whole night. On the 5th at about 3 P.M. the déotd is taken out of the temple. But if it is displeased, it becomes só heavy that even four or five men cannot remove it. Then music is played and prayers offered. At this time some men dance and say an oracle has descended on them. They show their superior powers in curious ways. Some play with firo, others put earth on their heads. They answer questions put by those who are in Want of the dêotd's help. Some one among these dancing men explains the cause of the displeasure of the dood, and then pilgrims and pujdris make vows, whereupon the d&otd gets pleased and makes itself light and movable. Now a procession is made, headed by the déord's flag, which, when brought to the stream, is sprinkled with water, after which the procession returns to the temple where he-goats are sacrificed. All the pilgrims stay the whole night in the temple, where dancing is kept going till morning. A good dinner with wine is given to the people in the temple yard.
(To be continued.)

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A THEORY OF THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET. BY B. SHAMASASTRY, B.A.
253
CHAPTER I.
IT has been a matter of considerable dispute whether the origin of the Devanagari Alphabet is indigenous or foreign. The majority of Oriental scholars have held the latter view and have based their theories on resemblances of the Devanâgarî to some of the foreign alphabets. Those letters of the Devanagarî, which withstood this test, have been supposed to have undergone modifications, due either to cursive hands or to intentional changes made by the borrowers. Prof. Bühler was of opinion that the alphabet imported into India was made to assume native Indian forms and disguised so cleverly that one would swear it was a native invention.1
An independent and indigenous origin for the Indian Alphabet has, however, been suggested by General Cunningham, Prof. Dowson, and others; but since their suggestion was not so much based on positive historical evidences as on the futility of the attempts of others to derive the alphabet from any foreign source, it found no supporters. That the above is a correct presentation of the case with regard to the theories and the evidence, on which the theories accounting for the origin of the Devanagari are based, will be clear from the following extract from Issac Taylor's The Alphabet :
"Three theories have been propounded: Prinsep, followed by Otfried Miller, was inclined to attribute the peculiarities of the Asoka Alphabet to Greek influences, an opinion upheld by M. Senart and M. Joseph Halévy. Dr. Wilson's guess was that Asoka's Buddhists derived their letters from Greek or Phoenician models.
"A Semitic origin had, however, been already suggested by Sir William Jones in 1806 and supported by Kopp in 1821. In 1834 Lepsius published his adhesion to this opinion, which was afterwards espoused by Weber, who was the first to bring forward in its favour arguments of real cogency. Benfey, Pott, Westergaard, Bühler, Max Müller, Friedrich Müller, Sayce, Whitney, and Lenormant have given a more or less hesitating adhesion to the Semitic hypothesis, but without adding any arguments of importance to those adduced by Weber. The most recent advocates on this side are Dr. Deeke, who has marred what might have proved a valuable contribution to the controversy by the introduction of the untenable theory of an ultimate derivation from the Assyrian Cuneiform, though the South Semitic Alphabet which may, he thinks, have been used in Persia or rather in Babylonia.
"A third theory, that of an indigenous, origin, is upheld by specialists of nearly equal authority. This solution was first suggested by Lassen. He was followed by Mr. Edward Thomas, who decisively rejects every Semitic source, attributing the invention to the Dravidian races of Southern India. General Cunningham has propounded an elaborate scheme as to the mode in which, as he considers, the Aśoka Alphabet may have originated out of a primitive Indian picture writing. The final contribution to the argument is from the pen of Prof. Dowson, whose opinions are entitled to great consideration. His conclusion is that the peculiarities of the Indian Alphabet demonstrate its independence of all foreign origin' and that 'it may be confidently urged that all probabilities and inferences are in favour of an independent invention.'
1 Ante, Vol. XI., p. 270.

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[SEPTEMBER, 1906.
"A Greek source may be dismissed without serious examination, as it is busot by difficulties, both chronological and phonological, of most formidable nature. Benfey's conjecture that it came direct from the Phænicians is open to fatal objections. The trade of the Phoenicians with India, which commenced in the time of Solomon, ceased as carly as the year 800 B.C. If the alphabet had been coinmanicated at this early period, a variety of Indian Scripts would in all probability have sprung up during the long interval which elapsed before the time of Asoka, whereas, in the third century B. ., & uniform alphabet prevailed over a vast Indian area. A farther difficulty, which seems conclusive, is the want of any appreciable resemblance between the Asoka Characters and the early Phænician types.
"General Cunningham argues that if the Indians did not borrow their alphabet from the Egyptinns, it must have been the local invention of the people themselves, for the simple reason that there was no other people from whom they could have obtained it. Their nearest neighbours were the peoples of Ariana and Persia, of whom the former used a Semitic Character, reading from right to left, and the latter a Cuneiform Character formed of separate detached strokes, which has nothing whatever in common with the compact forms of the Indian Alphabet, Mr. Thomas rejects & Semitic origin for the Asoka Alphabet - (1) because of the different direction of the writing; (2) because of the insuficient resemblance of the forms of the letters; (S) because the Indo-Bactrian, which is of Semitic origin, is inferior to the Asoka for the expression of the sounds of Indian languages. Prof. Dowson, in like manner, boldly challenges those who claim a foreigu origin for the Indian Alphabet 'to show whence it came.'"
Bat in his own view of the matter, Issac Taylor goes as far as any of his colleagues declaring a foreign origin for the Indian Alphabet. He suggests some unknown Sonth Semitic Alphabet as the probable source. He says that, in comparing the Indian and Sabeaa forms, it must be borne in mind that no South Semitic inscriptions have as yet been discovered of a date sufficiently remote to supply the absolute prototypes of the Asoka letters. It must therefore be remembered that it is only possible to compare sister-alphabets derived from a common but unknown source. The actual ancestral type of the Asoke Alphabet is unknown, but there is no reason why it should not be ultimately discovered in the unexplored regions of Oman, or Hadramaut, or ataong the ruins of Ormus, &c.)
While thus Issac Taylor bocame content with only pointing out the probable source of the . Indian Alphabet and did not go so far as to make this or that alphabet the parent of the Indian, Prof. Bühler took the field and marshalled powerful arguments to identify all the twenty-two Somitic letters in the Brabma Alphabet and to explain the formation of the numerous derivative signs which, in his opinion, the Indians were compelled to add. It is merely an appearance of resemblance on which he has based his theories. As to actual resemblance between the North Semitic and the oldest Indian Alphabet, there is none. He thinks that the forms of the alphabet were intentionally modified by the Brâhmang. He attributes these modifications to their pedantie formalism, a desire to have signs well suited for the formation of regular lines, and a strong aversion against all top-heavy characters. He says further on : "The natural result was that a number of the Semitic signs had to be turned topsy-turvy or to be laid on their sides, while the triangle or double angles occurring at the top of others Liad to be got rid of by some contrivance or other. A further change in the position of the signs had to be made when the Hindus began to write from the left to the right, as in Greek. Instances where the oldest position had been preserved are, however, met with both in borrowed and derivative signs."
But the question is whether the desire to have letters well suited for the formation of a regular line precedes or succeeds the introduction of an alphabet. As the hypothesis presupposes
2 Isaac Taylor, The Alphabet, Vol. II, p. 312.
Bühler, The Origin of the Brahms Alphabet, p. 58.

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DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
Plate I.
OLDEST SEMITIC AND INDIAN ALPHABETS.
Archaic Phoenician Mesa's Inscription
Assyrian weights Interthediate forms
Original Brahma
Derivative Brahms
looo
OD Isr6&sor Iubb do Leo te raff COS E TE
O
ts
881
ъІ dilde HAD ::: #ff::
ddd 22
Vide Bühler's Indian Brahma Alphabet, Plate L. and p. 581., and also Bühler's
Indian Palacography, p. 11.

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255
en alphabet, and as that kind of desire must necessarily be the result of long experience of disadvantages arising from writing in irregalar lines, it follows that that desire is subsequent to the introduction of writing. Then where are those top-heavy Semitic letters which must, if they had been borrowed at ail, have been in use in India prior to chopping off their tops, as imagined by Prof. Bühler? To hold that this process went on simultaneously with the borrowing of Semitic letters and the manipulation of derivatives from them, is an assumption beyond the sphere of science or history. Anyhow, the difference between the North Semitic and the Devanagari Alphabets can more easily be perceived than any semblance of resemblance between them. How far Prof. Bühler strains his arguments to explain away the actual differences and endeavours to establish some connection between the alphabets will be clearly seen from Plate I.
As iny theory of the indigenous origin of the Devanagart Alphabet is based not 80 much on negative evidence disproving the theories of foreign origin held by others, as on positive documentary evidence, it is quite unnecessary for me to deal at length with the fallacies in the arguments of Prof. Bühler. The only apology for my attempt to disturb the conviction of Oriental scholars lies in the abundance of material which, while explaining all that is left untouched by Prof. Bühler and others, and throwing a flood of light on the origin of Tantric literature, not inferior in its balk to any branch of Sanskrit literature, provides us with a fairer and a more reliable solation of the origin of the Devanagart than the Egyptian Papyras scrolls do regarding the rise of the Phoenician or Semitic Alphabete.
Prof, Bühler has not explained, and could not, if he persisted in his theory, have explained why the Indian Alphabet has been called by such names as Brahmi, Matrike, Devanagari, &o., and why each individual character of the alphabet has been designated by the name akshara. Moreover, the fact of each letter of the Devanagart having one or two dozen names - names which signify one or the other of the Hindu gods or goddesses cannot, if Prof. Bühler's conclusions are to be accepted, admit of any satisfactory explanation.
The fact is that just as idols are now worshipped, so pictorial symbols of gods or goddesses were objects of worship in ancient India. As they called their goddess Mâtsi, mother of the world, the symbol which stood for her has been called Matrika, picture of the mother. Just as in the words, Râmaka, Lakshmanaka, &c., the suffix expresses, according to the rule of Påņini (5-3-96), the pioture of Râma, Lakshmana, &c., so the suffix ka in Mâtsikâ must express no other meaning than the picture of the mother. But as this kind of recognition, even in words of the distinction between symbols and the symbolised, died out in the course of time, the very names of gods or goddesses were, with no distinguishing mark, applied to their symbols. Hence, the names of Vedic gods, Akshara, Brahma, &c., became the nam 8 of the pictures as well. It is a well-known fact that names of gods were intentionally applied to goddesses and that the names of goddesses were vice persá applied to gods. This interchange of names might, perhaps, be due to the influence of the Monistic doctrine elaborated both in the later portions of the Vedas and in the early Upanishads, as well as to the fact that the Creator of the world was, 88 we shall see, worshipped as an hermaphrodite deity.
On the plate or leaf, on which the hieroglyphics were written for worship, some big circles and triangles were drawn, and the symbols of gods or goddesses were inscribed in the middle of such figares. The whole combination of the symbols and the circles has been in the words of the Taittiriya Upanishad, called the City of the Gods, TT TTTA. Hence, it stands to reason that the Indian Alphabet, many letters of which can, as we shall soe, be identified with these hieroglyphics, has been called the Devanagari, or the Alphabet derived from the city of the gods. Hence, it is that the letters of the Devanagart came to bear the names of the hieroglyphios, whicb, in their turn, had appropriated to themselves the names of gods and goddesses.
. 1,27; 1, 81. Taittirlya Aranyala.

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[SEPTEMBER, 1906.
"
The symbols were coloured with saffron powder, bile of a cow or blood. The colouring process was called lepa or lipi, from the root 'to lip,' to daub.' The attempt to derive the Sanskrit word lips from the Semitic dipi, to write, seems to be far-fetched, and cannot be philologically supported. Such an attempt can only find its support in the theory of the Semitic origin of the Devanagari.
256
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The origin of the Indian hieroglyphics.
The Monistic doctrine, so elaborately preached in the later portions of the Rig-Veda, the Atharva-Veda, and the earlier Upanishads, seems to have exercised so much influence over the minds of the ancient Hindus, that they came to regard the Universe as identical with its Creator. Each of the two constituents of the Universe, Pindânda, microcosm, and Brahmânda, macrocosm, was further separately considered as one with Brahmâ, the Creator. Of this purport is the passage in Hymn XI. 8, 30, of the Atharva-Veda :
"The waters, the gods, the Viraj with Brahmâ eutered into man. Brahmâ entered into his body. Prajapati presides over his body. The sun occupied the eye and the wind the breath of man. Then the gods gave his other soul to Agni, fire. Wherefore one who knows man thinks this is Brahmâ'; for all the gods are in him as cows in a stable."
The ancient Hindus felt, therefore, no difficulty whatever in picturing to their minds the form of either the macrocosm, or its Creator, in terms of the members of human body. Ta sky was believed to be his head; the atmosphere, his lungs; the fiery region, i. e., the region where the sun appears, his belly; the cloudy region, his waist and loins; and the ears, his legs. But this kind of notion regarding the form of god did not, as will be presently seen, drive them at once to contrive a complete picture of the Creator in human likeness; but only helped them to have for worship some tangible symbols, drawn after the models of the five divisions of human body, corresponding to the so-called five elements. (See Plate VII.)
The Kulaprakdiatantra says: -
आकाशमण्डलं भूत्रं वर्तुनं परिकीर्तितम् get wet: generfa-gantown सस्वस्तिकं त्रिकोण तु रक्तं वह्नेस्तु मण्डलम्. sndwagastereo veraftenfrey, आप्यमण्डलमाख्यातं चतुरस्रं महेश्वरी. अष्टवायुतं पीतं धरामण्डलमीश्वरी. awdiergek **TA ZAKEN. सत्तवर्णेन निर्माय द्रव्येण परमेश्वरी.
The sky is said to be blue and circular. The atmosphere is represented by a six-petaled figure containing within it six dots. A red triangle with a svastika figure in it, is the region of fire. A bright-white semi-circle, decked with two lotus symbols, is the sphere of water. A brown rectangular figare, O Goddess, with eight symbols of Vajra, the weapon of Indra, is the globe of the earth. Having drawn all the above figures with the symbols of their seeds (bija), O Goddess, one should worship them.' (See Plate VII.)
The Sivarchana Chandrika is still more plain in its description of the identity of the Universe with its Creator or with human body. It says:
पादाभ्यां जानुपर्यन्तं चतुरस्रं सवञ्चकम्. शान्वोरानाभि चन्द्रार्धनिभं पद्मद्वयसमायुतम्.
माभितः कण्ठपर्यन्तं त्रिकोणं रक्तवर्णकम्. कण्डा मध्यपर्वन्तं कृष्णं बायोस्तु मण्डलम्. धूमध्वाडूमरन्भ्रान्तं वर्तुलं ध्वजलासम्.

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• A rectangular figure with symbols of Vajra represents the part of the body beginning from the legs as far as the knees. A semi-circle with two lotus symbols represents the part from the knees as far as the navel. A red triangle represents the portion from the navel to the neck. A black figure represents the part from the neck to the middle of the brows. A circle with the symbol of a flag represents the head, stretching from the middle of the brows to the brahmarandira, a hole supposed to be at the centre of the head.' (See Plate VII.)
These symbols of the so-called five elements, which constitute the Universe, are evidently approximate representations of the five divisions of human body, which are believed to correspond to those elements in nature. The ancient Hindus were, therefore, satisfied with this kind of invention of some tangible form for their god. It is probable that in this way the worship of idols, i. e., worship of gods in human likeness, originated. Anyhow, it is certain that long before idols were set up in India, hieroglyphics of the above or similar description were objects of worship. There is reason to believe that before the time of Yaska, the author of Nirulta, there were no idols in existence in India, for he mentions the prevalence in his time of endless controversies as to whether gods have any form or not. It may, therefore, be presumed that before his time hieroglyphics were the only objects of worship with the exception of fire, and that those hieroglyphics were, as pointed out above, paving the way for the formation of the pictures of gods in humen likeness. There is no reason to believe that the people of old, however ignorant and savage they might have been, had the audacity to presume that gods had the same form as they themselves had. It is only an indirect process of representing gods with symbols that led them to think that gods might not unnaturally have the same form as man. Idols appear to have sprung up in India in the 4th or 5th century B. O., for while commenting on the sútra (5-3-99) of Pâņini, Patanjali mentions the manufacture and sale of idols as the invention of the Maurya princes who lived 327 to 130 B. O.
While Prof. Max Müller held that the worship of idols in India was a secondary formation, A later degradation of the more primitive worship of ideal gods, Dr. Bollongon found clear references in the hymns to images of the gods. He writes" from the common appellation of the gods as divo-naras, Tie of the sky, or simply naras (lares), men, and from the epithet rripeáas, having the form of men (R.-V. III., 4, 5), we may conclude that the Indians did not merely in imagination agaya human forms to their gods, but also represented them in s sensible manner. Thus, in R.-Y. II. 33, 9, a painted image of Rudra is described :
feris 59 59
wagi: farge feroa: With strong limbs, many formed, awful, brown, be is painted with shining golden colours.'
"R-V. I. 25, 13 (where it is said of Varuna that, wearing a golden coat of mail, he veile himself in his radiance; spies sit round him ' appears also to refer to a sensible representation,........ still clearer appears the reference to representations in the form of an image in V. 52, 15;
नु मन्वाना: एषां देवान् अश्च.
I now pray to the gods of these Maruts. "Here it seems that the Maruts are distinguished from their gods, 1. e., from their images ..... Besides the common expression Vapus, Tanu,' Rupa' (body and form), there is in the oldest language one which properly denotes an image of the gods, viz., Bandris.?”
5 6th or 7th century B. C.
• J. A. 8. B., Yol. III, p. 831. Journal of the German Oriental Society, XXII. 587 ., guoted in Muix's Sanskrit Teata, Vol. V. p. 458.

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As bas been briefly pointed out above and will be shown at some length later on, these and other references to visible gods must be taken to apply more to hieroglyphics than to any idols in complete human likeness.
The description of the Hindu hieroglyphics, the use of which in worship is not a feature peculiar to one or other of the many sects of the Hindus, can be found at large in Tantric or Agama literature. Different kinds of bieroglyphics are described in the literature of the Sakti worshippers, the Saivas, the Vaishnavas, the Jainas and even the Buddhists. It is not now possible to ascertain whether the Jainas and the Buddhists borrowed the Tantric practices during the decline of their respective creeds, or whether they had them in common with the Brahmans. The latter view is the more probable, inasmuch as mystic figures appear to have been carved in ancient Buddhistic architecture here and there in India. But, as the hieroglyphics which gave birth, as we shall see, to the DevanÂgarî Alphabet, are nowhere described so fully as in Tantric writings, it is necessary to turn our attention to a brief survey of that literature and its date.
The Tantric literature is as large as, if not larger than any other branch of Sanskrit literature. Innumerable works composed in the style of aphorisms, poetry and prose, are still available. Many of them are believed to have been composed by god Siva, because they are in the form of a dialogue between Siva and his consort Pârvati. There are also some sútras still available attributed to Parasurama, Agastya and Gaudapâda. There is, perhaps, no Brahman philosopher, who was not a follower of the Tantric system in one or another of its various forms. Thanks to the printing press, a number of Tantric texts, with or without commentaries, fathered upon several reputed authors, have already been printed. But still a large mass of Tantric literature is lying unprinted in the many libraries of India, both private and public.
The main theme of the Tantric literature appears to have been originally the worship of the combined form of Siva and Sakti. In its earliest aspect it appears to have been no other than Phallic worship, since the god Siva and the goddess Sakti are described in authoritative Tantric texts as being represented by Phallio symbols. Siva is regarded the male Creative principle, and Sakti the female :
ब्रह्माण्डादिकटाहान्तां तां वन्दे सिद्धमारकाम् यरेकादशमाधारं बीजं कोणत्रयात्मकम्.
P. 2, Kddimata. I bow to the goddess, who is the mother of the blessed, who pervades the whole Universe, who is the eleventh basis of the world), and who is the seed in the form of a triangle.'
69T
. .... .... शक्तिरेकादशस्थाने स्थित्वा सूते जगवयम्. विश्वयोनिरिति ख्याता सा विष्णोर्दशरूपकम्
Chap. X., Jñanar nara. The goddess Sakti, taking the form of a triangle and being the source (of the world) takes her seat on the eleventh pedestal and brings forth the three worlds. She is, therefore, known as the source of the Universe and the ten incarnations of the god Vishnu.
While Sakti is thus said to be represented by a triangular symbol, the symbol to represent Siva (see Plate VII.) is thus described :fare quer 59 AP : 1.
Part II., Nitydshodasikdrņava. "A rod between two dots shining as a precious stone is the form of Siva.' भण्डबमध्यवर्तिनी सीरा.
Part II., Varivasyarahasya. "The plongb-share between two eggs (is Siva).'

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भण्डद्वयस्थानीयो हो बिन्दू. सिरास्थानाया रेखा. शिवो मुष्कद्वयमध्यवर्ती नाडी मणिः पचरागः इति साम्प्रदायिकी व्याख्या,
Pp. 10–12, Commentary of Bhaskarananda on the Varivasydrahasya. Two dots represent the two eggs referred to above. And a straight line represents the plough-sbare. The ruby-like nerve (nervous stone) between two testicles is Siva. This is traditional commentary.'
It is more than probable that in its earliest form this kind of Phallie worship was purely symbolic and simple. But in the course of time it is likely to have become a means to the · sensualistic clergy of the Tantric faith for realising their lascivious purposes. For there are
Tantric texts which teach the abominable practice of worshipping naked women. Abominable as it was, this worship, with its revelries of drinking, fresh-eating, and sensual excesses, had the power to attract and hold under its sway & number of people. Thus, when it grew in importanc. and in extent, in spite of its revolting practices, a few Brâhman philosophers, who were pure in life and thought, seem to have thought it proper to pnt down the mischievous practice with all the means in their power. So they formulated a right form of Tantric worship under the name of Dakshinachára, right-hand worship. They called the other kind of worship as Vamachara, left-hand practice, and condemned it as leading to hell, though it might appear fruitful in this world. They composed what is called the Subhdgama Panchalta, five auspicious Agamas. These Agamas are attributed to five authors of Purânic fame, Vasishțha, Sanaka, Suka, Sanandana, and Sanatkumara. The sútras of Agastya and of Gaudapâda, and the works of Sankarûcharya and of many other Brâhman philosophers teach and propound the Dakshinachâra. In propounding this, without leaving its original symbolical aspect, they incorporated with it almost all the doctrines of their Monistic philosopby. In its two aspects, that of Dakshinachara full of higher and nobler ideas and that of Vâmâchâra full of abominable practices revolting to philosophers, but attractive to the mob, this worship of the hermaphrodite deity called Siva-Sakti counted a vast number of people among its followers, and the other ancient sects of the Hindus could not stand aloof. They had either to incorporate some Tantric doctrines into their own religious texts or to see the followers of their own faith dwindle in number. They seem to have chosen the first alternative and thus arose various systems of Tantric worship, having a few of the Tantric doctrines common to all. It is probable that at the same time, the single worship of Siva-Sakti branched off into two different kinds of worship, that of Siva under the names Kâma, Rudra, Hara, &c., and that of Sakti under the names Durga, Kâmi, Pârvatî, &c. But common to all the systems of the Tantric cult, whether ancient or medieval, is the worship of mysterious figures and the recitation of mystic syllables known as mantras. These mantras consist of moaningless monosyllabic sounds, formod out of single or compound alphabetic letters. Another peculiar feature, common to all the systems of the Tantric cult, is the designation of alphabetic letters composing the mantras by the names of gods or goddesses. For instance, the mantra called the Panchadasi, which is, as the name suggests, composed of fifteen alphabetic letters, such as ka, e, i, la, hrin; ha, sa, ka, ha, la, hrana ; sa, ka, la, hriin, is thus described by Sankaracharya, in his Saundaryalahari :
FET : : ffatu alasan : स्मरी हंसस्तदनु च परामारहरयः अमी हल्लेखाभिस्तिसभिरवसानेषु घटिताः
भजन्से वणोस्ते तव जननि नामावयवताम 0, Mother, the letters known as (i) Siva, Sakti, Kama and Kshiti; (ii) then the letters known as Ravi, Sitakiraņa (the moon), Smara (Kama), Hamsa (the sun), and Sakra (Indra=Kshiti); (iii) and then the letters known as Para (Sakti ), Mara (Kama), and Hari (Indra); these letters together with three hrillekhds, hrin-sounds put at the end of each of the three groups, form the constituents of thy name.'

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The names of these letters are, as we shall see, the same as, or are synonymous with, the names of the hieroglyphics from which the letters have been derived.
Before describing the hieroglyphics or ideograms, it is necessary to dwell at some length on the probable date of the composition of Tantrio texts in general and of the origin of the Tantric cult in particular. It is presumed by many Oriental scholars that the worship of Siva or Sakti originated subsequent to the beginnings of the Christian era and that Tantric texts dealing with that worship are, therefore, the productions of nelieval mystics. It is probable that many or almost all the Tantrie texts are not earlier than the first four centuries before the Christian era, inasmuch as most of the texts presuppose the derivation of the Devanagari Alphabet from ancient ideograms long bofore that. Still, the traditions preserved in them regarding the development of Sakti-worship from prehistoric phallic worship are incontrovertible proof that the worship of the goddess Sakti in the form of hieroglyphics proceded by many centuries the worship of the same goddess in the form of terrible idols. The carliest authentic proof as to the prevalence of the worship of Sakti in the form of idols is furnished by an inscription on the Bhitari Lat of the Gupta period. The inscription has been partially restored and translated in page 8, Vol. VI., J. 4. S. B., by the Rev. W. H. Mill, D.D., Principal of Bishop's College. The text, together with the translation and historical remarks based upon it, is as follows:
न विहित मनवान्मा ताम्वधीवर्शिकीर्तिः
अविनतपलसात्ता विक्रमेण क्रमेण. Possessed of clear insight into the profound wisdom of the Tantras, with a spirit of unceasing silence on their incommunicable mysteries and in accordance with their precept and discipline) mangling the flesh of the refractory in successive victories,'
aurrea arranca at: . महेशप्रतिगुप्तः सततं सेवते मूर्ति मिमां बचाव भूपतिः
रुद्रेणन्द्रेणाय देशे स मतः प्रणयपण्यधीरम. Wbatever prince in this place perpetually worships this sacred image, is considered by Rodra (Siva) himself as one whose understanding is ennobled and rendered praiseworthy by his affectionate devotion, oven in the land of Indra and other celestials.
And here I must recall an observation that I have hazarded elsewhere, when commenting on the Allahabad Inscription (p. 268, Vol. III., J. A. S. B.), that the worship of the Saktis, with its existing mysteries and orgies, was most probably unkņown in India at the date of that monument. The terms, in which that species of devotion is spoken of, about a century after, in the second of the inetrical stanzas in the Bhitari Inscription, show that the same systein was even then dominant and sufficiently powerful and sedncing to enlist kings among its votaries. And while this (if I am correct in supposing the age of the Gupta dynasty to be somewhere between the first and the ninth centuries of our era) may be among the earliest authentic notices of that roode of worshipping Bhairava and Kali, the mention of it at all furnishes an additional proof to my mind of the impossibility of referring these monuments to the earlier age of Chandragupta Maurys or of Alexander the Great and the century immediately following.'
It is clear from the above Inscription that Tantric wo ship was as predominant as it is now in the third and fourth centuries A. D., when the Gupte princes ruled over Northern India. But it is surprising to note an assumption in the remarks of Dr. Mill on the texts above quoted, that the mero mention of Tantrio worship in this or any other inscription is sufficient proof that that monument must be subsequent to the period of the Maurya dynasty. For it is an historical fact to be bome in mind that there is no religious system in the world that has not its basis in the remotest antiquity, Innovations and changes may be made in all religions now and then, but the various root-principles on which different religions are based can be traced to a great antiquity. The

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root-principie on which the Tantric system is based is phallie worship and the traditions connected with it. The various symbols and mysterious figures used in connection with this phallic worship, and the traditions and practices of the witchcraft surrounding it, go as far back as the
Atharva-Veda and perhaps still earlier, Bhaskarananda, who was one of the followers of Tantric worship and an authority on Tantric matters, writes thus at the commencement of his commentary on the Tripuropanishad :
श्री साङ्ख्याथनकल्पसूत्रविधिभिः कर्माणि ये कुर्वते येषां शाकलसूत्रमन्त्रनिचयः कौशीतकी ब्राह्मणम् । तेराराधकमध्यमन्त्रविततिः या पयते बहुचैः
कभिषोडशनिमहोपनिषदं व्याचक्ष्महे ता वयम् । We comment on that great Upanishad, the sixteen verses of which are recited by the followers of the Rig Veda in the middle of their ritualistic performances. These followers of the Rig Veda perform their ritual in accordance with the teachings of the Kalpasútra of the revered Sân khyâyana, recite the mass of mantras collected in the Sakala sátra, and observe the formulas of the Kausitaki Brahmana'
The "great Upanishad" referred to in the stanza is the Tripuro panishad, in which is found the description of the symbols representing Sakti or Bhaga :
बामण्डला हा स्तना बिम्बमेकं सुखं चाधस्त्रीणि गुहासदनानि. कामीकलां काम्यरूपां विदित्वा
नरो जायते कामरूपइच कामः Two circles are two breast-nipples. One circle is the face. Below them are three cave-like abodas (triangle). On knowing this as the enchanting form of Sakti (Kami-kala, the body of Kami), one not only atture that enchanting form which is desired by all, bat also becomes Kama himself. (See Plate VI.)
अश्शक्तिर्भगवान्काम ईशः , स दाताराविह सौभगानाम् सप्रधानो समसस्वी समोतयोः There at:
Tripuropanishad. Bhaga is Sakti and Kama is Siva, combined with Bhaga. Both of them are dispensers of all kind of prosperity. Both, being inseparably interwoven together, are of equal rank, might and power, eternal, and the source of the Universe.'
When such a scholar as Bhaskarananda says that these verses, pregnant with phallic ideas, together with the other verses of the Tripuropanishad, are recited during their ceremonies by the followers of the Rig Veda, there can be no doubt that the traditions connected with phallic worship have continued uninterrupted from the time of the Rig Veda down to the present day. There is reason to believe that there existed two kinds of phallic worship : the one a symbolical or nature-worship, like that of Indra, Varuna, Agni, &c., and the other in a grotesque form. To the poets of the Rig Veda, whose minds rose on bigh above the moon, the sun, and the sky, and saw behind them some divine principle modifying the face of nature, there appeared an eternal union of divine principles of opposite sex cansing the Universe, and phallic worship was to the poete no more than a tribute of heartfelt reverence to a mental image, or an actual symbol of Prajapati :
विष्णुबोनि कल्पवन स्वष्टा रूपाणि पिंश । भार्सिचतु प्रजापतिः धाता गर्भ धातु ते॥

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This is the hymn (185, X., R.-V.) with which every Brahman bridegroom is required to address his bride on the occasion of nuptials:
May the god Vishnu prepare thy womb; May Trashtri manufacture colours; May Prajapati sprinkle (the seed);
And may the protector bring up the embryo.
[SEPTEMBER,1906.
But in the hands of common multitude, who were not gifted with such mental faculties, phallic worship appears to have assumed a most grotesque and detestable type, which is plainly referred to by Lolla in his commentary on the Saundaryalahari of Sankara, and which it is loathsome to describe here. It is this abominable worship of Kâma, which the Rig-Vedic poet seems to have liad in his mind, while condemning those whose god was Sisna (phallus). It may, however, be urged that, with a view to give a touch of antiquity to their doctrine, which came under evil repute with the followers of the Vedanta and other philosophical systems, such Tantric worshippers as Bhaskarânanda and others attempted to trace their doctrine to the Vedas. But a glance over the mystic figures and witchcraft treated of at length, both in Tantric texts and the Atharva-Veda, and a consideration of the development of Tantric doctrines from the phallic worship, described in the Atharva-Veda but condemned in the Rig-Veda, will sufficiently prove that Tantric worship is of remote antiquity.
Verses 32-34 of Hymn 2. X, of the Atharva-Veda are held as authoritative texts for the Tantric Srichakra (Plate II.), which is formed of mystic circles and triangles:
अष्टा चक्रा नवद्वारा देवानां पूरयोध्या. तस्यां हिरण्ययः कोशः स्वर्गे ज्योतिषावृतः । तस्मिन् हिरण्यये कोशे श्यरे त्रिप्रतिष्ठिते । तस्मिन्यद्व्येकाक्षं श्रात्मन्वैतद् तद्वै ब्रह्मविदो विदुः । प्रभ्राजमानां हरिणीं यशसा सम्परी वृताम् । पुरं हिरण्ययीं ब्रह्म आविवेशापराजिताम् ! 10
The impregnable city of the gods consists of eight circles and nine triangles (dvára). Within it is a golden cell celestial and invested with light. In the triangle (tryara) and three dots (tripratishthita) within that cell, resides the One Eye. Those who know Brahma think that this Eye is atman. For into that impregnable city, which is resplendent, bright and invested with renown, Brahma has entered.'
In his great commentary on the Nitya Shodasikárnava called the Setubandha, Bhaskarananda has interpreted the words tryara and tripratishthita as a triangle and three dots and, as the words trikona, tryaira, tryara, tripura, bringátaka, &c., are used in the sense of a triangle in all Tantric texts, there is no reason to doubt his interpretation. Both Bhaskarananda in his Setubandha and Lolla in his commentary on Saundaryalahari have interpreted the word dvára as a triangle. If the above and other parallel passages11 of the Atharva-Veda and the Taittiriya Aranyaka are, as they must be, taken to mean certain mystic figures actually drawn for worship, like those of the Srichakra of the Tantric cult, there can be no reason to call into question the above interpretations. The authorities on Tantric matters are all unanimous in finding in these passages a clear description of the Srichakra and of Kâmi-kalâ referred to above. It is not, however, certain whether the process of drawing the chakra at the time of the Atharva-Veda was the same as it is now. (See Plates VI. and VII.)
P. 130, Mysore Oriental Library Edition.
Rig-Veda, VII, 21, 3; 5.
10 Compare I., 27-Tai. Aranyaka; V., 28, 11; XI, 4, 22-Atharva-Veda; and XIV., 987- Mahabharata. 11 V. 28, 11 and XI. 4, 22, A.-V.; I. 27, Tai, Ar.

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DEVANAGARI ALPHABET
Plate II.
Śrichakra.
Indian Antiquary.
W GRIGGS, LITH.

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The eight chakras are thus described in the Bhairavayamala, quoted by Lolla in his commentary on Saundaryalharf 12 :
affure of
1:1 नवचइच संसिद्धं श्रीचक्रं शिवयोर्वपुः । त्रिकोणमष्टकोणं च दशकोणहवं तथा । चनुशारंचतानि शक्तिचक्राणि पंचच। बिन्नुइचाष्टदलं पर पचं षोडशपत्रकम् ।
चतुरनं च चत्वारि शिवचक्राण्यनुक्रमात् । Four chakras presided over by Siva and five chakras presided over by Sakti - these nine figures constitute the Srichakra, which is the abode of Siva and Sakti. They are a triangle, an eight-petaled figure, two ten-petałed figures, and one fourteen-petaled figure. These five are the chakras of Sakti. One small circle (bindu), an eight-petaled figure, one sixteen-petaled figure, and one square form the four Sivachakras."
These figures are ordinarily drawn as in Plate II. and overlap each other. Lolla accounts for the difference in number between the Atharva-Vedic and the Tantric chakras, as enumerated above, by counting the two ten-petaled figures as one and making only eight distinct chakras in conformity to the number enumerated both in the Atharva-Veda and the T'aittiriya Aranyaka.
After drawing this Srichakra on a plate or a leaf, the devotee is required to inscribe in its centre the figure of Kâmi-kalâ (Plate VI.):
त्रिकोणे बैन्दवस्थाने अधोवस्त्र विचिन्तयेत् ।
बिन्दोरुपरिभागेतु वक्त्रं संचिन्त्य साधकः । - तदुपर्येव वक्षोअहितयं संस्मरेवुधः।
तदुपर्वेव योनि च क्रमशो भुवनेश्वरीम् ।13 In the interior of the triangle, which is the seat of Bindu, the devotee has to meditate upon the lower face of Sakti). Having meditated on the face drawn above the Bindu (dot) as woll, he has to recollect the breast-nipples above the face. Then by meditating on a triangular symbol of creation (yoni), he has to form gradually the picture of the Queen of the World in his mind.'
Clearly the picture required to be meditated upon in the above verses is no other than Kamf-kalá turned upside down. With such clues as these afforded by Tantric texts, one can clearly understand what is meant by the words ashtdchakra, tryara, tripratishthita and kosa in the above passages of the Atharva-Veda. . Nor do the traditional interpretations of these words clash with their derivative or literal sense. What, in the absence of the light thus thrown by Tantric texts and tradition on the obscure passages of the Atharva-Veda, would have appeared more than mystic becomes now ae clear and intelligible as one could wish. We can clearly understand the common sense and simplicity with which the poets of the Atharva-Veda drew eight circles or triangles to represent the city of their gods and three dots and a triangle to represent their goddess. It is not only unreasonable, but also more than mystic, to think that such practical men as the Vedic bards talked of only imaginary chakras, gates, cities, or triangles, and never had those figures in a tangible form before them for worship. Although the drawing of the Srichakra is quite simple compared with the elaborate and complicated forms of sacrificial altars which were and are still, as described in the Sulbasitras, constructed with mathematical precision, it may be that the Atharvs-Vedic Ashtâchakra was quite different from, and perhaps simpler than, the Srichakra; for, perhaps, owing to the particular honour in which the Srichakra Is held among other chakras, Bhaskarananda and Lolla might have taken the Vedic text to mean the Srichakra alone. It is, however, usual among Tantric worshippers to have simpler figures for
11 P. 99, Mysore O. L. Edition. Also compare stanza 11 of Saundaryalahari and quotations in the commentary in the same stansa.
11 Quotations trom Chatušati isi p. 65, Saundaryalahari, M. O. L. Edition.

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worship. In the Kadimata, a Tantric MS, which, as its name implies, is an authoritative text of those, whose mantra begins with the syllable, ka, the following chakra is described :
पग्रं चतुर्दशदलं बहिर्वृत्तड्यं तथा । लिखित्वा कर्णिकामध्ये योनि मायोदरां लिखेत् । इलेष्वपि तथाशक्तेश्चतुर्दशसु संलिखेत् ।
भगमालां मध्यशनयामावाह्याभ्यर्चयेद्वाह: • Having drawn a fourteen-petaled circle within two concentric circles, one shall draw within it a triangle containing a phallic symbol in the middle. In the fourteen petals of the figure of the goddess Sakti, a series of Bhaga-symbols, he shall also inscribe. Having invoked the presence of the goddess Sakti in the central symbol, he has to perform the external worship.'
Nor is there any mystery in the number eight of the chakr as and the number nine of the dudras, holes or gates, for in his commentary on the Bhavanopanishad, Bhaskarananda says:
मूलाधारादिषटू मूर्खाधस्सहस्त्रदलकमले दै
लम्बिकापमिति नवाधारा: The six chakras, - namely, (1) Múladhara, prime support ; (2) Manipůra, the watery zone decked with precious stones; (3) Svadhishthâna, one's own seat; (4) Anahata, sounding though not struck; (5) Visuddhi, the zone of purification ; (6) and Ajna, command - two thousand-petaled lotuses both below and above the six chakras, and the edge of the epiglottis form the nine chakras.'
Here leaving the epiglottis which is plainly a later addition, the eight chakras mentioned in the hymn may be taken to correspond to the six divisions of human body, the legs, the waist, the navel, the heart, the throat, and the brows. Of the two lotuses, one is for the god or goddess to stand apon and the other to wear on the head or to form the head. Not only are the chakras believed to correspond to human body, but also taken to represent the six divisions of the Universe, as already pointed out. As for the nine gates, they are enumerated in the same commentary thus :
श्रोत्रचक्षुर्नासानां हवं दयम्.
जिव्हागुधपावव एकेक इति.15 Two, two gates in each of the organs, the ear, the eye and the nose. One gate in each of the organs, the tongue, the generative organ, and the anus.'
Nor are the words Bhaga and Kams, so frequently used in the Atharva-Veda, devoid of the phallic sense which they convey in Tantric texts.
In the following Hymn, 16 Bhaga is used in its ordinary sense devoid of any divine attribute:
(1) As the wind tears this grass from the surface of the earth, thus do I tear thy soul, so that, thou woman shalt love, shalt not be averse to me.
(2) If ye, O two Asvins, shall unite and bring together the loving pair, - united are the Bhagas of both of you (lovers), united the thoughts, united the purposes !
() When the birds desire to chirp, lustily desire to chirp, may my call go there as an arrow point upon the shaft!
(4) What is within shall be without; what is without shall be within ! Take captive, O herb, the soul of the maidens endowed with every charm.
(5) Longing for a husband, this woman hath come, I have come longing for a wife. As a loudly neighing horse, I have attained to my good fortune (Bhagena aham samdgamam).
1 P. 289, Bhavanopanishad printed along with the Saunlaryalahari, M, O. L. Edition, 18 P. 34, Bhavanopanishad, the same Edition.
16 II, 30, 4.-7.

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Here the comparison of his attaining to his fortune with that of a loudly neighing horse nndoubtedly suggests the exact meaning that is intended to be conveyed by the word Bhaga. While translating the above verses, Maurice Bloomfield says that Bhaga here seems to be used in a double meaning (fortuno' and vulva').
But in the following passages the word Bhaga is used in the sense of a goddess -
(1) " Bhaga told me to marry a wife just in the same way as the Asvins married the Súrya, the Sun, who possesses a good productive quality." - 2, 82, 6, A.-V.
(2) "I invoke the peaceful Bhaga, so that she may endow you (loving pair) with harmony of mind and heart." — 2, 74, 6, 4.-V.
As regards the god Kama, he is invoked under a number of synonymous words, Prajapati, Skambha, Vaitasa, &c. The word Vaitasa has been undoubtedly used in the sense of virile membrum. Prof. Muir says17 :- "In the Rig Veda X. 95, 4, 5 (compare Nirukta III. 21) and Satap. Br. XI. 5, 1, 1, the word Vaitasa has the sense of membrum virile. Are we to understand the word Vaitasa (reed) in the same sense here, as denoting a Linga ?" Also, while translating the Atharva-Vedic hymn addressed to Skambha or Brahma, where the word Vaitasa is synonymously used with Brahma, Prof. Muir entertains similar doubts. He says: “I know not whether this word has here its ordinary meaning or the same sense which is assigned to the word Vaitasa in R-V. X. 95, 4, 5, which is addressed by Urvasi to Puräravas; Satap. Brühmana XI. 5, 1, 1, and Nirukta III. 21, and also R.-V., IV. 58, 5; and Satap. Br. VII. 5, 2, 11."
I cannot see the reason why the phallic sense assigned to the word Vaitasa should be doubted when the whole Skambha Hymn becomes, if the word is taken in its phallio sense, intelligible, freed from all its mystery. The entire Hymn addressed to Skambha is full of such words as
of this limb, in which limb,' and from which limb,' &c. The use of these expressions can only be consistent with some pictorial form of the god drawn for worship. Then alone we can understand the catechetical method of identifying the several visible limbs of the picture with several constituents of the universe. To say that such demonstrative pronominal words as * this,' of this, &c.,' are not meant to refer to some visible objects at hand, is the same as saying that the Vedic bards were ignorant of the elementary rules of Sanskrit Grammar in daily use. It is not only violating Sanskrit Grammar, bat also setting at nought the tradition preserved in all the Tantric toxts of representing gods by pictorial symbols.
Following both grammar and tradition, the Skambha Hymn can be thus translated :* In what member of this (asya) does austere fervour stand ? In which member of this is the ceremonial contained ? In what parts of this do religious observance and faith abide ? In what member of this is truth established ? From what member does agni, fire, blaze? From which does the wind blow ? From which does the moon pursue her course traversing the mighty body of Skambha? In what member of this does the earth reside and in which member of this the atmosphere? In what member is the sky placed, and in which the space above the sky? Whither tending does the upward fire blaze? Whither tending does the wind blow ? Tell, who is that Skambha to whom all devotees anxiously turn and into whom they enter? Whither tending, do the half months and the months in making up the year proceed ? Tell that Skambha to whom the seasons and other divisions of the year advance? Whither tending do the two young females of diverse aspects, the day and night, hasten in unison ? Tell that Skambha on whom the Prajapati has supported and established all the worlds P How far did Skambha penetrate into that highest, lowest, and middle Universe, comprehending all forms which Prajapati created. And how much of it was there which he did not penetrate? How far did Skambha penetrate into the past? And how much of the future lies in the face of this!
11 Sanekrit Texts, Vol. V., p. 384.

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How far did Skambha penetrate into that one member which he made by thousands ? Tell, who is that Skambha in whom men recognise the worlds and receptacles, waters and Brahmâ, and within whom are nonentity and entity? In whom austere fervour energising maintains its highest purity ? In whom the ceremonial, faith, waters and Brahmå himself are comprehended ? In whom earth, atmosphere, sky, fire, moon, sun and wind are placed ? In whose body all the thirty-three gods are contained ? In whom the earliest Rishis, the Rik, the Saman, the Yajus, the earth and one Rishi reside? That Parusha in whom immortality and death are comprehended ; in whom the oceans reside as the veins ? That Skambha of whom the four regions are primeval arterios, and in whom sacrifice displaces its energy? They who know Brahmâ can understand the transcendental. He who knows the transcendental and also the Prajapati, as well as those who know Brahmâ, can realise Skambha. Tell that Skambha of whom the fire is the head, the Angirasas the eye, and demons (Yâtus) are the limbs. Tell that Skambha of whom Brahma is said to be both the mouth and honeyed tongue, the Viraj the udder? From whom they extracted the Rig and cut off the Yajus; of whom the Sáma verges are the heirs, and the Atharva-Veda the mouth. Mon regard the standing branch of nonentity as paramount and those inferior men think of nonentity worship thy branch, Tell who is that Skambha in whom the Adityas, Rodras, and Vagus are contained ; on whom the past, the future, and all worlds are supported; whose treasure the thirty-three gods always guard. Who knows that treasure which ye guard, O gods? Where those gods who know Brahma worship the transcendental and he who sees that with his eyes will come to know Brahma. Mighty, indeed, are those gods who have sprung from nonentity. Other people say that one member of Skambha is nonentity. Where Skambha, generating, brought the ancient one into existence, they consider that that ancient is one member, Skambha. In whose members the thirty-three gods found their bodies. Those who know Brahmâ can understand those thirty-three gods. Men know the Hiranyagarbha to be supreme and ineffable. Skambha shed forth in the interior of the world that gold (hiranya). In Skambha are contained the worlds, austere fervour, and the ceremonial. In Indra are contained the worlds, aastere fervour, and the ceremonial. I know thee to be visible Indra (Indram frá vedla pratyaksham). In Skambha is everything placed. Repeating the very name (the worshipper) invokes (thee) before the sun, before the dawn. For the unborn first sprang into being and attained to that independent power, than which nothing higher has ever been. Reverence to that greatest Brahmâ of whom the earth is the basis, the atmosphere the belly, and who. made the sky his head; of whom the gun and the ever-renewed moon are the eyes; who made agni his mouth; of whom the wind formed two of the vital airs and Angirasas the eye, who made the regions his organs of senge, Skambha bears these two worlds, the earth and sky. Skambha bears the wide atmosphere. Skambha bears the six vast regions and has pervaded this entire Universe. Reverence to that greatest Brahmâ, who, born from austere toil and fervour, penetrated all the worlds; who made Soma to be alone. How is it that the wind does not rest? How is not the soul quiescent ? Why do not the waters, seeking after truth, ever reposo P The great being is absorbed in austere fervour in the midst of the world, on the surface of the waters. To whom all the gods are joined, as the branches around the trunk of a tree. Say who is that Skambha to whom the gods with hands, feet, voice, ear, eye, present continually an unlimited tribute, By whom darkness is dispelled. He is free from evil; in him are all the three laminaries which reside in Prajapati. He who knows the golden reed standing in the waters is the mysterious Prajapati ....." --X. 7, 4.-v.
Undoubtedly, the golden reod which the poet has taken to be visible Indra, can be no other than the ruby-like rod between two dots of Tantric literature. Neither is the word Skamblis (=stambba=pillar=rod) less significant of the linga. Nor are the several limbs of Skambha, identified with the several constituents of the Universe, other than the symbols of the latter. Still more clearly does the Purusha Hymn (X. 2, A.-V.) establish the fact that at the time of the

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
267
Atharva-Veda, pictorial representations, more or less similar to those of Tantric literature, were actually made for worship. This hymn has already been quoted in part, so far as it deals with chakras and triangles. Prof. Muir, in his Sanskrit texts, has thus remarked 19 on the hymn :
"The Atharva-Veda contains a long hymn (X. 2) on the subject of Purusha, which does not throw much light on the conception of his character, but contains a number of curious ideas. The deity being conceived and described in this hymn as the man or male (prusha), - the great archetype and impersonation of that active energy of which men are the feeble representatives upon earth – the poet has been led to imagine the object of his adoration as invested with a visible form and with members analogous to those of the human frame, and he then goes on to specnlate on the agency by which the different portions of Purusha's body could have been constructed, and the source from which he could have derived the various attributes through which he formed the Universe, and ordained the conditions under which its several departments exist. The minute questions regarding the members of Purusha, with which the hymn opens, may have been suggested to the anthor by an observation of the curious structure of the human body, and by the wonder which that observation had occasioned..... . . . ."
It is more than probable that if Prof. Muir had deeply thonght on the chakras and triangles of the hymn and also on the close analogy between the Atharva-Vedic and Tantric doctrines regarding symbolism and witchcraft, he would, instead of remarking the poet had been led to imagine, kave said that the poet had been led to represent the object of his worship with visible symbols.
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. TALAPOIN.
1893. “Of the talapoins and the Convents." Txis Indo-European word has long been - Chapter XVII., Eng. trans. 1693, p. 113. a puzzle to scholars. It means a Buddhist | 1893. "Though at Sian there are some ecclesiastic. According to Yule's Hobson-Jobson, Talapoinesses or women, who in most things do Crooke's ed. s. v., the oldest known form is observe the rule of the talapoins." - op. cit., talagropo, occurring in a list of terms for loc. cit. ecclesinstics of sorts in Mendez Pinto (1534), and In the Museum of Archæology at Cambridge, also as grepo talapoy.
an image, dating about 1700, from Syriam, near Then, still in the 16th century, we have quoted Rangoon, is inscribed :-"Talapay, i.e., Religiosi for us, talapoi, talla poie, talipois, talapoins in Pegu Regno, efigies." in English writers and in English translations of So much for the forms of the word. Now as to Italian writers. In the 17th century the word is derivations. Talipot ( = tala-patra) is the leaf quoted from Portuguese, Italian, German, French of the toddy palm or palmyra, used as a sunand English writers as talapoi, talpooy, telapoi shade by the Buddhist ecclesiastic (peculiar to and talapoin. In the 18th century we are given himself as an honour), and it has been assumed talapoi, tallapoie, tallopin and talapoin in
that the term for the sunshade has been transDutch and English writers, and lastly talapoin
ferred to the user. This has been accepted by such from Italian and French writers in the 19th
competent writers as Pallegoix (1851), Koeppen century.
(1857), and Bigandet (1880). To support this Oddly enough, De La Loubère's Siam, which derivation, there is the following argument from gives perhaps more about the talapoin than any the form talapay. The Sanskrit ecclesiastical other contemporary book, is not quoted. De La term patra, a palm-leaf, became pei-to-lo in Loubère assumes talapoin to be a well-known Chinese, cut short popularly to pei, and transterm and does not give a derivation for it, as he ferred to Burma in the form pe. So tala-pe usually does in the cases of Oriental terms would equal tálapatra, the ecclesiastical palmquoted by him.
leaf. This derivation involves a Burmese source 15 Sanskrit Texts, Vol. V., p. 374.
1 Vide Yule's Hobson-Jobson, 1. vv.

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for the term and the transfer of the name from the palm-leaf sunshade to the man who carried
Considering the date at which the word first appears, the derivation is more likely to be from Peguan (i. e., Monor Talaing) than from Burmese. On this assumption, Gerini, Hist. Retrospect of Junkceylon Island, 1905, pp. 55 and 139, commenting on Forrest's Voyaye, 1792, which talks about "twenty priests called tollopoys," explains the word as tala-poi, "my Lord.” This is correct Peguan and a reasonable derivation for the form talepoin, which is Portugueso originally, so far as Europeans are concerned.
But Gerini seems to think that it explains also Mendez Pinto's talagrepo and grepo talapoy, because he says (p. 55), the word is properly tala, lord, and khópoi, our (my), though he abandons this at p. 139 and says that poi is our (my). Poi is "our" in Peguan no doubt, but the form khópói I cannot find. So I fear that talagrepo and grepo are still unexplained.
Now, Mendez Pinto's list of ecclesiastics is, (1) grepo, (2) talagrepo, (3) rolin, (4) neepoi, (5) bico, (6) Bacareu, (7) chaufarauho.
Rolin is an old word for Buddhist monk. It occurs in Ovington, 1690 (vide ante, Vol. XXIX
p. 28) in three forms, raulini, roolim, and royolet. It occurs again, in 1801, in Bucbanan's Religion, etc., of the Burmas (loc. cit.) thus: - "These priests by Buropeans commonly called Talapoins, and by Muhammadans Raulins, are in the Burma language called Rahans and in the Pali Thaynka (for Sangha)." The Burmese term rahan = Pali arahanta, a celibate monk.
The Neopoi, Gerini says, op. cit. p. 55, are novices or deacons (mnih-kh'poi), but at p. 139 he says the term for novice is thapôi and th' poi and not kh pui. Mnil-poi would mean in Peguan "our men" or "our people," but I cannot find the term thapoi for a novice.
Bico is clearly the bhikshri or bhikkhu, the begging monk, as to whom De La Loubère has a quaint note, p. 119:- "Mr. Gervaise distinguishes the Talapoins into Balouang, Tchaou-cou and Pecou. In this Country I never heard speak of the word Picou, but only of Tchaou-cou."
Sacareu seems to represent the Sankrat of De La Loubère (p. 114 ff.), the Lord or Master of a Convent (scil, monastery], "whom the missionaries have compared to our Bishops."
R. O. TEMPLE. | 8th March, 1906.
.
BOOK-NOTICE. THE CHAMTU-JIVANDHARA OF HARICHANDRA, edited which of the two authors priority may be claimei by T. S. KUPPUSWAMI SASTRI. Tanjore: 1905. in such instances. As Harichandra lived after (Sarasvativilasa Series, No. IV.)
A. D. 900, he is certainly distinct from that IN two former issues of this Journal (Vol. namesake of his whose prose composition is XXXII., p. 240, and Vol. XXXV., p. 96) I noticed praised in Bana's Harshacharitam. I cannot say two previously unpublished Sanskrit works of it he was identical with the physician Harichandra the Jaina author Vadibhasiba which have been who resided at the court of a king Sahasanka, edited by Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri - the Gadya- but feel inclined to identify the author of the chintamani and Kshatrachúddnani. Both are champú with the composer of the poem Dharmabased on Gunabhadra's Uttarapurdna, and farmübhyudaya (Kavyamåla, No. 8). Both styled consequently are posterior to about A. D. 900. themselves Mahakavi Harichandra' and were The same holds good for Harichandra's Champu- members of the Jaina sect, and on pp. 147--150 Jivandhara, now edited for the first time by the of his edition Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri notes some same scholar. The subject of all three is the passages of the Dharmasarmabhyudaya which legend of Jivandhara; but, while the Gadya- remind us strongly of the Champu-Jinandhara. chintamani is written in prose and the Kshatra. But, even apart from this connection, the new chidamani in the Anushtubh metre, the new work possesses so much intrinsic merit, and is work belongs to the champú class, i.e., it consists edited with such care and scholarly judgment, of a mixture of ornate prose and of verses in that it must be considered an important contri. various metres. As the editor remarks in Lisbution to Sanskrit literature. The type and preface to the Gadyachintamani, there are get-up are excellent and reflect credit on the passages in Harichandra's champi which closely | Sri Krishna Vilasa Press at Tanjore. resemble certain passages in the two works of
E. HULTZSCH, Vadibhasiba; but it is difficult to decide for Halle, 6th July, 1906.

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NOTES ON FEMALE TATTOOING.
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NOTES ON FEMALE TATTOOING FROM OOTACAMUND.
BY B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.s., Personal Assistant to the Director of Ethnography for India.
1. - Tambalas. PEASANT woman from the Madura District has only the pakolam or tank on her arms
(see Plate, fig. 1).
2.- Paluga undars (Herbalists). A woman from Katumbatli in the Coimbatoor (Koimbatûr) District has a ta mare or lotus (see Plate, fig. 12) on the dorsum of the hand, and a number of kole or bunches of nails covering both arms (see Plate, fig. 2). On her forehead she has a tenure pachaka (sacred ashes) to show that she is a Saiva (see Plate, fig. 3).
3. - Kavares (Dealers in Cloth). A woman has both arms covered with a series of tanks (Plate, fig. 1) bordered by a creeper which she calls maligudi-phu or jasmine... On her forehead she has a perpendicular line down the middle to show that she is a Vaishṇava. She repeatedly asserted that only married girls in her caste are tattooed.
4. — Parishs Thirty-three were examined. Of these twenty have a tank (Plate; fig. 1) and shuralbatanu or peas (Plate, fig. 4). Three have a nalapure; a straight line with an arrow-head, and a moon, chandran.
A Christian of Pariah deseent has, in addition to all this, a triangular vingi (armlet) on the biceps (Plate, fig. 5), which is usually worn as a gold or gilt-plated ornament on the back of the hand. She was unable to explain it, but it is well known in the Thana District of Bombay as the tinsel coronet worn by. Hindu brides at the marriage ceremeny. This and the other tattoo-marks are relics of the former. Hindu religion of the family. She is a worshipper of Mari-Ma (MaryMother), but it is to bo noted that another Pariah woman, still a Hindu, with the peas tattooed on her arm, is a worshipper of Vir-Måta (Hero-Mother), an unidentified goddess..
One-section of the Pariahs has the kite depicted in several ways (Plate, figs. 6, 7, 8, 9) and these women assured me that they will not kill a kite at any price. As it is well known that the Pariah will eat anything, this tattoo-mark and the repugnance of the wearers to killing the animal tattooed requries explanation, unless it be accepted that the kite was the sectional totem..
5. - Badugas. A woman has two large circles (Plate, fig. 10) on each temple, together with the usual stars and horizontal line between the brows. On her arms she has large combs (Plate, fig. 11), and one at the wrist with the symbol of the lotus, thamare (Plate, fig. 12). On the dorsum of the hand she has the sun (Plate, fig. 13).
On the left arm the name Murgai is tattooed in Tamil. It is that of the woman who performed the tattooing and is a sign of the influence of civilization. The comb, the lotus, and the sun and due to modern Hindu environment, but on the shoulders she has three dotted horizontal lines, which is the tribal-mark of the Baduga, put there as a means of recognition in case of loss by seizuto or wandering in the junglés. Here the tattoo-marks throw back to the primitive nomadic customs of her tribo.

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6.- Gangadhikaras. A woman from Mysore has the water-pot of the Ganges (Plate, fig. 14) and the chula or fire-place (Plate, fig. 15). She cannot explain this, but the association of the two marks points to a Northern origin connected with Sita's tattooed kitchen (ante, Vol. XXXIII., 1904, p. 177).
7.- Todas. The Todas say that their women are tattooed after marriage or rather conception, as a proof of the married condition of these polyandrous women.
8.- Male Tattooing.
Owing to the influence of environment, six males have Tamil names tattooed on their arms and four cooly women have nothing but the names tattooed. Those names are those of sisters, brothers, grandmothers, playmates, and of the women who perform the tattooing.
A THEORY OF THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGABI ALPHABET.
BY R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A. (Continued from p. 267.)
CHAPTER IL
Athurvanic and Tantric Witchcraft. While Bhaga is invoked in the Atharva-Veda for progeny and for the maintenance of harmony between husband and wife, and is thanked for providing wives, Kama is given the functions of both the Creator and God of Love. In the pbilosophical hymn (IX. 2, A.-V.), Kâma, the creative desire, is one of the primeral forces; while in the hymn (III. 25, 4.-V.) Káma assumes the function of Cupid. The consideration of the symbolical practices of the ritual of the latter hymn, the performance of which is supposed to arouse the passionate love (vašikarana) of a woman, tends to prove that the Athurvanic Kamais no other than symbolical Kâma of Tantric literature.. The hymn is thus translated by Maurice Bloomfield :
(1) May Káma, the disquieter, disquiet thee; do not hold ont upon thy bed! With the terrible arrow of Kâma, do I pierce thee in the heart."
(2) "The arrow of Káma, winged with longing, barbed with love, whose shaft is undeviating desire, with that, well-aimed, Kama shall pierce thee in the heart."
(3) “With that well-aimed arrow of Kama which parches the spleen, whose plume flies forward, which burns up, do I pierce thee in the heart."
(4) “Consumed by burning ardour, with parched mouth, do thou (woman) come to me, plaint, (thy) pride laid aside, mine alone, speaking sweetly and to me devoted."
(5) "I drive them with a goad from thy mother and thy father, so that thou shalt be in my power, shalt come up to my wish."
The most important symbolical practice, which is to accompany the recital of the hymn, is thus described in Kaubikasitra:
प्रतिकृतिमायलेखिनी दायूंषेण भंगक्वेन कण्टकशल्ययोलुकपचया सितालकण्डया हदये विध्यति.
35, 28, Kausika sútra.

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Deze gegen
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. By means of Darbhyusha-bow with a bow string made of hemp and an arrow whose barb is * thorn, whose plame is derived from an owl and whose shaft is made of black ala-wood, the lover pierces the heart of the pictorial representation of a woman.'
While translating the above aútra, M. Bloomfield interpreted the words "dvalekhinim pratiksitim " as “an effigy made of potter's clay." But there is nothing in the rútra itself meaning potter's clay. The word lekha, which is derived from the same root as dvalekhini, is often used in the text itself in the sense of scratching. सनमा खुत्तरतोऽस्सप्त लेखा लिखति प्राच्या
76, 21, Kausikasútra.
While asking the bride to recite the hymn Saptamarydda (seven limits, &c., dnring the • Saptapadt ceremony in marringe), the priest draws on the north to the fire seven lines towards the east.' Similarly, the word pærilekha is also used in the sense of scratching or drawing. N TT tragitarer.
52, 4, Kauskasútra. "To reloase a man tied by curse, the earth is scratched.' There is also another hymn (180, VI., 4.-7.), in which a woman is depicted as performing for the purpose of arousing the passionate love (Tantric, vašíkarana) of a man, the 'same symbolical practice of piercing, with similar arrow and bow, the heart of the pictorial form of her lover.
It may be urged that the practice of pictorial writing may be true for the time of the Kaubikarútra, bat that it cannot be admitted with equal certainty for the time of the Atharva-Vede. Bet the consideration of the gambling hymn (7, 50, A.-V.) will certainly dispel all doubts on this point:
अजै स्वासं लिखितमपमुत संदुधम् भर्विवृको बया मथदेवा ममामि ते कृतम्
7, 50, 5, 4.-V. I have conquered thee who art scratched here. I have not only conquered, but also bound theo here. As a wolf destroys a sheep, so do I destroy thy charms.'
While commenting on the above verse, Sayaņa says that gamblers asually mark certain symbols on a definite spot, and play on the same spot to ensure their victory.
Tarning now to Tantrio witchcraft, we see almost exactly the same practice. I take, for instance, two passages from the Nitydshodasikdrnaud and its commentary, the Setubandha by Bhaskarananda. The former work is in the form of a dialogue between Siva and his consort Parvati :
लिखेद्रोचनबैकान्ते प्रतिमामवनीतले । स्वरूपां चाच शृंगारपेवाभरणभूषिताम् । तत्कालगळहनानिजम्ममण्डलबोषिताम् जन्मनाममहाविद्यामंकुधान्तावासिीम् सर्वांगसंधिसलीनमालिसव मनाशनम्
P. 112, Part I., Nitydahodabikár napa

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[OCTORER, 1906.
The picture of a woman to be captivated, consisting of her face, throat, breast, navel and her generative organ, together with her peculiar ornaments and dress, shall be drawn with rochunu (a bright yellow pigment prepared from the urine or bile of a cow) in a socluded place. The picture of ankusa (a hook used to drive an elephant), combined with the symbol of sacred knowledge and the name of the beloved, is to be attached. The symbol of Madana (Kama = a stanight line between two dots) is to be written in all the joints of the pictorial forin.......... (See Plate VI.) The other passage rups as follows:
लिखित्वा विपुलं चक्रं तन्मध्ये प्रतिमा यदि ।। नाम्ना लिखति संयुक्तां क्वलन्ती चिन्तयेत्तत । शसयोजनमात्रस्था स्वदुश्वापिच या भवेत् । भवलज्जाविनिर्मुला सान्यायाति. विमोहिता।
P. 108, Nityashodasikdrnava: • Having written in the centre of a large circle the picture of a woman, together with her name, one has to think of her as langaishing with the effects of love. However great may be the distance, she will run to the lover, abandoning all her fear and shame.'
Then follows the commentary on this passage, which clearly manifests the force of conservative spirit with which time-honoured customs and doctrines, however crude and absurd, were regarded as inviolable. It was likely that, owing to the omission to mention the particular writing ingredient in the above passage, worshippers might use other than traditional materials. With a view to avoid so profane a practice, the commentator kindly took the trouble to supply the omission. He says:
"The omission to mention the name of the particular writing ingredient in the above text is due to the consideration on the part of the author that the natura of the material can be easily understood by reference to the rales laid down in similar contexts in other authoritative Tantric texts. The Dakshinamûrtisahitd, for example, lays down :
‘कृत्वा सिन्दूररजसा चक्रं तत्र विभावयेत्।' • Having drawn the circle with red lead, the worshipper shall contemplate on it.'
This kind of decision by reference to outside authority is quite in accordance with the theory of similar contexts' propounded by the Mimânsakas (Vedic commentators) with regard to similar rituals.
This insistence on adhering to long-continued customs regarding writing materials is oqually perceptible regarding the form of pictures. The enumeration made in the first passage of such important members as forehead,' neck,' heart, navel' and generative organ' recalls the simple picture of Kami-kala in the Tripuropanishad, while it admits of no doubt that witchcraft, prehistoric in its origin, Athurvanic in its infancy, and Tantric in its youth, old age and decay, has undergone only such modifications as misinterpretations and misunderstandings of past traditions rendered possible. It must necessarily follow that the procera of drawing, with Cow's bile or blood, the rudimentary outlines of vietims, essential to the satisfactory performance of sorcery, is far anterior to the art of painting and coeval with, and perhaps earlier than, the Atharva-Veda. Regarding sorcery itself, Prof. Macdonell observes as follows:10
"All India is pervaded by sorcery from the R.-V. (7, 104; 10, 84 ; 10, 128, 155) through the Yajush literature, and curiously enough also the Upanishads (Br. Ar. 6, 4, 12) through the

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THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
273
systematic Vidhana texts to the Tantras of the worshippers of Sakti. Especially, the Yajtish and Srauta texts freqnently abandon for a moment their main theme in keen remembrance of him that hates us and whom we hate. This is either done by imparting to one or another sacrificial act a similar turn by a conscious symbolic modification of the practice or in the 80-called ka myeshtayah many of which are directed against enemies. Thus the formulas of the ritual literature are quite frequently identical with or similar to the prose passages of the Abhichirika hymns of the dtharva-Veda ......... In judging the chronology of the Athurvan collection in its finished aspect, it is important to note that these formulas certainly existed in Vedic literature outside the Atharvanic schools, and prior to any Athurvan redaction. The practice of sorcery, if not its imprecations, goes back to Indo-European times (Avesta, Yata). Pâqini, 4, 4, 96, still describes as Rishau, i. e., as Vedio, the kind of mantra which he calls hridya,' according to the scholiast, in the sense of hridayasya bandhanah,' captivating the heart, Vasikarana mantrah. Especially forceful is 5, 31, A. V., containing a catalogue of homoly, animate or inanimate objects, within which spells were instituted :- An unburnt vessel, grain, raw meat, the cock, goat and other animals, the Gârbapatya fire, house fire, house, assembly hall, gaming place, the army, the dram, the arrow and the weapon, the well and the burial-place, &c."
• As the phallic gods Kama and Bhaga of the Tantric literature cannot, as pointed out above, be other than the Käma and Bhaga of the Atharva-Veda, phallic worship must have necessarily existed in Vedic India, as its existence in medieval and Modern India is fully warranted by Tantric literature on the one hand, and by the Kina festival, celebrated even to this day, on the other. The Kama festival is still observed by a few sects among the Brahmans and by almost the whole of the non-Brahmanic community of the Hindus. A rod two feet long is tied crosswise to a pole five or six feet in height. One or two winnowers, almost triangular in shape, old and worn out, are attached to the cross-bar. This effigy is taken in processiou through the streets, with the accompaniment of drums beating, with indecent songs sung in praise of Bhagadevata and Kamadeva, and with the dancing of harlots. In a definite place in a street, where a number of old and worn-out winnowers are previously heaped up for the purpose of burning the effigy, the pole with its cross-bar, as representing Kâma and Bhaga, is set on fire, while the multitude simultaneously begin to beat their mouths, sending forth loud outbursts of hideous sounds.
Also, the infallible evidence that is furnished by the comparative study of religions, not only tends to prove the existence of phallic worship in Vedic India, but also carries it as far back as Indo-European times. For while phallic worship was predominant both in ancient Greece and Rome, there is no reason to doubt that it formed part of Aryan stock of religions and also found its home in India. Regarding the phallic worship in ancient Greece, the following description is found in Chambers' Encyclopelia : -
“The phallus is a representation of the male generative organs used at certain Dionysian festivals in ancient Greece. It was an object of common worship throughout the nature religion of the East, and was called by manifold names, such as Linga, Yoni, &c. Originally, it had no other meaning than the allegorical one of that mysterious union between the male and the female, which throughout nature seems to be the sole condition of the continuation of the existence of animated beings; but at a later period, more particularly when ancient Rome had become the hot-bed of all natural and unnatural vices, its worship became an intolerable nuisance and was put down by the Senate on account of the more than unusual immorality to which it gave rise. Its origin bas given rise to much specalation, but no certainty has been arrived at by investigators. The Phoenicians traced its introduction into their worship to Adonis, the Egyptians to Osiris, the Phrygians to Attys, the Greeks to Dionysus. The common myth concerning it was the story of somo god, deprived of his powers of

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[Остовкв, 1906.
generation an allusion to the sun which in autumn loses its fractifying influence. The procession in which it was carried about was called Phallagogia, and a certain song that was sung on that occasion was called the Phallikon Melos. The bearers of the phallus which generally consisted of red leather and was attached to an enormous pole, were the phallophori. Phalli were on those occasions worn as ornaments round the neck, or attached to the body. Aristotle traces the origin of comedy to the ribaldry and the improvised jokes customary on those festivals. Phalli were often attached to statues, and of prodigious size; sometimes they were even movable. At a procession of Ptolemy Philadelphus, a phallus was carried about made of gold and 120 yards long. Before the temple of Venus at Hierapolis, there stood two phalli, 180 feet high, upon which a priest mounted annually and remained there in prayer for seven days. The phallus was an attribute of Pan, Priapus, and to a certain extent also of Hermes."
Besides the consideration of the identity or almost exact similarity between the practices of Tantric and Atharva-Vedic witchcraft under the presidency of the phallic gods, Kâma and Bhaga, there is also the consideration of epigraphic evidence, which is of much importance in determining the chronology of Tantrie worship. It has already been described how lines, circles, triangles, and squares or rectangles are some of the figures that were required in assigning a pictorial form, not only to victims aimed at in sorcery, but also to the presiding deities Káma and Bhaga. Similar figures, intended of course to represent some gods or goddesses, are found carved, not only on ancient Hindu coins, but also on pillars and walls of ancient temples. There can be no doubt that those coins which bear the symbols of Kami-kala, consisting of oue circle to represent face, two circles breast-nipples, and a triangle the mysterious organs, are older than coins with regular epigraphic inscription. (See Plate III.) Regarding his own collection of the earliest Hindu coins, James Prinsep observes thus: -
"It30 is an indisputable axiom that unstamped fragments of silver and gold of a fixed weight must have preceded the use of regular coin in those countries where civilization and commerce have induced the necessity of some convenient representatives of value. The antiquarian will have, therefore, little hesitation in ascribing. the highest grade of antiquity in Indian numismatology to those small flattened bits of silver or other metal which were occasionally discovered all over the country, either quite smooth or bearing only punch-marks on one or both sides; and generally having a corner out off, as may be conjunctured, for the adjustment of their weight. Their average weight is 50 grains or the same as the tank or 3 mdshas of the ancient Hindu metrology. Indeed, the word tanka-éála, mint, goes to prove that these are the very pieces fabricated for circulation under that name." (Footnote.)
"Many instances of these have been given in Colonel Mackenzie's collection (figs. 101108 of Wilson's plates), who describes them as of an irregular form, bearing no inscription, occasionally quite plain and in any case have only a few indistinct and unintelligible symbols: that of the sun or a star is most common, and those of the Lingam (?), the crescent, and figures of animals may be traced. The Colonel's specimens were chiefly procured. Others have been dag up in the Sandabans and many were found at Behat (fig. 14, J. A. S. B.). But the few selected specimens in Colonel Makenzie's collection (figs. 24 and 29) yield more food for speculation than the merely smooth pieces above alluded. On all these we perceive the symbol of the sun to be the faintest of those present. In two instances (figs. 28 and 29) it is superposed by symbols which may be hence concluded to be more recent. These are severally the Chaitya (P), the tree, the Svastika and the human figure, besides which, in fig. 26, we have the elephant and the bull and the peculiar symbols of figs. 34-37. They are all stamped at random with punches, and may naturally be interpreted as the insignia of successive dynasties, authenticating their currency."
J. A. 8. B., Vol. IV., p. 628.

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Indian Antiquary.
DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
Plate III.
ANCIENT HINDU COINS IN THE JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
V
WWE
1. Reproduced from Vol. III., Plate IX. p. 227.
pers
frem Jaunpur
NOU
AU
SS
XcVAH
w
wwwdhe
.
O
Ca
A
.
2. Reproduced from Vol. IV., Plates XXXIV. and XXXV. p. 626.
LUCA
JS
Su
PL 25
3. Reproduced from Vol. VII., Plate LX. p. 1052.

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OCTOBER, 1906.] THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
"In one, fig. 30, does there appear any approach to alphabetic characters, and here the letters resemble those of the lats, or of the caves on Western India, the most ancient written form of the Sanskrit language. From the above originals seem to have descended two distinct families, of which one was produced by the hammer and die, the other by casting in a mould. Of the latter, easily recognisable by the depth of the relief, the projecting keel on the margin, showing where the moulds were united - and the greater corrosion due to the softness of the cast metal, we have various groups and subdivisions, but most of them agree in bearing the monogram for the obverse, sometimes as in figs 34-37, with addition of two smaller symbols, 8, like the sign of Taurus reversed."
275
"On the reverse we have frequently a dog with a collar (and bell ?), guarding a sword or a flagstaff of victory (Jayadhvaja, figs. 20, 21, 34, 36). At other times an elephant (fig. 39), a ball (37), or the sacred tree (15, 18), and, in rarer cases, the device on both sides is changed as in figs. 40, 41. Figs. 18, 42, 43 (in the latter of which the elephant might easily be mistaken for a Devanagarî letter) are of the cast species."
"How far the antiquity of the first Buddhistic groups of coins may have approached the epoch of Buddha (544 B. C.), it is difficult to determine, but the acquisition of their similitude to the Indu-Scythic coins must have been posterior to the breaking up of the genuine Bactrian Dynasty, perhaps about the commencement of the Christian era."
As it is unnecessary to reproduce here the figures of all the coins referred to in the quotation, only such figures as can throw some light on the nature and form of Indian hieroglyphics are reproduced in Plate III. It can be seen from the figures how a circle followed by two circles and a triangle beneath are, as described in the verse of the Tripuropanishad quoted above, stamped on Hindu coins, the antiquity of which admits of no doubt whatever. What in the above quotation is imagined to be a dog with a collar, is no other than the figure of Sakti, made up of a circle and two circles, crowned with the figure of half moon. Only the circles are not drawn apart and are not exactly circular. This clumsiness is clearly due to the rude process of sketching or stamping the hieroglyphics on pieces of metal. Similarly, the symbol oo, mistaken for Chaitya, is clearly the figure of Kami-kala without the triangle, but with an additional symbol of a half moon to form a crown for the goddess. Whether the figures of Kami-kala or of Siva (figs. 2, 3, 4, group 1; figs. 19, 33, group 2; and fig. 1, group 3 Plate III.) were superposed after the symbols of similar or different description became worn out, it is quite impossible to determine. Anyhow, there is no reason to doubt that those coins which contain only symbols are far anterior to those that contain regular inscriptions. For it is not only unlikely, but also unnatural, that coins with inere symbols should have been struck when writing had become current.
As regards the relation between these symbols and a few of the Devanagari characters, it is not merely either an accidental approach in resemblance or an imaginary one, as in the case of Prof. Bühler's Semitic models and the Brahmi Characters, but such a perfect likeness as mast necessarily and unmistakably exist between a parent and its offspring. The symbol in fig. 43, which, in the above quotation, was not only mistaken for an elephant, but also apprehended as likely to be mistaken for a Devanagari letter, appears to have been intended, together with the other symbols, to mean the name Ayodhya.' A, wy, or = db, Y=y. The last symbol D=dh, with another symbol I as in fig. 5, seems to have been intended to convey the idea dhana,' wealth. Similarly, the symbols in figs. 17 and 18 seem to have been intended to mean 'Ayodhye' and Ayodhyam,' the Svastika figares,, like the double rectangle of fig. 43, standing for A. It is immaterial whether the ancient mint authorities had or had not such an idea while stamping their coins with these symbols, and there is
"
•

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[OCTOBER, 1905.
nothing strange in finding in these symbols letters corresponding to the above words. inasmuch as these symbols have been, as we shall see, taken for those letters.
The coins containing the inscription negama' are, according to Sir A. Cunningham, anterior to the conquest of India by Alexander the Great, inasmuch as they are found to contain the very archaic forms of letters. Besides, the absence of medial vowels in the inscription of Ayodhya coins (figs. 11 and 12), and the insertion of initial vowels in the place of medial vowels in the inscriptions of Vassudeva coins (figs. 4, 27, group 3, Plate III.) are incontrovertible proofs regarding the priority of these coins to the time of Asoka, when medial vowels are found to have long been completely elaborated. Hence it must be admitted that coins with smooth surfaces or with hieroglypbics are far earlier than the 6th or 7th centuries B. C. Can it be doubted then that the description of the hieroglyphics in such Tantric texts as the Tripuropanishad, &o., is the reproduction of Tantrio tradition of bygone ages ?
Besides ancient coins, the walls of ancient temples, as well as stones lying in the vicinity of a tew temples in India, are also found to have hieroglyphio symbols chiselled on thein. Out of the carved and plain blocks of granite and sandstone found in the bed of a river in the vicinity of Suddyah, Upper Assam, a triangalar weather-worn block of granite is said to contain certain symbols engraved upon it. Regarding these symbols Major F. S. Hanny observes thus:
4 They inay, perhaps, have some meaning and give a clue to the era of the building. - one or two of the letter-like figures assimilate with some of the cbaracters of the ancient Devanagari Alphabet ; but the shaded figures are too deeply cut to suppose they are more than symbolical of a particular era and people."
An examination of theso symbols (as shown in Plate IV.) will, I am sure, establish the argument I lave been putting forward. They are no more than hieroglyphios intended to represent the several Tatvas of the Universe, corresponding to the several members of the human frame, and thereby form an outline of the picture of a god or goddess. The symbols, marked by me with numbers, may be arranged in the following order : 1. Head-dress.
16 & 17. Eyes. 2. Head.
18 & 19 (19 worn away). Ears. 3. Noge.
20 & 21. Hands. 4 & 5. Lips.
22 & 23. Trunk. (Våmapâráva left side 6 & 7. Arms.
and Daksbiņaparsva right side.) 8 & 9. Cheeks.
As the lungs are believed to be 10 & 11. Legs.
Visuddhichakra, seat of parifica12 & 13. Forehead when placed in
tion, the upper portions of the parallel lines.
figures representing them seem 14 & 15. Thighs.
to have been unshaded. Also those symbols which are carved in the foundation of the enclosure wall of the temple, and also on the elephant near the same river, and which Major F. S. Hanny thought to be typical of the mason or of the builders, are evidently the pictures of the "weapons" of the god. The symbols marked with Roman numbers in Plate IV. are, (I.) a chalcra, (II.) an arrow, (III.) a bow with an arrow, (IV.) another form of a bow with an arrow, (V.) a lotw bud, (VI, and VII.) some weapons, and' (VIII.) a shield or a square,
Regarding the antiquity of the temple rains in Assam, Captain E. Taite Dalton observes thus:21 -
"The Yogini Tantra, & work of high repate in Assam, as its contents are supposed to have been communicated by Siva to his consort Pârvatt, states, regarding the king Narake, that, though
14. B., VOL. XXIV.

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I. O
II. ↑
III.
IV.
VI.
VII.
VIII
P
SHAMASASTRI, DEL.
()
14
10
7
11
16
→
=
W. GRIGGS, LITH.
Plate IV.
DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
Indian Antiquary.

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OCTOBER, 1906.)
THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
277
an Asur,' infidel, he was in such favour with the gods that they made him the guardian of the temple of Kimikhya. It is not improbable that the temple was originally erected by Naraka; but of this we have no certain evidence. The assertion made in the Tantra, however, would at least lead us to suppose that the temple was in existence in his days. (Robinson's MS.)......
"The socket of the yone is cut so as to accord with the square and octagonal portion of the inserted part of the linga.. .. . . . . .. . . . .. . . . . . . . The removal of a heap of stones in front of this edifice disclosed the foundation of another shrine that appears to have been surmonated by a circular or octagonal temple. This covered a crypt some 8. feot below the surface, neatly faced with cut stone, and having at the bottoin, bedded in a circular slab or. yoni, a Mahadeva, in the form of a Linga."
To sum up: - The chief doctrines of Tantric system are much older than they have hitherto been supposed, and are, in fact, Athurvanic in character-(1) because the Tantric Káma and Bhaga, known also by the names Siva and Sakti, are no other than the phallic god and goddess Kama and Bhaga of the Atharva-Veda : (2) becanse the Tantric and Atburvanic practices of witchcraft are almost identical : (3) because the symbols which, as representing gods or goddesses, are dealt with in Tantric literature must precede the manufacture of idols in human likeness : and (4) because the same symbols as those treated in Tantric literature are stamped on Hindn coins of undoubted antiquity. From this it must neoessarily follow that, although the Pantric works which furnish ample material to prove the growth of the Devanagari Alphabet out of indigenous hieroglyphics may be recent, and in some cases quite modern, yet those Tantric passages which treat of symbolical worship and of the meaning and purpose of symbols must be either exact quotations from older works, which they replaced, or modern compositions containing ancient traditions.
CHAPTER III.
The Tantrio Hieroglyphios.
Having thus far investigated the reasons for admitting the antiquity of the Indian hieroglyphios, which, as we shall see, have given riso to the Deven&gart Alphabet. let us now turn our attention to the consideration of the hieroglyphics treated of at length in Tantric literature: -
मध्ये कालं बिन्दुदीप स्वाभाति वर्नुलाकारः। सदुपरि संतोऽर्धचन्द्रोऽन्वर्थः कान्स्या तथाकृस्या । भय रोधिनी तदूर्व त्रिकोणरूपा च चन्द्रिकाकान्तिः । नादस्तु पचराग बाण्डवयमध्यवर्तिनी सीरा।। नादान्तस्सध्यस्थिताबिन्तुयुक्तलाङ्गगलवत् । तिग्विन्दुहितये वामोगच्छत्सिराकृतिशक्तिः ॥ frat
r y EZITTITATI काधोबिन्दुहितयधुतरेखाकृतिस्समनाः। सेवाप्रविन्दु हीनोन्मनास्त महाविन्दुः ।।
P. 17, Varivasydrahasya.
In the middle of the forehead does a circular dot shine as the flame of a lamp. Above it is the semi-circle which resembles the half moon, both in form and colour. Then comes above it the figure of Rodhint, the obstructer, which bas the form of a triangle, and is as brilliant as the moonlight. But the figure of Nads, sound, is like a ploughshare, as brilliant as a ruby, between

Page #310

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1906.
two egg-shaped figures. The figure of Nâdanta, the end of sound, is in the form of a ploughshare, touching a circular dot drawn to its right. The figure of Sakti is like a ploughshare, connected with the left one of two circular dots placed in parallel. The figure of Vyâpika, the pervader, is a triangle starting from a circular dot. A perpendicular straight line terminated both above and below in a circle is what is called Samanâh, with the mind. The same figure without the upper circle is called Unmanâh, the miud going up. Above all these figures is the great circle. (See Plate V.22)
278
Similarly, in the Siddhanta-sd-dvali, an Agama manuscript, attributed to Aghoraśivâcharya, more or less the same symbols with two mere. are thus described :
घोषो मेधा क्षमाख्यो विषमथ च ततइचेतना चन्द्रखण्डः sei वृत्तसीरोऽरुण किरणहलस्सेन्दुसरिक्रमेण । yeket fear tear RegENTRATI साकारं मनसा रेपि कलाः प्रत्येकमर्थ्याशिवे ||
"घोषः शिवबीजो हकारः मेघा अकारः क्षमा लकारः विषं मकारः ततः चेतना बिन्दुः चन्द्रखण्डाऽर्ध चन्द्रः व्यर्थ त्रिकोणं निरोधि. दृग्वृत्तसीरः वृग्वृत्ताभ्यां युक्तस्सीरः अनेन नाद उच्यते. अरुणकिरणहलः अरुणकिरण आदित्यः दक्षिणपाश्र्वबिन्दुः तद्युक्तो हलः अनेन नाशन्तस्य ग्रहणम्- सेल्युसीरः वामपार्श्वबिन्दुयुक्तसीरः अनेन शक्ति कलायाः प्रस्तारो दर्शितः वृत्तार्कत्रिशित्वं दक्षिणबिन्दुयुक्तत्रिदण्डः त्रिशूल वा STUT RigaBar Reज्ञा रेखा दक्षिणवामचिन्द्रययुक्ता विका रेखा समनाः कला. बिन्दुविलसदृजुरेखाकृतिरुन्मनाः कला. "
P. 80, Siddhanta-sárávali.
Ghosha, sound, is the symbol of god Siva, i. e., the letter ha. Medha, intelligence, is the letter, a. Kshama, the earth, is the letter, la. The vital power is the dot. What is called part of the moon is the half moon. Nirodhi, the obstructer, is a triangle. A ploughshare between two eye-ball-like figures is called Nâda. The figure of a ploughshare, connected with a dot on the right side, is called Nadânts. A similar figure, but connected with a dot on the left side, is Sakti. A trident connected with a circular dot is, what is called, Trisikha, tree-headed. The figure of a double semi-circular curve, with two circular dots, one on the right and the other on the left side, is. called Samanah. A straight line passing up from a circle is Unmanah. Each of these figures is not only to be contemplated upon, but also worshipped.' (See Plate VI.23)
Thus the Sidhinta-sdrdvali evidently identifles some alphabetic letters with particular hieroglyphics, while such emblems as the half moon, triangle, Nâda, Nâdânta, &c., appear to be merely crude representations of parts of the human frame drawn so as to represent the god Siva. The four alphabetic letters, too, enumerated in the beginning of the stanza must necessarily mean such hieroglyphics as with the rest can give to the picture of the god an approximate human appearance. (See Plate VI.) We have already seen how a rectangular figure has been taken to represent the earth. Hence, by the word kshama, the earth,' in the stanza, a rectangular figure representing the lower part of the picture is evidently meant. As the throat of the god Siva is believed to contain poison, the word risha, poison, seems to refer either to the picture of the throat or to that of a cobra, with which the waist of Siva is believed to be entwined. Likewise, the letter A (called by the names, me lha, intelligence; amrita, nectar; amrita-kalaia, vessel tull of nectar) may refer either to the middle of the brows, which is the seat of intelligence according to Hindu
4
22 [The printing of the plates in England has caused errors to creep into the letterpress, most of which will be apparent to the reader, as they are chiefly in the diacritical marks used in representing vernacular words: e. g., bindu in this plate. - ED.]
23 [In Plate VI. for hook (srih)' read 'hook (arini).' ED.]

Page #311

DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
Indian Antiquary.
Plate V.
Mahabindu, the great circle.
Unmanah, the mind going upwards.
Samanah, with the mind.
Vyâpika, the pervader.
Sakti, strength.
Nadanta, the end of sound.
Näda, sound..
Rödhini, the obstructer.
Ardhachandra, half moon.
Bindu, dot.
R. SHAMASASTRI, DEL.
W. GRIGGS. LITH.

Page #312

U
X or V
[
П
Jo
C
Δ
བ:
LP
3
¿
Ghosha=H.
Medha=A.
(Vessel of nectar, or the middle of the brows),
Kshama, earth = L.
or O, Bindu; vital power.
Visha; poison, serpent = M.
Half moon.
DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
triangle.
Nada, Śiva, Kama.
Nâdânta.
Sakti.
Tridanda, trident.
Plate VI.
Samanah, with the mind.
R. SHAMASASTRI, DEL.
Unmanah, the mind going upwards.
TTTTY
D
~
or
Indian Antiquary.
3
41
Śiva.
Kami-kala or Sakti.
ΔΔΔ
hook (srim).
the five arrows.
bow.
pása, noose.
W. GRIGGS, LITH.

Page #313

Остовев, 1906.1 THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
philosophy, or to the brain which is called sudhásindhu, the ocean of nectar, or to a vessel of nectar, which Siva is believed to hold in his hands. Similarly, the letter ha seems to represent the trunk of the body of Siva. For the Vátulagama, another Tantric manuscript, says (p. 57) thus:
नेकनीयान्यन्त्रमूर्ति पर
fffgdgren
हकारं देहमित्युक्तं द्वयो तुङ्गी भुजौ तथा । वह्निपादद्वयं विद्यात् मन्त्रमूर्तिरुदाहृता ||
279
One has to know that the transcendental god Siva alone is identical with the form of the mantra (hrim), which is attributed to him. Nâda, the nasal sound of the mantra (i. e., the symbol of Nâdânta), is his crown. The letter h is the trunk of h.s body. (The symbols of) fire forms both the two great arms and the two legs. Thus the letters of the mantra form the picture of god Siva.' (See Plate IX.)
In order to conform with the four letters of the mantra (him), the Vútulágama employs only four distinct symbols to represent not only the four letters themselves, but also a simple outline of the form of god Siva: but the Varivasyarahasya huddles together some twelve symbols as constituting both the mantra (hrim) and the form of the goddess Sakti:
लेखायास्स्वरूपं तु व्योमाग्निर्वामलोचनम् .बिन्द्वर्धचन्द्ररोधिन्यो नादनादान्तशक्तयः । व्यापिकासमनोम्मन्य इति द्वादश संहतिः । ferdi arai g anfezafę seaà 11—
P. 10, Varivasyarahasya.
The sky, fire, the left eye, a dot, the half moon, a triangle, (the symbols of) Nâda, Nâdânta, Sakti, Vyapika, Samanâ and Unmani, these twelve constitute the form of Hrillekha, the drawing of the heart. The nine symbols from Bindu to Unmanî are collectively called by the name Nâda.' (See Plate V.)
The symbols or letters referred to in the above verse are clearly h (the sky), r (fire), and i (the left eye), inasmuch as they are the actual letters of the mantra (hrim). While, according to both the Vatuldgama and the Varivasydrahasya, the mantra takes the form of him, it is, according to the Siddhanta-sardvali, pronounced as hlam. Regarding the forms of the letters of the mantra, we are told in the commentary of the Vatuldgama to confine our attention to the Devanagari Alphabet :
Fager.fe mudaftfreaky gvai, vasafemfaffardag grad. —
P. 57, Vatulagama.
The formation of the picture of god Siva by the letters of the mantra attributed to him can ouly be done in the characters of the Devanagari Alphabet. In no other alphabets is it possible to form the same.'
Had the commentator, however, been strict enough in his expressions, he would have, like Bhaskarananda, as we shall see, said that the formation of the picture could only be accomplished in the traditional forms of the Devanagari. The traditional forms of the letters are almost exactly identical with the forms of those of the Asoka Alphabet. Following the light thus thrown on the forms of the hieroglyphice enumerated in the Siddhanta. sárávali, they can be drawn as in Plates V. and VI.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1906.
It is needless to say that all these figures will, if properly conjoined, as in the case of the symbols of the Suddyah stone, yield an almost human appearance to the picture of god Sive. It is to be noted here how the triangular symbol is placed side by side with the Phallic symbol. This juxtaposition of these two symbols seems to be due to the doctrine that the combination of Purusba and Prakriti, male and female principles of creation, can alone bring about tha Universe. . But there is also a practice of drawing (see Plate VI.) a purely female figure of goddess Sakti as described in the stanza of the Tripuropanishad quoted above. This figure of Sakti or Kami-kala is not so complicated as that of Siva: Plate VI. While commenting on this verse of the Upanishad, Bhaskarananda writes thus, upholding the simplicity of the Karikala: वस्तुतइशरीरेऽपि त्रय एवावयवाः शीर्षादिकण्ठान्तं कण्ठादिस्तनान्तं हृदयादिसीवन्यन्तम् केशपाणिपादं तत्तच्छाखा:
P. 34, Varivasydrahasya. In the body, too, there are actually only three members. One is from the head down to the throat, the second from the throat as far as the breast-nipples, and the third from the breast down to the organ of procreation. The limbs, such as the hair, the arms and the legs, are only the branches of the three principal members.'
Further on he says that with a view to have a complete picture of the goddess Sakti, the thirteenth verse of the Tripuropanishad describes her weapons. The verse runs as follows -
सण्येव सितया विश्वचर्षिणी पाशेन प्रतिबध्नात्यभीकान् । इषुभिः पञ्चभिर्धनुषा च
विध्यत्यादिधाक्तिररुणा विश्वजन्या The mother of the Universe, who is its primeval cause and is as red as the early morning, protects the Universe with a white hook, and not only binds the wicked with her noose, but also kills them with her bow and five arrows.' (Sec Plate VI.)
In justification of the propriety of using a book for the purpose of protecting the Universe, the commentator quotes the following passage from Yaska's Nirukta :
विधा सृणिर्भवति भर्ता च हन्ता च. The hook is of two kinds : one is protector and the other destroyer.' The goddess Sakti is believed to assume tbree different forms (sco Plate VII.) according as her functions of creation, protection or destruction change. A verse quoted from the Partyabhündnatantra in the Kamakald-chilvalli (p. 69) runs as follows:
जुरेखामयी विश्वास्थितौ प्रथितविग्रहा ।। तत्संहतिदायां तु बन्दैवं रूपमाश्रिता ।।
प्रत्यावृत्तिक्रमेणैवं शृङ्गाटवपुरुज्ज्वला । The goddess of renowned form assames, in time of protection, the form of a straight line. In time of destruction, she takes the form of a circle. Similarly, for creation she takes the brilliant appearance of a triangle (Spingata).' (See Plate VII.)
The egg of the Universe, formed by the union of Siva and Sakti, is thus described in the l'arirasyarahasya :
विश्वसिमक्षावशतस्स्वार्थी शक्ति व्यलोकया । बिन्दुर्भवति तमिन्दुं प्रविशति शक्तिस्त रक्तबिन्दुतया । एतदिन्दुक्तियं विसर्गसंज्ञहकारचैतन्यम् ।
P. 51, V. R.

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Page #316

Indian Antiquary.
DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
Plate VII.
-
Sakti while protecting the universe.
0
Sakti during the destruction of the
universe.
D
Sakti while creating the world.
THE SYMBOLS OF THE FIVE ELEMENTS, MODELLED ON THE
FIVE DIVISIONS OF THE HUMAN FRAME.
oo
Visarga.
The sky, from the middle of the brows to
the brahmarandhra or the hole on the top of the head.
the sky.
The air, from the neck to the middle of the þrows.
the air.
[ DE BA
The fire, from the navel to the neck.
the fire..
The waters, from the knee-joints to the waist;
with two lotus buds.
the waters.
The earth, from the legs to the knee-joints.
ЕН FFFF
the earth with 8 symbols of Vajru,
weapon of Indra.
R. SHAMASASTRI, DEL.
W. GRIGGS, LITH,

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OCTOBER, 1906.)
THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
281
With the desire of creating the Universe, the Creator, Brahma, turns his attention to Sakti, who fornis half of his body. A drop in the form of the moon results. Sakti, in the form of a red drop, enters into the white drop. The combination of these two drops constitutes what is called visarga, emission, and is also the soul of the aspirate h. (See Plate VII.)
While commenting on this verse, the author says that the word visarga is, in the above sense, synonymous with the exclusively Vedic word agnishomiya, combination of fire and moon, and quotes from the Taittiriya Brdhmaņa (A. 2, P. 1) a passage the meaning of which is as follows:- The fire enters into the rising sun. Or the sun enters into the fire at sanset. On the new-moon day the sun and the moon combine together.'
The commentator concludes by saying that the sun is the mixtare of red and white drops, as he has been entered into both by the fire and the moon, Susruta, the author of a celebrated Sanskrit medical work of the same name, seems to have taken the same view on the procreation of the Universe. He writes in the third chapter of his work thus :- 'The male-seed is lunar and femaleseed is fiery. This combination of the fire and the moon is the cause of embryo which finds itself in the womb.'
The bursting of the mixed drop is metaphorically described as the cause of the hieroglyphics which represent the so-called five elements :
स्फुटितावरुणादिन्दोर्नादब्रह्माकुरो व्यक्तः। तस्मागगनसमीरणदहनोदकभूमिवर्णसम्भूतिः ।। एतत्पञ्चकविकृतिः जगदिदमण्डप्रजाण्डपर्यन्तम् ।
P. 10, Varivasydrahasya.
• The bursting of the red drop occasions the eternal sound to spring up. That is the cause of the letters or figures which represent the five elements - the sky, the air, the fire, the water, and the earth. The modification of these five elements or of their representative figures constitutes the whole Universe, macrocosm and microcosm.'
This idea of a red drop causing the Universe is evidently the generalisation of what, as a special case, is found expressed in the Atharva-Veda :
यत्समुद्रे अभ्यक्रन्दत् पर्जन्यो विद्युता सह । ततो हिरण्ययो बिन्दु ततो दी अजायत ।।
19, 30, 5, 4. V. From the thundering sound which the clouds in union with the lightning made in the ocean, came out the golden drop. From that drop came out the Darbha-grass.'
The hieroglyphios which are designed to represent the five elements have already been dealt with: Plate VII.
It is thus clear that there are three different sets of hieroglyphics designed for worship. First, such simple figures as a straight line, & circle, or a triangle appear to have been severaily worshipped by beginners. Next comes the figure of Kâmi-kala, which, as consisting of a number of simple figures, appears to have been an object of worship after a little experience. As the formation of the figure of the hermaphrodite god Siva or Kama requires a considerable knowledge of the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1996.
constituents of both the Universe and the human frame, it inust necessarily have been an object of worship among the advanced class of devotees. In defence of the manipulation of these figures for worship, the commentator on the Vatuiagama quotes (p. 13) the following verse from Paushkaratantra:
साधकस्य च लक्ष्यार्थ तस्य रूपमिदं स्मृतम् | With a view to provide the initiated with a tangible object for worship, this form has been designed and ascribed to the god.'
And:
आकारवांश्चेनियमानुपास्यः
न वस्त्वनाकारमुपैतिबुद्धिः। A god, with a tangible form, can, in strict accordance with precepts, be worshipped ; for the mind cannot grasp anytiring that has no form,
CHAPTER IV. The Tantrio Hieroglyphics and the Devanagart Alphabet.
Plate VIIIIt is more than probable that the practice of writing the hieroglyphic or ideograms for worship and reading in them the names of such gods and goddesses &s Kama, Siva, Sakti, Tadraai, C., might have suggested to a clever worshipper the idea of the possibility of their Ayinbola representing the initial syllables of their respective names. Also the use of monosyllabic ka in the sense of Kama or Brahma, as early as the time of the Rig Veda and the Atharva-Veda, might have plainly suggested the idea of the symbol ol Kama ropresenting ka,
कस्मै देवाय । कस्मै काय प्रजापतये देवाय । प्रजापतिर्वा कः तस्मै हविषा विधेम.
7, 4, 1, 19, Satapathabrahmana. • To which god? To whom is for kaya, the dative of ka, the god of Prajapati? K is Prajapati. To him let us offer our oblations.'
That such is the nature of the hint that occasioned the idea of Anding alphabetic letters in the hieroglyphios is clearly alluded to in the Tripurdiapini Upanishad -
निरठजनोऽकामत्वेनोज्जम्भते. अ क च ट त प यशा
सृजते. तस्मातीश्वरः कामोऽभिधीयते तत्परिभाषया.
कामः ककारं व्याप्नोति. काम एवंदं तत्तदिति ककारी गृह्यते. Though he has the power of growing spotless and is actuated with no desire whatever, he feels desirous, creates a, ka, cha, ta, ta, pa, ya, and ba, and is therefore called by the name Kama and also by the technical name.Tal,' That.' But Kâma contains within it the letter ka. As this (the hieroglyphic before the eyes) is verily Kama and Tat, it is chosen as the letter ka.
It has already been seen how a straight line between two dots is called by the names Káma, Siva, &c. It is likely that, with a view to represent single sounds by single symbols, this compound symbol consisting of three figures was converted into a single cross-like symbol by joining the two dots. The ancient Devanagari ka has the form (see Plate VIII.) of a cross in the edicts of Asoka.
* (In Plate VIII., facing p. 290, letter 1, laat oolamn, for 'Padan read 'Padan,' and in the last line, Brat column, for Ct' read 'N'.-ED.)

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THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
283
Ekadasadhara, eleventh support, is one among the many names of the Devanagari letter 8. In the edicts of Asoka it has a perfect triangular form. In his Setubandha, a commentary on the Nity&shodasikdrnava, Bhaskarananda says : - कोणत्रयवतुड़वो लेखो यस्य तत्. नागरलिप्या साम्प्रदायिकैरेकारस्य त्रिकोणाकारतय लेखनात्.
P. 14, Setubandha.
It is called Koņntrayodbbava, born from a triangle, because it is written like a triangle. For the letter & of the Nagari alphabet is always written like a triangle by strict adherents to tradition."
The emphasis laid on the word sdmpra láyikaih, by strict adherents to tradition," is to be noted here ; for it is customary among others to write the letter e like a triangle with a tail. Regarding this lofter, the Tripúrátapinf Upanishad anys thus: -
सविता प्राणिनस्सूते. प्रसूते शक्तिः सूते त्रिपुरा. शक्तिरायेयं त्रिपुरा परमेश्वरी महाकुण्डलिनी देवी जातवेदसमण्डलं योऽधीते सर्व व्याप्यते. त्रिकोणशक्तिरेकारेण महाभागेन प्रसूते. तस्मदिकार एव गृह्यते. वरेण्यं श्रेष्ठं भजनीवमक्षरं नमस्कार्यम् तस्माद्वरेण्यमकाक्षर गत्पते.
• The sun brings forth living beings. Sakti does the same. Tripuri (triangle) brings forth species. Sakti is the eternal Tripara, the great.goddess, possessing of a great circle. Who knows the circle of fire ? (the circle drawn on earth, within which fire is worshippe 1). The triangular Sakti pervades all things and brings forth species through the magnificent letter. Hence, that letter & alone is taken as the best, most respectable and worshipfal symbol. Hence, that one adorable letter is selected.' 26
Hence, it may be believed that this triangular symbol representing Sakti, Bhaga, Ekadasadhara or Ekapäidini was taken to be the symbol for the initial syllable of the last word.
The Devanagari letter i is called by the names Kâma-kula, Manmathakala (wife of Káma), Hardakala, part belonging to the breast, and Bindutraya, three dots. It is only in the edicts of Lesoks, which were and are still Greek to all modern Tantric scholars, that this letter has the form of three dots placed at the three angular corners of a triangle. (See Plate VIII.) Regarding this letter, the Kalimata says: -
सनुरीयस्वरूपं तु बिन्दुत्रयमितीरितम् वदात्मत्वं तु देव्यास्ते साधकेन च यद्भवेत् वडावनां श्रुणु प्राज्ञे महोदयकरीं शुभाम् कध्वविन्द्वात्मकं वक्त्रमधोबिन्नुवयात्मकम् कुचबं च तच्छेपैशेषाङ्गानि च भावयेत्या
Patala 4, Kadimata.
It is said that the form of the fourth vowel is three dots. O, wise goddess, listen, how thy form is, in the view of thy devotee, identical with the form of that vowel and how the contemplation of that form is not only auspicious but also productive of immense property. The upper dot represents
36 Compare similar verses, D. 2, Kadimata.
* The Tripurttapint Upanishad is olearly an attempt not only to represent the Gayatrt mantra with hieroglyphio symbol, but also to make it of the same parport as the Tantrio panchadas, filftoon-lettered mantra referred to above.
* Compare stansa 19, Saundaryalahari ; p. 45, Bhashya on Lalitasahasranama; and p. 73, Kama-kal4 Chidvalli; also p. 59, Dakshind martieamhita.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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the face, the lower two are the two breast-nipples. The rest of the limbs are to be meditated upon as the branches of these members,
Even in the Srichakra of the Sringeri Matt.29 in which all the letters of the Devanagari Alphabet, together with the Panchadasi, fifteen-lettered mantra, are written, and which, as belonging to the oldest religious institution now in existence, may be considered as the oldest possible or the exact copy of its ancient pattern, if renewed often, the letter i is not in the form of three dots, but is in the type of the modern Dovanagari. Yet, why this letter should be called Kama-kalâ, and Bindutraya is a question which can only be angwered on the admission that the hieroglyphic of throe dots was, of yore, chosen to stand for i, and that, while its form bas undergone modifications in consequence of either the carelessness of scribes or the loss or misunderstanding of tradition, its names took firm root in the unfailing memory of the Brahmans. Anyhow, it is not unreasonable to hold that as the hierogyphic of three dots has also the name Indrani,20 wife of "Indra, the initial syllable of this word might have suggested the possibility of this symbol standing for i. One more interesting point in connection with this symbol is the remark made by Bhaskarananda in his commentary on Varivasydrahasya. He says that both the air and the letter i bear the name Bindutraya. The air is so called, because it is full of bindus, particles.
The Devanagari letter u is called by the names Uma 30 Karna, year, &c. While performing Bijdksharanydea, which consists of repeating alphabetical letters, touching at the same time the several limbs and organs of the body with the four fingers of the right hand bent a little, and joined together, the thumb being put on the palm of the hand, the devotees of Sakti pronounce the letter ?, touching their ears. This letter has the same form as the ear in the coins of Vasudeva, 31 and corresponds to the picture of the ear among the Suddyah symbols given above. Hence, it stands to reason to hold that this symbol of the ear was selected to stand for the initial syllable of its name Uma 32
The Devanagari letter a is called by the names Ampiteśvari,33 goddess of nectar; Ampita karshiņi, drawing water or nectar into herself; and Medhû, intelligence. There has been a religious custom among the Hindas of all sects from time immemorial to worship as a goddess, at the commencement of all kinds of religious ceremonials, a kalasa, or a vessel filled with water. There are also a number of poems describing Sakti as holding an amritakalasa in her hand. It is not, I presume, far-fetched. or unreasonable to suppose that at a time when the very name of sculpture was unknown and when pictorial writing was to religious worship wliat idolatry is now, the symbol of the kalasa had the form of the letter under question and had a place in the pictorial representation of Sakti. Accordingly, it stands to reason that the symbol of the amritakalasa stood for the initial syllable of that word, Or, as this letter bears also the name medha, intelligence, and as the seat of intelligence is believed among Tantric worshippers to be the middle of the brows, it is likely that the symbol of that part of the body might have been selected to represent the letter a.
The Devanagari letter om is known by the synonymous names of tdra,34 tdraka and dhruva, which mean the pole star. Making allowance for the gradual change which this hieroglyphic must, after it had acquired the function of representing the sound om, have undergone in the hands of careless scribes, I believe that, in its original form, it was nothing but a picture of the
# The Matt dates from the 8th century A. D., according to archeological researches. » Se Sabdakalpadruma under 'i'.
39 Soo Ganesa mantra in the Mantra Mahodadhi. 31 Pige. 4 and 27, Plato III, Ancient Hindu Coins from Jayapur and Ujjayin. » Soe under the names of 14. Sabdakalpa druma.
31 See Amfiteávart in the Lalitheaharanama. M 8oo the Mantramahodadh.

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pole star drawn for the purpose of worship. Whether star-worship was Aryan or aborginal in its origin is a point which I leave for others to decide. So far as its observance among the Aryans is concerned, the phrases tárukopadesa, initiation in the mystery of star-worship, and tdrakabrahmopadeśa, initiation in the mystery of the worship of Star-Brahma, are, I think, sufficient proofs. It may be urged that the word tdra, does not, when applied as a name of the letter under consideration, mean a star, but a resonant, and that the word dhruva is applied as a name to the letter for the reason that sound is considered as a kind of manifestation of Brahma. But it has been seen how the words Káma, Indrani, &c., do, as the names of ka, i, &c., establish their hieroglyphic origin and how it is impossible to find out a more reasonable explanation for the origin of those names than the one pointed out. It is not, therefore, unreasonable to hold that, like the names of other letters, the names of the letter om must also point out to the hieroglyphic picture of some natural and visible object connected with religious worship, and that ultimately the symbol representing 'star' was chosen to stand for the complex sound om.
It has been shown how the lindu, male or female creative principle, is described as the source not only of the world, but also of the alphabetic hieroglyphics which represent the world. Hence, it is more than likely that, when the hieroglyphics were selected to represent specific alphabetic sounds, the bindu dot was taken to represent the nasal sound in which all specific sounds are regarded as being merged.
It has already been seen bow a white circular dot, together with a red circular dot, is taken to represent the male and femalo principics of creation. These two bindus, written one above the other, for the facility of entrance of the white into the red, are called by the name visarga, emission, and were, of course, taken to represent the visarga sound exclusively peculiar to the Sanskrit language. The credit due to the Brâhman pandit who invented, or, to speak strictly, selected from the Tantric hicroglyphics, this symbol to represent the visarga must be admitted on all hands. For, where else, if not in the Tantric symbols, can the inventor, or the formulator, to speak strictly in accordance with facts, of the Devanagari Alphabet find such a suitable symbol for the di sarga. If he is to be given credit for selecting this symbol from the Tantric hieroglyphics, there is no reason to say with Prof. Bühler that the originator of the Devanagari Alphabet borrowed twenty-two letters from the North Sensitic and derived the rest from his own imagination.
The conception of the Universe, as made up of the sky, the air, the fire, the region of clouds or water, and the earth, and as identical with the pindanda, individual human body, has already been dealt with. In the ninth stanza of the Saundaryalahari the goddess Sakti is thus described :• Thou art playing in the thousand-petaled lotus flower with thy consort in seclusion, having gone up by the path of kula, spinal cord, after breaking through the earth, situated in múládhára, prime support; the water in Manipura, the waist bound by a zone of jewels of various colours ; the fire in the navel, the air in the chest, the mind in the centre of the brows, and the sky above all these.'
Slightly different in meaning from the above are some passages in the Mantramahodadhi, which are quite interesting, inasmuch as they give the alphabetic letters which are derived from these five divisions of the human frame :
अपादादि जानुपर्वन्तंचर सवचकम् ।
भूबीजं च स्वर्णवर्ण स्मरेदवनिमण्डलम् ।। जान्वायानानि चन्द्रार्धनिभं पदयाङ्कितम् । वंबीयुक्तं श्वेताभमम्भसां मण्डलं स्मरेत् ।
85 Compare p. 105, Sivarchanachandrika; and p. 224, Kulaprakasatantra ; and p. 85, Siddhanta-sdrdvali.

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नामेदपर्यन्तं त्रिकोणं स्वस्तिकान्वितम् | रंबीजेन युतं रक्तं स्मरेत्पावकमण्डलम् | हृदो धूमध्यपर्यन्तं वृत्तं षडिन्दुलाञ्छितम् *ggart år svært enka. आब्रह्मरन्ध्रं भ्रूमध्याद्वृत्तं स्वच्छमनोहरम् | ***W¶ænge afafaenky, ||
P. 3, Chap. 1., Mantramahodadhi.
The devotee has to contemplate as the golden earth on the rectangular portion of the body from the legs up to the knee-joints, with the bijakshara la, which is also the bijakshara of Vajra, the weapon of Indra. He has also to meditate as a mass of white water on the semi-circular portion from the knee-joints to the navel, with its bijakshara va, and marked with the figures of two lotus flowers. He has to recollect as the fiery region that triangular portion of the body which extends from the navel to the heart and which is red, decked with a svastika symbol and the bijakshara ra. He has similarly to recollect as the sphere of air that portion of the body which extends from the heart to the middle of the brows, and which is in the form of brown circle, decked with six dots and the bijakshara ya. And he has to meditate as the sky on that pure and circular portion of the body which extends from the centre of the brows to the Brahmarandhra, a hole on the top of the head, and which is decked with its bijakshara ha,
[Остовив, 1906.
A reference to Plate VIII. will clearly show how closely the Devanagari la identifies itself with the hieroglyphic representing the earth and strongly disclaims the parentage sought for it by Prof. Bühler in the Semitic lamed. With regard to this letter, the following passage occurs in the Yoginihridaya :
वसुन्धरागतो गन्धस्तलिपिर्गन्धवाचकः
P. 41.
'The earth contains smelling substance. Hence the word lipi, smearing, suggests a smelling
substance.'
The above passage is thus annotated in its commentary :
वसुन्धरायाः पृथिष्या गुणी गन्धः
तलिपिः पृथिवीवाचको वर्णो लकारः
The characterestic property of the earth is scent. Hence the word lipi, daubing with scent, suggests the earth. Hence the letter 1 (which is the initial sound of that word) denotes
the earth.'
All that is meant in the commentary is the selection of the hieroglyphic representing the earth for the letter 1, with some show of reasoning to justify the selection. We may, therefore, assume that similar line of reasoning as the above one guided the selection of other hieroglyphics for other letters.
Regarding the letter va, the Vatulagama says as follows:
वकारं वारुणं ह्यापश्चतुर्थं मेदसि स्थितम् | बलस्य यानि नामानि सन्ति तान्यपराणिच । बकारस्यापि नामानि
P. 51, Vatulagama.

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The letter va is sacred to Varana, the god of waters, and to waters. It bas its abode in the marrow, being the fourth in the order of creation of the body). Whatever names there are for waters are also the names of the letter var!
The ancient Devanagari letter va is more plainly identical with one of the lotus buds of the hieroglyphics representing the waters, or the waist, than with the Semitic waw. (See Plates I. and
VIII.)
The letter ra36 is regarded as sacred to fire and bears the name Rakta among its other names synonymous with fire, In his commentary on the Varivasy drahasya, Bhaskarananda compares the symbol of fire and of the letter ra to the smoky zone of a flame;
दीपामस्थितकजललेखावत् The letter ra is like the smoky zone that stands jast above a flame.'
This symbol, being called Rakta, seems to have stood for the initial letter of that word and has a better resemblance to the ancient Devanagari letter than the Semitic aesh. (See Plates I. and VIII.)
The Dovanagart letter ya can be no other than the pişture of the nose, for regarding this letter, the Mantramahodadhi says as follows:
वाजबीजं स्मरन्वायुं सम्पूर्वेमं विशोषयेत् । स्वधरीरयुतं मन्त्री पहिबीजेन निर्दहेत
ब्राहिम समुत्सार्य वायुबीजेन रेचयेत् ।
P. 4, Chap. 1, Mantramahodadhi. The devotee should, contemplating the bija of air, inhale the air which, on being made dry inside his body, he shonld reduce to ashes by the bija of fire (ra). Having forced out the ashes, he should exhale the air through the Ilja of air,
The word vdyubija in the above passage means both the nostril and the Devanagari letter ya, for contemplation on the bfja of air is nothing but thinking of ya ; and exhaling the air through vidyub ja must necessarily mean breathing out tho air through the nostrils.
The Siddhanta-saravali says:
पृथिव्यादीनि बीजानि लवरयहकारकाः *The bijas, hieroglyphics of the five elemente, are la, va, ra, ya and ha, respectively, commencing from the earth/'
In the edicts of Asoka the letter ya has the same form as the nose. Hence it may be argued that the symbol representing the nose of god Siva was taken to stand for the Sanskrit ya sound,
The letter hat is called by the names Siva, gagana, the sky, and hainsa, the sun, and has in its ancient form a better resemblance to the hieroglyphic representing the skull or the head of Siva than to the Semitic he. (See Plates I. and VIII.) It is more than probable that the symbol of the sky stood for the initial sound of its name hamsa.
56 Page 51, 7dtuldgama.
# See under ha, sabdakal padruma.

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The description of the goddess Sakti, as armed with bow and other weapons, has already been referred to. In the Mantramahoda thi the military array of the goddess is thus described :
पाशं चापं स्त्रकपाले सणीषून् T artai ir रक्तोदन्वत्पोतरक्ताम्बुजस्थां देवीं ध्यायेत्प्राणशात त्रिनेत्राम् ।।
Stanza 61, Chap. I. The goddess — who bears in her hands a rope or noose, a bow, a garland or a chain, a skull a bulb-headed cudgel, arrows, and a trident, who being of red colour is standing on a red lotus flower, situated in a boat launched in the ocean of blood, and who is the vital power and is possessed of three eyes - the devotee has to contemplate.
While describing the weapons of the guardian deities of the ten quarters, the hieroglyphics of the weapons are thus identified with alphabetic letters :
वस्येऽधुना मनोस्तस्योद्धारं ध्यातसुखावहम् । पाशं मायां मृणि प्रोच्य यादीन्समेन्तुसंयुतान् । सारान्वितं नभस्समवर्षे मन्त्रं ततो जपेत् ।।
Verses 70, 71, Chap. I.
I shall now talk of the extraction of that mantra which is comfortable to the meditator. Having pronounced the three syllables that stand for the nose, the goddess Maya, and the cudgel, and baying also pronounced the seven letters, beginning from ya and ending with sa, together with h combined with o (the sky combined with the star), all these, eight letters being combined with the nasal sound (Indu, moon), the devotee has to chant the seven-lettered mantra (namely, ya, ra, la, va, sa, sba, and se).'
.
It has been seen how the ancient Devanagari letters la, va, ra and ya are, as the bijaksharas of the earth, water, fire and air, the exact representations of the lega, the waist, the arm or a line going up from the navel, and of the uose. Hence, it seems probable that, owing to the loss or misunderstanding of tradition, the same letters are here called as sacred to the weapons, such as a noose, a bow, a chain, and a cudgel. In his commentary on Lalitásahasrandma, 38 BbåskarAnanda regards the dental letters tha, da and dha as the bijaksharas of the bow. Likewise, Lolla, in his commentary on the Saun laryalahari, 39 calls the compound syllables dram and drim as the bijaksharas of the arrows. Hence, we may take any one of the letters tha, da, dha, preferably dha, as having once been the hieroglyphics representing dhanus, the bow. Also it can be easily perceived how the letters da and tha have a better and clearer affinity to the Tantric symbol of the bow than to the Semitic daleth. It may therefore be taken for certain that the hierogylphic representing dhanus, the bow, was selected to stand for the initial sound of its name. The derivation of the letters tha and da from the same symbol, or probably the selection of different kinds of the symbols of bow for tha and da, is more evident than their derivation, as fancied by Prof. Bühler from the Semitic daleth. (See Plates I. and VIII.)
Equally clear is the selection of the letter ba, from the symbol representing sara, arrow. The symbol of trident, súla or trisala, seems to have been selected for sha, while any one of the symbols of pasa, noose, and srak, garland or chain, seems to have stood for sa, the initial sound of srak.
3* Soo under the name Krodhákarkukubojjvala, Lalitásahastranama,
* Stanza 19, Saundaryalahari.

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The letter pa bears such names as dakshapdriva, 40 right side of the trank; sendnch, the commander of an army; marfchih, ray of light; pavanah, the air; and sanih, the planet Saturn. It is needless to say that in its ancient form this letter has a better resemblance to the right side of the trunk than to the Semitic phe turnod, according to Prof. Bühler, topsy-turvy. As the symbol of the right side of the trank bore the names pdráva or side and parana or the air, it seems to have easily lent itself as a symbol for the Anitial sound of those words. (See Plates I. and VIII.) The suddyak symbols referred to above clearly testify to the existence of two symbols for the right and left sides of the trank.
The Devanagari letter ma is called by such names as viska, poison ; mahdvira, great warrior; mahdkáya, of great belly or body; Meru, &c. It has been shown how the ancient Devanagari ma resembles a serpent, indicating poison. Being called by meru and other names beginning with m, the symbol of a cobra round the waist of the god Siva seems to have lunt itself more easily for the letter ma than the Semitic mem, with its top chopped off and its belly created and swollen, could do.
The letter kha bears the name khátila, beyond the sky or the head which corrresponds to it in the human frame. Accordingly, the ancient Devanagari kha must have been clearly represented by the symbol of unmani or unmandh, to which the letter kha bears a better resemblance than to the "Semitic goph, which indeed might better be the Devanagari chha, turned topsy-turvy. The symbol of khatita or unwani, mind going up, could easily stand for the initial sound of its name.
The letters gha and cha are called ghantadkáriņi and charmamundadhara, respectively. Regarding the goddess Chandi holding a bell in her hand as implied by the first word, and bearing a head with its skin not removed, as conveyed by the last word, the Mantramahodadhi sayo as follows:
खङ्गं चक्रगदेषु चापपरिषान् शूलं भृशुर्डी शिरः चार सन्दधतीं करैत्रिनयनां सर्वाङ्गभूषावृताम् । बामस्तोत्स्वपिते हरी कमलनी हन्तुं मधु कैटभं नीलाइमातिमास्वपाददशनां सेवे महाकालिकाम् ।। भक्षनपरपुंगदेषुकुलिशं पचं धनुः कुण्डिका दण्डं शक्तिमसि च चर्म जलचं घण्टा सुराभाजनम् । शूलं पाशसुवचने च धर्ती हस्तैः प्रवालमभां सेवे सरिभमादनीमिह महालक्ष्मी सरोजोजवाम् ।।
Stanzas 144 and 145, Chap. 18. I adore that great goddess Kal, whose mouth, legs and teeth are as shining as a blue stone, who, possessed of three eyes, is not only decked with all kinds of ornaments all over her body, but is also armed with a sword, a discus, a club, arrows, bow, an iron bludgeon, a lance, a shield, a head, and a conch-shell, and whom the Creator, with a view to destroy the demons, Madhu and Kaitabha, when god Vishnu was asleep, extolled for protection.
I. adore that great goddess of Wealth, who is born of the collected energy of the gods, who bears in her hands such as a rosary, a battle-axe, & club, arrows, the thunderbolt, a lotus flower, a bow,
drinking vessel, a rod, a hatchet, & sword, a skin of water animals, bell, a liquor-bottle, a lance, a noose, and the discus of Vishnu, and who, as bright 12 a coral-stone, destroyed the demon Sairibha.'
The legend of the destruction of Madhu and Kaitabha is found described not only in almost all, the Purdras, but also, curiously enough, in the Jaius literature. Hence, the description of the
++ Soo ander Ps, Sabdakalpadruma,
-1 P. 233, Samavayanga Sutra,

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goddess Chandi, as bearing a bell and a head during the destruction of the demons, cannot be a recent fancy. Accordingly, it may be assumed that, in the pictorial representation of Sakti, such hieroglypbics as could represent a bell and a head found a place, and that during the time of the formation of the Devanagari Alphabet, those symbols were selected to stand for the respective initial sounds of their names. It is unnecessary 10 say that the symbols of a bell and a head bear a closer resemblance to the ancient Devanagari gha and che than the Semitic cheth and tsade do to the Brahnia letters. (See Plates I. and VIII.)
The letter ta goes by the names tanka, a sickle ; ardhachandra, the half-moon; kamandalu, a drinking vessel peculiar to the ascetics; and in its ancient form has a better resemblance to them than to the Semitic taw or theth.
The character na seems to have resulted from the symbol of nddanta, end of sound, as it approximately resembles it rather than the Semitic nun.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA TIBETAN ILLUSTRATION OF THE YAUDHEYA | possible that the kingless' nations belonged to TRIBAL ORGANIZATION
the older Mongolian stratum of the population, THE well-known warrior' type coins of the
which entered India from the north-east, and not Yaudheyas, which are abundant at Sabaranpur
to the Aryan, or Indo-European stratum, which and near the Satlaj, bear the legend Yaudheya
hear tha leound Yaudhawa was formed by immigration from the north-west. Muusya jaya, .victory to the Yaudheya tribe. The weekly edition of the Madras Mail, dated the They occur in three varieties, the first of which is
12th July, 1906, notices a paper by Mr. E. H. without any numeral on the obverse or any
Walsh, as having been read at the meeting of the detached symbol in the field of the reverse; the
Royal Asiatic Society (apparently the Bombay second exbibits the syllable dvi, apparently an
Branch) on the 4th of that month, in which an abbreviation of dvitiya, 'second,' on the obverse,
account was given of a curious form of elective and a vase in the reverse field; while the third bas
chieftainship discovered in the Chumbi the syllable tri ( tritiya, 'third ') on the obverse,
Valley. The members of the tribe which and a shell in the reverse field. These fiets,
possesses this institution believe it to be of great. combined with certain allusions in inscriptions,
antiquity. The tribe (the name of which is not are interpreted as meaning that the Yaudheya
mentioned in the abstract) is divided into two nation or tribe was governed under some
halves, each of which has the right in turn to form of tribal autonomy, and not by a king,
appoint two chiefs holding office for three years. the nation or tribe being divided into three
When the time of election draws near, cach sections or clans. Most of the coins of this
village appoints electors, who meet and select the class probably belong to the third century, but two men considered most suitable. The election they may come down to about 380 A. D., the
takes place in the fourth month. The initiation or upproximate date of the absorption of the consecration of the new chiefs is performed in the Yaudheya territory in the empire of Chandra
seventh month. The tribe then assembles before vupta II. Many kingless'nations are known
an altar on which a yák is sacrificed, and the chiefa to have existed in ancient India, as, for example, I swear to do their duty. They then assume the Malloi (MAlavas) and Oxydrakai (Kshudrakas) charge, and dispose of all judicial and other of Alexander's time in the Pañjáb; the Lichchbavis business pertaining to their office, while their of VaisAli; the Kiņindas, Årjandyanas, &c. In a predecessors retire into private life. previous paper I Lave shown very strong reasons For the purpose of illustrating ancient Indian for connecting the judicial institutions of the tribal constitutions, this slight abstract of Lichchhavis with those of Tibet (ante, Vol. XXXII., Mr. Walel's paper suffices, because no record exists 1903, p. 233), and I have now come across an which gives any details of such constitutions, and obfervation which suggests that tribal oon. it would be in consequence impossible to compare stitutions, like that of the Yaudhoyas, may the old institutions in India proper with the full have been of Tibetan origin. It is quite description of the existing Tibetan arrangements.

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Plate VIII.
English
Ancient Devanagari letters,
DEVANAGARI / LPHABET.
Indian Antiquary. Tantric Hieroglyphics.
Names of the Hieroglyphics.
Kama, Siva.
Ekapada, Ekadaśadhara, Sakti, &c.
Indranf, Kámf-kala.
*,8,8,0
X, H,US
Amrtâ Kalasa, Amstêşvari.
Uma, Karna.
o, o
Tara, Dhruva
Bindu.
Visarga, Agnishômiya.
Unil.
Kshiti, Lipi, Padan.
Bio
Varuņa, Manipura, Padma.
buon bed 5,1,1) Wetsu, w
Rakta, Bhuja, Dipagrakajjala.
Váyu, Našika.
tod, 8,8,9 4, 4 ,A
Sara.
Sůla.
7, dieb, ob 1,6 l
Pasa, Sråk.
UW 0
Kapala, Dêha, Sirah.
Dhanuh.
$,$,$,&
$ {
Dhanuh.
1.6
Dakshiņapärśva, Pârśva.
joo
Visha, Mahâkaya, Meru.
Khatita, Unmani.
8,8 : 2,1 club bod
ģ
Ghantadharini.
Charmamundadharini.
Tanka, Ardhachandra.
Ct.
I 7,1,I
5,1
Nådanta.
R. SHAMASASTRI, DEL.
W. GRIGGS, LITH.

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MISCELLANEA.
291
But it is worth noting that a tribe in the Ranâ of the Kêonthal Stute. Armed with this Chumbi Valley still preserves an institution of authority, Madan Sain returned to Kéonthal, great antiquity, which recognized the division where the people proclaimed him Rana. of the tribe into two sections or clans, each
H. A. ROBE. vested with the right to elect in turn two and May, 1906. chiefs, who desire their power wholly from the popular vote, and not in any degree from
A WOMAN'S WILES. hereditary claims.
It may be of some interest to note that the story It is onby to believe that the Yaudhoyas
published under the above title by Mr. W. Crooke, may have been similarly divided into three sections, each of which in turn elected the
ante, p. 146, occurs in the well-known collection
Vetālapanchaviniati, which is embodied in tribal chiofs.
Somadeva's Kathuisaritsagara and exists in Hindi I fear that there is no chance of our ever being as Baitálpachist. In the Sanskrit original it able to recover anything like accurate knowledge I makes part of the story of the he-parrot and the of the ancient tribal eonstitutions of India, but, she-maina (Skr. Sárika), who have a controversy if we cannot affirm positively what their nature on the comparative inferiority of woman and man. was, examples like that cited help us at least to Each in his turn relates a story to demonstrate understand what kind of arrangement is likely to the wickedness of the other sect, and the tale have existed.
told by the parrot is that which was published as
VINCENT A. SMITH. No. VIII. of Mr. Crooke's Folktales from 8th August, 1906.
Northern India. There are only some slight differences in the details of the story. In the
Sanskrit work the spirit (Vetala ), who has entered CUSTOMARY LAW REGARDING SUCCESSION
the corpse of the paramour, bites off the nose of IN RULING FAMILIES OF THE PANJAB
the faithless lady at the moment she tries to HILL STATES.1
kiss his lips. At the moment I cannot give the HERE is another illustration of the customary exact references, but these can ensily be ascerrule that the son whose birth is first reported tained by consulting the works quoted. Of both to the ruler (and not the first born son) is his the Sanskrit and Hindi collections there exist heir-apparent. Mudan Sain, Raja of Keonthal English translations. State, had two ránis, one from Basbahr, the other
J. P. VOGEL from Hindur (Nálågash) and both of them became pregnant at the same time. The Busbahri rinf accordingly planned that, if her
THE ALLEGED CUSTOM OF NAMING A HINDU
AFTER HIS GRANDFATHER. co wife gave birth to a son before sbe herself did, the news should be kept from the Râna.
WITH reference to the note published, ante, The Hindari ráni did give birth to a son first,
p. 125, Prof. Alfred Hillebrandt of Breslau bas but the Rand was not informed of the event and
been kind enough to favour me with references it was determined to kill the boy, so Matha,
which prove that the custom had the formal a Chhibhar Kanet, took him away secretly to
sanction of text-writers. He cites a passage Hindůr where he was named Anup Sain ---- and
in Patañjali's Mahabhushya, I., P.4, quoting not put to death. On Madan Sain's death his
the prescript of the Yájñikas to give a son son by the Bashahrt ránt was proclaimed Ran n ame tripurashanikam anaripratishthitam. and so Anđp Saiu went to the Raja of Garhwâl,
The Sanskiraratnamáld (p. 55, where the then a powerful chief, and sought his aid. The
materials are collected ), he observes, explicitly Rájå bade lim prove that lie was Madun Sain's
says that the son's name should le one or other eldest son, so he placed two arrows in the temple
of three ancestral names, that of the father, of Badri Narain by night, one for himself, the
grandfather, or earlier ancestor ; tripurushi'other in his rival's name, declaring that the
nuvukam || pitamahdiitritayanyutamani namaarrow of the elder son would be found bent.
kiryam ityarthal. This rule covers all the cases Next morning Anup Sain's arrow was found to be
of royal homonymy which I cited from the bent, so the Raja gare bím a written declaration
genealogies of ruling families. that he was the rightful heir und declared him
VINCENT A. SNITY. 1 See ante, p. 233, and Vol. XXXIV., p. 226.
* This would appear to show that Kionthal was at this period a feudatory of GarhwAl. Madan Sain was contemporary with Mabi ParkAsh of Sirmûr.

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
Juncameer, Junkoon.1
THESE Anglo-Indian terms of the old days appear under many an almost unrecognisable form. Junkeon, &c., means "customs" and the Juncameer or Juncanner, a collector of customs. The term was also applied to the custom-house itself.
1597. "The Talapois persuaded the Iangoman, brother to the King of Pegu to vsurpe the kingdome which hee refused pretending his oath." Nicolas Pimenta in Purchas II, 1747.
1668. "All ye tobacco comes out of Prester Johns Contrey and brings this Kinge great store of money, cald Juncan [chungam] money or Custome... This was ye first iunct money I paid, otherwise cald head money, soe much for a Man and doble as much for a horsse When we caime to Junkann, I lighted of my horsse and gote on y Ox. . . In every 40 Leagues theire was Junkanns, who tooke head money ... this is ye great Junkinn Towne called Halloe [Halabas, Allahabad]....they knew ye Marchants would pass by yo vpper way to save theire Junkin money."- Richard Bell's Journey and Travels to the East Indies and the Mogul's Country. Brit. Mus. Sloane MS, 811.
1889. "It hath been severall times proposed
to us to send some persons to Portanova to make provision of Cloth for England... but being soe farr distant it is not convenient to bring it thence by Land... and the severall Junckans in the way hither swell the charge too much." General Letter from Fort St. George, India Office Records, O. C., No. 3171.
8th March, 1906.
1876. "By the Grace of God Sultan Abdula Hossein. The Royall Phyrmaund or Command of our Majesty that shines like the Sunn; wee have thought fitt and convenient and doe hereby require and command all our Ministers of State. Governours, Sub Governours Juncanners, as well for the time being as to come know and take notice &c. 31 Appendix to the Diary of Streynsham Master, p. 344, India Office Records.
to
R. O. TEMPLE.
LOCTOBER, 1906.
IS TOBACCO INDIGENOUS TO INDIA P EVERYBODY knows that all ordinary authorities agree that the tobacco plants-species of Nicotiana are natives of America, and that the use of tobacco was introduced into Europe in the middle of the sixteenth century, and into India at a slightly later date,
But an anonymous writer in the Times on the 22nd November 1902 asserted that there can scarcely be a doubt that the tobacco plant is indigenous to India, and that tobacco, although not used for smoking, was known to the natives for centuries before the date commonly assigned for its introduction. The writer of the article alleged that the Indian tobacco was introduced from Persia, and was cultivated at Dinapur under the name of the Darabgerd' plant. He also averred that another variety, known as 'Lunka,' which was grown in the Kistna ( Krishna) and Godavari Districts, had been introduced into those districts from Kaira (Khera) on the Bombay side, about 1370 A. D. According to him, both varieties were used by the Hindus for medicinal purposes.
The writer referred to gave no authorities for his curious statements. I made a note of them at the time, which has now turned up. During the four years which have elapsed since the publication of the contribution to the Times
I have not seen any mention of the subject, and
now write to ask if any reader can offer an. explanation of the assertions made by the correspondent of the Times. So far as I know, they are opposed to the evidence.
VINCENT A. SMITH.
YUNG-DRUNG-LAMAYURU. IN my article on Balu-mkhar, ante, Vol. XXXIV., p 206, I translated a passage in inscription No. III. as follows:-"which belongs to (the village of) yYung-drung." The vernacular is also translatable by "adheres to the Bon Religion," because yuru or yung-drung is a Bon symbol. This is probably the correct rendering, as, by popular tradition, the ancient name of Yung-drung was Lamayuru, a place which is held to have been the head-quarters of the Bon Religion, and, in ancient times, the religion of the people and their masters was identical. A. H. FRANCKE.
1 Fide Yule's Hobson-Jobson, s. vv.

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NOVEMBER, 1906.] ANTIQUARIAN NOTES IN BURMA AND CEYLON.
ANTIQUARIAN NOTES IN BURMA AND CEYLON.
BY ROBERT SEWELL, M.B.A.S.
293
A. -Burma.
I. Inscriptions at the Yat-sauk Temple, Pagán.
N
ORTH of Pagân, on the Irrawady River, in the side of a deep ravine, is the well-known Buddhist cave-temple called the Kyaukka Onmin, which was a vihara, reserved for the use of the Mahâyâna monks after the great Hinayâna reform about the year 1182 A.D. On the high ground immediately above this temple stands a small shrine, outwardly in good preservation, called the Yat-sauk Temple, in the antarala of which, on the left wall, is an elaborate fresco in black and white. It consists of a large number of small squares, each of which represents so far as can be judged a Játaka story, with a line of descriptive writing underneath. The characters of these inscriptions look older than those of an inscription on another wall which bears a date corresponding to A. D. 1220; and, considering the bad condition of the plaster on which the designs and legends were painted, it is much to be hoped that they may soon be photographed and published. The illustration (fig. 1 of the Plate attached) is from a photograph taken under circumstances of great difficulty by Mr. Wallace, Deputy Commissioner of Myingyân.
II. Glazed tiles at the Ananda Temple at Pagán.
The outer wall of the basement of the great Ananda Temple at Pagan is ornamented with a series of green glazed terra-cotta tiles which the archæological authorities officially describe as representing the Jataka tales. This, I think, is a mistake. I examined the whole series and find that in each tile there is but a pair of figures, the two in each being similar to one another (fig. 2 of the Plate). They are probably intended to represent goblins or demons, either with a view of terrifying the worshipper into good behaviour and reverent gratitude towards the saviour, Buddha, or merely in the spirit of medieval European cathedral-builders, who depicted the devils as left outside the holy place and suffering from the extremes of heat and cold. Under each pair is a line of inscription, which should be deciphered.
In Plates IX. to XIII. of his article on the Antiquities of Ramaññadésa, unte, Vol. XXII., Sir Richard Temple has depicted several similar terra-cottas from the remains in Râmañña-dêśa. Those on Plates X. and XI. are clearly nothing but ogres or bogies. But the author has placed several of these together in his Plate VIII., fig. 1, and, in that position, inclines to think that they represent a battle. It appears, however, more probable that his examples were intended to be placed in positions similar to those occupied by the Ananda Temple terra-cottas, i. e., separately fixed as medallions decorating the outside of the basement member of a temple.
III. List of the Principal Pagodas at Pagán.
A chronological list of the principal temples at Pagân with the dates assigned to each and the names of the builders, extracted from the official records, may be found useful to students as shewing the period of the great building age at Pagân. There are only one or two structures, here and there amongst the innumerable temples, which seem to approach the original Indian model. These are possibly older than the large ones here catalogued; but all have an elevated basement under the stúpa-formed dome, and must be placed some centuries later than the last of the true Indian originals.
The traditional date of the Bû-p'aya or Pumpkin Pagoda, on the river bank, is A. D. 168-248, and it is said to have been begun by King Pyâsawdi, but I understand that there is nothing

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extant which can be quoted in support of this theory. The following list is considered historically accurate : -
A. D. Five temples, built by King Taungthügyi ... ... ... ... ... ... 10th century The lower storey of the Kyaukků Onmin (the ornamentation of which is attributable
to Hindą sculptors'), earlier than the reign of Adawrathâ, i. e., about or before... ç. 1000 The Nân P'aya, or Manuha's
Palace. Manuba's Temple ... ... These four were built by King Anawratha ... ... 10692 The Shwêsànday ... The Lawkánanda ... The Pathothâmya, built before the Ananda ... The Nagâyon, prototype of the Ananda, built by King Kyanzittha
1064 The Ananda, built by King Kyanzitthå (still in nee)
1090 The Shwegügyi, built by King Alaungsfthủ
1141 The Thàtbinnyt, built by King Alaungsithu
1144 The Dhamayàngyi, built by King Narathú
1170 The Gawdâpâlin, built by King Narapatisithủ
1174498 The Sulêmani, built by King Narapatisithû
1183 The upper storeys of the Kyaukků Onmin, built by K. Narapatisfthu
1188 The Dhamayáziki, built by King Narapatisftbû ...
1196 The Mabibodhi, built by King Nàndaungmya Min ... ...
1198 The Mingalizedt, built by King Tayok pyemin ... ...
1241 IV. - Inscription on a Votive Tablet from Pagan. (Plate 1., fig. 1.) Fig. 3 of the plate shews the lower portion of one of the votive brick tablets so commonly found in connection with mediæval Burmese remains, and at Buddha Gaya. It is given here in order to call attention to the inscription at the foot. A great heap of these tablets lies in the cavo behind the statue of Buddha in the Kyaukku Önmin, and it would be well for the Archeological Department to have this mags carefully examined, catalogued, and preserved in some museum. Objects of much interest might be found there, besides the broken terra-cottas.
These votive Tablets appear to be all similar as regards the inscription; though many are found with different groups of Buddhas and without inscriptions, while in others the inscription is in Någart. The Buddhas are thirty in number if the central figures are counted, twenty-eight if the central ones are omitted. All are in the bhúmi-sparsd mudra, or earth-pointing attitude.
I consulted a number of distinguished scholars as to the reading of this inscription, but without much success. No tables of Burmese palæography have yet been published, and therefore few European savants have as yet had much opportunity of acquiring such a knowledge of the old characters as will enable them to read or to fix the date of an inscription in that country with any certainty. Mr. Taw Sein Ko gave me the following transliteration and translation, dating the script as belonging to the eleventh century A. D., when the blending of the Northern and Southern schools of Buddhism took place.
Atthavidali me Buddha trayya samet kald Buddhatthaya. · With a view to attaining Buddhahood, these figures are made of the twenty-eight Buddhas who have crossed to the other shore and are enjoying peace."
1 Probably Chalukyan, from the style. The porob, however, like most of those at Pagên, is vaulted over by a true radiating aroh, constrated of a number of flat sandstone voussoirs placed side by side. The upper band on the facade show8 rows of Y Ali heads, the mouths holding chaplets of pearls.
• Some of these datos distor by a fow yoars from the list published in Sir Arthur Phayro's History of Burma.

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Indian Antiquary.
ANTIQUARIAN NOTES IN BURMA AND CEYLON.
Plate I.
1. Votive terra-cotta tablet from Pagan.
3. Terra-cotta glazed tile on the outside wall of the Ananda temple,
Pagān.
2. Fresco on wall of Yat-Sauk
temple, Pagān.
R. SEWELL
W. GRIGGS

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His trausliteration into modern Burmese character is :
38သတိပုတ္သဘောက ကာယ
With this reading Mr. Louis Finot, who has been kind enough to give the subject his close attention, is dissatisfied ; bat I will not here enter on the discussion which has now lasted some months, regarding the inscription, character by character. Suffice it to repeat that all European criticism can only be of a tentative nature till the Government of India in the Archeological Department is able to provide scholars with facsimiles of Burmese inscriptions of different epochs for comparison.
Aksharas will be observed close to the heads of the different Buddha figures, on the right side of each. These are probably the initials of their names - Ti for Tissa, or Tishya; Ka for Kakusandha, Kassapa, or another; and so on.
B. - Ceylon.
Slabs from Amarduati at Anuradhapura. In the museum at Anuradhapura, Ceylon, lie three marble sculptures; two having groups of figures, while the third is the lower portion of a flattened octagonal pillar bearing an inscription. All three appear to have been brought to Ceylon from the Amaravati Stapa, in India. A the first glance I identified them as Aniaravati marbles, and subsequent investigation has confirmed me in this opinion. By permission of Mr. Still of the Archeological Department I brought with me to England a small chip from the rongh unsculptured back of one of the slabs (fig. 4 of the Plate), and submitted it, together with a fragment picked up by myself in 1877 during the excavations at Amaravati, for examination at the Geological Museum in Jermyn Street and the Imperial Institute Laboratories in South Kensington. The question pat in each case was whether the Anuradhapura chip was a piece of Ceylon marble, or was of similar formation to the material of which the Amaravati chip was composed.
Dr. Flett of the Geological Museum was kind enough to make a very careful analysis of the stones, and he sent me his written opinion thereon, in the following terms:
“The two specimens of crystalline limestone which you left with me..... are so exactly similar ...... in microscopic section that there can be little doubt that they are from the same locality. Some minor differences may be noted, but none of any importance, and as these schistose limestones are rarely exactly the same, even in the same quarry, these differences may be disregarded. The rocks are both of a somewhat peculiar character; they consist of the same mineral and in very much the same proportions, and their structures are identical."
In answer to my question whether he thought it possible for these two stones to have come from different countries, or whether their similarity must be held conclusively to prove that both came from the Palnad formations, which supplied the material for the Anarâvati sculptures, Dr. Flett replied:
"I may say that I should certainly consider it a remarkable coincidence if two crystallized limestones, similar in foliation and in the nature and proportions of accessory ingredients, should occur in two places so widely separated. If the rocks were of a more common type this would not be extraordinary, but this limestone is a rock with well-marked characters, such as are not at all likely to be repeated."
Dr. Evans of the Imperial Institute entirely concurred in this view, pointing out that the marble of Ceylon is very coarselycrystalline, and of quite a different structure and formation to the compact laminated limestone of the Palnkd.

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Since, moreover, the sculpture on the slabs is of pure Amaravati type, that on the right being especially noticeable as being one of the older and more rare designs, the conclusion seems inevitable that all these marbles had, at some period, been brought from Amaravati to Anuradhapura ; and the only problems that remain to be solved concern the history of the transfer and its approximate date
Now the pillar-fragment bears an inscription in old Singhalese (not Pali) in characters of an early period, and it is therefore almost certain that this pillar arrived in Ceylon before that inscription was engraved on it. It appears to be an edict of some kind. As to its date I placed it roughly as belonging to the early fourth century A. D., and Dr. Hultzsch and Dr. Fleet have expressed their agreement with this view. Mr. Wickremasinghe, however, thinks that it belongs to the latter half of the fourth or even the first half of the fiftb century. I leave readers to form their own conclusions on this point, merely repeating that the slab seems certainly to have come from Amaravati and to have been in Ceylon before it was engraved.
The inscription is of course only a portion of the whole, and we see only the ends of the lines The tenon at foot, seen on the right side, makes this clear. It is the lower portion of a pillar which had the edict engraved along its length, and we may perhaps have here about one-third of the whole. Eight lines are very clear; the six on the injured side are mostly illegible, though here and there an akshara can be read. It is not yet quite certain which line on the slab is the first line of the inscription; but considering that the last line of the injured side seems to come to an end before the end of the stone is reached, while the fourth side of the slab is blank, it is more than probable that the upper line seen on a is the first line.
Here follows Mr. Wickramasinghe's transliteration, and such translations of words as he has found possible :
Text. .
(1) ..... ha patamakad avanaks Vasaha pa(tu)kaya biku-sagana(pa) (2) .....(para)tirehi gatiya hamaņada mata (pati tapa vi) (3) ..... maha ayasahi gatiya hamaņana ca sava saga (4) ..... avanakataya ca nana magini pavata
..... ka maga karavaya tudala tadalalaka ca (potahi) (6) ..... cata paha(mahi) ca bikusagahi ca tumahi ca hacanevi
(7) .... ata ja layitaka (po)ta ja panca maha avasahi ja ca (8) .... ta a(?)nucaca karanakeņakana padi aluvadu karanaka
Notes. Line 1. Biku saga," the community of monks." Lino 2 may mean the parents of monks who have gone abroad."
Line 3. Of the monks who have entered the great monastery (i. e., The Maha Vihara!) and the whole community of monks,"
Line 4. ca mana magini pavata = (Skt.) ca ndna mdogena parvata, "and by various ways the rock."
Orda...
• Or padamaka. • The same parvata may be applied to one of the great briek
ipar (R. S.).

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ANTIQUARIAN NOTES IN BURMA AND CEYLON.
Plate II.
R. SEWELL
Bra
3
ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಮುಷ್ಕರ ನಡೆಸಿದ
1. Fragment of a pillar taken from Amaravati to Anur'adhapura, Ceylon, and there engraved with an inscription. First side.
Indian Antiquary.
2. The same, second side.
4
3. 4. Marble fragments of sculpture from the Amaravati Tope, found at Anuradhapura, Ceylon.
W GRIGGS

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Line 5. maga karavaya (maga = Skt. ndrga),“ baving had a road made." Line 6. at the Chaitya rock, and in the community of monks, and in himself (1)." Line 7. Panca maha avasaki - In the five great monasteries."
This inscribed pillar was, Mr. Still informed me, found in one of the ruined buildings known as monastery "L" in the Abbayagiri enceinte, south of the Pattâļam - Trincomalee road. Its discovery is recorded by Mr. Bell on page 3 of bis Report for 1898. Of the other two Amaravati slabs, that bearing the older design on the right of fig. 4 of the Plate), was found exactly underneath the raised platform on which stands the Thủpârâma Dagoba within the limits of the Maha Vihara ; and the slab with the newer design (on the left of fig. 4) was found in a small building, half way between the B6-tree and the Isarumuniya Rock Temple, south of the Lohaprasada or Brazen Palace, and also within the Maha Vihara limits.
The newer sculpture on the left, of fig. 4) has been badly worn by, apparently, the movement of stones in running water, and is thereby greatly injured. The older slab (on the right of fig. 4) belongs to a period some centuries earlier than the more artistic Amaravati age. A specimen of this type is given by Fergusson in his Tree and Serpont Worship, Plate LXXVIII - 2, and the author points out that its reverse side had been utilized for one of the more modern and better sculptures of the inner face of the great Outer Rail, which, according to him, was erected in the 4th century A. D. Dr. Burgess differs from Fergusson as regards this date, and shews reason for supposing that the Outer Rail belongs to the latter part of the 2nd century A. D.? But for present parpose this difference of opinion is of no consequence. It is sufficient that at the later of these two dates, viz. the 4th century, sculptored slabs belonging to the stúpa may have been lying about, detached from the structare and capable of removal, whether their detachment had recently taken place or had occurred two centuries earlier.
The slabs may have come over merely as ballast in an ordinary trading ship, the Telagas of the East Coast were certainly a sea-faring folk at that period, as we know from records, traditions, and coins of the Andhra kings, - or they may have been bronght over by Anuradhapura sculptors as models for workmen. There is another possible explanation connected with the Legend of the Tooth Belio, which at the risk of being thought extravagantly fanciful I venture to pat forward.
The Singhalese Legend of the Tooth does not stand alone and unsupported, for we know from Fib-Hiân that the Tooth was actually in Ceylon before A. D. 412 (I shall quote bim later): and the fact of flight from Kalinga early in the 4th century of a royal personage carrying a relic is sustained by the stories of other countries. The legend runs thus: -
The king of Kalinga, being hard pressed by his fons, entrusted the Tooth Relic of Bnddha to his daughter Hemamali and commanded her to fly with it to Ceylon. She obeyed these commands, set sail, and was wrecked on the Diamond Sands." From this place she after warda again set sail, and arrived safely in Ceylon, where she handed over the Tooth to the king.
Two other legends support the truth of this story, though they differ in details. There is a legend in Burma that a princess of Kalinga called M& HlA brought a relic of Baddha from that country to Thatôn, then the capital of Lower Barma, about the year 318 A. D., and the Chronicles of Orissa relate that when in 827 A. D. the Hûna Yavana Prince Rakta Babu invaded their
• Op. cit. p. 270.
Amarduatt and Jaggayyapeta Buddhist Btapas, p. 12. Tree and Berpent Worship, p. 174 n. Ferguson quotes from paper by St. John in a monthly periodical called the Phanie, IL 182.
This nam e appears to be an anachronism, as the one invaders were not in India at nearly dato; but their power was so greatly felt when they did como that their name became aynonymous in people's minda with any tribe of Yavana.

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country and conquered it, the king of Kalinga fled from his capital, carrying with him the image of Jagannatha. So that we have three legends concerning the flight of a royal personage with a relic from Kalinga in the first half of the fourth century A. D. Commenting on this fact, 3 Ferguson writes:10 "This struggle for the Tooth-Relic, in or about the year 318, excited not only all India and Ceylon, but extended across the Bay of Bengal to the neighbourhood of Martaban, and probably even further east; but centred, if I mistake not, at Amaravati."
The date given in the Singhalese chronicles for the arrival of the Tooth in Ceylon is the 9th year of the reign of king Siri Mêghavanna. We cannot as yet be quite certain as to the dates of the kings of Ceylon. Professor Kern fixes 302 A. D. as the first year of that sovereign." Mr. Bell thinks it was 304. Working solely from the Mahdvansa I made it 319. According as we take these three dates the 9th year would be either A. D. 311, 313 or 328.
There is nothing historically improbable in the Orissan assertion that an intrusive Yavana invasion overthrew the old royal family of Kalinga early in the fourth century, for at that period the Guptas were undoubtedly gaining the ascendancy over the Yavana Kshatrapas in the West, and the power of the latter was completely crushed by about A. D. 350. So that fugitive princes with a large following may well have pressed eastwards to the sea after some Gupta victory. Samudra Gupta claims to have himself conquered Pishțâpura on the east coast.
Fergusson shews good reason for his identification of the "Diamond Sands" with the shoals at the delta of the Krishnâ, a territory subject to the king who ruled at Dhanyakakata, or Amaravati, about 60 miles up the river, where for countless centuries diamond mines have existed and been worked. If this royal princess, then, had been saved from shipwreck on the coast, it is natural to suppose that she would have been conveyed to the capital, and from thence have made a fresh start. Her second journey, that is, would have been direct from Amaravati to Ceylon.
And moreover there was a special reason why king Siri Mêghavanna should have been anxious to secure for himself a valuable and important relic of Buddha. His father and predecessor Mahasêna had played havoc with the orthodox Sthaviravâda fraternity at the Anuradhapura Maha Vihara. He had persecuted them or allowed their persecution, and had given all the weight of his authority and power to the support of the Maliâyâña monks of the Abhayagiri and other hostile establishments. He had built and endowed the Jêtavana Vihâra and Stupa for the schismatic sect of the Sagalikas. In his reign the monks of the Maha Vihara had been compelled to abandon their home and fly to distant tracts, their monastery had been abandoned and destroyed; while the Lôhaprâsâda had been dismantled and the materials carried off to the Abhayagiri enclosure, where the king had utilized them in the construction of several halls. When Mêghavanna came to the throne he reversed this policy, reinstated the priests of the Maha Vihâra, rebuilt the Lôbaprâsâḍa and the ruined parivéņas, and restored to their lands the ousted monks. But he also endeavoured to recreate some unity of feeling amongst the Buddhists of all sects; and as a means to this end the opportune arrival of so splendid a relic as the Tooth of Buddha was of inestimable value, since this was an object which the monks of all denominations must necessarily join in worshipping. We are told in the Mahdvania that the king received the relic with all the honour it deserved, and organized a great Dâthádhatu Festival, commanding that the tooth should be annually carried in a splendid procession from its resting-place in the Maha Vihara to the Abhayagiri monastery. In this way he united all sects in one celebration, and soothed the disturbed feelings of the Abhayagiri
10 Op. cit. 175 n.
11 Manual of Indian Buddhism (Grundriss), p. 124. It is possible that this date is derived from the statement in the Rajavaliya that Méghavanna's predecessor Mahéséna died in the 845th year after the Nirvana, the Nirvana date being taken as 543 (845-513302). But, if so, it is of doubtful authority.

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sectaries. One feature of this festival was the making of a road along which the procession was to pass. Fåh-Hin has left a description of the ceremonial as he saw it in A. D. 412 413
"The tooth of Buddha is always bronght forth in the middle of the third month. Ten days beforehand the king grandly caparisons a large elephant on which he mounts a man who can speak distinctly and is dressed in royal robes, to beat a largo drum and make the following proclamation : -'..... Behold! ten days after this Buddha's tooth will be brought forth and taken to the Abhayagiri Vihara. Let all and each, whether monks or laics, who wish to amass merit for themselves, make the roads smooth and in good condition, grandly adorn the lanes and by ways, and provide abundant store of flowers and incense to be tied as offerings
to it.'»
He gives an account of the festival that year, and says that the tooth remained at the Abbayagiri monastery for ninety days and was then "returned to the Vihdra within in the city," i. e., the Mabâ Vikárs.
In the Dathavania (written towards the end of the 12th century in the reign of Parakrama Bahn) it is stated that king Siri Méghava na had caused a record to be written" of the arrangements be had made for the due honouring of the Tooth Relic.
If, therefore, this inscription be of so early a date as the reign of Meghavana (he reigned 28 years in the first half of the fourth century) it is within the bounds of possibility that it may be a fragment of the very record referred to, - very appropriately engraved on
blab which may oven itself have been brought to Ceylon with the Relio. This is, of course, merely a conjecture, and must be received as such. But the contents of the few portions of lines that remain seem to shew that it is an edict of some sort, possibly a royal edict. It refers to the several communities of monks as distinguished from the special community of the orthodox at the Maha Vihara (Line 3). It mentions the making of a rond (line 5), though it is of course possible that the marga referred to may bave been a spiritual path. And its allusion in line 7 to the "five great monasteries " seems to shew that its object included the whole Buddhist community at Anuradhapura for some one purpose. Finally, in line 4, is a fragment of passage which may refer to a procession making its way to a parvata, and it is just possible that this was & name given to the huge Abbayagiri Dagoba.
If, however, Mr. Wickremasinghe's date is correct, the edict could not have belonged to the reign of king Mêghavanns, but must have been engraved in the reign of one of his successors. But I must observe that the disturbed condition of the country renders it probable that the edict belongs to a period earlier than the end of the fourth century.
At present no more definite conclusion can be arrived at than that the marbies came from Amaravati, though not necessarily together; and that whatever may be the date of the inscription, the pillar was almost certainly at Anuradhapurs before it was engraved.
Whether I am right or wrong in my conjectare is a matter for future determination, but it certainly invests this fragment with considerable interest, and it is to be hoped that the remainder of the pillar may some day come to light. It might be searched for in the neighbourhood of the place where the present portion was found, vix, in the Abhayagiri enceinte.
1 Logre's edition, p. 105.

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LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB.
BY H. A. ROSE. (With the assistance of Lala Karam Chand Bhalla.)
STORIES ABOUT BAWA FARID. Tazkara lagal Shakarganj milne kd Barral Bawd Farid ko aur nis un ki du'd se chhahard out badamón kl patthar hond, aur nfs byán chand tabarrúkdt jo Pakpattan men maujud hain.
The stories of how the Saint Bawa Farid procured his title of Shakarganj, also of his turning dates and almonds into stones, and further an account of relics at Pakpattan. Text.
Translation. 1 Ek dost farmi'ish kiti : main nûn & zarûr, 1 A friend came and arged me vehemently: Båwå Sahib då hal kuchh likho, mül nán . Write an account of the Bawa Sabib karo qaşûr,
and make no mistakes. Shih Muhammad jo kuchh likhia, usnun Writo nothing of what Sbib Muhammad likho na mul,
wrote, Hor hal tum likho, bhai, jo ho apal uşúl.' But write, brother, another account,
giving aetaal facts.' 5 Unke hukm de mannen kâran aslt hål 15 To carry ont his behest as to the true muqarrara,
facts, Likhiâ jó kuchh saniâi kanuin, farg nâ I have written what I heard with my kita zara.
ears, without any hesitation.
His mother told the Båwå Sahib to get up
early : Children love to sleep and he got up late.
MA'1 Sahibji Bâbâ Sahib nun ughan kaben
sawêre: Bachian niņd piyâri howe, afhan bahat
&were. Eh tadbir phir kiti nsne, uthke nûr ke
tarke : 10 Musalla nicho shakkar rakh, jagôndi un-
kô pharke.
Ih tadbir mu'aşşair bói, phir oh nit
hamêshãņ : Fajre uth, nimáz så pashdå, aukhá na
honda khésbån. Jab nimazon farigh honda, kahndi mai
khush hål: - Magalla hetle sbakkar kbkie; bhejt Rabb
jal&l.' 15 Ek róz jd ghaflat karan sbakkar na rakht
She rose early in the morning and made • this plan 10 She put sogar under his prayer carpet,
and then took hold of him and woke him. This her plan was always afterwards
successful : He rose early, and said his prayers without
the least difficulty. When he had finished his prayers, she said
to him cheerfully : - Eat the sugar ander your prayer carpet ;
the glorious God has sent it." 15 One day his mother forgot to place the
sugar as naal. When sbo remembered it afterwards, she
prayed to God :Fervently I pray thee, send thon sugar to him;
Fiehhe Be jô yad eh đi, bolf bar IIabf: -
Ih můó shakkar tûnhin bhojló, mert bahut pukar'
There legends are printed by way of a continuation of Sir Richard Templo's Legends of the Panjab from unused materials sapplied by bim.

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LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB.
301
Mert 'izzat tunhio rakhên: tú hain Basa Preserve thou my honour : thou art the Sattâr.
great Forgiver of sins.'? Qadrat Rabb di dekho, logo: kaisa.huê Behold the power of God, Opeople : tamasha?
what happened ? 20 Fanid Saiñ ne shakkar påt, jismen kami. 20 Farid the Saint got the sugar as usual na puasha.
without dimination. Us rôz se lagb Båvâ ne Shakarganj. hai. From that day the Bâwâ received the title Đâyê,
of Shakarganj. Fanid Shakkar kahe lokâyi, farq para na The people called him Farid Shakkar, dya.
without the least hesitation. A'indê nûn har rôz hamesha hoif eh dastur. :
Afterwards it always happened thus daily : MAI Sâhiba kadi na rakhdf ; hônda Fazal His mother placed the sugar no more, ghafür.
(bat) God sent it of his grace.
25 Gdabs se ek róz nikalar, rasta utte bahe. 25 Once coming out of his seclusion he sat by
the roadside. Qafila koi chala-janda sâ, us ko puchhan A number of merchants were passing by paye :
and he asked them :Gar bhark tamne, yård, ya bhari hai O friends, have you loaded guns or have shakkar?:
you loaded shalk ar3 ?. Kad so chale hộ, kitthôi âue, jênê kithơ How long and whence have you been tikar?!
travelling, and whither will you go?' Qafila-walo manzal hâre bole, nao hai The way-worn merchants said : "There is shakkar.
no sugar. 30 Ki dasiye? Hai ki kuchh bharia, bbariâ 30 What shall we say? If we have loaded patthar patthar.'
anything we had loaded up stones.' Bole Baba, pattharhônge? Asi jânisi Said the Bâbâ, 'can it be stones? I took shakkar.
them for sugar. Patthar hônge, patthar hånge; patthar They will be stones, will be sbones ; stones hônge patthar.'
must be stones.' Kahte hain ke bharti men se bhare It is said that almonds and dates had badâm chhuháre;
been loaded, Farid Båwå de Akhan kûran hogae (But) Bawi Farid's word turned them all patthar såre.
into stones. 35 Mewa jab ke pabt har bån giya, ûnt Athâu 35. When the fruit had become stones, the na sgkan.
camels could not carry them. A'jiz hoke girgae sâre, Age qadam na Thoy all fell down being weak and could chakan.
go no further. Qafila-walian 'jiz hokar, kiti bahut mintái. The merchants in despair begged hard. Bole Babâ: “bật tumbêri tahade age đi; Said the Bâbâ : 'your words have come
back to you; Phir meri nasihat âge kadi na deni bhul. | But for the future never forget my
admonition. 40 Jhuth de kâran eh kuchh hoin: sach Rabb 40 This has happened owing to your false. maqbul.'
hood : God loves the truth.' In men se badám chhubare raqim ne bhi The writer saw some of those almonds and dékhe,
dates, Rang Wara' mea farq na kół, bôjh men They did not differ in appearance or colour pattbar leke.
and were equal to stones in weight. Lat., Concealer' of sing with the veil of meroy. Ghur is onrefined as distinguished from shakkar or refined sugar.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1906.
The Bawa had wooden bread tied to his belly for twelve years.
Raqim ne ziârat kîtî; nishan lage hain dândi.
The writer saw it (on a pilgrimage); it bears impressions of his teeth.
45 Jab bhukh bahut satândi Bâwâjî nûn bâre, 45 When the Bâwâ felt greatly the pangs of
Is hâlat men kaf dand ja us roți par mâre.
Kath di roți bârâ baras tak pet par Bâwâ bândhi.
Pakpattan men tîn ziârat: aisi hain derînâ,
Jin ke dekhe zâhir howe barkat hai pasînâ.
Nishan Hazrat de jang Badr vich donon sî hamrâ,
50 Ziarat un ki râqim kitf 'Id ke roz pagâ.
Bâns de nishan hain, yâro, hun tak gahe na zarrâ :
Unko kite nabii hai laga: qudrat Rabb
muqarra.
Na'len Mubarik Bare Pir di huigi wahân manjûd!
'id nûn ziarat hôndî, bâd nimâz mâ'hûd.
.55 Gudri Hazrat Bawa Sahib di hun tak dekhi gâî:
'Id nan Diwanji pahnen, phir bugche pai rahi.
hunger,
Then he put his teeth to the bread.
In Pakpattan are three shrines: they are BO old,
That they who see them perspire with
awe.
The Saint's two standards that were borne in the fight at the Badr
50 The writer saw them (on a pilgrimage) on the morning of the 'Id.
The standards are of bamboo, my friends, and are still not worm-eaten :
They have not been attacked (by insects) anywhere: (this is) the effect of God's power.
The sandals of the Great Saint" are present there:
After offering a prayer they can be visited on a pilgrimage at the 'fd.
55 The Sainted Bawa Sahib's quilt is to be
seen to this day:
The Diwan puts it on at the 'Id and then returns it to the bag.
THE CHUHRAS.
BY THE REV. J. W. YOUNGSON, D.D., CHURCH OF SCOTLAND MISSION; BIALKOT. (Continued from p. 96.)
The girls thus express their opinion of the dowry:
Lef tuldian tangen!
Assan hôr vi 6thé mangen,
Lef tuldian julle
Assi ikko laike bhulle,
Vauhti khan pin nun kahí? Dô sajarian ik béhí.
Quilts, mattresses, and hangings,
We will betroth many of our boys there. Quilts, mattresses, and patch-work clothes, We made a mistake in marrying there. How much does the bride eat? Two fresh loaves and a stale one.
Muklava, or the Homing of the Bride.
Next day the bride goes back to her father's house, and there is sent after her kachcht pinni, or kuchchi bhaji, which is rice flour with sugar. She returns to her husband's home in six months, or two years, or three, when there is muklává, as sending home a wife is called. She brings a suit of clothes for her husband, one for her mother-in-law, and one for her father-in-law. She wears kach, i. e.,.glass
Muhammad Sarwar of Jalandhar. He is descended-from Shekh Darwesh.
Near Medina; a little mixture of history here. Abdu'l-Qadir Jilani.
Diwan is the title of the chief-attendant at the shrine.

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THE CHUHRAB.
803
bracelets, because she is still kachchi, unripe; not pakki. She now resides in husband's, her own house. Various songs are sung:
oming Songs
Chash uchrë vendi sán, ranjdtsá. - Parón vangan aniyan
Mainjici, tar gai, ranjatda,
Párón pangán añiyán. Både ghar na sas na már, ranjátéd. Kaun vangán charhdwé ?
Main jivi, tar gai, &c. . Jive chhail bhard, ranjetka, Jis vangan charhaian.
Main jídl, &o. Sada sávián utte chah, ranjetid; Pilian chok charhaian.
Main fiti, &c. Sade manốn na lathra cháh, ranjetta; Murakh bhan vagályán.
Main jui,&c. Sánun gali déndi mdr, ranjetla; Ta'né dévan saiyan,
Mainjici, &c. Ja tu hondón kôl, ranjated, Lendi rang mali.
Marin jidi, &c.
From the top of the mound I looked for my lover. For bracelets were brought from beyond the river.
I rejoice, I am glad, my lover,
As bracelets came from beyond the river. Neither your mother nor mine was at home Who would get me bracelets and put them on ?
I rejoice, I am glad, &c. May my handsome brother live long, my lover, Who gave me the bracelets.
I rejoice, &c. I wanted blue ones, my lover; My brother brought yellow ones.
I rejoice, &c. I am not satisfied, my lover; Foolishly I broke them off.
I rejoice, &c. My mother scolds me, my lover; My friends reproach me.
I rejoice, &c. If you had been here, my lover, You would have given me of the right colour.
I rejoice, &c.
Méridni do narmé diàn planlan. Bugin tha diản về, ranja, châuotv, Nicked, rikki, katadi vé. Tbrá doriya né, ráñjná, unnánári.
I have two balls of cotton, my lover. The shade of the trees in the garden is pleasant. I spin it very fine, my dear, In order to get a fine sheet made for you, my
lover. I make fine thread from it. It will be 88 costly as gold, my lover. My khicks of good omen. Bat it with ghi, my lover.
Main uddon nikka latadi vd. Sóné advin ti, ränjni, vakana. Merian ragnan di khichni ve. Ghéô péké ve, ranjná, khanán.
Térían sagnan di kichhrini, Chal khangé ni, goriye, rakin. Mérés sagrán då gand vë, Gandi khólké ve, ranjnd, jdin.
Thy fine khichri, my love, We will egt it on the way, my beautiful. The khota of the sacred marriage thread, my lover, Undo first, then we will start.
Térsån sagnan de gand ni, Gandi khólangé, gôrîye, rahin. Méréan sagnán da dodná od Palla jorkể về, râeja, juẩn. Térían sagnan da dodhna ni,
Your sacred thread, my love, We will untie on the way home, my beautiful. Let the auspicious ceremony of binding Our shawls be performed before we leave, my lover. The ceremony of marriage bonds.
Palla jórangi ní,góriye, rahin. Main kal viâhi sánve, dj lai peya, ranjná, rahfi. Khand chahiye-haga apnd til, Dujjá chhérna, yôrîye, nahfi.
We will unito our shawls, on the way, my beautiful I was married but yesterday, My lover takes me away to-day. We should eat our own dinner, We should not eat another's, my beautiful.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1906.
Vé main täna läyd ved Ningrań tútán walijhangin
Bambia bolt vé. Méra jeurd dole ve
Is marvê dt dåli. D6 pánja bhul gad vé. Bibá zarra ká vágán moriri.
Bambid, &c. Main kikar morar ni rusile ? Man khaloti térf.
Bambia, &c. O man jo meri ve Ningrasas lagêgi térí.
Bambid, &o. Phal sasté vikde te : Nergrå také nakéndi jóri.
Bambid, de Il lai dd jõí pe Ningrå man pêő kólán chóri.,
Bambia, &c. Main kikar äván ni rasile ? Bhain khalott térí.
Bamhla, &o. 0.bhain jo meri ve Jirods adlí laggégi térf..
Bambid, dc. Tán a var véhrt vé. Tainun kis bharu di chôrf?
Bambia, &c.
Young man, I spread my yarn In the grove of mulberry trees...
The nightingale sang. My heart trembled
Like a branch of the marvá tree. Twice I forgot to put in five threads. Turn hither your horse a little, Sir.
The nightingale, &c. Lovely girl, how shall I turn? . Yoar motber is standing by.
The nightingale, &c. My mother, young man, Will become your mother-in-law
The nightingale, &c. Flowers are being sold cheap : Two may be had for two pice.
The nightingale, &c. Get me a couple Without the knowledge of my parents.
The nightingale, &c. Lovely girl, how shall I come? Your sister is standing by.
The nightingale, &c. The sister that is mine: Will live to become your sister-in-law.
The nightingale, &c. Come to my house. What rascal do you fear?
The nightingale, &c.
Chorus. Ján miliye tan rassiye.
When we meet we should lovo. Zámin deké na nassiye.
We shall not run away after giving a surety. Piarf jár, ján miliye tar hassiye.
Dear life, when we meet we must laugh.
Song. Lal ud, athari didi muharán lambián, meri jana Ruby, the cords of the camels are loose, Chald Wazirábád, mérf jindriyê.
They are going to Wazirabad, my love. Ján miliye, &c.
When we meet, &c. Kaf di saudagarí, méri jindriya ?
What will be your merchandise, my love? Kaisa hai bipár, mérf jan ?
In what commodities will you deal, wy life? Ján miliyé, dc.
Wben we meet, &c. Lal ve, laungan di sauddgari, meri ján,
My Ruby, the merchandise is of cloves, Nainan da bipar, méri jindriye,
We deal in eyes, my lover. Jani miliye, &c.
When we meet, &c. Lal nd, tatil bhattaf vich rit jiuri, méri ján, My Ruby, like sand in a hot furnace, my life, Dand bhunda mérá jeh, méri jindriye ?
Is your brother frying me, my love ? Ja miliyê tán rassiye.
When we meet we should love. Dilan da bhed kyk na daasiye ?
Why should we not show the secrets of our
hearts Lal ve, jo tur challdóia chakri méri ján,
My Ruby, if you go for employment, Sannin lai chal nál, mérî jindriyé,
Take me with you, my love Jani milága, &c.
When we meet, &o.

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Tún karégá châkarî, méri ján:
Main kaddan rumál, méri jindriye. Jan miliyé, &c.
Lál vé, ki takán téri chakari, méri ján?
Té ki takan rumál, méri jindriyé ? Jan miliyê, &c.
Ek takán téri chakari, méri ján.
Té lakh takan rumál, méri jindriye. Ján miliyê, &c.
Lál vé, ucha qilá Rótás di, mêrî jân: Thalle vaggé dariya, méri jindriye. Jan miliyê, &c.
Lal vé, tu ghora, main palki, méri ján. Turiyé hansan di chál, méri jindriye. Ján miliyê, &c.
Tin shisha main ârsi, méri ján. Vekhiyé váró vár, mêrî jindriyê. Ján miliyé, &c.
Tú khatta, main imbli, méri ján. Latakiyê raja dé bág méri jindriyé. Ján miliyé, &c.
Lal vé, je tur chaléôn châkari, méri ján, Hath vich dénián pakkhí, méri jindriye. Ján miliyé, &c.
Jithe pai jáî rát, ve méri ján,
Ján sukhalli rakhin, meri jindṛiys. Ján miliyé, &c.
Chôg chagindi lâlyi, mêrî ján.
Lál vé, pailan pândá môr, méri jindriyê.
Ján miliyé tan rassiye.
Dilán dá bhéd kyan na dassiye?
Shisha mérá ghar ghariya: Thallá Lahaur vich jariya.
Hun mar gayân sân, mâê. Shisha dhúnd dhundás. Main mar gayền sân, mất. Shishe nún main jart jarandi: Moti lakh hajárán.
Hum mar gai sâu mất, ke. Jé kôi shisha lab léáwé, Déan inám as bhári,
Hun mar gaid sẵn mặt, đe. Mérá shisha lub léúwe, Jóra ghorá sârâ.
Hun mat gatô sản xuất, dê. Shishé de dhúnḍan jawar. Chitti Shekhanwâlî.
Hum mar gatô sân mật, độ Shisha mainan dittá sigá Méré lâl piyâré.
Hun mar gaiá sán mãe, &c.
THE CHUHRAS.
You will take service, my life:
I will make embroidered handkerchiefs, my love. When we meet, &c.
My Ruby, how many pennies will be your pay, my
life?
How many will your handkerchiefs bring? When we meet, &c.
Only a penny for you, my life.
Two lakhs for a handkerchief, my love. When we meet, &c.
My Ruby, the fort of Rohtas is high, my life:
A river flows under it, my lover. When we meet, &c.
My Ruby, you are a horse, I a dooly, my life.' We will walk like swans, my lover.
When we meet, &c.
You are the mirror of my ring, my life.
We will look at each other by turns, my love. When we meet, &c.
You are a lime, I am a tamarind, my life. We will hang in the king's garden, my life. When we meet, &c.
My Ruby, if you seek employment, my life,
I will give you a fan, my love. When we meet, &c.
When it is night, my life,
Keep yourself comfortable, my love. When we meet, &c.
305
The red bird pecks its food, my life.
My Ruby, the peacock is dancing.
When we meet let us love.
Why should we not reveal the secrets of our hearts?
5.
My looking glass was made by a skilful workman:
It was set with jewels in Lahore.
I shall die now, mother.
Make a search for the missing mirror. I shall die, mother.
I got precious stones put in my mirror. Thousands of lakhs of pearls.
I shall die now, mother, &c. To him that finds the mirror, I will give a great reward.
I shall die now, mother, &c. To him that finds my mirror, I will give a suit and a horse.
I shall die now, mother, &c. Let searchers go for the mirror To Chitti of the Shekhs.
I shall die now, mother, &c. The mirror was given
By my dear lover.
I shall die now, mother, &o.
* Comparison of horse and dooly between the grace of a man and that of a woman. He will agree to walk slowly, riding by the side of her palanquin, and so they will both proceed slowly and gracefully.
3 Also given as Ranjan, 'lover.'

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Kthô hamd Khuda un nii, Rassiya, Jinné khalqat pâi hai. Ek nál dusjé dé ve, Rassiya, Sitrat khiib ralii hai. Ek ashig Rabb dé ve, Rassiya: Eknán bázi lái hai. El luar khalótê ve, Rassiya : Ek nan jit duhai hai. Ek shér ķhudi dé vé Rassiya: Ele marzis umar gaw.it hai. Un fauj kufár di ve, Rassiya, Nézé nál lehapiti hai. Wuh bare baladur vd, Rassiya, Jis par karm Ilahi hai. Shahó Atké challóá vé, Rassiya : Maiibi Qibul tórt hai. Wuh Alak bhaléri vé, Rassiya, Jis tutti jóri hai. Main atá gunddi vé, Rassiya, Lál péyá méri jhóli hai. Shahó kharchi ditti ve, Rassiyd, Na sau đi bộri hai. Mai ghathari phóli vi, Rassiyd, Vich susi kóri hai. Hun ghar vich rahnui vi, Rassiya, Eh qismat méri hai.
Praise God, my friend, Who created all things. One with the other, my friend, He has indeed Atly adapted. Some love God, iny friend : Some run a race, Some have lost, my friend : Some have doubly won. Boine are lions of God, my friend : Some have lost life by sickness. They conquered the army of blasphemers, my friend, With the spear. He alone is brave, by friend, Who has God's grace. My lover goes to A tak, my friend : I will go even to Qabul with him. Blessed be the Atak, my friend, Where our severed love is reunited. I was kneading my dough, my friend, When a cbild was born to me. My husband gave me expenses, my friend : A bag of nine hundred rupees. I found new cloth, my friend, For trousers in it. Now I shall have to live at home, my friend, It is my fate.
7.
Charkla méri ránglá: Mal daggé dariya. Å baho meré sánh né, Kattán tumhiré chd.
My spinning wheel is of many colours: The thread runs like a river. Come and sit in front of me, I will spin more looking at you.
Dilli de darvairi
At the gate of Dilli Sóni gaya raka,
Gold is soll. Té kadé na bhairi dikhiya,
My bard husband never said, • Páli nath ghard.'
'I will give you even a hollow nose ring.' Dilli de darivajte
At the gate of Dilli Tóta parhé Qurán.
A parrot read the Quran. . di billi, la gai,
A cat came and carried it off. 'éri stirat tôi qurban.
Lovely bird, how pretty you looked. Lal, dotare-prilia
My lover, with your two striaged instrument Nimri tar baja.
Play a mournful tuue. Qahr pad léri lár nan.
Terrible strings, Gai kalejá khd.
They have carried away my heart. Wugdi Rivi, mihi vé.
The Ravi flows, my lover. Vich kanak da bata
There is a plant of wheat in it Ek jawani, mahi ve,
On account of my youth, iny lover, kang pahila jhuta.
I feel the force of love. • Love is compared to a river in food, and the trembling heart to a stalk of wheat in the ourrent, - weak and unable to resist.

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THE CHUHRAS.
307
9.
Ból bambii kikkarai di ting te, dhold. Paya pachhörå ma'shúkáis di jind te, dhólá. Jé tur chaléan, mihi de, Das jáéis takana. Sambh ke rakhdi, mahi vé, Térá léf sarhanci..
Bol bambiâ, &c. Jé tur chaldan, mahi ve, Pichché rahéga kéhra. Khali galian, mahi ve, Sunniyan disdå véhra.
Ból bambid, &c. Ja tur chaléin, mihi ve, Sannün sómpké jáin. Saumpe chugdd, mahi pd, Dhôr maji gaan.
Bol bambia, &c. Des bégáné, máhí vé, Din those rahiye. Apå dåhade, mahi ve,
Nal bahs na bahiye.
Bol bambiá, &c. Wang taditan, mahi bé, Gal lagké rahiye.
Rabb di ditti, mahi bé, Sir utté sahiye.
Bol bambiú, &c. Nal dhamman, mahi da, D8 painchhi halle. Kujh maut ranjeva, máhi ne, Kuchh nichhar challe.
Ból bambid, &c. Sutti péyán, máhé de, Gandh péi parande. Lil asaddle, mahi ve, Kand ditti jándé.
Bol bumbia, &c. Na more murde, máhê de, Na pachótándé. Ki assiis kariye, mahi bé! Kujh kar nahin pande.
Ból bambid, &c. Khiria chamba, mihi : Heh tarinjan dahya. Eh pachhora, mihi dë, Sannita Rabb né paya.
Bol bambia, &c. Vagdi Rdvi, mdhi ve, Kol pippal halled Jigo naino, mihi ve, Pardési challa.
Bol bambia, &c.
Sings the nightingale, in the acacia, my lover.
Pangs of separation have fallen on me, my lover. If you go away, my love, Tell me where you go. I will keep carefully, my love, Your quilt and pillow.
Sings the nightingale, &c. If you go, my love, Who will take care of me The lanes will look empty, beloved, The courtyard lonely.
Sings the nightingale, &c. If you go, my love, Leave me in somebody's care. The cattle graze, my love, Wben left in the care of some one.
Sings the nightingale, &c. In a strange country, my love, One should live only a few days. One should not dispute, my love, The power of a stronger person.
Sings the nightingale, &c. Like a charm, my love, One siould hang on the neck. Decrees of God, my love, Should be borne patiently.
Singe the nightingale, &c. In the early morn, my love, Two birds flew. Perhaps death beguiled them, my love, Or it was separation for good.
Sings the nightingale, &c. While sleeping, my love, (I dreamt) there was a knot in my hair. My ruby, my love Ls going away.
Sings the nigktingale, &c. He will not return if compelled, my love, Nor will be be sorry. What can we do, my love ? There is nothing to be done.
Sings the nightingale, &c. The jeesamine has flowereil, my love. Under it I began to spin. Our separation, my love, Is eaused by God,
Sings the nightingale, &c. The Ravi flows, my love, Near the pipal tree trembles. Sleepy eyes opea, my love, The traveller is going.
Sings the nightingale, &c.
The tying of a knot in her hair was a dream of bad omen.

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308
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1906.
Chhér na mains, maki de. Maii ap ajurdi, Jo likhi kalam hai, mahi ve, Oh kadhi na murdi.
Bol bambia, &c. Já tin chaléais, & mihi ud, Main khari baruhé. Miri lögain di hajat, máhire, Le chaléas tues.
B2! bambia, &c. Nil namashau, mahi ved, Phil den aráin. Phal são lênds, maki vé, Jide kinnit atthin.
Bol bambia, &c. Sådde kaunt pardasi, mahi ve, Bha phuldi ná landi. Már musalla, mahi ve, Téré pattan té bahindi.
Bol bambia, &c. Meré sárvalin hathin, mahi ve, Rang layâ mahndi. Mör muhárás, máhire, Main dukh nahin saindi.
Bol bambia, &c. Shahrăn nikli, máhf ve, Main phiran udalli. Na pattan beri, mahi ve, Na táng savalli.
Ból bambia, &c. Main mangan duáin, mahi ve, Rabb tainn ghalle. Ulanwald, máhi ne, Lad gayê bê khabare.
Bol bambia, &c. Peyå vachhöra, mahi ve: Tainán kéhra phere? Main bhainiais vangán, mühi ve. Pichhé rah gaye gojrê. Teré milan sunehe, mahi ve, Main när jaldi sajre.
Bol bambia, &c. Vagnú purda, mahi vé; Kyun dénan lord ? Marji Rabb di, mahi ve, Hun kéhrá more.
Ból bambia, &c. Vagna puréa, mahi ve; Kyun atnan toián ? Tere badle, máhí ve, Bari ajy héián.
Bol bambia, &c.
Do not tease me, my love, I am already sad, The written fate, my love, Cannot be averted.
Sings the nightingale, &c. If you go, my love, I stand on the threshold. The strength of my limbs, my love, You take away with you.
Sings the nightingale, &c. At even time, my love, The gardeners give flowers. Only those buy flowers, my love, Whose husbands are at home.
Sings the nightingale, &c. My husband is a stranger, my love, Let me burn the flowers. As one sits on a cushion, my love, I would sit in your lap.
Sings the nightingale, &c. My white hands, my love, A re dyed with mehndi. Turn the reins of your camels, my love, cannot bear the pain.
Sings the nightingale, &c. I go out of the city, my love, Wandering alone on account of you. I cannot find a boat at the forry, my love, Nor any other means.
Sings the nightingale, &c. I pray to God, my love, To send you. The drivers my love, Left without a word.
Sings the nightingale, &c. Fate has decreed separation, my love : Who will make you come back ? I have broken my glass bangles, my love. Ooly shoddy ones are left. . Your messages reach me, my love, Fresh every day.
Sings the nightingale, &c. The East Wind blows, my love; Why singest thou to me God's will, my love, Cannot be changed.
Sings the nightingale, &e. The East Wind blows, my love; Why does it soil the fringe of my shawl? For thee, my love, I grieve greatly.
Sings the nightingale, &c.
She asks why the East Wind should come with comfort and sleep-inducing influence, when she cannot sleep for sorrow that her hngband bas left bis home. Rain oomes with it and ber shawl is soiled, but her husband does not come.

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NOVEMBER, 1906.)
THE CHUHRAS.
809
Kal ghardéon, mdhi ve. Tut płyá tavitů. Main nan má né ghalliya, máhí vé: Bập tidiuá kếtả.
Bol bambia, &c. Hukm Khudá da, mahi vé: Kisé ujar na kita. Kháné laggi, mahi ve, Jidun agg plítá.
Bål bambia, &c.
Though made only yesterday, my love, My charm is broken. My mother has sent me, my love : My father has given me leave.
Sings the nightingale, &c. It is God's command, my love : There can be no avoiding it. When I try to eat, my love, (I fly from food) as fireworks from a match.
Sings the nightingale, &c.
10.
Sukhi mangéôn, suthi biáhéon. Sukhí dóli le ghar déôn. Téri vanni né divá balea.. Ghund andar mukh dikhaléa. Téri vanni de gal kas vé. Jug five saura të sas ve ! Térí banni dé gal khérián. Jug jivên laindrá phérédr ! Téri banni de hath vich årsf. Ghund andar mare Farsi.
You were betrothed well and married well. You have brought her well home in a palanquin. Your bride has lit the lamp. She has shown her face in her veil. Your bride bas a necklace. May your father-in-law and mother-in-law live long! Your bride has jewels on her neck. May you that have gone round the basket live long! Your bride have a thumb ring. She speaks Persian' in her veil.
Ghar sundaréá chhalle : Chhallé té mapéán ghalle.
Nadân lôg kamie kyún ákh de ne 1 Ghar sundárdá tika: Tika té mapean ditta.
Nadán 16g kamle kyai akhdé ne? Ghar sundaréá dauni : Dauni assan nahitn pauni.
Nádân log kamle kyun akhdé né ?
Bagglu kukru, mahf ve. Kyún dénán bangan, dhóla? Dénan bángan, mahi ve, Sajjnan dian tangan, dhóla.
Bagdi Râví, máhí de : Vich sutrian chhannan, dhóla. Dhôl gawaya, mahf ve, Vehré dián rannún, dhóla. Vagdi Rápl, mahi ve: Vich sutnian hirkan, dhold. Des parae, mahi ve, Kyûn denán ghirkan, dhola! Bagdi Ravi, mahi ud, Vich mund phulai då, dhold.
11.
The jeweller made rings: The parents sent the rings.
Why do ignorant people call me foolish P The jeweller made a ţika: My parents gave the tika.
Why do ignorant people call me foolish P The jeweller made & dauni: I will not wear the dauní,
Why do ignorant people call me foolish P 12.
The cock crows, my love, Why does he crow, my lover: He crows, my love, Because the footsteps of my friends are board, my
lover. The Ravi flows, my love: I throw the brass-cup into it, my lover, My beloved is seduced, my love, By the women of the courtyard, my lover, The Ravi flows, my love: I throw my rags into it, my lover. In a strange land, my love, Why do you rebuke me, lover The Ravi fows, my love: There is the stem of the phuldi (acacia) in it, my
lover. If I had not been born, my love, Where would you bave married, my lover P I have earrings in my ears, my love. I have not spoken twice to you, my lover. In the casket are oil-seeds, my love. I will meet my friends, my lover.
Main ma jamdi, mẫhỉ tế, Tá kithôn vighi da, dhóla? Kanní méré guchhrán, máhí vs. Do gallan na puchhian, dhóla, Dabbi vich till sån, máhi ve. Sajnan nun milsan, dhola.
Ti. e., a private language.

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310
Aggé méré charkha sâván: Rang lâya munnéân, dhóla. Dhôl gawachán, mâhî vê, Na labdá ránéân, dhola. Hath méré theva sahibd. Main karân milévá, dhóla. Pâr Jhanâon, sahiba, Ránjé díân, pakhkhian, dhold. Ral-mil dinyan, sahiba.
Ranjé dían saktan, dhola.
Vagdi Ravi, mâhî vê.
Vich bhaundi bhandî, dhôlâ.
Na ral baitha, sahibâ,
Na raléd dhandin, dhôlá.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Sarma Thandton dyd vé, ik lap surme ds.
Suntó bir bharâvó vé, ik lap surmé dí. Hörnan në pitha sil vatté té, ik lap surmé di
Main sandhéan da gah karaya vé. Hôrnán né pâyâ surm salátán.
Main mohlé dé nál payá vé, ik lap surmê dî.
[NOVEMBER, 1906.
Before me is my blue spinning wheel: It has coloured posts, my lover. I have lost my beloved, my love. I cannot find him by crying, my lover. I have a jewel in my hand, Sir.
I will meet my beloved, my lover.. Beyond the Chenab, Sir, Are my beloved's tents, my lover. We have come together, Sir. Ranja's friends, my lover. The Ravi flows, my love.
I am overwhelmed in it, my lover.
I did not sit with you, Sir.
I did not work with you, my lover.
13.
I brought antimony from Thandi, a handful of antimony.
Hear, brothers and friends, a handful of antimony. Others beat it with pestle and mortar, a handful of antimony.
I ground it with the treading of buffaloes. Others put it in with a needle.
I put it in with a rice pounder, a handful of antimony.
Others put it in with needles.
Hornán né payá surm sulatán. Main kothi da minh khulayá vé, ik lap surmédî. I garnered it, a handful of antimony.
Death and burial.
They bury their dead. When a person is dying they call the Muhammadan priest to read the sahânt, but if it is in a Hindu village where there is no mulla nothing of this nature is done, except that in some cases, they lift the sick man on to the ground. This they call satthar. The dead are carried to the grave on a bed, bound in a shroud made of cloth, which is tied at the head and the feet like a sack, and in the middle. The body, after being washed with soap and water, is dressed in a jacket, a cap, and a sheet, or in two sheets, and is sprinkled with rose water. In the grave the shoulder is placed towards the pole star, and the feet to the east. If it is that of a young person they put a black blanket over the bier, if of an old person a red one. This is called khés. The priest sits on the west side and looks towards the east. He recites a prayer, and they repeat after him. This is jandza. One rupee, called askat, is given to the priest on the Quran. A cloth called ja namaz is also given. The blanket becomes the property of the mirást. The face of the dead is not placed downwards.
If a very old person dies, his friends make a mock mourning: but their grief is really very great for a young person.
Specimens are now given of what they say when singing the dirge over the dead. They (the women) stand in a circle; the mirâsan (wife of the family bard) stands in the centre. She sings mournful tunes, the other women following her. They beat their legs, breasts, and forehead with their hands in time to the dirge. Nothing could be sadder. The woman that leads repeats the alahnî, and the other women beat the breast, thus making siápá.
(To be continued.)
This part of the song is almost meaningless to the uninitiated. Words are put in simply for the sake of the rhyme. Girls go on singing a jingling rhyme, without much attention to the meaning. Ordinary objects as charkhan (spinning wheel), theud (jewel, &o.), are used for rhyming.
Dhola and Ranj& are famous lovers, and the names are used for lovers generally. 10 Satthar, lit., a couch.
12 The women go half-way towards the graveyard weeping and wailing.
11 Askåt, probably for zakat, alms.

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Page #354

DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
.
Indian Antiquary.
Plate IX.
THE PRIMARY LETTERS AND THEIR DERIVATIVES.
Prinary letters
Derivatives.
A
=ga.
T
= ña,
I
= na.
= tha
79
=ủh,
Eta,
O=tha
azon
u
it =pha. O
= b.
= bha.
B.
DERIVATION OF MANTRAS.
+..t
u
1. Mantra : Klim=K+1+itm= .1.+ U
Hence the forms of Klim.
•
2. Mantra : Hrim=b+r+i+m= U+1+..+o
Hence the form of Hrim.
R. SHAMASASTRI, DEL.
W. GRIGGS, LITH.

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NOVEMBER, 1906.]
THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
311
A THEORY OF THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
BY R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A. (Continued from p. 290.)
CHAPTER V. The Derivatives.
Plate IX. Thus are the Devanagari letters a, i, u, e, o, ka, kha, gha, cha, ta, da, dha, na, pa, ma, ya, ra, la, va, ša, sha, sa, ha, the visarga and the nasal sound to be identified with the Tantric hieroglyphics by a far smaller stretch of imagination than that involved in Prof. Bühler's latest theory of the Semitic origin of the Devanagari Alphabet. The question that now arises is, how the rest of the forty-eight or forty-nine letters have been contrived P For evidently, there were no hieroglyphics from which the rest could be as easily selected as the twenty-two or twenty-three letters described. With regard to this question, the very words of Prof. Bühler can be repeated, only replacing the words 'borrowed sign' by indigenous bieroglyphic." . The contrivances by which the derivative signs, both primary and secondary, for consonants and initial vowels have been formed, are:
(1) The transposition of one of the elements of a phonetically cognate indigenous bieroglyphic. (2) The mutilation of a hieroglyphic or of another derivative sign of a similar phonetic value.
(8) The addition of straight lines, crves or hooks to original or derivative symbols.
The complete elaboration of the Brahmi Alphabet by the process of differentiation of the original hieroglyphics or of their derivatives, is not only indicated by the similarity of cognate alphabetic letters to one another, but is also distinctly referred to in the Vdtuldgama :
अकारं च इकारं च उकारं च कारकम् । लकारं चैव एकारं तथैवीकारमेव च ।। एसे सप्त स्वराः प्रोक्ताः प्रकृतिस्तु समीरिताः। शेषास्तु विकृतिः प्रोक्ताः तेषामुडवमुच्यते॥ अकाराचोड़वाकारामिकारेवीसमुनवः ।।
P. 28, Vatuldgama. "The seven vowels a, i, u, fi, li, e and o are declared to be primary letters. The rest of the vowels are the modifications of the primary ones. The formation of the modified letters is thus described : from a originated the long &, and from i the long 1.'
Indeed the formation of the letters ri and li from primary hieroglyphics, as alluded to in the above verses, is somewhat doubtful; still there is no reason to doubt the complete manipulation of the Devanagari by differentiation of the primary letters or symbols. Even Prof. Biihler, who went 80 far as to seek a Semitic source for the Devanagari, admits the ability of the Brâhman pandit or pandits in the arrangement of the letters. In The Origin of the Brahma Alphabet (p. 86) be says:
"One of the undeniable results of the preceding inquiry is that the Brahma Alphabet must be considered the work of Brahmans, acquainted with phonetic and grammatical theories. The pandit's band is clearly visible in the arrangement of the letters used by Asoka's masons at Mahabodhi Gaya, according to their organic value as vowels, diphthongs, naselised vowel, vowel with the spirant, gutturals, palatals and linguals. And it is also visible at a much earlier stage in the very formation of the alphabet. Nobody but a grammarian or phoneticist would have thought of deriving five nasals, one of each class of the Indian consonants from the two Semitic prototypes, and of inventing in addition sign to denote the natalization of vowels, the anus vara or of forming two spirants ha and

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1906.
the visarga. Nobody bat a Sanskrit grammarian would express the initial u by half the sign for va, and the phonetically very different, but etymologically allied, ia and sa by modifications of one sign, or derive initial o from u or i from e and !a and from da. And only a grammarian would invent the peculiar system of notation for medial vowels, which throughout marks the distinction between short and long ones, omits the short a, and expresses the long d by adding to the consonants the mark used for differentiating A from A, and the remaining medial vowels by combinations of the initial vowel signs, or of modifications thereof, with the consonants. This is so complicated and so highly artificial that only & Brahman's or pandit's ingenuity can have worked it out."
While thus praising the pandit for his ingenuity and thorough scholarship in Sanskrit grammar and phonetics in elaborating and arranging the Devanagari Alphabet, Prof. Bühler had to find fault with him for his pedantie formalism in wilfully changing the forms of the Semitic models, which the Professor presumed that he learnt from Indian merchants with Semitic people. Had the twenty-two Brahma letters, however, nearly resembled the Semitic models, the pandit would, in the view of the Professor, have been a well-behaved school-boy, worthy of still more laudatory words. But, as has already been seen, the letters look more like the Tantric hieroglyphics, of which the Professor was not at all aware, than the Semitic aliens in which he sought for their parentage. Had he consulted the literary records which the pandit has 'left behind him, he could have gathered the information that, instead of going for the Semitic models, the pandit merely went to the Tantric worshippers for his models. In return for the loan of models which the pandit received from the Tantric worshippers, he immensely extended the scope for the evolutionary growth of the Tantric literature. Had not the Devanagari Alphabet sprung up from the hieroglyphics or ideograms representing the god Siva and the goddess Sakti, it would not have carried throughout its letters so many names of gods or goddesses. Nor wonld the four kinds of identities which form the basis of Tantric mystery and speculation have originated. The identity of nada, the nine or twelve hieroglyphics described above, with (1) the body of the devotee, (2) with the body of the god or goddess, (3) with the alphabetio letters (panchasatkalah) or with the monosyllabic mantras, and the identity of the devotee with the god or goddess, are the chief causes of the endless speculations 42 of Tantric scholars. The identity of the goddess with the alphabet (bhita-lipi) is thus described in the Kâma-kala Chidvalli:
विविधा हिमभ्वमा सा सूक्ष्मा स्थूलाकृतिस्स्थिरा सूक्ष्मा.
नवनादमबी स्थूला नववर्गात्मा तु भूतलिप्यास्या. The goddess called Madhyama, middle, has two aspects. She is either of subtle or of visible form. The nine kinds of articulate sounds constitute her subtle and eternal form. The nine groups of the alphabetic letters make up her visible form.'
It may even be said that, if the Devanagart Alphabet had not resulted from the Tantric hieroglyphics, there would have been no Tantric literature at all. For the whole of Tantric literature treats of nothing but the recitation of monosyllabic mantras and the drawing of mystic figures, which, in their origin, must have been the pictures of the several poets of the human frame. The Vátuldgama says:
देवानां बीजनामानि वर्णास्तव प्रकल्पिताः तस्मावणानि चोक्तानि ज्ञात्वा मन्त्र समुद्धरेत् ।।
P. 35, Vatuldgama. The gods are called the seeds (bijas) of the world. Alphabetical letters are elaborated out of (the hieroglyphics representing) the seeds.'
Hence, it is necessary to have a thorough knowledge of the letters before going to make up the mantras. And तत्तदेवतानामभिधानाक्षरमेव तत्तावतानामङ्गं भवति.
P. 80, Com. Vatulágama. See pp. 184 and 222, Como. Saundaryalahari, M. O. L. Edition ; pp. 7, 54, 55, 56 and 78, Parfuasyaraharya, Bombay Edition.

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NOVEMBER, 1906.] THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET. 313 =
• The alphabetic letters which bear the names of those and other gods or goddesses form the very bodily frames of those and other gods or goddesses. .
Thus, for example, the mantras, klim, called the bijákshara of Kâma, and hrim, the bijdkshara of Sakti, constitute, as in Plate IX., the forms of Kama and Sâkti. The same result would ensue in all cases of such mantras as are not later manipulations of ignorant mystics. Thus, it is only in the identity of the Tantric hieroglyphics with the letters of the Devanagari Alphabet that we can find satisfactory explanations for almost all kinds of Tantric technical terms and speculations.
Besides the ocular and documentary evidences proving the indigenous origin of the Devanagari Alphabet, as pointed out above, there is also the evidence furnished by the critical analysis which James Prinsep made of the alphabet of the edicts of Asoka. It is very well known that, but for his admirable skill in deciphering the then unknown alphabet of the edicts, the history of India, broken and unreliable as it is, would have missed its basis altogether. It is really astonishing and admirable that his critical analysis of the alphabet of the edicts of Asoka should have enabled him to arrive at almost the same primary letters that, as has already been seen, were first selected with no appreciable modification from among the hieroglyphics and next formed the basis for the complete manipulation of the rest of the letters by differentiation. As his observation (pp. 474–6, Vol. VI., J. A. S. B.) throws a flood of light on the process of derivation of the rest of the letters, and also on the peculiar compact forms of the letters in general, his remarks are quoted here in full :
“There is a primitive simplicity in the form of every letter, which stamps it at once as the original type whereon the more complicated structure of the Sanskrit has been founded. If carefully analysed, each member of the alphabet will be found to contain the element of the corresponding member, not only of the Devanagari, but of the Kavauj, the Påli, the Tibetan, the Hale Canars and of all the derivatives from the Sanskrit stock. This is not all: simplification may be carried much further by due attention to the structure of the alphabet, as it existed even at this early stage, and the genius of its construction, ab initio, may in some measure be recognised and appreciated. First the aspirated letters appear to have been formed in most cases by doubling the simple letters; thus, b, chh, is the double of d, cha; o, th, is the double of C,!; D. dh, is the half of this; and th, is the same character with a dot as a distinguishing mark. This may account for the constant interchange of n o and in the inscriptions. Again , dh, is only the letter produced from below; - if doubled, it would have been confounded with another letter (the b). The aspirated b, pha. is merely the b, pa, with a slight mark, sometimes put on the outside, either right or left; but I cannot yet affirin that this mark may not merely denote a duplication of the letter rather than an aspiration, -if, indeed, the terms were not originally equivalent ; for we have just seen the loubling of the letter made to denote its aspiration. The kh seems formed from the g rather than the k. The gh and jh are missing as in Tibetan, and appear to be supplied by y aud chh respectively. Bh is anomalous, or it has been formed from the d by adding a downward siroke.
"Again, there is a remarkable analogy of form in the semi-vowels,r, r. 1,, 1J J, L, which tends to prove their having been framed on a consistent principle. The first hardly ever oceurs in the Delhi inscription, but it is common in that form in that from Girnar. The Lih, is but the J reversed : the ti, so peculiar to the Sanskrit alphabet, is formed by adding the vowell to ther, thus P.
"As far as yet known, there are only one hand one s: the nasals and sibilants had not therefore been yet separated into classes ; for the written Páli of 200 years later possesses at last the various n's, though it has but one s. The four vowels, initials, have been discovered H ..,A L : the second seems to be the skeleton of the third, as if denoting the smallest possible vocal sound. Of the medial vowels, it is needless to speak, as their agreement in system with the old Nagari was long since pointed out. The two long vowels í anda are produced by doubling the short symbols.
The visarga is of doubtful occurrence; but the anusvdra is constantly employed; and when before mas D. 8, it is equivalent to the duplication employed in the more modern Pali writing.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1906.
"We might, perhaps, on contemplation of these forms, go yet farther into speculation on their origin. Thus, the g may be supposed to be formed of the two strokes of the k, differently disposed, the j of the two half curves of the cha superposed. The two d's are the same letter turned right and left, respectively; and this principle, it may be remarked, is to be met with in other scions of the Indian alphabet. Thus, in the Tibetan, the Z, 2, & sound unknown to the Sanskrit, is made by inverting the j, E ; the cerebral , T, by inverting the dental and the cerebral , th, or a B, by the inversion of the dental 1, th, 3. E.
"The analogy between the and is not so great in this alphabet as in what we have imagined to be its successor, in which the essential part of the () is the placed downwards .
"In the same manner the connection of the labials p and 6 is more visible in the old Ceylonese, the Canouji and even the Tibetan alphabets; the L, , being merely the P, L1, closed at the top as in square Pali and
“Thus, when we come to examine the matter critically, we are insensibly led to the reduction of the written Characters to a comparatively small number of elements as t, d, c, d, 1, 6, 8, 1 d and besides the vowels y, and L or perhaps in lieu of this arrangement, it may be preferable to adopt one element as representative of the seven classes of letters. We shall thus come to the very position long ago advanced by Jambalus, the traveller."
It is really astonishing to find such a remarkable coincidence between the facts recorded in Tantric literature regarding the Devanagari on the one hand, and the conclusions arrived at on mature considerations of the forms of the alphabet of Asoka on the other. It may, therefore, be admitted that, with the exception of twenty-two or fifteen (panchadasi) letters, for which the Tantric hieroglyphics have been, as shown above, actually selected, all the Characters of the Brahmi Alphabet are the results of differentiation of those primary letters or symbols.'
It seems more than probable that, with a view to facilitate the retention in memory of the forms of the symbols with the aid of some roundabout process of reasoning, each of the symbols of the alphabet (bhútalipi), thus elaborated, was called by a new name, the initial of which corresponded to the alphabetic sound. While performing nydsa, a process of identifying the several parts of one's own body with one or another of the several goddesses, the following fifty words are recited by every one of Tantrio worshippers, So far as I make out, the identification is in some cases wrong. These words are :
segar (nectar).
ranfgroft (attractive). Sarit (wife of Indra).
Trafi (wife of Siva). 341 ऊर्ध्वकेशिनी (possessed of hair standing
upright or erect). #g: (prosperity). E :).
car (?). K T (P) (the long li is inappropriate or
anamolous). Tehraft (having one leg). Berat (goddess of prosperity). sitgiftoft (abiding in om).
T (herbose). af (mother). STRIPT (of alphabetic form).
II.
ft (dark night). aralar (beyond the sky). TRA (a mantra of that name). Tartoft (possessed of a bell). ENTITECHT (identical with n sound). 9031 (goddess of that name).
19 yar (shade).
(victory). Hurtoff (making or abiding in jham).
775T (having the form of knowledge). EFFIT (having a sickle in her hand). Erfurt (making or abiding in tham).

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NOVEMBER, 1906.] THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
(roaring).
giftoft (making or abiding in dham). णामिनी (?).
तामसी (dark as night). थामिनी (?).
बन्धिनी (binding ).
* (auspicious goddess of that name). महाकाया (possessed of a large body).
वरदा (bestowing gifts).
शशिनी (having the moon).
हंसवती ( having a goose P ).
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
I
दाक्षायणी (daughter of Daksha). धात्री (protector). नन्दा (pleasant ).
Traft (daughter of a mountain). फट्टारिणी (making a noise like phat ).
Brahmâ.'
aufert (famous). रक्ता (red).
at (with projected lip).
षण्डा ( ? ).
सरस्वती (goddess of that name).
क्षमावती +3 (merciful ).
P. 3, Purvashodhányása.“
There can, therefore, be nothing to prevent us from accepting as true the idea that is embodied in the following verses :
semufteraturaemikengezin.
Chap. 16, Dakshinamûrtisamhita (p. 59).
(I bow to) that goddess who is brilliant with her bodily members formed of the letters from a to ksha.'
315
पञ्चाशन्निज देहजाक्षरभवैर्नानाविधैर्धातुभिः बह्वथैः पदवाक्यमानजनकैरर्थादिनाभावितैः
efmarÍRÁKwè: quâce=âte
विश्वं व्याप्य चिदात्मनाहमहमित्युज्जृम्भसे माटके 145 Mahinmastotra by Krodhabhaṭṭaraka.
Having as knowledge pervaded the whole of the Universe with verbal roots which are of various form and meaning, which are the product of the fifty alphabetic letters born of thy body, which give birth to words, phrases, and sentences inseparably combined with their senses and which are immensely famous for having given rise to philosophic discussions and texts, dealing with rituals and ceremonial merits, dost thou, O Picture of the Mother of the World (alphabet), exhibit thyself as "I and I alone."'
Can we not, then, say Amen to the following prayer of the Jainas who, as apostates from Brahmanism, hated almost every thing that was Brahmanic, but still, in appreciation of the benefits conferred on them, as on others, by the invention of the Brahmi alphabet by Brahmans, readily bowed to that Lipi?
नमो बम्मीए लिप्पीए. 48
'Salutation to the alphabet which originated from (the hieroglyphics, representative of)
48 Compare p. 74, Varivasyarahasya and Nyasa in Yoginidipika.
44 AK these words are collected in six groups.
45 Compare st. 81, oh. I., Mantramah, and Part III., Tripuratapini Upanishad. **Introductory passage, Bhagavati Bútra.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1906.
Appendix,
Plate X. Wrong as are, in the view now put forward, the conclusions arrived at by Professor Bühler regarding the origin of the Devanagari Alpbabet, still it cannot be denied that there exists & resemblance between the two alphabets, the Semitic and the Indian. More striking, indeed, is the similarity of forms between the Greek and the Sanskrit alphabets. Regarding this similarity, James Prinsep observes as follows47:
“This striking similarity becomes more palpable, the farther we retire into antiquity, the older the monuments we have to decipher; so that even now while we are quite green in the study, we might almost dare to advance (with the fear of M. Raoule De Rochette before us) that the oldest Greek (that written like the Phoenician from right to left) was nothing more than Sanskrit turned topsy-turvy! A striking proposition this for those who have so long implicitly believed in Cadmus and the introduction from Egypt of what, perchance, never existed there. Yet, there is nothing very new nor very unnatural in the hypothesis ; since the connection of the Greek with the Phænician and Samaritan alphabets has been admitted as a strong evidence that the use of letters travelled progressively from Chaldea to Phoenicia and thence along the coasts of the Mediterranean,' and the Greek language is now so indisputably proved to be but a branch of the Sanskrit stem, that it is not likely that it should have separated from its parent without carrying away some germs of the art of writing, already perhaps brought to perfection by the followers of Brahma. But my arguments are not those of books or learning or even tradition, but solely of graphic similitude and ocular evidence.
- The Greek letters are dressed by a line at the foot, in most cases, as A,A,A, M, Q, Y, &c. The Devanagari are niade even along the upper surface of the letters, and in later ages a straight line has been introduced at the top from which the grammatic elements are suspended. The Greek alphabet is devoided of all system and has had additions made to it at various times. Some of these, as , X, Y, , are precisely those which present the least resemblance to the Sanskrit forms. I give my evidence on Plate X. (Plate XXIV., Vol. III., J. A. S. B.) taking my Greek types from the well-formed letters on coins and from the boustrophedon tablet of Sigeum.
* Of the vowels, A, I, O and y present a striking conformity with the vowels sp, , and the semi-vowels 7 and 3 of the oldest Sanskrit alphabets inverted. The vowel E is not reconcilable and resembles more the short E of the Zend. The long H is a later introduction and appears to be merely the iteration of the short vowel 1 as w is of oo.
"In the consonants we find B, C, A, C, E, K, A, M, N, N, P, E, T, in fact, every one of the letters excepting those of after-invention, are represented with considerable exactness by the for double a), T, , , , , , , , , , , , of the oldest Sanskrit Alphabet, although there is hardly a shadow of resemblance between any pair in their modern forms. The same precision cannot be expected in every case. The B, A, E, A, M, N, O, P, Y. require, like the vowels, to be viewed in an inverted position. The r and E remain unturned. The 2 and K require to be partially turned. The A and N may be thought a little far-fetched. The 'B taken from the double 6 and the A from the aspirated may also be objected to; but taking a comprehensive view of the whole, it seems to me impossible that so constant and so close a conformity of the alphabetical symbols of two distant nations should exist without affording demonstration of a common origin. Whether the priority is to be conceded to the Greeks, the Pelasgians or the Hindus, is a question requiring great research and not less impartiality to determine."
Besides this ocular evidence regarding the relation of the Eastern and Western alphabets, there appears to be some philological evidence also appealing to the ear. The nomenclature of the letters of many of the Western alphabets seem to be fossilised mutilations o: corruptions of the Sanskrit words that are contained, as names of alphabetical letters, in
* Pp. 390-91, Vol. III., J. A. 8. B., 1899.

Page #361

DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
Indian Antiquary.
Plate X.
GREEK
INDIAN.
I
9
V.b
L
=
T
o odh. ? gende
W
N
I
L
0
-
x
=
{
0 + X os swt
0 -
2 w Ex
-HAMASASTRI, DEL.
W. GRIGGS, LITH.

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THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPIYABET.
317
the two stanzas of the Tripuropanishad. These two stanzas are believed to be the earliest source of not only the two varieties of the mantrus, sacred to Sakti, but also of the Devanagari Alphabet. The eleventh verge of the Upanishad contains the names of the fifteen letters composing the mantra cbanted by Manu, and the thirteenth those of the mantra believed to have been recited by Lopamudra, a woman of Puranic fame. The verses run as foulows:
कामी योनिः कमला वजपाणिः . गुहा हसा मातरिश्वाभ्रमिन्द्रः । पुनर्गहा स कला मायया ष
पुरूच्येषा" विश्वमाता विवियोम् ।। . (i) ka (kdina), < (yoni), i (kamala), la (cajrapani), and hrin (yuhd); (ii) ha, sa, ku rundturisd), ha (abhram), la indra) and hiim (guhd); (iii) and 8.1, ka, la and him. This first and most ancient mantra (ridya) is the mother of the world.'
षष्ठं सप्तममय वहिसारथि चास्या मूलत्रिकमावेशयन्तः कथ्य कवि कल्पक काममीशं
तष्ठवासोऽमृतत्वं भजन्ते ।। · Replacing the first three (letters) of the above mantra by the sixtli (ha), the seventh (su) and (ku) (vahnisdrathi, air) and extolling (the god) as Praiseworthy, Poet, Love and Lord of the Universe, some other devotees attain to heavenly bliss.'
Almost all Tantric scholars are unanimous in taking the words mdtarigrd and abhra in the above passage to unean ka and ha. But, as has already been seen, ya is the letter sacred to air and vu to water or clouds. Accordingly, there appears to be some confusion in the interpretation of the stanzas, due, perhaps, to the use of the same or synonymous words, such as guhd (used twice) and vajrapani and indra to imply different letters. It is perhaps due to the use of such similar or synonymous words that of the fifteen or twenty-two letters of the two mantras, all of which might probably have been originally distinct, there are now only seven or eight, including the anustára, nasal sound, distinct letters or syllables. It is not, however, possible to find out the particular letters which are implied by the several words in the verses. Though I am not free from misgivings that the analogy between the words of the above verses and those of the names of the letters of Western alphabets, as fancied by me, may not only clash with rules of philology of which I possess little knowledge, but also be inconsistent with the history of the Western alphabets, still I risk hero comparison as a matter of curiosity :
ayin gimel van zayin cheth San. .. kamah
kamalu vajra pánik (bastah) Greek ... .....
gamma - van zeta
Seilt.
...
yonih
eta
he
Sein. San. Greek
... ... ...
guba
tan resh hasimaturiśvasigma tau (rho?)
lained bhrawindrah lambda
Sem. San. Greek
... ... ...
nuu punguha nu
Samekh sakali mayaya cha
40 TARTOTT: M , T Saundaryalahari, M. O. L. Ed.
OT are other reading.
See Commentary
on
an AS
17
and
12 ;

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318
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[NOVEMBER, 1906.
Sein,
San. Greek
... ...
pe tsode shin purûchyesha pi (rho?) san
qoph men theth yod visvamåtádividyom զորa mu kheta iota
Sem. San. Greck
... ...
cbeth shastham zeta
memle saptamamatha eta mu he
VA zayin vahvisârathin
Sem.
.
...
samekl châsya
avin mülatrikamaveśayantal
San. Greek
զորհ
Sem. San. Greek
...
kathyam
karim quppa
kaph
gime! kalpakamkamamisam kappa
gamma
Sem. ... tale samekla
Pe shin tau San. ... tushthuvamo'
miatyam
bhajante Greek ...
..... The words aleph and beth appear to be the corruptions of lipi and bhita, bhuta-limi being the name of the Devanagari.
Also there seems to be in the following passages of the Akshamalopanishad an Upanishad treating of the letters from a to Kesha) some historie significance regarding the westward migration of the Devanagari : -
मन्त्रमाके अक्षमाले नद्यन्तर बासि. देशान्तर बासि. दीपान्तरं बासि. लोकान्तरं यासि. सर्वश
स्फुरसि. सर्वहरि वासबसि. नमस्ते. O picture of the mother, forming the letters of the mantras : 0 series of the letters from a to ksha, thou crosses the river, migratest to other countries, travelest to other islands, goest to other worlds, always displayest thyself, and causest us (letters) to abide in the hearts of all; salutation to thee.'
The river referred to in the passage seems to be the Indus, inasmuch as the formation of the alphabet must have taken place in the plains of the Indus or the Ganges.
Transliteration of Sanskrit Passages. kâśamandalam dhumram vartulam parikirtitam Shatkonamandalam râyoh Krishņashadbindulânchhitam Sasvastikam trikoņam tu raktam vshnestu mandalam Ardhachandramatisvachchham padmadvayavirájitam  pyamandalamakhyâtam chaturaśram mahestari Ashịavajrayutam pitam dbaramandalamiśvari Tattad bijaramayuktam mandalain pujayet kramåt Tattad varạena nirmaya drasyeņa parameśvari
P, 256

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NOVEMBER, 1906.)
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819
Padabhyam jânuparyantam chaturaśram savajrakam Janvora nabhi chandrardhanibham padmadvayasamayutam Nabhitah kantheparyantam kțishņam vâyostu mandalam Bhrûmadhyadbrahmarandhrântam vartulam dhvajalañchhitam
P. 256
Sthirebhirangaih Babhuśśukrebhih
pururûpa ngrah pipiše hiranyaih
Nu manvânâh eshâm devän ascha
P. 257 P. 257
Brahmandadikatẩhân tâm tâm vande Biddhamutriking Yadekådaśamadhâram bijam koņatrayâtmakam
P. 258
Trikonarupa yonistu. Saktirekâdaśasthâne sthitvâsûte jagattrayam Visvayoniriti khyâtî så visbộordasarūpakam
Bindudvayântare dandaśśivarů po mapiprabhah
P. 258 P. 258
Andadvayamadhyavartini sira
P. 258
Andad vayasthaniyau dvau bindú sirasthâniya rekha. Sivo mushka-dvayamadhyavarti nadimaņih padmarâga iti sâmpradayiki vyakhya
P. 259
Sivassaktih kâmah kshitiratha ravissitakiranah Smaro hamsastadanu cha parâmaraharayab Ami hrillekhâbhistisribhiravasâneshu ghatitah Bhajante varņiste tava janani nâmarayavatám
P. 259
Na vihitamanadAtmå täntradhidarsikirtib Avinataphalasâttâ vikramena kramena
P, 260
Sadarcbitaskandarudrårkanetub Maheśapritaguptah Satatam sevate mûrtimimâm yaschatra bhupatih Rudreñendreņadya dese 8 matah praņayapanyadhiram
P. 260
Srisâmkhhyâyanakalpasůtravidhibhih karmâni ye kurvato Yeshâm sâkalasůtramantranichayah kausitaki Brâhmaņam Tairârâd hakamadhyamantravitatih ya pathyate bahvrichaih Rigbhishodasabbirmabopanishadam vyachakshmahe tâm vayam
P. 261
Dva mandala dva stana bimbamekam Mukham châdhastriņi guhásadanani Kamikalam kamarûpam viditvå Naro jayate kâmarûpascha kamah
P. 261
Bhagassaktirbhagavân káma isah Ubbi ditầrivile Baubhagânấm Samapradhanau samasatvau samotayoh Samasaktirajara visvayonih
P. 261

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1906.
Vishộuryonim kalpayata Trasbtê rûpâņi pimsatu Asinchatu prajapatih Dbåtá garbhain dadhậtu te
P. 261
Ashta chakrá navad vará dovanám půrayodhya Tasyam birayah kosah svargo jyotishAvritah Tasmin biranyaye kose tryare tripratishthite Tasminyadyekâksham Atmanvaitat tadvai Brahmavido viduh Param biranyayfm Brahma dviveskparajitâm
P. 262
Chaturbhisivachakraibcha saktiohakraischa pancbabbih Navachakraischa samsiddham Srichakram Sivajorvapuh Trikonamashtakonam cha dasakoņadvayam tatha Chatardas@ram chaitâni saktichakráņi pancha cha Binduschashtadalam padmam padmam shodagapattrakam Cbaturasram cha chatvari Sivachakranyânukramat
P. 263
Trikone baindavastbâne adhovaktram vichintayet Bindoruparibhage tu vaktram samchintya Sadhakah Taduparyeva vaksbojadvitayam samsmaredbudbah Taduparyeva yonim cha kramago bhuvanesvarim
P. 268
Padmam chaturdasadalam bahirv sittadvyam tatha Likhitvå karnikámadhye yonim mayodaram likhet Daleshvapi tatha sakteschaturdasagu samlikhet Bbagama lima madhyasaktyámáváhyabhyarchayedbudhah
P. 264
Maládbarádisbatkamûrdhvad haskahasradalakamale dve lambikâgramiti Davidbarah
P. 264
Srotrachaksburnasanám dvayam
dvayam
jihvá-gubya-pâyava ekaika iti
P. 204
Pratikpitimávalek hinim dárbhúsheņa Bhangajyena Kantakabalyayolûkapattraya sitalukanday& bridaye viddhyati
P. 270
Eapta maryada ityuttarato' gnessapta lekhá likhati prachyah
P. 27)
Váchi baddhaya bhumi-parilekbam
P. 271
Ajaisham två samlik bitamajaishamuta samrudhem A vim vriko yatha mathadevå mathnami to kritam
P. 251
Likedroohanayaikante pratimnimavanitale Svarpam Chatrs Spingiraveshábharaṇabhúshitám Tatpb Alagalabrinabbijanmsmandalayojitám Janman mahavidyawan kuanta vidarbbitam! Sarvangasandisampamglikbya madaniksharam
P. 373

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NOVEMBER, 1906.)
THE ORIGIN OF THE DEVANAGARI ALPHABET.
821
Likhitvå vipulam chakram tanınalhy9 pratimam yadi, Namn likhati samyaktára jvalintim chintayettatah Satayojanamitrastha tvadpisyâpicha ya bluvet Bhayalajjâvinit mukta apyâyâti vimolata
P. 272 Kritvå sindůrarajaså chakram tatra vibhivayet
P. 272 Madhye phalam bindurlipa ivâbhâti vartulákirah Tadupari tutorilachandro' nvarthah kaniya tathakrity 1 Atha rolhini tadarthvam trikunnrûpêchia Chadrikákiutili Nádnstu Padmaragavadançalvasamadhyavartini sina Nadintassavyasthitabindnyuktal gulavati Tiry bindudvitaye vamodgachchhatsirakritikšaktih Bindgachchhattryaárâkârâtha vyâpiki proktai Urihvad sobindudvitavayutarskakpitissamanih Saivodlivab.nduhinonmanâstadürdhvam malâ binduh
P. 277 Ghosho medha kshamakhyo vishamatha cha tataschetana Chandrakhandah Tryakram drigvpittasiro' ruñakiranabalassen Jusirakramena Vittarkastrikikham dy bimbakalita rekhi dvikub, on mananah Sikiran manasa smare.lapi kalih pratyekamarchyassive 11
Ghoshuh Sivabijo hakârah. Melba akůrah, kehawa lakirah. Visham makarah, tatah chetani bindub
Chandrakhaudu'rdhae band rah. Tryasrm trikoņam nirodhi. dpigvrittasfrab drigvriteabhyam yuktassirah. Anena nada uchyate. Aruņakiraņahalah aruņakiranak Adityah dukehiņapârsvabinduh tadyukto balah. Anena nadantasya grahaņam. Sendusirah VA napårávabinduyukta-sirah. Anena Saktikaliyah prastaro darsitah. Vrittårkat risikham dakshiņabinduyuktatridandah trigûlam vå. Atha dvibindukalita dvikubja rekha dakshiņavâma-bindndvayayakta drivakrá rekha samanah kala. binduv lasad rijurekhâkritinunmunah kula,
P. 278 Sivamekam vijântyanmantramârtim param Sivam Nadam kiritamityuktam bindurvaktramudábritam Ilaharnn dehamityaktam drayau tungau bhujau tathe Valinipalvayam vidyât mantramûrtirudáhrit 1
P. 279 Hrillek haya-gvarůram to vyomignirvamalocbanam Dindvardhachandrarudhinyo nadanadantasaktayah. Vyûpikasanjanôn manga ili dvadasagambatih Binuvadinam navâân ta samashtirnada uchgate
P. 979 Sivamanträumûrtyuddhârakṣitih nagaraiipibhiruddhårayitam yajyate. Vyatiriktalipibhirnoddh - ayiitum yujyate.
P. 279 Vastutassarire i trays ovavayavah. Sirehädikanthantam kanthádistanantam briday adiutvnyantam. Keśupanijadam tattachchlallah.
P. 280 Sțiugeva sitaya viávacharshinih Pasena pratibadhnâtyabhikan Iskubbih parchabhirahanusha cha Viddhyatyadiśaktirara å visvajanya 11
P. 280 Dvidhå spiurbharati Wharta cha hanta cha
P. 280

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P: 280
P. 280
Rijurekhamayi visvastbitau prathitavigrah i Tatsambļitidaśayam tu baindavam rupamaśpita Pratyavşittikrameņaivam Spingâtavapurajjvalê Visvasisrikshåvasatassvårdhâm saktim vyalokayadbrahma Bindurbhavati tamindum praviáati Saktistu raktabindutaya Etadbindudvitayam visargasamjñam hakarachaitanyam 11. Sphatitâdarunidbindornadabrahmankuro vyaktah Tasmadgaganasamiraņadabanodakabbumivarnasambhutih Etatpanchakavikritih jagadidamandaprajándaparyantam, Yatsamudre abhyakrandat Parjanyo vidyuta saha Tato biranyayo bindub Tato darbho ajâyata !
P: 281
P. 281
P. 282
Sadhakasya cha lakshyârtham tasya rapamidam smpitam Åkâravam chenniyamâdupâsyah NA vastvanâkâramupaiti buddhihi
Kasmai devâya | kasmai kâya prajapataye devaya | Prajapatirvå kah | tasmai devaya havish Vidhema
P. 282
P: 282
Niranjano' kâmatvenojisimbhate i A-ka-cha-ta-ta-pa-ya-kan spijate tasmádjávarah kámo' bhidhiyate tatparibhashayâ kâmah kakaram Vyâpnotikama eredam tattaditi kakaro gộihyate
Konatrayavadudbhayo lekho yasya tat Nagaralipyám Sampradayikairekârasya trikoņákaratayaiva lekhanat.
P. 282
P. 283
Savitâ práņinassûte. Prasûte Saktih | Sûte tripura Saktirâdyeyam tripura Parameávari Mahâkundili devi jâtavedasaman dalam yo' dhite sarvam Vyâpyate trikonaśaktirekarena unahâbhâgena prasûte tasmadekåra' eva grihyate | Varenyam éreshtbam bhajani yamaksbaram namaskaryam | tasmadvarenyamekákbharam gřihyate
.
P. 283
Tatturiyasvarupam tu bindutrayamitiritam | Tadâtmatvam ta devyåste Sadhakena cha yadbhavet 1 Tadbhavanam sruņu prajñe mahodaykarim subhâm Urdhvabindvatmakam Vaktramad bobindudvayâtmakam Kuchadvayam cha tachchheshaibsesbên ngani cha bhavayet.
P. 283
Pâdâdijânuparyantam chaturaśram savajrakam Bhubijam cha svarņavarnam smaredavanimandalam Jânvadyanabhi Chandrârdha nibham padmadvayankitam Vambijayuktam Svetabhamambhasam mandalam emaret Nabherbřidayaparyantam trikonam Svastikanvitam Rambijena yutam raktam smaretpávakamandalam Hrido bbrûmadhyaparyantam Vpittam shadbinduláñchhitam Yambijayaktam dhūmrabham maruto mandalam smaret Abrahmarandhram bhrûmadhyât Vpittam svachchhamanoharam hambfjayaktamakasamandalam pravichintayet.
Pp. 285-286

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Vasundharågato gand bastallipirgandhavâchakab Vasundharayah prithivya guņo gandhab. tallipih prithivivachako vargo lakârah
P. 286 Vakaram Varuņam hy&paschaturtham medasi sthitam Jalasya yani nâ mâni santi tänyaparâni cha! Vakarasy&pi namani
P. 286 Dipagrasthitakajjalalekhavat
P. 287 Vayabljam smaranvâyum sampúryemam viboshayet Svasarfrayutam mantri yahnibijena nirdahet Bahirbhasma samatsårys våyubijena rechayet.
P. 287 Prithivyadini btjâni layarayahakarakah
P. 287 Pašam châpam srakkapále spiņishûn Sulam hastairbibhratim raktavarnim Raktodanvatpotaraktâmbujastham Derim dhyâyetprânaéaktim triņotram
P. 288 Vaksbye' dhuna manostasyoddhâram dhyâtrisgkhAvaham PAsam mâyâm spiņim prochya yadinsaptendusamyután Târânvitam nabhassaptavarṇam mantram tato japot!
P: 288 Khadgam Chakragadeshuchápaparighần balam bhusundim birab Sankham sandad batim karaistriņayanam barvångabhůshkvritâm Yamastautavapite barau kamalajo hantam madhum kaitabham NUMámadyatimasyapadadalanim seve mahakalikam Akshasrakparasagadeshukulisam padmam dhanub kundikam dandamenktimasimcha charma jalajam ghantam surfbhåjanam Salam pašasudarsane cha dadhatim hastaih pravalaprabhâm Sovo sairibhamardinimiba. mahalakshmim suraujodbhavam |
P. 289 Akaram cha ikaram cha ukaram cha pikêrakam Likaram chaiva ekkram tathaivatkârameva cha Eto sapta svarâh proktah prakritista samfritah Seabastu vikritih proktah teshamudbhavamuchyate | Akarachchodbhavákâram ikâre tvisamudbhavab
P: 311 Dvividhå hi madhyamå så säkshma sthulaksitissthird súkshmi
P. 312 Navanadamayt sthala navavargátmå ta bhatalipyákhya
P. 312. Devânâm bijanimâni Vargastatra prakalpith Tasmadvarnani choktani jõåtvå mantram samuddbaret Tattaddevatánamabhidhanaksharameva tattaddevatenámangam bhavati.
P. 312 Ampita, Åkarshiņi, Indrâņi, Ibânt, Uma, Ordbrakesini, şiddhih, Risha, Lita, Visha, Ekapadint, Aigvart, Omkariņt, Aushadhátmike, Ambika, Aksharâtmika, Kilargtrt, Khâtîta, Gayatrt, Ghangadharini, Narņâtmika, chanda, chhaya, jaya, Jhankariņi, Jaguardpa, Tankahasta, Thankårint, Dimart, Dhankfriņt, Namini,
Pp. 314-315

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824
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1906.
P. 315
Tâmasi, Thâmini, Dikshyani, Dhitrì, Nanla, Parvati, Phatka ini Baudhini, Dhadrakali, Mahakiya, Yasasvini, Raktà, Lauuboshthi, Varald, Sasmi, Shunda, Sarasvati, Hansavati, Kshamavati,
Akarâdikshakaranavarnavayavasunlarim Panchasanu jadvhnjáksharabharaimanavidhairdhatubbih balivarthah padavak yamannanakairarthavin bhavitaih | Såhhipriyavadarthakarmaphaladaih khyatairanan'siridan Visvam vyapya chidatwanahamabamity ujjrimbbase matsikell Namo bamniye Ippiye
P. 313 P. 315
Mantramatrike Akshamil nadyantaram yasi, deśântaram yasi, dvipântaram yusi, lokantaram yasi, sarvada bihurasi, Sarvabriui visayasi. namaste.
P. 318
NOTES AND QUERIES. TITLES AMONG RULING TAMILIES IN THE | Maha Aja are styled Ajals and their sons are
PANJAB HILL STATES: ADDENDUM. Måns.
(Continued from Vol. XXXIV. p. 272.). In the Mankotia family the enffis Deo alterChand. - The fuflix of the Katoch RajAs of nates with that of Singb, e. g., Råjå Bilbir Singh Lambagraon and Nadaun, and of the Kahloria
is the son of Raja Lakh Déu. This is said to Raja of Bilaspur or Kahlar is Chand', which
huve been the practice for a long period. used also to be the Ruffix of the Jaswal Rajas of The change of suffix at accession is suid to be Amb in the Hoshiarpur District, until I be tenth rare, the heir, when a son of the ruler, being Sikh Gurd changed it to Singh. I be tradition is generally named with the fame suffix as bis that the Gurd sought an asylum from Mughal father. But if the R&j& dies sonless, or the persecution at Naina Devi in Bilaspur, and the heir-apparent dies, the next heir will have to goddese bade him ask boon. He prayed that assume the ruler's suffiz. Sikh rulers never the Sikh power might be established, and, on this change the suffix of Singh. prayer.being heard, he urged all the neighbouring Bhaa. - The title Bhaa is somewhat common. rulers to accept Sikhism, but they all refuerd,
180. It is used for the heirs-apparent of all the Rånås save RAJA Mân Cuand of Jaswan, who stipolated
in the smaller States round Simla; and also in . that be should only take the suffix of Singh on
Mandt by the heir-presumptive, before he is condition that he was not to take the pahul, or abandon the sacred thread. Mån Ohand was the
proclaimod tika or heir-apparent, first Raja of Jaswan to be styled Singh.'
Kanwar. This title is in use in lieu of Mila
(Hot for the heir-apparent) in Sirmar, Nalagarh D80. - The suffix Deo was retained by the
and Garhwal in the United Provinces, also in RAJAs of Jamnta until Raja Raghbir Deo was
the Sikh States of Patiala and Kapurthala in deposed by Mabârâja Ranjit Singh; and the
the Paūjáb plains. tradition is that Gulab Singh, grandfather of the
Rai. - The beir-apparent in the Katoch family present ruler of Jammu, slew Anche Khan,
An Kangra ia termed Rai. Moreover, when the & noted Afghan free-booter. Ranjit Singh had
Raja Binne Chand, of Nurpar, in the Hoshiarpur Bet a price upon his head, but he ventured to
District, ignoring the rule of primogeniture, Attack Jummd itself and there met his death at Gulab Singh's bands. In rengnition of his
divided his state among his eight sons, they
became each a Rai, and, it is said, were the first bravery Rarjit Singh bestowed on him the state of Jamm with the title of Raja, and the family
to use that title. But in religious ceremonies has since borne tbe suffix of Singh. It is note
the Rais still use the old title of Raja. worthy that in Jammd all the sons of the
H. A Rose. . It is also the suffis of the Dadwal chiefs of Datirpar, an offshoot of the Katich.
. It is as hard for a R& pat as it is for a Khatri to socept the levelling doct-ines of Sikhism, and both these castes contribute few converts to that faith.
"He had promised to grant his wife whatever she wished, and she demanded that all her eight bons should be prooluimad tikla, or heire, alike. But these families now each retain the rule of primogeniture. - Boardrow District Gaster, p. 49 (Ed... ol 1.04).

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PHOTO, BY REV. H. B. MARX.
ARCHEOLOGICAL OBJECTS AT SASPOLA.
77
PHOTO, BY DR. T. E. SHAWE
Fig. 1. Site of Alchim-khar-gog.
Figs. 2, 3. Frescoes in the Nyi-zla-phug Monastery.
Indian Antiquary.
9469 9012
W. GRIGGS

Page #372

Indian Antiquary Plate II. Rock INSCRIPTIONS FROM ALCHI-MKHAR GOG.
Picture of a Stúpa.
g) སོཊཱནཾགྷལ་པི ༣:
4
9
,
་ །
、
ༀ7,
སྟེངཔོན
Stupa
Stúpa. - - - ་ ,
w༠
རྒྱལབས་ནས
s, ཀྱིས ཤོངུ:ངོན.༠རུང་ མ་ འཇརH Wes t/༩༠.
བམ
-
of a
Picture ofa Stúpa
&:5.
s
ojཏང.Uཉེ,ཆ་༩H
W• 9
4. H. Franke, Del.
༩...
。

Page #373

Plate III. Indian Antiquary. ROCK INSCRIPTIONS FROM ALCHI-MKHAR-GOG.
་ ། ཏཱ=གླིང་རྒྱལཁྲིས དྲྀསཀཾ ) ཤོན ཅན ཡི རཱef= པྲལམྱོསབྲིས 1 ནོH A B
PA) །
ཛ
ཉོར པའི སྐོར
W97
རྗེས* s/
༧ g, Oཐ ཁོ མ ཏོངU4:ཁྱོལ 7
ขเบิ
རྒྱལབས་
:/5
E
ཨོ་
Ie1༤་
ཕ།སྟོང་ ལོན་ཞང་་ འབར་ རྒྱས་ བa
w96
སུག་
༧བྲེo:༠༠ ན་རྩོམན
A.H. Franke, Del..
af.r,ta

Page #374


Page #375

DECEMBER, 1906.]
ABOHXOLOGY IN WEBTERN TIBET.
S25
ARCHÆOLOGY IN WESTERN TIBET.
KHALATSE.
BY THE RX. A. . FRANCKE.
(Continued from p. 241.) II. - INSCRIPTIONS AT SASPOLA.
A. - Alohi-mkhar Gog. N approaching Saspola from Kbalates the first object that attracts interest is the ruined
Castle of Alchi-mkbar Gog, which reminds one of that at Bala-mkhar near the latter place. It was built on one or more low rocks on the left bank of the Indus, evidently to cover an ancient bridge. According to the most acceptable native tradition, the builder was an ancient king named Bandel, probably of Dard origin, of whom, however, no written record has survived ; but from the many stong-pon insoriptions in the vicinity it would seem to have fallen into the bande of the Kings of Leh not long after 1000 A. D. From these inscriptions also, it is clear that it was not trade but military considerations that caused the castle to be constructed.
Another tradition says that a king Bahand, in place of Bandel, was the builder of the castle. One person mentioned king Nyima-rnam-rgyal in connection with the castle. This is evidently A mistake for Nyima-mgon, the first Tibetan king who conquered the country.
During a short examination of the site (vide Plate I.), two shards of ancient pottery decorated with blood-red designs, like those reproduced, ante, Vol. XXXIV., p. 208 ff., from Balo-mkhar, were discovered, and also a beautiful stone-mortar. Not much of the masonry is left, but large quantities of loose stones, which formerly formed part of the walls, are to be seen lying aboat.
The Inscriptions. The real attraction of the castle for the archæologist lies in the many inscriptions (vide Plates II. and 111.) on stones and boulders in its vicinity, which contain records of the erection of stúpas, or chailyas, by its ancient commanders.
No. 1. Tibetan Text.
Translation. 80 blon halpa
* Halpa, the officer of the spies.
No. 2. khri samgyis
By Khri-sum (erected].
No. 3. stong [a]pon rge [= dge]
The commander of a thousand called ] age.
stong [a]pon rgyalba yesheskyâs
[Erected) by the commander of a thousand,
Gyalba-yoshes. No. 8.
| Khrom (name). xo, ..
The commander of a thousand, bDung-'ajoms.
kbrom
stong [a]pon bdung 'ajoms

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1906.
slong [2]po[n]
yho bru dbang cug
No. 7.
Commander of thousand. No's.
Yho-bru-dbang-oug (a name). No, e.
Weitten by the commander of a thousand, a Greba, Ko. 10.
1 written by bLon-scan. No. 1.
Written by ryal-khri [oh dBang-gLing;
stong (2]pon rgebas bris
blon soangis bris
rbang kling rgyal khris bris on
rbang kling pril myis bris
Written by the orderly (of) dBang-gLing. o om la hra bum
o-om la hra hum!
No. 13. stong [2]pon skyid sumgyis
By the commander of a thousand, Skyid-yeum.
No. 18. stong (2]pon kbrom
The commander of a thousand, Khrom. .
No. 14. sto[ng] [4]pon khrom
The commander of a thousand, Khrom.
No. 16. Khyii lola(s) to[ng] [2]po[n] rgyalbas In the dog-year by the commander of a thousand,
rGyalba,
No. 16. om staglola brogba bona khromgo om, in the tiger-year by the Dard Bona
khromgo.
No. 17. stong [d]pon zhang 'abargyis bzheng | Erected by the commander of a thousand,
1 Zhanga 'bar. With these inscriptions may be considered the translations of the two inscriptions from the same site published, ante, Vol. XXXII., p. 361 ff. But even then the collection cannot yet be called complote. Every new visit to the site reveals several more inscriptions.
No. 18. Translation: Erected in the tiger-year by the commander of a thousand, rGyalba-yeshes.
No. 19. Translation : Erected by Sangto Chakong, the mox ( low-caste man), the thief of sinful behaviour. (The erector of this stupe probably only wrote his name, which does not appear to be
Tibetan name, in the instrumental case; another person, his enemy, may have added the second part of the inscription.)

Page #377

DECEMBER, 1906.]
ARCHÆOLOGY IN WESTERN TIBET.
827
Notes on the Tibetan Text of the Inscriptions. No. 1. so blon is a compound of sopa, spy, and blonpo, minister. No such word as halpa is to be found in a Tibetan dictionary, but there is a Dard word halka, bright, splendid.
No. 2. The name Khri-ysum means three thrones.'
No. 3 ff. The title stong dpon, commander of a thousand, is invariably spelt in a defective manner in these inscriptions. The Ladakhis would have spelt it stong spon, if they had invented the title ; because now-a-days they still pronounce the word thus, the 8 before the p being very distinct. But in some of the inscriptions the spelling is even more defective than is the Ladakhi form, the & before the of stong being omitted, and the nasals dropped. I am much inclined to believe that this curiously defective spelling is due to imitation of the Lhasa dialect, which had probably been lately introduced by the then new dynasty of the Kings of Leb, who came from Central Tibet. The name Ge (rge) means 'virtue.'
No. 4. The name Gyalba-yeshes means "the victor, wisdom.' No. 5. The name Khrom means anger.' No. 6. The name bDang-'ajoms seems to mean . bow-bender, conqueror.'
No. 8. The first part of the name yZho-bru-dbang-cug is not now intelligible; or is it perhaps yzhonnu, youth ?" The second part means 'rich, power.'
No. o. The name dGeba means 'virtue.' No. 10. The name bLon-scan seems to mean having wisdom' (blo can).
No. 11. The name of the writer yGyal-khri means king's throne. It sounds almost like a royal name. The name of the castle d Bang-gLing means 'place of power.' The term pril myi is a case of the ancient orthography, and proves that this inscription is particularly old. No such word as pril can be found in the dictionaries, and I presume that it is related to the dialectical word spreloes which means distribute labour,' 'tell a number of labourers what each has to do. That we find in the inscription ani in pril. instead of an e, may be due to assimilation to the second syllable.
In contrast to the generally Central Tibetan nature of the stong pon inscriptions, this inscription shows its distinctive Ladakhi origin in spelling the word dbang, power,' as rbang. A literate Central Tibetan would have spelt it dbang, and an illiterate one ang, because the Central Tibetan pronunciation of this word is ang. The modern Ladakhi pronunciation is wang. The change of the pronunciation from the archaic dbang, through wang, to ang can be explained thus : - dbang can be taken to be bang furnished with a d prefix, and all such prefixes show an inclination to become either rors. In this case the d has actually become an r, and so the second stage in the pronunciation would be rbang, as in the inscription. Then, if a b is furnished with an r or 8 prefix, the combination tends to become simply o or w, and thus the third stage in the pronunciation would be wang, as it is in modern Ladakhf. Next w and 'a are occasionally interchangeable, e.g., wurdo='urdo ; woma = 'oma; wug pa='ugpa; and so the fourth stage of pronunciation would be ang, as in Central Tibet. Now, while we find the fourth stage of pronunciation in the dialect of Lhassa, and the third stage in the present Ladakhi dialect, a thousand years ago the Ladakhi dialect may quite possible have been still at the second stage, and hence the rbang of the inscription. The same spelling is found on a boulder noar Khalatse Fort, where the words are really rbang-byed, not drang-byed, as I read them then (see my Collection of Insoriptions printed at Leh). The original pronunciation of db bas been preserved in the classical orthography and perhaps in such forms as Ptolemy's Dabasae = men of Bus, Central Tibet.
No. 12. The name Skyid-ysam means 'threefold happiness, the noble one.' Nos, 18 and 14. The name Khrom means 'anger.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1906.
No. 15. The name Gyalba means vietor.'
No. 16. The name Bona-khromgo means the tall one.' Bona is probably the Dard word bono ; khro-mgo means 'anger-head.' No. 17. The name Zhanga-bar seems to mean "uncle fire-blaze' or 'rising fire-blaze.?
Notes on the English Translation. The most ancient of the inscriptions is probably No. 11. It may date from the time of independence, before the occupation of the fort by the Kings of Leh. The royal sound of the name
Gyal-khri may be due to its denoting that of a petty chief; as the chiefs of Kartse apparently were addressed as "Khri-rgyal."
At the time of the conquest of Western Tibet by the Lhasa dynasty, the castle of Alchi-mkbar Gog passed into the hands of the Kings of Leb, and their commanders had to protect the bridge with s garrison. In those days the time of the garrison seems to bave been less occupied with drill than with the erection of stúpas and chaityas for the spiritual welfare of the soldiers. The names of the commanders are not without interest, for there is a sound of real soldiers' names in them, and they have not as yet been replaced by ordinary Buddhist names. It is also of some importance that among the names we find two which are apparently Dard, and one or two which are Mon.
Paleographical Notes. Although the inscriptions are not of a great age, as we have to date the stong pon examples from about 1000 A. D. to 1400 A. D., they are of much palæographical interest, because the forms of the characters (vide Plates II. and III. attached) represented in them seem to be survivals of the time of the first shaping of the Tibetan Alphabet. Whilst the headed' alphabet of Tibet has remained stationary since c. 700 A. D., the unbeaded' (dbumed) alphabet has undergone great changes since it was employed by the commanders of Alchi-mkhar Gog. Forms of partioular interest are to be found in the reproductions of the following inscriptions in Plates II. and III.
No. 2. The subjoined under kh in the word khri bas the form of an ordinary r, whilst later on it was replaced by a stroke. The subjoined y in the syllable kyis is interesting on account of its vertical position. In course of time it became horizontal.
No. 5. The subjoined underneath the kh in the word khrom is attached to the stroke on the left instead of the right half of the letter.
No. 7. The letter ng is furnished with a head, but retains the form of the Dba-med ng.
No. 9. Here we find a new form of the 8, which prepares us for the change from the ancient H-like form, (as we find it, for instance, in No. 2 and No. 6), to the well-known form of the headed s, represented in No. 4, The e vowel-sign attached to the prefixed of the word rge is also worth noting. In all ancient inscriptions I have observed that this towel-siga is connected directly with the consonant, over which it is placed. Also the full, but perverted, form of the subjoined r in the word bris is interesting.
No. 10. Here we find the subjoined r in its original forma. The same can be observed in Nos. 13 and 14.
No. 16. Here the form of the a in the syllable om seems to be of great age. As I remarked in my article. On the Similarity of the Tibetan to the Kashgar Brahmi Alphabet' (M.A..B., 1905)) the Tibetan 'a seems to have been developed out of the Tibetan ya. The form found in this inscription speaks in favour of that theory. The word brogba (Dard) I read at first broaba, because the g in this word looks exactly like a Tibetan 'a. I believe, however, that this letter stands for a 9, which was either not quite completed, or the shape of which was still kept similar to that of the ancient Brahmi g.

Page #379

DECEMBER, 1906.]
ARCHAEOLOGY IN WESTERN TIBET.
829
B. The Bridge over Indus at Alchi-mkhar Gog. About one hundred yards from Alohi-mkhar Gog there is a wooden bridge across the Indus, and above it, close to the main road, there is an inscription which speaks of the construction of a bridge under king Sengge-rnam-rgyal, c. 1610-1840 A. D. This inscription has suffered much, and seems to bave been besten with stones in many places, in order to destroy some of the names. The text now given was copied by the Mission evangelist, Tbar-'aphyin-chos-'apbel, and it is accurate in the main, though I feel doubtful about certain words. As I am not likely to have an early opportunity of going to the spot, I now give the inscription in the evangelist's reading,
Text.
Om maņi padme hum. Chos rgyal yam mthsan che sengge roam rgyal stod ; emaho; kon mchog raam rgyal dang thsering phel serpo ldor kris thsering rnamskyis che chung thsangpo skulbas campai rgya rdzamla sbyin bdag 'abyang bala nubranas ghara kriskyi ra skye cig ri rdzonggi kacungpai drungnas raskyes cig rgyal Idep[ali lugu cig syiga dratsu cig khasbalokropa cbe ngan zus cig bab rtanbai drungnas rdungma cu bzbi dge slong loto dbangpos nas kbal phed dang eum ... dgang byornas nas khal nyis poto 3 sgerapa kungyis khel cig rmebabas zbi stagcigbai mgon khyigu kan dgā bkrashispai chos don bgrub mnamskyi singepo re . . . . ri rnamskyis singeso re dgă lo kros kbyil Idor sa phelle dgũ tbsering cho dgezhing kris.
Translation.
Om maņi padme hum. Praise to the wonderfully great religions King Sengge-rnam-rgyal. Kon-mohog-rnamrgyal and Thsering-phel [and] Krashis-Thsering of Borpo-ldor, these all, having admonished great and small, all of them, there originated alme-giving for the construction of this broadconnecting bridge. In this [alms-giving were presented) from Nubra by smith brashis a gelded he-goat; by Kacungpa of Ri-rdzong a gelded he-goat; by rGyal-lde a sheep (and a bag and a box?]; by Khashalokropa some parched grain ; by Bab-rtanba fourteen beams; by the hermit Loto-dbangpo 2 bushels of barley ; by dGang-byor two busbels of barley and three cups fall; by the people of rGera one bushel; by Mebaba (1) four; by all the m on-khyiga of Tag[ma]cig and the Chos-don-hgrub of G a-bkrashis & pot of beer each; by all the . . . . . . ri pot of beer each; Ga-lokros of Khyil-Idor [and] Su-phelle [and] Ga-thsering [made ? the bridge ?]; it being a virtue, bappiness to all)!
Notes on the Tibetan Text. The text seems to have been prepared by very illiterate people indeed, and I shall not attempt to correct all the words which are spelt wrongly, only selecting the worst instances in order to justify my trauslation.
Serpo-ldor, seems to be a local name. kris or bris, are common abbreviations of b Krashis.
oumpa, or bcumpa, means originally contract'; it is used here for connect,' because by the bridge the two banks of the river seem to be brought together, contracted.
rgya-rdzam, long bridge,' in opposition to the former loug-rdzam, bridge of ropes of twisted wijlow branches, which is naturally very narrow. About this time the first wooden bridges were probably constructed, for in the year 1685 the Indus was crossed at Khalatee on two wooden bridges.
dra-tau, is said to be a little box. che-ngan, is apparently phye-ngan, 'bad flour,' the ordinary term for rough parched grain. KUH-shig, perhaps the same as zas-shig, a little.

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330
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1906.
poto, said to mean cup; there were three cups-full of over two bushele. stag-cig (or rtag.cig) is the official name of the village of Tagmacig. Ichyil-Idor, seems to be a local name. sing-spo, a jar full of beer; compare dbug-sing in the dictionaries. cho, perhaps bcos, made.'
Notes on the English Translation. We know that during the times of the régime of the Ladakhi kings, there was, properly speaking, no money in the country. The king's treasure consisted of ingots of silver. For this reason taxes were levied in kind, and were partly paid in forced labour. As there was, however, apparently no custom of forced labour for tbe construction of bridges and as the king did not wish to rouge discontent by making an extraordinary demand on the people, he declared the construction of a bridge an opportunity for accumulating religious merit either by giving labour for the work or by providing food and delicacies to the workmen. In addition he seems to have promised that the names of all who contributed in such a way towards the construction of the bridge would be carved on the rock. The system apparently worked well, for another inscription at Hunupata tells us a similar tale with regard to the construction of a bridge under Thse-dbang-rnam-rgyal I., c. 1560--1580.
C. - The Alchi Monastery. Opposite Saspola across the Indus is situated the village of Alohi, famous for its ancient monastery, mentioned in the first Tibetan historical records which refer to Ladakh. These records are found, I am told, in the Padma-bkd btang, a Tibetan historical work; and although I have not yet been able to procure it, & trustworthy student of it tells me that the following passage referring to Ladakh occurs in it: --"At the time when Buddhism declined in Kashmir, a number of monks resolved to emigrate to Western Tibet. They went to Zangakar and founded the Kanika monastery near Sanid. When they had finished the wall-paintings, some paint remained, and they resolved to make use of it by founding another monastery ; this was Sumda in Phyiling. After that they founded Alohi and the Manggyu monastery." All these monasteries can easily be distinguisbed from the rest of those in Western Tibet. The lintels and architraves of the doors are very thick and richly ornamented with mythological wood carvings, and there used to be wooden galleries in front of the chief entrauce. On the walls of the large hell there are often oval medallions raised above the surface of the walls, and on these are painted figures of Buddhist saints. Originally the halls were without images of any kind.
Two more ruined monasteries, which show the same peculiarities, were discovered at Basgo and Chigtan by Dr. K. Marx, late Medical Missionary of Leh. Dr. F. E. Shawe, of Leb, believes that the ruined monastery above the village of Goppe, near Leh, also belongs to the same class of monasteries. I have visited the Chigtan Monastery, where I found, besides the medallions, a number of Lamaist wall-paintings and the remains of a large clay image, probably added when it became Lamaist. A much-effaced Sanskrit inscription in Sarada characters seems to prove the Kasbmiri origin of this monastery. This inscription may also be used as a clue for fixing the approximate date of the well-known stone images at Dras, as Cunningham, who read the inscription carved on one of them in Kasbmiri Sarada characters, found in it the word Maitreyan among others. Bat he took the principal figure for that of a female and could not reconcile the inscription with the representation. The figure is, however, not that of a woman, but of an ordinary Maitreya in the eyes of the Ladakbis, and so is probably one of the "documents" of the emigration of Kashmirt Buddhist monks into Ladakh, which may have taken place between 600—1000 A.D., as the Tibetan name of the most famous of the leaders was Rinchen-bxangpo, whose date Schlagintweit gives as e. 954 A. D. Compare Dr. J. Ph. Vogel's Note in his Archæological Progress Report, 1905-06.

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DECENDER, 1906.)
ARCHÆOLOGY IN WESTERN TIBET.
.
331
In January, 1906, I was able to pay two hurried visits to Alohi. On my first visit I was taken to the principal monastery called Namper-nangdsad, the three stories of the building reminding me of the desoription of the Tho-gling monastery in the r Gyalrubs, which is one of Rinchenbzangpo's creations and is said to have three stories. At Alchi the second story is narrower than the first, and the third narrower than the second. Thus the appearance of the whole building is that of pyramid with steps. Arriving in front of the building, the conviction took hold of me that I was in ancient Kashmir, and that the Buddhist monasteries there must have looked exactly like this one. At any rate, I have never seen wooden galleries in Ladakh like those at Alchi. All the woodwork, especially the many columns, were covered with mythological carvings and all the columns, formerly the architraves of the doors, had on the inner sides of their richly-decorated capitals figures of jumping animals, apparently lions stretched forth towards each other. But what reminded me of Kashmir, most of all, were three trefoiled arches under high-pointed gables, exactly like those of the ancient stone temples of that country. On closer inspection it became evident that only the one in the middle was of perfect shape, and that the two on the right and left were rude imitations of it. The middle one contains a wooden statue of Buddha, the one to the right of the spectator) the green Târâ, and the one to the left, Vajrasativa (rDorje-semsdpā). I suppose that these two statues were inserted later on in place of two more ancient ones. All the woodwork was painted red, except the arch of the green Târâ, which was blue, I was full of hope to find here some relics of ancient Kashmiri painting, but I found only pictures which looked as if they had been executed recently. Other certainly modern additions are three high clay-and-wood images of Maitreya.
Besides the large temple, there are two smaller ones in the near neighbourhood. Although they have no galleries, the carving on the wooden doors has an ancient, non-Lamsist look. Inside they showed the traces of recent renovations. One of them contained only a small mchod rten, but in the other was an image of sPyan-ras-yzigs (Avalokitesvara), and an inscription in modern Tibetan Bu-med characters, which may be of some historical value, though, in my disappointment, I forgot to read it.
Not very far from the monastery there is a large tree which looks to me like a silver poplar (it had no leaves when I saw it), which popular tradition asserts to have grown out of Rincbenbzangpo's stick.
I made a second visit to Saspola several days after the first," because I had been told that there were several more temples at Alchi, which I had not been shewn on the previous visit: 80 I once more crossed the Indus on ice, and my gaide took me to some more ecclesiastical buildings called gonpa a little further to the west than the priucipal monastery. Two of the structures attracted my special attention. The first was a mchod-rten of pyramidal shape, the ground plan of which had somewhat the form of a star, and it was quite a new thing to me to find that it contained several rooms, two of which were still in fair preservation. The walls of these rooms were once covered with frescoes of an apparently pre-Lamaist type, but only a few of the pictures had been preserved. The frieze WAB particularly well painted. It consisted of a long procession of geese, marching one after the other. Below the frieze, the roof of a large tent or tents could be seen, and occasional figures of Buddhist saints, naked or with grey garments.
Not very far distant was a temple with its door opening towards east as usual. Its walls were covered with frescoes, many of which had suffered badly, and my guide told me that the children of the village were in the habit of throwing stones at them. I was particularly intereeted in the paintiago on the east wall.. Above the door there was a very fine picture of Gmêsa, and to the right of it were what appeared to be historical paintings, probably representations of the ancient kings of Alchi, all
If No. V. of the LadAkhi Songs published ante, Vol. XXXI., p. 93, refers to this monastery, it would certainly refer to one of these renovations.
I may note here that Dr. F. E. Shawo has discovered meanwhile a very similar mok odrten at Nyoma.

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on horseback. As their bats and dress were unusual, I copied specimens of them. To the left were representations of Buddhist saints, and, what is of particular value, all were furnished with inscriptions, which by their orthography must date from 900-1200 A. D. They are thus of the greatest historical value. I copied the following: -
Inscription. Text: - ca 'adra 'abbomyi byai blama de phyag thsalo. Translation : - Greeting to the lama called Ca-'adra-'abkomyi.
This name seems to be a Tibetan transcription of the Sanskrit Chandra-bhumi, as ca-'adra can be pronounced chandra in Tibetan. Jyi for mi is a sign of the ancient orthography. Two other names which I read were Shakya and Tsapari.
On the other walls I noticed several pictures arranged in circles, but no raised medallions. The figures of the lamas were either naked or dressed in grey or red, but noue in yellow. I gather that Rinchen-bzangpo found on his arrival a Tibetan form of Buddhism, on which he grafted some peculiarities of the Buddhism of Kashmir, and from the study of this temple I draw the conclusion that in the renorated temples many of the pictures go back to ancient designs.
It is high time that these relics of Kashmiri Buddhism should be brought to the knowledge of competent scholars.
D. - The Nyi-zla-phug Monastery. A genuine cave monastery on the hillside to the north-west of Saspola is another interesting ruin. The caves, which are in fairly good order, are only approachable with considerable difficulty, but they are worth visiting on account of the wall-paintings (vide Plate I.). The style of the pictures is ancient lamaist, and the interest in them arises from the fact that the monastery has been traditionally deserted for about 300 years, as it is said to have been destroyed by the Baltis. Among the walls of the mani at the foot of the bill, there is an ancient Buddhist soulpture on stone in good preservation, which I believe belongs to the times of the pre-Lamaist Buddhism of Western Tibet.
There is a story that the lama who painted the frescoes at Nyi-sla-phug had a liaison with a woman at Alchi, the wife of a peasant. He used to visit the village almost daily, and the people. soon found out the cause of the attraction. The couple were surprised, and the lama received a thorough thrashing. His feeling of shame and hn miliation was so keen that be put an end to bis life with his own bands in the middle of his art gallery. E. Hymn in honor of King Nyima-rnam-rgyal, o. 1700-1730,
inscribed on a stone. This bymn is found on one of the walls of an ancient mari at Saspola. There are many such in the village, and most of them have votive inscriptions of some historical value, as they contain names of Ladékhi kings, and can be approximately dated. It is much rarer to find an inscription containing a hymn in praise of a king. The following is a specimen :
Tibetan Text. s Basti dKyil 'skhor rnams rimchags dbags0 i dbang blunpo ni: dpag thsad 'abum phrag bzhi thsaddu brjid ; phyi nang gling mchod ribo kannas bekor; shar lho nub byang gling bzhi gling pbran brgyad ; rim bzhin xla gam zur youm gra zhi dang; zlum chags rgya khyon thsad kyang go rim bzhin ; dpag thsad stong phrag bdun brgya beu dang dgu; rgyalpoi phobrang sumcu rtsag sum 'adra; rgyalsa ting egang rab brtan Iba rtse dang thola ytanpa ale cben dpal mkhar rtse ; de 'adrai rinchen sergyi kbri stengnas; chos rgyal chenpo nyima ram rgyal stod ; emaho : Iba sras yabonnayi 'ong mdzespai rgyan; dpag beam ljonpa bde skyong ram rgyalgyi yab yum gongmai srolka 'adzinpar shog.

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DECEMBER, 1906.]
TWO PANJABI LOVE SONGS.
Translation.
Happiness to you! The spheres [are these]: In the middle of all that grew into order is the mountain Ri-dbang-lhunpo (Sumera), the measure of whose glory is 400,000 geographical miles. The outlying and close-lying principal continents are surrounded by all the mountains; the four continents are in the east, south, west [and] north; and there are the eight islands. According to their order [the continents are]: New moon, Three points, Four corners, Full moon. If their size is measured according to their order, it is 719,000 geographical miles. They are like the thirtythree palaces of the king. The principal palaces are: The capital Ting-sgang, Rab-brtan-lha-rtse (at Basgo), and the dPal-mkhar-rtse [palace] which is firm in the height, at the great [town of] Leh. On such a precious golden throne, the religious king Nyima-rnam-rgyal be praised! It is like a beautiful ornament that the son of the gods, the youth (the heir-apparent) came here! It is our evergreen wish that bDe-skyong-rnam-rgyal may imitate (lit., seize) the customs of his high father and mother.
Notes.
dkyil 'akhor, which I translated by spheres,' seems to be used hereabouts in the sense of 'geography.'
zla gam, lit. new moon; name of the continent in the east, which is supposed to be of the shape of the new moon, and its inhabitants to have faces of the same shape.
338
zur ysum, three points, triangular; name of the continent in the south (India), the inhabitants of which have triangular faces, as men actually have,
gru bzhi, four corners; name of the continent in the west, which is believed to be of such shape and the inhabitants to have square faces.
zlum chags, circle produced'; name of the continent in the north, which is supposed to be of circular shape and the inhabitants of which are said to have round faces.
With regard to the distances it looks as if some necessary items in the account had been forgotten, for it does not become plain to what the distances refer. The three castles given here, the most famous of the thirty-three, attributed to the king, occur in many more inscriptions. Only one of them (the castle of Leh) is still in existence, the other two were destroyed by the Dogrâs. The hymn was probably composed on some occasion when the heir-apparent paid a visit to Saspola.
(To be continued.)
TWO PANJABI LOVE SONGS IN THE DIALECT OF THE LAHNDA OR
WESTERN PANJAB, BY JINDAN.
CONTRIBUTED BY H. A. ROSE.
(With some Notes by Dr. G. A. Grierson, C.I.E.)
No. I. Kafi.
Text.
Kitum dilbar nå wal-kârî.1 Rahi jindri dukhân mârî. Gêum rawal wisârî hai.
Akhên tôn khôn jari hai.
1 Wal-kda, probably one word, a compound noun,
Translation.
My love made love to me no more.
My life passed away in pain and sorrow.
My lover has forgotten3 me.
Blood is streaming from my eyes.
'doing again,' repetition.' Cf. but-kart, 'doing kindness,'
i. e., kindness. [G. A. G.]
2 Rawal; lit., prinoe, chief, soldier: Platts, Hind. Dict. The sense of lover' is not given in the dictionaries, Wisari-gdum, from wisarna, to forget, bhalgaya

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5 Umar sikkdón gazari bai.
5 My life has passed in patient longing." Milêum sânval na hik wari.
My lovers has not once visited me. Kánge de gal kângâin pâwân.
I will hang letters on the crows' necks. Puchhên dilbar då wanj nâwân.
Let them go and ask my lover's name. Kadê ral sêj ga! lawan.
Some day we shall meet and embrace on
& couch.7 10 Thi wa i sadgah main lakh wari.
10 I shall sacrifice myself to him a thousand
times. Şabar karke rahêm şabir.
I remained patient, exercising long
suffering. Kita dardan bahůå lághir.
My pain made me very weak. Wahai bai qalam qadir.
Providence so decreed my fate. Likhi törôi awazari.
(It) decreed from the beginning our
separation 10 15 Bâņrê thânreis dahin țbânde.
15 Fine clothesll do not suit me. Zever bê ver khi wan Bade.
Gewgaws and garments 18 devour me. Jindan ! jindpf kon nahin bhånde.
Jindan! These suit16 not my life. Roņdei guzri umar sâri.
In lamentation all my life is passing. No. II.
Kan. Text.
Translation. Wah! mahbûb, sôhna kiûn wisar ditta? Fie! fair lover, why hast thou forgotten ? Daske tâng Baikôn intizar dittu.
While telling me to wait,16 thou did'st
delay. Jata?? yâr asản, tui na yâr hoilli.
I fancied thee my friend. but not so
did'st thou me. Gulshan játâ asan, tun bhi khâr hoilla.
I fancied thee & rose, yet thou proved'st
a thorn. 5 Sathi samjhia asân, túi bêzân hoian. 5 I looked upon thee as a comrade, but
thou wert vexed. Thi bêzár, mâhi, ultå bär dittu,
Thou wert vezed, my friend,18 and did'st
turn and place a load apon me. Rahi tâng Bada intizar têdi.
I remained ever in expectation of thee. Thagi nâl wapår hai nit kâr têdi.
To traffic with deceit is ever thy vocation. Rahsi yûd hamesha ib, yar, têdi.
This, my friend, will ever remain my
remembrance of thee. • Sikden. The locative of the pres. part. of sikkan (Lahnda), to long for, desire. [G.A.G.) CJ. Jukes, Dictionary of Western Panjabt, p. 198.
• Banval, dark, sallow, swartby, an epithet of Krisbņa: hence said to 'lover.' • Kang, P., a pen.
Sej, Sanakr. Sayyit. • Wahal, wahdund, P., o to move : 'so guided the pen.'
Tor, for far, P., end or beginning. 10 Awardrt, from audear, discontented [Lahnda). 11 Bange, than'(w) = banthan (bon = clothes, f. P. bānā), fine clothes.
11 Thande, pres. part., mano plor. of thanna, to fix (in the mind), to set one's heart on. Here probably wood in neuter sense and=thanna, to please, to have one's heart set on. (G.A.G.)
15 Bear, P., Wit, a woman's bodico. Probably only rhyming repetition of soar, just as than is of bdn in the preceding line. (G.A.G.) .
14 Khawan dride, eat me ap,' i..., are uncomfortable. The idea that clothes and ornamente distress the separated beloved one is a commonplace of Indian poetry. [G. A. G.]
16 Bhandd, fr. bhdran (or), to please (pres. part., maso. pl.). "Nothing pleases my life.' (G .G.] 36 rang desire, expectation : Jukes, Dictionary of Western Panjab, p. 8. Also spelt tangh. 11 Juta. perf., cf.janranr, to think, oonosive : Juices, p. 117. (Thej is the hard dj.) 10 MAN, P., a herdsman of buffaloes: Jukes, p. 280, a friend, in Multant.

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DECEMBER, 1906.)
BACON'S ALLUSION TO THE OXYDRAKAI.
335
10 Şad bâr, hazár, ih khår ditta.
Asan ninh lâyâ sukh pawan kite : Ayâ shiah ulta sade khawan kite. Bholi här sangår gal de pê wan kite:
Ghamman jôr firaqan da har dittu.
15 Thi shahbâz, mahi, kar shikâr gêûn.
Karke jôr-o-jabar jânôn már-gêûn. Karke pim bismil rok kuțâr gên.
Abrû têgh df dhậr na wâr dittu.
Chi qatlâm kito, na sar-anjâm.
10 A hundred, way a thousand times, hast
thou deceived me. I made thee my friend to secure repose : But instead a lion came to devour me. I forgot to pat on a garland and adorn
mnents:19 Thon did'st weave me a wreath of
separation. 15 Like a falcon, my friend, thou did'st hunt
me down. By thy cruelty, thou did'st destroy my life. After half-killing me thou did'st stay thy
dagger. With thy eye-brow, like a sword's edge,
thou did'st inflict a blow. Thou did'st all bat massacre me, yet not
utterly. 20 Thou did'st give me a bad name, yet said
not a word. From morn I waited until it became
evening.20 To whom shall I go for shelter ?21 Thou
bast made me no promise. My lover and beloved, thou wert ever
restless. There remained23 always the thorn of disappointment; always expectation of
thee. 25 Sighing,23 I continued always, to sound
thy praises. Jindan remained awaiting, yet thon did'st
not show thy face.24
20 Chå bad-nâm kito, na kalâm kito.
Subaḥ tâng tanghêndian di shậm kito.
Kên di shâm wanjân? Na iqrár kito.
'Ashiq var sada, bequrår sadà.
Raho khôr sa dâ; intizar sada.
5 Bharke hamd, karendi pukár sada.
Jindan sikdi rahi, na didår dittu.
BACON'S ALLUSION TO THE OXY DRAKAL.
BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., 1.0.9. (RETD.). The Oxydrakai of Arrian, mentioned by other authors, Greek and Latin, under variant names, clearly were the Kshudrakas of the Mahabharata. They are described by Strabo as
a great nation, and were the allies of the Malloi, whom Alexander harried with rathless severity; bat, by good luck, they themselves escaped the blows of the 'mailed fist' of the Macedonian. They dwelt, as I have shown, along the banks of the Hyphasis ( Bias ), in the country now known as the Amritsar, Gurdaspur, Kângrâ, and Hoshiarpur districts.'- (J.R, A. S., 1903, p. 700 ).
1. Har mangár or sanggdr, P., adornment, finery: hdr, lt, a wreath. * Takendian, v. 1. : probably tanghondian is correct. Takendian would be from takanr, to watoh: Jukes, p. 88. 11 Anam refage, generally found in am sham, proteotiou: Jukes, p. 19. - Knar, Pers., 'thorn.'
11 Bharko, better, repeating' (cl. bharanr, to repeat the Kalima: Jukes, p. 38. A v. 1. is parke. In either case the translation would be ver repeating thy praises I ever onlled upon thee.'
* Didar : form, shape. :

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In his essay ontitled of Vicissitudes of Things,'Bacon has mado a curious allusion to the Oxydrakai, which cannot ie explained from the writings of the historians of Alexander, and is likely to puzzle most readers. Archbishop Whately makes no attempt to expound it in Iris verbose notes on the Essays. The passage runs as follows:- The changes and vicissitudes in wars are many, but chietly in three things; in the seats or stages of the war, in the weapons and in the manner of the conduct ..... As for the weapons, it hardiy falleth under rule and observation : yet we see even they have returus and vicissitudes; for certain it is, that ordnance was known in the city of the Oxydraces in India, and was that which the Macedonians called thunder and lightning, and magic, and it is well known that the use of ordnance hath been in Chin.. above two thousand years.'
Bacon took the reference from the work by Philostratus, commonly cited as the Life of Apollonius of Tyana' (tà is tòx Tvàrea 'ATOMávov), which is regarded by modern critics as a romance, but was treated as sober history by authors of Bacon's time. Apollonius lived in the reigns of Nero, Vespasian, and Domitian, aud his biographer is believed to have been born avont 182, and to have died about 250 A,D. Truly or falsely, Apollonius was credited with having traveiledi in India, where he beheld many marvels, and heard queer stories. Among other places, he was supposed to have visited Taxila, where he was hospitably entertained for three days. The reigning king, Phraotes, is represented as amusing his visitor with an account of the adventures of his youth, and relating that he was elucated by his father in the Greek fashion till the age of twelve, when he was sent to the Brahmans, and treated by thein as a son.
"Apollonius then enquired whether the Sophoi of Alexander and these Brahmans were the same people. The king told him they were not; that Alexander's Sophoi were the Oxydracae, a free and warlike race, but rather dabblers in philosophy than philosophors; that the Brahman country lay between the Hyphasis and the Gangos; and that Alexander never invaded it - not through fear, but dissuaded by the appearance of the sacrificial victims." - And though" said Phractes, " it is true he might have crossed the Hyphasis and occupied the neighbouring lands, yet the stronghold of the Brahmans he never could have taken - no, not though every man in his army had been an Ajax or an Achilles. For these sacred and God-loving men would have driven him Lack -- not with human weapons, but with thunders and lightnings, and tempests, as they had routed the Egyptian Hercules and Bacchus, who thought with united arms to have stormel their fort."!
It will be observed that Bacou's quotation is not quite accurate, having beon made apparently from memory without verification; for the statement of Philostratus about the magic resources of the natives refers to the Bråtmans, and not to the Oxydrakai, who are merely stated to have been a free and warlike people, dabblers in philosophy, and described by the Greeks as Sophoi, or wise muen. No historical value can be attached even to these statements.
Philostratus proceeds to narrate marvellous details of the supposed visit of his hero to the stronghold of the Sophoi, a hill which rose sheer up from the plain, and was about as high as the Acropolis of Athens, and so forth. The whole story obviously is fiction, and Mr. Priaulx seems to have been right in believing that Philostratus fabricated his pretended journal from books written upon India, and tales current about India, whioh he easily collected at that great mart for Indian commodịties, and resort for Indian merchants - Alexandria.'
My quotations are taken from the reprint of the article by Mr. Osmond de Beauvoir Priaulx entitled "The Indian Travels of Apollonius of Tyana,' which was read before the Royal Asiatia Society on the 19th February, 1859. It was subsequently issued with, I think, some additions, in a Soar o separate volume, published by Quariteb, wbicb I have not at hand at present.

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DECEMBER, 1906.]
Maut puchhendi ái, haif jawání dá,
Baithi pává mal.
Lain na dendi sih.
Karn na dindi gal.
THE CHUHRAS.
BY THE REV. J. W. YOUNGSON, D.D., CHURCH OF SCOTLAND MISSION; SIALKOT.
(Continued from p. 310.) Burial Song.
Ki hôya, ki hoya, haif jawânt da.
Ki hoya hairán, kikún akhtán ḍuliyan? Kikar ditta ji?
Apé akhian dóliyân, daḍhé léyá jí.
Dah siyála áya.
Te chhéján pakharian.
Hörnin chhéjin chánan.
Teri chhej handr.
Khô mai, hand mar Mán marti chhéj. Pani garm karanjé, Shirtan nal nuhalyć. Khapphan mangwieś jaridd. Laré nú pahinaês.
Chauh janéân ral chukkes, Te manjalo manjal chaléô. Jangal át rát.
Os handéri na jâiyés.
Phir nahin and hôg..
THE CHUнRAS.
Maul puchhendi di vê, sardar suên lâṛéá. Exithi pava mal vé, sardar såén layéá.
Lain na dendi sáh vê, sardár sáén láréá. Karis na dendi gal vé, sardár såén láréd.
Death comes seeking, alas, for youth. Seated he grasps the foot of the bed. He does not let you breathe.
He does not let you speak.
Ji marná to sach hai, Mirza máriya. Svar táb karé vé, Mirza máriya.
Nané aúná nái & jauná, Mirza Márîya.
1ko angan maut då, Mirza máriya. Tainnú gayan, na awan howe, Mirza miriyâ.
Alas, alas, for youth.
Alas, why are the eyes upturned? How did he die?
Öttlen kot nahin aundi, Mirza mariya. Itthon lakh karor, Mirza máriyâ. Tainnú lê phupphí rôndi pés, Mirza már iya. Tainnú béré vich malah, Mirza máriya. Blat vé, sun dhóliya, Mirza mariya.
(God) upturned the eyes, He took the life.
The cold season has come.
Variant of the song.
Beds are spread.
Other beds are light.
Your bed is dark.
Eating and clothed, you should have died. You should have enjoyed pleasure (first).
Preparing warm water,
Wash according to rule. Get a shroud of fine cloth. Clothe the fine young man. Four men lift him, And carry him by stages. Night has fallen in the forest. Go not into that darkness. There will be no returning.
Siapa or Dirge.
For a man.
837
Death come see king thee, O chief and bridegroom. He sat holding the foot of the bed, O chief and bridegroom.
He would not let thee breathe, O chief and bridegroom.
He would not let thee talk with us, O chief and bridegroom.
Death is certain, éven Mirza died.
It cannot be avoided by penance, even Mirza died.
There is no more coming and going, even Mirza died.
Death comes but once, even Mirza died. Now thou art gone, thou canst not return, even Mirza died.
No one comes from thence, even Mirza died. From hence millions go, even Mirza died. Thine aunt weeps for thee, even Mirza died. The boatmen weep for thee, even Mirza died. They say, Friend drummer, listen, even Mirza died.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1906.
Tin ghar å, dhol vaja vo, Mirza mdriya. Come to the house and beat the drum,' even
Mirza died. Oli dhur Dargah vd, Mirza mariya.
He has gone far into the Presence, even Mirza
Cied. Tai pai gayeổin lamra rôh, Mirza mâriya. Thou hust gone a long journey, even Mirza died. Teré sirôi madiisa jhariyi, Mirza máriya.
The turban bas fallen from thy head, even Mirza
died. Téri nange h6 gayi jhand, Mirza máriya.
Thou art bare-headed, even Mirza died. Lura de viah di mainhdi dast ráhí, Mirza The; marriage dye was ready in my hand, even máriya.
Mirza died, Lif masáin chik, Mirza máriya.
I prepared it with desire, even Mirza died. Meri róndin rain gayi, Mirza mariya.
I passed the night in weeping, even Mirza died. Sila bahhchhan jörké gai, Mirsa mariya. I sat with scanty clothing, even Mirza died. Palang dé pás, Mirza mariyu.
Near thy bed, even Mirzs died. Sutrá réhii, na jigión, Mirza máriyá.
Thou remainest asleep, thou didest not wake,
even Mirza died. Mairi på dandan da bhar, Mirza máriya. I swooned to the floor, even Mirza died. Chira bhan palang di chdh val, Mirsa mariya. Break the marriage bracelet now, even Mirza died. Lih sirón ja shauhar na howe, Mirza máriya. Take off the head-ornament, there is no husband
now, even Mirza died. TV bachche ronde chhad gaya, Mirza máriya.
Thou hast left thy weeping babes, even Mirza died. Térd kikar vigré pair ? Mirza mariya.
How hast thou gone astray ? even Miras died. Othé den ulámmé térd Mirza wiriya.
They will abuse thee yonder and say, even Mirza
died. Kíkar vigré pair, Mirza mâriye.
Why didst thou stray P even Mirza died. Amman röndi chhad geón, Mirza miriyi Thou hast left thy weeping mother, even Mirza
died Tiré bachchean då ki hál! Mirsa máriya.
What will become of thy children Peven Mirza died. Hath gdud, sfr sihra, Mirza muriya
With marriage band on thine arm, and garland
on thy brow ? even Mirza died. Tere khali ndikimia, Mirza mikriya
Thy mother waited for thee, even Mirze died. Tiri dayhi kallidn chhadiyai, Mirza wiriyi. Thy beard has grown, even Mirza died. rau muchdu aya nur, Mirza máriyd.
Thy mustaches are glorious, even Mirza died. Teré sirôn madási jhariya, Mirza mdriyi. Thy turban is fallen from thy head, even Mirza
died. Teri ho gay nangi jhand, Mirza miriya.
Thy forehead is bare, even Mirza died. Utre téré pað lohi, Mirza máriya.
Let me put a sheet over thee, even Mirza died. Moti stáhá kétí ve, Mirza muriya.
With pearls and rybies decked, even Mirza died. Jis aitthios saláhéon, Mirsa mariya.
Who saw thee praised thee, even Mirza died. Hát, hás, kardián díyári, Mirzu mariyei.
Alas! alas ! they say weeping, even Mirza
died.' T'éridhan jinérdi mais té, Mirza máriya.
Thy mother is strong, even Mirza died. Palangan heth surahian, Mirza miriya.
By thy bed are the drinking water jars, even
Mirza died. Makhmal vehribis man , Virza wariya.
Velvet is spread in the court, even Mirza died. Otha darda kới na charhé, Mirza mdriya. So one approaches for fear, even Mirza died. Bhan gaya janja!, Mirza máriya.
It is all over now with the world, even Mirza died. Uth khaló phir mat likwa ko já, Jirga mariyi. Rise, (said to the widow) lest you go mad with
grief, even Mirza died. Na kahů vóhli míón, Mirza mâriya.
Talk no more of wife or husband, even Mirza died Aggé múlt hath na pů, Mirza miriya
Let uus nivurn no more, even Mirza died. Another Dirge. For a man,
Chorus Nam mêrê Allah dá léiye
Let us take the name of God. Allah har har than kahdidá.
God's name is worshipped everywbere.

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DECEMBER, 1906.)
THE CHUHRAS.
339
Bullé dé nalon chullah jé changérd,
The hearth is better than Bulla, Jéhdé utté ta'm pakdidá.
For food is cooked on it. Bande ndon gadhá changéra,
An ass is better than a man, sadhé tin man bhdr uthaida.
It carries a load of 3 maunds. Véhi dé né ddhdé Rabb de,
God's angel of death comes, Banda duniya tôn pakas mangarda.
And man is called away from the world. Pani lédriyo thand vanida,
Bring cold water, Banda gafl jho nahwaida.
The sleeping man must be washed clean. Khapphan ledviyo ginati,
Bring a rich shroud, Bandé dé ang lagdidá
His body is wrapped in it. Chaún janéán tainúi chukiya, yará.
Four youths have lifted you, friend. Majilo majil palucháídá.
You are being carried to the grave stage by stage. Pahli majil adhkaré adhvátté.
The first stage is half-way. Duiji sámí pds lakáida.
In the second you are placed by the grave. Sir da band kholo bandé da.
Loose his bead-band.. Irunun apnd ghar dikhaida.
He is shown bis own house. Oh ghar térd jhuth dá, banded:
That house was not your real one, my friend : Ih saché ghar bitháida.
This is your real one where you are now put. Nikkiak nikkidi dhimán chunké,
Choosing small clots of earth, Unnúi pardé héth karáida.
We cover him with covering. Upar téré ha! vagange.
The plough will pass over you. Té gawdi ghd chardida.
And the cows will graze above you. A Dirge.
For a woman JS marna té sach hai, vóht charewali.
Death is certain, wife of the marriage bracelet. Stvar táp kard khair, võhi chúrtwali.
Death is inevitable, wife of the marriage bracelet. Hath katorá dihin da, vôh chtrêwili.
With a dish of whey in her hand, wife of the
marriage bracelet. Nohann gaye tald, vihil chuirewall.
She has gone to wash her hair in the tank, wife
of the marriage bracelet. Tai pahle aile qitthion, vôl!f chúrérouli.
I saw thee firet in the marriage palanquin, wife
of the marriage bracelet. Tur ghar, a val, vúhti chúrewall.
Go home now, thy time has come, wife of the
marriage bracelet. Vil sanjhata tainan (taiú na), vbhți charawili. Thou knowest (thou didst not know) thy time,
wife of the marriage bracelet. Térí bánhân chúrá lål, vóhtf charéwili.
Thou hast the red bracelet on thine arm, wife of
the marriage bracelet. Nahá dhá ghar af, vôhư chúrewall.
Washing thou hnat returned home, wife of the
marriage bracelet. Sattar sahthái nil, vohti chúrêwili.
With seven bride's-maids, wife of the marriage
bracelet. Daih pihra baho sámné, vóhli chúrêwili.
Set chairs, sit down, wife of the marriage bracelet. Véhé da sing ir sépán, vóhti ch Grewall..
The glory of the courtyard is the lady, wife of
the marriage bracelet. Pir vich rahtan pinidis, rohi chårdroilt.
The cotton skeine are left in thy basket, wife of
the marriage bracelet. Téri tand charkhré nál, röhli chúreoals.
Thy cotton is forsaken beside the spinning wheel,
wife of the marriage bracelet.

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340
HE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1906.
Kali killi dödne, vóhdi chiriwaļi.
Pikri pihy singir, vóhţi chårewali.
Thy clothes are hung on the peg, wife of the
marriage bracelet. Thy jewels are placed on the stool, wife of the
marriage bracelet. In scanty dress, wife of the marriage bracelet. Thou hast gone outside, wife of the marriage
bracelet.
Salu bhíchhan járke, vohți chúrémáli. Tien gaiyon nikal bahar, tóhți chúre wili.
Parification Rites. After child-birth a woman is unclean for 21 days. In the period of menstruation she does not go to a well, and after it she washes her clothes and bathes.
After a funural all bathe who may have touebed the dead body or the grave. Many Chuhras reverence sanghar,.in order that sanghat or trouble may be averted.
Sanghar kd vart. - They have a special favour for Vaishon Devi. They put mehndi on girls' hands, and tie a maull, or cotton bracelet, round their wrists, feeding the girls also in the dêrt's name, that the children may be preserved.
Dévf då vart -On Thursday night they have darúd,praying for the dead. They pour water into a cup, and take bread in their bands. They eat a little, drink a little, and give the remainder to a child. They have no special days.
III. - RELIGION.
a. The Dedication of a Temple to BAIA Shah. I understand that the principal devis of the Hindus, e. g., Kaļi Devi, are low caste. This is especially noteworthy.
When a shrine is made to Bala, the Chuhsas nakea mound of earth in which they bury a gold knife, u silver knile, a corper knife, the head of a goat, and a cocoanut, all bound in 1 yards of red cloth. Having levelled the mound, or rather dressed it and made it neat and tidy, they raise on it a sort of aitar of mud, in wirich they make three niches for lamps. Having put oil in the lampe and lighted them they place them in the niches. Goat's flesti is cooked, of which part is eaten and part distributeu to the poor. A chela performs the sacrifice, after which they all eat together
The order of religious ceremony is as follows :- A basket (changérd) is placed near the mud altar, . which resembles a raised grave more than anything else, and in the basket there is cher , made of tour, butter and sugar. In front of the altar the chéla burns ghi with spices, such as camphor. He sprinkles the assembled company with lassí (butter milk or rather whey) for cooling purposes. Five pice ure out in the ght, which become the chéla's, as a fee. Silver or gold is put in a cup of water and the water is sprinkled on the people. This is chanda. The chela stands before the altar, the people standing behind him. He recitests :
The Dodieatory Litany. Bi Khudá, ti huda!
O God, O God! Xhuda kt bar razi.
God's great will be done. Hath ka diya ļalé bald.
May the gift of the band avert evil. Sab pe Khuda rahm rara.
May God have mercy on all. Ik Nám sach paun dhanë:
There is one true Name : Shah mahay Ball.
The great Shah Bala Téré dar kot nahi kama.
There is no want with thes. Pakilé jug ki vartya?
What did they use in the first age ? Sóné ká alan,
Standards of gold, Sóné ká pilan,
Cushion of gold, 17 Sangkar is the pod of the jand tree, which is use as a regelable by the roures classes, especially it tim of scarcity.
14 Dardd J&tia = obsequies. 2 with the passage which follows may be compared the variant in The Legends of the Panjab, III pp. 536, 540.

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DECEMBER, 1906.)
THE CHURRAS.
341
Sine ke ghord,
Horses of gold, Siné ká jöri,
Clothes of gold, Sine ka halt,
Shops of gold, Ssné kå matt.
Vessels of gold. Jeh chashé and
When there came mounted Sucha Sram Mihrbán.
The true Lord Bountiful. An kunjiani kholó darbár.
Bring the keys and open the door of the temple, V4kh sache Sto mí da me ke didar.
See the face of the true Master. Jub 149 sirkar gat min ni dve,
Until God has come in the offering. Tad gat suchchi nahi hundi, mómino.
The sacrifice is not consecrated, O believers. B316, nomino, surb gati.
Say, believers, all are saved.
The congregation say, Amin. Dujjé jug ki vartyd?
What did they use in the second age ? Chandt ki alan,
Standards of silver, Chandi ka pilan,
Cushions of silver, Chindi ka ghora,
Horses of silver, Chandí ků jora,
Clothes of silver, Cluindi tá hatt,
Shops of silver, Chindi ka matt,
Vessels of silver. Jeh charhé dve
When there came mounted Sacků swdmi mikrbin.
The true Lord Bountiful. Ang kunjlin khóló darbür.
Bring the keys and open the door of the temple. Tréjé jug kyá vartyd ?
What did they use in the third age? Tramé ků alna,
Standards of copper, Trine ki pilin,
Cushions of copper, Time ka ghor,
Horses of copper, Tramé ka jord.
Clothes of copper, Tramé kú hatt,
Shops of copper, Trámé ká mátt.
Vessels of copper. Joh charhe ave
When there came mounted Sachu swam mihrbán.
The true Lord Bountiful. A 16 kunjfui khólo darbdr.
Bring the keys and open the door of the temple. Chauthé jug leyá vartya ?
What did they use in the fourth age ? Mitt kd alan,
Standards of earth, Milli ka pilan,
Cushions of earth, Mitt kd ghord,
Horses of earth, Mitti ku jôri,
Clothes of earth, Mitte kd hatt,
Shops of earth, Mitti kú mátt.
Vessels of earth, Jth charhé ané
When there came mounted Sachá sinim mihrbán,
The true Lord Bountiful. An kunjfún kháló darbdr.
Bring the keys and open the door of the temple. The congregation say, Amin.
The Litany of Bala Shah.16 Awwal sifat suna Kbudà di
Sing first the praise of God who made the world, Jin hai dlam kita.
At whose command the cup of light was held Sabnan rithdi na hukm dé,
To lips of men : then sing, O sinful one, Núr pizálá pita.
The praise of Bala Shah with roll of drum. Duji sifat Shah Bala di,
They worshipped thee throughout the ages four Parhnd augan hara,
The holy God Himself created thee. Jugar chaun vich roshan høyd, Térá vajjia din nigara. Alláh pak hajúrón kita 16 The translation here is metrical, giving the general sense and spirit of the original. It is not literal.

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342
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1966.
A priest from heaven, to thee, O BAIA Shah, A vesture woven of glory, blessed of God, A lofty crown and royal robes were given. Let me remember, Bala Shah-repeat This name aloud by day, by night ; for thou Art first and Inst, unseen and seen. Thou hast No peer. He made thy name of heaven's light And power; thy rank exalted; gifted thee With glory beautiful- the holiness Of God. There was no heaven, nor earth-wanto Of waters stretched in space unbounded, deep, When, floating lightly like a shell, an egg. A wonder of Almighty power, appeared. God played the light of Bala in the egg, Which, shell-like, floated on the deep Around,
Thick darkness brooded over all, wben light Shone out in sudden splendour from the egg. No heaven was then, nor earth, nor aun, nor star, There were no sprites, nor angels then, nor men, There were not yet created, understand Great BALA's glory only was revealed.
Pfr núri Shah Blla, Taimi jubod shda mubarak miliya Táj buland do shala, Shah Bild ptr hamaish dhon Har dam pashdi jabang. Awwal akhir jáhir bátin Térd nahin ko sini. Nerinin hajúri ter Bará muralib as Sohna shan bariye teri Pák saché Rabb scuļi Na as nór na alam dhá, Tad hai si dal pina Vich jal bimb hai si ek baita Oh di qudrat khel rubbaná Us baizé dich rúr Balé dá. Yar Rabb málik piya Ok di sippá vángan shakl laini Pani vich taray. Andh gubur hai si ul véls, Baizé th fri chamkuru. Na asmein zamin na súra; Chand na hargis tara. Na tod hur firishte paid Na Adam and k08. Beli Shah hoyi ut rete Samajh sahil kar hot. Shah Bala hai pir shahein di Kull khilqat de ayge, JS koi sal nidag då mann, Har shakhi phal laggé, Vich jal bimb si sаil karindi. Núr Ilahi sôkind, Us roshan når jahinni orte, Nálfazl dé hod, Chhatti jug raha vich tardi Khabar Ilahi lagi Tt tad nun nier Ball dú rúshan, Bandari de vich has Ohi Ek khuda da zikr hanésia. Us baizd thin aré, Qudrat weil wiz loyi Allah yih farmác. Baise pak hoya rong senia, Kita Be-parwahd Shah Hazrat Bard pir miri da, Os baizé vich rith aha. Té tad mir nur Bala dá roshan. Bandagi de rich aha. Qudrat na dwusú hoy, Chár hóya bhojj khannd. Tad nd wir Bald då roshan Aya si phir banne. Hanér gubar hóf rosh núi Samajh sahih kar núrin Bill Shah hoya 14 vele,
Shah Bâlâ is the teacher of the Shabe, Before creation born. Who this believes With motive right, sball find his branches all Droop richly laden with most precious fruit. This light divine, most beautiful, began To move upon the deep. It gave the world Celestial grace. It floated for the space Of six and thirty ages, kept of God, Por He it was who watched it, while the light Of Ball burned, and glowed, and worshipped Him. Within adoring mention of the Name Of God was heard, when lo! at His command The egg in radiant hues burst into four, And Bâlâ, glorious teacher of mankind, Whose soul had been within, emerged to stand

Page #393

DECEMBER 1906.)
THE CHUIRAS.
343
Qudrut nal hajaron
Upon the verge. Such wonders BAIA did! Lid akháré Bald kita
Ilis fame resounded over all the world. Suniya juml jahanin
Unworthy I repeat his attributes; Auganhari sifrån parleni
May God be gracion - hear me when I call Khair Janábón pána.
And bountifully give the poor an alms. Ajij bandagi kardii tore,
Hear Bala's history with faith; revere, ķhair Janiboi pána.
And worship Him, for he alone is true b. Shah Bale da Kursinama.
The Genealogy of Shah Bald. Suniyo ni imena,
Hear with faith. Surdear gåóndéni di gat,
Salvation to those thint hear and obey. Bala Shah Nári,
O Bala Shah Nurt, Ach antpuri téri vasi,
Thy home was Achantpuri, Manj Gobindra terá bấp hai.
'Thy father Manj Gobindre, Mái Trigisi đã tá pat hai.
Thy mother Mai Trigisti, Már Kundalán téri curat hai
Thy wife Mái Kundalin, Bál Bambrik då vi bar hai.
Tby son Bal Bambrik. Ját dá Swarn hai,
By caste thou art Swarn. Sadka Bal Bambrik di
For the sake of thy son Bal Bambrik, K ali samiya ta mihr karii. Amin
Have pity on the black race. Amen. Jón Hindi Gangå ud parsamen.
The Ganges Hindus fear, and Muslims make Jón Makka Mussalmúnin.
Their weary pilgrimage to Mecca far, Shahi nim teré ni nina mamai.
But thee the Shabis love and build to thee Pind pind this bawiin.
Innumbered shrines o'er all the crowded land. Batri lal chirigi påwan.
Thy lamps they light, while great and small bow Tårt jöt jag iwan.
down Nikce vadde hói jamátis
In lowly reverence to worship thee A6 & is nuiwan,
They that believe in thy name need never fear. Jeho nim têre ui m ai
Let them that beat the sounding drum and sing Hargiz khauf na khawan
Sweet songs, believe! 'To thee may drums resound. Dihde niin tere utdi mannan. Chwa chui sohl giwan Vajjas teré tabal shahiine. Khásh angithi lawan. Aggé térd Bhaird charhiya Bhairo nim sadure Jit wal hukm karo tussi us wit Hargiz der na liwe Khitans chaus di khabar lewe, Vad tej suiya. Chann kritin di dauri karki Pal vich hájir ay.i. Lilá tájî taimi mile hajaróis
And hearths to beat the drum unending burn. par jîn pilani
Before thee Bhairê goes, and at thy word. Arshon tainú mojé mil gaa,
Brings swifter than the swiftest wind that blow Sité sugr tujini.
From earth's four corners news of joy. See, route Arshûn tamak milia taina
The world in the twinkling of an eye he goes! Chille charhi kamaná
Thy horse is grey, from heaven, and on his back Arslan tamak milia tainti
- Resplendent rests a saddle. Shoes all sewed Jap yih nam shaheina,
By heavenly workmen come to earth for thee. Arshon langri mil gai tairis
For thee, besides, a quiver and a bow Vich bihishti khana.
Are ready drawna drum and dish of food Lild ta ze de aswara
Celestial. Ridler of the horse of grey, Kar shahar tê phéra.
Be pleased to visit us, the Shahs. Be here,

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344
Ethé 6thé dúin jahânân Baur Báléya shéra Mérá kar kasmânâ
Vich bihishti jhanda térâ, Jhulda lal nishana
Ethe othé doen jahânân Rakhin nál imânâ,
Bála Shah Santokh Bikh då, Santokh Rikh Sharap Dit Rikh dâ, Sharap Dit Rikh Ainak dá,
Ainak Rikhi dá,
Rikht Bikhi dâ,
Bikhi Mahadev dá,
Mahadev Bhagwan Aut Khandé dâ, Aut Khanda Alakh Purkh dâ, Alakh Purkh Sakt dá,
Saket Agam dá.
Alif Allah nun yad kar,
Dhan surjanhárâ,
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Té baithôn târî lâké,
Jal dhundhú kârâ
But Adam da sajjia.
[DECEMBER, 1903.
O Bâlâ brave, and there, in both the worlds For us. Thy flag flies high in heaven. 'Tis red! Behold! It waves triumphantly on high Mid both the worlds. Let us keep this with Faith.
The congregation then say, Amin.
Another genealogy.
Khák mitti gará
Té ráh dhôya vich but dé,
Var andar vara.
Daréa ruh andher thin
All now seat themselves, and then the ght having been burnt and hom thus offered, the charman made of flour, sugar and ght, is distributed to the worshippers. The changera, or basket, is carried round. Some of the churman is given to the dogs, some to the crows, some to the cows, some to the old women, and then the people eat, beginning with the most wealthy and respectable. The wrestler for Shah Eli gets a share. The remainder is given to friends in the neighbourhood who are absent. A collection of money is also taken.
Kaun karé guzara. Tainú itthon kaḍhsán Nál qaul garárá Nichh đt jad but n Kull rachiya sara. Utthon vadhiya prithwi Kull álam sârá.
While they are seated, two stools are placed by the altar, and near them four cakes of dried cowdung are lighted, so that the drummer may dry his rabbana (tambourine) when it becomes limp. It being evening the two chelas sing to the rabbana (tambourine) and the dotára (fiddle). The drum is heated until it gives a ringing sound when beaten, the dotára goes (as one of the men expressed it) bin, bin, bin, bin, the rabbana, gham, gham, gham, gham, and all are ready. Bulanda comes and says, "Pir Bashk is here and so is Nanak, but where is the lame man? He is lying in the house, is he? What will he be able to tell to-morrow morning?" The farmers gather round and ask them what they are singing. They answer: . "Let us sing the five attributes of God, and then we shall have leisure to speak to you,"
Bâlâ Shah is the son of Santôkh Rikh, Santôkh Rikh is the son of Sharap Dit Rikh, Sharap Dit Rikh is the son of Ainak,
Ainak is the son of Rikhi,
Rikhi is the son of Bikhi,
Bikhi is the son of Mahadev, Mahadev or Shiv is the son of Aut Khanda, Aut Khanda is the son of the Holy Person,
The Holy Person is the son of the Almighty Power,
The Almighty Power is the son of the Unknowable.1
c. The Attributes of God.
Praise God the Original, who sat
On waters dark, contemplative. He first
Of yielding clay, with care and wondrous art As sculptor wise began to mould the face And features, form and limbs of Adam. There The image lay all lifeless still, without
Or sense or motion, when to the entrance door Of this new mansion God led up the soul. The voice of God said, "Enter." "Nay, I will Not enter there," the soul cried fearfully,
In house so dark I will not, cannot live." He said, "a promise I do make a day Will come when I will set thee free, and take Thee to myself again." Thus urged the soul Obedient entered: Adam sneezed and woke. Pervading soul now quickened every part,
17 Cf. the genealogy given in Legends of the Panjab, Vol. III. p. 530.

Page #395

DECEMBER 1906.]
Hindi Mussalmán dâ Kita ráh niyárů. Hinda parhdé pôthin Mussalmán Kurând Te Hindú marian sardé Mussalman gör jarannan
Chugdi chagdi gokhari Hó péi murdârâ. Ihnú kaun chuk st
Kam mushkil bhara.
Sadde vichon kaun hai,
Rakhisar bhdrd..
Té bhara hai Gurd Jhaunpara Rakhishwar bhârâ.
Uhnú sabhnan saddiya,
Sânnú dé didârâ. Té gau & khan sutke, Man keha hamârâ. Charh goshé gau suṭṭiya Já pés pachhwara.
Té sutké ayd gokharî Hồ bth niêrả. Chauthé jug rilavsân, Ih qaul hamârâ. Bába mérá nindia Kah karó bichârâ Gað grás na kitá Ki hiya bigdra? Oh dé passé rahángá. Já karán guzdra. Tuhathon vaḍdd ik hat, Baba hamará.
Sab da gurú sadáônda Rakhiswar bhara.
Té aurat Kálak Das di,
Pá dé kahara.
Shadi kiti assán sí,
Koi duniya chara. Kidhar jaké bahangi, Kihrá thai hamará? Méré déré tan rah,
Man kéhá hamara
Té bhachhkar is gaô dá,
Jitna pujje sara. Tê gaum hối ih wakhri, Hoya nistára.
THE CHUHRAS.
345
And Adam stood the father designate Of all the race. Hindus and Muslims say He made man diverse, but they err because They read the Shâstars or Qurân, nor does In this alone their doctrine vary, but
The dead Hindus are burned on funeral piles, While Muslims, no less certainly, corrupt
In graves. But whence did caste proceed? 'Twas hence:
While grazing in the field one summer's day A cow fell dead. The cry arose, "Alas! A cow lies dead; who of us has the strength To carry her away? A task indeed! Say is there any saint among us? None But Gurd Jhompra: He is strong. Ob save Us, Gura Jhomprå: manifest thyself
To us, and bear away the cow!" He came : With wondrous strength he lifted high the cow Upon his shoulders-Gura Jhompra threw Her far above the house, and far beyond The scattered huts. Then him unclean, defiled By contact with the dead, they made to sit Apart. "Four ages long must pass," they said, "Before you sit with us." He sat despised. Then out spoke Kalak Dâs, "Consider well, And reason good give me that Jhompra Gur My father, thus ye scorn. He did not eat The cow. What has he done? No wrong allow.
With him I go, with him I lodge, with him I live and die. Our father is the best And greatest of you all, a leader bold, Named mighty man of God."
"Woe worth the day!"
The wife of Kalak Dâs in sorrow cried, "Why did you marry me? Deserted now
I have no home, no dwelling place." "Nay, wife,"
Cried Kalak Dâs, "obedience due concede, And eat the cow: so shall you live with me."
And thus a nation separate arose.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1906.
Nam liye Khuda da, Subh dé ná! saveļé, Kin harhat ghariya, Kaun sinjé térián vélin.
Karte harhal ghariya, Kartá sinif teriúi vélin. Bag bandyd ķhudá dá. Téhké phul raveli, Bag kaļián lagiár Malin garb gahéli.
Bál divd dhariyat Chánai hôyd shah di havéli. Bhaur khélan dyd Jéun gurú aggê chéli.
Bhaur khélké chaliya, Suniyin rahi havélí. Sáhib lékhd wangdd Jyúi till this téli.
O worship Him at day dawno
Who made the herbs and flowers, Who waters field and greenwood
"With soft refreshing showers. His garden blooms with roses,
The gardener's wife is glad; Around her burst the new buds,
The bowers with leaves are clad. Within this pleasant garden
A royal mansion stands, The lamp that lights its hall was
Not placed by human hands : A soul within appearing
Begins to sport and play, As any happy child would
On summer holiday. But, see, the house is darkened,
The soul has taken flight To God, who takes account of
The deeds of sense and sight; Alone, a honieless wanderer,
She now is doomed to roam, But at the resurrection
The Lord will bring her home. The body clad but sparely
In garments poor and thin, Goes forth alike unfriended
To wait the tomb within : But that day fast approaches
When God will souls recall, There will be glad reunion,
And He will keep them all. a. Songs of Bala Shah.
Kot sáth nahin janda Par jandi hal jan akék, Phir rõe-;-qiyamat But ruhái nå! méli.
Itthon rukhsat hóndi Pahinké topf té séli.
Phir ant milava hai, Rabb sabhndi da bélé.
Nán térd chúr jug layégá, Méréd sachéd parwardigára ! Shah kéhrê desốn uddamiya? Kéhré dés léyd utárd ? Arsh munavarón uddamiya ; Piirab dés léya utára. Phar jhôséa Mihr Muqaddam mu, * Léd dastúr, mard, hamárd.' Ki mangnáén, Balea Lal ķhái ? Ki dastór hai, marda, tumhárd ? Aļh man chúrmán té nau man chhattra :
Thy name will be known in all ages, 19 O, my true Lord ! From what country did the Shah come? Into what country did he descend ? He took his rise in the resplendent heaven; He descended in the east country. He shook Mihr Muqaddam, (Saying) Man, bring us our dues.' What want you, Bala Lal Khan? What is due to you, O man? Eight maunds of cake and nine maunds of matton :
15 The translation is now in rhymed verso.
" From this point the translation is literal.

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TUE CHURRAS.
DECEMBER, 1906.]
347
MOS
Ik rang shah ka kala. Assi dhadhai chhinján mangnéan.' Taborale mangiyd Shah ká halá. Sab kujh wdfir höyá né, Jo dastúr niyára. Mal bhariéngé chuk dharienge. Gal vich phirdå sahaj piydra. Pirir khi khd mömin jandé né. Súrib sablonan d4 rakhwald. Dhadd vajjí té paridi utrián. Lad, mardi, mall akhdrá. Phir dhadd rahi, phir chhinj pa. Lajd asli án-s-aķhdra. Mardan mard vangárangé. Shúmin mêrá zor dd satrúnd. Ga! ssli sir, tópi sohindi né : Solinda séli nd! phumman kala. Tharhar tharhar karé dumdrá. Lal masrú dl kainch són di ne. Shih mērá laga karné aķhard. Mür kainch pir vich variyá né. Sab mulk bi vékhanhård. Phar jhôséá Mihr Muqaddam nu. Pharké kardá dúr niyåra. Phir jumbish karké pharéð ré. Wich tarla karé tumhára. Térd suni nahin kai, Lil Rhin Tun ustad hai mard hamárd. Jó jó matlab lend hai, Sab likhké karé niyard. Othé ghord jorú milid né, Dérá vidiya höyá tumhdrd.
The mutton should be of black sheep only. We want driving and wrestling grounds, He asked a bell as tribute for the Shah. All was given in abundance, According to the distinctive custom. We will fill the vessels and place them. In the assembly our beloved walks about. Then the believers eat and go. God protects them all, The drums beat, and fairies descended. The crowd gathered, my friends. The drum stopped, the wrestling began. A real wrestling match began, The brave will challenge the brave. My lord is very powerful. A necklace round his neck, a gold cap on his
head : A plume of black silk on it. The bystanders quiver with excitement. On his loins is a gold cloth. My Shah began to wrestie. With tight breeches he came forward. All the world looked on. He held Mihr Muqaddam and shook him. He seized and threw him. Again closing on him, he seized him. But he entreated you. You have no second, Lal Khan. You are our master, brave ma. Whatever you wish, Write all and we will give it. There he received a horse and suit, And then his party took their departure.
2.
Arshan thin latha Bala: Din de chdh. Har har jagah ika!! he hólce, Kcrn salámán jd. Norme de topi Shah di, Plulldi di hard, Hith Shah dé lalá tán, Paun di hawa. Chashka Shah Hild tdci, Khwájé siddá ja. Ik lakh chaurási chhéran Magrôn milidi já. Rackhán Rósdiwdļe patlan Langå ydyd ja. Sukhd Balôch langan nahin denda. St, khế Baloch núi sôi sahira part là.
Bâlâ came from heaven For the sake of religion. They gathered in every place, And began to salute him. l'he Shâh's cap is of fine cotton, Light as flowers. i Under the Shah is a grey horse, Swift as the wind. Riding his grey horse the Shah, Goes straight to the Khwaja. A lakh and eighty-four thousand servants Go behind him. The ferry of Rukban Rôrânwâle He fords. Sukha Baloch will not let him pass. He shows Sukhâu Baloch a miracle.

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348
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
*[DECEMBER, 1906.
• Sukhe Balôch di uthni marjd.' Te rôndi hai muhúní, Ralba. Bauhrin dp Khuda. Bálé hukm kitd Dadú chéle táin:
Is ithil jaké panjé chhattida Id: Othni utheyf Rabb dé nám ará.' Panjé chhattian Dadú chéle Idiyan Othni uthi péí ará, Lahndé charhdé athnf dúkdi déndi phirdi. Phir gallé Balôch de raliya ja.
Chhattré dénnán bakre denndi: lô ma ngô số pá.” Hukm kita Dadi chéle táin: • Bhairô chharid niin jaldi án bula. Jaldi jaldi Bhairô chhariyd lyd. Hájör khard a.
Jô kujh hukm apkd howe, Main nun akh suna. Hulem kita pîr Bhairô chhariydidik: • Kachché kagatan de bête ras kará. Langké chhéran urdr pár héiyán, Ratté Rudiyálé latthidh ja. Kusange chhattré pakkangé mandé. Khángé mômin Shah dé sir nú dên dud. Chhatti bambin tali héļh ditta then band.
Die, camel of Sukha Baloch.' O God, the wife cries, May God himseli come to me.' Bâlâ ordered Dadů his disciple:
Strike the camel five times; The.camel will rise in the name of God.' Dâdû struck her five times. The camel rose, grunung, And ran hither and thither baying, Then she rejoined the herd of the Baloch, • I give sheep and goats, And whatever you ask.' He ordered Dadů the disciple To call Bhairô, the porter, quickly. Bhairo, the porter, came-as quickly as he could, And stood expectant, • Whatever your order is, Let me know.' He ordered Bhairo, the porter, To make vessels of paper. They all crossed over, And landed at Ratte Radiyale. Sheep were killed and bread was prepared. Eating they blessed the Shah. They made their resting place under a branching
shisham tree. Five they lights burned to five priests, And a sixth for Bhairô, the porter, Such miracles Shah Bala did, And showed them to the world. The name of one great omnipresent lord is true. At his door is nothing wanting.
Panjé divé panján piran de balde, Chhé vun divd Bhairó chhariyd då jagá. Aisé aizé mújike Sháh Bale Laichan kité : Duniya vich phirké ditté ré dikha. Ik nám sach paun dhani. Teré dar koi nahin kami.
Aļh danú, nau firishté, Shah ki ant lên núsi áé. Shah dúr on vékhké dundé, Lamré qadam akce Ghar ann na sújhé na pdifye Shah bhojai kichốn khô•áế. Ghar ikkô atti sútar di Silawanti gahné pde. Tad sawá sér då dánd of, Kåt kåt piswaé.
Eight evil spirits and nine angels Came to try the Shah. The Shah saw them in the distance, And walked with long strides home. He had neither bread nor water in the house, Whence could he feed them. He had only one ball of thread in the house, Which his wife Silavanti took and pawned. There was a sér and a quarter of corn, Which she had cut and ground.
Dé Uạnak Pudnak bálakre, Wuh khedilê mangwaé. Kabé sámhné kar rakhe ne, Nam Rabb de kard chalad. Jad 6h unhan jaba karaya,
Two boys, Udnak and Pudnak, Were called from their play. Placing their faces towards the west, He sacrificed them in the name of God. When he had sacrificed them,

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DECEMBER, 1906)
THE CHURRAS.
349
Té kimia kar pakde. Chuilé dégân charhidn né, Dé dé dandidi musk raļdé. Pakdké dégân Idiydi ne. Ké!h channan rulch jaláé. Saja karke bartan rakkéo né,
Phir barlanan vich pde. • Tussi bhojan kohdo, dánúó, Rabb karika lékhe idé.' * Assí tadón bhojan khávánge, Jé dónón bál big hdl.' Skdh bdhar nikal gharón gaya : Mange bdhar dudé Hath jhárú mondhé chhajhdi,
He hashed them up and began to cook them. He put the pots on the fire, And put spices in them with ladles. They took off the pots when the food was ready. They burnt sandalwood. Placing clean plates before them, He put the food into them.
Eat food, O devils, May God reckon this to me in some degree.' •We will eat food only then, When you seat the boys with us.' He went outside the house, And prayed a prayer. With brooms in their hands and baskets on the
shoulders, The boys came repeating the name of God. Then Udnak washed the plates, And Padnak gave them water to wash their han is. They came and stood in their presence. The angels were glad on seeing them. The Shah offered thauks. Then the spirits ate the food. God blessed it in abundance. He is the one true name omnipresent. In thy house is no want.
Déén nám Rabb då japdé dé. Phir Udnak dhôndd saindkidi, Té Pudnak dast ô dast dhulde. Oh házir an khalôté né. Phir wékhké firishté khush hộé. Shah tad ef shukr karáé. Phir bhijan dånadn khdliya. Rabb pardé ras karáé. Oh ék nám sach paui dhani. Têrê pha lối chơi là mi.
Námoi ghus gayd Bálmik, Jihrá phirdd vich ujdr. Bhalê burế mái nghĩa jaida. Pharké dénda mdr utár.
Baba Nanak & Bhai Mardana Unnun mil paé vich ujdr. Oh dôái dhirdi nún vékhké, Khich khard hathiyar. Unntin Baba nasihatan kitian : Tú kar lé qaul qarár * Tú aidékion pdp kamtunden: Koi nibehga dam de nd!. Sannú aithe banh ja. Jáké půchh a gharon bahar.' Té jaldi ghar núi pahuchiyd. Sab lándá ji utha | aida kapal. * Main aida ka pdp kanaunán, Vich jaké janga! bdr. Kü arkhé véļ6 banegd, Mérá dil dd ydr?' Uhndi akhiyd- tú ledvéngá Tế asản khá làng..
Bâlmik forgot the Name, When he wandered in the jungle. He distinguished not between good and evil. He caught (travellers) and beat them and
stripped them. Baba Nanak and Bhâi Mardana Met him in the wilderness. Looking at both of them, He drew his sword. Baba Nanak gave him good counsel, And exacted a confession from him. • You commit great sins : None will help you at the last. Bind us here. Ask your family if they will suffer for you." He went quickly home. He called all in the house. "I do so much evil, Going out to the desert. In the time of trouble Will some one befriend me?' They said :- What you bring We will eat.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1906.
S44 khan hệ nàỊ qarar. Phir ih gallan nan samajhké.' Aya Band pas.
Kõi nahin ji mánia. Maini rakhi apné sdth.
Agg cấp mai ma karấng . Main karnán gaul gardr.'
Apná do sambha! 16. Kuchh sôch karie bichar. Rab Rabb ta jap 16. Bájh nahin Rabb kti ydr.' Phir Babé nasihatán dittián, Te sut chhaddiy hathiyar Oh ék nám sach paun dhani Téré ghar nahin kii kami.
We can do nothing beyond eating. Understand this.' He came to the Baba.
No one owns me. Keep me beside yourself. I will not sin any more. This I promise.
Look to yourself. Take thought. Take tbe name of God. Besides God there is no friend." Then the Bâbâ advised him, And he threw away his sword. The one Name Omnipresent is true In thy house is no want.
Pahile jug Brahma Liyd autára. Bété sán Brahmd de, Púré chard. Mathé líkú dharm da,
Gal janiyun maļa. Chaunk& mar gaf gókhari. Ho gai murdard. Gdo de utta jáké, Charê kardé arida : -
Asfn Brahman ad de : Gul janiyán tanidi: Kappra pahind qimali, Kesham didi sarián Rabbá, sádda bha didi ? Hun kéhídi banián. Allah aggé Jhaumpra Kardá arjóí :* Sanéhê ghalnáéidir de? Hô khan munh dari' Gåó de utté aké, Allah masland lagát Chitthi likhkt hath Balé pir de pharár. . Ta ihnin nutid. Ih tainas di. Ihnün kaun har dm akhda ? Main takbir chaldi. Bhed paikambar khange, Jird phregi khai. Rôz Qiyamat waqt de T'ainun milégi vadidi. Kainin Hindi na nêsé aun dêngé. Mussalman na parhngé janded,
In the first age Brahma Became incarnate. Brahma had sons, Four children. They had the sacred mark on the forehead, The sacred thread and rosary on the neck. A cow died in the kitchen. It was rotting. Going near the cow, The four began to argue:
We are original Brahmans : We wear the sacred thread : Our clothes are costly, Made of silk. Lord, what shall we do now? This is a difficult business.' Before God Jbaumpra Made a petition,
Why dost thou send messages ? Come before me.' Coming near the cow, The Lord sat on his throne. He wrote a letter and gave it Into the hands of the priest Bála.
You must throw her away. It is your portion. Who calls it unclean When I killed it? The prophets will eat sheep That wander in filth pits. On the Resurrection day You will be called blessed. The Hindus will not allow me to approach them. The Muslims will not read my burial service.

Page #401

DECEMBER, 1906.]
THE CHUHRAS.
351
Méri kaun shifa'at bharégd ? Tu sun Khudd rája. Main ummat rakhná chahundi. Jaman dec Pir ķhwdja. Rám té Rahim kidn Chhay chhap jána. Savá nézê tê din ávega,
H4o& dôrakh pdnd. Par bihisht bandké, samhné rikhána. Ummat t&rf bhajjke, Bihisht var jána.' Kah Khwaja Jhaumpre nún:• Mérd man farmdná. Rós giydmat waqt de Tú pachótand. Shahi ta'm palắng8. sannd vich bahá na. Chamale lage chandos de Munh pání land. Woh bihishti janda Shahian mai far maia. Na main parton Ashimi, Na tur Makké jdnd.
Allah Alif saman då Babbhô ih biyan.' Jhaumprá gdo val tur piya, Shah banke jáhird. Térôi dhôti lahké, Sabbhô vast sam bhaļa. Sabhnia da hôroegd Ihô rartard. Gd8 sutte Jhaumpre Dihdré gujré char. Bhdi rasot jaunda Chauské dé vichkar. Bhdidi nún puchhé Jhaumpré : • Main nú kadói raļavgå ndi?'
Jug chauthé raļáéngé : Sáddá pakka igrár.' Goshé ghat kamanda Peggán leidi utar
Na mai gáố kháchở hai, Na kilá gdo girds. Hath na ldyd us nun. Méri kikar nikli zdı?" • TV na khada umú. Uhwa ung và khá. Térd nahta paindd
Who will save me? Hear, O Lord God. I wish to make a nation of my own. Let Pir Khwaja be surety. The followers of Râm and Rahim Will hide themselves then, When the height of the sun comes down to
A spear and a quarter, I will send them to hell. Making paradise beyond, I will show it you. Your followers running Will enter heaven.' The Ķbwâja said to Jhaumpra :
Take my advice. Or on the last day You will be sorry. The Shâhîs will prepare dinner. Invite me to partake. When the brass goblet glitters Give the sacred water to all. This is the way of salvation For the Shâbis. I will not observe Ashtami, Nor will I go to Mecca. Allah, who is like Alif, Permitted this.' Jhaumprâ went to the cow, Assuming the form of a Shabt. He removed his clothes And all the sacred marks. All his followers Will do like this. Four days after Jhaumpra Had thrown away the cow, His brothers were dining In a sacred place. Jhaumprâ asked his brothers :When will you admit me?' We will admit you in the fourth age, We promise faithfully.' With his bow he Knocked off their turbans. 'I have not eaten the cow, Not a morsel of her, I have not touched her, Why do you excommunicate me?'
You have not eaten her, Eat ber now, We do not find

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352
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1906.
Sdinú sarra vi vasd. Gussa Kd!ak Das nú. Chashiyd a gå ha. Kalak Das bhojke, Gdódé kol khalórá já. Gád de ko! jaké, Ūs takbir chalái. Bầy chalaya to nó Uhdễ sinề lái. Thô shard té takbir Shahidi nún dí.
Any belief in you at all.' Kalak Das became angry. Terrible anger arose. Kalak Das ran And stood near the dead cow. Standing near lier, He cut her open. He pierced her with an arrow Near the beart. This is the rite For killing among the Shahie.
Pichhé Kálak Das de
In the house of Kalak Das Silavanti nár
His wife Silavanti Mahépunné anke,
Was nearing her confinement, Nit karé vichar.
And was thoughtful. Dil vich per chitardi :
In her heart she said : • Duniya ajab bahar.'
"This is a wonderful world.' Té ddidn de ko! jdké,
She went to the nurses, Kardi th vichará.
And consulted them. Méré mdhépunné ánké,
My regular months have passed Mahine guzré gydrds
It is the eleventh month.20 Tuhannú sdri hhabar hai.
You know all about Pet bhandaran.
The chambers of the womb. Mainú jáéó daske
Tell me all sdré anwara.
The approaching signs.' Ddidn në ko! bahdké,
The midwives sat beside her, Uhnún gallin láyd.
And began to talk. • Kihre chand nihation ?
When did you bathe ? Tainú fahm na dyd.
Perhaps you miscalculated. Bal bahéngé jamké,
But you will soon have a child Tdi tú sukh pdya.
And be happy.' Ghar de andar jaké,
She went home. Adhi rát véhdní.
It was midnight. Rabha, méré pé! vich
"O Lord, in my womb Ki khel rabbani ?
What strange thing is happening? Na sdn main kuchh jdidi.
I know nothing. Main hän aniydii.
I have no experience. Qudrat téri Qadird
Thou Mighty One Tien jdiin.'
Knowest all.' Kará rarti dil nd! :
She began to comfort herself. Duniyá ajab hai mé!d.'
The world is strange.' Phir pandháron loliyd
From the chambers of the womb spake Alija Chéld.
Alif Chela • Mata din mannin mêre guri dd
Mother enibrace my leader's faith Hath nahin aund veld.
Or you will be sorry. Phir md putr dd sahjf
If you do this Hosi méld.
You and I will quickly meet.' 20 Protracted gestation appears to be common in cases of miraculous birth. We shall find it again in a version of the Legend of Gugd current among the Chuhas. (It also oooura in stories of Gågå in the Legends of the Panjab. -Ed.]

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DECEMBER, 1906.]
Bachcha, kéhṛd térd guru hai? Main nún ákh sundin. Kehra 6hdd pind hai? Kêhy rahnda jain? Bhulké tur pardingt Paiké lambe rahin.' Jhaumpra mérá gurú hai Ná! iman.
Us duniya utté aund
Daswan autár.
Aggé úhdé japnd assún Sahib da nan."
Téré Nám dá adhar mainün, Jón balak dé munh mamman. Na, Kartéd, kisi god khaḍdéon, Na chungia balak mamman.
Térd na bahin na bhai,
Na kói bábul na amman. Wahi áêngé dahḍé Rabb dé, Térd grj nd! Ich par bhanna. Likhidh tainûn vahi kaldman. Kikar si babul amman? Músa jéhá chal gayd,
Jinhan Rabb ná! kitian gallan. Dainsar jéhé chal gaé, Gath Lanka jiskd jammán. Yusuf jéhá chal gaya. Damodri jihián rannan. Pir paikambar sabh chal jándé, Mauté kisi na payá banna. Ik Nam Allah da sach paundhani. Téré ghar kôi nahin kami.
Bald Shah Nûrî, Achantpuri térá vásá. Mauj Gobindra térd bay hai. Mát Trigisti dá tú pût hai. Mai Kundulan téri aurat hai. Bal Bambrik dá tú bap hai.
Ját dá Swarn hai.
THE CHUHRAS.
Sadké Bal Bambrik dá.
Káli samiya té mihr karia. Amin.
'Child, who is your leader ? Tell me.
What is his village ? Where does he live?
I will go in the morning And do the long journey.' 'Jhaumpra is my leader, I believe in him.
He will come to the world
The tenth incarnation.
Then only we will
Worship the name of the Master.'
e. Prayers.
A Prayer to God.
I depend on thy Name As a child on the teat. -Creator, none dandled Thce, Nor hast Thou been nursed. Thou hast neither sister nor brother, Nor father nor mother.
The angels of God will come,
And break man's skull with a hammer. The future has been written for thee. What can father or mother do?
Men like Moses have passed away, Who spoke with God.
Such as Dainsur also have gone, Who was born in Ceylon fort. Such as Joseph have gone. And women like Damôdri.
A Prayer for Salvation.
Sundén gindéan di gat mukt howé.
May salvation be given to the hearers and the doers of these things.
O Bâlâ Shah Nûri,
All the priests and prophets go.
None has escaped death.
But the one Name of God is truc, monipresent. In Thy house is no want.
Thou didst live in Achantpuri Mauj Gobindrâ is thy father. Thou art son of Mother Trigishti. Mother Kundhan is thy wife. Thon art father of Bal Bambrik. Thy caste is Swarn (Golden).
For thy son Bal Bambrik.
Have mercy on the dark race. Amen.
353
11 The City of Ponce.

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354
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The chélas get their fees and go. Every year after the crop is gathered in Hâr, they go through this service, with the exception of the making of the shrine, the butti on the thard (the altar on the platform).
IV. RELIGIOUS BELIEFS.
a. Priests.
With respect to their priests, whose names are Bâlâ Shah, Markhande, Miân Sârâ, Lâl Beg, Balmik, Jhanmprâ, Pir Jhotâ, Gungar Beg, Ail Malûk, they look on them as autárs (incarnations) of the one Bâlâ. Jhaumprâ in one of these traditions is called by Alif Chêla, the tenth incarnation.
[DECEMBER, 1906.
The priests are called pir, and do duty at marriages and funerals. At marriages the mirást (bard) places a divd, lamp of atá (dough), in a clean place and the people bow before it, while he says that the jôt, or light of their ancestors, is being burnt.
Their faqirs or sadhús are Shah Madari, Naushâhiyâ, Nangeshâhiya, Yatimshâhiya, Bairagi. The Shah Madariya has a lit, or bodi, and a rosary. The Nangeshâhiya have long hair plaited with bor ka dudh, the milk of the banyan tree, and washed with earth. They bind it round the head with a cord of wool, and wear over it a turban of yellow cloth. They wear a large bead over the forehead. They go naked for twelve years, having the person smeared with ashes.
The Bairagi is dressed much like the Nangeshâhiya, but he carries a bairagan, or prop, on which he sits.
The Naushâhiya has the hair untied. He wears a rosary, and on the wrist an ornament called a gajrá. His clothes are yellow whatever he has of clothes.
The Yatimshahiya is like the Bairagi.
The faqirs' work is to expel evil spirits with their mantras (incantations).
b. Articles of faith.
The tenets of their religion are especially
1. Sin is a reality.
2.
There is one God.
3. Bâlâ is a mediator.
Saddi kik téré aggé, Téri kük dhur Dargáé.
Our cry is to thee;
Thy cry reaches the Presence of God.
Amin.
4. They sacrifice an animal, and also present offerings of corn, gur, ghi. It is cooked and placed on the shrine. It is called kardhi.
5. The spirit returns to God.
6. There will be a resurrection of the body.
7. There will be judgment.
8. There are angels.
The gyání, chêla or priest, stands in front, the congregation behind him. When the gyání (knowing one) says, 'Bolo, momino, sarbgati,' they say, Amin, sarbgait,' i.e., let all have salvation. The victim sacrificed is a fowl or a goat according to their means. It is called Allah dá Nám, God's Name.' The food is distributed and eaten, and the panj sifaten, five attributes, are sung.

Page #405

DECEMBER, 1906.]
THE CHUHRAS.
355
c. Shrines. The shrine in a village always faces the east. Its shape is a dome, or, as they say, gd8 dum ki shakal, like a cow's tail, upright. There are only lamps in it, no idols. The name of the slırine is Bala Shâb.
d.
Bites.
They have no secret rites. Their shrine is worshipped on Thursdays, sacrifices are offered, and also chúrmdi (a sweetmeat made of bread crumbs mixed with botter and sugar), and tho gyání prays. It is only at the consecration of a new shrine that the head of the animal sacrificed and knives are buried under the shrine. The shrine is built on the sacrifice and sacrificial weapons, as a foundation,
There is no ceremony for admission among the Ohuhras, except participating in the kardhi.
e.
Sacrifices.
• The animal sacrificed is a fowl, a goat, and perhaps a cow.
The gydni, or a Mohammadan mulla, offers the sacrifice.
The sacrifice is offered not near the sbrine but at a little distance from it. It is cooked and enten. They also burn ghi, ra! or scented resin, and gugga! (a gum, used as incense). This is called hóm.
When a child is born, he is brought on the twenty-first day and offered or consecrated to BAlmik, and called BÂlmik ká bôr. Ho is a nazar, or offering.
1. Fetishism.
Belief in spirits is general. A spirit mny attach itself to a roof and break it, or to a woll and throw a man in, or to animals and they will attack and injuro man. A bad rih (an evil-. spirit) may meditate mischief and God sends a warning. This is called sabhawak (of good intent).
Good spirits attach themselves to wood and other things, especially cooking vessels. They bring blessings.
Fields are baunted and may accordingly be barren.
g. Ancestor worship.
The Chubras fear the spirit of a woman who dies in childbirth, because she has become a churél, a witch that is to be drended. Fagfra have power over spirits and receive information from them of the designs of the spirit world.
Bad dreams come from the dabdi (the pressure) of an evil spirit. To drive the evil spirits away Bálmik's name is taken. Sickness is caused by bad rih kd sdya, the shadow of an evil spirit. Faqire and pers drive away spirits with jhara43 karaund, jhár phank, 24 conjaring.
Ghosts of the dead haunt houses, burial grounds, &c. They come as little boys with white hair. Not long since in this neighbourhood two children strayed from home in the grey
12 RAI, resin of the Shorea robusta.
# Lit. 'swoop away."
24 Lit. blow away.'

Page #406

856
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1906.
dawn and were seen by some of the villagers, who, not recognising them as children of the village, were terrified at the sight of them, believing them to be ghosts. I understand that the children ran some risk of being treated harshly, if not killed, as evil-intentioned ghosts.
Churels have their feet pointing backwards. They have long paps which they throw over their shoulders. Their hair is long, and face beautiful. A dyer was returning home one day, when he met a, churél, who accompanied him to his house. Si was very attractive, for she concealed the marks by which he would have recognised her. But at night, when it was time to put out the light, she did it with her hand, which she stretched to such a distance that the dyer in terror found he had a churél by his side. He would have given the alarm, but she threatened him and gave him a rupee. The faqir found her out, however, being set to do it by the dyer's friends. Us né usé qábú kar liyd, he caught her. She then asked for her rupee and disappeared.
If a woman dies before giving birth to her child, she certainly becomes an evil-spirit. When they bury her, they put a nail though her hands and her feet, and put red pepper on her eyes. They place a chain round her ankles and so bury her. On the way home they sow seti sarôn, white mustard, that it may blind her. They have tünd for her, i.e., charms, otherwise she would come and hurt every one in the house. "This is a fact," said my informant emphatically!
At a certain stage of the incantations the child says, "Are you going?" The spirit says, "Yes, but I want a fowl, a goat, a piece of cloth, &c." This is given, and the bad spirit goes.
There are several kinds of spirits, churél, bhút, khavis, jinn, déô, pari. The churél we have described. The parts are churéls when they come in companies. A faqir, who dies within his twelve years of faqiri, becomes a bhút, or a khavís, or a jinn, or a déô. If he dies in his forty days of fasting, when he comes to eat one grain a day, he becomes a bhavis, or a jinn, or a déô.
Totems.
Laung, clove, is the name of one of the ancestors in the clan of Goriyê. It is especially revered. Among the Gils, the baingyan,26 egg plant, is particularly noticed. The chief's name was Parth, so they do not eat the part, rind, of the boingyan.
Women never take the name of their zát, caste, on their lips.
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
WORSHIP.
CHRISTIAN TOMB USED FOR MUHAMMADAN | lamps are burnt on Thursdays as usual. The "tomb" is in a Muhammadan graveyard still in use and on to it looks the window of a small building used by women as a place of worship on Fridays. The "tomb" is in charge of a woman, who is entitled to a small fee for showing it.
Ar Smyrna, on his way from the low-lying town to Mt. Pagus, the traveller is taken by the local guides to see the Tomb of St. Polycarp, who was martyred in the Stadium in A. D. 155. This so-called "tomb" is nowadays an ordinary Muhammadan grave, made of mud and plaster, painted a bluish grey and surmounted by a green turban, thus turning this early Christian Bishop into a Muhammadan Saint. In the niche in the gravestone (without inscription)
25 Also a nose-stud or ornament,
All this shows that worship at Christian tombs by Musalmans (and Hindas, too, for that matter) is not confined to India.
R. C. TEMPLE. 26 Part is the form given in Maya Singh's Panjabi Dictionary, p. 877.

Page #407

A, Devanagari letter Abdu'l-Qadir Jilani,
akaba-divá, sky-lamp
...
Akbar
... 117 134 n., 136 n.
Akbyâna poetry of India
... 156
Aksha-sútra, terrestrial latitude Akshara, g.
... 119 ... 255
Alaungaithů, k. of Pagin, a Burmese Nat, 226; 294 Alavandân, brother of the Chola Rajendra... 230 Alavandar, great grandfather of Ramanuja,
as a contemporary of Tirumangai Ålvår. 230 f. Albania, and the use of flints
194
197 n. 343, 353 123 228, 230 102
332
Alchi Monastery, in W. Tibet, 330; mohod. rten in, 331; inscriptions Alchi-mkhar, Gog, ruined castle in W. Tibet, 238 n., 325, 328 f. 7 n., 17 Alexander the Great and the Sacae, 36; 260; 276; and the Malloi, 335; and the Sophoi... 336 Alexandria, port...
...
344 f. ... 65 f. 57
Alif, 83; Alif Chela
59 197
Ali Mir, Balti general
...338 ... 354 Ali Mardan Khan, governor of Kandahar ...136 n.; 177 80 Al-Kadar, on the Persian Gulf 137 n. Allah Bakhsh the Demon and the Saint Abdul Qadir Jilani
200, 201 n. Afghanistan, S., and the Indo-Parthians 40 Africa, N., its pygmy flints, 189; 8.... 193 Agame, for Tantric 258, 278 Agast Munijt, teacher of the Paras Ramji
... 146 Allahabad, tn. Hallow, 174; inscription, 260; Halloe
282, 284, 311 Muhammadan Saint,
146, 302 n. 166, 297-299 ... 156 ... 117 18
177
Abhayagiri monastery... Abhayapura, tn. in Ceylon abhir, saffron
Abbiras, a people
Adiéésha, k. of serpents Aditi, mother of Indra... Adityas
Aeshma, g.
...
Abram Caune, for Ibrahim Khan Achæmenides, the, and the Semitic races,
196; inscriptions of... Achantipuri, home of Bala Shah Achar, vil. in the Tochi Valley Acharyas and Alvårs ... Achin, boats used in Açvaghosa, Asvaghosha Adam
Adi Granth, works relating to...
...
incarnation of Vishnu Agastya, a rishi... Agastya, an author agate finds in Vindhyan caves âg balnéwâlâ, fire-lighters
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
INDEX.
...
...
...
...
.00
...
244 48 258 f. 185 f. 92
61
aghida, the Achyrantes aspera plant... Aghorasivâcharya, reputed author of Siddhanta-sárávali ...
278
...
256, 261
Agni, g. in Telugu Vaishnava tales... 53; Agnishomiya, fire and moon ... 281 Agra, Agroy 134, 135 and n.; 172 f. Aguilar, in Spain, and pygmy flints Ahavamalla Sômêsvara, a Chalukya ... Ahmadzai Waziris, a sept Ahura Mazda
...
*3*
189
... 129 122 ff. 196, 198 f., 201, 203 83 44
the
Ail Malak, for Prisht&...
Ai-ti, Han Emperor Ajamila and the Angels of Death, Telugu
Vaishnava tale
Ajapala-tree, the Ajmere, tn. Ajna, 6tli chakra"
Ajudhiapuri, birth-place of the Sri Râm
244
Chandarjt incarnation of Vishnu Akalavarsha, Rashtrakuta-Krishnaraja III, 21
...
**
55 156 235 264
...
...
...
292 Allam Cawne, Allan Cown, for Asaf Khân. 137 ff. Alleged Custom of Naming a Hindu after His Grandfather
125; 291 86 63 ... 194
... 34 ... 178 ...230
ameretat, immortality Amesha Spentas... Am-khás, audience chamber amrati, water vessel amrita, nectar...
allian, silver buttons
Alo Alo, g. of the Tonga Islands αλωνίστρα, a harrow Altai, mts.
Alta' naut, modern Rohri Ålvårs, list of, 223; and Acharyas Amaravati, Stapa sculptures at Anuradhapura in Ceylon, 295 ff.; Dhanyakakata... 298 Amb, Pañjab Hill State, titles in Ambarisha and the Fiery Disc, Telugu Vaishnava tale
324
...
...
...
...
...
50 ... 201 197 f., 202 n. ...133 n., 169 f., 172
...
... 219 278 ... 284 ... 335
52
***
Amritesvart, goddess of nectar Amritsar, tn.
Ameumán, grandson of Sagara Amudan, author of the Ramanujanúrrandhadhi...
...
....230

Page #408

358
INDEX
.
.. "119
... 129
282
4
.
82
118 n.
.
.. 200
...202
Anabata, 4th obokra ... ... ... ... 264 | Aruna, charioteer of the sun... Anahita, goddess ... ... ... 190 Aryans in Ceylon, 153; in Media
... 196 Ananda, a Thera, oousin of Buddha ... 165 f. Asaf Khan, Wazir, called Allan Cawne. 1872., 138 n. Åpanda Temple, Pagan...
293 L. Asandinad, district in Mysore... ... Anauk MIby, Burmese Nat... ... 217, 227 | Asanga, Buddhist patriarch... ...
... 7 n. Anaukpet Thalan Minday& k....
... 223 Asba, g., 199 ff.; Aramaiti ... ... ... 203 Anawratba, k. of Pagan conquered Thatôn ... 212. Aşháb, or Companion of the Prophet
... 122 224; 294 Ashtabujakaram's shrine at Kancht ... anda, brass vessels ... ... ... 247 f.
Ashtami, ceremony ... *
... 851 AndA!, an Ajvar, date of ... ... ... 228
asht-dhat, eight metals ... ... ... ... 248 Andamanese, the ...
Asin, finds of minute flakes in... ... ... 193 Andre kings, coins of ... ... ... ... 297 Asia Minor ... Andrews, M. T., mentioned in records of the
askdt, funeral alms ... ... ... 310 and a. E. I. Co. ... ... ... ... 171 n.
Asoka, date of, 43; and Buddhism, 168, 157; Angels of Death, in a Telugu Vaishnava tale. 55
164; alpliabet and the Devanagar1,279, 283, 814 Anghu, what exista' ... ... ... 199 n. | Assam, temple ruins in... ...
... 276 Angirnsa, a Rishi ... ... ... ... 56 f. | Aseem Pashaw for Husain Pashi
168 f. Angro Mainyu, an evil spirit, 198; Angra Ass-lip, & Rishi... ... ... ... ... 13 t. Mainyush ..
Assur, g. ... ... ...
... ...
... ... 198 Animisa, the ... .. .. 156 Assyrians in Media .. ...
... 198 ankusa, a hook ...
... 272 Asura, g. ... ... ... An-si, Parthia ... ... 36, 38 ff., 43, 45 ff. Agur Dånan, demon ...
... 247 Antiquarian Notes in Burma and Ceylon, by
Abvaghosha or Mátricheta, Buddhist teacher R. Sewell ... .. . ... 293 ff. and writer .. ... ... ... 7 n., 17 Anu, g. ... ... ... ... ... ... 198 Asvapati, k., father of the Savitri-Vrata ... 116 Anup Sain, prince of Keonghal .. .. 291 ata, meal ... ... ... ... ... ... 95 Anuradhapura, tn, in Ceylon, and the Amari- Atar, fire... ... ... ... ... ... 203 vati Stapa marbles ... ... ... 295 ff.
Atharva-Veda, and the Devanagari alphabet, Apollonius of Tyana, by Philostratus ... 836
256, 261 ff., 267; 270 ff., 281 Arachosia, co, south of Afghanistan ... 36 f., 39 Ato-to-harto, demi-god... ... ... ... 117 arahanta (Pali), celibate monk ... . 268 attap, awning ... ..
.. . ... 105 Arakan, tn. in Burma, Recan, and Shah Atthakatha-Mahavamsa ... ... ... 163 ff.
ShujA ... ... ... 134 and n., 135; 219 Attick, Atak, the Indus ... 132, 136, 175 Arattamukki Dasan, the first part of which Aungbinle Sinbyushin, Burmese Nat... 217, 221
is a title of Tirumaugai Alvar ... ... 230 Aungaw magyi, Burmese Nat ... ... 217. 221 Arbuda, city ... ... ... ... ... 20 Aurangzeb, Orain Zebb, son of the enp. Shah . Archeology in W. Tibet, by the Revd, A, H. Jaban ... 133 and w., 134 and n., 136 w., Franoke, Inscriptions at Khalatee, 237 ff.;
168 and n., 177 at Saspola ... ... ... ... 325 ff. Auripotli, near the Chår Peak... ...251 and D. Aristotle and the origin of comedy ... ... 274 Aurva, a rishi . .. ... .. ... 52 Arjan, person mentioned in the Gag& Australian savages use pygmy flint imple
Legends ... ... . .. ... 152 ments ... ... ... ... 193 and D., 194 f. Ariuna .... ... ... .. ... 17; 129 Ava, tn. in Burma ... ... ... 920 1. Arjunavarinen, Paramira k.. . 235 f. Avalokitesvara, Pyan-ras-yzigs, image of ... 331 Arjun yanas, a kingless race ... .. .. 290 Ayatamsaka, probable date of compilation ... 7 Arkalgad Talaq, in the Hassan district, con- A Woman's Wiles, a tale .. .. ... 146
tains inscriptions commemorating the self- Ayodbya, Ayodhye, on coins ... ... 275 f. immolation of men... .. ... ... 129 Azes, Indo-Parthian k.
39, 48 Armaiti, Parsee divinity ... ... 200 f. Arrian and the Oxydrakai ... .. ... 335 arrow-heads found at Scunthorpe in Lincoln, 188 ; and in France .. ..
... 189 Arank and An-si... ...
Baba, sidrat, in the Tocht Valley ... Artaxerxes II., k, ..
... 196
Babylonian kings and Media, 196; faith arti, floating lamp frame
... 117 Bacchus and the Brahmans ... .. Aru, in Sumatra...
104 . Bachhal, wife of Jiwar ...
...
39

Page #409

INDEX.
859
.
.. 149
... 176
... 124
dn.
*
48
Bacon's allusion to the Oxydrakai, by V. A. Baw Farid, Muhammadan saint, Atories of. 300 #f. Smith ... ... ...
... "
... 335 f. BÅwan incarnation of Vishnu... ... ... 244 Bactria, Ta Hia ... ... ... 34, 36, 38 f., 44 Bayinma Shinmingaung, Burmese Nat.... 217, 226 Badaif and the Rashtrakūtas...
... ... 232 begáris, labourera -
*** *** - 252 badhand, water-vessel ...
Behat coin finds ... ... ... *** Badr, tn, near Medina ...
... ... 302
Bel, 8. ... ... ... ... ... 197 1., 201 Badri Narajn, Temple of
291 Belgium, and pygmy flints ... 189, 191 ., 195 bad rah, an evil spirit ... .
855 Bell, Richard, see Travels of. 131 ff., 168 ff., 203 it. Bagdad, Bagdat ... ...
... 169 and n. Bellomont, Lord, ambassador of Charles I. to Badugas, Nilagiri tribe, and tattooing.... 269 ndia ... ... ... ... ... 207 and n. Baggenogar, Bbågnagar, tn, ...
Benares and Buddha, 156; Observatory, 284; Bagbar zidrat, in Birmal
birth-place of the B&wan incarnation of Baghelkand pygmy flints
Visbņu.. ..
.... ... 244 Bahand, for Bandel, k....
825 Bengal .. ... ... ... 138 and n., 172 1. bahorá, a marriage gift...
86 bentangor bunga, wood used in Malay boat. Baikunta, Vishņu's heave
... 50 building ... ... ... ... ... 109 baingyan, egg-plant ... ..
... 356 Bes, 8. ... .. ... ... ... ... 117 Bainka, sister to Raink&ji .
besaan, Malay mizzen sail . . .. 103 bairagan, a prop ... ..
... ... 354 Bhaddaji ... ... ... ... ... 161 . BAjdaw, k. of Burma..
... 217 n. Bhadrakalpa, a bygone age ... ... . 13 Bakhar, tn., 132 n., 136 n.; Bucker ... 173; 178 Bhadwachbri, Bhadarkalt, goddess ....... 242 BAIA, among the Chahrás, 83, 85; BAIA Bhåh, Bhaga, 8., and the Devanagart alphabet,
340 ff.
261, 264 1., 270, 273 1., 277 BAI Bambrik, a Chuhra saint ... 343, 353 Bhagadatta, k. of Pragjyotishs ... ... 18 bald, ear jewel ... ..
".. 94 Bhagavan, g. .. . ...
... 48 Balbim, Chuḥrå sub-division ..
... 83 Bhagavat Purana, extract from - Bali Chakravarti, a giant
...59 f. Bhagiratha, son of King Dalipa ... 52 1. Ballavarasa, k. ... ...
Bhågnagar, Baggenogar, tn. .. .. .. 176 BAlmik, a Chuhri saint ... 83, 249 Bhairava, demon .. .
... 260 Balouang, priests
... 267 f. Bhakara, Bhokrd, a chief of Shadg&... 250 n. Balraja, slain by the fifth incarnation of Bhamo, tn, in Burma ... . . Vishņu... ... **
... 244 Bharata (King) and the Deer, 53; as a BrahBaltis in Ladakh... .. .. 73, 75, 80, 239 man, Telugu Vaishnava tales
... 54 Baluchs, Bloches
.. .. 178, 209 Bharata, brother of Råma, contemplated Balu-mkbar, in W. Tibet, inscriptions. 74 D.; self-immolation ... ... .. ... 129
238 f., 325
bharmdala, Chubá marriage custom ... 95 Bann and the derivation of Thingsar... 125 f.
Bhaskarananda, a commentator ... 261 ff., Banfivase, dist. ... ... ... .. 130
271, 279, 283 f., 287 f. Banbao, tn. in Burma ... ... ... ... 211
Bhâts, Kaneta, a sept. 246 and n., 248 and n., Banda District, and pygmy Hints ... 191, 194 Bandal, contains a Shirigul temple ... ... 249
Bhatti, Chuhpå sub-division ... ...
82, 85 Bandar, in the Malay Peninsula ... 104 and n
Bhad, Pañjab title Bandel, k., probably a Dard ... ... ... 325
Bhavári, goddess .. ... ... d Bang-gLing castle named in the Saspola Bheda, a low caste .. inscription ... ...
.. . 328 f. Bhêrundêsvara Pillar ...
... 130 bara, Hebrew, 'to make ... 197 n. Bhima, a Påndava ...
... 182 Baráh-rup, Boar incarnation of Vishnu ... 24+ Bhim Chand of Katoch... Bdsdôv, father of the Krishn incarnation of Bhimsi, dist. ... .. ***
178 n. Vishnu ... ... ... ... ... .. 244
Bhitari inscrip. ... ...
... 260 Basgo, battlefield in W. Tibet, 75; monastery. 330
bhôcha, Chuhpå marriage gift... ... Bashisht Muni, teacher of the Sri Ram Bhokra, Bhakrd, a chief of Shadga ... Chandarji incarnation of Vishnu ... .. 244
Bhopal inscrip. ... *** Basra, Bossara, tn.
...
Bhaloka, the earth * 137, 168
.. Bassein, tn. ... ...
... ... 212bhát, a spirit ... ... batega, battica, a bowl or gong ... 175 and n.
bhita-lipi, alphabet. ... ... 312, 314, 318 batna, an ointment
... 129 ... ... 88 Bhata Pandya, husband of the first sati
t. 212
nabog
.
249
... 324
*** 148
... 77
... 233
86
... 250

Page #410

860
INDEX.
... 335
... 284
:
... 324
Bhdtattar, an Ålvår, date of ...
228. Buddha, 21 ff.; Nirvana, 41 ff.; on Kanishka's Bias, riv., Hyphasis ... ...
coins, 46; and Lanka, 153, 156; bistory of, Bico, bhiksu, begging monk... ..
... 263
159 ; 161 ; death of, 164 1., 221; statues of, Bijáksharany dsa, a rite... ...
294, 331; Tooth relio ... ... ... 297 ff. Bijapur, Vizepoore, and the Moguls... ... 172 Buddhabhadra, translator of the Avatamsaka. Bijat, g. of Sardhan ... .. ..
251 n. sutra ... ... ... 3f.: 7 and n., 8; 10, 19 Biland Khel, vil. in Kurram ...
119 £.
Buddha-Gaya, remains of brick tablets at ... 294 Bildspar, in the Paljab ...
Buddhaghosa, in Ceylon
.. .. 160-166 Bilochan Rishi, father of the Tortoise, the Buddhas, the last four ...
". .. 155 f. Bawan, and the Budh-rap incarnations of Buddhasena, Hindu monk
... ... 8 Vishnu ... ..
... 24+ Buddhavamsa, the ... ... ... 158 f. bfra, a gold button ...
86 Buddhavarman, writer... ... Birmal, vil, in Wana .. . .. 124 buddhi, knowledge. .. ....
... 49 Bloches, Baluchs ...
... 178, 209 Buddhism and the Yue-tchi, 9; 44; under Boats and Boat building in the Malay Penin- Kanishka, 43 f. ; 46; in Ceylon, 153, 155; in
sula, by H. Warrington-Smith, 97 ff.; list Burma, 211 f., 294 ; in J.adAkb, 77, 239 n., of boats, 102 ff.; tables of boats, 107 f.;
330, 332 glossary, 109 f.; notes by W. W. Skeat...114 f. Buddbist stories of Kanishka, 41 : councils Bôdaw phaya, k, of Burma ... ... 217 n. of Asoka, 153, 155 ; 164; cave temple in Bodheruchi, monk ... ... ... ... 2 Burma, 293 ; sculptures in Tibetan cave Bodhisatta = Bodhisattva ... ... 164 f.
temple ... ... ..
332 Bodhisattva-pithas, spots made sacred by the Budh-rup-Buddha-incarnation of Vishnu.. 244 visit of a Bodhisattva ... ... ... 19
Bugis or Celebes Islands, boats used in, Boka, officer under Tribhuvanamalla Vira
102, 105 and n. Som svara, committed self-immolation ... 130 Bübler, Prof., on the spelling of Thandsar, Bôntaungbön-nya, riv. in Burma ... 219, 222 126; on the origin of the Devanagari Bopparna, committed self-immolation ... 130 alphabet ... ... 253, 254 and n., 255, 311 4. Bopparasa, a lord ... ... ... ... 130 bulik, a nose jewel ... ... ... ... 94 Bos primigenius (B. urus, Linn.) remains dBu-med, upheaded Tibetan characters, found in Scunthorpe... ... ... ... 188
238 f., 328, 331 Bossara, Basrah, Basra ... ... 137, 168 'aBum-lde, Ladakbl k. ... ... ... 75 ff., 79 bówattå, armlet ...
... .. 94 Bundareecke or Congo, Kung Bandar, q. v. 168 n. Bradfield, in E. Lancashire, pygmy finte in, Bundelkhand sati pillars, 116 n.; or Bundel
188, 190 kund, pygmy flinte ... ... ... 186 and 1. Brag-nag Castle, near Khalatse ... ... 288 BQ-p'ayA, Pumpkin Pagoda, PagAn ... ... 293 Brahma, g., inventor of the Brahmi script, Burgess, Dr. J., and dates of Ceylon sculpture. 297 91., 13; in Telugu Vaishnava tales, 50, 52; . Burma, boat building in, 101; and Buddhism, 58, 118 f. ; 243; and the Devanagari alpha- 211 t.; antiquarian notes on, 293 4.; and
bet ..... ... 255 f.; 262, 265 f., 281, 350 the Tooth legend ... ... .. 297 ff. Brahma, title applied to Shirigul ... ... 249 Bart, Chuhfå sub-division ...
... 89 Brahmånda, macrocosm ... ... ... 256 Bussora, tn. ... ... ... .. 168 n. Brahmans, and the Sophoi ... ... ... 336 Byåtbàn, k. of Zimme, a Burmese Nat ... 224 brahmarandhra, centre of the head ... 257, 286 Brahmatithi Kaņva, a writer ... ... ... 16 Brabmi script, 19; in Khalatee inscriptions,
239 n. Ca-'adra-'abkomyi, for Chandra-bhomi, Brahmi alphabet, origin of, 253 ff., 270 ff., lama .. .. . .. . . 332 311 f.; bridges over the Indus ... 237 f., 329 Cabul, tn...
Cabul, tn... ...
... ... ... ... ... 18 n. a Brogdus, meaning Dard time ... .. 72 Cadmus, inventor of the Greek alphabet ... 316 Brown, Mr. J. A., on pygmy flints ... 150 f. Çakas for Sakas ... ... ***
... 18, 80 Bu-can characters in Khalatae inscriptions. 237 Çakra, Sakra; 8. .. .. .. .. 14 Bucca, riv.. .. ... ... ... ... 178
Yaya, saya *** . .. .. ... 17. Bucker, Bakar, tn.. .. ... ... 173, 178
Camboja ... ... ...
• .. . 128 Buddankot pam, village...near Negapatam, Cammallo, tn. in the Pañjab P... ... ... 178
testifies to the former ascendency of Campbell, John, and Richard Bell, q. v. 181 fr., Buddhism in the district .. . 229
168 ff., 203 r.
.

Page #411

INDEX.
361
. 177
... 269
... 89
... 83
*
88
Candanna, Oadanore, modern Kurnool
Chandraguptas, I, 11, 125; and the Yaadheyas, Candagatta
290 1. .. ...
... .. 160, 162 Candabor, city, 138; Kandahar ...
Chandrawati, mother of the man-lion inoarCannanore, Can'na'noor, tn. ...
... 178 nation of Vishnu ... ... .. . 244 Carlleyle, the late Mr. A. C., and Indian
chandran, moon, a tattoo-mark ** pygmy flints ... ... 185, 186 n., 188, 19+ f.
Changar, Chuhpå subdivision ... ... .. 83 Carlyle, on the value of traditions ... ... 116 changéra, a basket - ** ... 340, 344 Carnatic, Richard Bell's conneetion with the. 132 changer-lål, a tray .. ...
... 91 Car'ru'ra (Kadapa, Cuddapah) visited by
Chang-kien, Chinese author... ... 36, 38, 44 Richard Bell ... ... ... ... ... 209 Chang Mangal sidrat, in the Tocht Valley ... 123 Caganna, khazana, treasury ... 183 and n.,
Chao-te, Chinese ambassador ...
... 38 134, 172 chapnidn, earthen plates ... Cataváhana, Satavahana .. ... ... 7
Chaprłban, Chuhfå subdivision Çatradru, Satradru ... ... . ... 17
Charita, city in Orissa ... . ... ... 21 Caucasus ... ... ... ... ... 118 n. 1 'charkhan, spinning wheel ... ... 310 n. Celebes or Bugis, islanda, boate used in, Char Khel, bills ...
... .. ... 123 102, 105 chaunké, ear jewel ... Central Provincea, Folklore from ... 212 ff. chauki, throne ... ...
... 249 ceremonies, domestic, of the Chuhfas ... 86 Chaur-Chor - Peak, near Simla. 245 t. Ceres, goddess... ..
247 and n., 250 t. Qeylon and the Dipavara, 189 ff.; conversion Ch&wag, vil. in the Pašijab ... ... ... 249
to Buddhism, 158; visited by Chinese Chawkhat, near the Ohori Dhor in Jubbal. 250 f. monks, 211 ; antiquarian notes in, 295 ff. ; Ohayára, & rishi ... ... ...
. 51 the birthplace of Dameur . 853 Cheemaun, Canadian oanoe ...
.. 115 chddar, a sheet 4 " 86,93 Chenab, riv. ...
310
*** chaihal, charità, a scent...
chendu, a ball ... ...
... ... 118 Cbnitya symbol *** **
274 t. chengal, chengai, wood used in boat-building, Chaitya roek . ** . 297
103, 109 olaityas or stúpas at Saspola ... ... 325, 328 Ch'êng-ti, emp. of China Chakrári, vil. ja GajranwAlA ...
chert flakes, in the Vindhyas ...
185 f. chakras, the six ... . ... 864 Chetiya, k. . .
... 187 Chakravarti or emperor, called Vairmåghan... 232 chhdnani, a siete .
... 92 Chaldea . . .. ...117, 118 n. chhannan, drinking vessel ...
... 94 Chaḥık yas, of Badaml, and the Rashtrakatas, chhap, shkalld, a ring ... ..
... 94 230, 882 Chhatris, & easte... ...
842 n. Chalukyan-supposed -sculptares in Pagån Chindambaram, ta. ... ... temples ..
... 994 n. Chigtan, in W. Tibet, Buddhist Monastery at. 330 Chamba State in the Pañjáb, 125; disputed chikken, forehead jewel ... ... ... 94
succession in ** .... ... . 152 chimba, Chuhra washerman ... ... 86 Champi, fabled city ..*
... 13 Ohina, 4, 10; and the Sakas, 88; the An-si, Obam panagara, a writer
39; 118 n.; and Buddhism, 44, 211 t.; and Champu-Jivandhara of Harichandra, book- the use of ordnance ... ... ... ... 336 notice 49
268 Ohinas, Chinese ... ... . ... ... ... 18 Chand, a Paljab title ... ... ...
Chinese script, 9; texta, 23 ff.; words in the Ohanda, a steer, foster parent of Chanda
Burmese language ... ... ... 9111. gutta ..
***
.. **. .. ... ... 180 Chitor, tn. chanda, Chuhfå ceremony ... ... ... 340 Chitrakéta, k, of Surashna in the MaharishObandagatta, k. of India .. .. 160, 1621 tra co.... ... .. .. .. 56 ff. Chandésar, brother of Shirigul .., 246, 250 and n. Chitrdáva for Satyavat ... .... .. .. 119 Chandôshwar, g... . ... .. .. 250 chốt, chop, shawl . . . . . 86 Chandi, goddess... ... ..
... 289 L. mOhog-agyar-rgyalpo-khri-rgyal, k., probably Chandiya, a Tuluva, committed self-immola
of Leh ... ... ... ... ... ... 78 tion * ** ** ***
Chola power in S. India ... . 230 ff.
*** Chandoba, . ..
chóll, a bodice ... ... ... ... ... 88 Chandra-bhdmi, lams, called Ca-'adra- Chowang-namgyal for Thse-dbang-mam'abkom-si . .* *** **
332 rgyal, k. ... ... ... ... ... 73
...
88
... 82
... 282
13
... 324
..
21

Page #412

862
INDEX.
52
Christian tomb.-of St. Polycarp- used for Dakkhinagarivihara, seat of the Sagalayas... 160
Muhammadan worship ... ... ... 356 Daksha, one of the prajdpalis ... ... 50 Chu-che, Suebi-rasa (Çuçirasa),a Bodhisattva. 13 Dakshina Kosala, and Vidarbha ... ... 19 Chuhas, the, by the Revd. J. W. Youngeon, Dakshiņáchira, a form of Tantric worsbip ... 259
Sialkot: 1.-Constitutions of the tribe, caste Dakshiņaparáva, the right side of the body... 276 divisions, 82; a genealogy, 83 f. ; governing Daladapújávali, its date
..153 body, intermarriage rules, 85; II.--Domestic Dalipa, a prince ... ... *** · ceremonies, 86; marriage songe, 87-96;
Dalla, in Barms ...
221, 226 marriage customs, 302; songs, 303; death damar, substitute for pitch
*** ...
- . 109 and burial, 810; dirges, 337 ; III.-Religion, Damila Pandu, Tamil turper
... 160 relating to BAIA Shah, 340 ff.; prayers, 353;
dana, word of Chinese origin ... . IV.-Religious beliefs, priests, artieles of
Dandi, Tocht Valley vil. . faith, 354; shrines, rites, sacrifices, dandfin, ear jewel -
fetishism, ancestor worship, 855, totems... 356 | Dangar Pir, Muhammadan saint, 122, simrat chula, fire-place, a tattoo-mark ... .. 270 in the Tocht Valley ... .. ... ... 123 Ohu-le, K'ia-low-chou-tan-le, Kashgar.. 2 ff., 12 Danish kitehen midden' remains in EngChumbi Valley, and elective chieftainship. 290 f. land
and .. ...
.. .. ... ... 188. chungam, juncan, custom dues ... 177, 292 i Dantidurga II., a Rashtrakata, bore the title churel, a witcb ... ... ... ... 355 f. Vairamêghaa ... ... ... ... ... 232 chúrt, bracelet, 89, or chúrd ... ... ... 94 dard, & rest-house Churidhar, near Simla, contains a temple of Darabgerd, the tobacco plant ... .. .. Shirigul ... ..
... ... 247
Daradas (Ta-lo-to ), a tribe ... ... ... chirmdn, food offering ... .. 340, 344, 355 Dark Shikoh, Dorrish shacour, son of the Çiknanda, Sikshananda, g.v....2, 8 and n., 4, Emperor Shah Jahan... 133 and 1., 134 and 6, 7 and n.
., 185 n., 169 and 1., 170 Cina, Soei, Chinese dynasty ... ... ... 8
dearbhytisha, bow . .. - -. 271 Cinapati, co., in the Panjab ... .... 41, 46 Dardistan, co. ... . Cindey, Sindhi, the Indus, 173; also a city, Dards, as kings of Khalatee ...
... 239 probably flaidarabad in Sindh ... ... 178 doridi, a silk cloth ... . ... Clemens, Dr., on the care of monuments ... 128 Dashasur Rawan, slain by the seventh incar Cobbullo, for Kabul ... ... ... 173, 177 nation of Vishnu ... .. ... ... 244 Cockburn, Mr. F., 186; and Kaimar cave Dasrath, father of the Bri Kam Chandart
drawings ... ... ... ... 194 f. incarnation of Vishnu ... ... ... 244 Colombo, Collumba, visited by Richard Bell. 132 Dåthedbáta festival
... ... 998 Coltine, earth goddess ... ... ... ... 117 Dachódhatuvariwa, work, tells the history of Conge, Kung Bandar, q. v. ..
168 n. the Tooth Relie . . . Congo arrow beads resemble Indian pygmy Dåthenåga, a Thera .. implements ...
Dáthavasisa, work ***
- Ooranaga, k. ...
... 167
Dachopatissa II, k. of Ceylon... - cores of flints found in India...
... 188
Dattabaung, k. of Prome . .. 219, 222 Çorno, branch of the Jamna ... .
... 135
Datta Khel, in the Tocht Valley ... ... 129 Orimes and pygmy flints ..
Dåttba and Dáthânâga, identified wrongly ... 165 Orona, city in India ... ...
210 n. Daud Beg, Doyd Begg, Muhammadan officer, Crowe, M: E., E. I. Co.'s servant ... 171 n.
170 and a. Cuddapa, Kadapa, city ... ... ... ... 208 daun, sál or shorea wood ... . ... 109 Cunningham, Sir Alex., 45, and W. Tibetan dauní, a jewel ... ... . . ... 309
history, 73; 330; on the Hindu custom of darid, darád fatia, obsequies ... ... 340 and 1. naming a child after his grandfather, Dauris, tribe of the Toetat Valley, 122; 125 1.; and the Devanagarf alpha
customs among .. ... .. 213 and . bet ... ... ... .. - 253 £., 276 dégchi, a pot. .. .. ... .. ... 94
De-ldan-rnam-rgyal, k. of Khalatee, toet
inscription of ... ... ... ... ... 239 Dabasse - men of Bus, Central Tibet
Delhi, home of the Goriya Chuhska, 82; Dabona, for Deons ...
visited by Richard Bell, 182 and ., Dadda I. and II., Gurjjara kings ...
133 and n.; Dilley, 137, 139; Observatory, Dagar Qil'a in the Tocht Valley ...
234; and Shirigul ... ... 246 1.; 306
189
... 159

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INDEX
863
244
... 294
Demeter, goddess ... ... .
63, 118 | Dinant, tn, in France, and pygmy flint finde. 189 Denmark, finds of stag-horn harpoon heads Dinapur, tn., and tobacco growing ... ... 292
. .. 192 Dipankara, Buddha ... ... ... ... 164 DåÔ, Pañjal title . ..
... .. 324
Dipavansa and the Mahavarisa and the déo, a spirit ... ... .. ... ... 356 Historical Tradition in Ceylon, by Wilhelm Deona, Dabona in Sirmir, has a temple of Geiger. A Condensed Translation by Miss
Shirigul .. ... ... .. 249, 251 C. A. Nicolson, M.A. - Introduction, 153f.; depa (Malay), a fathom ... ... ... 115 I.-The Dipavamsa and the Mabávamea in Devs någari alphabet, a theory of its origin, relation to each other: 1-The Composi.
253 ff., 270 ff., 311 ff. tion of the Dipa varsa, 155 f.; 2 - The Devenampiyatissa, k. of Ceylon, contempo
Mahavarbea in comparison with the Diparary of Asoka ... 153, 155, 157-160, 162 vamsa, 187; 3-The amplified Mabávamea, Devikoshtha or Devikota ... ... 21 158; II.--The Dipavamsa and the MabaDawi, Hira LAL, cante ... 245, 248 and n., 249 varhsa in Relation to their Sources: 4 Dewkt, mother of the Krishn incarnation of The Commentary and the author of the
Vishnu... ... ... ... ... ... 2:4 MabAvarica, 159; 5-The Authorities, 160; Dha gånâ, a Pathần Chuha ...
***
82
6- The Contents of the Sources, 161; 7Dhagesat Band Rishi, teacher of the Budh
Resulte, 162 1.; III, -Tbe Historical Trarap incarnation of Vishnu ... ... ... 244 dition apart from the Epic: 8. Tbe Dhagiaat Bawa Risbi, teacher of the Tortoise Introduction of the Samanta Påsædika, the incarnation of Vishnu
Mababodhivamsa, the DAth&vares, and the dhaknu, a lid . ..
... ... 94 Thápavamsa, 161 f.; 9 - Singhalese WritDhamayàngyi temple in Pagin
... 294 inge ... ... .. .. ... 166 [. Dhamayâziká temple in Pagån
Dipava rsattho katha, the ... ... ... 160 Dhamma ... ... ... *
211, 2571 dipi and lipi ... .. ... ... ... 256 Dhammagåra of Parakkama ...
. 166 Disputed succession in the Chamba State Dhammakitti, author of the Dathapansa, Panjab ... ... ... ... ... ... 152
165; continued the Mahdvansa ... ... 166 Diul in Sind and LAhort Bandar, q. v. 168 n. Dhammaruchi, a sect... ... ... 169, 166 Divakars, Chinese writer .. ... . 23 Dhana, vil. in Wång ... ... ... ... 124 Dogras in Ladakh ... ... ... 73, 75, 353 Dhanuk Rishi, father of the tenth incarna- atli, palanquin ... ... ... .. tion of Visbņu... .. .. .. .. 244 Domitian, emp. ... ..
836 Dhanyukakata, for Amaravati... ... ... 298 Dongrub-bsod-rname, one of the Gongmapa Dhar, old cap. of the Paramára kings, and the family of Khalatae ... ... ... ... 241 Parjatamanjari .. ..
Dordogne in France, and pygmy flint finds... 189 Dhirla, ravine in the Pamijab ...
... 247
Dorje-tirse-dpal-mi-'ngyur-dongrub-mamDharma, duty . ...
... 50 rgyai, k. of Khalatse, decree of . .. 240 dharm ki mi, adoptive mother
152 n. Dormai, goddess ... ... ... ... 242 Dhatusena, k. of Ceylon
Dorrish shacour, Dark Shikob, q. v.... 133 and Dhotuvamsa, the
153, 167
n., 194 and ., 135 n., 139 and n., 170 dhawit, an ornament . ... ... ... 309 dotára, a fiddle ... ... ... ... ... 34 dhicinkra, an offering ... ... .. ... 252 Doyd Begg, for Daud Bog. q. v. ... 170 and n. Dhola, a famons lover ...
310 n. Dragehos, a family of Khalatee who possess Dhritarashtra, one of the Pandus ... ... 17
two ancient Tibetan MS. decrees ... 240 . dhra, tára, 9. 9. ... ... 294 f. Drangiana, co., and the Sakas ...
... 99 Dhruvasena, Valsbhi k.
... 125 Dran, in W. Tibet, stone images at ... ... 830 dhúy dend, morning worship ... .. ... 252 Dresden Congress on the restoration of Diamond Sands, East Coast of India, scene
monuments . ... . of the wreck of Hemam&ia and the Tooth Dulla, a Bhatti Chuhra chief ... Relio ... ...
... ... 297 f. | Dam, ObuhrA subdivision .. Diggaja Dasaratha, an elephant ... ... 63 Dungarpuri, birthplace of the Tortoise incarDighasanda, & general under Devânam. nation of Vishnu ... ...
... 244 piyatissa, built a monastery which was Durbhlab Rishi, teacher of the Krishn named after him ... ... ... ... 160 incarnation of Vishņu
*** .. .. 244 Diliwar Chand of Katôch
Durga, goddess ... ...
... ... 259 Dilley, Dilli for Delhi .... .. 187, 139 ff., 306 Durvaan, a Rishi
... 160
... 233

Page #414

364
INDEX
- 147
Dattagamani, k. of Ceylon, in the Malu
France, ite pygmy flinte, 189 f.; and instruvamsa, 153, 158 f.; in the athakatha, ments used by the cave-dwellers of the 162. 165 f. Reindeer period
... ... 193 doddafi vrata, a ceremony ..
50 Frashaoshtra, the traditional father-in-law of
of Dwapara Yuga... ..
Zarathustra ... ... ... *** Dyumatsôna, k. mentioned in the Savitri- Fravishi of the Parsees... .. pija .. ... "
... ... ... 119 fresco, in the Yat zuk Temple, Pagan
Futisha, Hi-tun, q. v. ...
fylfot cross ... ... *** *** *** ... ... 198 East Hia, China ... ... ... ... East Indies, and Richard Bell, q. v. ... 131 ff., gadhebra, child by a former husband... 152 n. 168 ff., 203 ff. gafexeil, Malay, gaffsail
... 103 Ecbatana, cap. of Media, 196; Ekbatana ... 198 gagana, the sky...
... 287 Egypt and the use of the square sail, 98; and Gajababu, k. of Ceylon...
... 168 the rudder, 100 and n., 117, 118 n.; the gajra, wrist ornament ...
... 354 home of Dangar Pir, 123 ; 126; pygmy flint gált abuse... ... .
... 93 finds in ... .. ... ... 189, 191, 193, 195 gam, kine... ...
201 n. Ekadanta, title of Gunesh .. ... . 63 gambar, shelf ...
248, 252 Ekadasidhara or Ekapâdini, eleventh support. 283 gammadion or svastika of Scandinavia... 118 n, ekádasi day, eleventh after full or new moon, 129 Ganapati, head, chief ... ** .. ... 62 Ellora inscrip. and Dantidurga II. ... Dantidurga II. .. .. 232 Ganatissa, k. of Ceylon
. 167 Elsa, city in N. Indis ...
. ..210 Gandak, riv. ..
* ... ... 53 Elsaneere, Elsameer, city in N. India ... 210 | gand, chattráva, a bride's shawl Emerson, on gods ... ... ... ... 117 Gandhára, 3, 6, 37; or K30-fu, cap. of Kanishka, English pygmy flint finda, 185 ff.; compared
40, 45, 47 with Indian specimens ..
1 88 f. Gandikót, Gindecote, a Fort in the Cuddapa Enshemin, Burmese, heir-apparent ... 217 n.
dist., 171 and n.; Ginscoote ... ... 174 Epirus in Greece, where flint instruments are Gandhar, picture in the Alchi Temple - 331 used .. ..
Ganesh, festivals in his honour ... 62 1, Eptbalites, a tribe ... ... ... ... 34 Gangi, riv., the Ganges, 18; the origin of, eru, ru, casuarina-tree...
.. 104 n.
Telugu Vaishnava tale .. . 52 f. Esay, Isa, Christ... ... ... ... 139, 141 Gangadhara, Siva ... ... ... ... 53 European and Indian Pygmy flints, suggested Gangadhikaras, a caste, and tattooing ... 270 cause of the resemblance between them ... 191 Gangaikonda, Chola cap. .
231 Evans' (Sir John) Ancient Stone Imple. Ganges, riv., Gangl ... 18, . ; 318, 336, 343
ments, 185, 188; and pygmy flinte ... 191-194 gánnd, wrist ornament ... ... . . 89
* 194
*
**
14
Garhwal States, 291 and n.; titles in ... 324 Fa-hien at Påtalipatra, 10; his account of 1 Garka, minister, built the Khalatae bridge ... 287
Kanishka’s conversion, 41; Fah-Hiên, and Garuda, 8. ... ... .. . 49; 130 1.
the Tooth Relic ... ... ... 297, 299 Gates, Wm., an Englishman at the Mogol Fan, Brahmi script ... ... ... 9ff., 22 f. Court ... ... ... . . 170 and n. Fan ye, author of the Later Han Annals .. 39 Gathas, furnish no theological system... 198 .. faqfror, descendants of the saint Bâbâ - 123- Gatty, the Revd. R., of Hooton Roberts in Feng-feng-she, Chinese ambassador ... .. 35 Yorks, on pygmy Aints... 185, 186 n., 187 ft. Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship, 297 Gauda, district in Bengal .. ... ... 18
and n.; reference to the Tooth Relio ... 298 Gaudapáda, writer ... ... ... 258 1. Fleet, Dr. J. F., on the spelling of Thanésar. 126 Gavrt, wife of Siva, 68 f.; harvest festivals in flint instruments, see Pygmy Flints ... 185 ff. her honour . ... ... 60 f., 117 Folklore from the Central Provinces, by Gawdspalin, temple, in Pagån... ... ... 294
Maidera N. Chittanah ... ... 212 ff. Gayasur, the Danao, slain by the Buddh-rup Folktales from N, India, collected by Wm. incarnation of Vishņu .. Crooke ... .. ... ... 142 ff., 179 ff, Gayatri or Oow, for Savitri ..,
119 n. Foucher's (Dr. F.) L'Art Gréco-Bovddhique , gayomaratan or life-mortal ...
... 201 Du Gandhára, book-notice....... 218 ff. Gelyon, a plateau in the Pañjab
... 248
... 244

Page #415

INDEX
365
. 8 n.
... 355
... 88
Gentues, Hindues ...132 £., 135 14., 171 f., 176 Grihapati, a Naga, Ki-li-ho-po-ti ... gerul, iron peroxide, found in Vindhyan caves. 187 Gruncan, Golconda
... 173, 208 ff. Get or Güt, a tribo ... ... ... .. 34
Gag& legends ...
... 152, 213 Getae, a tribe ... ... ... ... ... 36 guggal, incense ... ... Geush Azyao, soul of the mother kine ... 200 Gujranwala, tn, in the Pañjab ...
.. .. 82 Geush Tashan, 200; the fashioner of the kine.. 201 Gulab Singh, of Jammu ...
... ... 324 Geush Urva, the soul of cattle... ... ... 200 gulal, a red powder ... ... ... 60, 117 GhazlAmt, vil, in the Tocht Valley ... ... 123 Gumal, riv. ...
... ...18 n. ghé, clarified butter
95 t. Gunabhadra's Uttarapurana ... ... .. 268 ghôróbéri, & reed tent ... ... 92 guras ... ...
56, 58 ghosha, sound, the Devanagri letter ha ... 278 Guptas, the, 39; and Tantric worship, 260; ghulam, gollum, a slave...
... 139 and the Yavana Kshatrapas...
... 298 Ghundakai siarat, in Kurtam ... ... ... 122 gu?, unrenn
gur, unrefined sugar .. ... 95, 301 and n. ghungnián, roasted wheat ... ..
Gardåspur, district ... ... ... ... 335 Ghungur Bég, a Chuhsk
gusi, Malay sail ... ... ... ... ... 106 Ghusbūr, a Chuhra subdivision
... 83
Güt or Get, a tribe ... ... ... ... 34 giam, wood used in Malay boat-building ... 102 f., Guzzaratt, co. ... ..
... ... 210 105 1., 107, 109 Gwalior, Goleere, tn. ... ... 134 and n., 172 f. Gil, a Chubså subdivision ... ... ...85, 356
rgyalbr, Tibetan, prince ... ... 74 n. Gindecote, 171 and n.; Ginsecote, for Gandi. Gyaldus, meaning time of the Tibetan ... .. ... ... .... 174 Lad&kbf kings' ... ... ...
02
... 72 ute for oskum ... ... 109rGyulrabs, official bistorv of LadALL glossary, of words used in Malay boat-build
74 ., 78, 78 ing ... ... ... ... ... 109 ff.
rGyangba-dung, royal family of Tibet ... 238 Gocroga, Gossinga, q.. ... ... 4,74.
... ... ... 354 f. Godavari, riv. .. . ...
TGya-abin, k. of Khalatee, an inscrip. of ... 239 Godavart, Districts, and the cultivation of tobacco ... ... ... . .. ... 292
ha, Devanagarl letter ... 278, 286, 287 and n., 811 God's Care of His Creatures, a tale ... ... 179 hæmatite, iron peroxide, used in Vindhyan gokhru, an armlet .. ... ... ... 94 cave paintings ... .. .. .. 187, 194 Goloonda, Grun'ca'rda, visited by Richard
Haidarabad, Oindey, tn. Bell ... ... ... 171 and n., 173, 208 f. Haji Babâdur Sabib, a Kohật saint ... Goleere, Gwalior ... ... ... 134 f. 172 f.
Halebid, tn. in India ...
... 130 Gomasklagandha, a saint ... ... ... 9
Hallow (Halabas, Allahabad) ... . 174, 292 Gomati, riv.
hamel, & necklet... ... ... .. .. 94 Gondophares, Yndophares, Indo-Parthian k. 39, 46 hamsa, the sun ... ... ... ... ... 287 'aGongba-rgya-mthso, Wazir of Khalatee ... 241
Han, China, 41; dynasty ... ... 42, 44 Gongmapa family, Wazirs of Khalatee ... 240
Han-Annals and the Sök, 33 I.; and the Saigon-Myin, pu ... . ... ... ... 220 wang, 36; and the Sakas, 37; and Kushåns. 89 Gonpa, vil, near Len, has vuined monastery. 330
Hanth& wadi, in Burma ... ... 219, 223 f., 227 Côrakh-nåth, character in the Gugå Legend... 213
Hanuman, R. ... ... ... ... ... 129 Goriye, a Chuhșå clan ... .. ... 82, 356
Hanumannátaka, a Sanskrit play ...
... 236 Gossinga (Gocrágy, a famous mountain... 4,7 f.
Hår, in the Pañjáb ... gotá, lace ... ... ... ... ... ... 86
hara, applied to Mazda ... ...
... 202 gótakrálá, mixture of rice, ghi and sugar ... 95 hari, green ... ... ...
243 n. Gothâbhaya, k. of Ceylon ... ... ... 166
186 Hara, Siva ... .. Govind, g. of Jornå ... ... ... 251 n. Harakalinitaka, a Sanskrit play
... 235 Graspa, 76 f., for Lha-chen-gragspa'abum, 9.0., hardakala, the Devanagarf letter i ... ... 283
74,76 Hardwar, tn. in N. India ... ... 251 f. grave-mounds, tumuli, q. v. ... ... ... 187 | Hari, Vishnu ... ...
.. ... 244 Greek altars, 118; flint instruments, 194; Hariall, the last day of Har ... ... 248 and n.
alphabet, and the Sankrit, similarity of Hari-brabm Rishi, father of the Man-lion
their forms ... ... ... ... ... 316 incarnation of Vishnu ... ... . 244 Greenwell, Canon, of Durham, archæologist... 190 Harichandra, physician at the court of S&karepo, talapoy, and talapoin... ... ... 267 Anka ... ... * ** *** ***
...
... 292
gods, represented by
... 178
... 121
... 354
... 259

Page #416

366
INDEX.
189 89
...
Harichandra's Champu-Jivanhhara, by T. 8.
Hin-sün, a Sök state ... ... . Kuppuswami Sastri, book-notice ... ... 268
Hiu-ton, k. ... ... ....... Harikela, 20; Harikelye, for Venga q. v. ... 21 Hlaingdet in Borma ...
... 2:23 f. Haro, riv. in Afghanistan ... ...
Edamadaw Taung-gyishin, a Burmese Nat. 217 1. harpoon-heeds, Danish, 192; Scandinavian ... 193 Ho k'ü ping, a Chinese envoy... ... . 44 Harvest Festivals in honour of Gauri and Hooton, tn. in E. Lancashire, in which flint
Ganesh, by B. A. Gupte, F.Z.S. ... 60 ff. instruments were found * . .. 190 hass, necklet ... -
Hor, 8. .... .. ... ... ... ... 117 Hastings, scene of Danish kitchen midden' Hor-yig, ancient Mongolian character in finds ... ... ... ... ***
Kbalatre inscrip. ... ... ... ... 241 Hauns, Ohuhra subdivision ...
Hoshiarpur, dist.... ... ... ... ... haurvatat, salvation ... ... ... ... 201
Ho-si, part of the Tangut or Tibetan kingdom. hearths, ancieot, found in Vinadyan caves ... 186 How tbe Faqir lost his ear, a tale ... .. Helwan, Helouan, in Egypt, pygmy flint finds How the Suho was taught faith in the scrip
at ... ... ... ... 189, 191, 193, 195 tures, & tale ... ... ... ... ... 144 Hemachandra ... ... .. ... ... 21
Hoysalêsvara temple, near Haļêbid ... - 130 Hemamals princess of Kalinga, carried the Hrillekha, drawing of the heart ... ... 279 Tooth Relic to Ceylon
297
hrim, the bijakshara of Sakti, a mantra... 279, 313 Hereples and the Bråbmans ... ... ... 336 Hu, Hou, a people, 10 ff. ; writing ... ... 22 Hermaios, Indo-Greek k. ... ... . 40 Euang-ho, riv. ... ... ... ... 34, 42 Hewgley, Hughli, tn. in Bengal ... 178 f. Hüan Teang's account of Kanishka ... 41, 43 H'ia chou, modern Ning-bia district ... ... 42 Huei-kvan, Houei-kouan, a writer ... ... 22 Hien-tu, place near Skardo ... ... 37 andn.
Hoei-li, Houei-li ... .. . ... Hieropolia, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 274 Huei-lin, a Chinese writer ... ... 9, 10 hieroglyphics, and the Devanagari alphabet, Huei-yen, Houei-yen ... ...
.. 22 255; the Indian, their origin, 256 f.; the Haei-yuan, Houei-yuan, author of a dictionHindu in Tantric literature, 258 ff; in
ary .. ... .. .. 1 ff., 5 f., 14 f. scribed on stones, 276; the Tantric, 277 ff.; hukka-pånt band, excommunication among 281; and the Devanagari.. . 282 2., 286 | the Chuhfas ... ...
... ... 85 Hi-Hou, Jabga princes... ... ... 38 ff. human sacrifice, a tale of
.
...
.. .. ... 142 Himadri, riv. ... .. .. ..
... 20 .. 20 Hun, meaning of ... ...
.. 34 Hima-Kapitsa, & Kushina ... ...
Hana, a tribe, 37; in India ... ... 297 ard n. Himalaya, 13; Mts., Hinduism in ...
242 ff.
Huns, the White... ... ... Himayat, riv. ... ... ... ...
Hunupata, in Tibet, inscrip. at
... 330 Hinsyana, reform of Buddhism ... ... 293 Husain Paabé of Basrah ... ... 168 and . Hindu custom of naming a child after his Hutterritts, Kedarite Arab pirates ... ... 137 grandfather ... ... ... ... 125, 291 Htivishka, a Kushana ... ...
40, 47 Hindu, gods and the Devanagarf letters, 255; Hwemo, Kadphisés, a Kushana
... .. 47 hieroglyphics in Tantric literature, 258 ff.; Hyderabad, Hyderobada ... ... ... 176 coins bearing figares, 274 f.; devis ... 340 hymn to Ahura Mazda ... ... ... ... 199 Hindues, Gentues, q. 6....132 ., 135 ff., 171 f., 176 Hyphasis, Biâs, riv., and the Oxydrakai ...335 f. Hindaism in the Himalayas, by H. A. Rose.
1.- Vaishnava Ouits, 242 ff.; II. - Saiva
Culte, 245 ff.; Story of Sri Gul ... 251 ff. Hindu-Kush, mts. ... ... ... ... S6 Talon, the garden of ... Hindus, used tobacco as a medicine, 292; 345, Tangoman, Burmese, brother of the king ... 292
850 ; worship at Christian tombs ... ... 356 Ibråhim Khân, Abram Caune ... ... 177 Hirnák hash, the Dänav, slain by the Man- idols, introduced into India .. ...
257 lion incarnation of Vishņu ... ... .. 244 Illahum pyramid ... .. ... .. 194 Hi-tun, Futisha, a Jabga province ... ... 45 f. Index of Prakrit Words in Pischel's Hiaan-teang, Hinen-teang, Chinese traveller, Grammatik Der Prakrit-Sprachen ... Appen4,7,9 and n., 10, 11 and n.; mentions Prome
dia, pp. 99--120 in Burma ... .
. ... ... 211 India, and the Hu, 10 ff.; and the IndoHinen-ying, writer . .. 9 and n., 10 f. Scythians, 36; and the Yuë-tebi, 38; Hiuen-yuang, a Ohinese writer ... ... 34. distribution of power on the N. Frontier Hiung-nu tribe and the Yue-chi ... 84, 36 ; 38; 46 during the first century B. O., 40; and
... 47
18
... 117
brother of the 1:

Page #417

INDEX.
367
... 116
Chang ki'en's report, 44; and Kanishka, issat, estimation of others, Pañjabi ... 46; conquered by the Kushånas, 47; the Jabgu princes, the Hi-Hou ... ... 40, 45 f. care of monumente in, 126; and sati, 129; jád namda, Chubså funeral gift ... ... 310 and the travels of Richard Bell, 131 ff.; Jafar Khan, Lord Jeffer Cawna, minister 168 ff., 203 ff.; Northern folktales, 142 ff., under Aurangzeb ... 137 n., 138 n., 139, 140 n. 179 ff.; 212 ff.; Pygmy flints, 185 ff.; visited jágú, a whole night's worship ... ... 248 f. by Chinese monks, 211; under the Pallavas
Jagannath, Joggernat, image ... ... 171, 298 and the Cholae, 230--232; and the Deva
Jagra of Mabisa, a festival .. ... 252 nagart alphabet, 253 , 270 ff., 311 ff.; Jahånd båd. John a Badd, Delhi... 132, 135, 173
invaded by the Hungs .... ... 297 and n. Jahangir, Emp.... 134 n., 136 n., 137 and n. Indian missionaries in Barma... ... ... 212 Jahve .. ... .. ... ... ... 203 Indian "Half-Heads," by H. A. Rose ... 213 Jaine and sallakhana, q.. ... ... ... 129 Indo-Chinese method of boat-building among Jaipur Observatory and its Builder, by
the Malays ... ... ... ... ... 101 Lieut. A. ff. Garrett, R. E., and Pandit Indo-Parthian8 .. . . . ... .. 39 £.
Chandradbar Galeri, notice of ... ... 234 Indo-Scythian period and the Kharoshtri, 1; Jai Singh, Raja ... ... ... ... ... 132 conquest of India ... .. .. ... 36
| Jaitak, in the Pañjab, Shirigul temple at ... 250 Indra, g., in Telugu Vaishnava tales, 62 f., jalahrf, water-vesael . .. ... ... 247 58 1.; 110 n.; or Sakka, 155; 202; 242 n.; 247
JalalAbad, tn. ... ...
45 Indradyamna, Tamil k.... ... .. .... 48 jaldson, idol, of Mahası set up in water ... 252 Indrani, represented by hieroglyphics ... 282
jalindraphül, a design ... .. .. .. 118 Indus, riv., 37 and 2., 44, 318; the bridges
Jama, Yama, g. ... ... .. 237-239; 325, 329
Jambudvipa, co, 21, 41, 46; or Jambudvipa, Industian, Hindustan ... ... ... ... 133
157, 167 inhumation, an ancient practice in India ...194 2.
Jambu-ki-Dhar, peak near Jambu, in the Inscriptions, in the Kangra Valley, 19; of
Paljab ... ... ... ... ... 242 n. the Salotgi pillar, 21; in Bhopal, 47; Rock
Jambulus, a traveller ... ... ... ... 314 inscriptions at Mulbe, 72 ff. ; recording
Jambupaidus, reign of the Jammu kings in self-immolation, 129; of the Achæmenides,
Mulba ... ... .. . ... 72 197 n.; of Rajaraja II., 230; at Khalatae,
JÁmdaggen Risht ... ... ... 242 and n. 237 ff.; the Allahabad, 260; on Vaasudeva's Jamdagganji, father of the Paras Ramjf incoins, 276; in 'the Yat-bauk Temple,
carnation of Vishņu ... .. ... ... 244 Pagan, 293, 294 ; at Anuradhapura, 296 f.;
aJam-dbyange, Ladákbik. ... 299; at Saspola, 325 ff.; at Alobi-mkhar
Jammu, in the Pañjáb, 72; and the title Gog, 829; in the Sarada character, 330; in
Deo ... ... modern Tibetan dBa-med character ...331 f.
Jamnå, riv. ... ...
... 50 Iranian Religion, by Dr. O. P. Tiele-contd.
J&mnå, Shirigul temple at from Vol. XXXIV. p. 66 ... ... 196 ff. i jandza, Chuhra funeral rite ... ... 310 Iråvati, Råvi, riv. .. ... ... ... 17
janeo, Brahmanical cord ..
... 181 iron peroxide, hæmatite, in Vindhyan cave
Japan ... ... ... ... ... 118 11. paintings ... ... ... ... 187, 194
jasper flakes in the Vindhyas ... ... '185 {. Irrawaddy Valley, Upper, professed the Jaswal RajAs of Amb use the title of Chand. 324 MahAyanist School of Buddhism in the
jati, teakwood, used in Malay boat-building, 11th century A. D. ... ... 212, 218 1.; 293
103, 105-107, 109 8. Bay, Christ . .. .. .. 139, 141 n.
Java ..
. Is&, brother of Mus& Nikka ... ... ... 124 Jazartes, riv. ... ... ... ... ... 36 ISA Kbel Kabul Khêls, a Kurram sept ... 122 Jayabhata I., Gurjjara k. ... ... ... 125 Leis g. ... ... ... ... ... ... 118 Jayasingh's (Sawai) observatories ... 234 Islam Khan Rami, title of Husain Pabl... 168 n. Jaypur State, pygmy fint finds ... 185 n. Ispahan, tn, 136 n.; Ispawhawne ...137; 168 n. Jen-kia-lan or Sha-lo-kis, a monastery... 41 f. Issi-kul, Turkish name of Lake Lop-nur... 11, 36 Jeram, fishing village in Selangor ... 103 n. Isurumuniya Rock Temple, Ceylon ... ... 297 Jesaon, Mr Wm., mentioned in Factory I-tan, Yue-ta, & tribe ... ... . .. 34 Records ... ... ... ... ... 171 n I'tsing, Chinese traveller, 2; 41; mentioned Jatavana Vihara and Stopa ...
... 298 ... ... ... ... 211 Jh&e, Ohubså subdivision ... ... ... 82 1.te'un. Ta Ynë-chi, ambassador to China 44
jhard, sweeping away ...
... 355
...
80
... 249
.. 128

Page #418

368
355
***
jhar phúnk, blow away... Jhaumpra for Prâshta, 83; 350 f., 353; or Alif Chêla . 354 Jhiwar, Chuhrâ subdivision 83 Jhojar, vil. in the Panjab 247 n. Jindan, a poet, two Panjabi Love Songs by... 333 jinn, a spirit
...
...
www
Jivandhara, legend
...
356 268 Jiwar, character in the Gojâ Legends 152 Jñânagupta, Ch., translator... 6, 8, 23 Joao Witt, 139 n.; an English renegade at the Mogul Court, probably J. White, q. v., 134, 138, 139 n., 140
171
Joggernat for Jagannath John a Badd, Jahânâbâd, Delhi
....
***
Jung, a tribe of Yue-chi Jung-k'ü, a province
***
...
132, 135, 137, 170, 173 f. Jorna, in the Jubbal State ... 251 and n., 252 Joseph 353 Juan-juan, the, and the Yue-chi ... 39 juncameer, juncanner, collector of customs... 292 juncan, chungam, customs, 177, 210; or junkeon
...
...
...
...
***
Kabul Khel Waziris, Kurram sept... kach, glass
...
kabir bar, a banyan tree near Bharoch 118 Kabits, couplets, addressed to Paras Râm. 244 f. Kabul and Kao-fu, 45, 49; home of the
Pathan Chuhrâs, 82; or Cobbull
Kabulistan coins
*** 173, 177 40 119 ff. 89 95
tachchi lassi, water with milk...
kachchi pinni, or bhaji, rice-flour and sugar. 302 Kachhal, a character in the Gaja Legend 152 kachur, a drug
88 232 208 47
...
...
...
INDEX.
...
Kadaba plates
Kadapa, Cuddapah, Car'ra'pa Kadphisês, Kushana king Kadur inscrip., recording self-immolation of
***
a man ***
...
kafila, caravan Kafiristan, ancient Kia-pi-shi contained a monastery built by Kanishka ... 41, 46 Kahan, tn. in Egypt, sickle set with flints, found at
...
...
Kablar, Bilaspur, and the title, Chand Kailasa, abode of Siva ... Kaimur Hill, pygmy flint finds, 186; cavedrawings 194 f. Kaira, Khera, on the Bombay Coast, and the
cultivation of tobaccoKairavas, a people Kaiṭabha, a demon kaivalya, abstraction ...
292 42 38
...
...
129 136
292 83 ... 289
49
194
324
58
kaki, a Malay measure... Kakusandha, 156; author of the Singh. Dhâtuvamsa Kalabagh, mts. Kala, Någa, k. Kalâsoka's dream
Kalavastra, Kalostra, Kharosh tra Kalhana, historian
...
...
...
Kâli, goddess.
Kaliânê, Chuhrâ subdivision .... Kâlidurga, tn.
Kaliya, a snake ... Kali Yuga
Kallar, caste of Tirumangai Ålvår
kalle, scones
Kalp-brikhsh, the tree of Paradise Kalushântara, Kalushadhara, &c.,
Kharoshtra
...
...
...
...
Kalinga, Kia-lin-ngo, kingdom, 20; and Dantidurga II., 232; and the Tooth Relic. 297 1. Kâma, g., 259, 262, 264 f., 270, 272; festival, 273 f., 277, 281 f.; 313
118 ... 20
***
167 and n; 295 45; 251 ... 164 166 18 n. 231 n.
54 f.; 260, 289
83
231 63 ... 147 ... 229 94 242 n. for
...
kamal, lotus Kamarapa, Ko-mo-lou, kingdom Kamboja, N.-W. of India Kâm-dhan, the cow of plenty... Kami, 259; -kalâ, figure on coins Kamikhya temple, Assam Kamli, g....
Kâmyeshtayah, ceremonies .... Kanalpur, birthplace of the Boar incarnation of Vishnu ... 244 Kanchanpár, city ...146 Kâñchi, Kiu-che, 20; 231; and Dantidurga II.
232 Kandahar, taken by Akbar 136 n. Kandara, a son of the Emp. Shah Jahan, founded the Gôriyê Chuhrâs. Kândon, vil. in the Paîjâb Kanêts, a caste kangan, an armlet kangna, kangní, a bracelet K'ang-nu, a race
82 249
...
246 and n., 248 and n. 94
89
...
38 Kangra, inscrips., 19; and titles 324; 335 Kanika, monastery near Sanid, in W. Tibet. 330 Kanishka, k. 9, 17; and the Söh, 33 ff.; Buddhist Council of...
151
... 211 Kaniṭṭhatissa, k. of Ceylon ... 162 kanka num, a copper ring Kannada Language, English Grammar of, by Dr. F. Kittel, book-notice 64 Kan-pou-tche, kingdom 3, 19 Kansasur, slain by the eighth incarnation of Vishnu...
Kansu, a province
Kântidêva, k. in Telugu tale
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
"
***
www
115
... 18 242 n.
274 f., 280
... 277 ...242 273
...
244 42, 44 52
...

Page #419

INDEX.
369
... 324
dad
...
**
***
. 121
Kanwar, a Paūjab title ...
Kazunnain, for Tadundát, vil. in Hanthawadi, Kaáwar Brahms, an ancestor of the Ohubsås. 83 Burma ... ...
**. ... ... ... 219 Kanyakubja, Brahman... ... ... .. 55 Kedah, in the Malay Penin. ... ... 48, 100 Kan ying, Chinese ambassador ... ... 39 Kelantan, in the Malay Penin. ... ... 115 Kao-fu, 33, modern Kabul, 40 ; # Jabgu kelidang wood, used in Malay boat-building, province, its probable location, 45; Tu-mi,
105 ff., 109 46 £.; Kapila or Kapira, Kašmira ... ... 37 Keonthal, feudatory State of Garhwal. 291 and n. Kapıla, a rishi ... ...
... ... 52, 55
Kerkuk (called Kirkway) city near Bag Kapilavatthu, birthplace of Buddha... ... 167
169 n. Kapišu, Kapica, co., 12; contained a monastery Kesh, Co. ... ... ...
11 n. built by Kanishka ...
Kha, Devanagari letter...
289, 311 Kaparthala, titles in ... ...
... ... 3241 Khafátras, a people of the Avesta ... ... 18 karihi, frying-pan
...
... 94 Khalatse, Tib, vil., 74; inscrips. at, 237 ff.; karahi, a sacritice ... 854 f.
329 and n. Kara-Kash riv., the Gumati ...
... 8 Kbalifa Nika, ziárat in Kurram karcht, a ladle . .. 94 Khand, siarat, in Kurram .. ..*
.... 122 kurdárs, officials ... ... ... ... ... 252 khara, an ass .. ... ... ... ... 141. Kargil, Muhammadan vil in Tibet . .. 72
Ahard langit, a bride's mother
... ... 94 kurid., an anklet ... ...
... 94
Kharbu, Lamaist vil. in Tibet... ... ..72 Karmandi Khêl Waziris, a Kurram sept . 122 khardal, white mustard...
. 88 Karmara på taka, Kiu-mo-lo-po-tch'a ... 20 1. Kharolian, vil. iu Sialkot ...
... 82 Katņa, a Pandu hero ... ... ... ... 17 kharoi, wood ... ..
... 247 Karnawati, mother of the Tortoise incarna- Kharoshtha, rishi, inventor of the Kharoshtion of Vishnu ... ... .. ... 214 thi writing ... ... ..
.. 9, 82 Karnul, Srisaila, co., and the Pallavas ... 232 Kbaroshthi in Khalatae iuscrip. ... 239 n. karpans, priests ... ... ... ***
201 n. Kharoshtra Country and the Kharoshtri . Kartse, in Tibet .... ...
78; 328 Writing by Sylvain Lévi, translated by Karunyapataka ... .. ... ... ... 21 Mabel Bode ... ... ... ... ... 14. Kayor, tn. .
... 231 Kharoti, S. of Kabul ... ... ... ...18, Kas hap Rishi, teacher of the Bawan incarna- Kharpanoh, moet troublesome member of of Vishnu ...
... ... 244 Panchayat ... ... ... Kasbgar, called, Kbaruahtra, 1; Chou-le, 3 t.. Khrs or Parbatiya, the Gurklia writing ... 8 6 ff.; Shu-le
34 f., 37, 41 n. Khasa, Khaça, Himalayan tribes ... ... Kashgaria, oradle of the Kharoshtrt writ- Khattaka, a Kurram sept ... ... ... 119 ing .... ... ... ... ... ... 1 khavis, a spirit' ... ...
... 3.56 Kashmir and the Sakas, 40; And Kanishka, khaz.ins, the treasury ... 133 and n., 184, 172 46 t.; under a Ladakhi k., 74 n.; Buddhist
khés, Chubrå funeral rite .. ..
.. 310 migration from ... ... ... 380 f. khinwur, a gable... ... ... ... 247 f. Kassap - ..
... ... ... 295 Khirapala, grove ... ... ... ... 156 Kau Chaidya, Kaçu Caidye, mythical patron. 16 Khizuar Kuels, Tochi Valley sept ... ... 122 KAnyapa, (Kaçyapa) Bodhisattva ... ... 23 | Khojaki sidrat in Mauna .. ... . 184 katharchal, a plant .. . ... ... 247 Kbõjul Khel Waziris, a kurram sept ... 121 Katoch Raja and the law of succession, 233; Khónje, Chabrá subdivision ... ... ... 83 ose the suffix, Chand
... 324 and n. Khônt in Afghanistan... ... ... 122 f. karórá, a cup ... .
.. .. 93 Khotan and Siksbånanda, 2, 4, 7; and Khakattar, cattar, a sword ... . . .. 136 rosltra, 8 ff.; 34; and the Kushånas ... 47 Katumbatli, in the Coimbatoor dist.... ... 269 Khri-rgyal, Tibetan k.... ... .. .. 78 Kaul Rishi, father of the Boar incarnation Khrom, name occurring in the Saspola * of Visbag ... .. ..
" inscrip. ..
... 325 f. Kaumarapaprika, Kis-mo-lo-pou-li, city ... 20 Khebthra, Parsee divine being ... .. 200 Kausala, Kigo-sa-lo, city ... ...
K'iang, a Tyngut kingdom ... ... ... 42 Kaushalya, mother of the Sri Ram Chandar- Kino-ming (Buddhaya-sus) ... ... ... 12
jt incarnation of Viebņu ... ... ... 214 Kia-lou, Kharoshtrt script .. 9, 19, 14; 23 Kausikasútra, work quoted ...
270 1. K'ia-lou-che-tcha, Kharoshtha ... 13 f. Kavantiose, father of Dutthagamani ... 167 K'ien tun, co. ... ... ...
.. . 45 Lavares, cloth dealers, and tattooing ... 869! Kişindas, a kinglem race . . .. 290
244

Page #420

870
...46 f. 169
...
...
Kipin, 3; and the Saiwang, 34, 36, 37 and n., 38; 40 f.; and the Kushanas Kirkway, modern Kerkuk Kirnakaahap, the Dânav, slain by the Barahrup incarnation of Vishnu Kirpal Chand of Katoch
Kistna, Krishna, called Kissna, 175 f., 178; dist. and the cultivation of tobacco
Koei-hi, disciple of Hiuen-Tsang
Kôgyflok Pagoda, in Prome Kohât, shrine at
...
Kohmari, site of the Gośringa mt. kok, a Waziri loaf
kole, bunches of nails, a tattoo-mark
...
...
Kitavas, a people
64
Kittel's (Dr. F.) Grammar of the Kannada Language in English, book-notice... K'iu-tsiu-k'io, Kozulokadphises, a Kushâna 38 ff. 33 Kiyuk, Hiung-nu prince, murdered... klim, the bijákahara of Kâma, a mantra... 313 Klinkert, on Malay boats, 102 n., 103 and n,. 104 n., 105 n., 106 n. Kō-bo Dai-chi, a Japanese Buddhist teacher. Kôchchengan, a Chela...
...
**p
...
...
...
...
...
kolek, Malay canoe
Koliya, tn. by Râma's son Kondasabhavi, city
...
...
...
Konkana, King-kie-na, kingdom Kontipattatissa, a Thera Kopalpurt, birthplace of the Paras Ramji incarnation of Vishnu Koppam, battle kosak, kusak, wood used in Malay boat-building ... 109 Kisala, Keçala, 3; and Kundina, 19; and 232 Dantidurga II. koy, a Malay measure.... ... 102 f., 105 koyan, a Malay weight... ... 113 Kozulokadphises, identified with K'iu-tsiuk'io, 40; used Buddhist images on coins...46 f. k'ranji, wood used in Malay boat-building Krishn incarnation of Vishnu...
...
109 244 ...175 f., 178
...
Krishna, Kissna...
Krishna, g.
...57; 63, 2:0 Krishna I, a Rashtrakota and Dantidurga II, 232 Krishnamachariar's (Pandit R. V.) Parvati
...
8 and n.
...
122 and n., 123
... 269 100, 104 ... 167 ... 130 20 f. 164
INDEX.
244
233
13 231 21. ... 219 ... 121
www
292
18
...
...
215 f. Parinaya, book-notice Krishnaraja III., Akâlavarsha, a Rashtrakuta. 21 Krita Yuga
117 278
...
Kshama, the earth, the Devanagari la Kshatrachudamani of Vadibhasimha, with critical and explanatory notes by T. S. Kuppuswami Sastriyar, hook-notice
96
Kshudrakas of the Mahabharata and the
Oxydrakai
290; 335 23
Kuan-ting, Commentator
...
...
244 230
...
Kuber, bhandari, celestial steward Kadawshin, title of two Burmese Nats Kuei-shaung, a Hi-nou principality kujian, lamps made of dough Kakban, dist. in Burma Kukunor, Chinese province kula, spinal cord Kulaprakásatantra, work quoted Kulasekhara, an Ajvar, date of Kulata, Kou-lo, city Kumaraguptas, 1. and II. Kumarajiva, Buddhist writer... Kumarapata ka], Kiu-mo-lo-po-tch'a, kingdom Kunar, riv.
...
...
Kuru-kshetr, a battlefield
Kurukshetra, riv.
***
"07
***
242 n.
. 222 38, 45 92 226
42
285
256
228
20
125
13
...
Kundina, cap, of Vidarbha, and Kôsala Kung Bandar, Conge, port on the Persian Gulf
kunkun, a red powder K'an-mo, a Saka prince
K'un-sie, Hiung-ru k....
Kün-tu, a Sök State.
...
...
***
...
Kuppuswami Sastriyar's (Mr.)
Kshatra
chudamani of Vádibhasimha, 96; The Cham pu-Jivandhara of Harichandra, booknotice s Kural, Tamil poem Karatt Ålvår
Kurm, Tortoise, incarnation of Vishnu Kurnool, Candanna
Kurram Waziris, their shrines
...
...
...
*go
...
20
... 45 19
Kursindma or genealogy of the Chuhrâs. kurti, a jacket Kurujangala, tn. mentioned in the Mahabharata...
168 n.
... 117 ...36
44 34 ff.
268
... 129
... 230 ... 244 175 n.
119 ff. 83, 343 86
...
17 242 n. 18 18
Kurus, a people
Kushân rulers, 33; kingdom, 33; date, 39; and the Jabgu provinces Kusinagara pagoda Kuvara Lakshamana, Kumara Lakshma, general under Vira Bellala, committed selfimmolation
...
200
45 f. 43
130 167 44 33, 44 223 294
Kuveni, a sorceress, 158; legend
Kü-yen, a place among the Hiung-nu Kuzulo-Kadphises, a Kushana
Kyaingthin, in Shan Country, Burma Kyanzittha, k. of Pagân Kyankku Onmin, Buddhist Cave Temple, Pagån ...
***
...
...
293 f. ... 222
Kyauktalon Hngetpyittaung, in Burma Kyankthànbàt, tn. in Burma... Kyawdin Nawratâ, k. of Hanthawadi Kyawzwa, or Ngâzishin, a Burmese Nat... 221 Kyawzwa, k.
... 225 ... 927
".. 221

Page #421

INDEX.
371
290
... 190
288
Kyinyo, k. of Taung-nga
... 223 Legends of Gaga, 152; and the custom of Kyizo, prince of Pagan, 225; & Burmese Nat. 226 painting half the body ... ..
... 213 legends of the Tooth Relic ...
... sends of the Tooth Relio
... 297 f. Legends from the Pañjal, by H. A. Rose. 300 ff.
lepa, lipi, the colouring of letters ... ... 256 la, Devanagari letter ... ... 278, 286 ff., 311 lha chen, royal Ladakhi title ....... 74 n. Labantê, Chuhpå subdivision ... ... ... 83 Lha-chen-nag-lag, k. of Tibet, inscrip. of. 237 f. Lachchala Devi, wife of Tribhuvanamalla Lhasa dyn, conquered W. Tibet
... 328 Vira Somês vara ... ... ... ... 130 thu tho, an altar ... ..
... 76 Ladakh, 74 and n. religion of, 76 f.; and Linng-Wu-ti, ep. of China ... ... ... 211
the Baltis, 75, 81 ; 238 ; and Buddhisın, Lichchhuvis, a kingless nation 239 n., emigration of Buddhist monks into, Liebich's, Prof. Bruno, Sanskrit Lesebuch,
330 f. book-notice ... ... .. ... ... Ladákhi kinga in Mulba, 72; list of, 73 f.; Liege finds of miniature implemente... inscrips.
78; 80 Likir, vil. in Tibet ... ... .. ... 74 Laddar, Cbuhpå subdivision ... ... ... 83 Lilâvati, widow of k. Parakkamababa ... 165 laddi, a sweetmeat ... ... ... ... 93 Lilawati, mother of the Boar incarnation of LA Dêxi, goddess ...
... 242 Visbņu ... ..
... ... ... 244 lagi. Chuhpå marriage functionary ... 86, 91, 94 Lincolnshire pygmy flints, 187; and the láhésrí, a plant ... ... ... ... ... 247 Vindhyan ... Lahnda or W. Pasijábi, dialect of love songs Lion incarnation of Vishnu ... ... ... 244 by Jindan .. ... .. ... ... 333 lipi, lepa, q. v. .... ..
.
.. 256 Labor, tr. ... ... 173, 177 f., 305 lih, baking pan ... ...
... .. .. 94 Lahoribandar, port. ... ... 168 and n., 178 Lõhapis&da, Ceylon temple ... ... 297 4. Lahoul, vil, in Tibet ...
... ... 74 Lolla,commentator, on Phallic worship. 262 f.. Lake dwellings, Swiss, and pygmy flipte. 190 and n. Lakenheath (in Suffolk) pygmy Aints agree
Lopamudra, a woman mentioned in the "* 189
Puranas ... Lakshmi, in Telegu Vaishni in Telegu Vaishnáva tales ... 49 f.; Loyang, tn. in Hopan, China ...
** . 118, 131 | Lu chen (Louchen), a Rakshasi ... ... 13 LAI Bêg, a Chuha
lungi or saya, petticoat
86 LAlbêgi Mehtars, a Chubşê sept. ... 82 n Lunka, variety of tobacco. ... Lalitavigraharajanataka, Sanskrit play ... 235 Lûte, Chubra subdivision Lalitavistara, work, compared with parallel
texts in Chinese ... ... ... 23 ff. Lamayuru, Yung-Dreng, vil. in Balu-mkbar. 292 ma, Devanagari letter ....... ... 289, 811 Lambagraon, Paüjab State, titles in... ... 324 Mâchchi, Chubså subdivision .... .... Lampêka, Lan-p'o, kingdom ... ... ... 20 Machh, Fish- incarnation of Vishņu ... ... 244 Langiwati, mother of the BAwan incarnation medeki or jhiwar, water-carrier ... ... 92 of Vishnu . ... ... .. . 244
Mack-Allam Cane, for Malik Alạm Khẽn... 177 Langdarma, Ladákbi k. ... ... 72 f., 75 | Mackenzie's (Col.).collection of ancient coins.. 274 Lanka, Ceylon, 151; and Gotama Buddha, Madan, g. of love. .. . ... ... 118
153; or Tambapanni ... .. .. 156, 165 Madana, composer of the Parijatamanjari ... 235 lård, bridegroom... ... ... ...' ... 92 Madana, 8. .... ... .. .. .. 272 L'Art Gréco-Bouddhique du Gandhdra, by Madan Sain, Raja of the Kéoathal State. 291 n.
Dr. F. Foucher, book-notice ... 213 f. Madár Baba zidrat, in Wana ... ... .. 125 lassí, whey. ... ... ... ..
...
... 340 ... 840
Madda Khels, a Tôchl Valley sept ... 122 f. Lata, kingdom, and Dantidurga II. ... ... 232 ! MAdbô Kitay, the Dänav, slain by the Kurm laung, nose jewel, 91; or clore, a tetem ... 356 incarnation of Vishnu ... ..
244 law of succession among ruling families of Madhu, a demon... . ... ... ...
the Parijab Hill States .... ... 283, 291 Madhurakavi, an Ålvâr, date of ... 228 LawkAnanda Temple, Pagan ... ... .. 29.4 Madhyama, goddess ... ... ... Lde, Ladakh title ... ... ... 76 . Madrakas, people in the Mahabharata ... 17 Leh in Tibet, 74 t., 77; kings of, and Kha- Madras, 4 people ... ... .. . latne, 237 ff.; and Alcbi-mkhar Gog... 325, Madras, tn. Madderase Lepotan, &c. ... 132
327 f., 333 Magadhs co. ... ... ... ...
... 817 .. 211
*.
83
312

Page #422

872
INDEX - Mahabharata, the; notice of Sörensen's Index maligudi-phu, jasmine ... ... ... ... 269
to the names in it, Part II. ... ... ... 184 Malik Alam Khan, Mack Allam-Cawne ... 177 Mahabharata, tbe, and the Kshudrakas ... 335 Mallabucks, Murad Bakleh ... .. 133 f., 170 Mababodhi temple, Pagan ... ... ... 29
Malli Khel Taris, Kurram sept . .. 120 Mahabodhiva risa, the, 153, and the Mahdbo. Malloi, Malvas, a kinyless nation, 290; and
dhiva vsakathi ... ... ... 159; 164 ff. Alexander the Great ... ... ... ... 335 Mahadev, Siva, 244; As an ancestor of the Mêman zidrat, in the Tôcbi Valley ... 122 f.
BAIA Shah ... ... ... ... ... 344 Mi Aman Pir wierat, in the Tochi Valley ... 124 Mabadeva, 8. ... ..
.. .. 148 Mamin or Patån sidrat, in the Tocht Valley.. 125 Bahagiri, a Burmese Nat ..
mammoth age and pygmy flints ... 189, 193, 195 Mah&baseapa, convener of the let Buddhist Man, riv, in Burma ... ... ... ... 219 Council... -. .
... 155 | Mânal, in the Pañjab, Shirigul temple at ... 248 mahulakshmi, food offering ... ... ... 61
...61 Mån Chand of Juswån first used in the tide Mahânâma, reputed author of the Maha
Singh -
... . . .. 324 vamea ..
. .. 160 , 163 ff. Mandadipa, Lanka ... ... ... ... 156 Mahápratápa, k. ... ... .. . ... 167 Mandalé Bödaw, Burmese Nat... 217, 224, 227 Mabápurusa, source of life .. ...
... 116 | Mandhata, teacher of the fish incarnation
.. 116 Maharashtra, co.
... 56 of Vishnu ... ... ... ... ... 214 Mbarashtri, dialect of the Parijatamañjari.. 236 Mandi, Panjab State, titles in ... ... 824 Mahasammati, k, mythical ancestor of Mandari Sayyids, a Karram sept ... 121 f.
Buddba... ... ... ... ... 153, 167 mandwa, wheat ... ... ... .. mahásati, self-immolation ... ... ... 129 Hanggyu, Buddhist Monastery in W. Tibet. 330 Mahasena, k. of Ceylon 153, 162 L., 298 and n. mani, jewel in the rattle-snake's head ... 117 Mabasiva, k. of Ceylon... ... ... 158, 162 Mandipaduk, woman mentioned in a Ladakh Mahåsa. Saiva cult ... ... ... 245, 252
inscrip....
... ... ... ... 78 Mabátbibâtba, k. of Ava ... ... ... 220 Manipora, 2nd chakra ... ... ... 264, 285 Mehávamea, and the Diparamsa, q. .... 153 ff. Manj Gobindra, father of BAIA ShAh... 343, 353 mahávar, lac dye... ... . .. ... 182
manka, a string of beads ... .. . 89 Mahâvihara ...
... 160 f. ; 296 ff. Mankotia, Pañjab family, use the suffix D68, 324 Mahayana monks... ... ... ... 293, 298 Man kü, k. of An-si ... ... .. Mahayanaratnaméghastitra, work, lost in 732 1 Mananatbakala, wife of Kama ... ... 283
A.D. ... ... ... ... ... ... 211 | Mannaikkuļi, scene of a Pallava defeat, Mabayanist School of Buddhism in the
possibly Mannar .. .. .. ... 231 Upper Irrawaddy Valley in the 11th cen.... 212 | Mânearowar, Jake, birthplace of the Macuh. Mahendravarman, a Pallava ... ... ... 125 incarnation of Visbņu ...
... ... 214 Má HhA, princess of Kalinga, and the Tooth Mantramahobadhi, work, quoted ... 285-289
mantros, aud the Tantric cult... . ... 259 Mahinda, son of Asoka, in Ceylon, 157; Manu, father of k. Saryati ... .. .. 51 cremated
.
... .. . ... 160, 162, 18#t.
Manu, the Hindu law-giver ... ... ... 317 Mabinda IV., k. of Ceylon .... ...
Manucci, historian ... ... ... 204 n. Mật Kundalin, and Bali Shah.... .. .. 848 Manuh, k, of Thatồn, 222; a temple in waindi, henna ... ..
Pagin ... ... ... mai pani, Chubså ceremony... ... - 88 Marana, a cowherd ... ...
... 130 Mai Trigisti and BAIA Shah ... ... 345, 853 Mara Panga Shabid, a martyr, idrat of ... 123 Maitreya, Bodhisattva, the future Buddha. 8; Mardak, Babylonian creator ....... 297, 201
330 1. Margha, tn. in the Tôchi Valley ... ... 122 Maitreyan, word on a stone figure at Dras ... 330 Mari-MA, Mary Mother malá, a necklace ... ... ... ... ... 247 marriage rules among the Chuhrás, 85; songe. 87 Malacca straits ... .
... 97 1., 105 Maruduk, creator ... ... ... .... 201 Malakata, Yo-lo-kin-cha, in South India 21 Mar.yal for Ladakh .. ... ... ... 77 Mahva, Mo-lo-wan, kingdom, 20; and Danti
mashak, an inflated skin ... ... 178 n. durga II. ... ... ... .. . 202
masri, silk cloth
... ... ... ... 249 MAlavas, the Malloi, q. 7. ... .. ... 290 Mautikkal, atone to commemorate Amahdaati. 129 Malay Penineula, Boats and Buat-Building, Matangl, mother of the tenth incarnation
q. v. ... .. .. . ... 97 ff. of Vishụu ... ... ... ... .... 944 Male tattooing among the Todas .. .. 270 Mathi, Çuuhpå subdivision .. .. ... 83
...
39
Relic
...
***
..
... 297
ir
Mabinda, son of ASAL
... 165
... 294
.
.. 29
Frage rules amone that

Page #423

Mathura, tn. 3; Pillar, 7; and the Sakas, 33;
37; Observatory
Matricheta or Asvaghosha matrika, picture of the Mother Maues, Indo-Parthian k. Maung Minbya, Burmese Nat Maung Pô Ta, Burmese Nat Maura, vil in the Tochi Valley Mauryas invented idols... Maya, illusion
...
...
...
...
...
www
...
***
Mays, goddess
...
200
www
May&mis, a Kurram sept ... 122 Mayurapada Thera, author of the Pújávali ...166 Mazda Abura 198-203 mehod rien, altar, 77 f.; or man-khang. 80 f.; 331 Mecca, tn. ...343, 351 medang, wood used in Malay boat-building... 109 Mèdaw Shwêsaga, Burmese Nat... ...217, 223 Medha, intelligence 278, 284 Media 196 89 129
mel, Chubra marriage feast men, and self-immolation mentangor, wood used in Malay boat-building. 109 meranti, wood used in Malay boat-building, 108, 107, 109 merawan, wood used in Malay boat-building, 102, 107, 109 boat-building,
merbau, wood used in Malay
Meuse Valley pygmy flints Mexico
www
www
480
...
Min Hnaba, Burmese Nats Min Kyawzwa, Burmese Nat... Min Sitha, Burmese Nat Mintarågyi, Burmese Nat Minyò Aungdin, Burmese Nat... Minyèthingåthů, k. of Taung-nga Minyizaw, k. of Pagån...
Mirasi, Chabrá subdivision mirási, village bard
...
...
...
Minths Maung Shin, Burmese Nat... Ming Ti, Emp. of China Mingyizwa, k.
...
...
Mian Gopal Singh of Chamba... Mian Suchet Singh of Chamba Michan Baba ziarat in Wânâ...
Mi Hnin E, wife of Maung Pô Tâ Nat Milsa, tn., modern Sakkar Mindôn, tn. in Burma, 218; Saga Mindon,
10
000
***
219; 221 294 Mingalazêdî temple, Pagân Mingaung II., k. of Ava... 220; I. 221, 223, 226 Mingaunggyi, k....
227 217, 225 44, 211 227 224 217, 226 217, 226
217, 220 217, 223 220, 227 ... 225 83
Gre
85 f., 91, 310 Mir Jumla, Meer Jumla, councillor to the Emp. Shah Jahan Mirzapur dist., pygmy flints
107, 109 189, 191, 195
117
152
***
...
Co
...
234 ... 7 n. 255 39, 46 217, 224 217, 223
125 257 48 f., 57 288
...
...
600
***.
...
...
INDEX.
...
...
152 124 ... 224 178
***
...
133 n., 185 n.
186 and n., 194
...
Misô or Musa, for Mus& Nikka Mithra, g.
www
mlecchas, barbarians mnih-kh'poi for neepoi, q. v. môdaks, food offered to Ganesh Moduk, Hiung-nu prince, murdered.... Moggalâna I., k. of Ceylon Moggalâna, author of the Kambodian MS. of the Mahâvarsa 159, 164 Moggaliputta, Buddhist reformer, 156 f.; Moggaliputtatissa Mogulls contrey,' E. India Moltan, Multan.... Mo-lan-to, kingdom
...
...
***
...
BUD
www
...
...
...
...
...
....
Mortezalie (Ali, or Murtaza 'Ali) ... môryd, word of welcome to Ganesh ... Moses
373
...
***
***
Môinê, Chubra subdivision Mon, a low caste... monasteries, Chinese origin of the word Mongolia and the Sök ... Mongolian characters or Hor-yig Mongols invaded Ladakh môrá, parched wheat ... Moragalla, for Samagalla Morris, Wm., and the restoration of monuments ...
123 f.
201
...
...
***
9
... 268 ... 63 33, 36 160
164
132
... 173 3, 19
83 77 212 34
... 127 139 ff. ...64 ... 353 Mucalinda tree, the ... 156 Muhammad Amin Khân, Mama deme Cawne, Gov. of Lahore Muhammadans, worship at a Christian tomb. 356 Muhammad A'zam, son of Aurangzeb, 135 n.,
177
177 n. Muhammad Mu'azzam, son of Aurangzeb. 177 n. Muhammad Sarwar of Jalandhar, Muhammadan saint
...
302 n. Muhammad Sultan, son of Aurangzeb. 135 and n., 136 muklává, Chuhrâ ceremony 302 f. mukti, bliss ... 55 Maladhara, 1st chakra ... 264, 285 Mulbe Rock inscriptions, by A. H. Francke. 72 ff. Multan or Moltan, 173; or Maltan 178 Multânpuri, birthplace of the Man-lion incarnation of Vishnu
...
... 241
www
75 ...248 ... 159
700
... 244 20
Mummuni, Mong-meou-ni, kingdom...
800
Murad Bakhsh, Mallabucks, son of the Emp. Shah Jahân 133 and n., 134 and n., 170 Murtaza 'Ali, Mortezalle, son-in-law to Muhammad 139 ff. 124 Musâ Nikka, or Misâ, ziárat Mushhak váhan, title of Ganesh. 63 Musim Tutop Kuala, Malay, N.-E. Monsoon. 98 n. Mushins ... 343, 345, 350 Muthorâpuri, birthplace of the Krishn incarnation of Vishnu
...
***
... 241

Page #424

874
INDEX.
* 290
88
mazaars, guardians ... . ... ..
122 Narsingh, Man-lion incarnation of Vishņu ... 244 Myaukmin Sinbyshin, son of Shwê Naba Näsimu'llah sidrat, in Kurram .. ... 121 Nat ... ... ... ... 217 ff., 221 f.
nith, a nose jewel .. ..
... 94 Myaukpet Shinmá, Burmese Nat ... 217, 227 Nathaji, uncle of Sivaji ... ... 133 a. Myawadi, dist. in Burma
217 Nate, the thirty-seven, a Native account of Mysore, memorial stones to fallen heroes, 129; them, by Sir R. O. Temple ... ... 217 ff. and tattooing ... ... ... ... ... 270 Nawrata, k. of Pagan ... ... 222, 225, 227
wizar, a consented child ... . .. 355
neepoi, mnil-kn poi, deacons ... ... ... 268 na, Devanagari letter ...
Negapatam, 178; Baddbist temple, destroyed. 229 NAbhaya, character in a Telugu Vuisbnáv& Negritos of Zambales, by Wm. A. Reed, booktale ... ... ... ...
... 50 notice ... ... ... . ... ... ... 32 nada, sound, hieroglyphics ...
277 ff., 312
Nelveli, scene of a Pallava victory, Nemneli.. 231 nadanta, end of sound ... ... ... 278 1., 290 Neolithio age and pygmy flints ... 189 f., 193, 195 Naduun, Panjab State, and the suffix, Chand. 324
Nero ... ... ... ***
... 336 Nadhamuni, an Acharya, 230; grandfather of Nesbirl, a demon ... ... ... ... 250 Ålavandâr, date ...
... 231 1. Neyâbadisithd, a Burmese prince ... ... 221 Nagaloka .. ... .. .. ... ..52 Nganti, emp. of Obina ... ... ... 41 n. nagar bhoj, a feast ... ... ... ... 181 Ngan yang Heu, Buddhist Chinese layman... 8 Någari characters in a Pagan inscrip. ... 294 Nga Tindaw, father of Muhagiri Nat.... 218, 222 Nagarjuna, Buddhist missionary ... 7 and n. Nga Tindd, for Mahagiri Nat... ... 218 f., 221 Nagâyon Temple, Pagan ... ... .. 294 Ngázishin, a Burmese Nat, Kyawzw& ... 217, 221 Nahir, Chubrå subdivision ... ... ... 83 Nigrodha, monk, and Afoka ... . 158, 164 nai, Chuhfå barber sie ... ... 85 1., 88 f. Nikiyasangraha, the, date of .. ... ... 153 ndin, Chuhpå barber's wife ... ... ... 93 Nilakantha, commentator ... ...
...17n. Nalagash, Paljab State, titles in ... ... 324 Ning bia, ancient H'ia cha ...
42 walapure, a tattoo mark ... ... ... 269 Nirodhi, the obstructor... ... ... 278 namal, Buddhist rite, word of Chinese origin. 212 nishan, Chuha marriage gift ... ... Namanta Settayw4, in Burma ... 218 f. Nishkalank, tenth incarnation of Vishnu .. 244 Namm Alvår, date of .. ... ... 228 , 232 Nitimarggu, Ganga k..... .. ... Nampar-nangdrad, a monastery in Alchi, Nityashodabikarnava, quoted, on Tantrio W. Tibet
witchcraft ... ... ... ... 271 1. Namur pygmy flints ...
... 189
Nivritti, a state ... ... ... ... . .. 38 Napek, Sikh reformer ... ... ... 344, 349 Niwar, character in the Gaja Legend... ... 152 Nanda, a Theri ... ...
Notes on some Frontier Shrines, by Lal Nandaungmya Min, k, of Pagân ... ... 294 Shah, Bannu .... ... ... .. 119 ff.. Nandivarman Pallavamalla or Nandipõtta. Notes on Female Tattooing from Ootaca rája ... ... ... ... ...
mund, by B. A. Gupta, F.Z.S. ... 269 f. Nanduttara, early incarnation of Sonuttera. 159 Nowgong, Nocunn ... ... ... ... 174 Nan Playa, Manuha's temple in Pagan ... 294 Nubra, near Ladakh ... . .. ... ... 77 Nan-ti-po-tan-na, co. ... ... ... ... 3 Nyaung-gyin, a Burmese Nat... ... 217, 222 Naoni, Himalayan vil., has a Shirigul temple. 250 Nyima-ram-rgyal, k. of Khalatse, inscrip. of, Nárada, a rishi ...
...57 t. 240; seals of, 241; or Nyima-mgon, 320; Nárada, a saint ... ... ... ... 116 bymn to
. ... .. .. 332 Nardin, Vishnu ... .
... 244 Nyi-zla-phug, cave monastery, N.-W. of Naraka, k. ..
276 1. Suspola, in Tibet .... .. ... 332 Narapatietha, Burmese prince, 221; k.
Nyoma, mohod rten at....... .. 93] n. Naratha, k. of Pagån... ... ... Narayana, character in a Telugu Vaishnava tale .. .. ... .. ...
55 f.
* . ... ... ... ... ... 101 Narayaņa, Vishnu, g., 57; applied to Rama, Odysseus ... ... ... ... ... ... 119
151 f.; 182; name conferred on Tiruman- Oemokadphises, a Kushina ... ... 40, 41, 46
gai Ajvar .... .... ... .. .. 229 Of Vicissitudes of Things, essay by Bacon, Narendrayasas, translator of the Mahd-sarin mentions the Ozydrakai ... .. ... 386 mipat asutra ... .. ... ... 3 Ojadipa, for Lanks ... ...
... 156 Narin, riv. ... ... ... .. ... 35 Okkalaba, kingdom in Burma... 219, 227
... 129
331
... 166
... 294
... 294

Page #425

INDEX.
375
... 173
dom
.
**
...299 ... 93
Om, Pranava, 53; Devanagari letter ... 243; 284 families of the Hill States, 233, 291; onpos, Tibetan astrologers ... ... ... 240 legends, 300 ff.; titles ... ... ... 324 Ootacamund and tattooing ... ... 269 f. | Pañjabi language, a bibliography of, by G. A. Oram Caball, tn. in India
Grierson, C. I. E., 65 ff.; Love Songs in the Oram Zeeb, for Aurangzeb. 132, 133, 135, 137f., Lahnda dialect, by Jindan, contributed by
140, 168 f., 171 H. A. Rose ... ... ... ... 333 f. Orissa, Ou-tch'a, kingdom
... .. 21
panjában, anklet ... ... ... ... ... 94 Ormous, on the Persian Gulf ... ... ... 169 Pan-yung, Chinese writer, 124 A. D. ... 39 Ośadhipati, the moon ... ..
... 117
Paonano Pao Kanhpki Kapano, legend on Osbucks, Uzbegs, q. v. ...
... 172, 175 f. Kanishka's coins ... Osiris, the sun
Paradas, ...
... .. 111 f. people ... .
... 18 Oudh ... ... ...
... ... 135 Parakkama, a general ... ... ... ... 165 Oxinden, S. G. E. I. Co.'s servant ... 171 n. Parakkama, k. ... ... ... ... ... 166 Oxue, the Vankshu, riv. ... .. 18; 36, 38 Parakkamababu the great, k. of Ceylon 165 f. Oxydrakai, the Kshudrakas, a kingless nation, Parkkrama Pandita, author of the Singh. 290; 335 f. version of the Thupavarisa ...
". .. 166 ozha, a weight ... ... ... ... 122 n. Parâkrama Babu, k. ... ..
parakrin, a sweetmeat ... paramavala, precious tree' ... ... 2, 19
Paramèsvara Vinnagar of Kanchi, shrine ... 231 pa, Devanagari letter ... ... ... 289, 311 Parameśvaravarman, a Pallava, 125; II. ... 231 paddles ... ... ... ... ... ... 101
Paras Ram, cult, in the Sirmar State... 242 ff. Padma-bkd-btang, Tib, historical work ... 330 Paras Rämji incarnation of Vishņu ... ... 244 Padmawati, mother of the Budh-rap incarna- Parasurama, bow
* .. ... 63; 258 tion of Vishnu
parát, a tray ... .. .. .. .. 95 pádjáma, trousers
... ... ... 92 pari, a spirit ... ... ... ... ... 356 Pagan, tn. in Burma, Buddhist mission to, Pariahs, and tattooing ... ... ... ... 269
212, 218, 222; temples in ... 293, 294 and n. Parijdtamañjari or Vijayasri, # Natika, pagodas, pedegogs, 137; 212; in Paglin .. 293 edited by E.Hultzsch, Ph.D., notice of ... 235 f. pagri, turban ...
... 86 Parsótampuri, birthplace of the Budh-rap Pahlavas, a people ... ... ... ... 30 incarnation of Visbņu ... ... ... 244 Painch, Panch, Panchayat, governing body PArtbA, ancestor of the Chuhraa ... ... 83 among tbe Chubrås ... .. .. 85, 89 Parthia, An-si ... ... ...
36, 38 Pakhân, in Burma ... ... ... ... 226 Parthians or Arsak .. ... pakolam, tank, a tattoo mark ... ... ... 269 Parthuva, tn., Pan-tou, cap. of An-si ... 39 PAkpattan, in the Pañjáb, contains relies of Pârvati, goddess ... .. ... 271, 276
Bâwâ Farid ... ... ... ... 300, 302 Pârvati Parinaya. by R. V. KrishnamachaPalæolithic man and pygmy flints ... 193, 195 riar, book-notice ... ... ... ... 215 Palestine, 131, 168, 203; and pygmy flints... 189 Påtala, the infernal regions ... ... Pallava ascendency in S. India ... 230-232 Påtalalóka, kingdom of the giant Bali Chak. Pálnad limestone, of which are the Amara- ravarti ... ... .. . ... ... 59
vati sculptures ... ... ... ... 295 Pataliputra, cap. of Magada, 3 and n., 10; Palugaundârs, Herbalists, and tattooing .. 269 19; and Kanishka ... ... .. Panbya, daughter of Shwe Nabê Nat
Patân, or Mâmin ziarat, in the Tochi Panchadasi, a mantra ... ...
259 Valley ... ... ... ... ... ... 123 Pan-ch'ao, author of the Han Annals
Patani, in the Malay Penin. ... ... 98, 115 panchatatkalah, alphabetic letters ...
Patanjali, on idols in India ... .. ... 257 panchpåld, a box having five divisions
patha, a measure... ... ... 251 and n., 232 Pandavas, 83; and the Kauravas ..
Pathâu, Chubfå subdivision ... ... ... 82 Pandrajani, wife of Bharata ...
Pathothâmyå temple, in Pagân ... ... 294 Pandukábhaya, k. of Ceylon ... ... ... 167 Patiala, titles in... ... ... ... ... 324 Pangsir, riv. ... ... .. . ***
Patna, tn. Pautanau ... Pånini, grammarian. ... ... ... 15; 257 Pattamya, daughter of Shwe Nabo Nat ... 219 Pasijáb, under Kanishka, 47; a disputed Pattans, Pathåns, 132, or Rohillas ... 135 f.; 172 succession in Chamba, 152 ; succession pattar, ear jewel ... ... ... ... ..
9.4 custom among the Sikh Chiefs, and ruling Paunglaung, riv, in Burma ... ... ... 220
.
.
39
219
173

Page #426

376
INDEX:
... 228
*.
.. 268
Poygai Alvår, date of . .. Pragjyotisba, district ... .
... 18 Prajapati, 8. . ... .. .. 256,261 Prajapatis... ...
... 50 Prakrit Words occurring in Pischel's "Grammatik Der Prakrit Sprachen"... Appendix,
93—120 Pranava, Om v ... .. .. ... 53 Prome, Srikshastra, 211, 212; ancient Thayêkhettaya ..
... ... ... 219 PrashtA, an ancestor of the Chuhras... ... 83 Pratt, M. T., an Englishman at the Court of
Arakan ... ... * ... ...136 and n. Pravarasena, I. and II., V&katakas ... ... 125 Privatf, g. ... ... ... ... 253 f. Pravritti, a state ... ... ... ... 58 Prester John's Country visited by R. Bell,
132, 174 and n., 175, 210; 292 Priaulx, Mr., on the writings of Philostratus. 336 Prinsep, J., on Hindu coins, 274; the alphabet
of the Aboka edicts, 313; the Greek and
Sanskrit alphabets . ... ... ... 3:6 Ptolemy Philadelphus ....... ... ... 274 pudeh, wood used in Malay boat-bailding ... 109 puja, word of Chinese origin ... ... ... 212 Pájávali, the, date of * ... ... 153, 166 Pulabaárlma, forest near the Gandah riv. ... 53 Pulakesin, I. and II., Chalakyas
.. ParabA, an ancestor of the Chubrås ... ... 88 puran, pounded pulse. ... . .. ... 61 Purang, in Tibet....
.. .. .. 74 Purav Rishi, father of the Fish incarnation
of Vishnu ... . ... .... ... 244 Purig Tib. Burig, tm. . . . ... 72 Purusha ... ... ... ... ... 201, 266 L. Pushkalavatt, cap. of Kanishka ... ... 7 Pu-ta, district, and Kozulkad phises... ... 47 Putet, tn. in Burma ... . ... * 225 Pygmy Flints, by V. A. Smith, I. C. S. ... 185 ff. Pysawdi, k. of Pagin ... ... ... ... 293
.
Paurnagiri, Parnagiri, mt. ... Pecou, Picou, a priest ... ... Pegu ... ... ... ... ... ... 292 penaga, wood used in Malay boat-building. 109 penak, wood used in Malay boat-building,
105, 107, 109 Penelope ... ... ... ... ... ... 119 penjajap, a Malay boat ... ... 98 ff., 104 Pennine pygmy flints, and the Indian, 188 f.;
probable origin ... ... ... 190; 193 Perak, in the Malay Penin. ... ... ... 105 perepat, wood used in Malay boat-building ... 109 Periy Ålvår, date of ... ... ... ... 228 Permaļu temple ... ...
130 Persia ... ... ... ... 131, 168, 203 Persiphone ... ... ... ... ... 119 Peshawar, 37; cap. of Kanishka ... ... 45 Pey Alvår, date of ...
..: 228 Phallic symbols and Tantric literature, 288f.;
worship in India ... .. Philostratus' Life of Apollonius of Tyana Phradates. II, Parthian k. Phraotes, k. ... ... ... ... ... 336 phúl, forehead jewel .. .. phulai, acacia phulkári, a shawl... ... phurkra, rice thrown during a wedding ... 92 Phyiling, in W. Tibet, monastery at...
... 830 phyug-thsir, LadAkhi, living sacrifices. 75-77 Pi-cha-men, Vairavana, a genius ... .. 7 pichh-lagg, child by a former husband, 152
and n.; pictorial symbols for gods ... 265, 267 Pien-yi, border tribes ... ... ... ... 9 piercers, flint flakes found in France... 188 ff. Pierpoint, M. B. de, on pygmy flinta, 189;
on Swiss cave-dwellings .. 190; 192 Pilava, Pi-lo-fo, city
... 20 Pindanda, microcosm ...
... 256, 285 Pinle, in Burma ... ...
.. ... 221 Piran Kalyar, in Salsaranpur ... Pir Chhôta, a Chuhpå ... ..
... 83 pir, a stool .. ... Pir Panch, head of a PanchAyat
... 85 Pir Ramdin ziarat in Kurram
119 4. Pir Sabiq ridrat in Kurram ... ..
119 f. Pight&pura, tn, in India poem, to a sati .. .* .* *
... 129 Polycarp's (St.) tomb, as a Muhammadan
grave ... ... ... ... ... 856 Popa, mt., in Burms .... ... ... 218 f., 225 Poránatthakatha, name of the original
Mahavamsa .. ... .. ... 160 1. post, peat, poppy-head ...
... 185 n. potasse, sweets ...
... ... ... 86 pottery fragments in Vindhyan caves. 187
and n, 194 L
125
... 146
...
92
VADU,
IL
..
Qabul, tn. ... Qaz Khel, a Kurram sept
..
... 306 ... 121
...
+298
... 286
311
ra, Devankgari letter ...... rabbana, tambourine ... ** Raghhir Deâ, of Jammu ... .. ... 324 rahan, Burmese, o pelibate monk ... ... 268 Rai, Pañják title... ...
... ... 324 Rainka Ji, wife of Jamdaggan Rishi, 242 n,
mother of the Paras Ramjt incarnation mother of the Paras namje nuru
of Vishnu ... .. .. . . 244 . Raj&dhiraja, a Cbola, fell at the battle of Koppam
x
. 230

Page #427

INDEX.
377
... 36 ... 268 ... 86
.. 144
... 230
... 36
-
130
...
90
... 298
...
52
Rája Jai Singh ... ... ... ... ... 132 Rokhsanaka, cap. of the Sacae Rajá Karn, a Brahman, founder of the rolin, roolin, raulini, a Buddhist monk
Soêni Bhunniảr Chuhras ... ... ... 82 ropna, Chuhșå marriage present Rajama bêndra, a Chola ... ... ... 230 f. rosary, the, in Burma ... ... .. Rajárája II., his inscriptions and the date 'ru, eru ... ... ... ... ... 104 n.
of Tirumangai Alvår... ... ... ... 230 rudder .. ... ... .. ... ... 100 Rajaratnakara, the, date of ... ... 163, 167 Rudra, g.... ...
... ... 257, 259 f. Raja Tarangini, and the Ladakhi kings
Rudrasena, II. and III., Vákatakas ... ... 125 Rijávali, the, date of ...
159, 167
Ruskin on the restoration of monuments ... 127 Rajendra, a Chola ... Rajputâna pygmy flints
... 185 Rajyavardhana, I. and II.
... ... 125 Rakshasa, a, k. Chitraketu
sa, sa, Devanagari letters
... 288, 311 Rakta Bâhu, a Hûnå Yavana ...
sabang, Malay sail rál, resin ... ... ...
... 355 and n, sabharah, a warning ... .. ... ... 355 Ráma, g. ... ...
129, 151, 187 Sabu, in Tibet ... .. Ramañña-desa terra-cottas ...
.. .. 293 Sacae and the Sök, 33 ff.; conquered by Ramanoja, Hindu reformer ... ... ... 230 Alexander the Great... ... Ramayya, governor of Banávase under Sacareu, Sankrat, master of a convent ... 268 Vikramaditya VI. ...
Sadik Isfahani ... ... *** ***
18 n. Rambhê, an apsaras ... ..
... 59 såfd, turban ... rambha, a plaintain tree
... 59 Sågala Thera, founder of the Sågaliyas ... 166 Râmdin ziarat, in Kurram
120 f. Sagalikas, a Buddhist sept ... Rangoon ... ... ...
... 106 Sagaliyas, Buddhist sept ... .. 159, 166 Ranja, a famous lover ...
310 n. Sågara, k.... .. . . Ranjit Singh of Jamma ... ... 324 Sahadeva, a Påndava ... ...
... 182 ranyoskereti, blessings ...
... 201 Sahaj Rishi, teacher of the Barah-rup incarRashpouts for Rajpats, Gentaes... 134, 172, 176! nation of Vishņu ... Rashtrakatas and Chalukyas ... ... 230, 232 Sahaj-rup Rishi, teacher of the 10th incar- Ratti, Chuhpå subdivision ... ... ... 83
nation of Vishnu ... ... ...
... 244 ratti, a weight .. .. . ... 247 and n. Sahansar-bahu, Dânav, slain by the Paras raulini, for rolin ... . .. ... 268 Ramji incarnation of Vishnu ... ... 244 Ravi, riv. ... ... ... ... ...306 f., 309 Saharanpur and the Yaudheya coins... ... 290 Read, Mr. O. H., on pygmy flints ... 189, 191 f. Sabasanka, k. ...
*** . *** ***
... 268 Recan, Arakan ... ... ... 134 and n., 135 Sabnsår-bahu, Raja ...
242 n. Reindeer period of S. France, and pygmy Sahôtre, Chuhr& subdivision ... ... 82, 85 flints ... ... ... .. . ... 193
Saif Ali sidrat, in Kurram ... Religion of the Iranian Peoples, by the late sails
*** .. . ... ... 98, 100 Dr. O. P. Tiele, contd. from Vol. XXXIV., Sairibha, a demon ...
... 289 p. 66 ... ... ... ... ... 196 f Saiva cults, of Shirigul or Shrigul and MahlRema .. . .. ... 200 su, in the Pañjab
*** *** ... 245 ff. Rhinoceros age and pygmy flints ... 189, 193, 195 Sai-wang tribe ... ... ... ... 34, 36 f. Rinchen-bzangpo, Buddhist monk ... 330 ff. Sakala (Çakala ) city in the Paūjáb ... ... 18 Riwa pygmy flints, 186; and ancient draw- Sakas, Çakas, 18, 30; 33 f.; migrate south, ings ... ... 194
36-40, 46 f. Rizs Quli, a Mogul officer ... ... ... 170 Sakastene, modern Siyistan ... ... ... 37 Roch, M, Englishman at the Court of Sakka, g., appeared to Mahindra ... ... 155 Aurangzeb, 134 and n., 188 ff.; 171 and n, Sakkar, tn. Milsa ... ... 132 n., 136 n., 178 n.
177 and n. Sakra, Çakra, recording angel of Buddhism, rochana, yellow pigment... ... ... 171 f.
14, 211 Rock inscriptions of Mulbe, by A. H. Francke, Sakti and Siva worship in the Tantric litera
72 ff.; rock-paintings in Vindbyan caves ... 187 ture ... 258-261, 263 f., 275-280, 312 f., 317 Rodhini, the obstructor ... ... ... 277 Sakya dynasty ... ... ... ... ... 167 Robillas, Pattans P ... ... ... 135 and n. sálagrâmas, petrified shells ... ... ... 53 Rohrt, tn., 132 n., 136 n.; or Alfta'naut ... 178 n. Salirajakumara, son of k. Datthagamani .. Rohtas, Fort in the Panjab ... ... ... 305 éallékhana or Jain self-immolation .... .
... 122

Page #428

378
INDEX.
...
60
... 130
... 298
..
.
. 20
188
Salotgi pillar inscrip.... ... 21 Satlaj, riv. ..
17; 290 Salys ( Çalya ), k. of the Madrakas ... ... 17 f. Satradru ( Çatradru) Satlaj riv.
... 17 Samagalla or Moragalla ... ... 159 satthar, a couch ... ...
... 310 and n. Saman ih, with the mind ... ... 978 f. Satyalóka, a heaven ... Samanta-Pásáiliki of Buddhaghosa, date.153, 164 Saty&sraya Dêra k. .. Sambhelânagri, birthplace of the 10th incar. Satya Vákya, Ganga k....
... 129 nation of Vishnu ...
... 244 Satyavat, husband of Såvitri-Vrata, 116; Samkļiti, father of K. Kåntideva
... 52 or Satyaván ... ... ... .. . 118 Samudra Gupta ... ...
Saurusêni dialect, in the Parijatamañjari ... 236 Sanaka, author of Purânic fame 58, 259 Saurashtra), kingdom Sanandana, author of Parânic fame ... ... 259 Savitri-Vrata, the Symbolism of the, by Sanatkumara, anthor of Parânic fame... 58, 259 B. A. Gupte, F.Z.S. ... ... ... 116 ff. Sánche khân, Afghan free-booter ... ... 324
Såvitur, Sk., the sun ... ... ... ... 119 Sandabans, coins found in .. ... ..
Sayaņa, commentator ... ... ... ... 271 sandhia, evening worship ... ...
Sayyid Khân, Sayat Cawne .. ... .. 203 sand-holes in Lincolnshire, and pygmy flint
Sawmun, k. of Pagån. ... ...
... 223 finds ... ... ... ... ...
Scandinavia, 98, 118 n.; harpoon heade from. 193 Sandhuhbopa (P) and Dantidurga II. ... 239 Scolotes, for the Saka ... ... ... ... 36 Sangha, Thaynka, priests .. .. .. 268
Scotch Yard, Scotland Yard ... ... 136 and n. Sanghamittâ, daughter of Asoka ... ... 164 scrapers, of flints... ... ...
... 188 sanghar, the jand-tree pod ... ... 340 n. Scunthorpe, in Lincolnshire, pygmy flints, Sanglahan, in the Pasījab, Shirigul temple at. 250 185, 187; compared with Vindhyan pygmies, Sangto Chakong, erected a stúpa at Saspola.. 326
189 ff., 193 Sanid, in W. Tibet ... ... ... ... 330
Scythians, early home of, 36; and Parthians. 39 Sankara, author ... ... ...
... 262 sehra, a garland ... ... ... ... ... 90 Sankaracharya, Brahman philosopher ... 259
Seidler, M., of the Nantes Museum, on Sankhyâyana, writer ... ...
... 261
pygmy flints ... ... ... ... ... 188 Sankrat, Sachraeu, master of a monastery ... 268 Sejistan, tn., ancient Sakastene
... ... 37 Sanskrit Lesebuch, by Von Bruno Liebich,
Selangor, boats ... 97, 100, 103, 104 n., 114 book-notice ... ... ... ... ... 184
Self-Immolation which is not Sati, by Sanskrit and Burmese Buddhism ... 211 f.
Krishnasvami Aiyangar, M.A. ... 129 ff. Sanskrit inscrip. in Chigtan monastery, in
Semitic influence on the Zarathushtrian Tibet, 330 ; and Greek alphabets, their
reformation ... ... ... ... 196 ff. similarity of form ... ... ... 316 ff.
Semitic and Indian alphabets, resemblance Santokh Rikh, reputed father of BAIA ShAh... 344
*** ... ... .. ... 316* Saradh characters in Tibetan inscrip. .. 330
sendúr, a powder... ... ... ...... 117 Sarahan, in the Jubbal State ... 251 and n., 252
Senge sgang, vil, in Ladakh ... ... ... 74 Saraka = Serica = China .
... 329 Sengge-rnam-rgyal, k. of Tibet ...
.. 41 and n. Sarasvati, riv. ... ... ... ... 18, 50
Seng-yea, writer ... ... ... ... 9, 17 saraya, soraya chempedak ayer, wood used
Serapull (P Serampore), 170; or Serapelle. 174 f. in Malay boat-building ... .. ... 109
seraya, wood used in Malay boat-building, sarbakla, bridegroom's friend ... ... 90 F.
105, 107
Serica Saraka) classical name for China. 36, 41 sarbarah, substitute for the Pir Panch Sargul, 246 : for Shirigal
245 ff.
Seba, hundred-headed cobra, 117; skachasaropa, aerpaw, a garment ... ...
... 168 palang, its bed ... ...
... ... 232 Sar Prêkarai Faqir, a saint ...
120 f.
Seabas (P) and Dantidurga II.
... Sarts à Soile (Bois Laitrie Rivière) and
seth, a merchant ... ... pygmy flint ...
seti saron, white mustard ... ...
190 ..
... 356 ... .. .. Sarvakalá, queen to Arjunavarman ...
seven, the number ... ... ... ... 236
... 197 Sarwardin sidrat in Kurram ... ...
Sevenoaks, in Kent, scene of pygmy flint
... 121 Saryati, k., character in Telugu Vaishnava
finds ... ... ... ... ... ... 189 tale ...
Shadgh in Sirmûr, 250; and Shâyk ... 250 22., 261 .. .. .... . .. 51 Saspola, in Ladakh, 76; inscrips. .. 325 ff.
shagun, Chuha wedding custom .. .. 95 Satavahana (Çātavāhana) ... .. .. 7
Shah, Abbas, Shaw Bash ... 136 and n., 137 n. Sati, 116 ; pillars in Bundelkhand, 116 n.; and Shah Jahan, emp. ... 132, 193 and n., 186 f.
self-immolation which is not sati ... 129 f. Shah Muhammad, biographer of Bawa Farid, 300
... 85
... 118
*
181

Page #429

Shah Shuja, Shaw Souia, son of the emp. Shah Jahan 133 f., 135.n., 136 and n. Shah Suliman, Shaw Sollyman, k. of Persia,
137, 168 300 f. 124 301 and n. 332 41
Shakarganj, title of Bâw& Farid Shakin Algad, riv. in Wânâ shakkar, refined sugar...
Shakya, name in Alchi inscrip. Sha-lo-kia, Jen-kia-lan, monastery Shankâsûr, the Dânava, 243; Shankhâsûr, slain by the Machh incarnation of Vishnu. 244 Shankhâwati, mother of the Machh incarnation of Vishnu...
...
244 Shawal, place in the Tocht Valley 120, 122 Shayâ, vil, in the Karli ilaqa, 246 f., and
250 and n., 251 38, 40, 44 122
...
13
217, 222 217, 227 217, 227 217, 219, 227 ... 124 168
...
...
Shâdgâ... Shen-tu, Sindhu, kingdom Sheranna, Frontier town Shindaw, a Burmese Nat Shin-gon, a sect... Shingôn, a Burmese Nat Shingwâ, a Burmese Nat Shinnémi, a Burmese Nat Shin Starga ziárat, in Birmal... Shiraz, Serash, tn.
245 ff. 238 f.
Shirigul or Shrigul, Saiva cult Shirima, k. of Khalatse, inscrip. of... Shiyali, birthplace of Tirujñâna Sambanda, 233 Shrines, on the Frontier, notes by Lal Shah,
Bannu ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Sinai pygmy flints finds Sinbyam yashin, k. of Hanthawadi Sindhunagara, Sin-tou, riv. Singapore, tn.
...
Shu-lê, Kashgar..
Shu-lek or Sha-lek, Chinese for Kashgar shuralbatánu, peas, a tattoo mark Shwêbyin Naungdaw, a Burmese Nat Shwêbyin Nyidaw, a Burmese Nat Shwégügyi pagoda, 226; temple, in Shwênabê, a Burmese Nat Shwe Nawratâ, a Burmese Nat Shwêsàndaw temple, Pagân 294 Shwe Sitthin, a Burmese Nat, 217; or Thatê. 223 f. Sialkot, and the Chuhrâs 82 f. Siam . 101 167 278 f. 63 83 22 f. 316
...
119 ff. 34 f. ... 41 n. € 269 217, 225 217, 225 Pagân 294 217 f., 221 f. ... 217, 220
...
...
***
...
INDEX.
⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
...
...
...
...
***
**
Singhalese, old, writing in an inscrip. Singora, in the Malay Penin., 98; building in
boat
101 f. Sion, vil, in the Rainkâ Tahsil ... 252 135 n. Sipahr Shikoh, Son of Dârâ Shikoh ... Siri Mêghavanna, k. of Ceylon... 298 and n., 299 Siri Sanghabodhi, k, of Ceylon
...
167 130
Siriya Devi, wife of Bopparasa
...
226
256
265 125 37
Sirmûr State, in the Pañjâb, Hindu Cults in, 242 ff.; and titles Sirmari, g.... Siśna, g. Sitha, prince of Kûkhàn ... Sittingbourne, in Kent, pygmy flint finds at... 189 Siva, g., in Telugu Vaishnava tales, 50, 52 f., 58 f., 63; 118; shrine, 126; 129; 243 f., 247 n.; and Saffti, in Tantric literature, 258 ff., 271, 275 ff.; 312 Sivajt, Swagie, and the Emp. Shah Jahan, 132 and n., 133, 140; 170 Sivarchana Chandrika, work quoted... Siyah-posh, people on the frontier of Kabul, 18 n.; Hymn, quoted, 264; to Skambha Skandavarman, a Pallava Skardo, tn. near Dardistan skeletons found in Vindhyan grave-mounds. 187 Smith, Mr R., an Englishman at the Court of Aurangzeb... ... 134, 138, 140, 177 and n. Smyrna, and the tomb of St. Polycarp So-ch'ê, ancient Kashgar State Soênî Bhunniår, Chuhrâ subdivision... Sogdiana and the Sse Sohagi Ghât, in the Vindhyas, pygmy flints from Sök, the, and Kanishka, by Miss C. Nicolson, M.A. sokong, Malay sail Sonuttara and Nanduttara, and the collection of relics from the Great Tope, Ceylon... 159 Sophoi, the Oxydracae... Sörensen's, Dr., Index to the names in the Mahabharata, Part II., book-notice ... 184 Spain, S., pygmy flints from ... ... 180 f., 195 Spenta Mainyush or Spentotema, epithets of Mazda ... 202 Sperkais, a tribe... 122 Spiegel, F. von, on Semitic influence in the
356 35 f. 82 36 f.
336
***
Siddattha, the Buddha Siddhanta-sárávali, quoted Siddhidatâ, a title of Ganesh Siddhra, an ancestor of the Chuhrâs Sie sing-yun a writer... Sigeum, tablet of Sihalatthakatha, name of the original Maha... 160 f., 163 Sikshananda (Çikṣananda) Chinese author, 2, 3 and n., 4, 6, 7 and n., 19
ramsa
ceremony
Srichakra of Sringeri matt
129 262 f., 284 Sri Gul, story of, a variant of the Shirigul legend 98, 106 Srigupta, Crigupta, monk
189 224 20
...
...
...
...
879
...
...
...
....
296
324
252
262
185
33 f. 104 n.
Avesta
...
196 n., 197 n. Spinwâm, vil. in Kurram ... 122 Spithug, Spe-thub, monastery in Ladakh... 77 Sravana Belagola Records, and the sallékhana
....
250 f 21

Page #430

380
Srikshatra, for Prome
211 284 242 f.
Sringeri matt or monastery Sri Ragunath, mantra of Sri Ram Chandarji incarnation of Vishnu... 244 Srirangam, home of Tirumangai Alvår,
229-231
...
temple Srisaili or Karnal, co., and Dantidurga II.... 232 Sri Singh of Chamba
152 36 f.
...
See, tribe, and Sogdiana Steenbrugge, W. Flanders, finds of miniature implements at Sthânvisvara, Sk. for Thânêsar, 125; Sthânviç
www
vara
www
Sthaviravâda monks
stong-pon, inscriptions in Tibet Stow-on-the-Wold in Yorkshire,
Saspola
Suan, riv., in N.-E. India
Suât, and the Sakas
...
...
www
www
...
...
...
miniature implements at
Strabo mentioned the Kshudrakas
stúpas, in Khalatse, 239; or chaityas, at
325, 328 45 40
211
www
... 126 ... 298 325, 327 f. finds of
...
...
...
Subhuti, Burmese Buddhist monk ... Succession, disputed case in the Chamba State, 152; custom among the Sikh Chiefs in the Pañjâb, 253; customary law regarding it in the ruling families of the Panjab Hill States 233, 291 13 f. 50
...
...
...
...
Suci-rasa (Çuci-rasa), a rishi Sudarshana, Vishnu's bow Buddyah, in Upper Assam, and inscribed stone finds 276, 280 sudhasindhu, ocean of nectar 269 Suei, Souei, Chinese dynasty 12, 23 Suggala Devi, wife of Kuvara Lakshamana... 130 Suka, author of Puranic fame
259
Sukanya, character in a Telugu Vaishnava tale
Sung (Soung) kingdom Sün-sien, cap. of Ki-pin Surasêna, in the Maharashtra Co.
Saratissa, k. of Ceylon... Surjan, character in the Gagå legend. Surpakarṇa, title of Ganesh
21.
INDEX.
190
...
190
335
*
...
...
sumbreiro, summerre, an umbrella Sumda, Buddhist monastery, in Phyiling, W. Tibet Sumeru, Ri-dbang-lhunpo, mt. in Tibet Sundaramurti Nâyanâr, probably contemporary with Tirumangai Ålvår
Sukracharya, guru to the giant Bali Chakra
...
varti Sulamani temple, Pagân Sulimânî, Shaw Sollyman, k. of Persia. 137 and n. Sultan Azam, son of Aurangzeb, 135 and n., 177 n. Sumatra 97, 102 138
51
59 294
330 333
... 233
22 37
56 ... 162 ... 152
63
Surratt, tn.
132
Suśruta, Sanskrit author Susunâga, k. of India Sutlej, riv.
231 160, 162 19 5 264 52 f., 59, 130 svastik, svastika or gammadion, 118 and n.; 274 f. Swagie, Sivaji 132 f., 140, 170 343, 353 192
Svadhishthana, 3rd chakra Svarga, heaven of Indra
Swarn, caste of Bâlâ Shah
Sweden and the use of flints Swêmi, Hnamâdaw Taunggyishin, Burmese Nat 218, 222 Swiss lake dwellings 190 and n. Symbolism of the Savitri-Vrata, by B. A. Gupta
116 ff. 33 ff.
Szu, Su, etc., for the Sök, q. v.
...
...
ta, Devanagari letter tabak, tray
Tabin Shwêdi, Burmese Nat tadan, an armlet...
290, 311 117 217, 223 94 Tâdundat, vil., Kazunnain in Hanthawadi 219 Tagaung, in Burma, scene of Chinese Buddhist missionary work ... ...212; 218 f. Ta-Hia, Bactria, conquered by the Ta-Yue-chi,
34; 38; 44 ...130 94 17
...
...
...
...
Tailappa, ruler of Banâvase
takhtián, a necklet Takla-makan, desert
Takshasila, Taksaçila, or Tö-tch'a-chi-lo, 17; Taksasila, perhaps Takshasilâ, 37; inscription in a pagoda at... tala-patra, leaf of the toddy-palm and the derivation of talapoin' 267 142.
4
Tale of Human Sacrifice Tales of The Telugu Vaishnavas, by Mrs. I. J. Pitt 48 f. Talapoin, talipoie, &c., and talagrepo, Buddhist ecclesiastic... Talapois, priests...
...
267 292 tâmare, thamare, lotus, a tattoo mark ... 269 Tambâlas, people about Madurâ, and tattooing. Tambapanni, Lanka tambólnéundrá, Chuhrâ marriage gifts támbya, water-vessel
-
... 269
156 90 ... 117 Tâmralipti, port on the E. coast of India... 21 Tanguts, Mongol tribe, and Kanishka 42, 46 Tanjore District, and Tirumangai Ålvâr 229 Tanka (P) kingdom and Dantidurga II. ... 232 Tânnet, k. of Pagân, or Tibyusaung, Burmese Nat
...
...
39
... 225 Tannis, Tochi Valley tribe ... 122 T'an-tou, cap. of An-si... Tantric literature, 255; or Agama, and Hindu hieroglyphics, 258 f.; probable date of texts
...
...
...
...
44

Page #431

INDEX.
381
. 145
147
and cult, 60 ff.; and the representation of Thaton conquered by Anawrata, k. of Pagan, gods by pictorial symbols, 285 ff.; hierogly
212; and the Tooth Relio ... ... 297 phics and the Devanagari alphabet. 282 ff., Thayekhettaya, Prome ... ... ...219, 222
311 ff. Thaynka (Pali), for Sangha, a priest ... ... 268 Tao-chi, writer . . "
The Oontest between Fever and Itch, a tale... 180
*** Tara, the green, Tibetan goddess ... ... 331 The Coolie and the Jinn, a tale .. Taranátha, historian ...
... ... 7 n. The Danger of offending a Poet, a tale Tarbiyat Khan, Mogul ambassador to the The Elephant and Vishņu, a tale ... ... 434. Court of Persia ... ... ... 136 n.
The Fate of the Thieyes, a tale ...
... 147 Tarim basin, Ohinese Central Asia ... 33, 37, 40 | The Hunter and the Deer, a talo ... T'a-san-mo-t'o, Mahasammata, a Devaputra... 13 The Hunter and the Doves, a tale tash, to cut .. .
.. .. 201
The Julâha and the Mouse, a tale Tathagata, nirvana of ... ... 41-48 The King and his Clever Guard, a tale Tatta, port on the Indus ... 168 and n., 178 The Modest Weaver, a tale ... ... Tattooing, female, in Ootacamund, notes by The Omen of the Pandavas, a tale ...
B. A. Gupte ... ... ... ... 269 f. The Origin of Gangå, a tale .. ... Taungmagyi, Burmese Nat ... 217, 219, 221 The Ranf and her Lover United in Death, Taung-nga (Tonghoo) in Burma ... 220, 223, 226 1. a tale ... ... .. ... ... .. Taun-nga Shin Mingaung, Burmese Nat, The Riddles of the King, a tale ... ... 149
217, 320 The Saint who brought the Rain, a tale ... 183 Taungthógyi, k. of Pagan ... ... ... 294 The Shibboleth of the Musalman, a tale Tawadenthá, a heaven ... ... ... ... 218 The Sibi King and the Bird, a tale ... Taw Sein Ko, Mr., on Pagan inscriptions. 294 f. The Story of the Fifth Avatara, Våmans, a tale Tazila, and the Sakas, 33; and Apollonius, 336 The Tale of the Two Thieves ... Taylor, Isaac, and the Devanagari alphabet. 253f. The Two Blind Men, a tale ... ... 146 Tayôkpyemin, k, of Pagan
. . 294
The Virtue of Charity, a tale ... Tche-kuan, a writer ...
... ... 13
The Wiles of Women, a tale ... - Tche-yen, a monk ... ... ... .. Thenzi, k. of Pagan ... ...
226 Tcha-Fa-hu, Chinese writer ... ... 14, 23 Theory, A, of the Devanagari Alphabet, by Telingas, Tellingays, co. ..
... . 210
R. Shamasastry ... ...253 ff., 270 ff., 311 ff. tellopoys, 168; and talapoin, q. v. ... 167 f. Theraputtabhaya, a monk ... ... ... 159 Telugu Folklore, 31 f.; Vaishnavas, tales Thessaly and fint instruments ... ... 196
of, 48 ff.; Nursery Songs and Catches ...150 ff. ThibAtha, founded Pinle, in Burma ... ... 221 Telugus ... ... . .. ... ... 297 mThingmos-gang, vil, in Ladékh ... 74 n., 76 Tenatt, or Gandikót ... ... ... ... 174 Thinlègyaung, k. of Burma ... ... ... 218 Tangre, Chuhfå subdivision ... ... ... 82 Thirimahájeyyathd, afterwards Governor of Tentachaux, in France, finds of neolithio
Myawadi, wrote an account of the thirtyexes, &c., at ... ... ... ... ... 1 90
seven Nats ... ... ... ... ... 217 tenure pachaka, sacred ashes, a tattoo mark, 269
thoda, mock combat ... ... ... ... 249 Teu-bkrashis-od-mtho, temple in Leh, now mTho-gling, temple on the Upper Sutlej. ... 77
called Ti-serru ... ... ... ... 77 Thomas, Mr., and the Devanagari alphabet. 253 f. thabyć twigs, used at festivals of the Burmese Thônban HIA, Burmese Nat ... 217, 219, 227 Nats ... ... *** . .. 218 1., 221
Three Gems, Buddha, Dhamma, &c. ... ... 211 Thagya, Burmese Nat ...
217 .
Thse-abang-rnam-rgyal, or Chowang-namthal, a platter ... ...
** .. . 94
gyal, k. of Ladakh ... ... ... 73,330 Thal, vil. in Kurram ...
... ... 119, 121 Thalun Mindaya, k.
Thao-dpag-med, probably a summary of the ... .. .. ...223 Thalwale, Kurram sept...
doctrines of Tsongkhapa, written in his ... 119, 121
own blood ... ... ... ... 76 f. Thamaindaw, k. of Okkalaba ...
219
Thåparima Dagoba, in the Maha Vihara ... 297 Thâns, vil, in the Palijab - ..
Thúpavamsa, the PAli and Singhalese, date Thàndawgàn, Burmese Nat ... ... 217, 220
of ... ... ... ... 153, 158, 166 Thanésar, in the Pañjab, derivation and
thwarosh, taksh, twaksh, creation ... 197 n. spelling, 125 1.; and Indian Half-Heads'. 213 Tiamat, Babylonian Titan ... ... 197, 201 Thapp&y-Anka Gate, in Pagan
... 218 Tibet, N., and Kanishka, 46 ; under a Ladakhi Thåriwadi, k. of Burma
k., 73; 118 n.; Archæology in., q. v. ...237 ff., Tbåtbinnya temple, Pagin ... ... ... 294
325 ff.
s. 249

Page #432

382
...
200
... 331
Tibetan inscriptions, 239 and n.; illustration of the Yaudheya tribal organization, 290; character in inscrip. Tibetans, Central, in Ladakh, 75; in Khalatse. 238 Tibyusaung, Burmese Nat 217, 225 Tibydsaung Mèdaw, a Burmese nat... 217, 225 T'ien chu, India, 40; or Shentu 44 Tienne de Loup, in France, find of neolithic axes, &c., at tika, an ornament tiles, of glazed terra cotta, in the Ananda Temple, Pagân
...
***
400
...
...
www
www
...
...
tilkan, a tray and cup... Timmenagg, for Tirumala Nayakka of Madura, 175 and n., 176 Tingmogang, mThing brang, &c., vil. in Ladakh... 74 and n. Tirujñana Sambanda, Saiva sage, and Tirumangai Ålvâr ... Tirukkôṭṭiyar Nambi, a Tamil writer and preceptor of Râmanoja ... 230 Tirumalaikkolundu Pillai, a Saiva writer ... 228 Tirumala Nayaka, of Madura, Timmenagg ... ... 175 n., 176 228
232 f.
...
228 ff.
...
[Trimal Naik], q. v.... Tirumalisai Alvar, date of Tirumangai Alvâr and His Date, by S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, M.A. Tirumangaimannan Tirumangai Ålvâr 229 Tirunaraiyûr, near Kumbhakônam, visited by Tirumangai Alvâr 229, 231 f. Tiruppan Alvår, date of ... 228 Ti-serru, present name of the Teu bkrashisod-mtho temple
Tishi, a low caste
***
...
w
...
INDEX.
...
Tissa, k. of Ceylon, 158, 164; or Tishya titles among the ruling families in the Panjab Hill States
324
To 'Aru, a chief of Selangor, after whom is named a Malay boat ... ... 104 and n. tobacco, is it indigenous to India, by V. A. Smith...
190 309
***
293 93
...
Tocharer, a tribe
Tochi Valley,shrines, q.v, 122; and the Daurts, who shave one eyebrow, &c. ... 213 and n. toḍar, an anklet... ... 130 ...270 93 228
Todas.and tattooing tôkrá, a basket
***
220, 223, 226
225, 297 f. 170
Tondaraḍippodi, an Alvår, date of Tonghoo, Taung-ngu, in Burma... Tooth Relic, the, legends of the tôpkhána, artillery, top conney Travels of Richard Bell and John Campbell, in the East Indies, Persia and Palestine, 1654-1670, by Sir R. C. Temple. 131 ff, 168 ff., 203 ff. 103
Trengganu, in the Malay Penin.
202 33
Treta Yuga
q. v.
Tripitaka, the Triplicane, tn. Tripuropanishad and Tantric tradition. 261,
tréwar, Chubra marriage present Tribhuvanamalla Vira Somêsvara, k tribulum, still used in Greece... Trigurta, mt. Trimal Naik, Tirumala Nayaka of Madura, ... 175 n., 176 212 ...232 275 f., 280 Ts'ang-hie, traditional inventor of the Chinese script 9, 13 332 ... 73 f., 76, 77 and n. 12 39, 43
Tsapari; name in an Alchi inscrip. Tsongkhapa, Buddhist reformer...
11 #. 38 118 .45 f.
...
Turushka, a race Tvashtri, g. Twashtr, g. 77 Tyana, home of Apollonius
77 295
***
...
***
***
சுமிக்
...
Ts'ong ling, mts...
T'sung ling, mts. in Cent. Asia Tukhâras, Tou-kie-lo, a people Tu k'in, Chinese general tulsi, plant
Tu-mi, Kao-fu, Jabgu Province tumuli, grave-mounds, in the Valleys... túná, charms Tungabhadra, riv., in which the Chalukya Ahavamalla Sômêsvara took his life
Tung Hia, country Turks invaded Ladakh...
usij. minstrels ... Usun, Usiun, a tribe Uttaravihara Mahdvamsa, the... Uttaraviharaṭṭhakatha, the Uaana, k. of Pinlè
Uzbegs, Osbucks, Muhammadans
...
147 86, 94 130 194 49
...
...
Vindhyan
***
www
...
u, Devanagari letter 281, 311 Udaya Chandra, general under Nandivarman Pallavamalla
Udê Chand, Raja of Katôch Udyana, Ou-tehang, co., Swit... Ujjain observatory
Ul cave, in Jubbal
Umar Aga, Muhammadan saint Unmanah, the mind going up.... Upachchhandoba Urasa, co.
Urgun, place on the Frontier Uruvelâ, near Buddha Gaya Urva, soul of the kine ushtra, camel Ushtrava, co.
...187 356
129
42
75
37
262 197 n. ... 336
... 231
... 233
...8, 37 ... 234
... 247 ... 124
278 f.
www
...
123
. 165
. 201
14 ff. 15 201 n. 35 161 161 f. 2:21 172, 175 f.
...
21
15
...

Page #433

.286 ff., 311 va, Devanagar! letter VAchissara, author of the Singh. Thúpavamsa. 166 Vaddhamana, tn. in Ceylon Vadibhasimha, author of the Gadyachintámani, &c.
156
Vahikas, a people vairágya, asceticism Vairâmas, a people Vairamêghan, title, an explanation of
.. 232 3
...
Vaitasa
Vajjiputta monks
Vajra
***
v
'Chakravarti'...
Vaisâll, Vaiçâli, tn.
Vaishnava tradition regarding Tirumangai Alvár and Tirujñâna Sambanda Vaishnava opinion on relative positions of Alvars and Acharyas . Vaishnavism in S. India, history by Gopinatha Rao
230
-
...
***
...
Vaishnu Dêvi, among the Chuhrâs.. Vaisravana, Vaiçravana, or Pi-cha-men, a
genius
Vajrabodhi, monk Vajrasattva (rDorje-semsdpa), statue of Vâmáchára, form of Tantric worship
..
***
...
***
...
000
...
...
...
www
***
...
www
268 ...17 f. 58
18
***
...
... 232
...
...
2,7 265 155 257, 286 2 331 259 15 .69 f.
...
276
...
Vâmana
Vâmâna, fifth Avatara... Vâmapâráva, the left side Vanga, Harikela, Bengal vangi, armlet, a tattoo-mark Vankshu, Oxus, riv. Varadipa, Lanka Varivasyarahasya, work, and hieroglyphics, 277; 279 ff. Varuna, g., in Telugu Vaishnava tales, 53; 117; and Mazda, 202 f.; and the Devanågari 257, 261, 287 16 Vasa Asvya (Vaça Açvya), a writer... 270 f. vasikarana, passionate love... Vâsishka, Vasashka, a Kushana who probably reigned between Kanishka and Huvishka... 47 Vasishta, a rishi... 50 ... 259 ... 276 40, 47 117
...
Vasishtha, Puranic author
Vassudeva coins...
...
Vasudeva, a Kushana ... Vasuki, the snake that coils round Siva Vata-Savitri, a species of the Indian fig Vátulagama, work quoted 279,
... 118 311, 313
Vena Raja
126 336
19
Vespasian:... Vidarbha, co. Vidyadharis, the Vighna-harta, a title of Ganesh vihira ahura, the arbiter, a title of Mazda Vijaya, k. of Ceylon...... 153, 158, 165, 167 Yaska, author of the Nirukta...
57 63 202
...
INDEX.
...
...
...
...
***
...
...
...
228 340
...
...
21
269 18 156
...
Vijayabahu III., k. of Ceylon... Vikrama era, date of Vikramaditya VI., a Chalukya Vindhyan pygmy flint finds, 185 f.; gravemounds, and the Scunthorpe finds, 187 f., 190 ff.; cave drawings Vira Bellala, k. Virakkal, stone erected to commemorate
194 f. 130 f.
... 129
some courageous aot, S. India Vir-Mata (Hero-Mother), an anidentified goddess...
****
ad
Visâla, tn. in Ceylon. visarga, emission...
.269 186 -281, 285 Vishna, g, in Telugu Vaishnava tales, 48 If.; 118; incarnations of ...244, 258; 269, 289 Vishvakarman, g. 197 n. vispa-hishas, the all-seeing, a title of Mazda... 202 Visuddhi, 5th chakra ...
Vizepoore, Bijapur
264, 276 ... 172
Wali Khêls, a tribe
Wan, Ferghana ...
Wânâ, on the Frontier Wang mang, a usurper... Wanla, Tib, vil....
wee
Vogel, Dr., and the Hindu custom of naming a child after his grandfather Vohumano
Vyâpika, the pervader
"
388
...
166 -33, 47 ... 130
***
125; 291 198 f., 202 f. 278 f.
www
122 36 122, 124, 125
...
39 74 304 38
**
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Wazirabad, tn. Wen Chung, a Chinese official... White, Mr J., an Englishman at the Court of Aurangzeb, 134, 138 ff.; and João Witt,
139 n.
...
***
q. v.
Why monkeys do not fall from trees, a tale... 180 Wickremasinghe (Mr.) and the Anuradha
***
pura inscrip.
...
296, 299
***
Wife who was a Shrew, a tale... Woman's Wiles, a tale, note on
. 183 ... 291 women, as probable makers of pygmy flints, 191 f.; at St. Polycarp's tomb wooden handles to flint instruments... Wu-ch'a, a place Wu-i-shan-li, for Arachosia ... Wusun, a tribe... Wu-ti, Han emp. Wu-t'ou-lao, k. of Kipin
...
... 000
356 ... 192 ... 37
37, 39 33, 35 f.
44 37, 46
...
...286 ff., 811 ya, Devanagari letter Yama, ruler of hell, 55 f.; or Jama... 116; 119 Yamuna, riv. ... 18 ... 257

Page #434
884 INDEX. ... 34 Yat-sark Temple, Pagan ... ir ... 293 Yunbagin, Burmese Nat ... i 217, 224 Yandheya tribal organization... ... 290 f. Yang-Drung, Lamayaru, q. o. .. . 292 Yavanas, a people, 30; in India. 297 and n., 298 | Yu-t'ien, Khotan ... ... ... 4, 7, 11 Yen-keo-chen, probably a Kashang ... 888. Yen-ta'ong, biographer ... .... 11 and n. Ye-tha and Yue-chi ... Yin-mo-fu, k, of Kipin ... Zadran Valley ... ... ... 123 Yi-tsing, compiler of a dictionary 11; 21 saghbirs, miraculous iron blades ... ... 124 Yndophares or Gondopheres ... Zangskar, in W. Tibet, scene of Kashmiri Yorkshire pygmy flint finds . ... 188, 190 Buddhist mission work Buddhist m188100 W ... i ... 330 Yudhishthira, eldest Panda prince ... 18 Zarathashtra, 16; and Zoroaster ... ... 22 Yus-chi, tribe, and Buddhism, 9 t.; and the Zarkthushtrian reformation, see Religions of Sok, 33; or Yo-tha, 34; and the Sakas, 36; the Iranian People ... ... ... in Bactria, 38 f.; and the An-si, 40; 44; Ziarat Qil'a, in the Tochi Valley ... Indo-Scythians ... ... ... ... 45 | Zikurato, Babylonian terrace temples ... 196 ... 89 196 ff. ... 122