Epigraphia Indica Vol 29

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032583/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXIX (1951-52) Ooo pratnakIrtimapAvRNu PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011 1987

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXIX 26,0 Ooo pratnAtimapAvaza PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011 1987

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Reprinted 1987 (c) ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA Price Rs. 100,00 Printed at S. Narayan & Sons, 7117/18, Pahari Dhiraj, Delhi-110 006

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DEPARTMENT OF ARCHEOLOGY EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOLUME XXIX 1951-52 EDITED BY Dr. B. Ch. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph. D. (Lugd.), F.A.S. Government Epigraphist for India (Parts I to IV) N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A. Government Epigraphist for India (Parts V to VII) Dr. D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph. D. Government Epigraphist for India (Part VIII) satyameva jayate Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed at the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India 1957

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CONTENTS The name of the contributors are arranged alphaberi ally CHAUDFURY, P.D., M.A, LI.B., Gauhati, and SIRCAR, D.C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund. No. 20. Parbatiya Plates of Vanamalavarmadeva . . . . . . . . . CHLABRA, B.Ch., M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (Lugd.), F.A.S., New Delhi. No. 16. Chatesvara Temple Inscription. . . . . . . . . . . No. 17. Epigraphical Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . DE, S. C., B.A., Bhubaneswar. No.30. Two Plates of Tribhuvanamahadevi from Baud . . . . . . DESAI, P. B., M.A., Ootacamund. No. 4. Sadasivagad Plates of Kadamba Vijayaditya, Saka 1102 No. 11. Reyuru Grant of Pallava Narasimhavarman, Year 12. . . . . . No. 12. See under PANDEYA, L. P., Raigarh, and DESAI, P. B., Ootacamund No. 19. More Inscriptions at Ablur . . . . . . . . . . No. 37. Bilaigarh Plates of Kalachuri Prithvideva, Year 896 . . . . . . No. 28. Two Jaina Inscriptions to Tamil . . . . . . . . . . DIKSHIT, M. G., M.A., Ph.D., Raipur. No. 2. Kolhapur Inscription of Silahara Bhoja li, saka 1104 . . . No. 24. Hingni Berdi Plates of Rashtrakuta Vibhuraja, Year 3 . . . KRISHNAN, K. G., M.A., Ootacamund. No. 9. Srirangam Inscription of Sadasivaraya, Saka 1467 . . . . . . . KRISHNA RAO, B. V., M.A., LI.B., Rajahmundry. No. 32. Nanduru Plates of Volananti Rajondra-Choda, Saka 1091 . . . . . LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, N., M.A., Ootacamund, and NARASIMHACHAR, D.L., M.A., Mysore No. 29. Talangore Inscription of Jayasimha . . . . . . . . . . MIRASHI, V. V., M.A., Nagpar. No. 15. Mandakbede Plates of Sondraka Jayasakti, Saka 602. . . . . . . NARASIMHASWAMI, H. K., B.Bu., Ootacamund No. 18. Nagarjunikonda Imago Inscription . . . . . . . . . No. 21. Turimolla Insoription of Chalukya Vikramaditya I, Year 2. . PANDEYA, L. P., Raigarh, and DESAI, P. B., M.A., Ootacamund No. 12. Bilaigarh Platos of Kalaohuri Pratapamalla, Yoar 989 . . . . . . . 116

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iv EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOL. XXIX SIRCAR, D. C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund. No. 1. Two Plates from Belwa No. . Two Sailodbhava Granta from Banpur No. 7. Bangaon Plate of Vigrahapala III, Regnal Year 17 No. 10. Santiragrama Grant of Dandimahadevi No. 20. See under CHAUDHURI, P. D., M.A., L1.B., Gauhati, and SIRCAR, D. C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund No. 22. Puri Plate of Kulastambha No. 23. Bhadrak Inscription of Gana, Regual Year 8 No. 25. Ajmer Stone Inscription No. 26. Two Grants from Daspalla No. 31. Note on Two Plates of Tribhuvanamahadevi from Baud SIRCAR, D. C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund, and RATHA SARMA, S., Puri. No. 6. Alagum Inscription of Anantavarman, Regnal Year 62. SIRCAR, D. C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund, and TRIPATHI, K. B., M.A., Ph.D., Cattack.- No. 13. Siddheswar Inscription of Narasimha IV, Anka Year 19 VENKATARAMAYYA, M., M.A., Agra. No. 3. Maser Inscription of a Sulki Chief No. 14. Sangalooda Plates of Rashtrakuta Nannaraja, Saka 615 VENKATARAMANAYYA, N., M.A., Ph.D., Madras.- No. 8. Kalidindi Grant of Eastern Chalukya Rajaraja T INDEX-By A. N. Lahiri, M. A.. APPENDIX-Rajaprasasti Inscription of Udaipur. By the late Dr. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., Ph.D., and B.Ch. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (Lugd.), F.A.S., New Delhi Title page, Contents, List of Plates and Additions and Corrections * * PAGE 32 48 79 1 164 169 178 183 220 1 105 18 109 21898 57 i-xiii

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LIST OF PLATES No. 1. Two Pala Plates from Belwa: 4.--Plato of Mahipala I, Regnal Year i . between pages 6 and 7 ,, 2. ,,, B. -- Plate of V'igrahapala III. Rognal Year 11 . 10 and 11 , 3. Vaser Inscription of a Sulki Chief : . . . . to face page 27 ,, 4. Sadasivagad Plates of Kadamba Vijayaditya, Saka 1102 between pages 30 and 31 , 5. Two Sailodbhava Grants from Banpur A.--Grant of Ayaaobhita II Madhyamaraja . . 36 and 37 ., 6., B.-Grant of Dharmaraja Manabhita . . . , 40 and 7. Alagum Inscription of Anantavarman, Rognal Year 62 to face page 47 ,, 8. Bangaon Plato of Vigrahapala III, Regnal Year 17 * between pages 54 and ,,9. Kalidindi Grant of Eastern Chalukya Rajuraja 1 . 66 and ,,10. ,, . . . . . . to face pruge 11. Sautiragrama grant of Dandimahadevi . . . betucen pugnis 88 and ,, 12. Royuru Grant of Pallava Narasimhavarman, Year 12 96 and 97 ,,, 13. Bilaigarh Plates of Kalachuri Pratapamalla, Year 969 102 and 103 ,, 14. Siddhoswar Inscription of Narasimha IV, Anka Year 19 , 108 and 109 ,,, 15. Sangaloodu Plates of Rashtrakuta Vannaraja, Saka 615 114 and 115 ,,16. Mundakhede Plates of Seudraka Jayasakti, Saka 602 . . . . . . . . to face page 120 , 17. Chatesvara Temple Inscription . . . . . , 126 ,,, 18. Nagarjunikonda Image Inscription . ., 139 ,,19. More Inscriptions at Ablur . . . . . between pages 140 and 141 ,,, 20. Parbatiya Plates of Vanamalavarmadeva. . . >> 154 and 155 ,,, 21. Turimella Inscription of Chaluky: Vikramaditya I, Year 2, and Dimmagudi Inscription of Vikramaditya I . . . . . . . . . . 162 and 163 ,, 22. Puri Plate of Kulastambha . . . face page 168 ,, 23. Bhadrak Inscription of Gana, Regnal Year 8 . (v)

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vi No. 24. Hingni Berdi Plates of Rashtrakuta Vibhuraja, Year 3 25. Ajmer Stone Inscription 26. Two Grants from Daspalla-Plate I: 39 27. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA A. Daspalla Plate of Devananda; Year 184 --Plate II: B. Daspalla Plates of Satrubhanja Tribhuvanakalasa, Year 198 ,, 28. Bilaigarh Plates of Kalachuri Prithvideva, Year 896 29. Talangere Inscription of Jayasimha ,, 30. Two Plates from Tribhuvanamahadevi from Baud Rajaprasasti Inscription of Udaipur: APPENDIX I. A View of the Nauchauki Ghat, Rajasamudra II. A View of one of the Pavilions, Rajasamudra III. Slab III IV. Slab XVI * VOL. XXIX between pages 176 and 177 to face page 180 between pages 188 and 189 192 and 193 196 and 197 to face page 208 between pages 216 and 217 33 to face page 2 3 33 10 56

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS Page 6, text line 4.--For Srima rend Srimao. > 9, text line 57.-For Srima rend Srima. 16, text line 13.-For ojvala read oj[i*]vala. 17, text line 33.-For dattam read dattam(ttam). 19, line 31.-For i and I read i, i, u and u s 19, line 44.-For for chandrasersho read for chandra-sfrsho. 23, line 18.-Omit comma after predecessor. 24, line 20.--For re-conquest read conquest. 28, text line 13.-For ksitam read kritam(tah). 35, line 28.-For Srikakulam read Ganjam. 37, text line 35.-Read (kahl). 41, f.n. 5.--Read ya for ya. 45, line 40.-For churni read churni. , 45, f. n. 2.- Add note--Pramrta is mentioned in an early inscription from Bengal (Select Inscriptions, p. 356). It may be the same as pravarti mentioned in Sarvananda's Amarakosha-tika (under verne 89 of Vaisya-varga) as equal to 8 Kharis. , 47, lines 2-3.- For Srikakulam District of Madras read Ganjam District of Orissa. , 47, line 21.-For Tiruchirapalli read Tiruchirappalli. ,, 47, line 50.-- Add at the beginning of the last paragraph-Lines 40-42 of the inscription refer to the king's request to the people addressed as well as to the .. 54, line 1.-For parts read of parts. , 55, text line 24.- For bri read 'Sri. , 68, line 8.- For Orkusam read orkusa[h]. . 59, f.n.2.-For Cola Studies read Studies in Cola History and Administration. (vii)

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viii Page 62, f. n. line 3.-Read 10th year (1021 A.C.). 33 13 "3 39 35 65, text line 8.-For kananam read kananam (nain). ,, 68, text line 60.-For sa-dvipam read sa-dvipim 69, text line 85.-Read dandesum-a(sair-a)bhavado. 69, text line 86.-Read kshanam(nam). 69, text line 87.-For vivrie read vivri(r). 69, text line 88.-For bhritah(tacha)la read bhritahcha(tas-cha)la. 69, text line 89.--For ri read rio. ,, 70, text line 95.--For Karvna(nna)taka read Karvna (rnna)taka. 70, text line 95.-For 'n-asvike read 'na(n=a)svike(r). 33 wr 33 "" 33 33 19 39 ,, 70, text line 96.-For hastikina reul h[i*Jatikana. ,, 70, text line 108.-For Krovvindletain-busi read Krovvindletambisi. ,, 73, line 10.-For impure read ill. ., 73, lines 11 and 12.--For purify read cure. 19 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 73, f.n., line 1.---Omit comma after Rangacharya. 73, f.n.1, line 2.--For engaging read engaging themselves. ,, 73, f. n. 7, line 1.-Read born on the occasion. 64, line 13.-For D(Ta)dinadu read Da(Ta)dinadu. 64, line 15.--For D(Ta)dinadu read Da(Ta)dinadu. 65, text line 6.-For Devakih read Devakih 74, f. n.3, line 10.--Omit comnia after Vide. 2 ,, 75, line 38.--For Kilpaliru read Kipalaru. 75, line 40.--For Melpalatu read Molpalaru. 76, f. n. 4. For after n read after 11. 81, f. n. 5.-Read year 70 or 60. 84, f.n. 7.-For 820-25 A.C. read 831 A.C. ,, 89, line 24.--For importnace read importance. VOL, XXIX

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39 Page 93, f.n. 6.-Add editorial note.-The word nripetvara means 'a ruler'. Rajaditya was the personal name of the executor. 21 23 99, line 26.-For has read have. 33 ,, 100, line 9.-For Gorakhapur read Gorakhpur. 100, line 28.-For for read to. 101, f.n. 6.-For danda read danda. 33 ,, 112, lines 17 ff.-Add editorial note.-The rule of Govinda of the Aihole inscription cannot be assigned to 630-55 A.D. since he is known to have come into conflict with Pulakesin II about the beginning of the latter's carreer, i.e. about 610 A.D. Pulakesin II did not meet Govinda in the course of his campaign in the region of the Reva and the Vindhyas, but in the area about the northern bank of the Bhimarathi (Bhima) much nearer his capital. 113, line 31.--Add editorial note.-There is no proof that Padmanagara was a capital city. 114, text line 8.-Read Kanta H-karunika-kala. 33 ,, 114, text line 9.-Read rahita B-ketub-karalo. "" 39 23 "3 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS 93 95, f. n. 9.-Add editorial note.-For the correct meaning of the expressions, see The Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 196. 120, text line 12.-For gramakutayayuktaka read gramakut-ayuktaka. 125, line 16.-Read sima 33 ,, 125, line 32.-For Meters read Metres. 39 ix 114, text line 11.-Read pati=kalpa. 115, text line 18.-Add editorial note.-The reading is Varmmullaka. 115, text line 20.-For karmma[nta](nta) read karmma[nta] 115. text line 20.-Road tachchha(ch-cha). 115, text line 23.-Add editorial note.-The reading seems to be mato-chchhivahalal-ai[bh] The name of the locality was therefore Achchhivahalala and not Uchchhi(chhi)vahala as assumed by the author (cf. pp. 110,114). 115, last line.-Read Ju(Yu)[ddha]surah. ,, 129, f.n. 9, line 2.-For vijay-avahah read vijay-avahah. 138, lines 3 ff.-Add editorial note.-A purna-ghata of this type was discovered in the course of excavations at Kondapur and is now in the Hyderabad Museum. A damaged terracotta female figure from Bhita (near Allahabad) now in the Asutosh Museum (Calcutta) and a bas-relief on the wall of the Venkatesvara temple on the Vaikunthapuram hill in the Guntur District have the lower part fashioned in the same posture. 138, f.n. 5, line 1.-For Ehuvuja read Ehuvula. 147, line 4.-Read Krishna. 91 9 DGA/56

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOL XXIX Pago, 147 line 36.-Read Chudamani. , 151, line 34.-Read Mahagaurl. 152, line 21.-Read a geographical. 153.-For 135 read 153 in the number of page. >> 154, text line 25.-For dripta read dripta. , 155, text line 34.-For 'bhis-cha read 'bhis-cha. 155, f.n.4, lines 4-5.--Read ootkampabhio, , 157, line 38.-Read Vishnu. ,, 157, f.n.l.-Read Purana. >> 158, line 15.- Read subduers. ,, 160, line 27.-Read Dravidian I. , 160, line 31.-Read bhujaya manumrwayina. 162, line 36.- For Cuddapah read Guntur. , 163, lines 18 ff.-Read-covering a considerable area extending in a north-easterly direction over & tract from Turimella in the Cumbum Taluk of the Kurnool District right upto Kocherlakota in the Darsi Division of the Nellore District. , 163, f. n. 11.-For was omitted read had been omitted. , 174, lines 29-30.-- Add editorial note.-The palaeography of the record seems to suggest a date in the sixth or seventh century A.D. , 176, text line 2.--Add editorial note. - Read (r)karasya srimalo. >> 177, text line 3.-Add editorial note.-- Read orajasy=anujnaya. , 177, text line 4.-Add editorial note. The name Syavalangi stands for Sanskrit Svamalangi. She made a gift of 50 golden bars as dakshina to the donee of the agrahara granted by Prabhavati. 177, text line 6.--Add editorial note.-Read okali(li)nah(nan). >> 177, liness 7-8.-Add editorial note.-The intended reading may be arthi-jana-hriday-anandan sa mabhivardhayantya. > 177, text lines 8-9.-- Add editorial note. --The reading is vansonayata for vams-onnayantya. Arya Prabhavati seems to have granted the agrahara to a Brahmana whom Syamalangi gave 50 golden bars as dakshina of the said gift. Prabhavati Inay have been Syamalangt's mother-in-law. There is no reason to identify Vibhuraja and Mana(na)raja. 177, line 11.-Add editorial note.-Read orjito(ta)-chara (ta)-bhata-at-a)pravebye(dya)". >> 177, line 13.--Read dane(ke)[na*). , 177, line 16.-Add editorial note.-Read kutasya. 178, line 2.--For Harkeli read Harakeli. . 178, line 17. -Read inscription.-Omit bracket before Mr.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS , Page 178, line 23.-For nd read and. >> 178, line 29.-For laces read places. ,, 178, line 30.-For inscriptin read inscription. 178, f. n. 3.--Read Vol. III. 181, text line 11.-Read Hiranyakasi(fi)poo , 186, line 4.-For callecd read called. 186, line 6.-Read pancha. 186, line 16.-Omit redundant m before mandala. 186, line 17.- Add full-stop at the end of the line in the place of apostrophe. 186, line 19.-- Read sattva. 186, line 20.-Read Sandhio. 186, line 22.- For descriptin read description. 186, line 22.- For Brahmada read Brahmana. 186, line 23.- Por epither read epithet. 186, line 25.--For datra read tastra (in two places). 186, line 36.- For belived read believed. 186, line 40.--For Indedda read Indedda. 186, f.n.3, line 3.-For smrti read Osmriti. 188, text line 15.--For atumaja read atmajo. 188, text line 16.--For sudha-sarm read sudha-sam.. 188, text line 21.-For manobarinay read manobarina. 188, text line 22.- For pulsht-arati read plusht-Arati. 188, text line 25.- For pitri read pitsi. 188, text line 27.-Read Jilonda. 188, text line 27.-.For bhavishyad read bhavishyad. 188, text line 27.--For otra(n=ra)-japutran read otri(n=ra) japutran. 188, text line 28.- For Ojivinah read ojivinah. 188, text line 29. For vshaya read vishaya. 190, line 41.-For Jaipur read Jajpur. , 191, f.n.2, line 13.-For suggests read suggest. 195, f.n. 4.-Read Ashadhasya. 196, line 8.-For wich read which. 196, line 11.--For callec read called. 196, line 21.-.For Sardulao read Sardulao. . 196, line 22.--For andakranta read Manda krantu. . 196, f. 3. For ust read must,

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Lii Page 196, f. n. 7.-For who write read who wrote the. 198, text line 23.-Read Delhuka. 200, line 4.-For Padmavati read Padmavati. 201, f.n.5, line 5.-For has read have. 202, f.n.3, line 2.--For on read at. 216, text lines 9-10.-Read uchitam karyam. 216, text line 11.-Read Harsh. 222, line 35.-For mahadevi read mahadevi. 224, f.n. 3.-For See above...read See above, p. 191, note 2. 224, f.n. 5.-Omit Above, Vol.... 39 ,, 232, line 38.--For Gonkarajs read Gonkaraja. 238, text line 1.-For bhig-opama read bhog-opama. 238, text line 47.-For dbadasa read dvadasa. 33 39 "3 "3 17 "3 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 19 VOL. XXIX

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOL. XXIX 1951-1952 No. 1--TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA (2 Plates) D. C. STRCAR, OOTACAMUND The village of Belwa lies a few miles to the west of the Hili railway station on the East Bengal Railway, in the eastern fringe of the Dinajpur District, not far from the borders of the Bogra and Rangpur Districts. Some time in 1946, a Santal inhabitant of the village, named Khase Siotal, discovered two inscribed copper plates while digging the compound of his house with a view to enlarging a fire-place. Mr. Manoranjan Cupta of Calcutta soon secured the plates with the help of Muhammad Basir Sarkar who is an official at the Zamindar's Katchery at the village of Kasigari, not far away from Belwa. Mr. Gupta studied the inscriptions and published both of them in the Variriya Sahitya Parishat Patrika (Bengali). Vols. LIV, B. S. 1354, pp. 41-56; LVI, B. S. 1356, pp. 60-65, with plates. The original plates were also presented to the Museum of the Vangiya Bahitya Parishat, Caloutta. One of the records belongs to king Mahipala I (circa 988-1038 A. C.) of the Pala dynasty of Bengal and Bihar, and the other to his grandson Vigraha pala III (circa 1055-90 A. C.). As, however, the inscriptions appeared to me to have been neither carefully read nor correctly interpreted, I requested, several times, the authorities of the Parishat to lend me the original plates for a few weeks for examination or to supply me with a set of good impressions of each of the inscriptions. Unfortunately neither of these requests was complied with. At laat impressions of both the plates were available to me through the kindness of Mr. T. N. Ramachandran, Superintendent, Department of Archaeology, Eastern Circle. I edit the inscriptions from those impressions. A.-Plato of Mahipala I ; Regaal Year 5 The record is incised on a single copper-plate, measuring 13" x 14.6". The weight has not leen recorded. The seal, which closely resembles those attached to other charters of the Pala rulers, is, as usual, soldered to the upper part of the document. It is the celebrated dharmachakra-mudra of the Palas who were Buddhists. It has in the contre a circle with raised rim and beaded border which is surrounded by arabesque work and is surmounted by a chaitya symbol. The npper half of the inner circle of the seal is occupied by the Buddhist Wheel of the LAW' having an umbrella above it and a deer couchant on either side. Below the central emarcation line, forming & pedestal for the above, is the legend fri-Mahipaladevasya, the space beneath being covered by arabesque foliage. There are altogether 58 lines of writing on both sides of the plate, 33 lines on the obverse and 25 on the reverse. The incision is deep and clear, and the 1 For an English version of these papers, see Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 117-35. 1 In December 1950, when I happened to be in Calcutta, I was allowed to examine the originai plates in the Parisbat's office. My thanks are due to Mr. Gupta and the authorities of the Parishat for this help. 4 DGA

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2 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX preservation of the plate is fairly satisfactory. Six lines of writing at the top on the obverse and five lines at the top on the reverse have a gap in the middle, owing to the space occupied by the lower part of the seal. In point of palaeography, language and orthography, the inscription under discussion resembles very closely the only other copper-plate charter of king Mahipala I so far known to the students of history. This is the Bangarh plate finally edited by the late Mr. R. D. Banerji in the pages of this journal, Vol. XIV, pp. 326 ff., with plates. The introductory verses at the beginning of the record, the description of the place of issue, the list of officials and others to whom the royal order was addressed, the list of the privileges to be enjoyed by the donee and the imprecatory and benedictory verses about the end are practically the same in both the charters. Indeed most of these are common to all charters of the Pala family. It is only the actual grant that is different in the Bangarh record and the charter under review. The present epigraph, like some other Pala records, usually indicates superscript r by a horizontal short stroke below the top matra of the consonant towards the left, sometimes making the sign almost undistinguishable. The date of the record, given in one figure in line 49, is the year 5 (of the reign of Mahipala I), the 26th day of the month of Sravana. Line 46 speaks of the grant being made by the king on the occasion of a ceremonial bath taken by him in the waters of the Ganges on the day of the vishuvatsankranti (i.e., vishuva-samkranti) which indicates the sun's equinoctial passage into Mesha on the 1st day of solar Vaisakha or into Simha on the 1st day of solar Karttika. In the present case, it is possible to think that the grant had been made on the 1st of Vaisakha, although the charter was issued a few months later on the 26th of Sravana. A ceremonial bath and offering of gifts on the occasion of the vishuva-sankranti are both enjoined by the Hindu scriptures. The action of the Pala king, who was a Buddhist, as recorded in the document, no doubt points to the fact, often noted, that there was little difference between the life of a lay follower of Buddhism and that of an ordinary Brahmanical Hindu in the age of the Palas at least in Eastern India. As we have elsewhere observed, when the Brahmanical and Buddhist philosophers were busy in refuting one another's views, the life of the lay man appears to have been marked by absolute religious toleration and the Buddhist laity was gradually nearing absorption into Brahmanical society." The charter begins with the akshara ni (an abbreviation of the word nibaddha meaning 'registered') which is also found at the end of line 1 as in the Bangarh plate of the same king and in many other records. This kind of double endorsement by the king himself and by one of his officials is also known from other records from Bengal such as those of the Senas. The first ni is followed by the usual symbol for siddham and the introductory word svasti. Next come 12 verses in lines 1-23 forming the introduction of the charter. It is well-known that the fashion of quoting 1 Cf. Brahma Purana quoted in the Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. sankranti: Nilyam dvayor-ayanayor nityam vishuvator dvayob | chandr-arkayor-grahanayor-vyatipateshu parvasu || Aho-ratr-oshitah snanam braddham danam tatha japam | yah karoti prasann-atma tasya syad-akshayancha tat || See I.H.Q., Vol. XXIII, p. 235; Ind. Cult., Vol. IX, p. 124; J.R.A.S.B., L., Vol. XV, p. 104. Most of the grants of the Buddhist Pala kings were made in favour of Brahmanas. The Manahali plate (Gaudalekhamala, pp. 148 ff.) records a grant of king Madanapala to a Brahmana as dakshina for his recitation of the Mahabharata before the Patamahadevi Chitramatikadevi. The Bhagalpur plate (ibid., pp. 56 ff.; cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 309) of the Paramasaugata king Narayanapala speaks of his Saivite leanings and records a grant made by the king "for the suitable performanance of puja, bali, charu and satra, for the navakarman (i.e., repairs or extensions of the temple) and for other requirements of the divine Siva-bhattaraka at Kalasapota, for whom Narayanapala himself has built a sahasr-ayatana (possibly a temple with thousand pillars) and whom he has put up there (at Kalasapota); in order to provide couches and seats, medicines for the sick, requisites, etc., to the congregation of Paeupata teachers (at Kalaeapota); and in order to enable the Pasupatas to bestow blameless enjoyments, consisting of a share fixed by them, on other persons as desired by them". See Ins. Beng., Vol. III, pp. 64, 75, 88, etc.

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No. 1] TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA verses from the introduction of one's predecessor's charter became prevalent in the Pala house amongst the descendants of Vigra hapala or Surapala I (circa 850-54 A. C.) who was the cousin's son and successor of Devapala (circa 810-50 A. C.). The first six verses of our record describe the exploits of Gopala I (circa 750-70 A. C.) who was the first imperial ruler of the Pala dynasty, his son Dharmapala (circa 770-810 A. C.), his younger brother and general Vakpala, his son Jayapala who was a general of Devapala, his son Vigrahapala I and his son Narayanapaia (circa 854-908 A. C.). These verses are noticed for the first time in the charter of Narayanapala and are found quoted in all the later grants of the family. It is as yet unknown whether the first five of these verses were quoted by Narayanapala from a charter of his father, as no copper-plate grant of Vigrahapala I has so far been discovered. We have also as yet no charter of the time of Rajyapala (circa 908-40 A. C.), son and successor of Narayanapala, although the Jajilpaja plate of Gopala II (circa 940-85 A. C.), son and successor of Rajyapala, was published some time ago in the Bengali journal Bharatavarsha (B. S. 1334, part i, pp. 264 ff.). It is therefore no wonder that verses 7-9 of our record dealing with Rajyapala and Gopala II are also found in the Jajilpasa plate. Verse 10 speaks of Vigrahapala II (circa 985-88 A. C.), son and successor of Gopala II, and the following two versei (verses 11-12) of his son and successor, the reigning monarch Mahipala I (circa 9881038 A.C.). Verse 11 says that Mahipala I recovered his paternal rajya, which had become anadhikrita-vilupta (Iowu owing to the occupation by usurpers), after having killed all the enemies in battle by the prowess of his own arms. Our inscription, dated in the king's fifth regnal year, shows that Mahipala attained success against the enemies quite early in his reign. The enemies who dispossessed Mahipala I of his paternal kingdom are usually indentified with the Kamboja rulers of northern and south-western Bengal known from the Bangash pillar inscription and the Irda plate, although there is a theory challenging the suggestion of Kamboja occupation of parts of Bengal in the second half of the tenth century A. C. Whatever be the truth of the suggestion regarding the recovery of northern and south-western Bengal by Mahipala I from the Kambojas, we know that the Pala king very probably reconquered south-east Bengal from the Chandras quite early in his reign. As I have elsewhere shown, the Chandras originally ruled over Chandradvipa, otherwise called Vangaladesa, in the Buckerganj region of southern Bengal ; but Srichandra, the first imperial ruler of the family, conquered and ruled over wide regions of south-east Bengal in the second half of the tenth century. There was a short eclipse of Chandra power after Srichandra apparently owing to the success of Mahipala I. This is suggested not only by Mahipala's claim referred to above, but also by the Baghaura' and Narayanpur inscriptions, dated respectively in his 3rd and 4th regnal years, which speak of Mahipala's rule over Samatata, i.e., the present Tippera-Noakhali region, although Chandra guzerainty was re-established in eastern and south-eastern Bengal by Govindachandra during the life-time of Mahipala I himself. Verse 12 of our record says that the war elephants of Mahipala I roamed in the eastern countries, then in the valleys of the Malaya mountain range (the modern Travancore hills), next in the Maru country (i.e., the Marwar region in the Rajputana desert in the ancient Western division of India) and ultimately in the valleys of the Himalayas. This has often been taken to indicate aimless wanderings of the Pala army owing to a great catastrophe that befell the Pala kingdom. But, 1 Gaudalikhamala, pp. 55 ff. Soo Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XVII, PP. 137-44. * History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, pp. 133 ff., 190 f. * Ind. Cult., Vol. VII, pp. 410 ff. The Chandras originally owed allegiance to a dynasty of Harikela kings possibly represented by Kantideva of the Chittagong plate. See also J.R.A.S.B., L., Vol. XVII, pp. 90-91. Abuve, Vol. XVII, p. 351. * Ind. Cull., Vol. IX, pp. 121-25. Hisory of Bengal, op. cit., p. 136.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX as I have demonstrated elsewhere, it refors to the usual conventional claim of dig-vijaya over the chakravarti-kshetra covering the whole of India. That the claim has not inach history behind it is clear from the fact that the same verse, describing the exploits of Mahipala's forces in the present record, has been employed in the Bangath plate of the same king to eulogize the achievements of the army of the king's father Vigrahapala II. Again, the same verse is also found in the Jajilpara plate of Gopala II as well as the Imgachhi' and Belws plates of Vigrahapala III (grandson of Mahipala I) in the description of the exploits of the armies of the reigning monarchs. Lines 23-27 of the charter introduce the place of issue which was the jaya-skandhavara at the city of Sabasaganda. It is interesting to note that the same description is employed in all the Pala charters, beginning with those of Dharmapala, although the jaya-skandhavaras (probably temporary capitals) themselves were different. This stereotyped description suits only a city on the Bhagirathi (i.e., the Ganges) and it suggests that the various jaya-skandhavaras, some of which cannot be satisfactorily indentified, were all situated on the Ganges. This is supported by the fact that most of the grants were made by the Pala kings after taking a bath in the waters of the Ganges. Linee 27-28 introduce the reigning monarch, who was in good health while making the grant, as the Parainasaunata (devout Buddhist) Paramesvara Paramabhattaraka Maharajudhiraja Mahipaladeva who ineditated on (or was favoured by) the feet of the Maharajadhiraja Vigrahapaladevs. Lines 28-31 give details regarding the gift land which consisted of three localities all situated in the Pundravardhana bhukti. The first of the three was Osinna-Kaivarttavfitti which measured 210 and was attached to the territorial unit called Amalakshuddunga within the Phanita vithi. The expression sva-sambaddh-avichchhinna tal-opeta (i.e., 'land that pertains to the king's own self and has its ground not yet alienated'), found in the description of the piece of land, ie also known from other Pala charters. The standard land measure, according to which the area of OsinnaKaivarttavritti was calculated to have been 210, has not been spocified. The Belwa plate of Vigrahapala III, edited below, speaks of the land measures udamana, adhavapa, drona (i.e., dronavapa) and kulya (i.e., kulyavapa) as prevalent in the same locality. Of these, 4 adhavapas made 1 drona, 8 of which were equal to 1 kulya. As I have shown elsewhere, about 45 udaminas (otherwise called udana or unmana) probably mad) an adhavapa (originally from 4 to 5 modern Bengal Bighas of land). It is difficult to determine as to which of the four land measures has been ragarded as the standard one in the record under discussion, especially in view of the fact that all the four are known to have been the standard land measure in different localities, although the area of each may not have been the same in all places. The high number in the specification of the ana suggests that the reference is possibly not to the kulya or kulyavapa. The second piece of the gift land coraprised the locality called Nandisva mini which measured 490 of the standard land measure and was situated in Shattapanayichatra which incorporated Panchukandaka and lay in the Pundarika mandala. The third plot of the gift land was the locality called Ganesvara to which some village tanks were attached. The area of this plot was 151 of the standard land measure and it was situated in the Panchanagari vishaya. 1 J. R. A. 8. B., L., Vol. V, pp. 407-15, especially p. 410. * Above, Vol. XV, 295 ff. * The following jaya-skandhavaras are known to have been places of issue of the Pala cbarters: Pataliputra (near modern Patna), Mudgagiri (modern Monghyr), Ramivati (near modern Gaur in the Malda District), Vataparvataka (modern Vatesvar-pervat near Patharghata in the Bhagalpur District), Vilabapura and Sabasaganda. The name of the place, whence the Amgachhi plate of Vigrahapala III was issued, is doubtful; but to me it appears to be Vilasapura. * I.H.Q., Vol. XXVI, pp. 309-13.

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No. 11 TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA The list of officials and others associated with the above three pieces of the gift land is quoted in lines 31-40. This is practically the same in all Pals records. In this list is included servants like chafas and bhaas (regular and irregular soldiers, or policemen and peons) of various nationalities such as Gauda, Malava, eto. These are for the first time noticed in the Nalanda plate of Dharmapals. The privileges to be enjoyed by the donee specified in lines 41-44 are also common with other records of the Pala kings. As in so many other records of the Palas, the above three villages are said to have been granted in the name of (uddi sya) the lord Buddha-bhattaraka for the increase of merit and fame of the king and his parents. The specified land was made a permanent rentfree holding in favour of the Brahmana Jivadharadevasarman, who belonged to the Hastidass gotra having the Angirasa, Ambarisha and Yauvanasva pravaras and was the son of Dhiresvaradevasarman and grandson of Vishnudevasarman. The king's request to the officials and others as well as to the future rulers of the area for the protection of his grant and his order to the cultivators to offer in due time to the donee all dues including bhaga, bhoga, kara and hiranya are couched in the same language as in the other Pala charters. After giving the date (Samvat 5 Sravana-dine 26) in line 49, the imprecatory verses, found not only in the Bangarh plate of the same king but also in other grants of the Pala kings, are quoted in lines 50-56. The last two verses of the record mention the dutaka (executor) of the grant and the engraver of the plates. It is said that Mahipaladeva made the mantrin (minister) Lakshmidhara the executor of the charter. The plates are said to have been engraved by the artisan Pushyaditya who was the son of Chandraditya hailing from the village of Poshali. The artisans of Poshali are also known to have angraved some other records of the Pala kings such as the Bangarh plate of Mahipala I and the Amgachhi plate of Vigrahapala III. Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the jaya-skandhavara called sabasagande nagara, which was apparently situated on the Ganges, cannot be satisfactorily indentified. The gift villages, viz., Osinna-Kaivartta vritti (i.e., Osinna which had been once allotted to the Kaivarttas for their service), Nandisvamini and Ganekvara cannot also be identified. These three villages 1 Those aro: rajan (subordinate king): rajanyaka (feudatory chief); rajaputra (possibly, noble man); rajd. matya (minister or executive officer): mahasandhivigrahika (minister for war and peace); mahakshapa falika (acoountant); mahasamanta (foudatory): mahasenapati (general); mahapratthara (officer in charge of the palace-gate); mahakartakritika not mentioned in our record; dauhaadhasadhanika; mahadandanayaka (judge); mahakumar. amatya (minister of the rank of a prince of the royal blood); rajasthan-Oparika (viceroy); dasaparadhika (minor judge); chauroddharanika (prefect of the police); dandika; dandapafika (police officer); Saulkika (customs officer); gaulmika (officer in charge of a police station); kshetrapa (officer in charge of the royal lands); pranta pala (warden of the marches); koftapala (governor of a fort); khandaraksha or angarakaha; those appointed or commissioned by the above-mentioned; those in charge of elephants, horses, camels, navy and army; those in charge of foals, mares, cows, she-buffaloes, goats and sheep; dutaprishanika; gamagamika ; abhitvaramara ; head of a district; head of a village ; ferry-man; chafa, bhafa and other servants of such nationalities as Gauda, Malava, Khasa, Hapa, Kulika, Karppata and Lata; other unnamed subjects and servants of the king. Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 291 ff. These were : 'ap to its boundaries, grass and pasture land' (sva-sima-lpinayuti-gochara-paryanta); 'with its ground' (80-tala); 'with the space (above the ground)' (8-oddeda); 'with its mango and madhuka trees'; 'with its water and dry land'; 'with its pits and saline spots' (sa-parti-shara); 'with the tax from temporary tenants' (8-6parikara), although this is omitted in our record ; 'with dasapachara (das-aparadha of other records which refers to the fine realised for ten minor offences)!; 'with things recovered from thieves' (84-chaur-Oddharana); 'with exemption from all opprossions'; 'not to be entered by chatas and bhafas (usually interpreted as regular and irregular troops, but may be policemen and peons)'; 'nothing to be taken (by way of tax, etc.)'; 'together with all revenues such as bhaga (royal share of the produce), bhoga (periodical supply of fruits, eto.), kara (taxes), Airanya (tax to be paid in coins), eto.'; 'socording to the maxim of bhumi-chchhidra'; 'to last as long a time as the moon, the sun, and the earth shall anduro'. Bhumichchhidra-nyaya refers to the custom of allowing a person who brings a piece of fallow or jungle land under oultivation to enjoy it without paying rent.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX were situated respectively in Amalakshuddunga within the Phanita vithi (subdivision), in Shattapanayichatra incorporating Panchakandaka within the Pundarika mandala (smaller district or its part), and in the Panchanagari vishaya (district). Of these, the Panchanagari vishaya no doubt had its headquarters at the city of the same name whence the Baigram plate was issued. We have elsewhere suggested that this city is possibly the same as Ptolemey's Pentapolis and is no other than modern Panohbibi in the Bogra District. The bhukti (province) of Pundravardhana, identified with modern Mahasthan in the Bogra District, originally comprised northern Bengal, although in later times its jurisdiction is known sometimes to have extended over certain parts of south-eastern and southern Bengal. The village of Poshali, whence the family of the engraver hailed, seems to be the same as the Poshall galli of the Radhiya Brahmanas of Bengal. The village has been identified with modern Poshela about 5 miles to the south-east of Mangalkot in the Burdwan District of West Bengal, although little can be said in favour of the identification. TEXT (Metres : Verses 1, 8 Sragdhara; verses 2, 3, 6 Sardulavikridita ; verses 4, 7, 10 Vasantatilaki; Verse 5 Arya ; verse 9 Indravajra ; verse 11 Malini ; verse 12 Mandakranta ; verses '3-17, 20, 21 Anushfubh ; verse 18 Salini ; verse 19 Pushpitagra.] Obverse 1 Niocll*) (Siddham|| ] Svasti (11) Maitrin-karunya-ratna-pramudita-hridayah preyasi[m] ni' 2 sandadhanah samyak-samvo(mbo)dhi-vidya-sarid-amala-ja3 la-kshalit-ajnana-pankah | jitvi yah [kama*]kari-prabha4 vam-abhibhavam salvatim=prapa santi[m] sa brima5 l-Lo(l-Lo)kanatho jayati dasa-va(ba)lo='nyas=cha Gopa6 ladevah || [1] Lakshmi-janma-niketanam sama[ka]ro vodhum ksha7 mah kshma-bharam paksha-chchheda-bhayad=upasthitavatam=ek-asrayo bhubhsitam maryada-paripalan-aika-niratah saury-als8 yo=smad=abhud=dugdh-ambhodhi-vilasa-hasi-mahima sri-Dharmmapalo nfipah | [2*] Ra masy-eva grihita-satya-tapasas-tasy-inurupo 9 gunaih Saumitrer=udapadi tulya-mahima Vakpala-nam=anujah [l*) yah sriman=naya-vikram aika-Vasatir-bhratuh sthitah kasa10 ne kunyah katru-patakinibhir= akarod=ek-atapatra dikah || [3] Tasmad-Upendra-charitai[r= jagatim punanah putro va(ba)bhuva vijayi 11 Jayapala-nama | dharma-dvisham su(ka)mayi[ta] yudhi Devapale yah purvaje bhuvana rajya-sukhany=8[n]aishit ! [4*] Sriman-Vigrahapala12 s=ta[t]-sunur=Ajatasatrur-iva jatah [l*) bu(sa)tru-vanita-prasadhana-vilopi-vimal-asi-jala dharah || [5*] Dikpalaih kshiti-palanaya da13 dhatar dehe vibhakta[nagu][A]n br[i]mantan=janayamva(mba)bhuva tanayam Narayanam sa prabhuh | yah kah[7]pipatibhih biro-mani-ruch-aslisht-a[m]ghri-pi1 Mr. Gupta is inclined to identify Pbanita with Panitual or Pinitola on the Katatoya and Amalakshuddunga with Amalgarf not far from Belwa. He also equates ganda in Sahara-ganda with the dri-ending of modern names * Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 342. * Ibid., p. 498. .N. N. Vasu. Vanger Jaffya Itihasa, Brahmana-kanda (Bengali), Vol. I, p. 12. . From an impression. * Niis soontraction of the word ribaddha, "registered," "endorscu." * Expressed by a symbol. * The danda is superfluous.

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Two PALA PLATES FROM BELWA A.-PLATE OF MAHIPALA I; REGNAL YEAR 5 Obverse Panormat jAlanA TANTRALIAMERGREETIRSA 20vAna rAma sabhAkara htt ( 72 lamalitAsanyapura 16dAyakA 4maNISAT zAsa4 bAkasamA jayana 12by's | lArasI.mara (narAyamApavATU mAgAsamaharagAegAcavatAravAyakarAsasaghAmAyayAlanahArahajara yAta 8 yAsArayavahArA TAlamA mAjAlArA gAyAtadAtasAtavyasyAmsAya SITMEMjAba sarAstA mAramATAsAjarAmaratarAvarakarAnamansUramAyA 100148THERsahAnAtAliyAparadAtAmAyasanakAlatAma10 31 CRICE hamArAtira tayasapanAjastarAsayUmA rupAmA zalAna 12 sadhyanarama 3Ata:5134tAyAtamatirAvAlAmaUlAmAlAlAivalarAma 12 BAALVEER samAyavataraNalAyA gAnArAma lAmAla 14 ba yAnamA kAravAhAtasayatamAsanAlA yAyalAvalAsarAptiAsa14 basaramamAvasyA takIviruvanarAza tayAjAgAjayAlalatamAmAtAkapAlasAtavyAtUna 160AM sAha sapAlAdatAratamAyArAgAravAparatAvyAta yAlAta 16 tArI lAmAlasAmativaritasatyanajanAzavasanAmAmAHNEET 18 RATTIMATkarADasAdAla yAsakta zAlarAtrAtasyAesamyAtiharA 18 kAritasara tathAlAsarAlAbAlakasAgarAmAyajAmataratAtalA 2017latisAra (ravAlasyatatasbAhamAlayAcavAvAdatatalavAjAra20 BAsArarataralapAsAyadAnAsAnArarayAsasvatamAmamAtamyArAhAta 22 HRA sarasAvalA tArArAtAlA kArakhAnA cAlalAvaramadajanya mAlArA 22 PARVATta rAma rAmanivAsavATArasAyatArAntamAyAmAmAmAsa 24ABIRFLASIC /TASEAT manavAyAlAsamavayana tahaladaramazasArasahArA 24 bhAratimahatAbArAdarAvA(ZAbadataralAsAratAzanamAhAtapAyara mAratAyA 26 tAsa sa rAvAsAdayAjAgAjAsahAgarAsunAvAsa 26 MANTA zAdiyAlAravazAsanasatavavaradarAjakATakaratAta 28 IELA lAlAratAnAlA yAvahatAdAtmatAsagarahavAmAnabarAma HTTARVAtaragayA gAyanAkavata vAtAyAtakA mAralAdhyatAlamA uhAvata 30TRATHIsatAta parata:57. yamAlAcyAjavAyasanAzAta sayAnasAtapayasAzAstragala 30 ACErayA nAmanirAgamaravarAjatahamAvatarAnAkAmAptiAmA 32 2 12 mahinAmAyAmAlA sasAnAsAdAjArAtatyadAyatIdAnAmyAtayatA 32 PRATAsavAnarAjamA(mAyaratAsAsArAzatakAtalAsarAlamAribAra 22 HAIRAVINATAanata yAna-sAtabAramAhaTana taladalasarAlA SCALE: ONE-HALF

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Reverse 34 | yaieaattthiir bhaai (yme 34 36 tassyme bsuizJXJr 36 dr'u r'aar`sse. | 34 | (se|bissbnmy': 4 dinkaay'n 44 / ' bzrknisul(@ssmaa hbe @@Hkhni / 40 ye r'aapiyPSizrmermimograamer mesej 40 *52772aQr'sktthelnemesenyjbaabuy'er / 42 haate maarjflstusnyjaabiiH (aitriimaayerhdhssrth: 42 baadhg2es@jases ( yemti 44 19r`ndh suphlbeseibu5e8cr` buddher smstm 44 ai saahaa(824dhre smrthk| baa(@nk shNssaa 46 buth|sur'br'Nbedaarruuh| suua-ebses 46 (oskuir'e|bsnn hy'7isyaanitte mehmsobaah by'e 44 bnbhuy3Lzhi-hnuhliiqn bsembinQ: murbiprmik 48 sQshjnyes & blsy'exs: 5|sumii 'ntime 2.6 dhrtre| 50 yuny(sH(Assry'bhubAe2:24|i%e0zshjnyettie 50| [ihHbsygusphusssttemdhutber saay'emiiy'maan| 52 jutrerdhaanssrphrmesuusr sby'e 62 gbesskey'chQzzne sbo| 54 42:yaanraannaathn sur: ygHsNsaakhrkhaan:54 (gmn baansnsHl(5aamne melaamnyeX3) 562(amaimnchuruuhl Hysb [7 (@iimr'br'en 56 1ssaayphaaire ' mrmii htyaar mn,msursun 54 191494 tu ryse ( ae. . | 19 * 58

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No. 1] TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA 14 th-opalam nyay-opattam-alanchakara charitaih svair-eva dharmm-asanam(nam) || [6] Toyalayair-jaladhi-mula-gabhira-garbhai[r]-da(r-de)valayais-cha 15 kula-bhudhara-tulya-kakahaih | vikhyata-ki[r]ttir-abhavat-tanayas-cha tasya sri-Rajyapala iti madhyama-loka-palah || [7*] Tasmat-pu[r]va-kshiti 16 dhran-nidhir=iva mahasam Rashtrakut-anvay-endos-Tungasy-ottunga-maule[r]=duhitari tanayo Bhagyadevyam prasitah [*] sriman-Gopaladevas-chi 17 rataram-avaner-eka-patnya iv-aiko bhattra(rtt-a)bhun-naika-ratna-dyuti-khachita-chatuhsindhu-chitr-amsukayah | [8*] Yam svaminam raja-gunair-anuna 7. 18 [m-a]sevate [cha]rutay-anurakta | utsaha-mantra-prabhusakti-lakshmih prithvim sapatnim= iva silayanti || [9*] Tasmad-va(d-ba) bhuva savitur-vasu 19 koti-varshi | kalena chandra iva Vigrahapaladevah | netra-priyena vimalena kalamayena yen-oditena dalito bhuva 20 nasya tapah || [10*] Hata-sakala-vipakshah sangare va(ba)hu-da[r]pa(rpa)d=anadhikritaviluptam rajyam-Laidya pitryam(tryam ) nihita-charana-padmo bhu 21 bhujam murdhni tasmad-abhavad-avanipalah sri-Mahipaladevah || [11*] Dese prachi prachura-payasi svachchham-apiya toyam svairam bhrantva ta 22 d-anu Malay-opatyaka-chaudaneshu | kritva sandrair-Marushu jadatam sikarair-abhra-tulyah Praleyadreh katakam-abhajan yasya sena 23 gaj-endrah || [12*] Sa khalu Bhagirathi-patha-pravarttamana-nanavidha-nau-vataka-sampadita-setu-va(ba)ndha-[nihita-saila]-dikhara-reni-vibhra 24 mat |1 ni[ra]tisaya-ghana-ghanaghana-ghata-syamayamana-vasara-lakshmi-samaravdha(bdha)-santata-jalada-samaya-sandehat |1 udichi 25 n-aneka-narapati-pra[bhri]tikrit-aprameya-haya-vahini-khara-khur-otkhata-dhuli-dhusarita digantaralat paramesvara-seva-sa 25 mayat-detha-Jamvu(mba)dvipa-bhapal-ananta-pa[da]ta-bhara-namad-avandh sri-Sihasagada-nagara-samavasi[ta*]t srimaj-jayaskandhavara 27 [] paramasaugato maharajadhiraja-sri-Vigrahapaladeva-pad-anudhyatah parameavaraparamabhattaraka-maharajadhi 28 rajah sriman-Mahipaladevah kusali sri-Pundravarddhana-bhuktau |1 Phanita-vithi-samva(mba)ddha-"Amala[kahuddu]Ag-Antahpati-sva-samvi 29 vichchhinna-tal-opeta-[da]-ottara-data-dvaya-praman-Ausi[nna]-Kaivartta-vritti Pupda rika-mandal-antahps(pa)ti-Palebakindak-dhika 30 Shattapanayichatre navaty-uttara-chatuh-sata-pramana-Nandisvamini-1 Panchanagarivishay-antahpati- eka panchasad-uttara-sa 31 ta-pramina-Gapeevara-sameta-grama-pushki(shka)riplahu samupagara(t-a)sosha-rajapurushan raja-rajanyaka- ' rajaputra- ' rajama 32 tya- | mahasandhivigrahika- ' mahakshapatalika ' mahasamanta- ' mahasena pati- |1 maha[pra]tihara | dauhsadhasadhani 1 The danda is superfluous. Originally ni was engraved. * Sandhi has not been observed here. Read sambaddh-a". * Better read "chatra-. Chatra may be the same as chaturaka (cf. Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 94).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 33 [ka)- | mabadandanayaka- mabakumaramatya-. | rajasthan-Oparika '1', dakaparadhika- !" chauroddharanika- | dandika danda Reverse 34 pasi(si)ka- | saulkika- l' gaulmika-kshetrapa-l prantapala-i kottapa35 la- ' 'angaraksha- tad-ayukta-viniyuktaka- l' hasty-asv-oshtra36 nau-va(ba)la-vyapritaka-l" ki[67]ra-vadava-go-mahishy-aj-.37 vik-adhyaksha- dutapreshanika-gamagamika- abhitva[ra*)38 mana-/' vishayapati-| gramapati-i tarika-| Gauda-li Malava-/ 39 Khasa-l Huna. Kulika-| Karnnata-| Lata-l chata-l bhata-l' sevak-adin | anyamg=ch= akirttitan raja-pad-opajivinah prativ40 sino Vrahman-aitaran | mahattam-ottama-kutumvi(mbi)-puroga-Med-Andhra-Changala-pary. antan yath-arham manayati vo(bo)dhayati sa41 madisati cha viditan=astu bhavatam | yath=Oparilikhitah tri-gramah sva-sima-tripayuti gochara-paryantah sa-tala42 8-oddebah s-amra-madhukah sa-jala-sthalah | sa-gratt-osharah | sa-dag-apacharah | sa chaur-oddharanah parihtita-sarva-pidah "A43 chata-bhata-pravesah | a-kinchit-pragrabah(hyah) | samasta-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirapy-adi pratyaya-sametah | bhumi-chchhidra-nyaye44 na 2-chandr-arka-kshiti-sama-kalar mata-pitror=atmanas-cha punya-yaso-bhivriddhay: bhagavantam Vu(Bu)ddha-bhattarakam=uddisya A45 ngiras-Amva(mba)risha-Ya(Yau)mu(va)nasva-pravaraya | Hastidasa-sagatraya Vishnudevs Sarmanah pautraya | Dhiresvaradevasarmmanah 46 putraya | bri-Jivadharadevasarmmane | visu(shu)vat-sankrantau vidhivat | Gamyayam Bnatva sasaniksitya pradatto=smabhih' ( 847 to bhavadbhi[s=sa]rvair-ev=anumanta vyam bhavibhis-oba bhupatibhih | bhumer=dana-phala gauravat 'apaharane cha maha-naraka48 pata-bhaya(ya)t | danam=idam=anumody=anupalaniyam l' prativasibhis=cha kshetrakarai) i ajna-Sravana-vidhegibhuya yatha-kala[m] 49 samuchita-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-adi-pratyay-opanayah ka[rya) iti | Samva(samva)t [5] Sravana-dine 26 [ll*) Bhavanti ch=atra dha50 rmma(rmm-a)nusamsinah slokah [l*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih | yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya (tasya*] tada phalam(lam) || [13*] Bhu51 mim yah pratigrihna(hna)ti yas-cha bhumim prayachchhati ubhaibhau) tau punya-karmma (rmma)pau niyatam svarga-gaminau || [14*] Gam=eka[m] svarnnam=e. 52 kan-cha bhumer=&py=arddham=angulam(lam) | haran-narakam=a(m=a)yati ya(ya)va[d=a*) huta-samplavam(vam) || [15*] Shashtim=va(shtim va)rsha-sahasra(sra)ni svargge modati bhumida 1 The danda is superfluous. The designation rajasthan-oparika is found as rajasthaniy-oparika in most of the Pala records. * Sandhi has not been observed here. * Read Brahman-ottaran. * Originally paryantab was engraved. * Likhito=yam gramah was originally engraved. All the epithets of gramab in the singulas in lines 41-43 woro later made plural to suit tri-gramah by the addition of an a matra. But pradallamabhid in line 46 osoa pod the eagra vor's notice and was left uncorrected. Read pradatta asmabhib.

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No. 1] TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA 53 h | akshepta ch=anumanta cha tany=eva narake vaset || [16*] Sva-dattam para-dattam (va) yo hare[ta*) vasundharam(ram) | sa vishthayam krimir=bhutva pi54 tribhih saha pachyate ||[17*] Sarvan=etan=bhavinah parthiv-endran=bhuyo bhuyah prarthayate (ty=e)sha Ramah samanyo=yam dharmma-setur=nti55 panam kale kale palaniyah kramena || (18*] Iti kamala-dal-amvu-(l-ambu)-vindu-lolan briyam=anuvichintyal ma[nu*]shya-jivita56 x=oha sakalam-idam=udahsitan=cha vu(bu)ddhva na hi purushaih para-kirttayo vilopya iti | Sri-Mahipaladevena dvija-sre57 shth-opapadite [l*] [bri]mal-La(I=La)kshmidharo mantri sasane ditakah kritah || [20*] Poshali grama-niryata-Cha[ndra]dityasya su(su)nuna | i. 58 dam sasanamrutkirnnam sri-Pushyadityena silpina || [2107 B.--Plate of Vigrahapala III; Regnal Year 11 The inscription is written on a single plate which is of the same size as the Belwa plate of Mahipala I, edited above. The seal, which is broken at the top, very closely resembles that of Mahipala's plate. The legend on the seal, attached to the charter under discussion, reads fri-Vigrahapaladevah. There are 54 lines of writing on both sides of the plate, the obverse containing 29 lines and the reverse 25. The preservation of the writing on the plate is not quite satisfactory. Some of the letters have suffered from the effects of corrosion. Five lines at the top on the obverse of the plate and four lines at the top on the reverse have a gap in the middle owing to the space occupied by the lower part of the seal. Little calls for special mention in regard to the palacography, language and orthography of the inscription as they very closely resemble those of the Amgachhi plate, the only other copperplate charter of king Vigrahapala III so far published. In most cases in our inscription, the left curve of the letter n does not start from its top but from the middle of its central vertical. The letter & usually resembles in form the conjunct tbh or vbh as found in some inscriptions of the Gupta age. The charter is dated on the 19th day of Bhadra in the year 11 of the king's reign (line 46). Like the Belwa plate of Mahipala I and several other rocords of the family, the grant under discussion was made by king Vigrahapala III after having taken a ceremonial bath in the waters of the Ganges on the occasion of the vishuvat-sankranti. It appears therefore, as in the case of Mahipala's record discussed above, that the grant had been made on the 1st day of solar Vaisakha, although the charter was issued a few months later. As in the grant of Mahipala I edited above, both at the beginning and at the end of the first line of our charter occurs the letter ni which is a contraction of the expression nibaddha meaning 'registered. The actual record begins with the siddham symbol and the word svasti which are followed by fourteen verses (lines 1-22).) These verses are also found in the Amgachhi plate of the same king. Of these, twelve verses are common with Mahipala's plate edited above. But, as already pointed out, the verse referring to the exploits of the king's elephant force in all the four corners of the chakravartti-kshetra (verse 14) is employad in the description of Vigrahapala III himself instead of that of Mahipala I. Verse 12 of our record speaks of king Nayapala (circa 1038-55 A. C.), son and successor of Mahipala I, and verse 13 of Nayapala's son and successor Vigrahapala III (circa 1055-90 A. C.) who issued the charter under discussion.) These verses are not only found 1 Read ='anuchintya. . Read vilopyah || (19*) iti. * Omit fri for the sake of the motre. * Above, Vol. XV, pp. 295 ff. 4 DGA .

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10 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX in the Amgachhi plate of Vigrahapala III, but also in the Manahali plate' of Madanapala (1144-62 A. C.), great-great-grandson of Vigraha pala III. As no other copper-plate oharter of the successors of Vigrahapala III, in which the verses are expected to have been quoted, has as yet been discovered and as the text of verse 13 of our record could not be satisfactorily read either in the Amgachhi or in the Manahali plate, the charter under discussion offers the correct reading of the verse in question for the first time. The charter was issued from the jaya-skandhavara of Vilasapura which was also the place of issue of the Bangah plate of Mahipala I and possibly of the Amgachhi plate of Vigrahapala III. Its description (lines 22-26) is the same as in other Pala charters including the Belwa plate of Mahipala I, edited above. Lines 26-27 introduces the Paramasaugata Paramesvara Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Srimad-Vigrahapaladeva as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of the Maharajadhiraja bri-Nayapaladeva and as enjoying good health at the time of making the grant. The land granted comprised parts (arddha) of the village called Lovanikama which was then recently cultivated and was attached to the Pundarika mandala (subdivision) within the Phanitavithi vishaya (district) of the Pundravardhana bhukti. Phanita was originally the name of a vithi (subdivision); but later Phanita-vithi came to be the name of a vishaya or district. It is said that Lovanikama was partitioned (riju-khandikrita) and that one part measuring 1 kulya (i.e., kulyavapa) 2 dronas (i.e., dronavapas) 37 adhavapas and 31 udamanas was left out, while the other measuring 3 kulyas 74 dronas and 11 udamanas was made the subject of the grant. The list of officials and others associated with the gift land (lines 29-37) and that of the privileges to be enjoyed by the donee (lines 38-49) are the same as in other Pala charters including the one edited above. The grant was made in the name of the lord Buddha-bhattaraka for the increase of the merit and fame of the king and his parents in favour of the Brahmana Jayanandadevssarman who belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra having the Bharadvaja, Angirasa and Barhaspatya pravaras and was the son of Sripatideva, grandson of Hrishikesadeva and great-grandson of Mitrakaradeva. The words tri prefixed and farman suffixed only to the name of Jayanandadeva appear to suggest that he was living while his ancestors were all dead and that sarman was already regarded as a distinctive Brahinanical name-suffix, although it was not an integral part of the family's cognomen. The donee is said to have been a student of the Pippalada sakha and to have been reputed for his scholarship in mimamsa, grammar and logic. He was an inhabitant of Vallavagrama, but his family hailed from Vahodagrama. His epithet eri-Ananta-sabrahmacharin literally means that he was & co-student of a Brahmana named Ananta. It however seems to me that the reference is here not to a co-student of the donee but to his preceptor. The king's request to the officials and others as well as to the future rulers of the locality and his order to the cultivators to offer the dues payable to the donee in due time come next in lines 44-46. The date (Samvat 11 Bhadra-dine 19) is also given in line 46. The usual imprecatory and benedictory verges are quoted in lines 47-53. The two concluding stanzas in lines 53-54 speak of the dutaka (executor) of the grant and the engraver of the plates. It is said that one Trilochana was made the executor of the charter by king Vigrahapala. The plates were engraved hy the artisan Prithvideva who was a son of Haradeva hailing from the village of Tinnidi. Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, Vilasapura, whence the grant was issued, cannot be satisfactorily identified, although it was apparently situated on the Ganges. The 1. Gaudalekhamala, pp. 147 ff. * J.R.A.S.B., L., Vol. XVII, pp. 27-31. For the date of Vigrahapala III, see our paper on the Bangaon plato to be published in this journal. * Ol. Khotak-ahdra and Khetakahara-vishaya ; Kudar-ahara and Kudurahara-vishaya in Successors of the dalavahanas, p. 42, * Soe our pop or on the Bangaon plate to be published in this ournal.

Page #28
4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 26 28 MMVEENA BITC sA tanakanihaoo Two PALA PLATES FROM BELWA B. -- PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III; REGNAL YEAR 11 Da NEPTE ke savAla thA tuma rAya yA vayAta vaha poza bhAratiya darA mahAgaHpUrvajna vitAya sAla melA sijana ho / 10 sArikA moDalaya ne vArANasI: jain bhAjapA varIla vAyaramana arthAta 12 sAThA kArya sAtha rAmanAma elaI syAra nika i Obverse dAdA 12 lagAyata bhAvAlA mAma dI zArthanAtha P meM darA 45 risiyAnA salamAna yAna rAzida sadarIla likara bArAta rAzana lAla nAma ke bhUmita kara eka vIra yA svATika vilaya kA samAgam 13 sita 1 rAmabADamA malayAlama rAya sadA 2 malAyA tayArIkA lA zivA SCALE: ONE-HALF 2 rAmarAyAcaM dAnava divAla disAmAsAna rAmagaraH rilAyana jAne mAladA jAtIya starAvara chatrI rAmadA jati rA ketalI mAiti samAzva kirAta salaga jayakAra 4 6 8 dina sunavAdaniH akharoTa 20 222222 14 16 18 24 26 28

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Reverse nimAma mAyAmA kA yajatAnAma gAtAnA gyaa| 328 sAsArAma bAdAsa bAra tAmAka mAramA mInA rAvimAdA bArA timAgAvakAritA 34 THARATTIyata satAyA nayA sAkAra pAnAhAnarAsaka janatAda yAyAmAnAtaka kI 34 sAinAma mAlakAsasirimAza mAlImArita mogAnimayAta matAbha 36 mAlavAyA tAvanihAyalA sasATAvAyatakonAnAyalA bolavAlA mArayajAma 36 sAMgAyA sabaminAyA namAmilAmA milatA vAnArAmAdamA timahAtahaniyamAcyA 36 tAratamabharatI yApmA garititiArAmana sAmAvalAyaniha rayATiyA yAmamavApa-38 jalayukkhAyana yAnAvihArAzanarAvayAu diyayAvata mAvi zAsa bhayamayAta 401 (sazaka dizAdiyAyAma nAminiSArAvA yAcAhaminiyamahAtamAgApamAnAmAvAlA gyaa| 140 zatavaddhasAraka mAiyAdavakAsaTohAnAgAdAbAlAdimatAlApardhanarAja 42 ziNalA jAtAnAzAvamImA nAkAratAnA vistArAsAdaDAgAstavamAsAlAnAjInAmA 42 minAstyagonAMsadasamavAdamAgotAyAjAgatimtiyanA mAzAjayAbadAravazamAtAtivAtajA vikimAna 448 jApAnAtakhokamayadAnAcyAdima mAnada sAtArAvamA mAdAtAharAlayAvAsAlAnA 44 zItAla agadasatavavAdAvarakasAnadAyAtamannamaramajAmAjazAlacarAmAyatitAri nizAnA sajAya 46 savisAvarAyatAlayAmaliyArArirAjamadirA cirAnA gA rAvarANa mArAmanArAma sAtA 46 sanitA nAmAvAsabA sAkAhArivAravAdanApAlArAmyAzivAyamA satyAgarAjamisaMsArAsasa 45 mamAnisa yatirAjAtiya miamalAtIyavAha mAnAnsamAzasAmAnI zAma vayavamata 48 mazA apaDalakamamA sArayAmAsamA mAbijamAra paramarika 50 sAmAnavatAvAtAsanamA sAmAna sAsArAmAsAravANe kAma banArasadA50 nayamAvitAmAninAmAvatArArArA yAna sAsArAmAdA majamAnatAtopAna 52nisahamata raga manisAlohiyarihAmanmajAtapaDalAmA samasa2 kAvAsA vAmamA-tisAvArisamAnamasAlA maulA gAvAgAvatAnA 54 matana mAnasalagaratalAyamAna zAsana mahAvayAsamarAmA

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No. 1] TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA Pundravardhana bhukti and the Pundarika mandala are also mentioned in the Belwa plate of Mahipala I, discussed above. The Phanita-vithi vishaya of our inscription is mentioned in that record as the Phanita vithi only. The village of Livanikama and that of Tinnidi which was the original home of the engraver's family cannot be identified with any amount of precision. The village of Vellava, where the donee lived, is no doubt the same as the present Belwa, the findspot of the charter ; but the village of Vaheda, whence the donee's family hailed, cannot be identified. TEXT: [ Metres : Verse 11 Malina ; verse 12 Sikharini; verse 13 Sardulavikridita ; verse 14 Mandakranta ; verses 18-19, 22, 23 Anushfubh ; verse 20 Salini ; verse 21 Pushpitagra. ] Obverse Lines 1.-17' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 bhubhujan=murdhni tasmad=abhavad=avanipalah sri-Mahipaladevah || [11*] Tyajan-dosha sangam kirasi krita-padah kshitibhritam vitanvan sarvv-asah prasa 19 bham=Uday-adrer-iva ravih | hata-dhvanta[h*) snigdha-prakritir=anurag-aika-vasati[h*) suto va(dha)n[y]ah punyair-ajani Nayapalo narapatih || [12*] Pitah sajjana-lochanaih Sma. 20 raripoh pujasu raktah sada sangrame dhavalo='dhikag=cha Haritah kalah kule vidvisham (sham) | chaturvvarpnya-samasrayah sita-yasah-purair-jjagad=ranjaya[m*]s=ta21 smad=Vigrahapaladeva-nfipatih punyaj=jananam=abhut || [13*] Dese prachi prachura-payasi svachchham=apiya toyam svairai bhrantva tad-anu Malay-opatyaka-chandaneshu 22 kritva sandrair-Marushu jadatam tikarair=arvbha(bhra)-tulyah Pralegadreh katakam abhajayi(n=ya)sya sena-gajendrah [1!14*] Sa khalu Bhagirathi-patha-pravarattamana-na23 navidha-nau-vataka-sampadita-setu-va(ba)ndha-nihita-saila-bikhara-sreni-vibhrama[t] ponirati Saya-ghana-ghanaghana-ghata-syamayamana-vasara-lakshmi24 samkravdha(bdha)-santata-jalada-samaya-sandehata(hat) pudichin-aneka-narapati-prabhfiti krit-aprameya-haya-vabini-khara-khur-otkhata-dhuli-dhusari25 ta-digantaralat | paramesvara-8eva-samayat-asesha-Jamvu(mbu)-dvipa-bhupal-ananta padata-bhara-namad-avaneh | Vilasapura-sumavasita-Srima26 j-jaya-skandhavarat paramasaugato maharajadhi(dhi)raja-sri-Nayapaladeva-pad-anudhya. tab paramesvarah paramabhattarako maharajadhira27 ja-srimad-Vigrahapaladeva[ho ku]sali | Sri-Pundravarddhana-bhuktau Pha[ni]tavithi-vishay antahpati-Pundarika-mandala-samva(mba)ddha-adhuna-hala-kuli28 [t-arddha-L0]vanikamah(ma) -fiju-khandikrita-sarddha'-udamana-tray-ottara-sapad-adhay ipa tray-adhika-drona-dvay-opeta-kulya-pramanarsa-varjjita-sva29 samva(mba)ddh-avichchhinna-tal-apeta ekadas-odaman-adhika-sarddha-sapta-dron-opeta-kulya-traya-praman-amse | samupagat-isesha-rajapurushan Reverse 80 raja-tajanyaka-1* rajaputra- - rajamatya- 1 mahasandhivigrahika-l raba 1 From an impression. * The reading of those lines is practically the same as that of lines 1-20 of the plate of Mahipala I, edited above * Tho dapda is unnecessary. * The visarga was at first omitted and later made on ke. * Sandhi has not been observed hero. B2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 31 kshapatalika-l mahasamanta - mahasenapati - mahapratihara - dau32 hsadhasadhani[ka*)." mahadandanayaka-/" mahakumaramatya-/ rajastha33 n-oparika-/ dasaparadhika-/' chauroddharanika- dandika-l danda34 pasika-l sau (sau)lkika-Igaulmika- kshetrapa-l prantapala-kota(tta)pala-l' angaraksha tad-ayukta-viniyuktaka-l' hasty-asv-Oshtra-nau-va(ba)la-vyappitaka35 kisora-vadava-go-mahishy-aj-avik-adhyaksha-| dutapreshanika- gamagamika-l' abhitva ramana- vishayapati-l' gramapati- tarika- [l'] Gauda-[/' 36 Malava-| Khasa-1 Huna-11 Kulika- Karnnata | Lata-| chata-| bhata-' sevak-adin ! anyams=ch=akirttitan | raja-pad-opajivinah prativa37 sino Vra(Bra)hman-ottara[n] l' mahattam-ottama-kutumvi(mbi)-(puroga)-Med-Andhra-Chan dala-paryantan loyath-arham manayati | vo(bo)dhayatilsamidisati 38 cha | viditam=astu bhavatin yath=Oparilikhito='yam gramah sva-sima-[tri]nayuti gochara-paryantah sa-talah s-oddesah s-amra-madhukah 39 sa-jala-sthalah | sa-das-apacharah sa-chaur-oddharanah paribrita-sarva-pidah a-chata bhata-pravesah | a-kinchit-pragrajya(hya) samasta-bhaga40 bhoga-kara-hirany-adi-pratyaya-sametah | bhumi-chchhidra-nyayena' 2-[cha*]ndr-arka-kshiti sama-kalam mata-pitror=atmanas=chpunya-yaso41 bhivriddhaye bhagavantam Vu(Bu)ddha-bhattarakam-uddisya | Bharadvaja-sagotraya Bharadvaj-Angirasa-Va(Ba)rhaspatya-pravaraya po sri-Ananta-savra(bra)hmacha42 rina | Pippalada-sakh-adhyayine mimansa(mamsa)-vyakarana-tarkka-vide | Vahoda-grama vini[rgga]taya | Vellava-grama-vastavyaya | 43 Mitrakaradeva-prapautraya | Hrishikesadeva-pautraya | Sripatideva putraya | Sri-Jaya Dandadevabarmmane Vishuvat-samkrantau vidhivat . 44 Gangaya[m] snatva sa(sa) saniksitya pradatto='smabhih | ato bhavadbhih sarvait ev=anuman tavyam bhavibhir-api bhupatibhih | bhumer=ddana-phala 45 gauravat | apaharane cha mahanaraka-pata-bhayat | danam-idam=anumodys palaniyam prativasibhis-cha kshetrakaraih ajna-trava46 pa-vidheyibhuya yatha-kala[m] samuchita-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-adi-pratyay-opanayah karya iti || Samva(Samva)t 11 Bhadra-dine 19 (11) 47 Bhavanti chatra dharm-Anusarsinah slokab Va(Ba)hubhiruvvasudha datta rajabhis-Sagar idibhih | yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phala48 m || [15*] Bhumim yah pratigrihnati yas-cha bhumim=prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-kar minau niyatam svarga-gaminau | [16] Gam-ekam svarnnam=eka49 f-cha bhumer=&py-arddham-angulam(lam Dharan=Darakam=ayati yavad=ahuta-samplavam || [17*) shashtim=va(shtim va)rsha-sahasrani svarge modati bhumidah | akshe60 [pta) ch-inumanta sha tany=eva narake vaseta(set) || [18*] Sva-dattam-para-dattam=v&(ttam va) yo hareta vasundharam sva(sa) vishthayam krimir-bhutva pit;ibhih saha pa61 chyate ||[19] Sarvvan=etanabhavinah parthvi(rthi)v-endro(ndran) bhuyo bhuyah prarthayaty Saha Ramah simanyo'yan dharma-Betur=pripanam kalo kale pala1 The danda is unnecessary. * The danda is unnecessary. Sandhi has not been observed here. * The danda is superfluous. * Sandhi has not been obsered here.

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No. 21 KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA BHOJA II ; SAKA 1104. 13 52 ni(ni)yah kramena || [20*) Iti kamala-dal-amva(mbu)-vindu-lolam briyam=anuchintys manushya-jivitan-cha [l] sakalam-idam=udahsitan-cha vu(bu)ddhva no hi 53 purushaih para-kirttayo vilopya iti || Srimad-Vigrahapalena kshmapala-kula-mauli[na 1] [ksito*]-tra bisane dutah (suma]tih 54 6ri-Trilochanah || [22*) Tinnidi-grama-niryata-Haradevasya su[nu]na | idam sasanam=utkir pnam Prithvi[devena si]lpina [23*] No. 2-KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA BHOJA II ; SAKA 1104 MORESHWAR G. DIKSHIT, SAUGAR This inscription, now preserved in the wall of the Hari-Haresvara shrine in the compound of the famous Mahalakshmi temple at Kolhapur, was first noticed by me in December 1945, when I visited the place for the excavations on the Brahmapuri mound, near Kolhapur. The stone bearing this inscription is reported to have been found while digging the foundation wall of Mr. Panditrao's house in close vicinity of the temple several years ago and later built into the outer wall of the above-named shrine for the sake of preserving it. I edited the inscription some years back in Marathi in my book. Select Inscriptions from Maharashtra, pp. 73-80. I re-edit it here in English for the sake of a wider circle of scholars. The text of the record presented here is based on the inked estampage which I owe to the courtesy of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund. Shri N. Lakshminarayan Rao, Superintendent for Epigraphy, has been kind enough to make several useful suggestions in preparing the article. The inscribed area of the stone slab is about 4 feet in length and 21 feet broad. At its top, figures of the sun, the moon, a mangala kalasa, a milking cow with a calf, and a sword are carved in high relief and are now worshipped daily by the visitors to the shrine. There are 39 lines of writing which is fairly well preserved. Some parts of the record, however, are damaged and worn out, probably on account of the constant watering of the stone resorted to by its worshippers. A few letters at the ends of lines have also been damaged while fixing the slab in its present position. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, of which lines 1-17 and 34-39 are in verse. The rest is in prose as also the concluding sentence in line 39. The characters are the usual type of the Nagari alphabet current in the 12th century A.C. and do not call for any remarks. As regards orthography, the following deserve mention. Ksha is used for khya in line 5. Sis substituted for 8 occasionally ; e.g., afit in line 2, yasya in line 6, etc. The word Nairritya is spelt as Naiyiritya in line 23. The rules of sandhi are often disregarded. The style of the inscription is in general agreement with another inscription from Kolhapur published in this journal previously. The inscription is dated Saka 1104, subhaksit-samvatsara, Pushya suddha 4, Utta. :rayana-samkranti. The date which is expressed in words only in lines 20-21 corresponds regularly to 1st December 1182 A.C. The inscription refers itself to the reign of Bhoja II, the Silahara ruler of Kolhapur, who is stated to have obtained a boon from the goddess Mahalakshmi and is styled Mahamandalesvara. It was issued from his residence at Valavada. The object of it is to record several donations by 1 Read vilopyah (21) iti. * Published by the Bhkrata Itihisa Sambodhaka Mandala, Poona, in 1947. An. Rep. on Ind. Epigraphy, No. 868 of 1945-46. * Above, Vol. III, pp. 213-216. Pillai , Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 367.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX the king to the religious establishnient (matha) founded by Lokana Nayaka, a Sahavasi Brahmana, in the premises of the Mahalakshmi temple, for carrying on the worship of the god Uma-Mahesvara, a form of Amritesvara (Siva), forntuintaining tnsgranary of the matha, for keeping it in good repair, for feeding the Brahmanas, and for similar other purpuss The inscription opens with an invocation to the boar incarnation of Vishnu. Then comes the genealogy of the Silahara dynasty which commences with the Vidyadhara Jimutavahana, its mythical founder, and is brought down to Bhoja II. Most of the verses containing this description are identical with those occurring in the Kaleli platest of the same ruler, dated Saka 1116, except verses 6, 13 and 14 which are new in the present inscription. Unfortunately these verses are too much damaged to yield any coherent sense. Verse 6, devoted to the praise of Bhoja I, son of Marasimha, contains the names Govinda and Kongaja. As gathered from the Kolbapur plates of Gandaraditya, these persons appear to be some petty chiefs defeated by Bhoja I. Verses 13 and 14 seem to contain the praise of Bhoja II and do not appear to be important historically. The importance of the present inscription lies in the fact that this is an early dated inscription of the Silahara ruler Bhoja II. An earlier inscription of this ruler, dated Saka 1101, is said to have been found near Kotitirtha, a sacred tank in the precincts of Kolhapur ; and Major Graham in his Statistical Account of the Principality of Kolhapur, pp. 382 ff., gives a kind of a facsimile of this inscription, but Its original cannot be traced now. The malha founded by Lokana Nayaka, referred to in the present inscription, is already known from the town hall inscription of Bhoja II, dated Saka 1112. Its mention here carries the date of its existence further back to Saka 1104. It is interesting to observe that the residents of the matha are practically'the same as are mentioned in the town hall inscription, except Janardana Bhatta who appears to have succeeded Lakshmidhara. The Sahavasi Brahmanas, mentioned in these and other inscriptions, claim to have arrived in the south from Ahichchhatra and Kashmir. They seem to have been a fairly well settled community in the Deccan and Karnatak as can be gathered from the references to them in several mediaeval inscriptions of this period. Even now Kolhapur retains a large population of this class of BrahmaDas who are engaged mostly in trading and banking activities. The following geographical names occur in the present inscription: Tagarapura (line 18), Valavada (line 19), Kollapura (line 21), Panaturage-golla (line 26) and Seleyavada (line 26). Of these the first three are often mentioned in the inscriptions of the Silaharas of Kolhapur. Tagarapura is modern Ter in the Hyderabad State; Valavada which was the seat of the permanent residence (sthira sibira) of the Silaharas is taken to be identical with the site of modern Radhanagari near Kolhapar; and Kollipura is undoubtedly modern Kolhapur. Panaturage, which appears to be the name of a tract (golla), may be identified with the village Panutra, 14 miles 8. W. W. of Kolhapur, situated on the bank of the river Damni. Seleyavada is probably modern Sheloshi, about 7 miles further S. W. of Panutra, on the bank of the same river. The change from Panaturage to Panutra appears to be natural as suggested by the change from Ajirage to Ajre. Panaturage would thus have some form like Pamutare and this is exactly the form in which the name occurs in certain 1 Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay, Vol. III, p. 393 and the Annual Report of the Bharala Itihasa San Sodhaka Mandala for Saka 1835, pp. 222 ff. *Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 176-82; the plates were earlier edited by Mr. G. H. Khare in his Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan (in Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 33 ff. * Above, Vol. III, pp. 213-216. Cf. for instance Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Hassan 61; 4. 8.1. A. R., 1927-28, p. 141. . Both these villages can be traced on the 1 inch-1 mile Survey Sheets, old Nos. 200 and 240 published by the Survey of India in 1932.

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No. 2] KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA BHOJA II; SAKA 1101 16 old Marathi documents of the 17th-18th century. The expression golla can be equated with Kannada kolla which means a valley or low land. The Panaturage golta would therefore correspond to the valley formed by the river Dhamni, bounded on the east by the Bhogavati river and on the west by the Kumbhi river, as seen on the maps. There are several mountainous tracts in this region which appear to have been mentioned in the Talale copper plates of Silahara Gandaraditya, as forming the boundary of this Panaturage golla. This golla again seems to have been mentioned in the Bamani inscription of Silahara Vijayaditya, where it is read as '..pavu[ka]gegolla' wherein the village of Mada[la]ra was situated. The doubtful nature of the reading can be seen from the dots and the square brackets enclosing it. So it is possible to restore the reading as [Pa]patu[ra]ge-golla and Madalara may be identified with Mandar, which is about 3 miles west of Panutra. My thanks are due also to Sri P. B. Desai, M.A., of the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, for his useful suggestions in connection with this paper. TEXT Metres: Vv. 1-3, 10, 15, 18-20 Anushtubh; vv. 4, 5, 9, 12 Sardulavikridita ; vv. 7, 8, 14 U pajati; v. 13 Malini ; v. 17 Salini; vv. 6, 11, 16 Vasantatilaka.] 1 // oN // svasti zrI // jayatyAviSkRtaM viSNorvA rAhaM kSobhitArNavaM (vam) / dakSiNonnatadaMSTrAgraviSA (zrAM)tabhuvanaM vapuH // [1 // *] * AzI (sI) dvidyAdharaH pUrvaM nA[mnA jImUtavAhanaH / parArthaM jIvitaM yena ___ garuDAya niveditaM (tam) [2 // *] zilAhArAkhyavaM3 zoyaM / ' tagarezvarabhUbhRtAM (tAm) [ / tadvaMze jatigo rAjA'jani bhUbhR] chicha (cchi) khAmaNiH // 3 // * svasti zrIjatigakSitIzatanayo nA4 yimanAmA nRpaH / ' putrastasya [ca caMdrarAT pRthuyazAstasyApi sUnuH] kila / ___saMjAto jatigo jagajjananutaH zrImAM[zca] 5 taMna (tannaM) dano goMkallo bhuvi [bhUmipAlatanayaH zrImArasiMho nRpaH] [ // 4 // *] tatsUnurnupamaulilAlitapada[:*] zrIgUvalAkSo (khyo)nRpAH*] / tadbhrAtA bhuvi 6 bhojadevanRpatiH vairI[bhapaMcAnanazcakre rAjyamakhaMDitaM pRthu]"yazA laMkezatulyaH kila / [ // 5 // *] ya[zyA] (syA)tmajo kRtani. . . . . 7 gaMvargo goviMdakoMgaja . . . . yakasutAM....babhUva bhuvi vikrm....[||6||*] I Rajwide, Marathydichya Itihasachi Sadhand, Vol: VIII, p. 194. .J. B. B.R.A.S., Vol. XIII, Pp.1ff. In this record the tract is referred to MPanaturage-kholla. * Above, Vol. III, p.212. * From the original stone and ink impressions. 6 Expressed by a symbol. * Readings restored from the Kasell plates. * Thedanda is unnecessary. This reading is restored conjecturally though it is not actually found in the Kaleli plater.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 8 // tasyAnujAto vidita[pratApo ballALadevakSi]'tipassadaiva / zrIkAminInAM vinatAva nIzo dikprAMtatApaH prathitipra]9 tApaH [7 // *] tasyAnujo dharmadharo dharitryAM dadhAra] dhAnakhilAnsvadharme / ___ dhairyApadhuryo dhanado dhanAnAM zrIgaMDarAditya iti 10 prasiddhaH / [8 // *] dInAnAthadaridraduHkhavikalavyAkIrNanAnAvidhaH (dha)prANitrANaparAyaNa[*] pratidinaM guptAkhyadAnena yaH / yaH ll kRSNAjinadhenubhUmyubhayatomukSA (khyA) didAnapradaH [*] sa (za) zvaddharmamatipravINahRdayo ___bhUdevakalpadrumaH [*] tulApuruSadAnA[diSoDa-] 12 zakratukArakaH / sau(zau)cagAMgeyakIrte (tye)kanilayaH svaguNa vi [10 // *] taMna (tannaM)dana (naH) prabalamaMDi (Da)likadvipeMdra[paMcAnano] jani jagatritayakavIraH / 13 pratyarthipArthivalalATataTasthapAdapIThasphuTojvalayazo (zA) vijayArkadevaH / / 11 // *] dAnAya draviNArjanaM janaparitrANAya vIravrataM [satyA]14 ya pR(pri) yabhASaNaM haripadadhyAnAya ceta[*]sthitiH / saMpatti]su (ssu) manovipadvi [hataye yasya prakAmaM]' kaviH [*] kaH sa (za) ktaH pravivicya tasya vijayAditya]15 sya vaktu (ktuM) guNAH (NAn) [12 // *] jagati vijayasUnurveri[nI]hArabhAnunija ... - - - - - vallIlavitraH[*] vibhavavijayazakraH khaMDitA rAti16 cakro varanRpakRtasevo bhUpatirbhojadevaH // 13 // *] rAmo yathA.......... 17 thA.....devena tenAjani bhojarAjye // [14 // *] svasti samadhigatapaMca [mahAse (za)bda] mahAmaMDalezvara silArakulavaMso (zo)dbhava.. ... ... . - 18 geya paranArIsahodara zaraNAgatavajrapaMjara kaliyugayudhiSThira. . .vidyAdhara zrImahAlakSmi (kSmI) devIlabdhavaraprasAda [zrItagara]19 puravarAdhIzvaro (ra) ityAdisamastarAjAvalIvirAjitAH* zrImanmahAmaMDalezvaro (ra:) zrI bhojadevo valavADasivi (zibi)[re sukhasaM] - Reading restored from other inscriptions. * Roading routored from the town hall inscription. Road vairipannagadainateyazaucagAM-min other inscriptions,

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No. 2] KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA BHOJA II ; SAKA 1104 17 20 kathAvinodena rAjyaM kurvANa (:) zaka[nRpakAlA]dArabhya varSeSu caturo (ru) ttarazatAdhika sahasreSu nivRtteSu vartamAnazubhakR[tsaMvatsa-] - [rAMtargatapuSya]su (zu) ddhacaturthyA bhau[ma]. . . [ru]tarAyaNasaMkramaNaparvaNi nijArAjyA]bhivRddhaye - zrImatkollApuramahAlakSmi (kSmI) de22 vAlayAbhyantare pazcimadvArotta[ra. . . . saha]vAsilokaNanAyakena amRtezvaramUryumA mahezvarArthaM vA (bA)hmaNabhojanArthe ca [kAritasya] 23 maThasya koSThAgArArthaM tadde......maThasyAbhyaMtare nAyi]ritya (bhRtya)dizo bhAge dvAdazahastapramANaM gRhamekaM tanmaThaniviSTasaha]24 vAsyAdityabhaTTa janArdanabhaTTa [karahATakaprabhA]'karaghasAsa vAsiyaNasAsetyevaM [pramukhAM (khebhyo) brAhmaNebhyo. . . . . puravargaH dakSiNadi]25 [zo grAme] dhavalagRhacatuSTayaM . . . . . . pUjArtha. . . . . . pUrve (vasyAM) dizi puSpavATakamekaM tasyaiva [devasya] pUjArthaM vA (brA) hmaNa[bhoja][nA*]26 thaM ca paNaturagegollAMtargataseleyavADagrAmasImAbhyaMtaraMnu (ramu)ttaradigbhAge . . . . . zAdadhikaM ca catuH[zata]27 kSetraM tatprativa (ba) ddhaM paMDarana[nta]grAmAbhyantare dvAdazahastapramANagRhamekaM etatsarva pUrvo . . . . . . . . . zAsanasahitaM [dhA]28 rApUrvakaM sarvama (na) masya (syaM) sarvavA (bA)dhAparihAraM rAjakIyAnAmanaMgulipre kSaNIyamAcaMdrArka . . . . . . . . . . [ta]syaiva devasya [paMcopa]29 cArapUjArthaM tanmaThakhaMDasphuTitajIrNoddhArArthaM tadIyavA (grA)hmaNabhojanArtha ca eDenADa . . . . . . . . . 30 [ta]ddezada (daM) Dena paMcaviMzatyadhikadvisa (za)tavaprakaM kSetre dvAdazahastavistIrNa nivezanaM ca....prativa (ba)ddhaM.... 31 nivartanaM kSetraM dvAdazahastavistIrNaM nivezanaM ca aruvaNasahitaM aSTabhogAtejasAmya sahitaM kAzyapa]sagotrasya uddhAvA]32 ryasya pautrAbhyAM mahattaramAdhavAryasya putrAbhyAM nemaNa]lakSmaNayoIttAM tenaiva loka NanAyakena sarvanama33 syasarvabAdhAparihAraM soyavizuddhaM] [zAsana]sahitaM dAnakrayena (Na) gRhItaM AcaMdrAkrkatAraM ciraM dattaM ||ch| 1 Reading restored from the town-hall inscription. * The letter chha indicates the end of the topic. 4 DGA

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- 18 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIN 34 bahubhirvvasudhA dattA rAjabhissagarAdibhiH [*yasya yasya ya]dA bhUmistasya tasya ___tadA phala (lam )[ // 15 // *] madvaMzajA[*]paramahIpa35 tivaMzajA vA pApAdapetamanaso bhuvi bhUmipAlAH / ye pAlayanti ma]ma dharmamimaM ___ samastaM tebhyo mayA [viracitoMjalireSa mAni] // [16 // *] 36 sAmAnye (nyo)yaM dharmaseturnupANAM kAle kAle [pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH / sarvAnye_ (ne) tAnbhAvinA (na:.) pArthivendrAnbhUyo bhUyo yAca[te rAma]37 caMdraH // [17 // *] dAnaM vA pAlanaM vApi dAnA[t*] zreyonupAlanaM (nam) / dAnAtsvargamavApnoti pAlanAdacyutaM padaM (dam) // [18 // *] svadattAM paradattAM vA yo hare38 ta vasuMdharA (rAm) / SaSTivarSasahasrANi viSThAyAM jAyate . kRmiH / [16 // *] ......[sayukSepa]kSaNakSaya (yi)Ni jIvite yo dvijAdAhare.... 30 tasyAM vIcIkSAyo]kSayaH // [20 // *] aputrikadravyasahavAsi . . . . No. 3-MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF (1 Plate) M. VENKATARAMAYYA, OOTACAMUND This inscription was copied in the year 1930-31 by the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State, at the village of Maser, Basoda Pargana, District Bhilsa. The record is fragmentary and its ooncluding portion is not traceable. The existing portions of the inscription are contained in two broken pieces of a mutilated stone discovered amidst the ruins of a fallon house of a Brahmana in the village of Maser. The only other ancient relics found in the locality were a few broken sculptures and carved stone fragments lying near what looked like the basement of a small shrine. From a perusal of the summary of the contents of the inscription published in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior, for the year 1930-31, I realised the importance of the rooord for the history of Central India and the Deccan in the 10th century A.C. At my request the Government Epigraphist for India secured two estampages of the inscription which were kindly supplied by the Superintendent, Archaeological Department, Gwalior Stato. I edit the record here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India. The epigraph must have been engraved on a large slab which later broke into several piecen. of them, only two have been foumd, the rest are not forthcoming. The first of the extant fragmente, which forms the beginning of the record, containing, as it does, the opening lines, measures 3' 6' by 11" and bears portions of 10 lines of writing engraved on it. The other piece which is a continuation of the first one and has been put together with the first measures 2' 3" by 1' l' and contains portions of 12 lines of writing. Both the pieces have suffered considerable damage. Since the ends and beginnings of lines do not follow in sequence, considerable portions of the full inscribed 1 Annual Report of the Archueological Department, Gwalior, 1930-31, Ines. Nos. 1 and 2: pp. 10 and 22.

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19 No. 3] MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF stone towards the right side of the existing fragments are missing. On their left side, however, there has been only a slight damage and a little mutilation of the stono extending to a spa. covering one or two aksharas and affecting about five to six lines. In respect of the second fragment which is smaller than the first, still larger portions of the inscribed slab towards its right are missing. Though the impression of the second piece shows some uniform blank space at the end of each line, suggesting thereby that the lines do not continue further, yet it becomes clear from the study of the text of the record, which is metrically composed, that the lines must have continued on to the same extent of space as they do on the first piece of which the second is only a continuation. Evidently the second fragment was touched by some human agency and dressed with a view to its utilisation in some construction. However, it is fortunate that it is possible to judge the extont of the loss on the right sides of the two fragments. The record being in vorse, the number of aksharas forming the metrical portions of the missing text can be counted. It would appear that about eight to ten aksharas in each line up to line 10 are found wanting in respect of the first frage ment and about thirty-six to thirty-eight letters from line 11 onwards in the case of the second piece. In addition to these losses, some more aksharas are effaced owing to the damage sustained by the extant pieces. Notwithstanding its mutilated condition, the present record ombodios much historical information, although its elucidation is rendered difficult owing to the incomplete and disjointed text that is available for study. Altogether we have portions of twenty-one lines of the inscription. Of these the last three are completely damaged, only a few letters here and there being visible. Except for the obeisance to god Sambhu with which the record opens, the entire inscription to the extent now available is in verse. As many as twenty-five verses composed in different metres can be counted. They are, however, not numbered in the inscription. The first four of them are introductory, in invocation of the mother divine and her consort, lord Siva. Verse 5 traces the origin of the Sulki vanda and introduces one Bharadvaja, an early ancestor of the family. Verses 6 to 10 speak of king Narasimha born of the same family and they embody an elaborate description of his conquests. His son Gunadhya, famous as Kogarin, is then introduced in verse 11. Verses 12 to 15 evidently contain a description of this chief and his achievements. The characters belong to the Nagari alphabet of about the 10th century A.C. The size of the letters varies from 6 to 7 of an inch in height. Medial diphthongs and medial vowels (except i and i) are indicated by both siro-mitras and prishtha-matras. Medial i and i are indicated by prishtha-matras alone. The consonant ph is written in two forms: phala, line 1: phalani. line 7, and phalaya, line 18. Similarly d has two forms; the din viamvi(bi)ta in line 8 and in valuuvinale in line 19 may be compared with the din Vida' in line 5, mandapa in line 6, and pushpadarvaraya in line 7. The language is Sanskrit and except for a few words in the beginning, the rest of the record is in verse. As regards orthography the following points may be noted. The consonant following a r is mostly doubled. B is indicated throughout by the sign for v. S is used in place of s in certain cases : e.g., svarggaukasan, line 4 ; sruch-aiva, line 6; singhasanan, line 11. Gh is used for h in singhasanam, line 11. The visarga-sandhi is not observed in cases like dharah friman, line 5; yal sudhih, line 13. There is one instance of the use of jihvumaliya in yutal-Krishna-, line 6, where the sign for it resembles d. The anusvara has been used mostly for class nasals. The anugraha is conspicuous by its absence. There are practically no scribal errors. What may be counted as one such seems to be in respect of the word chandra-sersho for chandrafersho in line 2. Otherwise the record is composed in faultless Sanskrit. Line 10 of the text is divided between the two fragmeals, the first containing only the upper parts of some few letters towards the end. This may also be read as Vils. O 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX After the obeisance to god Sambhu in the words namah Sabhave, there follow four mangalaFlokas, the first of which is in praise of Davi, the divine mother, who pervades the animate and the inanimate. The second, parts of which are not quite clear, seems to contain a prayer for the destruction of sins by Siva who is described as the bee around the lotus face of Gauri. The third stanza is also an invocation of Siva whose glance, though cool and refreshing for Gauri, acted as the very blazing fire for cupid. The fourth verse invokes the aid of Siva's consort. Parvati, for the destruction of all evils through her eyebrows which were knit in anger at th. sight of Jahnavi (1.e., Ganga). Then begins the historical portion of the racord. It is stated that a certain hero, adorned by the granthi-trika, Bharadvaja by name, emanating from a drop of water that fell out of the hand of Dhata (Brahma) adorned the sulkivata and was & veritable death to hostile kings. In the family of Sulka of the lunar race there arose king Narasimha. He was the lord of Vida-dvadaial and had his permanent abode at his Kulagrama, called Golahatti- . Chanell in the vicinity of Elkpura. At the command of Krishparaja he defeated the enemies in battle, and as if entering a sacrificial mandapat he entered the arena of battle and performed & sacrifice in the form of a great war; and in the sacrificial fire of his rage he offered as ghee the blood of the elephants, slain by him, out of the ladle of his sword; and in such a sacrifice he initiated into widowhood the (women of his enemy). Then his prowess and generosity ars described in the succeeding verses. Then & certain Grup dhy<< described as Kosarin is introduced as son (of Narasimhha). At the command of Krishnaraja he conquered the king of Lata (Latasa) and * Kachchha]vaha. Verse 15 seems to refer to the founding of a city called Arkavana which was purified by Lakshmi and which was, as it were, the birth-place of piety and noble conduct. Verses 16 to 18 contain important allusions to a number of kings with reference to whom some facts are stated; the nature of which it is impossible to make out. Thus Vakpati is stated to have done some act and the same verse refers to a Tantradhi pa in the nominative case. Munja and Chachcha are mentioned further on in the genitive case. The hero (Kisarin ?) is then stated to have met the Hapas, sent by Loukya, in battle at Pattanaka and to have destroyed a large army consisting of horses, elephants, and infantry. Then follows a description of the plight of enemy women who resolved to put themselves to death. In the battles fought by the hero (Kesarin ?) even the skulls of the fallen enemies were not traceable. There is some allusion to Krishna who destroyed the pride of Dussasana and Salya (v. 21). The facts stated further on are important. The hero (Kesarin ?) in eulogised as one who kept women's company only for the sake of progeny and as one spending his life for the sake of his master (v. 22). There is again a reference to a Huna ruler in verse 24, and in the next verse, which is the last extant, the hero is described as a lion to the elephants in the form of hostile kings and as the foremost of Bhe servants of Hara. Thus the record embodies the eulogy of a family of Sulki (i.c., Chalukya ?) chiefs starting from Bharadvaja and mentioning Narasimha and his son Kesarin While editing the Bargaon temple inscription of Sabara in this journal some years ago, Professor Mirashi assigned to king Krishnaraja of the present record the date c. 950 A.C. and thought that he might be identical with a certain Krishna-ntipa whose minister Vachaspati of This may also be read as Vila-dradala. * Possibly there is a pun on the word mandapa, referring to the fort of Mundu which in alao called Mandapa or Mandava in some records. Abovo. Vol. XIX, pp. 46.7. . Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 279-280.

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No. 3] MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF 21 the Kaundinya gotra defeated, according to a fragmentary inscription at Bhilsa," the lord of Chedi, killed a Sabara chief called Simha and restored the chiefs of Rala-mandala and Rodspadi to their dominions. Professor Mirashi further assumed that king Krishna of the above references was identical with the Chandella princa Krishnapa, son of Yahovarman, mentioned in the Dudabi in criptions. It is quite possible that Krishnaraja, the overlord of Narasimha and of Kesarin of the inscription under study, and Krishnansipa of the fragmentary Bhilsa inscription are identical inasmuch as both fought a common foe, viz., the Chedi king and as both lived about the samo period, i.e., the middle of the 10th century A.C. But there is a greater possibility of Ktishnaraja of the present inscription being identical with the Rashtrakuta king, Krishna III (939-967 A.C.). This depends upon the identification of Narasimha, the lord of Vida-dvadasa, who was tho commander of Krishnaraja's troops. Now as for the identification of the chiefs, Narasimha and his son Kesarin, attention may be drawn to & Chalukya family whose origin is traced likewise from Bharadvaja and which figures in the Bilhari Chedi inscription. The account given there is as follows. There was & sage Bharadvaja (Drona) whose conduct roused the wonder of the three worlds. Now, in the water, of which he had taken up a handful (chuluka) in order to curse Drupada for the insult offered by him, there arose a man from whom proceeded the clan of the Chalukyas and in that powerful family was born Avaniverman who had as his father Sadhanvan and grandfather 1 P. R. A. 8. I., W. C., 1913-14, p. 69. F. E. Hall (Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Volume XXXI (1862), page 111, foot-noto) writes : "At Bhilsa, within the fort, I recently found a fragmentary inscription built into the outer wall of a modern house, and looking upon one of the streets of the town. Subjoined is all that remains of a record of which perhapo full half is missing.. 1 ... ... &riyam-ayam-api nanvidrita n=&srit-sys 2 g ham mo Vetravaty. niyamite-janata-kshobhamasy=&py-ajaaram 3 tejomayy=stra chochchairsvvitatam=iti vidity=Adarep=itma-tulyar 4 Bhaillasvami-nama ravir-svatu bhuvab sviminar Krishnarajam | 8 Chedisarh samare vijitya Sabaram sambhitys Simh-ahvayam B Rali-mandala-Rodapady-avanipau bhumym pratishthipya cha 7 devam drashtum=ih=gato rachitavam(n)=stotram pavitrah param 8 srimat-Krishna-nrip-aika-mantri-pada-bhak Kaundinya.Vkohaspatih | 9 Suchiramniyam klitir-&stam ruchira brimad.Gajankutyanya Kakakena vilikhita Kayastha-so ...." In the Salotgi puller 1scription (A) of Krishna III, dated Saka 867 (946 A. O.), mention is made of one Narayana alias Gajankusa who is described as belonging to the Kaundinya gotra and as the chief minister and sandhirigrahin of this Rashtrakuta king. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 60, 62-3. Kaundinya-Vichaspati, who in the Bhils: inscription is described as Gajankusays (i.e., son or descendant of Gajankusa) is in all likelihood the son of Nariyana alias Gajinkusa of the Salotgi inscription. This would favour the identification of Krishnaraja of the Bhilsa inscription with Rashtrakuta Krishna III. It is interesting to note in this connection that the exploits claimed by Vachsspati find some corroboretion from other sources. According to an account about Para mara Styaka II found in the Navaadhasankacharita this prince is credited with the conquest of a certain chief of Rudapati. (Canto XI, v. 89: History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 42). Perhaps it was this chief of Rudapati, called Roda padyavanipa in this Bhilsa inscription, that was restored to his kingdom by Vichaspati, the minister of Krishna (III). In regard to the saben prince, Simha, killed by Vachaspati, no satisfactory identification seems possible at present. However, attention may be drawn to the fact that W. Ganga Marasimha II, the feudatory of Krishna III is credited with a victory over Naraga, a Sabara chief, in an inscription at Sravana-Belagola (above, Vol. V, p. 171 ; toxt lines 21, 54 and 96), which also mentions the northern campaigns of this Ganga prince. Prof. Mirashi (above, Vol. XXV, p. 280), however, identifies the illustrious Sabara of the Bargaon temple inscription with Babara Simha of the Bhilma inscription. Nos. 185, 186, 191 and 194 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1948-7; Ind. An., Vol. XVIII, p. 237. Above, Vol. I, pp. 281 f. and vv. 30 fr.

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22 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX Sinhavarman. The illustrious Nohala was born of Avanivarman and she became the beloved of the Kalachuri prince Keyuravarsha, i.e., Yuvarajadevs I. Quoon Nohala is stated to have endowed a templo of Sive with the villages of Vida, Pondi, Khajlapataka and others. It will be seen that although the story of their origin differs in some particulars from that relating to Narasimha given in the present record this much seems certain that both the families were of the same stock and were perhaps even lineally connected. Narasimha was & subordinate of a Krishnaraja who fought against the Kalachuris and the only Krishnaraja of this period who could answer to this description was Krishna III (939-967 A.C.) of the Rashtrakuta family." Narasimha of our record seems to be a later descendant or a collateral member of the same family since his area of authority was in the same region around Bilhari over which the Chalukys family of Nohela exercised away. Vida-dvadasa which was the fief of Narasimhs seems to be identical with the area around Bilhari itself since Vids may be identified with Vida which was one of the villages granted by Nohala to the temple of Siva at Bilhari, as stated in the Bilhari Chedi inscription referred to above. Though I am unable to identify Vida, the donated village, with any place near Bilhari, some of the other villages which the princess granted along with Vida are however identifiable. Thus Pondi and Khailapataka, two of the gift-villages, are represented by the modern Pondi and Khailwara which are to the north-west and north-east of Bilhari respectively. Vida must be another village in the same locality. The exact relationship of Narasimha with the Chalukya family to which Nohala belonged can only be decided by further researches. Now, returning to facts stated in the present Maser inscription, it has to be ascertained under what circumstances Narasimha had to encounter the Kalachuris under the orders of Ktishnaraja. It has been assumed above that Krishnaraja was Krishna III who claims in his Karhad plates a victory over the Kalachuri Sahasrarjuna, who was the elderly relative of his mother and his wife. Krishna III achieved this victory as Yuvaraja, i.e., sometime between o. 934 and 939 A.C. It was evidently in this campaign of Krishna III that Narasimba took part and obtained the victory over the Kalachuris as described in the present record. As Prof. Mirashi? and Dr. H. C. Rays have shown, the Kalachuri adversary of Krishna III may be identified with Yuvaraja I (c. 914-945 A.C.) who, being a member of the family of Sahasrarjuna, i.e., Kartavirya, was referred to as I later found that Prof. Mirashi had already arrived at this conclusion; so Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XXVI, PP. 8-9. * Although the text of our record at this place is mutilated, there seems to be no doubt that the Kalachuri is referred to as the adversary and not as a friend. This would be apparent from the context which refers to the vaid hanya-diksha given to the chatura-Kalachuri-kshamabhri....ote. Rishtrakata Krishna II was a friend and ally of the Kalachuri king Kokkals. It was Krishna III who fought the Kalachuris as stated in his Karhad plates (above, Vol. IV, p. 279). The Chandella king Krishnap with whom Krishparaja of our record has been sought to be identified by Prof. Mirashi (above, Vol. XXV, p. 280) is not known to have fought the Kalachuris, though his father Yasovarman defeated a Chedi king. . If the alternate reading Vila-dvddata for Vida-duadaka is preferred, Vila may perhapa stand for Bilhart itself. I was at first inclined to refer Narasimha and his son Kesarin of the Miser inscription to the Chalukys family of Vemulavada, the well-known Rashtrakata feudatories, and identify these two princes with their namesake of that family, Narasimha and Arikbaarin II. This does not appear likely since the latter belonged to the solar race and were rulers of a much wider territory, viz., the Sapadalakshs which they were ruling from their capital Lombulapataks, i.e., Vemulavada in the Hyderabad State. The Sulki Narasimha of our record was of the lunar raos and a small potentate ruling Vida-dvadasa, a region which lies in the Madhya Pradesh, a far cry from Sapada. Iakohs which was situated in the Hyderabad State (J.O.R., Vol. XVIII, p. 42). Further, in none of the gones. logioal accounts of the Vemulavada Chalukya family is there an allusion to Bharadvajs or to the chuluku story. It seems, therefore, best to view those families as altogether unrelated. * Above, Vol. IV, p. 279. A B. O. R. I., Vol. XI, p. 371 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. LXII (1933), pp. 36 ff. * Dynaatio History of Northern India, Vol. II (1936), p. 762.

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23 No. 3] MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF Sahasrarjuna in the Karhad plates. The Bilhari inscription of the rulers of Chedi1 expressly refers to the conflict between Yuvaraja I surnamed Keyuravarsha and the Karnatas, who, in this period, could only be the Rashtrakutas themselves or perhaps their Chalukya vassals, the chiefs of Vemulavada. Hence the present Maser inscription affords further confirmation to the conflict that took place between the Rashtrakutas and the Kalachuris in the time of Krishna III and Yuvarajadeva I, to which the records of both the dynasties bear testimony. The exact causes for the conflict between the two powers, who were even matrimonially connected, are not clearly known. One fact, however, needs elucidation here. How was it that Narasimha of the Sulki family whose area of authority was Vida-12 in the Kalachuri kingdom fought as a general under Rashtrakuta Krishna III? There is nothing improbable in this. Although Yuvarajadeva I and Krishna III were adversaries, prior to their advent into the political arena, there were matrimonial relations between the families in the days of their predecessors, Kalachuri Kokkala and Mugdhatunga, and Rashtrakuta Krishna II and Amoghavarsha III, as is well-known. It may also be recalled that Amoghavarsha III, father of Krishna III, was the son-in-law of Yuvarajadeva I. We have said that the Chalukya family to which Nohala, the queen of Yuvarajadeva I belonged, was of the same stock with which Narasimha of our record was connected. It may be supposed that during the early days of friendship and matrimonial alliances between the two families, the Kalachuris and the Rashtrakutas, Narasimha or his predecessor, sought service under the Rashtrakuta king, retaining all the time his fiefdom, the Vida-dvadasa in the Kalachuri kingdom." Of Kesarin, the son of Narasimha, our inscription says that he conquered the king of Lata and a Kach[chha]vaha at the instance of Krishnaraja, i.e., Krishna III. As to when these events could have taken place two views are possible. The Kach[chha]vaha spoken of here was evidently a scion of the Kachchhapaghata family of Gwalior. The Lata country alluded to here may be taken to correspond roughly to the central and southern Gujarat. This region was included in the principality of Khetakamandala, i.e., modern Kaira and parts of Ahmedabad District. In the time of Krishna II the province was recovered by him from a collateral Rashtrakuta family and remained within the empire of the Rashtrakutas of Malkhed. From the Kapadvanaj grant of Krishna II dated Saka 832 (910 A.C.) we know that Prachanda of the Brahmavak(?) family had gained the principality of Khetakamandala by the favour of the Rashtrakuta king Akalavarsha and was ruling at Harshapura (Harsola). During the reign, of Indra III there seems to have been some trouble in the area as we are told that his feudatory, Narasimha II of Vemulavada, fought the Latas. But the region continued to be under Rashtrakuta control since the Bagumra (Nausari) plates of Indra III (both sets), dated Saka 836 (914 A. C.), and the Cambay plates of Govinda IV, dated Saka 852 (930 A. C.) record gifts made by them in Lata-desa. Subsequent to this date direct evidence of Rashtrakuta hold over the region is met with in the time of Paramara Harsha-Siyaka II whose Harsola grants of V. S. 1005, i.e., 949 A. C., issued by him as a feudatory of Rashtrakuta Krishna III and recording his gifts in Khetakamandala, indicate that the region was under his sway. In one of these grants Siyaka II is stated to have made the gifts when he was returning 1 Above, Vol. I, p. 256, v. 24. It may be pointed out that Jura in the Maihar State of Madhya Pradesh where an inscription of Rashtra. kuta Krishna III was found (above, Vol. XIX, p. 287) is not far from Bilhart near which Narasimha of the present inscription held a fief. Above, Vol. XIX, p. 240. Rashtrakutas and Their Times, p. 98. Above, Vol. I, p. 53, Vol. XIX, p. 240. Journal of the Madras University, Vol. XV, No. 2, pp. 118-9. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 28-9. "Above, Vol. VII, p. 28.

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21 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX from his expedition against Yogaraja, who was none other than the Chavda king of Anhilvadapatan and whom scholars have identified with Avanivarman II, the great-grandson of Bahukadahavala.1 Bahukadhavala was a feudatory of the Gurjara-Pratiharas. Avanivarman II Yogaraja who continued to be a Gurjara feudatory, was holding Surashtra and parts of Gujarat from his capital at Anhilvada. He seems to have encroached upon Lata and it was evidently to dislodge him from the area that Siyaka II marched against him and drove him back. Owing to his occupation of part or whole of Lata for a while, Yogaraja Avanivarman II might have acquired the title of Latesa and if this was the person that is referred to as Latesa in the present inscription as having been the adversary of Kesarin, Kesarin must have joined Siyaka II in this expedition, as both were acting on behalf of their Rashtrakuta overlord Krishna III. If so, these events have to be placed sometime about 948-949 A.C., before the issue of the Harsola grants. The Kachchhavaha prince who was ruling at Gwalior at this date was Lakshmanaraja, the father of Vajradaman of the Sasbahu inscription, who being a Pratihara feudatory, like Yogaraja, might have been allied with him in his attack on Lata, and was likewise defeated by Siyaka II and Kesarin. If what has been stated above as the possible trend of events in which Kesarin of the present inscription encountered the Latesa and the Kach[chha]vaha is correct, it has to be supposed that the events represent an attempt made by the Pratihara ruler, who on this date was Mahendrapala II, to attack the Rashtrakuta empire in the region of Lata which, however, failed to bring any success. On the other hand, the defeat sustained by the Gurjara feudatories seems to have paved the way for the Paramara reconquest of Malwa. For, evidence of Pratihara control over the region is available only up to 946 A.C. The absence of their records in Malwa territory after this date and the evidence afforded by the Harsola grant of the Paramaras dated V. S. 1005 (949 A.C.) would show clearly that their hold on it was lost, the Paramaras having established themselves firmly over the area by 949 A.C. The events detailed above which have been placed round about 949 A.C. would, however, make it impossible for Krishna III to have been present in person to direct the campaign, for on this date he was in the south fighting the Cholas. Consequently, the reference made to him in the present inscription for the second time in the locative case as Krishnaraje may be construed to indicate his absence from the northern campaigns at this date which were fought by Siyaka II and Kesarin on his behalf. Or, in the alternative, Kesarin's conflict with the Latesa and the Kachchhavaha might have taken place much later in the reign of Krishna IIl as shown below. Now, it is well known that Krishna III effected a second invasion of North India sometime after 964 A.C. as proved by an inscription of his at Jura,' near Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh, in the territory of the Kalachuris. It is known that in this expedition he was ably assisted by his Ganga feudatory Marasimha II who, in commemoration of the victories secured by him in the north assumed the title of the 'lord of the Gurjaras." The expedition seems to have been necessitated by the growing challenge to his authority over his possessions in Bundelkhand, Malwa 1 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 1 ff, and Vol. XIX, pp. 236-38; see History of the Paramara Dynasty, pp. 38-39. History of Kanauj, pp. 230-1, 338-9. Prof. Mirashi suggests that the Lateea Chandravarman, whose daughter Mrigankavall married Keyuravarsha according to the story in the Viddhasalabhanjika might be a member of this Chalukya family: See A. B. O. R. I., Vol. XI, p. 365. Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 36, v. 5; see also Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 822. Pratapgarh inscription of 946 A.C., above, Vol. XIV, pp. 180-1. * Harsola grant, above, Vol. XIX, pp. 236-8. "Colas, Vol. I, pp. 157 ff. Above, Vol. XIX, p. 289; Rashtrakutas and Their Times, pp. 120-1. Above, Vol. V, pp. 170, 176, text lines 7-8.

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No. 3) MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF 25 and Lata. In fact some successful attempts were made by the neighbouring powers to encroach upon them. The earliest attempt in this direction was made by the Chandella ruler, Yatovarmas (c. 950 A.C.). The Khajuraho inscription (II)' of his son Dhanga dated V.8. 1011 states that Yalovarman captured the fort of Kalanjara. This fort had been held in his possession by Krishna III from about 935 A.C. Yesdvarman followed up this success by overrunning the kingdom of Malwi which must have been then under the rule of Paramara siyaka II. The Khajuraho inscription (II) testifies to this event for it states that Yasovarman was the very death to the Malavas (v. 23). His son Dbanga seems to have actually oocupied a portion of Malwi early in his reign as he is stated in the sanie Khajuraho inscription (v. 45) to have acquired the territory as far as Bhasvat on the river of Malava, i.e., Bhilai on the Vetravati (Betwa) in Gwalior. Besides the Chandella ruler, the Chedi king Lakshmanaraja (c. 945-70 A.C.) setting at neaght the authority of the Rashtrakutas over Malwa and Lata marched across these territories as far as Somanatha-Patan in Saurashtra, Kathiawar. Not long after the date of these happenings the Lata country seenis to have slipped from Rashtrakuta hold since it is found that Barappa, the Chalukya chief, evidently taking advantage of the Chedi king's raid across the country, assumed the title of the king of Late some time about 960-1 A.C. All those unoroachments som to have been made at the instigation of the Gurjara-Pratihara ruler. For, we heve it explicitly stated in the Kudlur plates of Marasimha II of 963 A.C. that Krishna III set out on an expedition to the nortb to conquer the Advapati.The Asva pati was the Gurjara-Pratihara king to whom the title of Advapati has to be applied at this period. The distinguishing appellation, 'King of the Gurjaras' by which Marasimha II is stated to have become known by conquering the northern region for Krishnaraja (III) would support our surmise that the Asvapati against whoun Kpishpa U directed his campaign was the Gurjara-Pratthara ruler. As we have seen, the Jura inscrip tion affords some evidence for the conduct of this expedition. Under the above circumstances, Kesarin's encounter with the Latesa and the Kachchhavaha might have taken place during this compaign, the Latesa being perhaps Chalukya Barappa, and the Kachchhavaha being Lakshmanaraja, both of whom were Pratshara feudatories. The facts stated further on in the last part of the present record are important inasmuch us A number of contemporary rulers are introduced. Thus mention is made of Vakpati and a Tantridhips and of some action relating to Munja and Chachcha. The Hunas despatched by Lolikya are stated to have been defeated at Pattapake. Among the contemporaries (of Keserin ?) figure Vakpati Munija and Chachche, both Papamira chiefs. Munja was the well-known Vakpati II Munja whose known dates range from 974 to 990 A.C. Chachcha was the Paramara prince of Naddula, who is mentioned in vors. 28 of the Panahera inscription of his descendant Jayasimha,' and whose date falls in this period (c. 950-75 . 1 Abovo, Vol. I, p. 128, v. 31. * Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 102-8. * A. B. O. R. I., Vol. XI, p. 366. * Mya. Arch. Rep., for 1921, paras. 41 f. text lines 123-4. Krishna III is here given the title of Narapati. See Rapson's article. Lord of horeca, lord of slephants and lord of mou in the Woolner Commemoration Volume, pp. 196-9. The titlo Hayapati is atually borne by Garjars-Pratike king, Divapkla, who ae in fnot the very contemporary of Krishpa III (see above, Vol. I, p. 124 and Vol. XIV. p. 180). Prof. Altekar believes that the Gorjan king subdued by Krishna III and Maritas II wus Peranka Slyska II himself. Sten Konow held that he might be Chilukyo Molarija (Rashrabufer sted The Times, Pp. 120-21). * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 43. DGA

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26 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX A.C.). Verse 29 of this muscription tells us that a ruler of the same family, whose name is lost, gave battle to Khottigadeva at Khalighatta on the bank of the Reva in the cause of Siyaka and went to heaven. Evidently, the same exploit is attributed to the Paramara prince Kankadeva of the same Naddula family in the Arthuna inscription of Chamundaraja, verse 19 of which relates that Kankadeva overthrew the army of the king of Karnata in battle on the bank of the Narmada and in fighting on the side of Sri-Harsha of Malava died a hero's death. It has been assumed by some writers that Kankadeva is identical with Chachcha and that it was this prince who fought against Rashtrakuta Khottiga on behalf of Paramara Siyaka II. It would seem that the facts narrated above with reference to several contemporary princes, including the fight at Khalighatta, were incidents of one and the same campaign, viz., the one undertaken by Khottiga against the Pratihara and other princes of the north, viz., the Chedi, the Chandella and lastly the Paramara who was his erstwhile feudatory. Kesarin too may be supposed to have taken part in the expedition as can be deduced from the present Maser inscription. These events pertain to the reign of Khottiga and must have taken place before 972-3. A.C. As Maser where the present eulogistic inscription is found lies north-east of Khalighatta (modern Khalghat) on the Narmada, it may be supposed that Khottiga was not halted at the Narmada as a result of this battle but was able to proceed further north victoriously. Now, the Maser inscription, recounting as it does the exploits of a Rashtrakuta subordinate, must have been set up before Khottiga's reign came to an end, i.e., before 972-3 A.C., as after this date the chances of a Rashtrakuta subordinate setting up an inscription so far north would be very remote, the area having come under the rule of the Paramaras by this date. The mention of Munja (Munjorvvipa) in this record, assigned as it has been done to a date before 972-3 A.C., would lead to the conclusion that he had already become king in succession to Siyaka II hy that date. Since, neither the latest date of Siyaka II nor the date of accession of Munja is definitely known yet, it is not unlikely that Munja ascended the Paramara throne before 972 A.C., though the earliest date known of his is 974 A.C. It is usually believed that the Malava king who plundered Manyakheta in 972 A.C. was Siyaka II Harsha on the evidence of a reference found in the Paiyalachchhi. But as surmised by Fleet the Malava king might have been Vakpati Munja himself." Another incident of this campaign mentioned in the present inscription is the fight against the Hunas sent by Lolikya which took place at Pattanaka. If Pattanaka is identical with Anabilavada-Patan which at this date was ruled by Chalukya Mularaja, it may be supposed that the armies (of Kesarin ?) marched against this Chalukya chief and his Huna vassals. I am unable to identify Lolikya who despatched the Hunas. Of the places mentioned in the record, Golahatti-Chanaki near Elapura may be identified with Gola and Chanegaon near Ellora, i.e., Elapura, in the Aurangabad District, Hyderabad State. Vida, as stated already, may be identified with Vida near Bilbari. Or, both Vida and Vida may stand for Bilhari itself. I am unable to locate Pattanaka where the Hunas were encountered. Whether it stands for Anahilvada-Patan or Somanatha-Patan cannot be determined until more definite data are available. I am also unable to locate Arkavana. .. 1 Abovo, Vol. XIV, pp. 296 ff. * History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 338. Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, PP. 422-3. Above, VOL. XIII, p. 180, See above, P. 22, a. 4.

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REG. No. 3977 E'36-499'52. B. CH. CHHABRA 0 Kot . 2 Cha 'OS vyasanadhAnasya usakaDavI pAla kAlopati vyAyAma karatAnA ra sadarabATa sAkAra pAyAtalyaura, nadiITalA vinoda piyAryadivasa para 2nadAra paDhAsakalapiratijavyAbATa havAI dAridAra tura (ravivAra, 17 pa mAgadha vAri sAvaTa pasarA harupAya nadizApikA 2 sAmA(dasa sAdhAvAradAraka (pa6 TApUmaparva kA hara dara zAha ( TrAta pita ra kAgadAca pAvAda upa AdikAyA vATayuranAladApAsAtavaTa sAkApanA 4hana .pu roka nayA niyamAnupApiTApa kalyA 3 pAsa sArAlAI vAdA pavAhita naranAkA sas dArado tapasahamadinamA nikAlI 4 tApipaparAjayabAhara mihira pAdapa mara (hara dara 546 dara daramAvara dAsakA alApurasamIpa ( pAdadidAyIkAstarakalara kI yasakAraNa yuraparakAyAyamaviratI picara vi.pAhaparivapaDhAyamezA takarita viralA zazAbAI dAgurudUragati dArA manasyaudAyata napugAra vaSayATa AyaTara vimAna mAri sAudIkAlapaTA kaladaragaTavhiATayAra banAka rAsayA viruddha nApayAvipa yA rAstA sAsUlAbAra bArAbavitA parapaTavAradasalapapanyavara mAnA pATodA tAmA rAmahariguralara lAdisULa tahamati vAyo8 saralApa tApa goyalA dara ravi ra ma yI kATanA disata nArijAla ra ragatamA nidAna Ta' yAsaratAnA pyAra aparaTe udayanebAyA mArayAra PAyamA paramAdalamAyaNAyalA savAsAlA CRETRANQAyaTayAnuvAja sAdA paTavaSayAsa yA savaya nAka RaysapAlAiTA dalAlIsA bhAsa mAlalitA pani cha / assa z i (timadinadayAkarI ra vAyA jAtA jAtA ETER T erma pAra ho pAera ra rAnA rozanasAta dina SCALE: ONE FIFTH MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF 17 JINNI 13 SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA

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No. 3] MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF TEXT [Metres: Vv. 1, 4, 6, 7, 23 and 24 Anushtubh; vv. 2, 3, 8 and 11 Sragdhara; vv. 5, 9, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22 and 25 Sardulavikridita; v. 10 Upajati; v. 14 Arya; vv. 15 and 20 Vasantatilaka.] 27 1 Om1 [*] Namah Sambhave || Sa jayaty-asakrid-Devi matrika loka-visruta | yay-akar-adibhir-vvarnnair-vvyaptam sarvvam characharam || [1] Drishtva kamthe surakshath madana-phala-yutah bhuta-vidravap-akhyam papau va(ba)ddhah priyaya vishadhara-dama[na -- ---|] 3 pato dvidhi vah | Kim-sathprapts-kame bhrika-kapita-jata-dhuma-vartteh, krisanuh Sambhor-amhbhoja-garbha-chohbavir-iva Girij-asy-mdu-vimve(bimba) punatu || [3] Hamtu Haimadri-kanyaya bhrukutir-duritani vah | patike Jahnavim drishtva kopa-raktati (411) (-~~ 2 krityam Nihara-patnyah sakalam-idam-iti pratyajan-pannag-adin-Gauri-vakramvu(ktr-, ambu)j-alih prakiratu duritam chamdra-se(61)rsho Bhavo vah || [21] Atmanyatmanam-eva sphatika-vad-amale paayatah svair-upayaih svargaukah-prarthane pi [~~~ -- ~] 4 [m-e]chchhato nanu pura svarggaukasam(sam). svamino Dhatuh pani-puta-chyut-odakalavad-dhiro-bhavad-bhutale | Sulki-varsa-mahodayo-hita-kritam sakshad=Yamo bhubhritam Bharadvaja iti prasiddha-mahima granthi-trika-alamkri[tah ||] [5 || *] x . 5 [vam]se taradhipa-prabhe | Sulk-anvaya-dharah sriman-Narasimho-bhavan-nripah || [6] Sa Vida-dvadas-adhisah Kulagrame-vasach-chiram | Golahattyarh tu Chapakyam-Elapura-samipatah | [7 || *] Pradad-vaidhavya-diksham chatura-Kalachuri 9 10 kshmabhri 6 p[e ?]de sakala-guna-yutal-Krishnaraj-jnaya yah | vistirnn-aji-dhvaj-adhya-pravaravidhi-krite mandap-amtah pravisya krodh-agnith pujya samyag-ghata-kari-rudhir-jyena khadga-aru(sru)ch=aiva || [8 || *] Garjjitva guru duram=unnati-bhri 7 --dhi gajasya dana-samaye samjayate-pur-mmadah | pushp-adamva(ba)raya janaya dadati prayah phalani druma n-otseko na ado na kala-haranam danasya yasy-abhavat | [9] Kri-y=tyamta-viruddha-tapaya vi[path] 8 [si]limukh-asvadita-va (ba)indhujivaya yasy-ari-nari sarada vidamvi(bi)ta || [10 || *] Tasmad-vair-ibha-kumbha-sthala-dalana-patuh Kesar-iti prajanam bhartta jato Gunadhyah kshitisura-sarapam kshamti-bhrit-sunrita-jnah | jitva yo [yo] - Krishnaraje Latesam Kach[chh]avaham samada || [11 || *] - - va(ba)ddha-jata-kalapam-uchitam pret-adhivasa-kriyam tikshn-odbhasita-sula-darita-chitam bhasm-avar[u]ksha-chchhavi [|] - m-Umapater-iva vapur-yad-vidvisham mamdiram || [12 || *] Kesah snigdha -~-[1]-- 1 Expressed by a symbol. Better read pujapitva hata-kari-, etc. D2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 11 tam cha yad=ripu-vadhu-sakhya chiram Aochita || 13 | *) Singhasa(hasa) nama adhirudham jamvu(bu)kam=ava[leka(loka)]ya dvishan bhavane sphutita hridaye nuna[m] - --(1) - - 12 punya-vinay-odyama-janma-bhumim Padma-pada-prabuchim-Arkkavan-Abhidhanam [1511*) Satya-tyaga-gun-Adhik8-dbhuta-yakah sadhu-[dvi] ---------- 13 tilehthi]vatam brimad-Vilkpatink kritam svaka-va(ba)le tantridhipo yah sudhih || [16!) Muxhj-Orvvipa-mahattamasya sahasa Chachchasya datta[bha) ---- - - - -- -- -[ *] -- - - - - - 14 havo [ku]htrigra-prasit-amalam na valimam (vyc]padya kamschid=dhatha[t] || [ 17 || Hapan-Pattapakam sametya tarasa Lolikya-sampreshitan-du -- - -- - -- - -- --[1 *) --- - - - -- - - 15 mi -ve-vait-elbba-patti-vipulim nihka shka)mtakam sv-asina || 118 *Vatse kim ruditena yahi sarasam kurvv-atmano vamchchhitam nitah -- - - - - - - - -- - -- - -- -- --- -- -- - - 16 yasy-Ari-pramada-jano dridha-matir-mmrityum prati prasthitah # [19 || *) Ya[t=4a)nyugashu vara-vira-birab-kapalam patraya n=alabhad=sho sa[ka] ---- -- - -- -- - - -- - - - - --|||2011*] - - 17 trgha)-vidhivin-Jishnv-archohit-amghri-dvayo yo Duhakba(sa)na-Salya-darppa-dalans vyapara-lavdh(bdh)-avadhib durvvar-ahita-ghata-satya-vibhavo gi - - - - -- - - -- - --- - -- -[||211*) -- -- - - - 18 na chayub kohitrena satru-kshayah santanaya su-yoshitasv=shar-abah kopo va(ba)la-kahamti krit su-ovim-Ishta-phalaya jivita ---------- --- --- - -- - [1|22||*]...............(8 letters lost here)...... 19 yatr=ari-rva(ba)davanale kallola ive toyanam sahasa pralayam gatah || [23|| * Hapa vara-mahi[sena) sena [di]vam gati | pare ......... (14 letters of this verse lost here) [112411 - -- - - - -- - -- --- - 20 h-ahita-kumjaremdra-nakhari daso Harasyodttamah data sarvva-janaya -mau-- - -- - - - - - [2011].............. 21 .......... * Only the fippor parts of many lotters are to be soon in this line.

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APPENDIX RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR (4 Plates) N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, New Delhi, AND B. CH. CHRABRA, OOTACAMUND This abnormally long inscription appears on twenty-five stone slabs, each measuring more or leas 3' high by 21 broad. Twenty-four of them are fixed in a row at short intervals into the wall of the Nauchauld ghat at the Rajasamudra, whilo one is found inside a marble pavilion. Rajasa mudra, popularly known as Raj Samand, is an artificial lake which lies to the north of Kankroli, a railway station on the Mavli-Phulad-Marwar Junction branch of the Udaipur State Railway, and is about 40 miles north-north-east of the city of Udaipur. The lake is a fine sheet of water, extending over three miles in length and a mile and a half in breadth. It is formed by a dam built at its south-western extremity. It is mainly fed by the water of the Gomati, but is also abundantly augmented by the rain-water draining into it from the surrounding hills. The inscription comprises & mahakavya, entitled Rajaprasasti, consisting of twenty-four cantos. Twenty-four of the slabs contain each a canto, while the inscription on the twentyfifth consists merely of invocations to various deities, and as such it does not form an integral part of the poem proper. This invocatory section occupies the foremost position, though it was composed last of all, as is evidenced by its eleventh stanza wherein the poet invokes blessings for Rajasimba's son Jayasimha as well as for the latter's children. The poet informs us that he composed the prasasti by the order of Rajasimha, but that it was engraved on the stone slabs at the instance of his son and successor Jayasimha. Although several instances are known of such lengthy records engraved on stone, yet the present one is perhaps the longest so far discovered. This remarkable poem has not yet been edited entirely or properly, though its contents have occasionally been noticed by some scholars. The work is important more as a narrative of events than anything else. It no doubt conforms to many of the conventional characteristics of a mahakavya, still it exhibits very little real poetic merit. The script employed is Nagari, almost of the type prevalent at present. The language. is Sanskrit throughout, except that here and there some phrases or sentences in the local dialect For detailed description of the ghaf as well as of its surroundings so Rai Bahadur G. H. Ojhs'. Rajpuldne ka Itihaa (Hindi), Vol. I, Ajmer, 1927, pp. 810 f. Canto I, Verse 10. Canto V, Verse 51. Two cantos, the second and the third, have been edited in the Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, Bhavde gar, pp. 145-184; but the text presented there is found inaccurate at several places. . Prof. SH Ram Sharma of tho D. A. V. College, Labore, has undertaken to edit it. His work was to appear in the Panjab University Oriental Publications. We have seen a part of it in print and found that his treatment of the record is not atriotly scientific. Besides, his readings are not correct throughout. Repocially by Osha, An. Rep. on the working of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, for the year onding 3let March 1918 Pp. 3 A.; Rajpuldne Itihde (Hindi), Vol. II, pp. 870 ff. d passim.

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2 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX are met with. It is, however, noteworthy that the poet not only presents certain Muslim names and titles in their Sanskritized forms, but also treats a few vernacular and even Persian terms as Sanskrit words like sera in the sense of 'a seer," latta for 'a kick' and salama meaning 'salute' respectively in verse 16 of the Canto III and in verses 41 and 48 of the Canto IV. As regards orthography, the following peculiarities may be noticed: (1) an anusvara is used for a class nasal as well as for a final m almost invariably; (2) a consonant after r is very rarely doubled as in murddhna (Slab I, 1. 37); (3) usually a single chh is written where a chohh is required, such cases as vilasachchhatro (Canto III, 1. 1) being exceptional; (4) the sign of avagraha is seldom used (Canto II, 1. 18); (5) in many cases v is employed instead of b. (6) Sometimes sh stands for kh. There are certain other peculiarities, such as the spelling of the name Bharata as Bharatha, which betrays the poet's place of origin being South India. The author of the poem is a Telanga or Telugu Bhahmana, Ranachhoda, by name, born of the Kathondi family. From the description of his parentage given towards the end of several cantos, we extract the following pedigree: Krishna Lakshminatha (II)" Bhaskara Madhava (I) Ramachandra (I) Sarvesvara Lakshminatha (I) T. Ramachandra (II) Madhava (II) Madhusudana T Ranachhoda 1 Lakshminatha (III)* The poet Ranachhoda also mentions his mother's name as Veni, daughter of a Gosvamin whose proper name is not given but who presumably belonged to the Vallabha sampradaya. It may be pointed out that Vallabhacharya, the founder of this sect, had also hailed from the Telugu country. His second son Vitthalanatha was the first to assume the title of Gosai or Gosvamin which was later held by all the acharyas of the sect. These Vaishnavas had their centres at various places in North India, but the one with which the maternal grandfather of the poet Ranachhoda was connected was probably that of Nathadvara, about 30 miles north of Udaipur. We are further informed in verses 9 and 10 of Canto I that the poet composed the prasasti while teaching a younger brother of his, named Lakshmana, who seems to have had 1 A certain Indian weight, roughly equal to 2 lbs. For metrical requirements, the chh in the name Ranachhoda has in most places to be read without the reduplication. This Lakshminatha (II) is, in fact, not at all mentioned in the Rajaprasasti, but we know of his existence from the Jagannatharaya temple inscription at Udaipur, of which he is the composer, and in which he gives his genealogy perfectly agreeing with the one given here (see above, Vol. XXIV, p. 83, verse 48). He is known from, slab IX, 11. 45-46: slab XXV, v. 16. Rasputane-ka Itihas (Hindi), Vol. I, pp. 338 ff. See also R. G. Bhandarkar's Vaisnavism, Saivism, etc., pp. 76.

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RAJAPRASANTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR I-A View of the MACCHAUKI GHAT, RAJASAMUDRA ( From a photograph)

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RAJAPRASASTI ISCRIPTION OF LIAR IL-A VIEW OF ONE OF THE PAVILIONS, RAJASAMUDRA (From it photograph)

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR another elder brother called Bharata, and that he commenced the composition on the 7th day of the dark fortnight of the month of Magha in the Vikrama year 1718 in compliance with the orders of Maharana Rajasimha who is stated to have at the same time ordered the construction of the Rajasamudra lake as well, while halting at the village of Dhodhumda. The week-day on that date wes Budha, as can be ascertained from verse 14 of the Canto IX, where the same date is repeated. It thus regularly corresponds to Wednesday, the 1st January A. D. 1662, taking the month to be purnimanta. It took full fourteen years to complete the work of excavating the lake and constructing the dam and the gha; for, we are informed that the inauguration ceremony of the Rajasamudra took place on Thursday, the full-moon day of the month of Magha, in the Vikrama Samvat 1732," which regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 20th January A. D. 1676. The names of the masons who are responsible for the engraving of the present inscription as also perhaps for the construction work are given in the bhasha portions occurring towards the end of some slabs. They are : Gajadhara. Mukamda, Gajadhara Kalyana's son Urajana, Gajadhara Sukhadeva, Gajadhara Keso (Kesava), Sundara, Lala, etc. The pivotal theme of the poem is the Rajasamudra. It records the digging of the lake as well as the building of the dam and the ghat in a very elaborate manner. Besides, it abounds in incidental details upon which it is needless to expatiate here. Since the text will be found simple enough to be self-explanatory, no comments are deemed necessary in this introduction. And a verbatim translation of the whole poem would unnecessarily increase the bulk of the article which is already exceeding usual limits. We shall, therefore, content ourselves by giving an abstract of the contents at the end of the text, adding notes on the historical portions. It may, however, be observed here that whereas the poet's account of the contemporary events appears to be fairly authentic, his descriptions touching the earlier history, for which he had drawn chiefly upon legendary, bardic or traditional sources, are manifestly wrong in several details and are therefore unreliable. The inaccuracies will be pointed out at their proper places. The text has been prepared from the inked estampages taken by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the then Government Epigraphist for India, in 1934. The present article was ready as early as 1940, but its publication has been delayed due to the suspension of the printing of the journal for some years during and after the World War II. TEXT Slab I ; Invocation [Metres : vv. 1-14 Sikharini ; vv. 15-21, 24-30 Sragdhara ; v. 22 U pajati ; v. 23 Bhujangaprayuta.] 1 // OM namaH zrIgaNezAya // yazohetuM setuM sukRtikRtisetuM jalanidho subaddhaM yazcake paraNiparacakreNa ruciraM / racA kAmaH kAmaM janaka The poem was also intended to be a text book for the poet's own children, Lakshminatha and the rest see Slab XXV, v. 16. * Possibly it is the same Dhodhu nda as is mentioned further on in verse 5 of the Canto IX, where it is enumorated as the first of the sixteen villages whose area was included in the lake. This date as well as that of the commencement of the work is given at several places in the poem, but of such instances where week-days are also mentioned one may be seen in ll. 41-44 of Slab IX. * The term gajadhara is equivalent to sutradhara meaning "mason', literally 'holder of the yardatiok' (gaja: gaz 'yard"). . More or loss the same list is found towards the close of Slabe III, VI, VIII, IX and XXV. * From ink impressions,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL.XXIX 1 tamayAvAmanabanAnuvidhAmaH kA sapatu sa rAmaH savapaH // 1 // smitanyolmAlepoca(pa) balalitakaH kavacayazititpUrvatpanesa.. 3 gagalitanAgo vibhasitaH / muTe lAdolA (nA) zugata iti bhUSApratikRte tegoM yAH zaM (pa) bhUH sphaTikAcitiviraH // 2 // purA rAmAsvA (ba) parama 4 setuvilasatsava (4) satvAvi navaniha taga racitavAn / pratikAmapADA taba vipararAjye bhagavati pramAvo niSi(vi)naM. giriparamAtacaMya japa // - B // // parAbhItyonI pRtamakucI kAnapakSaNA mahAkAlosapA sanamaNAdhinatA / prasamAnI prayAmA smitamayanunI 8 dakSiNatamA stubAkAlI vidyAditisutapanAnIha labhate // caturbhiH kailAlaskRritAriNi matapaTeH muMge7 liptaH smarati sunitA panavanA / pohAnayatakarA yAMna(vAda) gagatA rame zrImate yo mukhamapi sa matabhavanavAn // 5 // 8 padavyA bhAsa (sva) sphaTikahimakuMdAjagapAdapAnA cAso vA mukurapacipAsanagatA / navInA bINAbhUtiSiharihagAbikanutA sa9 rasvatyAstA [na]: sumatikatave pArapataye // 6 // naI pAnI mannA piyA (ma) mapi pAnA maNilasakirITadukhotAM maNiSaTalasattavyacaraNAM / trinetrA 10 smerAsyAM samaNicaSakAjo (jo)catakarI apAraktA bhattA bhagata bhuvanezI pRSadhAM // 7 // egAlaH baMDago (khaDgo) lalitakamalI hImayamunaH ka eSa gI]11 haru (g) laghukalitazaktihaMsakara: / halAMso hallalI pratatakanamAyo'nalavadhUstutimaMtra japacA jayati paraNIzo manuriva // kapo12 lollolatkanakavilasatkuMDalayugAM (ga) mula vi(vi) prANAM kanakavikasaccapakaci / gadA dIrAti karagaripujihvAM bagalA13 mulI dhyAyecastahimukhamukhasaMstaMbhanavidhiH // // zatAyuH sidi vA sabasi ba(ka) hari vivaSatI prasiddhi loke vA satatamRga14 - bigatA / sunAnAdi kA subhagatavRddhi panagirI samRddhi bhaktAnAM savi harasidi bhava manaH // zive rAja 1 The form aingala is evidently derived from the word ingala which is . Prakrit oquivalent of angira. * The sign of pisarga appears above the lino : apparently it was first omitted and supplied later on.

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 18 bhyAnAM jayasi samarAdau jayakarI zatAyuSyaM rA(rA) balaya jayasihaM satanayaM / sthira rANArAjyaM jagati ravayA'caMtapana prazastaH sthairya 18 svaM mama sutagirAyudhanasukhaM // 11 // caturvAraM teMtarjanakalakalAlahatatarnu giri zrutvA loke taba vivararAjyaM svanumitaM / dhruvaM niHsaMde17 hai racaya nupadehaM mama vapuH sthira gehaM sneha tanayamapi teha nijanamaH // 12 // stotraM stutyaM paThati manujo ma(ma) galakaM (ka) sukAryAyo yasta18 jabati saphalaM vighnarahitaM / prapUrNa' vA pUrNa janani raNachoDena. racitaM paThitvA zrutvAdo jagadalilamAstA sukhamayaM // 13 // iti bhavAnIstotraM [ // *] 19 sarolaMbe staMberamamukhasababe(ba) sitamule suherave (2) tvaM veti guNalaMbe (3) tvayi vibho [*] samAlaMbe ke beritavati bhRzaM veditavipatkAI20 benAlaMbe (be) sukavinikurave (3) kuru rupAM // 1 // mayaH mudrAH samudrAH salavaNasalilA:' kUpavApyo'bhavA vAri bIkSya bArA kila surasa21. rito vAri gRhNAti lAma / zaivAla kezakti zirasi ... za(ka)la pAka ralasetoH siMdUra bA(bA) lukaughaM variti guNibhiH pAtu gIto gaNe. 22 .zaH // 15 // karNA' sapAya bAppalivalayamivAncAlanI tI (1) - rApya rAha vidhukaranikara piSTaka snigdhakuMbhau / pAnaM miSTa balaM yatpa- . 23. pati bapavalaM dhUmaketuM ca sabailaDakAli tadutto sasurasuranarAlaMbalaMbodarogyAt // 16 // zuMga pracaM madalasadasitaM pravAhizastraM 24 bi (vi) prANo dhUmaketuM madhukaraguTikAvaMtamuiMgdara / tanUna bahnimastrI ditijaha (ha) tikRte sthApitaH zaMbhunAso dhotyA lokagajAsyaH ka25 thita iti mudde zrIgaNezaH suveSaH // 1 // pUjyobhUnakaraH suraditijanaraH sarvakAryeSu kasmAttanmanye koraneyaM jalanidhimadhikaM zuMgyA pIta 28 bAvai / laMkAspadvArakAsthA''surasuramanujAhA~dralakSmIsvayaMbhUviSNustotraistu muMcamsakalamivamataH sarvabaMdho mude saH // 18 // prAta 1 Tho syllable ud is inscribed above the line. * The sign of visarga appears above the lino : apparently it was first omitted and was supplied Intor on. * Road kipa-vd pyon pyrabhadra, as otherwise the line would be short of one syllable. The words Lankaatha and Dvarakasthe qualify the aura, oto., i.e., demons, oto, of Lankl as well as of Dviraka. DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX 27 rbhAnu rasAlottamaphalata (ma) tito nirmalocatsitAbhibhrAjallaDakabuddhadhA nizi madhuravi[dhuM] caMDayA zuMDayA yat / dhRtvA svAsye vadhe tadgrahaNa28 miti janaiH snAyibhiH zrAMta masmAtpArvatyA mocite (to) to sahasitamavatAtvalezahartA gaNezaH // 16 // bhrAtaH kiM vAhanasya prakaTayasi na vA 29 lAlanaM skaMdavAkyAdevaM prodaMDazaMDAmukhakalitamahAmUSakasparzalezaH / bhoktuM bhogI kimitthaM dravati . kRtamatau mUSakesmAdakasmAtskaM30 dhAttasya skhalanaskhalitamativacazcAra dadyAdgaNezaH // 20 // satkuMbhI buMdubhI do bhujagasukhakaraM _ vAdyamuiMDazuMDAM tAlau vA kaNa (f) tAlau tripu- - . 31 raharamahAtAMDavADaMva (ba) re yat / caMDAyA vAdayaMti vipavanavibhoreSa' tuSTo viziSTaM svAviSTaH (STa) spaSTanRtya pravidhi Sika pAtu mAmiSTaziSTaM // 21 // 32 zrIvakratuMDaM (Da) stava eSa tuMDasthitaH satAM maMDitasUktikuMDaH / udaMDavetaMDaghaTApracaMDavidyAmaNIka[]lavaH sadA sya (syA)t // 22 // iti gaNesa (za) stotraM / ' 33 svanAmasrajaM gAyataH trastarogAnajasraM janAndasavI vitanvan / jayannanapAnbhUSayanyastramuccaH sahasradyutissaMmude stAdudutra[:] 34 // 23 // satpItaM cAmaraM kiM kalayati tapano dhAryamANaM digozaH sUtAbhAvAhabhAbhiH kRtapaTa ghaTanAyApi sUcIsahasraM / veddhaM taddhA (khA) tadaMtA35 balasava (ba) lava (ba)laM svarNavA (bA) NavajaM vA tapate targhalokariti ravikiraNA yetra te putradAH syuH // 24 // jAte yasyodayesAvudaya girivaraH sU36 ryavAhAruNAbhArUpaH zuddha hiraNyarmarakatamaNibhiH paparAgaiH kRtaM bAk / zRMgastome samaste racayati nicayaM bhUSaNAnAM yathecha (cchaM) 37. yAhagyatropayuktaM sa bhavatu bhagavAnbhUtaye bhAnumAlI // 25 // prA[cyA]maInAnA dhRtosau marakata kanakodbhAsitottaMsa uccairvRttodyatsvarNa38 patraM haridaruNapaTaM chatrakaM mUrddhina meroH / varSAzaMsyadbhutaM vA haridhanuradhunA kuMDalIbhUtamitthaM sUtasvAzvaprabhAbhatsunibhiruditaM maMDalaM pA39 tu pUSNaH // 26 // muktAgacchaM vivasvadvapuraruNamaNiM vidrumaM sUtarUpaM chatraM satpuSparAgaM hariharita maNIndIrghavaiDUryadaMDAn / vi(bi) bhravasya cakra 1 The word trinta in usod in the sense of avasita 'understood' or 'inferred'. ? The engraver had dittographically ongraved a sperfluous da after this da, which he later on scored out. * This expression is not very clear. If the third word in the compound is meant to be ahan, the corroct form should be ahar-bhabhib, which would not fit in with the metre. After ya is scored out medial 1.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 40 tvasitamaNidhuraM dhanyagoma (me) vamaMcaM zrIbhAnoH spaMdanaste manasi khalu dhRto haMtu sarvagrahArti(ti) // 27 // vizrAmacchapanA mUrTina laghugamanakarA ye merothuna41 cAH kallolollAsitesminmaya'varayuvatIsaMcaye caMcalAkSAH / heSAsaMketazabdevidadhati bhRzamAsaktimahnAM gurutvaM prISme kurvati yuktaM hariharaya ita42 ste bhiyaM te vizaMtu // 28 // va(ca) krAnaM zaka samyak (g) dhuri yama samatAmakSamAdhehi rakSastvaM bItIndhi (vI) tihotrAyaNamiha varuNa sthApaya tvaM rathe[zaM] / vAyo vA''yojaya .. 43 tvaM rathamatha dhanadArASana (na) tvaM harINAM zambho tvaM bho[*] priyaM me vadati tadaraNo dikpatIn zAsti sovyAt // 26 // prAzleSe pazcimAzAkucapugavilasa[tkuM-] 44 [ku]mAlepasaktaH kivA vAlaH pravAlajalanidhijaThaM (6)re sparzanargharSaNazca premaNA (mNA) [vAcchAditaH ki hariharadabalApANinA satkusuMbhA raktenaivAMva (ba) reNA45 --- -- -- [ // 30 // ] .. .. .. .. ... Slab II ; Canto I [Metres : vv. 1,2,4,6,7Malini%; v. 3 Prithvi%B5, 14, 15, 17-29 Anushtubh; vv.8, 11, 12, 13 Vasantatilaka ; vv. 9, 10, 30, 31 Sardulavikridita ; v. 16 Salini.] zrI [:n*] 1 OM namaH zrIgaNezAya namaH // muninupamanujebhyo varzanaM saMpradAtuM paramakaruNayavAgatya kailAsa zailAt / taTabhuvi kuTilAyA ekaliMgastri2 kUTe sthita iha vivaredro rAjasiMhezamavyAt // 1 // tuhinakiraNahIrakSIrakarpUragauraM / vapurapi jaladAbhaM kAli3 kApAMgavalyA (llyA): (0) pratikRtighaTanAbhirvi(bi)bhravabhrAMtabhaktaH / kalayatu tava rAjanmaMga_ lAnyekaliMgaH // 2 // 4 caturmitapumarthasadvitaraNAya sadbhapaH sadA / caturbhujagharo muvA kila caturyagodyadyazAH // ( / ) caturbhujaha 1 Mayu means kinnara. # This portion has not come out on the impression. How much matter has been lost after the verse 30 cannot bedetermined. * Engraved on the top. This danda is not necessary.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA .. ' [Vor. xxix 6 rizcira nigacaturbhunAbhiH zubha catuH'bhUtisamIritaM vizatu rAjasiMhaprabhoH // 3 // agadakSiNa janAnAM pAlanAvasti .. 6 yAMcA (, nigamavacasi yAMbA(bA)lAvikAMdA kiloktA // (1) sunayatu sahitaM tvA putrapautraprapautraravatu taba tu gotraM sAMvi(vi). . 7 kA rAjasiMha // 4 // (e)dira vibhavaM vAt / ' golI (klI) pati(ti) - tyalaM // (1) buSe prasanmAsauH (sI) sphUDhAlA bhUpa prabAla8 bhAH // 5 // spabatulakare imodaka yasya bhaktaH / kalayati saM(sa) phalArya mobakaM . rAjasiMha / nRpavara sa tu vighnaM vi. 9 marAjo vinighnan racayatu tanapaste maMgalaM maMgalApAH // 6 // prathamanupamanau paH sivitA 10 aparamanumiva tvAM vIkSya siTi pradAtuM // (1) dazazatakarayukto puktamevenyaho tvA / ' mavatu sa tu nitAMta bhUpa- . . 11 te rAjasiMha // 7 // dhIraH kaviH sphuTapurANavaronumAstA / pAtA sphuravaguNagaNasya tamAsapatnaH // (0) pAvitya12 varNa iha mAM madhusUdanovyAtkAtidustaratare' pravizaMtamayA // // itI(ti) maMgalASTakaM // yasyAsIgmadhusU13 banastu janako jAtaH kaThorI phule telaMgaH kavipatitaH sujananI veNI - gosvAmiNA // (1) . rAjasamudramAmA14 jalAdhAraprazasti tvahaM sobarya raNachora eSa bharayA (tA), lakSmaNa zikSayan // // pUrNa saptavo pAte samatanau (no)svaSTA-- 16 dazAvyenbake / ' mA yAmalapakSake narapatiH [sAtsaptamI vAsare (1) bhogAvasati malAsa(A)yamahAraMbha - tasyAza18 yA prAraMbha raNachora eSa kRtAstasya prazastastathA // 10 // vayaM svavarNyamapi vetti na .bAbA)lako pAiNTAsaMkaSaka . 17 evaM galapAca / sohaM tava guNasabhopaviSTaH kiMciAvAmi mama pASTamiva . samartha // 11 // jihAsutkaNipati 1 The syllable tub is engraved above the line IPerhaps the intended readings admbalhaleta. Tble dandu is not neces The letter du is inscribed above the line.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 18 liMbaneSu' kArtavIryArjuno vacasi vAkpatireva vAhaM // (1) gAtuM guNAstaba tA nipugo bhavAmi kauzcittato supa padAmpati19 sAhasena // 12 // puNyA janAryanaharestu kavAsti puNyazlokasya vA nalanupasya puSi Thirasya // (0) tAdRSakamA jayati bApa20 napasya vakSye bhIrAjasiMhanRpaterapi saskaSAM tat // 13 // rAmAyaNe bhAratasti proktAnAM bhUbhunA pazaH / pathA rAjA21 mihopatAnA tyAtapAtAraka // 14 // prazasti bane rAmacaMdrasya zobhate / bhImabaMga pramastiste rAti22 . virAjate // 15 // mAyuSyaistulyamApustu bhASAcAnA syArenavAgbhAratAH / devAyuSyaistulya- . mApustatohaM pra(ca) - 23 4 rANa gIrvANavANyA // 16 // vyAsabAlmIkivadanyo bA(bA) ganIharSavarUpaH / sa saMskRtakabI rAkSa pazaoNgalyAparicara 24 // 1 // bhIrANArAjasiMhasma varNana kartumucataH / bhUpANyApAvikA gya]ktuM pakyehaM munisamati // 1 // pance bA(5)purANasya / me26 pATIpacaMrake // (1) paNDe(8)dhyAye svekaligamAhAtmya pApamIrita // 1 // papa aulAtmaNA. (a) zokanyAkulalocanA // (0) ba)pinaM pratha28 meM pApaM sunatI tamuvAca ha [*] 20[*] yasmAdvANyaM sRjAmyaca viyogAt' bAkarasya - [*] pUrvaratAya maga(yA)pAhApo rAjA bhaviSyasi // 21 // 27 mArAdhya / jagana(mA) / tIye nAgahare zubhe / rAjya zAma iva prApya punaH svargamavApsyasi // 22 // punazcaMgaNaM prAha pArvatI pyAku28 lekSaNA / maryAdA hatavAnaca / dvArarasepparamaNAt // 23 // hArIta iti nAmnA va mevapATe munirbhava / tamArAmya zivaM devaM / ta 29 taH svargamavApsyasi // 24 // iti vAyupurANasya saMmatistatra vistaraH // (1) banyo pApavaMzesmin / kAryaH ziSTastAra // 25 // 30 me vijJAnataraNI rAjasiMhaguNAMbuSaH / pArApya patramugu (pa)masyAhApharamAye // 26 // sAlaMkAramaNiH sUktimauktikaH saha * The correct form in libhana. *Batter roadgadmin. Sandhi has not boon observed horo. *Thadandalanot necessary. . Both visarga and the danda are above the line. * While composing this vorso the poot obviously had in mind Kludi' Rua Arya-prabhand vanised brdo chealpa vishayd matt tittraduraduaterani mshadudupisteedemi adgaram (Raghuvomide, 1, 2).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX s1 sAmRtaH // (1) rAjaprazastipaMthosti samudronya[*] suvarNabhUH // 27 // setihAso bhAratavamokta sUryAnvayaH samaH // (1) rAmAya- . 32 gena paThanAthastAdRkphalAya naH // 28 // zrIrANArAjasiMhasya mahAvIrasya varNane // (1) vASpaH sUryAnvayI sarge sUryavaM. 33 zaM badedhime // [29 // *] prAsIbrAskaratastu mAdhavabuSosmAdAmacaMdrastataH satsarvezvara[ka:] kaThoMDi kulajo lakSmyAdinAthassRtaH / telaMgosya tu rAma34 caMdra iti vA kRSNosya [vA*] mAdhavaH putrobhUnmadhusUvanastraya ime ba(ja) hozaviSNUpamAH [30 // *] yasyAsInmadhusUdanastu janako veNI / 35 gosvAmijA mAtA vA raNachoDa eSa kRtavAnarAjaprazastyAhvayaM / kAmaM sAnvayarAjasiMhanupati bhIvarNanAta mahadvIrAMka prapa36 motra pUttimagamatsargorthavargottamaH [*] 31[*] itibhImabhusUdanabhahapunaranacokate bhIrAjaprazastyAlme . mahAkAvye [prathamaH sargaH // ] Slab III ; Canto II [Metres : v. 1 Mandakranta ; vv. 2-38 Anushtubh.) 1 zrIgaNezAya namaH [ // *] guMjApuMjAbharaNanicayaM caMdrakAlIkirITaM gotraM vetraM karakamalayoH puMjitaM citravastraM // (0) 2 madhye pItaM vasanamaparaM kiMkiNI varaveNI / nAsAmuktA barSadatimude testu govarddhaneMdraH // 1 // pAdau mala3 mayaM vizvaM / tatra nArAyaNa sthitaH / ha(hi) raNyahArI tannAbho / panakoSa ihAbhavat // 2 // va (ba) mA caturmuSa (kha) stasya ma4 rIdhiH kazyaposya tu // (1) suto vivasvA (svAM) stasyAsonmanurikSvAkurasya saH // 3 // vikukSiH sa zazAvAnyanAmA 6 tasya puraMjayaH // (1) kakutsthAparanAmAyA masyAnenAstataH pRSuH // // tatobhUvizvaraMbhistu tatazcaMdrastatobhava6 t // (1) yavanAzvosya zAvasto ba(ba) habazvostha vAtmajaH // 5 // tataH kuvalayAzvobhavaM dhumArAparAbhiSaH // (1) dRDhAzvosyAsya ha. 1 Reads-tatah as in 1. 35 of Slab IV. - - Danda unnecessary. .Visarga is above the line.

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RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR III-SLAB III nAga aiza manajAmAjaratAtaca pattAhAlAkirAtrI karakamalo jitaMcivanamA 2mopI namrapati kilIna kavetAsA makAdadAtaravAjAvAnaMda: mAdAjalI vidavAra nArAyaNascitara TAkAta hA gAvisako pachAjavatANavalAcatuSasvarayAna 4)zikAyayapAsya dAratAvita sthAnakAtara TyAkurasmatA vikAsAsAzAdApanAmA saarNjyH| paranAmAyamaraNAnenA satA eyAta todana rAvastu tatazcadra satAnava 61vanAvo12 rahadazva svAmAnApatitakalalaphAmAnalArApAlikA sAratIyA svara 6 yezvonikalavasyavAtAvAda he khaH kArapasena jinaspapAtataH janAivA dhA tAsa 7nibhAnAmatatayaHpara saspavAtAvasamasyAitakAramA danara epastolavAlA 8 hariyompA lakAspatriva730 sapatavizaMkarazyanAmA taralatAzAhArazvakozahitAraya taspArita- parasparasevIsmA jojomavAtaramA 6ko vA kAramatatpunaHsagarasacAra 10 cakavatAnapAdapa pAraspAjata- gAvalidastA hA sadhyAHsAgarakA rakAH sagaraspAnAva pATha pheziyAmasanamA mAnisIpamA jAtajagAraghAtatatastato tAnaHsiMhAmAska 12 tasatAtA yatAsAmA tataparNavanarataH sarvakAmasUda spana zApisApAtAkadavAsakalalA 14 pAdAnyAravago sAcA maMkaHmUla kI mAra kArayatAbaDatapAtAtAvazvasada sta: 14 smAbAgavakavata:bAra riporasara barasAnahAtAnA godAra saspakozaH 16lpAMsa tolavAmA rake ke naramao rAmanAka maav||5|maayaalkssmnnshvshtrutr 16 tinnAmatAmrAsAtaghakazojA tolavara 18pAdapA~mAta thakAnaSadhosyatA 18 tojalAnanIyapaMDarAko sthAnAvarasAdayAnAkaratAnApArayAtrAsAtatsatarAvara 18 vasamA sTalakAramA janAnasatojavAre ||20||sgaasvvighaat:putrssp satottavAdiekatA 20 jaHpuSyo ramA Tuvasiji ratanI jbr||25|| sa darzanIspativarga-taspazIghra satoma prasutasta 20 4prAdhistrampata marSAta te para svAsnasyAhavatAprasAjarAjatantratatrakAra samAha lahativAra|RKA nAratasaMgrAmetihAsAtavatAtAvyAprokA jAraMga 22 kapA-mAgatAnAdevaMyA sastavavarAmanAratmAharaNa svorukiyA pratAraNAvadA vanaprAzayAmarasa spAsA dAure-spa vAdikasaspadavIvAdanAmAnAratpalazarAtaspAsAtsadamA svara razvato tara mAraNArAMpatyAnaramAdatIkamA mAlatamarudevAsmAsumAtrA svayaka rAta tIna rajaHstakA sAmAjidasyatArivahadAnastotAda sammAnaspatiyAtasmadrA nyaampsnyaashaavaaptH|25|| moTosamAlojalI spaneta nadaghavAladaka manasyatAkastAka syA sAsarasvataH3.mimitrAMtaznAko rava yonavavA nadrA jaagvtskcnvnvraaritaaH||31|| nyatazalatA pAitAvaprasidAsaryavaMzasthAnavatajAlolavatatAinahAra yA rAjeMdra ramAdavira yAna pAramA da valasenasatastenAsyakalA rAtasmAkana karanA sthAna hAta jaztyAta 30 smAdajavasenosA nvsnsocn||34-prsNg nastaramA padasenatato'navazanapaHsiMharayasvetepara pAdAsanAna, pArapAtamA toyAnakAyomArAma tAjAvAna pAudA dAla syAjada sadAzara 26AtrA spA kAzatA paanaa| nijAmayAmA tayAramAna ghAlavatAlavadanvayA 3AjAra tAvijayanaMpAtArAjAkoma nupUrvakAvA saMgaritAkA vana kaaraasaadiyaadiaactaayHsn| "199||18 vapemA mAsekasapale sahamatI tAdAmuharatarAjarAjamAghajIkAkAratA 2032||6maaghmaa lapaTo5tipperAnasamadamAtAkA bAlaka gajapakalyANa zrI rajatapadevako radaraphanA lAmA mAraSALARIDAIGAM SCALE: ONE-FIFTH

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APPENDIX] * RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 7 yo nikuMbhastasya vA tataH // // (ba)haNAzvaH zAzvosya senajitasya vA tataH // (1) yuvanAzvosya mAMdhAtA asaha8. spuparAbhiSaH // 7 // avaya'sya tanayaH purukutsosya vA sutaH // (1) asahasyuDisI yosmAna . rajyastatobhavat // 8 // 9 haryazvosyAraNastasya tri(ba) dhananupastataH // (1) satyavatastrizaMkustu tasya nAmAMtara tataH // // harizcaMdro rohitosya 10 talpa vA haritastataH // (1) apastasya sudevosmAvijayo bhaekosya vA [*] 1.[*] tasmAdako pA(mA)hakosya tatputraH sagaraH sa ca // (1) 11 camavartI sumatyAM tu palyAM tasyAbhavansutA[*] // 11 // bheSTA (chAH) SaSTisahavocattasyAH sAgarakArakAH / sagarasyAnyapa-... 12 aa (eat) tu kezimyAmasa[4]jasaH // 12 // tatozumAgdilIposmAtasmAjjAto bhagIravaH / tataH [tastato [nAbhaH siMdhudIposya 13 tatsutaH // 13 // ayutAyustasya jAta RtuparNastu tatsutaH / sarvakAmaH suvAsosya tasmAnmitra sahapati[*] // // 14 // .. mavayaMtyAH sa kalmA14 papAdAmyAlyosya cAzmakaH // (1) mUlakosmAha zaraSastata eraviDastataH // 15 // jAto vizvasahasta15 smAravaTAMgazcakravartyataH // (1) dIrghabAhudilIposya raghurasyAja ityataH // 16 // jAto bazarapa stasya kauza18 lyAyAM sutobhavat // (1) bhIrA (rA)macaMdraH kaikeyyA bharatho (to) rAmabhaktimAn // 17 // sumitrAyAM lakSmaNazca zatrughnazce17 ti nA(rA) mataH // (1) zrIsItAyAM kuzo jAto lavazceti kuzA babhUt // 18 // kumA syAmatiSiko niSaposya ta18 to nalaH // (1) nabhoSa puMDarIkosya amapanyA tatobhavat // 1 // devAnIkastato'hInaH __pAriyAtrosya tatsutaH // (1) ba(ba)19 lastasya sthalastasmAvakhanAbhastatobhavat // 20 // sa (saM) gaNastasya vitiH putrastasya sutobhavat // (1) hiraNyanA * The letter ta is engraved above the line. Visarga is above the line. The figare 14 between two sets of dandas appear above the line. The first pair of dandas is thus in orooss. * Here instead of Dasaratha the Puranas give Sataratha which appears to be ccrrect The syllable ma appears above the line. * A space for one or two letter is left blank bot woon id and da.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XxIx 20 bhaH puSyosmAvasiddhistatobhavat // 21 // sudarzanosyAgnivarNasa (sta) sya zIghrastato mahat // (0) tataH prasuzrutasta21 smAtsaMdhistasya tu marSaNaH . // 22 // tato mahasvastisyAbhUdvizvasAbaH prasenajit // (1) tatastatastakSako'22 smAta (i.) haDa ()la iti svayaM // 23 // mahAbhAratasaMgrAme nihatastvabhimanyunA // (1) ete svatItA vyAsena saMproktA bhAra23 te nRpAH [*]24fu*] anAgatAja (ja) gAvaM vyAsastatra vadAmi tAn // (1) (ba)hana (da) lAi (kR) habaNastasyotakriya ityataH // 25 // vatsa24 payaH prativyomastasyAsmAvAnurasya vA // (1) divAkastasya padavI vAhinIpatirityabhUt // 26 // tasyAsItsahadevo25 sya (ba) hadazvastatobhavat // (1) bhAnumAn vA pratIkAzbosya tasmAtsupratIkakaH // 27 // tatobhUnmahadevosma (smA) tsunakSatro26 sya puSkaraH // (1) tatoMtarimaH sutapAstasmAnmitrajivasya tu // 28 // (ba) habrAjastato. ba(ba)histasmAttasya kRtaMjayaH // (1) tasmAdra27 gaMjayastasya saMjayaH zApa ityataH // 26 // zusodosmAllAgalosya prasenajidaya svataH // (1) zakastasya haNakasta28 syAsItsurathastataH // 30 // sumitrastu sumitrAMta ivAkoragvayobhavat // (1) uktA bhAgavate skaMdhe navame te mayovitAH // 31 // 29 dvAviMzatyaprazatakameSAM saMkhyA kRtA vade // (1) prasi[bAsU (nsU) ryavaMzasthAn vajanAbho bhavattataH // 32 // mahArathIti rAjeMdra30 stasmAdatirathI nRpaH // (1) 'tasmAvacalasenastu senAsya tvacalA raNe // 33 // tasmAtkanaka senosya mahAsenoMga [ityataH // (1) ta31 smAvijayasenosyA'jayasenastatobhavat // 34 // prabhaMgasenastasmAttu mavasenastato'bhavat / bhUpaH siMharathastvete pra32 yodhyAvAsino napAH // 35 // tasmAdvijayabhUpoyaM muktvA'yodhyAM raNAgatAn // (1) jitvA nRpAndakSiNasthAnavasaddakSiNa The lotter la is engraved above the line, * Sandhi is not observed here.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR - 13 33 kSitau // 36 // tatrAsyAkAzavANyAsonmuktvA rAjAbhiSAmaya // (1) pAvityAlyA tu bhartavyA bhavatA bhavavanvaye // 37 // jA34 mA vijayabhUpAtA rAjAno manupUrvakAH // (1) vIrA saMkhyeritAsteSAM paMcatriMzatrutaM zata (taM) // 38 // prAsIvityAdi / dvitIyaH sargaH // 36 saMvata // 17 // 18 vRSe (varSe) mAghamAse kRSNapakSe saptamyAM ta(ti) yo rAmasamudrA mUhUrata (muhUrta) rANerAjasIMghajI koSo // saMba38 ta // 17 // 32 // Se (varSe) mAghamAse sukala (zukla) pakSe 15 tithe (pau) rAjasamudra pratiSTA(SThA) kIdhI gajapara mukaMda gajadhara kalyANa37 jI suta urajaNa gajapara suSa(kha)deva. gajadhara keso // su(saM)vara // lAlA / somapurA [ja]ti // cutarA puramya // rAmarAma vAca[nA]jI [ // *] Slab IV; Canto III [Metres : vv. 1, 35, 36 Sardalavikridita; vv. 2-12, 24-27, 32-34 Anushtubh; vv. 13, 14, 16-20, 22, 23, 30 U pajati; vv. 15, 29, 31 Indravajra ; v. 21 Indravamsa; v. 28 Upajati of Indravamsa and Vamsasthavila.] 1 // zrIgaNezAya namaH // ulalolIbhavanatAcha(ccha)surabhIpucha(cha) (cha)TAcAmaraH sagovarddhana dhanyagotravilasacchatrI jiteMdro va(ba). 2 lI // (0) gopAlaH kalitazca gopatanayAsakto nijapramavAnpAyAgoSanabhaktarakSaNaparaH sacca bhavatI hariH // 1 // tato vi. 3 jayabhUpasya panAvityobhavatsutaH // (1) zivAdityosya * putrobhUbarabattosya vA sutaH // 2 // . sujasAvityanAmAsmAtsuma4 sAbityakastataH / (1) somavatta stasya putraH zilAdityosya cAtmajaH // 3 // kezavAditya etasmAnAgAvityosya cAtma5 jaH / bhogAbityosya putrobhUddevAdityastatobhavat // 4 // prAzAdityaH kAlabhojAvityosmAttanayosya tu // (1) prahAvitya ihA6 rityAzcaturvazamitAstataH // 5 // prahAdityasutAH sarve ga(gu)hilautAbhiSAputAH / jAtA yuktaM teSu putro jyeSTho vASpAbhiSobhava1 By this are meant the two stanzas, Nos. 30 and 31, of Slab II, Canto I. * Somapura means 'architect'. * The name should end in aditya rather than in datta in accordance with the information contained in voru 37 of Slab III, Canto II and verse 5 of the present one, 4 DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 7 // 6 // yaM dRSTA na(ma)dinaM gaurI dRzoSpiM purA'sRjat / maMdI gaNosI bASpori priyAkvA (gvA) pado'bhavat // 7 // hArI8 rAziH sumunizcaraH bhogobhavat / tasya ziSyobhavatApastasyAzAtaH , prA (pra) sAvataH // 6 // nAgaharapure tiSThanne 9 kaliMgazivaprabho / cake vASpo'naM cAsmai barAno baco tataH // citrakUTapatistvaM . syAstvadazyavaraNA - 10 + / mA gacha (nya) sAccitrakUTaH saMtatiH tyAvaritA // 10 // prApyetyAvivarAmbASpa ekasmin . . zatake gate // (0) ekApanakall tisvaSTe- mAghe povalakSake // 11 // saptamI divase bASpaH sa paMcadazavatsaM (sa)H / ekaligezahArItaprasAbAAgyavAnabhUt // 12 // 12 nAgahabAlye magare virAjI narezvara: baGgadhareSu dhanyaH / (ba)lena behena ca bhojanena bhImo raNe bhImatamo 13 ripUrNA // 13 // paMcAdhikatri (tri) zadamavahastapramANayukpaTTaparTa vadhAnaH / ba(ba) bhI nicorsa kila SoDazodhakarapra14 mANaM vimalaM vasAnaH // 14 // zrI ekaligena mudA prabattaM hArItanAmne munayeSa tena / bataM dadhAnaH kaTakaM ca hemaM paMcA16 zabudhatpalamAnamAste // 15 // dvAtriMzabuddhattamaDhambukAcaiH prastha (sthA)bhiSeH zeravaraiH kRtasya / maNasya caikasya 16 bharaM hi catvAriMzanmitavi(vi)bhavasi raSAnaM // 16 // ekaprahArAnmahiSI mahAsedurgArcanAyAM javato vinighnan / bhU 17 janmahAchAgacatuSTayaM sa agastyaza[styaH] prababhUva vASpaH // 17 // tataH sa nirjitya nUpaM tu morIjAtIyabhUpaM 18 manurAjasaMjJaM / citritacitrakUTa cakretra rAjyaM nRpacakravartI // 18 // rAjyAti pUrNatvavaratvalakSmImaya Compare verses 20 and 21 of Canto I above. * Read svabdi ; su being prefixed to the word abda. Su, sat, lasat, udyat, etc., will be found used as mere expletives very commonly in this poem. * Sandhi has not been observed here. * The correct sandhi would be ad='gastya-, but sa Agastya- has been retained for the sake of the metro,

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 16 19 svazabAvimavarNayuktAM / tAM rAvalAlyA padavIM vadhAno vASpAbhidhAnaH sa rarAja rAjA // 19 // lataH khumAnAbhi20 parAvalosmAnagovicanAmASa maheMjanAmA / pAsUnRposmAvatha siMhavarmA tasyAtmajaH zaktikumAra nAmA // 20 // jAA tastato rAvalazAlivAhanastasyAtmajobhUmaravAhanastataH / aMbAprasAosya ca kAttivarmakastatputra prA22 sInaravarmanAmakaH // 21 // tato nRpAlo narapatyabhilyastvaSottamosmAsupabhairavosmAt / zrIpuMjarA23 gobhavavasya kavityaH sutosyApi ca bhAvasiMhaH // 22 // zrIgA(go)prasihoSa sa haMsarAjaH sutosya sUnuH zubha24 yogarAjaH / sa baramAlyoSa sa vairisiMhastatosya vA rAvalatejasiMhaH // 23 // tataH samarasiMhAlyaH pRthvIrAja25 sya bhUpate:*] // (0) pRpAlyAyA bhaginyAstu patirityatihAItaH // 24 // gorIsAhibagInena gajjanIzena saMgara 28 / kurvato'narvagarvasya mahAsAmaMtazobhinaH // 25 // dillIzvarasya cohAnanAthasyAsya sahAyakRt / 27 sahAdazasahastraH (H) svavIrANAM sahito raNe // 26 // vadhvA (bar3A) gorIpati vaivAtsvataH sUryavivabhit // (0) bhASArAsApusta28 kesya yuddhasyoktosti vistaraH // 27 // tasyAtmajobhUbhUpakarNarAvalaH proktAstu SaDviMzatirAvalA ime / karNAtmajo 29 mAhaparAvalobhavatsa DUMgarAdhe tu pure nRpo babhau // 28 // karNasya jAtastanayo dvitIyaH zrIrAhapaH .karNanRpAjJayogaH / / 30 vAkyena vA zAkunikasya gatvA maMDovare mokalasI sa jitvA // 29 // tAtAMtike svAnayati sma va(ba) karNosya rANAviru314 gRhItvA / mumoca taM cAra badau tadIyaM rAnA'bhidhAnaM priyarAhapAya // 30 // bhavyAzivA bA(mA)hmaNapallivAlajJAtIyavidva32 cha(cha) razasyanAmnaH / zrIcitrakUTe va(ba) lalandharAjyaM cake tato rAhapa eSa vIraH // 31 // tato va(ba) bhI citrakUTa rAhapA (po) vAhapopa (pa)kaH / 33 pUrva sIsodanagare vAsAtsIsodiyA smRtaH // 32 // rAnAvizvalAbhena rAnetyuktokhilava (4) bho / bakSasyAne bhaviSyaM1 This word is spelt here both ways rand and rand.

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16 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 34 ti rAnAviyavino nRpAH // 33 // rAjeMdra rAjI pUjyoyaM nArAyaNaparAyaNaH / vizeSaNAdivarNADhayAM vIro rAnAbhiSAM badhe 35 // 34 // prAsIdbhAskaratastu mAdhavabudho'smAdrAmacaMdrastataH lakSmyAvinAyastataH 36 / telaMgosya tu rAmacaMdra iti () hyezaviSNUpamAH // 35 // 37 sImmabhUvanastu janako be pratyAha / kAvyaM sAnvayarA 38 jasaguNavarNanAyaM mahIka samabhUtRtIya iha sarasvargaH susargaH sphuTaM // 6 // itizrI telaMgajJAtIyakaThoMDIka 39 vipaMDitopanAmamadhusUdana bhaTTaputra raNachoDakRte sarve (pa) raka kaThoMDikulajo vA kRSNosya vA mAdhava: putrobhUnmadhusUdanastraya ime yasyA gA (go) svAmivAbhUmAtA raNachoDa eSa kRtavAnrAja rAjaprazastyAhvaye mA (ma) hAkAvye tRtIyaH sargaH // saM 1732 varSa mAghI 15 rAjasamadrapratiSThA // * // [*] Slab V; Canto IV [Metres : v. 1 Malini; vv. 2-50 Anushtubh.] 1 // zrIgaNezAya namaH // kalitahalinicolo nIlaloloMtikesau tadariti dhRtavastrA vegatA yatra gopyaH / vidadhati jalakeli 2) sita sosmAnmukhayatu yamunAyAstIra[+] samAlaH // 1 // tasya putro narapatI rAnAsya jasakarNakaH / tansu ( tsu ) to nAgapA tasya 3 losya puNyapAlaH sutosya tu // [ 12 // * ] pRthvI mallaH sutastasya putro bhuvanasiMhakaH / putro bhImasiMho jaryAsahosya tatsu 4 taH // 3 // lakSmasahasve (stve) va gaDhamaMDalIkAbhidhosya tu / kaniSTho ratnasI bhrAtA padminI priyAbhavat // 4 // tatkRtellAvadInena 5 citrakUTa mahodvAdasvabhrAtRbhiH saptabhiH sutaiH // 5 // sahitaH zastrapu (pU.) tosI / divaM yAto'sya cAtma 6 eka ropa saMge po hato (tas) tatsuto varSa 1 This danda is superfluous. tato'rasI / [6 // *] jyeSTaH (SThaH) rAjyaM hamIro vAno maI sukhaH pituH

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 7 gaMgApravarzakaH // 7 // vidUre viMdrasarasi zrImUrti sphATikI dhutAM / na prAptAM susthasamaya ekaliMgasya tadvAdhAt // 8 // 8 mUtiM caturmukhImetA zyAmA zyAmAyutAM tataH / kSetrasiMhastato lASA (sI) lakSado mokala stataH / bhrAtarAvatabAghasyA'napatyasya phalAptaye // (1) bAghelAlyaM taDAgaM tannAmnA nAgahavekarot // 10 // tridvAra sphaTikAbhAzmajuSTaM kailAzavapaH / prA10 kAramuttamAkAramekaliMgaprabhoLadhAt // 11 // kRtvArya dvArakAyAtrA zaMkhosAra gatastataH / sisa ekosya palyAstu garbha rAjyAptayevi11 pAt 12 // sa kuMbhakarNobhUtputro mokalosyAsya mastakAt / sravati sma jalaM gAMga prasimiti nizyabhUt // 13 // kuMbhakarNopa bhUpo12 bhUdurgakubhalamezakRt / ma[SoDazazatastrIyaku (yug) / rAyamalloSa rAjyakRt // 14 // saMgrAmasiMha statputraH sa vilakSAmitabhaMTaH / yukto vA(bA)bara13 billIzaveze phattepurAvadhi 15[*] gatvAtra pIliyAkhAlapyaM (parya)[*] paryakalpayat / - svadezasImAnamayaM ratnasiMhoya rAjyakRt / 16 / tAtA vikramA14 vityoM bhUpobhUttasyA (sya) sobaraH / rAnA' udayasiMhotha sa divyovaM (da) yasAgara // 17 // tathokyapuraM cake taDAgotsargakarmaNi [] chItUbhaTTAya so16 baryalakSmInAthayutAya ca // 18 // bhUravAsanAmamadAhApAdAnaM tulAdikaM / citrakUTetha podAsya rAThoge jaimalo raNaM [19] pattA sIso18 biyA cake dillIzena mahAyazAH / prakambareNa bhaTayugvIra IzvaravAsakaH / 20 / kulakaM / pratApasiMhotha nRpaH kacha (ccha) vAhena mA17 ninA / mAnasiMhena tasyAsIdvaimanasyaM bhujeviyo' / 21 // bhakambaraprabhoH pArve mAnasiMhastato gataH / gRhItvA tA(i)la prAme khaM18 bhanaure samAgataH / 22 / tayoryuvamabhUto (dgho)raM lohakoSThagatasya saH / mAnasiMhasya kuMbhIbrakaMbhe zubhaparAkramaH / 23 // jyeSThaH 19 pratApasiMhasya amarezAbhiSaH sutaH / kuMtaMzakuMtavegoyaM mumocAruNalocanaH / 24 / rANA pratApasiMhoya mAnasiMhasya 1 This danda is superfluous. * The syllable tyd is engraved below the line. * Sandhi has not been observed here. * Bhuji has apparently been used here in the gonne of food.

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18 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 20 hastinaH / kuMbhe kuMtaM mumocAzu pazcAhaMtI palAyitaH // 25 // samayatra pratApezaM zaktasihotya sodaraH / mAnasihatya 21 gaye (spo) vRSTvaivaM snehatovavat / 26 / nIlAzvasyAzvavAra evaM pazcAtpazya prabho tataH / pratApasiMho vazesva ( zva) mekamaya niryayau 22 // 27 // tato dvau mugalo mahAva ( ba ) laH // 28 // 23 galau pratApeMdreNa saMgara hitakArIti 1 cakratuH zrIpratApena zaktasiMhena tau tataH // 26 // nitI [[siMhaH] sahodaraH / vIrau mAnasiMhena vegataH // ( 1 ) preSitau zaktAsahAApa gRhItvAzAM mAnasiMhasya : mu 24 rANeoktaM zaktasiMhavaMzA (dayA) svaprANavallabhaH // 30 // marumbara ihAyAtastatazcake sa pratApasi (sa) haM va (ba) linaM matvA ze 25 sunAmakaM // 31 // saMsthApyAtra sutaM jyeSTha mAga prati niryayau 1 amarezaH khAnakhAnAvArANAM haraNaM vyadhAt // 32 // 26 suvAsinIvatsaMtoSya preSayAmAsa tAH punaH / khAnakhAnasyAdbhutaM tajjAtaM zemanasyapi // 33 // tataH zelUjahAMgIranA 28 haM caturA (ra) zItisainyairvRtaM gataH [*] 27 ( saMsthApyAta (1) mA dillIzvarobhavat / punarAgato yuddhaM kRtvA khurramanAmakaM // [ // 34 // *] kRtvA pratApinaM pratApasi sutaM svIyaM saMgaraM / deveranAmake / sulatAnaM serimA cakatA 29 dillIzasya pitRbhyaM taM vIkyAbhUtsaMmustataH [1] 17 / [1"] pratApasiMha rANe 1 31 myanatserimAmi // 32 // to na viniHsR 35 [1*] villIMpati' (dillIpati) pratApezI ghaTTe (rU) gajasthitaM [["] 26 [*] solaMkibhUtpazciche (cche ) va gajAMhI parihArakA 30 raNe rAvaNavikramaH / zakuMtavegaH kuMtena kuMbha (bhi) kuMlaM (bhaM) babhaMja saH // 38 // papAta kuMbhI turagamAdarohAca serimA amarezaH svakuMtena sazirastrANayamazvaM tamasaMDapat / amarezakarAkRSTaH sa 32 taH // 40 // tataH pratApeMdrAzAto batvA ( svA) latAM padena saH / kuMtaM cakarSAmarSena kuMtAyA harSa mAvadhe // 41 // darzanIyaH sa yenAhaM The word pati appears below the line.

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APPENDIX) 33 nihataH serimAvavata't / pratApasiMha (siMha) 34 naM (pra): preSayAmAsa RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR bhaTaM taM vIkSya teno[klaM] nAyaM preSyaH sa eva tu / rANe bhramarezaM raNotkaTaM // 43 // taM dRSTvA serimovAca soyamasti mayekSitaH / yuddhakAle nabhobhUmivyApizIrSazarIrabA 19 ( ) svApre ( tvA pre) vaya[skaM ]cidbhaTaM // 42 // 35 n // 44 // devo (vA) neta (ma) caturazItipramitA gatAH tohaM hi yAsye yAsye sthAnaM zubhaM tataH 1 kosIlA / [ 245 // *] sthAnapAlAH pratApedro mahodayapure36 [basat // (1) dAdo kopi bhAvaH prApyoSNIvAdikaM dhanaM vaat // 46 // pratApasiMhAdillIzaM draSTuM yAtastadaMtike / yadA prApta (pta ) stavA va (ba) ddhaM taduSNI 37 karevaSat // 47 // gatvA salAmaM kRtavAnvillIzena taveritaM / kimidaM sovavadrANApratApI SNISamityataH [*] 48 // na bhUtaM mU 38 hi dillIvAstava jJApitAzayaH / tavA samaste jagati sarve hiMdU turakakaiH // 49 // prananaH bIra ityukta 39 [ mau] citI / iti rANA pratApasya pratApaH kathito mayA // 50 // iti zrIrAjaprazastyAhnaye mahAkAvye vIrAMke caturthaH sargaH // Slab VI; Canto V [Metres vv. 1-32, 34-50 Anushtubh; v. 33 Vasantatilaka; vv. 51, 52 Sardulavileridita.] 4 lapurabhaMga (gaM) (ba) 5 naM 1 // zrIgaNapataye namaH 1 rAjA dhamarasiMhAlyo'karodrAjya (kyaM ) sa tataH purA / mAnasihatva saMgrAme khAnakhAnAvaSUhRtau // 1 // 2 seramAsulatAnasya maye proktorayavikramaH / jahA~gIrasyApi tena suraMmenAtha DhakRt // 2 // yuddhakRt barSa abadullahakhAnena va 3 va raNaM tataH / catuviMzatisaMkhyaistaM vaddhaH 'sthAnezvarala // 3 // dillIpaterbhUtyavaraM jaghne kAyamakhAnakaM / UMTAlAyAM mA cakretra daMDakRt // 4 // putrosya karNasaMhAlyaH siroMjaM mAlavAbhuvaM / baMdhe rAkSmI paphetiluMDa // 5 // tato jahA~gIrAjJAtaH khurramo milanaM vyadhAt 1 godhUMvAyAM samAyAtaH samara (re) zo nijasthalAt // 6 // mahodayaputra su 1 This ta is redundant. 2 Sandhi has not been observed here. * The name Serima, being of foreign origin, is used here avibhaktika. 4 There is a soored-out E-stroke over ma. 5 The correct form is melana.

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20 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 6 mopi samAgataH / ilAghyarItyA sAdaraM to sasnehI milito tataH // 7 // rAnA' amarasiMheMdro mahodayapure'vasat / mahAdA7 mAni vivadhe cakre rAjyaM sukhAnvitaM // 8 // lakSmInAthAlyabhaTTAya gurave maMtradAyine / rAmA amarasiMheMdro holIgrAma vado mu8 vA // 6 // atha rAnA karNasaM (siM) hazcakre rAjyaM purAkarot / satkaumArapade gaMgAtIre rupyatulA do // 10 // zUkarakSetraviprebhyo 9 prAmaM pUrva tu vi[]re / dhaMdherAmAlavAdezasirojapurabhaMgakRt // 11 // prakherAja sirohI cake zatrujitaM va(ba)lAt / papalakSma (zmA)10 hikamalaH karNavAnaparAkramaH [12 // *] billIzvarAjjahA~gIrAttasya khurramanAmaka / purva vimukhataH prAptaM sthApayitvA nijakSitau // 13 // ja11 hA~gIre divaM yAte saMge bhrAtaramarjunaM / datvA (svA) billIzvaraM cake sobhUtsAhi jaMhAbhiSaH // 14 // yugmaM [ // *] zate SoDazaketIte catuHSaSTapabhi12 ghembake / bhAdrazuklana (vi) tI[yA*]yo karNasiMhanupAvabhUt // 15 // jagatsiho mahecAsya / rAThoujasavaMtajA / zrImajjAbuvatI tasyAH ku13 kSerjAto va (ba) lI mahAn // 16 // zate SoDazaketIte paMcAza (zI) tyabhidhembake / rASa. zuklatRtIyAyAM rAjyaM prApa jagatpatiH // 17 // jagatsiM14 hAzayA maMtrI akherAjo va(ba) lAnvitaH // (1) sa DUMgarapuraM prAptaH puMjAnAmASa rAvala: ___ // 18 // palAyitaH pAtitaM taccaMdanasya gavAkSa16 kaM / luTanaM DUMgarapure kRtaM lokaralaM tataH // 16 // jagatsiMhAjJayA yAto rAThoDa rAmasiMhakaH / prati devaliyA senAyukto rAvatama16 bUTa // 20 // jasavaMtaM mAnasiMhaputrayuktaM jaghAna saH / puryA' devaliyAyAM ca luMTanaM racitaM ja[]: // 21 // zate SoDazaketIte SaDazItya 17 -bhiSembake / UrjakRSNadvitIyAyAM' jagatsihamahIpateH // 22 // putraH zrIrAjasiMhobhUna (ka)bIte parasI tathA / meutAdhiparAThoDarAjasiMha18 mahIbhUtaH // 23 // putrI janAnAmnI tatkukSijAtAvimau sutaH / prabhUnmohanavAsAlyo: . pAra (pariNItApriM (pri) yAbhavaH // 24 // prakherAja 1 Sandhi is not observed here. . This ma is incised above the line. * This danda is unnecessary. * The anusvara of yam appears over the following letter. MGIPO-81-4DGA-24-11-53-450.

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No, 4 ] BADASIVAGAD PLATES OF KADAMBA VIJAYADITYA ; SAKA 1102 29 No. SADASIVAGAD PLATES OF KADAMBA VIJAYADITYA ; SAKA 1102 (1 Plate) P. B. DESAI, OOTAQAMUND This set of copper plates' was secured by me for study in the course of my annual tour in the Bombay-Karnatak parts in February 1952. It was in the possession of Mr. H. V. Naik, Clerk of the Court, Civil Judge's Court, Karwar. Mr. Naik's family headquarters are at Sadasivagad, about four miles from Karwar, and these plates were lying there as an heirloom. Details as to how and when this family came to possess them are not known. I am editing the inscription on these plates here for the first time with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for Indis. The set consists of three plates held together by a circular ring with seal. The writing is found on the inner sides of the first and third plates and on both sides of the second. The rims are raised to protect the inscription which is, however, worn out in many places. The plates measure 8' in length, 6' in breadth and 1/8th inch in thickness. The ring which is 2' in diameter passes through a circular hole, 5/8th inch in diameter. The ends of the ring are soldered into the bottom of a thick circular seal having a rim. The seal, which is 21" in diameter, contains on the sunken surface the figures of a rampant lion with upturned tail and a dagger in front of it. At the top around are the figures of a svastika and the sun, followed by the legend Sri-Vishnudasah in Nagari characters, and then the crescent. The ring and the seal together weigh 70 tolas and the whole set weighs 380 tolas. The characters are Nagari of the twelfth century, being normal for the period. The letter on at the commencement is written like tun. Medial a is generally denoted by a side matra. Exceptions to this are the letters va in line 1 and ma in line 44, where a slanting stroke is placed at the top of va and ma to denote the length. In regard to orthography, the consonant following a repha, as a rule, is not doubled. We do, however, note & few intances of doubling also, e. 8., murtteh in line 4, Vijayarkka- in line 31 and suvarnn- in line 35. The language is Sanskrit and the composition is in verse, except in lines 39-46 describing the particulars of the gift. The composition is defective in some places. The epigraph commences with an invocation to god Siva. After narrating the origin of the Kadamba family, in the usual manner, from the mythical hero Trilochana Kadamba who was born from the sweat of Siva, it gives & succinct genealogical account of the Kadambas of Goa. The account stops with Sivachitta Permadi and his younger brother Vijayarka or Vijayaditys II, the sons of Jayakesin II from the Chalukya princess Mailala Mabadovi. The inscription represents Vijayaditya as the ruling monarch. Its object is to record a gift of land by the king to the goddess Arya Bhagavati. Though not explicitly stated, it appears from the description of his family and the context that the beneficiary of the gift was a Brahmana of the Bharadvaja gotra, named Govinda, who was well-versed in the science of astronomy. The donee's family is described for four generations. The gift property was situated within the boundaries of the village Aruvige included in the tract of Marruvattugadalu. The record bears the date which is expressed in words thus : Saka 1102, Vikarin, Karttika ftua. 12, Sunday. The Saka year was current and the date regularly corresponds to Sunday, October 14, 1179 A. C. 1 No. 2 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1961-5%. 1 DGA

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30 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX The importance of the epigraph lies in its being unique. Inscriptions mentioning the joint rule of the two brothers, Sivacbitta Permali and Vijayaditya II, and also those that refer to the rule of the former only who was the elder of the two, have been discovered. But no inscription referring to Vijayaditya as an independent ruler, has come to light so far. No doubt the second part of the Halsi inscription contains a reference to the regnal year possibly of Vijayaditya; but it is clear from the earlier portion that his brother Permadi was ruling at the time. Hence the present happens to be the first and the only inscription so far discovered, attributing independent rule to Vijayaditya, dissociated from his brother. The reason for this appears to be that Permali was no longer living by this time. According to the Halsi inscription, Vijayaditya was a devotee of the god Vishnu and bore the epithet Vishnuchitta. But it is revealed from the seal of the present plates that he preferred to describe himself as Vishnudasa, i. e., 'an humble servant of Lord Vishnu.' The inscription contains two place-names. One is the region called Marruvattugadalu or Maruvattugadalu, and the other the village Aruvige situated therein. It is interesting to note that Mapuvattugadalu is a purely Kannada expression made up of the words maru, paffu or mafu and kadalu. It means "the coastal region adjoining the sea. I am, however, unable to identify this tract. Aruvige appears to be identical with the present day Arage, a village about 4 miles to the south-east of Karwar, on the road to Ankola. The village Arage contains a shrine dedicated to a female deity named Durga. This deity probably represents the goddess Arya Bhagavati of the epigraph. TEXT (Metres : Verses 1, 2, 5, 6, 10, 13 Sardulavikridita; vv. 3, 7 Upajati; vv. 4, 8, 9, 14-18 Anushfubh ; v. 11 Mandakranta ; v. 12 Vasantatilaka.] First Plate 1 * 77[:] forara [1*] fucicroagogayat : ] iteract2 gradeceri rasaailfafaha] - -u - [Tra} 3 at [1* ] 4219[fa]aren (sit) [a] - --U - -u4 eftcialfafuanfaat geftat gate [four 1 (118*] 916 aviaferer forinfeca - U - - u - - 6 sronnmrphnniiNdri]suNdrphnnprollaasirlaa][liiN|] 7 pAgacchatsurasiMdhumaMgalavidhI nIrAjanAvirbhavatrio 8 DhAhaMkRtidIparAjivikasallakSmI dadhAtyuccakaiH / / 2*] purA purANAM vijaye 1 J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. IX, pp. 279-80 ; compare George M. Moraes, Kadamba Kula, p. 199. * Compuro Kadamba Kula, p. 201. . From the original plates and impressione. * In the end fow more instances that follow, the final is changed to an undra.

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B. OH. C Reco SADASIVAGAD PLATES OF KADAMBA VIJAYADITYA SAKA 1102 natAlibAna 2 rAtoMrAta tAnAzAha 4 yAdideva bhavitAvirtana 8171/1998 1010 6 16 ii,a. vinIta ka5 12 vaMzavimahInA 12 lIlAvatI patrikA naya 140114 pati vidyApI ghAmAnera viSya dena 8 ghoSa16 gati ii,b. bhAvA khAnu molio ki malisA 24 OMgatAthi kulapa mamilana mahAvI 2 16 nama 18 18 lAkha vAlA niHzaMka mAkavizAlA 20 thii| tataH samanidhi 20 niya kI rtikalpavalyAyo 22 zAka sihIpa vidyApa nAyarA kI 22 SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS - SUN 2626 JAGE to gauta 28 naramahA durgavIrA patInAM / tasthA 30 "mudAginA 30 samonimA liviyamiti 32 vakravatripAtoM82 tIna gyAtinAmo rAyalA 34 ko 234 mAhitIta 4171123 24 28

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| rausNsaal 36 vstr theetii r g // | jeelgna . / rhaaunjnuuN 99 dhoo]sudhiir 13 tooN 7 t t beeg aaii tl 40 | girgsiir 3 tooN 7 dii siib 90 0 ju niroogii nuunlhiib nh reer"n hV 42 pNnuuN nee rhetee 7642 * nirNtt husaadhgoolii 44 ru jrmn g h rr $s'eer:2 hai| eeh tsdee nee 46 Dtheeree rooh tooN taaN maiN , shj dhroohr 3 // 48 ru: ! b ii : oo: 7 SEAL From a Photograph

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31 No. 4) SADASIVAGAD PLATES OF KADAMBA VIJAYADITYA ; SAKA 1102 9 purArI :*] svedodavi (biM)du[ccha]lato lalATe [*] prAvirva (4) bhUve guNamaM [dranItiH sukhAma - 10 taH plAvayituM jagaMti / [1 3*] tAH kadaMva (ba)talaM prAptA lokottuMgatrilocanaM / Second Plate ; First Side 11 trilocanakadaMvA (bA) khyaM caturbhujamajIjanat / / 4*] tatsitA'naka12 daMva(ba)vaMzavilasatkSIrAMvu (bu)dhau [stheyasi prAkAre zaraNAgata[kSitibhujAM] 13 lIlAvanau shriipteH| lakSmIjanmaniketane kuvalaya[prollAsa] -- 14 yatbhU(dbha) bhRnmaulivirAjipAdayugala[*] zrISaSThadevojani / / 5*] etasmAjjayakesi16 bhUpa[ti]rabhUdAMtavizrANanaH kSoNIrakSaNadakSiNa[strijaga / 16 taamaanNdnissyNdnH| yatpAthonidhitIraropitajaya[staMbha17 pralaMbhA jhagityaMbhaHkuMbhighaTAH (TA) dhRSati - - - - - - - 18 loH / / 6*] parasparaM saMgararaMgacuMcU cAlukyacolAdhipa[ tI ] --0] 19 niHzaMkamake viracayya mitre lebhe yazo -. .-~20 khyAM / / 7*] tataH samajani zrImAnvijayAdityabhUpa[ tiH|] . . . . 21 ti yatkItikalpavalyAH payodhayaH / [*] tato jagajjayI ja[je jA22 yakesimahIpatiH / . kenAyate [tarAM] . . . . . . . . . Second Plate ; Second Side 23 dhau| [ik*] cAlukyAnvayamaulimauktikaNi saujanya - - --- 24 [tuM] jagatAM zriyaH kulagRhaM permADibhUpaH sutaaN| [yasmai] - - - 25 ma mailalamahAdevIM jaganmaMgalA dAsIkuMjarakoza[ dezasahitA] da28 tvA(ttvA) kRtArthobhavat / / 10*] tasmAdasyAmajani vijayI vIra[permADide]27 vo gaurIbhartRpraNayasadanaM tyaagsiNhaasnshriiH| ---- 28 bhaTamahAdurgavargaH kalInAM janmasthAnaM vizadayazasAM - - - 29 patInAM / / 11*] tasyAnujaH sakalamaMgalajanmabhUmiH zrIsaMpadA pa30 dmdaargunnaabhiraamH| trAsAvama(na) mrazirasAM (sA)vanipAla31 maulimANikyaraMjitapado vijayArkadevaH / / 12*] yasmi [gnaru ()ta 32 cakravattinRpatI kSoNIbhRtAmAzraye vIrazrInijadhAmani trija33 gtiibhaagyaabhiraamodye| lakSAdhAdhikadAnakelirataye lo This roading is rostored conjectorally.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 34 kottarAtyunnatI lajjate phalabhAranamrazirasaH prAyo [ nilipaTThA35 mAH / / 13*] yadvitIrNasuvarNorubhA[2] . . . . . . . . . . Third Plate 36 prAyaH prasthAnamanujA [na] te [ 14*] samastaguNasaMpannaH kezavAkhyo 37 dvijottmH| bhAradvAjaH sutastasya goviMdo bhavi vizrutaH / / 15*] kapardinAmA 38 tatsUnustatputro dvijapuMgavaH / jyotiHzAstravidAM zreSTho goviMdaH sadguNA39 zrayaH / / / 16*] zrImadAyaryAbhagavaya (tyai) marravaTTagaDalumadhyAruvige grAma (mA)dArA [daruvi40 gevata (catu)[*]sImAMtargataM veMkarekSetraM vizuddhasImAsamanvitanidhini[kSepa]41 jalavRkSAdisahitaM rAjakIyAM (yA)naMguliprekSaNIyaM sarvanamasyaM . . . 42 [Jca kRtvA] zakAdivarSANA sahasre zate ca pUrNe dvitIye vikArisaMvatsare 43 kAttikazuddhadvAdazyAM ravivA[re] soyaM sakalaguNAlaMkRto vi[jayA]44 dityadevastasmai zAsanaM dattavAn [*] tat*i ]kSetrasImA' [vApayAdAra] . . . . . 45 yakoNaka tarasrotaH dakSiNadizi nairurutyeva koNe pazcimadizi . . . . 48 SANaH vAyavyAmikSutaDAgaH // va(ba)hubhirvasudhA dattA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / ya47 sya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM [ 17*] svadattAM paradattAM vA yo hare48 ta vsuNdhraaN| SaSTivarSasahasrANi viSThAyAM jAyate krimiH / / / 18*] . . . [2] 49 ziSyopa[jJa]jaMgamasarasvatiH zAsanaM racayitvaivaM ti [STha] . . . . . .. No. 5-TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR (2 Plates) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND In May 1949, I received for examination from Mr. K. C. Panigrahi, Curator of the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, two sets of copper plates belonging to the Sailodbhava dynasty of Kongoda. I prepared transcripts of the inscriptions from the original plates which were in the usual course returned to Mr. Panigrahi. It was understood that he would contribute a paper on the above inscriptions to the Epigraphia Indioa. In December 1960, I met Mr. Papigrahi at Nagpur whers The language of this passage is faulty. The record is completo except for the last few akshards which are indistinot. In this line there is reference to the person who drafted the dooumont. The name of the poet, who bore the opithet jangandaranai, not be dooipbored fully.

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33 No. 5) TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR We assembled in connection with the thirteenth session of the Indian History Congress. He then informed me that it was not possible for him, owing to his pre-occupations, to take up the editing of the inscriptions. He requested me to publish them. I take this opportunity of thanking him for his kindness shown to me in this connection. The plates are now the property of the H.E. School at Bappur which is a station on the BengalNagpur Railway in the south-western part of the Puri District of Orissa. Mr. Panigrahi received them on a temporary loan for examination from the Headmaster of the Banpur H. E. School. Nothing is known as to the circumstanoes that brought the plates into the possession of the above iastitution. A. Grant of Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja This inscription was published by Pandit Satyanarayana Rajaguru with plates in the Journal of the Kalinya Historical Research Society, Vol. II, part i, pp. 59 ff. But his treatment of the subject is rather perfunotory. The set consists of three plates each measuring 6.6 inches by 39 inches. The plates are held together by a ring to which the seal is soldered. The ring was found out open when the set reached me. The seal oontains, in counter-sunk surface, the emblem of a couchant bull, facing proper right, and the legend bri-Madhyamarajadevah below it. The first and third plates are engraved only on the inner side, while the second bears writing on both the sides. The rims of the plates are raised in order to protect the writing. The first plate is damaged at the top right corner, and a few lines of writing are partly obliterated. The plates weigh 64 tolas, while the ring with the soal weighs 38 tolas. The inscription is an incomplete charter of the Sailodbhava king Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja who seems to have flourished about the second half of the seventh century A.C. (circa 665-85 A.C.). The writing on the reverse of the second plate ends with a verse describing the achievements of king Madhyamaraja. There is only half a line of writing on the obverse of the third plate, which was meant for introducing the customary list of officials and others belonging to Kongoda-mandala, to whom the royal order regarding the grant was intended to be addressed. These letters should have properly been preceded by a prose passage mentioning the king, desirous of making a grant, as kusali. It is possible to think that this mistake committed by the engraver was the reason why the set was abandoned, at least for the time being. It is well known that plates were often kept ready in the record offices of ancient Indian rulers with the introductory portion of the grant inscribed and a blank for the necessary grant portion to be inoised later as ooonsions arose. In respect of palaeography, language and orthography, the inscription under discussion closely resembles the Parikud plates (issued in the 26th year of the king's reiga), the only other record of Sailodbhava Madhyamaraja so far known, and hardly anything calls for special mention. With the exception of the incomplete proge passage at the ond, just referred to, the siddham symbol, the word swasti and the reference to the place of issue, the entire poord is written in verse. There are altogether twenty verses, no less than eighteen of which are already known from the Parikud plates. The remaining two verses are also not new as they, like many others of both 1 The 13th regnal year of his father, who ruled at least up to his 50th year, fell sometime after 619 A.C. He himself ruled at least up to his 26th regnal year. See below. Ct. the Kodarpur plate of Srichandra, above, Vol. XVII, pp. 188-92; Chittagong plate of Kantideva, above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 313 ff., eto. . Above, Vol. XI, pp. 284-7. The date given in words in line 45 must have been given in figures in line 64. Unfortunately the preservation of the writing in this part of the plate is unsatisfactory and the figures cannot be deciphered from the published faosimile.

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34 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX the Parikud and the present charter, have been quoted from the records of Sainyabhita Madhavsvarman II Srinivasa, father of Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja. The earliest inscription of the Sailodbhava family is the Ganjam plates issued by Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II (circa 610-65 A.C.) in the Gupta year 300 (619 A.C.) when he was a feudatory of the Gauda king Sasanka. The other charters of this Sailodbhava king, so far discovered, were issued without any reference to his overlord apparently after the defeat of the Gauda king, either Sasarka himself or his successor, by king Harshavardhana of Kanauj, allied with king Bhaskaravarman of Kamarupa, sometime before 638 A.C. Of the charters issued by the Sailodbhava king during this period of his independent rule, the Khurda plates, the introduction of which is couched in prose as in the Ganjam plates, appear to be the earliest. The Khurda plates as well as the Buguda plates, the latter having an introduo tion in verses composed for the first time by the court poet of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, are not dated. Most of these verses are quoted not only in the later dated charters of the same king (the Puri plates-regnal year 13, doubtfully read as 23 by Basak- and the Cuttack Museum plates -regnal year 50), but also in all later records of the family. Later Sailodbhava kings developed the habit of quoting the introductory verses from the documents of their predecessors and of adding a few stanzas composed about themselves by their own court poets. This custom can also be traced in many other royal families of ancient India, such as the imperial Gangas of Orissa and the Palas of Bengal and Bihar. It will be seen from what has been said above that all the twenty verses quoted in the inscription under discussion are already known from the published records of the Sailodbhavas. Nevertheless, the present inscription is of considerable importance, as it helps us in correcting the faulty text of the Parikud plates. The first verse, which is found at the beginning of the later charters of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II as well as of all the grants of his successors, is an adoration to Sambhu (Siva). Verse 2, which is the same as the second verse of the Parikud plates, introduces a king named Madhavendra. Thereafter we have the history of the Sailodbhava family from the very beginning. This style of the introduction, which is found also in the Aihole inscription,' would suggest that this Madhavendra (i.e., Madhavaraja or Madhavavarman) was another name of the reigning monarch, Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja. It should, however, be pointed out that the same verse is also found in the Buguda plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II as well as in the Nivina grant of Dharmaraja Manabhita who was the grandson of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II and the son of Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja. It therefore seems that all the above three Sailodbhava kings bore Madhavavarman as a secondary name. Or better the verse in question referring to Sainyabbita Madhavavarman II is out of place and carelessly quoted in the records of Ayasobhita II Madhya 1 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 143 ff. * About 643 A.C. Harshavardhana led an expedition against Kongoda in Orisss probably on behalf of the Gauda king whom he then considered his subordinate ally. Sasanka's death and the discomfiture of the Gauda king took place sometime before 638 A.C. when the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang travelled in East Indis. See History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, pp. 77 ff. Harsha's victory over the Gauda king seems also to have preceded his encounter with Puiakesin II, which took place, according to the Aiholo insoription, sometime before 634 A.C. * J.A.8.B., Vol. LIII, pp. 284 ff. . Above, Vol. III, pp. 43 ff. Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 127-9. * Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 161-3. Abovo, Vol. VI, pp. 1 ff. This prabasti begins with an adoration to Jinendra, then introduces the roigning monarch Batykraya (Pulakokin II), and finally begins the history of the Chalukya family from its earliest illustrious member

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No. 5) TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR maraja and his son Dharmaraja Manabhita. Verse 3, omitted in the Parikud plates but found in the Cattack Museum plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, introduces Mount Mahandra which is intimately associated in literature with the Kalinga country. Verses 4-5 mentioning Pulindasena as famous among the people of Kalinga and as a devotee of Lord Svayambhu (Siva) and the following five verses (verses 6-10) speaking of the eponymous Sailodbhava, his kulaja or descendant Aranabhita, his son Sainyabhita (Madhavavarman I), his descendant (possibly an adopted son") Ayasobhita, and his son Sainyabhita (Madhavavarman II), are found in most of the later rocords of the family. Verse 11, which is omitted in the Parikud plates but is found in the versified introduction of the records of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, refers to the achievements of king Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II. Verse 12 speaks of the same king as Srinivasa and attributes to him certain sacrifices including the Asvamodha. The horse-sacrifice must have been celebrated by the Sailodbhava king, before the issue of the Puri plates of his thirteenth regnal year, to commemorate the throwing off of the Gauda yoke. Verses 18-20 desoribe the reigning monarch Ayasobhita II Madhyamardja and are all of them found in the Parikud plates and some of them also in the later records of the family. The text of the verses common only to the present charter and the Parikud plates is corrupt in both the records, although the text offered by the record under discussion is better and has helped in restoring the reading intended by the author. Verso 15 describes the king as a royal ascetio. The next verse (verse 16) compares him with the god Sambhu and says that he had discourses with departed saints coming from heaven at his call. Verse 17 says that the king, who was as fair as the moon owing to his fame pervading the earth,' performed amazing tricks of archery. Verse 18 says how the jewel of Kongoda (i.e., the king) became an oqual of the son of Pritha (i.e., Arjuna) by piercing, from a distance, at a time four boards, each covered with two shields, with arrows discharged from two bows simultaneously by his two hands. Verse 19 describes how the king oould run with two stout persons on his shoulders in emulation of the monkey hero Hanumat, famous in the story of the Ramayana. Of the names of geographical interest, the inscription mentions Mount Mahondra, Kalinga, Kongoda and Kongoda-mandala. The Mahendra is no doubt represented by the present Mabendragiri peak in the Srikakulam District. Kalinga, in a narrow sonse, was the country around it. Kongods was the name of both the kingdom and the capital of the Sailodbhavas. It was apparently regarded as a part of the Kalinga country. The city of Kongoda stood on the river Salima which is the modern Saliya running past Banpur, the findspot of our record. The heart of the Kongoda country, i.e., the dominions of the Sailodhbhavas, thus lay about the border between the present Puri and Ganjam Districts of Orissa. 1 The mention of Madhavendra in the Parikud and Nivina plates was not explained by the scholars who edited those insoriptions. Pandit Rajaguru is apparently unaware of the fact that the verse in question is found in the records of three Successivo rulers of the Sailodbhava family and not only in the charter under discussion. * Of. Successors of the Satandhanas, pp. 400-1 ; New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI. p. 83. Note slao that tho opio horo Nala, son of Virasens, is described in the Naishadhiya, V, 124, as Viraadna-bula dipa. There is, however, difference of opinion among scholars as to the genealogy of the Sailodbhava. For the son represented a doncendant of the father, we also the Rajatarangint VIII, 1083 (Stein's translation, Vol. II, p. 612), the Assam plates of Vallabhadova, line 16 (above, Vol. V, p. 184), eto. I do not agree with Pandit Rajaguru who thinks that ladanka-dhavala, maod in the description of king Ayo 1bbhita II Madhyamarija, bus to be regarded as one of his names. He further thinks that Midhava issued his Ganjam grant in the Gupta year 300 (619-20 A.C.) when he was holding tho office of Mahdad manta under his fathor Bakanka alias Madhyamarija. The suggestion is, however, against known facts of history and without any evidence in support of it.

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36 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA TEXT1 [Metres :-verses 1, 3, 5, 14, 15, 17-19 Surdulavikridita; verses 2, 12, 13, 16 Sragdhara; verses 4, 7, 8, 10, 11, 20 Vasantatilaka; verse 6 Anushtubh; verse 9 Indravajra.] First Plate [VOL. XXIX 1 Siddham Svasti [*] vijaya-Kongoda-vasakat [*] Indor-ddhauta-mrinala-ta[n*]tubhir=iva 2 alishah karsi[h] komalni revva(r-ba)ddh-khir-arunai[h] sphurat-phana(pi)-manir-ddigdha[b](gdha)-prabhaso-nsu(so-msu)bhih [*] 3 Parvvatya-kacha-graha-vyatikara-vyavritta-va(ha)ndha-elatha Gang-Ambha[b]-plutibhinna-bhasma-ka[n]ika[*] Sambho 4 ja(r=ja)ta[h*] pattu(ntu) vah || [1*] Sriman-uchchair-nnabhasto gurur-amara-pate[h] kshobhajid=ya[b] ksha[maya] gambhi 5 ras-toyaraser-atha divasakarad-bhasvad-aloka-kur[I] hladi sarvvasya ch-endos-tri-bhuvana bha 6 vana-pe(pre)rakas-ch-api vayo raja ssa(sa) sthanu-murttija(r-ja)yat[i] kali-mala-kshalano Midhavendra[12] 7 Prichy-Ambhaidhi-rucha(ddha)-aandra(nu)r-atula[b*] pushpa -drum-all-evri(vri)tah syandach nindan-irjhars-vari 8 darita-dari-phona"-skhalan-[n]is[v]ana[h |] svana-ttrasta-patattri-valgu-virutair-apu 9 rit-antar-gum(gu)hah srima[n]-Meru[r]=i[v=odgatah kulla-girih khyato Mahendra[*] kshitauh(tau) || [3] 10 Pransu(Pramsu)r-mah-ebha-kara-pivara-chcha (cha)ru-va(ba)hu[h*] vibhoda-visala-vakshah [*] krish-ma-samchaya 11 a(ra)jiva-komala-dal-ayata-lochan-antah khyatah Kalinga-janatasu Pulindasona[h || 4*] 12 Ten-ettham gunin-api satva(ttva)-mahata n-ushtam bhuvo mandalam | sakto ya[*] paripalanaya jaga 13 tah ko nama sa syad-iti | pratyadishta-vibh-u(bh-u)tsavena bhagavam (va)n=aradhita[h*] sasvatas-tach-chitt-a 14 nu(nu)guna[m] vidhissu(tsu)r adisad-vanchham svayambho(mbhu)r-apih(pi || 5) Sa sila-sa(sa)kal-odbhedi ten=apy-a 15 lakya dhidhi)mata | parikalpita-sad-vania(d-variab) prabhub Sailodbhava[b] kritab [16] Sailodbhavasya kula 16 jo-rapabbita inid-yen-sakrit-ka(t-kri)ta-bhiya[th] dvishadangananamh(nam) | jyoten pravo(bo)dha-samaye sva-dhiy-ai 17 va sarddhamakampito nayana-pakshma-jaleshu chandrah || [7*]" From the original plates and their impressions. Expressed by a symbol.. The danda is superfluous. The Parikud and Nivini plates have achala-pateb. Originally thi was engraved in place of dhi. This verse is found in the Cuttack Museum plates of Madhavavarman II. The Cuttack Museum plates read pushya. The Cuttack Museum plates read pata. Ja was originally incised in place of da. The rest of the line is blank.

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2. 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 2222222 20 24 26 28 32 ii,a. Gand Tu TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR A.-GRANT OF AYASOBHITA II MADHYAMARAJA Ming FRIT Offer i Shen era sarete MZE Fu SCALE: ACTUAL-SIZE BTS kokoka sa de 6. 365 14 sore 8 kaede 10 THE 20 21.2 16 18 29 24 26 28 30 32

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ti,. Gags bdd'loke 36 a r a 6 d; 386 praay' ny', er sthaay' e k i- nuur 34:naan ke? aittaa 40 bhn naa kre pdd'e naa " ruunn nsstt, taah, sungy'rk f & , %? T & s arwar zdaadur ai sfnggdaadd on 'y" naaki Adda de " 42 / / km tbu bliye grghluy'en| ' supbnsudhmud aitr bn | . Seal INCHES

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No. 6] TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR 37 Second Plate; First Side 18 Tasy=abhavad=vivu(bu)dha-pala-samasya sunuh sri-Sainyabhita iti bhumi-patir-gga19 nyan 1 yar prapy=aneka-sata-naga-ghata-vighatta-lavdha(bdha)-prasada-vijayelyam) mumude dhari20 ttrih(tri) [Il 8*) Tasy=&pi vanseforanka)=tha yathartha-nama jato=yasobhita iti kehitisah [1] Yena(na) praru(ru)31 dlho-pi subhait-charirttrth mrifttrait-mpi)shtah kalahka[b*) kali-darppanasyah(sya) | [*] Jatasya(s=sa) tasya nata)nayah 22 sd-kriti samasta-simantint-hayana-sharpast-pa)da-pundarikah 1) 6rt-Sainyabhita iti bhumi = 23 patit=mmahabha-kumbha-sthali-dalana-durtlalifli)t-kat(si)-dharah t 1 10*] Jatena yena kamal Avat-sa-gottram=anmilitostat) dinakpit-eva mahodayanahtna 1) sathikshipta-mandala-rachas cha % ga ba[b*) pranalpa)dam-ida dvisho grabangapa ivs yasya diptytih(ptya) 1 (114) Kaleyair-bhu tadh[@]s talpatibhit-upachit-inoka-pap-avatritennita yesht[th kath=api prata27 yam-abhimata kirttri(rtti)-ma(pa)lair-ajasram(sram) yajiais-tair-asvamedha-prabhfitibhira Amara 28 lamblitat-triptim=(x-u)evvitruvi)murdtaltdri)pt-kriti-patshakshaya-kfiti-patuna Svinie Visena yenab(as) 8 (19*] 29 Tasy=atkhat-akhil-ate mar=ma)rud=iva jananad=bhasvad-ushnamau-teja | jato mani dayalurenna30 rapatir-Ayasobhitadevas-tanu(ni)ja[h*)| matangan=yo-titangam(ngan) valba)haha-mada mucha(cha)s=charu-ve31 ktra[n*) prachandah(ndan) va(ba)ddhv=lkarshaty=a-khinnah punar-api dayatet yatnata) 888 (sa) pragalbhah || [13*] Kechid=vanya. 32 mpigena sarddham=acharams=ta tata sthitim Wilaya | kochich=chroddha(rdhva)-mukha[h*] sahasrakiranah(na)-jva33 l-kvali-prekshina[11] kechid=Valkalina-tathtina-dutaa kockitaja jaja)ta-dharina(no) 1" hina-ru(tu)pas Second Pbate; Second Sude 34 dharas-tapanti munayo divy-ashpa(spa)d-akamkshinah || [14] Kechich=chbaila-guh-odarcahu niyata dhu85 m-avali-payinah anyo vaya-phal-amvumbu)-bhaksha-niyati[h*j kechin=nirahataka (kah 1 ittham 36 yoga-ya(ja)sho vihaya vasati[m] dhyayanti divya padatha shitttath Madhyamarajadera guna-dhri 1 Read prapya n=aika(r) for the sake of the motto. * The danda is perfeous. Other records of the family tbually road more . For the expressions (1) dayatt, (2) gatnala) and (8) sa pragalbhat, tomb othtet tobords of the family havo (1) napot, tapult of Myant, 12) go-krilas ot yasthetic and (8) impagabhat repbotitely. Bomo record of the family rod Nirala. *The rule of sandhi has been ignored here apparently for the sake os the metro. 1 DGA

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38 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 37 d-rjyoljye)-pi tat-praptavahh(van) | [15] Yasy-ahvanis-sa(t-sa)miyah sura-bhavanagata divya-aatvattvah) praga 38 lbhab tai(bhas-taib) sarddhath nitya-kalach sukrita-gupa-kath-Alpa-hridya(dyan) prakarvvah(rvvan ) Sambhos-tasy-anu-' 39 kari padam-amaram-ajam sasvatam santa-rupam lavdh-o(bdh-o)tsahas-sa virah kshiti[ta]la 40 vasat(i)-anirjjit-&rati-pakshah || [16] Shity-utpatti-vinasa-karapa-parah yan-jyo(j-jy)tiravyalstahl' 41 vyakt-avyaktam-ananta-sakti-niyatam dev-atidevo mahah (han |) tasy-anugraha-kari-vi42 krama-dhana(nu)e-chiahjah kardty-adbhutah sa iziman-atula[h*] ladanka-dhavalah kshoqi-ya43 [b]-khyupitab | [17] X karpad-atulah vikrishya tarasa obapa-dvaya[th*] lilayah{y}* 44 ashtabhi kavachai vi(vi)viehtya phalakan-uzud-u(d-u)bhabhyam-api | pailyk chaturah silimu 45 kha-makhair-bhinta(tiva) su-tikahqai bhri(r-bhriah(a)-jt ddi(di)vya-gati[h] Prithasuta-samam (mah) Kongoda-ratna[m*] kshitauh(tau) || [18*] . 46 Varmmabhyam sakalam sariram-asakrit-sa[m"]veshtya lil-anvitah pi(pi)nau dvai(dvau) purusho(shau) nidhaya yuga 47 pa[t] skandha-dvaye lilaya | sadya[b]-sata-kripana-bhasura-karo dhavaty-a-khinno bhrisa[m*] 48 bhupalo Hanumat-parakrama iti khyata[b] kahama-mandalaih(le) || [19*] Jatena subhra-va49 pusha sasin-eva yena samva(samva)rddhitam kumuda-shandam-iva sva-gottram(ttram) | sankochita 50 fi-cha ripa-pankaja-vrindam-aris-et-5)-yam' ni(uri)po jayati lavdha(bdha)-jaya-pratapab ||[30] Third Plate 51 asmim(smin) Kongoda-mandale mahasamanta-sri(r) B. Grant of Dharmaraja Manabhita This is a set of three plates, each measuring 6.35 inches by 3-5 inches, held together by a ring with seal. The seal contains the emblems of the crescent above, the couchant bull facing proper right in the middle, and an expanded lotus below. Between the bull and the lotus there is the legend reading sri-Dharmarajadevasya. The first plate is written on one side only, whereas the other two plates bear writing on both the sides. The writing on the reverse of the third plate is considerably damaged as portions of the metal on this side have peeled off. The three plates together weigh 61 tolas, while the weight of the ring and the seal is 26 tolas. 1 In the Parikud plates of the same king, Banerji reads: yasy ahva(hva)nan-mama[d*]yu[s]=sura". In the Parikud plates, Banerji reads: Sambhos samsthana-kari padam-amara-java[b*]. In the Parikud plates, Banerji reads: vaati(t). The present record helps us in correcting the reading of the Parikud plates. The danda is superfluous. The rule of sandhi has been ignored here for the sake of the metre.. In the Parikud plates, Banerji reads: kopena yo jayati. The medial i of ti is joined with a horizontal stop stroke (here superfluous; at the right of the letter as in the last line of the Sumandala plates and in some other records. See above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 85, n. 5. The record abruptly ends here. This line containing the beginning of the list of officials to whom the royal order regarding a grant would have to be issued should have been properly preceded by a prose passage mentioning the reigning monarch.

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No. 5) TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR 39 The charter belongs to king Dharmaraja Manabhita of the Sailodbhava family of Kou. Kada in inodern Orissa and closely resembles the other charters of the same king in respect of palaeography, language and orthography. The date of the charter under discussion is uncertain. After the word (Sam*]vat, only the figure 1 can be traced, the writing of the following portion being damaged in the plate. It is therefore doubtful whether the date is year 1 or any other regnal year between 10 and 19. The Sailodbhava king Dharmaraja Manabhita seems to have flourished about the close of the seventh century and the beginning of the eighth (circa 695-730 A.C.). The draft of the present charter closely follows that of the Kondedda grant issued by king Dharmaraja Manabhita in his thirtieth regnal year. The eighteen verses forming the introduotion of our charter as well as the lengthy prose passage introducing the king as kusali (lines 1-40) are the same as the corresponding part of the 'Kondedda grant (lines 1-47), with slight changes (including minor mistakes) in the text and the names of the places whence the charters were issued. Verses 1-11 of the record dealing with the predecessors of the reigning monarch are merely a selection from the introductory stanzas found in the records (of. the Banpur plates edited above) of his father Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja. Verses 12-18 describe the achievements of Dharmarija Manabhita himself. It is well known that only one of these verses (verse 15) gives a valu. able historical information. It seems to say how Dharmaraja had an elder brother named Madhava (i.e., Madhavavarman probably named after his grandfather) who bogan to bear ill will against his younger brother as soon as he ascended the throne, how Dharmaraja defeated this Madhava at the battle of Phasika, how Madhava thereupon took shelter under a king named Tivara, and how both Madhava and Tivars were defeated by Dharmaraja in a battle fought at the foot of the Vindhyas. This Tivara may have been a later member of the Panduvamsa of South Kosala. Verse 16 discloses the king's secondary name Manabhita. The proge passage following the introductory verses in our inscription refers to the place whence the charter was issued. The name of the place is doubtful but may be Asilida or Silida. The king is here described as a devout worshipper of Mahesvara (Siva) and as devoted to his parents. Another interesting passage says that he was the son's son (i.e., grandson) of one who took an avabhritha bath after the Asvamedha sacrifice (asvamedh-avabhritha-snana-nirvaritita-sunosu tanuyah) apparently referring to the performance of the horse sacrifice by his grandfather Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa, already discussed above in connection with tho Banpur plates of Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja, father of Dharmaraja Manabhita. The passage recording the grant in the inscription under review is defective. The engraver had at first omitted a longthy passage mentioning the donee, the gift land and the actual donor and later squeezed only the important words and names from the omitted passage in the limited space. The defective description suggests that the real donor of the grant was the queen Kalyanadevi (or Srikalyana") and that her grant was endorsed by the king. The gift land consisted of 3 measures styled timpira in a locality called Suvarnaralondi situated in the Thorana vishaya and The Kondedda grant of the 30th rognal year (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 267-70), the Nivina grant possibly of the 9th regnal year (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 38-41) and the Puri plates of a doubtful dato (J.B.O.R.S., Vol. XVI, pp. 178 ff). Bhandarkar's reading of the dates of the Pari and Kondedda plates is wrong (see List, Nos. 204041; Successors of the Salavahanas, p. 401). 1 He ruled at least up to his 30th regnal year. This Tivara cannot be identified with Mahabiva Tivara of the Panduvamia as tho letter flourished in the sixth century (circa 565-80 A. C.; soe I. H.Q., Vol. XIX, p. 144). Dharmaraja's rule (covering not less than 30 years according to the Kondedda grant) can hardly be placed earlier than the last quarter of the seventh century becauso, as indicated above, his grandfather performed the Advamedha before his 13th regnal year falling sometime after 619 A.C. and ruled for at least 50 years (cf. the date of the Cuttack Museum plates) and his father ruled for at least 20 years (cf. the date of the Parikud plates). * The Parikud platos suggest that Madhyamaraja took part in the performarce of his father's horse-sacrifice, B 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX 21 fimpirus at the village of Madhuvataka attached to the Randa siman probably forming a part of the same vishaya. The doneo was a Jain (1) monk called eka-safa (possibly one who has taken a vow to wear only one piece of cloth; of. Ska-chivara) Prabuddhachandra who was the disciple of the arhadacharya (the most venerable teacher) Nasichandra. The grant seems to have been actually made in favour of a deity or religious establishment in the residence of Prabuddhachandra. This is suggested by the expression bali-sattra-charu-pravarttanaya. But the record seems to say that Prabuddhachandra alone would have to enjoy the grant till his death. The gift was thus temporary. Nothing is recorded in regard to the relation that existed between the queen Kalyanadevi (or Srikalyana) and the king Dharmaraja, although the epithet rajni seems to suggest that she was one of the king's wives. The epithet bhagavati used before the word rajni may actually refer to an unnamed goddess established in Prabuddhachandra's residence. In case it was intended for the queen, she has possibly to be taken as the mother or a step-mother of the king. The word (impira (also written timpira or timpira) is found in many records in the sense of a land measure. It is clear that the engraver omitted a large number of words from the passage detailing the grant in the original draft of the document. The dutaka or executor of the charter was the Panchakaranoparika-vai svasika-brihadbhogin Samanta. Apparently the same person is mentioned in the Puri plates of Dharmeraja as the Brihadbhogin Samanta who wrote that document. Of the official designations attributed to samanta in our record, pancha-karan-parika is the same as panch-adhikaran-Oparika of the Gunaighar plate and may indicate the chief Superintendent of five administrative offices.' Vaifvasika, found in records like the Kanas plate of Lokavigraha, possibly means & privy councillor. The designation Bhogin seems to have indicated an inamdar. The plates ware engraved by Adityadeva who appears to be styled Akshasalika, i.e., & goldsmith. The document was lastchhita, i.e., endowed or registered with a seal, by the pelapala (literally, keeper of the boxes, i.e., those containing documents) named Balavarman who is also known from the Puri plates of Dharmeraja. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the Thorana vishaya is also known from other records, although its definite location is doubtful. The king's vasaka or residence whence the charter was issued cannot be satisfactorily identified. I have also not been able to locate the villages of Suvarnaralondi and Madhuvataka as well as the siman or subdivision called Randa. TEXT [Metres: verses 1, 3, 11, 14, 18 Sardulavikridita ; verses 2, 5, 6, 8, 12, 22 Vasantatilaka; verses 4, 13, 16, 19-21 Anushtubh ; verse 7 Indravajra ; verses 9, 10, 15 Sragdhara ; verse 17 Nardataka ; verse 23 Pushpitagra.] First Plate 1 Siddham? Svastih(sti ) Indor=ddhu(rddhau)ta-msinala-tantubhir=iva Slishta[h] karai[h] komalaih(r) vaddh-aher-arunaish] sphu 1 Cf. J.B.O.R.S.. Vol. XVI, p. 181 (Puri plates of Dharmaraja, text, line 49); above, Vol. XXIV. p. 163 C(Cuttack Museum Plates of Madhavavarman, text, line 30), Vol. XXI, p. 41 (Nivina grant of Dharmaraja, text, line 47), eto. * Select Inscriptions, p. 333. Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 329. * The same designation is also found in the forms Akshafalin (Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 1479, 1497, eto.) and Arkasalin (ibid., No. 1496). These appear to be Sanskritizations of Telugu and Kannada agasali, 's goldsmith.' See above, Vol. XXIII, p. 129 (Puri plates of Madhavavarman II), J. A. 8. B., Vol. LXXIII, parti, p. 286 (Khurda plates of Madhavavarman II), eto. . From the original plates and their imprensione. * Expressed by a symbol. [As for spaatid, with visarga, 300 abore, Vol. XXVII, p. 140, u. 2.Rd.] . Read lair-bulda.

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TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR B.-GRANT OF DHARMARAJA MANABHITA pl , ) kaa deen {h n hiiN hai C/ hoo 3 nuuN 1 aa 2 1 2 yuunaaN tooN ddg ) nirleehu mhlooN 4. 2 (n {ith a 5 deevk, h 319 nPS 1 haa naa bNd , 4 | jaahoo daa duT 6 hd h nee h n l n l 4 5 nuuN nh no 0 ) naal ( A h nii / 6 ( 5 nooraa // naa| n 1 tee hlkaa baar n l n n nuuN j 6 * huNh, 3 nuuN 57 By - hoo' nuuN noohaa group 8 | sN pn $ 59 , nuuNh nuuN ns'ee ) d mn 5 naa hoo 8 naa mnaauN tee knaa| , dhuunaa sroo| nr laa 17 10 k n Eth nuuN aan n naa 9 7 ) ) c cai nuuN , nee 10 h? / nee| us nuuN nkaa - 6 naah tee 121 nuuN n naann 1 6 nau n n n n n = 12 ii,a. i? G 2 3 :: j nee laattuurroo ! 14 nuuN / / " kh3 | ddii nLY STnuuNn' nuuN 16 7 piNdd s'eeraa / / / lee tooN 7 // r/s16 . *7 ( $ 5 (taa * 2 ) = 7 zicraajee raaee nuuN / ttoo n nuuN raat 18 mn' 3 4 5 tooN 7 tooN 3 | 18 T nee nuuN 57 n n / 75 mNc hn / 20 s: 85 | ' daa 5 jee dh n nuuN 5, taaN kii khoohtbkee tooN 70, "h us nee naa cooN dee laar 'tee vii | 17ternn nuuN kNm n(r) nuuNrnuuN gu r : 1) nee , nuuN B q n 5b daa nsiib 5 laa coo lrr gdhee tee naa (on naal joo jhsi kee tthN ? . - bii 24 hai" nee hai ? yuu 3 tooN s n / | : : : : : naa deenn daa bbulee nuuN ) 26 joo bc jaan naa 1) tooN vaaroo, naan-n rhiNdaa * nnnee raa? 5 dl hai| nain nuuN 1] / thkaannaa lHjh lknn 28 nuuN h5 2 wtooN naal - tuhaanuuN taaN tooN bujh ri |nnn nuuN laah kee|nn tooN bdn-76 80 | - cooN 7 vjee tooN 1 lii nee 3 73 , , naaN 3 T naanrna85 %10 3 0 n n tooN lai kl 32 |ce nuuN ? 7 7 : 7 rulnnz/R: Hnaaee 84 ignetooN naatee nuuN hoor naal 43 34 vaatt tooN hii toonfhnaa n( naa nsl dii 36 Vnee uh klaa tee maiN daat nuuN , rn din 36 SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS

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40 48 50 54 iii,u. iii,b. 10 Mo 40 oooowaki 42 Seal o 13 ona 38 Dao 44a. 446. 44c. 46 48 50 52 54

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No. 6] TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR 2 rat-phapi-maper=digdha-prablabo=dsubhib' [l*) Parvvatya[b) sa-kaoba-graha-Vyatikana vyavfitta-va(ba)ndha-slatha | Gang-a3 mvumbul-pluti-bhinna-bhaana-kanika[h*} Sambhorajatah-panu(ata) vall 1[11") Prabhu (Prambu)r=mahabba-kara-pivara-charu-va(ba)hu[h*] krishn-ama4 sanchacacha) ya*)-vibbeda-vibala(la)-vakshash I) rajiva-komala-dal-ayata-kochan-antah khya tah Kalinga-janatasu 5 Pulindasena[h] [12*] Ten-entharttham) gunino-pa(b-api) setvaftiva) mahsta Dveslufar bhu vor-mandalam | sakto yah pari(ri)pala[na]6 ya jagatah ko nama sa syad=iti pratyadishta-vib hur-bha(bh-utsa)vena bha[ga]van aradhita[b*) saovatah ta(tas-ta)oh-obitt-Anu: 7 gunam vidhissu(tsu)r=adisad=vanohham svasa(ya)mbho(mbhur=api [3] Sa sita-Aakal 8dbhodi ten-dpy=abokya(kya) dhima. 8 ta [l*) pari(ri)kalpita-sad-vansa(d-vamsah) prabhuh Sailodbhavah kritah [Il 4"] Sailodbha vasya kulajo=ranabhita Asit yd-ya) . 9 n=asakfit=kpita(ta)-bhiya[m] dvishad-angananam(nam) | jyotsnaya -pravo(bo)dha-samaya sva-dhiy=aiva sardham-Ikano(ka)napito 10 nayana-pakshma-jaleshu chandra[h*] | [5] Pasy=&bhavad-vivabu dha-pala-samasya sunuh bri-Saisyabhita 11 ti bhumipatiga(r=ga)riyan [1] ya prapya n-aika-sata-naga-ghata-vighatta-lavdhabdha) pratapa-vijayam ma(mulmado 12 dhari(ri)ttri || [6*] Tasy= api vaase(vamse)=tha yath-artha-na ma jato=yabobhi(bhita iti kahitskah El*) yena pre Second Plate, Piret Side 13 ra(ru)dhoepi subhais=charitraih mriftrair-ppi)shtah kabilah lali-darppanasya [7] Jato tha (tasya tanaya]s=suksi14 # samasta-slmanta(ati)ni-nayana-sbadpattpada-pundata[] Ari-Saingabhita fiti bhumi) patir=mmahe15' bha-kumbbasthali-dalana-durlulit-dai-dharah | 87 Kaleyair-bhitadhattripatibhir-upachit aneka-pa18 pravatarair=nita yeshara kath-api pralayam-abhimata hirtti-ma(pa)lair-ajasramh|fsram ) yajnais-tair-asvamedha17 prabhi(bhritibhiramark lambhita trifsetri)ptim=urv vhaudrilddri)pt-Arti-paksha-kshaye kfiti-patuna Srinivasena 18 yena 1 [9*] Tasy=otkhat-akhil-Eri(re)r=mmarud-iva janito bhasvad-ushnanu(shp amu)teja[h*] suro mani daya19 lur=nerapatir=Ayasabhitadevas-tanujalb*I matangan-yo-titangan=Va(ba)bala-mada-muchas 20 charu-vaktrap-pra(n=pra)chandan va(ba)ddhv=Ikarskaty=arkhinnah puwerapi [da]yata? yetnetah sampragalbhah I (10) Kochi Road prabhaadambubhis. An erased sign is notioed abowa ww. * The danda is superfluous. . An orand subscript l can be traced beneath omah * Ga bad boon at Amst omitted and w ater enghaved abowo tbuline malform. . Read Jyolond, omitting yd. * Tho engraver bed begun to incine nu olon ta rool, bab.gera w to loer som pace between the two akaharas. * Soo above, p. 37, potet.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 21 S=chhai(ch-chhai)la-guh-odareshu nirati dhut-avali-payinah' anyoviyu-phal-amvu (mbu)-bhaksha-nirata[h*] kechchi(chi)nati(n=ni)ra22 baraka[h*) | ittham yoga-jusho vihaya vasatin(tih) dhyayath(ya)nti divyam(vyaji-padam chittra[ru*] Merhyamarajadeva23 guna-dhfid=rajye=pi tat-praptavan | [110] Tasy-abhavat-sakala-sastra-vibesha-vodi 'Sri Dharmmaraja 24 iti sunur=adhi[ta*]-Gastrah | yasy=atinirmala-yalah parivarddhamana[m] padau Hare Second Plate Second Side 25 r-iva na mayitam=a tri(tri)lokyaho [1112*] Nirabrayai[h*) prayatnana gunaisesa parivaritah [I*] vaimukhyad=i26 shaya ch=aiva sarvva-doshair=vvivarjjitah ||[13*] Kala hanti ripu(pu)n=ma(n=ma)harana bata-vyapara-lavdh-6(bdh-o)nnatina(tin) 27 kale dharmma-viveohanaya na(ni)rato vri(bra)hmanya-madhye sthitah Krausobaror-iva yasya cheshtitam-alam loka(kaih) 28 samalokyate || [14] Rajyam lavdhv=ai(bdhv-ai)va darppad=8[vi]ganita-tayo Madhavo jyeshtha-bhavat(n) desam(s)d=asmad=829 pastu[8=k[i]ta-va(vi)shama-matir=vvigraba Phasikayath Ilyam ) yuddha-kshobhana bhagno npipati-varam=&sau samsrita30 s=Tivar-a(r-a)khyan paschat=ten-api sarddhah punar-api vijito Vindhya-padoshu jirana [b] [l| 15*] Sauryam erisr=yau)31 vanam rajyam=ek-aikan mada-karakat (kam)) sarvva[m] Sri-Manabhitasya nirvvi karam=upasthita[m](tam) i (16*] Turaga32 khur-abhighata-vidalad-dharani-talaja jaya-gaja-karnnah(mana)-chamara-vidhunana-vis phuritam(tam) su-bha33 ta-phara-prasarppana-niruddha-kaku(ku)d-gaganam va(ba)la-raja Iva yasya jayati dvi shata[m] dhvajinim(nim) || [17*] A34 rachya prasabham ghata gaja-ganair=asviya-pa(pa)datakaih ji(kair-ji)tv-lnyam(nya)m va(n=ba)la-salino pripa-varan=agatya 35 dfishter-bhuva[](vam 1) yuddha bhima-pa[ri*]kramana vijita nirvrit-padach prapitah(ta) dribyante bhavan-angane pra[ti-di]nam 36 pratah pranam-arthinah [ll 18*) Vijay-Asili[da]-vasakat bri-Sailodbhava-kula-tilaka-mahama Third Plate; First Side 37 kha-vajapey-asvamedh-avavabhsitha-tana(8na)na(na)-nirvvarttita-sunas=tanayo va(ba) hu-vividhal-matta-varana-vara38 turaga-ma(pa)dati-sastra-sam(sa)mpata-sankulo(la)-va(ba)hv-ahava-vinibata-batrur=anoka vikram-akrinta-sakala-bhu1 See above, p. 37, note 5. * The rule of sandhi has been neglected here for the sake of the motre. . The reading of this defective passage is slightly different in differont rooorde of the king. The emendations suggested by scholars do not appear to be satisfactory. The second pada of the stanza (kalt...... kathd-vistarai), which had been omitted through inadvertence, was later incised about the end of the reoord in linea 64-68. * The reading may be vijaya-8di. The last akshara of the name may also be du, da or du. * Read avabhritha. * Better read baku-pidha.

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No. 5] TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR 39 mandalo su(bhu)ja-va(ba)l-atula-prathita-yada(65)n-oha(e-cha)turddanta-sadgramad-asakril lavdha(bdha)-pratapah paramamahasva 40 ro mata-pitri-pad-nudhyatah sri-Dharmmarjadvah kasali | Thorapa-vishayo maha samanta 41 framanta- mahara(rk)ja- | rajanaka-| rajapute-dataranga | diodaniyaka | dandava(pa)kik-aupari[ka*)-sta(ta)dvini 42 yukta[ka]-vyavaharipas-sa-karapan-anyana-cha(nyache-oha) Vra(Brahmana-purog-di vaishayika-janapada(dam)-chaja-bhata 43 vallabha-jatlyn-yath-&rham-pujayati manayaty-ajapayati oha viditam-asta bhavatam etad-visha 44 ya-samya(mba)ddha (a) d-arhat-(d-)charya-Nasichandra | tad-di(ch-chhi)shya ika-inta-Prava(bu)ddhachandra iyava[t] jivati | va(ba)li-da(sa)ttra-obaru-pravarttaniya | bhaga[va*]ti sri-raja (6) Sri-Kalyaadivi | Thorapa-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha | Suvarparaloodi timpira tri(t)pi 13 Randa-sima-samva(mba)ddha-Madhuvataka-grama | timp! (c) ra-dvayah 2 pada(dah) 1 -43 45 tad-anum dito-smabhi[b] tad-anumodito-smabhi[h*]* yatas-tamvra(mra)-paja(ja)ka-darsanas yatha-kala-samu 46 gauravat kenachit-paripatthi(nthi)na [na*] bhavitavyam=iti | uktan=cha dharmmasastre || Va(Ba)hubhir-vasudha datta rajabhis-Saga chita-phalam-upabhunjano(nasya) dharmma 47 r-adibhir-ya(bhih | ya)sya yasya yada bhumita(s-ta)sa(sya) tasya tada phala[m*] [| 19*] Sva-di(da)nta(tt)m-para-dattam-va(ttach va) yo hareta vasundhararh(ram |) 48 sa vishthayam krimir-bhutva pitribhis-saha pachyate [ 20*] Ma bhud-a-phala-sanka vah para-datt-eti parthiva[b] | sva Third Plate; Second Side para-datt-anupalanam(ne) || 21*] Vidyud-vilasa-taralam=ava 49 danat-phalam-anantyam gamya samyalg*]-loka-sthitim 50 yasasi [sakta *]-manobhir-uchchaih [*] ni[tyam pa]r-opakriti-mattra-ratair-bhavadbhih dha(dbhir-dha)rmm-abhiradhana-parair-anumodi 51 tavy [22] Iti kamala-dal-imvu(mbu)-vindu-[lola]n-chhri(lach eri)yam-anuchintys manushyajivitam (ta)n=cha | sakalam=ida 52 med britah(ta)-chath(-oha) vu(bu)ddhva na hi purushaih para-kirttayo rvvi(vi)lopy[b] [23] [Datako-ttra] pancha-karag-pari[ka*]-vai 53 evasika-vsi(bci)hadbbogi [Bamantah] utkimp a[kahadlikena*] Adityadavina lacbhi54 tam petapala (la)-Va(Ba)lavarmma[pa | Sam*]vat [1]....[*] Kale sa(bha)[kt*]im=[u]paiti su55 bhra-charitaih Sambhoh katha-vistaraih ......pritha....iti | 1 The danda, used so many times in lines 40-41 and 44, is unnecessary. The following two lines, marked (a) and (b) are offered in the original as two branches of line 44. The portion, marked (c), is a continuation of (b) and is engraved beneath the beginning of line 44. The engraver noticed after incising the word samva(mba)ddha that a lengthy passage detailing the grant had been omitted. He therefore squeezed only the important words of the omitted passage in as small a space as possible. The intended reading seems to be tad-danam-anumoditam asmabhib. * Horizontal strokes are here used for interpunctuation instead of the usual vertical ones. See the Puri plates, line 60. The preserved lower part of two aksharas seems to read igutu which possibly standa for Phalgunabudi. See above, p. 42, note 4.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX No. 6-ALAGUM INSCRIPTION OF ANANTAVARMAN; REGNAL YEAR 62 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND, AND S. RATHA-SARMA, PURI The village of Alagum lies about twenty-three miles from the holy city of Puri, celebrated for the great temple of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha, and about ten miles from the Sakhigopal station on the Bengal-Nagpur Railway in the Puri District of Orissa. There is a small temple in the village, in which the god Siva in the form of a linga, styled Garttesvara, is worshipped. The temple itself is rather unimpressive like so many of its class in the villages in different parts of Orissa. But its importance lies in the existence of two inscriptions on the stones of its wall near the door, one to the right and the other to the left. The inscription on the proper left is in the Telugu script and language while that on the right is in the Gaudiya script and in the Sanskrit language. The second inscription forms the subject matter of this paper. " The inscription covers a space about four feet and four inches in length and about one foot eleven inches in breadth. There are altogether twenty-six lines of writing, the letters being about 1 inches in height. Originally both the inscriptions were fully covered with cement. Of late the cement plastering was removed; but there are still traces of it in the lower part of the inscription published here. Some letters, especially in lines 24-26, are not clearly visible. The characters belong to a cursive form of the Gaudiya class, commonly called Proto-Bengali, and may be assigned to about the twelfth century A.C. or even later. The sign for mediali, which resembles that in modern Oriya, and the short type of medial a sign exhibited in a few cases (of. Kasyapa in lines 5-6) are interesting to note. The initial a occurs several times in the inscription (lines 10, 18, 21, etc.) and the sign for avagraha only once (line 13). The characters may be compared with those in the records of the imperial Gangas such as the Nagari plates of Anangabhima III circa 1211-38 A.C.) edited above.1 The language of the inscription under discussion is incorrect Sanskrit, its orthography exhibiting considerable influence of the local pronunciation; cf. words like desa for desa (line 4), vansa for vamea (line 7), mahesvara for mahesvara (line 8), etc. The rules of sandhi have been sometimes ignored. The record is dated in the sixty-second year of a king named Anantavarmadeva. The great length of the reign referred to leaves hardly any doubt that the king is no other than the great Ganga emperor Anantavarman Chodaganga who is known to have been crowned in 1078 A.C. and ruled for about seventy years up to 1147 A.C. The sixty-second year of the reign of Anantavarman Chodaganga would thus correspond to 1140-41 A.C. It may be noted that the reference is to the regnal reckoning and not to the Anta reckoning in which, as indicated by certain inscriptions of the later rulers of Orissa, a number of regnal years were not to be counted. The details of the date, quoted in the inscription under notice, speak of Thursday, the seventh tithi of the bright half in the month of Magha. The date thus regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 30th of January, 1141 A.C. According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 284, the shashthi tithi ended on that date at 19 of the day. The inscription records certain grants made by a person named Kamandi whose epithet disapati (Sanskrit disampati) looks like an official designation. It is possible to think that Kamandi was the governor of a territorial unit of which the present village of Alagum in the Puri District formed a part. Kamandi is simultaneously called Paramamahetvara and Parama1 Vol. XXVIII, pp. 235 ff.

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45 ALAGUM INSCRIPTION OF ANANTAVARMAN; REGNAL YEAR 62 No. 6] vaishnava, which show that he was a devotee of both the gods Siva and Vishnu. His family belonged to the Kasyapa gotra and to the panch-arsheya-pravara (i.e., having five sages as pravaras or distinguished members of the gotra in question). The Kasyapa gotra, however, is known to have only three pravaras, viz., Kasyapa, Avatsara and Naidhruva. Panch-arsheya thus appears to be a mistake for try-arsheya. In dealing with the ancestry of Kamandi, the inscription rather curiously speaks of Pitamaha Potandi, of the former's son Bhimandi and of the latter's vams-odbhava or descendant Kamandi. It seems that Potandi was the pitamaha or grandfather of Kamandi and that Bhimandi was his father inspite of the fact that he is said to have been merely a descendant of Bhimandi. This seems to be suggested by the word pitamaha used in connection with the name of Potandi, by the similar formations of the three names, viz., Potandi, Bhimandi and Kamandi, and also by the fact that there is hardly any meaning in mentioning only two distant ancestors of the donor when the established custom throughout India was generally to mention only his father and grandfather. It may, however, not be impossible that Kamandi was actually the son of a brother of Bhimandi who later adopted him as his own son. That is possibly why Kamandi is called a vame-odbhava and not exactly a putra of Bhimandi. It may be recalled in this connection that the Sailodbhava king Ayasobhita I of Kongoda in Orissa is described in some records in prose as the son of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman I, but in others in verse as merely a descendant of the latter. A very interesting information about Kamandi's family given in the record is that it hailed from a village, the name of which reads like Kadamvura, in the Chola country, which was the modern Tanjore-Trichinopoly region of South India. Kamandi is said to have purchased with his own money a hala of land styled Kapale vara in the village of Alagumma which formed a part of the Ramanga vishaya and made it an endowment in favour of the matha of the god Garttesvaradeva. The purchase is said to have been witnessed by certain honest praja-lokas apparently meaning the people of the locality. The object of the grant was two-fold. In the first place, it was to provide food to an ascetic, possibly living in the matha referred to, whose name may have been Bhij or Abhij. Secondly, three pravarttas of paddy were allotted for providing naivedya or the daily ceremonial offering to the god Garttesvaradeva. In this description of the grant, the word hala, known also from other sources, has been used to indicate a piece of land of uncertain area. The exact weight of a pravartta of paddy is likewise unknown." In addition to the piece of land granted, a sum of money was deposited with the local adhikarins (possibly superintendents of the temple) who are said to have been maintaining the palli-deva, literally 'village deity' (possibly meaning Garttesvara), for providing an akhanda or perpetual lamp, apparently in the temple, in honour of the god Garttesvara. The lamp was expected to be the kula-tarana (i.e., a thing that ensures easy crossing of the sea of samsara for the members of one's family) of" this kaparyaka" probably meaning Kamandi himself. The word kaparyaka appears to be a mistake for a word like kapyaka meaning 'a penitent'. The amount granted in this connection is described as a hundred churnis added by five puranas. The word churni usually means a hundred cowrie-shells, while purana was the old silver karshapana usually regarded as equal to 1280 cowrie-shells. According to Oriya lexicons, however, both the words churni and purana are recognised in the sense of kahana (Sanskrit karshapana) which was equal to 1280 cowrie-shells. There is no doubt that the words have been used in the same sense also in the record under 1 See Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 400 f. Cf. also ibid., p. 250 and note. Is it Oriya paufi which is equal to ten maunds? Cf. Pramoda Abhidhana, s.v. churni and purana. The Mehar plate (above, Vol. XXVII, p. 189, text line 35; of. p. 191, note 5) spells the word as churni and uses it as a synonym of purana. The same word also occurs in line 59 of the Vangiya Sahitya Parishat plate of Visvarupasana (Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 147), although it was wrongly read as churna. 1 awago

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX discussion. This is clearly suggested by the fact that the amount given in words as a hundred churnis and five puranas ' is separately mentioned in figures as pu 105 (i.e., 105 puranas). Thus the amount granted for making provision for the burning of a lamp perpetually in the temple of Garttesvara was 105 churnis, puranas, or kahanas which were equivalent to 134,400 cowrie-shells. * It is interesting to note that the family of Kamandi, who made grants in favour of the villagegod of Alagum near Puri and appears to have been an official serving the Ganga nionarch Anantavarman Chodaganga, is said to have hailed from the country of the Cholas. It is well-known that Chodaganga's mother Rajasundari was a Chola princess and that the very name of the king points to the existence of Chola or Choda blood in his vein. Rajasundarf is described in the Ganga records as the daughter of the Chala king Rajendra who is variously identified by scholars with Rajendra I (1016-43 A.C.), Virarijendra (1063-70 A.C.) and Rajendra Kulottunga I (1063-70 A.C. as Eastern Chalukya king : 1070-1118 A.C. as ruler of the united Chola-Chalukya kingdom), although the Ganga king's name, Virarajendra-Chodaganga, found in some records, suggests that he was the grandson of the Chola king Virarajendra after whom he was named. One of the queens of Chodaganga was the Chola princess Choda-mahadevi who is known to have granted some Kulottungamadas for a lamp at the temple of Bhimesa at Draksharama and may have been a daughter of Rajendra Kulottunga I.. This seems to suggest that Chodaganga's mother was a cousin of Kulottunga (son of a daughter of Rajendra I), a granddaughter of Rajendra I and a daughter of Virarajendra. We have also evidence to show that there was considerable Chola influence at the court of some of the early monarchs of the imperial Ganga dynasty, who sometimes employed Chola officials. There is little doubt that the rise of the imperial Gangas in Kalinga was connected with the expansion of Chola influence in that country. It is now accepted by most scholars that the Ganga dynasty was established at Kalingangara (modern Mukhalingam near Chicacole or Srikakulam) about the close of the fifth century A.C. The Gangas soon established their power in Central Kalings : but, in the seventh century, their position was threatened by the expansion of the power of their eastern neighbours, the Sailodbhavas of Kongoda (about the border between the Ganjam and Puri Districts of Orissa) and by the establishment of the Eastern Chalukyas at Pishtapura (modern Pithapuram in the East Godavari District) in the south. The authority of the Kalinganagara government was also considerably shaken about this time by the rise of collateral viceregal families like that of the Gangas of Svetaka. The process of decline continued and, in the tenth oentury, the kingdom sooms to have been divided into five states under different branches of the Ganga family as well as of viceregal lines. About the end of the same century, Vajrahasta Anantavarman (circa 985-1016 A.C.), belonging to one of the branch lines of the Ganga family, seems to have consolidated his position in all the five states. His success may have been due to the help be may have received from the Cholas. It has to be noted that this king, the first important rulor of the imperial branch of the Ganga family, was a contemporary of the great Chola king Rajaraja (985-1016 A.C.) who claims to have conquered Vengi (the kingdom of the Eastern Chalukyas) by 998 A.C. and Kalinga (the kingdom of the Gangas) sometime before 1003 A.C. 1Ct. Subba Rao, History of Kalinga (offprint), pp. 130-31. at. ibid., p. 135. * Ot. ibid., pp. 126 ff. See also A. R. 8. I. ., 1935-36, p. 63. at. Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, p. 450. ..C. J. K. H. R. 8., Vol. I, p. 220. . The history of the ancestors of this ruler has been discussed in connection with the Nagart plates of Anar bhima III (above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 236 ff.). Sowell, Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, pp. 56-87.

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8 10 12 14 16 18 20 95 24 26 ALAGUM INSCRIPTION OF ANANTAVARMAN, REGNAL YEAR 62 48704752 State (LIS x 17 arg0594537 N N V BUSH MEATE OR HABIHIN 158 61 USA 10410 The Har 1510915 88 SCALE: ONE-SIXTH SLAMIS 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 26

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No. 6] ALAGUM INSCRIPTION OF ANANTAVARMAN ; REGNAL YEAR 62 47 His son Rajendra I (1016-43 A.C.) also claims to have defeatod the Eastern Chalukya king as well as to have set up pillars of victory on Mount Mahendra in Kalinga (in the present Srikakulam District of Madras). Whether, however, this achievement of Rajendra I should be attributed to his own reign or to that of his father when he may have led the expedition against the Kalinga country as his father's general is uncertain in the present state of our knowledge. But it is extremely interesting to note that, in the description of the expeditions led by the generals of Rajendra I about 1023 A.C. in the countries towards the east as far as South-East Bengal, mention is made of the reduction of Ora (Puri-Cuttack area) and Kosala (the Sambalpur region together with certain Western tracts), both then under the Somavamsi king of Yayutinagara, but not of any conflict with the king of Kalinga.' This fact seems to suggest that the early rulers of the imperial Ganga family were regarded by the Chola emperors as their subordinate allies. The real founder of the greatness of the imperial branch of the Ganga family was another Vajrahasta Anantavarman (1038-70 A.C.) who was the grandson of his namesake mentioned above and the grandfather of the mighty Anantavarman Chodaganga. But Chola influence continued in Kalinga as late as the reign of Chodaganga and even later. The present inscription is one of the few records of Anantavarman Chodaganga that have been so far discovered in the Puri-Cuttack region which was conquered by that monarch from the Somavarbis about the beginning of the twelfth century. Of the geographical namos mentioned in the inscription, the location of Chola-dess has already been noticad. Kadamvura may, as Mr. N. L. Rao has kindly suggested be identified with Kadambur in the Udaiyarpalaiyam taluk of the Tiruchirapalli District. Alagumma is no doubt modern Alagum which is the findspot of the inscription under discussion. The name is Alaguma even now in Oriya pronunciation. The vishaya or district of Ramanga, in which the village of Alagunma is said to have been situated, seems to be the same as the Ravanga vishaya mentioned in the Puri plates of Bhanu II. TEXT 1 Siddham Svasti (1) Srimad-Anantavarmadevasya 2 pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajye | dvashashthi(shta)3 samva(samva)tsare Magha-si(si)ta-tithau sapta4 myam vare Gurau Chola-desa (sa)-prati5 vaba)ddha-Kadamvura-grama-vinirggata-Kasya(sya)6 pa-gotra-panch-arsha(rshe)ya-pravara-pitama7 ha-Potandi[h] tat-putra-Bhimandi[b] tad-vans-7(d-vais-5). 8 dbhava-paramamahesva(sva)ra-paramavaishna(shna)va9 disapati-Kamandi-nama khyatah 116 10 idanim Ramanga-vishaya-prativa(ba)ddha-Ala11 gumma-gramiya-Kapalesva(sva)ra-nama-bhumi-ha12 l-aikam sadhu-praja-loka(ka)n pramukhiksi. 13 tya sva-dhanena kritva="sesha-dharmma-viva(vpi) 14 ddhaye sri-Garttesva(sva)radevasya matha-prativa(ba). 1 See 1. H.Q., Vol. XXII, pp. 300 ff. * Ray,op. cit., pp. 318 ff.; above, Vol. IX, pp. 227 ff. * Soo J. R. A. 8. B., Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 19-28. . From impressions. . Expressed by a symbol. * The dandas are superfluous. Possibly disampati. * The rule of sandhi has not been observed here.

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[VOL. XXIX EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 15 ddhiktitys tapasvine Bhijel bhojan-arthe 16 pradatta(ttam ) tan-madhyad=api sri-Garttesva(sva)ra17 devasya naivedy-arthe dhanya-pravartta-trayam 18 niyojitam(tam) || aparam=api sri-Ga19 rttesva(sva)ra-pritaye pancha-puran-adhi20 ka-churnni-sat-aikena etasya kaparya-- 21 kasya kula-tarana'-akhanda-dipa-pra22 pradan-arthe iha samavasita23 palli-deva-palit-adhikarina[m] 24 [ba]ste prada[tta' a]oke hi(pi) pu 105 [l*) 25 (a-chandr-arka-kala)-paryantam sadhu-pu26 (rushaih*) paripalaniya || No. 7-BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III ; REGNAL YEAR 17 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND Sometime about the beginning of 1951, Pandit Vishoulal Sastri, a Research Scholar attached to the History Department of the University of Patna, kindly informed me that he had seen & copper-plate inscription at the village of Bangaon (P. O. Bariahi, Sub-district Saharsa) in the Bhagalpur District of Bihar and that Pandit Chhedi Jha, President of the Chhednarayan Club at Bangaon, and formerly President of the Bhagalpur District Congress Committee, might be approached for further information about the inscription. I at once wrote to Pandit Chhedi Jha, requesting him to send me a pencil rubbing of the epigraph so as to enable me to have a rough idea of its importance. Pandit Jha kindly complied with my request and, on an examination of the rubbings sent to me, I found that the plate was issued by king Vigrahapala III of the celebrated Pala dynasty of Bengal and Bihar. I was then eager to have the plate on a temporary loan for a careful examination of the inscription, and Pandit Jha was good enough to send it to me about the beginning of June 1951. I am grateful to him for this act of kindness as well as for the following information regarding the findspot and discovery of the inscription. The owner of the plate is Pandit Ghughur Jha, teacher of the Kalabati High English School, Bangaon. The village is an old one, situated on the bank of the Dhemura, a tributary of the Kosi. To the west of the rivulet, there stands Mahishmati, the siddha-pitha of the goddess Tara and the native place of Mandanamisra, famous in the Sankaracharya legends. To the north-west lies Kandaha where there is a temple of the Sun-god, said to be founded by a king named Bhavaditya, and to the north there is the Banesvara Siva-linga, installed, according to tradition, by the demon king Bana. To the west of the village is a Gadh-Dih where some gold coins of the Mughal times 1 Or, tapasvint' bhije. * Possibly the intended reading is kapyala. * The rule of sandhi has not been obrerved here. * This pra is redundant. Better read pradattath paich-adhika-purna-batam. * The word seems to qualify dattirishd understood.

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No. 7) BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III; REGNAL YEAR 17 49 were dug out some forty years ago. A poster still hangs at the place forbidding people to dig earth there more than three feet below the surface. There are also several Gadhs and Dihs to the east and south of the village of Bangaon. The plate under discussion was discovered by Pandit Ghughur Jha sometime in 1950 accidentally in the south-eastern part of the village, close to the Sharari-Dih. It was found buried in the earth with only the top of it visible above the ground. Pandit Ghughur Jha dug it up and carefully preserved it in his house. The inscription is written on both sides of a single plate measuring 13-4" in height, 12.2" in breadth and 15" in thickness. On the top side of the plate is soldered the Pala seal (7" in length and .75" in thickness), shaped like 'the ace of spades' and known to have been called Dharmachakramudra. The legend on the seal runs: Sri-Vigraha paladevah. The copper plate with the bronze seal is in a fairly satisfactory state of preservation and weighs 425 tolas. A portion measuring about an inch in length has, however, broken away from the lower left end of the seal on the obverse of the plate. There are 32 lines of writing on the obverse and 19 lines on the reverse. Considerable Space (from 5.4" to 7" in length) in the central part of five lines at the top of both sides of the plate is covered by the lower bifurcated part of the seal, causing a break in the continuous writing of those lines. The seal is fixed to the plate apparently with the help of three knobs passing through holes made in the plate. The characters belong to the East Indian variety of the Northern Alphabet of about the eleventh century A.C., which I am inclined to call the Gaudiya script. In regard to palaeography, language and orthography the inscription under discussion closely resembles other Pala inscriptions of the said age, especially the Amgachhi' and Belwa? plates of Vigrahapala III who also issued the present charter. The letter g is written in two different ways (cf., e.g., samu pagat-ao in line 26 and puroga in line 31), one of which is commonly used and resembles the form of 6 (cf. samupagat-asesha in line 26). The letter t is also written both in the Bengali and in the Davanagari fashion (cf. sulah and ito in lina 50). The superscript r is often a short horizontal stroke put below the top mitra towards the upper left corner of a consonant (cf. niryata in line 48) and is sometimes not easily noticed ; but in a few cases it is put above the top matra (cf.or=yajvanao in line 49). The superscripts in the conjuncts tt and nt are often undistinguishable (avarttat in line 25, kirttitan in line 30, paryanta in line 32, etc.). Medial e is usually of the Bengali type put to the left of the consonant (cf. sesha in the line 26); but in some cases it is put above the top mitra of the consonant as in Devanagari (cf. Medo in line 31), while in a few cases it is indicated by a short downward stroke or curve put at the left end of the matra (cf. vodhaoin line 31, likhito in line 32). Medial i is sometimes without the top curve and is andistinguishable from the Bengali type of medial e usually found in the record. The anusvara is written in both the Bengali and Devanagari fashions (cf. Rrajam and dutan in line 48). The sign of avagraha has been used in several cases. The engraving is neatly done and there are only a few errors of language and spelling. The letter ni, which is a contraction of nibaddha meaning 'registered' or ' approved ,' is found both about the beginning and at the end of the first line on the reverse of the plate. This characteristic is also found is some other Pala grants, including the Amgachhi and Belwa plates on which, however, the signs are seen on the obverse. Similar endorsements on the copper-plate grants of the Varmans and Senas of Bengal show that the two 'ni's refer to the approval of the king himself and of one of his high officials. 1 Above, Vol. XV, pp. 293 ff. * Vangiya Sahitya Parishat Patrika, Vol. LVI, pp. 60 ff. The inscription has since bom edited by me, see above, pp. 9 ff. N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 21, 64, 76, oto. For an absolutely wrong value attached to the sign, seo Proc. I. H. C., 1950, p. 107.

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50 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX The charter under review is dated in the 17th regnal year of king Vigrahapala III whose reign has been roughly assigned to the period 1055-70 A.C. in the latest authoritative work on the history of Bengal. As will, however, be shown below, this dating requires modification in view of the evidence afforded by the present record. The inscription begins, as usual, with the symbol for siddham and the word svasti, which are followed by fourteen verses (in lines 1-21). These verses are found exactly in the same order in both the known charters of Vigrahapala III and have been fully discussed in our paper on the Belwa plates of Mahipala I and Vigrahapala III. Lines 21-23 quote the usual description of the Pala jaya-skandhavara (possibly, temporary capital) whence the charter was issued. It is well-known that several of such jaya-skandhavaras are already known from the Pala charters, the same description (suggesting their situation on the river Bhagirathi or Ganges) being applied to each one of them. Our record adds a new name to the list of the Pala jaya-skandhavaras so far known. Lines 24-25 of the inscription say that the charter was issued by the Paramasaugata (devout Buddhist) Paramesvara Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Vigrahapaladeva meditating on (or, favoured by) the feet of his father, Nayapaladeva, from the jaya-skandhavara at Kanchanapura which is as yet unknown from any other Pala grant. Line 25 speaks of the land to be granted as a part, yielding five hundred of the standard coins (called Purana?) of the locality called Vasukavartta in the Hodroya vishay (district) of Tirabhukti. The lines that follow (lines 26-31) quote the list of feudatories, officials and others, associated with the above piece of land. The same list is also found in other Pala grants, including those of Vigrahapala III himself. The charter then goes on to say (lines 32-40), in the well-known style of the Pala grants, that the above mentioned portion of the village of Vasukavartta was granted in the name of Lord Buddha with the specified privileges (including the right to enjoy the pratyayas such as bhaga, bhoga, kara, hiranya and others) in accordance with the bhumichchhidra-nyaya (i.e., the principle of the rent-free enjoyment of a piece of land by a person who cultivated it for the first time) by the king, for the increase of the merit of himself and his parents, in favour of a Brahmana. Like many other Pala grants, this one was also made by the king after having taken a ceremonial bath in the waters of the Ganges on the occasion of the Vishuvat sankranti. As expected, this portion of the charter is almost a replica of the corresponding section of the Belwa plate already discussed by me. The donee of the present charter was Ghantukasarman who was an inhabitant of Ittahaka or Ituhoka. He was the son of Tunga and grandson of Yogasvamin. The original home of the donee's family is stated to have been Kolancha. He is described as well-versed in mimamsa, vyakarana ard tarka and as belonging to the Sandilya gotra having the Sandilya, Asita and Devala pravaras. The donee is further said to have been a sabrahmacharin of Narasimha and a student of the Chhandoga sakha. It is well-known that, in a similar context, charters of ancient Indian rulers usually speak of a Brahmana as a sabrahmacharin or adhyayin, i.e., a student, of a particular sakha or charana of a Veda. In later Pala charters, however, we have often mention of the donee as sabrahmacharin of an individual. It appears that the word in such cases has the sense of a pupil'. Thus Ghantukasarman was probably a pupil of Narasimha. future rulers of the region not to confiscate the gift land. This is followed by the date of the charter: the 28th day probably of the month of Asvayuj in the 17th regnal year of Vigrahapala III. Next follow in lines 42-47 some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. The two verses that 1 History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 177. The grants of the Senas of Bengal usually refer in a similar context to the annual income of the gift land in Purinas counted in cowrie-shells (Ins. Beng., Vol. III, pp. 63, 74, 87, etc.). The records of the rulers of ancient Assam, however, speak of paddy in the same context (Kamarupa-tasan-avali, pp. 78, 99). Thus our inscription may also refer to the annual yield in the standard measure of the principal crop. C. I. I., Vol. III. DD. 97, 103, 105, 120, 179, 190, 248, 298, etc.

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No. 7) BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III; REGNAL YEAR 17 51 follow in lines 47-49 speak of the duta or dutaka (i.e., the executor of the grant) and the engraver of the plate in the usual style of the charters of Vigraha pala III. What is, however, very interesting in our record is that its data is said to have been the mantrin Prahasitaraja described as a Bon of the king. Why, in the name of this as yet unknown son of Vigrahapala III, the ending raja has been preferred to the expected pala cannot be determined. The engraver of the plate was the artisan Sasidova who was the son of Hrideva hailing from Poshali. We know that several engravers of the Pala plates hailed from the same village. Indeed the same verse algo occurs at the end of the Amgachhi plate where, however, Sasideva is called Mahidharadeva-sunu instead of Sriman-Hridera-sunn. The passage in our record is, however, grammatically wrong and requires some modification. Whether the reading intended is fri-Mahidevao cannot be determined, although in such a case Mahidharadeva and Mahideva may have been regarded as identical. An interesting feature of the charter under discussion is the peculiar endorsement in two verses at the end (lines 49-50). According to this, the real donor of the land was not, as recorded in the grant, the king but one of his Brahmana officers, named Ghantisa. This man is described as a vidhiya or servant of the lord of Gauda, i.e., the Pala king, and as having friendship with several rulers. He is said to have made the grant out of his own hala, probably meaning the jagir under his possession. Ghantisa was the son of Yogesvara and the grandson of Vivada. This Vivada is Buid to have been born of Iddhahala, daughter of Gohanaka and granddaughter of Kachchha who came [to Tirabhukti or North Bihar] from Krodancha. There is no doubt that Krodancha is the same as Kolancha mentioned earlier in the inscription as the original home of Ghantukasarman, donee of the grant. The nature of the present grant seems to be similar to that of such records as the Kailan (otherwise called Kailain) plate, according to which an officer of a king got a piece of land (probably by purchase) from his master and parts of it were granted in favour of certain learned Brahmanas and of a Buddhist religious establishment. In the present case, the king merely permitted and ratified the grant making the gift land a permanent revenue-free holding. Besides the mention of a new Pala jaya-skandhavara and a hitherto unknown son of Vigrahapala III serving as a minister of his father, and tha interesting nature of the grant actually made by a private individual but represented as a royal gift because the king made the land a rent-free holding, a fact of considerable importance in the Bangaon plate is its date. So long, the latest definitely known date of the reign of this king was his 12th regnal year. Of course there were the Kurkihar image inscriptions, dated in the 19th regnal year of Vigrahapala, and a manuscript of the Pancharaksha copied in the 26th year of his reign. But it was not known whether these dates should have to be referred to Vigrahapala III or his great-grandfather Vigrahapala II. The recently discovered Naulagarh image inscription, dated in the 24th regnal year of Vigrahapala. without any indication in regard to his identity, also did not solve the problem. Thus the position was that, while Vigrahapala III was known to have ruled at least for about 12 years, either the same king or Vigrahapala II may have ruled at least for about 26 years. Under the circumstances, some writers' assigned to Vigrahapala II a short reign of less than one year but to Vigrahapala III a long reign of about 26 years, while others assigned the long reign-period to Vigrahn pala II. In 1 Was it due to the fact that Prahasitaraja was born of a concubine of king Vigrahapala III ? 11. H. 9., Vol. XXIII, pp. 221-41. * History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 174; Bhandarkar, List, No. 1632. J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 36 f., 239 f.; History of Bengal, loc. cit. * History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 179. * Ganesh Datta College Bulletin, No. 1, pp. 1-16; J.B.R.S., Vol. XXXVII, parta 3-4, pp. 1 ff. Ray (1). H. N. I., Vol., I. p. 385) assigns Vigrahapale II to circa 992 A.C. and Vigrahapala III to circa 1055-81 A.C. * Majumdar (Hist. Beng., op. cit., p. 177) assigns Vigrahapala II to circa 960-88 A.C. and Vigrahapala III to circa 1055-70 A.C.

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52 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX the total absence of any definite date of the reign of Vigrahapala II, the attitude of the former group of scholars would no doubt appear to be more reasonable. And the present record showing that Vigrahapala III ruled at least for about 17 years goes considerably in favour of this view. In the present state of our knowledge, therefore, it is better to think that it was Vigrahapala III who reigned for at least about 26 years and that Vigrahapala II had a much shorter reign. The rule of Vigrahapala III in Tirabhukti or North Bihar about the third quarter of the eleventh century has now to be reconciled with Kalachuri expansion in that area. Such facts as that the city of 'Banaras'' belonged to the territory of Gang' about 1034 A.C. when, according to Baihaqi, Ahmad Niyaltigin, a general of Ma'sud I (circa 1030-40 A.C.) invaded it,' and that the Benares plate (Kalachuri year 793-1042 A.C.) of Kalachuri Karna (1041-72 A.C.) records the grant of a village in the Kasi district point to the inclusion of the eastern U. P. in the dominions of Karna and his father Gangeyadeva Vikramaditya. The Karanbel inscription3 assigns to Karna a victory over Gauda and the Bheraghat inscription speaks of his hostility with Vanga, while his Paikore pillar inscription points to his advance as far east as the Birbhum District of West Bengal. Under these circumstances, the Nepalese manuscript of the Ramayana, completed in [Vikrama] Samvat 1076 (1019 A.C.) when Tirabhukti was under the rule of Gangeyadeva, may be regarded as proving Kalachuri occupation of North Bihar in the first half of the eleventh century. It should, however, be pointed out that we have inscriptions of Mahipala I (circa 988-1038 A.C.) from Sarnath near Banaras (dated Vikrama Samvat 1083-1026 A.C.) in the eastern U.P., from Nalanda, Bodhgaya and Tetrawan (dated in the regnal years 11 and 31 or 21) in South Bihar and from Imadpur (dated in the regnal year 48) in the Muzaffarpur District of North Bihar, while two inscriptions (dated in the regnal year 15) of Nayapala (circa 1038-55 A.C.) come from Gaya in South Bihar. The Tibetan life of the Bengali Buddhist monk Atisa Dipankara Sri-Jnana refers to an invasion of Magadha or South Bihar under Nayapala, father of Vigrahapala III, led by 'king Karnya of the west', i. e., Kalachuri Karna. According to this tradition, Nayapala ultimately succeeded in defeating the invader, while, according to the Ramacharita, Vigrahapala III defeated Karna and married the latter's daughter Yauvanasri. It has been supposed that this refers to a second invasion led by Karna against the Pala empire. In any case, the present inscription shows that North Bihar was reconquered by the Palas from the Kalachuris at least before the 17th year of Vigrahapala's reign. Karna's son Yasah karna (circa 1072-1125 A. C.), however, claims to have devastated Champaranya (modern Champaran in North Bihar) according to the Bheraghat inscription. It seems, therefore, that the Paias were struggling with the Kalachuris in Bihar, both North and South, for a considerable period of time. Another interesting fact revealed by the Bangaon plate is the great importance attached by the local Brahmanas of North Bihar to their relation with a Brahmana of Kolancha or Krodancha. Ghantisa, a Brahmana of Tirabhukti, is found to trace his ancestry to a Kolancha Brahmana named Kachchha through the granddaughter of the latter. His partiality to the Brahmanas of Kolancha is also indicated by the endowment made by him out of his own land in favour of 1 Ray, D. H. N. I., Vol. II, p. 773. * Ibid., p. 738; Bhandarkar, List, 1223; cf. the Sarnath inscription (Kalachuri year 810-1059 A.C.; Bhandar kar's List, No. 1225) of the same king. Ray, op. cit., p. 778. Ibid., p. 784. Ibid., p. 774; ABORI, Vol. XXIII, pp. 291 ff.; Bhandarkar, List, p. 392, note 3. See History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 174. Ray, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 326. Hist. Beng., op. cit., p. 146. Ray, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 787.

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No. 7] BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III; REGNAL YEAR 17 another Kolancha Brahmana. That Kolancha, together with Tarkari, apparently not far from it, was one of the most renowned seats of learned Brahmanas in the early medieval period is definitely suggested by numerous charters of East Indian rulers granted in favour of the Brahmanas hailing from that place. The identification of the locality is disputed. Some scholars locate it in the ancient Sravasti country, i. e., the district round modern Set-Mahet on the borders of the Gonda and Bahraich Districts of the U. P., while others are inclined to place it on the borders of the Dinajpur and Bogra Districts of North Bengal. The suggestion of the former group of scholars appears to be more reasonable. Equally interesting is the fact that the reverential attitude of East Indian Brahmanas towards the Brahmanas of Kolancha, as evidenced by the record under review, seems to have been an important factor in th3 growth of the peculiar social institution, known as Kulinism, in North Bihar and Bengal. According to the Kulajis or Kula-panjikas of Bengal, the Radhiya and Varendra Brahmanas, who now form the bulk of the Brahmana community of Bengal, are descended from five learned Brahmanas who came to Bengal from Kolancha (Kanyakubja according to some versions) at the invitation of a king named Adisura because of the dearth of Brahmanas versed in the Vedas in that country. Different and mutually conflicting genealogies of Adisura are given in different texts. He is said to have been the ruler of Bengal and Orissa, although some authorities include in his dominions Anga, Kalinga, Karnata, Kerala, Kamarupa, Saurashtra, Magadha, Malava and Gurjara. His capital is placed by some at Gauda in West Bengal and by others at Vikramapura in East Bengal. Six different religious ceremonies are mentioned by different authorities, for the performance of which the Brahmanas are said to have been invited. The date of the advent of the five Brahmanas is also variously put as Saka 654, 675, 804, 854, 864, 914, 954, 994 and 999, while no less than three sets of names are offered as those of the five Brahmanas. The nature of the traditions points clearly to their unreliable character. The reference to the Saka era shows beyond doubt that the stories were fabricated after the popularisation of the use of that era in Bengal about the twelfth century A.C. There is evidence regarding the rule of a Sura dynasty in Bengal.But no genuine ruler named Adisura is known from the Bengal sources. The only Adisura known to East Indian history is a petty chief who flourished in North Bihar or its neighbourhood in the ninth century A.C. Maithila Vachaspatimisra refers to this person in his Nyayakanika, a commentary on Mandanamisra's Vidhiviveka, in the passage : nija-bhuja-viryam asthaya suran=Adisuro jayati. Vachaspatimisra composed his Nyayasuchi in (Vikrama] Samvat 898 (vasv-anka-vasu-vatsare), i.e., in 841 A.C.? Thus Adisura, contemporary of Vachaspatimisra, must also have flourished about the middle of the ninth century. Whether this Adisura was a V&seal of the Pala emperors of Bengal and Bihar cannot be determined; but most probably he was. In any case, he could not have been a mighty ruler. Since, however, the Palas were Buddhists, this See History of Bengal, op. cit., pp. 479-80. Kolancha or Krodanoha is also called Kolafcha, Krodafiohi and Krodaja. . Ibid, loc. cit. *Ibid, pp. 626-28. See JRASB, Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 30-31, 80. Sridhars who wrote his Nyayakandali in Baka 913-191 A.O. was an inhabitant of Dakshina-Radha; but there is no proof that the work was written in Bengal. The author's patron Pandudasa seems to have flourished in an area where the Saks ers was popular (cf. Hist. Beng., p. 688n). The case of Udayana who composed his Lakshanavali in Saka 906=985 A. C., is more dubious (af. ibid., p. 313n). Hisl. Beng., op. cit, pp. 210-11. * Benares ed., p. 290 ; Vangiya Sahitya Parishat Patrika, Vol. LVII, p. 68. See 8. C. Vidyabhushan, History of Indian Logic, p. 133. Recent attempts to refer the year 898 to the Saka ors (J.G.J.R.I., Vol. II, pp. 349-53; Vangiya Sahitya Parishat Patriku, op. cit., pp. 69-70) are unwarranted as the Buka era was not provalent in Mithila and the neighbouring areas in the tenth century. It has to be noticed that years of the Saka era are usually not quoted vaguely as 'the year' as in the Nyayasuchi, eto. 1 DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX Brahmanical king, probably parts of Mithila and North Bengal, became important in the eyes of Brahmanical writers like Vachaspatimiara. It is possible to think that this Adibura, for some unknown activities of his, became famous in the legends regarding the settlement of Kolancha Brahmanas in Bengal. If this suggestion is to be accepted, it is further possible to think that the institution of Kulinism in Bengal was originally at least partially borrowed from North Bihar. This is further suggested by the possible indentity of Maithila Brahmana fainilies of the Gangauli mula-grama (the same as the gai of the kula-panjikas of Bengal) and the Radhiya Kulina family styled Gangopadhyaya (Ganguli). There is a strong Maithila element in the upper class Hindus of Bengal including Sylhet. The origin only of the Maithila families that migrated in the late medieval period is, however, remembered ; earlier migrations were apparently completely absorbed in the social groups of Bengal. of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of Kolancha or Krodancha has been indicated above. Tirabhukti is the ancient form of modern Tirhut in North Bihar. The district of Hodroya and the village of Vasukavartta in it are difficult to identify. I have not succeeded in locating Kanchanapura and the village called Ityahaka or ltuhoka. TEXT Motres : verses 1, 8 Sragdhara; verses 2, 3, 6, 13, 24, 25 Sardulavikridita ; verse8 4, 7, 10 Vasanta bilaka ; verses 5, 22 Arya ; verse 9 Indravajra; verse 11 Malini ; verse 12 Sikharini ; verse 14 Mandakranta ; verses 15-19, 23 Anushfubh ; verse 20 Salini; verse 21 Pashpitagra.] Obverse 1 Siddham. Maittrim karunya-ratna-pramudita-h[rildayah preyasim sandadhanah samyak samvo(mbo)dhi2 vidya-sarid-amala-jala-kshalit-ajnana-pankah jitva yah kamakari-pra3 bhavam=abhibhavam sasvati[m] prapa santi[m] sa srimane-Lokanatho ja4 yati Dabava(ba)lo=nyas-cha Gopaladeva) || [l*) Lakshmi-janma-ni6 ketanam samakaro vodhu[m] kshamah kshma-bhara[m] pa[ksha*)-chchheda6 bhayad-upasthitavatam-ok-abrayo bhubhritam(tam) | maryada-paripalan-aika-niratah 18 sau (sau)ry-alayosmad=abhud=dugdh-ambhodhi-vilasa-hasi-mahima sri-Dharmapalo npipah|| [2*) Rama7 sy=eva gihita-satya-tapasas-tasy=knar[@]po gunaih Saumittrer=udapadi tulya-mahim, Vakpala nam-anujah yah sriman=naya-vikram-aika-Vasati[r]=bhratuh sthitah sasane su8 nyah katru-patikinibhir-akarod=ek-atapattra disah || [3] Tasmad=upendra-charitai[r]=jagati[m] punanah (pu*]tro valbalbhuva vijayi Jayapala-nama | dharma-dvisha[m] samayita yudhi De9 vapale ya purvajo(je) bhuvana-rajya-sukhany avai(nai)shit I [4*] Sriman=Vigrahapalas-tat sanar=Ajatasatrur-iva jatah satru-vanita-prasadhana-vile(lo)pi-vimal-asi-jala-dharah ! [5] 1 Proc. Ind. Hist. Rec. Com., 1942, p. 89. Cf. Risley, People of India, p. 218. From the original plate as well as its impressions prepared in the Omloo of the Government Epigraphist for India st Ootacamund. * Expressed by a symbol. * According to rules of Sandhi then here should change to the nagall The danda is superfluous.

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BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III: REGNAL YEAR 17 Obverse sAyanAma nikalA 2niyAdAramadAnivAsa gharAyasIyavAna mAzAta vikAsasamaya- 12 RAKSHANA S APNA hitAsamA 6 nimArAmArI ARE REPAvA baEMImatatAmahAkAyAma ID mArAmAna gAvisarTirimAnAlAmAlamA mAyAtakAlajayAlayAvAsa 8-May-1 TikAalasladaki Nawal ardayA nayA sAlAmA tayAra-sAmamadhinAyatAra sARAS-TENSA- vibhAjajA tATAdalaazalAcA tilamaal EmasAmaliyArAmasitArAmanAmanisAmA1i0 HTE(yasanAmAyA malakA mAyA tAmAbaharalAyarabajAramAnAyakalatAlAmArAstA ThlaacaananavAdI janayatimAmAlIkAlAvahitAsAcatamayA mAikarAvAsAcAvayAcA 12 MERAvitamAyArAgAgAyatImA sAtAraaavailoyabAlAjAra bAyakavAstavamAnasa 14 (samAnAlA mAya vastisAkArabATamavAyaralakSiArAmabAlAjAnamAramA14 masyAhAra HealTARIziyala nigamakalA mAyAjAgAjAvAtavAsAtAdavabahAtArAgAra 16 darAhAvatAramA yatikatAni samAna mAzima viditataralArAgArakAsAsArAma-16 yAlA nAbArAsAyadA misiganayAda timilinana yajJAsA-yUyaha mazAnadavasAyAnaramamA 18Raall :niyamAlA ti:MalenAkArAnAkAmAbadAmAlA -18 lihilI 10 vama sArA patA:RRImAlAmAsasyAlAlajayAtAyugamA mAnavasAyAtie 20mimAyAmAtAjIbAptava malAgAya kAmAsAna kA mAmalA sAmAjika 20 banAyAyavAlavira caraalisnayamAjika vArasAyanAdamaARAMSTERemAla NET 22 jayanAyava yanayArA mArA mAnanAdAnI mAnalayamarAyAcA REATREmati yAdInAmA mATo 22 TRENABAnavamAnavAlA marAjayamAmAnAvasajjanarAiyArAmazAyarAnamtanamAnasa mayamA maharAyA nA mAno yAtAmayAgAbAbAlasAladivasAramA yuvAmahaja sAdAma 24 mAMET:tizayayAlA barakarAiyAvasAyamasasAkSAvakArAsAnAya - Aaalsaajysmaajmaakaanyjaabaalmaanaabhidaayaanaasaadi| pomidAyaka mAyAmaARELaazimayayatA mAyAvasAtAvamAmadAra ugArAma mahAka mAmA-bhArasyAvAsa BRanAvika nAgaaiilssayATiTTERNMEbAiyAyAtAlamA sarakAradvArakAdhArA PAda sAhAvAvalamatakA nidhanadisatAhAtAkhAlakAjhamAgamikAmavisayAna vAmana Alsal1131mAnA212 sitama nAmAlArA218sakArAgAhAkA nAgavAyArAmalAyamAna sAlAnAjAyanAmAvamAkara gAvAgAmarAmanArAyasanamAramAmayAnA saabaajaaymaajhaamnaayaa| 32samA maEiLaadgamArAmAnimahAmAyAyAyAmapanamA janayU TAgAlA sahayAtA 32 SCALE: ONE-HALF

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Reverse VERIR ZZR Ralph PRIKBEJIGE:2) CPU TE briA paheryA cakAyama 84 DigAkArAgratA gaNAdTAskrizvimatarmi gorANAgiyAraNuM 36 88 E mzilmmiDhatamAdusa gapazcimoDhANAkiya mAhArANAtA vADhiAya, gaDhavAta batAvahADhiADha : 38 | | | 'saMvArI 2018, FIRENZIERTE END TIRELYZETEREPHERD) STERKERERLEBNUTEKUR LE REEDURA PERRO LINARISEREN ERRE ARRUIMEREL KRABIDEETA KARIERRER BRJWREVENTEDRARRUEERIERIUS LALEUFLEEE2ELLFIR PREPREZEPT 42 ( miTAgAsAyaTiiewATiyANAyama8Arita thAya!! mRtaLAdrI/aad mAMgaNaBANAvatInI drasidhAtApi 42 EksauparivayamayA/TADhamaDhayAtAdDAptAmiya:gRtiviTTumiTIrtiAitAvazomAniyA ni 4 ti[ aiAmakADheBIRGUMENyAsamatITAmINamAAsitiTADhADhavAmAM karI yaulitAnAmANimiTaranI 4 97 ERRIEREFROILER RIEPEEKIRURKEN BERRIA E BELGIEUZENBEKLENK 96 PALKKAANWIGLJEKARKLE SMIRILARENYIDIRRENISERTEILEI: KILRTPABRILHAS mA thItimattA maMTagayArasaMghadtallM{e toiljhAyAsinI jItAkSAmAnavikADhayAma: kritikriyA karI mArI 48 nayajJayitapa 1ammiyAdhyAnetRtailal (mogrImabiyArathI jAkora1nArAyana kauBkSaNyikSiNI KANZLERSETZUOLUEILLIRIEKSTURLANGEBIETRI DE BARRIERTEN 909 LOREERIDE PINTURA CALELAKI LORIRPJLELIRI, SAL KADRIDSOMERARJILI A K REDE ERRERIA BAJPIERRE HIPS FRRe P2 hektaal FZJLERJEEPNE la l A SEAL From a Photograph

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No. 7 BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III; REGNAL YEAR 17 56 10 Dikpalaih kshiti-palanaya dadhatar dah[i] vibhaktan=gunan Srimantam janayamva(mba) bhuva tanayam Narayanam sa prabhum(bhum) yah kshonipatibhih siro-mani-rucha Slisht-amghri11 pith-Opala[m*1 nyay-opattam=alarichakara charitaih svairueva dharm-asanan(nam) || [6 Toyasay(air)-jaladhi-mula-gabhira-ga[r]bhai[r]=devalayais-cha kula-bhudhara-tulya-kaksh aih vikhya12 ta-kirttir-abhavat-tanayas.cha tasya sri-Rajyapala iti madhyamaloka palah || [7*] Tasmat purva-kshitidhran=nidhir=iva mahasam Rashtrakut-anvay-endos-Tungasy-ottunga-mau13 le[r]=duhitari tanayo Bhagyadovyim prasutah [l* sriman-Gopaladevas-chirataram#avaner eka-patnya iv=aiko bhartt-abhun= naika-ratna-[dyulti-khachita-chatuh-sindhu-chitr-amsu14 kayah || [8] Yam svaminam raja-gunair=anunam=usevato charutay=anurakta uisaha-mantra prabhu-sakti-lakshmih prithvi[m] sapatnim=iva silayanti || [9*] Tasmad-va(d=ba)bhuva sa(sa). 15 vitu[r]=vasu-koti-varshi | kalena chandra iva Vigrahapaladevah | nottra-priyena vimalena kalamayena yen=7ditena dalito bhuvanasya tapah || [10*] Ha16 ta-sakala-vipakshah sangare va(ba)hu-darpad=anadhikrita-viluptam rajyam=asadya pitryam (tryam) | nihita-charana-pad mo bhubhu(bhubhu)ja[m] murdhni tasmad-abhavad avanipalah eri-Mahi17 paladovah || [11*] Tyajan=dosh-asanga[m*) sirasi krita-padah kshitibhritam vitan[v]an sarvv asah prasabham-uday-[a]dre[r]=iva ravih [l*] hata-dh[v]antah snigdha-prakritir-anuragau (8-ai)ka-va18 satish*) suta dhanyah punyair=ajani Nayapalo narapatih || [12*] Pitah sajjana-lochanaih smara ripoh pujasu raktah sada sangrame dhavalo='dhikas-cha Haritah 19 kalam(lah) kulo vidvisham(sham) chaturvvarnnairnya)-samasrayah si(si)ta-yasa(sa)h-purai[r]= jjagad-ranjayan | Srimad-Vigraba paladeva-pfipatih punyai[r]-jjananam=abhuta(bhut) || [13*] Dese prachi pra20 chura-payasi svachchham=apiya toyar svairam bhranta(ntva) tad-anu Malay-opatyaka chandaneshu kritvi sundrair-Marushu jadata[] Sikarairwabhra-tulyah Praleyadreh katakam-abha21 jan=yasya sena-gajendrah || [14*] Sa khalu Bhagirathi-patha-pravarttamana-nanavidha-nau vataka-sampadita-setuva(ba)ndha-nihita-saila-sikhara-breni-vibhramat | nirati22 saya-ghana-ghanaghana-ghana-ghata-syamayamana-vasara-lakshmi-samaravdha(bdha)- santata jalada-samaya-sandehat | udichin-aneka-narapati-prabhfitikpit-apramoya-haya23 vahini-khara-khur-otkhata-dhuli-dhusarita-dig-antaralat | paramesvara-Beva-samayat-abesha ja[mva](bmu)dvipa-bhupal-a[na*]nta-padata-bhara-namad-avane* 24 Kanchanapura-samavasi[tA*]t erimaj-jaya-skandhavarat paramasaugato maharajadbiraja-sri man-Nayapaladeva-pad-anudhyatah paramesvarah paramabhattarako 25 mabarajadbirajah sri-Vigrahapaladevah kusali Tirabhuk[t]au Hod reya-vaishayika-Vasu kavarttat | yath-otpatya(ttya) pancha-batik-a[m]ac |||| 1 The danda is superfluous. * The danda is unnecessary. Similarly the dandas further on, mostly in lines 25-41, are superfluous. * A letter has been cancelled betwoon ta and bha. * There is a conventional floral dowign between the first two pairs of dandas, while the space between the second and third pairs is loft vacant. U 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 26 samupagat-asesha-rajapurushan | raja-rajanyaka- | rajaputra-rajamatya- | mahasandhi vigrahi27 ka- | mahakshapatalika- | mahasamanta- | mahasenapati- | mahapratihara- | dauhsadha sadhanika- | mahadandanayaka- | mahakumaramatya- | rajas[th]an-opari28 ka- dasa (sa)paradhika chauroddharanika- | dandika-dandapasi(si)ka- sau(sau)lkika-1 gaulmika- kshetrapa-l pra[m*]tapala- kota(tta)pala- | angaraksha- | tadayukta viniyukta29 ka- hasty-asv-oshta(shtra)-nau-va(ba)la-vyapritaka- | kisura-vadava-go-mahishy-aj-avik adhyaksha- | duta-preshanika- | gamagamika- | abhitvaramana- | vishayapati- | ga(gra)mapati30 tarika- | Gauda- Malava- | Khasa- Hu(Hu)na- | Kulika | Karnnata- | Lata chata- | bhata- sevak-adin | anya[11*]s=ch=ikirttitan raja-pad-opajivinah prati vasino 31 VrafBra)hman-ottaran | mahattam-ottama- | kutum vi(mbi)-puroga- | Med-Andhra-Chan. dala-paryanta(nta)n yath-aha(rham) manayati | v[7](bo)dhyati samadisati cha viditam=astu bhavatam 32 yath=Oparilikhito=ya* gram-arddha-bhuh sva-slma-trina-puti-gochara-paryanta[h](nta) sa-talah (la) 8-oddesah(6a) 8-amra-madhukah(ka) sa-jala-sthalah(la) sa-gartt-osharah(ra) 8adas-apacharah(ra) Reverse 33 'sa-chauroddharanah(na) parihfita-sarva-pida}(da) | 8-chata-bhata-pravesah(sa) | a-ki34 nchit-pragrahah(hya) | samasta-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-adi-pratyaya-sa35 metah(ta) | bhumi-chchhidra-nyayena a-chandr-arka-kshiti-sama-kala36 m mata-pitror=atmanas-cha punya-yaso-bhivriddhaye bhagavantam 37 Vu(Bu)ddha-bhattarakam=uddisya Sandilya-sagotraya | 38 Sandily-Asita-Devala-pravaraya | Narasimha-savra(bra)hmacharine Chchha(Chha)ndoga sakh-adhyayine mimamsa-vyakarana-tarkka-vidya-vide 39 Kolancha-vini[r]ggataya Ityahaka -vastavyaya Yogasi(sva)mi-pauttraya | Ttu(Tu)nga puttrayasri-Ghantukasarmmane vimi(shu)vat-sankrantyam vidhivat Ga40 ngayam snatva sasaniksitya pradatto="(tt='a)smabhih ato bhavadbhih sarvair=ev= anumanta vyam bhavibhir=api bhupatibhih bhume[r]=dana-phala-gauravat apaharan[0]41 na cha mahanaraka-pata-bhaya[t] | danam=idam-anumody=anumody=anupalaniyam prati vasibhis=cha kshetrakaraih a jna-bravana-vidheyibhuya yatha-kalam samu42 [ch]ita-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-adi-pratyay-opanayah karya iti || 0 || Saria 17 Avayau dine' 28 [l*) bhavanti ch=atra dharm-anusa[11*]sinah slokah | Va(Ba)hubhi[r]=vasudha datta raA space of about four inches is left blank at the beginning of this lino. ? Read likhitaeyan. A little above the left and right margins of this line are respeotively ni and ni ll. Tho akshara ni is written to resemble na within a circle. Niis & contraction of nibaddha, 'rogisterod' or 'approved'. A little space is left blank between the two dandas. The reading may possibly also be I fuhoka. * The expression Gangayarn had been originally omitted and was later insertod. For want of space after y the medial a sign of this letter is indicatod above the top matra as in older inscriptions. * The mediul i in di had been originally omitted and was later only imperfectly made above the top malra. For Avayaw, Advayau (Sanskrit Advayuji) seems to be the reading intended.

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR , part 21 19 sirohI vazyaM po'prahI / togAlyabAlIsAbhUpAisarANena saMritAt // 25 // prAsAba svagRhe cake meha20 maMdiranAmakaM / pIcholAlyataTAkasya taTe mohanamaMdira (raM) // 26 // jagatsiMhA (ha) nRpAzAto vA (bI) savAlApure gataH / pradhAno bhAga (4)1 bAlyo rAvala: sAvalo girI // 27 // gataH samarasonAmA tato lakSavayaM babau / basa rajatamudrANAM bhRtyabhAvaM sadA vaSe // 28 // . 22 dozazatruzalyasya bhAvasiMhAlyasUnave / svakanyAM vidhinA bhUpo datvA (svA) va badau punaH // 26 // saptaviMzatisaMsthAstu rAjanyebhyonyakanya23 kAH / ekaliMgAlaye cakra hemakuMbhadhvajAvikAn // 30 // vatsareSTanavatyAlpe zate SoDazake ___ gate / dIpAvalyutsave bAI' rAjajA24 yuvatI vyaSAt // 31 // dvArakAtIrthayAtrA zrIraNachoDasya sevana / tathA rupyatulA baje bAnAmyanyAni sAvaraM // 32 // gosvAmidhanya 25 yadunAthasutAsudeNya bhUmi haladvayamitA pura prAhamAlye / tatadhIramadhusavanabhaTTanAmnA patra viSAya ca badI jagatIzamAtA // 26 33 // rAjyaprApteH samArabhya tulA rUpyamayI vyaSAt / prativarSa jagatsiMho dAnAnyanyAni bAtanot // 34 // zate saptadaze pUrNa caturAkhyembake zu27 cau / sUryagrahe jagatsiMhaH saMpUjyAmarakaMTake // 35 // jyotiliMga tu mAMdhAtRsevyamoMkAra mIzvaraM / suvarNasya tulAM ca atha pratyambamAtano 28 t // 36 // svajanmadivase modAnmahAdAnaM pu[rA] vyaSAt / kalpavRkSa svarNapRthvI sapta sAgaranAmakaM // 37 // vizvaca kamA(mA)dasminvarSe mAtA 29 jagatpateH / zrImajjAMbuvatIbAI' pratasthe toryadRSTaye // 3 // kArtike mathurAyAtrAM cake gokula(la)varzanaM / zrIgovardhananAthasya dIpAvalyannakU30 TayoH // 36 // apazyadutsavaM tUrjapaurNamA(mA)syAM tu zaukare / kSetre gaMgAtaTe ke tulA sapyasya vAtanot // 40 // bIkAnerIzakarNa[sya*] sutA rA(rA)mapurapra 1 Thin dialectal word is used here apibhaktika. * Sandhi is not observed here. Hore one of the two verba chakre and alanot wooms redundant.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX ___bhoH / haThIsiMhasya satpatnI udArAnaMdakaMvariH // 41 // mAtAmahyA jAMbuvatyAH saMge rUpyA(pya)tulAM vyadhAt / pUrvavarSe jAMbuvatyA prAjJayAnaMdakU32 bariH // 42 // zrIjAMbuvaM(ba)tyA agre mAM sthApayitvA mudA badau / rabachoDAya mahA sA dAnaM somAmahezvaraM // 43 // prayAge rAjatatulA 33 kAzyayodhyAdivarzanaM / kRtvA gahe sA(sa)mAyAtA cake rUpyatulAgaNaM // 4 // veSImAkArya gosvAmitanayAM madhusUdanaM / tapati zrIja34 gatsiMhastriyA somAmahezvaraM // 45 // pradApayatkRtaM dAnaM zrImajjAMbuvatI yathA [*] rANA amarasiMhasya rAjIbhirvattamAditaH // 46 // 35 idaM dAnaM yarthavAbhyAmadyAvadhi miti(ti) vade / triMzatsaMmitadAnAni prAbhyAM lambAni tatsphuTaM // 47 // asminvarSe pUrNimAyAM vaizAkhe 36 zrIjagatpatiH / zrIjagannAthe(tha)rAyaM satprAsAde sthApayanbabhau // 48 // gosahalaM mahAdAnaM dAna kalpalatAbhiSaM / hiraNyAzvamahAdA37 meM grAmapaMcakamapyadAt // 46 // madhusUdanabhaTTAya mahAgovAnamapyavAt / kRSNabhaTA(TTA)ya suprAma maisahAratnadhenu' [50 // *] zrIrANodayasi38 hasUnurabhavat zrImatpratApaH sutastasya zrI amarezvarosya tanayaH zrIkarNasiMhosya vA / putro rAnajagatpatiH(ti)zca tanayosmAnAjasiMhosya 39 vA putraH zrIjayasiMha eSa kRtavAnsatprastarA''lekhitaM // 50(51) / bIrAka roDabhaTTaracitaM dvAtriMzavAkhyembake pUrNe saptadaze zate tapasi vA 40 satpUrNimAyAM tithau / kAvyaM rAjasamudramiSTajaladheH zrIrAjasiMhena vA sRSTotsargavidheH suvarNa namayaM rAjaprazastyAhvayaM // 51(52) // iti paMcamasva(ssa)[:] 41 'gajadhara urajaNa gajadhara suSa(kha)deva sUtradhAra kesAlADA sUdara[bhaNa]ja lAlAjAti] somapurA cUtarA pura[vya] - saMvat 17 Slab VII; Canto VI [Metres : vv.1-24, 26-31, 33, 34, 42, 43 Anushtubh; v.25 Arya ; v. 32 Giti, vv. 35, 36, 44 Sragdhara ; w. 37-41, 45, 46 Vasantatilaka.) 1 // zrIgaNezAya namaH / zate saptavaze pUrNe navAlyendekarottulAM // 0) rUpyasya [mAse] cakrethA(tha) phAlgune kRSNapakSake // 1 // dvitIyA1 Sandhi is not observed here. Instead of bha first bhi was written and later the sign for medial i was scored out. * Road Bhaimeadarn Ratnadhanudab. . With this list of masons compare the one given above, Slab III, lines 36-37.

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 23 2 divase rAjyaM rAjasiMho narezvaraH / rAjJo bhuruTiyAkarNanAmno jye[SThA]ya sunave // 2 // anUpasiMhAya dadau svasAraM vidhi3 nA nRpaH / atrebhyo'dA()dhukanyA ekasaptatisaMmitAH // 3 // kulakaM / zate saptadaze pUrNe vazAkhyende [tu] pauSake / kRSNakAda4 zikAyAM tu rAjasiMhanarezvarAt // 4 // paMvAraiMdramAnAkhyarAvasya tanayA tu yA / savA kUvarinAmnI tatkukSerjAto 5 jagatpriyaH // 5 // jayasiMhAbhiSaH putraH pavitrazcitralikRt // () saMjAto jagavAjhAvacaMdramAH kIrticaMdravAn // 6 // 6 bhImasiMhaH putra prAste gajasiMhaH sutastathA [*j sUrNasiMhAbhiSaH putra iMdrasiMhaH sutastathA // 7 // sa bAhAdurasiMhaH 7 zrIrAjasiMhAtmajAstathA [*]. sa na(nA)rAyaNadAso vA'pariNItApriyAbhava[*] // // prArabhya kaumArapadAtsava(vartusukhalabdha(mba)ye / zrIsarva8 tuvilAsAlyaM svArAmaM kRtavAnnRpaH // 6 // vApyAM kSIraniSau dhanyo lakSmIyukto virAjate / nArAyaNaguNo rANA naukA9 se(zeSaphaNAzrayaH // 10 // zate saptadaze pUrNa varSa ekAdaze viSe / ajamero sAhi ___ jaMhA(jahA~)dillIzaM taM samAgataM // 11 // zrutvAya 10 rAjasihoM(sihe)brazcitrakUTe samAgataM / taM sAdullahakhAnAkhyaM dillIzavaramaMtriNaM // 12 // preSayA mAsa tatpAveM bhaTTa tu madhusUba[naM] / kaM(kA)ThoMDIvaMza11 telaMge(gaH) sa gataH khAnasaMnidhau // 13 // khAnaH paMDitasaMva(ba)DayA bhaTTa pratyuktavAnkathaM / garIbadAso rANena kathamAkArita stathA // 14 // 12 jhAlAyarAyasiMhazca bhaTTenoktaM sadAditaH / jAtama(me)vaM pratApAkhyarAnAbhrAtA raNotkaTaH // 15 // zaktasiMho meghanAmA rAvato meda13 pATataH / prAyAtau sthApito dillInAthena kila to punaH // 16 // "medapATe samAyAto cakAra paramezvaraH / iti svAmipramuktAnAM 14 rAjanyAnAM sthaladvayaM // 17 // khAnenoktaM satyametatpuna[*] khAna statIvavat / rA'neza syAzvavArANAM saMkhyAM [kaya]ya paMDita / [18 // *] 1 There is a scored-out sign for medial & over ga. * First to was engraved which was later corrected as las * This letter is mo corrected into me. * This is ad corrected into sla. There is a soored-out na between rd and nd. * There isasoorod-out sign for superacriptr orer ya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 15 sadizatisahasrANi bhaTTenoktaM sa uktavAn / dillIzasyAzvavArANAM lakSasaMkhyAsti tatkarSa // 19 // kArya sa[mA]na(na) bhaTrena proktaM 16 sAna zrRNu sphuTaM / dillIzasyAzvavArANAM lakSaM rANAmahIpateH // 20 // saviMzatisahasrANi sAmyaM sRSTikRtA kRtaM / khAnoM 17 taH kopavAn khAno jayasiMhastadocatuH // 21 // khAnasaMge sAhijaMhA(jahA~)varzanaM cetkarolpaho / rANAkumArastu tadA caturdaza18 mitA mayA // 22 // *] dezA billIzvarAddApyA vikhare madhusUdanaH / rANasevA vyadhAdevaM svAmidharmI mahoktikRt // 23 // dillIzvara19 kumArasya saMge'smatpUrvajanmanA / kumArA milana cakU rAjasiMho vicArya tat // 24 // sulatAnasiMhanAmakamahAkumAraM tu Thakku20 raiH sahitaM / sAhijahA~ sutadArAsakohasaMgeSa saMpreSya // 25 // evaM sAhijahAnena' milana kRtavAnRpaH / rAjasiMho bhAgya21 dAnavikramavikramAkaMvat // 26 // janAdenAmajananI cakre pya(pya)tulAsthitA / tathA(thA) kAritavAnya]tra gajavAnasya niSkayaM // 27 // 222 [vyaM] saMkalpitaM saMpya(rUbaM) mudA paMcazarmitaM / madhusUdanabhaTTAya rAne(na)vastaddadau dhanaM // 28 // yugmaM / rAThorarUpasiMhAlyaM svamaMDa23 lagaDhAba(da)laM / vaizyaM rAghavadAsAlyaM preSayanvidrutaM vyadhAt // 26 // zate saptadaze pUrNa trayodazamitebdake / hemnaH sA24 dvizataka[pa]laibrahmAMDakaM kRtaM // 30 // kArtikyAM pUrNimAyAM zrI ekaliMgazivAMtike / datvA(tvA) vedoktavipinA rAjasiMho 25 virAjate // 31 // paMcamahAbhUtamayaM va(ba)mA mRjjalI(lA)upaladhu(gha)mUlyaM / matvA suvarNapUrNa kRtvA (ba)hmAMDakaM tvayA dattaM // 32 // he26 mava(ba)hmAMDadAnena brahmAMDasthAH nitIzvara / vA(bA)hmaNAstoSitA dAnaM tvayA (ba)hmArpaNI kRtaM // 33 // hemava(ba)hmAMDadAnena ba(ba)hmAMDa27 svAM zriyaM bhavAn // () sthApayantrA(ntrA)hmaNa he dAridra hRtavAMstata[*] // 3 // bra(ba)hmAMDa jisiMha prabhuvara bhavatA datta evaM dvijebhyastaddevAsta- The correct form is melana. - Read Sahijaha. * The usual form is Bahijaha, but its variant Sahijahanna is here used obviously for the sako of base in nfieotion. * Sandhi is not regarded here.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR . 25 28 dgRhe vA paranijatanubhirbhujate bhAvukaM yat / zaMbhu bhUtavihIno vidhirapi va(ba)huSA sRSTi kAryAnadhIno bhAnurvAzItabhAnurdharaNi29 dharamaNe' bhrAMtiduHkhAdvimuktaH / [*] 35 [*] (ba)hmAMDe rAjasiMha prabhuvara bhavatA batta eva dvijebhyaH [kI]gartha tatsutAnAM bhavata inavidhu kaMdu30 karlolagolo / prArohArya ca naMdibruhiNasitamahAhaMsako paMcavaktrazcitrAyAnekanetro bha[bati] surapatistarjanArtha gajAsyaH [*]36[[*] 31 zrIrAjasiMhanRpatiH kalika(kA)lamadhye kattuM na yogyamatulaM hayameSakarma prAptuM samasta madhunA hayamedhadharma pUrNe tu saptadazake zatake sukha32 veM // 37 // ekonaviMzatisunAmni ca pauSamAse / ekAdazIzubhadine kila zuklapakSe / * manvAdidivyadivase madhusUdanAya telaMgasadguruku 33 lasthakaThoMDikAya // 38 // zvetAzvamuccatamamuccaguNAtigayamucca[:*]zravaHsamamaho vidhinaiva datvA(sthA) / palyANahema[ga]Nameru[samaM] ca 34 bhAti prAyo harigurugurorgururacanena // 36 // , saMsthApya tatra navalAvituraMgadhanyaskaMdhe saduktimadhuraM ____ madhu[sa]danAkhyaM / satsaptaviMzatipadA sphuritacAmara 35 ni hayasya garcha(ccha)nnagre[stha] eva dhRtavAnhayameva (gha)dharma // 40 // siMhAsane vIjyamAtA(naz)chatropazobhitazirA racitAzvameSa[*] zrIrAmacaM 36 da ibaM(ba) bhAti sulakSmaNAdayaH zrIrAjasiMhanupatinRpasiMha eSaH [*] 41 [*] navalAlya turaMgasya hemapalyANamerugaM / ' kRtavAnucitaM bhUpo viva(ba)SaM ma 37 dhusUdana (na) // 42 // [maNajI] rAjasiMhAva(vi)sukhApAThakamukhyaka[:*] / apresararjanayukto vibhAni madhusUdanaH // 43 // zvetAzve dttm(maa)| svati' hayamakhasatpu 38 Nyato bhAsvarodhalloka"zromedapATobhavadatilalitA te sabhAsau sudharmA / jiSNustvaM satsahalekSaNa iha viva(ba)dhavAtakAvyadRSTI tu 39 STo jetAsurANAM guruguNagurutAsthApako yuktametat // 44 // dAnasya cAsya navadi[vya]sahatra [saM]khyA daravA(svA) guNajJagurureSa suI This re is a.correction from nai. . This danda is not necessary. * The letter th here looks more like chh, compare ath in linea 33, 34 above. Better road trayi. Better read -lokah. 1DGA

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26 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 40 rupyamudrAH / kAzInivAsamaya kAritavAnnareMdraH svasyApi puNA(jya)kRtaye madhusUdanasya // 45 // vizvezadarzana vidhau ma[Nika*]rNikAyA[stI ?]41 -- - - 'rthakRti[mu? ]ttamadevatAnAM / pUjAM?] sadAziSamaho nRparAjarAjasiMha vIrolubhAya sa dadau madhusUdanAya // 46 // iti zrISaSThaH sargaH / / Slab VIII; Canto VII IMetres : .1.3.4, 12, 20, 22, 25-28,30,31,34-38,42,43 Anushtubh; vv. 2,14-18,.24, 29, 32 Sraydharu ; vv. 5, 21, 33, 39, 41 Sardulavikridita ; vv. 6-11, 19, 23 Bhujangaprayata ; v. 13 Vasantatilaka; vv. 40, 44 U pajati ; v. 45 Prithvi.] 1 // zrIgaNezAya nama[:*] / zate saptadaze pUrNa caturvazamitendake / rAdhe zukladaza myA(myA) tu jaitrayAtrA(trAM) nRpo vyadhAt // 1 // madhyodyadbhAnuvivA(bibA) dvijapativinu2 tA maMgalAthA budhAtistutyA jIvAtita(va)cAH kavikRtanutayo'maMvarUpaprakAzAH / visphUrjatsa hikeyA vivadhati cala[+] ketavaH kiM grahAste . 3 [bha]gre sopapratApAstava vijayakRte rAjasiMheti jAne // 2 // pAzva (I) sthagolakacha (ccha) pramuMDamAlA ana (va) sthitAH / bhAMti svachA (cchA): zatrubhakSAH kAlikA[:] 4 [ki]la nAli[kA:] // 3 // kiM mRtyudaMSTA (STrA): kiM zatruprANasaMsthAnakaMdarAH / kiM vAri lokabhunaktava (ra)ktAsyAnIha nAlikAH // 4 // kiMvA vIrarasA[bdhe] (vidha) reva vilasatka5 llolamAlo - - kiM vA diktaruNIkaTAkSapaTalenAlaMvi (ba)taH sIkra (svIkR)taH / kiM vAraiH sphuTamekaliMgamatito nIlAbjapatrAnvito' rAjeMdraH kavacaM dadhatsuruciraM lo6 kairiti procyate // // tato buMdubhInAM ninAdapratAnamahAkAhalAnAM ca kolAhalaizca / tathA saMdhazcApi vAditrazabdahayAnAM ca [cItkAravAraira pAraiH // 6 // - 7 trilokImahAmaMDala (laM) yattvakhaMDaM janAH khaMDakhaMDaM ca (ba) bhUvetyathocuH / dharitrI vicitrIH bhavatkaMpanArtA sphuraddigA (gga) jA[:*] / ' kaMdukIbhAvamApu[*] // 7 // sabhUlokama8 khyAkhilA UddhalokAstalAdyAstathA sapta lokA adhaHsthA: / sakaMpAH samudrA[:*] prapAH sazaMpAstadA'bhre vabhu(babhU) vustathAbhA azubhrAH // 8 // javenocha (ccha) laMti 1 The lettering of this line is not clear on the impressions ; consequently the reading is very uncertain. 1 That is Vaisakhe. * Sandhi is not observed here. Porhaps the intended reading is patr-archito. There is a superfluous an usvara over ra, if that was meant to be placed over tru then the reading would be patr-a inchito. Instead of varaire road ravair= * Visarga is superfluous here: read vichitribhavat* This danda is not needed.

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27 APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 9 sma sarve samudrAstathA'kSudrarUpAzca bhadrAstaTinyaH / mahIdhrAstathA'[uchi (cchi) lIMdhAnukArAH pata (taM)ti sma (va) kSAH sadRkSAH kSatAMgaiH // 6 // pralaM mleMcha (ccha) sImasthitA[:*] 10 sarvavIrAstathA mAnuSA maMkSa (kSu) vikSu sthitAzca / vidIrNIkRtodvakSaso'nacha (ccha) karNA vamaMti sma raktaM suraktaM mukhebhyaH // 10 // hayAlIkhuroddhRtadhUlImadhUlIM gajA11 lpa (lI) mavAnAM (drI) ca karNAzugotyaM (sthA) / pivaM (baM) ti spha (sphuTaM zatrupakSAva (ba) lAnAM guDArUpalolAlakAlidvirephA[*] // 11 // mahodayapurAdane bhAMti nAkharvaparvatAH / ta12 nmanye tvattura (ra) gAlIkhuraizcUrNIkRtAzciraM // 12 // riMgatturaMgakhurarAjirajaHsamUharnayo jalAzayagaNAH . sthalabhAvamApuH / dRSTA jagadgatajalaM sabha13 yo maheMdA(dro) jyeSThepi varSaNamaho sahasA cakAra // 13 // yuSmajjetraprayANazravaNavigalitatrANa niHprA(niSprANakAnAM mlechA (cchA) nAM chAdanArtha bhavati hayakhurotkhati (tkhAta)dhU14 lIsamUhaH / mAyanmAtaMgagallasthalagalavatuloddAmadAnA (nAMba)vaMda (4) hiMdUkAnAM nivApAMjalisali ___lakRte mlecha (ccha) pakSasthitAnAM // 14 // riMgaddatAvalA[nAM] Sa (pa) bbhrvi| galamisaMbha (bhUtagataH prollolatkarNavAtaH pracalitavilasatparvatAnAmakhaH / prAvANaH prANahIna pratibhaTakuThi (Ti) lamlecha (ccha) kAnAM tanUnAM prakSepAchA (nchA)16 banArtha svata iha nRpa te jaitrayAtrAsu jAtA[:*] // 15 // aMgo jAtaprabhaMgo bhavati bhayabha totsaMgaraMgaH kaliMgo vaMgaH pUrNAtti (ti) saMgaH kalakalakalitopyutkalI 17 niHka (niSka) lazca / zaithilyaM maithilepi sphurati bhayamayakroDako gauDalI (lo) ko dezaH pUrvo vigarva (4) stava vijayakra (kR) te prAsapANe prayANe // 16 // laMkAtakAkulAbhU18 karagaladava (ba)lAka (kaM) kaNA kuMkaNAzA karNATaH satkapATazcala iha malayo drAviDo drAvi tezaH dezazcolazca lolazcapala iha bhayAsketuvatsetuvaM (ba)19 dhaH zrIrANArAjasiMha prabhuvara bhavato jaitrayAtrosa (tsa) veSu // 17 // saurASTro hA (hI) narASTraH prabhavati sakala: vAcha (kaccha) dezopyanacha (ccha)STha (STa)TTA haTTAtihInA vi20 galati valako romaSartA - - khaMdhAraH sAMdhakAro dhanadadigadhunA nirdhanA dhAvateddhA zrIrAnArAjasiMha kSitiSava bhavato jai[*]yAtrotsavesmin // 18 // darI21 bAjanAste darIbA (vA) sabhAjo janA mAMDilasthAstathA sthaMDilasthAH [*] janAH phUliyAyAH ziroli[yA]sAstvadoyaprayANe khumAnezaratna // 16 // rAhelA 1 Sandhi is not observed bere. ? These three syllables are missing. * For the sake of the rhetoric embellishment Yamaka, we may, as in the original, read this syllable as la. * There is a superfluous sign of anusvara over this letter. 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX 22 yAzcivahelAzcInaca(ce)lAH suyoSitaH / sabavelAsutrIravelA bhartRhanAkunobhavat // 20 // eSA sAhipurA pravAhitasukhA sA kekarI kiMkarIbhAvaM vA 23 vidadhAti [maM] sabhayA'kukSimariH sAMbhariH / bhrAjajjAjapurAdhivAsanamaho duHkhAvaraH sAvaraH zrIrAnAmaNirAjasiMha bhavati tajjatrayAtra(tro)tsave 24 // 21 // gauDajAtIyabhUpAnAM dezaH klezavizeSavAn / anacha(ccha): kacha(ccha)vAhAnAM jaitrayA trAsu tebhavat // 22 // raNastaMbhasaMsthAH raNastaMbhayuktAH pramatteta25 rAstepi phattepurasthAH / va(ba)yAnAjanA dUrasaMsRSTayAnA jayArtha prayANe khumAneza te syuH .. // 23 // merau lakSmyAjamerau viSaya urubhaya(yaM) jAyate sphItapherI 26 kogayA bhaM(bhAMti toDAyavaniSu galitatrANamAnA va(ba)yAnA / dhatte phattepuraM na kSaNamapi na sukhaM dakSayuddhe tavADha(khA) zrIrANArAjasiMha kSitipa jayakra(kR)te'mAnamAno(ne) prayA 27 Ne // 24 // parvamevAkhavarga (vaMgavala)TitaM bhavato bhaTaH / darIvA(bA)nagaraM / zUnyadarIbhAvaM samAdadho(pau) // 25 // maMDapAste mAMDilasya(lebhya)zcitA yodhastu tadbhaTAH / dvAvi 28 zatisahastrANi rUpyamudrAvalebaMdu [*] // 26 // vanaheDAsthitA vIrA rAne(na)dra bhavata(te) baduH / savi(viMzatisaM(sa)hasto(sro)cadUpyamudrAH karaM paraM // 27 // dhIrAH sAhipu29 rAvIrA rAjeMdra bhavate daduH / dvAviMzatisahasva(sro)vadrUpyamudrA[:*] kare(ra) varaM // 28 // toDAyA(yAM) preSayitvA bhaTapaTalabhUtau rAyasiMhasya rAjJaH phattevaM (caM)vaM sahastra (kha)30 trayamitasubhaTabhrAjamAna pradhAnaM / SaSThi(STi)sphUrjatsahasrapramitarajatasanmudrikAsaMkhyadaMDaM tanmAtrA' saMpraNItaM praharadazakatastvaM gRhItvA vi. 31 bhAsi // 26 // aho vIramadevasya puraM mahiravaM paraM / rAjanvahnau juhoti sma kopi kopo dUTo bhaTaH // 30 // bhavAnmAlapure rAnalakSmImAlAtiluMTa32 naM / zauryA''loke racitavAnlo(vAllo)karnavadinAvadhi // 31 // yuSmavi(di)gatu(ta)raMgapraca rakhurapuTaizcUrNitAnaM(nAM) puresminpUrNAnI zarkarANAM paTukaraTigha33 TAkarNatAlapravAtaH / uDDInA[nAM] samUharjalanidhaya ime pUritAH kSArabhAvaM muktA miSTatvabhAjaH ka(ka)sa' iti bha[vatA] bhUpa vikho(zvo)pakAraH // 32 // jAte mAla 1 The senso as well as the reading of this verse is obscure. Compare the printed text. * Thorn is a superfluous eign of anusvara over this letter. * This kritab goes with upakirab.

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ATPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 34 purasya luMTana vidhau sacha(ccha)karANAM puraH karpUraprakarasya yA hayakhuraprodbhUtazuddhaM rajaH / uDDInaM gagane vibhAti bhavato bhUyo mayA tarkitaM zrIrAnAmaNi kanakaM kana 35 rAjasiMhanapateH kIrte[:*] prakAzaH paraH // 33 // gucha(ccha)vadgucha(ccha)hArAste kopamaM / pravAlavatpravAlAzca prAcuryAlluMTanebhavat / // 34 // sukavurAH 36 sudurvarNAH savariSThAH pravAlakAH / haTTetya(bhya)zca gahebhyazca saMprAptA luTane janaiH // 35 // sujAtarUpakaM tIkSNaM zvetazobhaM janarmuhuH / nAnAmlecha(ccha) 37 mukhaM dRSTaM patitaM pathi luTane // 36 // luTane luTanakareluMTitaM yena yattvayA / tasmai pradattaM __tadRSTA tavodAraM(ra)caritratA // 37 // prAptA bhUpAlatAM raM 38 kA niHzaMkA dhanalAbhataH / luTane purabhUpAstu ti(ni)dhanA raMkatAM gatAH // 38 // lakSmI sanmaNikalpavRkSasurabhIhAlAdhanurvAjinaH zaMkhA labdhA 39 zcaMdrasudhAgajeMdrasumanaHstrIvaidyavidyAyA(dha)rAH / lokarmAlapurollasajjalanidhemayeSu ratnAnyalaM nIti vicitramatra na viSa(paM)ka(ke)nApi la 40 bda(bdha) tathA ke(kva)cit // 36 // suvarNamUlyasya tu rUpyamudrikA savastuno mUlyamabhUdvilaMTane / sadUpyamudrAmitavastunaH punaH karSopi karSasya (sya) varA41 TakaM tathA // 40 // svIyavA(bA)hmaNamaMDalIkRtamahAhomAgnihotroSTabhiryabhUridhRtAvivasturacitAjIrNasya zAMtyau(tya) mukhe / vahe ()aulapuraM 42 [zubhau]pa(ba)dhamayaM homIkRtaM sRSTavAnmanye khAMDavameSa pAMDava iva zrIrAjasiMho nupaH // 4 // ToMkaM ca sAMbhari grAmAnlA(mAllA)lasoTiM ca cATasU / rAjeMdrasubhaTA ji(ji)tvA daMDayi 43 [tvA] va(ba)bhu zaM // 42 // rAnA amarasiMhotra va(ba)lI yAmavayaM sthitaH / rAjasiMhaH sthitastatra citraM navadinAvadhi // 43 // dhanAM(ba)yukchAininimnagA''gatA 'nadI bhava44 tyeva hi nIcagAminI / vighna(ghnI)kRto nIcatayA tayA natA:*] zrIrAjasiMha[*] svapure samAgataH // 44 // manojJataruNIgaNazritagavAkSapakSadvaye vicitrapaTaghaTTa45 nAvilasadaTTahaTTe punaH / samudbhaTabhaTairyute karaTisaddhaTATopake mahodayapure gapaH pravizati sma vIronnataH // 45 // iti rAjaprazastimahAkAvye saptama[*] sarga[] 1 Meaning indescribable' .Sandhi is not observed hero.

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30 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 46 [gaja]dhara kalyANasata (t) putra ra(raM)gana (mA) va bhAna harajIjAtasomapurAgotra 1 // zrIgaNezAya namaH [1* ] tIrasye peSTa (Ta) mAsa ta Slab IX; Canto VIII [Metres : vv. 1-4, 9, 12-16, 18-43, 46-52 Anushtubh; vv. 5, 6, 44, 45 Upajati ; v. 7 Indravajra ; vv. 8, 53, 54 Sardulavikridita ; vv. 10, 11, 17 Bhujangaprayata.] * 2 mujhe parisiMha prapi hitavAn 3 dezAngajAdi tatsavaM // 4 // gate zate // 1 // 6 prayaye nRpaH // 7 // pUrNe taM DUMgarAce pure urajaNa [VOL. XXIX tata (t) putralAlAlaSAH jasA // 2 // bhrAtara (2) nRpatistataH arisiMha [ : * ] siMhanAdapa(saM) gatavAndadI / prariti (siM) hAya dillIzaH sa yU ( hUM)garapurAdikAn // 3 // arisiMhaH sama (mA) paMyat / zrIrAjasiMhacaraNe saptade ( ba ) ze tu varSe catuvaMzAkhye va (ba) havA sosme yogyaM dadau mudA saptazatI caturdazabhisake / zibire (zrI) ra (2)yameva (ba) dillIza) jAta (saM) 9 // 10 // tato // 5 // muve kumAraM 4 NavarSa / sUjAkhyaso vayaMvara ( re ) Na yuddha ( iM ) siradArasiMhaM sa preSayAmAsa nRpaH puraMva zrauraMgajeva ( ba ) sya vitanvatosya / zrauraMgajeva ( ba ) sya puraH 5 sthitoso raNe kumAro jayavAnsa jAna (ta): // 6 // zrIraMgajeba (ba) siradArasi (siM) havIrAya dezAzvagaNAdAsaH / rAM (rANAMpatya va (ba) va saba (baM) yogya (gyaM) ) (ve) sa cAsmai saptadaze zate narapatiH satSoDazasyeva ke prAkAryottamaThaskuraM girivaraM sAmyaM kila rAvala vidadhatA nRpo yo // 6 // bharAyalA) lA ( tAM) / gRhItvA mahAvAhinIM rAjasiMhaH pratasthe 7 kRtvAtmanaH sevakaM / premNAsmai pradadau suyogya makhilaM sevAM vyadhAdrAvalaH pUrNa bace (bApa) nAmake bhAvaNe tu vasAyade DAininadI zrutvAca 11511 zca pracaMDa (Da) va vasADaprada ( ve) zekSaNAya // dabhiproza jitAmdArayeH pArzvadezasthitAnAM vakSo vibhirbha (naM) mahArAva (la) syApi nazyadva ( kha ) lasya // 11 // jhA zate saptavaje beta (saM)yastA janAnAM / vidIrNAni vakSAMsi 1 Reading of this line is not certain; its language is not Sanskrit. The list of masons given here may be compared with that occurring towards the end of Slabs III, VI, IX and XXV. 1 The correct form should be arpayad. Sandhi is not observed here. * This danda is superfluous.

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 31 10 lodyatsulatAnAkhyaM cohANaM taM mahAbalaM / rAvaM sabalasiMhAlyaM raghunAthAlyarAvataM // 12 // coDAyata(ta) muhakamasiha(siMha). zaktAvatottamaM [*] etAnpurA(ro)ga .. 11 tAnkRtvA eteSAM vA(bA)humAzrayan // 13 // sa rAvato harAsiMho yayau devaliya(yA) purAt / Agatya rAjasiMhasya rAjeMdrasya pade'patat // 14 // sadhyamadrAsupaMcAzatsa12 hasrANi nyavedayat / manarAvatanAmAnaM kariNaM kariNImapi // 1 // zate sapa(pta)daze pUrNa varSe pa(paM)cavazAbhiSe / vaizASe(khe) kRSNanavamIdivase bhaumavAsare // 16 // 13 mahArAjasiMhAjJayA vAsavAlekSaNArya phatecaMdamaMtrI pratasthe / camU pa(paM)carAjatsahasrAzvavAramahATha kuraiguMThitAM tA(tAM) gRhItvA // 17 // tataH samarAsa(rasiM)14 hasya rAvalasyAva(ba)lasya vai / lakSasa(saM)khyA rUpyamudrA dezadAnaM ca hastinIM // 18 // gaja daMDaM dazanAmAnkRtvA'pAtayava(vaM)hiSu / rANeMdrasya phatecaMdo bhU15 tya(tya) kRtvaiva rAvala(laM) // 16 // daza prAmAndezadAnaM rUpyamudrAvale paH / saviMzatisahasrANi rAvalAya dadau mudA // 20 // zrIrAjasiMhavacanAtpha16 tecaMdaH sa ThakkuraH / cake devaliyAbhaMga(ga) harIsi(siM)haH palAyitaM(taH) // 21 // harisiMhasya mAtA tu gRhItvA pautramAgatA / pratApasiMha vivadhe prasanna 17 rANamaMtriNaM // 22 // rUpyamudrAsahasrANi viMzatyAlyAni hastinI(nI) / baMDa(7) prakalpya svalpaM sa phatecaMdo dayAmaya[:] // 23 // rANe(Na)dracaraNAbhyaNe 'mAna(nA)yAmA18 sa taM va(ba)lAt / pratApasiMhaM jAtastatphatecaMdaH prabhoH priya[:*] // 24 // aSe(khe)rAja [sirohI(zaM) rAvaM. bhaktatama(maM) sphuTaM / premNava vazya(zya) kRtavAnarAjasiMho mahopa19 tiH // 2 // zate saptadaze pUrNe SoDazedeya phAlgune / vaMhabArImahAghaTTe zailazliSTe nRpo . vyadhAt // 26 // viTcakrakarapatrAbha(bhaM) lA(lo)hapatroccakIla20 yuk / vairidhIpATana(na) proccakapATayugalaM dadhat // 27 // anargaladviSaccitArgalarUpArgalAyutA(tA) siMhaprakoSThaH(STha) satkoSThaM dvAraM dviDvAravAraNaM // 28 // 21 kulakaM / zate saptavaze pUrNa varSe saptadaze tataH / gatvA [ka]SNagaDhe divya(vye) ma[hatyA sa(se)nayA yutaH // 26 // dillIzArya rakSitAyA rAjasiMhamare zva22 raH / rAThoDarUpasiMhasya putryAH pANigrahaM vyadhAt // 30 // ekAnAvazAta(ekonaviMzati) svande gate saptavaze zate / mevalaM vezamatanA(no)tsvakAyata(taM) bala(balAn)napaH / Sandhi is not observed here. * First ro was engraved, but later on it was corrested into te by scoring out the right hand vertical strake.

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. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA - [Vot. XXIX 23 // 31 // mInAnirjalamInAbhAn rudhvA(vA) badhvA(DA)tidaHka(duSka)rAn [*] kha(kha)DayAmAsura dhikaM mInAse(sa)nyaM mahAbhaTAH // 32 // zrIrANArAjasiMheMdro mevalaM 24 tvakhilaM dadau / svIyarAjanyadhanyebhyo vAsohayadhanAni [ca*] // 33 // zate saptadaza(ze)tote . viMzatyAhvayavatsare / zrIrAjasiMhasyAjJAtaH sA(si)rohI25 nagare gataH // 34 // rAnAvato rAmasiMhaH sasainyo rAvamAkula(laM) / putreNodayabhAnena rUma ka'mAyacabalAt' // 35 // prakherAjaM tasya rAjye sthA26 payAmAsa tatsphuTaM / rANA mitrArirAjyAnAM sthApakotthApakA iti // 36 // zate saptadaze pUrNe ekaviMzatinAmake / varSe mArge'sitASTa27 myAM rAjasiMhA(ho) mahIpatiH] // 37 // anUpasiMhabhUpasya vA(bA)ghelAbAMdhavaprabhoH / bhAvasiMha kumArAya kanyAmajavakUvAra(vari) // 38 // saMkalpya vidhi28 nA batvA(ttvA) mahArAjanyapaMktaye / gotrajAbanyakanyAnAmaSTAnAM navatiM dadau // 36 // prayAyaM pA(pA)kazAlAyAM rAjasiMho nareM(re)zvaraH / bhAvasiMha29 kumArAyabAMdhavIyastu vA(bA)hujaiH // 40 // asparzabhojibhiH sAkamupaviSTo viziSTabhAH / ku rvANo bhojanaM bhAti bAMdhavIyastaderita(ta) / 30 // 41 // bhIrANArAjasiMhasya yadannamatipAvanaM / tajjagannAtharAyasya prasAdAnaM na sa(saM)zayaH // 42 // tadannabhojinye(no) hyA vaya(paM) prAptAH 531 vitratAM / haya(yA)gajAnmU(nbhUSaNAni varebhyodAtma(nma)hIpati[:*] // 43 // pUrNe te saptadaze suvarSe takaviMzatA(tya)bhiSe tu mAghe / surUpyamadrAdvisahala32 hemakRtAM zubhopaskarapUritA(tA) ca // 44 // sUryoparAge tu hiraNyakAmadhenuM mahAdAnamavAtsa sapyAM / vyApAta()lAM vA gajamauktikAkhya(khya) 33 gajaM dadau vIravAro] naraM(re)[braH] // 45 // zata(te) saptadaze pUrNa paMcaviMzatinAmake / vaSa (4) mAghe rAjasiMho dazabhyo(myAM) [zuklapakSake // 46 // ba?]DIgrAme . . 34 taDAgasyotsagaM rUpyatulAM vyadhAt / nAmAkarottaDa[r]gasya janAsAgara ityayaM // 47 // dadau garIbadAsAlyapurohitavarAya saH / (grA)maM 35 tu guNahaMDAlyaM tathA devapurAbhidhaM // 48 // Sana(i) lakSANi sahasrANi aSTAzItimitAnyaho / lagnAni sapyamudrANAM taDAge bhadradAya 1 The sign for avagraha after ka is not required. The intended reading seems to be ruddham=amoch yad: balat. * Sandhi is not observed here. . Bahuja meena Kahatriya.

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR. 39 36 ke // 46 // janAdenAmayuktAyAH svamAtu[:*] svargasaMsthiteH / arpaya[v]mAsa sukRtaM rAjasiMha idaM nRpa[:*] [ // 50] // tapodayapure tvasmindi37 ne rANanapoktitaH / mahArAjakumArabIjayasiMho mahAdhiyA // 51 // utsarga raMgasarasastagagasyA karonmudA / mahAdAnAni 38 kRtavAnvIro vA(bA)lyetipuNyakRt // 52 // zrIrANodayasi(siM)hasanurabhavat' zrImatpratApa[*] suta stasya ba(zrI)'amarezvarosya tanayaH zrIkarNa30 siMho[sya] vA / putro rANajagatpatizca tanayosmAdvAjasiMhosya vA putra[*] zrIja[ya] si(siM)ha epa(pa) kRtavAnvIraH zilAlekhitaM // 53 // pUrNa sa40 ptadaze zate. tapasi vA satpUNi(4)mAlye dine dvAviMzanmitavatsare narapateH zrIrAjasiMhaprabhoH (0) kAvyaM rAjasamudramiSTaja41 sadhekatsargasavarNanAsaMpUrNa raNachorabhaTTaracitaM rAjaprazastyAhvayaM // 4 // iti zrIprapRSTa)maH sargaH / saMvata(t) 1718 42 'bhaSare saMvata sataresepaThAraho tarAvaraSe mAghamAse kRSNapaNe sapatamIvIvase budhavAre zrIrAnasam ro mA43 raMbharo mohUrata kIghojI. / saMvata 1732 apare saMvata sataresevatIsAviraSa mAghamAse sukalapaNe puraNamA44 sIdivase bRhasapativAre zrIrAjasamudrarI pratoSTA kIdhIjI zrIjIrAjasamudra mo[ge] rodIna 6 mAhe mo[Do]ropherene 45 pA[chA]padhAreNetulA sonArIvesene' samasta brAhmaNabhATacAraNane dAna doghojI / bhaTaraNachoDajIputrasu46 talaSamInAtha // gajagharakalyANajI gajaSaramohanajI urajaNajI suSajI kesojI sudarajI lAlAjI jAtasomapurAvAsa udapuri] [[*] Slab X; Canto IX [Metres : vv. 1,14,15,34,46Sardalavikridita; vw.2-13, 16, 18-32,36,38-40, 42,43,45.48 Anushubh ; v. 17, 37 Upajati ; v. 33 Giti ; v. 41 Mandakranta ; v. 44, 47 Sragdhara.) 1 // zrIgaNezAya namaH [*] vRttAsyopazobhitaH pravilasallAvaNyakallolavAnprollolanmakarAcha(cha) kuMDalaparo rAjIvarAjAkSaNaH / mANi 1Sandhi is not observed here. From here to the end the language is the local dialect. This phonetlo change of Hindi do into ho in Rajasthant may be noted. * Rr is the indicative of tho genitive same as Hindi ki. * The sense is that it took 6 days to go round the lako, and when Rijasimha returned, he performed the tula ceremony. * The names of the maons are also given above, towards the close of Slabe III, VI and VIII as well as below at the end of Slab XXV 1DGAI

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. FPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX 2 kyojya (jjva)lahIrakottamamahAbhUSaH pravAlalasanna(n) ()gArAmRtasArastava mude govarddhanodvArakaH // 1 // mahArAjAdhirAja3 zrIjagatsiMhe virAjati / vatsareSTanavatyAlye zate SoDazake gate // 2 // zrIkumArapade pUve(veM) rAjasiMho yayau prati / durga jaisala____4 merAkhyaM pANigrahakRte tadA // 3 // dvAdazAbdavayA evaM pravayA iva (bu)ddhimAn / dvAdazA smasphurattejA i(I)hazIM matimAdaghe // 4 // ghoSu(5)dA sa5 navADazca sivAlI ca bhigAvadA / morcanA ca pasoM[da*]zca kheDI chAparakha (khe)DikA // 5 // tAsola meDAvarako bhAno prAmo lahAnakaH / vAMsola gu6 DhalI eSAM kAMkarolI maThA' iti // 6 // prAmANAM somni dRSTA mAM taDAgakaraNocitA / svamanaH sthApayAmAsa va(ba)ddhamatra jalAzayaM // 7 // dharma7 kArye matedhartA zatrohartA sadA raNe / yadA rAjyasya kartAyaM bhuvo bharttAbhavattadA // 8 // zate saptadaze pUrNe aSTAdazamitendake / mAse mA8 meM yayau draSTuM rUpanArAyaNaM hariM // tadanAM vIkSya vasudhAM taDAgaM va(ba)mudyataH / purodhasAkaronmatraM kArya syAditi sovadat // 10 // zra0 DA pUrNA'viroSitva(tva) dillIzena vyayo va(ba)huH / dravyasyeti bhaveccetsyAva[]jJoktaM syA cayaM tataH // 11 // puro hitakara[:*] zrImatpurohitapura:- ' 10 saraH / purohitajayI rAjA kArya kartumayocataH // 12 // akharvayoH parvatayora(raM)tare gomatI . nadI(dI) / roddhaM ja(ba) mahAsetuM rAjeMdro yatnamAda11 ghe // 13 // pUrNa saptadazAbhidhe tu zatake svaSTAdazAkhyendake mAdhe kRSNasupakSake kila budha satsaptamIvAsare / i(I)haksaMkhya iheda12 zAyayute kali(kAle) tu kArye kRte sa(saM)khyAtaH khalu nAmatopi ca samo me vAMchi- tArtho bhavet // 14 // pUNo(Na)treti ca saptasAgaradazAzASTAdaza13 dvIpakazreNyA(pyAM) svIyayazaHprakAzakRtaye mA'dho mama syAtkvacit / kRSNaH pakSakaro buSAH stutikarAH satsaptamIdigdhruva(va) 14 prauvyAyaM tu jalAzayasya kRtavAnbhUpo muhUrtagraha' // 15 // setuM va(ba) va(ba)khapaNeghRtacitrakhani prakaH / janaiH khananamArabdhaM lumbazva The sign of anunasika over va is moant to bo ovor ga. dandhi is not observed hore. * Syntactically the word tahan should come after iti at the end of this verse. In thin vorso there is obviously a play on the numerals of the dato the details of which are contained in the Ltorecoing stanza.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 15 nalabdhaye // 16 // tadoTaiH SaSTisahastrasaMmitaH samudrasaparge sagarAtmajairyathA [*] akAri bhUmeH khata(na)naM tathAMbudhiM katuM dvitIyaM racitaM nR16 koTibhi[:] // 17 // asaMkhya khanane tatra jAyamAne janaH kRte / pRthivyAM puSavo jAtA ma(ma)ttikodhena parvatAH // 18 // mahatkArya mahArANA 17 matvA sAdhAraNarjanaH / na bhavettatsuyaM sthitvA kArayanbhAti yuktatA // 16 // matvA rAno mahA(ha)tkArya setubaMdha(baMdha) nuva(baM)dhahRt / svasyAne kA18 rayAmAsa tathaiva kRtavAnprabhuH // 20 // kAryasya mahato hyasya kRtvA bhAgAnanekazaH / - rAja nyAdikadhanyebhyo dattavAMstAndharA19 patiH // 21 // setodapikRte pRthvayAH pRSThe sthApayituM zilAH / jalaniHsAraNaM kattuM prayatna kRtavAnnupaH // 22 // . zakraM parAkramaH ka(kA)lamA- : 20 puSa[r] dhanavaM dhanaH / jitvAMva(bu)karSaNe rANA varuNa(Na) jetumadyataH // 23 // tadA cakrabhRtA tatra ghaTIyaMtra(zraNa yakR(tkRtaM / vRSayuktena kAryasya 21 sAha(hA)yyamucitaM hi tat // 24 // kriyamANe ghaTIyaMtrarjalaniHsAraNe janaH / teSAM tatko(kA) bakaraNe sArthakaH sa ghaTIgaNaH // 25 // svataMtrazca 22 ghaTIyaMtrarasvataMtraH sphuradRSaH / ghaTImAtreNa ghaTitabhUri niHsAritaM jalaM // 26 // jalayaMtrava(ba) huvidhAparyupari kalpitaH / loka 23 pRSThagaM nIraM sarva DU(dU)rIkRtaM drutaM // 27 // asminbharatakhaMDe tu yAvaMtaH saMti sAMprataM / * jalaniHsAraNopAyAstAvaMtaH kalpitA iha // 28 // 24 guNibhiH sUtradhArazca. pAmarairapi ye punaH / jalaniHsAraNopAyAH proktAste nirmitA iha . // 26 // ito niHsAritaM nIraM sAraNIprasa25 raH paraiH / grAme prAme janairnIna(ta) prAmA nagaratAM gatAH // 30 // yathA jyotiSasAraNyA vAsa[ra:*] zreSThasa(sA)dhanaM / kRtaM tathAMbu(bu)sAraNyAvasa26 raH zreSThasAdhana(na) // 31 // evaM nAnAprakAreNa jalaM niHsArya sarvataH / setubaM(ba)dhakRte loka (bhU)pRSThaM prakaTIkata(kRtaM) // 32 // pratyasa(a) 1 The way of writing the syllablo rgge is peculiar; one would read it rather rgre. * The anusvara sign meant to be placed over ya appears on the following letter, i.o., ru. * There is a superfluous anunvara sign over tva. 4 The expression avasy-agre is a litoral rondering of the Hindi or Hindustani idiom ame simna denoting 'in one's own presence, which, howover. literally means 'in front of one's own self'. 12

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[VOL. XxIx EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 27 nIravoM jita iMDo giriSareNa kRSNena / varuNaH parIkSapUritajalo jito rANa tattva yo(yA) citraM // 33 // pu(pU)Ne saptadaze zatemba uvite di28 vyakaviMzatyabhivyAptAsye divase trayodazikayA zasyAlyayAnte] zubhe / vaizAkhe sitapakSake khalu viSore kilatAdRze kAle bhA29 visukAryasUcakasamAnArthavajAsyAyute // 34 // jaMbUdvIpavadanyasaptadazasu dvIpeSu kIAptaye ni(ni)yo cani(ni)rayakaviMzatimahA30 duHkhasthalAdRSTaye / dhaneza'yutilabdhaye kulamaha(hA)zAkhAvivRtA sadA lAbhArtha sitapakSakasya va(ca) vidhusvAlAdakatvAptaye // 35 // zrIrANA31 rAjasiMhoyaM setoH satpadapUraNaM / kattuM mahattaM kRtavAnnavagrahava(ba)lAnvitaH // 36 // kulakaM / . garIva(ba)vAsasya purohitasya jyeSThaH kumAro 32 raNachoDarAyaH . mahAzilA 'paMcasuratnapUrNAmAdau varSe tatra padasya pratya(tya) // 37 // bRDhopalapra dAnena suSApAnena yata(na)taH / satoH pavasyA33 jaratvamamaratvaM kRta(ta) janaH // 38 // mahAsetoH prava(ba)dhesminmahAkAyeM mahAgajaH / sudhA cUrNa samAnItaM paripUrNa na cAvRtaM // 36 // sarvato 34 mukharUpasya jalasya mukhamudraNaM / pIrAvarakRtA yuktaM rAjasiMha tvayA kRta(taM) // 40 // chidrAnveSI jalagaNa iha mApa sarva sahounmUdina 35 svIyaM dadhapatipadaM dRSTamAtraM tvayA tu / yatravAtrocitamiti zilA|NibhiH kSAracUrNA'pUrNA bhiktivatulamukhonmudraNaM sRSTameva 36 // 41 // nUnaM kAmosi rANeMdra yatra tatrovitacha(ccha)lAt / zaMbara' mudritaM tanvan yuktaM saMtupraya(ba)Sakat // 42 // kavaM(ba) vikramajayI vAnaravrajapo17 vakaH / rAmakramAbhirAmosi setuM vaSmA(badhnA)si yuktatA // 43 // gotreNakena carka hariramitajalaM dUrataH zakramuktaM saptAhaM zrIma[tA] taruNa 38 samudivaM vAri dUrIka(kR) hi / prAsaptAmdaM sugotrAtulitabharabhRtA tA(syA ?)ciloka* prapu(pU)rtistvatkIrtiH kRSNakIttarapi bhavati parA kRSNabhaktasya vI * Ghasre ya is surya. Again a play on the date mentioned in the preceding verse. * The five conventional gems are : nilaka, vajraka, padmaraga, mauktika and prandla. *Note the double meaning here, bambara= water and Sambaras the name of the demon who was slain by Prad... vumna. * Kabandha's demon slain by Rama'; ku-bandha' damming of water'. * Vanara 'monkey': anura' and nan'.

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APPENDIX] 39 ra // 44 // RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR zrIrAjasiMha prathamaM zarIvaM (baM) dhamakArayat // 45 // matsyAH pAMDara raktapItarucayaH seto 40 sta (stu) bhA[ge pare pAtAlA Trikala nirgatA: zubhataraM garbhodakaM niHsRtaM 1 tenoktaM tviha sUtradhAranipurNaraMbhotya]'gAdhaM bhavedbhUpAlAya niveditaM narapati: zrutvA smitAsyobhavat // 46 // rAmo nabhopasArya kSitizirasi na vA kArayAmAsa setuM gotra 1 mahAse tostataH pazcAtseMbharo bhaMja 41 vAnaraM ( ) dRDha iti dhanuSa ( vA 1) vAnarAmU (romaM ?) (ba) [1"] dUrIkRtyAM (bu)pRSThe bhuva iha munaH sRSTavAnsUparasvaM saccUrNa rAmavaMzyAdhikadRDha 37 42 iti te tatkRpAtosti setuH // 47 // sthale jalAzayaH sRSTo jale seto[:] sthalaM tvayA / kAMtAre nagara vIra te pUrNatA // 48 // iti bhari (dUra) 43 NachoDakRte zrIrAjaprazastikAvye navamaH sargaH / 1 // zrIgaNezAya namaH 1 suvarNazatpuramAtyamAna: rAjasamudratIre zrIdvArakAnAtha Slab XI; Canto X [Metres : vv. 1-4, 10-12, 16-19, 22-25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 37-39 Upajati ; vv. 5-7, 9, 13-15, 20, 21, 33-36, 40-43 Anushtubh; v. 8 Sragdhara; vv. 26, 29, 32 Indravajra.] zrIdvArakAyAM dhanabhAsamAnaH / caturbhujo 2 hariH sunIre // 1 // zrAnItamaMbhaH kila rAjamaMdirodbhava (baM) bU (bu) SAdyairmahiSairjanavarjaH / satkAryavayeM (ba) zastadoSa (citI yA 3 Na vAnA (nI) tamidaM tada ( ) taM // [ // 2 // * ] suvarNazaile kila jiSNurUpaH vAnmanasvI / jetu (tuM) jagatyAmasurAnsa durga svAma (svamaM)[di*] 5 tavAnpravezaM 11811 zate saptadazetIte rAjasisi) ho mahIpati["] // 5 // 4 suMdaramadvitIyaM // 3 // pUrNa(meM) vAta (se) sapta tu mArge patra dAvi (da) itinAnna bhUpaH / paDo' dazamyA (myAM) kSitimaMdire (reM) draH prAsAdamadhye kuM [Di] (Da) zatimi [te] dR (bda) ke hemnaH palAta [*] [:*] zrI rAjasaha [:] kRta / UrjaSNa dvitIyAyo (yAM) (ca) 1 The portion within the square brackets, i.e., from ge to tya was first omitted by the engraver through oversight, who afterwards added it at the end in the last line, indicating the addition by the kakapada signs. This pada is short of one syllable. The letter sa appears more like ra Perhaps the intended reading is Suvarnabailat=puri bhaty=amanah. Pado-dasami here is only the form in local dialect of Pandu-dasami in 1. 39, p. 51, and means the tenth day of the yellow month, i.e., Magha. Mr. Shaktidhar Guleri informs me that padu panchami and padu-dasami are observed as festivals in Kangra on the 5th and 10th days respectively of the bright-half of Magha.-N.P.C. Read Urjah-krishna-; the first word meaning; Karttiku.

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38 6 kalpadrumairyutaM / hemnaH vazaH 9 bIye // 8 // / 7 metadviprAnatoSayat // 7 // viprebhyo devamAktaH sakalasuramayo 8 merureva tvayA ya[t*] / taddevA: sthAnahInAH kRtamataya ito brAhmaM (brAhmaNeSu praviSTAste jAtA bhUmidevA (va)pati gRhagaNe mehabhogaM ta (tva) EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX palazataiH sa (su)STaM mahAbhUtaghaTAbhiSaM // 6 // hiraNyAzvarathaM rUpya datvA (ravA) mahAdAnayuga ekAdaza sahastA (trA ) Ni SaT zatAni ca saptatiH | lagnAni lagnA rUpyasya mudrANAM dAnayoriha // 6 // pUrNe zate saptada rAjasaha prabhumukuTa ghaTaH zrImahAbhUtapUrvA (va) da[to] 10 []tha varSe pakAra padAtinAni rAdhe sitrayodazayabhiSehi setornRpo mUhurta puri [ze]tha (Da) / kA(ka) karA (rolpA // 10 // tatotra cAra mahAzilAbhiH samuSA (dhA)bharAbhiH seto 11 citaH pRthivyAM janairvicitreH pRthubhiH khanitreH parva pUritameva tu (tuM ) gaM // 11 // parNe (pUrNe) 12 pAte saptadazeSa va bhASA ] mAsAvika evaM jAtA jyeSThetra jala sthitirvRSTibhavA taDAge // 12 // [ varSe ] 15 hiraNa ve jala (f) lAge / 13 vADhalapakSasmaratiyo (bI) ravI / [ ]STakena mukhasetostu bhUpRSThaM zisudhApUrNazilA 14 gaNaiH [1*] [1] pUritabhittirUpoccaM sUtradhAraM dhruvaM kRtaM // 14 // sidhya ( 1 ) STakaM nRNAM / paMcendriyANAM pApatiH 16 gorikaraNe pravINaiH // 16 // diSTA catuSkIta esasI zatimma (nA) kina navyA yA paMcamAse vahitaM // 13 // 17 dbhuta guNA (Na) pumaryoccacatuSka vo 'bhava (ve ) t // 17 // samUhA manujaMpU ( vRM) bAdyaiH / sahasta (tra) saMkhyaM su // 15 // asminna (mma ) hAvAra evaM (i) [rIkRtaM tattu samastamevaM janezca zrAzAcatuSkAgatamAna vairnavairnAnAcatuSkAH prazAcatuSkAgatamAnarnavernAnAccatuSkAH sanitA jalAzaye [1"] IdukkAlakRtasyAsya dRSTayA eva navya ( vyaM) saMsthApitaM tatazcatuSkIganima (su) tAnA (mA) ja (ya) tu muba Lagnani goes with sahasrani and satani, while lagna qualifies saptatib. It may further be observed that the word lagna is used here in the sense of vyayita 'spent', which is more common in Hindi than in Sanskrit. Sandhi has not been observed here. The meaning of the word smara here seems to be five from the conventional number of five assigned to the arrows of Kama. The letter si is superfluous. There is a play upon the numbers mentioned in this stanza with reference to those of the date occurring in vorse 13 above. The six urmis are enumerated as soka-mahaujara-mritya kshut-pipase shad-urmayah. * Perhaps we have to read Esha s=dbhati, referring to tadaga or jalasaya. 1 Again a play on the number four, pumarth-Bchcha-chatushka means purushartha-chatushtaya dharma, artha, kima, and molesha.

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39 APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 18 khataH praNItA madhyasya setoH paripUraNAya // 1 // mRdAM gaNaiH kalpitaparvataughAH seto __ [vi]lInAH kva va(ca) naiva dRzyAH / yathA purA rA. 19 ghavasetubaMdhe yAtA vilInatvamaho girIdrAH // 16 // zate saptavaze pUrNa saptaviMzatinAmake / varSe svajanmadi20 base hemahastiraya(thaM) zubhaM // 20 // hemno viMzatyapradazazatatolakanirmitaM / mahAdAnaviSAnena rAjasiMhanupo 21 dadau // 21 // pUrNa zate saptadaze suvarSe satsaptaviMzatyabhidhe muhUrtaH / prASADhamAse'si tasaccaturyA(yA) nupeNe(Na) noH(nau)[sthA]22 panakasya sRSTaH // 22 // janastRtIyAdivase tu naukAyogyaM jalaM neti kRte vicAre / aAgAmivarSa (maiM) tu (ba)haspatiH syAtsi23 hasthitastatsumuhUrta*] eSaH // 23 // nAnyotra varSesti taDAgaka(kA)ye mukhyastu rI(rANA . bata rAmasiMhaH / tadA phatavAnasti hi coka24 DIna(nA) madhya(dhye) jalaM kSepyamihAnyava(4)bhaH // 24 // naukAma(ma)hatto(to)stu mahApurodhA garIba dAsAbhiSa uktavAna(nvai ?) / praye prabhoreSa janA 25 vicAra(raM) phurva(va)ti rAjaniti vA mahA(hAM)ta(taH) // 25 // prAzcaryameSA(SAM) mama bhAti citte syAtkAryamAsItsukhavAnapastat / zrutvA dvijA-. 26 nvAruNasUktamaMtra(vA) japtuM sa vidvAnavizatpuroSA[*] // 26 // zrRMgArapUrNA praviSAya naukA muhUrtamAgAmisuvAsare tu / naukAdhi27 rohasya mudA vidhAtuM kRtapratizaM naparAjasiMhaM // 27 // samIkSya zakropi sacita evA bhavattadasminsaya(ma)ye mayA cet / 28 kriyate vRSTirna tadA mamaiva doSaM vadiSyaMti janAH samastAH // 28 // indrAtprabhutvaM viti padyapATha(5) cittevapAryeti mamAMza e29 SaH / pUrNAsya kAryeti mayA pratijJA rakSyA dvijAnAna(ma)pi supratiSTA(SThA) // 26 // tatastRtIyAdivase dvitIye yAme vavarSarjala30 dA muhUrtA (ta) / naukASirohasya cakAra bhUpo maMdAkinInI:(no)sthitazakatulyaH // 30 // uktaM janaiH kartumayaM yadeva samudyatastatpara31 mezvarotra / karoti cApre saphalaM sukArya bhaviSyatItyasya tatho(thA)bhavattat // 31 // pUrNa zate saptadaze suvarSe'STAviMzatibhrAji . 1 Read tad=oktavan=. + 'The word chokadi is Marwari chokri, Sanskrit chalushki, moaning here excavated square'. * Sandhi has not been observed here. For the Varuna sukta, see Rigveda, I, 25, 19.

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OM tanAmadheye / rAjAkA ticI EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XxIx 32 tanAmadheye / rAka(kA)tiyo nAlavimudragaM drAk,jyeSTe(SThe) kRtaM sUtradharapoktyA // 32 // zate saptadaze pUrNa' ekonatriMzadAhaye / 33 varSe vidhugrahe mAghe dAnaM kalpalatAtmakaM // 33 // hemnaH sArddhazatadvaMdvapaM(pa)laiH sRSTa(STa) varI tathA / hemnastvazItyaprazatatolakaH 34 parikalpitaiH // 34 // halastu paMcabhiryuktaM paMcalAMgalanAmakaM / bhAvalIgrAmasaMyukta(ktaM) mahAdAnaM dadau nRpaH // 35 // aSTAvi35 zatyapradazazatatolakasamitiH / hemnaH samabhavahivyadAnayoranayoriha // 36 // pUNa() zate saptadaze sadekonatriMza36 dAkhyAmdasuphAlgunetra [*] kRiSNa(kRSNo)cama(me)kAdazikAdina vA zubhe bhavAnIgiripAvadeza(ze) // 37 // satsaMgikAryasya tu mukhya37 seto napo muhUrta kRtavAnkRtItaH / ilakSaNIkRtaH pAMDaravarNa[yuktaH*] sudhASisiktaidaMDasaMdhibaMdhaH // 3 // mahopalaiH pezalasUtradhAra38 vistyamAna(vistAryamANe) kila saMgikArye / / dhRte(to)daye sa(saM)gini kAryavayeM nRpasya cittaM sukhasaMgi jAtaM // 36 // zate saptadazetIte eko39 natri(tri)zadAhaye / jye(jye)SThasya zuklasaptamayA(myAM) rAjasiMho mahIpatiH // 40 // ekani (li)gAlaye vida(tvina)sara prAtye jalAzaye / - 40 sasopAne jIrNaseto pratolInAcatuSTaya(paM) // 41 // vyaSAtsuvatraM satkAya(ya) suzilA- . gaNarA(ra)jitaM / aSTAdazasahalA41 Ni rUpyamudrAvaleriha // 42 // lagnAni rANavIroktyA prazastinirmitA mayA / zrutvA tAM sa davAvAjJA(jJAM) zilAyAM 42 likhanAya ma(me) // iti zrIrAjaprazastinAmamahAkAvye raNachoDabhaDaviracite basa(za)ma[:] sargaH // Slab XII : Canto XI [Metros : vv. 1, 13, 14 Upajati vv.2-12, 15-48, 51-57 Anushtubh, w 49, 50 Gatha.] / [ // zrIgaNezAya namaH / setormitiH paMca zatAni vaiye mukhyasya va paMcavazottarANi / tale gajAnAM ca zatAni paMca se(sa)kAnpazIti 1 Sandhi has not been observed here. * Better read likhanaya. MGIPO-81-1IGA/52-24-4-54-450.

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 2 pramitAni mUdina // 1 // vistare paMcapaMcAzanmitA nimnamito gajAH [*] dazoparyudaye saMti dvAviMzatimitAH kSitau // 2 // nimnAyA(yAM) 3 [paM]cayukiMzadUI tatra kramaM vade / bhUmyUddhamASTagajakaM pIThaM()mekorddhayuggajaH // 3 // mekha. lAtrayamAnaM tvAsArddhadvAdazasadga4 ja(jAH) (1) tilakatrayamanatha trayodazagajavidhi // 4 // catvAraH saMgikAryasya stharA ekastharaM prati / sopAnanavakaM tvevaM pati5 ze(zatpramitiH sphuTA // 5 // sopAnAnAmityudaye paMcatrizavagarmitiH / saptapaMcAzavityevaM gajA: sarvodayasthitau / 6 // trayaM 6 burija koSThAnAM koSThe prAsAdaviksthite / daiye gajAstu paMcAzanirgame paMcaviMzatiH' // *] 7 // satpaMcasaptativRtte triMzadevodaye 7 gajAH / garbhakoSThaM laMva(ba)tAyAM paMcasaptatikA gajAH // // sArddhasaptAprakatriMzagnirgame vRttruupke| zataM sArddhadvAdazakaM ga8 jAnAM ca tayodaye // 6 // paMcatriMzadgajA: koSThaM tRtIyaM pUrvakoSThavat / paMcacatvAriMzada prazatamAnaM gajA mRdaH [*] 10[*] bha. 9 tau setostu pAzcAtyabhAge proktAsti laMba(ba)tA / gajasaptazatImAnA vistare nimnabhatale // 11 // gajA aSTAdazaivoddha() paMcaivam10 daye tathA / aSTAviMzatisaMkhyAstu sarvA setoriyaM sthitiH // 12 // triMzadudhanmiti- zobhamAnA sopAnamAlA mahato hi setoH / vill bhAti koSThatritayaM tadetadbhapAlapAlaMva(ba)nakAri nUnaM // 13 // dharmAbudhA(dhau) tatra mahAsmRtI nAmupasmRtA(tI)nAM vidadhatsusaMgaM / veda12 trayaM vAtra karoti vAsaM kaliplutAM mlecha(ccha)bhuvaM vimucca // 14 // rAjamaMdi[radi] zyasti sthAnaM tu caturabakaM / seto tatrAtharvaNAkhyo / 13 vedastiSTa(STha)ti maMtravAn // 15 // jalahaTTamayaM tatra zobhatetrArahaTTakaM / tAjamaMdirA[khye] smindurge vApyo jalArthakaM // 16 // 14 prAste navacatuSkIyumaMDapaM tvatra suMdaraM / jaladarzAiga(ga)vAkSAktamaticitrakaraM nRNAM // 17 // mahAseto saMgikAryavayeM vijaya1 Meaning 'layer'. ? Meaning 'hastion '; Hindustani burj. * Visarga ie engraved above the line. * This sign of aragraha is not required.

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42 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 15 te paraM / yuktaM navacatuSkIbhI rAjamaMDapaM ( pa ) yugmakaM // 18 // navakhaMDasthalokAnAM darzanAccitrakArakaM / paTcatuvilasitamekaM vA 16 bhAti maMDapaM // 19 // pacA mahAsetomaMDapatritayaM setoriyaM sthitiH [ // *] 20 // niMbasetupramA tathA 1 sabhAmaMDapamekaM hi mahA 17 NaM tu vakSyAmi kSitipAla te / vaidhyeM gajAnAM dvAtriMzadadhraM zatacatuSTayaM // 21 // vistAre paMcadaza meM nimnabhUmau gajAstathA / paMcoda mu 18 ce dazAvo bhadrasetuke // 22 // catuzcatvArizadapaM gajAnAM deyaMtaH ye caivaM dvAdaza gajAstale paMcaiva mastake // 23 // trayodazoda 19 me bhadraM subhadraM caturakharka / koSThakaM vizatiganA muddhatAviti saMsthitiH // 24 // kAMkarolAgrAmasetau daMyeM nimnadharAtale / paMcAzadyuk paMca 20 zatI gajAnAM mUni sapta vai // 25 // zatAni SaTpaMcAzacca paMcatrizacca vistare / nimnabhUmau sapta gajA mastake tUdaye tathA // zataM 1 vistAre 21 // 26 // nimnabhUmau saptadaza gajA upari vA bhuvaH / gajA ziva kaSTaSTha) kavita tviha // 27 // sabhAmaMDapa diksaMsthako 22 SThe'STAviMzatirgajAH 1 vistAre nirga me mAne caturdaza tathodaye // 28 // sArddhaSatrizadevAya subhadre madhyakoSThakepa[ra}i 23 zadvistare paMcadazA (za) nirgamane gajAH // 26 // udayaSTatrizadeva tRtIye pUrvadivisthate / zarmAne vistAre nirga [ me] 24. gajAH [ // 30 // *] dvAdazaivodaye saptatrazadeva mRdo bhRtau / paMcacatvAriMzadagraM gajAnAM zataka tataH / [ *] 30 (31) [* ] pAzcAtyabhAge setostu gaMjAnAM tu [sa] // 31 (32) // vazamUrddhanyadaye tvaca 25 hasrakaM / vaidhyeM vistArataH paMcadaza nimnakSitau gajAH dvAviMzatimitA gajAH // (1) atrodayastu (stu) bhavita 26 aSTatrizadgajAvadhi // 32 ( 33 ) // svAdhyAtmarUpestrirAmI koSThakatraya ayodhyA reNukAkSetravrajebhyo mlecha (ccha) bhItitaH I bhAtyAga 11 27 33 (34) // bhRtau jIrNeza nilayamAgataM sthApitaM hi tat / jAyate madA // 34 (35) // rAmasetau yathA nAti [ thI*] 1 'This tu is written in smaller character below the line The intended reading is bhavati a Bandhi is not observed here metricansa. mArgosya sthApitastasya darzanaM

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APPENDIX] 28 rAmezvaramaMdiraM RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR tattatvaM kalIsyaseto bhAti zivAlayaM (yaH) // 35 (36) / / kAMkarolIsetvagrabhAge vA maMDapAtrayaH bhAvi 29 zobhate sabhAmaMDapa ekaka: // 26 ( 37 ) // kAMkarolI sphuratsetoraNe tupari bhUbhUtaH / zilAkAryaM kRtaM tatra vaidhye gajazatatrayaM // 37 (3) / vistAroka 30 yayoH paMca gajAH paMcAca ( pa ) nAzakaH / goSaTTapAzca vaMdhyatra catuHpaMcAzaduttamAH // 38 ( 39 ) / / gajA zaiva vistAre' uve tu / godha] 31 [dRsya ] gajA vaiyeM catuHpaMcAzadeva tu udaye tu gajAH paMca bhA[tye] kamiha 32 TiyAnAmapAda setopya gajAvale 33 vaye koSTha dvaMdva matrASTAsa (kha) mathaikakaM [ yo gajA] 35 sadgajAH 1 vistAre daza krIDAsvalaM hi tat / // | // 40 // * [ maM] Da [paM] ] / dve tale mUni gajAH sapta catuviMzatisadgajAH / sahavaM 'uSTaSaSTizca vistAreSTAdaza sphuTaM // 40 (42 ) // 1188(83)11 gajA nirgame / caturvazoda saMti catuviMzatisadgajAH // 42 (44) 43 catuH paMcAzadevAtra vistAre ghaTTabhUtale / // 39 (41) // [ zrAsA ] saMtyatra dvAdazayova paMcayatA ( tvA) riza u 'The visarga and the danda appear above the line. Visarga is engraved above the line. * Sandhi is not observed here. 34 saptAMgasyApi rAjyasya dharmasyAtrAsti susthitiH / rANarAjye jJApakASTarekhAktaM kimu koSThakaM // 43 45 ) / / dvitIyamarddhacaMdrAkhyaM vaidhyeM vizati zraSTAviMzatistu tatra ISya~ca gajAH // 43 (46) / caMdraparathIma 36 tamAnA mRdo bhUtau [ // 47 // * ] gajAH pAzcAtyabhAge tu setova~dhye trayodaza 1 zatAnyeva [jA]nA (mA) 37 tu nimnabhUmo ( mau) tathopari // 44 ( 48 ) / / gajA dazaiva vistAre udaye paMca vA gajA: vAMsola grAmapArzvastha setImAyane catuviMzatisaMyu 38ktasudvAdazazatAni hi / / 45 (46) / / " vistAre'STAdaza gajAstale paMcaiva mastake / trayodazodaye koSThatrayamAkSetra koNaye // 46 (50) / / gajA vita(ti) revAtra (3) This sandhi is wrong; it ought to be sahasre ashta-, which would militate against the metre. Better read sash tashash ti sahasre dve. * After this was first inscribed Asatiya-stha-satv-agra-bhage san-mandapa- [trayain] which was later scored out. as indicated by a horizontal line running across this portion of the text. This has, however, been re-engraved at the end in line 44 below. * There is an inverted kakapada sign over the last danda, which shows that the portion engraved in 1, 44 is perhaps to be inserted here, forming a part of the verse 46 (50).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL.XXIX 39 ya'vistArayoH samAH / dvAdazaivodaya tvetaccaturastraM subhadraka(ka) // 47(51) / subhadravaM sArahaTuM sArahaTTatadaucitI / madhyakoSThe dvAdazaiva vaidya ]nirgama[ yo]40 gaMjAH // 48(52) // udaye saptadaza vA arddhacaMdrAkRti vivaM yaddarzanAdarddhacaMdraprAptiduH[khaM] dvi[SAM] gale // 46(53) // aSTAstrakoSTa(3) kamalaburijAhvayama 41 tra tu / daivistArayostriMzadgajA nava ta[trodaya(ye) // 50(54) / atrAjva(nojjva)lopa lalasanmaMDapaM setumaMDanaM [*] iSTASTaputrikAtRSTakrIDAdRSTimanoharaM // 5[1](55) 42 [etA ?] rAja[sa*] mubaM(da) hi rattA(nA)karamihAMbuni / sthitvASTa paTTarAjJIstAH pazyan ki ra[ma]te hariH // 52(56) / atra setoraNabhAge rAjate maMDapatrayaM // (0) 43 [iti rAjasamudrasya vIreMdrokta(kti)mayA sthitiH // 53(57) // ita(ti) zrIrAjaprazasto bhaTTarI(ra)NachoDaviracite' ai(e)kAdazaH sarga[*] // 11 // 44 prAsATiyAsyasetvayabhAge sanmaMDapatrayaM // jacha Slab XIII ; Canto XII . IMetres : vv. 1-17, 19-23, 29-31, 37, 38 Anushtubh; vv. 18,32, 33, 39.41 Sardalavikridita: vv. 24, 25, 28 Indravajrd; vv. 26, 27, 35, 36 Upajati%vv. 34, 40 Sragdhara.] 1 // zrIgaNezAya namaH // proTA tvekAtra laMbatve sArddhadvizatasaMmitAH / gajA daza ca _ vistAre sArddhakasugajodayA // 1 // proTA dvitI2 yA vistAre daiye pUrvasamodaye / sArddhadvigajamAnAsti tu(ta)tIyo(yau)TA tu dairdhyataH // 2 // gajatrizatamAnAsti vistaretra gajA daza / udaye 3 sagajadvaMdvA maMDapatrayamatra hi // 3 // poTAtra'yamidaM bhAti yAvadgajasuvistaraM / tAvanA magaNaM nIreH(raiH) pUrNa vitanute dhruvaM // 4 // morcaNA4 grAmasImnaghasti taTAkatalaghugiriH / zrRMgesya maMDapo dRSTyA pazcimerthadamappateH // 5 // SaTsthaM (staM)bho maMDapostyatra goSThI palyaMka 1 This syllable has apparently not at all been engraved, but the space for it is left blank on the stone. * Being followed by a conjunct consonant, this syllable is long, while metrically a short one is required in its stead. Therefore better read gajasstatra nav=odaye. 3 This reading is extremely doubtful. * Reud: virachitayam. See notes 5 and 6 on p. 43 above. .0th in a Rajasthani word meaning 'adam.'. ? There is a cancelled sign of superscript r over tra. * The form arthadam. being an adjective of mandapah, ought to be arthadah. The following word is Appali meaning perhaps "Varuna' and not 'ocean'. We may read pabchimd=rthapralorppuses.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 5 sevakAH / kurvati maMDapAstatratyekaviMzatimaMDapAH // 6 // prAmAstaDAgetrAyAtAH sivAlI ca bhiMgAvado / bhANo luhANo vAM6 sola guDhalItyakhilA ime // 7 // morcanA ca pasoMvazca kheDI chAparakheDikA / tAsola eSAM prAmANAM sImA maMDovara7 sya ca // 8 // taDAgetrAgatA nadyo gomatI tAlanAmayuk / kailavAsthanadI sidhau gaMgAdyA vivizuryathA // 6 // kAM8 karolI lohANAkhyA sivAlInAM jalAzayAH / nipAnavApIkUpAzca triza(triMza)tsaMkhyA ihAgatA [*] // 10 // sarvase 9 tumitiye catuHSaSThi (STi)zatAni ca / trayodazAprANi tathA gajAnAmaparaM vade // 11 // zrIrAjasiMhanupa10 terane gajadharaiH kRtA / gAlAyogena vaiyeSTa sahasrANi gajAvaleH // 12 // vizvakarmoktavAnevaM 11 gAnAM tu laMbatA / kartavyA SaTsahasrodyadgajamAnAvadhiH parA // 13 // tAvatsaMkhyAmitaM kopi .. taDAgaM kRta12 vAnavA / tvayA saptasahasrodyadgajalaMvo(bo) jalAzayaH // 14 // setuM kRtvA viracito dharmaseturdharApate / zrIrA13 masetupratimaH kIttisetuH prabhAti te // 15 // koSThAni dvAdazAtrataduSTacA nRNAM phalaM bhavet / pAThasya dvAdazaskaM. 14 ayuktabhAgavatasya sat // 16 // ekaviMzatisaMkhyAni maMDapAni tadIkSaNAt / ekaviMzatiduHkhAnA mabhAvo bhavinA 15 bhavet // 17 // catvAriMzadayASTayuk samabhavanseto mahAmaMDapAsteSvAdau va(ba)humUlyavastraracitAH saddArusRSTAstataH / pASA16 NaiH sasudhAbharaviracitAH kecittu teSu sthitaH svAjJAM kAryakRte vizanvijayate zrIrAjasiMho nRpaH // 18 // vastrakASThAzma17 sRSTASTacatvAriMzanmiteSu hi / maMDapaSvavaziSTo dvau zilAkalpitamaMupau // 16 // taddarzanakarANA syAddhanadhAnya18 makhaM dhravaM / iti rAjasamudrasya prAktA sarvA sthitirmayA // 20 // zrIrANodayasiMhanaH sthAnasminkRtavAnpurA / se18 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 19 tuM va(ba) mahAyantaM (laM) niHpha(niSpha)laM tadabhUdiha // 21 // tato jalAzayaM cake zrImAnubaya sAgaraM / tatrAkarotsetuvaM(baM), saMvaM(ba)SaM gha20 maipaddhateH // 22 // asminsthale rAjasiMho rANe dro] rAjarAjavat / dhanavyayaM vitanvAnaH setuM cakre tadadbhutaM // 23 // setostu kartA raghuvaMzaketU rAmazca rANodayasiMhadevaH / zrIrAsiMho nRpatistathaivamanyo na - bhUto ritA na 22 nAsti // 24 // pUrNe zate saptadaze suvarSe triMzanmite bhADa' ihAgatA drAk / vetAla sUttAlajavAtha tAlanA23 mnI nadI tAlagabhIranIrA // 25 // saMplAvitaM nIrabharaH puraM drAk tathA gRhAnya(pya)tra vinAzitAni / cakAra vaM(ba), nR24 patistadasyA nyAyena yuktaM bhuvi nIcageyaM // 26 // tathAtra varSe tviSa prAgatA drAk nizIthakAlebhinave taDAge 25 zrIgomatIdhanyanadIjalaM vA va(ba)bhUva hastASTakamAtramuccaM // 27 // takSitaM rANanRpena(Na) gaMgA spardhAkarIyaM bhuvi 26 varddhamAnA / zrIgaMgayA sArddhamaho tulArtha jhapApahAmdhau(dhau) nyapatattaDAge // 28 // zate sapta dazetIte triMzadAkhyAbdamA27 dhake / pUrNimAyA(yAM) hiraNyasya palapaMcazataiH kRtAM // 26 // dadau suvarNapRthivIM mahAdAna vidhAnataH / zrIrA28 NArAjasiMhAkhyaH pRthvInAtho mahAmanAH // 30 // aSTAviMzatisaMkhyAni rUpyamudrAvaleriha / sahalA29 Ni vilagnAni mahAdAnasya bhUpateH // 31 // dattAyAM kanakakSitau tu bhavatA viprebhya eba(SAM) gRhe rudraM si(bhi) - 30 mavekSya bhikSukagaNo digdaMtinAmaSTakaM / hiMsro ja(ja)tucayazca viSNagaI nAgavajo veSasaM bhUtaudho ma31 ghavAna(vanta)mevamahito dUraM prayAti drutaM // 32 // dattAyAM kanakakSitau tu bhavatA viprebhya eSAM gRhe zrIrANAmaNirA The word is 1 Bhada appears to be the local term for 'flood' ; Hindi bad from Sanskrit bad to "overflow'. hero used in the feminine gender as it is in Hindi. * Isha is Asvina. Sandhi is not observed here.

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APPENDIX] 32 siha sakala (naM duHkhaMbaH zItabhayaM drAvRgrISyabhayaM rajojana RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR tamobhavaminAmmAlinyaja cAppate vacaM 33 nilAdrAn durbhikSajaM // 33 rattAyAM hemapuSya prabha (bhu)vara bhavatArAddijebhyastu sarva kArya nikhi 37 34 lasukhakRte tadgRhe rAjasiMha jIvI bAbA) pAThI ripuga 35 Navijaye SaNmukhaH saMmukhobhUt // 34 // pUrNe zate saptadazebda ekatriMzanmite zrAvaNazuklapakSe / supaMcamI goviMdo dugdhadogdhA pazupatirapi vA rakSaka: satpazUnAM 36 divyadine taDAge jahAjasaMjJA vidadhuH sunaukAH // 35 // lAhora sadgUrjarasUra tisthAH varu 47 38 triMzanmitendake I svajanmadivase hemapalapaMcazataiH kRtaM // 37 // vidhinAdAcca za Nasya manye / sa [tvA ] dvitIye jaladhau tu setuM draSTu (STaM) suhAvena samAgatasya // 36 // zate saptadazetIta eka satsUtradhArA vizvaca) mahAda (daza) naM () 39 Rvat I bhUcakre rAjasaMhosti vizvacasya (sti) tadyazaH // 38 // datte hATaka vizvacatra ucitaM viprebhya e 40 vAM gRhe upa[ya]]ti tadarthakA nizi ravi putvA vipuM vA dine dinamahi rAtrirapunA karmANi kuryuH kuto 41 viprA dharmakRtA tvayA kathamatha sthApyotra dharmaH prabhoH // 36 // sauvarNa vizvacakre kSitiSara bhavatA datta eSAM 44 bhya eSAM gRhe dAridradhaM khalu sarvayaiva vigataM zrIrAmavIra kalpavRkSanadaciMtAmaNiH 1 As regards the meaning of Appati, sce above p. 44, note 8. * That is Brihaspati. * Sandhi is not observed here. 42 dvijebhyA (bhyo) geheSvekatra vAsaM vipati vibudhAstasthitA vAhanAni devAnAM tatsthitAni sphuTamibhavadano dhe 43 navo rAhuriMdu sUryo vA zeSa zrAkhuH suragaja iti vA zaMbhunaMdI vicitra // 40 // datte hATaka vizvaca ucitaM vipre tvayA 1 yallakSmIH kila 22

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX 45 kAmagaumaH sparzamaNiH khanizca nidhayo ralAkaro[yaM] tataH // 41 // iti zrIrAjaprazasti kAvye dvAza(ba)zaH rA(sa)rgaH // Slab XIV ; Canto XIII [Metres : w. 1-4, 6, 8-13, 15-21, 24, 26, 31-35, 37, 38 Upajati'vv. 5, 14 Upendravajra 3 vw 7,25 Indravajra ; v. 22 Vamsasthavila ; vv. 23, 30, 36, 39 Upajati of Vamsasthavila and Indravam sa; vv. 27-29, 40-42 Anushtubh.] 1 zrIgaNezAya namaH // evaM pratiSThAviSiyogyarUpe kRte taDAge kriyamANakAyeM / utsAhapUNoM nRparA[ja*]siMho nimaMtraNaM 2 pe(pra)SitavAnapebhyaH // 1 // pUrNAdaraM durgagi*]NezvarebhyaH svagotrabhUpebhya utAparebhyaH / prayo yathAyogyamaho mahAzvAn 3 rAstathA sArathivaryayuktAn // 2 // zivopadhAnAH / zivikAvalIstAH saMpreSayAmAsa ta suhastinIzca / vizvAsayogyAnmana4 jAndvijAdInvizaSavettAnayanAya teSAm // 3 // kulakam / pratho vizAleSu mahAgRheSu rANAmaNeH kAryakara raistaiH / paTTAMva(ba)rA5 NAM ca paTAvrajI(jA)nAM suvarNasUtrottamavAsasA ca // 4 // alaMkRtAnAM vilasatkRtInAM prayatna nItAtularalakAnAm / mano6 [4] muktAvalipuSparAgapravAlagArutmatahIrakAnAM(NAM) // 5 // gomedavaiDUryakanIlakAnAM rUpyasya hemna zrA(zca) mahAsamU7 haH / suvarNamudrA rajatA[ccha]mudrA girirguruzcitrasupAtrasaMghaH [ // 6 // *] kastUrikAzastacayo ___ gurUNAM karpUrapUrazca gaNo'gurU8 NAM / kAzmIrajAnAM nikaraH sugaMdhadravyasya navyo vi[vi*]dhaH pravaM(ba)dhaH [i7 // *] saMsthA pitaH sthApitapuNyakIrtaruparyuparyeva dhanaprapUtaH 9 (1) sssdegdhAnyAvihaTTAH zivi(vi)rANi zAlAH kRtAH punastairvividhA vizAlA: // 8 // kulaka // amuSya vastuprasarasya lokaH pU1 After this occurs the sign of avagraha six times repeated, possibly only to fill up the blank space and otherwise meaningless. . Danda is unnecessary. * This letter was wrongly engraved and is scored off. * This danda appears above the line. The word paf-arraja perhaps means ' tent'. * The three avagraha signs are superfluous.

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APPENDIX ] 10 vaM kadApyAnayanaM na dRSTaM / pRthaktayA tena vitarka eSa // 6 // raghoH sakAzAtkila kau RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 11 tsanAmnA pradAtumaddhA gurunakSiNAM tAM / dravyaM subhavyaM va (ba) hu yAcitaM tannibhAlitaM sadmani bhUbhUtA na // 10 // labdha (gdhaM) vijetuM 12 dhanadaM pratasthe dhanavastadeva rAtrau panaM bhUri raconhIce saMsthApayAmAsa ta[ta ] sa zIghraM / mahAbhayAdyaH // 12 ( 11 ) // yugmaM / tathA raghoda 13 tamavaMzajasya zrIrAjasiMhasya vasu pradAtuM / kRtapratijJasya gRhe kuveraH saMsthApayAmAsa dhanaM tu yuktaM / / 13 ( 12 ) / godhUmagotrAzyaNako (kI) 15 kAstu mahAipo vA guDamaMDalasya / rANAm // 15 (14) // 14 zailAH sataM (bu)lAnAM pRthuparvatAca kSamAbhUto mudgagamasya tuMgA godhUmaviSTasya viziSTa zailAH // 14 (13) / yasya tu bApa s mahAmahI bhrA dharAdharAH projjvalarka 16 rIMdrAH ziloccayA 16 (15) / / 17 jayaMti karairnarairdrAk (g) mauktikamodakAnAM mudA kArya cete te nRpa nRpa bhutaM dRSTamihAdya citram ghRtaucapakvAnnamahAvi 19 vA jane 49 prakalpitaH tAki (kiM) kauryaH y rAjA (ja) siMha rAjA (ja) siMha / pASANazailAnva ( ba ) havodrayasta (ste) // 17 (16 ) // rase ramI dugdhollasanmodaka bhUdharAzca phalAvalervITakataMgasaMghAH 18 bhiH paTazaivalaMzca ratnaMsturaMgaiH karibhizca gobhiH / yuktazca dAnAya ghRtapravAhaM rAjastavAyaM nagaraH samudraH // 18 ( 17 ) // pra 22 dhau maya (yA) te deyA vicAryeti gajAH samAgatAH sarvakuTuMbaM yuktAH / - vAsajitaH svagatyA pracaMDa gaNAH suzuMDAH / rathAstathA dhanyapUrNa saM (sa)nAthAH saMsthApitA bAnakRte nR 1 This danda appears above the line. Between sai and ra appears a cancelled la. The intended word is perhaps helavukka. deze 20 pasya // 12 (18) / helAi keNApi gajA mahato mahAmA viMzatisaMkhyAtAH / zrAnIya rAje viniveditAstAn - 21 hatavAnsaptavaza sitIza: // 20 (19) / tathApareNApi tathApareNApi gajadvayaM sAnItamIzena gRhItametat / jalAzayotsagaM vi sa yuktam // 21 ( 20 ) || nimaMtritAste naranAthasaMghAH

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50 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 23 staSAM karibhirvA ratheH pureM(re) durgama eva mArgaH manujA dvijAtayaH pracaMDavidyAH khala paM24 DitottamAH 1 kavIzvarANA(i) ni[*]hAstu // 23 (22) / puraM tadA matyamayaM ca gomayaM 20 25 svanomayaM vApi pAvalImayaM / vrajaH // 34 ( 23 ) // annasya 26 sya bhUyaH samastabhojyasya samAnaM // 35 (24) / hi nimaMtraNaM (Na) sya // 37 ( 26 ) // za kareNapUrNa karisadghaTAmayaM buddhaM mahAzyaya ( haMzcarya) mayaM pakA ( kvA) jhagaNa 29 te saptadaze pUrNa varSe dvAtriM (triM)zadAhvaye [|27|| *] paramArakulotpannA zrIrAmarasa cAraNAH samAgatebhyaH / anaMtasaMkhyebhya ihAvareNa kRta (taM) pradAnaM prabhuSA svAyaH para svIyaM paraM vadhi 27 nima (maM) traNArthamazvAdi hastyAdi vibhUSaNA [vi] / vastrAdyamAnItamatho gRhItvA yogyaM parAvRtya dadau tadanyat // 36 (25) | evaM (ba) 28 Sveva dina (neSu lokaMnivedyamAne anyatparAvRtya dadau vadAnyaH [VOL. XXIX // 22 (21) // tape ( []) sa sudino'maMdaguNAH / 33 ni naya tatravedI tustamitA kRtA vA samAyayuH + jana 1 mAghazukla dvitIyAyAM sss rAjasiMhasya bhUpateH 30 de vadhUH // ( 1 ) rAjasiMhanRpAjJAto vApyA utsargamAtanot // 36 ( 28 ) | dahabArIghaTTamadhye lagnA rajatamudrikAH / caturviMzatisaM 1 This danda is engraved below the line. Sandhi is not observed here, * This danda and threo avagraha signs are unnecessary. vastuvraja ( N) yogyamaho gRhItvA 31 spAsAhayamitA daha // 40 (22) || saMtastu seto dharaNIdharottamo jalAzayotsargAte hemnastathA hATa i (I) dRksusaMkhyAmitakAryasiddhA (kAryasiddhA) / vadAmyahaM tanavarkha 32 saptasAgara tyAgAya vaM trINi sumaMDapAnyayaM // 41 (30 ) // kartuM samAjJApayadatra rANA zrIrAja siMho budhasUtrapAt / kRtAni kaMDI (DA) // 42 (31) // [bha]pa vA (yo)hastamAnaH 34 u (khaMDa) yukR (ktaM) kSitau prasiddha nRpateH sunAmnaH // 43 (32) / asyAsu (stu) dRSTaya catuH pumarthaprAptistu yogye samaye narANAM / yazostu vaM SoDazasatkaleMdupra35 bhaM prabhorveti kRtaH prakAraH // 44 ( 33 ) // staMbhAH kRtAH SoDaza vAM mahAMti / kRtAni kartuM ca kRtAH po(SI) DazasaMmitAste dAnAni kiM pratijJAleSA (khA ) hi di

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 51 36 gmi(gbhi)ttiSu bhUmibharnA // 45(34) dvArANi catvAri kRtAni teSAM saMdarzanAnmukticatuSTayaM syAt / etAdRze maMDaparAja evaM kRtaH suyUpopi ca [sa] 37 aSAraH // 46 (35) // tulAnidhAnasya ca saptasAgaradAnasya vA maMDapayugmamuttamaM / tulAkramo bhAsitamevamadbha(taM zrIrAjasiMhena kRtaM 38 manohara(ra) [*] 47(36), [[*] evaM trayaM maMDitamaMDapAnAM tvayA kRti] heturayaM mahIMdra / tApatrayaM darzanatosya nRNAM hattuM trinetrapriyatAM na(ca) labdhaM // 48(37) // 39 gate zate saptadaze suvarSe dvAtriMzadAkhye tapasIni rAjJA / pAMDau dazamyAM ca zanI gahA(gRhI)to jalAzayotsargaviSermuhUrtaH // 40 // 46(38) // pAdau tu mAgha(ghe) sitapaMcamItiyo mahImaheMdraNa puroSasA saha / jalAzayo. tsargakRtedhivAsana(na) tasvi41 jAM sadvaraM(ra)Na(Na) kRtaM mudA // 50(39) // hotArau jApako dvArapAlAvekAM zruti prati SaT caturviMzatiH saMkhyA RtvijAmiti kA42 rtitA // 51(40) // eko brahmA tathAcAryaH paDizatirato'khilAH / temI matsyapurANoktA. statraproktaphalapradA[:*] // 52(41) // 43 catu]viMzatitatvA(ttA)nAM puMsaH syA[jJA(jjA)na]mAtmanaH / tadvAghAvaraNaM vIraH DizatisavRtvinA // [42 // *] iti trayodazaH [sargaH] gaDA Slab XV ; Canto XIV [Metres : v. 1, 5, 13-16, 20-23, 25, 27-29, 31-37, 39, 40 Upajati%3 v. 2 Vambasthavila v.3, 6, 8, 9, 17, 26, 38 U pajati of Vamsasthavila and Indravamsa ; vv. 4, 7 Indravajra; vv. 10, 30 U pendravajra ; vv. 11, 12, 24 Anushtubh ; v. 18 Upajuti of Vamsasthavila, Indravajru and Indravamsa; v. 19 Indravamsa.] 1 // zrIgaNezAya namaH [*] zrIpaTTarAjJA paramAravaMzyazrI i(iM)drabhAnAbhidharAvaputrA / prAkSA sadAkuMvarinAmabhAjA kRtA mudA rU. 2 pyatulAkRte drAk // 1 // akAri rAtrAviha maMDapaM janarakhaMDakuMDarabhimaMDita javAt / naNAM __ mahAzcaryamahobhavattatodhivAsa(sa) 1 The figure 47 is written above the line.. Sandhi is not observed here. * First was written tryo, then the superfluous vowel mark scored off.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX 3 tatra kRtaM vidhAnataH // 2 // garIva(ba)dAsAtyapurohitena ke putraprayuktena tu hemarUpyayoH / / katuM tulAmaMupayugmakaM kRtaM purodhi4 sAkAri tatoSivAsanam // 3 // rANAmaNibhI amarezasUno masya rakSastu vadhUH pavitrA / toDAsthiterbhUpatirAyasiMhamAtA 5 tulAM rUpyamayIM vidhAtum // 4 // mAzApayAmAsa tadeva, sRSTaM rAjeMdralokairnizi maMDapaM sat samastavastusphuritaM kRtaM vA6 SivAsanaM tatra tayoktarItyA // 5 // cohAnavaMzottamavebalApurasthiterbasUrAvavarasya satsutaH / sa - rAmacaMdraH kila tasya cAtmajaH sa 7 kesasarIsiMha iti dvitIyakaH // 6 // rAvo dvitIyaH kRta eSa rANAzrIrAjasiMhana lavaristhaH / kattuM tulA . kapyamayoM 8 vicAraM bhrAtrAkarodvai sa baladisiMhaH // 7 // uvAca rAvotha mahAnnahAmatiH rAvo bhavAne va kRtosi(sti) bhUbhujA / tulA karotveva 9 tadA tulAkRte sa kesarIsiMha hocatobhavat // 8 // sa kesarIsiMhamahAmanA mudA niSAya vastuprasaraM savistaraM / sakuMDasa10 maMDalavedimaMDapaM kRtvAkaroddAgaSivAsanaM tataH // 6 // sumaMDapaM cAraNavArhaTonA[satkesarIsiMha itIha setoH / taTetanodUpyatulAM vidhAtuM tAMtike khAva(di)ravATikAyAH // 10 // mAtra zuklasaptamyAM rAjasiMhanupapriyA / raThoDarUpasiMhasya putrI jovapurI vyadhAt // 12 // 11 // triMzatsaha[sa] rajatamudrAsRSTAM pratiSThitAM / vApikA rAjanagare rAjasiMhanupAjJayA // 12 // tato navamyAM navaduMdubhInAM nAnAvidhAnAM 13 navakAhalAnAM / vicitravAvi(vi)travarakhajAnAM suraMjitAH sarvajanA ninAvaH // 13 // tato mahAmaMDapamadhya Uca()staMbheSu vecA vidadhe vitAnaM [*] 14 nRpo mahAsatva(sva)mayaH suyuktaM rajonivRsyai tavihAryasu(ya)gmaM // 14 // paTTAMva(ba)rANAM racitAH ... patAkA vicitrarUpAH zubhamaMDapasya / sarvAsu 16 vi[zvarDa]maho nRpeNa jagajjayasyeti kutasya nUnaM // 15 // sugaMSibhirmAlyagaNaH prasUnaH satpalla (ba)vaMdanamAlikAbhiH / mAghepyagha This danda is engraved above the line. .This rd is redundant. Read purodhasa. Sandhi is not observed here. * This sa is superfluous. Read Kisarisinha. The sign of visarga is engraved above the line.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 53 16 []vaNamaMDapeSu (ba)saMta evaM pravibhAti ci(ci)naM // 16 // prakalpitaM tatra ca raMgavallibhiH satpannagarbha bhRtasaptamaMsa17 laM / saSoDazAraM zubhavRttamataM ca[*] caturvaktravirAjitaM punaH // 17 // samaMtato vA caturanamadbhutaM sadvAra18 NaM maMDalamaMtrakAraNaM / zrIpadmanAbhasya sukhAya saptadvIpaprabhoH(bhoH) SoDazasatpramANakaH // 18 // jJeyasya bhUpena su19 vRttalamdhaye cakrazriye [vA] caturAsyatuSTaye / vIreNa sRSTaM (TA) caturanavedikA savaMgavallIni[bha] ratnapUrtaye // 16 // 20 rAjAdhirAjaH svapurohitena yuktaH sameto guruNA yathAH / yathA vaziSTe (The)na ca rAmacaMdro virAjate maMDapamadhyadeze 21 // 20 // sahodarAdhastanayaMtra(zca) pautra nAkSitIzarapi durganAthaH [*] nimaMtraNAyAtanarezasaMgha vi(vi)zomi(bhi)to devagaNayaMtraH // 21[*] 22 mahImaheMdro nRparAjasiMho dharmakamUrtidha(dharaNISavedyaH [*] kRtaMkabhaktaH prathame dinedya kRtopa vAso niyamI navamyAM // 22 // niyamI navamyAM // 22 // 23 dehasya zuddhi pravidhAya prAyazcittaM ca kRtvAtivi*]citaH / zrutismRtipreritakama zraddhAmayo bA(bA)hmaNamAnadAnaH // 23 // 24 zrIrAjasiMhaH kRtavAnprAyazcittaM yadA tadA / prAyazcittaM zukhamasyAtizuddhamabhava[*] punaH // 24 // tato nRpaH svastisuvAcanaM ca puro25 ghasa(sA) vipravaraH sametaH [*] svastipradaM va kRtavAndharitryAH pUjAM ca pRthvIzvara bhAvadAyi // 25 // gaNezapUjAM pRthivIzvarasku(spharavagaNezatA26 prAptimahAsukhapradA / zrIgotradevyA api gotravRddhiA govi(vi)vapUjA bahugoSanapradA // 26 // __ kRtvA kRtArtha vilasatpu27 mathaM svaM manyamAnaH kSitipeSu dhanyaM / rAmo baziSThasya yathAzvamedhe cakAra pUjA baraNaM ____ tayava // 27 // garIva(ba)dAsAtyapuro28 hitasya kRtvA tu pU[4] varaNaM pareSAM / nijAdhitAnA(nA)makhilavijAnA sabasvijA vA varaNaM zucInAM // 28 // mudAkarodatra tu 1 For details of procedure, see Hemadri's Chaturvargachintamani, Danakhanda, adhyaya 13 (ladag.adi-pratichihi). . Read bhava-datrim. 18 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 29 pIThadAnaM svarAjyapIThAcalabhAvakAri / prArabammapApAdhikadhAvanArya zrIviprapaMkteH padapAvanaM vA [*] kalApakaM // 26 // praroca30 nAkunjagato hi dharma surocanAbhistilakaM vijAnA / viyo'zatatvAya samatA(ta) prasUna pUjAmapi sa(sU)nadAtrIM // 30[*] kRtvArka31 bhAvaM madhuparkadAnaM kusaMbhasUtraM dhRtadharmasUtraM / mAkalpakIrtisthitaye vanalpaM sa(saM)kalpanA(nI) pradadau dvijebhyaH // 31 // anarthya32 tAkArakamayaMdAnaM kRtvA badau vA vijapuMgavebhyaH / sudakSiNAH saMgarakarmadharmatyAgeSu vA dakSiNabhAvadAtrIH // 32 // 33 garIbadAsAlyapurohitasya putraprayuktasya mahAnAyAM / vAsaHsamUhaM zubhavAsanAvaM tAbhyAM badau . bhUpatirAjasiMhaH // 33 // muktA34 maNibhrAjitakuMDale ca zrImaMDalAptyaM maNimudrikAzca / svakA(kI)vamudrAcalanAya baMbUdvIpekhile. svotkaTaka(kA)gadADhacaM // 34 // prAptuM saralA35 kaTakAMgadAMzca yajJopavItAni suvarNavaMti / jalAzayotsargasuyazasikhA (kha) badau nareMdronatarAja siMhaH] // 35 // yugmaM // nAnAvidhAmyAnara36 NAni nUnaM svasya nitIzAbharaNatvasira / jalAzayotsargavidhiprasiddhI jalAcha(ccha)pAtra(bA) Ni suvargavati // 36 // zrIbhoja[karNA]pikavAnajAta37 puNyAptaye bhojanapAtrapaMktiM / nivedha pUjyaM tamapUjayatsatputraprayuktaM svapurohitaM saH // 37 // yugmaM / tato parebhyazca suvarNabhUSaNa38 saMghAnsuvarNasthitaye tadAlaye badanmahIMdro maNimudrikAgaNAsthityai maNInAM ca tadIyama(ma)vire // 38 // surUpalpyottamapAtra39 paMktiM rupyAtipUtyai ca tavAlayeSu [*] vAsaHsamUhAnatinUtanazci manassu teSAM sukhavAsasRSTa // 36 // evaM sa sarvArcanamatra - 40 tvA nAnAnUpararcitapAdapa[pa] / subhAgyamAnaM kRtakAryavayaM svaM manyamAnotra vibhAti vIra: // 40 // kulakaM // iti zrIcaturvazasarga[:] 14[*] Slab XVI; Canto XV [Metres : vv. 1-4, 7, 9-11, 13-21, 24, 26, 27, 28, 37 Upajati'; vv. 5, 6, 22, 23, 26, 29, 30, 32-34, 36,38,39Upajati of Vamsasthavila and Indravamsa%; vv.8,31, 35 Vamsasthavila, v. 12 Indravajra.] 1 // zrIgaNezAya namaH / tataH sa bAvitravivi(ci)banAvaM kuraMgavegoccatu ga*]saMgaM / (u) tuMgamAtaMgaghaTAsametaM nAnAjanastomaThe figure 29 should precede the word kalapakam. * Sankalpa-ntra in the same as haal-Adaka, libation of water' with which a gift is mado. * Those marks aro engraved to fill up the space.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 2 samAkulaM // 1 // balatpatAkAvalizobhitA saMsthApya viprAnspharavRtvijazca / alaMkRtAnasya gajAvalInAM skaMdhapradeze3 ' subaMdhureSu // 2 // tAmlo(tallo)kapAlAniva bhUribhUSAnpazyAmavazyaM vazakSitIzaH / agresara stAnpraviSAya sarvAnvici4 pravAdiSarAnarA(rA)zca // 3 // prakhaMDa saubhAgyabhRtotibhavyA nArIvicitrAbharaNAzca navyAH / jalAhRtiproDhatadhanyakuMbhAH ku. 6 tvA purastAjjitA(ta)divyaraMbhAH // 4 // dhIraM puraskRtya purohitaM malayAtrA vicitra rutavAsa rezvaraH / yudhiSThirasyApi ca rA6 jasUyake zo zobhA na batAtA vRzarItirIritA // 5 // kulakaM [*] proktaM janalokavRtoya mukhato jalArthamarthopyaparosti taM vabe / dAnA7 pata(cha)tragalatsuhATakAhaM prasannAdaruNIkariSyati // 6 // tapAtra kRtvA varuNasya pUjAM vidhAna pUrva sakalAMgayuktaM (1) mAnA-. 8 mya nIra kalazeSu kRtvA nArI: puraH saskalazAH kaloktIH // 7 // mahAmahotsAhamayA sphurajjayo lasahayaH spaSTanayaH savismayaH [0] vi. 9 jAvalImaMDitamaMDape zubhe'bhavatpa(stra)viSye (zye)tiviziSTatuSTimAn // 8 // saMsthApya vedyA kalazAn [pra(ma)]lADhayAnvastrAvRtAndiA caturmi10 tAsu / madhye] jaga[va]yamukho malesminvirAjate bhUpatirAjasiMhaH // // catuSu koNeSu . sumaMDapasyAkarobhUpaH sthApitadeva11 pUjAm / savAstupUjAM zubhavastupUI bedI sa * vedIsthitadevatAnAM // 10 // navagrahAMstAnaSi devatAzca saM[sthApayantratyadhidevatAzca / na. 12 ' vagrahaM sAmahameSa zaSiyaH priyo'zyA prakariSyatIzaH // 11 // sasthApayansaskalazaM ca roI prasannaM kSitipoka13 rohAe / raudraM bhayaM zatrukRtaM na beze syAdasya manaM bhavatAtsudeze // 12 // tato mahA maMDapamadhyadeze vipraiH sameto vilasatpu These marks are engraved to fill up the space. * This danda is engraved above the line. This 65 is superfluous. Read sobha. * This ta is superfluoge. Read ch=ailadriba. Those da das are engraved above the line.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 14 roSAH / parAdhabo jAgaraNaM vitanyanvedoktakArya(ya) kRtavAnsamastaM // 13 // tato nizA pravidhAya nityaM snAnAdi rANAma16 girAjasiMhaH / jAtaH praviSTaH zubhamaMDape vai sahodarAbIMzca tadA kumArAn // 14 // patnIH samastAzca pitRvyajAyAH sna16 ba(vA)zca vaMzodbhavasarvaputrIH / purodhasAM dhanyavabhUrnupANAM vadhUH samAhUya mudopava(ve)zya // 15 // sukarmaNosyAdbhutadarzanArtha(5) 17 zrIpaTTarAjJIsahito hitADhapaH / kRtvA mudA zrIvaruNasya pUjAM samastadevAtulapUjanaM ca // 16 // ratnAkaraM kartumiha dvitIyaM 18 taDAgamenaM 'navaratnarAjiM / nikSiptavAnmadhya ihAsya zasyaM matsyaM punaH kacha(ccha)pamacha(ccha)meva // 17 // zreyaskara vA makaraM tatotra ni19 ghi[4]yaM sthApitameva manye / sa(te)nAtra sarve niSayo javena samAgamiSyati tato jalasya // 18 // nUnaM samRddhirbhavitA sadAsmi20 samudrUpatvamayAsya bhAvi / mayAsya - rAjasamudranAmotpattau tu hetuH kathitoyamevA(ba) // 19 // liptAni ratnAnyapare samuH / 21 tvayA taDAgetra nRpeMdra jAtaM / ratnA[karatvaM] svayaM bAravAgnisiddhiM kuru sya(syA) diti pugyapUrtiH [ // *] 20 [ // *] goH pUjanaM vatsayujo vidhAnapUrva(vaM) nRpAla: - 22 tavAnkRtIMdraH / hiMkRNvatI gAM prasamIkSya bhUpaH purohitaM pratyavadatkimetat // 21 // zubhaM bhavetpratyavadatpurohitA(to) vedoktametat 223 [kunaM yataH prabho / ' gotAraNAraMbhaNamAtanotpunaH satvi(vi)ksahAyo gha[ra]NIpuraMdaraH // 22 // taTAgamadhye kRtavAnsulena gotAra24 gAra(raM)bhamaho mahIMdraH [*] gozambamAtrasya tu ye sadastinAmatulyArthakakarmalamdhye // 23 // (a)ve tadarthAnbhuvi nAkasaulyalAbhA25 ya yure zarasatyatArtha [*] gavAM , lAbhAya suvAgavAptA karasthavatreNa ripukSayAya // 24 // dila sphuratkIrtikRte janAlIne26 nAtitoSAya vibhAptaye ca / samastabhUrAjyakRte nRpasya / ' taDAganIrasya tu pUrNatArtha // 25 // lakSyeSTalAbhAya ca dRSTituSThaye This na is written above the line.. * The portion within the square brackets is written below the line, two arrow-beads marking the place for insertion. * This danda is engraved above the line. * This danda is unnecessary.

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RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR IV-SLAB XVI 2 HITIJ S in -nAka jamunAnAsametaMjImA jAna roga 071 yatA nadimAnahAnA nAma jAnA thaa| 2011- IATICA milAna) - 26rAjadAtA rAjA kI jaya REFER raa||3||57 ronA notina dyAnAzAvAdatrAsAcanamAjalAhApanA kii| --dipanA ||jiirN rAjya paruitaMjalachA nAvAcA navAjara khAyA duranamAriyana ke ri la ta lajAjarako rasadA tIjalArthamAyA daadaajaa| lAgalAraprasAkitAnajAmasapAsakA syapUjAvidhAnapUcanA kalAgalukAmAtA MER lArAma 201 7 zAhamavyAkuralayona sahanAvAsamAda meaninimAra 57 miaNErijAla ra nana nayA vavadA kala zAsanAdAcA nAvAvara khoja rAjotirAdirAmAzAtara kAmAsu ura ramAkarAinalArazAktika TIsavAdi / mahArAjasAhAyatA saMrakSApayanmandArakA jAna sAga STEPAyo) niyAtIsAramA rAtAla saMcarAdaravAjJAta ANGRlaDAravAdana- rAtArapaNa yAdavArako tAvilAla RBERGRAPAyaka tavAyA zAtatA nAmAvavAcyAni tyasnAnAdirAmA FDIhAjAtaH praviya: sadarAbAdamA zazArApaTAesampadattA prakriyajApAna GTa dAva napAyA / pAnI na mamAhAmukAmapazthApanAkamagAracA kAraka karAvA jAna ADIVASI tagaratadayA.tulanArAkA tAnamanamakatA matadAna na bana jAna kara rAzara jananAsamabhavArA chAvaraMbAnakaratato HERdhArita kI namAjajiyAnatalA mAla lArAmAvatArAhAramA sajanamA - al HE) imAmabAlakavitA kA dAvAniravAnAsana yAdAga -ITFIRED lika sasparinapAnakAnanamasajAvadhAna vanamAlA tavAhikAvatIgApura maparAritaMjAvadani mana cAhanila yaha purohitAvahatanetara va nayanapatAjA tArajAlora.vikasahAyopazI pUrasArazAhAjamadhyakAmAkhanajakAra kAranahAnago daramA vasa nayA naradayasivAla tulyAda ki kala yAtacIlA banA vAlI rAjalAlAba punarArasA nAyamaca savA cA nidhAra mAnakApAsArArana pharakAnajatAlAnA tita vAyavinApayAcA lagna jalavA navAgatArayala tAzApAla TalAnAyacadImATo lAyatIsahAranahAne.sadA-vigyAre dAmAlApaTAkatAha tAra ekara zamadArAgonAragakA makanADAgAunAsATa nAnanavAjA yakRtajanahAdAra rAhatapratyaya rAjArAmArAsadAvahAna sAha nATavidyAvatI na vai yonA prAdhA mAnakAjAma kATAramAnAnA pAyA SEAdhareyA nanikAlirAjamA garajAsatamAnakAnajanatAmavAragAi mavAnavA nAnA parasada ra sanadazAmiti nAmAvatArakAmAvalidAna / maga do sarvadamanaMTaramamA vividha gana TanaracA radaya jAlanAmA manazAnA tAnasA sAmanAyUegAvAjavatA kArasadAnA tathA macAnakaDAnatavarana yA rAtrIgadIpAvanajamAnApajAjvalarUvAhitAnAnailamA sakala nadIvAnA banA nijanatAbamajacimAnya pANa-pataraMjasurataye namaH nItA nanisiviAna sa || BER hAtAtevaca ghUmanAranaTAra kUtetumA linA madanadAna vatana saMka mAlikA harimarica tasya noka para pApayatamAtralAyana takalinanaMtanAtyatayA tAbakA zanivAra kAsagaMdhavA hAkalApa sahI saMkalpanA rAmadApUdhArapAtataHkatAyAsamarasamaja bApa rAmakolAna to darAjalana dajaTalapAkhanakalAcasimvAdAspaMditIparvamahAnava zalAnata para ke kAjale sAmAna ninita nAgajita pate paramAgama 3 na rAya nama yAvAlarajanojavAsAyanitovAra napAko zAdakatAnasatajana krtossttlkaataa| zaraNiMdrapati zrIrAjA inapaja dona kandha rAjavaravAdAsa rAmagolAbAra jamA B. CH, CHHABRA REG. No.3977E'38-499'53 SCALE: ONE-FIFTH SURVEY OY INDIA, CALCUTTA

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No. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I B7 43 jabhih Sagar-a[di*]bhih [l*) yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phala[m](lam) || [15*] Bhimin yah pratigrihnati yas-cha bhumi[m*) prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmanau niyatan svarga-gami44 nau || [16*] Gam=eka svarnnam=ekan=cha bhumer=apy=arddham=angulam(lam) haran narakam=ayati yavad=ahu(hu)ta-sanplavam || [17] Shash[t]i-va[r]sha-sahasrani svafr]g8 modati bhumidah akehepta ch=anu15 manta chn tany=eva narnke veset || [18*] Sva-dattam paradattat va yo hare[ta*] vasundharam sa visa (shtba)ya[m*) krimi[r]=bhut[v]a pitfibhih saha pachyata ! (19*] Sarvan=etane bhavinah pa[r]thivendra[n*] 46 bhuyo bhuyah pra[r]thayaty=esha Ramah samanyo=yan=dha[r]ma-setu[r]=nfipana[mn] kule kale palaniyah kramena || [20*] Iti kamala-dal-imvu(mbu)-vindu-lola[in*] Sriyam= anuchintya manushya47 jivitan=cha | sakalam=idam=uduhritan=cha vu(bu)ddhya(ddhva) nahi purushaih para-kirttayo vilopya iti Sriman Vigrahapalah kahitipatir-akarot sva-dzhajanma48 nam(nam ) sa-sri-Prahasitarajam mantrinam=iba sasnne dutam(tam) ! [22*] i Poshali TAMA-niryAta-sriman-Hrideva -gu(su)nuna ida[un] susanamuutkinna[m] sri-Sasidevena' silpi49 na || [23] || Krodanchan=niriyaya Kachchha iti yah sad-Va(d-Bra)hmananam sthitistasmad= Gohanako dvij-ottama-griham'-vibrama-bhur=yajvanam(nam) asmad=Iddhahal=eti yatra Viva50 dau(do) Yogeevaro yat-sutah khyatas-Tunga ito=pi nirmmala-yasa Ghartisa-nam=atmajah [l| 24*) Yo Gaud-adhipater-asima-guna-bhu rajno vidheyo disam=bhupaleshu vidhayn 61 maitryam-asamam sant[u]shta-chitt-achitah [*] kritva sasanatma(m=?)tad=atma-dbha(ha) latah kam=apy=&vanya(ndhya)-sthitim vieramaya cha dina-duhkhita-janasy=abhid=ihaiv=aara[ma*]m || [25*1 No. 8-KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I (2 Plates) N. VENKATARAMANAYYA, MADRAS The set of copper-plates which is edited below was discovered at Kalidimdi, & village in the Kaikalur taluk of the Krishna District, by a farmer while digging for earth in 1938. It was handed over to me by the late Sri G. Ramabrahmam Chaudary, the editor of the Prajamitra, who had obtained it from the discoverer, for decipherment and publication. The set consists of five copper-plates of which the last is a broken fragment. The copper-plates measure 1 Better read vilopyak 1 (21) iti | The danda is superfluous. * There is a small vacant space between the two double dandas. Read arimad-Hrideva. As already noticed, the Amgachhf plate has the same verse reading, however, in the corresponding passage, Mahfdharadeva'. If the reading intended in our record is eri-Mahidevao, it may be suggosted that this Mahideva is the same as Mahdharadevs of the Amgaobhl plate. . Read either Sri-Sasideva-filpina or Sasidevena bilpind to suit the metro. * There is a floral design between the double dandas. Read grihan vi Originally jiah was incised. . This is C. P. No. 5 of the An. Rep. 8. I. R. for the year 1937-38. 18 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX 6' by 10" sach, while the length of the broken portion of the fifth plate varies from 2 to 31". They are all strung on a circular ring about t" in thickness and 5" in diameter, the ends of which are soldered into the bottom of a circular seal about 3" in diameter with the rim raised all round. The set of plates with the ring weighs 292 tolas ; and the plates alone weigh 200 tolas. The ring had been cut before the plates came to my hands. The seal : This is a very fine specimen of the seal of the Eastern Chalukya kings. The surface of the seal is countersunk on either side. The base of the seal is moulded into the shape of a four-petalled flower. On the upper face, it bears the legend Sri-Tribhuvanukusam in relief across the middle. Above the legend are represented in relief the crest of the Eastern Chalukya royal family, viz., the boar in a running posture facing the proper left, and other symbols of royalty : the elephant goad, the damaru or the double drum, the sarkha or the conch shell, two chauris or flywhisks and the royal parasol. The figures of the crescent moon and the sun are found at the top. Below the legend are seen three objects, a four-legged stool in the proper right, a four-petalled flower in the centre, and a lotus bud with a stalk in the proper left. The alphabet is. old Telugu, commonly met with in the inscriptions of the period to which the record belongs. The first side of the first plate and the second side of the fifth plate are left blank; the other plates are written on both the sides. A peculiarity which is common to the copperplate.charters of Rajaraja I, the donor of the present grant, may be noticed here. Including the present grant there are three sets of copper-plate records of the king that have come to light so far; and they are all partially palimpsesta. Of the present grant the latter part is a palimpsest. Beginning with line 75 (10th line on the second side of the third plate), traces of earlier writing are distinctly visible up to the very end of the inscription, but the characters have been so thoroughly beaten in that it is almost impossible to make out any letter. The reasons which prompted the adherence to this practice by the secretariat of Rajaraja I are not quite obvious. The first two plates have perhaps been engraved by a different hand; but the form of the characters throughout the inscription is so much alike that it is not possible to lay any emphasis on this point. " The language of the inscription is throughout Sanskrit, both verse and prose, 41 stanzas in different metres and 8 prose passages of varying length interspersed among them. However, a few Telugu words have crept into the text of the inscription, while describing the topography of the village granted, e.g., line 75, Pallapu-Gudravara-vishayam ; lines 108-9, Tamarakolani-Krovvindletam-basina-Tallikroyya-nama nadi. Several errors, mostly scribal, are found in the text and they have been noticed in the footnotes. The date of the record is either not given or lost in the missing portion. If the date were given,' as in the Nandampundi grant of the same king, at the end of the record, it must have been lost with the major part of the fifth plate. The text of the genealogy including the prasasti embodied in the inscription under consideration presents close textual affinities, with slight variations here and there with the other Chalukya cburters of the period especially the Korumelli plates and the Nandampundi grant of Rajaraja I himself and the Ranastipundi grants of his father, Vimaladitya. 1 The Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, kindly furnished me, at my request, with the necessary details pertaining to the measurement, weight, etc., of the plates. | Tho Saperintendent for Epigraphy believes that the Kalidindi Plates were issued shortly after the king's (Rajaraju's) AGOosion in Boks 944 (A. D. 1022). Seo An. Rep. on 8. I. R., 1937-38, partii, para 14, * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 48 ff. and plates. Above: Vol. IV, pp. 300 ft. Jhid., Vol. VI, pp. 347 ff. and plates.

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No. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I The text of the present inscription falls into four divisions: I. the genealogical account of the Eastern Chalukyas up to Rajaraja I; II. the narration of the circumstances in which the grant was made; III. the description of the boundaries of the village which is the subject of the present grant, and IV. the imprecatory verses together perhaps with the names of the author of the prasasti and the scribe. 59 I. This part further divides itself into two sub-sections :-(a) legendary, and (b) historical. (a) The legendary genealogy opens with Narayana, Brahma, Atri, Chandra, etc., and proceeds without a break up to Udayana, the son of Satanika. Then comes a hiatus which the composer of the genealogy bridges up with fifty-nine nameless kings who are said to have ruled at Ayodhya. The sixtieth, Vijayaditya by name, migrated to Dakshinapatha, where, in an encounter with Trilochana-Pallava, he perished. His posthumous son, Vishnuvardhana, however, restored the fortunes of his family and established his authority over the country between the Narmada and the Setu. The first point that has to be considered here is the origin of the legendary genealogy. No traces of it are to be found in the numerous records of the Eastern Chalukya monarchs till we come to the time of Vimaladitya's accession. Certain features of this legendary genealogy are found in some contemporary records of the Western Chalukya kings of Kalyani.' The reign of Vimaladitya marks an important stage in the development of the prasasti of the Eastern Chalukya kings. The records of the early monarchs of the dynasty from Kubja-Vishnuvardhana to GunagaVijayaditya III embody, with some small variations, the prasasti found in the inscriptions of the Badami Chalukyas, and mention generally the immediate ancestors of the donor without giving any particulars about them. With the accession of Gunaga-Vijayaditya III there sets in a change; while the preamble retains its original form, the part relating to the donor and his parentage undergoes a change. The names of his immediate ancestors yield place to an elaborate list of all the past kings of the dynasty, in which are set forth the most notable of their achievements, the order of their succession and the exact duration of their reigns. With the passing of each generation, the list increases in length and the prasasti is soon transformed into a family chronicle. This form was adhered to for a long time; and no further change is perceptible in the charters of the subsequent period until the accession of Vimaladitya, when, as pointed out already, a further change was introduced in the form of a long Puranic or mythical pedigree in place of the short preamble embodying their lineage and gotra. The circumstances under which this change was introduced are not known. It is not, however, unlikely that it was due to the Chola influence on the Eastern Chalukya kings since the restoration to power of the main line in 999-1000 A. C. The latter had political as well as matrimonial relations with the Cholas. Another point that deserves consideration is the historicity of Vijayaditya, the ancestor from whom the Chalukyas are said to have descended in the later Eastern Chalukya records. It is believed by some scholars that this Vijayaditya was a contemporary of Trilochana-Pallava and Karikala-Chola; but the evidence on which the belief is based is quite late and untrustworthy. The Chalukyas of Badami, the parent stock from which the other families branched off, do not refer to Vijayaditya as the progenitor of their race. They trace, on the contrary, their origin to Jayasimhavallabha of whom very little is known. Similarly the Chalukyas of Kalyani make no mention of Vijayaditya in this context. The Kauthem grant, no doubt, mentions Vijayaditya, not, however, as the founder of the family, but as one of the two additional names or epithets 1 The Kautham grant of Vikramaditya V, dated 1009 A. C. mentions for instance the rule of fifty-nine nameless kings at Ayodhya and the subsequent migration of the family to Dakshinapatha (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 23). The present writer who had subscribed to this view formerly finds it untenable on further investigation. See K. A. Nilakanta Sastri: Cola Studier, pp. 57-61. 12

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX ospecially peculiar to the Chalukyas, the other name being Vishnuvardhana. And oven among the Eastern Chalukyas the name of Vijayaditya as the founder of the dynasty was altogether unknown until the time of Vimaladitya. In view of these facts, it is not possible to accept Vijayaditya as a historical person and regard him as the founder of the Chalukya family. (6) The historical section of the genealogy constitutes a family chronicle in which are embodied the most outstanding events of the Eastern Chalukya history. The history of the Eastern Chalukyas is traced from Kubja-Vishnuvardhana to Rajaraja I. It is practically indentical with similar accounts found elsewhere. There is, however, & small variation with regard to a minor detail which may be noted here. In this as well as in the Korumelli grant, in the description of the succession of early kings from Kubja-Vishnuvardhana and Jayasimha, we have tad-anuj-Endraruja-nandanas=sapta dinani (line 33)* instead of the usual tad-anuj-Endrarajas=sapta dinani. The genealogical account, as embodied in the present charter, discloses certain facts about Rajaraja's reign, unknown from other sources. It refers, no doubt, like the Korumelli and the Nandampundi grants to Vimaladitya's marriage with Kundavvai and the birth of a son to them called Rajaraja as well as the coronation of the latter in Saka 944 (expired) on Thursday, ba. di. 2, Uttarabhadra, when the sun was in the sign of the lion (lines 50-51, 63-55). The new information found is that Rajaraja, when still a boy, was invested with the necklace (kanthika), the insignia of the office of yuvaraja (lines 52-53); and that his uncle, the Chola emperor Rajendra-Choda Madhurantaka, having heard of his great qualities, bestowed on him with affection the hand of his daughter, the princess Ammanga, who became his chief queen (lines 62-64). In this connection occurs an elaborate description of the greatness of the Chola emperor, his supremacy over the kings on the earth, and the extent of the dominion subject to his authority (lines 56-62). The stanzas beginning with the words, Ekasy-asid api sa Himavan and Sa-dvipari chatur-amburasi-parikham (lines 58-62), probably allude to Rajendra-Chela's Gangetic expedition and his transmarine conquests respectively. Thus, four important events of Rajaraja's life are mentioned here : (i) his birth, (ii) investiture as yuvaraja, (iii) coronation, and (iv) marriage. (i) The date of his birth is not known. (ii) The investiture of Rajaraja as yuvaraja must have taken place duly without any obstacle. (iii) His coronation, however, does not seem to have been performed without obstruction. For the date of this event which is stated to have taken place according to the present inscription in Saka 944, Bhadrapada, ba. di. 2, Guruvara, corresponding to 16th August, 1022 A.C.,' is nearly four years later than the last date, i.e., 1018 A.C., August, of his father and predecessor Vimaladitya. This reveals a gap of four years in the Eastern Chalukya chronology between the close of Vimaladitya's reign and the coronation of Rajaraja I, and the events of this interval are by no means clear. Several scholars who have attempted to bridge up the gap have been at great pains to 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 21. Samastabhuvanasraya-Saruralokabraya-Vishnuvardhana.Vijayadity-ddi-vibishananari -ja-ratndnamudbhava-bhumil. It may be noted that these two names are alternately assumed by the Eastern Chalukya kings and it may be suggested that these names were assumed at the time of coronation. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 52, 1. 37. * The data is corroborated by his Korumelli and the Nandampundi grants; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 53 ; abova, Vol. IV, p. 307. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 358, 361. According to the Rapastipandi grant, Vimaladitya, the father of Rajaraja I, was crowned on 10th May, 1011 A.C., and as this insciption is dated in the Simha month of his 8th regnal year, corresponding to August, 2018 A.C., he must have been ruling until this date. How long his rule lasted subsequent to this date it is difficult to discover ; but since in all the records of his successors a period of seven years (reckoned in round numbers) is invariably assigned to his reign, he must have died before the end of his 8th regnal year.

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No. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I 61 extend the reign of Vimaladitya up to the date of the coronation of Rajaraja, taking it for granted that Rajaraja's accession to the throne did not take place earlier than the actual date of his coronation as recorded in his grante. However, there is good reason to believe that the reign of Rajaraja I began a few years earlier than the date of his coronation in 1022 A. C. Saktivarman II, the nephew and immediate Successor of Rajaraja I, ascended the throne of Vengi on Thursday, 18th October 1061 A. C.1 Rajaraja is said to have ruled, according to the charters of his descendants, for a period of 41 years and this is corroborated by an inscription dated in his 41st regnal year. This yields 18th October, 1020 as the starting point of his reign. The following inscriptions of Rajaraja I, which give both the regnal and the Saka years, point to the same date. Ins. No Date 183 of 1893 (8.1.1., Vol. IV, No. 1008) 663 of 1920 671 of 1920 Saka 969-regnal year 26 Saka 980--regnal year 37 Saka 988-regnal year 41 Starting point $. 943 $. 943 S. 942 These records seem to suggest two different starting points for the reign of Rajaraja. The apparent discrepancy has perhaps to be attributed to the practice of quoting the Saka dates, either in the expired or in the current year, rather than to any fault in the chronological data given in these records. Of the three, the last one is surely dated in Saka 983 expired, as shown by the cyclic year Plava corresponding to it. The dates of the other two are not capable of verification, as the corresponding cyclio years are not given. If, however, the Saka year cited in them be taken to be current, all these three dates would yield Saka 942 (expired) as the starting point of the reign of Rajaraja I and this is in agreement with the evidence of the Telugu Academy plates of Sakti - varman II which terminate Rajaraja's reign with Saka 983. There is, however, one inscription which gives a different and an earlier date as the starting point. In the Pamulavaka plates of Vijayaditya VII, it is said that after Mummadi-Bhima (i.e., Vimaladitya), his son Rajaraja ruled for a period of twelve years; then, Vijayaditya, Mummadi-Bhima's second son by a different mother, expelled Rajaraja, and having seized the kindgom crowned himself king on Aditisutadina, su. di. 5, Karkataka, Kanya, Suryyabha(Uttara-Phalguni or Purva-Phalguni) in the Saka year 952, corresponding to Sunday, 27th June 1031 A. C. If Rajaraja I, as stated in this inscrip 1 JAHRS, Vol. V, p. 40. * No. 671 of 1920 of the Mad. Epi. Coll. JAHRS, Vol. V, p. 44. * JAHRS, Vol. II, p. 284. According to the calculation of Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao, the date of Vijayiditya's coronation given in the record corresponds to Thursday, 9th July, 1030 A.C. (JAHRS, Vol. V, p. 88); but he does not explain how Aditinuladina can be taken to denote Thursday and how the nakahatra denotes Hasta. The date has been calculated afresh, at my request, by Mr. K. G. Sankar of the Imperial Library, Caloutta, and the details of his caloulation as communioated to me in a letter dated 11.11.1941 are given below: Sake drig-ishu-nidhi-mite = 8. 952 = 1030-31 A. C. Karkige Karkas-atsau = Sun in Karka (June-July). buddha-panchami = $u. 8. Aditisuta dina = Sunday. Soryyabhe - Uttara Phalgunl (Aryamans) or Parva-Phalgunt (Bhaga). Kanya-lagne = Kanya-lagna = 10 A.M. to 12 noon. These details correspond regularly to Sunday, 27th June, 1031 A.C.; on that day. Au. 8 ended-at.87 of the day and Uttara-Phalgunt began at .48 of the day after the Parva-Phalgunt ended. At 10-12 A.M. tho tithi and the naleshatra current were bukla and Parva-Phalgunl..

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62 - EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX tion, did rule actually for 12 years before Vijayaditya's coronation in June 1031 A. C., he must have begun to reign in June 1019 A. C. As Vimaladitya was still ruling at the time of the Rapastipundi grant in August 1018 A, C., Rajaraja I appears to have succeeded his father almost im mediately. As the available evidence regarding the exact starting point of Rajaraja's reign gives two different dates, viz., 1019 and 1020 A. C., it can be safely stated that his rule must have commenced some years before the date of his coronation which took place, as stated in his own records including the present one, on the 16th August, 1022 A. C. If Rajaraja began to rule either in 1019 or in 1020 A. C., as shown above, there must have been some cause for the postponement of his coronation until 1022 A. C. Although no such reason is disclosed by the Eastern Chalukya records, the contemporary Chola inscriptions distinctly indicate the existence of political disturbance in Vengi at this time." (iv) The last point of interest to be noted in this section is the marriage of Rajaraja I with Ammanga (lines 64-65), the daughter of his maternal uncle, Rajendra Choladeva, & fact known hitherto only from the records of his descendants. The marriage was not merely the renewal of an old alliance between the Chola and Eastern Chalukya royal families. It was also intended to serve a political purpose. Rajendra-Chola aimed at providing a permanent bond by which Vengi might be attached to his kingdom ; therefore, he bestowed the hand of his daughter Ammanga on his nephew. II. The most important part of the present inscription is the passage which narrates the circumstances in which the gift was made. It states (lines 77-85) that the general Rajaraju BrahmaMaharaja rose to eminence by the grace of the king Rajendra-Chola Madhurantaka and guarded his kingdom like a serpent protecting hidden treasure. No sooner did he receive the orders of his sovereign than he marched into the Andhra country at the head of a vast army, accompanied by two other generals, Uttama-Choda Chodakon and Uttama-Chola Miladudaiyan. The three Tamil.commanders, who were like the three fires bent upon the destruction of the forest which was the Karnata army, became engaged in a fierce battle with the commanders of the king of Karnata. The battle between the two armies is described vividly (lines 85-93). The engagement, however, seems to have ended indecisively or at any rate not in a victory for the Chola foroes ; for it is said that the commanders of both the sides who participated in the fight perished with their foroes (lines 93-96). It was in these circumstances that the Eastern Chalukya Rajaraja I set up, in memory of Rajaraja Brahma-Maharaja, & temple dedicated to God Siva called Rajarajesvaram in the village of Kalidindi. Two other Siva temples were also built in memory of Uttama Chola Cholakon and Uttama-Chola Miladudaiyan respectively. For conducting worship in these temples, and for the maintenance of a choultry for feeding fifty students, eto., the village of Kaelidimdi renamed Madhurantakanallur, together with two other villages called Kadaparru and Avakuru, was granted by the king lines 96-103). The place and date of the battle are not stated in the record. It would, however, be possible to fix them with some precision. It may be noted that the record states that memorial temples for the deceased Chola generals were founded. Such temples are sometimes founded on the Nos. 23, 24, 30, 31, 751 and 752 of 1917 of the Mad. Epi. Coll. These epigraphs of the reign of Rajendra. Choladeva from the Madakasira taluk of the Anantapur District, all studied together, allude to an expedition sont by the Chola emperor Rajendra I against Vangt about the 10thyr 1021 A.C.) of his reign to overcome home trouble thoro, under the leadership of one of his generals, named Areyan Rajarajan alias Vikrama-Chola Choliye. varaiyan. Of them No. 31 of 1917 refers probably to a battle which he fought with the Kalingas, Oddas and Tulugue, while another (761 of 1917) expressly declares that the king of Vengt ran away on hearing that the Chola king had orderou bie poneral Soliyavarasan to oonquer that country'. These records which, me pointed out by Professor K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, obviously belong to the same time' (Oolas, I, p. 279), allude to a military expedition sent by Rajendra-Chola about the 10th year of his reign (1021 A.C.) to conquer Vengt.

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No. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJABAJA I. 63 site, where the persons, to perpetuate whose memory they are built, are interred or cremated. As the memorial temples of the Chola generals were erected in the village of Kalidimdi, they must have been buried or cremated in the place; and consequently the battle in which they were killed might have been fought in the immediate neighbourhood of the village. The difficulty of fixing the date of the battle is great. However, certain facts mentioned in the record would help us in arriving at a probable date. The inscription contains the date of Rajaraja's coronation, i.e., 1022 A. C.;' and alludes perhaps to Rajendra-Chola's Gangetic expedition and transmarine conquests (vv. 19 and 20). Moreover, at the time when the battle was fought, Rajendra-Chola (1012 to 1044 A. C.) was still ruling at Gangaikondacholapuram. These would indicate that the battle should have taken place between 1022 and 1044 A. C., the last date of Rajendra-Chola. But no evidence is available from the Chola records during this period of 22 years about any war between the Chelas and the contemporary Western Chalukya king Jayasimha II, of which the battle at Kalidimdi might have been a major event. The last we hear of the fights between them is in 1021 A. C., when Rajendra Chola I's attack on Rattapadi took place. However, there is one Western Chalukya record at Hottur in the Bombay Karnatak, dated 1037 A. C., which mentions a Dandanayaka of Jayasimha II, Chavanarasa by name who bears the title, "destroyer of the pride of the fort of Bijavadi". If this Bijavadi is taken to be identical with Bezwada in the Vengi country, it would appear that sometime before this date, i.e., 1037 A. C., the Western Chalukya general invaded Vongi and captured the city of Bezwada. The Karnataka invasion of Andhra (i.e., Vengi) and the battle described in the present record may have taken place during the same Western Chalukya expedition under Chavanarasa, especially as the distance between Bezwada and Kalidimdi is less than 50 miles. As victory was not secured by the Chola allies of Rajaraja, even as indicated by the record, it is not unlikely that the event may be connected with the disaster which overtook Rajaraja I in 1031 A. C., when he was deprived of his throne by his step-brother and rival Vijayaditya VII. Although evidence is lacking as to whether the coup d'etat effected by Vijayaditya was with or without Karnata help, & suggestion may be made that as Rajaraja was supported by the powerful Chola emperor, his rival, Vijayaditya, secured the help of the Karnata king. Such an alignment is consistent with the political background of this period, as the Cholas and the Western Chalukyas were always arrayed against each other in support of rival claimants in disputed successions. Of the persons mentioned in the record, the Karnatadhiba may be Jayasimha II, as the date of the battle is about 1031 A. C. As explained before, the Dramisadhisa is, doubtless, Rajendra-Chola I who is mentioned by name at another place (line 59) in the record. Much is not known of the Chola generals who were killed in the battle. One of them, UttamaChola Miladudaiyan, figures as the ruler of the hilly tracts in the present South Arcot District in a record of the 4th year (-1016 A.C.) of Rajendra-Chola, where he is spoken of as Yadava-Bhima of the Bhargava gotra ; but nothing is known of his subsequent career. Neither of the other two finds mention in contemporary Chola inscriptions. A Senapati called Uttamasola Brahma-Marayan is mentioned in an epigraph at Kolar, dated about 1033 A. C. ;' he, however, seems to be a nobleman quite dinting from Senpati Rajaraja Brahma-Maharaja of the charter under considers - tion. 1 See above, p. 58, note 2. * Colas, I, p. 245. . Above, Vol. XVI, p. 78. . Dr. Barnett identifies it with Bijawidgi noar Hungund, ibid., p. 77. Pamulaviks plates : JAHRS, Vol. II, p. 284. * No. 20 of 1905 of the Mad. Epi. Coll. No. 480 of 1911; EC., Vol. X, 1.,109..

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64 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX III. The details of the donation : For the maintenance of daily worship, celebration of festivals, eto., in the temples built in honour of the three deceased Chola generals, three villages, all situated in the Lower (Pallapu) Gudravara vishaya, were granted by Rajaraja I. Though Kalidimdi and Kadaparru are clubbed together and renamed Madhurantakanallur, their boundaries as well as those of the third village are separately described. The boundaries of Kalidimdi are given at first in lines 103-6 ; then follow from Pallapu-Gudravare in line 106 to sima at the beginning of line 110 the boundaries of the village of Kadaparru; and finally with Pallapu-Gudravare in line 110 commences the description of the boundaries of the third village Avaku[ru], which is unfortunately lost with the broken fragment of the fifth plate. The three memorial temples were perhaps given one village each for their upkeep, maintenance of daily service, etc. Of the three, Kalidindi was situated in the east ; it is said to have been bounded by Potumbarru in the north and the north-enst, Konneki in the east, .... lidostu in the south-east, Konthama in the south, Vevaka in the south-west, Kadaparru in the west, and D(Ti)dinadu in the north-west. The second village, Kadaparru, was situated to the west of Kalidirdi. Its boundaries, as described in the inscription, are: Kalvasanda in the north, D(Ta)dinadu in the north-east, Kalidimdi in the east and south-east, Vevaka in the south and the south-west, Avakuru in the west, and the streamlet Tallikroyya (a branch of Tanarakolani-Krovvindleru) in the north-west. The boundaries of the third village, Avakuru, are not definitely known; of the villages that surrounded it, the names of only two, viz., Kadaparru and Kondika-Munjaluru, are found in the extant fragment of the fifth plate. In addition to these, another village called (Du]ggiya[pu]ndi is also mentioned with Kadaparru; but the connection between these two villages is not quite clear. Two of the three villages which form the object of the present grant, Kalidimdi and Avakuru, retain their names to the present day and are situated on the eastern fringe of the Colair Lake in the Kaikalur taluk of the Krishna District. The third village, Kadaparru, cannot be traced in the available maps and records, but must, however, be looked for in the same locality, as it is said to have been situated between Kalidimoi and Avakuru. Among the villages mentioned as boundaries, Tadinadu is identical with Tadinada which is situated, even as stated in the inscription, to the north-west of Kalidindi. Potumbarti is not, etrictly speaking, the correct name of the village. The suffix 'ti' with which the name of the village ends is the inflexion of the genitive case meaning of'. Potumbarti therefore means of Potumbarru'. This must be identical with the modern Potumarru in the same taluk. Similarly Vevaka must be taken to represent the present Vaivaka. Neither the streamlet Tallikroyya nor the other villages mentioned among the boundaries can be traced at present. IV. The names of the executor, the composer and the scribe are unfortunately lost; but the last line in the broken fragment of the 5th plate, which begins with $0 Rachiya-Pedderi-[Bhi).... is found to form part of the following verse that occurs in the Korumelli grant of Rararaja. Ajnaptih Kacakeso Rachiya-Pedderi-Bhima-nama-tanujah kartta Betana-bhaftah kavyanam lekhak:8='sya Gandacharyah || It may reasonably be assumed that the present grant ended with this same verse and that the remaining part of it was lost with the missing portion of the plate. If so, it may be inferred that the ajnapti of the charter was Katakeka, the composer Betana-bhatta, son of Rachiya-PedderiBhina, and the scribe, Gandacharya. Katakesa, who is spoken of as the ajslapti in several Eastern Chalukya copper-plate charters, is not the name of an individual but that of an office. The term kafaka denotes an arny, a camp, a town, etc. Katake sa may therefore be taken to mean either the commander of an army or the governor of a cantonment. The verso cited above refers 1 Ind. Ani., Vol. XIV, p. 55.

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No. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I 65 to four generations of the family of Betana-bhatta,1 the composer of the inscription. Though nothing is known of the first two members of the family, Bhima or Bhimana-bhatta was a scholar and poet who flourished under Vimaladitya. He was the composer of the new Eastern Chalukya prasasti embodied in the Rapastipundi grant. On his death his son, Batana-bhatta, appears to have succeeded him in his office. In point of style and excellence of diction, the present record is superior to the Korumelli plates. The passage in which the author describes the greatness of Rajendra Chola is majestic and dignified; and his description of the battle of Kalidimdi also is vivid. In the preparation of this article, I have received considerable help from the late Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu, Professor K. A. Nilakanta Sastri and Dr. V. Raghavan. I have also great pleasure in acknowledging my indebtedness to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao and Mr. M. Venkataramayya for their valuable help in this connection. TEXT' [Metres: Vv. 1, 5, 14, 16, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25 and 28 Sardulavikridita; vv. 2, 3, 6, 7, 10, 11, 17, 27, 31, 32 and 33 Anushtubh; v. 4 Udgiti; vv. 8 and 18 Vasantatilaka; vv. 9 and 19 Mandakranta; v. 12 Upajati; v. 13 Malini; v. 15, Arya; v. 22 Giti; vv. 26, 29 30 and 36 Aryagiti; vv. 31 and 35 Svagata; v. 37 Vamsastha; v. 38 Pushpitagra.] First Plate 1 Sridhamnsh Purushottamasya mahato Narayanasya prabhor-nnabhi-pamkarahad-babha[va jagatasha [Svaya] 2 bhus=tata[h] [*] jajne ma[na]sa-sunur-Atrir-iti yas-tasman-muner-Atritas-Somo vam[sa]karas-Sudhathuraditas-Srika]otha-cha 3 damanih [1] Tasmad-abhut-Sudhasuter-bBudho budha-nutas-tatah [*] jatah Purarava nama chakra[vartti] sa-vikra 4 mah [2] Tasmad-Ayus-tato Nahushah tato Yayatih chakravartti vamsa-kartta tatah Purur-iti chakra[va]rtti tato Ja 5 namejayo-evamedha-tritayasya kartta tatah Prachisah tasmat Sainyayatih tato Hayapatih tatas-Sarvvabhau 6 mah tato Jayasenah tato Mahabhaumah tasmad-Aisanakah tatah Krodhananah tato Davakih tasmad-Ribhu(chu) 7 kah tasmad=Rikshakah tato Mativarah satra-yaga-yaji Sarasvati-nadi-nathah tatah Katyayanah 8 tato Nilah tato Dushyantah tat-sutah | Chakravartti mahateja Bharato yupa-kananam | 'kritv=asvamedha 9 n=akarod=Gamga-Yamunayos-tate || [3] Tato Bharatad-Bhumanyuh | tatas-Suhotrah | tato Hasti | tato Virochanah [[*] 10 tasmad=Ajamilah | tatas-Samvaranah | Samvarapasya Tapana-sutayas-Tapatyas-cha Sudhanva tatab Pari(r)kahit 11 tato Bhimasenah | tatah Pradipanah | tatah Santanuh | tato Vichitraviryyah | tatah Panda (ndu)rajah | Putras tasya Yu 1 Rachiya, Pedderi, Bhima, Betana-bhatta. Above, Vol. VI, p. 358. From impressions. [The symbol in the beginning, possibly a lotus, stands for siddham.-Ed.] Here as well as in several other places further on sandhi has not been observed. 18 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 12 dbasthi(dhishthi)ra-Bhim-Arjuna-Nakula-Sahadevah pamoheradriyavat-pancha-survvi sa(sha)ya-grahinas-tatra? || [411") Jitva yena Pura13 mdaram hutana(va)he havyikfitam ka(kha)ndavam Yas-Sambhor=llabhata sma samyati bahuny-astraai divyeni cha yen=adhy&sita14 m-asanah Maghavatas-ch-arddham surat-dveshinah sampishyagamayat-Kritanta-nagarim A yah Kauravan=vidvishah|(1511) tato=rjana15 d-Abhimanyuh | tatah Parikshit tato Janamejayah tatah Kshemukah | tato Narava. hanah | tatah Satanikah | tasma. 18 d=Udayanah | tatah param tat-prabhtitishv=avichchhinna-santaneshv=Ayodhya-simhasan asineshv=ekannashashti-chakravartti Bones Second Plate; First Side 17 shu gatesu(shu) tad-vamsyo Vijayadityo name raja vijigishaya Dakshinapathari gatva Trilochana-Palla18 vam-adha(dhi)kshipya kalavasal=lokantaram-agamat tasmin=samkulo tasya Mahadevi garbha-bhar-alas=antahpur-adhiksi. 19 ta-vanita-kamchukibhis=sarddham vriddh-amatyaih purohitena ch=uniyamani katharchina [Mu]divemu-nam-agraharam upaga20 mya tad-vasta vyena Vishnubhatta-somayajina duhitri-nirnvi(rvvi)desham-abhiga(ra)kshita sati nandanam Vishnuvarddhanam=a[su]ta 21 sa tasya cha kumarasya Manavya-sagotra-Hariti-putr-adi-sva-kshatra-gotra-kram-ochitani karmmani(ni) karayitva ta2 m-avarddhayat | sa cha matri vidita-vrittantas-san-nirggatya Chalukya-girau Namdam Bhagavatim Gaurim=aradhya Kumara-Naraya28 na-Matriganams=cha samtarpya svet-atapatr-aika-ga(ta)mkha-pamcha-mahasabda-paliketana pratidhakka-varahalamchchha(chha)na-pin24 chchha-kurhta-simhasana-makaratorana-kanakadanda-Gamga-Yamun-adini sva-kula-kram agatani nikshiptan-i25 va samrajya-chihnani sa(sa)masadya Trilochana-Pallavam jitva tat-sutam=Uttamadanim = upaya26 mya Kadamba-Garng-adi-bhumipan=nirjjitya Setu-Narmmada-madhyam s-arddha-sapta-lak sham Dakshinapatham pala27 yamasa || Tasy=asid-Vijayadityo Vishnuvarddhana-bhupateh Pallav-invaya-jatayi Maha dovy88=cha nanhdanah | |8|* Ta-. 28 t-sunuh Pulakesi Vallabhah | tat-putrah Kirttivarmma | tasya tanayah | Srimatam sakala bhuvana-saristu[ya]mana-Ma29 navya-sagotrunam Hariti-putranam Kausiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rujyana Matrir(tri) gana-paripalitanam Svami-Ma30 hasena-padanuddhyatanam Bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-sa masadita-vara-varahalam[ohohlaj (chha) n-ekshana-kshana-[va *]fi[kli)31 t-arati-mandalanim=asvamedh- vabhfita(tha)-snana-pavitrikrita-vapushib(shan) Chiluky& narh kuslam-alamkarishnos-Satya). [The intended reading seems to be parich-Endriya-vat-paricha war-vvishaya-grahinas-tatra.--Ed.] * Tho letter ra in sura has a horizonta Jatroke inside, which is to be ignored.

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KALIDINDE GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I + 19 S tupaakulu punaa nnnu isuk tyaaru or ku aa rsN Gaana:rN ptkNgaa 6 10: 00 gmna. . ttN 8 naa atyNt snni A allri pnulnu prkaarN 12 * ni yNtyu nraa! svaalu 16 - ii,a. mNjsN kaadu Sesam - 18 as smNt prdhaanmNt vittn sNp d kllln 20 pl anNtrN tllitN muNpu gNtlu tm trN aa gool nrsy 22 24 ku naa nu 24 aNdN tnlu: vaan vlnoo a lnaaddu jn attnibNbaalikaamnn anu isjnnaaN tNloonaa aNtku munupu lt 72 vikaavun vaaru .. shriiraamulu telNgaann 19: kNtti aa deeshaalu atnu trliNcgaa sNputtaakaarjaalN aNshN rtlu kaapul amrik 167 nuNddi prstut raaju EnuvNtti pandal Sagaalaag jaat timNtmuloo SaraiyaasaariimNt iNdruddu -1940l naani vaari l kaa 44Pram : ii jnnaal raakpooknN NR iNtloo 46 20.48 shaatN prti pdaanni t n 1 jlN 8xada FRUrlu tn bhrt - viddudl trpgittraaktoo

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iii,a Maren 09 222222 2888888 iii,b. 8822 18 88222228 ir.a. 88882 18 882222

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No. 8) KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I 32 braya-vallabhemdrasya bhrata Kujja(bja)vishna(shnu)varddhano=shtadasa varshani Vengi. delam=apalayat=tat-su(nuh) Jaya[sim]33 ha-[vallabhas-trayas]trimsatam tad-anuj-Endraraja-namdanahs(nas)=sapta dinani tat-putro [Vishnuvarddhano] nava vs. Second Plate ; Second Side 34 rshani tat-sunur=mMamgi-Yuvarajah parchavimsatima | tat-tanayo Jayasi[m]hastra yodaba | tad-a[nujah K835 kilih shan=masan | tasya iyeshtho bhrata Vishnuvarddhanas-tam-uchchatya sapta-tri mbatam=abdan | tat-suto (Vijaya]di. 36 tya-bhattarako=shtadasa | tat-putro Vishnuvarddhanah shat-tritsatam | tat-sunur=nNaro mdra-mtigarajo=[shta(shta)chatvarimsatam] 37 tat-sutah Kali-Vishnuvarddhan7=dhy-arddha-Varsham tat-tanayo Gunaga-Vijayadistya*]e= chatuschatva[rimsatam) | tad-bhratu38 r=vVikramaditya-bhupates=sutas-Chalukya-Bhimas-trimsatam tat-putro Vijayadityash shan=masa[n] | tat-s[unur=A]39 mmarajas=sapta varshani tat-Butar Vijayadityam balam=uchchatya Tadaparajo masam ekam (tam jitva] 40 Chalukya-Bhima-tanayo Vikramaditya ekadasa masan tat-Tadaparaja-suto Yuddhamallas sapta va[rshani ta] 41 tah || Ammaraj-anujo Rajalja)Bhimo Bhima-parakramah vijitya Yuddhamallarh tam dvadak-abdan=dha . . . . [117||*] 42 Sat-putrayor=dDasaratha-pratimasya tasya Bhimasya Rama-Bharat-opamayoh-kaniyan Danarnnav[-Amma)43 nripayah khalu pamchavissaty-abdan=arakshad=avanitalam=Ammarajah || [8|l*Tasya jyeshtho mripatishu chatu[sh-sha)44 shti-vidya-pravino yah Karon-adin=sura-taru-nibho bhuri-danena jitva | loko=nvarttharh suchiram=[adadhan]=nama Danar[nna)45 v-akhyas=sa trin=abdan=avahad=avanim=ainnava-kshauma-kantam || [911*] Tatah [pa]rante patim labdhum=anurupam=anasyi]ka [1] [88]46 ptavimsati-varshani va(cha)char=eva tapah kshama || [101] Atha Danarnnava(va);=jatah kalavan dvit-tamo-harah | raja(ja) Chalu[kya)-Cha[m). 47 dro yah kshama-tapam=apakarot ! [11|*) Balad=grihitva Balito dharisrih(trim) girvvana satror=iva satru-vargg[at] sri48 Sadti(kti)varmma sa samas=Chalukya-narayano dvadasa rakshati sma || [121] Tad=anu tad-anujanma Rajamarttanda-bhu49 pd visada-ruchir=arati-dhvanta-vidhvamsa-dakshah sma vahati bhuvam-abden=sapta Sapt asva-tejas=sa[kala)-va Third Plate; First Side 50 sumati-bhrin-mastaka-nyasta-pada|| (131*) Lakshmi-bhartri-nibhasya tanya Vimaladityasya Bho(Cho)d-anvaya-kshir-ambhonidhi51 janmanah briya iva sri-Rajarajadhipah | devyat-ob-abatjafni Rajaraja-duhituh Kom dambikayas=suto ys[The missing letters may have been ram-abat.-Ed.) . Ono lottor between bha and riri was written and eraad.

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68 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 52 h Kandarppa iv=aparah prativasan lokartarayi stal-bridi || [14||* Balye bhuskanam-abhavad ratnamayi yasya ka63 mthika kamtha | guna-lubdhay-ova mala dharaya datta patimva[raya) [161] V8d-am bhodhi-nidhi-pramana-gani(pi)te sa54 k-abda-samghe Ravau Simhastha bahula-dvitiya-divas vard Guroshitagaa yukte bh Ottarabhadrayadya(=py=a)ti-vani55 j-yama tu (sarvva*]-kshamam tratun pattam-adhatta yo guna-nidhih bri-Rajaraja-nripah || [16||*] Yasy-ottamangam=abaddha56 m=abhat=pattena bhuy&sa IK) bharttum viavambhara-bhara janaisk(r=a)ropitam yata(tha) || [17||*) Api cha || Khyatas samasta-nara57 natha-kirita-koti-ratna-prabha-pastala-patala-pada-pikhah 1 )' yas=tyaga-varsha-pariharshita sat-samaja Rajem58 dra-Choda iti Choda-kul-aika-ratnam || [184*) Ekasy=asid=epi sa Himavan=Isvasa(ra)ay= apatadbhir=mmuddhno Gamga. 59 vimala-salilais=sichyamanah pavitrah | Rajondro=yah(yan) ,kim=uta namatam=lavaranam bahu[na)60 m ratn-alaka-prakatita-jagat-pramgapo(ne)bhyas=sirobhyah | [191]*] Sa=dvipam chatur ambusa(ra)si-parikham visvambharam []61 laya danden=aiva vijitya yo di(da)sa-disi pratishthipat=sarvvatah svair-odbhranti-nivara naya vijaya-sta62 mbhan=ava-nam-amkitan=alanan=iv& badduum=8[**]dha-manaso darppena dig-dantinab II (2011*] Sa sra(bru)tva paritushy&(shya) vamsa vinaya63 tyag-abhiman-onnati[m] prajil-vikrama-satya-lau[oha)-patuta-bayryya-ksham-adin-guna[n] | Chodaso Madhura[nta)64 kah sva-tanayam=Ammamga-namam satim Chalukyabharanasya obezgrama hishim snehema * yasy=akarot || [21!1"] 65 Yasmin=rajani rakshati bhuchakram=&vakyam=uohitama[r*]ggena | abhavad-abadham akalmasham=a[dushi]tam=s. Third Plate ; Second Side 66 matsarum (prajabharitam)' || [221*) Rajno raja-Chalukya-vamsa-latik-alam basya yasya svayam kasvat=kirtti[r=alamka). 67 roti nitara[m loka-trayi-ka(ka)minim | ] hara(ra)l=iva sugandhi-chandana-mayi -- [lalamaki)-mal=ev=amala-[ja]- . 68 ti-ja(ja)la-kalita daukula-Lakshmir=iva 11 [2311*) Yasya bri-Paragandabhairava-vibhor=ddor ddanda-[kauksheya]ka-prodbhinn-ahita-ha69 sti-masti(sta)ka-galan-mastishka-[khad)-asaya gridhrath paksha-putan=visaryya viyati vya. baddha-chakras=chalat-pichchha-pa70 tra-chaya-sriyam vidadhate vira-briyasetamyati || [241] Eken=aiva hayi hayena bahuko vaba-sahasran=ta71 tha ko va vira-bhaco jayet pratibhatar ch=astr-abhivarahais=tatha | kas-rithebod-iti vidruta rapa-mukhavu scha 1 The letters within braokots are engraved over an erasuro. The intended reading seems to be prajd-charitam.Ed.] [The sense requires rara-mukhada charyya.-EL

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No. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALURYA RAJARAJA I 69 Isla. 72 ryya-paryyakula yasy=zrataya eva sauryyam=anisam stunvanti tanvanti (cha) || [251*] Svasti (!Sa*Jrvaloka- 73 braya-bri-Vishnuvarddhana-Maharajadhiraja-Paramesvara-Paramabhatraraka[h] Paramamaha74 svarah Paramabrahma[nya)h mato(ta)pitri-pad-anudhyatah Tyaga-simha(h)ean-Lasinah] Gadevalu-[na) 75 ma-vishaya-bahitam Pallapu-Gudravara-vishayam=adhivasatau rashtrakuta-pramukha (n=kutu]mbinah sarvvan=sa76 mahuya mantri-purohita-sonapati-yuvaraja-dauvarika-prava(dha)n-adi-samaksham=i[ttha]m ajna77 pahayati | yadha(tha) | Khyato=sti Rajaraja-Brahma-maharaja iti mahadandapatih [l*] yo Madhura78 ntaka-bhubhrit-karuna-rasa-sikta-varddhita-yaso-latikah|| |26||*) Rajendra-Choda-bhupala rajyalakshmi-maha: 79 nidhe" [1*] rakshana-kshama-daksh-ogra-mahabhuja-bhujangamah [1|27||*) Dikto dakshinatah puraskrita-brihad-dandah prachanda80 s=sa yo vidvi[t-chho]aita-pana-gridhnur=aparah kalo na v=et=ikshitah [l*) Rajendrakshitipalakasya mahato man-matu Fourth Plate ; First Side 81 lasy-ustu*Jlasy=adesa[in*) pratipadya tat-kshanata ev=Arindhra-kshamit pragamat || [281*) Anyo=pi dandanatho bhakti-klesa-praru(hri). 82 shta-nija-nidha(tha)h [1*]amun=aiv=agatavin=Uttama-Soda-chChodagon=iti vye(vya)I padishtah | [1291*]* Uttama-Choda-Milad-uda[yu)83 n=ity-any-opi ch=u(ch=u)gatah purushah [l*) yah patir=atha seniyah pativratayah pare kshan-isahaniyah | [30*Ka84 rnnatika-bal-aranyani(uyan) ta(da)gdhukamam=aceshatah | dandanatha-trayo(ya) dsi shtam=agni-trayam=iv=ojvalam || (31||*) Karnna85 ta-Dramil-adhisa-dandesam=abhavad=ranan [I*] paraspara-chatur-ddanti-pratighattana bhikaram ! [32|*] Mushtamushti kvachid=dsi86 shtar kesakesy=abhavatukshanam [l*] dandadandi kvachit=praktain kuntakunti nirantara[m](m) * [[|33||*) Jaghnire nija-sarair=api [ke]chid=dhanvino 87 yudhi samarddhita-sauryyah [l] sinayor-api paraspara-ban-apata-[jata]-java-vita-vivsie (ttaih] [1|34|/*] Khalgi-khadga=dri88 dha-ghattana-jate visphulinga-nivahe su(sa)labhu[h*) syuh sad-bhata(ta) bhaya-bhtitah(tas= cha)la-chittah pamcha-sha89 uur padatyah || [35][*] Nrityamti(nti) val gaja-kaban(n)dhas=turaga-kabandh as-cha nara-kabandha-pramukhah [l*] [ri] 90 nam=ady=aiva viya(mu)kta[*]nija-nath-ivandhya-poshanasyeti muda || [36!] Gajaira ggaja vajibhir=eva vajino narai.. 91 rennaras=tatra saman vinaksitah [l*) dvi-pakshayah kila-vasena samyage samana-yaddbam samam=eva Read ajnapayali. [The latter half of this verse is in the Aryagiti motre-Ed) [This ea is superfluops.-Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Vol. XXIS 92 nakyati || (371*] Bhrisam=avasara &sha nah pragantun divam-anuchintya padati-yugnia mukhyah [l*) divija93 yu[va]ti-samga-kamkshay-oyuh 384(sa)mam-atha daiva-durihaya [chi bhu]meh [l|38|I*) Etad-Dramila-dandanathana94 m Ra[ja]raja-Rajal-Brahma-Maharaju-namadheya sva-matulasya Madhurantakadevasy-a%5 tula(la)sy=adesah(m) prapya Karvna(runa)taka-dandanadhai(thai)r-yguddhva tsai]r=ova sarddham divai gatavan=asvi[ke)96 [na] hastikena cha balena [ba]hA-balena cha sama-balatvach=cha | tam=uddisya (Ka]lidindigra[me] Fourth Plate ; Second Side 97 Rajarajas vara[m=iti silvayatanam-akaravatn | Uttama-Sodla-chChadagon-ity-Uttama-Choda [Mi]98 lad-udaiyan=iti prasiddhav-anyav-api ch-oddisya Sivayatana-dvayara [kacorni] . . . . . . mam[ga]99 l-ottumga-sagitaka-khanda-sphutita-navakarmmu-baly-upabar-udy-arttham pa[mchasach= chhatranamin) 100 bastrasya srotri(tri)nain satr-urttham cha dvay-adhika-parchasad-vokyubhih Brah mana-satena brahma-[ve). 101 dina huta-jatavedasa(sa) vaisya-sutena cha Dhanad-opamina sudra-satena Br[ahma pada-kamala)102 sambhute[na*) cha sarddham Madhurantaka-Nalluri-namna prasiddhah [Kallidindi nama-grama[h] Magada varu). 103 gramatikaya dattah tasy=avadhayah [l*) Purvvatah Konnoki sim-aiva sima agneya [tah] .. lidorru-si104 m=aiva sima dakshinatah Konthama-sima | nairfityatah Vevaka-sim=aiva sima paschi matah Kada .. .. .. 105 sim=aiva sima va[yav]yata[h] Datinanti sim=aiva sima uttaratah | Potu[mbapti sim=ai]va sima | [isanata) 106 h Potumbarti-sim=aiva sima | Pallapu-Gudravare Kadaparru-nama-gramah [Du]ggiya [pu]ndi..... (grama)107 sya purvvatah | Kaludindi-sim=aiva sima agneyatah esh=aiva dakshi[na]tah | Ve[vaka si]m=aiva sima) na(nai)rri108 tyatah @shaiva | paschimatah | Avakuru-sim=aiva sima vayavyatah Tamara-kolani Krovvindletam=basi109 na-Tallikroyya-nama nadi | uttaratah | Kalvasanda-sim-aiva sima isanatah | Tasiraytisim-siva Fifth Plate 110 sima | Pallapu-Gudravare Avaku- . . . 111 ta[h] Kadapasti-[si]m-aiva simalugut . . . 112 matah Koncika-Mumjalura-sim=ai(va) . 1 The final Raja in Rajaraja-Raja appears to be superfluous. * The name of the village may be Alidorru or Pulidorru,

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KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I iv. b. aa 100 Roles - eNt naa 98 tynik lk Nk naamN mrnnN 98 tprsriNt vnitnNdN kku 100 Alajad - hribaalu tggutuNdni nit t l naa raatnu naa 102 -- j nvri 31 102 sNgmN 1041 tNtpu 2 104 12 naann enaalugu 106 0/-2 / NEE S TART 106 pddutuNdni 108 eNt prytl iNk - 108 skl klhaashnN anNt 110 (sNtkN tNdnnaa 112,45:ivshNjlu anni tn 114 kttulu yN 116 ) 118 sN .angana atyuylyN 120 mNdNj 122 1 aaNjul Seal (From a photograph)

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71 No. 9] SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ; SAKA 1467 113 fti-sini=e(m=ai)va sima | isanatah Kada . . 114 sa pamcha-mahapatakair=yyukto bha . . . . 115 va yo hareta vasu[ndha) . . . . 116 bahubhis-ch=anupa[li] . . . . 117 rmma-setur=nsipanam ka . . 118 bhuyo yachate Ramabha[dra) . . 119 bhupa ye palayanti mama 120 pam-adhikatva-vidhina bri-Raja[ra] 121 st-adrer-aparat=sad=asta-vidhina . 122 6. Rachiya-Pedderi-[Bhi] . . No. 9-SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ; SAKA 1467 K. G. KRISHNAN, MADRAS The subjoined inscription' is engraved on the inner wall of the north side of the third prakara, to the proper right of Svargavasal in the Ranganathasvamin temple, Srirangam, Tiruchirappalli District, Madras State. It is dated Saka 1467, Visvavasu, Phalguna, su. 7, Monday. The English equivalent of this date is. A.. 1546, February 8, Monday. The importance of the record lies in that it contains a reference to a distinguished person known as Nalantigal Narayana Jiyar who had for a long time been associated with the administration of the Srirangam temple and also mentions a descendant of Srisailapurna, who was a preceptor of the royal family of Vijayanagara. The scripts used are Grantha and Tamil and the language provides a good example of the typical Vaishnava style with a fair admixture of Sanskrit and Tamil words, better known as the manipravala style employed by the great Tamil commentators. In fact, the expression Indappavam adikkalanju pon perum (i.e., this sin is highly valued) in line 7 conveys the same idea as contained in the Sanskrit quotation [sa]n-nimitta-ksitam papamm-api dharmmaya kalpate, cited immediately above and this Tamil expression is also found in the great commentary known as ldu. This is a clear testimony also to the fact that Vaishnavaite commentators of the mediaeval period had achieved proficiency in rendering Sanskrit expressions into good Tamil. The orthography of the inscription presents the following features. The repha is represented by a vertical stroke above the consonant to which it is prefixed as in purna, acharya, samarpitta (lines 3 and 10). But if the consonant following the repha is doubled as in sauhardda (line 6), dharmma (lines 7 and 10) the rign for the repha is inserted in between the doubled consonants. In line 3 the Grantha letter pa is used in the purely Tamil word perra. This is only an exoeption since the Grantha alphabet is uniformly employed to indicate Sanskrit words or letters. The text abounds in scribal errors which have been duly taken notice of and the necessary corrections are indicated in the foot-notes accompanying it. ARSIE, No. 13 of 1936-37. * Idu 1, 4, 1. This contentary was written by Vadakku-tiravidippillai in the name of his toacher Nambijai.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX The use of the ancient form yuru of the word aru in line 5, meaning river, is peculiar for a record of the 16th century and a similar example can be found in the word yandu used for anu meaning year. The word kelka is a dialectal variation of the original word kelka (kel+ka-keka). The word pandaravridai in line 8 is used in the sense that the income from the lands of this village had for sometime been enjoyed by the cultivators. There is a village today in Tanjore District named Pandaravadai. The word kattalai has been used with two meanings, viz., 'order' in line 6 and 'arrangement' in lines 10 and 11. The use of the honorific plural pronoun is not uniformly applied in the latter part of the sentence in lines 9 and 10 as both namakku and nan are used to denote the same person. The donor of the grant is Srisailapurna Tatacharya alias Avuku Tiruvongadayyangar. He received a gift of the village Chintamani from Ramaraja and Somakulatilaka Sadasiva Maharaya and in turn granted the same, for the merit of both the Raya and the Raja, to the temple for the expenses of offering four dishes of food to the god as was once arranged by Nalantiga! Narayana Jiyar, alloting a share of the offerings for himself and his descendants. The village is stated to have been in former times given to the temple by a local Chola king after settling a dispute over a stream cut from the main river. Then after a long time the village passed on to the ownership of the cultivators. Again the village was left uncultivated after a short period. Hence Tiruvengadayyangar, the present donor who had himself received the village as gift, renovated the same and in his turn granted it to the temple. The role that the members of this Srisailapurna family played in the spread of Vaishnavism since the days of the Vijayanagara ruler Mallikarjuna, as also in the conversion of the royal family itself to the Srivaishnava faith, has been already discussed in this journal and elsewhere. Two records at Hampi make mention of this Tatacharya. One of them is dated Saka 1465, i.e., about two years prior to the date of the present record. There he is stated to have granted a village, some fields and garden to the god Vitthaladeva. He is described as the son of Tirumala Avuku Tatacharya. Since no specific mention is made of this teacher as a guru of the king, it is probable that he became the royal preceptor only two years later, i.e., about the time of the present record. The other record, of Saka 1478 at the same place, states that Aubalaraja, son of Ramaraja Konet. ayyaraja, raised a shrine for Tirumangai-Alvar, granted a few villages for various services to be conducted for the Alvar, and placed the endowment in the hands of Tirumanjanakalam Ramanujayyangurs and his disciples who were required to conduct the services for the merit of Aubalaraja's preceptor Tirumala Avuku Tiruvengadacharya. The latter is evidently the donor of the present record. He was a descendant of Srisailapurna alias Periya Tirumalainambi, the maternal uncle of the great Visishtadvaita teacher, Sri Ramanuja. In the records about the descendants of Srisailapurna that are available from the various places to the north and south of Tirupati, the names of the places where they settled are prefixed to their names, as in Ellur Singaracharya, Sallai Tolappayyangar, etc. Here the name Avuku or Auk indicates likewise the place where the donor had settled. His father is also called Tirumala Avuku Tatacharya. Hence it is clear that 1 There are a nun,ber of inscriptions where both the Raya and the Raja are mentioned together though in a different manner; e. g., ARE, 246 of 1904 ; Tirupati Inscriptions, Vol. V, No. 53. * Above, Vol. XII, pp. 161 ff: Vol. XIII, p. 3; Tirupati Devasthanam Epigraphical Report, p. 313. * 707 of 1922, SII, Vol. IX, pt. 11. No. 607. ARE. No. 51 of 1889, SII, Vol. IV., No. 280. Journal of Sri Venkatesvara Oriental Research Institute, Voi. XI, No. 1. The earliest reference to Srisailapurna in the traditional Vaishnava hagiologies occurs in the history of Rananuja in the Guruparam paraprabhava. Under the directions of his gurit, Alavandar, Srisailapurys (L'eliya Tirumalainabi) migrated from Srirangam to Tirupati.

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No. 9) SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ; SAKA 1467 13 a branch of the Srisailapurna family had already settled there one or two generations earlier.! Avuku is a village in the Koilkuntla taluk of the Kurnool District. About the period of this record, Avuku was the seat of a powerful line of chiefs under Sadasivaraya and this Avuku Tiruvengadayyangar stems to have wielded great influence over these chiefs and the members of the royal family of Vijayanagara. The interesting history of the village Chintamani is narrated in the inscription. It is in this part that the name of the eminent administrator of the Srirangam temple, Nalantigal Narayana Jiyar occurs. He is well known from other sources. He was first known as Kuranarayana Jiyar and began his life as a devotee at Srirangam and rendered many services to the temple, one of which may be noted here. When a member of the group called vinnappam seyvire became impure and consequently unfit for the service in the temple, Kuranarayana Jiyar was called upon to purify him and the Jiyar composed a work known as Sudarsanasatakam and chanted it to purify the person and make him fit for service. In recognition of this and many other services including the one mentioned in the present record, he seems to have been given the name Nalantigal Narayana Jiyar,' i.e., Narayana Jiyar, who was eminent in doing good (nalam+tigal), and some of the devotees raised him to a new pontifical seat with the designation of Sriranganarayana Jiyar and it continued to be held in regular succession by devotees chosen from time to time. The present record deals with another but more benevolent act done by this same Jiyar. The frequent floods of the river Kaveri south of Srirangam proved to be almost a permanent problem baffling solution. They were encroaching into the soil of Srirangam towards the direction of the temple. Nalantigal Narayana Jiyar took some steps to prevent the erosion. Some of the measures he took as detailed in our record were spiritual and the rest were methods pertaining to flood control. The Jiyar fixed a yantra, i.e., a disc or plate with the powers of a mantra at Anaikatta Karai facing west and also consecrated the deity called Sasta.? A stream was newly cut out, branching 1 Similarly, Singaracharya (Narasimhacharya) and Rangacharya, of this line migrated from Tirupati to Ettar in search of better fortunes by engaging in skilful exposition of the Ramayana. Yet dissatisfied with their position the family went to Vijayanagara where they converted the royal family to the Vaishnavu faith. Doddayacharya, a descendant of Singaracharya settled at Sholinghur, N. Aroot District, and Tatacharya Ayyavayyangar of this family lived at Ettur, Tirumalai (i.e., Tirupati) and also at Kumbakonan.. Again mention is made of one Sottai Tolappayangar in a record at Conjeevaram. In the record under study the family is stated to hail from Auk. In some lutor records at Koviladi in Tanjore Distriot, Srirangam Tatacharya and Srirangam Tirumalai Tiruvengada Tattayyangar figure as donors. Lakshmikumara Tatacharya is well known for his acti. vities at Conjeevaram and Tirumalirunjolaimalai (i.e., Alagarkoil, Madura District), Thus it may be seen that this great family spread itself to proach and propagate the Vaishnava faith. (Prapan namritum, Chapter 126.) 1 Tirupati Devasthanam Epigraphical Report, pp. 358-359. * Koyilolugu (1909, Ananda Press), pp. 108-115. In these pages, there is a confused account of the services done by the various jiyars of this line, services to distinguish which one has to proveed with caution. For example it is stated that the renovation of the shrine of Chandu Nachchiyar was undertaken by Sriranga-Narayana Jiyar. Chandu is identified with the Muslim princess of Delhi who pined away for the Ranganatha idol carried away by the Muslim hordes in 1311 A.C. from Srirangam and later on recovered by the Vaishnavaites from the Delhi Sultan. It is highly improbable that Kuranarayana Jiyar lived till 1311 A.C. the lower limit of his life being 1157 A..., the year up to which his teacher Kurattalvar lived. Hence only a successor's action is meant here. * This class of servants at Srirangam are engaged in the recital of the hymns before the deities on specifio occasions, with music, dance and drama. Their duties are well definind in Koyilolugu, vide p. 97. * Published in the Kivyamala Series, part VIII, Nirnayasagara Press * Koyilolugu, p. 115. * This deity is considered to be the son of Vishnu in the form of Mohint and Siva, on the occasion of Amritamathapa. He is called Aiyanar and Sasta. This deity is believed to control all the evil spirits. See also II. Vol. II, p. 40, f.n.3. 18 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX off the right bank of the southern branch of the Kaverit so that a large volume of water might flow out and the effect of erosion into the soil of Srirangam, i.e., on the north bank of the Kaveri, would be minimised. A coarse grass of the penreed type was planted on the left bank. The grass served as a good protection to the boundary on that side. The waters of the Kaveri were partially dried up along the south bank. Owing to the cutting of the stream to the right of the Kaveri, water encroached upon the cultivated fields belonging to the Mahajanas of the village, Chintamani. They seemed to have raised objection to this step. The Jiyar gave them lands in the Kolakuttai village in exchange for the lands flooded on account of the cutting of the stream. But the Brahmanas were dissatisfied and appealed to the Chola king. The case was taken up and when questioned by the Chola king about the injustice done to the Brahmanas, the Jiyar, in the course of his arguments justifying his action, is stated to have quoted the Lord's own words... nnimittakritam-papamm(pam)-api dharmmaya kalpate as occurring in the BhagavadGita. The Chola was much pleased with this representation and exclaimed that if that was the motive the sin was as valuable as pure gold and approved of his action. The Koyilolugu, & chronicle of the Srirangam temple, gives with a few differences the details of the same events recorded in the inscription regarding Nalantiga) Narayana Jiyar, a free translation of which is given below: 'Every year when the Kaveri is in spate, the Tirukkuralappan-sannidhi used to be submerged under the waters flooding into the temple. In order to avoid this the Jiyar having informed the lord of the regions consulted Sri Senapati Dhurandharar Kandadai Tolappar and excavated & channel to the south of the Kaveri at the end of the street leading to Punnaga-Tirtha. The Brahmanas of the village Chintamani 'obstructed the operations by lying down across the boundary. The Jiyar told them that it was a sacred service to the Perumal and hence they should not obstruct. But they did not listen to him. The Jiyar looked down upon them. He went on with his work and raised embankments to the channel on both sides after erecting an avenue called ani-arangan-vasal. He made his follower Karunakaradasa stand guard at a point of the breach at the south east of Punnaga-Tirtha and sacrificed him. To the north he consecrated the Kshudradevata (i.e., Sasta) and the village goddess known as Tiruvarangachchelvi and took similar steps in It may be noted here that the undivided (akhanda) Kaveri divides itself into two, just above the town of Srirangam. The north branch is called Kollidam and the south Kivert. The present record calls the southern branch 'Tentirukkavert'. A Chintamani-odai is spoken of in the Trichinopoly District Gazetteer, p. 148. But the stream of our record cannot be identified with it because the odai is said to fall into the Koflidam and this stream flows to the right of the Kaveri. . * This is only one half of the verse of which the first letter is missing as the stone is peeled off hero ; and the verse is not found in the Bhagavad-Gita. Evidently the missing letter may be sa or ma yielding the meaning benevolent or done in my (God's) cause. The following instance of another irregular quotation may be noted : Tirumangai Alvar raised several structures around the shrine at Srirangam with the help of many architects. They demanded payments of their dues. Luring them with the prospects of treasure trove on the opposite bank, ho took them in a boat across the Kaverl. He had given secret instruction to the ferrymen to capsize the boats in the middle of the river in justification of which the following stanzas were said to have been quoted by him as the lord': own words; "Etat-karyyam mahapapa-hetukam nzivamanyatha | Pura Bhagavat aivaoktat sakshma-dharmam=anuttamam|| Man=nimittam=idam papam-api punyava kalpate Mam=anaditya punyam vi api papaya kalpate.I" Vide, Prapannamsitam, p. 375. * Idupe ninaiv=anal in day param adik-kajanju pon perum. The idea of value is conveyed by the word kala lju & standard measure in gold and the word adi adds the idea of the fineness of the material and thus the dla. ghyata of the action is indicated. I Lo corresponding expression baliyaga arap-parttu as it occurs in Koyilolugu, is not quite clear. In the other context it indicates that Karunikaradasa was sacrificed. It is highly improbable that the Brahmans of Chintamapi were sacrificed. And our record to tells a different talo.

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No. 9) SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ; SAKA 1467 7 5 the east end and thus saw that there was no room for Kshudra elements to interfere and mounted & yantra so that nobody could live within the temple.' This account has omitted to mention the important act of compensation arranged by the Jiyar and other technical measures adopted by him. Otherwise it corroborates some of the details given in our record. About the date of this Jiyar our inscription does not give any indication except that he was & contemporary of a Chola king. However, the following facts may be stated here. We know of one Sriranga-Narayana Jiyar, who flourished in the 13th century A.C. and was connected with the administration of the Sriranganatha temple for a long time. This Jiyar was first known as Kura-Narayana Jiyar in the early years of his career when he composed the Sudarsanasatakam. He was also known as Kura-Narayana Kavi. His original name was Narayana. He is stated to have received his initiation from Kurattalvark at Tirumalirunjolai-malai. Hence he was called Kura-Narayana Jiyar. The Koyilolugu places the date of this Sudarsanasatakam in about the same period as that of Nanjiyar.' The facts stated about this. Narayana Jiyar in the Koyilolugu and those mentioned in our inscription concerning Nalantiga! Narayana Jiyar would render it quite possible that the two persons are identical. The date of the events recorded about Nalantiga! Narayana Jiyar must lie during the period of Kandadai Tolappar, called Senapati Dhurandharar, who was a contemporary of Nambillai, the successor of Nanjiyar. Hence Kura-Narayana Jiyar alias Nalantigal-Narayana Jiyar must have lived as a contemporary of both Nanjiyar and Nambillai who were great acharyas in the line of Ramanuja, and even lived further on. His long association with the administration of the temple had made him very popular and his admirers and friends ventured to establish a new pontifical seat named after him in rivalry with the established line of Ramanuja and succeeded in making him the first Sriranga-Narayana Jiyar with special honours. Though the dates of these religious heads have not been settled accurately, it can be safely asserted that Nalantigal-Narayana Jiyar of our record lived from the middle of the 12th century up to the middle of the 13th. This inscription does not unfortunately give us any clue about the identity of the Chola king who is stated to have settled the dispute. The technical expressions in which the ideas about the methods to prevent erosion are couched deserve special mention. The words kili-yaru and maladan-ayu and the cognate verbs from which these nouns are derived are very uptly expressive of the operations involved. The word kilittu embodies the sense of force conveyed by the action. The expression maladu seyvittu is both literary and technical. The use of the word maladu is quite in keeping with the literary tradition of personifying rivers as women. At the same time the ineffectiveness of that section of the river and barrenness of that part of the land are precisely indicated. The names kili-yaru and maladanarus remind us of the small rivulets and channels in the vast distributary system of the Kaveri and also of their names like koraiyaru (kuraiyaru), pettaru (perraru) and valapparu(valarpparu). Perhaps Kilpalaru is the name of one such kind of water course. Palaru in this name may be a corrupted form of pillaiyaru, just a variant of perraru. The divisions named after this aru came to be known as Kilpalaru and Melpalaru according to their directions from this aru. 1 Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 289. * Koyilofugu, p. 108. Karattalvar was a junior contemporary of the great Ramanuja, and lived till about 1157 A.C. * Ibid., p. 108 et. seq. * Ibid., p. 111. There is one malattapu in the island of Srirangam. This flows out from the Kavert and runs to the left of and parallel to the main river; Srirangam Town Topographical Map, Reg. No. 25 (1946). * SII, Vol. IV., No. 424. In line 5 of this inscription, both Kilpalaru and Mipalaru, i.o., Malpalaru are mentioned as belonging to Pachchir-karram in Rajaraja-ralanadu, while Devadanam of our record belongs to Kilpalaru of Uraiyur-kusram. c2

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76 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX The expression adikkalanju pon perum is found in the commentary of Nambillai, a contemporary of this Jiyar. Most of the expressions in the Vaishnava parlance have been frequently used by the acharyas in their discussions and then incorporated into their commentaries. The village Chintamani is situated on the southern bank of Kaveri opposite to and facing Srirangam on the other bank. Regarding the other geographical names in this record, Devadanam which is said to belong to Kilpalaru (division) is evidently the village stili bearing the same name. The mud fort of Tiruchchirappalli referred to as the southern boundary of Chintamani must have been once raised around the main rock before the date of this record and the lines of these outer defences are marked by scattered remains of the works and the ditch (now filled up).1 The western boundary of Chintamani is said to be the road (vetti) from Krishnaraya Alavandapuram to Uraiyur. This road can be traced on the map as leading to the south through Uraiyur from the small ferry station of Ammamandapuram on the Kaveri. Ammamandapuram is probably the Alavandapuram of our record and Krishnaraya may be an addition to the name probably due to some association with Krishnaraya of Vijayanagar, which cannot be traced in the present state of our knowledge. Kolakuttai may be the modern Kulakattaigudi a village due south of Chintamani on the bank of a tank near Koraiyar river. Lands in this village which is more than twelve miles from the river might not have been so fertile as those that were encroached by the stream and hence the Mahajanas of Chintamani had raised serious objection necessitating the interference of the king. TEXT 1 Setavandy Sakasy-abde Sriman-Vishkajadieikab | Chintamani-mahagrama[m] Sri-Radgesayi(ya) dattavan || 2 Subham-astu [*] Svasti [*] Sriman-Maha-ira....iraja-Iraja[pa]ramesvara-sri-Virapratapasrimat-Sadasiva-Iraja-Maha-irayar prithuvi-irajyam-panni arulaninra Sakabdam 1467 idan mel sellaninra Visvavasu-samvatsarattu Phalguna-masattu sukla-pakshattu saptami yum Soma 3 varamum perra Rohini-nakshatrattu na ten karai Pandikulasani-valanattu Vilavaravidividis-valanattu Tiruvarafgantiruppadi-Sri-Ranganathadivar-Sri-bandarattukku Seikailaparpicharya-Tatacharyar-Ana Auvakku-tTiravengadayagar tilaan pai samarpitta 4 padi [1] Tenkarai Irkjagambhira-valandttu Tanjade-usavadi Ursiyur-kurrattu KilpalarruDevadanattukku merku Tiruchchirapalli mankottaikku vadakku Kirushnaraya"-Alavandapuram Uraiyur-vettikku kilakku tiruk-Kaverikku terku innang-ellaikk-ulpattu munnal Tiruvarangan-tiruppadi pidaga 5 yakki pisbu Nalantigal-Narayana-Jiyar Tiruvarangan-tiruppadiyai yara kollugiradu kandu melmugam Anaikattan-karaikka yantes-sthapanamum panni Sastavaiyum pentishshi ttu Kiliyarun-gilittu ten-tiruk-Kaveri maladu-seyvittu maladan-aru keda vadakarai napal nadavum Kiliyarrukku tenkarai nanal' 1 Vide Trichinopoly District Gazetteer, p. 326. * Vide No. 139 of Madras Survey Map. From impressions. After na n seems to be written, but this is redundant. The rooond vidi is redundant. * Read Krishna The letter is a mistake for n

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77 No. 9] SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ; SAKA 1467 6 nadamal Chintama[niyil*] idangodukka[vum] kattalai ittu Chintamani-mahajanangalukku Kola[k]uttai gramam parivartanai pannikkoduk-kaiyil Solan alaippittu sanniyasiyanavan sarvabhuta-sauharddam=und[ay] irukkavendi irukka ippadi brahmana-himsai pannalamo' enru kelka? brahmana-himsaikku a7 jnai idugira paradevatai tane. . 'nnimitta-kritam papamm(pam)-api dharmmaya kalpate enru Sri-Bhagavad-Gitaiyile sonnadu kandu seydonganum-enna adu kettu solan santoshittu iduve ninaiv=anal inda-ppavam adikkalanju pon perum=enru Sri-Iranganada-devarku darai- vattu ko8 duttadukku pinbu nedu-nalaikku mel-aga=chch[i]kalam pandara-vadaiyay tirandu-pona Chintamani-gramam 1 kku' dana-maniyam nilam? nanje nilam? 74-1/10 punje nilam [7]* aga nilam 14deg 1/10 idukku pon? 146 Chinta[mani") nattam sey-ttalai-ttidar vastu vastu-sesham aru-pr[a]pti vakkalil-prapti Vellangudi-iruppu 9 [1]' marrum epperpatta sakala-samudaya-praptiyum utpada nidhi-nikshepa-jala-pashan adi ashta-bhuka(ga)-teja-svamyangalum u!pada namakku nammudaiya priya-sishyanaya svasti [l*Sriman-mahamandalesvara Somakulatilakayamanan=ana Irama-IrajarSadasi varaya-Maha-irayar 10 kaiyil ekabhogyamay dharai varpittu10 tarugaiyil nan purvan=Nalantigal-Narayana-Jiyar itta kattalaippadiyile perumalukke poliuttaga Iraya ckumo Irajavukkum dharmmam=aga samarpittu inda khilodd haranam panpina gramattil udaiyan-gondu 11 perumal dinam nalu taligai amudu seydaruli idil nibaddhik-kattalai arra-padi vittavan vilu kkadu chaturthamsam nalu taligaiyile oru taligaiyum (Aukku Tiruvengadayangar santana-paramparai aga chandr-aditya-varaiyum anubavittu]" 12 kkondu Sri-Vaishnavargal amudu seydarulumbadikku nadakka-kkndavad agavum ippa dikku inda silasasana[m=eludina*]maikku koyil-kkanakku Sri-Ranganarayana-priyan eluttu [I*] Dana-palanayo[r=mma]dhye danat=chhresch=chbre)yo=nupalanam danat svargam=ava[pno)-12 13 ti palanat (nad=)achyutam padam [18] 14 A[u]kku Tattai-Ayyangare santana-param[pa]raiy=aga anubavittu=kkol?a=kkadavaragavum [1]" TRANSLATION (Line 1) In the Saka year (indicated by) setuvandyaSriman Verkatadesika gave the village, Chin tamani, to Sri-Rangesa. The syllable na is written with one below the other. 'A corrupt form of keka. * The stone is mutilated here. Sa or ma may be the intended letter. * The sign for repha is inserted in between the two consonants. * The usual prothetic vowel a has been replaced here by i in Iranganada. * Readochchilakalam. * Represented by a symbol. * Either 7 is a mistake for 6 or 14 is a mistake for 15. * The figure 1 seems to have been written later at the beginning of the line. 10 The letter r is a mistake for the ordinary trill. 11 This portion is written over an erasure and hence indistinct ; nevertheless it can be read on the inpression. This erasure and the last line of the inscription rouse some suspicion about the genuineness of this portion. Usually this share is given to a nominee of the donor. Hence it is called vittavan vilukkadrs. It is highly improhsblo that a royal preceptor would have thought of nominating himself or his descendants to receive the share. This portion may be a later interpolation. 11 The length of tho o medial sign is engraved at the beginning of tbe next line. * Line 14 soems to have been written later after the engraving of the main inscription was completed. 14 This chronogram yields the number 1467.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX (lines 2-3) Be it well! Hail, Prosperity! In the Saka year 1467, corresponding to the (cyclic) year, Visvavasu, in the month of Phalguna, on Monday which was a day of the seventh tithi of the bright fortnight, with Rohini-nakshatra, when Maharajadhiraja-Rajaparamesvara-Sri-Virapratapa-srimat-SadasivadevaMaharayar was ruling the earth, Avuku Tiruvengadayangar alias Srisailaparna-Tata. charya respectfully conveyed the following deed of endowment (silasasanam) to the treasury of (the temple of Sri-Ranganatha at Tiruvarangam-Tiruppadi (situated in) Vilavaravidi-valanadu in Pandikulasani-valanadu on the southern bank (of the Kuveri) (to wit) (lines 4-7) (whereas the village, Chintamani (lying) to the west of Kilpalalu-DevadaNGam in Uraiyur-kurram in Tanjaur-usavadi in Irajagambhira-valanadu on the southern bank of the Kaveri) to the north of the mud-fort of Tiruchchirappalli, to the east of Krishnaraya-Alavandapuram, on the Uraiyur road and to the south of the Kaveri, had been, in former days, made into a hamlet of Tiruvarangam-Tiruppadi (and), (whereas) later, Nalantigal-Narayana-Jiyar seeing the river encroaching (on the land up to) Tiruvarangam-Tiruppadi, fixed a yantra on the bank at (a spot culleil) Anaikattan-karai facing west, consecrated (the deity) Sasta there, cut out a stream (callel) Kiliyasu (thereby) drying up the southern (branch of the) Kaveri and in order to permanently dry it up planted nanul (grass) on the northern bank (of the southern Kuveri) while not doing so on the southern bank of the Kiliyaru, (thereby) causing (some) land in Chintamani (to be) inundated by the flow of the water), and issued & decree (granting) the village of Kolakuttai to the Mahajanas of Chintamani as exchange (and) (whereas) the Chola (king) invited the Jiyar and questioned whether a sanyasin (like him), who should have compassion on all living beings, could thus do harm to the Brahmanas, and (who) on the (Jiyar replying) that he had done the deed, since the same God who had (the authority) to give such an order causing suffering to Brahmanas had Himself stated in the Bhagavad-Gita (thus), "Anything done for the sake of good (or in devotion to my cause) though sinful, is ordained as proper (in the interest) of dharma" was pleased (with the answer) and said that, if this was the motive, the deed though sinful was as valuable as fine gold and granted the village (Chintamani) to God Ranganatha, (and) (lines 8-9) (whereas) a long time after this grant) the village came under the pandaravadai (tenure) for a short while and then was left uncultivated, (whereas) our loving disciples, Hail! Prosperity! Mahamandalesvara SomakulatilakaRamaraja and Sadasiva-Maharayar were pleased to grant to me on ekabhogya (tenure) this village (of the extent of) nagjai (land) 74 (veli) and 2 ma, puniai (land) 7 (veli), (i.e. in all) 14 (veli) and 2 ma (yielding an income of) 146 pon, inclusive of settlement, fields, mounds, buildings, buildingsites, river-sinundated) areas, canal-(occupied) areas, vellangudi-iruppu and all rights over the incomes of the village, as well as over treasure-trove, waters, etc., (lines 10-13) I, (Tiruvengadayangar alias Srisailapurpa-Tatacharya) do hereby grant this renovated village in the same way as was endowed formerly by Nalantiga! Narayana-Jiyar, to the God (Peruma!) as interest-bearing endowment for the daily offering of four dishes (of food) out of the produce of the village for the merit of both the Raya and the Ruja; (and do hereby stipulate that) of the four dishes of food, one-fourth sharo is to be given to Avuku Tiruvengadayyangar and his descendants as long as the sun and moon endure, the rest of the offered food being distributed among the Srivaishnavas ; in attestation (of the above deed), this is the signature of the temple accountant Srirangana. rayanapriyan. (Imprecatory verse) (line 14) May Avukku Tataygangar and his descendants enjoy this!

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No. 10) SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI 79 No. 10 SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI 1 Plate) D. C. SIKCAR, OOTACAMUND In May 1949, I received for examination a copper-plate grant from Mr. K. C. Panigrahi, Curator, Orissa Provincial Museum, Bhubaneswar. It was originally in the possession of a gentleman of a village in the Angul Sub-division of the Cuttack District. Mr. Radhamohana Gapanayaka of Angul received the plate from him and sent it to the Curator of the Orissa Provincial Museum. The inscribed plate, which was covered with a coating of greenish verdigris, was properly cleaned at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund, and several sets of excellent impressions were prepared. The plate was then returned to the Orissa Provincial Museum where it now lies. I thank Mr. Panigrahi for his kindness in allowing me to publish the inscription in the Epigraphia Indica. This is a single copper plate measuring 13.8" by 10" with a circular projection at the centre of the proper right end, to which the seal, 4.3" in diameter, is soldered. The seal is designed in the form of an expanded lotus, on the circular pericarpial portion of which are carved, on countersunk surface, the emblems of the sun, the moon and a conch-shell and a seated bull facing proper right. In the lower part of this circular space there is also an emblem of an expanded lotus. In the space between the bull and the lotus is the legend Srimad-Dandimahadevyah. The plate is written on both sides, the obverse containing nineteen lines of writing and the reverse eighteen lines. The average size of the aksharas is .4" in height and 3* in breadth. The aksharas of the concluding two lines are, however, smaller in size. The incision is deep and the letters are carefully and beautifully cut. The state of preservation of the writing is exceptionally satisfactory. The plate weighs 3251 tolas. The characters belong to the eastern variety of the North Indian alphabet and closely resemble those of other records of the Bhaumar Kara family of Orissa, especially the Ganjam and Banpur plates of the same queen who issued the charter under discussion. While editing the Ganjam plates, Kielhorn opined about half a century ago that the writing "could hardly be older than the 13th century A.D". With the progress of our knowledge in the ancient history of Orissa, this view has now rightly been discarded. There is hardly any doubt that the imperial Bhauma-Kara dynasty of Orissa flourished carlier than the Somavamsi king Uddyotakesarin (c. 1060-85 A.C.) and the Greater Ganga king Anantavarman Chodaganga (1078-1147 A.C.).? This is not only suggested by the known facts of Orissan history but also by the use of numerical symbols instead of figures in writing the date of the charter in question. This old system of writing numbers is not usually found in inscriptions of a date later than the tenth century. On palaeographical grounds, the present inscription may be assigned to a period about the tenth century A.C. The most interesting point in regard to its palaeography is the confusion between the medial signs of u and u which is characteristic not only of the epigraph under notice (cf. more than twenty cases of medial u wrongly 1 This is C. P. No. 63 of the A. R. I. E. for 1949-50. 1 About the beginning of 1951, I received for examination another plate of Dandimahadevi lying in the possession of a goldsmith of Ambapua near Russelkonda in the Ganjam District. The text of lines 1-24 of this insoription is the same as that of lines 1-26 of the record edited here. The rest of the writing ou the Ambapua plato is damaged and cannot be deciphered. This plate is registered as C. P. No. 22 of the A. R.I.. for 1950-51. . Above, Vol. VI, p. 137 ff. * J BORS, Vol. V, p. 571 ff. * Op. cit., p. 136. * Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 307. * Anantavarman Chodaganga was crowned on the 17th of February, 1078 A.C. (Bhandarkar, List, No. 1099) and ruled for a period of 70 years. .G. H. Oiha, Indian Palacography (in Hindi), 1918, p. 115.

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80 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX written for medial u in lines 3, 8-9, 11-16, 22-23, 26, 35-36), but also of practically all Orissan inscriptions of about the same age. The form of medial u in tku in line 11 is different from the one usually found here. As usual, b has been indicated by the sign for v. N has two different forms; see nivasi in line 3 and manasi in line 4. Final m occurs in line 16 and final t in line 19. Ta for final t occurs in lines 3 and 18 and nahi for final n in line 28. Initial u has been employed in line 22 while the sign for avagraha is found thrice in lines 32 and 37. Mediat si has different forms. Its sign in krita and sad-drishti (line 4) and hridaya (line 6) is not the same as in kritah (line 7). Note also the sign of the same vowel in obhritah (lines 6 and 9). The symbols for 200 and 80 are employed in writing the date in line 37. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It is written partly in prose and partly in verse. The introductory portion of the inscription (lines 1-25 containing fifteen stanzas) is in verse with the only exception of a small prose passage in line 3. These verses are also found in the Banpur plate, although there are a few omissions in the two Ganjam plates. It is interesting to note that the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses found at the end of charters are conspicuous by their absence in the record under notice. In point of orthography, the present inscription closely resembles the Ganjam and Banpur plates. There are some errors such as sve for sve and ti for ti (line 1), vi for bhi (line 7), ntha for nta (line 14), eri for fri (line 16), vi for vi (line 17), tri for ti (line 23), ni for ni (line 34), ni for ni (line 37), etc. In some cases, anusvara has been written for final m (see lines 4 and 19). In line 9, it substitutes final n. The date of the inscription is given as the year 280 of an unspecified era. The symbol for 200 is a clear lu and we know from Nepalese and Bengali manuscripts that, while lu indicates the figure 100, lu signifies 200. But the difficulty in regard to the date of the present record is that, in the Ganjam plate (A), as rightly pointed out by Kielhorn,"the symbol for 100 is something between lva and lu just as the symbol for 200 in the Bamanghati plate (of Ranabhanja) is lu." The case is the same with the first symbol in the date of the Banpur plate. Now the problem is while the first symbol in the dates of the Ganjam and Banpur plates have to be read as 100 and while the second symbol indicating 80 is the same in those records as well as in the present charter, the first symbol in the date of the record under discussion is clearly to be read as 200. It can hardly be normal to read the date of one record of a person as 180 and that of another record of the same person as 280, as one is not expected to date one's different records in two different eras with epochs separated exactly by one century. The first symbol in the date of the Ganjam and Banpur plates as well as of the present record thus seems to have the same value, either 100 or 200. There seems, however, to be strong evidence in favour of the reading 100 instead of 200. It has to be remembered that all the rulers of the Bhauma-Kara family used the same era in dating their documents and that there is no doubt about the reading of many of the dates. The Dhauli inscription of Santikara I is undoubtedly dated in the year 93. The date of the Hindol plates of his son Subhakara III is also clearly 103. This king was succeeded by his mother Tribhuvanamahadevi I, the date of whose Bhimnagarigarh plate is probably the year 120. The first symbol in the dates of the records of Subhakara III and Tribhuvanamahadevi I is a quite clear lu. Now, as will be clear In this case, the visarga may have also been intended to be a part of the mark of interpunctuation that follows. * Buhler, Indian Palaeography (translation), Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, Appendix, p. 77. * Above, Vol. VI, p. 135. Bhandarkar seems to be wrong in interpreting the symbol as 200 (cf. List, No. 1413). * Above, Vol. XIX, p. 264. .J BORS, Vol. XVI, p. 77. The recently discovered Terupdia plate of Subhakara II, cousin and predecessor of Subhakara III, is dated in the year 100. See above, Vol XXVIII, pp. 211 ff. This plate has been registered as C. P. No. 19 of the A. R. I. E. for 1950-51. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 421. The second symbol in the date of this record looks like chuin which would ordinarily be interpreted as 60 (cf. Ojha, op. cit., Plate LXXIII). But dates in the later records of the family and the possible confusion between the ch and th symbols suggest 20 in this case.

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No, 10 ] SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI 81 from the following discussion on the genealogy of the Bhauma-Karas, Subhakara III who ruled in the year 103 and probably died before the year 120 was the great-great-grandfather of the issuer of the record under discussion ; that is to say, only three generations intervened between Subhakara III and the issuer of the present charter. As is usual, we may count three quarters of a century for these three generations. . This will show that we have to read 180 as the year of the issue of the present charter and certainly not 280, because in that case more than one century and a half for the three intervening generations would be preposterously abnormal. Thus the symbol lu in the date of our record actually stands for lu indicating 100 and this mistake may be due to the confusion between the medial signs for u and u in the present record as well as in others, to which attention has already been invited above. It has been suggested that the Buddhist dynasty of the Bhauma-Karas was accorded a feudatory position in Orissa by Harsha Siladitya during his Kongoda expedition about 643 A.C. and that the Bhauma-Karas used the Harsha era of 606 A.C. The present record would thus be dated in the year 180 of the Harsha era corresponding to 786 A.C. Attention may be drawn to the mention of a solar eclipse as the occasion of the grant in line 36 of the charter. There were actually two solar eclipses in the year 786 A. C., one on Monday, the 3rd April, and the other on Wednesday, the 27th September. But as will be seen from further discussions on the Bhauma-Kara chronology below, the above date of the charter under discussion is not free from doubt. It has also to be admitted that the palaeography of the record seems to suggest a much later date. The charter begins with a verso containing the description of the city of Guhakvarapataka, the name of which is given in a short passage in prose immediately following. This verse as well as most of those which describe the Bhauma-Kara genealogy is also found in some inscriptions of other members of the family. The city, otherwise known as Guhadevapataka, was the capital of the Bhauma-Karg kings of Orissa and is actually mentioned in many of their documents. It has been referred to as a place where the victorious skandhavara of the reigning monarch is said to have been situated. The word skandhavara originally indicated 'a camp', but later also '& royal city or capital." Verse 2 introduces the illustrious king named Unmattasimha. From other inscriptions of this family, which is called Bhauma in earlier records and Kara in later epigraphs, we know that its progenitor was a paramopasaka (i.e., Buddhist) named Kshemankara or Lakshmikara. His son and successor was a paramatathagata (i.e., devout worshipper of the Tathagata or Buddha), Maharaja Sivakara I, also called Unmattasimha (or "kesarin) and Bharasaha. This king is said to have married, according to the Rakshasa form of wedding, the lady Jayavali who was the daughter of a ruler of Radha in the valley of the river Ajay in the Burdwan region of South-West Bengal. Verse 3 of our record speaks of the illustrious king Gayada and others who were born in the family of Unmattasimha. Other records of the family represent king Gayada I as the grandson of Unmattasimha. We know that Sivakara I-Unmattasimha-Bharasaha was succeeded by his son, the paramasaugata (devout worshipper of the Sugata or Buddha) Subhakara I, who is called Maharaja in his own Neulpur plate, but is endowed with full imperial titles in the record of his successor. He is represented as the lord of the Utkala country, as the subduer of the Kalinga people and as a grantor of land in Uttara-Tosali. He married Madhavadevi who gave birth to Maharajadhirajas Sivakara II and Santikara I. King Santikara I was also known as Gayada 1 and Lalitabhara (or "hara) I and was probably the founder of Gayadapura mentioned * L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, part II, pp. 174-75. * See, 0. 8., the Taltali plate of Dharmamahadovi, which has all the verses with slight changes in few of them (IHQ, Vol. XXI, pp. 217-20). * Successors of the Satardhands, p. 47. * Somno sobolars arei nclined to take Kshemankara and Lakshmikara as two different members of the family . Above, Vol. XV, pp. 1 ff. The date of this record written in one symbol is uncertain, but may be the year 70. Subhakara I seems to have been the first imperial ruler of the Bhauma-Kara family. 18 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX in a later record of the family. We have referred above to his Dhauli inscription dated in the year 93 and to his queen Tribhuvanamahadevi who is described as a paramavaishnavi and as the daughter of a Naga chief of the southern country, named Rajamalla. Verse 4 of our record mentions a king named Lonabhara as born in the family of Santikara I. It is known, however, from other records that Lonabhara (or Lavana) was actually the grandson of Santikara L The son of Santikara I, surnamed Gayada and Lalitahara (or 'bhara), was Subhakara III otherwise called Kusumahara (or bhara) and Simhadhvaja (or "kotu). This king is known to have granted lands in both northern and southern Tosali in the year 103. The grant of land in Uttara-Tosali was made at the request of his feudatory, Pulindaraja (either indicating a personal name or less probably signifying 'the king of the Pulindas') in favour of the god Vaidyanatha-bhattaraka (Siva) enshrined in the Pulindesvara temple. The land granted in Dakshina-Tosali was actually situated in the Kongodamandala vishaya. This king was probably succeeded first by his mother Tribhuvanamabadevi I alias Sindagauri I and then by his young son Santikara II. Tribhuvanamahadevi is said to have been requested by the feudatories to assume the reins of government in the same way as an ancient queen named Gosvamini had done. As noticed above, a date in Tribhuvanamahadevi's reign probably falls in the year 120. Santikara II, who succeeded his grandmother, was also known as Lonabhara (or Lavana) I and Gayada II. We know that Santikara II (alias Lavanabhara alias Gayada) married Hiramahadevi, daughter of Simhamana, and begot on her two sons, viz., Subhakara IV (surnamed Kusumahara or 'bhara II) and Sivakara III (surnamed Lalitahara or bhara II) both of whom became kings and are mentioned in our record in verses 6 and 6. By this time the Bhauma-Karas were no longer adherents of the Buddhist religion. Maharajadhiraja Subhakara IV (Kusumabhara II) is called a paramamahe vara in his Talcher plates of the year 145. His younger brother and successor Sivakara III is known from his records dated in the year 149. The sons of sivakara III (Lalitabhara II) were kings santikara III (surnamed Lavanabhura or Lonao II) and Subhakara V, both of whom are mentioned in our record in verses 7 and 8.' Santikara III married Dharmamahadevi, while Subhakara V had two queens, viz., Gauri and Vakulamahadevi. Both of these kings apparently died without leaving any male issue and, after the death of Subhakara V, the throne passed to his queen Gauri who is mentioned in our record in verse 9. Queen Gauri was succeeded by her daughter, the paramamahetvari Paramabhatjarika Maharjadhiraja-Paramesvari Dandimahadevi who issued the charter under discussion in the year 180. One of the two Ganjam plates was issued by the same queen in the same year, but the Banpur plate was issued by her in the year 187. We know that this queen was succeeded by her step-mother Vakulamahadevi who was the daughter of a Bhanja king." The throne next passed to Dharmamahadevi, queen of Dandimahadevi's paternal uncle Santikara III (Lavanabhara II). We offer below the genealogy of the Bhauma-Karas in a tabular form for easy reference. . We have now the Terundia plate of Subhakara II, son of Sivakara II, who ruled between Santikara I and Ils son Subhakara III in the year 100. * J BORS, Vol. XVI, pp. 77 ff.; B. Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, pp. 14 ff., 22, and line 25 of plate F. . According to the recently discovered Baud plates of Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadovi II alias Sindagaurt II, Gosviminl (i.o., Tribhuvanamahadevi I) ascended the throne because her son Subhakara III had died without leaving a son. This fact suggests that Santikara II was adopted as son by the chief queen of Bubbakara III some time after the death of her husband. The Baud plates have been registered as 0. P. Nos. 20-21 of the A. R. I. E. for 1950-51. * The Baud plates of Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahidevf II suggest that Tribhuvanamahadevi I oalled herself Gosvamint II. . B. Misra, op. cit., Plate H, line 42. Misra reads the date as 141. * Ibid., Plate I. line 30, and Plate J (reverse), line 6. The figure read here as 9 has a rather peculiar form. * The Baud plates of Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi II, dated in the year 158, say that her husband, Subhakara IV, and the latter's younger brother and successor, Sivakara III, both died without leaving song and therefore she herself ascended the throne. This shows that this queen and her supporters did not recognise Santikara III and Subhakara V as sons of Sivakara III. It seems that there was a struggle for the throne after the death of Sivakars III between his sons and the queen of his elder brother and that queen Prithvimahadevi alias Twibhuvanamahadevi II was ultimately overthrown in favour of Santikara III. THQ, Vol. XXI, pp. 217-20,

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No. 10] SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI GENEALOGY OF THE BHAUMA-KARAS (1) Kshemankara or Lakshmikara (2) Sivakara I Unmattasimha Bharasaha Jayavali, daughter of the ruler of Radba. (3) Subhakara I (Neulpur plate) =Madhavadevi (4) Sivakara II (Chaurasi pl.)=Mohinidovi (5) santikara I Lalitabhara (hara) I Gayada I (Dhauli ins., year 93)=(8) Tribhuvanamahadevi i alias Sindagauri I alias Gosvamini II, daughter of the Naga chief Rajamalla of the southern country (Bhimnagarigash pl., year 120) (6) Subhakara II (Terundia pl., year 100) ==Nrinnadevi (7) Subhakara III Kusumabhara (hara) I Simhadvaja (oketu) (Hindol pl., year 103) (9) Santikara II Lavanabhara (Lona) I Gayada II=Hiramahadevi, daughter of Simhamana (10) Subhakara IV Kusumabhura ("hara) II (11) Sivakara III Lalitabhara II (Talcher plates, (Talcher pl., year 145)=(12) Prithvi year 149) mahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi II. alias Sindagauri II (Baud pl., year 158), daughter of Svabhavatunga of the lunar dynasty of Kosala: (13) Santikara III Lavanabhara II =(18) Dharmamahadevi (14) Subhakara V. =(15) Gauri =(17) Vakulamahadevi of the Bhanja family (16) Dandimahadevi (Ganjam pl., year 180; Banpur pl., year 187) Before entering into the details of the grant made by means of the present charter, it is necessary to refer to an important point in regard to the chronology of the Bhauma-Kara kings. The dates of the Bhauma-Kara records would suggest that the family ruled for about two centuries. The recently discovered Baud plates of the quoen say that she was the daughtor of Svabhavntunga, who belonged to the race of the moon and was the lord of Kosala (apparently South Kosala), from queen Nrittimaha. devi, daughter of Yakovriddhi. The grants were made at the request of Sasilokha (wife of Mahamandaladhipali Mangalakalasa), who was born in the Virata family and was marriod into the Vragadi family, for the merit of the deceased father of the lady, in favour of tho Nannisvara temple (nainod after the load man). The gift land was situated in the Tamalakhanda virhayn within the Dandabhukti mandala (about the prosent Danton in the Midnapur District of West Bengal). Tho tom plo in question, which was a Saiva institution, acons to have been situated in the same area which was probably being ruled by the husband of Sakilekha. D 2

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84 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX Elsewhere it was suggested that Sivakara I-Unmattasimha-Bharasaha, the second ruler of the family, was probably installed by Harsha during his Kongoda expedition about 643 A. C. as his feudatory in Orissa. This date for Sivakara I Unmattasimha was taken to be supported by the Ganjam inscription which may suggest that Unmattakesarin (simha), stationed at Virajas, conqured parts of Kongodamandala from Ganga Jayavarman of Svetaka with the help of his feudatory Ranaka Vishavarnava sometime after the Ganga year which may possibly be read as 120 falling in 616-18 A. C. Virajas is no doubt the same as Viraja or Viraja, identified with modern Jajpur in the Cuttack District. One of the Parlakimedi plates of Ganga Jayavarman was taken to be a copy of a genuine record of the sixth or seventh century, to which period the original records of the Ganga king are palaeographically assigned. Now the Parlakimedi record referred to above is dated in the year 100 of the Ganga era, which falls in 596-98 A.C. Thus the reign of Sivakara I Unmattasimha was assigned to a date about the second quarter of the seventh century, the end of the dynasty to the early years of the ninth century and the rule of queen Dendimahadevi to the close of the eighth century. There is, however, some difficulty in accepting this chronology of the Bhauma-Karas of Orissa especially in view of the late date suggested by the palaeography of their records. In 795 A.C. the Chinese emperor Te-tsong received, as a token of homage, an autographed manuscript addressed to him by the king of Wu-cha (i.e., Odra, Orissa) in Southern India, who was a follower of Mahayana Buddhism and whose name, translated into Chinese, was "the fortunate monarch who does what is pure, the lion." This piece of evidence cannot be easily reconciled with the chronology of the Bhauma-Karas indicated above. The original of the name is supposed to be sri-Subhakaradeva Kesari (Simha) who is often identified with king Subhakara I of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty. If this identification is to be accepted, we have to assign Dandimahadevi's reign to the middle of the tenth century and to suggest that the era used by the BhaumaKaras started from the regnal reckoning of the founder of the dynasty. As however the names Subhakara and Subhakara are quite different in meaning, it is difficult to be definite on this point. Dr. R. C. Majumdar suggested to me that the king of Orissa mentioned in the Chinese record should be identified with Sivakara I Unmattasimha (or kesari), father of Subhakara I. It has to be admitted that this is the only known king of early-medieval Orissa who was a Buddhist and at the same time had a name with the word "lion" as one of its component parts. But the word siva does not mean pure" and unmatta-simha means a "furious lion," unmatta being a Prakrit corruption of Sanskrit unmatta, and none of these words can be traced in the Chinese translation of the Indian name. The chronology of the Bhauma-Karas based on the above identification therefore cannot be regarded as absolutely certain. It may not be impossible that the Orissan king mentioned in the Chinese records belonged to a different dynasty of rulers, who flourished in the last decade of the eighth century but had nothing to do with the Bhauma-Karas. It must be admitted that the identification is a mere conjecture and we shall have to wait for further evidence to be definite in regard to the chronology of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty and the identity of the Orissan king mentioned in the Chinese records." 66 1 Cf. Journ. Kal. Hist. Res. Soc., Vol. II, pp. 103-05. IHQ, Vol. XII, pp. 492-93. See JKHRS, Vol. I, pp. 219-21; Vol. II, pp. 103-05. Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 268-69. Ibid., p. 261. Above, Vol. XV, pp. 363-64. Dr. P. C. Bagchi writes to me: "A more literal translation of the king's name and title would be the auspicious lord pure-doing-lion king.' The literal Sanskrit restoration looks more sensible: ari-isvara-Subhakarasimha-raja. The name was evidently understood in Chinese as Subhakara." 7 For new evidence regarding the beginning of the Bhauma-Kara era about 820-25 A. C., see our article entitled "Two Grants from Daspalla" to be published in this journal.

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No. 10) SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI 85 The charter records the grant of the village called Santiragrama together with another locality called Komyosanga, situated in the Pachhama (Paschima) khanda within the Tamura vishaya in the Dakshina-Tosala (i.e., Tosali) country. The grant was made by the Paramamahesvari (devout worshipper of Mahe vara or Siva) Dandimahadevi, who is endowed with imperial titles, in favour of Bhatta Makyadeva (possibly Bhatta Manikyadeva), who was the son of Jalladeva and grandson of Purushottama. The donee was an inhabitant of Dharmapatti; but his family had originally hailed from Takari. He belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra, to the Angirasa, Barhaspatya and Bharadvaja pravaras and to the VajasanEya charana and was a student of the Madhyandina sakha. The occasion of the grant was a solar eclipse. It was made at the request of Paramamahesvara Ranaka sribhrid-Apsarodeva who was the lord of the Yamagarta mandala. It seems that Apsarodeva was a feudatory of Dandimahadevi and that the Yamagarta mandala formed a part of the Bhauma-Kara dominions. We have seen that the kings of this family granted lands in northern and southern Tosali, the former indicating the Balasore-Cuttack region (sometimes with a part of the Midnapur District of West Bengal). and the latter including parts of the Cuttack, Puri and Ganjam Districts. Kongoda about the border between the Puri and Ganjam Districts is said to have been included in Dakshina-Tosali. The Tunga chiefs Gayadatunga and Vinitatunga, whose charters have been discovered in Talcher and Bonai, also called themselves lords of the Yamagarta mandala. In this connection it may also be pointed out that the Tunga ruler Vinitatunga seems to be mentioned as a feudatory of the Bhauma-Kara monarch Sivakara III, grandfather of Dandimahadevi, in both of his Talcher plates dated in the year 149. An earlier ruler of the Yamagarta mandala was Jayasimha who also used the era employed by the Bhauma-Karas in dating their records and was very probably one of their feudatories. The date of the Dhenkanal plate of Jayasimha is read as the year 88, although the actual reading may be 128. It seems therefore that the Yamagarta mandala was situated in the valley of the river Brahmani to the west and south-west of the territories of the Bhanja chiefs of Khisljali-mandala (in the Baud-Keonjhar area) and of Khijjinga-kofta (in the Mayurbhanj region). It appears further that like the chiefs of Yamagarta, the Bhanjas also originally acknowledged the supremacy of the Bhauma-Karas. The Tungas of Yamagarta were probably succeeded by the dynasty represented by Apsarodeva ; but, sometime afterwards, the latter seems to have been itself ousted by rulers of the Sulki dynasty, whose names ended with the word stambha. The record contains two lists of officials to whom the royal order was addressed. Both of these are short but contain a few interesting entries. The first list, mentioned in connection with the country of Dakshina-Tosala, includes Mahasamanta, Rajasatka, Rajaputra, Kumaramatya, Auparika (Uparika), Dishayapati, Tadayuktaka, Dandapatika and Sthandntarika. In place of Rajasatka, other records of the queen read Antaranga, probably indicating the royal physician. Rajasatka may also indicate the same office. Kumaramatya seems to be an Amatya or executive officer of the status of a prince of the royal blood. Uparika was a viceroy and Vishayapati the ruler of a district. Tadayuktaka was probably the ruler of a subdivision of the district, appointed by the Vishayapati and not by the crown. Dandapatika was a police officer, its corruption Danduasi still indicating & village-watohman in Orissa. The Sthanantarikas were probably spies. The other list of officials, possibly belonging to the territorial unit called the Pachhama (Paschima) khanda in the Tamura vishaya, includes Mahamahattara, Brihadbhogin, Pustaka pala and Kutakolasa, to whose adhikaranas or offices the royal order is addressed. Mahattara means the headman of a village. Bhogin Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 1746-47. * B. Misra, op. oit., pp. 40-61. * Vide J BORS, Vol. II, pp. 417 ff. ; Bhandarkar, List, No. 1756. 18 DGA/62

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86 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX possibly means one enjoying a free holding. Pustakapala was the record-keeper. The word kujakolasa is difficult to explain. The village is said to have been granted together with the uddesa (space above the ground called tala), with subjects such as the weavers, gokuta (milkmen, called Gaura in Oriya) and saundika (vintners) and with gulmakas (outposts) at the kheta (village or hamlet), ghatta (barbour) and naditarasthana (ferry). Another interesting passage says that the grant was made a-lekhani.. pravesataya bhumichchhidra-pidhana-nyayena. The expression a-lekhani-pravesataya seems to mean that the grant would never in future have to be the subject of another document. That is to say that the village could not be regranted to any other family and that its ownership could not be transferred by the donee to some other family. In inscriptions we usually find the expression bhumichchhidra-nyaya. This nyaya was based on the custom according to which a person who brought a piece of fallow or jungle land under cultivation for the first time was allowed to enjoy it as a rent-free holding. The word chhidra in this case no doubt refers to the furrowing of the land. But the idea of chhidra-pidhana or' covering a hole' seems to have developed out of a misunderstanding of the original meaning of the nyaya. The idea in bhumi-chchhidra-pidhana-nyaya was probably that the loss of lands owing to various causes was thought to be compensated for by making free gifts of some of them. It may, however, also mean the custom relating to the reclamation of fallow land. Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the location of Dakshina-Tosala (i.e., "Tosali) and Yamagarta-mandala has already been discussed. Guhesvarapataka, the capital of the Bhauma-Kara kings, was probably modern Jajpur or a locality in its suburbs. Tamura vishaya, Pachhama (Paschima) khanda, Santiragrama and Komyosanga cannot be satisfactorily identified. The headquarters of Tamura may, however, be located at modern Tamur (21deg18" N. 85deg14" E.) in the former Pal-Lahara State. In regard to the name of the khanda, it may be pointed out that one of the Ganjam plates of Dandimahadevi records the grant of a village in the Purva khanda of the Varadakhanda vishaya in the Kongoda mandala. This seems to suggest that the Purva and Paschima khandas were merely the eastern and western divisions of a vishaya. Dharmapatti, the native village of the donee, cannot be identified ; but Takari, where his family originally lived, is known from numerous other records as a great seat of learned Brahmanas. It was variously called Tarkari, Tarkarika, Tarkara, Takkara, Takari and Takkarika. Sometimes it is said to have been situated in the Madhyadesa division of India, which comprised, roughly speaking, the present Uttar Pradesh with the eastern part of the Panjab, although sometimes Bihar and North Bengal were included in the division. In one record the village is specifically described as situated within the limits of Sravasti. There is, however, difference of opinion as regards the location of this Sravasti. Some scholars favour its identification with Setmahet on the borders of the Gonda and Bahraich Districts of the Uttar Pradesh while others suggest its location about the Bogra District in North Bengal. But usually the former identification is supported by scholars and the village of Takari is located in Oudh.' 1 See Jolly, Hindy Law and Custom (trans. by B. K. Ghosh), pp. 196-97. Note that the hunted deer belonged to him who hit it first. It is to be noted that the Vaijayanti explains bhumichchhidr: asuncultivable land'. The expression is used in the Arthadastra of Kautilya exactly in the same sense. See Bhattacharya, Kamarupa-rasan-arali, p. 33, note. * See Misra, op. cit., p. 51. . Above, Vol. I, p. 336; Vol. III, pp. 348, 353 ; Vol. IX, p. 107; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 118: Vol. XVI, pp. 204, 208. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 118. . Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 290 ff.; of. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVIII, p. 208 ; Vol. LX, pp. 14# History of Bengal, Vol. I (Dacca University), p. 579, noto.

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No. 10) SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI 87 TEXT: [Metres :--Verses 1-4, 14-15 Sardulavikridita ; verses 5, 7-9, 13 Vasantatilaka ; verse 6 Malini ; verses 10-12 Anushubh.] Obverse 1 Siddham [l*) Svasti vyasta!-jal-abhra-vibhrama-dharaih sve(bve)t-atapatr-otkarair=asviya sruti(ti)-chamarais-cha hasita-vyakota-ka2 4-7dayaih (1) uddamair-mmara(da)-saurabhais-cha karinam=akshipta-saptachchhad-amo daih sannihita[m*) sad=siva sarad-ara3 mbha-sriyam visbi)bhratah ||[1*] Sri-Ga(Gu)hasvarapataka-nivasi(r)-vijaya-skandhavarata (rat) || Sarvv-asa-paripuras-abhi(dhi)4 ka-ruchir-was-tapam-astan=nayann-ananda[n) kritavan-janasya manasi prapta-pratish tham(shtham) chiram(ram) || (1) sad-drishti-pratirodhi yena B cha tamo nirmulam-unmulitam kriman=indur-iv=ivanipatir-abhud-Unmattasimha(h-a) hvayah || [2] Tad-vamsad=abhavann-anindita-gun[a] 6 muktamayah santatah sad-vsitt[h*) sukha-Sitalah kshitibhsitah srimad-Gayad-adayah [*] yan=nitva' hridaya-pra7 tapa-samane dev-anganabhih svayam karnn-aslepa-sukha-sthiti-pranayino har-avi(bhi) ramah ksitah ||[3*] Tad-van8 se=bhavad=urjita[h*) prati-vu(bu)dha-prita(ti)h pratit-odayo deva[ho] satru-vadhu-mu(mu) kh-endu(ndu)-taranih sri-Lopabharo 9 nfipa|| () yasy=akramya guru-pratapa-sikhinah. prithvibhritah proddhatam(tan) duram sarvva-dig-antareshu(shu) tarasa svai10 ram prasasa(sruh) karah || [4] Tasy=atmajah pranata-parthiva-chakra-chula-nivya(rvya) ja-ropita-padas-charit-artha-nama [l *] 11 vistari-so(sau)rabha-gu(gu)n-odaya-purit-asas-tasmad"-abhut=Kusu (su)mabhara iti kshi tibah || [5*] Abhfi12 [ta] Lalitabharah kshmam=bharam11 bhuri-teja ta(8=ta)d-anu(nu) tad-anu(nu)janma vyudha-bhog-indra-lilah" (1) anayad-amalima13 nam pa(ya)d=yasah-puriu(m=u)chchair=api ripu(pu)-rampi(ma)ninam=anjan-oriram= asru | [6*) Tasmin=nsipe divam=upeyu(yu)shi tat-tanuja[b*] 14 sast=avanerajani Santikara(r-a)bhidhanah # ( yen=oddhtiteshv-akhila-du(du)rmada kantha(nta)keshu (shu) reme yatha-su(su)kham-api 1 From the original plate and impressions. * Expressed by a symbol. The syllablo sla here looks like tala. * The Ganjam plato A has haraih. The top motra of dha in the present inscription was inadvertently incised. The word samaudsita found in numerous other records is better suited in this context, although the grante of the Bhauma-Karas usually have nivasin. *The Gatjam plate A reads sadgatah which Kielhorn corrected to aangalan. *The Banpur plate reads ye nitva while both the Ganjam plates have ye nita hriday-gra-tapa-. On the whole the reading of the Ganjam plates is preferable. * The Banpur and Ganjim plates read kanth-ablisha which is the roading intended. The Banpur and Gafijam plates have the correct reading krita in place of prati 10 The Ganjam plates bare sriman in place of lawmdl. 11 Read kahma-bharare.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 15 sta-bhiya janena || [7*] Tasya prasasta--charit-arjita-bhuri-kirttir'=viava[in]bhara-vibhu (bhu)r=abhud-aku(nu)jas=tato=pisreyobhir=ekapada16 m=ity-akhilaih spi(fri)t-atma yah sri-(su)bhakara iti prathito yath-artham || [8*) Tasya trivishtapa-jushah paramesva17 [ra*]sya devi(vi) samasta-janata-nata-padapadma ||(1) si[m*Jhasanam babi-kar-amala-kirtti Gauri Gaur=iva gaurava-padam 18 chiram=adhyarohata(hat) || [9*] Tato Dandimahadavi suta tasya mahiyasi || (1) mabim= ahina-samarthya. chira-kalam=ap19 layat || [10*] Avichchhinn-ayati-pramsau vambe Ka(Ka)ra- mahibhtitam(tam)[*] chihna bhuta patak=eva ya va(ba)bhuva vibhushana[m] || [11*] Lavany-imrita Reverse 20 nishyanda-sundaram dadhati vapa(pu)h[*] 'ya rajach=cha[ndra*]-lekh=eva vilasat-kirtti chandriva(ka) || [12*] 'Tasyah pratapa-nata-durmada-satru-bhupa-na21 tra(tr-a)mvu(mbu)-dhauta-navayavaka-mandanani (1) pad-amvu(mbu)ja-dya(dyu)tir= anantaram=anvara(ra)mji? manjira-lagna-kura(ru)vinda-dal-a(1-7)ru22 [bha*]sa || [12*) Udyaneshu(shu) kilimukhe(kh-a)vali-ravo ha[re*]shu(shu) mukta(mukta) sthitit=dosha-sanga-ruchistushara-kirane chi(vi)ljna*]shu(shu) sad-veshata || (1) 23 Rahau tiksha(kshna)kara-graham(hah) ku(ku)-manishu tras-odayah kevalam kanta-kuntala sanna(nta)tau kutti(ti)lata yasyah prabhu(bhu)[tve*] bhuvi || [14*) Ramy-als24 k-otsukita-nayan-ananda-piyusha-varttih sev-asakta-kahitipati-sabha-padmini-tajahamsi ' katha(le)y-Oshma-glapita-suksi25 t-alamva(mba)na-svarnna-yashtir=yl ninsesha-pranayi-sumang-Nandan-odyana-lakshmi[h*) || [16] Paramamahe vari mata-pitfi-pad-a26 nudhyata paramabhatyarika maharajadbiraja-paramasvari srimad-Dandimahadevi ka(ku) dalini || Dakshina27 Tosalayam varttamana-bhavishya-mahasamanta-rajasatka--rajaputra-kumaramaty-uupa rika-vishayapati-tada28 yuktaka-dandapasika-sthanantarikan=anyan=api raja-prasadinas=chata-vallabha-jatiyanah (yan) | Tamura-visha29 yam (ya)-Pachha(schi)makhanda-mahamahattara-vri(bri)hadbhogi-pustakapala-kutakolas Ady-adhikaranam yath-arham ma 1 The Banpur and Ganjam plates read prabaya. * The Banpur plate bas kirters. Kielhorn read ahinasa(ya) matya in the Gajam plates. 'The Ganjam plates read prisuu. Kielhorn suggested praplau vamsa-kara-. This verse and the following wtanaw are wanting in the Ganjam plate B. The next half of the verse and the following vurses are also a baent in the Gadjam plate A. * The Banpur plate has the correct reading mandan=api. The Banpur plato reads "dyutir=atarkitam=anvaraji. * Na is incised below the line. The dandas are superfluous. 10 In place of rajasatka, the Banpur and GaAjam plates have maharaja-rajaputr-antaranga. Rajasatka literally means belonging to the king'; but the meaning does not appear to suit the context. 11 The dandas are superfluous. The visarga siga may be part of the mark of punctuation.

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REG. NO. 657HE (C) 52-49953. B. CH. CHHABRA SCALE: ONE-HALF SURVEY OF INDIA. DERRA DUN Obverse jiibaashb 4. 4 8 vAda udghAna lA mAthi prayAgAdiH sa viditA saradAra 2 grAha tara yA kRvina / siviyA dArAta // sa nAyaralAki visAyAta yAvA // mativAdinaM dRSTi sAgarikAlA vidyayA dIpakA siddhayaH zAdavidhi kAmavAsanA lAH ziti yataH pAdAdayaH yAvI hada hAvAdavA kA tilapi (vAhAH chataH nItaH pratItAyAyAyala kA pati: parrutaH eka: pavidyAdi cAra modakumA 10. lalitAdida 14 ghaTI tIla graghavAla 12 padmaH prAvAdma va diva kirakiyA vaH // yAlaya madaka lAbha gAva 16 gAyIkA kara 14 tihAra bitAyA ghara kA 18 kA (danikA kA stara kAnAvAda sidA stavaM 57 187117 tAki hAdinI 2233 dAdI maMdI sAMga yAvi jayatamA ghAyala kara 72 tAsAta ghAla kutavika 18 SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI

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Reverse 20 muhnii: bebii phaayaady':sul(suutrm 20, kr'iy'tbbekaanmembl mnrnnennmukuber| 22 5Nkemunyjiir'ethy'ebH sumnaar'iir'baisumke cudaar 22 |Ndiik krmtrii(hnnkr'klkaandiik(naam:qd subidhaamlo| 24 kaajeqnaaremnt:mnmruudnmnnbiidaar5: 2 5 24 sAlamA mAyabApAbAbalAvaraThAgAva vAlAvalakavAparADakAcAra kAranAmAhArAhAzAparabatAmmaramAdAyavAdalavAyAnAta maanbor'u imbyaash baa enthraakomaay'n ktthin hRdyrth7Adlpnr'aamdhen ebaarlubniini| ybe| Cmr bndhurkaaniiH kelens' phelnyjaam Faabaaidkm| raatribiiryemy'ubdmejbuyurnnbdhre 30 *mmer'mnoscib himudir hPSn dusstt byedaa saamleogqmiinnphele 32 maakhmuiimaan(raam:+maan| qbmaahaatraa| naai(bdd'b|ekdmbsmaabtekaahen kaajediitthni| 34 bArAkaramAvAdanAyabAratasayAmAviruvaprasAlalarApUsAhAsAcA 36 4 ...", se emssm?+C/Cmmer!tuml [kdiLeihbeUR 36 gr2*#157+r'aamn maar( sur, sN3iiniibgtth7e Em53|

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No. 111 REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN : YEAR 12 89 30 nayati vo(bo)dhayati samajnapayati cha viditam=astu bhavata(ta)m=etat-khanda-prativa (ba)ddha-santi 31 Santiragramarh Komyosanga-sametah -addesah sa-tantuvaya-gokuta-launda(ndi)k adi-prakritika[h*] sa-khe32 ta-ghatta-naditarasthan-adi-gulmakah sarvva-pida-varjito='lekhani-pravesataya bha(bhu) michchhidra-pidhana-nyaye33 n=a-chandr-arka-kshiti-samakalam mata-pitror=atmanah sarvva-satva(ttva)nan=cha puny abhi-vriddhaye Bharadvaja-gotray=Angirasa34 Va(Ba)rhaspatya-Bharadvaja-pravaraya VajasanEya-charanaya madhyandina-bakh-adhyayine Takari-vini(ni)rgata-Dharmma35 patti-vastavya-Bha(Bha)tta-Makyadevaya Jalladeva-Butaya Pu(Pu)rushottamadeva-naptre salila-dhara-pu(pu)rahsara-hast-oda36 kena surya-grahanan(na)-velaya[**] Yamarga(ga)tta(rtta)mandal-adhipati-paramama hesvara-sakalamahapu(pu)rushagunavad-Ranaka-eribhfid-Apsarodev-abhyartha37 naya='smabhis=tamrasasaniktity=akshaya-nidhi-dharmen=akaratvena pradattas=tad=esha= 'smad-datti ddha(r=ddha)rma-gauravad=bhavadbhih paripalani(ni)ya | Samvat 2004 80 [II*] No. 11-REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN ; YEAR 12 (1 Plate) P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND This set of copper plates deposited in the archives of the Raja of Kalahasti in the Chittoor District, Madras State, was discovered by the late Sri Veturi Prabhakara Shastri who has edited the inscription on them in Telugu in the Journal of Sri Venkatesvara Oriental Institute, Tirupati. In view of the importnace of the epigraph which deserves fuller study, I edit it here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India. The set consists of five plates held together by a ring with seal. The ring had been cut, apparently by the previous editor, when the plates were received for examination. The writing is engraved on one side of the first plate and both sides of the next two plates. The remaining two plates contain no writing. This is rather unusual ; and this unusual feature may possibly be explained on the assumption that the framers of the document had originally kept these plates ready with the idea that the writing would extend over them, and that their expectation did not materialise. In the alternative, it may be surmised that the two spare plates are a later addition. It has, however, to be noted that traces of a few letters incised in late characters, forming two lines, can be detected on one of these spare sheets. Though the rims of the inscribed plates are not raised, the writing is in an excellent state of preservation. There are 25 lines of writing and these are distributed evenly on the five surfaces engraved. 1 The engraver began to incise the name of the village, but, as some mistakes crept in, gave it up leaving considerable blank space at the end of line 30. He then engraved it at the beginning of the next line. 2 Read gramah. * The usual expression is akshaya-niui. * The actual value of the symbol, as noted above, seems to be 100. "Vol. VIII, pp. 82-96 and Vol. IX, pp. 26-30. . I am indebted to the above authority for having kindly secured the original document for my examination and study from the Director, Sri Venkatesvars Oriental Institute, Tirupati. It is registered No. 39 of Government Epigraphist's C. P. collection for 1949-50.

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90 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX The plates measure almost uniformly 8 inches in length, 2.5 inches in breadth and 1/16 inch in thickness. A circular hole about 9/16 inch in diameter is cut at the centre of the margin at a distance of 3/8 inch from the left side of each plate. The ends of the ring which is about 3 inches in diameter, are soldered into the bottom of a circular seal, 1-6 inch in diameter. The seal bears in relief the following figures. A lotus flower with five petals is carved at the bottom. Above this is a couchant bull with hump. Its head facing the front is placed towards the proper right. Two flywhisks fastened by a double chord are shown on either side of the animal. At the top of the seal and above the animal is a crescent. The ring with the seal weighs 26 tolas. The whole set together with the ring and the seal weighs 80 tolas. Unlike the seal of the Kuram grant no legend is engraved on the present seal. The charter belongs to a ruler of the Pallava house and the figure of the bull in the above description represents the emblem of the family. From other copper plate records and also coins we know that the bull was the emblem of the Pallavas. This emblem is not clearly visible on the seals of stime early copper plate charters of the family. The figure, though somewhat crude, is recognised beyond all doubt for the first time on the seal of the Vilavatti grant of Simhavarman.' We may, however, note one peculiarity. Whereas the bull of the Vilavatti grant faces the proper left, that of the Kuram grant, the present charter and others of the later period, faces the proper right. An interesting fact to be observed in regard to the Pallava emblem represented on the seal of the present document is that it is the best of its kind on account of its fine workmanship, surpassing all the rest discovered so far. The characters are Kannada-Telugu of the early 8th century. The letters are handsomely incised, though uniformity of size is not maintained throughout. In the aspect of their neat and elegant execution, the characters of the present inscription may be compared with those of the Uruvupalli record, though the former are removed from the latter in point of time by over two centuries. The initial i, e and ai are found in lines 19, 18 and 17 respectively; and they are noteworthy. The signs for t and n are fairly distinguished, the former, which is fully curved with a loop at the top, being akin to its successor of a late period. The final r and n are used in lines 16 and 21 respectively. The medial short i is made up of a complete circle on the top of the letter; and this is differentiated from the long one which is shaped like a spiral with a knot towards the left above the same. The final m at the end of a word is changed to anusvara in many cases; while in others, when it is not so transformed, it is represented by a peculiar mark which looks like a vertical stroke with a hook at the bottom towards the left. Instances of the anusvara may be seen in the following words: ayam in line 13 and visham in line 22. The hooked stroke is illustrated by the following cases: jitam and Pallavanam in line 1, brahmasvam in line 22 and svadattam in line 23. The anusvara is changed to the appropriate class nasal and involved into sandhi in the following cases: Lokapalanam-padeg in line 3 and sariran-danda- in line 20. The subscripts of the letters dh and v are not sometimes distinguished; e.g., bdha and ruva in line 5. In regard to orthography, it may be observed that the rule regarding the reduplication of the consonant preceded by r is implicitly obeyed in all cases." The language is Sanskrit and the composition for the major part of the record (lines 1-20) is in prose. The statement relating to the executor of the document (ajiapti) is in verse (lines 20-21). This is followed by the imprecation which is, as usual, in verse (lines 22-25). The text 1 For a description of the seal of the Vilavatti grant and discussion on the Pallava emblem, see above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 296-97 and plate facing p. 297. The photographs of the seals of the Kuram and Tandantottam plates are published in S. I. I., Vol XII, plate VII. The seal of the Valarpalaiyam plates is published, ibid., Vol. II, plate facing p. 521. It may be noted that A in the expression arhati in line 20 is not doubled, since this case is not covered by the rule, acho rahabhyam dve (Ashtadhyayi, VIII-4-46).

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No. 11] REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN; YEAR 12 91 is faulty and the composition contains syntactical and other mistakes. These have been corrected either in the body of the text itself or in the footnotes. As we shall see presently, the charter was issued by the Pallava ruler Narasimhavarman II of the Sinhavishnu line. The records of the early rulers of this family are generally on stons, until we come to the time of Nandivarman II. Only two exceptions have come to our notice 80 far; one is the Kuram grant of Paramesvaravarman I, father of Narasimhavarman II, and the other the present inscription. It has to be noted further that the Kuram grant bears closer affinity with the Udayendiram or Kabakudi plates of Nandivarman II in respect of the script and treatment of the subject matter. The script employed in both is Pallava-Grantha and Tamil. Both contain an elaborate invocation in Sanskrit verse, a legendary account of the origin of the family and a lengthy prasasti and poetic descriptions of kings. In all these aspects, the present record presents a marked contrast. The script employed here is the highly developed southern alphabet which has assumed the distinct shape of Kannada Telugu. The subject is treated briefly and directly. The invooation and the prasasti are short without the intervention of poetio passages. Thus our charter stands oonspiouously as a class by itself, not only among the ooppor plate records, but also amidst the mass of insoriptions belonging to this Pallava house. We may on the contrary realise that the formal part of our epigraph bears close resemblance with that of the earlier copper-plate documents of the Pallava princes, which are older by more than two centuries. Like the Pikira and Vilavatti* grants of Simhavarman, our epigraph opens with the brief invocatory expressions svasti and jitam Bhagavata. A comparison of the specific epithets used for describing the ruling king and his ancestors, as found in the grants of Uruvupalli, Pikira and Vilavatti forming one group on one side and the present charter on the other, reveals a number of striking similarities of expression in the latter, which have been in some cases borrowed directly and in others either paraphrased or modified suitably from the former. For instance, the epithets, pratap-Opanata-raja-mandala, Lokapalanam panchama and rajarshi-guna-sarva-sandohavijigishu, are commonly met with in all the epigraphs under reference. The expression archita-, abhyuchchita-, or atyuchchita-sakti-siddhi-sampanna of the Uruvupalli, Pikira and Vilavatti grants respectively, figures in the modified form abhyarchita-sakti-siddhi-sampanna in the present inscription. While the phrase vasudha-tal-aika-vira of the Uruvupalli grant or its equivalent prithvital-aika-vira of the Pikira and Vilavatti grants has been amplified into aneka-samara-sanghattajanita-vikrama-vasudha-tal-aika-vira, the term bhagavad-bhakti-sadbhava-sambhavita-sarva-kalyana in the earlier group has been slightly modified and abridged into bhagavad-bhakti-sadbhavasamarpita-sarva in the record under study. Another case of modified contraction is the qualitative bahu-samara-vijaya-labdha-yatah-prakasa of our charter, which is evidently derived from anekasamara-sahas-avamarda-labdha-vijaya-ya sah-prakasa of the Uruvupalli category.' The present inscription commences with a brief invocation and reference to the Pallavas who belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra. Next are mentioned three members of this family, viz., Mahendravikramavarman, his son Paramesvaravarman and his son Narasimhavarman. The last of 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, pp. 273 ff. *8.1. I., Vol. II, pp. 342 ff. * Above, Vol. VIII, p. 161. * Ibid., Vol. XXIV, p. 301. . In the Pikira grant the word swasti oomes aftor jitan Bhagavalt. In regard to the expression Bhagavata the occurring in line 1 of the Royuru grant, see below in the text portion. . Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 51. It may further be noted that the Pallava prasasti of these charters bears close resemblance with that of the Chendalur plates of Kumaravishnu II and others; compare above Vol. VIII, pp. 233 r. + Thus I have noticed in all thirteen expressions bearing mutual kinship. Besides the seven commented above, six others met with in the present inscription are as follows: vidhi-vihita-sarva-maryada, sthiti-sthita, yathapud abrita svamkelh-ady-andka-kratu-yajin, praja-sarrarijana-paripalan-odyoga, satata satya-vrata-dilahita and Kalivuga-dosh-apahrita-dharm-Oddharana-nitya-annaddha.

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92 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX these was the ruling king who issued the charter from his headquarters Kanchipura. Its object is to record the gift of a village named Royuru as a brahmadeya, to a Brahmana named Kumaramandasarman who was well-versed in two Vedas and constantly engaged in studies, by the king for the augmentation of his life, strength, victory and fortune. The donor is described as devoted to the feet of Bappa-bhattaraka. He is also called Paramabhagavata, Paramamahesvara and Paramabrahmanya. Judging from the genealogical account given above and palaeographical considerations indicated before, it is easy to identify the above-mentioned three kings with Mahendravarman II, Paramegvaravarman I and Narasimhavarman II respectively, of the Simhavishnu line. Our epigraph happens to be the only dated record of Narasimhavarinan II so far discovered. The date as cited herein is the twelfth year of the increasingly victorious reign of the king, Vaisakha, full-moon, lunar eclipse. These details, however, fall short for verification. For want of necessary data, the reign-period of this king also, like those of other rulers of this family, cannot be fixed with precision. Hence we are left to make what appears to be the most reasonable assumption on the strength of circumstantial evidence. The broad limits of Narasimhavarman II's reign are indicated by two inscriptions as follows. From the Gadval plates of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya I, dated in 674 A.C., which mention Narasimhavarman II's father Paramesvaravarman I, we can postulate that the former succeeded his father some time after that date. Since Vikramaditya I who ruled from 565 to 680 A.C., had among his contemporaries, also Mahendravarman II and Narasimhavarman I,the father and grandfather of Paramesvaravarman I, we are justified normally in believing that Paramesvaravarman I was quite young by this time, i.e., 674 A.C., and that he occupied the Pallava throne at least for a decade or two after this date. Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, has placed the first year of the reign of Paramesvaravarman II, the son and successor of Narasimhavarman II, in 728-29 A.C. with the help of a stone inscription recently discovered by him at Ulchala, near Kurnool. This is the outer limit. We may also observe that the Pallava ruler who exchanged embassies with the Chinese emperor in 720 A.C. has been identified with Narasimhavarman II. With these facts in view, we may examine the phenomenon of lunar eclipse which invests the above cited date with some definiteness. According to the Eclipses of the Moon in India, by Robert Sewell, the lunar eclipse occurred on the full-moon day of Vaisakha in the years 701, 702, 711 and 720 A.C., which fall within the approximate reignperiod of Narasimhavarman II. Of these the first two yield 690 or 691 A.C. as the first year of his reign. These perhaps would be too early, though there is no absurdity about them. Considering the long-range peaceful activities of this ruler, 720 A.C. which makes 709 A.C. his first year, may appear to be rather unsuitable. So we might pitch upon 711 A.C. as the date of our charter. This would show that his reign commenced in 700 A.C.' Of more than passing interest is the description, in our epigraph, of Paramesvaravarman I as the performer of Asvamedha and many other kratus, i.e., Vedic sacrifices. This leads us to an enquiry into the claim. Let us see how far it is justified. The Kuram grant of Paramesvaravarman I bimself contains no reference to the performance of the horse sacrifice, and the other * We may as well connect these three epithets with Bappa-bhattaraka. The joint association of the first two terms with the same person here is noteworthy. * Above, Vol. X, pp. 100 ff. * Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II: genealogical statement facing p. 336. . Above, Vol. X, p. 101. Journal of Indian History, Vol. XXX, p. 291. * K. A. Nilakanta Sastri : Foreign Notices of South India, pp. 18 and 116-17. "It is interesting to note that Mr. Lakshminarayan Rao places his initial year circa 700 A.C. by approximation, J.I.H., Vol. XXX, p. 291.

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No. 11] REYURU GRANT OF PALTAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN ; YEAR 12 9 3 records of this king are also silent about it. Furthermore, it is seen that with the exoeption of the present charter and the Sivanvayal inscription of Sinhavarman, no records of the Pallava rulers of the Simhavishnu line, including Nandivarman II and his successors, attribute the performance of horse sacrifice to any of them. If this great achievement were a fact, the ruler himself or his descendants would have legitimately take a credit for it and certainly mentioned the same in their records. We may note in this connection the performance of horse sacrifice by Pulakesin I of the Western Chalukya family, which is often alluded to in their records. So the truth appears to be like this. In the Hirahadagalli plates, Sivaskandavarman is stated to have celebrated the horse sacrifice. Here we are at the source. The later descendants of his family took pride over this and duly incorporated the event in their prasasti in general terms as a praiseworthy qualification of the Pallava family. The claim was also exaggerated by multiplying the number of horse sacrifices performed. Thus we find that in the Chendalur plates of Kumaravishnu II, Uruvupalli grant and other charters, the Pallavas in general are referred to as the performers of horse sacrifices. In view of these finds we are justified in making the following observation. The drafter of the Reyuru grant, who, as shown before, was influenced by the texts of the copper plate charters of the earlier period, simply borrowed this expression from them and foisted it on the father of the ruling king, his patron, for his glorification. It would be on similar lines that we shall have to account for the characteristic attribute, 'performer of ten horse sacrifices,' ascribed to the Pallava king Simhavarman,' as noticed for the first time in the Sivanvayal inscription. The royal order announcing the gift was addressed to the inhabitants of Royuru; and it was enjoined on pain of corporal punishment upon all the ministers along with their subordinate officials (karanayuktab), all the officers of the state (sarvamiydgakab) and the courtiers (rajavallabhah), that they should collect no dues whatsoever from the village, particularly while on tour (sancharantah). The executor of the order was Isvara, the chief of Nandakurra, and son of Somaditya, who equalled Rajaditya in valour. The donee Kumaramandasarman was a resident of Kuravasri and he is referred to as a Somayajin. He came from a learned family. Both his father Kumarabarman and grandfather Kulasarman were proficient in two Vedas. The latter is said to have known the essence of the Vedas, Vedangas, Itihase and Purana. He belonged to the Rathitara gotra and was a student of Apastamba sutra. We may note here the occurrence of the expression dveda paraga qualifying all the three members of the family. Evidently it is an abbreviation of dvi-veda-paraga and may be taken to be equivalent of dvedin, i.e., dvi-vedin. Lastly we may consider the geographical information contained in the epigraph. The gift village Reyuru is stated to have been situated in the Mel-Mundarashtra. The prefix mel in this expression is Tamil, meaning 'west.' This territorial name ocours for the first time in the present record, though Mundarashtra is already familiar to us through other inscriptions. Judging from its connotation, Mel-Mundarashtra must have been situated to the west of 1 Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 62. 1 Ibid., pp. 8, 39, 117, 128, eto. * Above, Vol. I, p. 5. * Above, Vol. VIII, p. 235. In the Chendalar record the adjective andka meaning 'many' qualifies the expression A swamedha. So also in the Vilavatti grant. In some charters, 6.g., the Uravupalli grant, this word is omitted. The identity of this Simhavarman is problematic. Even assuming him to be Narasimhavarman I, the claim of his having performed ten horse soarifices appears to be a conventional boast for reasons adduced abovo. Bat the claim as it is put forth is unique in the records of the Pallava house. This Kajaditya may have been the grandfather of Isrars. I am inclined to treat the expression Nawakuramorin-denda as a Kormadhara yn compound made up of Nandakupa-aripa sad Ilvara. 15 DGA/52

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94 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX and adjacent to Mundarashtra. Mundarashtra roughly comprised the major part of Kovuru taluk and the adjoining area to the north and south in the Nellore District, Madras State. It would, therefore, be reasonable to surmise that Mel-Mundarashtra might have comprised mainly the area of the Atmakur taluk of the district, since this taluk is situated to the west of the Kovuru taluk. This surmise is justified by the existence, in the Atmakur taluk, of a village named Revuru which may aptly be identified with the Reyuru of the inscription. I am unable to identify the locality called Asidharapura which was to the south of Reyuru and presumably in its vicinity. Apparently the name has been Sanskritised and there are no means at our disposal to find out its indigenous appellation. It is interesting to recall in this context that a village bearing the identical name Reyuru is mentioned as the object of gift in a copper-plate record of the Eastern Chalukya king Vishnuvardhana II, dated 664 A.C. This Reyuru was situated in the area of Karmarashtra which comprised the northern portion of the Nellore District and the southern parts of the Guntur District, extending roughly over the Ongole and Bapatla taluks. Two alternative views are possible under the circumstances. Firstly, Reyuru of the Eastern Chalukya record might be different from its namesake of the present charter. Secondly, they might be identical. Since scarcely any village answering the name is traceable in the northern taluks of the Nellore District and the southern taluks of the Guntur District, I am inclined to prefer the second alternative. But in this case we shall have to explain the discrepancy in the geographical position of the same village in the two records which are removed by a period of about fifty years only. Here we might note it primarily that Karmarashtra formed part of the Pallava dominion and that it figures often in the records of the rulers of the line. Subsequently, this tract, as indicated by the Kopparam plates, appears to have been subjugated by Pulakesin II and passed on to the sway of the Eastern Chalukyas, some time before 630 A.C. We are, therefore, not facing an anomaly if we surmise that a part of this Karmarashtra, particularly the southern or the south-western part, was reconquered either by Narasimhavarman II or his father Paramesvaravarman I, particularly taking into consideration the ineffective regime of Vishnuvardhana II's successor, Mangiyuvaraja. This newly conquered tract might have been constituted into a separate territorial unit and named Mel-Mundarashtra. Nandakurra wherefrom the ajnapti Isvara hailed may be Nandavaram in the Udayagiri taluk of the Nellore District, which has yielded some inscriptions.10 Kuravasri where the donee resided must be the same as Kuravasiri occurring in the Tandantottam plates of the Pallava king 1 Another instance of a similar nature denoting the western extension of an original territorial unit is Mer-Pakkai nadu; see above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 25. * Compare above, Vol. XXIV, p. 301, and also see V. Rangacharya's Topographical List of Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency, Nellore, Nos. 505, 533, etc., containing references to Mundanadu which is a later term for Mundarashtra. 3 This identification has been put forth by the late V. Prabhakara Shastri: Journal of Sri Venkatesvara Oriental Institute, Vol. VIII, p. 92. Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 187. Above, Vol. XV, p. 250; A. R. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1916, part II, para. 3, p. 113. Above, Vol. VIII, p. 234; Vol. XV, pp. 251 and 255. Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 257-58. *N. Venkataramanayya: Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi, p. 46. It must be admitted that no specific evidence is at our disposal at present to show that territorial expansion was accomplished by these Pallava rulers. But the fact that they were brave and indulged in aggressive warfare is proved by the historical events and the titles borne by them, such as Ranajaya, Samara-Dhananjaya, Atiranachanda, etc., which might not be altogether vainglorious; S. I. I., Vol. I, pp. 144-45; Vol. XII, pp. 10-11. Compare Eastern Chalukyas (op. cit.), p. 69. 10 Topographical List, etc. (op. cit.), Nellore, Nos. 738-39,

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No. 11) REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN; YEAR 12 98 Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, which was also the home of more than one donee of the record. The same place seems to have been alluded to as Krovagri in the Sataluru plates of Gunaga Vijayaditya, after about a century and a half. One of the donees in this charter, who belonged to this place, was Narayanasarman of the Rathitara gotra. It would appear from this that this place was the resort of learned Brahmanas for generations. It may possibly be identified with Krosuru in the Sattenapalle taluk of the Guntur District. TEXT First Plate 1 Svasti [l*] Srimat jitam(in) Bhagavatam [l*] Kanchipur-adhishta(shtha)nat=Pallavanam(m) Bharadvaja2 sagotra(tra)nam sva-viryy-adhigata-rajyasya? abhyarchchita-sakti-siddhi-sampannasya 3 pratap-opanata-raja-mandalasya Madhyama-Lokapalasya Lokapalanam=pali"(ocha)4 masya paramabrahma(hma)nyasya Maharajasya sri-Mahendravikramavarmmanah pautrass? bahu5 samara-vijaya-labdha-yasah-prakasasy& vidhi-vihita-sarvva-maryyadasya sthiti-sthitasya' Second Plate; First Side 6 amit-atmano yathavad-abhrit-Asvamedh-ady-aneka-kratu-yajinas=satya-vratasya dharm-a7 tmano mahimapito Mahendrasya Paramesvaravarmmanah putrah? Bhagavad-bhakti-sad bhava-samarppi8 ta-sarvva[h*j" praja-samram"*jana-paripalan-odyoga-satata-satya-vrata(ta)-dikshita[h*ju Ka9 liyuga-dosh-apahtita-dharmm-oddharana-nitya-sannaddho aneka-samara-samghatta-janita vikra10 ma-vasudha-tal-aih(-ai)ka-vira(17)" rajarishi(jarshi)-guna-sarvva-sandoha-vijigishush*]para mabha(bha)gavata[h*]" pa 18.1. 1., Vol. II, pp. 532-34. 2 Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., Vol. V, p. 116, lines 60-61. * There are other possibilities also, e.g., Kovuru in the Kovuru and Kandukur taluks of the Nellore District. * From the original plates and impressions. * The consonant t inay be read as rla also. This word should be read either as Srimata or brimatam, preferably the former. In the former case it qualifies Bhagarata and in the latter Palladnan. .Read Bhagavata. The abbreviated invocation jitan Bhagavata is met with in the Uruvupalli and other rocords. . Sandhi is not observed here. . This letter is peculiar and looks like li. The engraver seems to have incised the wrong form of the intended akshara icha. In the Uruvupalli and Pikira grants the expression reads Lokapalanan panchamasya Loka palasya, whereas it is Lokapalanam panchamasya only in the Vilavatti grant. The expressions Madhyamalokapala and Lokaprila nam parichama obviously refer to god Varupa. 10 The reading intended is perhaps mahim-opama.. 11 For clarity of sense it is better to separate this compound expression. 11 This anusvara is placed wrongly on the akshara ja. 11 The word is satra in the Uruvupalli grant. 14 Sandhi is not properly observed here. 15 This and the following two expressions may also be taken as qualifying Bappa-bhaffaraku, in which case we need not separate them. B 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA iVol. XXIX Second Plate ; Second Side 11 tamamahesvara[h*) paramabrahmanya(nyo) Bappa-bhattaraka-pada-bhakti[h*) sci-Narasim havarmma12 pah(varmma) Mel-Mundarashtret Asidharapurasy=ottare | Reyuru-nama-gramam(masya) grameyaka13 n=ittham=ajnapayati (1) ayam grama[h*] Kuravabri-vastha(vasta)vyasya Rathitara sagotrasya 14 Apastambha(ba)-sutr-adhyayinah' dveda-paragasya Veda-Vedamg'-Etihasa-Purana-tatva (ttva)-vi15 da[b*) Kujasarmmanasya(nah) pautraya dvi(dve)da-paragasya Kumarabarmmana[b*] putraya dveda-paragaya Third Plate ; First Side 16 nitya-svadhyaya-nirataya Somayajine Kumaramandalarmmanel asmaka[m*] ayur17 bala-vijayal-aisvaryy-abhivsiddhaye brahmadehi(yi)kfity=asmabhir-ddatta[h*) pravard dhamana-vijaya18 kiya-Jarvatsara dvadasa-varahi Vaisakha-paurppamasy (syom) soma-grahapa nimitte datta eva(ttah | @va). 19 m-avagamy(mya) ima(ma)[m=a*]matya[h] servvah(rvve) karana-yukta[h*] sarvva niyogakah raja-vallabhas-cha sazoharantah(ntah) 20 sarvva-kara-parha(riha)rah(ram) pariharanta [1 ] Imam=ajnam=atikramet=sa papas=sariran= dandam-arhati [l *] "Somaditya day Third Plate ; Second Side 21 suta[h*] Sriman=Nandakurra-ntip-Esvara) [*] ajnaptis=dasanasy=asya Rajaditya-pratha (ta)pavan [11111*] Yatra(Yad-atra) 22 bha shatah? blokah(kah) [] *] Brahma-svamm) "visham ghorah(ram) na visham visham uchyate L1 *] visham=ekakina(nam) hanti brahma23 svam(m) putra-pautfi(tra)kam [1211* ] Svadattam(m) paradattam va o yo hareti(ta) vasun dharam [ ] shashti-va 1 Sandhi is not observed here. : The danda is superfluous. . This anusura is placed wrongly on the following akahara ge. * There is some confusion bore. If the akshara mye is treated as a case of sandhi, then the following initial i should be deleted. * This and the following verses are in the Annahfubh metro. * The form of this letter in queer. It is neither bha nor ma. It is clear that the engraver wantod to make it bha. * Read bhavanti. . [nvert i before this word to make the pada motrically correct. The subcript of this akakara looks like the subscript dh ore. Compare, for instance, ndha in line 23 and in the following line.

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REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN; YEAR 12 ryyryy ng ng ng J jaaryy?91992 2 ryy 3 3 0 5 sp . 1 0 2 djphng f majngthdong 3 | 301 3yaa 43E)(90 (929gdaa dii sdii SELa ooy = 28 p 121 | juan ,a. + E1 buddhaa c yaang 38 5 OT 4410 (cruac juaya` t thmiispaan ooy 8(ryyng 5 9 yp jaa @ 1 3 5 5s 64 - f | 617thaa 5 ning khaat s131 1 - 0 T 333 10 = 8 \OR2:f 60 3 = f mp ryys n ng j p b 1o ii,b. 12 | | Sai 2 kuM 2 03 ( 3 ], 0 5 paa : g p p = 5. Da R1 1 1 1 15 ) 14 ryy g 6 bt Jaa ( n II , hm 1.z mgr ( 11 ) 1 = bt ft 0 gk raay 2 3) Tal maadiin (00- traang ( taay 1 14 iii,a. 16 - paay7 0 E F png thaa C, 16 aaEI5 gg 81 4444 3Eo, 1s | 0 s tphlthaa hyanm38q=11s g pphdH ryypnnpaan tpviidaa 20 | rttth 089 2:21] cooymaan yktaapcuuv dii 10 SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS

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suumimaa 8. Cnaas meas(paay) 11 goo( nmooHoo=g3ythaahqe2 g ( pii thnaar 02 (3/303 ava DJ 24 Ed paanjaajhoetpdthmii: 18, phkaa . chnaaM : ng y y UghjaajhoomH g 64 66chnaaM. Seal (From a photograph)

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97 No. 12] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA; YEAR 969 24 rsha-sahasrani | vishta (shtha)yam(yam) jayate krimih [|| 3 ||*] Bahubhir-vvasudha datta | bahubhi 25 s-ch-anupalita(ta) | yasya yasya yatha bhumi[h] |' tasya tasya tatha phalam || [4 ||*] No. 12-BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA; YEAR 969 (1 Plate) L. P. PANDEYA, RAIGARH, AND P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND The credit of the discovery of this copper plate document, the existence of which was known as early as 1940, goes to Pandit L. P. Pandeya, Honorary Secretary of the Mahakosala Historical Society. It was in the possession of Dewan Hardayal Singh, Zamindar of Bilaigarh in the Raipur District, Madhya Pradesh. Through the kindness of Mr. R. N. Banerjee, Commissioner, Chhattisgarh Division, it was obtained on loan from the owner and sent to the then Government Epigraphist for India, for examination, in November 1942. Subsequently, at the advice of Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India, who accorded his kind permission and other facilities, Mr. Desai, a member of his office, was also provided with an opportunity of studying the epigraph. Thus as a result of joint co-operation the inscription is edited here for the first time. It is a set of two copper plates held together by a ring with seal. The plates measure roughly from 10 to 10 inches in length and 6 inches in breadth. A hole with a diameter of about half an inch is bored towards the centre of the top of each plate for the ring to pass through. The plates are engraved on the inner sides only and a margin of about an inch is left out towards the left. The size of the letters on the first plate is bigger than that on the second, the average being roughly and of an inch respectively. As a result of this the first plate has accommodated 16 lines and the second 22 lines. The seal is circular measuring about 2 inches in diameter. It is partly damaged and obliterated towards the left. Its upper portion contains crudely carved figures of a seated goddess, viz., Lakshmi, in the middle and two elephants with jars in their upturned trunks on either side. In the lower portion is incised the figure of a dagger placed across pointing towards the right. In the intervening space is engraved in Nagari characters the partly damaged legend Sri (Sri)..Pratapamalladeva. In respect of this seal and many other points which will be discussed presently, the present plates bear close resemblance with the Pendrabandh plates of the same king, already published in this journal. 1 The danda is superfluous. 2 The subscript of this akshara looks like the subscript dh or v. Compare, for instance, ndha in line 23 and rova in the following line. The words yada and tada are more commonly used for yatha and tatha of this verse. This punctuation in the original is made up of a spiral followed by a wavy line. This is the first set of Bilaigarh plates. According to the official sources, the plates were originally unearthed while ploughing his field by one Ramnath, son of Gopi Kahra, a resident of the village Paoni, about 3 miles from Bilaigarh. They were handed over to the agent of the Zamindar of Bilaigarh, who passed them on to his master. The information gathered by Mr. Pandeya reveals that two more sets of copper plates were discovered in the village Paoni in September 1940. One of these, which fell into the hands of a sadhu, was subsequently recovered by the said Zamindar. This set was received in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India in 1945. This is styled the second set of Bilaigarh plates for the convenience of description. It belongs to Prithvideva II and is dated 896 of the Chedi era. The second set from Bilaigarh is being published in this journal. These plates are now deposited in the Central Museum, Nagpur. Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 1 ff.

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98 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX The charactors are Nagari of the thirteenth century being on the whole identical with those of the Pendrabandh charter. Some of the peculiarities noticed! in the case of the latter, such as non-distinction between p and y as the second members of conjunct letters, scoring off of the superfluous syllable by vertical strokes at the top, besides others, can be detected in this inscription also. The avagraha sign is not used in many places; for instance, Ratnadevo-bhavat in line 12 and tato-bhut in line 13. It is, however, used in vadano='jani in line 8 and a few other expressions. As the first member of a conjunct letter, n sometimes looks like t, e.g., -anvaya in line 2. The subscript this not generally distinguished from t; e.g., pratisht-8- in line 27 and vishtayam in line 33. The form of cerebral si is made up of three vertical strokes-the first being slightly curved, the second a wavy line and the third a straight line, similar to its later counterpart. This kind of is not met with in the Pendrabandh charter. In the Pendrabandh inscription it is represented by a symbol resembling 1 without its top joint. In regard to orthography we may note the following. In rare cases the anusvara is replaced by the class nasal, e.g., Oganga in line 13. V is substituted for b; e.g., Vrahma-in line 1. and 'amvara- in line 2. In certain expressions j is used for y and vice versa ; e.g., yatah for jatah in lines 5 and 7, jah for yah in line 13 and jasas for yasas in lines 9 and 14. In a majority of instances 8 is written for $; e.g., sivar for fivam in line 1, dese for dete in line 4. The reduplication of the consonant following is resorted to in a large number of syllables, though the exceptions to this practice are not negligible ; e.g., pratyartha (thi) in lines 3-4, sau(sau)rya in line 6 and darpana in line 10. The language is Sanskrit. . With the exception of the usual salutation to Brahman in the beginning and the date at the end, the whole record is composed in verse. There are thirty verses in all. They are generally punctuated by single dandas at the end of each half and double dandas at their completion. The verses are numbered. An inadvertent omission has occurred in numbering the 16th verse. On account of this the following verses are all numbered less by one than the actual figure. This mistake has been corrected in the accompanying text. Some errors in marking the dandas have also been rectified. The first fourteen verses describing the genealogy of the Kalachuri family down to Pratapamalla, are identical with those in the Pendrabandh plates. The next six verses, which are new, give an account of the donee's family and the circumstances of the gift. The following nine verses constitute the familiar praise of land gift and the customary imprecation. The last verse refers to the scribe who wrote the record. The object of the epigraph is to record the gift, on the date specified below, 'of the village Sirala to a learned and pious Brahmana, named Haridasa, by king Pratapamalla. Pratapamalla belonged to the Kalachuri family of Ratanpur. The genealogy of the family is traced as usual from the primeval ancestor Manu of the solar descent. This account is identical with that found in tho Pendrabandh inscription. Pratapamalla was the son of Ratnaraja or Ratnadeva III and great-grandson of Prithvideva II. From the last part of the otherwise conventional eulogy (verses 13-14), it can be gathered that Pratapamalla was quite young when he became king. Pratapamalla is the last known ruler of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur and his existence was brought to the notice of scholars for the first time by Mr. L. P. Pandeya's discovery of copper coins bearing his name on the banks of the river Mahanadi near Balpur. Subsequent disclosure of two copper plate charters issued by him, viz., the Pendrabandh record, and the present one, have placed his reign beyond all doubt. The date as given in lines 28 and 38 is Samvat 969, Ashadha, lunar eclipse. The Sanivat evidently refers to the year of the Chedi or Kalachuri era. Assuming the above year to be expired 1 Ibid., p. 1. * Ibid., p.3.

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No. 12] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA ; YEAR 969 99 and calculating with 247-48 A.C. as the starting point of the era, the lunar eclipse occurred on the fullmoon day of Ashadha in 1218 A.C., corresponding to July 9, Monday. This appears to be the date of the record. We may, however, note that the lunar eclipse took place also on the fullmoon day of Ashadha in 1219 A.C., corresponding to June 29, Saturday. The present charter is dated four years later than the Pendrabandh epigraph, thus extending the reign period of Pratapamalla up to 1218 A.C. Before we proceed to other details, it seems nocessary to examine a few facts connected with the history of these Kalachuris, not adequately noticed by scholars. One is the place allotted to Prithvideva III in the genealogical account of the family. In his Dynastic History of Northern India' Dr. H. C. Ray postulates that Ratnadevs III was succeeded by Prithvideva III. The only basis for this assumption is the Ratanpur inscription. In this record three generations of kings are mentioned, viz., Jajalladeva, his son who might be Ratnadeva who defeated Chodaganga, and his son Prithvideva. The characteristic achievement of vanquishing Chodaganga is attributed in all the records of the family to Ratnadeva II, father of Prithvideva II. From this it becomes explicit that Prithvideva of the Ratanpur record is identical with Prithvideva II and that no grounds exist for the assumption of a Prithvideva III. The subsequent history of the family as known from other epigraphs, reveals that Prithvideva II was followed by his younger son Jajalladeva II. After a short while the rulership passed on to Jajalladeva II's elder brother Jagaddeva. The latter was in turn succeeded by Ratnadeva III and grandson Pratapamalla. Thus we are justified in discountenancing the existence of Prithvideva III. Dr. Ray tries to support the above view of his by saying that the date of the Ratanpur inscription agrees with the ascription of the origraph to Prithvideva III. This argument is fallacious; for, the date which is taken to be Vikrama Samvat 1247, as read by its editor, the late Dr. Kielhorn, is itself doubtful and his observations on the same reveal that the record might have been originally dated in the Chedi era, the first digit of which was 9. As a good number of inscriptions of Prithvideva II with dates ranging from the Chedi year 900 to 915, has been discovered, there should be no difficulty in assigning the Ratanpur epigraph to his reign. Another consideration that has obviously persuaded Dr. Ray to assign the Ratanpur record to Prithvideva III, is the chronological position of its composer. This was Devagana", son of Ratnasimha and grandson of Mame. Now it might be that this same Ratnasimha was the composer of the Malhar inscription of Jajalladeva II dated 919 of the Chedi era. Ascription of the Ratanpur inscription to Prithvideva II would lead to the result that whereas Devagana, the son, drafted the record of the king who was the father, Ratnasimha, his father, composed tho charter of the king who was the son. This superficial anomaly can be explained away by pointing out that there exists a difference of only four years between the 1 Vol. II (1936), pp. 813-14. The same view appears to have been held by other scholars also, though not without diffidence; compare Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 421 and the genealogical statement on p. 393. It must, however, be noted that in his article on the History of the Kalachuris of Southern Kosala,' Mr. Amalananda Ghosh has shown that Prithvideva of the Ratanpur inscription was Prithvideva II. and not Prihvideva III; Icarya Puspanjali, pp. 274-75. * Above, Vol. I, pp. 45 ff. * Ibid., p. 40; Vol. XXI, p. 762, etc. * Ibid., Vol. I, p. 49, n. 41. Bhandarkar': List, Nos. 1234, 1236, etc. * We may incidentally note the title Rayarasimha of Devagapa's son, Jagatsimha; above, Vol. I, p. 61, Tbin is influenced by Kannada. A study of the inscriptions of the period shows that a good many titles of similar origin from Karnataka were adopted and exhibited by distinguished persons in other parts of Iudia. Above, Vol. I, pp. 39off.

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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX last known dates of Prithvideva II and his son Jajalladeva II, viz., K. 915 and 919, and that thera would be no absurdity in surmising that both Devagana and his father Ratnasimha lived up to an advanced age and composed the two records removed by a brief interval of timo. In his recent study of the inscriptions of the Southern Kalachuris or the Kalachuris of Karnataka, rather inappropriately described as the Kalachuryas of Kalyani by the late Dr. Fleet, Mr. Desai has been able to detect a large number of affinities that go to establish closer ties among the southern and the northern branches of the Kalachuri stock. An inscription from Harasur attributes lunar descent to the Kalachuris of Karnataka and this claim is supported by further epigraphical evidence. Among the northern Kalachuris, those of Tripuri and Gorakhapur trace their descent from the moon. In glaring contrast with this comes the statement in the inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur, which commence with an invocation to the sun god who is represented as the originator of the family. It is interesting to note that solar descent is also mentioned in some inscriptions of the Southern Kalachuris. Some of their records open with an invocation to the sun god on the analogy of the inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur. It has to be observed further that the Saivite traditions of the northern families, particularly those of Tripuri and Gorakhpur, such as intensive devotion to the god Siva and adoption of his vehicle Nandi as their royal emblem,' were preserved intact in the southern family 88. well. An inscription from Chadachana in the Bijapur District, dated 1057 A.C., introduces Bijjala I, tho grandfather of Jogama, as a subordinate of the Western Chalukya king Somesvara I, and a bearing the significant title Dahala-bedanga (ornament of the Dahala country). The donee Haridasa belonged to a learned and respectable family. His father was Diyodasa, Bon of Bhrigu-Pandita. These belonged to the Sarkrita gotra, having the pravaras Samkrita, Amgirasa and Vachaspatya. After the statement of the gift in verse 19, a renowned teacher of Saivite persuasion, named Isanabiva, is eulogised in the next verse. The position held by this divine in the transaction is not made clear. It is likely that he was the royal preceptor and spiritual guide and introduced here at the behest of the king. Verse 30 contains a description of Pretiraja of the Gauda lineage, who wrote the record on the copper plates with clear letters out of natural devotion for the Brahmanas. This Pratiraja is identical with the scribe of the Pendrabandh plates wherein he is characterised as the light of the Record Office. The gift village Sirala may possibly be indentified with Siroli in the Janjgir Tahsil of the Bilaspur District. 1 Fleet has alluded to only two links, viz., the title Kalai jarapuravaradhisvara and reference to the Dahala country in & Harihar inscription; Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 469. * Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 24. Ibid., p. 26, n. 3; Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XXXVI, Nos. 1-2, p. 107. It is shown that there is no real contradiction in the divergent claims of lunar and solar descents by the two groups of the same family and that they can be easily reconciled ; above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 25, n. 3. Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 448. Compare the allusion to the solar lineage of Bijjala (I) in a Silihara in. soription; above, Vol. XXVII, p. 178. * Two inscriptions, one from Muttigi and another from Ingalodvar in the Bijapur District; Bombay-Karnatak oollootion, No. 104 of 1929-30 and No. 11 of 1930-31. Above, Vol. II, p. 305; Vol. VII, p. 86; Vol. XII, p. 205; Dynastic Hist. of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 742. . The theory of Jaina leanings of Bijjala II is now thoroughly exploded and it is shown on the strength of opigraphic and literary evidence that all the members of the Southern Kalachuri family were staunchly Saivito in their persuasion. This and other topics briefly referred to above and in the article 'Harasur Inscription of King Soma' (above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 23 ff.), have been elaborately discussed in his lectures on the Southern Kalachuris delivured by Mr. Dosai in February 1951 at the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar. These lootures aro pub; lished in the Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XXXVI, Noe. 1-2, PP. 102 ff. B. K. coll., No. 17 of 1937-38,

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No. 12] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA ; YEAR 969 TEXT1 [Metros : Vv. 1, 7, 9, 11, 15-16, 19, 21-29 Anushtubn ; vv. 2, 5, 14 Upajati ; vv. 3. 12 Sragdhara; vv. 4, 6, 30 Vasantatilaka; v. 8 Malini; vv. 10, 17 Sikharini ; vv. 13, 18, 20 Sardulavilcridita.] 1 siddham [ // * ] OM paramakAraNaM (Nam) namaH // 1 // 3 vi kArtti ( taM) vIryaH pa 2 yadetadagresaramaMva (ba) rasya manurAdirAjastadanvayebhUddha (bra ( ba ) hmage / bhAvagrahna (saM) 5 vrAH (drA) // 2 // ne ( nai) kasaH (zaH ) ko jAtAH / 4 thaM (thi) pRthvIpatikarihara[yo] First Plate namaH // nirguNaM vyApakaM nityaM jyotistasmai paraM jyotiH sa pUSA pu[ru ]SaH purANaH / athAsya putro mArgaNe kalpavRkSAH / divese (ze) kalacuririti ca sthA (syA) timIyullaM' (aM)reM yA (jA) ta 'aSTAdasA (zA) rikarikuMbha - tasmAtccha (cha) krAtikIrte : pratya 101 kokalladevo nRpatirarikulakSmAbhujAM dhUmaketuH 6 vibhagna (Gga ) siMghAH (hAH ) putrA tatrAgrajo nRpavarastripurIsa (za) AsItpAveM (veM) va (ba) bhUvuratisau (zau) parAsca (zya) ca maMDa teSAM (SA) manUja stu 7 lapattI (tI) nsa cakAra baM (baM) dhUn 11811 pratApavakSiptA (pitA) rirAjaH / yA ( jA ) tonya si (zi) vaM (da) hmaNe sakalaguNadharA haihayA tasA (zyA) (je) // 3 // tasya / kaliMgarAjaH // 5 // ||5|| tenAtha caMdravadano'jani rata (la) - 8 ye duSTaripupravIrapriyAnanAM bhoruhapAvaNeduH rAjo visvo ( zvo) pakA From the original plates and inked impressions. Expressed by a symbol. There appears to be an anusvara on this letter; but this and a few other dots elsewhere have to be ignored, as they are apparently due to the defect in the metal. This ru is not properly engraved; it may be compared with other rus in the inscription, e.g., Hines 8 and 11. There is a scored-out sign for medial i before the letter sya. This danda is superfluous. By inserting this punctuation mark, the scribe possibly meant that the first quarter of the verse ended with the word jatab. This is wrong, as it ends with kau. This is clearly lla, compare lla of Kokalla in 1. 5. The intended akshara was perhaps rasa which is however wrong for rana, See above, Vol. XXIII, p. 4, n. 2. The word kumbha is followed by the two scored-out syllables vibha. The form anuja is wrongly used for anuja for the sake of metre. 15 DGA/52

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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX . rakaraNAjjitapuNyabhAraH / yena svavA (bA) huyuganimmitavikrameNa / nItaM jasa (yaza) stri[bhuvane vinihatya sa (za)10 jUn // 6 // [pRthvIdevobhavattasmAtna (9)paH sA (zA) rdUlavikramaH / nakhadarpaNa saMkrAntanama[ddhapAlamaMDalaH // 7 // // atha rucirarucisrI (zrI) rAsa (za)yaH satkalAnAmanupahitakalaMko'nAmUttiH suvRttaH / sakalagu12 NasamUha:*] [zrI]matastasya sUnurvidhuriva sukRtAnAM dhAma jAjalladevaH // 8 // ratta (la) devo[*]bhavattasmAdabhUto13 pvikrmH| ja(ya) svo (zco) DagaGgagokarNI yudhi cakre parAGamukhau // 6 // tato'*]bhUdAsImakSa (kSi)tivalayavi14 Rtta (krAnta) mahimA himAnIvatkAttirya (ntarja)gadapi jaso (yazo)bhirddhavalayana (n) / raNe kruddhA (kha)dvekSi (Si) dvipadalanadIkSA16 harisamaH sutaH pRthvIdevo danujadalanastasya nRpateH // [10] // pracaMDAkhaMDabhUpAla16 yudha (Da) kaDUtisiM] (khaM) DanaH / jagaddevobhavattasmAttR (mR)paH [sA (zA) I lavikramaH // 11 // tatputrasci (zci) trakIrtiH sakalakalacuri Second Plate 17 kSmAbhujAM bhUva (Sa) NasIH (zrIH) [srI (zrI)]mAnutphullata (ma)llInikaranibha jaso (yazo) rAsi (zi) bhirvyAptavisvaH (zvaH) / prAsIdAsImabhU18 mI valayaparivRDhaprauDhadoHkA (kAM) DalIlAni ( )tAse (ze) SavairikSitipatiti (ni)vahA (ho) [bhUpatI ratnarAjaH] // 12 // 19 putrastasya yasoddhi (zobdhi) lolalaharInirdUtadigmaMDalo mUrtyA nijitamanmathA[*] ___samabhavat srI (zrI) matpratApo nRpaH / bhUpA 1 This letter is not clear on the impression. The plate is slightly damaged at this spot. * This danda is superfluous. 'Better read airayab for aayab. * The formation of the letter tka is not normal. The word bhumi generally enda in short i. The long iis necessitated horo ovidently for the sake of motro.

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BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA: YEAR 969 Halana ni ! pati kA jAnA mAnAcA vAparatAnA 11321 ni: ngise:sAvadhAtA ko nanumAda nAkhadana dhana titAraki.satatahAsa haihatyAta kasAtA lAnAzA Hqarialnata(26 nobhAujIro ke dai81 sAvadidesakA vimalasyA nijI vne| 14Anako kalA to nijAnakA makara:03 11 212 vidA nijAma TRavale: -tanisAyanAanapagapAsAhajarata va 51 nAnsakA nAma se jAnita mA katAvatAharU bAbiyA kAmatAnna / ghaigad vimAna jI ko vAhanAtanadAnadAtAta ptrkopkaa| 2. MUTTO nA ho tarasatA 521sala taM tanAtana saya 11/14 tAsAtahI tasadakaDArA kA tanAbamAlA 10 2 ke tisImA 20:2 ka nA to vaha na kAnavAlavAsakalA (313 EFHJ71(tAvita nAnA batA detA hai to ta Adato 12 PR 55575 nAsiva mAnasAlAnanAtUpAlAmakA jlvaat| PRESISTARTHDC05sAta tittatAsAta dararanatadAkA 14 MCGa:17/2.23 2 lajAnanAta pAtakAla / Ifkisal m || nAnaka 16 S 15 mins 146: sAtatalAkasAna mAta.12411-17,SLCHISAlAyalAhAkA maar|| A NAnamatamatAnavata nAdAnavAlA / lA naselale janama mahAtmAnamA TATISTRARE ALSOMSER mAmAbhIjala kalAkA titAla CRORIANA vAyana zAharanatAranaharakata tara ti RERA ANT mAlamanAvatAra hA satanAmajanA karAtadi S MATICHRIRAM tAnapurAnAbhAyA varatanalA nauna pAnI ke calane vAlA nvsnaacaantaa| praNAlina napaEEGHT rAstAvitatvAta to patA lo kA hI vidarAno nitI 3rte25navAyadatakAkArAyA lAmA bhanAnagri HqmsaitAnA nAnadAnAtinA mAmAhAkarApAra gi: pAkIta kAmAlA vanamA tanArAnanAtUnagaNatAlAtanAlAhatAta tasAtavAsana taka kA khatanatAhata nAvasyakatipadanAmarA 30 tAritrAmA jAnamanaHERE DApAsa apanAnadAranArAmitra: nAnun / HEB 13 tA tArakhA nitArA navAdAnayAgAjarahotadAtA mAnanA 23 mAravAsAsakAmayatAtina namana SITERam LATEST mahAnatama nAmasanama pAyaARE MARATAHI-EnAtAnAzaFEATURES DELHSATIROMORNmazAnAtaEAthAnAvAnadAsa- AARTANTRT-14: HEATREnApramA ni-706/ 02 ninanana5 36 SCALE: ONE-HALF

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Seal (From a photograph)

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No. 12] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA ; YEAR 969 103 20 lAllaM (Na) vaso (zo)SaNe muniraso mApAlacUDAmaNirdIne vAdi]jane dvije guNigaNe nityaM hi cintAva (ma)NiH // 13 // 21 matyA mahatyA mahatIM mahIsaH (zaH) pratApamallo jagade (de) kamallaH [1] pRthvImapRthvImakarotkarAbhyAM va (ba) lena vA(bara)lopi va(ba)li22 dvitIyaH // 14 // pravaraH sAMkRtAGgirasAvAcaspatyasaMjJakaH [*] saMyute sAMkRtagotre paMDito bhRgusA (saM)jJakaH ||15shaa va(ba)23 bhUva sru(zru)tisaMpannaH / / purANasmRtisA (zA) stravit [*] mAcAramArganirataH priyavAk sAdhusa (saM) mtH|[[16||*] samudbhUtastasmA24 cchazavadhara iva kSIrajaladhaH (dheH) divodAsaH putraH za(sa) kalaguNavijJAnanipuNaH [*] sadAmAtyo (nyo) vipraiH ja(prairja) nanayanakA25 bhaM(naM) dajanakaH sphurakI (tkI)tilo (lo) ke sakalanarapaiH pUjyacaraNaH // 16(17) / ___ tatputro haridAsa uttamamatirmAnyaH satA28 pta (ma) graNI[:*] sanmAggai (garge)karato vivekavasatiH vi(tivi)preSu cUDAmaNiH [*]sA(zA)strArthasu (zru)tidharmanityanirato dhamma (mma)kavu (bu)dhiH (diH) sadA 27 lokAnAM priyadarzano nizitadhIH prAptaH pratiSTo (STho)dayaH // 17(1) // tasmai pratApadeveta (na) rAjJA saMkalpapUvva (va)kaH [*] pradattaH 28 siralAgrAma prA(prA)SAdyI (DhI) somaparvaNi // 18(19) // zaMvAcAyaMsi (zi) romaNiH kaliyuge dAnakacintAmaNiH mA(NirmA)Nike (kye) sva (zva) rapAda29 pa[pa]madhupaH prAjJo vivekAraNiH [*] ajJAnAMdhanta (ta) movinAzataraNiH nU(girnU)naM guNAnAM khaniH / / henta (nte) zAnazivo viveka30 vasativi (vi)dvatsa (tsu) cUDAmaNiH // 16(20) // saM(zaM)khaM bhadrAsanaM chatra . gajAsva (zva)varavAhanaM (nam) [*] bhUmidAnasya cihnAni phalaM svarga[*] puraMdara // 20(21) // . 1 This danda is superfluous. * This us is redundant. Rond schachhaladhara iva. Tho visarga aftor prapta is redundant. Read prdplapratiahfh-Odaya).

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104 ava (ba) hubhivvaM ( ) sudhA bhUmiM ta ( mista ) sya yastu (ca) bhU 32 mIM prayacha (ccha ) ti gAminI ( ra 1 ) / // 22 ( 23 ) ma [ hI ] ( hIM 33 mahIbhRtAM seSTaH (zreSTha) ) dattA tasya // EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX yadA rAjabhi [ : * ] sagarAdibhiH 1 'yasya yasya phalam // 21 ( 22 ) // bhUmiM yaH pratigRhvA (hyA) ti paradattAM vA yo (yo) kRmirbhUtvA pitR tadA utA ( bhI ) pU[ ] ( dAnA [ cchra ] yo hi pAlanama (m) hare [ dva] ( ta va ) su (suM ) dharAM (rAm ) 34 bhiH saha majjati / [ | * ] 24 (25) // dvau puNyakamrmANau ) dattAM dvijAtibhyo niyatau (taM) zva (sva) gaM . yannA (nA) drakSa puraMdaraH taDAgAnAM sahasreNa vAjapeyasa (za) [te] na ca / SaSTi38 varSasahasrANi [sva]rge tiSThati bhU (bhU) midaH / zrA[ che] tA (ttA) vAnumantA ca tAnyeva marake vaseta (t) // 26 (27) / [i]STaM dattaM hutaM caiva yatkiMcita gha ( ciddha ) - zraddhAMgulena sImAyA : (yA) haraNena praNasya (zya ) ti sa (za) kra [tai ] latriM (biM) duvi (rvi) sarpati 38 saMcitaM (tam) / // 27 ( 28 ) // 1 pa (e) vaM yathAppu (psu ) patitaM bhUmikRtaM dAnaM sa 1 This yasya is engraved above the line. This tam is a correction from team. // 23 (24) // svadatta [ 1*] sa viSTA (SThA) yAM gavAM koTipradAnena bhUmihartA na su (zu) dhyati // 25 ( 26 ) // nisargabhaktyA // 29 ( 30 ) // saMvat 166 [ / / *] 37 sya (spe ) sasya (sye) prarohati // 28 ( 29 ) || svacchAsa ( rA ) yaH parahitArthaparaH kuli( lI ) no gauDAnvayocitaguNairvvidito yathArtham / tAM dvijA 38 ticaraNeSu vyaktAkSarairlikhitavAna (n) pa ( pra ) tirAjasa (saM) jJaH These four letters and the danda as well as the letter dha at the end of the foregoing line appear in the margin. Apparently they were first omitted by the engraver through oversight, who later discovered the omission and made it good. Or perhaps the original has correctly peu, the upward stroke of the medial u merging into the left hand downward stroke of 8. This is obviously meant to be tamram, being the incorrect form often met with in inseriptions.

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 20 jazrIvikramArkopamadAnivIraH // 17 // pUrvaritAmdhAnyaparAparAstApakvAnnazautA(zalA)napi zarkarAvIn / ga. 21 vikhaMgadikaparvatAMzca dadau bijAvibhya ihAgatebhyaH // 18 // tato girINAmabhavatva (sva)lakSyatA citraM hi teSA(pA)22 mabhavajjanaH punaH / mAnIya dhAnyAdi sukAryakRjjanaH kRtaM kRtAriha sevayA prabhoH // 16 // netAdRzaM janma . 23 navApyalakyatA' IvRggirINAmabhavanjanaH punaH / ete sthitA eva tu yAcakAvaleguhabaje mitra 24 tat // 20 // patrotsave saghRtavApikAH punaH(na)muMhaH kRtA[*] kAryakaramahAjanaH [1] muharmuhustA riricarna citratA 25 pAnIyavApyo riricustabadbhUtaM // 21 // asya bhIkSilokoktivikpAlAzayuto hyaya(paM) / iMdrapracetoSanavamIzAnAMzAdhikatvavAn // 22 // 26 tato va(ba)hutaraM bhavyaM dravyaM battaM puroSase / Rtvi[gbhyo] []hmaNebhyazca prabhuNA sAvaraM muvA // 23 // prabho rAjasamudrasya riMgattu(ta)gatara(ra)gaH / taTa27 sthavijadAritA[mA dUrIkRtA dhruvaM // 24 // manye rAjasamudrasya lolaH [salila-*]saMcayaH [] yAcakAle rivAlyapaMkaprakSAlanaM la(ka)taM // 25 // basanA28 jasamudrasya taTe sahAvaMtIpuri / vAgvarivasudAmno me bIvaH syAH zrIpate nupa // 26 // taTe rAjasamudrasya vasan zrIza napa bhiyaM / dvAda29 ridrasuvAmno(mne) me dehi nA(vA)ka(ktaM)DalArpaNAt // 27 // saptasAgaradAnena tatsaptapuruSArjitaM / vijAnAM dIrghadAridraya prabho dUrIkRtaM . tvayA // 27(28) / sama(pta)sA 30 garavAnasya suvoM ghapravAhataH / dUrIkRtastvayA rAjandrijadArikhapasadbhumaH // 28(26) // dattahama tulAsvarNaH suvarNagirisaMnibhAn / kurvansa- . 31 tAM gahaMstva(gRhAMstvaM) tadda(hA)ridra(ca)bamano dhruvaM // 29(30) // tulAsuvarNadAnena rAjasiMha prabho tvayA / du()rIkRtaM(tA) dvAgviduSAmatulA sAdhamarNatA // 30(31) // khaM ze-' 32 te rAjasamudrarUpamaparaM rUpaM dadhAnoM(ba)SiH / // 30(32) // madhye prollo]laka[llo]laH(lAH) phenAH ska(spha)TikakUTabhAH / sArasAH sarasAstIre bhAtyasya 33 navakA bakAH // 31(33) // muktA(ktvA) svIyaM kRja(gRha) va vama(sa)ti kila taTe yasya saddhA(hA)rakAMtA kRtvA ramyA purI jAgyavanabhayamayaH kezavo dvArakezaH / 1 Sandhi is not observed nere. After this fifty-six syllables are wanting, which shows that one complete line of the inscription is mining. E2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX ? ] vigavasacha (cha) khacakrodha (ccha) padmaH zrIrANArAjasiMha prabhuvara bhavataH zrIsa ( sa ) mudraH // 32 (34) / / vi (bi) bhrAgaH setubaM(baM) 35 girivaraciraH pUritoM jIvanauyaMnAMnAnadyA (sa) saMga (gaH) zivasadanayuktaH potapatrayA (tyA) prasaktaH tasyAsa) mustadadhi 68 34 gomatyu tuMgasaMga [: 36 ka [i]ti te bhUpate zrItaDAgo maryAdAM vADavAgniM kalayati na kAcit / / 33 (35) / / priyatamam][ [[]]rAyA maMDalAvaMDa 37 kAlayavanakalitabhItyAgatyagovarddhanezaH / vasati tava taDAgasyAMvi(ti) ke maparamenaM rAjasiMheti jAne ||34 (36) / / 38 pramAvAsyAM vinA te (naM) va sva ( spU) zya: siMdhuH sagarjanaH / taDAgaste tadadhika: sadA spasyo ginaH // 34 (37) / / samudrayAyuH svIkAro nakalI 39 yAturatra tu / jayasiMhasUnurabhavat zrImAnpratApaH sutastasya zrI vAteIkAro bIrA siMdhutoSikaH // 30 // *] zrIrAjo yA kSAranAra (mora) 40 amezvarosya tatanaM (na): (zrI) siMhos vA / putro rANajagatpatizva (ica) tanayaM (yo)smAdrAjasiMhos vA putraH zrIjayasiMha evaM tvanmude tajjaladhi mu 41 tatA ( bAbI zilAlekha // 36 ( 39 ) / pUrNa saptadaze te tapasi pA satpUrNimA dine dvAtriMzanmitavatsare narapateH zrIrAja 42 siMhaprabhoH / kAvyaM rAjasamudra milatheH suSTatAThA) vidheH stoktaM raNachoDabhaTTaracitaM rAjaprazastyAhvayaM [ // 40 // ] iti sarga | ( : ) 18 // / / OM zrIgaNezAya namaH ["*] (Ta) pArijAtAmarayatimagIsa Slab XX; Canto XIX [Metres : vv. 1, 12 Sragdhara; vv. 2, 3 Vasantatilaka; vv. 1, 42, 43 Sardalavikridita ; vv. 5, 38-41 Upajati; vv. 6-11, 14-20, 22-23 Anushtubh; v. 13 Pramanika; vv. 21, 34-36 Rathoddhata v. 37 Sikharini.] 16 These three syllables are missing. 2 Sandhi is not observed here. = This ta is redundant. 4 This figure 19 appears on the top. This sign of avagraha is unnecessary and is to be omitted. lakSmIsatkAMticaMdrAmRtazubha viSasatkAmadhukzA (Gga) dhanvaprAkaTyo

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OP UDAIPUR 69 2 surAdhodayazca [*] za()lAcho(ccho)ccaHzravoyuktiyazagajamahAbhaMgabha(saM)bhUtiratA dhanva(nvaM)tayaM. (pa)yo vAMbubhiriti bhavataH kSIrasiMghu(5)3 staDAgaH // 1 // ku(ka)bhovaprakarakRSTajalo vizuSko jAtastato lavaNanIramayaH samunnaH kuMbhova prakarakRSTajalotivRghrA(Do) 4 miSTastava kSitipa rAjasamudra eSaH // 2 // zrIdvArakodbhavakRte parimuktabhUminyu(nyU)naH kvaci tadudadhiH kila kRSNa]yA(vA)kyAt [*] yattI 5 rabhinnadharaNIpuravAsikRSNo nUnaM supUrNa iti te'gdhivarastaDAgaH [ // 3 // *] khAte SaSThi(STi) sahanabhUpatanayAH pUttoM sahanArayaM(nANya)6 yugA(na)gAyA lavaNIkRtAvapi paro'nyaH setuba(ba))[:] // 3 // (1) khAte pUrtiSu miSTasRSTi bhavAnyatsetubaMdhesya tasiMgho7 rekakRtera vi]nasamayAnmanyAmahe dhanyatAM // 4 // alpasya sAmyaM na vadAti kazcitsamasya sAmyaM na ca dRSTamasya / tato mahatve(tve)8 na jalAzayoya(ya) prokta[:*] samudraH kavibhinaM citraM // 5 // jale nimagnA ye prAmA na te magnA mahIpate / te lagnA varuNadvAre bhagnAsta9 tpApapaMktayaH // 6 // yeSA(SAM) viziSTaprAmANAM kSetrANyatra jalAzaye / magnAni tIrthakSetrANi tAni jAtAni bhUpate // 7 // ye janminAM 10 jIvanavAH sthale te jIvanapravAH / yAdasAM ca nRNAM grAmA guNagrAmabhUtoMbugAH // 8 // bhUsthA vRkSA jale magnAsteSAM vI(bI)jAMkurai 11 (I)mAH / jalebhavanvAti (Ti)kAto varuNasya svayA kRtA // 6 // vo(bo)dhidu(ba)mo jalasthAyI tapastapati duHkarAM(duSkara) / pravAlamAlaya(yA) zA 12 sAMgalA(lI)bhiH sArthA(ya)kAhU(ba)yaH // 10 // vaTa[va]kSAH sthitAstoye tapa(paM)ti pracuraM tapaH / kSAlayaMti jaTAjAlaM nUnama(me)tetra 13 yoginaH // 11 // tvatkA(tkI)rtisvarNavIbhUdhadu[pa] tisahitaprAptakAliMpikAyagnIlachA(cchA)yAnama(mA)nA. tsnapanakaragajotkuMbha 14 si(siM)dUrasaMgAt / bhrAjatsArasvatoSastaditi narapate te taDAgaH prayAgo nyagrodhA akSayAsyAH pravivadhati paba(I) yuktama This numbering onght to have come after WERT: in the previons liun.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL.XXIX 15 smini(ni)kAmaM // 12 // yathA sthale tathA jale budhA va[santi] jaMtavaH / vicitramA zAkhinastathA jaya(yaM)ti bhUpate // [13 // *] vanasthitA drumAH sarva() va16 nasthA evaM te'bhavan / yuktaM vizeSo dharmo'tra varuNasyopayogataH // 13(14) / pUrva yatra bane siMhagarjanAni jalAzaye / jAtetra jalakallo17 lagarjanAni jayaMtyalaM // 14(1.5) // varuNA[la]yatastoyAnayanAtsa jitastvayA / prekSate tanma. (nma)gAvyastvAM papacha(ccha)prakaTAkSaH // 15(16) / kama18 lAgha(ma)stvayAnItastagage varuNAlayAt / kamalAgha(a) sthApitotra kamalAdAnatatpara // 16(17) / pradakSiNAsvAgatA yA mAlA bhUpAla tA(tA)19 stvayA / taDAge varuNaprItyaM preSitAH kara[NAnidhe] // 17(18) // vaTAnAM jalamagnAnAM jaTA rAjaMti tatra te [0] mInAH gRhANi kurva(va)ti nIDAni pa20 tagA iva // 18(16) // nirmalo jIvarakSAkRti(hi)[jarakSaNa] kRttvayA / navasUtrApa(paM)Nenoye(nAya) taDAgo vijatAmitaH // 16(20) / pUrvapazcimasu[dakSi]21 NottaradezabhUmiSu na ba(ba)STigocaraH / [- -] khala jalAyazo budhaH siMdhu[rukta ?] iti nAtrAca(tra citratA // 20(21) // zrIrAjanagarasyAsya ka .. 22 ra()tabhUtale / virAjate rAjasiMho gADA(?)maMDalamAtanot // 21(22) // tatra vijA[tayo nAnAdezAtrAptA*]: suvessinn[:|*] SaTU(T)catvAri(ri)zadA23 lyAyuksahasramitayaH sthitA[:*] // 22(23) // etAba(vaM)to grAmanAmasahitAH' adhikAH punaH / vA(bA)hmaNAsta(stu) asa(saM)khyAtA mAgatA nA24 ta(saM)zayaH // 23(24) // tato garIva(ba)dAsAtyaH purohitavaro hitaH / tata(tra) sthitvA svayaM svAjJAkAriNaH kAryakAriNaH // [25 // *] sthApayitvA 25 svahastAbhyA(bhyA) tabastarapya] harniza(zaM) / sapra(pta)sAgaradAnasya tulAdAnasya vA prabhAH(bhoH) // 24(26) // dhana(dhana) bIpaTTarANyA(zyA)zca tulA[a] vyaM tathA 26 bahu [*] svakalpita[svarNatulAdAnasya (ba) hATakaM // 27 // *] raNachoDarAyaka(ka)taM tulAdravyaM [ta]vAmitaM / datvA(vA) pUrvokR(kta)[vipre*]bhyaH sadApUrvamudAnvitaH // 25(28) / vi (ve)kAba 1 The number 20 between a pair of double danda appears above the line, while there is a single danda after ta, the last letter of the verse. Sandhi is not observed here. After this there are two dota and two dandas, which are all superfluous.

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- 11 APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 27 rapurve(pUrva) sa tAnvidhA(vyaSA)ttaSTamAnaso(sAn) / prata(na)dAna(na) bahuvidha(ba) kRtAstatra bhupoti(bhUpatiH) // 26(26) // tataH sabhApaM(ma)upasyo rAjasiMho mahIpatiH / (vi) jebhyA(bhyo) 28 yAcakebhyazca vA(cA)raNe[bhyo*] dvi(di)vAnizaM [ // 30 // *] va(ba)vibhyaH sarvalokebhya[:*] suvarNa (Na) vidhyavarNakaM / rUpyamU(mudrAstathA'nadrA alakArA [- -- - -1 // 27(31) // vAsAM29 si hemaha(ha)ghAni vAjino jitavAjinaH / uttuMgamAtaMgagaNAndatvA(tvA) saMmodamAvadhe // 28(32) / halAnAM bahalAnAM ca tAmrapatrANi bhUpatiH / prA30 mANAM vilasadvAnyaprAmANAM data(sa)vAstathA // 26(33) // yAcakaH kanakavikraya(paM) paraM kataM( )matra kanakaM prasAritaM / vIkSya rAjanagaraM mahAjanA31 statsuvarNaya(ma)yamevamu(mU)cire // 30(34) // pA(yA)cakasturagavikrayAyatApA(tAn sthA)[pitA] vipaNiSu (pU)ccavAjinaH / vIkSya rAjanagaraM janova[8]siMdhude32 zamiti si(siM) suMdaraM // 31(35) // yAbha(ca)kabha(bhaM)vata eva bhUpate yAcanAni[ja]ga(ga)gopi [vi]smRtaH sthApita(pitaM) tu dhanarakSaNe manastairyato vigu33 NatAni(sti) tevuvataH(jvataH) // 32(36) // tulAkattu(ta)I vyaM kSitipa bhavataH prApya gaNi nastulAkattA(rtA)rolpAdhikamitikRte vikrayavidhau / svavizvAsA34 ta(te) va(ba)hulakanakaspa(sya) pta(pra)tipalaM tulAkattuM -- jayasi racayanyAcakaguNAn // 33(37) // paMDite nimaMtraNAyAtadharAdhavebhyaH svebhyaH parebhyaH 35 sakalachi(dvi)jebhyaH / vaizyAdikebhyo'khilamAnuSebhyo vAsAMsi' gAMgeya guNottamAni // 34(38) / azvI(zvAM)stayA(thA) vAtagatIngajeMdrAgiripra36 mANAnmaNibhUSaNAni datvA(tA) vivekAdgamanAya tebhya prAjJAM dadAto(mo) jayati mitIvraH // 35(36) // yugmaM / nimaMtritebhyokhilabhUmi37 pebhyo durgAdhipebhyo nijaba(bA)dhavebhyaH / svebhyaH parebhyaH kanakottamAni vAsAMsi cAivAnpuza (Sa)vazvava(ve)gAn // 36(40) // tugA(tuMgA)cca mA38 taMgagaNAnmadADhapAvibhUSaNAlIrgatadUSaNAzca / saMpreSayitvA pravibhAta(ti) bhUpo mahAmahodAracaritra. [cAhaH*] // 37(41) // prAsIdbhAskaratastu mAdha1 The intended reading may be alankaridin satatha bahin. Two long syllables are missing here. The intended reading seems to be tula-kurttrirnsatnam tui. * This word paindite is superfluous and is to be omitted. * The sign of augraha is unnecessary and is to be omitted. * The word gangkya means 'gold' here.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX 39 vabudho'sma(smA)brAmacaMdra stataH satsarvezvarakaH kaThoDika (ku)lajo lakSmyAvinAthassutaH / telaMgosya tu rAmacaMdra iti vA kRSNosya vA mASaSaH pU(pu)tro40 bhUnmadhusu(sa)vanasta(stra)ya ime va(ba)ozaviSNUpamAH [ // 42 // ] yasyAsa(sI)nmadhusUbanastu janako beNI ca gosvAmijA'bhUnmAtA raNachoDa e[*] kRtavAn rAjaprasa(za)styA41 hvayaM / kAvyaM rANagaNaudhayarNanamayaM vIrAMkayutka(ktaM) mahat() dvAvi(vi)zo bhavatra sarga udito vAgarthasargasphuTaH [43 // *] caturvi(vi)zatyAlya bahAbhavaSamuve sargorca42 sargonnataH // 38 // iti IkAnavIztamasarga' 16 , Slab XXI ; Canto XX [Metres : vv. 1, 6-9, 15, 20, 24, 27, 28, 34, 35,38, 41, 55, Upagiti', vv.2, 10, 17, 26, 31, 43-46, 48, 52, 53 Giti; v. 3, 11, 14, 19, 21, 22, 26, 32, 36, 40, 47, 50, 51 Udgiti'3 vv. 4, 6, 12, 13, 16, 18, 28, 29, 30, 33, 37, 39, 42, 49 .Arya ; v. 54 Anushtubh.] 1 // (3)sigha(7) [ // *] zrIgaNezAya namaH(namaH) [ // *] jasava(ba)tasiMhanAmne rAje rAThoDa nAthAya / sArddhanavasatsahasrapramitarajatamudrikAmUlya(lyaM) // 1 // paramezvaraprasAdAbhiSa 2 gajaM paMcaviMzatipramitaH / rAjatamudrAzatakaMhItamatinatta(ta)naM turaMgavara(ra) // 2 // phatteturaMgasa(saM) SaTa(da)[zata]mitarajatamudrAbhiH [*] krItaM ca kanakakalaza 3 hayamaparaM hemapUrNavasanAni // 3 // nAnAvidhAni ba(ba)hutarasaMkhyAni mahAdareNa joSapure / rANedraH (pre)SitavAn haste raNachogbhaTTasya // 4 // atha rAma4 siMhanAmne rAjJe kila kacha(ccha)vAhabhUpAya / rAjatanudrAsArvadvizatApAyutaracitamUlyaM // 5 // suMdaragajAnamAna(na) gajottamaM / rajatamudrANAM / paMcadazaza.5 taiH kalpitamUlyaM chavisuMdarAjyahayaM // 6 // atha sArddhasaptazatamitarAjatamudrApramitamUlyaM / hayahada nAmaturagaM kanakakalitava(ba)hulavasanA6 ni // 7 // praoNberinagaramadhye preSitavAnarANapUNeduH / haste prazastakIrtiH svapurohitarAmacAsya // // vI(bI)kAne riprabhave' anUpasiMhAya rAvAya [*] 1 Instead of dvaviminda, we require here ekonavida. Apparently this line of the verse was intended for the 22nd canto and has been wrongly copied here by the engraver. This line of verse is redundant. It is meant for tho24th ranto. 9 This numbering should be omitted. * Read 7konaviranh sargah. 6 The metre in dufective here. Read paramezvaraprasAdaM nAma gaNa oto. This danda Is superfluous. "The absence of aandhi is in favour of the matre.

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APPENDIX] 7 sArddha susaptasahasraka rAjata mudrApramitamUlyaM mudrAbhiH / kRtamUlyaM RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR manamUti (siM) nAmaka ri 8 sAmasiMgArasama bhidya (gha) mapi 9 bahulAni // 11 // turaM (ra) gavaraM // 10 // se ( sa ) sAI saptazata nita rAjamudrA ra vitamUlyaM hemamayAnyaMva (ba) rANi premAvarapUrva kila mAdhavajosI [su* ? ]haste hi 10 hAbhidhAya hADAnUpAlAya // 13 // mudrANAM kRtamUlyaM dvirada (daM) 11211 tu garbhabhava (ca) turaM 11 sahasta (kha) pratika rAjata mudrAracina (ta) mUM (mU) syaM turagaM // 15 // satsAddha ( rddha) sapra (pta) zatamitarAjana (ta) mudrApramiM (mi) tamUlya (lyaM ) * / bI (bI) kAne risphuTAniye nagare pretika (vA) rANeo 12 // // rAvAya bhAvasiM sAta bai ( TU ) saprAta (ptati) yuktrizatAgre (greH ) vazasahasraMstu / rAjatahoNahArAsya ( evaM ) // 14 // sA - sahemA (mA) va (ba) rANi caMdra (caMdrAya 73 gatara (raM) / 16 gu (ta) mukAdazasahasramUlyaM pratApazTa (zuM ) gAraM mukuTA) sa (sA) 'saptazatabhi 1 tejanidhAnA rANamaNiH / bUMdInagare muhamati (siM) hAmi 12 siratAjAbhiSamaparaM haya ( ) premAma ) // 16 // 13 ghAya rAvAya 1 sArddhaM dvitAgra lasatsasasa hala (bA) gha ( da ) ( ) yamunAbhiH gajarAjaM phaledolatizubhAbhiSaM turagaM [*] sAtha (I) saha moha [na* ] sajJa (saMzaM) hemapUrNa vasanaMdha (nauSaM ) 14 khapa ( pra ) mita' rAja [ta * ] mudrAracitamUlyaM // 18 // kRtamUlya ( lyaM) hayasarasaM hayamanya (nyaM) 15 zayA gRhItvA bhaTTogAddArakAnAtha: / rAmapurAnagare tvatha sabai ( ) mida ( daM) tA sopayAmAsa // 20 // bhATI bhUpAlAya rAvalavara 'amarasiMhAya / rAja // 21 // kariNaM sarva zobhAyaM jAskara bhadda (Da) kara (1) (TTa) (re) // 17 // itamUrya sArddhaM saptazataM rUpyamudrANAM [1*] // 19 // rAjA rAjamudrAsArddha maharUpramitamUlyaM / 17 tapyamudrayA (brA) bhiH // 22 // kRtamUlyamaparamazvaM sUratimUrti (tiM)ca hemavasanodhAM (naughaM ) / etatsavaM (baM) josIdevAnaMdasya kila haste // 23 // datvA (svA) jesalamerau 18 mahApure premapUrvamapi saMpreSitavAne sa rAjavIro nRpatidhIH // 24 // jasavaMtasiMhAne rAvala (da) sahasraMstu paMcazatA rAma 1 The first half of this verse is missing. The second quarter of this stanza is too short by four syllabic instants. To sot the metre aright we may read] dAtAsiddazasahastu / * Instead of pratika read pramitaka. This half verse is in excess here. Compare above verse 15 and n. 1. The metre requires this syllable to be long. * This ta is unnecessary and hence must be omitted. "The absence of sandhi is in favour of the metro. 15 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA . [VoL. XXIX 19 tamudrANAM racitamUlyamibhaM(bha)hema // 25 // zubhasAradhArasaMjJaM [di]veviharijIkahaste tu / ()garapure narapatiH preSitava(vA)nhemayuktavasatI(nA)ni [126 // *] 20 prathamaM rAjasamudrotsargasma rajatamudrANAM / tatra sahastreNa kRta'mUlyaM jasaturaganAmahayaM // 26(27) // paMcazataru(rU)pyamudrAkra(kR)tamUlya(lyaM) 21 turagamaparaM ca / kanakamayAMva(ba)raveMda(baM) ma(sa) dattavAnAjasiMhanRpaH // 27(28) / rAjata mudrakAdazasahasramUlyaM pratApazRMgA(gA)raM / dvipameba(ba)rANi 22 ca badau dosIbhISapradhAnAya // 28(26) // siranAgaM kRtamUlyaM saptasahasa(stra )stu sa(ka)pyamudrANAM / dvipamaMva(ba)rANi sa vado rANa(vata)rA(rA)masiMhA23 ya // 26(30) // rAjasamudrajalAzayakAryakRtAmanagaNyAya / rAjatamudrANAM vA kRtamUlyAnpaMcavi(vi) zati (ti)sahastra(stra): // 31 // *] ekAdhikapaMcAza24 cutapaMcazatAgrasturagAna(n) / sukhadakapa(ba)STisaMkhyAn kura rAjanyarAjaye sa badau // 30(32)[ // *] kulakaM / e[kA]prasapta(pta)tilasatpaMcazatA25 ()stu saptaviMzatikaiH / divyasahasra rAjatamudrANAM racitasanmUlyAn // 31(33) // paDadhika zatadvayamitAMsturaMgamAMzcAraNebhya iha / 26 dAnapravAhamadhye bhATebhyo bhUpatiH pradadau [ // 34 // *] saptasahasra (stra)vi(vi)racita[mUlyaM [vA*] rajatamudrANAM / dviravanamanUparUpaM viravavaraM sArddhanava27 zataka[:*] // 32(35) // rAjatamudrANAM va(vA) kRtamUlyaM vinayasuMdaraka(ka) / hayamatya(nya) bilasAraM rAjatamudrAcatuHzatagRhItaM // 33(36) // kaba(na)kamayAMva(ba)28 [4]vaM sulamba(ndha)rAjyAya vA(ba)dhavezAya / nupabhAvasiMhanAmne rA[jhe] saMpreSayAmAsa // 33(37) // . lAghumasAni(sonI)haste lAghUkaM tIrthayAtrArtha / vatvA(svA) 29 va(ba)hulaM dravyaM preSitavAn premakRpaH // 34(38) // rAjatamU(m)brANAM vA trizatAnacatuH sahanakRtamUlyAn / sa dadeSTAdaza u(tu)ragAnimaMtraNA30 yAtanapatibhyaH // 35(36) // trisahana rajatamU(ma)bAmu(mU)lyA(lyA) kariNI(NI) sahelIti / toDazarAyasi(siM)hanupasya mAtra(ve) dadau kumArebhya[*] // 36(40) // sA[]catu[*] 31 zatayuktatrisahanasu(ka)pyamudrikAmUlyAn [*] turaM(ra)gAMstrayodaza badau nima(ma)vaNAyAtanapatibhyaH // 37 // (41) // ekApraSaSThi(STi)saMyutapaMcazatapramitarU 1 The motre requires this syllable to be long. * Instead of kura perhaps we have to read : ThAkura .

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 32 mudrA / sapta dadau bhUpozvAn nima (maM) baNAyAtanRpatibhyaH // 38 (42) / badbhi(jiM) dadhikazatatriNa (kha) prayutarUpyamudrANAM / dvipAtaturaMgAsa 33 [dI zAsanayutacAraNaughabhATebhyaH // 32 (43) rAtra viveka (beka) zivasahita (viMzatiraMgA zAsanibhyodAt [1] pUrvoktasaMkhyaturayAyANa jagatsiMhazAsa 34 nibhyopi // 40 (44) // zrIkarNa siMhazAsanikebhyozvAnAM catuSTaya (paM) sa dadau / zAsanibhyaH (bhyaH) turaMgAM (gA ) npratApasiMhasya sapta 41 (45) / zAkhanikebhyoSTA 35 vayAnusaMzAsanibhyastu praSTatriMzaturagAnyamekaM vikramAkaM sAza (zAsa ) jite (ne) // 42 (46) yugma (hi (ha) yamekaM tu ratanasIzAsanine rAjavIrodAt / zu / / 36 saptaviMzatiyAn saMgrAmanupatya zAsanibhyodAt // 43 (47) / zrIrAyamatnazAsanikebhyozvAnekavi (viM) zatipramitAn / kuMbhAzAsanikAyAzvameka 75 38 tAje sozAsanikAbhyAM (bhyAM) 37 mekonaviMzatipramitAn // 44 (48 )|| mokalazAsanikebhyasturagAnhammIrazAsanibhyovAt / paMcahayAmlA(yAlA vAnUpazAsanikebhyo pAsapta / / 45 (49) / hayamekamekamavAt / nibhyAM tu // 46 (50) / / hi (ha) yamekamekamekaM rAvatavAghasya zAsa 39 mina(ne) (i) mokalasahodarasya vidizA evamatra vau // / 47 (51) / lakSa kadrAviM(viMzatisahakhazatayugmasASTaSaSTimitaH / rAjamudrA kI bhramareza rAvalasuzAlivAhanamahAsamarasIkazAsa sA: paMcakaM dvipaMcAzat / / 48 (52) / turagA lakSa (aM) kahi sahasra (kASTakeriti kItAH / kariNIjAtrayodaza yatA (sA) bIre (re) dvarAjya (ja) siM 41 hena // 49 (53) || paMDitebhya [ : * ] kavibhyazca vaMdicAraNapaMktaye / azvAndhanAni daya' / / 50 (54) jalAzayotsargavidhAnamevaM kRtvA mahAdAnasa 42 metameva / tathaiva nAnAvidhadAnarAjI virAjate rAjitarAjavIraH // 51 (55) / / iti zrIrAjasamUharI prazasta lIvata raMgakoDabhaTa sarga 20 siva ( ) [*] zrIgaNezAya namaH (namaH) [*] (pU) saptadaze pAte tvaSTAdazAyeoad mAghe sa[i]dhakRSNasaptamatitho (tho) vArabhyakAlA [ditaH / ] bAlA(sa) si Slab XXII; Canto XXI [Metres : vv. 1, 40, 42-45; Sardulavikridita ; v. 2 Sragdhara; vv. 3-21, 23-25, 28-36 Anushtubh; . 22 Salini ; v. 26 Giti; v. 27 arya; vv. 37, 38 Sikharini ; vv. 39, 41 Vasantatilaka.] 1The absence of sandhi is in favour of the metre. This is scored out. Read hayAnbhUpa. The metre requires this syllable to be long. 4 This line of verse in too short by six syllables. Perhaps we have to read rAjasiMho nRpo bau. Z 2

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16 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 2 paMcatri(niM)zavabhiNyavarSa uditASADhAvadhItthaM vade lagnaM rAjasamudranAmakamahAnavye taDAga(ge) dhanaM // 1 // SaTcatvAri(ri)zadAsyA nya]3 tha rajatamahAmudrikAnA(NAM) zubhAnA lakSANItthaM sahasrANyapi ruciracatuHSaSTisaMkhyAmitAni / SaTsaMkhyAyukzatAni prako(ka)Tita4 padayupaMcaviMzatyupAttasvaprANyevaM vilagnAnyuta gaNanamidaM tvekapakSe . mayoktaM // 2 // vivekamatra' vakSyAmi rupya(rUpya)mudrAba(ba)le[riha] / saptaviMzatila[kSA]Ni patri(tri)zatpramitAni ca // 3 // sahasrANi catuHsaMkhyazatAni navatiH(ti)stathA / sArddhasaptAgrakAvyatTa(Nyatra) rAma6 siMhasya vai tarphe // 4 // pa(paM)calakSacatuHsaMkhyasahasrASTazatAni ca / sapAdAzItikAbhAdga(nyAhuH) pitRvyasya taphe tatha(thA) // 5 // pra(pu)tramohama(na)siMhoM(hA)tyarA7 soghAsaMgazobhinaH / lakSadvayaM sahasrANi dvAdazaM va zatAni ca // 6 // paMcASTatriMzadadhikapaba(ba)SA gaNanAbhavat / eSA sAMvaladAsasya paM. 8 colIkulazAlinaH . // 7 // caturlakSANyaSTayuktasaptatipta(pra)mitAni ca / sahana (nA)NyakazatakaM saptAnaM bharaNe mRdAM // 8 // ca9 tuSkIniHsRtAnAM tu lepane gaNanAbhavat // (1) dvAtriMzatsusahasrANi SaT zatAni sapAdakaM // 6 // ekamatrAnyadAyAtaM dravya(vyaM) vA pra. 10 bhupArzvataH / tathA prasAdadAnAdi tallekhe gaNanAtviyaM // 10 // sapta lakSANi saikAni pratiSThAkaraNe mitiH / etadrAjasamudrasya pu(pU)rva11 saMkhyApramelanaM // 11 // pu(pU)oktadravyagaNanAvivekaH kriyate punaH / dvAtriMzatsaMkhyalakSAni sahanavittaya tathA // 12 // gaNa[nA]I Tho total sum spont on the actual construction of the lako amounted to Rs. 40,84,0251 * Tho details of the expenditure are specified as follows: Rs. 27,36,4977 in Ramosirinha's nccount (nlso mentioned in verso 28-29, canto XX). Rs. 5,04,8801 in pitrivya's or uncle's account. Rs. 2,12,538 in Mohanasiinha's nccount. Rs. 4,78,107 in carrying the earth thrown out of the quadrangular ditch in Palicholi Syimaladina's account. Rs. 32,001in plastering. Rs. 7,00,001 in the inauguration coromony. Rs.46,64,826t * Tho moanlug of the word taphe is not clear. It seems to bo the Sanskritised form of the similar Arablo word taraf which is used in the sense of sitle, direction, etc., and is also spelt as tarf. We are told in verse 21, canto IX that Rajasithha, finding the work of construction unmanageable by a single hand, divided it among his offiolals. The expenditure on items in chargo of Rimasirnha, (the ruler's') uncle, and Mahanasimha and Syima. laden socms to have been given in verses 4-9. The word has been used side by side with other items of expendi. ture. The word taphe niuy therefore ho translated as 'in the account of', or 'on items in charge of'.

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR ga 12 STazatAnyo(nyA)sItsapAvAzItirapyuta / ai(e)SA rAjasamudrasya kAyA(A)yaM ca bhUteH kRte // 13 // sapta lakSAyekaSaSThi(STi)sahasrANi ma(ca) sa. 13 pta vai / catuzcatvAriMzavaprayuktAni zatakAni ca // 14 // zrImadvAjasamudrasya kAyeM ye ThakkurAH sthitAH [*] teSAM prAmotpattirUpyama14 drANAM gaNanAbhavat // 15 // ai(e)vaM pUrvoktasaMkhyAyA melanaM bhavati sphuTaM / ekapakSa lagnarUpyamudrAsaMkhya(khye)yamIritA // 16 // 15 dezavAmabhujAM mukhyamatrAdInAmaho SanaM / catuSkIbanane lagnaM vakra(ktuM) zaktabha(zca)turmukhaH // 17 // gRhAccaturguNaM lagnaM taDAge vA[sa]18 to dhanA(na / ) tadvipa(pra)kSatriyAko(bI)nAM za(ze)So'zeSaM ta(ba)viSyati // 1 // gobhUhiraNyapyANA battAnAmannavAsasAM / varAhamihirazca (zve)tsyAdgaNa[ko] 17 gaNanA bhavet // 16 // zvAsAnAM gaNanA kuryAcazvAsAnAM savA tadA / zvasanA'vegajayinA gaNanAkuvedguNI // 20 // ma[tA]-.. nA(nA) rANaratAnA bu(ta)gAnAM gaNanAmubAM / mataMgAnA gaNezazcedgaNanA jo(jA)yate tavA // 21 // ekA koTiH paMca lakSANi [rUpya] mudrA19 gAM vA satsahasrANi sapta / lagnAnyasminvad zatAnyaSTakaM vai kArya proksa(kta). pala etati(di)tIye // 22 // sahasralakSako[TI20 nAM saMkhyA jJAtA [g] yA va(ba)haH / tairatra lagnadravyasya saMkhyoktA maMtu rastu mA // 23 // lagnaM rAjasamudre tu ya(yA)vattAvaranaM(jjanoM)badhe21 : / taraMgagaNanAM kuryAyasyaiva ta vAva(ca)ret // 24 // sparkhA lakSmA sarastatpa(svatyA) lAnA [*]mI tu yAvatI / na vakti tAvatI(tI) yu. 22 pataM taDAgetra sarasvatI // 25 // sapa(pta)va[zaza*]tetIta(te)pa('tha) catustrizanmitAnva(bda) janmadine / vizatapalamitAcchahaTaka kalpadrumanAma23 ke mahAvI(vA)naM // 26(26) // sadazItitolamitiyutasuhiraNyAzvAbhighaM 'mahAdAna(ma) / bhIrAja siMhanI(nA)mA pRthvInAtho racitabA 1 This sd is redundant; read atvanan. * This presents another view according to which the total oxpenditure on the construction of the lako, its Inauguration and rewards to masons, etc., amounted to Rs. 1,06,07,808, .Mantu means 'fault.' * This sign of punctuation is not necessary, Though the correct form of the word is hafaka, the author has contracted it into Rataka for the sake of the IDetre, relying upon the adage: Api mashainmashankuryachechhanda-bhangamnadrays.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Vot. XXIX 24 nsa[:*] // 27 // yugmaM / zate saptavaze pUrNa catustrizasmitembake / zrI(bhA)vaNe rAjasiMhajo jIlavADAvadhi (ba)jan // 28 // barA(vairi)sA25 saM sirohIsthaM zatrusaMca(gha)na pIDitaM / rAvaM sirohInapati cake nijaparAkramaH // 26 // ekalakSapramitikA rUpyamudrAsta26 topahIt / paMca prAmAnkoraTAdInja prAhopAhavo nRpaH // 30 // rANA suvarNakalazacaurya taddeza prAgataM / tabUpya27 mudrAH pa(paM)cAzatsahastrANyAhIttataH // 31 // zate saptadaza(ze)tIte catustrizanmitendake / bhIrANeMdrocatsaMkhyAH rAjagRhe 28 gajaM // 32 // trivikramAzrayakRto vikramArkasya vAmataH / vaktuM kaH sukamAn zakto rAjasiMha 'parAkamAn // 33 // rAja29 siMha vicitroyaM pratApatapana(na)stava / banAta]sthAnapi ri[stA]payatyata(ta) mahat // 34 // rAjanbhavatpratApAgniH zatrustrI(strI)vA . 30 pasi(se)canaH / jvalatyatra na citraM taddiTakIttinava-mapaH // 35 // zatrustrInetrapamAni saMtApayati saMtataM / zrIrAjasi(si)ha bhavataH 31 pratApatapanodbhUtaM // 36 // pratApo bIpaste kSiti[pa] jagavAlokakaraNaH zikhAbhiH zAna ()NA(NA) vavananikuraMba(baM) malinayan 32 / bazA vivyAM snehaM kavalayati vA prANapaTalIpataMgAlI dagdhAM kalayati tanUpAtravasatiH // 3 // yazazcaMdra sAvaM kira33 ti karavaM ripugaNaH zivo jAtaH karNasphaTikavilasakuMDalaparaH / vidhU bhAle gaMgA zirasi bhujayoH za(2)bhrabhujagAvadhAno 34 bhasmAMgo vasati dhavale ze(za)lazikhare // 3 // bhUbhA - - - bhujayovivaSAti pAnI khagoragaM mukharacau pracuraM pratApA(paM / ) - 35 pi maMni(?) vimalA(lA) vidhuzItalA yat katistavI(bI)za bhuvana(ne) tapa(ba) ba(ba). bhramIti // 36 // rAjeMdro bhavatAvayaM jayakaro ba(ba)rivajA36 nau javAt() gAMbhIryAtkila siMdhureva hayasaiMtipta(pra)vastakila / (ca)o sarvavizeSaNAdi vilasadvarNayutaM nAma te zrIrANAmaNi 1 Bandhi has not been observed here. * Three syllables are missing in the latter half of this verse and the sense is not clear. . This long syllable is obliterated beyond recognition. Traces of the medial long i aro visible.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 37 rAjasahanupate bebhA: (thAH) sumedhAdharaH // 40 // rASTrapravo jalapijAprava usamebhyo bhAgya ( ratheva siMtulano harisevato yat / 38 prAsyAM vizeSaNagavAdibhavarNayukA (kta) va (ca) ke vidhistaducitaM taba raNavIra 41 : stA (sto) trAkta (pataM) raNachoDa bhaTTaracita (taM) mAdhavabudho'smAdvAmacaMdrastataH satsave (baeN) iyarakaH ka 42 ThoMDikulajA ( jo ) lakSmanAvinAthass (sta) ta: 1 telaMgoraca kRSNosya vA mAdhavaH putrobhUnmadhusu ( sU ) vanastraya ime 43 mA[: * ] // 44 // ja ( ya ) syAsInmadhusUdanastu janako veNI e [Sa] kRtavAnrAjaprazastyAhvayaM / kAvyaM rANaguNaugha gobhiva 39 t' / zrImaM (ma) tpratApaH sutastasya zrA (zrI) ' amarezvava ' rosya tanayaH [ zrIkarNasiMhosya vA / putro rANajagatpatizca tanayo'smAdrAjasiMhosya vA putraH [ zrIjaya * ]siMha eSa [ kR] tavA (vA) vIraH zilAlekha] // 42 // pUrNe saptadaze te 44 varNanamaya (yaM) bIrA (i) [ yuktaM mahat* ] [I] 40 tapasi yA satpUrNimAye dine dvAja (trintita (ba) tsare narapateH bhIrAjasihaprabhoH [*] kAvyaM rAjasamudramiSTaH sRSTaSTa) pratiSThAvi // 41 // 2 jayasiMhoM (hA ) bhiSo auraMgajecha (maM) rAjaprazasrapAdvA va (ba) lI draSTaM (STaM ) zrIrA 79 Sandhi has not been observed here. This va is redundant. Read Amareavaro sya. The absence of sandhi here is in favour of the metre. // 43 // prAsIdbhAskaratastu Slab XXIII; Canto XXII [Metres : vv. 1, 26, 30-46 Anushtubh; vv. 27, 28 Upagiti; v. 29 Giti; vv. 47-50 Sardulavikridita.] tu rAmaca (caMdrA (pra) brahmezaviSNu (SNU) pa ca gosvAmijA'bhUnmAtA raNachoDa iti // zrIgaNezAya namaH (namaH) // sa ( sa ) te saptavatIle pa (paM) trizanmitemyake / zuklaMkAdazikAya tu se (me) prasthAnamAsanot (tre) // 1 // zrIrAjasiMhasthAjJAto vA sarvodanaM kavizatizubhAbhi (bhisyorthavagatamaH mA (ma) hArAjakumAroyaM 1 / mA ( mahArAjakumAroyaM pra ( yama ) jamerI samAgata["] // 2 // sa dillI dillIpati yayau / pazcAje ( jjaya) kumAroyaM yathau 3 senAsamApu (bu) ta: // 3 // dillItaH krozayugmasye prarvAkzivira uttame / dillIzvaraM dadarzAya sosyAdaramathAkarot // 4 // muktAmAsA

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80 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 4 urobhUSA asmai hemAMva (ba) rANyavAt / mahAgajeMdra bhUSAktaM tA[ka]tU (tu) gaturaMgamAna (n) // 5 // jhAlAyacaMdrasenAya purohitavarAya ca / garIbadA 5 sasannAmne hemavAsAMsi vA hayAn // 6 // mahaSTa (STha)kkurebhyodAvane (nye)bhyopi yA(ya) po. citaM / tatoyaM jayasiMhAkhyo gaNayuktezvaraM zivaM // 7 // 6STrA gaMgAtaTe snAtvA mahArUpyatulAM dhyadhAt / kariNI ca hayaM datvA (svA) yAto vRMdAvanaM prati // 6 // mayurA ca tato dRSTA jya(jye)STe (SThe) rANapuraMdaraM (H) / bada70 varzanIyoyaM rANeMdro modamAvadhe // 6 // zate saptadazetIte varSe) patrizadAhaye / pau[Sasya kRSNakAvazyAM mevADe dillikApatiH // 10 // mA. 8 yAtastasya putrasta(stu) prAdau akabarAmi(bha)dhaH / tathA tahabaraH khAnaH prAptA(ptaH) senAsaM. mAMva(samAva)[taH*] // 11 // suMdare rA[ja]nagare rAjamaMdiramahavaH / tallokaH 9 kalpitAstatra zakRH(ktaH) zaktAvatottamaH // 12 // putraH sabalasiMhasya pUra .. .. varasya saH / bhrA[tA] muhakamasiMhasya ghoraM raNamihAkarot // 13 // 10 vIrazcoMDAvataH kopi tathA vizatisaGkaTAH / kRtvA yuddha vivaM yAtA bhitvA(svA) bhAsvA(ska)[ra*]maMDalaM // 14 // vidheH kaleva(I)lAdAzA badau rANApura(ra)varaH 11 / bahavA[rI]mahAdhaTTa[7] vanyaghaTTAca(cca) vA(bA)hujA[:*] // 15 // prAyAMtu kRtasaMkalpA api yA(yo)ddhaM madu[kti]taH / naliko(kA)[go*]lakasro(sto)mAH so(zU)rasaMghA mahonna12 tAH // 16 // rANo[kti]tastathA jAtaM tato dillIza pAgataH / dahavArImahAghaTTe (kR)tvA taddArapAtana(naM) // 17 // ai(e)kaviMzatitithyaMtaM sthitotra 13 nizi cakadA [*] divyoH(vyo)dayapuraM pA(prA)pto gupta eSAstyupazrutiH // 18 // tadA' akabaraH prApto mahodayapure tataH / tathA tahaba(mba)raH khaM(khA)nasta14 skRtyaM tadbhaTe[:*] kRtaM // 16 // ai(e)kaligaM draSTumagAIvAvakava(ba)rastataH / aMberIcIravAghaTTI dRSTA ziviramAgataH // 20 // jhAlApratApaH ka16 keMTapuravAsI gajadvayaM / dillIzase(sa )nyAdAnIya rANoM(Na)drAya nyava(ve)dayat // 21 // bhadesarasthA ballAkhyA hayaughAnhastinAM gajo(vraja?) / nya(nya)18 bevayantra (na)STrava(va)de(da) navArAsthitaprabhoH // 22 // paMcAzatkasahasrANi naNA(NAM) naSTAni tadviSaH / dillIsva(zva)rastataH pra(prA)ptazcitrakUTenyathA 1 The absence of sandhi here is in favour of the metre. Sandhi is not observed here. * The meaning of arthu in sin' or ' crime'. MGIPC-S1-15 DGA/52-12-2-55-450.

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No. 14] SANGALOODA PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA NANNARAJA ; SAKA 615 113 that Anivarita was a surname of Chalukya Vikramaditya I who ruled from 655 to 680 A.C. It is, therefore, not unlikely that the sattra was named after his surname either in commemoration of his having founded it himself or was named after him by some other founder in token of his respect to him as his suzerain. That Vikramaditya I was a great conqueror is attested by his records in which he claims victory in country after country and in all directions'. That in the south he went as far as the Kaveri region is proved by bis Gadval Plates. As for the extent of his possessions in the north, we have as yet no direct evidence. Nevertheless, it can be supposed that in these northern regions he inherited the Three Maharashtrakas first acquired by his father, Pulakesin II, since we have it stated in Vikramaditya's inscriptions that he not only regained possession of his father's kingdom which had been lost to enemies but also acquired the fortune and sovereignty of his ancestors. Further it is well known that the Western Chalukyas were recognised as overlords by the kings of the Harischandra family ruling in the Nasik District. One Svamichandra of this family is explicitly stated as the feudatory (pada-prasad-opajivi) of Chalukya Vikramaditya I. Rashtrakuta Nannaraja of our grant, though not actually a contemporary of Vikramaditya I, evidently came under Chalukya hegemony at the time of recording the grant under study, i.e., in Saka 615(-693 A.C.), when his suzerain must have been Vinayaditya, son of Vikramaditya I. It is also interesting to note that it was this Vinayaditya who conducted a successful expedition in the north in which he was ably assisted by his son, prince Vijayaditya.? None of the kings mentioned in our record barring Govindaraja is known to us from any other source except the two other grants of Nannaraja referred to above. However, in respect of Svamikaraja, attention may be drawn to another person of the same name who figures as vijnapti in a 7th century record of Kapalivarman of the Bhoja family who ruled the area around Goa in the west coast. Except the similarity of name and the proximity in point of date between the two persons there is nothing else to connect the two, much less to treat them as identical. The area of rule of the family of Nannaraja lay as determined by the provenance of their records and the places mentioned in them roughly in the districts of Akola, Amraoti, Betul and Nagpur of Madhya Pradesh, which all lay adjacent to one another. Ancient Vidarbha roughly corresponds to this area. The earliest record of the family, viz., the Nagardhan Plates of Svamiraja, was issued from Nandivardhana, the same as Nagardhan which lies three miles south of Ramtek in the Nagpur District. The family seems to have moved south-west to the region of Amraoti and Akola where they fixed a new capital at Padmanagara from which our inscription is issued. This place may be identified with modern Padmin lying within the postal jurisdiction of Akola. 1 Above, VOL X, p. 101 and n. 4. ? [The word anivarita here is to be taken in its literal sense of unhindered'; it is not proper to connect it with the name or title of any person. -Ed.] 3 Ibid., p. 103, text lines 13 ff. * Ibid., p. 101. Ibid., p. 103, text lines 13 ff. . Ibid., Vol. XXV, pp. 226, 227, 228. 7 Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 368, 371. . . Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 339. I was at first inclined to identify Padmanagara with Pauni in the Bhandara District, a place which is also known as Padmapura, and where an early inscription of Bnara Bhagadatta was discovered (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 11). In that case Umbarika, the gift village, might be Umrer lying about 15 miles WNW of Paunl. But since 1 here are two other villages of the name of Paunl, one in the Betul District and the other in the Nagpur Distriot gear Ramtek, one cannot be sure as to which of these three could be Padmanagara. Seo Mirashi, above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 7, n. 2. 3 DGA/53

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114 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX This indentification is supported by the location of Umbarika, the village mentioned; for, this is Umbari near Akola. Even the findspot of the plates, viz., Sangalooda, lies nearby. The Tiwarkhed Plates mention another capital of the family, viz., Achalapura, the same as modern Ellichpur in the Amraoti District, north-east of Akola. Of the places mentioned in our charter Padmanagara and Umbarika have been identified in the foregoing paragraph. Tagara from which the donee hailed might be modern Ter in the Hyderabad State. Nagayayi, situated east of Umbarika, may be Naigaon, near Akola. I am unable to locate Vatapuraka, Vaivadraka and Uchchhi(or chhi)vahala which are stated in the record to be in or near Umbarika. TEXT First Plate 1 Svasti [l*) Padmanagarad=Vi(rad[[*]Vi)stirnna(mpna)-sthiti-palan-apta-yasasisri 2 Rashtrakat-anvaye ramye kshira-nidhav-iv-endur-abhavach-chhri-Durggara 3 18 nipah [l*) lok-ahladana-hetubhih pravitatais=tejo-vise 4 sh-odayai[r]=yyen-ochchaih padavin=visvim vi)gahya vidhivat-paksha-dva[yam] 5 bhasitam(tam) | (111*]* Tasya sunur=asi(si)d=aneka-samara-sahas-a[vashtam) 6 bha-yaba[h] sri-V6(G8)vindarajas=tasy=asid=atmavan=atmaja & 7 tmany=ahita-bakti-siddhih sri-Svamikarajah [l*]Putras-tasya ma. Second Plate: First Side 8 hanubhava-charitah sri-Nannarajah ksiti(ti) kantah=karunikah-kala9 nika-rahitah=ketuh-karalo dvishan=dhaureyo rana-sahas-a10 hita-dhiyam=agresaro maninas vaidagdh-oddhata-chetasim-adhi11 patih=kalpa-dra(dru)mo yo=rtthinam(nam)* |(211*]Yasecha samnara(sandra)ya-vik sha-la12 bhad=iva sakalair-abhigamikair=itaraid=cha gunair-upetah 13 Paramabrahmanyah Paramabhagavatah sri-Yuddhasur-apara14 namo(ma) sas=s&(sa sa)rvann=6(n=e)va raja-samanta-vishayapati-grama-bho From impressions. 1 Metre : Sardalavikridita.

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SANGALOODA PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA NANNARAJA: SAKA 615 2538- 0832 pii %2532 58 35 223.88 1,a. 8 2359 18+g edaaraa14.128 - 2233 saay 1 J85053444arabraan 14 8248abw3%8pPS84 SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE

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20,0. Sdesukara700F 2017-10Wnorisan 212 bu irasuooinaipuchiSTUAT2724 konomanton1000 FAIRIUS Seal (From a Photograph)

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116 No. 14] SANGALOODA PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA NANNARAJA ; SAKA 615 Second Plate : Second Side 15 gika-purillaka-chata-bhata-sevak-adin=samanuvo(bo)dhayaty=astu vo 16 viditam yath=asmabhirammata-pitror=atmanas=cha puny-avaptaya Taga 17 ra-vastavya-Va(or Ma)rula-sagotra-Kaugi(si)ka-pravara-Taittiriya-sa-brahmacha 18 rine Anivarit-anna-satra(ttra)-pradayine Varmulaka-chaturveda-pautra 19 ya Bhutaganabhatta-putra-Haragana-dvivedaya Vatapuraka-grame kshetran=cha nivarttana-satar 20 vinsa(vimba)ti-karmma[nta](nta) madhuka-sametaltam) tachchha (tach-cha) 21 Umbarika-gramo(me) dakshini na)na Vaivadraka-sima-maryyada 22 uttarah' Tatilingichchhi-bhatakara(rakah) purvvatah Nagaya[yi-marya]da: Third Plate 23 paschimato Chchhivahala? [e]bhir=aghatanaih. kshetra[m*] bhumichhi(chchhi)dra 24 nyayena Karttika-paurnna(rana)masyam=udaka-purvvam pratipaditam 25 yato=asmad-varayair=anyair=vv=agami-npipati-bhogapatibhir=asmad-da 26 yo=numanta vya[h*) pratipalayita vyasacha yo v=ajnana-timira-pa 27 tal-avsita-matir-a[ch*]chhindyad=achchha(chchhi)dyamanam v=anumode. 28 ta sa panchabhir=mmahapatakai[s*)=sa[m]yukta[h*) syad=iti [I*] Saka-kala shathsu(tsu) pancha[da]san=va(Sa-va)rsheshu Karttika-buddha 29 sa[m]vatsara-bateshu pau. 30 (rnna]mi(masyam) likhitam=iti [ll*] Seal Sri-Ju[ddha]surah 1 This may be also read as uttaratah Tilingichchhi. * Da is inserted below this last line at the left ond of the plato. * This may be also paechimato-chchhivahala. Some word like upalakshitam is to be added here. A similar omission Vol. XVIII, p. 206, n. 1). cours in the Multai Platos (Ind. Ant.,

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118 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX No. 15-MUNDAKHEDE PLATES OF SENDRAKA JAYASAKTI ; SAKA 602 (1 Plate) V. V. Mirashi, Nagpur These plates were found several years ago in the possession of a Patil of Mundakhadi, a village in the Chalisgaon taluk of the East Khandesh District, Bombay State. They were brought to notice by the late Mr. G. K. Chandorkar, who edited them twice--first in the Marathi magazine, Prabhata of Dhulia, Vol. I, No. 12' and afterwards in the Annual Report of the Bharata Itihasa sarisidhaka Mandala for Saka 1834, pp. 169-177. As no facsimile of the record accompanied either of these articles, I was under the impression that it was not published. Several years ago, while I was studying the Bagumra plates of Nikumbballasakti', I felt the need of critically examining this record in view of its importance for the history of the Sendrakas, and I tried to trace the original plates, but could not succeed. I was, therefore, agreeably surprised when I received recently a copy of the printed facsimile of the plates from my friend, Dr. M. G. Dikshit. From the date Chaitra, Saka 1829, as well as from the name Prabhata printed on it, it is clear that the facsimilo was published in the same magazine Prabhata in the next issue after the text of the record was first edited by Chandorkar. This facsimile has enabled me to correct the readings of some important words in the transcript published by Chandorkar. Again, Chandorkar did not calculate the date or identify the places mentioned in the grant. For these reasons as well as because this is the only record of the Sendraka prince Jayabakti and is important for the ancient history of Maharashtra, I re-edit the grant here from the aforementioned facsimile published by Chandorkar. The copper-platos are two in number, and are inscribed on the inner side only. Their size and weight have not been recorded. From the description given by Chandorkar they seem to have raised rims for the protection of the writing. At the bottom of the first inscribed plate and the top of the second, there is a hole for the ring which strung the plates together. This ring is said to have carried & seal with the legend Sri-Jayasakti, but no photograph of it seems to have been published The record consists of twenty-four lines, twelve being inscribed on each plate. The writing is in a good state of preservation. The record is, however, rather carelessly written and contains a few mistakes here and there. The characters are of the western variety of the southern alphabet as in the other records of the Sendrakas found in Gujarat and Khandesh. The only peculiarities that call for notice are as follows: (1) the initial e resembles 1, but has a long vertical on the right; see esha, line 14; (2) the stroke for medial a is turned upward in the case of j as in -dvijati-, line 6; (3) 1 has everywhere a straight vertical stroke on the right; see -labdha-, line 2; (4) n generally appears looped as in samunnats, line 1, but it is sporadically unlooped as in sunor-, line 16; (5) a final consonant is shown with a horizontal stroke on the top ; see vaset, line 21. The jihvamuliya occurs in line 10. Punctuation is indicated by single or double dots. The language is Sanskrit. Except for four benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end, the record is in prose throughout. It may be noted that the writer has used in the eulogy of Bhanusakti the very expression Saradamala-sadarka-mandala-yasasah(yasah), which describes Adityasakti in the Bagumra plates, and Allabakti in the Kasare plates. Again, the expression Bhava-sunur=iv=apratihata-saktih which describes Adityasakti in the present plates occurs in connection with Allasakti in the Bagumra and 1 This No. bears the dato Phalguna, Saka 1829 which is plainly a mistake for Saka 1828. The same mistake ooours on the first page of the previous two issues. As stated above, the facsimile of the plates published in the next number bears the date, Chaitra, Saka 1829. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 265 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 267. .G. H. Kharo, Bourou of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan, Vol. III, p. 71. Abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 197.

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No. 15). MUNDAKHEDE PLATES OF SENDRAKA JAYASAKTI; SAKA 602 117 Nagad plates. The drafter of the present grant has thus drawn upon previous records of the family, and, evidently regarding the epithets es conventional, has not sorupled to transfer them from one prince to another. As for orthography, we may note that is used for n in Phalguna, line 24, and the consonant following and that preceding and y are reduplicated; 100 -chaturddanta- and vikkrama-, line 2 and -anuddhyala, line 4. The plates refer themselves to the reign of the Sendraka prince Jayasakti. They were issued from Jayapuradvarl. They record the grant, by Jayasakti, of a village the name of which Chandorkar read as Seranakasasha. The correct reading of the passage where it occurs is Senara esha gramah, not Seranakalasha-gramah. The village was therefore named Sopapa. It was in. cluded in the Kundalikamala vishaya. The donee was the Brahmana Bappasvamin, the son of Revasvamin, who belonged to the Kasyapa gotra and the Hiranyakesin branch of the Taittiriya bakha of the Black Yajurveda, and resided at Kallivana. The gift was made on the occasion of the sun's entering the Mina-rasi on the 10th tithi of the dark fortnight of Phalguna in the year 602 of an unspecified era. The year and the tithi are expressed only in words. From the Nagad plates we know that Jayasakti's father Allasakti was flourishing in Saka 577. The year 602 mentioned in the present grant of Jayasakti must, therefore, be referred to the Saka era, and corresponds to 680-81 A.C. In this period the sun entered the Mina-rasi at 20 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise on the 17th February 681 A.C. The religious ceremonies connected with the sarkranti must have been performed after sunrise next day, the 18th February 681 A.C., which was the 10th tithi of the dark fortnight of the amanta Phalguna. This date shows that the amanta scheme of the lunar months was in vogue in Northern Maharashtra in the seventh century A.C. The grant was written by the Sandhivigrahika Rama. The present grant gives the following pedigree of the donor : Bhanusakti (Brivallabha) Adityasakti Nikumbhallasakti (Satyasraya, Prithivivallabha) Jayasakti (Satyasraya, Prithivivallabha, Vikramaditya and Nikumbha) Chandorkar read the name of the third prince as Nikumbhalla sakti, being probably misled by Buhler's reading of the royal name in the Bagumra plates. The facsimile of the prosent grant, however, shows the correct reading of the name to be Nikumbhallabakti. The same reading of the name occurs in the Nagad plates published by Mr. G. H. Khare. We now know from the Kising plates that the proper name of the Sendraka prince was Allabakti. This occurs not only in the text of the grant, but also on the seal of the plates. Nikumbha was evidently a diruda prefixed to his namo. The same biruda is seen to have been assumed by Allabakti's son Jayasakti in the present plates. The biruda was evidently derived from the name Nikumbha of Allabakti's grandfather, mentioned in the Kadare plates. He had another name of Bhanu sakti which is noticed in the three other grants of the family, including the present one. His descendants Allabakti and Jayasakti seem to have assumed his name Nsluitbha as a biruda, probably because he was the founder of this Sendraka branch which flourished in Gujarat and Khandesh. 1 Sarhodhaka (Marathi), Vol. VIII (October, 1939); abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 196. . This tithi commonood only 15 m. after moan sunrise on that day.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX The present grant describes both Allasakti and Jayasakti as samadhigata-panicha-maha-sabda, i.e., as having attained the right to the five great sounds. They both were evidently subordinate chiefs, owing allegiance to the Chalukya Emperor of Badami. Bhanusakti, though described in a more grandiloquent style, probably enjoyed no better status. As his grandson Allasakti was flourishing in 653 and 656 A.C., Bhanusakti may be referred to the first quarter of the seventh oentury A.C. He was probably placed in charge of Gujarat and Khandesh by Pulakesin II after he had conquered these provinces from the Kalachuris. No records of the reigns of Bharusakti and Adityasakti have yet been discovered, but Allasakti is known to have made three grants, two of which, recorded in the Kasare and Bagumra plates, are dated in the Kalachuri era and one, viz., that in the Nagad plates, in the Saka era. The earliest of these, viz., that in the Kasare plates is dated K. 404 (653 A.C.) and registers the donation of some land in the village Pippalikheta, modern Pimpalner in West Khandesh. The second, known as the Bagumra plates, dated K. 406 (656 A.C.), registers the gift of the village Balisa, modern Wanesa near Ten in South Gujarat. The third record, viz., the Nagad plates, though issued from Kayavatara, modern Karwan in Gujarat, mentions the grant of a village in the vishaya of Nandipuradvari which is probably identical with Nandurbar in West Khandesh. This grant is dated in Saka 577 (655-56 A.C.). These records show that Allasakti continued to hold Gujarat and Khandesh at least till 656 A.C. Sometime thereafter, he seems to have lost Gujarat ; for the next date from that part of the country is K. 421 (671 A.C.), furnished by the Surat plates of Sryaeraya-Siladitya, which register the grant of the village Asattigrama, modern Astgaon, not far from Ten. From the Manor plates, recently published by Mr. Krishna Deva, we learn that Dharasraya-Jayasimha, the younger brother of the Chalukya emperor Vikramaditya I, founded the Navsari branch in 669-70 A.C. Thereafter, the rule of the Sendrakas seems to have been confined to Khandesh. As shown below, the places mentioned in the present Mundakhede plates can be satisfactorily located near the western border of that district. 118 It may be noted that Bhanusakti, Allasakti and Jayasakti bore certain birudas which are usually associated with their Chalukya suzerains. One of these deserves special notice. Jayasakti calls himself Vikramaditya in the present grant, dated 681 A.C. His suzerain was Vikramaditya I, who had died just in the preceding year (680 A.C.). As this is the only known grant of Jayasakti, we do not know whether Jayasakti had borne the biruda previously or whether he assumed it only after the death of Vikramaditya. The absence of any reference to the imperial family in the present grant lends colour to the latter view, but we may note that similar birudas were assumed by other feudatories of the Early Chalukyas. The Manor plates, for instance, show that Mangalarasa, the son of Dharaeraya-Jayasimha, had assumed the biruda Vinayaditya before Saka 613 (691 A.C.) during the reign of the Chalukya emperor Vinayaditya. The present grant does not, therefore, give any indication that Jayasakti had thrown off the yoke of the Early Chalukyas. No descendants of Jayasakti are known but, as I have suggested elsewhere, the Sinds kings who flourished in Khandesh in the 10th century A.C. may have belonged to the same lineage. Like the Sendrakas, they also claimed to have descended from the lord of serpents. Later, a family called Nikumbha is known to have flourished in the Khandesh District. It is known from the 1 Chandorkar's view that the Sendrakas were independent kings who helped the Early Chalukyas to establish themselves in the Kanarese country is not supported by any evidence. Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 18. Dr. Fleet also inferred that the Bagumra plates belong to the period when the Western Chalukya sovereignty was in abeyar ce. See Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p. 361. Since then we bave known of several records of the feudatories of the Western Chalukyas which make no mention of the reigning emperor. Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 166 ff.

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119 No. 15] MUNDAKHEDE PLATES OF SRNDRARA JAYASAKTI ; SAKA 602 Patan insoription of Saka 1128 ; but it is not likely to have been connected with the Sandrakas, as it traced its descent not from the lord of serpents but from the Sun'. As for the localities mentioned in the present plates, Kundalik mala, the headquarters of the vishaya in which the donated village was situated, is probably identical with Kundalgaon, 14 miles west of Nandgaon near the western border of the Khandesh District. No place exactly corresponding to the donated village Benink can be traced in the neighbourhood, but Saundane which lies about 10 miles north by west of Nandgaon may represent the ancient village. Jayapuradvari, from where the plates were issued, may be identical with Jeur which lies about 7 miles almost due north of Nandgaon. Kallivana where the donor resided is undoubtedly Kalvao, the chief town of the Kalvap taluk of the Nasik District. TEXT Piret Plate 1 siddham [*] svasti [*] jayapurakhArIto merumahI[pArazikharAsthiArarucirasamunnate ___ vikasitayazasa(si) [mAhati sendrakarAzA] (jAnA)ma2 nvayenekacAtuIntagajaghaTATopAsamarasaMghaTTalabdhavijayI(yo) vijitAzeSaripugaNaH svavikka ma(mA)3 kakrAntamahImaNDalaH praNatAzeSasAmantaziromakuTanighRSTapA[dApaMkajo nayavinayadayAvAnadAkSi NyazrI4 saMpadupetaH zaradamalazazAMkamaNDalAmalayazasaH(yazAH) zrIvallabhabhAnuzaktistasya putrastatpAdA____ nuddhaghAtaH svbhunn(j)m| NimayUkhacakkrabalaprakAzitAzeSadikcakrazcakravartilakSaNopeto vipulaSanapRthuyazasaH(yazaH) __kusumanikaro6 pazobhitasakalavasudhAtalaH samudra iva kSitisthitirAjakabhUbhRtpAlanaparaH paramagA(ga) bhIro devadvijAtisvajanabAM7 dhavopabhujyamAnavibhavo bhavasUnurivApratihatazaktiH: zrImadAdityazaktistAsya] putrastatpA___ dAnulapAto vyapagAtasa]- . . jalajaladharavyomatAlAzaradindukiraNaSavalatarayazovitAnalaMSitAMbhoSiparAparaH(pArApAraH) sendra kakulagaganacandra IAbore, Vol. I, P.342. * From the photo-zinoograph published in the Prabhata (Marithi) for Chaitra, Saka 1829. * Expressed by a symbol. * This expression is used to describo Adityatekti in the Begumrl platou, and Allatakt in the Kisiri plates This expression cours in the description of Allabakti in the Bagumri sad Niged plates.

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120 RPIGRAPMA INDIGA [VOL. XXIX 9 mA] samaSigatapaJcamahAzabdaH satyAzrayapRthivIvallabhazrInikuMbhAllazaktistasya putra statpAdAnuddhaghAto vigatadhana10 paTalendumaNDalAmalakulatilakakRta'yuganarapatyatizayitassaccaritaH zaraNAgatArtiharaH prasa bhAbhikRSTAnya11 rAjazrIH samadhigatapaJcamahAzabdaH satyAzrayapRthivIvallabhavikramAdityanikuMbhazrIjayazaktiH 12 sarvvAneva rAjasAmantabhogikaviSayapatirASTragAmakUTAyayuktakamahattarAdhikArikAdI[n*] samanuboSa Second Plate 13 yatyastu vaH saMvidita (taM) mayA paralokApa(pe)kSatvama (maM)gIkRtya mahatphalaM [hi] zrutvA] [tataH] kundlikaamlvissyaant|| gaMtaseNANA eSa prAmaH' sodaMgaH saparikaraH sAdAnadityaviSTiprAtibhAdikAparihI NA[bhyantarAsiddhi18 kA bhAmicchidranyAyenAcATabhaTapravezyAH] pAcandrANivakSitisthitisamakAlInaH putrapautra (trA)nvayakkramopa18 bhogyaH kallivAnAvAstavyakAzyapasagotratittirika hiraNyakezibrAhmaNarevasvAmisUnorbappasvA mine balicasvaizvada(de)17 [vA ]gnihotrapaJcamahAyajJAdikriya(yo)tsappaNAtya(tyaM) mAtApitrorAtmanazca puSpayazo bhivRddhaye brAhmaNamaha(hA)janasametAya 18 [phAlguNa(na)bahuladazamyA puNye tiyo' bhagavati savitari mi(mI)narAzi saMkrAnta udakAtisargeNa pratipAdito yatosmadvaMzyaira19 myAgAmiAbhUpatibhinnalaveNukadalisArasaMsArajalabuddhadopamaM ca jIvitamavadhArya zirISakusumasadRzApArya [ca] Chandorkar read forwa - but the sign Inscribed above is that of tihedmaliya. Chandorkar read seNANakalavaprAmaH but the correct readingbalearly-girom nbow, compare Alfarrot ge : in the Vadnar plates (above, Vol. XII, p. 84) and gui a tge or in the Barnevni platou (abovo, Vol. VI, p. 299). .Rand taittirIya *Bad puNyatithI.

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MUNDAKHEDE PLATES OF SENDRAKA JAYASAKTI, SAKA YEAR 602 6 parabb AA2:55 naang naariidmin ainthaanaechingkh 99%eutr3f8xERAeEat&I8y44333-84/A886249+E 24pha+oba AEU4+/-234aep98687,syn: 4Ua n%C4% 44652 nkhAH838-5itsquengean338222288 + phbenm A12444324-MAN: 434A8qJVGAbr13:AN *ggaeaut9%8/A633444kh) Systeriy9xAXy88) 6 NAKANJAIS 41: N8GF48R FEMS3l4uJ;Ӡ xE4be bN/AAA/T1A4l|PFNAS8rJAS AyHGD4 4535 1/2 8EJE12},83-JA3A12283-614 JuA3fiim (49%ups) : pwch1469 8degm8chikaeb38649:35.6w888448%823593545%A4lA 104932 P204444y8j6ming "maicch:6) `aakhenwr2488) | SE NEBRUAXACINIA N 82A4488R LASEWAJ 12 4a6fzx4 2493 2smba v6k 64-35%; wa4| 56 | 12 I afdth: 18A%ibain&ae4,845 vupN96 2525 bnm, 14 14 : "n`nchnidnch26mm " 14 !+A585;>At24.49 430 434(4hrs4shtag 16 403544 145 F451+ 78\uan 3335615389424 4454919gaga03 16 Biguature-risAn472)aelai%%E4wrx44 Anghat.A%4382%AA%Awa9 khamaaL2mchWuarti3g81 18 %)5 ruup34532g+29dmaaprsn%88%A5-868438SF2ue 4 449 48 429%899471514393pd035 23 12 6449 19-w46 8642489"iet444&tidaejx24443A2W 89 Asaa 5 6%8: isasteua +82-34Uy44b4frek: JAP2 24 m3khn ) 1999ekhmnii daanepd 33 24 18 From a Photograph

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121 No. 16] CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION 20 yauvana(naM) gira(ri)nadIsalilagatvarANi caizvavNyAkalyA(layyA)smaddAyonumaMtavyaH pAlayitavyazcetyuktaJca bhagavatA vedavyAsa(se)na 21 vyAsena [*] 'va(Sa)STivarSa (rSa)sahasrANi svarge modati bhUmidaH [*] prA. cchettA cAnuma(maM)tA ca tAnyeva narake vaset // 1 // *1 vidhyATavISvatoyA22 su zuSkakoTaravAsinaH[*] kRSNAhayo hi jAyante bhUmidAyaM haranti ye [2 // *] bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH [*] yasya ya23 sya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phala(lam) [ // 3 // *] pUrvadattAM dvijAtibhyo yatnAdrakSa yudhiSThara [*] mahIM mahImatAM zreSThaM dAnAccha,yonupA24 lanAm*] [ // 4 // *] saMvatsarazataSaTke dvaghuttarake [phAlguNa(na)bahulaH' dazamyAM likhi ta(taM) caitatsAndhivigrahikarAmAne (ge)ti // *] No. 16-CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION (1 Plate) B. CH. CHHABRA, NEW DELHI This beautiful prasasti is neatly engraved on a well-dressed, slab of black granite. It is kept in the temple of Siva, that goes by the name of Chatosvara, in the village of Kisnapur or Kisanpur (Krishnapura), in the Cuttack District of Orissa. This village is situated about 12 miles northeast from the town of Cuttack. The inscription seems to bave been examined first by Babu Nagendranatha Vasu as early as November 1893. He noticed it in Bengali, in 1894, in his Visvakosha, Vol. VI, p. 229. Later on, in August, 1898 he read a paper on it, giving its full text and translation, which has been published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Vol. LXVII. 1898. Part I (History, Antiquities, etc.), pp. 317-327. No facsimile of this prasasti has so far been published elsewhere. After Vasu's treatment of this inscription, no other scholar seems to have cared to examine it closely, though it has been referred to by various scholars in connection with the history of Orissa. In the winter of 1938, the writer of this article, in the course of his official tour in Orissa, happened to visit Kisnapur, where be studied the inscription from the original slab. As a result thereef, it was found that the text presented by Vasu is as inaccurate in places as his interpretation of it is erroneous. The present writer had occasion to comment on this inscription in the Hindi monthly Itihasa, September 1961, pp. 166-168, as also in the Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. I. 1952, pp. 11-13, where the importance of the inscription as well as a few examples of the defects in Vasu's treatment of it has been pointed out. These may be considered as enough justification for a re-edition of the inscription. 1 Metre of verses 1-4: Anushubh. * This visarga is superfluous. 3 DGA/63

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122 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. X XIX The inscribed surface measures 31" X 18". It contains 25 lines of writing. The engraving is beautifully executed, and is fairly well preserved throughout, except a few scratches about the m.iddle of lines 17 and 18. Those, however, do not cause any difficulty in the reading of the aksharas affected. The alphabet of the inscription is the eastern variety, proto-Bengali, of the thirteenth century A.C. Some scholars prefer to give this script the name Gaudi. Forms of kh, j, i, &, etc., which resemble the modern Oriya and Bengali forms of these letters, are noteworthy. The forms of initial vowels a, i, u and e may be seen in lines 6, 8, 22 and 8 respectively. The sign of visarga is remarkable inasmuch as it consists of two small circles, one above the other, with a horizontal top stroke on the upper circle. The form of p looks somewhat like that of y. The forms of some of the conjunct consonants are worthy of note, such as ttra and nja in line 1, rtti in line 3, vyu in line 7, mbru in line 12, and shta in line 7. This last shows that the subscript resembles t. The form of otherwise may be seen in mukute in line 2. The language is Sanskrit, and the composition is in verse throughout, except the obeisance in the beginning. There are altogether twentyfive verses in various metres. The verses are not numbered ; but the end of the first half of every stanza is marked off, as a rule, by a single danda, and the completion of ovory stanza likewise by a double danda. The style is highly ornate. As for orthography, no distinction is made between the signs for b and v. Properly speaking, the sign for v stands also for b. In giving the text, I have read it correctly as b wherever b is required. A consonant after r is generally doubled, cases liko rthi in line 6 being exceptions. In those like amarsha in line 5 the rule of reduplication does not apply at all. In such cases the consonant after r is correctly left single. Grammatically, the pronominal use of the word dvaya in verse 13 is interesting. Such a usage is rare, but we have instances of it in Sanskrit literature, as in Magha's Sisupalavadha, III, 57: janair-ajata-skhalanair na jatu dvaye=py=amuchyanta vinita-marga). In verse 9, the verbal form ajani, in the causative sense, is a solecism, which is repeated in jajna in verso 10. Similar soleciems are not uncommon in Sanskrit inscriptions. On the seals of Bhaskara varman of Pragjyotisha, for instance, we have tena jato devyam fri-Ratnavatyam........ Kalyanavarma. To quote an earlier instance, we have vasundharesastanayam prajajse in the Mandasor inscription of Malava Samvat 524, referring to the Gupta king Govindagupta.. The word fuddhan in verse 7 has pog. sibly to be taken as synonymous with kevalan, which would be of lexical interost. The construction, however, seems to be faulty inasmuch as a tam was essential in the subordinate clause and that is absent. Instead of suddham, something like tam-eva would thus have been better. These observations, it may be admitted, hold good only in case the interpretation of the verse in question as given below be acceptable. The verse no doubt is a hard nut to crack. The main object of the inscription is to record the erection of a temple of Kamantaka, i.e., Siva, evidently identical with the present Chatasvara temple. There is, however, a difference of opinion as to who exactly was responsible for raising this edifice. Vasu ascribes it to Ananga . . 1 Dr. D. C. Sircar, for instance, justifies this designation (above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 236; IHQ, XXVIII, pp. 130-1). The script of the present inscription compares well with that of Svapnegvara's inscription of the time of Anangabhima II ; above, Vol. VI, plate facing page 202. The confusion between vand is not only a palaeographical feature, but also a phonetic peculiarity, which is notioeable in certain inscriptions even of the Gupta period. See Dr. G. S. Gai's note in the Journal of the Ganganatha Jha Research Institute, Vol. VI, pp. 308-309. Dr. Hirananda Sastri's Nalanda and Its Epigraphical Material (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 66, Calcutta, 1942), p. 70. Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 15, text 1, line 4.

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123 No. 16] CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION bhima II,1 whereas a careful perusal of the text, even as it is presented by the said scholar, will show that it was Anangabhima II's (really III's) minister, Vishnu, who built that temple. Babu Manomohan Chakravarti, who, by the way, proved this Anangabhima to be Anangabhima III (and not II), has evaded the issue by merely observing: "Several years would have elapsed between the minister Vishnu's fight with the Yavanas and the finishing of the temple." Babu Rakhal Das Banerji, on the other hand, strikes a discordant note by attributing the construction of the Siva temple in question to Govinda who was the said Anangabhima's grandfather's minister. The confusion is probably due to the fact that Anangabhima's grandfather's name also happens to be Anangabhima and that both he and his minister, Govinda, also figure in the present inscription, as we shall presently see. Dr. Hemchandra Ray, however, correctly ascribes the erection of the temple to Vishnu. Our inscription mentions only four members of the later Ganga dynasty of Kalinga : (1) Chodaganga, (2) his son Anangabhima, (3) his son Rajendra, and (4) his son Anangabhima. Not taking the earlier rulers of the lineage into consideration, Vasu took the second of the aforementioned members as Anangabhima I and the fourth as Anangabhima II. In the context of the full genealogy, however, these two stand as Anangabhima II and Anangabhima III respectively, one of their forefathers (Vajrahasta by name) being Anangabhima I. It may further be observed that a variant form of this name, which frequently occurs in inscriptions, is Aniyankabhima, and that Rajendra of our inscription is to be equated with Rajaraja III. The full genealogy as well as the events connected with the various members of the dynasty has recently been reviewed by Dr. D. C. Sircar in his edition of the Nagari plates of Anangabhima III; Saka-1151 and 1152. The portion of the genealogy contained in the present inscription stands as follows: (1) Anantavarman-Chodaganga (1078-1147 A. C.) (2) Anangabhima II (4th son of 1) (1190-97 A. C.) (3) Anantavarman-Rajaraja III (son of 2) (1198-1211 A. C.) (4) Anangabhima III (son of 3) (1211-38 A. C.) Again, as indicated above, in connection with Anangabhima II, our inscription mentions his minister Govinda; and in connection with Anangabhima III, it describes his minister Vishnu. As a matter of fact, the Chatesvara inscription is a eulogy of this Vishnu himself. Of the total of twenty-five verses, the poet has devoted as many as thirteen to Vishnu alone, describing his valour, learning and charities. The first eleven verses, descriptive of the Lunar Race and some of the later Ganga rulers belonging to it, serve as introduction, while the concluding stanza mentions the poet's name and fame. A perusal of the whole inscription leaves one with the impression that Vishnu was that type of a minister who is all in all in a state, while its ruler counts as a mere figure-head. The contents of the inscription are, briefly, as follows. It opens with a symbol for siddham followed by um and obeisance to Siva. Verse 1 is in praise of the Ocean and verse 2 in that of the Moon, born of the Ocean. Verse 3 refers, in a conventional way, to the kings descending from the Moon, i.e., those of the Lunar Race, Verses 4 to 6 describe, in a general way, king Cho laganga 1JASB, Vol. LXVII (1898), p. 319. Ibid., Vol. LXXII (1903), p. 120. P. D. Banerji, History of Orissa, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1930, p. 255 and p. 202. H. C. Kay, The Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1931, p. 478. For a full genealogical list of the later Gangas of Kalinga, see Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, pp. 387-388. See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 235 ff. 12

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124 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX (i.e., Anantavarman-Chodaganga). It is of interest to know that, in verse 4, he is described as an incarnation of the Narasimha avatara of the god Vishnu. We may parenthetically observe here that, as is known from other inscriptions, Chodaganga's ancestors were all staunch devotees of the god Siva, and that Chodaganga himself was one such in the earlier part of his life; but that, about 1112 A.C., he started adoring Vishnu as well, later on becoming a devotee of Vishnu alone. His descendants all adhered to the Vaishnava faith. Verse 7 describes Chodaganga's son Anangabhima (II) as a peace-loving ruler. Verse 8 mentions his able minister, Govinda, a Brahmana of the Vatsa gotra. Verse 9 introduces Anangabhima (II)'s son Rajendra (Rajaraja III), whose son Anangabhima (III) is described, in verses 10 and 11, as a valorous and munificent ruler. Verses 12 to 22 are descriptive of Anangabhima (III)'s minister, Vishnu. In verse 12 he is stated to have stabilised the empire of the lord of Trikalinga (i.e. Anangabhima III). Verse 13 represents him as a great warrior. Verse 14 alludes to his having routed a king of Tummana, while in verse 15 mention is made of his fight with a Muslim ruler (Yavan-avanindra). Verse 16 refers to his vigilance and war-preparedness, ensuring safety and security to the empire of the lord of Utkala (ie., Anangabhima III). Verses 17 and 18 contain a poetic description of his glory (yasas). Verse 19 adverts to the Tulapurusha gift which, it is indicated, he ceremonially gave on the sea-shore near Puri. Verse 20 contains a poetic description of sea-breezes and informs us that the minister Vishnu caused pools and tanks to be constructed along principal roads. Verses 21 and 22 describe his proficiency in the Vedas and various sastras. It may, in passing, be remarked that it is on the strength of these two verses that Vishnu may be taken as a Brahmana. Otherwise, neither his caste nor his parentage is expressly stated in the inscription. Besides, we are not in a position to say whether he was in any way related to Govinda, the Brahmana minister of Anangabhima II. Verse 23 informs us that Vishnu erected the temple of the Destroyer of Cupid (Kamantaka), i.e., Siva. In verse 24 a long life is wished to this temple as well as to the prasasti. The author of the prasasti, a poet, Bhaskara by name, introduces himself in verse 25, as the last item. It may be realised that this eulogy gives us more of poetry than of history. The translation of the text appended hereto will give an idea of the heights of imagery and hyperbole to which the poet Bhaskara has soared. He has exhibited his skill well; but, alas! he has not been understood so well, with the result that what little of historical value his poem contains has suffered distortion. The obscurity that prevailed over the identity of the builder of the temple has already been pointed out. Following Vasu's translation, Banerji says: "According to this inscription either Govinda or Anangabhima III erected several pleasure-houses at Purushottama or Puri and performed the golden Tulapurusha ceremony at that place. He also constructed many roads and excavated tanks." Now, this statement is wrong. In the first place, it is neither Govinda nor Anangabhima III, but Vishnu, who should be credited with the works of public utility enumerated. These, again, in reality consist only of tanks. He constructed no pleasure-houses and no roads. A perusal of the text and its rendering (of verses 19 and 20) given below will show that the so-called pleasure-houses refer to the toy-hillocks of jewellery for the Tulapurusha gift, magnified by the poetic fancy into so many replicas of the Mount Meru, the abode of the gods, and that, so far as roads are concerned, Vishnu only dotted them with tanks here and there, and had nothing to do with their constructions. Besides, even the excavation of tanks may not be taken as a personal charity of Vishnu. It was presumably a part of the liberal policy of the government with Vishnu as its chief minister. What stands to the credit of Vishnu as a person, judging from the description given, is the great gift of Tulapurusha, apart from the building of a Siva temple, the main object of the inscription. It may be observed that the Tulapurusha is the first of sixteen 1 Ibid, pp. 239-40. * R. D. Banerji, History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 262.

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No. 16] CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION 125 mahadanas,' great gifts,' enumerated and elaborately described in the Puranas. In the case of the particular gift in question, the donor gives away in charity his own weight of precious metal and stones (gold, silver, ornaments, jewels, etc.). Historically, the allusions to the wars waged by Vishnu on behalf of his master, Anangabhima III, are more important. They are, however, so vague that they do not add much to our knowledge. Verse 14, shorn of its hyperbole, means to convey that Vishnu fought with a king of Tummana and possibly harassed him. We know that Tummana was the capital of a branch of the Haihayas of Mabakosala, now represented by a small village called Tumana 'in the Lapha Zamindari of the Bilaspur District in the Chattisgarh Division of Madhya Pradesh. We know also that these rulers came into conflict with the Gangas of Utkala (Orissa). In fact, Ratnadeva II of the Haihaya line is known to have inflicted a defeat on the great Ganga monarch AnantavarmanChodaganga, the great-grandfather of Anangabhima III. It is, however, not known as to who the adversary of Vishnu was. It may be argued that the author of the prasasti would have given us a more detailed and definitive information on the point, if the war were really a major one. Chakravarti infers from the poetic description that the fight took place in the groves on the banks of the Bhima river at the foot of the Vindhya hills. It is true that tho Vindhy-adrer-adhi-sima bhima-tatini-kusje of the original does lend itself to that sort of inferenco, yet it is open to various objections. In the first place, the word bhima-tatini may not refer to a river of the name of Bhima, as we have taken it to mean. In fact, no river of this name is known to exist in the region concerned. The well-known Bhima or Bhimarathi, a tributary of the Krishna river, is too far in the south. It is thus more probable that the compound bhima-tatini-kusje is to be rendered by 'in the fearsome groves along rivors.' The choice of the word bhima in this context seems to have been lictated by the poet's liking for alliteration. After all, the poet is describing the bewildered * state of his hero's adversary running about in all directions, and not the site of any battle. The reference to Vishnu's encounter with a Muslim ruler in verse 15 is even more obscure. Chakravarti's supposition that this refera probably to some inroads of Giyas-ud-din Iwaz, the fourth Bengal ruler' lacks corroboration. It is needless to dilate upon the faulty text and the froe rendering of it presented by Vasu, resulting in misconceptions some of which have been shown above. As indicated above, tho inscription is to be treated more as a piece of poetry than as a bit of history. TEXT [Meters: V. 1 Sikharini; v. 2 U pajiti; v. 3 Sragdhara; v. 4 Mandakranta ; vv. 5-7, 10-17, 20 Sardulavikridita; vv. 8, 9, 21, 25 Vasanlatiluka; v. 18 Harini; v. 19 Prithvi ; v. 22 Vamsasthabila; vv. 23, 24 Mulini.] 1 siddham' OM namaH zivAya // sa yasminmanAka: smarati janakakoDalalitaM yadantaH zrIkAntaH zrayati gRhajAmAtRpadavIm / surebhyastanmanyavyasanamanubhUya vyadhita yassudhAsaca soyaJjayati sari The sixteen great gifts are: Tulupurusha, Hiranyagarbha, Brahmandla, Kalpapadapa, Gosahasra, Hiranyakamadhenu, Hiranya sed, Hirayya svaratha, Hemahastin, Punchalangalaka, Dhara, Vidvachakra, Kalpalata, Saptasagara, Ratnadhenu and Mambalagha. For their description, see the Malaya Purina, chapters 273-288. Compare also H&madri's Chaturvaryachintamani, Danakhanda, Prakaraya V. * Indian Antiquary, Vol. LIII (1924), p. 267. 11. C. Ray, DUNI, Vol. I, p. 470. * JASB, Vol. L.XXII (1908), p. 119. Ibid. From the original and from inked estampages. * Expressed by a symbol.

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126 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Vou. XX IX 9 tAmekasubhagaH // 1 // *] tasmAdabhUdvismayamAdadhAnaH kalAnidhivizvavilocanAnAm / yamarpayAmAsa guNAnurAgAnnetri] murAriMkuTe purAriH // 2 // *] bhUpAstasmAda bhUvuddhisRmarasamarodaJcadAzcaryyavIryyajyo3 tirjAlAvalIDhapratibhaTakaraTistyAnadAnaprabandhAH / yeSAM kIttipravAhai]: pratipadamudayatsvaddha nIsaGgasaukhyapresatkallolakeliH kalayati jaladhistAni lIlAyitAni // 3 // *] teSAmvaM(SAM vaM)ze vizadayazasA4 JcoDagaGgakSitIndravyAjavyaktaM naraharitanojyotirAvirbabhUva / dappo(ppo)hAmadvipa madanadItIrthasaMnyAsinA yagnistriMzena pratinRpatayaH prApitA mokSalakSmIm // [4 // *] dhammillaM karapallave kalitavAnprAgeva vai5 rizriyaH smerAmarSataraGgitena manasA nistriMzavallIntataH / cakre vairivadhUjanastanataTIryo muktamuktAH puraH pazcAduddharagandhasindhuramadaprasyandigaNDasthalIH // [5 // *] yatkallolita maNDalAgrakuTilATopasphu8 ratsAdhvasaryadvANaprakaraprahArataralaiH pratyarthibhiH pArthivaiH / caNDAMzoddivi maNDalAgrapaTalaM nirbhidya tanmanyunA manye nirvRtigarvitairanusRto nirvANasImA rasaH // [6 // "] AsItsUnuranaGgabhImanRpa7 tiH puNyAtapatrantato na spRSTaH kalikAlakalmaSamasIkallolalIlAyitaiH / keyaM mantrakalA' yahunmadakarivyUhamvi(haM vi)hAyAmunA zuddhAmekapade vRSe kalayatA sAmrAjyamAsAditam // 7 // *] svairaM zruti8 trayagavIbhirupAsyamAno govinda ityajani vatsakule dvijendraH / rAjJaH ka eSa mahimA yadasAvanena * sAmrAjyabhAravahane vidadhe dhurINaH // [8 // *] savA(rvA)natapratimahIpati kezapAzazevAlavallizikha0 re nakharAjahaMsAH / yatpAdapaGkajagRhAzramiNaH svapanti rAjendra ityajani tena tataH kSitIndraH // [*] jajJesI tamanaGgabhImanRpatiM yasya pratApAnalajvAlAsamva(saMva)litaH suvarNazikharI yAti dravatvaM 10 yadi / prAdAyanamahanizaM yadi ghanA muJcanti dhArotkarAnAzAH pUrayituM tathApi vijayI yaddAnakelikramaH // [10 // *] trailokyaM vimalIkaroti yadi tatkIrtirmudhA svarddhanI kaNThe ceviluThanti

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CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION | 174g[12)}2 !l| by'sr' suu2 laa? 22 4/ 121/11saam laabaas-H2}nycy'snggaa| a gmembsNgtthigny' saanaaulaa tthi!atthl4/r`siim| maamaaraastmaanush jy'yussaa2aayaatmtmaadhigumssmaabaashbgraanyj| tthii4/ssgutthiy'aal baannaahaa{\ssaarthtH saatmaagaandhaadhk| saaNsaar'itmaa laalaagrnisnaasbaar'aay'?| 4 (25nyjiir`r'aalr'ilaaiy'4/ ohaasaaitaasiy'aay'yaagmaay'aammirkr'aabbaasriikssaa / [2(haaH||my'nyjaamaalisniaallaa| birlpry'aaNghr'Hkhiir`sy'aamyu || maanyjaatisptdaanycl/45| 4tthaaiy'aaliphaay'aagraamiNlaay'tnaamul,maay'aagissttr'iaanuy'aaliy'aanniisuy'gaambrmy'mnuyu 15Htyaacy'aarmyaanuh laalkaarthiiJlaal(yaatthaamkaatthaay'k|snaayaambaasghaassaaly'aalaamaasaassttisumti 4 graa3/4 graahym!lsaay'aamgndhaatry' grhaannmy'laabaasaa sthaanaangkaadhaasaamhimaamlaapi| | 4 himbaah!maahaamnngy' sthaa?5215583sthaay'ukaalaamgyaayssmghmaalaalaamaalaaiNlpptir| 10 2 ?iirthsmy'iy'imaar`dhaar'aa r'aasaa 7: 552(4rthyaanaalikumaatijhinaakaatigh5aangaal baar`aaHsuQ i0 [H (lai maandhaatraatthaalbtthr|taar'maahmy'aamaalaakhaallaaguy'aahaabbaalaalaamaal| 12 gruy'aarlaamaaibaabHltr'aataar'maatthmaagh3Agaassthaahsaalaardhkssunggaailsthyaataassjaay'aasaay'aacHia| 2 c / 1sthlaa sbgraaHQAiimaar' gur'nyjbaaHsmsbaadhhy'aaghaay'naadhaappaahmmbaay'y'y'y'aanaay'aay'| 14aaik graahiim maamaa|ny5aasthlaatthiy'aay' smaahiyaataay'|sby'saalthaasmaalaamaatth| (3ymy' ghrthaaglchummaannyugniiy'taa caay'k syaalaarjiaalaapiy'Hnimgbnbhumr'aadhaar'msyaalaaknaakaanggaanggliH| 16 |baam[slmaay'(saamgliaamaanyjaa laagaaiy'aay'aagraay'aagrnthgutthiy'aalaaik!i6| ai khaambaay'mbaamgrii byaay'aamaatrly'Nsmraahmlaa| skutthaambssaagrtaasaamphijil/kaay'| 14 12 mlty| syaay'bmlaay' baahaamaar'iaalir'gtthgrnthaamaay'aat grnthaay'i ligrs 4 / ebaanggaa38r'klaar'jii( adlsnlimaariissttaantgraahm sulaay'mghlaaghbaalliy'aamsul 20 maamaalaay'lmlkaalaar'aatr'aabaatlihaaRlingkaannaalNr'aanntthaasul(taay'aakaasthkaa) 20 byaabsthaa[{aay'aay' sbaamiir'bhsaarrmaayhaathssttaar'ir'miisnggm thikaalaasthaayilaaliy'aakaandhibaandhtthilmnnaatmgriilmm| 22) sbaasthhiihtthaay'tthaabaaHlaatthir'thilimaalkhaay'aaythssssnsyulaalistir`isthaar`r`kaar'aaguci / baaghmuhaa(yulkaaniynggl kraangaamaay'aajaaljaaljaaniy'aahmNhmmuhuHybliigm saamybdhimaalaa | 24 maasy'aalaamkaannaablnyjthm gndh maay'aar jaanaanthaamHgr'y'aasr'uulsy'aamule|| 24 blmaatthiy'aayhiimthiy'aaghaaly(mdhaa(raampur'aatraay'shssy snaaks saanisisikHkilaabRsse syaa...| SCALE: ONE-THIRD

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No. 18] CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION 127 l taNitayo piGamauktikAnAM sajaH / tatpAdAbjanakhAtivyatikarabhUSAvidhiyaMca. bhUtpratyarthikSitipAlabhAlaphalake kaH paTTabandhagrahaH // [11 // *] tasyAtha kSitipAla bhAlavaDabhInidrAsta12 pAdAGgalerviSNuviSNurivAparaH kalitavAnsAcivyamavyAhatam / zvetacchatrazatAni yasya __ yazasA nirmAya kimbUmahe sAmrAjyaM trikaliGganAthanRpaterekAtapatrIkRtam // [12 // *] ye yAtAH zaraNaM 13 raNAGgaNAzi]rassa(saM)nyastazastrAH puro [ya]A durdamadovilAsarasikairutkhAtakhaGgaH sthitam / AzcaryaM yadamI dvayepi na cirAdAsAdya viSNoH pAda] prAptA nirbhara nirvRtipraNayitAM pra14 tyarthinaH pArthivAH // [13 // *] vindhyAdreradhisIma bhImataTinIkuje taTembhonidhe viSNurviSNurasAvasAviti bhayAdvai tandizaH pazyataH / yogAbhyAsaparizrameNa na tathA vaikhAnasAnAmidaM vizvaM 16 viSNumayaM yathA pariNataM tummANapRthvIpateH // [14 // *] karNottaMsitasAyakasya subhaTAnekAkino nighnataH kimbrUmo yavanAvanIndrasamare tattasya vIravratam / yasyAlokanakautukavyasani18 nAM vyomAGgaNe nAkinAmasvapnaranimeSavRttibhirabhUnnetrairmahAnutsavaH // [15 // *] sAhasrAH paritaH sphuranti harayaH khelanti yUthargajAH preGkhadbhiH pathi puNDarIkapaTala dikcakramA17 kramyate / samvA(saMvA)saH kaTakeSu mauliASu] padanyAsaH kulakSmAbhRtAM [kruddhe yatra na kAcidutkalapateH sAmrAjyalakSmIkSatiH // [16 // *] mApIThaM kiyadambarakriya datha svaHsaudhametatkiyaddikcakraM kiya18 detadeva kalaya brahmANDakhaNDayit / prAste yatra tanoti yatra caraNaM yatre damAmodate yatra [sphUja]ti yatra vA nivasati svacchandametadyazaH // 17 // *] tapanatanayAmabhyAdattevataMsayituM zivaH kuvalayakulaM 19 karNottaMsena bibhrati * subhravaH / vicakilavanotsaGge bhRGgIvidAntyAlinaH svanajaMgati janitazvetAddhaute tadIya[ya*]zobharaiH // [18 // *] anena puruSottamapraNayinISu vArAnidhestaTISu ghaTitAstulApu

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128 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 20 ruSAhemabhUmIbhRtaH / vilAsavasatIzzAtaM] kalayatA balArAtinA zacIvadanavArije ___taralitAssalIla dRzaH // [19 // *] panthAnaH sarasAM zataistata itastenAGkitA yattadA smerAmbhojagabhIraga21 bhakuharadhvastAdhvakhedormayaH / antaHsaurabhasArazIkaramayaiH pAtheyabhArairamI mandaM mandamamuvrajanti pathikAnambhodhivelAnilAH // 20 // *1 AnvIkSikI kuTilamaikSata yaM kaTAkSaryyasya trayI vadanatAma22 rasaM cucumba / svairaM yadIyahRdaye vijahAra vArtA yaM daNDanItirapi nirbhara- mAliliGga // 21 // * udagradoSAdapathapravartanaskhaladagatIni zrutidRSTivibhramaiH / cakAra tattvApratipattisampa23 dAmpadaM purANAni punarnavAni yaH // [22 // *] kanakakalazabhAvaM bhAvayAmAsa bhAsvAnajani rajanijAniH sphATikaH pUrNakumbhaH / dhvajapaTacaTulazrIyaMtra ca vyomagaGgA viracitamamunedaM dhAma 24 kAmAntakasya // 23 // *] tribhuvanabhayazAntikartumekArNaventarjalajapamiva yAvatkurvate parvatendrAH / sadanamidamudaJcatphenapuJjapratiSThAmiha kalayatu tAvadgIyatAJca prazastiH // [24 // *] lokA25 zcaturdaza na mAti yazo yadIyaM vidyAzcaturdaza na tRpyati yasya buddhiH / ___ manvantarANyapi caturdaza yasya sUktinaM mlAnimeti sa kaviH kila bhAskarosyAH // [25*] // . TRANSLATION Success! Om ! Obeisance to Siva ! (Verse 1) Hail to the Ocean, the sole (lovable) lord of (ull) the rivers, (submerged) in whom the famous (mourt) Mainaka (still) cherishes the memory of his (childhood's) frolics in the parental lap,' in whom Vishnu is (enjoying himself) as son-in-law at (his father-in-law's) home,' (and) who 1 Mt. Mainaka, son of Mt. Himalaya from Mena or Menaka, is described here as absolutely caro-free, because he was lucky enough to have escapod the calamity when Indra clipped the wings of the mountains. He owes his escape to his friendship with the Ocean. The word janaka in the original stands for both janaka and janani, 'father and mother', according to Panini, I, ii, 67 or I, ii, 70. ___IVishpu is known to be Mahodadhilaya, i.e., 'one who realines on the waters of the great ocean'. The oOAD is his father-in-law, because his wife, Lakshmi, happens to be the daughter of the Ocean.

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No. 16] CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION 129 freely distributed ambrosia' among the gods (even). after having experienced torture at their hands at the time when they churned him! (Verse 2) From him (tho ocean) was born the Moon, causing wonderment to the eyes of one and all, whom Vishnu placed in his eye, (and) whom Siva placed on his forehead," out of loving regard for his virtues. (Verse 3) From him (the Moon) sprang kings, the glowing flames of whose amazing prowess manifesting itself on the ever) expanding battle-fields consumed the swollen stream of rut of the enemy elephants, the union with the celestial Ganga rising every moment through the ceaseless influx of whose fame caused such a (thrill of) joy to the Ocean that he started rollicking with surging waves, the which revels he keeps indulging in (to this day). (Verse 4) In the family of those (kings) of the spotless fame did the glory of the Narasimha incarnation (of the god Vishnu)' manifest itself in the guise of the king Chodaganga whose sword a veritable hermit on the sacred banks of the river of rut of the (enemy) elephants flying into a frenzied rage, helped the hostile princes attain the blessing of salvation. (Verse 5) With his mind agitated by the palpable displeasure, he (Chodaganga) grabbed, in his hand (80 soft) as a fresh leaf, the chignon of the enemy Fortune even before he clutched his creeper-like sword, (and similarly) he first rendered the gorgeous bosome of the ladies of his enemies bereft of their pearls (and) afterwards? (he did so) the broad temples of the boisterous scentelephants (of his enemies), from which rut was trickling profusely. (Verse 6) At his indignation, the hostile chiefs, obviously frightened by his scimitar being brandighed and looming large to their horror), (and) shuddering under the volley of the multitude of his arrows, sought after the joy of complete-extinction type, as if priding themselves on enan Literally, 'installed an alms house of spa brosia for the gods.' Ambrosia (amrita or oudha) is one of the fourtoen gems that the Ocean yielded when churned by the gods and the demons. These include the Moon and lakshmi As well. * The iniplication being that he treated benevolently and generously even those who wronged him grievously. * While Siva's carrying & crescent on his forehead is well known, the idea of Vishnu's bearing the Moon in the eye goes back to the Vedas, where he is described as having fire as his head aud the sun and moon as his eyes (agnir-murdha chakshushi chandra-siryau). It is on account of this that one of Vishnu's thousand names is Ravi. Idchana, i.e., one who has the sun as one of the eyes' (see Vishnusahasrandma, with Sankaracharya's commen. tary, verse 93). * In order to appreciate the poetic fanoy here one must know that kirti (fame) is conceived as a white liquid while the waters of the celestial Ganga (really speaking, the Galaxy or Milky Way in the heavens) are regarded to be milky. The augmentation is thus supposed greatly to add to the gracefulness and charms of the fancied lady, hurrying to her lover, with the heaving bosom. Naraharitanu of the original is comparable with Narasimhavapuh of the Vishnusahasranama, verse 3. * A florid substitute for saying: he killed his enemies. * The alleged reverse order of vanquishing and molestation, rhetorically speaking, indicates the agility of action and confidence of victory on the part of the person whose valour is described here. As for the temples of elephants having pearls, they are traditionally known as one of the various sources of pearls. The tradition is recorded by Mallinatha as follows: Karindra-jimita-waraha-darkha-matay-thi-bullyudbhava-vinjani multaphalani prathitani loke tesham tu bukty-udbhavam=iva bhuri. "Pearls are known in the world as emanating from elephants, clouds, boars, conohshells, fish, snakes, oyster-shells and bamboos. Of them, however, those coming from oyster-shells are most common. For details, see under mukta in the Sabdakal. padruma. * A soent-elephant, gandha-sindhura, is supposed to be one of the most excellent kind of elephant. It is defined as Yasya gandhath samdyhriya na tishthandi pratidvipih sa vai gandha-gajo sama mripateraujuy-dvahab. 'A soent-elephant is that having smelt whose sent the rival elephants take to flight; such a scent-elephant brings victory to the king (who owns it).' 3 DGA/63

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130 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX cipation (from the bondage of this world), having pierced through the frontal diso of the orb of the sun in the heaven. (Verse 7) From him (Chodaganga) was (born his) son, king Anangabhima, a very parasol of piety, who was not touched by the spurtings of billows of the ink of sins of the Kali age. What A wonderful) magic trick was that, leaving aside the array of rutting elephants, (and depending rather) on the one-legged bull (i.e., dharma), adopting merely that (magic), he had secured the empire ? (Verse 8) In the family of the Brahmanas belonging to the) Vatsa (g8tra) there was born an excellent Brahmana, called Govinda, who was voluntarily adored by the hymns and chants of (all) the three Vedas. What an astonishing) greatness was this of the king that he made him (Govinda) the bull-at-the-yoke for carrying the burden of (his) empire ?" (Verse 9) Then, from him (Anangabhima) was born a king, named Rajendra, the swans (in the form of toe-nails, the house holders (80 to say) of lotuses (in the form) of whose feet, rest? on the top of mossy weeds (in the shape) of locks of hair of all the hostile chiefs who bowed to him). (Verse 10) He (Rajendra) begot that king Anangabhima whose manner of disporting himself by giving charities far excels in fulfilling desires (of the suppliants), even if the mountain of gold (i.e., Sumeru) gets melted by the blasts of the flames of the fire of his prowess, and the clouds, having taken it (molten gold), shower it in milliard streams day and night for filling (alls the quarters (of the space). (Verse 11) If his fame purifies (all) the three worlds, in vain is there the celestial Ganga! If his utteranoes roll about in the neck (of the people), fie upon pearl necklaces! If the purpose All this means that the enemies fought and fell. Seeing no escape from the sure death, thoy made a virtaa of necessity, hoping to be rewarded in the world hereafter with the reward of a happy warrior. And that reward consists in the attainment of perfoot bliss in the solar region, as the tradition has it, which only two can reach, & yogin and a warrior. Compare the couplet: Dvduzimau purushau loke surya-mandala-bhldinau pariurid-yogeyuktab-cha rant chabhimukho halah. There are those two mon in the world who burst through the disc of the sun, (one is) a peripatetic yogin perfocted in meditation, and the other is he) who is killed in the battle without turning his back (upon his opponent)'. (Subhashitaratnabhanddgara, Nirpayasagar Press, Bombay, 6th edition, 1929, p. 161, verse 106.) Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, kindly informed me that this couplet is met with in certain Kannada hero-stone inscriptions. See B. Lewis Rioe's Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, London, 1909, p. 172. It may be rooalled that, among the duties of a kshatriya, & noteworthy one is yuddha chadpyapalayanam, 'not running away in the battle field' (Srimadbhagavadgita, XVIII, 43), which is echoed in the rape ch-abhimukho hatah of the couplet quoted abovo. * This means that the pious people enjoyed special protection and soourity under Anangabhima. * Mark the use of the word fuddha in the sense of kevala in the present oontext. The English word pure offers a parallel inasmuch as this likewise is oocasionally used in the sonse of sheer or mere. See remarks above, p. 122. The implication is that Anangabhima was & peace-loving and righteous king. Though he possessed war elophante, he never went to war. The bull, symbolio of dharma, stood on all the four legs in the Krita age, on three legs in the Treta age, on two legs in the Dvapara ago, and in the present Kali age, he stands only on one leg, mythologioally speaking. Again, mantra-kala apparently denotes here 'magic trick' or the like, but in reality it stands for mantra-bakti, the expedient of wise counsel, which is one of the three expedients well-known in the lore of statecraft, the other two being prabhu-Sakti and wedha-takti, referring to the personality of the king himself and the enthuisa.sm of his forces respectively. The poet astutely tells us in the present verse that Anangabhima's FOODS as a ruler was due to the wise counsel he used to receive from his ministers, one of whom is described in the vorso that follows. . In other words, he easily acquired proficienoy in the Vedic lore. . Another of the poet's pot conundrums! Being a calf (Vatsa), a great favourite of the cows (gavi), Govinda must indood have made a fine bull of himself to drag the great burden! Shorn of the poetic embellishment, the oiroumlocution means that Govinda was Anangabhima's chief minister. Mark in this verse and in the following ones the historio present tense, referring to the past ovento. * It need not be pointed out that the Sanskrit word kastha means both "throat' and 'neck'."

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No. 16] CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION 131 of decoration could be served by the sparklings of lustre of the toe-nails of his lotus-like feet, what was the necessity of tying a tiara on the block of a forehead of the hostile chiefs ? (Verse 12) Now, he (Anangabhima), the tops of whose feet used to fall into a slumber (as it were) on the balconyi (in the form) of the foreheads of (hostile) princes, had one Vishnu, like a second (god) Vishnu (himself), who served him uninterruptedly as his minister. What should we speak of his (Vishnu's) fame which, having created hundreds of white parasols (all over the world), brought the whole) empire of the king, the lord of Trikalinga, under one single parasol 1deg (Verse 13) How wonderful that no sooner had they approached the foot of Vishnu: than both (leinds of the hostile chiefs, those who surrendered to him, laying down the arms in front of him in the forefront of the battle-field, and those who stood their ground with their swords upraised, itching for a trial of strength, achieved the blissful state of complete emancipation ! (Verse 14) The anchorites of the Vaikhanasa order, by their striving in the practice of yoga, do not so much perceive this universe to be composed of the god) Vishnu as indeed it appeared to the king of Tummana to be consisting of the minister) Vishnu, who, (in his hallucination) out of fear, saw him in all) the directions, repeatedly uttering there is Vishnu, there is Vishnu,' (during his flight from the battle) at the skirts of the Vindhya hills, in the forests along the Bhima river, (and) on the shore of the sea.. (Verse 15) How are we to describe that heroism of his (Vishnu's) during his fight with the Muslim king, while all alone-his arrows appearing as his ear-pendants-he shot dead (many) expert soldiers, which (display of heroism) became a grand feast to the sleepless and unwinking eyes of the gods who were the interested lookers-on in the heaven above ? (Verse 16) While he (Vishnu) is on the alert, no harm whatsoever (can come) to the sovereignty of the lord of Utkala; horses in their thousands are prancing on all sides, elephants are playing about in herds, all the quarters of the space are choked with multitudes of lilies swaying on (either side of every) road, residence is in camps (also, on the mountain ridges), (and) tramping is on the foreheads of (hostile) chiefs of noble birth (also, on the peaks of the celebrated mountains). 1 The term vadabhi or valabhi, proporly speaking, means 'topmost part of a building' or 'part of a sloping roof projecting from the outer wall,' which in Hindustani is called chhajja. * The point of poetic perplexity is the creation of hunderds of umbrellas on the one hand, and on the other the keeping of the government under only one umbrella. It may be pointed out that'single parasol' is sym. bolio of universal sovereignty. Cf. ekatapatran jagatah prabhutvam, in Kalidasa's Raghuvam sa, II, 47. * Vishnu's pada refers to the god Vishnu's holy feet as well as to the minister Vishnu's proximity. The verso implies that those of the enemies who dared to oppose were killed downright, and those who surrendered were allowed to enjoy their freedom ! The poet has cleverly kept up the minister Vishnu's comparison with the god of that name in this verse as well. For a different interpretation of the expression bhima-lafini-kurje, see above, p. 125. . That is, pulling the bow-string right up to the ear while shooting arrows. * The eyes of the gods are traditionally known to be ever wide open, without winking. The poet ovidently wishes to convey that, in watching the heroio feat of Vishnu, the natural winklessness of their eyes proved an extra advantage to the gods, because thereby they did not miss the great sight even for so short a time as the twinkling of an eye. "On the alert ' is a free rendering of the original kruddha which literally means 'engry' or 'furious'. This is to be eqnated with the udynta-danda ('one with the rod upraised") of the rajaniti or statecraft. Expatiating on rajadharma, Manu says: Nityam-udyata dandaayat, eto., "Let him be ever ready to strike", eto. (Mann. emrit, VII, 102 and 103, and G. Buhler's translation in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXV, p. 232). Commen. tators like Kullaka explain danda in this context by hasty-abu-adilikah-abhydsa, military training and drilling, especially for wars with the help of elephants and horses. The poet of our prasasti evidently refers to such a warpreparedness on the part of Vishnu in mentioning the sports of horses and elephants and all the rest of it in the present verse. The lilies and lotunes symbolise the peace with plenty ostablished through his good administration, while the tramping on foreheads points to the proper subjugation of hostile elements in like manner. 03

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* 132 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX (Verse 17) Just think (of it)! How extensive (after all) is the surface of the earth where his (Vishnu's) Fame can comfortably sit? How spacious is the sky where she can stretoh her feet! How big is the mansion of heaven where she can enjoy herself? How roomy are the quarters of the space where she can leap about? And how expansive is this fragment of a universe where she can dwell? (Verse 18) The world having been (white) washed by the heaps of his fame, owing to the (allenveloping) whiteness produced (thereby), Siva grabs at Yamuna for adorning (his head), fair damsels carry blue lilies for their ear-ornaments, (and) in the heart of the jasmine groves the bees make out their mates (only) by the buzzing sound. (Verse 19) On the shores of the sea, favourite of the god) Purushottama," he (Vishnu) raised many a veritable Meru (mountain of gold) while performing the Tulapurusha ceremonies. (Consequently) Indra, seeing (not one but) a hundred pleasure-resorts (resembling Meru), cast askanoe amorous glances on the lotus-like face of his consort) Sachi. (Verse 20) He (Vishnu) dotted the roads with hundreds of lotus-pools, at convenient intervals. From that time onwards, the sea-broozes, with their fatigue and weariness of the way removed by (their resting in the deep inner cavities of the blooming lotusos, carrying provisions for the journey-provisions consisting of the spray pregnant with the fragrant essence-gently follow the way-farers. (Verse 21) Logic regarded him with favour ! Lore of the Vedas kissed his ruddy lips ! Ethics had a free play in his heart! Statecraft, too, embraced him lustily! (Verse 22) As for the Puranas (the old persons, so to say), he, himself being a repository of the wealth of clear understanding of the real meanings of the Vedas and the like), revived (and rejuvenated) them ; (for), owing to the great defect (and the derangement, attondant on old age, of the humours of the body, known as tri-dosha) through the perversion of the views about the Vedas (and the decays in the faculties of hearing and seeing), they were leading (people) on the wrong path and thereby becoming unpopular (and going astray and stumbling). (Verse 23) This temple of Siva has been built by him (Vishnu), where the Sun has assumed the form of its globe of gold, the Moon has become its crystal pitcher full (of water)," and the celestial Ganga (is apparent in) the futtering beauty of its banner. 1 Traditionally, the waters of the Yamuni aro black whereas those of the Gangi are white, and it is white lilios that ladies take for making them into ear-pendants. The bees are naturally black. The confusion, such as Siva reaching for Yamuna instood of for Gangi, is wrought by the fame which has turned everything whito, poetically speaking. The allusion seems to be the beach near Puri in Orissa, where there is a famous temple of Purushottama. Jagannatha, so closely associated with the minister Vishnu's patron, Anangabhima III. Mythologically, Mount Meru consists of gold and gems, and is the abodo of the gods. In the Ararakowa, 1, 49, we have such significant synonyms of it as Hemadri (mountain of gold'), Rutncnu (gem.peaked) and Suralaya ('abode of the gods'). The sight of a hundred such delightful abodos must needs touse a desire for dalliance in Indra, the lord of the gods. The analogy with old persons is kept up in the attributes that are given in this verse to the Purant It need hardly be mentioned that the word purana means old.' The use of the word vibhrama in the wonse of bhramsa, decay or decline, is best illustrated in the Grimadbhagavadgita, II, 63: Krodhad bhavali sam mohah sarundhat sapiti-vibhramah emriti-bhramsad buddhi-naso ouddhi-nabat praxasyati By this is meant the spherical member of the pinnacle of a Hindu templo, from which rises the bad-shapod spire. * This obviously refers to the pitcher of water, which is kept suspended or placed on a tripod over the Siva. linya in the sanctum sanctorum, the pitcher having a tiny hole at the bottom to allow water constantly to drip og the linga below.

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No. 17) EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES 133 (Verse 24) As long as the great mountains remain inside the ocean, as if engaged in the jalaja pa prayors for the removal of dangers from and the establishment of peace in (all) the three worlds, so long may this temple keep up the grandeur of swelling heaps of foams in this world, and so long may (this) eulogy be sung (as well)! (Verse 25) That well-known Bhaskara is the poet of this (poem), whose fame is hardly contained in (all) the fourteen worlds that there are, whose intellect is hardly satisfied with (all) the fourteen lores that there are, and whose elevated speech never loses its freshness throughout (all) the fourteen avons that there are. No. 17-EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES B. CH. CHHABRA, NEW DELHI A.-Kasyapa Image Inscription from Silao This inscription has been published by me. It attracted the attention of Professor Dr. E. H. Johnston of the Balliol College, Oxford, England, who was good enough to offer some illuminating comments on it in a letter, dated the 18th October, 1941, addressed to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the then Deputy Director General of Archaeology in India, New Delhi. Dr. Chakravarti kindly supplied me with the relevant extract from that letter. This extract runs as follows: "Owing to various circumstances I have only recently seen Dr. Chhabra's interesting article in Epigraphia Indica on the Kasyapa image inscription at Silao. On one or two poiuts however he has overlooked references, which would have modified his interpretation. If you would be good enough to send this letter to him, he might be interested to look up those I mention, und if he wishes to publish a supplemental note, he is welcome to make what use of my remarks he likes ; there is no need to mention my name. "On page 330 he refers to Buddhacaritra, xvii, 12, in Cowell's edition; but the whole of the text in Cowell from xiv, 33 on is a nineteenth century addition by Amstananda, who was Hodgson's pandit in Khatmandu. Asvaghosa did give a full account of Mabakabyapa's conversion, and an English translation of it from the Tibetan and Chinese by me is to be found in Acta Orientalia, XV, canto xvii, 24 ff. There is also an earlier translation in German fron the Tibetan only by Fr. Weller in Das Leben des Buddha von Asvaghosa. 1 The reference here is to the submarine mountains. * In an ordinary japa, the votary sits in a quiet corner and mutters prayer or ropeats a formula there in an undertone or inarticulately, but in a jula-japa, as the term indicates, he is required to keop sitting under water all the while. * One has to imagine that the exterior of the temple was originally white-washed, and that the main item of the up-keep of a temple usually consists of a fresh coat of lime-wash at loast onoo & year. The poet no doubt wirbed that the templo built by Vishnu might be well looked after and might endare for ever, but the phena. punja-pratishtha of the stanza lends itself equally to a totally opposite and undesired sense : the solidity of a heap of foam, a mocking reference to the ephemeral nature of man-made things. * The broad division of the universe into three : earth, heaven and the nether world, is here roplaced by ite more eleborate classification into the following fourteen sections : bhu, bhuvar, svar, mahas, janas, tapas, satya, atala, vitila, sulalu, rasatala, talatala, mahatala and patala. The first one refors to this earth, the next six are above lit, one over the other, and the remaining seven are under it, one below the other. * The fourteen traditional lores are four Vedas, six Vedanyas, Dharina, Mimamaa, Nyaya and the Puranas collectively as the fourteenth. * The fourteen manvantaras constituto but one day of Brahman. They compirse 4,320,000 human years Six such periode have already passed, we are living in the seventh, and seven more are yet to come. Above, Vol. XXV, 327 ff. and plate.

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134 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX "In verse I, should not javana be taken in the technical seuse, as described in Rhys Davids-Stede, Pali Dictionary, s. v.? It is a puzzle to me that the term does not appear to occur in Buddhist Sanskrit. I would suggest the meaning here is "of immeasurable intelligence" (or "power of perception"?). "The last verse refers to the legend that Mahakali attained Nirvana, but after it his body was preserved by magic, and he entered the Gurupada mountain, where he awaits the coming of Maitreya. Hiuan Tsang's account of it differs slightly from this and from the verse, in making his Nirvana be deferred till the meeting with Maitreya. For the canonical accounts Bee Watters, On Ydan Chwang, II, 144, and much more fully in J. Przyluski, La Legende 'Acoka 167 ff. (Is this latter important work not available in Indian Libraries ?) Dr. Chhabra is clearly not satisfied with his own translation and has not seen the significance of adhisthaya, which refers to adhisthana, the magic spiritual power of Buddha, by which he causes things to endure, or a Bodhisattva to explain the most esoteric points of doctrine. For references see La Vallee Poussin, L'Abhidharmakosa de Vasubandhu, ch. iii, 31, and ch. vii, 119 and E. Lamotte, Notes sur la Bhagavadgita, 56 ff., and Suzuki, Studies in the Larkavatarasutra, 377. "Despite the last, I think it is unusual to find the power attributed to anyone except the Buddha. It is, of course a specifically Mahayana doctrine, and the Hinayana adopted it from them. I take it that the verse means "This Kabyapa, who passed into Nirvana and yet kept his body in existence by his magic power just for the good of the world, resides (lit. shines) in the Beautiful Gurupada mountain; i. e. inside the mountain, not on it." I have nothing to add, except one remark in connection with Dr. Johnston's explanation of the last verse. It might be considered right provided the s8='yam of the original be taken as referring to Kabyapa himself. It is, on the contrary, presumed that we are concerned hure with the statue and the inscription on its pedestal. And when the latter says 80='yam-abhali Kasya pah, it obviously alludes to the stone image of Kasyapa,' and not to Kasyapa as a person. Such being the case, would it not be correct to say on the mountain, not inside it rather than 'inside the mountain, not on it'? Further, I am inclined to connect Gurupade girau ramye with nirurita) and not with 87'yam=abhati." The difference it makes is as obvious as it is consequential. According to the latter construction, the statue must necessarily have been set up on the Gurupada hill itself. whereas according to the former it might have been established anywhere else as well. In fact, the possibility of its having been erected in the vicinity of the village of Silao, if not at Silao proper, has already been shown. B.-Chandrabandi Rock Inscription, Saka 803. This inscription has been edited by the late C. R. Krishnamacharlu. It is a Kannada record and pertains to the Jaina faith. It consists of only six lines, the last two of which comprise the following Arya in Sanskrit: anavaratazAstradAnapravimalacAritrajaLagharazcitram / sfcftavefreni gune siterai (st) arata: It has been pointed out that the inscription is virtually a label to the image' (ibid., p. 328). * Ibid., p. 333, note 12. Ibid., p. 327, para. 1, p. 331, para. 2. * The Kannada Inscriptions of kopbal (Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 12, Calcutta, 1935), pp. 6-7, plate I (b). It may be pointed out that the sign of medial (long) is not distinguishable from madial (short) i in this inscription, and that the rule of sandhi has not been observed in buryyde iri..

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No. 17] EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES 136 The learned editor introduces this verse by remarking that it "expresses & wish that the glorious Sarvanandindra may 'dispel the drought of sin by the clouds (or waters) of his conduct'. The reading in the photograph appears to be jala-dharais, in which case it would refer to the waters of his pure conduct." His translation of the couplet accordingly runs as follows: "May the glorious Sarvanandindra wonderfully effect the destruction of the drought of sin by the clouds (or waters ?) of (his) ceaseless teaching and (his) absolutely pure conduct!" First of all, the possibility of the reading jala-dharais-is ruled out by the fact that it militates against the metre, not to speak of the dubious nature of the use of dharail for dharabhih. Secondly, the term widagha, that has been taken in the sense of drought,' usually means * heat, gummer,' or hot weather.' This primary sense of the word appears to be quite appropriate in the given context. In fact, it is doubtful whether the word nidagha has ever been used in the sense of drought.' . It is, however, the last word of the couplet that the present note seeks to draw particular attention to. Indra in Sarvvanandindra is evidently not to be equated with Bhatarar in Sarvvanandi-Bhatarar that occurs in the Kannada portion. The word indra appended to the name Sarvanandin plainly refers to Indra, the lord of gods, the god of rains, with whom Sarvanandin is metaphorically identified. The rest of the verse will bear it out that we have here & clear instance of the figure of speech, called Rupaka, and that the very Indra is the mainstay thereof. The idea embodied in the verse thus becomes manifest : as the god Indra allays the oppressive heat by pouring rain, so may the holy Sarvanandin dispel the evil by spreading knowledge and thereby turning the common herd into good characters. Finally, as implied by the above free rendering, the long compound in the beginning also lends itself to an interpretation slightly different from the one offered by Sri Krishnamacharlu. According to him, it speaks of two diverse things : bastra-dana and pravimala-charitra. And the charitra he takes as referring to that of Sarvanandin himself. It would perhaps be preferable to treat the two things not as separate, but the first as the cause and the other as its effect, and thus the charitra 48 referring to that of the people at large. This would not only justify the plural number employed in the expression, but would also be more in consonance with the adage vidya dadati vinayam vinayad yati patratam, eto. A more literal rendering of the stanze would therefore be: "May Indra. (the god of rains.) (in the guise) of the holy Sarvanandin, in his wonderful way, put an end to the (blazing) heat in the form of the evil by means of rain-clouds (in the shape) of perfectly flawless characters (produced) through his ceaseless teaching or continuously disseminating knowledge' (among the people) !" 1 What has been taken for the length mark (or redial a) on the letter dha seems to have been cancelled by the engraver. Considering the religion of the teacher spoken of, the datra here may be taken as adverting to the Jaina soripturse, but may as well be taken in its broader sense of knowledge as defined in the nik : anekasaMzayocchavi parokSArthasya vrshkm| .. sarvasya locanaM zAstraM yasya nAssyanma eva sH|| . M.P. B. Desni. Epigraphical Assistant, has kindly pointed out to me that the inscription is in the nature of an epitaph and that the concluding expression in the Kannada portion, sangdaana n mudipidar, translated oompleted the vow of renunciation, implies, as similar expressions in similar Jaina inscriptions do, that Sarvanandin died. In that case, the blessings invoked in the Sanskrit Aryd would sound rather inconsistent unless, of course, Barvanandin's agonoy as preacher or teacher, after his death, be understood to be continuing through the succession of his disciples.

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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA C.-Balsane Inscription; Saka 1106 This short inscription of four stanzas, rather indifferently engraved, has been published by Dr. M. G. Dikshit. Its text seems to be defective here and there. I had an opportunity of examining Dr. Dikshit's article on it at the time when it was going through the press. I even made a suggestion or two regarding its reading. The observations offered here are the result of a study which I subsequently happened to make of this interesting record. It presents certain difficulties that are still awaiting solution. Dr. Dikshit's provisional identification of the king Krishna figuring in it, for instance, with a member of the Abhira family of Bhambagiri needs corroboration. And his explanation of the line read by him as yaH (kRSNasya mahIpateH karatale karttAzu pichA (cchA) calaM (lAm) [VOL. XXIX I who in no time made over the earth...to the possession of the king Krishna" does not seem to have hit the nail on the head. In the present note, however, I propose to draw attention to a more obvious point, namely the object of the inscription. "The object of the inscription," says Dr. Dikshit, "is to record that the Pandita repaired the Royal Matha (Raja-matha), standing on the banks of a river, at Balasinaka, for the inhabitance of Brahmins." The relevant text ()SICALIMAZ ca bhagnaM niraMtaraM brahmanivAsa hetoH has accordingly been translated by him as "he caused to be repaired, for the perpetual inhabitance of Brahimins, the dilapidated Royal monastery." The use of the term matha in the original has given rise to what I may call a misconception as to the exact purport of the record. It has been taken in its ordinary sense of monastery,' whereas it has in all probability been employed here in its secondary sense of devalaya or ' temple.' In the very opening sentence of his paper, Dr. Dikshit informs us that the inscription is carved on the lintel of the entrance door of a temple." And in the absence of any specific reference to the contrary in the inscription, we may be justified in accepting that the matha mentioned therein refers to the very temple itself where the inscription is found. Going through the earlier reports on the epigraph, one gets at the root of the confusion. Mr. H. Cousens first drew attention to its existence upon the matha." Mr. R. D. Banerji, who happened to examine it later on, has asserted that it is found on a temple and not in the matha. It appears that both the scholars in reality referred to one and the same building, the former naming it matha after the manner of the inscription and the latter calling it temple in accordance with its actual appearance. The mistake, however, seems to lie in the fact that to Mr. Cousens, the term matha meant nothing else but monastery. To him the building in question was thus a monastery, because it was labelled, so to say, as matha whatever its form and size. One finds him describe it as such in his Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan." In this publication he gives also a plan of the matha," from which one can see that the modest dimensions of the structure answer more to a simple fane than to a monastery. 6 It remains to be shown that matha, meaning temple', is found not only in lexicons, but also actually used in old inscriptions. The Dhauli cave inscription of the time of Santikara, 1 Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 309 ff. and plate. * Ibid., p. 313. Ibid., p. 310. Ibid., p. 313. Ibid., p. 309. Revised Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, p. 55. An. Prog. Report, A. 8. I., Western Circle, 1918-19, .p. 45. * Archaeological Survey of India, Imperial Series, Vol. XLVIII, pp. 23, 26-27. Ibid., plate XXVIII.

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No. 18] NAGARJUNIKONDA IMAGE INSCRIPTION 137 for instance, records the erection of a temple, where the term employed is matha. The word matha, occurring in line 8 of the Kaman stone inscription, has been taken as referring to a temple of Siva. The Alagum inscription, dated in the sixtysecond regnal year of the Ganga monarch Anantavarman Chodaganga, obviously refers to a temple of Siva, under the name of Gartesvara, again using the word matha for temple." Instances of mathi and mathika (diminutive forms of matha) in the sense of shrine or cell are also found in inscriptions. C C The If now, in view of the foregoing discussion, we accept that the matha of the inscription refers to a temple, the question arises as to which particular deity it was sacred to. answer is to Brahman. This is indicated by the very words niraMtaraM brahmanivAsa hetoH which may now be rendered as for the permanent residence of (the god) Brahman.' The word brahman thus retains its primary sense. This conclusion is substantiated by the fact that the inscription begins with an invocation to the very god Brahman. And, as if to lend conviction to all this, we have a report by Mr. Cousens himself that among the sculptured stones, that lie about at the ancient site of Balsane, there is an image of Brahman." be suppos 1 that this image must originally have been enshrined in the matha spoken of in It may, therefore, the inscription. It is called raja-matha or royal temple, which possibly signifies that it was built originally by a king. It may be worth while to investigate as to who this king was. Considering that temples devoted to Brahman are few and far between, the present specimen though now deserted, may be counted among rarities. No. 18-NAGARJUNIKONDA IMAGE INSCRIPTION (1 Plate) H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, MADRAS The sculpture bearing a short one-line inscription engraved at its base, which is published below, was discovered in 1940 at Nagarjunikonda, Guntur District, Andhra State, by Mr. K. Ramamurti, the Senior Conservation Assistant in the office of the Superintendent, Department of Archaeology, Southern Cirole, Madras, who was then in charge of the Archaeological Museum at that place. It is a mutilated image in high relief on a white marble slab that was found half buried in the debris of rubble and stones on the northern slope of the Nagarjuna hill, overlooking the river Krishna. In the process of clearing the debris, Mr. Ramamurti discovered traces of a large many-pillared hall, at the extremity of which the image under review was found. The partly exposed pillars of this hall are made of marble similar to that used for the other monuments of this place. The building, of which these pillars are the survivors, perhaps enshrined under its roof the very image which forms the subject matter of this article. A search for the missing portion of the image round about the region proved of no avail. The image is now kept in the Archaeological Museum at Nagarjunikonda itself. When I visited this place 1 Above, Vol. XIX, p. 264. Ibid., Vol. XXIV, 330. Ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 47, text line 14. 'Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 225, text lines 26 and 27. Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan, p. 23. An article on The Temple of Brahma at Khed-Brahma, by Mr. Henry Cousens, in the An. Rep. 4. R.I. 1906-07, pp. 171-78, may be consulted with advantage on this point. 3 DGA/54

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138 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX in 1940, I took a photograph of it and a couple of estampages of the inscription at its base, both of which I publish here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.' The lower half is all that is preserved of the image now. Even so, the sculpture is of considerable iconographic interest. It depicts a nude fumalo figure in the sitting posture, with the legs doubled up and wide apart and the feet pointing outwards. The image is profusely ornamented. The broad belt below the navel is highly decorated with what look like rows of pearls or precious stones. The distended belly with the ornamental belt around it very much resembles the decorated purna-ghafa, the representation of which is a common feature in the Buddhist sculptural art of this period at Nagarjunikonda, Amaravati and elsewhere. The anklets and other jewellery adorning the ankles are again typical of the ornaments portrayed in contemporary sculpture. On the narrow strip of space below the image is engraved an inscription in a single line in Prakerit language and Brahmi characters assignable to the 3rd century A. C. The inscription does not give us any clue as to the identity of the image. Nevertheless, the recording that it was caused to be m e by a queen who is described as an a-vid hava, 'one who has her husband alive', and a jivaputa (Sanskrit jiva putra), 'one who has her child or children alive', gives room for the surmise that it must have stood for a cult image and that its sponsor was a follower of that cult. The cult of worshipping the naked forms of either the male or female, the one in the form of the linga and the other in the form of tho yoni, both representing the generative principle in nature, is a very ancient and wide-spread one. The excavations at Mohenjo-daro in Sind have brought to light numerous female terracotta figurines akin to those discovered in Baluchistan and in countries of Western Asia, around the Aegian coast, Elam, Mosapotamia, Asia-Minor, Syria, Palestine, Cyprus, Crete, Cyclades, the Balkans and Egypt. These figurines are identified as the representations of the Great Mother or the Goddess of Nature. India is known to have been the home of the worship of the Divine Mother, Adya-Sakti, Prakriti or Prithivi, the Earth. Apart from the terracotta figurines referred to above, an interesting oblong sealing found at Harappa depicts, on one of its faces, & nude female figure, upside down, with legs apart and with a plant issuing from her womb. This is considered as depicting the Mother Goddess in her role as the author of fertility. Another instance of a figure akin to this is afforded by a small repousse gold plaque bearing the figure of a nude female recovered at Piprahva which is believed to represent the Earth Goddess. The inscribed soulpture of Nagarjunikonda also seems to be & representation of the Mother Goddess in her aspoot as the Goddess of fertility or fecundity. It is in all probability a votive image dedicated as an offering in response to the fulfilment of certain wishes or desires. As for the contents of the inscription, Queen Khamduvula who figures for the first time in this record is described as Mahadevi and the wife(?) of Maharaja Siri Ehavala Chamtamala. The latter is probably identical with his namesake who is mentioned as a son of Siri Vira Purisadata and Mabadevi Bhatideva and as the brother of Queen Kodabalisiri, in inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda itself. In an inscription from Rentala, not far from Nagarjunikonda, 1 Photograph No. 1996 of the office of the Government Epigraphist for India; inscription No. 470 of 1940-41 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. R. K. Muokerji, Hindu Civilisation, pp. 19-20. * Sir John Marshall, Mohenjo-daro and Indus Civilisation, Vol. I, p. 62, pl. XII, 12. * JRAS, 1898, p. 679, pl. opp. p. 679, figs. 11 & 16. * Aloro, Vol. XX, p. 8 and inscriptions G and H. The king's namo ooours variously w Eburaja Oh&tamula in inscription G (page 24, plate V, line 7) and Eburala Chatamala (in insoription H, lin. 10. plate v reverse).

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NAGARJUNIKONDA IMAGE INSCRIPTION (From Photographs)

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No. 101 MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR 139 the name of this king occurs in a slightly different form as Ehuvala Siri Chamtamula.' The expressions a-vidhava and jivaputa used in describing the queen are noteworthy. The latter occurs in an inscription on brick from Mathura, assigned to the 3rd or 2nd century B. C. and also on some inscriptions of the Sunga period on the railings from Bodh Gaya. In literature these words are commonly employed either as an auspicious mode of addressing a lady leading a married life or when such ladies are referred to. TEXT Sidha[m*] | Mahadevlya a-vidhavaya j[I]vaputaya Mahar[a] ja-siri[Ehavala Chamtamu]'la-pati[ya]' Khamduvulaya karitati(r) [|] TRANSLATION Success. (This image is) caused to be made by Mahadevi Kham duvula, (who is) an a-vidhava (i. e., one with her husband alive) and (who is) a jivaputa (Sanskrit, jivaputra, i. e., one who has her child or children alive) (and who is) the wife (?) of Maharaja Siri Ehavala Cha[m]tamula. No. 19-MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR (1 Plate) P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND Ablur is a village about 6 miles north of Hirekerur, the present day headquarters of Kod taluk, Dharwar District. Traditions are current in these parts asserting that formerly it was a very big city10 and included within its extent the present day neighbouring villages of Bhogavi Sutkoti, Nulgeri, Dupadhalli and Yattinhalli. According to another tradition Ablur is the birth place of Sarvajna,11 a popular Kannada poet (circa 1700 A. C), and a house near the Some vara temple is shown as the place where he was born. In one of his tripadi verses Sarvajna states that he was born at Ambaluru' which is identified with Ablur. 1 An. Rep. 8. I. E., 1936-37, p. 62, para. 11, Ins. No. 349. An. Rep. Archl. Survey of India, 1911-12, p. 128. Ibid., 1908-09, p. 149, f. n. 3; cf. Jiva-suta in the Nasik inscription of Gautamiputra Satakarni and Jiva-putra-pautra in the inscription of Prabhavatigupta in the Select Inscriptions. (These references wore kindly pointed out to me by Dr. D. C. Sircar.) Bhartur-mitram priyam-avidhave-Meghasandela, v. 99. Jirpulras-latha striyah-Ramayana, Yuddha kundu Jiraputri sulas-le-yam Dharmaputro Yudhishthirab-Mahabharata, Adiparvan, ch. 144. (I am indebted to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra and Dr. V. Raghavan for these references). The punctuation is indicated by a hook-like mark. This portion of the inscription bears numerous scratches on the stone somewhat obliterating the letters enclosed in the brackets. The stone has slightly peeled off here and with it the lower half of the letter ya has gone. There is a distinct mark of an anusvara over ti. Probably the expression is patimya, a corrupt form used in the sense of patnya. This expression obviously stands for karita iti. The slanting stroke at the end seems to stand for the punctuation. 10 The Abalara-charitre, to which a reference will be made in the later part of this article, also says that it was an extensive city. 1 R. Narasimhachar: Karnataka Kavicharite, Vol. II, p. 532. 19 Channappa Uttangi Sarvajna Vachanagalu (3rd edn., 1936), verse 8. n2

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140 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX Over half a century ago the late Dr. Fleet noticed in this journal seven insoriptions from this place, three of which were edited in full. In the course of my annual tour during the field season of 1951-52, I visited Ablur (January 1962) and explored its antiquities. My investigations revealed that this village contained a large number of inscriptions many of which were not known to Fleet and that some important points oonnected with its antiquities were also lost sight of. In all I discovered thirteen more inscriptions. I propose to study a few of these here briefly.. Most of the interesting facts regarding the activities of Ekantada Ramayya,' the militant protagonist of the Saiva upheaval, are centred in the temple of somosvara. Besides the epigrapb Es furnishing a graphic account of his miraculous exploits this temple contains an inscription above a panel of sculptures depicting the scene of Ramayya's encounter with the Jainas as described by Fleet. As there are some errors in the understanding and reading of this record (F) by Fleet, I may point them out here in the first instance. Firstly, it is a label inscription and the word gavu appears to have been used in a rather technical sense denoting '& place representing the scene of.' We meet with its variant (du and thavu in other inscriptions at this temple, which we shall study presently. The expression duu may be derived from the Sanskrit root stha, though it appears to have been influenced in its formation by Prakrit. It is interesting to note in this context that the labels in Tamil incised near the soulptures representing incidents in the Pallave history, found in the Vaikunthaperumal temple at Kanchipuram, similarly end with the word idam meaning likewise 'a place, etc.'. Secondly, the epigraph is not incomplete and none of its letters is missing as supposed by Fleet. The first line ends properly with the word kudureya- and continues in the second. At the end of the second line, again, it is unnecessary to supply some letters through brackets as done by Fleet. For its continuation is found on the front side of the parapet wall and it reads almost exactly as conjectured by Fleet. The whole inscription now reads as follows : TEXT (Fleet's F)? 1 Sri-Brahmesva(sva)ra-devaralli Ekantada-Ramayyain basadiya Jinan=oddav-agi taleyan=arida hadeda tavu || Samka-gavundam basadiyan=odeyal-iyade alum-kudureya% n=oqdiralu Ekantada Ramayyam kadi geldu Jinanodedu linga-pratisht(the)yam madida ta[vu][*] TRANSLATION This is the place representing how, at the temple of the illustrious god Brahmesvara, Ekantada Ramayya laid a wager, at the cost of the Jina of the shrine, of cutting off his head and received it back again. When Sanka-guvunda would not let him destroy the shrine of the Jina, 1 Above, Vol. V. pp. 213 ff.; inscriptions A to G. * The epithet Ekantada appears to have been acquired by Rimayya after his victory over the Jainas. In linos 28-29 of inscription E the propriety of this epithet is justified on the ground of his firm and single-minded devotion to Siva. But it appears reasonable to add that he might as well have claimed it to bring into contrant his great achievement which consisted in vanquishing the doctrine of Anekinta that characterised the Jains faith. * Above, Vol. V, pp. 237 ff. It is of interest to note that the achiovement of Ekintada Rimayya against the Jainas is also denoribed in one of his compositions in the Rajale metre by Harihara, a Kannada poet of about the 13th century. Harihara's account agrees in many respects with that of the Ablur inscription E. Above, Vol. V, pp. 260-61. * SI1, Vol. IV, No. 135. ? In silu and from an improasion.

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MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR Inscription I Inscription II SCALE: ONE-HALF

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First portion abd Middle portion uNddipooyyN Last portion sbyulku Inscription III trunnNloo aadrN gr grN - shrii siriyu k nsrN dhgNdrNg

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No. 19) MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR 141 arraying his men and horses against him, Ekantada Ramayya fought and vanquished them. He smashed the Jina and installed the linga (in its place). Now I will take up two more inscriptions in the same temple. These deal with the same theme as the above, viz., Ekantada Ramayya's victory over the Jainas. These are also of the label category. They are not dated, but evidently belong to the same period as that of the above epigraph. They may be assigned approximately to 1200 A.C. on palaeographic considerations. INSCRIPTION I This is incised above a panel of sculptures to the left of the entrance into the inner shrine of the Somesvara temple. The sculptures represent a dignitary with attendants on one side and a row of Saiva devotees on the other. A person holding a document in his hand is shown prominently in the middle. The epigraph reads - TEXT 1 Srimad-Ekantada-Ramayyarge Samka-gaunvun2 dan=oleyam kuduva thasvu) [1] TRANSLATION This is the place (depicting the scene) of conferring the certificate (of violory) upon the illustrious Ekantada Ramayya by Samka-gavunda. INSCRIPTION II This is incised above a panel of sculptures to the right of entrance into the inner shrine of the me temple. The sculptures depict the scene of a Jina placed horizontally ready to be broken Amidst a group of local officials and Saiva devotees. The epigraph reads TEXT: 1 Ye(E)kantada Ramayya ngalu Jinanan=odedu 2 linga-pratishtheyam maoida tavu[ I ] TRANSLATION At this place ( is depicted the scene of) Ekantada Ramayya breaking the ( image of Jica and setting up the Sivalinga. INSCRIPTION III This is an independent insoription by itself, made up of labels. It is incised above a panel of sculptures to the right side of the parapet wall at the entrance proper into the same temple and just opposite to Fleet's F. The characters are of about the same period as those of the foregoing records. The panels of sculptures as well as the inscription divide themselves into three portions pertaining to different episodes in the lives of Saive saints. The first series of sculptures consists of the figure of Siva in his divine form followed by that of a Saiva mendicant standing before a devotee holding a long piece of cloth in his hand. The second series represents a devotee with his wife carrying a child in her arms and a Kapalika bhikshu facing them. The last is the figure of a seated man holding an object like a small round bat. The labels below these sculp 1 In situ and from impressions. In situ and from impressions.

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142 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX tures explain their subject matter. The second line of the inscription commences just below the third label indicating that it constitutes its part. The inscription reads as follows: TEXT1 1 (i) Jedara Dasimayyamgalu devarige vastrava kuduva tau || (ii) Siriyala-setti Chamgalavve dovarige maganan-ikkuva tavu || (iii) Kumbara Gu[m*]dana murde 2 bamdha(md=a)dida namma Sivanu [*] TRANSLATION (i) Here is (depicted the scene of) Jedara (weaver) Dasimayya offering cloth to the god (Siva). (ii) Here is depicted the scene of Siriyala-setti and (his wife) Chamgalavve offering their son to the god (Siva). (iii) Our (god) Siva came down and danced before Kumbara (potter) Gunda. Jedara Dasimayya, as the story goes, was a weaver and a devotee of Siva. By offering a cloth to his deity he received from him the boon of inexhaustible treasure (tavanidhi). This episode is frequently referred to in the Virasaiva literature of Karnataka, the earliest allusions being those found in the Vachanas or Sayings of Basavesvara. Siriyala-setti is said to have offered the cooked flesh of his son to god Siva who came to him in disguise as a Saiva mendicant to test his faith. It is interesting to trace the ramifications of this story the roots of which are found in the Tamil country. According to the Periyapuranam, Paranjoti, the general of Pallava Narasimhavarman I (circa 7th century), who in his later life became famous as the Saiva saint Siruttonda Nayanar, had a son named Sirala. This Sirala was sacrificed by his father to propitiate Siva. This legend had several adaptations in Saiva literature of the Telugu and Kannada countries and also of Maharashtra. In these versions the son's name appears to have passed on to the father who became popular as Siriyala-setti. In Maharashtra a festival is observed in the name of Siriyala-setti on Sravana su. 6 in a queer fashion by the ladies of the household. Kumbara or Potter Gunda, again, mentioned in the above epigraph, was a devotee of highly spiritual status. While beating his earthenware into shape he went into a trance and was absorbed in the meditation of Siva. Pleased with his devotion Siva descended from Kailasa and danced before him." The accounts of Ekantada Ramayya, Jedara Dasimayya, etc., noticed above, along with a host of other Saiva devotees, are often met with in the Virasaiva literature of the Kannada country. Epigraphical references to them, however, are not so numerous and they belong rather to a late period. The earliest epigraphical notices of some of these devotees, associated with their sculptures, are found for the first time in the inscriptions of Ablur, as indicated above. Herein lies the main interest and importance of these brief records. 1 In situ and from impressions. 2 Basavannanavara Shatsthafada Vachanagalu (edited by S. S. Basavanal), Nos. 147-48, etc. Jodara Dasimayya appears to have been referred to as Dasa in the following inscriptions also; Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Cn. 210 and Vol. XII, Ck. 18. Ibid., Nos. 146-49, 152, etc; Basavapurana, sandhi 24. Above, Vol. V, p. 254, n. 6; V. Rangacharya's article The Legend of Siruttonda Nayanar', The Hindu, Jan. 3, 1943. Siriyala Charitra', Bharati (Telugu Journal), 1951 August. B. A. Gupto: Hindu Holidays and Ceremonials (Calcutta, 1916), pp. 207-08. This story is narrated by the Kannada poet Harihara (circa 13th century) in one of his compositions in the Ragafe metre. A later epigraphical reference to this devotee is found in the Ep. Carn., Vol. III, Md. 83.

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No. 19) MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR 143 Adverting to Ekantada Ramayya, we may see how his achievements had passed into legend and were considered worthy of representation in sculptures by this time, that is to say, about half a century after his period. We may also note the significant fact that all these ingorions are found in the temple of Somesvara. This temple, according to the inscription E, was erected by Ramayya himself. But it would be more reasonable to postulate that he was actually responsible for its main structure only to which additions might have been made subsequently. This surmise gains support from the testimony of other antiquities, tradition and literature. Besides the main shrine dedicated to the god Somesvara, a linga, the temple contains two collateral shrines wherein are found two more lingas. They are known as Ekantada Ramayya and Agni Honnayya. It becomes evident from this that Ramayya was consecrated here in the form of a linga after his demise. Agni Honnayya, as the tradition avers, was the beloved guru of Ramayya, who backed him up in his disputations against the Jainas. He must be identical with Agganiya. Honni Tande hajling from Puligere, who figures in the Ragale of Ekantada Ramayya by Harihara and also as Ponni Tande in the Abalura-charitre, a Kannada work of a late period. We are told in this work that the temple of Somesvara was erected at the instance of Ramayya by Sankapala who must evidently be Sarka-gavunda of the inscriptions, along with others, to celebrate the former's victory. Somesvara appears to have been the favourite deity of Ramayya. His native place Alande was sanctified by this deity and this place is referred to as the town of Somanatha' in the inscription E. This fact is further confirmed by the Aland inscription of Yuvaraja Mallikarjuna, edited by me in this journal. It speaks of Alande as specially favoured by god Somesvara. Again, according to the inscription E, Ramayya worshipped the deity Somanatha at Huligere before he proceeded to Ablur.' By the middle of the 12th century Karnataka witnessed the upsurge of a great religious movement emphasizing the superiority of god Siva and his devotion. Two eminent personalities, one in the south and the other in the north, were instrumental in bringing about this upheaval. These were Ekantada Ramayya of the Ablur inscriptions and Basavesvara, the founder of the Viragaiva faith. The Kalachuri usurper Bijjala II came into contact with both, incidentally with the former as narrated in the Ablur inscription E, and directly, with long association ending in bitter antagonism, with the latter. In consequence of the zealous activities of the leaders of this Saiva revival, Jainism, Buddhism, Pasupata and other faiths prevailing in the land, received a staggering blow. A study of Harihara's Basavarajadevara Ragale reveals that the genesis of the conflict between Bijjala and Basavesvara was not in the alleged circumstance of the former being either a follower or supporter of Jainism. It is gathered from this work, the testimony of which deserves to be reckoned as authentic on account of its proximity to the scene of events, that 1 It is of interest to note in this connection & parallel instance from the neighbouring province. With the ascendency of Saivism the Jainas of the Tamil country were persecuted and the scenes of such persecutions are depicted in sculptures on the walls of the temple at Tiruvattur in the North Arcot District (An. Rep. on s. I. Epigraphy for 1923, p. 4). . * Aggani is an epithet and it can be derived from Sanskrit agrant or arghyapaniya, both of which point to the respectable position held by Ponni or Honni Tande. Honni Tande literally means "Father Honni' or Honni's Father'. * This work is of the nature of a Purana recounting the exploits of Ramayya in the legendary fashion. It is unpublished. Being popular, ita recitations are held on ceremonial occasions among the Viragaivas of these parts. While at Ablur I secured & manuscript copy of this work for study. In the wake of Ramayya's victory conversions from Jainism to Saivism took place on a mass scale, scoording to the Abaluna-charitre and the local tradition. It is interesting to observe that miniature terracotta lingas were unearthed in a large number in the locality some years back. One such was shown to mo whilo ut Ablur. - Above, Vol. V, p. 264. * Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 38. Ibid., Vol, V, p. 256.

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144 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL.XXIX whereas Bijjala wad's protagonist of the orthodox Brahmanical creeds, Basavesvars was a reformist directing his attacks against the rigidity of Brahmanical dogmas and practices and preaching his new cult of liberality and equality amongst the devotees of Siva. A volume of epigraphical and other evidence is now available to prove that Bijjala, like all members of the Kalachuri house, was a staunch follower of Saivism and had no particular interest as such in Jainism. Thus the theory of Jaina leanings of Bijjala stands thoroughly exploded. When Fleet wrote in this journal more than half a century ago, he expressed his doubto in regard to the historicity of Basavesvara on account of the paucity of sources then available to him. Subsequently the discovery and publicution of a substantial number of literary works and epigraphs which constitute quite reliable and contemporaneous documents, have established him as a historic figure beyond all doubt. Of paramount importance in this context is the evidence of the Arjunavada inscription published in this journal. We are in possession of more epigraphical evidence now to show that besides Ramayya and Basavesvara, there flourished in this century other sponsors of the Saiva movement, whose aggreasive activities must have contributed to its succes. We may illustrate these observations from the contents of two inscriptions. An inscription et Annigeti' in the Dharwar District, referring itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Vira-Bombovara IV and dated in 1184 A.C., introduces a feudatory chief of the Sagara family named Vira-Goggideva. An ardent upholder of the Saiva faith, he is described as 'a fire to the Jaina scriptures' and 's death to the adherents of the Jaina Law. The record further characterises him as 'an eagle to the snakes which are the Jainas' and '& hunter of the wild beasts in the form of followers of the Jina.' Another epigraph from Tasikoti in the Bijapur District, referring itaelf to the same reign and bearing a date in the seme year, furnishes the following facts about another feudatory, Mahamandalesvara Viruparasa. This Viruparasa propitiated god Hara by his multifold devotion and was busily engaged with the ad vocates of the rival faiths. He launched a regular crusade as it were against the adherents of other sects. A conflagration to the forest of Jains creed and adept in demolishing the Buddhist Canon, he pulverized the Jaina tomples and raised the thrones of Sivalingas. Thus did he vindicate his solemn oath and hold aloft the banner of Siva in the three worlds. By virtue of such achievements he was endowed with the encomium of innumerable Saiva devotees, both of the past and present generations. Lastly we may note here the significant circumstance that both ViraGoggideva and Viruparana of the above two epigraphs lived in a period slightly later than that of Basa vesvara and that their spheres of activities too were confined to the northern parts of Karnataka. This might have been responsible for the confusion of later writers attributing to Basavesvara active hostility against the Jains creed. 1 I have discussed this topio and illustrated it with extracts from Harihara's above-named work in my lectures on the Kalachuris of Karnataka, delivered at the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar, in 1961. They are now published ; see Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XXXVI, pp. 102 ff. * The Sayings of Basawa are replete with utteranoes that testify to these observations. They show that his chief opponents were Brahmanas of the orthodox school wielding influence in the society. The Brahmanas and their practices are criticised severely and more often in his utterance than the Jainas to whom only passing references are made. The following among others are a few passages oriticising Brahmanism; Basavanna. Bhu. Vachanagalu (op. cit), Nos. 571, 576, 583, 588, eto. * The 'Kalachuris of Karnitaka' referred to above; kan. Sah. Pari. Patrike, Vol. XXXVI, pp. 113-14. Abo Hoe Govind Pai's Muru Upunyisagalu, pp. 79 ff. Above, Vol. V, p. 242. Miru Upanya nagalu, pp. 59-62. * Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 9 ff. and 17. * Bombay Karnatak Collection, No. 207 of 1928-29. The text of this and the following inacription are not nublished. Their short summaries only have been given in the Annual Reports on 8. 1. Epigraphy for the years concerned. But I have utilised their texts with the permission of the Government Epigrapbint for ludia. * Ibid., No. 68 of 1929 30

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<< No. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA 146 No. 20-PARBATTYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA (1 Plate) P. D. CHAUDHURY, GAUHATI AND D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND A set of three copper plates was discovered by a cultivator while tilling his field at the village of Parbatiya which lies about three miles from the town of Tezpur in the Darrang District, Assam. It was secured by Mr. Biswadeb Sarma who was then a student of the Law Collego, Gauhati. Mr. Sarma handed over the plates to his teacher, Mr. S. K. Datta, Barrister-at-Law, then Principal of the Law College. Ultimately they were presented to the Assam Provincial Museum, Gauhati, where they are now deposited. The plates measure 10" by 6.2". They are held together by a ring to which & seal, similar to those found with the charters of the ancient kings of Pragjyotisha, is soldered. The seal is aval in shape with its diameter measuring lengthwise 4.7" and breadthwise 4.3". It has a conical projection at the top and contains, on counter-sunk surface, the emblem of an elephant facing front, below which, separated by a cross-bar, is the legend in characters similar to those employed in the inscription on the plates. The legend is written in three lines and reads: 1 Svasti [ 1 ] Sriman=Pragjyotish-adhip-anva2 yo maharajadhiraja-bri-Vanam[@] 3 lavarmmadeva[b ] The first and the third plates have writing on one side only, while the second is inscribed on both the sides. There are altogether 59 lines of writing, the first plate having 15 lines, the second 16 on the obverse and 15 on the reverse, and the third only 13. The borders of the plates are raised; but the rims of the first plate are damaged and the last line of the inscription on its face is partially obliterated. The upper border of the obverse of the second plate is also slightly damaged towards the right. With the exception of certain aksharas in the last line on the first plate as well as the vowel-marks of a few aksharas in the first line of the same plate and also of line 1 on the obverse of the second plate, the inscription is in a good state of preservation. The aksharas are neatly and beautifully incised. With the exception of the third plate, all the inscribed faces of the plates haye one or more aksharas in the margin opposite the ring-hole or in the space left out near about the hole. In the margin of plate I (reverse) there is the single akshara sri, while plate II (reverse) has similarly 8G. But in the space near the ring-hole of plate II (obverse) there are the stray aksharas bri, Sri, sa, sa and sta (1) together with two indeterminable marks, which are all fashioned here and there without any order. They, however, do not appear to have been the aksharas inadvertently omitted in the inscription on the faces of the plates in question. The akshara sri may of course be taken as a mangala ; but the other aksharas can hardly be accounted for. The plates together with the seal weigh 258 tolas, while the seal alone weighs 127 tolas. The characters employed belong to the East Indian variety of the Siddhamatrika or Kutila script of the ninth century, sometimes called Early Nagart or Proto-Bengali. Indeed it is the Gaudi lipi or the East Indian script as known to Al-Biruni and was the source from which the Bengali alphabet and the allied Assamese, Oriya and Maithili seripts gradually developed. The inscription employs several times the initial vowels & (lines 2, 5, 58), i (lines 4, 10, 19, 22, 23, 53), (lines 41, 50) and 2 (lines 15, 28, 50, 52). Initial i is of the ordinary type in all the cases, 1 I'or similar stray aksharas on the lost Tezpur plates of Vanamilavarman, nee P. N. Bhattacharya, Kameripa-bean-avali, p. 62 and note 2. Some of the akaharas (cf. a, kh, 3, , medial e and , eto.) closely resomblo their Boogali-Assamese formen. * Sebau, Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 173; cf. JRA8B, L, Vol., XIV, 1948, pp. 115-18; IRQ, Vol. XXVII, pp. 130-31. 8 DGA/53

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146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX except in line 29 where the lower part has a double curve instead of the usual one. Medial a has no less than three different forms. In addition to the usual sign resembling a danda put at the right of consonants and generally joined above with their top matra (cf. degKailasa in line 1), there are some cases where the stroke is a little curved towards the right and reaches only down to about half the length of the consonants (cf. krida in line 2), while in others it comes only a little down and then goes up, leaving a sharp curve below and ending in a stroke curved towards the right above the head of the consonants (cf. pank-avila in line 1). Medial u and u are usually of the ordinary types; but the forms of chyu (cf. chyutairo in line 2), ru (cf. dhvant-Oruo in line 23). ru (cf. Parud hair in line 11) and others are interesting. Bhu has been written in two different ways. The ordinary sign for medial u has been employed in some cases (cf. abhut in line 53); but often the o sign is formed by joining the sign for u with a danda put at the right of bh; cf. lines 9 (bhuto), 12(bhut), 18 ( bhuta), 20(adbhuto for "abhuto), 24 (Whumishu) and 25 (bhuri). Medial e is formed by lengthening the left end of the top matra of the consonant in a curve forming almost a loop at the end; but it is yet shorter than the developed sign of the matra reaching the bottom of the line. The akshara 6 has not been distinguished from v. The consonant jh, which is of rather rare occurrence, is found in the conjunct ijhi in line 43. The final consonants (lines 5, 12, 54, 57, 59), n (lines 51, 53) and m (lines 4, 7, 8, 23, 25) occur many times in the inscription. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It is written partly in prose and partly in verse. The prose portion exhibits the quality called ojas in a considerable degree in imitation of the style of masters like Bhatta Bana (cf. lines 33-46); but the versification is rather weak, there being several cases of metrical errors (cf. verses 8, 9, 19, 26, 27). The formal part of the charter from the beginning down to Vanamalavarmmadevah kucali in line 48 is the same as in another record, viz., the Tezpur plates, of the king who issued the charter under discussion, except that two passages of considerable length have been omitted in the present inscription, perhaps inadvertently. As some mistakes are common to both the records (of. 'adyasya for a word like yuktasya in verse 9 and vijagrihuh for jagrihuh in verse 21), it seems that they were prepared from the same draft which was faulty. There are altogether thirty verses (actually 29 verses and only the first half of another stanza). Of the five verses in the latter part of the document, two are the common imprecatory stanzas, while the remaining three describing the donee are written in a style which is definitely worse than that of the stanzes in the formal part of the record. Weakness in the composition even of the formal part is exhibited by the repeated use of some expressions ; cf. adhinathatua in lines 7-8; nihdesha in lines 16-17; abesha in lines 17, 20, 26; anghri in lines 9, 14, 30: vairi-vira in lines 10, 12, anuga in lines 13, 19; vrata in lines 30, 36. The number of orthographical errors, although not many, is not inconsiderable. The conjunct ngh has been written us nih. The word pushkarini is found in the form preshkirini. Anusvara has been used instead of the final m in the imprecatory verses quoted at the end of the record. As regards other orthograpical features, the consonants g, n and dh have been reduplicated after r; but m and v have been only occasionally reduplicated under the same condition, while th and y have not been subject to reduplication. T has been reduplicated when followed by . The inscription is not dated even in the regnal reckoning of the king who was responsible for its issue, although that was expected considering its age and locality. There is, however, no difficulty in determining the approximate date of the charter. As a record of the father of its issuer, vis., the Tezpur stone inscription of Harjaravarman, is dated in the Gupta yenr 610 corresponding to 829 A.C., the inscription under notice has to be assigned to a date about the middle of the ninth century A.C. 1 See JA8B, Vol. IX, 1840, pp. 766-67 ; Kamarupa-sasan-avali, pp. 58-68. *Kamarido-daan avall, p. 187.

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No. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA 147 The inscription begins with a symbol for siddham and the word svasti and two verses of adoration, the first in honour of the Lahitya-sindhu, i.e., the river Brahmaputra, and the second in honour of the god Pinakin, i.e., Siva. Verse 3 introduces Naraka, the son of Adivaraha (i.e., Vishnu) and the goddess Earth, and the next verse says how Krshna killed Naraka bu allowed to go unpunished the latter's two sons, Bhagadatta and Vajradatta. Verses 5-6 describe how, when Bhagadatta obtained the lordship over Pragjyotisha, his brother Vajradatta went to the forest where he propitiated Isvara (probably the god Siva) by his penance and obtained through the god's favour the lordship over Uparipattana as well as the future lordship of Pragjyotisha for his descendants. Verse 7 introduces a later king of Pragjyotisha belonging to Vajradatta's lineage, whose name is given as Salambha. The following two verses appear to say that, when Salambha joined in heaven the past kings of the country beginning with Salastambha and ending with Harsha (i.e., Harshavarman), his brother Arathi became king. Verse 10 describes Arathi's queen Jivadevi. Verses 11-12 describe king Harjara (i.e., Harjaravarnian) who was the son of Arathi and Jivadevi, while verses 13-15 say how Harjaravarman's queen Mangala was an incarnation of the goddess Lakshmi on the earth. Verses 16-23 give a description of king Vanamala (i.e., Vanamalavarman) who was the son of Harjaravarman and Mangala. Verse 24 says how king Vanamalavarman rebuilt a fallen temple of the god Hetuka-Sulin i.e., Siva) into & magnificent building. Lines 47-48 mention Parameivara Paramabhaffaraka Maharajadhiraja Vanamala varmadeva who was a devout worshipper of Mahesvara (i.e., Siva), meditated on (or was favoured by the feet of his parents and issued the charter from Hadapesvara. Lines 33-46 give a lengthy description of the city of Hadapesvara in prose. This passage suffers from the omission of a number of words at the end, although they can be restored from the Tezpur plates of the same king, referred to above. The description suggests that the city was situated on the bank of the Lohitya-bhattaraka (i.e., the river-god Brahmaputra). The river is said to have passed by the Kamakuta hill, on the top of which were installed the god Kamesvara 24? the goddess Mahagauri. The following passage in prose and verse in lines 48-58 records the grant which is followed by two imprecatory verses in lines 58-59. The king made a gift of the village called Haposagrama which was attached to the mandala or district of Svalpa-Mangka situated in Uttara-kula and was bounded by Akshidatika in the east, the tank of Chandika (possibly the goddess of this name)' in the south-east, Dirghanga in the south, a banyan tree in the south-west, a bush of bamboos or reeds in the west, a salmali tree in the north-west, a big ali (possibly an embankment) in the north and the tank of Dhavala in the north-east. The gift village is said to have been made a-chrita-bhafa-pravesa (i.e., not to be entered by regular or irregular troops, or, more probably, by policemen and peons) and mukt-Oparikara (i.e., not endowed with the right to enjoy taxes from temporary tenants). There is no specifio mention that the village was made a rent-free gift. The donee was a Brahmana named Chudamani who was the son of Jojjata and was the eldest of four brothers, the other three being Detobha, Garga and Sambhu. It is said that the brothers were all living jointly without separation, because they feared in that the loss of dharma. Apparently the grant was made in favour of the head of the family but was meant to be enjoyed by all the four brothers and their descendants. The grant is said to have been made with a view to increasing the merit and fame of the king's parents with the request that it might be approved by all. As regards the absence of any clear indication in the charter whether Hapoeagrama was made a rent-free gift, it may be pointed out that the Sasanas of ancient Indian rulers were of 1 Various forms of the mother-goddess are associated with Assam and especially with the Bakta Pitha at Kamikhya near Gauhati. Cf. The Sakta Pithas (JRA8B, L, Vol. XIV, 1948, No. 1), pp. 11-16, 47-48, and notes.

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148 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX several categories. In many cases, land was granted as a free-gift and a rent-free holding.1 Sometimes a piece of land was sold at a specified price but was made a perpetually rent-free holding. In some other cases, the land is said to have been 'given'; but a specified rent was fixed for it. There were other cases (cf. the charter under discussion) in which land was given without any clear specification whether it was made a free-gift or a rent-free holding. There is little doubt that in many cases the word 'given' actually meant 'sold' and silence about making the land rent-free is an indication that it was revenue-paying, although certain concessions may have often been allowed to be enjoyed by the holders. In ancient India, often the sale of land. was theoretically represented in the form of a gift. This is definitely suggested by the Mitakshara on the Yajnavalkya-smriti, II, 114: sthavarasya vikraya-pratishedhat.. dana-prasamsach-cha vikraye='pi kartavye sa-hiranyam-udakam dattva dana-rupena sthavara-vikrayam kuryat. That Haposagrama was not made a rent-free holding and may have actually been sold seems to be suggested also by the absence of the customary list of officials and subordinates who were usually addressed by the kings while making free gifts of land. The reference to the joint family in which the four Brahmana brothers Chudamani, Detobha, Garga and Sambhu were living together is very interesting. It is said that they did not get separated for fear of the loss of dharma. This seems to acknowledge the right of the sons to demand partition of the family property (even during the life time of the father) as provided for in the so-called Mitakshara system of inheritence. It is interesting to note that some early writers on law (e.g., Gautama, 28, 4; Manu, IX, 111) favour partition because it tends to increase dharma. Manu says that "the brothers may stay united, or separate in case they desire an increase of dharma; by living separate dharma increases; therefore separation is meritorious." As indicated by Brihaspati and Narada, when the brothers are undivided the performance of religious acts is single for all of them, but when there is a partition those acts are separately performed by each, and this explains the reference to the increase of dharma by Manu. According to SankhaLikhita, however, brothers may stay together, since being united they would prosper materially.' This view was no doubt shared by the members of the Brahmana family mentioned in our record. The fear of dharma-kshaya referred to in the inscription points to the fact that such acts of dharma as the worship of the gods and manes and the entertainment of guests were easy for a joint family with its undivided property but difficult for each of the tiny families partitioned out of it with the small resources at its disposal. The great importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it is the only legible record, besides the Nowgong plates of Balavarman, of the Mlechchha dynasty of Pragjyotisha, which was founded by Salastambha and was preceded by the Naraka or Bhauma dynasty, represented by Bhaskaravarman and his predecessors, and succeeded by the Pala dynasty founded by Brahmapala, although both the dynasties of Salastambha and Brahmapala claimed to be offshoots of the ancient Naraka or Bhauma line. According to verses 9-10 of the Bargaon plates of king Ratnapala of the third dynasty of Pragjyotisha kings (i.e., the Pala house of Brahmapala), the kingdom of the descendants of Naraka passed to the Mlechchh-adhinatha 1 Cf. Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 417. Cf. ibid., pp. 347-9. See JPASB, Vol. I, pp. 12-13. Ct. JRAS, 1952, pp. 4 ff. Cf. P. V. Kane, History of Dharmasastra, Vol. III, p. 567. Bee Kane, op. cit., p. 572. ? Kane, loc. cit. JASB, 1897, Part I, pp.289-92; Kamarupa-basan-avali, pp. 73-80. Kamarupa-basan-avali, p. 94.

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149 No. 20) PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA Salastambha, the twentyfirst king of whose line was Tyagasimha; this king having died childless, the subjects, preferring a scion of the Naraks or Bhauma dynasty, made Brahmapala their king. Of these twentyone rulers of the Mleohchha house of Salastambha, mentioned in verse 7 of our record (cf. the expression tasy=anvaye indicating the relation between Vajradatts and Salambha) as a branch of the Naraka or Bhauma dynasty, we have inscriptions of three kings only, viz., (1) Harjara or Harjaravarman to whom belong the Hayungthal plate and the Tezpur rock inscription'; (2) Harjaravarman's son Vanamala or Vanamalavarman who isgued the Tezpur plates and the charter under discussion; and (3) Vanamalavarman's grandson Balavarman who issued the Nowgong plates referred to above. Of the four published records of the family, Harjaravarman's inscriptions, one (the Hayungthal epigraph) of which is fragmentary as only one of the plates has so far been found, are both in a miserable state of preservation. The original of the Tezpur inscription of Vanamalavarinan is now lost and its transcript, published as early as 1840 in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, is palpably full of mistakes of all sorts. The late Mr. P. N. Bhattacharya made an attempt to emend the faulty transcript of the record with the help of imagination ; but the result could hardly be satisfactory. The only published record of the family, reliable from the historians' point of view, is thus the Nowgong plates of Balavarman, although this epigraph also suffers from a few damaged letters. Under the circumstances, the Parbatiya plates of Vanamalavarman under publication remove a number of defects and doubts in the history of the Mlechchha or Salastambha family of Pragjyotisha. In the first place, from the published wrong text of verses 7-9 of the lost Tezpur plates of Vanamalavarman, it was so long believed that king Pralambha was the father of Harjaravar man. The clear reading of those verses in our record shows that Pralambha was & wrong reading for Salambha and that Harjaravarman's father was not Salsmbha but the latter's brother (apparently younger brother) named Arathi. It further shows that the reading of the name Aratha in verse 9 is wrong. The theory about the existence in this dynasty of a prince named Aratha, regarded as the son of Arathi who is mentioned in the passage chakr-arathi (Chakra and Arathi) in line 9 of the indistinct Hayungthal plate of Harjaravarman, is thus entirely imaginary. Secondly, it was so long believed, on the strength of the wrong reading of verse 5, that it was Bhagadatta who is said to have received the lordship of the territory called Uparipattana. It is, however, clear beyond doubt from our record that, while Bhagadatta obtained the kingdom of Pragjyotisha, his brother Vajradatta secured lordship over Uparipattana through the grace of Isvars whom he had propitiated. Thirdly, the name of 1 Ibid., pp. 48-51. 4 Ibid., p. 187. 3 Ibid., pp. 58-65; JASB, Vol. IX, 1840, pp. 766-67. *Kamaripa-basan-duals, introduction, p. 20. The reading and interpretation of verse 8 of the Hayung. thal plate are not beyond doubt. Acoording to Bhattacharya (op. oit., pp. 48-49, 51-52), Harshavarman, who seems to be placed immediately beforo Salambha in our record (of. fri-Harah-antair in verse 8), was followed on the throne by his son Balavarman ; then in the family wore bom the prince Chakra and Arathi, and the son of the latter, whose name is not traced in the rooord but is suggested to be Aratha (on the basis of the wrong reading of verse 9 of Vanamila's lost plates) beoamo king : Jlvadovi, mentioned in the following verses 9-10 and described as the mother of Harjana in verso 11, was the wife of Aratha's successor Prilambba (sio. Salambha). We now know that Salambha was succeeded by his youngor brother Arathi, who was the husband of Jivadovt and the father of Harjaravarman. It seems therefore that the second half of vero 8 of the Hayungthal inscription has to be no interpreted as to indionto that the throne passed to the two brothers named Chakra and Arathi and that the younger of the two brothers was the husband of Jiyadert If this has to be accepted, then it has possibly to be suggested that Chakrs was another name of Salamba and that the rule of Balavarman intervening between that of Harahavarman and Salam bha ww ignored fin Vanamala's records because that king was succeeded by Chakra alias Silambhs after a very short rule. * Cf. Journ. Assam Res. Soc., Vol. VII, p. 88.

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150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX Harjaravarman's queen, who was the mother of Vanamalavarman, is given as Srimattara in verse 15 of the published text of the lost plates, while the Hayungthal plate of Harjarsvar. man (line 24) has it as Mangalabri. The correct reading of the name in Vanamalaverman's inscription is now found to be bri-Mangala. The real name of the queen thus seems to have been Mangala or Mangalasri. Fourthly, the name of Harjaravarman's mother was read in the lost plates as Jivada (verse 10), although the Hayungthal plate gives it as Jivadevi (line 13). The present record shows that Jivadeti suggesting the name Jivada is a wrong reading for Jivadevi. Fifthly, verse 24 of the present record as well as of the lost plates refers to the rebuilding of a fallen temple of H&tuka-salin (Siva) by Vanamalavarman. Whatever may be the real significance of the word hetuka in this context, Bhattacharya's emendation Hafapa-Sulin to indicate the god installed at the city of Hatapesvara seems to be entirely beside the mark. Sixthly, it is usually believed that the name of the capital city of the second dynasty of Pragjyotisha kings was Harupekvara. This is no doubt the reading of the name preferred by R. Hoernle in line 29 of the Nowgong plates of Balavarman. It met however, be pointed out that Hoernle did not forget to note that "the first two aksharas of the name are not quite distinct; Possibly saruo".1 Iu line 21 of the Hayungthal plate of Harjaravarman, Bhattacharya reads the name as Hafappe vara (although not the slightest trace of a sign on h is found in the photograph of the plate published by bim) and corrects it to Harupp kvara. In line 1 of the Tezpur stone inscription of the same king, the reading seems to be Hatapp bara, although Bhattacharya suggests Haruppesvara. The late Mahamabopadhyaya H. P. Sastri reads the name in this record Haruppesvara. As regards the first akshara, however, he says, "The a stroke has been obliterated by a fissure in the rock; but we know from other inscriptions of this dynasty that the name of the capital was Haruppelvara." In regard to the second akshara of the name, he says, "There is a slight peeling off of the stone close to the left-hand limb of ra. Hence the Government Epigraphist (H. Krishna Sastri) read it as kka". In a notes on the reading of this damaged inscription, that master epigraphist, F. Kielhorn, read the name as Ha..ppakvara and observed as follows: "Of the name which follows upon svasti, the initial consonant (h) is clear, but it is uncertain whether the first syllable of the name is simply ha, or ha or hu; and the second syllable, which I have ommitted, is quite doubtful. The same name we apparently have in line 3 of Plate IIb of the Nowgong District plates of Balavarmadeva of Pragjyotisha where by Dr. Hoernle it has been read Haruppeivara, with the note that the first two syllables might possible be saru. But in the published photograph of the plates the second syllable hardly looks to me like ru, and in the impressions of our stone inscription to read ru seems impossible." It will thus be seen that the reading of the first two aksharus of the name Haruppe vara is doubtful in all these cases, though the first of them is probably ha and not ha. As to the lost Tezpur plates of Vanamalavarman, the name is found in the rough transcript published in the JASB as Harayesana, although, it may be pointed out, the letter d has always been read by the transcriber as ras a result of the 1 JA8B, 1897, p. 291, note 29. See also Kielhorn's remarks on the reading of the name, quoted below. * Vide Kamarupa-batam-apall, p. 50 and plates facing p. 47. Cf. Journ. As. Res. Soc., Vol. I, No. 4, p. 111, note 9. *Vide ibid., plate facing p. 187. .J BORS, 1917, p. 512, notes 1-2. Nachrichten von der Konigl. Genellachaft der Wiwenschaften zu Outlingen, Philologisch-historische Klano aus dem Jahre 1906, pp. 466-71. * Ibid., p. 468.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 17 praSAM // 23 // jJApayitvA' akabarasthA(stayA) tatra samAgataH / tathA hasanapallIlA chappannAdana nI(cA)gataH // 24 // nAhI(hI) prati tadAyAto rANe18 do roSapoSitaH / koTaDIgrAmata[:*] zIghra(dha) tataH senAsamo(mA)vataH // 25 // saMpreSito - bhImasiMhaH kumAro rANabhUbhujA / (dhvaM)sama- . 19 tanotsabahasA(sA~) tato gataH // 26 // baDanagaraM lUTita maya catvAri(ri)zatsahasta(kha)mitAH / rAjatamudrA jagRhe baMDavidhau bhImasiMha iha 20 // 27 // , ahamadanagare lamayapramitarUpyamudrANAM / vastUnA lU(guM)Tanamihe(ha) kAritavAnbhI masiMhA(ha)ba(ba)lI // 28 // ekA mahAmasIvi21 vikhaMDitA ladhu(gha)masIvisutrizatI / [bA]layapAtaruSaH prakAzita(tA) bhImasiMhavIreNa // 26 // rANAmahImaheMdrasya prAzayA vijJa u. . 22 tsukaH / mahArAjakumAradhIjayasiMho nAmaH(ma). // 30 // jhAlAsyacaMdrasenena cohAnena camUbha()tA / tathA sava(ba)lasiMhena rAveNa raNasU23 riNA // 31 // kesarIsiMhanAmnA tAtrA rAveNa gobhitaH / rAThoDagopInAthana' parisiMhasya sUnunA // 32 // bhagavaMtArisiMhena banya24 rAjanyarAjibhiH / sahitaH svAhitajayaM kata(ta) hitasamIhite // 33[*] trayodaza sahasrANi prazvavAravarAvaleH / sadvizatisahasrANi 25 pavAtInAM mahAtmanAM // 34 // saMge gRhItvA prayayau citrakUTatI prati / tataste TakkurA rAtrI saMgaraM cakrusa (ka)nmadAH // 3 // sahanasaMkhyA28 billIzalokAn jaghna (pna) gaMjatrayaM / penAgatAstAMsturagAbhiHsRtastadakambaraH // 36 // paMcAzattu ragAnvIrA gRhItvA tAyavedayana (n) / 27 kumArajayasiMhAya jayasiMho muvaM varSe // 37 // jayasiMhaH kumAropa zrIrANeMdrasya bazanaM / kRtavAnka(ka)takRtyA (tyo) vA mahAraNakRtI 28 kRtI // 38 // zaktAvatasya zaktasya kesarIsiMhavarmaNaH / gaMgabara ityeSa kumArapadavI dapat __ // 39 // aSTAdaza dipAnmattAnha29 yaupAnuSTrasaMcayAn / billIzasamyAdAnIva rADA nyavedayat // 40 // rAga kumAropa bhImasiMho balIni(lAmbi)taH / praSitoDa1 The absence of sandhi here is in favour of the metro. * Read lunfitam, lat would be Hindi. * Masidi stands for masjid, i.e., mosque. This fourth quarter is too short by two wylleblas. Perhaps the intended reading was Jayarishtinamalab.

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32 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX 30 kabarAlyena tathA tahavareNa ca // 41 // khAnena saMgaraM pake zakarasoraNopama] / ullaMghya ___devasUrI tA(tA) mahAnAli nalopra (pa)maH / // 42 // 31 dhAnorAnagare pake yuddha yodavikramaH / bA(bI)kAsolaMkivIroSa paha(ghaTTa)ralA raNaM vyapAt ____ // 43 // rANagreNa kumAropa gana // 32 si(si)ho (ba)lAtvi(nvi)taH / prasthApito ba(ba)bhajAyaM tade(da)gamapuraM mahat // 4 // rASTrapraya(ba) rupyamudrAlakSAtrayamacApi vA / batva(sva)va mila-. . 33 meM kArya mayA rANena nizcitaM // 45 // moraMgajebo dillIza uktavAnsa []()taraM / vidhaH kale(4)lAjjAtaM yattadA badAmyahaM / ' 34 // 46 // zrIrANodayasiMhasUnurabhavat bhIma(ma)tpratApaH sutastasya bhI amarezvarosya tanayaH zrIka sihosya vA / putro rANa36vagatpatizca tanayosmAbA(prA)jasiMhosya vA putraH bhojayasiMha eSa rutavAnvIra: zilAje(le)jita // 7 // pu(pU)Ne saptadaze zate tapasi vA 38 sapUrNimAkhye dine dvAtriMzanmitavatsare narapateH zrIrAjasiMhaprabhoH / kAvyaM rAjasamU(ma)amiSTajalabeH - sRSTapratiSTA(SThA)viSeH sto37 prAkta(kta) raNachorabhaTTaracitaM rAjaprazastyA[hAya // 4 // yugmaM / (mA)sIDAskaratastu mAdhava(ba)yo'smAnAmavaM(ca)bastata[:*] sa. 38 sma(sarvezvarakaH kaDo(i)bikulajo samAvinAvassa(sta)taH / teja(la)gosya tu rAmacaM] []ti vA kRSNosya vA mAmaH putrobhUnmabhu39 su(sa)danastraya ime ba(ba)hozaviSNUpama[]: 14 // yasyAsA(sI)mmadhulavanastu janakA(ko) veNI ca gosvAmijA'bhUnmAtA raNachora e[*] kRta40 pAnAnaprazastyAhvayaM / kAvyaM rANaguNauSavarNanamayaM vA(bI)rAkayukta(kta) mahat' / dvAviMzobhavavatra sarga udito vAgarthasargaspha(sphuTaH [150 // "]] 41 [catuvi(vizatyAlya ihAbhavadbhavamude saraurSasagA~pata // 51 // iti zrIrAmapra[za*] sta(stI) zrIrAjasArga(gara)zrIprasta zrIsargativizatya sa[:]. 1 Wo have probably to road yuddam-adbhuta-vikramab. * These two dandas are superfluous. .A more correct form would be melanan. . This danda is supertinous. *Bandhi is not observed here * The portion of verse from chaturto Onnatab is redundant here ; it is meant for the twenty-fourth canto herein it occurs in the thirty-sixth stanga. The meaning of this part is obuonra ; this line of wetting in any way is superfluous. .

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APPENDIX].. RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR Slab XXIV; Canto XXIII 1 // zrIgaNezAya nama[ : * ] [Metres : vv. 1-3, 9 43, 45-62 Anushtubh; vv. 4-8 Bhujangaprayita ; v. 44 Sardulavikridita.] // zate saptadazetIte saptazamiteke / kArttike zukladazamIdine rANApu[ra]daraH // 1 // nAnAvidhAni [vA] 9 nAti yaM datvA svA tarpha dvijAvibhyo hari 1 dhyAtvA japamAlAM kare dadhat // 2 // hRdi saMsthApya ca japanzamanAma svanAma ca 1 sayaza 3 sthApayanloka (loke) bhUloka spaktavAnRpaH // 3 // bAno mahAdAnaMdha (baM) dvijebhyastathA gA savatsAH suvarNANA: (rNAH) / taduktaM phala *4 va (ba) laM saMdadhAno nRpo durgamasvarga mArgAya yAtaH // 4 // dAruNA tebhavasvarNarUpaH (pAH) / tadA ( dI? ) yogya 5 niHzreNikAzreNikAbhiH kSitisparzahInaM vimAna (naM) samAna ( naM ) // 5 // maheMdreNa saMpreSitaM medinI: samAhya divyairgaNaiH saMvRtazca / sa 7 yat / mahAdAna mAlAtaDAgamatiSThA (ThA karo viSNunAmapahI dharmapuNeH (naH) kuMThaloke svakuMThaprabhAvo hariH preSavi 8 tvA mahAdAnasamma (maM) parabhasaMdhA: 6 nAkaM sukhaM prApa dharmeNa sArka mahArAjasiMho nareMdreSu siMhaH // 6 // maheMdreNa saMmAnitastena divyAsane sthAM (sthA ) pito mAnitastoSito 83 9 jayasiMha jayamayaH satyaMcA ri(2)rakSa raNavazoSaM vimAnaM mudrA (dA) sskAryaM saMsthApayAmAsa yuktaM svapUrvodbhavaiH saMyutaM rAjasahaM tataH (taH) kaDene nagare ziviraM vyAtanolI / ast(a:) 10 sohiNItiH // 10 // zate kRtA // 7 // tataH svIya 1 This ga is superfluous. 3 DGA/53 11511 vAsarAn // 2 // ullaMdhya kRtavAnvIro rAjasiMhAsana siMgati (ti) sonA (nIma saptadapUrNa saptamidAgmitebbake / mAgaMghAzI zauryamAyaMprakAzI mArgaNArthadaH // 11 // vasatka (ka) DaMje naga 11 'gare jayasiMho mahAmanAH / zrutvA tahabaraM khAnaM devasUrIM vilaMdhya ca 12 // prAMta (saM) ghaTTa maryAdAlopinaM kopapUritaH / svabhrAtaraM bhImasiMhaM 12 bhImaM vApre ( vA pre ) Sayatsa tu // 13 // bIkAsolaMkinaM dRSTrA taM samAzvAsya tatparaM 1 mahAbhImo bhImasiho terenolent va (ba) ra: // 14 // jAnatu

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84 13 lekha (cha) saMsthA ( sainyAni vidya(cha) / / 15 / / vi: 14 cappalavezazailevAyAM (yA) to hyAga (go? ) bU (bu) tosya tu // 16 // prAgataH 1 ruddhA ghaTTAstato rANAlokaM [ loke]Su vizru 15 hai // 17 // #: kathaMcana 16 rasAbhiSaH pratyevaM / 18 yatistvamataH EPIGRAPHIA INDICA taddhastahaba robhava (va) t / vinASTakAMtaM dhAnorAyA evaM grAmAta jayasiMha dalela mArgo 17 cavazAtra se nizciMta ratnasIrAvatenApi sthitaM ghaTTe) zilotkaTe / / 18 / / atha zrIjayasiMha(henAlA mu[klo] ya preSito mi (me) lanaM karttuM tenoktaM mArgagAminA // 16 // bhavAnbilIyA mAnitaH / sahasrAbhyazvavArANA (ga) samaya (saMge 25 na ( naM) kartumudyataH 1 [it] batto rANalokaMrgoguMdAghaTTa lekhA~ na zaktobhUtavA gaMtuM [VOL. XXIX rAhu mukta (kleM) - paraM 1 // 22 // // 20 // rAjeMdrasthaMkarAjanyo rANeMdrasya tava sphuTaM // 21 // navAve (bAve) nocyate ca (ce) taM ghaTTAniHsArayAmyahaM svApayAmi net (bA) bena taveritaM pItsuM (cAla) tvaM mamAyAti mA 19 stu tenApi vAraNaM // 23 // ghaTTatrayasya mArgasya vRSTaparthaM preSitA bhaTAH tumulo // 24 // tato na niHsUtastatra []bA (bA)rUpyamudrAsvaM kasmai dvijAtaye // 25 // niHsutonyegya (na) mArgeNa rAjataM - ghaTTaM davA sthito bhavAn snehastadaparva tamA [*] lakha (jAna) 1 ) niHsaratva (ra) va ucyate [*] tadanabA (vA) bena jaM 20 stavanaMtaraM sahasva (kha) nabAbA) at enkesarI 21 trApi saimyavAn // 26 // ratnasIrAito ratnaM ye (yo bAnA (na) mArgato javAt (1) ca niHsaraNaM nA (bA) ba kA (ka) to vyadhAt // 27 // it valela22 [*suto balAt] [1"] dillIzAMtika zrAyAtaH pRSTo maH (saH) // 28 // tva ( tvaM) niHsRtya kimAyAto saNA (rANa) kasyAnu no | dalelapA (kha) tadovAya (ca) tadovAya (ca) nAnaM labdhaM mayA prabho // 26 // [pa* ]zcAttu hetuM mAM samupAgataH / yodhA me mAritAstena 24 [taH // 30 // * ] pratnA (zA) bhAvAnnityameva lokAnAM tu catu[ : * ] zatA (tI) mutA haMta ni: ( niH) sUtastat * bhUtvA dillI prAkulaH // 30 (31) ayAkavara dhAvato mi(ye)larANAmasiMhasya dvitA(sI) patanayo balI 23 gataH / nAnAhaM tena ni[*] dAsastatputraH zyAmasiMha ihAgataH / kR (kR) tvA mi (me) navArtA (ta) sakRtya ca taM dillIzvareNa rANe (dro mama / / 31 (32) / / garIba tAM 1 This pa appears like gha, while next to it there is a superfluous danda. The reading of this latter half of the verse is not clear; possibly we have to restore it as follows: tairauktam ts Navabena kritain ghatta-trayani dridham. Read agrisaram cha kritva tam. Sandhi is not observed here.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 85 26 parAvRtya gato buddha // 32 ( 33 ) / tato balajAnastu milane mAnot / tathA milanasya vidhi (dhi) vyadhAt // 33 (34) jayasiMho hasanalI 27 tha milanaM kartumudyogamAtanot [*] zrImadrAjasamudrasya praprabhAge sthitastataH sahasrANyazvavArANAM sapta sa saptakatviSa / madhye sthi taH saptasaptisamatejAH samAva (ba) bhI // 35 ( 36 ) / jayasahaH sthitaH sa[] nAmasaptame / satprekSana) kama proktaM madavAramayaM jagata (tu) // 36 (37) / pa 29 dAtInAmaputa saMge sthApitavAnprabhuH 1 tavA pattima proktaM // 37 ( 38 ) // mahAzauyoM mahAdhairyo jayasiMhastato va (ba) lI [ 1 *] mI (cohAnaM sthApayatpuraH // 38 ( 39 ) / ziromaNi berIsAlaM mahArAva rAThorAnbIranakurAn 30 mAcaMdrasenAyaM 31 // 39 (40) || cauDAvatAnraNe myadurjayAn // 40 (41) // 32 saMsthApya se (so) / 35 zasya caMDAn zaktAnza'ktAvatAMstathA sabatikharyaDiyA' saMge saMge rAvaMsa va (ba) siMhA jagadRSTA raktadhvanaiH (jaiH) zobhamAnA bhAMti nAnA mavadvipAH / sapallavamA // 34 (35) / / 36 pUrita[*] // 45(46) / / tathA / rAnAvatAnraNAjeyAntrAjanyAnja-' rAjeMdra raNadurbhava(ba) milanA (ca) muvA'calat // 41 (42) / * sutasya saH I jagadyAnasurANAmasya pratApina [: * ] ti (vi) jJatAsiMdhugA (ga) bhIyaMguNasAgaraH [1*] bala (le) lakhAM mahAvIro paramAra 33 gotrA ekatra sthApitAH kimu // 42 (43) // ve (baM) riprAgaNe (Ne ) mahIdhara kulaiH savratnavRMdara ho rAjawwwe (ca) yerca vADavasti (zi) khisphurjatpratApaibU (rSu) [: * ] (dhuM 34 udyogivaraMmaMhi ho ) miMgiyAhairmaryAdayApUrvayA gAMbhIye (baeN)Na yuto virAjati jayI rANA'rNava:' ki para [ : * ] // 43 (44) // bhoraMgajebabIrasya dillI mlekha (ccha) bhubhuje (jaH) harA ( sa ) nallIlA (laoN) (pra)nyepi rAThoDo rAmasiMhAlyo ratalAmapurasthita [ : *] // 46 ( 47 ) // hADAkizorasiMhAlyo gauDabhU 1188(82)11 praziyA hasannAja (jhA) 'The sign of avagraha is unnecessary. * Though the correct form of this word is melana, yet our author invariably uses milana which is Hindi. Sandhi is not observed here for the sake of the metre. Sandhi is not observed here. The intended reading of this portion seems to be sarvan-akharva-viry-adhyan * This savinge is redundant ? There is a superfluous danda here. F2

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EPIGRAPIJA INDICA [Voz.. XXIX 37 pastathApu(pa)re [*] hiTTa(hiMdU)gleSa(ccha)mahAvIrA pAyAtAH saMmukhaM sukhAt // 47(48) // ' dillIpatIyaH svIyazca dezapAlaH samAvRtaH / jayasiMho vibhAjAva' dipA(kpA)larmagha38 vAvRtaH // 48(46) // tata:*: zrIjayasiMhAsyaH pUrvoktaMSTa(STha)kkurairvRtaH / garIbadAsAmnA svapurohitavareNa vA [150 // *] bhI[]pradhA(dhA)nava zyena yukte (ktaH) suyoniteja39 sA:(sA) [*] mahAbhAgyo [mahA* zauyo(yoM) mahotsAho mahAmatAH(nA:) // 46(51) / hi(hiM)dUmlecha(ccha)mahAvIradezanAthavizobhignaH(taH) / vamA(grAjamA? )khyasuratrANamaNerdarzanamAtago40 t // 50(52) // prAjamAkhyabhusvA(suratrA)No raNeMdrasyAdaraM bhRzaM / akarodvinayopetas(ssa) _(sne)hamanu darzayan // 51(53) // ekAdaza gajI(jA)nazvA(zvA)zcatvAriMzanmitAn 41 zubhAn / prAjamAkhyAya rAne(ne) dropa(paM)yAmAsa suvarpavAn // 52(54) / prAjamAkhyaH suratrANa eka madala dvipa(eka madAlasaM dvipaM?) / aSTAviMzatisaMkhyAzvAnsahemavasa42 natrayoH // 53(55) // paMcAzatpramitA bhUSA(SaH) samUhaM rAnabhUbhujeH(ja) / dado(do) mahAnaMhamaya' milanaM tvanathorabhUta (t) // 54(56) // dalelaSAM(khA) tadovAca tulatAna zru43 Nu prabho / aya(yaM) vIrazcaMdraseno rAnA jhAlaziromaNiH / [157 // *] rAvaH sava(balasihoyaM ratnasInAmarAvataH / coDAyata raNe (caM)DAH zaphtA(ktAH) zaktAvatAstatho(thA) // 55(58) / pa44 ramArAzca rAThosa(DA)stathA rANAvatottamA(mAH) / raNe si(si)hAH parvateSu mArgamadaduruttamAH // 56(56) // yuyudhurma(meM) mahAyodhA jJAtavyaM vijJatAMva(bu)dhe / dillIzena pa45 rA ---- rAnoktyA rakSituM dhu(5)vaM [ // 60 // *] prAjamA(mo)pyuktavAnevaM satyameva na saMzaya[:*] // (1) saMtuSTo jayasiMhA(ho)tha dadAyAjJAM kRtAdatAra(kRtAdaraH) // 57(61) / je(ja)yasiho mahAbhArayo vI46 [raH ziviramAgataH / asyAsI bhAgya]taH zIghra(dhra) milanaM [gajatAdarAt?] // 58(62) // [pUrNaH] sarga iti prayoviMzatinAmA sargaH // Slab XXV; Canto XXIV [Metres : vv. 1-10, 16-27 Anushtubh ; v. 11 U pajati; vv. 12-15, 33-36 Sardulavikridita ; v. 28 Arya , v. 29 Upagili . 30-32 Giti.] 1 // siba() zrIgaNezAya nma(namaH) [u*] premNA amarasi(si)hAkhyapautrayuktasya dharma(mi)NaH / rANe(meM)varAjasiMhasya rAjarAjasya saMpadA // 1 // hemno daza sahasyo(hasro)dyatto 1'The two sets of dandas and the ligure 47 appear above the line. . The reading of these four syllables is probably intended to be babhajan. . The sense is not clear here. . This third pada is too short by two syllables. * The absence of sandhi here is in tentional and is in favour of the metre.

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APPENDIX] * RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR . 87 2 lakaiH pUrNato bhRtaH / zuddhAtmane va(vi)sRSTAyAstulAyA atulAjuSaH // 2 // mA(ma)hAseto hastinIsatska(tska)dhe vaM(ba)dhuramuMdaraM / toraNaM bhAti gaurI. 3 ccAdhoraNaM tulayaMduvA // 3 // mahojya (jjva)latayA kiMvA airAvatakulasthitiH // () hastinyeSA mu(mU) dina dhatte citrarUpyoccabhUSaNaM // 4 // dattAMkuzadva4 [yApye SA acalavAbhavattataH [*] darzitaM tannatIkRta hastipenA(nAM)kuzadvayaM // 5 // mA(ma)hAtoraNabhetattu gaurIkIyonnatIkRtaM / prAMjalaM sAMjali5 yugaM bhujayo ti bhu(bhU)pateH // 6 // dvitIyaM toraNaM tatra pArvesti laghu suMdaraM / tayA' amarasiMhAepapautrasyAtivicitrakRt // 7 // rANeMdrarA6 siMhastha paTTarAjJA(kyA)tivijJayA / zrIrANArAjasiMhasya mAtrA mitrapratApayA // 8 // sadAkuMvari nAmnyA yA tulA rUpyamayI kRtA / prAste 7 tattoraNaM citraM hastinyA(nyA) hastayugmaM(gma)vat // 6 // prAste garIva(ba)dAsasya purohitaziromaNeH / kRtAyAH svarNapUrNAyAstulAyAstoraNaM mahat 8 // 10 // garIva(ba)dAsasya purohitasya jyeSThaH kumAro raNachoDarAyaH / prAste kRtApAH - kila tena rUpyatrA(bhrA)jattulAyAH zubhatoraNaM sat // 11 // 9 zrIrANodazasiMhasUnurabhavat zrIma(ma)tpratApaH sutastasya zrI amarezvarosya tanayaH zrIkarNasiMhosya vA / putro rANajagatpapi(ti)zca 10 tanayosmAnAjasiMhosya vA putraH zrIjayasiMha eSa kRtavAnvIraH zilA''lekhitaM // 12 // pUrNa saptakze zate tapasi vA satpUrNimA11 lye dine dvAtriMzanmitavatsare narapateH zrIrAjasiMhaprabhoH / kAvya(vyaM) rAjasamudramiSTajaladheH sRSTa(STa) pratiSThAvidheH stotrAktaM 12 raNachoDabhaTTaracitaM rAjaprazastyAhvayaM // 13 // yugmaM [ // *] prAsIdbhAskaratastu mAdhavabudho'smAdrAma caMdrastataH [sa*]tsarvezvarakaH ka13 Tho(ThoM)Dikulajo lakSmyAvinAthassu(sta)taH / telaMgosya tu rAmacaMdra iti vA kRSNosya vA mAdhavaH pU(pu)trobhUmmadhusUdanastraya ime 'va(ba)14 jhezaviSNUpamAH // 14 // yasyAsInmadhusUdanastu janako veNI ca gosvAmiz2A'bhUnmAtA raNachoDa ai(e)[Sa*] kRtavAnAjaprazastyAhvaya(ya) 1 In v. 28, Canto XVII, the quantity of gold mentioned is 12,000 tolus. * Perhaps we are to read tulayud=rucha. The absence of sandhi here is intentiongl and is in favour of the metre. *Sandhi has not been observod here.

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88 15 | kAvyaM rAjaga (gu) gaudhavarNanamayaM sagaH // 15 // EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [vIrAMkayukta *] catuvi (vi) zatyAkhya rAjaprazastipaMthIya (maM) prasiddhaH sthA 16 jjagatyalaM | lakSmI (nA) vAhivAlAna pAThArtha jAyata bhUSa spa (ma)rAtrAvayavarNanaM / karNasthitaM syA[ska*]rNI (rNo) 17 putrapautrasukhavaM // 17 // smAtkAvye kAvyo rAmAdirAjastutiyukkAvyaM rAmAyaNopamaM / zrusva ( tvA) ghane dhaneza[:*] hari // 1 // nA 18 nArAjetihAsAktaM graMthaM syAGkAratopamaM / bhAratyA bhAratIya: paThambhArataca (kha) ke // 12 // yA (brAhmaNo (ba) bAbA jo bAvI // 21 // - 20 nAlabhyaM tasya kiMcana ||21|| syAtkAyasthaH zriyA susyo bhave 19 ryavAn / vaizyo labhe'ddhanaM zrutvA zu (zu) dro bhadraM tathAkhilaM // 20 // saMstabhya cittamamyebhyaH paThansabhyo bhvAnuyAt / ibhyatAM bhuvane masyoM pAmebhyaH kSatriyo'khilabhUmipaH vaizyo panI [VOL. XXIX ihAbhavadbhavamuve sarvo 22 tamavamaskaMdha satkatha / prAkaMTha sukhabhUtvA kRtavAn kherAvAdasya mAraNaM / ta // 16 // nArAyaNAviyA 21 [bhuvaM // 22 // rAja (jA) bhUtvA pavartI zauryagAMbhIryavAn / dezasvAsthya samerivijaya kudale sadA // 23 // paThankurava 8 27 (vA DampUrNa sarUpyamudrAdi tadArthibhyA rAjasihadevena / ukta janasa (saM) ma * 'The correct form is labheta better read vinded. ; Read Dyala for Dayala for the sake of the metre. Sandhi has not been observed here. 20 mahAsetI dvAdazazatamamiti dhAnyAhi kAMkarolI sAmAnya kamyamudrANAM / prApnuvAdi vaikuMThaM prApnuyAdidaM // 24 // dayAla sAhabU 23 skela (iM) dubhiprAha (haM) vanaheDAsyaluMTanaM // 25 // dhvastaM [ cakre ] grahamadanagaraM luMTane [khilaM ? *] 24 // 26 // mahAbasIdipatanaM kRtavAnsamare itI (tI) ityuktaH prabhuvIrANAM parAkramavinirNayaH // 27 // jagama(dha) tanayo 25 mAthura hIrAmaNirmahAmithaH [* ] rAjasamudrajalAzayasUtra niveze parikramaNe // 28 // dvAdazazatamaNamitika bAgma (ya) [*]hI dhArApurA (rI) mAraNaM. ca sIditipatina // 26 // seto saMsthApya tathA // 30 // rSAva (vi) naparya tamayaM - tabA

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR -89 28 [2] miyo'smanikaTataH puraH kurU(ka)te // 31 // ityutsAhena tadA bhya(bha)ktapA mizraH puraH sthito nRpateH / dhAnyAvA(dI)dha(ndha)namArtha(marthi)29 bajAya batvA(svA) priyo napasyAsIt // 32 // zrIrANodayasiMhasUnurabhavat zrImantra(matta)tApa[:*] sutastasya zrI'amarezvarosya / 30 tanayaH zrIkaraNa(karNa)siMhosya vA / putro rANajagatpatizca tanayosmAdrAjasiMhosya vA putraH zrIjayasiMha eSa kRtavAnvI31 : zilA''lekhitaM // 33 // pUrNe saptadaze zate tapasi vA satpUrNimAkhya(khye) dine dvAtri(triM)zanmitavatsare narapateH zrIrAjasiMha32 prabhoH / kAvyaM rAjasamudramiSTajalaSe[:*] sRSTa(STa) pratiSThAviSeH stotrAkta(kta) raNachoDabhaTTaracitaM rAjaprazastyAhvayaM // 34 // yugmaM [ // *] 33 mAsIvAskaratastu pA(mA)dhavabudho'smAtrAmacaMdrastataH satsarvezvarakaH kaTho(ThoM)Dikulajo lakSmyA dinAthassu(sta)taH / telaMgo34 sya tu rAmacaMdra iti vA kRSNosya vA mAdhavaH putrobhUnmadhusUdanastraya ime bra(ba)oza viSNUpamAH // 35 // yasyAsInmadhusUda35 nastu janako veNI ca gosvAmijA'bhUnmAtA raNachora e[*] kRtavAnnAjaprazastyAhvayaM / kAvyaM rANaguNoghavarNanamayaM [vIrAMkayuktaM*] ca. 36 turvi(vi)zatyAkhya ihAbhavadbhavamuve sorthasargona(bha)taH // 36 // duhA // rANI korI rajapUta jevaDa tA jAyo [?] / samudra phe37 raNa sUtaH rANA tuhIja rAjasI // 1 // aijo moraMga kAha megala mugala mArije / rANo rASe rAha rajavaTa bharIyo rAjasI // 2 // duhA(dohA) [ // *] 38 saMvata 1718 mAhavadi 7 nImavodavAro mahurata hojI pratarAThAkara' mela kamaH karavA // rANAvata mAhAsIMghajI rAmasIdha 1 Sandhi is not observed here. That is Doha, a couplet. From here onwards the composition is in the local dialect. It begins with two Dshas which, however, do not conform to the metrical scheme. The text, however, is Inft uncorrected. * The sense of these two dohas in Mewart scems to be :1. A great Rajput (lady) is the queen who gave birth to a liop (nahara)--a son who could turn the ocean -and that is yourself, O Rajasi. 2. You kill all these Mughals of Aurangzeb, O Rana, thou art the only way, as thou art, O Kajust, full of martial spirit. Duly Rina Rajasimha, who is full of martial spirit, komps the boastful Muykuals of Aurangzeb under his control. Alard msans so many, such and such. Same as Hindi mil-kar 'together'.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX 39 jI rANAvata bhAusI gha]jI / cuDAvata dalapatijI mohaNasI[5]jI / rAvata luNakaraNajI . cuDAvata kesarIsIMghajI cuDAvata moka40 masIdhajI moja(jA)vata narasIghadAsajI [mo]ja(jA)vata garIbadAsajI rAThoDa sIdhajI rAThora rAmacaMdajI rAThoDa hamIjI rATha(Tho)Da mokamasIdha41 citAgarA(citrakAra) // sAha rA(rA)macaMdra cecANIsAha kalupaMcolI rAma(na)jarAmAlAta sA mukadavaprapaMcolI hararAma[siMghavo laSu(kha) paMcolI] vAgha 42 gajadhara mukaMda gajadhara kilyAnasuta jaganAtha urajaNasuta lAlo laSo jasoharajI jaganAthasuta meghomano [[*] saMvata 1732 43 pratiSTA(SThA) huiIja subha(zubhaM) bhavatu zrIrastu su(sU)sva(tra)dhAra mohaNa[jI]suta su(sUtradhAra suSajI su(zu)bhaM bhA .. vataH The virame is shown here with two dots. * A similar list of masons is found also towards the close of Slabs III, VI, VIII and IX. MGIPO-81-3DGA/53-26-5-55-450.

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No. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA 151 resemblance between the forms of the two letters. The Parbatiya plates under discussion read the name of the capital city of the second line of Pragjyotisha kings (i. e., the house of Salastambha) unmistakably as Hadapebvara which was apparently also the reading of the lost plates. This seems to suggest that the readings intended in the records of Harjaravarman and Balavarman were Hatappesvara and Hadappesvara respectively. The inscription mentions a number of geographical names including those of a river and a hill. The adoration to the river-god Lohitya-sindhu (cf. Lohitya-bhalfaraka also in the Tezpur plates), i.e., the Brahmaputra, is very interesting. The same river is also adored as Lauhityavaridhi, Lauhitya-sindhu and Lauhitya ity=adhipatih saritam in the records respectively of Balavarman who was the grandson of Vanamalavarman, of Ratnapala who was the son of Brahmapala founder of the Pala dynasty (the third line of Pragjyotisha kings), and of Indrapala who was the grandson of Ratnapala. The kings apparently held the river-god in special veneration. But more interesting is the reference to the Lauhitya or Brahmaputra as a 'sea'. This seems to be associated with the tradition about the existence, in early times, of the Eastern Ocean (s. e., the Bay of Bengal) near Devikotta which is modern Bangarh in the Dinajpur District in the northern part of Bengal, and with the presence in the central region of Bengal of large bils or lakes like the Chalan.Wide areas in the Mymensing District of Bengal (now in East Pakistan), through which the Brahmaputra at present passes, are spoken of as the 'sea' even today. It is a lowlying country which for six or more months of the year is under water; in that area, communication by boats of maundage varying with the stream and season is always possible. The coast line of this 'sea' may be taken to be passing through Bhairab-bazar, Bajitpur, Nikli, Dom para and Tarail and then towards the north-east. To the west of this line, the country is a bed of dead and dying rivers. Equally interesting is the mention of the Kamakuta hill, on which the god Komesvara and the goddess Mahagauri are said to have been installed. The same deities are also mentioned in the Guakuchi plates of king Indrapala of the Pala dynasty.or the third line of Pragjyotisha kings. The land granted by this charter is described as Uttara-kule Mandivishay-antahpati-Pandari-bhumito'pakrish!a-dhanya-dvisahasr-ot pattika-bhumi, i.e., the land of an inferior quality yielding 2,000 (dronas) of paddy out of the area called Pandari (modern Panduri Mauza in which the Rangiya station on the old Assam Railway is situated) in the Mandi district pertaining to Uttara-kula. This Uttara-kula (literally 'the north bank") was apparently a division of the kingdom of Pragjyotisha lying on the north bank of the Brahmaputra. In the description of the boundaries of the above land, the Guakuchi inscription mentions several times Mahagauri-Kamesvarayoh satka(or deva-satka)- tasana-Pandaribhumi, i. e., the land called Pappart which was a gift land belonging to the deities Mahagauri and Kamesvara. The names of the hill Kamakula and the god Kamesvara would suggest that the goddess Mahagauri was no other than Kamesvari otherwise called Kama ur Kamakhya (literally "the goddess with the name Kama') whose temple stands near Gauhati' in Assam. According to the Kalika 1 Cf. Kamaripa-edsan-avall, p. 59, noto l. . * Ibid., pp. 73, 02, 117. * Cl. purvd kila Devikoita-samipd palchime (sio. purod) Pureddadhirdoft in Brihaspati-Rayamukuta's Padachandrika (Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 601). For references to the sea bordering on the country of Priglyotinha or Kimaropa, noe Sachau, Alberuni'. India, I, p. 201 ; Ramayana (Vangavial ed.), Kishkindh. kapda, ohapter 42, verse 30, etc. *Kamarpa-sdsan-avali, p. 136-37. * a. The sakta Pithas, pp. 12-13, 16. 6 DGA/53

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX Purana, Kamarupa was one of the four main Sakta Pithas where resided the god Kamesvara and the goddess Kamesvari (installed on the Nila-parvata). Another passage of the same Purana speaks of the hill, on which the Pitha was situated, as Kamagiri, no doubt the same as Kamakuta. The Pithanirnaya (Mahapithanirupana), a standard work on the Sakta Pithas, also connects the Yoni-pitha with Kamakhya on the Kamagiri.3 It has been suggested that the capital of the second line of Pragjyotisha kings, called Hadapesvara in our record, was probably situated at Daha-Parbatiya in the vicinity of modern Tezpur in the Darrang District, Assam. Although nothing can be said definitely on this point, the find of the present record in that area seems to support the suggestion. Haposagrama, which was the village granted by the charter under discussion, cannot be satisfactorily identified. It was situated in the Svalpa-Mangoka (literally the smaller Mangoka) mandala (district) pertaining to the Uttara-kula division which, as already indicated, is also known from other records of the ancient kings of Pragjyotisha. Interesting in this connection is also the mention of another similar division called Dakshina-kula, no doubt lying on the southern bank of the Brahmaputra, in Balavarman's inscription. The name Svalpa-Mangoka suggests the existence of another mandala called Brihan-Mangoka or the bigger Mangoka; but nothing can be said in regard to the territorial unit with the exception of the fact that it lay to the north of the Brahmaputra. Akshidahika and Dirghanga, which are mentioned as boundaries of Haposagrama and appear to have been names of villages, also cannot be located with any amount of certainty. The word hetuka in the name of the god Hotuka-Sulin, a dilapidated temple of whom was rebuilt by Vanamalavarman, may be geographical or personal name referring either to the area where the temple was standing or to the man who was responsible for the original temple and the installation of the god. But it is difficult to be definite on this point, although persons named Hetuka are known from Indian literature. 152 Pragjyotisha, famous in ancient literature, was the country, the heart of which lay in the modern Gauhati region of Assam. From the fourth century A. C., sometimes the name of the country is also given as Kamarupa, a designation possibly associated with that of the goddess Kama, Kamesvari or Kamikhya.' According to Chinese sources, the boundary between this country and Pundravardhana or North Bengal was the river Karatoya, and to the east of Kamarupa "the country was a series of hills and hillocks without any principal city and it reached to the south-west barbarians [of China], hence the inhabitants were akin to the Man and the Lao." The territory called Uparipattana in the records of Vanamalavarman is not known from other sources. Since, however, the name seems to indicate literally 'the town above,' the region, which was apparently not far from Pragjyotisha, may have been no other than the hilly eastern land mentioned by the Chinese and referred to above. In line 46, while showing his knowledge in the science of erotics, the author mentions the women of the Karnata country which may be roughly identified with the Kannada-speaking area of South-western India. We are thankful to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra who has kindly offered some suggestions for the improvement of the transcript and translation of the inscription. 1 Chapter 64, verse 43: Kamarupam maha-pitham tatha Kametvarim bivam | Nilam cha parvatu-breshtham natham Kamisvaram tatha || Chapter 18, verse 42: Kamarupe Kamagirau nyapatad-yoni-mandalam. Cl. The Sakta Pithas, p. 47: Yoni-pitham Kamagirau Kamakhya tatra divata. Kamarupa-basan-anali, introduction, p. 22n. Vide ibid., pp. 89, 116, 131. Ibid., p. 72. The Sakta Pilhas, p. 15. See Watters, On Yuan Chuang's Travels in India, Vol. II, pp. 185-87.

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No. 20 133 PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA TEXT [Metres : Verse 1 Sragdhara ; verses 2, 18, 29-30 Anushlubh ; verses 3-6, 8-9, 11, 15, 17, 19, 21-23 Arya; verses 7, 12-13 Indravajra ; verse 10 Giti; verse 14 Vasantatilaka; verses 16, 25 Mandakranta ; verse 20 Rathoddhata ; verses 24, 26-27 Sardulavikridita ; verse 28 U pajati.] First Plate 1 Siddham' Svasti | Srimat-Kailasa-bhubhfit-prithu-kanaka-sila-sanchay-usphalan-otthair asar(air)=hema-pank-avila-tu2 hina-jadaih sikta-vaimani-sarthah ambhah-krida-prasakta-pravara-sura-vadhu-kesa-hasta chyutair=yvo nake3 sa-dru-prasunair=arunita-salilo=vyat=sa Lohitya-sindhuh || [1] Sa punatu Pinaki vo yan natye svarddhu4 ni-jalam kirnnam rechaka-vatena tarakaprakarayitam | [2*] Naraka iti sunur=asid= Adivarahasya bhu6 vi tad-uddhare | Aditeh kundala-harane pratapam-api yo Harer=aharat || [3] Ksishnena tan-nihatya cha ssi6 shtauBhagadatta-Vajradatt-akhyau | tasya sutau tad-vanita-karuna-vilapa-hrita hridayena || [4*) Samprapte Bhagadatto 7 srimat-Pragjyotish-adhinathatvam vanam=itard=pi tad-etya prarudhayad-Isvaran= tapasa || [5*] Tushne(shte)na 8 tena tasmai dattam-Uparipattan-adhinathatvam | Pragjyotish-adhirujyam kalena ta[d-a*) nvayasy=api || [6*] 9 Tasy=anvaye=bhut=kshitipala-mauli-manikya-rochi-sphurit-arhri-pithah | Pragjyotish-e. 10 sah kshata-vairi-virah Salambha ity=uddhata namadhiyah |[7*] Sat-purvva-npipati-guna sampad-augha-rag-anu. 11 ranjita-dig-antaih | Salastambha-pramukhai[h*) sri-Harsh-antairemmahipalaih [8*]* Divam=arudhair=adyasya bhubhujo-ne12 ka-vairi-viro=bhut | bhrata saurya-tyagair=8-samo namn=Arath-iti nsipah || [9*] Sri-Jiva devi-sa[m*]jna rajni 13 hriday-anug=abhavat=tasya | va(ba)hu-jana-vandya mahatah prabhata-sandhy-eva tejaso janani || [10*] Tasyan=tasya tu 14 rajnah suto=bhavan=nripa-firo-rchit-anhri-yuguh | Sri-Harjard nnti(nri)p-andrah sriya svayam yah samupagudhah || (114) 15 [Dharmma-pravadeshu*] [Yudhishthiro yo Bhi]mo=ri-varge sasmari) cha Jish[nuh] eko py=anekair=iti sad-[gu]n-o(n-au) 1 From the original plates now preserved in the Assam Provincial Museum, Gauhati, and impressions propared at the office of the Government Epigraphist for Indis. * Expressed by a symbol. The word orihta has been used here in the sense of viesishfa. * The metre of verses 8-9 is Aryd. But both of them are defective from the motrical point of view. A word like yuktarya seems to suit the context better than adyaaya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Second Plate; First Side 16 ghair-nibisha-Kunti-tanayatvam-otab [12] Gopijan-aranjita-manasasya a-[r]shy-cva vakahab panibri[tya*] Vishto(shno)b [*] nib 154 [VOL. XXIX 17 6sha-rimljana-daha-sashstham-adaya saundaryam-ih-jagama || [13] Varon-ady-ishaguna-jutam-ayam-va(m-ba)bhara patyu 18 r-mam-atula-va(ba)lasya Rathangapaneh | ten-aham-agra-mahishi jagatibhujo-sya bhuta jane na khalu laghavam=abhyu 19 paimi || [14] Iti yasya mahadevi viganayya mano-nug-abhaval-Lakshmih | Sri-Mangalabhidhana pramada-ratn-ottaman-nri 20 pateb [15] Tasy-desha-kshitipa-makut-odghrishta-pad-avja(bja)-pishasy-idbha(bha)t-sunur-nripa-guna-maharatna-mala-vibhusha[*] () tasyain(sya)n-devyam akhila bhuvan-ananda 21 ko yah sas-iva sriman-khyato jagati Vanamal-abhidhanah kshiti(t-i) 22 sah || [16*] Jalanidhi-tata-vana-mala-sim-avadhi-medini-patitvasya | yogya iti nama dhata cha 23 kre Vanamala iti yasya || [17] Prachand-arati-mattebha-ghata-dhvant-oru-samhatim | divakarayitam 24 yena vidarya rana-bhumishu || [18] Kshiti-tanaya-nripa1-vamsa-prabhava-narendra-amalamva(mba)re yena | sphu 25 tam-va mrigakayitam-utary-arati-ti[mi*]r-d(r-su)gham [19] Bhuri-dripts-ripu-vira vahini-saila-va 26 jram-uru-vikram-asina | yena rajakam-asesham-asyata srir-akari chiram-cka-bhartrika || [20] Yasya pratapa-bhiy 27 va(ba)hu-ripu-jayino-pi medinipalah [/*] kochi[d*)-dis vijagrihuh prasabham-alamh chamaranyanye | [21] Rajaam-anyahah 28 ye nisitan=ajav=ishu[n*] nripa mumuchuh () yasya ta eva vibhitya bhumir=duran=nija vijahuh || [22] Yair-abhimukham ripu(pu) 39 nar-ghatita matta-kari-ghati-va(ba)ndhah tair-vikram-aika-bit?[r*]=yasy=&{th*}jalayah krita[h] kshitipaih || [23*] Dhur-uhe Nahu 30 shasya yena patitam kal-antarad=alayam saudham bhakti-nat-akhil-amara-vara-vrat-architanhreh punah | Praleya 31 chala-ringa-tudgam-atala-grim-ebha-vesyljansirayukta[i*] Hetuka-Salinab kohitibhuj bhaktya nava[i*] chakrusha* || [24*] Second Plate; Second Side 32 Yasy-Ananta-dyutim-atisita naga-loke hasanti | din-naganam evasita-janitam sikar-alin-cha dikshu 1 The word nripati would suit the metre better. There is an ornamental design at this place to cover the space at the end of the verse.

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PARBATIYA PLATES OP VANAMALAVARMADEVA |Ngr'ii mntrnnaaly'e gosbaakssnno 20Nkepnyj maa dhNshiidaa|| 2 i y'aataaHsulaam yugaa loknyaa maakhstr| 433nn ( 25 7 baa gnnH r'aa shaakhaastaa 4 'sn| oNr'shr' yaayaabhaassttms| 6aaghstaa (1)nnslnyjlii phraanmigssy'| 6 mpnyaa(str'nnr'thmkhaanaay' bybhaar shunun 48ttaa 5 haajaaGai/ traay'tr:- 4 tt styjionetrii-gaalaajaabhy nyjn / 109r'iiH kh, daabaay'gunne tbr' maany(gaachi0 bng75gnyj jaamey'siimaanmmmmmmy' thmaastaanggn| 12thGniihmaanniiigr'aammaamunH . 12 1a(gl ei mntrnaa"jaalaanaate| 14 5nnaanycy'ej nbheyshry'H mumy'sstt14 thaapn kren raaemnn (G * ** * ** be. - 16 2:27 ) ms. 20 / ' 'shaali haaniph , is *ssaa, saalaa | | : : kh| naa | 2 m m mud / maalt| dhr'4/ --: 4aam 'es' ) / n *160aa shu94414 yaatraa (es e7 (!?'')) : saag! gnni / / shaa(,({m khaaddaam| 7:48 )sho kh7 , bhy' / / / 0/7 : bnmaa( 20 saasthy( msenyjnaa (H 9 = sii ny'| mesenttaa shkt| '' // ge shekh 5m, tth bsen || gnggaa mN maa 22 ai maase ron, pi? 27 tlaa phaan traa baay'ose 8 / e kaashiiss| P 24 mnnr'gaa (279// 7 7 baa obertbe ! saal / | mnmaa|| 9 ' 752) 4 2 2 29 ]] e s 26 ' >> <> khaade 8 g ( 7 jn| / ai * 82 P4 vkhii mnggo maainse gaan "jaare 4e 4gnyje, 34 4aa hl sel baagH brh s kh g + m s aaS, maa 134 [ghaaNi br' gaaoN sonnsei bnyjknjgnyj yaakaa! 36 laaglaay' mn' 7 gaan yaa 36 geshnii shbduelaal| 7. smbhb| 34' / ( maaiy'aagkem i sussm ssttraam saa%7 / yaamer'aa maamle shaamshbr'ii r'nyjbaasthy km|| 40 em shiike staa msujeHkaasklaaHq: sen / aish caai( yH maanaan mqnngnyjey'| " o brje khaashaa ghunn dhuunny'r'aamr' gr'hnntthaanttaaet F7 jn o gaalaa mgnnbhennyaa jaage 44 / mjmaannkaal pr m y n su o saajaa 44 ijaaj 4/ daam 5 laa kemor'o r'kss ky'el maahii 46jelkonniilej shbd mRnnmaalaa , (skaa mr'nnpete 46 SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS

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48 50 52 54 56 iii. laagaan mnggldai 19 Seal uma :: 56 585 58 (From a photograph) : 48 50 52 54

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165 No. 20 PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA 33 | [25*}' praprita-samasta-varnp-aaramad=aparimita-subhata-sadhu-vidvajjan-adhishthanada vichittra-gaja-turaga-sivi34 k-arudhair-mmahanarapatibhir=avanipati-sev-artham gachchhadbhih pratyagachchhadbhis =cha sankula-maharajama35 rgad=a-samkhya-gaja-turaga-padati-sadhana-nirantara-niruddha-sakala-digantarad=ubhaya vel-achal-036 tthit-otu(ttu)nga-taru-gahang-vibranta-matta-varhina-kekarav-odbhranta-bhujaga-vrata mukta-phutkara-pavana-pra37 kampit-aneka-lata-vigalita-kusuma-nikara-parimala-surabhi-salilenal* tad-upavana-lagna-da38 vanala-dahyamana-krisht-a(shn-a)garu-dhuma-sambhav-amvumbu)dhara-vsishta-sugandhi jal-augha-pravahina | 39 'sakala-sur-asura-makuta-mani-mayukha-manjari-ranjita-charana-pithabhyam sri-Kamebva40 ra-Mahagauri-bhata(tta)rikabhyam=adhishthita-sirasah Kamakuta-gih(gi)reh satata-nitam va(mba)41 kshalanad=adhikatara-pavittra-payah-sampurnna-srotasa | ubhaya-tata-mahidhar-opavana grantbipar n-a42 rkura-bhujam kvachit=svaya[m] mpitanam=a(m=a)nyattra pundarikair= hata-yuthanam aparattra vrika-sarhraifoghair) vinihat-arddha-bha43 kshita-mans-o(mams-7)jjhitanam kastu(stu)rika-mpiganam mada-gandhen=amodita-sakala tir-opakantha-nivasi-jana44 padena majjan-not-to)ya-vilasini-kucha-kalaba-tat-Ablishta-madva(da)-pank-avila-sugan dhy-ambhasa | veby-angana45 bhir=iva nan-abharana-sobhita-prakat-avayavabhih va(ba)la-kumarikabhir=iva kvanat kinkini-mala-dha46 rinibhih | Karnnatibhir=iva kathin-abhighata-samva(samva)rddhista*)-vegabhih | vara stribhir=iva chamara-dharinibhi[h*]" 1 As known from the Tezpur plates, this is merely the first half of a stanza in the Mandi kranta metre, the latter half of it running as follows: sampurn-Endor-viyati vim alam=ambu-malar vichitranh rajfonalpa vicharaditarah kirtir-ady apyrajasram|| This verse is followed in that inscription by four more stanzas which are not found in the present record. The amended text of these verses as given in the Kamarapa-lasan-arali (pp. 62-63) runs as follows: Satya-gambhirya-fungalva-pratapa-tyaga-vikramaih yo-jayad=Dharmaj-abdhy-adri-bhanu-Karna-marutsutan || yasya yasah-sakin=edar bhuvanam dharalikritam vilokya dried sa-vrida iv=odeli praleyamarichir=ady-apill dev-dgarar vadya-gita-pranadair=nan-aramab satrinari vyahritait-cha gayantyrady apynabja-ramyab suvapyo dese dese mlini yasaya kiritim bahu-hema-raupya-gaja-vaji-mahi-pramad-adi-ratna-nichayam bahukah pradadar= ataram=anisan nigadan pramit-aksharo-pi bahu-pag-abharat | * The danda in this case as also in the following lines has been used as a comma is done in English and is really unnecessary. The passage sakala...... Srotasa (lines 39-41) is found in the Tezpur plates after ubhaya......janapadena (linea 41-44). * A passage has been omitted at this place. In the amended text of the Tezpur plates, as given in tho Kamarupa-disan-aval (p. 64), the passage missing in the inscription under discussion runs as follows: Dalavadan-antabpurikabhiraiva rum(ryshita-santata-dalanabhib parana-kdminibhirsirdiyanta-vegavatibhib rama. niya-daluh-anganabhir-iva aakala-jana-manoharinibhit nafibhir-ina nartaka-purush-akramand aathmarddhit-olkan. pabhir-durgata-deva palibhiring watat-oltana-athana-kaminibhir naubhir-alankpit-obhaya-lir-panta-defena bi. Lauhitya-bhaffarakera sanitha. The expressions daluh-anganabhid and devapalibhih are doubtful.

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166 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX Third Plate 47 bri-Hadapekverat=sa paramamaheavaro mata-pitri-pad-anudhyatah paramesvara-parama bhattarako maharajadhiraja48 eri-Vanamalavarmadevah kusali || Uttara-ku(ka)1& Svalpa-Mangoka-mandala prativa(ba)ddha[m*) purvve Akshidahika dakshina-pu49 rvve Chandika-pushki(shka)ri[ni*] | dakshine Dirghanga[h*] | dakshina-paschimne vata vriksha[h*] | paschime venu-vitapa[h*| palchim-ottare 650 Imali uttare vri(bri)had-ali uttara purvve Dhavala-pushki(shka)rini evam=ashta-sim. paryantam-a-chata-bhata-pravesam Ha51 posa-gramath mukt-oparikaram kritva | Tyagi satya-dhanah par-opakritiman sadhuh satam sammatah sastr-a52 rth-anmfi(mti)ta-tripta-dhih kaliyuge ttraryah sa eka-griho ved-abhyasa-ratas-cha Sama charanah Sandilya-gottro maha63 n bhato(tto) Jejjatah(ta) ity=abhut(bhud) guna-nidhih sanma(mma)nito rajabhih [126*] Tasmyai(sy=ai)te guna-salino ni54 ja-kula-pradyot(ta)-daksha-ksi(kri)yo(va) jatah satva(ttva)-hit-aika-datta-manasah(sa)s= Chulamanir=Delobha' [[*] Garggag=cha 55 tato=py=2(py=u)dara-charita(tah) Sambhu[h*] sametah sutah no bhinnas-cha paraspara[m*] vinayino dharmma-kshay-asanka66 ya || [27*] Tattr=agrajaya pradadau dvijaya gramam hi Chudamanaye prasasyah(syal)' Haposa-namanami57 ha prayatnat pu(pu)nye=hani priti-mana narendrah || [28*) mata-pittror=atmanas-cha punya-yaso-bhivri68 ddhayes atah sarvvair=anumantavyam=iti Va(Ba)hubhir= vasudha datta rajabhi[h*] Sagar adibbi[b]*] yasya yasya yada bhu(bhumin(mis) 59 tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) || (29*] Sa(Sva)-dattam para-dattam-va(tta va) yo haret (ta) vasu[m*]dharam(raml) B&. vishta(shtha)yam krimir-bhutva pitsibhish*] saba pachyate [l|30*] TRANSLATION (Line 1) May there be success ! May it be well (with us)! (Verse 1) May that sea which is the Lahitya protect you ;-(the sea) which wets the host of the riders of celestial cars with its showers that rise from its striking the multitude of big golden rocks belonging to the glorious Mount Kailasa (and) that are icy cold (and) mixed with golden mud :-(the sea) the water of which is reddened by the flowers of the trees (in the garden) of the lord of paradise, which are fallen from the hands and the (braids of) hair of the best heavenly damsels engaged in playing in the water. 1 There is an ornamental design here between the two dandas apparently used to separate the prose portion from the following section in verse. * The danda is superfluous. * Possibly the reading intended is trayyab ea el-Afrayah. * As the first half of the stanza ends here, a danda is necessary after grihah which is not required to be joined in sandhi with the following word. . The metre requires a short syllable in the plans of to. Was the intended name Debhata ? * Tho metre requires "ch=aiva. * The word intended may also have been prafasyam (to go with gramam) or prasasyal (to go with narendrah). . This passage may be taken as half of a stanza in the Anushfubh metro.

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No. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA 157 (Verse 2) May (the god) Pinakin (i. e., Siva) purify you :-(the god), at whose dance, the water of the celestial river (i.c., the Ganga hidden in the god's matted hair), being scattered by his exhaling breath, shines likes the multitude of stars. (Verse 3) A son, named Naraka, of Adivaraha (i. e., the Primeval Boar or Vishnu in his boar incarnation) was born of the Earth (goddess) at the time of her resoue:-(the son) who destroyed the prowess of Hari (i. e., Indra) as well in the affair of the carrying away of Aditi's ear-rings." (Verse 4) After having killed him (i. e., Naraka), Krishna, his heart being moved by the Jamentations of his wife, allowed his sons, named Bhagadatta and Vajradatta,' to go (unpunished). (Verse 5) As Bhagadatta received the lordship of the glorious Pragjyotisha (country), the other (i. e., Vajradatta) then, having repaired to the forest, propitiated Isvara (i. e., Siva) by penance. (Verse 6) The lordship of Uparipattana was granted to him (.e., Vajradatta) by him (i.e., the god who was pleased); (the god also granted that) the sovereignty of Pragjyotisha would belong to his descendants after some time. (Verse 7) In his family was born one whose foot-stool was shining with the lustre of jewels on the heads of kings; who was the lord of Pragjyotisha ; who destroyed the warriors of the enemies ; (and) who bore the majestic name 'Salambha'. (Verses 8-9) The brother, by name Arathi, the (very) fire to numerous enemies (and) unequalled in valour and munificence, of the king (i. e., Salambha) who was joined with the monarchs beginning with Salastambha and ending with Harsha, who had ascended heaven and dyed the horizon with the colour of the flood of the richness of merits of the good kings of old, became king. (Verse 10) His (Arathi's) queen, bearing the name Sri-Jivadevi, became gratifying to his heart : -(the queen) who was adorable to a great multitude of people (and) was the source of great splendour as the morning twilight is of strong light. (Verse 11) The son of that king, from her, was the king of kings the illustrious Harjara, whose two feet were worshipped by the heads of kings (and) who was embraced by the goddess of fortune of her own accord ; (Verse 12) who was the very) Yudhishthira in religious discourses, Bhima to the host of enemies, (and) Jishnu (i. e., Arjuna) in fighting ; who, although one, acquired the sonship of Kunti in its entirety (i. e., became equal to the three sons of Kunti) by means of the mass of good qualities (mentioned above). (Verses 13-15) The goodess of fortune, having left, like a jealous woman, the breast of Vishnu whose heart was amused by the milk-women, (and) having gathered (in herself) the beauty pertaining to the persons of all women, came here (and) became that king's queen gratifying to his heart, by name Sri-Mangala, the best of jewels that were women, thinking thus: 'He bears the mass of qualities in their entirety, inclusive of complexion, of the bearer of the discuss (i.e., vishnu), my husband of unequalled valour; for that reason I have become the chief queen of this king : indeed I have not incurred disrespect in the world'. . (Verse 16) The son of that king (i. e., Harjara), the stool under whose lotus-like feet wag touched by the crowns of all kings, was king Vanamala by name, who was born of that queen ; who 1 Cf. Bhagavata Purana, X, section 59. * The Mahabharata (XIV, sections 75-76) makes Vafradatta a son of Bhagadatta. * See note on the text of this stanza. . For the lit or Perfeot Tense used here for the Present, see Kamardpa-tasan-avalt, pp. 183-4.

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158 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX was famous in the world, beautiful (and) the delighter of the whole earth like the moon; (and) who was adorned with the garland of big jewels that are royal qualities; (Verse 17) whose name the god of destiny made Vanamala' (literally, one wearing a forestgarland') saying, ' (Verily he is) fit for the lordship of the earth bordered by the row of forests on the shores of the ocean (around it)' ; (Verse 18) who, having dispersed on the fields of battle the great mass of darkness that was the assemblage of the intoxicated elephants of the mighty enemies, shone like the sun; (Verse 19) who, having dispersed the mass of darkenss that was the enemies, shone distinctly like the moon in the clear sky that was the kings born in the family of the monarch who was the son of the Earth (i.e., Naraka); (Verse 20) by whom, having destroyed completely with his sword of great strength the assemlage of kings who were the (very) thunderbolt to the hills that were the armies of the warriors of their excessively proud enemies, the goddess of fortune was made for a long time to enjoy only one husband (i. e., his own self); (Verse 21) for fear of whose valour, some of the kings, though they were subdures of numerous enemies, fled importunately towards (different) directions while others readily took up the chowrie (to fan thier conqueror, i. e., to become his servants); (Verse 22) out of fear for whom, even the kings, who in a battle against (other) rulers shot sharp arrows, (themselves) left their territories far away (behind them); (Verse 23) to whom, whose only weapon was his valour, those kings, who effected formations of the assemblage of intoxicated elephants against (other) enemies, folded their palms; (Verse 24) who was the king that bore the burden of Nahusha1 by making new again, out of devotion, the palatial temple of Hotuka-Sulin (i. e., Siva styled Hetuka) whose feet are worshipped by the host of all the best gods bowing down through reverence ;-(the temple), that had become dilapidated owing to the passage of time, was as high as a peak of the snow-mountain (i. e., the Himalaya), (and) was endowed with incomparable villages, elephants and prostitutes (i. e., dancing girls styled devadasi); (Verse 25) whose excessively white (fame) excels the radiance of (the jewel of) Ananta in the world of snakes and the row of water particles raised by the breaths of the quarter-elephants in (different) directions. (Lines 33-47) From the illustrious Hadapeevara which has the people of all the Varnas (viz. Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra) and Asramas (viz. Brahmacharya, Garhasthya, Vanaprastha and Bhaiksha) well contented; which is the abode of innumerable good soldiers, virtuous men (or, merchants) and learned men; the big main roads of which are crowded by the great kings who are seated on beautiful elephants and horses and in palanquins and are going and coming with a view to attending on the lord of the earth (i. e., Vanamala); which has the whole of its space always obstructed by the armies of innumerable elephants, horses and foot-soldiers; (and which has the river Lauhitya running by it) (the river) which has its water perfumed by the fragrance of the flowers fallen (into it) from the numerous creepers shaken by the hissing sounds produced by the host of serpents frightened by the cries of the peacocks resting in the woods of tall trees rising from the hills on both of its banks; which carries the fragrant flood-waters showered by the clouds arising 1 It seems to have been believed that Nahusha was a great devotee of Siva. See note on the text of the stanza. The reference seems to be to the milky-way. *See note on the text of the section in question.

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No. 20) PRABATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA 159 from the smoke of the black sandal trees ( at the time of their) being burnt by the conflagration of the forests near the gardens in it (i. e., Hadapesvara); which has its current filled by the waters that are purer owing to their constantly washing the slopes of Mount Kamakuta baving its head made an anode by the glorious Kamesvara and Mahagauri-bhattarika whose footstools are beautified by the foliage that is the lustre of the jewels in the diadems of all the gods and demons; which has the people living in the whole neighbourhood of its banks delighted by the fragrance of the musks of the musk-deer that graze on the shoots of the Granthipar a plants in the forests on the hills on its two banks-here (some of the deer) dead by themselves, there a herd of them killed by tigers (and) elsewhere some of them left by a group of wolves after having killed them and eaten up half of their flesh; which has its water scented (as it is) mixed with the musk unguent applied to the sides of the pot-like breasts of the girls sporting in the water while taking bath ; (and which has the lands adjoining both its banks adorned with boats) (the boats) which have their (wpper) part open and adorned with numerous loads like the prostitutes having their limbs visible and adorned with many ornaments; which are endowed with garlands of tinkling bells like the young girls; the speed of which is enhanced by sharp strokes (of the ores) as the passion of the women of Karnata increases at violent sexual enjoyment; (and) which hear chowries like the prostitutes. . . (Lines 47-48) That Paramosvara Parumabhatturaka Maharajadhiruja the illustrious Vanamalavarmadeva, who is a devont worshipper of Mahabvara (i. e., Siva), meditates on (or, is favoured by) the feet of his mother and father, (and) is in good health : (Lines 48-51) having made? (the village called) Haposagrama, attached to the SvalpaMangoka district in Uttara-kula, unfit for the entrance of policemen and peons (or, regular and irregular troop), (and) unendowed with the right to enjoy) the tax on temporary tenants(the village) as far as these cight boundaries: Akelidahika in the east, the tank of Chandika in the south-east, Dirghanga in the south, a banyan tree in the south-west, a bamboo-bush in the west, a Salmali tree in the north-west, a big embankment in the north, (and) the tank of Dhavala in the north-east (Verse 26) A great Bhalla (i. o. learnod Brahmana), named Jojjata, was born in the Kali age, who was munificent, exceedingly truthful, kind to others, honest (and) respected by the good people; whose mind was contented by (drinking) the nectar that is the meaning of the scriptures; who was the sole repository of the three Vedas ; who was engaged in the study of the Vedas ; who belonged to the charana of the Saman (i.e., Samaveda) (and) the Sandilya gotra ; who was a store of virtues; (and) who was esteemed by the kings. (Verse 27) Thesc sons were born to him, viz., Chudamani, Dotobha and Garya as well as the noble-minded Sambhu :-(the sons) who were endowed with good qualities; who illuminated their own family (and) were skilful in the performance of ceremonies; who applied their minds to the good of living beings; who were modest; (and) who were united and did not separate from one another for fear of the loss of virtue. (Verse 28) The king, having delivered his order (and) being pleased, now granted by ordering especially the village called Haposn on an auspicious day to the Brabmana Chudamani, the eldest among them i. c., the four sons of Jejjata) - (Lines 57-58) for the increase of the merit and fame of his parents and himself; therefore (the gift of the king) should be approved of by all. (Verses 29-30) (Two of the usual imprecatory and benodictory verses.) 1 Soo note on tho toxt of the passage in question.. This sentence is incompleto; its and can be traced in vorso 28 below. 6 DGA/53

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160 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX No. 21-TURIMELLA INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA I; YEAR 2 (1 Plate) H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, MADRAS. The inscription' edited below with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, was copied by me during my tour in the Telugu Districts in the year 1949-50. It is engraved on a neatly dressed granite slab set up in front of the small dilapidated temple of Surabhesvara, the earliest among a group of temples situated at the confluence of the Gundlakamma and a small rivulet called Rallavagu, about a mile north of the village Turimella in the Cumbum taluk of the Kurnool District. Besides the group of these temples which range in date from the 8th to about the 16th century A. C., the extensive site at this confluence shows marks of early habitation like large-sized bricks, partially exposed brick structures, varieties of potsherds and old coins occasionally discovered, as I am told. The inscription is engraved on two sides of the slab, the broad side and its adjoining narrow side, the lines of writing running on from one side to the other and the entire inscribed surface occupying a space roughly a foot and half square. The writing is neatly engraved in the typical Telugu-Kannada script of the period. The damage sustained by the edges of the slab has resulted in a few letters of the writing getting obliterated, but otherwise the record 18 quite well preserved. The palaeography of the record calls for some remarks, as it forms the main basis for dating it. This inscription, like most of the stone records of the early Chalukyas, does not furnish any details beyond the regnal year of the king to enable us to fix its precise date. Before taking up the question of fixing the date of our record, a few noteworthy features of its palaeography may briefly be recorded. The intial a occurs twice in achandra (line 4) and Alakumara (line 6) and the vowels u and e in Ujeni (line 7) and Eruva (line 8) respectively. It is worth noting that in u the ends of the line denoting the serif, instead of pointing upwards, point downwards as if standing for the o sign. But for this peculiarity, the form of this letter compares well with its similar forms occurring in the Aihole inscription of Pulakosin II. The vowel e is almost indistinguishable from the consonant ch except that the latter has a broader and more pronounced base than the former. The medial a generally indicated by a downward curve attached to the consonant on its right side as in ra, ma (line 2), la (line 3), etc., is in the case of ta denoted by a shaft at the top of the letter; cf. ta in tataka (line 7) and bhattara (line 9). The Dravidian r has two forms; in one the circle forming the body of the letter is divided into four equal quadrants by two diameters intersecting at right angles as in r in Eruva (line 8), while in the other it is divided into three chambers by a horizontal diametrical line cut at its centre by a downward perpendicular line as in r in rayina (line 6), etc. The forms bhujayamaunir ayina, tanayimr-ayina (line 6), adhishthanumr-ayi (line 8) are to be obviously taken as the honorific plural forms of the corresponding expressions in the singular as bhujayamanundu, etc. In vasundharam in line 10, the use of both the class nasal n with dha in the conjunct consonant ndha and the anusvara in place of the one or the other may be noted. The cursive form of mute m occurs in purassaram (line 4) and kshetram (line 9). Of orthographical peculiarities, the consonant following the repha is doubled in rddha in pravarddha (line 3), but not in rta in varta (line 5); the form varsham (line 5) is used for varshamu and the use of the i sign in prii in priithvi (line 1) is redundant. 1 Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1949-50, Stone Inscriptions, No. 30. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 6-7, text lines 15, 18.

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No. 21) TURIMELLA INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA I; YEAR 2 161 The language of the introductory portion of the inscription is Telugu and of the operative part of it is Sanskrit. The record ends with the usual imprecatory verse svadattan paradattam vi, etc., attributed to Vyasa. As in early Telugu records, we meet here with such archaio expressions as Bhatarulakun, samvatsarambul, elan, eto. The donative part of the record consists of a single sentence in Sanskrit which is neither accurate in its syntax nor precise in its expression, using the nominative singular mata in place of the instrumental matra and the expression Bhatfaraho," for Bhattarakaya. The object of the inscription is a gift of 150 units of land to GOvri. shipa-Bhattaraka by the mother of Ujenipisacha, the dear son of Alakumara and the right-hand man of Goggi-Bhatara, in the second augmenting year of the reign of Satyasraya Prithivivallabha Maharajadhiraja Vikramaditya Paramisvara Bhatara when Ujenipisacha was ruling over the Eruva vishaya with the city (nagara) [Turu]tataka as its capital (adhisthana). Among the Chalukyas of Badami, only two kings bore the name Vikramaditya. The first was the son of Pulakesin II, the conqueror of Harshavardhana of Kanyakubja and many other kings both of the north and the south, among whom were the Malavas. There are as many as ten copper-plate grants issued by this Vikramaditya,' of which some are spurious. But of stone records pertaining to his reign, strangely enough, there are incredibly few. Indeed the only stone inscription that could be definitely assigned to Vikramiditya I is the Dimmagudi record,. for, it is dated in the 27th year of the reign of a Vikramiditya Satyasraya who could be no other than the first of this name inasmuch as his namesake and great-grandson, Vikramaditya II, reigned only for a little more than a decade, 734 to 747 A.C. This inscription, it is worth observ. ing, gives the latest date so far known for Vikramaditya I, two years beyond the date (680 A. C.) hitherto assigned to him. A close comparison, in the formation of individual letters, of this record? with the Turime'la inscription reveals certain interesting features. Apart from the similarity of the letters in general in both, a certain development in the palaeographic features of the Dimmagudi epigraph such as the later and more developed form, in place of the closed archaic four chambered shape, ofmarks it definitely later than the Turime!!a record, later at least by a quarter of a century. In other words, the record under review is earlier than the Dimmaguli inscription by at least 25 years and therefore belongs to the early years of the reign of Vikramaditya I, to wit, his second year as the record itself states. That this is indeed so could easily be confirmed by a glance at the general get up and the forms of individual letters in this and in the Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II. 1 Above, Vol. XI, p. 346, and Vol. XXVII, pp. 225 ff. * Bhaffaraho, the nominative singular in Prakrit for Bhat farukal, would not fit in here ; it should have been Bhaffarassa to convey the dative or the genitive sense in Prakrit. * The word expressing units of measurement seems to have been omitted in the text after sata-panchabut before kshetram. * Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 241. Most of the coper-plato grants of Pulskesin's successors rocount these exploits while describing the king. Subsequent to Kielhorn's List (above, Vol. VII, Appendix, p. 5, Nos. 18 to 22), five more records have como to light and they are (1) the Madras Museum plate (C.P. No. 9 of 1906-07); (2) the Talamafichi plates (C.P. No. 8 of 1906-07; above, Vol. IX, pp. 98 ff.); (3) the Gadval plates (C. P. No. 3 of 1909-10, above, Vol. X, p. 109 f.); (4) the Savanur plates (abovo, Vol. XXVII, p. 155 ff.), and (5) the Honnur plates (Mys. Arch. Rep., 1939, pp. 129 ff.). Of these the first is considered spurious. . No. 364 of 1920 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection ; SII, Vol. X, No. 24, app. p. xxv. An inscription on a hero-stone at Annavaram-agrabaram in the Nellore District has been assigned on palacographical grounds to this king (Ann. Rep. on S.I. E., 1933-34, p. 29 and plate) But the later developed forms of j and I found in this record make such an assignment highly improbable. The record may, on the contrary, be assigned to Vikramaditya II in whose inscriptions the later forms of these letters occasionally appear. * Plato opposite p. 163 below. . Abov, Vol. VI plato opposite p. .

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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX The inscription refers to a chief who is described as the righthand man of Goggi-Bhatars and the dear son of Alakumara. He bears the rather unusual epithet Ujeni pisacha (Ujenipisachanamadheyumdu) which sounds more like a title than a name, a title probably acquired by him as a result of a terrorising campaign that he must have undertaker, against Ujeni (Ujjain). Who could this unnamed hero be? An inscription at Aibole in the Hungund talul in the Bijapur District of Bombay State mentions a certain Alekomara-Singa (i. e., Ilekomara's son Singa) as the founder of a temple. This record which refers itself to the reign of Vikramaditya is undated but could be assigned palaeographically to the period of Vikramaditya I. If this Singa, the son of Alekomara could be identical with the unnamed son of Alakumara of our record, it would not be impossible that this Singa fouad an opportunity of following his suzerain in a campaign against Ujjain and of showing his prowess which earned for him the said title as well as the fiefdom of the Euva vishaya. It may be recalled that it was Pula kesin II who distinguished himself as the conqueror of Harshavardhana of Kanyakubja. His conquests were by far the most widely spread and included among the conquered, the Malavas. Whether Singa alias Ujenipache obtained the fiefdom of Eruva as a reward for his valour from Pulukosin II himself or from his son Vikramaditya I when the latter re-established his authority in the south after a temporary set-back following the defeat of his father, Pulakasin II, at the hands of the Pallavas, is more than what could be said at this stage. As regards Goggi-Bhatara who figures in the capacity of a master or leige-lord of Alakumara's son, a chief of this name born of the Chalukya family and bearing the title Mahasamanta figures in stone inscriptions of the Mysore State. It is interesting to note that one of these epigraphs ascribes the title Ujjenibhujanya apparently to this same chief. But all these records are assigned to the 10th century A.C. and therefore the chief mentioned in them must be different from Goggi-Bhatura of our record. Of the place names, [Turu)tataka is obviously the present Turimella, the findspot of the record. Legend connects it with the mythical story of the sage Jamadagni and his celestial cow Surabhi. The later inscriptions at this village refer to the place as Jamadagni-atrama and mention the temple as that of Surabhisvara. The story goes that king Karttaviryarjuna chanced to visit the sage at his asrama once with his retinue and was amazed at the mysterious powers of the celestial cow which granted anything that its owner wished for. Possessed with the desire to own this cow, the king demanded it of the sage and took it from him by force which resulted in dire consequences not only to the king himself but to generations of the Kshatriyas after him at the hands of Parasurama, the son of Jamadagni. The word Tirumella or Turimella (turu, meaning cow and malla, corrupted into mella, 'drive '), as the village na nie goes, denoted the spot where the 'cow was driven.. The territorial division Eruva-vishaya seems to find the earliest mention in this record. It was a small principality on the borders of the Kurnool, Nellore and Culdapah Districts and was 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 286 and plate , text lines 2-3. Dr. Fleet remarks thot this record might belong to the reign of either Vikramaditya I or Vikramaditya II. Among the early Terugu Cholas figures a Saktikomara. Except for a vague similarity of this name to Alakumara, there is nothing to suggest any relationship between them. Among the successor of Pulakekin II, neither his son Vikramaditya I nor the latter's great andeos Vikramaditya II claims any campaigns against the Malavas. Vinayaditya and Vijayaditya no doubt fought with the kings of the north, but they do not specifically mention the Malavan among them. The later Vikramaditya's pro-occupations seem to have confined themselves mainly to the south, especially to the l'allavas. * Ep. Car., Vol. III, Mysore 36, 37, Vol. XI, Chitaldurg 74. Ibid., Vol. XI, Introd. p. 9. * Mr. M. Venkataramayya suggests another derivation of Turimella from Turutataka : Turutataka would, in Telugu, correspond to Turumadugu and this may have undergone changes like Turamadugala, Turumadla, Turimalla and Turimella.

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TURIMELLA INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA I; YEAR 2 ssulu sn cdrWS pdN juulN aNdi abddhaalu jm 8 Goa aa aaaa He is Tags j4 25 2017-18 tulu muraasi, SCALE: ONE-FOURTH SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN B. CH. CHHABRA Rea. No. 702 HE (CY53-508.

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DIMMAGUDI INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA (1) 2 6 8 10 12 First Piece abci CASTIN ACUL MAS Second Piece SCALE: ONE-SIXTH 2 6 8 10 12

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No. 21) TURIMELLA INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYAI; YEAR 2 163 the dominion of one of the branches of the Telugu-Choda chiefs who held sway over it about the beginning of the 15th century A.C. Members of this branch attached the name Eruva to their own names as a distinctive surname of their family to indicate perhaps their political sway over that territory, or, at times, to distinguish themselves from members bearing similar names but belonging to a different family. That their sway over this division could be traced to a considerably earlier period, almost co-eval with the record under review, is proved by an inscription in characters of the 8th century A. C. on a saptamatrika panel at Turimella itself which mentions the name Eruva-Mahadevi. It is not unlikely that this Eruv-Mahadevi was the wife of Alakumara and the unnamed mother of the chief who called himself Ujenipisacha and whom we have identified with Singa, the son of Alekomara of the Aihole record. A few later records copied in this region furnish some more details regarding this ancient division. A fragmentary inscription of the time of the Kakatiya king Ganapatideva dated in Saka 1161 refers to this tract as a Thrice-Seventy division with Krochcherulu as its capital.' Later still, in Saka 1324 during the reign of the Vijayanagara king Harihara II, it is mentioned as Ecuva-nidu and as a division in Udayagiri-rajya. A copper-plate grant of a later date belonging to king Achyutaraya mentions the same nadu as situated in Kochcherlakota-sima. It will be evident from the statements in these inscriptions that this division which originally covered a small area round about Turimella at the time of the record under review, later spread far wider, covering a considerable area of the western portion of the Nellore District from Kochcherlakota in the Darsi Division right down to the river Pennar. The gift as well as its recipient deserve a few remarks. The unit of land usually expressed by the word nivartana that was generally current at the period of our record seems to have been omitted here. Another instance where this term is similarly left out occurs in the DommaraNandyala plates of Punyakumara.' The recipient of the gift, Govsishana-Bhutticaka is possibly identical with the god Surabhesvara, for surabhi is a synonym for go,' cow'. TEXT 1 Om[1] Svasti[l*] Srimat | Satyasraya Sri-Priithivi2 vallabha-Maharajadhiraja-Vikramaditya-Paramu3 svara-Bhatarulakun srimad=unnata-pravarddhamana-vijaya4 rajya-samvatsarambul a-chandra-tara-purassaram(m) 5 dvitiya-varsham=pravarta manatu kanu [|] Goggi-Bhatarala dakshina *C. P. No. 8 of 1911-12 , above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 14 f. *An. Rep. on Indian Epigraphy for 10449-50, No. 46. * Ibid., No. 40. The relevant portion of the inscription roads Krochchedulu nelavid ugan-Eruva-mundudebbadulum. Ibid., No. 58; the exact wording in the inscription is Udayayiri-rij mandula Erura nan tilo. Nellore District Inscriptions, Vol. I, C. P. No. 10, p. 67; text-line 80- ruede rikhyala-Kocherllakofa. mans. Above, Vol. X, p. 102, the Gadval plates of Vikramaditya I ; ibid., Vol. XI, p. 339, the Malepadu plates of Punyakumara, etc. Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 275. * Represented by a symbol. Danda unnecessary. "The i siga over the consonant is redundant. Read Prithivi.. il The syllable rta wus omitted first, but was later introduced below the line between va and ma.

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164 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 6 bhujayamknuthy-ayins Alakuma[ra]' priya tanayi(yu)-ayina 7 Ujenipisacha-namadheyi(yu)mru [Turu]-tataka-nam-abhi 8 dhana-magar-adhi (r-adhi)shthapugayi Bruva-[vishayamb-ilan tasya 9 mata (tra) dattam Govrishana-Bhattaraho sata-pamchasat kshetram []*] 10. Svadattam paradattam vayo hareti(ta) vasum'ndhara[m]*] 11 shashthim(tim) varsha-sahasrani vishthayam ja 12 yate krimih [*] EVOL. XXIX No. 22-PURI PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND Sometime before February 1891, the late Mr. Man Mohan Chakravarti secured two copperplate inscriptions, on temporary loan for examination and publication, from the Raghavadasa Matha at Puri, Orissa. The results of his study of the inscriptions were published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIV, Part I, 1895, pp. 123-27. Both the charters were issued by a king named Kulastambha belonging to the Sulki family which Chakravarti identified with the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. He even suggested the identification of the issuer of the charters in question with the Eastern Chalukya monarch Gunaka-Vijayaditya III who began to rule about the middle of the ninth century and alternatively with the Chalukya-Chola king Kulottunga I who ruled in the latter half of the eleventh century A.C. and the first quarter of the tweifth, although the plates were assigned by him on palaeographical grounds to the tenth century. The identification seems to have been suggested to him by the occurrence of the name of Kalinga in his transcripts of the two inscriptions. Chakravarti further observed," The text purports to be in Sanskrit, but has been badly transcribed.... The context is not therefore clear everywhere. I have given a verbatim rendering without attempting revision". As the two " inscriptions generally agree till we come to the grant itself", Chakravarti transcribed only one of the two grants (marked by him as A) but quoted the text of six lines from the other charter (marked by him as B), which give details of the grant recorded in the latter. According to him the legend on the seal of A reads brimam Kulastambhadeva and that on the seal of B brimam Ralastambhadeva. He also believed that both the grants mention Kulastambha's son or governor (kodalo), named Kachchhadeva, and that while A records the grant of the village of Kankanira in the Ulo-khanda subdivision in favour of the Brahmana Madhusudana, son of Velu, B records the grant of the village of Pajara in the same sub-division in favour of the Brahmana Veluka or Velu. Unfortunately the facsimiles of the inscriptions were not published along with Chakravarti's paper and it was impossible for scholars to verify the correctness of his transcripts and interpretations of the two Puri plates of Kulastambha. But his identification of the Sulki family with the 1 This letter is er mpletely damaged on the stone. Both these letters are partly damaged on the stone. These two letters are again partially damaged. A part of the lower portion of v and part of the i sign attached to it are visible on the stone; so also the right half of sha is visible. The stroke is redundant here. The anuarara is redundant.

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No. 22] PURI PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA 165 Eastern Chalukya dynasty and of Kulastambha with Gunaka-Vijayaditya III or Kulottunga I has generally been discarded. On the strength of other inscriptions of the family, since discovered, we have suggested, while editing the Hindol plate of Kulastamtha in this journal,' that Chakravarti's Kodalo-Kachchhadeva of the Sulki family never existed as the intended reading of the pasgege in question is un loubtedly Kodalokat sa eva (or, deva"). Recently we had an opportunity to examine the second (B) of the two platos, of which a few lines only were transcribed and translated by Cakravarti. A careful examination, however, enabled us to trace numerous mistakes in Chakravarti's views on the inscription. In the grant por tion of the record, he read a passage as karastaru pla 10 and translated it as "with Karaba tree worth (or rent ?) teil pals". The actual reading of the passage is, however, kara-sasna ru-pla 10 which shows that the inscription, like those mentioned in connection with the plates of Narendradhavala, records a kara-sasana (i.6. & grant liable to pay a fixed revenue) for which the rent, apparently annual, was fixed at ten Palas of silver. Chakravarti therefore could not realise the nature of the document. It was also noticed that a large number of errors that crept in his transoript and interpretation of the other plate (A), which he fully transcribed and translated, could be rasily eradicated with the help of the inscription under review. It will be seen that most of his suggestions (including the one relating to the mention of Kalinga) in regard to the two records, whicl Aave so long been troubling scholars, can quite easily be proved to be wrong. This is a single plate measuring about 9 inches in height, 5 inches in breadth and 0-1 inch in thickness. A circular lump of metal (nearly 2 inches in diameter and 0-4 inch in thickness), soldered on a semi-circular projection in the middle of the top side of the plate represents the seal, on which are counter-sunk the usual emblems of the Sulki family of Orissa. These emblems are much corroded, although the crescent above, the legend in the middle and the standing boar to proper right below can be made out. The legend seems to read either Sri-Kulastambhadeva or fri-Ranastambhadeva. The preservation of the plate and of the writing on it (especially on its reverse) is not quite satisfactory. There is a break in the plate affecting the writing on lines 5-7 on the obverse and lines 24-26 on the reverse. The weight of the plate is 90 tolas. In point of palacography, language and orthography, the charter closely resembles other grants of the family including the Hindol plate (which belongs, as will be seen below, to the issuer of the charter under review), edited above. Although nothing requires special mention in these respoota, a word has to be said now in regard to the date of this record as well as of other inscriptions of the Sulki family. It has been shown in our paper on the Hindol plate that the Sulkis owed allegiance to the Bhauma-Karas and that the Talcher plate of Ranastambha (grandfather of the issuer of the Hindol plato and of the present charter as well) is dated in the year 103 of the Bhauma-Kara era. But relying on the suggested identification of the era of the Bhauma-Karas with the Harsha era, en earlier dato was thun assigned to Ranastambha and his grandson. It has, however, been shown recently that the beginning of the Bhauma-Kara era falls somewhere about the middle of the first half of the ninth century A.C. The Talcher plate should therefore be ascribed to a date about the middle of the first half of the tenth century and the inscription under review about the end of that century. The charter begins with the Siddham symbol and the word svasti, which are followed by seven verses forming the introductory part of the document. All the seven verses are found exactly in 1 Abovo, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 107 3 Ibid., PP. 44 ff. Soe also JRAS, 1952, pp. 4 ff. . Cf. Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, pp. 439-40. Seo below, p. 191, note 2. As the era in question probably started from 831 A. O., the data of the l'aluber plate (year 103) may sotually correspond to 034 A.O. See lho, Vol. XXIX, pp. 148 ff.

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166 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX the same order as in the Hindol plate of Kulastambha, son of Jayastambha and grandson of Ranastambha. But the language of the verses in our document is slightly different from that of the Hindol plate. Moreover, the important verse referring to the son of Rapastambha and father of the reigning king Kulastambha is defective inasmuch as the foot containing the name of Jayastambha as found in the Hindol plate is omitted in the record under review no doubt through the inadvertence of the writer. There is, however, little doubt that Kulastambha who issued the charter under discussion as well as the other Puri (Raghavadasa Matha) plate published by Chakravarti was no other than the issuer of the Hindol plate. Another interesting fact worth noticing in this connection is that the text of the introductory part in our record closely follows that in the Bhimnagarigarh (Dhenkanal) plate of Kulastambha, although, where this latter mentions Vikramaditya and his son Ranastambha, the present record mentions Rapastambha and his son (name omitted through negligence of the scribe, but known from the Hindol plate to have been Jayastambha). The Bhimnagarigarh plate represents its issuer, king Kulastambha, as the lord of all the Gondramas with Sankhajoti forming the borderland of his kingdom exactly as in the record under notice. Since the relation of Kulastambha, referred to as issuing the charter, with Ranastambha mentioned in the introductory part is not specified clearly in the inscription, the Bhimnagarigarh plate is generally believed to have been issued by Rapastambha who is suggested to have had Kulastambha as a second name. But we have elsewhere" remarked, "The Bhimnagarigarh plate represents Maharaja Ranastambha as the atmaja (line 10) of Vikramaditya. The word suta (line 12) again used before the following mention of Kulastambha may suggest that the record in question belongs not to Ranastambha-Kulastambha but actually to a Kulastambha who was the son of Rapastambha". The close resemblance of the Bhimnagarigarh inscription with the record under discussion in regard to both language and style, however, now appears to suggest that the corrupt introduction of the former epigraph actually intended to describe, as that of the present charter, Kulastambha, grandson of Rapastambha. It further appears that the text of the introductory part of the Bhimnagarigarh plate was copied without proper adjustment from a grant of Jayastambha. Verse 1 of our inscription, found in most of the Sulki records, is in adoration to the god Girisa, i.e. Siva, while verses 2-3 introduce king Ranastambha of the Sulki family, favoured by the goddess Stambhesvari, as having constructed some temples probably for the god Sadasiva. Verses 4-5 describe Rapastambha's son whose name is inadvertently omitted, while the following two verses (verses 6-7) describe the reigning king Kulastambha, son of Ranastambha's son, as issuing the charter in question from Kodaloka. The grant portion of the document which is in prose and follows the introduction in verses represents Maharaja Kulastambha, called lord of all the Gondramas, as in good health. A defective passage in the description of the ruler seems to attribute to him the feudatory title samadhigatapanchamahasabda, although the change introduced in it may have been deliberate. Such deliberate modification of feudatory titles was often resorted to by subordinate rulers who claimed a semi-independent political status. The future rulers and the present and future administrators, associated with the mandala (district) extending up to the Sankhajotika, are then addressed. The way in which the mandala is mentioned suggests that it comprised either the whole dominions of the Sulkis or, at least, the central part of the Sulki territories. The lists of the rulers and administrators include the rajanaka, rajaputra, mahasamanta, vishayapati and others. The charter then 1JBORS, Vol. II, pp. 401 ff. Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 109. Cf. the text of the Dhenkanal plate of Jayastambha in JBORS, Vol. II, pp. 406 ff. Cf. the Mahada plates (above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 283 ff.).

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No. 22] PURI PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA 167 goes on to record the grant of the village of Padara, attached to the Goilo khanda (subdivision), in favour of Bhattaputra Velluka who was the son of Ananti and whose original home was at Aviddha. The village was given along with its boundaries and the space above whe ground (8-Oddesa); but it was not made a rent-free holding. It was given as a kara-sasana (i.e. land granted as a rent-paying holding) with a fixed rent of ten Palas of silver apparently per annum. It is not stated whether the village was sold or given away free of cost; but it was possibly purchased from its owner with the king's approval with the stipulation of an annual rent as in some other cases known from Orissan inscriptions.' The charter ends with some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. The language of these stanzas is extremely corrupt as in the case of the kraya-6asana (the Madras Museum plates of Narendradhavala) edited above. Of the geographical names occurring in the inscription, the location of Kodaloka has been discussed in connection with the Hindol plate edited above. It is probably modern Koalu near Talcher in Dhenkanal. The expression "all the Gondramas" or " the eighteen Gondramas ", as indicated elsewhere, was possibly used to signify the same thing as Oriya athara-gada-jata. The Sarkhajotika has been identified with the Sankha river in the Sundargarh region of Upper Orissa. The exact location of the villages Aviddha and Padara is uncertain. TEXT [Metres : Verse 1 Giti ; verses 2 and 4 Upajati (Indravajra and Upendravajra); verses 3 and 5 Vasantatilaka ; verse 6 Upajati (Vamastha and Indravamsa); verse 7 Sragdhara.) Obverse 1 SiddhamSvasta(sti | Jayati sur-asura-vidvad-vidyadhara makuta2 ghfishta-charan-amvu(mbu)ja[1 /*] basi(si)-mana(ni)-mayukha-bhasi(si)ta3 pinga-jata-bhara-bhasuro Giriba) [ 1*] Stambhesva4 ri(ri)-lavdha(bdha)-vara-prasada Sulki-kule-bhut-kshi5 tipa[b*) kshat-ara(ri)h [l*) srimam(man) Ranastambhadeva pratitah 6 sphurat-pratap-odayah. tapit-ari(rih || 2). Bhaavavi(d-vi)chitra7 ruchir-ojva(jjva)la-charu-sobhau(bhai)r-uchau(chchaih) Sadasiva-pu8 rogamaniya?-marggaih [l*) davalaiyair(r)nnija-yaso-dhava9 dhavalair=anekair=yen=atmanas=tri(8=tri)divam=udgamit-oru-ki(ki)10 rtti(rttih || 3) Tasy=atmajo=bhu[j=*]jagad-eka-vi(yl)rah || ju yaso lall. 1 See JRAS, 1952, pp. 4-10. * From the original plate. * Expressed by a symbol. * The same seems to be the reading in the Hindol plate. . Better read stambha iti for the sake of the metre. * Read dayas-ldpi, or better daya tapi(r) for the sako of the metre. Road pagam-aika, or pura-pragam-aika as in the Hindol plato and other recorda. * Read dev-alayair. The aksharas dhava here are redunt. 1. The second pada of the stanza is omitted through inadvertence. In place of the double danda, followed us the akshara ju, we have to read something like friman Jayastambha ili kaki bal as in the Hindol plato: line 6. u Read yavyolla. 6 DPA/53

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168 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 11 sat-khanga(dga)-nipata-bhi(bhi)tah samantato yanti(nti) rane dvibal (ll 4*] 12 Yo raja-chakra-tilakah sva-gun-angu(n-amsu)-patau da-kamini(ni)13 mukha-manbhara-kar papuraih [l*] Sangochita-ahita-vadhu-va14 dan-aravindai[r=*]des-andhakara-bhiduraih sagubhai basi(S-1)15 va [ll 5*] Tasmat=va(d=ba)l-otsarita-vairi-vari(ri)tah 'parakram-akra16 nta(nta)-samasta-dik-tatah [l*) dana-pravrit-arda?-kara-pratiti17 mam(man) dig-varan-endra-pratimo=bhavat=sa(t=su)tah 1[16*] Kodaloka(kat) chchha(sa) deva18 dvija-guru-charan-aradhan-asa(sa)kta-cheta[h*] brimam(man) durvvara-vairi-pra19 vara-kari-ghata-kumbha-kuta(tta)ka-varah [1*] data satv-ai(ttv-ai)ka-nishtho ja Reverse 20 gati Pri(Pti)thu-sama[h*) ya' parthivesa(shu) prati(ti)ta[h*) ka(kti)chchhre=py-amalana-20 21 khanga(dga)-prakata-bhuja-vala-trasitahseka"-satru[b || 7*] S&22 kala-Gondramodhithahpramal-mahasvarah samudga23 mit-abesha-savda-maharaja-sri-Kulastambhadevash kubali*] 24 Sankhajot[i]ka-valaya-parikaritah-paryante ma25 ndale-smina(smin) bhavi(vi)n[O] rajanka**-[raja]putra(tra)-mabasamanta26 nagar!?=anyan=api yatha-kaladdhanga[n]as vibayapati-nidhika"27 20rinas=cha sa-karana-kalapa(pan) yathahrim" vesbo)dhayatih(ti) kusala 1 Read dvishantab. * Read patairadilo * Read sankochit-ao. * Better read dosh-ao. . Read bububhe. * The danda is superfluous. * Read pravritt-ardra. . Read bahub. * This ya is redundant, 10 Read amlana. 11 Read bala-trasit-abesha. 13 Read Gondram-adhinathah. 13 Read parama. 14 Better read samadhigata-pancha-maha Sabda or samadhigalabishao. 16 Read purikriti. 16 Read rajanaka or rajanaka. 17 Better read kumaramaty-antarangan-anyan=api. 16 Read al-adhyasino. Chakravarti reads this expression as kala(li)ngangand in Plate A and takes it to refer to the Kalinga people. 10 Road vishayapatin=adhikarinas-cha. to Chakravarti roads : rina svasa karupa kalaya yathadrith vidhasatib kulala. 11 Read yatharhan.

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PURI PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA Reverse Obverse paay' bnpunn eC2 keli * prbnnr'r' mlmkaann | {}\(biinnH ai7 -2/Waa lbrneiiruupe | se si| * siiraa4/aariir prbiinnbaadhikaariiraao 4 embiy'ii sb bllo , bslo| aaplen krnn 10 [ gr ef / hkaar'e59uage nagar bRddhir paash| pr mnn/sNg e772 12 | saarnniiiy'aasuri sh liH mrilaamHkhbilaanyj rb| 18iibetraanndeiiHsaar| rngiinniilobnnbshisiinyjndhiii / niihaarruu4 saadd'e | scuk kre eki | aashaab(saaHiibiiperaab| | e nedhr'nniimaadhbbaar k? |{ $ 5 or yaannHtii/nikRsstt baa / 6 SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN B. CH. CHHABRA RH4, No. 700 HE (c)"53-508.

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(169 No. 28] BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA ; REGNAL YEAR 8 28 'yaty=adisa(ka)ti cha [l*) viditam=astu bhavatath Goilo-khandla29 'samvandhah' Panaragrama[h*) saparikaratah 8-8d8(dda)ba[h*) sa30 Sevva-vadha-virvarjatas=ohatus[t]ayatima-valaya-parika 31 'rata-paryantah | kara-sasna ra-pua 10 Aviddhi92 vinirgata-bhattapu(pu)tra-Valiukasya' Ana33 nti-sutah" Tatakanama saha[ sra*]ni asva(sva)34 moddha(dha)-sana chah" [1*1 gava[m") koti-pra(pra)danena bhumi35 harta na su(bu)dhyati | yasya' yasya tasa tasya ta a36 phalam ma' bho phalam sadki sa sva-datam palania37 t sva"-pradam=va jo hareti vasadhara [l sa vi]** No. 23BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA ; REGNAL YEAR 8 (1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND Sometime about the middle of the year 1951, reports reached me that Mr. S. C. De, Curator of Archives, attached to the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, had found an inscribed stone in the vicinity of the well-known town of Bhadrak in the Balasore District of Orissa. I also learnt that the stone, believed to have been originally the lintel of the door of a temple, had been secured for the Orissa State Museum and brought to Bhubaneswar. I wrote to the authorities of the Museum requesting them to send me a few impressions of the inscription for examination; un Chakravarti roads : yathadisati viditam-astu bhavatar Gould- khanda, but takes the name of the subdivision to be Ulokhanda. Chakravarti reads: sambandhab Pajaragrama sayari karatab s8 diba sa. * Read sambaddha. * Read 8-parikarab. Chakravarti roads : rbba-vadna-vivarjita chatubraya simd laya parika. * Read vadha-vivarjitas-chatub-olma-valaya-parikrili. Chakravarti reads : rata paryanlat karastaru pla 10 Aviddha. * The danda is superfluous. * Read Sasanatocna dattal. 10 I.e., rupya-palani dada. 11 Chakravarti reads : vinirgata Bhafa-putra Valukanya ana. 11 The shashfhf vibhakti is preferred apparently because Valluka received the village (possibly by purchase) as a kara-fasana and not as a revenue-free gift. 13 Read sulasya. 16 Read tafakanan. 15 Read satani cha. ** The reading intondod is yasya yasya yada bhimis-tasya tasya tada phalam. The first ball of tho stanza is inadvertently omitted. 11 The intended reading is Ma bhad-a-phala-banka, etc. 18 The intended reading is ava-danal=phalamadnantyan, eto. 19 The reading intended is Sva-dallah para-dalla ud, ato. * The second half of the stanza could not be completed owing to want of space.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX fortunately no impression reached me as a result of the correspondence. About the beginning of November in the same year, Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra happened to visit Bhubaneswar in the course of a tour that side. He inspected the Bhadrak stone inscription in the Orissa State Museum and copied it. After his return to Ootacamund, Dr. Chhabra was kind enough to place at my disposal all the impressions of the above inscription for examination. He also permitted me to edit the record in the pages of the Epigraphia Indica. I take this opportunity to thank him for his kindness. My thanks are also due to Mr. S. C. De for information regarding the discovery of the inscription. "I discovered the inscription", Mr. De subsequently wrote to me, "in the courtyard of the temple of Bhadrakali in a locality about five miles from the town of Bhadrak in the Bhadrak Sub-Division on the 17th of March 1951. I noticed the stone buried in the earth and learnt that pilgrims used to wash their feet on it. Certain scars on the stone attracted my attention. I then dug it out and found the inscription. In the month of June we managed to bring the stone to the Museum. Its upper part is damaged as the villagers used to sharpen their axes on it. I was told that the stone had been brought to the Bhadrakali temple from an adjoining village some years back. The temple of Bhadrakali is an ordinary thatched cottage. So the stone was probably the lintel of some other temple." 170 The stone bears an inscription in three lines and is unfortunately broken here and there. The state of preservation of the writing is unsatisfactory. A number of letters in all the three lines have either completely or partially broken away, while some aksharas in line 1 have suffered considerably from the effect of corrosion. This corrosion is apparently due to the stone being used as an axe-sharpener. The writing covers a space about 44 inches in length and about 7 inches in height. Individual aksharas are about 1.5 inches in height. The characters resemble those of the so-called eastern variety of the Gupta alphabet, of which the test letters are m, s and h. Of the three letters, m and h in our record are almost as developed as in the Allahabad pillar inscription1 of Samudragupta (middle of the fourth century A. C.), although in one case m seems to exhibit an earlier form. The letters has its earlier form found usually in the inscriptions of the age of the Kushanas. The form of I resembles that of the same letter as found in the Allahabad pillar inscription, while letters like k, n, etc., show pre-Gupta forms. The letter n resembles in form the same letter as found in some Mathura inscriptions of the first and second centuries A.C. and reproduced by Ojha in his Palaeography of India (in Hindi), 1918, Plate VI, i (cf. the fourth form of n). In a few cases medial a and e seem to be written by lengthening slightly the top matra of the consonant respectively towards the right and the left. The inscription exhibits the initial vowel a and the symbols for the numerals 3, 8 and 80. On grounds of palaeography, the inscription may be assigned to the period between the age of the Kushanas and that of the Guptas. I am inclined to assign it to a date about the second half of the third century A.C. This date seems to be supported also by the language of the record. The language of the inscription is Prakrit. We know that originally the epigraphic language of the whole of India was Prakrit, that Sanskrit is first found in North Indian epigraphs about the beginning of the Christian era and that it gradually ousted Prakrit from the field of Indian epigraphy. The suppression of Sanskrit by Prakrit in the epigraphic records of the lower part of South India took place as late as the middle of the fourth century A.C. In the early Prakrit inscriptions, double consonants are found to be represented by single letters; but gradually the influence of Sanskrit became noticeable in the Prakrit records, not only in their use of double consonants, but also in the occasional inclusion of Sanskritic sounds, words and passages. From a study of the Prakrit inscriptions of the various dynasties holding eway over South India, we find 1 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions (CII, Vol. III), pp. 1ff.; and Sircar's Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 254 ff.

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No. 23] BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA ; REGNAL YEAR 8 171 that double consonants began to appear in such records in the third century A.C. As our inscription shows the use of double consonant only in one case (cf. ayya in line 2, for Sanskrit arya, instead of the earlier epigraphic Prakrit form aya), it may reasonably be assigned to the same third century. That it has to be assigned to a date carlier than the fourth century is suggested again by the Susunia inscription of king Chandravarman who ruled over South-West Bengal (adjacent to North-East Orissa in which Bhadrak, the findspot of our record, is situated) about the middle of the fourth century A. C. and was defeated by the mighty Gupta emperor Samudragupta. The language of the Sucunia inscription is Sanskrit and suggests that Prakrit was ousted from the inscriptions of that area at an earlier date. The Bhadrak inscription begins with traces of a short horizontal line which appears to stand for the usual siddham symbol. This is followed by the word Mah[@]r[a]ja. The following two aksharas read: sir[i], although traces of the vowel-mark are not distinct above the second akshara. This is because the stone is broken here. What comes next has to be read as Ganasa. The tops of all these three letters are damaged owing to the breaking away of a piece of stone as well as to corrosion about the upper parts of the second and third aksharas; but there is hardly any doubt about the reading. Then comes Sa[m 81). Traces of the anusvara above sa are faintly visible; but the upper right side of the letter is completely corroded. The symbol for 8, which here resembles the 8 sign reproduced by Ojha from the inscriptions of the Kuhsana age in his work, Plate LXXI, i (cf. the third symbol for 8) is partially corroded, traces of the lost part being fortunately still slightly visible. The danda that follows the numeral is indicated here by a short vertical line. The first half of line 1, besides the siddham symbol at the beginning, thus reads: Maharaja-siriGanasa San 8, in Sanskrit Maharaja-sri-Ganasya Sam 8 (-samvatsare ashtame). The inscription is therefore dated in the eighth regnal year of a king called Maharaja sri-Gana. The name cannot be read as Guna as there is absolutely no trace of any u-matra attached to g. With the name of the king mentioned in our record, we may compare that of Mahasainyapati fri-Gana, known from the Hayungthal copper-plate inscription of king Harjaravarman of Assam. In both these cases, fri appears to be an honorific and not an integral part of the name. That the name of the king mentioned in the Bhadrak inscription is most probably Gana and not Srigana seems to be suggested by the fact that, unlike Srigana, Gana (literally meaning the god Ganesa or an attendant of Siva) is actually known to have been used as a personal name in ancient India. Gana is the name of the author of the celebrated work entitled A evayurveda, while the Matsya Purana speaks of a gotra-kara named Gana. The second half of line 1 of our inscription reads : [M]ulajap[ena] d[ejva 3 dat[a]. The upper part of mu is corroded. Although the tracas now visible would rather suggest a slightly earlier form of m than that of the other cases of the letter in the record, the akshara in question can hardly be read as anything else than mu. Parts of na are much corroded and the letter is really unrecognisable. Mulajapa (literally meaning 'a mutterer of the mula-mantra, i.e., a particular sacred text or sounds') is a personal name, while the word deva has been apparently used in the sense of 'an image of a god' as in the Manusmriti (VIII, 87) and other works. Thus the above sentence 1 For the points raised, see Siroar's Successors of the Satavahanas, 1939., pp. 87 and notes, 166; IHQ, Vol. XV, pp. 88 ff. ; Ind. Cult., Vol. I, pp. 501-2. . . * Select Inscriptions, pp. 341-42. * Soe Kamarupasasanavali, p. 51. Harjaravarman flourished in the first half of the ninth century A.C., As one of his inscriptions is dated in the Gupta year 510 (829-30 A.C.). * Cf. Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, B.v. ; Sabdakalpadruma, B.v. Kieth, A History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 465. * Chapter 109, verso 2. The Mahabharata (critical edition, I, 59, 31) sooms to mention a demon chief named Glads.

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172 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX of the inscription says that a person named Mulajapa presented three images for worship to (or installed them in a particular religious establishment. The name of the establishment is not specifically mentioned in the inscription apparently because the inscribed stone was in view in the temple which housed the images. The temple was probably situated in the modern Bhadrak area which is the findspot of our inscription. Unfortunately the deity or deities represented by the images have not been named and cannot therefore be determined. We know that there was a practice according to which the installation of one or more images of one or more deities would be promised by a person in distress with the hope that he would be relieved of the suffering. Numerous such images, styled deya-dharma or deva-dharma in the records on later specimens, have been discovered. In the terminology of similar dedicatory inscriptions, the three images referred to in our record were the deya-dharma or deva-dharma of Mulajapa who installed them in a temple in the vicinity of Bhadrak within the dominions of Maharaja sri-Gana in the eighth year of the latter's reign. In regard to the reading of the second half of line 1, we have to admit that, since this part follows the regnal year, it is tempting to take pa (read pe) before the traces of a damaged sign (tentatively read na) as a contraction of pakshe and dava (read deva) before 3 as meant for divase. In that case, however, we should expect immediately before pa the name of one of the seasons (viz. grishma, varsha and hemanta) or less probably that of a month. But the reading mula is fairly certain, although the sign read as ja may possibly also be 3. Unfortunately it is difficult to make out here the name of a season or month inspite of the fact that one of the twenty seven nakshatras bears the name Mula. The name Jyeshthamula is sometimes applied to Jyeshtha ; but mula is never used as the name of a month. Line 2 of the inscription begins with vapa 80. Before this, there are traces of a letter partially broken away along with a piece of stone. Judging from the beginning of the first line of the record, marked by the traces of the siddham symbol, it is apparent that one or two letters have been completely broken away at the beginning of the second line. A word ending in vapa and followed by a number would suggest an expression like kulyavapa, kharivapa, dronavapa, adhavapa or nalikavapa all of which were the names of some of the different land-measures of ancient India. Thus the section no doubt refers to eighty measures of land which was apparently granted by Mulajapa in favour of the temple for the continuation of the worship of the three deities installed by him therein. The partially broken letter before vapa cannot be satisfactorily, read; but it may be a damaged dha. In that case the reading intended may be adhavapa. The rest of the second line of the inscription reads: Mah[a]kulapati-ayya-Agisamena Panide vadidan padichhidan. Padichhida is the same as Pali patichchhita meaning 'accepted,' while vadida seems to be the same as Sanskrit vatita meaning 'an apportionment', i.e., an apportioned piece of land in the present case. The sentence thus indicates that the eighty measures of land referred to were apportioned in a locality called Panida and that the land was accepted by Mahakula pati-arya Agnisarman apparently on behalf of the temple or religious establishment in question. Agnisarman was probably the head of the establishment or less probably the priest in charge of the temple. The epithets arya, 'venerable', and Mahakulapati point to his high rank. The expression kulapati, which usually means the head or chief of a family, also indicates a sage who feeds and teaches ten thousand pupils. The letters of the first half of line 3 are either completely or partially broken away. The first five or six aksharas are lost, while only the vowel-marks of the following two aksharas (medial i [It looks more like ha.-B.C.C.] See Apto, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v.

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No. 23] BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA; REGNAL YEAR 8 173 in both the cases) remain. Only the upper parts of the next seven letters are visible and they suggest the reading: adhivasaka Bhada. The second half of the line, in which some of the letters are damaged, seems to read: Apavasa [Mahasa]ra Ghali Adasama [1]. The last two letters, sa ma, suggest a Brahmanic name ending in the word sarman exactly as Agisama-Agnisarman. Adasama may be Sanskrit Atagarman. It is thus possible to think that this name is preceded in the record by other names, viz. Bhada (Sanskrit Bhadra), Apavasa (possibly Sanskrit Apavarsha), Mahasara (possibly Sanskrit Mahasara) and Ghali (cf. Sanskrit Khalin). The possibility of the existence of the word adhivasa(si)ka in the damaged first half of the line would suggest that it was preceded by the name of the locality where the persons mentioned resided. But what their relation was with the grant recorded in the inscription cannot be determined with certainty. If they were merely witnesses to the transaction, they were probably residents of a locality near the gift land at Panida. Maharaja Gana, during whose reign the inscription was engraved about the second half of the third century A.C., is not known from any other source. He seems to have been a ruler of the ancient Utkala country bounded by the rivers Vaitarani1 and Kansai (ancient Kapisa) and lying between the lands inhabited by the Vangas and the Kalingas. He was probably an independent monarch like the kings of Pushkarana (modern Pokharna on the Damodar in South-West Bengal), who are known from the Susunia inscription. As already indicated above, king Chandravarman of Pushkarana was overthrown by the Gupta emperor Samudragupta about the middle of the fourth century A.C. Whether the Utkala country was also conquered by Samudragupta about the same time is as yet unknown. The Sumandala plates of the Gupta year 250 (569 A. C.), however, show that imperial Gupta suzerainty was acknowledged in Kalinga and presumably also in Utkala. Although it is difficult in the present state of our knowledge to ascribe the conquest of Kalinga and Utkala to a particular Gupta monarch, it is possible to suggest that the event took place before the death of Kumaragupta I, grandson of Samudragupta, in 455 A.C., as the successors of that monarch do not appear to have been powerful enough to effect the annexation of such far off territories. These conquests should better be attributed to Samudragupta or to his son Chandragupta II Vikramaditya described as kritsna-prithvi-jay-artha in one of the Udayagiri inscriptions (cf. also the reference to his dig-vijaya in the Meharauli inscription). As however Utkala is not mentioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription in connection with the victorious campaigns of Samudragupta, the second alternative seems preferable. Whether the rulers of Aryavarta, mentioned in that record as overthrown by the Gupta monarch, included a ruler of Utkala cannot be determined. We have said that the eighty measures of land granted by Mulajapa were apportioned in a locality called Panida. The place may not have been far away from Bhadrak, near which the inscription has been found. I have not succeeded in identifying the locality. TEXTI 1 [Siddham] [*] Mah[A][A]ja-air[i]-Ganasa sath 81] [Malajap[n] d[8]va 3 dat[] 1 Cf. Mahabharata, III, 114, 3; above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 179. Cf. Raghuvamba, IV, 38; above, loc. cit. after the name of an allied tribe of that name. Raghuvamba, loc. cit. Utkala came later to be known as the Odra country no doubt The Odras may have originally inhabited parts of Northern Orissa. Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 79 ff. Cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 272, 275 ff. In this connection, it may be noted that the Meharauli inscription attributes to Chandragupta II the conquest of a country on the Southern Sea. From the impressions kindly supplied by Dr. Chhabra. Expressed by a symbol which is faintly visiblo

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174 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 2 [adha?]vapa 80 [1*] Mahsa]kulapati-ayya- Agisamenam(na) Pani[deja vadidam padichhidam [l*] 3......... (adhivasa(si)ka Bhada?] Apavasa [Mahasa]ra Ghali Adasama' [l]" TRANSLATION May there be success! In the regnal year 8 of the illustrious Maharaja Gana. By Mulajapa are given 3 idols (and also) 80 [adha?]vupas (of land). The apportionment (i.e., the land apportioned) at Panida is accepted by the venerable Agisama (Agnisarman), the Mahakulapati. Bhada (Bhadra), Apavasa (Apavarsha?), Mahasara (Mahasara?), Ghali (and) Adasama (Atasarman), residents of.... No. 24-HINGNI BERDI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA VIBHURAJA ; YEAR 3 (1 Plate) MORESHWAR G. DIKSHIT, SAUGAR This copper plate grant is from the collection of the Bharata Itihasa Samshodhaka Mandala, Poona, where it has been deposited for the last 27 years. It is reported to have been found in the possession of a Brahmin at Hingai Berdi, & small village on the bank of the Bhima river, near Dhond in the Poona District. It was obtained by Sri P. R. Alegaonkar who passed it on to Prof. Datto Waman Potdar for the purpose of decipherment and publication. At the request of the latter, Mr. P. M. Chandorkar read a short note based on this record before the Sixth Annual Session of the B. I. S. Mandala in 1926.6 As the reading given by him is not altogether satisfactory, I reedit the plates here with the kind permission of the secretaries of the said institute. The set consists of two sheets of copper, each measuring about 5 inches in length and 24 inches in breadth. The weight of the two plates is 14 tolas. In the upper margin of each plate there is a small roundish hole, about 2/10 inch in diameter through which a copper ring is passed for holding them together. The two ends of the ring are secured under a lump of copper which is flattened and bears on it the incised figures of an akshamala, consisting of eleven beads, a kamandalu-shaped spouted' vessel on its left and a danda on its right, apparently the requisites of a sannyasin. The ring weighs 1} tolas. The inscription on the plates consists of 22 lines of writing, of which 9 are engraved on the second side of the first plate, 10 lines on the first side of the second plate and the remaining 3 on the second side of the latter. As the rims of both the plates are raised, the engraving has remained in a fair state of preservation. The characters are of the nail-headed variety of the southern alphabet current in the fifth and sixth centuries A. C. The record is very carelessly engraved and exhibits certain peculiarities which deserve close attention. We see mostly nail-headed or acute-angled letters in the first plate, while the second plate shows small circles or pin-heads on the top of certain letters. These 1 The reading may possibly also be ayya-Agisamena; but I am inclined to ignore the traces about the tail of a in both the cases. What I have read as di may possibly also be 3 or ja , although that would hardly give any sense. * The first letter in this name may possibly be also read as a. Full-stop in the case seems to be indicated by a slanting line. . . Shashtha Sammelana Vritta (B. I. S. Mandala), pp. 63-65. *What has been described as danda represents possibly only a blade of kuda grass according to Mr. M, Venkaaramayya. Ed.]

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BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA; REGNAL YEAR 8 Left half Right half 197200 B. CH. CHHABRA Ro.No.3977E'36-499:53. SCALE: THREE-TENTHS SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 24) HINGNI BERDI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA VIBHURAJA ; YEAR 3 175 resemble closely the forms of letters found in the Anjaneri plates' of Prithvichandra Bliogabakti. The writing on the second side of the second plate shows a very crude hand. It is strongly doubted if all the three sides of the two plates were engraved by one and the same person. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. The composition is in prose and is full of mistakes, but the sense can be clear, if proper restorations are made in the text. The inscription refers to the Rashtrakuta dynasty which is styled Rashtrakucesvaranam-an. vavaya in the initial portion. It is stated that the Rashtrakuta princess Syavalangi Mahadovi, the Queen-consort of Rashtrakuta Davaraja and mother of Manaraja, donated an agrahara called Kamalibhuhaka to a Brahmin called Nannasvamin, belonging to the Agastya gotra, for the purpose of carrying on religious duties. In addition to this land a dakshina of fifty bars (salaka) of gold was given to the Brahmin with the consent of Rashtrakuta Vibhuraja. The grant was made on tho full-moon day in the month of Vaisakha in the third regnal year of king Vibhuraja. The plates refer to the Rashtrakuta dynasty thrice (lines 1, 9 and 16) and from tha find-spot of the plates it seems certain that the family must have bean ruling somewhere in Maharashtra. The royal persons belonging to this family are described in the usual panegyric and as such do not yield any historical information. King Vibhuraja is mentioned twice and there is no specific reference to his period, except that the palaeography of the grant, which as stated above, places it in the 5th century A. C. In the absence of these details it would have been difficult to identify this king Vibhuraja, as none of the branches of the Rashtrakuta dynasty anywhere refers to him. The mention of king Devaraja, however, affords some clues. Recently Principal V.V. Mirashi, in his article entitled "The Rashtrakutas of Manapura ", has suggested that there was a minor branch of the Rashtrakuta dynasty ruling in certain parts of the Satara District during the 4-6th conturies A.C. Hitherto only three copper-plate grants of this family have been found, viz., Undikavatika grant of Rashtrakuta Abhimanyu, Pandurangapalli platosof Rashtrakuta Avidhiya, and Gokak platos' of Rashtrakuta Dejja Maharaja. From the identification of the place names recorded in the first two of these grants, it has been shown that the members of this branch of the Rashtrakuta dynasty were ruling in the Mana taluk of the Satara District. The genealogy and the approximato period assigned to them is given as follows: Rashtrakutas of Manapura Manarika (375-400 A.C.) Devaraja (400-425 A.C.) Son (name not known) Avidheya (440-455 A.C.) Bhavishya (455-170 A.C.) Abhimanyu (470-490 A. C.) Dajja Maharaja (530-560 A.C.) -Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 225-238 and plates. * ABORI, Vol. XXV, pp. 36-50. * JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, pp. 88 ff. * Mysore Archeological Report for 1929, p. 197. . Above, Vol. XXI, p. 289. 6 DGA/53

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176 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX Since the donor of the prosent plates is described as the wife of Dovaraja, it seems plausible to suggest that the Devaraja referred to by them is no other than the second person mentioned in the pedigree given above, because the palaeography of the record does not go against the age assigned to that ruler by Prof. Mirashi. In the Undikavatika and Pandurangapalli plates, this Devaraja is stated to have had three sons, but the names of only two of whom, viz., Abhimanyu and Bhavishya, are known from the inscriptional data available. As the queen of Devaraja is also called the mother of Manaraja in the present inscription, it is clear that Manaraja is the name of the hitherto unknown (third) son of Davaraja and he was probably the eldest. And this is quite in keeping with the ancient practice of naming the child after his grandfather, because the name of the father of Devaraja is known to be Manamka, who founded the Manapura branch of the Rashtrakutas. The grant was issued in the third regnal year of king Vibhuraja. His exact relationship with Syavalangi Mahadevi is not explicitly stated in the record. But since the plates are issued in the early part of the career of that king, I believe that Vibhuraja is an alias of Manaraja and that the plates were issuod by the queen-mother Syavalangi Mahadovi after the death of her husband Devaraja. Whether it was actually so needs further corroboration. In the light of the details at present available, the genealogy of the family can be reconstructed as follows: Manamka (Founder of the Manapura family) Devaraja m. Syavalangi Mahadevi Manarija Avidheya Bhavishys or (?) Vibhuraja Abhinianyu The present plates were issued on the Vaisakha paurnamasi day in the third regnal year of king Vibhuraja ; but these details are not quite sufficient to verify the date of the grant. The mention of golden bars (suvarna-saluka) givan as dakshina is also very interesting. It cannot be said if these bars bore any marks as on the bent-bar silver currency, so frequently noticed in ancient sites like Taxila on the North-Western borders of India. At any rate, no currency of the above description is known to have boen current in Maharashtra in the period in which the plates were inscribed. For want of adequate data, the geographical position of Kamalibhuhaka mentioned in the grant cannot be located. It is likely that it was the name of some plot in Hingni Berdi itself where the plates were discovered. TEXT: First Plate 16 1 2 fafest that (?) F TATE (?) 2 rANAmanvavAyazriyolaMkAreNa zrImatA mahArAja From the original plates and ink improssions. * Expressed by a symbol. I am not sure about the roading of this akshara. (Possibly dalita-Satru-barlanan is intended.-B.C.C.)

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HINGNI BERDI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA VIBHURAJA; YEAR 3 Puku mkr Lon shaariroomun 2 ParenBA RASHI 4 | BREnn: aaru 4 tNddraalloo 3 83 88 888-7 6 aty 8 G E008. UR RSS : gnnpurN SAR ii.. ROMAN 10 - baal 8 9 10 attadar Rhea & 12 | Ram ku shaaNti 12 . Manort 14 . tun: 14 RANAM 16 Sanati chERAcad 1 || Adi. ljddulu A: 18 i . FACERTED 22 | A mla SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA B. CH. CHHABRA Rc No: 3977 1'36-479deg52

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Seal (From a photograph)

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No. 24) HINGNI BERDI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA VIBHURAJA ; YEAR 3 177 3 vibhurAjAnujJayA' svakuzala nabhastalAlaMkAriNI (?)(NyA) 4 zyAvalaGgImahAdevya (vyA) mAtApitroH puNyAbhivRddhaye prA5 tmanazca balicasvaizvadevAgnihotrakR (kri)yotsa[pa]NA6 rthama (mA) candrANivakSitisthyi (sthi)tisamakAli (lI)naH putrapau7 trasvAmibhaktArthiha hRdaya[nA]dAbhimukhasamarAbhiye8 daM zrImANarAjasya mAtrA satItvAccobhayava9 nazotabhu (vaMzodbha)taprabhAvatyA[ya]yA zrImato rASTrAkUTa*]devarA Second Plate ; First Side 10 jasya panyA (lyA) [rAjyAnvayabhogyassarvAdityaviSi (STi)parivail jito cATabhaTaaprAvezye (zyo) bhu(bhU) ma (mi)ccha (cchi) dranyAyena 12 agasta (stya) sagotrabrAhmaNAya nannasvAma (mi)ne svahasta13 dhRt[bhRnggaarkod[ne]ke|[n*] kamalI[bhU]hakAgrA (a) hArasya dakSi14 [NA] suvarNazi (za) la (lA) kAyAH paJcAzattAmrazAsanana (ni) ba15 dvA [*] vartamAne tRta (tI)ye sa(saM)vatsare vaizAkha[zuklapau[f]16 mAsya (syAM) rASTri]kUTena mahArAjavibhurAjasya [*] yazca tat*] [lo17 paya (yi)pya (Sya)ti sa pa[Jca]mahApAtakasaMyukto bhavipa (Sya)ti[*] Sa18 [STi varSasahasrANi svaggi (garge) ma(mo)dati bhUmida (daH) AcchettA vA19 numantiA ] ca Second Plate ; Second Side 20 tAnye]va narake vaset [*] bahu[bhiva[su]dhA [bhuktA rA]A ji(ja) bhissA (ssa) garAdivi (bhiH) [i*] yasya vi(ya)sya yadI (dA) [bhU]ma (mi) va(sta) syi (sya) 22 tasya] [ta]dA phalavi (mi)[ti] [*] The words alankarena and Grimata are obviously intended to quality Vibhuraja wrongly compoundod hore. -B.C.C.] * The letter has redundent; read avakuia. * This akahara is not necessary. D2

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178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX No. 25-AJMER STONE INSCRIPTION (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND While dealing with the stone inscription containing portions of the Sanskrit drama entitled Harkelinataka, composed by king Vigraharaja (1153-64 A.C.) of the Chahamana or Chauhan dynasty of Sakambhari, F. Kielhorn' deplored the strange vicissitidues of fortune that led the stones, on which the royal author made the products of his muse known to the people, to "have been used as common building material for a place of Muhammadan worship by the conquerors of his descendants." Portions of the above drama as well as of the Lalita-Vigraharaja-nucaka, composed in honour of the Chuhamana king by his court poet, Mahakavi Somadova, which were edited by Kiclhorn, were copied from stone slabs embedded in the walls of the Arhai-din-ku-Jhopra, a mosque situated on the lower slope of the Taragash hill at Ajmer. The mosque, as is well known, was built out of the spoils of Hindu structures by Qutb-ud-din Aibak (first Sultan of Delhi, 120610 A.C.) in 1200 A.C., while Sultan Iltutmish (1211-36 A.C.) subsequently beautified it with a screen. Impressions of another inscription on a stone slab from the samo mosque were recently supplied to me by Mr. U. C. Bhattacharya, Curator of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. It appears that all these inscribed slabs had originally belonged to some temples or public buildings raised by the imperial Chuhaminas, the materials of which were later utilized in the construction of the Arhaidin-ka-Jhopra. The impressions of the Ajmer (Aghai-din-ka-Jhporu) inspcription, reccived by me from [Mc. U. C. Bhattacharya, had a printed slip attached to them. It assigns the inscription to the twelfth century and mentions it as exhibit No. 256 of the Rajputana Museum. It further says, " This inscription forms the beginning of a Sanskrit pocm engraved on slabs. It contains invocation to Narayana and various other gods and states that the Chauhans belonged to the solar race". The description of the contents is, however, not strictly accurate. The inscription under discussion covers a space nearly 4' 2" in length nd l' 9" in height. There are altogether 27 lines of writing, each letter being a little above in height. The engraving is neat and beautiful, although the stone is damaged in several places and some letters have broken away. As, however, the engraver is sometimes found to have avoided a damaged part of the stone (cf. the damaged space between vahao and [no] in line 2, between vata-vyadhi and yuto in line 4, between kumuda" and "d=ambhoja in line 24), there is no doubt that the stone was defective in laces oven when the inscription was incised. The palaeography and orthography of the inscriptin resemble closely, those of other records of about the twlefth century found in the same area, and nothing calls for special mention. As the mosque, to which the inscribed stone belongs, is known to have been built in 1200 A.C. with the spoils of local structures, it is possible to attribute the date of the record to some time between the accession of the Chahamana king Ajayaraja (circa 1110-35 A.C.) who is credited with the foundation of Ajayameru, now known as Ajmer, and with beautifying it with many temples and palaces, and 1200 A.C. when the Aphai-din-ka-Jhopra was constructed, that is to say, somewhere in the twelfth century. Seo 1A, Vol. XX, pp. 201 ff., Gollinger Festschrift, 1901, pp. 16-30. 914, loc. cit; Gottinger Festschrift, op cit., pp. 1-15. . Camb. Hist. Ind., Vol. p. 581. * Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 1071.

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No. 25] AJMER STONE INSCRIPTION 179 The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and, with the exception of the passage on namo Narayanaya ), preceded by the symbol for Siddham at the beginning, the whole record on the stone is written in verse. There are in all 37 stanzas, all of which, with the solitary exception of the last verse, are consecutively numbered. Considering the want of space at the end of the last verse and the fact that the poem was probably continued on other slabs, it seems that the number of the last verse (i.e., 37) was put at the beginning of the first line of another slab. As is the case with numerous other epigraphic records, a short space at the end of some lines in our inscription (cf. lines, 2, 4, 6, 13, 15-17, 19-26) has often been covered by an unnecessary single or double danda usually endowed with a mark of cancellation, Out of the 37 verses, which form the text of our record, the first 32 stanzas eulogise the god Vishnu. Ten out of these (viz., verses 12-21) refer to the ten incarnations of the god, viz., (1) Kurma. (2) Mina, (3) Kola (Varaha), (4) Nrisimha, (5) Vamana, (6) Jamadagnya (Parasurama), (7) Dasasyantakrit (Dasarathi Rama), (8) Krishna, (9) Buddha and (10) Kalkin. Verse 33 of the record introduces the Sun-god as the right eye of lord Vishnu and as the progenitor of the solar dynasty which is itself introduded in the following stanza (verse 34). The next two stanzas (verses 35-36) speak of the glories of the solar dynasty and mention certain ancient rulers of the Surya-vamsa such as Ikshvaku and Rama. The concluding stanza (verse 37) introduces king ChAhamana, mythical progenitor of the Chahamana or Chauhan clan of the Rajputs, as & scion of the solar dynasty. The nature of the inscription supports the conjecture that it formed part of the introduction of a kavya, the theme of which may have been certain achievements of a Chahamana king. The principal one of these exploits described in the kavya may have been the construction of a temple in honour of the god Vishnu. The inscription is not of exceptional importance from the historical point of view; but it has considerable interest as a literary composition of a Chahamana court poet of the twelfth century. The author's style, although it is not free from defects, is not poor. He has often shown his skill in employing slesha or double entendre. In composing the 37 stanzas, he has employed no less than 14 metres, of which Sardulavikridita (13 verses) and Vasantatilaka (8 verses) are used in more than half of the cases. The metres Malini, Sikharini, Anushtubh and Upajati have each been used in 2 stanzas, while one stanza has been allotted to each of Prithvi, Sragdhara, Vasasthavila, Svigata, Harini, Mandakranta, Indravajra and Upendravajra. As regards the eponymous Chahamana being represented as a scion of the solar dynasty, it may be pointed out that this is in partial agreement with the tradition recorded in the Prithivirajavijaya of Jayanaka (12th century) and Hammira-mahakavya of Nayachandra (13th-14th century), according to which Chahamana sprang from the Surya-mandala ; but it can hardly be. reconciled with the other imaginary accounts regarding the origin of the Chahamanes, such as the creation of Chahamana himself or the Chahamana family by the sage Vatsa or Vasishtha or by the god Indra. The well known story of the creation of the progenitors of the Paramara, Chahamana, Pratihara and Chaulukya dynasties by the sage Vasishtha on Mount Abu was unknown to the Chahamana court poets as late as the fourteenth century. The reference to Ktishna as the eighth of the ten avataras of Vishnu is interesting. It is well known that the doctrine of the avataras underwent several stages of development and that their number, originally unsettled, gradually came to be recognised as ten. It should, however, be noticed that, even as late as the twelfth century, the same list of ten avataras was not definitely fixed for the whole of India, Thus the author of the record under discussion, who was a twelfth 1 Cf. versos 5, 8-9, 11, 22-23, 25-26, 35. * Ray, op. cit., p. 1053. The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III (Thn Classical Age), PP. 414 .

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180 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX century court poet of the Chahamanas of Ajmer, regards Krishna as the eighth incarnation of Vishnu, while the author of the Belava plate' of king Bhojavarman (12th century) of Eastern Bengal, recognises the same divinity merely as amsaktit-avatara, i.e., a partial incarnation. Another contemporary author, Jayadeva, who was a court poet of king Lakshmanasena (circa 1179 -1206 A.C.) of Bengal puts Haladhara (i.e., Balarama-Sankarshana) in the place of Krishna as the eighth incarnation of Vishnu in the list of the ten avataras in the Gitagovinda." TEXT* [Metres : Verses 1, 6, 8-9, 12-13, 20, 37 Vasantatilaka ; verse 2 Prithvi ; verse 3 Sragdhara ; verses 4, 5, 10, 14-16, 18-19, 21, 24, 32-33, 36 Sardulavikridita ; verses 7,17 Malini ; verse 11 Vamsashavila ; verses 22, 27 Sikharini; verses 23, 25 Anushtubh ; verse 26 Svagata ; verse 28 Upendravajra; verse 29 Harini; verse 30 Mandakranta ; verse 31 Indravajra ; verse 34-35 Upajati.] 1 Siddham || Om namo Narayanaya || Aradhaniyam amarair=api patu yushmanapad-aravimda yugalam Garudadhvajasya vinyasta-kaustubhamaner=uraso-varuhya Lakshmir-nakhambu-khachitam bhajate bhtisam yat | 1 | Jagaj-janana-palana-pralaya-keli-karo muhur= maha-danuja-naki2 nan vihita-nigrah-anugrahah | vihamgapati-vaha[no] bhujagaraja-talpe-sayah briye bhavatu vo bhav-amvu(bu)nidhi-karnnadharo Harih || 2 || Omkaro danava-stri-samudaya-ruditavra(bra)hma parayananam kalp-art-aravdha(bdha)-bhara-stanita-jaladhara-breni-baky anukarah | pap-ahi-kshveda-pi- 15 3 da-nipatita-sukrit-orthapan-amogha-mamtru jiyad=yuddhe[shu] [sa] Sri-sahachara-Murajit. pamchajanya-pranadah || 3 || Murdhni Sri-kucha-kumbhayor=nipatita mukta kalapayate lagna talpa-bhujamga-purgava-tanau nirmaka- pattayate nabhi-niraruhasya sannidhi chari ya rajahamsaya- | 4 te sa pani-sthita-pamchajanya-kirana-sreni Hareh patu (vah || 4] || Vata-vyadhi -yuto vayasy-ati-gurau tishthan-va(n=ba)li samtatah saty-asakta-matirajjagatra(t-tra)ye-hitam kurvvan=dadhanah kshamam(mam) amtahstham gamayan=dhanamjayam= anauddhaty-anvitam dipra-bham(bham) sreyah-samtataye Puranapurusho de- ||? 5 vah sad-aiv-astu vah | 5 Vakshahsthal-ochchhalita-kaustubha-kam[ti-liptam] pani sthitam=bhavatu Chakradharasya chakram(kram) yuddheshv=aneka-danujendrakathora-kamtha-chchhed-avasakta-rudhir-augham=iva sriye vah | 6 | Vilasita-vanamalo dipta-Vairochana-sri-viratiktid=anurajyat-Pannagarir=nikamammam) 6 bhuvana-janaka-vidyut-pumja-pit-am va(ba)ro vo ghatayatu ghana-kala) [K]savo mamgalani 7 Slishyat-sudarsana-payodhara-ktishnam=udyad-bhim-ahava-prakatit-andhaku(ka)putra-nasam(sam) stutyam su-parvvabhir=alamktita-dharmma-pakam Vyasasya kavyaraiva patu Harer=vvapur=vva) || 8 | Astr=iti visva-vidito=1" IN. G Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III pp. 14 ff. * Verse 12. JAyndeva's list of the avataras corresponds to that given in a Puranio verso quoted in an eighth century inscription from Mamallapuram (Mem. ASI, No. 26, p. 5). From impressions. * Expressed by symbol. * The danda is superfluous. * Some space is left unengraved after oyadhi. + The two dandas are unnecessary.

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No. 25] AJMER STONE INSCRIPTION 181 7 pi va(ba)bhuva yah stri bhagn-arjuno=py=skrita yo hitam=Arjunasya | yah [@]sha-bhoga vihita-sthitir-apy-abosha-bhog-opabhoga-kfid=avatv-akhilarh sa Saurih || 9 || Vaktram nabhi-saroja-charu-hasitam ya pamchajany-ojva(jjva)la-jyotsnam kaustubha-ratna-sonam= adharam kesan-vapur-mechakan ba[stam sa]mrga? 8 dhanur-lata-kutilatimh dhatta-nukarttum bhruvordvamdvarh Danava-sudanasya dayi[t]. devi briyo vorgtu sa || 10 | Virochan-emdivaramitra-lochanam saroja-hastar kanak-ova(jva)l-am ukam(kam) vi(bi)bharti Lakshmim=iva yah prabhus-tanum sa Vasudevo duritani hamtu vah || 11 | Udvarttana-pratinipata-[vasa)- ' 9 t-payodhau dvedha-vidirnna-salile jala-sayin, ya) | svasy=aiva murtti[r=a)para hata yoga-nidram=alokito vijayate sa Murari-minah || 12 | Yasya trasadbhir-avanidhara-tadanebhyo yad8-ganair=udara-pada-tale nilinaih | piyusha-mamthana-vipan=niratiryat-av dhau(bdhau) Kurm-atma10 kah sa Harir=astu vibhutaye vah || 13 || Sury-adhishthita-dakshin-akshi-kira(nai]h samvartta vaty-olvanaih sambosham mukha-marutais-cha sutaram ek-arnnave gachchhati prithvirh phena-krit-aspadam-iva dadhad-damshtr-ambu-liptam Harih kol-atma vitaratv-a-purnna salila-krida-spriho vah sivam(vam) || 14[|*] 11 Vishporddhirayatah sada-kavaohita-skamdham npisimh-arddhatam dayasub [ka]rapatra yamtra-nibitah basvatusukham vo nakhah | yair-vakshah-khanati Hiranyakasi(6)pordevena datta-Sriyam utkhatah su-chir-otthito hridi mahan-duhkha-drumo nakinam(nam) || 15 || Yaohnam chetasi matsarad=vi12 rahitasy=eva Sriya vi(bi)bhratah pratyamgam laghutam cha Vamana-hareh pada-dvaya patu vah hastinam vividh-ayudha-pramathit-amartya-dvishamirshaya nunan yena rasatalam pragamito vikramya Vairochanah || 16 || Tri-bhuvana-guru-sishyas=chapa-vede manishi nisita-parasu-lun-asesha-ra13 janya-vamsah | jayati muni-sama-jya-rajyad-atma Sahasrarjuna-bhu[ja]-[vana]-sham(kham)d amgara-ksij-Jamadagnyah || 17 || Mayy=asva(sva)sya tay-edam-arpitam=iti prahv-a(bhv-a)tmana Janaki-chuda-ratnam-upahitam charanayor=mule Marut-sununa grihnan-88 pranayam sa-samdra-karunam s-avsitti 88-pratyayam | 14 s-otsaham sa-va(ba)hu-trapam vijayate deve Dasasy-amta-kpit | 18 || Sr[avairudha]tu ras-aktamudyad-upal-asang-assig-asamkaya ha kim jatam=iti pramsijya paritah svesv-ottariy-amchalaih | yam rom-amchitam=a-kshat-amgam api cha vyalokya gopyo muda valgamti sma sa-helam=uddhfi-| 15 ta-girih Krishnah sa pushnatu vah || 19 || Veda-kriy-amvu(bu)-rahitam [ka][runa*)-trin-augha chchhann-ananam Sugata-darsana nimnakupam(pam) pataya yah kali-yug-aika-suhsichchakara lokasya Vu(Bu)ddha iti rakshatu vah sa Vishnuh || 20 || Tarksh-arohana-nihsprihasya turagen=odhas[y]a (va(ba)rha]m=vi(rham vi)16 na kalo yasya kare sthitah kali-samuchchhedam karishyaty-asih [l go-samyukta-vpisham (sham) vidhasyati kritam spishtva praksishtan yugam Mlechchhanam avasina-krit-88 bhagavin-Kalki Harih patu vah || 21 | Subh-akhyanam ghor-ahava-ghatita-bhimam sakunini pradhanen=apetam vijayi-bhuja- | 1 Bettor road barnga. * The danda is unnecessary. The two dandas are superfluous.

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 17 nihpf(nishpi)dita-vrisham(sham) | kram-odgachchhad-Gamga-prithuka-mahaniyam Mura ripoh sva-rupan sampattyai bhavatu bhavatam Bharatam-iva | 22 || Patu vo daityapatibhir=maha-senair=8-piditah | Harir=Indra-Hara-Vra(Bra)hma-Mahasenair=ap=iditah || 23 || Vishnoh purita-[pamcha]janya-kuhara18 prodbhuta-mamdr-aravais-talp-abi-svasit-anilaih prachalatam [na]bhi-saraje gate t ra sten=Avja(bja)bhuva tritiya-savanen=amnaya-pathe krite prag-udvudbuddha-payodhija-dhfita-pado bhutyai pravo(bo)dho=stu vah | 24 || Padma-yuktah sa-padmo-pi vpishah api vpish[aya) yah | hat-arir=ari19 sampanno=py-astu vah sreyase Harih | 25 | Seyitah sura-ga[nai]h sa-suparnnasuchhayay= ati-ghanaya ramaniyah sthasnutam dadhad=alamkrita-kamah kalpa-vriksha iva patu Harirevah | 26 || A-bharoyar nunam yadi janita-khodo-si tad=a[mu]m [tya)ja tvad vibrartyai kshanam=a-1' 20 pi vahamo vayam=ami(m=imam) | Harir=jat-ascbaryaih krita-nuti[bhir=a]rttaih pramuditaire hasann-ukto gopair=iti jayati chitran=giri-varam(ram) || 27 || Anaratam yo danujendrayoshid-vilochan-Ardrfkaraniya nunam(nam) | vi(bi)bhartti dhar-am vu(bu) Ha[reh] karastho lunatu duhkhani. 21 sa nandako vah || 28 || Na nava-jalada-syama yad=yan na k[au]stubha-sobhitam na jaladhi suta-sotkamtham yan=ne yad-Garuda-dhvajam(jam) na yad=ari(si)-gada-samkh-ambhojair-niruddha-karam Harer=jayati gaditam tad-Vedantaih pravo(bo)dhamayam vapuh || 29 || Daityan=nighnann=anu-Va(Ba)dari- l. 22 k-aranya-kumjam tapasyan-Sri-samslesh-otsavam=anubhavan=palayan=vishtapani | tat-tat kirchit-samam=atisay-ochchhsimkhalas-tena tena vyatanvano jayati vapusha vivavamdyo Mukunda) || 30 || Va(Ba)hur=vidhattam bhavatam sriyam sa (Kam]sa dvishah Kesi-[ra]da-vran-amkah | vichi- || 23 vichitrasya dinesa-putri-purasya duram jayati sriyam yah || [3]1 || Nihkra(Nishkra)mat Kamala-mukh-emdu-nipatan-netrasya gatre Harer=udbhinnah saha maamathona bhavatah pirtu sram-ambhah-kanih martha-kshanidhar-ahati-vyatikarad=utthiya pathoni dher-lagnanam vima24 la-tvisham dadhati ye mukta-maninam bhramam(mam) || 32 || Kamdo v=a[ma]ra-padapasya kumud[a]d-ambhoja-bhajam sriyam nirmmatu pratibhur=mrigamka-mukurasyanbhoda-kal-anilah tara-parada-viprusham h uta vahah] koki-rata-prakriya-sakshi dakshinam=i- || 25 kshanam Mnra-ripor=deve Ravih patu vah || 33 | Tasmat=sa[ma]larnva(ba)na-dada-yoni [r-abh]uj-janasya skhalatah sva-marggesrggat) vamsah sad=aiv=odha-raso nlipanam= anudgat-aino-ghuna-kita-ramdhrah || 34 | Samutthito=rkad=anaranya-yonir=utpanna punnaga-kadam26 vasba)-Sakhahascharyam=amtah-prasarat-kuso=yam vams=rthinam briphalatam prayati # 35 || Adhi-vyadhi-kuvfitta-durggati-parityakta-prajas-tatra te sapta-dvipa-bhujo nlipah samabhavann=Ikshvaku-Ram-adayah yesbam durjaya-danavemdra-jayin[am] tair=im. dru-mu- 1 27 khyair-makheshv=ahutair=upayachiteshv=iva purodasena tri[ptaih] suraih || 36 || Tasminn= athari-vijayena virajamano raj=anuramjita-jano=jani Chahamanah sampurnnas=chandra iva chandrikaya triyamam kirtty-ojva(jjva)latvam-anayad-bhuvana-trayim yah || [37*!] 1 The two dandas are superfluous. * The danda is unnecessary.

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No. 26] TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA No. 26-TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA (2 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND About the beginning of October 1952, I received for examination two copper-plate inscriptions from Mr. P. Acharya, Superintendent of Research and Museum, Government of Orissa, Bhubaneswar. I was informed that the inscriptions had been found in the old Daspalla State, now merged in Orissa as a sub-division of the Puri District, and that Mr. Satyanarayana Rajaguru, Assistant Curator of the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, had prepared a paper on them for publication in the Orissa Historical Research Journal. Mr. Acharya, however, was kind enough to permit me to edit both the inscriptions in the Epigraphia Indica. I am extremely thankful to him for this kindness. 183 A.-Daspalla Plate of Devananda; Year 184 This copper plate, as I learnt from Mr. Acharya, was found early in 1951 in the course of the re-excavation of an old tank in the village of Chikankhandi in the Jormu Pargana of Daspalla. The Pargana is situated on the right bank of the Mahanadi while the town of Daspalla lies on the left bank of the river. The plate was presented to the Orissa State Museum in June 1951 by Mr. Dasarathi Misra who is a teacher of the M. E. School at Jilinda in the Daspalla Sub-division. The inscription is written on both sides of the single plate measuring 10"x7.45" x 13". A bronze seal, having the shape of an expanded lotus and measuring 3.25" in diameter, is soldered about the middle of the proper right end of the plate. It resembles the seal attached to the charters of the family to which the issuer of the grant under discussion belonged. The border of the pericarpial portion (about 2-24" in diameter) of this lotus-shaped seal is raised. In the hollow thus formed, the seal proper is countersunk. The central part of the space on the surface of the seal is occupied by the legend in one line: sri-Devanandadevasya, the subscript y in the last akshara being considerably lengthened towards the left so that the entire legend looks as doubly underlined. Above the legend is the figure of a couchant bull to proper right, with the emblems of a conch and a crescent above it. Below the legend there is the representation of an expanded lotus. The seal is fixed to the plate by means of two knobs running through holes made in the usual projection of the plate. These are covered by a lump of metal forming the back of the seal. Some eight or nine lines of writing about the middle of the plate on both its sides are shorter owing to the encroachment of the lower part of the seal. The plate together with the seal weighs 143 tolas. In respect of palaeography, language and orthography, the present record closely resembles the published charters of the family to which its issuer belonged. In a few cases (cf. sarvada in line 11, sarva in line 23) the superscript r reminds us of a similar form of it in the inscriptions of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar. The charter is dated in the year 100 80 4, i.e., 184 (the symbol for 100 resembling the akshara lu) of an unspecified era which appears to be identical with the reckoning used in the records of the imperial family of the Bhauma-Karas of Orissa as well as in those of some of their feudatories, This era is now often identified with the Harsha era of 606 A. C. and in that case the year 184 of our inscription would correspond to 792 A.C. But it has been noticed that the palaeography of the inscriptions dated in the era in question points to a considerably later epoch for it. As will be seen in our discussion on Satrubhanja's plates edited below, the beginning of this era now seems to be nearly two centuries later than that of the Harsha 1 See above, pp. 2 and 49. 6 DGA/53

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184 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX era. This would suggest a date about the beginning of the eleventh century A. C. for the inscription under discussion and such a view seems to be supported by palaeography. The use of numerical symbols instead of figures appears to point to a date not considerably later than the tenth century. The charter was issued by king Devanandadeva II of the Nanda or Nandodbhava family of Jayapura in the present Orissa State. This ruler is already known from his Baripada Museum, Jurerpur and Narsingpur plates, 1 none of which, however, bears any date in an ora as the record under review. The seal of king Devananda is found attached to the Talmul plate of king Dhru. vananda who belonged to the same family and was apparently a successor of Devananda II. Like the present charter of Devananda, Dhruvananda's record is dated in the year of an era. This date is usually taken to be the year 293 ; but, as we have suggested above, it may be really 193. This conjecture seems to be supported by the date, year 184, no doubt of the same era, when Devananda II, who appears to have been the inmediate predecessor of Dhruvananda, issued the charter under discussion. The Baripada Museum plate of Devananda II and the Talmul plate of Dhruvananda have quoted the same introductory verses. These verses, with the omission of only one, are also quoted in the Jurerpur plate of Devananda II. All these records begin with a prose passage referring to Jayapura which was the capital of the Nanda or Nandodbhava kings of Orissa. The verses that follow speak of the following rulers : (1) Jayananda, (2) his son Parananda, (3) his son Sivananda, (4) his son Devananda (I), and (5) his son Vilasatunga. The above verses are followed in the Baripada Museum and Jurerpur plates by a prose passage which introduces king Devananda (II) as the issuer of the charters in question, while the same passage substituting the name of Dhruv.nanda for that of Devananda (II) is found in the corresponding section of the Talmul plate. It was therefore quite natural to suggest that both Devananda (II) and Dhruvananda enjoyed the viruda Vilasatunga and were the sons of Dovananda (I). But the introductory verses of the charter under discussion clearly state that the reigning king Devananda II was the son of Vilasatunga. "As these verses are stated to have been composed by the Sandhivigrahin of the Nanda king, they have to be regarded as more authentic and reliable than the introductory portion of the other records of the family, which is full of errors of various kinds. It seems that verses describing the reigning kings are omitted through confusion in the above records of Devananda II and Dhruvananda. The correct genealogy of the Nanda or Nandodbhava rulers of Orissa from Jayananda, founder of Jayapura, to his fifth descendant Devananda II is thus supplied by the record under review. But the relationship between Dovananda II and Dhruvananda still remains uncertain. Dhruvananda seems to have been either a younger brother or & son of Devananda II. The genealogical tree of the Nandas of Orissa may therefore be drawn as follows. * See above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 74 ff.; Vol. XXVII, pp. 225 ff. * J BORS, Vol. XV, pp. 87 ff. * Ahore, Vol. XXVII, p. 327, note 1. . Cf. above, Vol. XXVI, p. 76, note 2. Dhruvananda appears to have utilised an old plate on which bis predecessor's seal was fixed and the introductory stanzas were engraved alrcady.

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No. 26] TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA Jayananda Parananda Sivananda Devananda I Vilasatunga Paramamanesvara Devananda II ; year 184 Paramasaugata Dhruvananda ; year 193 The Narasingpur plate of Devananda II is a spurious document containing only certain fragments of two genuine charters of the Nanda king. As noticed above, the fragments of verses found in this spurious record suggested the existence of some genuine grants of Devananda having & set of introductory stanzas which were different from those known from the published records of the king. Happily this conjecture has now been justified fully by the discovery of the present inscription. The introductory part of the charter under discussion consists of ten stanzas none of which is found in the common introduction of the Baripada Museum and Jurerpur plates of Devananda and the Talmul plate of Dhruvananda, although fragments of most of them can be traced in the spurious Narsingpur plate of the former. Lines 1-3 and 8-19 of the Narsingpur plate contain fragments of the verses forming the introduction of our charter in the following order: 1, 6, 7, 8, 4, 5 and 6. Lines 16, 18 and 19 of the same plate contain respectively the numbers 4,5 and 6 which, as we have already pointed out, were meant to indicate the end of the fourth, fifth and sixth verses of some genuine rocords copied in it. It is now seen that the number 4 is put there actually after the concluding passage of the fourth verse of the present charter, while 5 is placed among certain passages of the fifth verse and 6 between the end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth stanza apparently through confusion. The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham. Verse 1 describes the city of Jayapura, capital of the Nandas, while each one of the following six verses describes respectively the rulers Jayananda, his son Parananda, his son Sivananda, his son Davananda I, his son Vilasa. turga, and his son Davananda II, although the description of the reigning monarch Devananda II continues in the following three stanzas (verses 8-10). This introductory part of the record contains hardly anything besides conventional and vague praises of the rulers described. Next follows a probe passage (lines 22-26) introducing again king Devananda II as desirous of making * Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 331.

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186 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX a grant. This description is substantially the same as found in the Baripada Museum and Jurerupur plates of the same king and the Talmul plate of Dhruvananda and has been already discussed by us. As regards the slight modification of the language in our record, it may be noted that the king is here called samadhigatapanchamaha sabda-mahasamantadhipati-vanditaparamabhatlaraka-Nanda Maharaja-Ranaka-eri-Devanandadeva instead of paramabhattaraka-samadhigata-paschamahasabda-mahasamantadhipati-sri-Devanandadeva as found in the other charters. In connection with the second passage quoted above, we remarked that " the ambiguity (as it may also suggest that the ruler in question was himself a Paramabhattaraka) may be intentional " and suggested that the rulers of the Nanda family may have "originally owned allegiance to the Bhauma-Karas and begun to rule more or less independently after the latter's decline". It will be seen that the epithets applied to Devananda II in the present record (cf. lines 3-4 of the spurious Narsingpur plate) are similarly ambiguous as they may be taken to be a mixture of both imperial and feudatory titles, which is often found to have been adopted by subordinate rulers to indicate their newly achieved semi-independent status.' Lines 26-33 of our inscription record the grant of a village called Indodda situated in the Jilonda vishaya of the Airavatta mmandala, made by the king by means of a copper-plate charter in favour of Yasodatta, son of Mahola, for the increase of his own merit as well as his parents' The donee was resident of Vaniggotra; but his family is stated to have hailed from a locality called Rahiyavada. He is described as szttva-gehin, sastr-opadhyaya and kayastha, while yerse 16 in line 38 of the inscription seems to suggest that he was the Sadhivigrahin (minister for war and peace) of king Divananda II. The fact that Yasodatta's gotra, charana, sakha, etc., are conspicuous by their absence in his descriptin may suggest that the donee of our record was not a Brahmada and that his epither Kayastha possibly indicates not his profession but actually his caste. But he is stated to have been not only a sattva-gehin, i.e., & virtuous householder', . but also a sastr. opadhyaya,' i.e., teacher of the satra ', although what satra is particulalry meant is not clear. Since Yasodatta seems to have been a minister of the king, it is not impossible to think that he was a teacher of the science of politics. If these suggestions are acceptable, the inscription under review gives us valuable information regarding the crystallization of the prefessional community of scribes into the caste of Kayasthas as well as their honoured social position in early Orissa. Lines 33-38 quote some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses which are followed by another stanza saying that the prasasti or eulogy (apparently referring particularly to the introductory verses discussed above) was composed by Yasodatta who was serving king Divananda II as Sandhivigrahin. Line 39, with which the document ends, gives the date, year 184, and says that the eulogy was engraved by Logayaka. Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the name Airavatta-mandala, which appears to have comprised the kingdom of the Nandas, is belived to be preserved in that of modern Ratagarh within the Banki Police Station in the Cuttack District, while, Jayapura, capital of the Nanda kings, has been identified with a village of that name in the Dhenkanal District. The name of the district called Jilonda reminds us of modern Jilinda in Daspalla. It is difficult to identify the villages of Indodda, Rahiyavada and Vaniggotra. 1 Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 329. 2 Cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1555, etc. In the charter under discussion, the king is called mahasamantadhi. pativandita paramabhalaraka (i. e., a paramount king worshipped by the feudatories having many subordinates) or mahasumantadhipati-vandita paramabhaffaraka (i. e., a feudatory having many subordinates and worshipping his overlord). The word upadhyaya means a teacher or preceptor in general. Sometimes it is used to indicate a subteacher who gives instructions for wages only in a part of a Veda. An upudhyaya is often regarded as inferior to an acharya. Cf. Manusmrti, II, 141. . Cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 273.

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No. 26 TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA 187 TEXT [Metres : Verse 1 Sragdhara ; vv. 2, 4-10 Sardulavikridita ; v. 3 Malini ; v. 11-13, 16 Anushtubh ; v. 14 Salini ; v. 15 Pushpitagra.] Obverse 1 Siddham (ll*) Svasti prottunga-madyat-kari-karata-tata-prasravad-dana-toyaih samsikta prajya-margad=ghana-samaya2 vasa-prapta-vripti(shti)-pracharat | viprana[m] veda-sastra-dhvani-janita-sukhat=sarvva lakshmi[m*) dava(dha)nad=ratnam(tna)-prakara-bhi3 tti-prachura-Jayapurat-sarthakat=sarvvad=aiva || [1*] Asin Nanda-kul-odbhavah kshititala khyato visu(su)ddh-anvayo bhupalair-nata-pada4 padma-yugalah sat-kirtti-lakshmya vritah | va(ba)hvor=vvikrama-lavdha(bdha)-buddha-vi bhavo vidya-vinito mahan=raja rajita-loka e5 va hi Jayanando jan-ananda-kpit || [2*] Sakala-guna-nidhanah khyatah(ta)-saum-(my-o) nnato=yan para-hita-nirat-atma loka-ma6 [r]g-anuvartti | vigata-Kali-kalankah: tasya sunuh prasiddhah kshitipani(ti)r-atulo=bhuch chhep-Parananda-nama || [3*] Atyant-o7 nta(nna)ta-satru-paksha-timira-pradhvamsaksin=nirmmalah sa[r]vv-asa(sa)-paripuran-aika chaturah samtyakta-dosh-abrayah | tasy=[a)8 bhut=tanayah prasiddha-mahima mitr-odayo bhasuro bhubhfid=bhanur=iv=apa[rah] praka titah srimara - Vivanandaka9 $ || [4] Sunus-tasya nirasta-satrunikarastejo-nidhanah sada lakshmya lakshana-lakshita [h*]kshitibhujam=agresarah 10 sundarah | jatah sachcharito vinita-nipuno bhupala-chudamanir-Devananda-nsipo=ti-su(su) ddha-mati11 mana(man) khyatah kshama-mandale || [5*] Sa[rvval-pranabhritam=abhishta-vishaye chin tamanih sarvada nitau 12 Sakra-guruh prajasu npipatir=Venuho suputro mahan pratvya(tya)y-arjana-samchaye cha Dhanadah sad-vikra13 me Sudrakah? tasmad=eva Vilasaturga-narapo=py=eko=py=anekah stha(sthi)tah || [6*] Madyatkunjara-pina-ku14 mbha-dalana-prapta-pratap-odayah kshmapal-anani(ta)-mauli-ratna-nikara-pradyotit-anghri dvayah | tyagai 1 From the original plate. * Expressed by a symbol. Read kalankas-tasya. Read bhuchuchhri-Parao. . Read erinafi-Chhivdo. * Road nyipatir-Vainyah. * Read Sudrakas-lasmao.

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188 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 15 r=nyakkfita-Karnpa-varanana-kathah sriman=ku(n=ku)l-alankaiksi)to Davananda-nfipo= ti-sundara-vapus=tasy=atumajo=bhun=mahan 16 || [7*) Bhubhfit-paksha-samasta-rakshana-paro gambhirya-lavdh-a(bdh-a)spado bhi(bha)svad ratna-vista]ma(na)-satva(ttva)-nilayo Lakshmi-sudha-sarm17 bhavah tulyo=ya[m] jaladher=manohara-maha-matt-abha-vaji-prado Davananda-naresva (sva)ro=[ti*]vimalah svachchh-asa(ba)yo 18 h=aiva sah || 8*] Nana-ratna-parikshana kila manak-trasa-kramo drisyate varnnanam=iha lopa eva kathitah sa(ba)19 stre cha savd-asrayoi ni[h*]svatva[m] muni-pungaveshu niyatam n=knyatra sambhavyate tasmina (smin) bhubhuji pa[rtthi]v-ende(ndu)-Pri Roverse 23 20 thuvat-gam[sevama]ne sada [9*] Praley-achala-kanta-kanti-vilasat-kunda-prabha-spardd hina bhasvat-purnna-saran-mriganka-ruchina 21 nitya[m] manobarinay | asy-ochchair=ddha valikpitam tri-bhuvanam so(67)bha-yaso(67)-tasi (si)na Davananda-nsipa[8*]=triloka-vijayi jiya22 chchiram sarvada || [10*] Jajvalyamana-pratap-anala-pulsht-arati-chakra(ru)-murtti[h*] sapta-samudra-sa[m*]bhranta-kirttir=yath-ochita-stha[n]-avasthapi ta-varnna-chatusbtayah sampurit-ase(be)sha-pranayijana-manorathah sarva-sajjana jan-ananda-dayi rakt-amva(mba)ra-pramandita-ka24 ladhauta-dollika-chamara-pralamvi-(mbi)ta-prantadesa-vinyasta-mayura-cha ndr]ika-nikara bi-(si)ta-chachhatr-avabhasamana[h*) sitadhatu25 maya-godha-si(si)kharikfita-lochan-amva(mba)ra-dhvaja[h*] maha-ma(ma)hesva(sva)ra[h*] mata.pitri--pa[d-a*]nudhyata[h*) samadhigata-panchamahasa (sa)vda(bda)-ma26 hasamantadhipati-vanditaparamabhatyaraka-Nanda-[ma]haraja-Ranaka-sri-Davananda devah kusa(a)li | Airayatta-mandala-sa27 mva(mba)ndha(ddha)-Jilonda-vishayz bhavishyad-yathakala-bhavino raja[nya*]katra (n=ra)-japutran=Vru(n=Bra)hmana-puroga[n*] samanta(nta)-nivasi-jan(a)28 n=adhikarinah sa-karanan=anya[m*]s=cha chata-bhata-vallabha-jatiya[n]=raja-pad-opajivinah Barvan=yatharhanh manayati vo (bo)dhaya29 ti kusa(sa)layaty=adisa(sa)ti chranyad=vidina(ta)m=astu bhavatam-otad-vshaya-samva (mba)ndhe(ddh-Endadda-gramo=yam sa-jala-sthala-ya(yo)30 ga(gah) sa-gartt-avaska(ska)ra-prajnayamana-chatuh-sima-paryanto Rahiyavada-sama-vinir gata-Vaniggotra-vasa(sta)vyaya sa31 tvattva)gehi-sa (sa)strapadhyaya-Kayastha-Yaso(66)dattaya Mahola-putraya mita-pitror= atmanas-cha punya-yaso(87)-bhivriddha 1 Read dabd-arayo. * Originally re with a rather long top-matra was engravod in placo of nude. * The Intonded reading sooms to be grama.

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Obverse Rs. No. 65 HE (c)'sB. Ce, CHHABBA SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS = sundh traabiy'aahaayeNgraamii 7i phaarhiin arnnbaalinbaakii lkssmiinaak ? sed rehmaan nirbaasit-i-bHdrbilaasbdbaanuyaay'n ny'| 4 bchr ny'7e15aa (4snaa mnaaebiy'aayiinaars bhaassaanlaa7| nrntr ll, kaaeno by'aanmaalaa| br'dliloy' njmor'aaLinaasthlaam| sth jaangnnabhy'aal phaaraakaaniirnHsbemaaludy' duHsudbhijaatraabben|sbbaandhbi 3gghniHsbiikaantrikaa| aanty'aa mukhdaay'kaalenni ohm(br'u mnHsrunoblii phulr'(r'yraay'aaer'e dhn / naakHmaanb jngnnyogaan (lHsbaad, JPiHsbessnaa? rksebaasen / raabblaasojaar'yekone kH sunaamnyjrurii| SdaadebhHslegelen' khrtyaabH phraant| RNkH maarshaalbn , emn kono dm| 18 Agrmlbbaalaainaai|gri selusen piithaa 16 oblbdlaamd haayaakkaalaabrmlH bks| nibndhn jidaanbbndhn : 4 taalhnsth m r'iy'aainphaani { 7f7 , / A. - DASPALLA PLATE OF DEVANANDA: YEAR 184 SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN

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Reverse 20 mAliyAkA vilIyata sAphA yatmA divA lAvA 22 taM sarvadA 115 lAmAle pAsa sabako talu mAghamA 24km- prAvidhikakA "salAmA hAma 20 dAdA rAzi 22 rusamA vasitA 26 kI davA magRdavaH ku salIlana 26 vAparUda kAlarugA daamya kAlakAlA bjAtI yA ta ya / yadI divaH sadA rAdhA mA maya nA kula yayAdisaniyA vRdvidivagamaguru banda bayasaelasa jarA sI nadarya ko nagadI yabrpm30 dikhAyA tAva sAdaya / parAi sarakA nyAya na viyatriya yAda yAda ss|| sarshgamanAsa pAta vAyasa tadA vAsyAyanaH mAmA kasa mulAyama kAlapI ke sahAvA pAya lA 36 38 shaa||s vAda vasImAyA rAyama nadi sakapakAyA kama 24 28 32 34 36

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No. 26] TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA 32 ye tamra-sa (sa)sanikritya pa(pra)datto='smabhir-atah tamra-sa(sa)sana-pradarsa(rea)nad= ev-asmat-ka[r]y-anurodhad-yathakal-opa[bhu] 33 jyamins-phalasy-kaya kair-api paripanthibhir-na bhavitavyam | Ma bhud-a-phala-faka vab para-date(tt-ti pla]rtb[i]va[b]sa' vi phala 34 ntya para-datt-anupanam || 11*] Sva-dattam paradatta[m va*] yo hareta vasundharam(rm) sa viahthayam krimir-bhatva pitribhi[b] saha pachyati [] [12] Va(Ba)hu[bhir vasu] 189 35 dha datta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih | yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalah(lam) || [13] Samany-ya[m] dharmma-attu[r]-ntipana[*] 36 kale kala(le) pale (la) niyo bhavadbhih | sarvvan=eta[n*] bhavinah parthivendra[n*] bhuyo bhuyah prarthalyaty-isha Ramab|| [14] Iti kama[la 37 dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lolam sri (sri)yam-anuchimtya manushya-jivitam cha sakalam=idam= udahritam cha vu(bu)ddhva na hi puru[shai]h para-ki[r]ttayo vilo 38 pyah || [15] Sandhivigrahina rajno Devanandasya nirmmita | prasa(sa)stih3 param-odara Yaso (so)dattena srimata || [16] Je(Jye)shtha 39 sudi 5 Samva (Samva)t 100 80 4 ya utkirnna(rnna) Logayakena || Siddham B.-Daspalla Plates of Satrubhanja Tribhuvanakalasa; Year 198 According to information kindly supplied to me by Mr. P. Acharya, this set of plates was presented to the Orissa State Museum in June 1951 by Mr. Krushna Chandra Misra who is a clerk in the office of the Sub-Deputy Collector of Daspalla. Nothing is known about its exact findspot or the circumstances leading to its discovery. The inscription is written on three plates, of which the first and third are inscribed only on the inner side. The writing is in an excellent state of preservation. The plates measure 6-7" X 4-75". The hole in the plates for the seal-ring to pass through, which had been made apparently before the plates were engraved, is 4" in diameter and is -75" inside from the proper right margin of the plates. The copper ring which is 37" in thickness and 2.7" in diameter has its joint covered by a lump of bronze, on which the seal (1.5" in diameter) is countersunk. It resembles the seal found with other charters of the family to which the issuer of the present record belonged. Its upper part is occupied by the figure of a lion to proper right, having its face to front, its left paw raised and its tail curled above its back. Below the above emblem is the legend in two lines: (1) Sri-Sa(Sa)trubha- (2) njadevasya. The three plates together weigh 107 tolas; but, as they vary in thickness, their individual weight is not the same. The weight of the first plate is 49 tolas and that of the second and third plates 27 and 31 tolas respectively. The ring with the seal weighs 38 tolas. Thus the weight of the three plates together with the seal-ring is 145 tolas. In respect of palaeography, language, orthography and style, the inscription under review resembles very closely other charters of the Bhanja kings of Vanjulvaka, two of which have 1 Read sva-danal-phalamanantyam. 3 Read anupalane. The visarga had been at first omitted but was later inserted. This sign of punctuation is preceded by a visarga-like mark that forms a part of it. Expressed by a symbol.

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190 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXI been recently edited in this journal. But unlike the known records of the family, which are dated usually in the regnal reckoning of the kings issuing the grants in question, the present charter bears the date in the year 198 (written according to the decimal system of writing numerals) of an era. As already indicated above, this era seems to be no other than that used by the Bhaumo-Karas of Orissa and their feudatories in dating their charters. The chronology of the imperial family of the Bhauma-Karas has so long remained a disputed problem. But as the exact date of the present record can be determined almost with precision, it seems to throw welcome light on the above problem. We shall see below that the issuer of the charter under discussion flourished about the second quarter of the eleventh oentury. The epoch of the era in question may thus be assigned to a date in the first half of the ninth century A.C. The charter was issued by a Bhanja king of Vanjulvaka, whose name is given as Satrubhatija II alias Tribhuvanakalasa. He is stated to have been the son of Silabhatja and great-grandson of Vidyadharabhafija. As it stands, the description of the issuer's ancestry in our grant is defective inasmuch as it does not speak of the king's grandfather. Under the circumstances, we have to suggest either that the word prapautra is a mistake for pautra so that Vidyadharabhanja was really the grandfather of Satrubhanja Tribhuvana kalasa or that the name of the grandfather of Satrubhanja was omitted from the record owing to the inadvertence of the scribe or the engraver. It is unfortunately difficult to be definite on this point in the present state of our knowledge. But the more important fact about this genealogy is that, while Satrubhanja Tribhuvanakalasa (issuer of the charter under review) and his father Silabhanja are as yet unknown from any another source, Vidyadharabhanja, grandfather or great-grandfather of Satrubhanja Tribhuvanakalasa, is already known to us from several of his own records as well as of his son Nettabhanja Kalyanakalsa II. I have elsewhere discussed the genealogy and chronology of these Bhanjas. It has been shown how Ranabhanja, who was the great-grandfather of Vidyadharabhanja, flourished about the middle or the third quarter of the tenth century. I have also shown how the successors of Ranabhanja, viz., his sons, Nettabhanja Kalyanakalasa I and Digbhanja, and Digbhanja's son Silabhanja II and grandson Vidyadharabhanja, had all very short reigns so that a Brahmana named Bhatta Stambhadeva is known to have served all the four kings while a goldsmith named Durgadeva not only served all of them but also Nettabhanja Kalyanakalasa II, son of Vidyadharabhanja. Considering the fact that the active period of the lives of Stambhadeva and Durgadeva probably covered about half a century, the reign of Nettabhanja Kalyanakalasa II may be assigned to the first quarter of the elventh century. Silabhanja, father of the issuer of the charter under review, may not have ruled. Satrubhanja Tribhuvanakalasa, as he was the grandson or great-grandson of Vidyadharabhanja, may have flourished about the second quarter of the same century. In any case, the date of our iscription does not appear to be later than the middle of the eleventh century. Certain dates in the latest decades of the second century of the era in question (cf. Devananda's plate edited about and the grants of the Bhauma-Kara queen Dandimahadevi) are written with numerical symbols instead of figures apoording to the decimal system and the use of such symbols does not appear to have survived. considerably long after the end of the tenth century. Moreover the major part of the dominions of the Bhauma-Karas, who ruled from Jaipur for about two centuries (i.e., upto about the year 200 of the era, so that the date of the present charter, year 198, fell about the latest days of BhaumaKara rule), appear to have been included in the empire of the Somavarsis during the rule of 1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, PP. 292 ff. * The first king of this name in the family was Satrubhtaja Gandhata of Dhritipura, See Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1600-02. * IHQ, Vol. XXVIII, PP. 226 &.; abovo, Vol. XX VIII, pp. 274 #.

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No. 26] TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA 191 Chandihara Yayati Mahasivagupta III (circa 1025-60 A.C.) and his son Uddyotakesarin Mahabhavagupta IV (circa 1060-80 A.C.)1 That Satrubhanja Tribhuvanakalasa who issued the charter under review flourished about the second quarter of the eleventh century (so that the Bahuma-Kara era started about the corresponding period of the ninth century) is further indicated by another interesting piece of evidence that has recently come to light. The unpublished Baud plates of Prithvi-mahadevi, which were examined by me some time ago, are dated in the year 158 of the Bhauma-Kara era and state that this Bhauma-Kara queen was the daughter of king Svabhavatunga of the lunar dynasty of Kosala (South Kosala). One of the grants of the Somavamsi king Mahasivagupta Yayati I (circa 970-1000 A.C.) of South Kosala seems to apply the name Svabhavatunga to that monarch. There is therefore no doubt that Prithvi-mahadevi alias Tribhuvana-mahadevi II, who was on the BhaumaKara throne in the year 158 of the era in question, flourished about the last quarter of the tenth century A.C. This would also point to the beginning of the era about the second quarter of the ninth century. The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham and the expression Om svasti, which are followed by three verses known also from all other records of the Bhanjas of Vanjulvaka. The third of these verses introduces the reigning king under his coronation name Tribhuvanakalasa. Next comes a long passage in prose (lines 10 ff.) in which the Paramavaishnava Ranaka Satrubhanja (i.e., Tribhuvanakalasa), son of Silabhanja and great-grandson (possibly a mistake for 'grandson") of Vidyadharabhanja, is represented as making a grant of the village of Konkaira in the Paschima (i.e., Western) khanda (sub-division) in the Ramalava vishaya (district) in favour of a Brahmana named Bhatta Ajapala (or Ajapala). The donee is stated to have belonged to the Maudgalya gotra, Vajasaneya charana and Madhyandina sakha. He was the son of Bhatta Nilakantha and grandson of Bhatta Madhusudana. The original home of the donee's family is stated to have been the Bhaltagrama Khaduvavalli in Madhyadesa; but he was settled in a locality called Santoshamadhava. The gift village was made a revenue-free holding on the occasion of the Vishuva-sankranti falling on a Sunday when the nakshatra was Mrigasiras and the tithi the fifth of the dark or bright fortnight of an unspecified month. Lines 27-39 quote several of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. They are followed by certain endorsements indicating that the document was lanchhita (registered with the seal) by Prithvi-mahadevi (apparently a queen of king Satrubhanja), anumata (approved of) by Bhatta Rajada, pravesita (entered into the donee's possession, i.e., executed) by Pratihara Prabhakara 1 See IHQ, Vol. XXII, pp. 300-07. * See JPASB, 1905, p. 15; cf. IHQ, Vol. XX, pp. 76-82; also Vol. XXII, pp. 300 ff. Elsewhere (IHQ, Vol. XXVIII, p. 227) we have seen how Mahasivagupta Yayati I probably ousted the Bhanjas from Dhritipura and drove them to Vanjulvaka. These Bhanjas appear to have been feudatories of the Bhauma Karas. This fact points to a struggle between the Bhauma-Karas and the Somavamals. The success of Mahasivagupta Yayati I against the Bhauma-Karas is further demonstrated by one of his charters (above, Vol. III, pp. 351-55) which is dated in his ninth regnal year and records the grant of a village in Dakshina-Tosala (within the Bhauma-Kara kingdom), although the early Somavamets were really kings of Kosala (South Kosala). The Baud plates show that Prithvimahadevi ignored the claims of Santikara III and Subhakara V for the Bhauma-Kara throne and may have been engaged in a civil war with the latter. In this she may have been supported by her father. In any case, the grant of a village in the Bhauma-Kara territory by the Somavamal king does not appear to be unconnected with the above fact. If the ninth regnal year of Mahleivagupta Yayati I fell near about the year 158 of tho Bhauma-Kara era, the beginning of the era may be roughly assigned to 820-25 A.C. The astronomical details supplied by our record (year 198, Vishuva-sankranti, Sunday, Pancham!, Mrigasiras) suggests March 23, 1029 A. C. (Swamikannu Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 60). It has to be noticed that the above combination does not suit any other date in the period in question. It therefore appears that the Bhauma-Kara era started from 831 A. C.. 6 DGA/53

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192 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX and anujnata (witnessed) by Vaguli Ratna. The document is stated to have been written by the Sandhivigrahin Sankara while the plates were engraved by the akshasalin (goldsmith) Napa, already known as the engraver of the plates of another king of the family, named Nettabhanja III Tribhuvanakalasa, which have been edited above. The charter ends with the date, year 198. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Vanjulvaka is well known from many other records of the family, although its exact location is as yet unknown. The Ramalava district and the villages of Konkaira and Santoshamadhava are difficult to identify. The Bhattagrama Khaduvavalli in Madhyadesa (roughly identical with the modern Uttar Pradesh) cannot be identified. TEXT [Metres: V. 1 Malini; v. 2 Sardulavikridita; v. 3 Giti; vv. 4-9 Anushtubh; v. 10 Pushpilara.] First Plate 1 Siddham3 Om Svasti [*] Jayatu kusumava (ba)na-prana-vikshobha-daksham sva-ki 2 rana-parivesh-aurjjitya-jirnn-endu-lekham (kham | ) tribhuvana-bha[va]'n-anta[r]-dy[o] 3 ta-bhasvat-pradipam kanaka-nikasa (sha)-gauram vibhru-netram Harasya|| [1*] 4 88(88)ah-ahliva ye phapah pravilasanty-udbhlavad-indu-tvishab prale 5 y-achala-sringa-kotaya iva tvangati(nti) ye-ty-unnatah | nrity-ato 6 pa-vighatita iva bhuja rajanti ye Sa(S)mbhavi-te 7 rv-gha-vightina[b] surasari[*]-toy-ormmayah pintu vab [2] Svasti | Vija 8 ya-Vanjulvakad-asti' Sri-vijaya-nilaya[h*] prakata-guna-gana-grasta-sa 9 masta-ripu-vargah [*] sri-Tri(Tri)bhuvanakalasa-nama-[ra*]ja nirdhuta-kali-kalu 10 sha-kalmasha[h || 3*] Sri-Vidyadharabhanjadevasya prapautrah sri -Si(Si)[la]bhanja-" Second Plate; First Side 11 devasya sutah paramavaishnavo mata-pitri-pad-anudhyato Bha 12 nj-amala-kula-tilaka-Ranaka-sri-Sa (Sa) trubhanjadeva[h*] kusa(sa) 13 li Ramalava-vishaya-Paschima-khanda-yathanivasi-sa-kara 14 pa-samanta-bhogy-adi-janapadan yatharhi (rham) manayati vo(bo)dha[ya*]ti 1 See Vol. XXVIII, pp. 278 ff. From the original plates. * Expressed by a symbol. The letter va had been at first omitted and was later inserted below the line." It is interesting to note that in some records of the family the word asti forms the first word of the third stanza while in others (as in this case) it does not form a part of the verse. The intended reading may be pautrab. 7 The akshara la had been originally omitted but was later engraved below the line.

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Two GRANTS FROM DASPALLA (II) B. DASPALLA PLATES OF SATRUBHANJA TRIBHUVANAKALASA; YEAR 198 kAyAlayAlA yAda 2 cituvA marunA dIpaka ka 4. * o jaanaajaa 8 - 8 10. / aapAna: saadhaaOM 10 12 1775 OM laasher bil abhir n (gA 16 ii,a 14. 14 A 22. gAj dl 26 2 niy'm mt paasher 18 saale lekhaay'aa agp 18 kon ek p 20 ) pr kaajl 20 ii,b. B. CH. CHHABRA REG. No. 685 HE (C)53-439. 121 18 (29 jun lgnaa gorthnaa laapaajy' taar 24. A 24 t-(689 SCALE: FIVE-EIGHTHS 22 jaalaal jnm o lej lm haai ni, oN26 shrbte ji / shn s / ythaa - 28 28 phi 30 Mar 30 SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN

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iii, 32 32 34 / aache| aayaaant 34 36 ? 36 38 ( 38 40 jaanaa baa peli ndiir aakaa prtiki sei SEAL OF A - DASPALLA PLATE OF DEVANANDA; YEAR 184 40 SEAL OF B. DASPALLA PLATES OF SATRUBHANJA TRIBHUVANAKALASA; YEAR 198

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No. 26) TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA 193 15 samadisa(ka)ti (cha | *) viditam=astu bhavatam sarvata[h*) bivam-a16 smakar(ka)m=anyat etada(tad)-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-Konkaira-gra17 ma[h*] chatu[h*)-si(si)ma-parichchhina(nnah) mata-pitror=atmanas=cha puny-abhivridha (ddha)18 ye salila-dhara-pura[h* Joa(sa)rena vidhina Maudgalla -gotraya 19 Vaidhavya'-pravaraya Vajasena -charanaya Madhna -sakb-adhyaya20 ni Madhyadesa-prativa(ba)ddba-bhata(tta)grama-Khaduvavalli-vinirggatah(ta) Second Plate; Second Side 21 Santoshamadhava-vastavya-bhata(tta)-Madhusu(su)danasya napta(ptre) bhata(tta)-Nila." 22 kankhasya suta(taya) bhata-Ajapala). Vieu(shu)kha(va)-samkranti-panchamya[**] Ra23 vi-dine Mli[ga*]sira(17)-nakshatrana gramo=yam" tamvra(mra)-sasani(ni)ksitya prada24 tastta)yavata(vach)-chandr-arka-ta[ra*]kah a(a)-cha(cha)ta-bhata-pravesena sarv-ava(ba) dha25 varjiten=&karatvena bhunjadbhi[b*) dharma-gauravat pratipala26 niya[h 1 ) a(a)emat-kula-kramam=udarhadbhio anais-cha danam=i- . 27 dam=asmad=annmodaniyam(yam ) uktan=cha dharma-sastreshuh(shu ). Va(Ba)hubhira Vasu28 dha datta rajabhis-Sagar-adibhish*| yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya 29 tasya tada phalam(lam || 4) Ma bhu[d=a*)-phala-banka vah para-date(ttre)ti parthivast 30 sva-danat=phalam=anantya[**] para-data(tt-a)nupalane [ll 5*] Sva-datta[m*) para Third Plate 31 dattam=va(ttai va) yo hareta vasundharam(ram sa vishthayam krimir=bhu(r=bhu)tva pitpi32 bhi[b*) saha pachyati(te) || [6] Satyam yajna-hutam ch=aiva yat-kinchi[a*) dharma-sanchaya. [h*] 33 Ardha-angalena simaya baranena prana(na)sya(bya)ti ||[7*) Sa(Sha)shthi(shti)-varsha-sa34 hasrani svarge vasati bhu(bhu)midah | Akshepta ch=anumanta cha tanai(ny=e)va Read Maudgalya. Read try-arshtya-pravaraya. The Maudgalya gotra has three pravaras, viz., Angiras, Bharmyabva au Mudgala. * Read Vajasandya. * Read Madhyandina-lakh-adhyayine. Originally nilea was engraved. 6 Read bhatt-japalaya. 7 The context does not require this expression. * Read daharadohir-anyaitcha. Road ardh-Agulena simao. 13

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194 PIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX 35 narakam vrajet [ll 8*] Nandanti tasya pitarah pravalganti pitama(ma)h[@]h [l* 36 bhu(bhu)mi-data kulo jata(ta)sa nag=trata bhavishyati || [9*] Iti 37 kamala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lolo[m*) sri(bri)yam=anuchintya manushya-jivitan-cha [l*) 38 sakalam-idam-udahritam cha vu(bu)ddha(ddhva) na hi purushaih para-ki(ki)rttayo vilopya. 39 h (Il 10*) Lla(La)Kchhitam Sri-Prithvima(ma)hadevya [l*a(a)numatan Bhata(tta)-Rajadasya [l *) pravesitam prati40 hara-Prabha(bha)karena [l*] (a)nujnatam Vaguli-Ratnena [l*] Utkirnnam(ronam) 2(a) kshasalina Napena [l*] Li41 khitam Sandhivigrahi-Sankarena || Samva(Samva)t 198 [11*) No. 27-BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA ; YEAR 896 (1 Plate) P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND In September 1940, three sets of copper plates were unearthed from a field at the village of Paoni, about three miles from Bilaigarh, Raipur District, Madhya Pradesh. One set was passed on to the then zamindar of Bilaigarh. It belongs to the reign of the Kalachuri king Pratapamalla and is dated K. 969. Another set which fell into the hands of a sadhu, was subsequently recovered by the same zamindar. Proceeding on this information furnished by Pt. L. P. Pandeya, the plates were secured for examination in April 1945 by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India, through the good offices of the Commissioner, Chhattisgarh Division, Raipur. With the kind permission of the former, I edit the inscription here. The set consists of two oblong copper plates held together by a ring with seal. The ring passes through a hole cut at the centre of one of the edges of the longer sides of the plates. The plates are engraved on the inner sides only and their rims are slightly raised to protect the writing. The plates measure 11% inches in length and 64 inches in breadth each approximately. The inscribed faces of the plates contain marginal decorative designs on three sides save the upper one. The diameter of the ring is about 14 inch. The ring is flattened at the top and given the shape of a round thin disc. This disc comprises the seal which has marginal decoration all around. In its upper half is carved in relief & crude figure of Gajalakshmi in the usual fashion. The lower half contains the following legend engraved in two lines in Nagari characters: 1 Raja-srima2 t-Prithvidevah. The seal measures two inches in diameter. The weight of the two plates together is 137 tolas and the ring with the seal weighs 8 tolas. The inscription consists of 36 lines which are distributed equally on the two plates. The average size of the letters is 4 inch. The characters are Nagari of the 12th century A.C. The dandas and other punctuation marks are used in their proper places; for instance, to mark the halves and ends of verses, etc. The avagraha sign is generally indicated; e.g., -anvaye='bhut This epigraph is edited in this jourual, above, pp. 97 ff. For more details about the discovery of these copper plates soo above, p. 97 n. 6. It is not known what happened to the third set referred to above. * This is registered as C.P. No. 50 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, for 1945-46, p. 12.

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No. 27] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA ; YEAR 896 195 in line 3. The sign for u is invariably the one made up of three vertical stokes, the first being ourved at the lower end. Y as the second component of a conjunot letter looks more like p: The wo of b proper is detected in two places, viz., babhuvar- in line 6 and babhuva in line 13. This b is almost like p except that its box is more angular at the bottom. In regard to orthography, with the exception of the two instances noted above, b is invariably substituted by u. S is used for s in some cases; 0.g., sudhyati and prasasti in line 34. The consonant following is generally doubled, there being a few exceptions ; e.g., Karitavirya in line 3, sauleau) rya in line 6 and surya in line 27. The language is Sanskirt and the composition, except for the salutation to Brahman in the beginning and the date at the end, is in verse. There are 24 verses in all and they are duly numbered. Like other inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur, the epigraph opens with an obeisance to Brahman and recounts the genealogy of the family commencing with the sun god. Prithvideva II, son of Ratnadeva II, is the last king eulogised (verse 11), and to his regin the record pertains. Verses 1-10 with the exception of one narrating the exploit of Kartavirya against Ravana,' which is omitted, are identical with those in other charters of the family. Next comes the description of a distinguished family of learned Brahmanas of the Vatsa gotra (verses 12-15). Three membrs of this family are described ; viz., Haruka, his son Jimutavahana, and the latter's son Delhuka. In regard to Delhuka we are told that he was a master of the Sakambhari Vidy, and that learning the secret of this lore from him, the famous feudatory chief Brahmadeva Vanquished all his enemies on the fields of battle. The object of the epigraph is to register the gift of the village Pamdaratalai situated in the Evadi manddala, made in favour of Delhuka by Prithvideva II ((verse 16). Verses 17-22 contain the usual exhortations for the protection of such gifts and the imprecation. The charter was drafted by Malbana son of Subhankara, who was learned and had earned reputatin on account of his many compositions (verse 23). The copper material was put into shape by Vamana. The record was written on the plates by the son of Kirti and engraved by the son of Lakshmidhara (verse 24). The date as cited in the last line (line 36), is Samvat 896, evidently referring to the Kalachuri era. After these numerals are engraved the three aksharas, a mi ne, the significance of which is not clear. In line 27 there is a statement to the effect that the grant was made on the occasion of the solar eclipse. If we take 247-48 A.C. as the beginning of the era, K. 896 would correspond to 1144 A.C. In this year there was a solar eclipse on December 26, Tuesday, in the Purnimanta month of Magha. We may note the occurrence of solar eclipses in the Purniminta month of Ashadha in the following two years, viz., on June 22, Friday, 1145 A.C., and on June 11, Tuesday, 1146 A.C. The Rajim stone inscription of this king's reign is dated K. 896, Magha su. 8, Wednesday, and this date has been shown to correspond regularly to January 3, 1145 A.C. by Kielhorn. In view of the identical Kalachuri year cited in these two epigraphs, it seems reasonable to assume that December 26, 1144 A.C. is the date of the present inscription. Verse 11 narrates an historical event relating to Ptithvideva II, when it states rather poetically that, by crushing Chakrakota, he made the illustrious Ganga king feel frightfully anxious, since the Compare similar form and use of booourring in the Daikonf plates of this same king , above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 146. * Ibid., p. 163, verse 3." Compare for instance the two sets of Amoda plates of Prithvideva II , Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. I, 405 ff. To venture a conjecture, the expression amind may be taken to be a contraction for Ashadhasya or buimasya mitra-dine. But this presumption would not solve the difficulties in the calculation of the date. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 136. In the Rajim inscription Magha bu. 8 is mentioned as rathashtami. The significance of this name, as noted by Kielhorn, cannot be explained satisfactorily. We may incidentally noto another tradition according to which this tithi is termed Bhishmash fami; Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, pt. I, pp. 64 and 67.

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196 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX only measure of safety now left to him was to cross the waters of the sea. From the Rajim stone inscription noticed above, it is known that Prithvideva II conquered the country of Bhramaravadra, otherwise styled Bhramarakotya and identified with Chakrakotya or modern Bastar District. The same victory must evidently have been referred to in the above verse.' The Ganga king who is said to have been terrified by this oonquest which he apparently oonsidered to be the precursor of the Kalachuri king's expedition against his own kingdom, might be Jataavara, son of Anantavarman Chodaganga, mentioned in other insoriptions of the family. Another piece of historical information is contained in verse 15 wich incidentally alludes in general terms to the victories of the renowned feudatory Brahmadeva. This chief is obviously indentical with his namesake figuring in the Ratanpur stone inscription of this king." Two places are mentioned in the record. One is the region callec vadi-mandala wherein the gift village was situated. I am unable to identify this tract. The other is the gift village Pamdaratalai. It appears to be fairly certain that this is idientioal with the present-day Pandritarai in the Mahasamund Tahsil of the Raipur District. Lastly, we may note the relationship between the writer and the engraver of this inscription with those of the two sets of Amoda plates of this ruler. The scribe of the latter, as stated therein, was Srivatsaraja, son of Kirtidhara,! of the Vastavya family. It is not unlikely that the son of Kirti of the present record, whose proper name is not mentioned, was identical with this Srivetaarija. In like manner it is probably that Lakshmidhara who engraved the first set of Amoda plates was the father of the engraver of the present inscription. TEXTo [Metres : Vv. 1, 8, 16-22 and 24 Anushfubh ; 2 and 5 Upajati; 3, 9 and 12 Sardulavikridita; 4, 6, 7, 10, 13-15 and 23 Vasantatilaka ; 11 andakranta.] First Plate i ferai! [1*] a(T) II fermaju 54194 fari ferai 27 ARCU (TA) 1 bhAvagrAhyaM paraM jyotistasmai sar3ha (da)hma2 Ne namaH // 1 // yadetadagresaramaMva (ba)rasya jyotiH sa pUSA puruSaH purANaH / athAsya putro manurA- 3 dirAjastadanvaye'bhadbhavi kArtavIryaH // 2 // tadvaMzaprabhavA narendrapatayaH khyAtAH kSitI.haihayA 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 137. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 178-79 ; Vo.. XXVIII p. 161. Chakrakotya, as the name of the country, ust have been derived from Chakrakota, its chief town. It nay be compared with Chakrakotarashtra mentioned in the Temara inscription ; above, Vol. X, p. 89. Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 150. . Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 257. * List of Villages in the Central Provinces and Berar, p. 126. *This Kirtidhara is apparently identical with his namesake of Jamadora-grama, who write Barkh8 plates of Ratnadova II, above, Vol. XXII, p. 167. Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. I, pp. 411 and 414. Ibid., p. 411. From the original plates and impronione. u Expressed by a symbol.

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BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA; YEAR 896 2 mAtAtino tA" C kati tAlipanamakAnasA vAhApanA citramA 017 sAmipUSAekabajanAmAnIHA moDATa kAnavIya taha kAnavAnamanapAlA lAyA 4mapaOMmamatA banA lIvammavAnAvanAtmAnajJAnamAlA bhAva4 yAbhAvAmanavamAnamokokalavAsAsAkavitAsaha 60emApanAtasA yavanAcA navAjAnapanAmamAyAmApAsacama navamAsA kaarvnaa4|baam umAkAlimamA pratAlavAhakApatAnA hAtAtAntamA 8HREE pradhAnanAnAmahapAnamAratananAnammAnakAta kAmAsa-8 mata: kamala tAjAtapasiha ghamAnApatana taruyA jaataanipktaa| lAvalAmajAjatAharavadato'jJAtanatatAThAvaDvApakAkaraNa-10 ..tapya tvAyanAnirmitIvakramalatAtaghar3AnavatAvanihatA 125tAlabAra vidhAnasazAsanAnatAtayAmatAnapatrAparavA12 RRICE mamatvamamattavaDAlaravAsanasatavAti mAlaka 147kalpa mI kala: pAmaratAnamamanasAnAparavA14 nAkAlAkAmanAtADAva devAnapa:411 pAlata makAna kA sasvaramajAnA 16mamamananAvilAsa kitI zvanAhAnA nAtAbamavAnA 16 LAAHITvanavadeva||10.sAhila mAjA mAnavatAvAda 18 elapI: trIpadAyakAThamAvatajakamAJcakakoTApamA 18 liya /HTTANTRA FjanAkArItalanivitalAzanakAyapA yAca samanalAgatamA kanAosEtimAzAtadadyAmAnAsyAnAkalana KaapathakAvaravara moranavamadArUsamanApAmA manavA 22 prativadIpadAna nivavahAkanAmAsAdasAmagalAgonadA na vayanamAnisalatAzAdalakatttavadamAnatA manAta dAvanatipakarA yAdIyA sAmanAvatapamA mahimAcayamA nApakA.mAnanA KaimAvatamA4||sA ke nImanapramAvaneSavadyADAvAghanAghahivAmAnA nayamadevAtAvatamAralI kozAtAtinA psmkaabhbgaa| 26 93matala grAmaragA tame varamahalAghA vAradAtasmasUyayApapagA sana vanamahAyAvahatamahImAhAtA vanAnAmarapAlA manavaghajanmAnamAkA 28 PIERCIkavitApAmA pauDavAnavatApAlanAcApayanavammI yAmamAtama HAPACIha naha sumanakA sAhAta sAnAtinAyasAyayAyadAnAmarammata 30 Paa nadIlApUra bAjAtiya nAikaena mahAmaha tatAkA dAnA hyaahipaalt||20||vrtaaprtodaamohntvrvnaasaavsaayaashaamnvaanaa Lirihmti||2||nmaanii tAtapeyamanacAhAvAkoTipradAnalanamA 34biinmti|22 ||baampniytkaashitnaammnkaamttkyaa tlaakaarllnkviraattnvvnaavtaachltaanaashcaartvaa| 36nAtinakavitA -NERnehamakA nAmamunasAra4 vatamAnanA 36 SCALE: ONE-HALF SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN. B. CH. CHHABRA Rea. No. 673 HE (C) '52-500.

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Seal INCHES CMS. From a Photograph

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No. 37] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA ; YEAR 896 197 * steSAmanvayabhUSaNaM ripumanovinyastatApAnalaH / dharmadhyAnadhanAnusaMcitayazAH sa (za). , sva (zva)tsatAM saukhya5 kRtpreyAnsarvaguNAnvitaH samabhavacchImAnasI kovakalaH // 3 // aSTAdazArikarikuMbha vibhaMgasiMhA6: putrA babhUvuratisau(zauryaparAzca tasya / tatrAgrajo nRpavarastripurIza AsI tpArve (zrve) ca maMDalapatInsa 7 cakAra va (baM)dhUn // 4 // teSAmanUjasya kaliMgarAjaH pratApavahnimapitArirAjaH / __ jAto'nvaye dvi8 STaripupravIrapriyAnanAMbhoruhapAvaNeduH / 5 // tasmAdapi pratatanirmalakIttikAnto jA9 taH sutaH kamalarAja iti prsiddhH| yasya pratApataraNAbuSite rajanyAM jAtAni paMkaja10 vanAni vikAsabhAji // 6 // tenAtha caMdravadano'jani ratnarAjo vishvopkaarkrunnaaji|| tapuNyabhAraH / yena svavA (bA)huyuganimmitavikrameNa nItaM yazastribhuvane vinihatya : vA 12 trUn // 7 // nonallAkhyA priyA tasya zUrasyeva hi shuurtaa| tayoH suto nupa zreSThaH pRthvIdevo 13 babhUva ha // 8 // pRthvIdevasamudbhavaH samabhavadrAjalladevIsutaH zUraH sajjana__vAMcchi (chi) tArthaphala14 daH kalpadrumaH zrIphalaH / sarveSAmucitorcane sumanasAM tIkSNadviSatkaMTakaH pasya (zya)tkAnta16 tarAMganAMgamadano jAjalladevo nRpaH // 6 // tasyAtmajaH sakalakosalamaMDanazrIH zrImA16 nsamAhRtasamastanarAdhipazrIH / sarvakSitIzvarazirovihitAhisevaH sevAbhUtAM 17 ghirasau bhuvi ratnadevaH // 10 // putrastasya prathitamahimA so'bhavadbhapatIMdraH pRthvIde18 vo ripunRpaziraHzreNidattAMhipapaH / yaH zrIgaMgaM nRpatimakaroccakrakoTopama Thene two dots denoting visarga go with the akshara ha in the previous lino. * The akshara na in the expression andja hero is obviously longthened for the convenience of metre.

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198 19 cintAkrAntaM 22 hana * vatsa muneranalpamahimA hA - 20 rUkanAmA purA vipro'bhUdbhuvanapriyaH zrutividAmAdyo'navadyonnatiH / bhiyazobhi 21 ramba ( mba) ratalaM karpUra pAriplavaM jImUtavA / / 12 / / iti prathitastadIya:. 23 phitazrIH jalaniSijalollaMghanaikAbhyupAye EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Second Plate 24 dAntatatva (tva) nipuNA over. // 11 // putraH pavitritadharitri ca yasya vizvopakAracaturo ( rA ) [VOL. XXIX yv AsIdasImaguNagauravaguM zrIreva yatra ca mumoca nijaM calatvaM (tvam) // 13 // ityabhavadasya suto manISI ve MGIPC-81-6 DGA/53-9-8-55-450. yasyAso (zo) zrIkhaMDadravasodarairiva sadA liptaM samantAdapi gotre dadhacaritra (tram ) dhiSaNA yadIyA 1 sphUrtiH smRtAvanupamA mahimA 1 25 caturonnatasya // 14 // sA (zA) kaMbharImanupamAM bhuvaneSu vidyAM jJAtvA yato yudhi vijitya samasta 26 zatrUn [1*] yaM vra (bra ) hmadeva iti vizrutamAMDalIko jAnAti nirjaraguru (rU)pamamekamuccaiH // 15 // 27 paMDaratalAi grAmaM khyAtamevaDimaMDale / pRthvIdevo dadau tasmai sUryagrahaNaparvvaNi / / 16 / / mahImahi: 28 si (zi) rastaMbhasahasreNa yAvaddhatte pAlyametadanvayatAvattAbhramidaM 1 janmabhiH // 17 // kA 29 lAntarepi yaH kazcinnRpo'mAtyo'thavA bhavet / pAlanIyaH prayatnena dhamrmoyaM mama tairapi 30 // 18 // >< // ' va (ba) hRbhirvvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya ta 1 The floral figure and the double dandas here are significant. They show that one topic is over, viz., the genealogical account and the prasasti of the king A top matra is eugraved above this vowe which has perhaps to be ignored. Or it may have been used to make the letter long . As in line 19 the floral design and the double dandas here indicate that the topic dealing with the grant is

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No.28] TWO JAINA INSCRIPTIONS IN TAMIL 31 sya tadA phalaM (lam) // 16 // pUrvadattA dvijAtibhyo yatnAdrakSa puraMdara / mahIM mahIbhRtAM zreSTha dAnA32 cchreyo hi pAlanaM (nam). // 20 // svadattAM paradattA vA yo hareta vasuMdharA sa ___ viSThAyAM kRmibhUtvA pitR33 bhiH saha. majjati // 21 // taDAgAnAM sahasreNa vAjapeyasa (za)tena ca / gA - koTipradAnena bhUmi34 hartA na su(zu)dhyati // 22 // tAmraprasa (za)stiracaneyamakAri tena zrImatsu(zu)bhaMkara sutena va (ba)huzru36 tena / zrImalhaNena kavikaravaSaTpadena bhUripravaM (ba) dharacitArthalabha (sa)tpadena // 23 // ghaTitaM vA36 manenAtra likhitaM kIrtisUnunA / lakSmIdharasutenedamutkoNa tAmramuttamAm *] // 24 // saMvat 866 amine / No. 28-TWO JAINA INSCRIPTIONS IN TAMIL P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND While surveying the epigraphical sources for my work on Jainism in South India,' I had to go through the Jaina inscriptions in the Tamil country critically. In the course of this study I noticed certain peculiar features regarding the religious history of Jainism in this region, which had & characteristic development of its own. One of them is the evolution of the Yakshl oult. With a view to illustrating this particular point I soloct here two typical inscriptions' and try to explain their significance briefly. INSCRIPTION 1 This inscription is engraved on a boulder of the hillook called Andimalai near the village Cholavandipuram in the Tirukkovilur taluk of the South Arcot District, Madras State. It WAS copied by the office of the Superintendent for Bpigraphy, Madras, in the field season of 1936-37. The boulder containing this inscription leans against another houlder thus forming 1 This verse makes it clear that the rooord was first written on the plate with ink or similar material and then engraved. This volume comprimen a debailed survey of the Jaina insoriptions solected from the three main regions of South India, namely, Andhradela. Timinigand Karmistaka. The book which is now in an advanced intage of printing is being published as the third l oot the series Jlvarija Jaina Granthamali, Sholapur. My thanks are due to the Government Epigraphist for India for his kind permission to edit there records here. * It is regintored on No. 251 of the year's epigraphical colleotion. 20 DGA/53

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200 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX a cavity which may be considered to be a natural shrine. On the inner sides of these two boulders facing each other are carved the figures of two Jajna deities, Gommata and Parsvanatha. "In the recess between them is, found a loose slab about 4 feet high with a fairly archaic sculpture of the Jaina goddess Padmavati cut on it in high relief." The inscription comprises four lines. The letters in the first line of the record are bigger and the medial i signs of the aksharas sti, eri and li are extended above their tops. In spite of the rough surface of the boulder the inscription is neatly engraved and the writing is in a good state of preservation. The characters are Tamil of about the 10th century A. C. They stand fair comparison with those of the Tirukkovalur inscription of Krishna III, dated in his 21st year. The tripartite form of y, which is sometimes looped in the inscriptions of the earlier period,3 may be noted herein. The form of the letter te in the expression tevaram in the 4th line is peculiar. This peculiarity is due to the fact that the medial e sign, which is normally separated and placed before the main letter as in che in the same line, is joined to the bottom of the letter t, the left side loop of which is consequently dropped. Svasti and eri in the first line are inscribed in the Grantha alphabet. The language is Tamil. The epigraph states that the tevaram was caused to be made by Sriveli Kongaraiyar Puttadigal. No date is mentioned in the record. We may, however, assign it approximately to the 10th century A. C. on palaeographic considerations. The epigraph reads thus: 1 Svasti [*] Sriveli 2 Kongaraiyar 3 Puttadigal TEXT' 4 seyvitta tevaram [*] The main component of the rather longish name of the author of the tevaram is Puttadigal. He appears to have been a person of some importance and the suffix adigal denotes his respectable status. A good number of Jaina inscriptions similarly carved on the rocks of hills have been found in close association with Jaina sculptures in the Tamil districts. A study of these in comparison with the present one, the Jaina associations of which are quite marked, should leave no doubt in our mind in regard to the nature of the record under study and the identity of Puttadigal who might be a Jaina devotee. An expression of some interest in the epigraph requiring comment, is the word tevaram. Its two familiar meanings are well known, viz., 1) worship and 2) a collection of devotional 1 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1936-37, p. 61. Above, Vol. VII, inscription G, plate facing p. 144. * Compare the looped form in inscription A and the tripartite one in B and D ; above, Vol. III, plate facing p. 284. From an impression. it is interesting to note that Putta is the Tamil version of the Sanskrit name Buddha. This does not necessarily mean that the individual should be a follower of Buddhism. Buddha is one of the terms denoting the nigher status attained by an enlightened soul according to the Jaina philosophical concept. Vide Pravachananara (edited by A. N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1935), Introduction, p. XXXIV. Compare for instance the Jaina rock inscriptios at Panchapandavamalai (above, Vol. IV, pp. 130 ff); the same at Vallimalai (ibid., pp. 140 ff.): Mad. Ep. Coll., Nos. 67-74 of 1905.

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No. 28] TWO JAINA INSCRIPTIONS IN TAMIL 201 songs in honour of Siva, composed by Appar and others, But her it appears to have been used in a somewhat different sense, viz., a group of sculptures for worship as indicated by the context." Having examined the meaning of the term tevaram, we may now ascertain its nature as designed by Puttadigal. As seen above, the two boulders meeting each other with intervening space, have themselves improvised a natural shrine. Then we have to turn to the Jaina vestiges therein. These are the figures of Gommata carved near the present inscription on one boulder, and of Parsvanatha on the other; and the fairly big sculpture of Padmavati placed in the intervening hollow. From its very nature, size and the central position, the icon of Padmavati assumes the principal role among these Jaina relics. We can now see the part played by Puttadigal in the making of this tevaram. Being a natural formation, he, of course, had nothing to do in its creation. He simply incised the figures of Gommata and Parsvanatha on the adjoining boulders to represent the side deities and installed the main image of Padmavati in the intermediate spot. It is for doing these things that he takes credit in the epigraph as the maker of the tevaram. We may note here with interest the position of vantage enjoyed by Padmavati; for she is the Yakahi of Paravanatha and thus occupies a subordinate place in the hierarchy of Jaina divinities." Happily, another similar instance has come to our notice. It is an inscription at Vallimalai. This record, which is styled 'A', is similarly carved on the rock of a natural cave, below a group of sculptures, and speaks of the foundation of the Jaina shrine (vasati), evidently referring to the cave itself with Jaina relics, by the Ganga prince Rajamalla INSCRIPTION II This epigraph is incised on a beam of the mahamandapa in front of the central shrine in the temple of Adinatha Tirthankara at Ponnur, a village in the Wandiwash taluk of the North Arcot District. The inscription is slightly damaged and comprises two lines. The soript is both Grantha and Tamil. The characters are late. Medial short and long e are distinguished. Medial ai is denoted by placing either single-looped two spirals or one double-looped spiral behind 1 Tamil Lexicon (Universiy of Madras, 1929), p. 2069. As the precise significance of the expression tevaram used here is not certain, we may take into consideration other possibilities. According to the lexicographer tevaram also means deity worshipped privately in a house." Further, it may not be unreasonable to connect it with the Sanskrit devagara, in which case it would magn 'a shrine'. Use of the word dahara in the sense of 'a shrine' is found in an 11th century Kannada inscription in the Bellary District; SII, Vol. IX, part i, No. 115. The expression davhard is current in the Marathi language in the sense of 'a shrine for private worship.' B. C. Bhattacharya: Jaina Iconography, p. 82. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 140-41. This was one of the peculiar aspects of Jainism in the Tamil country, as I have noticed in the course of my survey of the Jaina antiquities. The hill tracts with natural caverns and rocky sholters had a great attraction for the Jaina teacher and the devotee who transformed them into sacred resorts and contres of religious practices. Besides the two places dealt with above, a large number of hill spots invested with Jaina rolics has come to light so far; see An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1923, p. 3; above, Vol. IV, p. 136; Mad. Ep. Rep. for 1887, p. 3; etc. From the association of the 'triple umbrella,' which is a characteristic emblem of the Jina, with the rocky beds at Sedarampattu in the North Aroot District (An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1939-40 to 1942-43, p. 11), it can now be safely asserted that at least some of similar couches, popularly known as the Panchapindava beds', found in a large number in many parts, were the creations of Jaina monks who were pioneers of the faith in the Tamil country. For a detailed description of these relics see Proceedings and Transactions of Third Oriental Conference, pp. 275 ff. This was copied by the Madras Epigraphist's office in 1929. It is registered as No. 416 of Appendix B in the year's collection and briefly noticed on p. 88 of the year's Report. ^ 2

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202 02 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX the consonant. The language is Tamil, though a few expressions like Kalyabdah and Sakabdah are used with Sanskrit cnse endings. Occurrence of familiar abbreviations for varusham,inadam, etc., may be noted in more than one place. The date is cited thus: Kali year 4834, Salivahana Saka 1655, year 46 starting with Prabhava, namely Pramadicha, Vaigasi 17. Though agreement prevails among these details, the date is not capable of verification, as the week-day, the tithi and the nakshatra are not mentioned. The said day corresponded with Tuesday, May 15, 1733 A. C. While engraving the above date the symbol for ten is consistently omitted. The inscription purports to lay down & rule for the guidance of the Jaina community residing in the village of Svarnapura. It is thus specified. The Jainas of this locality should take in procession the images of Parsvanatha and Jvalamalini from the temple of Adisvara (i.e., Adinatha), every Sunday, for being worshipped on the occasion of service to Helacharya on the Nilagiri hill in the north-western quarter. Svarnapura is evidently identical with modern Ponnur. The Nilagiri hill which also figures in the legend of Hslkoharys, bas still retained the name, being three miles away from Ponnur. The icons of Parsvanatha and Jvalamilint mentioned in the epigraph are probably the metallic images preserved in the temple of Adinatha to the present day or their earlier substitutes. These are evidently intended for being displayed on ceremonial occasions. The specific mention of Jvalamalinalongside of Parsvanatha in the inscription is noteworthy; for the former was originally the Yakshi or the attendant deity of Chandraprabha Tirthankaraand attained unusual importance in later times. Judging from the earlier Jaina inscriptions found here and the tradition connecting it with Helacharya," Ponnur appears to have been a renowned stronghold of Jainism from earlier times. TEXT" 1 Syasti sri [!*] Salivahana-Sak-abdah 1655 Kaly-abdah 4834 kku mol chella vinra Prabavadi ga(Sa)k-abdah varusham 46 [k] ku Pramadicha varusham. Vaigaki madam 17 [U]* eludiya sasanan =avadu [1*) Svasti [1*] Sri-Sva[rna]pu[ra]-Kanakagiri Adiavara-svami-chaityalaya sambandamana Vayu'-mulaiyil=i2 rukkum Nilagiri Helaoharya-pada-pujai. Adivarat(n)-tofum merpadi alayattin Sri-Parsva natha-svamisyai"lyum Jvalama[li]'ni-ammanaiyum morpadis Svarnapura-Jainarga! eduttu k*]kondu poy p[@]jippadu [1] Inda sa(sa)sa(sa)nam Anantasenadeva[nal=e). Judapattadu [11*] We might in this context take note of one more epigraph, as it is helpful in our study. This is an archaic inscription from Panchapandavamalai, dated in the 50th year of the Pallava king Nandipottarasar, which speaks of the creation of an image of a Golden Yakshi on the hill. It is significant to observe that neither the epigraph nor the sculptures that illustrate its contents have any place for the Jina.10 An. Rep. on. $. I. Epigraphy for 1928-29, p. 88. # Jaina Iconography (op. cit., p. 62. . An. Rep. on 8. 1. Epigraphy for 1928-29 ; Nos. 415 and 417 of Appendix B. The legend of Helacharys is related on p. 88 of the same Report. . From an impression, Familiar abbreviation is used here for this expression * This sign is the symbol U denoting abbreviation for the expression ledi. Vayu here stand for the Sanskrit Vayarya. * There is a syntaotloal flaw here. An expression like samayattil is necessary to connect this word with the following. . This letter looks tore tike ne. * Above, Vol. IV, pp. 136-37 and the plate.

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No. 29] TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA 203 These facts are revealing. They show that the Yakshi bad gained popularity among the followers of Jainism from very early time and that her images, like those of the Jinas, were installed independently in shrines created for the purpose and placed under worship. This should appear strange if we examine the original status of a Yakshi in the Jaina pantheon. A Yaksha and a Yakshi are the devotees of the Jina and their function is to attend on him. These are depicted in sculptural representations in small figures at the corners of the pedestals adorned by their masters, the Jinas.' It thus becomes clear that the Yakshi is a subservient deity and can claim no independent place for herself. The above epigraphical notices therefore go contrary to the original conceptio:1 of the Yakshi and provide instances of the characteristic evolution of the Yakshi worship. Inscription II contains reference to Helacharya, which name devoid of phonetic accretion would be Elacharya. Elacharya wis an eminent teacher of the Dravida-gana and he is regarded as the innovator of the cult of Jvalamalini. This deity, though a Yakshi in the beginning, was, with the passage of time, attributed mysterious powars including those of the fire-goddess. She was involved in the practices of Tantric worship and works like the Jvilamalinikalpa were composed around her. It is of interest to note that in an inscription at Sedam in the Gulbarga District, Hyderabad State, the Muhajans of the place are described as performing mystic rites for propitiating this derby No. 29-TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA (1 Plate) N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, OOTACAMUND and D. L. NARASIMHACHAR, MYSORE The inscription edited below is engraved on a stone slab lying in front of the big mosque at Talangere near Kasaragod, the headquarters of the taluk of that name in the South Kanara District of the Madras State. It was reported that the slab was being used for washing clothes and that consequently a portion of the writing on it was getting worn out. It was, therefore, copied during the winter of the year 1952-53 by Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, Government Epigraphist for India, in the course of his official tour in that district. The record contains 27 lines of writing. The first four lines embody a Sanskrit verse in Sardulavikridita metre and are engraved in Grantha characters. The rest of the inscription is in Kannada characters and language. The record may, on palaeographical grounds, be placed in the 10th century A. C. The script does not show any peculiarities calling for special remarks. However, attention may be drawn to the forms of the initial vowels, a (lines 9, 23), a (lines 16, 21). i line 7), i (line 20), u (line 9) and u (lines 9, 26). The shape of the long u is particularly noteworthy. The form of final l (line 6) may also be noted. The specimens of Grantha and Kannada scripts in the record may be compared respectively with thoso in the Grantha inscriptions of the 10th century, e.g., Udayondiram Plates of Bana Vikramaditya" and the Kannada inscriptions of the same period, e.g., the Devihosur inscription of Saka 884 and the Sogal insoription of the reign under publica 1 Jaina Iconography, pp. 92-93. Pravachansara, Introduction pp. 4 and 12. .. Author's own epigraphical collection. This epigraph which belongs to the 12th century, tion in my Jainism in South India mentioned above. Above, Vol. III, p. 76 and plate. Ahore. Vol. XVI, pp. 285 ff. and plate.

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204 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX of Taila II: Saka 902.1 That the Grantha and the Kannada scripts of the inscription under study can individually be assigned on palaeographical grounds to the end of the 10th century A C. leaves no doubt that the epigraph must be assigned to this very period. Except palaeographical indications the record does not afford any clue for fixing its dato; it bears no date nor does it refer itself to the reign of any king, whose dynasty is specified. Among the orthographical features may be noticed the use of a superfluous anusvara in the following eases: tamnna (line 18), -ettuvodamm-enanuvam (line 24). The class nasal is used in kanda (line 7), nandana (line 12), etc., while it is replaced by the anusvara in akkum=emdu (line 9), pamcha (line 17), etc. The consonants following the repha are doubled in a-chandr-arkkam (line 6), dharmma (line 17), urmme (line 26). The chief importance of the record lies in the contribution it makes to our knowledge of the state of Kannada language and prosody in the period to which it belongs, i.e., 10th century A. C. Consequently, the special linguistic and metrical features and peculiarities found in the record are discussed at some length here. The language of the inscription, except that of verse 1 which is in Sanskrit, is old Kannada interspersed with a few forms of middle Kannada, viz., -ade (line 7), ippa (line 10), toreya (line 13). Of these -ade comes from the older morpheme -ode and ippa is derived, through assimilation from irpa, of old Kannada. The accusative morpheme -an of old Kannada has dropped its final nasal in toreya. The retroflex mid-palatal characteristic of Dravidian, is correctly employed. The retroflex r occurs quite regularly. In bettam (line 12) the nominative is used instead of the accusative bettam-am. Ildudam Page #350
No. 29] TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA 206 In the sentence Ormme Jogavveya vamsado!-pen-gusugal-allade gandu-gusugala van sak! adiharam=allade salladu, the second allade appears to be superfluous. But such usage might have been the prevalent idiom as attested to by the double usage of men (meaning'or' and later on ' and ') occurring in the sentences given below : (1) osege men munige men, (2) palige men pogalge men, (3) ose men muni men', wherein the use of men twice is analogous to that of either' and 'or occurring simultaneously in English syntax. A few words of lexical interest ocour in this record and deserve careful study: (1) mora (line 9) seems to be connected with moradit and modu (Tulu) both meaning a hillock'; (2) oval from the contexts (lines 10, 13, 15) seems to mean brackish '. It appears to be related to the first member ulai of the Tamil compound word ulai-man, ula-man, meaning 'salty or braokish Boil'; (3) chavugami (line 16) is derived from the Sanskrit chatur-gramin ; (4) urmme (line 26) has been translated as excellent'. This seems to descend from the Dravidian root uru meaning to increase ', by the addition of the suffix -me used to form abstract nouns. As the final -4 of the root is unstable and not radical the noun urme is directly formed, meaning increase, abundance'. It is in this sense that Pampa has employed the word in the phrase vilasad-urmegal-o!and the reading here with short u in the beginning may be a mistake. The variant reading perme found in two of the manuscripts of this work is only a substitution of a synonym and is confirmatory of the meaning deduced above. (5) Adihara (line 27) is obviously a corruption of the Sanskrit word adhikara. The importance of this record to the student of Kannada prosody cannot be overstated. The Sardulavikridita of the first verse and the Kandas following are quite familiar in Kannada metrics ; but verse No. 4 is not so and is a rare specimen. It is called utsaha by the composer of the inscription and demands close scrutiny. Nagavarma has defined the metre and the definition itself is the illustration. According to him the verse has four lines, each consisting of seven Brahma-ganas plus one guru, with rhyme in the second syllable. Of the four varieties of the Brahma-gana ( UU -Uuuu) only two containing three syllables or matras are used here and the other two consisting of four syllables or matras are eschewed altogether. The iambic variety (0 ) though containing 3 matras does not enter into the scheme of Brahma. gana. The utsaha of the present record is in conformity with the above definition. The 1st, 3rd and 4th lines are quite regular and it is enough to show the scansion of one of them: viz., the first line. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Ural kadeya | toreya tadiya 1 kariya | kalla | mora dim - uuu uuu uuu uuu - - - The tala or accent falls on the first syllable of every foot. The second line, however, has an extra long syllable in the first foot: 2 Puttural poleya | r-ippa keri. y-ovala nira | bhumi yam 1 Kavirajamarga (Ed. Pathak, Bangalore), I-134. * Ibid., 1-135. * Pampa-Bharata (Kannada Sahitya Parishad ed.), VI-26. * Kittel has spelt this word with a cerebral or alveolar -ra in the middle bnt it is highly doubtful. Janna, a famous poet and composer of the Tarikere inscription of 1197 A. C. has in verse 62 definitely uned the word with a retroflex -ra. in the rhyming place, * Pampa-Bharata (Kannada Sahitya Parishad ed.), I-106. Chhandombudhi: Kavya Kalanidhi edition, verse 208.

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206 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX Though the line is hypermetrical, its rhythm is not in any way interfered with by the extra syllable us the accent here falls on the secondi iong syllable. Whilo reciting the line the existenca of the first syllable is practically obliterated. From this point of view the line may also be considered to agree with the definition of Nagavarma. Instances of the occurrence of such hypormetrical syllable are found in some of the literary works. The following is a couplet by Pampa (941 A. C.)': Naneya | koneya | tasira! ta ni kunja din mwyula | vana-lii 2 rajada punjal Prasuna din The whole verse contains thirteen such couplets. The first foot of the second line of every couplet has one extra syllable at the beginning, the accent falling on the subsequent long syllable. Similarly Kumudendu (c. 1275 A. C.) has composed a ragale comprising 49 such couplets. The following is a sample : 2 3 4 5 6 7 Janaka | tanaye! -yuga | agra | iang-al tiva harsha |' dim 1 - 2 - 3 Mudakru pura varsha dim * It is thus clear that the composer of our inscription attached more importance to the rhythmic effect than to the 'rules regulating this metre; his is a creative effort. The record is of unique value in the history of Kannada metrics. The utsaha verse found here is the only one of its kind known so far in Kannada literature and epigraphy. The inscription opens with a Sanskrit verse which states that to Gautama, who was renowned in the three worlds, was born Saradvat. Saradvat's brother was Santanu whose son was Kpipa. After many kings born in the lineage of Kripa down to Salya had passed away, Jayasimha, the crest-jewel among the Kshatriyas, is stated to be victorious, i.e., ruling. He was the abode of the goddesses of Fortune, Learning and Victory. The king is then stated to have made a gift of a piece of land situated in the vicinity of Puttur to Mochabbarasi as kanyadana, i.e., gift to damsel. The land which was barren and rocky was converted into fertile field by Mochabbarasi. She constructed a house, laid & garden and had a moat dug around the place. After the usual imprecation on those who attempt to destroy the charity, the record ends with a statement to the effect that the right of succession to the ownership of the land should devolve on the female children in the lineage of the excellent Jogavve and not on the male offspring; and that in case there were no female issues the right will pass to the male children. We have no means of ascertaining the family to which the chief Jayasimha, the donor of the grant, belonged or the exact period of his rule. The fact that he does not bear any title indicative of paramountcy would point to the conclusion that he was a local chief. However, we know of a ruler named Jayasingarasa whose inscription is found at Kariangala (Ammunaje) near Mangalore. He bears the titles Somakulatilaka, Pandya-Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara and Paramabhattaraka. As these titles are usually associated with the later Alupas, the chief Jayasingarasa of the record has been taken to be a scion of this family though the record in question does not specifically call Pampa-Bharata, I-58. "Kumudendu Ramayana, IV-after 98. .SI1, Vol. IX, part i, ins, No. 399.

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No. 29] TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA 207 him an Alupa. Since Talangere, where the record under publication is found, is within a distance of thirty miles, as the crow flies, from Kariangala, the findspot of Alupa Jayasingarasa's record, it is not unlikely that the Jayasimha of our record belonged to the same family as Jayasingarasa of the Kariangala record did. But, on account of the fact that the Kariangala record, which is also undated, is palaeographically about a century later than the Talangere inscription, the two chiefs cannot be regarded as identical. It is very well known that from the time of king Vinayadityal of the family of the Western Chalukyas of Badami the Alupas were feudatories of the Chalukyas. From a record recently discovered it would appear that the Alupas were even matrimonially connected with the Chalukyas. The Alupa chief Chitravahana seems to have married Kumkuma-Mahadevi, the sister of the Chalukya monarch Vijayaditya. The inscription states that king Vijayaditya made a grant at the request of Chitravahana to the Jinabhavana at Purigere constructed by this lady who seems to be described as causing delight to the heart of the Alupa ruler. The request was made when Vijayaditya had come to Banavasi to visit the Alupa prince. From an inscription of the reign of Rashtrakuta Govinda III it is known that a Chitravahana was administering the Aluvakheda division under him. This Chitravahana has been rightly taken to be an Alupa ruler on account of his name and the territory which he was governing. This was about 800 A. C. Subsequent to this date hardly anything is known regarding the activities of this family. If, however, our Jayasimha is, as suggested above, an Alupa ruler, the fact that no paramount titles are borne by him would indicate that about the end of the 10th century, the period to which he has been assigned, the Alupas continued to be vassals either of the Rashtrakutas whose power was declining or the later Chalukyas who were beginning to lay the foundations of their power after overthrowing the Rashtrakutas. However, by the time of Jayasingarasa of the Kariangala inscription, i.e., 11th century A. C., the Alupas seem to have been independent as this ruler is given all the paramount titles. Besides Jayasimha, our inscription mentions two other royal personages, viz., Mochabbarasi and Jogavve. The exact relationship which existed between Jayasimha and these two ladies is neither stated in the record nor can it be ascertained from the nature of the reference to them made in the record. Nor do we know how Mochabbarasi and Jogavve were related to each other. Since at the end of the inscription it is specified that the hereditary rights regarding the possession of the land should devolve on female issues it may be gathered that Mochabbarasi was either the sister or the niece of Jayasinha. If she is to be considered the niece, Jogavve might have been the king's sister. It may thus be inferred that this practice of the family property passing from mother to daughter obtained in this part of the country at least as early as the 10th century. This law of inheritance which goes by the name of aliya-santana is in vogue even today in that area. The only place mentioned in the record is Puttur. This may be identified with the village of the same name, a few miles to the north of Talangere, the findspot of the inscription. 1 Ep. Oarn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 571, Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Dg. 66. 10. P. No. 49 of ARIE for the year 1945-6.. Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 10. *Above, Vol. IX, p. 16. "A later Jayasitha is mentioned as a contemporary of the great Dvaita teacher Madhvacharya in the literary work Madhravijaya (sarga 13, verses 21 ff.). He was a ruler of Kumbla. Madhvacharya is stated to have visited s place called Vishnumangala, about three miles from Kasaragod, where Jayasimha came and paid homage to him. This village lay within the jurisdiction of prince Jayasimba of Kumbla. Perhaps he was also an Alupa chiof. 29 DGA/53

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX TEXT 1 Svasti Sri [l*) 'Asich=Chitrasikhandishu tri-bhuvana-khyato munir-Gautamas-tat-sunoscha 2 Saradvatah Ktipa iti bhra(tu]s=sutas=Santanoh [l*) tad-vamsyeshv=adhuna ga- . 8 tshvwamaratam Saly-anta-bhadr-adishu bresthas-Sri-Jayasimha 4 sha jayati kshatr-aika-chudamani) || (1) 8 Sri chapalateya[th] Vachana-ari Chaturanana-viramamam bisutu Jaya-Sri-charu6 netre-y-oda-nered-a-chandr-arkkam virajisal Jayasinham || [2*) Vachana |[*) Kanyadana mam nina7 geittant-endode pettu Mochabbarasi santosa[m]-batt-int-endade | Kanda | Inn-apps bhupar-ellam 8' ninnorega[m] dorege varar=adarimd=arum mannisad-uram guna-sampanna samant-ivuda enaga kanya9 danam || [3*] Akkum=erdu | Utsaham || Ura kadeya toreya tadiya kariya kalla moradim 10 Puttura poleyar-ippa keriy=ovala nira-bhumiyam sara-bhuruhamgal=liy-olage nero11 da keroyan-ambhoruhakshi tanna dhanadin-oppe madis-i dudanh |[4*) Vachana || 18 'Nintarum-ollada kalkada bettar sava-talam madiy=8dila maneyu nandana13 vanavumah madisi kereyam kattisi toreya serey=itt-ovala nela14 nam piridum=ayasadim sukshetram madisidud=adu munna' mude18 y-ikkuv=oval-uppu-nelada bhumiyan=olakond=agalan-agali16 mi asanna chavugamigal=ariye kanyadanam-gotta bhumiyam 17 kala-kalantaradol=aranum-i dharmmaman=alidu kolal=atisida pamcha-maha-pata18 kam tanna tayam ko!al=endu Stanna tandeyam kondu tamnna makkala nettarah kudi19 du pasuvum Brahmanaruma Kurukshetradol=alid=atana puguva nara20 kamam puguvan=akke [l*] i kanyadanamam kondatan=alpayushyanum=a21 putrikanum=appan=akke | Kandam || Aradod=akke dhatri-bharama22 nearamtor-imtara kayy-amta biranan-irad=an bodiden=oramtir[e] kavu23 dei vyavastheyin=urar || [5*] Vachana [l*] Ademt-endode [l*] Arasalgal=uram pokkandu 24 pulladakkan-ettuvodamm(dam=)enanuvam=bididoda kolege saltar-ent-appa 25 droham-geydu bamd=uram pokkoq=avanam muru-divasam sarvva-pariharam kadu 26 kalipuvudu [11*[O]rmme Jogavvoya vamadol=pen-gusuga!=allade gandu-gu27 sugala vamakk-adiharam=allade salladu pen-gusugal=illadodao gandu-makkalga20 salkum (lgum) (IN Floral design. Metre : Gardalavikridita. Lines 1-4 are written in Grantha characters. * The medial & sign of te is written at the end of the previous line. . Read: sitten Read : entage. .Read : intarum After this there are two horizontal strokes which apparently stand for punctuation. * Road : tanna. Bead: Code. 1. Read : ge.

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TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA - 22 MAR 29 vri 7000 05). 1127379lijluddaa 12 Lavanya cated at are 6. knnddN 3:/ tN 8 18 trN 200 rkaal tadies rrsNloo ky 32 10 lt mnku Box trtr r cn 10 | 26 n t stvg EPestic" 12 1 SEN.tpoottN 18 ravi chettu & v ere 14 etc trkaarN , rNgul mugldi 16 A cce/ 16 N 18 vrm tiiykt 20 ksrN 18 klu nuniirNdNttee purudnN 20 srvjn naaykN ediddN vrdaa 22 - 0 kaarnnN. ii 2018 aa raassttr tice ddurNg paaNddu 24 S a na - Raa 24 aarddugul 26 - puku lkssyN vln madda SCALE: ONE-SIXTH SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO REA, No. 3977E'38-489754

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No. 29) TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA 209 TRANSLATION Lines 1-4. Hail! Prosperity! In the lineage of the Chitrasikhandins' there existed Gautama, famous in the three worlds. Then there was Kripa, son of Santanu who was the brother of Saradvat, the son of Gautama. After some of his illustrious descendants up to Salya had attained immortality (i.e., gone to heaven), this eminent Jayasimha, the sole crest-jewel of the Kshatriyas is victorious. Lines 5-9. While the goddess of Fortune, having forsaken (her) ficklenoss, the goddess of Speech, having given up (her) resting-place in Chaturanana (i.e., Brahma) and both, having associated themselves with the fair-eyed goddess of Victory, were resplendent till the moon and sun (endure); Jayasimha, having said to Mochabbarasi "I have inade you a gift due to an unmarried girls (of the family)", she received (it), felt glad and said thus : "All those who will be born kings hereafter do not come to your level or equal you, and therefore, Oh! (you) rich-in-virtue give me willingly as a gift (called) kanyadana a locality which none would value". He replied "Be it so.". Lines 9-11. The brackish water-logged land (adjoining) the street wherein reside the untouchables of Puttur (which was situated at some distance) from the hillock of black stones, on the bank of a stream at the edge of the village and the reservoir complete with rows of essential trees-(these two) the lotus-eyed (lady), by her own wealth had caused to be finely construoted; Lines 12-23. thus, having made a level ground of the stony wild hillock which none desired (to have), having caused to be made & tiled house and a garden, having imprisoned the stream, (i..., built a dam across it) and having converted with great effort the brackish soil into fortile land and, prior to that, having caused a moat to be dug (around) the land, comprising the brackish salty soil (used for) keeping bundles of grain, made over this land, with the knowledge of the four nearby villagers, as a gift to a damsel ; in the course of (endless) tims, whosoever having destroyed this pious (deed), desires to appropriate (it) for (himself), may that coinmitter of the five great sins go to that hell into which, he, by murdering his father with the intention of appropriating his inother, by drinking the blood of his children (and) by destroying cows and Brahmanas in Kurukshetra enters; may he who takes over (to himself) this gift to a damsel becoine short-lived and daughterless. Whoever he may be that catries the burden of the earth (in future), I beseech that hero, who obstructs the hands of i.e., prevents) those who carry away (che gift), to regularly protect the village in this manner. Lines 23-26. If it be asked how it is the reply ): When the king's men enter the village, if they carry off heaps of straw and if they take anything by force they are fit to be killed. He who having committed any kind of crime comes to the village and enters (it) must be protected for three days after exempting him from all imposts and (then) sent away. Lines 26-27. In the lineage of the excellent Jogavve the right (of succession) goes to the female children and not to the line of male children ; when there are no female issues it goes to the male children. 1 These are the seven sages, Pulaha, Pulastya, Marichi, Atri, Vasishtha, Angiras and Kratu. * Kanyadana is a compound word which is usually taken to mean "making over an unmarried girl to a bridogroom in marriage ". In this sense the first member of the compound should be construed as having the posschsive case suffix. But here it seems to take the dative suffix. That this is the intended sense finds some support in the last two lines of the inscription. This seems to be the meaning of the word oral This seems to be the meaning of mude yikku.

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210 11 DE EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Vol. XXIX No. 30-TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD (1 Plate) S.C. DE, BHUBANESWAR Two single copper plates of Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty of Orissa were received from the Sub-Divisional Officer, Baud, as exhibits for the Historical Exhibition organised on the occasion of the Cuttack Session of the Indian Historical Records Commission and the Indian History Congress in December 1949. They were discovered some years back in a place near the town of Baud and were lying in the treasury. The exact place and the date of their discovery could not be ascertained. I propose to edit them here with the kind permission of Mr. A. Das, the Sub-Divisional Officer, Baud. Of the two plates, one is bigger than the other, the bigger one, to bo terined hereafter as plato A, measuring 14.2" x 11.3", and the smaller one, plate B, 12.7" x 9.8". Both of them are in a fair state of preservation. A circular seal of the form of a full-blown lotus is soldered at the centre of the left side of the plates. The counter-sunk surface enclosed within the rows of petals is circular in shape. The diameter of the counter-sunk space is 3.3" in plate A and 3" in plate B. At the bottom of the sunken surface, another double-petalled open lotus is carved out in relief. Abovo it, the legend Tribhuvanamahadevya(vyah) is neatly carved in relief. The lower portion of the subscript y in vya is drawn out to form two horizontal lines below the legend. Above the legend there is the figure of a couchant bull with the symbols of the croscent, conch and sun above it. There are two floral designs, one in the front and the other at the back of the bull. The characters closely resemble those of the Dhenkanal plate of Tribhuvanamahadevi and the Talcher plates' of Sivakaradova (III). As a matter of fact, the Dhenkanal plate and our plate B were both incised by the same person, Harivardhana, while the Talcher plates were engraved by his father Rahasa vardhana. On palaeographical grounds the plates may be assigned to the 9th century of the Chirstian era at the earliest. Both the plates are dated in the year 100 50 8 (i.e., 158) of the era which is known to have been used by the rulers of the Blauma-Kara family. The language is Sanskrit. The text of both the plates is practically identical, except for the grant portion. The composition is a mixture of prose and poetry. The descriptive portion consists of fifteen verses in addition to the usual benedictory and imprecatory stanzas. There are a few orthographical or grammatical mistakes and these have been corrected in their proper places. The words goheri, jota, valitva, etc., occurring in the grant portion, seem to be Sanskritised Oriya expressions. The documents open with the description of the charms of Guhesvarapataka, the capital of the Bhauma-Kara rulers. Next follows the genealogy of the family. In the Kara dynasty there flourished a powerful king named Unmattasimha. His son was Subhakara who erected many lofty viharus. His son was Gayada who was succeeded by Kusumahara. Gosvaminidevi succeeded Kusumahara who had left no son. The kingdom thrived under her rule, people lived in peace and prosperity. On her grandson, Lonabhara, attaining majority, she retired making over the charge of the kingdom to him. Lonabhara was blessed with two sons, Kusumahara and Lalitahara. The two sons succeeded their father one after another. But, both of them having died childless, Psithvimahadevi (the wife of Kusumahara), whose father was Svabhavatunga of Kosala and mother Nsittamahadevi, the daughter of Yasovsiddhi, ascended the throne, and was known to the world under the name Tribhuvanamahadevi. She is styled Paramabhafarika, Maharajadhiraja-Paramesvuri and Paramavaishnavi. At tha request of Sasi The plates are now preserved in the Orissa Museum. *J BORS, Vol. II, pp. 419-27 and Plates. Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, pp. 40-50.

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No. 30) . TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 211 lekha, the moon of the Vragadi family of Virata lineage and wife of Mahamandaladhiputi Mangalakalasa, Prithvimahadevi made the following grants in the year 158 for perpetual offering of ablution, sandal paste, etc., to the deity Umamahesvara installed in the temple constructed by Sabilekha and named Nannesvara after her father, for repairs to the temple, for providing garments and medicines to mendicants, for food and clothing to Brahmanas and for the maintenance of the family of the dana pati. The grant in plate A consists of a village named Kottapura together with the Nannesvara talapataka in the district of Tamalakhanda in Dandabhukti-mandala situated in UttaraTosala. The grant recorded in plate B is a plot of land called Utthuka-khandakshetra in the district of Dakshinakhanda in Dandabhukti-mandala of Uttara-Tosala. I may here point out that some portions of the text of the records under discussion occur iz others as indicated below. Verse 6 of our plates occurs in the Talcher plate of Subhakaradeva of the year 141. Again verse 15 of our records occurs in the same plate with reference to the mother of Kusumahara or Subhakara III. The birudas of Tribhuvanamahadovi as given in the Dhenkanal plates and in the plates under discussion are identical and the issuer is called Sindagauri in both. The passage dealing with the boundaries of the gift land in the present plates is almost the same as that in the Talcher plates of Sivakaradeva III of the year 149. Mahakshapataladhikrita Ranaka Sri-Malloka acted as the dutaka, mahakshapatalika bhogin Sakrasena as the writer and pelakapala Dovadeva as the heater in case of both the records under study. Plate A was incised by the brazier Amritavardhana, son of Isvaravardhana, while plate B was incised by Harivardhana, son of Rahasavardhana. From the four copper plate charters of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty, viz., the two Taloher plates of Sivakara III, the Dhenkanal plate of Tribhuvanamahadevi and our plate B, we learn that Harivardhana was the son of Rahasavardhana and the grandson of Ramavardhana. These plates are very important for the study of the history of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty of Orissa as they bring to light many new facts. Firstly, they reveal that Dandabhukti-mandala was included in the kingdom of the Bhauma-Karas of Orissa. Secondly, they throw new light on the genealogy of that dynasty. Thirdly, they reveal that the later Bhauma-Karas were matrimonially connected with the Somavamsi kings of Kosala. The genealogy of the Bhauma-Karas obtained from the present plates and that obtained from other plates are given below for a comparative study. Plates under discussion 1 Unmattasimha 2 Subhakara 3 Gayada 4 Kusumahara (I) (died childless) 5 Gosvamini (relation with No. 4 is not mentioned) 6 Lonabhara (grandson of Gosvamini) 7 Kusumahara (II) (childless) 8 Lalitahara (childless) 9 Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi (wife of No. 7) 1 I..., a Brahmana in charge of all functions connected with the making of grant by the King. Misra, op. cit., p. 35. Ibid., p. 36. Ibid., P. 46.

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(VOL. XXIX EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Plates so far published 1 Lakshmikara 2 Kshemankara 3 Sivakara (I) alias Unmattasimha, m. Jayavalidevi 4 Subhakara (I), m. Madhavadevi 5 Sivakara (II), m. Mahinidevi 6 Santikara (I) alias Gayada, m. Tribhuvana mahadevi of the Naga lineage 7 Subhakara (II), m. Nrinnadevi 8 Subhakaradeva (III) alias Kusumahara (I) Sinhaketu 9 Tribhuvanamahadevi (I), mother of No. 8 and wife of No. 6 10 Santikara (II) alias Lonabhara or Gayada (II), grandson of No. 9, m. Hiramahadevi 11 Subhakara (IV) alias 12 Sivakara (III) alias Lalitabara Kusumahara (II) 13 Santikara (III) 14 Subhakara (V) A study of the above two genealogies would show that there are certain points of wide and uncompromising difference between them. Firstly, it is stated in the present plates that Kusumahara(I) died childless and Gogvamini took upon her the burden of the realm until she made it over to her grandson Lonabhara. In the Talcher plates of Subhakara (IV) and Sivakara (III) there is no mention of Subhakara (III) alias Kusumahara (I) as having died childless. They simply state that after the death of Subhakara (III) his mother took up the charge of the kingdom. In the Talcher plate of Subhakara (IV) it is definitely stated, in the same way as in the present plates, that Tribhuvanamahadevi made over the charge of the realm to her own grandson Lonabhara on his attaining majority. But in the Talcher plate of Sivakara (III) Lonabhara is not mentioned and so the relationship between Tribhuvanamahadevi and Lonabhara is not ascertainable. It is simply stated that Gayada became king after her (tasya babhuva......npipatir=Gayadah, lines 12-13). It would appear to mean that Gayada was born to her; but it was probably meant to convey the sense that Lonabhara-Gayada succeeded Tribhuvanamahadevi. In the two Talcher plates of Subhakara (IV) and Sivakara (III) there are no details explaining the reasons for Tribhuvanamahadevi's assumption of the government after her son ; in the present plates it is definitely stated that Gogvamini succeeded Kusumahara (I) as he had died without leaving any issue (lines 8-9). So far it was believed that Tribhuvanamahadevi assumed the reins of the government during the minority of her grandson Lonabhara. But that assumption is no longer tenable in view of the clear mention of the fact in the present plates that Kusumahara (I) died childless. This fact conflicts with the relationship between Gosvamini and Lonabhara since the latter is described in the present plates as the grandson of the former. Since Subhakara (III), identical with Kusumahara (I) of our plates, was childless, Lonabhara was either the son of a brother or sister of the former; otherwise he could not have been called the grandson of his predecessor. It,

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TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 213 however, appears more probable that Lonabhara was the son of a brother of Subhakara (III). This brother had probably predeceased Subhakara (III), after whose death his nephew became the sole heir. Tribhuvanamahadevi ruled the kingdom on behalf of her grandson who was still minor at the time of the death of Subhakara (III). This assumption alone can explain away the inconsistency of the facts stated above. As regards the identity of Gosvamini it may be noted that she is stated in the present plates to have succeeded Subhakara (III) alias Kusumahara (I) and made over the kingdom to her grandson Lonabhara on his attaining majority. In the Talcher plate of Subhakara (IV), the mother of Subhakara (III) is described as having succeeded her son and made over the kingdom to her grandson Lonabhara. She was also known as Tribhuvanamahadevi. Thus both Gosvamini and Tribhuvanamahadevi were successors of Subhakara (III) and grandmothers of Lanabhara. So they cannot but be identical. Gosvamini was probably the original name of the wife of Santikara (I) alias Gayada and mother of Subhakara (III), and Tribhuvanamahadevi was her assumed name. This assumption is corroborated by the allusion to Gosvamini as having ruled in the past in the Dhenkanal plate of Tribhuvanamahadevi. I may here point out that Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate is not the wife of santikara (I), as assumed by Pandit Misra, for the following reasons. For one thing, nowhere is Santikara (1) called Lalitahara. As pointed out above, the name of Santikara's wife was, in all probability, Gosvaminidovi. Tribhuvanamahadevi was an assumed name as is evident from the passage : yu jagatsu Tribhuvanamahadevxiti-vibruta occurring in Subhakara (IV)'s Talcher plate, the same passage being employed in the present plates with reference to Prithvimahadevi. Thus, both Gosvaminidevi and Ptithvimahadevi had the assumed name Tribhuvanamahadevi. The date of the Dhenkanal plate is clearly 160, as it is represented by the letter symbols lu and chu which stand for 100 and 60 respectively. Santikara (I)'s wife was the first queen in the Bhauma-Kara dynasty to rule over the kingdom, and the reference to Gosvamini as having ruled the kingdom in the Dhenkanal plate proves that another queen had reigned prior to Tribhuvanamahadevi of that plate; hence she must have been the wife of Santikara (I). That Gosvamini is not a fictitious figure but the grandmother of Lonabhara is proved by the plates under discussion. As stated before, the inciser of the Dhenkanal plate and the plate B under discussion is the same person, Harivardhana, son of Rahasavardhana. In view of the above facts, Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate cannot be regarded as the wife of Santikara (I). She was the wife of Sivakara (III) alias Lalitahara. So it would be quite natural to identify Lalitahara of the Dhenkanal plate with Sivakara (III), the younger brother of Subhakara (IV) alias Kusumahara (II). Thus there were three queens bearing the name Tribhuvanamahadevi. Santikara (I)'s wife was Gosva. minidevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi (I), Subhakara (IV)'s wife Prithvimahadevi was Tribhuvanamahadevi (II) and Sivakara (III)'s wife (original name not known) was also Tribhuvanamahadevi (III). After Subhakara (IV) and Sivakara (III) their wives ascended the throne under the names Tribhuvamamahadevi. The former was ruling in the year 158 and the latter in 160. This gives credit to the assumption that, after Sivakara (III) there was a quarrel for succession. Prithvimahadevi ascended the throne probably with the aid of her father Svabhavatunga and, after her, Sivakara (III)'s wife became queen. Her claim was probably backed by her father Rajamalla. The hints of a state of chaos befalling the Bhauma-Kara family are there in the Dhenkanal plate (lines 9-10). Further, it is stated therein that Tribhuvanamahadevi was approached by the ministers for her accession to the throne (line 20). These hints confirm the belief that there ensued a civil war for succession after Sivakara (III) alias Lalitahara, and the two queens of Kusumahara and Lalitahara ascended the throne one after another. Then came Santikara (III) and Subhakara 1 Rehler's Tables, Pl. ix.

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214 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX (V). Between the year 149, the date of the Talcher plate of Sivakara (III), and the year 180, the date of the Ganjam plate of Dandimahadevi, we get four rulers, viz., wives of Kusumahara and Lalitahara, Santikara (III) and Subhakara (V). Each ruled for about 8 years on average. This quick succession corroborates the suggestion of a civil war. The most uncompromising point of difference between the two genealogies given above lies in that, while in the present plates Kusumahara (II), i.e., Subhakara (IV), and Lalitahara, i.e., Sivakara III, are said to have died childless, in the copper-plate grants of Dharmamahadevi and Dandimahadevi, Sivakara (III) is said to have had two sons, viz., Santikara (III) and Subhakara (V). This difference can be reconciled if it is assumed that Santikara (III) and Subhakara (V) were sons of Sivakara (III) by & second wife of his, the legitimacy of their birth being either not acknowledged by the queen of Subhakara (IV) and by at least one of the queens of Sivakara (III), or was deliberately ignored. However, there can be no satisfactory solution to this mystery until further discoveries throw more light on the later history of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty. Some scholars refer the dates in the Bhauma-Kara plates to the Harsha era. The date of the present plates calculated according to that era will be 764 A. C. But on palaeographic consideration this date will be rather too early. As already noted, the present plates can not be assigned to a date earlier than the 9th century. Similarly, if the Neulpur plate' is referred to the Harsha era and the numerical figures in it be read as 54, the date of the plate will be 660 A.C. The forms of the signs of medial vowels in this record, as also of some letters like s, n, bh, etc., are more developed as compared with those of the Ganjam plate of Madhavaraja of G. E. 300. As such the plate can be assigned to the beginning of the 8th oentury at the earliest. R. D. Banerji assigned it to the latter half of the 8th century on paleographic considerations. Thus the date arrived at by referring the plate to the Harsha era seems too early for it. Hence we may examine the possibility of referring the dates in the Bhauma-Kara records to a later period. From the Neulpur grant of Subhakara (I) we know that he was ruling over Northern Tosala. The same region was governed by Somadatta on behalf of Sasanka, the celebrated king of Karnasuvarna. Since the plates of Somadatta and Bhanudatta are assignable to a date earlier than the Neulpur plate, it may be presumed that the Bhauma-Kara rule in Northern Tosala and Dandabhukti was established subsequent to the rule of Somadatta or Bhanudatta. In order to ascertain the time of the establishment of the Bhauma-Kara rule in Northern Tosala we have to find out the probable date of the end of the rule of the Datta family in that area. Somadatta was a feudatory under Sasaoka. He or his successor, if there was any, must have remained in the feudatory status till the death of Sakanka who is presumed to have maintained his empire to the last. We do not know for certain when Sabanka's death took place; but, from certain references to his anti-Buddhist actions in Magadha as found in Hieuen Tsang's account, it is believed that Sasanka died shortly before the year 637 A. C.' So up to that date, or thereabouts, the Bhauma-Kara rule had not been established in Northern Tosala. After Sasanka's death Bhaskaravarman and Harsha conquered his dominions in and outside Bengal. Harsha led an expedition against Kongoda in 642 A. O. 'On his way to Kongoda, he would not have left the Northern Togala and Dandabhukti regions unconquered. The rule of Somadatta or Bhanudatta in the Northern Tosala-Dandabhukti region might have come to an end in this way. Whether Harsha appointed the Bhaums-Karas as his agents in that region or they acquired the kingdom with their might following Harsha's departure cannot be determined. But it seems fairly certain 1 Above, Vol. XV, p. 1 ff. Tbid., Vol. XXIII, p. 197 ff.; JRASB, Letters, Vol. XI (1945), p. 1 ff. * History of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 66.

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No. 30] TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 215 that their rule was established in North Orissa region in 642 A. C. or thereabouts. Thus the era used in the records of the Bhauma-Kara kings probably started from the date of the establishment of their rule in Northern Tosala, that is, from about the year 642 A. C. The date of the Neulpur plate and the present plates calculated from 642 A. C. will be 696 and 800 A. C. respectively. These dates are quite in accord with those arrived at on paleographical considerations. Svabhavatunga is mentioned as the father of Tribhuvanamahadevi. He was the ruler of Kosala, evidently South Kosala, and belonged to the lunar dynasty. In the Patna plates of Mahasivagupta Yayati, his father is said to have acquired the title of Svabhavatunga by his valour (Somakul-abja-bhanuh Svabhavatungo nija-paurushena). Svabhavatunga of the plates under discussion and of the Patna plates seems to be one and the same person ; as such Prithvimahadevi alias "Tribhuvanamahadevi was the daughter of Mahabhavagupta Janamejaya, king of Kosala. From this we come to know for the first time that the Somavamsi kings of Kosala and the BhaumaKaras of Guhesvarapataka were matrimonially connected. In regard to Mangalakalasa, we have so far not come across any such name. We only know that some members of the Bhanja dynasty had surnames like Kalyanakalasa, Amoghakalasa, etc. In view of this we may tentatively, assume that this Mangalakalasa belonged to the Bhanja dynasty. It may be pointed out here that one Satrubhanja had the surname Mangalaraja. Paleographically his Jangalapadu plates, in which the above surname occurs, are assignable to about the same period as that of the present plates. It is possible that the fuller form of the surname was Mangalakalasaraja. Sasilekha, the wife of Mangalakalasa, is stated to have come of the Vragadi family of the Virata lineage. The village of Koinsari in Mayurbhanj is still known as Viratapura."The Naga family of Mayurabhanja was known by the name Virata Bhujanga, or simply the Vairata or Virata family........the power of Vairata Rajas of Mayurabhanja dates from the seventh century A. D." Koinsari was probably the capital of the Virata dynasty of Mayurabhanja. The whole tract from Koinsari to Nilagiri was under the rule of the Virata family. Some descendants of the old Virata family are still living and they call themselves Bhujanga Kshatriya. Vragadi might have been a section of the Virata family. It is not improbable that marriage connections between the two royal families of Mayurabhanja, the Viratas and the Bhanjas, were established in course of time. I have not been able to identify the districts Tamalakhanda and Dakshinakhanda and the village Kottapura. I may only suggest that the first may be identified with Tainluk, headquarters of a sub-division of the Midnapore District, and the second with Dakinmal (Dakshin Mahal?), a pargana in the Contai eub-division. Tamluk and Dakinmal are mentioned as parganas in the Mughal revenue accounts. The Dandabhukti mandala probably comprised the major portion of the Midnapore District. 1 JPASB, Vol. I (1903), p. 14 ff. (Plate iii a, line 4). I am indebted to Sri S. N.Rajaguru for this reference. JKHRS, Vol. I, p. 181 ff. * Vasu, Archaeological Survey of Mayurbhanja, Vol. I, introduction, pp. XXXVi-Ixxvii. * Vasu, Viorakosa, Vol. XVIII, p. 693. * Pifth Report, Vol. II, p. 457. * JRASB, Letters, Vol. XI (1945), p. 7. 29 DGARS

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216 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Vor. XXIX TEXT PLATE A [Metres : Vv. 1, 6, 7 Sardulavikridita ; vv. 2, 23 Sragdhara ; v. 3 Vamasthavila : v. 4, 5 Varanta tilaka ; v. 8 Drutavilambita ; v. 9 Sikharini; vv. 10-16, 18-27 Anustubh ; v. 17 Malini ; v. 22 Pushpitagra.] Obverse 1 oM' svastyAzAjayasAdhitAkhilanRpaprasthApitaiH sarvataH saMsarpadbhiritastato'parimitairddhA tUjjvalaiH pI2 lubhiH / gatvA jaGgamatAM samastatanubhiH sevArthamabhyAgatarbhUbhRnnAmabhayAdiva kSitidharaiH saMkIryamANAntarAt // [1*] 3 zrIguhezzvarapATakanivAsivijayaskandhAvArAt // AsIdvaMze karANAM(NA)makalitamahimA 'nalpasatva(ttva): pratApI / 4 [bhUbhR]tuGgotamAGgAkramaNakRtaratiH zrImadunmadRsiMhaH / rAjA labdho(bdho)jjitazrI: sphuradasinakharotkhAtamAdyadvipakSa6 mAbhRnmAtaGgakumbhocchaladamalayazomauktikAlaMkRtAzaH // [2*] sutottamastasya samAzraya[*] __zriyaH prazAsadurvI zuzu6 bhe zubhAkaraH [*] kaleralaMghyaM sukRtAzrayAya yo bihAramuccaividadhe zilAmayaM(yam) // ___[3] tasyAtmajaH kamalabhUriva rAjahaMsa(sa)7 sevyo gayADa iti bhUmipativa(ba)bhUva // ( / ) yasyAbhiyogamadhigamya galanmadAnAM nemuH zirAMsi na dhanUMSi virodhabhAjAM(jAm) // 4*] tasmA8 trivargaphalasampadavAptiheturAsInRpaH kusumahAra' iti pratItaH / tasminnajAtatanujanmani kIttizeSe gosvAmi9 nI ciramuvAha dhurandharAyAH // [5*] dhvastaM vairikulaM yazaH prakaTitaM jAtAH prajAH susthitA bhU(bhuktA zrIratulA kimanyaducitaM kA10 rya mayAsminniti / voDhaM prauDha iti svanaptari bharaM zrIloNabhAre bhuvo vinyasyAtulabhaktituSTamanaso bheje padaM sA ll hare. // [6*] tejo havyavahe hutAhitahavirbhUpAlamaulisphuraccUDocvairmaNivedikAhitala satpAdAravindadvayaH // (1) 12 tasyA eva nidezataH sa ca kRtI svIkRtya rAjyazriyaM reme dharmadhanAvirodha subhagai gairanAsaktadhIH [ // 7*] atha sa rAja1 Expressed by a symbol which is also regarded as indicating siddham. [In the names Kusumahara and Lalitahara, occurring several times in both the plates, what has been rend as hiseems to be really bh.-D.C.S.] -

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BAUD PLATE OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI - A Obverse Rea. No.723 HE(C)'63-485'54. N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO zAyadA hAtAlA kAtaravAtadAtA 2 matAmA mAtA mAtra tAyadAtAsAmAlAlU02 yA pAnAtIla kalamalamahAlAsa yunAyA 4AAAAAEERlA sAhAra pAyadAna paramANAyama 4 la ma lamAsulAjamahAlAlaharA pazujA yUsAlArAma 61GALlaya paramadhArakArAmalAlalArajAlasAgara malasararara 6 sama sAramatavAladarabAramA bahAyalakAyatamAsA 8 sAramA rAmarAmanaralanara umara khanAsAvA 8 bAha bhUpaTalaM da gaharA sadA pAlatahamanAyavanakA mAravAhitA pAlAmAlallA kutuba masAlAra yA 10 KARLECTR E GA mAlAlagAyA HORDER LADKIYAMDADODARAT r vgyn`n` lTSmb rg brg``````msvbKHvb`grvny yvpy gn HANIYPOTHOLPURPATTEREDYLE SCALE: ONE-HALF rAma mAlata matadAnAsAnAmA 216rAyAdArayaka somavAra parAmaralAlapAsanAnakAra 16 yA paranavAsa para rAzanalinatama sAsUlapura:samAvara sAtAzalata 184mastArA manAyAzIya zAbazAta vitAharazamana dAgadAra lAnara dArAzIlA 18 maTA mahAra TAla tAtUramAtma yAtanadara rAnA 200hAdarUna masAlA sAsarana zAradaraharUmAmalatadravaradAna pAma 20 sATiyatAmasavAra hA yA ACTOR(TU dahara dUna rAlatakalaralamAna taztamAna dalANagAlAlArAmAyanIja mAlAstAyAmadArakAlAjA 22 rAmarAma kadalaNArAma mahAkAla SOCKERARY yAlArAmAnAlAmA 24 LEARNESTINACTRATA ma sAkAratavAsAta AcAliyara hAvAma sarataharayAsa 28 HAN samAja kAraNAmadhyamamArAla 28LndianRRECircAlAnamArakAlA sarakAra 28 TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD SURVEY OF INDIA, DIMRA DUR.

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No. 30] TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 217 13 zirovahanocitaM kusumahAramudAraphalodayaM(yam) / sutamavApa tato lalitazriya lalitahAramanaGgamivAparaM(ram) [*] 14 jagaddIpe tasminkarakulavikAsakavaza(sa)tAvine padmAbhogapraNayini gate sama .. marutAM(tAm) // (1) sutau tasyAdhattAM 15 kramakalitarAjyojjitapadau bhuvaM bhUbhRccUDAmaNikiraNazoNAMhrikamalau // [*] tataH . sphArasphuraddhAmadhvastAritimi18 raughayoH / vu(bu)dhodayakRtorastasamastajanatApayoH // [10] daivAdanAptaprajayoH prajAnandavidhAyinoH / narendraca17 ndrayorastaM krameNa gatayostayoH // [11*] sitAMzuvaMzanalinazrIvikAsakabhAsvataH / rAjJaH svabhAvatuGgasya kozalAdhi___18 pateH sutA // [12*] sutAyAM zrIyazovRddheryazovRddhividhAyinI / zrImannRttAmahA devyA(vyAM) kRtajanmaparigrahA // [13*] zrImatkusu19 mahArasya mahAdevI mahaddhikA / pRthvI pRthvImahAdevI cirakAlamapAlayat // [14*] svadhAmamahimaprAptabhuvanatritayonnatiH / 20 yA jagatsu tribhuvanamahAdevIti vizrutA // [15*] uddAmadehasaundaryajitazrIrUpavibhramA / vidhi(dhe)vidhAnavaidagdhyazikSAsIme21 va bhAti yA // [16*] zazadharakaragaurotsappika'radhUlIpaTalajalanimajjadbhamibhRccakravAlA / kalakalamukharAzAsthAna22 velA yadIyA surasaridavAta]paraM nATayanti(ntI)va bhAti // [17*] paramavaiSNavI mAtApitRpAdAnudhyAtA paramabhaTTArikA mahArAjAdhiH 23 rAjaparamezvaro zrotribhuvanamahAdevI kuzalinI // uttaratosalAyAM mva(vartamAna bhaviSyanmahAsAmantamahArAja24 rAjaputrAntaraGgakumArAmA[tyau parikaviSayapatitadAyuktakadANDapAsi(zi)kasthAnAntarikAnanyA napi rAjapra25 sAdinazcATabhaTTa(Ta)vallabhajAtIyAn // daNDabhuktimaNDale tamAlakhaNDaviSayepi mahAmaha taravR(bRhadbhogipustakapA26 lakuTakolasAdyadhikaraNaM yathAhinmA(haiM mA)nayati vo(bo)dhayati sama(mA)jJApayati ca / _ viditamastu bhavatAMm(tAm) etadviSayasa27 mv(mb)ddh||(ddhH) catuHsImAparyantAH*] nAnnezvaratalapATakasahitaH koTTapurAgrAmAH*] soparikaraH soddezaH sata28 ntuvAyagokuTazauNDikAdiprakRtikaH sakheTaghaTTanadItarasthAnAdigulmakaH sarvapIDAjjitA'le

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218 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX Reverse 29 khanIpravesa(za)tayA bhUmicchidrApidhAnanyAyenAcandrAkkakSitisamakAlaM mahAmaNDalAdhipati zrImaGgalakalazasya ma30 hAdevyAH / virATavaDazo(vaMzo)dbhavavAgaDikulakumudazazilekhAyAH zrIzazilekhAyA ____ vijJaptyA svargIbhUtanijatAta31 sya zrInAnAbhidhAnasya dharmAya svakAritazrInAnezvaranAmAyatane pratiSThApitasya ___ bhagavata umAmahezvarabhaTTA32 rakasya satatasnapanagandhapU(pu)SpadIpadhUpanivedyava(ba)licarupUjAdipravartanAtha khaNDasphuTita saMskaraNArtha mahAvratadhAri33 NAM tapasvinAM satrakopInottarAsaGgaglAnabhaiSajyAtha pATakasahitasya grAmasyaiko bhAgaH / evaM vA(brA)hmaNAnAM prAsAchA(cchA)danArtha dvitIyo bhAgaH / pAdamu(mU)lAdInAM jIvanabhuktiparidhAnArtha tRtIyo bhAgaH / tathetarazcaturtho bhAgo dA35 napatisvasantAnaparaMparAvartanArthaJca'(JcA)smAbhistA (stA) prazAsanIkRtyAkSayanIvIdharmeNAka ratvena pratipAditastadeSA'sma36 dati(ittiH) dharmagauravAdbhavadbhiH paripAlanIyA // samvat 100 50 8 kAttika zudi 7 / uktaJca dharmazo(zA)stre [*] va(ba)hubhirvasudhA dattA rAja37 bhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM(lam) // [18*] mA bhu(bhU)daphalazaGkA vaH paradate(te)ti pArthivAH / svadAnAtpha38 lamAnantyaM paradatA(ttA)nupAlane // 16*] svadattAmparadattAmvA(ttAM vA) yo hareta vasundharAM(rAm) / sa viSThAyAM kRmibhUtvA pitRbhiH saha pa39 cyate / / 20*] va(ba)hunAtA kimuktena sa(saM)kSepAdidamucyate / svalpamAyuzcalA bhogA dharmo lokadvayakSamaH // [21] iti kamala40 dalAmbu(mbu)vi(bi)ndulolAM zi(zri)yamanucintya manuSyajIvitaJca / akhilamida mudAhRtaJca vu(bu)vA [na] hi puruSaH parakIrtayo vi41 lopyAH // 22* yAvanmaulIndulekhojjvalitasurasaridvIcihArAvalIbhirbhasmasmerAM smarA rerddhavalayatitarAmaMzubhiH kA42 yakAnti (ntim) / AsA(zA)cakrakacUDAmaNirapi taraNiotate yAvaduccairdevyAH zrIsindagauryAH prabhavatu bha(bhuvane zAsanaM tAvaThe darda is superfluous.

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No. 30] TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 219 43 detat // [23] dUtakotA mahAkSapaTalAdhikRtarANakazrImallokaH / lekhako mahAkSapaTalikabhogI sa(za)kraze(se)naH / tA44 pitamppe(mpe)TakapAladevadevene(na) / utkIrNaM taTThakAra(reNa) amRtavarddhanena i(I)zvara varddhanaputreNeti // grAmasya sImA 45 likhyate / pUrvadizyuttarapUrvakoNAdArabhya dakSiNAbhimukhaM zAkhoTakaviTapena stokaM gatvA kiJcitpazcimAbhi48 mukhaM mRgajAnunA valitvA goheryA stokaM gatvA pUrvadakSiNakoNe proptazilA yAvat / tato dakSiNadizi pa47 ricamAbhimukhaM praguNena dUraM gatvA vakreNa dakSiNAbhimukhaM valitvA punaH pazcimAbhimukhaM nyagrodhavRkSaNa gatvA zilA48 kuNDajoTArddhasrotasA sarpagatyA gatvA koTTapurAdhAraM pravizya tajjalArddhana gatvA dakSiNapazcimakoNe propta49 zilAM yAvat / tataH pazcimadizyuttarAbhimukhaM zilAkhAni]kApraguNena zarakSepamAtraM ___ gatvA pazcimottarakoNe pro50 ptazilAM yAvat / tata . uttaradizi pUrvAbhimukhaM narakAdhAraNa stokaM gatvA vi(bi)lvavRkSeNa vakrAtivakreNa gatvA prathama51 saMsUcitasImAM yAvat // PLATE B Obverse 1-24 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 25 si(zi)kasthAnAntarikAnanyAnapi rAjaprasAdinazcATabhaTTa(Ta)vallabhajAtIyAn // daNDa bhuktimaNDale dakSiNakha26 NDaviSayepi mahAmahattaravR(bRhadbhogipustakapAlakuTakolasAdyadhikaraNaM yathAhi(I)mmAnayati vo(bo) Reverse 27 dhayati samAjJApayati. . ca / viditamastu bhavatAm etdvissysmb(mbddh| . (ddham) utthukAkSaNDakSetraM soparikaraH(raM) soddezaH(zaM) 28-44 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ..." 45 devadevena / utkIrNaM taTThakAraharivarddhanena / ' rahasavarddhanaputreNeti // khaNDakSetrasya sImA likhyate / pu(pU)vadizyuttara 1 The text of these lines is the same as in lines 1-25 of plate A with negligible variations. * The text of these lines is the same as in lines 27-44 of plato A.' * The danda is superfluous.

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220 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 46 pUrvakoNAdArabhya dakSiNAbhimukhaM kSetrAlyA gatvA gaNezvarakhAtakapazcimAlyA gatvA vakrAtivakreNa du(dU)raM gatvA pU47 vadakSiNakoNe proptazilA yAvat / tato dakSiNadizi pazcimAbhimukhaM kSetrAlyA - stokaM gatvA mRgajAnunA zA48 khoTakaviTapena gatvA dakSiNapazcimakoNe goherikAM yAvat / tataH pazcima dizyuttarAbhimukhaM goheryA 49 praguNena dUraM. gatvA pazcimottarakoNe proptazilAM yAvat / tata uttaradizi pUrvAbhimukhaM kSetrAlyA praguNe50 na dUraM gatvA prathamasaMmu(sU)citasImAM yAvat // No. 31-NOTE ON TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND Mr. S. C. De's paper on the inscriptions in question has been published above. We find it rather difficult to agree with some of Mr. De's suggestions. In the following lines, some comments are offered especially on the most important of them, namely, the one concerning the identity and age of the Bhauma-Kara queen who issued the Dhenkanal plate. ___ In the Hindol- and Dharakotas plates of Subhakara III, both dated in the year 103 of the Bhauma-Kara era, the said king is described as the son of Santikara-I from Mahadevi Tribhuvanamahadevi who was briman-Nag-odbhava-kula-lalama-bhava, i.e., born in the eminent family sprung from the illustrious Naga. All the three Talcher plates of the great-grandsons of this queen, viz., Subhakara IV (one grant dated in the year 145, usually read as 141) and Sivakara III (two grants both dated in the year 149), clearly state that Tribhuvanamahadevi ascended the Bhauma-Kara throne after the death of her son Kusumahara or Simhaketu, i.e., Subhakara III. The Talcher plate of Subhakara IV further says that, when Tribhuvanamahadevi's napta or grandson, named Lonabhara alias Santikara II, became sufficiently aged, she abdicated the throne in his favour. The corresponding portion of the Talcher plates of Sivakara III, which seems to be corrupt in the original and more so in the published transcript, does not specify the relationship between Tribhuvanamahadevi and her successor Gayada II, i.e., Santikara II. The Dhenkanal plate, issued by Tribhuvanamahadevi as a ruling queen, bears a date which looks like 100 but may also be read as 120.7 The queen, whose other name is given in her record as Sindagauri and who was the queen of Lalitahara, is stated to have been the daughter of Rajamalladeva described as the ornament of the southern quarter (dakshin-ada-mukha-tilaka). It is further stated in the record that the queen ascended the Kara (i.e., Bhauma-Kara) throne after the circle of the Mahasamantus (feudatories) had pointed out to her the case of an ancient queen I acknowledge with thanks the help I received from Pandit Banambar Acharya in editing the inscriptions. -See pp. 210 ff. * Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, pp. 23 ff. *Ibid., pp. 12ff Hbid., pp. 21 ff.. Ibid., pp. 32 ff., 40 ff.,51. See above, Vol. XXIX, p. Sl, note 3.

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No. 31] NOTE ON TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 221 named Gosvamini and requested her to assume the reins of Government in the manner of that old ruling queen. Mr. Misra identifies queen Tribhuvanamahadevi who issued the Dhenkanal plate with the Bhauma-Kara queen of the same name mentioned in the inscriptions of the years 103, 145 and 149, referred to above. Mr. De on the other hand thinks that Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate ruled in the year 160 immediately after Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi who issued the Baud plates in the year 158. We are inclined to favour Mr. Misra's identification as Mr. De's suggestion appears to be doubtful in view of the following facts. In the first place, the fact that the feudatories cited the instance of an ancient ruling queon named Gosvamini to induce Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate to ascend the throne suggests that she was the first ruling queen on the Bhauma-Kara thrope. Had there been two other queens previously ruling in the family within less than half a century before hor age and had one of them ruled immediately before herself, the reference to an earlier queen's rule by way of illustration was certainly uncalled for and meaningless. Even if such an illustration was necessary at all to induce a third queen of the family to the throne, it is no doubt strange that the ruling queen who flourished immediately before should have been passed over in silence and the case of another reigning more than quarter of a century earlier would have been cited Secondly, according to Mr. De, Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate was the wife of Sivakara III who issued his grants in the year 149. If she was thus the mother of Santikara III and Subhakara V, it is only natural to expect a prominent mention of her name in the grants of queen Dandimahadevi who was the daughter of Subhakara V. But her name is conspicuous by its absence in the later records of the family. This difficulty has been explained away by Mr. De who thinks that Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate was a step-mother of Dandimahadevi's father and that she, like Prithvimahadevi, did not recognise her step-sons' title to the Bhauma-Kara throne. If such was the case, Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate is expected to have been a partisan of Prithvimahadevi in her struggle with the lawful claimants of the throne and the non-mention of the latter's name in her record becomes doubly inexplicable. Thirdly, the two known facts (1) that Tribhuvanamahadevi, mother of Subhakara III of the Hindol and Dharakota plates (dated 103), was born in the Naga family and (2) that Tribhuvanamahadevi alias Sindagauri of the Dhenkanal plate was the daughter of Rajamalla of the southern country appear to suggest that the two were one and the game person. The name Sindagauri (i.e., Sinda-Gauri or Gauri of the Sindas) shows that the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate was born in the Sinda family while it is well known that the Sindas who originally belonged to Karnataka claimed Naga origin. We are inclined to believe that Tribhuvanamahadevi, who was the mother of Subhakara III and has to be identified with the ruling queen of the Dhenkanal plate, was the daughter of a Sinda king bearing the name or biruda Rajamalla. It has to be noticed that Prithvi 1"Devi purripi dovya Sri Gosvaminya...chirom dhariteniv=eyam vasundhara tad-adhun=api prasida tathaiva suchiram dharay=ninam kriyatim lok-Anugrahah svikriyatamavi(tam vit) prakram-agata-Kara-rajyA-Srir"iti sa-rabhasam-abhiskeka-mangala-pratipad-onmukhena mahati mahisamanta-chakrena nivodyamina...sim. hisanamirudha (Misra, op. cit., pp. 25-26, text lines 17-21). An alternative interpretation of this passage may be that the queen's other name was Gosvamint and that she had ruled the kingdom for sometime on previous occasion before the accession of her son (or stop-son) Subhakara III, although there is no indication in favour of such a possibility in the inscriptions of the family. Cf. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, pp. 573 ff. * We have no knowledge of a Sinda-Naga ruler named Rajamalla who flourished in the tenth century. But the said name is known to have been popular in the Sincla family. An inscription of 1148-49 A.C. mentions a chiot named Irmadi-Rachamalla (i.c., Rajantalla the Second, showing probably that there was Ilajaro alla I among his predecessors) who claimed the Naga lineage and enjoyed the biruda Sinda-Govinda that reminds us of Sinda. Gaurl. See ARSIE for 1904, p. 9 (cf. Nos. 56 and 69 of 1904); Kielhorn's List of Inecriptions of Southern India, No. 2153.

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222 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX mahadevi in her Baud plates not only assumes both the names as well as the epithet Paramavaishnavi enjoyed by the earlier queen Tribhuvanamahadevi alias Sindagauri but refers to the latter not as Tribhuvanamahadevi (as in the Talcher plates of her husband and the latter's younger brother) but as Gosvamini. The foot of the stanza applying the name Sindagauri to the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate has been actually appropriated by Prithvimahadevi in the similar verge quoted in her Baud plates. This attempt on the part of Prithvimahadevi to pass herself as the shadow of and at the same time to distinguish herself clearly from the earlier ruling queen Tribhuvanamahadevi, whom she represents as Gosvamini, is not entirely unintelligible. This may have been partly due to her eagerness for strengthening her position against the lawful claim of the sons of her husband's younger brother to the Bhauma-Kara throne. Apparently, she claimed her position on the Bhauma-Kara throne to be exactly similar to that of her earlier namesake although she felt the necessity of avoiding any confusion between the two Tribhuvanamahadevis, It is interesting to note that Ptithvimahadevi is silent in regard to Gosvamini's relation with her predecessor. The facts that Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate was induced by her feudatories to assume the burden of government by citing the instance of Gosvamini and that Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Baud plates applies the name Gosvamini to her earlier namesake (apparently to make a distinction between the two Tribhuvanamahadevis to avoid confusion) appear to suggest that the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate was called Gosvamini II after an ancient or legendary femalo ruler of Orissa probably having nothing to do with the Bhauma-Karas. It may be pointed out that the assumption of the name Sindagauri, pointing to an association with the Sinda Nagas, by Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi, who is known to have been born in a royal family other than that of the Sindas, seems to be explainable only by the suggestion that she adopted it rather arbitrarily just to pass herself as the shadow of an earlier ruling queen of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty. It seems therefore that the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate was the real and original Sinda-Gauri and that she flourished before the imitation Sinda-Gauri who issued the Baud plates. Fourthly, Mr. De thinks that the real names of the mother of Subhakara III and the wife of Subhakara IV were respectively Gosvamini and Prithvimahadevi and that they both assumed the name Tribhuvanamahadevi, although he cannot say what the original name of Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate, whom he regards as the third ruling queen of that assumed name, was. We find at least two diffioulties in accepting this suggestion. The first is that, if the mother of Subhakara III assumed the name Tribhuvanamahadevi when she ascended the throne after her son's death, she could not have possibly been mentioned by that name, as she really is, in the records of her son who preceded herself on the throne. In the second place, if Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate was the third Bhauma-Kara ruling queen of that name, it is rather strange that she, unlike Ptithvimahadevi, did not feel the necessity of distinguishing herself to avoid a confusion between herself and any of her two past namasakes. This no doubt looks especially dubious when she is supposed to have been immediately preceded by another ruling queen of the same name, because the possibility of confusion in such a case was greater. If her real name was Tribhuvanamahadevi, it must be regarded as a strange coincidence that she succeeded another Tribhuvanamahadevi. But if her real name was different, she would have hardly chosen Tribhuvanamahadovi as her coronation name, because that would lead to a confusion between herself and her predecessor on the throne. That the female rulers of the Bhauma-Kara family had no special liking for the name Tribhuvanamahadevi is shown by the fact that none of the four later ruling queens of the dynasty (viz., Gaurimahadevi, Dandimahadevi, Vakulamahadevi and Dharmamahadevi) assumed that name. If the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate flourished immediately after Prithvimahadevi, she could have hardly called herself only by the name assumed by her predecessor without any attempt to distinguish herself.

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No. 31] NOTE ON TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD Fifthly, the Baud plates of Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi give the genealogy of the Bhauma-Kara family in which the long line of rulers from Unmattasimha (the second king of the dynasty) down to the ruling queen herself are named and, in the description of the earlier ruling queen Tribhuvanamahadevi alias Gosvamini, they actually quote one stanza and a half from the Talcher plate of her husband Subhakara 1V. The Dhenkanal plate on the other hand mentions only Unmattakesarin and Gayada I (the second and fifth rulers of the family) in the reference to the past monarchs of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty and gives the impression quite clearly that the issuer of the charter has to be placed in the earlier part of the genealogical tree. This no doubt goes in favour of the identification of the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate with the mother and successor of Subhakara III who was the great-grandson of Unmattakesarin (simha) and the son and successor of Gayada alias Santikara I. If the Dhenkanal plate was issued in the year 160, that is to say, shortly after the reign of Prithvimahadevi of the Baud plates, it is difficult to explain why the description of the Bhauma-Kara genealogy quoted in it does not resemble in any way the same as found in the Baud plates of the year 158 as well as the Talcher plates of the years 145 and 149. As already indicated above, the fact that the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate does not mention Prithvimahadevi, who was her immediate predecessor according to Mr. De, but states that the queen was induced to ascend the throne by citing the instance of an earlier female ruler named Gosvamini is inexplicable and renders Mr. De's suggestion unconvincing. 223 One of Mr. De's arguments in favour of assigning the Dhenkanal plate to the year 160 seems to be that it was engraved by the brazier Harivardhana, son of Rahasavardhana, while the two Talcher plates of the year 149 were engraved by the brazier Rahasavardhana, son of Ramavardhana, and one of the Baud plates of the year 158 by Harivardhana, son of Rahasavardhana. His identification of Harivardhana, engraver of the Baud plates of the year 158, with Harivardhana who engraved the Dhenkanal plate appears to support his contention assigning the latter record to the year 160. But considering the difficulties in ascribing the Dhenkanal plate to such a late date, which have been detailed above, as well as the fact that several records of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty mention the Vardhana family of braziers and the very name Harivardhana occurring in the Chaurasi plate assigned to the year 73,1 it does not appear improbable that the engraver of the Dhenkanal plate was an ancestor of his namesake who engraved one set of the Baud plates." It may be noted here that the circumstances leading to the accession of Tribhuvanamahadevi I, surnamed Sindagauri and Gosvamini (II), as given in the records of the years 145, 149 and 158, which have been discussed above, are not clearly described in the Dhenkanal plate. The Talcher plate of the year 145, as we have seen, says that Tribhuvanamahadevi ascended the Bhauma-Kara throne after the death of her son Subhakara III but abdicated in favour of her grandson as soon as the latter passed over his minority. This gives the impression that the queen ruled for a short period during the minority of her grandson, although, in ancient India, minority was never a bar to one's accession to the throne. On this point the Baud plates, which are silent on the relation between Gosvamini (Tribhuvanamahadevi I) and her predecessor Kusumahara (Subhakara III), add that Subhakara III died without leaving any heir. It seems therefore that Santikara II, sur 1 Misra, op. cit., pp. 8-9. The two may also be one and the same person. The case is similar to that of Vinayachandra, son of Bhanuchandra, who engraved some, but not all, of the Eastern Ganga charters bearing dates between the Ganga years 28 and 91. See IHQ, Vol. XIX, p. 235; JAHRS, Vol. III, p. 53, etc. See JRASBL, Vol. XII, pp. 71 ff.; Vol. XIII, pp. 75 ff. 29 DGA/53 D

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX named Lonabhara and Gayada II, may have been adopted as the son of Subhakara III by the latter's chief queen sometime after his death and his mother's accession to the throne. Mr. De's speculation in regard to the relation between Tribhuvanamahadevi I and her successor does not appeal to me. In our opinion therefore the known inscriptions of the Bhauma-Kara family reveal the existence of two and not three ruling queens named Tribhuvanamahadevi. Queen Tribhuvanamahadevi I was the mother of Subhakara III and ruled for some years after her son's death when her Dhenkanal plate was issued in the year 120. She was the daughter of a Sinda king enjoying the name or biruda Rajamalla. Queen Tribhuvanamahadevi II was the daughter of the Somavamsi king Svabhavatunga of Kosala (South Kosala) who, as we have seen elsewhere seems to be no other than Mahasivagupta I Yayati (circa 970-1000 A.C.). It has also been noticed how Prithvimahadevi secured the Bhauma-Kara throne in a temporarily successful contest against the lawful claims of the sons of her husband's younger brother with the active help of her father sometime before the year 158 of the Bhauma-Kara era and how this fact helps us in locating the commencement of the said era about the middle of the first half of the ninth century. We have also shown how the Daspalla plates of Satrubbanja of Vanjulvaka, who was a descendant of Ranabhanja of Dhfitipura (about the third quarter of the tenth century) and probably flourished about the second quarter of the eleventh century, bear the date : year 198 (apparently of the Bhauma-Kara era), Vishuva-sankranti, Panchami, Sunday and Mrigasiro-nakshatra, suggesting March 23, 1029 A.C., and how this fact helps us in tracing the initial year of the era in 831 A.C. The date of the Baud plates of the year 158 thug appears to be 988 A.C. The epithet Viralavam odbhava-Vragadikulakumuda satilekha, applied to the lady Sasilekha at whose request the grants recorded in the Baud plates were made, seems to suggest that she was born in the Virata dynasty but was married into the Vragadi family. Her husband Mangalakalasa therefore does not appear to have been a Bhanja prince of the Mayurbhanj region as suggested by Mr. De. The identification of Mangalakalasa, taken to be a Bhazja prince of Mayurbhanj, with Satrubhanja Mangalaraja of the Jangalpadu plates is unlikely as the findspot and style of this record show that the chief ruled in the Ganjam region and belonged to the house of the Bhanjas of Vanjulvaka. In the present state of our knowledge, it is difficult to connect him with the Bhaojas of Mayurbhanj. The facts that the temple built by Sasilekha was called Nannesvarayatana after her deceased father Nanna and that a village granted in its favour included a locality called Nannisvaratalapataka appear to suggest that both the temple and the gift village were situated in the same area of the Dandabhukti mandala (modern Danton region of the Midnapur District, West Bengal). As Sabilekha may have built the temple and arranged for the gift of land in its favour in the area under the jurisdiction of her husband who enjoyed the gubernatorial status of Mahamandaladhipati under the Bhau ma-Karas, it is not improbable to think that Mangalakalasa was the ruler of the Dandabhukti mandala. * JASL, Vol. XIX, No. 2, 1963, pp. 119 ff. * Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 307. * See above, ..; JASL, loc. cit. Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 46; 1HQ, Vol. XXVII), pp. 225 ff. Abovo, Vol. 1HQ, Vol. XXIX, pp. 148 f, THQ, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 229-30.

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA: SAKA 1091. 225 No. 32-NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA CHODA : SAKA 1091 B. V. KRISHNA RAO, RAJAHMUNDRY These plates were found in the village of Nanduru in Bapatla taluk, Guntur District, about fifty years ago and were forwarded by the Tahsildar of Bapatla to the Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, early in 1917. They were examined and numbered as C. P. No. 23 of 1916-17, and were reviewed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1917, pages 118-119. The following description of the plates appears in the Annual Report. "The plates are 5 in number and are hung on a big ring the ends of which are fixed into the bottom of a seal which bears the legend ' sri-Tribhuvanankusa ' between two lines with the symbols of the sun, the moon and star, two parasols, the Chola Tiger, aikura, lotus and the svastika () above, and the Chalukyan boar, the disc (chakra), sandals, drum, double-conch, lamp stands and a few other unintelligible symbols below". It is said that the ring was not cut when the plates reached the Epigraphist's office. The Epigraphist, the late Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, observed, therefore, "it is curious how despite this the set is incomplete commencing as it does with No. 3, marked on the second side of the existing plate and stopping abruptly with the mention of the donce, omitting the usual imprecations, etc." He, therefore, assumed that the plates had been examined sometime before that and that the now missing plates were lost on that occasion. I am, however, of a different opinion. The two outer plates must have been completely, worn out and corroded on account of their extremely bad preservation. They would have crumbled down to pieces and powder at the first touch when they were discovered. The worn out condition of the writing on the inner plates must be due to the bad preservation of the plates. Whatever that might be, it is true as Krishna Sastri observed, "the information conveyed by the existing plates is very interesting, giving us, as they do, an account of the later Chalukya sovereigns who held sway over the Vengi country down to the time of Rajaraja (II) and of their subordinates the Velanandu chiefs down to Rajendra-Choda". The importance of the plates is further enchanced by the fact that it is the only copper-plate grant of the kings of the Velananti family who controlled and guided the destinies of the Chola-Chalukya Empire and the fortunes of the country of Vengi for nearly a century and half, from about 1070 to about 1210 A.C. I undertook the editing of these plates several years ago but continued preoccupation with other matters from time to time had prevented me from carrying out the work entrusted to me in 1927 by the then Government Epigraphist for India, the late Dr. Hirananda Sastri. I now edit the inscription from the ink impressions supplied to me by him. As the ink-impressions are not clear in some places and as the original plates were not available to me for examination, the reading of the inscription in some portions had to be supplemented with the help of some lithic records of the family found at Draksharama and other places. The inscription is engraved on both sides of the five plates which are roughly 9" long and 6." wide, and rectangular in shape. The writing on the plates is very clumsy. Often the letters are found crammed into one another; they are also irregular and much worn out on account of the bad preservation of the plates. The number of lines on each plate is not uniform : the number varies from twelve to fourteen and even to seventeen lines. The available text of the inscription runs into 137 lines ; out of them, however, the last two lines on plate V-6 (lines 108-9) are wholly unintelligible. 1 The Annual Report states that the original plates were returned to the owner through the Tahsildar. I have tried in vain to trace them. *SII, Vol. IV, No. 1182..

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226 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. The inscription is composed partly in prose and partly in poetry. The poetry is fairly good, though the language contains a few expressions which are opposed to the rules of Panini. Thus for instance : line 4 has pancha-Pandav=akhandal-opamah; line 9 bas pravaktun-narah; lines 14-15 have vallabhan-nirbbhara-garbbha-bharam; and line 27, suhnetra. The inscription is written in characters which are regular for the period to which it belongs, i.e., the 12th century A.C. According to Dr. Burnell, such characters belong to what he called the "transitional period ". The following orthographical peculiarities may, however, be noticed. Vowels a and long a, short i and u and long e occur in the inscription. The long a is distinguished by a vertical stroke at the right side. Vowels i and u have reached their final forms, and are fully developed. No distinction is yet drawn between e and e long. Both are written alike. There is no vertical stroke on the head of e to denote the long e as we find at the present day. There is not much distinction between d and dh; and final forms of m, n, and t are used in the inscription. The varganunasika is substituted by the anusvara which is denoted by a bindu throughout. Sometimes words like vamsa and dayita are written as vamsya and dayitya, which is apparently in accordance with the local pronunciation of Sanskrit words in the Krishna and Guntur Districts, where the sibilant & is always joined with y. The scribe has not followed any principle in doubling the consonants. The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village of Inumgarru as an agrahara to a learned Brahmana, on an auspicious occasion by king Rajendra-Choda II, who is stated to be ruling over Andhra-mandala as commissioned by Rajaraja, i.e., Rajaraja II of the Chalukya-Chola family (Lines 133-4). The name of the donee and the district in which the village was situated have been unfortunately lost on the missing last plate. The village Inumgarru granted in the record may be identified with Inugurtipadu', a village in the vicinity of Nanduru, the findspot of the present plates, in the Bapatla taluk, Guntur District. At the time of making the grant, Rajendra-Choda is stated to be staying in his capital, Dhanadapuri, i.e., Chandavolu in Repalle taluk, Guntur District. The date of the grant is given as Saka 1091 (indunanda-viyach-chandra-ganite) and as the 23rd year of Rajaraja, i.e., Rajaraja II (lines 133-134). The Saka year which is an expired year corresponds to 1169-70 A.C. The inscription divides itself into two parts. The first part (lines 1-67) contains the historical genealogy of the Eastern Chalukyas, treating of Kulottunga-Chola I and his successors down to Rajaraja II as Chalukyas and not as Cholas. The second part (lines 68 ff.) describes the history of the Chiefs of Velanandu or, members of the Velananti family, who enjoyed the position of subordinate kings under the Chola-Chalukyas. There are many new statements in the account relating to the Eastern Chalukyas, which differ from what we know hitherto. Some of them may be explained as errors committed by the scribe who engraved the inscription on the plates. Thus, for example, Narendra, i.e., Narendramtigaraja-Vijayaditya or Vijayaditya II is called the son of Vijayaditya I, or Vijayaditya-Bhattaraka (line 38), while in fact he was the son of Vishnuvardhana IV. In a similar manner a Vishnuvardhana is stated to be the son of Vijayaditya II, and is given a reign of thirty-six years (lines 39-40). This king must be Vishnuvardhana IV, the father of Narendramtigaraja, and not his son as wrongly described here. Apparently the order in the narration is confused. Again the son of Vishnuvardhana IV is said to be Kali-Vishnuvardhana or Vishnuvardhana V, and is given a reign of half a year (line 41) while it is known from other records of the dynasty that he reigned for one and a half years, or twenty months according to some, and that 1 Usually when a village is deserted and disappears for a period, the site is denoted by the term padu; and when a new village springs up on the spot after an interval, it is called with the suffix padu super added to the old name. So it must be with Inugurtipadu, (lit. the padu of Inu(min)gurtu, or Inngurtu).

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No. 321 NANDURU PLATES OF VETANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA : SAKA 1091227 he was the son of Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya II and not of Vishnuvardhana V. It would seem that the engraver, while copying the grant on copper-plates, got confused and changed the order or sequence of the verses on the plate. He should have written verse 19 after verse 17; in other words, the proper order of the verses should be, first, verse 17, then verse 19 and lastly verse 18. If the inscription is read in this order the apparent confusion disappears. Krishna Sastri's observation, viz., that "The reign of Vishnuvardhana IV is altogether omitted and a new Vishnuvardhana, a son of Vijayaditya (II), is mentioned with a rule of 50 years, followed by Kali-Vishnuvardhana", need no longer be held as complicating the genealogical position. Another discrepancy is in respect of the reign of Danarnava who is said to have ruled for 30 years (line 50), instead of 3 years. The reign of Vira-Vijayaditya or Vijayaditya VIII, younger brother of Rajaraja I is altogether omitted. Yet another erroneous statement is that Kulottunga-Chela I is said to have ruled for twentyfive years (line 58) instead of fifty as known hitherto. Except for these errors the genealogical account is accurate. It is noteworthy that the historical account contains some new information about a few kings. Chalukya-Bhima I is said to have destroyed his enemies on numerous battlefields, and to have built several temples of Mahadeva (Siva) at sacred spots (lines 42-43). His son Vijayaditya IV who is well known by his surname Kollabhiganda from the records of the family, is stated to have obtained a decisive victory in the battle of Virajapuri, captured the city and went to heaven (line 44), a statement which may be taken to indicate that he died shortly after the battle, a fact not known hitherto. Virajapuri may be properly identified with Jajpur (which is apparently a variant of Virajapuri) the chief town of the Jajpur tahsil of the Cuttack District, Orissa. It lies on the Vaitarani, a tributary of the Mahanadi situated about fifty miles due north-west of Cuttack. During the ancient period, it was a great and renowned tirtha, "& place of pilgrimage," according to the Mahabharata. Viraja or Virajapuri was for a long time a provincial capital of the Bhauma-Kara kings of Utkala and the Somavamsi kings of DakshinaKosala who bore the epithet, Trikalingadhi pati. Kollabhiganda's son was Amma I who is said to bave performed many Tulapurusha-dinas (gifts) year after year during his brief rule of seven years (line 44). Vikrama-Chola, son and successor of Kulottunga-Chola I, is given the correct period of rule, viz., seventeen years (lines 60-61), which is in conformity with the regnal years recorded in some of the inscriptions of the Andhra country and in Tamil inscriptions as well. His son Kulottunga-Chola II is said to have reigned for fifteen years in succession (linos 64-65). Lastly, the relationship between Kulottunga-Chela II and Rajaraja II, which has not been hitherto correctly. known, is clearly stated in the present record as that of father and son (lines 65-66). The second part of the inscription contains a brief account of the Velananti family. It gives a complete genealogy which in some respects supplements the account given in the Pithapuram inscription of Velananti Prithvisvara. The following genealogical table represents the information that is contained in the present inscription. ARSIE, 1917, p. 118. Dr. Flect was not aware of Badapa the usurper, who was also a Vijayaditya and therefore would be Vija. yaditya VII. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 276. * Aranya-Parvan, 83, v. 6. Tato Vaitaranit gatva nadir papa-pramochanim Virajar drihamasadya virajali yutha tatil . Above, . DJ, p. 127. Ibid., Vol. V, p. 131, text-liue 17. Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 32.

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228 Erriya (II) m. Kattamba (Vamsakarta) Malliya (IV) Vedura. Malla-bhupa (Malla I) (Obtained the rulership of Velanandu from Tryambaka-Pallava with all the insignia of a subordinate king) Malliya (II) (Servant of Narendra, i.e., Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya II) 1 Piduvuriditya I Eriya (I) T Malliya (III) m. Kotyapamba, or Ko[lla]pamba1 (Foremost among the subordinates of Chalukya-Bhima II) T EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Chaturtha-kula D Kudiya (I) (Obtained Gudravaravishaya from Vimaladitya) Ganda (II) Ganda (I) Gonka II m. Sabbambika (Set up golden pinnacles on temples which looked like jayastambhas) Panda (I) Gorka I m. Sabbambika (Obtained Shat-sahasr-avani-vishaya from Kulottunga-Chola I by assisting him on battlefields) Choda I m. Gundambika Gundambika T Korapa Nanna (Commandar-in-chief of Vishnuvardhana, i.e., Rajaraja I) T Panda (II) m. Gundambika + Malla (V) [VOL. XXIX Panda (IV) Rajendra-Choda (II) (Obtained the Andhra country surrounded by the sea on the east, Kalahasti on the south, Srisaila on the west and Mahendragiri on the north, from Rajaraja (II) and ruled it as his subordinate. Destroyed Kolananti Bhima (i.e., Mandalika Bhima of Kolanu-nandu or Kolanu-Bhima and his entire family). Donor of the present record, dated Saka 1091, 23rd regnal year of Rajaraja (II).) Kapana Panda (III) 1 The present insoription is damaged at the place where the name is expected to occur. The name, therefore, is restored from other records of the family which give the genealogy.

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA : SAKA 1091 229 The account given in the Pithapuram inscription differs slightly from the pedigree given above. The differences are discussed below. Besides the Pithapuram inscription there are numerous other inscriptions on stone found particularly at Draksharama' in East Godavari District, at Siripuram and Chebrolu in Guntur District and other places which give additional historical information about the family. A stone inscription at Draksharama. gives a genealogical account which not only completely agrees with the present record but gives additional information. The historical details found in these inscriptions have not been arranged so far in their proper perspective which I now propose to do. The first known historical person in the Velananti family, who may be regarded as the founder of the line in the rulership of Velanandu is Malla-bhupa or Malla I. Velanandu or Velanadu is the name of the region now covered by the Repalle and Tenali taluks of the Guntur District. The region acquired the name probably because it lay on the sea coast (vela), the Sanskrit word being pronounced as vela with short vowels by the inhabitants of that region during the early period. The term Velananti is the genitive form of Velanandu (nominative form) and means " of Velanandu " in Telugu. Malla I, it is stated, received as a reward the rulership of Velanandu with the insignia of a vassal king from Tryambaka-Pallava who was pleased with him for military services rendered for a long time on battlefields. Malla I was probably & soldier of fortune, who came from the north irrsearch of a kingdom, and thus acquired a small kingdom for himself. Several Durjaya chieftains, too, similarly claimed to have obtained from king Tryambaka-Pallava, military fiefs on the southern bank of the Krishna river as rewards for their military services. King TryambakaPallava, Trinayana-Pallava or Mukkanti-Kaduvetti may not, therefore, be a doubtful historical person as some scholars opine; he need not be regarded as a mere fictitious person, brushing aside a large volume of historical tradition embodied in numerous inscriptions on stone and copperplates and scattered all over the country. Elsewhere. Tryambaka-Pallava has been identified with the powerful king Vijaya-Skandavarman IV, and allotted a reign period of thirty-five years (c. 460-495 A.C.). Malla I, therefore, would appear to have flourished about the last quarter of the fifth century. Nothing is known about the immediate successors of Malla-bhupa I, until we come to Malliya II who is described as a renowned soldier. It is said that he was a follower of Narendra, who may be identified with Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya II. Malliya II, it is stated, rendered great assistance to king Narendra (on the battlefields) with the sharp edge of his fierce sword which was like a thunderbolt (v. 36 : lines 72-75). According to Dr. Fleet,? Narendramtigaraja-Vijayaditya II reigned from 799.to 843 A.C., for forty-four years, while according to my Revised Chronology of the Eastern Chalukyas," the king's period is only forty years, from 808 to 847 A.C. Malliya II would thus appear to have flourished about the first half of the ninth century. In the lineage of Malliya II was born Piduvuraditya, or Piduvuladitya as the Draksharama stone inscription calls him. The son of Piduvuraditya was Eriya (I), and his son was Malliya III. Iu the Draksharama inscription the name of Malla or Malliya is lost in the lacuna. It is stated in that inscription that Malla III (Malliya III) was foremost among the followers of Chalukya-Bhima who may be identified with Chalukya-Bhima II (933-945 A.C.). Malla III married Kollapamba socording to 1 811, Vol. IV, Nos. 1041, 1094, 1113, 1147, 1138, 1140, 1141, 1153, 1104; 1182, etc. ? SII, Vol. X, Nos. 177, etc. : SI1, Vol. VI, Nos. 109, 123, 124, 144, 181, 224, 239, 1200, etc. * See SI1., Vol. IV, No. 1182. [This derivation is doubtful.-Ed.] * A History of The Early Dynasties of Andhradesa, p. 281. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 100. Journal of the Andhra Hiet. Res. Soc., Vol. IX, Part iv, pp. 27-32. SIT, Vol. IV, No. 1182.

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230 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX the present plates but the Draksharama inscription gives her name as Kotyapamba. The reading of her name as Kollapama (line 77) in the present charter seems to be rather doubtful, for the second letter in the name is indistinct on the plate. It is probable, therefore, that her name as written there is Kostya)pamba. There is a marked divergence in the genealogical portion between the account of the Pithapuram inscription and the information given in the present plates. According to the Pithapuram inscription, the founder of the family was No.(1) Malla I, his son was No. (2) Eriyavarman and his son was No. (3) Kudiyavarman. The son of No. (3) was No. (4) Malla II surnamed Piduvaraditya and the latter's son was No. (5) Kudyavarman or Kudiyavarman II, who was a vassal of the emperor, Vimaladitya (1011-1019 A.C.)." The Pithapuram inscription thus omits three or four generations, and mentions all the princes from No. 1 to No. 7 Nanniraja in the relationship of father to son. Its information is thus rendered comparatively less probable and not so trustworthy. Its evidence may, therefore, be rejected in preference to the information furnished by the present inscription which agrees in full with the accounts given in the Draksharama record that belongs to a period much earlier than the Pithapuram inscription. Malla III, who was foremost among the followers of Chalukya-Bhima II is altogether omitted in the Pithapuram inscription. The Draksharama inscription is contemporaneous with the present record. To return to Malla III of the present record. He married Kotyamambi (Kotyapamba) and had two sons by ber, Erriya II who is described as jyeshtha 'the elder' and vam sakarta, 'the progenitor of the family', and Korapa. Erriya II married Kattamba and had six sons by her, Malla IV, Kudiya, Ganda, Panda I, Nanna and Kapana, every one of whom resembled Shanmukha, the six-faced war-god. Kudiya, it is said, was a vassal of the emperor Vimaladitya, and received from him the rulership of the province, Gudravara-vishaya. This prince is evidently the same as No. 5 Kudyavarman II or Kudiyavarman, of the Pithapuram inscription in which he is stated to have rendered assistance for a long time on battlefields to Vimaladitya who then having been pleased bestowed on him the territory, Gudravara-dvaya, "the two provinces of Gudravara" (vv. 16-18). The two Gudravaras may be identified with the Gudravara' corresponding to the Gudivada taluk and with the Pallapu-Gudravara', 'low lying Gudravara', corresponding to the Kaikaluru taluk, of the Krishna District. Nanna, the younger brother of Kudyavarman, is described as a great hero and as a prince of praiseworthy character. It is said that he was the commander-inchief of all the forces of Vishnuvardhana, i.e., Rajaraja-Narendra or Rajaraja I (1022-1061 A.C.). Nanna's son was Panda I, whose wife Gundambika resembled Kunti of epic fame. While in the present record Panda I and Gundambika are stated to have had five sons, Vedura, Ganda II, Gorka I. Malla V and Panda II who were like the five Pandavas, the Pithapuram inscription, on the other hand, makes these five princes the children of Nanna. There is another discrepancy between the Pithapuram inscription and the present record. Kudyavarman II, it is stated in the former (v. 25), had a son named Erraya to whom he transferred his kingdom after having ruled the earth for a long time, and the latter, however, does not mention any son of Kudiya, vassal of Vimaladitya. It is, therefore, probable that Kudyavarman II or Kudiya was succeeded by his younger brother Nannacaja in the rulership of his vassal kingdom. The Draksharama record, too, does not mention that Kudyavarman II transferred his kingdom to his son Erraya, a fact mentioned only in the Pithapuram inscription. Nanna, the Pithapuram inscription states, had destroyed a crowd of 1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 35. . All the records of the family beginning with the reign of Rajaraja I (1022-1061 A.C.) state that Vimaladitya reigned for only seven years. The date of his coronation is known to us from his Ranastipundi grant (Above, Vol. VI, pp. 341-361). Hence it is assumed that his seven year's rule came to an end in 1019 A.C. * Above, Vol. V, pp. 135-39, SII, Vok V, No. 211. C.P. No. 5 of 1937-38 : Kalidindi grant of Rajaraja-Narendrs. See abovo, p. 69.text-line 75,

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA : SAKA 1091 231 enemies, and ruled a kingdom which he acquired by the strength of his arm. There is no agreement, however, between the Draksharama inscription and the present record with regard to the order of the five sons of Panda I. The former record mentions Malla V as the second and Ganda II as the fourth son, while the latter makes their position vice versa. This small discrepancy may be ignored. Of the five sons of Panda I, Gonka I was the most distinguished and is also described as the vankakarta. The Draksharama inscription calls him a great hero. He was a trusted vassal of the emperor, Kulottunga-Chola I. The Pithapuram inscription (v. 27) states of prince Gorka I that he was the most distinguished of his brothers and that he ruled the Andhra-mandala as a vassal of Kulottunga-Chola I. The present record, too, corroborates that account by stating that Gonka I having pleased that emperor by his services on the battlefields and by destroying hosts of his enemies, obtained as a reward from him, the rulership of the province known as Shasahasravani, the Six Thousand District' on the southern bank of the river Krishna (v. 46). Gorka I was appointed Samasta-senadhipati by Kulottunga-Chola I according to a stone inscription at Chebrolu' in Guntur District, dated Friday, the 12th February, 1077 A.C. Rajendra-Choda I called merely Choda in the present record, son of Velananti Gonkaraja I and Sabbambika, was the next illustrious prince of the family. Though the present plates do not mention much about him the Pithapuram inscription on the other hand states that he was adopted as his own son by the Chalukya-Chola emperor, Kulottunga-Chola I, who furnished him with emblems befitting his own sons and made him the ruler of the kingdom of Vengimandala-sixteenthousand (vv. 35-36). The reason for the Chola king's adoption of a prince of the Chaturthakula, apparently a well grown up person, himself being a full-blooded kshatriya emperor, would seem to lie imbedded in the history of that troublous period. Perhaps Kulottunga-Chola I had no grown up son at that juncture to take up the burden of ruling the disturbed kindgom of Vengi, apparently in succession to Vira-Choda. This event would seem to have taken place in 1094 A.C., immediately before the expedition against Kalinga was undertaken. And it would appear that within a short time Rajendra-Choda had brought the Kalinga war to a successful close. In the words of the Pithapuram inscription prince Choda "resembled the terrible Bhima in uprooting crowds of hostile kings (v. 36)." While the Kalingattupparani makes the Pallava chief, Karunakaru Tondaiman, the sole hero of the Kalinga war, the inscriptions of the Andhra country on the other hand reveal altogether a different story. There are reasons to believe that the supreme command of the imperial forces was assumed by Rajendra-Choda himself. All the inscriptions of the Andhra country which refer to the war with Kalinga unmistakably bear testimony to this fact. The stone inscription at Draksharama of the vassal chief Palla varaja surnamed Tiruvaranga, gives a vivid account of the Kalinga war. It states that Pallavaraja who bore the secondary name Panduvaraja had obtained prosperity by his devotion to the feet of king Rajendra-Choda who rewarded him with the insignia of royalty and made him & vassal king. The inscription states that Pallavaraja who is also called Chodachandra, having reduced to ashes the whole of Kalinga, subdued the Ganga king in battle, and having destroyed Devendravarman and others together with their vast armies 1 811, Vol. VI, No. 109. There seems to be a slight error in the date. There was no eclipse of the moon on the full-moon day of Mugha, Saka 988, when Gonka I is stated to have made a grant to the temple of Mulasthanadeva at Chebrolu. If, however, we assume that Phalguna was intended and that the scribe by mistake engraved Magha for Phalguna, the date would be regular. * SII, Vol. IV, No. 662 (vv.8-9), Vol. X, No. 107, Vol. IV, No. 1153, Vol. X, No. 64. - SIF, Vol. IV, No. 1239. This has been published with notes and translation. See above, Vol. XXII, pp. 138 f. In my opinion Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyer has not properly interpreted the inscription. He has made many doubtful identifications. Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer thinks that this Pallavaraja was the same as the hero of Jayamgondar's Kalingal. tuparani. The identification is improper. There might have been several Pallavarajas in the Cholu Army. More. over Jayanagopdar's hero does not bear any of the names, Tiruvaranga, Panduvarlia or Chodaelinndra. . 29 DGA/53

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232 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX from Kosala, planted a pillar of victory (jayastambha1) at the meeting place of the boundaries of Odra and Andhra countries in order to proclaim the glory and fame of his overlord, RajendraChoda. Devendravarman may be identified with Devendravarman the usurper who, taking advantage of the infancy of Anantavarma-Chodaganga on the death of Rajaraja-Devendravarman in 1077 A.C., occupied Kalinga; he was the donor of the Kambakaya plates, dated Saka 1003 expired, and he was the same as king Devendravarman mentioned in the Gara stone record.3 It is not known when Rajendra-Choda I died; he was certainly living on the date of the Draksharama inscription of Pallavaraja, wherein he is referred to as living at that time. His death may have occurred, therefore, about 1104 A.C. Rajendra-Choda ruled over Vengimandala from about 1094 to 1104 A.C. He was a devotee of Mukunda or Vishnu according to the present record (v. 49) and the Pithapuram inscription (v. 36), unlike his natural father Gonka I and his adoptive parent, the emperor, who were both parama-mahesvaras, i.e., staunch worshippers of Siva. Rajendra-Choda I married Gundambika and had two sons by her, Gonkaraja II, who resembled Guha or Kumarasvamin, and Panda IV. On the death of Velananti Rajendra Choda I the emperor was once more confronted with the problem of finding a successor to administer Vengi. Kulottunga-Chola I did not, however, nominate Gonkaraja II but appointed another trusted and powerful vassal, Kona Rajendra-Choda, the Haihaya ruler of Konamandala, the territory that lay between the two branches of the lower Godavari, the Vasishthi and the Gautami. The next important member of the family, perhaps the most illustrious of all, mentioned in the present plates is Velananti Gonka II, or Gonkaraja II, Kulottunga-Choda-Goakaraja or Kulottunga-Choda-Gangeya-Gonkaraja as he is also called in some inscriptions. He appears as the foremost soldier and powerful vassal in the kingdom during the viceroyalty of prince Parantaka. A stone record from Tripurantakam dated Saka 1028 in the cyclic year Sarvajit, of Mahamandalesvara Velananti Gonka II, registers the gift of the village of Chetlapadu in Kammanadu on the banks of the river Gunderu, to the god Tripurantakesvara-Siva, on the occasion of the full-moon day of Karttika. The record is interesting: it gives Gonka II the title Chalukyarajya-bhavana-mulastambha, "the chief pillar supporting the edifice which is the kingdom of the Chalukyas ", and the epithet, Samadhigata-pancha-mahasabda, 66 one who has attained (the status of having) the five great sounds", and speaks of him as the ruler of the Trisat-ottara-shat-sahasr-avani-vishaya, i.e., "the six-thousand and three hundred country". The date is irregular; the cyclic year Sarvajit did not coincide with the Saka 1028 expired, but with the following year 1029 expired, corresponding to 1107-08 A.C. Be that as it may, from this date roughly till the day of his death half a century later, Gonkaraja II remained the most important person in the kingdom. He was the de facto ruler of the kingdom which extended from the Mahendragiri on the north to Kalahasti on the south, though he aknowledged the nominal suzerainty of the Chola-Chalukya emperor. The kingdom of Vengi which almost slipped out of the hands of the Chalukya-Cholas after the death of Kulottunga-Chola I would appear to have been re-conquered by Velananti Gonkaraja II from the commanders of the Western Chalukya emperor Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI who had earlier occupied the country, after a protracted struggle, towards the close of the reign of Vikrama-Chola. 1 Perhaps it is the same as the one mentioned in SII, Vol. V, Nos. 1351 and 1332. * Bharati, Vol. VII, No. 5, pp. 115 ff., where Mr. M. Somasekhara Sarma edits the record, C.P. No. 9 of 1927-28. The chronogram recorded in the inscription has to be interpreted as yielding the Saka 1003 and not 110? as Mr. Sarma believes. No. 391 of 1932-33: ARSIE, 1932-3, p. 56, para, 9. See also ARSIE, 1936 p. 64. SII, Vol. IV, No. 1137 text lines 4 and 16, and the present plates. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 83, text line 48. 811, Vol. X, No. 63.

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No. 32). NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA : SAKA 1091 233 It would appear that during the last years of Kulottunga-Chola I almost every one of the vassals of Vengi became hostile to the Chola-Chalukyas, opposed the policy of the emperor and only eagerly waited for a favourable opportunity to overthrow the Chola-Chalukya suzerainty. On the other hand, the Durjaya and other clans of the Chaturtha-kula holding nefdoms and military holdings in the region lying to the south of the Krishna river would appear to have remained loyal to the imperial throne of the Chalukya-Cholas and proudly called themselves, Chalukya-rijya-bhavanamula-stambhayamanulu, Vengi-Chalukyan-ankakara, "the champion warriors of the Chalukyas (of Vengi)," and lastly Chalukya-rajya-samuddharulu, "the uplifters of the sovereignty of the Chalukyas." Those who proved refractory and sought opportunity to put an end to the ChalukyaChola domination, were the Telugu (Tenugu) Choda clans of the Southern Andhra country, the Haihaya feudatories and other Kshatriya vassals including the descendants of the junior branches of the Imperial Chalukyas who held principalities all over the country. Shortly before the death of the aged emperor Kulottunga-Chola I, it would appear, Parantaka, his surviving eldest son, returned to the Chola country. The Pithapuram inscription of Mallapadeva states that when Vikrama-Chola, whose other name was Tyagasamudra, had gone to protect the Chola-mandala, the country of Vengi became devoid of a ruler. At that juncture, the kingdom of Vengi, it would appear, was divided against itself. The Chalukya emperor, Tribhuvanamalla, who was evidently watching the turn of ovents in Vangi despatched armies to invade and occupy the country. There are reasons to believe that some of the powerful Kshatriya vassals in Vengi openly joined the invading armies, now led by Mahasamantadhipati Mahuprachandadandanayaka Anantapala, and welcomed them. Foremost among the rebels who welcomed the invaders was probably Mahamandalika Kolanu-Bhima or Bhimaniyaka, the Haihaya ruler of the Kolanu vishaya, or Sagara vishaya which was the other name for the region round the Kolleru. lake. He and his confederates particularly the Haihayas of Palnad and Kona-mandala acknowledged the suzerainty of the Western Chalukyas and quoted the Chalukya-Vikrama year in their records. But Velananti Gorkaraja II, as the commander-in-chief (samasta-senadhipali) of the king of Vengi, soon assumed the authority of the ruler of Vengi and stoutly opposed the invading armies. The Western Chalukya invasion resulted in the temporary occupation of the kingdom, from. bout 1117 to 1135 A.C., roughly for a period of two decades. During the period of confusion and anarchy an Eastern Chulukya prince, Vishnuvardhana, probably lord of Niravadyapura (modern Nidadavolu), or Rajahmahendravaram, crowned himself king of Vogi and assumed imperial titles. His coronation would seem to have taken place about Saka 1046 corresponding to 1124 or 1125 A.C. It would appear that he was soon brought to subjection and pardoned. Yet another prince, Vijayaditya, lord of Pithapuram :ind a descen * SII, Vol. IV, Nos. 668, 796918, 980, 1127, 1128 and 1138. . Ibid., Vol. IV., Nos. 717, 762. * Ibid., Vol. IV Nos. 1167, 1177 and 1242. + Above, Vol. IV, pp. 226 ff. verse 24, text lines 60-62. * SII, Vol. IX, Part I, Nos. 193 and 196. 6 SI. Vol. III, Part II, No. 79, text line 8; ARE, No. 49 of 1909, Abovo, Vol. IV, p. 32, vorso 45. There are numerous records on stone dated in the C.V. era scattered all over the Eastorn Andhra country which prove the Western Chalukya occupation of Vengi. Notable among them are those found at Tripurantakam (SI1, Vol. IX, Part 1, No. 213), Kolluru (ibid., Vol. IX, Nos. 193 and 196), Gurizala (ibid., Vol. X, No. 27) and Draksharama (ibid., Vol. IV., Nos. 1356 (1120 A.C.), 1308 and 1310 (1121 A.C.), Nos. 1216, 1250, 1311 (1122 A.C.), No. 1367 (1123 A.C.) No. 1265 (1124 A.C.) No. 1264 (1125 A.C.), and 1229 (1126 A.C.) and again, ibid., Vol. IV, Nou. 1156, 1156, 1082 and 1090 dated in the years C.V. ora, corresponding to 1133-34 and 1135 A.C., and lastly at Chalukya-Bhimavaram (SII, Vol. V, No. 68). * Annual Report on S.I. Epigraphy, 1912, para 66, page 79. * Ibid. 10 The (Rajahmundry) stone inscription in question is dated the 21st year of his rule, Saka 1067.

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234 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX dant of Kanthika-Beta crowned himself king of Vengi and assumed the Imperial Chalukya title Barvalokasraya-Sri-Vishnuvardhana-Maharaja. His coronation took place on the 14th February 1128. He was the son of Mallapadeva II, and his mother Chandalladevi was the daughter of Kolanu Brahmaraja' and probably, therefore, a sister of Mahamundalika Kolanu-Bhimaraja, the lord of Sagara vishaya, whom the Tamil inscriptions call Telunga-Bhiman. It would appear that Vijayaditya was defeated and reduced to submission after a short time, but restored to his principality by Velananti Gonkaraja II. It would appear that at this period the operations against Mahamandalika Kolanu-Bhima or Kolananti Bhima as the present record calls him (v. 55: lines 111-14.), who was the most formidable opponent of the Chola-Chalukyay, were directed by prince Rajendra-Choda, afterwards Rajendra-Choda II, son and successor of Gonkaraja II. Unable to oppose Rajendra-Choda in the open field, Kolanu-Bhima would seem to have taken up his position inside the famous jala-durga 'fortress in the water', of Kolanupura or Kolloti-kota as it is called even to-day, in the middle of the lake, Kolleru. Rajondra-Choda II invested the impregnable fortress, captured KolanuBhima alive and put him to death instantaneously together with all his sons and other near reletions (vv. 55-56). The Pithapuram inscription of Prithvisvara? gives a graphic description of the storming of Kolanupura. It is stated that Rajendra-Choda II dried up the water of the lake Kolleru and presumably, by constructing a causeway across the water, reached the impregnable fortress, captured Bhima and killed him just as Raghava killed Ravana who terrified the worlds. The present record speaks of Kolanu-Bhima as haughty and cruel, full of pride, as a thorn to the gods and Brahmanas, a man of massive strength, of great prowess and fieroe frame of body and as resembling Ravana. The slaying of Kolanu-Bhima would seem to have taken place about the beginning of Saka 1053 corresponding to about April, 1131 A. C., which was the thirteenth year of Vikrama-Chola's reign. This event paved the way for tho final victory of Gonkaraja II. It enabled the Velananti chief to crush the enemies of Vikrama-Chola completely, put an end to the Western Chalukya occupation and restore the sovereignty of the Chalukya-Chelas in Vengi (c. 1136 A.C.) Mahamandala svara Volaninti Gonkarija was a great soldier, perhaps the greatest military genius of his day. He is said to have defeated and sluin a certain Siddhi-Bota and acquired the title Siddhi-Beta-Chirpuli-harina-mrigindruvdu, "a lion to the door Siddhi-Beta of Chirpuli." Siddhi-Buta would appear to be a Telugu Choda prince of Chirpuli in Renadu and a subordinate of Tribuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI. Chirpuli (now called Chippili) is an obscure village in Chittoor 1 Abovo, Vol. IV, pp. 226 ff, vernos 35-36. * Ibid., verses 32-34. Tho dato is expressod as nidhi-jaladhi-viyach-chandrage. Dr. Hultzsch shows his preference for 7 to 4 instead of as the intended meaning of the numeral juladhi, on the ground that if he (Vijayaditya) had been crowned in 1049 his roign would have lasted for the unusually long period of 75 years. Dr. Hultzsch's view need not be taken as conclusive. For the word jaladhi is more often usod to denote number 4 in preference to 7. Moreover two inscriptions found at Draksharama (SIT, Vol. IV, Nos. 1261 and 1201) dated the 2nd and 6th rognal years respectively, of his son Rajanarayana Vishnuvardhana, show that Vijayaditya ruled for about 50 yoars and that his death took place in or about 1178 A.C. Vijayaditya was perhaps 20 or 25 years old at the time of his coronation in 1128 A.C. * Above, Vol. IV, pp. 226 fr. verse 32. * SII, Vol. II, No. 68 and ibid., Vol. III, No. 79. * Kolunuafi is a Telugu expression meaning Kolanununti," of the nadu (subdivision) of Kolanu. To meet the exigencies of motre tho joet distorted the word into Kolunanti dropping tho intermediate syllable. * Abovu, Vol. VI. p. 1. v. 8. Hore the poet distorted the word Kolan into Kaunala. ? Above, Vol. IV, p. 32, v. 45. ISNI, Vol. II, No. 68. .SIT. Vol. IV, No. 675 ; ibid., Vol. X, No. 89.

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA : SAKA 1091 235 District, lying within a distance of two miles from Madanapalli. In the numerous inscriptions found at Nidubrolu, Draksharama and other places, Velananti Gonkaraja II is statel to have vanquished the lords of Marata, Lata, Karnata, Kuntala, Andhra, Kataka and Trikalinga, and acquired the rulership of the Andhra country with the insignia of a paramount sovereign (samrajya-chihnaik) and enjoyed it. A Draksharama inscription states that Kulottunga-Chola II raised Gonkaraja II, who was till then the commander-in-chief and ruler of the Tri-sat-ottara-sha!-sahasravani-vishaya on the sor bern bank of the Krishna river, to the rulership of the Andhra country which was bounded by the Mahendragiri on the north-east and Srisaila on the south-west, with the insignia of a subordinate king. The former statement is also borne out by the Telugu poem, Keyurabahucharitramu of Manchana. Gonkaraja II married several wives but the chief queen was Sabbambika. To them was born Rajondra-Choda who is described as resembling Kumarasvamin, the leader of the armies of gods. It would appear that the latter part of the reign of Gorkaraja II was peaceful and prosperous, i.e., from 1135 to 1161 A.C. Gonkaraja was a great builder: he founded temples, established sattralayas charitable feeding houses '; he encouraged learning and granted innumerable agraharas to the learned and the twice-born, i.e., Brahmanas. He placed pinnacles over temples all over the land. He set up a massive golden pinnacle for the gopura of the temple of Bhimanatha at Draksharama which he had built in 1133 A. C., evidently after he became the king of Vengi." Gorkaraja II made a rich offering to god Bhimanatha for a perpetual light of camphor and for five perpetual lights of ghee; for that purpose and for the purpose of kshirabhishechana, or ceremonial bath to the god with milk, every day, he gave away 500 cows to the temple. Roughly ten years later, in Saka 1064, corresponding to 1142-13 A. C., he made a pilgrimage to the great shrine at Draksharama, accompanied by his wives, younger brother Pandaraja, his son, prince Rajendra-Choda II and other members of the royal family! On that memorable occasion, every one of the royal household placed four perpetual lights in the temple. And roughly six years later, Gonkaraja II visited the temple of Bhimanatha again and made a grant of 25 gold coins to be paid annually from out of the royal treasury to the temple for the celebration of the annual festival daman-otsava for three consecutive days ending with the full-moon day of Chaitra. On that occasion, probably he built a golaka (a klobular roof studded with various kinds of gems in the inner shrine of the temple), a koshthugara,' store-house', and a beautiful mandapa 'assembly hall' for the god Bhimanatha. Further, for burning 25 perpetual lights more, with ghee, Gonkaraja presented as many as 1000 she-buffaloes to the temple. The occasion for these priceless gifts was the Karkataka-samkranti, which occurred on the 25th June 1158 in the sixteenth or the closing year of the reign of Kulottunga II. Gonkaraja II also placed pinnacles of gold on the temples of Purushottama at Puri in Orissa and Sri Mallikarjua-Maha. deva at Srisailam on the south-west, which shone like jayastanbhas proclaiming his victories On yet another occasion, Gonkaraja II gave away unlimited number of golden utensils for daily use in the worship of the god Bhimanatha, and covered the roof of the temple vimana with & plate of gold. 1 SII, Vol. IV, Nos, 1113, No. 1164 (Draksharama); Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 123 (Nidubrolu). SII, Vol. IV, No. 1182, text line 12 (verse 28). * Sarasvati-grantha-mala: Kakinada, (1902), canto I, (verse 18). . Above, Vol. IV, p. 50. 5 Ibid., p. 51. * SII, Vol. IV, No. 1138. Ibid., No. 1137. * Ibid., No. 1140. .Ibid., No. 1144.

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236 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX The successor of Gonkaraja II in the rulership of the Andhra country was his son prince Rajendra-Choda II, the donor of the present plates. In the records of the family as well as in the present inscription (lines 102 ff.) it is stated that emperor Rajaraja II was pleased to appoint him ruler of the Andhra country which is said to have extended at this time from Mahendragiri on the north to Kalahasti on the south. It would appear that Rajendra-Choda's accession took place towards the end of Saka 1082 or the beginning of 1161 A.C. For, the last known date on which Godkaraja II is said to be alive was the Ullarayana-samkranti, Saka 1082, corresponding to the 25th December, 1160 A. C., according to a stone record of his minister at Bapatla, Guntur District. It would appear that Rajendra-Choda II was associated with his father in the administration of the kingdom from about Saka 1058 corresponding to 1136-37 A. C. The subordinates and other Vassals of the Chalukya-Cholas in the Andhra country would soem to have recognised RajendraChoda as their future sovereign even during the rule of Goakaraja II and frequently made grants to the temples in the country for his merit as well as for the merit of his father. A stone record from Pamidipadu-agrahara, Narasaraopeta taluk, Guntur District, dated Jyoshtha, su. 5, Saka 1077 expired, corresponding to 8th May, 1155 A.C., records the grant of a piece of land for the temple of Chennakesava at the village for the merit of the kings Gonkaraja II and his son Rajendra-Choda, and incidentally states that the latter granted the tolls of the village Pahindipadu (Pamidipadu) and the tax on marriages for the benefit of the temple. Though the reign of Rajendra-Choda II appears to have commenced in peace, within a short time it soon became troubled and engulfed in internecine wars among his feudatories and wanton incursions by hostile neighbours. About the beginning of Saka 1085, i.e., about March 1163 A.C., it would appear, & civil war broke out in Kona-mandala, between the two rival branches of the ruling family, which soon threatened to assume large proportions. Kona-mandala is the ancient name for the region of the lower branches of the Godavari, comprising the taluks of Amalapuram and Razole, in the East Godavari District. At the time of the civil war, Kona-mandala was ruled by A powerful clan of Haihayas of the Atreya gotra. After the death of Kona Rajendra-Choda I which would seem to have occurred shortly after 1137 A. C., his elder brother Kona MummadiBhima II and his younger step-brother Kona Satyasraya I, according to the Pithapuram inscription of Mallideva and Manma-Satya II, divided the principality among themselves but ruled it conjointly in peace for a long time. Mummadi-Bhima II was succeeded by his son Loka-Bhupa, who died apparently without leaving an heir to succeed him. Loka-Bhupa's death would seem to have taken place just about the same time as the accession of Rajendra-Choda II. There are reasons to believe that Bhima (III) the younger son of Kona Satyaraja I occupied the whole of Kona-mandala to the exclusion of his cousins Beta and Mallideva, sons of Kona Rajendra-Choda 1, who would seem to have succeeded to or claimed the principality held by Loka-Bhupa. This led to a civil war which necessitated the intervention of Rajendra-Choda II. A large army was despatched undur the command of the Brahmana general Devana-preggada of Amritaluru, early in Saka 1085 corresponding to 1163 A. C., with instructions to put down the insurrection and . SI1, Vol VI, No. 181. The earliest known date for Gonka II is Saka 1029 according to a record at Tri. purantakam. Ibid., Vol. X, No. 63. *Ibid., Vol. V. No. 160. See also ibid., Vol. IV, No. 1137 (Saka 1064 or 1142-43 A.C., and ibid., Vol. X, No. 109 (Saka 1063 or 1141-42 A. C.), No. 112 (Saka 1064 or 1142-43 A.C.), No. 118 (Saka 1068 or 1146-47 A.C.) Am No. 135 (Saka 1077 or 1185-56 A. C.) * ARSIE, 1916, para 49, page 124. . Above, Vol. IV, pp. 83 ff. The inscription ontains a detailed account of the Haibaya chiots of Kona-manlala. SII, Vol. IV, No. 1145 dated Saka 2059 (1137 A. C.) sooms to be the last kau date of the prince, . Above, Vol. IV, p. 83, verses 18 ff. Ibid., page 85 (for the pedigroe).

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA : SAKA 1091 237 restore peace. The military operations in Kona-mandala lasted about two years. The fragmentary record at Draksharama' dated Saka 1087, i.e., 1165-66 A. C., reveals that, "having been commanded by his overlord Kulottunga-Rajendra-Choda II, general Devana-preggada burnt down the disdainful country (Kona-mandala) of the enemy with the flames of the fire that was his valour". It would appear that he defeated and killed Bhima (III) and once more restored peace in the region by settling the country between the lawful claimants. The poem Koyurabihucharitramu which has been already referred to and a number of inscriptions reveal the fact that an army of the Samantas of the Karnata king, apparently taking advantage of the political unrest in Kuntala and the rise of Kakati Prola II, in the western Andhra Country, made incursions into the kingdom of Vengi, and that the invaders were completely defeated and forced to retire in a sanguinary battle that was fought at a place called Krottacheruvulakota, Cheruvulakota or simply Kochcherlakota, a village in Vinukonda taluk, Guntur District. These events may be placed about 1164-65 A. C. The king of Karnata was doubtless Kalachuri Bijjala who usurped the Western Chalukya sovereignty overthrowing his overlord, Nurmadi Taliapa III (1149-1161 A. C.). Stone inscriptions refer to Chaundaraya, a feudatory of the king of Karnata who was slain in the battle of Krottacheruvulakota, who may be identified as the Sinda chief of Yelburga, who was the husband of Siriyadevi, a daughter of Bijjala. The Telugu poem, Kejurabihucharitramu gives a vivid account of the reigns of Gorkaraja II and his illustrious son Kulottunga-Gonka-Rajendra-Choda II, and of the greatness of their successive ministers Nanduri Govinda and his son Nanduri Kommana, and the prosperity of the Andhra country. According to a stone record at Bapatla, and the present plates (v. 56) the kingdom of Rajendra-Choda II extended from Nagaram, i.e., Kalinganagara on the north to Kalahasti on the south and to Srisailam on the west and was bounded by the sea on the east. It appears that the province of Kalinga was governed by the Brahmana gensral, Mentana-preggada under the orders of the king. Rajendra-Choda II. The general is said to have borne the burden of the kingdom of Rajendra-Choda in Kalinga. It would appear that on the death of Anantavarman alias Chodaganga, c. 1142 A.C., the kingdom or at any rate the southern portion of Kalinga extending as far as the Mahendragiri was annexed to Vengi. It is stated in the poem that the king's treasury always contained nine crores of gold coins), that ninety-nine elephants which looked like huge black clouds roamed about the city of Chandavolu, that & cavalry force of forty-thousand was always ready for service on the field and that seventy-five candies of rice? were cooked every day for the army and king's household. Such was the prosperity of Rajendra-Choda II. The poem gives an account of the king's chief Brahmana minister Kommana-mantrin of the Kausika gotra, who was a great soldier. Kommans was a worshipper of Vishnu ; he built thirty-two temples of Vishnu, at the beautiful towns of Srikurmam, Gurudurti, Krottacharla, Tripurantakam, Kotyadona, Boggaram, Yelamanchili and other places. Every day he fed a thousand Bralemana guests with payasa (rice cooked in milk and sugar) at his house, throughout his life, with a religious zeal and devotion. He governed in addition to his office, the province of Paka-nadu twenty-one-thousand. On the battlefield at Krottacherlakota, it is said, he displayed marvellous strength and heroism. 18I1, Vol. IV, Nos., 1086 and 1083. * Ibid., No. 1083. * Keyurabahucharitramu, Introduction, verses 22-23. SII, Vol. X, No. 151, text lines 31-41., ibid., No. 171 : ibid., Vol. IV, No. 1063. JBBRAS, Vol. XI, p. 269; Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 477. .811, Vol. VI, Nos. 181. * Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 1200. The inscription is dated Saka 1097 (1175-76 A. C.) Ono candy or barua in equal to 600 lbe, in weight but as a measure of opacity, roughly 14,000 eubio inghos.

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238 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX Like his illustrious father Gonkaraja II, Kulottunga-Gonka-Rajendra-Choda II was also a staunch worshipper of Siva. He made liberal grants to temples of Siva all over his vast kingdom. He made even richer gifts than his father to the god Bnimanathesvara at Draksharama. He presented golden utensils for the daily worship of the god in commemoration of his victories over his enemies. He gave away on one occasion a prabha (aureola) made of solid gold to god Bhimanatha and covered the huge linga with a splendid armour of massive gold. On another occasion he presented a makara-torana of gold, studded with priceless gems. He built a temple for Siva under the name of Ramesvara-Mahadeva at Siripuram in Saka 1093, i.e., 1171 A. C., and granted the village of Siripuram together with its twelve hamlets and some more land as devabhoga for the worship of the deity. On the banks of the Tungabhadra, a small stream flowing by the side of Appikatla, a village in Tenali taluk, Guntur District, he built another temple for Siva under the name Visvesvara-Mahadeva and made large grants of land in Appikatla, Marripundi and other villages in the sub-division known as Orgerumarga, for the worship of the god. Rajendra-Choda II would seem to have reigned till a very ripe old age and died about the beginning of 1182 A. C. The last known inscription which mentions the king as still living on that date but indicating his impending death is a record of his Brahmana officer Madhava-mantrin of the Srivatsa gatra at Draksharama. It is slightly damaged; it registers the gift of a perpetual light to god Bhimanatha on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon on the fullmoon day of Pushya in Saka 1003, which corresponds to Monday, the 22nd December, 1181 A. C., when there occurred an eclipse of the moon. Rajendra-Choda's death may, therefore, be placed sometime in January or February, 1182 A. C. Rajandra-Choda II was also called Vira-Rajendra-Choda. According to the family records found at Draksharama and Palacole (Palakolanu) Rajendra-Choda had at least four queens, Gundambika, Kuppama, Pandama (daughter of the chief of Kona-Kandravadi) and Akkamahadevi or Ankamahadevi: the first would appear to have been the consort during the early part of ViraRajendra-Choda's life.? Akkamahadevi was the daughter of Mahamandalesvara Kondapadumati Manma-Manda or Mandaraja II who took a heroic part in the war against Kalinga as a follower of Velananti Rajendra-Choda I, and the younger sister of Mahamandalesvara Kondapadumati Buddharaja III.10 To King Vira-Rajendra-Choda and Akkambika was born Gonkaraja III. His son was Ptith visvara of the Pithapuram inscription. TEXTU Second Plate ; First Side? 113frstafferitu: 1 silfraft TTHIETTI 1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 37, verges 47-48. * Ibid. * No. 49 of 1909, (same as SII, Vol. X, No. 177). SII, Vol. VI Nos. 124 and 125. Omgeru-marga appears to be the ancient name for the region lying between Tenali, Guntur and Bapatla taluks extending towards south as far as Ongole, Guntur District. SI1, Vol. IV, No. 1366, Ibid., No. 1037. The last digit in the date of the record is lost but may be read as 3. The details of the date then would yield the equivalent, viz., 25th December, 1181 A. C. No. 181 of 1897. "SI1, Vol. V. No. 161, Vol. IV, No. 1137. Above, Vol. VI. p. 268 (274). * XII VOL. IV. No. 662, Vv. 7-8. 20 Above. VoL VI, p. 274. u From tho ink-Impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India, the late Dr. Hirananda Sastri. 11 The first plate of this set is lont. 11 MetreVpajani. The first pada is loot on the first plate,

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA: SAKA 1091 2 to yo vasumabhyupaiti / 3 jAyata / yeneyaM pRthivI [ // 1 // * ] ' tato vicitravIryyobhUtasmAtpAMDurasarvvA pAlitA dharmmataH purA [ // 2 // * ] yudhiSThi 4 rAdayaH paMca pAMDavA" khaMDalopamAH [ / *] abhUvanvinayopetAH 5 khaMDitArAtimaMDalAH [ || 3 || * ] teSu vaMzasya karttAsIdarjunassajjanapriyaH / 6 sumUrttiH puNyacAritraH kIrttivyAptajagatrayaH [ ||4|| * ] tuSTo ya 7 sya parAkrameNa bhagavAnyuddhe purANAM ripustrailokyaikaguru 8 gurussamabhavat bAleMducUDAmaNiH [1*] sArathyannarakArirAdipuruSa 5) zcakre ca viSNuH svayaM / ko vA tasya dhanaMjayasya vibhutAM zaktaH 'pravaktunnaraH [ // 5 // * ] ta 10 smAdabhimanyuH [*] abhimanyoH parIkSit [*] tato janamejayaH / pratha caturuda 11 dhiparyyaM tavasuMdharAdhuraMdhareSu dizAhastimastakavinyastajayastaMbhe - 12 Su ekonaSaSThivasudhAdhipeSu tadvazyeSu gateSu tatkulajo vijigISu Second Plate; Second Side 13 vvijayAdityo nAma mahIpatistrinayanapallavena yuddhA vidhini 14 yogAttridivaM jagAma // zrAnItavaMtastadanu pradhAnAM tadvallabhAnni - " 15 [rbha * ] ragarbhabhArAm [* ] tanmaMtrimukhyA muDuvemunAma bhUdevajuSTaM 17 vidyayA ca [* ] jJAtvA 18 rakSitA tena vipreNa 16 varamagrahAram [||6|| * ] 'tadgrAmamukhyaH khalu viSNubhaTTaH puSTassamRddhayA nijayAdhA ( yathA ) vRttamatiprayatnAtsamyagrarakSa kSitipAlapatnIm // [|7|| * ] kumAraM lakSaNAnvitam [ 1 *] suSuve vAsavaprakhyaM 19 khyAtaM vaMzakaraM varam / [ ||8||* ] jAtakarmAdikaM sarvvannirmame karmakaThaH / 1 This and the two following verses are in Anushtubh metre. Rule of sandhi is sacrificed here for the sake of the metre. * Metre : Sardalavileridita. * Read * Metro Upajati. pravaktuM nara 239 tadullabhAM nirbhara . * Read 7 This verse and the next two are in Anushtubh metre. 29 DGA / 53

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240 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX 20 vipro nRpakumArasya kumArasadRzadyuteH [ // 6 // *] atha jananImukhAjjanakasya vR21 tAMtaM viditvA tapaHkRtanizcayassa kumArazcAlukyadharitrIdharamAruro22 ha / tatra devanArAyaNaM kumAraM divAkaram(ra) bhagavatInaMdAM gaurI cArA23 [dhya*] varAhalAMcchanapicchakuMtapaMcamahAzabda'DakkAmakaratoraNazveta24 [ccha*]trasitacAmarapAlikaikazaMkhasiMhAsanAdIni cakravatticihnAnyavApya Third Plate; First Side 25 viMdhyasetumadhyaM dakSiNApatham (thaM) paripAlayAmAsa / atha pallavavaMza26 saMbhavA yA guNaratnAkaraviSNuvarddhanasya mahiSI / suSuve sutaM suH 7 neprA vijayAdityamAbhrazubhrakIttim / [ // 10 // *] tataH pulakezI tasmAtko tivarmA 28 tatassatyAzrayo viSNuvarddhanazca babhUvatuH / 'satyAzrayaH kuttavibhinnavairi29 mattebhakuMbho yudhi kuMtalAnAm [*] sAmrAjyalakSmImadhigamya samyak pR30 thvI zazAsa pradhi(thi)tapratApaH // 11 // *] 'tayoravarajo veMgImaMDalaM caMDavi31 kramaH [*] rarakSASTAdaza samA viSNuvardhanabhUpatiH [ // 12 // *] jayasiMhastra32 yastriMzadabdAnsamyaktadAtmajaH [*] anujastasya saptAhamiMdi(dra) rAjo vidhe+zA33 t [ // 13 // *] navavarSANi tatputrI viSNuvarddhanabhUpatiH [*] [tatputro*] maMgiyuvarAT paM caviMza34 ti vatsarAn / [ // 14 // *] trayodazAbdAntatsUnurapAlayadilA balI [*] siMhavikramasaM35 panno jayasiMho mahAbhujaH / [ // 15 // *] tatkanIyAn kSiti vIro rarakSa __ kSatriyAgraNI36:11 SaNmAsAnkokkiliH pRthvImmattamAtaMgavikramaH / [||16||jyessttosyaa(sy) kokkileH pRthvIM viSNu paza 1 Read ' kA'. * Metre : Aupachchhandasika. * Road sunetrA. *Motre : Upajati. . This and the next six verses are in Anushubh metro. * Rond degjyeSThosya.

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA : SAKA 1991 241 37 varddhanabhUpatiH / SaTtriMzadabdAnbubhuje bhujavIryAnmahAbhujaH // 17 // *] 'tatputro [vi* Third Plate ; Seconil Side 38 jayAditya]nAmASTAdazavatsarAn [*] tattanayo nareMdro] nRpatiraSTA catvAriM zadvatsarAni (Ni)...... 39 samarazirasi [vairinikaraM vijitya] tAvaMti gaurIpaterAyatanA[ni] yazcakre / [ // 18*1] __ tatsUnurenA(matha] viSNuvarddha]40 naH SaTtriMzadabdA[nnijavaMda 1 saMgrAmaraMge rizubhItivarddhanaH kSoNImarakSatkSitipo yazodhanaH] / [ // 16 // *] [ta]41 tsutraH kaliviSNuvarddhanodhyarddhavarSam lattanayo guNAMkavijayAdityazcatuzcatvAriMzadvarSANi * / tadbhAtuHka. 42 nIyaso vikramAdityanAmnaH putrazvAlukyabhIma[stri]zadabdAn . . . . . . . . . . . saMgrAmazirasi ripugaNaM jitvA___43 nekapuNyasthAneSu bhagavato mahAdevasyAlayAgnirmame / tAtsUnurvijayAdityo nAma mAsASaTkamatha] 44 paripAlya virajAnnAmapurI vijitya tridivamagamat [*] tadAtmAjommarAjaH prati saMvatsaraM tulA[pUruSAna] 45 kunsaptahAyanamavanImapAlayat [*] taddAyAdastADapo mA]samekammahIM [za JzAsa .. [*] cAlukyabhI46 masuto vikramAdityastu stA(tA)DapaM jitvA ekAdazamAsAn kSitiM rarakSa [ . tADapasyAtmajo yuddhama47 llassaptasaMvatsarAn / ammarAjAnujo rAjabhImassamarazirasi yuddhamallaM parijitya dvAdaza 48 mamA vasumatI zazAsa [[*] 'tasyAtmajo dIrgha bhujAvabhUtAM dAnArNavAmmakSitipo surUpau [*] paMco1 Metre: Anushkabh, only one ridin. dietre : Intruranish. * Red guNagAMka' or guNaga'. Metre : Upajasi. * Rnd bIrSa. 2

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242 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 49 tarAnviMzatimatra sobdAn rAjasya jyeSTo (STho) [VOL. XXIX kSoNI zazAsAmmanRpaH kanIyAn | [ ||20|| ] 'dvaimAturommadAnArNavo nRpaH [*] ra 50 rakSa kSatriyazreSThastrizatsaMvatsarAn kSitim / [21|| * ] " tasyAnu dAnArNavabhUmipasya veMgyurvvareyaM rahiteva bha 51 tra [* ] ripukSamApAlakulAvilAsIttadA samAssapta ca viMzatizca / [ ||22|| * ] tatassuto dAnanRpasya pRthvIM zrIzaktivarmA 52 zritarAjyalakSmIH [ / *] saMgrAmaraMge sa vijitya zatrUnsaMvatsarAn dvAdaza saMzazAsa | [ ||23|| * ] 'anujastasya varSANi sapta saptA vimalAdityabhUpAlopAlayatsakalAmilAm || ||24|| *] ' tasmAdAsIdrAja 53 zvasannibhaH 1 rAjastanUjo rAjIvAkSo 54 nirjjitArAtirAjaH [*] kItiM zubhrAM dikSu | samyakprasArya lakSmyA yuktaH ] "kAMca[NaH ] kalpavRkSaH [ // 25 // *] Fourth Plate; First Side 55 'ekAdazAdhikatriMzadvarSANi "sanripAgraNIH [* ] pAlayAmAsa balavAnilA 56 mudadhimekhalAm [ // 26 // * ] ' tasmAdAsIdarcchitAducUDaH pAdAkrAMtadveSibhUpAla 57 cUDa :[ [ * ] nAnAratnazreNinaddhAtma cUDaH zrImAnvI[raH ] zrIkulotuMgacoDaH [ // 27 // * ] ! hi 58 mavatsetuparyaMtAM paMcaviMzadva ( ti va ) tsarAn [*] vasudhAM vasudhAnAthaH zazAsa 59 ripuzAsana [ // 28 // * ] tadAtmajo vikrama* ] coDadevaH parAkrame zakrasamassamAsI60 t[*] vinamrabhUpAlavilolamaulimaNiprabhA bhAsitapAdapIThaH [||26|| * ] 'sa sapta 61 daza varSANi dadhe bhAram bhuvaH prabhuH[* ] uvAha bAhuvIryeNa nihatArAti62 maMDalaH [ ||30|| * ] tadanu zazivaduccaissatsametaH kalAvAnudayamagamadasmA 63 dastadoSAMdhakAraH [*] adhikamakhilalokannandayanvarNanIyassahajanitajaya 1 Metre: Anushfubh. This and the next verse are in Upajati metre. * Metre Anushtubha * Metre: Salini. Reul 'kAMcana: . sa nRpANI: Read One letter was written and erased before ra. * Metre : Upajati. * Metr : Malini.

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA - CHODA : SAKA 1091 243 64 zrI zrIkulottuMgacoDaH [ ||31|| * ] saMtarpya vasudhArAbhirvva[su]dhAM vasudhAdhipaH [* ] sa paM65 caMdaza varSANi zazAsa [ ziva]kiMkaraH [ ||32||* ] 'tasmAdabhUdaMbudhimekhalAyA vasundharAyAH 66 patiraprakaMpyaH[* ] zrIrAjarAjo rajanIzavaktrassaMrAja rAjIvamamAnanetraH [ ||33||* ] 67 "lakSmIpati (te) brbhuvanapAvanapAdapadmAdgaMgApravAha iva kIrttikara (pa* ]vitraH[ | * ] zrA68 sItrilokajanakasya caturthavaMza: ( 1 ) pAdAraviMdayugalAtkamalA Fourth Plate; Second Side 69 sanasya |[|34|| * ] 'vaMzesminrajanIzanirmalamaNi[sma ] dravyacUDAmaNiH .... 70 []parAkramo jitaripuH zrImallabhUpobhavat[*] yeneyaM vela[nAMDunA ] 71 maviSayassAmaMtacihnassaha [ prA* ]ptas tryaMbakapallavANagiramma (mmA) 72 hAyya[saM] toSitAt [ ||35|| * ] gateSu tadravyeSvanekeSu jitAripu 7 73 maMDalezeSu pRthivImaMDaneSu yazorddhiSu / nareMdrAnucaraH zUra 74 stadvaMze mallayobhavat / caMDAsinAyaniyyeMnAkhaMDi khaMDita 75 vairiNA [ // 36 // * ] tasmAtpiDuvurAdityanAmAsya guNatobhavat [ / *] erita 76 tsuto jajJe tatobhUnmalliyo nRpaH [||37|| * ] 'cAlukyabhImAnucareSu 77 mukhyo yaH ko[lla]pAMbAM vidhinopayeme [*] tAbhyAmabhUtAM vinayo[pa] 78 [ panau] vIrau sutA [ ve ] korapau tu [ || 38 || * | 79 karttA sukIrttanaH [*] patnI priyA " tasya kaTTAMbAsInmanoharA [||36|| * ] tAbhyAmabhUvan Sa 80 TputrAH SaNmukhapratimA bhuvi [ | * ] malliyo kuDiyo gaMDa: paMDo nannazca 81 kApanaH [ // 40 // * ] 'kuDiyAya dadau teSu vimalAdityabhUpatiH [ 1 ] maMDalaM gu Read zrI. * Metre: Anushtubh. These two letters far are written beneath the line. * Metre : Uprajati. * Metre Vasantatilaka. * Metre : Sardilavikridita. 0 "Read. 'suguNato Here the letter s 'This name may also be read as kotyapAMbAM. yobhUttayorjyeSTho vaMza is written below the line after the letter. This and the next four verses are in Anushtubh metre. 10 Two letters are wanting in this pada.

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244 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 82 dravArAkhyakSiti maMDalamaMDanam // [ 41 // * ] nanopi nutacAritraH [VOL. XXIX Fifth Plate; First Side 83 maMDalaH [*] viSNuvarddhana[ bhUpAlasenApatirabhUdbhuvi [ // 42 // * ] paMDayo... 84 [..yAdhipa]stasya guMDAMbikAbhavat [ 1 *] dayitA / pAMDurAjasya kuMtIvAtyaM85 tasuMdarA / [ // 43 // * ] tayoradhA ( thA ) sansamaraikazaDAracaMDa pratApA iva pAMDu86 putrAH[*] paMceMdrakalpA vedurazca gaMDo goMkazca mahalazca tathaiva paMDaH [ // 44 // * ] 4 nija 87 vaMzakarassa teSu zUraH kSapitArAtikulaH kulArNaveMduraka 88 laMka mRgAMka kortissamabhUdgoMka mahIpatiggu ( guNAMkaH [ ||45 || * ] " SaTsazrIkulottuMggacoDataH [ / * ] yena saMgrAmasA - 89 hatrAvanIzatvaM 90 hAyya tuSTAtprAptaM jitAriNA [ // 46 // * ] tasya goMkakSitIzasya mR[gAM] 91 kavadanA varA [ / *] sabbAMbikAbhUddayitA sarvvalakSaNalakSitA [ // 47 // * ] 'pu92 trastayorapratimapratApaH zrIcoDabhUpaH kularatnadIpaH [*] jAtassatAM 93 rakSaNadakSa dakSi ( ? ) bAhurmukuMdArpitacittavRttiH [ ||48 || *] 7 tasya caMDapratAmaMDalezazikhAmaNeH [*] guMDAMbikAbhUddayatyA cAritra[guNa] 94 pasya 95 maMDitA [ // 46 // *] ajani gatakalaMkazzaMkarazrIpadAbjadvitaya[ bhajana ] Fifth Plate; Second Side 96 "[ tyi ] statsuto goMkabhUpaH [ 1 * ] [ vibhava ] jitadhaneza: pAlitAzeSa[dezaH - 97 samarasamaya[]so [ daMDitA ] rAtirAja . [ // 50 // *]... 98 vimAnazikhareSu yaH / * ) zAtakuMbhamayAnkuMbhAn jayasyaM (staM ) bhAni 1 Danda unnecessary. * Read suMdarI * Metre : Upajati. * Metre : Aupachchhandasika. 5 This and the next verse are in Anushubh metre. * Metre: Indravajra. ' Metre : Anushtubh. * Read hayitA deg. * Metre: Malini. .. 10 Real bhUtya'.

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA : SARA 1091 245 99 vAkarot // 51 // *] 'tadvallabhA sakalasadguNapAtragotrA sabbAMbikA vikasadaM100 bujapatranetrA [*] lakSmIriva prANa]talokasamagradakSA - - - - [vi]101 malacaMdrasamAnavaktrA [ // 52*] tAbhyAmumAzaMkarasannibhAbhyAM kumAratulyaH 102 prabhuzaktiyuktaH [*] jAto mahAsainyapatirmahIpo rAjeMdracoDa[zyi - 103 tacaMdracUDaH [53*] [ya]zzaMkhacakrakalazAMkuzakalpavRkSavajrAbjamatsyAma*]104 karAMkitapANipAdaH [*] Sacakravartisadri(dR)za]zzatapatrapatranetrassupUrna (Na)[za]105 radiMdusamAnavaktraH [ // 54 // *] yasminjAte sukhI jAto loko vRddhimupA' ....... [dharma106 zca vRddhimagamattrivikramaparAkrame / [ // 55 // *] ............sadRzo ko107 daMDazikSA.......... kSititalatrANonmukhe ytkre||*] setoIta.... 108 ............................corastadA. . . . . . . . [ // 56]...... 100 .................... Sixth Plate ; First Side 110 'tyAdapi yannasAdhyam / / *] aMbhodhigaMbhoramanaMtasatvamma saMprApya toye11l na balAdrasArddham / [ // 56*] "devabrAhmaNakaMTakaH pRthutara:[zau]hNa mAnI kha112 lo dugA~tanilayo bhayaMkaravAH] zrIrAmatulyojasauH"1*] yenAjo113 kolanAMTibhImanRpati[*] putra[zca] mitrassaha Rddho] rAvaNasannibho bhuja114 balA[nirmUlamunmIli[taH ||57||*puurvaaNbhonidhikaalhstishikhrishriimnm| 1 Metre: Vasantatilaka. *Metre : Upajati. * Metre : Anushubh. * The mining lettera may be read an gamata. This may be a verse. Motre cannot be distinguished. * The reading in doubtful. Metre : Indrawajra. * Read degsatvaM saMprA. * Metre : Sardalarikridiku. * Road lyaujasaH.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL.XXIX 115 hedrAcalathIzailI vvalakRtAMdhraviSayaM zrIrAjarAjasva118 yaM [*] yasmai vikramavismitassamadizatsAmaMtacihnassaha zrIma117 ccAmarayugmasuMdara viyaccaMdroda]yAdyairmudA [ // 58 // *] 'atyuttamottuMggatu118 raMggayUdha(tha)khurAgrasammUrcchitareNujAlaM [*] AmattamAtaMggamadAM119 buda"sekaiH] prazAmyate yasya jayaprayANe [ // 56 // *] kAThinyaM kucakuMbhayo120 staralAtA hAre bhruvorvatratA maMdatvaM gamane ' varAMghritalayonirbha121 rtsanaM kSAmatAM [1] vANyAM taikSNamapAM[ga]yozca samabhUtsaMgrAma - - 122 kSitiH zrIcoDakSitipAlakIrtirazanA yasmiMzciraM zAsati [ // 60 // *] 'lakSmIrva Sixth Plate ; Second Side 123 kSasi dakSiNe bhujataTe vI[rAzriyaM yaH parAM [*] vAme caiva [bhujotta124 me [jaya]ramA vAgdevatAmAnAne / ] zatrudhvaMsanakAriNI ~ ~ 125 zirasyatyaMta - - - - bibhranmAdhavapaMkajAsana126 pura prakhyazciraM rAjate [ // 61*] prAdAdyazca mahAgrahAranikaraM saMvardhi[bhi]127 ssaMyutaM viprebhyaH kavipuMDarIkanikarapradyotanazzatruhA [*] bhAdrAM] 128 rAjazikhAmaNiH kSitimimAM zazvatsamRddhAM janAdhAtA nRpa129 tiryadhA (thA) ca makarazrIdharmaputro yadhA (thA) [ // 62*] dAnaM yasya samAga130 [tArthi]jAna]tAdAridryavidrAvanaM(NaM) zau[yaM] yasya virodharAjavani131 taavaidhvydiikssaaguru[H|] kIrtirdivyanadIva yasya vimalA vyAptatrilokIM I Read zrIzalavalayA. - Read rAjarAjassva. * Read 'suMdara. * Metre : Upajati. * Read madAMbusekaH. . * Metre : Sardalurikiilrita. Pretre : tandalurikridita. Read 'lakSmI Reud sagaraH. DIGIPC-81-20 DGA/33-13.0.15-430.

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA, SAKA 1091 247 132 [sthitA] zrIcoDakSitipasya tasya mahi[mA na]syAdvacogocaram [ // 63 // *] 'rAjeMdracoDabhUpA133 lassoyaM parapuraMjayaH [*] niyogAdrAjarAjasya pAlayatraMdhramaMDalam // 64 // *] ___ iMdunaMdda(da)134 viyaccaMdragaNite zakavatsare [*] zrImato rAjarAjasya trayoviMzakavatsare [ // 65 // *] kadAcitpu135 nye(Nye)[hani] dhanadapur2yAM [sthi]taH [icuMga nAmagrAma] vedavedAMgapANagA]136 ya mImAMsA .. .. .. .. .. .. .. nijamAnasAya SaTtarka 137 [Damaged. The rest is lost.] Motre : Anualubh. ODGAS6

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INDEX By A. N. LAHIRI, M.A. = = [The figures refer to pages and n. after a figure to footnotes. The following other abbreviations are also used :-au. = author; ca. = capital; ch. = chief; ci. oity; co. = country; di. -district or division; do. ditto; dy. dynasty; E. Eastern ; engr. engraver; ep. epithet ; f. family; fe. female; feud. feudatory; gen. = general; ins. = inscription; k. king; l. locality; l.m. linear measure or land measure; m. = male; min. = minister; mo. = mountain; myth. = mythological; n. = name; N. Northern; off. office or officer; peo.= people; pr. prince or princess; q. = queen; rel. religious; ri. river; S. Southern; s.a. same as; sur. surname ; te.= temple; Tel. = Telugu; t.d. territorial division; tit. = title; tk. taluk; tn. town; vi. village; W. = Western ; wk. = work.] = = a, a, initial, a, a, initial, a, medial, a, inedial, denoted by a sido matra, a, medial, having three forms,. a, medial, peculiar use of a, medial, short type of a of the modern Oriya type, a of the modern Oriya type, Abalara-charitre, wk., Abhidharmakosa, do., Abhira, J., abhitvaramana, off., Abhona plates of Sankaragana, Ablur, vi., Ablur ins.. . Abhij or Bhij, m., Abhimanyu, epic hero, Abhimanyu, Rashtrakuta k. of Manapura, Achalapura, 8.a. Ellichpur, I., acharya, Achchhivahalala, I., Achvutaraya, k., Adasama, .. Ataearman, adhavapa, L.m., adhikarana, off.. adhikarin, le. off.. Adinatha Tirthankara, = Adikara, k., Adivara, 8.a. Adinatha, Aditi, god. 9 DG.1/56 170, 203, 226 44, 145 203, 226 109, 122, 160 PAGE 106 106 139 m., 143 134 45, 48 96, 239 175-76 136 5., 8, 12, 56 109-10 139, 140, 142-43 140 m., 143 111, 114 186 n. . 106, 116, 170 29 146 Agni Honnayya, m., 160 Agnisarman, mahakulapati, 44 Ahichchhatra, ci., Aditya-bhatta, m.,. Adityadava, engr., Adityasakti, Sendraka ch., Adivaraha, i.e. Vishnu, Adya-Sakti, Aegian coast, 163 173-74 4, 10-11 85, 88 45 . Agganiya Honni Tande, s.a. Agai Honnayya, Agisama, n., . Ahmad Ntyaltigin, gen... Ahmedabad, di., ai, initial. Aihole, L., Aihole ins. of Pulakeain II, Airavatta-mandala, t.d., Aisanaka, legendary k., Aivanar, deity, Ajamila, legendary k., Ajapala or Ajapala-bhatta, donee, Ajatasatru, legendary k., . Ajay, ri., Ajayameru, 8.a. Ajmer, 115 Ajayaraja, Chahamana k., 201-02 53-54 202 153, 157 Akshasalin, do., (249) Ajirage, s.4. Ajre, vi., Ajmer, ci., Ajmer (Arhai-din-ka-jhopra) ins., Akalavarsha, Rashtrakuta k.. Akkamahadevi, Velananti pr., Akkambixa, 8.n. Akkamahadevi, Akola, di., akshamala, Akshabalika, goldsmith, PAGE 17 40, 43 116-19 147, 153, 157 138 138 143 174. 143 172-74 * 14 52 23 90,96 162-63 34 and n., 112, 160-61 186, 188 65 73 65 191, 193 and n. 6, 56 81 178 178 14 178, 180 178 23 238 238 109, 111, 113-14 174 40, 43 40 n.

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250 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX "PAGE . . 143 -18 PAGE akalayanlol,-dharma, . 218 Anangabhima III, do. . . 123-26, 130-31, 132 n. Akshidahiki, I., . . 147, 162, 168, 169 Acanta, .. . . . . . . 10, 12 Alagarkoil, vi.. . . . 73 N. Ananta, serpent god, . . . . 164, 168 Alagum, do. . . 44, 46, 137 Anantapala, off-, . . . . . . . 233 Alagu.n ins. of Anantavarman Chodaganga, 108, 137 Anantapur, di., . . . . . . 62. Alagumna, vi.. . . . . . 45, 47 Anantavarman-Chodaganga, Ganga k.. . 44, 46-47, Alakumara, m.. . . . . . . 161-64 79 aud n., 108, 123-24, 137, 196, 232, 237 Aland ins. of Yuvaraja Mallikarjuna, Ananti, m.. . . . . . . . 167, 169 Alande, I., . . Andhra, Andhradeba, co., 8, 12, 62. 63, 68, Alavandapuram, 76 137, 199 n., 227-28, 235-36 Alavandar, f., . . . 72. Andhra-mandala, 1.d., . . . . 226, 231 Al-Biruni, au.. 145, 181 N. Apdimslai, hillock, . . . . 199 Alekomara, identified with Alakumara, 162-63 Anga, co., . . . Alekomara-Singa, s.c. Alekomara's son Singa, lu2 angaraksha, ., . , . - 5 n., 8, 12, 86 au, . . . . . . . 147, 156 Angiras, sage, . * 209 . Alidorru, vi., . . . . . . .70 1. Angul, sub-division, . . . 79 afiya-santana, a las of inheritance, . . . 207 Anhilvadepatad, ca. . . . 24 Allabakti, 8.3. Nikumbhallabakti, sendraka ch., 116 Anindita, ep. of Chalukya Vikramaditya 1, 112 13, 115 Alphabet, see Script, Aniyankabhima, o.a. Anangabhima,. . 123 Alupa, dy.. . . . . . 206, 207 and n. Afjaneri plates of Prithvichandra Bhogabakti,. 176 Aluvakheda, di., . . . 207 Afjaperi plato of Tejavarman, . 109, 112 Amalakshuddunga, i.d., . . 4, 6 and ., 7 Ankamahadevi, ... Akkamahadevi, . . 238 Amalapurani, ik... . . 236 Annavaram-agraharam, vi.. i . .. 161 n. Amalgart, wi.. . . . . . 6n. . 6n. Annigeri, .,. . . . . . . . . 144 amanta scheme of the lunar months, 117 Antaranga, off., 43, 85, 217 Amarakosa, wk.. 132 n. Antroli-Chhiroll plates of Karka II, .. . 109 Amarivati, I., . anuaudra, . . . . . . * . 226 Ambalaru, .a. Ablar, vi.. anunuara for class dasals, . . . . 19 Ambapua, I., . . 79 . anunvira used for final . . . 80, 90 Ambapua plate of Dandimahadevi, . . . 79 n. anusvira used for final, . . . . 80 Ardhra-vishaya, ed.. . . . . . 246 anusvara, written in both the Bengali and Amgachhi plato of Vigrahapala III, 4 and ., 5, Devanigart fashions, . . . . . 49 9-10, 49, 51, 57 n., 227 Anoikehiki, . . . . . . . 128 Amma I, R. Chalukya k., . . . 227 Appikatla, vi., . . . . . 238 Amma II, do. . . . 67, 241-42 Apsarodeva, m., . . 85, 89 Am.Damanda purani, pi., . . . . 76 Arapabhita (or Ranabhita), Sailidbhava k., 35-36, 41 Ammanga, Chola pr., , , Aratha, pr.,. . 149 and n. Anmarja, E. Chalukya k., . . . 241 Arathi, Pragjyolisha k... 147, 149 and n., 153, 157. An: Darija (I), do.. . . . . 67 Arcot, N., di., . 73 n., 143 n., 201 and n. Amouraje, ... . . 206 Arcot, 8., do., . . . . . 63, 199 Amodi plates of Prithvideva I, . 1952., 96 Arddhenduchida, i.e. Siva, .. . 242 Amoghakalaba, str., . . 216 Arayan Rajarajan alias Vikrama-Chola CholiyaAmoghavarshn III, Rashtrakula k., . . 23 varaiyag, gen., .. . . . . . 62 ". Amritananda, pandit, . 133 arhadacharya, . . . 40, 43 Amritaluru, L., .. . . 236 Apbai-din-ka-Jhopra, mosque, . . . 178 Amritavardhana, fl., . . . , 211, 219 | Arikeskrin, Chalukya ch., . . . .22 . Amritesvara, i.e. Siva, . . Arjuna, epic hero,. . 35, 66, 157, 181, 239 Anveviaka, ri.. . . . . . . 111 Arjunagrama, L., . * . . . . . 111 Anahilvadapatan, I., . . Arkasalin, off., . . . . . . 40 n. 26 Arkavana, ci., . . 20, 26, 28 Anaikatta Karsi, do. . . . . 73, 78, 78 Artha sastra, wk., . . 86 n. Anangabhima I, 6.6. Vajrahasta, Ganga k. . 123 Arthana ins. of Chamundaraja Arangabhlaa II, do... . 122 n., 123-24, 126, Aruvige, 8.a. Arage, vi... . 29-30, 32 130 and n. Arya Bhagarati, goddess, . 29-30, 32 138 14, 17 Arjuna, epis

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PART VIII] Aryavarta, co., Asattigrama, vi., Ashtadhyayi, wk., Asia Minor, Asidharapura, I., Asilida or Silida, do., Assam, province, Assam plates of Vallabhadeva, Astgaon, vi., Alvagbosa, au., Advapati, Gurjara-Pratihara k., Aivayurveda, wk., Atri, sage, Aubalaraja, m., Auk, 8.a. Avuku, vi., Auparika, off.. avabhritha, Aivayu, Ataearman, m., Atiba Dipankara Sri-JAAna, Bengali Buddhist monk, avadana, lax, avagraha, sign, avagraha, non-use of Avakaru, vi., PAGE 173 118 90 %. 138 94 39, 42 50 n., 145, 147 n., 151-52, 171 Avanivarman, Chalukya ch., Avanivarman II Yogaraja, Chavda k., Avayu, Aviddha, I., Avidhaya, Rashtrakuta k. of Manapura, Avukku, ti., Avuku or Auk, do., Ayasobhita, Sailodbhava k., Ayaeobhita I, do., Ayaeobhita II Madhyamaraja, do., Ayodhya, co., Aya, legendary k., Ayukta,, off., Ayuktaka, do., Ayyavayyangar, m., B Baigram plate, Baihaqi, au., Bajitpur, l., DGA/56 * INDEX 35 l. 118 133 25 171 56. 173-74 52 59, 65, 209 n. 72 72, 73 m. 85, 88, 217 39, 42 107-08 44, 49, 80 19, 98 62, 64, 70 21-22 24 56 and ". 167, 169 and n. 175-76 77-78 72-73, 78 41 35, 37, 45 33-34, 35 and n., 37, 39 59 and "., 66 65 8,12 56, 85, 88, 217 73 m. D, b, indicated by v, , substituted by v, Badapa-Vijayaditya VII, E. Chalukya k., Baghaura ins., Bagumra plates of Indra III, 23 Bagumra plates of Nikumbhallasakti, 116-17, 118 and n. Bahraich, di., 53, 86 Bahukadhavala, Chavda k., 195 and n. 80, 122 and m., 146 195 227 n. 3 24 R 52 151 Balavarman, petapala, Balisa, vi., Balkans, Ballala, Silahara k., Balpur, l., Balsane, do., Balsane ins., Baluchistan, Bamanghati plate of Ranabhanja, Bamani ins. of Silahara Vijayaditya, Bana, demon k., Balarama-Sankarshana, Balasanaka, l., Balasore, di., . Balasore, tn.,. 105-06 Balasore Copper axe-head ins. of Purushottama, 105-06 Balavarman, k. of the Mlechchha dy., 148, 149 and n., 150-52 40, 43 118 138 16 98 136-37 136 138 Banaras, ci., Banavisi, vi., Banavase-pannirchchhasira, t.d., Banesvara, god, Bangaon, vi., Bangaon plate of Vigrahapala III, Bangarh, I., Bangarh pillar ins., Bangarh plate of Mahipala I, Banki Police Station, Banpur, tn.,. Banpur plates of Ayasobhita II Madhyan.araja, Banpur plate of Dandimahadevi, Bapatla, I., Bapatla, tk., Bappa-bhattaraka, Bappasvamin, donee, Barappa, Chalukya ch., Bargaon plates of Ratnapala, Bargaon temple ins. of Sabara, Barishi, L., Baripada Museum Plate of Devananda II, Basavapurana, wk., Basavarajadevara Ragale, do., Basaveevara, rel. teacher, Basoda Pargana, Bastar, di., Baud, l., Baud plates of Prithvi.nahadevi, 52 207 204. 48 48-49 10 m., 51 151 3 2, 4-5, 10 186 33, 35 29 79-80, 82-83, 87 n., 88 n. 236-38 94, 225-26 92 and n., 95 n., 96 117, 120 25 148 20, 21 *. 48 184-86 142 n. 143 142-44 18 196 85, 210, 220 82 n., 83 and n., 191 and n., 210, 221-23 Bay of Bengal, Belava plate of Bhojavarman, Bellary, di., Relvola-munuru, t.d., Belwa, vi., Belwi plate of Mahipala 1, . 251 PAGE! 180 136 169 . 80 15 48 151 180 201 n. 204 n. 1, on. 9-11, 50

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253 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX 18 * 841 * 298 PAGE Paes Belwi plate of Vigrahapala IIT, . 4,9-13, 49-50 | Bhauma or Naraka, do. . . Bonsres plate of Kalachuri Karpa,. . . 62 Bhava, god,. . . . Bengal, 48,60 7., 63 and 1., 54, 151, 180, 183 Bhavaditya, W.. . Beta, ch. of Konamandala, . . . . 236 Bhavishya, Rachfrabljak. of Manapura,. 176-76 Betana-bhatta, composer, . . 64-66 Bheraghat ins.. . Betul, di., . . . . . 111, 113 and 1. bhela, law, . . 107-08 Beswada l... . . . . . . 63 Bhij or Abhi), Mh.,. 46, 48 * 214 Bhilsa, di.. . . .. 18 Biada, ... Bhadra, Bhusa, tn., . . . 21 Aad n. Bhadra, m.,. . 173-74 Bhile ins.. . . 21 and .. Bhadrak, tn.. . 169-71, 173 Bhima, Chalukya k.. . . . 243 Bhadrak, subdivision, . . . 170 Bhinia, ch., . . . . 45 Bhadrak ins. of Gana, . . 169, 171 Bhima, X. Chalukya k.,. . . Bhadrakali, goddess, . . 170 Bhima, epic hero, . . 86, 168, 167, 231 bhaga, dues, . . . 0 and 1., 60 Bhinia, Kolanu-nandu ch.. Bhagadatta, Pragyotisha t., . . 147, 149, 163, Bhima, m., . . . .. . 66 167 and 1. Bhims, Mandalita, a.a. Kolaninti Bhica, 228 bhaga-loka, off. . . . . . 107-08 Bhimd, ri.. . . . . . . . 126, 127, Bhagalpar, di.. .. 131, 174 Bhagalpur plate of Narayanapals,. . 2n. Bhima (IT), E. Chalukya ... . . . . 67 Bhagavata Purana, wk... . .187 n. Bhimana-bhatta, 4.a. Bhima, ., . . . 86 Bhagavad-Gita, do.. . 74 and n., 77-78, 132 n. Bhimanatha, god, . . . . . 235, 238 Bhagirathi, ri., . . 4, 7, 11, 60, 65 Bhimanathesvara, do.. . . . . . 238 Bhagyadevi, Pala q. . . . . . 7, 66 Bhima-nayaka, .a. Kolanu-Bhima . . 233 Bhaiksha, asrama, . . . 188 Bhimendi, m.. . .. . . 45, 47 Bhaillasvamin, sun-god, . . . 211. Bhimarathri . . . 125 Bhaltgrama, vi... . . . 107-08 Bhimasena, epic hero, .. . . 66 Bhairab-bazar, I., . . . : 161 Bhimnagarigarh (Dhenkanal) plate Bham bagiri, do.. . . . 136 of Kulastambha, . . 166 Bhandara, di.. . . 118 n. Bhimnagarigarh plate of Tribhuvanamshadert T, 80, Bhafija, f., . . 83, 88, 191 m., 216 Bhajas of Vajulvaka, dy.. 189-91 Bhishn-dahan . . 196 . Bhanu II, k., . 108 bhoga, lat, . . . . . 6 and n., 60 Bhanurhapdra, m., . . 223 n. Bhogavati, ri., . . 15 Bbanudatta, governor, . . . 214 Bhogavi Sutkoti, do.. . . 189 Bhanubakti, sendraka ch., . . . . 116-19 Bhogin, of... . . . 40, 85, 211, 219 Bhara Bhagadatta, k.,. . 113 n. Bhoja, f. .. . . ... 113 Bharadvaja, 4.a. Drona, sage,. . . 21. 22. Bb5ja I, Silahara k.. . . 18-16 Bharadvaja, Sulkich., . . * 19-20, 27 Bhojavarman, k. of E. Bengal, . . . 180 Bharasa ha, 8.a. Sivakara 1, Bhramarabhadra, ch., . . . . 196 Bhauma-Kara k., . . Bhramarakotya, co., . . . * * 198 Bharata, epic k., . . . . . . 65,67 Bhrigu-pandita, m., . . . . 100, 103 Bhaskara, poet, . . 124. 128. 133 Bhubaneswar, l. . . . . . 32, 79, 106, Bhaskatavarman, Pragjyotisha k., 34, 122, 148, 214 189-70, 183 Bbasvat, 3.a. Bhilai, . . . . . 25 Bhimanya, legendary k., . .. . bhaja.. . . . . . 6 and 7., 8, 12, 56, 115 bhumichchhidra-nyaya, 6., 8, 12, 50, 56, 86, 120, 177 Bhatideva, Ikahvaku q. . . . 138 . Bhatta-Bana, au., . 88, 89, 217 . . . . . bhumichchhidra-pidhana-nyaya, 146 Bhutagana-bhatta, ... . Bhattagrama, ni.. . . 110, 115 . . . . . . 191 Bhatta-Makyadeva, m., . Bigha, 1... . . . . . . . . 4 . . 85, 89 Bihar, . . Bhaffaraka-padanudhyata, ep.. . . . . 48, 61-84, 86, 184 . . . 112 . Bijapar, di.,. . Rhauma-Kara, dy.. 100 and n., 144, 162 79-80, 81 and n., 82-85, 87 n., 165, 183, 186, 190, 191 1., 210-11, 213, 216, 220, 222-24, Bijavada, o.a. Bezwada, . . . . . . 63 227 Bijawadgi, I., . . . . . . 68..

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PART VIII] Bijjala, Kalachuri, k., Bijjala I, do., Bijjala II, do., Bilaigarh, I., Bilaigarh plates, first set, Bilaigarh plate of Prithivldova, Bilaspur, di.,. Bilhari, vi., Bilhar! ins., Birbhum, di., Bodh Gaya, 1., Bodhgaya ins. of Mahipala I, Bodhisattva,. Boggaram, tn., Bogra, di., Bombay, ci., Bombay State, Bonai, I., Brahma, god, brahmacharya, &erama, Brahmadeva, ch., brahmadiya, gift, Brahman, god, Brahmana, varna, Brahmani, ri., Brahmapala, Pala k. of Pragjyotisha, Brahma Purana, wk., Brahmapuri mound, Brahmaputra, ri., Brahmavak, f., Brahmeevara, god, Brihadbhogin, off.. Brihan-Mangoka, t.d., Brihaspati, law-giver, Brihaspati-Rayamukuta, au., Buckerganj, di., Buddha, Buddha-bhattaraka, . Buddha, incarnation of Vishnu, Buddhacaritra, wk., Buddharaja, Kajachchuri k., Buddhavarasa, k., Buguda plates of Sainyabhita II, . Bundelkhand, co., Burdwan, di., Burdwan, in., Cambay plates of Govinda IV, Chachcha, Paramara ch., Chachcha, .a. Katkadeva, do, Chadachana ins., * 237 Chahamana, mythical progenitor of the Chauhan clan,. 100 and ". 100 n., 143-44 97 and n., 194 97 n. 194 100, 125 Chahamana or Chauhan, dy., Chaitya, symbol on seal, Chakra, pr., Chakrakota, co., Chakrakota-rashtra, t.d., Chakrakotya, co., Chakravarti-chihna, Chakravarti-kshetra, 22 and n., 23 n. 21-23 52 139 Chalan, lake,. 52 Chalisgaon, tk., Chalukya, dy., 184 237 INDEX 1, 6, 53, 86 Chalukyas of Badami, do., 130 m., 200 n. 116 85 20, 59, 182, 209 158 PAGE 195-96, 198 92, 96 137 " 148, 151 2 n. 13 147, 151, 152 23 Madhavavarman 140 40, 43, 85-86, 217, 219 34, 158 Chalukya, hill, 85 Chalukyarajya-bhavana-malastambha, ep.,. Chamdrachada, i.e. Siva, 152 148 151 3 5, 8, 10, 12, 50, 56, 65, 81, 134, 220 m. 179, 181 133 109-10, 112 109 111 n. Chalukyas, Eastern, do.,. Chalukyas, Navasari branch, do., Chalukyas, Western, do., Chalukya-Bhima I, E. Chalukya k., Chalukya-Bhima II, do., Chalukya-chandra, ep., Chalukya-Chola, dy., 23 20, 25, 28 Chamgalavve, fe., Champaran, l., Champaranya, 8.a. Champaran, Chandala, . Chandalladevi, fe., Chandavolu, l., Chandika, goddess, Chandu, Muslim pr. of Delhi, Chandu Nachchhiyar, goddess, . Chandra, dy., Chandra, god, Chandra, Silahara k., Chandrabandi, L., Chandraditya, nes Chandradvipa, s.a. Vangaladoba, 24 Chandragupta II, Gupta k., 6 Chandraprabha Tirthankara, Chandravarman, Chalukya ch., Chandravarman, k. of Pushkarana, Characters, see Script .81 Charanas : Saman, Taittiriya,. 26 Vajasanaya, 100 Chata,. Chandella, dy., Chandthara Yayati Mahasivagupta III, vamei k., 196 and ". 240 .4, 9 151 116 21, 22 and n., 23, 24 n., 31, 34 n., 111 m., 207, 240 59, 112, 118 and n., 160-81, 207 57-60 and n., 62 118 59, 100, 233 67, 227 228-30 67 164, 226, 234, 236 66, 240 232 245 142 52 52 12, 56 234 226, 237 21, 26 . * 179, 182 178-80 1 149 and n. 195, 196 n.. 196. . . . 253 Soma PAGE . * . 147,156,159 73 m. 73 ph. . 3 and ". 50 15 134 5, 9 8. 173 and Ia. 20% 24 m. 171, 173 191 156, 159 110, 118 85, 89, 191-93 5 and n., 8, 12, 56, 115 2

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254 EPIGARPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 29 * 126 . 216 11 . . Catto 179 46 . . . PAQs RAOS Chlterara Siva, . . . 121-22 consonant, not doubled after repha,. . . Chattisgarh, di., . Contai, subdivision, Chaturtha-bula, f. . . . . : 231 Crete, . . . 138 Chaturvargachintamani, wk.,. . . 125 9. Cuddapah, di.. . . 162 Chaturvuaranya, . . Cumbum, tk., . 160 Chauhan, 1.. Chahamina, dy.. . . 178-79 Cuttack, di... 79, 86, 105, 121, 186, 227 Chaulukya, do., . . . . Cuttack, tn., . . . . . 105, 10, 105, 107, 121, 227 Chaundariya, feud. ch., . 237 Cuttack Museum plates, . . . . 111. Chaurasi plato of Sivakars II,. . . 83, 223 Cuttack Museum plates of Chauroddharanika, of.. . : 57., 8, 12, 56 | Madhavavarman (LI), . 34-35, 36 ., 39 n.., 40 R. Chivanarma, do.,. . . . . 63 Cyolades, .. . . . . . . 188 Chidi, co., . . . 21 and 1., 22 and n., 28 2 and 1., 28 Cyprus, Cyprus, . . . . . . . . 138 Chabrold, I., . . . . . 229, 231 and . Chendalor plates of Kumaravishpu II, 91.7., 98 Chennakesave, god, . . . . 236 Cheruvulakote, a.a. Krottacheruvalakota, 237d and dh having no distinction in form, . . 296 Chetlapadu, 1., . . 232 . two forms of . . . . . . -- 19 Chbandoga, lakha,. . 60.66 Dadds Prasantaraga, k., . . . . . 110 Ohhandombudhi, wl., . . 206 n. Dadinadu, vi.. . . . . . . 70 Chhattisgarh, di... * 194 Dahala, co., . . . . . 100 and .. Chitravahana, Alupa ch.. 207 Dahala-bedanga, ep. . . . . . 100 Chicacole, I., . . . Daha-Parbatiya, 1., . . 152 Chikankhandi, vi., . 183 Daikonl plates of Prithvideva II, . . . 198 . Chintan api, do.. . 72-74, 76-78 Dakinmal, .;. . . . 215 Chinta mani-dai, stream, 74 . Dakshinakhanda, di.. . . . 211, 218, 219 Chippili, ti., . 234 Dakshina-Kosala, 1.d., . Chirpull, ... . . . 234 Dakshina-kala, do, . 159 Chitramatikidevi, Paffamahadlul,, . ?n. Dakshinapatha, co., . . 59 and 7., 86, 240 Chitrakik handin, . . . 208.09 Dakshina-Radha, do., . . . . 53. Chittagong plate of Kantideva, 31., 33 1. Dakshina-Tosala, I. d., . 191 m. Chittoor, di., . i . Dakshina-Tosala (Tosalt)., co., . . 82, 85-86, 88 Choda, s.a. Chola, f., . . . . 46 Dakshin Mahal, I., . . . . . 216 Choda, .. G. Rajendra Choda, Damodar, ri., . . . 173 Velanan ich., . . . . . . 246 Dana, .a. Danirpava, . Choda I, do., . . 228, 231, 244 . Chalukya . . . . . 67, 227, 241-42 Chodachandra, 2.a. Pallsvaraja, ch. 231 and n. danda, . . . . . . . 174 Chodaganga, s.a. Anantavarman-Chodaganga, 99, 102 Dandabhukti, i.d... 83 n., 211, 214-15, 217, 224 123-24, 237 Dandanayaka, off.. . . . . . 43, 63 Choda-buahidevi, q. of Chodaganga, . . . Dandaniti . . . . . . . 128 Chola, dy. . 24, 31, 59, 62 Dandapasika, off... 57., 8, 12, 43, 56, 85, 88, 217 Chola-Chalukya, do., . 226, 233-34 Dandika, do.. . .. . 5 n., 8, 12, 56 Chols country, . . . 45-46 Dandimahadevi, Bhauma-Kara q. 79 and n., 82-85, Cbola-mandals, t.d., . . . 233 88, 190, 214, 221-22 Cholsvandipuram, vi.. . . . 199 Danduasi, 8.a. Dandapasika,. . . . 85 Chudamani, donee, 147-48, 156, 1.59 Dantidurga, Rashtrakata k., . . 109, 111 n. Charni, hundred corrie shells,, . 45, and n., 48 Danton, I., . . . . . . .83 . Chronogram - Darrang, di... . . . 145, 152 indu-nanda-viyach-chandra, . . . . 226 Darsi, I., . . . . . 163 nidhi-jaladhi-viyach-chandra, . . 23 n. Dasa, 8.a. Jedara Disimayya,.. voet-anka-0064, . 53 Dasabala, . . . . vida- abhodhi-nidhi,. das-apachara, &.a. das-aparadha, . 5 1., 8, 12 Conjeevaram, tn., . * 73 n. das-aparadha, o.a. das-apachara, . . 51. CONDADE, doubled after, . . 19, 117 | da saparadhika, off., . . . $., 8, 12, 56 consonant, final, . . . .,. 116 Dasaratha, epic k., . . . . . . 87 227 48 87

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PART VIII ] INDEX 268 . . 239 . 183 4th, Bth.. 8th.. PAGS PAGB Dallayintakpit (Dilarathi Rima), incarnation of Dhimpi, ri., . . 14-16 Vishes . . . ... . . 179, 181 Dhadada, god, 187 Dalavadana, 3.. Ravapa, 155 n. Dhanadapurl, a.. . * 226 Daspalla, sub-division, . , 183, 186, 189 Dhananjaya, 1.6. Arjuna, Daspalla plate of Dovlnanda, Dhandba, i... Kuvers, . . . 244 Daspalla plates of Satrubhaja, Dhanga, Chandella k., . . . 28 Daubadhasadhanika, off.. . . 6., 7, 12, 56 Dharskopa plate of Subhakara III, 220-21 Days, lunar Dharkkraya-Jayasimba, ch.. . . * 118 dark fortnight : Dharmachakra-mudra, . . . . 1, 49 2nd. . 80, 88 Dharmaja, i... Yudhishthira, . . . 186 . 5th., . 191 and n., 193 Dharma-mahadevt, Bhauma-Kara q. 81 ., 81-89, 10th., . . 117, 120-21 214, 289 14th., . . . . 106, 108 Dharmapala, Pald L., . . . . 3-6, 34 bright fortnight : Dharmapatti, I., . . . . . 85-88, 89 . . . 17 84-35, 38, 39 . Dharmaraja Manabhita, Sailodbhava k., 61, 189, 236 and ., 40 and ., 42-43 . . . 142 Dharmmaputra, i. e. Yudhishthira, . . 246 7th., . 44, 47, 71, 78, 218 Dharwar, di., . . . . 139, 144 8th., 195 and . Dhita, i.e. Brahma, . . . 20, 27 12th., . . . . 29, 32 Dhauli, l., . . . . . 136 - 15th (Parnima), .. 92, 96, 110, 115, 176-77, Dhauli cave ins. of the time of Sintikara, , 80, 231-32, 235, 238 : 82-83, 136 Days of the fortnight (unspecified) :Pafohaml, Dhavala, . . . 147, 168, 169 . Days of the month : Dhemura, a tributary of the Kool, Bhadra 19, . . Dhenkanal, I., . Bravana 26, . . Dhenkanal, di.... . . . . . Days of the week : Dhenkanal plats of Jayasimha, . . Aunday. . 61 and 191 and n., 193, 202, 204 Dhenkanal plato of Jayastambha,, . 166 . Monday, . . . 71, 78, 81, 106, 108, 238 Dhenkanal plate of Tribhuvanamshadovt, 210.11, Toesday, . . . . . . . 195, 202 213, 220-24 Wodpoday. . . . . . 81, 195 Dhirisvaradovasarman, . . . . . 0,8 Thursday, . . 44, 47, 60, 61 and 1., 68 Dhond, I., . . Friday. . . . . 195, 231 Dhs'tipura, ca., . 190 n., 191 n., 224 Doocan, . . . 14, 18 Dhruvananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, 194 and >>., 186-86 Dajja Maharaja, Rashtrakifa k., . . . 176 Dhulia, I., . . . . . 116 Delhi, ci., . . 73 m., 178 Digbhaijs, Bhai ja k.. . . . . 199 Dolhaka, M., . . . . 196, 198 dig-vijaya, . . . Datobha, do.. . 147-48, 168. 159 Dimmagadi in. of Vikramiiditya I, . Devadova, do.. . . 211, 219 | Dinajpur, di.. . 1, 53, 151 Dovagapa, . 99 and n., 100 Dirghanga, I., . . 147, 162, 156, 159 Devaki, . . . 65 disampati, off., . * 44, 47. Devananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, 190 dispati, do., . . . . 44-47 Davananda I. do.. . . 184-85, 187 Divakara, sun-god. . . . 240 Davinanda II, do.. . . 183-85, 187-89 | Divodasa, m., . 200, 103 Devana-preggada, gen., . 236-37 Doddayacharya, do.. Devapala, Gurjara-Pralihara k., 25 n. Dommara-Nandyala Plates of Panyakumara,. 163 Devapilo, Pala k., . . . . 3, 6, 54 | Dompari, I., . . . 151 Dovarkja, Rashtrakifa k. of Manapura,. 175-77 Drakahirama, do... 228 and 1.., 229, 233 16., 234 Derondravarman, Ganga k., . . 231 ., 235, 237-38 Dovi, divine mother, . 20, 27 Drakshirima ins. of Pellavarlja, . . 230-32 Deviboutir ins.. . . . . * 203 Dramila, co., . . . Doytkotte, l. . . . . . 161 and . Dramiladha, ep. of Rajendra-Chola I, 63, 68 d and having po distinction in form, . 226 Dravida-gapa, . . de rodaplicated after . . . . . 146 Drope, epic hero, . . . 4 . . 73 n. 203 . . 91

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256 drona, 1.m., Drupada, epic k., Dudahl ins., Duggiyapandi, vi., Dupadhalli, do., Durga, goddess, Durgadeva, goldsmith, Durgaraja, Rashtrakuta k. of Berar, Durjaya, clan, Dushyanta, epic k., Dussasana, epic hero, data, dulaka, executor, datapreshanika, off., dvaimatura, ep., dvedaparaga, s.a. dvivedaparaga, &,. 4, undistinguishable from ch, , initial, , initial, resembling 1, ?, medial, E Eastern Chalukya, dy., Eastern Ocean, i.e. Bay of Bengal, Eclipses : Lunar, Solar, Egypt,. Ehavala Chimtamula, Ikshvaku k., Elam, Elapura, 8.a. Ellora, ci., Ellichpur, do., Ellora plates of Dantidurga, England, Eriya I, Velananti ch., Eriyavarman, do., Errayya, do., Erriya II, do., Eruva, t.d., Eruva-mahadevi, q., Eruva-nadu, di., Eruva Thrice-seventy, .d., Ettar, vi.. Ivadi-mandala, t.d., G g and p, similar forms of, 9, reduplicated after r, . ika-chivara, Ekantada, ep., Ekantada Ramayya, m., Eka-samkha, royal insignia, Eka-saja, Elacharya, 8.a. Helacharya, Jain pontiff, EPIGRAPHIA INDICA PAGE 4, 10-11, 151 21 21 64, 70 139 30 190 110, 112, 114 233 65 20, 28 5, 9-10, 13, 40, 43, 51, 211, 219 5 n., 8, 12, 56 242 93, 96 . 226 160 90, 109, 122, 145, 160 116 49, 146, 170 46-47, 164-67 151 . * * 92, 96, 98, 103, 238 195, 198 138 138-39 40 140 n. 140 and n., 141, 143 66, 240 40, 43 203 138 20, 26-27 111, 114 109, 111 m. 228-29, 243 133 23C 230 228, 230 161-62, 163 and n., 161 163 103 163 and n. 72, 73 m. 198-96, 198 . 54 194 21. 5 n., 8, 12, 56 243 244 8, 182, 243 16 171 171 171 169, 171-74 171 171 163 228, 230 228, 230-31 14-16 126, 129 and n. 171 4-5, 7 34, 44, 47, 66, 105, 123, 195-97 8, 12, 36, 41, 56, 65-66, 129-30, 132 and n., 182, 243 Gangaikondacholapuram, ca.,. 63 46 125 Gangas of Svetaka, dy., Gangas of Utkala, do.,. Gangaull, mula-grama, Ganga- Yamuna,royal insignia, . Ganges, ri., 54 66 2, 4-5, 10, 50 Gangeyadeva Vikramaditya, Kalachuri k., Ganguli, Gangopadhyaya, Ganjam, di, Ganjam plate of Dandimahadevi, 52 54 54 Garga, m., Garhaathya, Abrama, Gartteavara, god, Garuda, mythical bird, Gauda, co., Gauda, peo.. Gaudacharya, scribe, Gauhati, tn., 35, 46-47, 79 n., 85, 111 m. 79-80, 83, 86, 87 n., 88 n., 212, 214 Ganjam plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, 34, 35 n., 214 Gara stone ins., 232 147-48, 156, 150 158 44-45, 47-48, 137 15 51-53, 56-57 5 n., 8, 12 64 gaulmika, off., Gaur, l., 106 146 Gauri, Bhauma-Kara q.,. 9, resembling, 9, written in two ways, Gadevalu, di., Gadval plates of W. Chalukya Vikramaditya I,. gai, Gajalakshmi,. Gajankuseya, m., Gamagamika, off., Gamda I, Velananti ch., Garda II, do., Garga, ri., Gargeya, i.e. Bhishma, Gapa, au., Gana, demon ch., Gapa, gotra-kara, Gana, k., Gana, mahasainyapati, Gana, ., Gapapatidova, Kakatiya k., Ganda I, Vilananti ch., Ganda II, do., Gandaraditya, Silahara k., gandha-sindhura, scent-elephant, Ganesa, god, Gapeavara, I., Ganga, dy., Ganga, ri., [ VOL. XXIX . * PAGE 49 49 69 92, 113, 161. * 145, 147 m., 151-52 5 m., 8, 12, 56 4. 82-83, 88

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PART VIII) INDEX 857 . 3,6 * 3.7 19 - 83 125. 125 . Peo) PAON Gaurl, goddess, . . . 20, 27, 02, 221, 240-41 Gonka II, do.. . 228, 232, 236 . Gaurimahidevi, Bhauma-Kara q. . . . 222 Gonkarija I, o.a. Gonka I, do. Gautama, epic k., . . . . . 206, 208-09 Gopkarkja II, 1.d., Volananti Gonku II, 282-38 Gautama, law.giver, . . . . . 148, Gonkar ja III, do. . . . 238 Gautami, ri., . . . . 232 Gopala I, Pala k., . . Gautamiputra Sitakarni, Satavahana k.,. 139. Gopala II, do.. Gayi, ci.. . . . . Gepkladove, do.. . . 6-7, 54-55 Gayada I, Bhauma-Kara k.,. 81-83, 87, 210-213,1 Gopi Kahrs, m., . . . . . . 97 m. 216, 223 Gorakhpur, I., . . . 100 Gayada IT, ..a. Santikara II, do., 82-83, 212, 220,224 Gosvamini, Gosvaminid&vi, Bhauma-Kara q. 82, Gaykdapura, I., . . . 81 216, 221-23 Gayadatunga, Tunga ch. 85 Gosvamint II, ... Tribhuvanamahidovi I, do., . 82 ., gh, used for h., . . Ghali, s.a. Khalin, 173-74 Gotras :Ghaptisa, m., . . 51-52, 57 Agastya, . . . . 176, 177 Ghiptokasarman, do. . 60-61 Atreya,. . . . . 236 Gifts : Bhdradvjs, , 10, 12, 29, 82, 85, 89, 91, 95 Brahmanda, . . Bhirgaya, . . . . 63 Dhari,. . . Hastidisa, . . . . 6,8 Ganhasra, . . Kayapa, 17, 44-45, 47, 117,120 Hemahastin,, . Kaundinya. . . . . 21 and . Hiranyagarbha, . Kausika, . . . 237 Hiranyakamadhenu, 125. Marula, . 110, 116 Hiranyaiva, . . 126. Maudgalya . 93, 95-9 Hiranyaavaratha, 120 n. Sarakita, 100, 103 Kalpalata, 125. Sandilya, . 60, 56, 166, 169 Kalpapadapa,. . 126 n. Srivataa, Mahabhataghsta, . Varula, . 110, 116 Panchalingalaka, 125. Vatsa, . . . . . 124, 195, 198 Ratnadhenu, . . 125 R. Govinda, Silahara pr.,. . . . . 16 Saptasigara,. . 125. Govinda, m.. . Visvachakra,. . 125 n. Govinda, ch., . . 14-15 Girija, goddess, 166-67 Govinda, donce, . . 29, 32 Girits, god, 166-67 Govinda, min., . . 123-24, 130 n., 237 Gilagovinda, wk., . Govinda, o.a. Govindaraja, Rashtrakufa ch., 112 Giyds-ud-din 'Iwaz, Bengal Sultan, . 125 Govinda III, do.. . . . Godivarl, ri.. . 232, 238 Govinda IV, do... Godivari, E. di., . 46, 229, 236 Govindagupta, Gupta k., . . Goggi-bhatara, m., . 161-63 Govindaraja, Rashtrakufa k. of Berar, 110, 112, 114 Gohapaka, do.. . . 61, 57 Govpishana bhattaraka, donce, , 161, 163-64 Goilo, subdivision, . 167, 169 Grama-bhogika, off.. . . . 114-15 Gotsk plates of Rashtrakata Dejja,. . . 175 Gramapati, do.. . . . 8, 12, 68 Gokarpa, ch.. . . * 102 Greater Ganga, dy... . . . . . Golahatti-chanaki, 1., . . 20, 26-27 Guikuchi plates of Indrapala, . . . golla, 6.a. kolla, valley, . . 15 Gudivada, lk. . . . . Gorka I, Velananti ch.. 244 Gudravara, l.. . 243-44 Gorka II, do., 244 Gudravara-dvaya, 1.d., . . . . . 230 Gomkalla, silahara k., , . * 15 Gudravara-vishaya, do., . . . . 228, 230 Gommata, Jain deity. . . 200-01 Guha, o.a. Kumarasvamin, god, . 233 Gonda, di.,. . . i 53, 86 Guhadevapataka, Bhauma-Kara ca., 81, 86 Gondrams, . 166-88 Guhedvarapataka, 6.a. Guhadevapataka, 81, 87, 210, Gonks I, Velananti ch... 228, 230, 231 and A., 315-16 232 Gujarat, . . . . . 109, 116-18 128 . 180 . . 307 * 192

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258 Gulbarga, di... Gumdambika, Velananti pr., Gupidhya, Sulki k., Gunaga Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k., Gunaga-Vijayaditya III, do., Gunaighar plate, Gunda, m., Gundambika, Velananti pr., Gunderu, ri., Guntur, di., Gupta, dy., Gurizala, I., Gurjars, co.,. Gurjara-Pratihara, dy., Gurudurti, tn., Gurupada, mo., Guruparamparaprabhava, wk., Gavala, Silahara k., Guzrat, Gwalior, A, h of the early Bengali type, Badapeevara, I., Hadappoivara, 8.a. Hadapeevara, Haihaya, dy., Haihayas of Konamandala, f., Haihayas of Mahakoala, dy., Haihayas of Palnad, J., Hammira-mahakavya, wk., Hampi, l., Hanumat, epic hero, Haposagrama, t.d., . Hara, god, Hara, m., Haradeva, do., Haragana-dvivedin, do., Harakili-nafaka, wk., 59, 67, 164-65 Harjaravarman, Pragjyotisha k., 40 142 228, 230, 232, 238 232 95, 137, 225-26, 229, 231, 23637, 238 and n. 170 233 n. 53 hala, I.m., Haladhara, s.a. Balarama-Sankarshana, Halsi ins., H Harappa, 1., Harasur, do., Harasur ins. of Soma, Hari, god, Haridasa, donee, Harihara, poet, Harihara II, Vijaynagara k., Harihareevara shrine, Harihar ins., Harikula, I., HarMohandra, J., EPIGRAPHIA INDICA PAGE 203 244 19-20, 27 95 170 106 147, 151-52, 156, 158-59 140 1. . 151, 156 101, 236 n. 233 125 233 PAGE 66 210-11, 213, 219, 225 147, 149 and n., 158, 157 146-47, 149 and n. 150-51, 171 and ". Harsha, s.a. Harshavardhana Siladitya, k. of Kanauj, . 214 Harsha, s.a. Harshavarman, Pragjyotisha k., 147, 153, 157 81, 84 23 34 and n., 161-2 147, 149 m., 23 23, 24 and n. 195, 198 150 65 Hariti, goddess, Harivardhana, scribe, Harjara, s.a. Harjaravarman, 24-25 237 134 72 m. 15 Hastin, lengendary k., 23-24 hasty-abv-5shtra-nau-bala-vyaprilaka, off.. 18 Hatapa-Sulin, god,. Hatapeevara, ci., Hatappe vara, 8.a Hadapeavara, Hayapati, legendary k., Hayapati, tit. of Devapala, Hayungthal plate of Harjaravarman, 45, 47, 51 Himalaya, mo., 180 Himavat, i.e. Himalaya, 30 | Hmayina . 179 Hindol plate of Kulastambha, Hindol plate of Subhakara III, 72 35, 38 147-48, 152, 156, 159 144, 182, 192 28 10, 13 110, 115 178 138 100 100 n. 16, 42, 153, 157, 180-82 98, 100, 103 142 m., 143, 144 m. 163 13 100 m. 3 112, 113 Hungund, ?., Harsha Siladitya, k. of Kanauj, Harshapura (Harsola), ci., Harshavardhana, k. of Kanauj, Harshavarman, Pragjyotisha k., Harsola, 8.a. Harshapura, Harsola grants of Siyaka II, Haruka, m., Haruppevara, ca., Helacharya, rel. teacher,. Hemadri, au., Hetuka, Hetuka-Sulin, god, Hili, L.,. [VOL. XXIX Hirekerur, L., Hiuen Tsang, Chinese pilgrim, . Hodreya-vishaya, t.d., Honnur plates of Vikramaditya I, Hottar ins. Hrideva, m., Hrishikesadeva, do., Huligere, L., Hapa, . . * 8, 12, 56 150 150 151, 156 65 25. 149 and n., 150, 171 202 and ., 203 125. 147, 150, 152, 154, 158 1 3, 128. 242 134 Hingni Berdi, vi.,. 165-66, 167 ". .80, 83, 22021 174, 176 93 Hirahadagalli plates of Sivaskandavarman, Hiramahadevi, Bhauma-Kara q.. Ia2-83, 212 hiranya, dues,. 5 and n., 8,10 Hiranyakeein, branch of the Taittiriya sakka, 117, 120 139 34 n., 134, 214 50, 54-55 161 . 63 51, 57 and ". 10, 12 143 5 m., 8, 12, 20, 25-26, 28, 56 63

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PART VIII ] Hungund, tk., Hyderabad, . i, i, initial, i, and i, undistinguishable, i, medial, i, medial looking like medial &, i of the Gaudiya type, i, medial, Iddhahala, f., Idu, commentary, Ikshu tank, Ikshvaku, mythical k., Iltutmish, Sultan of Delhi, Imadpur ins. of Mahipala I, Indedda, vi., Indra, god, Indra III, Rashtrakuta k., Indrapala, Pala k. of Pragjyotisha, Indraraja, E. Chalukya k., Ingalesvar ins., Inumgarru, vi., Inugurtipadu, do., Irajagambhira-valanadu, t.d., Irda plate, Irmadi-Rachamalla, ch., Teanasiva, Saivite teacher,. Iavara, god, Ievara, m., Iavaravardhana, do., Ittahaka or Ituhoka, I., j used for y, Jabalpur, tn.,. Jagaddeva, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur, Jagatsimha, m., Jajalladeva I, do., Jajalladeva II, do., . Jajilpara plate of Gopala II, Jajpur, tn., Jajpur, tahsil, Jahnavi, i.e. Ganga, ri., Jajalladova, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur, Jalaukuhe, vi., Jalladeva, m., Jaluka, I., Jamadagni, sage, 9 DGA/56 INDEX 203, 226 90, 96 n., 122, 145 106 19, 38 n., 44, 49, 90 149 PAGE 162 22 n., 114, 203 106 19, 109 51, 57 71 and n. 32 179, 182 178 52 186, 188 128 n., 132 n.,135, 157, 179, 182, 244 23 151 60, 66, 240 100 n. 226 226 and N. 76, 78 3 221 n. 100, 103 147, 149, 153, 157 93 and n., 94, 96 211, 219 50, 54, 56 and n. Jamadagnya (Parafurama), incarnation of Vishnu, Jambudvipa,. Jamdera-grama, vi., Jamgama-Sarasvati, Janaki,. Janamejaya, epic k., Janardana-bhatta, m.. Jangalpadu plates of Satrubhanja, Janjgir, tahsil, Jateevara, Ganga pr., Jatiga, Sllahara k., Jayadeva, poel, Jayakesin I, Kadamba k., Jayakesin II, do.. Jayamgondar, au.,. Jayananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, Jayanandadeva, donee, Jayapala, Pala k., Jayapura, ca., Jayapuradvart, do., Jayasakti, Sendraka ch., Jayasena, legendary k., Jayasimha, ch., Jayasimha, Paramara pr. Jayasimha, ruler of Yamagarta, Jayasimha, W. Chalukya k., Jayasimha I, E. Chalukya k., Jayasimha II, do... Jayasimha II, W. Chalukya k.. Jayasimhavallabha, do., Jayasingarasa, ch., Jaya-skandhavara, Jayastambha, Sulki k., Jayavall, Bhauma-Kara q.. Jeda, weaver, 98 Jeur, L., jh, Jedara Dasimayya, m., Jojjata, do.,. Jend, family name,. 24 99 jihvamaliya, 86, 105, 190, 227 227 111 85, 89 . 111 jita, revenue-income, 162 Jivadavi, q., 99 n. 20, 27 99, 102 102, 197 jihvamuliya, looking like ma, jihvamaliya, resembling d. Jilinda, L., Jilonda-vishaya, t.d., 99-100 Jimatavahana, founder of the Silahara dy.,.. 3-4 Jina, Jina-bhavana, Jinendra, god, Jishnu, i.e. Arjuna, epic hero, 259 . PAGE 203, 206, 207 and n., 209 25 85 60, 66 240 240 62 59 206-07 4 and n., 5, 7, 10-11, 50, 55 166 and *. 81, 83, 212 142 142 and n. 147, 156, 159 108 119 146 116 109 19 186 186, 188 14-15 140, 201 s. 207 34. . 28, 153, 157 107-08 147, 149 n., 150, 153, 157 179, 181 11 196. 32 and ". 181 65-66, 239 14, 17 215, 224 -100 196 15 180 and n. 31 29, 31 179 184-85, 187 10, 12 3, 6, 54 184-87 117, 119 116-18, 120 65

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260 Jivadharadevaaarman, m., Jogama, k., Jogavve, fe.,. Jormu Pargana, Jura, L., Jura ins. of Krishna III, Jurerpur plate of Devananda II, Jvalamalint, Jain goddess, Jvalamalinikalpa, wk., Jyeshthamula, n... k, k of the Karanl variety, Kachchha, m., Kachchadeva, do., Kachchhapaghata, f., Kachchhavaha, do., Kadamba, do., Kadambas of Goa, f., Kadambur, I., Kadamvaru, vi., Kadaparru, do., Kadaparti, do., kahina, s.a. karshapana, Kaikalur, tk.,. . Kailan or Kailain plate, Kailasa, mo.,. Kaira, di., Kakatiya, dy., Kakinada, 1., Kakuka, engr.. Kalachuri, dy., K nataka, do., Kalahasti, I., Kilahasti, mo., Kilaujara, fort, Kalasapota,vi., Kalidasa, poet, Kalidimdi, vi., EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Kalidindi plates, Kalidindi grant of Rajaraja-Narendra, Kalika Purana, wk., Kalinga, co.,. . Kalinga, peo.. Kalinganagara, Mukhalingam, e. a. Kalingaraja, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur, 205-09 183 23. 23 n., 24-25 184-86 202-03 Kalachuris of Gorakhpur, do., Kalachuris of Karnataka,do., Kalachuris of Ratanpur, do., Kalachuris of Tripuri, do., Kalachuria, Southern, i.e. Kalachuris of Kar * PAGE 5,8 Kalingattupparani, wk., 100 23 20, 23-25, 27 Kamakuta, hill, Kamala, goddess, 45, 47 62, 64, 70 70 45-46 57, 64, 230 51 142, 153, 156 * PAGE 231 and ". Kalkin, incarnation of Vishnu, Kali-Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k., 67, 226-27, 241 Kaliyuga, 16, 95, 156, 159 179, 181 117, 119-20 119 . 119 64,70 Kallivana, I., Kalvan, tn., Kalvan, tk., Kalvasanda, vi., 203 Kalyanadevi or Srikalyanadevi, Sailodbhva q., 39-40, 43 172 Kalyanakalasa, sur., 215 Kalyanavarman, k., 122 59 27 170 106 51, 57 164 23 163 235 n. 21 n. 22 and n., 23-24, 27, 112, 118 100 144 n. 98, 100-01, 195 100 . . 66 29 47 100 228, 232, 235, 237 245 25 2. 131 n. 57, 62-65, 75 58 n. Kalyani, ca.,. Kama, god, Kama, 8.a. Kamakhya, goddess, Kamagiri, mo., Kamakhya, goddess, Kamakhya, l., 151 35-36, 41, 46-47, 53, 81, 123, 164-65, 173, 231-32, 237-38 62 n.. 173 46, 237 101, 197 Kamalaraja, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur, Kamalibhuhaka, agrahara, Kaman stone ins., Kamandalu, Kamandi, donor, Kamarupa, co., Kambakaya plates, Kamboja, co., Kamesvara, god, Kamesvari, goddess, Kammanadu, c. Kamsa, epic k., . [VOL. XXIX Kanaka-danda, royal insignia, Kanakagiri, Kanara, S. di., Kanas plate of Lokavigraha, Kanchanapura, l., Kanchipura, ca., Kanchipuram, do.,. Kandadai Tolappar, senapati, Kandaha, I., Kankadeva, 8.a. Chachcha, Paramara pr., Kankanira, vi., Kannada, co., Kansai, ri., Kanthika-Beta, E. Chalukya k., Kantideva, Harikela k., Kanya-dana,. 230 n. Kanyakubja, ca., Kapadvapaj grant of Krishna II, Kapalesvara, l., Kapalika-bhikshu, Kapaliverman, Bhoja k... Kapana, Velawati ch., + . 151-52 152 and l. 151-52 147 n. 147, 151-52, 155 182 * 53, 151 n., 152 and n. 232 3 147, 151, 152 and n., 155, 159 151, 152 and n. 232 182 66 202 203 40, 107 50, 54-55 197 175-77 " 137 174 44-47 92, 95 140 74-75 48 26 164 142 173 234 3n., 33n. 206 53, 161-62 23 45, 47 141 113 228, 230, 243 .

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Part VIII) INDEX 261 * 25 26 59 52 214 . . * 116 133 10n. PAGE PAGE Kapardin, m., . . Kedarpur plate of Srichandra, Kaparyaka,. . . 45, 48 Keonjhar, di., . 85 Kapisa, s.a. Kansai, Ti., . * 173 Kerala, co., . . Kapyska, penitent, . . 45 Kesarin, Sulkich., . . 19-21, 23-27 Kara, dues, . . . 6 and 7., 8, 50 Kecava, god, . . ; . . 180 Kars, 6.. Bhauma, dy... 216, 220 Kosava, ... . . 32 Karahataka, l. 17 Kesiraja, au.. . . . 204 Karanbel ing., . 52 Keyurabahucharitamu, Tel. poem, 235, 237 and 1. Kara-fasan, . . 167, 169 Keyuravarsha, Kalachuri pr... . 22, 24n. Karatoya, ri., 6n., 152 Khaduvavalli, 1.. . . . . 191-92 Karhad plates of Koishna III, . 22 and n., 23 Khailapataka, vi... 22 Kariangala (Ammunaje), 1.. . 206-207 Khailwara, .a. Khailapataka, 22 Kariangala ins. of Jayasingarasa, . . 206-07 Khajuraho ins. of Dhanga, Karka, sign of the Zodiac, .. Khalghat, 8.a. Khalighatta, . . 61n. . . . Karka II, k., . . . ., . . . 109 Khalighatta, I., Karikala-chola, Chola k., . Khalin, m., . . . 173 Karmarashtra, I.d.,. . . . . . Khamduvula, 9.. . 138-39 Karpa, . . . 57. . . . 155n. . Khandaraksha, off Karna, Kalachuri k., . . . . Khandesh, di.. . 116-19 Karnasuvarna, co., . . Khandesh, E. do... . Karnata, do.. 26, 53, 56, 62-63, Khasa, peo... . . . 12, 56 88. 70. 152. 235, 237 Khatmandu, ca., . . . . Karnata, peo.. . . 5n., 8, 12,23 Khetakahirs.vishave Khetakahars-vishaya, t.d., . . Karnataka, co., . . 14, 142-44, 199n., Khetaka-mandala, do. . . . 23 221, Khijjinga-kotta, do. . . . . . 85 Karnataka-kavicharite, wk., . . . . 139n. Khinjall, do.. . . . . . . Karnna, epic hero,. . . 67, 188 Khottigadeva, Rashfrakuta k., Karnya, 8.a. Kalachuri Kama, . . 52 Khurda plates of Midhavavarman II, 34, 40n. Karshapana, silver coin, . . . . 45 Kiligaru, ri., . . 76, 78 Kartavirya, epic k., . . . . 22, 195-96 Kilpalaru, i.d., . 756., 76, 78 Karthaviryarjuna, do... . . 162 Kinihivattara, l.. . . . . 111 Karunakaradasa, m., . 74 and n. Kirti, m., . . 195-96, 199 Karunakara Tondaiman, Pallava ch., . . 231 Kirtidhara, do. 196 and n. Karwar, I., . . . . . . 29, 118 | Kirttivarman I, W. Chalukya k., 86, 240 Katakudi plates of Nandivarman II, . . 91 | Kisanpur, vi.. . : . . 121 Kasaragod, l., . . . 207n. Kidora-vadavd.go-mahishy-aj-avik-adhyaksha, Kasaragod, tk., . . * 203 Kisire plates of Allabakti, . 116-18 Koala, I., . . . 167 Kaseji plates of Bhoja II, 14, 15n. Kouhohorlakota,s.a. Krottacheruvulakota, ti., 163, 237 Kasi, di., . . . 52 And n. Kashmir, Co., . 14 Kochoherlakota-sina, i.d., . . 163 and . Kasigari. vi., Kod, tk., . . . . . . 139 Kasya pa image ins., . * 133 Kodabalisiri, q. . 138 Kataka, ca.,. . . 235 Kodaloka, l.. . . . . . 168-68 Katakzba, off. . 64 Kodalo-Kachohhadova, 165 Kattamba, Velananti pr., 228, 230, 243 Koilkuntla, tk., . 73 Katyayana, legendary k., . . . 65 Koinsari, vi., . . * 215 Kauthem grant of Vikramiditya V, . 59 and n. Kokalladeva, k.. . . . 101 Kautilya, al., . . . . 86 n., Kokkala, Kalachuri ch. of Ratanpur, Kaverl, ri.. . . . 73, 74 and 71., 75 n., 76, 78, 113 Kokkala, Kalachuri pr... . . . 22n., 23 Kavirajamarga, wk.. . . . . 205r. Kokkili, E. Chalukya k., . . . 67, 240 Kayastha, caste, . . . 21n., 186 Kola or Vardha, incarnation of Vishnu, 179, KayAvatara, l. . . . . . 118 181 . . 80 28 F 2

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262 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXIX * 48 . . . 237 233 13 Paca PAG) Kolakuttai, vi.. . . . Koshtha-vyapara, do.. . . . . . 107 Kolancha, .a. Kolancha, I., . * 581. Kosi, ri.. . . Kolacha, do. . . . 50-52, 53 and ..., 34, Kotitirtha, tank, Koftapala, off-, . . . 67., 8, 12, 58 Kolanamdu, do.. . . 45 Kottapuri, vi.. . * 211, 216, 217, 219 Kolananti Bhima, o.a. Kolanu Bhimardja, . Kotyadona, tn., . . Kolanu, l. . . . 234 Kotyamatba, ..a. Kotyaparaba, Velandspr., 280 Kolanu-Bhima, ch., Kotyapiba, .a. Kollapamba, do.. . 228Kolanu-Bhimarija, Mahamandalika, : : 234 29, 248. Kolanu-Brahmaraja, M.. . . . . 234 Koviladi, vi.. . . . . . . 731. Kolanupura, l., . . 234 Kovura, tk.,. . . . Kolanu-visbaya, 1.d., 233 Kovuru, vi., . 987. Kolar, di., . . Koyilofugu, wk.. . 73n., 74 and n., 76 Kolhapur, vi.. . . and .. Kolhapur plates of Gandaraditya, . . . 14 Kratu, aage, . . . . 2001. Kollabhiganda, out. of Vijayaditya IV, . . 227 epic hero, . . . . 206, 208-09 Kollaparbi, 6. a. Kotyanath ba, Velananti pr., 228. Krishni, di., . . . 57, 64, 226, 230 30, 243 Krishna, incarnation of Vishnu, .20, 147, 163, 157, Kollapura, 8.a. Kolhapur, l... 14, 17 179-81 Kolleru, lake, 233-34 Krishna, k., . . . . . . Kolleti-kota, I., . . . 234 Krishni, ri., . . . . 125, 229, 231, 233, 235 Kollidam ri.. . . . . 74. Krishna II, Rashtrakata k., . . 221., 23 Kollaru, vi... . . . 233n. Krishna III, do.. . 21 and n., 22., 23., 25 Kommana, min., . . . . 237 and R., 200 Komyosanga, 1., . . . 85-86, 89 Krishna-nripa, . . . . . 20-21 Kona-Kandravidi, do... . . 238 Krishnaps, Chandella pr. ., . 21 Kona-mandala, .d., . 232-33, 238 and 1., Krishnapa, Chandella k., . . . . 22n. 237 Krishnapura, ... Kisnapur, vi.. . . 121 Kona Rajendra Chode, Haihaya ch. of Kona. Krishnaraja, Kafachchuri k., . . . . 110 mandala, . . . 232 Krishnarija, Rashtrakuta k... , 20, 21 and 1... Kondapadumati Buddharaja III, off.. . . 238 22 and 1., 23, 27 Kondapadumati Manma-Manda, do.. . 238 Krishnaraya, Vijayanagara k.. . . . 76 Kondedda grant of Dharmarija Manabhita, 39 Krishnaraya Alavandapuram, vi... , 76, 78 and n. Kritayug, . . Kondika-Mussjaldru, vi.. . . . . 64, 70 Krochchherulu, ca., 163 Kongaja, ch., 14-15 Krodancha, I., 61-62, 63 r., 54, Kongoda, co. . . 35-36, 38, 46-46, 81, 8486, 214 Krodaichi, 8.4., Krodascha, * 53R. Kohedda-mandala, .d., . 32-33, 341., 36, 38, Krodaja, o.a. Krudinoba, . . . 531. 82 82 Krodhanana, legendary k., . Konkalra, vi.. . . 191-93 Krusuru, L.,. . . . Konneki, do. . . . 64, 70 Krottacharla, tn... . . Kontbama, do., , 64,70 Krottacberlakota, I., . . 237 Kopparam plates, . . 94 Krottacheruvulakota, vi.. . . . Koraiyar, ri.. . . . . . . 76 Krovart, l.. . . . . 96 Korapa, Velandati ch., . . . . 228, 230 koha, used for khya, . . . Korumelli plates, . . . . 58, 60 and R., Kshatriya, . . 158, 162 84-85 Kshemankara, Bhauma-Kara k.. . 81 and ., 83, Kosala, co., . . . 47, 83 and n., 191 and n., 212 197, 210-11, 216, 217, 224, 232 Kshemuka, legendary k., . . . . 66 Koala, South, . 39, 191 and 1., 215, Kshetrapa, off. . . . . 653., 8, 12, 224 Kosk thagara, . 17 Kshudradeyata, i.e. Sasta, Kosktha-karens, of . . . . 107-08 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k. 59-60 . . . 120 56 95 . 237 237 13 68

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Part VIII ) INDEX 263 Reai 10n. 131n. RDOS Kudiya I, Velananti ch., . . 228, 230, 243 Kuravasri, vi.. . . . . 93-94, 96 Kudiyavarman, 3.a. Kudyavarman, do., . 230 Kurkthar image ins.. Kudlor plates of Marasimha II, . 25 Kurma, incarnation of Vishnu, . 179, 181 Kudurahara-vishaya, 1.d., . Kumool, di., . . 73, 160, 162 Kudyavarman, Velananti ch., * 230 Kurnool, tn., . . . . . . . 92 Kudyavarman II, do.... . .. . . 230 Kurukshatra, . . . . Kulagrama, . . . . 20, 27 . Kushipa, dy. . . . . . 170 Kulakattaigudi, I., . . 76 Kosmehhane Kasumabhara, Bhauma-Kara k., . . 87 Kulaji, 8. a. Kula-panjika, wk., . . 53-54 Kusumabhara (hara) I, 4.a. Subhakars III, do., 82-83, Kalabarmen, m., . . . . . . 93, 96 210-12, 216 and Kulastambha, Sulls k.,. . . 164-65, 168 11., 220 Kulika, . . . . . n., 8, 12, 68 Kusumahara, a.a. Kusumabhara II, Kulinism, . . . . . . . 63-64 2. a. Subhakara IV, do., 82, 83, 210-211, Kalloka, commentator, . . 214, 217 Kulottunga I, Chalukya-Chola k., . . 164-65 Kusumahara, s.a. Kusumabhara, do.. . 211 Kulottunga-Choda, Choda k., . '. 242 Kafakolasa, off.. . . . 85-86, 88, 217, 219. Kulottunga-Choda (I), do. . . 243 Kulottumga-Choda, E. Chalukya k... . . 944 Kulottunga-Choda-Gonkarija, ... Velananti Gorka II, . . . . . . . 232 Kulottunga-choda-GangyaGonkraja, do., 232 Kulottunga-Chola I, Chola-Chalukya k., 226-27, 231-331, . 170, 203 Kulottunga-Chola H. do., . . 227, 238 , dental, distinguished from retroflex . . . 106 Kulottunga-Gonka-Rajondra-Choda II, o.a. Vola- 1, retroflex mid-palatal,. . * 204 nanti Rajendra-Choda II, . . . 237-384, with a straight vertical stroko, . . . 116 Kulottunga-mada, coin, . . . . 46 Lagna :Kulottunga-Rajendra-Choda II, Velananti ch., . 237 Kanya, . . . 61 and Kulya, i.e. Kulyanapa, l.m., . 4,10-11 Lakshanavali, wk... . . . 53n. Kumars, god, . . * 232, 235, 240, 245 Lakshmana, m., . . . . . . 17 Kumaragapta I, Gupta k., . 173 Lakshmanaraja, Kachchhavaha pr.,. . 24-25 Kumaramandasarmian, m., . . . 92-93, 96 Lakshwanasena, Sena k., . . . 180 Kumaramatya, of., . 85, 88, 217 Lakshmi, goddess,, . . 6, 20, 54, 97, Kumarabarman, m. . . . 93, 96 128 n., 129 n., Kumaravishnu II, k., . . . 91 m., 93 147, 154, 180-81, 188, lumbara, potter, . . . . . . 142 245, 246 and 1. Kumbakonam, vi... 5,9, 14, 195-96, 199 Kumbhi, ti... . . . 15 Lakshmikara, Bhauma-Kara k., . , 81 and 1., Kumbla, ... 207 n. 83, 212 Kumdambika, 4.a. Kundavvai, 9., * 67 Lakshn Ikumars Tatacharya, m., . , .73 1. Kurkuma-mahidevi, Alupa . . * 207 Lakshmipati, s.a. Vishnu, . . 243 Kurti, epic .. . . . * 244 | Lalitabhara II, 8.a. Sivakara IIT, Bhauma-Kara k. 82-83 Kumudendu, au... . . 206 Lalitabara, 8.a. Lalitabhara, . 213, 216 n. Kumudendu Ramayana, wol., . 206 n. Lalitabara ("bhara) I, s... Santikara I, s. a. Gayada Kundalgaon, I., . . . . . 119 I, Bhauma-Kara k., . . 81, 83, 87, 220 Kundalikamala-vishaya, t.d., . . 117.18, 120 Lalitabara II, do. . . . . 210-14, 217 Kundavvai, E. Chaluleya q.. . . . . 60 Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka, ul., . . . 178 Kundur-sasira, 1.d., Lankeka, i.e. Ravana, . . . . . 15 . . . . . 236, 237 Lanchhita, registered with a seal, KUALAIA, CO., . . , 40-43 Kunti, epic q- . . 164, 167, 230 Languages Kuppan, Velandati pr.) 238 Bengali, . . . . . . 122 Koram plates of Paramegvaravarman I,. 90 and r., Kannada, . . . . . 203 91-92 Marathi, 201 .. Koranariyana Jiyar, m., 73 and n., 76 Oriya, 105-08, 122 Ktrattalver, saint, . 73 n., 75 and . Pali, . . . . . . . . 172 stehmidhara, m a ra k. .

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264 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX PAGE PAGS . . . 107. Prakrit, . . . . 138, 140, 170-71 Sanskrit, . . . . 13, 19, 29, 44, 58, . . . . . 170 m, cursive form of . 71, 80, 90, 98, 105, . . . . 160 110, 116, 122, 140, 146, , final, 160, 170-71, 173, 175, m, final, anusvara used instead of . . 80, 146 179, 195, 210, 226 m, final, changed into anusvara, . . 30 n., 90 Tamil, . . m, having a shape similar to g and p, 71, 140, 200, 202 . . 108 . Telugu, . . . . . 44, 161 m, occasionally reduplicated after , .. . 146 Quasi-Sanskrit,. . . . . mi, with a slanting stroke above, 105 . . . . 29 Lankavatarasutra, wk., . . . . 134 Madala Panjt, wk., Laphi Zamindari,. . . . : 125 Madalars, ... Mandur, vi.. . . . . 16 . Lata, co., . . 20, 23-25. 27. 16. 235 Madanapala, Pala k., . . . . . . 2 n., 10 Lata, peo., . . . . 5 n., 8, 12 Madanapalli, I., . . . . Lauhitya, 8.a. Brahmaputra, ri., . 151, 156 Madha, coin, . . . . . 107-08 Lauhitya-varidhi, sindhu, do., Madhava, Madhavavarman, Sailodbhava pr., 39, 42 Lavanabhara (Lona") I, ... Santikara II, s.a. Madhava, min., . . . . . . 106 Gayada II, Bhauma-Karak., 82-83 Madhava, 1.c. Vishnu, . . . . . 248 Lavanabhara II, 8.. Santikars III, do... 82-83 ! Madhava, 6.. Ayabobhita II Madhyamaraj, 35 . Legends on seals : Madhavadevi, Bhauma-Kara q.. . 81, 83, 212 Sri-Devananda-devasya, Madhavarys, m., . . . . . . 17 Sri Dharmarajadevasya, Madhavavarman,. . . . . 84 Sri-Jayasakti, . . Madhavavarman, Sailodbhava k. . 111 n. Sri-Juddhasurah, . . Madhavavardan II, 8.a. Sain yahhita MadhavaSrt-Kulastambhadeva, . varman Srinivasa . . . . 34, 40 n. Srimad-Dandimahadevyah, . . . Madhavendra, 8.4. Ayasobhita II Madhyama Sri-Madhyamarajadevah, raja, Sailabhava k., . . 34, 85 n., 36 Sri Mahipaladevasya, . Madhurintaka, ep. of Rajendra Chola, . 69-70 Sriman Kulastambhadeva, . 164 Madhurantakanallar, 8.a. Kalidindi, vi., . 62, 64, 70 Sri-Pratapamalladeva,. . Madhusadana, m., . . 164, 191, 193 Sri-Ranastambhadeva,. . . . 165 Madhuvataka, vi., . . . . 40, 43 Sri-Satrwbhanjadevasya, . . . 189 Madhvacharya, Dvaita teacher, . . 207 1. Sri-Tribhuvanamkuba, . 58, 225 Madhvavijaya, wk., . . . 207. Sri-Vigrahapaladevah, . . . . 9, 49 Madhyadeea, co., ... . 86, 191-93 Sri Vishnudasah. . . . . 29-30 Madhyamaraja, Sailodbhava k., . , 35n Lembulapatake, ca., . . . 22 n. Madhyamaraja, s.a. Ayasobhita II, do., 37, 39 7., 42 Logayaka, engr., , . Madhya Pradesh, 22 n., 23 n., 24, 97, 111, 113, 126 Lohitya-bhattaraka, ... Brahmaputra, river god, Madras, . . . . . 71, 89, 94, 199 147, 151, 156 . Madras Museum plates of Vikramaditya I, 161 1. Lohitys-sindhu, do., . . 147, 161 Madras Museum plates of Narendradhavala, 105, 187 Loka-bhupa, ch., . . . . 236 Marlura, di.,. . . . . . 73, Lokana nayaka, m., . . . . 14, 17 Magadha, co., . . 62-63, 214 Lokanatha, Buddhist god, . . . 6, 54 Magha, du. . . . . . . . 122 Lokavigraha, k., . . . . . 40, 107 Maghavan,. . 68 Lolikya, ch., . . . . . . 20, 25-26, 28 Mahabharata, wk., 21., 139 n., 157 m., 171 *., Lonabhara, 8.a. Lavanabhara, . . . 87 173 n., 297 Lonabhara (Lavana") I, .a. Santikars II, Mahabhauma, legendary k., . . . . 65 Bhauma-Kara k.. . 82-83, 210-13, 216, 220, 224 Mahabhavagupta Janamejaya, k. of Kosala. . 216 Lopabhara II, 8.a. Santikara III, do. . . Mahada plates, . . . . . 166 n. Lovapikam.a, vi., . . . . . 10-11 Mahadana, great gift, . . . . 125 *. lu, indicating 100,. . Mahadandanayaka, off.,. . . 5 n., 8, 56 Lu, indicating 200, . . . 80 Mahadeve, god. . . . . . 227, 241 14, standing for lu and indicating 100, 81 Mahagaurt, goddess, . , 147, 151, 168, 169 Lunar race, . . . . . . . 123 Hah-agrahara. . . . . . . 246 97 . 189 Muhe 82

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PART VIII] Mahakali, Mahakartakritika, off., Mahakosala, co., Mahakshapataladhikrita, off., Mahakshapatalika, do., Mahakulapati, ep.,. Mahakumaramatya, min., Mahalakshmi, goddess, Mahalakshmi te., Mahamahattara, off., Mahamandaladhipati, do., Mahamandalebvara, tit., Mahamandalika, off., Mahanadi, ri., Mahapithanirupana, wk., Mahaprachandanayaka, off., Mahapratihara, do., Maharaja, do., Maharaja, tit.. Maharajadhiraja, do., . Maharashtra, Maharayar, Mahasainyapati, off., Mahasamanta, do., . Maharajadhiraja-Paramesvari, ep., * Mahideva, m., Mahidharadova, do., 5., 7, 11-12, 56, 211,219 172, 174 5 n., 8, 12, 56 13, 16-17 13-14 . 85, 88, 217, 219 83 n., 211, 218, 224 13, 16, 76, 78, 232, 234, 238 233 98, 183, 227 152 233 5 n., 7, 12, 56 217 112 4, 7, 10, 11, 50, 55, 69, 76, 78, 82, 112, 147, 156, 159, 161, 163 210, 217 109, 116-17, 142, 175, 176 76, 78 171 Mahasamantadhipati, do., Mahasamund, tahsil, Mahasandhivigrahika, off, Mahasara, 8.a. Mahasara, Mahasara, m., Mahasena, gol, Mahasenapati, off... Mahasiva Tivara, Panduvamki k., Mahasivagupta Yayati I, Somuvainsi k., Mahasthan, I., Mahatlama, Mahattara, off.. Mahayana, Mahendra, 8.a. Mahendragiri, mo., Mahendr-achala, do., Mahendragiri, do., Mahendrapala II, Pratihara k., Mahendravikramavarman, s.. Mahendravarman II, Pallava k., Mahesvara or Siva, gol, . . INDEX PAGE 134 Mahipala I, Pala k., 5 n. 125 . 211, 219 . 5, 7, 12, 35 n., 38, 43, 56, 85, 88, 162, 166, 168, 217 186 and n., 188, 233 196 5 n., 7, 11, 56 173-74 173-74 66, 182 5 n., 7, 12, 56 39. 191 and n., 215, 224 6 85 134 35-36, 47 245-46 228, 232, 235-37 24 39, 85, 147, 156, 159 Mahipaladeva, do., Mahishmati, I., Mahola, m., Maihar Stato, 51, 56, 57 n. 51, 57 n. Mailala-mahadevi, q. of Jayakeain II, Mainaka, legendary mo.,. Maitreya, makaratorana, royal insignia, Malava, co., Malava, dy., Malava, peo... Malavanadi, 8.a. Vetravati (Betwa), ri., Malaya, mo.,. Malda, di., Malepadu plates of Punyakumara, Malhana, m., Malhar ins. of Jajalladeva II, Malla, Velananti pr., Malla I, do., . 1 Malla II, 8.a. Velananti Mallaiya II, Malla III, 8.a. Velananti Malliya III, do., Malla V, do., Malla-bhupa, s.a. Malla I, do., Mallapadeva, do., Mallapadeva II, do., Mallideva, ch., Mallikarjuna, Vijayanagara k., Mallikarjuna-mahadeva, god, Malliya II, Velananti ch., Malliya III, do., Malliya IV, do., Malloka, off., . Malwa, co., Mamallapuram ins., Mandala, t.., Maradhata, epic k., Mame, m., 12 Mamgi-yuvaraja, E. Chalukya pr., Manahali plate of Madanapala, Manaka, Rashtrakuta k. of Manapura, Manapura, I., 91-92, 95 Manaraja, Rashtrakuta k. of Manapura, Manchana, poel, Mandala, t.d., Mana, Manabhita, sur. of Sailodbhava Dharmaraja, PAGE 1-4, 7, 9, 11 and n., 52 Mandanamiera, au., Mandaraja II, off.. 265 55 48 186, 188 23 n. 29, 31 125, 128 and n. 134 66, 240 26, 53, 56 161, 162 and n. 5 and n., 8, 12, 25 25 3, 7, 11, 55 4n. . 163 n. 195, 199 99 243 228-30 230 229-30 228, 230-31, 244 228-29 233 234 236 72, 143 235 228-29, 243 228-29, 243 228, 230, 243 211, 219 24-25 180 n. 243 246 99 67, 240 175 39, 42 2 n., 10 175-76 175-76 175-77 235 152, 156 48, 63 238

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266 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX PAOL. 94 PAQ Mandasor ins. . . . . . . 122 Mandi, di., . . . . . 151 Arya,. . 6,27, 64, 65, 134, 135 n., 163, Mindu, s.a. Mardara or 156 n. Mandava, fort, . . . . . 20 *. Aryagtti, . . . . . . . 66 Mangala, q. . . . . . 147, 154, 157 Drutavilambita, . . . . . . 216 Mangala, 6.a. Mangalasrl, . . 150, 154 Giti, . . . . . 65, 153, 167, 199 Mangalakalasa, ch., . . . 13, 83 7., 211, Harini, . . . . 125, 179-80 215, 218, 224 Indravajra, . . 6, 86, 40, 54, 153, 167, Mangalaraja, sur. of Satrubhafija, 215 179-80, 244 n., 245 n. Mangalarasa, Chalukya ch., . 118 Kanda, . . . . . . . 205 Mangalaart, Mlichcha q. of Pragjyotisha, . . 150 Malinl, . . . 6, 12, 15, 54, 65, 87, 101, Mangalkot, ri., . . . . 6 125, 179-80, 187, 192, 216, 242 1., Mangalore, in., . . . 206 244 n. Mangi-yuvaraja, E. Chalukya k.. . Mandakranta, . . . 6, 12, 54, 65, 125, 153, Manma-Satya II, ch.. 236 179-80, 196 Manor plates of Vinayaditya-Mangalarasa, 109, 112, Nardataka, . . . . . 118 Prithvi, . . 179-80, 187 mantrin, off., . . . . . Pushpitayra, 6, 12, 40, 54, 65, 125, 187, 192, Manu, au.. . . . . . 98, 131 1., 148 216 Manu, Mythical k., . . . . . 196 Ragalo, . . . 140 n., 142 #., 143, 205 Manuempiti, wk., . * . 131 m., 171, 186 Rathoddhata, . . Manvantara, . . 128, 133 n. Salini, . . . 6, 12, 15, 54, 187, 242 . Minyakheta, ci., . . . . . . 26 Sardalavikridita, 6, 12, 15, 27, 38, 40, 54, 65, Marasimha, Silahara k., . . . . 14-15 87, 101, 110, 114 1., 125, 153, 179-80, Marasimha II, W. Ganga k.. . 21 n., 24, 25 187, 192, 196, 203-04, 2087., and . 216, 243 1., 245 1., 246 m. . 235 Sikharini,. . . 12, 54, 101, 125, 179-80, 216 Marichi, sage, . . . . . 209 n. Sragdhara, . , 27, 36, 40, 54, 101, 125, 163, Marripindi, ri. . 167, 179-80, 187, 216 Maru, 6.a. Marwar, co.,. . Svagata, . . . . . 65, 179-80 Maruvattugadalu, Udgiti, . . . . . . 65 Maruvattugadalu, region, * 29-30, 32 Upajati, . . . 16, 27, 65, 101, 125, 153, Miser, ui., . . 18, 26 167, 179-80, 196, 238 1., 242 7., Miser ins.. . . . 21-23, 25-27 243 A., 244 n., 245 1., 246n. Ma'sud I, k.,. . . . . 52 Utsaha, . . . . . . Mathuri, . .. . 139 Upendravajra, . . . . . 167, 179-80 Mativara, legendary k... . . 65 Vangastha, Vambasthavila, 65, 125, 167, Jlatsya Purana, wk., . 125 n., 171 179-80, 216 Mayurbhanj, di.. . 85, 215 Vasantatilaka, . 6, 15, 27, 36, 40, 54, 65, 87, 101, Meda, . . . * 8, 12, 56 125, 163, 167, 179-80, 196, 216, Meghasandila, wk., . . . 139. 243., 245 n. Meharauli ins., 173 and n. Viyogini, . . . . . 244 1. Mehar plate,. . Midnapur, di.. . . L . 83 7., 85, 216 Mel-Mundarashtra, 1.d., . . 93, 96 Mimamsa, system of philosophy, . , 10, 12, 50, 56 Melpalasu do., . . 75 and n. Mina, incarnation of Vishnu, . . . . 179 Mena, i.e., Menaka, . . . . 128 n. Mipalaru, ri. . . . . . . 75 n. Mentana-preggada, gen., . . . . . 237 Mitakshari, wk., . .' . . 148 Meru, legendary mo.. . . 36, 124, 132 and n. Mithila, i.d., . , . 53-54 Mesa potamia, co... . . . . . 138 Mitrakaradeva, m., . 10, 12 Metres : Mlechchha or Salastambha, dy.. * 148 Anushtubh, . . 6, 12, 15, 27, 36, 40, 54, 65, Mochabbarasi, se., . . 206-09 96 n., 101, 121 n., 179-80, 187, 192, Mohenjo-daro, I., . . 196, 216, 212 n., 243 1., 244 n., Mohini, goddess, . . . 73 n. 245 . Mohinidevi, Bhauma-Kera q.) 89, 212 Marata, co... * 138

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PART VIII] INDEX 267 . 108 . . . . , 100 cm . . tes of Ananabh 123 PAGE PAGE Months, lunar - 11, final, 90, 146, 226 Ashadha,. . . . . 98-99, 103, 195 , having two forms, . . . . 80, 116 Advayuj, . . . 56 n. n of the Telugu type, Asvina, . . . . 195 1. 1, reduplicated after, . 146 Bhadra, . . . . .9, 12 , redundant use after , . 110 Chaitra, . . . . . . . 116 and 1., 235 n, used for 1, . . . 110 Jyeshtha,. . . . 189, 236 , used for ^, . . 117 Karttika . . 2, 29, 32, 218, 232 Naddala, I., . . 25-26 Magha, . 44, 47, 195 and n., 231 Naga, f., . 215, 220-21 Phalguns, . . 43 n., 71, 78, 116 and 1., 117, Nagad plates of Allasakti, 117-18 121, 231 7. Nagara, 3.a. Kalinganagara,. . . . 237 Pushya, . . . . . . 13, 17 Nagardhan plates of Sravana, . . . . . . 2, 8, 142 Simirkja, . . . 112-13 Vaisakha,. . . . 2, 9, 92, 96, 175-77 Nagari plates of Anangabhima III,. 44, 46 n.. Months, solar Karkataka, . 61, 106, 108 Nagarjuna hill, . . 137 Sithha, . . . 60 n. Nagarjanikonda, I., . 137-38 Vaigasi, . . . . . 202 Nagpur, ci., . . . 32, 116 Mount Abu, . 179 | Nagpur, di., . 113 and n. Mpigankavall, Chalukya pr., . . 24 n. Nagavardhana, k., . . . 109, 112 and n. Mudgagiri, . . . 4n. Nagavarman, au... . . . 205-06 Mudivemu-agrahara, I., . 68 Nagayayi, I., . . . . 110, 114-15 Mudula, off.. . . . . . 107-08 Nahusha, epic k.,. . . 65, 154, 158 and n. Muduvemu, L., . . . . . . 239 Naigaon, I., . . . . . 23 Naishadhiya, wk., . . . . . . 35n. Mukhalingam, I., . . . . . . 46 Nakshatras :Mukkanti-Kaduvetti, 8.a. Hasta, . . . . . . 612. Tryambaka-Pallava, . . 229 Mrigasiras, . 191 and n., 193, 224 Mukunda, Mukunda, god., 182, 232, Mala, . . . . . . 172 244 Pushya, . . . 238 Molajapa, m., . . . 172-74 Rohini, . 76, 78 Malaraja, Chalukya k. . 25 n., 26 Suryyabha, 3.a. Uttara-Phalguni or ParvaMulasthanadeva, god, . . 231 n. Phalguni, . . . . 61 and n. Multai plates of Nannaraja, . . 111-12 Uttarabhadra, . . . . . 60, 68 Mummadi Bhima, 8.0. Vimaladitya, Nakula, epic hero, . . . . . . 66 E. Chalukya k., . . . . . . 61 Nala, epic k., . . . 357. Mun madi-Bhima II, ch. of Nalanda plate ot Dharmapala, Kona-mandala, Nalanda ins. of Mahipala I, . Mundakhede, vi... . Nalantigal-Narayana Jiyar, m., 71-75, 77-78 Mundarashtra, 1.d., . 93, 94 Nambillai, do., . . . . 71 n., 75-76 Munija, m., . . 20, 28 Yandi, 8.a. Gauri, goddess, . . . 66, 240 Munja, Paramara k.. 25-26 Nanda, o.a., Nandodbhava, dy. . . . 184-88 Murari, god,. . 181 Nandi, goddess. . . . . . . . 240 Muttigi ins., . 100 n. Nandakurra, I., . . . 93-94, 96 Muzaffarpur, di... . . . 52 Nandampundi grant of Rajaraja I, 68, 60 and n. Mymensing, do. . . . . . . 151 Nandavaram, I., . . . . . . 94 Nandgaon, do.. . . . . . . 119 Nandin, royal emblem, . . . . . 100 Nandikesvara-sandhivigrahika, off.,. . .107-08 . . 9, 170, 195 Nandipottarasar, Pallava k.. . . . * 203 . . 90, 214 Nandipuradvari-vishaya, 1.d.,. . 118 t, peculiar form of . . . . 98 Nandisvamini, l., . . . . . 4-5,7 7, looking likel, . . 98 Nandivardhana, 8.a. Nagardhan, do.. . 113 7h, looking like t, . . . 98 Nandivarman II, Pallars k.,. . . 91, 93 * 52 116 9 DGA '56

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268 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX 80 - 118 PAGE PAGE Nandodbhava, dy.. . . . 184 Nettabhastja Kalyanakalasa I, Bhanja k... 190 Nandurbar, l., . . i 118 Nettabhanja IIT Tribhuvanakalasa, do.. . : 192 Nanduru, vii, . . ; 225-28 Neulpur plate of Subhakara I, 81, 83, 214-15 Nandaru plates of Velanapti Rajendra-Choda,. 225 ngh, written as nh,. . . . . . 146 Nanjlyar, m., . . . . . 75 ni, contraction for nibaddha, 2, 6 ani n., 9, 49, 56n. Nanna, do... . . 218, 224 ni, used for ni, Nanna, Velanaxti ch., . . . 228, 230, 243-44 ni, used for ni, . . . . . . Nannaraja, Rashtrakuta k. of Berar, 109,110-14 NI A dialects, . . . . . : 105 Nannaraja-Yuddhasura, do... . . . 110 nibaddha, registered, Nannasvamin, donee. . . . . 175, 177 Nidadavolu, I., . 133 Nannesvara, god,. . . . . 211, 224 Nidubrolu, do. . 235 Napa, akshasalin, . . . . . 192, 196Nila, legendarul Nila, legendary k., . . Narada, lar-giver, Nilagiri,l.. . . 215 Naraga, Sabara ch., . * 21n. Nilakantha, m., . 191, 193 Naraka, myth. k.,. . . 147, 153, 157-58 Nila-parvata, no., . 152 Narska or Bhauma, dy.. 148-49 Nilgiri, hill,. . . . . . * . 202 Narasaraopeta, tk., .. . . . 236 Nikli, I., . . 151 Narasimha, avatara, . . . 124, 129 Nikumbha, biruda, . . 117, 120 Narasimha, Chalukya ch., . 22n., 23 Nikunbha, -, Narasimha, m., . 50, 56Nikumbhallakakti or Allasakti, Sandraka ch., 116-17, Narasimha, Sulki k.. . 19-21 2 and 1., 23 and 120 11., 27 Niravadyapura, 1.. . . . . 233 Narasimha II, do., . . 23 Nirpan plates of Nagavardhana, 109, 112 and n. Narasimha IV, Ganga k., . . 105-08 Nivina grant of Dharnaraja Minabhita, 34, 351., Narasimhacharya, s.a. Singaracharya, m., 73 38r., 391., 40n. Narasimhavarman I, Pallava k., . 93n., 142 Nohala, Chalukya pr., . . . . . 22-23 Narasimhavarman II, do., . 89, 91-92, 94, 96 Nonalla, Kalachurig. of Ratanpur,. . . 197 Naravahada, legendary k., . . . . 66 North Arcot, di., 73n., 1437... Narayana alias Gajankuca, min., . . 22n. 201 and . Narayana, god. . 55, 59, 65, 178-80, 240 Nowgong plates of Balavarman, . . 148-50 Narayana, 8.a. Kura Narayana Jiyar, m.. . 75 Nrinnidevi, Bhauma-Kara q... . . 83, 212 Narayana Jiyar, do. . . . 73 and n., 75 Nrittamahadevi, q.. . . 831., 210, 217 Narayanapala, Pala k., . . . , 2 n., 3, 6 Nrisimha, incarnation of Vishnu, . . 179-81 Narayanabarman, m., . . . . . 95 nt resembling it. . . . . . . 49 Narayanpur ins. . . . . . . . 3 ntha, used for nta, . . . . . . Narendra, o.a. Vijayaditya II, E. Chalukya k., 226, Nulgeri, vi... . . 228-29, 241, 243 Numerals, signs or symbols for : Narendradhavala, k., . . . 105, 167 1 (of the Telugu typ), 106 Narondramtigaraja, do., . . . 67, 226-29 2 (of the Bengali type), 106 Narmada, Pi.. . . . . . 26, 59, 66 3, . . . . . 170 Narsingpur plate of Devananda II, . . 184-86 183 N&sichandra, arhadacharya . 40, 43 4 (of the Bengali type), 106 Nasils, di., . . . * 112-13, 119 5 (of the Bengali type), 100 Naulagarh image ins.. . . . . 51 8. . . . . . . 170 Nausari plates of Sryasraya Siladitys, . 109, 112 9 (of the Bengali type), . 106 Naussahasankacharita, uk, . . 21n. 20, . . . . 80n. Navasari branch of the Chalukyas, dy., . 118 60, , . . . 801., 213 Nayachandra, au... . . . . 179 80, . . . . . . 8), 170, 183 Nayapala, Pala k., . . . . . 9.11, 50, 100,. . 183, 213 52, 55 200, 80 and n. Niyimma, Silahara k., . . . , . 15 Nurmadi Tailapa III, W. Chalucya . . . . 237 Nellore, di... . . . . 94, 95 n., 1611., Nyayakandali, wk., . . 531. 162.63 Nyayakinika, do... . . 53 Nemana, m., . . . . . . . 17 Vyzyasuchi, do., . . . 53 and .. 80

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PART VIII ] INDEX 269 . 244 . - 61 25 40, 43 4, 6-7 . 202 P 52 . 228 PACE PAGE pallidlua, vi. deity, . 46, 48 Panda I, Velananti pr., . Odda, peo.. . Parada II, do.. . . . . 244 Odra, co. . . . 47, 173 n., 232 Panda III, do.. . . * 244 Odra, peo.. . . . . . .173 n. Parndarstalai, vi... . 195-96, 198 ohoru, tax, . . . . . 107-08 Pandu, epic k., . . Om, expressed by a symbol, . . , 27 and n. Panaduputra,. . . . 244 Oth, written like tum, 29 Pamidipadu, vi... . * 236 Omgerumarga, Aubdivision, . .238 and n. Pamidipida-agrabara, do., . 236 Ongole, tk.,. . . . . 94 Pampa, au... . . 206-08 Ongole, 1., . . . 238n. Pampa-Bharata, wk., . 205n., 206n. Orissa, . 33, 34n., 35, 39, 41-47, 53, Pamulavika plates of Vijayaditya VII, 79, 81, 84-85, 105, 107, Panshera ins. of Jayasimha, . 121, 125, 132n., 164-5, Pannturago-golla, 8.a. Panutri, vi... 14, 15 and 167, 169, 173, 183-4, 180, 190, 210, 215, 227 | Panchadhikaranoparika, 00.. . . Cainna-Kaivarttavsitti, 1.. . 4-5, 7 Panchakaran parika, do.. . . Oudh,. . . 86 Panchakandaka, l.. . Oxford, * 133 Panchamahasabda, ep. . . . . . . . . 240 Panchamahayajna, . . . . . . 120 Panchapandavamalai Jain ins., Panchanagari-vishaye, t.d., . 6-7 p and y, not distinguished, Paricharaksha, wk., . pa of the Grantha-type,. . 71 Panchbibi, I., Pachohir-kurram, di.. . . . . 75n, PandaTV Panda I, Velananti ch., . . . 228, 230-31 Pachchama (Patchin.a)-khanda, i.d., . 85-86, 88 Panda II, do. . . Padachandrika, wk.. .. . 151. Panda III, do.. . 228, 230 Padara, vi., . . 167, 169 Panda IV, do.. . 228, 282 padatijinya, tax, . . 107 Pandama, Velananti g.,. 238 Padmi, goddess, . 28 Pandaraja, 8.a. Velananti Panda IV, Padmanagara, ci... " * 110-11, 113 Pandaravadai, vi., . . and n., 114 Pandarl, I., . . . . 151 Padmapura, l., . 113r. Pandikulusani-valanadu, t.d., . 78, 78 Padmavati, Yakshi of Parivanalha, 200, 201 Pandritarai, l., . . . . . Padmin, I., . 113 Pandu, Panduraja, epic k., . . . 86, 239 Pahindipadu, vi... 236 Pandudasa, m., . . . 53n. paika, tax, . . 107-08 Pandurangapalli plates of Avidheya, . 176-76 paikali, do.,. . Panduri Mauza, . . . . Paikore pillar ins., . 52 Panduvamsa, . . 29 Paiyalachchhi, wk, Panduvarija, 8.4. Pallavaraja, ch.. 231 and . Pajara, vi.. :. . 164 Pandya-Maharajadhiraja, ep. . . . 206 Pakistan, E., . Panida, I., . . . . . Pala, weight-standard, 167 Panini, au.. . . . . . Pala, dy., * 1, 3, 34, 48,183 Panitual or Panitola, l... . . . . . Pals dy. of Pragjyotisha, . . . . 149 Panjab, . . . . 86 Palacole, 8.a. Palakolanu, L.,. . . . . 238 Panutare, 3.a. Panaturage, 14 Pala seal, . 49 Paoni, vi.. . . . . . 97 m., 194 . Palestine, . . . Puraganlabhairava, ep... . . 68 Paliketana, royal insignia, . 66 Paramabhagavata, do., .. . . 92, 110, 114 Pal-Lahara State,. . . 86 Paramabhaffaraka, do... 4, 7, 10-11, 50, 56, 68, Pallapu-Gudravura vishaya, i.d., 64, 68-70, 230 112, 147, 156, 159, 186 and ., 188, 206 Pallave, dy., . . . 89-01, 111n., Paramabrahmanya, do., . . 69, 92, 110, 114 140, 240 | Paramamahebuara, do... 43-44, 47, 88, 82, 80, Pallavarija, o.a. Tiruvarange, ch., 231 and n., 232 89, 99, 285 236 . 196 107 * 26 151 . . 172, 174 7. 228 138

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270 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX 19 . . 118 * * 118 111 233 PAGE RAOS Paramanahtsvari, do., . . . 82, 85, 88 Perumal, god, . . . Paramira, dy., . . 24, 26, 179 pejapala, pafakapala, off. . 40, 43, 211, 219 Paramasugata, ep., 2 n., 4, 7, 10-11, 50, 55, 81, ph, two forms of .' . . . . 185 Phanitavithi vishaya, t.d., . . . 10-11 Parsinstathagata, do.. . . . 81 Phapita-vithl, do. . . . . 4, 6 and 1., 7, 11 Parumpu ishl, do.. . . 44-45, 47, Phisika, I., . . . 39, 42 191 Piduvuraditya, Velananti ch., . . 228-30, 243 Paramavaishnavi, do. . . . . 82, 210, Pikira plates of Sichhavarman, 91 and 1.., 05 n. 217, 222 Pimpalner, l. Paramddvara, do... . . . 147, 156, 159, Pinakin, god, . . . 147, 163, 167 206 Pippalikheta, vi.. Parameavaravarna I, Pallavd k.,. .91-92, Pipparika, I., . . 04-05 Pishtapura, ... Pithapuram, do.. . . Paramdsvart, ep... . 82 Pithanirnaya, wok., . . . . 162 Paramopasakas, do... , . 81 Pithapuram, I., . . 233, 236 Parinando, Nanda k. of Oriana, . 184-88, Pithapuram ins. of Mallapadeva, . . 187 Pithapuram ins. of Mallideva and Manma-Satya Parajoti, gen., . . 236 Parantaka, Ohaluky-Chola pr., . 232-33 Pithapuram ins. of Prithvisvara. Parasurima, sage,. . . 162 238 Paraburma or Jimndagnya, incarnation of Pokharna, I., . . . . . . . 178 Vishnu, . . . . 179 Pondi, &. a. Pondi, vi.. . . . . . 22 Parbatiya, vi.. . : 145 Ponni Tende, 5.a. Honni Tande, m., 143 and 7. Parbatiya plates of Vanamalavarinan, . 149, Ponnur, vi.. . . . . . 201.02 161 Poona, ci., . . . . . . 174 paridurdana, tax, . . . 107-08 Poona, di.. . . . . . . . 174 Parikshit, epic k.,. . . . 65-06, 239 Poshall, Poshela, vi., . . 5-6, 9, Parikud plates of Madhyainaraja, . . 33-34, 35 - 61, 67 and n., 36 n., 38 n., Potapdi, m., . . . 39 n. Potumarru, vi., . * 64 Park vanatha, Jaina Tirtha nkara, . . 200-02 Potumbarru, do.,. 0., . . . . . . 64, 70 Parvati, goddess, . . . , 20, 36, 41 Prabhakara, in.. . . . . . 191, 194 pasdita, off... .. 107-08' Prabhakara Ghaisisa, d.., . . . . 17 Paschimakhanda-vishaya, t.d., .86,88, Prabhavatigupta, Vaka faka 9. : . 189 n. 191-92 prabhu-fakti, . . 245 Pasupata, sect, . * 21. Prabuddhachandra, Jain monk, . . 40, 43 Pataliputra, ca.. . . . . . * 41. Prachanda, Brahmarak ch. Patap ins.. . * 119 Prachisa, legendary k., . . Patharghata, Prachy-ambhonidhi,. . . . 36 Patna plates of Mahabivagupta Yayati, . . 216 Pradipana, legendary k., . patra, off.. . 108 Pragjyotisha, co.,. . . 122, 145, 147-50, Paffamahadevi, tit., . . 2 n. 151 and n.. Pattanaka, I., . . . . . 20, 26, 28 152. 53, 157 pduka, taz, . . . . . . 107-08 Prahasitaraje, Pala pr., . . 61 and 1... 57 Pauni, l. . . . . . . 113 n. praja-loka, . . . . . . 45, 47 pauti, weight, . . .45 1. Prakriti, . . . . . . . 138 Pomdrabandh plates, . 97-100 Pralambha, Salastambha k., . . . 149 and N. Ponnar, ri... . . prantapala, op. . . . . . 51., 8, Pentapolis, . . 12, 56 Periya puranam, wk., . .. . 142 Prapannamritam, wk.. . . . 73 n., 74 m. Periya Tirumalainambi alias Pratapamalla, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur,. 97-99, and n. 103, 194 Pormadi, ne. Sivachitta Permidi. Kadamba Pratapgarh ins.. . . . .24. k., . . . . . . 30-31 Pralidhakka, royal insignia . . : 68 45, 47 * 23 . 85 * . 103 8

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PART VIII 1 INDEX 271 8, 12 . Bh&rmyabr, Pulinda, per 100, 103 50, 56 PAGE RAOS Pratiban, dy.. . 26, 179 Pratikana, off., . 191, 194 8Q-jala-thala, . . Prstij, ., . . . 100, 104 sa masta-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-adi-pratyaya. pratydys. . . . . 60 amela. . . . . 8, 12 Pravachancedra, wok.. . 200 n., 208n. sa-khafa-ghatta-naditara-sthanadi-gulingka, 217 Pravarm 8-amra-madhuka, . . 8, 12 Ambartaba, . . . . 6,8 80-tala, . . n., 8, 12 Angirass, . . . 8, 10, 12, 85, 8-oddzka, . . 5n., 8, 12, 217 89, 100, 108, 1931. 8-Odrashga, . . . . . 120 Asita, . . . . 60, 66 8-Oparikara, . . . . 51., 217 Avatairs, Prola II, Kakatiya ch.. . . . 237 Bachaspaty, . . 10, 12, 88, 89 Ptolemy, au. Bharadvaja, * 12, 88, 89 Pulaha, sage,. . . 209 n. 193 *. Pulakokin I, W. Chalukya k.,. . . 66, 93, 240 Devala, . . . . 60, 68 Pulakasin II, do... . . . . 34 7., 94, Kadyapa, 45 112-13, 118, 160, Kaubika, . 110, 115 101 and n., 102 and n. Mudgala, . 193 . Pulastya, sage, . . . 209 n. Naldhruva, Pulidorru, vi.. . . . 70 n. pailch-arsheya, 45, 47 Puligere, tr., . . . . 143 Sikrita,. . . 82 Sandilya, . Pulindaraja,. . . . . 82 try-draheya, . i 45 Pulindasene, m.. . . . . . 35-36, 41 Vachaapatya, . . 100, 103 Pulindesvara-te., . . 82 Yeuvandsva, Pundarika-mhandala, .d. . .4, 6, 7, 10-11 pravartta, unit of weight, Pundravardhana-bhukti, do. 4, 6, 7, 10-11, Primoval Boar, i.e. Vishnu, 152 prish fha-matra, . . 19 Punnaga-tirtha,.. . . . 74 Prithivi, 138 Punyakumira, Telugu-Choda ch., . .111 n., 163 Prithivirajavijaya, wk.. . and . Prithivluallabha, ep. . . . . 117, 120, . . . 66, 199 161, 163 Purana, ancient silver coin, . . 45 and n., 46, 48, Prithvichandra Bhogasakti k., . . . 175 50 and . Prithvideva, engr.,. . 10, 12 Purana, wk., . . . . 125, 128, 132 and . Prithvidova, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpar. . Puri, di. . . . . 33, 35, 47, 48, 83, 108 Prithvideva I, do., ... . 102, 197 Puri, ci.. . . . 44, 46, 124, Ptithvideva II, do.. . 978., 98, 99 and 1., 132 n., 164,236 n. 100, 102, 194-98 Purigere, vi., . . . * 207 Prithvidova III, do.. . . . . 99 and n. Purigere-miliru, 1.4., . . .204 . Prithvimahidovi alian Tribhuvanamahadovr II purillak, off. . . 115 alias Sindagaur II, Bhauma-Kara q.. 82 . Puri platos of Bhanu II, . . 47, 108 83, 191 and 9., 194, 210-11, 213, 215, 217, Puri plates of Dharmarija Marabhta, 39 m., 40 221-23 and n., 43. Prithvisvara, Velananti ch., . , 227, 234, 238 Puri plate of Kulastambha, . . . 164, 166 Prithuyabib, Silahara k.. . . . . 15 Puri plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, 34-36, Privileges : 40 7., 111n. a-cha fa-bhata-pravesa,. . . 8, 12, 147, 166 Puri plates of Narasimha IV, . . . 107-08 a-litichit-pragrahya, . . Puru, epic k., . 8, 12 . . . . . . . 66 a-Likhani-praveka, Pururavas, mythical k.,. . . 86, 89, 218 . . . 63 mukt-Oparikara, . . . . 147, 156 Purushottania, pode : 65, 127, 132 and ., 235 parihrita-sarva-pida, . . 8, 12 Purushattama, M., . . . . . 85, 89 sa-chauroddharapa, .. * 5 n., 8, 12 Purushottama, Sizryapmi k.. . * 106 10-gart.Oshara, . . . . . 51., 8 Purushottamaa-Jagannatha, god, . 44,183 R. 157 179

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272 Purvadik-Dandapata, t.d., Purva-khanda, do., Pushkarana, ca., pushpavataka, Pushyaditya, engr., Pustakapala, off., Putta, s.a. Buddha, Puttadigal, n., Puttur, vi., : Qutb-ud-din Aibak, Sultan of Delhi. R r, archaic four-chambered shape of , Dravidian, having 2 forms, r, final,. r, having more than one form, r, reduplication of consonants after r, resembling ch, r, superscript, r, retroflex, Radnga-vishaya, t.d., Rachiya-Pedderi Bhima, m., Radha, co., Radhiya Brahmana, community, Radhiya Kulina, do., Raghava, epic hero, Raghuvamba, wk., Rahasavardhana, engr., Rahlyavada, I., Raigarh, tn., Raipur, di., Rajabhima, E. Chalukya k., Rajada, m., Rajaditya, pr., Rajalladevi, Kalachuri q. of Ratanpur, Rajamahendravaram, l., Rajamalla, ch., Rajamalla, Ganga pr., Rajamalla, Naga ch., Rajamalla I, ch., Rajamalla II, do., Rajamarttanda, E. Chalukya k., rajamatya, off., Rajamundry, ci., * rajan, off., rajanaka, do., EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 5, 9 85 98, 88, 217, 219 200 n. 200-01 206-09 Rajaraja II, Chalukya-Chola k., PAGE 107-08 rajanyaka, off., 86 173 17 . PAGE 5 n., 7, 11, 56 76, 78 5 n., 7, 11, 56, 85, 88, 166, 168, 217 46 242 57-58 and n., 59, 60 and n., 61-64, 68, 227-28, 230 and n. 236, 243, 246 and n. 225-28 124 62-63, 68, 70 232 Rajaraja II, E. Chalukya k., Rajaraja III, Ganga k., 178 Rajaraja Brahma-Maharaja, gen., Rajaraja-Devendravarman, Ganga k., Rajarajanarendra, 8.a. Rajaraja I, E. Chalukya k., 230 Rajaraja-valanadu, t.d., 7on. 62, 70 Rajarajesvaram, te.,. 90, 98, 122, 2,49 204 107, 108 64, 71 Rajaparamesvara, ep., Rajaputra, off., 161 160 90 Rajasatka, off., rajasthan-oparika, 106 Rajasundari, Ganga q., Rajutarangini, wk., Rajaraja, Chola k., Rajaraja, E. Chalukya k., Rajaraja I, do., * 131n., 173n. 210-11, 213, 219, 160 Rajumdra-ohoda, Velananti ch., 108 Rajendra, 8.a. Anantavarman Rajaraja III, [VOL. XXIX 85, 88 8 and n., 12, 56 46 35. 245 123-24, 126, 130 46 46-47, 62 n. Rijendra-choda I, s.a., Chola I, Velananti ch., 231-32, Rajondra, Chala k., Rajendra I, do., 81, 83 6, 53 Rajendra-Choda II, do., 238 225-26, 228, 234-38 54 234 Rajendra-Choda Madhurantaka, Chola k., 60, 62 and n., 63, 65, 68, 69 236 46 195 and n., 196 179 3, 7, 55 81 21 and n. 160 9, 12, 16, 18, 54, 67, 179, 182, 189, 245 Rania, incarnation of Vishnu, 179 Rama, Sandhivigrahika, 117, 121 71 Ramabhadra, m., 52 Ramacharita, wk., 191-92 Ramalava-vishaya, t.d., Ramanaths, m., 97 n. Ramanga-vishaya, 8.a. Raanga or Ranga-vishaya, 45, 47, 108 .72 and n., 75 and n. 77-78 Ramanuja, rel. teacher, 5n., 56, 114 43, 166, 168 Rajanarayana Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya pr., 234 n. Ramaraja, min., Rajendra-chola I, ch. of Konamandala, Rajendra-Kulottunga I, E. Chalukya k., Rajim ins. of Prithvideva, Rajput, peo.. 97, 194, 196 Rajyapala, Pala k., 223 186, 188 97 241 191, 194 93 and n., 96 Rakshasa form of wedding, Rala-mandala, t.d., Rallavagu, rivulet, Rama, epic hero, . 197 233 213, 221 and n., 224 201 82-83 211 n. 221 n. 67 5 n., 7, 11, 56 233 n. . . "

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Part VIII] INDEX 273 113 L a . 65 PAGE PAGE Ramarija Konetayyaraja, ch., . 72 . 226, 229 Repalli, lk., . 211. 233 Rimavardbana, m.,. . . pha, 29, 71 Ramavati, tu... 41. Reva, ri.. 26, 112 Ramayana, epic, 35, 52, 73 n., 139 n., 151 n. Revasramin, m., 117, 120 Ramayye, 3.a. Ekintada Ramayya, 140 ., 143 n., 144 Revuru, vi., . . 94 Ramesvara-mahadeva, god, . . 233 Reyuru, do.. . 89, 92-94 Ramekvaram pillar ins... . . . Reyuru grant of Yarasimhavarman, . 01 n. Ramtek, I., . . . . ri, medial, having different forms, .. . 80 Ranabhanja, Bhanja k., . . . So, 190 | Richuka, legendary k., . Kanabhanja, ki of Dhritipura,. . . 224 Rikshaka, do.. . . 65 Ranabhita, Sailodbhava k., . . . . 11 Rodapadi, co., . 21 and n. Ranaka, ep . 85, 89, 186, 188, 191, 211, 219 Rudapati, 8.a. Rodapadi, de, . . 21 n. Rapastambha, Sulki k., , . ... 165-67 Russelkonda, I., . . 79. Ranastipandi grant of Vimaladitya, 58, 60 ., 62, 65, 230 n. Randa, sub-division, Rangacharya, m., . . 73 R. .. . * '170, 214 Ranganatha, god, . . . . 73, 78, 786, resembling conjunct tbh or vbh, Ranganathasvamin te. . . . . . 71 , used for , . 13, 19 Rangosa, god, . . . . 76-77 s, used for & . . 98, 195 Rangiya, I., . . . . 151 Sabara, ch., . . . . . 20, 21 n. Rangpur, di.,. . . * 1 Sabara, tribe,. . . . 2! Rishtrakuta, dy.. . . . 22, 23 and n., 7, 25, Sabbambika, pr., . 228, 231, 175-76, 207 235, 244-45 Rashtrakutas of Malkhed, do.. Sachi, goddess, . . . . . 128, 132 Rashtrakutas of Manapura, do., . . . 175 Sacrifices Rasis : Agnihotra, . . . . . . 120 Mesha, Afvamedha, 35, 37, 39 and ., 41-42, 92-93 Mina,. . . . . . . 117, 120 and n. Simba, . . 2, 68 Vaja peya, . . . . . . 42, 199 Ratagarh, I., . . . . . . 186 Vaisvadeva, . . . . . . . . 120 . . Ratanpur, ca.. . . . . 98, 195 Sadasiva, god,. . Ratanpur ins. . Sadasivadeva-maharaya, Vijayanagara k., 72, 76, 78 Ratanpur ins. of Prithvideva II, . . . 196 Sadasivagad., 1., . . . . 29 rath-ashtami, . . . . . . Sadasivariya, k., . . . 71, 73 Ratna, m., . . . . 192, 194 Sadhanvan, Chalukya ch., . . . . . 21 Ratnadeva, Ratnaraja III, Kalachuri k. of Ratan. Sagara, mythical k., 8, 18, 32, 43, 56, 144, 156, 177, 189, . . . 98-99 193, 198, 246 Ratnadeva II, do., 99, 102, 125, 195, Sagara-vishaya, s.a. Kolanu-vishaya, 1.d., 233-34 196 n., 197 Sahadeva, epic hero, . . BE Ratnapila, k. of Pragjyotisha, . . . 148, 151 Saharsa, sub-district, Ratnaraja, Kalachuri k. of Ralanpur, 101, 197 Sahasaganda, ci., . . 4 and n., 5, 6 ., 7 Ratnaraja, Ratnadeva III, do... . . 98, 102 Sahasrarjuna, i.e. Kartavirya, myth. k., . 22 Ratnaraja II, do.. . . . . 102 Sahasra Sabasrarjuna, i.e. Yuvaraja I, Kalachuri k.. . 23 Ratnasimha, m.. . . . 98-100 Sahasr-ayatana te., . . . Ratnavati, 9.. . . . . . 122 Sahavasi, community. . . . . 14, 17-18 Rattapadi, 1.d., . . 63 Sailaparna alias Periya Tirumalainambi, m., . 72 Ravana, demon k.,. 195, 234, 245 Sailodbhava, mythical k., 35-36 Ravanga-vishaya, f.d., . . 47, 108 Sailodbhava, dy.. 32, 34, 35 n., 39, 41-42, 111 *. Raya, . . . . 72 and 1., 78 Sailodbhavas of Kongoda, do., . . . 45-46 Rayarasimha, tit. . . 99 n. Sainyabhita, Sailoibhava k., . . . 41 Razole, tk., . . * 236 Sainyabhita I, do. . . . . . . 37 Renadu, i.d., 234 Sainyabhita II, do, i . . . . 87 Rentalu, I.. . . . 138 Sainyabhlta Madhavavarman I, do., . * 84-86 166-67

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274 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX . . . 242 65 52 PAGE RAOS Sainyabbita Madhavavarman II Srinivksa, do., 34, 39, Sankrantis : 41 | Karkata, . . . . . 235 Sainyayati, legendaryk, . . 65 Vishuva, Vishavat, 2, 9, 12, 50, 191 and n., Sakambharl, l. . . 178 193, 224 Sakambhart Vidya,. . . . 195, 198 . . . . 13, 17, 236 Sakhis : Santanu, epic k., . . . . 85, 206, 208-09 Madhyandina, 88, 89, 101.92, 193 and n. Santikara, Bhauma-Kara k., . . . 87, 136 Pippalada, . . 10, 12 Skatikara I alias Lalitabhara (hara) I alias Gayada Taittirfya,. . . . . 117, 120 I, do... 80-81, 82 and n., 83, 212-13, 220, 223 Bakbigopal, I., . . 44, 108 Santikara II alias Lavanabhara (Lona") I alias Ga. Sakra, 3.a. Indra, god, 16, 187, 242 yada II, do. . . . . 82-83, 212, Sakrssena, off. . . . . 220, 223 Baktikomara, m., . . . 16 n. Santikara III alias Lavanabhara II, do., 82 and 7., 83, Saktivarman, E. Chalukya k., 191 n., 212-14, 221 Saktivarman I, do.'. . .67 Santfragrama, vi., . . . . . 79, 85-86, 89 Saktivarman II, do. . . 61 Santoshamadhava, .. . . . . 185.98 Salanibha, Pragjyotisha k., 147, 149 and n., 153, 157 Sapadalaksha, t.d., . . . . 22 n. Salastambha, k.,. . . 147-49, 151, 153, 157 Saradvat, epic k.,. . 206, 208-09 Salastambha, .a. Mlechohha, dy., . . 148-49 Sarasvati, ri.. . Salima, a.a. Saliya, ri., . . . 36 Sarkho plates of Ratnadeva II, Salotgi pillar ins. of Krishna III, . . 21 n. Sarnath, l.. . . . . . Salya, epic hero, . ' . * 20, 28 Sarath ins. of Mahfpala I, . . . Samadhigata-paricha-mahababda, ep., 16, 66, 118, 120, Sarsavni plates of Buddharaja, 109, 110 120n. 166, 186, 188, 232, 240 Sarvajna, poet, . . - 139 Samangad plates of Dantidurga, 111 m. Sarvajita-vachanagalu, wk., 199n. Samanta, m..... . 40, 43 Sarvalokasraya, ep. . . . . 60n. Samanta, off.. . . . . . . . . 114 Sarvalokakraya-Srt-Vishnuvardhana Samanta-chinha, . . . , 243, 246 maharaja, E. Chalukya tit. . . . . 284 Samastabhuvana araya, ep., . . . 00 * 60 n. Sarvanandin, m., . . 135 and n. Samasta-ainadhipati, off... . . . 231 Sarvvabhauma, legendary k... Samatata, Co., . . . . Sasanka, Gauds k., . . 34 and n., 35n., 214 Sambhu, god., 19-20, 27, 34-38, 38 and 7., 41, 63, 66, &a fankarhzuala, ep.. . . 351., 38 147-48, 158, 159 Sasbahu ins.. . . . . . . . 21 Samiraja, k.,. . 112 Sasideva, engr., . . . . . . 51, 57 Sathkara, god, . . . . 245 Sasideva, m., . . . . . . . 57n. Samrajya-chinha, . . . . 66 Sasilekha, fe.. . . . . 83n., 210-11, Samudragupta, Gupta k., . 215, 218, 224 Samvarana, legendary k.,. . * 65 Sasta, deity,. . 73 and ., 74, 79 Sandhivigrahika, off. . . 117, 121 Sataldru plates of Gunaga Vijayaditya,. . 95 Sandhivigrahin, do.. . 184-88, 189, Satanika, epic k., . . . . 59, 66 192, 194 Satrubhafija, Bhailja k., . . . 183, 215, 221 Sangalooda, s.a. Sanglud, I., Satrubhanja II, do.. 189-92 Bangalooda plates of Nannaraja, 109, 111-13, 116 Satrubhanja Gandhata, do., 190n, Sanglud, l.. . . . . 109 Satrubhanja Mangalaraja, do. . . Safjan plates of Buddhavarasa, . 109 Sattanapalle, tk.,. . . . . . 95 Sanka-gayunda, m., . . . .140-41, 143 Satyakraya, ep. . . 117, 120, 161, 163, 240 Bankapala, o.a. Sanka-gavunda, 143 Satyldraya, 8.a. Pulakesin II, W. Chalukya k... 34n. Sankara, sandhivigrahin, 66-67 Antkaragann, Katachchuri k... 109.10 Satyasraya I, ch. of Kona-mandala, . . . 236 Baniche, ri., . * 167 Saulkika, off.. . . . . 5n., 8, 12, 56 Satikhajoti, do. . . 166-67 Saumitri, epic hero, . . . . . 6,54 Bunkhajotika, 6.a. Sankhajots, do, 188-68 Saundane, l.. . . . . . . 119 Satkha-Likhita, uu. . * 148 | Saurlehtra,. . . . . . 28,63 Bankaracharya, rel. teacher, . . 48, 129 . Savanur plates of Vikramaditya I,. . .161n. 68 173 . 109

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PART VIII) INDEX 276 PAGE . . . . 91-93 111n. PAGE Scripts :Assamese, 145 Bengali, . . . . . 105, 145 Brahml, . . . . . . 138 East Indian, . . . . 49, 145 Gaudi, Gaudiya, . . .44, 49, 105, 12., 145 Gupta, . . 170 Grantha, . 71, 201, 203-04 Kannada . 203-04 KannadA-Telugu, . . . . 90-91 Kutila, . . . . . . 145 Maithili, . . . . 145 Nagarl. * 13, 19, 29, 97-98, 194 Nagari, carly. . . . . . 145 Northern, North Indian, 49, 79 111 n. Northern, angular, . . . . . . 111 Oriya, . . . . . . 105, 145 Oriya, early,. . . . . . . . 106 Proto-Bengali, 105. 122. * 145 Pallava-Grantha,. Siddhamatrika, . Southern, . . . . 109, 111n. Southern, nail-headed variety, 174 Southern, rounded, 111 Southern, western varioty, . . . . 116 Telugu-Kannada, Chalukya variety, : :. 111n. Tamil, . . . . 71, 91, 200-01 Sedam ins.. . . . . . 203 Sedarampattu, ... . . . 201n. Seleyavada 8.a. Sheloshi, vi., . . 14, 17 Sena, dy., . . . . . . 2, 49, 50n. Senana, oi.,. . . . 117, 119, 120 Sandraka, dy.. . . 118.17, 118 and 1., 119 Set-Mahet, !., . . 53, 86 Setu, do., . 4, 66, 240, 242 Sharari-Dih, do., . . . . 49 Shashthadava, Kadamba k. . . 31 Shatchabravartin,. . . . . . 245 Shatsahasravant, 1.d., . 228, 231 Shattapanayichatra, do.. . . 4, 6.7 Sholapur, tn., . 199n. Sholinghur, vi.. . . . 787. Siddham, oxpressed by symbol, 2, 8, 9, 33, 36 and 1., 145 silabara, dy... . .. . 13-16, 100n. Silao, L., .! . 133-34 Silara, s.a. Silahara, dy., . . . . 16 Silida, or Anilida, l. . . . . . 39, 42 siman, sub-division, . . . . . 40, 43 Siihha, Sahara ch., . . . . 21 and n. Simhachalam ins. . . 107 Simhadhvaja, Sinhaketu, ... Subhakara III, Bhauma-Kara k., . . . 82, 83,212, 220 Simhamana, ch., . . . . . . 82-83 simhasana, royal insignia, . . . . 240 Simhavarman, Chalukya ch.. . . . . 22 Simbhavarman, Pallava I., . 90, 93 and n. Simhavishnu, do., . Sind, . . . . 138 Sinda, dy. . . 118, 221 Sindagaurt, Bhauma-Kara q., 211, 218, 220, 221 and n.. 222-23 Sindagaurt I, s.a. Tribhuvanan ahadevt I, do.. . AS Sindagauri II, 3.4. Prithvimahadevi, da... 82 1., 88 Sinda-Govinde, m., . . . . 221n. Sioda-Naga, ., . . . 221 n., 222 Singa, m., . . i 62-63 Singaracharya, 8.a. Narasimhacharya, do... 72, 79n. Sirall, vi. . . . . . 98, 100, 103 Sirala, 7., . . 142 Siripuram, I., . . .229, 238 Siriyadxvi, Kalachuri pr. . 237 Siriyala-setti, m.. . . 142 Siroli, vi., . . 100, 103 Siro-matra, . 19 Sifuttonda Nayanar, Saiva saint, . . . 10 Situpalavadha, wok.. . . 122 sitachamara, royal insignia, . . 240 Siva, god,' . . . . . 12, 19-20, 22, 29-30, 39, 44-45, 62, 73 n., 82, 106, 121-25, 127-28, 129 and n., 132, 137, 140n., 141-44, 147, 160, 167, 168 and n., 166, 171, 196, 201, 227, 232, 236, 238, 243 and n. Sivachitta Permadi, Kadamba pr.,. . 29-80 Sivakara I Unmattasimha Bharasaha, Bhauma. Kara k.. . . . . . 81, 83-84, 212 Sivakara II, do.. . . 81, 82 n., 83, 212 Sivakard III alias Lalitabhara II, do., 82 and n., 83, 88, 210-14, 221 Sivananda, Nanda k. of Oriana, 184-88, 187 Sivanvayal ine.. . . . 93 Sivaskandavarman, Pallapa L. . 98 Styaka II Harsha, Paramara k., 219., 28-24, 25 and n., 26 alandhandra, . . . . . 81, 87 Sogal ins. of the reign of Taila II, . . 203-04 Soliyavarasan, gen.. . . . . . 62n. Sonia, god, . . . . . . . Soma, pr. . . . . . . . 100%. Siddhagvara, god, . . Siddhesyara-Jena, off... . . . Siddheswar, 1., Siddhi-Beta, m.. . Siddhi-Beta-Chirpuli-harina-mrigendra, ep., 816bhafija, Bhanja k., . . . 80&bhajs II, do. . . . . . 105. 108 . 108 105 234 . 190-92 . 190 9 DGA/56

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276 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXIX * 25-26 . 73, 75 * 80Sad 637. 541, PAGE PAGE Somadatta, ch., . . . . 214 Subhakara II, do.. . 80 7., 82 n., 83, 212 Somadeva, Mahakari, 178 Subhakara III alias Kusumabhara (hars) I alios Somaditya, m.. . . . . . 93, 96! Simhadvaja (leto), do 80 and 11., 81, 82 and n., Somakulalilaka, ep. . . . . . 206 $3, 211-13, 220, 221n., 222-24 Somanatha, 143 Subhakara IV alias Kusumabhara (hara) II, do.. 82 Somanatha-patan, ci. and 1., 83, 212-14, 222-23. Somavamkis of Yayatinagara, dy., 47, 79, 190, 191 n., Subhakara V, do. 82 and n., 83, 191n., 211, 227 212-14, 221 Somayajin, ep.. . . . . . 93, 96 Subhakaradeva, do.. . Som kvarn, goil. . . . . . . . 140, 143 Subhamkara, m.,. Someevara te., Subhashitaratnabhandagara, wk., 130n. Someevara T, W. Chalukya k., . . 100 Sudarsanasalkam, d.,. . Sottai Tolappayyangar, m.. . . 72, 731 Sudhansu, moon,. . . Sravana-Belagoln ins... . * 21n. Sudhanva, legendary k.,. . Sravasti, .. . . . . . 53, 86 Sadra, warna, . . Sri, used for Sri... .. Sadraku, epic k... . Srichandra, Chandra k... 3,33n. Suyata, i.e. Buddha, . . 81, 18 Sridhara, au.. Suhotra, legendary k., . Sri-Harsha, Paramira k., Sukla, a.a. Sullt, . . 20, 37 Sri-isvara-Subhakarasith ha-raja Sulkt, dy. . . . 18-20, 23, 27, Srikakulam, di., . 86, 164-65, 167 Srikakulam, l.... . 46 Sumandala plates, * 38 ., 173 Sutkalyanadevt, q., . . 39-40, 43 Sumeru, legendary mo., . . . . . Beikantha, . 65 Sundargarh, h., . Srikarana-pattox kyaka, ol.. 106-08 Sunga, dy... Srtkurmam, in.. . . 237 Sun.god. . Srimadbhagavadgita, nok.. . . . 132n. Sara, dy. . . . . . . 53 Srimattari, I., Surat plates of Sryasraya Siladitys, . 118 Srinivasa, god, 41 Surabheavara, god, . . . 160, 162-63 Srinivasa, 3.a. Sainyabhita Madhavayaman IT, Surabhi, celestial cow, . . . 162 Sailodbham k., . . . . . 37 Sarapals I, Pala k., . . . 3 Sripatideva, m., . . . 10, 12 Surashtra, co. . . . . 24 Srirangam to.. . 71, 73, 74 Sarya-vaha, . . . . . . 179 Srirangani, tn.. . . 71, 73 and n., 74 and n. Susunia ins. of Chandravarman, . , 171, 173 Sriranganatha to... 75 Sutra - Srisaila, mo., . . . 228, 235, 237, 216 and n. Apastaba. . . . . . 93, 96 Srisailam, l., . . . . 235 Suvarnaralondi, vi.. . . . . 39-40, 43 Srisalaparpa, fa.. . . . . . . 72, 73 Svabhivatunga, Korala pr., 83 and n., 191, 210, 213, Srisailapurna, m.,. . . . 71, 72n. 215, 217, 224 Srisailapurna Tatacharya alias Avuku Tiru- Svalpa-Mangoka, di., . 147, 162, 154, 169 vengadayyangar, . . 72 Svamichandra, k.,. .. . . . . . . 113 Sri Subhakaradeva Kinars (Simha). . . 84 Svamikaraja, Rashfrakula k. of Berat, . 110, Srivallabha, ep. of Bhanusakti, . . 117, 120 113-14 Srivatsaraja, M., . . . 196 Svamirsis, k., . . . . . . 113 Srtveli Kongaraiyar Puttadigal, m... 200 Svapnosvara, ch., . . . . . 142 n. Sryatraya-Slalitya, Ohalukya pr... 109, 112, 118 Svargavatal, . . . 71 stambha, name-ending. . . 85 Svarnapura, identified with Ponnur, vi... . 202 Stambhadeva-bhatta, m., 190 Svayambhu, 1.6. Siva, god, . . . 35-36, 65 Stambhesvart, goddess,. . . 166-87 evelachchhatra, royal insignia,. . 240 Standntarika, . , 85, 88, 217 | Svetska, co., . . . . . . . 46 Sabhakars, ., . . . .- . . . . 84 budkata patra, royal insignia, Subhikars, do.. . . . . .. 84 Syaralaagt Mahadevi, Rashtrakafa, pr., . 175-77 Subhakara I, Bhauma-Kara k., 81 and 1., 83, 84, 88, Sylhot, di.. . 84 210-12, 214, 216 Syria, co., . . 13

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P'ART VIII) INDEX 277 . . 86 . . 122 PACE L'aux Tarkarika, 8.a. Takari, ti., . . Tatacharya, m., . . . . 73 n. I, distinguished from n, . . . . . 90 Tattai Ayyangar, do., . . . . 77-78 . . . 122 Tathagata, 8.a. Buddha, . . . 81 1, Bengali type, . . 106 Tatilingichchhi-bhataraka te., . 110, 115 t, final, .. . . . 80, 146, 226 Taxila, . . . * 176 4, in Bengali and Devanagart fashions, . . 49 Tejavarman, k.. . 109,112 1, reduplicated before r, . . . 146 Tejpur, tu.. . . . 145, 152 1, subscript, looking like subcript dh or >>, 97. Telugu, co., . . . 142 , subscript, resembling t, . Telugu, peo., . . ta, for final t, . . . . . 80 Telugu Academy plates of Saktivarman II, 01 Tadapa, Tadaparaja, 8.0., Tala I, E. Chalukya Telugu-Chola, dy.. . 162 11., 163 k., 67, 241 Tolunga-Bhiman, s.a. Kolanu-Bhimarija, Tadinadu, Tadinada, vi., . . 64, 65, 70 ch.. ch. . . . . . . . . . 234 Tagara, l. . . 110, 114-115 Temara ing.,. . . . . 196 n. Tagarapura, 8.a. Ter, vi.. . . 14, 16 Ten, I., . . . . . . . . 118 Tagaresvara, l., . . . . . 15 Tonali, tk., . . . . 229, 238 and n. Taila II, W. Chilukya k., . 204 Tentirukkaveri, ri., . . . 74 n. Takari, ri., 85-86, 89 Ter, l., . . . . . : 114 Takkara, 8.a. Takarl, . i 86 Terundia platou of Subhakara II, . . 80 n., 82 Takkarika, 3.a. Takart, 86 7., 83 Talale plates of Gandaraditya, 15 Tetrawan ins. of Mahipala I,. . . . 52 Talamanchi plates of Vikramaditya I, Te-tsong, Chinese emperor, . . . . 84 Talangere, vi.. : 203, 207 Tozpur platos of Vanamalavarmadeva, 145 n., Talangere ins. of Jayasimha,. 146-147, 149-50, 155 n. Talcher, I., . . 85, 167 Tezpur ins. of Harjaravarman,. 146, 149-50 Talcher plato of Ranastambha, 165 and 1. th, not reduplicated after r, . . . . 146 Talghor platos Sivakaradeva III, 83, 85, 210-12, th, subscript, not distinguisned from h . . 98 214, 220 Thorana-vishaya, i.d., * . 39-40, 43 Taleher plato of Subhakaradeva, 82-83, 211-13, Threo Maharaahtrakas, do.. 220, 222-23 Tilingichchhi-bhataraka te., . . . . 110 Talikoti, l. . . . . . . . 144 timpira, 1.m., . . . 39-40, 43 Tallikroyya, streamlet, . . . . 64 Tinnidi, vi.,. . . . . . 10-11, 13 Talmul plate of Dhruvananda, . . 184-86 Tippalar ins. . . . . 111 n. Taltali plate of Dharmamahadevi, . . . 81 n. Tirabhukti Tirabhukti, 8.1. Tirhut, I., Tichut 1 . . 50-52, 54-55 Tamalakhanda-vishaya, 1.d., 83n., 211, 215, 217 Tiruchirappalli, ci.. . . . . . 76, 78 Tamarakolani-Krovvindleru, ri. . . 64, 70 Tiruchirappalli, di.. . . . . 47, 71 Tamilnad, . . . . 199 n. Tirukkovalur ins. of Krishna III, . . . 200 Tamluk, in... . Tirukkovilur, tk.,. Tamur, 1., . . . . . 86 Tirukkuralappan, .a. Vam da, god, . . 74 Tamura-vishaya, 1.d, . . . 85-86, 88 Tirumala Avuku Tatacharya, m., . . Tandantottam plates of Vijaya-Nandivikramavar. Tirumala Avuku Tiruvengadacharya, do... . man, . . . 90 1., 94 Tirumalai, 3.a. Tirupati, I., . . . 73 . t and n, distinguished, ... .... 90 Tirumalai Tiruvengada Tattayyangar, m., . Tanjaur-usavadi, I., 76,78 Tirumalirusijolaimalai, 8.a. Alagarkoil, I., 73 n., 75 Tanjore, di... . 45, 72, 73 m. Tirumangai-Alvar, saint, . . . 72, tantradhipa, off.. . 20, 25, 28 | Tirumanjanakalam Ramanujayyangar, m., 72 Tara, goddess, . . . 48 Tirupati, I., . . . . 72, 73 1., 89 n. Taragarh, hill, . . . 178 Tiruvattur, do., . . . . 143 n. Tarail, l., . . Tiruvaranga alias Pallavaraja, ch., . 231 Tarika, off., . . . 8, 12, 58 Tiruvarangachchelvi, goddesa, . 74 tarka, logic, 12, 50, 56 Tiruvarangam-Tiruppadi, I., . . . 76, 78 Tarkara, 3.a. Takari, ri., . * 75 Tiruvengadayangar alias Srisailapurra Tatacharya, Tarkiri, 8.a. Takart, in., . . . . 63, 86 m., . . . . . . . . 72, 76, 78 2 .

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278 Tithi, see Days, lunar Tivara, k., . Trikalingadhipati, ep., Trilochana, dataka, Trilochana Kadamba, mythical k., Trilochana-Pallava, do., Trinayana-Pallava, do., Tripurantakam, .. Tiverekheta, s.a. Tiwarkhed, vi., Tiwarkhed plates of Nannaraja, Tosala, s.a. Tosali, co., Tosali, do., Tribhuvanakalasa, ep. of Satrubhanja II, Tribhuvanamahadevi, Bhauma-Kara q., Tribhuvanamahadevi alias Sindagaur! I alias Gosvamin! II, do., 82 and n., 83 Tribhuvanamahadevi II, s.a. Prithvimahadevi, 82 n., 83, 191, 210-211, 217, 224 . Tribhuvanamalla, W. Chalukya k., Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI, do., Trichinopoly, di., Trikalinga, co., 233 232, 234 74 n. 124, 127, 131, 235 Tripurantakam ins., Tripurantakeevara, god, Tripurari, do., Tripuri, I., * Tumana, vi.,. Tummana, ca., Tunga, m., Tunga, Rashtrakuta k., . . Tungabhadra, ri., Tunga, f., . * * * Tri-sat-ottara-shat-sahaaravani-vishaya, t.d., Tryambaka-Pallava, Pallava k., Tulapurusha, gift, Turimalla, 8.a. Turimella, vi., Turimella, do., Turimella ins. of Vikramaditya I, Turumadla, s.a. Turimella, vi.. Turumadugu, e.a. Turimella, do., Turumadugula, 8.a. Turimella, do., Turumella, s.a. Turimella, do., . Turutataka, tn., EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Tyagasamudra, ep, of Vikrama-chola, Tyagasimha, k., 39 and n., 42 111 111, 114 . PAGE * 210, 212-15, 220-24 * 214, 85, medial, 189 Uchchhavahala (Chhivahala), I., 92 Udaiyarpalaiyam, tk., 29, 31 59, 66 229, 2389 233 n., 236 n., 237 232 232 238 100 235 228-29, 243 16, 124, 125 n., 127, 227, 241 125 th, u and , medial, confusion between u, initial, 14, medial, 124, 127, 131 50, 56 7, 55 238 85 162 n. 180, 162 and ., 163 160-61 162 n. 162 . 162 n. 162 161, 162 and n., 164 233 149 Udamana, 8.a. Udana or Unmana, I.m., Udaya, mythical mo., Udayagiri, tk., Udayagiri ins., Udayagiri-rajya, t.d., Udayana, k., Udayana, au., Udayendiram plates of Bana Vikramaditya, Udayendiram plates of Nandivarman II, Uddhavarya, m., Uddyotakesarin Mahabhavagupta IV, Somavamei k., 10, 13 Ujeni, 8.a. Ujjain, ci., Ujenipisacha, ep., 227 Ujjain, ci., Ujjentbhujanga, ep., Ulohala, L., Ulohala stone ins., Ulo-khanda, sub-division,. Uma, goddess, Umamaheevara, god, [VOL. XXIX 80, 109, 122, 145, 160 146 208 109, 146 110, 114-15 Upadhyaya, Uparika, off., Uparipattana, t.d., . Upendra, i.e. Vishnu, Uraiyar, vi., Uraiyar-kurram, di., Uravupalli plates, Utkala, co., 203, 226 79, 81 .PAGE 47 4, 10-11 11 94 173 163 and n. 59, 66 53 . 208 91 17 Umbari, vi., Umabarika, do., Umrer, do., Undikavatika grant of Abhimanyu, Unmattakeearin, a.a. Sivakara I, Bhauma-Kara k., Unmattasimha, s.a. Sivakara I, do... Uttama-choda Chodakon, gen., Uttama-chola Miladudaiyan, do., Uttamadani, pr., Uttamaeola Brahma-Marayan, off.. Uttara-kala, t.d., 147, Uttara-Tosali, do., Uttar Pradesh, Utthuka, I., 79, 191 162 161-64 162 162TM 92 98 164 245 14, 17, 211, 218 114 110, 113 m., 114-15 113. 175-76 81 81, 83-84, 87, 210-12, 216, 223 186 n. 12, 43 147, 149, 152-53, 157 6 76, 78 75 m., 76, 78 90-91, 93 and n., 95 n. 81, 124, 127, 131, 173 and n. 62-63, 68, 70 62, 68, 70 66 63 159 151-52, 156, 81-82, 211, 217 53, 86 211, 219

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PART VIII] INDEX 279 RAOS 86 . PAGE varno-drama, . . . . . 186, 188 v, opasionally reduplicatod after 1, . Varuna, god,. 146 . . . 96 * of the Karani variety, . Vasavs, .. . . .. . 289 v substituted for h, Vasishtha, sage, 19, 99, 110 . 179, 209 n. VIsishtht, rii, Vaohaspati, min., . * 20, 21 . . . 282 Vachaspatimisra, au.. Vasiyapa-ghaisisa, M., 53-54 . . . 17 Vadakku-tiruvidippillai, do... 71 n. Vasukivartta, 1., ... * 50, 54-56 Vastavy, S. Vadner plates, 120 n. . . 196 Vaddarddhane, wk., 204 n. Vataparvataka, 1., . Vaheda, vi., . Vatapuraka, vi., . 10-12 . 110, 114, 115 Vaidyanatha, god, 82 Vatesvar-pervat,. Vaijayanti, wk., Vatsa, sage,. . . . . 179 Vedavykas, do.. Vaikhanasa order, 127, 131 . . 121 Vedura, Velananti ch., 140 . Vaikunthaperumal te.. . . 228, 230, 244 Velan ndu, 1., . 225-26, 228-29, 243 Vairata, f. . . 215 . Velananti, J.,. Vairdohana, myth. k., . 181 . . . . 225-27, 229 Vaidvasika, off.. Vellavi, et... . ! 40,43 : . . . 10-12 Velluka, m... 158 Vaibya, varna, . 167, 169 Velu, do. 105, 172, 227 and . . Vaitarani, ri., . 164 Veluka, o.a. Velu, do... Vairaka, vi... : . . 164 . 64 Velarpalaiyam plates, 110, 114-15 Vaivadraka, l., . . . 90 . Vergi-mandala, 1.d., Vajradaman, Kachchhavaha k., 24 . . . 240 Vajradatta, pr. . .. 147, 149, 153, 157 and n. Venkara, l.,. . Vajrahasta (II), Ganga k., Vemulavida, a.a. Lembulapataka, do... . . . . . 22 n., 28 123 Vajrahasta Ananta varruan, do., 46-47 Vengl, co., 48, 61, 62 and 1., 63, 66, 225, 231-32, 233 Vakpala, Pala k., . . . . . 3, 6, 84 and n., 284-35, 287 Vakpati, com.. . . 20,28 Vongimandala-asteen-thousand, 1.d., , 231, 289 Vakpati II Munja, Paramara k.. . . 25-26 i Venkatadesika, ., . . . . . 76.71 Vakulamahadevi, Bhauma.Kara q... . 82-83, 222 Vetravati, Ti.. . . . . . . 21 n. Valsvada, .a. Rahanagart, I., . . 13-14, 16 Vevaka, vi... . . . . . . 84, 70 Vallabhadeva, k., : Vibhuraja, Rashtrakafa k. of Manapura, 174-76, 177 Vallimalai, I., . . 200 n., 201 and n. Vamana, m., . . . . 196, 199 Vichitraviryya, epic k., . . . 65, 239 Vamana, incarnation of Vishnu, . . 179, 181 Vida, identified with Vida, vi.. . . 19 and n. Vanamala, .... Vanamalsvarman, 147, 149, 154, Vida, do... . . . 22, 26 167-58 Vida-dvadasa, 1.d., . . . . 20-23, 27 Vanamalavarmadeva, Vanamalavarman, Mie. Vidarbha, co.. . . . . . . 113 Viddha kalabhartfika, wk., . chchha k. of Pragjyotisha, . 145 and 1., 147, 149 * 24 n. Vidhivivcka, do.. . Vidyadharabhafija, Bhanja k., . . . 190-92 Vanaprastha, a drama, Vigrahapala, Pala k., 10-11, 54-56 . Vangaladeka, . a. Chandradvipa, . . Vigrahapala I, do., . . . . 3,6 Vanga, co., . . . Vigrahapala II, do., . . 3-4, 7, 51 and n., 62 Vanga, pen., 173 Vaniggotra, vi., Vigrahapala III, do., . 1, 4, 9-10, 13, 48-60, 61 and ., . 186, 188 Vanglys Sahitya Parishat plate of Visvarapasena, 45n. 52, 87 Vigraharaja, Chahamana k., . 189-90, 191 n., 192, 224 . 178 Vanjulvaka, ca., . Varadakhanda-vishaya, t.d., . 86 Vijayaditya, ch. of Pithapuram, 233, 234 and n. Variha (Kola), incarnation of Vishnu, . 18, 179 Vijayaditya, B. Chalukya k.. 59-62, 66, 207, 241 Vijayaditya, Kadamba k. Varahalarichhana,. . . 29, 30 . . 66, 240 . . . . Var nasi-kataka, 8.a. Cuttack, . Vijayaditya, k., . . . 102 n. 299.40 . Varendra Brahmana, . Vijayaditya, Silahara k., . . . . . 16-16 . . . Varman, dy... . Vijayaditya I, E. Chalukya k., . . 67, 228, 241 Vermmulaka-obaturvedin, r., . . 110, 118 Vijayiditya I. Kadamba k.. . . . . 81 35 n. 52 107 . .

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280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX PAGE GAS * 67 . 65 233 Vijayaditya II, E. Chalubya L., . . 226-27 Vira-Rajendra-choda, .a. Velananti Rajendra Vijayaditya IV, do.. . . 67, 227 Choda II, ch., . . ... . . 238 Vijayaditya V, do. Vlrasena, epic k., . . . . . 35 >>. Vijayaditya VII, do.. . . . . 61, 63, 227 | Vira-Somesvara IV, W. Chalukya k... . . 144 * Vijayanagara, ca.,. . . 71-72, 73 and 7., 163 Virata, f. . . . $3 n., 211, 215, 219, 224 Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, Pallava k., . . 95 Virata Bhujanga, du. . . Vijayarka, 4.a. Vijayaditya II, Kadamba k., 29, 31 Viratapura, L., . . 215 Vijayarkkadeva, 8.a. Vijayaditya, Silahara k., 16 Vira-Vijayaditya, 1.a. Vijayaditya Vijaya-Skandavarman IV, Pallava k.. . . 229 VIII, E. Chalukya k., . Vijiapti, off. . . . 113 Virochana, legendary k., . . . Vikrama-choja, Chalukya-Chala k... 227, 232-33, 242 Viruparasa, ch.. . . . 144 Vikraina-chola Choliyavaraiyan, 8.1. Areyan R. l'isaryn,' . . . . . . 80 n., 1:2 jarajan, gen., 62n. Vishry pati, off. 8. 12,561, , 88, 114, 166-167, 217 Vikramaditya, 8.a. Jayasakti, Sendruka k., 117. Vishnu, god, 1.23-24, 127-28, 129 and 1., 131 and n.. 18, 120 139, 179-81, 232, 235, 237, 239 Vikramaditya, .,. . . . 161 Vishnu, min., 123, 124, 125, 127, 131 132 and n., Vikramaditya, E. Chalukya pr., . . . 271 133 n. Vikramaditya (1), Early Chalukya k., 67, 241 Vishnubhatta, m.,. . . 66, 239 Vikramaditya (11), do... . . . . . 67 Vishytuhitta, ep... . . s . 30 Vikramaditya, son of Bhima, E. Chalukyo ... 241 | Vishnudevasarman, m... . . 5,8 Vikramaditya, Suiki k.,. . . . . 166 Vishnumangala, I., . Vishnumaa . . . . 207 n. Vikramiditya I, W. Chalukya k., 92, 113, 118, 160-61, Vishwahasrananwa, wok.. . . . 129. 162 and n., 163 Vishnuvardhana, ep., . . 60 n., 228, 240, 244 Vikramiditya IT, do., 161 and 1., 169 1. Vishnuvardhana, Pallava k.. . . . . 240 Vikramaditya V, do. . . . . 59 . Vishnuvardhana, E. Chilukyu k., 59-60, 66, 68, 230, apura, .. . . ' . . . . 53 Vila 8.a. Billiari, . . 22 n. Vishnuvardhana, founder of the E. Chalukya dy. 240 Vila-dvadasa 8.. Vida-dvadasa, .d., 20, 29 n.Vishnuvardhana II, E. Chalukyn k.. . . 94, 240 Vilasapura, ci., . . . 41., 10-11 | Vishnuvardhana (III), do. . . . 67, 0-41 Vilasatunga, Nanda k. of Orissa, . 184-85, 187 Vishnuvardhana (IV), do. . . 67, 226, 227, 241 Vilavaravidi-valanadu, t.d. . . . 70, 78 Vishnuvardhana V, do... . . . 226, 227 Vimaladitya, E. Chalukya k., 58,00 and ., 01-62, 65, Vitishfadvaita,. . . . . 79 67, 228, 230 and n., 242 Visvanatha-mahasenapati, ofl. . . 106-08 Vimaladitya, Choda k.,. . . . . 243 Visvesvara-Mahadeva, god., . . . . 238 Vinayachandra, scribe, . . . . . .223 n. Vilavatti grant of Simhavaraan, 90 and ., 91, 93 11. Vinayaditya, sur. of Mangalarasa, . . 118 vithi, 1.d., . . . . . . . 4, 10 Vinayaditya, W. Chalukya k... 113, 118, 102 *., 207 Vitthaladva, yol, . . . . . 72 Vinayaditya-Mangalarasa, k., .. 100, 112 Vivada, 7... . . . . : 51, 57 Vindhya, mo. 39, 49, 112, 121, 125, 127, voda, tar, . . 107-08 131, 240 Vrigadi,f.,. . 83n., 211, 215, Viuttatunga, Tunga ch... . . . : 85 218, 224 l'iniyukta, Viniyuktaka, off... . 8, 12, 43, 58 Vrisha-stambha, . . . 105 Vinukonda, tk., . . . . . 237 Vyakarana,, . . . 12, 50, 56 Vira-choda, Chalukya-Chola pr., . 231 Vyasa, sage,. . . . 121, 161 Vyavaharin, off. Vira-Goggideva, ch., . . . . . . 144 Viraja, 8.a. Virajapurl, . . * 227 and N., 241 Virajapuri, I., . . . . . . 227 Viraja-tirtha, 8.a. Jajpur, do., . . 103 Virapermadideva, Kadamba pr., 31 Wandiwanh, lk., . . . . 201 Waness, l., . . VIrapratapa, ep... 118 : . . . . . 76, 78 . 52-53, 83, 85 Virapurisadata, Ikahvaku k., . . . 138 Western Chalukya, dy.. . . . 111 n., 118 m. Virarajendra, Chola k., . . . . 46 Wu-oha, 8.a. Odra or Orissa. . . . . 84

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PART VIII ] INDEX 281 PAGE PAGE Sh. . . y, in Grantha character, . . . . . 109 Gupta, . . . 34, 146, 171, n., 173, 214 y, looking like p, . . . . : 195 Harsha, . . . . . 81, 165, 183, 214 y, looped form of . . . . 200 Kalachuri, see Chidi y, not reduplicated after T, * 146 Kali, . . . . . . . 202 y, tripartite form of . 200 and n. Malava Samvat, . . . 122 y, two forms of . . . 109 Saka, 13-14, 17, 23, 29, 32, 63 n., 58 m., 60-61, Yadava-Bhima, gen., . . . 63 71-72, 78, 110-111, 117-18, 134, 163, 203, 225-26, Yajfavalkya-smriti, tok., . . : 148 228, 231, 232 and 1., 233 and 1., 235, 236 and the Yajurveda, Black, . . .. . 117 237 and n., 238 Yakah cult,. . . . .. 199 Salivahana-Saka, . . . 202 Yamagarta-mandala, 1.d., . 85, 86, 89 Samyat or Vikrama Samvat, 6, 8, 10, 12, 63, 89, Yamuna, ri., . 65-66, 182 and n. : 98-99, 106, 108, 194-96, 199 Yauvanaert, Kalachuri pr., . 52 regnalYasabkarna, Kalachuri k., . . . 52 2nd, . . . . 160 Yasodatta, donee, . . 186, 188-89 3rd, . . . . 174-77 Yagovarnan, Chandella k., . 21, 22 n., 25 5th, . . Yasovsiddhi, m., . . . 83 n., 210, 217 .. 60 n., 169, 171 Yattinhalli, vi., . . . . . 139 11th, , : Yavan-daan-indra,. . . 12th, . 124, 127, 131 . . . . . 51, 92, 96 Yayati, epic k., . . . 66, 13th, . 33 n., 84-86 Yayatinagara, ca., . . 17th, Years 19th, Cyclic 24th, . . . . . . . 61 Plava, . . . . . . . 33 ., 61. Prabhava, 27th, . . . . . . . 161 Pramadin, 50th, . . . . . . 33 n. Sarvajit, . 232 Unspecified, 120-21, 184-85, 189-90, 194 Sabhakrit, . 13. 17 Yelamazohili, tk.. . . . 237 Vikarin, . 29. 32: Yelburga, I.. . . . . 237 Visvavasu, Yogaraja, Chavda k., . . . . 24 46 of the 60-year Cycle, . 202 Yogasvamin, ... . . . . 50, 56 Anka, . . . 44, 105-08 Yogesvara, do.. . . 61, 57 of eras Yuddhamalla, E. Chalukya k... . 241 Bhauma-Kara, 8+ n., 158, 160, 165, 191, 211, 214, Yuddhamalla (II), do., . 67 Yuddhisura, ep. of Rashfrakula Nannaraja, 218, 224, 233 and n. 110, 114 Chedi or Kalachuri, 97 n., 98-99, 118, 195 Yudhishthira, epic k., 16, 66-66, 121, 139 n., 153, 157, 239 Ganga,. . . . . . . . 233 . Yuvaraja, of.. . . . . .. 22-23, 60 . . 202 117., MOIPC-81-0 DGA/66--9-12-57-450.

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