Epigraphia Indica Vol 29

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032583/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXIX (1951–52)
Ooo
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृणु
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXIX
26,0
Ooo
प्रत्नातिमपावश
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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Reprinted 1987
©
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price Rs. 100,00
Printed at S. Narayan & Sons, 7117/18, Pahari Dhiraj, Delhi-110 006

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DEPARTMENT OF ARCHEOLOGY
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOLUME XXIX
1951-52
EDITED BY
Dr. B. Ch. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph. D. (Lugd.), F.A.S.
Government Epigraphist for India (Parts I to IV)
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A. Government Epigraphist for India (Parts V to VII)
Dr. D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph. D. Government Epigraphist for India (Part VIII)
सत्यमेव जयते
Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed at the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India
1957

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CONTENTS
The name of the contributors are arranged alphaberi ally
CHAUDFURY, P.D., M.A, LI.B., Gauhati, and SIRCAR, D.C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund.
No. 20. Parbatiya Plates of Vanamalavarmadeva . . . . . . . . . CHLABRA, B.Ch., M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (Lugd.), F.A.S., New Delhi.
No. 16. Chatesvara Temple Inscription. . . . . . . . . . .
No. 17. Epigraphical Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . DE, S. C., B.A., Bhubaneswar.
No.30. Two Plates of Tribhuvanamahadevi from Baud . . . . . . DESAI, P. B., M.A., Ootacamund.
No. 4. Sadasivagad Plates of Kadamba Vijayaditya, Saka 1102 No. 11. Reyuru Grant of Pallava Narasimhavarman, Year 12. . . . . . No. 12. See under PANDEYA, L. P., Raigarh, and DESAI, P. B., Ootacamund No. 19. More Inscriptions at Ablur . . . . . . . . . . No. 37. Bilaigarh Plates of Kalachuri Prithvideva, Year 896 . . . . . .
No. 28. Two Jaina Inscriptions to Tamil . . . . . . . . . . DIKSHIT, M. G., M.A., Ph.D., Raipur. No. 2. Kolhapur Inscription of Silahara Bhoja li, saka 1104
. . . No. 24. Hingni Berdi Plates of Rashtrakuta Vibhuraja, Year 3 . . . KRISHNAN, K. G., M.A., Ootacamund.
No. 9. Srirangam Inscription of Sadasivaraya, Saka 1467 . . . . . . . KRISHNA RAO, B. V., M.A., LI.B., Rajahmundry.
No. 32. Nanduru Plates of Volananti Rajondra-Choda, Saka 1091 . . . . . LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, N., M.A., Ootacamund, and NARASIMHACHAR, D.L., M.A., Mysore
No. 29. Talangore Inscription of Jayasimha . . . . . . . . . . MIRASHI, V. V., M.A., Nagpar.
No. 15. Mandakbede Plates of Sondraka Jayasakti, Saka 602. . . . . . . NARASIMHASWAMI, H. K., B.Bu., Ootacamund
No. 18. Nagarjunikonda Imago Inscription . . . . . . . . .
No. 21. Turimolla Insoription of Chalukya Vikramaditya I, Year 2. . PANDEYA, L. P., Raigarh, and DESAI, P. B., M.A., Ootacamund
No. 12. Bilaigarh Platos of Kalaohuri Pratapamalla, Yoar 989 . . . . . . .
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXIX
SIRCAR, D. C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund.
No. 1. Two Plates from Belwa
No. . Two Sailodbhava Granta from Banpur
No. 7. Bangaon Plate of Vigrahapala III, Regnal Year 17
No. 10. Santiragrama Grant of Dandimahadevi
No. 20. See under CHAUDHURI, P. D., M.A., L1.B., Gauhati, and SIRCAR, D. C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund
No. 22. Puri Plate of Kulastambha
No. 23. Bhadrak Inscription of Gana, Regual Year 8
No. 25. Ajmer Stone Inscription
No. 26. Two Grants from Daspalla
No. 31. Note on Two Plates of Tribhuvanamahadevi from Baud
SIRCAR, D. C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund, and RATHA SARMA, S., Puri.
No. 6. Alagum Inscription of Anantavarman, Regnal Year 62.
SIRCAR, D. C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund, and TRIPATHI, K. B., M.A., Ph.D., Cattack.-
No. 13. Siddheswar Inscription of Narasimha IV, Anka Year 19
VENKATARAMAYYA, M., M.A., Agra.
No. 3. Maser Inscription of a Sulki Chief
No. 14. Sangalooda Plates of Rashtrakuta Nannaraja, Saka 615 VENKATARAMANAYYA, N., M.A., Ph.D., Madras.-
No. 8. Kalidindi Grant of Eastern Chalukya Rajaraja T
INDEX-By A. N. Lahiri, M. A..
APPENDIX-Rajaprasasti Inscription of Udaipur. By the late Dr. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., Ph.D., and B.Ch. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (Lugd.), F.A.S., New Delhi
Title page, Contents, List of Plates and Additions and Corrections
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LIST OF PLATES
No. 1. Two Pala Plates from Belwa:
4.--Plato of Mahipala I, Regnal Year i . between pages 6 and 7 „ 2. „, B. -- Plate of V'igrahapala III. Rognal Year 11 .
10 and 11 , 3. Vaser Inscription of a Sulki Chief : . . . . to face page 27 ,, 4. Sadasivagad Plates of Kadamba Vijayaditya, Saka 1102 between pages 30 and 31 , 5. Two Sailodbhava Grants from Banpur A.--Grant of Ayaaobhita II Madhyamaraja . .
36 and 37 ., 6., B.-Grant of Dharmaraja Manabhita . . . , 40 and
7. Alagum Inscription of Anantavarman, Rognal Year 62 to face page 47 „ 8. Bangaon Plato of Vigrahapala III, Regnal Year 17 · between pages 54 and „9. Kalidindi Grant of Eastern Chalukya Rajuraja 1 .
66 and „10. „ . . . . . . to face pruge
11. Sautiragrama grant of Dandimahadevi . . . betucen pugnis 88 and ,, 12. Royuru Grant of Pallava Narasimhavarman, Year 12
96 and 97 „, 13. Bilaigarh Plates of Kalachuri Pratapamalla, Year 969
102 and 103 ,, 14. Siddhoswar Inscription of Narasimha IV, Anka Year 19 , 108 and 109 „, 15. Sangaloodu Plates of Rashtrakuta Vannaraja, Saka 615
114 and 115 „16. Mundakhede Plates of Seudraka Jayasakti, Saka
602 . . . . . . . . to face page 120 , 17. Chatesvara Temple Inscription . . . . . ,
126 „, 18. Nagarjunikonda Image Inscription . .,
139 „19. More Inscriptions at Ablur . . . . . between pages 140 and 141 „, 20. Parbatiya Plates of Vanamalavarmadeva. . . » 154 and 155 „, 21. Turimella Inscription of Chaluky: Vikramaditya I,
Year 2, and Dimmagudi Inscription of Vikramaditya
I . . . . . . . . . . 162 and 163 ,, 22. Puri Plate of Kulastambha . . .
face page 168 ,, 23. Bhadrak Inscription of Gana, Regnal Year 8 .
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No. 24. Hingni Berdi Plates of Rashtrakuta Vibhuraja, Year 3
25. Ajmer Stone Inscription
26. Two Grants from Daspalla-Plate I:
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27.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
A. Daspalla Plate of Devananda; Year 184
--Plate II:
B. Daspalla Plates of Satrubhanja Tribhuvanakalasa, Year 198
,, 28. Bilaigarh Plates of Kalachuri Prithvideva, Year 896 29. Talangere Inscription of Jayasimha
,, 30. Two Plates from Tribhuvanamahadevi from Baud
Rajaprasasti Inscription of Udaipur:
APPENDIX
I. A View of the Nauchauki Ghat, Rajasamudra
II. A View of one of the Pavilions, Rajasamudra III. Slab III
IV. Slab XVI
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VOL. XXIX
between pages 176 and 177 to face page 180
between pages 188 and 189
192 and 193
196 and 197
to face page 208
between pages 216 and 217
33
to face page 2
3
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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page 6, text line 4.--For Srima rend Srimão.
►
9, text line 57.-For Srima rend Srima.
16, text line 13.-For øjvala read oj[i*]vala.
17, text line 33.-For dattam read dattam(ttam).
19, line 31.-For i and I read i, i, u and u
s
19, line 44.-For for chandrasērsho read for chandra-sfrsho.
23, line 18.-Omit comma after predecessor.
24, line 20.--For re-conquest read conquest.
28, text line 13.-For ksitam read kritam(tah).
35, line 28.-For Srikakulam read Ganjam.
37, text line 35.-Read (kāḥl). 41, f.n. 5.—Read ya for ya.
45, line 40.-For churņi read chūrni. , 45, f. n. 2.- Add note--Pramrta is mentioned in an early inscription from Bengal (Select
Inscriptions, p. 356). It may be the same as pravarti mentioned in Sarvananda's Amarakosha-tika (under verne 89 of Vaisya-varga) as equal to 8 Kharis.
,
47, lines 2-3.- For Srikakulam District of Madras read Ganjam District of Orissa.
,
47, line 21.-For Tiruchirapalli read Tiruchirappalli.
,, 47, line 50.-- Add at the beginning of the last paragraph-Lines 40-42 of the inscription refer to
the king's request to the people addressed as well as to the
.. 54, line 1.-For parts read of parts. , 55, text line 24.- For bri read 'Sri. , 68, line 8.- For Orkusam read orkusa[h]. . 59, f.n.2.-For Cola Studies read Studies in Cola History and Administration.
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Page 62, f. n. line 3.-Read 10th year (1021 A.C.).
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13
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35
65, text line 8.-For kananaṁ read känanam (nain).
,, 68, text line 60.-For sa-dvipäṁ read sa-dvipim
69, text line 85.-Read dandêsüm-a(sair-a)bhavado.
69, text line 86.-Read kshanam(nam).
69, text line 87.-For vivrie read vivri®.
69, text line 88.-For bhritaḥ(tacha)la read bhritaḥcha(tas-cha)la.
69, text line 89.--For ri read rio.
,, 70, text line 95.--For Karvna(nna)ṭaka read Karvna (rņņā)ṭaka.
70, text line 95.-For 'n-asvike read 'na(n=ā)śvike®.
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,, 70, text line 96.-For hastikina reul h[i*Jatikana.
,, 70, text line 108.-For Krovvindleṭain-busi read Krovviņḍlētambisi.
,, 73, line 10.-For impure read ill.
., 73, lines 11 and 12.--For purify read cure.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
73, f.n., line 1.---Omit comma after Rangacharya.
73, f.n.1, line 2.--For engaging read engaging themselves.
,, 73, f. n. 7, line 1.-Read born on the occasion.
64, line 13.-For D(Ta)dinādu read Da(Tā)ḍinādu.
64, line 15.--For D(Ta)dināḍu read Da(Tā)dinādu.
65, text line 6.-For Devakiḥ read Devakiḥ
74, f. n.3, line 10.--Omit comnia after Vide.
2
,, 75, line 38.--For Kilpaliru read Kipalāru.
75, line 40.--For Melpalātu read Mõlpalāru.
76, f. n. 4. For after n read after 11.
81, f. n. 5.-Read year 70 or 60.
84, f.n. 7.-For 820-25 A.C. read 831 A.C.
,, 89, line 24.--For importnace read importance.
VOL, XXIX

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Page 93, f.n. 6.-Add editorial note.-The word nripetvara means 'a ruler'. Räjäditya was the personal name of the executor.
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23
99, line 26.-For has read have.
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,, 100, line 9.-For Gorakhapur read Gorakhpur.
100, line 28.-For for read to.
101, f.n. 6.-For danda read danda.
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,, 112, lines 17 ff.-Add editorial note.-The rule of Govinda of the Aihole inscription cannot be assigned to 630-55 A.D. since he is known to have come into conflict with Pulakesin II about the beginning of the latter's carreer, i.e. about 610 A.D. Pulakesin II did not meet Govinda in the course of his campaign in the region of the Rēva and the Vindhyas, but in the area about the northern bank of the Bhimarathi (Bhima) much nearer his capital.
113, line 31.--Add editorial note.-There is no proof that Padmanagara was a capital city.
114, text line 8.-Read Känta H-käruņika-kala.
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,, 114, text line 9.-Read rahita B-ketub-karälō.
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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
93
95, f. n. 9.-Add editorial note.-For the correct meaning of the expressions, see The Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 196.
120, text line 12.-For grämaküṭāyayuktaka read grämakūṭ-ayuktaka.
125, line 16.-Read sima
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,, 125, line 32.-For Meters read Metres.
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114, text line 11.-Read pati=kalpa.
115, text line 18.-Add editorial note.-The reading is Varmmullaka.
115, text line 20.-For karmma[nta](nta) read karmma[nta]
115. text line 20.-Road tachchha(ch-cha).
115, text line 23.-Add editorial note.-The reading seems to be mato-chchhivahalal-ai[bh] The name of the locality was therefore Achchhivähalala and not Uchchhi(chhi)vähala as assumed by the author (cf. pp. 110,114).
115, last line.-Read Ju(Yu)[ddha]suraḥ.
,, 129, f.n. 9, line 2.-For vijay-avahaḥ read vijay-avahaḥ.
138, lines 3 ff.-Add editorial note.-A purna-ghata of this type was discovered in the course of excavations at Kondapur and is now in the Hyderabad Museum. A damaged terracotta female figure from Bhita (near Allahabad) now in the Asutosh Museum (Calcutta) and a bas-relief on the wall of the Venkatesvara temple on the Vaikunthapuram hill in the Guntur District have the lower part fashioned in the same posture.
138, f.n. 5, line 1.-For Ehuvuja read Ehuvula.
147, line 4.-Read Krishna.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL XXIX
Pago, 147 line 36.-Read Chūdāmaņi. , 151, line 34.-Read Mahāgaurl.
152, line 21.-Read a geographical.
153.-For 135 read 153 in the number of page. » 154, text line 25.–For dripta read dripta. , 155, text line 34.-For 'bhis-cha read 'bhis-cha.
155, f.n.4, lines 4-5.--Read ootkampābhio, , 157, line 38.-Read Vishnu. „ 157, f.n.l.-Read Purāna. » 158, line 15.- Read subduers. „ 160, line 27.-Read Dravidian I. , 160, line 31.-Read bhujāya mänumrwayina.
162, line 36.- For Cuddapah read Guntur. , 163, lines 18 ff.-Read-covering a considerable area extending in a north-easterly direction
over & tract from Turimella in the Cumbum Taluk of the Kurnool District
right upto Kocherlakóța in the Darsi Division of the Nellore District. , 163, f. n. 11.-For was omitted read had been omitted. , 174, lines 29-30.-- Add editorial note.-The palaeography of the record seems to suggest a date
in the sixth or seventh century A.D. , 176, text line 2.--Add editorial note. - Read ®kärasya srimalo. » 177, text line 3.-Add editorial note.-- Read orājasy=ānujnayā. , 177, text line 4.-Add editorial note. The name Syävalangi stands for Sanskrit Svämalangi.
She made a gift of 50 golden bars as dakshina to the donee of the
agrahāra granted by Prabhāvati. 177, text line 6.--Add editorial note.-Read okāli(li)nah(nan). » 177, liness 7-8.-Add editorial note.-The intended reading may be arthi-jana-hriday-ānandan
sa mabhivardhayantyā. ► 177, text lines 8-9.-- Add editorial note. --The reading is vansõnayata for vaṁs-onnayantyā. Arya
Prabhāvati seems to have granted the agrahāra to a Brahmana whom Syāmalāngi gave 50 golden bars as dakshiņā of the said gift. Prabhāvati Inay have been Syämalängt's mother-in-law. There is no reason to
identify Vibhurāja and Mäņa(na)rāja. 177, line 11.-Add editorial note.-Read orjito(ta)-chāra (ta)-bhata-at-a)prāvēbye(dya)". » 177, line 13.—Read danē(kē)[na*). , 177, line 16.-Add editorial note.-Read kūtasya.
178, line 2.--For Harkēli read Harakëli. . 178, line 17. -Read inscription.-Omit bracket before Mr.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
,
Page 178, line 23.-For nd read and.
» 178, line 29.-For laces read places. „ 178, line 30.-For inscriptin read inscription.
178, f. n. 3.--Read Vol. III.
181, text line 11.-Read Hiranyakasi(fi)poo , 186, line 4.-For callecd read called.
186, line 6.-Read pancha. 186, line 16.-Omit redundant m before mandala. 186, line 17.- Add full-stop at the end of the line in the place of apostrophe. 186, line 19.-- Read sattva. 186, line 20.-Read Sandhio. 186, line 22.- For descriptin read description. 186, line 22.- For Brāhmada read Brāhmaṇa. 186, line 23.- Por epither read epithet. 186, line 25.--For dātra read tāstra (in two places). 186, line 36.- For belived read believed. 186, line 40.--For Indēdda read Indēdda. 186, f.n.3, line 3.-For smrti read Osmriti. 188, text line 15.--For ātumajā read ātmajo. 188, text line 16.--For sudha-sarm read sudhä-sam.. 188, text line 21.-For manõbāriņāy read manobāriņā. 188, text line 22.- For pulsht-arāti read plusht-Arāti. 188, text line 25.- For pitri read pitsi. 188, text line 27.-Read Jiloņdā. 188, text line 27.-.For bhavishyad read bhavishyad. 188, text line 27.--For otrā(n=rā)-japuträn read otri(n=rā) japutran. 188, text line 28.- For Ojivinah read ojivinaḥ. 188, text line 29. For vshaya read vishaya.
190, line 41.-For Jaipur read Jajpur. , 191, f.n.2, line 13.-For suggests read suggest.
195, f.n. 4.-Read Ashādhasya. 196, line 8.-For wich read which. 196, line 11.--For callec read called.
196, line 21.-.For Sārdülao read Sārdülao. . 196, line 22.--For andākrāntā read Mandā krāntu. . 196, f. 3. For ust read must,

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Page 196, f. n. 7.-For who write read who wrote the.
198, text line 23.-Read Delhuka.
200, line 4.-For Padmavati read Padmavati.
201, f.n.5, line 5.-For has read have.
202, f.n.3, line 2.--For on read at.
216, text lines 9-10.-Read uchitam kāryaṁ.
216, text line 11.-Read Harsh.
222, line 35.-For mahādēvi read mahādēvi.
224, f.n. 3.-For See above...read See above, p. 191, note 2.
224, f.n. 5.-Omit Above, Vol....
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,, 232, line 38.--For Gonkarajs read Gonkarāja.
238, text line 1.-For bhig-opama read bhōg-ōpama.
238, text line 47.-For dbadasa read dvādasa.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXIX
1951-1952
No. 1--TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA
(2 Plates) D. C. STRCAR, OOTACAMUND
The village of Belwă lies a few miles to the west of the Hili railway station on the East Bengal Railway, in the eastern fringe of the Dinajpur District, not far from the borders of the Bogra and Rangpur Districts. Some time in 1946, a Santal inhabitant of the village, named Khāsē Siotal, discovered two inscribed copper plates while digging the compound of his house with a view to enlarging a fire-place. Mr. Manoranjan Cupta of Calcutta soon secured the plates with the help of Muhammad Basir Sarkar who is an official at the Zamindar's Katchery at the village of Kasigări, not far away from Belwă. Mr. Gupta studied the inscriptions and published both of them in the Variriya Sahitya Parishat Patrika (Bengali). Vols. LIV, B. S. 1354, pp. 41-56; LVI, B. S. 1356, pp. 60-65, with plates. The original plates were also presented to the Museum of the Vangiya Bāhitya Parishat, Caloutta. One of the records belongs to king Mahipala I (circa 988-1038 A. C.) of the Päla dynasty of Bengal and Bihār, and the other to his grandson Vigraha pāla III (circa 1055-90 A. C.). As, however, the inscriptions appeared to me to have been neither carefully read nor correctly interpreted, I requested, several times, the authorities of the Parishat to lend me the original plates for a few weeks for examination or to supply me with a set of good impressions of each of the inscriptions. Unfortunately neither of these requests was complied with. At laat impressions of both the plates were available to me through the kindness of Mr. T. N. Ramachandran, Superintendent, Department of Archaeology, Eastern Circle. I edit the inscriptions from those impressions.
A.-Plato of Mahipāla I ; Regaal Year 5 The record is incised on a single copper-plate, measuring 13" x 14.6". The weight has not leen recorded. The seal, which closely resembles those attached to other charters of the Pala rulers, is, as usual, soldered to the upper part of the document. It is the celebrated dharmachakra-mudra of the Palas who were Buddhists. It has in the contre a circle with raised rim and beaded border which is surrounded by arabesque work and is surmounted by a chaitya symbol. The npper half of the inner circle of the seal is occupied by the Buddhist Wheel of the LAW' having an umbrella above it and a deer couchant on either side. Below the central
emarcation line, forming & pedestal for the above, is the legend fri-Mahipäladēvasya, the space beneath being covered by arabesque foliage. There are altogether 58 lines of writing on both sides of the plate, 33 lines on the obverse and 25 on the reverse. The incision is deep and clear, and the
1 For an English version of these papers, see Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 117-35.
1 In December 1950, when I happened to be in Calcutta, I was allowed to examine the originai plates in the Parisbat's office. My thanks are due to Mr. Gupta and the authorities of the Parishat for this help.
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[VOL. XXIX
preservation of the plate is fairly satisfactory. Six lines of writing at the top on the obverse and five lines at the top on the reverse have a gap in the middle, owing to the space occupied by the lower part of the seal.
In point of palaeography, language and orthography, the inscription under discussion resembles very closely the only other copper-plate charter of king Mahipala I so far known to the students of history. This is the Bangarh plate finally edited by the late Mr. R. D. Banerji in the pages of this journal, Vol. XIV, pp. 326 ff., with plates. The introductory verses at the beginning of the record, the description of the place of issue, the list of officials and others to whom the royal order was addressed, the list of the privileges to be enjoyed by the donee and the imprecatory and benedictory verses about the end are practically the same in both the charters. Indeed most of these are common to all charters of the Pala family. It is only the actual grant that is different in the Bangarh record and the charter under review. The present epigraph, like some other Pāla records, usually indicates superscript r by a horizontal short stroke below the top matra of the consonant towards the left, sometimes making the sign almost undistinguishable.
The date of the record, given in one figure in line 49, is the year 5 (of the reign of Mahipala I), the 26th day of the month of Sravana. Line 46 speaks of the grant being made by the king on the occasion of a ceremonial bath taken by him in the waters of the Ganges on the day of the vishuvatsankranti (i.e., vishuva-samkränti) which indicates the sun's equinoctial passage into Mesha on the 1st day of solar Vaisakha or into Simha on the 1st day of solar Kärttika. In the present case, it is possible to think that the grant had been made on the 1st of Vaisakha, although the charter was issued a few months later on the 26th of Sravana. A ceremonial bath and offering of gifts on the occasion of the vishuva-sankranti are both enjoined by the Hindu scriptures. The action of the Pāla king, who was a Buddhist, as recorded in the document, no doubt points to the fact, often noted, that there was little difference between the life of a lay follower of Buddhism and that of an ordinary Brahmanical Hindu in the age of the Palas at least in Eastern India. As we have elsewhere observed, when the Brahmanical and Buddhist philosophers were busy in refuting one another's views, the life of the lay man appears to have been marked by absolute religious toleration and the Buddhist laity was gradually nearing absorption into Brahmanical society."
The charter begins with the akshara ni (an abbreviation of the word nibaddha meaning 'registered') which is also found at the end of line 1 as in the Bangarh plate of the same king and in many other records. This kind of double endorsement by the king himself and by one of his officials is also known from other records from Bengal such as those of the Senas. The first ni is followed by the usual symbol for siddham and the introductory word svasti. Next come 12 verses in lines 1-23 forming the introduction of the charter. It is well-known that the fashion of quoting
1 Cf. Brahma Purana quoted in the Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. sankranti: Nilyam dvayor-ayanayor nityam vishuvatör dvayob | chandr-ärkayor-grahanayor-vyatipäteshu parvasu || Ahō-rätr-ōshitaḥ snanam bräddham danam tatha japam | yah karoti prasann-ätma tasya syäd-akshayancha tat ||
See I.H.Q., Vol. XXIII, p. 235; Ind. Cult., Vol. IX, p. 124; J.R.A.S.B., L., Vol. XV, p. 104. Most of the grants of the Buddhist Päla kings were made in favour of Brahmanas. The Manahali plate (Gaudalékhamālā, pp. 148 ff.) records a grant of king Madanapala to a Brahmana as dakshina for his recitation of the Mahabharata before the Patamahadevi Chitramatikādēvi. The Bhagalpur plate (ibid., pp. 56 ff.; cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 309) of the Paramasaugata king Narayanapāla speaks of his Saivite leanings and records a grant made by the king "for the suitable performanance of puja, bali, charu and satra, for the navakarman (i.e., repairs or extensions of the temple) and for other requirements of the divine Siva-bhattaraka at Kalasapota, for whom Nārāyaṇapāla himself has built a sahasr-ayatana (possibly a temple with thousand pillars) and whom he has put up there (at Kalasapota); in order to provide couches and seats, medicines for the sick, requisites, etc., to the congregation of Paéupata teachers (at Kalaéapota); and in order to enable the Pasupatas to bestow blameless enjoyments, consisting of a share fixed by them, on other persons as desired by them".
See Ins. Beng., Vol. III, pp. 64, 75, 88, etc.

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No. 1]
TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA verses from the introduction of one's predecessor's charter became prevalent in the Pala house amongst the descendants of Vigra hapāla or Sürapāla I (circa 850-54 A. C.) who was the cousin's son and successor of Dēvapāla (circa 810-50 A. C.). The first six verses of our record describe the exploits of Gõpāla I (circa 750-70 A. C.) who was the first imperial ruler of the Pála dynasty, his son Dharmapāla (circa 770-810 A. C.), his younger brother and general Vākpāla, his son Jayapāla who was a general of Dėvapāla, his son Vigrahapala I and his son Näräyanapäia (circa 854-908 A. C.). These verses are noticed for the first time in the charter of Nārāyaṇapala and are found quoted in all the later grants of the family. It is as yet unknown whether the first five of these verses were quoted by Nārāyaṇapāla from a charter of his father, as no copper-plate grant of Vigrahapāla I has so far been discovered. We have also as yet no charter of the time of Rajyapāla (circa 908-40 A. C.), son and successor of Nārāyaṇapăla, although the Jäjilpājā plate of Gopāla II (circa 940-85 A. C.), son and successor of Rajyapāla, was published some time ago in the Bengali journal Bhāratavarsha (B. S. 1334, part i, pp. 264 ff.). It is therefore no wonder that verses 7-9 of our record dealing with Räjyapala and Gopāla II are also found in the Jājilpāsā plate. Verse 10 speaks of Vigrahapäla II (circa 985-88 A. C.), son and successor of Göpäla II, and the following two versei (verses 11-12) of his son and successor, the reigning monarch Mahipala I (circa 9881038 A.C.). Verse 11 says that Mahipala I recovered his paternal räjya, which had become anadhikrita-vilupta (Iowu owing to the occupation by usurpers), after having killed all the enemies in battle by the prowess of his own arms. Our inscription, dated in the king's fifth regnal year, shows that Mahipāla attained success against the enemies quite early in his reign. The enemies who dispossessed Mahipala I of his paternal kingdom are usually indentified with the Kamboja rulers of northern and south-western Bengal known from the Bangash pillar inscription and the Irda plate, although there is a theory challenging the suggestion of Kāmboja occupation of parts of Bengal in the second half of the tenth century A. C. Whatever be the truth of the suggestion regarding the recovery of northern and south-western Bengal by Mahipala I from the Kambojas, we know that the Pāla king very probably reconquered south-east Bengal from the Chandras quite early in his reign. As I have elsewhere shown, the Chandras originally ruled over Chandradvipa, otherwise called Vangaladēsa, in the Buckerganj region of southern Bengal ; but Srichandra, the first imperial ruler of the family, conquered and ruled over wide regions of south-east Bengal in the second half of the tenth century. There was a short eclipse of Chandra power after Srichandra apparently owing to the success of Mahipāla I. This is suggested not only by Mahīpāla's claim referred to above, but also by the Bāghāurā' and Nārāyanpur inscriptions, dated respectively in his 3rd and 4th regnal years, which speak of Mahipala's rule over Samatata, i.e., the present Tippera-Noakhali region, although Chandra guzerainty was re-established in eastern and south-eastern Bengal by Govindachandra during the life-time of Mahīpāla I himself. Verse 12 of our record says that the war elephants of Mahipala I roamed in the eastern countries, then in the valleys of the Malaya mountain range (the modern Travancore hills), next in the Maru country (i.e., the Marwar region in the Rajputana desert in the ancient Western division of India) and ultimately in the valleys of the Himalayas. This has often been taken to indicate aimless wanderings of the Pāla army owing to a great catastrophe that befell the Pāla kingdom. But, 1 Gaudalikhamala, pp. 55 ff.
Soo Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XVII, PP. 137-44. • History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, pp. 133 ff., 190 f.
• Ind. Cult., Vol. VII, pp. 410 ff. The Chandras originally owed allegiance to a dynasty of Harikėla kings possibly represented by Kantidēva of the Chittagong plate. See also J.R.A.S.B., L., Vol. XVII, pp. 90-91.
Abuve, Vol. XVII, p. 351. • Ind. Cull., Vol. IX, pp. 121-25.
Hisory of Bengal, op. cit., p. 136.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
as I have demonstrated elsewhere, it refors to the usual conventional claim of dig-vijaya over the chakravarti-kshetra covering the whole of India. That the claim has not inach history behind it is clear from the fact that the same verse, describing the exploits of Mahīpala's forces in the present record, has been employed in the Bāngath plate of the same king to eulogize the achievements of the army of the king's father Vigrahapala II. Again, the same verse is also found in the Jājilpără plate of Gopāla II as well as the Imgāchhi' and Belws plates of Vigrahapala III (grandson of Mahipāla I) in the description of the exploits of the armies of the reigning monarchs.
Lines 23-27 of the charter introduce the place of issue which was the jaya-skandhāvāra at the city of Sabasaganda. It is interesting to note that the same description is employed in all the Pāla charters, beginning with those of Dharmapala, although the jaya-skandhāvāras (probably temporary capitals) themselves were different. This stereotyped description suits only a city on the Bhagirathi (i.e., the Ganges) and it suggests that the various jaya-skandhävaras, some of which cannot be satisfactorily indentified, were all situated on the Ganges. This is supported by the fact that most of the grants were made by the Pāla kings after taking a bath in the waters of the Ganges. Linee 27-28 introduce the reigning monarch, who was in good health while making the grant, as the Parainasaunata (devout Buddhist) Paramësvara Paramabhattāraka Mahäräjūdhiraja Mahipăladēva who ineditated on (or was favoured by) the feet of the Maharajadhirāja Vigrahapăladēvs.
Lines 28-31 give details regarding the gift land which consisted of three localities all situated in the Pundravardhana bhukti. The first of the three was Osinna-Kaivarttavfitti which measured 210 and was attached to the territorial unit called Amalakshuddunga within the Phānita vithi. The expression sva-sambaddh-āvichchhinna tal-opeta (i.e., 'land that pertains to the king's own self and has its ground not yet alienated'), found in the description of the piece of land, ie also known from other Pāla charters. The standard land measure, according to which the area of OsinnaKaivarttavritti was calculated to have been 210, has not been spocified. The Belwā plate of Vigrahapala III, edited below, speaks of the land measures udamana, adhavāpa, dröna (i.e., dronavāpa) and kulya (i.e., kulyavāpa) as prevalent in the same locality. Of these, 4 adhavapas made 1 drõna, 8 of which were equal to 1 kulya. As I have shown elsewhere, about 45 udaminas (otherwise called udāna or unmäna) probably mad) an adhavāpa (originally from 4 to 5 modern Bengal Bighas of land). It is difficult to determine as to which of the four land measures has been ragarded as the standard one in the record under discussion, especially in view of the fact that all the four are known to have been the standard land measure in different localities, although the area of each may not have been the same in all places. The high number in the specification of the ana suggests that the reference is possibly not to the kulya or kulyavāpa.
The second piece of the gift land coraprised the locality called Nandisvā mini which measured 490 of the standard land measure and was situated in Shattāpāņāyichatra which incorporated Panchukāndaka and lay in the Pundarikā mandala. The third plot of the gift land was the locality called Gaņēsvara to which some village tanks were attached. The area of this plot was 151 of the standard land measure and it was situated in the Panchanagari vishaya.
1 J. R. A. 8. B., L., Vol. V, pp. 407-15, especially p. 410. * Above, Vol. XV, 295 ff.
• The following jaya-skandhävaras are known to have been places of issue of the Pala cbarters: Pataliputra (near modern Patna), Mudgagiri (modern Monghyr), Rāmīvati (near modern Gaur in the Malda District), Vataparvataka (modern Vatēsvar-pervat near Patharghată in the Bhagalpur District), Vilābapura and Sabasaganda. The name of the place, whence the Amgachhi plate of Vigrahapala III was issued, is doubtful; but to me it appears to be Vilasapura.
• I.H.Q., Vol. XXVI, pp. 309-13.

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No. 11
TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA The list of officials and others associated with the above three pieces of the gift land is quoted in lines 31-40. This is practically the same in all Päls records. In this list is included servants like chäfas and bhaas (regular and irregular soldiers, or policemen and peons) of various nationalities such as Gauda, Mälava, eto. These are for the first time noticed in the Nalanda plate of Dharmapäls. The privileges to be enjoyed by the donee specified in lines 41-44 are also common with other records of the Pala kings. As in so many other records of the Palas, the above three villages are said to have been granted in the name of (uddi sya) the lord Buddha-bhattāraka for the increase of merit and fame of the king and his parents. The specified land was made a permanent rentfree holding in favour of the Brāhmana Jivadharadēvašarman, who belonged to the Hastidass gotra having the Angirasa, Ambarisha and Yauvanäsva pravaras and was the son of Dhirēsvaradēvasarman and grandson of Vishnudēvašarman. The king's request to the officials and others as well as to the future rulers of the area for the protection of his grant and his order to the cultivators to offer in due time to the donee all dues including bhäga, bhoga, kara and hiranya are couched in the same language as in the other Päla charters. After giving the date (Samvat 5 Srāvana-dine 26) in line 49, the imprecatory verses, found not only in the Bangarh plate of the same king but also in other grants of the Pāla kings, are quoted in lines 50-56. The last two verses of the record mention the dutaka (executor) of the grant and the engraver of the plates. It is said that Mahipāladēva made the mantrin (minister) Lakshmidhara the executor of the charter. The plates are said to have been engraved by the artisan Pushyaditya who was the son of Chandräditya hailing from the village of Pöshali. The artisans of Poshali are also known to have angraved some other records of the Pāla kings such as the Bangarh plate of Mahipala I and the Amgāchhi plate of Vigrahapāla III.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the jaya-skandhāvāra called sābasagande nagara, which was apparently situated on the Ganges, cannot be satisfactorily indentified. The gift villages, viz., Osinna-Kaivartta vritti (i.e., Osinna which had been once allotted to the Kaivarttas for their service), Nandisvämini and Gaņēkvara cannot also be identified. These three villages
1 Those aro: rajan (subordinate king): rajanyaka (feudatory chief); rajaputra (possibly, noble man); rajd. matya (minister or executive officer): mahasandhivigrahika (minister for war and peace); mahakshapa falika (acoountant); mahasamanta (foudatory): mahasenapati (general); mahapratthara (officer in charge of the palace-gate); mahakärtäkritika not mentioned in our record; dauhaadhasadhanika; mahadandanayaka (judge); mahakumar. amatya (minister of the rank of a prince of the royal blood); rajasthan-Oparika (viceroy); dasäparādhika (minor judge); chauroddharanika (prefect of the police); dandika; dandapafika (police officer); Saulkika (customs officer); gaulmika (officer in charge of a police station); kshetrapa (officer in charge of the royal lands); pränta påla (warden of the marches); koftapala (governor of a fort); khandaraksha or angarakaha; those appointed or commissioned by the above-mentioned; those in charge of elephants, horses, camels, navy and army; those in charge of foals, mares, cows, she-buffaloes, goats and sheep; dütaprishanika; gamăgamika ; abhitvaramära ; head of a district; head of a village ; ferry-man; chäfa, bhafa and other servants of such nationalities as Gauda, Mälava, Khasa, Hapa, Kulika, Karppata and Läta; other unnamed subjects and servants of the king.
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 291 ff.
These were : 'ap to its boundaries, grass and pasture land' (sva-sima-lpinayüti-gochara-paryanta); 'with its ground' (80-tala); 'with the space (above the ground)' (8-oddēda); 'with its mango and madhuka trees'; 'with its water and dry land'; 'with its pits and saline spots' (sa-parti-shara); 'with the tax from temporary tenants' (8-6parikara), although this is omitted in our record ; 'with daśapachara (das-aparādha of other records which refers to the fine realised for ten minor offences)!; 'with things recovered from thieves' (84-chaur-Oddharana); 'with exemption from all opprossions'; 'not to be entered by chatas and bhafas (usually interpreted as regular and irregular troops, but may be policemen and peons)'; 'nothing to be taken (by way of tax, etc.)'; 'together with all revenues such as bhaga (royal share of the produce), bhöga (periodical supply of fruits, eto.), kara (taxes), Airanya (tax to be paid in coins), eto.'; 'socording to the maxim of bhumi-chchhidra'; 'to last as long a time as the moon, the sun, and the earth shall anduro'. Bhumichchhidra-nyaya refers to the custom of allowing a person who brings a piece of fallow or jungle land under oultivation to enjoy it without paying rent.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX
were situated respectively in Amalakshuddunga within the Phänita vithi (subdivision), in Shattapāņāyichatra incorporating Panchakandaka within the Pundarikā mandala (smaller district or its part), and in the Panchanagari vishaya (district). Of these, the Pañchanagari vishaya no doubt had its headquarters at the city of the same name whence the Baigram plate was issued. We have elsewhere suggested that this city is possibly the same as Ptolemey's Pentapolis and is no other than modern Pañohbibi in the Bogra District. The bhukti (province) of Pundravardhana, identified with modern Mahästhan in the Bogra District, originally comprised northern Bengal, although in later times its jurisdiction is known sometimes to have extended over certain parts of south-eastern and southern Bengal. The village of Poshali, whence the family of the engraver hailed, seems to be the same as the Pôshall galli of the Radhiya Brāhmaṇas of Bengal. The village has been identified with modern Poshēlā about 5 miles to the south-east of Mangalkot in the Burdwan District of West Bengal, although little can be said in favour of the identification.
TEXT (Metres : Verses 1, 8 Sragdharā; verses 2, 3, 6 Sārdülavikridita ; verses 4, 7, 10 Vasantatilaki; Verse 5 Aryā ; verse 9 Indravajrā ; verse 11 Mălini ; verse 12 Mandākrānta ; verses '3-17, 20, 21 Anushfubh ; verse 18 Salini ; verse 19 Pushpitāgrā.]
Obverse 1 Niocll*) (Siddham|| ] Svasti (11) Maitrin-käruņya-ratna-pramudita-hridayah prēyasi[m] ni' 2 sandadhanaḥ samyak-samvõ(mbo)dhi-vidya-sarid-amala-ja3 la-kshälit-ājñāna-pankaḥ | jitvi yaḥ [kāma*]käri-prabha4 vam-abhibhavam sālvatim=prāpa sänti[m] sa brima5 l-Lö(l-Lö)kanātho jayati dasa-va(ba)lo='nyas=cha Gopa6 ladēvaḥ || [1] Lakshmi-janma-nikētanam sama[ka]ro võdhum ksha7 maḥ kshma-bharam paksha-chchhēda-bhayād=upasthitavatām=ēk-asrayo bhūbhšitām
maryādā-paripālan-aika-nirataḥ saury-als8 yo=smād=abhūd=dugdh-ambhodhi-viläsa-häsi-mahimā sri-Dharmmapālo nfipah | [2*] Rå
masy-ēva grihīta-satya-tapasas-tasy-inurūpo 9 gunaiḥ Saumitrēr=udapädi tulya-mahima Väkpala-nām=ānujah [l*) yah sriman=naya-vikram
aika-Vasatir-bhrātuh sthitaḥ kasa10 nē kūnyāḥ katru-patākinībhir= akaröd=ēk-ātapatrā dikah || [3] Tasmād-Upēndra-charitai[r=
jagatim punānaḥ putro va(ba)bhūva vijayi 11 Jayapāla-nämă | dharma-dvishấm su(ka)mayi[ta] yudhi Dēvapalē yaḥ pūrvajē bhuvana
rajya-sukhany=8[n]aishit ! [4*] Srimän-Vigrahapala12 s=ta[t]-sūnur=Ajātasatrur-iva jātaḥ [l*) bu(sa)tru-vanitā-prasādhana-vilopi-vimal-asi-jala
dhāraḥ || [5*] Dikpālaiḥ kshiti-pālanāya da13 dhatar děhë vibhakta[nagu][A]n br[i]mantañ=janayamva(mba)bhůva tanayam Narayanam
sa prabhuḥ | yaḥ kah[7]pipatibhịh biro-mani-ruch-äslisht-a[m]ghri-pi1 Mr. Gupta is inclined to identify Pbanita with Panitual or Pinitola on the Katatoya and Amalakshuddunga with Amalgarf not far from Belwa. He also equates ganda in Sahara-ganda with the dri-ending of modern names
* Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 342. • Ibid., p. 498. .N. N. Vasu. Vanger Jaffya Itihasa, Brāhmana-kaņda (Bengali), Vol. I, p. 12. . From an impression. • Niis soontraction of the word ribaddha, "registered," "endorscu." • Expressed by a symbol. • The danda is superfluous.

Page #22

Two PALA PLATES FROM BELWA A.-PLATE OF MAHIPALA I; REGNAL YEAR 5
Obverse
Panormat
जालना TANTRALIAMERGREETIRSA
20वान राम सभाकर
htt ( 72 लमलितासन्यपुर
16दायका 4मNISAT
शास4 बाकसमा जयन
১২বয়স | लारसी.मर
(नरायमापवाटू मागासमहरगाएगाचवतारवायकराससघामाययालनहारहजर यात 8 यासारयवहारा टालमा माजालारा गायातदातसातव्यस्याम्साय
SITMEMजाब सरास्ता मारमाटासाजरामरतरावरकरानमन्सूरमाया 100148THERसहानातालियापरदातामायसनकालताम10
31 CRICE हमारातिर तयसपनाजस्तरासयूमा रुपामा शलान 12 सध्यनरम 3ात:5134तायातमतिरावालामऊलामालालाइवलराम 12 BAALVEER समायवतरणलाया गानाराम लामाल 14 ब
यानमा कारवाहातसयतमासनाला यायलावलासराप्तिास14 बसरममावस्या तकीविरुवनराश तयाजागाजयाललतमामाताकपालसातव्यातून 160AM साह सपालादतारतमायारागारवापरताव्यात यालात 16
तारी लामालसामतिवरितसत्यनजनाशवसनामामाHNEET 18 RATTIMATकराडसादाल यासक्त शालरात्रातस्याएसम्यातिहरा 18
कारितसर तथालासरालाबालकसागरामायजामतरतातला 2017लतिसार (रवालस्यततस्बाहमालयाचवावादततलवाजार20
Bासाररतरलपासायदानासानाररयासस्वतमाममातम्याराहात 22 HRA सरसावला ताराराताला कारखाना चाललावरमदजन्य मालारा 22
PARVATत राम रामनिवासवाटारसायतारान्तमायामामामास 24ABIRFLASIC /TASEAT मनवायालासमवयन तहलदरमशसारसहारा 24
भारतिमहताबारादरावा(Zाबदतरलासारताशनमाहातपायर मारताया 26 तास स रावासादयाजागाजासहागरासुनावास 26
MAण्टा शादियालारवशासनसतववरदराजकाटकरतात 28 IELA लालारतानाला यावहतादात्मतासगरहवामानबराम HTTARVातरगया गायनाकवत वातायातका मारलाध्यतालमा उहावत 30TRATHIसतात परत:57. यमालाच्याजवायसनाशात सयानसातपयसाशास्त्रगल 30
ACEरया नामनिरागमरवराजतहमावतरानाकामाप्तिामा 32 2 12 महिनामायामाला ससानासादाजारातत्यदायतीदानाम्यातयता 32
PRATAसवानराजमा(मायरतासासाराशतकातलासरालमारिबार
22 HAIRAVINATAaनत यान-सातबारमाहटन तलदलसराला
SCALE: ONE-HALF

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যেমতি 44 19ৱন্ধ সুফলবেসেইবু5ে8cৱ বুদ্ধের সমসত্ম 44
ঐ সাহা(824ধরে সমর্থক। বা(@নক সহঁষা 46 বুথ।সুৰবৰংবেদাররূহ। সুua-এবসেস 46
(ওস্কুিৰে।বসন্ন হয়7িস্যানিটে মেহমসোবাহ বয়ে 44 বনভুয3Lzহই-হনুহলীqন বসেম্বিনQ: মুরবিপ্রমিক 48
✉ সQসহজ্ঞেস & ব্লসয়েxs: ৫।সুমী 'ন্তিমে ২.৬ ধরত্রে। 50 যুন্য(সঃ(Aষরয়ভুবAে2:২৪।ই%e0zসহজ্ঞেটিe 50|
[iহঃবসযগুসফুসষ্টেমধুত্বের সায়েমীয়মান। 52 জুত্রেরধানসসরফরমেসূসর স্বয়ে 62
গবেষকেয়ছQzzনে সবো। 54 42:যানরাননাথন সুর: যgঃসংসাখরখান:54
(গমন বানসনসঃল(৫ামনে মেলামঞেX3) 562(aমৈমনছুরূহল ঃযসব [৭ (@ীমৰবৰেন 56
1ষাযফাইরে ' মর্মী হত্যার মন,মসুরসুন 54 191494 তু র্যসে ( ae.
. |
১৯ *
58

Page #24

No. 1]
TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA
14 th-ōpalam nyāy-öpättam-alañchakara charitaiḥ svair-eva dharmm-asanam(nam) || [6]
Toyalayair-jaladhi-müla-gabhira-garbhai[r]-da(r-dë)välayais-cha
15 kula-bhüdhara-tulya-kakahaiḥ | vikhyāta-ki[r]ttir-abhavat-tanayas-cha tasya śrī-Rajyapāla iti madhyama-lōka-pālaḥ || [7*] Tasmat-pu[r]va-kshiti
16 dhran-nidhir=iva mahasāṁ Rashtrakut-anvay-endōs-Tungasy-ottunga-maulē[r]=duhitari tanayo Bhagyaděvyām prasitaḥ [*] śrimän-Göpäladevas-chi
17 rataram-avanĕr-ēka-patnya iv-aikō bhatträ(rtt-a)bhūn-naika-ratna-dyuti-khachita-chatuḥsindhu-chitr-amsukāyāḥ | [8*] Yam svaminam rāja-gunair-anūna
7.
18 [m-ā]sēvatē [chā]rutay-anuraktā | utsäha-mantra-prabhuśakti-lakshmiḥ prithvim sapatnim= iva silayanti || [9*] Tasmad-va(d-ba) bhuva savitur-vasu
19 kōṭi-varshi | kālēna chandra iva Vigrahapaladevaḥ | netra-priyēņa vimalēna kalāmayēna yen-ōditēna dalitō bhuva
20 nasya tāpaḥ || [10*] Hata-sakala-vipakshaḥ sangarē vā(bā)hu-da[r]pa(rpā)d=anadhikritaviluptam rajyam-Laidya pitryam(tryam ) nihita-charana-padmo bhu
21 bhujām mūrdhni tasmad-abhavad-avanipalaḥ śri-Mahipaladevaḥ || [11*] Dēsē prachi prachura-payasi svachchham-apiya toyam svairam bhrāntvā ta
22 d-anu Malay-ōpatyaka-chaudaneshu | kritvā sāndrair-Marushu jaḍatām sikarair-abhra-tulyaḥ Prālēyādrēḥ kaṭakam-abhajan yasya sēnā
23 gaj-endrāḥ || [12*] Sa khalu Bhagirathi-patha-pravarttamāna-nānāvidha-nau-vāṭaka-sampadita-sētu-vá(ba)ndha-[nihita-saila]-dikhara-rēņi-vibhra
24 mät |1 ni[ra]tisaya-ghana-ghanaghana-ghaṭā-syāmāyamāna-vāsara-lakshmi-samāravdha(bdha)-santata-jalada-samaya-sandehat |1 udichi
25 n-anēka-narapati-pra[bhri]tīkṛit-apramēya-haya-vahini-khara-khur-ōtkhata-dhūlī-dhūṣarita
digantarālāt paramesvara-seva-sa
25 māyāt-détha-Jamvu(mbā)dvipa-bhäpäl-änanta-pä[dä]ta-bhara-namad-avandḥ śrī-Sihasagada-nagara-samāvāsi[tā*]t śrīmaj-jayaskandhāvārā
27 [] paramasaugato mahārājādhirāja-śrī-Vigrahapāladēva-päd-änudhyātaḥ paraméávaraparamabhattaraka-mahārājādhi
28 rajaḥ śriman-Mahipaladevaḥ kusali sri-Pundravarddhana-bhuktau |1 Phāņita-vithi-samva(mba)ddha-"Amala[kahuddu]Ag-Antaḥpäti-sva-samvi
29 vichchhinna-tal-õpeta-[da]-ottara-data-dvaya-pramāṇ-Ausi[nna]-Kaivartta-vritti Pupda
rika-mandal-antaḥps(pā)ti-Palebakiṇḍak-dhika
30 Shaṭṭāpāṇāyichatre navaty-uttara-chatuḥ-sata-pramaņa-Nandisvamini-1 Pañchanagarivishay-antaḥpati- ēka pañchāśad-uttara-sa
31 ta-pramina-Gapéévara-saméta-grāma-pushki(shka)riplahu samupagarā(t-á)sõsha-rajapurushan raja-rajanyaka- ' rajaputra- ' rājāmā
32 tya- | mahāsāndhivigrahika- ' mahākshapaṭalika ' mahāsāmanta- ' mahāsēnā pati- |1 mahā[pra]tihara | dauḥsadhasadhani
1 The danda is superfluous.
Originally ni was engraved.
• Sandhi has not been observed here.
Read sambaddh-ä".
• Better read "chatra-. Chatra may be the same as chaturaka (cf. Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 94).

Page #25

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX 33 [ka)- | mabādandanayaka- mabākumārāmatya-. | rajasthān-Õparika '1', dakaparādhika- !" chauröddharanika- | dandika danda
Reverse 34 pāsi(si)ka- | saulkika- l' gaulmika-kshētrapa-l präntapala-i köttapa35 la- ' 'angaraksha- tad-äyukta-viniyuktaka- l' hasty-asv-öshtra36 nau-va(ba)la-vyāpritaka-l" ki[67]ra-vadavā-go-mahishy-aj-.37 vik-adhyaksha- dūtaprēshaņika-gamăgamika- abhitva[ra*)38 māņa-/' vishayapati-| grāmapati-i tarika-| Gauda-li Mälava-/ 39 Khasa-l Hūņa. Kulika-| Karnņāța-| Lāța-l chāta-l bhata-l' sēvak-ādīn | anyāmg=ch=
akirttitān rāja-păd-opajivinah prativ40 sino Vrāhmaṇ-aitaran | mahattam-öttama-kutumvi(mbi)-puroga-Mēd-Andhra-Changála-pary.
antan yath-arham mānayati võ(bo)dhayati sa41 mādisati cha viditan=astu bhavatāṁ | yath=Õparilikhitāḥ tri-grāmaḥ sva-simā-tripayūti
gõchara-paryantāḥ sa-tala42 8-oddēbāḥ s-āmra-madhukāḥ sa-jala-sthalāḥ | sa-gratt-ösharāḥ | sa-dag-āpachārāḥ | sa
chaur-oddharaņāḥ parihțita-sarva-pidāḥ "A43 châta-bhata-pravēšāḥ | a-kiñchit-pragrābāḥ(hyāḥ) | samasta-bhāga-bhöga-kara-hirapy-adi
pratyāya-samētāḥ | bhūmi-chchhidra-nyaye44 na 2-chandr-ärka-kshiti-sama-kälar māta-pitror=ātmanas-cha punya-yaső-bhivriddhay:
bhagavantam Vu(Bu)ddha-bhattārakam=uddisya A45 ngiras-Amva(mba)rīsha-Yā(Yau)mu(va)nāśva-pravarāya | Hastidāsa-sagātrāya Vishņudēvs
Sarmanah pautrāya | Dhirēsvaradēvasarmmanah 46 putrāya | bri-Jivadharadēvasarmmaņē | visu(shu)vat-sankrantau vidhivat | Gamyāyām
Bnātvā sāsaniksitya pradatto=smābhiḥ' ( 847 to bhavadbhi[s=sa]rvair-ēv=ānumanta vyam bhāvibhis-oba bhūpatibhiḥ | bhūmēr=dāna-phala
gauravät 'apaharaņē cha mahā-naraka48 pāta-bhaya(yā)t | dānam=idam=anumõdy=ānupālaniyam l' prativāsibhis=cha kshētrakarai) i
ājñā-Sravana-vidhëgibhūya yatha-kala[m] 49 samuchita-bhāga-bhöga-kara-hirany-ādi-pratyāy-opanayaḥ kä[rya) iti | Samva(samva)t [5]
Srāvana-dinē 26 [ll*) Bhavanti ch=ātra dha50 rmma(rmm-ā)nusamsinaḥ slökāḥ [l*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vasudhā bhuktā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhiḥ |
yasya yasya yadā bhümis-tasya (tasya*] tada phalam(lam) || [13*] Bhū51 mim yah pratigrihnā(hnā)ti yas-cha bhūmim prayachchhati ubhaibhau) tau punya-karmma
(rmma)pau niyatam svarga-gāminau || [14*] Gām=ekä[m] svarnnam=ē. 52 kañ-cha bhūmēr=&py=arddham=angulam(lam) | haran-narakam=a(m=ā)yāti ya(yä)va[d=a*)
hūta-samplavam(vam) || [15*] Shashtim=va(shtim va)rsha-sahasrā(srā)ņi svarggē mödati bhūmida
1 The danda is superfluous.
The designation rajasthan-oparika is found as rajasthaniy-öparika in most of the Pala records. • Sandhi has not been observed here. • Read Brahman-õttaran. • Originally paryantáb was engraved.
• Likhito=yam grāmah was originally engraved. All the epithets of grāmab in the singulas in lines 41-43 woro later made plural to suit tri-gramah by the addition of an å måtra. But pradallamábhid in line 46 osoa pod the eagra vor's notice and was left uncorrected.
Read pradatta asmábhib.

Page #26

No. 1]
TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA 53 h | ākshēptă ch=ānumantā cha tāny=ēva narakē vasēt || [16*] Sva-dattāṁ para-dattām (vá)
yo harē[ta*) vasundharām(rām) | sa vishthāyām krimir=bhūtvā pi54 tribhiḥ saha pachyatē ||[17*] Sarvān=ētān=bhāvinaḥ pārthiv-ēndrān=bhūyo bhūyaḥ prārthayatē
(ty=ē)sha Rāmaḥ samānyõ=yam dharmma-setur=nți55 pāņām kālē kālē pālanīyaḥ kramēņa || (18*] Iti kamala-dal-amvu-(l-āmbu)-vindu-lolan
briyam=anuvichintyal ma[nu*]shya-jivita56 x=oha sakalam-idam=udāhsitañ=cha vu(bu)ddhva na hi purushaiḥ para-kirttayo vilopyā iti |
Sri-Mahīpāladēvēna dvija-śrē57 shth-õpapāditē [l*] [brī]māl-La(I=La)kshmidharo mantrī sāsanē ditakaḥ kritah || [20*] Põshali
grāma-niryāta-Cha[ndrā]dityasya sū(sū)nunā | i. 58 dam śāsanamrutkirņnam śrī-Pushyādityēna silpinā || [2107
B.--Plate of Vigrahapāla III; Regnal Year 11 The inscription is written on a single plate which is of the same size as the Belwā plate of Mahipala I, edited above. The seal, which is broken at the top, very closely resembles that of Mahipala's plate. The legend on the seal, attached to the charter under discussion, reads fri-Vigrahapāladēvaḥ. There are 54 lines of writing on both sides of the plate, the obverse containing 29 lines and the reverse 25. The preservation of the writing on the plate is not quite satisfactory. Some of the letters have suffered from the effects of corrosion. Five lines at the top on the obverse of the plate and four lines at the top on the reverse have a gap in the middle owing to the space occupied by the lower part of the seal.
Little calls for special mention in regard to the palacography, language and orthography of the inscription as they very closely resemble those of the Amgachhi plate, the only other copperplate charter of king Vigrahapāla III so far published. In most cases in our inscription, the left curve of the letter n does not start from its top but from the middle of its central vertical. The letter & usually resembles in form the conjunct tbh or vbh as found in some inscriptions of the Gupta age.
The charter is dated on the 19th day of Bhadra in the year 11 of the king's reign (line 46). Like the Belwā plate of Mahipäla I and several other rocords of the family, the grant under discussion was made by king Vigrahapäla III after having taken a ceremonial bath in the waters of the Ganges on the occasion of the vishuvat-sankrānti. It appears therefore, as in the case of Mahipāla's record discussed above, that the grant had been made on the 1st day of solar Vaisakha, although the charter was issued a few months later.
As in the grant of Mahīpāla I edited above, both at the beginning and at the end of the first line of our charter occurs the letter ni which is a contraction of the expression nibaddha meaning 'registered. The actual record begins with the siddham symbol and the word svasti which are followed by fourteen verses (lines 1-22).) These verses are also found in the Amgāchhi plate of the same king. Of these, twelve verses are common with Mahipala's plate edited above. But, as already pointed out, the verse referring to the exploits of the king's elephant force in all the four corners of the chakravartti-kshetra (verse 14) is employad in the description of Vigrahapāla III himself instead of that of Mahipala I. Verse 12 of our record speaks of king Nayapāla (circa 1038-55 A. C.), son and successor of Mahipāla I, and verse 13 of Nayapāla's son and successor Vigrahapāla III (circa 1055-90 A. C.) who issued the charter under discussion.) These verses are not only found
1 Read ='anuchintya. . Read vilopyah || (19*) iti. • Omit fri for the sake of the motre. • Above, Vol. XV, pp. 295 ff.
4 DGA
.

Page #27

10 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX in the Amgachhi plate of Vigrahapāla III, but also in the Manahali plate' of Madanapāla (1144-62 A. C.), great-great-grandson of Vigraha pāla III. As no other copper-plate oharter of the successors of Vigrahapāla III, in which the verses are expected to have been quoted, has as yet been discovered and as the text of verse 13 of our record could not be satisfactorily read either in the Amgāchhi or in the Manahali plate, the charter under discussion offers the correct reading of the verse in question for the first time.
The charter was issued from the jaya-skandhāvāra of Viläsapura which was also the place of issue of the Băngah plate of Mahīpāla I and possibly of the Amgāchhi plate of Vigrahapāla III. Its description (lines 22-26) is the same as in other Pāla charters including the Belwā plate of Mahīpāla I, edited above. Lines 26-27 introduces the Paramasaugata Paramēšvara Paramabhattāraka Māharājādhiraja Srimad-Vigrahapaladēva as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of the Mahārājādhirāja bri-Nayapāladēva and as enjoying good health at the time of making the grant. The land granted comprised parts (arddha) of the village called Lovanikāma which was then recently cultivated and was attached to the Puņdarikā mandala (subdivision) within the Phānitavithi vishaya (district) of the Pundravardhana bhukti. Phānita was originally the name of a vithi (subdivision); but later Phāṇita-vīthi came to be the name of a vishaya or district. It is said that Lõvanikāma was partitioned (riju-khandikrita) and that one part measuring 1 kulya (i.e., kulyavāpa) 2 drônas (i.e., drönavāpas) 37 adhavāpas and 31 udamānas was left out, while the other measuring 3 kulyas 74 drönas and 11 udamānas was made the subject of the grant.
The list of officials and others associated with the gift land (lines 29-37) and that of the privileges to be enjoyed by the donee (lines 38-49) are the same as in other Pāla charters including the one edited above. The grant was made in the name of the lord Buddha-bhattāraka for the increase of the merit and fame of the king and his parents in favour of the Brāhmaṇa Jayānandadēvssarman who belonged to the Bharadvāja gòtra having the Bhäradvāja, Angirasa and Bärhaspatya pravaras and was the son of Sripatidēva, grandson of Hrishikēšadēva and great-grandson of Mitrakaradēva. The words tri prefixed and farman suffixed only to the name of Jayānandadēva appear to suggest that he was living while his ancestors were all dead and that sarman was already regarded as a distinctive Brahinanical name-suffix, although it was not an integral part of the family's cognomen. The donee is said to have been a student of the Pippalāda sākha and to have been reputed for his scholarship in mimāṁsā, grammar and logic. He was an inhabitant of Vallāvāgrāma, but his family hailed from Vahôdāgrāma. His epithet éri-Ananta-sabrahmacharin literally means that he was & co-student of a Brāhmaṇa named Ananta. It however seems to me that the reference is here not to a co-student of the donee but to his preceptor.
The king's request to the officials and others as well as to the future rulers of the locality and his order to the cultivators to offer the dues payable to the donee in due time come next in lines 44-46. The date (Samvat 11 Bhadra-dine 19) is also given in line 46. The usual imprecatory and benedictory verges are quoted in lines 47-53. The two concluding stanzas in lines 53-54 speak of the dutaka (executor) of the grant and the engraver of the plates. It is said that one Trilochana was made the executor of the charter by king Vigrahapala. The plates were engraved hy the artisan Prithvidēva who was a son of Haradēva hailing from the village of Tinnidi.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, Vilāsapura, whence the grant was issued, cannot be satisfactorily identified, although it was apparently situated on the Ganges. The
1. Gaudalekhamala, pp. 147 ff.
• J.R.A.S.B., L., Vol. XVII, pp. 27-31. For the date of Vigrahapala III, see our paper on the Bangaon plato to be published in this journal.
• Ol. Khotak-ahdra and Khētakähära-vishaya ; Kudar-ahāra and Kudüråhära-vishaya in Successors of the dalavahanas, p. 42,
• Soe our pop or on the Bangaon plate to be published in this ournal.

Page #28

4
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MMVEENA BITC
सा
たなかにはおお
Two PALA PLATES FROM BELWA
B. — PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III; REGNAL YEAR 11
ड
NEPTE
के सवाल था तुम राय या वयात
वह पोश
भारतिय दरा महागःपूर्वজन विताय साल मेला सिजन हो ।10 सारिका मोडलय ने वाराणसी: jain भाजपा वरील वायरमन अर्थात 12 साठा कार्य साथ रामनाम
एलई
स्यार निक ि
Obverse
दादा
12 लगायत भावाला माम
दी
शार्थनाथ
P
में दरा
45
रिसियाना
सलमान यान राशिद सदरील
लिकर बारात
राशन लाल नाम के भूमित कर एक वीर या स्वाटिक विलय का समागम् 13 सित
1
रामबाडमा मलयालम
राय सदा 2 मलाया तयारीका ला शिवा
SCALE: ONE-HALF
2
रामरायाचं दानव दिवाल दिसामासान रामगरः रिलायन जाने मालदा जातीय स्तरावर छत्री रामदा जति रा केतली माइति
समाश्व
किरात सलग जयकार
4
6
8
दिन सुनवादनिः अखरोट 20
222222
14
16
18
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28

Page #29

Reverse
निमाम मायामा
का यजतानाम गाताना गया। 328 सासाराम बादास बार
तामाक मारमा मीना राविमादा बारा तिमागावकारिता 34 THARATTIयत सताया नया साकार पानाहानरासक जनताद यायामानातक की 34
साइनाम मालकाससिरिमाश मालीमारित मोगानिमयात मताभ 36 मालवाया तावनिहायला ससाटावायतकोनानायला बोलवाला मारयजाम 36
सांगाया सबमिनाया नमामिलामा मिलता वानारामादमा तिमहातहनियमाच्या 36 तारतमभरती याप्मा गरितितिारामन सामावलायनिह रयाटिया याममवाप-38
जलयुक्खायन यानाविहाराशनरावयाउ दिययावत मावि शास भयमयात 401 (सशक दिशादियायाम नामिनिषारावा याचाहमिनियमहातमागापमानामावाला गया। 140
शतवद्धसारक माइयादवकासटोहानागादाबालादिमतालापर्धनराज 42 शिणला जातानाशावमीमा नाकारताना विस्तारासादडागास्तवमासालानाजीनामा 42
मिनास्त्यगोनांसदसमवादमागोतायाजागतिम्तियना माशाजयाबदारवशमातातिवातजा विकिमान 448 जापानातखोकमयदानाच्यादिम मानद सातारावमा मादाताहरालयावासालाना 44
शीताल अगदसतववादावरकसानदायातमन्नमरमजामाजशालचरामायतितारि निशाना सजाय 46 सविसावरायतालयामलियारारिराजमदिरा चिराना गा रावराण मारामनाराम साता 46
सनिता नामावासबा साकाहारिवारवादनापालाराम्याशिवायमा सत्यागराजमिसंसारासस 45 ममानिस यतिराजातिय मिअमलातीयवाह मानान्समाशसामानी शाम वयवमत 48
मशा अपडलकममा सारयामासमा माबिजमार परमरिक 50 सामानवतावातासनमा सामान सासारामासारवाणे काम बनारसदा50
नयमावितामानिनामावतारारारा यान सासारामादा मजमानतातोपान 52निसहमत रग मनिसालोहियरिहामन्मजातपडलामा समस2
कावासा वाममा-तिसावारिसमानमसाला मौला गावागावताना 54 मतन मानसलगरतलायमान शासन महावयासमरामा

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No. 1]
TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA
Pundravardhana bhukti and the Pundarikā mandala are also mentioned in the Belwā plate of Mahipala I, discussed above. The Phānita-vithi vishaya of our inscription is mentioned in that record as the Phānita vithi only. The village of Livanikama and that of Tinnidi which was the original home of the engraver's family cannot be identified with any amount of precision. The village of Vēllāvā, where the donee lived, is no doubt the same as the present Belwă, the findspot of the charter ; but the village of Vahēdā, whence the donee's family hailed, cannot be identified.
TEXT: [ Metres : Verse 11 Mālinā ; verse 12 Sikhariņi; verse 13 Sardūlavikridita ; verse 14 Mandakrānta ; verses 18-19, 22, 23 Anushfubh ; verse 20 Salini ; verse 21 Pushpitāgra. ]
Obverse Lines 1.-17' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 bhūbhujān=mürdhni tasmād=abhavad=avanipälah sri-Mahipäladēvaḥ || [11*] Tyajan-dösha
sangam kirasi krita-pädaḥ kshitibhritām vitanvan sarvv-āsāḥ prasa 19 bham=Uday-ādrēr-iva raviḥ | hata-dhvānta[h*) snigdha-prakritir=anurāg-aika-vasati[h*) suto
va(dha)n[y]ah punyair-ajani Nayapālo narapatiḥ || [12*] Pītaḥ sajjana-lochanaih Sma. 20 raripõh pūjāsu raktah sadā sangrāmē dhavalo='dhikag=cha Haritaḥ kālah kulē vidvishāṁ
(shām) | chăturvvarpnya-samāśrayaḥ sita-yasah-pūrair-jjagad=rañjaya[m*]s=ta21 smäd=Vigrahapăladēva-nfipatiḥ puṇyāj=janānām=abhūt || [13*] Dēsë prăchi prachura-payasi
svachchham=āpiya tõyam svairaí bhrāntvå tad-anu Malay-opatyakā-chandanēshu 22 kritvä sändrair-Marushu jadatām tikarair=arvbha(bhra)-tulyäh Prälēgādrēḥ katakam
abhajayi(n=ya)sya sēnā-gajēndrāḥ [1!14*] Sa khalu Bhagirathi-patha-pravarattamāna-na23 nāvidha-nau-văţaka-sampădita-sētu-va(ba)ndha-nihita-saila-bikhara-śrēņi-vibhramā[t] ponirati
Saya-ghana-ghanaghana-ghatā-syāmāyamana-vasara-lakshmi24 samkravdha(bdha)-santata-jalada-samaya-sandēhäta(hat) pudichin-ānēka-narapati-pråbhfiti
krit-apramēya-haya-vābini-khara-khur-õtkhāta-dhūli-dhūsari25 ta-digantarālät | paramēsvara-8ēvā-samāyāt-āsēsha-Jamvu(mbū)-dvipa-bhūpāl-ananta
pådāta-bhara-namad-avanēḥ | Vilasapura-sumäväsita-Srima26 j-jaya-skandhāvarāt paramasaugato mahārājādhi(dhi)rāja-sri-Nayapāladēva-pād-anudhyá.
tab paramēsvaraḥ paramabhattārako mahārājādhirā27 ja-srimad-Vigrahapăladěva[ho ku]sali | Sri-Pundravarddhana-bhuktau Phā[ni]tavīthi-vishay
antahpāti-Pundarikā-mandala-samva(mba)ddha-adhuna-hala-kuli28 [t-arddha-L0]vanikāmaḥ(ma) -fiju-khandikrita-sārddha'-udamāna-tray-öttara-sapad-adhay ipa
tray-adhika-drona-dvay-opēta-kulya-pramåņārsa-varjjita-sva29 samva(mba)ddh-avichchhinna-tal-āpēta ēkādas-odamān-adhika-sarddha-sapta-dron-opēta-kulya-traya-pramān-amsē | samupāgat-isēsha-rajapurushan
Reverse 80 raja-tājanyaka-1* rājaputra- - rājāmătya- 1 mahāsāndhivigrahika-l raba
1 From an impression. • The reading of those lines is practically the same as that of lines 1-20 of the plate of Mahipala I, edited above • Tho dapda is unnecessary. • The visarga was at first omitted and later made on ke. • Sandhi has not been observed hero.
B2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX
31 kshapatalika-l mahäsämanta - mahāsēnāpati - mahapratihara - dau32 hsädhasādhani[ka*)." mahädandanāyaka-/" mahākumārāmätya-/ rājastha33 n-öparika-/ dāsāparādhika-/' chaurõddharaṇika- dāņdika-l danda34 pāśika-l sau (sau)lkika-Igaulmika- kshētrapa-l prāntapāla-kota(tta)pāla-l' angaraksha
tad-äyukta-viniyuktaka-l' hasty-asv-Ōshtra-nau-va(ba)la-vyäppitaka35 kisora-vadavā-go-mahishy-aj-āvik-adhyaksha-| dūtaprēshanika- gamāgamika-l' abhitva
ramāņa- vishayapati-l' grāmapati- tarika- [l'] Gauda-[/' 36 Mālava-| Khasa-1 Hūņa-11 Kulika- Karņnāta | Lāta-| châta-| bhata-' sēvak-adin !
anyāms=ch=ākirttitān | rāja-pād-opajivinaḥ prativa37 sino Vrā(Brā)hman-õttarā[n] l' mahattam-õttama-kutumvi(mbi)-(puroga)-Mēd-Andhra-Chan
dala-paryantan loyath-arham mānayati | võ(bo)dhayatilsamidisati 38 cha | viditam=astu bhavatın yath=Õparilikhitõ='yam grāmaḥ sva-sīmā-[tri]nayüti
gochara-paryantaḥ sa-talaḥ s-oddēsaḥ s-āmra-madhukaḥ 39 sa-jala-sthalaḥ | sa-das-apachāraḥ sa-chaur-oddharaṇaḥ paribrita-sarva-pidah a-châta
bhata-pravēšah | a-kinchit-pragrājya(hya) samasta-bhaga40 bhöga-kara-hiraṇy-ādi-pratyāya-samētah | bhūmi-chchhidra-nyāyêna' 2-[cha*]ndr-ärka-kshiti
sama-kālam mātā-pitror=ātmanas=chpunya-yaso41 bhivriddhaye bhagavantam Vu(Bu)ddha-bhattārakam-uddisya | Bharadvāja-sagotrāya
Bhāradvāj-Angirasa-Vā(Bā)rhaspatya-pravarāya po sri-Ananta-savra(bra)hmacha42 riņa | Pippalāda-sākh-adhyāyinē mimānsā(māmsā)-vyākarana-tarkka-vidē | Vahodā-grāma
vini[rgga]tāya | Vēllāvā-grāma-vāstavyāya | 43 Mitrakaradēva-prapautrāya | Hřishikēsadēva-pautrāya | Sripatidēva putrāya | Sri-Jaya
Dandadēvabarmmaņē Vishuvat-samkrantau vidhivat . 44 Gangāyā[m] snätvā sa(sā) saniksitya pradatto='smābhiḥ | ato bhavadbhiḥ sarvait év=anuman
tavyam bhāvibhir-api bhūpatibhiḥ | bhūmēr=ddāna-phala 45 gauravat | apaharaņē cha mahānaraka-pâta-bhayat | dānam-idam=anumódys pälaniyam
prativāsibhis-cha kshētrakaraiḥ ajñā-trava46 pa-vidhēyībhūya yathā-kāla[m] samuchita-bhāga-bhöga-kara-hirany-ādi-pratyāy-opanayah
kārya iti || Samva(Samva)t 11 Bhadra-dinē 19 (11) 47 Bhavanti chátra dharm-Anusarsinah slökāb Va(Ba)hubhiruvvasudha dattä räjabhis-Sagar
idibhih | yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tada phala48 m || [15*] Bhūmim yaḥ pratigrihņāti yas-cha bhūmim=prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-kar
miņau niyatam svarga-gaminau | [16] Gam-ēkam svarnnam=ēka49 f-cha bhūmēr=&py-arddham-angulam(lam Dharan=Darakam=āyāti yavad=āhūta-samplavam
|| [17*) shashtim=va(shțim va)rsha-sahasrāņi svargę módati bhūmidah | akshē60 [pta) ch-inumantä сha täny=ēva narakē vasēta(sēt) || [18*] Sva-dattām-para-dattām=v&(ttäm
vā) yo harēta vasundharām sva(sa) vishthāyām krimir-bhūtvā pit;ibhiḥ saha pa61 chyatē ||[19] Sarvvän=ētānabhävinah pârthvi(rthi)v-ēndro(ndrān) bhūyo bhūyaḥ prarthayaty
Saha Rāmaḥ simányo'yan dharma-Bētur=pripāņām kālo kālē pala1 The danda is unnecessary. * The danda is unnecessary. Sandhi has not been observed here. • The danda is superfluous. • Sandhi has not been obsered here.

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No. 21 KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA BHOJA II ; SAKA 1104. 13 52 ni(ni)yaḥ kramēņa || [20*) Iti kamala-dal-āmva(mbu)-vindu-lõlām briyam=anuchintys
manushya-jivitan-cha [l] sakalam-idam=udāhsitan-cha vu(bu)ddhvā no hi 53 purushaiḥ para-kirttayo vilöpyä iti || Srimad-Vigrahapālēna kshmāpāla-kula-mauli[nā 1]
[ksito*]-tra bisaně dūtaḥ (suma]tiḥ 54 6ri-Trilochanaḥ || [22*) Tinnidi-grāma-niryāta-Haradēvasya sū[nu]nā | idam sāsanam=utkir
pņam Prithvi[dēvēna si]lpinā [23*]
No. 2-KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA BHOJA II ; SAKA 1104
MORESHWAR G. DIKSHIT, SAUGAR
This inscription, now preserved in the wall of the Hari-Harēsvara shrine in the compound of the famous Mahālakshmi temple at Kolhapur, was first noticed by me in December 1945, when I visited the place for the excavations on the Brahmapuri mound, near Kolhapur. The stone bearing this inscription is reported to have been found while digging the foundation wall of Mr. Panditrao's house in close vicinity of the temple several years ago and later built into the outer wall of the above-named shrine for the sake of preserving it. I edited the inscription some years back in Marāthi in my book. Select Inscriptions from Mahārāshtra, pp. 73-80. I re-edit it here in English for the sake of a wider circle of scholars. The text of the record presented here is based on the inked estampage which I owe to the courtesy of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund. Shri N. Lakshminarayan Rao, Superintendent for Epigraphy, has been kind enough to make several useful suggestions in preparing the article.
The inscribed area of the stone slab is about 4 feet in length and 21 feet broad. At its top, figures of the sun, the moon, a mangala kalasa, a milking cow with a calf, and a sword are carved in high relief and are now worshipped daily by the visitors to the shrine. There are 39 lines of writing which is fairly well preserved. Some parts of the record, however, are damaged and worn out, probably on account of the constant watering of the stone resorted to by its worshippers. A few letters at the ends of lines have also been damaged while fixing the slab in its present position.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, of which lines 1-17 and 34-39 are in verse. The rest is in prose as also the concluding sentence in line 39. The characters are the usual type of the Nagari alphabet current in the 12th century A.C. and do not call for any remarks.
As regards orthography, the following deserve mention. Ksha is used for khya in line 5. Šis substituted for 8 occasionally ; e.g., āfit in line 2, yaśyā in line 6, etc. The word Nairritya is spelt as Naiyiritya in line 23. The rules of sandhi are often disregarded. The style of the inscription is in general agreement with another inscription from Kolhapur published in this journal previously.
The inscription is dated Saka 1104, śubhaksit-samvatsara, Pushya suddha 4, Utta. :rāyana-samkranti. The date which is expressed in words only in lines 20-21 corresponds regularly to 1st December 1182 A.C.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of Bhöja II, the Silāhāra ruler of Kolhapur, who is stated to have obtained a boon from the goddess Mahālakshmi and is styled Mahamandalesvara. It was issued from his residence at Valavāda. The object of it is to record several donations by
1 Read vilopyah (21) iti. • Published by the Bhkrata Itihisa Sambodhaka Mandala, Poona, in 1947.
An. Rep. on Ind. Epigraphy, No. 868 of 1945-46. • Above, Vol. III, pp. 213-216.
Pillai , Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 367.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX
the king to the religious establishnient (matha) founded by Lokana Nayaka, a Sahavāsi Brāhmana, in the premises of the Mahālakshmi temple, for carrying on the worship of the god Uma-Mahēšvara, a form of Amritēsvara (Siva), forntuintaining tnsgranary of the matha, for keeping it in good repair, for feeding the Brahmaņas, and for similar other purpuss
The inscription opens with an invocation to the boar incarnation of Vishnu. Then comes the genealogy of the Silähära dynasty which commences with the Vidyadhara Jimütavāhana, its mythical founder, and is brought down to Bhoja II. Most of the verses containing this description are identical with those occurring in the Kalēli platest of the same ruler, dated Saka 1116, except verses 6, 13 and 14 which are new in the present inscription. Unfortunately these verses are too much damaged to yield any coherent sense. Verse 6, devoted to the praise of Bhoja I, son of Mārasimha, contains the names Govinda and Kõngaja. As gathered from the Kolbăpur plates of Gandarāditya, these persons appear to be some petty chiefs defeated by Bhõja I. Verses 13 and 14 seem to contain the praise of Bhöja II and do not appear to be important historically.
The importance of the present inscription lies in the fact that this is an early dated inscription of the Silähåra ruler Bhöja II. An earlier inscription of this ruler, dated Saka 1101, is said to have been found near Kötitirtha, a sacred tank in the precincts of Kolhapur ; and Major Graham in his Statistical Account of the Principality of Kolhapur, pp. 382 ff., gives a kind of a facsimile of this inscription, but Its original cannot be traced now.
The malha founded by Lõkaņa Näyaka, referred to in the present inscription, is already known from the town hall inscription of Bhöja II, dated Saka 1112. Its mention here carries the date of its existence further back to Saka 1104. It is interesting to observe that the residents of the matha are practically'the same as are mentioned in the town hall inscription, except Janardana Bhatta who appears to have succeeded Lakshmidhara.
The Sahavāsi Brāhmaṇas, mentioned in these and other inscriptions, claim to have arrived in the south from Ahichchhatra and Kashmir. They seem to have been a fairly well settled community in the Deccan and Karnatak as can be gathered from the references to them in several mediaeval inscriptions of this period. Even now Kolhāpur retains a large population of this class of BrāhmaDas who are engaged mostly in trading and banking activities.
The following geographical names occur in the present inscription: Tagarapura (line 18), Valavāda (line 19), Kollāpura (line 21), Panaturage-golla (line 26) and Seleyavāda (line 26). Of these the first three are often mentioned in the inscriptions of the Silāhāras of Kolhāpur. Tagarapura is modern Tēr in the Hyderabad State; Valavāda which was the seat of the permanent residence (sthira sibira) of the Silāhāras is taken to be identical with the site of modern Radhānagari near Kolhäpar; and Kollipura is undoubtedly modern Kolhapur. Panaturage, which appears to be the name of a tract (golla), may be identified with the village Panutra, 14 miles 8. W. W. of Kolhapur, situated on the bank of the river Dämni. Seleyavāda is probably modern Sheloshi, about 7 miles further S. W. of Paņutra, on the bank of the same river. The change from Paņaturage to Paņutrā appears to be natural as suggested by the change from Ajirage to Ajre. Paņaturage would thus have some form like Pamutare and this is exactly the form in which the name occurs in certain
1 Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay, Vol. III, p. 393 and the Annual Report of the Bharala Itihasa San Södhaka Mandala for Saka 1835, pp. 222 ff.
*Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 176-82; the plates were earlier edited by Mr. G. H. Khare in his Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan (in Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 33 ff. * Above, Vol. III, pp. 213-216.
Cf. for instance Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Hassan 61; 4. 8.1. A. R., 1927-28, p. 141. . Both these villages can be traced on the 1 inch-1 mile Survey Sheets, old Nos. 200 and 240 published by the Survey of India in 1932.

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No. 2] KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA BHOJA II; SAKA 1101 16 old Marathi documents of the 17th-18th century. The expression golla can be equated with Kannada kolla which means a valley or low land. The Panaturage golta would therefore correspond to the valley formed by the river Dhāmņi, bounded on the east by the Bhögāvati river and on the west by the Kumbhi river, as seen on the maps. There are several mountainous tracts in this region which appear to have been mentioned in the Talale copper plates of Silāhāra Gandarāditya, as forming the boundary of this Paņaturage golla. This golla again seems to have been mentioned in the Bamani inscription of Silahāra Vijayaditya, where it is read as '..pavu[ka]gegolla' wherein the village of Mada[la]ra was situated. The doubtful nature of the reading can be seen from the dots and the square brackets enclosing it. So it is possible to restore the reading as [Pa]patu[ra]ge-golla and Madalāra may be identified with Mandār, which is about 3 miles west of Paņutrā.
My thanks are due also to Sri P. B. Desai, M.A., of the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, for his useful suggestions in connection with this paper.
TEXT Metres: Vv. 1-3, 10, 15, 18-20 Anushţubh; vv. 4, 5, 9, 12 Sārdūlavikridita ; vv. 7, 8, 14 U pajati; v. 13 Mălini ; v. 17 Salini; vv. 6, 11, 16 Vasantatilaka.] 1 ॥ों॥ स्वस्ति श्री ॥ जयत्याविष्कृतं विष्णोर्वा राहं क्षोभितार्णवं (वम्) ।
दक्षिणोन्नतदंष्ट्राग्रविषा (श्रां)तभुवनं वपुः ॥[१॥*] * आशी (सी) द्विद्याधरः पूर्वं ना[म्ना जीमूतवाहनः । परार्थं जीवितं येन
___ गरुडाय निवेदितं (तम्) [२॥*] शिलाहाराख्यवं3 शोयं ।' तगरेश्वरभूभृतां (ताम्) [। तद्वंशे जतिगो राजाऽजनि भूभृ] छिछ (च्छि)
खामणिः ॥३॥* स्वस्ति श्रीजतिगक्षितीशतनयो ना4 यिमनामा नृपः ।' पुत्रस्तस्य [च चंद्रराट् पृथुयशास्तस्यापि सूनुः] किल । ___संजातो जतिगो जगज्जननुतः श्रीमां[श्च] 5 तंन (तन्नं) दनो गोंकल्लो भुवि [भूमिपालतनयः श्रीमारसिंहो नृपः] [॥४॥*]
तत्सूनुर्नुपमौलिलालितपद[:*] श्रीगूवलाक्षो (ख्यो)नृपाः*] । तद्भ्राता भुवि 6 भोजदेवनृपतिः वैरी[भपंचाननश्चक्रे राज्यमखंडितं पृथु]"यशा लंकेशतुल्यः किल ।
[॥५॥*] य[श्या] (स्या)त्मजो कृतनि. . . . . 7 गंवर्गो गोविंदकोंगज . . . . यकसुतां....बभूव भुवि विक्रम....[॥६॥*]
I Rajwide, Marathydichya Itihasachi Sadhand, Vol: VIII, p. 194. .J. B. B.R.A.S., Vol. XIII, Pp.1ff. In this record the tract is referred to MPanaturage-kholla. • Above, Vol. III, p.212. • From the original stone and ink impressions. 6 Expressed by a symbol. • Readings restored from the Kasell plates. • Thedanda is unnecessary.
This reading is restored conjecturally though it is not actually found in the Kalēļi plater.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX 8 ॥ तस्यानुजातो विदित[प्रतापो बल्लाळदेवक्षि]'तिपस्सदैव । श्रीकामिनीनां विनताव
नीशो दिक्प्रांततापः प्रथितिप्र]9 तापः [७॥*] तस्यानुजो धर्मधरो धरित्र्यां दधार] धानखिलान्स्वधर्मे ।
___ धैर्यापधुर्यो धनदो धनानां श्रीगंडरादित्य इति 10 प्रसिद्धः ।[८॥*] दीनानाथदरिद्रदुःखविकलव्याकीर्णनानाविधः (ध)प्राणित्राणपरायण[*]
प्रतिदिनं गुप्ताख्यदानेन यः । यः ll कृष्णाजिनधेनुभूम्युभयतोमुक्षा (ख्या) दिदानप्रदः [*] स (श) श्वद्धर्ममतिप्रवीणहृदयो
___भूदेवकल्पद्रुमः [*] तुलापुरुषदाना[दिषोड-] 12 शक्रतुकारकः । सौ(शौ)चगांगेयकीर्ते (त्ये)कनिलयः स्वगुण वि [१०॥*]
तंन (तन्नं)दन (नः) प्रबलमंडि (ड)लिकद्विपेंद्र[पंचाननो] जनि जगत्रितयकवीरः । 13 प्रत्यर्थिपार्थिवललाटतटस्थपादपीठस्फुटोज्वलयशो (शा) विजयार्कदेवः ।।११॥*] दानाय
द्रविणार्जनं जनपरित्राणाय वीरव्रतं [सत्या]14 य पृ(प्रि) यभाषणं हरिपदध्यानाय चेत[*]स्थितिः । संपत्ति]सु (स्सु) मनोविपद्वि
[हतये यस्य प्रकामं]' कविः [*] कः स (श) क्तः प्रविविच्य तस्य
विजयादित्य]15 स्य वक्तु (क्तुं) गुणाः (णान्) [१२॥*] जगति विजयसूनुर्वेरि[नी]हारभानुनिज
... - - - - - वल्लीलवित्रः[*] विभवविजयशक्रः खंडिता
राति16 चक्रो वरनृपकृतसेवो भूपतिर्भोजदेवः ॥१३॥*] रामो यथा.......... 17 था.....देवेन तेनाजनि भोजराज्ये ॥[१४॥*] स्वस्ति समधिगतपंच
[महासे (श)ब्द] महामंडलेश्वर सिलारकुलवंसो (शो)द्भव.. ... ... . - 18 गेय परनारीसहोदर शरणागतवज्रपंजर कलियुगयुधिष्ठिर. . .विद्याधर श्रीमहालक्ष्मि
(क्ष्मी) देवीलब्धवरप्रसाद [श्रीतगर]19 पुरवराधीश्वरो (र) इत्यादिसमस्तराजावलीविराजिताः* श्रीमन्महामंडलेश्वरो (र:) श्री
भोजदेवो वलवाडसिवि (शिबि)[रे सुखसं]
- Reading restored from other inscriptions. • Roading routored from the town hall inscription.
Road वैरिपन्नगदैनतेयशौचगां-min other inscriptions,

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No. 2] KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA BHOJA II ; SAKA 1104 17 20 कथाविनोदेन राज्यं कुर्वाण (:) शक[नृपकाला]दारभ्य वर्षेषु चतुरो (रु) त्तरशताधिक
सहस्रेषु निवृत्तेषु वर्तमानशुभकृ[त्संवत्स-] - [रांतर्गतपुष्य]सु (शु) द्धचतुर्थ्या भौ[म]. . . [रु]तरायणसंक्रमणपर्वणि निजाराज्या]भिवृद्धये
- श्रीमत्कोल्लापुरमहालक्ष्मि (क्ष्मी) दे22 वालयाभ्यन्तरे पश्चिमद्वारोत्त[र. . . . सह]वासिलोकणनायकेन अमृतेश्वरमूर्युमा
महेश्वरार्थं वा (बा)ह्मणभोजनार्थे च [कारितस्य] 23 मठस्य कोष्ठागारार्थं तद्दे......मठस्याभ्यंतरे नायि]रित्य (भृत्य)दिशो भागे
द्वादशहस्तप्रमाणं गृहमेकं तन्मठनिविष्टसह]24 वास्यादित्यभट्ट जनार्दनभट्ट [करहाटकप्रभा]'करघसास वासियणसासेत्येवं
[प्रमुखां (खेभ्यो) ब्राह्मणेभ्यो. . . . . पुरवर्गः दक्षिणदि]25 [शो ग्रामे] धवलगृहचतुष्टयं . . . . . . पूजार्थ. . . . . . पूर्वे (वस्यां) दिशि पुष्पवाटकमेकं
तस्यैव [देवस्य] पूजार्थं वा (ब्रा) ह्मण[भोज][ना*]26 थं च पणतुरगेगोल्लांतर्गतसेलेयवाडग्रामसीमाभ्यंतरंनु (रमु)त्तरदिग्भागे . . . . . शादधिकं
च चतुः[शत]27 क्षेत्रं तत्प्रतिव (ब) द्धं पंडरन[न्त]ग्रामाभ्यन्तरे द्वादशहस्तप्रमाणगृहमेकं एतत्सर्व
पूर्वो . . . . . . . . . शासनसहितं [धा]28 रापूर्वकं सर्वम (न) मस्य (स्यं) सर्ववा (बा)धापरिहारं राजकीयानामनंगुलिप्रे
क्षणीयमाचंद्रार्क . . . . . . . . . . [त]स्यैव देवस्य [पंचोप]29 चारपूजार्थं तन्मठखंडस्फुटितजीर्णोद्धारार्थं तदीयवा (ग्रा)ह्मणभोजनार्थ च
एडेनाड . . . . . . . . . 30 [त]द्देशद (दं) डेन पंचविंशत्यधिकद्विस (श)तवप्रकं क्षेत्रे द्वादशहस्तविस्तीर्ण
निवेशनं च....प्रतिव (ब)द्धं.... 31 निवर्तनं क्षेत्रं द्वादशहस्तविस्तीर्णं निवेशनं च अरुवणसहितं अष्टभोगातेजसाम्य
सहितं काश्यप]सगोत्रस्य उद्धावा]32 र्यस्य पौत्राभ्यां महत्तरमाधवार्यस्य पुत्राभ्यां नेमण]लक्ष्मणयोईत्तां तेनैव लोक
णनायकेन सर्वनम33 स्यसर्वबाधापरिहारं सोयविशुद्धं] [शासन]सहितं दानक्रयेन (ण) गृहीतं
आचंद्राक्र्कतारं चिरं दत्तं ॥छ।
1 Reading restored from the town-hall inscription. * The letter chha indicates the end of the topic.
4 DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIN 34 बहुभिर्व्वसुधा दत्ता राजभिस्सगरादिभिः [*यस्य यस्य य]दा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य
___तदा फल (लम् )[॥१५॥*] मद्वंशजा[*]परमहीप35 तिवंशजा वा पापादपेतमनसो भुवि भूमिपालाः । ये पालयन्ति म]म धर्ममिमं
___ समस्तं तेभ्यो मया [विरचितोंजलिरेष मानि] ॥ [१६॥*] 36 सामान्ये (न्यो)यं धर्मसेतुर्नुपाणां काले काले [पालनीयो भवद्भिः । सर्वान्ये_ (ने) तान्भाविना (न:.) पार्थिवेन्द्रान्भूयो भूयो याच[ते राम]37 चंद्रः ॥ [१७॥*] दानं वा पालनं वापि दाना[त्*] श्रेयोनुपालनं (नम्) ।
दानात्स्वर्गमवाप्नोति पालनादच्युतं पदं (दम्) ॥ [१८॥*] स्वदत्तां परदत्तां
वा यो हरे38 त वसुंधरा (राम्) । षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते . कृमिः । [१६॥*]
......[सयुक्षेप]क्षणक्षय (यि)णि जीविते यो द्विजादाहरे.... 30 तस्यां वीचीक्षायो]क्षयः ॥[२०॥*] अपुत्रिकद्रव्यसहवासि . . . .
No. 3–MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF
(1 Plate)
M. VENKATARAMAYYA, OOTACAMUND This inscription was copied in the year 1930-31 by the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State, at the village of Maser, Basoda Pargana, District Bhilsa. The record is fragmentary and its ooncluding portion is not traceable. The existing portions of the inscription are contained in two broken pieces of a mutilated stone discovered amidst the ruins of a fallon house of a Brahmana in the village of Mäser. The only other ancient relics found in the locality were a few broken sculptures and carved stone fragments lying near what looked like the basement of a small shrine. From a perusal of the summary of the contents of the inscription published in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior, for the year 1930-31, I realised the importance of the rooord for the history of Central India and the Deccan in the 10th century A.C. At my request the Government Epigraphist for India secured two estampages of the inscription which were kindly supplied by the Superintendent, Archaeological Department, Gwalior Stato. I edit the record here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The epigraph must have been engraved on a large slab which later broke into several piecen. of them, only two have been foumd, the rest are not forthcoming. The first of the extant fragmente, which forms the beginning of the record, containing, as it does, the opening lines, measures 3' 6' by 11" and bears portions of 10 lines of writing engraved on it. The other piece which is a continuation of the first one and has been put together with the first measures 2' 3" by 1' l' and contains portions of 12 lines of writing. Both the pieces have suffered considerable damage. Since the ends and beginnings of lines do not follow in sequence, considerable portions of the full inscribed
1 Annual Report of the Archueological Department, Gwalior, 1930-31, Ines. Nos. 1 and 2: pp. 10 and 22.

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19
No. 3]
MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF stone towards the right side of the existing fragments are missing. On their left side, however, there has been only a slight damage and a little mutilation of the stono extending to a spa. covering one or two aksharas and affecting about five to six lines. In respect of the second fragment which is smaller than the first, still larger portions of the inscribed slab towards its right are missing. Though the impression of the second piece shows some uniform blank space at the end of each line, suggesting thereby that the lines do not continue further, yet it becomes clear from the study of the text of the record, which is metrically composed, that the lines must have continued on to the same extent of space as they do on the first piece of which the second is only a continuation. Evidently the second fragment was touched by some human agency and dressed with a view to its utilisation in some construction. However, it is fortunate that it is possible to judge the extont of the loss on the right sides of the two fragments. The record being in vorse, the number of aksharas forming the metrical portions of the missing text can be counted. It would appear that about eight to ten aksharas in each line up to line 10 are found wanting in respect of the first frage ment and about thirty-six to thirty-eight letters from line 11 onwards in the case of the second piece. In addition to these losses, some more aksharas are effaced owing to the damage sustained by the extant pieces. Notwithstanding its mutilated condition, the present record ombodios much historical information, although its elucidation is rendered difficult owing to the incomplete and disjointed text that is available for study.
Altogether we have portions of twenty-one lines of the inscription. Of these the last three are completely damaged, only a few letters here and there being visible. Except for the obeisance to god Sambhu with which the record opens, the entire inscription to the extent now available is in verse. As many as twenty-five verses composed in different metres can be counted. They are, however, not numbered in the inscription. The first four of them are introductory, in invocation of the mother divine and her consort, lord Siva. Verse 5 traces the origin of the Sulki vanda and introduces one Bhäradvāja, an early ancestor of the family. Verses 6 to 10 speak of king Narasimha born of the same family and they embody an elaborate description of his conquests. His son Gunādhya, famous as Kõgarin, is then introduced in verse 11. Verses 12 to 15 evidently contain a description of this chief and his achievements.
The characters belong to the Nagari alphabet of about the 10th century A.C. The size of the letters varies from 6 to 7 of an inch in height. Medial diphthongs and medial vowels (except i and i) are indicated by both siro-mitrās and prishtha-mātrās. Medial i and i are indicated by prishtha-mātrās alone. The consonant ph is written in two forms: phala, line 1: phalani. line 7, and phalāya, line 18. Similarly d has two forms; the din viamvi(bi)tà in line 8 and in valuuvinale in line 19 may be compared with the din Vida' in line 5, mandapă in line 6, and pushpādarvaraya in line 7.
The language is Sanskrit and except for a few words in the beginning, the rest of the record is in verse. As regards orthography the following points may be noted. The consonant following a r is mostly doubled. B is indicated throughout by the sign for v. S is used in place of s in certain cases : e.g., svarggaukasan, line 4 ; śruch-aiva, line 6; singhäsanan, line 11. Gh is used for h in singhāśanam, line 11. The visarga-sandhi is not observed in cases like dharah friman, line 5; yal sudhih, line 13. There is one instance of the use of jihvūmaliya in yutal-Krishna-, line 6, where the sign for it resembles d. The anusvāra has been used mostly for class nasals. The anugraha is conspicuous by its absence. There are practically no scribal errors. What may be counted as one such seems to be in respect of the word chandra-sërsho for chandrafërsho in line 2. Otherwise the record is composed in faultless Sanskrit.
Line 10 of the text is divided between the two fragmeals, the first containing only the upper parts of some few letters towards the end. This may also be read as Vils.
O 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
After the obeisance to god Sambhu in the words namah Sabhave, there follow four mangalaFlokas, the first of which is in praise of Davi, the divine mother, who pervades the animate and the inanimate. The second, parts of which are not quite clear, seems to contain a prayer for the destruction of sins by Siva who is described as the bee around the lotus face of Gauri. The third stanza is also an invocation of Siva whose glance, though cool and refreshing for Gauri, acted as the very blazing fire for cupid. The fourth verse invokes the aid of Siva's consort. Parvati, for the destruction of all evils through her eyebrows which were knit in anger at th. sight of Jāhnavi (1.e., Ganga).
Then begins the historical portion of the racord. It is stated that a certain hero, adorned by the granthi-trika, Bharadvaja by name, emanating from a drop of water that fell out of the hand of Dhātá (Brahma) adorned the sulkivata and was & veritable death to hostile kings. In the family of Sulka of the lunar race there arose king Narasimha. He was the lord of Vida-dvådaial and had his permanent abode at his Kulagrāma, called Golahatti- . Chanell in the vicinity of Elkpura. At the command of Krishparaja he defeated the enemies in battle, and as if entering a sacrificial mandapat he entered the arena of battle and performed & sacrifice in the form of a great war; and in the sacrificial fire of his rage he offered as ghee the blood of the elephants, slain by him, out of the ladle of his sword; and in such a sacrifice he initiated into widowhood the (women of his enemy). Then his prowess and generosity ars described in the succeeding verses. Then & certain Grup dhy« described as Kösarin is introduced as son (of Narasimhha). At the command of Krishnaraja he conquered the king of Lata (Lätasa) and • Kachchha]váha.
Verse 15 seems to refer to the founding of a city called Arkavana which was purified by Lakshmi and which was, as it were, the birth-place of piety and noble conduct. Verses 16 to 18 contain important allusions to a number of kings with reference to whom some facts are stated; the nature of which it is impossible to make out. Thus Vakpati is stated to have done some act and the same verse refers to a Tantrādhi pa in the nominative case. Munja and Chachcha are mentioned further on in the genitive case. The hero (Kisarin ?) is then stated to have met the Hapas, sent by Loukya, in battle at Pattanaka and to have destroyed a large army consisting of horses, elephants, and infantry. Then follows a description of the plight of enemy women who resolved to put themselves to death. In the battles fought by the hero (Kësarin ?) even the skulls of the fallen enemies were not traceable. There is some allusion to Krishňa who destroyed the pride of Dussāsana and Salya (v. 21). The facts stated further on are important. The hero (Kēsarin ?) in eulogised as one who kept women's company only for the sake of progeny and as one spending his life for the sake of his master (v. 22). There is again a reference to a Hūņa ruler in verse 24, and in the next verse, which is the last extant, the hero is described as a lion to the elephants in the form of hostile kings and as the foremost of Bhe servants of Hara.
Thus the record embodies the eulogy of a family of Sulki (i.c., Chäļukya ?) chiefs starting from Bhäradvaja and mentioning Narasimha and his son Kesarin
While editing the Bargaon temple inscription of Sabara in this journal some years ago, Professor Mirashi assigned to king Krishnarāja of the present record the date c. 950 A.C. and thought that he might be identical with a certain Krishna-nțipa whose minister Vāchaspati of
This may also be read as Vila-drädala.
* Possibly there is a pun on the word mandapa, referring to the fort of Mündu which in alao called Mandapa or Mandava in some records. Abovo. Vol. XIX, pp. 46.7.
. Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 279-280.

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No. 3] MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF
21 the Kauņdinya götra defeated, according to a fragmentary inscription at Bhilsa," the lord of Chēdi, killed a Sabara chief called Simha and restored the chiefs of Rälä-mandala and Rödspädi to their dominions. Professor Mirashi further assumed that king Krishna of the above references was identical with the Chandella princa Krishnapa, son of Yahovarman, mentioned in the Dudabi in criptions. It is quite possible that Krishnaraja, the overlord of Narasimha and of Kësarin of the inscription under study, and Krishnansipa of the fragmentary Bhilsa inscription are identical inasmuch as both fought a common foe, viz., the Chēdi king and as both lived about the samo period, i.e., the middle of the 10th century A.C. But there is a greater possibility of Kţishnarāja of the present inscription being identical with the Rashtrakūta king, Krishna III (939-967 A.C.). This depends upon the identification of Narasimha, the lord of Vida-dvadasa, who was tho commander of Krishnarāja's troops.
Now as for the identification of the chiefs, Narasimha and his son Kēsarin, attention may be drawn to & Chālukya family whose origin is traced likewise from Bhäradvāja and which figures in the Bilhări Chēdi inscription. The account given there is as follows. There was & sage Bhāradvāja (Drona) whose conduct roused the wonder of the three worlds. Now, in the water, of which he had taken up a handful (chuluka) in order to curse Drupada for the insult offered by him, there arose a man from whom proceeded the clan of the Chalukyas and in that powerful family was born Avaniverman who had as his father Sadhanvan and grandfather
1 P. R. A. 8. I., W. C., 1913-14, p. 69. F. E. Hall (Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Volume XXXI (1862), page 111, foot-noto) writes :
"At Bhilsa, within the fort, I recently found a fragmentary inscription built into the outer wall of a modern house, and looking upon one of the streets of the town. Subjoined is all that remains of a record of which perhapo full half is missing..
1 ... ... &riyam-ayam-api nanvidrita n=&srit-sys 2 g ham mo Vetravaty. niyamite-janata-kshobhamasy=&py-ajaaram 3 tējomayy=stra chochchairsvvitatam=iti vidity=Adarêp=itma-tulyar 4 Bhaillasvämi-namá ravir-svatu bhuvab sviminar Krishnarajam | 8 Chēdisarh samarë vijitya Sabaram sambhitys Simh-ahvayam B Rali-mandala-Rodapădy-avanipau bhůmym pratishthipya cha 7 dēvam drashtum=ih=gató rachitavām(n)=stötram pavitrah param 8 srimat-Krishna-nrip-aika-mantri-pada-bhák Kaundinya.Vkohaspatih | 9 Suchiramniyam kļitir-&stām ruchira brimad.Gajankutyanya
Kakakēna vilikhitā Kāyastha-so ...."
In the Salotgi püller 1scription (A) of Krishna III, dated Saka 867 (946 A. O.), mention is made of one Nárayana alias Gajankusa who is described as belonging to the Kaundinya götra and as the chief minister and sandhirigrahin of this Rashtrakūta king. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 60, 62-3. Kaundinya-Vichaspati, who in the Bhils: inscription is described as Gajankusäys (i.e., son or descendant of Gajankusa) is in all likelihood the son of Nariyana alias Gajinkusa of the Salotgi inscription. This would favour the identification of Krishnaraja of the Bhilsa inscription with Rashtrakūta Krishna III.
It is interesting to note in this connection that the exploits claimed by Vächsspati find some corroboretion from other sources. According to an account about Para mára Styaka II found in the Navaadhasankacharita this prince is credited with the conquest of a certain chief of Rudapati. (Canto XI, v. 89: History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 42). Perhaps it was this chief of Rudapáti, called Roda padyavanipa in this Bhilsa inscription, that was restored to his kingdom by Vichaspati, the minister of Krishna (III). In regard to the saben prince, Simha, killed by Váchaspati, no satisfactory identification seems possible at present. However, attention may be drawn to the fact that W. Ganga Marasimha II, the feudatory of Krishna III is credited with a victory over Naraga, a Sabara chief, in an inscription at Sravana-Belagola (above, Vol. V, p. 171 ; toxt lines 21, 54 and 96), which also mentions the northern campaigns of this Ganga prince. Prof. Mirashi (above, Vol. XXV, p. 280), however, identifies the illustrious Sabara of the Bargaon temple inscription with Babara Simha of the Bhilma inscription.
Nos. 185, 186, 191 and 194 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1948-7; Ind. An., Vol. XVIII, p. 237.
Above, Vol. I, pp. 281 f. and vv. 30 fr.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX Sinhavarman. The illustrious Nohalā was born of Avanivarman and she became the beloved of the Kalachuri prince Kěyüravarsha, i.e., Yuvarājadēvs I. Quoon Nohala is stated to have endowed a templo of Sive with the villages of Vida, Pondi, Khajlapātaka and others. It will be seen that although the story of their origin differs in some particulars from that relating to Narasimha given in the present record this much seems certain that both the families were of the same stock and were perhaps even lineally connected. Narasimha was & subordinate of a Krishnaraja who fought against the Kalachuris and the only Krishnaraja of this period who could answer to this description was Krishna III (939-967 A.C.) of the Rashtrakūta family." Narasimha of our record seems to be a later descendant or a collateral member of the same family since his area of authority was in the same region around Bilhari over which the Chālukys family of Nohelä exercised away. Vida-dvadasa which was the fief of Narasimhs seems to be identical with the area around Bilhari itself since Vids may be identified with Vidä which was one of the villages granted by Nohala to the temple of Siva at Bilhari, as stated in the Bilhäri Chēdi inscription referred to above. Though I am unable to identify Vida, the donated village, with any place near Bilhari, some of the other villages which the princess granted along with Vida are however identifiable. Thus Pondi and Khailapataka, two of the gift-villages, are represented by the modern Pondi and Khailwara which are to the north-west and north-east of Bilhări respectively. Vidä must be another village in the same locality. The exact relationship of Narasimha with the Chālukya family to which Nõhalā belonged can only be decided by further researches.
Now, returning to facts stated in the present Māser inscription, it has to be ascertained under what circumstances Narasimha had to encounter the Kalachuris under the orders of Kţishnaraja. It has been assumed above that Krishnarāja was Krishna III who claims in his Karhäd plates a victory over the Kalachuri Sahasrarjuna, who was the elderly relative of his mother and his wife. Krishna III achieved this victory as Yuvarāja, i.e., sometime between o. 934 and 939 A.C. It was evidently in this campaign of Krishna III that Narasimba took part and obtained the victory over the Kalachuris as described in the present record. As Prof. Mirashi? and Dr. H. C. Rays have shown, the Kalachuri adversary of Krishna III may be identified with Yuvarāja I (c. 914-945 A.C.) who, being a member of the family of Sahasrarjuna, i.e., Kärtavirya, was referred to as
I later found that Prof. Mirashi had already arrived at this conclusion; so Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XXVI, PP. 8-9.
* Although the text of our record at this place is mutilated, there seems to be no doubt that the Kalachuri is referred to as the adversary and not as a friend. This would be apparent from the context which refers to the vaid hanya-diksha given to the chatura-Kalachuri-kshamabhri....ote.
Rishtrakata Krishna II was a friend and ally of the Kalachuri king Kokkals. It was Krishna III who fought the Kalachuris as stated in his Karhad plates (above, Vol. IV, p. 279). The Chandella king Krishnap with whom Krishparaja of our record has been sought to be identified by Prof. Mirashi (above, Vol. XXV, p. 280) is not known to have fought the Kalachuris, though his father Yasovarman defeated a Chedi king.
. If the alternate reading Vila-dvddata for Vida-duadaka is preferred, Vila may perhapa stand for Bilhárt itself.
I was at first inclined to refer Narasimha and his son Kesarin of the Miser inscription to the Chalukys family of Vémulavada, the well-known Rashtrakata feudatories, and identify these two princes with their namesake of that family, Narasimha and Arikbaarin II. This does not appear likely since the latter belonged to the solar race and were rulers of a much wider territory, viz., the Sapädalakshs which they were ruling from their capital Lombulapätaks, i.e., Vémulavada in the Hyderabad State. The Sulki Narasimha of our record was of the lunar raos and a small potentate ruling Vida-dvadasa, a region which lies in the Madhya Pradesh, a far cry from Sapada. Iakohs which was situated in the Hyderabad State (J.O.R., Vol. XVIII, p. 42). Further, in none of the gones. logioal accounts of the Vēmulavada Chalukya family is there an allusion to Bharadvájs or to the chuluku story. It seems, therefore, best to view those families as altogether unrelated.
• Above, Vol. IV, p. 279.
A B. O. R. I., Vol. XI, p. 371 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. LXII (1933), pp. 36 ff. • Dynaatio History of Northern India, Vol. II (1936), p. 762.

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23
No. 3]
MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF
Sahasrarjuna in the Karhad plates. The Bilhari inscription of the rulers of Chedi1 expressly refers to the conflict between Yuvaraja I surnamed Keyūravarsha and the Karṇātas, who, in this period, could only be the Rashtrakutas themselves or perhaps their Chalukya vassals, the chiefs of Vemulavāda. Hence the present Maser inscription affords further confirmation to the conflict that took place between the Rashtrakutas and the Kalachuris in the time of Krishna III and Yuvarajadeva I, to which the records of both the dynasties bear testimony. The exact causes for the conflict between the two powers, who were even matrimonially connected, are not clearly known. One fact, however, needs elucidation here. How was it that Narasimha of the Sulki family whose area of authority was Vida-12 in the Kalachuri kingdom fought as a general under Rashtrakuta Krishna III? There is nothing improbable in this. Although Yuvarajadeva I and Krishna III were adversaries, prior to their advent into the political arena, there were matrimonial relations between the families in the days of their predecessors, Kalachuri Kokkala and Mugdhatunga, and Rāshṭrakūta Krishna II and Amōghavarsha III, as is well-known. It may also be recalled that Amōghavarsha III, father of Krishna III, was the son-in-law of Yuvarajadēva I. We have said that the Chalukya family to which Nōhala, the queen of Yuvarajadēva I belonged, was of the same stock with which Narasimha of our record was connected. It may be supposed that during the early days of friendship and matrimonial alliances between the two families, the Kalachuris and the Rashtrakutas, Narasimha or his predecessor, sought service under the Rashtrakuta king, retaining all the time his fiefdom, the Vida-dvādasa in the Kalachuri kingdom."
Of Kesarin, the son of Narasimha, our inscription says that he conquered the king of Lata and a Kach[chha]vāha at the instance of Krishnaraja, i.e., Krishna III. As to when these events could have taken place two views are possible.
The Kach[chha]vaha spoken of here was evidently a scion of the Kachchhapaghata family of Gwalior. The Lața country alluded to here may be taken to correspond roughly to the central and southern Gujarat. This region was included in the principality of Khetakamandala, i.e., modern Kaira and parts of Ahmedabad District. In the time of Krishna II the province was recovered by him from a collateral Rashtrakuta family and remained within the empire of the Rashtrakutas of Malkhed. From the Kapaḍvaṇaj grant of Krishna II dated Saka 832 (910 A.C.) we know that Prachanda of the Brahmavak(?) family had gained the principality of Kheṭakamandala by the favour of the Rashtrakuta king Akalavarsha and was ruling at Harshapura (Harsola). During the reign, of Indra III there seems to have been some trouble in the area as we are told that his feudatory, Narasimha II of Vemulavada, fought the Latas. But the region continued to be under Rashtrakuta control since the Bagumra (Nausāri) plates of Indra III (both sets), dated Saka 836 (914 A. C.), and the Cambay plates of Govinda IV, dated Saka 852 (930 A. C.) record gifts made by them in Lața-desa. Subsequent to this date direct evidence of Rashtrakuta hold over the region is met with in the time of Paramara Harsha-Siyaka II whose Harsola grants of V. S. 1005, i.e., 949 A. C., issued by him as a feudatory of Rashtrakuta Krishna III and recording his gifts in Khēṭakamandala, indicate that the region was under his sway. In one of these grants Siyaka II is stated to have made the gifts when he was returning
1 Above, Vol. I, p. 256, v. 24.
It may be pointed out that Jura in the Maihar State of Madhya Pradesh where an inscription of Rashtra. kūta Krishna III was found (above, Vol. XIX, p. 287) is not far from Bilhart near which Narasimha of the present inscription held a fief.
Above, Vol. XIX, p. 240.
Rashtrakutas and Their Times, p. 98.
Above, Vol. I, p. 53, Vol. XIX, p. 240.
Journal of the Madras University, Vol. XV, No. 2, pp. 118-9.
Above, Vol. IX, pp. 28-9.
"Above, Vol. VII, p. 28.

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21
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
from his expedition against Yogaraja, who was none other than the Chavda king of Anhilvāḍapāṭan and whom scholars have identified with Avanivarman II, the great-grandson of Bahukadahavala.1 Bahukadhavala was a feudatory of the Gurjara-Pratihāras. Avanivarman II Yōgarāja who continued to be a Gurjara feudatory, was holding Surashtra and parts of Gujarat from his capital at Anhilväda. He seems to have encroached upon Lata and it was evidently to dislodge him from the area that Siyaka II marched against him and drove him back. Owing to his occupation of part or whole of Lata for a while, Yogaraja Avanivarman II might have acquired the title of Latesa and if this was the person that is referred to as Latesa in the present inscription as having been the adversary of Kesarin, Kesarin must have joined Siyaka II in this expedition, as both were acting on behalf of their Rashtrakuta overlord Krishna III. If so, these events have to be placed sometime about 948-949 A.C., before the issue of the Harsōla grants. The Kachchhavaha prince who was ruling at Gwalior at this date was Lakshmanaraja, the father of Vajradaman of the Sasbahu inscription, who being a Pratihara feudatory, like Yogaraja, might have been allied with him in his attack on Lata, and was likewise defeated by Siyaka II and Kesarin. If what has been stated above as the possible trend of events in which Kesarin of the present inscription encountered the Laṭēsa and the Kach[chha]väha is correct, it has to be supposed that the events represent an attempt made by the Pratihara ruler, who on this date was Mahendrapala II, to attack the Rashtrakuta empire in the region of Lata which, however, failed to bring any success. On the other hand, the defeat sustained by the Gurjara feudatories seems to have paved the way for the Paramara reconquest of Malwa. For, evidence of Pratihara control over the region is available only up to 946 A.C. The absence of their records in Malwa territory after this date and the evidence afforded by the Harsola grant of the Paramāras dated V. S. 1005 (949 A.C.) would show clearly that their hold on it was lost, the Paramāras having established themselves firmly over the area by 949 A.C.
The events detailed above which have been placed round about 949 A.C. would, however, make it impossible for Krishna III to have been present in person to direct the campaign, for on this date he was in the south fighting the Cholas. Consequently, the reference made to him in the present inscription for the second time in the locative case as Krishnarajë may be construed to indicate his absence from the northern campaigns at this date which were fought by Siyaka II and Kesarin on his behalf.
Or, in the alternative, Kesarin's conflict with the Latesa and the Kachchhavaha might have taken place much later in the reign of Krishna IIl as shown below.
Now, it is well known that Krishna III effected a second invasion of North India sometime after 964 A.C. as proved by an inscription of his at Jura,' near Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh, in the territory of the Kalachuris. It is known that in this expedition he was ably assisted by his Ganga feudatory Marasimha II who, in commemoration of the victories secured by him in the north assumed the title of the 'lord of the Gurjaras." The expedition seems to have been necessitated by the growing challenge to his authority over his possessions in Bundelkhand, Malwa
1 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 1 ff, and Vol. XIX, pp. 236-38; see History of the Paramara Dynasty, pp. 38-39. History of Kanauj, pp. 230-1, 338-9.
Prof. Mirashi suggests that the Lateéa Chandravarman, whose daughter Mrigankavall married Keyûravarsha according to the story in the Viddhasalabhanjikä might be a member of this Chalukya family: See A. B. O. R. I., Vol. XI, p. 365.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 36, v. 5; see also Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 822.
Pratapgarh inscription of 946 A.C., above, Vol. XIV, pp. 180-1.
• Harsola grant, above, Vol. XIX, pp. 236-8.
"Colas, Vol. I, pp. 157 ff.
Above, Vol. XIX, p. 289; Rashtrakutas and Their Times, pp. 120-1.
Above, Vol. V, pp. 170, 176, text lines 7-8.

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No. 3) MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF
25 and Läta. In fact some successful attempts were made by the neighbouring powers to encroach upon them. The earliest attempt in this direction was made by the Chandella ruler, Yatövarmas (c. 950 A.C.). The Khajuraho inscription (II)' of his son Dhanga dated V.8. 1011 states that Yalovarman captured the fort of Kälañjara. This fort had been held in his possession by Krishna III from about 935 A.C. Yeśðvarman followed up this success by overrunning the kingdom of Málwi which must have been then under the rule of Paramara siyaka II. The Khajuraho inscription (II) testifies to this event for it states that Yasõvarman was the very death to the Mālavas (v. 23). His son Dbanga seems to have actually oocupied a portion of Malwi early in his reign as he is stated in the sanie Khajuraho inscription (v. 45) to have acquired the territory as far as Bhäsvat on the river of Mälava, i.e., Bhilai on the Vētravati (Betwa) in Gwalior. Besides the Chandēlla ruler, the Chēdi king Lakshmanarāja (c. 945-70 A.C.) setting at neaght the authority of the Rashtrakūtas over Malwa and Läta marched across these territories as far as Somanatha-Pāțan in Saurashtra, Kathiawar. Not long after the date of these happenings the Lāta country seenis to have slipped from Rashţrakūta hold since it is found that Bārappa, the Chalukya chief, evidently taking advantage of the Chedi king's raid across the country, assumed the title of the king of Late some time about 960-1 A.C. All those unoroachments som to have been made at the instigation of the Gürjara-Pratīhåra ruler. For, we heve it explicitly stated in the Kudlür plates of Marasimha II of 963 A.C. that Krishna III set out on an expedition to the nortb to conquer the Advapati.The Asva pati was the Gürjara-Pratihāra king to whom the title of Advapati has to be applied at this period. The distinguishing appellation, 'King of the Gurjaras' by which Mārasimha II is stated to have become known by conquering the northern region for Krishnarāja (III) would support our surmise that the Asvapati against whoun Kpishpa U directed his campaign was the Gürjara-Pratthåra ruler. As we have seen, the Jura inscrip tion affords some evidence for the conduct of this expedition. Under the above circumstances, Késarin's encounter with the Lățesa and the Kachchhaváha might have taken place during this compaign, the Lātēša being perhaps Chalukya Barappa, and the Kachchhavāha being Lakshmanarāja, both of whom were Pratshära feudatories.
The facts stated further on in the last part of the present record are important inasmuch us A number of contemporary rulers are introduced. Thus mention is made of Väkpati and a Tantridhips and of some action relating to Muñja and Chachcha. The Hūņas despatched by Lolikya are stated to have been defeated at Pattapake.
Among the contemporaries (of Keserin ?) figure Väkpati Muñija and Chachche, both Papamira chiefs. Muñja was the well-known Våkpati II Muñja whose known dates range from 974 to 990 A.C. Chachcha was the Paramara prince of Naddula, who is mentioned in vors. 28 of the Panahera inscription of his descendant Jayasimha,' and whose date falls in this period (c. 950-75
.
1 Abovo, Vol. I, p. 128, v. 31. * Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 102-8. * A. B. O. R. I., Vol. XI, p. 366. • Mya. Arch. Rep., for 1921, paras. 41 f. text lines 123-4. Krishna III is here given the title of Narapati.
See Rapson's article. Lord of horeca, lord of slephants and lord of mou in the Woolner Commemoration Volume, pp. 196-9. The titlo Hayapati is atually borne by Garjars-Pratike king, Divapkla, who ae in fnot the very contemporary of Krishpa III (see above, Vol. I, p. 124 and Vol. XIV. p. 180).
Prof. Altekar believes that the Gorjan king subdued by Krishna III and Maritas II wus Peranka Slyska II himself. Sten Konow held that he might be Chilukyo Molarija (Rashrabüfer sted The Times,
Pp. 120-21).
* Above, Vol. XXI, p. 43.
DGA

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26 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX A.C.). Verse 29 of this muscription tells us that a ruler of the same family, whose name is lost, gave battle to Khottigadēva at Khalighatta on the bank of the Rēvă in the cause of Siyaka and went to heaven. Evidently, the same exploit is attributed to the Paramāra prince Kankadēva of the same Naddūla family in the Arthūņā inscription of Chamundarāja, verse 19 of which relates that Kankadēva overthrew the army of the king of Karnata in battle on the bank of the Narmada and in fighting on the side of Sri-Harsha of Mālava died a hero's death. It has been assumed by some writers that Kankadēva is identical with Chachcha and that it was this prince who fought against Rashtrakūta Khottiga on behalf of Paramära Siyaka II. It would seem that the facts narrated above with reference to several contemporary princes, including the fight at Khalighatta, were incidents of one and the same campaign, viz., the one undertaken by Khottiga against the Pratīhāra and other princes of the north, viz., the Chēdi, the Chandēlla and lastly the Paramāra who was his erstwhile feudatory. Kēsarin too may be supposed to have taken part in the expedition as can be deduced from the present Mäser inscription. These events pertain to the reign of Khottiga and must have taken place before 972-3. A.C. As Māser where the present eulogistic inscription is found lies north-east of Khalighatta (modern Khalghat) on the Narmada, it may be supposed that Khottiga was not halted at the Narmadā as a result of this battle but was able to proceed further north victoriously.
Now, the Mäser inscription, recounting as it does the exploits of a Räshţrakūta subordinate, must have been set up before Khottiga's reign came to an end, i.e., before 972-3 A.C., as after this date the chances of a Räshţrakūta subordinate setting up an inscription so far north would be very remote, the area having come under the rule of the Paramāras by this date.
The mention of Muñja (Munjörvvipa) in this record, assigned as it has been done to a date before 972-3 A.C., would lead to the conclusion that he had already become king in succession to Siyaka II hy that date. Since, neither the latest date of Siyaka II nor the date of accession of Muñja is definitely known yet, it is not unlikely that Muñja ascended the Paramāra throne before 972 A.C., though the earliest date known of his is 974 A.C. It is usually believed that the Mālava king who plundered Mänyakhēta in 972 A.C. was Siyaka II Harsha on the evidence of a reference found in the Päiyalachchhi. But as surmised by Fleet the Mälava king might have been Väkpati Muñja himself."
Another incident of this campaign mentioned in the present inscription is the fight against the Hūnas sent by Lolikya which took place at Pattanaka. If Pattanaka is identical with Anabilaväda-Patan which at this date was ruled by Chalukya Mülaraja, it may be supposed that the armies (of Kēsarin ?) marched against this Chalukya chief and his Hūņa vassals. I am unable to identify Lõlikya who despatched the Hūņas.
Of the places mentioned in the record, Gölahatti-Chanaki near Elāpura may be identified with Gola and Chånēgaon near Ellorā, i.e., Eläpura, in the Aurangabad District, Hyderabad State. Vida, as stated already, may be identified with Vidă near Bilbāri. Or, both Vida and Vidā may stand for Bilhari itself. I am unable to locate Pattanaka where the Hūņas were encountered. Whether it stands for Anahilvāda-Pāțan or Sömanātha-Pāțan cannot be determined until more definite data are available. I am also unable to locate Arkavana.
.. 1 Abovo, Vol. XIV, pp. 296 ff. · History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 338.
Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, PP. 422-3. Above, VOL. XIII, p. 180, See above, P. 22, a. 4.

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REG. No. 3977 E'36-499'52. B. CH. CHHABRA
0
Kot
.
2
Cha 'OS
व्यसनधानस्य उसकडवी पाल कालोपति व्यायाम करताना र सदरबाट साकार पायातल्यौर, नदिईटला विनोद पियार्यदिवस पर 2नदार पढासकलपिरतिजव्याबाट हवाई दारिदार तुर (रविवार, १७ प मागध वारि सावट पसरा हरुपाय नदिशापिका 2
सामा(दस साधावारदारक (प६ टापूमपर्व का हर दर शाह ( ट्रात पित र कागदाच पावाद उप आदिकाया वाटयुरनालदापासातवट साकापना 4हन .पु रोक नया नियमानुपापिटाप कल्या ३ पास सारालाई वादा पवाहित नरनाका सस् दारदो तपसहमदिनमा निकाली 4
तापिपपराजयबाहर मिहिर पादप मर (हर दर ५४६ दर दरमावर दासका अलापुरसमीप ( पाददिदायीकास्तरकलर की यसकारण युरपरकायायमविरती पिचर वि.पाहपरिवपढायमेशा तकरित विरला शशाबाई दागुरुदूरगति दारा मनस्यौदायत नपुगार वषयाट आयटर विमान मारि साउदीकालपटा कलदरगटव्हिाटयार बनाक रासया विरुद्ध नापयाविप
या रास्ता सासूलाबार बाराबविता परपटवारदसलपपन्यवर माना पाटोदा तामा रामहरिगुरलर लादिसूळ तहमति वायो8 सरलाप ताप
गोयला दर रवि र म यी काटना दिसत नारिजाल र रगतमा निदान ट' यासरताना प्यार अपरटे उदयनेबाया मारयार Pायमा परमादलमायणायला सवासाला CRETRANQायटयानुवाज सादा पटवषयास या सवय नाक Rayसपालाइटा दलालीसा भास माललिता पनि छ । अस्स
z i (तिमदिनदयाकरी र वाया जाता जाता ETER T erma पार हो पाएर र राना
रोशनसात दिन
SCALE: ONE FIFTH
MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF
17 JINNI
13
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA

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TEXT
[Metres: Vv. 1, 4, 6, 7, 23 and 24 Anushṭubh; vv. 2, 3, 8 and 11 Sragdhara; vv. 5, 9, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22 and 25 Sārdulavikriḍita; v. 10 Upajati; v. 14 Arya; vv. 15 and 20 Vasantatilaka.]
27
1 Om1 [*] Namaḥ Sambhavē || Sa jayaty-asakrid-Devī mātṛikā lõka-višrutā | yay-akar-ädibhir-vvarnņair-vvyāptam sarvvam characharam || [1] Drishṭvā kamṭhe surakshath madana-phala-yutäh bhūta-vidrävap-äkhyām pāpau va(ba)ddhāh priyāyā vishadhara-dama[nā --
---|]
3 pätö dvidhi vaḥ | Kim-sathpräpts-käme bhrika-kapita-jaṭā-dhūma-varttēḥ, kṛišānuḥ Sambhör-amhbhōja-garbha-chohbavir-iva Girij-asy-mdu-vimvē(bimba) punātu || [3] Hamtu Haimadri-kanyāyā bhrukuṭir-duritāni vaḥ | patikē Jahnavim drishṭvā kōpa-raktati (411) (-~~
2 krityam Nihara-patnyaḥ sakalam-idam-iti pratyajan-pannag-ādin-Gauri-vakrāṁvu(ktr-, ambu)j-āliḥ prakiratu duritam chamdra-se(61)rsho Bhavo vaḥ || [21] Atmanyātmānam-ēva sphatika-vad-amale paayataḥ svair-upayaiḥ svargaukaḥ-prarthanē pi [~~~ -- ~]
4 [m-e]chchhatō nanu pura svarggaukaśāṁ(sām). svāminō Dhātuḥ pāņi-puṭa-chyut-ōdakalavad-dhirō-bhavad-bhūtalē | Sulki-varsa-mahōdayō-hita-kritām sakshād=Yamō bhūbhritām Bharadvaja iti prasiddha-mahima granthi-trika-alamkri[taḥ ||] [5 || *] ×
.
5 [vam]sē tārādhipa-prabhē | Šulk-anvaya-dharaḥ śrīmān-Narasimhō-bhavan-nripah || [6] Sa Vida-dvādas-adhiśaḥ Kulagrāmē-vasach-chiram | Golahaṭṭyarh tu Chāpakyam-Elāpura-samīpataḥ | [7 || *] Prādād-vaidhavya-diksham chatura-Kalachuri
9
10
kshmābhri
6 p[ē ?]dē sakala-guna-yutal-Krishnaraj-jñaya yaḥ | vistirnn-aji-dhvaj-adhya-pravaravidhi-krite mandap-ämtaḥ pravisya krödh-ägnith pūjya samyag-ghata-kari-rudhir-jyēna khadga-áru(sru)ch=aiva || [8 || *] Garjjitva guru dūram=unnati-bhri
7 --dhi gajasya dana-samayē samjāyatë-pur-mmadaḥ | pushp-āḍaṁva(ba)rayā janāya dadati prāyaḥ phalani drumā n-ōtsēkō na ado na kala-haranam danasya yasy-abhavat | [9] Kri-y=tyamta-viruddha-täpayā vi[path]
8 [si]limukh-asvädita-va (ba)indhujīvaya yasy-ari-nāri saradā viḍamvi(bi)tā || [10 || *] Tasmad-vair-ibha-kumbha-sthala-dalana-patuḥ Kesar-iti prajānāṁ bharttā jātō Gunadhyaḥ kshitisura-sarapaṁ kshämti-bhrit-sunrita-jñaḥ | jitvā yō [yō]
– Krishṇarājē Lātēsam Kach[chh]avāham samada
|| [11 || *] - - va(ba)ddha-jaṭā-kalāpam-uchitam pret-adhivasa-kriyam tikshn-ōdbhāsita-sula-dārita-chitam bhasm-avar[ü]ksha-chchhavi [|] -
m-Umapatēr-iva vapur-yad-vidvisham mamdiram || [12 || *] Keśaḥ snigdha
-~-[1]--
1 Expressed by a symbol.
Better read püjapitvä hata-kari-, etc.
D2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX 11 tam cha yad=ripu-vadhū-sakhya chiram Aõchită || 13 | *) Singhāśa(hāsa) nama
adhirūdham jamvu(bu)kam=ava[lēkā(loka)]ya dvishan bhavaně sphuţită hřidayē nūna[m]
- --(1) - - 12 punya-vinay-ödyama-janma-bhūmim Padma-pada-prabuchim-Arkkavan-Abhidhanam
[1511*) Satya-tyäga-gun-Adhik8-dbhuta-yakah sadhu-[dvi] ----------
13 tilehthi]vatām brimad-Vilkpatink kritam svaka-va(ba)lë tantridhipo yaḥ sudhīḥ ||
[16!) Muxhj-Orvvipa-mahattamasya sahasă Chachchasya datta[bha) ---- - - - -- -- -[ *] -- - - -
- -
14
havo [ku]htrigra-prasit-åmalam na valimam (vyč]pädya kāmschid=dhathä[t] || [ 17 || Hapan-Pattapakam samētya tarasā Lolikya-samprēshitan-du -- - -- - -- - -- --[1 *) --- - -
- -- - -
15 mi -ve-vait-elbba-patti-vipulim nihka shka)mtakām sv-asina || 118 *Vatsē kim ruditēna yahi sarasam kurvv-atmano vāmchchhitam nitah -- - -
- - - - - -- - -- - -- -- --- -- -- - - 16 yasy-Ari-pramada-jano dridha-matir-mmrityum prati prasthitaḥ # [19 || *) Ya[t=4a)nyugăshu vara-vira-birab-kapalam pātrāya n=ālabhad=sho sa[ka] ---- -- - -- -- - - -- -
- - - --|||2011*] - -
17 trgha)-vidhivin-Jishnv-archohit-amghri-dvayo yo Duhákba(sa)na-Salya-darppa-dalans
vyåpára-lavdh(bdh)-avadhib durvvår-ahita-ghata-satya-vibhavo gi - - - -
-- - - -- - --- - -- -[||211*) -- -- - - - 18 na chayub kohitrēna satru-kshayaḥ santānāya su-yoshitasv=shar-abaḥ köpo va(ba)la-kahămti
krit su-ovim-Ishta-phalāya jivita ---------- ---
--- - -- - [1|22||*]...............(8 letters lost here)...... 19 yatr=äri-rva(ba)davānalē kallőla ive töyānām sahasā pralayam gataḥ || [23|| *
Hapa vara-mahi[sēna) sēnä [di]vam gati | parë ......... (14 letters of this verse lost here) [112411 - -- - - -
-- - -- --- - 20 h-ahita-kumjarēmdra-nakhari dāso Harasyoðttamaḥ dátā sarvva-janāya -mau-- - -- -
- - - - [2011].............. 21 ..........
* Only the fippor parts of many lotters are to be soon in this line.

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APPENDIX
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
(4 Plates) N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, New Delhi, AND B. CH. CHRABRA, OOTACAMUND This abnormally long inscription appears on twenty-five stone slabs, each measuring more or leas 3' high by 21 broad. Twenty-four of them are fixed in a row at short intervals into the wall of the Nauchauld ghat at the Rajasamudra, whilo one is found inside a marble pavilion. Rajasa mudra, popularly known as Raj Samand, is an artificial lake which lies to the north of Kankroli, a railway station on the Mavli-Phulad-Marwar Junction branch of the Udaipur State Railway, and is about 40 miles north-north-east of the city of Udaipur. The lake is a fine sheet of water, extending over three miles in length and a mile and a half in breadth. It is formed by a dam built at its south-western extremity. It is mainly fed by the water of the Gömati, but is also abundantly augmented by the rain-water draining into it from the surrounding hills.
The inscription comprises & mahakavya, entitled Rājaprasasti, consisting of twenty-four cantos. Twenty-four of the slabs contain each a canto, while the inscription on the twentyfifth consists merely of invocations to various deities, and as such it does not form an integral part of the poem proper. This invocatory section occupies the foremost position, though it was composed last of all, as is evidenced by its eleventh stanza wherein the poet invokes blessings for Rajasimba's son Jayasimha as well as for the latter's children. The poet informs us that he composed the prasasti by the order of Rajasimha, but that it was engraved on the stone slabs at the instance of his son and successor Jayasimha.
Although several instances are known of such lengthy records engraved on stone, yet the present one is perhaps the longest so far discovered. This remarkable poem has not yet been edited entirely or properly, though its contents have occasionally been noticed by some scholars. The work is important more as a narrative of events than anything else. It no doubt conforms to many of the conventional characteristics of a mahakävya, still it exhibits very little real poetic merit.
The script employed is Nagari, almost of the type prevalent at present. The language. is Sanskrit throughout, except that here and there some phrases or sentences in the local dialect
For detailed description of the ghaf as well as of its surroundings so Rai Bahadur G. H. Ojhs'. Rajpuldne ka Itihaa (Hindi), Vol. I, Ajmer, 1927, pp. 810 f.
Canto I, Verse 10. Canto V, Verse 51.
Two cantos, the second and the third, have been edited in the Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, Bhavde gar, pp. 145-184; but the text presented there is found inaccurate at several places. .
Prof. SH Ram Sharma of tho D. A. V. College, Labore, has undertaken to edit it. His work was to appear in the Panjab University Oriental Publications. We have seen a part of it in print and found that his treatment of the record is not atriotly scientific. Besides, his readings are not correct throughout.
Repocially by Osha, An. Rep. on the working of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, for the year onding 3let March 1918 Pp. 3 A.; Rajpuldne Itihde (Hindi), Vol. II, pp. 870 ff. d passim.

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2
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
are met with. It is, however, noteworthy that the poet not only presents certain Muslim names and titles in their Sanskritized forms, but also treats a few vernacular and even Persian terms as Sanskrit words like sera in the sense of 'a seer," latta for 'a kick' and salama meaning 'salute' respectively in verse 16 of the Canto III and in verses 41 and 48 of the Canto IV. As regards orthography, the following peculiarities may be noticed: (1) an anusvāra is used for a class nasal as well as for a final m almost invariably; (2) a consonant after r is very rarely doubled as in murddhnā (Slab I, 1. 37); (3) usually a single chh is written where a chohh is required, such cases as vilasachchhatro (Canto III, 1. 1) being exceptional; (4) the sign of avagraha is seldom used (Canto II, 1. 18); (5) in many cases v is employed instead of b. (6) Sometimes sh stands for kh. There are certain other peculiarities, such as the spelling of the name Bharata as Bharatha, which betrays the poet's place of origin being South India.
The author of the poem is a Telanga or Telugu Bhahmana, Ranachhoda, by name, born of the Kathōndi family. From the description of his parentage given towards the end of several cantos, we extract the following pedigree:
Krishna Lakshminätha (II)"
Bhaskara
Madhava (I) Ramachandra (I)
Sarvesvara
Lakshminātha (I)
T. Ramachandra (II)
Madhava (II)
Madhusudana T
Ranachhōda 1
Lakshminätha (III)*
The poet Ranachhōda also mentions his mother's name as Vēņi, daughter of a Gōsvāmin whose proper name is not given but who presumably belonged to the Vallabha sampradaya. It may be pointed out that Vallabhacharya, the founder of this sect, had also hailed from the Telugu country. His second son Vitthalanatha was the first to assume the title of Gōsai or Gosvāmin which was later held by all the acharyas of the sect. These Vaishnavas had their centres at various places in North India, but the one with which the maternal grandfather of the poet Ranachhōda was connected was probably that of Nathadvāra, about 30 miles north of Udaipur. We are further informed in verses 9 and 10 of Canto I that the poet composed the prasasti while teaching a younger brother of his, named Lakshmana, who seems to have had
1 A certain Indian weight, roughly equal to 2 lbs.
For metrical requirements, the chh in the name Ranachhōda has in most places to be read without the reduplication.
This Lakshminätha (II) is, in fact, not at all mentioned in the Rajaprasasti, but we know of his existence from the Jagannatharaya temple inscription at Udaipur, of which he is the composer, and in which he gives his genealogy perfectly agreeing with the one given here (see above, Vol. XXIV, p. 83, verse 48).
He is known from, slab IX, 11. 45-46: slab XXV, v. 16.
Rasputane-kā Itihas (Hindi), Vol. I, pp. 338 ff. See also R. G. Bhandarkar's Vaisnavism, Saivism, etc., pp. 76.

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RAJAPRASANTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR I-A View of the MACCHAUKI GHAT, RAJASAMUDRA
( From a photograph)

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RAJAPRASASTI ISCRIPTION OF LIAR IL-A VIEW OF ONE OF THE PAVILIONS, RAJASAMUDRA
(From it photograph)

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APPENDIX]
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
another elder brother called Bharata, and that he commenced the composition on the 7th day of the dark fortnight of the month of Māgha in the Vikrama year 1718 in compliance with the orders of Mahārānā Rājasimha who is stated to have at the same time ordered the construction of the Rājasamudra lake as well, while halting at the village of Dhôdhumda. The week-day on that date wes Budha, as can be ascertained from verse 14 of the Canto IX, where the same date is repeated. It thus regularly corresponds to Wednesday, the 1st January A. D. 1662, taking the month to be purnimanta.
It took full fourteen years to complete the work of excavating the lake and constructing the dam and the ghā; for, we are informed that the inauguration ceremony of the Rājasamudra took place on Thursday, the full-moon day of the month of Māgha, in the Vikrama Samvat 1732," which regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 20th January A. D. 1676.
The names of the masons who are responsible for the engraving of the present inscription as also perhaps for the construction work are given in the bhäshä portions occurring towards the end of some slabs. They are : Gajadhara. Mukamda, Gajadhara Kalyana's son Urajana, Gajadhara Sukhadēva, Gajadhara Keso (Kēšava), Sundara, Lālā, etc.
The pivotal theme of the poem is the Rājasamudra. It records the digging of the lake as well as the building of the dam and the ghāt in a very elaborate manner. Besides, it abounds in incidental details upon which it is needless to expatiate here. Since the text will be found simple enough to be self-explanatory, no comments are deemed necessary in this introduction. And a verbatim translation of the whole poem would unnecessarily increase the bulk of the article which is already exceeding usual limits. We shall, therefore, content ourselves by giving an abstract of the contents at the end of the text, adding notes on the historical portions. It may, however, be observed here that whereas the poet's account of the contemporary events appears to be fairly authentic, his descriptions touching the earlier history, for which he had drawn chiefly upon legendary, bardic or traditional sources, are manifestly wrong in several details and are therefore unreliable. The inaccuracies will be pointed out at their proper places.
The text has been prepared from the inked estampages taken by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the then Government Epigraphist for India, in 1934. The present article was ready as early as 1940, but its publication has been delayed due to the suspension of the printing of the journal for some years during and after the World War II.
TEXT
Slab I ; Invocation
[Metres : vv. 1-14 Sikharini ; vv. 15-21, 24-30 Sragdharā ; v. 22 U pajāti ; v. 23 Bhujangaprayūta.] 1 ॥ ॐ नमः श्रीगणेशाय ॥ यशोहेतुं सेतुं सुकृतिकृतिसेतुं जलनिधो सुबद्धं यश्चके
परणिपरचक्रेण रुचिरं । रचा कामः कामं जनक
The poem was also intended to be a text book for the poet's own children, Lakshminātha and the rest see Slab XXV, v. 16.
* Possibly it is the same Dhödhu ndā as is mentioned further on in verse 5 of the Canto IX, where it is enumorated as the first of the sixteen villages whose area was included in the lake.
This date as well as that of the commencement of the work is given at several places in the poem, but of such instances where week-days are also mentioned one may be seen in ll. 41-44 of Slab IX.
• The term gajadhara is equivalent to sūtradhåra meaning "mason', literally 'holder of the yardatiok' (gaja: gaz 'yard").
. More or loss the same list is found towards the close of Slabe III, VI, VIII, IX and XXV. • From ink impressions,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL.XXIX १ तमयावामनबनानुविधामः का सपतु स रामः सवपः ॥१॥ स्मितन्योल्मालेपोच(प)
बललितकः कवचयशितित्पूर्वत्पनेस.. 3 गगलितनागो विभसितः । मुटे लादोला (ना) शुगत इति भूषाप्रतिकृते तेगों याः शं (प) भूः
स्फटिकाचितिविरः ॥२॥ पुरा रामास्वा (ब) परम 4 सेतुविलसत्सव (4) सत्वावि नवनिह तग रचितवान् । प्रतिकामपाडा तब
विपरराज्ये भगवति प्रमावो निषि(वि)नं. गिरिपरमातचंय जप ॥ - B॥॥ पराभीत्योनी पृतमकुची कानपक्षणा महाकालोसपा सनमणाधिनता । प्रसमानी
प्रयामा स्मितमयनुनी 8 दक्षिणतमा स्तुबाकाली विद्यादितिसुतपनानीह लभते ॥ चतुर्भिः कैलालस्कृरितारिणि
मतपटेः मुंगे7 लिप्तः स्मरति सुनिता पनवना । पोहानयतकरा यांन(वाद) गगता रमे
श्रीमते यो मुखमपि स मतभवनवान् ॥५॥ 8 पदव्या भास (स्व) स्फटिकहिमकुंदाजगपादपाना चासो वा मुकुरपचिपासनगता । नवीना
बीणाभूतिषिहरिहगाबिकनुता स9 रस्वत्यास्ता [न]: सुमतिकतवे पारपतये ॥६॥ नई पानी मन्ना पिया (म) मपि पाना
मणिलसकिरीटदुखोतां मणिषटलसत्तव्यचरणां । त्रिनेत्रा 10 स्मेरास्यां समणिचषकाजो (जो)चतकरी अपारक्ता भत्ता भगत भुवनेशी पृषधां ॥७॥
एगालः बंडगो (खड्गो) ललितकमली हीमयमुनः क एष गी]11 हरु (ग्) लघुकलितशक्तिहंसकर: । हलांसो हल्लली प्रततकनमायोऽनलवधूस्तुतिमंत्र जपचा
जयति परणीशो मनुरिव ॥ कपो12 लोल्लोलत्कनकविलसत्कुंडलयुगां (ग) मुल वि(वि) प्राणां कनकविकसच्चपकचि । गदा
दीराति करगरिपुजिह्वां बगला13 मुली ध्यायेचस्तहिमुखमुखसंस्तंभनविधिः ॥॥ शतायुः सिदि वा सबसि ब(क) हरि
विवषती प्रसिद्धि लोके वा सततमृग14 - बिगता । सुनानादि का सुभगतवृद्धि पनगिरी समृद्धि भक्तानां सवि
हरसिदि भव मनः ॥ शिवे राज
1 The form aingala is evidently derived from the word ingala which is . Prakrit oquivalent of angira. * The sign of pisarga appears above the lino : apparently it was first omitted and supplied later on.

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 18 भ्यानां जयसि समरादौ जयकरी शतायुष्यं रा(रा) बलय जयसिहं सतनयं । स्थिर
राणाराज्यं जगति रवयाऽचंतपन प्रशस्तः स्थैर्य 18 स्वं मम सुतगिरायुधनसुखं ॥११॥ चतुर्वारं तेंतर्जनकलकलालहततर्नु गिरि श्रुत्वा लोके
तब विवरराज्यं स्वनुमितं । ध्रुवं निःसंदे17 है रचय नुपदेहं मम वपुः स्थिर गेहं स्नेह तनयमपि तेह निजनमः ॥१२॥
स्तोत्रं स्तुत्यं पठति मनुजो म(म) गलकं (क) सुकार्यायो यस्त18 जबति सफलं विघ्नरहितं । प्रपूर्ण' वा पूर्ण जननि रणछोडेन. रचितं पठित्वा श्रुत्वादो
जगदलिलमास्ता सुखमयं ॥१३॥ इति भवानीस्तोत्रं [॥*] 19 सरोलंबे स्तंबेरममुखसबबे(ब) सितमुले सुहेरवे (२) त्वं वेति गुणलंबे (३) त्वयि विभो
[*] समालंबे के बेरितवति भृशं वेदितविपत्काई20 बेनालंबे (बे) सुकविनिकुरवे (३) कुरु रुपां ॥१॥ मयः मुद्राः समुद्राः सलवणसलिला:'
कूपवाप्योऽभवा वारि बीक्ष्य बारा किल सुरस21. रितो वारि गृह्णाति लाम । शैवाल केशक्ति शिरसि ... श(क)ल पाक रलसेतोः
सिंदूर बा(बा) लुकौघं वरिति गुणिभिः पातु गीतो गणे. 22 .शः ॥१५॥ कर्णा' सपाय बाप्पलिवलयमिवान्चालनी ती (1) - राप्य राह
विधुकरनिकर पिष्टक स्निग्धकुंभौ । पानं मिष्ट बलं यत्प- . 23. पति बपवलं धूमकेतुं च सबैलडकालि तदुत्तो ससुरसुरनरालंबलंबोदरोग्यात् ॥१६॥
शुंग प्रचं मदलसदसितं प्रवाहिशस्त्रं 24 बि (वि) प्राणो धूमकेतुं मधुकरगुटिकावंतमुइंग्दर । तनून बह्निमस्त्री दितिजह (ह) तिकृते
स्थापितः शंभुनासो धोत्या लोकगजास्यः क25 थित इति मुद्दे श्रीगणेशः सुवेषः ॥१॥ पूज्योभूनकरः सुरदितिजनरः सर्वकार्येषु
कस्मात्तन्मन्ये कोरनेयं जलनिधिमधिकं शुंग्या पीत
28 बावै । लंकास्पद्वारकास्था'ऽसुरसुरमनुजाहाँद्रलक्ष्मीस्वयंभूविष्णुस्तोत्रैस्तु मुंचम्सकलमिवमतः सर्वबंधो
मुदे सः ॥१८॥ प्रात
1 Tho syllable ud is inscribed above the line. * The sign of visarga appears above the lino : apparently it was first omitted and was supplied Intor on. • Road kipa-vd pyon pyrabhadra, as otherwise the line would be short of one syllable.
The words Lankaatha and Dvarakästhe qualify the aura, oto., i.e., demons, oto, of Lankl as well as of Dviraka.
DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX 27 र्भानु रसालोत्तमफलत (म) तितो निर्मलोचत्सिताभिभ्राजल्लडकबुद्धधा निशि मधुरवि[धुं] चंडया
शुंडया यत् । धृत्वा स्वास्ये वधे तद्ग्रहण28 मिति जनैः स्नायिभिः श्रांत मस्मात्पार्वत्या मोचिते (तो) तो सहसितमवतात्वलेशहर्ता गणेशः
॥१६॥ भ्रातः किं वाहनस्य प्रकटयसि न वा 29 लालनं स्कंदवाक्यादेवं प्रोदंडशंडामुखकलितमहामूषकस्पर्शलेशः । भोक्तुं भोगी किमित्थं द्रवति
. कृतमतौ मूषकेस्मादकस्मात्स्कं30 धात्तस्य स्खलनस्खलितमतिवचश्चार दद्याद्गणेशः ॥२०॥ सत्कुंभी बुंदुभी दो भुजगसुखकरं _ वाद्यमुइंडशुंडां तालौ वा कण (f) तालौ त्रिपु- - . 31 रहरमहातांडवाडंव (ब) रे यत् । चंडाया वादयंति विपवनविभोरेष' तुष्टो विशिष्टं
स्वाविष्टः (ष्ट) स्पष्टनृत्य प्रविधि षिक पातु मामिष्टशिष्टं ॥२१॥ 32 श्रीवक्रतुंडं (ड) स्तव एष तुंडस्थितः सतां मंडितसूक्तिकुंडः । उदंडवेतंडघटाप्रचंडविद्यामणीक[]लवः
सदा स्य (स्या)त् ॥२२॥ इति गणेस (श) स्तोत्रं ।' 33 स्वनामस्रजं गायतः त्रस्तरोगानजस्रं जनान्दसवी वितन्वन् । जयन्ननपान्भूषयन्यस्त्रमुच्चः
सहस्रद्युतिस्संमुदे स्तादुदुत्र[:] 34 ॥२३॥ सत्पीतं चामरं किं कलयति तपनो धार्यमाणं दिगोशः सूताभावाहभाभिः कृतपट
घटनायापि सूचीसहस्रं । वेद्धं तद्धा (खा) तदंता35 बलसव (ब) लव (ब)लं स्वर्णवा (बा) णवजं वा तपते तर्घलोकरिति रविकिरणा येत्र ते पुत्रदाः
स्युः ॥२४॥ जाते यस्योदयेसावुदय गिरिवरः सू36 र्यवाहारुणाभारूपः शुद्ध हिरण्यर्मरकतमणिभिः पपरागैः कृतं बाक् । शृंगस्तोमे समस्ते रचयति
निचयं भूषणानां यथेछ (च्छं) 37. याहग्यत्रोपयुक्तं स भवतु भगवान्भूतये भानुमाली ॥२५॥ प्रा[च्या]मईनाना धृतोसौ मरकत
कनकोद्भासितोत्तंस उच्चैर्वृत्तोद्यत्स्वर्ण38 पत्रं हरिदरुणपटं छत्रकं मूर्द्धिन मेरोः । वर्षाशंस्यद्भुतं वा हरिधनुरधुना कुंडलीभूतमित्थं
सूतस्वाश्वप्रभाभत्सुनिभिरुदितं मंडलं पा39 तु पूष्णः ॥२६॥ मुक्तागच्छं विवस्वद्वपुररुणमणिं विद्रुमं सूतरूपं छत्रं सत्पुष्परागं हरिहरित
मणीन्दीर्घवैडूर्यदंडान् । वि(बि) भ्रवस्य चक्र 1 The word trinta in usod in the sense of avasita 'understood' or 'inferred'. ? The engraver had dittographically ongraved a sperfluous da after this da, which he later on scored out.
* This expression is not very clear. If the third word in the compound is meant to be ahan, the corroct form should be ahar-bhabhib, which would not fit in with the metre.
After ya is scored out medial 1.

Page #58

APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 40 त्वसितमणिधुरं धन्यगोम (मे) वमंचं श्रीभानोः स्पंदनस्ते मनसि खलु धृतो हंतु
सर्वग्रहार्ति(ति) ॥२७॥ विश्रामच्छपना मूर्टिन लघुगमनकरा ये मेरोथुन41 चाः कल्लोलोल्लासितेस्मिन्मय'वरयुवतीसंचये चंचलाक्षाः । हेषासंकेतशब्देविदधति भृशमासक्तिमह्नां
गुरुत्वं प्रीष्मे कुर्वति युक्तं हरिहरय इत42 स्ते भियं ते विशंतु ॥२८॥ व(च) क्रानं शक सम्यक् (ग्) धुरि यम समतामक्षमाधेहि
रक्षस्त्वं बीतीन्धि (वी) तिहोत्रायणमिह वरुण स्थापय त्वं रथे[शं] । वायो वाऽऽयोजय .. 43 त्वं रथमथ धनदाराषन (न) त्वं हरीणां शम्भो त्वं भो[*] प्रियं मे वदति तदरणो
दिक्पतीन् शास्ति सोव्यात् ॥२६॥ प्राश्लेषे पश्चिमाशाकुचपुगविलस[त्कुं-] 44 [कु]मालेपसक्तः किवा वालः प्रवालजलनिधिजठं (6)रे स्पर्शनर्घर्षणश्च प्रेमणा (म्णा) [वाच्छादितः
कि हरिहरदबलापाणिना सत्कुसुंभा रक्तेनैवांव (ब) रेणा45
--- -- -- [॥३०॥] .. .. .. .. ...
Slab II ; Canto I [Metres : vv. 1,2,4,6,7Malini%; v. 3 Prithvi%B5, 14, 15, 17-29 Anushtubh; vv.8, 11, 12, 13 Vasantatilakā ; vv. 9, 10, 30, 31 Sārdūlavikridita ; v. 16 Salini.]
श्री [:n*] 1 ॐ नमः श्रीगणेशाय नमः ॥ मुनिनुपमनुजेभ्यो वर्शनं संप्रदातुं परमकरुणयवागत्य कैलास
शैलात् । तटभुवि कुटिलाया एकलिंगस्त्रि2 कूटे स्थित इह विवरेद्रो राजसिंहेशमव्यात् ॥१॥ तुहिनकिरणहीरक्षीरकर्पूरगौरं । वपुरपि
जलदाभं कालि3 कापांगवल्या (ल्ल्या): (0) प्रतिकृतिघटनाभिर्वि(बि)भ्रवभ्रांतभक्तः । कलयतु तव राजन्मंग_ लान्येकलिंगः ॥२॥ 4 चतुर्मितपुमर्थसद्वितरणाय सद्भपः सदा । चतुर्भुजघरो मुवा किल चतुर्यगोद्यद्यशाः ॥(।)
चतुर्भुजह
1 Mayu means kinnara.
# This portion has not come out on the impression. How much matter has been lost after the verse 30 cannot bedetermined.
• Engraved on the top.
This danda is not necessary.

Page #59

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA .. ' [Vor. xxix 6 रिश्चिर निगचतुर्भुनाभिः शुभ चतुः'भूतिसमीरितं विशतु राजसिंहप्रभोः ॥३॥ अगदक्षिण
जनानां पालनावस्ति .. 6 यांचा (, निगमवचसि यांबा(बा)लाविकांदा किलोक्ता ॥(1) सुनयतु सहितं त्वा
पुत्रपौत्रप्रपौत्ररवतु तब तु गोत्रं सांवि(वि). . 7 का राजसिंह ॥४॥ (ए)दिर विभवं वात् ।' गोली (क्ली) पति(ति) -
त्यलं ॥(1) बुषे प्रसन्मासौः (सी) स्फूढाला भूप प्रबाल8 भाः ॥५॥ स्पबतुलकरे इमोदक यस्य भक्तः । कलयति सं(स) फलार्य मोबकं .
राजसिंह । नृपवर स तु विघ्नं वि. 9 मराजो विनिघ्नन् रचयतु तनपस्ते मंगलं मंगलापाः ॥६॥ प्रथमनुपमनौ पः सिविता
10 अपरमनुमिव त्वां वीक्ष्य सिटि प्रदातुं ॥(1) दशशतकरयुक्तो पुक्तमेवेन्यहो त्वा ।'
मवतु स तु नितांत भूप- . . 11 ते राजसिंह ॥७॥ धीरः कविः स्फुटपुराणवरोनुमास्ता । पाता स्फुरवगुणगणस्य
तमासपत्नः ॥(0) पावित्य12 वर्ण इह मां मधुसूदनोव्यात्कातिदुस्तरतरे' प्रविशंतमया ॥॥ इती(ति) मंगलाष्टकं ॥
यस्यासीग्मधुसू13 बनस्तु जनको जातः कठोरी फुले तेलंगः कविपतितः सुजननी वेणी - गोस्वामिणा ॥(1)
. राजसमुद्रमामा14 जलाधारप्रशस्ति त्वहं सोबर्य रणछोर एष भरया (ता), लक्ष्मण शिक्षयन् ॥॥ पूर्ण
सप्तवो पाते समतनौ (नो)स्वष्टा-- 16 दशाव्येन्बके ।' मा यामलपक्षके नरपतिः [सात्सप्तमी वासरे (1) भोगावसति
मलास(ा)यमहारंभ - तस्याश18 या प्रारंभ रणछोर एष कृतास्तस्य प्रशस्तस्तथा ॥१०॥ वयं स्ववर्ण्यमपि वेत्ति न
.बाबा)लको पाइण्टासंकषक . 17 एवं गलपाच । सोहं तव गुणसभोपविष्टः किंचिावामि मम पाष्टमिव
. समर्थ ॥११॥ जिहासुत्कणिपति
1 The syllable tub is engraved above the line IPerhaps the intended readings admbalhaleta.
Tble dandu is not neces The letter du is inscribed above the line.

Page #60

APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 18 लिंबनेषु' कार्तवीर्यार्जुनो वचसि वाक्पतिरेव वाहं ॥(1) गातुं गुणास्तब ता निपुगो
भवामि कौश्चित्ततो सुप पदाम्पति19 साहसेन ॥१२॥ पुण्या जनार्यनहरेस्तु कवास्ति पुण्यश्लोकस्य वा नलनुपस्य पुषि
ठिरस्य ॥(0) तादृषकमा जयति बाप20 नपस्य वक्ष्ये भीराजसिंहनृपतेरपि सस्कषां तत् ॥१३॥ रामायणे भारतस्ति प्रोक्तानां
भूभुना पशः । पथा राजा21 मिहोपताना त्यातपातारक ॥१४॥ प्रशस्ति बने रामचंद्रस्य शोभते । भीमबंग
प्रमस्तिस्ते राति22 . विराजते ॥१५॥ मायुष्यैस्तुल्यमापुस्तु भाषाचाना स्यारेनवाग्भारताः । देवायुष्यैस्तुल्य- .
मापुस्ततोहं प्र(च) - 23 4 राण गीर्वाणवाण्या ॥१६॥ व्यासबाल्मीकिवदन्यो बा(बा) गनीहर्षवरूपः । स संस्कृतकबी
राक्ष पशॉगल्यापरिचर 24 ॥१॥ भीराणाराजसिंहस्म वर्णन कर्तुमुचतः । भूपाण्यापाविका ग्य]क्तुं पक्येहं मुनिसमति
॥१॥ पन्चे बा(५)पुराणस्य । मे26 पाटीपचंरके ॥(1) पण्डे(8)ध्याये स्वेकलिगमाहात्म्य पापमीरित ॥१॥ पप औलात्मणा.
(a) शोकन्याकुललोचना ॥(0) ब)पिनं प्रथ28 में पापं सुनती तमुवाच ह [*] २०[*] यस्माद्वाण्यं सृजाम्यच वियोगात्' बाकरस्य
- [*] पूर्वरताय मग(या)पाहापो राजा भविष्यसि ॥२१॥ 27 माराध्य । जगन(मा) । तीये नागहरे शुभे । राज्य शाम इव प्राप्य पुनः
स्वर्गमवाप्स्यसि ॥२२॥ पुनश्चंगणं प्राह पार्वती प्याकु28 लेक्षणा । मर्यादा हतवानच । द्वाररसेप्परमणात् ॥२३॥ हारीत इति नाम्ना व
मेवपाटे मुनिर्भव । तमाराम्य शिवं देवं । त 29 तः स्वर्गमवाप्स्यसि ॥२४॥ इति वायुपुराणस्य संमतिस्तत्र विस्तरः ॥(1) बन्यो
पापवंशेस्मिन् । कार्यः शिष्टस्तार ॥२५॥ 30 मे विज्ञानतरणी राजसिंहगुणांबुषः । पाराप्य पत्रमुगु (प)मस्याहाफरमाये ॥२६॥
सालंकारमणिः सूक्तिमौक्तिकः सह
* The correct form in libhana. •Batter roadgadmin.
Sandhi has not boon observed horo. •Thadandalanot necessary. . Both visarga and the danda are above the line.
• While composing this vorso the poot obviously had in mind Kludi' Rua Arya-prabhand vanised brdo chealpa vishayd matt tittraduraduaterani mshadudupisteedemi adgaram (Raghuvomide, 1, 2).

Page #61

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX s1 सामृतः ॥(1) राजप्रशस्तिपंथोस्ति समुद्रोन्य[*] सुवर्णभूः ॥२७॥ सेतिहासो भारतवमोक्त
सूर्यान्वयः समः ॥(1) रामाय- . 32 गेन पठनाथस्तादृक्फलाय नः ॥२८॥ श्रीराणाराजसिंहस्य महावीरस्य वर्णने ॥(1)
वाष्पः सूर्यान्वयी सर्गे सूर्यवं. 33 शं बदेधिमे ॥[२९॥*] प्रासीब्रास्करतस्तु माधवबुषोस्मादामचंद्रस्ततः सत्सर्वेश्वर[क:] कठोंडि
कुलजो लक्ष्म्यादिनाथस्सृतः । तेलंगोस्य तु राम34 चंद्र इति वा कृष्णोस्य [वा*] माधवः पुत्रोभून्मधुसूवनस्त्रय इमे ब(ज) होशविष्णूपमाः
[३०॥*] यस्यासीन्मधुसूदनस्तु जनको वेणी । 35 गोस्वामिजा माता वा रणछोड एष कृतवानराजप्रशस्त्याह्वयं । कामं सान्वयराजसिंहनुपति
भीवर्णनात महद्वीरांक प्रप36 मोत्र पूत्तिमगमत्सर्गोर्थवर्गोत्तमः [*] ३१[*] इतिभीमभुसूदनभहपुनरनचोकते भीराजप्रशस्त्याल्मे
. महाकाव्ये [प्रथमः सर्गः ॥]
Slab III ; Canto II
[Metres : v. 1 Mandākrānta ; vv. 2-38 Anushţubh.) 1 श्रीगणेशाय नमः [॥*] गुंजापुंजाभरणनिचयं चंद्रकालीकिरीटं गोत्रं वेत्रं करकमलयोः पुंजितं
चित्रवस्त्रं ॥(0) 2 मध्ये पीतं वसनमपरं किंकिणी वरवेणी । नासामुक्ता बर्षदतिमुदे तेस्तु गोवर्द्धनेंद्रः
॥१॥ पादौ मल3 मयं विश्वं । तत्र नारायण स्थितः । ह(हि) रण्यहारी तन्नाभो । पनकोष
इहाभवत् ॥२॥ व (ब) मा चतुर्मुष (ख) स्तस्य म4 रीधिः कश्यपोस्य तु ॥(1) सुतो विवस्वा (स्वां) स्तस्यासोन्मनुरिक्ष्वाकुरस्य सः ॥३॥
विकुक्षिः स शशावान्यनामा 6 तस्य पुरंजयः ॥(1) ककुत्स्थापरनामाया मस्यानेनास्ततः पृषुः ॥॥ ततोभूविश्वरंभिस्तु
ततश्चंद्रस्ततोभव6 त् ॥(1) यवनाश्वोस्य शावस्तो ब(ब) हबश्वोस्थ वात्मजः ॥५॥ ततः कुवलयाश्वोभवं
धुमारापराभिषः ॥(1) दृढाश्वोस्यास्य ह. 1 Reads-tatah as in 1. 35 of Slab IV.
-
-
Danda unnecessary. .Visarga is above the line.

Page #62

RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
III-SLAB III
नाग ऐश मनजामाजरतातच पत्ताहालाकिरात्री करकमलो जितंचिवनमा 2मोपी नम्रपति किलीन कवेतासा मकाददातरवाजावानंद: मादाजली
विदवार नारायणस्चितर टाकात हा गाविसको पछाजवताणवलाचतुषस्वरयान 4)शिकाययपास्य दारतावित स्थानकातर ट्याकुरस्मता विकासासाशादापनामा
सारंजयः। परनामायमरणानेना सता एयात तोदन रावस्तु ततश्चद्र सतानव 61वनावो१२ रहदश्व स्वामानापतितकललफामानलारापालिका सारतीया स्वर 6
येश्वोनिकलवस्यवातावाद हे खः कारपसेन जिनस्पपाततः जनाइवा धा तास 7निभानामततयःपर सस्पवातावसमस्याइतकारमा दनर एपस्तोलवाला 8 हरियोम्पा लकास्पत्रिव730 सपतविशंकरश्यनामा तरलताशाहारश्वकोशहितारय तस्पारित- परस्परसेवीस्मा जोजोमवातरमा ६को वा कारमतत्पुनःसगरसचार 10 चकवतानपादप पारस्पाजत- गावलिदस्ता हा सध्याःसागरका रकाः सगरस्पानाव पाठ फेशियामसनमा मानिसीपमा जातजगारघातततस्ततो तानःसिंहामास्क 12
तसताता यतासामा ततपर्णवनरतः सर्वकामसूद स्पन शापिसापाताकदवासकलला 14 पादान्यारवगो साचा मंकःमूल की मार कारयताबडतपातातावश्वसद स्त: 14
स्माबागवकवत:बार रिपोरसर बरसानहाताना गोदार सस्पकोशः 16ल्पांस तोलवामा रके के नरमओ रामनाक माव।।५।मायालक्ष्मणश्वशत्रुत्र 16
तिन्नामताम्रासातघकशोजा तोलवर १८पादपाँमात थकानषधोस्यता 18 तोजलाननीयपंडराको स्थानावरसादयानाकरतानापारयात्रासातत्सतरावर 18
वसमा स्टलकारमा जनानसतोजवारे ॥२०॥सगास्वविघात:पुत्रसस्प सतोत्तवादिएकता 20 जःपुष्यो रमा टुवसिजि रतनी जबर॥२५॥ स दर्शनीस्पतिवर्ग-तस्पशीघ्र सतोम प्रसुतस्त 20
4प्राधिस्त्रम्पत मर्षात ते पर स्वास्नस्याहवताप्रसाजराजतन्त्रतत्रकार समाह लहतिवार|RKा नारतसंग्रामेतिहासातवताताव्याप्रोका जारंग 22 कपा-मागतानादेवंया सस्तववरामनारत्माहरण स्वोरुकिया प्रतारणावदा वनप्राशयामरस स्पासा दाउरे-स्प वादिकसस्पदवीवादनामानारत्पलशरातस्पासात्सदमा स्वर रश्वतो तर मारणारांपत्यानरमादतीकमा मालतमरुदेवास्मासुमात्रा स्वयक रात तीन रजःस्तका सामाजिदस्यतारिवहदानस्तोताद सम्मानस्पतियातस्मद्रा नयामपसनयाशावापतः।२५।। मोटोसमालोजली स्पनेत नदघवालदक मनस्यताकस्ताक स्या सासरस्वतः३.मिमित्रांतश्नाको रव योनववा नद्रा जागवतस्कचनवनवरारिताः॥३१॥
न्यतशलता पाइतावप्रसिदासर्यवंशस्थानवतजालोलवतताइनहार या राजेंद्र रमादविर यान पारमा द वलसेनसतस्तेनास्यकला रातस्माकन करना स्थान हात जश्त्यात 30 स्मादजवसेनोसा नवसनसोचन॥34-प्रसंग नस्तरमा पदसेनततोऽनवशनपःसिंहरयस्वेतेपर पादासनान, पारपातमा तोयानकायोमाराम ताजावान पाउदा दाल स्याजद सदाशर
२६ात्रा स्पा काशता पाना। निजामयामा तयारमान घालवतालवदन्वया ३ाजार ताविजयनंपाताराजाकोम नुपूर्वकावा संगरिताका वन कारासादियादिाचतायःसन। "199||१८ वपेमा मासेकसपले सहमती तादामुहरतराजराजमाघजीकाकारता
20३२॥६माघमा लपटो५तिप्पेरानसमदमाताका बालक गजपकल्याण श्री रजतपदेवको रदरफना लामा मारSALARIDAIGAM
SCALE: ONE-FIFTH

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Page #64

APPENDIX] · RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 7 यो निकुंभस्तस्य वा ततः ॥॥ (ब)हणाश्वः शाश्वोस्य सेनजितस्य वा ततः ॥(1)
युवनाश्वोस्य मांधाता असह8. स्पुपराभिषः ॥७॥ अवय॑स्य तनयः पुरुकुत्सोस्य वा सुतः ॥(1) असहस्युडिसी योस्मान
. रज्यस्ततोभवत् ॥८॥ 9 हर्यश्वोस्यारणस्तस्य त्रि(ब) धननुपस्ततः ॥(1) सत्यवतस्त्रिशंकुस्तु तस्य नामांतर ततः ॥॥
हरिश्चंद्रो रोहितोस्य 10 तल्प वा हरितस्ततः ॥(1) अपस्तस्य सुदेवोस्माविजयो भएकोस्य वा [*] १.[*]
तस्मादको पा(मा)हकोस्य तत्पुत्रः सगरः स च ॥(1) 11 चमवर्ती सुमत्यां तु पल्यां तस्याभवन्सुता[*] ॥११॥ भेष्टा (छाः) षष्टिसहवोचत्तस्याः
सागरकारकाः । सगरस्यान्यप-... 12 ा (eat) तु केशिम्यामस[4]जसः ॥१२॥ ततोशुमाग्दिलीपोस्मातस्माज्जातो भगीरवः ।
ततः [तस्ततो [नाभः सिंधुदीपोस्य 13 तत्सुतः ॥१३॥ अयुतायुस्तस्य जात ऋतुपर्णस्तु तत्सुतः । सर्वकामः सुवासोस्य तस्मान्मित्र
सहपति[*] ॥ ॥१४॥ .. मवयंत्याः स कल्मा14 पपादाम्याल्योस्य चाश्मकः ॥(1) मूलकोस्माह शरषस्तत एरविडस्ततः ॥१५॥ जातो विश्वसहस्त15 स्मारवटांगश्चक्रवर्त्यतः ॥(1) दीर्घबाहुदिलीपोस्य रघुरस्याज इत्यतः ॥१६॥ जातो बशरप
स्तस्य कौश18 ल्यायां सुतोभवत् ॥(1) भीरा (रा)मचंद्रः कैकेय्या भरथो (तो) रामभक्तिमान् ॥१७॥
सुमित्रायां लक्ष्मणश्च शत्रुघ्नश्चे17 ति ना(रा) मतः ॥(1) श्रीसीतायां कुशो जातो लवश्चेति कुशा बभूत् ॥१८॥ कुमा
स्यामतिषिको निषपोस्य त18 तो नलः ॥(1) नभोष पुंडरीकोस्य अमपन्या ततोभवत् ॥१॥ देवानीकस्ततोऽहीनः
__पारियात्रोस्य तत्सुतः ॥(1) ब(ब)19 लस्तस्य स्थलस्तस्मावखनाभस्ततोभवत् ॥२०॥ स (सं) गणस्तस्य वितिः पुत्रस्तस्य सुतोभवत्
॥(1) हिरण्यना
* The letter ta is engraved above the line.
Visarga is above the line. The figare 14 between two sets of dandas appear above the line. The first pair of dandas is thus in orooss. • Here instead of Dasaratha the Puranas give Sataratha which appears to be ccrrect
The syllable ma appears above the line. • A space for one or two letter is left blank bot woon id and da.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XxIx 20 भः पुष्योस्मावसिद्धिस्ततोभवत् ॥२१॥ सुदर्शनोस्याग्निवर्णस (स्त) स्य शीघ्रस्ततो महत् ॥(0)
ततः प्रसुश्रुतस्त21 स्मात्संधिस्तस्य तु मर्षणः . ॥२२॥ ततो महस्वस्तिस्याभूद्विश्वसाबः प्रसेनजित् ॥(1)
ततस्ततस्तक्षकोऽ22 स्मात (इ.) हड ()ल इति स्वयं ॥२३॥ महाभारतसंग्रामे निहतस्त्वभिमन्युना ॥(1) एते
स्वतीता व्यासेन संप्रोक्ता भार23 ते नृपाः [*]२४fu*] अनागताज (ज) गावं व्यासस्तत्र वदामि तान् ॥(1)
(ब)हन (द) लाइ (कृ) हबणस्तस्योतक्रिय इत्यतः ॥२५॥ वत्स24 पयः प्रतिव्योमस्तस्यास्मावानुरस्य वा ॥(1) दिवाकस्तस्य पदवी वाहिनीपतिरित्यभूत् ॥२६॥
तस्यासीत्सहदेवो25 स्य (ब) हदश्वस्ततोभवत् ॥(1) भानुमान् वा प्रतीकाश्बोस्य तस्मात्सुप्रतीककः ॥२७॥
ततोभून्महदेवोस्म (स्मा) त्सुनक्षत्रो26 स्य पुष्करः ॥(1) ततोंतरिमः सुतपास्तस्मान्मित्रजिवस्य तु ॥२८॥ (ब) हब्राजस्ततो.
ब(ब)हिस्तस्मात्तस्य कृतंजयः ॥(1) तस्माद्र27 गंजयस्तस्य संजयः शाप इत्यतः ॥२६॥ शुसोदोस्माल्लागलोस्य प्रसेनजिदय स्वतः ॥(1)
शकस्तस्य हणकस्त28 स्यासीत्सुरथस्ततः ॥३०॥ सुमित्रस्तु सुमित्रांत इवाकोरग्वयोभवत् ॥(1) उक्ता भागवते
स्कंधे नवमे ते मयोविताः ॥३१॥ 29 द्वाविंशत्यप्रशतकमेषां संख्या कृता वदे ॥(1) प्रसि[बासू (न्सू) र्यवंशस्थान् वजनाभो
भवत्ततः ॥३२॥ महारथीति राजेंद्र30 स्तस्मादतिरथी नृपः ॥(1) 'तस्मावचलसेनस्तु सेनास्य त्वचला रणे ॥३३॥ तस्मात्कनक
सेनोस्य महासेनोंग [इत्यतः ॥(1) त31 स्माविजयसेनोस्याऽजयसेनस्ततोभवत् ॥३४॥ प्रभंगसेनस्तस्मात्तु मवसेनस्ततोऽभवत् । भूपः
सिंहरथस्त्वेते प्र32 योध्यावासिनो नपाः ॥३५॥ तस्माद्विजयभूपोयं मुक्त्वाऽयोध्यां रणागतान् ॥(1) जित्वा
नृपान्दक्षिणस्थानवसद्दक्षिण
The lotter la is engraved above the line, • Sandhi is not observed here.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR -
13 33 क्षितौ ॥३६॥ तत्रास्याकाशवाण्यासोन्मुक्त्वा राजाभिषामय ॥(1) पावित्याल्या तु भर्तव्या
भवता भववन्वये ॥३७॥ जा34 मा विजयभूपाता राजानो मनुपूर्वकाः ॥(1) वीरा संख्येरितास्तेषां पंचत्रिंशत्रुतं शत (तं)
॥३८॥ प्रासीवित्यादि । द्वितीयः सर्गः ॥ 36 संवत ॥१७॥१८ वृषे (वर्षे) माघमासे कृष्णपक्षे सप्तम्यां त(ति) यो रामसमुद्रा मूहूरत
(मुहूर्त) राणेराजसींघजी कोषो ॥ संब38 त ॥१७॥३२॥ षे (वर्षे) माघमासे सुकल (शुक्ल) पक्षे १५ तिथे (पौ) राजसमुद्र
प्रतिष्टा(ष्ठा) कीधी गजपर मुकंद गजधर कल्याण37 जी सुत उरजण गजपर सुष(ख)देव. गजधर केसो ॥ सु(सं)वर ॥ लाला ।
सोमपुरा [ज]ति ॥ चुतरा पुरम्य ॥ रामराम वाच[ना]जी [॥*]
Slab IV; Canto III [Metres : vv. 1, 35, 36 Sardalavikridita; vv. 2-12, 24-27, 32-34 Anushtubh; vv. 13, 14, 16-20, 22, 23, 30 U pajāti; vv. 15, 29, 31 Indravajrā ; v. 21 Indravamsā; v. 28 Upajāti of Indravamsa and Vamsasthavila.] 1 ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः ॥ उललोलीभवनताछ(च्छ)सुरभीपुछ(छ) (छ)टाचामरः सगोवर्द्धन
धन्यगोत्रविलसच्छत्री जितेंद्रो व(ब). 2 ली ॥(0) गोपालः कलितश्च गोपतनयासक्तो निजप्रमवान्पायागोषनभक्तरक्षणपरः सच्च
भवती हरिः ॥१॥ ततो वि. 3 जयभूपस्य पनावित्योभवत्सुतः ॥(1) शिवादित्योस्य · पुत्रोभूबरबत्तोस्य वा सुतः ॥२॥
. सुजसावित्यनामास्मात्सुम4 साबित्यकस्ततः ।(1) सोमवत्त स्तस्य पुत्रः शिलादित्योस्य चात्मजः ॥३॥ केशवादित्य
एतस्मानागावित्योस्य चात्म5 जः । भोगाबित्योस्य पुत्रोभूद्देवादित्यस्ततोभवत् ॥४॥ प्राशादित्यः कालभोजावित्योस्मात्तनयोस्य
तु ॥(1) प्रहावित्य इहा6 रित्याश्चतुर्वशमितास्ततः ॥५॥ प्रहादित्यसुताः सर्वे ग(गु)हिलौताभिषापुताः । जाता युक्तं
तेषु पुत्रो ज्येष्ठो वाष्पाभिषोभव1 By this are meant the two stanzas, Nos. 30 and 31, of Slab II, Canto I. * Sömapură means 'architect'.
* The name should end in aditya rather than in datta in accordance with the information contained in voru 37 of Slab III, Canto II and verse 5 of the present one,
4 DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX 7 ॥६॥ यं दृष्टा न(म)दिनं गौरी दृशोष्पिं पुराऽसृजत् । मंदी गणोसी बाष्पोरि
प्रियाक्वा (ग्वा) पदोऽभवत् ॥७॥ हारी8 राशिः सुमुनिश्चरः भोगोभवत् । तस्य शिष्योभवतापस्तस्याशातः , प्रा (प्र) सावतः ॥६॥
नागहरपुरे तिष्ठन्ने 9 कलिंगशिवप्रभो । चके वाष्पोऽनं चास्मै बरानो बचो ततः ॥ चित्रकूटपतिस्त्वं . स्यास्त्वदश्यवरणा - 10 + । मा गछ (न्य) साच्चित्रकूटः संततिः त्यावरिता ॥१०॥ प्राप्येत्याविवराम्बाष्प एकस्मिन् . . शतके गते ॥(0) एकापनकll तिस्वष्टे- माघे पोवलक्षके ॥११॥ सप्तमी दिवसे बाष्पः स पंचदशवत्सं (स)ः ।
एकलिगेशहारीतप्रसाबााग्यवानभूत् ॥१२॥ 12 नागहबाल्ये मगरे विराजी नरेश्वर: बङ्गधरेषु धन्यः । (ब)लेन बेहेन च भोजनेन
भीमो रणे भीमतमो 13 रिपूर्णा ॥१३॥ पंचाधिकत्रि (त्रि) शदमवहस्तप्रमाणयुक्पट्टपर्ट वधानः । ब(ब) भी निचोर्स
किल षोडशोधकरप्र14 माणं विमलं वसानः ॥१४॥ श्री एकलिगेन मुदा प्रबत्तं हारीतनाम्ने मुनयेष तेन ।
बतं दधानः कटकं च हेमं पंचा16 शबुधत्पलमानमास्ते ॥१५॥ द्वात्रिंशबुद्धत्तमढम्बुकाचैः प्रस्थ (स्था)भिषेः शेरवरैः कृतस्य ।
मणस्य चैकस्य 16 भरं हि चत्वारिंशन्मितवि(वि)भवसि रषानं ॥१६॥ एकप्रहारान्महिषी महासेदुर्गार्चनायां
जवतो विनिघ्नन् । भू
17 जन्महाछागचतुष्टयं स अगस्त्यश[स्त्यः] प्रबभूव वाष्पः ॥१७॥ ततः स निर्जित्य नूपं
तु मोरीजातीयभूपं 18 मनुराजसंज्ञं । चित्रितचित्रकूट चक्रेत्र राज्यं नृपचक्रवर्ती ॥१८॥ राज्याति
पूर्णत्ववरत्वलक्ष्मीमय
Compare verses 20 and 21 of Canto I above.
* Read svabdi ; su being prefixed to the word abda. Su, sat, lasat, udyat, etc., will be found used as mere expletives very commonly in this poem.
• Sandhi has not been observed here. • The correct sandhi would be ad='gastya-, but sa Agastya- has been retained for the sake of the metro,

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
16 19 स्वशबाविमवर्णयुक्तां । तां रावलाल्या पदवीं वधानो वाष्पाभिधानः स रराज राजा
॥१९॥ लतः खुमानाभि20 परावलोस्मानगोविचनामाष महेंजनामा । पासूनृपोस्मावथ सिंहवर्मा तस्यात्मजः शक्तिकुमार
नामा ॥२०॥ जाA तस्ततो रावलशालिवाहनस्तस्यात्मजोभूमरवाहनस्ततः । अंबाप्रसाोस्य च कात्तिवर्मकस्तत्पुत्र प्रा22 सीनरवर्मनामकः ॥२१॥ ततो नृपालो नरपत्यभिल्यस्त्वषोत्तमोस्मासुपभैरवोस्मात् । श्रीपुंजरा23 गोभववस्य कवित्यः सुतोस्यापि च भावसिंहः ॥२२॥ श्रीगा(गो)प्रसिहोष स हंसराजः
सुतोस्य सूनुः शुभ24 योगराजः । स बरमाल्योष स वैरिसिंहस्ततोस्य वा रावलतेजसिंहः ॥२३॥ ततः
समरसिंहाल्यः पृथ्वीराज25 स्य भूपते:*] ॥(0) पृपाल्याया भगिन्यास्तु पतिरित्यतिहाईतः ॥२४॥ गोरीसाहिबगीनेन
गज्जनीशेन संगर 28 । कुर्वतोऽनर्वगर्वस्य महासामंतशोभिनः ॥२५॥ दिल्लीश्वरस्य चोहाननाथस्यास्य सहायकृत् । 27 सहादशसहस्त्रः (ः) स्ववीराणां सहितो रणे ॥२६॥ वध्वा (बड़ा) गोरीपति वैवात्स्वतः
सूर्यविवभित् ॥(0) भाषारासापुस्त28 केस्य युद्धस्योक्तोस्ति विस्तरः ॥२७॥ तस्यात्मजोभूभूपकर्णरावलः प्रोक्तास्तु षड्विंशतिरावला
इमे । कर्णात्मजो 29 माहपरावलोभवत्स डूंगराधे तु पुरे नृपो बभौ ॥२८॥ कर्णस्य जातस्तनयो द्वितीयः
श्रीराहपः .कर्णनृपाज्ञयोगः ।। 30 वाक्येन वा शाकुनिकस्य गत्वा मंडोवरे मोकलसी स जित्वा ॥२९॥ तातांतिके
स्वानयति स्म व(ब) कर्णोस्य राणाविरु314 गृहीत्वा । मुमोच तं चार बदौ तदीयं राना'भिधानं प्रियराहपाय ॥३०॥ भव्याशिवा
बा(मा)ह्मणपल्लिवालज्ञातीयविद्व32 छ(छ) रशस्यनाम्नः । श्रीचित्रकूटे व(ब) ललन्धराज्यं चके ततो राहप एष वीरः
॥३१॥ ततो व(ब) भी चित्रकूट राहपा (पो) वाहपोप (प)कः । 33 पूर्व सीसोदनगरे वासात्सीसोदिया स्मृतः ॥३२॥ रानाविश्वलाभेन रानेत्युक्तोखिलव (4) भो ।
बक्षस्याने भविष्यं1 This word is spelt here both ways ränd and rand.

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16
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
34 ति रानावियविनो नृपाः ॥३३॥ राजेंद्र राजी पूज्योयं नारायणपरायणः । विशेषणादिवर्णाढयां
वीरो रानाभिषां बधे
35 ॥ ३४॥ प्रासीद्भास्करतस्तु माधवबुधोऽस्माद्रामचंद्रस्ततः
लक्ष्म्याविनायस्ततः
36 । तेलंगोस्य तु रामचंद्र इति
() ह्येशविष्णूपमाः ॥ ३५॥
37 सीम्मभूवनस्तु
जनको बे प्रत्याह । काव्यं सान्वयरा
38 जसगुणवर्णनायं महीक समभूतृतीय इह सरस्वर्गः सुसर्गः स्फुटं ॥६॥ इतिश्री तेलंगज्ञातीयकठोंडीक
39 विपंडितोपनाममधुसूदन भट्टपुत्र रणछोडकृते
सर्वे (प) रक कठोंडिकुलजो
वा कृष्णोस्य वा माधव: पुत्रोभून्मधुसूदनस्त्रय इमे यस्या
गा (गो) स्वामिवाभूमाता रणछोड एष कृतवान्राज
राजप्रशस्त्याह्वये मा (म) हाकाव्ये तृतीयः सर्गः ॥ सं १७३२ वर्ष माघी १५ राजसमद्रप्रतिष्ठा ॥*॥
[*]
Slab V; Canto IV
[Metres : v. 1 Mālinī; vv. 2-50 Anushtubh.]
1 ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः ॥ कलितहलिनिचोलो नीललोलोंतिकेसौ तदरिति धृतवस्त्रा वेगता
यत्र गोप्यः । विदधति जलकेलि
2) सित सोस्मान्मुखयतु यमुनायास्तीर[+] समालः ॥१॥ तस्य पुत्रो नरपती रानास्य जसकर्णकः । तन्सु ( त्सु ) तो नागपा
तस्य
3 लोस्य पुण्यपालः सुतोस्य तु ॥ [ 1२॥ * ] पृथ्वी मल्लः सुतस्तस्य पुत्रो भुवनसिंहकः । पुत्रो भीमसिंहो जर्यासहोस्य तत्सु
4 तः ॥३॥ लक्ष्मसहस्वे (स्त्वे) व गढमंडलीकाभिधोस्य तु । कनिष्ठो रत्नसी भ्राता पद्मिनी प्रियाभवत् ॥४॥ तत्कृतेल्लावदीनेन
5 चित्रकूट महोद्वादस्वभ्रातृभिः सप्तभिः सुतैः ॥५॥ सहितः शस्त्रपु (पू.) तोसी
।
दिवं यातोऽस्य चात्म
6 एक रोप
संगे पो हतो (तस्) तत्सुतो वर्ष
1 This danda is superfluous.
ततोऽरसी । [६॥ *] ज्येष्टः (ष्ठः) राज्यं हमीरो वानो मई
सुखः पितुः

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APPENDIX)
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 7 गंगाप्रवर्शकः ॥७॥ विदूरे विंद्रसरसि श्रीमूर्ति स्फाटिकी धुतां । न प्राप्तां सुस्थसमय
एकलिंगस्य तद्वाधात् ॥८॥ 8 मूतिं चतुर्मुखीमेता श्यामा श्यामायुतां ततः । क्षेत्रसिंहस्ततो लाषा (सी) लक्षदो मोकल
स्ततः । भ्रातरावतबाघस्याऽनपत्यस्य फलाप्तये ॥(1) बाघेलाल्यं तडागं तन्नाम्ना नागहवेकरोत् ॥१०॥ त्रिद्वार
स्फटिकाभाश्मजुष्टं कैलाशवपः । प्रा10 कारमुत्तमाकारमेकलिंगप्रभोळधात् ॥११॥ कृत्वार्य द्वारकायात्रा शंखोसार गतस्ततः । सिस
एकोस्य पल्यास्तु गर्भ राज्याप्तयेवि11 पात् १२॥ स कुंभकर्णोभूत्पुत्रो मोकलोस्यास्य मस्तकात् । स्रवति स्म जलं गांग
प्रसिमिति निश्यभूत् ॥१३॥ कुंभकर्णोप भूपो12 भूदुर्गकुभलमेशकृत् । म[षोडशशतस्त्रीयकु (युग्) । रायमल्लोष राज्यकृत् ॥१४॥ संग्रामसिंह
स्तत्पुत्रः स विलक्षामितभंटः । युक्तो वा(बा)बर13 बिल्लीशवेशे फत्तेपुरावधि १५[*] गत्वात्र पीलियाखालप्यं (पर्य)[*] पर्यकल्पयत् । - स्वदेशसीमानमयं रत्नसिंहोय राज्यकृत् ।१६। ताता विक्रमा14 वित्यों भूपोभूत्तस्या (स्य) सोबरः । राना' उदयसिंहोथ स दिव्योवं (द) यसागर ॥१७॥
तथोक्यपुरं चके तडागोत्सर्गकर्मणि [] छीतूभट्टाय सो16 बर्यलक्ष्मीनाथयुताय च ॥१८॥ भूरवासनाममदाहापादानं तुलादिकं । चित्रकूटेथ पोदास्य
राठोगे जैमलो रणं [१९] पत्ता सीसो18 बिया चके दिल्लीशेन महायशाः । प्रकम्बरेण भटयुग्वीर ईश्वरवासकः ।२०। कुलकं ।
प्रतापसिंहोथ नृपः कछ (च्छ) वाहेन मा17 निना । मानसिंहेन तस्यासीद्वैमनस्यं भुजेवियो' ।२१॥ भकम्बरप्रभोः पार्वे मानसिंहस्ततो
गतः । गृहीत्वा ता(इ)ल प्रामे खं18 भनौरे समागतः ।२२। तयोर्युवमभूतो (द्घो)रं लोहकोष्ठगतस्य सः । मानसिंहस्य कुंभीब्रकंभे
शुभपराक्रमः ।२३॥ ज्येष्ठः 19 प्रतापसिंहस्य अमरेशाभिषः सुतः । कुंतंशकुंतवेगोयं मुमोचारुणलोचनः ।२४। राणा
प्रतापसिंहोय मानसिंहस्य 1 This danda is superfluous. • The syllable tyd is engraved below the line. • Sandhi has not been observed here. • Bhují has apparently been used here in the gonne of food.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
20 हस्तिनः । कुंभे कुंतं मुमोचाशु पश्चाहंती पलायितः ॥ २५ ॥ समयत्र प्रतापेशं शक्तसिहोत्य सोदरः । मानसिहत्य
21 गये (स्पो) वृष्ट्वैवं स्नेहतोववत् । २६ । नीलाश्वस्याश्ववार एवं पश्चात्पश्य प्रभो ततः । प्रतापसिंहो वशेस्व ( श्व) मेकमय निर्ययौ
22 ॥ २७॥ ततो द्वौ मुगलो महाव ( ब ) लः ॥ २८ ॥
23 गलौ प्रतापेंद्रेण संगर
हितकारीति
1
चक्रतुः श्रीप्रतापेन शक्तसिंहेन तौ ततः ॥२६॥ निती [[सिंहः] सहोदरः ।
वीरौ मानसिंहेन वेगतः ॥ ( 1 ) प्रेषितौ शक्तासहााप गृहीत्वाशां मानसिंहस्य : मु
24 राणेोक्तं शक्तसिंहवंशा (दया) स्वप्राणवल्लभः ॥३०॥ मरुम्बर इहायातस्ततश्चके स प्रतापसि (स) हं व (ब) लिनं मत्वा शे
25 सुनामकं ॥ ३१ ॥ संस्थाप्यात्र सुतं ज्येष्ठ माग प्रति निर्ययौ 1 अमरेशः खानखानावाराणां हरणं व्यधात् ॥३२॥
26 सुवासिनीवत्संतोष्य प्रेषयामास ताः पुनः । खानखानस्याद्भुतं तज्जातं शेमनस्यपि ॥३३॥ ततः शेलूजहांगीरना
28 हं चतुरा (र) शीतिसैन्यैर्वृतं गतः [*]
27 ( संस्थाप्यात (1) मा दिल्लीश्वरोभवत् । पुनरागतो युद्धं कृत्वा खुर्रमनामकं ॥ [ ॥३४॥*] कृत्वा प्रतापिनं प्रतापसि
सुतं स्वीयं
संगरं ।
देवेरनामके । सुलतानं सेरिमा चकता
29 दिल्लीशस्य पितृभ्यं तं वीक्याभूत्संमुस्ततः [1] १७। [1"] प्रतापसिंह राणे
1
31 म्यनत्सेरिमामि ॥३२॥
तो न विनिःसृ
३५ [1*] विल्लींपति' (दिल्लीपति) प्रतापेशी घट्टे (रू) गजस्थितं [["] २६ [*] सोलंकिभूत्पश्चिछे (च्छे ) व गजांही परिहारका
30 रणे रावणविक्रमः । शकुंतवेगः कुंतेन कुंभ (भि) कुंलं (भं) बभंज सः ॥३८॥ पपात कुंभी तुरगमादरोहाच सेरिमा अमरेशः स्वकुंतेन
सशिरस्त्राणयमश्वं तमसंडपत् । अमरेशकराकृष्टः स
32 तः ॥४०॥ ततः प्रतापेंद्राशातो बत्वा ( स्वा) लतां पदेन सः । कुंतं चकर्षामर्षेन कुंताया हर्ष मावधे ॥४१॥ दर्शनीयः स येनाहं
The word pati appears below the line.

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APPENDIX)
33 निहतः सेरिमाववत'त् । प्रतापसिंह (सिंह)
34 नं (प्र): प्रेषयामास
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
भटं तं वीक्ष्य तेनो[क्लं] नायं प्रेष्यः स एव तु । राणे
भ्रमरेशं रणोत्कटं ॥ ४३ ॥ तं दृष्ट्वा सेरिमोवाच सोयमस्ति मयेक्षितः । युद्धकाले नभोभूमिव्यापिशीर्षशरीरबा
19
( ) स्वाप्रे ( त्वा प्रे) वय[स्कं ]चिद्भटं ॥४२॥
35 न् ॥ ४४ ॥ देवो (वा) नेत (म) चतुरशीतिप्रमिता गताः
तोहं हि यास्ये यास्ये स्थानं शुभं ततः 1 कोसीला । [ २४५॥*] स्थानपालाः प्रतापेद्रो महोदयपुरे36 [बसत् ॥ (1) दादो कोपि भावः प्राप्योष्णीवादिकं धनं वat ॥४६॥ प्रतापसिंहादिल्लीशं द्रष्टुं यातस्तदंतिके । यदा प्राप्त (प्त ) स्तवा व (ब) द्धं तदुष्णी
37 करेवषत् ॥ ४७॥ गत्वा सलामं कृतवान्विल्लीशेन तवेरितं । किमिदं सोववद्राणाप्रतापी
ष्णीषमित्यतः [*] ४८ ॥ न भूतं मू
38 हि दिल्लीवास्तव ज्ञापिताशयः । तवा समस्ते जगति सर्वे हिंदू तुरककैः ॥ ४९ ॥ प्रननः बीर इत्युक्त
39 [ मौ] चिती । इति राणा प्रतापस्य प्रतापः कथितो मया ॥ ५० ॥ इति श्रीराजप्रशस्त्याह्नये महाकाव्ये वीरांके चतुर्थः सर्गः ॥
Slab VI; Canto V
[Metres vv. 1-32, 34-50 Anushtubh; v. 33 Vasantatilakā; vv. 51, 52 Sārdūlavileridita.]
4 लपुरभंग (गं)
(ब)
5 नं
1 ॥ श्रीगणपतये नमः 1 राजा धमरसिंहाल्योऽकरोद्राज्य (क्यं ) स ततः पुरा । मानसिहत्व संग्रामे खानखानावषूहृतौ ॥१॥
2 सेरमासुलतानस्य मये प्रोक्तोरयविक्रमः । जहाँगीरस्यापि तेन सुरंमेनाथ ढकृत् ॥ २ ॥ युद्धकृत्
बर्ष अबदुल्लहखानेन व
3 व रणं ततः । चतुविंशतिसंख्यैस्तं वद्धः 'स्थानेश्वरल ॥३॥ दिल्लीपतेर्भूत्यवरं जघ्ने
कायमखानकं । ऊंटालायां मा
चक्रेत्र दंडकृत् ॥४॥ पुत्रोस्य कर्णसंहाल्यः सिरोंजं मालवाभुवं । बंधे राक्ष्मी पफेतिलुंड
॥५॥ ततो जहाँगीराज्ञातः खुर्रमो मिलनं व्यधात् 1 गोधूंवायां समायातः समर (रे) शो निजस्थलात् ॥६॥ महोदयपुत्र सु
1 This ta is redundant.
2 Sandhi has not been observed here.
• The name Serima, being of foreign origin, is used here avibhaktika.
4 There is a soored-out E-stroke over ma.
5 The correct form is melana.

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20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX 6 मोपि समागतः । इलाघ्यरीत्या सादरं तो सस्नेही मिलितो ततः ॥७॥ राना'
अमरसिंहेंद्रो महोदयपुरेऽवसत् । महादा7 मानि विवधे चक्रे राज्यं सुखान्वितं ॥८॥ लक्ष्मीनाथाल्यभट्टाय गुरवे मंत्रदायिने । रामा
अमरसिंहेंद्रो होलीग्राम वदो मु8 वा ॥६॥ अथ राना कर्णसं (सिं) हश्चक्रे राज्यं पुराकरोत् । सत्कौमारपदे गंगातीरे
रुप्यतुला दो ॥१०॥ शूकरक्षेत्रविप्रेभ्यो 9 प्रामं पूर्व तु वि[]रे । धंधेरामालवादेशसिरोजपुरभंगकृत् ॥११॥ प्रखेराज सिरोही
चके शत्रुजितं व(ब)लात् । पपलक्ष्म (श्मा)10 हिकमलः कर्णवानपराक्रमः [१२॥*] बिल्लीश्वराज्जहाँगीरात्तस्य खुर्रमनामक । पुर्व
विमुखतः प्राप्तं स्थापयित्वा निजक्षितौ ॥१३॥ ज11 हाँगीरे दिवं याते संगे भ्रातरमर्जुनं । दत्वा (स्वा) बिल्लीश्वरं चके सोभूत्साहि
जंहाभिषः ॥१४॥ युग्मं [॥*] शते षोडशकेतीते चतुःषष्टपभि12 घेम्बके । भाद्रशुक्लन (वि) ती[या*]यो कर्णसिंहनुपावभूत् ॥१५॥ जगत्सिहो महेचास्य ।
राठोउजसवंतजा । श्रीमज्जाबुवती तस्याः कु13 क्षेर्जातो व (ब) ली महान् ॥१६॥ शते षोडशकेतीते पंचाश (शी) त्यभिधेम्बके । राष.
शुक्लतृतीयायां राज्यं प्राप जगत्पतिः ॥१७॥ जगत्सिं14 हाशया मंत्री अखेराजो व(ब) लान्वितः ॥(1) स डूंगरपुरं प्राप्तः पुंजानामाष रावल:
___॥१८॥ पलायितः पातितं तच्चंदनस्य गवाक्ष16 कं । लुटनं डूंगरपुरे कृतं लोकरलं ततः ॥१६॥ जगत्सिंहाज्ञया यातो राठोड
रामसिंहकः । प्रति देवलिया सेनायुक्तो रावतम16 बूट ॥२०॥ जसवंतं मानसिंहपुत्रयुक्तं जघान सः । पुर्या' देवलियायां च लुंटनं रचितं
ज[]: ॥२१॥ शते षोडशकेतीते षडशीत्य
17 -भिषेम्बके । ऊर्जकृष्णद्वितीयायां' जगत्सिहमहीपतेः ॥२२॥ पुत्रः श्रीराजसिंहोभून (क)बीते
परसी तथा । मेउताधिपराठोडराजसिंह18 महीभूतः ॥२३॥ पुत्री जनानाम्नी तत्कुक्षिजाताविमौ सुतः । प्रभून्मोहनवासाल्यो:
. पार (परिणीताप्रिं (प्रि) याभवः ॥२४॥ प्रखेराज 1 Sandhi is not observed here. . This ma is incised above the line. • This danda is unnecessary.
• The anusvåra of yām appears over the following letter. MGIPO-81-4DGA-24-11-53-450.

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No, 4 ] BADASIVAGAD PLATES OF KADAMBA VIJAYADITYA ; SAKA 1102 29 No. SADASIVAGAD PLATES OF KADAMBA VIJAYADITYA ; SAKA 1102
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTAQAMUND This set of copper plates' was secured by me for study in the course of my annual tour in the Bombay-Karnatak parts in February 1952. It was in the possession of Mr. H. V. Naik, Clerk of the Court, Civil Judge's Court, Karwar. Mr. Naik's family headquarters are at Sadasivagad, about four miles from Karwar, and these plates were lying there as an heirloom. Details as to how and when this family came to possess them are not known. I am editing the inscription on these plates here for the first time with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for Indis.
The set consists of three plates held together by a circular ring with seal. The writing is found on the inner sides of the first and third plates and on both sides of the second. The rims are raised to protect the inscription which is, however, worn out in many places. The plates measure 8' in length, 6' in breadth and 1/8th inch in thickness. The ring which is 2' in diameter passes through a circular hole, 5/8th inch in diameter. The ends of the ring are soldered into the bottom of a thick circular seal having a rim. The seal, which is 21" in diameter, contains on the sunken surface the figures of a rampant lion with upturned tail and a dagger in front of it. At the top around are the figures of a svastika and the sun, followed by the legend Sri-Vishnudāsaḥ in Nagari characters, and then the crescent. The ring and the seal together weigh 70 tolas and the whole set weighs 380 tolas.
The characters are Nägarī of the twelfth century, being normal for the period. The letter on at the commencement is written like tun. Medial a is generally denoted by a side mätra. Exceptions to this are the letters và in line 1 and ma in line 44, where a slanting stroke is placed at the top of va and ma to denote the length. In regard to orthography, the consonant following a répha, as a rule, is not doubled. We do, however, note & few intances of doubling also, e. 8., mürttēh in line 4, Vijayarkka- in line 31 and suvarnn- in line 35. The language is Sanskrit and the composition is in verse, except in lines 39-46 describing the particulars of the gift. The composition is defective in some places.
The epigraph commences with an invocation to god Siva. After narrating the origin of the Kadamba family, in the usual manner, from the mythical hero Trilochana Kadamba who was born from the sweat of Siva, it gives & succinct genealogical account of the Kadambas of Goa. The account stops with Sivachitta Permadi and his younger brother Vijayarka or Vijayaditys II, the sons of Jayakësin II from the Chālukya princess Mailala Mabadovi. The inscription represents Vijayaditya as the ruling monarch. Its object is to record a gift of land by the king to the goddess Arya Bhagavati. Though not explicitly stated, it appears from the description of his family and the context that the beneficiary of the gift was a Brahmana of the Bharadvāja gotra, named Govinda, who was well-versed in the science of astronomy. The donee's family is described for four generations. The gift property was situated within the boundaries of the village Aruvige included in the tract of Marruvattugadalu.
The record bears the date which is expressed in words thus : Saka 1102, Vikarin, Karttika ftua. 12, Sunday. The Saka year was current and the date regularly corresponds to Sunday, October 14, 1179 A. C.
1 No. 2 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1961-5%. 1 DGA

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30
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX The importance of the epigraph lies in its being unique. Inscriptions mentioning the joint rule of the two brothers, Sivacbitta Permāļi and Vijayāditya II, and also those that refer to the rule of the former only who was the elder of the two, have been discovered. But no inscription referring to Vijayāditya as an independent ruler, has come to light so far. No doubt the second part of the Halsi inscription contains a reference to the regnal year possibly of Vijayāditya; but it is clear from the earlier portion that his brother Permādi was ruling at the time. Hence the present happens to be the first and the only inscription so far discovered, attributing independent rule to Vijayāditya, dissociated from his brother. The reason for this appears to be that Permāļi was no longer living by this time. According to the Halsi inscription, Vijayāditya was a devotee of the god Vishnu and bore the epithet Vishnuchitta. But it is revealed from the seal of the present plates that he preferred to describe himself as Vishnudāsa, i. e., 'an humble servant of Lord Vishnu.'
The inscription contains two place-names. One is the region called Marruvattugadalu or Maruvattugadalu, and the other the village Aruvige situated therein. It is interesting to note that Mapuvattugadalu is a purely Kannada expression made up of the words maru, paffu or mafu and kadalu. It means "the coastal region adjoining the sea. I am, however, unable to identify this tract. Aruvige appears to be identical with the present day Arage, a village about 4 miles to the south-east of Karwar, on the road to Ankola. The village Arage contains a shrine dedicated to a female deity named Durga. This deity probably represents the goddess Arya Bhagavati of the epigraph.
TEXT
(Metres : Verses 1, 2, 5, 6, 10, 13 Sārdülavikridita; vv. 3, 7 Upajāti; vv. 4, 8, 9, 14-18
Anushfubh ; v. 11 Mandākrāntā ; v. 12 Vasantatilakā.]
First Plate 1 * 77[:] forara [1*] fucicroagogayat : ] iteract2 gradeceri rasaailfafaha] – -u - [Tra} 3 at [1* ] 4219[fa]aren (sit) [a] - --U - -u4 eftcialfafuanfaat geftat gate [four 1 (118*] 916 aviaferer forinfeca - U - - u - - 6 स्रोन्नम्रफणींद्रि]सुंदरफणप्रोल्लासिरला][लीं।] 7 पागच्छत्सुरसिंधुमंगलविधी नीराजनाविर्भवत्रिो 8 ढाहंकृतिदीपराजिविकसल्लक्ष्मी दधात्युच्चकैः ।।२*] पुरा पुराणां विजये 1 J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. IX, pp. 279-80 ; compare George M. Moraes, Kadamba Kula, p. 199. * Compuro Kadamba Kula, p. 201. . From the original plates and impressione. • In the end fow more instances that follow, the final is changed to an undra.

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B. OH. C Reco
SADASIVAGAD PLATES OF KADAMBA VIJAYADITYA SAKA 1102
नतालिबान 2 रातोंरात तानाशाह
4
यादिदेव
भविताविर्तन 8171/1998
1010
6
16
ii,a.
विनीत क5 12 वंशविमहीना 12 लीलावती पत्रिका नय
140114 पति विद्यापी
घामानेर विष्य देन 8 घोष16 गति
ii,b.
भावा खानु मोलिओ कि मलिसा 24 ॐगताथि कुलप
ममिलन महावी
2
16
नम
18
18 लाख वाला निःशंक माकविशाला
20 थी। ततः समनिधि
20
निय की र्तिकल्पवल्यायो
22 शाक सिहीप विद्याप नायरा की 22
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS
- SUN
2626
JAGE
तो गौत
28 नरमहा दुर्गवीरा
पतीनां । तस्था
30
"मुदागिना 30 समोनिमा लिवियमिति
32 वक्रवत्रिपातों82
तीन ग्यातिनामो रायला
34 को 234
माहितीत 4171123
24
28

Page #77

| ਰੌਸੰਸਾਲ 36 ਵਸਤਰ ਥੇਤੀ ਰ
ਗ ॥ | ਜੇਲgna .। ਰਹਾਉnjਨੂੰ 99
ਧੋ]ਸੁਧੀਰ 13 ਤੋਂ 7 ਤ ਤ ਬੇਗ ਆਈ ਤਲ 40 | ਗਿਰਗਸੀਰ 3 ਤੋਂ 7 ਦੀ ਸੀਬ 90
0 ਜਉ ਨਿਰੋਗੀ ਨੂnlਹੀਬ ਨਹ ਰੇਰ"n ਹV 42 ਪੰਨੂੰ ਨੇ
ਰheਤੇ 7642 • ਨਿਰੰਤਤ ਹਉਸਾਧਗੋਲੀ 44 ਰੁ ਜਰਮਨ ਗ ਹ ੜ
$ਸ਼ੇਰ:2 ਹੈ। ਏਹ ਤਸਦੇ ਨੇ 46 Dਥੇਰੇ ਰੋਹ ਤੋਂ ਤਾਂ ਮੈਂ , ਸਹਜ ਧਰੋਹਰ
3 ॥ 48 ਰੁ: ! ਬ ਈ :
ਓ: 7
SEAL
From a Photograph

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31
No. 4) SADASIVAGAD PLATES OF KADAMBA VIJAYADITYA ; SAKA 1102 9 पुरारी :*] स्वेदोदवि (बिं)दु[च्छ]लतो ललाटे [*] प्राविर्व (4) भूवे गुणमं
[द्रनीतिः सुखाम - 10 तः प्लावयितुं जगंति ।[1 ३*] ताः कदंव (ब)तलं प्राप्ता लोकोत्तुंगत्रिलोचनं ।
Second Plate ; First Side 11 त्रिलोचनकदंवा (बा) ख्यं चतुर्भुजमजीजनत् ।। ४*] तत्सिता'नक12 दंव(ब)वंशविलसत्क्षीरांवु (बु)धौ [स्थेयसि प्राकारे शरणागत[क्षितिभुजां] 13 लीलावनौ श्रीपतेः। लक्ष्मीजन्मनिकेतने कुवलय[प्रोल्लास] -- 14 यत्भू(द्भ) भृन्मौलिविराजिपादयुगल[*] श्रीषष्ठदेवोजनि ।। ५*] एतस्माज्जयकेसि16 भूप[ति]रभूदांतविश्राणनः क्षोणीरक्षणदक्षिण[स्त्रिजग । 16 तामानंदनिष्यंदनः। यत्पाथोनिधितीररोपितजय[स्तंभ17 प्रलंभा झगित्यंभःकुंभिघटाः (टा) धृषति - - - - - - - 18 लोः ।। ६*] परस्परं संगररंगचुंचू चालुक्यचोलाधिप[ ती ] --0] 19 निःशंकमके विरचय्य मित्रे लेभे यशो -. .-~20 ख्यां ।। ७*] ततः समजनि श्रीमान्विजयादित्यभूप[ तिः।] . . . . 21 ति यत्कीतिकल्पवल्याः पयोधयः ।[*] ततो जगज्जयी ज[जे जा22 यकेसिमहीपतिः ।. केनायते [तरां] . . . . . . . . .
Second Plate ; Second Side 23 धौ। [ik*] चालुक्यान्वयमौलिमौक्तिकणि सौजन्य - - --- 24 [तुं] जगतां श्रियः कुलगृहं पेर्माडिभूपः सुतां। [यस्मै] - - - 25 म मैललमहादेवीं जगन्मंगला दासीकुंजरकोश[ देशसहिता] द28 त्वा(त्त्वा) कृतार्थोभवत् ।। १०*] तस्मादस्यामजनि विजयी वीर[पेर्माडिदे]27 वो गौरीभर्तृप्रणयसदनं त्यागसिंहासनश्रीः। ---- 28 भटमहादुर्गवर्गः कलीनां जन्मस्थानं विशदयशसां - - - 29 पतीनां ।। ११*] तस्यानुजः सकलमंगलजन्मभूमिः श्रीसंपदा प30 दमदारगुणाभिरामः। त्रासावम(न) म्रशिरसां (सा)वनिपाल31 मौलिमाणिक्यरंजितपदो विजयार्कदेवः ।। १२*] यस्मि [ग्नरु ()त 32 चक्रवत्तिनृपती क्षोणीभृतामाश्रये वीरश्रीनिजधामनि त्रिज33 गतीभाग्याभिरामोदये। लक्षाधाधिकदानकेलिरतये लो
This roading is rostored conjectorally.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX 34 कोत्तरात्युन्नती लज्जते फलभारनम्रशिरसः प्रायो [ निलिपट्ठा35 माः ।। १३*] यद्वितीर्णसुवर्णोरुभा[२] . . . . . . . . . .
Third Plate 36 प्रायः प्रस्थानमनुजा [न] ते [ १४*] समस्तगुणसंपन्नः केशवाख्यो 37 द्विजोत्तमः। भारद्वाजः सुतस्तस्य गोविंदो भवि विश्रुतः ।। १५*] कपर्दिनामा 38 तत्सूनुस्तत्पुत्रो द्विजपुंगवः । ज्योतिःशास्त्रविदां श्रेष्ठो गोविंदः सद्गुणा39 श्रयः ।।। १६*] श्रीमदायर्याभगवय (त्यै) मर्रवट्टगडलुमध्यारुविगे ग्राम (मा)दारा
[दरुवि40 गेवत (चतु)[*]सीमांतर्गतं वेंकरेक्षेत्रं विशुद्धसीमासमन्वितनिधिनि[क्षेप]41 जलवृक्षादिसहितं राजकीयां (या)नंगुलिप्रेक्षणीयं सर्वनमस्यं . . . 42 [ञ्च कृत्वा] शकादिवर्षाणा सहस्रे शते च पूर्णे द्वितीये विकारिसंवत्सरे 43 कात्तिकशुद्धद्वादश्यां रविवा[रे] सोयं सकलगुणालंकृतो वि[जया]44 दित्यदेवस्तस्मै शासनं दत्तवान् [*] तत्*ि ]क्षेत्रसीमा' [वापयादार] . . . . . 45 यकोणक तरस्रोतः दक्षिणदिशि नैरुरुत्येव कोणे पश्चिमदिशि . . . . 48 षाणः वायव्यामिक्षुतडागः ॥ व(ब)हुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः । य47 स्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं [ १७*] स्वदत्तां परदत्तां वा यो हरे48 त वसुंधरां। षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते क्रिमिः ।।। १८*] . . . [2] 49 शिष्योप[ज्ञ]जंगमसरस्वतिः शासनं रचयित्वैवं ति [ष्ठ] . . . . . ..
No. 5-TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR
(2 Plates)
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND In May 1949, I received for examination from Mr. K. C. Pāņigrāhi, Curator of the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, two sets of copper plates belonging to the Sailodbhava dynasty of Kongoda. I prepared transcripts of the inscriptions from the original plates which were in the usual course returned to Mr. Pānigrahi. It was understood that he would contribute a paper on the above inscriptions to the Epigraphia Indioa. In December 1960, I met Mr. Papigrāhi at Nagpur whers
The language of this passage is faulty.
The record is completo except for the last few akshards which are indistinot. In this line there is reference to the person who drafted the dooumont. The name of the poet, who bore the opithet jangandaranai, not be dooipbored fully.

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33
No. 5)
TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR We assembled in connection with the thirteenth session of the Indian History Congress. He then informed me that it was not possible for him, owing to his pre-occupations, to take up the editing of the inscriptions. He requested me to publish them. I take this opportunity of thanking him for his kindness shown to me in this connection.
The plates are now the property of the H.E. School at Bäppur which is a station on the BengalNagpur Railway in the south-western part of the Puri District of Orissa. Mr. Pāṇigrāhi received them on a temporary loan for examination from the Headmaster of the Banpur H. E. School. Nothing is known as to the circumstanoes that brought the plates into the possession of the above iastitution.
A. Grant of Ayasobhita II Madhyamarāja This inscription was published by Pandit Satyanarayana Räjaguru with plates in the Journal of the Kalinya Historical Research Society, Vol. II, part i, pp. 59 ff. But his treatment of the subject is rather perfunotory.
The set consists of three plates each measuring 6.6 inches by 39 inches. The plates are held together by a ring to which the seal is soldered. The ring was found out open when the set reached me. The seal oontains, in counter-sunk surface, the emblem of a couchant bull, facing proper right, and the legend bri-Madhyamarājadevah below it. The first and third plates are engraved only on the inner side, while the second bears writing on both the sides. The rims of the plates are raised in order to protect the writing. The first plate is damaged at the top right corner, and a few lines of writing are partly obliterated. The plates weigh 64 tolas, while the ring with the soal weighs 38 tolas.
The inscription is an incomplete charter of the Sailodbhava king Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja who seems to have flourished about the second half of the seventh century A.C. (circa 665-85 A.C.). The writing on the reverse of the second plate ends with a verse describing the achievements of king Madhyamarāja. There is only half a line of writing on the obverse of the third plate, which was meant for introducing the customary list of officials and others belonging to Köngöda-mandala, to whom the royal order regarding the grant was intended to be addressed. These letters should have properly been preceded by a prose passage mentioning the king, desirous of making a grant, as kusali. It is possible to think that this mistake committed by the engraver was the reason why the set was abandoned, at least for the time being. It is well known that plates were often kept ready in the record offices of ancient Indian rulers with the introductory portion of the grant inscribed and a blank for the necessary grant portion to be inoised later as ooonsions arose.
In respect of palaeography, language and orthography, the inscription under discussion closely resembles the Parikud plates (issued in the 26th year of the king's reiga), the only other record of Sailodbhava Madhyamarāja so far known, and hardly anything calls for special mention. With the exception of the incomplete proge passage at the ond, just referred to, the siddham symbol, the word swasti and the reference to the place of issue, the entire poord is written in verse. There are altogether twenty verses, no less than eighteen of which are already known from the Parikud plates. The remaining two verses are also not new as they, like many others of both
1 The 13th regnal year of his father, who ruled at least up to his 50th year, fell sometime after 619 A.C. He himself ruled at least up to his 26th regnal year. See below.
Ct. the Ködärpur plate of Srichandra, above, Vol. XVII, pp. 188-92; Chittagong plate of Kantidēva, above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 313 ff., eto.
. Above, Vol. XI, pp. 284-7. The date given in words in line 45 must have been given in figures in line 64. Unfortunately the preservation of the writing in this part of the plate is unsatisfactory and the figures cannot be deciphered from the published faosimile.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX the Parikud and the present charter, have been quoted from the records of Sainyabhita Madhavsvarman II Srinivasa, father of Ayasõbhita II Madhyamaraja. The earliest inscription of the Sailodbhava family is the Ganjam plates issued by Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II (circa 610-65 A.C.) in the Gupta year 300 (619 A.C.) when he was a feudatory of the Gauda king Sasanka. The other charters of this Sailodbhava king, so far discovered, were issued without any reference to his overlord apparently after the defeat of the Gauda king, either Saśārka himself or his successor, by king Harshavardhana of Kanauj, allied with king Bhāskaravarman of Kämarūpa, sometime before 638 A.C. Of the charters issued by the Sailodbhava king during this period of his independent rule, the Khurda plates, the introduction of which is couched in prose as in the Ganjam plates, appear to be the earliest. The Khurda plates as well as the Buguda plates, the latter having an introduo tion in verses composed for the first time by the court poet of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, are not dated. Most of these verses are quoted not only in the later dated charters of the same king (the Puri plates-regnal year 13, doubtfully read as 23 by Basak- and the Cuttack Museum plates -regnal year 50), but also in all later records of the family. Later Sailodbhava kings developed the habit of quoting the introductory verses from the documents of their predecessors and of adding a few stanzas composed about themselves by their own court poets. This custom can also be traced in many other royal families of ancient India, such as the imperial Gangas of Orissa and the Pālas of Bengal and Bihar.
It will be seen from what has been said above that all the twenty verses quoted in the inscription under discussion are already known from the published records of the Sailodbhavas. Nevertheless, the present inscription is of considerable importance, as it helps us in correcting the faulty text of the Parikud plates.
The first verse, which is found at the beginning of the later charters of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II as well as of all the grants of his successors, is an adoration to Sambhu (Siva). Verse 2, which is the same as the second verse of the Parikud plates, introduces a king named Madhavēndra. Thereafter we have the history of the Sailodbhava family from the very beginning. This style of the introduction, which is found also in the Aihoļe inscription,' would suggest that this Madhavēndra (i.e., Madhavarāja or Madhavavarman) was another name of the reigning monarch, Ayasobhita II Madhyamarāja. It should, however, be pointed out that the same verse is also found in the Buguda plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II as well as in the Nivinä grant of Dharmaraja Mänabhita who was the grandson of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II and the son of Ayasobhita II Madhyamarāja. It therefore seems that all the above three Sailodbhava kings bore Madhavavarman as a secondary name. Or better the verse in question referring to Sainyabbita Madhavavarman II is out of place and carelessly quoted in the records of Ayasobhita II Madhya
1 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 143 ff.
* About 643 A.C. Harshavardhana led an expedition against Kongoda in Orisss probably on behalf of the Gauda king whom he then considered his subordinate ally. Sasanka's death and the discomfiture of the Gauda king took place sometime before 638 A.C. when the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang travelled in East Indis. See History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, pp. 77 ff. Harsha's victory over the Gauda king seems also to have preceded his encounter with Puiakėsin II, which took place, according to the Aiholo insoription, sometime before 634 A.C.
• J.A.8.B., Vol. LIII, pp. 284 ff. . Above, Vol. III, pp. 43 ff.
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 127-9. • Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 161-3.
Abovo, Vol. VI, pp. 1 ff. This prabasti begins with an adoration to Jinendra, then introduces the róigning monarch Batykraya (Pulakökin II), and finally begins the history of the Chalukya family from its earliest illustrious member

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No. 5)
TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR
marāja and his son Dharmaraja Månabhita. Verse 3, omitted in the Parikud plates but found in the Cattack Museum plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, introduces Mount Mahăndra which is intimately associated in literature with the Kalinga country. Verses 4-5 mentioning Pulindasēna as famous among the people of Kalinga and as a devotee of Lord Svayambhu (Siva) and the following five verses (verses 6-10) speaking of the eponymous Sailodbhava, his kulaja or descendant Aranabhita, his son Sainyabhita (Madhavavarman I), his descendant (possibly an adopted son“) Ayasőbhita, and his son Sainyabhita (Madhavavarman II), are found in most of the later rocords of the family. Verse 11, which is omitted in the Parikud plates but is found in the versified introduction of the records of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, refers to the achievements of king Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II. Verse 12 speaks of the same king as Srinivasa and attributes to him certain sacrifices including the Asvamódha. The horse-sacrifice must have been celebrated by the Sailodbhava king, before the issue of the Puri plates of his thirteenth regnal year, to commemorate the throwing off of the Gauda yoke. Verses 18-20 desoribe the reigning monarch Ayasobhita II Madhyamardja and are all of them found in the Parikud plates and some of them also in the later records of the family. The text of the verses common only to the present charter and the Parikud plates is corrupt in both the records, although the text offered by the record under discussion is better and has helped in restoring the reading intended by the author. Verso 15 describes the king as a royal ascetio. The next verse (verse 16) compares him with the god Sambhu and says that he had discourses with departed saints coming from heaven at his call. Verse 17 says that the king, who was as fair as the moon owing to his fame pervading the earth,' performed amazing tricks of archery. Verse 18 says how the jewel of Kongoda (i.e., the king) became an oqual of the son of Prithā (i.e., Arjuna) by piercing, from a distance, at a time four boards, each covered with two shields, with arrows discharged from two bows simultaneously by his two hands. Verse 19 describes how the king oould run with two stout persons on his shoulders in emulation of the monkey hero Hanumat, famous in the story of the Rāmāyana.
Of the names of geographical interest, the inscription mentions Mount Mahöndra, Kalinga, Köngöda and Köngöda-mandala. The Mahēndra is no doubt represented by the present Mabēndragiri peak in the Srikakulam District. Kalinga, in a narrow sonse, was the country around it. Köngöds was the name of both the kingdom and the capital of the Sailodbhavas. It was apparently regarded as a part of the Kalinga country. The city of Köngöda stood on the river Salimā which is the modern Säliyā running past Bāņpur, the findspot of our record. The heart of the Köngöda country, i.e., the dominions of the Sailodhbhavas, thus lay about the border between the present Puri and Ganjam Districts of Orissa.
1 The mention of Madhavendra in the Parikud and Niviná plates was not explained by the scholars who edited those insoriptions. Pandit Rajaguru is apparently unaware of the fact that the verse in question is found in the records of three Successivo rulers of the Sailodbhava family and not only in the charter under discussion.
• Of. Successors of the Satandhanas, pp. 400-1 ; New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI. p. 83. Note slao that tho opio horo Nala, son of Virasens, is described in the Naishadhiya, V, 124, as Viraadna-bula dipa. There is, however, difference of opinion among scholars as to the genealogy of the Sailodbhava. For the son represented
a doncendant of the father, we also the Rajatarangint VIII, 1083 (Stein's translation, Vol. II, p. 612), the Assam plates of Vallabhadova, line 16 (above, Vol. V, p. 184), eto.
I do not agree with Pandit Rajaguru who thinks that ladanka-dhavala, maod in the description of king Ayo 1bbhita II Madhyamarija, bus to be regarded as one of his names. He further thinks that Midhava issued his Ganjam grant in the Gupta year 300 (619-20 A.C.) when he was holding tho office of Mahdad manta under his fathor Bakanka alias Madhyamarija. The suggestion is, however, against known facts of history and without any evidence in support of it.

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36
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
TEXT1
[Metres :-verses 1, 3, 5, 14, 15, 17-19 Sürdülavikridita; verses 2, 12, 13, 16 Sragdharā; verses 4, 7, 8, 10, 11, 20 Vasantatilaka; verse 6 Anushṭubh; verse 9 Indravajrā.]
First Plate
[VOL. XXIX
1 Siddham Svasti [*] vijaya-Kōngōda-väsakāt [*] Indōr-ddhauta-mṛiņāla-ta[n*]tubhir=iva 2 alishah karsi[h] kömalni revva(r-ba)ddh-khir-arunai[h] sphurat-phana(pi)-manir-ddigdha[b](gdha)-prabhasō-nśu(so-mśu)bhiḥ [*]
3 Parvvatya-kacha-graha-vyatikara-vyāvritta-va(ha)ndha-élatha Gang-Ambha[b]-plutibhinna-bhasma-ka[n]ika[*] Sambhō
4 ja(r=ja)ta[h*] pattu(ntu) vaḥ || [1*] Śrīmān-uchchair-nnabhasto gurur-amara-pate[h] kshōbhajid=ya[b] ksha[māyā] gambhi
5 ras-toyaraśēr-atha divasakarād-bhāsvad-alōka-kūr[I] hlādi sarvvasya ch-endos-tri-bhuvana
bha
6 vana-pe(pre)rakas-ch-api väyō rājā ssa(sa) sthāņu-mürttija(r-ja)yat[i] kali-mala-kshälano Midhavendra[12]
7 Prichy-Ambhaidhi-rucha(ddha)-aändra(nu)r-atula[b*] pushpa -drum-äll-evri(vri)taḥ syandach
nindan-irjhars-väri
8 därita-dari-phona"-skhalan-[n]is[v]ana[ḥ |] svana-ttrasta-patattri-valgu-virutair-āpū
9 rit-antar-gum(gu)haḥ śrima[n]-Meru[r]=i[v=odgataḥ kulla-giriḥ khyātō Mahendra[*] kshitauḥ(tau) || [3]
10 Pränsu(Prāmsu)r-mah-ēbha-kara-pivara-chcha (chá)ru-vā(bā)hu[ḥ*]
vibhoda-visala-vakshaḥ [*]
krish-ma-samchaya
11 ä(rä)jiva-kōmala-dal-ayata-lõchan-antaḥ khyātaḥ Kalinga-janatasu Pulindasõna[ḥ || 4*]
12 Ten-ettham gunin-api satva(ttva)-mahata n-ushtam bhuvō mandalam | saktō ya[*] paripālanaya jaga
13 taḥ ko nama sa syad-iti | pratyadishṭa-vibh-u(bh-u)tṣavēna bhagavām (va)n=arādhita[ḥ*] sasvatas-tach-chitt-a
14 nu(nu)guna[m] vidhissu(tsu)r adisad-väñchham svayambhō(mbhü)r-apiḥ(pi || 5) Sa sila-sa(sa)kal-ōdbhēdī tēn=apy-ā
15 lakya dhidhi)mata | parikalpita-sad-vania(d-variab) prabhub Sailodbhava[b] kritab [16] Sailōdbhavasya kula
16 jo-rapabbita inid-yen-sakrit-ka(t-kri)ta-bhiya[th] dvishadanganānāṁh(nām) | jyöten pravo(bo)dha-samayē sva-dhiy-ai
17 va sarddhamakampito nayana-pakshma-jalëshu chandraḥ || [7*]"
From the original plates and their impressions.
Expressed by a symbol..
The danda is superfluous.
The Parikud and Nivini plates have achala-pateb.
Originally thi was engraved in place of dhi. This verse is found in the Cuttack Museum plates of Madhavavarman II.
The Cuttack Museum plates read pushya.
The Cuttack Museum plates read pata.
Ja was originally incised in place of da. The rest of the line is blank.

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2.
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
2222222
20
24
26
28
32
ii,a.
Gand
図
TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR A.-GRANT OF AYASOBHITA II MADHYAMARAJA
名
FRIT
Offer
い
身
era
されて
MZE
福
SCALE: ACTUAL-SIZE
BTS
ここか
さ
で
6.
365 14
それ
8
かえで
10
THE 20
21.2
16
18
29
24
26
28
30
32

Page #85

ti,.
Gags বড়লোকে
36 a r a 6 d; 386 প্রায় নয়, এর স্থায় এ ক
ই-
নূর 34:নান কে? ঐটা 40 বহন না
করে পড়ে না " রূণ নষ্ট, তাহ, sungয়র্ক
f &
, %? T &
s arwar zদাদুর ঐ sfঙ্গdaadd on
'য" নাকি Adda
দে
" 42
। ।
কম তবু বলিযe grঘলুয়েন। ' সুপবনসুধমুদ ঐত্র বন
|
.
Seal
INCHES

Page #86

No. 6] TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR
37 Second Plate; First Side 18 Tasy=ābhavad=vivu(bu)dha-påla-samasya sūnuḥ sri-Sainyabhita iti bhūmi-patir-gga19 nyån 1 yar prāpy=ānēka-sata-naga-ghată-vighatta-lavdha(bdha)-prasāda-vijayélyam) mumudē
dhari20 ttrih(tri) [Il 8*) Tasy=&pi vanseforanka)=tha yathärtha-nämä jāto=yasõbhita iti kehitisaḥ [1]
Yēnā(na) praru(rū)31 dlho-pi subhait-charirttrth mrifttrait-mpi)shtaḥ kalahka[b*) kali-darppanasyah(sya) | [*]
Jātasya(s=sa) tasya nata)nayah 22 sd-kriti samasta-símantint-hayana-sharpast-pa)da-pundarikaḥ 1) 6rt-Sainyabhita iti bhūmi = 23 patit=mmahabha-kumbha-sthali-dalana-durtlalifli)t-kat(si)-dhărah t 1 10*] Jätēna yëna kamal
Avat-sa-göttram=anmilitostat) dinakpit-eva mahodayanahtna 1) sathikshipta-mandala-rachas
cha % ga ba[b*) pranálpā)dam-ida dvisho grabangapà ivs yasya diptytih(ptya) 1 (114) Kaleyair-bhu
tadh[@]s talpatibhit-upachit-inoka-pâp-avatritennita yësht[th kath=āpi prata27 yam-abhimată kirttri(rtti)-mā(pā)lair-ajasram(sram) yajiais-tair-ašvamēdha-prabhfitibhira
Amara 28 lamblität-triptim=(x-u)evvitruvi)murdtaltdri)pt-kriti-patshakshaya-kfiti-patuna Svinie
Visena yềnab(as) 8 (19*] 29 Tasy=ātkhat-akhil-ātē mar=ma)rud=iva jananād=bhåsvad-ushņāmáu-tējā | játo māni
dayālurenna30 rapatir-Ayasõbhitadēvas-tanu(ni)ja[h*)| mātangan=yo-titangäm(ngân) valba)haha-mada
muchā(cha)s=chäru-ve31 kträ[n*) prachaņdāḥ(ndān) va(ba)ddhv=łkarshaty=a-khinnaḥ punar-api dayatēt yatnata) 888
(sa) pragalbhaḥ || [13*] Kēchid=vanya. 32 mpigēņa särddham=acharams=tā tāta sthitim Wilaya | köchich=chröddha(rdhva)-mukhā[h*]
sahasrakiraṇaḥ(na)-jvā33 l-kvali-prēkshiņa[11] kēchid=Valkalina-tathtina-dutaa kockitaja jaja)ta-dhárina(no) 1"
hina-ru(tū)pas
Second Pbate; Second Süde 34 dharās-tapanti munayo divy-āshpa(spa)d-ākāṁkshiņaḥ || [14] Kēchich=chbaila-guh-ödarčahu
niyatā dhū85 m-āvali-payinaḥ anyo vaya-phal-āmvumbu)-bhaksha-niyati[h*j kechin=nirahataka (kāḥ 1
ittham 36 yoga-ya(ja)sho vihāya vasati[m] dhyāyanti divya padatha shitttath Madhyamarājadēra
guna-dhri
1 Read präpya n=aika® for the sake of the motto. • The danda is perfeous.
Other records of the family tbually road more
. For the expressions (1) dayatt, (2) gatnala) and (8) sa pragalbhat, tomb othtet tobords of the family havo (1) napot, tapult of Myant, 12) go-krilas ot yasthetic and (8) impagabhat repbotitely.
Bomo record of the family rod Nirala. •The rule of sandhi has been ignored here apparently for the sake os the metro. 1 DGA

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38
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
37 d-rjyöljyë)-pi tat-präptavähḥ(vän) | [15] Yasy-āhvänis-sa(t-sa)miyah sura-bhavanagată divya-aatvättväḥ) praga
38 lbhab tai(bhas-taib) särddhath nitya-kälach sukrita-gupa-kath-Alpa-hridya(dyän) prakarvvaḥ(rvvan ) Sambhōs-tasy-anu-'
39 kāri padam-amaram-ajam sasvatam santa-rupaṁ lavdh-ö(bdh-ö)tsähas-sa viraḥ kshiti[ta]la
40 vasat(i)-anirjjit-&rāti-pakshaḥ || [16] Shity-utpatti-vināša-kärapa-parah yan-jyo(j-jy)tiravyälstahl'
41 vyakt-avyaktam-ananta-sakti-niyatam dev-ätidëvō mahah (han |) tasy-anugraha-käri-vi42 krama-dhana(nu)é-chiahjäḥ kardty-adbhutáḥ sa izimän-atula[ḥ*] ladáňka-dhavalaḥ kshöqi-ya43 [b]-khyupitab | [17] X karpád-atulah vikrishya tarasă obāpa-dvaya[th*] lilayāḥ{y}* 44 ashtabhi kavachai vi(vi)viehtya phalakān-üzüd-ü(d-u)bhābhyäm-api | päilyk chaturaḥ śilimu
45 kha-makhair-bhinta(tiva) su-tikahqai bhri(r-bhriah(a)-jt ddi(di)vya-gati[h] Prithasuta-samam (maḥ) Kōngōda-ratna[m*] kshitauḥ(tau) || [18*] .
46 Varmmabhyam sakalam sariram-asakrit-sa[m"]veshtya lil-anvitaḥ pi(pi)nau dvai(dvau) purushō(shau) nidhaya yuga
47 pa[t] skandha-dvaye lilaya | sadya[b]-sata-kripāna-bhasura-karo dhāvaty-a-khinno bhrisa[m*] 48 bhūpālō Hanumat-parakrama iti khyata[b] kahama-mandalaiḥ(le) || [19*] Jätena subhra-va49 pusha sasin-eva yena samva(samva)rddhitam kumuda-shandam-iva sva-göttram(ttram) | sankōchita
50 fi-cha ripa-pankaja-vṛindam-āris-et-5)-yam' ni(uri)po jayati lavdha(bdha)-jaya-pratāpab ||[30]
Third Plate
51 asmim(smin) Kōngōda-manḍalē mahāsāmanta-śri®
B. Grant of Dharmarāja Mānabhīta
This is a set of three plates, each measuring 6.35 inches by 3-5 inches, held together by a ring with seal. The seal contains the emblems of the crescent above, the couchant bull facing proper right in the middle, and an expanded lotus below. Between the bull and the lotus there is the legend reading śri-Dharmarajadevasya. The first plate is written on one side only, whereas the other two plates bear writing on both the sides. The writing on the reverse of the third plate is considerably damaged as portions of the metal on this side have peeled off. The three plates together weigh 61 tolas, while the weight of the ring and the seal is 26 tolas.
1 In the Parikud plates of the same king, Banerji reads: yasy ähva(hva)nän-mama[d*]yu[s]=sura". In the Parikud plates, Banerji reads: Sambhös samsthāna-käri padam-amara-java[b*].
In the Parikud plates, Banerji reads: vaati(t).
The present record helps us in correcting the reading of the Parikud plates.
The danda is superfluous.
The rule of sandhi has been ignored here for the sake of the metre..
In the Parikud plates, Banerji reads: kopēna yo jayati. The medial i of ti is joined with a horizontal stop stroke (here superfluous; at the right of the letter as in the last line of the Sumandala plates and in some other records. See above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 85, n. 5.
The record abruptly ends here. This line containing the beginning of the list of officials to whom the royal order regarding a grant would have to be issued should have been properly preceded by a prose passage mentioning the reigning monarch.

Page #88

No. 5) TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR
39 The charter belongs to king Dharmarāja Mānabhita of the Sailodbhava family of Kõů. Kāda in inodern Orissa and closely resembles the other charters of the same king in respect of palaeography, language and orthography. The date of the charter under discussion is uncertain. After the word (Sam*]vat, only the figure 1 can be traced, the writing of the following portion being damaged in the plate. It is therefore doubtful whether the date is year 1 or any other regnal year between 10 and 19. The Sailodbhava king Dharmarāja Mānabhita seems to have flourished about the close of the seventh century and the beginning of the eighth (circa 695-730 A.C.).
The draft of the present charter closely follows that of the Kondedda grant issued by king Dharmaraja Manabhita in his thirtieth regnal year. The eighteen verses forming the introduotion of our charter as well as the lengthy prose passage introducing the king as kusali (lines 1-40) are the same as the corresponding part of the 'Kondedda grant (lines 1-47), with slight changes (including minor mistakes) in the text and the names of the places whence the charters were issued. Verses 1-11 of the record dealing with the predecessors of the reigning monarch are merely a selection from the introductory stanzas found in the records (of. the Banpur plates edited above) of his father Ayasõbhita II Madhyamarāja. Verses 12-18 describe the achievements of Dharmarīja Mānabhīta himself. It is well known that only one of these verses (verse 15) gives a valu. able historical information. It seems to say how Dharmaraja had an elder brother named Madhava (i.e., Madhavavarman probably named after his grandfather) who bogan to bear ill will against his younger brother as soon as he ascended the throne, how Dharmarāja defeated this Madhava at the battle of Phåsikā, how Madhava thereupon took shelter under a king named Tivara, and how both Madhava and Tivars were defeated by Dharmaraja in a battle fought at the foot of the Vindhyas. This Tivara may have been a later member of the Pāņduvamsa of South Kosala. Verse 16 discloses the king's secondary name Mānabhita.
The proge passage following the introductory verses in our inscription refers to the place whence the charter was issued. The name of the place is doubtful but may be Asilida or Silida. The king is here described as a devout worshipper of Mahēsvara (Siva) and as devoted to his parents. Another interesting passage says that he was the son's son (i.e., grandson) of one who took an avabhritha bath after the Asvamēdha sacrifice (asvamēdh-avabhritha-snāna-nirvaritita-sünosu tanuyaḥ) apparently referring to the performance of the horse sacrifice by his grandfather Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa, already discussed above in connection with tho Banpur plates of Ayasobhita II Madhyamarāja, father of Dharmaraja Mänabhita.
The passage recording the grant in the inscription under review is defective. The engraver had at first omitted a longthy passage mentioning the donee, the gift land and the actual donor and later squeezed only the important words and names from the omitted passage in the limited space. The defective description suggests that the real donor of the grant was the queen Kalyāņadēvi (or Srikalyāņa") and that her grant was endorsed by the king. The gift land consisted of 3 measures styled ţimpira in a locality called Suvarnaralöndi situated in the Thorana vishaya and
The Kondedda grant of the 30th rognal year (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 267-70), the Nivina grant possibly of the 9th regnal year (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 38-41) and the Puri plates of a doubtful dato (J.B.O.R.S., Vol. XVI, pp. 178 ff). Bhandarkar's reading of the dates of the Pari and Kondedda plates is wrong (see List, Nos. 204041; Successors of the Salavahanas, p. 401).
1 He ruled at least up to his 30th regnal year.
This Tivara cannot be identified with Mahäbiva Tivara of the Panduvamia as tho letter flourished in the sixth century (circa 565-80 A. C.; soe I. H.Q., Vol. XIX, p. 144). Dharmaraja's rule (covering not less than 30 years according to the Kondedda grant) can hardly be placed earlier than the last quarter of the seventh century becauso, as indicated above, his grandfather performed the Advamedha before his 13th regnal year falling sometime after 619 A.C. and ruled for at least 50 years (cf. the date of the Cuttack Museum plates) and his father ruled for at least 20 years (cf. the date of the Parikud plates). • The Parikud platos suggest that Madhyamaraja took part in the performarce of his father's horse-sacrifice,
B 2

Page #89

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX 21 fimpīrus at the village of Madhuvātaka attached to the Rända siman probably forming a part of the same vishaya. The doneo was a Jain (1) monk called ēka-safa (possibly one who has taken a vow to wear only one piece of cloth; of. Ska-chivara) Prabuddhachandra who was the disciple of the arhadācharya (the most venerable teacher) Nāsichandra. The grant seems to have been actually made in favour of a deity or religious establishment in the residence of Prabuddhachandra. This is suggested by the expression bali-sattra-charu-pravarttanāya. But the record seems to say that Prabuddhachandra alone would have to enjoy the grant till his death. The gift was thus temporary. Nothing is recorded in regard to the relation that existed between the queen Kalyanadēvi (or Srikalyana) and the king Dharmarāja, although the epithet rajñi seems to suggest that she was one of the king's wives. The epithet bhagavati used before the word rājni may actually refer to an unnamed goddess established in Prabuddhachandra's residence. In case it was intended for the queen, she has possibly to be taken as the mother or a step-mother of the king. The word (impira (also written timpira or timpira) is found in many records in the sense of a land measure. It is clear that the engraver omitted a large number of words from the passage detailing the grant in the original draft of the document.
The dütaka or executor of the charter was the Panchakaranoparika-vai sväsika-brihadbhogin Samanta. Apparently the same person is mentioned in the Puri plates of Dharmerāja as the Brihadbhögin Samanta who wrote that document. Of the official designations attributed to samanta in our record, pancha-karan-parika is the same as pañch-adhikaran-Oparika of the Gunaighar plate and may indicate the chief Superintendent of five administrative offices.' Vaifvasika, found in records like the Kanas plate of Lokavigraha, possibly means & privy councillor. The designation Bhögin seems to have indicated an ināmdār. The plates ware engraved by Adityadēva who appears to be styled Akshasālika, i.e., & goldsmith. The document was lastchhita, i.e., endowed or registered with a seal, by the pēļāpāla (literally, keeper of the boxes, i.e., those containing documents) named Balavarman who is also known from the Puri plates of Dharmerāja.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the Thõraņa vishaya is also known from other records, although its definite location is doubtful. The king's vāsaka or residence whence the charter was issued cannot be satisfactorily identified. I have also not been able to locate the villages of Suvarṇaralöndi and Madhuvātaka as well as the siman or subdivision called Rända.
TEXT [Metres: verses 1, 3, 11, 14, 18 Sārdülavikridita ; verses 2, 5, 6, 8, 12, 22 Vasantatilaka; verses 4, 13, 16, 19-21 Anushțubh ; verse 7 Indravajrā ; verses 9, 10, 15 Sragdharà ; verse 17 Nardațaka ; verse 23 Pushpitägra.]
First Plate 1 Siddham? Svastiḥ(sti ) Indõr=ddhū(rddhau)ta-msiņāla-tantubhir=iva Slishţā[h] karai[h]
komalaih® vaddh-ahēr-arunaish] sphu
1 Cf. J.B.O.R.S.. Vol. XVI, p. 181 (Puri plates of Dharmaraja, text, line 49); above, Vol. XXIV. p. 163 C(Cuttack Museum Plates of Madhavavarman, text, line 30), Vol. XXI, p. 41 (Nivinā grant of Dharmaraja, text, line 47), eto.
* Select Inscriptions, p. 333.
Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 329.
• The same designation is also found in the forms Akshafalin (Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 1479, 1497, eto.) and Arkasalin (ibid., No. 1496). These appear to be Sanskritizations of Telugu and Kannada agasali, 's goldsmith.'
See above, Vol. XXIII, p. 129 (Puri plates of Madhavavarman II), J. A. 8. B., Vol. LXXIII, parti, p. 286 (Khurda plates of Madhavavarman II), eto.
. From the original plates and their imprensione. * Expressed by a symbol. [As for spaatid, with visarga, 300 abore, Vol. XXVII, p. 140, u. 2.Rd.] . Read lair-bulda.

Page #90

TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR
B.-GRANT OF DHARMARAJA MANABHITA
ਪਲ , ) ਕਾ ਦੇਨ {ਹ
ਨ ਹੀਂ ਹੈ ¢ ਹੋ 3 ਨੂੰ 1 ਆ 2 1 2 ਯੂਨਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਡg ) ਨਿਰਲੇਹੁ ਮਹਲੋਂ 4. 2
(ਨ {ith a 5 ਦੇਵਕ, ਹ 319 ਨ£ 1 ਹਾ ਨਾ ਬੰਦ , 4 | ਜਾਹੋ ਦਾ ਦੁT ੬ ਹਦ ਹ ਨੇ ਹ ਨ ਲ ਨ ਲ 4 ੫ ਨੂੰ ਨਹ no 0 ) ਨਾਲ
( A ਹ ਨੀ । 6 ( 5 ਨੋਰਾ ॥ ਨਾ। ਨ ੧ ਤੇ ਹਲਕਾ ਬਾਰ ਨ ਲ ਨ ਨ ਨੂੰ ਜ 6
* ਹੁੰਹ, 3 ਨੂੰ 57 By - ਹੋ' ਨੂੰ ਨੋਹਾ group 8 | ਸੰ ਪਨ $ 59 , ਨੂੰਹ ਨੂੰ ਨਸ਼ੇ ) ਦ ਮਨ 5 ਨਾ ਹੋ 8
ਨਾ ਮਨਾਉਂ ਤੇ ਕਨਾ। , ਧੂਨਾ ਸਰੋ। ਨਰ ਲਾ 17 10 ਕ ਨ Eਥ ਨੂੰ ਆਨ ਨ ਨਾ 9 7 ) ) ਚ ਚੈ ਨੂੰ , ਨੇ 10
h?। ਨੇ। ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਨਕਾ - 6 ਨਾਹ ਤੇ 121 ਨੂੰ ਨ ਨਾਣ 1 ੬ ਨੌ ਨ ਨ ਨ ਨ ਨ = 12
ii,a. i? G 2 3 :: ਜ ਨੇ ਲਾਟੂੜੋ
! 14 ਨੂੰ । । " ਖ3 |
ਡੀ ਨLY STਨੂੰਨ' ਨੂੰ 16 7 ਪਿੰਡ ਸ਼ੇਰਾ ।। । ਲੇ ਤੋਂ 7 ॥ r/s16 .
*7 ( $ 5 (ਤਾ * 2 ) = 7 zicਰਾਜੇ ਰਾਏ ਨੂੰ । ਟੋ ਨ ਨੂੰ ਰਾਤ ੧੮ ਮਨ' 3 4 5 ਤੋਂ 7 ਤੋਂ 3 | 18 T ਨੇ ਨੂੰ 57 ਨ ਨ / 75 ਮੰਚ ਹਨ । 20 ਸ: ੮੫ | ' ਦਾ 5 ਜੇ ਧ ਨ ਨੂੰ 5, ਤਾਂ ਕੀ
ਖੋਹਤਬਕੇ ਤੋਂ 70, "ਹ ਉਸ ਨੇ ਨਾ ਚੋਂ ਦੇ ਲਾਰ 'ਤੇ ਵੀ | 17terਣ ਨੂੰ ਕੰਮ ਨ® ਨੂੰrਨੂੰ ਗੁ ਰ : 1) ਨੇ , ਨੂੰ
B q ਨ ੫ਬ ਦਾ ਨਸੀਬ 5 ਲਾ ਚੋ ਲੜ gਧੇ ਤੇ ਨਾ (oਨ ਨਾਲ ਜੋ ਝਸਿ ਕੇ ਠੰ ? . - ਬੀ 24
ਹੈ” ਨੇ ਹੈ ? ਯੂ 3 ਤੋਂ ਸ
ਨ
। | : : : : : ਨਾ ਦੇਣ
ਦਾ ਭੁਲੇ ਨੂੰ ) 26 ਜੋ ਬਚ
ਜਾਨ ਨਾ ੧) ਤੋਂ ਵਾਰੋ, ਨਾਨ-ਨ ਰਹਿੰਦਾ * ਣਨੇ ਰਾ? 5 ਦਲ ਹੈ। ਨੈਨ ਨੂੰ 1] । ਥਕਾਣਾ ਲੱਝ ਲਕਣ 28
ਨੂੰ ਹ5 2 wਤੋਂ ਨਾਲ - ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਤਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਬੁਝ
ri |ਣਨ ਨੂੰ ਲਾਹ ਕੇ।ਣ ਤੋਂ ਬਦਨ-76 80 | - ਚੋਂ 7 ਵਜੇ ਤੋਂ 1 ਲੀ ਨੇ 3 73 , , ਨਾਂ 3 T ਨਾਨrਨਅ85 %10 3 0 ਨ ਨ ਤੋਂ ਲੈ ਕਲ 32 |ce ਨੂੰ ? 7 7 : 7 ਰੁਲਣz/R: Hਨਾਏ 84 igneਤੋਂ ਨਾਤੇ ਨੂੰ ਹੋਰ ਨਾਲ 43 34
ਵਾਟ ਤੋਂ ਹੀ ਤੋnfਹਨਾ ਨ( ਨਾ ਨਸਲ ਦੀ 36 Vਨੇ ਉਹ ਕਲਾ ਤੇ ਮੈਂ
ਦਾਤ ਨੂੰ , rਨ ਦਿਨ 36
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS

Page #91

40
48
50
54
iii,u.
iii,b.
10
万
40
おおおおわき
42
Seal
お
13
おな
38
道
44a.
446.
44c.
46
48
50
52
54

Page #92

No. 6]
TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR 2 rat-phapi-mapēr=digdha-prablábo=dsubhib' [l*) Pārvvatyä[b) sa-kaoba-graha-Vyatikana
vyāvfitta-va(ba)ndha-slatha | Gang-ā3 mvumbul-pluti-bhinna-bhaana-kanika[h*} Sambhõrajatah-panu(ata) vall 1[11") Prabhu
(Prambu)r=mahabba-kara-pivara-chāru-vā(bā)hu[h*] krishn-ama4 sanchacãcha) ya*)-vibbēda-vibālā(la)-vakshash I) räjiva-kõmala-dal-ayata-kochan-antaḥ khya
taḥ Kalinga-janatāsu 5 Pulindasēna[h] [12*] Tēn-entharttham) gunino-pa(b-api) setvaftiva) mahstā Dvēslufar bhu
võr-mandalam | sakto yaḥ pari(ri)pāla[na]6 ya jagataḥ ko nāma sa syäd=iti pratyādishţa-vib hur-bha(bh-utsa)vēna bha[ga]vän
ärādhita[b*) såóvataḥ ta(tas-ta)oh-obitt-Anu: 7 guņam vidhissu(tsu)r=adisad=väñohhăm svasa(ya)mbhõ(mbhūr=api [3] Sa sitä-Aakal
8dbhödi tēn-dpy=ābökyä(kya) dhima. 8 tā [l*) pari(ri)kalpita-sad-vansa(d-vamsah) prabhuḥ Sailodbhavaḥ kritaḥ [Il 4"] Sailodbha
vasya kulajõ=raṇabhita Asit yd-ya) . 9 n=āsakfit=kpitä(ta)-bhiya[m] dvishad-anganānām(nām) | jyotsnäya -pravo(bo)dha-samaya
sva-dhiy=aiva särdham-Ikano(ka)napito 10 nayana-pakshma-jalēshu chandra[h*] | [5] Pasy=&bhavad-vivabu dha-påla-samasya
sūnuḥ bri-Saisyabhīta 11 ti bhūmipatiga(r=ga)riyan [1] ya prapya n-aika-sata-naga-ghatā-vighatta-lavdhabdha)
pratāpa-vijayam ma(mulmado 12 dhari(ri)ttri || [6*] Tasy= āpi vaåsē(vamsē)=tha yath-artha-nå må jäto=yabobhi(bhita iti kahitskah El*) yēna pre
Second Plate, Piret Side 13 ra(rü)dhoepi subhais=charitraih mriftrair-ppi)shtah kabilah lali-darppaņasya [7] Jató
tha (tasya tanaya]s=suksi14 # samasta-słmanta(ati)ni-nayana-sbadpattpada-pundata[] Ari-Saingabhita fiti bhūmi)
patir=mmahe15' bha-kumbbasthali-dalana-durlulit-dai-dhāraḥ | 87 Kalėyair-bhitadhattripatibhir-upachit
ānēka-pā18 právatárair=nita yêshara kath-api pralayam-abhimata hirtti-mä(pa)lair-ajasramh|fsram )
yajñais-tair-asvamēdha17 prabhi(bhritibhiramark lambhita trifsetri)ptim=urv vhaudrilddri)pt-Arti-paksha-kshaye
kfiti-patunā Srinivasēna 18 yena 1 [9*] Tasy=õtkhat-akhil-Eri(rē)r=mmarud-iva janito bhāsvad-ushņānu(shp
āmu)tējā[h*] sūro māni daya19 lur=nerapatir=Ayaśābhītadēvas-tanūjalb*I matangán-yo-titangan=Va(ba)bala-mada-muchas 20 chăru-vaktrap-pra(n=pra)chandan va(ba)ddhv=Ikarskaty=arkhinnaḥ puwerapi [da]yata?
yetnetaḥ sampragalbhah I (10) Köchi Road prabhaadambubhis. An erased sign is notioed abowa ww. * The danda is superfluous. . An orand subscript l can be traced beneath omah • Ga bad boon at Amst omitted and w ater enghaved abowo tbuline malform. . Read Jyolond, omitting yd.
• Tho engraver bed begun to incine nu olon ta rool, bab.gera w to loer som pace between the two akaharas.
* Soo above, p. 37, potet.

Page #93

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX
21 S=chhai(ch-chhai)la-guh-odarëshu nirati dhūt-avali-payinah' anyoviyu-phal-āmvu
(mbu)-bhaksha-niratā[h*] kêchchi(chi)nati(n=ni)rā22 bārakā[h*) | ittham yoga-jusho vihāya vasatin(tih) dhyāyath(ya)nti divyām(vyaji-padam
chittra[ru*] Merhyamarājadēva23 guna-dhfid=rājyê=pi tat-prāptavān | [110] Tasy-abhavat-sakala-sastra-vibesha-vodi 'Sri
Dharmmarāja 24 iti sūnur=adhi[ta*]-Gästrah | yasy=ātinirmala-yalah parivarddhamana[m] pādau Hare
Second Plate Second Side 25 r-iva na mayitam=ā tri(tri)lokyāḥo [1112*] Nirābrayai[h*) prayatnāna gunaisesa pariväritaḥ
[I*] vaimukhyād=i26 shaya ch=aiva sarvva-döshair=vvivarjjitah ||[13*] Kala hanti ripu(pū)n=mä(n=ma)hārana
bata-vyāpāra-lavdh-6(bdh-o)nnatina(tin) 27 kālē dharmma-vivēohanāya na(ni)rato vri(brā)hmanya-madhye sthitaḥ Krausobārör-iva
yasya chēshtitam-alam loka(kaih) 28 samälökyatē || [14] Rājyam lavdhv=ai(bdhv-ai)va darppād=8[vi]ganita-tayo Madhavo
jyështha-bhāvāt(n) desām(s)d=asmåd=829 pāstu[8=k[i]ta-va(vi)shama-matir=vvigraba Phäsikäyáth Ilyam ) yuddha-kshobhāņa bhagno
npipati-varam=&sau samsrita30 s=Tivar-a(r-ā)khyan paschät=tën-äpi särddhah punar-api vijito Vindhya-pădoshu jirana
[b] [l| 15*] Sauryam érīsr=yau)31 vanam rājyam=ēk-aikan mada-kärakat (kam)) sarvva[m] Sri-Månabhitasya nirvvi
kāram=upasthita[m](tam) i (16*] Turaga32 khur-abhighāta-vidalad-dharani-talaja jaya-gaja-karnnah(mana)-chamara-vidhūnana-vis
phuritam(tam) su-bha33 ta-phara-prasarppaņa-niruddha-kakū(ku)d-gaganam va(ba)la-raja Iva yasya jayati dvi
shatā[m] dhvajinim(nim) || [17*] A34 rachya prasabham ghatā gaja-gaņair=asviya-pa(pā)datakaiḥ ji(kair-ji)tv-lnyam(nya)m
va(n=ba)la-sālino pripa-varān=agatya 35 dfishtër-bhuva[](vam 1) yuddha bhima-pa[ri*]kramăna vijitä nirvrit-padach präpitāḥ(tā)
dribyantē bhavan-anganē pra[ti-di]nam 36 prātaḥ praņām-arthinaḥ [ll 18*) Vijay-Asili[da]-vasakāt bri-Sailodbhava-kula-tilaka-mahama
Third Plate; First Side 37 kha-vājapěy-āsvamēdh-āvavabhsitha-tana(8nā)na(na)-nirvvarttita-sūnās=tanayo va(ba)
hu-vividhal-matta-vārana-vara38 turaga-ma(pa)dāti-sastra-sam(sa)mpăta-sankulo(la)-va(ba)hv-ahava-vinibata-batrur=anoka
vikram-ākrinta-sakala-bhū1 See above, p. 37, note 5. * The rule of sandhi has been neglected here for the sake of the motre.
. The reading of this defective passage is slightly different in differont rooorde of the king. The emendations suggested by scholars do not appear to be satisfactory.
The second pada of the stanza (kalt...... kathd-vistarai), which had been omitted through inadvertence, was later incised about the end of the reoord in linea 64-68.
* The reading may be vijaya-8di. The last akshara of the name may also be du, da or du. • Read avabhritha. * Better read baku-pidha.

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No. 5]
TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR
39 mandalo su(bhu)ja-va(ba)l-ätula-prathita-yada(65)ñ-ohã(é-cha)turddanta-sadgrămăd-asakṛil
lavdha(bdha)-pratāpaḥ paramamāhāśva
40 rō mātā-pitri-pad-nudhyātaḥ śri-Dharmmarjadvaḥ kasali | Thorapa-vishayo mahā
samanta
41 framanta- mahāra(rk)ja- | räjanaka-| rajapute-dataranga | diodaniyaka | dāņḍavā(pā)kik-aupari[ka*)-sta(ta)dvini
42 yukta[ka]-vyavahäripas-sa-karapān-anyäñá-cha(nyāché-oha)
Vra(Brahmana-purōg-di
vaishayika-janapada(dām)-chāja-bhata
43 vallabha-jätlyn-yath-&rham-püjayati manayaty-äjäpayati oha viditam-asta bhavatām
ētad-visha
44 ya-samya(mba)ddha
(a) d-arhat-(d-)charya-Näsichandra | tad-di(ch-chhi)shya ika-inţa-Prava(bu)ddhachandra iyāva[t] jivati | va(ba)li-da(sa)ttra-obaru-pravarttaniya | bhaga[va*]tī śrī-rājā (6) Sri-Kalyaadivi | Thorapa-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha | Suvarparaloodi timpīra tri(t)pi 13 Randa-sima-samva(mba)ddha-Madhuvataka-grāma | timp!
(c) ra-dvayah 2 pādā(daḥ) 1
-43
45 tad-anum ditō-smābhi[b] tad-anumōdito-smābhi[h*]*
yatas-tämvra(mra)-paja(ja)ka-darśanās
yatha-kala-samu
46 gauravat kenachit-paripatthi(nthi)na [na*] bhavitavyam=iti | uktañ=cha dharmmasastrē || Va(Ba)hubhir-vasudha dattā rājabhis-Saga
chita-phalam-upabhuñjāno(nasya) dharmma
47 r-ādibhir-ya(bhiḥ | ya)sya yasya yada bhumita(s-ta)sa(sya) tasya tada phala[m*] [| 19*] Sva-di(da)ntä(tt)m-para-dattām-vä(ttäch vä) yō harëta vasundhararh(räm |)
48 sa vishṭhāyām krimir-bhūtvā pitribhis-saha pachyatë [ 20*] Mã bhūd-a-phala-sankā vaḥ para-datt-ēti parthiva[b] | sva
Third Plate; Second Side
para-datt-anupālanam(në) || 21*] Vidyud-vilāsa-taralam=ava
49 dänat-phalam-änantyam gamya samyalg*]-loka-sthitim
50 yasasi [sakta *]-manobhir-uchchaiḥ [*] ni[tyam pa]r-opakriti-mattra-ratair-bhavadbhiḥ dha(dbhir-dha)rmm-abhirādhana-parair-anumōdi
51 tavy [22] Iti kamala-dal-imvu(mbu)-vindu-[lölä]ñ-chhri(läch érî)yam-anuchintys manushyajivitam (ta)ñ=cha | sakalam=ida
52 med britah(ta)-chaþ(-oha) vu(bu)ddhvā na hi purushaiḥ para-kirttayō rvvi(vi)löpy[b] [23] [Datako-ttra] pañcha-karag-pari[ka*]-vai
53 évāsika-vṣi(bçi)hadbbögi [Bämantaḥ] utkimp a[kahadlikëna*] Adityadavina läcbhi54 tam peṭāpālā (la)-Va(Ba)lavarmma[pa | Sam*]vat [1]....[*] Kālē sa(bha)[kt*]im=[u]paiti su55 bhra-charitaiḥ Sambhoḥ katha-vistaraiḥ ......pritha....iti |
1 The danda, used so many times in lines 40-41 and 44, is unnecessary.
The following two lines, marked (a) and (b) are offered in the original as two branches of line 44. The portion, marked (c), is a continuation of (b) and is engraved beneath the beginning of line 44. The engraver noticed after incising the word samva(mba)ddha that a lengthy passage detailing the grant had been omitted. He therefore squeezed only the important words of the omitted passage in as small a space as possible.
The intended reading seems to be tad-danam-anumöditam asmabhib.
• Horizontal strokes are here used for interpunctuation instead of the usual vertical ones.
See the Puri plates, line 60.
The preserved lower part of two aksharas seems to read igutu which possibly standa for Phalgunabudi. See above, p. 42, note 4.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
No. 6-ALAGUM INSCRIPTION OF ANANTAVARMAN; REGNAL YEAR 62
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND, AND S. RATHA-SARMA, PURI
The village of Alagum lies about twenty-three miles from the holy city of Puri, celebrated for the great temple of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha, and about ten miles from the Sākhigopāl station on the Bengal-Nagpur Railway in the Puri District of Orissa. There is a small temple in the village, in which the god Siva in the form of a linga, styled Garttēśvara, is worshipped. The temple itself is rather unimpressive like so many of its class in the villages in different parts of Orissa. But its importance lies in the existence of two inscriptions on the stones of its wall near the door, one to the right and the other to the left. The inscription on the proper left is in the Telugu script and language while that on the right is in the Gaudiya script and in the Sanskrit language. The second inscription forms the subject matter of this paper.
"
The inscription covers a space about four feet and four inches in length and about one foot eleven inches in breadth. There are altogether twenty-six lines of writing, the letters being about 1 inches in height. Originally both the inscriptions were fully covered with cement. Of late the cement plastering was removed; but there are still traces of it in the lower part of the inscription published here. Some letters, especially in lines 24-26, are not clearly visible.
The characters belong to a cursive form of the Gaudiya class, commonly called Proto-Bengali, and may be assigned to about the twelfth century A.C. or even later. The sign for mediali, which resembles that in modern Oriya, and the short type of medial a sign exhibited in a few cases (of. Kasyapa in lines 5-6) are interesting to note. The initial a occurs several times in the inscription (lines 10, 18, 21, etc.) and the sign for avagraha only once (line 13). The characters may be compared with those in the records of the imperial Gangas such as the Nagari plates of Anangabhima III circa 1211-38 A.C.) edited above.1
The language of the inscription under discussion is incorrect Sanskrit, its orthography exhibiting considerable influence of the local pronunciation; cf. words like desa for desa (line 4), vansa for vaméa (line 7), māhēsvara for māheśvara (line 8), etc. The rules of sandhi have been sometimes ignored.
The record is dated in the sixty-second year of a king named Anantavarmadeva. The great length of the reign referred to leaves hardly any doubt that the king is no other than the great Ganga emperor Anantavarman Chōdaganga who is known to have been crowned in 1078 A.C. and ruled for about seventy years up to 1147 A.C. The sixty-second year of the reign of Anantavarman Chodaganga would thus correspond to 1140-41 A.C. It may be noted that the reference is to the regnal reckoning and not to the Anta reckoning in which, as indicated by certain inscriptions of the later rulers of Orissa, a number of regnal years were not to be counted. The details of the date, quoted in the inscription under notice, speak of Thursday, the seventh tithi of the bright half in the month of Magha. The date thus regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 30th of January, 1141 A.C. According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 284, the shashthi tithi ended on that date at 19 of the day.
The inscription records certain grants made by a person named Kämandi whose epithet disapati (Sanskrit disampati) looks like an official designation. It is possible to think that Kāmāṇḍi was the governor of a territorial unit of which the present village of Alagum in the Puri District formed a part. Kämäṇḍi is simultaneously called Paramamahětvara and Parama1 Vol. XXVIII, pp. 235 ff.

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45
ALAGUM INSCRIPTION OF ANANTAVARMAN; REGNAL YEAR 62
No. 6] vaishnava, which show that he was a devotee of both the gods Śiva and Vishnu. His family belonged to the Kasyapa götra and to the pañch-ärsheya-pravara (i.e., having five sages as pravaras or distinguished members of the götra in question). The Kasyapa götra, however, is known to have only three pravaras, viz., Kasyapa, Avatsara and Naidhruva. Pañch-ärsheya thus appears to be a mistake for try-ärsheya. In dealing with the ancestry of Kamandi, the inscription rather curiously speaks of Pitämaha Pötändi, of the former's son Bhimandi and of the latter's vams-ödbhava or descendant Kāmānḍi. It seems that Pōtandi was the pitämaha or grandfather of Kamandi and that Bhimāṇḍi was his father inspite of the fact that he is said to have been merely a descendant of Bhimāņḍi. This seems to be suggested by the word pitamaha used in connection with the name of Pōtandi, by the similar formations of the three names, viz., Pōtandi, Bhimandi and Kämäṇḍi, and also by the fact that there is hardly any meaning in mentioning only two distant ancestors of the donor when the established custom throughout India was generally to mention only his father and grandfather. It may, however, not be impossible that Kämäṇḍi was actually the son of a brother of Bhimanḍi who later adopted him as his own son. That is possibly why Kamandi is called a vamé-ödbhava and not exactly a putra of Bhimandi. It may be recalled in this connection that the Sailōdbhava king Ayasobhita I of Kōngōda in Orissa is described in some records in prose as the son of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman I, but in others in verse as merely a descendant of the latter. A very interesting information about Kāmāṇḍi's family given in the record is that it hailed from a village, the name of which reads like Kadamvura, in the Chōla country, which was the modern Tanjore-Trichinopoly region of South India.
Kāmāṇḍi is said to have purchased with his own money a hala of land styled Kapālē vara in the village of Alagumma which formed a part of the Ramanga vishaya and made it an endowment in favour of the matha of the god Garttēśvaradeva. The purchase is said to have been witnessed by certain honest praja-lõkas apparently meaning the people of the locality. The object of the grant was two-fold. In the first place, it was to provide food to an ascetic, possibly living in the matha referred to, whose name may have been Bhij or Abhij. Secondly, three pravarttas of paddy were allotted for providing naivedya or the daily ceremonial offering to the god Garttesvaradeva. In this description of the grant, the word hala, known also from other sources, has been used to indicate a piece of land of uncertain area. The exact weight of a pravartta of paddy is likewise unknown."
In addition to the piece of land granted, a sum of money was deposited with the local adhikarins (possibly superintendents of the temple) who are said to have been maintaining the palli-deva, literally 'village deity' (possibly meaning Garttesvara), for providing an akhanda or perpetual lamp, apparently in the temple, in honour of the god Garttesvara. The lamp was expected to be the kula-tarana (i.e., a thing that ensures easy crossing of the sea of samsara for the members of one's family) of" this kaparyaka" probably meaning Kāmāṇḍi himself. The word kaparyaka appears to be a mistake for a word like käpyaka meaning 'a penitent'. The amount granted in this connection is described as a hundred churnis added by five puranas. The word churni usually means a hundred cowrie-shells, while purana was the old silver karshapana usually regarded as equal to 1280 cowrie-shells. According to Oriya lexicons, however, both the words churni and purana are recognised in the sense of kähāņa (Sanskrit karshapana) which was equal to 1280 cowrie-shells. There is no doubt that the words have been used in the same sense also in the record under
1 See Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 400 f. Cf. also ibid., p. 250 and note.
Is it Oriya paufi which is equal to ten maunds?
Cf. Pramoda Abhidhana, s.v. churni and purana. The Mehar plate (above, Vol. XXVII, p. 189, text line 35; of. p. 191, note 5) spells the word as churni and uses it as a synonym of purana. The same word also occurs in line 59 of the Vangiya Sahitya Parishat plate of Visvarupasana (Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 147), although it was wrongly read as churna.
1 ᎠᏩᎪ

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XXIX discussion. This is clearly suggested by the fact that the amount given in words as a hundred chürnis and five puränas ' is separately mentioned in figures as pu 105 (i.e., 105 purānas). Thus the amount granted for making provision for the burning of a lamp perpetually in the temple of Garttesvara was 105 chūrnis, purānas, or kāhāņas which were equivalent to 134,400 cowrie-shells. • It is interesting to note that the family of Kāmāņdi, who made grants in favour of the villagegod of Alagum near Puri and appears to have been an official serving the Ganga nionarch Anantavarman Chodaganga, is said to have hailed from the country of the Cholas. It is well-known that Chodaganga's mother Rājasundari was a Chöļa princess and that the very name of the king points to the existence of Chola or Chöda blood in his vein. Rājasundarf is described in the Ganga records as the daughter of the Chāļa king Rājēndra who is variously identified by scholars with Rājēndra I (1016-43 A.C.), Virarijëndra (1063-70 A.C.) and Rājēndra Kulottunga I (1063-70 A.C. as Eastern Chalukya king : 1070-1118 A.C. as ruler of the united Chola-Chalukya kingdom), although the Ganga king's name, Virarājēndra-Chodaganga, found in some records, suggests that he was the grandson of the Chola king Virarājendra after whom he was named. One of the queens of Chödaganga was the Chola princess Chōda-mahādēvi who is known to have granted some Kulottungamādas for a lamp at the temple of Bhimēsa at Dräkshärama and may have been a daughter of Rajendra Kulottunga I.. This seems to suggest that Chodaganga's mother was a cousin of Kulottunga (son of a daughter of Rājēndra I), a granddaughter of Rājēndra I and a daughter of Virarājēndra. We have also evidence to show that there was considerable Chola influence at the court of some of the early monarchs of the imperial Ganga dynasty, who sometimes employed Chola officials.
There is little doubt that the rise of the imperial Gangas in Kalinga was connected with the expansion of Chola influence in that country. It is now accepted by most scholars that the Ganga dynasty was established at Kalingangara (modern Mukhalingam near Chicacole or Srikakulam) about the close of the fifth century A.C. The Gangas soon established their power in Central Kalings : but, in the seventh century, their position was threatened by the expansion of the power of their eastern neighbours, the Sailodbhavas of Köngõda (about the border between the Ganjam and Puri Districts of Orissa) and by the establishment of the Eastern Chalukyas at Pishtapura (modern Pithapuram in the East Godavari District) in the south. The authority of the Kalinganagara government was also considerably shaken about this time by the rise of collateral viceregal families like that of the Gangas of Svētaka. The process of decline continued and, in the tenth oentury, the kingdom sooms to have been divided into five states under different branches of the Ganga family as well as of viceregal lines. About the end of the same century, Vajrahasta Anantavarman (circa 985-1016 A.C.), belonging to one of the branch lines of the Ganga family, seems to have consolidated his position in all the five states. His success may have been due to the help be may have received from the Chõļas. It has to be noted that this king, the first important rulor of the imperial branch of the Ganga family, was a contemporary of the great Chola king Rajaraja (985-1016 A.C.) who claims to have conquered Vengi (the kingdom of the Eastern Chalukyas) by 998 A.C. and Kalinga (the kingdom of the Gangas) sometime before 1003 A.C.
1Ct. Subba Rao, History of Kalinga (offprint), pp. 130-31.
at. ibid., p. 135. • Ot. ibid., pp. 126 ff. See also A. R. 8. I. ., 1935-36, p. 63.
at. Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, p. 450. ..C. J. K. H. R. 8., Vol. I, p. 220. .
The history of the ancestors of this ruler has been discussed in connection with the Nagart plates of Anar bhima III (above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 236 ff.).
Sowell, Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, pp. 56-87.

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ALAGUM INSCRIPTION OF ANANTAVARMAN, REGNAL YEAR 62
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No. 6] ALAGUM INSCRIPTION OF ANANTAVARMAN ; REGNAL YEAR 62 47 His son Rajendra I (1016-43 A.C.) also claims to have defeatod the Eastern Chalukya king as well as to have set up pillars of victory on Mount Mahendra in Kalinga (in the present Srikakulam District of Madras). Whether, however, this achievement of Rājēndra I should be attributed to his own reign or to that of his father when he may have led the expedition against the Kalinga country as his father's general is uncertain in the present state of our knowledge. But it is extremely interesting to note that, in the description of the expeditions led by the generals of Rājēndra I about 1023 A.C. in the countries towards the east as far as South-East Bengal, mention is made of the reduction of Ora (Puri-Cuttack area) and Kõsala (the Sambalpur region together with certain Western tracts), both then under the Sõmavamsi king of Yayūtinagara, but not of any conflict with the king of Kalinga.' This fact seems to suggest that the early rulers of the imperial Ganga family were regarded by the Chola emperors as their subordinate allies. The real founder of the greatness of the imperial branch of the Ganga family was another Vajrahasta Anantavarman (1038-70 A.C.) who was the grandson of his namesake mentioned above and the grandfather of the mighty Anantavarman Chödaganga. But Chola influence continued in Kalinga as late as the reign of Chodaganga and even later.
The present inscription is one of the few records of Anantavarman Chödaganga that have been so far discovered in the Puri-Cuttack region which was conquered by that monarch from the Sõmavarbis about the beginning of the twelfth century.
Of the geographical namos mentioned in the inscription, the location of Chöla-dëss has already been noticad. Kadamvura may, as Mr. N. L. Rao has kindly suggested be identified with Kadambür in the Udaiyarpalaiyam taluk of the Tiruchirapalli District. Alagumma is no doubt modern Alagum which is the findspot of the inscription under discussion. The name is Alaguma even now in Oriya pronunciation. The vishaya or district of Rāmanga, in which the village of Alagunma is said to have been situated, seems to be the same as the Rāvanga vishaya mentioned in the Puri plates of Bhanu II.
TEXT 1 Siddham Svasti (1) Srimad-Anantavarmadēvasya 2 pravarddhamana-vijaya-rājyē | dvashashțhi(shta)3 samva(saṁva)tsare Mägha-si(si)ta-tithau sapta4 myām vārē Gurau Chõla-dēsa (sa)-prati5 vaba)ddha-Kadamvura-grāma-vinirggata-Käsya(sya)6 pa-gotra-pañch-arsha(rshē)ya-pravara-pitäma7 ha-Pötändi[h] tat-putra-Bhimāņdi[b] tad-vans-7(d-vais-5). 8 dbhava-paramamāhēsva(sva)ra-paramavaishna(shna)va9 disāpati-Kāmāņdi-nāmā khyātaḥ 116 10 idānīm Rāmanga-vishaya-prativa(ba)ddha-Ala11 gumma-grāmiya-Kapālēsva(sva)ra-nama-bhumi-ha12 l-aikam sadhu-praja-lõka(kä)n pramukhiksi. 13 tya sva-dhanēna kritvā="sēsha-dharmma-viva(vpi)
14 ddhayė sri-Garttēsva(sva)radēvasya matha-prativa(ba). 1 See 1. H.Q., Vol. XXII, pp. 300 ff. * Ray,op. cit., pp. 318 ff.; above, Vol. IX, pp. 227 ff. • Soo J. R. A. 8. B., Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 19-28. . From impressions. . Expressed by a symbol. • The dandas are superfluous.
Possibly disampati. • The rule of sandhi has not been observed here.

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[VOL. XXIX
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 15 ddhikțitys tapasvinē Bhijēl bhõjan-arthe 16 pradattā(ttam ) tan-madhyād=api sri-Garttēsva(sva)ra17 dēvasya naivēdy-arthë dhãnya-pravartta-trayam 18 niyojitam(tam) || aparam=api sri-Ga19 rttēsva(sva)ra-pritayē pañcha-puran-adhi20 ka-chūrņņi-sat-aikēna ētasya kaparya-- 21 kasya kula-tāraṇa'-akhaņda-dipa-pra22 pradān-arthē iha samāvāsita23 palli-dēva-palit-adhikariņā[m] 24 [ba]stē prada[ttā' a]ókē hi(pi) pu 105 [l*) 25 (ā-chandr-ārka-kāla)-paryantam sådhu-pu26 (rushaih*) paripālaniya ||
No. 7–BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III ; REGNAL YEAR 17
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND Sometime about the beginning of 1951, Pandit Vishộulal Šāstri, a Research Scholar attached to the History Department of the University of Patna, kindly informed me that he had seen & copper-plate inscription at the village of Bangāon (P. O. Bariahi, Sub-district Saharsa) in the Bhagalpur District of Bihār and that Pandit Chhēdi Jha, President of the Chhēdnārāyan Club at Bangaon, and formerly President of the Bhāgalpur District Congress Committee, might be approached for further information about the inscription. I at once wrote to Pandit Chhēdi Jhā, requesting him to send me a pencil rubbing of the epigraph so as to enable me to have a rough idea of its importance. Pandit Jhā kindly complied with my request and, on an examination of the rubbings sent to me, I found that the plate was issued by king Vigrahapāla III of the celebrated Pāla dynasty of Bengal and Bihar. I was then eager to have the plate on a temporary loan for a careful examination of the inscription, and Pandit Jhā was good enough to send it to me about the beginning of June 1951. I am grateful to him for this act of kindness as well as for the following information regarding the findspot and discovery of the inscription.
The owner of the plate is Pandit Ghughur Jha, teacher of the Kalabati High English School, Bangãon. The village is an old one, situated on the bank of the Dhēmură, a tributary of the Kösi. To the west of the rivulet, there stands Māhishmati, the siddha-pītha of the goddess Tārā and the native place of Mandanamiśra, famous in the Sankaracharya legends. To the north-west lies Kandaha where there is a temple of the Sun-god, said to be founded by a king named Bhavāditya, and to the north there is the Bāņēsvara Siva-linga, installed, according to tradition, by the demon king Bana. To the west of the village is a Gadh-Dih where some gold coins of the Mughal times
1 Or, tapasvint' bhije. * Possibly the intended reading is kapyala. • The rule of sandhi has not been obrerved here. • This pra is redundant.
Better read pradattath paich-adhika-purna-batam. • The word seems to qualify dattirishd understood.

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No. 7)
BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III; REGNAL YEAR 17
49
were dug out some forty years ago. A poster still hangs at the place forbidding people to dig earth there more than three feet below the surface. There are also several Gadhs and Dihs to the east and south of the village of Bangaon. The plate under discussion was discovered by Pandit Ghughur Jhā sometime in 1950 accidentally in the south-eastern part of the village, close to the Sharari-Dih. It was found buried in the earth with only the top of it visible above the ground. Pandit Ghughur Jhā dug it up and carefully preserved it in his house.
The inscription is written on both sides of a single plate measuring 13-4" in height, 12.2" in breadth and 15" in thickness. On the top side of the plate is soldered the Pala seal (7" in length and .75" in thickness), shaped like 'the ace of spades' and known to have been called Dharmachakramudra. The legend on the seal runs: Sri-Vigraha pāladevah. The copper plate with the bronze seal is in a fairly satisfactory state of preservation and weighs 425 tolas. A portion measuring about an inch in length has, however, broken away from the lower left end of the seal on the obverse of the plate. There are 32 lines of writing on the obverse and 19 lines on the reverse. Considerable Space (from 5.4" to 7" in length) in the central part of five lines at the top of both sides of the plate is covered by the lower bifurcated part of the seal, causing a break in the continuous writing of those lines. The seal is fixed to the plate apparently with the help of three knobs passing through holes made in the plate.
The characters belong to the East Indian variety of the Northern Alphabet of about the eleventh century A.C., which I am inclined to call the Gaudiya script. In regard to palaeography, language and orthography the inscription under discussion closely resembles other Pala inscriptions of the said age, especially the Amgāchhi' and Belwa? plates of Vigrahapala III who also issued the present charter. The letter g is written in two different ways (cf., e.g., samu pagat-ão in line 26 and puroga in line 31), one of which is commonly used and resembles the form of 6 (cf. samupagat-asesha in line 26). The letter t is also written both in the Bengali and in the Dāvanāgari fashion (cf. sulah and ito in lina 50). The superscript r is often a short horizontal stroke put below the top mitrā towards the upper left corner of a consonant (cf. niryāta in line 48) and is sometimes not easily noticed ; but in a few cases it is put above the top matrā (cf.or=yajvanão in line 49). The superscripts in the conjuncts tt and nt are often undistinguishable (ävarttät in line 25, kirttitān in line 30, paryanta in line 32, etc.). Medial é is usually of the Bengali type put to the left of the consonant (cf. sēsha in the line 26); but in some cases it is put above the top mītrā of the consonant as in Dēvanagari (cf. Mēdo in line 31), while in a few cases it is indicated by a short downward stroke or curve put at the left end of the matrā (cf. võdhaoin line 31, likhito in line 32). Medial i is sometimes without the top curve and is andistinguishable from the Bengali type of medial e usually found in the record. The anusvāra is written in both the Bengali and Dēvanāgari fashions (cf. Rrājam and dutan in line 48). The sign of avagraha has been used in several cases. The engraving is neatly done and there are only a few errors of language and spelling. The letter ni, which is a contraction of nibaddha meaning 'registered' or ' approved ,' is found both about the beginning and at the end of the first line on the reverse of the plate. This characteristic is also found is some other Päla grants, including the Amgachhi and Belwā plates on which, however, the signs are seen on the obverse. Similar endorsements on the copper-plate grants of the Varmans and Sēnas of Bengal show that the two 'ni's refer to the approval of the king himself and of one of his high officials.
1 Above, Vol. XV, pp. 293 ff.
· Vangiya Sahitya Parishat Patrika, Vol. LVI, pp. 60 ff. The inscription has since bom edited by me, see above, pp. 9 ff.
N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 21, 64, 76, oto. For an absolutely wrong value attached to the sign, seo Proc. I. H. C., 1950, p. 107.

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The charter under review is dated in the 17th regnal year of king Vigrahapāla III whose reign has been roughly assigned to the period 1055-70 A.C. in the latest authoritative work on the history of Bengal. As will, however, be shown below, this dating requires modification in view of the evidence afforded by the present record.
The inscription begins, as usual, with the symbol for siddham and the word svasti, which are followed by fourteen verses (in lines 1-21). These verses are found exactly in the same order in both the known charters of Vigrahapala III and have been fully discussed in our paper on the Belwa plates of Mahipala I and Vigrahapala III. Lines 21-23 quote the usual description of the Pāla jaya-skandhāvāra (possibly, temporary capital) whence the charter was issued. It is well-known that several of such jaya-skandhāvāras are already known from the Pala charters, the same description (suggesting their situation on the river Bhagirathi or Ganges) being applied to each one of them. Our record adds a new name to the list of the Pāla jaya-skandhāvāras so far known. Lines 24-25 of the inscription say that the charter was issued by the Paramasaugata (devout Buddhist) Paramesvara Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhirāja Vigrahapaladēva meditating on (or, favoured by) the feet of his father, Nayapaladeva, from the jaya-skandhāvāra at Kanchanapura which is as yet unknown from any other Pāla grant. Line 25 speaks of the land to be granted as a part, yielding five hundred of the standard coins (called Purana?) of the locality called Vasukavartta in the Hōdroya vishay (district) of Tirabhukti. The lines that follow (lines 26-31) quote the list of feudatories, officials and others, associated with the above piece of land. The same list is also found in other Pala grants, including those of Vigrahapala III himself. The charter then goes on to say (lines 32-40), in the well-known style of the Pala grants, that the above mentioned portion of the village of Vasukavartta was granted in the name of Lord Buddha with the specified privileges (including the right to enjoy the pratyāyas such as bhäga, bhoga, kara, hiranya and others) in accordance with the bhumichchhidra-nyaya (i.e., the principle of the rent-free enjoyment of a piece of land by a person who cultivated it for the first time) by the king, for the increase of the merit of himself and his parents, in favour of a Brahmana. Like many other Pāla grants, this one was also made by the king after having taken a ceremonial bath in the waters of the Ganges on the occasion of the Vishuvat sankranti. As expected, this portion of the charter is almost a replica of the corresponding section of the Belwa plate already discussed by me. The donee of the present charter was Ghaṇṭūkasarman who was an inhabitant of Iṭṭāhāka or Iṭuhōka. He was the son of Tunga and grandson of Yogasvamin. The original home of the donee's family is stated to have been Kōlancha. He is described as well-versed in mimāṁsā, vyākaraṇa ard tarka and as belonging to the Sandilya götra having the Sandilya, Asita and Devala pravaras. The donee is further said to have been a sabrahmacharin of Narasimha and a student of the Chhandōga śākhā. It is well-known that, in a similar context, charters of ancient Indian rulers usually speak of a Brāhmaṇa as a sabrahmacharin or adhyayin, i.e., a student, of a particular sakha or charana of a Věda. In later Pāla charters, however, we have often mention of the donee as sabrahmacharin of an individual. It appears that the word in such cases has the sense of a pupil'. Thus Ghantūkasarman was probably a pupil of Narasimha.
future rulers of the region not to confiscate the gift land. This is followed by the date of the charter: the 28th day probably of the month of Asvayuj in the 17th regnal year of Vigrahapala III. Next follow in lines 42-47 some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. The two verses that
1 History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 177.
The grants of the Senas of Bengal usually refer in a similar context to the annual income of the gift land in Purinas counted in cowrie-shells (Ins. Beng., Vol. III, pp. 63, 74, 87, etc.). The records of the rulers of ancient Assam, however, speak of paddy in the same context (Kamarupa-tasan-avali, pp. 78, 99). Thus our inscription may also refer to the annual yield in the standard measure of the principal crop.
C. I. I., Vol. III. DD. 97, 103, 105, 120, 179, 190, 248, 298, etc.

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BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III; REGNAL YEAR 17
51
follow in lines 47-49 speak of the duta or dutaka (i.e., the executor of the grant) and the engraver of the plate in the usual style of the charters of Vigraha pāla III. What is, however, very interesting in our record is that its data is said to have been the mantrin Prahasitarăja described as a Bon of the king. Why, in the name of this as yet unknown son of Vigrahapala III, the ending rāja has been preferred to the expected pāla cannot be determined. The engraver of the plate was the artisan Sasidova who was the son of Hridēva hailing from Poshali. We know that several engravers of the Pala plates hailed from the same village. Indeed the same verse algo occurs at the end of the Amgāchhi plate where, however, Sasidēva is called Mahidharadēva-sūnu instead of Sriman-Hridera-sünn. The passage in our record is, however, grammatically wrong and requires some modification. Whether the reading intended is fri-Mahidevao cannot be determined, although in such a case Mahidharadēva and Mahidēva may have been regarded as identical.
An interesting feature of the charter under discussion is the peculiar endorsement in two verses at the end (lines 49-50). According to this, the real donor of the land was not, as recorded in the grant, the king but one of his Brāhmana officers, named Ghanţisa. This man is described as a vidhiya or servant of the lord of Gauda, i.e., the Pāla king, and as having friendship with several rulers. He is said to have made the grant out of his own hala, probably meaning the jāgir under his possession. Ghantīsa was the son of Yogēśvara and the grandson of Vivada. This Vivada is Buid to have been born of Iddhahalā, daughter of Gõhaņaka and granddaughter of Kachchha who came [to Tirabhukti or North Bihār] from Krõdāñcha. There is no doubt that Krödāñcha is the same as Kölāñcha mentioned earlier in the inscription as the original home of Ghäntūkasarman, donee of the grant. The nature of the present grant seems to be similar to that of such records as the Kailan (otherwise called Kailain) plate, according to which an officer of a king got a piece of land (probably by purchase) from his master and parts of it were granted in favour of certain learned Brāhmaṇas and of a Buddhist religious establishment. In the present case, the king merely permitted and ratified the grant making the gift land a permanent revenue-free holding.
Besides the mention of a new Pāla jaya-skandhāvāra and a hitherto unknown son of Vigrahapāla III serving as a minister of his father, and tha interesting nature of the grant actually made by a private individual but represented as a royal gift because the king made the land a rent-free holding, a fact of considerable importance in the Bangaon plate is its date. So long, the latest definitely known date of the reign of this king was his 12th regnal year. Of course there were the Kurkihär image inscriptions, dated in the 19th regnal year of Vigrahapāla, and a manuscript of the Pancharakshā copied in the 26th year of his reign. But it was not known whether these dates should have to be referred to Vigrahapāla III or his great-grandfather Vigrahapāla II. The recently discovered Naulāgarh image inscription, dated in the 24th regnal year of Vigrahapala. without any indication in regard to his identity, also did not solve the problem. Thus the position was that, while Vigrahapāla III was known to have ruled at least for about 12 years, either the same king or Vigrahapāla II may have ruled at least for about 26 years. Under the circumstances, some writers' assigned to Vigrahapāla II a short reign of less than one year but to Vigrahapāla III a long reign of about 26 years, while others assigned the long reign-period to Vigrahn pāla II. In
1 Was it due to the fact that Prahasitaraja was born of a concubine of king Vigrahapāla III ? 11. H. 9., Vol. XXIII, pp. 221-41. • History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 174; Bhandarkar, List, No. 1632.
J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 36 f., 239 f.; History of Bengal, loc. cit. • History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 179. • Ganesh Datta College Bulletin, No. 1, pp. 1-16; J.B.R.S., Vol. XXXVII, parta 3-4, pp. 1 ff.
Ray (1). H. N. I., Vol., I. p. 385) assigns Vigrahapale II to circa 992 A.C. and Vigrahapala III to circa 1055-81 A.C. * Majumdar (Hist. Beng., op. cit., p. 177) assigns Vigrahapala II to circa 960-88 A.C. and Vigrahapala III to
circa 1055-70 A.C.

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the total absence of any definite date of the reign of Vigrahapala II, the attitude of the former group of scholars would no doubt appear to be more reasonable. And the present record showing that Vigrahapala III ruled at least for about 17 years goes considerably in favour of this view. In the present state of our knowledge, therefore, it is better to think that it was Vigrahapala III who reigned for at least about 26 years and that Vigrahapala II had a much shorter reign.
The rule of Vigrahapala III in Tirabhukti or North Bihar about the third quarter of the eleventh century has now to be reconciled with Kalachuri expansion in that area. Such facts as that the city of 'Banaras'' belonged to the territory of Gang' about 1034 A.C. when, according to Baihaqi, Ahmad Niyältigin, a general of Ma'sud I (circa 1030-40 A.C.) invaded it,' and that the Benares plate (Kalachuri year 793-1042 A.C.) of Kalachuri Karna (1041-72 A.C.) records the grant of a village in the Kāši district point to the inclusion of the eastern U. P. in the dominions of Karna and his father Gängeyadeva Vikramaditya. The Karanbel inscription3 assigns to Karna a victory over Gauda and the Bheraghat inscription speaks of his hostility with Vanga, while his Paikore pillar inscription points to his advance as far east as the Birbhum District of West Bengal. Under these circumstances, the Nepalese manuscript of the Rāmāyaṇa, completed in [Vikrama] Samvat 1076 (1019 A.C.) when Tīrabhukti was under the rule of Gangëyadeva, may be regarded as proving Kalachuri occupation of North Bihar in the first half of the eleventh century. It should, however, be pointed out that we have inscriptions of Mahipala I (circa 988-1038 A.C.) from Sarnath near Banaras (dated Vikrama Samvat 1083-1026 A.C.) in the eastern U.P., from Nālandā, Bodhgaya and Tetrawan (dated in the regnal years 11 and 31 or 21) in South Bihar and from Imadpur (dated in the regnal year 48) in the Muzaffarpur District of North Bihar, while two inscriptions (dated in the regnal year 15) of Nayapala (circa 1038-55 A.C.) come from Gaya in South Bihar. The Tibetan life of the Bengali Buddhist monk Atisa Dipankara Sri-Jñana refers to an invasion of Magadha or South Bihar under Nayapala, father of Vigrahapala III, led by 'king Karnya of the west', i. e., Kalachuri Karna. According to this tradition, Nayapala ultimately succeeded in defeating the invader, while, according to the Ramacharita, Vigrahapala III defeated Karna and married the latter's daughter Yauvanasri. It has been supposed that this refers to a second invasion led by Karna against the Pāla empire. In any case, the present inscription shows that North Bihar was reconquered by the Palas from the Kalachuris at least before the 17th year of Vigrahapala's reign. Karna's son Yaśaḥ karna (circa 1072-1125 A. C.), however, claims to have devastated Champaranya (modern Champaran in North Bihar) according to the Bheraghat inscription. It seems, therefore, that the Paias were struggling with the Kalachuris in Bihar, both North and South, for a considerable period of time.
Another interesting fact revealed by the Bangaon plate is the great importance attached by the local Brāhmaṇas of North Bihar to their relation with a Brāhmaṇa of Kōlancha or Kröḍāñcha. Ghantisa, a Brahmana of Tirabhukti, is found to trace his ancestry to a Kōlāñcha Brāhmaṇa named Kachchha through the granddaughter of the latter. His partiality to the Brahmanas of Kōlancha is also indicated by the endowment made by him out of his own land in favour of
1 Ray, D. H. N. I., Vol. II, p. 773.
* Ibid., p. 738; Bhandarkar, List, 1223; cf. the Sarnath inscription (Kalachuri year 810-1059 A.C.; Bhandar
kar's List, No. 1225) of the same king.
Ray, op. cit., p. 778.
Ibid., p. 784.
Ibid., p. 774; ABORI, Vol. XXIII, pp. 291 ff.; Bhandarkar, List, p. 392, note 3.
See History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 174.
Ray, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 326.
Hist. Beng., op. cit., p. 146. Ray, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 787.

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another Kölāñcha Brāhmaṇa. That Köläñcha, together with Tarkāri, apparently not far from it, was one of the most renowned seats of learned Brāhmaṇas in the early medieval period is definitely suggested by numerous charters of East Indian rulers granted in favour of the Brahmanas hailing from that place. The identification of the locality is disputed. Some scholars locate it in the ancient Sråvasti country, i. e., the district round modern Set-Mahet on the borders of the Gonda and Bahraich Districts of the U. P., while others are inclined to place it on the borders of the Dinajpur and Bogra Districts of North Bengal. The suggestion of the former group of scholars appears to be more reasonable. Equally interesting is the fact that the reverential attitude of East Indian Brāhmanas towards the Brāhmaṇas of Kölancha, as evidenced by the record under review, seems to have been an important factor in th3 growth of the peculiar social institution, known as Kulinism, in North Bihär and Bengal.
According to the Kulajis or Kula-pañjikās of Bengal, the Radhiya and Värēndra Brāhmaṇas, who now form the bulk of the Brāhmaṇa community of Bengal, are descended from five learned Brahmaņas who came to Bengal from Kölāñcha (Kanyakubja according to some versions) at the invitation of a king named Ādisūra because of the dearth of Brāhmaṇas versed in the Vēdas in that country. Different and mutually conflicting genealogies of Adisūra are given in different texts. He is said to have been the ruler of Bengal and Orissa, although some authorities include in his dominions Anga, Kalinga, Karnāta, Kērala, Kamarüpa, Saurashtra, Magadha, Mälava and Gurjara. His capital is placed by some at Gauda in West Bengal and by others at Vikramapura in East Bengal. Six different religious ceremonies are mentioned by different authorities, for the performance of which the Brāhmaṇas are said to have been invited. The date of the advent of the five Brāhmaṇas is also variously put as Saka 654, 675, 804, 854, 864, 914, 954, 994 and 999, while no less than three sets of names are offered as those of the five Brāhmaņas. The nature of the traditions points clearly to their unreliable character. The reference to the Saka era shows beyond doubt that the stories were fabricated after the popularisation of the use of that era in Bengal about the twelfth century A.C. There is evidence regarding the rule of a Sūra dynasty in Bengal.But no genuine ruler named Adisūra is known from the Bengal sources. The only Adiśüra known to East Indian history is a petty chief who flourished in North Bihär or its neighbourhood in the ninth century A.C. Maithila Vāchaspatimiśra refers to this person in his Nyāyakanika, a commentary on Mandanamisra's Vidhiviveka, in the passage : nija-bhuja-vīryam āsthāya sürān=Adisuro jayati. Váchaspatimiśra composed his Nyāyasuchi in (Vikrama] Samvat 898 (vasv-anka-vasu-vatsarē), i.e., in 841 A.C.? Thus Adisūra, contemporary of Vāchaspatimisra, must also have flourished about the middle of the ninth century. Whether this Adisūra was a V&seal of the Pāla emperors of Bengal and Bihär cannot be determined; but most probably he was. In any case, he could not have been a mighty ruler. Since, however, the Pālas were Buddhists, this
See History of Bengal, op. cit., pp. 479-80. Kõlāñcha or Krödañoha is also called Kõlafcha, Krödafiohi and Krodaja.
. Ibid, loc. cit. *Ibid, pp. 626-28.
See JRASB, Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 30-31, 80. Sridhars who wrote his Nyayakandali in Baka 913–191 A.O. was an inhabitant of Dakshina-Radha; but there is no proof that the work was written in Bengal. The author's patron Pandudása seems to have flourished in an area where the Saks ers was popular (cf. Hist. Beng., p. 688n). The case of Udayana who composed his Lakshanavali in Saka 906=985 A. C., is more dubious (af. ibid., p. 313n).
Hisl. Beng., op. cit, pp. 210-11. • Benares ed., p. 290 ; Vangiya Sahitya Parishat Patrika, Vol. LVII, p. 68.
See 8. C. Vidyabhushan, History of Indian Logic, p. 133. Recent attempts to refer the year 898 to the Saka ors (J.G.J.R.I., Vol. II, pp. 349-53; Vangiya Sahitya Parishat Patriku, op. cit., pp. 69-70) are unwarranted as the Buka era was not provalent in Mithila and the neighbouring areas in the tenth century. It has to be noticed that years of the Saka era are usually not quoted vaguely as 'the year' as in the Nyayasüchi, eto.
1 DGA

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Brahmanical king, probably parts of Mithilā and North Bengal, became important in the eyes of Brahmanical writers like Vāchaspatimiára. It is possible to think that this Adibūra, for some unknown activities of his, became famous in the legends regarding the settlement of Kölāñcha Brahmanas in Bengal. If this suggestion is to be accepted, it is further possible to think that the institution of Kulinism in Bengal was originally at least partially borrowed from North Bihär. This is further suggested by the possible indentity of Maithila Brāhmana fainilies of the Gangauli müla-grāma (the same as the gãi of the kula-pañjikās of Bengal) and the Rādhiya Kulina family styled Gangopadhyaya (Gänguli). There is a strong Maithila element in the upper class Hindus of Bengal including Sylhet. The origin only of the Maithila families that migrated in the late medieval period is, however, remembered ; earlier migrations were apparently completely absorbed in the social groups of Bengal.
of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of Kõlāñcha or Krödāñcha has been indicated above. Tirabhukti is the ancient form of modern Tirhut in North Bihär. The district of Hödröya and the village of Vasukāvartta in it are difficult to identify. I have not succeeded in locating Kāñchanapura and the village called Itýāhāka or lţuhoka.
TEXT
Motres : verses 1, 8 Sragdhara; verses 2, 3, 6, 13, 24, 25 Särdulavikridita ; verse8 4, 7, 10 Vasanta
bilakā ; verses 5, 22 Arya ; verse 9 Indravajrā; verse 11 Malini ; verse 12 Sikharini ; verse 14 Mandākrāntā ; verses 15-19, 23 Anushfubh ; verse 20 Šālini; verse 21 Pashpitāgrā.]
Obverse 1 Siddham. Maittrīm kārunya-ratna-pramudita-h[rildayaḥ prēyasim sandadhānaḥ samyak
samvõ(mbo)dhi2 vidyā-sarid-amala-jala-kshālit-ājñāna-pankaḥ jitvā yaḥ kāmakāri-pra3 bhavam=abhibhavam sāśvati[m] prāpa sānti[m] sa srimăne-Lökanātho ja4 yati Dabava(ba)lo=nyas-cha Gõpāladēva) || [l*) Lakshmi-janma-ni6 kētanam samakaro võdhu[m] kshamaḥ kshma-bhara[m] pa[ksha*)-chchhēda6 bhayād-upasthitavatām-ök-abrayo bhūbhritām(tām) | maryādā-paripälan-aika-niratah 18 sau
(sau)ry-alayosmād=abhūd=dugdh-ambhodhi-vilāsa-häsi-mahimă sri-Dharmapälö npipaḥ||
[2*) Rāma7 sy=ēva gihita-satya-tapasas-tasy=knar[@]po gunaiḥ Saumittrēr=udapādi tulya-mahim, Väkpala
nām-ánujah yaḥ śrīmān=naya-vikram-aika-Vasati[r]=bhrātuh sthitaḥ sāsané sū8 nyāḥ katru-patikinibhir-akaröd=ēk-ātapattrå disaḥ || [3] Tasmād=upēndra-charitai[r]=jagati[m]
punānah (pu*]tro valbalbhūva vijayi Jayapāla-nāmā | dharma-dvishā[m] samayitä yudhi
Dē9 vapālē ya pūrvajõ(jē) bhuvana-rājya-sukhāny avai(nai)shit I [4*] Sriman=Vigrahapälas-tat
sånar=Ajātasatrur-iva jātaḥ satru-vanitā-prasādhana-vilē(lo)pi-vimal-äsi-jala-dhāraḥ ! [5]
1 Proc. Ind. Hist. Rec. Com., 1942, p. 89. Cf. Risley, People of India, p. 218.
From the original plate as well as its impressions prepared in the Omloo of the Government Epigraphist for India st Ootacamund.
• Expressed by a symbol. • According to rules of Sandhi then here should change to the nagall The danda is superfluous.

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Obverse
सायनाम निकला 2नियादारमदानिवास
घरायसीयवान माशात विकाससमय-
12
RAKSHANA
S
APNA
हितासमा 6 निमारामारी ARE REPावा बEMIमततामहाकायाम
ID मारामान गाविसर्टिरिमानालामालमा मायातकालजयालयावास 8-May-1 टिकाalasladaki Nawal
arदया नया सालामा तयार-साममधिनायतार साRAS-TENSA-
विभाजजा ताटाdalaaशलाचा तिलमal Eमसामलियारामसितारामनामनिसामा1ि0 HTE(यसनामाया मलका माया तामाबहरलायरबजारमानायकलतालामारास्ता Thlaacaaननवादी जनयतिमामालीकालावहितासाचतमया माइकरावासाचावयाचा 12
MERAवितमायारागागायतीमा सातारaavailoयबालाजार बायकवास्तवमानस 14 (समानाला माय वस्तिसाकारबाटमवायरलक्षिारामबालाजानमारमा14
मस्याहार HealTARIशियल निगमकला मायाजागाजावातवासातादवबहातारागार 16 daराहावतारमा यतिकतानि समान माशिम विदिततरलारागारकासासाराम-16
याला नाबारासायदा मिसिगनयाद तिमिलिनन यज्ञासा-यूयह मशानदवसायानरममा 18Raall :नियमाला ति:Malenाकारानाकामाबदामाला -18
लिहिली 10 वम सारा पता:RRIमालामासस्यालालजयातायुगमा मानवसायातिए 20मिमायामाताजीबाप्तव मलागाय कामासान का मामला सामाजिक 20
बनायायवालविर चरalisनयमाजिक वारसायनादमARAMSTEReमाल NET 22 जयनायव यनयारा मारा माननादानी मानलयमरायाचा REATREमति यादीनामा माटो 22
TRENABानवमानवाला मराजयमामानावसज्जनराइयारामशायरानम्तनमानस
मयमा महराया ना मानो यातामयागाबाबालसालदिवसारमा युवामहज सादाम 24 माMET:तिशययाला बरकराइयावसायमससाक्षावकारासानाय -
Aालसाजयसमाजमाकानयजाबालमानाभिदायानासादि। पोमिदायक मायामARELaaशिमययता मायावसातावमामदार उगाराम महाक मामा-भारस्यावास
BRanाविक नागaिilsसयाटिTTERNMEबाइयायातालमा सरकारद्वारकाधारा Pाद साहावावलमतका
निधनदिसताहाताखालकाझमागमिकामविसयान वामन Alsal1131माना212 सितम नामालारा218सकारागाहाका नागवायारामलायमान
सालानाजायनामावमाकर गावागामरामनारायसनमारमामयाना साबाजायमाझामनाया। 32समा मEिLaadगमारामानिमहामायायायामपनमा जनयू टागाला सहयाता 32
SCALE: ONE-HALF

Page #109

Reverse
VERİR ZZR Ralph PRIKBEJIGE:2) CPU
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ગણાdટાસ્ક્રિશ્વિમતર્મિ
ગોરાણાગિયારણું 36 88 E mશિlmમિઢતમાduસ ગપશ્ચિમોઢાણાકિય માહારાણાતા વાઢિાય, ગઢવાત બતાવહાઢિાઢ : 38
| | | 'સંવારી 2018,
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42 ( મિટાગાસાયટિiewાટિયાણાયમ8ારિત થાય!! મૃતળાદ્રી/aad માંગણBAણાવતીની દ્રસિધાતાપિ 42
Ekસૌપરિવયમયા/ટાઢમઢયાતાdડાપ્તામિય:ગૃતિવિટ્ટુમિટીર્તિાિતાવશોમાનિયા nિ 4 ti[ aiામકાઢેBIRGUMENયાસમતીટામીણમાાસિtiટાઢાઢવામાં કરી યૌlિતાનામાણિમિટરની 4
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SEAL
From a Photograph

Page #110

No. 7
BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III; REGNAL YEAR 17
56
10 Dikpälaih kshiti-pālanāya dadhatar dah[i] vibhaktän=gunan Srimantam janayamva(mba)
bhūva tanayam Nārāyaṇam sa prabhum(bhum) yaḥ kshöņipatibhiḥ siro-mani-rucha
Slisht-āmghri11 pith-Opala[m*1 nyāy-öpättam=alarichakāra charitaih svairuēva dharm-āsanan(nam) || [6
Toyāsay(air)-jaladhi-mula-gabhira-ga[r]bhai[r]=dēvālayais-cha kula-bhūdhara-tulya-kaksh
aih vikhya12 ta-kırttir-abhavat-tanayas.cha tasya sri-Rajyapāla iti madhyamaloka pälah || [7*] Tasmāt
pūrva-kshitidhrän=nidhir=iva mahasām Răshtrakūt-ānvay-ēndös-Tungasy-öttunga-mau13 lē[r]=duhitari tanayo Bhagyadövyim prasūtah [l* sriman-Göpäladēvas-chirataram#avanēr
ēka-patnyā iv=aiko bhartt-abhūn= naika-ratna-[dyulti-khachita-chatuḥ-sindhu-chitr-amsu14 käyāḥ || [8] Yam svaminam rāja-gunair=anūnam=ūsēvato charutay=ānuraktā uisäha-mantra
prabhu-sakti-lakshmih prithvi[m] sapatnim=iva silayanti || [9*] Tasmād-va(d=ba)bhüva
sa(sa). 15 vitu[r]=vasu-kõți-varshi | kālēna chandra iva Vigrahapaladēvaḥ | nőttra-priyēņa vimalēna
kalāmayēna yēn=7ditēna dalito bhuvanasya tāpah || [10*] Ha16 ta-sakala-vipakshaḥ sangarē vä(bā)hu-darpād=anadhikrita-viluptam rājyam=āsadya pitryam
(tryam) | nihita-charana-pad mo bhubhū(bhūbhu)jä[m] mūrdhni tasmād-abhavad
avanipālaḥ éri-Mahi17 păladovaḥ || [11*] Tyajan=dosh-asanga[m*) sirasi krita-pādaḥ kshitibhritām vitan[v]an sarvv
ášāḥ prasabham-uday-[ā]drē[r]=iva ravih [l*] hata-dh[v]āntaḥ snigdha-prakritir-anurägau
(8-ai)ka-va18 satish*) sută dhanyaḥ punyair=ajani Nayapālo narapatiḥ || [12*] Pitaḥ sajjana-lochanaiḥ smara
ripõḥ pūjāsu raktaḥ sadā saņgrāmē dhavalõ='dhikas-cha Haritaḥ 19 kālam(lah) kulo vidvishām(shām) chaturvvarņņairnya)-samāśrayaḥ śi(si)ta-yasa(sa)h-pūrai[r]=
jjagad-rañjayan | Srimad-Vigraba pāladēva-pfipatiḥ punyai[r]-jjanānām=abhūta(bhūt)
|| [13*] Dēsē prāchi pra20 chura-payasi svachchham=āpiya tõyar svairam bhrāntā(ntva) tad-anu Malay-õpatyaka
chandanēshu kritvi sündrair-Marushu jadatā[] Sikarairwabhra-tulyäḥ Prälēyadrēḥ
katakam-abha21 jan=yasya sēnā-gajēndrāḥ || [14*] Sa khalu Bhāgirathi-patha-pravarttamāna-nānāvidha-nau
vāțaka-sampădita-sētuva(ba)ndha-nihita-saila-sikhara-brēni-vibhramät | nirati22 saya-ghana-ghanāghana-ghana-ghață-syåmāyamāna-vāsara-lakshmi-samāravdha(bdha)- santata
jalada-samaya-sandēhāt | udichin-anēka-narapati-prābhfitīkpit-āpramoya-haya23 vāhini-khara-khur-õtkhāta-dhūli-dhūsarita-dig-antarälät | paramēsvara-Bēvā-samāyāt-abesha
ja[mvä](bmū)dvipa-bhūpāl-ā[na*]nta-pādāta-bhara-namad-avanē* 24 Kāñchanapura-samaväsi[tÃ*]t érimaj-jaya-skandhāvārāt paramasaugato mahārājādbirāja-sri
man-Nayapāladēva-păd-anudhyātaḥ paramēsvarah paramabhattārako 25 mabārājādbirājaḥ sri-Vigrahapăladēvaḥ kusali Tīrabhuk[t]au Hôd rēya-vaishayika-Vasu
kävarttät | yath-otpatyä(ttyä) pancha-batik-ā[m]áč ||||
1 The danda is superfluous. • The danda is unnecessary. Similarly the dandas further on, mostly in lines 25-41, are superfluous. • A letter has been cancelled betwoon ta and bha.
* There is a conventional floral dowign between the first two pairs of dandas, while the space between the second and third pairs is loft vacant.
U 2

Page #111

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX 26 samupagat-āśēsha-rājapurushăn | rāja-rājanyaka- | rājaputra-rājāmātya- | mahāsāndhi
vigrahi27 ka- | mahakshapatalika- | mahásāmanta- | mahāsēnāpati- | mahāpratihära- | dauḥsådha
sādhanika- | mahādandanāyaka- | mahākumārāmātya- | rajas[th]ān-opari28 ka- dāsā (sā)parādhika chaurõddharanika- | dāņdika-dāņdapāsi(si)ka- sau(sau)lkika-1
gaulmika- kshētrapa-l prā[m*]tapāla- kõta(tta)pāla- | angaraksha- | tadāyukta
viniyukta29 ka- hasty-asv-õshta(shtra)-nau-va(ba)la-vyāpritaka- | kiśūra-vadavā-go-mahishy-aj-āvik
ādhyaksha- | dūta-prēshanika- | gamāgamika- | abhitvaramāņa- | vishayapati- |
gā(grā)mapati30 tarika- | Gauda- Mālava- | Khasa- Hu(Hū)ņa- | Kulika | Karņņāța- | Lāța
chăța- | bhata- sēvak-adin | anya[11*]s=ch=īkirttitān rāja-păd-opajivinaḥ prati
väsino 31 VrāfBrā)hman-õttaran | mahattam-õttama- | kuțum vi(mbi)-puröga- | Mēd-Andhra-Chāņ.
dāla-paryanta(ntā)n yath-aha(rham) mānayati | v[7](bő)dhyati samādisati cha
viditam=astu bhavatām 32 yath=Õparilikhitõ=ya* grām-ārddha-bhūḥ sva-slmā-triņa-pūti-gochara-paryanta[h](ntā) sa-talah
(lā) 8-oddēsaḥ(6ā) 8-āmra-madhukaḥ(kā) sa-jala-sthalah(la) sa-gartt-ösharaḥ(rā) 8adas-apachāraḥ(rā)
Reverse 33 'sa-chaurõddharaṇaḥ(ņā) parihfita-sarva-pida}(dā) | 8-chăța-bhata-pravēšah(sa) | a-ki34 ñchit-pragrāhaḥ(hya) | samasta-bhāga-bhoga-kara-hirany-ādi-pratyāya-sa35 mētaḥ(ta) | bhūmi-chchhidra-nyāyêna ā-chandr-arka-kshiti-sama-kala36 m mātā-pitrõr=ātmanas-cha punya-yaső-bhivriddhayē bhagavantam 37 Vu(Bu)ddha-bhattārakam=uddisya Sāņdilya-sagotrāya | 38 Sāņdily-Asita-Devala-pravarāya | Narasimha-savra(bra)hmachāriņē Chchha(Chha)ndõga
sākh-adhyāyinē mīmāmsā-vyākaraņa-tarkka-vidya-vide 39 Kõlāñcha-vini[r]ggatāya Itýāhāka -västavyāya Yogasi(svă)mi-pauttraya | Ttu(Tu)nga
puttrayasri-Ghänţūkasarmmaņē vimi(shu)vat-sankräntyām vidhivat Ga40 ngāyām snätvā sāsanīksitya pradatto="(tt='ā)smābhiḥ ato bhavadbhiḥ sarvair=ēv=
anumanta vyam bhāvibhir=api bhūpatibhiḥ bhūmē[r]=dāna-phala-gauravāt apaharan[0]41 na cha mahānaraka-pāta-bhayā[t] | dānam=idam-anumödy=ānumödy=ānupälaniyam prati
vāsibhis=cha kshētrakaraiḥ ā jñā-bravana-vidhēyibhūya yathā-kālam samu42 [ch]ita-bhāga-bhoga-kara-hirany-ādi-pratyāy-opanayaḥ karya iti || 0 || Saria 17 Avayau
dinē' 28 [l*) bhavanti ch=ātra dharm-ānusa[11*]sinaḥ slökāḥ | Va(Ba)hubhi[r]=vasudha dattă răA space of about four inches is left blank at the beginning of this lino. ? Read likhitaeyan.
A little above the left and right margins of this line are respeotively ni and ni ll. Tho akshara ni is written to resemble na within a circle. Niis & contraction of nibaddha, 'rogisterod' or 'approved'.
A little space is left blank between the two dandas. The reading may possibly also be I fuhoka.
• The expression Gangayarn had been originally omitted and was later insertod. For want of space after y the medial a sign of this letter is indicatod above the top mátra as in older inscriptions.
* The mediul i in di had been originally omitted and was later only imperfectly made above the top målra. For Avayaw, Advayau (Sanskrit Advayuji) seems to be the reading intended.

Page #112

APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR , part 21 19 सिरोही वश्यं पोऽप्रही । तोगाल्यबालीसाभूपाइसराणेन संरितात् ॥२५॥ प्रासाब
स्वगृहे चके मेह20 मंदिरनामकं । पीछोलाल्यतटाकस्य तटे मोहनमंदिर (रं) ॥२६॥ जगत्सिंहा (ह) नृपाशातो
वा (बी) सवालापुरे गतः । प्रधानो भाग (4)1 बाल्यो रावल: सावलो गिरी ॥२७॥ गतः समरसोनामा ततो लक्षवयं बबौ । बस
रजतमुद्राणां भृत्यभावं सदा वषे ॥२८॥ . 22 दोशशत्रुशल्यस्य भावसिंहाल्यसूनवे । स्वकन्यां विधिना भूपो दत्वा (स्वा) व बदौ पुनः
॥२६॥ सप्तविंशतिसंस्थास्तु राजन्येभ्योन्यकन्य23 काः । एकलिंगालये चक्र हेमकुंभध्वजाविकान् ॥३०॥ वत्सरेष्टनवत्याल्पे शते षोडशके
___ गते । दीपावल्युत्सवे बाई' राजजा24 युवती व्यषात् ॥३१॥ द्वारकातीर्थयात्रा श्रीरणछोडस्य सेवन । तथा रुप्यतुला बजे
बानाम्यन्यानि सावरं ॥३२॥ गोस्वामिधन्य
25 यदुनाथसुतासुदेण्य भूमि हलद्वयमिता पुर प्राहमाल्ये । ततधीरमधुसवनभट्टनाम्ना पत्र
विषाय च बदी जगतीशमाता ॥
26 ३३॥ राज्यप्राप्तेः समारभ्य तुला रूप्यमयी व्यषात् । प्रतिवर्ष जगत्सिंहो दानान्यन्यानि
बातनोत् ॥३४॥ शते सप्तदशे पूर्ण चतुराख्येम्बके शु27 चौ । सूर्यग्रहे जगत्सिंहः संपूज्यामरकंटके ॥३५॥ ज्योतिलिंग तु मांधातृसेव्यमोंकार
मीश्वरं । सुवर्णस्य तुलां च अथ प्रत्यम्बमातनो
28 त् ॥३६॥ स्वजन्मदिवसे मोदान्महादानं पु[रा] व्यषात् । कल्पवृक्ष स्वर्णपृथ्वी सप्त
सागरनामकं ॥३७॥ विश्वच कमा(मा)दस्मिन्वर्षे माता
29 जगत्पतेः । श्रीमज्जांबुवतीबाई' प्रतस्थे तोर्यदृष्टये ॥३॥ कार्तिके मथुरायात्रां चके
गोकुल(ल)वर्शनं । श्रीगोवर्धननाथस्य दीपावल्यन्नकू30 टयोः ॥३६॥ अपश्यदुत्सवं तूर्जपौर्णमा(मा)स्यां तु शौकरे । क्षेत्रे गंगातटे के तुला
सप्यस्य वातनोत् ॥४०॥ बीकानेरीशकर्ण[स्य*] सुता रा(रा)मपुरप्र
1 Thin dialectal word is used here apibhaktika. • Sandhi is not observed here. Hore one of the two verba chakre and alanot wooms redundant.

Page #113

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX
___भोः । हठीसिंहस्य सत्पत्नी उदारानंदकंवरिः ॥४१॥ मातामह्या जांबुवत्याः संगे
रूप्या(प्य)तुलां व्यधात् । पूर्ववर्षे जांबुवत्या प्राज्ञयानंदकू32 बरिः ॥४२॥ श्रीजांबुवं(ब)त्या अग्रे मां स्थापयित्वा मुदा बदौ । रबछोडाय महा
सा दानं सोमामहेश्वरं ॥४३॥ प्रयागे राजततुला
33 काश्ययोध्यादिवर्शनं । कृत्वा गहे सा(स)मायाता चके रूप्यतुलागणं ॥४॥ वेषीमाकार्य
गोस्वामितनयां मधुसूदनं । तपति श्रीज34 गत्सिंहस्त्रिया सोमामहेश्वरं ॥४५॥ प्रदापयत्कृतं दानं श्रीमज्जांबुवती यथा [*] राणा
अमरसिंहस्य राजीभिर्वत्तमादितः ॥४६॥
35 इदं दानं यर्थवाभ्यामद्यावधि मिति(ति) वदे । त्रिंशत्संमितदानानि प्राभ्यां लम्बानि
तत्स्फुटं ॥४७॥ अस्मिन्वर्षे पूर्णिमायां वैशाखे 36 श्रीजगत्पतिः । श्रीजगन्नाथे(थ)रायं सत्प्रासादे स्थापयन्बभौ ॥४८॥ गोसहलं महादानं दान
कल्पलताभिषं । हिरण्याश्वमहादा37 में ग्रामपंचकमप्यदात् ॥४६॥ मधुसूदनभट्टाय महागोवानमप्यवात् । कृष्णभटा(ट्टा)य सुप्राम
मैसहारत्नधेनु' [५०॥*] श्रीराणोदयसि38 हसूनुरभवत् श्रीमत्प्रतापः सुतस्तस्य श्री अमरेश्वरोस्य तनयः श्रीकर्णसिंहोस्य वा । पुत्रो
रानजगत्पतिः(ति)श्च तनयोस्मानाजसिंहोस्य 39 वा पुत्रः श्रीजयसिंह एष कृतवान्सत्प्रस्तराऽऽलेखितं ॥५०(५१)। बीराक रोडभट्टरचितं
द्वात्रिंशवाख्येम्बके पूर्णे सप्तदशे शते तपसि वा 40 सत्पूर्णिमायां तिथौ । काव्यं राजसमुद्रमिष्टजलधेः श्रीराजसिंहेन वा सृष्टोत्सर्गविधेः सुवर्ण
नमयं राजप्रशस्त्याह्वयं ॥५१(५२)॥ इति पंचमस्व(स्स)[:] 41 'गजधर उरजण गजधर सुष(ख)देव सूत्रधार केसालाडा सूदर[भण]ज लालाजाति] सोमपुरा चूतरा पुर[व्य] - संवत् १७
Slab VII; Canto VI [Metres : vv.1-24, 26-31, 33, 34, 42, 43 Anushtubh; v.25 Arya ; v. 32 Giti, vv. 35, 36, 44 Sragdharā ; w. 37-41, 45, 46 Vasantatilaka.) 1॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः । शते सप्तवशे पूर्णे नवाल्येन्देकरोत्तुलां ॥0) रूप्यस्य [मासे]
चक्रेथा(थ) फाल्गुने कृष्णपक्षके ॥१॥ द्वितीया1 Sandhi is not observed here.
Instead of bha first bhi was written and later the sign for medial i was scored out. • Road Bhaimeadarn Ratnadhanudab. . With this list of masons compare the one given above, Slab III, lines 36-37.

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
23 2 दिवसे राज्यं राजसिंहो नरेश्वरः । राज्ञो भुरुटियाकर्णनाम्नो ज्ये[ष्ठा]य सुनवे ॥२॥
अनूपसिंहाय ददौ स्वसारं विधि3 ना नृपः । अत्रेभ्योऽदा()धुकन्या एकसप्ततिसंमिताः ॥३॥ कुलकं । शते सप्तदशे
पूर्णे वशाख्येन्दे [तु] पौषके । कृष्णकाद4 शिकायां तु राजसिंहनरेश्वरात् ॥४॥ पंवारइंद्रमानाख्यरावस्य तनया तु या । सवा
कूवरिनाम्नी तत्कुक्षेर्जातो 5 जगत्प्रियः ॥५॥ जयसिंहाभिषः पुत्रः पवित्रश्चित्रलिकृत् ॥() संजातो जगवाझावचंद्रमाः
कीर्तिचंद्रवान् ॥६॥ 6 भीमसिंहः पुत्र प्रास्ते गजसिंहः सुतस्तथा [*j सूर्णसिंहाभिषः पुत्र इंद्रसिंहः सुतस्तथा
॥७॥ स बाहादुरसिंहः 7 श्रीराजसिंहात्मजास्तथा [*]. स न(ना)रायणदासो वाऽपरिणीताप्रियाभव[*] ॥॥ प्रारभ्य
कौमारपदात्सव(वर्तुसुखलब्ध(म्ब)ये । श्रीसर्व8 तुविलासाल्यं स्वारामं कृतवान्नृपः ॥६॥ वाप्यां क्षीरनिषौ धन्यो लक्ष्मीयुक्तो विराजते ।
नारायणगुणो राणा नौका9 से(शेषफणाश्रयः ॥१०॥ शते सप्तदशे पूर्ण वर्ष एकादशे विषे । अजमेरो साहि
___ जंहा(जहाँ)दिल्लीशं तं समागतं ॥११॥ श्रुत्वाय 10 राजसिहों(सिहे)ब्रश्चित्रकूटे समागतं । तं सादुल्लहखानाख्यं दिल्लीशवरमंत्रिणं ॥१२॥ प्रेषया
मास तत्पावें भट्ट तु मधुसूब[नं] । कं(का)ठोंडीवंश11 तेलंगे(गः) स गतः खानसंनिधौ ॥१३॥ खानः पंडितसंव(ब)डया भट्ट प्रत्युक्तवान्कथं ।
गरीबदासो राणेन कथमाकारित स्तथा ॥१४॥ 12 झालायरायसिंहश्च भट्टेनोक्तं सदादितः । जातम(मे)वं प्रतापाख्यरानाभ्राता रणोत्कटः
॥१५॥ शक्तसिंहो मेघनामा रावतो मेद13 पाटतः । प्रायातौ स्थापितो दिल्लीनाथेन किल तो पुनः ॥१६॥ "मेदपाटे समायातो
चकार परमेश्वरः । इति स्वामिप्रमुक्तानां 14 राजन्यानां स्थलद्वयं ॥१७॥ खानेनोक्तं सत्यमेतत्पुन[*] खान स्ततीववत् । रा'नेश
स्याश्ववाराणां संख्यां [कय]य पंडित ।[१८॥*]
1 There is a scored-out sign for medial & over ga. • First to was engraved which was later corrected as las • This letter is mo corrected into mē. • This is ad corrected into sla.
There is a soored-out na between rd and nd. • There isasoorod-out sign for superacriptr orer ya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
15 सदिशतिसहस्राणि भट्टेनोक्तं स उक्तवान् । दिल्लीशस्याश्ववाराणां लक्षसंख्यास्ति तत्कर्ष
॥१९॥ कार्य स[मा]न(न) भट्रेन प्रोक्तं
16 सान श्रृणु स्फुटं । दिल्लीशस्याश्ववाराणां लक्षं राणामहीपतेः ॥२०॥ सविंशतिसहस्राणि
साम्यं सृष्टिकृता कृतं । खानों
17 तः कोपवान् खानो जयसिंहस्तदोचतुः ॥२१॥ खानसंगे साहिजंहा(जहाँ)वर्शनं चेत्करोल्पहो ।
राणाकुमारस्तु तदा चतुर्दश18 मिता मया ॥२२॥*] देशा बिल्लीश्वराद्दाप्या विखरे मधुसूदनः । राणसेवा व्यधादेवं
स्वामिधर्मी महोक्तिकृत् ॥२३॥ दिल्लीश्वर19 कुमारस्य संगेऽस्मत्पूर्वजन्मना । कुमारा मिलन चकू राजसिंहो विचार्य तत् ॥२४॥
सुलतानसिंहनामकमहाकुमारं तु ठक्कु20 रैः सहितं । साहिजहाँ सुतदारासकोहसंगेष संप्रेष्य ॥२५॥ एवं साहिजहानेन' मिलन
कृतवानृपः । राजसिंहो भाग्य21 दानविक्रमविक्रमाकंवत् ॥२६॥ जनादेनामजननी चक्रे प्य(प्य)तुलास्थिता । तथा(था)
कारितवान्य]त्र गजवानस्य निष्कयं ॥२७॥ 222 [व्यं] संकल्पितं संप्य(रूबं) मुदा पंचशर्मितं । मधुसूदनभट्टाय राने(न)वस्तद्ददौ धनं
॥२८॥ युग्मं । राठोररूपसिंहाल्यं स्वमंड23 लगढाब(द)लं । वैश्यं राघवदासाल्यं प्रेषयन्विद्रुतं व्यधात् ॥२६॥ शते सप्तदशे पूर्ण
त्रयोदशमितेब्दके । हेम्नः सा24 द्विशतक[प]लैब्रह्मांडकं कृतं ॥३०॥ कार्तिक्यां पूर्णिमायां श्री एकलिंगशिवांतिके ।
दत्वा(त्वा) वेदोक्तविपिना राजसिंहो 25 विराजते ॥३१॥ पंचमहाभूतमयं व(ब)मा मृज्जली(ला)उपलधु(घ)मूल्यं । मत्वा सुवर्णपूर्ण
कृत्वा (ब)ह्मांडकं त्वया दत्तं ॥३२॥ हे26 मव(ब)ह्मांडदानेन ब्रह्मांडस्थाः नितीश्वर । वा(बा)ह्मणास्तोषिता दानं त्वया (ब)ह्मार्पणी
कृतं ॥३३॥ हेमव(ब)ह्मांडदानेन ब(ब)ह्मांड27 स्वां श्रियं भवान् ॥() स्थापयन्त्रा(न्त्रा)ह्मण हे दारिद्र हृतवांस्तत[*] ॥३॥ ब्र(ब)ह्मांड
जिसिंह प्रभुवर भवता दत्त एवं द्विजेभ्यस्तद्देवास्त- The correct form is melana. - Read Sahijaha.
• The usual form is Bahijahå, but its variant Sahijahanna is here used obviously for the sako of base in nfieotion.
• Sandhi is not regarded here.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR .
25 28 द्गृहे वा परनिजतनुभिर्भुजते भावुकं यत् । शंभु भूतविहीनो विधिरपि व(ब)हुषा सृष्टि
कार्यानधीनो भानुर्वाशीतभानुर्धरणि29 धरमणे' भ्रांतिदुःखाद्विमुक्तः ।[*] ३५ [*] (ब)ह्मांडे राजसिंह प्रभुवर भवता बत्त एव
द्विजेभ्यः [की]गर्थ तत्सुतानां भवत इनविधु कंदु30 कर्लोलगोलो । प्रारोहार्य च नंदिब्रुहिणसितमहाहंसको पंचवक्त्रश्चित्रायानेकनेत्रो भ[बति]
सुरपतिस्तर्जनार्थ गजास्यः [*]३६[[*] 31 श्रीराजसिंहनृपतिः कलिक(का)लमध्ये कत्तुं न योग्यमतुलं हयमेषकर्म प्राप्तुं समस्त
मधुना हयमेधधर्म पूर्णे तु सप्तदशके शतके सुख32 वें ॥३७॥ एकोनविंशतिसुनाम्नि च पौषमासे । एकादशीशुभदिने किल शुक्लपक्षे । · मन्वादिदिव्यदिवसे मधुसूदनाय तेलंगसद्गुरुकु
33 लस्थकठोंडिकाय ॥३८॥ श्वेताश्वमुच्चतममुच्चगुणातिगयमुच्च[:*]श्रवःसममहो विधिनैव दत्वा(स्था)
। पल्याणहेम[ग]णमेरु[समं] च
34 भाति प्रायो हरिगुरुगुरोर्गुरुरचनेन ॥३६॥ , संस्थाप्य तत्र नवलावितुरंगधन्यस्कंधे सदुक्तिमधुरं
____ मधु[स]दनाख्यं । सत्सप्तविंशतिपदा
स्फुरितचामर
35 नि हयस्य गर्छ(च्छ)न्नग्रे[स्थ] एव धृतवान्हयमेव (घ)धर्म ॥४०॥ सिंहासने
वीज्यमाता(नश्)छत्रोपशोभितशिरा रचिताश्वमेष[*] श्रीरामचं
36 द इबं(ब) भाति सुलक्ष्मणादयः श्रीराजसिंहनुपतिनृपसिंह एषः [*] ४१ [*] नवलाल्य
तुरंगस्य हेमपल्याणमेरुगं ।' कृतवानुचितं भूपो विव(ब)षं म
37 धुसूदन (न) ॥४२॥ [मणजी] राजसिंहाव(वि)सुखापाठकमुख्यक[:*] । अप्रेसरर्जनयुक्तो विभानि
मधुसूदनः ॥४३॥ श्वेताश्वे दत्तम(मा)। स्वति' हयमखसत्पु
38 ण्यतो भास्वरोधल्लोक"श्रोमेदपाटोभवदतिललिता ते सभासौ सुधर्मा । जिष्णुस्त्वं सत्सहलेक्षण
इह विव(ब)धवातकाव्यदृष्टी तु
39 ष्टो जेतासुराणां गुरुगुणगुरुतास्थापको युक्तमेतत् ॥४४॥ दानस्य चास्य नवदि[व्य]सहत्र
[सं]ख्या दरवा(स्वा) गुणज्ञगुरुरेष सुI This re is a.correction from nai. . This danda is not necessary. * The letter th here looks more like chh, compare ath in linea 33, 34 above.
Better road trayi.
Better read -lokah. 1DGA

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26
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX 40 रुप्यमुद्राः । काशीनिवासमय कारितवान्नरेंद्रः स्वस्यापि पुणा(ज्य)कृतये मधुसूदनस्य ॥४५॥
विश्वेशदर्शन विधौ म[णिक*]र्णिकाया[स्ती ?]41 -- - - 'र्थकृति[मु? ]त्तमदेवतानां । पूजां?] सदाशिषमहो नृपराजराजसिंह
वीरोलुभाय स ददौ मधुसूदनाय ॥४६॥ इति श्रीषष्ठः सर्गः ।।
Slab VIII; Canto VII IMetres : .1.3.4, 12, 20, 22, 25-28,30,31,34-38,42,43 Anushtubh; vv. 2,14-18,.24, 29, 32 Sraydharū ; vv. 5, 21, 33, 39, 41 Sārdülavikridita ; vv. 6-11, 19, 23 Bhujangaprayāta ; v. 13 Vasantatilakā; vv. 40, 44 U pajāti ; v. 45 Prithvi.]
1 ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नम[:*] । शते सप्तदशे पूर्ण चतुर्वशमितेन्दके । राधे शुक्लदश
म्या(म्या) तु जैत्रयात्रा(त्रां) नृपो व्यधात् ॥१॥ मध्योद्यद्भानुविवा(बिबा) द्विजपतिविनु2 ता मंगलाथा बुधातिस्तुत्या जीवातित(व)चाः कविकृतनुतयोऽमंवरूपप्रकाशाः । विस्फूर्जत्स हिकेया
विवधति चल[+] केतवः किं ग्रहास्ते .
3 [भ]ग्रे सोपप्रतापास्तव विजयकृते राजसिंहेति जाने ॥२॥ पाश्व (ई) स्थगोलकछ (च्छ)
प्रमुंडमाला अन (व) स्थिताः । भांति स्वछा (च्छा): शत्रुभक्षाः कालिका[:] 4 [कि]ल नालि[का:] ॥३॥ किं मृत्युदंष्टा (ष्ट्रा): किं शत्रुप्राणसंस्थानकंदराः । किं वारि
लोकभुनक्तव (र)क्तास्यानीह नालिकाः ॥४॥ किंवा वीररसा[ब्धे] (विध) रेव विलसत्क5 ल्लोलमालो - - किं वा दिक्तरुणीकटाक्षपटलेनालंवि (ब)तः सीक्र (स्वीकृ)तः । किं
वारैः स्फुटमेकलिंगमतितो नीलाब्जपत्रान्वितो' राजेंद्रः कवचं दधत्सुरुचिरं लो6 कैरिति प्रोच्यते ॥॥ ततो बुंदुभीनां निनादप्रतानमहाकाहलानां च कोलाहलैश्च । तथा
संधश्चापि वादित्रशब्दहयानां च [चीत्कारवारैर पारैः ॥६॥
-
7 त्रिलोकीमहामंडल (लं) यत्त्वखंडं जनाः खंडखंडं च (ब) भूवेत्यथोचुः । धरित्री विचित्रीः
भवत्कंपनार्ता स्फुरद्दिगा (ग्ग) जा[:*] ।' कंदुकीभावमापु[*] ॥७॥ सभूलोकम8 ख्याखिला ऊद्धलोकास्तलाद्यास्तथा सप्त लोका अधःस्था: । सकंपाः समुद्रा[:*] प्रपाः
सशंपास्तदाऽभ्रे वभु(बभू) वुस्तथाभा अशुभ्राः ॥८॥ जवेनोछ (च्छ) लंति
1 The lettering of this line is not clear on the impressions ; consequently the reading is very uncertain. 1 That is Vaisakhe. • Sandhi is not observed here.
Porhaps the intended reading is patr-archito. There is a superfluous an usvara over rå, if that was meant to be placed over tru then the reading would be patr-a inchito.
Instead of vāraire road råvair= • Visarga is superfluous here: read vichitribhavat* This danda is not needed.

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27
APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 9 स्म सर्वे समुद्रास्तथाऽक्षुद्ररूपाश्च भद्रास्तटिन्यः । महीध्रास्तथा'[उछि (च्छि) लींधानुकाराः पत
(तं)ति स्म (व) क्षाः सदृक्षाः क्षतांगैः ॥६॥ प्रलं म्लेंछ (च्छ) सीमस्थिता[:*] 10 सर्ववीरास्तथा मानुषा मंक्ष (क्षु) विक्षु स्थिताश्च । विदीर्णीकृतोद्वक्षसोऽनछ (च्छ) कर्णा वमंति
स्म रक्तं सुरक्तं मुखेभ्यः ॥१०॥ हयालीखुरोद्धृतधूलीमधूलीं गजा11 ल्प (ली) मवानां (द्री) च कर्णाशुगोत्यं (स्था) । पिवं (बं) ति स्फ (स्फुटं शत्रुपक्षाव (ब) लानां
गुडारूपलोलालकालिद्विरेफा[*] ॥११॥ महोदयपुरादने भांति नाखर्वपर्वताः । त12 न्मन्ये त्वत्तुर (र) गालीखुरैश्चूर्णीकृताश्चिरं ॥१२॥ रिंगत्तुरंगखुरराजिरजःसमूहर्नयो जलाशयगणाः .
स्थलभावमापुः । दृष्टा जगद्गतजलं सभ13 यो महेंदा(द्रो) ज्येष्ठेपि वर्षणमहो सहसा चकार ॥१३॥ युष्मज्जेत्रप्रयाणश्रवणविगलितत्राण
निःप्रा(निष्प्राणकानां म्लेछा (च्छा) नां छादनार्थ भवति हयखुरोत्खति (त्खात)धू14 लीसमूहः । मायन्मातंगगल्लस्थलगलवतुलोद्दामदाना (नांब)वंद (4) हिंदूकानां निवापांजलिसलि
___लकृते म्लेछ (च्छ) पक्षस्थितानां ॥१४॥ रिंगद्दतावला[नां] ष (प) बभरवि। गलमिसंभ (भूतगतः प्रोल्लोलत्कर्णवातः प्रचलितविलसत्पर्वतानामखः । प्रावाणः प्राणहीन
प्रतिभटकुठि (टि) लम्लेछ (च्छ) कानां तनूनां प्रक्षेपाछा (न्छा)16 बनार्थ स्वत इह नृप ते जैत्रयात्रासु जाता[:*] ॥१५॥ अंगो जातप्रभंगो भवति भयभ
तोत्संगरंगः कलिंगो वंगः पूर्णात्ति (ति) संगः कलकलकलितोप्युत्कली 17 निःक (निष्क) लश्च । शैथिल्यं मैथिलेपि स्फुरति भयमयक्रोडको गौडली (लो) को देशः पूर्वो
विगर्व (4) स्तव विजयक्र (कृ) ते प्रासपाणे प्रयाणे ॥१६॥ लंकातकाकुलाभू18 करगलदव (ब)लाक (कं) कणा कुंकणाशा कर्णाटः सत्कपाटश्चल इह मलयो द्राविडो द्रावि
तेशः देशश्चोलश्च लोलश्चपल इह भयास्केतुवत्सेतुवं (ब)19 धः श्रीराणाराजसिंह प्रभुवर भवतो जैत्रयात्रोस (त्स) वेषु ॥१७॥ सौराष्ट्रो हा (ही) नराष्ट्रः
प्रभवति सकल: वाछ (कच्छ) देशोप्यनछ (च्छ)ष्ठ (ष्ट)ट्टा हट्टातिहीना वि20 गलति वलको रोमषर्ता - - खंधारः सांधकारो धनददिगधुना निर्धना
धावतेद्धा श्रीरानाराजसिंह क्षितिषव भवतो जै[*]यात्रोत्सवेस्मिन् ॥१८॥ दरी21 बाजनास्ते दरीबा (वा) सभाजो जना मांडिलस्थास्तथा स्थंडिलस्थाः [*] जनाः फूलियायाः
शिरोलि[या]सास्त्वदोयप्रयाणे खुमानेशरत्न ॥१६॥ राहेला
1 Sandhi is not observed bere. ? These three syllables are missing. * For the sake of the rhetoric embellishment Yamaka, we may, as in the original, read this syllable as la. • There is a superfluous sign of anusvåra over this letter.
2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX 22 याश्चिवहेलाश्चीनच(चे)लाः सुयोषितः । सबवेलासुत्रीरवेला भर्तृहनाकुनोभवत् ॥२०॥ एषा
साहिपुरा प्रवाहितसुखा सा केकरी किंकरीभावं वा 23 विदधाति [मं] सभयाऽकुक्षिमरिः सांभरिः । भ्राजज्जाजपुराधिवासनमहो दुःखावरः सावरः
श्रीरानामणिराजसिंह भवति तज्जत्रयात्र(त्रो)त्सवे
24 ॥२१॥ गौडजातीयभूपानां देशः क्लेशविशेषवान् । अनछ(च्छ): कछ(च्छ)वाहानां जैत्रया
त्रासु तेभवत् ॥२२॥ रणस्तंभसंस्थाः रणस्तंभयुक्ताः प्रमत्तेत25 रास्तेपि फत्तेपुरस्थाः । व(ब)यानाजना दूरसंसृष्टयाना जयार्थ प्रयाणे खुमानेश ते स्युः .. ॥२३॥ मेरौ लक्ष्म्याजमेरौ विषय उरुभय(यं) जायते स्फीतफेरी 26 कोगया भं(भांति तोडायवनिषु गलितत्राणमाना व(ब)याना । धत्ते फत्तेपुरं न क्षणमपि
न सुखं दक्षयुद्धे तवाढ(खा) श्रीराणाराजसिंह क्षितिप जयक्र(कृ)तेऽमानमानो(ने) प्रया
27 णे
॥२४॥ पर्वमेवाखवर्ग (वंगवल)टितं भवतो भटः । दरीवा(बा)नगरं । शून्यदरीभावं समादधो(पौ) ॥२५॥ मंडपास्ते मांडिलस्य(लेभ्य)श्चिता योधस्तु तद्भटाः । द्वावि
28 शतिसहस्त्राणि रूप्यमुद्रावलेबंदु [*] ॥२६॥ वनहेडास्थिता वीरा राने(न)द्र भवत(ते)
बदुः । सवि(विंशतिसं(स)हस्तो(स्रो)चदूप्यमुद्राः करं परं ॥२७॥ धीराः साहिपु29 रावीरा राजेंद्र भवते ददुः । द्वाविंशतिसहस्व(स्रो)वद्रूप्यमुद्रा[:*] करे(र) वरं ॥२८॥
तोडाया(यां) प्रेषयित्वा भटपटलभूतौ रायसिंहस्य राज्ञः फत्तेवं (चं)वं सहस्त्र (ख)30 त्रयमितसुभटभ्राजमान प्रधानं । षष्ठि(ष्टि)स्फूर्जत्सहस्रप्रमितरजतसन्मुद्रिकासंख्यदंडं तन्मात्रा'
संप्रणीतं प्रहरदशकतस्त्वं गृहीत्वा वि. 31 भासि ॥२६॥ अहो वीरमदेवस्य पुरं महिरवं परं । राजन्वह्नौ जुहोति स्म कोपि कोपो
दूटो भटः ॥३०॥ भवान्मालपुरे रानलक्ष्मीमालातिलुंट32 नं । शौर्याऽऽलोके रचितवान्लो(वाल्लो)कर्नवदिनावधि ॥३१॥ युष्मवि(दि)गतु(त)रंगप्रच
रखुरपुटैश्चूर्णितानं(नां) पुरेस्मिन्पूर्णानी शर्कराणां पटुकरटिघ33 टाकर्णतालप्रवातः । उड्डीना[नां] समूहर्जलनिधय इमे पूरिताः क्षारभावं मुक्ता मिष्टत्वभाजः
क(क)स' इति भ[वता] भूप विखो(श्वो)पकारः ॥३२॥ जाते माल
1 The senso as well as the reading of this verse is obscure. Compare the printed text. • Thorn is a superfluous eign of anusvara over this letter. • This kritab goes with upakirab.

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ATPENDIX]
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
34 पुरस्य लुंटन विधौ सछ(च्छ)कराणां पुरः कर्पूरप्रकरस्य या हयखुरप्रोद्भूतशुद्धं रजः । उड्डीनं
गगने विभाति भवतो भूयो मया तर्कितं श्रीरानामणि
कनकं
कन
35 राजसिंहनपतेः कीर्ते[:*] प्रकाशः परः ॥३३॥ गुछ(च्छ)वद्गुछ(च्छ)हारास्ते
कोपमं । प्रवालवत्प्रवालाश्च प्राचुर्याल्लुंटनेभवत् । ॥३४॥ सुकवुराः
36 सुदुर्वर्णाः सवरिष्ठाः प्रवालकाः । हट्टेत्य(भ्य)श्च गहेभ्यश्च संप्राप्ता लुटने जनैः ॥३५॥
सुजातरूपकं तीक्ष्णं श्वेतशोभं जनर्मुहुः । नानाम्लेछ(च्छ)
37 मुखं दृष्टं पतितं पथि लुटने ॥३६॥ लुटने लुटनकरेलुंटितं येन यत्त्वया । तस्मै प्रदत्तं
__तदृष्टा तवोदारं(र)चरित्रता ॥३७॥ प्राप्ता भूपालतां रं
38 का निःशंका धनलाभतः । लुटने पुरभूपास्तु ति(नि)धना रंकतां गताः ॥३८॥ लक्ष्मी
सन्मणिकल्पवृक्षसुरभीहालाधनुर्वाजिनः शंखा
लब्धा
39 श्चंद्रसुधागजेंद्रसुमनःस्त्रीवैद्यविद्याया(ध)राः । लोकर्मालपुरोल्लसज्जलनिधेमयेषु रत्नान्यलं
नीति विचित्रमत्र न विष(पं)क(के)नापि ल
40 ब्द(ब्ध) तथा के(क्व)चित् ॥३६॥ सुवर्णमूल्यस्य तु रूप्यमुद्रिका सवस्तुनो मूल्यमभूद्विलंटने ।
सदूप्यमुद्रामितवस्तुनः पुनः कर्षोपि कर्षस्य (स्य) वरा41 टकं तथा ॥४०॥ स्वीयवा(बा)ह्मणमंडलीकृतमहाहोमाग्निहोत्रोष्टभिर्यभूरिधृताविवस्तुरचिताजीर्णस्य
शांत्यौ(त्य) मुखे । वहे ()ौलपुरं
42 [शुभौ]प(ब)धमयं होमीकृतं सृष्टवान्मन्ये खांडवमेष पांडव इव श्रीराजसिंहो नुपः ॥४॥
टोंकं च सांभरि ग्रामान्ला(माल्ला)लसोटिं च चाटसू । राजेंद्रसुभटा जि(जि)त्वा दंडयि
43 [त्वा] व(ब)भु शं ॥४२॥ राना अमरसिंहोत्र व(ब)ली यामवयं स्थितः । राजसिंहः
स्थितस्तत्र चित्रं नवदिनावधि ॥४३॥ धनां(ब)युक्छाइनिनिम्नगाऽऽगता 'नदी भव44 त्येव हि नीचगामिनी । विघ्न(घ्नी)कृतो नीचतया तया नता:*] श्रीराजसिंह[*] स्वपुरे
समागतः ॥४४॥ मनोज्ञतरुणीगणश्रितगवाक्षपक्षद्वये विचित्रपटघट्ट45 नाविलसदट्टहट्टे पुनः । समुद्भटभटैर्युते करटिसद्धटाटोपके महोदयपुरे गपः प्रविशति स्म
वीरोन्नतः ॥४५॥ इति राजप्रशस्तिमहाकाव्ये सप्तम[*] सर्ग[]
1 Meaning indescribable' .Sandhi is not observed hero.

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30
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
46 [गज]धर कल्याणसत (त्) पुत्र र(रं)गन (मा) व भान
हरजीजातसोमपुरागोत्र
1 ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः [1* ]
तीरस्ये पेष्ट (ट) मास
त
Slab IX; Canto VIII
[Metres : vv. 1-4, 9, 12-16, 18-43, 46-52 Anushtubh; vv. 5, 6, 44, 45 Upajāti ; v. 7 Indravajra ; vv. 8, 53, 54 Sārdūlavikridita ; vv. 10, 11, 17 Bhujangaprayāta.]
•
2 मुझे परिसिंह प्रपि हितवान्
3 देशान्गजादि तत्सवं ॥४॥ गते शते
॥१॥
6 प्रयये नृपः ॥७॥ पूर्णे
तं डूंगराचे पुरे
उरजण
[VOL. XXIX तत (त्) पुत्रलालालषाः जसा
॥२॥
भ्रातर (२) नृपतिस्ततः अरिसिंह [ : * ] सिंहनादप(सं) गतवान्ददी । प्ररिति (सिं) हाय दिल्लीशः स यू ( हूं)गरपुरादिकान् ॥ ३ ॥ अरिसिंहः सम (मा) पंयत् । श्रीराजसिंहचरणे सप्तदे ( ब ) शे तु वर्षे चतुवंशाख्ये व (ब) हवा
सोस्मे योग्यं ददौ मुदा
सप्तशती चतुर्दशभिसके । शिबिरे (श्री) र (२)यमेव (ब) दिल्लीश) जात (सं)
9 ॥१०॥ ततो
॥५॥ मुवे कुमारं
4 णवर्ष । सूजाख्यसो वयंवर ( रे ) ण युद्ध ( इं ) सिरदारसिंहं स प्रेषयामास नृपः पुरंव
श्रौरंगजेव ( ब ) स्य वितन्वतोस्य । श्रौरंगजेव ( ब ) स्य पुरः 5 स्थितोसो रणे कुमारो जयवान्स जान (त): ॥६॥ श्रीरंगजेब (ब) सिरदारसि (सिं) हवीराय देशाश्वगणादासः । रां (राणांपत्य व (ब) व सब (बं) योग्य (ग्यं) ) (वे) स चास्मै सप्तदशे शते नरपतिः सत्षोडशस्येव के प्राकार्योत्तमठस्कुरं गिरिवरं साम्यं किल रावल विदधता
नृपो
यो ॥६॥
भरायला) ला
( तां) । गृहीत्वा महावाहिनीं राजसिंहः प्रतस्थे
7 कृत्वात्मनः सेवकं । प्रेम्णास्मै प्रददौ सुयोग्य मखिलं सेवां व्यधाद्रावलः पूर्ण बचे (बाप) नामके भावणे तु वसायदे
डाइनिनदी
श्रुत्वाच
11511
श्च
प्रचंड (ड) व वसाडप्रद ( वे) शेक्षणाय ॥
दभिप्रोश जिताम्दारयेः पार्श्वदेशस्थितानां
वक्षो विभिर्भ (नं) महाराव (ल) स्यापि नश्यद्व ( ख ) लस्य ॥ ११॥ झा
शते सप्तवजे
बेत (सं)यस्ता
जनानां । विदीर्णानि वक्षांसि
1 Reading of this line is not certain; its language is not Sanskrit. The list of masons given here may be compared with that occurring towards the end of Slabs III, VI, IX and XXV.
1 The correct form should be arpayad.
Sandhi is not observed here.
● This danda is superfluous.

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31
10 लोद्यत्सुलतानाख्यं चोहाणं तं महाबलं । रावं सबलसिंहाल्यं रघुनाथाल्यरावतं ॥१२॥
चोडायत(त) मुहकमसिह(सिंह). शक्तावतोत्तमं [*] एतान्पुरा(रो)ग
.. 11 तान्कृत्वा एतेषां वा(बा)हुमाश्रयन् ॥१३॥ स रावतो हरासिंहो ययौ देवलिय(या)
पुरात् । आगत्य राजसिंहस्य राजेंद्रस्य पदेऽपतत् ॥१४॥ सध्यमद्रासुपंचाशत्स12 हस्राणि न्यवेदयत् । मनरावतनामानं करिणं करिणीमपि ॥१॥ शते सप(प्त)दशे पूर्ण
वर्षे प(पं)चवशाभिषे । वैशाषे(खे) कृष्णनवमीदिवसे भौमवासरे ॥१६॥
13 महाराजसिंहाज्ञया वासवालेक्षणार्य फतेचंदमंत्री प्रतस्थे । चमू प(पं)चराजत्सहस्राश्ववारमहाठ
कुरैगुंठितां ता(तां) गृहीत्वा ॥१७॥ ततः समरास(रसिं)14 हस्य रावलस्याव(ब)लस्य वै । लक्षस(सं)ख्या रूप्यमुद्रा देशदानं च हस्तिनीं ॥१८॥ गज
दंडं दशनामान्कृत्वाऽपातयव(वं)हिषु । राणेंद्रस्य फतेचंदो भू15 त्य(त्य) कृत्वैव रावल(लं) ॥१६॥ दश प्रामान्देशदानं रूप्यमुद्रावले पः । सविंशतिसहस्राणि
रावलाय ददौ मुदा ॥२०॥ श्रीराजसिंहवचनात्फ16 तेचंदः स ठक्कुरः । चके देवलियाभंग(ग) हरीसि(सिं)हः पलायितं(तः) ॥२१॥ हरिसिंहस्य
माता तु गृहीत्वा पौत्रमागता । प्रतापसिंह विवधे प्रसन्न 17 राणमंत्रिणं ॥२२॥ रूप्यमुद्रासहस्राणि विंशत्याल्यानि हस्तिनी(नी) । बंड(७) प्रकल्प्य स्वल्पं
स फतेचंदो दयामय[:] ॥२३॥ राणे(ण)द्रचरणाभ्यणे 'मान(ना)यामा18 स तं व(ब)लात् । प्रतापसिंहं जातस्तत्फतेचंदः प्रभोः प्रिय[:*] ॥२४॥ अषे(खे)राज
[सिरोही(शं) रावं. भक्ततम(मं) स्फुटं । प्रेम्णव वश्य(श्य) कृतवानराजसिंहो महोप19 तिः ॥२॥ शते सप्तदशे पूर्णे षोडशेदेय फाल्गुने । वंहबारीमहाघट्टे शैलश्लिष्टे नृपो
. व्यधात् ॥२६॥ विट्चक्रकरपत्राभ(भं) ला(लो)हपत्रोच्चकील20 युक् । वैरिधीपाटन(न) प्रोच्चकपाटयुगलं दधत् ॥२७॥ अनर्गलद्विषच्चितार्गलरूपार्गलायुता(ता)
सिंहप्रकोष्ठः(ष्ठ) सत्कोष्ठं द्वारं द्विड्वारवारणं ॥२८॥ 21 कुलकं । शते सप्तवशे पूर्ण वर्षे सप्तदशे ततः । गत्वा [क]ष्णगढे दिव्य(व्ये) म[हत्या
स(से)नया युतः ॥२६॥ दिल्लीशार्य रक्षिताया राजसिंहमरे श्व22 रः । राठोडरूपसिंहस्य पुत्र्याः पाणिग्रहं व्यधात् ॥३०॥ एकानावशात(एकोनविंशति) स्वन्दे गते
सप्तवशे शते । मेवलं वेशमतना(नो)त्स्वकायत(तं) बल(बलान्)नपः ।
Sandhi is not observed here. • First rõ was engraved, but later on it was corrested into té by scoring out the right hand vertical strake.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
- [Vot. XXIX 23 ॥३१॥ मीनानिर्जलमीनाभान् रुध्वा(वा) बध्वा(डा)तिदःक(दुष्क)रान् [*] ख(ख)डयामासुर
धिकं मीनासे(स)न्यं महाभटाः ॥३२॥ श्रीराणाराजसिंहेंद्रो मेवलं 24 त्वखिलं ददौ । स्वीयराजन्यधन्येभ्यो वासोहयधनानि [च*] ॥३३॥ शते सप्तदश(शे)तोते
. विंशत्याह्वयवत्सरे । श्रीराजसिंहस्याज्ञातः सा(सि)रोही25 नगरे गतः ॥३४॥ रानावतो रामसिंहः ससैन्यो रावमाकुल(लं) । पुत्रेणोदयभानेन रूम
कऽमायचबलात्' ॥३५॥ प्रखेराजं तस्य राज्ये स्था26 पयामास तत्स्फुटं । राणा मित्रारिराज्यानां स्थापकोत्थापका इति ॥३६॥ शते सप्तदशे
पूर्णे एकविंशतिनामके । वर्षे मार्गेऽसिताष्ट27 म्यां राजसिंहा(हो) महीपतिः] ॥३७॥ अनूपसिंहभूपस्य वा(बा)घेलाबांधवप्रभोः । भावसिंह
कुमाराय कन्यामजवकूवार(वरि) ॥३८॥ संकल्प्य विधि28 ना बत्वा(त्त्वा) महाराजन्यपंक्तये । गोत्रजाबन्यकन्यानामष्टानां नवतिं ददौ ॥३६॥ प्रयायं
पा(पा)कशालायां राजसिंहो नरें(रे)श्वरः । भावसिंह29 कुमारायबांधवीयस्तु वा(बा)हुजैः ॥४०॥ अस्पर्शभोजिभिः साकमुपविष्टो विशिष्टभाः । कु
र्वाणो भोजनं भाति बांधवीयस्तदेरित(त) । 30 ॥४१॥ भीराणाराजसिंहस्य यदन्नमतिपावनं । तज्जगन्नाथरायस्य प्रसादानं न स(सं)शयः
॥४२॥ तदन्नभोजिन्ये(नो) ह्या वय(पं) प्राप्ताः ५31 वित्रतां । हय(या)गजान्मू(न्भूषणानि वरेभ्योदात्म(न्म)हीपति[:*] ॥४३॥ पूर्णे ते सप्तदशे
सुवर्षे तकविंशता(त्य)भिषे तु माघे । सुरूप्यमद्राद्विसहल32 हेमकृतां शुभोपस्करपूरिता(ता) च ॥४४॥ सूर्योपरागे तु हिरण्यकामधेनुं महादानमवात्स
सप्यां । व्यापात()लां वा गजमौक्तिकाख्य(ख्य) 33 गजं ददौ वीरवारो] नरं(रे)[ब्रः] ॥४५॥ शत(ते) सप्तदशे पूर्ण पंचविंशतिनामके । वष
(4) माघे राजसिंहो दशभ्यो(म्यां) [शुक्लपक्षके ॥४६॥ ब?]डीग्रामे . . 34 तडागस्योत्सगं रूप्यतुलां व्यधात् । नामाकरोत्तड[r]गस्य जनासागर इत्ययं ॥४७॥ ददौ
गरीबदासाल्यपुरोहितवराय सः । (ग्रा)मं 35 तु गुणहंडाल्यं तथा देवपुराभिधं ॥४८॥ षन(इ) लक्षाणि सहस्राणि अष्टाशीतिमितान्यहो ।
लग्नानि सप्यमुद्राणां तडागे भद्रदाय
1 The sign for avagraha after ka is not required. The intended reading seems to be ruddham=amóch yad:
balat.
* Sandhi is not observed here. . Bahuja meena Kahatriya.

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RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR.
39
36 के ॥४६॥ जनादेनामयुक्तायाः स्वमातु[:*] स्वर्गसंस्थितेः । अर्पय[v]मास सुकृतं राजसिंह
इदं नृप[:*] [॥५०] ॥ तपोदयपुरे त्वस्मिन्दि37 ने राणनपोक्तितः । महाराजकुमारबीजयसिंहो महाधिया ॥५१॥ उत्सर्ग रंगसरसस्तगगस्या
करोन्मुदा । महादानानि 38 कृतवान्वीरो वा(बा)ल्येतिपुण्यकृत् ॥५२॥ श्रीराणोदयसि(सिं)हसनुरभवत्' श्रीमत्प्रताप[*] सुत
स्तस्य ब(श्री)'अमरेश्वरोस्य तनयः श्रीकर्ण30 सिंहो[स्य] वा । पुत्रो राणजगत्पतिश्च तनयोस्माद्वाजसिंहोस्य वा पुत्र[*] श्रीज[य]
सि(सिं)ह एप(प) कृतवान्वीरः शिलालेखितं ॥५३॥ पूर्ण स40 प्तदशे शते. तपसि वा सत्पूणि(4)माल्ये दिने द्वाविंशन्मितवत्सरे नरपतेः श्रीराजसिंहप्रभोः
(0) काव्यं राजसमुद्रमिष्टज41 सधेकत्सर्गसवर्णनासंपूर्ण रणछोरभट्टरचितं राजप्रशस्त्याह्वयं ॥४॥ इति श्रीप्रपृष्ट)मः सर्गः ।
संवत(त्) १७१८ 42 'भषरे संवत सतरेसेपठारहो तरावरषे माघमासे कृष्णपणे सपतमीवीवसे बुधवारे श्रीरानसम्
रो मा43 रंभरो मोहूरत कीघोजी. । संवत १७३२ अपरे संवत सतरेसेवतीसाविरष माघमासे
सुकलपणे पुरणमा44 सीदिवसे बृहसपतिवारे श्रीराजसमुद्ररी प्रतोष्टा कीधीजी श्रीजीराजसमुद्र मो[गे] रोदीन ६ माहे
मो[डो]रोफेरेने 45 पा[छा]पधारेणेतुला सोनारीवेसेने' समस्त ब्राह्मणभाटचारणने दान दोघोजी । भटरणछोडजीपुत्रसु46 तलषमीनाथ ॥ गजघरकल्याणजी गजषरमोहनजी उरजणजी सुषजी केसोजी सुदरजी लालाजी जातसोमपुरावास उदपुरि] [[*]
Slab X; Canto IX [Metres : vv. 1,14,15,34,46Sardalavikridita; vw.2-13, 16, 18-32,36,38-40, 42,43,45.48 Anushubh ; v. 17, 37 Upajāti ; v. 33 Giti ; v. 41 Mandākrāntā ; v. 44, 47 Sragdhara.) 1 ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः [*] वृत्तास्योपशोभितः प्रविलसल्लावण्यकल्लोलवान्प्रोल्लोलन्मकराछ(छ)
कुंडलपरो राजीवराजाक्षणः । माणि
1Sandhi is not observed here.
From here to the end the language is the local dialect.
This phonetlo change of Hindi do into ho in Rajasthant may be noted. • Rr is the indicative of tho genitive same as Hindi ki.
• The sense is that it took 6 days to go round the lako, and when Rijasimha returned, he performed the tula ceremony.
• The names of the maons are also given above, towards the close of Slabe III, VI and VIII as well as below at the end of Slab XXV
1DGAI

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. FPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX 2 क्योज्य (ज्ज्व)लहीरकोत्तममहाभूषः प्रवाललसन्न(न्) ()गारामृतसारस्तव मुदे गोवर्द्धनोद्वारकः
॥१॥ महाराजाधिराज3 श्रीजगत्सिंहे विराजति । वत्सरेष्टनवत्याल्ये शते षोडशके गते ॥२॥ श्रीकुमारपदे पूवे(वें)
राजसिंहो ययौ प्रति । दुर्ग जैसल____4 मेराख्यं पाणिग्रहकृते तदा ॥३॥ द्वादशाब्दवया एवं प्रवया इव (बु)द्धिमान् । द्वादशा
स्मस्फुरत्तेजा इ(ई)हशीं मतिमादघे ॥४॥ घोषु(५)दा स5 नवाडश्च सिवाली च भिगावदा । मोर्चना च पसों[द*]श्च खेडी छापरख (खे)डिका
॥५॥ तासोल मेडावरको भानो प्रामो लहानकः । वांसोल गु6 ढली एषां कांकरोली मठा' इति ॥६॥ प्रामाणां सोम्नि दृष्टा मां तडागकरणोचिता ।
स्वमनः स्थापयामास व(ब)द्धमत्र जलाशयं ॥७॥ धर्म7 कार्ये मतेधर्ता शत्रोहर्ता सदा रणे । यदा राज्यस्य कर्तायं भुवो भर्त्ताभवत्तदा ॥८॥
शते सप्तदशे पूर्णे अष्टादशमितेन्दके । मासे मा8 में ययौ द्रष्टुं रूपनारायणं हरिं ॥ तदनां वीक्ष्य वसुधां तडागं व(ब)मुद्यतः ।
पुरोधसाकरोन्मत्रं कार्य स्यादिति सोवदत् ॥१०॥ श्र० डा पूर्णाऽविरोषित्व(त्व) दिल्लीशेन व्ययो व(ब)हुः । द्रव्यस्येति भवेच्चेत्स्याव[]ज्ञोक्तं स्या
चयं ततः ॥११॥ पुरो हितकर[:*] श्रीमत्पुरोहितपुर:- ' 10 सरः । पुरोहितजयी राजा कार्य कर्तुमयोचतः ॥१२॥ अखर्वयोः पर्वतयोर(रं)तरे गोमती
. नदी(दी) । रोद्धं ज(ब) महासेतुं राजेंद्रो यत्नमाद11 घे ॥१३॥ पूर्ण सप्तदशाभिधे तु शतके स्वष्टादशाख्येन्दके माधे कृष्णसुपक्षके किल बुध
सत्सप्तमीवासरे । इ(ई)हक्संख्य इहेद12 शाययुते कलि(काले) तु कार्ये कृते स(सं)ख्यातः खलु नामतोपि च समो मे वांछि- तार्थो भवेत् ॥१४॥ पूणो(ण)त्रेति च सप्तसागरदशाशाष्टादश13 द्वीपकश्रेण्या(प्यां) स्वीययशःप्रकाशकृतये माऽधो मम स्यात्क्वचित् । कृष्णः पक्षकरो बुषाः
स्तुतिकराः सत्सप्तमीदिग्ध्रुव(व) 14 प्रौव्यायं तु जलाशयस्य कृतवान्भूपो मुहूर्तग्रह' ॥१५॥ सेतुं व(ब) व(ब)खपणेघृतचित्रखनि
प्रकः । जनैः खननमारब्धं लुम्बश्व The sign of anunåsika over va is moant to bo ovor gå. dandhi is not observed hore. • Syntactically the word tahan should come after iti at the end of this verse.
In thin vorso there is obviously a play on the numerals of the dato the details of which are contained in the Ltorecoing stanza.

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APPENDIX]
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 15 नलब्धये ॥१६॥ तदोटैः षष्टिसहस्त्रसंमितः समुद्रसपर्गे सगरात्मजैर्यथा [*] अकारि भूमेः
खत(न)नं तथांबुधिं कतुं द्वितीयं रचितं नृ16 कोटिभि[:] ॥१७॥ असंख्य खनने तत्र जायमाने जनः कृते । पृथिव्यां पुषवो जाता
म(म)त्तिकोधेन पर्वताः ॥१८॥ महत्कार्य महाराणा 17 मत्वा साधारणर्जनः । न भवेत्तत्सुयं स्थित्वा कारयन्भाति युक्तता ॥१६॥ मत्वा रानो
महा(ह)त्कार्य सेतुबंध(बंध) नुव(बं)धहृत् । स्वस्याने का18 रयामास तथैव कृतवान्प्रभुः ॥२०॥ कार्यस्य महतो ह्यस्य कृत्वा भागाननेकशः ।- राज
न्यादिकधन्येभ्यो दत्तवांस्तान्धरा19 पतिः ॥२१॥ सेतोदपिकृते पृथ्वयाः पृष्ठे स्थापयितुं शिलाः । जलनिःसारणं कत्तुं प्रयत्न
कृतवान्नुपः ॥२२॥. शक्रं पराक्रमः क(का)लमा- : 20 पुष[r] धनवं धनः । जित्वांव(बु)कर्षणे राणा वरुण(ण) जेतुमद्यतः ॥२३॥ तदा चक्रभृता
तत्र घटीयंत्र(श्रण यकृ(त्कृतं । वृषयुक्तेन कार्यस्य 21 साह(हा)य्यमुचितं हि तत् ॥२४॥ क्रियमाणे घटीयंत्रर्जलनिःसारणे जनः । तेषां तत्को(का)
बकरणे सार्थकः स घटीगणः ॥२५॥ स्वतंत्रश्च 22 घटीयंत्ररस्वतंत्रः स्फुरदृषः । घटीमात्रेण घटितभूरि निःसारितं जलं ॥२६॥ जलयंत्रव(ब)
हुविधापर्युपरि कल्पितः । लोक
23 पृष्ठगं नीरं सर्व डू(दू)रीकृतं द्रुतं ॥२७॥ अस्मिन्भरतखंडे तु यावंतः संति सांप्रतं ।
• जलनिःसारणोपायास्तावंतः कल्पिता इह ॥२८॥ 24 गुणिभिः सूत्रधारश्च. पामरैरपि ये पुनः । जलनिःसारणोपायाः प्रोक्तास्ते निर्मिता इह .
॥२६॥ इतो निःसारितं नीरं सारणीप्रस25 रः परैः । ग्रामे प्रामे जनैर्नीन(त) प्रामा नगरतां गताः ॥३०॥ यथा ज्योतिषसारण्या
वास[र:*] श्रेष्ठस(सा)धनं । कृतं तथांबु(बु)सारण्यावस26 रः श्रेष्ठसाधन(न) ॥३१॥ एवं नानाप्रकारेण जलं निःसार्य सर्वतः । सेतुबं(ब)धकृते
लोक (भू)पृष्ठं प्रकटीकत(कृतं) ॥३२॥ प्रत्यस(अ)
1 The way of writing the syllablo rgge is peculiar; one would read it rather rgrë. * The anusvära sign meant to be placed over ya appears on the following letter, i.o., ru. * There is a superfluous anunvāra sign over två.
4 The expression avasy-agre is a litoral rondering of the Hindi or Hindustani idiom ame simna denoting 'in one's own presence, which, howover. literally means 'in front of one's own self'.
12

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[VOL. XxIx
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 27 नीरवों जित इंडो गिरिषरेण कृष्णेन । वरुणः परीक्षपूरितजलो जितो राण तत्त्व
यो(या) चित्रं ॥३३॥ पु(पू)णे सप्तदशे शतेम्ब उविते दि28 व्यकविंशत्यभिव्याप्तास्ये दिवसे त्रयोदशिकया शस्याल्ययान्ते] शुभे । वैशाखे सितपक्षके
खलु विषोरे किलतादृशे काले भा29 विसुकार्यसूचकसमानार्थवजास्यायुते ॥३४॥ जंबूद्वीपवदन्यसप्तदशसु द्वीपेषु कीाप्तये नि(नि)यो
चनि(नि)रयकविंशतिमहा30 दुःखस्थलादृष्टये । धनेश'युतिलब्धये कुलमह(हा)शाखाविवृता सदा लाभार्थ सितपक्षकस्य
व(च) विधुस्वालादकत्वाप्तये ॥३५॥ श्रीराणा31 राजसिंहोयं सेतोः सत्पदपूरणं । कत्तुं महत्तं कृतवान्नवग्रहव(ब)लान्वितः ॥३६॥ कुलकं । .
गरीव(ब)वासस्य पुरोहितस्य ज्येष्ठः कुमारो 32 रणछोडरायः . महाशिला 'पंचसुरत्नपूर्णामादौ वर्षे तत्र पदस्य प्रत्य(त्य) ॥३७॥ बृढोपलप्र
दानेन सुषापानेन यत(न)तः । सतोः पवस्या33 जरत्वममरत्वं कृत(त) जनः ॥३८॥ महासेतोः प्रव(ब)धेस्मिन्महाकायें महागजः । सुधा
चूर्ण समानीतं परिपूर्ण न चावृतं ॥३६॥ सर्वतो 34 मुखरूपस्य जलस्य मुखमुद्रणं । पीरावरकृता युक्तं राजसिंह त्वया कृत(तं) ॥४०॥
छिद्रान्वेषी जलगण इह माप सर्व सहोउन्मूदिन 35 स्वीयं दधपतिपदं दृष्टमात्रं त्वया तु । यत्रवात्रोचितमिति शिला|णिभिः क्षारचूर्णाऽपूर्णा
भिक्तिवतुलमुखोन्मुद्रणं सृष्टमेव 36 ॥४१॥ नूनं कामोसि राणेंद्र यत्र तत्रोवितछ(च्छ)लात् । शंबर' मुद्रितं तन्वन् युक्तं
संतुप्रय(ब)षकत् ॥४२॥ कवं(ब) विक्रमजयी वानरव्रजपो17 वकः । रामक्रमाभिरामोसि सेतुं वष्मा(बध्ना)सि युक्तता ॥४३॥ गोत्रेणकेन चर्क
हरिरमितजलं दूरतः शक्रमुक्तं सप्ताहं श्रीम[ता] तरुण
38 समुदिवं वारि दूरीक(कृ) हि । प्रासप्ताम्दं सुगोत्रातुलितभरभृता ता(स्या ?)चिलोक*
प्रपु(पू)र्तिस्त्वत्कीर्तिः कृष्णकीत्तरपि भवति परा कृष्णभक्तस्य वी
* Ghasrē ya is sürya.
Again a play on the date mentioned in the preceding verse. • The five conventional gems are : nilaka, vajraka, padmaraga, mauktika and prandla.
*Note the double meaning here, bambara= water and Sambaras the name of the demon who was slain by Prad... vumna.
• Kabandha's demon slain by Rama'; ku-bandha' damming of water'. • Vanara 'monkey': anura' and nan'.

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APPENDIX]
39 र ॥ ४४ ॥
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR श्रीराजसिंह प्रथमं शरीवं (बं) धमकारयत्
॥४५॥ मत्स्याः पांडर रक्तपीतरुचयः सेतो
40 स्त (स्तु) भा[गे परे पाताला ट्रिकल निर्गता:
शुभतरं गर्भोदकं निःसृतं 1 तेनोक्तं त्विह सूत्रधारनिपुर्णरंभोत्य]'गाधं भवेद्भूपालाय निवेदितं नरपति: श्रुत्वा स्मितास्योभवत् ॥ ४६ ॥ रामो नभोपसार्य क्षितिशिरसि न वा कारयामास सेतुं गोत्र
1 महासे तोस्ततः पश्चात्सेंभरो
भंज
41 वानरं ( ) दृढ इति धनुष ( वा १) वानरामू (रोमं ?) (ब) [1"] दूरीकृत्यां (बु)पृष्ठे भुव इह मुनः सृष्टवान्सूपरस्वं सच्चूर्ण रामवंश्याधिकदृढ
37
42 इति ते तत्कृपातोस्ति सेतुः ॥४७॥ स्थले जलाशयः सृष्टो जले सेतो[:] स्थलं त्वया । कांतारे नगर वीर ते पूर्णता ॥४८॥ इति भरि (दूर)
43 णछोडकृते श्रीराजप्रशस्तिकाव्ये नवमः सर्गः ।
1 ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः 1 सुवर्णशत्पुरमात्यमान:
राजसमुद्रतीरे श्रीद्वारकानाथ
Slab XI; Canto X
[Metres : vv. 1-4, 10-12, 16-19, 22-25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 37-39 Upajāti ; vv. 5-7, 9, 13-15, 20, 21, 33-36, 40-43 Anushtubh; v. 8 Sragdharā; vv. 26, 29, 32 Indravajrã.]
श्रीद्वारकायां
धनभासमानः । चतुर्भुजो
2 हरिः सुनीरे ॥१॥ श्रानीतमंभः किल राजमंदिरोद्भव (बं) बू (बु) षाद्यैर्महिषैर्जनवर्जः । सत्कार्यवयें (ब) शस्तदोष (चिती या
3 ण वाना (नी) तमिदं तद ( ) तं ॥ [ ॥२॥ * ] सुवर्णशैले किल जिष्णुरूपः वान्मनस्वी । जेतु (तुं) जगत्यामसुरान्स दुर्ग
स्वाम (स्वमं)[दि*]
5 तवान्प्रवेशं 11811 शते सप्तदशेतीते
राजसिसि) हो महीपति["] ॥५॥
4 सुंदरमद्वितीयं ॥३॥ पूर्ण(में) वात (से) सप्त तु मार्गे पत्र दावि (द) इतिनान्न भूपः । पडो' दशम्या (म्यां) क्षितिमंदिरे (रें) द्रः प्रासादमध्ये कुं
[डि] (ड) शतिमि [ते] दृ (ब्द) के हेम्नः पलात [*]
[:*]
श्री राजसह [:] कृत
। ऊर्जष्ण द्वितीयायो (यां)
(च)
1 The portion within the square brackets, i.e., from ge to tya was first omitted by the engraver through oversight, who afterwards added it at the end in the last line, indicating the addition by the käkapada signs.
This pada is short of one syllable. The letter sa appears more like ra Perhaps the intended reading is Suvarnabailat=puri bhäty=amanah.
Pado-dasami here is only the form in local dialect of Pandu-dasami in 1. 39, p. 51, and means the tenth day of the yellow month, i.e., Magha. Mr. Shaktidhar Guleri informs me that padu panchami and padu-dasami are observed as festivals in Kangra on the 5th and 10th days respectively of the bright-half of Magha.-N.P.C.
Read Urjah-krishna-; the first word meaning; Karttiku.

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38
6 कल्पद्रुमैर्युतं । हेम्नः
वशः
9 बीये ॥ ८ ॥
।
7 मेतद्विप्रानतोषयत् ॥७॥ विप्रेभ्यो
देवमाक्तः सकलसुरमयो
8 मेरुरेव त्वया य[त्*] । तद्देवा: स्थानहीनाः कृतमतय इतो ब्राह्मं (ब्राह्मणेषु प्रविष्टास्ते जाता भूमिदेवा (व)पति गृहगणे मेहभोगं त (त्व)
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
पलशतैः स (सु)ष्टं महाभूतघटाभिषं ॥६॥ हिरण्याश्वरथं रूप्य
दत्वा (रवा) महादानयुग
एकादश सहस्ता (त्रा ) णि षट् शतानि च सप्ततिः | लग्नानि लग्ना रूप्यस्य मुद्राणां दानयोरिह ॥६॥ पूर्णे शते सप्तद
राजसह प्रभुमुकुट घटः श्रीमहाभूतपूर्वा (व) द[तो]
10 []थ वर्षे पकार पदातिनानि राधे सित्रयोदशयभिषेहि सेतोर्नृपो मूहुर्त पुरि [शे]थ (ड)
।
का(क) करा (रोल्पा ॥१०॥ ततोत्र चार
महाशिलाभिः समुषा (धा)भराभिः सेतो
11 चितः पृथिव्यां जनैर्विचित्रेः पृथुभिः खनित्रेः पर्व पूरितमेव तु (तुं ) गं ॥११॥ पर्णे (पूर्णे) 12 पाते सप्तदशेष व भाषा ] मासाविक एवं जाता ज्येष्ठेत्र जल स्थितिर्वृष्टिभवा तडागे ॥१२॥ [ वर्षे ]
15 हिरण वे
जल (f) लागे ।
13 वाढलपक्षस्मरतियो (बी) रवी । [ ]ष्टकेन मुखसेतोस्तु भूपृष्ठं शिसुधापूर्णशिला
14 गणैः [1*] [1] पूरितभित्तिरूपोच्चं सूत्रधारं ध्रुवं कृतं ॥१४॥ सिध्य ( 1 ) ष्टकं नृणां । पंचेन्द्रियाणां पापतिः
16 goriकरणे प्रवीणैः ॥ १६ ॥ दिष्टा चतुष्कीत एससी
शतिम्म (ना) किन नव्या
या पंचमासे वहितं ॥१३॥
17 द्भुत गुणा (ण) पुमर्योच्चचतुष्क वो 'भव (वे ) त् ॥१७॥ समूहा मनुजंपू ( वृं) बाद्यैः । सहस्त (त्र) संख्यं सु
॥१५॥ अस्मिन्न (म्म ) हावार एवं (इ) [रीकृतं तत्तु समस्तमेवं जनेश्च
श्राशाचतुष्कागतमान वैर्नवैर्नानाचतुष्काः प्रशाचतुष्कागतमानर्नवेर्नानाच्चतुष्काः सनिता जलाशये [1"]
ईदुक्कालकृतस्यास्य दृष्टया
एव नव्य ( व्यं) संस्थापितं
ततश्चतुष्कीगनिम (सु) ताना (मा)
ज (य) तु
मुब
Lagnani goes with sahasrani and satani, while lagna qualifies saptatib. It may further be observed that the word lagna is used here in the sense of vyayita 'spent', which is more common in Hindi than in Sanskrit. Sandhi has not been observed here.
The meaning of the word smara here seems to be five from the conventional number of five assigned to the arrows of Kama.
The letter si is superfluous.
There is a play upon the numbers mentioned in this stanza with reference to those of the date occurring in vorse 13 above. The six ūrmis are enumerated as sōka-māhaujara-mritya kshut-pipasē shad-urmayah.
• Perhaps we have to read Esha s=dbhati, referring to tadaga or jalāsaya.
1 Again a play on the number four, pumarth-Bchcha-chatushka means purushärtha-chatushtaya dharma, artha, kima, and molesha.

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39
APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 18 खतः प्रणीता मध्यस्य सेतोः परिपूरणाय ॥१॥ मृदां गणैः कल्पितपर्वतौघाः सेतो
__ [वि]लीनाः क्व व(च) नैव दृश्याः । यथा पुरा रा. 19 घवसेतुबंधे याता विलीनत्वमहो गिरीद्राः ॥१६॥ शते सप्तवशे पूर्ण सप्तविंशतिनामके ।
वर्षे स्वजन्मदि20 बसे हेमहस्तिरय(थं) शुभं ॥२०॥ हेम्नो विंशत्यप्रदशशततोलकनिर्मितं । महादानविषानेन
राजसिंहनुपो 21 ददौ ॥२१॥ पूर्ण शते सप्तदशे सुवर्षे सत्सप्तविंशत्यभिधे मुहूर्तः । प्राषाढमासेऽसि
तसच्चतुर्या(या) नुपेणे(ण) नोः(नौ)[स्था]22 पनकस्य सृष्टः ॥२२॥ जनस्तृतीयादिवसे तु नौकायोग्यं जलं नेति कृते विचारे ।
अागामिवर्ष (मैं) तु (ब)हस्पतिः स्यात्सि23 हस्थितस्तत्सुमुहूर्त*] एषः ॥२३॥ नान्योत्र वर्षेस्ति तडागक(का)ये मुख्यस्तु री(राणा
. बत रामसिंहः । तदा फतवानस्ति हि चोक24 डीन(ना) मध्य(ध्ये) जलं क्षेप्यमिहान्यव(4)भः ॥२४॥ नौकाम(म)हत्तो(तो)स्तु महापुरोधा गरीब
दासाभिष उक्तवान(न्वै ?) । प्रये प्रभोरेष जना 25 विचार(रं) फुर्व(व)ति राजनिति वा महा(हां)त(तः) ॥२५॥ प्राश्चर्यमेषा(षां) मम भाति
चित्ते स्यात्कार्यमासीत्सुखवानपस्तत् । श्रुत्वा द्विजा-. 26 न्वारुणसूक्तमंत्र(वा) जप्तुं स विद्वानविशत्पुरोषा[*] ॥२६॥ श्रृंगारपूर्णा प्रविषाय नौका
मुहूर्तमागामिसुवासरे तु । नौकाधि27 रोहस्य मुदा विधातुं कृतप्रतिशं नपराजसिंहं ॥२७॥ समीक्ष्य शक्रोपि सचित एवा
भवत्तदस्मिन्सय(म)ये मया चेत् । 28 क्रियते वृष्टिर्न तदा ममैव दोषं वदिष्यंति जनाः समस्ताः ॥२८॥ इन्द्रात्प्रभुत्वं विति
पद्यपाठ(5) चित्तेवपार्येति ममांश ए29 षः । पूर्णास्य कार्येति मया प्रतिज्ञा रक्ष्या द्विजानान(म)पि सुप्रतिष्टा(ष्ठा) ॥२६॥
ततस्तृतीयादिवसे द्वितीये यामे ववर्षर्जल30 दा मुहूर्ता (त) । नौकाषिरोहस्य चकार भूपो मंदाकिनीनी:(नो)स्थितशकतुल्यः ॥३०॥
उक्तं जनैः कर्तुमयं यदेव समुद्यतस्तत्पर31 मेश्वरोत्र । करोति चाप्रे सफलं सुकार्य भविष्यतीत्यस्य तथो(था)भवत्तत् ॥३१॥ पूर्ण शते
सप्तदशे सुवर्षेऽष्टाविंशतिभ्राजि
.
1 Read tad=öktavān=. + 'The word chokadi is Marwari chokri, Sanskrit chalushki, moaning here excavated square'. • Sandhi has not been observed here. For the Varuna sūkta, see Rigveda, I, 25, 19.

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ॐ तनामधेये । राजाका तिची
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XxIx 32 तनामधेये । राक(का)तियो नालविमुद्रगं द्राक्,ज्येष्टे(ष्ठे) कृतं सूत्रधरपोक्त्या ॥३२॥
शते सप्तदशे पूर्ण' एकोनत्रिंशदाहये । 33 वर्षे विधुग्रहे माघे दानं कल्पलतात्मकं ॥३३॥ हेम्नः सार्द्धशतद्वंद्वपं(प)लैः सृष्ट(ष्ट) वरी
तथा । हेम्नस्त्वशीत्यप्रशततोलकः 34 परिकल्पितैः ॥३४॥ हलस्तु पंचभिर्युक्तं पंचलांगलनामकं । भावलीग्रामसंयुक्त(क्तं) महादानं
ददौ नृपः ॥३५॥ अष्टावि35 शत्यप्रदशशततोलकसमितिः । हेम्नः समभवहिव्यदानयोरनयोरिह ॥३६॥ पूण() शते
सप्तदशे सदेकोनत्रिंश36 दाख्याम्दसुफाल्गुनेत्र [*] कृिष्ण(कृष्णो)चम(मे)कादशिकादिन वा शुभे भवानीगिरिपावदेश(शे)
॥३७॥ सत्संगिकार्यस्य तु मुख्य37 सेतो नपो मुहूर्त कृतवान्कृतीतः । इलक्षणीकृतः पांडरवर्ण[युक्तः*] सुधाषिसिक्तैदंडसंधिबंधः ॥३॥
महोपलैः पेशलसूत्रधार38 विस्त्यमान(विस्तार्यमाणे) किल संगिकार्ये ।। धृते(तो)दये स(सं)गिनि कार्यवयें नृपस्य चित्तं
सुखसंगि जातं ॥३६॥ शते सप्तदशेतीते एको39 नत्रि(त्रि)शदाहये । ज्ये(ज्ये)ष्ठस्य शुक्लसप्तमया(म्यां) राजसिंहो महीपतिः ॥४०॥ एकनि
(लि)गालये विद(त्विन)सर प्रात्ये जलाशये । - 40 ससोपाने जीर्णसेतो प्रतोलीनाचतुष्टय(पं) ॥४१॥ व्यषात्सुवत्रं सत्काय(य) सुशिला- .
गणरा(र)जितं । अष्टादशसहला41 णि रूप्यमुद्रावलेरिह ॥४२॥ लग्नानि राणवीरोक्त्या प्रशस्तिनिर्मिता मया । श्रुत्वा तां
स दवावाज्ञा(ज्ञां) शिलायां 42 लिखनाय म(मे) ॥ इति श्रीराजप्रशस्तिनाममहाकाव्ये रणछोडभडविरचिते बस(श)म[:]
सर्गः ॥
Slab XII : Canto XI [Metros : vv. 1, 13, 14 Upajati vv.2-12, 15-48, 51-57 Anushtubh, w 49, 50 Gatha.] । [॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः । सेतोर्मितिः पंच शतानि वैये मुख्यस्य व पंचवशोत्तराणि ।
तले गजानां च शतानि पंच से(स)कान्पशीति
1 Sandhi has not been observed here.
• Better read likhanaya. MGIPO-81-1IGA/52-24-4-54-450.

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APPENDIX)
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 2 प्रमितानि मूदिन ॥१॥ विस्तरे पंचपंचाशन्मिता निम्नमितो गजाः [*] दशोपर्युदये संति
द्वाविंशतिमिताः क्षितौ ॥२॥ निम्नाया(यां) 3 [पं]चयुकिंशदूई तत्र क्रमं वदे । भूम्यूद्धमाष्टगजकं पीठं()मेकोर्द्धयुग्गजः ॥३॥ मेख.
लात्रयमानं त्वासार्द्धद्वादशसद्ग4 ज(जाः) (1) तिलकत्रयमनथ त्रयोदशगजविधि ॥४॥ चत्वारः संगिकार्यस्य स्थरा एकस्थरं
प्रति । सोपाननवकं त्वेवं पति5 शे(शत्प्रमितिः स्फुटा ॥५॥ सोपानानामित्युदये पंचत्रिशवगर्मितिः । सप्तपंचाशवित्येवं गजा:
सर्वोदयस्थितौ ।६॥ त्रयं 6 बुरिज कोष्ठानां कोष्ठे प्रासादविक्स्थिते । दैये गजास्तु पंचाशनिर्गमे पंचविंशतिः' ॥*] ७॥
सत्पंचसप्ततिवृत्ते त्रिंशदेवोदये 7 गजाः । गर्भकोष्ठं लंव(ब)तायां पंचसप्ततिका गजाः ॥॥ सार्द्धसप्ताप्रकत्रिंशग्निर्गमे
वृत्तरूपके। शतं सार्द्धद्वादशकं ग8 जानां च तयोदये ॥६॥ पंचत्रिंशद्गजा: कोष्ठं तृतीयं पूर्वकोष्ठवत् । पंचचत्वारिंशद
प्रशतमानं गजा मृदः [*] १०[*] भ. 9 तौ सेतोस्तु पाश्चात्यभागे प्रोक्तास्ति लंब(ब)ता । गजसप्तशतीमाना विस्तरे निम्नभतले
॥११॥ गजा अष्टादशैवोद्ध() पंचैवम्10 दये तथा । अष्टाविंशतिसंख्यास्तु सर्वा सेतोरियं स्थितिः ॥१२॥ त्रिंशदुधन्मिति- शोभमाना सोपानमाला महतो हि सेतोः । विll भाति कोष्ठत्रितयं तदेतद्भपालपालंव(ब)नकारि नूनं ॥१३॥ धर्माबुधा(धौ) तत्र महास्मृती
नामुपस्मृता(ती)नां विदधत्सुसंगं । वेद12 त्रयं वात्र करोति वासं कलिप्लुतां म्लेछ(च्छ)भुवं विमुच्च ॥१४॥ राजमंदि[रदि]
श्यस्ति स्थानं तु चतुरबकं । सेतो तत्राथर्वणाख्यो । 13 वेदस्तिष्ट(ष्ठ)ति मंत्रवान् ॥१५॥ जलहट्टमयं तत्र शोभतेत्रारहट्टकं । ताजमंदिरा[ख्ये]
स्मिन्दुर्गे वाप्यो जलार्थकं ॥१६॥ 14 प्रास्ते नवचतुष्कीयुमंडपं त्वत्र सुंदरं । जलदर्शािग(ग)वाक्षाक्तमतिचित्रकरं नृणां ॥१७॥
महासेतो संगिकार्यवयें विजय1 Meaning 'layer'. ? Meaning 'hastion '; Hindustani burj.
• Visarga ie engraved above the line. • This sign of aragraha is not required.

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42
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
15 ते परं । युक्तं नवचतुष्कीभी राजमंडपं ( प ) युग्मकं ॥ १८ ॥ नवखंडस्थलोकानां दर्शनाच्चित्रकारकं ।
पट्चतुविलसितमेकं वा
16 भाति मंडपं ॥ १९॥ पचा
महासेतोमंडपत्रितयं
सेतोरियं स्थितिः [ ॥ *] २०॥ निंबसेतुप्रमा
तथा 1 सभामंडपमेकं हि महा
17 णं तु वक्ष्यामि क्षितिपाल ते । वैध्यें गजानां द्वात्रिंशदध्रं शतचतुष्टयं ॥ २१॥ विस्तारे पंचदश में निम्नभूमौ गजास्तथा । पंचोद मु
18 चे दशावो भद्रसेतुके ॥२२॥ चतुश्चत्वारिशदपं गजानां देयंतः ये चैवं द्वादश गजास्तले पंचैव मस्तके ॥२३॥ त्रयोदशोद
19 मे भद्रं सुभद्रं चतुरखर्क । कोष्ठकं विशतिगना मुद्धताविति संस्थितिः ॥२४॥ कांकरोलाग्रामसेतौ दंयें निम्नधरातले । पंचाशद्युक् पंच
20 शती गजानां मूनि सप्त वै ॥२५॥ शतानि षट्पंचाशच्च पंचत्रिशच्च विस्तरे । निम्नभूमौ सप्त गजा मस्तके तूदये तथा ॥
शतं 1 विस्तारे
21 ॥ २६ ॥ निम्नभूमौ सप्तदश गजा उपरि वा भुवः । गजा शिव कष्टष्ठ) कवित त्विह ॥२७॥ सभामंडप दिक्संस्थको
22 ष्ठेऽष्टाविंशतिर्गजाः 1 विस्तारे निर्ग मे माने चतुर्दश तथोदये ॥ २८ ॥ सार्द्धषत्रिशदेवाय सुभद्रे मध्यकोष्ठकेप[र}ि
23 शद्विस्तरे पंचदशा (श) निर्गमने गजाः ॥२६॥ उदयष्टत्रिशदेव तृतीये पूर्वदिविस्थते । शर्माने विस्तारे निर्ग [ मे]
24. गजाः [ ॥३०॥*] द्वादशैवोदये सप्तत्रशदेव मृदो भृतौ । पंचचत्वारिंशदग्रं गजानां शतक ततः । [ *] ३० (३१) [* ] पाश्चात्यभागे सेतोस्तु गंजानां तु [स]
॥३१ (३२) ॥ वशमूर्द्धन्यदये त्वच
25 हस्रकं । वैध्यें विस्तारतः पंचदश निम्नक्षितौ गजाः द्वाविंशतिमिता गजाः ॥(1) अत्रोदयस्तु (स्तु) भवित
26 अष्टत्रिशद्गजावधि ॥ ३२ ( ३३ ) ॥ स्वाध्यात्मरूपेस्त्रिरामी कोष्ठकत्रय
अयोध्या रेणुकाक्षेत्रव्रजेभ्यो म्लेछ (च्छ) भीतितः I भात्याग
11
27
३३ (३४) ॥ भृतौ जीर्णेश निलयमागतं स्थापितं हि तत् । जायते मदा ॥ ३४ (३५) ॥ रामसेतौ यथा नाति [ थी*]
1 'This tu is written in smaller character below the line The intended reading is bhavati
a Bandhi is not observed here metricansa.
मार्गोस्य स्थापितस्तस्य दर्शनं

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APPENDIX]
28 रामेश्वरमंदिरं
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
तत्तत्वं कलीस्यसेतो भाति शिवालयं (यः) ॥३५ (३६) ।। कांकरोलीसेत्वग्रभागे वा मंडपात्रयः
भावि
29 शोभते सभामंडप एकक: ॥२६ ( ३७ ) ॥ कांकरोली स्फुरत्सेतोरणे तुपरि भूभूतः । शिलाकार्यं कृतं तत्र वैध्ये गजशतत्रयं ॥३७ (३) । विस्तारोक
30 ययोः पंच गजाः पंचाच ( प ) नाशकः । गोषट्टपाश्च वंध्यत्र चतुःपंचाशदुत्तमाः ॥३८ ( ३९ ) ।। गजा शैव विस्तारे' उवे तु
। गोध]
31 [दृस्य ] गजा
वैयें चतुःपंचाशदेव तु
उदये तु गजाः पंच भा[त्ये] कमिह
32 टियानामपाद सेतोप्य गजावले
33 वये कोष्ठ द्वंद्व मत्राष्टास (ख) मथैककं
[
यो गजा]
35 सद्गजाः 1 विस्तारे दश
क्रीडास्वलं हि तत्
।
॥
| ॥४०॥ *
[ मं] ड [पं]
]
। द्वे तले मूनि गजाः सप्त चतुविंशतिसद्गजाः ।
सहवं 'उष्टषष्टिश्च विस्तारेष्टादश स्फुटं ॥४० (४२ ) ॥
1188(83)11 गजा निर्गमे । चतुर्वशोद संति चतुविंशतिसद्गजाः ॥४२ (४४)
43
चतुः पंचाशदेवात्र विस्तारे घट्टभूतले । ॥३९ (४१) ॥ [ श्रासा ]
संत्यत्र
द्वादशयोव पंचयता ( त्वा) रिश
उ
'The visarga and the danda appear above the line.
Visarga is engraved above the line.
* Sandhi is not observed here.
34 सप्तांगस्यापि राज्यस्य धर्मस्यात्रास्ति सुस्थितिः । राणराज्ये ज्ञापकाष्टरेखाक्तं किमु कोष्ठकं ॥४३ ४५ ) । । द्वितीयमर्द्धचंद्राख्यं वैध्यें विशति
श्रष्टाविंशतिस्तु तत्र ईष्यँच
गजाः ॥४३ (४६)। चंद्रपरथीम
36 तमाना मृदो भूतौ [ ॥४७॥ * ] गजाः पाश्चात्यभागे तु सेतोवँध्ये त्रयोदश 1 शतान्येव
[जा]ना (मा)
37 तु निम्नभूमो ( मौ) तथोपरि ॥४४ ( ४८ ) । । गजा दशैव विस्तारे उदये पंच वा गजा: वांसोल ग्रामपार्श्वस्थ सेतीमायने
चतुविंशतिसंयु
38क्तसुद्वादशशतानि हि ।।४५ (४६) ।। " विस्तारेऽष्टादश गजास्तले पंचैव मस्तके । त्रयोदशोदये कोष्ठत्रयमाक्षेत्र कोणये ॥४६ (५०) ।। गजा वित(ति) रेवात्र (३)
This sandhi is wrong; it ought to be sahasre ashța-, which would militate against the metre. Better read sash tashash ti sahasrě dvě.
• After this was first inscribed Asatiya-stha-sātv-agra-bhāgē san-mandapa- [trayain] which was later scored out. as indicated by a horizontal line running across this portion of the text. This has, however, been re-engraved at the end in line 44 below.
• There is an inverted kakapada sign over the last danda, which shows that the portion engraved in 1, 44 is perhaps to be inserted here, forming a part of the verse 46 (50).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL.XXIX 39 य॑विस्तारयोः समाः । द्वादशैवोदय त्वेतच्चतुरस्त्रं सुभद्रक(क) ॥४७(५१)। सुभद्रवं सारहटुं
सारहट्टतदौचिती । मध्यकोष्ठे द्वादशैव वैद्य ]निर्गम[ यो]40 गंजाः ॥४८(५२)॥ उदये सप्तदश वा अर्द्धचंद्राकृति विवं यद्दर्शनादर्द्धचंद्रप्राप्तिदुः[खं]
द्वि[षां] गले ॥४६(५३)॥ अष्टास्त्रकोष्ट(3) कमलबुरिजाह्वयम
41 त्र तु । दैविस्तारयोस्त्रिंशद्गजा नव त[त्रोदय(ये) ॥५०(५४)। अत्राज्व(नोज्ज्व)लोप
ललसन्मंडपं सेतुमंडनं [*] इष्टाष्टपुत्रिकातृष्टक्रीडादृष्टिमनोहरं ॥५[१](५५) 42 [एता ?] राज[स*] मुबं(द) हि रत्ता(ना)करमिहांबुनि । स्थित्वाष्ट पट्टराज्ञीस्ताः पश्यन्
कि र[म]ते हरिः ॥५२(५६)। अत्र सेतोरणभागे राजते मंडपत्रयं ॥(0) 43 [इति राजसमुद्रस्य वीरेंद्रोक्त(क्ति)मया स्थितिः ॥५३(५७)॥ इत(ति) श्रीराजप्रशस्तो
भट्टरी(र)णछोडविरचिते' ऐ(ए)कादशः सर्ग[*] ॥११॥ 44 प्रासाटियास्यसेत्वयभागे सन्मंडपत्रयं ॥ जछ
Slab XIII ; Canto XII . IMetres : vv. 1-17, 19-23, 29-31, 37, 38 Anushtubh; vv. 18,32, 33, 39.41 Sardalavikridita: vv. 24, 25, 28 Indravajrd; vv. 26, 27, 35, 36 Upajati%vv. 34, 40 Sragdhara.] 1 ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः ॥ प्रोटा त्वेकात्र लंबत्वे सार्द्धद्विशतसंमिताः । गजा दश च
_ विस्तारे सार्द्धकसुगजोदया ॥१॥ प्रोटा द्विती2 या विस्तारे दैये पूर्वसमोदये । सार्द्धद्विगजमानास्ति तु(त)तीयो(यौ)टा तु दैर्ध्यतः ॥२॥
गजत्रिशतमानास्ति विस्तरेत्र गजा दश । उदये 3 सगजद्वंद्वा मंडपत्रयमत्र हि ॥३॥ पोटात्र'यमिदं भाति यावद्गजसुविस्तरं । तावना
मगणं नीरेः(रैः) पूर्ण वितनुते ध्रुवं ॥४॥ मोर्चणा4 ग्रामसीम्नघस्ति तटाकतलघुगिरिः । श्रृंगेस्य मंडपो दृष्ट्या पश्चिमेर्थदमप्पतेः ॥५॥
षट्स्थं (स्तं)भो मंडपोस्त्यत्र गोष्ठी पल्यंक
1 This syllable has apparently not at all been engraved, but the space for it is left blank on the stone.
* Being followed by a conjunct consonant, this syllable is long, while metrically a short one is required in its stead. Therefore better read gajasstatra nav=odayé.
3 This reading is extremely doubtful. • Reud: virachitāyām.
See notes 5 and 6 on p. 43 above. .0th in a Rajasthani word meaning 'adam.'. ? There is a cancelled sign of superscript r over tra.
• The form arthadam. being an adjective of mandapah, ought to be arthadah. The following word is Appali meaning perhaps "Varuna' and not 'ocean'. We may read pabchimd=rthapralorppuses.

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APPENDIX]
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 5 सेवकाः । कुर्वति मंडपास्तत्रत्येकविंशतिमंडपाः ॥६॥ प्रामास्तडागेत्रायाताः सिवाली च
भिंगावदो । भाणो लुहाणो वां6 सोल गुढलीत्यखिला इमे ॥७॥ मोर्चना च पसोंवश्च खेडी छापरखेडिका । तासोल
एषां प्रामाणां सीमा मंडोवर7 स्य च ॥८॥ तडागेत्रागता नद्यो गोमती तालनामयुक् । कैलवास्थनदी सिधौ गंगाद्या
विविशुर्यथा ॥६॥ कां8 करोली लोहाणाख्या सिवालीनां जलाशयाः । निपानवापीकूपाश्च त्रिश(त्रिंश)त्संख्या इहागता
[*] ॥१०॥ सर्वसे
9 तुमितियॆ चतुःषष्ठि (ष्टि)शतानि च । त्रयोदशाप्राणि तथा गजानामपरं वदे ॥११॥
श्रीराजसिंहनुप10 तेरने गजधरैः कृता । गालायोगेन वैयेष्ट सहस्राणि गजावलेः ॥१२॥ विश्वकर्मोक्तवानेवं
11 गानां तु लंबता । कर्तव्या षट्सहस्रोद्यद्गजमानावधिः परा ॥१३॥ तावत्संख्यामितं कोपि
.. तडागं कृत12 वानवा । त्वया सप्तसहस्रोद्यद्गजलंवो(बो) जलाशयः ॥१४॥ सेतुं कृत्वा विरचितो
धर्मसेतुर्धरापते । श्रीरा13 मसेतुप्रतिमः कीत्तिसेतुः प्रभाति ते ॥१५॥ कोष्ठानि द्वादशात्रतदुष्टचा नृणां फलं भवेत् ।
पाठस्य द्वादशस्कं. 14 अयुक्तभागवतस्य सत् ॥१६॥ एकविंशतिसंख्यानि मंडपानि तदीक्षणात् । एकविंशतिदुःखाना
मभावो भविना 15 भवेत् ॥१७॥ चत्वारिंशदयाष्टयुक् समभवन्सेतो महामंडपास्तेष्वादौ व(ब)हुमूल्यवस्त्ररचिताः
सद्दारुसृष्टास्ततः । पाषा16 णैः ससुधाभरविरचिताः केचित्तु तेषु स्थितः स्वाज्ञां कार्यकृते विशन्विजयते श्रीराजसिंहो
नृपः ॥१८॥ वस्त्रकाष्ठाश्म17 सृष्टाष्टचत्वारिंशन्मितेषु हि । मंडपष्ववशिष्टो द्वौ शिलाकल्पितमंउपौ ॥१६॥ तद्दर्शनकराणा
स्याद्धनधान्य18 मखं ध्रवं । इति राजसमुद्रस्य प्राक्ता सर्वा स्थितिर्मया ॥२०॥ श्रीराणोदयसिंहनः
स्थानस्मिन्कृतवान्पुरा । से18 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
19 तुं व(ब) महायन्तं (लं) निःफ(निष्फ)लं तदभूदिह ॥२१॥ ततो जलाशयं चके श्रीमानुबय
सागरं । तत्राकरोत्सेतुवं(बं), संवं(ब)षं घ20 मैपद्धतेः ॥२२॥ अस्मिन्स्थले राजसिंहो राणे द्रो] राजराजवत् । धनव्ययं वितन्वानः सेतुं
चक्रे तदद्भुतं ॥२३॥ सेतोस्तु कर्ता रघुवंशकेतू रामश्च राणोदयसिंहदेवः । श्रीरासिंहो नृपतिस्तथैवमन्यो न - भूतो रिता न 22 नास्ति ॥२४॥ पूर्णे शते सप्तदशे सुवर्षे त्रिंशन्मिते भाड' इहागता द्राक् । वेताल
सूत्तालजवाथ तालना23 म्नी नदी तालगभीरनीरा ॥२५॥ संप्लावितं नीरभरः पुरं द्राक् तथा गृहान्य(प्य)त्र
विनाशितानि । चकार वं(ब), नृ24 पतिस्तदस्या न्यायेन युक्तं भुवि नीचगेयं ॥२६॥ तथात्र वर्षे त्विष प्रागता द्राक्
निशीथकालेभिनवे तडागे 25 श्रीगोमतीधन्यनदीजलं वा व(ब)भूव हस्ताष्टकमात्रमुच्चं ॥२७॥ तक्षितं राणनृपेन(ण) गंगा
स्पर्धाकरीयं भुवि 26 वर्द्धमाना । श्रीगंगया सार्द्धमहो तुलार्थ झपापहाम्धौ(धौ) न्यपतत्तडागे ॥२८॥ शते सप्त
दशेतीते त्रिंशदाख्याब्दमा27 धके । पूर्णिमाया(यां) हिरण्यस्य पलपंचशतैः कृतां ॥२६॥ ददौ सुवर्णपृथिवीं महादान
विधानतः । श्रीरा28 णाराजसिंहाख्यः पृथ्वीनाथो महामनाः ॥३०॥ अष्टाविंशतिसंख्यानि रूप्यमुद्रावलेरिह । सहला29 णि विलग्नानि महादानस्य भूपतेः ॥३१॥ दत्तायां कनकक्षितौ तु भवता विप्रेभ्य
एब(षां) गृहे रुद्रं सि(भि) - 30 मवेक्ष्य भिक्षुकगणो दिग्दंतिनामष्टकं । हिंस्रो ज(ज)तुचयश्च विष्णगई नागवजो वेषसं
भूतौधो म31 घवान(वन्त)मेवमहितो दूरं प्रयाति द्रुतं ॥३२॥ दत्तायां कनकक्षितौ तु भवता विप्रेभ्य
एषां गृहे श्रीराणामणिरा
The word is
1 Bhada appears to be the local term for 'flood' ; Hindi båd from Sanskrit bad to "overflow'. hero used in the feminine gender as it is in Hindi.
* Isha is Asvina. Sandhi is not observed here.

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APPENDIX]
32 सिह सकल (नं दुःखंबः शीतभयं
द्रावृग्रीष्यभयं रजोजन
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
तमोभवमिनाम्मालिन्यज चाप्पते वचं
33 निलाद्रान् दुर्भिक्षजं ॥३३ रत्तायां हेमपुष्य प्रभ (भु)वर भवताराद्दिजेभ्यस्तु सर्व कार्य निखि
37
34 लसुखकृते तद्गृहे राजसिंह जीवी बाबा) पाठी रिपुग
35 णविजये षण्मुखः संमुखोभूत् ॥ ३४॥ पूर्णे शते सप्तदशेब्द एकत्रिंशन्मिते श्रावणशुक्लपक्षे । सुपंचमी
गोविंदो दुग्धदोग्धा पशुपतिरपि वा रक्षक: सत्पशूनां
36 दिव्यदिने तडागे जहाजसंज्ञा विदधुः सुनौकाः ॥३५॥ लाहोर सद्गूर्जरसूर तिस्थाः
वरु
47
38 त्रिंशन्मितेन्दके I स्वजन्मदिवसे हेमपलपंचशतैः कृतं ॥३७॥
विधिनादाच्च श
णस्य मन्ये । स [त्वा ] द्वितीये जलधौ तु सेतुं द्रष्टु (ष्टं) सुहावेन समागतस्य ॥३६॥ शते सप्तदशेतीत एक
सत्सूत्रधारा
विश्वच) महाद (दश) नं
()
39 ऋवत् I भूचक्रे राजसंहोस्ति विश्वचस्य (स्ति) तद्यशः ॥३८॥ दत्ते हाटक विश्वचत्र उचितं विप्रेभ्य ए
40 वां गृहे उप[य]]ति तदर्थका निशि रवि पुत्वा विपुं वा दिने दिनमहि रात्रिरपुना कर्माणि कुर्युः कुतो
41 विप्रा धर्मकृता त्वया कथमथ स्थाप्योत्र धर्मः प्रभोः ॥३६॥ सौवर्ण विश्वचक्रे क्षितिषर भवता दत्त एषां
44 भ्य एषां गृहे दारिद्रधं खलु सर्वयैव विगतं श्रीरामवीर कल्पवृक्षनदचिंतामणिः
1 As regards the meaning of Appati, sce above p. 44, note 8.
* That is Brihaspati.
* Sandhi is not observed here.
42 द्विजेभ्या (भ्यो) गेहेष्वेकत्र वासं विपति विबुधास्तस्थिता वाहनानि देवानां तत्स्थितानि स्फुटमिभवदनो धे
43 नवो राहुरिंदु सूर्यो वा शेष श्राखुः सुरगज इति वा शंभुनंदी विचित्र ॥४०॥ दत्ते हाटक विश्वच उचितं विप्रे
त्वया 1 यल्लक्ष्मीः किल
22

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX 45 कामगौमः स्पर्शमणिः खनिश्च निधयो रलाकरो[यं] ततः ॥४१॥ इति श्रीराजप्रशस्ति
काव्ये द्वाश(ब)शः रा(स)र्गः ॥
Slab XIV ; Canto XIII [Metres : w. 1-4, 6, 8-13, 15-21, 24, 26, 31-35, 37, 38 Upajati'vv. 5, 14 Upendravajra 3 vw 7,25 Indravajra ; v. 22 Vamsasthavila ; vv. 23, 30, 36, 39 Upajäti of Vamsasthavila and Indravam sā; vv. 27-29, 40-42 Anushtubh.]
1 श्रीगणेशाय नमः ॥ एवं प्रतिष्ठाविषियोग्यरूपे कृते तडागे क्रियमाणकायें । उत्साहपूणों
नृपरा[ज*]सिंहो निमंत्रणं 2 पे(प्र)षितवानपेभ्यः ॥१॥ पूर्णादरं दुर्गगि*]णेश्वरेभ्यः स्वगोत्रभूपेभ्य उतापरेभ्यः । प्रयो
यथायोग्यमहो महाश्वान् 3 रास्तथा सारथिवर्ययुक्तान् ॥२॥ शिवोपधानाः । शिविकावलीस्ताः संप्रेषयामास त
सुहस्तिनीश्च । विश्वासयोग्यान्मन4 जान्द्विजादीन्विशषवेत्तानयनाय तेषाम् ॥३॥ कुलकम् । प्रथो विशालेषु महागृहेषु राणामणेः
कार्यकर रैस्तैः । पट्टांव(ब)रा5 णां च पटाव्रजी(जा)नां सुवर्णसूत्रोत्तमवाससा च ॥४॥ अलंकृतानां विलसत्कृतीनां प्रयत्न
नीतातुलरलकानाम् । मनो6 [४] मुक्तावलिपुष्परागप्रवालगारुत्मतहीरकानां(णां) ॥५॥ गोमेदवैडूर्यकनीलकानां रूप्यस्य हेम्न
श्रा(श्च) महासमू7 हः । सुवर्णमुद्रा रजता[च्छ]मुद्रा गिरिर्गुरुश्चित्रसुपात्रसंघः [॥६॥*] कस्तूरिकाशस्तचयो
___ गुरूणां कर्पूरपूरश्च गणोऽगुरू8 णां । काश्मीरजानां निकरः सुगंधद्रव्यस्य नव्यो वि[वि*]धः प्रवं(ब)धः [i७॥*] संस्था
पितः स्थापितपुण्यकीर्तरुपर्युपर्येव धनप्रपूतः 9 (1) sss°धान्याविहट्टाः शिवि(वि)राणि शालाः कृताः पुनस्तैर्विविधा विशाला: ॥८॥ कुलक
॥ अमुष्य वस्तुप्रसरस्य लोकः पू1 After this occurs the sign of avagraha six times repeated, possibly only to fill up the blank space and otherwise meaningless.
. Danda is unnecessary. * This letter was wrongly engraved and is scored off. • This danda appears above the line.
The word paf-arraja perhaps means ' tent'. • The three avagraha signs are superfluous.

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APPENDIX ]
10 वं कदाप्यानयनं न दृष्टं । पृथक्तया तेन वितर्क एष ॥६॥ रघोः सकाशात्किल कौ
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
11 त्सनाम्ना प्रदातुमद्धा गुरुनक्षिणां तां । द्रव्यं सुभव्यं व (ब) हु याचितं तन्निभालितं सद्मनि भूभूता न ॥ १०॥ लब्ध (ग्धं) विजेतुं
12 धनदं प्रतस्थे धनवस्तदेव रात्रौ पनं भूरि रचोन्हीचे संस्थापयामास त[त ] स शीघ्रं । महाभयाद्यः ॥ १२ ( ११ ) ॥ युग्मं । तथा रघोद
13 तमवंशजस्य श्रीराजसिंहस्य वसु प्रदातुं । कृतप्रतिज्ञस्य गृहे कुवेरः संस्थापयामास धनं तु युक्तं ।। १३ ( १२ ) । गोधूमगोत्राश्यणको (की)
15 कास्तु महाइपो वा गुडमंडलस्य । राणाम् ॥१५ (१४) ॥
14 शैलाः सतं (बु)लानां पृथुपर्वताच क्षमाभूतो मुद्गगमस्य तुंगा गोधूमविष्टस्य विशिष्ट शैलाः ॥१४ (१३)। यस्य तु बाप
स् महामही भ्रा धराधराः प्रोज्ज्वलर्क
16 रींद्राः शिलोच्चया १६ (१५) ।। 17 जयंति करैर्नरैर्द्राक् (ग्)
मौक्तिकमोदकानां मुदा कार्य
चेते
ते
नृप नृप
भुतं दृष्टमिहाद्य चित्रम्
घृतौचपक्वान्नमहावि
19 वा जने
49
प्रकल्पितः ताकि (किं) कौर्यः
י
राजा (ज) सिंह राजा (ज) सिंह । पाषाणशैलान्व ( ब ) हवोद्रयस्त (स्ते) ॥१७ (१६ ) ॥ रसे रमी
दुग्धोल्लसन्मोदक भूधराश्च फलावलेर्वीटकतंगसंघाः
18 भिः पटशैवलंश्च रत्नंस्तुरंगैः करिभिश्च गोभिः । युक्तश्च दानाय घृतप्रवाहं राजस्तवायं
नगरः समुद्रः ॥ १८ ( १७ ) ॥ प्र
22 धौ मय (या) ते देया विचार्येति गजाः समागताः सर्वकुटुंबं युक्ताः । -
वासजितः स्वगत्या प्रचंड गणाः सुशुंडाः । रथास्तथा धन्यपूर्ण सं (स)नाथाः संस्थापिता बानकृते नृ
1 This danda appears above the line. Between sai and ra appears a cancelled la. The intended word is perhaps helävukka.
देशे
20 पस्य ॥१२ (१८) । हेलाइ केणापि गजा महतो महामा विंशतिसंख्याताः । श्रानीय राजे विनिवेदितास्तान् -
21 हतवान्सप्तवश सितीश: ॥२० (१९) । तथापरेणापि तथापरेणापि गजद्वयं सानीतमीशेन गृहीतमेतत् । जलाशयोत्सगं वि
स युक्तम् ॥२१ ( २० ) || निमंत्रितास्ते नरनाथसंघाः

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50
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
23 स्तषां करिभिर्वा रथेः पुरें(रे) दुर्गम एव मार्गः मनुजा द्विजातयः प्रचंडविद्याः खल पं24 डितोत्तमाः 1 कवीश्वराणा(i) नि[*]हास्तु ॥२३ (२२) । पुरं तदा मत्यमयं च गोमयं
20
25 स्वनोमयं वापि पावलीमयं । व्रजः ॥ ३४ ( २३ ) ॥ अन्नस्य
26
स्य
भूयः समस्तभोज्यस्य
समानं ॥ ३५ (२४) ।
हि निमंत्रणं (ण) स्य ॥३७ ( २६ ) ॥ श
करेणपूर्ण करिसद्घटामयं बुद्धं महाश्यय ( हंश्चर्य) मयं पका ( क्वा) झगण
29 ते सप्तदशे पूर्ण वर्षे द्वात्रिं (त्रिं)शदाह्वये [|२७|| *] परमारकुलोत्पन्ना श्रीरामरस
चारणाः
समागतेभ्यः । अनंतसंख्येभ्य इहावरेण कृत (तं) प्रदानं प्रभुषा स्वायः पर स्वीयं परं वधि
27 निम (मं) त्रणार्थमश्वादि हस्त्यादि विभूषणा [वि] । वस्त्राद्यमानीतमथो गृहीत्वा योग्यं परावृत्य
ददौ तदन्यत् ॥३६ (२५) |
एवं (ब)
28 ष्वेव दिन (नेषु लोकंनिवेद्यमाने
अन्यत्परावृत्य ददौ वदान्यः
[VOL. XXIX
॥२२ (२१) ॥ तपे ( []) स
सुदिनोऽमंदगुणाः
।
33 नि नय तत्रवेदी तुस्तमिता कृता वा
समाययुः
+
जन
1 माघशुक्ल द्वितीयायां sss राजसिंहस्य भूपतेः
30 दे वधूः ॥ ( 1 ) राजसिंहनृपाज्ञातो वाप्या उत्सर्गमातनोत् ॥ ३६ ( २८ ) | दहबारीघट्टमध्ये लग्ना रजतमुद्रिकाः । चतुर्विंशतिसं
1 This danda is engraved below the line.
Sandhi is not observed here,
● This danda and threo avagraha signs are unnecessary.
वस्तुव्रज ( ं) योग्यमहो गृहीत्वा
31 स्पासाहयमिता दह ॥४० (२२) || संतस्तु सेतो धरणीधरोत्तमो जलाशयोत्सर्गाते हेम्नस्तथा हाट
इ (ई) दृक्सुसंख्यामितकार्यसिद्धा (कार्यसिद्धा) । वदाम्यहं तनवर्ख
32 सप्तसागर त्यागाय वं त्रीणि सुमंडपान्ययं ॥ ४१ (३० ) ॥ कर्तुं समाज्ञापयदत्र राणा श्रीराज सिंहो बुधसूत्रपात् । कृतानि कंडी (डा)
॥४२ (३१) ॥ [भ]प वा (यो)हस्तमानः
34 उ (खंड) युकृ (क्तं) क्षितौ प्रसिद्ध नृपतेः सुनाम्नः ॥४३ (३२) । अस्यासु (स्तु) दृष्टय चतुः पुमर्थप्राप्तिस्तु योग्ये समये नराणां । यशोस्तु वं षोडशसत्कलेंदुप्र35 भं प्रभोर्वेति कृतः प्रकारः ॥४४ ( ३३ ) ॥ स्तंभाः कृताः षोडश वां महांति । कृतानि कर्तुं च कृताः
पो(षी) डशसंमितास्ते दानानि किं प्रतिज्ञालेषा (खा ) हि दि

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
51 36 ग्मि(ग्भि)त्तिषु भूमिभर्ना ॥४५(३४) द्वाराणि चत्वारि कृतानि तेषां संदर्शनान्मुक्तिचतुष्टयं
स्यात् । एतादृशे मंडपराज एवं कृतः सुयूपोपि च [स] 37 अषारः ॥४६ (३५)॥ तुलानिधानस्य च सप्तसागरदानस्य वा मंडपयुग्ममुत्तमं । तुलाक्रमो
भासितमेवमद्भ(तं श्रीराजसिंहेन कृतं 38 मनोहर(र) [*] ४७(३६), [[*] एवं त्रयं मंडितमंडपानां त्वया कृति] हेतुरयं
महींद्र । तापत्रयं दर्शनतोस्य नृणां हत्तुं त्रिनेत्रप्रियतां न(च) लब्धं ॥४८(३७)॥ 39 गते शते सप्तदशे सुवर्षे द्वात्रिंशदाख्ये तपसीनि राज्ञा । पांडौ दशम्यां च शनी
गहा(गृही)तो जलाशयोत्सर्गविषेर्मुहूर्तः ॥ 40 ॥४६(३८)॥ पादौ तु माघ(घे) सितपंचमीतियो महीमहेंद्रण पुरोषसा सह । जलाशयो.
त्सर्गकृतेधिवासन(न) तस्वि41 जां सद्वरं(र)ण(ण) कृतं मुदा ॥५०(३९)॥ होतारौ जापको द्वारपालावेकां श्रुति प्रति
षट् चतुर्विंशतिः संख्या ऋत्विजामिति का42 र्तिता ॥५१(४०)॥ एको ब्रह्मा तथाचार्यः पडिशतिरतोऽखिलाः । तेमी मत्स्यपुराणोक्ता.
स्तत्रप्रोक्तफलप्रदा[:*] ॥५२(४१)॥ 43 चतु]विंशतितत्वा(त्ता)नां पुंसः स्या[ज्ञा(ज्जा)न]मात्मनः । तद्वाघावरणं वीरः डिशतिसवृत्विना
॥[४२॥*] इति त्रयोदशः [सर्गः]
गडा
Slab XV ; Canto XIV [Metres : v. 1, 5, 13-16, 20-23, 25, 27-29, 31-37, 39, 40 Upajati%3 v. 2 Vambasthavila v.3, 6, 8, 9, 17, 26, 38 U pajāti of Vamsasthavila and Indravaṁsā ; vv. 4, 7 Indravajrā; vv. 10, 30 U pêndravajrā ; vv. 11, 12, 24 Anushtubh ; v. 18 Upajūti of Vamsasthavila, Indravajrū and Indravamsa; v. 19 Indravamsa.] 1॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः [*] श्रीपट्टराज्ञा परमारवंश्यश्री इ(इं)द्रभानाभिधरावपुत्रा । प्राक्षा
सदाकुंवरिनामभाजा कृता मुदा रू. 2 प्यतुलाकृते द्राक् ॥१॥ अकारि रात्राविह मंडपं जनरखंडकुंडरभिमंडित जवात् । नणां
__ महाश्चर्यमहोभवत्ततोधिवास(स)
1 The figure 47 is written above the line..
Sandhi is not observed here. • First was written tryo, then the superfluous vowel mark scored off.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XXIX 3 तत्र कृतं विधानतः ॥२॥ गरीव(ब)दासात्यपुरोहितेन के पुत्रप्रयुक्तेन तु हेमरूप्ययोः ।।
कतुं तुलामंउपयुग्मकं कृतं पुरोधि4 साकारि ततोषिवासनम् ॥३॥ राणामणिभी अमरेशसूनो मस्य रक्षस्तु वधूः पवित्रा ।
तोडास्थितेर्भूपतिरायसिंहमाता 5 तुलां रूप्यमयीं विधातुम् ॥४॥ माशापयामास तदेव, सृष्टं राजेंद्रलोकैर्निशि मंडपं सत्
समस्तवस्तुस्फुरितं कृतं वा6 षिवासनं तत्र तयोक्तरीत्या ॥५॥ चोहानवंशोत्तमवेबलापुरस्थितेर्बसूराववरस्य सत्सुतः । स
- रामचंद्रः किल तस्य चात्मजः स 7 केससरीसिंह इति द्वितीयकः ॥६॥ रावो द्वितीयः कृत एष राणाश्रीराजसिंहन
लवरिस्थः । कत्तुं तुला . कप्यमयों 8 विचारं भ्रात्राकरोद्वै स बलदिसिंहः ॥७॥ उवाच रावोथ महान्नहामतिः रावो भवाने व
कृतोसि(स्ति) भूभुजा । तुला करोत्वेव 9 तदा तुलाकृते स केसरीसिंह होचतोभवत् ॥८॥ स केसरीसिंहमहामना मुदा निषाय
वस्तुप्रसरं सविस्तरं । सकुंडस10 मंडलवेदिमंडपं कृत्वाकरोद्दागषिवासनं ततः ॥६॥ सुमंडपं चारणवार्हटोना[सत्केसरीसिंह इतीह
सेतोः । तटेतनोदूप्यतुलां विधातुं तांतिके खाव(दि)रवाटिकायाः ॥१०॥ मात्र शुक्लसप्तम्यां राजसिंहनुपप्रिया ।
रठोडरूपसिंहस्य पुत्री जोवपुरी व्यधात् ॥ 12 ॥११॥ त्रिंशत्सह[स] रजतमुद्रासृष्टां प्रतिष्ठितां । वापिका राजनगरे राजसिंहनुपाज्ञया ॥१२॥
ततो नवम्यां नवदुंदुभीनां नानाविधानां
13 नवकाहलानां । विचित्रवावि(वि)त्रवरखजानां सुरंजिताः सर्वजना निनावः ॥१३॥ ततो
महामंडपमध्य ऊच()स्तंभेषु वेचा विदधे वितानं [*] 14 नृपो महासत्व(स्व)मयः सुयुक्तं रजोनिवृस्यै तविहार्यसु(य)ग्मं ॥१४॥ पट्टांव(ब)राणां रचिताः
... पताका विचित्ररूपाः शुभमंडपस्य । सर्वासु 16 वि[श्वर्ड]महो नृपेण जगज्जयस्येति कुतस्य नूनं ॥१५॥ सुगंषिभिर्माल्यगणः प्रसूनः सत्पल्ल
(ब)वंदनमालिकाभिः । माघेप्यघ
This danda is engraved above the line. .This rd is redundant. Read purodhasa.
Sandhi is not observed here. • This sa is superfluous. Read Kisarisinha.
The sign of visarga is engraved above the line.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
53 16 []वणमंडपेषु (ब)संत एवं प्रविभाति चि(चि)नं ॥१६॥ प्रकल्पितं तत्र च रंगवल्लिभिः
सत्पन्नगर्भ भृतसप्तमंस17 लं । सषोडशारं शुभवृत्तमतं च[*] चतुर्वक्त्रविराजितं पुनः ॥१७॥ समंततो वा
चतुरनमद्भुतं सद्वार18 णं मंडलमंत्रकारणं । श्रीपद्मनाभस्य सुखाय सप्तद्वीपप्रभोः(भोः) षोडशसत्प्रमाणकः ॥१८॥
ज्ञेयस्य भूपेन सु19 वृत्तलम्धये चक्रश्रिये [वा] चतुरास्यतुष्टये । वीरेण सृष्टं (टा) चतुरनवेदिका सवंगवल्लीनि[भ]
रत्नपूर्तये ॥१६॥ 20 राजाधिराजः स्वपुरोहितेन युक्तः समेतो गुरुणा यथाः । यथा वशिष्टे (ठे)न च रामचंद्रो
विराजते मंडपमध्यदेशे
21 ॥२०॥ सहोदराधस्तनयंत्र(श्च) पौत्र नाक्षितीशरपि दुर्गनाथः [*] निमंत्रणायातनरेशसंघ
वि(वि)शोमि(भि)तो देवगणयंत्रः ॥२१[*] 22 महीमहेंद्रो नृपराजसिंहो धर्मकमूर्तिध(धरणीषवेद्यः [*] कृतंकभक्तः प्रथमे दिनेद्य कृतोप
वासो नियमी नवम्यां ॥२२॥
नियमी नवम्यां ॥२२॥ 23 देहस्य शुद्धि प्रविधाय प्रायश्चित्तं च कृत्वातिवि*]चितः । श्रुतिस्मृतिप्रेरितकम
श्रद्धामयो बा(बा)ह्मणमानदानः ॥२३॥ 24 श्रीराजसिंहः कृतवान्प्रायश्चित्तं यदा तदा । प्रायश्चित्तं शुखमस्यातिशुद्धमभव[*] पुनः
॥२४॥ ततो नृपः स्वस्तिसुवाचनं च पुरो25 घस(सा) विप्रवरः समेतः [*] स्वस्तिप्रदं व कृतवान्धरित्र्याः पूजां च पृथ्वीश्वर
भावदायि ॥२५॥ गणेशपूजां पृथिवीश्वरस्कु(स्फरवगणेशता26 प्राप्तिमहासुखप्रदा । श्रीगोत्रदेव्या अपि गोत्रवृद्धिा गोवि(वि)वपूजा बहुगोषनप्रदा ॥२६॥
__ कृत्वा कृतार्थ विलसत्पु27 मथं स्वं मन्यमानः क्षितिपेषु धन्यं । रामो बशिष्ठस्य यथाश्वमेधे चकार पूजा बरणं
____ तयव ॥२७॥ गरीव(ब)दासात्यपुरो28 हितस्य कृत्वा तु पू[4] वरणं परेषां । निजाधिताना(ना)मखिलविजाना सबस्विजा वा
वरणं शुचीनां ॥२८॥ मुदाकरोदत्र तु
1 For details of procedure, see Hemadri's Chaturvargachintamani, Dänakhanda, adhyaya 13 (ladag.adi-pratichihi).
. Read bhava-datrim. 18 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX 29 पीठदानं स्वराज्यपीठाचलभावकारि । प्रारबम्मपापाधिकधावनार्य श्रीविप्रपंक्तेः पदपावनं वा
[*] कलापकं ॥२६॥ प्ररोच30 नाकुन्जगतो हि धर्म सुरोचनाभिस्तिलकं विजाना । वियोऽशतत्वाय समता(त) प्रसून
पूजामपि स(सू)नदात्रीं ॥३०[*] कृत्वार्क31 भावं मधुपर्कदानं कुसंभसूत्रं धृतधर्मसूत्रं । माकल्पकीर्तिस्थितये वनल्पं स(सं)कल्पना(नी)
प्रददौ द्विजेभ्यः ॥३१॥ अनर्थ्य32 ताकारकमयंदानं कृत्वा बदौ वा विजपुंगवेभ्यः । सुदक्षिणाः संगरकर्मधर्मत्यागेषु वा
दक्षिणभावदात्रीः ॥३२॥ 33 गरीबदासाल्यपुरोहितस्य पुत्रप्रयुक्तस्य महानायां । वासःसमूहं शुभवासनावं ताभ्यां बदौ . भूपतिराजसिंहः ॥३३॥ मुक्ता34 मणिभ्राजितकुंडले च श्रीमंडलाप्त्यं मणिमुद्रिकाश्च । स्वका(की)वमुद्राचलनाय बंबूद्वीपेखिले.
स्वोत्कटक(का)गदाढचं ॥३४॥ प्राप्तुं सरला35 कटकांगदांश्च यज्ञोपवीतानि सुवर्णवंति । जलाशयोत्सर्गसुयशसिखा (ख) बदौ नरेंद्रोनतराज
सिंहः] ॥३५॥ युग्मं ॥ नानाविधाम्यानर36 णानि नूनं स्वस्य नितीशाभरणत्वसिर । जलाशयोत्सर्गविधिप्रसिद्धी जलाछ(च्छ)पात्र(बा)
णि सुवर्गवति ॥३६॥ श्रीभोज[कर्णा]पिकवानजात37 पुण्याप्तये भोजनपात्रपंक्तिं । निवेध पूज्यं तमपूजयत्सत्पुत्रप्रयुक्तं स्वपुरोहितं सः ॥३७॥
युग्मं । ततो परेभ्यश्च सुवर्णभूषण38 संघान्सुवर्णस्थितये तदालये बदन्महींद्रो मणिमुद्रिकागणास्थित्यै मणीनां च तदीयम(म)विरे
॥३८॥ सुरूपल्प्योत्तमपात्र39 पंक्तिं रुप्यातिपूत्यै च तवालयेषु [*] वासःसमूहानतिनूतनश्चि मनस्सु तेषां सुखवाससृष्ट
॥३६॥ एवं स सर्वार्चनमत्र - 40 त्वा नानानूपरर्चितपादप[प] । सुभाग्यमानं कृतकार्यवयं स्वं मन्यमानोत्र विभाति वीर:
॥४०॥ कुलकं ॥ इति श्रीचतुर्वशसर्ग[:] १४[*]
Slab XVI; Canto XV [Metres : vv. 1-4, 7, 9-11, 13-21, 24, 26, 27, 28, 37 Upajati'; vv. 5, 6, 22, 23, 26, 29, 30, 32-34, 36,38,39Upajati of Vamsasthavila and Indravamsa%; vv.8,31, 35 Vamsasthavila, v. 12 Indravajrā.] 1 ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः । ततः स बावित्रविवि(चि)बनावं कुरंगवेगोच्चतु ग*]संगं । (उ)
तुंगमातंगघटासमेतं नानाजनस्तोमThe figure 29 should precede the word kalapakam. · Sankalpa-ntra in the same as haal-Adaka, libation of water' with which a gift is mado. • Those marks aro engraved to fill up the space.

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APPENDIX]
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 2 समाकुलं ॥१॥ बलत्पताकावलिशोभिता संस्थाप्य विप्रान्स्फरवृत्विजश्च । अलंकृतानस्य
गजावलीनां स्कंधप्रदेशे3 ' सुबंधुरेषु ॥२॥ ताम्लो(तल्लो)कपालानिव भूरिभूषान्पश्यामवश्यं वशक्षितीशः । अग्रेसर
स्तान्प्रविषाय सर्वान्विचि4 प्रवादिषरानरा(रा)श्च ॥३॥ प्रखंड सौभाग्यभृतोतिभव्या नारीविचित्राभरणाश्च नव्याः ।
जलाहृतिप्रोढतधन्यकुंभाः कु.
6 त्वा पुरस्ताज्जिता(त)दिव्यरंभाः ॥४॥ धीरं पुरस्कृत्य पुरोहितं मलयात्रा विचित्र रुतवास
रेश्वरः । युधिष्ठिरस्यापि च रा6 जसूयके शो शोभा न बताता वृशरीतिरीरिता ॥५॥ कुलकं [*] प्रोक्तं जनलोकवृतोय
मुखतो जलार्थमर्थोप्यपरोस्ति तं वबे । दाना7 पत(छ)त्रगलत्सुहाटकाहं प्रसन्नादरुणीकरिष्यति ॥६॥ तपात्र कृत्वा वरुणस्य पूजां विधान
पूर्व सकलांगयुक्तं (1) माना-. 8 म्य नीर कलशेषु कृत्वा नारी: पुरः सस्कलशाः कलोक्तीः ॥७॥ महामहोत्साहमया
स्फुरज्जयो लसहयः स्पष्टनयः सविस्मयः [0] वि. 9 जावलीमंडितमंडपे शुभेऽभवत्प(स्त्र)विष्ये (श्ये)तिविशिष्टतुष्टिमान् ॥८॥ संस्थाप्य वेद्या कलशान्
[प्र(म)]लाढयान्वस्त्रावृतान्दिा चतुर्मि10 तासु । मध्ये] जग[व]यमुखो मलेस्मिन्विराजते भूपतिराजसिंहः ॥॥ चतुषु कोणेषु
. सुमंडपस्याकरोभूपः स्थापितदेव11 पूजाम् । सवास्तुपूजां शुभवस्तुपूी बेदी स · वेदीस्थितदेवतानां ॥१०॥ नवग्रहांस्तानषि
देवताश्च सं[स्थापयन्त्रत्यधिदेवताश्च । न. 12 ' वग्रहं सामहमेष शषियः प्रियोऽश्या प्रकरिष्यतीशः ॥११॥ सस्थापयन्सस्कलशं च रोई
प्रसन्नं क्षितिपोक13 रोहाए । रौद्रं भयं शत्रुकृतं न बेशे स्यादस्य मनं भवतात्सुदेशे ॥१२॥ ततो महा
मंडपमध्यदेशे विप्रैः समेतो विलसत्पु
These marks are engraved to fill up the space. • This danda is engraved above the line.
This 65 is superfluous. Read sõbha. • This ta is superfluoge. Read ch=ailadriba.
Those da das are engraved above the line.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX 14 रोषाः । पराधबो जागरणं वितन्यन्वेदोक्तकार्य(य) कृतवान्समस्तं ॥१३॥ ततो निशा
प्रविधाय नित्यं स्नानादि राणाम16 गिराजसिंहः । जातः प्रविष्टः शुभमंडपे वै सहोदराबींश्च तदा कुमारान् ॥१४॥ पत्नीः
समस्ताश्च पितृव्यजायाः स्न16 ब(वा)श्च वंशोद्भवसर्वपुत्रीः । पुरोधसां धन्यवभूर्नुपाणां वधूः समाहूय मुदोपव(वे)श्य ॥१५॥
सुकर्मणोस्याद्भुतदर्शनार्थ(५) 17 श्रीपट्टराज्ञीसहितो हिताढपः । कृत्वा मुदा श्रीवरुणस्य पूजां समस्तदेवातुलपूजनं च
॥१६॥ रत्नाकरं कर्तुमिह द्वितीयं 18 तडागमेनं 'नवरत्नराजिं । निक्षिप्तवान्मध्य इहास्य शस्यं मत्स्यं पुनः कछ(च्छ)पमछ(च्छ)मेव
॥१७॥ श्रेयस्कर वा मकरं ततोत्र नि19 घि[४]यं स्थापितमेव मन्ये । स(ते)नात्र सर्वे निषयो जवेन समागमिष्यति ततो जलस्य
॥१८॥ नूनं समृद्धिर्भविता सदास्मि20 समुद्रूपत्वमयास्य भावि । मयास्य - राजसमुद्रनामोत्पत्तौ तु हेतुः कथितोयमेवा(ब)
॥१९॥ लिप्तानि रत्नान्यपरे समुः । 21 त्वया तडागेत्र नृपेंद्र जातं । रत्ना[करत्वं] स्वयं बारवाग्निसिद्धिं कुरु स्य(स्या)
दिति पुग्यपूर्तिः [॥*] २० [॥*] गोः पूजनं वत्सयुजो विधानपूर्व(वं) नृपाल: - 22 तवान्कृतींद्रः । हिंकृण्वती गां प्रसमीक्ष्य भूपः पुरोहितं प्रत्यवदत्किमेतत् ॥२१॥ शुभं
भवेत्प्रत्यवदत्पुरोहिता(तो) वेदोक्तमेतत् 223 [कुनं यतः प्रभो ।' गोतारणारंभणमातनोत्पुनः सत्वि(वि)क्सहायो घ[र]णीपुरंदरः
॥२२॥ तटागमध्ये कृतवान्सुलेन गोतार24 गार(रं)भमहो महींद्रः [*] गोशम्बमात्रस्य तु ये सदस्तिनामतुल्यार्थककर्मलम्ध्ये ॥२३॥
(अ)वे तदर्थान्भुवि नाकसौल्यलाभा25 य युरे शरसत्यतार्थ [*] गवां , लाभाय सुवागवाप्ता करस्थवत्रेण रिपुक्षयाय ॥२४॥
दिल स्फुरत्कीर्तिकृते जनालीने26 नातितोषाय विभाप्तये च । समस्तभूराज्यकृते नृपस्य ।' तडागनीरस्य तु पूर्णतार्थ ॥२५॥
लक्ष्येष्टलाभाय च दृष्टितुष्ठये This na is written above the line.. * The portion within the square brackets is written below the line, two arrow-beads marking the place for insertion.
* This danda is engraved above the line. • This danda is unnecessary.

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RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
IV-SLAB XVI
2
HITIJ S in -नाक
जमुनानासमेतंजीमा जान रोग 071 यता नदिमानहाना नाम जाना था। 2011- IATICA मिलान) - 26राजदाता राजा
की जय REFER रा॥३॥57 रोना नोतिन द्यानाशावादत्रासाचनमाजलाहापना की। --दिपना ।।जीरं राज्य परुितंजलछा नावाचा नवाजर खाया दुरनमारियन
के रि
ल त लजाजरको रसदा तीजलार्थमाया दादाजा। लागलारप्रसाकितानजामसपासका स्यपूजाविधानपूचना कलागलुकामाता MER लाराम 201
7 शाहमव्याकुरलयोन सहनावासमाद meaniनिमार 57 miaNEरिजाल र नन नया ववदा कल शासनादाचा नावावर
खोज राजोतिरादिरामाशातर कामासु उर रमाकराइनलारशाक्तिक TIसवादि । महाराजसाहायता संरक्षापयन्मन्दारका जान
साग STEPायो) नियातीसारमा राताल संचरादरवाज्ञात ANGRलडारवादन-
रातारपण यादवारको ताविलाल RBERGRAPायक तवाया शातता नामाववाच्यानि त्यस्नानादिरामा FDIहाजातः प्रविय: सदराबादमा शशारापटाएसम्पदत्ता प्रक्रियजापान Gट दाव नपाया । पानी न ममाहामुकामपश्थापनाकमगारचा कारक करावा जान ADIVASI
तगरतदया.तुलनाराका तानमनमकता मतदान न बन जान कर राशर जननासमभवारा छावरंबानकरततो HERधारित की नमाजजियानतला माल लारामावताराहारमा सजनमा - al
HE) इमामबालकविता का दावानिरवानासन यादाग -ITFIRED
लिक सस्परिनपानकाननमसजावधान वनमाला तवाहिकावतीगापुर मपरारितंजावदनि मन चाहनिल यह पुरोहितावहतनेतर
व नयनपताजा तारजालोर.विकसहायोपशी पूरसारशाहाजमध्यकामाखनजकार कारनहानगो दरमा वस नया नरदयसिवाल तुल्याद कि कल यातचीला बना वाली राजलालाब पुनरारसा नायमच सवा चा निधार मानकापासारारन फरकानजतालाना तित वायविनापयाचा लग्न जलवा नवागतारयल ताशापाल टलानायचदीमाटो लायतीसहारनहाने.सदा-विग्यारे दामालापटाकताह तार एकर शमदारागोनारगका मकनाडागाउनासाट नाननवाजा यकृतजनहादार राहतप्रत्यय राजारामारासदावहान
साह नाटविद्यावती न वै योना प्राधा मानकाजाम काटारमानाना पाया SEAधरेया ननिकालिराजमा गरजासतमानकानजनतामवारगाइ मवानवा नाना परसद र सनदशामिति नामावतारकामावलिदान । मग दो सर्वदमनंटरममा विविध गन टनरचा रदय जालनामा मनशाना तानसा सामनायूएगावाजवता कारसदाना तथा मचानकडानतवरन या रात्रीगदीपावनजमानापजाज्वलरूवाहितानानइलमा
सकल नदीवाना बना निजनताबमजचिमान्य पाण-पतरंजसुरतये नमः नीता ननिसिविान स || BER हातातेवच घूमनारनटार कूतेतुमा लिना मदनदान वतन संक मालिका हरिमरिच तस्य नोक पर पापयतमात्रलायन तकलिननंतनात्यतया ताबका शनिवार कासगंधवा हाकलाप सही संकल्पना रामदापूधारपाततःकतायासमरसमज बाप रामकोलान तो दराजलन दजटलपाखनकलाचसिम्वादास्पंदितीपर्वमहानव शलानत पर के काजले सामान निनित नागजित पते परमागम ३ न राय नम यावालरजनोजवासायनितोवार नपाको शादकतानसतजन करतोष्टलकाता। शरण्इंद्रपति श्रीराजा इनपज दोन कन्ध राजवरवादास रामगोलाबार जमा
B. CH, CHHABRA REG. No.3977E'38-499'53
SCALE: ONE-FIFTH
SURVEY OY INDIA, CALCUTTA

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No. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I B7 43 jabhiḥ Sagar-ā[di*]bhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yada bhūmis-tasya tasya tada phala[m](lam) || [15*]
Bhimin yaḥ pratigrihņāti yas-cha bhūmi[m*) prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmānau
niyatan svarga-gāmi44 nau || [16*] Gām=ēkā svarnnam=ēkañ=cha bhūmēr=apy=arddham=angulam(lam) haran
narakam=āyati yāvad=āhu(hū)ta-sanplavam || [17] Shash[t]i-va[r]sha-sahasrāņi svafr]g8
mödati bhūmidaḥ akehēptă ch=anu15 mantă chn täny=ēva narnkē vesēt || [18*] Sva-dattam paradattat va yo harē[ta*] vasundharām
sa visā (shțbā)yā[m*) krimi[r]=bhūt[v]ā pitfibhiḥ saha pachyata ! (19*] Sarvan=ētāne
bhāvinaḥ pā[r]thivēndrā[n*] 46 bhūyo bhūyaḥ prā[r]thayaty=ēsha Rāmaḥ samānyo=yan=dha[r]ma-sētu[r]=nfipāņā[mn]
kūlē kālē pālanīyaḥ krąmēna || [20*] Iti kamala-dal-īmvu(mbu)-vindu-lõlā[ın*] Sriyam=
anuchintya manushya47 jivitañ=cha | sakalam=idam=udūhritañ=cha vu(bu)ddhyä(ddhvā) nahi purushaiḥ para-kirttayo
vilõpyā iti Srīmān Vigrahapalah kahitipatir-akarot sva-dzhajanmā48 nam(nam ) sa-sri-Prahasitarājam mantriņam=iba sāsnné dūtam(tam) ! [22*] i Poshali
TĀMA-niryĀta-sriman-Hridēva -gu(sü)nuna ida[un] susanamuutkinna[m] sri-Sasidēvēna'
silpi49 nå || [23] || Krõdāñchān=niriyāya Kachchha iti yaḥ sad-Vä(d-Bră)hmaṇānām sthitistasmād=
Göhanako dvij-ottama-griham'-vibrāma-bhūr=yajvanám(nam) asmad=Iddhahal=ēti
yatra Viva50 dau(do) Yogēévaro yat-sutaḥ khyātas-Tunga ito=pi nirmmala-yaśā Ghartīša-nām=ātmajaḥ
[l| 24*) Yo Gaud-adhipatēr-asima-guna-bhủ rājño vidhēyo disām=bhūpālēshu vidhãyn 61 maitryam-asamam sant[u]shta-chitt-achitaḥ [*] kritvā sāsanatma(m=?)tad=ātma-dbha(ha)
lataḥ kām=apy=&vanya(ndhya)-sthitim viếrāmāya cha dina-duḥkhita-janasy=ābhīd=ihaiv=āára[ma*]m || [25*1
No. 8-KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I
(2 Plates)
N. VENKATARAMANAYYA, MADRAS
The set of copper-plates which is edited below was discovered at Kalidimdi, & village in the Kaikalur taluk of the Krishna District, by a farmer while digging for earth in 1938. It was handed over to me by the late Sri G. Ramabrahmam Chaudary, the editor of the Prajāmitra, who had obtained it from the discoverer, for decipherment and publication. The set consists of five copper-plates of which the last is a broken fragment. The copper-plates measure
1 Better read vilopyak 1 (21) iti |
The danda is superfluous. • There is a small vacant space between the two double dandas.
Read arimad-Hridēva. As already noticed, the Amgachhf plate has the same verse reading, however, in the corresponding passage, Mahfdharadeva'. If the reading intended in our record is éri-Mahidevao, it may be suggosted that this Mahideva is the same as Mahdharadēvs of the Amgaobhl plate.
. Read either Sri-Sasidėva-filpina or Sašidēvēna bilpind to suit the metro. • There is a floral design between the double dandas. Read grihan vi Originally jiah was incised. . This is C. P. No. 5 of the An. Rep. 8. I. R. for the year 1937-38. 18 DGA/52

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[Vol. XXIX 6' by 10" sach, while the length of the broken portion of the fifth plate varies from 2 to 31". They are all strung on a circular ring about t" in thickness and 5" in diameter, the ends of which are soldered into the bottom of a circular seal about 3" in diameter with the rim raised all round. The set of plates with the ring weighs 292 tolas ; and the plates alone weigh 200 tolas. The ring had been cut before the plates came to my hands.
The seal : This is a very fine specimen of the seal of the Eastern Chāļukya kings. The surface of the seal is countersunk on either side. The base of the seal is moulded into the shape of a four-petalled flower. On the upper face, it bears the legend Sri-Tribhuvanūkusaṁ in relief across the middle. Above the legend are represented in relief the crest of the Eastern Chāļukya royal family, viz., the boar in a running posture facing the proper left, and other symbols of royalty : the elephant goad, the damaru or the double drum, the sarkha or the conch shell, two chaurīs or flywhisks and the royal parasol. The figures of the crescent moon and the sun are found at the top. Below the legend are seen three objects, a four-legged stool in the proper right, a four-petalled flower in the centre, and a lotus bud with a stalk in the proper left.
The alphabet is. old Telugu, commonly met with in the inscriptions of the period to which the record belongs. The first side of the first plate and the second side of the fifth plate are left blank; the other plates are written on both the sides. A peculiarity which is common to the copperplate.charters of Rājarāja I, the donor of the present grant, may be noticed here. Including the present grant there are three sets of copper-plate records of the king that have come to light so far; and they are all partially palimpsesta.
Of the present grant the latter part is a palimpsest. Beginning with line 75 (10th line on the second side of the third plate), traces of earlier writing are distinctly visible up to the very end of the inscription, but the characters have been so thoroughly beaten in that it is almost impossible to make out any letter. The reasons which prompted the adherence to this practice by the secretariat of Rājarāja I are not quite obvious. The first two plates have perhaps been engraved by a different hand; but the form of the characters throughout the inscription is so much alike that it is not possible to lay any emphasis on this point. "
The language of the inscription is throughout Sanskrit, both verse and prose, 41 stanzas in different metres and 8 prose passages of varying length interspersed among them. However, a few Telugu words have crept into the text of the inscription, while describing the topography of the village granted, e.g., line 75, Pallapu-Gudravära-vishayam ; lines 108-9, Tämarakolani-Krovvindlētam-basina-Tallikroyya-nāma nadi. Several errors, mostly scribal, are found in the text and they have been noticed in the footnotes. The date of the record is either not given or lost in the missing portion. If the date were given,' as in the Nandampūndi grant of the same king, at the end of the record, it must have been lost with the major part of the fifth plate.
The text of the genealogy including the prasasti embodied in the inscription under consideration presents close textual affinities, with slight variations here and there with the other Chalukya cburters of the period especially the Körumelli plates and the Nandampūndi grant of Räjarāja I himself and the Ranastipūndi grants of his father, Vimaladitya.
1 The Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, kindly furnished me, at my request, with the necessary details pertaining to the measurement, weight, etc., of the plates.
| Tho Saperintendent for Epigraphy believes that the Kalidindi Plates were issued shortly after the king's (Rajaraju's) AGOosion in Boks 944 (A. D. 1022). Seo An. Rep. on 8. I. R., 1937-38, partii, para 14,
* Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 48 ff. and plates. Above: Vol. IV, pp. 300 ft. Jhid., Vol. VI, pp. 347 ff. and plates.

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No. 8]
KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I
The text of the present inscription falls into four divisions: I. the genealogical account of the Eastern Chalukyas up to Rajaraja I; II. the narration of the circumstances in which the grant was made; III. the description of the boundaries of the village which is the subject of the present grant, and IV. the imprecatory verses together perhaps with the names of the author of the prasasti and the scribe.
59
I. This part further divides itself into two sub-sections :-(a) legendary, and (b) historical. (a) The legendary genealogy opens with Narayana, Brahma, Atri, Chandra, etc., and proceeds without a break up to Udayana, the son of Satanika. Then comes a hiatus which the composer of the genealogy bridges up with fifty-nine nameless kings who are said to have ruled at Ayodhya. The sixtieth, Vijayaditya by name, migrated to Dakshinapatha, where, in an encounter with Trilochana-Pallava, he perished. His posthumous son, Vishnuvardhana, however, restored the fortunes of his family and established his authority over the country between the Narmada and the Sētu.
The first point that has to be considered here is the origin of the legendary genealogy. No traces of it are to be found in the numerous records of the Eastern Chalukya monarchs till we come to the time of Vimaladitya's accession. Certain features of this legendary genealogy are found in some contemporary records of the Western Chalukya kings of Kalyani.' The reign of Vimaladitya marks an important stage in the development of the prasasti of the Eastern Chalukya kings. The records of the early monarchs of the dynasty from Kubja-Vishnuvardhana to GunagaVijayaditya III embody, with some small variations, the prasasti found in the inscriptions of the Bādāmi Chalukyas, and mention generally the immediate ancestors of the donor without giving any particulars about them. With the accession of Gunaga-Vijayaditya III there sets in a change; while the preamble retains its original form, the part relating to the donor and his parentage undergoes a change. The names of his immediate ancestors yield place to an elaborate list of all the past kings of the dynasty, in which are set forth the most notable of their achievements, the order of their succession and the exact duration of their reigns. With the passing of each generation, the list increases in length and the prasasti is soon transformed into a family chronicle. This form was adhered to for a long time; and no further change is perceptible in the charters of the subsequent period until the accession of Vimaladitya, when, as pointed out already, a further change was introduced in the form of a long Puranic or mythical pedigree in place of the short preamble embodying their lineage and götra. The circumstances under which this change was introduced are not known. It is not, however, unlikely that it was due to the Chōla influence on the Eastern Chalukya kings since the restoration to power of the main line in 999-1000 A. C. The latter had political as well as matrimonial relations with the Chōlas.
Another point that deserves consideration is the historicity of Vijayaditya, the ancestor from whom the Chalukyas are said to have descended in the later Eastern Chalukya records. It is believed by some scholars that this Vijayaditya was a contemporary of Trilochana-Pallava and Karikala-Chōļa; but the evidence on which the belief is based is quite late and untrustworthy. The Chalukyas of Badami, the parent stock from which the other families branched off, do not refer to Vijayāditya as the progenitor of their race. They trace, on the contrary, their origin to Jayasimhavallabha of whom very little is known. Similarly the Chalukyas of Kalyāņi make no mention of Vijayaditya in this context. The Kauṭhem grant, no doubt, mentions Vijayaditya, not, however, as the founder of the family, but as one of the two additional names or epithets
1 The Kautham grant of Vikramaditya V, dated 1009 A. C. mentions for instance the rule of fifty-nine nameless kings at Ayodhya and the subsequent migration of the family to Dakshinapatha (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 23).
The present writer who had subscribed to this view formerly finds it untenable on further investigation. See K. A. Nilakanta Sastri: Cola Studier, pp. 57-61.
12

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[VOL. XXIX
ospecially peculiar to the Chalukyas, the other name being Vishnuvardhana. And oven among the Eastern Chalukyas the name of Vijayāditya as the founder of the dynasty was altogether unknown until the time of Vimaladitya. In view of these facts, it is not possible to accept Vijayāditya as a historical person and regard him as the founder of the Chāļukya family.
(6) The historical section of the genealogy constitutes a family chronicle in which are embodied the most outstanding events of the Eastern Chāļukya history. The history of the Eastern Chalukyas is traced from Kubja-Vishnuvardhana to Rajaraja I. It is practically indentical with similar accounts found elsewhere. There is, however, & small variation with regard to a minor detail which may be noted here. In this as well as in the Körumelli grant, in the description of the succession of early kings from Kubja-Vishņuvardhana and Jayasimha, we have tad-anuj-Endrarūja-nandanas=sapta dināni (line 33)* instead of the usual tad-anuj-Endrarājas=sapta dināni.
The genealogical account, as embodied in the present charter, discloses certain facts about Räjarāja's reign, unknown from other sources. It refers, no doubt, like the Körumelli and the Nandampūndi grants to Vimalāditya's marriage with Kundavvai and the birth of a son to them called Rajaraja as well as the coronation of the latter in Saka 944 (expired) on Thursday, ba. di. 2, Uttaräbhädra, when the sun was in the sign of the lion (lines 50-51, 63-55). The new information found is that Rājarāja, when still a boy, was invested with the necklace (kanthikā), the insignia of the office of yuvarāja (lines 52-53); and that his uncle, the Chola emperor Rajendra-Choda Madhurāntaka, having heard of his great qualities, bestowed on him with affection the hand of his daughter, the princess Ammanga, who became his chief queen (lines 62-64). In this connection occurs an elaborate description of the greatness of the Chola emperor, his supremacy over the kings on the earth, and the extent of the dominion subject to his authority (lines 56-62). The stanzas beginning with the words, Ekasy-äsid api sa Himavän and Sa-dvipäri chatur-amburasi-parikhāṁ (lines 58-62), probably allude to Räjëndra-Chēļa's Gangetic expedition and his transmarine conquests respectively.
Thus, four important events of Rājarāja's life are mentioned here : (i) his birth, (ii) investiture as yuvarāja, (iii) coronation, and (iv) marriage.
(i) The date of his birth is not known. (ii) The investiture of Rājarāja as yuvarāja must have taken place duly without any obstacle.
(iii) His coronation, however, does not seem to have been performed without obstruction. For the date of this event which is stated to have taken place according to the present inscription in Saka 944, Bhadrapada, ba. di. 2, Guruvära, corresponding to 16th August, 1022 A.C.,' is nearly four years later than the last date, i.e., 1018 A.C., August, of his father and predecessor Vimaladitya. This reveals a gap of four years in the Eastern Chāļukya chronology between the close of Vimalāditya's reign and the coronation of Rājarāja I, and the events of this interval are by no means clear. Several scholars who have attempted to bridge up the gap have been at great pains to
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 21. Samastabhuvanaśraya-Saruralökābraya-Vishnuvardhana.Vijayadity-ddi-vibishanánari -ja-ratndnamudbhava-bhūmil. It may be noted that these two names are alternately assumed by the Eastern Chalukya kings and it may be suggested that these names were assumed at the time of coronation.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 52, 1. 37.
* The data is corroborated by his Körumelli and the Nandampūndi grants; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 53 ; abova, Vol. IV, p. 307.
Above, Vol. VI, pp. 358, 361. According to the Rapastipandi grant, Vimaladitya, the father of Räjarāja I, was crowned on 10th May, 1011 A.C., and as this insciption is dated in the Simha month of his 8th regnal year, corresponding to August, 2018 A.C., he must have been ruling until this date. How long his rule lasted subsequent to this date it is difficult to discover ; but since in all the records of his successors a period of seven years (reckoned in round numbers) is invariably assigned to his reign, he must have died before the end of his 8th regnal year.

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No. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I 61 extend the reign of Vimalāditya up to the date of the coronation of Rājarāja, taking it for granted that Rājarāja's accession to the throne did not take place earlier than the actual date of his coronation as recorded in his grante.
However, there is good reason to believe that the reign of Rajaraja I began a few years earlier than the date of his coronation in 1022 A. C. Saktivarman II, the nephew and immediate Successor of Rājarāja I, ascended the throne of Vēngi on Thursday, 18th October 1061 A. C.1 Rājarāja is said to have ruled, according to the charters of his descendants, for a period of 41 years and this is corroborated by an inscription dated in his 41st regnal year. This yields 18th October, 1020 as the starting point of his reign. The following inscriptions of Rājarāja I, which give both the regnal and the Saka years, point to the same date.
Ins. No
Date
183 of 1893 (8.1.1., Vol. IV, No. 1008)
663 of 1920 671 of 1920
Saka 969-regnal year 26 Saka 980—regnal year 37 Saka 988-regnal year 41
Starting point
$. 943 $. 943
Š. 942
These records seem to suggest two different starting points for the reign of Rājarāja. The apparent discrepancy has perhaps to be attributed to the practice of quoting the Saka dates, either in the expired or in the current year, rather than to any fault in the chronological data given in these records. Of the three, the last one is surely dated in Saka 983 expired, as shown by the cyclic year Plava corresponding to it. The dates of the other two are not capable of verification, as the corresponding cyclio years are not given. If, however, the Saka year cited in them be taken to be current, all these three dates would yield Saka 942 (expired) as the starting point of the reign of Rajarāja I and this is in agreement with the evidence of the Telugu Academy plates of Sakti - varman II which terminate Rājarāja's reign with Saka 983. There is, however, one inscription which gives a different and an earlier date as the starting point. In the Pāmulaväka plates of Vijayāditya VII, it is said that after Mummadi-Bhima (i.e., Vimalāditya), his son Räjarāja ruled for a period of twelve years; then, Vijayāditya, Mummadi-Bhima's second son by a different mother, expelled Rajaraja, and having seized the kindgom crowned himself king on Aditisutadina, śu. di. 5, Karkataka, Kanya, Sūryyabha(Uttara-Phalguni or Pūrva-Phalguni) in the Saka year 952, corresponding to Sunday, 27th June 1031 A. C. If Rajaraja I, as stated in this inscrip
1 JAHRS, Vol. V, p. 40. * No. 671 of 1920 of the Mad. Epi. Coll.
JAHRS, Vol. V, p. 44.
• JAHRS, Vol. II, p. 284. According to the calculation of Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao, the date of Vijayiditya's coronation given in the record corresponds to Thursday, 9th July, 1030 A.C. (JAHRS, Vol. V, p. 88); but he does not explain how Aditinuladina can be taken to denote Thursday and how the nakahatra denotes Hasta. The date has been calculated afresh, at my request, by Mr. K. G. Sankar of the Imperial Library, Caloutta, and the details of his caloulation as communioated to me in a letter dated 11.11.1941 are given below:
Sake drig-ishu-nidhi-mité = 8. 952 = 1030-31 A. C. Karkige Karkas-atsau = Sun in Karka (June-July). buddha-panchami = $u. 8. Aditisuta dina = Sunday. Soryyabhë - Uttara Phalgunl (Aryamans) or Parva-Phalgunt (Bhaga).
Kanya-lagne = Kanya-lagna = 10 A.M. to 12 noon. These details correspond regularly to Sunday, 27th June, 1031 A.C.; on that day. Au. 8 ended-at.87 of the day and Uttara-Phalgunt began at .48 of the day after the Pärva-Phalgunt ended. At 10-12 A.M. tho tithi and the naleshatra current were bukla and Pärva-Phalgunl..

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62
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX tion, did rule actually for 12 years before Vijayāditya's coronation in June 1031 A. C., he must have begun to reign in June 1019 A. C. As Vimalāditya was still ruling at the time of the Rapastipündi grant in August 1018 A, C., Rajaraja I appears to have succeeded his father almost im mediately. As the available evidence regarding the exact starting point of Rājarāja's reign gives two different dates, viz., 1019 and 1020 A. C., it can be safely stated that his rule must have commenced some years before the date of his coronation which took place, as stated in his own records including the present one, on the 16th August, 1022 A. C.
If Rajarāja began to rule either in 1019 or in 1020 A. C., as shown above, there must have been some cause for the postponement of his coronation until 1022 A. C. Although no such reason is disclosed by the Eastern Chalukya records, the contemporary Chola inscriptions distinctly indicate the existence of political disturbance in Vēngi at this time."
(iv) The last point of interest to be noted in this section is the marriage of Rājarāja I with Ammangā (lines 64-65), the daughter of his maternal uncle, Rajendra Choladēva, & fact known hitherto only from the records of his descendants. The marriage was not merely the renewal of an old alliance between the Chola and Eastern Chāļukya royal families. It was also intended to serve a political purpose. Rājēndra-Chõļa aimed at providing a permanent bond by which Vēngi might be attached to his kingdom ; therefore, he bestowed the hand of his daughter Ammangā on his nephew.
II. The most important part of the present inscription is the passage which narrates the circumstances in which the gift was made. It states (lines 77-85) that the general Rajaraju BrahmaMahäräja rose to eminence by the grace of the king Rajendra-Chola Madhurantaka and guarded his kingdom like a serpent protecting hidden treasure. No sooner did he receive the orders of his sovereign than he marched into the Andhra country at the head of a vast army, accompanied by two other generals, Uttama-Choda Chodakon and Uttama-Chola Miladudaiyán. The three Tamil.commanders, who were like the three fires bent upon the destruction of the forest which was the Karnāta army, became engaged in a fierce battle with the commanders of the king of Karnata. The battle between the two armies is described vividly (lines 85-93). The engagement, however, seems to have ended indecisively or at any rate not in a victory for the Chöļa foroes ; for it is said that the commanders of both the sides who participated in the fight perished with their foroes (lines 93-96). It was in these circumstances that the Eastern Chalukya Rajarāja I set up, in memory of Räjarāja Brahma-Mahārāja, & temple dedicated to God Siva called Rajarājēśvaram in the village of Kalidindi. Two other Siva temples were also built in memory of Uttama Chola Cholakön and Uttama-Chõla Miladudaiyan respectively. For conducting worship in these temples, and for the maintenance of a choultry for feeding fifty students, eto., the village of Kælidimdi renamed Madhurantakanallür, together with two other villages called Kadaparru and Āvakūru, was granted by the king lines 96-103).
The place and date of the battle are not stated in the record. It would, however, be possible to fix them with some precision. It may be noted that the record states that memorial temples for the deceased Chola generals were founded. Such temples are sometimes founded on the
Nos. 23, 24, 30, 31, 751 and 752 of 1917 of the Mad. Epi. Coll. These epigraphs of the reign of Rajendra. Choladeva from the Madakasira taluk of the Anantapur District, all studied together, allude to an expedition sont by the Chola emperor Rajendra I against Vängt about the 10thyr 1021 A.C.) of his reign to overcome home trouble thoro, under the leadership of one of his generals, named Areyan Rajarajan alias Vikrama-Chola Choliye. varaiyan. Of them No. 31 of 1917 refers probably to a battle which he fought with the Kalingas, Oddas and Tulugue, while another (761 of 1917) expressly declares that the king of Vengt ran away on hearing that the Chola king had orderou bie poneral Soliyavarasan to oonquer that country'. These records which, me pointed out by Professor K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, obviously belong to the same time' (Oolas, I, p. 279), allude to a military expedition sent by Rajendra-Chola about the 10th year of his reign (1021 A.C.) to conquer Vengt.

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No. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJABAJA I. 63 site, where the persons, to perpetuate whose memory they are built, are interred or cremated. As the memorial temples of the Chola generals were erected in the village of Kalidimdi, they must have been buried or cremated in the place; and consequently the battle in which they were killed might have been fought in the immediate neighbourhood of the village.
The difficulty of fixing the date of the battle is great. However, certain facts mentioned in the record would help us in arriving at a probable date. The inscription contains the date of Rajaraja's coronation, i.e., 1022 A. C.;' and alludes perhaps to Rajendra-Chola's Gangetic expedition and transmarine conquests (vv. 19 and 20). Moreover, at the time when the battle was fought, Rājēndra-Chöļa (1012 to 1044 A. C.) was still ruling at Gangaikondachõlapuram. These would indicate that the battle should have taken place between 1022 and 1044 A. C., the last date of Rājēndra-Chõļa. But no evidence is available from the Chola records during this period of 22 years about any war between the Chēļas and the contemporary Western Chāļukya king Jayasimha II, of which the battle at Kalidimdi might have been a major event. The last we hear of the fights between them is in 1021 A. C., when Räjēndra Chola I's attack on Rattapādi took place. However, there is one Western Chalukya record at Hottur in the Bombay Karnatak, dated 1037 A. C., which mentions a Dandanayaka of Jayasimha II, Chavanarasa by name who bears the title, "destroyer of the pride of the fort of Bijavadi". If this Bijavādi is taken to be identical with Bezwada in the Vēngi country, it would appear that sometime before this date, i.e., 1037 A. C., the Western Chalukya general invaded Võngi and captured the city of Bezwada. The Karnātaka invasion of Andhra (i.e., Vēngi) and the battle described in the present record may have taken place during the same Western Châlukya expedition under Chāvanarasa, especially as the distance between Bezwada and Kalidimdi is less than 50 miles. As victory was not secured by the Chola allies of Rājarāja, even as indicated by the record, it is not unlikely that the event may be connected with the disaster which overtook Rājarāja I in 1031 A. C., when he was deprived of his throne by his step-brother and rival Vijayāditya VII. Although evidence is lacking as to whether the coup d'état effected by Vijayāditya was with or without Karņāta help, & suggestion may be made that as Rājarāja was supported by the powerful Chola emperor, his rival, Vijayāditya, secured the help of the Karņāta king. Such an alignment is consistent with the political background of this period, as the Cholas and the Western Chāļukyas were always arrayed against each other in support of rival claimants in disputed successions.
Of the persons mentioned in the record, the Karnātadhiba may be Jayasimha II, as the date of the battle is about 1031 A. C. As explained before, the Dramisādhisa is, doubtless, Rājēndra-Chola I who is mentioned by name at another place (line 59) in the record.
Much is not known of the Chõļa generals who were killed in the battle. One of them, UttamaChola Miladudaiyān, figures as the ruler of the hilly tracts in the present South Arcot District in a record of the 4th year (-1016 A.C.) of Rājēndra-Chöļa, where he is spoken of as Yadava-Bhima of the Bhargava götra ; but nothing is known of his subsequent career. Neither of the other two finds mention in contemporary Chola inscriptions. A Senäpati called Uttamasola Brahma-Märäyan is mentioned in an epigraph at Kõlar, dated about 1033 A. C. ;' he, however, seems to be a nobleman quite dinting from Senpati Rajaraja Brahma-Maharaja of the charter under considers -
tion.
1 See above, p. 58, note 2. • Colas, I, p. 245. . Above, Vol. XVI, p. 78. . Dr. Barnett identifies it with Bijawidgi noar Hungund, ibid., p. 77.
Pamulaviks plates : JAHRS, Vol. II, p. 284. • No. 20 of 1905 of the Mad. Epi. Coll. No. 480 of 1911; EC., Vol. X, 1.,109..

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64 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX III. The details of the donation : For the maintenance of daily worship, celebration of festivals, eto., in the temples built in honour of the three deceased Chola generals, three villages, all situated in the Lower (Pallapu) Gudravāra vishaya, were granted by Rājarāja I. Though Kalidimdi and Kadaparru are clubbed together and renamed Madhurāntakanallūr, their boundaries as well as those of the third village are separately described. The boundaries of Kalidimdi are given at first in lines 103-6 ; then follow from Pallapu-Gudravārë in line 106 to sima at the beginning of line 110 the boundaries of the village of Kadaparru; and finally with Pallapu-Gudravāre in line 110 commences the description of the boundaries of the third village Āvakū[ru], which is unfortunately lost with the broken fragment of the fifth plate. The three memorial temples were perhaps given one village each for their upkeep, maintenance of daily service, etc. Of the three, Kalidindi was situated in the east ; it is said to have been bounded by Pötumbarru in the north and the north-enst, Konneki in the east, .... lidostu in the south-east, Konţhama in the south, Vēvāka in the south-west, Kadaparru in the west, and D(Ti)dinadu in the north-west. The second village, Kadaparru, was situated to the west of Kalidirdi. Its boundaries, as described in the inscription, are: Kalvasanda in the north, D(Ta)dinādu in the north-east, Kalidimdi in the east and south-east, Vēvāka in the south and the south-west, Āvakūru in the west, and the streamlet Tallikroyya (a branch of Tänarakolani-Krovviņdlēru) in the north-west. The boundaries of the third village, Avakūru, are not definitely known; of the villages that surrounded it, the names of only two, viz., Kadaparru and Kondika-Muñjalūru, are found in the extant fragment of the fifth plate. In addition to these, another village called (Du]ggiya[pū]ndi is also mentioned with Kadaparru; but the connection between these two villages is not quite clear.
Two of the three villages which form the object of the present grant, Kalidimdi and Avakūru, retain their names to the present day and are situated on the eastern fringe of the Colair Lake in the Kaikalur taluk of the Krishna District. The third village, Kadaparru, cannot be traced in the available maps and records, but must, however, be looked for in the same locality, as it is said to have been situated between Kalidimời and Āvakūru.
Among the villages mentioned as boundaries, Tādinādu is identical with Tādināda which is situated, even as stated in the inscription, to the north-west of Kalidindi. Pötumbarti is not, etrictly speaking, the correct name of the village. The suffix 'ti' with which the name of the village ends is the inflexion of the genitive case meaning of'. Pötumbarti therefore means of Pötumbarru'. This must be identical with the modern Potumarru in the same taluk. Similarly Vēvāka must be taken to represent the present Vaivāka. Neither the streamlet Tallikroyya nor the other villages mentioned among the boundaries can be traced at present.
IV. The names of the executor, the composer and the scribe are unfortunately lost; but the last line in the broken fragment of the 5th plate, which begins with $0 Răchiya-Pedderi-[Bhi).... is found to form part of the following verse that occurs in the Körumelli grant of Rärarāja.
Ajnaptih Kaçakëso Rāchiya-Peddēri-Bhima-nāma-tanújah
kartta Bētana-bhaftah kāvyānām lēkhak:8='sya Gandācharyah || It may reasonably be assumed that the present grant ended with this same verse and that the remaining part of it was lost with the missing portion of the plate. If so, it may be inferred that the ājñapti of the charter was Katakēka, the composer Bētana-bhatta, son of Răchiya-PeddēriBhina, and the scribe, Gandāchārya. Katakēša, who is spoken of as the ājslapti in several Eastern Châļukya copper-plate charters, is not the name of an individual but that of an office. The term kafaka denotes an arny, a camp, a town, etc. Katake sa may therefore be taken to mean either the commander of an army or the governor of a cantonment. The verso cited above refers
1 Ind. Ani., Vol. XIV, p. 55.

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No. 8]
KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I
65
to four generations of the family of Betana-bhaṭṭa,1 the composer of the inscription. Though nothing is known of the first two members of the family, Bhima or Bhimana-bhatta was a scholar and poet who flourished under Vimaladitya. He was the composer of the new Eastern Chāļukya prasasti embodied in the Rapastipundi grant. On his death his son, Batana-bhatta, appears to have succeeded him in his office. In point of style and excellence of diction, the present record is superior to the Kōrumelli plates. The passage in which the author describes the greatness of Rajendra Chola is majestic and dignified; and his description of the battle of Kalidimdi also is vivid.
In the preparation of this article, I have received considerable help from the late Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu, Professor K. A. Nilakanta Sastri and Dr. V. Raghavan. I have also great pleasure in acknowledging my indebtedness to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao and Mr. M. Venkataramayya for their valuable help in this connection.
TEXT'
[Metres: Vv. 1, 5, 14, 16, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25 and 28 Sārdulavikridita; vv. 2, 3, 6, 7, 10, 11, 17, 27, 31, 32 and 33 Anushṭubh; v. 4 Udgiti; vv. 8 and 18 Vasantatilakā; vv. 9 and 19 Mandākrāntā; v. 12 Upajāti; v. 13 Malini; v. 15, Arya; v. 22 Giti; vv. 26, 29 30 and 36 Aryagiti; vv. 31 and 35 Svägatā; v. 37 Vamsastha; v. 38 Pushpitägrä.]
First Plate
1 Sridhamnsh Purushottamasya mahato Narayanasya prabhōr-nnābhi-paṁkarahād-babhā[va jagatasha [Svaya]
2 bhūs=tata[ḥ] [*] jajñē mā[na]sa-sūnur-Atrir-iti yas-tasmän-munēr-Atritas-Sōmō vaṁ[śa]karas-Sudhathuraditas-Srika]otha-cha
3 damaniḥ [1] Tasmad-abhūt-Sudhasüter-bBudhō budha-nutas-tataḥ [*] jātaḥ Puraravā nāma chakra[vartti] sa-vikra
4 maḥ [2] Tasmäd-Ayus-tatō Nahushaḥ tato Yayatiḥ chakravartti vamsa-kartta tataḥ Purur-iti chakra[va]rtti tato Ja
5 namējayō-évamedha-tritayasya kartta tataḥ Prachiśaḥ tasmat Sainyayātiḥ tatō Hayapatiḥ tatas-Sarvvabhau
6 maḥ tato Jayasenaḥ tatō Mahabhaumaḥ tasmad-Aisanakaḥ tataḥ Krödhananaḥ tatō Dāvakiḥ tasmad-Ribhu(chu)
7 kaḥ tasmād=Rikshakaḥ tatō Mativaraḥ satra-yaga-yāji Sarasvati-nadi-nathaḥ tataḥ Katyayanaḥ
8 tatō Nilaḥ tato Dushyantaḥ tat-sutaḥ | Chakravartti mahātējā Bharatō yupa-kananaṁ | 'kritv=āśvamedha
9 n=akarōd=Gamga-Yamunayos-tate || [3] Tato Bharatad-Bhūmanyuḥ | tatas-Suhōtraḥ | tatō Hasti | tatō Virōchanaḥ [[*]
10 tasmād=Ajamilaḥ | tatas-Samvaraṇaḥ | Samvarapasya Tapana-sutāyās-Tapatyas-cha Sudhanva tatab Pari(r)kahit
11 tatō Bhimasenaḥ | tataḥ Pradipanah | tataḥ Santanuḥ | tato Vichitraviryyah | tataḥ Panda
(ndu)rājaḥ | Putras tasya Yu
1 Rachiya, Peddĕri, Bhima, Betana-bhatta.
Above, Vol. VI, p. 358.
From impressions.
[The symbol in the beginning, possibly a lotus, stands for siddham.-Ed.]
Here as well as in several other places further on sandhi has not been observed.
18 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX 12 dbasthi(dhishthi)ra-Bhim-Arjuna-Nakula-Sahadēvāḥ pamohēradriyavat-pancha-survvi
sa(sha)ya-grāhiņas-tatra? || [411") Jitvā yēna Pura13 mdaram hutana(va)hé havyikfitam kā(kha)ņdavam Yas-Sambhor=llabhata sma samyati
bahũny-astrăại divyễni cha yên=ādhy&sita14 m-asanah Maghavatas-ch-arddham surat-dvēshiņaḥ sampishyāgamayat-Kritānta-nagarim A yah Kauravān=vidvishah|(1511) tato=rjana15 d-Abhimanyuḥ | tataḥ Parikshit tato Janamējayaḥ tataḥ Kshēmukah | tato Naravā.
hanaḥ | tataḥ Satānikah | tasmā. 18 d=Udayanaḥ | tataḥ param tat-prabhțitishv=avichchhinna-santānēshv=Ayodhya-simhasan
asinēshv=ēkānnashashți-chakravartti
Bones
Second Plate; First Side 17 shu gatēsu(shu) tad-vamsyö Vijayadityo name rājā vijigishaya Dakshinapathari gatva
Trilochana-Palla18 vam-adha(dhi)kshipya kālavasäl=lõkāntaram-agamat tasmin=samkulo tasya Mahādēvi
garbha-bhār-alas=antahpur-adhiksi. 19 ta-vanita-kamchukibhis=sārddham vriddh-amatyaiḥ purõhitēna ch=ūniyamani katharchina
[Mu]divēmu-nam-āgrahāram upaga20 mya tad-västa vyēna Vishnubhatta-sõmayājinā duhitri-nirnvi(rvvi)dësham-abhiga(ra)kshita
sati nandanam Vishnuvarddhanam=a[sū]ta 21 sā tasya cha kumārasya Mänavya-sagotra-Håriti-putr-adi-sva-kshatra-götra-kram-õchitāni
karmmāni(ni) karayitva ta2 m-avarddhayat | sa cha mátri vidita-vrittäntas-san-nirggatya Chalukya-girau Namdam
Bhagavatim Gaurim=ārādhya Kumāra-Nārāya28 na-Mātriganāms=cha samtarpya svēt-ātapatr-aika-ga(ta)mkha-pamcha-mahāśabda-pälikētana
pratidhakka-varahalämchchha(chha)na-pin24 chchha-kurhta-simhasana-makaratőrana-kanakadaņda-Gamgå-Yamun-adini sva-kulą-kram
agatani nikshiptan-i25 va sāmrājya-chihnāni sā(sa)māsādya Trilochana-Pallavam jitvå tat-sutäm=Uttamadānim =
upaya26 mya Kadamba-Garng-adi-bhūmipān=nirjjitya Sētu-Narmmada-madhyam s-arddha-sapta-lak
sham Dakshiņāpatham pāla27 yāmāsa || Tasy=āsid-Vijayādityo Vishnuvarddhana-bhūpatēḥ Pallav-invaya-jātāyi Maha
dõvy88=cha nanhdanah | |8|* Ta-. 28 t-sūnuh Pulakēsi Vallabhah | tat-putraḥ Kirttivarmma | tasya tanayaḥ | Srimatām sakala
bhuvana-saristū[ya]mâna-Mā29 navya-sagötrūnām Hariti-putrāņām Kausiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rüjyānā Mätrir(tri)
gana-paripálitānām Svåmi-Ma30 häsēna-pädanuddhyātānām Bhagavan-Nārāyaṇa-prasāda-sa mäsådita-vara-varahaläm[ohohlaj
(chha) n-ēkshana-kshana-[va *]fi[kļi)31 t-arāti-mandalanim=asvamēdh- vabhfita(tha)-snana-pavitrikrita-vapushīb(shan) Chiluky&
närh kuslam-alamkarishņos-Satyā). [The intended reading seems to be parich-Endriya-vat-paricha war-vvishaya-grahinas-tatra.--Ed.] * Tho letter ra in sura has a horizonta Jatroke inside, which is to be ignored.

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KALIDINDE GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I
+ 19
S తుపాకులు పునా నన్ను
ఇసుక తయారు
or కు ఆ రసం Gaana:రం పతకంగా 6 10: 00 గమna. . తతం
8 నా
అత్యంత సన్ని
A
అల్లరి పనులను ప్రకారం 12 • ని
యంతయు నరా! సవాలు
16
-
ii,a. మంజసం కాదు Sesam -
18 as సమంత ప్రధానమంత
విత్తన సంప
ద కళలన 20 పల అనంతరం తల్లితం
ముంపు గంతలు తమ తరం ఆ గోల నరసయ 22 24 కు నా ను
24
అందం తనలు:
వాన వలనో అ
లనాడు జన అత్తనిబంబాలికామన్న అను ఇసజననాం తంలోనా
అంతకు మునుపు లత 72
వికావున వారు .. శ్రీరాములు తెలంగాణ 19: కంటి ఆ
దేశాలు అతను తరలించగా సంపుటాకారజాలం అంశం రతలు కాపుల అమరిక 167 నుండి ప్రస్తుత రాజు Enువంటి pandal
Sagఆలాగ జాత తిమంతములో
Saraiyaasaariఇమంత ఇంద్రుడు
-1940ల నాని వారి ల కా 44Pram : ఈ జననాల రాకపోకనం
NR ఇంతలో 46 20.48 శాతం ప్రతి పదాన్ని
త న
1 జలం
8xada FRUరలు
తన భర్త - విడుదల
తరపgiట్రాకతో

Page #161

iii,a
Maren 09
222222
2888888
iii,b.
8822 18
88222228
ir.a.
88882 18
882222

Page #162

No. 8) KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I 32 braya-vallabhēmdrasya bhrātā Kujja(bja)vishna(shņu)varddhanõ=shţādaśa varshāņi Vēngi.
dēlam=apalayat=tat-sū(nuḥ) Jaya[sim]33 ha-[vallabhas-trayas]trimsatam tad-anuj-Endrarāja-namdanaḥs(nas)=sapta dināni tat-putro [Vishņuvarddhano] nava vs.
Second Plate ; Second Side 34 rshāni tat-sūnur=mMamgi-Yuvarājaḥ parchavimsatima | tat-tanayo Jayasi[m]hastra
yödaba | tad-a[nujah K835 kiliḥ shaņ=māsân | tasya iyēshtho bhrātā Vishnuvarddhanas-tam-uchchāțya sapta-tri
mbatam=abdân | tat-suto (Vijaya]di. 36 tya-bhattārakõ=shtādasa | tat-putro Vishņuvarddhanaḥ shat-tritsatam | tat-sūnur=nNaro
mdra-mțigarājő=[shtā(shţa)chatvārimsatam] 37 tat-sutaḥ Kali-Vishnuvarddhan7=dhy-arddha-Varsham tat-tanayo Gunaga-Vijayadistya*]e=
chatuśchatva[rimsatam) | tad-bhrātu38 r=vVikramāditya-bhūpatēs=sutas-Chalukya-Bhimas-trimsatam tat-putro Vijayādityash
shan=māsā[n] | tat-s[ūnur=A]39 mmarājas=sapta varshāni tat-Butar Vijayādityam bālam=uchchătya Tādaparājo māsam
ēkam (tam jitvä] 40 Chālukya-Bhima-tanayo Vikramāditya ēkādaśa másãn tat-Tädaparāja-suto Yuddhamallas
sapta va[rshāņi ta] 41 tah || Ammarāj-ānujõ Rājalja)Bhimo Bhima-parakramah vijitya Yuddhamallarh tam
dvādak-abdan=dha . . . . [117||*] 42 Sat-putrayõr=dDasaratha-pratimasya tasya Bhimasya Rāma-Bharat-opamayoh-kaniyan
Dānārņņav[-Amma)43 ņripayāḥ khalu pamchavissaty-abdān=arakshad=avanītalam=Ammarājaḥ || [8|l*Tasya
jyështho mripatishu chatu[sh-sha)44 shți-vidyā-pravīņo yaḥ Karộn-ādin=sura-taru-nibho bhūri-dáněna jitvā | loko=nvarttharh
suchiram=[adadhān]=nāma Dānār[nna)45 v-ākhyas=sa trīn=abdān=avahad=avanim=aiņņava-kshauma-kantām || [911*] Tataḥ [pa]rante
patim labdhum=anurūpam=anāsyi]ká [1] [88]46 ptavimsati-varshāņi va(cha)chār=ēva tapaḥ kshamā || [101] Atha Dānārņnava(vā);=jātah
kalāvān dvit-tamo-harah | răja(ja) Chālu[kya)-Cha[m). 47 dro yaḥ kshamā-tāpam=apākarot ! [11|*) Balād=grihitvå Balito dharisrih(trim) girvvāņa
satrör=iva satru-vargg[ät] sri48 Sadti(kti)varmmā sa samās=Chalukya-nārāyaṇō dvādasa rakshati sma || [121] Tad=anu
tad-anujanmā Rājamārttanda-bhū49 pð visada-ruchir=arāti-dhvänta-vidhvamsa-dakshaḥ sma vahati bhuvam-abdên=sapta Sapt
āśva-tējās=sa[kala)-va
Third Plate; First Side 50 sumati-bhrin-mastaka-nyasta-păda|| (131*) Lakshmi-bhartri-nibhasya tanya Vimalādityasya
Bhö(Cho)d-anvaya-kshir-āmbhõnidhi51 janmanaḥ briya iva sri-Rājarājādhipaḥ | dēvyāt-ob-abatjafni Rājarāja-duhituh Kom
dāmbikāyās=suto ys[The missing letters may have been räm-abät.-Ed.) . Ono lottor between bha and riri was written and eraad.

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68 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX 52 ḥ Kandarppa iv=āparaḥ prativasan lõkartarayi stal-bridi || [14||* Bālye bhūskanam-abhavad
ratnamayi yasya ka63 mthika kamtha | guna-lubdhay-ova mala dharaya datta patimva[raya) [161] V8d-am
bhodhi-nidhi-pramāņa-gani(pi)tē sa54 k-ābda-samghē Ravau Simhastha bahula-dvitiya-divas värð Guroshitagaa yukte bh
Ottarabhadrayadya(=py=a)ti-vani55 j-yāmā tu (sarvva*]-kshamām trātun pattam-adhatta yo guna-nidhiḥ bri-Rajarājā-nripaḥ
|| [16||*] Yasy-öttamångam=ābaddha56 m=ābhāt=pattēna bhūy&sā IK) bharttum viávambharā-bhāra janaisk(r=ā)ropitam
yatā(thā) || [17||*) Api cha || Khyātas samasta-nara57 nātha-kiriţa-kõți-ratna-prabhā-pastala-pătala-pada-pīķhaḥ 1 )' yas=tyäga-varsha-pariharshita
sat-samājā Rājēm58 dra-Choda iti Choda-kul-aika-ratnam || [184*) Ekásy=āsid=epi sa Himaván=Isvasa(ra)ay=
āpatadbhir=mmüddhno Gamgā. 59 vimala-salilais=sichyamānaḥ pavitraḥ | Rājóñdrõ=yaḥ(yan) ,kim=uta namatām=lávarāņām
bahū[nā)60 m ratn-ālāka-prakațita-jagat-prāmgapõ(nē)bhyas=sirobhyah | [191]*] Sa=dvipām chatur
ambusā(rā)si-parikhāṁ visvambharām []61 laya danden=aiva vijitya yo di(da)sa-disi prātishthipat=sarvvataḥ svair-odbhrānti-nivara
näya vijaya-sta62 mbhān=ava-nām-amkitān=ālānān=iv& badduum=8[**]dha-manaső darppēna dig-dantinab
II (2011*] Sa sra(bru)tvă paritushy&(shya) vamsa vinaya63 tyāg-abhiman-onnati[m] prajil-vikrama-satya-lau[oha)-patuta-bayryya-ksham-ādin-guņā[n] |
Chodāso Madhură[nta)64 kaḥ sva-tanayām=Ammamga-nāmām satim Chāļukyabharaṇasya obezgrama hishim snēhēma • yasy=ākarot || [21!1"] 65 Yasmin=rājani rakshati bhuchakram=&vakyam=uohitamå[r*]ggēna | abhavad-abadham
akalmasham=a[düshi]tam=s.
Third Plate ; Second Side 66 matsarum (prajābharitam)' || [221*) Rājño rāja-Chalukya-vamsa-latik-ālam basya yasya
svayam kasvat=kirtti[r=alamka). 67 roti nitară[m loka-trayi-ka(kā)minim | ] hāra(rā)l=iva sugandhi-chandana-mayi --
[lālāmaki)-māl=ēv=āmala-[jā]- . 68 ti-ja(jā)la-kalitā dauküla-Lakshmir=iva 11 [2311*) Yasya bri-Paragandabhairava-vibhor=ddor
ddanda-[kaukshēya]ka-prodbhinn-ahita-ha69 sti-masti(sta)ka-galan-mastishka-[khād)-asayā gridhraþ paksha-puţăn=visäryya viyati vya.
baddha-chakrās=chalat-pichchhā-pa70 tra-chaya-sriyaṁ vidadhatē vira-briyasetamyati || [241] Ekēn=aiva hayi hayēna bahuko
vábā-sahasran=ta71 thā ko vä vira-bhaçö jayēt pratibhatar ch=āstr-abhivarahais=tatha | kas-ritheböd-iti vidruta
rapa-mukhavu scha 1 The letters within braokots are engraved over an erasuro.
The intended reading seems to be prajd-charitam.Ed.] [The sense requires rara-mukhada charyya.-EL

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No. 8]
KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALURYA RAJARAJA I
69
Isla.
72 ryya-paryyākulā yasy=zrātaya ēva sauryyam=anisam stunvanti tanvanti (cha) || [251*]
Svasti (!Sa*Jrvalókā- 73 braya-bri-Vishņuvarddhana-Mahārājädhiraja-Paramēsvara-Paramabhatřäraka[h] Paramamaha74 svaraḥ Paramabrahma[nya)ḥ māto(tā)pitri-pād-anudhyātaḥ Tyāga-simha(h)ean-Lásīnah]
Gādevalu-[na) 75 ma-vishaya-bahitām Pallapu-Gudravāra-vishayam=adhivasatau răshtrakūta-pramukha
(n=kuțu]mbinaḥ sarvvān=sa76 māhūya mantri-purõhita-sõnāpati-yuvarāja-dauvärika-pravă(dha)n-ādi-samaksham=i[ttha]m
ājñā77 pahayati | yadhā(thā) | Khyāto=sti Rājarāja-Brahma-mahārāja iti mahādaņdapatiḥ [l*]
yo Madhura78 ntaka-bhūbhrit-karuņā-rasa-sikta-varddhita-yaso-latikaḥ|| |26||*) Rājēndra-Choda-bhūpāla
rajyalakshmi-mahā: 79 nidhë” [1*] rakshana-kshama-daksh-õgra-mahābhuja-bhujangamaḥ [1|27||*) Dikto
dakshinatah puraskrita-brihad-dandaḥ prachanda80 s=sa yo vidvi[t-chhõ]ạita-pāna-gridhnur=aparaḥ kālo na v=ēt=ikshitaḥ [l*) Rājēndrakshitipālakasya mahato man-mātu
Fourth Plate ; First Side 81 lasy-üstu*Jlasy=ādēša[ın*) pratipadya tat-kshaņata év=Arindhra-kshamit prāgamat || [281*)
Anyõ=pi dandanātho bhakti-klēsa-praru(hri). 82 shta-nija-nīdha(tha)ḥ [1*]amun=aiv=āgatavīn=Uttama-Sõda-chChōdagon=iti vye(vya)I padishtah | [1291*]* Uttama-Choda-Milad-uda[yü)83 n=ity-any-opi ch=ū(ch=ū)gataḥ purushaḥ [l*) yaḥ patir=atha sēnīyāḥ pativratāyāḥ pare
kshan-isahanīyāh | [30*Ka84 rnnātika-bal-āraṇyāni(uyan) tā(da)gdhukāmam=aćēshatah | dandanātha-trayo(ya) dși
shtam=agni-trayam=iv=ojvalam || (31||*) Karnnā85 ţa-Dramil-adhīsa-dandēšām=abhavad=ranań [I*] paraspara-chatur-ddanti-pratighattana
bhikaram ! [32|*] Mushţāmushți kvachid=dsi86 shtar kēsākēšy=abhavatukshanam [l*] dandādandi kvachit=prāktain kuntākunti
nirantara[m](m) • [[|33||*) Jaghnirē nija-sarair=api [kē]chid=dhanvino 87 yudhi samarddhita-sauryyah [l] sinayőr-api paraspara-bän-apata-[jāta]-java-vita-vivsie
(ttaih] [1|34|/*] Khalgi-khadga=dri88 dha-ghattana-jātē visphulinga-nivahe su(sa)labhū[h*) syuh sad-bhata(tā) bhaya-bhțitaḥ(tās=
cha)la-chittāḥ pamcha-sha89 uur padātyāḥ || [35][*] Nrityamti(nti) val gaja-kaban(n)dhās=turaga-kabandh
as-cha nara-kabandha-pramukhāh [l*] [ri] 90 ņam=ady=aiva viya(mu)kta[*]nija-nāth-ivandhya-põshaņasyēti mudā || [36!] Gajaira
ggajā vājibhir=ēva vājino narai.. 91 rennarās=tatra saman vinākṣitāḥ [l*) dvi-pakshayāḥ kila-vašēna samyagē samāna-yaddbam
samam=ēva
Read ajñāpayali. [The latter half of this verse is in the Aryagiti motre-Ed) [This ea is superfluops.-Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXIS 92 nakyati || (371*] Bhrisam=avasara &sha naḥ pragantun divam-anuchintya padāti-yugnia
mukhyāḥ [l*) divija93 yu[va]ti-samga-kamkshay-oyuḥ 384(sa)mam-atha daiva-durihaya [chi bhū]mēḥ [l|38|I*)
Etad-Dramila-dandanathana94 m Ra[ja]rāja-Rājal-Brahma-Mahārāju-nāmadhēya sva-matulasya Madhurantakadēvasy-a%5 tulā(la)sy=ādēsah(m) prăpya Karvnā(runā)ţaka-dandanádhai(thai)r-yguddhvă tsai]r=ova
särddham divai gatavān=asvi[kë)96 [na] hastikēna cha balēna [bā]hÀ-balēna cha sama-balatvách=cha | tam=uddisya (Ka]lidindigrä[mē]
Fourth Plate ; Second Side 97 Räjarājās vara[m=iti silvāyatanam-akaravatn | Uttama-Södla-chChādagon-ity-Uttama-Choda
[Mi]98 läd-udaiyān=iti prasiddhäv-anyāv-api ch-oddisya Sivāyatana-dvayara [kacorni] . . . . . .
mam[ga]99 l-ottumga-sagitaka-khanda-sphuţita-navakarmmu-baly-upabar-ūdy-arttham pa[mchasach=
chhätränamin) 100 bästrasya śrötri(tri)ņāın satr-ürttham cha dvay-adhika-parchasad-vökyübhih Bräh
mana-satēna brahma-[vē). 101 dinā huta-jātavēdasa(sā) vaisya-sutēna cha Dhanad-õpamīna sūdra-satëna Br[ahma
pada-kamala)102 sambhūtē[na*) cha särddhaṁ Madhurāntaka-Nallūri-nämná prasiddhaḥ [Kallidindi
nāma-grāma[h] Magada varu). 103 gramatikaya dattah tasy=āvadhayaḥ [l*) Pūrvvataḥ Konnoki sim-aiva simă agnēya
[tah] .. lidorru-si104 m=aiva simā dakshiņataḥ Konthama-simā | nairfityataḥ Vēvāka-sim=aiva sima paśchi
matah Kada .. .. .. 105 sim=aiva sima vā[yav]yata[h] Dātinānţi sim=aiva simā uttaratah | Põtu[mbapti
sim=ai]va simă | [īsānata) 106 h Potumbarti-sim=aiva sima | Pallapu-Gudravărē Kadaparru-năma-grāmaḥ [Du]ggiya
[pū]ndi..... (grāma)107 sya pūrvvataḥ | Kaludiņdi-sim=aiva simā āgnēyataḥ ësh=aiva dakshi[na]taḥ | Vē[vāka
si]m=aiva simā) na(nai)rri108 tyatah @shaiva | paschimatah | Avakuru-sim=aiva simā vāyavyataḥ Tämara-kolani
Krovvindlētam=bāsi109 na-Tallikroyya-nāma nadi | uttarataḥ | Kalvasanda-sim-aiva simä isänataḥ | Täsirāyțisim-siva
Fifth Plate 110 sima | Pallapu-Gudravāre Avakū- . . . 111 ta[h] Kadapasti-[si]m-aiva simālūgut . . . 112 mataḥ Konçika-Mumjalūra-sim=ai(va)
. 1 The final Raja in Rajaraja-Raja appears to be superfluous. * The name of the village may be Alidorru or Pulidorru,

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KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I
iv. b.
ఆ
100
Roles - ఎంత నా 98 తయనిక లక ంక నామం మరణం
98 తప్రసరింత వనితనందం కకు 100 Alajad - హరిబాలు తగ్గుతుందని
నిత త ల నా రాతను
నా 102 -- జ నవరి 31
102 సంగమం 1041 తంతపు
2
104 12 నాణ ఎనాలుగు 106 0/-2 / NEE S TART
106 పడుతుందని 108 ఎంత
ప్రయతల ఇంక - 108 సకల
కలహాశనం అనంత
110 (సంతకం
తందన్నా 112,45:ఇవశంజలు
అన్ని తన 114 కత్తులు
యం 116 ) 118 సం .angana
అత్యుయలయం 120 మందంజ
122 1 ఆంజుల
Seal
(From a photograph)

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71
No. 9] SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ; SAKA 1467 113 fti-sini=ē(m=ai)va simă | išānatah Kada . . 114 sa pamcha-mahāpātakair=yyukto bha . . . . 115 vā yo harēta vasu[ndha) . . . . 116 bahubhis-ch=ānupā[li] . . . . 117 rmma-sētur=nsipāņām kā . . 118 bhūyo yāchatē Rāmabha[dra) . . 119 bhūpā yē pālayanti mama 120 påm-adhikatva-vidhinā bri-Rāja[ra] 121 st-adrēr-aparāt=sad=āsta-vidhină . 122 6. Răchiya-Peddēri-[Bhi] . .
No. 9-SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ; SAKA 1467
K. G. KRISHNAN, MADRAS The subjoined inscription' is engraved on the inner wall of the north side of the third prākāra, to the proper right of Svargavāśal in the Ranganāthasvāmin temple, Srirangam, Tiruchirappalli District, Madras State. It is dated Saka 1467, Visvävasu, Phälguna, su. 7, Monday. The English equivalent of this date is. A.. 1546, February 8, Monday.
The importance of the record lies in that it contains a reference to a distinguished person known as Nalantigal Nārāyaṇa Jiyar who had for a long time been associated with the administration of the Srirangam temple and also mentions a descendant of Srisailapurna, who was a preceptor of the royal family of Vijayanagara.
The scripts used are Grantha and Tamil and the language provides a good example of the typical Vaishnava style with a fair admixture of Sanskrit and Tamil words, better known as the manipravāla style employed by the great Tamil commentators. In fact, the expression Indappāvam adikkalañju pon perum (i.e., this sin is highly valued) in line 7 conveys the same idea as contained in the Sanskrit quotation [sa]n-nimitta-ksitam pāpamm-api dharmmāya kalpatē, cited immediately above and this Tamil expression is also found in the great commentary known as ldu. This is a clear testimony also to the fact that Vaishnavaite commentators of the mediaeval period had achieved proficiency in rendering Sanskrit expressions into good Tamil.
The orthography of the inscription presents the following features. The rëpha is represented by a vertical stroke above the consonant to which it is prefixed as in pürna, acharya, samarpitta (lines 3 and 10). But if the consonant following the rēpha is doubled as in sauhārdda (line 6), dharmma (lines 7 and 10) the rign for the repha is inserted in between the doubled consonants. In line 3 the Grantha letter pa is used in the purely Tamil word perra. This is only an exoeption since the Grantha alphabet is uniformly employed to indicate Sanskrit words or letters.
The text abounds in scribal errors which have been duly taken notice of and the necessary corrections are indicated in the foot-notes accompanying it.
ARSIE, No. 13 of 1936-37. • Idu 1, 4, 1. This contentary was written by Vadakku-tiravidippillai in the name of his toacher Nambijai.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX The use of the ancient form yūru of the word āru in line 5, meaning river, is peculiar for a record of the 16th century and a similar example can be found in the word yandu used for anu meaning year. The word këlka is a dialectal variation of the original word kēļka (kēļ+ka-kēka). The word pandaravridai in line 8 is used in the sense that the income from the lands of this village had for sometime been enjoyed by the cultivators. There is a village today in Tanjore District named Pandāravādai. The word kattalai has been used with two meanings, viz., 'order' in line 6 and 'arrangement' in lines 10 and 11. The use of the honorific plural pronoun is not uniformly applied in the latter part of the sentence in lines 9 and 10 as both namakku and nän are used to denote the same person.
The donor of the grant is Srisailapūrņa Tātachārya alias Avuku Tiruvöngadayyangār. He received a gift of the village Chintāmani from Rāmarāja and Somakulatilaka Sadāśiva Mahārāya and in turn granted the same, for the merit of both the Rāya and the Raja, to the temple for the expenses of offering four dishes of food to the god as was once arranged by Nalantiga! Nārāyana Jiyar, alloting a share of the offerings for himself and his descendants. The village is stated to have been in former times given to the temple by a local Chola king after settling a dispute over a stream cut from the main river. Then after a long time the village passed on to the ownership of the cultivators. Again the village was left uncultivated after a short period. Hence Tiruvēngadayyangār, the present donor who had himself received the village as gift, renovated the same and in his turn granted it to the temple.
The role that the members of this Srisailapūrņa family played in the spread of Vaishņavism since the days of the Vijayanagara ruler Mallikärjuna, as also in the conversion of the royal family itself to the Srivaishnava faith, has been already discussed in this journal and elsewhere. Two records at Hampi make mention of this Tātāchārya. One of them is dated Saka 1465, i.e., about two years prior to the date of the present record. There he is stated to have granted a village, some fields and garden to the god Vitthaladēva. He is described as the son of Tirumala Avuku Tātācharya. Since no specific mention is made of this teacher as a guru of the king, it is probable that he became the royal preceptor only two years later, i.e., about the time of the present record. The other record, of Saka 1478 at the same place, states that Aubalaraja, son of Ramarāja Konēt. ayyarāja, raised a shrine for Tirumangai-Alvār, granted a few villages for various services to be conducted for the Alvär, and placed the endowment in the hands of Tirumañjanakālam Rāmanujayyangūrs and his disciples who were required to conduct the services for the merit of Aubalaraja's preceptor Tirumala Avuku Tiruvēngadācharya. The latter is evidently the donor of the present record. He was a descendant of Srisailapūrņa alias Periya Tirumalainambi, the maternal uncle of the great Visishtādvaita teacher, Sri Ramānuja. In the records about the descendants of Srisailapürna that are available from the various places to the north and south of Tirupati, the names of the places where they settled are prefixed to their names, as in Ellur Singarachārya, Sallai Tolappayyangār, etc. Here the name Avuku or Auk indicates likewise the place where the donor had settled. His father is also called Tirumala Avuku Tätächārya. Hence it is clear that
1 There are a nun,ber of inscriptions where both the Räya and the Raja are mentioned together though in a different manner; e. g., ARE, 246 of 1904 ; Tirupati Inscriptions, Vol. V, No. 53.
* Above, Vol. XII, pp. 161 ff: Vol. XIII, p. 3; Tirupati Devasthanam Epigraphical Report, p. 313. * 707 of 1922, SII, Vol. IX, pt. 11. No. 607. ARE. No. 51 of 1889, SII, Vol. IV., No. 280. Journal of Sri Venkatesvara Oriental Research Institute, Voi. XI, No. 1.
The earliest reference to Srisailapürna in the traditional Vaishnava hagiologies occurs in the history of Rånånuja in the Guruparam paraprabhava. Under the directions of his gurit, Alavandăr, Srisailapúrys (L'eliya Tirumalainabi) migrated from Srirangam to Tirupati.

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No. 9)
SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ; SAKA 1467
13
a branch of the Srisailapürna family had already settled there one or two generations earlier.! Avuku is a village in the Koilkuntla taluk of the Kurnool District. About the period of this record, Avuku was the seat of a powerful line of chiefs under Sadāśivarāya and this Avuku Tiruvēngadayyangår stems to have wielded great influence over these chiefs and the members of the royal family of Vijayanagara.
The interesting history of the village Chintāmaņi is narrated in the inscription. It is in this part that the name of the eminent administrator of the Srirangam temple, Nalantigal Nārāyana Jiyar occurs. He is well known from other sources. He was first known as Kūranārāyaṇa Jiyar and began his life as a devotee at Srirangam and rendered many services to the temple, one of which may be noted here. When a member of the group called vinnappam seyvīre became impure and consequently unfit for the service in the temple, Kūranārāyaṇa Jiyar was called upon to purify him and the Jiyar composed a work known as Sudarsanaśatakam and chanted it to purify the person and make him fit for service. In recognition of this and many other services including the one mentioned in the present record, he seems to have been given the name Nalantigal Nārāyana Jiyar,' i.e., Nārāyana Jiyar, who was eminent in doing good (nalam+tigal), and some of the devotees raised him to a new pontifical seat with the designation of Sriranganārāyana Jiyar and it continued to be held in regular succession by devotees chosen from time to time.
The present record deals with another but more benevolent act done by this same Jiyar. The frequent floods of the river Kāvēri south of Srirangam proved to be almost a permanent problem baffling solution. They were encroaching into the soil of Srirangam towards the direction of the temple. Nalantigal Nārāyaṇa Jiyar took some steps to prevent the erosion. Some of the measures he took as detailed in our record were spiritual and the rest were methods pertaining to flood control.
The Jiyar fixed a yantra, i.e., a disc or plate with the powers of a mantra at Āņaikāttä Karai facing west and also consecrated the deity called Sāstā.? A stream was newly cut out, branching
1 Similarly, Singarācharya (Narasimhacharya) and Rangáchārya, of this line migrated from Tirupati to Ettär in search of better fortunes by engaging in skilful exposition of the Ramayana. Yet dissatisfied with their position the family went to Vijayanagara where they converted the royal family to the Vaishnavu faith. Doddayācharya, a descendant of Singaracharya settled at Sholinghur, N. Aroot District, and Tätācharya Ayyåvayyangår of this family lived at Ettur, Tirumalai (i.e., Tirupati) and also at Kumbakonan.. Again mention is made of one Sottai Tölappayangår in a record at Conjeevaram. In the record under study the family is stated to hail from Auk. In some lutor records at Koviladi in Tanjore Distriot, Srirangam Tatacharya and Srirangam Tirumalai Tiruvēngada Tattayyangär figure as donors. Lakshmikumara Tatacharya is well known for his acti. vities at Conjeevaram and Tirumälirunjolaimalai (i.e., Alagarkoil, Madura District), Thus it may be seen that this great family spread itself to proach and propagate the Vaishnava faith. (Prapan nämritum, Chapter 126.)
1 Tirupati Devasthanam Epigraphical Report, pp. 358-359.
• Köyilolugu (1909, Ananda Press), pp. 108-115. In these pages, there is a confused account of the services done by the various jiyars of this line, services to distinguish which one has to proveed with caution. For example it is stated that the renovation of the shrine of Chandu Nächchiyar was undertaken by Sriranga-Närāyana Jiyar. Chăndu is identified with the Muslim princess of Delhi who pined away for the Ranganātha idol carried away by the Muslim hordes in 1311 A.C. from Srirangam and later on recovered by the Vaishnavaites from the Delhi Sultan. It is highly improbable that Küranarayana Jiyar lived till 1311 A.C. the lower limit of his life being 1157 A..., the year up to which his teacher Kürattālvår lived. Hence only a successor's action is meant here.
* This class of servants at Srirangam are engaged in the recital of the hymns before the deities on specifio occasions, with music, dance and drama. Their duties are well definind in Koyilolugu, vide p. 97.
• Published in the Kivyamala Series, part VIII, Nirnayasagara Press • Köyilolugu, p. 115.
* This deity is considered to be the son of Vishnu in the form of Mohint and Siva, on the occasion of Amritamathapa. He is called Aiyanår and Sastā. This deity is believed to control all the evil spirits. See also II. Vol. II, p. 40, f.n.3.
18 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX off the right bank of the southern branch of the Kāvērit so that a large volume of water might flow out and the effect of erosion into the soil of Srirangam, i.e., on the north bank of the Kävēri, would be minimised. A coarse grass of the penreed type was planted on the left bank. The grass served as a good protection to the boundary on that side. The waters of the Kävēri were partially dried up along the south bank. Owing to the cutting of the stream to the right of the Kávēri, water encroached upon the cultivated fields belonging to the Mahājanas of the village, Chintamani. They seemed to have raised objection to this step. The Jiyar gave them lands in the Kolakuttai village in exchange for the lands flooded on account of the cutting of the stream. But the Brāhmaṇas were dissatisfied and appealed to the Chöļa king. The case was taken up and when questioned by the Chola king about the injustice done to the Brāhmaṇas, the Jiyar, in the course of his arguments justifying his action, is stated to have quoted the Lord's own words... nnimittakritam-pāpamm(pam)-api dharmmāya kalpaté as occurring in the BhagavadGita. The Chola was much pleased with this representation and exclaimed that if that was the motive the sin was as valuable as pure gold and approved of his action.
The Köyilolugu, & chronicle of the Srirangam temple, gives with a few differences the details of the same events recorded in the inscription regarding Nalantiga) Nārāyana Jiyar, a free translation of which is given below:
'Every year when the Kävēri is in spate, the Tirukkuralappan-sannidhi used to be submerged under the waters flooding into the temple. In order to avoid this the Jiyar having informed the lord of the regions consulted Sri Sēnāpati Dhurandharar Kandādai Tölappar and excavated & channel to the south of the Kāvēri at the end of the street leading to Punnāga-Tirtha. The Brāhmanas of the village Chintamani 'obstructed the operations by lying down across the boundary. The Jiyar told them that it was a sacred service to the Perumāļ and hence they should not obstruct. But they did not listen to him. The Jiyar looked down upon them. He went on with his work and raised embankments to the channel on both sides after erecting an avenue called ani-arangan-vāśal. He made his follower Karunakaradāsa stand guard at a point of the breach at the south east of Punnāga-Tirtha and sacrificed him. To the north he consecrated the Kshudradevatā (i.e., Sāstā) and the village goddess known as Tiruvarangachchelvi and took similar steps in
It may be noted here that the undivided (akhanda) Kávēri divides itself into two, just above the town of Srirangam. The north branch is called Kollidam and the south Kivért. The present record calls the southern branch 'Tentirukkāvērt'.
A Chintamani-odai is spoken of in the Trichinopoly District Gazetteer, p. 148. But the stream of our record cannot be identified with it because the odai is said to fall into the Koflidam and this stream flows to the right of the Kávēri. .
* This is only one half of the verse of which the first letter is missing as the stone is peeled off hero ; and the verse is not found in the Bhagavad-Gita. Evidently the missing letter may be sa or ma yielding the meaning benevolent or done in my (God's) cause. The following instance of another irregular quotation may be noted : Tirumangai Alvår raised several structures around the shrine at Srirangam with the help of many architects. They demanded payments of their dues. Luring them with the prospects of treasure trove on the opposite bank, ho took them in a boat across the Kävērl. He had given secret instruction to the ferrymen to capsize the boats in the middle of the river in justification of which the following stanzas were said to have been quoted by him as the lord': own words; "Etat-käryyam mahāpāpa-hētukam nzivamanyatha | Pura Bhagavat aivaoktat sakshma-dharmam=anuttamam|| Man=nimittam=idam pāpam-api punyava kalpaté Mām=anāditya punyam vi api pāpāya kalpaté.I" Vide, Prapannāmsitam, p. 375.
• Idupe ninaiv=anal in day param adik-kajanju pon perum. The idea of value is conveyed by the word kala lju & standard measure in gold and the word adi adds the idea of the fineness of the material and thus the dla. ghyata of the action is indicated.
I Lo corresponding expression baliyaga arap-parttu as it occurs in Köyilolugu, is not quite clear. In the other context it indicates that Karuņikaradasa was sacrificed. It is highly improbable that the Brahmans of Chintamapi were sacrificed. And our record to tells a different talo.

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No. 9)
SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ; SAKA 1467
7
5
the east end and thus saw that there was no room for Kshudra elements to interfere and mounted & yantra so that nobody could live within the temple.'
This account has omitted to mention the important act of compensation arranged by the Jiyar and other technical measures adopted by him. Otherwise it corroborates some of the details given in our record.
About the date of this Jiyar our inscription does not give any indication except that he was & contemporary of a Chöļa king. However, the following facts may be stated here. We know of one Sriranga-Nārāyana Jiyar, who flourished in the 13th century A.C. and was connected with the administration of the Sriranganātha temple for a long time. This Jiyar was first known as Kūra-Nārāyana Jiyar in the early years of his career when he composed the Sudarsanašatakam. He was also known as Kura-Närāyana Kavi. His original name was Nārāyaṇa. He is stated to have received his initiation from Kūrattālvārk at Tirumāliruñjõlai-malai. Hence he was called Kūra-Nārāyaṇa Jiyar. The Köyiloļugu places the date of this Sudarsanašatakam in about the same period as that of Nañjiyar.' The facts stated about this. Nārāyaṇa Jiyar in the Köyilolugu and those mentioned in our inscription concerning Nalantiga! Nārāyana Jiyar would render it quite possible that the two persons are identical. The date of the events recorded about Nalantiga! Nārāyaṇa Jiyar must lie during the period of Kandādai Tõlappar, called Sēnāpati Dhurandharar, who was a contemporary of Nambillai, the successor of Nanjiyar. Hence Kūra-Nārāyana Jiyar alias Nalantigal-Nārāyana Jiyar must have lived as a contemporary of both Nanjiyar and Nambillai who were great acharyas in the line of Rāmānuja, and even lived further on. His long association with the administration of the temple had made him very popular and his admirers and friends ventured to establish a new pontifical seat named after him in rivalry with the established line of Rāmānuja and succeeded in making him the first Sriranga-Nārāyana Jiyar with special honours. Though the dates of these religious heads have not been settled accurately, it can be safely asserted that Nalantigal-Nārāyana Jiyar of our record lived from the middle of the 12th century up to the middle of the 13th. This inscription does not unfortunately give us any clue about the identity of the Chola king who is stated to have settled the dispute.
The technical expressions in which the ideas about the methods to prevent erosion are couched deserve special mention. The words kili-yāru and maladan-ayu and the cognate verbs from which these nouns are derived are very uptly expressive of the operations involved. The word kilittu embodies the sense of force conveyed by the action. The expression malaďu seyvittu is both literary and technical. The use of the word maladu is quite in keeping with the literary tradition of personifying rivers as women. At the same time the ineffectiveness of that section of the river and barrenness of that part of the land are precisely indicated. The names kili-yaru and maladanārus remind us of the small rivulets and channels in the vast distributary system of the Kåvēri and also of their names like koraiyāru (kuraiyāru), pettāru (perrāru) and valapparu(valarpparu). Perhaps Kilpalāru is the name of one such kind of water course. Palāru in this name may be a corrupted form of pillaiyaru, just a variant of perrāru. The divisions named after this aru came to be known as Kilpaläru and Melpalāru according to their directions from this āru.
1 Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 289.
* Köyilofugu, p. 108. Karattāļvār was a junior contemporary of the great Rāmānuja, and lived till about 1157 A.C.
• Ibid., p. 108 et. seq. • Ibid., p. 111.
There is one malattāpu in the island of Srirangam. This flows out from the Kávērt and runs to the left of and parallel to the main river; Srirangam Town Topographical Map, Reg. No. 25 (1946).
* SII, Vol. IV., No. 424. In line 5 of this inscription, both Kilpalaru and Mipalāru, i.o., Malpaláru are mentioned as belonging to Pachchir-kärram in Rajaraja-ralanadu, while Devadanam of our record belongs to Kilpaláru of Uraiyûr-kūsram.
c2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
The expression adikkalañju pon perum is found in the commentary of Nambillai, a contemporary of this Jiyar. Most of the expressions in the Vaishnava parlance have been frequently used by the acharyas in their discussions and then incorporated into their commentaries.
The village Chintamani is situated on the southern bank of Kāvēri opposite to and facing Srirangam on the other bank. Regarding the other geographical names in this record, Devadāṇam which is said to belong to Kilpalāru (division) is evidently the village stili bearing the same name. The mud fort of Tiruchchirappalli referred to as the southern boundary of Chintamani must have been once raised around the main rock before the date of this record and the lines of these outer defences are marked by scattered remains of the works and the ditch (now filled up).1
The western boundary of Chintamani is said to be the road (vetti) from Krishnaraya Alavandapuram to Uraiyur. This road can be traced on the map as leading to the south through Uraiyur from the small ferry station of Ammamandapuram on the Kāvēri. Ammamandapuram is probably the Alavandapuram of our record and Krishnaraya may be an addition to the name probably due to some association with Krishnaraya of Vijayanagar, which cannot be traced in the present state of our knowledge. Kolakuṭṭai may be the modern Kulakaṭṭaiguḍi a village due south of Chintamani on the bank of a tank near Koraiyar river. Lands in this village which is more than twelve miles from the river might not have been so fertile as those that were encroached by the stream and hence the Mahajanas of Chintamani had raised serious objection necessitating the interference of the king.
TEXT
1 Sétavandy Sakasy-abde Sriman-Vishkajadiéikab | Chintamani-mahägrama[m] Sri-Radgēsāyi(ya) dattavan ||
2 Subham-astu [*] Svasti [*] Śrīman-Mahā-irā....irāja-Iraja[pa]ramēśvara-sri-Virapratāpaśrīmat-Sadasiva-Iraja-Maha-irayar prithuvi-irajyam-panni arulāniņra Sakabdam 1467 idan měl selläninra Viśvāvasu-samvatsarattu Phalguna-masattu śukla-pakshattu saptami yum Sōma
3 vāramum perra Rohini-nakshatrattu na ten karai Pāṇḍikulāśani-valanaṭṭu Vilävaravidivīdis-valanāṭṭu Tiruvarafgantiruppadi-Sri-Ranganathadivar-Sri-bandarattukku Seikailapärpicharya-Tatacharyar-Ana Auvakku-tTiravêngadayagar tilään pai
samarpitta
4 padi [1] Tenkarai Irkjagambhira-valandṭṭu Tañjade-usävadi Ursiyür-kürrattu KilpalärruDevadānattukku mērku Tiruchchirapalli mankōṭṭaikku vadakku Kirushnaraya"-Alavandapuram Uraiyur-veṭṭikku kilakku tiruk-Kāvērikku terku innäng-ellaikk-ulpaṭṭu munnal Tiruvarañgan-tiruppadi pidäga
5 yakki pisbu Nalantigal-Narayana-Jiyar Tiruvarangan-tiruppadiyai yara kollugiradu kandu melmugam Anaikättän-karaikka yantes-sthapanamum panni Sastavaiyum pentishshi ttu Kiliyarun-gilittu ten-tiruk-Kävēri malaḍu-seyvittu malaḍan-aru keda vaḍakarai napal naḍavum Kiliyārrukku tenkarai ṇāṇal'
1 Vide Trichinopoly District Gazetteer, p. 326.
* Vide No. 139 of Madras Survey Map.
From impressions.
After na n seems to be written, but this is redundant.
The rooond vidi is redundant.
• Read Krishna
The letter is a mistake for n

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77
No. 9] SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ; SAKA 1467 6 naďāmal Chintāma[niyil*] idangodukka[vum] kattaļai iţtu Chintāmaņi-mahājanangaļukku
Kola[k]uttai grāmam parivartanai paņņikkoduk-kaiyil Solan alaippittu sanniyasiyänavan sarvabhūta-sauhärddam=und[äy] irukkavēndi irukka ippadi brāhmaṇa-himsai
pannalamo' enru kēļka? brāhmana-himsaikku a7 jñai idugira paradēvatai tānē. . 'nnimitta-kritam pāpamm(pam)-api dharmmaya kalpatē
enru Sri-Bhagavad-Gītaiyilė sonnadu kandu seydongānum-enna adu kēttu sõlan santoshittu iduvē ninaiv=ānal inda-ppāvam adikkalanju pon perum=enru Sri-Iranganāda-dēvarku
dārai- vāttu ko8 duttadukku pinbu nedu-nāļaikku mël-äga=chch[i]kālam pandara-vādaiyãy tirandu-põna
Chintamani-grāmam 1 kku' dana-maniyam nilam? nanje nilam? 74-1/10 puñje nilam [7]* äga nilam 14° 1/10 idukku pon? 146 Chintä[mani") nattam sey-ttalai-ttidar vāstu
västu-sēsham aru-pr[a]pti väkkälil-pråpti Vellängudi-iruppu 9 [1]' marrum eppērpatta sakala-samudaya-praptiyum utpada nidhi-nikshēpa-jala-pāshāṇ
ādi ashţa-bhūka(ga)-tēja-svāmyangaļum u!pada namakku nammudaiya priya-sishyanāya svasti [l*Sriman-mahamandalesvara Sõmakulatilakayamanan=ana Irama-IrājarSadāśi
varāya-Mahā-irāyar 10 kaiyil ēkabhögyamāy dhārai vārpittu10 tarugaiyil nän pūrvan=Nalantigal-Nārāyaņa-Jiyar
itta kattaļaippadiyilē perumāļukkē poliūttāga Irāya ckumo Irājāvukkum dharmmam=āga
samarpittu inda khilodd hāraṇam panpina grāmattil udaiyan-gondu 11 perumāļ dinam nālu taļigai amudu seydaruļi idil nibaddhik-kattaļai arra-padi vittavan viļu
kkādu chaturthămsam nālu taļigaiyilē oru taligaiyum (Aukku Tiruvengadayangār
santāna-paramparai aga chandr-aditya-varaiyum anubavittu]" 12 kkondu Sri-Vaishnavargal amudu seydarulumbadikku nadakka-kkndavad agavum ippa
dikku inda silāśāsana[m=eludiņa*]maikku kõyil-kkanakku Sri-Ranganārāyaṇa-priyan eluttu [I*] Dāna-pālanayo[r=mma]dhyē danāt=chhrësch=chbrē)yo=nupālanam dānát
svargam=avā[pno)-12 13 ti palanät (nād=)achyutam padam [18] 14 A[u]kku Tättai-Ayyangārē santāna-param[pa]raiy=āga anubavittu=kkol?a=kkadavaragavum [1]"
TRANSLATION (Line 1) In the Saka year (indicated by) sētuvandyaSriman Verkatadēsika gave the village, Chin tămani, to Sri-Rangēša.
The syllable na is written with one below the other. 'A corrupt form of kēka. * The stone is mutilated here. Sa or ma may be the intended letter. • The sign for rēpha is inserted in between the two consonants. * The usual prothetic vowel a has been replaced here by i in Iranganada. • Readochchilakalam. * Represented by a symbol. • Either 7 is a mistake for 6 or 14 is a mistake for 15. • The figure 1 seems to have been written later at the beginning of the line. 10 The letter r is a mistake for the ordinary trill.
11 This portion is written over an erasure and hence indistinct ; nevertheless it can be read on the inpression. This erasure and the last line of the inscription rouse some suspicion about the genuineness of this portion. Usually this share is given to a nominee of the donor. Hence it is called vittavan vilukkádrs. It is highly improhsblo that a royal preceptor would have thought of nominating himself or his descendants to receive the share. This portion may be a later interpolation.
11 The length of tho o medial sign is engraved at the beginning of tbe next line. * Line 14 soems to have been written later after the engraving of the main inscription was completed. 14 This chronogram yields the number 1467.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
(lines 2-3) Be it well! Hail, Prosperity!
In the Saka year 1467, corresponding to the (cyclic) year, Visvāvasu, in the month of Phalguna, on Monday which was a day of the seventh tithi of the bright fortnight, with Röhini-nakshatra, when Mahārājādhiraja-Rajaparamēsvara-Sri-Virapratāpa-śrīmat-SadāśivadēvaMahārāyar was ruling the earth, Avuku Tiruvēngadayangār alias Srisailapärna-Tātā. chārya respectfully conveyed the following deed of endowment (silāsāsanam) to the treasury of (the temple of Sri-Ranganatha at Tiruvarangam-Tiruppadi (situated in) Vilávarāvidi-valanādu in Pāņdikulāšani-vaļanādu on the southern bank (of the Kūvëri) (to wit)
(lines 4-7) (whereas the village, Chintamani (lying) to the west of Kilpalāļu-Dévadāŋam in Uraiyūr-kūrram in Tañjāūr-uśāvadi in Irājagambhira-valanādu on the southern bank of the Kāvēri) to the north of the mud-fort of Tiruchchirappalli, to the east of Krishnarāya-Alavandapuram, on the Uraiyur road and to the south of the Kāvēri, had been, in former days, made into a hamlet of Tiruvarangam-Tiruppadi (and),
(whereas) later, Nalantigal-Nārāyaṇa-Jiyar seeing the river encroaching (on the land up to) Tiruvarangam-Tiruppadi, fixed a yantra on the bank at (a spot culleil) Anaikāttän-karai facing west, consecrated (the deity) Sāstā there, cut out a stream (callel) Kiliyāsu (thereby) drying up the southern (branch of the) Kävēri and in order to permanently dry it up planted nāņul (grass) on the northern bank (of the southern Kūvērī) while not doing so on the southern bank of the Kiliyāru, (thereby) causing (some) land in Chintămani (to be) inundated by the flow of the water), and issued & decree (granting) the village of Kolakuttai to the Mahajanas of Chintamaņi as exchange (and)
(whereas) the Chola (king) invited the Jiyar and questioned whether a sanyasin (like him), who should have compassion on all living beings, could thus do harm to the Brāhmaṇas, and (who) on the (Jiyar replying) that he had done the deed, since the same God who had (the authority) to give such an order causing suffering to Brāhmaṇas had Himself stated in the Bhagavad-Gītā (thus), "Anything done for the sake of good (or in devotion to my cause) though sinful, is ordained as proper (in the interest) of dharma" was pleased (with the answer) and said that, if this was the motive, the deed though sinful was as valuable as fine gold and granted the village (Chintamani) to God Ranganātha, (and)
(lines 8-9) (whereas) a long time after this grant) the village came under the pandaravādai (tenure) for a short while and then was left uncultivated,
(whereas) our loving disciples, Hail! Prosperity! Mahāmaņdalēśvara SõmakulatilakaRamarāja and Sadāśiva-Mahārāyar were pleased to grant to me on ēkabhögya (tenure) this village (of the extent of) nağjai (land) 74 (vēli) and 2 mā, puñiai (land) 7 (vēli), (i.e. in all) 14 (vēli) and 2 mă (yielding an income of) 146 pon, inclusive of settlement, fields, mounds, buildings, buildingsites, river-sinundated) areas, canal-(occupied) areas, veļļāngudi-iruppu and all rights over the incomes of the village, as well as over treasure-trove, waters, etc.,
(lines 10-13) I, (Tiruvēngadayangār alias Srisailapúrpa-Tātāchārya) do hereby grant this renovated village in the same way as was endowed formerly by Nalantiga! Nārāyana-Jiyar, to the God (Perumā!) as interest-bearing endowment for the daily offering of four dishes (of food) out of the produce of the village for the merit of both the Räya and the Rūja; (and do hereby stipulate that) of the four dishes of food, one-fourth sharo is to be given to Avuku Tiruvēngadayyangår and his descendants as long as the sun and moon endure, the rest of the offered food being distributed among the Srivaishnavas ;
in attestation (of the above deed), this is the signature of the temple accountant Sriranganā. rāyanapriyan.
(Imprecatory verse) (line 14) May Avukku Tataygangār and his descendants enjoy this!

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No. 10) SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI
79 No. 10 SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI
1 Plate)
D. C. SIKCAR, OOTACAMUND In May 1949, I received for examination a copper-plate grant from Mr. K. C. Panigrahi, Curator, Orissa Provincial Museum, Bhubaneswar. It was originally in the possession of a gentleman of a village in the Angul Sub-division of the Cuttack District. Mr. Rādhāmōhana Gapanāyaka of Angul received the plate from him and sent it to the Curator of the Orissa Provincial Museum. The inscribed plate, which was covered with a coating of greenish verdigris, was properly cleaned at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund, and several sets of excellent impressions were prepared. The plate was then returned to the Orissa Provincial Museum where it now lies. I thank Mr. Panigrahi for his kindness in allowing me to publish the inscription in the Epigraphia Indica.
This is a single copper plate measuring 13.8" by 10" with a circular projection at the centre of the proper right end, to which the seal, 4.3" in diameter, is soldered. The seal is designed in the form of an expanded lotus, on the circular pericarpial portion of which are carved, on countersunk surface, the emblems of the sun, the moon and a conch-shell and a seated bull facing proper right. In the lower part of this circular space there is also an emblem of an expanded lotus. In the space between the bull and the lotus is the legend Srimad-Dandimahādēvyāḥ. The plate is written on both sides, the obverse containing nineteen lines of writing and the reverse eighteen lines. The average size of the aksharas is .4" in height and 3* in breadth. The aksharas of the concluding two lines are, however, smaller in size. The incision is deep and the letters are carefully and beautifully cut. The state of preservation of the writing is exceptionally satisfactory. The plate weighs 3251 tolas.
The characters belong to the eastern variety of the North Indian alphabet and closely resemble those of other records of the Bhaumar Kara family of Orissa, especially the Gañjām and Bänpur plates of the same queen who issued the charter under discussion. While editing the Gañjām plates, Kielhorn opined about half a century ago that the writing "could hardly be older than the 13th century A.D". With the progress of our knowledge in the ancient history of Orissa, this view has now rightly been discarded. There is hardly any doubt that the imperial Bhauma-Kara dynasty of Orissa flourished carlier than the Sõmavamsi king Uddyōtakēsarin (c. 1060-85 A.C.) and the Greater Ganga king Anantavarman Chodaganga (1078-1147 A.C.).? This is not only suggested by the known facts of Orissan history but also by the use of numerical symbols instead of figures in writing the date of the charter in question. This old system of writing numbers is not usually found in inscriptions of a date later than the tenth century. On palaeographical grounds, the present inscription may be assigned to a period about the tenth century A.C. The most interesting point in regard to its palaeography is the confusion between the medial signs of u and ů which is characteristic not only of the epigraph under notice (cf. more than twenty cases of medial û wrongly
1 This is C. P. No. 63 of the A. R. I. E. for 1949-50.
1 About the beginning of 1951, I received for examination another plate of Dandimahādēvi lying in the possession of a goldsmith of Ambapuã near Russelkonda in the Ganjam District. The text of lines 1-24 of this insoription is the same as that of lines 1-26 of the record edited here. The rest of the writing ou the Ambapua plato is damaged and cannot be deciphered. This plate is registered as C. P. No. 22 of the A. R.I.. for 1950-51.
. Above, Vol. VI, p. 137 ff. • J BORS, Vol. V, p. 571 ff. * Op. cit., p. 136. • Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 307.
* Anantavarman Chödaganga was crowned on the 17th of February, 1078 A.C. (Bhandarkar, List, No. 1099) and ruled for a period of 70 years.
.G. H. Oiha, Indian Palacography (in Hindi), 1918, p. 115.

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80 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX written for medial u in lines 3, 8-9, 11-16, 22-23, 26, 35-36), but also of practically all Orissan inscriptions of about the same age. The form of medial u in tku in line 11 is different from the one usually found here. As usual, b has been indicated by the sign for v. N has two different forms; see nivāsi in line 3 and manasi in line 4. Final m occurs in line 16 and final t in line 19. Ta for final t occurs in lines 3 and 18 and nahi for final n in line 28. Initial u has been employed in line 22 while the sign for avagraha is found thrice in lines 32 and 37. Mediat si has different forms. Its sign in krita and sad-drishți (line 4) and hridaya (line 6) is not the same as in kritāḥ (line 7). Note also the sign of the same vowel in obhritah (lines 6 and 9). The symbols for 200 and 80 are employed in writing the date in line 37.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It is written partly in prose and partly in verse. The introductory portion of the inscription (lines 1-25 containing fifteen stanzas) is in verse with the only exception of a small prose passage in line 3. These verses are also found in the Bāņpur plate, although there are a few omissions in the two Gañjām plates. It is interesting to note that the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses found at the end of charters are conspicuous by their absence in the record under notice. In point of orthography, the present inscription closely resembles the Gañjām and Bāņpur plates. There are some errors such as svē for śve and ti for ti (line 1), vi for bhi (line 7), ntha for nța (line 14), éri for fri (line 16), vi for vi (line 17), tři for ti (line 23), ni for ni (line 34), ni for ni (line 37), etc. In some cases, anusvāra has been written for final m (see lines 4 and 19). In line 9, it substitutes final n.
The date of the inscription is given as the year 280 of an unspecified era. The symbol for 200 is a clear lů and we know from Nepalese and Bengali manuscripts that, while lu indicates the figure 100, lú signifies 200. But the difficulty in regard to the date of the present record is that, in the Gañjām plate (A), as rightly pointed out by Kielhorn,"the symbol for 100 is something between lva and lu just as the symbol for 200 in the Bāmanghāți plate (of Ranabhañja) is lū.” The case is the same with the first symbol in the date of the Bāņpur plate. Now the problem is while the first symbol in the dates of the Gañjām and Bānpur plates have to be read as 100 and while the second symbol indicating 80 is the same in those records as well as in the present charter, the first symbol in the date of the record under discussion is clearly to be read as 200. It can hardly be normal to read the date of one record of a person as 180 and that of another record of the same person as 280, as one is not expected to date one's different records in two different eras with epochs separated exactly by one century. The first symbol in the date of the Gañjām and Bāņpur plates as well as of the present record thus seems to have the same value, either 100 or 200. There seems, however, to be strong evidence in favour of the reading 100 instead of 200. It has to be remembered that all the rulers of the Bhauma-Kara family used the same era in dating their documents and that there is no doubt about the reading of many of the dates. The Dhauli inscription of Santikara I is undoubtedly dated in the year 93. The date of the Hindol plates of his son Subhākara III is also clearly 103. This king was succeeded by his mother Tribhuvanamahādēvi I, the date of whose Bhimnagarigarh plate is probably the year 120. The first symbol in the dates of the records of Subhākara III and Tribhuvanamahādevi I is a quite clear lu. Now, as will be clear
In this case, the visarga may have also been intended to be a part of the mark of interpunctuation that follows. • Bühler, Indian Palaeography (translation), Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, Appendix, p. 77. * Above, Vol. VI, p. 135. Bhandarkar seems to be wrong in interpreting the symbol as 200 (cf. List, No. 1413). • Above, Vol. XIX, p. 264.
.J BORS, Vol. XVI, p. 77. The recently discovered Terupdia plate of Subhakara II, cousin and predecessor of Subhākara III, is dated in the year 100. See above, Vol XXVIII, pp. 211 ff. This plate has been registered as C. P. No. 19 of the A. R. I. E. for 1950-51.
Ibid., Vol. II, p. 421. The second symbol in the date of this record looks like chuin which would ordinarily be interpreted as 60 (cf. Ojha, op. cit., Plate LXXIII). But dates in the later records of the family and the possible confusion between the ch and th symbols suggest 20 in this case.

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81 from the following discussion on the genealogy of the Bhauma-Karas, Subhākara III who ruled in the year 103 and probably died before the year 120 was the great-great-grandfather of the issuer of the record under discussion ; that is to say, only three generations intervened between Subhākara III and the issuer of the present charter. As is usual, we may count three quarters of a century for these three generations. . This will show that we have to read 180 as the year of the issue of the present charter and certainly not 280, because in that case more than one century and a half for the three intervening generations would be preposterously abnormal. Thus the symbol lü in the date of our record actually stands for lu indicating 100 and this mistake may be due to the confusion between the medial signs for u and ů in the present record as well as in others, to which attention has already been invited above. It has been suggested that the Buddhist dynasty of the Bhauma-Karas was accorded a feudatory position in Orissa by Harsha Silāditya during his Köngöda expedition about 643 A.C. and that the Bhauma-Karas used the Harsha era of 606 A.C. The present record would thus be dated in the year 180 of the Harsha era corresponding to 786 A.C. Attention may be drawn to the mention of a solar eclipse as the occasion of the grant in line 36 of the charter. There were actually two solar eclipses in the year 786 A. C., one on Monday, the 3rd April, and the other on Wednesday, the 27th September. But as will be seen from further discussions on the Bhauma-Kara chronology below, the above date of the charter under discussion is not free from doubt. It has also to be admitted that the palaeography of the record seems to suggest a much later date.
The charter begins with a verso containing the description of the city of Guhakvarapätaka, the name of which is given in a short passage in prose immediately following. This verse as well as most of those which describe the Bhauma-Kara genealogy is also found in some inscriptions of other members of the family. The city, otherwise known as Guhadēvapătaka, was the capital of the Bhauma-Karg kings of Orissa and is actually mentioned in many of their documents. It has been referred to as a place where the victorious skandhävāra of the reigning monarch is said to have been situated. The word skandhāvāra originally indicated 'a camp', but later also '& royal city or capital." Verse 2 introduces the illustrious king named Unmattasimha. From other inscriptions of this family, which is called Bhauma in earlier records and Kara in later epigraphs, we know that its progenitor was a paramöpāsaka (i.e., Buddhist) named Kshēmankara or Lakshmikara. His son and successor was a paramatāthāgata (i.e., devout worshipper of the Tathāgata or Buddha), Mahārāja Sivakara I, also called Unmattasimha (or "kēsarin) and Bharasaha. This king is said to have married, according to the Rākshasa form of wedding, the lady Jayāvali who was the daughter of a ruler of Radha in the valley of the river Ajay in the Burdwan region of South-West Bengal. Verse 3 of our record speaks of the illustrious king Gayada and others who were born in the family of Unmattasimha. Other records of the family represent king Gayāda I as the grandson of Unmattasimha. We know that Sivakara I-Unmaţtasimha-Bharasaha was succeeded by his son, the paramasaugata (devout worshipper of the Sugata or Buddha) Subhākara I, who is called Mahārāja in his own Neulpur plate, but is endowed with full imperial titles in the record of his successor. He is represented as the lord of the Utkala country, as the subduer of the Kalinga people and as a grantor of land in Uttara-Tösali. He married Madhavadëvi who gave birth to Mahārājādhirājas Sivakara II and Santikara I. King Säntikara I was also known as Gayāda 1 and Lalitabhāra (or "hāra) I and was probably the founder of Gayādapura mentioned
· L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, part II, pp. 174-75.
* See, 0. 8., the Taltali plate of Dharmamahadovi, which has all the verses with slight changes in few of them (IHQ, Vol. XXI, pp. 217-20).
• Successors of the Sátardhands, p. 47. • Somno sobolars arei nclined to take Kshēmankara and Lakshmikara as two different members of the family
. Above, Vol. XV, pp. 1 ff. The date of this record written in one symbol is uncertain, but may be the year 70. Subhakara I seems to have been the first imperial ruler of the Bhauma-Kara family.
18 DGA/52

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[Vol. XXIX in a later record of the family. We have referred above to his Dhauli inscription dated in the year 93 and to his queen Tribhuvanamahädēvi who is described as a paramavaishnavi and as the daughter of a Nāga chief of the southern country, named Rajamalla. Verse 4 of our record mentions a king named Lõnabhāra as born in the family of Santikara I. It is known, however, from other records that Lõnabhāra (or Lavana) was actually the grandson of Santikara L The son of Santikara I, surnamed Gayada and Lalitahara (or 'bhāra), was Subhākara III otherwise called Kusumahara (or bhāra) and Simhadhvaja (or "kötu). This king is known to have granted lands in both northern and southern Tõsali in the year 103. The grant of land in Uttara-Tõsali was made at the request of his feudatory, Pulindarāja (either indicating a personal name or less probably signifying 'the king of the Pulindas') in favour of the god Vaidyanātha-bhattāraka (Siva) enshrined in the Pulindēsvara temple. The land granted in Dakshina-Tõsali was actually situated in the Köngödamandala vishaya. This king was probably succeeded first by his mother Tribhuvanamabadēvi I alias Sindagauri I and then by his young son Santikara II. Tribhuvanamahādēvi is said to have been requested by the feudatories to assume the reins of government in the same way as an ancient queen named Gösvămini had done. As noticed above, a date in Tribhuvanamahadēvi's reign probably falls in the year 120. Santikara II, who succeeded his grandmother, was also known as Lõnabhāra (or Lavaņa) I and Gayāda II. We know that Säntikara II (alias Lavaṇabhāra alias Gayāda) married Hirāmahādēvi, daughter of Simhamāna, and begot on her two sons, viz., Subhākara IV (surnamed Kusumahāra or 'bhāra II) and Sivakara III (surnamed Lalitahāra or bhara II) both of whom became kings and are mentioned in our record in verses 6 and 6. By this time the Bhauma-Karas were no longer adherents of the Buddhist religion. Mahārājādhirāja Subhākara IV (Kusumabhāra II) is called a paramamāhë vara in his Talcher plates of the year 145. His younger brother and successor Sivakara III is known from his records dated in the year 149. The sons of sivakara III (Lalitabhāra II) were kings sāntikara III (surnamed Lavaṇabhūra or Lönao II) and Subhākara V, both of whom are mentioned in our record in verses 7 and 8.' Santikara III married Dharmamahādēvi, while Subhākara V had two queens, viz., Gauri and Vakulamahädēvi. Both of these kings apparently died without leaving any male issue and, after the death of Subhākara V, the throne passed to his queen Gauri who is mentioned in our record in verse 9. Queen Gauri was succeeded by her daughter, the paramamahētvari Paramabhatjärikä Mahārjādhirāja-Paramësvari Dandimahädēvi who issued the charter under discussion in the year 180. One of the two Gañjām plates was issued by the same queen in the same year, but the Bāņpur plate was issued by her in the year 187. We know that this queen was succeeded by her step-mother Vakulamahādēvi who was the daughter of a Bhañja king." The throne next passed to Dharmamahādēvi, queen of Dandimahādēvi's paternal uncle Sāntikara III (Lavaṇabhāra II). We offer below the genealogy of the Bhauma-Karas in a tabular form for easy reference.
. We have now the Terundia plate of Subhakara II, son of Sivakara II, who ruled between Santikara I and Ils son Subhākara III in the year 100.
* J BORS, Vol. XVI, pp. 77 ff.; B. Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, pp. 14 ff., 22, and line 25 of plate F.
. According to the recently discovered Baud plates of Prithvimahādēvi alias Tribhuvanamahädovi II alias Sindagaurt II, Gosviminl (i.o., Tribhuvanamahädévi I) ascended the throne because her son Subhakara III had died without leaving a son. This fact suggests that Santikara II was adopted as son by the chief queen of Bubbäkara III some time after the death of her husband. The Baud plates have been registered as 0. P. Nos. 20-21 of the A. R. I. E. for 1950-51.
• The Baud plates of Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahidēvf II suggest that Tribhuvanamahādēvi I oalled herself Gosvamint II.
. B. Misra, op. cit., Plate H, line 42. Misra reads the date as 141. • Ibid., Plate I. line 30, and Plate J (reverse), line 6. The figure read here as 9 has a rather peculiar form.
* The Baud plates of Prithvimahādēvi alias Tribhuvanamahādévi II, dated in the year 158, say that her husband, Subhākara IV, and the latter's younger brother and successor, Sivakara III, both died without leaving song and therefore she herself ascended the throne. This shows that this queen and her supporters did not recognise Såntikara III and Subhakara V as sons of Sivakara III. It seems that there was a struggle for the throne after the death of Sivakars III between his sons and the queen of his elder brother and that queen Prithvimahädēvi alias Twibhuvanamahadevi II was ultimately overthrown in favour of Santikara III.
THQ, Vol. XXI, pp. 217-20,

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SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI
GENEALOGY OF THE BHAUMA-KARAS
(1) Kshēmankara or Lakshmikara (2) Sivakara I Unmattasimha Bharasaha
Jayavali, daughter of the ruler of Rādba. (3) Subhākara I (Neulpur plate)
=Madhavadėvi
(4) Sivakara II
(Chaurasi pl.)=Möhinidovi
(5) śāntikara I Lalitabhāra (hāra) I Gayāda I
(Dhauli ins., year 93)=(8) Tribhuvanamahādēvi i alias Sindagauri I alias Gõsvāmini II, daughter of the Näga chief Rajamalla of the southern country (Bhimnagarigash pl., year 120)
(6) Subhākara II
(Terundiā pl., year 100) ==Nrinnādévi
(7) Subhākara III Kusumabhara (hāra) I
Simhadvaja (okētu) (Hindol pl., year 103)
(9) Sāntikara II Lavaṇabhāra (Lõna) I
Gayāda II=Hirāmahādēvi, daughter of Simhamāna
(10) Subhākara IV Kusumabhūra ("hāra) II (11) Sivakara III Lalitabhāra II (Talcher plates, (Talcher pl., year 145)=(12) Prithvi
year 149) mahādēvi alias Tribhuvanamahädēvi II. alias Sindagauri II (Baud pl., year 158), daughter of Svabhāvatunga of the lunar dynasty of Kösala:
(13) Sāntikara III Lavaṇabhāra II =(18) Dharmamahādēvi
(14) Subhākara V. =(15) Gauri =(17) Vakulamahādēvi
of the Bhañja family
(16) Dandimahādēvi (Gañjām pl.,
year 180; Bāņpur pl., year 187)
Before entering into the details of the grant made by means of the present charter, it is necessary to refer to an important point in regard to the chronology of the Bhauma-Kara kings. The dates of the Bhauma-Kara records would suggest that the family ruled for about two centuries.
The recently discovered Baud plates of the quoen say that she was the daughtor of Svabhavntunga, who belonged to the race of the moon and was the lord of Kösala (apparently South Kosala), from queen Nrittīmahā. dēvi, daughter of Yakovriddhi. The grants were made at the request of Sasilökha (wife of Mahamandaladhipali Mangalakalasa), who was born in the Virāta family and was marriod into the Vrāgadi family, for the merit of the deceased father of the lady, in favour of tho Nännisvara temple (nainod after the load man). The gift land was situated in the Tamalakhanda virhayn within the Dandabhukti mandala (about the prosent Danton in the Midnapur District of West Bengal). Tho tom plo in question, which was a Saiva institution, acons to have been situated in the same area which was probably being ruled by the husband of Sakilekha.
D 2

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[VOL. XXIX Elsewhere it was suggested that Sivakara I-Unmaṭṭasimha-Bharasaha, the second ruler of the family, was probably installed by Harsha during his Köngöda expedition about 643 A. C. as his feudatory in Orissa. This date for Sivakara I Unmaṭṭasimha was taken to be supported by the Gañjām inscription which may suggest that Unmaṭṭakesarin (simha), stationed at Virajas, conqured parts of Kōngōdamandala from Ganga Jayavarman of Svetaka with the help of his feudatory Ranaka Vishavarṇava sometime after the Ganga year which may possibly be read as 120 falling in 616-18 A. C. Virajas is no doubt the same as Viraja or Viraja, identified with modern Jajpur in the Cuttack District. One of the Parlakimedi plates of Ganga Jayavarman was taken to be a copy of a genuine record of the sixth or seventh century, to which period the original records of the Ganga king are palaeographically assigned. Now the Parlakimedi record referred to above is dated in the year 100 of the Ganga era, which falls in 596-98 A.C. Thus the reign of Sivakara I Unmaṭṭasimha was assigned to a date about the second quarter of the seventh century, the end of the dynasty to the early years of the ninth century and the rule of queen Dendimahādēvi to the close of the eighth century. There is, however, some difficulty in accepting this chronology of the Bhauma-Karas of Orissa especially in view of the late date suggested by the palaeography of their records.
In 795 A.C. the Chinese emperor Te-tsong received, as a token of homage, an autographed manuscript addressed to him by the king of Wu-cha (i.e., Odra, Orissa) in Southern India, who was a follower of Mahayana Buddhism and whose name, translated into Chinese, was "the fortunate monarch who does what is pure, the lion." This piece of evidence cannot be easily reconciled with the chronology of the Bhauma-Karas indicated above. The original of the name is supposed to be sri-Subhakaradeva Kesari (Simha) who is often identified with king Subhakara I of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty. If this identification is to be accepted, we have to assign Dandimahadevi's reign to the middle of the tenth century and to suggest that the era used by the BhaumaKaras started from the regnal reckoning of the founder of the dynasty. As however the names Subhakara and Subhakara are quite different in meaning, it is difficult to be definite on this point. Dr. R. C. Majumdar suggested to me that the king of Orissa mentioned in the Chinese record should be identified with Sivakara I Unmaṭṭasimha (or kesari), father of Subhakara I. It has to be admitted that this is the only known king of early-medieval Orissa who was a Buddhist and at the same time had a name with the word "lion" as one of its component parts. But the word siva does not mean pure" and unmaṭṭa-simha means a "furious lion," unmaṭṭa being a Prakrit corruption of Sanskrit unmatta, and none of these words can be traced in the Chinese translation of the Indian name. The chronology of the Bhauma-Karas based on the above identification therefore cannot be regarded as absolutely certain. It may not be impossible that the Orissan king mentioned in the Chinese records belonged to a different dynasty of rulers, who flourished in the last decade of the eighth century but had nothing to do with the Bhauma-Karas. It must be admitted that the identification is a mere conjecture and we shall have to wait for further evidence to be definite in regard to the chronology of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty and the identity of the Orissan king mentioned in the Chinese records."
66
1 Cf. Journ. Kal. Hist. Res. Soc., Vol. II, pp. 103-05.
IHQ, Vol. XII, pp. 492-93.
See JKHRS, Vol. I, pp. 219-21; Vol. II, pp. 103-05.
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 268-69.
Ibid., p. 261.
Above, Vol. XV, pp. 363-64. Dr. P. C. Bagchi writes to me: "A more literal translation of the king's name and title would be the auspicious lord pure-doing-lion king.' The literal Sanskrit restoration looks more sensible: ári-isvara-Subhakarasimha-raja. The name was evidently understood in Chinese as Subhakara."
7 For new evidence regarding the beginning of the Bhauma-Kara era about 820-25 A. C., see our article entitled "Two Grants from Daspalla" to be published in this journal.

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SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI
85
The charter records the grant of the village called Santiragrăma together with another locality called Kömyösanga, situated in the Pachhama (Paschima) khanda within the Tamura vishaya in the Dakshina-Tõsalā (i.e., Tösali) country. The grant was made by the Paramamähesvari (devout worshipper of Mahē vara or Siva) Dandimahādēvi, who is endowed with imperial titles, in favour of Bhatta Mäkyadēva (possibly Bhatta Māņikyadēva), who was the son of Jalladēva and grandson of Purushottama. The donee was an inhabitant of Dharmapätti; but his family had originally hailed from Takäri. He belonged to the Bhāradvāja götra, to the Angirasa, Bärhaspatya and Bhäradvāja pravaras and to the VājasanĒya charana and was a student of the Mädhyandina sākha. The occasion of the grant was a solar eclipse. It was made at the request of Paramamaheśvara Rānaka sribhrid-Apsarõdēva who was the lord of the Yamagartā mandala. It seems that Apsarõdēva was a feudatory of Dandimahādēvi and that the Yamagartă mandala formed a part of the Bhauma-Kara dominions. We have seen that the kings of this family granted lands in northern and southern Tösali, the former indicating the Balasore-Cuttack region (sometimes with a part of the Midnapur District of West Bengal). and the latter including parts of the Cuttack, Puri and Ganjam Districts. Köngöda about the border between the Puri and Ganjam Districts is said to have been included in Dakshina-Tõsali. The Tunga chiefs Gayadatunga and Vinitatunga, whose charters have been discovered in Talcher and Bonai, also called themselves lords of the Yamagarta mandala. In this connection it may also be pointed out that the Tunga ruler Vinitatunga seems to be mentioned as a feudatory of the Bhauma-Kara monarch Sivakara III, grandfather of Dandimahädēvi, in both of his Talcher plates dated in the year 149. An earlier ruler of the Yamagartă mandala was Jayasimha who also used the era employed by the Bhauma-Karas in dating their records and was very probably one of their feudatories. The date of the Dhenkanal plate of Jayasimha is read as the year 88, although the actual reading may be 128. It seems therefore that the Yamagarta mandala was situated in the valley of the river Brähmani to the west and south-west of the territories of the Bhañja chiefs of Khisljali-mandala (in the Baud-Keonjhar area) and of Khijjinga-kofta (in the Mayurbhanj region). It appears further that like the chiefs of Yamagartā, the Bhañjas also originally acknowledged the supremacy of the Bhauma-Karas. The Tungas of Yamagartã were probably succeeded by the dynasty represented by Apsarõdēva ; but, sometime afterwards, the latter seems to have been itself ousted by rulers of the Sulki dynasty, whose names ended with the word stambha.
The record contains two lists of officials to whom the royal order was addressed. Both of these are short but contain a few interesting entries. The first list, mentioned in connection with the country of Dakshina-Tõsalā, includes Mahāsāmanta, Rājasatka, Rājaputra, Kumārāmātya, Auparika (Uparika), Dishayapati, Tadãyuktaka, Dāndapātika and Sthändntarika. In place of Rajasatka, other records of the queen read Antaranga, probably indicating the royal physician. Rājasatka may also indicate the same office. Kumārāmātya seems to be an Amatya or executive officer of the status of a prince of the royal blood. Uparika was a viceroy and Vishayapati the ruler of a district. Tadāyuktaka was probably the ruler of a subdivision of the district, appointed by the Vishayapati and not by the crown. Dändapatika was a police officer, its corruption Danduāsi still indicating & village-watohman in Orissa. The Sthanāntarikas were probably spies. The other list of officials, possibly belonging to the territorial unit called the Pachhama (Paschima) khanda in the Tamura vishaya, includes Mahamahattara, Brihadbhogin, Pustaka päla and Kütakolasa, to whose adhikaranas or offices the royal order is addressed. Mahattara means the headman of a village. Bhögin
Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 1746-47. • B. Misra, op. oit., pp. 40-61. • Vide J BORS, Vol. II, pp. 417 ff. ; Bhandarkar, List, No. 1756. 18 DGA/62

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
possibly means one enjoying a free holding. Pustakapāla was the record-keeper. The word kūjakolasa is difficult to explain.
The village is said to have been granted together with the uddēša (space above the ground called tala), with subjects such as the weavers, gökūta (milkmen, called Gaura in Oriya) and saundika (vintners) and with gulmakas (outposts) at the kheta (village or hamlet), ghatta (barbour) and naditarasthāna (ferry). Another interesting passage says that the grant was made a-lēkhani.. pravēšatayā bhūmichchhidra-pidhāna-nyayēna. The expression a-lēkhani-pravēšatayā seems to mean that the grant would never in future have to be the subject of another document. That is to say that the village could not be regranted to any other family and that its ownership could not be transferred by the donee to some other family. In inscriptions we usually find the expression bhūmichchhidra-nyāya. This nyāya was based on the custom according to which a person who brought a piece of fallow or jungle land under cultivation for the first time was allowed to enjoy it as a rent-free holding. The word chhidra in this case no doubt refers to the furrowing of the land. But the idea of chhidra-pidhāna or' covering a hole' seems to have developed out of a misunderstanding of the original meaning of the nyāya. The idea in bhūmi-chchhidra-pidhāna-nyāya was probably that the loss of lands owing to various causes was thought to be compensated for by making free gifts of some of them. It may, however, also mean the custom relating to the reclamation of fallow land.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the location of Dakshina-Tõsalā (i.e., "Tõsali) and Yamagartā-mandala has already been discussed. Guhēsvarapätaka, the capital of the Bhauma-Kara kings, was probably modern Jājpur or a locality in its suburbs. Tamura vishaya, Pachhama (Paschima) khanda, Sāntiragrāma and Kõmyösanga cannot be satisfactorily identified. The headquarters of Tamura may, however, be located at modern Tamur (21°18" N. 85°14" E.) in the former Pal-Lahara State. In regard to the name of the khanda, it may be pointed out that one of the Gañjām plates of Dandimahādēvi records the grant of a village in the Pūrva khanda of the Varadākhanda vishaya in the Köngöda mandala. This seems to suggest that the Pūrva and Paschima khandas were merely the eastern and western divisions of a vishaya. Dharmapātti, the native village of the donee, cannot be identified ; but Takāri, where his family originally lived, is known from numerous other records as a great seat of learned Brāhmaṇas. It was variously called Tarkari, Tarkarikā, Tarkāra, Takkära, Takäri and Takkārikā. Sometimes it is said to have been situated in the Madhyadēša division of India, which comprised, roughly speaking, the present Uttar Pradesh with the eastern part of the Panjab, although sometimes Bihar and North Bengal were included in the division. In one record the village is specifically described as situated within the limits of Srāvasti. There is, however, difference of opinion as regards the location of this Srāvasti. Some scholars favour its identification with Setmahet on the borders of the Gonda and Bahraich Districts of the Uttar Pradesh while others suggest its location about the Bogra District in North Bengal. But usually the former identification is supported by scholars and the village of Takāri is located in Oudh.'
1 See Jolly, Hindy Law and Custom (trans. by B. K. Ghosh), pp. 196-97. Note that the hunted deer belonged to him who hit it first.
It is to be noted that the Vaijayanti explains bhūmichchhidr: asuncultivable land'. The expression is used in the Arthadastra of Kautilya exactly in the same sense. See Bhattacharya, Kamarupa-rasan-árali, p. 33, note.
* See Misra, op. cit., p. 51.
. Above, Vol. I, p. 336; Vol. III, pp. 348, 353 ; Vol. IX, p. 107; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 118: Vol. XVI, pp. 204, 208.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 118. . Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 290 ff.; of. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVIII, p. 208 ; Vol. LX, pp. 14# History of Bengal, Vol. I (Dacca University), p. 579, noto.

Page #184

No. 10)
SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI
87
TEXT:
[Metres :--Verses 1-4, 14-15 Sārdulavikridita ; verses 5, 7-9, 13 Vasantatilaka ; verse 6 Mălini ;
verses 10-12 Anushubh.]
Obverse
1 Siddham [l*) Svasti vyasta!-jal-abhra-vibhrama-dharaiḥ svē(bvē)t-ātapatr-otkarair=aśviya
sruti(ti)-chämarais-cha hasita-vyākota-ka2 4-7dayaiḥ (1) uddämair-mmara(da)-saurabhais-cha kariņām=ākshipta-saptachchhad-amo
daiḥ sannihitā[m*) sad=siva sarad-ara3 mbha-sriyam visbi)bhrataḥ ||[1*] Sri-Ga(Gu)hāśvarapäțaka-nivāsi®-vijaya-skandhāvārāta
(rät) || Sarvv-āsā-paripūraş-ābhi(dhi)4 ka-ruchir-was-tapam-astan=nayann-ånanda[n) kritavāñ-janasya manasi prăpta-pratish
thăm(shtham) chiram(ram) || (1) sad-dřishţi-pratirõdhi yena B cha tamo nirmūlam-unmülitam krimān=indur-iv=ivanipatir-abhūd-Unmaţtasimha(h-a)
hvayah || [2] Tad-vamšād=abhavann-anindita-gun[a] 6 muktāmayāḥ santatāḥ sad-vsitt[h*) sukha-Sītalāḥ kshitibhsitaḥ śrimad-Gayād-adayaḥ
[*] yan=nitva' hřidaya-pra7 tāpa-samaně dēv-ānganābhiḥ svayam karnn-āslēpa-sukha-sthiti-pranayino har-avi(bhi)
rāmāḥ kṣitāḥ ||[3*] Tad-van8 sē=bhavad=ūrjita[h*) prati-vu(bu)dha-prita(ti)h pratit-odayo dēva[ho] satru-vadhū-mū(mu)
kh-endū(ndu)-taranih sri-Lopabharo 9 nfipa|| () yasy=äkramya guru-pratāpa-sikhinah. prithvībhřitah pröddhatām(tān) dūram
sarvva-dig-antarēshū(shu) tarasā svai10 ram prasasa(sruh) karāḥ || [4] Tasy=ātmajaḥ pranata-părthiva-chakra-chūļā-nivyä(rvyā)
ja-rõpita-padas-charit-ārtha-nāmā [l *] 11 vistāri-sõ(sau)rabha-gü(gu)ņ-õdaya-pūrit-āsas-tasmād"-abhūt=Kusů (su)mabhāra iti kshi
tibah || [5*] Abhfi12 [ta] Lalitabhāraḥ kshmām=bharam11 bhūri-tējā ta(8=ta)d-anū(nu) tad-anū(nu)janma
vyūdha-bhög-indra-lilah" (1) anayad-amalima13 nam pa(ya)d=yasah-pūriū(m=u)chchair=api ripū(pu)-rampi(ma)ņinām=añjan-oriram=
asru | [6*) Tasmin=nsipē divam=upēýū(yu)shi tat-tanūja[b*] 14 sāst=āvanērajani Sāntikara(r-a)bhidhānaḥ # ( yên=öddhțitēshv-akhila-dū(du)rmada
kantha(nța)kēshū (shu) rēmē yatha-sū(su)kham-api
1 From the original plate and impressions. * Expressed by a symbol.
The syllablo sla here looks like tala. • The Gañjām plato A has haraih. The top motra of dha in the present inscription was inadvertently incised.
The word samaudsita found in numerous other records is better suited in this context, although the grante of the Bhauma-Karas usually have nivåsin.
•The Gatjam plate A reads sadgatah which Kielhorn corrected to aangalan.
*The Bāņpur plate reads ye nitvå while both the Gañjām plates have yê nitá hriday-gra-tapa-. On the whole the reading of the Gañjām plates is preferable.
• The Banpur and Ganjim plates read kanth-ablisha which is the roading intended.
The Bånpur and Gafijam plates have the correct reading krita in place of prati 10 The Gañjām plates bare sriman in place of lawmdl. 11 Read kahma-bharare.

Page #185

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX 15 sta-bhiyā janēna || [7*] Tasya prasasta--charit-ārjita-bhūri-kirttir'=viáva[in]bharā-vibhū
(bhu)r=abhūd-akū(nu)jas=tatõ=pisréyobhir=ěkapada16 m=ity-akhilaiḥ śpi(fri)t-ātmā yaḥ sri-(su)bhakara iti prathito yath-ärtham || [8*) Tasya
trivishtapa-jushah paramēsva17 [ra*]sya dēvi(vi) samasta-janata-nata-pădapadmă ||(1) si[m*Jhāsanaṁ babi-kar-āmala-kirtti
Gauri Gaur=iva gaurava-padam 18 chiram=adhyarõhata(hat) || [9*] Tato Dandimahadāvi sutā tasyā mahiyasi || (1) mabīm=
ahina-samarthyā. chira-kälam=ap19 layat || [10*] Avichchhinn-āyati-prāmsau vambe Ka(Ka)ra- mahibhțitam(tām)[*] chihna
bhūtā patāk=ēva yā va(ba)bhūva vibhūshana[m] || [11*] Lāvany-imrita
Reverse
20 nishyanda-sundaram dadhati vapa(pu)h[*] 'yå räjach=cha[ndra*]-lēkh=ēva vilasat-kirtti
chandrivä(ka) || [12*] 'Tasyāḥ pratāpa-nata-durmada-satru-bhūpa-na21 tra(tr-ā)mvu(mbu)-dhauta-navayāvaka-mandanāni (1) pād-āmvu(mbu)ja-dya(dyu)tir=
anantaram=anvarā(ra)mji? mañjira-lagna-kura(ru)vinda-dal-a(1-7)ru22 [bhā*]sā || [12*) Udyānēshū(shu) kilimukhē(kh-ā)vali-ravo hā[rē*]shū(shu) mūkta(muktā)
sthitit=dosha-sanga-ruchistushāra-kiraņē chi(vi)ljña*]shū(shu) sad-vēshatā || (1) 23 Rāhau tīksha(kshna)kara-graham(hah) kū(ku)-manishu träs-õdayaḥ kēvalam kāntā-kuntala
sanna(nta)tau kuțți(ți)latā yasyāḥ prabhū(bhu)[tvē*] bhuvi || [14*) Ramy-als24 k-õtsukita-nayan-ānanda-piyūsha-varttiḥ sēv-āsakta-kahitipati-sabhā-padmini-tājahamsi '
kātha(lē)y-Öshma-glapita-suksi25 t-ālamva(mba)na-svarnna-yashtir=ył niņšēsha-pranayi-sumang-Nandan-ödyāna-lakshmi[h*)
|| [16] Paramamahē vari mātā-pitfi-pad-a26 nudhyātā paramabhatýārikā mahārājādbirāja-paramāśvari srimad-Dandimahädēvi kā(ku)
dalini || Dakshiņa27 Tosalāyām varttamāna-bhavishya-mahāsämanta-rājasatka--rājaputra-kumārāmāty-uupa
rika-vishayapati-tada28 yuktaka-dāņdapāsika-sthānāntarikān=anyān=api rāja-prasādinas=chăța-vallabha-jātīyānah
(yan) | Tamura-visha29 yam (ya)-Pachha(schi)makhanda-mahāmahattara-vri(bri)hadbhögi-pustakapāla-kūţakõlas
Ady-adhikaraṇam yath-arham ma
1 The Banpur and Gañjām plates read prabaya. · The Bånpur plate bas kirters.
Kielhorn read ahinasá(ya) matya in the Gajām plates.
'The Gañjām plates read prisuu. Kielhorn suggested praplau vamsa-kara-. This verse and the following wtanaw are wanting in the Gañjām plate B.
The next half of the verse and the following vurses are also a baent in the Gaðjām plate A. • The Banpur plate has the correct reading mandan=api.
The Banpur plato reads "dyutir=atarkitam=anvaraji. • Na is incised below the line.
The dandas are superfluous.
10 In place of rajasatka, the Bänpur and GaAjām plates have maharaja-rajaputr-antaranga. Rajasatka literally means belonging to the king'; but the meaning does not appear to suit the context.
11 The dandas are superfluous. The visarga siga may be part of the mark of punctuation.

Page #186

REG. NO. 657HE (C) 52-49953.
B. CH. CHHABRA
SCALE: ONE-HALF
SURVEY OF INDIA. DERRA DUN
Obverse
জীবাশ্ব
4.
4
8 वाद उद्घान ला माथि प्रयागादिः स विदिता सरदार 2 ग्राह तर या कृविन । सिविया दारात ॥ स नायरलाकि विसायात यावा ॥ मतिवादिनं दृष्टि सागरिकाला विद्यया दीपका सिद्धयः शादविधि कामवासना लाः शिति यतः पादादयः यावी हद हावादवा का तिलपि (वाहाः छतः नीतः प्रतीतायायायल का पति: पরरुतः
एक: पविद्यादि चार मोदकुमा
10.
ललितादिद
14
घटी तील ग्रघवाल 12 पद्मः प्रावाद्म व दिव किरकिया वः ॥ यालय मदक लाभ गाव 16 गायीका कर
14
तिहार बिताया ‌घर का 18
का (दनिका का स्तर कानावाद सिदा स्तवं 57 187117 ताकि हादिनी
2233
दादी मंदी सांग यावि
जयतमा घायल कर 72 तासात घाल कुतविक
18
SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI

Page #187

Reverse
20 মুহনী: বেবী ফাযাদয়:সুল(সূত্রম 20,
কৰিয়ত্ববেকানমেম্বল মনর্ণেণমুকুবের। 22 5ংকেমুঞ্জীৰেথয়েবঃ সুমনাৰীৰবৈসুমকে চুদার 22 |ংদীক ক্রমত্রী(হণকৰকলকান্দীক(নাম:qদ সুবিধামলো। 24 কাজেqনারেমন্ত:মনমরূদনমণবীদার5:
2 5 24 सालमा मायबापाबाबलावरठागाव वालावलकवापराडकाचार
कारनामाहाराहाशापरबताम्मरमादायवादलवायानात মানবোৰু ইমব্যাশ বা এনথ্রাকোমায়ন কঠিন হৃদযর্থ7Adল্পনৰামধেন এবারলুবনীনি। যবে। Cমর বন্ধুরকানীঃ কেলেন্স'
ফেলঞ্জাম Fাবাইদকম। রাত্রিবীর্যেময়ুবদমেজবুযুর্ণবধরে 30 *ম্মেৰমনোসচিব হিমুদির h£ন দুষ্ট বযেdা সামলেওgqমীণফেলে 32 মাখমুঈমান(রাম:+মান।
qবমাহাত্রা। নাই(বড়ব।একদমবৎসমাবতেকাহেন কাজেদীঠনি। 34 बाराकरमावादनायबारतसयामाविरुवप्रसाललरापूसाहासाचा 36 4 ...", সে এমষম?ৗC/Cমমের!তুমল [কদিLেiহবেUR 36 গ্র2*#157+ৰামন মার(
সুর, সং3ীনীবgঠ7ে Eমৎ৫৩।

Page #188

No. 111 REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN : YEAR 12
89
30 nayati võ(bo)dhayati samājñāpayati cha viditam=astu bhavata(tā)m=etat-khanda-prativa
(ba)ddha-santi 31 Santiragrämarḥ Kömyösanga-samētaḥ -āddēśaḥ sa-tantuvāya-göküta-launda(ndi)k
ādi-prakritika[h*] sa-khē32 ţa-ghatta-nadītarasthān-ādi-gulmakaḥ sarvva-pīdā-varjitõ='lēkhanī-pravēšatayā bha(bhū)
michchhidra-pidhāna-nyāye33 n=ā-chandr-ārka-kshiti-samakālam mātā-pitror=ātmanaḥ sarvva-satvā(ttvā)nāñ=cha puny
abhi-vriddhayē Bhāradvāja-gotrāy=Angirasa34 Vā(Bā)rhaspatya-Bhāradvāja-pravarāya VājasanĒya-charaṇāya mādhyandina-bākh-ādhyāyinē
Takāri-vini(ni)rgata-Dharmma35 pāțti-vāstavya-Bhā(Bha)tta-Mākyadēvāya Jālladēva-Butāya Pū(Pu)rushottamadēva-naptrē
salila-dhārā-pū(pu)raḥsara-hast-oda36 kēna sūrya-grahaņaņ(na)-vēlāyā[**] Yamarga(ga)tta(rtta)mandal-adhipati-paramamā
hēsvara-sakalamahāpū(pu)rushagunavad-Rāņaka-érībhfid-Apsarodēv-ābhyartha37 nayā='smābhis=tāmrasāsanikțity=ākshaya-nidhi-dharmēņ=ākaratvēna pradattas=tad=éshā=
'smad-datti ddha(r=ddha)rma-gauravād=bhavadbhiḥ paripālani(nī)yă | Samvat 2004 80 [II*]
No. 11-REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN ; YEAR 12
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND This set of copper plates deposited in the archives of the Rājā of Kāļahasti in the Chittoor District, Madras State, was discovered by the late Sri Vētūri Prabhākara Shastri who has edited the inscription on them in Telugu in the Journal of Sri Venkatëśvara Oriental Institute, Tirupati. In view of the importnace of the epigraph which deserves fuller study, I edit it here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The set consists of five plates held together by a ring with seal. The ring had been cut, apparently by the previous editor, when the plates were received for examination. The writing is engraved on one side of the first plate and both sides of the next two plates. The remaining two plates contain no writing. This is rather unusual ; and this unusual feature may possibly be explained on the assumption that the framers of the document had originally kept these plates ready with the idea that the writing would extend over them, and that their expectation did not materialise. In the alternative, it may be surmised that the two spare plates are a later addition. It has, however, to be noted that traces of a few letters incised in late characters, forming two lines, can be detected on one of these spare sheets. Though the rims of the inscribed plates are not raised, the writing is in an excellent state of preservation. There are 25 lines of writing and these are distributed evenly on the five surfaces engraved.
1 The engraver began to incise the name of the village, but, as some mistakes crept in, gave it up leaving considerable blank space at the end of line 30. He then engraved it at the beginning of the next line.
2 Read grämah. * The usual expression is akshaya-niui. • The actual value of the symbol, as noted above, seems to be 100. "Vol. VIII, pp. 82-96 and Vol. IX, pp. 26-30.
. I am indebted to the above authority for having kindly secured the original document for my examination and study from the Director, Sri Venkatēsvars Oriental Institute, Tirupati. It is registered No. 39 of Government Epigraphist's C. P. collection for 1949-50.

Page #189

90
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
The plates measure almost uniformly 8 inches in length, 2.5 inches in breadth and 1/16 inch in thickness. A circular hole about 9/16 inch in diameter is cut at the centre of the margin at a distance of 3/8 inch from the left side of each plate. The ends of the ring which is about 3 inches in diameter, are soldered into the bottom of a circular seal, 1-6 inch in diameter. The seal bears in relief the following figures. A lotus flower with five petals is carved at the bottom. Above this is a couchant bull with hump. Its head facing the front is placed towards the proper right. Two flywhisks fastened by a double chord are shown on either side of the animal. At the top of the seal and above the animal is a crescent. The ring with the seal weighs 26 tolas. The whole set together with the ring and the seal weighs 80 tolas. Unlike the seal of the Küram grant no legend is engraved on the present seal.
The charter belongs to a ruler of the Pallava house and the figure of the bull in the above description represents the emblem of the family. From other copper plate records and also coins we know that the bull was the emblem of the Pallavas. This emblem is not clearly visible on the seals of stime early copper plate charters of the family. The figure, though somewhat crude, is recognised beyond all doubt for the first time on the seal of the Vilavatti grant of Simhavarman.' We may, however, note one peculiarity. Whereas the bull of the Vilavatti grant faces the proper left, that of the Kuram grant, the present charter and others of the later period, faces the proper right. An interesting fact to be observed in regard to the Pallava emblem represented on the seal of the present document is that it is the best of its kind on account of its fine workmanship, surpassing all the rest discovered so far.
The characters are Kannada-Telugu of the early 8th century. The letters are handsomely incised, though uniformity of size is not maintained throughout. In the aspect of their neat and elegant execution, the characters of the present inscription may be compared with those of the Uruvupalli record, though the former are removed from the latter in point of time by over two centuries. The initial i, è and ai are found in lines 19, 18 and 17 respectively; and they are noteworthy. The signs for t and n are fairly distinguished, the former, which is fully curved with a loop at the top, being akin to its successor of a late period. The final r and n are used in lines 16 and 21 respectively. The medial short i is made up of a complete circle on the top of the letter; and this is differentiated from the long one which is shaped like a spiral with a knot towards the left above the same. The final m at the end of a word is changed to anusvära in many cases; while in others, when it is not so transformed, it is represented by a peculiar mark which looks like a vertical stroke with a hook at the bottom towards the left. Instances of the anusvära may be seen in the following words: ayam in line 13 and visham in line 22. The hooked stroke is illustrated by the following cases: jitam and Pallavänäm in line 1, brahmasvam in line 22 and svadattām in line 23. The anusvära is changed to the appropriate class nasal and involved into sandhi in the following cases: Lokapālānām-pa° in line 3 and säriran-danda- in line 20. The subscripts of the letters dh and v are not sometimes distinguished; e.g., bdha and ruva in line 5.
In regard to orthography, it may be observed that the rule regarding the reduplication of the consonant preceded by r is implicitly obeyed in all cases."
The language is Sanskrit and the composition for the major part of the record (lines 1-20) is in prose. The statement relating to the executor of the document (äjiäpti) is in verse (lines 20-21). This is followed by the imprecation which is, as usual, in verse (lines 22-25). The text
1 For a description of the seal of the Vilavatți grant and discussion on the Pallava emblem, see above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 296-97 and plate facing p. 297.
The photographs of the seals of the Kuram and Tanḍantottam plates are published in S. I. I., Vol XII, plate VII. The seal of the Valarpālaiyam plates is published, ibid., Vol. II, plate facing p. 521.
It may be noted that A in the expression arhati in line 20 is not doubled, since this case is not covered by the rule, acho rahabhyam dvé (Ashtadhyayi, VIII-4-46).

Page #190

No. 11] REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN; YEAR 12
91 is faulty and the composition contains syntactical and other mistakes. These have been corrected either in the body of the text itself or in the footnotes.
As we shall see presently, the charter was issued by the Pallava ruler Narasimhavarman II of the Sinhavishņu line. The records of the early rulers of this family are generally on stons, until we come to the time of Nandivarman II. Only two exceptions have come to our notice 80 far; one is the Kuram grant of Paramēsvaravarman I, father of Narasimhavarman II, and the other the present inscription. It has to be noted further that the Kuram grant bears closer affinity with the Udayêndiram or Kabākudi plates of Nandivarman II in respect of the script and treatment of the subject matter. The script employed in both is Pallava-Grantha and Tamil. Both contain an elaborate invocation in Sanskrit verse, a legendary account of the origin of the family and a lengthy prasasti and poetic descriptions of kings. In all these aspects, the present record presents a marked contrast. The script employed here is the highly developed southern alphabet which has assumed the distinct shape of Kannada Telugu. The subject is treated briefly and directly. The invooation and the prasasti are short without the intervention of poetio passages. Thus our charter stands oonspiouously as a class by itself, not only among the ooppor plate records, but also amidst the mass of insoriptions belonging to this Pallava house.
We may on the contrary realise that the formal part of our epigraph bears close resemblance with that of the earlier copper-plate documents of the Pallava princes, which are older by more than two centuries. Like the Pikira and Vilavatti* grants of Simhavarman, our epigraph opens with the brief invocatory expressions svasti and jitam Bhagavatā. A comparison of the specific epithets used for describing the ruling king and his ancestors, as found in the grants of Uruvupalli, Pikira and Vilavatti forming one group on one side and the present charter on the other, reveals a number of striking similarities of expression in the latter, which have been in some cases borrowed directly and in others either paraphrased or modified suitably from the former. For instance, the epithets, pratāp-Opanata-rāja-mandala, Lokapālānāṁ panchama and rajarshi-guna-sarva-sandohavijigishu, are commonly met with in all the epigraphs under reference. The expression archita-, abhyuchchita-, or atyuchchita-sakti-siddhi-sampanna of the Uruvupalli, Pikira and Vilavațţi grants respectively, figures in the modified form abhyarchita-sakti-siddhi-sampanna in the present inscription. While the phrase vasudha-tal-aika-vira of the Uruvupalli grant or its equivalent prithvital-aika-vira of the Pikira and Vilavatti grants has been amplified into aneka-samara-sanghattajanita-vikrama-vasudha-tal-aika-vira, the term bhagavad-bhakti-sadbhāva-sambhävita-sarva-kalyāna in the earlier group has been slightly modified and abridged into bhagavad-bhakti-sadbhāvasamarpita-sarva in the record under study. Another case of modified contraction is the qualitative bahu-samara-vijaya-labdha-yatah-prakāśa of our charter, which is evidently derived from anekasamara-sähas-āvamarda-labdha-vijaya-ya sah-prakāśa of the Uruvupalli category.'
The present inscription commences with a brief invocation and reference to the Pallavas who belonged to the Bhäradvaja gotra. Next are mentioned three members of this family, viz., Mahēndravikramavarman, his son Paramēśvaravarman and his son Narasimhavarman. The last of
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, pp. 273 ff. *8.1. I., Vol. II, pp. 342 ff. * Above, Vol. VIII, p. 161. • Ibid., Vol. XXIV, p. 301.
. In the Pikira grant the word swasti oomes aftor jitan Bhagavalt. In regard to the expression Bhagavata the occurring in line 1 of the Röyüru grant, see below in the text portion.
. Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 51. It may further be noted that the Pallava prasasti of these charters bears close resemblance with that of the Chendalûr plates of Kumāravishnu II and others; compare above Vol. VIII, pp. 233 r.
+ Thus I have noticed in all thirteen expressions bearing mutual kinship. Besides the seven commented above, six others met with in the present inscription are as follows: vidhi-vihita-sarva-maryada, sthiti-sthita, yathapud abrita svamkelh-ady-andka-kratu-yajin, praja-sarrarijana-paripalan-odyoga, satata satya-vrata-dilahita and Kalivuga-dosh-apahrita-dharm-Oddharana-nitya-annaddha.

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92
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX
these was the ruling king who issued the charter from his headquarters Kāñchipura. Its object is to record the gift of a village named Röyüru as a brahmadēya, to a Brāhmaṇa named Kumāramandaśarman who was well-versed in two Vēdas and constantly engaged in studies, by the king for the augmentation of his life, strength, victory and fortune. The donor is described as devoted to the feet of Bappa-bhattaraka. He is also called Paramabhägavata, Paramamähesvara and Paramabrahmanya.
Judging from the genealogical account given above and palaeographical considerations indicated before, it is easy to identify the above-mentioned three kings with Mahēndravarman II, Paramēģvaravarman I and Narasimhavarman II respectively, of the Simhavishņu line.
Our epigraph happens to be the only dated record of Narasimhavarinan II so far discovered. The date as cited herein is the twelfth year of the increasingly victorious reign of the king, Vaisakha, full-moon, lunar eclipse. These details, however, fall short for verification. For want of necessary data, the reign-period of this king also, like those of other rulers of this family, cannot be fixed with precision. Hence we are left to make what appears to be the most reasonable assumption on the strength of circumstantial evidence. The broad limits of Narasimhavarman II's reign are indicated by two inscriptions as follows. From the Gadvāl plates of the Western Chālukya king Vikramāditya I, dated in 674 A.C., which mention Narasimhavarman II's father Paramēśvaravarman I, we can postulate that the former succeeded his father some time after that date. Since Vikramaditya I who ruled from 565 to 680 A.C., had among his contemporaries, also Mahendravarman II and Narasimhavarman I,the father and grandfather of Paramēsvaravarman I, we are justified normally in believing that Paramēsvaravarman I was quite young by this time, i.e., 674 A.C., and that he occupied the Pallava throne at least for a decade or two after this date. Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, has placed the first year of the reign of Paramēsvaravarman II, the son and successor of Narasimhavarman II, in 728-29 A.C. with the help of a stone inscription recently discovered by him at Ulchāla, near Kurnool. This is the outer limit. We may also observe that the Pallava ruler who exchanged embassies with the Chinese emperor in 720 A.C. has been identified with Narasimhavarman II. With these facts in view, we may examine the phenomenon of lunar eclipse which invests the above cited date with some definiteness. According to the Eclipses of the Moon in India, by Robert Sewell, the lunar eclipse occurred on the full-moon day of Vaišākha in the years 701, 702, 711 and 720 A.C., which fall within the approximate reignperiod of Narasimhavarman II. Of these the first two yield 690 or 691 A.C. as the first year of his reign. These perhaps would be too early, though there is no absurdity about them. Considering the long-range peaceful activities of this ruler, 720 A.C. which makes 709 A.C. his first year, may appear to be rather unsuitable. So we might pitch upon 711 A.C. as the date of our charter. This would show that his reign commenced in 700 A.C.'
Of more than passing interest is the description, in our epigraph, of Paramēsvaravarman I as the performer of Asvamēdha and many other kratus, i.e., Vedic sacrifices. This leads us to an enquiry into the claim. Let us see how far it is justified. The Kuram grant of Paramēsvaravarman I bimself contains no reference to the performance of the horse sacrifice, and the other
* We may as well connect these three epithets with Bappa-bhattaraka. The joint association of the first two terms with the same person here is noteworthy.
* Above, Vol. X, pp. 100 ff. • Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II: genealogical statement facing p. 336. . Above, Vol. X, p. 101.
Journal of Indian History, Vol. XXX, p. 291. • K. A. Nilakanta Sastri : Foreign Notices of South India, pp. 18 and 116-17.
"It is interesting to note that Mr. Lakshminarayan Rao places his initial year circa 700 A.C. by approximation, J.I.H., Vol. XXX, p. 291.

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No. 11] REYURU GRANT OF PALTAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN ; YEAR 12
9
3
records of this king are also silent about it. Furthermore, it is seen that with the exoeption of the present charter and the Sivanvāyal inscription of Sinhavarman, no records of the Pallava rulers of the Simhavishņu line, including Nandivarman II and his successors, attribute the performance of horse sacrifice to any of them. If this great achievement were a fact, the ruler himself or his descendants would have legitimately take a credit for it and certainly mentioned the same in their records. We may note in this connection the performance of horse sacrifice by Pulakësin I of the Western Chalukya family, which is often alluded to in their records. So the truth appears to be like this. In the Hirahadagalli plates, Sivaskandavarman is stated to have celebrated the horse sacrifice. Here we are at the source. The later descendants of his family took pride over this and duly incorporated the event in their prasasti in general terms as a praiseworthy qualification of the Pallava family. The claim was also exaggerated by multiplying the number of horse sacrifices performed. Thus we find that in the Chendalur plates of Kumāravishņu II, Uruvupalli grant and other charters, the Pallavas in general are referred to as the performers of horse sacrifices. In view of these finds we are justified in making the following observation. The drafter of the Rēyuru grant, who, as shown before, was influenced by the texts of the copper plate charters of the earlier period, simply borrowed this expression from them and foisted it on the father of the ruling king, his patron, for his glorification. It would be on similar lines that we shall have to account for the characteristic attribute, 'performer of ten horse sacrifices,' ascribed to the Pallava king Simhavarman,' as noticed for the first time in the Sivanvāyal inscription.
The royal order announcing the gift was addressed to the inhabitants of Röyüru; and it was enjoined on pain of corporal punishment upon all the ministers along with their subordinate officials (karanayuktāb), all the officers of the state (sarvamiyðgakāb) and the courtiers (rājavallabhāh), that they should collect no dues whatsoever from the village, particularly while on tour (sancharantah). The executor of the order was Isvara, the chief of Nandakurra, and son of Somaditya, who equalled Rājāditya in valour.
The donee Kumāramandasarman was a resident of Kuravasri and he is referred to as a Somayājin. He came from a learned family. Both his father Kumārabarman and grandfather Kūļašarman were proficient in two Vēdas. The latter is said to have known the essence of the Vēdas, Vēdāngas, Itihase and Purāņa. He belonged to the Räthitara gotra and was a student of Apastamba sutra. We may note here the occurrence of the expression dvēda pāraga qualifying all the three members of the family. Evidently it is an abbreviation of dvi-vēda-paraga and may be taken to be equivalent of dvēdin, i.e., dvi-vēdin.
Lastly we may consider the geographical information contained in the epigraph. The gift village Rēyuru is stated to have been situated in the Mêl-Mundarăshtra. The prefix mēl in this expression is Tamil, meaning 'west.' This territorial name ocours for the first time in the present record, though Mundarashtra is already familiar to us through other inscriptions. Judging from its connotation, Mēl-Mundarashtra must have been situated to the west of
1 Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 62. 1 Ibid., pp. 8, 39, 117, 128, eto. * Above, Vol. I, p. 5.
* Above, Vol. VIII, p. 235. In the Chendalar record the adjective andka meaning 'many' qualifies the expression A swamedha. So also in the Vilavatti grant. In some charters, 6.g., the Uravupalli grant, this word is omitted.
The identity of this Simhavarman is problematic. Even assuming him to be Narasimhavarman I, the claim of his having performed ten horse soarifices appears to be a conventional boast for reasons adduced abovo. Bat the claim as it is put forth is unique in the records of the Pallava house.
This Kajāditya may have been the grandfather of Isrars. I am inclined to treat the expression Nawakuramorin-denda as a Kormadhara yn compound made up of Nandakupa-aripa sad Ilvara.
15 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
and adjacent to Mundarashtra. Mundarashtra roughly comprised the major part of Kōvüru taluk and the adjoining area to the north and south in the Nellore District, Madras State. It would, therefore, be reasonable to surmise that Mel-Munḍarashtra might have comprised mainly the area of the Atmakur taluk of the district, since this taluk is situated to the west of the Kōvūru taluk. This surmise is justified by the existence, in the Atmakur taluk, of a village named Rēvuru which may aptly be identified with the Reyuru of the inscription. I am unable to identify the locality called Asidharapura which was to the south of Reyūru and presumably in its vicinity. Apparently the name has been Sanskritised and there are no means at our disposal to find out its indigenous appellation.
It is interesting to recall in this context that a village bearing the identical name Rēyūru is mentioned as the object of gift in a copper-plate record of the Eastern Chalukya king Vishnuvardhana II, dated 664 A.C. This Reyūru was situated in the area of Karmarashtra which comprised the northern portion of the Nellore District and the southern parts of the Guntur District, extending roughly over the Ongole and Bapatla taluks. Two alternative views are possible under the circumstances. Firstly, Reyūru of the Eastern Chalukya record might be different from its namesake of the present charter. Secondly, they might be identical. Since scarcely any village answering the name is traceable in the northern taluks of the Nellore District and the southern taluks of the Guntur District, I am inclined to prefer the second alternative. But in this case we shall have to explain the discrepancy in the geographical position of the same village in the two records which are removed by a period of about fifty years only. Here we might note it primarily that Karmarashtra formed part of the Pallava dominion and that it figures often in the records of the rulers of the line. Subsequently, this tract, as indicated by the Kopparam plates, appears to have been subjugated by Pulakesin II and passed on to the sway of the Eastern Chalukyas, some time before 630 A.C. We are, therefore, not facing an anomaly if we surmise that a part of this Karmarashtra, particularly the southern or the south-western part, was reconquered either by Narasimhavarman II or his father Parameśvaravarman I, particularly taking into consideration the ineffective regime of Vishnuvardhana II's successor, Mangiyuvarāja. This newly conquered tract might have been constituted into a separate territorial unit and named Mel-Mundarashtra.
Nandakurra wherefrom the ajñāpti Isvara hailed may be Nandavaram in the Udayagiri taluk of the Nellore District, which has yielded some inscriptions.10 Kuravaśrī where the donee resided must be the same as Kuravaśiri occurring in the Tandantōṭṭam plates of the Pallava king
1 Another instance of a similar nature denoting the western extension of an original territorial unit is Mer-Päkkai nadu; see above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 25.
* Compare above, Vol. XXIV, p. 301, and also see V. Rangacharya's Topographical List of Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency, Nellore, Nos. 505, 533, etc., containing references to Mundanaḍu which is a later term for Mundarashtra.
3 This identification has been put forth by the late V. Prabhakara Shastri: Journal of Sri Venkatesvara Oriental Institute, Vol. VIII, p. 92.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 187.
Above, Vol. XV, p. 250; A. R. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1916, part II, para. 3, p. 113.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 234; Vol. XV, pp. 251 and 255.
Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 257-58.
*N. Venkataramanayya: Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi, p. 46.
It must be admitted that no specific evidence is at our disposal at present to show that territorial expansion was accomplished by these Pallava rulers. But the fact that they were brave and indulged in aggressive warfare is proved by the historical events and the titles borne by them, such as Ranajaya, Samara-Dhananjaya, Atiranachanda, etc., which might not be altogether vainglorious; S. I. I., Vol. I, pp. 144-45; Vol. XII, pp. 10-11. Compare Eastern Chalukyas (op. cit.), p. 69.
10 Topographical List, etc. (op. cit.), Nellore, Nos. 738-39,

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No. 11)
REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN; YEAR 12
98
Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, which was also the home of more than one donee of the record. The same place seems to have been alluded to as Krõvagri in the Sätaluru plates of Gunaga Vijayaditya, after about a century and a half. One of the donees in this charter, who belonged to this place, was Nārāyaṇaśarman of the Rāthitara gotra. It would appear from this that this place was the resort of learned Brāhmaṇas for generations. It may possibly be identified with Krósūru in the Sattenapalle taluk of the Guntur District.
TEXT
First Plate
1 Svasti [l*] Srimat jitam(in) Bhagavatām [l*] Kāñchipur-ādhishtā(shthā)nāt=Pallavănām(m)
Bhäradvāja2 sagotra(trā)ņām sva-viryy-ādhigata-rajyasya? abhyarchchita-sakti-siddhi-sampannasya 3 pratāp-opanata-rāja-mandalasya Madhyama-Lõkapālasya Lõkapālānām=pali"(öcha)4 masya paramabrahmä(hma)nyasya Mahārājasya sri-Mahēndravikramavarmmaṇaḥ pautraß?
bahu5 samara-vijaya-labdha-yasah-prakāśasy& vidhi-vihita-sarvva-maryyādasya sthiti-sthitasya'
Second Plate; First Side 6 amit-ātmano yathāvad-abhrit-Asvamëdh-ādy-anēka-kratu-yājinas=satya-vratasya dharm-a7 tmano mahimapito Mahēndrasya Paramēśvaravarmmaṇaḥ putrah? Bhagavad-bhakti-sad
bhāva-samarppi8 ta-sarvva[h*j" prajā-samram"*jana-paripālan-odyöga-satata-satya-vratā(ta)-dikshita[h*ju Ka9 liyuga-dosh-āpahțita-dharmm-õddharana-nitya-sannaddho anēka-samara-samghatta-janita
vikra10 ma-vasudhā-tal-aiḥ(-ai)ka-vīra(17)" rājarishi(jarshi)-guna-sarvva-sandõha-vijigishush*]para
mabha(bhā)gavata[h*]" pa
18.1. 1., Vol. II, pp. 532-34. 2 Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., Vol. V, p. 116, lines 60-61. * There are other possibilities also, e.g., Kövūru in the Kövůru and Kandukur taluks of the Nellore District. • From the original plates and impressions.
* The consonant t inay be read as rla also. This word should be read either as Srimata or brimatam, preferably the former. In the former case it qualifies Bhagarata and in the latter Palladnan.
.Read Bhagavata. The abbreviated invocation jitan Bhagavata is met with in the Uruvupalli and other rocords. . Sandhi is not observed here.
. This letter is peculiar and looks like li. The engraver seems to have incised the wrong form of the intended akshara icha.
In the Uruvupalli and Pikira grants the expression reads Lökapalanan panchamasya Loka palasya, whereas it is Lokapälänam panchamasya only in the Vilavatti grant. The expressions Madhyamalokapala and Lokaprila nam parichama obviously refer to god Varupa.
10 The reading intended is perhaps mahim-opama.. 11 For clarity of sense it is better to separate this compound expression. 11 This anusvára is placed wrongly on the akshara ja. 11 The word is satra in the Uruvupalli grant. 14 Sandhi is not properly observed here.
15 This and the following two expressions may also be taken as qualifying Bappa-bhaffäraku, in which case we need not separate them.
B 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
įVol. XXIX Second Plate ; Second Side 11 tamamahēsvara[h*) paramabrahmanya(nyo) Bappa-bhattāraka-pada-bhakti[h*) sci-Narasim
havarmma12 paḥ(varmmā) Mēl-Mundarăshtrêt Asidharapurasy=őttarë | Rēyuru-nāma-grāmam(masya)
grāmēyakā13 n=ittham=ājñāpayati (1) ayam grāma[h*] Kuravabri-vastha(vāsta)vyasya Rāthitara
sagotrasya 14 Āpastambha(ba)-sūtr-adhyāyinaḥ' dvēda-pāragasya Vēda-Vēdāmg'-Etihasa-Purāņa-tatva
(ttva)-vi15 da[b*) Kūjasarmmaṇasya(nah) pautrāya dvi(dvē)da-pāragasya Kumārabarmmaņa[b*]
putrāya dvēda-paragāya
Third Plate ; First Side 16 nitya-svādhyāya-niratāya Somayājinë Kumāramandalarmmaņēl asmāka[m*] ayur17 bala-vijayal-aišvaryy-abhivsiddhayē brahmadēhi(yi)kfity=āsmābhir-ddatta[h*) pravard
dhamāna-vijaya18 kiya-Jarvatsará dvadasa-varahi Vaisakha-paurppamäsy (syöm) soma-grahapa
nimittë datta ēva(ttah | @va). 19 m-avagamy(mya) imā(ma)[m=a*]mātyä[h] servväh(rvvē) karana-yuktā[h*] sarvva
niyogakah rāja-vallabhās-cha sažoharantäh(ntah) 20 sarvva-kara-parhā(riha)rah(ram) pariharanta [1 ] Imām=ājñām=atikramēt=sa pāpas=sāriran=
dandam-arhati [l *] "Somāditya
day
Third Plate ; Second Side 21 suta[h*] Sriman=Nandakurra-ntip-Esvara) [*] ajñāptis=dāsanasy=āsya Rājāditya-pratha
(tā)pavān [11111*] Yatrā(Yad-atra) 22 bha shatah? blokaḥ(kāḥ) [] *] Brahma-svamm) "visham ghorah(ram) na visham visham
úchyatë L1 *] visham=ēkākina(nam) hanti brahma23 svam(m) putra-pautfi(tra)kam [1211* ] Svadattām(m) paradattām vă o yo harēti(ta) vasun
dharām [ ] shashți-va
1 Sandhi is not observed here.
: The danda is superfluous. . This anusura is placed wrongly on the following akahara gė.
* There is some confusion bore. If the akshara mye is treated as a case of sandhi, then the following initial i should be deleted.
* This and the following verses are in the Annahfubh metro.
• The form of this letter in queer. It is neither bha nor ma. It is clear that the engraver wantod to make it bha.
* Read bhavanti. . [nvert i before this word to make the pada motrically correct.
The subcript of this akakara looks like the subscript dh ore. Compare, for instance, ndha in line 23 and in the following line.

Page #196

REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN; YEAR 12
ឬឬ ង ង ង J ជាឬ?៩១៩៩២ 2 ឬ 3 3 0 5 សប ។
1 0 2 djផង f majងថdong 3 | 301 3្យា 43E)(៩០ (៩២៩gឌា ទី សទី SELá ឱយ = 28 ប 121 | ជួន
,a.
+ E1 ពុទ្ធា ច យាង 38 5 OT 4410 (ចរួច ជួយៈ ត ថ្មីសបាន ឱ្យ
៨(ឬង ៥ ៩ យប់ ជា @ 1 3 5 5s 64 - f | ៦១7ថា ៥ និង ខាត់ ស131 1 - 0
T 333 10 = ៨ \OR2:f ៦០ ៣ = f mប ឬស ន ង ជ ប ព 1o
ii,b.
12 |
| Sai 2 កុំ 2 03 ( 3 ], ០ ៥ បា ៖ គ ប ប =
5. Da R1 1 1 1 15 ) 14 ឬ g ៦ ពត Jaa ( n II , ហm
1.z mgr ( 11 ) 1 = ពត ft ០ គក រាយ 2 3) Tal
ម៉ាទីន
(00- ត្រាង (
តាយ 1
14
iii,a.
16 - បាយ៧ ០ E F បង ថា C, 16
aaEI5 gg 81 4444 3Eo, 1s | 0 ស តផលថា ហyanm38q=11s g បផ្ទះ ឬបន្នបាន
ដ៏បវីឌា 20 | រដ្ឋ ០៨៩ ២:21] ចឱ្យមាន យក្ដាប់ចឪ ទី ១០
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS

Page #197

សូមិមា 8. C្នាស meas(បាយ) ១១ គោ( ន៏mោះឱ=g3យថាហqe2
g ( បី ថ្នារ 02 (3/303 ava DJ 24 Ed បានជាឈើដបទថ្មី: ១៨, ផ្កា ។
ឆ្នាំ ៖ ង យ យ Uឃជាឈោ្មះ g ៦៤ ៦៦ឆ្នាំ។
Seal
(From a photograph)

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97
No. 12] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA; YEAR 969
24 rsha-sahasrani | vishta (shṭhā)yam(yam) jāyatë krimiḥ [|| 3 ||*] Bahubhir-vvasudha datta | bahubhi
25 s-ch-änupälita(ta) | yasya yasya yatha bhumi[h] |' tasya tasya tatha phalam || [4 ||*]
No. 12-BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA; YEAR 969
(1 Plate)
L. P. PANDEYA, RAIGARH, AND P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND
The credit of the discovery of this copper plate document, the existence of which was known as early as 1940, goes to Pandit L. P. Pandeya, Honorary Secretary of the Mahakosala Historical Society. It was in the possession of Dewan Hardayal Singh, Zamindar of Bilaigarh in the Raipur District, Madhya Pradesh. Through the kindness of Mr. R. N. Banerjee, Commissioner, Chhattisgarh Division, it was obtained on loan from the owner and sent to the then Government Epigraphist for India, for examination, in November 1942. Subsequently, at the advice of Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India, who accorded his kind permission and other facilities, Mr. Desai, a member of his office, was also provided with an opportunity of studying the epigraph. Thus as a result of joint co-operation the inscription is edited here for the first
time.
It is a set of two copper plates held together by a ring with seal. The plates measure roughly from 10 to 10 inches in length and 6 inches in breadth. A hole with a diameter of about half an inch is bored towards the centre of the top of each plate for the ring to pass through. The plates are engraved on the inner sides only and a margin of about an inch is left out towards the left. The size of the letters on the first plate is bigger than that on the second, the average being roughly
and of an inch respectively. As a result of this the first plate has accommodated 16 lines and the second 22 lines. The seal is circular measuring about 2 inches in diameter. It is partly damaged and obliterated towards the left. Its upper portion contains crudely carved figures of a seated goddess, viz., Lakshmi, in the middle and two elephants with jars in their upturned trunks on either side. In the lower portion is incised the figure of a dagger placed across pointing towards the right. In the intervening space is engraved in Nagari characters the partly damaged legend Sri (Sri)..Pratapamalladeva. In respect of this seal and many other points which will be discussed presently, the present plates bear close resemblance with the Pendräbandh plates of the same king, already published in this journal.
1 The danda is superfluous.
2 The subscript of this akshara looks like the subscript dh or v. Compare, for instance, ndha in line 23 and rova in the following line.
The words yada and tada are more commonly used for yatha and tatha of this verse.
This punctuation in the original is made up of a spiral followed by a wavy line.
This is the first set of Bilaigarh plates. According to the official sources, the plates were originally unearthed while ploughing his field by one Rämnäth, son of Gopi Kahra, a resident of the village Paoni, about 3 miles from Bilaigarh. They were handed over to the agent of the Zamindar of Bilaigarh, who passed them on to his master. The information gathered by Mr. Pandeya reveals that two more sets of copper plates were discovered in the village Paoni in September 1940. One of these, which fell into the hands of a sadhu, was subsequently recovered by the said Zamindar. This set was received in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India in 1945. This is styled the second set of Bilaigarh plates for the convenience of description. It belongs to Prithvidēva II and is dated 896 of the Chedi era. The second set from Bilaigarh is being published in this journal. These plates are now deposited in the Central Museum, Nagpur.
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 1 ff.

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The charactors are Nägari of the thirteenth century being on the whole identical with those of the Pēņdrābandh charter. Some of the peculiarities noticed! in the case of the latter, such as non-distinction between p and y as the second members of conjunct letters, scoring off of the superfluous syllable by vertical strokes at the top, besides others, can be detected in this inscription also. The avagraha sign is not used in many places; for instance, Ratnadevo-bhavat in line 12 and tato-bhūt in line 13. It is, however, used in vadano='jani in line 8 and a few other expressions. As the first member of a conjunct letter, n sometimes looks like t, e.g., -anvaya in line 2. The subscript this not generally distinguished from t; e.g., pratisht-8- in line 27 and vishțāyāṁ in line 33. The form of cerebral si is made up of three vertical strokes-the first being slightly curved, the second a wavy line and the third a straight line, similar to its later counterpart. This kind of is not met with in the Pēndrābandh charter. In the Pēndrābandh inscription it is represented by a symbol resembling 1 without its top joint.
In regard to orthography we may note the following. In rare cases the anusvāra is replaced by the class nasal, e.g., Oganga in line 13. V is substituted for b; e.g., Vrahma-in line 1. and 'amvara- in line 2. In certain expressions j is used for y and vice versa ; e.g., yātaḥ for jātah in lines 5 and 7, jah for yah in line 13 and jasas for yasas in lines 9 and 14. In a majority of instances 8 is written for $; e.g., sivar for fivam in line 1, dese for dete in line 4. The reduplication of the consonant following is resorted to in a large number of syllables, though the exceptions to this practice are not negligible ; e.g., pratyartha (thi) in lines 3-4, sau(sau)rya in line 6 and darpana in line 10.
The language is Sanskrit. . With the exception of the usual salutation to Brahman in the beginning and the date at the end, the whole record is composed in verse. There are thirty verses in all. They are generally punctuated by single dandas at the end of each half and double dandas at their completion. The verses are numbered. An inadvertent omission has occurred in numbering the 16th verse. On account of this the following verses are all numbered less by one than the actual figure. This mistake has been corrected in the accompanying text. Some errors in marking the dandas have also been rectified. The first fourteen verses describing the genealogy of the Kalachuri family down to Pratapamalla, are identical with those in the Pēndråbandh plates. The next six verses, which are new, give an account of the donee's family and the circumstances of the gift. The following nine verses constitute the familiar praise of land gift and the customary imprecation. The last verse refers to the scribe who wrote the record.
The object of the epigraph is to record the gift, on the date specified below, 'of the village Sirala to a learned and pious Brāhmaṇa, named Haridasa, by king Pratapamalla. Pratäpamalla belonged to the Kalachuri family of Ratanpur. The genealogy of the family is traced as usual from the primeval ancestor Manu of the solar descent. This account is identical with that found in tho Pēņdrābandh inscription. Pratāpamalla was the son of Ratnarāja or Ratnadēva III and great-grandson of Prithvidēva II. From the last part of the otherwise conventional eulogy (verses 13-14), it can be gathered that Pratāpamalla was quite young when he became king. Pratāpamalla is the last known ruler of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur and his existence was brought to the notice of scholars for the first time by Mr. L. P. Pandeya's discovery of copper coins bearing his name on the banks of the river Mahanadi near Bälpur. Subsequent disclosure of two copper plate charters issued by him, viz., the Pēņdrābandh record, and the present one, have placed his reign beyond all doubt.
The date as given in lines 28 and 38 is Samvat 969, Ashādha, lunar eclipse. The Sanivat evidently refers to the year of the Chēdi or Kalachuri era. Assuming the above year to be expired
1 Ibid., p. 1. * Ibid., p.3.

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No. 12] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA ; YEAR 969 99 and calculating with 247-48 A.C. as the starting point of the era, the lunar eclipse occurred on the fullmoon day of Ashādha in 1218 A.C., corresponding to July 9, Monday. This appears to be the date of the record. We may, however, note that the lunar eclipse took place also on the fullmoon day of Ashădha in 1219 A.C., corresponding to June 29, Saturday. The present charter is dated four years later than the Pēndrābandh epigraph, thus extending the reign period of Pratāpamalla up to 1218 A.C.
Before we proceed to other details, it seems nocessary to examine a few facts connected with the history of these Kalachuris, not adequately noticed by scholars. One is the place allotted to Prithvidēva III in the genealogical account of the family. In his Dynastic History of Northern India' Dr. H. C. Ray postulates that Ratnadēvs III was succeeded by Prithvidēva III. The only basis for this assumption is the Ratanpur inscription. In this record three generations of kings are mentioned, viz., Jäjalladēva, his son who might be Ratnadeva who defeated Chödaganga, and his son Prithvidēva. The characteristic achievement of vanquishing Chōdaganga is attributed in all the records of the family to Ratnadēva II, father of Prithvidēva II. From this it becomes explicit that Prithvidēva of the Ratanpur record is identical with Prithvidēva II and that no grounds exist for the assumption of a Prithvidēva III. The subsequent history of the family as known from other epigraphs, reveals that Prithvidēva II was followed by his younger son Jājalladēva II. After a short while the rulership passed on to Jājalladēva II's elder brother Jagaddēva. The latter was in turn succeeded by Ratnadēva III and grandson Pratāpamalla. Thus we are justified in discountenancing the existence of Prithvidēva III.
Dr. Ray tries to support the above view of his by saying that the date of the Ratanpur inscription agrees with the ascription of the origraph to Prithvidēva III. This argument is fallacious; for, the date which is taken to be Vikrama Samvat 1247, as read by its editor, the late Dr. Kielhorn, is itself doubtful and his observations on the same reveal that the record might have been originally dated in the Chēdi era, the first digit of which was 9. As a good number of inscriptions of Prithvidēva II with dates ranging from the Chēdi year 900 to 915, has been discovered, there should be no difficulty in assigning the Ratanpur epigraph to his reign. Another consideration that has obviously persuaded Dr. Ray to assign the Ratanpur record to Prithvidēva III, is the chronological position of its composer. This was Dēvagaņa", son of Ratnasimha and grandson of Māmē. Now it might be that this same Ratnasimha was the composer of the Malhär inscription of Jäjalladēva II dated 919 of the Chēdi era. Ascription of the Ratanpur inscription to Prithvidēva II would lead to the result that whereas Dėvagana, the son, drafted the record of the king who was the father, Ratnasimha, his father, composed tho charter of the king who was the son. This superficial anomaly can be explained away by pointing out that there exists a difference of only four years between the
1 Vol. II (1936), pp. 813-14. The same view appears to have been held by other scholars also, though not without diffidence; compare Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 421 and the genealogical statement on p. 393. It must, however, be noted that in his article on the History of the Kalachuris of Southern Kosala,' Mr. Amalananda Ghosh has shown that Prithvidēva of the Ratanpur inscription was Prithvideva II. and not Přihvideva III; Icarya Puspanjali, pp. 274-75.
* Above, Vol. I, pp. 45 ff. • Ibid., p. 40; Vol. XXI, p. 762, etc. • Ibid., Vol. I, p. 49, n. 41.
Bhandarkar': List, Nos. 1234, 1236, etc.
• We may incidentally note the title Rayarasimha of Dévagapa's son, Jagatsimha; above, Vol. I, p. 61, Tbin is influenced by Kannada. A study of the inscriptions of the period shows that a good many titles of similar origin from Karnataka were adopted and exhibited by distinguished persons in other parts of Iudia.
Above, Vol. I, pp. 39off.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX
last known dates of Prithvidēva II and his son Jājalladēva II, viz., K. 915 and 919, and that thera would be no absurdity in surmising that both Dēvagana and his father Ratnasimha lived up to an advanced age and composed the two records removed by a brief interval of timo.
In his recent study of the inscriptions of the Southern Kalachuris or the Kalachuris of Karņātaka, rather inappropriately described as the Kalachuryas of Kalyani by the late Dr. Fleet, Mr. Desai has been able to detect a large number of affinities that go to establish closer ties among the southern and the northern branches of the Kalachuri stock. An inscription from Harasür attributes lunar descent to the Kalachuris of Karnataka and this claim is supported by further epigraphical evidence. Among the northern Kalachuris, those of Tripuri and Gorakhapur trace their descent from the moon. In glaring contrast with this comes the statement in the inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur, which commence with an invocation to the sun god who is represented as the originator of the family. It is interesting to note that solar descent is also mentioned in some inscriptions of the Southern Kalachuris. Some of their records open with an invocation to the sun god on the analogy of the inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur. It has to be observed further that the Saivite traditions of the northern families, particularly those of Tripuri and Gorakhpur, such as intensive devotion to the god Siva and adoption of his vehicle Nandi as their royal emblem,' were preserved intact in the southern family 88. well. An inscription from Chadachana in the Bijapur District, dated 1057 A.C., introduces Bijjala I, tho grandfather of Jogama, as a subordinate of the Western Chalukya king Sõmēsvara I, and a bearing the significant title Dahala-bedanga (ornament of the Dahala country).
The donee Haridāsa belonged to a learned and respectable family. His father was Diyodāsa, Bon of Bhrigu-Pandita. These belonged to the Sārkrita götra, having the pravaras Sāmkrita, Amgirasa and Vächaspatya. After the statement of the gift in verse 19, a renowned teacher of Saivite persuasion, named Isänabiva, is eulogised in the next verse. The position held by this divine in the transaction is not made clear. It is likely that he was the royal preceptor and spiritual guide and introduced here at the behest of the king. Verse 30 contains a description of Pretirāja of the Gauda lineage, who wrote the record on the copper plates with clear letters out of natural devotion for the Brahmanas. This Pratirāja is identical with the scribe of the Pēņdrābandh plates wherein he is characterised as the light of the Record Office. The gift village Siralā may possibly be indentified with Siroli in the Janjgir Tahsil of the Bilaspur District.
1 Fleet has alluded to only two links, viz., the title Kälai jarapuravaradhisvara and reference to the Dahala country in & Harihar inscription; Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 469.
* Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 24.
Ibid., p. 26, n. 3; Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XXXVI, Nos. 1-2, p. 107.
It is shown that there is no real contradiction in the divergent claims of lunar and solar descents by the two groups of the same family and that they can be easily reconciled ; above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 25, n. 3.
Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 448. Compare the allusion to the solar lineage of Bijjala (I) in a Šilihara in. soription; above, Vol. XXVII, p. 178.
• Two inscriptions, one from Muttigi and another from Ingalödvar in the Bijapur District; Bombay-Karnatak oollootion, No. 104 of 1929-30 and No. 11 of 1930-31.
Above, Vol. II, p. 305; Vol. VII, p. 86; Vol. XII, p. 205; Dynastic Hist. of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 742.
. The theory of Jaina leanings of Bijjala II is now thoroughly exploded and it is shown on the strength of opigraphic and literary evidence that all the members of the Southern Kalachuri family were staunchly Saivito in their persuasion. This and other topics briefly referred to above and in the article 'Harasûr Inscription of King Soma' (above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 23 ff.), have been elaborately discussed in his lectures on the Southern Kalachuris delivured by Mr. Dosai in February 1951 at the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar. These lootures aro pub; lished in the Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XXXVI, Noe. 1-2, PP. 102 ff.
B. K. coll., No. 17 of 1937-38,

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No. 12] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA ; YEAR 969
TEXT1
[Metros : Vv. 1, 7, 9, 11, 15-16, 19, 21-29 Anushtubn ; vv. 2, 5, 14 Upajāti ; vv. 3. 12 Sragdharā; vv. 4, 6, 30 Vasantatilakā; v. 8 Mālinī; vv. 10, 17 Sikharini ; vv. 13, 18, 20 Sārdūlavilcridita.]
1 सिद्धम् [ ॥* ]
ॐ
परमकारणं (णम्) नमः ॥ १ ॥
3 वि कार्त्ति ( तं) वीर्यः
प
2 यदेतदग्रेसरमंव (ब) रस्य मनुरादिराजस्तदन्वयेभूद्ध
(ब्र
( ब ) ह्मगे
। भावग्रह्न (सं)
5 व्राः (द्रा)
॥२॥
ने ( नै) कसः (शः ) को जाताः ।
4 थं (थि) पृथ्वीपतिकरिहर[यो]
First Plate
नमः ॥
निर्गुणं व्यापकं नित्यं ज्योतिस्तस्मै
परं
ज्योतिः स पूषा पु[रु ]षः पुराणः । अथास्य पुत्रो
मार्गणे कल्पवृक्षाः ।
दिवेसे (शे) कलचुरिरिति च स्था (स्या) तिमीयुल्लं' (अं)रें
या (जा) त 'अष्टादसा (शा) रिकरिकुंभ -
तस्मात्च्छ (छ) क्रातिकीर्ते :
प्रत्य
101
कोकल्लदेवो नृपतिररिकुलक्ष्माभुजां धूमकेतुः
6 विभग्न (ङ्ग ) सिंघाः (हाः ) पुत्रा तत्राग्रजो नृपवरस्त्रिपुरीस (श) आसीत्पावें (वें)
व (ब) भूवुरतिसौ (शौ) परास्च (श्य) च मंड
तेषां (षा) मनूज स्तु
7 लपत्ती (ती) न्स चकार बं (बं) धून् 11811 प्रतापवक्षिप्ता (पिता) रिराजः । या ( जा ) तोन्य
सि (शि) वं (द) ह्मणे
सकलगुणधरा हैहया
तसा (श्या) (जे)
॥३॥
तस्य ।
कलिंगराजः
॥५॥ ||५|| तेनाथ चंद्रवदनोऽजनि रत (ल) -
8 ये दुष्टरिपुप्रवीरप्रियाननां भोरुहपावणेदुः
राजो विस्वो ( श्वो) पका
From the original plates and inked impressions. Expressed by a symbol.
There appears to be an anusvåra on this letter; but this and a few other dots elsewhere have to be ignored, as they are apparently due to the defect in the metal.
This ru is not properly engraved; it may be compared with other rus in the inscription, e.g., Hines 8 and 11. There is a scored-out sign for medial i before the letter sya.
This danda is superfluous. By inserting this punctuation mark, the scribe possibly meant that the first quarter of the verse ended with the word jätäb. This is wrong, as it ends with kau.
This is clearly lla, compare lla of Kokalla in 1. 5. The intended akshara was perhaps rasa which is however wrong for rana, See above, Vol. XXIII, p. 4, n. 2.
The word kumbha is followed by the two scored-out syllables vibha.
The form anuja is wrongly used for anuja for the sake of metre.
15 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX . रकरणाज्जितपुण्यभारः । येन स्ववा (बा) हुयुगनिम्मितविक्रमेण । नीतं जस
(यश) स्त्रि[भुवने विनिहत्य स (श)10 जून् ॥६॥ [पृथ्वीदेवोभवत्तस्मात्न (9)पः सा (शा) र्दूलविक्रमः । नखदर्पण
संक्रान्तनम[द्धपालमंडलः ॥७॥ ॥ अथ रुचिररुचिस्री (श्री) रास (श)यः सत्कलानामनुपहितकलंकोऽनामूत्तिः सुवृत्तः ।
सकलगु12 णसमूह:*] [श्री]मतस्तस्य सूनुर्विधुरिव सुकृतानां धाम जाजल्लदेवः ॥८॥ रत्त
(ल) देवो[*]भवत्तस्मादभूतो13 पविक्रमः। ज(य) स्वो (श्चो) डगङ्गगोकर्णी युधि चक्रे पराङमुखौ ॥६॥
ततोऽ*]भूदासीमक्ष (क्षि)तिवलयवि14 ऋत्त (क्रान्त) महिमा हिमानीवत्कात्तिर्य (न्तर्ज)गदपि जसो (यशो)भिर्द्धवलयन (न्) ।
रणे क्रुद्धा (ख)द्वेक्षि (षि) द्विपदलनदीक्षा16 हरिसमः सुतः पृथ्वीदेवो दनुजदलनस्तस्य नृपतेः ॥ [१०] ॥ प्रचंडाखंडभूपाल16 युध (ड) कडूतिसिं] (खं) डनः । जगद्देवोभवत्तस्मात्तृ (मृ)पः [सा (शा) ई लविक्रमः
॥ ११ ॥ तत्पुत्रस्चि (श्चि) त्रकीर्तिः सकलकलचुरि
Second Plate 17 क्ष्माभुजां भूव (ष) णसीः (श्रीः) [स्री (श्री)]मानुत्फुल्लत (म)ल्लीनिकरनिभ
जसो (यशो) रासि (शि) भिर्व्याप्तविस्वः (श्वः) । प्रासीदासीमभू18 मी वलयपरिवृढप्रौढदोःका (कां) डलीलानि ( )तासे (शे) षवैरिक्षितिपतिति (नि)वहा (हो)
[भूपती रत्नराजः] ॥१२॥ 19 पुत्रस्तस्य यसोद्धि (शोब्धि) लोललहरीनिर्दूतदिग्मंडलो मूर्त्या निजितमन्मथा[*]
___समभवत् स्री (श्री) मत्प्रतापो नृपः । भूपा
1 This letter is not clear on the impression. The plate is slightly damaged at this spot. • This danda is superfluous. 'Better read airayab for aayab. • The formation of the letter tka is not normal.
The word bhumi generally enda in short i. The long iis necessitated horo ovidently for the sake of motro.

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BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA: YEAR 969
Haलन नि ! पति का जाना मानाचा वापरताना
11321 नि: ngise:सावधाता को ननुमाद नाखदन धन तितारकि.सततहास हैहत्यात कसाता लानाशा Hqarialनत(२६ नोभाउजीरो के dai81 सावदिदेसका विमलस्या निजी वने। १४ानको कला तो निजानका मकर:03 11 212 विदा निजाम TRavale: -तनिसायनाanapagaपासाहजरत व 51 नान्सका नाम से जानित मा कतावताहरू बाबिया कामतान्न । घigad विमान जी को वाहनातनदानदातात पत्रकोपका। २. MUTTO ना हो तरसता 521sala तं तनातन सय 11/14 तासातही तसदकडारा का तनाबमाला 10
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महात्मानमा TATISTRARE
ALSOMSER मामाभीजल कलाका तिताल CRORIANA वायन शाहरनतारनहरकत तर ति
RERA ANT मालमनावतार हा सतनामजना करातdi
S MATICHRIRAM तानपुरानाभाया वरतनला नउन पानी के चलने वाला नवसनाचानता। प्रणालिन नपEEGHT रास्तावितत्वात तो
पता लो का ही विदरानो निती 3rte25नवायदतकाकाराया लामा भनाnagri Hqmसैताना नानदानातिना मामाहाकरापार gi: पाकीत कामाला वनमा तनाराननातूनगणतालातनालाहतात तसातवासन तक का खतनताहत नावस्यकतिपदनामरा 30 तारित्रामा जानमनHERE DAपास अपनानदारनारामित्र: नानुन् । HEB 13
ता तारखा नितारा नवादानयागाजरहोतदाता मानना २३ मारवासासकामयतातिन नमन SITERam LATEST महानतम नामसनम पायARE MARATAHI-EnातानाशFEATURES DELHSATIROMORNमशानातEAथानावानदास- AARTANTRT-14: HEATREnाप्रमा नि-706/
02 निननन5
36
SCALE: ONE-HALF

Page #205

Seal
(From a photograph)

Page #206

No. 12] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA ; YEAR 969 103 20 लाल्लं (ण) वसो (शो)षणे मुनिरसो मापालचूडामणिर्दीने वादि]जने
द्विजे गुणिगणे नित्यं हि चिन्ताव (म)णिः ॥१३॥ 21 मत्या महत्या महतीं महीसः (शः) प्रतापमल्लो जगदे (दे) कमल्लः [1]
पृथ्वीमपृथ्वीमकरोत्कराभ्यां व (ब) लेन वा(बर)लोपि व(ब)लि22 द्वितीयः ॥१४॥ प्रवरः सांकृताङ्गिरसावाचस्पत्यसंज्ञकः [*] संयुते सांकृतगोत्रे
पंडितो भृगुसा (सं)ज्ञकः ॥१५शा व(ब)23 भूव स्रु(श्रु)तिसंपन्नः ।। पुराणस्मृतिसा (शा) स्त्रवित् [*] माचारमार्गनिरतः
प्रियवाक् साधुस (सं) मतः।[[१६॥*] समुद्भूतस्तस्मा24 च्छशवधर इव क्षीरजलधः (धेः) दिवोदासः पुत्रः श(स) कलगुणविज्ञाननिपुणः [*]
सदामात्यो (न्यो) विप्रैः ज(प्रैर्ज) ननयनका25 भं(नं) दजनकः स्फुरकी (त्की)तिलो (लो) के सकलनरपैः पूज्यचरणः ॥१६(१७)।
___ तत्पुत्रो हरिदास उत्तममतिर्मान्यः सता28 प्त (म) ग्रणी[:*] सन्माग्गै (गर्गे)करतो विवेकवसतिः वि(तिवि)प्रेषु चूडामणिः
[*]सा(शा)स्त्रार्थसु (श्रु)तिधर्मनित्यनिरतो धम्म (म्म)कवु (बु)धिः (दिः)
सदा
27 लोकानां प्रियदर्शनो निशितधीः प्राप्तः प्रतिष्टो (ष्ठो)दयः ॥१७(१)॥ तस्मै
प्रतापदेवेत (न) राज्ञा संकल्पपूव्व (व)कः [*] प्रदत्तः 28 सिरलाग्राम प्रा(प्रा)षाद्यी (ढी) सोमपर्वणि ॥१८(१९)॥ शंवाचायंसि
(शि) रोमणिः कलियुगे दानकचिन्तामणिः मा(णिर्मा)णिके (क्ये) स्व (श्व) रपाद29 प[प]मधुपः प्राज्ञो विवेकारणिः [*] अज्ञानांधन्त (त) मोविनाशतरणिः नू(गिर्नू)नं
गुणानां खनिः ।। हेन्त (न्ते) शानशिवो विवेक30 वसतिवि (वि)द्वत्स (त्सु) चूडामणिः ॥१६(२०)॥ सं(शं)खं भद्रासनं छत्र .
गजास्व (श्व)वरवाहनं (नम्) [*] भूमिदानस्य चिह्नानि फलं स्वर्ग[*] पुरंदर ॥२०(२१)॥ .
1 This danda is superfluous. * This us is redundant. Rond schachhaladhara iva.
Tho visarga aftor prapta is redundant. Read prdplapratiahfh-Odaya).

Page #207

104
अव (ब) हुभिव्वं ( ) सुधा भूमिं त ( मिस्त ) स्य
यस्तु (च) भू
32 मीं प्रयछ (च्छ ) ति
गामिनी
( र 1 )
।
॥२२ ( २३ )
म [ ही ] ( हीं
33 महीभृतां सेष्टः (श्रेष्ठ)
)
दत्ता
तस्य
॥
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX यदा
राजभि [ : * ] सगरादिभिः 1 'यस्य यस्य
फलम् ॥ २१ ( २२ ) ॥ भूमिं यः प्रतिगृह्वा (ह्या) ति
परदत्तां वा यो (यो) कृमिर्भूत्वा पितृ
तदा
उता ( भी )
पू[ ] (
दाना [ च्छ्र ] यो
हि
पालनम (म्)
हरे [ द्व] ( त व ) सु (सुं ) धरां (राम् )
34 भिः सह मज्जति । [ | * ] २४ (२५) ॥
द्वौ पुण्यकम्र्माणौ
) दत्तां द्विजातिभ्यो
नियतौ (तं) श्व (स्व) गं
.
यन्ना (ना) द्रक्ष
पुरंदरः
तडागानां सहस्रेण वाजपेयस (श) [ते] न च ।
षष्टि38 वर्षसहस्राणि [स्व]र्गे तिष्ठति भू (भू) मिदः । श्रा[ छे] ता (त्ता) वानुमन्ता च तान्येव मरके वसेत (त्) ॥२६ (२७) । [इ]ष्टं दत्तं हुतं चैव यत्किंचित घ ( चिद्ध ) - श्रद्धांगुलेन सीमाया : (या) हरणेन प्रणस्य (श्य ) ति स (श) क्र [तै ] लत्रिं (बिं) दुवि (र्वि) सर्पति
38 संचितं (तम्) ।
॥२७ ( २८ ) ॥
1 प (ए) वं
यथाप्पु (प्सु ) पतितं भूमिकृतं दानं स
1 This yasya is engraved above the line.
This tam is a correction from team.
॥ २३ (२४) ॥ स्वदत्त
[ 1*] स विष्टा (ष्ठा) यां
गवां कोटिप्रदानेन भूमिहर्ता न सु (शु) ध्यति ॥ २५ ( २६ ) ॥
निसर्गभक्त्या
॥२९ ( ३० ) ॥ संवत् १६६ [ ।। *]
37 स्य (स्पे ) सस्य (स्ये) प्ररोहति ॥ २८ ( २९ ) || स्वच्छास ( रा ) यः परहितार्थपरः कुलि( ली ) नो गौडान्वयोचितगुणैर्व्विदितो यथार्थम् । तां
द्विजा
38 तिचरणेषु
व्यक्ताक्षरैर्लिखितवान (न्)
प ( प्र ) तिराजस (सं) ज्ञः
These four letters and the danda as well as the letter dha at the end of the foregoing line appear in the margin. Apparently they were first omitted by the engraver through oversight, who later discovered the omission and made it good.
Or perhaps the original has correctly peu, the upward stroke of the medial u merging into the left hand downward stroke of 8.
This is obviously meant to be tamram, being the incorrect form often met with in inseriptions.

Page #208

APPENDIX)
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 20 जश्रीविक्रमार्कोपमदानिवीरः ॥१७॥ पूर्वरिताम्धान्यपरापरास्तापक्वान्नशौता(शला)नपि शर्करावीन् । ग. 21 विखंगदिकपर्वतांश्च ददौ बिजाविभ्य इहागतेभ्यः ॥१८॥ ततो गिरीणामभवत्व (स्व)लक्ष्यता
चित्रं हि तेषा(पा)22 मभवज्जनः पुनः । मानीय धान्यादि सुकार्यकृज्जनः कृतं कृतारिह सेवया प्रभोः ॥१६॥
नेतादृशं जन्म . 23 नवाप्यलक्यता' ईवृग्गिरीणामभवन्जनः पुनः । एते स्थिता एव तु याचकावलेगुहबजे मित्र
24 तत् ॥२०॥ पत्रोत्सवे सघृतवापिकाः पुनः(न)मुंहः कृता[*] कार्यकरमहाजनः [1]
मुहर्मुहुस्ता रिरिचर्न चित्रता 25 पानीयवाप्यो रिरिचुस्तबद्भूतं ॥२१॥ अस्य भीक्षिलोकोक्तिविक्पालाशयुतो ह्यय(पं) ।
इंद्रप्रचेतोषनवमीशानांशाधिकत्ववान् ॥२२॥ 26 ततो व(ब)हुतरं भव्यं द्रव्यं बत्तं पुरोषसे । ऋत्वि[ग्भ्यो] []ह्मणेभ्यश्च प्रभुणा सावरं
मुवा ॥२३॥ प्रभो राजसमुद्रस्य रिंगत्तु(त)गतर(र)गः । तट27 स्थविजदारिता[मा दूरीकृता ध्रुवं ॥२४॥ मन्ये राजसमुद्रस्य लोलः [सलिल-*]संचयः []
याचकाले रिवाल्यपंकप्रक्षालनं ल(क)तं ॥२५॥ बसना28 जसमुद्रस्य तटे सहावंतीपुरि । वाग्वरिवसुदाम्नो मे बीवः स्याः श्रीपते नुप ॥२६॥
तटे राजसमुद्रस्य वसन् श्रीश नप भियं । द्वाद29 रिद्रसुवाम्नो(म्ने) मे देहि ना(वा)क(क्तं)डलार्पणात् ॥२७॥ सप्तसागरदानेन तत्सप्तपुरुषार्जितं ।
विजानां दीर्घदारिद्रय प्रभो दूरीकृतं . त्वया ॥२७(२८)। सम(प्त)सा 30 गरवानस्य सुवों घप्रवाहतः । दूरीकृतस्त्वया राजन्द्रिजदारिखपसद्भुमः ॥२८(२६)॥ दत्तहम
तुलास्वर्णः सुवर्णगिरिसंनिभान् । कुर्वन्स- . 31 तां गहंस्त्व(गृहांस्त्वं) तद्द(हा)रिद्र(च)बमनो ध्रुवं ॥२९(३०)॥ तुलासुवर्णदानेन राजसिंह
प्रभो त्वया । दु()रीकृतं(ता) द्वाग्विदुषामतुला साधमर्णता ॥३०(३१)॥ खं शे-' 32 ते राजसमुद्ररूपमपरं रूपं दधानों(ब)षिः । ॥३०(३२)॥ मध्ये प्रोल्लो]लक[ल्लो]लः(लाः)
फेनाः स्क(स्फ)टिककूटभाः । सारसाः सरसास्तीरे भात्यस्य 33 नवका बकाः ॥३१(३३)॥ मुक्ता(क्त्वा) स्वीयं कृज(गृह) व वम(स)ति किल तटे यस्य
सद्धा(हा)रकांता कृत्वा रम्या पुरी जाग्यवनभयमयः केशवो द्वारकेशः । 1 Sandhi is not observed nere. After this fifty-six syllables are wanting, which shows that one complete line of the inscription is mining.
E2

Page #209

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX ? ] विगवसछ (छ) खचक्रोध (च्छ) पद्मः श्रीराणाराजसिंह प्रभुवर भवतः श्रीस ( स ) मुद्रः ॥३२ (३४) ।। वि (बि) भ्रागः सेतुबं(बं)
35 गिरिवरचिरः पूरितों जीवनौयंनांनानद्या (स) संग (गः) शिवसदनयुक्तः पोतपत्रया (त्या) प्रसक्तः तस्यास) मुस्तदधि
68
34 गोमत्यु तुंगसंग [:
36 क [इ]ति ते भूपते श्रीतडागो मर्यादां वाडवाग्निं कलयति न काचित् ।।३३ (३५) ।। प्रियतमम्][ [[]]राया मंडलावंड
37 कालयवनकलितभीत्यागत्यगोवर्द्धनेशः । वसति तव तडागस्यांवि(ति) के मपरमेनं राजसिंहेति जाने ||३४ (३६) ।। 38 प्रमावास्यां विना ते (नं) व स्व ( स्पू) श्य: सिंधुः सगर्जनः । तडागस्ते तदधिक: सदा स्पस्यो गिनः ॥३४ (३७) ।। समुद्रयायुः स्वीकारो नकली
39 यातुरत्र तु ।
जयसिंहसूनुरभवत् श्रीमान्प्रतापः सुतस्तस्य श्री
वातेीकारो बीरा सिंधुतोषिकः ॥३०॥*] श्रीराजो
या क्षारनार (मोर)
40 अमेश्वरोस्य ततनं (न): (श्री) सिंहोस् वा । पुत्रो राणजगत्पतिश्व (इच) तनयं (यो)स्माद्राजसिंहोस् वा पुत्रः श्रीजयसिंह एवं
त्वन्मुदे तज्जलधि
मु
41 तता ( बाबी शिलालेख ॥३६ ( ३९ ) । पूर्ण सप्तदशे ते तपसि पा सत्पूर्णिमा दिने द्वात्रिंशन्मितवत्सरे नरपतेः श्रीराज
42 सिंहप्रभोः । काव्यं राजसमुद्र मिलथेः सुष्टताठा) विधेः स्तोक्तं रणछोडभट्टरचितं राजप्रशस्त्याह्वयं [ ॥४०॥ ] इति सर्ग | ( : ) १८ ॥
।। ॐ श्रीगणेशाय नमः ["*]
(ट) पारिजातामरयतिमगीस
Slab XX; Canto XIX
[Metres : vv. 1, 12 Sragdharā; vv. 2, 3 Vasantatilakā; vv. 1, 42, 43 Sārdalavikridita ; vv. 5, 38-41 Upajati; vv. 6-11, 14-20, 22-23 Anushṭubh; v. 13 Pramanikä; vv. 21, 34-36 Rathöddhata v. 37 Sikharini.]
१६
These three syllables are missing.
2 Sandhi is not observed here.
= This ta is redundant.
4 This figure 19 appears on the top.
This sign of avagraha is unnecessary and is to be omitted.
लक्ष्मीसत्कांतिचंद्रामृतशुभ विषसत्कामधुक्शा (ङ्ग) धन्वप्राकट्यो

Page #210

APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OP UDAIPUR
69 2 सुराधोदयश्च [*] श()लाछो(च्छो)च्चःश्रवोयुक्तियशगजमहाभंगभ(सं)भूतिरता धन्व(न्वं)तयं.
(प)यो वांबुभिरिति भवतः क्षीरसिंघु(५)3 स्तडागः ॥१॥ कु(क)भोवप्रकरकृष्टजलो विशुष्को जातस्ततो लवणनीरमयः समुन्नः कुंभोव
प्रकरकृष्टजलोतिवृघ्रा(डो) 4 मिष्टस्तव क्षितिप राजसमुद्र एषः ॥२॥ श्रीद्वारकोद्भवकृते परिमुक्तभूमिन्यु(न्यू)नः क्वचि
तदुदधिः किल कृष्ण]या(वा)क्यात् [*] यत्ती
5 रभिन्नधरणीपुरवासिकृष्णो नूनं सुपूर्ण इति तेऽग्धिवरस्तडागः [॥३॥*] खाते षष्ठि(ष्टि)
सहनभूपतनयाः पूत्तों सहनारयं(नाण्य)6 युगा(न)गाया लवणीकृतावपि परोऽन्यः सेतुब(ब))[:] ॥३॥(1) खाते पूर्तिषु मिष्टसृष्टि
भवान्यत्सेतुबंधेस्य तसिंघो7 रेककृतेर वि]नसमयान्मन्यामहे धन्यतां ॥४॥ अल्पस्य साम्यं न वदाति कश्चित्समस्य साम्यं
न च दृष्टमस्य । ततो महत्वे(त्वे)8 न जलाशयोय(य) प्रोक्त[:*] समुद्रः कविभिनं चित्रं ॥५॥ जले निमग्ना ये प्रामा
न ते मग्ना महीपते । ते लग्ना वरुणद्वारे भग्नास्त9 त्पापपंक्तयः ॥६॥ येषा(षां) विशिष्टप्रामाणां क्षेत्राण्यत्र जलाशये । मग्नानि तीर्थक्षेत्राणि
तानि जातानि भूपते ॥७॥ ये जन्मिनां
10 जीवनवाः स्थले ते जीवनप्रवाः । यादसां च नृणां ग्रामा गुणग्रामभूतोंबुगाः ॥८॥
भूस्था वृक्षा जले मग्नास्तेषां वी(बी)जांकुरै
11
(ई)माः । जलेभवन्वाति (टि)कातो वरुणस्य स्वया कृता ॥६॥ वो(बो)धिदु(ब)मो जलस्थायी
तपस्तपति दुःकरां(दुष्कर) । प्रवालमालय(या) शा
12 सांगला(ली)भिः सार्था(य)काहू(ब)यः ॥१०॥ वट[व]क्षाः स्थितास्तोये तप(पं)ति प्रचुरं तपः ।
क्षालयंति जटाजालं नूनम(मे)तेत्र
13 योगिनः ॥११॥ त्वत्का(त्की)र्तिस्वर्णवीभूधदु[प] तिसहितप्राप्तकालिंपिकायग्नीलछा(च्छा)यानम(मा)ना.
त्स्नपनकरगजोत्कुंभ
14 सि(सिं)दूरसंगात् । भ्राजत्सारस्वतोषस्तदिति नरपते ते तडागः प्रयागो न्यग्रोधा अक्षयास्याः
प्रविवधति पब(ई) युक्तम
This numbering onght to have come after WERT: in the previons liun.

Page #211

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL.XXIX
15 स्मिनि(नि)कामं ॥१२॥ यथा स्थले तथा जले बुधा व[सन्ति] जंतवः । विचित्रमा
शाखिनस्तथा जय(यं)ति भूपते ॥[१३॥*] वनस्थिता द्रुमाः सर्व() व16 नस्था एवं तेऽभवन् । युक्तं विशेषो धर्मोऽत्र वरुणस्योपयोगतः ॥१३(१४)। पूर्व यत्र
बने सिंहगर्जनानि जलाशये । जातेत्र जलकल्लो17 लगर्जनानि जयंत्यलं ॥१४(१.५)॥ वरुणा[ल]यतस्तोयानयनात्स जितस्त्वया । प्रेक्षते तन्म.
(न्म)गाव्यस्त्वां पपछ(च्छ)प्रकटाक्षः ॥१५(१६)। कम18 लाघ(म)स्त्वयानीतस्तगगे वरुणालयात् । कमलाघ(अ) स्थापितोत्र कमलादानतत्पर ॥१६(१७)।
प्रदक्षिणास्वागता या माला भूपाल ता(ता)19 स्त्वया । तडागे वरुणप्रीत्यं प्रेषिताः कर[णानिधे] ॥१७(१८)॥ वटानां जलमग्नानां जटा
राजंति तत्र ते [0] मीनाः गृहाणि कुर्व(व)ति नीडानि प20 तगा इव ॥१८(१६)॥ निर्मलो जीवरक्षाकृति(हि)[जरक्षण] कृत्त्वया । नवसूत्राप(पं)णेनोये(नाय)
तडागो विजतामितः ॥१६(२०)। पूर्वपश्चिमसु[दक्षि]21 णोत्तरदेशभूमिषु न ब(ब)ष्टिगोचरः । [- -] खल जलायशो बुधः सिंधु[रुक्त ?]
इति नात्राच(त्र चित्रता ॥२०(२१)॥ श्रीराजनगरस्यास्य क .. 22 र()तभूतले । विराजते राजसिंहो गाडा(?)मंडलमातनोत् ॥२१(२२)॥ तत्र विजा[तयो
नानादेशात्राप्ता*]: सुवेषिण[:।*] षटू(ट्)चत्वारि(रि)शदा23 ल्यायुक्सहस्रमितयः स्थिता[:*] ॥२२(२३)॥ एताब(वं)तो ग्रामनामसहिताः' अधिकाः पुनः ।
वा(बा)ह्मणास्त(स्तु) अस(सं)ख्याता मागता ना24 त(सं)शयः ॥२३(२४)॥ ततो गरीव(ब)दासात्यः पुरोहितवरो हितः । तत(त्र) स्थित्वा
स्वयं स्वाज्ञाकारिणः कार्यकारिणः ॥[२५॥*] स्थापयित्वा 25 स्वहस्ताभ्या(भ्या) तबस्तरप्य] हर्निश(शं) । सप्र(प्त)सागरदानस्य तुलादानस्य वा प्रभाः(भोः)
॥२४(२६)॥ धन(धन) बीपट्टराण्या(श्या)श्च तुला[a] व्यं तथा
26 बहु [*] स्वकल्पित[स्वर्णतुलादानस्य (ब) हाटकं ॥२७॥*] रणछोडरायक(क)तं
तुलाद्रव्यं [त]वामितं । दत्वा(वा) पूर्वोकृ(क्त)[विप्रे*]भ्यः सदापूर्वमुदान्वितः ॥२५(२८)। वि (वे)काब
1 The number 20 between a pair of double danda appears above the line, while there is a single danda after ta, the last letter of the verse.
Sandhi is not observed here. After this there are two dota and two dandas, which are all superfluous.

Page #212

-
11
APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 27 रपुर्वे(पूर्व) स तान्विधा(व्यषा)त्तष्टमानसो(सान्) । प्रत(न)दान(न) बहुविध(ब) कृतास्तत्र
भुपोति(भूपतिः) ॥२६(२६)॥ ततः सभापं(म)उपस्यो राजसिंहो महीपतिः । (वि)
जेभ्या(भ्यो) 28 याचकेभ्यश्च वा(चा)रणे[भ्यो*] द्वि(दि)वानिशं [॥३०॥*] व(ब)विभ्यः सर्वलोकेभ्य[:*]
सुवर्ण (ण) विध्यवर्णकं । रूप्यमू(मुद्रास्तथाऽनद्रा अलकारा [- -- - -1
॥२७(३१)॥ वासां29 सि हेमह(ह)घानि वाजिनो जितवाजिनः । उत्तुंगमातंगगणान्दत्वा(त्वा) संमोदमावधे ॥२८(३२)।
हलानां बहलानां च ताम्रपत्राणि भूपतिः । प्रा30 माणां विलसद्वान्यप्रामाणां दत(स)वास्तथा ॥२६(३३)॥ याचकः कनकविक्रय(पं) परं
कतं( )मत्र कनकं प्रसारितं । वीक्ष्य राजनगरं महाजना31 स्तत्सुवर्णय(म)यमेवमु(मू)चिरे ॥३०(३४)॥ पा(या)चकस्तुरगविक्रयायतापा(तान् स्था)[पिता]
विपणिषु (पू)च्चवाजिनः । वीक्ष्य राजनगरं जनोव[८]सिंधुदे32 शमिति सि(सिं) सुंदरं ॥३१(३५)॥ याभ(च)कभ(भं)वत एव भूपते याचनानि[ज]ग(ग)गोपि
[वि]स्मृतः स्थापित(पितं) तु धनरक्षणे मनस्तैर्यतो विगु33 णतानि(स्ति) तेवुवतः(ज्वतः) ॥३२(३६)॥ तुलाकत्तु(त)ई व्यं क्षितिप भवतः प्राप्य गणि
नस्तुलाकत्ता(र्ता)रोल्पाधिकमितिकृते विक्रयविधौ । स्वविश्वासा34 त(ते) व(ब)हुलकनकस्प(स्य) प्त(प्र)तिपलं तुलाकत्तुं -- जयसि रचयन्याचकगुणान्
॥३३(३७)॥ पंडिते निमंत्रणायातधराधवेभ्यः स्वेभ्यः परेभ्यः 35 सकलछि(द्वि)जेभ्यः । वैश्यादिकेभ्योऽखिलमानुषेभ्यो वासांसिऽ गांगेय गुणोत्तमानि ॥३४(३८)।
अश्वी(श्वां)स्तया(था) वातगतीन्गजेंद्रागिरिप्र36 माणान्मणिभूषणानि दत्वा(ता) विवेकाद्गमनाय तेभ्य प्राज्ञां ददातो(मो) जयति मितीव्रः
॥३५(३६)॥ युग्मं । निमंत्रितेभ्योखिलभूमि37 पेभ्यो दुर्गाधिपेभ्यो निजब(बा)धवेभ्यः । स्वेभ्यः परेभ्यः कनकोत्तमानि वासांसि चाइवान्पुश
(ष)वश्वव(वे)गान् ॥३६(४०)॥ तुगा(तुंगा)च्च मा38 तंगगणान्मदाढपाविभूषणालीर्गतदूषणाश्च । संप्रेषयित्वा प्रविभात(ति) भूपो महामहोदारचरित्र. [चाहः*] ॥३७(४१)॥ प्रासीद्भास्करतस्तु माध1 The intended reading may be alankaridin satathā bahin.
Two long syllables are missing here. The intended reading seems to be tula-kurttrirnsatnam tui. • This word paindite is superfluous and is to be omitted. • The sign of augraha is unnecessary and is to be omitted. • The word gangkya means 'gold' here.

Page #213

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XXIX 39 वबुधोऽस्म(स्मा)ब्रामचंद्र स्ततः सत्सर्वेश्वरकः कठोडिक (कु)लजो लक्ष्म्याविनाथस्सुतः । तेलंगोस्य
तु रामचंद्र इति वा कृष्णोस्य वा माषषः पू(पु)त्रो40 भून्मधुसु(स)वनस्त(स्त्र)य इमे व(ब)ोशविष्णूपमाः [॥४२॥] यस्यास(सी)न्मधुसूबनस्तु जनको
बेणी च गोस्वामिजाऽभून्माता रणछोड ए[*] कृतवान् राजप्रस(श)स्त्या41 ह्वयं । काव्यं राणगणौधयर्णनमयं वीरांकयुत्क(क्तं) महत्() द्वावि(वि)शो भवत्र सर्ग उदितो
वागर्थसर्गस्फुटः [४३॥*] चतुर्वि(वि)शत्याल्य बहाभवषमुवे सर्गोर्च42 सर्गोन्नतः ॥३८॥ इति ईकानवीश्तमसर्ग' १६
,
Slab XXI ; Canto XX [Metres : vv. 1, 6-9, 15, 20, 24, 27, 28, 34, 35,38, 41, 55, Upagiti', vv.2, 10, 17, 26, 31, 43-46, 48, 52, 53 Giti; v. 3, 11, 14, 19, 21, 22, 26, 32, 36, 40, 47, 50, 51 Udgiti'3 vv. 4, 6, 12, 13, 16, 18, 28, 29, 30, 33, 37, 39, 42, 49 .Arya ; v. 54 Anushtubh.] 1 ॥ (3)सिघ(७) [॥*] श्रीगणेशाय नमः(नमः) [॥*] जसव(ब)तसिंहनाम्ने राजे राठोड
नाथाय । सार्द्धनवसत्सहस्रप्रमितरजतमुद्रिकामूल्य(ल्यं) ॥१॥ परमेश्वरप्रसादाभिष
2 गजं पंचविंशतिप्रमितः । राजतमुद्राशतकंहीतमतिनत्त(त)नं तुरंगवर(र) ॥२॥ फत्तेतुरंगस(सं)
षट(द)[शत]मितरजतमुद्राभिः [*] क्रीतं च कनककलश 3 हयमपरं हेमपूर्णवसनानि ॥३॥ नानाविधानि ब(ब)हुतरसंख्यानि महादरेण जोषपुरे ।
राणेद्रः (प्रे)षितवान् हस्ते रणछोग्भट्टस्य ॥४॥ अथ राम4 सिंहनाम्ने राज्ञे किल कछ(च्छ)वाहभूपाय । राजतनुद्रासार्वद्विशतापायुतरचितमूल्यं ॥५॥
सुंदरगजानमान(न) गजोत्तमं । रजतमुद्राणां । पंचदशश.5 तैः कल्पितमूल्यं छविसुंदराज्यहयं ॥६॥ अथ सार्द्धसप्तशतमितराजतमुद्राप्रमितमूल्यं । हयहद
नामतुरगं कनककलितव(ब)हुलवसना6 नि ॥७॥ प्रॉबेरिनगरमध्ये प्रेषितवानराणपूणेदुः । हस्ते प्रशस्तकीर्तिः स्वपुरोहितरामचास्य
॥॥ वी(बी)काने रिप्रभवे' अनूपसिंहाय रावाय [*]
1 Instead of dväviminda, we require here ekonavida. Apparently this line of the verse was intended for the 22nd canto and has been wrongly copied here by the engraver.
This line of verse is redundant. It is meant for tho24th ranto. 9 This numbering should be omitted. • Read 7kõnaviranh sargah. 6 The metre in dufective here. Read परमेश्वरप्रसादं नाम गण oto.
This danda Is superfluous. "The absence of aandhi is in favour of the matre.

Page #214

APPENDIX]
7 सार्द्ध सुसप्तसहस्रक राजत मुद्राप्रमितमूल्यं
मुद्राभिः । कृतमूल्यं
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR मनमूति (सिं) नामक रि
8 सामसिंगारसम
भिद्य (घ) मपि
9 बहुलानि ॥११॥
तुरं (र) गवरं
॥१०॥ से ( स ) साई सप्तशत नित राजमुद्रा र वितमूल्यं हेममयान्यंव (ब) राणि
प्रेमावरपूर्व किल
माधवजोसी [सु* ? ]हस्ते
हि
10 हाभिधाय हाडानूपालाय ॥ १३॥ मुद्राणां कृतमूल्यं द्विरद (दं)
11211
तु
गर्भभव (च) तुरं
11 सहस्त (ख) प्रतिक राजत मुद्रारचिन (त) मूं (मू) स्यं तुरगं ॥ १५ ॥ सत्साद्ध ( र्द्ध) सप्र (प्त) शतमितराजन (त) मुद्राप्रमिं (मि) तमूल्य (ल्यं ) *
।
बी (बी) काने रिस्फुटानिये नगरे प्रेतिक (वा) राणेो १२ ॥
॥
रावाय भावसिं
सात
बइ
( टू ) सप्रात (प्तति) युक्त्रिशताग्रे (ग्रेः ) वशसहस्रंस्तु । राजतहोणहारास्य ( एवं ) ॥ १४ ॥ सा -
सहेमा (मा) व (ब) राणि चंद्र (चंद्राय
73
गतर (रं) ।
16 गु (त) मुकादशसहस्रमूल्यं प्रतापश्ट (शुं ) गारं मुकुटा) स (सा) 'सप्तशतभि
1 तेजनिधाना
राणमणिः । बूंदीनगरे मुहमति (सिं) हामि
12 सिरताजाभिषमपरं हय ( ) प्रेमाम ) ॥१६॥ 13 घाय रावाय 1 सार्द्धं द्विताग्र लसत्ससस हल (बा) घ ( द ) ( ) यमुनाभिः गजराजं फलेदोलतिशुभाभिषं तुरगं [*]
साथ (ई) सह
मोह [न* ] सज्ञ (संशं) हेमपूर्ण वसनंध (नौषं )
14 खप ( प्र ) मित' राज [त * ] मुद्रारचितमूल्यं ॥१८॥ कृतमूल्य ( ल्यं) हयसरसं हयमन्य (न्यं) 15 शया गृहीत्वा भट्टोगाद्दारकानाथ: । रामपुरानगरे त्वथ सबै ( ) मिद ( दं) ता सोपयामास ॥२०॥ भाटी भूपालाय रावलवर 'अमरसिंहाय । राज
॥२१॥ करिणं
सर्व शोभायं
जास्कर भद्द (ड) कर (१) (ट्ट) (रे)
॥१७॥ इतमूर्य
सार्द्धं सप्तशतं रूप्यमुद्राणां [1*] ॥१९॥ राजा
राजमुद्रासार्द्ध महरूप्रमितमूल्यं ।
17 तप्यमुद्रया (ब्रा) भिः ॥२२॥ कृतमूल्यमपरमश्वं सूरतिमूर्ति (तिं)च हेमवसनोधां (नौघं ) । एतत्सवं (बं) जोसीदेवानंदस्य किल हस्ते ॥२३॥ दत्वा (स्वा) जेसलमेरौ
18 महापुरे प्रेमपूर्वमपि संप्रेषितवाने स राजवीरो नृपतिधीः ॥२४॥ जसवंतसिंहाने
रावल
(द) सहस्रंस्तु
पंचशता राम
1 The first half of this verse is missing.
The second quarter of this stanza is too short by four syllabic instants. To sot the metre aright we may read] दातासिद्दशसहस्तु ।
• Instead of प्रतिक read प्रमितक.
This half verse is in excess here. Compare above verse 15 and n. 1.
The metre requires this syllable to be long.
● This tā is unnecessary and hence must be omitted.
"The absence of sandhi is in favour of the metro.
15 DGA/52

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA .
[VoL. XXIX 19 तमुद्राणां रचितमूल्यमिभं(भ)हेम ॥२५॥ शुभसारधारसंज्ञं [दि]वेविहरिजीकहस्ते तु । ()गरपुरे
नरपतिः प्रेषितव(वा)न्हेमयुक्तवसती(ना)नि [१२६॥*] 20 प्रथमं राजसमुद्रोत्सर्गस्म रजतमुद्राणां । तत्र सहस्त्रेण कृत'मूल्यं जसतुरगनामहयं ॥२६(२७)॥
पंचशतरु(रू)प्यमुद्राक्र(कृ)तमूल्य(ल्यं) 21 तुरगमपरं च । कनकमयांव(ब)रवेंद(बं) म(स) दत्तवानाजसिंहनृपः ॥२७(२८)। राजत
मुद्रकादशसहस्रमूल्यं प्रतापशृंगा(गा)रं । द्विपमेब(ब)राणि
22 च बदौ दोसीभीषप्रधानाय ॥२८(२६)॥ सिरनागं कृतमूल्यं सप्तसहस(स्त्र )स्तु स(क)प्यमुद्राणां ।
द्विपमंव(ब)राणि स वदो राण(वत)रा(रा)मसिंहा23 य ॥२६(३०)॥ राजसमुद्रजलाशयकार्यकृतामनगण्याय । राजतमुद्राणां वा कृतमूल्यान्पंचवि(वि)
शति (ति)सहस्त्र(स्त्र): ॥३१॥*] एकाधिकपंचाश24 चुतपंचशताग्रस्तुरगान(न्) । सुखदकप(ब)ष्टिसंख्यान् कुर राजन्यराजये स बदौ ॥३०(३२)[॥*]
कुलकं । ए[का]प्रसप्त(प्त)तिलसत्पंचशता25 ()स्तु सप्तविंशतिकैः । दिव्यसहस्र राजतमुद्राणां रचितसन्मूल्यान् ॥३१(३३)॥ पडधिक
शतद्वयमितांस्तुरंगमांश्चारणेभ्य इह । 26 दानप्रवाहमध्ये भाटेभ्यो भूपतिः प्रददौ [॥३४॥*] सप्तसहस्र (स्त्र)वि(वि)रचित[मूल्यं [वा*]
रजतमुद्राणां । द्विरवनमनूपरूपं विरववरं सार्द्धनव27 शतक[:*] ॥३२(३५)॥ राजतमुद्राणां व(वा) कृतमूल्यं विनयसुंदरक(क) । हयमत्य(न्य)
बिलसारं राजतमुद्राचतुःशतगृहीतं ॥३३(३६)॥ कब(न)कमयांव(ब)28 [4]वं सुलम्ब(न्ध)राज्याय वा(ब)धवेशाय । नुपभावसिंहनाम्ने रा[झे] संप्रेषयामास ॥३३(३७)॥.
लाघुमसानि(सोनी)हस्ते लाघूकं तीर्थयात्रार्थ । वत्वा(स्वा) 29 व(ब)हुलं द्रव्यं प्रेषितवान् प्रेमकृपः ॥३४(३८)॥ राजतमू(म्)ब्राणां वा त्रिशतानचतुः
सहनकृतमूल्यान् । स ददेष्टादश उ(तु)रगानिमंत्रणा30 यातनपतिभ्यः ॥३५(३६)॥ त्रिसहन रजतमू(म)बामु(मू)ल्या(ल्या) करिणी(णी) सहेलीति ।
तोडशरायसि(सिं)हनुपस्य मात्र(वे) ददौ कुमारेभ्य[*] ॥३६(४०)॥ सा[]चतु[*] 31 शतयुक्तत्रिसहनसु(क)प्यमुद्रिकामूल्यान् [*] तुरं(र)गांस्त्रयोदश बदौ निम(म)वणायातनपतिभ्यः
॥३७॥(४१)॥ एकाप्रषष्ठि(ष्टि)संयुतपंचशतप्रमितरू
1 The motre requires this syllable to be long. • Instead of कुर perhaps we have to read : ठाकुर .

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APPENDIX]
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
32 मुद्रा । सप्त ददौ भूपोश्वान् निम (मं) बणायातनृपतिभ्यः ॥३८ (४२) । बद्भि(जिं)
दधिकशतत्रिण (ख)
प्रयुतरूप्यमुद्राणां । द्विपाततुरंगास
33 [दी शासनयुतचारणौघभाटेभ्यः
॥३२ (४३) रात्र विवेक (बेक) शिवसहित (विंशतिरंगा शासनिभ्योदात् [1] पूर्वोक्तसंख्यतुरयायाण जगत्सिंहशास
34 निभ्योपि ॥४० (४४) ॥ श्रीकर्ण सिंहशासनिकेभ्योश्वानां चतुष्टय (पं) स ददौ । शासनिभ्यः (भ्यः) तुरंगां (गा ) न्प्रतापसिंहस्य सप्त ४१ (४५)। शाखनिकेभ्योष्टा 35 वयानुसंशासनिभ्यस्तु प्रष्टत्रिंशतुरगान्यमेकं विक्रमाकं साश (शास ) जिते (ने) ॥४२ (४६) युग्म (हि (ह) यमेकं तु रतनसीशासनिने राजवीरोदात् । शु
।
।
36 सप्तविंशतियान् संग्रामनुपत्य शासनिभ्योदात् ॥४३ (४७) । श्रीरायमत्नशासनिकेभ्योश्वानेकवि (विं) शतिप्रमितान् । कुंभाशासनिकायाश्वमेक
75
38 ताजे सोशासनिकाभ्यां (भ्यां)
37 मेकोनविंशतिप्रमितान् ॥ ४४ (४८ )|| मोकलशासनिकेभ्यस्तुरगान्हम्मीरशासनिभ्योवात् । पंचहयाम्ला(याला वानूपशासनिकेभ्यो पासप्त ।।४५ (४९)।
हयमेकमेकमवात् । निभ्यां तु ॥४६ (५०) ।। हि (ह) यमेकमेकमेकं रावतवाघस्य
शास
39 मिन(ने) (i) मोकलसहोदरस्य विदिशा एवमत्र वौ ॥। ४७ (५१) । लक्ष कद्राविं(विंशतिसहखशतयुग्मसाष्टषष्टिमितः । राजमुद्रा की
भ्रमरेश
रावलसुशालिवाहनमहासमरसीकशास
सा: पंचकं द्विपंचाशत् ।।४८ (५२) । तुरगा लक्ष (अं) कहि सहस्र (काष्टकेरिति कीताः । करिणीजात्रयोदश यता (सा) बीरे (रे) द्वराज्य (ज) सिं
41 हेन ॥४९ (५३) || पंडितेभ्य [ : * ] कविभ्यश्च वंदिचारणपंक्तये । अश्वान्धनानि दय' ।।५० (५४) जलाशयोत्सर्गविधानमेवं कृत्वा महादानस
42 मेतमेव । तथैव नानाविधदानराजी विराजते राजितराजवीरः ॥५१ (५५) ।। इति श्रीराजसमूहरी
प्रशस्त लीवत रंगकोडभट सर्ग २०
सिव ( ) [*] श्रीगणेशाय नमः (नमः) [*] (पू) सप्तदशे पाते त्वष्टादशायेoad माघे स[इ]धकृष्णसप्तमतिथो (थो) वारभ्यकाला [दितः ।]
बाला(स) सि
Slab XXII; Canto XXI
[Metres : vv. 1, 40, 42-45; Sārdūlavikridita ; v. 2 Sragdharā; vv. 3-21, 23-25, 28-36 Anushtubh; . 22 Salini ; v. 26 Giti; v. 27 āryā; vv. 37, 38 Sikharini ; vv. 39, 41 Vasantatilakā.]
1The absence of sandhi is in favour of the metre.
This is scored out. Read हयान्भूप.
The metre requires this syllable to be long.
4 This line of verse in too short by six syllables. Perhaps we have to read राजसिंहो नृपो बौ.
Z 2

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16
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX 2 पंचत्रि(निं)शवभिण्यवर्ष उदिताषाढावधीत्थं वदे लग्नं राजसमुद्रनामकमहानव्ये तडाग(गे) धनं
॥१॥ षट्चत्वारि(रि)शदास्या न्य]3 थ रजतमहामुद्रिकाना(णां) शुभाना लक्षाणीत्थं सहस्राण्यपि रुचिरचतुःषष्टिसंख्यामितानि ।
षट्संख्यायुक्शतानि प्रको(क)टित4 पदयुपंचविंशत्युपात्तस्वप्राण्येवं विलग्नान्युत गणनमिदं त्वेकपक्षे . मयोक्तं ॥२॥ विवेकमत्र'
वक्ष्यामि रुप्य(रूप्य)मुद्राब(ब)ले[रिह] । सप्तविंशतिल[क्षा]णि पत्रि(त्रि)शत्प्रमितानि च ॥३॥ सहस्राणि चतुःसंख्यशतानि नवतिः(ति)स्तथा ।
सार्द्धसप्ताग्रकाव्यत्ट(ण्यत्र) राम6 सिंहस्य वै तर्फे ॥४॥ प(पं)चलक्षचतुःसंख्यसहस्राष्टशतानि च । सपादाशीतिकाभाद्ग(न्याहुः)
पितृव्यस्य तफे तथ(था) ॥५॥ प्र(पु)त्रमोहम(न)सिंहों(हा)त्यरा7 सोघासंगशोभिनः । लक्षद्वयं सहस्राणि द्वादशं व शतानि च ॥६॥ पंचाष्टत्रिंशदधिकपब(ब)षा
गणनाभवत् । एषा सांवलदासस्य पं. 8 चोलीकुलशालिनः .॥७॥ चतुर्लक्षाण्यष्टयुक्तसप्ततिप्त(प्र)मितानि च । सहन (ना)ण्यकशतकं
सप्तानं भरणे मृदां ॥८॥ च9 तुष्कीनिःसृतानां तु लेपने गणनाभवत् ॥(1) द्वात्रिंशत्सुसहस्राणि षट् शतानि सपादकं ॥६॥
एकमत्रान्यदायातं द्रव्य(व्यं) वा प्र.
10 भुपार्श्वतः । तथा प्रसाददानादि तल्लेखे गणनात्वियं ॥१०॥ सप्त लक्षाणि सैकानि
प्रतिष्ठाकरणे मितिः । एतद्राजसमुद्रस्य पु(पू)र्व11 संख्याप्रमेलनं ॥११॥ पु(पू)ोक्तद्रव्यगणनाविवेकः क्रियते पुनः । द्वात्रिंशत्संख्यलक्षानि सहनवित्तय
तथा ॥१२॥ गण[ना]I Tho total sum spont on the actual construction of the lako amounted to Rs. 40,84,0251 · Tho details of the expenditure are specified as follows:
Rs. 27,36,4977 in Ramosirinha's nccount (nlso mentioned in verso 28-29, canto XX). Rs. 5,04,8801 in pitrivya's or uncle's account. Rs. 2,12,538 in Mohanasiinha's nccount. Rs. 4,78,107 in carrying the earth thrown out of the quadrangular ditch in Palicholi Syimaladina's
account. Rs. 32,001in plastering. Rs. 7,00,001 in the inauguration coromony.
Rs.46,64,826t • Tho moanlug of the word taphe is not clear. It seems to bo the Sanskritised form of the similar Arablo word taraf which is used in the sense of sitle, direction, etc., and is also spelt as tarf. We are told in verse 21, canto IX that Rājasithha, finding the work of construction unmanageable by a single hand, divided it among his offiolals. The expenditure on items in chargo of Rimasirnha, (the ruler's') uncle, and Mahanasimha and Syima. laden socms to have been given in verses 4-9. The word has been used side by side with other items of expendi. ture. The word taphe niuy therefore ho translated as 'in the account of', or 'on items in charge of'.

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APPENDIX) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
ग 12 ष्टशतान्यो(न्या)सीत्सपावाशीतिरप्युत । ऐ(ए)षा राजसमुद्रस्य काया(ा)यं च भूतेः कृते
॥१३॥ सप्त लक्षायेकषष्ठि(ष्टि)सहस्राणि म(च) स. 13 प्त वै । चतुश्चत्वारिंशवप्रयुक्तानि शतकानि च ॥१४॥ श्रीमद्वाजसमुद्रस्य कायें ये ठक्कुराः
स्थिताः [*] तेषां प्रामोत्पत्तिरूप्यम14 द्राणां गणनाभवत् ॥१५॥ ऐ(ए)वं पूर्वोक्तसंख्याया मेलनं भवति स्फुटं । एकपक्ष
लग्नरूप्यमुद्रासंख्य(ख्ये)यमीरिता ॥१६॥ 15 देशवामभुजां मुख्यमत्रादीनामहो षनं । चतुष्कीबनने लग्नं वक्र(क्तुं) शक्तभ(श्च)तुर्मुखः
॥१७॥ गृहाच्चतुर्गुणं लग्नं तडागे वा[स]18 तो धना(न ।) तद्विप(प्र)क्षत्रियाको(बी)नां श(शे)षोऽशेषं त(ब)विष्यति ॥१॥ गोभूहिरण्यप्याणा
बत्तानामन्नवाससां । वराहमिहिरश्च (श्वे)त्स्याद्गण[को] 17 गणना भवेत् ॥१६॥ श्वासानां गणना कुर्याचश्वासानां सवा तदा । श्वसनाऽवेगजयिना
गणनाकुवेद्गुणी ॥२०॥ म[ता]-.. ना(ना) राणरताना बु(त)गानां गणनामुबां । मतंगाना गणेशश्चेद्गणना जो(जा)यते
तवा ॥२१॥ एका कोटिः पंच लक्षाणि [रूप्य] मुद्रा19 गां वा सत्सहस्राणि सप्त । लग्नान्यस्मिन्वद् शतान्यष्टकं वै कार्य प्रोक्स(क्त). पल
एतति(दि)तीये ॥२२॥ सहस्रलक्षको[टी20 नां संख्या ज्ञाता [g] या व(ब)हः । तैरत्र लग्नद्रव्यस्य संख्योक्ता मंतु रस्तु मा ॥२३॥
लग्नं राजसमुद्रे तु य(या)वत्तावरनं(ज्जनों)बधे21 : । तरंगगणनां कुर्यायस्यैव त वाव(च)रेत् ॥२४॥ स्पर्खा लक्ष्मा सरस्तत्प(स्वत्या)
लाना [*]मी तु यावती । न वक्ति तावती(ती) यु. 22 पतं तडागेत्र सरस्वती ॥२५॥ सप(प्त)व[शश*]तेतीत(ते)प(ऽथ) चतुस्त्रिशन्मितान्व(ब्द) जन्मदिने ।
विशतपलमिताच्छहटक कल्पद्रुमनाम23 के महावी(वा)नं ॥२६(२६)॥ सदशीतितोलमितियुतसुहिरण्याश्वाभिघं 'महादान(म) । भीराज
सिंहनी(ना)मा पृथ्वीनाथो रचितबा
1 This sd is redundant; read atvanan.
* This presents another view according to which the total oxpenditure on the construction of the lako, its Inauguration and rewards to masons, etc., amounted to Rs. 1,06,07,808,
.Mantu means 'fault.' • This sign of punctuation is not necessary,
Though the correct form of the word is hafaka, the author has contracted it into Rataka for the sake of the IDetre, relying upon the adage: Api mashainmashankuryachechhanda-bhangamnadrays.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vot. XXIX 24 न्स[:*] ॥२७॥ युग्मं । शते सप्तवशे पूर्ण चतुस्त्रिशस्मितेम्बके । श्री(भा)वणे राजसिंहजो
जीलवाडावधि (ब)जन् ॥२८॥ बरा(वैरि)सा25 सं सिरोहीस्थं शत्रुसंच(घ)न पीडितं । रावं सिरोहीनपति चके निजपराक्रमः ॥२६॥
एकलक्षप्रमितिका रूप्यमुद्रास्त26 तोपहीत् । पंच प्रामान्कोरटादीन्ज प्राहोपाहवो नृपः ॥३०॥ राणा सुवर्णकलशचौर्य तद्देश
प्रागतं । तबूप्य27 मुद्राः प(पं)चाशत्सहस्त्राण्याहीत्ततः ॥३१॥ शते सप्तदश(शे)तीते चतुस्त्रिशन्मितेन्दके ।
भीराणेंद्रोचत्संख्याः राजगृहे 28 गजं ॥३२॥ त्रिविक्रमाश्रयकृतो विक्रमार्कस्य वामतः । वक्तुं कः सुकमान् शक्तो राजसिंह
'पराकमान् ॥३३॥ राज29 सिंह विचित्रोयं प्रतापतपन(न)स्तव । बनात]स्थानपि रि[स्ता]पयत्यत(त) महत् ॥३४॥
राजन्भवत्प्रतापाग्निः शत्रुस्त्री(स्त्री)वा
. 30 पसि(से)चनः । ज्वलत्यत्र न चित्रं तद्दिटकीत्तिनव-मपः ॥३५॥ शत्रुस्त्रीनेत्रपमानि संतापयति
संततं । श्रीराजसि(सि)ह भवतः 31 प्रतापतपनोद्भूतं ॥३६॥ प्रतापो बीपस्ते क्षिति[प] जगवालोककरणः शिखाभिः शान
()णा(णा) ववननिकुरंब(बं) मलिनयन् 32 । बशा विव्यां स्नेहं कवलयति वा प्राणपटलीपतंगाली दग्धां कलयति तनूपात्रवसतिः ॥३॥
यशश्चंद्र सावं किर33 ति करवं रिपुगणः शिवो जातः कर्णस्फटिकविलसकुंडलपरः । विधू भाले गंगा शिरसि
भुजयोः श(२)भ्रभुजगावधानो 34 भस्मांगो वसति धवले शे(श)लशिखरे ॥३॥ भूभा - - - भुजयोविवषाति पानी
खगोरगं मुखरचौ प्रचुरं प्रतापा(पं ।) - 35 पि मंनि(?) विमला(ला) विधुशीतला यत् कतिस्तवी(बी)श भुवन(ने) तप(ब) ब(ब).
भ्रमीति ॥३६॥ राजेंद्रो भवतावयं जयकरो ब(ब)रिवजा36 नौ जवात्() गांभीर्यात्किल सिंधुरेव हयसइंतिप्त(प्र)वस्तकिल । (च)ो सर्वविशेषणादि
विलसद्वर्णयुतं नाम ते श्रीराणामणि
1 Bandhi has not been observed here. • Three syllables are missing in the latter half of this verse and the sense is not clear. . This long syllable is obliterated beyond recognition. Traces of the medial long i aro visible.

Page #220

APPENDIX]
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
37 राजसहनुपते बेभा: (थाः) सुमेधाधरः ॥४०॥ राष्ट्रप्रवो जलपिजाप्रव उसमेभ्यो भाग्य ( रथेव
सिंतुलनो हरिसेवतो यत् ।
38 प्रास्यां विशेषणगवादिभवर्णयुका (क्त) व (च) के विधिस्तदुचितं तब रणवीर
41 :
स्ता (स्तो) त्राक्त (पतं) रणछोड भट्टरचित (तं) माधवबुधोऽस्माद्वामचंद्रस्ततः सत्सवे (बॅ) इयरकः क 42 ठोंडिकुलजा ( जो ) लक्ष्मनाविनाथस्स् (स्त) त: 1 तेलंगोरच कृष्णोस्य वा माधवः पुत्रोभून्मधुसु ( सू ) वनस्त्रय इमे 43 मा[: * ] ॥४४॥ ज ( य ) स्यासीन्मधुसूदनस्तु जनको वेणी ए [ष] कृतवान्राजप्रशस्त्याह्वयं । काव्यं राणगुणौघ
गोभिव
39 त्' । श्रीमं (म) त्प्रतापः सुतस्तस्य श्रा (श्री) ' अमरेश्वव ' रोस्य तनयः [ श्रीकर्णसिंहोस्य वा । पुत्रो राणजगत्पतिश्च तनयोऽस्माद्राजसिंहोस्य वा पुत्रः [ श्रीजय * ]सिंह एष [ कृ] तवा (वा) वीरः शिलालेख] ॥४२॥ पूर्णे सप्तदशे ते
44 वर्णनमय (यं) बीरा (i) [ युक्तं महत्* ] [I]
40 तपसि या सत्पूर्णिमाये दिने द्वाज (त्रिन्तित (ब) त्सरे नरपतेः भीराजसिहप्रभोः [*] काव्यं राजसमुद्रमिष्टः सृष्टष्ट) प्रतिष्ठावि
॥४१॥
2 जयसिंहों (हा ) भिषो
औरंगजेछ (मं)
राजप्रशस्रपाद्वा
व (ब) ली
द्रष्टं (ष्टं )
श्रीरा
79
Sandhi has not been observed here.
This va is redundant. Read Amaréávaro sya.
The absence of sandhi here is in favour of the metre.
॥४३॥ प्रासीद्भास्करतस्तु
Slab XXIII; Canto XXII
[Metres : vv. 1, 26, 30-46 Anushtubh; vv. 27, 28 Upagiti; v. 29 Giti; vv. 47-50 Sārdūlavikridita.]
तु रामच (चंद्रा (प्र) ब्रह्मेशविष्णु (ष्णू) प
च गोस्वामिजाऽभून्माता रणछोड
इति
॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः (नमः) ॥ स ( स ) ते सप्तवतीले प (पं) त्रिशन्मितेम्यके । शुक्लंकादशिकाय
तु
से (मे) प्रस्थानमासनोत् (त्रे)
॥१॥
श्रीराजसिंहस्थाज्ञातो
वा
सर्वोदनं कविशतिशुभाभि (भिस्योर्थवगतमः
मा (म) हाराजकुमारोयं 1
।
मा ( महाराजकुमारोयं प्र ( यम ) जमेरी समागत["]
॥२॥
स
दिल्ली दिल्लीपति ययौ । पश्चाजे ( ज्जय) कुमारोयं यथौ
3 सेनासमापु (बु) त: ॥३॥ दिल्लीतः क्रोशयुग्मस्ये प्रर्वाक्शिविर उत्तमे । दिल्लीश्वरं ददर्शाय
सोस्यादरमथाकरोत् ॥४॥ मुक्तामासा

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80 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX 4 उरोभूषा अस्मै हेमांव (ब) राण्यवात् । महागजेंद्र भूषाक्तं ता[क]तू (तु) गतुरंगमान (न्) ॥५॥
झालायचंद्रसेनाय पुरोहितवराय च । गरीबदा
5 ससन्नाम्ने हेमवासांसि वा हयान् ॥६॥ महष्ट (ष्ठ)क्कुरेभ्योदावने (न्ये)भ्योपि या(य) पो.
चितं । ततोयं जयसिंहाख्यो गणयुक्तेश्वरं शिवं ॥७॥ 6ष्ट्रा गंगातटे स्नात्वा महारूप्यतुलां ध्यधात् । करिणी च हयं दत्वा (स्वा) यातो वृंदावनं
प्रति ॥६॥ मयुरा च ततो दृष्टा ज्य(ज्ये)ष्टे (ष्ठे) राणपुरंदरं (ः) । बद70 वर्शनीयोयं राणेंद्रो मोदमावधे ॥६॥ शते सप्तदशेतीते वर्षे) पत्रिशदाहये ।
पौ[षस्य कृष्णकावश्यां मेवाडे दिल्लिकापतिः ॥१०॥ मा.
8 यातस्तस्य पुत्रस्त(स्तु) प्रादौ अकबरामि(भ)धः । तथा तहबरः खानः प्राप्ता(प्तः) सेनासं.
मांव(समाव)[तः*] ॥११॥ सुंदरे रा[ज]नगरे राजमंदिरमहवः । तल्लोकः 9 कल्पितास्तत्र शकृः(क्तः) शक्तावतोत्तमः ॥१२॥ पुत्रः सबलसिंहस्य पूर .. .. वरस्य
सः । भ्रा[ता] मुहकमसिंहस्य घोरं रणमिहाकरोत् ॥१३॥ 10 वीरश्चोंडावतः कोपि तथा विशतिसङ्कटाः । कृत्वा युद्ध विवं याता भित्वा(स्वा)
भास्वा(स्क)[र*]मंडलं ॥१४॥ विधेः कलेव(ई)लादाशा बदौ राणापुर(र)वरः 11 । बहवा[री]महाधट्ट[7] वन्यघट्टाच(च्च) वा(बा)हुजा[:*] ॥१५॥ प्रायांतु कृतसंकल्पा अपि
या(यो)द्धं मदु[क्ति]तः । नलिको(का)[गो*]लकस्रो(स्तो)माः सो(शू)रसंघा महोन्न12 ताः ॥१६॥ राणो[क्ति]तस्तथा जातं ततो दिल्लीश पागतः । दहवारीमहाघट्टे (कृ)त्वा
तद्दारपातन(नं) ॥१७॥ ऐ(ए)कविंशतितिथ्यंतं स्थितोत्र 13 निशि चकदा [*] दिव्योः(व्यो)दयपुरं पा(प्रा)प्तो गुप्त एषास्त्युपश्रुतिः ॥१८॥ तदा'
अकबरः प्राप्तो महोदयपुरे ततः । तथा तहब(म्ब)रः खं(खा)नस्त14 स्कृत्यं तद्भटे[:*] कृतं ॥१६॥ ऐ(ए)कलिगं द्रष्टुमगाईवावकव(ब)रस्ततः । अंबेरीचीरवाघट्टी
दृष्टा शिविरमागतः ॥२०॥ झालाप्रतापः क16 केंटपुरवासी गजद्वयं । दिल्लीशसे(स )न्यादानीय राणों(ण)द्राय न्यव(वे)दयत् ॥२१॥ भदेसरस्था
बल्लाख्या हयौघान्हस्तिनां गजो(व्रज?) । न्य(न्य)18 बेवयन्त्र (न)ष्ट्रव(व)दे(द) नवारास्थितप्रभोः ॥२२॥ पंचाशत्कसहस्राणि नणा(णां) नष्टानि तद्विषः ।
दिल्लीस्व(श्व)रस्ततः प्र(प्रा)प्तश्चित्रकूटेन्यथा
1 The absence of sandhi here is in favour of the metre.
Sandhi is not observed here.
• The meaning of arthu in sin' or ' crime'. MGIPC-S1-15 DGA/52-12-2-55-450.

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No. 14] SANGALOODA PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA NANNARAJA ; SAKA 615
113
that Anivārita was a surname of Chalukya Vikramāditya I who ruled from 655 to 680 A.C. It is, therefore, not unlikely that the sattra was named after his surname either in commemoration of his having founded it himself or was named after him by some other founder in token of his respect to him as his suzerain. That Vikramaditya I was a great conqueror is attested by his records in which he claims victory in country after country and in all directions'. That in the south he went as far as the Kävēri region is proved by bis Gadval Plates. As for the extent of his possessions in the north, we have as yet no direct evidence. Nevertheless, it can be supposed that in these northern regions he inherited the Three Maharashtrakas first acquired by his father, Pulakēsin II, since we have it stated in Vikramaditya's inscriptions that he not only regained possession of his father's kingdom which had been lost to enemies but also acquired the fortune and sovereignty of his ancestors. Further it is well known that the Western Chālukyas were recognised as overlords by the kings of the Harischandra family ruling in the Nasik District. One Svāmichandra of this family is explicitly stated as the feudatory (pāda-prasād-opajivi) of Chālukya Vikramāditya I. Rāshțrakūta Nannarāja of our grant, though not actually a contemporary of Vikramaditya I, evidently came under Chalukya hegemony at the time of recording the grant under study, i.e., in Saka 615(-693 A.C.), when his suzerain must have been Vinayāditya, son of Vikramaditya I. It is also interesting to note that it was this Vinayaditya who conducted a successful expedition in the north in which he was ably assisted by his son, prince Vijayāditya.?
None of the kings mentioned in our record barring Govindarāja is known to us from any other source except the two other grants of Nannarāja referred to above. However, in respect of Svāmikarāja, attention may be drawn to another person of the same name who figures as vijñapti in a 7th century record of Kāpālivarman of the Bhöja family who ruled the area around Goa in the west coast. Except the similarity of name and the proximity in point of date between the two persons there is nothing else to connect the two, much less to treat them as identical.
The area of rule of the family of Nannarāja lay as determined by the provenance of their records and the places mentioned in them roughly in the districts of Akola, Amraoti, Betul and Nagpur of Madhya Pradesh, which all lay adjacent to one another. Ancient Vidarbha roughly corresponds to this area. The earliest record of the family, viz., the Nāgardhan Plates of Svāmirāja, was issued from Nändivardhana, the same as Nāgardhan which lies three miles south of Ramtek in the Nagpur District. The family seems to have moved south-west to the region of Amraoti and Akola where they fixed a new capital at Padmanagara from which our inscription is issued. This place may be identified with modern Padmin lying within the postal jurisdiction of Akola.
1 Above, VOL X, p. 101 and n. 4.
? [The word anivärita here is to be taken in its literal sense of unhindered'; it is not proper to connect it with the name or title of any person. -Ed.]
3 Ibid., p. 103, text lines 13 ff. • Ibid., p. 101.
Ibid., p. 103, text lines 13 ff. . Ibid., Vol. XXV, pp. 226, 227, 228. 7 Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 368, 371. . . Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 339.
I was at first inclined to identify Padmanagara with Pauni in the Bhandara District, a place which is also known as Padmapura, and where an early inscription of Bnara Bhagadatta was discovered (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 11). In that case Umbarikā, the gift village, might be Umrer lying about 15 miles WNW of Paunl. But since 1 here are two other villages of the name of Paunl, one in the Betul District and the other in the Nagpur Distriot gear Ramtek, one cannot be sure as to which of these three could be Padmanagara. Seo Mirashi, above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 7, n. 2.
3 DGA/53

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114
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX
This indentification is supported by the location of Umbarikā, the village mentioned; for, this is Umbari near Akola. Even the findspot of the plates, viz., Sangalooda, lies nearby. The Tiwarkhed Plates mention another capital of the family, viz., Achalapura, the same as modern Ellichpur in the Amraoti District, north-east of Akola.
Of the places mentioned in our charter Padmanagara and Umbarikä have been identified in the foregoing paragraph. Tagara from which the donee hailed might be modern Tēr in the Hyderabad State. Nāgayayi, situated east of Umbarikā, may be Naigaon, near Akola. I am unable to locate Vatapuraka, Vaivadraka and Uchchhi(or chhī)vāhala which are stated in the record to be in or near Umbarikā.
TEXT First Plate
1 Svasti [l*) Padmanagarād=Vi(rād[[*]Vi)stirnna(mpna)-sthiti-pālan-āpta-yaśasisri
2 Rashtrakat-anvayē ramyē kshira-nidhāv-iv-endur-abhavach-chhri-Durggara
3 18 nipah [l*) lok-ahlādana-hētubhiḥ pravitatais=tējö-vise
4 sh-õdayai[r]=yyên-ochchaiḥ padavin=visvim vi)gāhya vidhivat-paksha-dva[yam]
5 bhāsitaṁ(tam) | (111*]* Tasya sūnur=āsi(si)d=anēka-samara-sāhas-ā[vashtam)
6 bha-yabā[h] sri-V6(G8)vindarājas=tasy=āsīd=ātmavān=ātmaja &
7 tmany=āhita-bakti-siddhiḥ sri-Svāmikarājah [l*]Putras-tasya ma.
Second Plate: First Side
8 hānubhāva-charitaḥ sri-Nannarājaḥ kṣiti(ti) käntah=kāruņikah-kala9 nika-rahitah=këtuh-karālo dvishān=dhaurēyo rana-sähas-a10 hita-dhiyām=agrēsaro māninās vaidagdh-öddhata-chētasim-adhi11 patih=kalpa-dra(dru)mo yo=rtthinām(nām)* |(211*]Yasecha samnára(sandra)ya-vik sha-la12 bhäd=iva sakalair-ábhigāmikair=itaraid=cha guņair-upētaḥ 13 Paramabrahmanyaḥ Paramabhāgavataḥ sri-Yuddhäsur-āpara14 nāmõ(mā) sas=s&(sa sa)rvānn=6(n=ē)va rāja-sāmanta-vishayapati-grāma-bho
From impressions. 1 Metre : Sardalavikridita.

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SANGALOODA PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA NANNARAJA: SAKA 615
2538-
0832 ปี
%2532 58 35 223.88 1,a. 8 2359 18+g edารา14.128
-
2233 สาย
1
J85053444ะรับร้าน 14 8248ะบว3%8ป£84
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE

Page #225

20,0.
Sですから700F 2017-10Wのりさん
212
ぶ
いらすおおいないプチSTUAT2724 このマントン1000 FAIRIUS
Seal (From a Photograph)

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116
No. 14] SANGALOODA PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA NANNARAJA ; SAKA 615
Second Plate : Second Side 15 gika-purillaka-chāța-bhata-sēvak-ādīn=samanuvõ(bő)dhayaty=astu vö
16 viditam yath=āsmābhirammātā-pitror=ātmanas=cha puny-āvāptaya Taga
17 ra-vāstavya-Vā(or Mā)rula-sagotra-Kaugi(si)ka-pravara-Taittiriya-sa-brahmacha
18 riņē Anivärit-anna-satra(ttra)-pradāyinē Varmulaka-chaturvēda-pautrā
19 ya Bhūtagaṇabhatta-putra-Haragana-dvivēdāya Vatapuraka-grāmē
kshētrañ=cha
nivarttana-satar
20 viñsa(vimba)ti-karmmā[nta](ntā) madhuka-samētaltam)
tachchha (tach-cha)
21 Umbarikā-grāmõ(mē) dakshiņi ņā)na Vaivadraka-sīma-maryyādā 22 uttaraḥ' Tatilingichchhi-bhatākara(rakah) pūrvvataḥ Nāgaya[yi-maryā]dä:
Third Plate
23 paschimato Chchhivāhala? [ē]bhir=āghātanaiḥ. kshētra[m*] bhūmichhi(chchhi)dra
24 nyāyềna Kārttika-paurnna(rạna)māsyām=udaka-pūrvvam pratipāditam 25 yatõ=asmad-vařáyair=anyair=vv=āgāmi-npipati-bhögapatibhir=asmad-dā
26 yo=numanta vya[h*) pratipālayita vyasacha yo v=ājñāna-timira-pa
27 tal-āvsita-matir-ā[ch*]chhindyād=achchha(chchhi)dyamānam v=ānumodē.
28 ta sa pañchabhir=mmahāpātakai[s*)=sa[m]yukta[h*) syād=iti [I*] Saka-kāla
shathsu(tsu)
pañcha[da]săn=va(Sa-va)rshēshu
Kārttika-buddha
29 sa[m]vatsara-batēshu
pau.
30 (rņņa]mi(māsyām) likhitam=iti [ll*]
Seal
Sri-Ju[ddhä]surah
1 This may be also read as uttaratah Tilingichchhi. * Da is inserted below this last line at the left ond of the plato. • This may be also paéchimato-chchhiváhala.
Some word like upalakshitam is to be added here. A similar omission Vol. XVIII, p. 206, n. 1).
cours in the Multai Platos (Ind. Ant.,

Page #227

118 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX No. 15-MUNDAKHEDE PLATES OF SENDRAKA JAYASAKTI ; SAKA 602
(1 Plate)
V. V. Mirashi, Nagpur These plates were found several years ago in the possession of a Patil of Mundakhadi, a village in the Chalisgaon taluk of the East Khandesh District, Bombay State. They were brought to notice by the late Mr. G. K. Chandorkar, who edited them twice--first in the Marathi magazine, Prabhāta of Dhulia, Vol. I, No. 12' and afterwards in the Annual Report of the Bharata Itihasa sarisidhaka Mandala for Saka 1834, pp. 169-177. As no facsimile of the record accompanied either of these articles, I was under the impression that it was not published. Several years ago, while I was studying the Bagumră plates of Nikumbballasakti', I felt the need of critically examining this record in view of its importance for the history of the Sēndrakas, and I tried to trace the original plates, but could not succeed. I was, therefore, agreeably surprised when I received recently a copy of the printed facsimile of the plates from my friend, Dr. M. G. Dikshit. From the date Chaitra, Saka 1829, as well as from the name Prabhāta printed on it, it is clear that the facsimilo was published in the same magazine Prabhāta in the next issue after the text of the record was first edited by Chandorkar. This facsimile has enabled me to correct the readings of some important words in the transcript published by Chandorkar. Again, Chandorkar did not calculate the date or identify the places mentioned in the grant. For these reasons as well as because this is the only record of the Sēndraka prince Jayabakti and is important for the ancient history of Maharashtra, I re-edit the grant here from the aforementioned facsimile published by Chandorkar.
The copper-platos are two in number, and are inscribed on the inner side only. Their size and weight have not been recorded. From the description given by Chandorkar they seem to have raised rims for the protection of the writing. At the bottom of the first inscribed plate and the top of the second, there is a hole for the ring which strung the plates together. This ring is said to have carried & seal with the legend Sri-Jayasakti, but no photograph of it seems to have been published
The record consists of twenty-four lines, twelve being inscribed on each plate. The writing is in a good state of preservation. The record is, however, rather carelessly written and contains a few mistakes here and there. The characters are of the western variety of the southern alphabet as in the other records of the Sendrakas found in Gujarat and Khandesh. The only peculiarities that call for notice are as follows: (1) the initial e resembles 1, but has a long vertical on the right; see esha, line 14; (2) the stroke for medial a is turned upward in the case of j as in -dvijāti-, line 6; (3) 1 has everywhere a straight vertical stroke on the right; see -labdha-, line 2; (4) n generally appears looped as in samunnats, line 1, but it is sporadically unlooped as in sünor-, line 16; (5) a final consonant is shown with a horizontal stroke on the top ; see vasēt, line 21. The jihvamüliya occurs in line 10. Punctuation is indicated by single or double dots. The language is Sanskrit. Except for four benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end, the record is in prose throughout. It may be noted that the writer has used in the eulogy of Bhānusakti the very expression Saradamala-sadārka-mandala-yasasah(yasah), which describes Adityasakti in the Bagumrā plates, and Allabakti in the Käsare plates. Again, the expression Bhava-sunur=iv=āpratihata-saktih which describes Adityasakti in the present plates occurs in connection with Allasakti in the Bagumra and
1 This No. bears the dato Phalguna, Saka 1829 which is plainly a mistake for Saka 1828. The same mistake ooours on the first page of the previous two issues. As stated above, the facsimile of the plates published in the next number bears the date, Chaitra, Saka 1829.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 265 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 267. .G. H. Kharo, Bourou of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan, Vol. III, p. 71. Abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 197.

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No. 15). MUNDAKHEDE PLATES OF SENDRAKA JAYASAKTI; SAKA 602 117 Nägad plates. The drafter of the present grant has thus drawn upon previous records of the family, and, evidently regarding the epithets es conventional, has not sorupled to transfer them from one prince to another. As for orthography, we may note that is used for n in Phālguna, line 24, and the consonant following and that preceding and y are reduplicated; 100 -chäturddanta- and vikkrama-, line 2 and -anuddhyāla, line 4.
The plates refer themselves to the reign of the Sēndraka prince Jayasakti. They were issued from Jayapuradvärl. They record the grant, by Jayasakti, of a village the name of which Chandorkar read as Sērānakasasha. The correct reading of the passage where it occurs is Sēnära ésha grāmah, not Sērānakalasha-grāmah. The village was therefore named Sopapa. It was in. cluded in the Kundalikāmala vishaya. The donee was the Brāhmaṇa Bappasvāmin, the son of Rēvasvämin, who belonged to the Käsyapa gôtra and the Hiranyakësin branch of the Taittiriya bakha of the Black Yajurvēda, and resided at Kallivana. The gift was made on the occasion of the sun's entering the Mina-räsi on the 10th tithi of the dark fortnight of Phalguna in the year 602 of an unspecified era. The year and the tithi are expressed only in words. From the Nāgad plates we know that Jayasakti's father Allasakti was flourishing in Saka 577. The year 602 mentioned in the present grant of Jayasakti must, therefore, be referred to the Saka era, and corresponds to 680-81 A.C. In this period the sun entered the Mina-räsi at 20 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise on the 17th February 681 A.C. The religious ceremonies connected with the sarkrānti must have been performed after sunrise next day, the 18th February 681 A.C., which was the 10th tithi of the dark fortnight of the amanta Phälguna. This date shows that the amänta scheme of the lunar months was in vogue in Northern Mahārāshţra in the seventh century A.C. The grant was written by the Sandhivigrahika Räma.
The present grant gives the following pedigree of the donor :
Bhānusakti (Brivallabha)
Adityasakti
Nikumbhallasakti (Satyäsraya, Prithivivallabha)
Jayasakti (Satyāsraya, Prithivivallabha, Vikramaditya and Nikumbha) Chandorkar read the name of the third prince as Nikumbhalla sakti, being probably misled by Bühler's reading of the royal name in the Bagumrå plates. The facsimile of the prosent grant, however, shows the correct reading of the name to be Nikumbhāllabakti. The same reading of the name occurs in the Nägad plates published by Mr. G. H. Khare. We now know from the Kising plates that the proper name of the Sēndraka prince was Allabakti. This occurs not only in the text of the grant, but also on the seal of the plates. Nikumbha was evidently a diruda prefixed to his namo. The same biruda is seen to have been assumed by Allabakti's son Jayasakti in the present plates. The biruda was evidently derived from the name Nikumbha of Allabakti's grandfather, mentioned in the Kādārē plates. He had another name of Bhānu sakti which is noticed in the three other grants of the family, including the present one. His descendants Allabakti and Jayasakti seem to have assumed his name Nsluitbha as a biruda, probably because he was the founder of this Sēndraka branch which flourished in Gujarat and Khandesh.
1 Sarhodhaka (Marathi), Vol. VIII (October, 1939); abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 196. . This tithi commonood only 15 m. after moan sunrise on that day.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX The present grant describes both Allasakti and Jayasakti as samadhigata-pañicha-maha-sabda, i.e., as having attained the right to the five great sounds. They both were evidently subordinate chiefs, owing allegiance to the Chalukya Emperor of Badāmi. Bhanusakti, though described in a more grandiloquent style, probably enjoyed no better status. As his grandson Allasakti was flourishing in 653 and 656 A.C., Bhanusakti may be referred to the first quarter of the seventh oentury A.C. He was probably placed in charge of Gujarat and Khandesh by Pulakesin II after he had conquered these provinces from the Kalachuris. No records of the reigns of Bharusakti and Adityasakti have yet been discovered, but Allasakti is known to have made three grants, two of which, recorded in the Käsare and Bagumra plates, are dated in the Kalachuri era and one, viz., that in the Nagad plates, in the Saka era. The earliest of these, viz., that in the Käsare plates is dated K. 404 (653 A.C.) and registers the donation of some land in the village Pippalikhēta, modern Pimpalner in West Khandesh. The second, known as the Bagumra plates, dated K. 406 (656 A.C.), registers the gift of the village Balisa, modern Wanesa near Ten in South Gujarat. The third record, viz., the Nagad plates, though issued from Käyävatāra, modern Kärwän in Gujarat, mentions the grant of a village in the vishaya of Nandipuradväri which is probably identical with Nandurbar in West Khandesh. This grant is dated in Saka 577 (655-56 A.C.). These records show that Allasakti continued to hold Gujarat and Khandesh at least till 656 A.C. Sometime thereafter, he seems to have lost Gujarat ; for the next date from that part of the country is K. 421 (671 A.C.), furnished by the Surat plates of Sryaéraya-Siladitya, which register the grant of the village Asattigrama, modern Astgaon, not far from Ten. From the Manor plates, recently published by Mr. Krishna Deva, we learn that Dharasraya-Jayasimha, the younger brother of the Chalukya emperor Vikramaditya I, founded the Navsari branch in 669-70 A.C. Thereafter, the rule of the Sendrakas seems to have been confined to Khandesh. As shown below, the places mentioned in the present Mundakhēdē plates can be satisfactorily located near the western border of that district.
118
It may be noted that Bhanusakti, Allasakti and Jayasakti bore certain birudas which are usually associated with their Chalukya suzerains. One of these deserves special notice. Jayasakti calls himself Vikramaditya in the present grant, dated 681 A.C. His suzerain was Vikramaditya I, who had died just in the preceding year (680 A.C.). As this is the only known grant of Jayasakti, we do not know whether Jayasakti had borne the biruda previously or whether he assumed it only after the death of Vikramaditya. The absence of any reference to the imperial family in the present grant lends colour to the latter view, but we may note that similar birudas were assumed by other feudatories of the Early Chalukyas. The Manor plates, for instance, show that Mangalarasa, the son of Dharäéraya-Jayasimha, had assumed the biruda Vinayaditya before Saka 613 (691 A.C.) during the reign of the Chalukya emperor Vinayaditya. The present grant does not, therefore, give any indication that Jayasakti had thrown off the yoke of the Early Chalukyas.
No descendants of Jayasakti are known but, as I have suggested elsewhere, the Sinds kings who flourished in Khandesh in the 10th century A.C. may have belonged to the same lineage. Like the Sendrakas, they also claimed to have descended from the lord of serpents. Later, a family called Nikumbha is known to have flourished in the Khandesh District. It is known from the
1 Chandorkar's view that the Sendrakas were independent kings who helped the Early Chalukyas to establish themselves in the Kanarese country is not supported by any evidence.
Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 18.
Dr. Fleet also inferred that the Bagumrå plates belong to the period when the Western Chalukya sovereignty was in abeyar ce. See Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p. 361. Since then we bave known of several records of the feudatories of the Western Chalukyas which make no mention of the reigning emperor.
Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 166 ff.

Page #230

119
No. 15] MUNDAKHEDE PLATES OF SRNDRARA JAYASAKTI ; SAKA 602 Pätan insoription of Saka 1128 ; but it is not likely to have been connected with the Sandrakas, as it traced its descent not from the lord of serpents but from the Sun'.
As for the localities mentioned in the present plates, Kundalik mala, the headquarters of the vishaya in which the donated village was situated, is probably identical with Kundalgaon, 14 miles west of Nandgaon near the western border of the Khandesh District. No place exactly corresponding to the donated village Bénink can be traced in the neighbourhood, but Saundane which lies about 10 miles north by west of Nândgaon may represent the ancient village. Jayapuradvari, from where the plates were issued, may be identical with Jeur which lies about 7 miles almost due north of Nandgaon. Kallivana where the donor resided is undoubtedly Kalvao, the chief town of the Kalvap taluk of the Nasik District.
TEXT
Piret Plate 1 सिद्धम् [*] स्वस्ति [*] जयपुरखारीतो मेरुमही[पारशिखरास्थिाररुचिरसमुन्नते ___ विकसितयशस(सि) [माहति सेन्द्रकराशा] (जाना)म2 न्वयेनेकचातुईन्तगजघटाटोपासमरसंघट्टलब्धविजयी(यो) विजिताशेषरिपुगणः स्वविक्क
म(मा)3 कक्रान्तमहीमण्डलः प्रणताशेषसामन्तशिरोमकुटनिघृष्टपा[दापंकजो नयविनयदयावानदाक्षि
ण्यश्री4 संपदुपेतः शरदमलशशांकमण्डलामलयशसः(यशाः) श्रीवल्लभभानुशक्तिस्तस्य पुत्रस्तत्पादा____ नुद्धघातः स्वभुण(ज)म। णिमयूखचक्क्रबलप्रकाशिताशेषदिक्चक्रश्चक्रवर्तिलक्षणोपेतो विपुलषनपृथुयशसः(यशः)
__कुसुमनिकरो6 पशोभितसकलवसुधातलः समुद्र इव क्षितिस्थितिराजकभूभृत्पालनपरः परमगा(ग)
भीरो देवद्विजातिस्वजनबां7 धवोपभुज्यमानविभवो भवसूनुरिवाप्रतिहतशक्तिः: श्रीमदादित्यशक्तिस्तास्य] पुत्रस्तत्पा___ दानुलपातो व्यपगातस]- . . जलजलधरव्योमतालाशरदिन्दुकिरणषवलतरयशोवितानलंषितांभोषिपरापरः(पारापारः) सेन्द्र
ककुलगगनचन्द्र
IAbore, Vol. I, P.342. * From the photo-zinoograph published in the Prabhata (Marithi) for Chaitra, Saka 1829. • Expressed by a symbol. • This expression is used to describo Adityatekti in the Begumrl platou, and Allatakt in the Kisiri plates
This expression cours in the description of Allabakti in the Bagumri sad Niged plates.

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120
RPIGRAPMA INDIGA
[VOL. XXIX 9 मा] समषिगतपञ्चमहाशब्दः सत्याश्रयपृथिवीवल्लभश्रीनिकुंभाल्लशक्तिस्तस्य पुत्र
स्तत्पादानुद्धघातो विगतधन10 पटलेन्दुमण्डलामलकुलतिलककृत'युगनरपत्यतिशयितस्सच्चरितः शरणागतार्तिहरः प्रस
भाभिकृष्टान्य11 राजश्रीः समधिगतपञ्चमहाशब्दः सत्याश्रयपृथिवीवल्लभविक्रमादित्यनिकुंभश्रीजयशक्तिः 12 सर्व्वानेव राजसामन्तभोगिकविषयपतिराष्ट्रगामकूटाययुक्तकमहत्तराधिकारिकादी[न्*] समनुबोष
Second Plate 13 यत्यस्तु वः संविदित (तं) मया परलोकाप(पे)क्षत्वम (मं)गीकृत्य महत्फलं [हि]
श्रुत्वा] [ततः] कुन्दलिकामलविषयान्त॥ गंतसेणाणा एष प्रामः' सोदंगः सपरिकरः सादानदित्यविष्टिप्रातिभादिकापरिही
णा[भ्यन्तरासिद्धि18 का भामिच्छिद्रन्यायेनाचाटभटप्रवेश्याः] पाचन्द्राणिवक्षितिस्थितिसमकालीनः पुत्रपौत्र
(त्रा)न्वयक्क्रमोप18 भोग्यः कल्लिवानावास्तव्यकाश्यपसगोत्रतित्तिरिक हिरण्यकेशिब्राह्मणरेवस्वामिसूनोर्बप्पस्वा
मिने बलिचस्वैश्वद(दे)17 [वा ]ग्निहोत्रपञ्चमहायज्ञादिक्रिय(यो)त्सप्पणात्य(त्यं) मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुष्पयशो
भिवृद्धये ब्राह्मणमह(हा)जनसमेताय 18 [फाल्गुण(न)बहुलदशम्या पुण्ये तियो' भगवति सवितरि मि(मी)नराशि संक्रान्त
उदकातिसर्गेण प्रतिपादितो यतोस्मद्वंश्यैर19 म्यागामिाभूपतिभिन्नलवेणुकदलिसारसंसारजलबुद्धदोपमं च जीवितमवधार्य
शिरीषकुसुमसदृशापार्य [च]
Chandorkar read forwa - but the sign Inscribed above is that of tihedmaliya.
Chandorkar read सेणाणकलवप्रामः but the correct readingbalearly-girom nbow, compare Alfarrot ge : in the Vadnär plates (above, Vol. XII, p. 84) and gui a tge or in the Barnevni platou (abovo, Vol. VI, p. 299). .Rand तैत्तिरीय
•Bad पुण्यतिथी.

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MUNDAKHEDE PLATES OF SENDRAKA JAYASAKTI, SAKA YEAR 602
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Page #234

121
No. 16]
CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION 20 यौवन(नं) गिर(रि)नदीसलिलगत्वराणि चैश्वव्ण्याकल्या(लय्या)स्मद्दायोनुमंतव्यः
पालयितव्यश्चेत्युक्तञ्च भगवता वेदव्यास(से)न 21 व्यासेन [*] 'व(ष)ष्टिवर्ष (र्ष)सहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [*] प्रा.
च्छेत्ता चानुम(मं)ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥१॥*1 विध्याटवीष्वतोया22 सु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः[*] कृष्णाहयो हि जायन्ते भूमिदायं हरन्ति ये [२॥*]
बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः [*] यस्य य23 स्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फल(लम्) [॥३॥*] पूर्वदत्तां द्विजातिभ्यो
यत्नाद्रक्ष युधिष्ठर [*] महीं महीमतां श्रेष्ठं दानाच्छ,योनुपा24 लनाम्*] [॥४॥*] संवत्सरशतषट्के द्वघुत्तरके [फाल्गुण(न)बहुलः' दशम्यां लिखि
त(तं) चैतत्सान्धिविग्रहिकरामाने (गे)ति ॥*]
No. 16-CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION
(1 Plate)
B. CH. CHHABRA, NEW DELHI This beautiful prasasti is neatly engraved on a well-dressed, slab of black granite. It is kept in the temple of Siva, that goes by the name of Chatosvara, in the village of Kisnapur or Kisanpur (Krishnapura), in the Cuttack District of Orissa. This village is situated about 12 miles northeast from the town of Cuttack. The inscription seems to bave been examined first by Bābu Nagēndranātha Vasu as early as November 1893. He noticed it in Bengali, in 1894, in his Visvakosha, Vol. VI, p. 229. Later on, in August, 1898 he read a paper on it, giving its full text and translation, which has been published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Vol. LXVII. 1898. Part I (History, Antiquities, etc.), pp. 317-327. No facsimile of this prasasti has so far been published elsewhere.
After Vasu's treatment of this inscription, no other scholar seems to have cared to examine it closely, though it has been referred to by various scholars in connection with the history of Orissa. In the winter of 1938, the writer of this article, in the course of his official tour in Orissa, happened to visit Kisnapur, where be studied the inscription from the original slab. As a result thereef, it was found that the text presented by Vasu is as inaccurate in places as his interpretation of it is erroneous. The present writer had occasion to comment on this inscription in the Hindi monthly Itihasa, September 1961, pp. 166-168, as also in the Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. I. 1952, pp. 11-13, where the importance of the inscription as well as a few examples of the defects in Vasu's treatment of it has been pointed out. These may be considered as enough justification for a re-edition of the inscription.
1 Metre of verses 1-4: Anushubh. * This visarga is superfluous. 3 DGA/63

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122 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. X XIX The inscribed surface measures 31" X 18". It contains 25 lines of writing. The engraving is beautifully executed, and is fairly well preserved throughout, except a few scratches about the m.iddle of lines 17 and 18. Those, however, do not cause any difficulty in the reading of the aksharas affected.
The alphabet of the inscription is the eastern variety, proto-Bengali, of the thirteenth century A.C. Some scholars prefer to give this script the name Gaudi. Forms of kh, j, i, &, etc., which resemble the modern Oriya and Bengali forms of these letters, are noteworthy. The forms of initial vowels a, i, u and ê may be seen in lines 6, 8, 22 and 8 respectively. The sign of visarga is remarkable inasmuch as it consists of two small circles, one above the other, with a horizontal top stroke on the upper circle. The form of p looks somewhat like that of y. The forms of some of the conjunct consonants are worthy of note, such as ttra and nja in line 1, rtti in line 3, vyū in line 7, mbrü in line 12, and shța in line 7. This last shows that the subscript resembles t. The form of otherwise may be seen in mukute in line 2. The language is Sanskrit, and the composition is in verse throughout, except the obeisance in the beginning. There are altogether twentyfive verses in various metres. The verses are not numbered ; but the end of the first half of every stanza is marked off, as a rule, by a single danda, and the completion of ovory stanza likewise by a double danda. The style is highly ornate.
As for orthography, no distinction is made between the signs for b and v. Properly speaking, the sign for v stands also for b. In giving the text, I have read it correctly as b wherever b is required. A consonant after r is generally doubled, cases liko rthi in line 6 being exceptions. In those like amarsha in line 5 the rule of reduplication does not apply at all. In such cases the consonant after r is correctly left single.
Grammatically, the pronominal use of the word dvaya in verse 13 is interesting. Such a usage is rare, but we have instances of it in Sanskrit literature, as in Mägha's Sisupälavadha, III, 57: janair-ajāta-skhalanair na jātu dvayê=py=amuchyanta vinita-märgā). In verse 9, the verbal form ajani, in the causative sense, is a solecism, which is repeated in jajna in verso 10. Similar soleciems are not uncommon in Sanskrit inscriptions. On the seals of Bhāskara varman of Prāgjyotisha, for instance, we have tēna jāto dēvyāṁ fri-Ratnavatyāṁ........ Kalyānavarma. To quote an earlier instance, we have vasundharēsastanayam prajajse in the Mandasor inscription of Mālava Samvat 524, referring to the Gupta king Govindagupta.. The word fuddhān in verse 7 has pog. sibly to be taken as synonymous with kēvalān, which would be of lexical interost. The construction, however, seems to be faulty inasmuch as a tāṁ was essential in the subordinate clause and that is absent. Instead of suddhām, something like tām-eva would thus have been better. These observations, it may be admitted, hold good only in case the interpretation of the verse in question as given below be acceptable. The verse no doubt is a hard nut to crack.
The main object of the inscription is to record the erection of a temple of Kämántaka, i.e., Siva, evidently identical with the present Chātāśvara temple. There is, however, a difference of opinion as to who exactly was responsible for raising this edifice. Vasu ascribes it to Ananga
. . 1 Dr. D. C. Sircar, for instance, justifies this designation (above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 236; IHQ, XXVIII, pp. 130-1). The script of the present inscription compares well with that of Svapnēgvara's inscription of the time of Anangabhima II ; above, Vol. VI, plate facing page 202.
The confusion between vand is not only a palaeographical feature, but also a phonetic peculiarity, which is notioeable in certain inscriptions even of the Gupta period. See Dr. G. S. Gai's note in the Journal of the Ganganatha Jha Research Institute, Vol. VI, pp. 308-309.
Dr. Hirananda Sastri's Nalanda and Its Epigraphical Material (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 66, Calcutta, 1942), p. 70.
Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 15, text 1, line 4.

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CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION
bhima II,1 whereas a careful perusal of the text, even as it is presented by the said scholar, will show that it was Anangabhima II's (really III's) minister, Vishnu, who built that temple. Bābu Manomohan Chakravarti, who, by the way, proved this Anangabhima to be Anangabhima III (and not II), has evaded the issue by merely observing: "Several years would have elapsed between the minister Vishnu's fight with the Yavanas and the finishing of the temple." Bābu Rākhāl Das Banerji, on the other hand, strikes a discordant note by attributing the construction of the Siva temple in question to Govinda who was the said Anangabhima's grandfather's minister. The confusion is probably due to the fact that Anangabhima's grandfather's name also happens to be Anangabhima and that both he and his minister, Govinda, also figure in the present inscription, as we shall presently see. Dr. Hemchandra Ray, however, correctly ascribes the erection of the temple to Vishnu.
Our inscription mentions only four members of the later Ganga dynasty of Kalinga : (1) Chōdaganga, (2) his son Anangabhima, (3) his son Rajendra, and (4) his son Anangabhima. Not taking the earlier rulers of the lineage into consideration, Vasu took the second of the aforementioned members as Anangabhima I and the fourth as Anangabhīma II. In the context of the full genealogy, however, these two stand as Anangabhima II and Anangabhima III respectively, one of their forefathers (Vajrahasta by name) being Anangabhima I. It may further be observed that a variant form of this name, which frequently occurs in inscriptions, is Aniyankabhima, and that Rajendra of our inscription is to be equated with Rajaraja III. The full genealogy as well as the events connected with the various members of the dynasty has recently been reviewed by Dr. D. C. Sircar in his edition of the Nagari plates of Anangabhima III; Saka-1151 and 1152. The portion of the genealogy contained in the present inscription stands as follows:
(1) Anantavarman-Chōdaganga (1078-1147 A. C.)
(2) Anangabhima II (4th son of 1) (1190-97 A. C.)
(3) Anantavarman-Rajaraja III (son of 2) (1198-1211 A. C.)
(4) Anangabhima III (son of 3) (1211-38 A. C.)
Again, as indicated above, in connection with Anangabhima II, our inscription mentions his minister Govinda; and in connection with Anangabhima III, it describes his minister Vishnu. As a matter of fact, the Chatesvara inscription is a eulogy of this Vishnu himself. Of the total of twenty-five verses, the poet has devoted as many as thirteen to Vishnu alone, describing his valour, learning and charities. The first eleven verses, descriptive of the Lunar Race and some of the later Ganga rulers belonging to it, serve as introduction, while the concluding stanza mentions the poet's name and fame. A perusal of the whole inscription leaves one with the impression that Vishnu was that type of a minister who is all in all in a state, while its ruler counts as a mere figure-head.
The contents of the inscription are, briefly, as follows. It opens with a symbol for siddham followed by um and obeisance to Siva. Verse 1 is in praise of the Ocean and verse 2 in that of the Moon, born of the Ocean. Verse 3 refers, in a conventional way, to the kings descending from the Moon, i.e., those of the Lunar Race, Verses 4 to 6 describe, in a general way, king Cho laganga
1JASB, Vol. LXVII (1898), p. 319.
Ibid., Vol. LXXII (1903), p. 120.
P. D. Banerji, History of Orissa, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1930, p. 255 and p. 202.
H. C. Kay, The Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1931, p. 478.
For a full genealogical list of the later Gangas of Kalinga, see Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, pp. 387-388.
See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 235 ff.
12

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX (i.e., Anantavarman-Choḍaganga). It is of interest to know that, in verse 4, he is described as an incarnation of the Narasimha avatara of the god Vishnu. We may parenthetically observe here that, as is known from other inscriptions, Chōdaganga's ancestors were all staunch devotees of the god Siva, and that Chōdaganga himself was one such in the earlier part of his life; but that, about 1112 A.C., he started adoring Vishnu as well, later on becoming a devotee of Vishnu alone. His descendants all adhered to the Vaishnava faith. Verse 7 describes Chodaganga's son Anangabhima (II) as a peace-loving ruler. Verse 8 mentions his able minister, Govinda, a Brahmana of the Vatsa götra. Verse 9 introduces Anangabhima (II)'s son Rajendra (Rajaraja III), whose son Anangabhima (III) is described, in verses 10 and 11, as a valorous and munificent ruler. Verses 12 to 22 are descriptive of Anangabhima (III)'s minister, Vishnu. In verse 12 he is stated to have stabilised the empire of the lord of Trikalinga (i.e. Anangabhima III). Verse 13 represents him as a great warrior. Verse 14 alludes to his having routed a king of Tummāņa, while in verse 15 mention is made of his fight with a Muslim ruler (Yavan-avanindra). Verse 16 refers to his vigilance and war-preparedness, ensuring safety and security to the empire of the lord of Utkala (ie., Anangabhima III). Verses 17 and 18 contain a poetic description of his glory (yasas). Verse 19 adverts to the Tulapurusha gift which, it is indicated, he ceremonially gave on the sea-shore near Puri. Verse 20 contains a poetic description of sea-breezes and informs us that the minister Vishņu caused pools and tanks to be constructed along principal roads. Verses 21 and 22 describe his proficiency in the Vedas and various sastras. It may, in passing, be remarked that it is on the strength of these two verses that Vishņu may be taken as a Brahmana. Otherwise, neither his caste nor his parentage is expressly stated in the inscription. Besides, we are not in a position to say whether he was in any way related to Govinda, the Brahmana minister of Anangabhima II. Verse 23 informs us that Vishnu erected the temple of the Destroyer of Cupid (Kamantaka), i.e., Šiva. In verse 24 a long life is wished to this temple as well as to the prasasti. The author of the prasasti, a poet, Bhaskara by name, introduces himself in verse 25, as the last item.
It may be realised that this eulogy gives us more of poetry than of history. The translation of the text appended hereto will give an idea of the heights of imagery and hyperbole to which the poet Bhaskara has soared. He has exhibited his skill well; but, alas! he has not been understood so well, with the result that what little of historical value his poem contains has suffered distortion. The obscurity that prevailed over the identity of the builder of the temple has already been pointed out. Following Vasu's translation, Banerji says: "According to this inscription either Govinda or Anangabhima III erected several pleasure-houses at Purushottama or Puri and performed the golden Tulapurusha ceremony at that place. He also constructed many roads and excavated tanks." Now, this statement is wrong. In the first place, it is neither Govinda nor Anangabhima III, but Vishnu, who should be credited with the works of public utility enumerated. These, again, in reality consist only of tanks. He constructed no pleasure-houses and no roads. A perusal of the text and its rendering (of verses 19 and 20) given below will show that the so-called pleasure-houses refer to the toy-hillocks of jewellery for the Tulapurusha gift, magnified by the poetic fancy into so many replicas of the Mount Meru, the abode of the gods, and that, so far as roads are concerned, Vishnu only dotted them with tanks here and there, and had nothing to do with their constructions. Besides, even the excavation of tanks may not be taken as a personal charity of Vishnu. It was presumably a part of the liberal policy of the government with Vishnu as its chief minister. What stands to the credit of Vishnu as a person, judging from the description given, is the great gift of Tulapurusha, apart from the building of a Siva temple, the main object of the inscription. It may be observed that the Tulāpurusha is the first of sixteen
1 Ibid, pp. 239-40.
* R. D. Banerji, History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 262.

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125
mahādānas,' great gifts,' enumerated and elaborately described in the Purānas. In the case of the particular gift in question, the donor gives away in charity his own weight of precious metal and stones (gold, silver, ornaments, jewels, etc.).
Historically, the allusions to the wars waged by Vishnu on behalf of his master, Anangabhima III, are more important. They are, however, so vague that they do not add much to our knowledge. Verse 14, shorn of its hyperbole, means to convey that Vishņu fought with a king of Tummăņa and possibly harassed him. We know that Tummana was the capital of a branch of the Haihayas of Mabākösala, now represented by a small village called Tumana 'in the Lāpha Zamindari of the Bilaspur District in the Chattisgarh Division of Madhya Pradesh. We know also that these rulers came into conflict with the Gangas of Utkala (Orissa). In fact, Ratnadēva II of the Haihaya line is known to have inflicted a defeat on the great Ganga monarch AnantavarmanChödaganga, the great-grandfather of Anangabhima III. It is, however, not known as to who the adversary of Vishnu was. It may be argued that the author of the prasasti would have given us a more detailed and definitive information on the point, if the war were really a major one. Chakravarti infers from the poetic description that the fight took place in the groves on the banks of the Bhimā river at the foot of the Vindhya hills. It is true that tho Vindhy-ādrēr-adhi-sima bhima-tatini-kusje of the original does lend itself to that sort of inferenco, yet it is open to various objections. In the first place, the word bhima-tațini may not refer to a river of the name of Bhimā, as we have taken it to mean. In fact, no river of this name is known to exist in the region concerned. The well-known Bhimă or Bhimarathi, a tributary of the Krishņā river, is too far in the south. It is thus more probable that the compound bhima-tațini-kusje is to be rendered by 'in the fearsome groves along rivors.' The choice of the word bhima in this context seems to have been
lictated by the poet's liking for alliteration. After all, the poet is describing the bewildered · state of his hero's adversary running about in all directions, and not the site of any battle.
The reference to Vishnu's encounter with a Muslim ruler in verse 15 is even more obscure. Chakravarti's supposition that this refera probably to some inroads of Giyās-ud-din Iwaz, the fourth Bengal ruler' lacks corroboration.
It is needless to dilate upon the faulty text and the froe rendering of it presented by Vasu, resulting in misconceptions some of which have been shown above. As indicated above, tho inscription is to be treated more as a piece of poetry than as a bit of history.
TEXT [Meters: V. 1 Sikharini; v. 2 U pajiti; v. 3 Sragdharā; v. 4 Mandākrānta ; vv. 5–7, 10-17,
20 Sārdülavikridita; vv. 8, 9, 21, 25 Vasanlatiluka; v. 18 Harini; v. 19 Prithvi ; v. 22
Vamsasthabila; vv. 23, 24 Mūlini.] 1 सिद्धम्' ॐ नमः शिवाय ॥ स यस्मिन्मनाक: स्मरति जनककोडललितं
यदन्तः श्रीकान्तः श्रयति गृहजामातृपदवीम् । सुरेभ्यस्तन्मन्यव्यसनमनुभूय
व्यधित यस्सुधासच सोयञ्जयति सरि
The sixteen great gifts are: Tulūpurusha, Hiranyagarbha, Brahmändla, Kalpapädapa, Gõsahasra, Hiranyakamadhēnu, Hiranya sed, Hirayyå svaratha, Hēmahastin, Punchalangalaka, Dhara, Vidvachakra, Kalpalata, Saptasågara, Ratnadhēnu and Mambalagha. For their description, see the Malaya Purina, chapters 273-288. Compare also H&madri's Chaturvaryachintamani, Danakhanda, Prakaraya V.
* Indian Antiquary, Vol. LIII (1924), p. 267.
11. C. Ray, DUNI, Vol. I, p. 470. • JASB, Vol. L.XXII (1908), p. 119. Ibid.
From the original and from inked estampages. * Expressed by a symbol.

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126 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vou. XX IX 9 तामेकसुभगः ॥१॥*] तस्मादभूद्विस्मयमादधानः कलानिधिविश्वविलोचनानाम् ।
यमर्पयामास गुणानुरागान्नेत्रि] मुरारिMकुटे पुरारिः ॥२॥*] भूपास्तस्माद
भूवुद्धिसृमरसमरोदञ्चदाश्चर्य्यवीर्य्यज्यो3 तिर्जालावलीढप्रतिभटकरटिस्त्यानदानप्रबन्धाः । येषां कीत्तिप्रवाहै]: प्रतिपदमुदयत्स्वद्ध
नीसङ्गसौख्यप्रेसत्कल्लोलकेलिः कलयति जलधिस्तानि लीलायितानि ॥३॥*]
तेषाम्वं(षां वं)शे विशदयशसा4 ञ्चोडगङ्गक्षितीन्द्रव्याजव्यक्तं नरहरितनोज्योतिराविर्बभूव । दप्पो(प्पो)हामद्विप
मदनदीतीर्थसंन्यासिना यग्निस्त्रिंशेन प्रतिनृपतयः प्रापिता मोक्षलक्ष्मीम् ॥[४॥*]
धम्मिल्लं करपल्लवे कलितवान्प्रागेव वै5 रिश्रियः स्मेरामर्षतरङ्गितेन मनसा निस्त्रिंशवल्लीन्ततः । चक्रे वैरिवधूजनस्तनतटीर्यो
मुक्तमुक्ताः पुरः पश्चादुद्धरगन्धसिन्धुरमदप्रस्यन्दिगण्डस्थलीः ॥[५॥*] यत्कल्लोलित
मण्डलाग्रकुटिलाटोपस्फु8 रत्साध्वसर्यद्वाणप्रकरप्रहारतरलैः प्रत्यर्थिभिः पार्थिवैः । चण्डांशोद्दिवि मण्डलाग्रपटलं
निर्भिद्य तन्मन्युना मन्ये निर्वृतिगर्वितैरनुसृतो निर्वाणसीमा रसः ॥[६॥"]
आसीत्सूनुरनङ्गभीमनृप7 तिः पुण्यातपत्रन्ततो न स्पृष्टः कलिकालकल्मषमसीकल्लोललीलायितैः । केयं
मन्त्रकला' यहुन्मदकरिव्यूहम्वि(हं वि)हायामुना शुद्धामेकपदे वृषे कलयता
साम्राज्यमासादितम् ॥७॥*] स्वैरं श्रुति8 त्रयगवीभिरुपास्यमानो गोविन्द इत्यजनि वत्सकुले द्विजेन्द्रः । राज्ञः क एष महिमा
यदसावनेन · साम्राज्यभारवहने विदधे धुरीणः ॥[८॥*] सवा(र्वा)नतप्रतिमहीपति
केशपाशशेवालवल्लिशिख0 रे नखराजहंसाः । यत्पादपङ्कजगृहाश्रमिणः स्वपन्ति राजेन्द्र इत्यजनि तेन ततः
क्षितीन्द्रः ॥[*] जज्ञेसी तमनङ्गभीमनृपतिं यस्य प्रतापानलज्वालासम्व(संव)लितः
सुवर्णशिखरी याति द्रवत्वं 10 यदि । प्रादायनमहनिशं यदि घना मुञ्चन्ति धारोत्करानाशाः पूरयितुं तथापि
विजयी यद्दानकेलिक्रमः ॥[१०॥*] त्रैलोक्यं विमलीकरोति यदि तत्कीर्तिर्मुधा स्वर्द्धनी कण्ठे चेविलुठन्ति

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CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION
| ১৭৪g[12)}2 !ল।
বয়সৰ সূ2 লা? ২২ ৪/ ১২১/১১সাম লাবাস-H2}ঞ্চয়সঙ্গা। a গমেম্বসংগঠিগ্নয় সানাউলা ঠি!aঠল৷ৱসীম। মামারাসত্মানুশ জয়যুষা২াযাত্মত্মাধিগুমষমাবাশ্বগ্রাঞ্জ।
ঠী৷ষগুঠিয়াল বান্নাহা{\ষার্থতঃ সাত্মাগান্ধাধক। সাংসাৰিত্মা লালাগ্রনিৎস্নাস্বাৰায়?। 4 (25ঞ্জীৱৰালৰিলাইয়৷ ওহাসাইতাসিয়ায়যাগমায়াম্মিরকৰাববাসরীক্ষা ।
[২(হাঃ।।ময়ঞ্জামালিস্নিাল্লা। বিরলপ্রয়াংঘৰঃখীৱসয়ামযু || মাঞ্জাতিসপ্তদাঞ্চল/৪৫। ৪ঠাইয়ালিফায়াগ্রামিংলায়তনামুল,মায়াগিষ্ট্ৰিানুয়ালিয়াণীসুয়গাম্বরময়মনুযু
15ঃত্যাচয়ারম্যানুহ লালকার্থীJলাল(যাঠামকাঠায়ক।স্নাযাম্বাসঘাষালয়ালামাসাষ্টিসুমতি ৪ গ্রা3/৪ গ্রাহ্যম!লসায়ামগন্ধাত্রয় গ্রহাণময়লাবাসা স্থানাঙ্কাধাসামহিমামলাপি। | ৪ হিমবাহ!মাহামণgয় স্থা?5215583স্থায়ুকালামgযাযষ্মঘমালালামালাইংল্পপতির। 10 ২ ?ীর্থসময়িয়িমাৱধাৰা ৰাসা 7:
552(৪র্থযানালিকুমাতিঝিনাকাতিঘ5াঙাল বাৱাঃসুQ i0 [ঃ (লৈ মান্ধাত্রাঠালবঠর।তাৰমাহময়ামালাখাললাগুয়াহাব্বালালামাল। 12 গ্রুয়ারলামাইবাবঃলত্ৰাতাৰমাঠমাঘ3Aগাসস্থাহসালার্ধক্ষুঙ্গাইলসথযাতাষজায়াসায়াচঃia।
২ c। ১স্থলা স্বগ্রাঃQAীমাৰ গুৰঞ্জবাঃসমস্বাধহয়াঘায়নাধাপ্পাহমম্বায়য়য়য়ানায়ায়। 14াইক
গ্রাহীম মামা।ঞ5াস্থলাঠিয়ায় সমাহিযাতায়।স্বয়সালথাসমালামাঠ। (3যময় ঘ্রথাগলছুম্মাণযুগ্নীয়তা চায়ক স্যালার্জিালাপিয়ঃনিমগবনবহুমৰাধাৰমস্যালাকনাকাঙ্গাঙ্গলিঃ। 16 ।বাম[সলমায়(সামগ্লিামাঞ্জা লাগাইয়ায়াগ্রায়াগ্রন্থগুঠিয়ালাইক!i6।
ঐ খাম্বায়ম্বামগ্রিই ব্যায়ামাত্রলয়ংসম্রাহ্মলা। স্কুঠাম্বষাগ্রতাসামফিজিল/কায়। 14 12 মলত্যৎ। স্যায়বমলায় বাহামাৰিালিৰগঠগ্রন্থামায়াত গ্রন্থায়ি লিগ্রস ৪। এবাঙ্গা38ৰকলাৰ্জী(
adলস্নলিমারীষ্টান্তগ্রাহ্ম সুলায়মঘলাঘবাল্লিয়ামসুল 20 মামালায়লমলকালাৰাত্ৰাবাতলিহাঋলিঙ্কান্নালংৰাণঠাসুল(তায়াকাস্থকা) 20
ব্যাবস্থা[{ায়ায় স্বামীৰভসাররমাযহাথষ্টাৰিৰমীসঙ্গম থিকালাস্থাযিলালিয়াকান্ধিবান্ধঠিলমণাত্মগ্রীলমম। 22) স্বাস্থহীহঠায়ঠাবাঃলাঠিৰথিলিমালখায়াযথষষনস্যুলালিস্তিৱিস্থাৱৱকাৰাগুচি ।
বাঘমুহা(যুলকানিযঙ্গল ক্রাঙামায়াজালজালজানিয়াহ্মংহ্মমুহুঃযবলীগ্ম সাম্যবধিমালা | 24 মাসয়ালামকান্নাবলঞ্জথম গন্ধ মায়ার
জানানথামঃগ্ৰয়াসৰূলসয়ামুলে|| 24 বলমাঠিয়াযহীমথিয়াঘালয(মধা(রামপুৰাত্রায়শষ্য স্নাক্স সানিসিসিকঃকিলাবৃষে স্যা...।
SCALE: ONE-THIRD

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No. 18] CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION
127 l तणितयो पिङमौक्तिकानां सजः । तत्पादाब्जनखातिव्यतिकरभूषाविधियंच.
भूत्प्रत्यर्थिक्षितिपालभालफलके कः पट्टबन्धग्रहः ॥[११॥*] तस्याथ क्षितिपाल
भालवडभीनिद्रास्त12 पादाङ्गलेर्विष्णुविष्णुरिवापरः कलितवान्साचिव्यमव्याहतम् । श्वेतच्छत्रशतानि यस्य __ यशसा निर्माय किम्बूमहे साम्राज्यं त्रिकलिङ्गनाथनृपतेरेकातपत्रीकृतम् ॥[१२॥*]
ये याताः शरणं 13 रणाङ्गणाशि]रस्स(सं)न्यस्तशस्त्राः पुरो [य]ा दुर्दमदोविलासरसिकैरुत्खातखङ्गः स्थितम् ।
आश्चर्यं यदमी द्वयेपि न चिरादासाद्य विष्णोः पाद] प्राप्ता निर्भर
निर्वृतिप्रणयितां प्र14 त्यर्थिनः पार्थिवाः ॥[१३॥*] विन्ध्याद्रेरधिसीम भीमतटिनीकुजे तटेम्भोनिधे
विष्णुर्विष्णुरसावसाविति भयाद्वै तन्दिशः पश्यतः । योगाभ्यासपरिश्रमेण न
तथा वैखानसानामिदं विश्वं 16 विष्णुमयं यथा परिणतं तुम्माणपृथ्वीपतेः ॥[१४॥*] कर्णोत्तंसितसायकस्य
सुभटानेकाकिनो निघ्नतः किम्ब्रूमो यवनावनीन्द्रसमरे तत्तस्य वीरव्रतम् ।
यस्यालोकनकौतुकव्यसनि18 नां व्योमाङ्गणे नाकिनामस्वप्नरनिमेषवृत्तिभिरभून्नेत्रैर्महानुत्सवः ॥[१५॥*] साहस्राः
परितः स्फुरन्ति हरयः खेलन्ति यूथर्गजाः प्रेङ्खद्भिः पथि पुण्डरीकपटल
दिक्चक्रमा17 क्रम्यते । सम्वा(संवा)सः कटकेषु मौलिाषु] पदन्यासः कुलक्ष्माभृतां [क्रुद्धे यत्र
न काचिदुत्कलपतेः साम्राज्यलक्ष्मीक्षतिः ॥[१६॥*] मापीठं कियदम्बरक्रिय
दथ स्वःसौधमेतत्कियद्दिक्चक्रं किय18 देतदेव कलय ब्रह्माण्डखण्डयित् । प्रास्ते यत्र तनोति यत्र चरणं यत्रे
दमामोदते यत्र [स्फूज]ति यत्र वा निवसति स्वच्छन्दमेतद्यशः ॥१७॥*]
तपनतनयामभ्यादत्तेवतंसयितुं शिवः कुवलयकुलं 19 कर्णोत्तंसेन बिभ्रति · सुभ्रवः । विचकिलवनोत्सङ्गे भृङ्गीविदान्त्यालिनः स्वनजंगति
जनितश्वेताद्धौते तदीय[य*]शोभरैः ॥[१८॥*] अनेन पुरुषोत्तमप्रणयिनीषु वारानिधेस्तटीषु घटितास्तुलापु

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128 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX 20 रुषाहेमभूमीभृतः । विलासवसतीश्शातं] कलयता बलारातिना शचीवदनवारिजे ___तरलितास्सलील दृशः ॥[१९॥*] पन्थानः सरसां शतैस्तत इतस्तेनाङ्किता
यत्तदा स्मेराम्भोजगभीरग21 भकुहरध्वस्ताध्वखेदोर्मयः । अन्तःसौरभसारशीकरमयैः पाथेयभारैरमी मन्दं
मन्दममुव्रजन्ति पथिकानम्भोधिवेलानिलाः ॥२०॥*1 आन्वीक्षिकी कुटिलमैक्षत
यं कटाक्षर्य्यस्य त्रयी वदनताम22 रसं चुचुम्ब । स्वैरं यदीयहृदये विजहार वार्ता यं दण्डनीतिरपि निर्भर- मालिलिङ्ग ॥२१॥* उदग्रदोषादपथप्रवर्तनस्खलदगतीनि श्रुतिदृष्टिविभ्रमैः ।
चकार तत्त्वाप्रतिपत्तिसम्प23 दाम्पदं पुराणानि पुनर्नवानि यः ॥[२२॥*] कनककलशभावं भावयामास भास्वानजनि
रजनिजानिः स्फाटिकः पूर्णकुम्भः । ध्वजपटचटुलश्रीयंत्र च व्योमगङ्गा
विरचितममुनेदं धाम 24 कामान्तकस्य ॥२३॥*] त्रिभुवनभयशान्तिकर्तुमेकार्णवेन्तर्जलजपमिव यावत्कुर्वते
पर्वतेन्द्राः । सदनमिदमुदञ्चत्फेनपुञ्जप्रतिष्ठामिह कलयतु तावद्गीयताञ्च
प्रशस्तिः ॥[२४॥*] लोका25 श्चतुर्दश न माति यशो यदीयं विद्याश्चतुर्दश न तृप्यति यस्य बुद्धिः । ___ मन्वन्तराण्यपि चतुर्दश यस्य सूक्तिनं म्लानिमेति स कविः किल भास्करोस्याः
॥[२५*] ॥ .
TRANSLATION Success! Om ! Obeisance to Siva !
(Verse 1) Hail to the Ocean, the sole (lovable) lord of (ull) the rivers, (submerged) in whom the famous (mourt) Mainaka (still) cherishes the memory of his (childhood's) frolics in the parental lap,' in whom Vishnu is (enjoying himself) as son-in-law at (his father-in-law's) home,' (and) who
1 Mt. Maināka, son of Mt. Himalaya from Mēnā or Mēnaka, is described here as absolutely caro-free, because he was lucky enough to have escapod the calamity when Indra clipped the wings of the mountains. He owes his escape to his friendship with the Ocean. The word janaka in the original stands for both janaka and janani, 'father and mother', according to Pāņini, I, ii, 67 or I, ii, 70. ___IVishpu is known to be Mahodadhilaya, i.e., 'one who realines on the waters of the great ocean'. The oOAD is his father-in-law, because his wife, Lakshmi, happens to be the daughter of the Ocean.

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No. 16] CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION
129 freely distributed ambrosia' among the gods (even). after having experienced torture at their hands at the time when they churned him!
(Verse 2) From him (tho ocean) was born the Moon, causing wonderment to the eyes of one and all, whom Vishņu placed in his eye, (and) whom Siva placed on his forehead," out of loving regard for his virtues.
(Verse 3) From him (the Moon) sprang kings, the glowing flames of whose amazing prowess manifesting itself on the ever) expanding battle-fields consumed the swollen stream of rut of the enemy elephants, the union with the celestial Gangā rising every moment through the ceaseless influx of whose fame caused such a (thrill of) joy to the Ocean that he started rollicking with surging waves, the which revels he keeps indulging in (to this day).
(Verse 4) In the family of those (kings) of the spotless fame did the glory of the Narasimha incarnation (of the god Vishnu)' manifest itself in the guise of the king Chōdaganga whose sword a veritable hermit on the sacred banks of the river of rut of the (enemy) elephants flying into a frenzied rage, helped the hostile princes attain the blessing of salvation.
(Verse 5) With his mind agitated by the palpable displeasure, he (Chodaganga) grabbed, in his hand (80 soft) as a fresh leaf, the chignon of the enemy Fortune even before he clutched his creeper-like sword, (and similarly) he first rendered the gorgeous bosome of the ladies of his enemies bereft of their pearls (and) afterwards? (he did so) the broad temples of the boisterous scentelephants (of his enemies), from which rut was trickling profusely.
(Verse 6) At his indignation, the hostile chiefs, obviously frightened by his scimitar being brandighed and looming large to their horror), (and) shuddering under the volley of the multitude of his arrows, sought after the joy of complete-extinction type, as if priding themselves on enan
Literally, 'installed an alms house of spa brosia for the gods.' Ambrosia (amrita or oudha) is one of the fourtoen gems that the Ocean yielded when churned by the gods and the demons. These include the Moon and lakshmi As well.
* The iniplication being that he treated benevolently and generously even those who wronged him grievously.
• While Siva's carrying & crescent on his forehead is well known, the idea of Vishnu's bearing the Moon in the eye goes back to the Vedas, where he is described as having fire as his head aud the sun and moon as his eyes (agnir-murdha chakshushi chandra-siryau). It is on account of this that one of Vishnu's thousand names is Ravi. Idchana, i.e., one who has the sun as one of the eyes' (see Vishnusahasrandma, with Sankaracharya's commen. tary, verse 93).
• In order to appreciate the poetic fanoy here one must know that kirti (fame) is conceived as a white liquid while the waters of the celestial Ganga (really speaking, the Galaxy or Milky Way in the heavens) are regarded to be milky. The augmentation is thus supposed greatly to add to the gracefulness and charms of the fancied lady, hurrying to her lover, with the heaving bosom.
Naraharitanu of the original is comparable with Narasimhavapuh of the Vishnusahasranama, verse 3. • A florid substitute for saying: he killed his enemies.
* The alleged reverse order of vanquishing and molestation, rhetorically speaking, indicates the agility of action and confidence of victory on the part of the person whose valour is described here.
As for the temples of elephants having pearls, they are traditionally known as one of the various sources of pearls. The tradition is recorded by Mallinātha as follows: Karindra-jimita-waraha-darkha-matay-thi-bullyudbhava-vinjani multāphalani prathitāni lõke tesham tu bukty-udbhavam=iva bhūri. "Pearls are known in the world as emanating from elephants, clouds, boars, conohshells, fish, snakes, oyster-shells and bamboos. Of them, however, those coming from oyster-shells are most common. For details, see under mukta in the Sabdakal. padruma.
• A soent-elephant, gandha-sindhura, is supposed to be one of the most excellent kind of elephant. It is defined as Yasya gandhath samdyhriya na tishthandi pratidvipih sa vai gandha-gajo sama mripatēraujuy-dvahab. 'A soent-elephant is that having smelt whose sent the rival elephants take to flight; such a scent-elephant brings victory to the king (who owns it).'
3 DGA/63

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130 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX cipation (from the bondage of this world), having pierced through the frontal diso of the orb of the sun in the heaven.
(Verse 7) From him (Chodaganga) was (born his) son, king Anangabhima, a very parasol of piety, who was not touched by the spurtings of billows of the ink of sins of the Kali age. What A wonderful) magic trick was that, leaving aside the array of rutting elephants, (and depending rather) on the one-legged bull (i.e., dharma), adopting merely that (magic), he had secured the empire ?
(Verse 8) In the family of the Brāhmaṇas belonging to the) Vatsa (g8tra) there was born an excellent Brāhmaṇa, called Govinda, who was voluntarily adored by the hymns and chants of (all) the three Vēdas. What an astonishing) greatness was this of the king that he made him (Govinda) the bull-at-the-yoke for carrying the burden of (his) empire ?"
(Verse 9) Then, from him (Anangabhima) was born a king, named Rajendra, the swans (in the form of toe-nails, the house holders (80 to say) of lotuses (in the form) of whose feet, rest? on the top of mossy weeds (in the shape) of locks of hair of all the hostile chiefs who bowed to him).
(Verse 10) He (Rājēndra) begot that king Anangabhima whose manner of disporting himself by giving charities far excels in fulfilling desires (of the suppliants), even if the mountain of gold (i.e., Sumēru) gets melted by the blasts of the flames of the fire of his prowess, and the clouds, having taken it (molten gold), shower it in milliard streams day and night for filling (alls the quarters (of the space).
(Verse 11) If his fame purifies (all) the three worlds, in vain is there the celestial Gangā! If his utteranoes roll about in the neck (of the people), fie upon pearl necklaces! If the purpose
All this means that the enemies fought and fell. Seeing no escape from the sure death, thoy made a virtaa of necessity, hoping to be rewarded in the world hereafter with the reward of a happy warrior. And that reward consists in the attainment of perfoot bliss in the solar region, as the tradition has it, which only two can reach, & yogin and a warrior. Compare the couplet: Dvduzimau purushau loké surya-mandala-bhldinau pariurid-yogeyuktab-cha rant chabhimukhó halah. There are those two mon in the world who burst through the disc of the sun, (one is) a peripatetic yögin perfocted in meditation, and the other is he) who is killed in the battle without turning his back (upon his opponent)'. (Subhashitaratnabhanddgara, Nirpayasagar Press, Bombay, 6th edition, 1929, p. 161, verse 106.) Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, kindly informed me that this couplet is met with in certain Kannada hero-stone inscriptions. See B. Lewis Rioe's Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, London, 1909, p. 172. It may be rooalled that, among the duties of a kshatriya, & noteworthy one is yuddha chadpyapalayanam, 'not running away in the battle field' (Srimadbhagavadgita, XVIII, 43), which is echoed in the rape ch-abhimukhó hatah of the couplet quoted abovo.
* This means that the pious people enjoyed special protection and soourity under Anangabhima.
• Mark the use of the word fuddha in the sense of kēvala in the present oontext. The English word pure offers a parallel inasmuch as this likewise is oocasionally used in the sonse of sheer or mere. See remarks above, p. 122.
The implication is that Anangabhima was & peace-loving and righteous king. Though he possessed war elophante, he never went to war. The bull, symbolio of dharma, stood on all the four legs in the Krita age, on three legs in the Tretă age, on two legs in the Dväpara ago, and in the present Kali age, he stands only on one leg, mythologioally speaking. Again, mantra-kala apparently denotes here 'magic trick' or the like, but in reality it stands for mantra-bakti, the expedient of wise counsel, which is one of the three expedients well-known in the lore of statecraft, the other two being prabhu-Sakti and wedha-takti, referring to the personality of the king himself and the enthuisa.sm of his forces respectively. The poet astutely tells us in the present verse that Anangabhima's FOODS as a ruler was due to the wise counsel he used to receive from his ministers, one of whom is described in the vorso that follows.
. In other words, he easily acquired proficienoy in the Vedic lore.
. Another of the poet's pot conundrums! Being a calf (Vatsa), a great favourite of the cows (gavi), Govinda must indood have made a fine bull of himself to drag the great burden! Shorn of the poetic embellishment, the oiroumlocution means that Govinda was Anangabhima's chief minister.
Mark in this verse and in the following ones the historio present tense, referring to the past ovento. • It need not be pointed out that the Sanskrit word kastha means both "throat' and 'neck'."

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131 of decoration could be served by the sparklings of lustre of the toe-nails of his lotus-like feet, what was the necessity of tying a tiara on the block of a forehead of the hostile chiefs ?
(Verse 12) Now, he (Anangabhima), the tops of whose feet used to fall into a slumber (as it were) on the balconyi (in the form) of the foreheads of (hostile) princes, had one Vishnu, like a second (god) Vishnu (himself), who served him uninterruptedly as his minister. What should we speak of his (Vishnu's) fame which, having created hundreds of white parasols (all over the world), brought the whole) empire of the king, the lord of Trikalinga, under one single parasol 1°
(Verse 13) How wonderful that no sooner had they approached the foot of Vishņu: than both (leinds of the hostile chiefs, those who surrendered to him, laying down the arms in front of him in the forefront of the battle-field, and those who stood their ground with their swords upraised, itching for a trial of strength, achieved the blissful state of complete emancipation !
(Verse 14) The anchorites of the Vaikhānasa order, by their striving in the practice of yoga, do not so much perceive this universe to be composed of the god) Vishnu as indeed it appeared to the king of Tummāņa to be consisting of the minister) Vishnu, who, (in his hallucination) out of fear, saw him in all) the directions, repeatedly uttering there is Vishņu, there is Vishņu,' (during his flight from the battle) at the skirts of the Vindhya hills, in the forests along the Bhimā river, (and) on the shore of the sea..
(Verse 15) How are we to describe that heroism of his (Vishņu's) during his fight with the Muslim king, while all alone-his arrows appearing as his ear-pendants-he shot dead (many) expert soldiers, which (display of heroism) became a grand feast to the sleepless and unwinking eyes of the gods who were the interested lookers-on in the heaven above ?
(Verse 16) While he (Vishnu) is on the alert, no harm whatsoever (can come) to the sovereignty of the lord of Utkala; horses in their thousands are prancing on all sides, elephants are playing about in herds, all the quarters of the space are choked with multitudes of lilies swaying on (either side of every) road, residence is in camps (also, on the mountain ridges), (and) tramping is on the foreheads of (hostile) chiefs of noble birth (also, on the peaks of the celebrated mountains).
1 The term vadabhi or valabhi, proporly speaking, means 'topmost part of a building' or 'part of a sloping roof projecting from the outer wall,' which in Hindustani is called chhajja.
* The point of poetic perplexity is the creation of hunderds of umbrellas on the one hand, and on the other the keeping of the government under only one umbrella. It may be pointed out that'single parasol' is sym. bolio of universal sovereignty. Cf. ekatapatran jagatah prabhutvam, in Kalidasa's Raghuvam sa, II, 47.
• Vishnu's pada refers to the god Vishnu's holy feet as well as to the minister Vishnu's proximity. The verso implies that those of the enemies who dared to oppose were killed downright, and those who surrendered were allowed to enjoy their freedom !
The poet has cleverly kept up the minister Vishnu's comparison with the god of that name in this verse as well. For a different interpretation of the expression bhima-lafini-kurje, see above, p. 125.
. That is, pulling the bow-string right up to the ear while shooting arrows.
• The eyes of the gods are traditionally known to be ever wide open, without winking. The poet ovidently wishes to convey that, in watching the heroio feat of Vishnu, the natural winklessness of their eyes proved an extra advantage to the gods, because thereby they did not miss the great sight even for so short a time as the twinkling of an eye.
"On the alert ' is a free rendering of the original kruddha which literally means 'engry' or 'furious'. This is to be eqnated with the udynta-danda ('one with the rod upraised") of the rajaniti or statecraft. Expatiating on rajadharma, Manu says: Nityam-udyata dandaayat, eto., “Let him be ever ready to strike", eto. (Mann. emrit, VII, 102 and 103, and G. Buhler's translation in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXV, p. 232). Commen. tators like Kullaka explain danda in this context by hasty-abu-adilikah-abhydsa, military training and drilling, especially for wars with the help of elephants and horses. The poet of our prasasti evidently refers to such a warpreparedness on the part of Vishnu in mentioning the sports of horses and elephants and all the rest of it in the present verse. The lilies and lotunes symbolise the peace with plenty ostablished through his good administration, while the tramping on foreheads points to the proper subjugation of hostile elements in like manner.
03

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• 132 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX (Verse 17) Just think (of it)! How extensive (after all) is the surface of the earth where his (Vishnu's) Fame can comfortably sit? How spacious is the sky where she can stretoh her feet! How big is the mansion of heaven where she can enjoy herself? How roomy are the quarters of the space where she can leap about? And how expansive is this fragment of a universe where she can dwell?
(Verse 18) The world having been (white) washed by the heaps of his fame, owing to the (allenveloping) whiteness produced (thereby), Siva grabs at Yamuna for adorning (his head), fair damsels carry blue lilies for their ear-ornaments, (and) in the heart of the jasmine groves the bees make out their mates (only) by the buzzing sound.
(Verse 19) On the shores of the sea, favourite of the god) Purushottama," he (Vishņu) raised many a veritable Mēru (mountain of gold) while performing the Tulāpurusha ceremonies. (Consequently) Indra, seeing (not one but) a hundred pleasure-resorts (resembling Mēru), cast askanoe amorous glances on the lotus-like face of his consort) Sachi.
(Verse 20) He (Vishnu) dotted the roads with hundreds of lotus-pools, at convenient intervals. From that time onwards, the sea-broozes, with their fatigue and weariness of the way removed by (their resting in the deep inner cavities of the blooming lotusos, carrying provisions for the journey-provisions consisting of the spray pregnant with the fragrant essence-gently follow the way-farers.
(Verse 21) Logic regarded him with favour ! Lore of the Vēdas kissed his ruddy lips ! Ethics had a free play in his heart! Statecraft, too, embraced him lustily!
(Verse 22) As for the Purānas (the old persons, so to say), he, himself being a repository of the wealth of clear understanding of the real meanings of the Vedas and the like), revived (and rejuvenated) them ; (for), owing to the great defect (and the derangement, attondant on old age, of the humours of the body, known as tri-dôsha) through the perversion of the views about the Vēdas (and the decays in the faculties of hearing and seeing), they were leading (people) on the wrong path and thereby becoming unpopular (and going astray and stumbling).
(Verse 23) This temple of Siva has been built by him (Vishnu), where the Sun has assumed the form of its globe of gold, the Moon has become its crystal pitcher full (of water)," and the celestial Ganga (is apparent in) the futtering beauty of its banner.
1 Traditionally, the waters of the Yamuni aro black whereas those of the Gangi are white, and it is white lilios that ladies take for making them into ear-pendants. The bees are naturally black. The confusion, such as Siva reaching for Yamuna instood of for Gangi, is wrought by the fame which has turned everything whito, poetically speaking.
The allusion seems to be the beach near Puri in Orissa, where there is a famous temple of Purushottama. Jagannatha, so closely associated with the minister Vishnu's patron, Anangabhima III.
Mythologically, Mount Meru consists of gold and gems, and is the abodo of the gods. In the Ararakowa, 1, 49, we have such significant synonyms of it as Hēmádri (mountain of gold'), Rutncnu (gem.peaked) and Suralaya ('abode of the gods'). The sight of a hundred such delightful abodos must needs touse a desire for dalliance in Indra, the lord of the gods.
The analogy with old persons is kept up in the attributes that are given in this verse to the Purant It need hardly be mentioned that the word purana means old.'
The use of the word vibhrama in the wonse of bhramsa, decay or decline, is best illustrated in the Grimadbhagavadgita, II, 63:
Krodhad bhavali sam mohah sarundhat sapiti-vibhramah emriti-bhramsad buddhi-náso
ouddhi-nábāt praxašyati By this is meant the spherical member of the pinnacle of a Hindu templo, from which rises the bad-shapod spire.
* This obviously refers to the pitcher of water, which is kept suspended or placed on a tripod over the Šiva. linya in the sanctum sanctorum, the pitcher having a tiny hole at the bottom to allow water constantly to drip og the linga below.

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No. 17) EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES
133 (Verse 24) As long as the great mountains remain inside the ocean, as if engaged in the jalaja pa prayors for the removal of dangers from and the establishment of peace in (all) the three worlds, so long may this temple keep up the grandeur of swelling heaps of foams in this world, and so long may (this) eulogy be sung (as well)!
(Verse 25) That well-known Bhāskara is the poet of this (poem), whose fame is hardly contained in (all) the fourteen worlds that there are, whose intellect is hardly satisfied with (all) the fourteen lores that there are, and whose elevated speech never loses its freshness throughout (all) the fourteen avons that there are.
No. 17–EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES
B. CH. CHHABRA, NEW DELHI
A.-Kāsyapa Image Inscription from Silao This inscription has been published by me. It attracted the attention of Professor Dr. E. H. Johnston of the Balliol College, Oxford, England, who was good enough to offer some illuminating comments on it in a letter, dated the 18th October, 1941, addressed to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the then Deputy Director General of Archaeology in India, New Delhi. Dr. Chakravarti kindly supplied me with the relevant extract from that letter. This extract runs as follows:
"Owing to various circumstances I have only recently seen Dr. Chhabra's interesting article in Epigraphia Indica on the Kasyapa image inscription at Silao. On one or two poiuts however he has overlooked references, which would have modified his interpretation. If you would be good enough to send this letter to him, he might be interested to look up those I mention, und if he wishes to publish a supplemental note, he is welcome to make what use of my remarks he likes ; there is no need to mention my name.
"On page 330 he refers to Buddhacaritra, xvii, 12, in Cowell's edition; but the whole of the text in Cowell from xiv, 33 on is a nineteenth century addition by Amstänanda, who was Hodgson's pandit in Khatmandu. Asvaghosa did give a full account of Mabākābyapa's conversion, and an English translation of it from the Tibetan and Chinese by me is to be found in Acta Orientalia, XV, canto xvii, 24 ff. There is also an earlier translation in German fron the Tibetan only by Fr. Weller in Das Leben des Buddha von Asvaghosa.
1 The reference here is to the submarine mountains.
* In an ordinary japa, the votary sits in a quiet corner and mutters prayer or ropeats a formula there in an undertone or inarticulately, but in a jula-japa, as the term indicates, he is required to keop sitting under water all the while.
* One has to imagine that the exterior of the temple was originally white-washed, and that the main item of the up-keep of a temple usually consists of a fresh coat of lime-wash at loast onoo & year. The poet no doubt wirbed that the templo built by Vishnu might be well looked after and might endare for ever, but the phéna. puñja-pratishtha of the stanza lends itself equally to a totally opposite and undesired sense : the solidity of a heap of foam, a mocking reference to the ephemeral nature of man-made things.
• The broad division of the universe into three : earth, heaven and the nether world, is here roplaced by ite more eleborate classification into the following fourteen sections : bhū, bhuvar, svar, mahas, janas, tapas, satya, atala, vitila, sulalu, rasátala, talatala, mahatala and pätala. The first one refors to this earth, the next six are above lit, one over the other, and the remaining seven are under it, one below the other.
• The fourteen traditional lores are four Vedas, six Védanyas, Dharina, Mimamaa, Nyaya and the Puranas collectively as the fourteenth.
• The fourteen manvantaras constituto but one day of Brahman. They compirse 4,320,000 human years Six such periode have already passed, we are living in the seventh, and seven more are yet to come.
Above, Vol. XXV, 327 ff. and plate.

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(VOL. XXIX "In verse I, should not javana be taken in the technical seuse, as described in Rhys Davids-Stede, Pali Dictionary, s. v.? It is a puzzle to me that the term does not appear to occur in Buddhist Sanskrit. I would suggest the meaning here is "of immeasurable intelligence" (or "power of perception"?).
"The last verse refers to the legend that Mahakali attained Nirvāņa, but after it his body was preserved by magic, and he entered the Gurupāda mountain, where he awaits the coming of Maitreya. Hiuan Tsang's account of it differs slightly from this and from the verse, in making his Nirvana be deferred till the meeting with Maitreya. For the canonical accounts Bee Watters, On Ydan Chwang, II, 144, and much more fully in J. Przyluski, La Legende 'Acoka 167 ff. (Is this latter important work not available in Indian Libraries ?) Dr. Chhabra is clearly not satisfied with his own translation and has not seen the significance of adhisthaya, which refers to adhisthana, the magic spiritual power of Buddha, by which he causes things to endure, or a Bodhisattva to explain the most esoteric points of doctrine. For references see La Vallée Poussin, L'Abhidharmakośa de Vasubandhu, ch. iii, 31, and ch. vii, 119 and E. Lamotte, Notes sur la Bhagavadgitā, 56 ff., and Suzuki, Studies in the Larkāvatārasūtra, 377.
"Despite the last, I think it is unusual to find the power attributed to anyone except the Buddha. It is, of course a specifically Mahāyāna doctrine, and the Hinayāna adopted it from them. I take it that the verse means "This Kabyapa, who passed into Nirvāṇa and yet kept his body in existence by his magic power just for the good of the world, resides (lit. shines) in the Beautiful Gurupāda mountain; i. e. inside the mountain, not on it."
I have nothing to add, except one remark in connection with Dr. Johnston's explanation of the last verse. It might be considered right provided the s8='yam of the original be taken as referring to Kābyapa himself. It is, on the contrary, presumed that we are concerned hure with the statue and the inscription on its pedestal. And when the latter says 80='yam-abhali Käsya pah, it obviously alludes to the stone image of Käsyapa,' and not to Käsyapa as a person. Such being the case, would it not be correct to say on the mountain, not inside it rather than 'inside the mountain, not on it'?
Further, I am inclined to connect Gurupäde girau ramyê with nirurita) and not with 87'yam=ābhāti." The difference it makes is as obvious as it is consequential. According to the latter construction, the statue must necessarily have been set up on the Gurupāda hill itself. whereas according to the former it might have been established anywhere else as well. In fact, the possibility of its having been erected in the vicinity of the village of Silao, if not at Silao proper, has already been shown.
B.-Chandrabandi Rock Inscription, Saka 803. This inscription has been edited by the late C. R. Krishnamacharlu. It is a Kannada record and pertains to the Jaina faith. It consists of only six lines, the last two of which comprise the following Arya in Sanskrit:
अनवरतशास्त्रदानप्रविमलचारित्रजळघरश्चित्रम् ।
sfcftavefreni gune siterai (st) arata: It has been pointed out that the inscription is virtually a label to the image' (ibid., p. 328). • Ibid., p. 333, note 12.
Ibid., p. 327, para. 1, p. 331, para. 2.
• The Kannada Inscriptions of kopbal (Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 12, Calcutta, 1935), pp. 6-7, plate I (b).
It may be pointed out that the sign of medial (long) is not distinguishable from madial (short) i in this inscription, and that the rule of sandhi has not been observed in buryyde iri..

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No. 17] EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES
136 The learned editor introduces this verse by remarking that it "expresses & wish that the glorious Sarvanandindra may 'dispel the drought of sin by the clouds (or waters) of his conduct'. The reading in the photograph appears to be jala-dharais, in which case it would refer to the waters of his pure conduct." His translation of the couplet accordingly runs as follows: "May the glorious Sarvanandindra wonderfully effect the destruction of the drought of sin by the clouds (or waters ?) of (his) ceaseless teaching and (his) absolutely pure conduct!”
First of all, the possibility of the reading jala-dhārais-is ruled out by the fact that it militates against the metre, not to speak of the dubious nature of the use of dhārail for dhārābhih. Secondly, the term widāgha, that has been taken in the sense of drought,' usually means • heat, gummer,' or hot weather.' This primary sense of the word appears to be quite appropriate in the given context. In fact, it is doubtful whether the word nidagha has ever been used in the sense of drought.' .
It is, however, the last word of the couplet that the present note seeks to draw particular attention to. Indra in Sarvvanandindra is evidently not to be equated with Bhatārar in Sarvvanandi-Bhatarar that occurs in the Kannada portion. The word indra appended to the name Sarvanandin plainly refers to Indra, the lord of gods, the god of rains, with whom Sarvanandin is metaphorically identified. The rest of the verse will bear it out that we have here & clear instance of the figure of speech, called Rūpaka, and that the very Indra is the mainstay thereof. The idea embodied in the verse thus becomes manifest : as the god Indra allays the oppressive heat by pouring rain, so may the holy Sarvanandin dispel the evil by spreading knowledge and thereby turning the common herd into good characters.
Finally, as implied by the above free rendering, the long compound in the beginning also lends itself to an interpretation slightly different from the one offered by Sri Krishnamacharlu. According to him, it speaks of two diverse things : bästra-dāna and pravimala-charitra. And the charitra he takes as referring to that of Sarvanandin himself. It would perhaps be preferable to treat the two things not as separate, but the first as the cause and the other as its effect, and thus the charitra 48 referring to that of the people at large. This would not only justify the plural number employed in the expression, but would also be more in consonance with the adage vidyā dadāti vinayam vinayad yāti pătratām, eto. A more literal rendering of the stanze would therefore be: "May Indra. (the god of rains.) (in the guise) of the holy Sarvanandin, in his wonderful way, put an end to the (blazing) heat in the form of the evil by means of rain-clouds (in the shape) of perfectly flawless characters (produced) through his ceaseless teaching or continuously disseminating knowledge' (among the people) !”
1 What has been taken for the length mark (or redial a) on the letter dha seems to have been cancelled by the engraver.
Considering the religion of the teacher spoken of, the datra here may be taken as adverting to the Jaina soripturse, but may as well be taken in its broader sense of knowledge as defined in the nik :
अनेकसंशयोच्छवि परोक्षार्थस्य वर्शकम्। .. सर्वस्य लोचनं शास्त्रं यस्य नास्स्यन्म एव सः॥ .
M.P. B. Desni. Epigraphical Assistant, has kindly pointed out to me that the inscription is in the nature of an epitaph and that the concluding expression in the Kannada portion, sangdaana n mudipidar, translated
oompleted the vow of renunciation, implies, as similar expressions in similar Jaina inscriptions do, that Sarvanandin died. In that case, the blessings invoked in the Sanskrit Aryd would sound rather inconsistent unless, of course, Barvanandin's agonoy as preacher or teacher, after his death, be understood to be continuing through the succession of his disciples.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
C.-Balsane Inscription; Saka 1106
This short inscription of four stanzas, rather indifferently engraved, has been published by Dr. M. G. Dikshit. Its text seems to be defective here and there. I had an opportunity of examining Dr. Dikshit's article on it at the time when it was going through the press. I even made a suggestion or two regarding its reading. The observations offered here are the result of a study which I subsequently happened to make of this interesting record. It presents certain difficulties that are still awaiting solution. Dr. Dikshit's provisional identification of the king Krishna figuring in it, for instance, with a member of the Abhira family of Bhambagiri needs corroboration. And his explanation of the line read by him as यः (कृष्णस्य महीपतेः करतले कर्त्ताशु पिछा (च्छा) चलं (लाम्)
[VOL. XXIX
I who in no time made over the earth...to the possession of the king Krishna" does not seem to have hit the nail on the head.
In the present note, however, I propose to draw attention to a more obvious point, namely the object of the inscription. "The object of the inscription," says Dr. Dikshit, "is to record that the Pandita repaired the Royal Matha (Raja-matha), standing on the banks of a river, at Balasīņaka, for the inhabitance of Brahmins." The relevant text ()SICALIMAŻ च भग्नं निरंतरं ब्रह्मनिवास हेतोः has accordingly been translated by him as “he caused to be repaired, for the perpetual inhabitance of Brahimins, the dilapidated Royal monastery."
The use of the term matha in the original has given rise to what I may call a misconception as to the exact purport of the record. It has been taken in its ordinary sense of monastery,' whereas it has in all probability been employed here in its secondary sense of devalaya or ' temple.'
In the very opening sentence of his paper, Dr. Dikshit informs us that the inscription is carved on the lintel of the entrance door of a temple." And in the absence of any specific reference to the contrary in the inscription, we may be justified in accepting that the matha mentioned therein refers to the very temple itself where the inscription is found.
Going through the earlier reports on the epigraph, one gets at the root of the confusion. Mr. H. Cousens first drew attention to its existence upon the matha." Mr. R. D. Banerji, who happened to examine it later on, has asserted that it is found on a temple and not in the matha. It appears that both the scholars in reality referred to one and the same building, the former naming it matha after the manner of the inscription and the latter calling it temple in accordance with its actual appearance. The mistake, however, seems to lie in the fact that to Mr. Cousens, the term matha meant nothing else but monastery. To him the building in question was thus a monastery, because it was labelled, so to say, as matha whatever its form and size. One finds him describe it as such in his Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan." In this publication he gives also a plan of the matha," from which one can see that the modest dimensions of the structure answer more to a simple fane than to a monastery.
6
It remains to be shown that matha, meaning temple', is found not only in lexicons, but also actually used in old inscriptions. The Dhauli cave inscription of the time of Santikara,
1 Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 309 ff. and plate.
* Ibid., p. 313.
Ibid., p. 310.
Ibid., p. 313.
Ibid., p. 309.
Revised Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, p. 55. An. Prog. Report, A. 8. I., Western Circle, 1918-19, .p. 45.
• Archaeological Survey of India, Imperial Series, Vol. XLVIII, pp. 23, 26-27. Ibid., plate XXVIII.

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No. 18]
NAGARJUNIKONDA IMAGE INSCRIPTION
137
for instance, records the erection of a temple, where the term employed is matha. The word matha, occurring in line 8 of the Kaman stone inscription, has been taken as referring to a temple of Siva. The Alagum inscription, dated in the sixtysecond regnal year of the Ganga monarch Anantavarman Choḍaganga, obviously refers to a temple of Siva, under the name of Gartesvara, again using the word matha for temple." Instances of mathi and mathika (diminutive forms of matha) in the sense of shrine or cell are also found in inscriptions.
C
C
The
If now, in view of the foregoing discussion, we accept that the matha of the inscription refers to a temple, the question arises as to which particular deity it was sacred to. answer is to Brahman. This is indicated by the very words निरंतरं ब्रह्मनिवास हेतोः which may now be rendered as for the permanent residence of (the god) Brahman.' The word brahman thus retains its primary sense. This conclusion is substantiated by the fact that the inscription begins with an invocation to the very god Brahman. And, as if to lend conviction to all this, we have a report by Mr. Cousens himself that among the sculptured stones, that lie about at the ancient site of Balsaņē, there is an image of Brahman." be suppos 1 that this image must originally have been enshrined in the matha spoken of in It may, therefore, the inscription. It is called raja-matha or royal temple, which possibly signifies that it was built originally by a king. It may be worth while to investigate as to who this king was. Considering that temples devoted to Brahman are few and far between, the present specimen though now deserted, may be counted among rarities.
No. 18-NAGARJUNIKONDA IMAGE INSCRIPTION
(1 Plate)
H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, MADRAS
The sculpture bearing a short one-line inscription engraved at its base, which is published below, was discovered in 1940 at Nagarjunikonda, Guntur District, Andhra State, by Mr. K. Ramamurti, the Senior Conservation Assistant in the office of the Superintendent, Department of Archaeology, Southern Cirole, Madras, who was then in charge of the Archaeological Museum at that place. It is a mutilated image in high relief on a white marble slab that was found half buried in the debris of rubble and stones on the northern slope of the Nagarjuna hill, overlooking the river Krishna. In the process of clearing the debris, Mr. Ramamurti discovered traces of a large many-pillared hall, at the extremity of which the image under review was found. The partly exposed pillars of this hall are made of marble similar to that used for the other monuments of this place. The building, of which these pillars are the survivors, perhaps enshrined under its roof the very image which forms the subject matter of this article. A search for the missing portion of the image round about the region proved of no avail. The image is now kept in the Archaeological Museum at Nagarjunikonda itself. When I visited this place
1 Above, Vol. XIX, p. 264. Ibid., Vol. XXIV, 330.
Ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 47, text line 14.
'Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 225, text lines 26 and 27.
Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan, p. 23.
An article on The Temple of Brahma at Khed-Brahma, by Mr. Henry Cousens, in the An. Rep. 4. R.I. 1906-07, pp. 171-78, may be consulted with advantage on this point.
3 DGA/54

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[VOL. XXIX
in 1940, I took a photograph of it and a couple of estampages of the inscription at its base, both of which I publish here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.'
The lower half is all that is preserved of the image now. Even so, the sculpture is of considerable iconographic interest. It depicts a nude fumalo figure in the sitting posture, with the legs doubled up and wide apart and the feet pointing outwards. The image is profusely ornamented. The broad belt below the navel is highly decorated with what look like rows of pearls or precious stones. The distended belly with the ornamental belt around it very much resembles the decorated pürna-ghafa, the representation of which is a common feature in the Buddhist sculptural art of this period at Nägārjunikonda, Amaravati and elsewhere. The anklets and other jewellery adorning the ankles are again typical of the ornaments portrayed in contemporary sculpture. On the narrow strip of space below the image is engraved an inscription in a single line in Prakerit language and Brahmi characters assignable to the 3rd century A. C.
The inscription does not give us any clue as to the identity of the image. Nevertheless, the recording that it was caused to be m e by a queen who is described as an a-vid havā, 'one who has her husband alive', and a jivaputā (Sanskrit jīva putra), 'one who has her child or children alive', gives room for the surmise that it must have stood for a cult image and that its sponsor was a follower of that cult. The cult of worshipping the naked forms of either the male or female, the one in the form of the linga and the other in the form of tho yoni, both representing the generative principle in nature, is a very ancient and wide-spread one. The excavations at Mohenjo-daro in Sind have brought to light numerous female terracotta figurines akin to those discovered in Baluchistan and in countries of Western Asia, around the Aegian coast, Elam, Mosapotamia, Asia-Minor, Syria, Palestine, Cyprus, Crete, Cyclades, the Balkans and Egypt. These figurines are identified as the representations of the Great Mother or the Goddess of Nature. India is known to have been the home of the worship of the Divine Mother, Adya-Sakti, Prakriti or Prithivi, the Earth. Apart from the terracotta figurines referred to above, an interesting oblong sealing found at Harappa depicts, on one of its faces, & nude female figure, upside down, with legs apart and with a plant issuing from her womb. This is considered as depicting the Mother Goddess in her role as the author of fertility. Another instance of a figure akin to this is afforded by a small repousse gold plaque bearing the figure of a nude female recovered at Piprahva which is believed to represent the Earth Goddess. The inscribed soulpture of Nagarjunikonda also seems to be & representation of the Mother Goddess in her aspoot as the Goddess of fertility or fecundity. It is in all probability a votive image dedicated as an offering in response to the fulfilment of certain wishes or desires.
As for the contents of the inscription, Queen Khamduvulā who figures for the first time in this record is described as Mahädėvi and the wife(?) of Mahārāja Siri Ehavala Chamtamala. The latter is probably identical with his namesake who is mentioned as a son of Siri Vira Purisadata and Mabädēvi Bhatidēvă and as the brother of Queen Kodabalisiri, in inscriptions from Nāgārjunikonda itself. In an inscription from Rentāla, not far from Nägārjunikonda,
1 Photograph No. 1996 of the office of the Government Epigraphist for India; inscription No. 470 of 1940-41 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
R. K. Muokerji, Hindu Civilisation, pp. 19-20. • Sir John Marshall, Mohenjo-daro and Indus Civilisation, Vol. I, p. 62, pl. XII, 12. • JRAS, 1898, p. 679, pl. opp. p. 679, figs. 11 & 16.
* Aloro, Vol. XX, p. 8 and inscriptions G and H. The king's namo ooours variously w Eburaja Oh&tamüla in inscription G (page 24, plate V, line 7) and Eburala Chatamala (in insoription H, lin. 10. plate v reverse).

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NAGARJUNIKONDA IMAGE INSCRIPTION
(From Photographs)

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No. 101
MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR
139
the name of this king occurs in a slightly different form as Ehuvala Siri Chaṁtamūla.' The expressions a-vidhava and jivaputa used in describing the queen are noteworthy. The latter occurs in an inscription on brick from Mathura, assigned to the 3rd or 2nd century B. C. and also on some inscriptions of the Sunga period on the railings from Bodh Gaya. In literature these words are commonly employed either as an auspicious mode of addressing a lady leading a married life or when such ladies are referred to.
TEXT
Sidha[m*] | Mahādēvlya a-vidhavaya j[I]vaputāya Mahar[ā] ja-siri[Ehavala Chamtamu]'la-pati[ya]' Khamḍuvulāya kāritāti® [|]
TRANSLATION
Success. (This image is) caused to be made by Mahadevi Kham ḍuvulā, (who is) an a-vidhava (i. e., one with her husband alive) and (who is) a jivaputa (Sanskrit, jivaputra, i. e., one who has her child or children alive) (and who is) the wife (?) of Maharaja Siri Ehavala Cha[m]tamula.
No. 19-MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND
Ablur is a village about 6 miles north of Hirekerur, the present day headquarters of Kōd taluk, Dharwar District. Traditions are current in these parts asserting that formerly it was a very big city10 and included within its extent the present day neighbouring villages of Bhōgāvi Sutkōți, Nülgēri, Dūpadhalli and Yattinhalli. According to another tradition Ablur is the birth place of Sarvajña,11 a popular Kannada poet (circa 1700 A. C), and a house near the Somě vara temple is shown as the place where he was born. In one of his tripadi verses Sarvajña states that he was born at Ambaluru' which is identified with Ablür.
1 An. Rep. 8. I. E., 1936-37, p. 62, para. 11, Ins. No. 349. An. Rep. Archl. Survey of India, 1911-12, p. 128.
Ibid., 1908-09, p. 149, f. n. 3; cf. Jiva-suta in the Nasik inscription of Gautamiputra Satakarni and Jiva-putra-pautra in the inscription of Prabhavatigupta in the Select Inscriptions. (These references wore kindly pointed out to me by Dr. D. C. Sircar.)
Bhartur-mitram priyam-avidhave-Meghasandela, v. 99. Jirpulras-latha striyah-Ramayana, Yuddha kundu Jiraputri sulas-le-yam Dharmaputro Yudhishthirab-Mahabharata, Adiparvan, ch. 144. (I am indebted to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra and Dr. V. Raghavan for these references).
The punctuation is indicated by a hook-like mark.
This portion of the inscription bears numerous scratches on the stone somewhat obliterating the letters enclosed in the brackets.
The stone has slightly peeled off here and with it the lower half of the letter ya has gone. There is a distinct mark of an anusvära over ti. Probably the expression is patimya, a corrupt form used in the sense of patnya.
This expression obviously stands for kărită iti.
The slanting stroke at the end seems to stand for the punctuation.
10 The Abalara-charitre, to which a reference will be made in the later part of this article, also says that it was an extensive city.
1 R. Narasimhachar: Karnataka Kavicharite, Vol. II, p. 532.
19 Channappa Uttangi Sarvajña Vachanagalu (3rd edn., 1936), verse 8.
n2

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140 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX Over half a century ago the late Dr. Fleet noticed in this journal seven insoriptions from this place, three of which were edited in full. In the course of my annual tour during the field season of 1951-52, I visited Ablür (January 1962) and explored its antiquities. My investigations revealed that this village contained a large number of inscriptions many of which were not known to Fleet and that some important points oonnected with its antiquities were also lost sight of. In all I discovered thirteen more inscriptions. I propose to study a few of these here briefly..
Most of the interesting facts regarding the activities of Ekäntada Rämayya,' the militant protagonist of the Saiva upheaval, are centred in the temple of sömösvara. Besides the epigrapb Es furnishing a graphic account of his miraculous exploits this temple contains an inscription above a panel of sculptures depicting the scene of Rāmayya's encounter with the Jainas as described by Fleet. As there are some errors in the understanding and reading of this record (F) by Fleet, I may point them out here in the first instance.
Firstly, it is a label inscription and the word gāvu appears to have been used in a rather technical sense denoting '& place representing the scene of.' We meet with its variant (du and thavu in other inscriptions at this temple, which we shall study presently. The expression duu may be derived from the Sanskrit root stha, though it appears to have been influenced in its formation by Prakrit. It is interesting to note in this context that the labels in Tamil incised near the soulptures representing incidents in the Pallave history, found in the Vaikunthaperumal temple at Kanchipuram, similarly end with the word idam meaning likewise 'a place, etc.'. Secondly, the epigraph is not incomplete and none of its letters is missing as supposed by Fleet. The first line ends properly with the word kudureya- and continues in the second. At the end of the second line, again, it is unnecessary to supply some letters through brackets as done by Fleet. For its continuation is found on the front side of the parapet wall and it reads almost exactly as conjectured by Fleet. The whole inscription now reads as follows :
TEXT (Fleet's F)? 1 Sri-Brahmēsva(sva)ra-dēvaralli Ekāntada-Rāmayyaın basadiya Jinan=oddav-āgi taleyan=arida
hadeda távu || Samka-gāvundam basadiyan=odeyal-iyade āļum-kudureya% n=oqdiralu Ekāntada Rāmayyam kādi geldu Jinanodedu linga-pratisht(the)yam mādida
tā[vu][*]
TRANSLATION This is the place representing how, at the temple of the illustrious god Brahmēsvara, Ekäntada Ramayya laid a wager, at the cost of the Jina of the shrine, of cutting off his head and received it back again. When Sanka-güvunda would not let him destroy the shrine of the Jina,
1 Above, Vol. V. pp. 213 ff.; inscriptions A to G.
· The epithet Ekäntada appears to have been acquired by Rimayya after his victory over the Jainas. In linos 28-29 of inscription E the propriety of this epithet is justified on the ground of his firm and single-minded devotion to Siva. But it appears reasonable to add that he might as well have claimed it to bring into contrant his great achievement which consisted in vanquishing the doctrine of Anekinta that characterised the Jains faith.
* Above, Vol. V, pp. 237 ff.
It is of interest to note that the achiovement of Ekintada Rimayya against the Jainas is also denoribed in one of his compositions in the Rajale metre by Harihara, a Kannada poet of about the 13th century. Harihara's account agrees in many respects with that of the Ablur inscription E.
Above, Vol. V, pp. 260-61. • ŞI1, Vol. IV, No. 135. ? In silu and from an improasion.

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MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR
Inscription I
Inscription II
SCALE: ONE-HALF

Page #259

First portion
అబద
Middle portion
ఉండిపోయయం
Last portion
సబ్యులకు
Inscription III
తరుణంలో ఆదరం గర గ్రం
- శ్రీ సిరియు క నసరం ధగందరంగ

Page #260

No. 19) MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR
141 arraying his men and horses against him, Ekāntada Rämayya fought and vanquished them. He smashed the Jina and installed the linga (in its place).
Now I will take up two more inscriptions in the same temple. These deal with the same theme as the above, viz., Ekäntada Rāmayya's victory over the Jainas. These are also of the label category. They are not dated, but evidently belong to the same period as that of the above epigraph. They may be assigned approximately to 1200 A.C. on palaeographic considerations.
INSCRIPTION I This is incised above a panel of sculptures to the left of the entrance into the inner shrine of the Sömēsvara temple. The sculptures represent a dignitary with attendants on one side and a row of Saiva devotees on the other. A person holding a document in his hand is shown prominently in the middle. The epigraph reads -
TEXT 1 Srimad-Ekantada-Rāmayyarge Samka-gaunvun2 dan=õleyam kuduva țhāsvu) [1]
TRANSLATION This is the place (depicting the scene) of conferring the certificate (of violory) upon the illustrious Ekāntada Ramayya by Samka-gavunda.
INSCRIPTION II This is incised above a panel of sculptures to the right of entrance into the inner shrine of the me temple. The sculptures depict the scene of a Jina placed horizontally ready to be broken Amidst a group of local officials and Saiva devotees. The epigraph reads
TEXT: 1 Yē(E)kāntada Ramayya ngalu Jinanan=odedu 2 linga-pratishtheyam māờida tāvu[ I ]
TRANSLATION At this place ( is depicted the scene of) Ekāntada Rāmayya breaking the ( image of Jica and setting up the Sivalinga.
INSCRIPTION III
This is an independent insoription by itself, made up of labels. It is incised above a panel of sculptures to the right side of the parapet wall at the entrance proper into the same temple and just opposite to Fleet's F. The characters are of about the same period as those of the foregoing records. The panels of sculptures as well as the inscription divide themselves into three portions pertaining to different episodes in the lives of Saive saints. The first series of sculptures consists of the figure of Siva in his divine form followed by that of a Saiva mendicant standing before a devotee holding a long piece of cloth in his hand. The second series represents a devotee with his wife carrying a child in her arms and a Käpälika bhikshu facing them. The last is the figure of a seated man holding an object like a small round bat. The labels below these sculp
1 In situ and from impressions.
In situ and from impressions.

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142
EPIGRAPHÍA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
tures explain their subject matter. The second line of the inscription commences just below the third label indicating that it constitutes its part. The inscription reads as follows:
TEXT1
1 (i) Jēḍara Dāsimayyamgaļu dēvarige vastrava kuḍuva ṭāü ||
(ii) Siriyala-seṭṭi Chamgalavve dövarige maganan-ikkuva ṭāvu ||
(iii) Kumbara Gu[m*]dana murde
2 bamdha(md=a)dida namma Sivanu [*]
TRANSLATION
(i) Here is (depicted the scene of) Jedara (weaver) Dasimayya offering cloth to the god (Siva). (ii) Here is depicted the scene of Siriyala-setti and (his wife) Chamgalavve offering their son to the god (Śiva).
(iii) Our (god) Siva came down and danced before Kumbara (potter) Gunda.
Jēḍara Dasimayya, as the story goes, was a weaver and a devotee of Siva. By offering a cloth to his deity he received from him the boon of inexhaustible treasure (tavanidhi). This episode is frequently referred to in the Virasaiva literature of Karnataka, the earliest allusions being those found in the Vachanas or Sayings of Basavesvara. Siriyala-sețți is said to have offered the cooked flesh of his son to god Siva who came to him in disguise as a Saiva mendicant to test his faith. It is interesting to trace the ramifications of this story the roots of which are found in the Tamil country. According to the Periyapuranam, Parañjōti, the general of Pallava Narasimhavarman I (circa 7th century), who in his later life became famous as the Saiva saint Siruttoṇḍa Nayanar, had a son named Sirāla. This Sirala was sacrificed by his father to propitiate Siva. This legend had several adaptations in Saiva literature of the Telugu and Kannada countries and also of Maharashtra. In these versions the son's name appears to have passed on to the father who became popular as Siriyala-seṭṭi. In Maharashtra a festival is observed in the name of Siriyala-setti on Sravana su. 6 in a queer fashion by the ladies of the household. Kumbara or Potter Gunda, again, mentioned in the above epigraph, was a devotee of highly spiritual status. While beating his earthenware into shape he went into a trance and was absorbed in the meditation of Siva. Pleased with his devotion Siva descended from Kailasa and danced before him."
The accounts of Ekāntada Ramayya, Jēḍara Dāsimayya, etc., noticed above, along with a host of other Saiva devotees, are often met with in the Virasaiva literature of the Kannada country. Epigraphical references to them, however, are not so numerous and they belong rather to a late period. The earliest epigraphical notices of some of these devotees, associated with their sculptures, are found for the first time in the inscriptions of Ablür, as indicated above. Herein lies the main interest and importance of these brief records.
1 In situ and from impressions.
2 Basavannanavara Shatsthafada Vachanagalu (edited by S. S. Basavanal), Nos. 147-48, etc. Jodara Dasimayya appears to have been referred to as Dasa in the following inscriptions also; Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Cn. 210 and Vol. XII, Ck. 18.
Ibid., Nos. 146-49, 152, etc; Basavapurana, sandhi 24.
Above, Vol. V, p. 254, n. 6; V. Rangacharya's article The Legend of Siruttonda Nayanar', The Hindu, Jan. 3, 1943.
Siriyala Charitra', Bharati (Telugu Journal), 1951 August.
B. A. Gupto: Hindu Holidays and Ceremonials (Calcutta, 1916), pp. 207-08.
This story is narrated by the Kannada poet Harihara (circa 13th century) in one of his compositions in the Ragafe metre. A later epigraphical reference to this devotee is found in the Ep. Carn., Vol. III, Md. 83.

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No. 19)
MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR
143
Adverting to Ekåntada Rāmayya, we may see how his achievements had passed into legend and were considered worthy of representation in sculptures by this time, that is to say, about half a century after his period. We may also note the significant fact that all these ingorions are found in the temple of Somēśvara. This temple, according to the inscription E, was erected by Rāmayya himself. But it would be more reasonable to postulate that he was actually responsible for its main structure only to which additions might have been made subsequently. This surmise gains support from the testimony of other antiquities, tradition and literature. Besides the main shrine dedicated to the god Sõmēsvara, a linga, the temple contains two collateral shrines wherein are found two more lingas. They are known as Ekāntada Rāmayya and Agni Honnayya. It becomes evident from this that Ramayya was consecrated here in the form of a linga after his demise. Agni Honnayya, as the tradition avers, was the beloved guru of Rāmayya, who backed him up in his disputations against the Jainas. He must be identical with Agganiya. Honni Tande hajling from Puligere, who figures in the Ragale of Ekäntada Rāmayya by Harihara and also as Ponni Tande in the Abalura-charitre, a Kannada work of a late period. We are told in this work that the temple of Somēśvara was erected at the instance of Rāmayya by Sankapāla who must evidently be Sarka-gāvunda of the inscriptions, along with others, to celebrate the former's victory. Sõmēsvara appears to have been the favourite deity of Rāmayya. His native place Alande was sanctified by this deity and this place is referred to as the town of Sõmanātha' in the inscription E. This fact is further confirmed by the Aland inscription of Yuvarāja Mallikārjuna, edited by me in this journal. It speaks of Alande as specially favoured by god Sõmēsvara. Again, according to the inscription E, Rāmayya worshipped the deity Sõmanātha at Huligere before he proceeded to Ablür.'
By the middle of the 12th century Karnataka witnessed the upsurge of a great religious movement emphasizing the superiority of god Siva and his devotion. Two eminent personalities, one in the south and the other in the north, were instrumental in bringing about this upheaval. These were Ekāntada Ramayya of the Ablür inscriptions and Basavēsvara, the founder of the Viragaiva faith. The Kalachuri usurper Bijjala II came into contact with both, incidentally with the former as narrated in the Ablur inscription E, and directly, with long association ending in bitter antagonism, with the latter. In consequence of the zealous activities of the leaders of this Saiva revival, Jainism, Buddhism, Pāśupata and other faiths prevailing in the land, received a staggering blow. A study of Harihara's Basavarājadēvara Ragale reveals that the genesis of the conflict between Bijjala and Basavēśvara was not in the alleged circumstance of the former being either a follower or supporter of Jainism. It is gathered from this work, the testimony of which deserves to be reckoned as authentic on account of its proximity to the scene of events, that
1 It is of interest to note in this connection & parallel instance from the neighbouring province. With the ascendency of Saivism the Jainas of the Tamil country were persecuted and the scenes of such persecutions are depicted in sculptures on the walls of the temple at Tiruvattur in the North Arcot District (An. Rep. on s. I. Epigraphy for 1923, p. 4). .
* Aggani is an epithet and it can be derived from Sanskrit agrant or arghyapaniya, both of which point to the respectable position held by Ponni or Honni Tande. Honni Tande literally means "Father Honni' or Honni's Father'.
* This work is of the nature of a Purana recounting the exploits of Ramayya in the legendary fashion. It is unpublished. Being popular, ita recitations are held on ceremonial occasions among the Viragaivas of these parts. While at Ablür I secured & manuscript copy of this work for study.
In the wake of Ramayya's victory conversions from Jainism to Saivism took place on a mass scale, scoording to the Abalūna-charitre and the local tradition. It is interesting to observe that miniature terracotta lingas were unearthed in a large number in the locality some years back. One such was shown to mo whilo ut Ablur. - Above, Vol. V, p. 264. • Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 38. Ibid., Vol, V, p. 256.

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144
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL.XXIX
whereas Bijjala wad's protagonist of the orthodox Brahmanical creeds, Basavēsvars was a reformist directing his attacks against the rigidity of Brahmanical dogmas and practices and preaching his new cult of liberality and equality amongst the devotees of Siva. A volume of epigraphical and other evidence is now available to prove that Bijjala, like all members of the Kalachuri house, was a staunch follower of Saivism and had no particular interest as such in Jainism. Thus the theory of Jaina leanings of Bijjala stands thoroughly exploded. When Fleet wrote in this journal more than half a century ago, he expressed his doubto in regard to the historicity of Basavēśvara on account of the paucity of sources then available to him. Subsequently the discovery and publicution of a substantial number of literary works and epigraphs which constitute quite reliable and contemporaneous documents, have established him as a historic figure beyond all doubt. Of paramount importance in this context is the evidence of the Arjunavāda inscription published in this journal.
We are in possession of more epigraphical evidence now to show that besides Rāmayya and Basavēśvara, there flourished in this century other sponsors of the Saiva movement, whose aggreasive activities must have contributed to its succes. We may illustrate these observations from the contents of two inscriptions. An inscription et Annigeti' in the Dharwar District, referring itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Vira-Bombovara IV and dated in 1184 A.C., introduces a feudatory chief of the Sagara family named Vira-Goggidēva. An ardent upholder of the Saiva faith, he is described as 'a fire to the Jaina scriptures' and 's death to the adherents of the Jaina Law. The record further characterises him as 'an eagle to the snakes which are the Jainas' and '& hunter of the wild beasts in the form of followers of the Jina.' Another epigraph from Tasiköti in the Bijapur District, referring itaelf to the same reign and bearing a date in the seme year, furnishes the following facts about another feudatory, Mahamandalesvara Viruparasa. This Viruparasa propitiated god Hara by his multifold devotion and was busily engaged with the ad vocates of the rival faiths. He launched a regular crusade as it were against the adherents of other sects. A conflagration to the forest of Jains creed and adept in demolishing the Buddhist Canon, he pulverized the Jaina tomples and raised the thrones of Sivalingas. Thus did he vindicate his solemn oath and hold aloft the banner of Siva in the three worlds. By virtue of such achievements he was endowed with the encomium of innumerable Saiva devotees, both of the past and present generations. Lastly we may note here the significant circumstance that both ViraGoggidēva and Viruparana of the above two epigraphs lived in a period slightly later than that of Basa vēsvara and that their spheres of activities too were confined to the northern parts of Karnataka. This might have been responsible for the confusion of later writers attributing to Basavēsvara active hostility against the Jains creed.
1 I have discussed this topio and illustrated it with extracts from Harihara's above-named work in my lectures on the Kalachuris of Karnataka, delivered at the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar, in 1961. They are now published ; see Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XXXVI, pp. 102 ff.
· The Sayings of Basawa are replete with utteranoes that testify to these observations. They show that his chief opponents were Brahmaņas of the orthodox school wielding influence in the society. The Brahmaņas and their practices are criticised severely and more often in his utterance than the Jainas to whom only passing references are made. The following among others are a few passages oriticising Brahmanism; Basavanna. Bhu. Vachanagalu (op. cit), Nos. 571, 576, 583, 588, eto.
• The 'Kalachuris of Karnitaka' referred to above; kan. Sah. Pari. Patrike, Vol. XXXVI, pp. 113-14. Abo Hoe Govind Pai's Múru Upunyisagalu, pp. 79 ff.
Above, Vol. V, p. 242. Miru Upanya nagalu, pp. 59-62. • Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 9 ff. and 17.
* Bombay Karnatak Collection, No. 207 of 1928-29. The text of this and the following inacription are not nublished. Their short summaries only have been given in the Annual Reports on 8. 1. Epigraphy for the years concerned. But I have utilised their texts with the permission of the Government Epigrapbint for ludia.
• Ibid., No. 68 of 1929 30

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« No. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA
146 No. 20-PARBATTYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA
(1 Plate) P. D. CHAUDHURY, GAUHATI AND D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND A set of three copper plates was discovered by a cultivator while tilling his field at the village of Parbatiya which lies about three miles from the town of Tezpur in the Darrang District, Assam. It was secured by Mr. Biswadeb Sarma who was then a student of the Law Collego, Gauhati. Mr. Sarma handed over the plates to his teacher, Mr. S. K. Datta, Barrister-at-Law, then Principal of the Law College. Ultimately they were presented to the Assam Provincial Museum, Gauhati, where they are now deposited.
The plates measure 10" by 6.2". They are held together by a ring to which & seal, similar to those found with the charters of the ancient kings of Pragjyotisha, is soldered. The seal is aval in shape with its diameter measuring lengthwise 4.7" and breadthwise 4.3". It has a conical projection at the top and contains, on counter-sunk surface, the emblem of an elephant facing front, below which, separated by a cross-bar, is the legend in characters similar to those employed in the inscription on the plates. The legend is written in three lines and reads:
1 Svasti [ 1 ] Srimān=Prāgjyotish-adhip-ānva2 yo mahārājādhiraja-bri-Vanam[@]
3 lavarmmadēva[b ] The first and the third plates have writing on one side only, while the second is inscribed on both the sides. There are altogether 59 lines of writing, the first plate having 15 lines, the second 16 on the obverse and 15 on the reverse, and the third only 13. The borders of the plates are raised; but the rims of the first plate are damaged and the last line of the inscription on its face is partially obliterated. The upper border of the obverse of the second plate is also slightly damaged towards the right. With the exception of certain aksharas in the last line on the first plate as well as the vowel-marks of a few aksharas in the first line of the same plate and also of line 1 on the obverse of the second plate, the inscription is in a good state of preservation. The aksharas are neatly and beautifully incised. With the exception of the third plate, all the inscribed faces of the plates haye one or more aksharas in the margin opposite the ring-hole or in the space left out near about the hole. In the margin of plate I (reverse) there is the single akshara sri, while plate II (reverse) has similarly 8G. But in the space near the ring-hole of plate II (obverse) there are the stray aksharas bri, Sri, sa, sa and sta (1) together with two indeterminable marks, which are all fashioned here and there without any order. They, however, do not appear to have been the aksharas inadvertently omitted in the inscription on the faces of the plates in question. The akshara sri may of course be taken as a mangala ; but the other aksharas can hardly be accounted for. The plates together with the seal weigh 258 tolas, while the seal alone weighs 127 tolas.
The characters employed belong to the East Indian variety of the Siddhamāțrikā or Kutila script of the ninth century, sometimes called Early Nāgart or Proto-Bengali. Indeed it is the Gaudi lipi or the East Indian script as known to Al-Biruni and was the source from which the Bengali alphabet and the allied Assamese, Oriya and Maithili seripts gradually developed. The inscription employs several times the initial vowels & (lines 2, 5, 58), i (lines 4, 10, 19, 22, 23, 53),
(lines 41, 50) and 2 (lines 15, 28, 50, 52). Initial i is of the ordinary type in all the cases,
1 I'or similar stray aksharas on the lost Tezpur plates of Vanamilavarman, nee P. N. Bhattacharya, Kameripa-bean-ävali, p. 62 and note 2.
Some of the akaharas (cf. a, kh, 3, , medial é and , eto.) closely resomblo their Boogali-Assamese formen. • Sebau, Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 173; cf. JRA8B, L, Vol., XIV, 1948, pp. 115-18; IRQ, Vol. XXVII, pp. 130-31.
8 DGA/53

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146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX except in line 29 where the lower part has a double curve instead of the usual one. Medial a has no less than three different forms. In addition to the usual sign resembling a danda put at the right of consonants and generally joined above with their top mātrā (cf. °Kailāsa in line 1), there are some cases where the stroke is a little curved towards the right and reaches only down to about half the length of the consonants (cf. krida in line 2), while in others it comes only a little down and then goes up, leaving a sharp curve below and ending in a stroke curved towards the right above the head of the consonants (cf. pank-āvila in line 1). Medial u and ů are usually of the ordinary types; but the forms of chyu (cf. chyutairo in line 2), ru (cf. dhvänt-Oruo in line 23). rū (cf. Pārüd hair in line 11) and others are interesting. Bhü has been written in two different ways. The ordinary sign for medial û has been employed in some cases (cf. abhüt in line 53); but often the ở sign is formed by joining the sign for u with a danda put at the right of bh; cf. lines 9 (bhūto), 12(bhüt), 18 ( bhūtā), 20(adbhūto for "ābhūto), 24 (Whümishu) and 25 (bhüri). Medial é is formed by lengthening the left end of the top mātrā of the consonant in a curve forming almost a loop at the end; but it is yet shorter than the developed sign of the matrā reaching the bottom of the line. The akshara 6 has not been distinguished from v. The consonant jh, which is of rather rare occurrence, is found in the conjunct ijhi in line 43. The final consonants (lines 5, 12, 54, 57, 59), n (lines 51, 53) and m (lines 4, 7, 8, 23, 25) occur many times in the inscription.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It is written partly in prose and partly in verse. The prose portion exhibits the quality called ojas in a considerable degree in imitation of the style of masters like Bhatta Bana (cf. lines 33-46); but the versification is rather weak, there being several cases of metrical errors (cf. verses 8, 9, 19, 26, 27). The formal part of the charter from the beginning down to Vanamālavarmmadēvah kućali in line 48 is the same as in another record, viz., the Tezpur plates, of the king who issued the charter under discussion, except that two passages of considerable length have been omitted in the present inscription, perhaps inadvertently. As some mistakes are common to both the records (of. 'ādyasya for a word like yuktasya in verse 9 and vijagrihuḥ for jagrihuḥ in verse 21), it seems that they were prepared from the same draft which was faulty. There are altogether thirty verses (actually 29 verses and only the first half of another stanza). Of the five verses in the latter part of the document, two are the common imprecatory stanzas, while the remaining three describing the donee are written in a style which is definitely worse than that of the stanzes in the formal part of the record. Weakness in the composition even of the formal part is exhibited by the repeated use of some expressions ; cf. adhinäthatua in lines 7-8; nihdësha in lines 16-17; abesha in lines 17, 20, 26; anghri in lines 9, 14, 30: vairi-vira in lines 10, 12, anugā in lines 13, 19; vrata in lines 30, 36. The number of orthographical errors, although not many, is not inconsiderable. The conjunct ngh has been written us nih. The word pushkariņi is found in the form preshkirini. Anusvāra has been used instead of the final m in the imprecatory verses quoted at the end of the record. As regards other orthograpical features, the consonants g, ņ and dh have been reduplicated after r; but m and v have been only occasionally reduplicated under the same condition, while th and y have not been subject to reduplication. T has been reduplicated when followed by .
The inscription is not dated even in the regnal reckoning of the king who was responsible for its issue, although that was expected considering its age and locality. There is, however, no difficulty in determining the approximate date of the charter. As a record of the father of its issuer, vis., the Tezpur stone inscription of Harjaravarman, is dated in the Gupta yenr 610 corresponding to 829 A.C., the inscription under notice has to be assigned to a date about the middle of the ninth century A.C.
1 See JA8B, Vol. IX, 1840, pp. 766-67 ; Kamarüpa-sasan-avali, pp. 58-68. •Kamarido-daan avall, p. 187.

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No. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA
147 The inscription begins with a symbol for siddham and the word svasti and two verses of adoration, the first in honour of the Lāhitya-sindhu, i.e., the river Brahmaputra, and the second in honour of the god Pinäkin, i.e., Siva. Verse 3 introduces Naraka, the son of Adivarāha (i.e., Vishņu) and the goddess Earth, and the next verse says how Krshna killed Naraka bu allowed to go unpunished the latter's two sons, Bhagadatta and Vajradatta. Verses 5-6 describe how, when Bhagadatta obtained the lordship over Prāgjyotisha, his brother Vajradatta went to the forest where he propitiated Isvara (probably the god Siva) by his penance and obtained through the god's favour the lordship over Uparipattana as well as the future lordship of Prāgjyotisha for his descendants. Verse 7 introduces a later king of Pragjyotisha belonging to Vajradatta's lineage, whose name is given as Salambha. The following two verses appear to say that, when Salambha joined in heaven the past kings of the country beginning with Salastambha and ending with Harsha (i.e., Harshavarman), his brother Arathi became king. Verse 10 describes Arathi's queen Jivadēvi. Verses 11-12 describe king Harjara (i.e., Harjaravarnian) who was the son of Arathi and Jivadēvi, while verses 13-15 say how Harjaravarman's queen Mangala was an incarnation of the goddess Lakshmi on the earth. Verses 16-23 give a description of king Vanamäla (i.e., Vanamālavarman) who was the son of Harjaravarman and Mangala. Verse 24 says how king Vanamālavarman rebuilt a fallen temple of the god Hētuka-Sūlin i.e., Siva) into & magnificent building. Lines 47-48 mention Paramēívara Paramabhaffäraka Maharajadhirāja Vanamāla varmadeva who was a devout worshipper of Mahēsvara (i.e., Siva), meditated on (or was favoured by the feet of his parents and issued the charter from Hadapēsvara. Lines 33-46 give a lengthy description of the city of Hadapēsvara in prose. This passage suffers from the omission of a number of words at the end, although they can be restored from the Tezpur plates of the same king, referred to above. The description suggests that the city was situated on the bank of the Lohitya-bhattāraka (i.e., the river-god Brahmaputra). The river is said to have passed by the Kāmakūta hill, on the top of which were installed the god Kämēsvara 24? the goddess Mahāgauri. The following passage in prose and verse in lines 48-58 records the grant which is followed by two imprecatory verses in lines 58-59. The king made a gift of the village called Hapösagräma which was attached to the mandala or district of Svalpa-Mangka situated in Uttara-küla and was bounded by Akshidātikā in the east, the tank of Chandikā (possibly the goddess of this name)' in the south-east, Dirghänga in the south, a banyan tree in the south-west, a bush of bamboos or reeds in the west, a salmali tree in the north-west, a big ali (possibly an embankment) in the north and the tank of Dhavala in the north-east. The gift village is said to have been made a-chrita-bhafa-pravēša (i.e., not to be entered by regular or irregular troops, or, more probably, by policemen and peons) and mukt-Oparikara (i.e., not endowed with the right to enjoy taxes from temporary tenants). There is no specifio mention that the village was made a rent-free gift. The donee was a Brāhmaṇa named Chudamaņi who was the son of Jöjjata and was the eldest of four brothers, the other three being Dētõbhā, Garga and Sambhu. It is said that the brothers were all living jointly without separation, because they feared in that the loss of dharma. Apparently the grant was made in favour of the head of the family but was meant to be enjoyed by all the four brothers and their descendants. The grant is said to have been made with a view to increasing the merit and fame of the king's parents with the request that it might be approved by all.
As regards the absence of any clear indication in the charter whether Hapoeagrama was made a rent-free gift, it may be pointed out that the Säsanas of ancient Indian rulers were of
1 Various forms of the mother-goddess are associated with Assam and especially with the Bakta Pitha at Kāmikhyå near Gauhati. Cf. The Sakta Pithas (JRA8B, L, Vol. XIV, 1948, No. 1), pp. 11-16, 47-48, and notes.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX several categories. In many cases, land was granted as a free-gift and a rent-free holding.1 Sometimes a piece of land was sold at a specified price but was made a perpetually rent-free holding. In some other cases, the land is said to have been 'given'; but a specified rent was fixed for it. There were other cases (cf. the charter under discussion) in which land was given without any clear specification whether it was made a free-gift or a rent-free holding. There is little doubt that in many cases the word 'given' actually meant 'sold' and silence about making the land rent-free is an indication that it was revenue-paying, although certain concessions may have often been allowed to be enjoyed by the holders. In ancient India, often the sale of land. was theoretically represented in the form of a gift. This is definitely suggested by the Mitakshara on the Yajnavalkya-smriti, II, 114: sthavarasya vikraya-pratishëdhat.. dana-prasamsach-cha vikraye='pi kartavyě sa-hiranyam-udakam dattvä dana-rūpēņa sthavara-vikrayam kuryat. That Hapōsagrāma was not made a rent-free holding and may have actually been sold seems to be suggested also by the absence of the customary list of officials and subordinates who were usually addressed by the kings while making free gifts of land.
The reference to the joint family in which the four Brahmana brothers Chūdāmaņi, Dēṭōbhā, Garga and Sambhu were living together is very interesting. It is said that they did not get separated for fear of the loss of dharma. This seems to acknowledge the right of the sons to demand partition of the family property (even during the life time of the father) as provided for in the so-called Mitäkshara system of inheritence. It is interesting to note that some early writers on law (e.g., Gautama, 28, 4; Manu, IX, 111) favour partition because it tends to increase dharma. Manu says that "the brothers may stay united, or separate in case they desire an increase of dharma; by living separate dharma increases; therefore separation is meritorious." As indicated by Brihaspati and Narada, when the brothers are undivided the performance of religious acts is single for all of them, but when there is a partition those acts are separately performed by each, and this explains the reference to the increase of dharma by Manu. According to SankhaLikhita, however, brothers may stay together, since being united they would prosper materially.' This view was no doubt shared by the members of the Brahmana family mentioned in our record. The fear of dharma-kshaya referred to in the inscription points to the fact that such acts of dharma as the worship of the gods and manes and the entertainment of guests were easy for a joint family with its undivided property but difficult for each of the tiny families partitioned out of it with the small resources at its disposal.
The great importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it is the only legible record, besides the Nowgong plates of Balavarman, of the Mlechchha dynasty of Pragjyotisha, which was founded by Salastambha and was preceded by the Naraka or Bhauma dynasty, represented by Bhaskaravarman and his predecessors, and succeeded by the Pala dynasty founded by Brahmapala, although both the dynasties of Salastambha and Brahmapala claimed to be offshoots of the ancient Näraka or Bhauma line. According to verses 9-10 of the Bargaon plates of king Ratnapala of the third dynasty of Pragjyotisha kings (i.e., the Pala house of Brahmapala), the kingdom of the descendants of Naraka passed to the Mlechchh-adhinatha
1 Cf. Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 417.
Cf. ibid., pp. 347-9.
See JPASB, Vol. I, pp. 12-13.
Ct. JRAS, 1952, pp. 4 ff.
Cf. P. V. Kane, History of Dharmasastra, Vol. III, p. 567.
Bee Kane, op. cit., p. 572.
? Kane, loc. cit.
JASB, 1897, Part I, pp.289-92; Kamarupa-basan-åvali, pp. 73-80. Kamarupa-basan-avali, p. 94.

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149
No. 20)
PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA Salastambha, the twentyfirst king of whose line was Tyagasimha; this king having died childless, the subjects, preferring a scion of the Näraks or Bhauma dynasty, made Brahmapala their king. Of these twentyone rulers of the Mlēohchha house of Sälastambha, mentioned in verse 7 of our record (cf. the expression tasy=ānvaye indicating the relation between Vajradatts and Salambha) as a branch of the Näraka or Bhauma dynasty, we have inscriptions of three kings only, viz., (1) Harjara or Harjaravarman to whom belong the Hayungthal plate and the Tezpur rock inscription'; (2) Harjaravarman's son Vanamāla or Vanamālavarman who isgued the Tezpur plates and the charter under discussion; and (3) Vanamālavarman's grandson Balavarman who issued the Nowgong plates referred to above. Of the four published records of the family, Harjaravarman's inscriptions, one (the Hayungthal epigraph) of which is fragmentary as only one of the plates has so far been found, are both in a miserable state of preservation. The original of the Tezpur inscription of Vanamälavarinan is now lost and its transcript, published as early as 1840 in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, is palpably full of mistakes of all sorts. The late Mr. P. N. Bhattacharya made an attempt to emend the faulty transcript of the record with the help of imagination ; but the result could hardly be satisfactory. The only published record of the family, reliable from the historians' point of view, is thus the Nowgong plates of Balavarman, although this epigraph also suffers from a few damaged letters. Under the circumstances, the Parbatiya plates of Vanamälavarman under publication remove a number of defects and doubts in the history of the Mlēchchha or Salastambha family of Prāgjyotisha.
In the first place, from the published wrong text of verses 7-9 of the lost Tezpur plates of Vanamālavarman, it was so long believed that king Prälambha was the father of Harjaravar man. The clear reading of those verses in our record shows that Prālambha was & wrong reading for Salambha and that Harjaravarman's father was not Sälsmbha but the latter's brother (apparently younger brother) named Arathi. It further shows that the reading of the name Aratha in verse 9 is wrong. The theory about the existence in this dynasty of a prince named Aratha, regarded as the son of Arathi who is mentioned in the passage chakr-arathi (Chakra and Arathi) in line 9 of the indistinct Hayungthal plate of Harjaravarman, is thus entirely imaginary. Secondly, it was so long believed, on the strength of the wrong reading of verse 5, that it was Bhagadatta who is said to have received the lordship of the territory called Uparipattana. It is, however, clear beyond doubt from our record that, while Bhagadatta obtained the kingdom of Prāgjyotisha, his brother Vajradatta secured lordship over Uparipattana through the grace of Isvars whom he had propitiated. Thirdly, the name of
1 Ibid., pp. 48-51. 4 Ibid., p. 187. 3 Ibid., pp. 58-65; JASB, Vol. IX, 1840, pp. 766-67.
•Kamaripa-basan-duals, introduction, p. 20. The reading and interpretation of verse 8 of the Hayung. thal plate are not beyond doubt. Acoording to Bhattacharya (op. oit., pp. 48-49, 51-52), Harshavarman, who seems to be placed immediately beforo Salambha in our record (of. fri-Harah-antair in verse 8), was followed on the throne by his son Balavarman ; then in the family wore bom the prince Chakra and Arathi, and the son of the latter, whose name is not traced in the rooord but is suggested to be Aratha (on the basis of the wrong reading of verse 9 of Vanamila's lost plates) beoamo king : Jlvadovi, mentioned in the following verses 9-10 and described as the mother of Harjana in verso 11, was the wife of Aratha's successor Prilambba (sio. Salambha). We now know that Salambha was succeeded by his youngor brother Arathi, who was the husband of Jivadövt and the father of Harjaravarman. It seems therefore that the second half of vero 8 of the Hayungthal inscription has to be no interpreted as to indionto that the throne passed to the two brothers named Chakra and Arathi and that the younger of the two brothers was the husband of Jiyadért If this has to be accepted, then it has possibly to be suggested that Chakrs was another name of Salamba and that the rule of Balavarman intervening between that of Harahavarman and Salam bha ww ignored fin Vanamala's records because that king was succeeded by Chakra alias Silambhs after a very short rule.
• Cf. Journ. Assam Res. Soc., Vol. VII, p. 88.

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[VOL. XXIX Harjaravarman's queen, who was the mother of Vanamälavarman, is given as Srimattara in verse 15 of the published text of the lost plates, while the Hayungthal plate of Harjarsvar. man (line 24) has it as Mangalabri. The correct reading of the name in Vanamālaverman's inscription is now found to be bri-Mangala. The real name of the queen thus seems to have been Mangala or Mangalasri. Fourthly, the name of Harjaravarman's mother was read in the lost plates as Jivada (verse 10), although the Hayungthal plate gives it as Jivadēvi (line 13). The present record shows that Jivadeti suggesting the name Jivadā is a wrong reading for Jivadevi. Fifthly, verse 24 of the present record as well as of the lost plates refers to the rebuilding of a fallen temple of H&tuka-salin (Siva) by Vanamālavarman. Whatever may be the real significance of the word hetuka in this context, Bhattacharya's emendation Häfapa-Sülin to indicate the god installed at the city of Hātapēsvara seems to be entirely beside the mark. Sixthly, it is usually believed that the name of the capital city of the second dynasty of Prăgjyotisha kings was Hārūpēkvara. This is no doubt the reading of the name preferred by R. Hoernle in line 29 of the Nowgong plates of Balavarman. It met however, be pointed out that Hoernle did not forget to note that "the first two aksharas of the name are not quite distinct; Possibly saruo".1 Iu line 21 of the Hayungthal plate of Harjaravarman, Bhattacharya reads the name as Hafappe vara (although not the slightest trace of a sign on h is found in the photograph of the plate published by bim) and corrects it to Härūpp kvara. In line 1 of the Tezpur stone inscription of the same king, the reading seems to be Hatapp bara, although Bhattacharya suggests Hāruppēsvara. The late Mahāmabopadhyāya H. P. Sastri reads the name in this record Haruppěsvara. As regards the first akshara, however, he says, "The a stroke has been obliterated by a fissure in the rock; but we know from other inscriptions of this dynasty that the name of the capital was Härüppèlvara." In regard to the second akshara of the name, he says, "There is a slight peeling off of the stone close to the left-hand limb of ra. Hence the Government Epigraphist (H. Krishna Sastri) read it as kka". In a notes on the reading of this damaged inscription, that master epigraphist, F. Kielhorn, read the name as Ha..ppåkvara and observed as follows: "Of the name which follows upon svasti, the initial consonant (h) is clear, but it is uncertain whether the first syllable of the name is simply ha, or hā or hu; and the second syllable, which I have ommitted, is quite doubtful. The same name we apparently have in line 3 of Plate IIb of the Nowgong District plates of Balavarmadēva of Pragjyotisha where by Dr. Hoernle it has been read Härüppeivara, with the note that the first two syllables might possible be sarů. But in the published photograph of the plates the second syllable hardly looks to me like rũ, and in the impressions of our stone inscription to read rů seems impossible." It will thus be seen that the reading of the first two aksharus of the name Håruppe vara is doubtful in all these cases, though the first of them is probably ha and not ha. As to the lost Tezpur plates of Vanamālavarman, the name is found in the rough transcript published in the JASB as Harayesana, although, it may be pointed out, the letter d has always been read by the transcriber as ras a result of the
1 JA8B, 1897, p. 291, note 29. See also Kielhorn's remarks on the reading of the name, quoted below.
· Vide Kamarüpa-batam-äpall, p. 50 and plates facing p. 47. Cf. Journ. As. Res. Soc., Vol. I, No. 4, p. 111, note 9.
*Vide ibid., plate facing p. 187. .J BORS, 1917, p. 512, notes 1-2.
Nachrichten von der Konigl. Genellachaft der Wiwenschaften zu Outlingen, Philologisch-historische Klano aus dem Jahre 1906, pp. 466-71.
• Ibid., p. 468.

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 17 प्रषां ॥२३॥ ज्ञापयित्वा' अकबरस्था(स्तया) तत्र समागतः । तथा हसनपल्लीला छप्पन्नादन
नी(चा)गतः ॥२४॥ नाही(ही) प्रति तदायातो राणे18 दो रोषपोषितः । कोटडीग्रामत[:*] शीघ्र(ध) ततः सेनासमो(मा)वतः ॥२५॥ संप्रेषितो - भीमसिंहः कुमारो राणभूभुजा । (ध्वं)सम- . 19 तनोत्सबहसा(साँ) ततो गतः ॥२६॥ बडनगरं लूटित मय चत्वारि(रि)शत्सहस्त(ख)मिताः ।
राजतमुद्रा जगृहे बंडविधौ भीमसिंह इह 20 ॥२७॥, अहमदनगरे लमयप्रमितरूप्यमुद्राणां । वस्तूना लू(गुं)टनमिहे(ह) कारितवान्भी
मसिंहा(ह)ब(ब)ली ॥२८॥ एका महामसीवि21 विखंडिता लधु(घ)मसीविसुत्रिशती । [बा]लयपातरुषः प्रकाशित(ता) भीमसिंहवीरेण ॥२६॥
राणामहीमहेंद्रस्य प्राशया विज्ञ उ. . 22 त्सुकः । महाराजकुमारधीजयसिंहो नामः(म). ॥३०॥ झालास्यचंद्रसेनेन चोहानेन चमूभ()ता ।
तथा सव(ब)लसिंहेन रावेण रणसू23 रिणा ॥३१॥ केसरीसिंहनाम्ना तात्रा रावेण गोभितः । राठोडगोपीनाथन' परिसिंहस्य
सूनुना ॥३२॥ भगवंतारिसिंहेन बन्य24 राजन्यराजिभिः । सहितः स्वाहितजयं कत(त) हितसमीहिते ॥३३[*] त्रयोदश सहस्राणि
प्रश्ववारवरावलेः । सद्विशतिसहस्राणि 25 पवातीनां महात्मनां ॥३४॥ संगे गृहीत्वा प्रययौ चित्रकूटती प्रति । ततस्ते टक्कुरा
रात्री संगरं चक्रुस (क)न्मदाः ॥३॥ सहनसंख्या28 बिल्लीशलोकान् जघ्न (प्न) गंजत्रयं । पेनागतास्तांस्तुरगाभिःसृतस्तदकम्बरः ॥३६॥ पंचाशत्तु
रगान्वीरा गृहीत्वा तायवेदयन (न्) । 27 कुमारजयसिंहाय जयसिंहो मुवं वर्षे ॥३७॥ जयसिंहः कुमारोप श्रीराणेंद्रस्य बशनं ।
कृतवान्क(क)तकृत्या (त्यो) वा महारणकृती 28 कृती ॥३८॥ शक्तावतस्य शक्तस्य केसरीसिंहवर्मणः । गंगबर इत्येष कुमारपदवी दपत्
__॥३९॥ अष्टादश दिपान्मत्तान्ह29 यौपानुष्ट्रसंचयान् । बिल्लीशसम्यादानीव राडा न्यवेदयत् ॥४०॥ राग कुमारोप
भीमसिंहो बलीनि(लाम्बि)तः । प्रषितोड1 The absence of sandhi here is in favour of the metro. * Read lunfitam, lat would be Hindi. • Masidi stands for masjid, i.e., mosque. This fourth quarter is too short by two wylleblas. Perhaps the intended reading was Jayarishtinamalab.

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32 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XXIX 30 कबराल्येन तथा तहवरेण च ॥४१॥ खानेन संगरं पके शकरसोरणोपम] । उल्लंघ्य
___देवसूरी ता(ता) महानालि नलोप्र (प)मः । ॥४२॥ 31 धानोरानगरे पके युद्ध योदविक्रमः । बा(बी)कासोलंकिवीरोष पह(घट्ट)रला रणं व्यपात्
____॥४३॥ राणग्रेण कुमारोप गन ॥ 32 सि(सि)हो (ब)लात्वि(न्वि)तः । प्रस्थापितो ब(ब)भजायं तदे(द)गमपुरं महत् ॥४॥
राष्ट्रप्रय(ब) रुप्यमुद्रालक्षात्रयमचापि वा । बत्व(स्व)व मिल-. . 33 में कार्य मया राणेन निश्चितं ॥४५॥ मोरंगजेबो दिल्लीश उक्तवान्स []()तरं ।
विधः कले(4)लाज्जातं यत्तदा बदाम्यहं ।' 34 ॥४६॥ श्रीराणोदयसिंहसूनुरभवत् भीम(म)त्प्रतापः सुतस्तस्य भी अमरेश्वरोस्य तनयः श्रीक
सिहोस्य वा । पुत्रो राण36वगत्पतिश्च तनयोस्माबा(प्रा)जसिंहोस्य वा पुत्रः भोजयसिंह एष रुतवान्वीर: शिलाजे(ले)जित
॥७॥ पु(पू)णे सप्तदशे शते तपसि वा 38 सपूर्णिमाख्ये दिने द्वात्रिंशन्मितवत्सरे नरपतेः श्रीराजसिंहप्रभोः । काव्यं राजसमू(म)अमिष्टजलबेः - सृष्टप्रतिष्टा(ष्ठा)विषेः स्तो37 प्राक्त(क्त) रणछोरभट्टरचितं राजप्रशस्त्या[हाय ॥४॥ युग्मं । (मा)सीडास्करतस्तु
माधव(ब)योऽस्मानामवं(च)बस्तत[:*] स. 38 स्म(सर्वेश्वरकः कडो(i)बिकुलजो समाविनावस्स(स्त)तः । तेज(ल)गोस्य तु रामचं]
[]ति वा कृष्णोस्य वा मामः पुत्रोभून्मभु39 सु(स)दनस्त्रय इमे ब(ब)होशविष्णूपम[]: 1४॥ यस्यासा(सी)म्मधुलवनस्तु जनका(को) वेणी
च गोस्वामिजाऽभून्माता रणछोर ए[*] कृत40 पानानप्रशस्त्याह्वयं । काव्यं राणगुणौषवर्णनमयं वा(बी)राकयुक्त(क्त) महत्' । द्वाविंशोभववत्र
सर्ग उदितो वागर्थसर्गस्फ(स्फुटः [१५०॥"]] 41 [चतुवि(विशत्याल्य इहाभवद्भवमुदे सरौर्षसगाँपत ॥५१॥ इति श्रीरामप्र[श*] स्त(स्ती)
श्रीराजसार्ग(गर)श्रीप्रस्त श्रीसर्गतिविशत्य स[:]. 1 Wo have probably to road yuddam-adbhuta-vikramab. * These two dandas are superfluous. .A more correct form would be mélanan. . This danda is supertinous. •Bandhi is not observed here
• The portion of verse from chaturto Onnatab is redundant here ; it is meant for the twenty-fourth canto herein it occurs in the thirty-sixth stanga.
The meaning of this part is obuonra ; this line of wetting in any way is superfluous. .

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APPENDIX]..
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
Slab XXIV; Canto XXIII
1 ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नम[ : * ]
[Metres : vv. 1-3, 9 43, 45-62 Anushtubh; vv. 4-8 Bhujangaprayita ; v. 44 Sārdūlavikridita.] ॥ शते सप्तदशेतीते सप्तशमितेके । कार्त्तिके शुक्लदशमीदिने राणापु[र]दरः ॥ १॥ नानाविधानि [वा]
9 नाति यं दत्वा स्वा तर्फ द्विजाविभ्यो हरि 1 ध्यात्वा जपमालां करे दधत् ॥२॥ हृदि संस्थाप्य च जपन्शमनाम स्वनाम च 1 सयश
3 स्थापयन्लोक (लोके) भूलोक स्पक्तवानृपः ॥३॥ बानो महादानंध (बं) द्विजेभ्यस्तथा गा सवत्साः सुवर्णाणा: (र्णाः) । तदुक्तं फल
*4 व (ब) लं संदधानो नृपो दुर्गमस्वर्ग मार्गाय यातः ॥४॥ दारुणा तेभवस्वर्णरूपः (पाः) । तदा ( दी? ) योग्य
5 निःश्रेणिकाश्रेणिकाभिः क्षितिस्पर्शहीनं विमान (नं) समान ( नं ) ॥५॥ महेंद्रेण संप्रेषितं मेदिनी: समाह्य दिव्यैर्गणैः संवृतश्च । स
7 यत् । महादान मालातडागमतिष्ठा (ठा करो विष्णुनामपही धर्मपुणेः (नः) कुंठलोके स्वकुंठप्रभावो हरिः प्रेषवि
8 त्वा
महादानसम्म (मं) परभसंधा:
6 नाकं सुखं प्राप धर्मेण सार्क महाराजसिंहो नरेंद्रेषु सिंहः ॥६॥ महेंद्रेण संमानितस्तेन दिव्यासने स्थां (स्था ) पितो मानितस्तोषितो
83
9 जयसिंह जयमयः सत्यंचा
रि(२)रक्ष रणवशोषं
विमानं मुद्रा (दा) ssकार्यं संस्थापयामास युक्तं स्वपूर्वोद्भवैः संयुतं राजसहं ततः (तः) कडेने नगरे शिविरं व्यातनोली । ast(a:)
10 सोहिणीतिः ॥१०॥ शते
कृता
॥७॥ ततः स्वीय
1 This ga is superfluous.
3 DGA/53
11511
वासरान् ॥२॥ उल्लंध्य कृतवान्वीरो राजसिंहासन सिंगति (ति) सोना (नीम
सप्तदपूर्ण सप्तमिदाग्मितेब्बके । मागंघाशी शौर्यमायंप्रकाशी मार्गणार्थदः ॥ ११॥ वसत्क (क) डंजे नग
11 'गरे जयसिंहो महामनाः । श्रुत्वा तहबरं खानं देवसूरीं विलंध्य च १२॥ प्रांत (सं) घट्ट मर्यादालोपिनं कोपपूरितः । स्वभ्रातरं भीमसिंहं
12 भीमं वाप्रे ( वा प्रे ) षयत्स तु ॥ १३॥ बीकासोलंकिनं दृष्ट्रा तं समाश्वास्य तत्परं 1 महाभीमो भीमसिहो terenolent व (ब) र: ॥१४॥ जानतु

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84
13 लेख (छ) संस्था ( सैन्यानि विद्य(छ) ।।१५।। वि:
14 चप्पलवेशशैलेवायां (या) तो ह्याग (गो? ) बू (बु) तोस्य तु ॥१६॥ प्रागतः 1 रुद्धा घट्टास्ततो राणालोकं [ लोके]षु विश्रु
15 है ॥१७॥ #:
कथंचन
16 रसाभिषः
प्रत्येवं
।
18 यतिस्त्वमतः
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
तद्धस्तहब रोभव (व) त् । विनाष्टकांतं धानोराया एवं ग्रामात जयसिंह दलेल
मार्गो
17 चवशात्र से
निश्चिंत
रत्नसीरावतेनापि स्थितं घट्टे) शिलोत्कटे । ।१८।। अथ श्रीजयसिंह(हेनाला
मु[क्लो] य
प्रेषितो मि (मे) लनं कर्त्तुं तेनोक्तं मार्गगामिना ॥१६॥ भवान्बिलीया मानितः । सहस्राभ्यश्ववाराणा (ग) समय (संगे
25 न ( नं) कर्तुमुद्यतः 1
[it]
बत्तो राणलोकंर्गोगुंदाघट्ट
लेखाँ न शक्तोभूतवा गंतुं
[VOL. XXIX
राहु मुक्त (क्लें) -
परं
1
॥२२॥
॥२०॥ राजेंद्रस्थंकराजन्यो राणेंद्रस्य तव स्फुटं ॥ २१॥ नवावे (बावे) नोच्यते च (चे) तं घट्टानिःसारयाम्यहं स्वापयामि net (बा) बेन तवेरितं पीत्सुं (चाल) त्वं ममायाति मा 19 स्तु तेनापि वारणं ॥ २३॥ घट्टत्रयस्य मार्गस्य वृष्टपर्थं प्रेषिता भटाः तुमुलो ॥२४॥ ततो न निःसूतस्तत्र []बा (बा)रूप्यमुद्रास्वं कस्मै द्विजातये ॥२५॥ निःसुतोन्येग्य (न) मार्गेण राजतं
-
घट्टं दवा स्थितो भवान् स्नेहस्तदपर्व तमा
[*] लख (जान)
१ )
निःसरत्व (र) व
उच्यते
[*] तदनबा (वा) बेन
जं
20 स्तवनंतरं सहस्व (ख) नबाबा) at enकेसरी 21 त्रापि सैम्यवान् ॥२६॥ रत्नसीराइतो रत्नं ये (यो बाना (न) मार्गतो जवात् (१) च निःसरणं ना (बा) ब का (क) तो व्यधात् ॥२७॥ इत् वलेल22 [*सुतो बलात्] [1"] दिल्लीशांतिक श्रायातः पृष्टो मः (सः) ॥ २८ ॥ त्व ( त्वं) निःसृत्य किमायातो सणा (राण) कस्यानु नो | दलेलपा (ख) तदोवाय (च) तदोवाय (च) नानं लब्धं मया प्रभो ॥२६॥ [प* ]श्चात्तु हेतुं मां समुपागतः । योधा मे मारितास्तेन 24 [तः ॥ ३० ॥ * ] प्रत्ना (शा) भावान्नित्यमेव लोकानां तु चतु[ : * ] शता (ती) मुता हंत नि: ( निः) सूतस्तत् * भूत्वा दिल्ली प्राकुलः ॥ ३० (३१) अयाकवर धावतो मि(ये)लराणामसिंहस्य द्विता(सी) पतनयो बली
23 गतः
।
नानाहं तेन नि[*]
दासस्तत्पुत्रः श्यामसिंह इहागतः । कृ (कृ) त्वा मि (मे) नवार्ता (त)
सकृत्य
च तं
दिल्लीश्वरेण
राणे (द्रो मम
।।३१ (३२) ।। गरीब
तां
1 This på appears like gha, while next to it there is a superfluous danda.
The reading of this latter half of the verse is not clear; possibly we have to restore it as follows: tairauktam ts Navabēna kritain ghatta-trayani dridham.
Read agrisaram cha kritva tam.
Sandhi is not observed here.

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APPENDIX]
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
85
26 परावृत्य गतो बुद्ध ॥३२ ( ३३ ) । ततो बलजानस्तु मिलने मानोत् । तथा मिलनस्य विधि (धि) व्यधात् ॥३३ (३४) जयसिंहो
हसनली
27
थ मिलनं कर्तुमुद्योगमातनोत् [*] श्रीमद्राजसमुद्रस्य प्रप्रभागे स्थितस्ततः सहस्राण्यश्ववाराणां सप्त स सप्तकत्विष । मध्ये स्थि
तः सप्तसप्तिसमतेजाः समाव (ब) भी ॥३५ ( ३६ )। जयसहः स्थितः स[] नामसप्तमे । सत्प्रेक्षन) कम प्रोक्तं मदवारमयं जगत (तु) ॥३६ (३७) । प
29 दातीनामपुत
संगे स्थापितवान्प्रभुः 1 तवा पत्तिम प्रोक्तं ॥३७ ( ३८ ) ॥ महाशौयों महाधैर्यो जयसिंहस्ततो व (ब) ली [ 1 *] मी (चोहानं स्थापयत्पुरः ॥ ३८ ( ३९ ) । शिरोमणि बेरीसालं महाराव राठोरान्बीरनकुरान्
30 माचंद्रसेनायं
31 ॥३९ (४०) ||
चौडावतान्रणे म्यदुर्जयान् ॥४० (४१) ॥
32 संस्थाप्य से (सो) ।
35 शस्य
चंडान् शक्तान्श'क्तावतांस्तथा सबतिखर्यडिया' संगे संगे
रावंस व (ब) सिंहा
जगदृष्टा
रक्तध्वनैः (जैः) शोभमाना भांति नाना मवद्विपाः । सपल्लवमा
॥३४ (३५) ।।
36 पूरित[*] ॥४५(४६) ।। तथा
। रानावतान्रणाजेयान्त्राजन्यान्ज-'
राजेंद्र रणदुर्भव(ब) मिलना (च) मुवाऽचलत् ॥४१ (४२) ।
• सुतस्य सः I जगद्यानसुराणामस्य प्रतापिन [: * ] ति (वि) ज्ञतासिंधुगा (ग) भीयंगुणसागरः [1*] बल (ले) लखां महावीरो
परमार
33 गोत्रा एकत्र स्थापिताः किमु ॥४२ (४३) ॥ वे (बं) रिप्रागणे (णे ) महीधर कुलैः सव्रत्नवृंदर हो राजwwwe (च) येrच वाडवस्ति (शि) खिस्फुर्जत्प्रतापैबू (र्षु) [:
* ]
(धुं
34 उद्योगिवरंमंहि हो ) मिंगियाहैर्मर्यादयापूर्वया गांभीये (बॅ)ण युतो विराजति जयी राणाऽर्णव:' कि पर [ : * ] ॥४३ (४४) ॥ भोरंगजेबबीरस्य दिल्ली
म्लेख (च्छ) भुभुजे (जः)
हरा ( स ) नल्लीला (लॉ) (प्र)न्येपि राठोडो रामसिंहाल्यो रतलामपुरस्थित [ : *] ॥ ४६ ( ४७ ) ॥ हाडाकिशोरसिंहाल्यो गौडभू
1188(82)11 प्रशिया हसन्नाज (झा)
'The sign of avagraha is unnecessary.
* Though the correct form of this word is melana, yet our author invariably uses milana which is Hindi.
Sandhi is not observed here for the sake of the metre.
Sandhi is not observed here.
The intended reading of this portion seems to be sarvan-akharva-viry-adhyān
● This savingē is redundant
? There is a superfluous danda here.
F2

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EPIGRAPIJA INDICA
[Voz.. XXIX 37 पस्तथापु(प)रे [*] हिट्ट(हिंदू)ग्लेष(च्छ)महावीरा पायाताः संमुखं सुखात् ॥४७(४८)॥'
दिल्लीपतीयः स्वीयश्च देशपालः समावृतः । जयसिंहो विभाजाव' दिपा(क्पा)लर्मघ38 वावृतः ॥४८(४६)॥ तत:*: श्रीजयसिंहास्यः पूर्वोक्तंष्ट(ष्ठ)क्कुरैर्वृतः । गरीबदासाम्ना
स्वपुरोहितवरेण वा [१५०॥*] भी[]प्रधा(धा)नव श्येन युक्ते (क्तः) सुयोनितेज39 सा:(सा) [*] महाभाग्यो [महा* शौयो(यों) महोत्साहो महामताः(ना:) ॥४६(५१)।
हि(हिं)दूम्लेछ(च्छ)महावीरदेशनाथविशोभिग्नः(तः) । वमा(ग्राजमा? )ख्यसुरत्राणमणेर्दर्शनमातगो40 त् ॥५०(५२)॥ प्राजमाख्यभुस्वा(सुरत्रा)णो रणेंद्रस्यादरं भृशं । अकरोद्विनयोपेतस्(स्स)
_(स्ने)हमनु दर्शयन् ॥५१(५३)॥ एकादश गजी(जा)नश्वा(श्वा)श्चत्वारिंशन्मितान् 41 शुभान् । प्राजमाख्याय राने(ने) द्रोप(पं)यामास सुवर्पवान् ॥५२(५४)। प्राजमाख्यः सुरत्राण
एक मदल द्विप(एक मदालसं द्विपं?) । अष्टाविंशतिसंख्याश्वान्सहेमवस42 नत्रयोः ॥५३(५५)॥ पंचाशत्प्रमिता भूषा(षः) समूहं रानभूभुजेः(ज) । ददो(दो) महानंहमय'
मिलनं त्वनथोरभूत (त्) ॥५४(५६)॥ दलेलषां(खा) तदोवाच तुलतान श्रु43 णु प्रभो । अय(यं) वीरश्चंद्रसेनो राना झालशिरोमणिः ।[1५७॥*] रावः सव(बलसिहोयं
रत्नसीनामरावतः । चोडायत रणे (चं)डाः शफ्ता(क्ताः) शक्तावतास्तथो(था)
॥५५(५८)। प44 रमाराश्च राठोस(डा)स्तथा राणावतोत्तमा(माः) । रणे सि(सि)हाः पर्वतेषु मार्गमददुरुत्तमाः
॥५६(५६)॥ युयुधुर्म(में) महायोधा ज्ञातव्यं विज्ञतांव(बु)धे । दिल्लीशेन प45 रा ---- रानोक्त्या रक्षितुं धु(5)वं [॥६०॥*] प्राजमा(मो)प्युक्तवानेवं सत्यमेव न
संशय[:*] ॥(1) संतुष्टो जयसिंहा(हो)थ ददायाज्ञां कृतादतार(कृतादरः) ॥५७(६१)।
जे(ज)यसिहो महाभारयो वी46 [रः शिविरमागतः । अस्यासी भाग्य]तः शीघ्र(ध्र) मिलनं [गजतादरात्?] ॥५८(६२)॥
[पूर्णः] सर्ग इति प्रयोविंशतिनामा सर्गः ॥
Slab XXV; Canto XXIV [Metres : vv. 1-10, 16-27 Anushțubh ; v. 11 U pajāti; vv. 12-15, 33-36 Sārdülavikridita ; v. 28 Arya , v. 29 Upagili . 30-32 Giti.]
1 ॥ सिब() श्रीगणेशाय न्म(नमः) [u*] प्रेम्णा अमरसि(सि)हाख्यपौत्रयुक्तस्य धर्म(मि)णः ।
राणे(में)वराजसिंहस्य राजराजस्य संपदा ॥१॥ हेम्नो दश सहस्यो(हस्रो)द्यत्तो
1'The two sets of dandas and the ligure 47 appear above the line. . The reading of these four syllables is probably intended to be babhajan. . The sense is not clear here. . This third pada is too short by two syllables. • The absence of sandhi here is in tentional and is in favour of the metre.

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APPENDIX] · RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR .
87 2 लकैः पूर्णतो भृतः । शुद्धात्मने व(वि)सृष्टायास्तुलाया अतुलाजुषः ॥२॥ मा(म)हासेतो
हस्तिनीसत्स्क(त्स्क)धे वं(ब)धुरमुंदरं । तोरणं भाति गौरी. 3 च्चाधोरणं तुलयंदुवा ॥३॥ महोज्य (ज्ज्व)लतया किंवा ऐरावतकुलस्थितिः ॥() हस्तिन्येषा
मु(मू) दिन धत्ते चित्ररूप्योच्चभूषणं ॥४॥ दत्तांकुशद्व4 [याप्ये षा अचलवाभवत्ततः [*] दर्शितं तन्नतीकृत हस्तिपेना(नां)कुशद्वयं ॥५॥
मा(म)हातोरणभेतत्तु गौरीकीयोन्नतीकृतं । प्रांजलं सांजलि5 युगं भुजयो ति भु(भू)पतेः ॥६॥ द्वितीयं तोरणं तत्र पार्वेस्ति लघु सुंदरं । तया'
अमरसिंहाएपपौत्रस्यातिविचित्रकृत् ॥७॥ राणेंद्ररा6 सिंहस्थ पट्टराज्ञा(क्या)तिविज्ञया । श्रीराणाराजसिंहस्य मात्रा मित्रप्रतापया ॥८॥ सदाकुंवरि
नाम्न्या या तुला रूप्यमयी कृता । प्रास्ते 7 तत्तोरणं चित्रं हस्तिन्या(न्या) हस्तयुग्मं(ग्म)वत् ॥६॥ प्रास्ते गरीव(ब)दासस्य पुरोहितशिरोमणेः ।
कृतायाः स्वर्णपूर्णायास्तुलायास्तोरणं महत् 8 ॥१०॥ गरीव(ब)दासस्य पुरोहितस्य ज्येष्ठः कुमारो रणछोडरायः । प्रास्ते कृतापाः - किल
तेन रूप्यत्रा(भ्रा)जत्तुलायाः शुभतोरणं सत् ॥११॥ 9 श्रीराणोदशसिंहसूनुरभवत् श्रीम(म)त्प्रतापः सुतस्तस्य श्री अमरेश्वरोस्य तनयः श्रीकर्णसिंहोस्य
वा । पुत्रो राणजगत्पपि(ति)श्च 10 तनयोस्मानाजसिंहोस्य वा पुत्रः श्रीजयसिंह एष कृतवान्वीरः शिलाऽऽलेखितं ॥१२॥ पूर्ण
सप्तक्शे शते तपसि वा सत्पूर्णिमा11 ल्ये दिने द्वात्रिंशन्मितवत्सरे नरपतेः श्रीराजसिंहप्रभोः । काव्य(व्यं) राजसमुद्रमिष्टजलधेः
सृष्ट(ष्ट) प्रतिष्ठाविधेः स्तोत्राक्तं 12 रणछोडभट्टरचितं राजप्रशस्त्याह्वयं ॥१३॥ युग्मं [॥*] प्रासीद्भास्करतस्तु माधवबुधोऽस्माद्राम
चंद्रस्ततः [स*]त्सर्वेश्वरकः क13 ठो(ठों)डिकुलजो लक्ष्म्याविनाथस्सु(स्त)तः । तेलंगोस्य तु रामचंद्र इति वा कृष्णोस्य वा
माधवः पू(पु)त्रोभूम्मधुसूदनस्त्रय इमे 'व(ब)14 झेशविष्णूपमाः ॥१४॥ यस्यासीन्मधुसूदनस्तु जनको वेणी च गोस्वामिज़ाऽभून्माता रणछोड
ऐ(ए)[ष*] कृतवानाजप्रशस्त्याह्वय(य)
1 In v. 28, Canto XVII, the quantity of gold mentioned is 12,000 tolus. * Perhaps we are to read tulayud=rucha.
The absence of sandhi here is intentiongl and is in favour of the metre. •Sandhi has not been observod here.

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88
15 | काव्यं राजग (गु) गौधवर्णनमयं सगः ॥ १५॥
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [वीरांकयुक्त *] चतुवि (वि) शत्याख्य राजप्रशस्तिपंथीय (मं) प्रसिद्धः स्था
16 ज्जगत्यलं | लक्ष्मी (ना) वाहिवालान पाठार्थ जायत भूष स्प (म)रात्रावयवर्णनं । कर्णस्थितं स्या[स्क*]र्णी (र्णो)
17 पुत्रपौत्रसुखवं ॥ १७॥
स्मात्काव्ये काव्यो
रामादिराजस्तुतियुक्काव्यं रामायणोपमं । श्रुस्व ( त्वा) घने धनेश[:*] हरि ॥१॥ ना
18 नाराजेतिहासाक्तं ग्रंथं स्याङ्कारतोपमं । भारत्या भारतीय: पठम्भारतच (ख) के ॥१२॥ या (ब्राह्मणो (ब) बाबा जो बावी
॥२१॥
- 20 नालभ्यं तस्य किंचन ||२१|| स्यात्कायस्थः श्रिया सुस्यो भवे
19 र्यवान् । वैश्यो लभे'द्धनं श्रुत्वा शु (शु) द्रो भद्रं तथाखिलं ॥२०॥ संस्तभ्य चित्तमम्येभ्यः पठन्सभ्यो भ्वानुयात् । इभ्यतां भुवने मस्यों
पामेभ्यः क्षत्रियोऽखिलभूमिपः वैश्यो पनी
[VOL. XXIX इहाभवद्भवमुवे सर्वो
22 तमवमस्कंध सत्कथ । प्राकंठ सुखभूत्वा कृतवान् खेरावादस्य मारणं । त
॥१६॥ नारायणाविया
21 [भुवं ॥ २२ ॥ राज (जा) भूत्वा पवर्ती शौर्यगांभीर्यवान् । देशस्वास्थ्य समेरिविजय कुदले सदा ॥२३॥ पठन्कुरव
8
27 (वा डम्पूर्ण सरूप्यमुद्रादि तदार्थिभ्या राजसिहदेवेन । उक्त जनस (सं) म
• 'The correct form is labheta better read vinded.
;
Read Dyala for Dayala for the sake of the metre.
Sandhi has not been observed here.
20 महासेती द्वादशशतममिति धान्याहि कांकरोली
सामान्य कम्यमुद्राणां ।
प्राप्नुवादि वैकुंठं प्राप्नुयादिदं ॥२४॥ दयाल साहबू
23 स्केल (इं) दुभिप्राह (हं) वनहेडास्यलुंटनं ॥२५॥ ध्वस्तं [ चक्रे ] ग्रहमदनगरं लुंटने [खिलं ? *]
24 ॥२६॥ महाबसीदिपतनं कृतवान्समरे इती (ती) इत्युक्तः प्रभुवीराणां पराक्रमविनिर्णयः ॥ २७॥
जगम(ध) तनयो
25 माथुर हीरामणिर्महामिथः [* ] राजसमुद्रजलाशयसूत्र निवेशे परिक्रमणे ॥ २८ ॥ द्वादशशतमणमितिक बाग्म (य) [*]ही
धारापुरा (री) मारणं. च सीदितिपतिन
॥२६॥ सेतो संस्थाप्य तथा
॥३०॥ र्षाव (वि) नपर्य तमयं
- तबा

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APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
-89 28 [२] मियोऽस्मनिकटतः पुरः कुरू(क)ते ॥३१॥ इत्युत्साहेन तदा भ्य(भ)क्तपा मिश्रः पुरः
स्थितो नृपतेः । धान्यावा(दी)ध(न्ध)नमार्थ(मर्थि)29 बजाय बत्वा(स्वा) प्रियो नपस्यासीत् ॥३२॥ श्रीराणोदयसिंहसूनुरभवत् श्रीमन्त्र(मत्त)ताप[:*]
सुतस्तस्य श्री'अमरेश्वरोस्य । 30 तनयः श्रीकरण(कर्ण)सिंहोस्य वा । पुत्रो राणजगत्पतिश्च तनयोस्माद्राजसिंहोस्य वा पुत्रः
श्रीजयसिंह एष कृतवान्वी31 : शिलाऽऽलेखितं ॥३३॥ पूर्णे सप्तदशे शते तपसि वा सत्पूर्णिमाख्य(ख्ये) दिने
द्वात्रि(त्रिं)शन्मितवत्सरे नरपतेः श्रीराजसिंह32 प्रभोः । काव्यं राजसमुद्रमिष्टजलषे[:*] सृष्ट(ष्ट) प्रतिष्ठाविषेः स्तोत्राक्त(क्त) रणछोडभट्टरचितं
राजप्रशस्त्याह्वयं ॥३४॥ युग्मं [॥*] 33 मासीवास्करतस्तु पा(मा)धवबुधोऽस्मात्रामचंद्रस्ततः सत्सर्वेश्वरकः कठो(ठों)डिकुलजो लक्ष्म्या
दिनाथस्सु(स्त)तः । तेलंगो34 स्य तु रामचंद्र इति वा कृष्णोस्य वा माधवः पुत्रोभून्मधुसूदनस्त्रय इमे ब्र(ब)ोश
विष्णूपमाः ॥३५॥ यस्यासीन्मधुसूद35 नस्तु जनको वेणी च गोस्वामिजाऽभून्माता रणछोर ए[*] कृतवान्नाजप्रशस्त्याह्वयं ।
काव्यं राणगुणोघवर्णनमयं [वीरांकयुक्तं*] च. 36 तुर्वि(वि)शत्याख्य इहाभवद्भवमुवे सोर्थसर्गोन(भ)तः ॥३६॥ दुहा ॥ राणी कोरी
रजपूत जेवड ता जायो [?] । समुद्र फे37 रण सूतः राणा तुहीज राजसी ॥१॥ ऐजो मोरंग काह मेगल मुगल मारिजे ।
राणो राषे राह रजवट भरीयो राजसी ॥२॥ दुहा(दोहा) [॥*] 38 संवत १७१८ माहवदि ७ नीमवोदवारो महुरत होजी प्रतराठाकर' मेल कमः
करवा ॥ राणावत माहासींघजी रामसीध
1 Sandhi is not observed here.
That is Doha, a couplet. From here onwards the composition is in the local dialect. It begins with two Dshas which, however, do not conform to the metrical scheme. The text, however, is Inft uncorrected.
• The sense of these two dõhäs in Mewart scems to be :1. A great Rajput (lady) is the queen who gave birth to a liop (nahara)—a son who could turn the ocean
-and that is yourself, O Rajasi. 2. You kill all these Mughals of Aurangzeb, O Rână, thou art the only way, as thou art, O Kājust, full of
martial spirit. Duly Rina Rajasimha, who is full of martial spirit, komps the boastful Muykuals of
Aurangzeb under his control. Alard msans so many, such and such. Same as Hindi mil-kar 'together'.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX 39 जी राणावत भाउसी घ]जी । चुडावत दलपतिजी मोहणसी[५]जी । रावत लुणकरणजी
. चुडावत केसरीसींघजी चुडावत मोक40 मसीधजी मोज(जा)वत नरसीघदासजी [मो]ज(जा)वत गरीबदासजी राठोड सीधजी राठोर
रामचंदजी राठोड हमीजी राठ(ठो)ड मोकमसीध41 चितागरा(चित्रकार) ॥ साह रा(रा)मचंद्र चेचाणीसाह कलुपंचोली राम(न)जरामालात सा
मुकदवप्रपंचोली हरराम[सिंघवो लषु(ख) पंचोली] वाघ 42 गजधर मुकंद गजधर किल्यानसुत जगनाथ उरजणसुत लालो लषो जसोहरजी
जगनाथसुत मेघोमनो [[*] संवत १७३२ 43 प्रतिष्टा(ष्ठा) हुइीज सुभ(शुभं) भवतु श्रीरस्तु सु(सू)स्व(त्र)धार मोहण[जी]सुत सु(सूत्रधार
सुषजी सु(शु)भं भा .. वतः
The virame is shown here with two dots.
• A similar list of masons is found also towards the close of Slabs III, VI, VIII and IX. MGIPO-81-3DGA/53-26-5-55-450.

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No. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA
151 resemblance between the forms of the two letters. The Parbatiyā plates under discussion read the name of the capital city of the second line of Prāgjyotisha kings (i. e., the house of Sālastambha) unmistakably as Hadapēbvara which was apparently also the reading of the lost plates. This seems to suggest that the readings intended in the records of Harjaravarman and Balavarman were Hatappēsvara and Hadappēsvara respectively.
The inscription mentions a number of geographical names including those of a river and a hill. The adoration to the river-god Löhitya-sindhu (cf. Lohitya-bhalfāraka also in the Tezpur plates), i.e., the Brahmaputra, is very interesting. The same river is also adored as Lauhityavāridhi, Lauhitya-sindhu and Lauhitya ity=adhipatiḥ saritām in the records respectively of Balavarman who was the grandson of Vanamālavarman, of Ratnapāla who was the son of Brahmapāla founder of the Pāla dynasty (the third line of Prāgjyotisha kings), and of Indrapāla who was the grandson of Ratnapala. The kings apparently held the river-god in special veneration. But more interesting is the reference to the Lauhitya or Brahmaputra as a 'sea'. This seems to be associated with the tradition about the existence, in early times, of the Eastern Ocean (s. e., the Bay of Bengal) near Dēvikõtta which is modern Bangarh in the Dinajpur District in the northern part of Bengal, and with the presence in the central region of Bengal of large bils or lakes like the Chalan.Wide areas in the Mymensing District of Bengal (now in East Pakistan), through which the Brahmaputra at present passes, are spoken of as the 'sea' even today. It is a lowlying country which for six or more months of the year is under water; in that area, communication by boats of maundage varying with the stream and season is always possible. The coast line of this 'sea' may be taken to be passing through Bhairab-bāzār, Bājitpur, Nikli, Dom pārā and Tarail and then towards the north-east. To the west of this line, the country is a bed of dead and dying rivers. Equally interesting is the mention of the Kāmakūta hill, on which the god Kõmēsvara and the goddess Mahägauri are said to have been installed. The same deities are also mentioned in the Guākuchi plates of king Indrapāla of the Pāla dynasty.or the third line of Prāgjyotisha kings. The land granted by this charter is described as Uttara-kūle Mandivishay-āntahpāti-Pandari-bhumito'pakrish!a-dhānya-dvisahasr-ot pattika-bhumi, i.e., the land of an inferior quality yielding 2,000 (dronas) of paddy out of the area called Pandari (modern Pāņduri Mauza in which the Rangiya station on the old Assam Railway is situated) in the Mandi district pertaining to Uttara-kūla. This Uttara-küla (literally 'the north bank") was apparently a division of the kingdom of Prāgjyotisha lying on the north bank of the Brahmaputra. In the description of the boundaries of the above land, the Guākuchi inscription mentions several times Mahägauri-Kaměsvarayoh satka(or deva-satka)- täsana-Pandaribhūmi, i. e., the land called Pappart which was a gift land belonging to the deities Mahāgauri and Kāmēsvara. The names of the hill Kämaküla and the god Käměsvara would suggest that the goddess Mahāgauri was no other than Kämēsvari otherwise called Kāmā ur Kāmākhyā (literally "the goddess with the name Kämā') whose temple stands near Gauhati' in Assam. According to the Kalika
1 Cf. Kamaripa-edsan-avall, p. 59, noto l. . • Ibid., pp. 73, 02, 117.
• Cl. pūrvd kila Devikoita-samipd palchime (sio. pūrod) Püreddadhirdoft in Brihaspati-Rayamukuta's Padachandrika (Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 601). For references to the sea bordering on the country of Priglyötinha or Kimaropa, noe Sachau, Alberuni'. India, I, p. 201 ; Ramayana (Vangavial ed.), Kishkindh. kåpda, ohapter 42, verse 30, etc.
•Kamarpa-sdsan-avali, p. 136-37. • a. The sakta Pithas, pp. 12-13, 16. 6 DGA/53

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX Purāṇa, Kāmarupa was one of the four main Sakta Piṭhas where resided the god Kamēśvara and the goddess Kāmēsvari (installed on the Nila-parvata). Another passage of the same Purana speaks of the hill, on which the Pitha was situated, as Kamagiri, no doubt the same as Kamakuṭa. The Pithanirnaya (Mahāpiṭhanirupana), a standard work on the Sakta Pithas, also connects the Yöni-pitha with Kamakhya on the Kamagiri.3
It has been suggested that the capital of the second line of Pragjyōtisha kings, called Haḍapesvara in our record, was probably situated at Daha-Parbatiya in the vicinity of modern Tezpur in the Darrang District, Assam. Although nothing can be said definitely on this point, the find of the present record in that area seems to support the suggestion. Hapōsagrāma, which was the village granted by the charter under discussion, cannot be satisfactorily identified. It was situated in the Svalpa-Mangōka (literally the smaller Mangōka) mandala (district) pertaining to the Uttara-küla division which, as already indicated, is also known from other records of the ancient kings of Pragjyotisha. Interesting in this connection is also the mention of another similar division called Dakshina-küla, no doubt lying on the southern bank of the Brahmaputra, in Balavarman's inscription. The name Svalpa-Mangōka suggests the existence of another mandala called Brihan-Mangōka or the bigger Mangōka; but nothing can be said in regard to the territorial unit with the exception of the fact that it lay to the north of the Brahmaputra. Akshidāhikā and Dirghānga, which are mentioned as boundaries of Hapōsagrāma and appear to have been names of villages, also cannot be located with any amount of certainty. The word hetuka in the name of the god Hotuka-Sulin, a dilapidated temple of whom was rebuilt by Vanamalavarman, may be geographical or personal name referring either to the area where the temple was standing or to the man who was responsible for the original temple and the installation of the god. But it is difficult to be definite on this point, although persons named Hētuka are known from Indian literature.
152
Prägjyotisha, famous in ancient literature, was the country, the heart of which lay in the modern Gauhati region of Assam. From the fourth century A. C., sometimes the name of the country is also given as Kamarupa, a designation possibly associated with that of the goddess Kāmā, Kamēśvari or Kamikhya.' According to Chinese sources, the boundary between this country and Pundravardhana or North Bengal was the river Karatoya, and to the east of Kamarupa "the country was a series of hills and hillocks without any principal city and it reached to the south-west barbarians [of China], hence the inhabitants were akin to the Man and the Lao." The territory called Uparipattana in the records of Vanamalavarman is not known from other sources. Since, however, the name seems to indicate literally 'the town above,' the region, which was apparently not far from Pragjyotisha, may have been no other than the hilly eastern land mentioned by the Chinese and referred to above. In line 46, while showing his knowledge in the science of erotics, the author mentions the women of the Karnața country which may be roughly identified with the Kannada-speaking area of South-western India.
We are thankful to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra who has kindly offered some suggestions for the improvement of the transcript and translation of the inscription.
1 Chapter 64, verse 43: Kamarupam maha-pitham tathā Kāmētvarim bivam | Nilam cha parvatu-breshtham natham Kamisvaram tatha ||
Chapter 18, verse 42: Kamarupe Kamagirau nyapatad-yoni-mandalam.
Cl. The Sakta Pithas, p. 47: Yoni-pitham Kamagirau Kamakhya tatra divatā. Kamarupa-basan-anali, introduction, p. 22n.
Vide ibid., pp. 89, 116, 131.
Ibid., p. 72.
The Sakta Pilhas, p. 15.
See Watters, On Yuan Chuang's Travels in India, Vol. II, pp. 185-87.

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No. 20
133
PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA
TEXT
[Metres : Verse 1 Sragdhara ; verses 2, 18, 29-30 Anushļubh ; verses 3-6, 8-9, 11, 15, 17, 19, 21-23
Aryā; verses 7, 12-13 Indravajrā ; verse 10 Giti; verse 14 Vasantatilakā; verses 16, 25 Mandakranta ; verse 20 Rathoddhatā ; verses 24, 26-27 Sārdülavikridita ; verse 28 U pajati.]
First Plate
1 Siddham' Svasti | Srimat-Kailasa-bhūbhfit-prithu-kanaka-sila-sañchay-üsphälan-otthair
āsār(air)=hēma-pank-āvila-tu2 hina-jadaiḥ sikta-vaimāni-sārthaḥ ambhaḥ-krida-prasakta-pravara-sura-vadhū-kēša-hasta
chyutair=yvo nākē3 sa-dru-prasūnair=arunita-salilo=vyät=sa Lohitya-sindhuh || [1] Sa punātu Pināki võ yan
nāțyē svarddhu4 ni-jalam kirņņam rêchaka-vātēna tärakāprakarāyitam | [2*] Naraka iti sūnur=āsid=
Adivarāhasya bhu6 vi tad-uddhārē | Aditēḥ kuņdala-haraņē pratāpam-api yo Harēr=aharat || [3] Kșishņēna
tan-nihatya cha ssi6 shțauBhagadatta-Vajradatt-ākhyau | tasya sutau tad-vanitā-karuņa-vilāpa-hrita
hridayēna || [4*) Sampräptē Bhagadatto 7 srimat-Pragjyotish-adhināthatvam vanam=itarð=pi tad-ētya prārūdhayad-Isvaran=
tapasā || [5*] Tushņē(shtē)na 8 tēna tasmai dattam-Uparipattan-adhināthatvam | Prāgjyotish-adhirūjyam kalēna ta[d-a*)
nvayasy=āpi || [6*] 9 Tasy=ānvayê=bhūt=kshitipāla-mauli-māņikya-rochi-sphurit-arhri-pithah | Prāgjyotish-e. 10 sah kshata-vairi-virah Salambha ity=uddhata nämadhiyaḥ |[7*] Sat-pūrvva-npipati-guna
sampad-augha-rag-anu. 11 rañjita-dig-antaiḥ | Salastambha-pramukhai[h*) sri-Harsh-antairemmahipālaiḥ [8*]*
Divam=ārūdhair=ādyasya bhūbhujo-ne12 ka-vairi-viro=bhūt | bhrātā saurya-tyägair=8-samo nämn=Arath-iti nsipaḥ || [9*] Sri-Jiva
dēvi-sa[m*]jñā rājñi 13 hřiday-anug=ābhavat=tasya | va(ba)hu-jana-vandya mahataḥ prabhāta-sandhy-ēva tējaső
janani || [10*] Tasyān=tasya tu 14 rājñaḥ suto=bhavan=nripa-firo-rchit-anhri-yuguḥ | Sri-Harjarð nnți(nri)p-andraḥ sriya
svayam yah samupagüdhah || (114) 15 [Dharmma-pravādēshu*] [Yudhishthiro yö Bhi]mõ=ri-vargē sasmari) cha Jish[ņuh] eko
py=anēkair=iti sad-[gu]n-o(n-au)
1 From the original plates now preserved in the Assam Provincial Museum, Gauhati, and impressions propared at the office of the Government Epigraphist for Indis.
· Expressed by a symbol.
The word orihta has been used here in the sense of viesishfa. • The metre of verses 8-9 is Aryd. But both of them are defective from the motrical point of view.
A word like yuktarya seems to suit the context better than adyaaya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Second Plate; First Side
16 ghair-nibisha-Kunti-tanayatvam-ötab [12] Göpījan-ārañjita-mānasasya a-[r]shy-čva vakahab panibri[tya*] Vishtö(shnö)b [*] nib
154
[VOL. XXIX
17 6sha-rimljana-daha-sashstham-ädaya saundaryam-ih-jagāma || [13] Varon-ady-ishaguna-jūtam-ayam-va(m-ba)bhāra patyu
18 r-mam-atula-va(ba)lasya Rathāngapaņēḥ | ten-aham-agra-mahishi jagatībhujō-sya bhūtā janë na khalu lāghavam=abhyu
19 paimi || [14] Iti yasya mahādēvi viganayya mano-nug-abhaval-Lakshmiḥ | Sri-Mangalabhidhānā pramada-ratn-ōttaman-nri
20 pateb [15] Tasy-dêsha-kshitipa-makut-ödghrishța-pād-āvja(bja)-pishasy-idbha(bha)t-sunur-nripa-guṇa-mahāratna-mālā-vibhusha[*] () tasyain(sya)n-devyām akhila
bhuvan-ananda
21 ko yaḥ śaś-iva śriman-khyātō jagati Vanamal-ābhidhānaḥ kshiti(t-i)
22 śaḥ || [16*] Jalanidhi-taṭa-vana-mālā-sim-āvadhi-mēdinī-patitvasya | yōgya iti nama dhātā cha
23 krē Vanamāla iti yasya || [17] Prachand-arati-mattēbha-ghața-dhvant-öru-samhatim | divakarāyitam
24 yēna vidarya rana-bhūmishu || [18] Kshiti-tanaya-nripa1-vamsa-prabhava-narendra-amalamva(mba)rē yēna | sphu
25 tam-va mrigākäyitam-utary-äräti-ti[mi*]r-d(r-su)gham [19] Bhüri-dripts-ripu-vira
vähini-saila-va
26 jram-uru-vikram-äsinā | yēna rājakam-asēsham-asyata śrir-akari chiram-čka-bhartṛikā || [20] Yasya pratāpa-bhiy
27 va(ba)hu-ripu-jayino-pi mēdinipäläḥ [/*] kõchi[d*)-dis vijagrihuḥ prasabham-alamh chamaranyanye | [21] Räjääm-anyahah
28 yē niśitān=ājāv=ishū[n*] nṛipā mumuchuḥ () yasya ta ēva vibhitya bhūmīr=dūran=nijā vijahuḥ || [22] Yair-abhimukham ripu(pu)
39 när-ghațită matta-kari-ghati-va(ba)ndhāḥ tair-vikram-aika-bit?[r*]=yasy=&{th*}jalayaḥ kritā[h] kshitipaiḥ || [23*] Dhur-ühe Nahu
30 shasya yēna patitaṁ kāl-āntarād=ālayaṁ saudhaṁ bhakti-nat-ākhil-āmara-vara-vrāt-architanhrēḥ punah | Prālēya
31 chala-ringa-tudgam-atala-grim-ébha-věsyljansirayukta[i*] Hētuka-Salinab kohitibhuj bhaktyä nava[i*] chakrusha* || [24*]
Second Plate; Second Side
32 Yasy-Ananta-dyutim-atisita naga-lõke hasanti | din-nāgānāṁ évasita-janitāṁ sikar-aliñ-cha
dikshu
1 The word nripati would suit the metre better.
There is an ornamental design at this place to cover the space at the end of the verse.

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PARBATIYA PLATES OP VANAMALAVARMADEVA
|ংগ্ৰী মন্ত্রণালয়ে গোস্বাক্ষণও 20ংকেপঞ্জ মা ধংশীদা।। 2 ই
য়াতাঃসুলাম যুগা লোকন্যা মাখস্ত্র। 433ণ ( ২৫ ৭ বা গণঃ ৰা শাখাস্তা 4 'সন। ওঁৰশৰ যাযাবহাষ্টমস। 6াগহস্তা (1)ণসলঞ্জলী
ফ্রান্মিগষয়। 6 মপন্যা(সত্ৰণৰথমখানায় ব্যবহার শুনুন ৪৮টা ৫ হাজাGai/ ত্রায়ত্র:-
৪ ট সত্যজিওনেত্রী-গালাজআভয ঞ্জন । 109ৰীঃ খ, দাবায়গুণে ত্বৰ মান্য(গাছi0
বঙ৭৫গঞ্জ জামেয়সীমান্মম্মম্মময় থমাস্তাঙ্গন। 12থGনীহ্মাণীইগৰাম্মামুনঃ
. 12 1a(গল এই মন্ত্রনা"জালানাতে। 14 5ণাঞ্চয়েজ নভেযশ্রয়ঃ মুময়ষ্ট14
থাপন করেন রােমণ (G
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গঙ্গা মং মা 22 ঐ মাসে রওন, পি? ২৭ তলা ফান
ত্রা বায়োসে ৮। এ কাশীষ। P 24 মণৰগা (২৭৯// 7 7 বা ওবেরত্বে ! সাল
। | মনমা|| ৯ ' ৭৫২) ৪ ২ ২ ২৯
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এম ই ম
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এস ) । নে'গ্ন খাথে লাল শামস বানালেন,
যুগ্ম ৪০ ' গাদ্যাভণ
শুঙ্গ পণ্ঠ - শাক ও
ti,b..
32
| মসো নাগগ্রী » খাদে ৮ গ ( ৭ জন। । ঐ • 82 P4 vখী মঙ্গও মাইনসে গান "জারে ৪ে ৪গঞ্জে, 34 4া হল সেল বাগঃ ব্রহ স খ গ + ম স আS, মা 134
[ঘাঁই বৰ গাওঁ সোণসেই বঞ্জকনজগঞ্জ যাকা! 36 লাগলায় মন' ৭
গান যা 36 গেশনী শব্দুেলাল। ৭.
সম্ভব। 34' । ( মাইয়াগকএম ই সুষম ষ্ট্রাম সা%7 ।
যামেৰা মামলে শামশ্বৰী ৰঞ্জবাস্থ্য কম।। 40 এম শীকে স্তা মসুজেঃকাসক্লাঃq: সেন । ঐশ চাই(
যঃ মানান মqণগঞ্জেয়। " ও ব্রজে খাশা ঘুণ ধূণয়ৰামৰ গ্ৰহণঠানটােত F৭ জন ও গালা মগণভেনন্যা জাগে 44 । মজমাণকাল প্র ম য ন সু ও সাজা 44
ইজাজ ৷ দাম ৫ লা কেমোৰো ৰক্ষ কয়েল মাহী 46জেলকোণীলেজ শব্দ মৃণমালা , (সকা মৰণপেতে 46
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS

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48
50
52
54
56
iii.
লাগান মঙ্গলদৈ
19
Seal
ઉમ
::
56
585 58
(From a photograph)
:
48
50
52
54

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165
No. 20 PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA 33 | [25*}' praprita-samasta-varnp-āáramād=aparimita-subhata-sadhu-vidvajjan-ādhishthänāda
vichittra-gaja-turaga-sivi34 k-ārūdhair-mmahānarapatibhir=avanipati-sev-ärtham gachchhadbhiḥ pratyāgachchhadbhis
=cha sankula-mahārājamā35 rgād=a-samkhya-gaja-turaga-padâti-sādhana-nirantara-niruddha-sakala-digantarād=ubhaya
vēl-achal-036 tthit-otu(ttu)nga-taru-gahang-vibrānta-matta-varhiņa-kēkārav-odbhrānta-bhujaga-vrata
mukta-phūtkāra-pavana-pra37 kampit-anēka-lata-vigalita-kusuma-nikara-parimala-surabhi-salilēnal* tad-upavana-lagna-da38 vānala-dahyamāna-krisht-a(shņ-ā)garu-dhūma-sambhav-āmvumbu)dhara-vșishța-sugandhi
jal-augha-pravähiņā | 39 'sakala-sur-āsura-makuța-maņi-mayükha-mañjari-rañjita-charaņa-pīthābhyām sri-Kāmēbva40 ra-Mahāgauri-bhatā(ttā)rikābhyām=adhishthita-sirasah Kāmakūța-gih(gi)rēḥ satata-nitam
va(mba)41 kshālanād=adhikatara-pavittra-payah-sampūrņņa-srõtasā | ubhaya-tata-mahidhar-opavana
grantbipar n-a42 rkura-bhujām kvachit=svaya[m] mpitānām=ā(m=a)nyattra puņdarikair= hata-yüthānām
aparattra vrika-sarhraifoghair) vinihat-ārddha-bha43 kshita-māns-õ(māms-7)jjhitānāṁ kastu(stū)rikā-mpigāņām mada-gandhën=āmõdita-sakala
tīr-õpakantha-nivāsi-jana44 padēna majjan-not-to)ya-vilásini-kucha-kalaba-tat-Āblishța-madva(da)-pank-āvila-sugan
dhy-ambhasă | vēby-āngana45 bhir=iva nān-abharana-sõbhita-prakat-āvayavābhiḥ vā(bā)la-kumārikābhir=iva kvaņat
kinkini-mālā-dha46 riņībhiḥ | Karņņāțibhir=iva kațhin-abhighāta-samva(saṁva)rddhista*)-vēgābhiḥ | vāra
strībhir=iva chámara-dhāriņibhi[h*]" 1 As known from the Tezpur plates, this is merely the first half of a stanza in the Mandi kranta metre, the latter half of it running as follows:
sampurn-Endör-viyati vim alām=ambu-malar vichitranh rajfonalpă vicharaditarah kirtir-ady apyrajasram||
This verse is followed in that inscription by four more stanzas which are not found in the present record. The amended text of these verses as given in the Kamarapa-lasan-arali (pp. 62-63) runs as follows:
Satya-gambhirya-fungalva-pratāpa-tyaga-vikramaih yo-jayad=Dharmaj-abdhy-adri-bhanu-Karna-marutsutan || yasya yasah-sakin=edar bhuvanam dharalikritam vilökya dried sa-vrida iv=odeli praleyamarichir=ady-apill dev-dgårar vadya-gita-pranādair=nan-ärämäb satrināri vyáhritait-cha gayantyrady apynabja-ramyäb suvāpyo dese dese mlini yasaya kiritim bahu-hēma-raupya-gaja-vāji-mahi-pramad-adi-ratna-nichayam bahukah
pradadar= ataram=anisan nigadan pramit-aksharo-pi bahu-pag-abharat | * The danda in this case as also in the following lines has been used as a comma is done in English and is really unnecessary.
The passage sakala...... Srotasa (lines 39-41) is found in the Tezpur plates after ubhaya......janapadena (linea 41-44).
• A passage has been omitted at this place. In the amended text of the Tezpur plates, as given in tho Kamarüpa-disan-ával (p. 64), the passage missing in the inscription under discussion runs as follows: Dalavadan-antabpurikabhiraiva rum(ryshita-santata-dalanabhib parana-kdminibhirsirdiyanta-vegavatibhib rama. niya-daluh-anganabhir-iva aakala-jana-manoharinibhit nafibhir-ina nartaka-purush-akramand aathmarddhit-olkan. pabhir-durgata-deva palibhiring watat-oltana-athana-kaminibhir naubhir-alankpit-obhaya-lir-panta-defena bi. Lauhitya-bhaffärakera sanitha. The expressions daluh-anganábhid and devapalibhih are doubtful.

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Third Plate 47 bri-Hadapēkverất=sa paramamāhēávaro mātā-pitri-päd-anudhyātaḥ paramēsvara-parama
bhațţārako mahārājādhirāja48 eri-Vanamālavarmadēvah kusali || Uttara-ku(ka)1& Svalpa-Mangoka-mandala
prativa(ba)ddha[m*) pūrvve Akshidāhika dakshiņa-pū49 rvvē Chandikā-pushki(shka)ri[ni*] | dakshiņē Dirghānga[h*] | dakshiņa-paschimne vata
vriksha[h*] | paschimē vēņu-vitapa[h*| palchim-öttarē 650 Imali uttarē vri(bri)had-āli uttara pūrvvé Dhavala-pushki(shka)riņi ēvam=ashta-sīm.
paryantam-a-chăța-bhata-pravēšam Ha51 posa-grāmath mukt-õparikaraṁ kritvā | Tyagi satya-dhanaḥ par-opakritiman sādhuḥ
satām sammataḥ sāstr-a52 rth-ānmfi(mți)ta-tripta-dhiḥ kaliyugë ttraryāḥ sa ēka-griho vēd-abhyāsa-ratas-cha Sāma
charanaḥ Sāņdilya-gõttro mahā63 n bhato(tto) Jējjataḥ(ta) ity=abhūt(bhūd) guņa-nidhiḥ sanmä(mmā)nito rājabhiḥ [126*]
Tasmyai(sy=ai)tē guna-salino ni54 ja-kula-pradyot(ta)-daksha-ksi(kri)yö(vā) jātāḥ satva(ttva)-hit-aika-datta-manasaḥ(sa)ś=
Chūļāmaņir=Dēļobhā' [[*] Garggag=cha 55 tato=py=2(py=u)dāra-charitä(tah) Sambhu[h*] samētāḥ sutāḥ no bhinnās-cha paraspara[m*]
vinayino dharmma-kshay-āšanka66 yā || [27*] Tattr=āgrajāya pradadau dvijāya grāmaṁ hi Chūdāmaņayē prasāsyaḥ(syal)'
Haposa-nāmānami57 ha prayatnāt pū(pu)nyė=hani priti-manā narendrah || [28*) mātā-pittrör=ātmanas-cha
punya-yaso-bhivri68 ddhayēs ataḥ sarvvair=anumantavyam=iti Va(Ba)hubhir= vasudhā dattā rājabhi[h*] Sagar
ādibbi[b]*] yasya yasya yadā bhu(bhūmiņ(mis) 59 tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) || (29*] Sa(Sva)-dattām para-dattam-vä(ttä vä) yo harēt
(ta) vasu[m*]dharām(răml) B&. vishtā(shthā)yām krimir-bhūtvā pitsibhish*] saba pachyatē [l|30*]
TRANSLATION (Line 1) May there be success ! May it be well (with us)!
(Verse 1) May that sea which is the Lāhitya protect you ;-(the sea) which wets the host of the riders of celestial cars with its showers that rise from its striking the multitude of big golden rocks belonging to the glorious Mount Kailāsa (and) that are icy cold (and) mixed with golden mud :-(the sea) the water of which is reddened by the flowers of the trees (in the garden) of the lord of paradise, which are fallen from the hands and the (braids of) hair of the best heavenly damsels engaged in playing in the water.
1 There is an ornamental design here between the two dandas apparently used to separate the prose portion from the following section in verse.
* The danda is superfluous. • Possibly the reading intended is trayyab ea el-Afrayah.
• As the first half of the stanza ends here, a danda is necessary after grihah which is not required to be joined in sandhi with the following word.
. The metre requires a short syllable in the plans of to. Was the intended name Dëbhata ? • Tho metre requires "ch=aiva. · The word intended may also have been prafasyam (to go with grāmam) or prašasyal (to go with narendrah). . This passage may be taken as half of a stanza in the Anushfubh metro.

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(Verse 2) May (the god) Pinäkin (i. e., Siva) purify you :-(the god), at whose dance, the water of the celestial river (i.c., the Gangā hidden in the god's matted hair), being scattered by his exhaling breath, shines likes the multitude of stars.
(Verse 3) A son, named Naraka, of Adivarāha (i. e., the Primeval Boar or Vishnu in his boar incarnation) was born of the Earth (goddess) at the time of her resoue:-(the son) who destroyed the prowess of Hari (i. e., Indra) as well in the affair of the carrying away of Aditi's ear-rings."
(Verse 4) After having killed him (i. e., Naraka), Krishna, his heart being moved by the Jamentations of his wife, allowed his sons, named Bhagadatta and Vajradatta,' to go (unpunished).
(Verse 5) As Bhagadatta received the lordship of the glorious Prāgjyotisha (country), the other (i. e., Vajradatta) then, having repaired to the forest, propitiated Isvara (i. e., Siva) by penance.
(Verse 6) The lordship of Uparipattana was granted to him (.e., Vajradatta) by him (i.e., the god who was pleased); (the god also granted that) the sovereignty of Pragjyotisha would belong to his descendants after some time.
(Verse 7) In his family was born one whose foot-stool was shining with the lustre of jewels on the heads of kings; who was the lord of Prāgjyotisha ; who destroyed the warriors of the enemies ; (and) who bore the majestic name 'Salambha'.
(Verses 8-9) The brother, by name Arathi, the (very) fire to numerous enemies (and) unequalled in valour and munificence, of the king (i. e., Sālambha) who was joined with the monarchs beginning with Sālastambha and ending with Harsha, who had ascended heaven and dyed the horizon with the colour of the flood of the richness of merits of the good kings of old, became king.
(Verse 10) His (Arathi's) queen, bearing the name Sri-Jivadevi, became gratifying to his heart : -(the queen) who was adorable to a great multitude of people (and) was the source of great splendour as the morning twilight is of strong light.
(Verse 11) The son of that king, from her, was the king of kings the illustrious Harjara, whose two feet were worshipped by the heads of kings (and) who was embraced by the goddess of fortune of her own accord ;
(Verse 12) who was the very) Yudhishthira in religious discourses, Bhima to the host of enemies, (and) Jishņu (i. e., Arjuna) in fighting ; who, although one, acquired the sonship of Kunti in its entirety (i. e., became equal to the three sons of Kunti) by means of the mass of good qualities (mentioned above).
(Verses 13-15) The goodess of fortune, having left, like a jealous woman, the breast of Vishņu whose heart was amused by the milk-women, (and) having gathered (in herself) the beauty pertaining to the persons of all women, came here (and) became that king's queen gratifying to his heart, by name Sri-Mangalā, the best of jewels that were women, thinking thus: 'He bears the mass of qualities in their entirety, inclusive of complexion, of the bearer of the discuss (i.e., vishņu), my husband of unequalled valour; for that reason I have become the chief queen of this king : indeed I have not incurred disrespect in the world'. .
(Verse 16) The son of that king (i. e., Harjara), the stool under whose lotus-like feet wag touched by the crowns of all kings, was king Vanamāla by name, who was born of that queen ; who
1 Cf. Bhagavata Purana, X, section 59. * The Mahabharata (XIV, sections 75-76) makes Vafradatta a son of Bhagadatta. * See note on the text of this stanza. . For the lit or Perfeot Tense used here for the Present, see Kamardpa-tasan-ävalt, pp. 183-4.

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was famous in the world, beautiful (and) the delighter of the whole earth like the moon; (and) who was adorned with the garland of big jewels that are royal qualities;
(Verse 17) whose name the god of destiny made Vanamala' (literally, one wearing a forestgarland') saying, ' (Verily he is) fit for the lordship of the earth bordered by the row of forests on the shores of the ocean (around it)' ;
(Verse 18) who, having dispersed on the fields of battle the great mass of darkness that was the assemblage of the intoxicated elephants of the mighty enemies, shone like the sun;
(Verse 19) who, having dispersed the mass of darkenss that was the enemies, shone distinctly like the moon in the clear sky that was the kings born in the family of the monarch who was the son of the Earth (i.e., Naraka);
(Verse 20) by whom, having destroyed completely with his sword of great strength the assemlage of kings who were the (very) thunderbolt to the hills that were the armies of the warriors of their excessively proud enemies, the goddess of fortune was made for a long time to enjoy only one husband (i. e., his own self);
(Verse 21) for fear of whose valour, some of the kings, though they were subdures of numerous enemies, fled importunately towards (different) directions while others readily took up the chowrie (to fan thier conqueror, i. e., to become his servants);
(Verse 22) out of fear for whom, even the kings, who in a battle against (other) rulers shot sharp arrows, (themselves) left their territories far away (behind them);
(Verse 23) to whom, whose only weapon was his valour, those kings, who effected formations of the assemblage of intoxicated elephants against (other) enemies, folded their palms;
(Verse 24) who was the king that bore the burden of Nahusha1 by making new again, out of devotion, the palatial temple of Hötuka-Sulin (i. e., Siva styled Hetuka) whose feet are worshipped by the host of all the best gods bowing down through reverence ;-(the temple), that had become dilapidated owing to the passage of time, was as high as a peak of the snow-mountain (i. e., the Himalaya), (and) was endowed with incomparable villages, elephants and prostitutes (i. e., dancing girls styled devadasi);
(Verse 25) whose excessively white (fame) excels the radiance of (the jewel of) Ananta in the world of snakes and the row of water particles raised by the breaths of the quarter-elephants in (different) directions.
(Lines 33-47) From the illustrious Hadapēévara which has the people of all the Varnas (viz. Brāhmaṇa, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sūdra) and Asramas (viz. Brahmacharya, Garhasthya, Vanaprastha and Bhaiksha) well contented; which is the abode of innumerable good soldiers, virtuous men (or, merchants) and learned men; the big main roads of which are crowded by the great kings who are seated on beautiful elephants and horses and in palanquins and are going and coming with a view to attending on the lord of the earth (i. e., Vanamala); which has the whole of its space always obstructed by the armies of innumerable elephants, horses and foot-soldiers; (and which has the river Lauhitya running by it)
(the river) which has its water perfumed by the fragrance of the flowers fallen (into it) from the numerous creepers shaken by the hissing sounds produced by the host of serpents frightened by the cries of the peacocks resting in the woods of tall trees rising from the hills on both of its banks; which carries the fragrant flood-waters showered by the clouds arising
1 It seems to have been believed that Nahusha was a great devotee of Siva.
See note on the text of the stanza.
The reference seems to be to the milky-way.
*See note on the text of the section in question.

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159 from the smoke of the black sandal trees ( at the time of their) being burnt by the conflagration of the forests near the gardens in it (i. e., Hadapēsvara); which has its current filled by the waters that are purer owing to their constantly washing the slopes of Mount Kamakūta baving its head made an anode by the glorious Kamēsvara and Mahägauri-bhattārikā whose footstools are beautified by the foliage that is the lustre of the jewels in the diadems of all the gods and demons; which has the people living in the whole neighbourhood of its banks delighted by the fragrance of the musks of the musk-deer that graze on the shoots of the Granthipar a plants in the forests on the hills on its two banks-here (some of the deer) dead by themselves, there a herd of them killed by tigers (and) elsewhere some of them left by a group of wolves after having killed them and eaten up half of their flesh; which has its water scented (as it is) mixed with the musk unguent applied to the sides of the pot-like breasts of the girls sporting in the water while taking bath ; (and which has the lands adjoining both its banks adorned with boats)
(the boats) which have their (wpper) part open and adorned with numerous loads like the prostitutes having their limbs visible and adorned with many ornaments; which are endowed with garlands of tinkling bells like the young girls; the speed of which is enhanced by sharp strokes (of the ores) as the passion of the women of Karnāta increases at violent sexual enjoyment; (and) which hear chowries like the prostitutes. . .
(Lines 47-48) That Paramosvara Parumabhattūraka Mahārājādhirūja the illustrious Vanamálavarmadēva, who is a devont worshipper of Mahabvara (i. e., Siva), meditates on (or, is favoured by) the feet of his mother and father, (and) is in good health :
(Lines 48-51) having made? (the village called) Hapõsagrāma, attached to the SvalpaMangőka district in Uttara-küla, unfit for the entrance of policemen and peons (or, regular and irregular troop), (and) unendowed with the right to enjoy) the tax on temporary tenants(the village) as far as these cight boundaries: Akelidāhikä in the east, the tank of Chandikā in the south-east, Dirghänga in the south, a banyan tree in the south-west, a bamboo-bush in the west, a Sālmali tree in the north-west, a big embankment in the north, (and) the tank of Dhavala in the north-east
(Verse 26) A great Bhalla (i. o. learnod Brahmana), named Jöjjata, was born in the Kali age, who was munificent, exceedingly truthful, kind to others, honest (and) respected by the good people; whose mind was contented by (drinking) the nectar that is the meaning of the scriptures; who was the sole repository of the three Vēdas ; who was engaged in the study of the Vēdas ; who belonged to the charana of the Saman (i.e., Sämavēda) (and) the Sändilya götra ; who was a store of virtues; (and) who was esteemed by the kings.
(Verse 27) Thesc sons were born to him, viz., Chūdāmani, Dötöbhā and Garya as well as the noble-minded Sambhu :-(the sons) who were endowed with good qualities; who illuminated their own family (and) were skilful in the performance of ceremonies; who applied their minds to the good of living beings; who were modest; (and) who were united and did not separate from one another for fear of the loss of virtue.
(Verse 28) The king, having delivered his order (and) being pleased, now granted by ordering especially the village called Haposn on an auspicious day to the Brābmana Chūdāmaņi, the eldest among them i. c., the four sons of Jējjata) -
(Lines 57-58) for the increase of the merit and fame of his parents and himself; therefore (the gift of the king) should be approved of by all.
(Verses 29-30) (Two of the usual imprecatory and benodictory verses.)
1 Soo note on tho toxt of the passage in question..
This sentence is incompleto; its and can be traced in vorso 28 below. 6 DGA/53

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No. 21-TURIMELLA INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA I; YEAR 2
(1 Plate)
H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, MADRAS.
The inscription' edited below with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, was copied by me during my tour in the Telugu Districts in the year 1949-50. It is engraved on a neatly dressed granite slab set up in front of the small dilapidated temple of Surabhēsvara, the earliest among a group of temples situated at the confluence of the Gundlakamma and a small rivulet called Rallavägu, about a mile north of the village Turimella in the Cumbum taluk of the Kurnool District. Besides the group of these temples which range in date from the 8th to about the 16th century A. C., the extensive site at this confluence shows marks of early habitation like large-sized bricks, partially exposed brick structures, varieties of potsherds and old coins occasionally discovered, as I am told.
The inscription is engraved on two sides of the slab, the broad side and its adjoining narrow side, the lines of writing running on from one side to the other and the entire inscribed surface occupying a space roughly a foot and half square. The writing is neatly engraved in the typical Telugu-Kannada script of the period. The damage sustained by the edges of the slab has resulted in a few letters of the writing getting obliterated, but otherwise the record 18 quite well preserved.
The palaeography of the record calls for some remarks, as it forms the main basis for dating it. This inscription, like most of the stone records of the early Chalukyas, does not furnish any details beyond the regnal year of the king to enable us to fix its precise date. Before taking up the question of fixing the date of our record, a few noteworthy features of its palaeography may briefly be recorded. The intial a occurs twice in achandra (line 4) and Alakumara (line 6) and the vowels u and è in Ujeni (line 7) and Eruva (line 8) respectively. It is worth noting that in u the ends of the line denoting the serif, instead of pointing upwards, point downwards as if standing for the o sign. But for this peculiarity, the form of this letter compares well with its similar forms occurring in the Aihole inscription of Pulakosin II. The vowel è is almost indistinguishable from the consonant ch except that the latter has a broader and more pronounced base than the former. The medial a generally indicated by a downward curve attached to the consonant on its right side as in ra, mā (line 2), lä (line 3), etc., is in the case of ta denoted by a shaft at the top of the letter; cf. ta in tataka (line 7) and bhattara (line 9). The Dravidian r has two forms; in one the circle forming the body of the letter is divided into four equal quadrants by two diameters intersecting at right angles as in r in Eruva (line 8), while in the other it is divided into three chambers by a horizontal diametrical line cut at its centre by a downward perpendicular line as in r in rayina (line 6), etc. The forms bhujāyamāunir ayina, tanayimṛ-ayina (line 6), adhishthanumṛ-ayi (line 8) are to be obviously taken as the honorific plural forms of the corresponding expressions in the singular as bhujayamānundu, etc. In vasundharam in line 10, the use of both the class nasal n with dha in the conjunct consonant ndha and the anusvāra in place of the one or the other may be noted. The cursive form of mute m occurs in purassaram (line 4) and kshetram (line 9).
Of orthographical peculiarities, the consonant following the repha is doubled in rddha in pravarddha (line 3), but not in rta in varta (line 5); the form varsham (line 5) is used for varshamu and the use of the i sign in prii in priithvi (line 1) is redundant.
1 Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1949-50, Stone Inscriptions, No. 30. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 6-7, text lines 15, 18.

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The language of the introductory portion of the inscription is Telugu and of the operative part of it is Sanskrit. The record ends with the usual imprecatory verse svadattań paradattāṁ vi, etc., attributed to Vyāsa. As in early Telugu records, we meet here with such archaio expressions as Bhataruļākun, samvatsarambul, élan, eto. The donative part of the record consists of a single sentence in Sanskrit which is neither accurate in its syntax nor precise in its expression, using the nominative singular māta in place of the instrumental mātrā and the expression Bhatfaraho," for Bhattarakāya. The object of the inscription is a gift of 150 units of land to GÖvri. shipa-Bhattáraka by the mother of Ujēnipiśācha, the dear son of Alakumara and the right-hand man of Goggi-Bhatāra, in the second augmenting year of the reign of Satyasraya Prithivivallabha Mahārājādhirāja Vikramaditya Paramisvara Bhatāra when Ujēnipisācha was ruling over the Eruva vishaya with the city (nagara) [Turu]tataka as its capital (adhisthāna).
Among the Chālukyas of Bādāmi, only two kings bore the name Vikramaditya. The first was the son of Pulakēsin II, the conqueror of Harshavardhana of Kanyakubja and many other kings both of the north and the south, among whom were the Māļavas. There are as many as ten copper-plate grants issued by this Vikramaditya,' of which some are spurious. But of stone records pertaining to his reign, strangely enough, there are incredibly few. Indeed the only stone inscription that could be definitely assigned to Vikramiditya I is the Dimmagudi record,. for, it is dated in the 27th year of the reign of a Vikramiditya Satyasraya who could be no other than the first of this name inasmuch as his namesake and great-grandson, Vikramaditya II, reigned only for a little more than a decade, 734 to 747 A.C. This inscription, it is worth observ. ing, gives the latest date so far known for Vikramāditya I, two years beyond the date (680 A. C.) hitherto assigned to him. A close comparison, in the formation of individual letters, of this record? with the Turime'la inscription reveals certain interesting features. Apart from the similarity of the letters in general in both, a certain development in the palaeographic features of the Dimmagudi epigraph such as the later and more developed form, in place of the closed archaic four chambered shape, ofmarks it definitely later than the Turime!!a record, later at least by a quarter of a century. In other words, the record under review is earlier than the Dimmaguļi inscription by at least 25 years and therefore belongs to the early years of the reign of Vikramaditya I, to wit, his second year as the record itself states. That this is indeed so could easily be confirmed by a glance at the general get up and the forms of individual letters in this and in the Aihole inscription of Pulakēsin II.
1 Above, Vol. XI, p. 346, and Vol. XXVII, pp. 225 ff.
* Bhaffäraho, the nominative singular in Prakrit for Bhat farukal, would not fit in here ; it should have been Bhaffarassa to convey the dative or the genitive sense in Prakrit.
• The word expressing units of measurement seems to have been omitted in the text after sata-panchabut before kshetram.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 241. Most of the coper-plato grants of Pulskēsin's successors rocount these exploits while describing the king.
Subsequent to Kielhorn's List (above, Vol. VII, Appendix, p. 5, Nos. 18 to 22), five more records have como to light and they are (1) the Madras Museum plate (C.P. No. 9 of 1906-07); (2) the Talamafichi plates (C.P. No. 8 of 1906-07; above, Vol. IX, pp. 98 ff.); (3) the Gadval plates (C. P. No. 3 of 1909-10, above, Vol. X, p. 109 f.); (4) the Savanur plates (abovo, Vol. XXVII, p. 155 ff.), and (5) the Honnur plates (Mys. Arch. Rep., 1939, pp. 129 ff.). Of these the first is considered spurious. .
No. 364 of 1920 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection ; SII, Vol. X, No. 24, app. p. xxv. An inscription on a hero-stone at Annavaram-agrabáram in the Nellore District has been assigned on palacographical grounds to this king (Ann. Rep. on S.I. E., 1933-34, p. 29 and plate) But the later developed forms of j and I found in this record make such an assignment highly improbable. The record may, on the contrary, be assigned to Vikramaditya II in whose inscriptions the later forms of these letters occasionally appear.
* Plato opposite p. 163 below. . Abov, Vol. VI plato opposite p. .

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(VOL. XXIX
The inscription refers to a chief who is described as the righthand man of Goggi-Bhatars and the dear son of Alakumara. He bears the rather unusual epithet Ujeni pisacha (Ujenipisachanāmadhēyumdu) which sounds more like a title than a name, a title probably acquired by him as a result of a terrorising campaign that he must have undertaker, against Ujēni (Ujjain). Who could this unnamed hero be? An inscription at Aibole in the Hungund talul in the Bijapur District of Bombay State mentions a certain Alekomara-Singa (i. e., Ilekomara's son Singa) as the founder of a temple. This record which refers itself to the reign of Vikramāditya is undated but could be assigned palaeographically to the period of Vikramaditya I. If this Singa, the son of Aļekomara could be identical with the unnamed son of Alakumara of our record, it would not be impossible that this Singa fouad an opportunity of following his suzerain in a campaign against Ujjain and of showing his prowess which earned for him the said title as well as the fiefdom of the Euva vishaya. It may be recalled that it was Pula kesin II who distinguished himself as the conqueror of Harshavardhana of Kanyakubja. His conquests were by far the most widely spread and included among the conquered, the Māļavas. Whether Singa alias Ujēnipäche obtained the fiefdom of Eruva as a reward for his valour from Pulukosin II himself or from his son Vikramaditya I when the latter re-established his authority in the south after a temporary set-back following the defeat of his father, Pulakasin II, at the hands of the Pallavas, is more than what could be said at this stage. As regards Goggi-Bhatara who figures in the capacity of a master or leige-lord of Alakumara's son, a chief of this name born of the Chalukya family and bearing the title Mahāsāmanta figures in stone inscriptions of the Mysore State. It is interesting to note that one of these epigraphs ascribes the title Ujjenībhujanya apparently to this same chief. But all these records are assigned to the 10th century A.C. and therefore the chief mentioned in them must be different from Goggi-Bhatūra of our record.
Of the place names, [Turu)tațāka is obviously the present Turimeļļa, the findspot of the record. Legend connects it with the mythical story of the sage Jamadagni and his celestial cow Surabhi. The later inscriptions at this village refer to the place as Jamadagni-ātrama and mention the temple as that of Surabhisvara. The story goes that king Karttaviryārjuna chanced to visit the sage at his āśrama once with his retinue and was amazed at the mysterious powers of the celestial cow which granted anything that its owner wished for. Possessed with the desire to own this cow, the king demanded it of the sage and took it from him by force which resulted in dire consequences not only to the king himself but to generations of the Kshatriyas after him at the hands of Parasurama, the son of Jamadagni. The word Tirumella or Turimella (turu, meaning cow and malla, corrupted into mella, 'drive '), as the village na nie goes, denoted the spot where the 'cow was driven..
The territorial division Eruva-vishaya seems to find the earliest mention in this record. It was a small principality on the borders of the Kurnool, Nellore and Culdapah Districts and was
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 286 and plate , text lines 2-3. Dr. Fleet remarks thot this record might belong to the reign of either Vikramāditya I or Vikramāditya II.
Among the early Terugu Cholas figures a Saktikomāra. Except for a vague similarity of this name to Alakumara, there is nothing to suggest any relationship between them.
Among the successor of Pulakekin II, neither his son Vikramaditya I nor the latter's great andeos Vikramaditya II claims any campaigns against the Māļavas. Vinayaditya and Vijayaditya no doubt fought with the kings of the north, but they do not specifically mention the Malavan among them. The later Vikramaditya's pro-occupations seem to have confined themselves mainly to the south, especially to the l'allavas.
• Ep. Car., Vol. III, Mysore 36, 37, Vol. XI, Chitaldurg 74.
Ibid., Vol. XI, Introd. p. 9.
• Mr. M. Venkataramayya suggests another derivation of Turimella from Turutatāka : Turutatāka would, in Telugu, correspond to Turumadugu and this may have undergone changes like Turamadugala, Turumadla, Turimalla and Turimella.

Page #294

TURIMELLA INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA I; YEAR 2
స్సులు సన
చదరWS పదం జూలం అంది
అబద్ధాలు జమ 8 Goa aa aaaa He is Tags j4 25 2017-18
తులు మురాసి,
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN
B. CH. CHHABRA Rea. No. 702 HE (CY53-508.

Page #295

DIMMAGUDI INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA (1)
2
6
8
10
12
First Piece
abci CASTIN
ACUL
MAS
Second Piece
SCALE: ONE-SIXTH
2
6
8
10
12

Page #296

No. 21) TURIMELLA INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYAI; YEAR 2
163
the dominion of one of the branches of the Telugu-Chöda chiefs who held sway over it about the beginning of the 15th century A.C. Members of this branch attached the name Eruva to their own names as a distinctive surname of their family to indicate perhaps their political sway over that territory, or, at times, to distinguish themselves from members bearing similar names but belonging to a different family. That their sway over this division could be traced to a considerably earlier period, almost co-eval with the record under review, is proved by an inscription in characters of the 8th century A. C. on a saptamātrika panel at Turimella itself which mentions the name Eruva-Mahādēvi. It is not unlikely that this Eruv-Mahādēvi was the wife of Alakumara and the unnamed mother of the chief who called himself Ujēnipisacha and whom we have identified with Singa, the son of Aļekomara of the Aihole record. A few later records copied in this region furnish some more details regarding this ancient division. A fragmentary inscription of the time of the Kakatiya king Ganapatidēva dated in Saka 1161 refers to this tract as a Thrice-Seventy division with Krochcherulu as its capital.' Later still, in Saka 1324 during the reign of the Vijayanagara king Harihara II, it is mentioned as Ecuva-nidu and as a division in Udayagiri-rājya. A copper-plate grant of a later date belonging to king Achyutarāya mentions the same nädu as situated in Kochcherlaköţa-sima. It will be evident from the statements in these inscriptions that this division which originally covered a small area round about Turimella at the time of the record under review, later spread far wider, covering a considerable area of the western portion of the Nellore District from Kochcherlakota in the Darsi Division right down to the river Pennär.
The gift as well as its recipient deserve a few remarks. The unit of land usually expressed by the word nivartana that was generally current at the period of our record seems to have been omitted here. Another instance where this term is similarly left out occurs in the DommaraNandyāla plates of Punyakumāra.' The recipient of the gift, Gövsishāņa-Bhuttīcaka is possibly identical with the god Surabhēsvara, for surabhi is a synonym for go,' cow'.
TEXT
1 Om[1] Svasti[l*] Srimat | Satyasraya Sri-Priithivi2 vallabha-Mahārājādhirāja-Vikramaditya-Paramu3 svara-Bhataruļäkun srimad=unnata-pravarddhamana-vijaya4 rājya-samvatsarambuļ ā-chandra-tāra-purassaram(m) 5 dvitiya-varsham=pravarta mānatú kānu [|] Goggi-Bhataraļa dakshiņa
*C. P. No. 8 of 1911-12 , above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 14 f. *An. Rep. on Indian Epigraphy for 10449-50, No. 46.
• Ibid., No. 40. The relevant portion of the inscription roads Krochchedulu nelavid ugan-Eruva-mundudebbadulum.
Ibid., No. 58; the exact wording in the inscription is Udayayiri-rij mandula Erura nån tilo.
Nellore District Inscriptions, Vol. I, C. P. No. 10, p. 67; text-line 80- ruede rikhyala-Kocherllakofa. mans.
Above, Vol. X, p. 102, the Gadval plates of Vikramāditya I ; ibid., Vol. XI, p. 339, the Mālēpadu plates of Punyakumara, etc.
Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 275. • Represented by a symbol.
Danda unnecessary. "The i siga over the consonant is redundant. Read Prithivi.. il The syllable rta wus omitted first, but was later introduced below the line between va and ma.

Page #297

164
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
6 bhujayamknuthy-ayins Alakuma[ra]' priya tanayi(yu)-ayina
7 Ujenipisacha-nämadheyi(yu)mru [Turu]-tataka-nam-abhi
8 dhana-magar-adhi (r-adhi)shthäpugayi Bruva-[vishayamb-ilan tasya
9 mātā (trā) dattam Gōvrishāņa-Bhaṭṭārahō sata-paṁchasat kshetram []*] 10. Svadattam paradattam vayo harēti(ta) vasum'ndhara[m]*]
11 shashṭhim(tim) varsha-sahasraņi vishṭhāyām jā
12 yate krimiḥ [*]
EVOL. XXIX
No. 22-PURI PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
Sometime before February 1891, the late Mr. Man Mohan Chakravarti secured two copperplate inscriptions, on temporary loan for examination and publication, from the Raghavadasa Matha at Puri, Orissa. The results of his study of the inscriptions were published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIV, Part I, 1895, pp. 123-27. Both the charters were issued by a king named Kulastambha belonging to the Sulki family which Chakravarti identified with the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. He even suggested the identification of the issuer of the charters in question with the Eastern Chalukya monarch Gunaka-Vijayaditya III who began to rule about the middle of the ninth century and alternatively with the Chalukya-Chōla king Kulottunga I who ruled in the latter half of the eleventh century A.C. and the first quarter of the tweifth, although the plates were assigned by him on palaeographical grounds to the tenth century. The identification seems to have been suggested to him by the occurrence of the name of Kalinga in his transcripts of the two inscriptions. Chakravarti further observed," The text purports to be in Sanskrit, but has been badly transcribed.... The context is not therefore clear everywhere. I have given a verbatim rendering without attempting revision". As the two " inscriptions generally agree till we come to the grant itself", Chakravarti transcribed only one of the two grants (marked by him as A) but quoted the text of six lines from the other charter (marked by him as B), which give details of the grant recorded in the latter. According to him the legend on the seal of A reads brimäm Kulastambhadeva and that on the seal of B brimam Ralastambhadeva. He also believed that both the grants mention Kulastambha's son or governor (ködālő), named Kachchhadeva, and that while A records the grant of the village of Kankanira in the Ulō-khanda subdivision in favour of the Brāhmaṇa Madhusudana, son of Vēlu, B records the grant of the village of Pajara in the same sub-division in favour of the Brahmaņa Vēluka or Vēlu.
Unfortunately the facsimiles of the inscriptions were not published along with Chakravarti's paper and it was impossible for scholars to verify the correctness of his transcripts and interpretations of the two Puri plates of Kulastambha. But his identification of the Sulki family with the
1 This letter is er mpletely damaged on the stone.
Both these letters are partly damaged on the stone.
These two letters are again partially damaged. A part of the lower portion of v and part of the i sign attached to it are visible on the stone; so also the right half of sha is visible.
The stroke is redundant here.
The anuarára is redundant.

Page #298

No. 22] PURI PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA
165 Eastern Chalukya dynasty and of Kulastambha with Gunaka-Vijayāditya III or Kulottunga I has generally been discarded. On the strength of other inscriptions of the family, since discovered, we have suggested, while editing the Hindol plate of Kulastamtha in this journal,' that Chakravarti's Kodalo-Kachchhadēva of the Sulki family never existed as the intended reading of the pasgege in question is un loubtedly Kodalokāt sa eva (or, dēva").
Recently we had an opportunity to examine the second (B) of the two platos, of which a few lines only were transcribed and translated by Cakravarti. A careful examination, however, enabled us to trace numerous mistakes in Chakravarti's views on the inscription. In the grant por tion of the record, he read a passage as karastaru pla 10 and translated it as "with Karaba tree worth (or rent ?) teil pals". The actual reading of the passage is, however, kara-sāsna ru-pla 10 which shows that the inscription, like those mentioned in connection with the plates of Narēndradhavala, records a kara-säsana (i.6. & grant liable to pay a fixed revenue) for which the rent, apparently annual, was fixed at ten Palas of silver. Chakravarti therefore could not realise the nature of the document. It was also noticed that a large number of errors that crept in his transoript and interpretation of the other plate (A), which he fully transcribed and translated, could be rasily eradicated with the help of the inscription under review. It will be seen that most of his suggestions (including the one relating to the mention of Kalinga) in regard to the two records, whicl Aave so long been troubling scholars, can quite easily be proved to be wrong.
This is a single plate measuring about 9 inches in height, 5 inches in breadth and 0-1 inch in thickness. A circular lump of metal (nearly 2 inches in diameter and 0-4 inch in thickness), soldered on a semi-circular projection in the middle of the top side of the plate represents the seal, on which are counter-sunk the usual emblems of the Sulki family of Orissa. These emblems are much corroded, although the crescent above, the legend in the middle and the standing boar to proper right below can be made out. The legend seems to read either Sri-Kulastambhadeva or fri-Ranastambhadēva. The preservation of the plate and of the writing on it (especially on its reverse) is not quite satisfactory. There is a break in the plate affecting the writing on lines 5-7 on the obverse and lines 24-26 on the reverse. The weight of the plate is 90 tolas.
In point of palacography, language and orthography, the charter closely resembles other grants of the family including the Hindol plate (which belongs, as will be seen below, to the issuer of the charter under review), edited above. Although nothing requires special mention in these respoota, a word has to be said now in regard to the date of this record as well as of other inscriptions of the Sulki family. It has been shown in our paper on the Hindol plate that the Sulkis owed allegiance to the Bhauma-Karas and that the Talcher plate of Ranastambha (grandfather of the issuer of the Hindol plato and of the present charter as well) is dated in the year 103 of the Bhauma-Kara era. But relying on the suggested identification of the era of the Bhauma-Karas with the Harsha era, en earlier dato was thun assigned to Ranastambha and his grandson. It has, however, been shown recently that the beginning of the Bhauma-Kara era falls somewhere about the middle of the first half of the ninth century A.C. The Talcher plate should therefore be ascribed to a date about the middle of the first half of the tenth century and the inscription under review about the end of that century.
The charter begins with the Siddham symbol and the word svasti, which are followed by seven verses forming the introductory part of the document. All the seven verses are found exactly in
1 Abovo, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 107 3 Ibid., PP. 44 ff. Soe also JRAS, 1952, pp. 4 ff. . Cf. Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, pp. 439-40. Seo below, p. 191, note 2.
As the era in question probably started from 831 A. O., the data of the l'aluber plate (year 103) may sotually correspond to 034 A.O. See lho, Vol. XXIX, pp. 148 ff.

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166
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX the same order as in the Hindol plate of Kulastambha, son of Jayastambha and grandson of Ranastambha. But the language of the verses in our document is slightly different from that of the Hindol plate. Moreover, the important verse referring to the son of Rapastambha and father of the reigning king Kulastambha is defective inasmuch as the foot containing the name of Jayastambha as found in the Hindol plate is omitted in the record under review no doubt through the inadvertence of the writer. There is, however, little doubt that Kulastambha who issued the charter under discussion as well as the other Puri (Raghavadasa Matha) plate published by Chakravarti was no other than the issuer of the Hindol plate.
Another interesting fact worth noticing in this connection is that the text of the introductory part in our record closely follows that in the Bhimnagarigarh (Dhenkanal) plate of Kulastambha, although, where this latter mentions Vikramaditya and his son Ranastambha, the present record mentions Rapastambha and his son (name omitted through negligence of the scribe, but known from the Hindol plate to have been Jayastambha). The Bhimnagarigarh plate represents its issuer, king Kulastambha, as the lord of all the Gondramas with Sankhajoti forming the borderland of his kingdom exactly as in the record under notice. Since the relation of Kulastambha, referred to as issuing the charter, with Ranastambha mentioned in the introductory part is not specified clearly in the inscription, the Bhimnagarigarh plate is generally believed to have been issued by Rapastambha who is suggested to have had Kulastambha as a second name. But we have elsewhere" remarked, "The Bhimnagarigarh plate represents Mahārāja Ranastambha as the atmaja (line 10) of Vikramaditya. The word suta (line 12) again used before the following mention of Kulastambha may suggest that the record in question belongs not to Ranastambha-Kulastambha but actually to a Kulastambha who was the son of Rapastambha". The close resemblance of the Bhimnagarigarh inscription with the record under discussion in regard to both language and style, however, now appears to suggest that the corrupt introduction of the former epigraph actually intended to describe, as that of the present charter, Kulastambha, grandson of Rapastambha. It further appears that the text of the introductory part of the Bhimnagarigarh plate was copied without proper adjustment from a grant of Jayastambha.
Verse 1 of our inscription, found in most of the Sulki records, is in adoration to the god Girisa, i.e. Siva, while verses 2-3 introduce king Ranastambha of the Sulki family, favoured by the goddess Stambhësvari, as having constructed some temples probably for the god Sadasiva. Verses 4-5 describe Rapastambha's son whose name is inadvertently omitted, while the following two verses (verses 6-7) describe the reigning king Kulastambha, son of Ranastambha's son, as issuing the charter in question from Kōdālōka.
The grant portion of the document which is in prose and follows the introduction in verses represents Mahārāja Kulastambha, called lord of all the Gōndramas, as in good health. A defective passage in the description of the ruler seems to attribute to him the feudatory title samadhigatapañchamahāśabda, although the change introduced in it may have been deliberate. Such deliberate modification of feudatory titles was often resorted to by subordinate rulers who claimed a semi-independent political status. The future rulers and the present and future administrators, associated with the mandala (district) extending up to the Sankhajōṭika, are then addressed. The way in which the mandala is mentioned suggests that it comprised either the whole dominions of the Sulkis or, at least, the central part of the Sulki territories. The lists of the rulers and administrators include the rajanaka, rajaputra, mahäsämanta, vishayapati and others. The charter then
1JBORS, Vol. II, pp. 401 ff.
Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 109.
Cf. the text of the Dhenkanal plate of Jayastambha in JBORS, Vol. II, pp. 406 ff.
Cf. the Mahada plates (above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 283 ff.).

Page #300

No. 22] PURI PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA
167 goes on to record the grant of the village of Padāra, attached to the Gõilo khanda (subdivision), in favour of Bhattaputra Vēlluka who was the son of Ananti and whose original home was at Aviddha. The village was given along with its boundaries and the space above whe ground (8-Oddesa); but it was not made a rent-free holding. It was given as a kara-säsana (i.e. land granted as a rent-paying holding) with a fixed rent of ten Palas of silver apparently per annum. It is not stated whether the village was sold or given away free of cost; but it was possibly purchased from its owner with the king's approval with the stipulation of an annual rent as in some other cases known from Orissan inscriptions.'
The charter ends with some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. The language of these stanzas is extremely corrupt as in the case of the kraya-6āsana (the Madras Museum plates of Narēndradhavala) edited above.
Of the geographical names occurring in the inscription, the location of Kodaloka has been discussed in connection with the Hindol plate edited above. It is probably modern Koalu near Talcher in Dhenkanal. The expression "all the Gôndramas" or " the eighteen Göndramas ", as indicated elsewhere, was possibly used to signify the same thing as Oriya athara-gada-jäta. The Sarkhajõţikā has been identified with the Sankha river in the Sundargarh region of Upper Orissa. The exact location of the villages Aviddhã and Padāra is uncertain.
TEXT
[Metres : Verse 1 Giti ; verses 2 and 4 Upajāti (Indravajrā and Upendravajra); verses 3 and 5
Vasantatilaka ; verse 6 Upajāti (Vamastha and Indravaṁsā); verse 7 Sragdhara.)
Obverse 1 SiddhamSvasta(sti | Jayati sur-äsura-vidvad-vidyadhara makuta2 ghfishta-charan-āmvu(mbu)ja[1 /*] basi(si)-maņa(ni)-mayükha-bhāsi(si)ta3 pinga-jaţā-bhāra-bhāsuro Giriba) [ 1*] Stambhēsva4 ri(ri)-lavdha(bdha)-vara-prasāda Sulki-kulē-bhūt-kshi5 tipa[b*) kshat-ārā(ri)h [l*) srimām(man) Raņastambhadēva pratitaḥ 6 sphurat-pratāp-õdayaḥ. tāpit-āri(riḥ || 2). Bhaavavi(d-vi)chitra7 ruchir-õjva(jjva)la-chāru-sõbhau(bhai)r-uchau(chchaih) Sadäsiva-pu8 rögamaniya?-mārggaiḥ [l*) davälaiyair®nnija-yaso-dhava9 dhavalair=anēkair=yên=ātmanas=tri(8=tri)divam=udgamit-oru-ki(ki)10 rtti(rttiḥ || 3) Tasy=ātmajõ=bhū[j=*]jagad-ēka-vi(yl)raḥ || ju yaso lall.
1 See JRAS, 1952, pp. 4-10. * From the original plate. • Expressed by a symbol. • The same seems to be the reading in the Hindol plate. . Better read stambha iti for the sake of the metre. • Read dayas-ldpi, or better daya tapi® for the sako of the metre.
Road pagam-aika, or pura-pragam-aika as in the Hindol plato and other recorda. • Read dev-alayair.
The aksharas dhava here are redunt. 1. The second pada of the stanza is omitted through inadvertence. In place of the double danda, followed us the akshara ju, we have to read something like friman Jayastambha ili kaki bal as in the Hindol plato: line 6.
u Read yavyolla. 6 DPA/53

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168 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX 11 sat-khanga(dga)-nipāta-bhi(bhi)tāḥ samantato yānti(nti) raņē dvibal (ll 4*] 12 Yo rāja-chakra-tilakaḥ sva-gun-āngu(n-amsu)-pātau da-kamini(ni)13 mukha-manbhara-kar papūraiḥ [l*] Sangochita-āhita-vadhū-va14 dan-äravindai[r=*]dēs-andhakāra-bhiduraiḥ sagubhai basi(S-1)15 va [ll 5*] Tasmāt=va(d=ba)l-otsärita-vairi-våri(ri)tah 'parakram-akra16 ntā(nta)-samasta-dik-tataḥ [l*) dāna-pravrit-ārda?-kara-pratiti17 mām(mān) dig-vāran-ēndra-pratimo=bhavat=sa(t=su)taḥ 1[16*] Ködālöka(kāt) chchha(sa)
dēva18 dvija-guru-charan-ārädhan-āša(sa)kta-chētā[h*] brimām(mān) durvvāra-vairi-pra19 vara-kari-ghatā-kumbha-kuţā(ttā)ka-vāraḥ [1*] dātā satv-ai(ttv-ai)ka-nishtho ja
Reverse 20 gati Pri(Pți)thu-sama[h*) ya' pārthivēša(shu) prati(ti)ta[h*) ka(kți)chchhre=py-amalāna-20 21 khanga(dga)-prakața-bhuja-valā-trăsitāḥsēka"-satru[b || 7*] S&22 kala-Gôndramodhithaḥpramal-māhāśvaraḥ samudga23 mit-ābēsha-savda-mahārāja-sri-Kulastambhadēvash kubali*] 24 Sankhajõt[i]kā-valaya-parikaritaḥ-paryantē ma25 ndalë-smina(smin) bhāvī(vi)n[Ő] rajanka**-[rāja]putrā(tra)-mabāsāmanta26 nagar!?=anyān=api yathā-kāladdhanga[n]ās vibayapati-nidhika"27 20rīņas=cha sa-karana-kalāpa(pān) yathāhrim" vēsbő)dhayatīḥ(ti) kusala
1 Read dvishantab. * Read patairadilo • Read sanköchit-ao. • Better read dosh-ao. . Read bububhe. • The danda is superfluous. * Read pravritt-ardra. . Read bahub. • This ya is redundant, 10 Read amlana. 11 Read bala-tråsit-abesha. 13 Read Göndram-adhinathah. 13 Read parama. 14 Better read samadhigata-pancha-maha Sabda or samadhigaläbishao. 16 Read purikriti. 16 Read räjanaka or råjánaka. 17 Better read kumărâmăty-antarangan-anyan=api.
16 Read al-adhyasino. Chakravarti reads this expression as kala(li)ngangand in Plate A and takes it to refer to the Kalinga people.
10 Road vishayapatin=adhikarinas-cha. to Chakravarti roads : rina svasa karupa kalaya yathadrith vidhasatib kulala. 11 Read yathārhan.

Page #302

PURI PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA
Reverse
Obverse
পায়
বনপুণ
এC2 কেলি * প্রবণৰৰ মলমকাণ | {}\(বীননঃ
ঐ7 -2/Wা লবর্নেীরূপে
| সে সই। * সীরা৷ারীর
প্রবীণবাধিকারীরাও ৪ এমবিয়ী সব বললো , বসলো।
আপলেন করণ 10 [ গ্র
এf
। হকাৰে59uage
nagar
বৃদ্ধির পাশ। প্র মণ/সংগ
এ7৭২ 12 | সারণিীয়াসুরি
শ লিঃ মরিলামঃখবিলাঞ্জ রব। 18ীবেত্রানন্দেীঃসার। রঙীণীলোবণবশিসীঞ্জন্ধিী । নীহাররূ৪ সাড়ে
| সচুক করে একি | আশাব(সাঃীবীপেরাব। | এ নেধৰণীমাধববার
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SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN
B. CH. CHHABRA Rঃ4, No. 700 HE (c)"53-508.

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(169
No. 28] BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA ; REGNAL YEAR 8 28 'yaty=ādisa(ka)ti cha [l*) viditam=astu bhavatāth Goilö-khandla29 'samvandhah' Paņāragrāma[h*) saparikarataḥ 8-8d8(dda)ba[h*) sa30 Sevva-vädha-virvarjatas=ohatus[t]ayatima-valaya-parika 31 'rata-paryantaḥ | kara-säsna ra-pua 10 Aviddhi92 vinirgata-bhattapū(pu)tra-Valiukasya' Ana33 nti-sutaḥ" Taţākānāma saha[ srā*]ņi asva(sva)34 möddha(dha)-sana chah" [1*1 gavä[m") köţi-prä(pra)dänēna bhūmi35 harta na su(bu)dhyati | yasya' yasya tasa tasya ta a36 phalam ma' bho phalam sadki sa sva-datām pälania37 t sva"-pradām=vä jo harēti vasadhara [l sa vi]**
No. 23BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA ; REGNAL YEAR 8
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND Sometime about the middle of the year 1951, reports reached me that Mr. S. C. De, Curator of Archives, attached to the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, had found an inscribed stone in the vicinity of the well-known town of Bhadrak in the Balasore District of Orissa. I also learnt that the stone, believed to have been originally the lintel of the door of a temple, had been secured for the Orissa State Museum and brought to Bhubaneswar. I wrote to the authorities of the Museum requesting them to send me a few impressions of the inscription for examination; un
Chakravarti roads : yathadisati viditam-astu bhavatar Gould- khanda, but takes the name of the subdivision to be Ulökhanda.
Chakravarti reads: sambandhab Pajāragrama sayari karatab s8 diba sa. • Read sambaddha. • Read 8-parikarab.
Chakravarti roads : rbba-vådna-vivarjita chatubraya simd laya parika. • Read vadhà-vivarjitas-chatub-olma-valaya-parikrili.
Chakravarti reads : rata paryanlat karastaru pla 10 Aviddha. • The danda is superfluous. • Read Sasanatočna dattal. 10 I.e., rūpya-palani dada. 11 Chakravarti reads : vinirgata Bhafa-putra Valukanya ana.
11 The shashfhf vibhakti is preferred apparently because Valluka received the village (possibly by purchase) as a kara-fasana and not as a revenue-free gift.
13 Read sulasya. 16 Read tafakanan. 15 Read satani cha.
** The reading intondod is yasya yasya yada bhimis-tasya tasya tada phalam. The first ball of tho stanza is inadvertently omitted.
11 The intended reading is Má bhad-a-phala-banka, etc. 18 The intended reading is ava-danal=phalamadnantyan, eto. 19 The reading intended is Sva-dallah para-dalla ud, ato. * The second half of the stanza could not be completed owing to want of space.

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[VOL. XXIX fortunately no impression reached me as a result of the correspondence. About the beginning of November in the same year, Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra happened to visit Bhubaneswar in the course of a tour that side. He inspected the Bhadrak stone inscription in the Orissa State Museum and copied it. After his return to Ootacamund, Dr. Chhabra was kind enough to place at my disposal all the impressions of the above inscription for examination. He also permitted me to edit the record in the pages of the Epigraphia Indica. I take this opportunity to thank him for his kindness. My thanks are also due to Mr. S. C. De for information regarding the discovery of the inscription. "I discovered the inscription", Mr. De subsequently wrote to me, "in the courtyard of the temple of Bhadrakali in a locality about five miles from the town of Bhadrak in the Bhadrak Sub-Division on the 17th of March 1951. I noticed the stone buried in the earth and learnt that pilgrims used to wash their feet on it. Certain scars on the stone attracted my attention. I then dug it out and found the inscription. In the month of June we managed to bring the stone to the Museum. Its upper part is damaged as the villagers used to sharpen their axes on it. I was told that the stone had been brought to the Bhadrakali temple from an adjoining village some years back. The temple of Bhadrakali is an ordinary thatched cottage. So the stone was probably the lintel of some other temple."
170
The stone bears an inscription in three lines and is unfortunately broken here and there. The state of preservation of the writing is unsatisfactory. A number of letters in all the three lines have either completely or partially broken away, while some aksharas in line 1 have suffered considerably from the effect of corrosion. This corrosion is apparently due to the stone being used as an axe-sharpener. The writing covers a space about 44 inches in length and about 7 inches in height. Individual aksharas are about 1.5 inches in height.
The characters resemble those of the so-called eastern variety of the Gupta alphabet, of which the test letters are m, s and h. Of the three letters, m and h in our record are almost as developed as in the Allahabad pillar inscription1 of Samudragupta (middle of the fourth century A. C.), although in one case m seems to exhibit an earlier form. The letters has its earlier form found usually in the inscriptions of the age of the Kushānas. The form of I resembles that of the same letter as found in the Allahabad pillar inscription, while letters like k, n, etc., show pre-Gupta forms. The letter n resembles in form the same letter as found in some Mathura inscriptions of the first and second centuries A.C. and reproduced by Ojha in his Palaeography of India (in Hindi), 1918, Plate VI, i (cf. the fourth form of n). In a few cases medial a and è seem to be written by lengthening slightly the top mätra of the consonant respectively towards the right and the left. The inscription exhibits the initial vowel a and the symbols for the numerals 3, 8 and 80. On grounds of palaeography, the inscription may be assigned to the period between the age of the Kushānas and that of the Guptas. I am inclined to assign it to a date about the second half of the third century A.C. This date seems to be supported also by the language of the record.
The language of the inscription is Prakrit. We know that originally the epigraphic language of the whole of India was Prakrit, that Sanskrit is first found in North Indian epigraphs about the beginning of the Christian era and that it gradually ousted Prakrit from the field of Indian epigraphy. The suppression of Sanskrit by Prakrit in the epigraphic records of the lower part of South India took place as late as the middle of the fourth century A.C. In the early Prakrit inscriptions, double consonants are found to be represented by single letters; but gradually the influence of Sanskrit became noticeable in the Prakrit records, not only in their use of double consonants, but also in the occasional inclusion of Sanskritic sounds, words and passages. From a study of the Prakrit inscriptions of the various dynasties holding eway over South India, we find
1 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions (CII, Vol. III), pp. 1ff.; and Sircar's Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 254 ff.

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that double consonants began to appear in such records in the third century A.C. As our inscription shows the use of double consonant only in one case (cf. ayya in line 2, for Sanskrit ārya, instead of the earlier epigraphic Prakrit form aya), it may reasonably be assigned to the same third century. That it has to be assigned to a date carlier than the fourth century is suggested again by the Susunia inscription of king Chandravarman who ruled over South-West Bengal (adjacent to North-East Orissa in which Bhadrak, the findspot of our record, is situated) about the middle of the fourth century A. C. and was defeated by the mighty Gupta emperor Samudragupta. The language of the Suçunia inscription is Sanskrit and suggests that Prakrit was ousted from the inscriptions of that area at an earlier date.
The Bhadrak inscription begins with traces of a short horizontal line which appears to stand for the usual siddham symbol. This is followed by the word Mah[@]r[a]ja. The following two aksharas read: sir[i], although traces of the vowel-mark are not distinct above the second akshara. This is because the stone is broken here. What comes next has to be read as Ganasa. The tops of all these three letters are damaged owing to the breaking away of a piece of stone as well as to corrosion about the upper parts of the second and third aksharas; but there is hardly any doubt about the reading. Then comes Sa[m 81). Traces of the anusvāra above sa are faintly visible; but the upper right side of the letter is completely corroded. The symbol for 8, which here resembles the 8 sign reproduced by Ojha from the inscriptions of the Kuhsäņa age in his work, Plate LXXI, i (cf. the third symbol for 8) is partially corroded, traces of the lost part being fortunately still slightly visible. The danda that follows the numeral is indicated here by a short vertical line. The first half of line 1, besides the siddham symbol at the beginning, thus reads: Mahārāja-siriGanasa San 8, in Sanskrit Mahārāja-sri-Ganasya Sam 8 (-samvatsarē ashtamē). The inscription is therefore dated in the eighth regnal year of a king called Mahārāja sri-Gaņa. The name cannot be read as Guna as there is absolutely no trace of any u-mātrā attached to g. With the name of the king mentioned in our record, we may compare that of Mahāsainyapati fri-Gaņa, known from the Hayungthal copper-plate inscription of king Harjaravarman of Assam. In both these cases, fri appears to be an honorific and not an integral part of the name. That the name of the king mentioned in the Bhadrak inscription is most probably Gaņa and not Srigaņa seems to be suggested by the fact that, unlike Srigana, Gana (literally meaning the god Gaņēša or an attendant of Siva) is actually known to have been used as a personal name in ancient India. Gana is the name of the author of the celebrated work entitled A évāyurvēda, while the Matsya Purana speaks of a götra-kāra named Gana.
The second half of line 1 of our inscription reads : [M]ūlajap[ēna] d[ējvā 3 dat[a]. The upper part of mū is corroded. Although the tracas now visible would rather suggest a slightly earlier form of m than that of the other cases of the letter in the record, the akshara in question can hardly be read as anything else than mū. Parts of na are much corroded and the letter is really unrecognisable. Mülajapa (literally meaning 'a mutterer of the mula-mantra, i.e., a particular sacred text or sounds') is a personal name, while the word dēva has been apparently used in the sense of 'an image of a god' as in the Manusmriti (VIII, 87) and other works. Thus the above sentence
1 For the points raised, see Siroar's Successors of the Satavahanas, 1939., pp. 87 and notes, 166; IHQ, Vol. XV, pp. 88 ff. ; Ind. Cult., Vol. I, pp. 501-2. . .
• Select Inscriptions, pp. 341-42.
· Soe Kämarüpasasanavali, p. 51. Harjaravarman flourished in the first half of the ninth century A.C., As one of his inscriptions is dated in the Gupta year 510 (829-30 A.C.).
* Cf. Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, B.v. ; Sabdakalpadruma, B.v.
Kieth, A History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 465. • Chapter 109, verso 2. The Mahabharata (critical edition, I, 59, 31) sooms to mention a demon chief named
Glads.

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172 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX of the inscription says that a person named Mūlajapa presented three images for worship to (or installed them in a particular religious establishment. The name of the establishment is not specifically mentioned in the inscription apparently because the inscribed stone was in view in the temple which housed the images. The temple was probably situated in the modern Bhadrak area which is the findspot of our inscription. Unfortunately the deity or deities represented by the images have not been named and cannot therefore be determined. We know that there was a practice according to which the installation of one or more images of one or more deities would be promised by a person in distress with the hope that he would be relieved of the suffering. Numerous such images, styled děya-dharma or dēva-dharma in the records on later specimens, have been discovered. In the terminology of similar dedicatory inscriptions, the three images referred to in our record were the dėya-dharma or deva-dharma of Mūlajapa who installed them in a temple in the vicinity of Bhadrak within the dominions of Mahārāja sri-Gaņa in the eighth year of the latter's reign.
In regard to the reading of the second half of line 1, we have to admit that, since this part follows the regnal year, it is tempting to take pa (read pë) before the traces of a damaged sign (tentatively read na) as a contraction of pakshe and dava (read dēvā) before 3 as meant for divasë. In that case, however, we should expect immediately before pa the name of one of the seasons (viz. grishma, varsha and hemanta) or less probably that of a month. But the reading müla is fairly certain, although the sign read as ja may possibly also be 3. Unfortunately it is difficult to make out here the name of a season or month inspite of the fact that one of the twenty seven nakshatras bears the name Müla. The name Jyēshthamula is sometimes applied to Jyështha ; but mula is never used as the name of a month.
Line 2 of the inscription begins with vapa 80. Before this, there are traces of a letter partially broken away along with a piece of stone. Judging from the beginning of the first line of the record, marked by the traces of the siddham symbol, it is apparent that one or two letters have been completely broken away at the beginning of the second line. A word ending in vapa and followed by a number would suggest an expression like kulyavāpa, khärivāpa, dronavāpa, ādhavāpa or nālikāvāpa all of which were the names of some of the different land-measures of ancient India. Thus the section no doubt refers to eighty measures of land which was apparently granted by Mulajapa in favour of the temple for the continuation of the worship of the three deities installed by him therein. The partially broken letter before vapa cannot be satisfactorily, read; but it may be a damaged dha. In that case the reading intended may be adhavāpa.
The rest of the second line of the inscription reads: Mah[ā]kulapati-ayya-Agisamēna Pānide vadidań padichhidań. Padichhida is the same as Pali patichchhita meaning 'accepted,' while vadida seems to be the same as Sanskrit vatita meaning 'an apportionment', i.e., an apportioned piece of land in the present case. The sentence thus indicates that the eighty measures of land referred to were apportioned in a locality called Pānida and that the land was accepted by Mahakula pati-ārya Agnisarman apparently on behalf of the temple or religious establishment in question. Agniśarman was probably the head of the establishment or less probably the priest in charge of the temple. The epithets arya, 'venerable', and Mahākulapati point to his high rank. The expression kulapati, which usually means the head or chief of a family, also indicates a sage who feeds and teaches ten thousand pupils.
The letters of the first half of line 3 are either completely or partially broken away. The first five or six aksharas are lost, while only the vowel-marks of the following two aksharas (medial i
[It looks more like ha.-B.C.C.] See Apto, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v.

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BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA; REGNAL YEAR 8
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in both the cases) remain. Only the upper parts of the next seven letters are visible and they suggest the reading: adhiväsaka Bhada. The second half of the line, in which some of the letters are damaged, seems to read: Apavasa [Mahasa]ra Ghali Aḍasama [1]. The last two letters, sa ma, suggest a Brahmanic name ending in the word sarman exactly as Agisama-Agnisarman. Adasama may be Sanskrit Atagarman. It is thus possible to think that this name is preceded in the record by other names, viz. Bhada (Sanskrit Bhadra), Apavasa (possibly Sanskrit Apavarsha), Mahasara (possibly Sanskrit Mahäsära) and Ghali (cf. Sanskrit Khalin). The possibility of the existence of the word adhivasa(si)ka in the damaged first half of the line would suggest that it was preceded by the name of the locality where the persons mentioned resided. But what their relation was with the grant recorded in the inscription cannot be determined with certainty. If they were merely witnesses to the transaction, they were probably residents of a locality near the gift land at Pănida.
Mahārāja Gana, during whose reign the inscription was engraved about the second half of the third century A.C., is not known from any other source. He seems to have been a ruler of the ancient Utkala country bounded by the rivers Vaitarani1 and Kansai (ancient Kapisa) and lying between the lands inhabited by the Vangas and the Kalingas. He was probably an independent monarch like the kings of Pushkarana (modern Pokharna on the Damodar in South-West Bengal), who are known from the Susunia inscription. As already indicated above, king Chandravarman of Pushkarana was overthrown by the Gupta emperor Samudragupta about the middle of the fourth century A.C. Whether the Utkala country was also conquered by Samudragupta about the same time is as yet unknown. The Sumandala plates of the Gupta year 250 (569 A. C.), however, show that imperial Gupta suzerainty was acknowledged in Kalinga and presumably also in Utkala. Although it is difficult in the present state of our knowledge to ascribe the conquest of Kalinga and Utkala to a particular Gupta monarch, it is possible to suggest that the event took place before the death of Kumaragupta I, grandson of Samudragupta, in 455 A.C., as the successors of that monarch do not appear to have been powerful enough to effect the annexation of such far off territories. These conquests should better be attributed to Samudragupta or to his son Chandragupta II Vikramaditya described as kritsna-prithvi-jay-ärtha in one of the Udayagiri inscriptions (cf. also the reference to his dig-vijaya in the Meharauli inscription). As however Utkala is not mentioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription in connection with the victorious campaigns of Samudragupta, the second alternative seems preferable. Whether the rulers of Aryavarta, mentioned in that record as overthrown by the Gupta monarch, included a ruler of Utkala cannot be determined.
We have said that the eighty measures of land granted by Mülajapa were apportioned in a locality called Panida. The place may not have been far away from Bhadrak, near which the inscription has been found. I have not succeeded in identifying the locality.
TEXTI
1 [Siddham] [*] Mah[A][A]ja-air[i]-Ganasa sath 81] [Malajap[n] d[8]vå 3 dat[]
1 Cf. Mahabharata, III, 114, 3; above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 179.
Cf. Raghuvamba, IV, 38; above, loc. cit. after the name of an allied tribe of that name.
Raghuvamba, loc. cit.
Utkala came later to be known as the Odra country no doubt The Odras may have originally inhabited parts of Northern Orissa.
Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 79 ff.
Cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 272, 275 ff.
In this connection, it may be noted that the Meharauli inscription attributes to Chandragupta II the conquest of a country on the Southern Sea.
From the impressions kindly supplied by Dr. Chhabra. Expressed by a symbol which is faintly visiblo

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(VOL. XXIX 2 [adha?]vapa 80 [1*] Mahsā]kulapati-ayya- Agisamēnam(na) Pāni[dēja vadidam padichhidam [l*] 3......... (adhivāsa(si)ka Bhada?] Apavasa [Mahāsa]ra Ghali Adasama' [l]"
TRANSLATION May there be success! In the regnal year 8 of the illustrious Mahārāja Gaņa. By Mūlajapa are given 3 idols (and also) 80 [adha?]vūpas (of land). The apportionment (i.e., the land apportioned) at Pānida is accepted by the venerable Agisama (Agnisarman), the Mahākulapati. Bhada (Bhadra), Apavasa (Apavarsha?), Mahāsara (Mahāsāra?), Ghali (and) Adasama (Ataśarman), residents of....
No. 24-HINGNI BERDI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA VIBHURAJA ; YEAR 3
(1 Plate)
MORESHWAR G. DIKSHIT, SAUGAR This copper plate grant is from the collection of the Bhārata Itihāsa Samshodhaka Mandala, Poona, where it has been deposited for the last 27 years. It is reported to have been found in the possession of a Brahmin at Hingại Berdi, & small village on the bank of the Bhimā river, near Dhond in the Poona District. It was obtained by Sri P. R. Alegaonkar who passed it on to Prof. Datto Waman Potdar for the purpose of decipherment and publication. At the request of the latter, Mr. P. M. Chandorkar read a short note based on this record before the Sixth Annual Session of the B. I. S. Mandala in 1926.6 As the reading given by him is not altogether satisfactory, I reedit the plates here with the kind permission of the secretaries of the said institute.
The set consists of two sheets of copper, each measuring about 5 inches in length and 24 inches in breadth. The weight of the two plates is 14 tolas. In the upper margin of each plate there is a small roundish hole, about 2/10 inch in diameter through which a copper ring is passed for holding them together. The two ends of the ring are secured under a lump of copper which is flattened and bears on it the incised figures of an akshamālā, consisting of eleven beads, a kamandalu-shaped spouted' vessel on its left and a danda on its right, apparently the requisites of a sannyāsin. The ring weighs 1} tolas. The inscription on the plates consists of 22 lines of writing, of which 9 are engraved on the second side of the first plate, 10 lines on the first side of the second plate and the remaining 3 on the second side of the latter. As the rims of both the plates are raised, the engraving has remained in a fair state of preservation.
The characters are of the nail-headed variety of the southern alphabet current in the fifth and sixth centuries A. C. The record is very carelessly engraved and exhibits certain peculiarities which deserve close attention. We see mostly nail-headed or acute-angled letters in the first plate, while the second plate shows small circles or pin-heads on the top of certain letters. These
1 The reading may possibly also be ayya-Agisamēna; but I am inclined to ignore the traces about the tail of a in both the cases.
What I have read as di may possibly also be 3 or ja , although that would hardly give any sense. • The first letter in this name may possibly be also read as a. Full-stop in the case seems to be indicated by a slanting line. .
. Shashtha Sammēlana Vritta (B. I. S. Mandala), pp. 63-65. •What has been described as danda represents possibly only a blade of kuda grass according to Mr. M, Venkaaramayya. Ed.]

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BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA; REGNAL YEAR 8
Left half
Right half
197200
B. CH. CHHABRA Ro.No.3977E'36-499:53.
SCALE: THREE-TENTHS
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 24) HINGNI BERDI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA VIBHURAJA ; YEAR 3 175 resemble closely the forms of letters found in the Añjanēri plates' of Prithvichandra Bliogabakti. The writing on the second side of the second plate shows a very crude hand. It is strongly doubted if all the three sides of the two plates were engraved by one and the same person.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. The composition is in prose and is full of mistakes, but the sense can be clear, if proper restorations are made in the text.
The inscription refers to the Rashtrakūta dynasty which is styled Rashtrakuçesvarānām-an. vavāya in the initial portion. It is stated that the Rashtrakūta princess Syāvalangi Mahadovi, the Queen-consort of Rashtrakūta Dāvarāja and mother of Manarāja, donated an agrahāra called Kamalibhūhaka to a Brahmin called Nannasvāmin, belonging to the Agastya götra, for the purpose of carrying on religious duties. In addition to this land a dakshina of fifty bars (salākā) of gold was given to the Brahmin with the consent of Rashtrakūta Vibhurāja. The grant was made on tho full-moon day in the month of Vaisakha in the third regnal year of king Vibhurāja.
The plates refer to the Rashtrakūta dynasty thrice (lines 1, 9 and 16) and from tha find-spot of the plates it seems certain that the family must have bean ruling somewhere in Mahārāshtra. The royal persons belonging to this family are described in the usual panegyric and as such do not yield any historical information. King Vibhurāja is mentioned twice and there is no specific reference to his period, except that the palaeography of the grant, which as stated above, places it in the 5th century A. C. In the absence of these details it would have been difficult to identify this king Vibhurāja, as none of the branches of the Rashtrakūta dynasty anywhere refers to him.
The mention of king Dēvarāja, however, affords some clues. Recently Principal V.V. Mirashi, in his article entitled "The Rashtrakütas of Mānapura ", has suggested that there was a minor branch of the Rashtrakūta dynasty ruling in certain parts of the Satara District during the 4-6th conturies A.C. Hitherto only three copper-plate grants of this family have been found, viz., Undikavātikā grant of Rashtrakūta Abhimanyu, Pandurangapalli platosof Rashtrakūta Avidhiya, and Gokak platos' of Rashtrakūta Dējja Mahārāja. From the identification of the place names recorded in the first two of these grants, it has been shown that the members of this branch of the Rashtrakūta dynasty were ruling in the Mäna täluk of the Satara District. The genealogy and the approximato period assigned to them is given as follows:
Rāshtrakūtas of Mänapura
Mānārika (375-400 A.C.)
Dēvarāja (400-425 A.C.)
Son (name not known)
Avidhéya (440-455 A.C.)
Bhavishya (455-170 A.C.)
Abhimanyu (470-490 A. C.)
Dajja Mahārāja (530-560 A.C.)
-Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 225-238 and plates. • ABORI, Vol. XXV, pp. 36-50. • JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, pp. 88 ff. • Mysore Archeological Report for 1929, p. 197. . Above, Vol. XXI, p. 289. 6 DGA/53

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(VOL. XXIX Since the donor of the prosent plates is described as the wife of Dovaraja, it seems plausible to suggest that the Devarāja referred to by them is no other than the second person mentioned in the pedigree given above, because the palaeography of the record does not go against the age assigned to that ruler by Prof. Mirashi. In the Uņdikavātikā and Pāņdurangapalli plates, this Dēvarāja is stated to have had three sons, but the names of only two of whom, viz., Abhimanyu and Bhavishya, are known from the inscriptional data available. As the queen of Dēvarāja is also called the mother of Mānarāja in the present inscription, it is clear that Māṇarāja is the name of the hitherto unknown (third) son of Dāvarāja and he was probably the eldest. And this is quite in keeping with the ancient practice of naming the child after his grandfather, because the name of the father of Dēvarāja is known to be Mānāmka, who founded the Mānapura branch of the Rashtrakūtas.
The grant was issued in the third regnal year of king Vibhurāja. His exact relationship with Syávalangi Mahādēvi is not explicitly stated in the record. But since the plates are issued in the early part of the career of that king, I believe that Vibhurāja is an alias of Māņarāja and that the plates were issuod by the queen-mother Syävalangi Mahädövi after the death of her husband Dēvarāja. Whether it was actually so needs further corroboration. In the light of the details at present available, the genealogy of the family can be reconstructed as follows:
Mänāmka (Founder of the Mänapura family) Devaraja m. Syávalangi Mahādēvi
Mānarija
Avidhéya
Bhavishys or (?) Vibhuraja
Abhinianyu The present plates were issued on the Vaisakha paurnamāsi day in the third regnal year of king Vibhurāja ; but these details are not quite sufficient to verify the date of the grant.
The mention of golden bars (suvarna-salūkā) givan as dakshiņā is also very interesting. It cannot be said if these bars bore any marks as on the bent-bar silver currency, so frequently noticed in ancient sites like Taxila on the North-Western borders of India. At any rate, no currency of the above description is known to have boen current in Mahārāshțra in the period in which the plates were inscribed.
For want of adequate data, the geographical position of Kamalibhūhaka mentioned in the grant cannot be located. It is likely that it was the name of some plot in Hingņi Berdi itself where the plates were discovered.
TEXT:
First Plate
16
1 2 fafest that (?)
F TATE (?) 2 राणामन्ववायश्रियोलंकारेण श्रीमता महाराज
From the original plates and ink improssions. · Expressed by a symbol.
I am not sure about the roading of this akshara. (Possibly dalita-Satru-barlanan is intended.-B.C.C.)

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HINGNI BERDI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA VIBHURAJA; YEAR 3
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Seal
(From a photograph)

Page #316

No. 24) HINGNI BERDI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA VIBHURAJA ; YEAR 3 177 3 विभुराजानुज्ञया' स्वकुशल नभस्तलालंकारिणी (?)(ण्या) 4 श्यावलङ्गीमहादेव्य (व्या) मातापित्रोः पुण्याभिवृद्धये प्रा5 त्मनश्च बलिचस्वैश्वदेवाग्निहोत्रकृ (क्रि)योत्स[प]णा6 र्थम (मा) चन्द्राणिवक्षितिस्थ्यि (स्थि)तिसमकालि (ली)नः पुत्रपौ7 त्रस्वामिभक्तार्थिह हृदय[ना]दाभिमुखसमराभिये8 दं श्रीमाणराजस्य मात्रा सतीत्वाच्चोभयव9 नशोतभु (वंशोद्भ)तप्रभावत्या[य]या श्रीमतो राष्ट्राकूट*]देवरा
Second Plate ; First Side 10 जस्य पन्या (ल्या) [राज्यान्वयभोग्यस्सर्वादित्यविषि (ष्टि)परिवil जितो चाटभटअप्रावेश्ये (श्यो) भु(भू) म (मि)च्छ (च्छि) द्रन्यायेन 12 अगस्त (स्त्य) सगोत्रब्राह्मणाय नन्नस्वाम (मि)ने स्वहस्त13 धृत[भृङ्गारकोद[ने]के।[न*] कमली[भू]हकाग्रा (अ) हारस्य दक्षि14 [णा] सुवर्णशि (श) ल (ला) कायाः पञ्चाशत्ताम्रशासनन (नि) ब15 द्वा [*] वर्तमाने तृत (ती)ये स(सं)वत्सरे वैशाख[शुक्लपौ[f]16 मास्य (स्यां) राष्ट्रि]कूटेन महाराजविभुराजस्य [*] यश्च तत्*] [लो17 पय (यि)प्य (ष्य)ति स प[ञ्च]महापातकसंयुक्तो भविप (ष्य)ति[*] ष18 [ष्टि वर्षसहस्राणि स्वग्गि (गर्गे) म(मो)दति भूमिद (दः) आच्छेत्ता वा19 नुमन्तिा ] च
Second Plate ; Second Side 20 तान्ये]व नरके वसेत् [*] बहु[भिव[सु]धा [भुक्ता रा]A जि(ज) भिस्सा (स्स) गरादिवि (भिः) [i*] यस्य वि(य)स्य यदी (दा) [भू]म (मि)
व(स्त) स्यि (स्य) 22 तस्य] [त]दा फलवि (मि)[ति] [*]
The words alankarena and Grimata are obviously intended to quality Vibhuraja wrongly compoundod hore.
-B.C.C.]
• The letter has redundent; read avakuia. * This akahara is not necessary.
D2

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178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX No. 25-AJMER STONE INSCRIPTION
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND While dealing with the stone inscription containing portions of the Sanskrit drama entitled Harkelinātaka, composed by king Vigraharāja (1153-64 A.C.) of the Chahamana or Chauhan dynasty of Sākambhari, F. Kielhorn' deplored the strange vicissitidues of fortune that led the stones, on which the royal author made the products of his muse known to the people, to "have been used as common building material for a place of Muhammadan worship by the conquerors of his descendants." Portions of the above drama as well as of the Lalita-Vigraharaja-nūčaka, composed in honour of the Chūhamana king by his court poet, Mahākavi Somadova, which were edited by Kiclhorn, were copied from stone slabs embedded in the walls of the Arhāi-din-ku-Jhõprā, a mosque situated on the lower slope of the Tārāgash hill at Ajmer. The mosque, as is well known, was built out of the spoils of Hindu structures by Qutb-ud-din Aibak (first Sultan of Delhi, 120610 A.C.) in 1200 A.C., while Sultan Iltutmish (1211-36 A.C.) subsequently beautified it with a screen. Impressions of another inscription on a stone slab from the samo mosque were recently supplied to me by Mr. U. C. Bhattacharya, Curator of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. It appears that all these inscribed slabs had originally belonged to some temples or public buildings raised by the imperial Chūhaminas, the materials of which were later utilized in the construction of the Arhāidin-ka-Jhõprā.
The impressions of the Ajmer (Aghãi-din-ka-Jhpörü) inspcription, reccived by me from [Mc. U. C. Bhattacharya, had a printed slip attached to them. It assigns the inscription to the twelfth century and mentions it as exhibit No. 256 of the Rajputana Museum. It further says, " This inscription forms the beginning of a Sanskrit pocm engraved on slabs. It contains invocation to Nārāyana and various other gods and states that the Chauhāns belonged to the solar race". The description of the contents is, however, not strictly accurate.
The inscription under discussion covers a space nearly 4' 2" in length nd l' 9" in height. There are altogether 27 lines of writing, each letter being a little above in height. The engraving is neat and beautiful, although the stone is damaged in several places and some letters have broken away. As, however, the engraver is sometimes found to have avoided a damaged part of the stone (cf. the damaged space between vähao and [no] in line 2, between väta-vyädhi and yuto in line 4, between kumuda" and "d=ambhoja in line 24), there is no doubt that the stone was defective in laces oven when the inscription was incised.
The palaeography and orthography of the inscriptin resemble closely, those of other records of about the twlefth century found in the same area, and nothing calls for special mention. As the mosque, to which the inscribed stone belongs, is known to have been built in 1200 A.C. with the spoils of local structures, it is possible to attribute the date of the record to some time between the accession of the Chāhamana king Ajayarāja (circa 1110-35 A.C.) who is credited with the foundation of Ajayamēru, now known as Ajmer, and with beautifying it with many temples and palaces, and 1200 A.C. when the Aphāi-din-ka-Jhôprā was constructed, that is to say, somewhere in the twelfth century.
Seo 1A, Vol. XX, pp. 201 ff., Göllinger Festschrift, 1901, pp. 16-30. 914, loc. cit; Göttinger Festschrift, op cit., pp. 1-15. . Camb. Hist. Ind., Vol. p. 581. • Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 1071.

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No. 25] AJMER STONE INSCRIPTION
179 The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and, with the exception of the passage on namo Nārāyanāya ), preceded by the symbol for Siddham at the beginning, the whole record on the stone is written in verse. There are in all 37 stanzas, all of which, with the solitary exception of the last verse, are consecutively numbered. Considering the want of space at the end of the last verse and the fact that the poem was probably continued on other slabs, it seems that the number of the last verse (i.e., 37) was put at the beginning of the first line of another slab. As is the case with numerous other epigraphic records, a short space at the end of some lines in our inscription (cf. lines, 2, 4, 6, 13, 15-17, 19-26) has often been covered by an unnecessary single or double danda usually endowed with a mark of cancellation,
Out of the 37 verses, which form the text of our record, the first 32 stanzas eulogise the god Vishņu. Ten out of these (viz., verses 12-21) refer to the ten incarnations of the god, viz., (1) Kürma. (2) Mina, (3) Kola (Varaha), (4) Nrisimha, (5) Vämana, (6) Jämadagnya (Parasurāma), (7) Daśāsyantakrit (Dasarathi Rama), (8) Krishna, (9) Buddha and (10) Kalkin. Verse 33 of the record introduces the Sun-god as the right eye of lord Vishnu and as the progenitor of the solar dynasty which is itself introduded in the following stanza (verse 34). The next two stanzas (verses 35-36) speak of the glories of the solar dynasty and mention certain ancient rulers of the Sürya-vamsa such as Ikshvāku and Rama. The concluding stanza (verse 37) introduces king ChAhamāna, mythical progenitor of the Chāhamana or Chauhān clan of the Rajputs, as & scion of the solar dynasty. The nature of the inscription supports the conjecture that it formed part of the introduction of a kävya, the theme of which may have been certain achievements of a Chahamāna king. The principal one of these exploits described in the kāvya may have been the construction of a temple in honour of the god Vishnu.
The inscription is not of exceptional importance from the historical point of view; but it has considerable interest as a literary composition of a Chāhamāna court poet of the twelfth century. The author's style, although it is not free from defects, is not poor. He has often shown his skill in employing ślēsha or double entendre. In composing the 37 stanzas, he has employed no less than 14 metres, of which Sārdülavikridita (13 verses) and Vasantatilaka (8 verses) are used in more than half of the cases. The metres Malini, Sikharini, Anushţubh and Upajāti have each been used in 2 stanzas, while one stanza has been allotted to each of Prithvi, Sragdharā, Vasasthavila, Svigatā, Harini, Mandakrāntā, Indravajra and Upendravajrā.
As regards the eponymous Chāhamāna being represented as a scion of the solar dynasty, it may be pointed out that this is in partial agreement with the tradition recorded in the Prithivirājavijaya of Jayānaka (12th century) and Hammira-mahākāvya of Nayachandra (13th-14th century), according to which Chāhamāna sprang from the Sürya-mandala ; but it can hardly be. reconciled with the other imaginary accounts regarding the origin of the Chāhamanes, such as the creation of Chāhamāna himself or the Chāhamāna family by the sage Vatsa or Vasishtha or by the god Indra. The well known story of the creation of the progenitors of the Paramāra, Chāhamāna, Pratihāra and Chaulukya dynasties by the sage Vasishtha on Mount Abu was unknown to the Chāhamana court poets as late as the fourteenth century.
The reference to Kţishna as the eighth of the ten avatāras of Vishnu is interesting. It is well known that the doctrine of the avatāras underwent several stages of development and that their number, originally unsettled, gradually came to be recognised as ten. It should, however, be noticed that, even as late as the twelfth century, the same list of ten avatāras was not definitely fixed for the whole of India, Thus the author of the record under discussion, who was a twelfth
1 Cf. versos 5, 8-9, 11, 22-23, 25-26, 35. • Ray, op. cit., p. 1053.
The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III (Thn Classical Age), PP. 414 .

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180
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX
century court poet of the Chahamănas of Ajmer, regards Krishna as the eighth incarnation of Vishnu, while the author of the Belāva plate' of king Bhöjavarman (12th century) of Eastern Bengal, recognises the same divinity merely as amsaktit-avatāra, i.e., a partial incarnation. Another contemporary author, Jayadēva, who was a court poet of king Lakshmanasēna (circa 1179 -1206 A.C.) of Bengal puts Haladhara (i.e., Balarāma-Sankarshaņa) in the place of Krishna as the eighth incarnation of Vishnu in the list of the ten avatāras in the Gitagovinda."
TEXT*
[Metres : Verses 1, 6, 8-9, 12-13, 20, 37 Vasantatilaka ; verse 2 Prithvi ; verse 3 Sragdhara ; verses
4, 5, 10, 14-16, 18-19, 21, 24, 32-33, 36 Sardulavikridita ; verses 7,17 Malini ; verse 11 Vamsashavila ; verses 22, 27 Sikhariņi; verses 23, 25 Anushțubh ; verse 26 Svägata ; verse 28 Upendravajrā; verse 29 Hariņi; verse 30 Mandākrāntā ; verse 31 Indravajra ; verse
34-35 Upajāti.] 1 Siddham || Om namo Narāyaṇāya || Aradhaniyam amarair=api pātu yushmänäpäd-aravimda
yugalam Garudadhvajasya vinyasta-kaustubhamaņēr=uraso-varuhya Lakshmir-nakhambu-khachitam bhajatē bhțiśam yat | 1 | Jagaj-janana-pālana-pralaya-kēli-karo muhur=
mahā-danuja-nāki2 nän vihita-nigrah-anugrahaḥ | vihamgapati-vāha[no] bhujagarāja-talpē-sayaḥ briyē bhavatu
võ bhav-amvu(bu)nidhi-karnnadhāro Hariḥ || 2 || Omkāro dänava-stri-samudaya-ruditavra(bra)hma pārāyaṇānām kalp-art-āravdha(bdha)-bhāra-stanita-jaladhara-brēni-baky
änukārah | pāp-āhi-kshvēda-pi- 15 3 da-nipatita-sukrit-orthăpan-āmögha-maṁtrū jīyād=yuddhë[shu] [sa] Sri-sahachara-Murajit.
pāmchajanya-pranädah || 3 || Mūrdhni Sri-kucha-kumbhayör=nipatită muktā kalapāyatē lagnä talpa-bhujamga-purgava-tanau nirmāka- pattāyatē nābhi-niraruhasya sannidhi
chari yā rājahamsāya- | 4 të să pāņi-sthita-pāmchajanya-kiraņa-śrēņi Harēḥ pātu (vaḥ || 4] || Vâta-vyädhi -yuto
vayasy-ati-gurau tishthan-va(n=ba)li samtataḥ saty-asakta-matirajjagatra(t-tra)ye-hitam kurvvan=dadhānaḥ kshamām(mām) amtaḥstham gamayan=dhanamjayam=
anauddhaty-ānvitam dipra-bhāṁ(bham) srēyah-samtatayē Purānapurusho dē- ||? 5 vah sad-aiv-astu vah | 5 Vakshahsthal-ochchhalita-kaustubha-kām[ti-liptam] pāņi
sthitam=bhavatu Chakradharasya chakram(kram) yuddhēshv=anēka-danujēndrakathora-kamtha-chchhēd-āvasakta-rudhir-augham=iva sriyē vah | 6 | Vilasita-vanamālo
dipta-Vairöchana-sri-viratikțid=anurajyat-Pannagărir=nikāmammam) 6 bhuvana-janaka-vidyut-pumja-pīt-ām va(ba)ro võ ghatayatu ghana-kāla) [K]savo mamgalāni
7 Slishyat-sudarsana-payodhara-kțishņam=udyad-bhim-ahava-prakațit-andhaku(ka)putra-nāśam(sam) stutyam su-parvvabhir=alamkțita-dharmma-pākam Vyāsasya kāvyaraiva pātu Harēr=vvapur=vva) || 8 | Astr=īti visva-vidito=1"
IN. G Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III pp. 14 ff.
• Verse 12. JAyndēva's list of the avatāras corresponds to that given in a Puranio verso quoted in an eighth century inscription from Mamallapuram (Mem. ASI, No. 26, p. 5).
From impressions. • Expressed by symbol. • The danda is superfluous. • Some space is left unengraved after oyadhi. + The two dandas are unnecessary.

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No. 25] AJMER STONE INSCRIPTION
181 7 pi va(ba)bhữva yaḥ stri bhagn-ārjuno=py=skrita yo hitam=Arjunasya | yaḥ [@]sha-bhoga
vihita-sthitir-apy-abosha-bhög-opabhöga-kfid=avatv-akhilarh sa Saurih || 9 || Vaktram nâbhi-sarõja-chāru-hasitam yā pāmchajany-õjva(jjva)la-jyotsnam kaustubha-ratna-sõnam=
adharam kesän-vapur-mēchakan ba[stam sā]mrga? 8 dhanur-lata-kutilatimh dhatta-nukarttum bhruvõrdvamdvarh Dänava-südanasya dayi[t].
dēvi briyo võrgtu să || 10 | Virochan-ēmdivaramitra-lõchanām saroja-hastar kanak-ova(jva)l-ām ukām(kām) vi(bi)bharti Lakshmim=iva yaḥ prabhus-tanum sa Vasudevo
duritāni hamtu vaḥ || 11 | Udvarttana-pratinipäta-[vasā)- ' 9 t-payodhau dvēdhā-vidirnna-salilē jala-sāyin, ya) | svasy=aiva mürtti[r=a)pară hata
yoga-nidram=ālõkito vijayatē sa Murari-minaḥ || 12 | Yasya trasadbhir-avanidhara-tādanēbhyo yād8-ganair=udara-păda-tale nilinaiḥ | piyūsha-mamthana-vipan=niratiryat-av
dhau(bdhau) Kūrm-atma10 kaḥ sa Harir=astu vibhūtayė vaḥ || 13 || Sūry-ādhishthita-dakshiņ-ākshi-kira(nai]h samvartta
vāty-olvanaih sambösham mukha-mărutais-cha sutarām ēk-ārņnavē gachchhati prithvirh phēna-krit-aspadām-iva dadhad-damshtr-ambu-liptām Hariḥ kol-ātmā vitaratv-a-pürnna
salila-krida-spriho vaḥ sivam(vam) || 14[|*] 11 Vishpörddhirayatah sada-kavaohita-skamdhăm npisimh-arddhatām dāyāsub [ka]rapatra
yamtra-nibitah basvatusukham vo nakhāḥ | yair-vakshah-khanati Hiranyakasi(6)pordēvēna datta-Sriyam utkhatah su-chir-õtthito hridi mahan-duhkha-drumo näkinäm(nam)
|| 15 || Yãohñām chētasi matsarād=vi12 rahitasy=ēva Sriya vi(bi)bhrataḥ pratyamgam laghutāṁ cha Vāmana-harëḥ pāda-dvaya
pātu vah hastinām vividh-äyudha-pramathit-āmartya-dvishamirshayā nūnan yēna rasätalam pragamito vikramya Vairochanaḥ || 16 || Tri-bhuvana-guru-sishyas=chāpa-vēdē
manishi nisita-parasu-lūn-asēsha-ra13 janya-vaṁśaḥ | jayati muni-sama-jyā-rajyad-ātmā Sahasrārjuna-bhu[ja]-[vana]-sham(kham)d
āmgāra-ksij-Jamadagnyaḥ || 17 || Mayy=āsva(sva)sya tay-ēdam-arpitam=iti prahv-ā(bhv-a)tmană Janaki-chūdā-ratnam-upāhitam charaṇayor=mūlē Marut-sūnuna grihnan-88
pranayam sa-sāmdra-karuņam s-āvșitti 88-pratyayam | 14 s-õtsäham sa-va(ba)hu-trapam vijayatē dēvē Daśāsy-āṁta-kpit | 18 || Sr[ävairudhā]tu
ras-āktamudyad-upal-asang-assig-āśamkayā hā kim jātam=iti pramsijya paritaḥ svesv-ottariy-amchalaih | yam rõm-amchitam=a-kshat-āmgam api cha vyālökya gõpyo muda
valgamti sma sa-hēlam=uddhfi-| 15 ta-girih Krishnaḥ sa pushṇātu vaḥ || 19 || Vēda-kriy-āmvu(bu)-rahitam [ka][runa*)-trin-augha
chchhann-änanam Sugata-darsana nimnakūpam(pam) pātāya yah kali-yug-aika-suhsichchakära lõkasya Vu(Bu)ddha iti rakshatu vaḥ sa Vishnuḥ || 20 || Tärksh-aröhana-niḥsprihasya
turagēn=ódhas[y]a (va(ba)rha]m=vi(rham vi)16 nā kālo yasya karē sthitaḥ kali-samuchchhēdam karishyaty-asih [l go-samyukta-vpishăm
(sham) vidhäsyati kritam spishtvå praksishtań yugam Mléchchhänām avasina-krit-88 bhagavin-Kalki Harih pätu váh || 21 | Subh-ākhyānam ghör-āhava-ghatita-bhimam sakunini pradhänēn=āpētam vijayi-bhuja- |
1 Bettor road barnga. · The danda is unnecessary.
The two dandas are superfluous.

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX 17 nihpf(nishpi)dita-vrisham(sham) | kram-õdgachchhad-Gamgā-prithuka-mahaniyam Mura
ripõh sva-rupan sampattyai bhavatu bhavatām Bharatam-iva | 22 || Pätu võ daityapatibhir=maha-sēnair=8-piditaḥ | Harir=Indra-Hara-Vra(Bra)hma-Mahāsēnair=ap=iditaḥ
|| 23 || Vishņõh pūrita-[pāmcha]janya-kuhara18 prodbhūta-mamdr-ārąvais-talp-abi-svasit-ānilaiḥ prachalatām [na]bhi-sarājē gatē t ra
stēn=Āvja(bja)bhuvā tritiya-savanēn=āmnaya-pathē kritē prāg-udvudbuddha-payodhija-dhfita-pado bhūtyai pravõ(bo)dho=stu vah | 24 || Padmā-yuktaḥ sa-padmő-pi vpishah
äpi vpish[āya) yaḥ | hat-arir=ari19 sampanno=py-astu vah śrēyasē Harih | 25 | Sěyitah sura-ga[ņai]h sa-suparnnasuchhāyay=
ati-ghanayā ramaniyah sthāsnutām dadhad=alamkrita-kāmaḥ kalpa-vriksha iva pātu Harirevah | 26 || A-bhāroyar nūnam yadi janita-khodo-si tad=a[mu]m [tya)ja tvad
vibrártyai kshanam=a-1' 20 pi vahāmo vayam=ami(m=imam) | Harir=jāt-āścbaryaiḥ krita-nuti[bhir=ā]rttaiḥ pramuditaire
hasann-ukto gõpair=iti jayati chitran=giri-varam(ram) || 27 || Anäratam yo danujëndrayoshid-vilöchan-Ardrfkaraniya nūnam(nam) | vi(bi)bhartti dhär-am vu(bu) Ha[rēh]
karastho lunātu duhkhāni. 21 sa nandako vah || 28 || Na nava-jalada-syäma yad=yan na k[au]stubha-sõbhitam na jaladhi
sutā-sötkamtham yan=ne yad-Garuda-dhvajam(jam) na yad=ari(si)-gadā-samkh-ambhöjair-niruddha-karam Harēr=jayati gaditam tad-Vēdāntaiḥ pravo(bo)dhamayam vapuḥ
|| 29 || Daityān=nighnann=anu-Va(Ba)dari- l. 22 k-aranya-kumjam tapasyan-Sri-samslēsh-otsavam=anubhavan=pālayan=vishţapāni | tat-tat
kirchit-samam=atisay-ochchhsimkhalas-tēna tēna vyätanvāno jayati vapusha vivavamdyo Mukunda) || 30 || Vā(Bā)hur=vidhattam bhavatāṁ sriyam sa (Kam]sa
dvishah Kēsi-[ra]da-vran-amkah | vichi- || 23 vichitrasya dinēša-putri-pūrasya dūram jayati sriyam yaḥ || [3]1 || Niḥkrā(Nishkrā)mat
Kamala-mukh-ēmdu-nipatan-nētrasya gătrē Harēr=udbhinnaḥ saha maamathona bhavatah pirtu sram-ambhah-kanih martha-kshānidhar-ähati-vyatikaräd=utthiya påthoni
dhër-lagnānām vima24 la-tvishām dadhati yē muktā-maņinām bhramam(mam) || 32 || Kamdo v=ā[ma]ra-pădapasya
kumud[a]d-ambhõja-bhājam sriyam nirmmātu pratibhūr=mrigamka-mukurasyanbhoda-kal-änilah tārā-parada-viprushām h uta vahah] köki-rata-prakriya-sākshi
dakshiņam=i- || 25 kshanam Mnra-ripõr=dēvē Raviḥ pātu vaḥ || 33 | Tasmāt=sa[mā]larnva(ba)na-dada-yoni
[r-abh]ūj-janasya skhalataḥ sva-mārggēsrggat) vamsaḥ sad=aiv=odha-raső nļipāņām= anudgat-aino-ghuna-kita-ramdhraḥ || 34 | Samutthitõ=rkād=anaranya-yonir=utpanna
punnāga-kadam26 vasba)-Sākhaḥāscharyam=amtah-prasarat-kuśõ=yam vams=rthinām brīphalatām prayāti
# 35 || Adhi-vyādhi-kuvfitta-durggati-parityakta-prajās-tatra të sapta-dvipa-bhujo nļipāḥ samabhavann=Ikshvāku-Rām-ādayah yēsbām durjaya-dänavēmdra-jayin[am] tair=im.
dru-mu- 1 27 khyair-makhēshv=āhūtair=upayāchitëshv=iva purodāsēna tri[ptaih] suraiḥ || 36 || Tasminn=
athāri-vijayēna virājamānō rāj=anuramjita-janõ=jani Chāhamānaḥ sampūrņņaś=chandra
iva chandrikayā triyāmam kirtty-õjva(jjva)latvam-anayad-bhuvana-trayim yaḥ || [37*!] 1 The two dandas are superfluous. • The danda is unnecessary.

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No. 26]
TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA
No. 26-TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA
(2 Plates)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
About the beginning of October 1952, I received for examination two copper-plate inscriptions from Mr. P. Acharya, Superintendent of Research and Museum, Government of Orissa, Bhubaneswar. I was informed that the inscriptions had been found in the old Daspalla State, now merged in Orissa as a sub-division of the Puri District, and that Mr. Satyanarayana Rajaguru, Assistant Curator of the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, had prepared a paper on them for publication in the Orissa Historical Research Journal. Mr. Acharya, however, was kind enough to permit me to edit both the inscriptions in the Epigraphia Indica. I am extremely thankful to him for this kindness.
183
A.-Daspalla Plate of Devananda; Year 184
This copper plate, as I learnt from Mr. Acharya, was found early in 1951 in the course of the re-excavation of an old tank in the village of Chikankhandi in the Jormu Pargana of Daspalla. The Pargana is situated on the right bank of the Mahanadi while the town of Daspalla lies on the left bank of the river. The plate was presented to the Orissa State Museum in June 1951 by Mr. Dasarathi Misra who is a teacher of the M. E. School at Jilinda in the Daspalla Sub-division.
The inscription is written on both sides of the single plate measuring 10"x7.45" x 13". A bronze seal, having the shape of an expanded lotus and measuring 3.25" in diameter, is soldered about the middle of the proper right end of the plate. It resembles the seal attached to the charters of the family to which the issuer of the grant under discussion belonged. The border of the pericarpial portion (about 2-24" in diameter) of this lotus-shaped seal is raised. In the hollow thus formed, the seal proper is countersunk. The central part of the space on the surface of the seal is occupied by the legend in one line: śrī-Dēvānandadēvasya, the subscript y in the last akshara being considerably lengthened towards the left so that the entire legend looks as doubly underlined. Above the legend is the figure of a couchant bull to proper right, with the emblems of a conch and a crescent above it. Below the legend there is the representation of an expanded lotus. The seal is fixed to the plate by means of two knobs running through holes made in the usual projection of the plate. These are covered by a lump of metal forming the back of the seal. Some eight or nine lines of writing about the middle of the plate on both its sides are shorter owing to the encroachment of the lower part of the seal. The plate together with the seal weighs 143 tolas.
In respect of palaeography, language and orthography, the present record closely resembles the published charters of the family to which its issuer belonged. In a few cases (cf. sarvada in line 11, sarva in line 23) the superscript r reminds us of a similar form of it in the inscriptions of the Pālas of Bengal and Bihar. The charter is dated in the year 100 80 4, i.e., 184 (the symbol for 100 resembling the akshara lu) of an unspecified era which appears to be identical with the reckoning used in the records of the imperial family of the Bhauma-Karas of Orissa as well as in those of some of their feudatories, This era is now often identified with the Harsha era of 606 A. C. and in that case the year 184 of our inscription would correspond to 792 A.C. But it has been noticed that the palaeography of the inscriptions dated in the era in question points to a considerably later epoch for it. As will be seen in our discussion on Satrubhañja's plates edited below, the beginning of this era now seems to be nearly two centuries later than that of the Harsha
1 See above, pp. 2 and 49.
6 DGA/53

Page #323

184
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX era. This would suggest a date about the beginning of the eleventh century A. C. for the inscription under discussion and such a view seems to be supported by palaeography. The use of numerical symbols instead of figures appears to point to a date not considerably later than the tenth century.
The charter was issued by king Dēvānandadēva II of the Nanda or Nandödbhava family of Jayapura in the present Orissa State. This ruler is already known from his Baripada Museum, Jurerpur and Narsingpur plates, 1 none of which, however, bears any date in an ora as the record under review. The seal of king Dēvānanda is found attached to the Talmul plate of king Dhru. vānanda who belonged to the same family and was apparently a successor of Dēvānanda II. Like the present charter of Dēvānanda, Dhruvānanda's record is dated in the year of an era. This date is usually taken to be the year 293 ; but, as we have suggested above, it may be really 193. This conjecture seems to be supported by the date, year 184, no doubt of the same era, when Dēvānanda II, who appears to have been the inmediate predecessor of Dhruvānanda, issued the charter under discussion.
The Baripada Museum plate of Dēvānanda II and the Talmul plate of Dhruvānanda have quoted the same introductory verses. These verses, with the omission of only one, are also quoted in the Jurerpur plate of Dēvānanda II. All these records begin with a prose passage referring to Jayapura which was the capital of the Nanda or Nandodbhava kings of Orissa. The verses that follow speak of the following rulers : (1) Jayānanda, (2) his son Parānanda, (3) his son Sivānanda, (4) his son Dēvānanda (I), and (5) his son Vilāsatunga. The above verses are followed in the Baripada Museum and Jurerpur plates by a prose passage which introduces king Dēvānanda (II) as the issuer of the charters in question, while the same passage substituting the name of Dhruv.nanda for that of Dēvānanda (II) is found in the corresponding section of the Talmul plate. It was therefore quite natural to suggest that both Dēvānanda (II) and Dhruvānanda enjoyed the viruda Vilāsatunga and were the sons of Dövānanda (I). But the introductory verses of the charter under discussion clearly state that the reigning king Dēvānanda II was the son of Vilasatunga. "As these verses are stated to have been composed by the Sandhivigrahin of the Nanda king, they have to be regarded as more authentic and reliable than the introductory portion of the other records of the family, which is full of errors of various kinds. It seems that verses describing the reigning kings are omitted through confusion in the above records of Dēvānanda II and Dhruvānanda. The correct genealogy of the Nanda or Nandödbhava rulers of Orissa from Jayānanda, founder of Jayapura, to his fifth descendant Dēvānanda II is thus supplied by the record under review. But the relationship between Dövänanda II and Dhruvananda still remains uncertain. Dhruvānanda seems to have been either a younger brother or & son of Dēvānanda II. The genealogical tree of the Nandas of Orissa may therefore be drawn as follows.
* See above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 74 ff.; Vol. XXVII, pp. 225 ff. * J BORS, Vol. XV, pp. 87 ff. • Ahore, Vol. XXVII, p. 327, note 1. . Cf. above, Vol. XXVI, p. 76, note 2.
Dhruvananda appears to have utilised an old plate on which bis predecessor's seal was fixed and the introductory stanzas were engraved alrcady.

Page #324

No. 26]
TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA
Jayananda
Parānanda
Sivānanda
Dēvānanda I
Vilāsatunga
Paramamānēsvara Dēvānanda II ;
year 184
Paramasaugata Dhruvānanda ;
year 193
The Narasingpur plate of Devananda II is a spurious document containing only certain fragments of two genuine charters of the Nanda king. As noticed above, the fragments of verses found in this spurious record suggested the existence of some genuine grants of Dēvānanda having & set of introductory stanzas which were different from those known from the published records of the king. Happily this conjecture has now been justified fully by the discovery of the present inscription. The introductory part of the charter under discussion consists of ten stanzas none of which is found in the common introduction of the Baripada Museum and Jurerpur plates of Devānanda and the Talmul plate of Dhruvānanda, although fragments of most of them can be traced in the spurious Narsingpur plate of the former. Lines 1-3 and 8-19 of the Narsingpur plate contain fragments of the verses forming the introduction of our charter in the following order: 1, 6, 7, 8, 4, 5 and 6. Lines 16, 18 and 19 of the same plate contain respectively the numbers 4,5 and 6 which, as we have already pointed out, were meant to indicate the end of the fourth, fifth and sixth verses of some genuine rocords copied in it. It is now seen that the number 4 is put there actually after the concluding passage of the fourth verse of the present charter, while 5 is placed among certain passages of the fifth verse and 6 between the end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth stanza apparently through confusion.
The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham. Verse 1 describes the city of Jayapura, capital of the Nandas, while each one of the following six verses describes respectively the rulers Jayānanda, his son Parānanda, his son Sivānanda, his son Dāvānanda I, his son Vilāsa. turga, and his son Dāvananda II, although the description of the reigning monarch Dēvānanda II continues in the following three stanzas (verses 8-10). This introductory part of the record contains hardly anything besides conventional and vague praises of the rulers described. Next follows a probe passage (lines 22-26) introducing again king Dēvānanda II as desirous of making
* Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 331.

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186
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX
a grant. This description is substantially the same as found in the Baripada Museum and Jurerupur plates of the same king and the Talmul plate of Dhruvānanda and has been already discussed by us. As regards the slight modification of the language in our record, it may be noted that the king is here called samadhigatapanchamahā sabda-mahāsāmantādhipati-vanditaparamabhatlāraka-Nanda Mahārāja-Rāņaka-eri-Dēvānandadëva instead of paramabhattāraka-samadhigata-paschamahāśabda-mahāsāmantādhipati-sri-Dēvānandadēva as found in the other charters. In connection with the second passage quoted above, we remarked that " the ambiguity (as it may also suggest that the ruler in question was himself a Paramabhattāraka) may be intentional ” and suggested that the rulers of the Nanda family may have "originally owned allegiance to the Bhauma-Karas and begun to rule more or less independently after the latter's decline". It will be seen that the epithets applied to Dēvānanda II in the present record (cf. lines 3-4 of the spurious Narsingpur plate) are similarly ambiguous as they may be taken to be a mixture of both imperial and feudatory titles, which is often found to have been adopted by subordinate rulers to indicate their newly achieved semi-independent status.'
Lines 26-33 of our inscription record the grant of a village called Indoddā situated in the Jilondā vishaya of the Airāvaţta mmandala, made by the king by means of a copper-plate charter in favour of Yasõdatta, son of Māhõla, for the increase of his own merit as well as his parents' The donee was resident of Vaniggötrā; but his family is stated to have hailed from a locality called Rāhiyavada. He is described as szttva-gehin, śāstr-opādhyāya and kāyastha, while yerse 16 in line 38 of the inscription seems to suggest that he was the Sadhivigrahin (minister for war and peace) of king Divānanda II. The fact that Yasodatta's gotra, charana, śākhā, etc., are conspicuous by their absence in his descriptin may suggest that the donee of our record was not a Brāhmada and that his epither Kāyastha possibly indicates not his profession but actually his caste. But he is stated to have been not only a sattva-gehin, i.e., & virtuous householder', . but also a sästr. opādhyāya,' i.e., teacher of the sätra ', although what sätra is particulalry meant is not clear. Since Yasõdatta seems to have been a minister of the king, it is not impossible to think that he was a teacher of the science of politics. If these suggestions are acceptable, the inscription under review gives us valuable information regarding the crystallization of the prefessional community of scribes into the caste of Kāyasthas as well as their honoured social position in early Orissa.
Lines 33-38 quote some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses which are followed by another stanza saying that the prasasti or eulogy (apparently referring particularly to the introductory verses discussed above) was composed by Yaśõdatta who was serving king Divānanda II as Sandhivigrahin. Line 39, with which the document ends, gives the date, year 184, and says that the eulogy was engraved by Lögayāka.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the name Airāvaţta-mandala, which appears to have comprised the kingdom of the Nandas, is belived to be preserved in that of modern Ratagarh within the Banki Police Station in the Cuttack District, while, Jayapura, capital of the Nanda kings, has been identified with a village of that name in the Dhenkanal District. The name of the district called Jilondā reminds us of modern Jilinda in Daspalla. It is difficult to identify the villages of Indoddā, Rāhiyavada and Vaniggötrā.
1 Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 329.
2 Cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1555, etc. In the charter under discussion, the king is called mahasamantadhi. pativandita paramabhalaraka (i. e., a paramount king worshipped by the feudatories having many subordinates) or mahasumantadhipati-vandita paramabhaffaraka (i. e., a feudatory having many subordinates and worshipping his overlord).
The word upadhyāya means a teacher or preceptor in general. Sometimes it is used to indicate a subteacher who gives instructions for wages only in a part of a Veda. An upůdhyāya is often regarded as inferior to an acharya. Cf. Manusmrti, II, 141.
. Cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 273.

Page #326

No. 26
TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA
187
TEXT
[Metres : Verse 1 Sragdharā ; vv. 2, 4-10 Särdülavikridita ; v. 3 Mâlini ; v. 11-13, 16 Anushţubh ;
v. 14 Sālini ; v. 15 Pushpitāgrā.]
Obverse 1 Siddham (ll*) Svasti prõttunga-mádyat-kari-karata-tata-prasravad-dāna-toyaiḥ samsikta
prājya-mārgād=ghana-samaya2 vasa-prăpta-vripti(shţi)-prachärät | viprāņā[m] vēda-sästra-dhvani-janita-sukhat=sarvva
lakshmi[m*) davā(dhā)nād=ratnam(tna)-prākära-bhi3 tti-prachura-Jayapurāt-särthakät=sarvvad=aiva || [1*] Asin Nanda-kul-odbhavaḥ kshititala
khyāto visu(su)ddh-ānvayo bhūpālair-nata-påda4 padma-yugalaḥ sat-kirtti-lakshmyā vritaḥ | vā(bā)hvõr=vvikrama-lavdha(bdha)-buddha-vi
bhavo vidyā-vinito mahān=rājā rājita-loka ē5 va hi Jayānando jan-ananda-kpit || [2*] Sakala-guna-nidhanaḥ khyātaḥ(ta)-saum-(my-o)
nnatõ=yan para-hita-nirat-atma loka-mă6 [r]g-ānuvartti | vigata-Kali-kalaňkah: tasya sūnuḥ prasiddhaḥ kshitipani(ti)r-atulo=bhūch
chhēp-Parānanda-nāmā || [3*] Atyant-ő7 nta(nna)ta-satru-paksha-timira-pradhvamsaksin=nirmmalaḥ sa[r]vv-āsā(sā)-paripūran-aika
chaturaḥ samtyakta-dosh-ābrayaḥ | tasy=[ā)8 bhūt=tanayaḥ prasiddha-mahimā mitr-õdayo bhāsuro bhūbhfid=bhānur=iv=āpa[rah] praka
țitaḥ srimāra - Vivānandaka9 $ || [4] Sūnus-tasya nirasta-satrunikarastējo-nidhānaḥ sadā lakshmyā lakshaņa-lakshita
[h*]kshitibhujām=agrēsaraḥ 10 sundaraḥ | jātaḥ sachcharito vinita-nipuņo bhūpāla-chūdāmaņir-Dēvānanda-nsipõ=ti-su(su)
ddha-mati11 māna(man) khyātaḥ kshama-mandale || [5*] Sa[rvval-prāṇabhritām=abhishța-vishayē chin
tämaṇiḥ sarvadā nītau 12 Sakra-guruh prajāsu npipatir=Vēņuḥo suputro mahān pratvyā(tyā)y-ārjana-samchayē cha
Dhanadaḥ sad-vikra13 mě Sūdrakah? tasmād=ēva Vilāsaturga-narapõ=py=ēkõ=py=anēkah stha(sthi)taḥ || [6*]
Madyatkunjara-pina-ku14 mbha-dalana-prāpta-pratäp-õdayaḥ kshmāpāl-anani(ta)-mauli-ratna-nikara-pradyotit-anghri
dvayah | tyāgai
1 From the original plate. • Expressed by a symbol.
Read kalankas-tasya.
Read bhuchuchhri-Parao. . Read érinafi-Chhivdo. • Road nyipatir-Vainyah. * Read Sudrakas-lasmao.

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188 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX 15 r=nyakkfita-Karnpa-varạnana-kathaḥ śrimān=ku(n=ku)l-ālankaiksi)to Dāvānanda-nfipo=
ti-sundara-vapus=tasy=ātumajõ=bhūn=mahan 16 || [7*) Bhübhfit-paksha-samasta-rakshana-paro gāmbhirya-lavdh-a(bdh-ā)spado bhi(bhā)svad
ratna-vistā]ma(na)-satva(ttva)-nilayo Lakshmi-sudha-sarm17 bhavaḥ tulyõ=ya[m] jaladhër=manohara-mahā-matt-abha-vāji-prado Dāvānanda-narēsva
(sva)rő=[ti*]vimalaḥ svachchh-āsa(ba)yo 18 h=aiva saḥ || 8*] Nānā-ratna-parikshana kila manāk-trāsa-kramo drisyatē varņņānām=iha
löpa ēva kathitaḥ sā(bā)19 strē cha savd-asrayõi ni[h*]svatva[m] muni-pungavēshu niyatam n=knyatra sambhāvyatē
tasmina (smin) bhūbhuji pā[rtthi]v-ēndē(ndu)-Pri
Roverse
23
20 thuvat-gam[sēvamā]nē sada [9*] Prālēy-achala-kanta-kanti-vilasat-kunda-prabhā-spardd
hinā bhāsvat-pürņņa-saran-mrigänka-ruchină 21 nitya[m] manõbāriņāy | asy-ochchair=ddha valikpitam tri-bhuvanaṁ sõ(67)bhā-yasõ(67)-tāsi
(si)nā Dāvānanda-nsipa[8*]=triloka-vijayi jiya22 chchiram sarvadā || [10*] Jājvalyamāna-pratäp-anala-pulshț-arāti-chākra(ru)-mūrtti[h*]
sapta-samudra-sa[m*]bhrānta-kirttir=yath-ochita-sthā[n]-āvasthäpi
ta-varņņa-chatusbţayaḥ sampūrit-āsē(bē)sha-pranayijana-manorathaḥ sarva-sajjana
jan-ananda-dāyi rakt-āmva(mba)ra-pramandita-ka24 ladhauta-döllikā-chämara-pralamvi-(mbi)ta-prāntadēša-vinyasta-mayūra-cha ndr]ikā-nikara
bi-(si)ta-chachhatr-āvabhāsamāna[h*) sitadhātu25 maya-gõdhā-si(si)kharikfita-lõchan-āmva(mba)ra-dhvaja[h*] mahā-ma(mā)hēsva(sva)ra[h*]
mātā.pitri--pā[d-ā*]nudhyāta[h*) samadhigata-pañchamahāsa (sa)vda(bda)-ma26 häsāmantādhipati-vanditaparamabhatýāraka-Nanda-[ma]hārāja-Rāņaka-sri-Dāvananda
dēvah kusa(a)li | Airāyatta-mandala-sa27 mva(mba)ndha(ddha)-Jilonda-vishayz bhavishyad-yathākāla-bhāvino rāja[nya*]katrā
(n=rā)-japutrān=Vrū(n=Brā)hmaņa-purogā[n*] sãmantā(nta)-nivāsi-jan(a)28 n=adhikāriņah sa-karaṇān=anyä[m*]s=cha cháța-bhata-vallabha-jātīyā[n]=rāja-păd-opajivinaḥ
Barvẫn=yatharhanh mãnayati võ (bỏ)dhaya29 ti kusa(sa)layaty=ādisa(sa)ti chranyad=vidina(ta)m=astu bhavatām-otad-vshaya-samva
(mba)ndhē(ddh-Endadda-grāmõ=yam sa-jala-sthala-ya(yo)30 gā(gah) sa-gartt-āvaskā(ska)ra-prajñāyamāna-chatuh-sima-paryanto Rāhiyavada-sama-vinir
gata-Vaniggotrā-vāsa(sta)vyāya sa31 tvattva)gēhi-sā (sā)strāpādhyāya-Kāyastha-Yasõ(66)dattāya Māhola-putrāya mita-pitror=
åtmanas-cha punya-yasõ(87)-bhivriddha
1 Read dabd-arayo. * Originally re with a rather long top-måtra was engravod in placo of nude. • The Intonded reading sooms to be grama.

Page #328

Obverse
Rs. No. 65 HE (c)'sB. Ce, CHHABBA
SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS
= সুন্দহ
ত্রাবিয়াহাযেংগ্রামী ৭ই ফারহীন অরণবালইনবাকী লক্ষ্মীনাক ? sed রেহমান নির্বাসিত-ই-বঃদ্রবিলাসবদ্বানুযায়ন নয়। 4 বছর নয়7ে15া (৪সনা মনােবিয়াযীনার্স ভাষানলা৭|
নরন্তর লল, কােনো বয়ানমালা। বৰদলিলওয় নজমওৰাLিনাস্থলাম। স্থ
জানগণঅভয়াল ফারাকানীরনঃসবেমালুদয় দুঃসুদভিজাত্রাববেন।স্ববান্ধবি 3gঘনিঃস্বীকানত্রিকা। আন্তয়া মুখদায়কালেননি ওহম(বৰু
মনঃসরুনোবলী ফুলৰ(ৰ্যরায়ােৰে ধন । নাকঃমানব জনগণযোগান (লঃস্বাদ,
JPiঃসবেষনা? র্ক্সেবাসেন । রাববলাসওজাৰযেকোনে কঃ সুনামঞ্জরুরী।
Sদাদেবহঃসলেগেলেন' খ্রত্যাবঃ ফ্রান্ত। Rংকঃ মার্শালবন , এমন কোনো দম। 18 Aগ্রমলববালাইনাই।গ্রি সেলুসেন পীথা 16 ওবলবদলামদ হাযাককালাবরমলঃ বক্স।
নিবন্ধন জিদানববন্ধন : ৪ তালহনস্থ ম ৰিয়াইনফানি { 7f7 , ।
A. - DASPALLA PLATE OF DEVANANDA: YEAR 184
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN

Page #329

Reverse
20
मालियाका विलीयत साफा यत्मा दिवा लावा 22 तं सर्वदा 115 लामाले पास सबको तलु माघमा 24কম- प्राविधिकका
"सलामा
हाम
20
दादा राशि 22
रुसमा वसिता
26 की दवा मगृदवः कु सलीलन 26 वापरूद कालरुगा দামय कालकाला বजाती या त य । यदी दिवः सदा राधा मा मय ना कुल ययादिसनिया वृद्विदिवगमगुरु बन्द बयसएलस जरा सी नदर्य को नगदी यবরপম30 दिखाया ताव सादय । पराि
सरका
न्याय न वियत्रिय याद
याद ষ।। सরশगमनास पात वायस तदा वास्यायनः मामा कस मुलायम कालपी के सहावा पाय ला
36
38 शा॥स वाद वसीमाया रायम नदि सकपकाया कम
24
28
32
34
36

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No. 26]
TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA
32 yē tāmra-sä (sa)sanikṛitya pa(pra)datto='smābhir-ataḥ tämra-sa(sā)sana-pradarsa(réa)nād= ev-asmat-ka[r]y-anurodhād-yathākāl-ōpa[bhu]
33 jyamins-phalasy-kaya kair-api paripanthibhir-na bhavitavyam | Ma bhūd-a-phala-fakā vab para-date(tt-ti pla]rtb[i]vä[b]sa' vi phala
34 ntyä para-datt-änupānam || 11*] Sva-dattam paradatta[m vä*] yō harēta vasundharam(rm) sa viahṭhāyāṁ krimir-bhätvä pitribhi[b] saha pachyati [] [12] Va(Ba)hu[bhir vasu]
189
35 dhā dattā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ädibhiḥ | yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tadā phalaḥ(lam) || [13] Sämany-ya[m] dharmma-attu[r]-nţipăṇā[*]
36 kālē kāla(lē) pālē (la) niyō bhavadbhiḥ | sarvvän=ētā[n*] bhāvinaḥ pārthivēndrā[n*] bhūyō bhūyah prarthalyaty-isha Ramab|| [14] Iti kama[la
37 dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lōläm sri (śri)yam-anuchimtya manushya-jivitam cha sakalam=idam= udahritam cha vu(bu)ddhva na hi puru[shai]ḥ para-ki[r]ttayo vilō
38 pyaḥ || [15] Sandhivigrahiņā rājñō Dēvānandasya nirmmitā | prasa(sa)stiḥ3 param-ōdārā Yaso (so)dattēna śrimata || [16] Jē(Jyē)shṭha
39 sudi 5 Samva (Samva)t 100 80 4 ya utkirnna(rņņā) Lōgayākēna || Siddham
B.-Daspalla Plates of Satrubhanja Tribhuvanakalasa; Year 198
According to information kindly supplied to me by Mr. P. Acharya, this set of plates was presented to the Orissa State Museum in June 1951 by Mr. Krushna Chandra Misra who is a clerk in the office of the Sub-Deputy Collector of Daspalla. Nothing is known about its exact findspot or the circumstances leading to its discovery.
The inscription is written on three plates, of which the first and third are inscribed only on the inner side. The writing is in an excellent state of preservation. The plates measure 6-7" X 4-75". The hole in the plates for the seal-ring to pass through, which had been made apparently before the plates were engraved, is 4" in diameter and is -75" inside from the proper right margin of the plates. The copper ring which is 37" in thickness and 2.7" in diameter has its joint covered by a lump of bronze, on which the seal (1.5" in diameter) is countersunk. It resembles the seal found with other charters of the family to which the issuer of the present record belonged. Its upper part is occupied by the figure of a lion to proper right, having its face to front, its left paw raised and its tail curled above its back. Below the above emblem is the legend in two lines: (1) Sri-Sa(Sa)trubha- (2) ñjadevasya. The three plates together weigh 107 tolas; but, as they vary in thickness, their individual weight is not the same. The weight of the first plate is 49 tolas and that of the second and third plates 27 and 31 tolas respectively. The ring with the seal weighs 38 tolas. Thus the weight of the three plates together with the seal-ring is 145 tolas.
In respect of palaeography, language, orthography and style, the inscription under review resembles very closely other charters of the Bhañja kings of Vañjulvaka, two of which have
1 Read sva-danal-phalamanantyam.
3 Read anupalaně.
The visarga had been at first omitted but was later inserted.
This sign of punctuation is preceded by a visarga-like mark that forms a part of it. Expressed by a symbol.

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190
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXI
been recently edited in this journal. But unlike the known records of the family, which are dated usually in the regnal reckoning of the kings issuing the grants in question, the present charter bears the date in the year 198 (written according to the decimal system of writing numerals) of an era. As already indicated above, this era seems to be no other than that used by the Bhaumo-Karas of Orissa and their feudatories in dating their charters. The chronology of the imperial family of the Bhauma-Karas has so long remained a disputed problem. But as the exact date of the present record can be determined almost with precision, it seems to throw welcome light on the above problem. We shall see below that the issuer of the charter under discussion flourished about the second quarter of the eleventh oentury. The epoch of the era in question may thus be assigned to a date in the first half of the ninth century A.C.
The charter was issued by a Bhañja king of Vañjulvaka, whose name is given as Satrubhatija II alias Tribhuvanakalasa. He is stated to have been the son of Silabhatja and great-grandson of Vidyadharabhafija. As it stands, the description of the issuer's ancestry in our grant is defective inasmuch as it does not speak of the king's grandfather. Under the circumstances, we have to suggest either that the word prapautra is a mistake for pautra so that Vidyadharabhañja was really the grandfather of Satrubhañja Tribhuvana kalasa or that the name of the grandfather of Satrubhañja was omitted from the record owing to the inadvertence of the scribe or the engraver. It is unfortunately difficult to be definite on this point in the present state of our knowledge. But the more important fact about this genealogy is that, while Satrubhanja Tribhuvanakalasa (issuer of the charter under review) and his father Silabhañja are as yet unknown from any another source, Vidyadharabhañja, grandfather or great-grandfather of Satrubhañja Tribhuvanakalasa, is already known to us from several of his own records as well as of his son Nettabhañja Kalyāņakalsa II. I have elsewhere discussed the genealogy and chronology of these Bhañjas. It has been shown how Ranabhañja, who was the great-grandfather of Vidyadharabhañja, flourished about the middle or the third quarter of the tenth century. I have also shown how the successors of Ranabhañja, viz., his sons, Nettabhañja Kalyanakalasa I and Digbhañja, and Digbhañja's son Silābhañja II and grandson Vidyadharabhañja, had all very short reigns so that a Brāhmaṇa named Bhatta Stambhadēva is known to have served all the four kings while a goldsmith named Durgadēva not only served all of them but also Nettabhañja Kalyäņakalasa II, son of Vidyadharabhañja. Considering the fact that the active period of the lives of Stambhadēva and Durgadēva probably covered about half a century, the reign of Nettabhañja Kalyāņakalasa II may be assigned to the first quarter of the elventh century. Silābhañja, father of the issuer of the charter under review, may not have ruled. Satrubhañja Tribhuvanakalasa, as he was the grandson or great-grandson of Vidyadharabhañja, may have flourished about the second quarter of the same century. In any case, the date of our iscription does not appear to be later than the middle of the eleventh century. Certain dates in the latest decades of the second century of the era in question (cf. Dēvānanda's plate edited about and the grants of the Bhauma-Kara queen Dandimahādēvi) are written with numerical symbols instead of figures apoording to the decimal system and the use of such symbols does not appear to have survived. considerably long after the end of the tenth century. Moreover the major part of the dominions of the Bhauma-Karas, who ruled from Jaipur for about two centuries (i.e., upto about the year 200 of the era, so that the date of the present charter, year 198, fell about the latest days of BhaumaKara rule), appear to have been included in the empire of the Sömavarsis during the rule of
1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, PP. 292 ff. * The first king of this name in the family was Satrubhtaja Gandhata of Dhritipura,
See Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1600-02. * IHQ, Vol. XXVIII, PP. 226 &.; abovo, Vol. XX VIII, pp. 274 #.

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No. 26]
TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA
191
Chanḍihara Yayati Mahasivagupta III (circa 1025-60 A.C.) and his son Uddyōtakesarin Mahabhavagupta IV (circa 1060-80 A.C.)1
That Satrubhañja Tribhuvanakalasa who issued the charter under review flourished about the second quarter of the eleventh century (so that the Bahuma-Kara era started about the corresponding period of the ninth century) is further indicated by another interesting piece of evidence that has recently come to light. The unpublished Baud plates of Prithvi-mahadevi, which were examined by me some time ago, are dated in the year 158 of the Bhauma-Kara era and state that this Bhauma-Kara queen was the daughter of king Svabhavatunga of the lunar dynasty of Kōsala (South Kōsala). One of the grants of the Somavamsi king Mahasivagupta Yayati I (circa 970-1000 A.C.) of South Kōsala seems to apply the name Svabhavatunga to that monarch. There is therefore no doubt that Prithvi-mahadevi alias Tribhuvana-mahādēvi II, who was on the BhaumaKara throne in the year 158 of the era in question, flourished about the last quarter of the tenth century A.C. This would also point to the beginning of the era about the second quarter of the ninth century.
The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham and the expression Om svasti, which are followed by three verses known also from all other records of the Bhañjas of Vañjulvaka. The third of these verses introduces the reigning king under his coronation name Tribhuvanakalasa. Next comes a long passage in prose (lines 10 ff.) in which the Paramavaishnava Ranaka Satrubhañja (i.e., Tribhuvanakalasa), son of Silabhañja and great-grandson (possibly a mistake for 'grandson") of Vidyadharabhañja, is represented as making a grant of the village of Kōnkaïra in the Paschima (i.e., Western) khanda (sub-division) in the Ramalava vishaya (district) in favour of a Brahmana named Bhatta Ajapala (or Ajapala). The donee is stated to have belonged to the Maudgalya gotra, Vājasaneya charana and Madhyandina sakha. He was the son of Bhatta Nilakantha and grandson of Bhaṭṭa Madhusudana. The original home of the donee's family is stated to have been the Bhalṭagrama Khaduvavalli in Madhyadesa; but he was settled in a locality called Santoshamadhava. The gift village was made a revenue-free holding on the occasion of the Vishuva-sankranti falling on a Sunday when the nakshatra was Mrigasiras and the tithi the fifth of the dark or bright fortnight of an unspecified month.
Lines 27-39 quote several of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. They are followed by certain endorsements indicating that the document was läñchhita (registered with the seal) by Prithvi-mahādēvi (apparently a queen of king Satrubhañja), anumata (approved of) by Bhatta Rajada, pravěsita (entered into the donee's possession, i.e., executed) by Pratihāra Prabhakara
1 See IHQ, Vol. XXII, pp. 300-07.
* See JPASB, 1905, p. 15; cf. IHQ, Vol. XX, pp. 76-82; also Vol. XXII, pp. 300 ff. Elsewhere (IHQ, Vol. XXVIII, p. 227) we have seen how Mahasivagupta Yayati I probably ousted the Bhañjas from Dhritipura and drove them to Vañjulvaka. These Bhañjas appear to have been feudatories of the Bhauma Karas. This fact points to a struggle between the Bhauma-Karas and the Somavamáls. The success of Mahasivagupta Yayati I against the Bhauma-Karas is further demonstrated by one of his charters (above, Vol. III, pp. 351-55) which is dated in his ninth regnal year and records the grant of a village in Dakshina-Tosala (within the Bhauma-Kara kingdom), although the early Somavaméts were really kings of Kosala (South Kosala). The Baud plates show that Prithvimahādēvi ignored the claims of Santikara III and Subhakara V for the Bhauma-Kara throne and may have been engaged in a civil war with the latter. In this she may have been supported by her father. In any case, the grant of a village in the Bhauma-Kara territory by the Somavamál king does not appear to be unconnected with the above fact. If the ninth regnal year of Mahléivagupta Yayati I fell near about the year 158 of tho Bhauma-Kara era, the beginning of the era may be roughly assigned to 820-25 A.C. The astronomical details supplied by our record (year 198, Vishuva-sankranti, Sunday, Pañcham!, Mrigasiras) suggests March 23, 1029 A. C. (Swamikannu Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 60). It has to be noticed that the above combination does not suit any other date in the period in question. It therefore appears that the Bhauma-Kara era started from 831 A. C.. 6 DGA/53

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192
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX and anujñāta (witnessed) by Väguli Ratna. The document is stated to have been written by the Sandhivigrahin Sankara while the plates were engraved by the akshasalin (goldsmith) Napa, already known as the engraver of the plates of another king of the family, named Neṭṭabhanja III Tribhuvanakalasa, which have been edited above. The charter ends with the date, year 198.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Vañjulvaka is well known from many other records of the family, although its exact location is as yet unknown. The Ramalava district and the villages of Konkaïra and Santoshamadhava are difficult to identify. The Bhattagrāma Khaḍuvavalli in Madhyadesa (roughly identical with the modern Uttar Pradesh) cannot be identified.
TEXT
[Metres: V. 1 Mälini; v. 2 Särdülavikridita; v. 3 Giti; vv. 4-9 Anushṭubh; v. 10 Pushpilārā.]
First Plate
1 Siddham3 Om Svasti [*] Jayatu kusumavā (bā)ņa-prāṇa-vikshōbha-daksham sva-ki
2 rana-parivesh-aurjjitya-jirnn-endu-lekham (kham | ) tribhuvana-bha[va]'n-anta[r]-dy[ö]
3 ta-bhasvat-pradipaṁ kanaka-nikasa (sha)-gauram vibhru-netram Harasya|| [1*]
4 88(88)ah-ahliva ye phapäḥ pravilasanty-udbhlavad-indu-tvishab prālē
5 y-achala-śringa-kōṭaya iva tvangati(nti) ye-ty-unnataḥ | nṛity-atō
6 pa-vighatita iva bhujā rājanti yê Sä(S)mbhavi-të
7 rv-gha-vightina[b] surasari[*]-toy-örmmayah pintu vab [2] Svasti | Vija
8 ya-Vañjulvakad-asti' Śrī-vijaya-nilaya[h*] prakata-guna-gana-grasta-sa
9 masta-ripu-vargaḥ [*] śri-Tri(Tri)bhuvanakalasa-nama-[rā*]jā nirdhūta-kali-kalu
10 sha-kalmasha[ḥ || 3*] Sri-Vidyadharabhañjadēvasya prapautraḥ śri -Si(Śi)[la]bhañja-"
Second Plate; First Side
11 devasya sutaḥ paramavaishnavo mātā-pitṛi-pad-änudhyātō Bha
12 ñj-amala-kula-tilaka-Rāņaka-śrī-Sa (Sa) trubhañjadēva[ḥ*] kusa(sa)
13 li Ramalava-vishaya-Paschima-khanda-yathanivasi-sa-kara
14 pa-samanta-bhōgy-adi-janapadan yathärhi (rham) manayati võ(bo)dha[ya*]ti
1 See Vol. XXVIII, pp. 278 ff.
From the original plates.
• Expressed by a symbol.
The letter va had been at first omitted and was later inserted below the line."
It is interesting to note that in some records of the family the word asti forms the first word of the third stanza while in others (as in this case) it does not form a part of the verse.
The intended reading may be pautrab.
7 The akshara la had been originally omitted but was later engraved below the line.

Page #334

Two GRANTS FROM DASPALLA (II)
B. DASPALLA PLATES OF SATRUBHANJA TRIBHUVANAKALASA; YEAR 198
कायालयाला याद
2 चितुवा मरुना
दीपक क
4.
• ও জানাজা
8 - 8
10. । আপान: সাধাॐ 10
12 1775 ॐ লাশের বিল অভির ন
(गा
16
ii,a
14. 14
A
22. गाজ দল
26
2
নিয়ম মত পাশের
18 সালে লেখায়া অগপ 18 কোন এক প
20 ) প্র কাজল 20
ii,b.
B. CH. CHHABRA
REG. No. 685 HE (C)53-439.
121
18
(২৯ জুন লগ্না গোর্থনা লাপাজয় তার
24. आ 24
ཏ་(༦༨༩
SCALE: FIVE-EIGHTHS
22
জালাল
জন্ম ও লেজ লম হাই নি, ऑ26 শরবতে জি
। শন স । যথা - 28
28 ফি
30 Mar 30
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN

Page #335

iii,
32 32
34 । আছে। আयান্ত 34
36
?
36
38 ( 38
40 জানা বা পেলি নদীর আকা প্রতিকি সেই
SEAL OF A - DASPALLA PLATE OF DEVANANDA; YEAR 184
40
SEAL OF
B. DASPALLA PLATES OF SATRUBHANJA TRIBHUVANAKALASA; YEAR 198

Page #336

No. 26) TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA
193 15 samādisa(ka)ti (cha | *) viditam=astu bhavatäm sarvata[h*) bivam-a16 smākař(ka)m=anyat ētada(tad)-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-Konkairā-grā17 ma[h*] chatu[h*)-si(si)mā-parichchhina(nnah) mātā-pitror=ātmanas=cha puny-abhivridha
(ddha)18 yē salila-dhārā-pura[h* Jóa(sa)rēna vidhinā Maüdgalla -götrāya 19 Vaidhavya'-pravarāya Vājasēna -charaņāya Madhna -säkb-adhyāya20 ni Madhyadēša-prativa(ba)ddba-bhata(tta)grāma-Khaduvavalli-vinirggataḥ(ta)
Second Plate; Second Side 21 Santoshamādhava-vāstavya-bhata(tta)-Madhusu(sū)danasya naptā(ptrē) bhata(tta)-Nila." 22 kaņķhasya suta(tāya) bhata-Ajapāla). Việu(shu)kha(va)-samkrānti-pañchamyā[**] Ra23 vi-dinē Mļi[ga*]sira(17)-nakshatrāņa grāmõ=yam” tāmvra(mra)-sāsani(nī)ksitya prada24 tastta)yāvata(vach)-chandr-ārka-tā[ra*]kaḥ ā(a)-cha(chā)ţa-bhata-pravēšēna sarv-āvā(ba)
dha25 varjitēn=&karatvēna bhuñjadbhi[b*) dharma-gauravät pratipāla26 niya[h 1 ) ā(a)emat-kula-kramam=udārhadbhio anais-cha dānam=i- . 27 dam=asmad=annmodaniyam(yam ) uktañ=cha dharma-śāstrēshuḥ(shu ). Va(Ba)hubhira
Vasu28 dhá dattā rājabhis-Sagar-ādibhish*| yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya 29 tasya tada phalam(lam || 4) Mā bhū[d=a*)-phala-bankā vaḥ para-datē(ttrē)ti pārthivást 30 sva-dānāt=phalam=ānantya[**] para-datā(tt-ā)nupālanē [ll 5*] Sva-datta[m*) para
Third Plate
31 dattām=vā(ttăī vā) yo harēta vasundharām(rām sa vishthāyāṁ krimir=bhu(r=bhū)tva
pitpi32 bhi[b*) saha pachyati(tē) || [6] Satyam yajña-hutam ch=aiva yat-kinchi[a*) dharma-sanchaya.
[h*] 33 Ärdha-angalēna simāyā baraņēna prana(na)sya(bya)ti ||[7*) Sa(Sha)shțhi(shți)-varsha-sa34 hasrāņi svargē vasati bhu(bhū)midah | Akshēptā ch=anumantā cha tānai(ny=ē)va
Read Maudgalya.
Read try-årshtya-pravaraya. The Maudgalya götra has three pravaras, viz., Angiras, Bharmyabva au Mudgala.
• Read Vajasandya. * Read Madhyandina-lakh-adhyayinē.
Originally nilea was engraved. 6 Read bhatt-japalaya. 7 The context does not require this expression. • Read daharadohir-anyaitcha. Road ardh-Agulena simao.
13

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194 PIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX 35 narakam vrajēt [ll 8*] Nandanti tasya pitaraḥ pravalganti pitāmā(ma)h[@]h [l* 36 bhu(bhü)mi-dätä kulö jätä(ta)sa nag=trätā bhavishyati || [9*] Iti 37 kamala-dal-āmvu(mbu)-vindu-lölő[m*) sri(bri)yam=anuchintya manushya-jivitan-cha [l*) 38 sakalam-idam-udähritam cha vu(bu)ddhā(ddhvā) na hi purushaih para-ki(ki)rttayo vilõpya. 39 h (Il 10*) Llā(La)Kchhitam Sri-Prithvimā(ma)hādēvya [l*ā(a)numatan Bhata(tta)-Rājadasya
[l *) pravēšitam prati40 hāra-Prabha(bha)karēna [l*] (a)nujñātam Vāguli-Ratnēna [l*] Utkirnnam(ronam) 2(a)
kshasālinā Napēna [l*] Li41 khitam Sandhivigrahi-Sankarēna || Samva(Samva)t 198 [11*)
No. 27–BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA ; YEAR 896
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND In September 1940, three sets of copper plates were unearthed from a field at the village of Paoni, about three miles from Bilaigarh, Raipur District, Madhya Pradesh. One set was passed on to the then zamindar of Bilaigarh. It belongs to the reign of the Kalachuri king Pratapamalla and is dated K. 969. Another set which fell into the hands of a sädhu, was subsequently recovered by the same zamindär. Proceeding on this information furnished by Pt. L. P. Pandeya, the plates were secured for examination in April 1945 by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India, through the good offices of the Commissioner, Chhattisgarh Division, Raipur. With the kind permission of the former, I edit the inscription here.
The set consists of two oblong copper plates held together by a ring with seal. The ring passes through a hole cut at the centre of one of the edges of the longer sides of the plates. The plates are engraved on the inner sides only and their rims are slightly raised to protect the writing. The plates measure 11% inches in length and 64 inches in breadth each approximately. The inscribed faces of the plates contain marginal decorative designs on three sides save the upper one. The diameter of the ring is about 14 inch. The ring is flattened at the top and given the shape of a round thin disc. This disc comprises the seal which has marginal decoration all around. In its upper half is carved in relief & crude figure of Gajalakshmi in the usual fashion. The lower half contains the following legend engraved in two lines in Nāgari characters: 1 Rāja-srima2 t-Prithvidevah. The seal measures two inches in diameter. The weight of the two plates together is 137 tolas and the ring with the seal weighs 8 tolas.
The inscription consists of 36 lines which are distributed equally on the two plates. The average size of the letters is 4 inch. The characters are Nägari of the 12th century A.C. The dandas and other punctuation marks are used in their proper places; for instance, to mark the halves and ends of verses, etc. The avagraha sign is generally indicated; e.g., -anvayê='bhūt
This epigraph is edited in this jourual, above, pp. 97 ff.
For more details about the discovery of these copper plates soo above, p. 97 n. 6. It is not known what happened to the third set referred to above.
• This is registered as C.P. No. 50 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, for 1945-46, p. 12.

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No. 27] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA ; YEAR 896 195 in line 3. The sign for u is invariably the one made up of three vertical stokes, the first being ourved at the lower end. Y as the second component of a conjunot letter looks more like p: The wo of b proper is detected in two places, viz., babhüvar- in line 6 and babhüva in line 13. This b is almost like p except that its box is more angular at the bottom. In regard to orthography, with the exception of the two instances noted above, b is invariably substituted by u. S is used for s in some cases; 0.g., sudhyati and prasasti in line 34. The consonant following is generally doubled, there being a few exceptions ; e.g., Käritavirya in line 3, sauléau) rya in line 6 and surya in line 27. The language is Sanskirt and the composition, except for the salutation to Brahman in the beginning and the date at the end, is in verse. There are 24 verses in all and they are duly numbered.
Like other inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur, the epigraph opens with an obeisance to Brahman and recounts the genealogy of the family commencing with the sun god. Přithvidēva II, son of Ratnadēva II, is the last king eulogised (verse 11), and to his regin the record pertains. Verses 1-10 with the exception of one narrating the exploit of Kärtavirya against Rāvana,' which is omitted, are identical with those in other charters of the family. Next comes the description of a distinguished family of learned Brähmanas of the Vatsa götra (verses 12-15). Three membrs of this family are described ; viz., Härūka, his son Jimütavāhana, and the latter's son Dēlhūka. In regard to Delhūka we are told that he was a master of the Sākambhari Vidy, and that learning the secret of this lore from him, the famous feudatory chief Brahmadēva Vanquished all his enemies on the fields of battle. The object of the epigraph is to register the gift of the village Pamdaratalãi situated in the Evadi manddala, made in favour of Dēlhūka by Prithvidēva II ((verse 16). Verses 17-22 contain the usual exhortations for the protection of such gifts and the imprecation. The charter was drafted by Malbana son of Subhankara, who was learned and had earned reputatin on account of his many compositions (verse 23). The copper material was put into shape by Vamana. The record was written on the plates by the son of Kirti and engraved by the son of Lakshmidhara (verse 24).
The date as cited in the last line (line 36), is Samvat 896, evidently referring to the Kalachuri era. After these numerals are engraved the three aksharas, a mi ne, the significance of which is not clear. In line 27 there is a statement to the effect that the grant was made on the occasion of the solar eclipse. If we take 247-48 A.C. as the beginning of the era, K. 896 would correspond to 1144 A.C. In this year there was a solar eclipse on December 26, Tuesday, in the Purnimānta month of Mägha. We may note the occurrence of solar eclipses in the Purniminta month of Ashādha in the following two years, viz., on June 22, Friday, 1145 A.C., and on June 11, Tuesday, 1146 A.C. The Rājim stone inscription of this king's reign is dated K. 896, Māgha su. 8, Wednesday, and this date has been shown to correspond regularly to January 3, 1145 A.C. by Kielhorn. In view of the identical Kalachuri year cited in these two epigraphs, it seems reasonable to assume that December 26, 1144 A.C. is the date of the present inscription.
Verse 11 narrates an historical event relating to Pţithvidēva II, when it states rather poetically that, by crushing Chakrakota, he made the illustrious Ganga king feel frightfully anxious, since the
Compare similar form and use of booourring in the Daikonf plates of this same king , above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 146.
* Ibid., p. 163, verse 3." Compare for instance the two sets of Amodă plates of Prithvideva II , Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. I, 405 ff.
To venture a conjecture, the expression amind may be taken to be a contraction for Ashadhasya or buimasya mitra-dine. But this presumption would not solve the difficulties in the calculation of the date.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 136. In the Rajim inscription Magha bu. 8 is mentioned as rathashtami. The significance of this name, as noted by Kielhorn, cannot be explained satisfactorily. We may incidentally noto another tradition according to which this tithi is termed Bhishmash fami; Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, pt. I, pp. 64 and 67.

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196
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX only measure of safety now left to him was to cross the waters of the sea. From the Rājim stone inscription noticed above, it is known that Prithvidēva II conquered the country of Bhramaravadra, otherwise styled Bhramarakótya and identified with Chakrakóțya or modern Bastar District. The same victory must evidently have been referred to in the above verse.' The Ganga king who is said to have been terrified by this oonquest which he apparently oonsidered to be the precursor of the Kalachuri king's expedition against his own kingdom, might be Jaţăávara, son of Anantavarman Chodaganga, mentioned in other insoriptions of the family. Another piece of historical information is contained in verse 15 wich incidentally alludes in general terms to the victories of the renowned feudatory Brahmadēva. This chief is obviously indentical with his namesake figuring in the Ratanpur stone inscription of this king."
Two places are mentioned in the record. One is the region callec vadi-mandala wherein the gift village was situated. I am unable to identify this tract. The other is the gift village Pamdaratalãi. It appears to be fairly certain that this is idientioal with the present-day Pandritarai in the Mahasamund Tahsil of the Raipur District.
Lastly, we may note the relationship between the writer and the engraver of this inscription with those of the two sets of Amoda plates of this ruler. The scribe of the latter, as stated therein, was Srivatsaraja, son of Kirtidhara,! of the Västavya family. It is not unlikely that the son of Kirti of the present record, whose proper name is not mentioned, was identical with this Srivetaarija. In like manner it is probably that Lakshmidhara who engraved the first set of Amodā plates was the father of the engraver of the present inscription.
TEXTo [Metres : Vv. 1, 8, 16-22 and 24 Anushfubh ; 2 and 5 Upajati; 3, 9 and 12 Sārdūlavikridita; 4, 6, 7, 10, 13-15 and 23 Vasantatilaka ; 11 andākrānta.]
First Plate i ferai! [1*] a(T) II fermaju 54194 fari ferai 27 ARCU (TA) 1
भावग्राह्यं परं ज्योतिस्तस्मै सढ़ (द)ह्म2 णे नमः ॥ १॥ यदेतदग्रेसरमंव (ब)रस्य ज्योतिः स पूषा पुरुषः पुराणः । अथास्य
पुत्रो मनुरा- 3 दिराजस्तदन्वयेऽभद्भवि कार्तवीर्यः ॥ २ ॥ तद्वंशप्रभवा नरेन्द्रपतयः ख्याताः क्षिती.हैहया
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 137. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 178-79 ; Vo.. XXVIII p. 161.
Chakrakotya, as the name of the country, ust have been derived from Chakrakota, its chief town. It nay be compared with Chakrakotarashtra mentioned in the Tēmarā inscription ; above, Vol. X, p. 89.
Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 150. .
Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 257. • List of Villages in the Central Provinces and Berar, p. 126.
*This Kirtidhara is apparently identical with his namesake of Jamadora-gráma, who write Barkh8 plates of Ratnadöva II, above, Vol. XXII, p. 167.
Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. I, pp. 411 and 414. Ibid., p. 411.
From the original plates and impronione. u Expressed by a symbol.

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BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA; YEAR 896
2
मातातिनो ता" C कति तालिपनमकानसा वाहापना चित्रमा
017 सामिपूषाएकबजनामानीHA मोडाट कानवीय तह कानवानमनपाला लाया 4मपOMममता बना लीवम्मवानावनात्मानज्ञानमाला भाव4
याभावामनवमानमोकोकलवासासाकवितासह 60एमापनातसा यवनाचा नवाजानपनाममायामापासचम नवमासा
कारवना४।बाम उमाकालिममा प्रतालवाहकापताना हातातान्तमा 8HREE प्रधाननानामहपानमारतननानम्मानकात कामास-8
मत: कमल ताजातपसिह घमानापतन तरुया जातानिपकता।
लावलामजाजताहरवदतोऽज्ञातनतताठावड्वापकाकरण-10 ..तप्य
त्वायनानिर्मितीवक्रमलतातघड़ानवतावनिहता 125तालबार विधानसशासनानतातयामतानपत्रापरवा12
RRICE ममत्वममत्तवडालरवासनसतवाति मालक 147कल्प मी कल: पामरतानममनसानापरवा14
नाकालाकामनाताडाव देवानप:411 पालत मकान का सस्वरमजाना 16मममननाविलास किती श्वनाहाना नाताबमवाना 16
LAAHITवनवदेव||१०.साहिल माजा मानवतावाद 18 एलपी: त्रीपदायकाठमावतजकमाञ्चककोटापमा 18 लिय
/HTTANTRA
Fजनाकारीतलनिवितलाशनकायपा याच समनलागतमा
कनाosEतिमाशातदद्यामानास्यानाकलन Kaaपथकावरवर मोरनवमदारूसमनापामा मनवा 22 प्रतिवदीपदान निववहाकनामासादसामगलागोनदा न
वयनमानिसलताशादलकत्त्तवदमानता मनात दावनतिपकरा यादीया सामनावतपमा महिमाचयमा नापका.मानना Kaiमावतमा४||सा के नीमनप्रमावनेषवद्याडावाघनाघहिवामाना
नयमदेवातावतमारली कोशातातिना पसमकाभबगा। 26 93मतल ग्रामरगा तमे वरमहलाघा वारदातस्मसूययापपगा
सन वनमहायावहतमहीमाहाता वनानामरपाला मनवघजन्मानमाका 28 PIERCIकवितापामा पौडवानवतापालनाचापयनवम्मी याममातम HAPACIह नह सुमनका साहात सानातिनायसाययायदानामरम्मत 30 Pा नदीलापूर बाजातिय नाइकएन महामह तताका दाना हयाहिपालत॥२०॥वरतापरतोदामोहनतवरवनासावसायाशामनवाना Liriहमति॥२॥नमानी तातपेयमनचाहावाकोटिप्रदानलनमा 34बीनमति।२२ ॥बामपनियतकाशितनाममनकामततक्या
तलाकारल्लनकविराटनववनावताछलतानाशचारतवा। 36नातिनकविता -NERनेहमका नाममुनसार४ वतमानना 36
SCALE: ONE-HALF
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN.
B. CH. CHHABRA Rea. No. 673 HE (C) '52-500.

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Seal
INCHES CMS.
From a Photograph

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No. 37] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA ; YEAR 896 197 • स्तेषामन्वयभूषणं रिपुमनोविन्यस्ततापानलः । धर्मध्यानधनानुसंचितयशाः स (श).
, स्व (श्व)त्सतां सौख्य5 कृत्प्रेयान्सर्वगुणान्वितः समभवच्छीमानसी कोवकलः ॥ ३ ॥ अष्टादशारिकरिकुंभ
विभंगसिंहा6: पुत्रा बभूवुरतिसौ(शौर्यपराश्च तस्य । तत्राग्रजो नृपवरस्त्रिपुरीश आसी
त्पार्वे (श्र्वे) च मंडलपतीन्स 7 चकार व (बं)धून् ॥ ४॥ तेषामनूजस्य कलिंगराजः प्रतापवह्निमपितारिराजः ।
__ जातोऽन्वये द्वि8 ष्टरिपुप्रवीरप्रियाननांभोरुहपावणेदुः । ५॥ तस्मादपि प्रततनिर्मलकीत्तिकान्तो
जा9 तः सुतः कमलराज इति प्रसिद्धः। यस्य प्रतापतरणाबुषिते रजन्यां जातानि पंकज10 वनानि विकासभाजि ॥६॥ तेनाथ चंद्रवदनोऽजनि रत्नराजो विश्वोपकारकरुणाजि॥ तपुण्यभारः । येन स्ववा (बा)हुयुगनिम्मितविक्रमेण नीतं यशस्त्रिभुवने विनिहत्य :
वा
12 त्रून् ॥ ७॥ नोनल्लाख्या प्रिया तस्य शूरस्येव हि शूरता। तयोः सुतो नुप
श्रेष्ठः पृथ्वीदेवो 13 बभूव ह ॥८॥ पृथ्वीदेवसमुद्भवः समभवद्राजल्लदेवीसुतः शूरः सज्जन__वांच्छि (छि) तार्थफल14 दः कल्पद्रुमः श्रीफलः । सर्वेषामुचितोर्चने सुमनसां तीक्ष्णद्विषत्कंटकः पस्य
(श्य)त्कान्त16 तरांगनांगमदनो जाजल्लदेवो नृपः ॥६॥ तस्यात्मजः सकलकोसलमंडनश्रीः
श्रीमा16 न्समाहृतसमस्तनराधिपश्रीः । सर्वक्षितीश्वरशिरोविहिताहिसेवः सेवाभूतां
17 घिरसौ भुवि रत्नदेवः ॥ १०॥ पुत्रस्तस्य प्रथितमहिमा सोऽभवद्भपतींद्रः
पृथ्वीदे18 वो रिपुनृपशिरःश्रेणिदत्तांहिपपः । यः श्रीगंगं नृपतिमकरोच्चक्रकोटोपम
Thene two dots denoting visarga go with the akshara ha in the previous lino. • The akshara na in the expression andja hero is obviously longthened for the convenience of metre.

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198
19 चिन्ताक्रान्तं
22 हन
• वत्स मुनेरनल्पमहिमा हा
- 20 रूकनामा पुरा विप्रोऽभूद्भुवनप्रियः श्रुतिविदामाद्योऽनवद्योन्नतिः ।
भियशोभि
21 रम्ब ( म्ब) रतलं कर्पूर पारिप्लवं जीमूतवा
।। १२ ।।
इति
प्रथितस्तदीय:.
23 फितश्रीः
जलनिषिजलोल्लंघनैकाभ्युपाये
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Second Plate
24 दान्ततत्व (त्व) निपुणा
over.
॥ ११ ॥
पुत्रः पवित्रितधरित्रि
च यस्य विश्वोपकारचतुरो ( रा )
[VOL. XXIX
יו
आसीदसीमगुणगौरवगुं
श्रीरेव यत्र च मुमोच निजं चलत्वं (त्वम्) ॥ १३ ॥ इत्यभवदस्य सुतो मनीषी वे
MGIPC-81-6 DGA/53-9-8-55-450.
यस्यासो (शो)
श्रीखंडद्रवसोदरैरिव सदा लिप्तं समन्तादपि
गोत्रे
दधचरित्र (त्रम् )
धिषणा यदीया 1 स्फूर्तिः स्मृतावनुपमा महिमा
1
25 चतुरोन्नतस्य ॥ १४ ॥ सा (शा) कंभरीमनुपमां भुवनेषु विद्यां ज्ञात्वा यतो युधि विजित्य समस्त
26 शत्रून् [1*] यं व्र (ब्र ) ह्मदेव इति विश्रुतमांडलीको जानाति निर्जरगुरु (रू)पममेकमुच्चैः ॥ १५॥
27 पंडरतलाइ ग्रामं ख्यातमेवडिमंडले । पृथ्वीदेवो ददौ तस्मै सूर्यग्रहणपर्व्वणि ।। १६ ।। महीमहि: 28 सि (शि) रस्तंभसहस्रेण यावद्धत्ते पाल्यमेतदन्वयतावत्ताभ्रमिदं 1
जन्मभिः ॥ १७ ॥ का
29 लान्तरेपि यः कश्चिन्नृपोऽमात्योऽथवा भवेत् । पालनीयः प्रयत्नेन धम्र्मोयं मम तैरपि 30 ॥१८॥ >< ॥' व (ब) हृभिर्व्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य त
1 The floral figure and the double dandas here are significant. They show that one topic is over, viz., the genealogical account and the prasasti of the king
A top matra is eugraved above this vowe
which has perhaps to be ignored. Or it may have been used
to make the letter long .
As in line 19 the floral design and the double dandas here indicate that the topic dealing with the grant is

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No.28]
TWO JAINA INSCRIPTIONS IN TAMIL 31 स्य तदा फलं (लम्) ॥१६॥ पूर्वदत्ता द्विजातिभ्यो यत्नाद्रक्ष पुरंदर । महीं
महीभृतां श्रेष्ठ दाना32 च्छ्रेयो हि पालनं (नम्). ॥२०॥ स्वदत्तां परदत्ता वा यो हरेत वसुंधरा स
___ विष्ठायां कृमिभूत्वा पितृ33 भिः सह. मज्जति ॥२१॥ तडागानां सहस्रेण वाजपेयस (श)तेन च । गा - कोटिप्रदानेन भूमि34 हर्ता न सु(शु)ध्यति ॥२२॥ ताम्रप्रस (श)स्तिरचनेयमकारि तेन श्रीमत्सु(शु)भंकर
सुतेन व (ब)हुश्रु36 तेन । श्रीमल्हणेन कविकरवषट्पदेन भूरिप्रवं (ब) धरचितार्थलभ (स)त्पदेन ॥२३॥
घटितं वा36 मनेनात्र लिखितं कीर्तिसूनुना । लक्ष्मीधरसुतेनेदमुत्कोण ताम्रमुत्तमाम् *] ॥२४॥
संवत् ८६६ अमिने ।
No. 28-TWO JAINA INSCRIPTIONS IN TAMIL
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND
While surveying the epigraphical sources for my work on Jainism in South India,' I had to go through the Jaina inscriptions in the Tamil country critically. In the course of this study I noticed certain peculiar features regarding the religious history of Jainism in this region, which had & characteristic development of its own. One of them is the evolution of the Yakshl oult. With a view to illustrating this particular point I soloct here two typical inscriptions' and try to explain their significance briefly.
INSCRIPTION 1
This inscription is engraved on a boulder of the hillook called Andimalai near the village Cholavandipuram in the Tirukkovilur taluk of the South Arcot District, Madras State. It WAS copied by the office of the Superintendent for Bpigraphy, Madras, in the field season of 1936-37. The boulder containing this inscription leans against another houlder thus forming
1 This verse makes it clear that the rooord was first written on the plate with ink or similar material and then engraved.
This volume comprimen a debailed survey of the Jaina insoriptions solected from the three main regions of South India, namely, Andhradela. Timinigand Karmistaka. The book which is now in an advanced intage of printing is being published as the third l oot the series Jlvarija Jaina Granthamali, Sholapur.
My thanks are due to the Government Epigraphist for India for his kind permission to edit there records here.
• It is regintored on No. 251 of the year's epigraphical colleotion. 20 DGA/53

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
a cavity which may be considered to be a natural shrine. On the inner sides of these two boulders facing each other are carved the figures of two Jajna deities, Gommata and Parsvanatha. "In the recess between them is, found a loose slab about 4 feet high with a fairly archaic sculpture of the Jaina goddess Padmavati cut on it in high relief."
The inscription comprises four lines. The letters in the first line of the record are bigger and the medial i signs of the aksharas sti, éri and li are extended above their tops. In spite of the rough surface of the boulder the inscription is neatly engraved and the writing is in a good state of preservation.
The characters are Tamil of about the 10th century A. C. They stand fair comparison with those of the Tirukkövalur inscription of Krishna III, dated in his 21st year. The tripartite form of y, which is sometimes looped in the inscriptions of the earlier period,3 may be noted herein. The form of the letter te in the expression tēvāram in the 4th line is peculiar. This peculiarity is due to the fact that the medial e sign, which is normally separated and placed before the main letter as in che in the same line, is joined to the bottom of the letter t, the left side loop of which is consequently dropped. Svasti and éri in the first line are inscribed in the Grantha alphabet.
The language is Tamil. The epigraph states that the tēvāram was caused to be made by Śrīvēli Kongaraiyar Puttaḍigal. No date is mentioned in the record. We may, however, assign it approximately to the 10th century A. C. on palaeographic considerations. The epigraph reads thus:
1 Svasti [*] Śrīvēli
2 Kongaraiyar
3 Puttaḍigal
TEXT'
4 seyvitta tēvāram [*]
The main component of the rather longish name of the author of the tēvāram is Puttaḍigal. He appears to have been a person of some importance and the suffix adigal denotes his respectable status. A good number of Jaina inscriptions similarly carved on the rocks of hills have been found in close association with Jaina sculptures in the Tamil districts. A study of these in comparison with the present one, the Jaina associations of which are quite marked, should leave no doubt in our mind in regard to the nature of the record under study and the identity of Puttaḍigal who might be a Jaina devotee.
An expression of some interest in the epigraph requiring comment, is the word tēvāram. Its two familiar meanings are well known, viz., 1) worship and 2) a collection of devotional
1 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1936-37, p. 61.
Above, Vol. VII, inscription G, plate facing p. 144.
* Compare the looped form in inscription A and the tripartite one in B and D ; above, Vol. III, plate facing
p. 284.
From an impression.
it is interesting to note that Putta is the Tamil version of the Sanskrit name Buddha. This does not necessarily mean that the individual should be a follower of Buddhism. Buddha is one of the terms denoting the nigher status attained by an enlightened soul according to the Jaina philosophical concept. Vide Pravachananara (edited by A. N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1935), Introduction, p. XXXIV.
Compare for instance the Jaina rock inscriptios at Pañchapandavamalai (above, Vol. IV, pp. 130 ff); the same at Vallimalai (ibid., pp. 140 ff.): Mad. Ep. Coll., Nos. 67-74 of 1905.

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TWO JAINA INSCRIPTIONS IN TAMIL
201
songs in honour of Siva, composed by Appar and others, But her it appears to have been used in a somewhat different sense, viz., a group of sculptures for worship as indicated by the
context."
Having examined the meaning of the term tevaram, we may now ascertain its nature as designed by Puttadigal. As seen above, the two boulders meeting each other with intervening space, have themselves improvised a natural shrine. Then we have to turn to the Jaina vestiges therein. These are the figures of Gommata carved near the present inscription on one boulder, and of Parsvanatha on the other; and the fairly big sculpture of Padmavati placed in the intervening hollow. From its very nature, size and the central position, the icon of Padmavati assumes the principal role among these Jaina relics. We can now see the part played by Puttadigal in the making of this tēvāram. Being a natural formation, he, of course, had nothing to do in its creation. He simply incised the figures of Gommata and Pārsvanatha on the adjoining boulders to represent the side deities and installed the main image of Padmavati in the intermediate spot. It is for doing these things that he takes credit in the epigraph as the maker of the tevaram. We may note here with interest the position of vantage enjoyed by Padmavati; for she is the Yakahi of Parávanatha and thus occupies a subordinate place in the hierarchy of Jaina divinities."
Happily, another similar instance has come to our notice. It is an inscription at Vallimalai. This record, which is styled 'A', is similarly carved on the rock of a natural cave, below a group of sculptures, and speaks of the foundation of the Jaina shrine (vasati), evidently referring to the cave itself with Jaina relics, by the Ganga prince Rajamalla
INSCRIPTION II
This epigraph is incised on a beam of the mahamandapa in front of the central shrine in the temple of Adinatha Tirthankara at Ponnur, a village in the Wandiwash taluk of the North Arcot District. The inscription is slightly damaged and comprises two lines. The soript is both Grantha and Tamil. The characters are late. Medial short and long e are distinguished. Medial ai is denoted by placing either single-looped two spirals or one double-looped spiral behind
1 Tamil Lexicon (Universiy of Madras, 1929), p. 2069.
As the precise significance of the expression tevaram used here is not certain, we may take into consideration other possibilities. According to the lexicographer tevaram also means deity worshipped privately in a house." Further, it may not be unreasonable to connect it with the Sanskrit devagara, in which case it would magn 'a shrine'. Use of the word dahara in the sense of 'a shrine' is found in an 11th century Kannada inscription in the Bellary District; SII, Vol. IX, part i, No. 115. The expression davhard is current in the Marathi language in the sense of 'a shrine for private worship.'
B. C. Bhattacharya: Jaina Iconography, p. 82.
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 140-41.
This was one of the peculiar aspects of Jainism in the Tamil country, as I have noticed in the course of my survey of the Jaina antiquities. The hill tracts with natural caverns and rocky sholters had a great attraction for the Jaina teacher and the devotee who transformed them into sacred resorts and contres of religious practices. Besides the two places dealt with above, a large number of hill spots invested with Jaina rolics has come to light so far; see An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1923, p. 3; above, Vol. IV, p. 136; Mad. Ep. Rep. for 1887, p. 3; etc. From the association of the 'triple umbrella,' which is a characteristic emblem of the Jina, with the rocky beds at Sedarampattu in the North Aroot District (An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1939-40 to 1942-43, p. 11), it can now be safely asserted that at least some of similar couches, popularly known as the Pañchapindava beds', found in a large number in many parts, were the creations of Jaina monks who were pioneers of the faith in the Tamil country. For a detailed description of these relics see Proceedings and Transactions of Third Oriental Conference, pp. 275 ff.
This was copied by the Madras Epigraphist's office in 1929. It is registered as No. 416 of Appendix B in the year's collection and briefly noticed on p. 88 of the year's Report.
▲ 2

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02
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX
the consonant. The language is Tamil, though a few expressions like Kalyabdah and Sakābdah are used with Sanskrit cnse endings. Occurrence of familiar abbreviations for varusham,inādam, etc., may be noted in more than one place. The date is cited thus: Kali year 4834, Salivāhana Saka 1655, year 46 starting with Prabhava, namely Pramādicha, Vaigāsi 17. Though agreement prevails among these details, the date is not capable of verification, as the week-day, the tithi and the nakshatra are not mentioned. The said day corresponded with Tuesday, May 15, 1733 A. C. While engraving the above date the symbol for ten is consistently omitted.
The inscription purports to lay down & rule for the guidance of the Jaina community residing in the village of Svarnapura. It is thus specified. The Jainas of this locality should take in procession the images of Pārsvanátha and Jvälāmalini from the temple of Adisvara (i.e., Adinātha), every Sunday, for being worshipped on the occasion of service to Hēlāchārya on the Nilagiri hill in the north-western quarter. Svarnapura is evidently identical with modern Ponnür. The Nilagiri hill which also figures in the legend of Hslkohärys, bas still retained the name, being three miles away from Ponnür. The icons of Pārsvanātha and Jvalamilint mentioned in the epigraph are probably the metallic images preserved in the temple of Adinātha to the present day or their earlier substitutes. These are evidently intended for being displayed on ceremonial occasions. The specific mention of Jvālāmalinalongside of Pārsvanātha in the inscription is noteworthy; for the former was originally the Yakshi or the attendant deity of Chandraprabha Tirthankaraand attained unusual importance in later times. Judging from the earlier Jaina inscriptions found here and the tradition connecting it with Hēlāchārya," Ponnür appears to have been a renowned stronghold of Jainism from earlier times.
TEXT" 1 Syasti sri [!*] Sālivāhana-Sak-ābdaḥ 1655 Kaly-abdah 4834 kku mol chellā viņra
Prabavādi ga(Sa)k-abdaḥ varusham 46 [k] ku Pramādicha varusham. Vaigāki mādam
17 [U]* eļudiya sāsanan =āvadu [1*) Svasti [1*] Sri-Sva[rņa]pu[ra]-Kanakagiri Adiávara-svāmi-chaityālaya sambandamāna
Vāyu'-mūlaiyil=i2 rukkum Nilagiri Hēlāohārya-pada-püjai. Adivărat(n)-töfum mērpadi alayattin Sri-Pārsva
nåtha-svämisyai"lyum Jvälāmā[li]'ni-ammanaiyum mörpadis Svarnapura-Jainarga! eduttu k*]kondu põy p[@]jippadu [1] Inda sā(sā)sa(sa)nam Anantasēnadēva[nāl=e).
Judapattadu [11*] We might in this context take note of one more epigraph, as it is helpful in our study. This is an archaic inscription from Pañchapāndavamalai, dated in the 50th year of the Pallava king Nandipõttarasar, which speaks of the creation of an image of a Golden Yakshi on the hill. It is significant to observe that neither the epigraph nor the sculptures that illustrate its contents have any place for the Jina.10
An. Rep. on. $. I. Epigraphy for 1928-29, p. 88. # Jaina Iconography (op. cit., p. 62.
. An. Rep. on 8. 1. Epigraphy for 1928-29 ; Nos. 415 and 417 of Appendix B. The legend of Hēlacharys is related on p. 88 of the same Report. . From an impression,
Familiar abbreviation is used here for this expression • This sign is the symbol U denoting abbreviation for the expression ledi.
Vayu here stand for the Sanskrit Vayarya.
* There is a syntaotloal flaw here. An expression like samayattil is necessary to connect this word with the following.
. This letter looks tore tike ne. * Above, Vol. IV, pp. 136-37 and the plate.

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203 These facts are revealing. They show that the Yakshi bad gained popularity among the followers of Jainism from very early time and that her images, like those of the Jinas, were installed independently in shrines created for the purpose and placed under worship. This should appear strange if we examine the original status of a Yakshi in the Jaina pantheon. A Yaksha and a Yakshi are the devotees of the Jina and their function is to attend on him. These are depicted in sculptural representations in small figures at the corners of the pedestals adorned by their masters, the Jinas.' It thus becomes clear that the Yakshi is a subservient deity and can claim no independent place for herself. The above epigraphical notices therefore go contrary to the original conceptio:1 of the Yakshi and provide instances of the characteristic evolution of the Yakshi worship.
Inscription II contains reference to Hēlācharya, which name devoid of phonetic accretion would be Elāchārya. Elächärya wis an eminent teacher of the Dravida-gana and he is regarded as the innovator of the cult of Jvälāmālini. This deity, though a Yakshi in the beginning, was, with the passage of time, attributed mysterious powars including those of the fire-goddess. She was involved in the practices of Tantric worship and works like the Jvīlāmālinikalpa were composed around her. It is of interest to note that in an inscription at Sēdam in the Gulbarga District, Hyderabad State, the Muhajans of the place are described as performing mystic rites for propitiating this derby
No. 29–TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA
(1 Plate)
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, OOTACAMUND and D. L. NARASIMHACHAR, MYSORE The inscription edited below is engraved on a stone slab lying in front of the big mosque at Talangere near Kasaragod, the headquarters of the taluk of that name in the South Kanara District of the Madras State. It was reported that the slab was being used for washing clothes and that consequently a portion of the writing on it was getting worn out. It was, therefore, copied during the winter of the year 1952-53 by Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, Government Epigraphist for India, in the course of his official tour in that district.
The record contains 27 lines of writing. The first four lines embody a Sanskrit verse in Sārdülavikridita metre and are engraved in Grantha characters. The rest of the inscription is in Kannada characters and language. The record may, on palaeographical grounds, be placed in the 10th century A. C. The script does not show any peculiarities calling for special remarks. However, attention may be drawn to the forms of the initial vowels, a (lines 9, 23), a (lines 16, 21). i line 7), i (line 20), u (line 9) and ů (lines 9, 26). The shape of the long ù is particularly noteworthy. The form of final l (line 6) may also be noted. The specimens of Grantha and Kannada scripts in the record may be compared respectively with thoso in the Grantha inscriptions of the 10th century, e.g., Udayondiram Plates of Bāņa Vikramaditya" and the Kannada inscriptions of the same period, e.g., the Devihosūr inscription of Saka 884 and the Sogal insoription of the reign
under publica
1 Jaina Iconography, pp. 92-93.
Pravachansara, Introduction pp. 4 and 12. .. Author's own epigraphical collection. This epigraph which belongs to the 12th century, tion in my Jainism in South India mentioned above.
Above, Vol. III, p. 76 and plate. Ahore. Vol. XVI, pp. 285 ff. and plate.

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[VOL. XXIX of Taila II: Saka 902.1 That the Grantha and the Kannada scripts of the inscription under study can individually be assigned on palaeographical grounds to the end of the 10th century A C. leaves no doubt that the epigraph must be assigned to this very period. Except palaeographical indications the record does not afford any clue for fixing its dato; it bears no date nor does it refer itself to the reign of any king, whose dynasty is specified.
Among the orthographical features may be noticed the use of a superfluous anusvära in the following eases: tamnna (line 18), -ettuvoḍamm-enänuvam (line 24). The class nasal is used in kanda (line 7), nandana (line 12), etc., while it is replaced by the anusvara in akkum=emdu (line 9), pamcha (line 17), etc. The consonants following the rêpha are doubled in a-chandr-ärkkam (line 6), dharmma (line 17), urmme (line 26).
The chief importance of the record lies in the contribution it makes to our knowledge of the state of Kannada language and prosody in the period to which it belongs, i.e., 10th century A. C. Consequently, the special linguistic and metrical features and peculiarities found in the record are discussed at some length here.
The language of the inscription, except that of verse 1 which is in Sanskrit, is old Kannada interspersed with a few forms of middle Kannada, viz., -ade (line 7), ippa (line 10), toreya (line 13). Of these -ade comes from the older morpheme -ode and ippa is derived, through assimilation from irpa, of old Kannada. The accusative morpheme -an of old Kannada has dropped its final nasal in toreya. The retroflex mid-palatal characteristic of Dravidian, is correctly employed. The retroflex r occurs quite regularly. In beṭṭam (line 12) the nominative is used instead of the accusative beṭṭam-am. Ildudam Page #350

No. 29] TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA
206 In the sentence Ormme Jogavveya vaṁsado!-pen-gūsugal-allade gandu-gūsugala van sak! adihāram=allade salladu, the second allade appears to be superfluous. But such usage might have been the prevalent idiom as attested to by the double usage of men (meaning'or' and later on ' and ') occurring in the sentences given below : (1) osege mên munige men, (2) palige mēn pogalge mēn, (3) ose mēn muni mën', wherein the use of mēn twice is analogous to that of either' and 'or occurring simultaneously in English syntax.
A few words of lexical interest ocour in this record and deserve careful study: (1) mora (line 9) seems to be connected with moradit and modu (Tuļu) both meaning a hillock'; (2) oval from the contexts (lines 10, 13, 15) seems to mean brackish '. It appears to be related to the first member ulai of the Tamil compound word ulai-man, ula-man, meaning 'salty or braokish Boil'; (3) chāvugāmi (line 16) is derived from the Sanskrit chatur-grāmin ; (4) urmme (line 26) has been translated as excellent'. This seems to descend from the Dravidian root úru meaning to increase ', by the addition of the suffix -me used to form abstract nouns. As the final -4 of the root is unstable and not radical the noun ürme is directly formed, meaning increase, abundance'. It is in this sense that Pampa has employed the word in the phrase vilāsad-urmegal-o!and the reading here with short u in the beginning may be a mistake. The variant reading perme found in two of the manuscripts of this work is only a substitution of a synonym and is confirmatory of the meaning deduced above. (5) Adihāra (line 27) is obviously a corruption of the Sanskrit word adhikara.
The importance of this record to the student of Kannada prosody cannot be overstated. The Sārdülavikridita of the first verse and the Kandas following are quite familiar in Kannada metrics ; but verse No. 4 is not so and is a rare specimen. It is called utsäha by the composer of the inscription and demands close scrutiny. Nāgavarma has defined the metre and the definition itself is the illustration. According to him the verse has four lines, each consisting of seven Brahma-ganas plus one guru, with rhyme in the second syllable. Of the four varieties of the Brahma-gana ( UU -Uuuu) only two containing three syllables or matras are used here and the other two consisting of four syllables or mätrās are eschewed altogether. The iambic variety (0 ) though containing 3 mātrās does not enter into the scheme of Brahma. gana. The utsäha of the present record is in conformity with the above definition. The 1st, 3rd and 4th lines are quite regular and it is enough to show the scansion of one of them: viz., the first line. 1 2 3 4 5 6
7 Ural kadeya | toreya tadiya 1 kariya | kalla | mõra dim
- uuu uuu uuu uuu - - - The tāla or accent falls on the first syllable of every foot. The second line, however, has an extra long syllable in the first foot: 2
Puttūral poleya |
r-ippa
kēri.
y-ovala
nīra |
bhūmi
yam
1 Kavirajamarga (Ed. Pathak, Bangalore), I-134. * Ibid., 1-135. • Pampa-Bharata (Kannada Sahitya Parishad ed.), VI-26.
• Kittel has spelt this word with a cerebral or alveolar -ra in the middle bnt it is highly doubtful. Janna, a famous poet and composer of the Tarikere inscription of 1197 A. C. has in verse 62 definitely uned the word with a retroflex -ra. in the rhyming place,
* Pampa-Bharata (Kannada Sahitya Parishad ed.), I-106.
Chhandombudhi: Kavya Kalanidhi edition, verse 208.

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206 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX Though the line is hypermetrical, its rhythm is not in any way interfered with by the extra syllable us the accent here falls on the secondi iong syllable. Whilo reciting the line the existenca of the first syllable is practically obliterated. From this point of view the line may also be considered to agree with the definition of Nāgavarma. Instances of the occurrence of such hypormetrical syllable are found in some of the literary works. The following is a couplet by Pampa (941 A. C.)':
Naneya | koneya |
tasira!
tā ni
kunja
diń
mwyula | vana-lii
2 rajada puñjal
Prasūna
din
The whole verse contains thirteen such couplets. The first foot of the second line of every couplet has one extra syllable at the beginning, the accent falling on the subsequent long syllable. Similarly Kumudēndu (c. 1275 A. C.) has composed a ragale comprising 49 such couplets. The following is a sample :
2 3 4 5 6
7 Janaka | tanaye! -yūga | agra | iang-al tiva harsha |' dim
1 -
2 - 3 Mudakru pūra
varsha
dim
* It is thus clear that the composer of our inscription attached more importance to the rhythmic effect than to the 'rules regulating this metre; his is a creative effort. The record is of unique value in the history of Kannada metrics. The utsäha verse found here is the only one of its kind known so far in Kannada literature and epigraphy.
The inscription opens with a Sanskrit verse which states that to Gautama, who was renowned in the three worlds, was born Saradvat. Saradvat's brother was Santanu whose son was Kpipa. After many kings born in the lineage of Kripa down to Salya had passed away, Jayasimha, the crest-jewel among the Kshatriyas, is stated to be victorious, i.e., ruling. He was the abode of the goddesses of Fortune, Learning and Victory. The king is then stated to have made a gift of a piece of land situated in the vicinity of Puttur to Mochabbarasi as kanyādāna, i.e., gift to damsel. The land which was barren and rocky was converted into fertile field by Mochabbarasi. She constructed a house, laid & garden and had a moat dug around the place. After the usual imprecation on those who attempt to destroy the charity, the record ends with a statement to the effect that the right of succession to the ownership of the land should devolve on the female children in the lineage of the excellent Jógavve and not on the male offspring; and that in case there were no female issues the right will pass to the male children.
We have no means of ascertaining the family to which the chief Jayasimha, the donor of the grant, belonged or the exact period of his rule. The fact that he does not bear any title indicative of paramountcy would point to the conclusion that he was a local chief. However, we know of a ruler named Jayasingarasa whose inscription is found at Kariangaļa (Ammunaje) near Mangalore. He bears the titles Somakulatilaka, Pandya-Mahārājādhiraja, Paramēsvara and Paramabhattāraka. As these titles are usually associated with the later Alupas, the chief Jayasingarasa of the record has been taken to be a scion of this family though the record in question does not specifically call
Pampa-Bharata, I-58. "Kumudēndu Ramayana, IV-after 98. .SI1, Vol. IX, part i, ins, No. 399.

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207 him an Alupa. Since Talangere, where the record under publication is found, is within a distance of thirty miles, as the crow flies, from Kariangala, the findspot of Alupa Jayasingarasa's record, it is not unlikely that the Jayasimha of our record belonged to the same family as Jayasingarasa of the Kariangaļa record did. But, on account of the fact that the Kariangala record, which is also undated, is palaeographically about a century later than the Talangere inscription, the two chiefs cannot be regarded as identical.
It is very well known that from the time of king Vinayādityal of the family of the Western Chālukyas of Bādāmi the Aļupas were feudatories of the Chālukyas. From a record recently discovered it would appear that the Aļupas were even matrimonially connected with the Chalukyas. The Alupa chief Chitravāhana seems to have married Kumkuma-Mahādēvī, the sister of the Chalukya monarch Vijayaditya. The inscription states that king Vijayaditya made a grant at the request of Chitravāhana to the Jinabhavana at Purigere constructed by this lady who seems to be described as causing delight to the heart of the Alupa ruler. The request was made when Vijayaditya had come to Banavāsi to visit the Alupa prince. From an inscription of the reign of Rashtrakūta Govinda III it is known that a Chitravāhana was administering the Aļuvakheda division under him. This Chitravahana has been rightly taken to be an Alupa ruler on account of his name and the territory which he was governing. This was about 800 A. C. Subsequent to this date hardly anything is known regarding the activities of this family. If, however, our Jayasimha is, as suggested above, an Alupa ruler, the fact that no paramount titles are borne by him would indicate that about the end of the 10th century, the period to which he has been assigned, the Alupas continued to be vassals either of the Rashtrakūtas whose power was declining or the later Chălukyas who were beginning to lay the foundations of their power after overthrowing the Rashtrakūtas. However, by the time of Jayasingarasa of the Kariangala inscription, i.e., 11th century A. C., the Alupas seem to have been independent as this ruler is given all the paramount titles.
Besides Jayasimha, our inscription mentions two other royal personages, viz., Mochabbarasi and Jogavve. The exact relationship which existed between Jayasimha and these two ladies is neither stated in the record nor can it be ascertained from the nature of the reference to them made in the record. Nor do we know how Mochabbarasi and Jögavve were related to each other. Since at the end of the inscription it is specified that the hereditary rights regarding the possession of the land should devolve on female issues it may be gathered that Möchabbarasi was either the sister or the niece of Jayasinha. If she is to be considered the niece, Jögavve might have been the king's sister. It may thus be inferred that this practice of the family property passing from mother to daughter obtained in this part of the country at least as early as the 10th century. This law of inheritance which goes by the name of aliya-santāna is in vogue even today in that area.
The only place mentioned in the record is Puttūr. This may be identified with the village of the same name, a few miles to the north of Talangere, the findspot of the inscription.
1 Ep. Oarn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 571, Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Dg. 66. 10. P. No. 49 of ARIE for the year 1945-6..
Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 10. *Above, Vol. IX, p. 16.
"A later Jayasitha is mentioned as a contemporary of the great Dvaita teacher Madhvacharya in the literary work Madhravijaya (sarga 13, verses 21 ff.). He was a ruler of Kumbla. Madhvacharya is stated to have visited s place called Vishnumangala, about three miles from Kasaragod, where Jayasimha came and paid homage to him. This village lay within the jurisdiction of prince Jayasimba of Kumbla. Perhaps he was also an Alupa chiof. 29 DGA/53

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TEXT 1 Svasti Sri [l*) 'Asich=Chitrasikhandishu tri-bhuvana-khyāto munir-Gautamas-tat-sūnoscha 2 Saradvataḥ Kțipa iti bhrā(tu]s=sutaś=Santanõh [l*) tad-vamsyệshv=adhunā ga- . 8 tshvwamaratām Saly-anta-bhadr-adishu brēsthas-Sri-Jayasimha 4 sha jayati kshatr-aika-chūdāmani) || (1) 8 Sri chapaļateya[th] Vachana-ári Chaturanana-viråmamam bisutu Jaya-Sri-chăru6 nětre-y-oda-nered-a-chandr-arkkaṁ viräjisal Jayasinham || [2*) Vachana |[*) Kanyädāna
mam nina7 geittant-endode pettu Möchabbarasi santosa[m]-batt-int-endade | Kanda | Inn-apps
bhūpar-ellam 8' ninnorega[m] dorege värar=adarimd=arum mannisad-uram guna-sampanna samant-ivuda
enaga kanya9 danaṁ || [3*] Akkum=erdu | Utsäham || Ura kadeya toreya tadiya kariya kalla mõradim 10 Puttura poleyar-ippa kēriy=ovala nira-bhūmiyam sāra-bhūruhamgaļ=liy-olage nero11 da keroyan-ambhöruhäkshi tanna dhanadin-oppe mādis-i dudanh |[4*) Vachana || 18 'Nintärum-ollada kalkāda beţtar sava-talam mādiy=8dila maneyu nandana13 vanavumah mādisi kereyam kattisi toreya serey=itt-ovala nela14 nam piridum=āyāsadim sukshētram mädisidud=adu munna' müde18 y-ikkuv=oval-uppu-neladá bhūmiyan=oļakond=agalan-agali16 mi asanna chāvugāmigal=ariye kanyādānam-gotta bhūmiyam 17 kala-kālāntaradol=ārānum-i dharmmaman=alidu koļal=āțisida pamcha-mahā-pata18 kam tanna tāyam ko!al=endu Stanna tandeyam kondu tamnna makkaļa nettarah kudi19 du pasuvum Brāhmaṇaruma Kurukshētradoļ=aļid=ātana puguva nara20 kamaṁ puguvan=akke [l*] i kanyädānamaṁ koņdātan=alpāyushyanum=a21 putrikanum=appan=akke | Kandam || Ārādod=akke dhātri-bharama22 neārämtör-imtara kayy-amtă biranan-irad=an bödiden=oramtir[e] kävu23 dei vyavastheyin=ūrar || [5*] Vachana [l*] Ademt-endode [l*] Arasālgal=ūram pokkandu 24 pulladakkan-ettuvodamm(dam=)ēnānuvam=bididoda kolege saltar-ent-appa 25 drõham-geydu bamd=ūram pokkoq=avanam mūru-divasam sarvva-pariharam kādu 26 kaļipuvudu [11*[O]rmme Jõgavvoya vamadol=pen-gūsuga!=allade gandu-gū27 sugala vamakk-adihāram=allade salladu pen-gūsugal=illadodao gandu-makkalga20 salkum
(lgum) (IN Floral design. Metre : Gardalavikridita. Lines 1-4 are written in Grantha characters. • The medial & sign of te is written at the end of the previous line. . Read: sitten
Read : entage. .Read : intarum
After this there are two horizontal strokes which apparently stand for punctuation. • Road : tanna.
Bead: Code. 1. Read : ge.

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TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA
-
22 MAR 29 వరి 7000 05).
1127379లిజలుడా 12 Lavanya cated
at are 6. కన్నడం 3:/
తం 8 18 తరం 200 రకాల tadies రరసంలో
కy 32 10 లత మనకు Box తరతర ర చన 10
| 26 న త సత్వగ EPestic" 12 1 SEN.తపోటం
18 ravi chettu &
v ere 14 etc త్రకారం
, రంగుల ముగలది 16 A cce/
16
N
18 వర్మ తీయకత 20 కసరం 18 కలు నునీరందంటే పురుదనం 20 సర్వజన నాయకం
ediడం వరదా 22 - 0 కారణం. ఈ
2018 ఆ రాష్ట్ర తice డురంగ పాండు 24 S
a na - Raa 24 ఆరడుగుల 26 - పుకు లక్ష్యం వలన madda
SCALE: ONE-SIXTH
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO REA, No. 3977E'38-489754

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Page #356

No. 29) TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA
209 TRANSLATION Lines 1-4. Hail! Prosperity! In the lineage of the Chitraśikhandins' there existed Gautama, famous in the three worlds. Then there was Kripa, son of Santanu who was the brother of Saradvat, the son of Gautama. After some of his illustrious descendants up to Salya had attained immortality (i.e., gone to heaven), this eminent Jayasimha, the sole crest-jewel of the Kshatriyas is victorious.
Lines 5-9. While the goddess of Fortune, having forsaken (her) ficklenoss, the goddess of Speech, having given up (her) resting-place in Chaturānana (i.e., Brahmā) and both, having associated themselves with the fair-eyed goddess of Victory, were resplendent till the moon and sun (endure); Jayasimha, having said to Mochabbarasi "I have inade you a gift due to an unmarried girls (of the family)", she received (it), felt glad and said thus : "All those who will be born kings hereafter do not come to your level or equal you, and therefore, Oh! (you) rich-in-virtue give me willingly as a gift (called) kanyādāna a locality which none would value". He replied "Be it so.".
Lines 9-11. The brackish water-logged land (adjoining) the street wherein reside the untouchables of Puttūr (which was situated at some distance) from the hillock of black stones, on the bank of a stream at the edge of the village and the reservoir complete with rows of essential trees-(these two) the lotus-eyed (lady), by her own wealth had caused to be finely construoted;
Lines 12-23. thus, having made a level ground of the stony wild hillock which none desired (to have), having caused to be made & tiled house and a garden, having imprisoned the stream, (i..., built a dam across it) and having converted with great effort the brackish soil into fortile land and, prior to that, having caused a moat to be dug (around) the land, comprising the brackish salty soil (used for) keeping bundles of grain, made over this land, with the knowledge of the four nearby villagers, as a gift to a damsel ; in the course of (endless) tims, whosoever having destroyed this pious (deed), desires to appropriate (it) for (himself), may that coinmitter of the five great sins go to that hell into which, he, by murdering his father with the intention of appropriating his inother, by drinking the blood of his children (and) by destroying cows and Brāhmaṇas in Kurukshētra enters; may he who takes over (to himself) this gift to a damsel becoine short-lived and daughterless.
Whoever he may be that catries the burden of the earth (in future), I beseech that hero, who obstructs the hands of i.e., prevents) those who carry away (che gift), to regularly protect the village in this manner.
Lines 23-26. If it be asked how it is the reply ): When the king's men enter the village, if they carry off heaps of straw and if they take anything by force they are fit to be killed. He who having committed any kind of crime comes to the village and enters (it) must be protected for three days after exempting him from all imposts and (then) sent away.
Lines 26-27. In the lineage of the excellent Jõgavve the right (of succession) goes to the female children and not to the line of male children ; when there are no female issues it goes to the male children.
1 These are the seven sages, Pulaha, Pulastya, Marichi, Atri, Vasishtha, Angiras and Kratu.
* Kanyadana is a compound word which is usually taken to mean “making over an unmarried girl to a bridogroom in marriage ". In this sense the first member of the compound should be construed as having the posschsive case suffix. But here it seems to take the dative suffix. That this is the intended sense finds some support in the last two lines of the inscription.
This seems to be the meaning of the word oral This seems to be the meaning of mūde yikku.

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210
11 DE
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. XXIX No. 30-TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD
(1 Plate)
S.C. DE, BHUBANESWAR Two single copper plates of Tribhuvanamahādēvi of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty of Orissa were received from the Sub-Divisional Officer, Baud, as exhibits for the Historical Exhibition organised on the occasion of the Cuttack Session of the Indian Historical Records Commission and the Indian History Congress in December 1949. They were discovered some years back in a place near the town of Baud and were lying in the treasury. The exact place and the date of their discovery could not be ascertained. I propose to edit them here with the kind permission of Mr. A. Das, the Sub-Divisional Officer, Baud.
Of the two plates, one is bigger than the other, the bigger one, to bo terined hereafter as plato A, measuring 14.2" x 11.3", and the smaller one, plate B, 12.7" x 9.8". Both of them are in a fair state of preservation. A circular seal of the form of a full-blown lotus is soldered at the centre of the left side of the plates. The counter-sunk surface enclosed within the rows of petals is circular in shape. The diameter of the counter-sunk space is 3.3" in plate A and 3" in plate B. At the bottom of the sunken surface, another double-petalled open lotus is carved out in relief. Abovo it, the legend Tribhuvanamahādēvyā(vyāh) is neatly carved in relief. The lower portion of the subscript y in vyā is drawn out to form two horizontal lines below the legend. Above the legend there is the figure of a couchant bull with the symbols of the croscent, conch and sun above it. There are two floral designs, one in the front and the other at the back of the bull.
The characters closely resemble those of the Dhenkanal plate of Tribhuvanamahādēvi and the Talcher plates' of Sivakaradova (III). As a matter of fact, the Dhenkanal plate and our plate B were both incised by the same person, Harivardhana, while the Talcher plates were engraved by his father Rahasa vardhana. On palaeographical grounds the plates may be assigned to the 9th century of the Chirstian era at the earliest. Both the plates are dated in the year 100 50 8 (i.e., 158) of the era which is known to have been used by the rulers of the Blauma-Kara family.
The language is Sanskrit. The text of both the plates is practically identical, except for the grant portion. The composition is a mixture of prose and poetry. The descriptive portion consists of fifteen verses in addition to the usual benedictory and imprecatory stanzas. There are a few orthographical or grammatical mistakes and these have been corrected in their proper places. The words göhëri, jota, valitvā, etc., occurring in the grant portion, seem to be Sanskritised Oriya expressions.
The documents open with the description of the charms of Guhēsvarapāțaka, the capital of the Bhauma-Kara rulers. Next follows the genealogy of the family. In the Kara dynasty there flourished a powerful king named Unmattasimha. His son was Subhākara who erected many lofty vihārus. His son was Gayada who was succeeded by Kusumahāra. Gosvaminidēvi succeeded Kusumahāra who had left no son. The kingdom thrived under her rule, people lived in peace and prosperity. On her grandson, Lõnabhāra, attaining majority, she retired making over the charge of the kingdom to him. Lõņabhāra was blessed with two sons, Kusumahāra and Lalitahāra. The two sons succeeded their father one after another. But, both of them having died childless, Pșithvimahādēvi (the wife of Kusumahāra), whose father was Svabhāvatunga of Kõsala and mother Nșittamahādēvi, the daughter of Yasövsiddhi, ascended the throne, and was known to the world under the name Tribhuvanamahādēvi. She is styled Paramabhafārika, Mahārājādhiraja-Paramēsvuri and Paramavaishnavi. At tha request of Sasi
The plates are now preserved in the Orissa Museum. *J BORS, Vol. II, pp. 419-27 and Plates. Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, pp. 40-50.

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No. 30)
. TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD
211
lēkhã, the moon of the Vrågadi family of Virāta lineage and wife of Mahāmandalādhiputi Mangalakalasa, Prithvimahādēvi made the following grants in the year 158 for perpetual offering of ablution, sandal paste, etc., to the deity Umamahēšvara installed in the temple constructed by Sabilēkha and named Nännēsvara after her father, for repairs to the temple, for providing garments and medicines to mendicants, for food and clothing to Brāhmanas and for the maintenance of the family of the dāna pati.
The grant in plate A consists of a village named Kottapurā together with the Nānnēsvara talapātaka in the district of Tamālakhanda in Dandabhukti-mandala situated in UttaraTosalā. The grant recorded in plate B is a plot of land called Utthukā-khandakshētra in the district of Dakshinakhanda in Dandabhukti-mandala of Uttara-Tösalā.
I may here point out that some portions of the text of the records under discussion occur iz others as indicated below. Verse 6 of our plates occurs in the Talcher plate of Subhākaradēva of the year 141. Again verse 15 of our records occurs in the same plate with reference to the mother of Kusumahāra or Subhākara III. The birudas of Tribhuvanamahädövi as given in the Dhenkanal plates and in the plates under discussion are identical and the issuer is called Sindagauri in both. The passage dealing with the boundaries of the gift land in the present plates is almost the same as that in the Talcher plates of Sivakaradēva III of the year 149.
Mahākshapatalādhikrita Rānaka Sri-Mallöka acted as the dutaka, mahäkshapatalika bhögin Sakrasēna as the writer and pēļakapāla Dövadēva as the heater in case of both the records under study. Plate A was incised by the brazier Amritavardhana, son of Isvaravardhana, while plate B was incised by Harivardhana, son of Rahasavardhana. From the four copper plate charters of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty, viz., the two Taloher plates of Sivakara III, the Dhenkanal plate of Tribhuvanamahādēvi and our plate B, we learn that Harivardhana was the son of Rahasavardhana and the grandson of Rāmavardhana.
These plates are very important for the study of the history of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty of Orissa as they bring to light many new facts. Firstly, they reveal that Dandabhukti-mandala was included in the kingdom of the Bhauma-Karas of Orissa. Secondly, they throw new light on the genealogy of that dynasty. Thirdly, they reveal that the later Bhauma-Karas were matrimonially connected with the Sõmavamsi kings of Kõsala.
The genealogy of the Bhauma-Karas obtained from the present plates and that obtained from other plates are given below for a comparative study.
Plates under discussion 1 Unmaţtasimha 2 Subhākara
3 Gayada
4 Kusumahăra (I) (died childless) 5 Gösvāmini (relation with No. 4 is not mentioned) 6 Lõnabhāra (grandson of Gosvamini)
7 Kusumahāra (II) (childless) 8 Lalitahāra (childless) 9 Prithvimahādēvi alias Tribhuvanamahādēvi (wife of No. 7) 1 I..., a Brahmana in charge of all functions connected with the making of grant by the King.
Misra, op. cit., p. 35. Ibid., p. 36. Ibid., P. 46.

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(VOL. XXIX
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Plates so far published
1 Lakshmikara
2 Kshēmankara 3 Sivakara (I) alias Unmaţtasimha, m. Jayāvalidēvi 4 Subhákara (I), m. Madhavadēvi
5 Sivakara (II), m. Māhinidēvi
6 Säntikara (I) alias Gayāda, m. Tribhuvana
mahādevi of the Näga lineage
7 Subhākara (II), m. Nrinnādēvi
8 Subhākaradēva (III) alias Kusumahāra (I)
Sinhakētu 9 Tribhuvanamahādēvi (I), mother of No. 8
and wife of No. 6 10 Santikara (II) alias Lönabhära or Gayāda (II),
grandson of No. 9, m. Hiramahädēvi
11 Subhākara (IV) alias 12 Sivakara (III) alias Lalitabāra Kusumahāra (II)
13 Šāntikara (III) 14 Subhākara (V)
A study of the above two genealogies would show that there are certain points of wide and uncompromising difference between them. Firstly, it is stated in the present plates that Kusumahāra(I) died childless and Gõgvåmini took upon her the burden of the realm until she made it over to her grandson Lõnabhāra. In the Talcher plates of Subhākara (IV) and Sivakara (III) there is no mention of Subhākara (III) alias Kusumahāra (I) as having died childless. They simply state that after the death of Subhākara (III) his mother took up the charge of the kingdom. In the Talcher plate of Subhākara (IV) it is definitely stated, in the same way as in the present plates, that Tribhuvanamahādēvi made over the charge of the realm to her own grandson Lõnabhara on his attaining majority. But in the Talcher plate of Sivakara (III) Lõnabhāra is not mentioned and so the relationship between Tribhuvanamahādēvi and Lõnabhāra is not ascertainable. It is simply stated that Gayāda became king after her (tasyā babhūva......npipatir=Gayādah, lines 12-13). It would appear to mean that Gayāda was born to her; but it was probably meant to convey the sense that Lõnabhära-Gayāda succeeded Tribhuvanamahādēvi. In the two Talcher plates of Subhākara (IV) and Sivakara (III) there are no details explaining the reasons for Tribhuvanamahādēvi's assumption of the government after her son ; in the present plates it is definitely stated that Gögvāmini succeeded Kusumahāra (I) as he had died without leaving any issue (lines 8-9). So far it was believed that Tribhuvanamahādēvi assumed the reins of the government during the minority of her grandson Lõnabhāra. But that assumption is no longer tenable in view of the clear mention of the fact in the present plates that Kusumahåra (I) died childless. This fact conflicts with the relationship between Gösvāmini and Lönabhåra since the latter is described in the present plates as the grandson of the former. Since Subhakara (III), identical with Kusumahāra (I) of our plates, was childless, Lõnabhāra was either the son of a brother or sister of the former; otherwise he could not have been called the grandson of his predecessor. It,

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TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD
213
however, appears more probable that Lönabhāra was the son of a brother of Subhākara (III). This brother had probably predeceased Subhākara (III), after whose death his nephew became the sole heir. Tribhuvanamahādēvi ruled the kingdom on behalf of her grandson who was still minor at the time of the death of Subhākara (III). This assumption alone can explain away the inconsistency of the facts stated above.
As regards the identity of Gosvamini it may be noted that she is stated in the present plates to have succeeded Subhakara (III) alias Kusumahāra (I) and made over the kingdom to her grandson Lõnabhāra on his attaining majority. In the Talcher plate of Subhākara (IV), the mother of Subhākara (III) is described as having succeeded her son and made over the kingdom to her grandson Lõnabhāra. She was also known as Tribhuvanamahādēvi. Thus both Gösvāmini and Tribhuvanamahādēvi were successors of Subhākara (III) and grandmothers of Lāņabhāra. So they cannot but be identical. Gösvāmini was probably the original name of the wife of Santikara (I) alias Gayada and mother of Subhākara (III), and Tribhuvanamahädēvi was her assumed name. This assumption is corroborated by the allusion to Gosvamini as having ruled in the past in the Dhenkanal plate of Tribhuvanamahädēvi.
I may here point out that Tribhuvanamahādēvi of the Dhenkanal plate is not the wife of śāntikara (I), as assumed by Pandit Misra, for the following reasons. For one thing, nowhere is Sāntikara (1) called Lalitahāra. As pointed out above, the name of Santikara's wife was, in all probability, Gösväminidovi. Tribhuvanamahādēvi was an assumed name as is evident from the passage : yu jagatsu Tribhuvanamahādēvxiti-vibrutā occurring in Subhākara (IV)'s Talcher plate, the same passage being employed in the present plates with reference to Prithvimahādēvi. Thus, both Gösvāminidēvi and Pţithvimahādēvi had the assumed name Tribhuvanamahādēvi. The date of the Dhenkanal plate is clearly 160, as it is represented by the letter symbols lu and chu which stand for 100 and 60 respectively. Sāntikara (I)'s wife was the first queen in the Bhauma-Kara dynasty to rule over the kingdom, and the reference to Gõsvāmini as having ruled the kingdom in the Dhenkanal plate proves that another queen had reigned prior to Tribhuvanamahädēvi of that plate; hence she must have been the wife of Santikara (I). That Gösvāmini is not a fictitious figure but the grandmother of Lõnabhāra is proved by the plates under discussion. As stated before, the inciser of the Dhenkanal plate and the plate B under discussion is the same person, Harivardhana, son of Rahasavardhana. In view of the above facts, Tribhuvanamahādēvi of the Dhenkanal plate cannot be regarded as the wife of Santikara (I). She was the wife of Sivakara (III) alias Lalitahāra. So it would be quite natural to identify Lalitahāra of the Dhenkanal plate with Sivakara (III), the younger brother of Subhākara (IV) alias Kusumahāra (II). Thus there were three queens bearing the name Tribhuvanamahādēvi. Säntikara (I)'s wife was Gösvā. minidēvi alias Tribhuvanamahādēvi (I), Subhākara (IV)'s wife Prithvimahādevi was Tribhuvanamahādēvi (II) and Sivakara (III)'s wife (original name not known) was also Tribhuvanamahadēvi (III).
After Subhākara (IV) and Sivakara (III) their wives ascended the throne under the names Tribhuvamamahädēvi. The former was ruling in the year 158 and the latter in 160. This gives credit to the assumption that, after Sivakara (III) there was a quarrel for succession. Prithvimahādēvi ascended the throne probably with the aid of her father Svabhāvatunga and, after her, Sivakara (III)'s wife became queen. Her claim was probably backed by her father Rājamalla. The hints of a state of chaos befalling the Bhauma-Kara family are there in the Dhenkanal plate (lines 9-10). Further, it is stated therein that Tribhuvanamahädēvi was approached by the ministers for her accession to the throne (line 20). These hints confirm the belief that there ensued a civil war for succession after Sivakara (III) alias Lalitahāra, and the two queens of Kusumahāra and Lalitahāra ascended the throne one after another. Then came Santikara (III) and Subhakara
1 Rehler's Tables, Pl. ix.

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214 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX (V). Between the year 149, the date of the Talcher plate of Sivakara (III), and the year 180, the date of the Ganjam plate of Dandimahādēvi, we get four rulers, viz., wives of Kusumahāra and Lalitahara, Santikara (III) and Subhakara (V). Each ruled for about 8 years on average. This quick succession corroborates the suggestion of a civil war.
The most uncompromising point of difference between the two genealogies given above lies in that, while in the present plates Kusumahāra (II), i.e., Subhākara (IV), and Lalitahāra, i.e., Sivakara III, are said to have died childless, in the copper-plate grants of Dharmamahādēvi and Dandimahādēvi, Sivakara (III) is said to have had two sons, viz., Santikara (III) and Subhākara (V). This difference can be reconciled if it is assumed that Sāntikara (III) and Subhākara (V) were sons of Sivakara (III) by & second wife of his, the legitimacy of their birth being either not acknowledged by the queen of Subhākara (IV) and by at least one of the queens of Sivakara (III), or was deliberately ignored. However, there can be no satisfactory solution to this mystery until further discoveries throw more light on the later history of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty.
Some scholars refer the dates in the Bhauma-Kara plates to the Harsha era. The date of the present plates calculated according to that era will be 764 A. C. But on palaeographic consideration this date will be rather too early. As already noted, the present plates can not be assigned to a date earlier than the 9th century. Similarly, if the Neulpur plate' is referred to the Harsha era and the numerical figures in it be read as 54, the date of the plate will be 660 A.C. The forms of the signs of medial vowels in this record, as also of some letters like s, n, bh, etc., are more developed as compared with those of the Ganjam plate of Madhavarāja of G. E. 300. As such the plate can be assigned to the beginning of the 8th oentury at the earliest. R. D. Banerji assigned it to the latter half of the 8th century on paleographic considerations. Thus the date arrived at by referring the plate to the Harsha era seems too early for it. Hence we may examine the possibility of referring the dates in the Bhauma-Kara records to a later period.
From the Neulpur grant of Subhākara (I) we know that he was ruling over Northern Tõsalā. The same region was governed by Somadatta on behalf of Saśānka, the celebrated king of Karnasuvarna. Since the plates of Somadatta and Bhānudatta are assignable to a date earlier than the Neulpur plate, it may be presumed that the Bhauma-Kara rule in Northern Tõsalā and Dandabhukti was established subsequent to the rule of Sõmadatta or Bhānudatta. In order to ascertain the time of the establishment of the Bhauma-Kara rule in Northern Tõsalā we have to find out the probable date of the end of the rule of the Datta family in that area.
Sõmadatta was a feudatory under Saśāöka. He or his successor, if there was any, must have remained in the feudatory status till the death of Sakānka who is presumed to have maintained his empire to the last. We do not know for certain when Sabanka's death took place; but, from certain references to his anti-Buddhist actions in Magadha as found in Hieuen Tsang's account, it is believed that Sasänka died shortly before the year 637 A. C.' So up to that date, or thereabouts, the Bhauma-Kara rule had not been established in Northern Tõsalā. After Sasanka's death Bhāskaravarman and Harsha conquered his dominions in and outside Bengal. Harsha led an expedition against Kongöda in 642 A. O. 'On his way to Kongoda, he would not have left the Northern Tõgalā and Dandabhukti regions unconquered. The rule of Somadatta or Bhānudatta in the Northern Tösala-Dandabhukti region might have come to an end in this way. Whether Harsha appointed the Bhaums-Karas as his agents in that region or they acquired the kingdom with their might following Harsha's departure cannot be determined. But it seems fairly certain
1 Above, Vol. XV, p. 1 ff.
Tbid., Vol. XXIII, p. 197 ff.; JRASB, Letters, Vol. XI (1945), p. 1 ff. • History of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 66.

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No. 30] TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD
215 that their rule was established in North Orissa region in 642 A. C. or thereabouts. Thus the era used in the records of the Bhauma-Kara kings probably started from the date of the establishment of their rule in Northern Tõsala, that is, from about the year 642 A. C. The date of the Neulpur plate and the present plates calculated from 642 A. C. will be 696 and 800 A. C. respectively. These dates are quite in accord with those arrived at on paleographical considerations.
Svabhāvatunga is mentioned as the father of Tribhuvanamahādēvi. He was the ruler of Kösala, evidently South Kõsala, and belonged to the lunar dynasty. In the Patna plates of Mahāśivagupta Yayāti, his father is said to have acquired the title of Svabhāvatunga by his valour (Somakul-ābja-bhānuh Svabhāvatungo nija-paurushëna). Svabhāvatunga of the plates under discussion and of the Patna plates seems to be one and the same person ; as such Prithvimahādēvi alias "Tribhuvanamahadevi was the daughter of Mahābhavagupta Janamējaya, king of Kõsala. From this we come to know for the first time that the Sömavamsi kings of Kösala and the BhaumaKaras of Guhēśvarapätaka were matrimonially connected.
In regard to Mangalakalasa, we have so far not come across any such name. We only know that some members of the Bhañja dynasty had surnames like Kalyāņakalaša, Amõghakalaša, etc. In view of this we may tentatively, assume that this Mangalakalasa belonged to the Bhañja dynasty. It may be pointed out here that one Satrubhañja had the surname Mangalarāja. Paleographically his Jangalapādu plates, in which the above surname occurs, are assignable to about the same period as that of the present plates. It is possible that the fuller form of the surname was Mangalakalasarāja. Sasilēkhă, the wife of Mangalakalasa, is stated to have come of the Vragadi family of the Virāța lineage. The village of Koinsari in Mayurbhanj is still known as Virātapura.“The Nāga family of Mayūrabhañja was known by the name Virāța Bhujanga, or simply the Vairāta or Virāta family........the power of Vairāta Rājās of Mayūrabhañja dates from the seventh century A. D." Koinsari was probably the capital of the Virāta dynasty of Mayūrabhañja. The whole tract from Koinsari to Nilagiri was under the rule of the Virāta family. Some descendants of the old Virata family are still living and they call themselves Bhujanga Kshatriya. Vrāgadi might have been a section of the Virāta family. It is not improbable that marriage connections between the two royal families of Mayūrabhañja, the Virātas and the Bhañjas, were established in course of time.
I have not been able to identify the districts Tamalakhanda and Dakshiņakhanda and the village Köttapurā. I may only suggest that the first may be identified with Tainluk, headquarters of a sub-division of the Midnapore District, and the second with Dakinmal (Dakshin Mahal?), a pargana in the Contai eub-division. Tamluk and Dakinmal are mentioned as parganas in the Mughal revenue accounts. The Daņdabhukti mandala probably comprised the major portion of the Midnapore District.
1 JPASB, Vol. I (1903), p. 14 ff. (Plate iii a, line 4). I am indebted to Sri S. N.Rajaguru for this reference.
JKHRS, Vol. I, p. 181 ff. • Vasu, Archaeological Survey of Mayurbhanja, Vol. I, introduction, pp. XXXVi-Ixxvii. * Vasu, Viórakoša, Vol. XVIII, p. 693. • Pifth Report, Vol. II, p. 457.
• JRASB, Letters, Vol. XI (1945), p. 7. 29 DGARS

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216
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vor. XXIX
TEXT
PLATE A
[Metres : Vv. 1, 6, 7 Sārdūlavikridita ; vv. 2, 23 Sragdharā ; v. 3 Vamasthavila : v. 4, 5 Varanta
tilakā ; v. 8 Drutavilambita ; v. 9 Sikharini; vv. 10-16, 18-27 Anustubh ; v. 17 Malini ; v. 22 Pushpitāgra.]
Obverse 1 ओं' स्वस्त्याशाजयसाधिताखिलनृपप्रस्थापितैः सर्वतः संसर्पद्भिरितस्ततोऽपरिमितैर्द्धा
तूज्ज्वलैः पी2 लुभिः । गत्वा जङ्गमतां समस्ततनुभिः सेवार्थमभ्यागतर्भूभृन्नामभयादिव क्षितिधरैः
संकीर्यमाणान्तरात् ॥[१*] 3 श्रीगुहेश्श्वरपाटकनिवासिविजयस्कन्धावारात् ॥ आसीद्वंशे कराणां(णा)मकलितमहिमा
ऽनल्पसत्व(त्त्व): प्रतापी । 4 [भूभृ]तुङ्गोतमाङ्गाक्रमणकृतरतिः श्रीमदुन्मदृसिंहः । राजा लब्धो(ब्धो)ज्जितश्री:
स्फुरदसिनखरोत्खातमाद्यद्विपक्ष6 माभृन्मातङ्गकुम्भोच्छलदमलयशोमौक्तिकालंकृताशः ॥[२*] सुतोत्तमस्तस्य समाश्रय[*]
__श्रियः प्रशासदुर्वी शुशु6 भे शुभाकरः [*] कलेरलंघ्यं सुकृताश्रयाय यो बिहारमुच्चैविदधे शिलामयं(यम्) ॥
___[३] तस्यात्मजः कमलभूरिव राजहंस(स)7 सेव्यो गयाड इति भूमिपतिव(ब)भूव ॥(।) यस्याभियोगमधिगम्य गलन्मदानां
नेमुः शिरांसि न धनूंषि विरोधभाजां(जाम्) ॥४*] तस्मा8 त्रिवर्गफलसम्पदवाप्तिहेतुरासीनृपः कुसुमहार' इति प्रतीतः । तस्मिन्नजाततनुजन्मनि
कीत्तिशेषे गोस्वामि9 नी चिरमुवाह धुरन्धरायाः ॥[५*] ध्वस्तं वैरिकुलं यशः प्रकटितं जाताः
प्रजाः सुस्थिता भू(भुक्ता श्रीरतुला किमन्यदुचितं का10 र्य मयास्मिन्निति । वोढं प्रौढ इति स्वनप्तरि भरं श्रीलोणभारे भुवो
विन्यस्यातुलभक्तितुष्टमनसो भेजे पदं सा ll हरे. ॥[६*] तेजो हव्यवहे हुताहितहविर्भूपालमौलिस्फुरच्चूडोच्वैर्मणिवेदिकाहितल
सत्पादारविन्दद्वयः ॥(1) 12 तस्या एव निदेशतः स च कृती स्वीकृत्य राज्यश्रियं रेमे धर्मधनाविरोध
सुभगै गैरनासक्तधीः [॥७*] अथ स राज1 Expressed by a symbol which is also regarded as indicating siddham.
[In the names Kusumahāra and Lalitahara, occurring several times in both the plates, what has been rend as hiseems to be really bh.-D.C.S.] -

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BAUD PLATE OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI - A
Obverse
Rea. No.723 HE(C)'63-485'54. N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO
शायदा
हाताला कातरवातदाता 2
मतामा माता मात्र तायदातासामालालू02
या पानातील कलमलमहालास युनाया 4AAAAAEERला साहार पायदान परमाणायम 4
ल
म लमासुलाजमहालालहरा पशुजा यूसालाराम 61GALलय परमधारकारामलाललारजालसागर मलसररर 6 सम
सारमतवालदरबारमा बहायलकायतमासा 8 सारमा
रामरामनरलनर उमर खनासावा 8 बाह भूपटलं
द गहरा सदा पालतहमनायवनका मारवाहिता पालामालल्ला कुतुब मसालार या 10 KARLECTR
E GA मालालगाया
HORDER
LADKIYAMDADODARAT
ר
וגינענע לצמב
רג ברגעעעעעעמסובכובעגרוני יופי גן
HANIYPOTHOLPURPATTEREDYLE
SCALE: ONE-HALF
राम
मालत मतदानासानामा 216रायादारयक सोमवार
परामरलालपासनानकार 16 या परनवास पर राशनलिनतम सासूलपुर:समावर साताशलत 184मस्तारा मनायाशीय शाबशात विताहरशमन दागदार लानर दाराशीला 18
मटा महार टाल तातूरमात्म यातनदर राना 200हादरून मसाला
सासरन शारदरहरूमामलतद्रवरदान पाम 20 साटियतामसवार हा या ACTOR(टू दहर दून रालतकलरलमान तश्तमान दलाणगालालारामायनीज मालास्तायामदारकालाजा 22 रामराम कदलणाराम महाकाल SOCKERARY
यालारामानालामा 24 LEARNESTINACTRATA
म साकारतवासात Acालियर हावाम सरतहरयास 28 HAN समाज
कारणामध्यममाराल 28LndianRRECircालानमारकाला सरकार 28
TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD
SURVEY OF INDIA, DIMRA DUR.

Page #365

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No. 30] TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 217 13 शिरोवहनोचितं कुसुमहारमुदारफलोदयं(यम्) । सुतमवाप ततो ललितश्रिय
ललितहारमनङ्गमिवापरं(रम्) [*] 14 जगद्दीपे तस्मिन्करकुलविकासकवश(स)ताविने पद्माभोगप्रणयिनि गते सम .. मरुतां(ताम्) ॥(1) सुतौ तस्याधत्तां 15 क्रमकलितराज्योज्जितपदौ भुवं भूभृच्चूडामणिकिरणशोणांह्रिकमलौ ॥[*] ततः
. स्फारस्फुरद्धामध्वस्तारितिमि18 रौघयोः । वु(बु)धोदयकृतोरस्तसमस्तजनतापयोः ॥[१०] दैवादनाप्तप्रजयोः
प्रजानन्दविधायिनोः । नरेन्द्रच17 न्द्रयोरस्तं क्रमेण गतयोस्तयोः ॥[११*] सितांशुवंशनलिनश्रीविकासकभास्वतः ।
राज्ञः स्वभावतुङ्गस्य कोशलाधि___18 पतेः सुता ॥[१२*] सुतायां श्रीयशोवृद्धेर्यशोवृद्धिविधायिनी । श्रीमन्नृत्तामहा
देव्या(व्यां) कृतजन्मपरिग्रहा ॥[१३*] श्रीमत्कुसु19 महारस्य महादेवी महद्धिका । पृथ्वी पृथ्वीमहादेवी चिरकालमपालयत् ॥[१४*]
स्वधाममहिमप्राप्तभुवनत्रितयोन्नतिः । 20 या जगत्सु त्रिभुवनमहादेवीति विश्रुता ॥[१५*] उद्दामदेहसौन्दर्यजितश्रीरूपविभ्रमा ।
विधि(धे)विधानवैदग्ध्यशिक्षासीमे21 व भाति या ॥[१६*] शशधरकरगौरोत्सप्पिक'रधूलीपटलजलनिमज्जद्भमिभृच्चक्रवाला ।
कलकलमुखराशास्थान22 वेला यदीया सुरसरिदवात]परं नाटयन्ति(न्ती)व भाति ॥[१७*] परमवैष्णवी
मातापितृपादानुध्याता परमभट्टारिका महाराजाधिः 23 राजपरमेश्वरो श्रोत्रिभुवनमहादेवी कुशलिनी ॥ उत्तरतोसलायां म्व(वर्तमान
भविष्यन्महासामन्तमहाराज24 राजपुत्रान्तरङ्गकुमारामा[त्यौ परिकविषयपतितदायुक्तकदाण्डपासि(शि)कस्थानान्तरिकानन्या
नपि राजप्र25 सादिनश्चाटभट्ट(ट)वल्लभजातीयान् ॥ दण्डभुक्तिमण्डले तमालखण्डविषयेपि महामह
तरवृ(बृहद्भोगिपुस्तकपा26 लकुटकोलसाद्यधिकरणं यथाहिन्मा(हैं मा)नयति वो(बो)धयति सम(मा)ज्ञापयति च ।
_ विदितमस्तु भवतांम्(ताम्) एतद्विषयस27 म्व(म्ब)द्ध॥(द्धः) चतुःसीमापर्यन्ताः*] नान्नेश्वरतलपाटकसहितः कोट्टपुराग्रामाः*]
सोपरिकरः सोद्देशः सत28 न्तुवायगोकुटशौण्डिकादिप्रकृतिकः सखेटघट्टनदीतरस्थानादिगुल्मकः सर्वपीडाज्जिताऽले

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218
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
Reverse 29 खनीप्रवेस(श)तया भूमिच्छिद्रापिधानन्यायेनाचन्द्राक्कक्षितिसमकालं महामण्डलाधिपति
श्रीमङ्गलकलशस्य म30 हादेव्याः । विराटवडशो(वंशो)द्भववागडिकुलकुमुदशशिलेखायाः श्रीशशिलेखाया
____ विज्ञप्त्या स्वर्गीभूतनिजतात31 स्य श्रीनानाभिधानस्य धर्माय स्वकारितश्रीनानेश्वरनामायतने प्रतिष्ठापितस्य
___ भगवत उमामहेश्वरभट्टा32 रकस्य सततस्नपनगन्धपू(पु)ष्पदीपधूपनिवेद्यव(ब)लिचरुपूजादिप्रवर्तनाथ खण्डस्फुटित
संस्करणार्थ महाव्रतधारि33 णां तपस्विनां सत्रकोपीनोत्तरासङ्गग्लानभैषज्याथ पाटकसहितस्य ग्रामस्यैको भागः ।
एवं वा(ब्रा)ह्मणानां प्रासाछा(च्छा)दनार्थ द्वितीयो भागः । पादमु(मू)लादीनां जीवनभुक्तिपरिधानार्थ
तृतीयो भागः । तथेतरश्चतुर्थो भागो दा35 नपतिस्वसन्तानपरंपरावर्तनार्थञ्चऽ(ञ्चा)स्माभिस्ता (स्ता) प्रशासनीकृत्याक्षयनीवीधर्मेणाक
रत्वेन प्रतिपादितस्तदेषाऽस्म36 दति(इत्तिः) धर्मगौरवाद्भवद्भिः परिपालनीया ॥ सम्वत् १०० ५० ८ कात्तिक
शुदि ७ । उक्तञ्च धर्मशो(शा)स्त्रे [*] व(ब)हुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राज37 भिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं(लम्) ॥
[१८*] मा भु(भू)दफलशङ्का वः परदते(ते)ति पार्थिवाः । स्वदानात्फ38 लमानन्त्यं परदता(त्ता)नुपालने ॥१६*] स्वदत्ताम्परदत्ताम्वा(त्तां वा) यो हरेत
वसुन्धरां(राम्) । स विष्ठायां कृमिभूत्वा पितृभिः सह प39 च्यते ।।२०*] व(ब)हुनाता किमुक्तेन स(सं)क्षेपादिदमुच्यते । स्वल्पमायुश्चला
भोगा धर्मो लोकद्वयक्षमः ॥[२१] इति कमल40 दलाम्बु(म्बु)वि(बि)न्दुलोलां शि(श्रि)यमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीवितञ्च । अखिलमिद
मुदाहृतञ्च वु(बु)वा [न] हि पुरुषः परकीर्तयो वि41 लोप्याः ॥२२* यावन्मौलीन्दुलेखोज्ज्वलितसुरसरिद्वीचिहारावलीभिर्भस्मस्मेरां स्मरा
रेर्द्धवलयतितरामंशुभिः का42 यकान्ति (न्तिम्) । आसा(शा)चक्रकचूडामणिरपि तरणिोतते यावदुच्चैर्देव्याः
श्रीसिन्दगौर्याः प्रभवतु भ(भुवने शासनं तावThe darda is superfluous.

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No. 30] TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 219 43 देतत् ॥[२३] दूतकोता महाक्षपटलाधिकृतराणकश्रीमल्लोकः । लेखको
महाक्षपटलिकभोगी स(श)क्रशे(से)नः । ता44 पितम्प्पे(म्पे)टकपालदेवदेवेने(न) । उत्कीर्णं तट्ठकार(रेण) अमृतवर्द्धनेन इ(ई)श्वर
वर्द्धनपुत्रेणेति ॥ ग्रामस्य सीमा 45 लिख्यते । पूर्वदिश्युत्तरपूर्वकोणादारभ्य दक्षिणाभिमुखं शाखोटकविटपेन स्तोकं
गत्वा किञ्चित्पश्चिमाभि48 मुखं मृगजानुना वलित्वा गोहेर्या स्तोकं गत्वा पूर्वदक्षिणकोणे प्रोप्तशिला
यावत् । ततो दक्षिणदिशि प47 रिचमाभिमुखं प्रगुणेन दूरं गत्वा वक्रेण दक्षिणाभिमुखं वलित्वा पुनः
पश्चिमाभिमुखं न्यग्रोधवृक्षण गत्वा शिला48 कुण्डजोटार्द्धस्रोतसा सर्पगत्या गत्वा कोट्टपुराधारं प्रविश्य तज्जलार्द्धन गत्वा
दक्षिणपश्चिमकोणे प्रोप्त49 शिलां यावत् । ततः पश्चिमदिश्युत्तराभिमुखं शिलाखानि]काप्रगुणेन शरक्षेपमात्रं
___ गत्वा पश्चिमोत्तरकोणे प्रो50 प्तशिलां यावत् । तत . उत्तरदिशि पूर्वाभिमुखं नरकाधारण स्तोकं गत्वा
वि(बि)ल्ववृक्षेण वक्रातिवक्रेण गत्वा प्रथम51 संसूचितसीमां यावत् ॥
PLATE B
Obverse 1-24 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 25 सि(शि)कस्थानान्तरिकानन्यानपि राजप्रसादिनश्चाटभट्ट(ट)वल्लभजातीयान् ॥ दण्ड
भुक्तिमण्डले दक्षिणख26 ण्डविषयेपि महामहत्तरवृ(बृहद्भोगिपुस्तकपालकुटकोलसाद्यधिकरणं यथाहि(ई)म्मानयति वो(बो)
Reverse 27 धयति समाज्ञापयति. . च । विदितमस्तु भवताम् एतद्विषयसम्ब(म्बद्ध। . (द्धम्) उत्थुकाक्षण्डक्षेत्रं सोपरिकरः(रं) सोद्देशः(शं) 28-44 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ..." 45 देवदेवेन । उत्कीर्णं तट्ठकारहरिवर्द्धनेन ।' रहसवर्द्धनपुत्रेणेति ॥ खण्डक्षेत्रस्य सीमा
लिख्यते । पु(पू)वदिश्युत्तर
1 The text of these lines is the same as in lines 1-25 of plate A with negligible variations. * The text of these lines is the same as in lines 27-44 of plato A.' * The danda is superfluous.

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(VOL. XXIX 46 पूर्वकोणादारभ्य दक्षिणाभिमुखं क्षेत्राल्या गत्वा गणेश्वरखातकपश्चिमाल्या गत्वा
वक्रातिवक्रेण दु(दू)रं गत्वा पू47 वदक्षिणकोणे प्रोप्तशिला यावत् । ततो दक्षिणदिशि पश्चिमाभिमुखं क्षेत्राल्या
- स्तोकं गत्वा मृगजानुना शा48 खोटकविटपेन गत्वा दक्षिणपश्चिमकोणे गोहेरिकां यावत् । ततः पश्चिम
दिश्युत्तराभिमुखं गोहेर्या 49 प्रगुणेन दूरं. गत्वा पश्चिमोत्तरकोणे प्रोप्तशिलां यावत् । तत उत्तरदिशि
पूर्वाभिमुखं क्षेत्राल्या प्रगुणे50 न दूरं गत्वा प्रथमसंमु(सू)चितसीमां यावत् ॥
No. 31-NOTE ON TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
Mr. S. C. De's paper on the inscriptions in question has been published above. We find it rather difficult to agree with some of Mr. De's suggestions. In the following lines, some comments are offered especially on the most important of them, namely, the one concerning the identity and age of the Bhauma-Kara queen who issued the Dhenkanal plate. ___ In the Hindol- and Dharakotas plates of Subhakara III, both dated in the year 103 of the Bhauma-Kara era, the said king is described as the son of Santikara-I from Mahadevi Tribhuvanamahādēvi who was brīman-Nāg-odbhava-kula-lalama-bhavā, i.e., born in the eminent family sprung from the illustrious Näga. All the three Talcher plates of the great-grandsons of this queen, viz., Subhakara IV (one grant dated in the year 145, usually read as 141) and Sivakara III (two grants both dated in the year 149), clearly state that Tribhuvanamahādēvi ascended the Bhauma-Kara throne after the death of her son Kusumahāra or Simhakëtu, i.e., Subhākara III. The Talcher plate of Subhākara IV further says that, when Tribhuvanamahādēvī's naptā or grandson, named Lõnabhāra alias Santikara II, became sufficiently aged, she abdicated the throne in his favour. The corresponding portion of the Talcher plates of Sivakara III, which seems to be corrupt in the original and more so in the published transcript, does not specify the relationship between Tribhuvanamahādēvi and her successor Gayāda II, i.e., Santikara II.
The Dhenkanal plate, issued by Tribhuvanamahādēvi as a ruling queen, bears a date which looks like 100 but may also be read as 120.7 The queen, whose other name is given in her record as Sindagauri and who was the queen of Lalitahāra, is stated to have been the daughter of Rājamalladēva described as the ornament of the southern quarter (dakshin-ādā-mukha-tilaka). It is further stated in the record that the queen ascended the Kara (i.e., Bhauma-Kara) throne after the circle of the Mahāsāmantus (feudatories) had pointed out to her the case of an ancient queen
I acknowledge with thanks the help I received from Pandit Banambar Acharya in editing the inscriptions. -See pp. 210 ff. • Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, pp. 23 ff. *Ibid., pp. 12ff Hbid., pp. 21 ff.. Ibid., pp. 32 ff., 40 ff.,51. See above, Vol. XXIX, p. Sl, note 3.

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named Gösvāmini and requested her to assume the reins of Government in the manner of that old ruling queen. Mr. Misra identifies queen Tribhuvanamahädēvi who issued the Dhenkanal plate with the Bhauma-Kara queen of the same name mentioned in the inscriptions of the years 103, 145 and 149, referred to above. Mr. De on the other hand thinks that Tribhuvanamahādēvi of the Dhenkanal plate ruled in the year 160 immediately after Prithvimahādēvi alias Tribhuvanamahādēvi who issued the Baud plates in the year 158. We are inclined to favour Mr. Misra's identification as Mr. De's suggestion appears to be doubtful in view of the following facts.
In the first place, the fact that the feudatories cited the instance of an ancient ruling queon named Gösvāmini to induce Tribhuvanamahādēvi of the Dhenkanal plate to ascend the throne suggests that she was the first ruling queen on the Bhauma-Kara thrope. Had there been two other queens previously ruling in the family within less than half a century before hor age and had one of them ruled immediately before herself, the reference to an earlier queen's rule by way of illustration was certainly uncalled for and meaningless. Even if such an illustration was necessary at all to induce a third queen of the family to the throne, it is no doubt strange that the ruling queen who flourished immediately before should have been passed over in silence and the case of another reigning more than quarter of a century earlier would have been cited
Secondly, according to Mr. De, Tribhuvanamahādēvi of the Dhenkanal plate was the wife of Sivakara III who issued his grants in the year 149. If she was thus the mother of Santikara III and Subhākara V, it is only natural to expect a prominent mention of her name in the grants of queen Dandimahādēvi who was the daughter of Subhākara V. But her name is conspicuous by its absence in the later records of the family. This difficulty has been explained away by Mr. De who thinks that Tribhuvanamahādēvi of the Dhenkanal plate was a step-mother of Dandimahädēvi's father and that she, like Prithvimahädēvi, did not recognise her step-sons' title to the Bhauma-Kara throne. If such was the case, Tribhuvanamahādēvi of the Dhenkanal plate is expected to have been a partisan of Prithvimahādēvi in her struggle with the lawful claimants of the throne and the non-mention of the latter's name in her record becomes doubly inexplicable.
Thirdly, the two known facts (1) that Tribhuvanamahādēvī, mother of Subhākara III of the Hindol and Dharakota plates (dated 103), was born in the Nāga family and (2) that Tribhuvanamahādēvi alias Sindagauri of the Dhenkanal plate was the daughter of Rājamalla of the southern country appear to suggest that the two were one and the game person. The name Sindagauri (i.e., Sinda-Gauri or Gauri of the Sindas) shows that the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate was born in the Sinda family while it is well known that the Sindas who originally belonged to Karnataka claimed Näga origin. We are inclined to believe that Tribhuvanamahādēvi, who was the mother of Subhākara III and has to be identified with the ruling queen of the Dhenkanal plate, was the daughter of a Sinda king bearing the name or biruda Rajamalla. It has to be noticed that Prithvi
1"Dēvi purripi dövya Sri Gosvaminya...chirom dhåriteniv=ēyam vasundhara tad-adhun=api prasida tathaiva suchiram dharay=ninam kriyatim lok-Anugrahah svikriyatamavi(tam vit) prakram-agata-Kara-rajyA-Srir"iti sa-rabhasam-abhiskēka-mangala-pratipad-onmukhēna mahati mahisamanta-chakrēna nivödyamina...sim. hisanamirudha (Misra, op. cit., pp. 25-26, text lines 17-21). An alternative interpretation of this passage may be that the queen's other name was Gosvamint and that she had ruled the kingdom for sometime on previous occasion before the accession of her son (or stop-son) Subhākara III, although there is no indication in favour of such a possibility in the inscriptions of the family.
Cf. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, pp. 573 ff.
* We have no knowledge of a Sinda-Naga ruler named Rajamalla who flourished in the tenth century. But the said name is known to have been popular in the Sincla family. An inscription of 1148-49 A.C. mentions a chiot named Irmadi-Rachamalla (i.c., Rajantalla the Second, showing probably that there was Ilajaro alla I among his predecessors) who claimed the Näga lineage and enjoyed the biruda Sinda-Govinda that reminds us of Sinda. Gaurl. See ARSIE for 1904, p. 9 (cf. Nos. 56 and 69 of 1904); Kielhorn's List of Inecriptions of Southern India, No. 2153.

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mahādēvi in her Baud plates not only assumes both the names as well as the epithet Paramavaishnavi enjoyed by the earlier queen Tribhuvanamahādēvi alias Sindagauri but refers to the latter not as Tribhuvanamahādēvi (as in the Talcher plates of her husband and the latter's younger brother) but as Gosvamini. The foot of the stanza applying the name Sindagauri to the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate has been actually appropriated by Prithvimahädēvi in the similar verge quoted in her Baud plates. This attempt on the part of Prithvimahädēvi to pass herself as the shadow of and at the same time to distinguish herself clearly from the earlier ruling queen Tribhuvanamahādēvi, whom she represents as Gõsvāmini, is not entirely unintelligible. This may have been partly due to her eagerness for strengthening her position against the lawful claim of the sons of her husband's younger brother to the Bhauma-Kara throne. Apparently, she claimed her position on the Bhauma-Kara throne to be exactly similar to that of her earlier namesake although she felt the necessity of avoiding any confusion between the two Tribhuvanamahādēvis, It is interesting to note that Pțithvimahādēvi is silent in regard to Gõsvämini's relation with her predecessor. The facts that Tribhuvanamahādēvi of the Dhenkanal plate was induced by her feudatories to assume the burden of government by citing the instance of Gõsvāmini and that Prithvimahādēvi alias Tribhuvanamahādēvi of the Baud plates applies the name Gösvāmini to her earlier namesake (apparently to make a distinction between the two Tribhuvanamahādevis to avoid confusion) appear to suggest that the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate was called Gösvāmini II after an ancient or legendary femalo ruler of Orissa probably having nothing to do with the Bhauma-Karas. It may be pointed out that the assumption of the name Sindagauri, pointing to an association with the Sinda Nāgas, by Prithvimahādēvi alias Tribhuvanamahādēvi, who is known to have been born in a royal family other than that of the Sindas, seems to be explainable only by the suggestion that she adopted it rather arbitrarily just to pass herself as the shadow of an earlier ruling queen of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty. It seems therefore that the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate was the real and original Sinda-Gauri and that she flourished before the imitation Sinda-Gauri who issued the Baud plates.
Fourthly, Mr. De thinks that the real names of the mother of Subhākara III and the wife of Subhākara IV were respectively Gosvamini and Prithvimahadevi and that they both assumed the name Tribhuvanamahädēvi, although he cannot say what the original name of Tribhuvanamahadēvi of the Dhenkanal plate, whom he regards as the third ruling queen of that assumed name, was. We find at least two diffioulties in accepting this suggestion. The first is that, if the mother of Subhākara III assumed the name Tribhuvanamahādēvi when she ascended the throne after her son's death, she could not have possibly been mentioned by that name, as she really is, in the records of her son who preceded herself on the throne. In the second place, if Tribhuvanamahādēvi of the Dhenkanal plate was the third Bhauma-Kara ruling queen of that name, it is rather strange that she, unlike Pțithvimahādēvi, did not feel the necessity of distinguishing herself to avoid a confusion between herself and any of her two past namasakes. This no doubt looks especially dubious when she is supposed to have been immediately preceded by another ruling queen of the same name, because the possibility of confusion in such a case was greater. If her real name was Tribhuvanamahādēvi, it must be regarded as a strange coincidence that she succeeded another Tribhuvanamahādēvi. But if her real name was different, she would have hardly chosen Tribhuvanamahädövi as her coronation name, because that would lead to a confusion between herself and her predecessor on the throne. That the female rulers of the Bhauma-Kara family had no special liking for the name Tribhuvanamahādēvi is shown by the fact that none of the four later ruling queens of the dynasty (viz., Gaurimahādēvi, Dandimahädēvi, Vakulamahadevi and Dharmamahädēvi) assumed that name. If the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate flourished immediately after Prithvimahādēvi, she could have hardly called herself only by the name assumed by her predecessor without any attempt to distinguish herself.

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No. 31] NOTE ON TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD
Fifthly, the Baud plates of Prithvimahādēvi alias Tribhuvanamahādēvi give the genealogy of the Bhauma-Kara family in which the long line of rulers from Unmaṭṭasimha (the second king of the dynasty) down to the ruling queen herself are named and, in the description of the earlier ruling queen Tribhuvanamahādēvi alias Gōsvamini, they actually quote one stanza and a half from the Talcher plate of her husband Subhakara 1V. The Dhenkanal plate on the other hand mentions only Unmaṭṭakesarin and Gayada I (the second and fifth rulers of the family) in the reference to the past monarchs of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty and gives the impression quite clearly that the issuer of the charter has to be placed in the earlier part of the genealogical tree. This no doubt goes in favour of the identification of the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate with the mother and successor of Subhakara III who was the great-grandson of Unmaṭṭakesarin (simha) and the son and successor of Gayaḍa alias Santikara I. If the Dhenkanal plate was issued in the year 160, that is to say, shortly after the reign of Prithvimahādēvi of the Baud plates, it is difficult to explain why the description of the Bhauma-Kara genealogy quoted in it does not resemble in any way the same as found in the Baud plates of the year 158 as well as the Talcher plates of the years 145 and 149. As already indicated above, the fact that the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate does not mention Prithvimahādēvi, who was her immediate predecessor according to Mr. De, but states that the queen was induced to ascend the throne by citing the instance of an earlier female ruler named Gosvāminī is inexplicable and renders Mr. De's suggestion unconvincing.
223
One of Mr. De's arguments in favour of assigning the Dhenkanal plate to the year 160 seems to be that it was engraved by the brazier Harivardhana, son of Rahasavardhana, while the two Talcher plates of the year 149 were engraved by the brazier Rahasavardhana, son of Rāmavardhana, and one of the Baud plates of the year 158 by Harivardhana, son of Rahasavardhana. His identification of Harivardhana, engraver of the Baud plates of the year 158, with Harivardhana who engraved the Dhenkanal plate appears to support his contention assigning the latter record to the year 160. But considering the difficulties in ascribing the Dhenkanal plate to such a late date, which have been detailed above, as well as the fact that several records of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty mention the Vardhana family of braziers and the very name Harivardhana occurring in the Chaurasi plate assigned to the year 73,1 it does not appear improbable that the engraver of the Dhenkanal plate was an ancestor of his namesake who engraved one set of the Baud plates."
It may be noted here that the circumstances leading to the accession of Tribhuvanamahādēvi I, surnamed Sindagauri and Gosvāminī (II), as given in the records of the years 145, 149 and 158, which have been discussed above, are not clearly described in the Dhenkanal plate. The Talcher plate of the year 145, as we have seen, says that Tribhuvanamahādēvi ascended the Bhauma-Kara throne after the death of her son Subhakara III but abdicated in favour of her grandson as soon as the latter passed over his minority. This gives the impression that the queen ruled for a short period during the minority of her grandson, although, in ancient India, minority was never a bar to one's accession to the throne. On this point the Baud plates, which are silent on the relation between Gōsvāminī (Tribhuvanamahādēvi I) and her predecessor Kusumahāra (Subhakara III), add that Subhakara III died without leaving any heir. It seems therefore that Santikara II, sur
1 Misra, op. cit., pp. 8-9.
The two may also be one and the same person. The case is similar to that of Vinayachandra, son of Bhanuchandra, who engraved some, but not all, of the Eastern Ganga charters bearing dates between the Ganga years 28 and 91. See IHQ, Vol. XIX, p. 235; JAHRS, Vol. III, p. 53, etc.
See JRASBL, Vol. XII, pp. 71 ff.; Vol. XIII, pp. 75 ff.
29 DGA/53
D

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named Lõnabhāra and Gayāda II, may have been adopted as the son of Subhākara III by the latter's chief queen sometime after his death and his mother's accession to the throne. Mr. De's speculation in regard to the relation between Tribhuvanamahādēvi I and her successor does not appeal to me.
In our opinion therefore the known inscriptions of the Bhauma-Kara family reveal the existence of two and not three ruling queens named Tribhuvanamahädēvi. Queen Tribhuvanamahädēvi I was the mother of Subhakara III and ruled for some years after her son's death when her Dhenkanal plate was issued in the year 120. She was the daughter of a Sinda king enjoying the name or biruda Rajamalla. Queen Tribhuvanamahādēvi II was the daughter of the Sõmavamsi king Svabhāvatunga of Kosala (South Kosala) who, as we have seen elsewhere seems to be no other than Mahāśivagupta I Yayāti (circa 970-1000 A.C.). It has also been noticed how Prithvimahadēvi secured the Bhauma-Kara throne in a temporarily successful contest against the lawful claims of the sons of her husband's younger brother with the active help of her father sometime before the year 158 of the Bhauma-Kara era and how this fact helps us in locating the commencement of the said era about the middle of the first half of the ninth century. We have also shown how the Daspalla plates of Satrubbañja of Vañjulvaka, who was a descendant of Ranabhañja of Dhfitipura (about the third quarter of the tenth century) and probably flourished about the second quarter of the eleventh century, bear the date : year 198 (apparently of the Bhauma-Kara era), Vishuva-sankranti, Panchami, Sunday and Mrigasiro-nakshatra, suggesting March 23, 1029 A.C., and how this fact helps us in tracing the initial year of the era in 831 A.C. The date of the Baud plates of the year 158 thug appears to be 988 A.C.
The epithet Virāļavam odbhava-Vrāgadikulakumuda satilēkhā, applied to the lady Sasilēkha at whose request the grants recorded in the Baud plates were made, seems to suggest that she was born in the Virāta dynasty but was married into the Vrågadi family. Her husband Mangalakalasa therefore does not appear to have been a Bhañja prince of the Mayurbhanj region as suggested by Mr. De. The identification of Mangalakalasa, taken to be a Bhažja prince of Mayurbhanj, with Satrubhañja Mangalarāja of the Jangalpādu plates is unlikely as the findspot and style of this record show that the chief ruled in the Ganjam region and belonged to the house of the Bhañjas of Vañjulvaka. In the present state of our knowledge, it is difficult to connect him with the Bhaõjas of Mayurbhanj. The facts that the temple built by Sasilēkhā was called Nannēsvarāyatana after her deceased father Nänna and that a village granted in its favour included a locality called Nännisvaratalapätaka appear to suggest that both the temple and the gift village were situated in the same area of the Dandabhukti mandala (modern Danton region of the Midnapur District, West Bengal). As Sabilēkhă may have built the temple and arranged for the gift of land in its favour in the area under the jurisdiction of her husband who enjoyed the gubernatorial status of Mahāmandalādhipati under the Bhau ma-Karas, it is not improbable to think that Mangalakalasa was the ruler of the Dandabhukti mandala.
* JASL, Vol. XIX, No. 2, 1963, pp. 119 ff. * Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 307. • See above, ..; JASL, loc. cit. Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 46; 1HQ, Vol. XXVII), pp. 225 ff. Abovo, Vol. 1HQ, Vol. XXIX, pp. 148 f, THQ, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 229-30.

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA: SAKA 1091. 225 No. 32-NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA CHODA : SAKA 1091
B. V. KRISHNA RAO, RAJAHMUNDRY These plates were found in the village of Nanduru in Bapatla taluk, Guntur District, about fifty years ago and were forwarded by the Tahsildar of Bapatla to the Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, early in 1917. They were examined and numbered as C. P. No. 23 of 1916-17, and were reviewed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1917, pages 118-119. The following description of the plates appears in the Annual Report.
"The plates are 5 in number and are hung on a big ring the ends of which are fixed into the bottom of a seal which bears the legend ' sri-Tribhuvanänkusa ' between two lines with the symbols of the sun, the moon and star, two parasols, the Chöļa Tiger, aikura, lotus and the svastika () above, and the Chalukyan boar, the disc (chakra), sandals, drum, double-conch, lamp stands and a few other unintelligible symbols below".
It is said that the ring was not cut when the plates reached the Epigraphist's office. The Epigraphist, the late Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, observed, therefore, “it is curious how despite this the set is incomplete commencing as it does with No. 3, marked on the second side of the existing plate and stopping abruptly with the mention of the donce, omitting the usual imprecations, etc.” He, therefore, assumed that the plates had been examined sometime before that and that the now missing plates were lost on that occasion. I am, however, of a different opinion. The two outer plates must have been completely, worn out and corroded on account of their extremely bad preservation. They would have crumbled down to pieces and powder at the first touch when they were discovered. The worn out condition of the writing on the inner plates must be due to the bad preservation of the plates. Whatever that might be, it is true as Krishna Sastri observed, "the information conveyed by the existing plates is very interesting, giving us, as they do, an account of the later Chāļukya sovereigns who held sway over the Vēngi country down to the time of Rajaraja (II) and of their subordinates the Velanāndu chiefs down to Rājēndra-Chöda". The importance of the plates is further enchanced by the fact that it is the only copper-plate grant of the kings of the Velanānţi family who controlled and guided the destinies of the Chöļa-Chāļukya Empire and the fortunes of the country of Vengi for nearly a century and half, from about 1070 to about 1210 A.C.
I undertook the editing of these plates several years ago but continued preoccupation with other matters from time to time had prevented me from carrying out the work entrusted to me in 1927 by the then Government Epigraphist for India, the late Dr. Hirananda Sastri. I now edit the inscription from the ink impressions supplied to me by him. As the ink-impressions are not clear in some places and as the original plates were not available to me for examination, the reading of the inscription in some portions had to be supplemented with the help of some lithic records of the family found at Drākshärāma and other places.
The inscription is engraved on both sides of the five plates which are roughly 9" long and 6." wide, and rectangular in shape. The writing on the plates is very clumsy. Often the letters are found crammed into one another; they are also irregular and much worn out on account of the bad preservation of the plates. The number of lines on each plate is not uniform : the number varies from twelve to fourteen and even to seventeen lines. The available text of the inscription runs into 137 lines ; out of them, however, the last two lines on plate V-6 (lines 108-9) are wholly unintelligible.
1 The Annual Report states that the original plates were returned to the owner through the Tahsildar. I have tried in vain to trace them.
*SII, Vol. IV, No. 1182..

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226 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. The inscription is composed partly in prose and partly in poetry. The poetry is fairly good, though the language contains a few expressions which are opposed to the rules of Pāņiņi. Thus for instance : line 4 has pañcha-Pāndav=ākhandal-opamāh; line 9 bas pravaktun-narah; lines 14-15 have vallabhān-nirbbhara-garbbha-bhārām; and line 27, suhnētrā. The inscription is written in characters which are regular for the period to which it belongs, i.e., the 12th century A.C. According to Dr. Burnell, such characters belong to what he called the "transitional period ". The following orthographical peculiarities may, however, be noticed. Vowels a and long ā, short i and u and long e occur in the inscription. The long ă is distinguished by a vertical stroke at the right side. Vowels i and u have reached their final forms, and are fully developed. No distinction is yet drawn between e and è long. Both are written alike. There is no vertical stroke on the head of e to denote the long e as we find at the present day. There is not much distinction between d and dh; and final forms of m, n, and t are used in the inscription. The vargānunāsika is substituted by the anusvāra which is denoted by a bindu throughout. Sometimes words like vaṁsa and dayitā are written as vamsya and dayityā, which is apparently in accordance with the local pronunciation of Sanskrit words in the Krishna and Guntur Districts, where the sibilant & is always joined with y. The scribe has not followed any principle in doubling the consonants.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village of Inumgarru as an agrahāra to a learned Brāhmaṇa, on an auspicious occasion by king Rājēndra-Choda II, who is stated to be ruling over Andhra-mandala as commissioned by Räjarāja, i.e., Rajarāja II of the Chāļukya-Chõļa family (Lines 133-4). The name of the donee and the district in which the village was situated have been unfortunately lost on the missing last plate. The village Inumgarru granted in the record may be identified with Inugurtipādu', a village in the vicinity of Nandūru, the findspot of the present plates, in the Bapatla taluk, Guntur District. At the time of making the grant, Rājēndra-Choda is stated to be staying in his capital, Dhanadapuri, i.e., Chandavõlu in Repalle taluk, Guntur District. The date of the grant is given as Saka 1091 (indunanda-viyach-chandra-ganitë) and as the 23rd year of Rājarāja, i.e., Rājarāja II (lines 133-134). The Saka year which is an expired year corresponds to 1169-70 A.C.
The inscription divides itself into two parts. The first part (lines 1-67) contains the historical genealogy of the Eastern Chalukyas, treating of Kulõttunga-Chola I and his successors down to Rājarāja II as Chalukyas and not as Chõlas. The second part (lines 68 ff.) describes the history of the Chiefs of Velanāņdu or, members of the Velanānti family, who enjoyed the position of subordinate kings under the Chola-Chāļukyas. There are many new statements in the account relating to the Eastern Chalukyas, which differ from what we know hitherto. Some of them may be explained as errors committed by the scribe who engraved the inscription on the plates. Thus, for example, Narēndra, i.e., Narendramțigarāja-Vijayāditya or Vijayāditya II is called the son of Vijayāditya I, or Vijayāditya-Bhattāraka (line 38), while in fact he was the son of Vishnuvardhana IV. In a similar manner a Vishņuvardhana is stated to be the son of Vijayāditya II, and is given a reign of thirty-six years (lines 39-40). This king must be Vishņuvardhana IV, the father of Narendramţigarāja, and not his son as wrongly described here. Apparently the order in the narration is confused. Again the son of Vishnuvardhana IV is said to be Kali-Vishnuvardhana or Vishnuvardhana V, and is given a reign of half a year (line 41) while it is known from other records of the dynasty that he reigned for one and a half years, or twenty months according to some, and that
1 Usually when a village is deserted and disappears for a period, the site is denoted by the term padu; and when a new village springs up on the spot after an interval, it is called with the suffix pädu super added to the old name. So it must be with Inugurtipadu, (lit. the pádu of Inu(min)gurtu, or Inngurtu).

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he was the son of Narēndramrigarāja-Vijayāditya II and not of Vishnuvardhana V. It would seem that the engraver, while copying the grant on copper-plates, got confused and changed the order or sequence of the verses on the plate. He should have written verse 19 after verse 17; in other words, the proper order of the verses should be, first, verse 17, then verse 19 and lastly verse 18. If the inscription is read in this order the apparent confusion disappears. Krishna Sastri's observation, viz., that “The reign of Vishnuvardhana IV is altogether omitted and a new Vishnuvardhana, a son of Vijayāditya (II), is mentioned with a rule of 50 years, followed by Kali-Vishņuvardhana", need no longer be held as complicating the genealogical position. Another discrepancy is in respect of the reign of Dānārņava who is said to have ruled for 30 years (line 50), instead of 3 years. The reign of Vira-Vijayaditya or Vijayaditya VIII, younger brother of Rajaraja I is altogether omitted. Yet another erroneous statement is that Kulottunga-Chēļa I is said to have ruled for twentyfive years (line 58) instead of fifty as known hitherto. Except for these errors the genealogical account is accurate. It is noteworthy that the historical account contains some new information about a few kings. Chalukya-Bhima I is said to have destroyed his enemies on numerous battlefields, and to have built several temples of Mahādēva (Siva) at sacred spots (lines 42-43). His son Vijayāditya IV who is well known by his surname Kollabhiganda from the records of the family, is stated to have obtained a decisive victory in the battle of Virajāpuri, captured the city and went to heaven (line 44), a statement which may be taken to indicate that he died shortly after the battle, a fact not known hitherto. Virajāpuri may be properly identified with Jajpur (which is apparently a variant of Virajāpuri) the chief town of the Jajpur tahsil of the Cuttack District, Orissa. It lies on the Vaitaraņi, a tributary of the Mahānadi situated about fifty miles due north-west of Cuttack. During the ancient period, it was a great and renowned tirtha, "& place of pilgrimage," according to the Mahābhārata. Virajā or Virajāpuri was for a long time a provincial capital of the Bhauma-Kara kings of Utkala and the Sõmavamsi kings of DakshiņaKosala who bore the epithet, Trikalingādhi pati. Kollabhiganda's son was Amma I who is said to bave performed many Tulāpurusha-dīnas (gifts) year after year during his brief rule of seven years (line 44). Vikrama-Choļa, son and successor of Kulõttunga-Chola I, is given the correct period of rule, viz., seventeen years (lines 60-61), which is in conformity with the regnal years recorded in some of the inscriptions of the Andhra country and in Tamil inscriptions as well. His son Kulõttunga-Chöļa II is said to have reigned for fifteen years in succession (linos 64-65). Lastly, the relationship between Kulottunga-Chēļa II and Rājarāja II, which has not been hitherto correctly. known, is clearly stated in the present record as that of father and son (lines 65-66).
The second part of the inscription contains a brief account of the Velanānți family. It gives a complete genealogy which in some respects supplements the account given in the Pithāpuram inscription of Velanänți Prithvīśvara. The following genealogical table represents the information that is contained in the present inscription.
ARSIE, 1917, p. 118.
Dr. Flect was not aware of Bädapa the usurper, who was also a Vijayaditya and therefore would be Vija. yaditya VII. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 276. • Aranya-Parvan, 83, v. 6.
Tato Vaitaranit gatvå nadir papa-pramochanim
Virajar drihamasadya virajali yutha tatil . Above, . DJ, p. 127.
Ibid., Vol. V, p. 131, text-liue 17. Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 32.

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Erriya (II) m. Kaṭṭāmbā (Vamsakartā)
Malliya (IV)
Vedura.
Malla-bhūpa (Malla I)
(Obtained the rulership of Velanaṇḍu from Tryambaka-Pallava with all the insignia of a subordinate king)
Malliya (II)
(Servant of Narendra, i.e., Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya II)
1 Piduvuriditya I Eriya (I) T
Malliya (III) m. Kotyapamba, or Ko[lla]pāṁbā1 (Foremost among the subordinates of Chalukya-Bhima II)
T
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Chaturtha-kula D
Kudiya (I) (Obtained Gudravaravishaya from Vimaladitya)
Ganda (II)
Ganda (I)
Gonka II m. Sabbambikā (Set up golden pinnacles on temples which
looked like jayastambhas)
Panda (I)
Gorka I m. Sabbambika (Obtained Shat-sahasr-avani-vishaya from Kulottunga-Chōla I by assisting
him on battlefields)
Chōda I m. Gundāmbikā Gundambika T
Kōrapa
Nanna (Commandar-in-chief of Vishnuvardhana, i.e., Rājarāja I) T
Panda (II) m. Guṇḍāmbikā
+ Malla (V)
[VOL. XXIX
Panda (IV)
Rajendra-Choda (II)
(Obtained the Andhra country surrounded by the sea on the east, Kalahasti on the south, Srisaila on the west and Mahendragiri on the north, from Rajaraja (II) and ruled it as his subordinate. Destroyed Kolananți Bhima (i.e., Mandalika Bhima of Kolanu-nandu or Kolanu-Bhima and his entire family). Donor of the present record, dated Saka 1091, 23rd regnal year of Rajarāja (II).)
Kapana
Panda (III)
1 The present insoription is damaged at the place where the name is expected to occur. The name, therefore, is restored from other records of the family which give the genealogy.

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The account given in the Pithapuram inscription differs slightly from the pedigree given above. The differences are discussed below. Besides the Pithāpuram inscription there are numerous other inscriptions on stone found particularly at Drākshārāma' in East Godavari District, at Siripuram and Chēbrölu in Guntur District and other places which give additional historical information about the family. A stone inscription at Drākshārāma. gives a genealogical account which not only completely agrees with the present record but gives additional information. The historical details found in these inscriptions have not been arranged so far in their proper perspective which I now propose to do.
The first known historical person in the Velanāņti family, who may be regarded as the founder of the line in the rulership of Velanāņdu is Malla-bhūpa or Malla I. Velanändu or Velanādu is the name of the region now covered by the Repalle and Tenali taluks of the Guntur District. The region acquired the name probably because it lay on the sea coast (vēlā), the Sanskrit word being pronounced as vela with short vowels by the inhabitants of that region during the early period. The term Velanānti is the genitive form of Velanāņdu (nominative form) and means “ of Velanàndu " in Telugu. Malla I, it is stated, received as a reward the rulership of Velanāndu with the insignia of a vassal king from Tryambaka-Pallava who was pleased with him for military services rendered for a long time on battlefields. Malla I was probably & soldier of fortune, who came from the north irrsearch of a kingdom, and thus acquired a small kingdom for himself. Several Durjaya chieftains, too, similarly claimed to have obtained from king Tryambaka-Pallava, military fiefs on the southern bank of the Krishņā river as rewards for their military services. King TryambakaPallava, Trinayana-Pallava or Mukkanti-Kāduvetti may not, therefore, be a doubtful historical person as some scholars opine; he need not be regarded as a mere fictitious person, brushing aside a large volume of historical tradition embodied in numerous inscriptions on stone and copperplates and scattered all over the country. Elsewhere. Tryambaka-Pallava has been identified with the powerful king Vijaya-Skandavarman IV, and allotted a reign period of thirty-five years (c. 460-495 A.C.). Malla I, therefore, would appear to have flourished about the last quarter of the fifth century.
Nothing is known about the immediate successors of Malla-bhūpa I, until we come to Malliya II who is described as a renowned soldier. It is said that he was a follower of Narendra, who may be identified with Narēndramrigarāja-Vijayāditya II. Malliya II, it is stated, rendered great assistance to king Narendra (on the battlefields) with the sharp edge of his fierce sword which was like a thunderbolt (v. 36 : lines 72-75). According to Dr. Fleet,? Narēndramţigarāja-Vijayāditya II reigned from 799.to 843 A.C., for forty-four years, while according to my Revised Chronology of the Eastern Chälukyas," the king's period is only forty years, from 808 to 847 A.C. Malliya II would thus appear to have flourished about the first half of the ninth century. In the lineage of Malliya II was born Piduvurāditya, or Piduvulāditya as the Drākshärama stone inscription calls him. The son of Piduvurăditya was Eriya (I), and his son was Malliya III. Iu the Dräksharāma inscription the name of Malla or Malliya is lost in the lacuna. It is stated in that inscription that Malla III (Malliya III) was foremost among the followers of Chāļukya-Bhima who may be identified with Chalukya-Bhima II (933-945 A.C.). Malla III married Kollapāmbă socording to
1 811, Vol. IV, Nos. 1041, 1094, 1113, 1147, 1138, 1140, 1141, 1153, 1104; 1182, etc. ? SII, Vol. X, Nos. 177, etc. : SI1, Vol. VI, Nos. 109, 123, 124, 144, 181, 224, 239, 1200, etc. • See SI1., Vol. IV, No. 1182.
[This derivation is doubtful.-Ed.] • A History of The Early Dynasties of Andhradesa, p. 281. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 100. Journal of the Andhra Hiet. Res. Soc., Vol. IX, Part iv, pp. 27-32. SIT, Vol. IV, No. 1182.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
the present plates but the Drākshārāma inscription gives her name as Koțyapāmbā. The reading of her name as Kollapāmā (line 77) in the present charter seems to be rather doubtful, for the second letter in the name is indistinct on the plate. It is probable, therefore, that her name as written there is Kostya)pāṁbā. There is a marked divergence in the genealogical portion between the account of the Pithapuram inscription and the information given in the present plates. According to the Pithapuram inscription, the founder of the family was No.(1) Malla I, his son was No. (2) Eriyavarman and his son was No. (3) Kudiyavarman. The son of No. (3) was No. (4) Malla II surnamed Piduvarāditya and the latter's son was No. (5) Kudyavarman or Kudiyavarman II, who was a vassal of the emperor, Vimalāditya (1011-1019 A.C.)." The Pithāpuram inscription thus omits three or four generations, and mentions all the princes from No. 1 to No. 7 Nannirāja in the relationship of father to son. Its information is thus rendered comparatively less probable and not so trustworthy. Its evidence may, therefore, be rejected in preference to the information furnished by the present inscription which agrees in full with the accounts given in the Drakshärāma record that belongs to a period much earlier than the Pithapuram inscription. Malla III, who was foremost among the followers of Chalukya-Bhima II is altogether omitted in the Pithapuram inscription. The Drākshärāma inscription is contemporaneous with the present record.
To return to Malla III of the present record. He married Kotyamambi (Kotyapămbā) and had two sons by ber, Erriya II who is described as jyështha 'the elder' and vam sakarta, 'the progenitor of the family', and Kõrapa. Erriya II married Kattambã and had six sons by her, Malla IV, Kudiya, Ganda, Panda I, Nanna and Kapana, every one of whom resembled Shanmukha, the six-faced war-god. Kudiya, it is said, was a vassal of the emperor Vimalāditya, and received from him the rulership of the province, Gudravāra-vishaya. This prince is evidently the same as No. 5 Kudyavarman II or Kudiyavarman, of the Pithapuram inscription in which he is stated to have rendered assistance for a long time on battlefields to Vimalāditya who then having been pleased bestowed on him the territory, Gudravāra-dvaya, "the two provinces of Gudravāra” (vv. 16-18). The two Gudravāras may be identified with the Gudravāra' corresponding to the Gudivada taluk and with the Pallapu-Gudravāra', 'low lying Gudravåra', corresponding to the Kaikalūru taluk, of the Krishna District. Nanna, the younger brother of Kudyavarman, is described as a great hero and as a prince of praiseworthy character. It is said that he was the commander-inchief of all the forces of Vishnuvardhana, i.e., Rājarāja-Narendra or Rajaraja I (1022-1061 A.C.). Nanna's son was Panda I, whose wife Gundambikå resembled Kunti of epic fame. While in the present record Panda I and Guņdāmbikā are stated to have had five sons, Vedura, Ganda II, Gorka I. Malla V and Panda II who were like the five Pandavas, the Pithapuram inscription, on the other hand, makes these five princes the children of Nanna. There is another discrepancy between the Pithapuram inscription and the present record. Kudyavarman II, it is stated in the former (v. 25), had a son named Erraya to whom he transferred his kingdom after having ruled the earth for a long time, and the latter, however, does not mention any son of Kudiya, vassal of Vimalāditya. It is, therefore, probable that Kudyavarman II or Kudiya was succeeded by his younger brother Nannacāja in the rulership of his vassal kingdom. The Dräkshärāma record, too, does not mention that Kudyavarman II transferred his kingdom to his son Erraya, a fact mentioned only in the Pithapuram inscription. Nanna, the Pithapuram inscription states, had destroyed a crowd of
1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 35.
. All the records of the family beginning with the reign of Rajaraja I (1022-1061 A.C.) state that Vimalāditya reigned for only seven years. The date of his coronation is known to us from his Ranastipůndi grant (Above, Vol. VI, pp. 341-361). Hence it is assumed that his seven year's rule came to an end in 1019 A.C.
• Above, Vol. V, pp. 135-39, SII, Vok V, No. 211.
C.P. No. 5 of 1937-38 : Kalidindi grant of Rajaraja-Narendrs. See abovo, p. 69.text-line 75,

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enemies, and ruled a kingdom which he acquired by the strength of his arm. There is no agreement, however, between the Dräkshärama inscription and the present record with regard to the order of the five sons of Panda I. The former record mentions Malla V as the second and Ganda II as the fourth son, while the latter makes their position vice versa. This small discrepancy may be ignored. Of the five sons of Panda I, Gonka I was the most distinguished and is also described as the vankakartă. The Drākshārāma inscription calls him a great hero. He was a trusted vassal of the emperor, Kulottunga-Chöļa I. The Pithāpuram inscription (v. 27) states of prince Gorka I that he was the most distinguished of his brothers and that he ruled the Andhra-mandala as a vassal of Kulõttunga-Chöļa I. The present record, too, corroborates that account by stating that Gonka I having pleased that emperor by his services on the battlefields and by destroying hosts of his enemies, obtained as a reward from him, the rulership of the province known as Shasahasrāvani,
the Six Thousand District' on the southern bank of the river Krishņā (v. 46). Gorka I was appointed Samasta-sēnädhipati by Kulottunga-Chola I according to a stone inscription at Chēbrölu' in Guntur District, dated Friday, the 12th February, 1077 A.C.
Rājēndra-Chöda I called merely Choda in the present record, son of Velanānti Gonkarāja I and Sabbambikā, was the next illustrious prince of the family. Though the present plates do not mention much about him the Pithapuram inscription on the other hand states that he was adopted as his own son by the Chāļukya-Chola emperor, Kulottunga-Chola I, who furnished him with emblems befitting his own sons and made him the ruler of the kingdom of Vengimandala-sixteenthousand (vv. 35-36). The reason for the Chola king's adoption of a prince of the Chaturthakula, apparently a well grown up person, himself being a full-blooded kshatriya emperor, would seem to lie imbedded in the history of that troublous period. Perhaps Kulottunga-Choļa I had no grown up son at that juncture to take up the burden of ruling the disturbed kindgom of Vengi, apparently in succession to Vira-Choda. This event would seem to have taken place in 1094 A.C., immediately before the expedition against Kalinga was undertaken. And it would appear that within a short time Rājēndra-Choda had brought the Kalinga war to a successful close. In the words of the Pithāpuram inscription prince Choda "resembled the terrible Bhima in uprooting crowds of hostile kings (v. 36)." While the Kalingattupparaņi makes the Pallava chief, Karunākaru Tondaimán, the sole hero of the Kalinga war, the inscriptions of the Andhra country on the other hand reveal altogether a different story. There are reasons to believe that the supreme command of the imperial forces was assumed by Rajendra-Choda himself. All the inscriptions of the Andhra country which refer to the war with Kalinga unmistakably bear testimony to this fact. The stone inscription at Drākshārāma of the vassal chief Palla varāja surnamed Tiruvaranga, gives a vivid account of the Kalinga war. It states that Pallavarāja who bore the secondary name Panduvarāja had obtained prosperity by his devotion to the feet of king Rājēndra-Choda who rewarded him with the insignia of royalty and made him & vassal king. The inscription states that Pallavarāja who is also called Chodachandra, having reduced to ashes the whole of Kalinga, subdued the Ganga king in battle, and having destroyed Devendravarman and others together with their vast armies
1 811, Vol. VI, No. 109. There seems to be a slight error in the date. There was no eclipse of the moon on the full-moon day of Mūgha, Saka 988, when Gonka I is stated to have made a grant to the temple of Mülasthanadēva at Chēbrölu. If, however, we assume that Phālguna was intended and that the scribe by mistake engraved Magha for Phälguna, the date would be regular.
* SII, Vol. IV, No. 662 (vv.8-9), Vol. X, No. 107, Vol. IV, No. 1153, Vol. X, No. 64.
- SIF, Vol. IV, No. 1239. This has been published with notes and translation. See above, Vol. XXII, pp. 138 f. In my opinion Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyer has not properly interpreted the inscription. He has made many doubtful identifications.
Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer thinks that this Pallavarāja was the same as the hero of Jayamgondar's Kalingal. tuparani. The identification is improper. There might have been several Pallavarājas in the Cholu Army. More. over Jayanagopdar's hero does not bear any of the names, Tiruvaranga, Panduvarlia or Chodaelinndra. . 29 DGA/53

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[VOL. XXIX from Kōsala, planted a pillar of victory (jayastambha1) at the meeting place of the boundaries of Odra and Andhra countries in order to proclaim the glory and fame of his overlord, RajendraChōda. Devendravarman may be identified with Devendravarman the usurper who, taking advantage of the infancy of Anantavarma-Chōdaganga on the death of Rajaraja-Devendravarman in 1077 A.C., occupied Kalinga; he was the donor of the Kambakaya plates, dated Saka 1003 expired, and he was the same as king Devendravarman mentioned in the Gära stone record.3
It is not known when Rajendra-Chōda I died; he was certainly living on the date of the Draksharama inscription of Pallavaraja, wherein he is referred to as living at that time. His death may have occurred, therefore, about 1104 A.C. Rajendra-Chōda ruled over Vengimandala from about 1094 to 1104 A.C. He was a devotee of Mukunda or Vishnu according to the present record (v. 49) and the Pithapuram inscription (v. 36), unlike his natural father Goňka I and his adoptive parent, the emperor, who were both parama-maheśvaras, i.e., staunch worshippers of Siva. Rājēndra-Chōda I married Gundambika and had two sons by her, Gonkarāja II, who resembled Guha or Kumārasvāmin, and Panda IV. On the death of Velananți Rajendra Choda I the emperor was once more confronted with the problem of finding a successor to administer Vengi. Kulōttunga-Chōla I did not, however, nominate Gonkarāja II but appointed another trusted and powerful vassal, Kōna Rajendra-Chōda, the Haihaya ruler of Kōnamandala, the territory that lay between the two branches of the lower Godavari, the Vasishṭhi and the Gautami.
The next important member of the family, perhaps the most illustrious of all, mentioned in the present plates is Velananți Goňka II, or Gonkarāja II, Kulottunga-Choda-Goȧkarāja or Kulottunga-Chōda-Gangeya-Gonkarāja as he is also called in some inscriptions. He appears as the foremost soldier and powerful vassal in the kingdom during the viceroyalty of prince Parantaka. A stone record from Tripurantakam dated Saka 1028 in the cyclic year Sarvajit, of Mahamandaleśvara Velanaṇṭi Gonka II, registers the gift of the village of Chetlapadu in Kammanadu on the banks of the river Gunderu, to the god Tripurantakēśvara-Šiva, on the occasion of the full-moon day of Karttika. The record is interesting: it gives Goňka II the title Chalukyarajya-bhavana-mülastambha, "the chief pillar supporting the edifice which is the kingdom of the Chalukyas ", and the epithet, Samadhigata-pañcha-mahāśabda, 66 one who has attained (the status of having) the five great sounds", and speaks of him as the ruler of the Trisat-ottara-shat-sahasr-avani-vishaya, i.e., "the six-thousand and three hundred country". The date is irregular; the cyclic year Sarvajit did not coincide with the Saka 1028 expired, but with the following year 1029 expired, corresponding to 1107-08 A.C. Be that as it may, from this date roughly till the day of his death half a century later, Gonkarāja II remained the most important person in the kingdom. He was the de facto ruler of the kingdom which extended from the Mahendragiri on the north to Kalahasti on the south, though he aknowledged the nominal suzerainty of the Chōla-Chalukya emperor. The kingdom of Vengi which almost slipped out of the hands of the Chalukya-Chōlas after the death of Kulottunga-Chōla I would appear to have been re-conquered by Velananți Gońkaraja II from the commanders of the Western Chalukya emperor Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI who had earlier occupied the country, after a protracted struggle, towards the close of the reign of Vikrama-Chōla.
1 Perhaps it is the same as the one mentioned in SII, Vol. V, Nos. 1351 and 1332.
* Bharati, Vol. VII, No. 5, pp. 115 ff., where Mr. M. Somasekhara Sarma edits the record, C.P. No. 9 of 1927-28. The chronogram recorded in the inscription has to be interpreted as yielding the Saka 1003 and not 110? as Mr. Sarma believes.
No. 391 of 1932-33: ARSIE, 1932-3, p. 56, para, 9. See also ARSIE, 1936 p. 64.
SII, Vol. IV, No. 1137 text lines 4 and 16, and the present plates.
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 83, text line 48.
811, Vol. X, No. 63.

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It would appear that during the last years of Kulõttunga-Chola I almost every one of the vassals of Vēngi became hostile to the Chõļa-Chāļukyas, opposed the policy of the emperor and only eagerly waited for a favourable opportunity to overthrow the Chola-Chaľukya suzerainty. On the other hand, the Durjaya and other clans of the Chaturtha-kula holding nefdoms and military holdings in the region lying to the south of the Krishṇā river would appear to have remained loyal to the imperial throne of the Chālukya-Chõlas and proudly called themselves, Chalukya-rijya-bhavanamüla-stambhāyamānulu, Vèngi-Chalukyan-ankakāra, "the champion warriors of the Chåļukyas (of Vēngi)," and lastly Chalukya-rajya-samuddharulu, "the uplifters of the sovereignty of the Chalukyas." Those who proved refractory and sought opportunity to put an end to the ChalukyaChöļa domination, were the Telugu (Tenugu) Choda clans of the Southern Andhra country, the Haihaya feudatories and other Kshatriya vassals including the descendants of the junior branches of the Imperial Chalukyas who held principalities all over the country.
Shortly before the death of the aged emperor Kulottunga-Chola I, it would appear, Parāntaka, his surviving eldest son, returned to the Chöļa country. The Pithapuram inscription of Mallapadēva states that when Vikrama-Chola, whose other name was Tyāgasamudra, had gone to protect the Chola-mandala, the country of Vēngi became devoid of a ruler. At that juncture, the kingdom of Vengi, it would appear, was divided against itself. The Chalukya emperor, Tribhuvanamalla, who was evidently watching the turn of ovents in Vangi despatched armies to invade and occupy the country. There are reasons to believe that some of the powerful Kshatriya vassals in Vengi openly joined the invading armies, now led by Mahäsämantadhipati Mahüprachandadandanāyaka Anantapāla, and welcomed them. Foremost among the rebels who welcomed the invaders was probably Mahamandalika Kolanu-Bhima or Bhimanīyaka, the Haihaya ruler of the Kolanu vishaya, or Sagara vishaya which was the other name for the region round the Kollēru. lake. He and his confederates particularly the Haihayas of Palnād and Kõna-mandala acknowledged the suzerainty of the Western Chāļukyas and quoted the Chālukya-Vikrama year in their records. But Velanānți Gorkarāja II, as the commander-in-chief (samasta-senādhipali) of the king of Vēngi, soon assumed the authority of the ruler of Vengi and stoutly opposed the invading armies. The Western Chāļukya invasion resulted in the temporary occupation of the kingdom, from. bout 1117 to 1135 A.C., roughly for a period of two decades.
During the period of confusion and anarchy an Eastern Chūļukya prince, Vishnuvardhana, probably lord of Niravadyapura (modern Nidadavõlu), or Rājahmahēndravaram, crowned himself king of Vogi and assumed imperial titles. His coronation would seem to have taken place about Saka 1046 corresponding to 1124 or 1125 A.C. It would appear that he was soon brought to subjection and pardoned. Yet another prince, Vijayāditya, lord of Pithapuram :ind a descen
* SII, Vol. IV, Nos. 668, 796918, 980, 1127, 1128 and 1138. . Ibid., Vol. IV., Nos. 717, 762. * Ibid., Vol. IV Nos. 1167, 1177 and 1242. + Above, Vol. IV, pp. 226 ff. verse 24, text lines 60-62. * SII, Vol. IX, Part I, Nos. 193 and 196. 6 SI. Vol. III, Part II, No. 79, text line 8; ARE, No. 49 of 1909, Abovo, Vol. IV, p. 32, vorso 45.
There are numerous records on stone dated in the C.V. era scattered all over the Eastorn Andhra country which prove the Western Chalukya occupation of Vengi. Notable among them are those found at Tripurantakam (SI1, Vol. IX, Part 1, No. 213), Kolluru (ibid., Vol. IX, Nos. 193 and 196), Gurizala (ibid., Vol. X, No. 27) and Drākshăräma (ibid., Vol. IV., Nos. 1356 (1120 A.C.), 1308 and 1310 (1121 A.C.), Nos. 1216, 1250, 1311 (1122 A.C.), No. 1367 (1123 A.C.) No. 1265 (1124 A.C.) No. 1264 (1125 A.C.), and 1229 (1126 A.C.) and again, ibid., Vol. IV, Nou. 1156, 1156, 1082 and 1090 dated in the years C.V. ora, corresponding to 1133-34 and 1135 A.C., and lastly at Chalukya-Bhimavaram (SII, Vol. V, No. 68).
• Annual Report on S.I. Epigraphy, 1912, para 66, page 79. • Ibid. 10 The (Rajahmundry) stone inscription in question is dated the 21st year of his rule, Saka 1067.

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dant of Kanthika-Bēta crowned himself king of Vengi and assumed the Imperial Chālukya title Barvalõkāśraya-Sri-Vishnuvardhana-Mahārāja. His coronation took place on the 14th February 1128. He was the son of Mallapadēva II, and his mother Chandalladēvi was the daughter of Kolanu Brahmaraja' and probably, therefore, a sister of Mahāmündalika Kolanu-Bhimarāja, the lord of Sagara vishaya, whom the Tamil inscriptions call Telunga-Bhiman. It would appear that Vijayaditya was defeated and reduced to submission after a short time, but restored to his principality by Velanāņți Gonkarāja II.
It would appear that at this period the operations against Mahämändalika Kolanu-Bhima or Kolanānti Bhima as the present record calls him (v. 55: lines 111-14.), who was the most formidable opponent of the Chöļa-Chāļukyay, were directed by prince Rājēndra-Choda, afterwards Rājēndra-Choda II, son and successor of Goñkarāja II. Unable to oppose Rājēndra-Choda in the open field, Kolanu-Bhima would seem to have taken up his position inside the famous jala-durga 'fortress in the water', of Kolanupura or Kolloti-köta as it is called even to-day, in the middle of the lake, Kollēru. Rajöndra-Choda II invested the impregnable fortress, captured KolanuBhima alive and put him to death instantaneously together with all his sons and other near reletions (vv. 55-56). The Pithāpuram inscription of Prithvisvara? gives a graphic description of the storming of Kolanupura. It is stated that Rājēndra-Choda II dried up the water of the lake Kollēru and presumably, by constructing a causeway across the water, reached the impregnable fortress, captured Bhima and killed him just as Raghava killed Rāvana who terrified the worlds. The present record speaks of Kolanu-Bhima as haughty and cruel, full of pride, as a thorn to the gods and Brāhmanas, a man of massive strength, of great prowess and fieroe frame of body and as resembling Rāvana. The slaying of Kolanu-Bhima would seem to have taken place about the beginning of Saka 1053 corresponding to about April, 1131 A. C., which was the thirteenth year of Vikrama-Chola's reign. This event paved the way for tho final victory of Gonkarāja II. It enabled the Velanānti chief to crush the enemies of Vikrama-Chola completely, put an end to the Western Chāļukya occupation and restore the sovereignty of the Chalukya-Chēļas in Vëngi (c. 1136 A.C.)
Mahamandala svara Volaninti Gonkarīja was a great soldier, perhaps the greatest military genius of his day. He is said to have defeated and sluin a certain Siddhi-Bota and acquired the title Siddhi-Beta-Chirpuli-harina-mrigindruvdu, "a lion to the door Siddhi-Bēta of Chirpuli." Siddhi-Buta would appear to be a Telugu Choda prince of Chirpuli in Rēnädu and a subordinate of Tribuvanamalla Vikramāditya VI. Chirpuli (now called Chippili) is an obscure village in Chittoor
1 Abovo, Vol. IV, pp. 226 ff, vernos 35-36.
• Ibid., verses 32-34. Tho dato is expressod as nidhi-jaladhi-viyach-chandrage. Dr. Hultzsch shows his preference for 7 to 4 instead of as the intended meaning of the numeral juladhi, on the ground that if he (Vijayāditya) had been crowned in 1049 his roign would have lasted for the unusually long period of 75 years. Dr. Hultzsch's view need not be taken as conclusive. For the word jaladhi is more often usod to denote number 4 in preference to 7. Moreover two inscriptions found at Drākshärama (SIT, Vol. IV, Nos. 1261 and 1201) dated the 2nd and 6th rognal years respectively, of his son Rājanārāyana Vishnuvardhana, show that Vijayaditya ruled for about 50 yoars and that his death took place in or about 1178 A.C. Vijayaditya was perhaps 20 or 25 years old at the time of his coronation in 1128 A.C.
* Above, Vol. IV, pp. 226 fr. verse 32. * SII, Vol. II, No. 68 and ibid., Vol. III, No. 79.
• Kolunuafi is a Telugu expression meaning Kolanununti," of the nádu (subdivision) of Kolanu. To meet the exigencies of motre tho joet distorted the word into Kolunanti dropping tho intermediate syllable.
• Abovu, Vol. VI. p. 1. v. 8. Hore the poet distorted the word Kolan into Kaunala. ? Above, Vol. IV, p. 32, v. 45. ISNI, Vol. II, No. 68. .SIT. Vol. IV, No. 675 ; ibid., Vol. X, No. 89.

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District, lying within a distance of two miles from Madanapalli. In the numerous inscriptions found at Nidubrölu, Drākshārāma and other places, Velanänti Gonkarāja II is statel to have vanquished the lords of Marāta, Lāta, Karnāta, Kuntala, Andhra, Kataka and Trikalinga, and acquired the rulership of the Andhra country with the insignia of a paramount sovereign (sāmrājya-chihnaik) and enjoyed it. A Drākshärāma inscription states that Kulottunga-Chõļa II raised Gonkarāja II, who was till then the commander-in-chief and ruler of the Tri-sat-õttara-sha!-sahasrāvani-vishaya on the sor bern bank of the Krishṇā river, to the rulership of the Andhra country which was bounded by the Mahendragiri on the north-east and Srisaila on the south-west, with the insignia of a subordinate king. The former statement is also borne out by the Telugu poem, Kēyurabāhucharitramu of Mañchana.
Gonkarāja II married several wives but the chief queen was Sabbāmbikā. To them was born Rājöndra-Chöda who is described as resembling Kumārasvämin, the leader of the armies of gods.
It would appear that the latter part of the reign of Gorkarāja II was peaceful and prosperous, i.e., from 1135 to 1161 A.C. Gonkarāja was a great builder: he founded temples, established satträlayas charitable feeding houses '; he encouraged learning and granted innumerable agrahāras to the learned and the twice-born, i.e., Brāhmanas. He placed pinnacles over temples all over the land. He set up a massive golden pinnacle for the gopura of the temple of Bhimanātha at Drākshārāma which he had built in 1133 A. C., evidently after he became the king of Vēngi." Gorkarāja II made a rich offering to god Bhimanātha for a perpetual light of camphor and for five perpetual lights of ghee; for that purpose and for the purpose of kshiräbhishechana, or ceremonial bath to the god with milk, every day, he gave away 500 cows to the temple. Roughly ten years later, in Saka 1064, corresponding to 1142-13 A. C., he made a pilgrimage to the great shrine at Dräkshärāma, accompanied by his wives, younger brother Pandarāja, his son, prince Rajendra-Choda II and other members of the royal family! On that memorable occasion, every one of the royal household placed four perpetual lights in the temple. And roughly six years later, Gonkarāja II visited the temple of Bhimanātha again and made a grant of 25 gold coins to be paid annually from out of the royal treasury to the temple for the celebration of the annual festival daman-otsava for three consecutive days ending with the full-moon day of Chaitra. On that occasion, probably he built a gölaka (a klobular roof studded with various kinds of gems in the inner shrine of the temple), a köshthügāra,' store-house', and a beautiful mandapa 'assembly hall' for the god Bhimanātha. Further, for burning 25 perpetual lights more, with ghee, Gonkarāja presented as many as 1000 she-buffaloes to the temple. The occasion for these priceless gifts was the Karkataka-samkrānti, which occurred on the 25th June 1158 in the sixteenth or the closing year of the reign of Kulottunga II. Gonkarāja II also placed pinnacles of gold on the temples of Purushottama at Puri in Orissa and Sri Mallikärjua-Mahā. dēva at Srisailam on the south-west, which shone like jayastanbhas proclaiming his victories On yet another occasion, Gonkarāja II gave away unlimited number of golden utensils for daily use in the worship of the god Bhimanātha, and covered the roof of the temple vimāna with & plate of gold.
1 SII, Vol. IV, Nos, 1113, No. 1164 (Dräkshārāma); Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 123 (Nidubrölu).
SII, Vol. IV, No. 1182, text line 12 (verse 28). * Sarasvati-grantha-mälä: Käkināda, (1902), canto I, (verse 18). . Above, Vol. IV, p. 50. 5 Ibid., p. 51. • SII, Vol. IV, No. 1138.
Ibid., No. 1137. • Ibid., No. 1140. .Ibid., No. 1144.

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The successor of Goñkarāja II in the rulership of the Andhra country was his son prince Rājēndra-Chōda II, the donor of the present plates. In the records of the family as well as in the present inscription (lines 102 ff.) it is stated that emperor Rajaraja II was pleased to appoint him ruler of the Andhra country which is said to have extended at this time from Mahendragiri on the north to Kālahasti on the south. It would appear that Rājēndra-Choda's accession took place towards the end of Saka 1082 or the beginning of 1161 A.C. For, the last known date on which Godkarāja II is said to be alive was the Ullarāyaṇa-samkrānti, Saka 1082, corresponding to the 25th December, 1160 A. C., according to a stone record of his minister at Bāpatla, Guntur District. It would appear that Rājēndra-Choda II was associated with his father in the administration of the kingdom from about Saka 1058 corresponding to 1136-37 A. C. The subordinates and other Vassals of the Chālukya-Chõļas in the Andhra country would soem to have recognised RājēndraChoda as their future sovereign even during the rule of Goåkarāja II and frequently made grants to the temples in the country for his merit as well as for the merit of his father. A stone record from Pamidipadu-agrahāra, Narasaraopeta taluk, Guntur District, dated Jyoshtha, su. 5, Saka 1077 expired, corresponding to 8th May, 1155 A.C., records the grant of a piece of land for the temple of Chennakēšava at the village for the merit of the kings Gonkarāja II and his son Rājēndra-Choda, and incidentally states that the latter granted the tolls of the village Pahindipadu (Pamidipadu) and the tax on marriages for the benefit of the temple.
Though the reign of Rajendra-Choda II appears to have commenced in peace, within a short time it soon became troubled and engulfed in internecine wars among his feudatories and wanton incursions by hostile neighbours. About the beginning of Saka 1085, i.e., about March 1163 A.C., it would appear, & civil war broke out in Kõna-mandala, between the two rival branches of the ruling family, which soon threatened to assume large proportions. Köna-mandala is the ancient name for the region of the lower branches of the Gödāvari, comprising the taluks of Amalapuram and Razole, in the East Godavari District. At the time of the civil war, Kona-mandala was ruled by A powerful clan of Haihayas of the Atreya gotra. After the death of Köna Rajendra-Choda I which would seem to have occurred shortly after 1137 A. C., his elder brother Kõna MummadiBhima II and his younger step-brother Köna Satyasraya I, according to the Pithapuram inscription of Mallidēva and Manma-Satya II, divided the principality among themselves but ruled it conjointly in peace for a long time. Mummadi-Bhima II was succeeded by his son Lõka-Bhūpa, who died apparently without leaving an heir to succeed him. Lõka-Bhūpa's death would seem to have taken place just about the same time as the accession of Rajendra-Choda II. There are reasons to believe that Bhima (III) the younger son of Kõna Satyarāja I occupied the whole of Kõna-mandala to the exclusion of his cousins Bēta and Mallidēva, sons of Köna Rājēndra-Choda 1, who would seem to have succeeded to or claimed the principality held by Loka-Bhüpa. This led to a civil war which necessitated the intervention of Rajendra-Choda II. A large army was despatched undur the command of the Brāhmana general Dēvana-preggada of Amritalūru, early in Saka 1085 corresponding to 1163 A. C., with instructions to put down the insurrection and . SI1, Vol VI, No. 181. The earliest known date for Gonka II is Saka 1029 according to a record at Tri. purāntakam. Ibid., Vol. X, No. 63.
*Ibid., Vol. V. No. 160. See also ibid., Vol. IV, No. 1137 (Saka 1064 or 1142-43 A.C., and ibid., Vol. X, No. 109 (Saka 1063 or 1141-42 A. C.), No. 112 (Saka 1064 or 1142-43 A.C.), No. 118 (Saka 1068 or 1146-47 A.C.) Am No. 135 (Saka 1077 or 1185-56 A. C.)
• ARSIE, 1916, para 49, page 124. . Above, Vol. IV, pp. 83 ff. The inscription ontains a detailed account of the Haibaya chiots of Kona-manlala.
SII, Vol. IV, No. 1145 dated Saka 2059 (1137 A. C.) sooms to be the last kau date of the prince, . Above, Vol. IV, p. 83, verses 18 ff. Ibid., page 85 (for the pedigroe).

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restore peace. The military operations in Kõna-mandala lasted about two years. The fragmentary record at Drākshārāma' dated Saka 1087, i.e., 1165-66 A. C., reveals that, “having been commanded by his overlord Kulottunga-Rājēndra-Choda II, general Devana-preggada burnt down the disdainful country (Kona-mandala) of the enemy with the flames of the fire that was his valour". It would appear that he defeated and killed Bhima (III) and once more restored peace in the region by settling the country between the lawful claimants. The poem Köyūrabīhucharitramu which has been already referred to and a number of inscriptions reveal the fact that an army of the Samantas of the Karnāta king, apparently taking advantage of the political unrest in Kuntala and the rise of Käkati Prola II, in the western Andhra Country, made incursions into the kingdom of Vengi, and that the invaders were completely defeated and forced to retire in a sanguinary battle that was fought at a place called Krottacheruvulakota, Cheruvulakota or simply Kochcherlaköța, a village in Vinukonda taluk, Guntur District. These events may be placed about 1164-65 A. C. The king of Karnāta was doubtless Kalachuri Bijjala who usurped the Western Chālukya sovereignty overthrowing his overlord, Nūrmadi Taliapa III (1149-1161 A. C.). Stone inscriptions refer to Chaundaraya, a feudatory of the king of Karnāta who was slain in the battle of Krottacheruvulakota, who may be identified as the Sinda chief of Yelburga, who was the husband of Siriyādēvi, a daughter of Bijjala.
The Telugu poem, Kējūrabīhucharitramu gives a vivid account of the reigns of Gorkarāja II and his illustrious son Kulottunga-Gonka-Rājēndra-Chōda II, and of the greatness of their successive ministers Nandūri Govinda and his son Nanduri Kommana, and the prosperity of the Andhra country. According to a stone record at Băpațla, and the present plates (v. 56) the kingdom of Rājēndra-Choda II extended from Nagaram, i.e., Kalinganagara on the north to Kalahasti on the south and to Srīsailam on the west and was bounded by the sea on the east. It appears that the province of Kalinga was governed by the Brāhmaṇa gensral, Mentana-preggada under the orders of the king. Rajēndra-Chöda II. The general is said to have borne the burden of the kingdom of Rajendra-Choda in Kalinga. It would appear that on the death of Anantavarman alias Chōdaganga, c. 1142 A.C., the kingdom or at any rate the southern portion of Kalinga extending as far as the Mahēndragiri was annexed to Vêngi. It is stated in the poem that the king's treasury always contained nine crores of gold coins), that ninety-nine elephants which looked like huge black clouds roamed about the city of Chandavõlu, that & cavalry force of forty-thousand was always ready for service on the field and that seventy-five candies of rice? were cooked every day for the army and king's household. Such was the prosperity of Rājēndra-Chōda II. The poem gives an account of the king's chief Brāhmaṇa minister Kommana-mantrin of the Kausika götra, who was a great soldier. Kommans was a worshipper of Vishņu ; he built thirty-two temples of Vishnu, at the beautiful towns of Srikūrmam, Gurudurti, Krottacharla, Tripurantakam, Kotyadona, Boggáram, Yelamañchili and other places. Every day he fed a thousand Bralemana guests with pāyasa (rice cooked in milk and sugar) at his house, throughout his life, with a religious zeal and devotion. He governed in addition to his office, the province of Päka-nadu twenty-one-thousand. On the battlefield at Krottacherlaköţa, it is said, he displayed marvellous strength and heroism.
18I1, Vol. IV, Nos., 1086 and 1083. * Ibid., No. 1083.
• Kéyurabahucharitramu, Introduction, verses 22-23. SII, Vol. X, No. 151, text lines 31-41., ibid., No. 171 : ibid., Vol. IV, No. 1063.
JBBRAS, Vol. XI, p. 269; Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 477. .811, Vol. VI, Nos. 181. • Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 1200. The inscription is dated Saka 1097 (1175-76 A. C.) Ono candy or barua in equal to 600 lbe, in weight but as a measure of opacity, roughly 14,000 eubio inghos.

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(VOL. XXIX Like his illustrious father Gonkarāja II, Kulõttunga-Gonka-Rājēndra-Chöda II was also a staunch worshipper of Siva. He made liberal grants to temples of Siva all over his vast kingdom. He made even richer gifts than his father to the god Bnimanāthēsvara at Drākshārāma. He presented golden utensils for the daily worship of the god in commemoration of his victories over his enemies. He gave away on one occasion a prabhā (aureola) made of solid gold to god Bhimanātha and covered the huge linga with a splendid armour of massive gold. On another occasion he presented a makara-töraña of gold, studded with priceless gems. He built a temple for Siva under the name of Râmēsvara-Mahādēva at Siripuram in Saka 1093, i.e., 1171 A. C., and granted the village of Siripuram together with its twelve hamlets and some more land as dēvabhöga for the worship of the deity. On the banks of the Tungabhadrā, a small stream flowing by the side of Appikatla, a village in Tenali taluk, Guntur District, he built another temple for Siva under the name Visvēśvara-Mahādēva and made large grants of land in Appikațla, Marripūņdi and other villages in the sub-division known as Orgērumārga, for the worship of the god.
Rājēndra-Chöda II would seem to have reigned till a very ripe old age and died about the beginning of 1182 A. C. The last known inscription which mentions the king as still living on that date but indicating his impending death is a record of his Brāhmaṇa officer Mādhava-mantrin of the Srivatsa gātra at Drākshārāma. It is slightly damaged; it registers the gift of a perpetual light to god Bhimanātha on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon on the fullmoon day of Pushya in Saka 1003, which corresponds to Monday, the 22nd December, 1181 A. C., when there occurred an eclipse of the moon. Rājēndra-Choda's death may, therefore, be placed sometime in January or February, 1182 A. C.
Rajandra-Chöda II was also called Vira-Rajendra-Choda. According to the family records found at Drākshärāma and Palacole (Pälakolanu) Rajendra-Chöda had at least four queens, Gundāmbikā, Kuppamá, Pandamā (daughter of the chief of Köna-Kandravādi) and Akkamahädēvi or Ankamahādēvi: the first would appear to have been the consort during the early part of ViraRājēndra-Choda's life.? Akkamahādèvi was the daughter of Mahāmandalēśvara Kondapadumaţi Manma-Manda or Mandarāja II who took a heroic part in the war against Kalinga as a follower of Velanāņţi Rājēndra-Choda I, and the younger sister of Mahāmandalesvara Kondapadumati Buddharāja III.10 To King Vira-Rājēndra-Choda and Akkāmbikā was born Gonkarāja III. His son was Pțith visvara of the Pithapuram inscription.
TEXTU
Second Plate ; First Side? 113frstafferitu: 1 silfraft TTHIETTI
1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 37, verges 47-48. • Ibid. • No. 49 of 1909, (same as SII, Vol. X, No. 177).
SII, Vol. VI Nos. 124 and 125. Omgēru-märga appears to be the ancient name for the region lying between Tenali, Guntur and Bapatla taluks extending towards south as far as Ongole, Guntur District.
SI1, Vol. IV, No. 1366, Ibid., No. 1037. The last digit in the date of the record is lost but may be read as 3. The details of the date then would yield the equivalent, viz., 25th December, 1181 A. C.
No. 181 of 1897. "SI1, Vol. V. No. 161, Vol. IV, No. 1137.
Above, Vol. VI. p. 268 (274). • XII VOL. IV. No. 662, Vv. 7-8. 20 Above. VoL VI, p. 274. u From tho ink-Impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India, the late Dr. Hirananda Sastri. 11 The first plate of this set is lont. 11 MetreVpajani. The first påda is loot on the first plate,

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2 तो यो वसुमभ्युपैति । 3 जायत । येनेयं पृथिवी
[ ॥ १ ॥ * ] ' ततो विचित्रवीर्य्योभूतस्मात्पांडुरसर्व्वा पालिता धर्म्मतः पुरा [ ॥ २॥ * ] युधिष्ठि
4 रादयः पंच पांडवा" खंडलोपमाः [। *] अभूवन्विनयोपेताः
5 खंडितारातिमंडलाः [ || ३ || * ] तेषु वंशस्य कर्त्तासीदर्जुनस्सज्जनप्रियः ।
6 सुमूर्त्तिः पुण्यचारित्रः कीर्त्तिव्याप्तजगत्रयः [ ||४|| * ] तुष्टो य
7 स्य पराक्रमेण भगवान्युद्धे पुराणां रिपुस्त्रैलोक्यैकगुरु
8 गुरुस्समभवत् बालेंदुचूडामणिः [1*] सारथ्यन्नरकारिरादिपुरुष
५) श्चक्रे च विष्णुः स्वयं । को वा तस्य धनंजयस्य विभुतां शक्तः 'प्रवक्तुन्नरः [ ॥५॥ * ] त
10 स्मादभिमन्युः [*] अभिमन्योः परीक्षित् [*] ततो जनमेजयः । प्रथ चतुरुद
11 धिपर्य्यं तवसुंधराधुरंधरेषु दिशाहस्तिमस्तकविन्यस्तजयस्तंभे -
12 षु एकोनषष्ठिवसुधाधिपेषु तद्वश्येषु गतेषु तत्कुलजो विजिगीषु
Second Plate; Second Side
13 व्विजयादित्यो नाम
महीपतिस्त्रिनयनपल्लवेन युद्धा
विधिनि
14 योगात्त्रिदिवं जगाम ॥ श्रानीतवंतस्तदनु प्रधानां
तद्वल्लभान्नि - "
15 [र्भ * ] रगर्भभाराम् [* ] तन्मंत्रिमुख्या मुडुवेमुनाम भूदेवजुष्टं
17 विद्यया च [* ] ज्ञात्वा 18 रक्षिता तेन विप्रेण
16 वरमग्रहारम् [||६|| * ] 'तद्ग्राममुख्यः खलु विष्णुभट्टः पुष्टस्समृद्धया निजयाधा ( यथा ) वृत्तमतिप्रयत्नात्सम्यग्ररक्ष क्षितिपालपत्नीम् ॥[|७|| * ] कुमारं लक्षणान्वितम् [ 1 *] सुषुवे वासवप्रख्यं
19 ख्यातं वंशकरं वरम् । [ ||८||* ] जातकर्मादिकं सर्व्वन्निर्ममे कर्मकठः ।
1 This and the two following verses are in Anushtubh metre.
Rule of sandhi is sacrificed here for the sake of the metre. • Metre : Sardalavileridita.
• Read
• Metro Upajati.
प्रवक्तुं नर
239
तदुल्लभां निर्भर .
• Read
7 This verse and the next two are in Anushtubh metre.
29 DGA / 53

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240 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XXIX 20 विप्रो नृपकुमारस्य कुमारसदृशद्युतेः [॥६॥*] अथ जननीमुखाज्जनकस्य वृ21 तांतं विदित्वा तपःकृतनिश्चयस्स कुमारश्चालुक्यधरित्रीधरमारुरो22 ह । तत्र देवनारायणं कुमारं दिवाकरम्(र) भगवतीनंदां गौरी चारा23 [ध्य*] वराहलांच्छनपिच्छकुंतपंचमहाशब्द'डक्कामकरतोरणश्वेत24 [च्छ*]त्रसितचामरपालिकैकशंखसिंहासनादीनि चक्रवत्तिचिह्नान्यवाप्य
Third Plate; First Side
25 विंध्यसेतुमध्यं दक्षिणापथम् (थं) परिपालयामास । अथ पल्लववंश26 संभवा या गुणरत्नाकरविष्णुवर्द्धनस्य महिषी । सुषुवे सुतं सुः 7 नेप्रा विजयादित्यमाभ्रशुभ्रकीत्तिम् । [॥१०॥*] ततः पुलकेशी तस्मात्को
तिवर्मा 28 ततस्सत्याश्रयो विष्णुवर्द्धनश्च बभूवतुः । 'सत्याश्रयः कुत्तविभिन्नवैरि29 मत्तेभकुंभो युधि कुंतलानाम् [*] साम्राज्यलक्ष्मीमधिगम्य सम्यक् पृ30 थ्वी शशास प्रधि(थि)तप्रतापः ॥११॥*] 'तयोरवरजो वेंगीमंडलं चंडवि31 क्रमः [*] ररक्षाष्टादश समा विष्णुवर्धनभूपतिः [॥१२॥*] जयसिंहस्त्र32 यस्त्रिंशदब्दान्सम्यक्तदात्मजः [*] अनुजस्तस्य सप्ताहमिंदि(द्र) राजो विधे+शा33 त् [॥१३॥*] नववर्षाणि तत्पुत्री विष्णुवर्द्धनभूपतिः [*] [तत्पुत्रो*] मंगियुवराट् पं
चविंश34 ति वत्सरान् । [॥१४॥*] त्रयोदशाब्दान्तत्सूनुरपालयदिला बली [*] सिंहविक्रमसं35 पन्नो जयसिंहो महाभुजः । [॥१५॥*] तत्कनीयान् क्षिति वीरो ररक्ष
__ क्षत्रियाग्रणी36:11 षण्मासान्कोक्किलिः पृथ्वीम्मत्तमातंगविक्रमः । [॥१६॥ज्येष्टोस्या(स्य)
कोक्किलेः पृथ्वीं विष्णु
पश
1 Read ' का'. * Metre : Aupachchhandasika. • Road सुनेत्रा. •Motre : Upajati. . This and the next six verses are in Anushubh metro. • Rond °ज्येष्ठोस्य.

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA : SAKA 1991 241 37 वर्द्धनभूपतिः । षट्त्रिंशदब्दान्बुभुजे भुजवीर्यान्महाभुजः ॥१७॥*] 'तत्पुत्रो [वि*
Third Plate ; Seconil Side 38 जयादित्य]नामाष्टादशवत्सरान् [*] तत्तनयो नरेंद्रो] नृपतिरष्टा चत्वारिं
शद्वत्सरानि (णि)...... 39 समरशिरसि [वैरिनिकरं विजित्य] तावंति गौरीपतेरायतना[नि] यश्चक्रे । [॥१८*1]
__ तत्सूनुरेना(मथ] विष्णुवर्द्ध]40 नः षट्त्रिंशदब्दा[न्निजवंद 1 संग्रामरंगे रिशुभीतिवर्द्धनः क्षोणीमरक्षत्क्षितिपो
यशोधनः] । [॥१६॥*] [त]41 त्सुत्रः कलिविष्णुवर्द्धनोध्यर्द्धवर्षम् लत्तनयो गुणांकविजयादित्यश्चतुश्चत्वारिंशद्वर्षाणि •
। तद्भातुःक. 42 नीयसो विक्रमादित्यनाम्नः पुत्रश्वालुक्यभीम[स्त्रि]शदब्दान् . . . . . . . . .
. . संग्रामशिरसि रिपुगणं जित्वा___43 नेकपुण्यस्थानेषु भगवतो महादेवस्यालयाग्निर्ममे । तात्सूनुर्विजयादित्यो नाम
मासाषट्कमथ] 44 परिपाल्य विरजान्नामपुरी विजित्य त्रिदिवमगमत् [*] तदात्माजोम्मराजः प्रति
संवत्सरं तुला[पूरुषान] 45 कुन्सप्तहायनमवनीमपालयत् [*] तद्दायादस्ताडपो मा]समेकम्महीं [श Jशास
.. [*] चालुक्यभी46 मसुतो विक्रमादित्यस्तु स्ता(ता)डपं जित्वा एकादशमासान् क्षितिं ररक्ष [ .
ताडपस्यात्मजो युद्धम47 ल्लस्सप्तसंवत्सरान् । अम्मराजानुजो राजभीमस्समरशिरसि युद्धमल्लं परिजित्य
द्वादश 48 ममा वसुमती शशास [[*] 'तस्यात्मजो दीर्घ भुजावभूतां दानार्णवाम्मक्षितिपो
सुरूपौ [*] पंचो1 Metre: Anushkabh, only one ridin. dietre : Intruranish. • Red गुणगांक' or गुणग'.
Metre : Upajasi. • Rnd बीर्ष.
2

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242
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
49 तरान्विंशतिमत्र सोब्दान् राजस्य ज्येष्टो (ष्ठो)
[VOL. XXIX क्षोणी शशासाम्मनृपः कनीयान् | [ ||२०|| ] 'द्वैमातुरोम्मदानार्णवो नृपः [*] र
50 रक्ष क्षत्रियश्रेष्ठस्त्रिशत्संवत्सरान् क्षितिम् । [२१|| * ] " तस्यानु दानार्णवभूमिपस्य वेंग्युर्व्वरेयं रहितेव भ
51 त्र [* ] रिपुक्षमापालकुलाविलासीत्तदा समास्सप्त च विंशतिश्च । [ ||२२|| * ] ततस्सुतो दाननृपस्य पृथ्वीं श्रीशक्तिवर्मा
52 श्रितराज्यलक्ष्मीः [। *] संग्रामरंगे स विजित्य शत्रून्संवत्सरान् द्वादश संशशास | [ ||२३|| * ] 'अनुजस्तस्य वर्षाणि सप्त सप्ता
विमलादित्यभूपालोपालयत्सकलामिलाम् || ||२४|| *] ' तस्मादासीद्राज
53 श्वसन्निभः 1
राजस्तनूजो राजीवाक्षो
54 निर्ज्जितारातिराजः [*] कीतिं शुभ्रां दिक्षु | सम्यक्प्रसार्य लक्ष्म्या युक्तः ] "कांच[णः ] कल्पवृक्षः [॥२५॥*]
Fourth Plate; First Side
55 'एकादशाधिकत्रिंशद्वर्षाणि "सन्रिपाग्रणीः [* ] पालयामास बलवानिला
56 मुदधिमेखलाम् [॥२६॥ * ] ' तस्मादासीदर्च्छितादुचूडः पादाक्रांतद्वेषिभूपाल
57 चूड :[ [ * ] नानारत्नश्रेणिनद्धात्म चूडः श्रीमान्वी[रः ] श्रीकुलोतुंगचोडः [ ॥२७॥ * ] ! हि
58 मवत्सेतुपर्यंतां पंचविंशद्व ( ति व ) त्सरान् [*] वसुधां वसुधानाथः शशास 59 रिपुशासन [ ॥ २८ ॥ * ] तदात्मजो विक्रम* ] चोडदेवः पराक्रमे शक्रसमस्समासी60 त्[*] विनम्रभूपालविलोलमौलिमणिप्रभा भासितपादपीठः [||२६|| * ]
'स सप्त
61 दश वर्षाणि दधे भारम् भुवः प्रभुः[* ] उवाह बाहुवीर्येण निहताराति62 मंडलः [ ||३०|| * ] तदनु शशिवदुच्चैस्सत्समेतः कलावानुदयमगमदस्मा
63 दस्तदोषांधकारः [*] अधिकमखिललोकन्नन्दयन्वर्णनीयस्सहजनितजय
1 Metre: Anushfubh.
This and the next verse are in Upajati metre.
• Metre Anushtubha
• Metre: Salini.
Reul
'कांचन: . स नृपाणी:
Read
One letter was written and erased before ra.
• Metre : Upajati.
• Metr : Malini.

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No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA - CHODA : SAKA 1091 243 64 श्री श्रीकुलोत्तुंगचोडः [ ||३१|| * ] संतर्प्य वसुधाराभिर्व्व[सु]धां वसुधाधिपः [* ] स पं65 चंदश वर्षाणि शशास [ शिव]किंकरः [ ||३२||* ] 'तस्मादभूदंबुधिमेखलाया वसुन्धरायाः 66 पतिरप्रकंप्यः[* ] श्रीराजराजो रजनीशवक्त्रस्संराज राजीवममाननेत्रः [ ||३३||* ] 67 "लक्ष्मीपति (ते) ब्र्भुवनपावनपादपद्माद्गंगाप्रवाह इव कीर्त्तिकर (प* ]वित्रः[ | * ] श्रा68 सीत्रिलोकजनकस्य चतुर्थवंश: ( 1 ) पादारविंदयुगलात्कमला
Fourth Plate; Second Side
69 सनस्य |[|३४|| * ] 'वंशेस्मिन्रजनीशनिर्मलमणि[स्म ] द्रव्यचूडामणिः .... 70 []पराक्रमो जितरिपुः श्रीमल्लभूपोभवत्[*] येनेयं वेल[नांडुना ]
71 मविषयस्सामंतचिह्नस्सह [ प्रा* ]प्तस् त्र्यंबकपल्लवाणगिरम्म (म्मा)
72 हाय्य[सं] तोषितात् [ ||३५|| * ] गतेषु तद्रव्येष्वनेकेषु जितारिपु
7
73 मंडलेशेषु पृथिवीमंडनेषु यशोर्द्धिषु । नरेंद्रानुचरः शूर
74 स्तद्वंशे मल्लयोभवत् । चंडासिनायनिय्येंनाखंडि खंडित
75 वैरिणा [॥३६॥ * ] तस्मात्पिडुवुरादित्यनामास्य गुणतोभवत् [ । *] एरित
76 त्सुतो जज्ञे ततोभून्मल्लियो नृपः [||३७|| * ] 'चालुक्यभीमानुचरेषु
77 मुख्यो यः को[ल्ल]पांबां
विधिनोपयेमे [*] ताभ्यामभूतां विनयो[प]
78 [ पनौ] वीरौ सुता [ वे ]
कोरपौ तु [ || ३८ || * |
79 कर्त्ता सुकीर्त्तनः [*] पत्नी प्रिया " तस्य कट्टांबासीन्मनोहरा [||३६|| * ] ताभ्यामभूवन् ष
80 ट्पुत्राः षण्मुखप्रतिमा भुवि [ | * ] मल्लियो कुडियो गंड: पंडो नन्नश्च
81
कापनः [ ॥ ४० ॥ * ] 'कुडियाय ददौ तेषु विमलादित्यभूपतिः [ 1 ] मंडलं गु
Read श्री.
* Metre: Anushtubh.
These two letters far are written beneath the line.
• Metre : Uprajati.
• Metre Vasantatilaka.
• Metre : Sardilavikridita.
०
"Read.
'सुगुणतो
Here the letter
s 'This name may also be read as कोत्यपांबां.
योभूत्तयोर्ज्येष्ठो वंश
is written below the line after the letter.
This and the next four verses are in Anushtubh metre.
10 Two letters are wanting in this pāda.

Page #393

244
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
82 द्रवाराख्यक्षिति मंडलमंडनम् ॥ [ ४१ ॥ * ] ननोपि नुतचारित्रः
[VOL. XXIX
Fifth Plate; First Side
83 मंडलः [*] विष्णुवर्द्धन[ भूपालसेनापतिरभूद्भुवि [ ॥४२॥ * ] पंडयो... 84 [..याधिप]स्तस्य गुंडांबिकाभवत् [ 1 *] दयिता । पांडुराजस्य कुंतीवात्यं85 तसुंदरा । [॥४३॥ * ] तयोरधा ( था ) सन्समरैकशडारचंड प्रतापा इव पांडु86 पुत्राः[*] पंचेंद्रकल्पा वेदुरश्च गंडो गोंकश्च महलश्च तथैव पंडः [ ॥ ४४ ॥ * ] 4 निज
87 वंशकरस्स तेषु शूरः क्षपितारातिकुलः कुलार्णवेंदुरक
88 लंक मृगांक कोर्तिस्समभूद्गोंक महीपतिग्गु ( गुणांकः [ ||४५ || * ] " षट्सश्रीकुलोत्तुंग्गचोडतः [ । * ] येन संग्रामसा -
89 हत्रावनीशत्वं
90 हाय्य तुष्टात्प्राप्तं जितारिणा
[ ॥ ४६ ॥ * ] तस्य गोंकक्षितीशस्य मृ[गां]
91
कवदना वरा [।*] सब्बांबिकाभूद्दयिता सर्व्वलक्षणलक्षिता [ ॥४७॥ * ] 'पु92 त्रस्तयोरप्रतिमप्रतापः श्रीचोडभूपः कुलरत्नदीपः [*] जातस्सतां
93 रक्षणदक्ष दक्षि ( ? ) बाहुर्मुकुंदार्पितचित्तवृत्तिः [ ||४८ || *] 7 तस्य चंडप्रतामंडलेशशिखामणेः [*] गुंडांबिकाभूद्दयत्या चारित्र[गुण]
94 पस्य
95 मंडिता [ ॥ ४६ ॥ *] अजनि गतकलंकश्शंकरश्रीपदाब्जद्वितय[ भजन ]
Fifth Plate; Second Side
96 "[ त्यि ] स्तत्सुतो गोंकभूपः [ 1 * ] [ विभव ] जितधनेश: पालिताशेष[देशः -
97 समरसमय[]sो [ दंडिता ] रातिराज . [ ॥५०॥*]...
98 विमानशिखरेषु यः । * ) शातकुंभमयान्कुंभान् जयस्यं (स्तं ) भानि
1 Danda unnecessary.
• Read
सुंदरी
• Metre : Upajati.
• Metre : Aupachchhandasika.
5 This and the next verse are in Anushubh metre.
• Metre: Indravajrà.
' Metre : Anushtubh.
● Read हयिता °.
• Metre: Malini.
.. 10 Real भूत्य'.

Page #394

No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA : SARA 1091 245 99 वाकरोत् ॥५१॥*] 'तद्वल्लभा सकलसद्गुणपात्रगोत्रा सब्बांबिका विकसदं100 बुजपत्रनेत्रा [*] लक्ष्मीरिव प्राण]तलोकसमग्रदक्षा - - - - [वि]101 मलचंद्रसमानवक्त्रा [॥५२*] ताभ्यामुमाशंकरसन्निभाभ्यां कुमारतुल्यः 102 प्रभुशक्तियुक्तः [*] जातो महासैन्यपतिर्महीपो राजेंद्रचोड[श्यि - 103 तचंद्रचूडः [५३*] [य]श्शंखचक्रकलशांकुशकल्पवृक्षवज्राब्जमत्स्याम*]104 करांकितपाणिपादः [*] षचक्रवर्तिसद्रि(दृ)श]श्शतपत्रपत्रनेत्रस्सुपूर्न (ण)[श]105 रदिंदुसमानवक्त्रः [॥५४॥*] यस्मिन्जाते सुखी जातो लोको वृद्धिमुपा'
....... [धर्म106 श्च वृद्धिमगमत्त्रिविक्रमपराक्रमे । [॥५५॥*] ............सदृशो को107 दंडशिक्षा.......... क्षितितलत्राणोन्मुखे यत्करे।।*] सेतोीत.... 108 ............................चोरस्तदा. . . . . . . . [॥५६]...... 100 ....................
Sixth Plate ; First Side 110 'त्यादपि यन्नसाध्यम् ।।*] अंभोधिगंभोरमनंतसत्वम्म संप्राप्य तोये11l न बलाद्रसार्द्धम् । [॥५६*] "देवब्राह्मणकंटकः पृथुतर:[शौ]hण मानी ख112 लो दुग्ाँतनिलयो भयंकरवाः] श्रीरामतुल्योजसौः"1*] येनाजो113 कोलनांटिभीमनृपति[*] पुत्र[श्च] मित्रस्सह ऋद्धो] रावणसन्निभो भुज114 बला[निर्मूलमुन्मीलि[तः ॥५७॥*पूर्वांभोनिधिकालहस्तिशिखरिश्रीमन्म।
1 Metre: Vasantatilaka. *Metre : Upajati. • Metre : Anushubh. • The mining lettera may be read an गमत.
This may be a verse. Motre cannot be distinguished. • The reading in doubtful.
Metre : Indrawajra. • Read °सत्वं संप्रा. • Metre : Sardalarikridiku. • Road ल्यौजसः.

Page #395

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL.XXIX 115 हेद्राचलथीशैली व्वलकृतांध्रविषयं श्रीराजराजस्व118 यं [*] यस्मै विक्रमविस्मितस्समदिशत्सामंतचिह्नस्सह श्रीम117 च्चामरयुग्मसुंदर वियच्चंद्रोद]याद्यैर्मुदा [॥५८॥*] 'अत्युत्तमोत्तुंग्गतु118 रंग्गयूध(थ)खुराग्रसम्मूर्च्छितरेणुजालं [*] आमत्तमातंग्गमदां119 बुद"सेकैः] प्रशाम्यते यस्य जयप्रयाणे [॥५६॥*] काठिन्यं कुचकुंभयो120 स्तरलाता हारे भ्रुवोर्वत्रता मंदत्वं गमने ' वरांघ्रितलयोनिर्भ121 र्त्सनं क्षामतां [1] वाण्यां तैक्ष्णमपां[ग]योश्च समभूत्संग्राम - - 122 क्षितिः श्रीचोडक्षितिपालकीर्तिरशना यस्मिंश्चिरं शासति [॥६०॥*]
'लक्ष्मीर्व
Sixth Plate ; Second Side 123 क्षसि दक्षिणे भुजतटे वी[राश्रियं यः परां [*] वामे चैव [भुजोत्त124 मे [जय]रमा वाग्देवतामानाने ।] शत्रुध्वंसनकारिणी ~ ~ 125 शिरस्यत्यंत - - - - बिभ्रन्माधवपंकजासन126 पुर प्रख्यश्चिरं राजते [॥६१*] प्रादाद्यश्च महाग्रहारनिकरं संवर्धि[भि]127 स्संयुतं विप्रेभ्यः कविपुंडरीकनिकरप्रद्योतनश्शत्रुहा [*] भाद्रां] 128 राजशिखामणिः क्षितिमिमां शश्वत्समृद्धां जनाधाता नृप129 तिर्यधा (था) च मकरश्रीधर्मपुत्रो यधा (था) [॥६२*] दानं यस्य समाग130 [तार्थि]जान]तादारिद्र्यविद्रावनं(णं) शौ[यं] यस्य विरोधराजवनि131 तावैधव्यदीक्षागुरु[ः।] कीर्तिर्दिव्यनदीव यस्य विमला व्याप्तत्रिलोकीं
I Read श्रीशलवलया. - Read राजराजस्स्व. • Read 'सुंदर. • Metre : Upajati. • Read मदांबुसेकः.
.
• Metre : Sárdalurikiilrita. Pretre : tandalurikridita. Read 'लक्ष्मी
Reud सगरः. DIGIPC-81-20 DGA/33-13.0.15-430.

Page #396

No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA, SAKA 1091 247 132 [स्थिता] श्रीचोडक्षितिपस्य तस्य महि[मा न]स्याद्वचोगोचरम् [॥६३॥*] 'राजेंद्रचोडभूपा133 लस्सोयं परपुरंजयः [*] नियोगाद्राजराजस्य पालयत्रंध्रमंडलम् ॥६४॥*]
___ इंदुनंद्द(द)134 वियच्चंद्रगणिते शकवत्सरे [*] श्रीमतो राजराजस्य त्रयोविंशकवत्सरे [॥६५॥*] कदाचित्पु135 न्ये(ण्ये)[हनि] धनदपुऱ्यां [स्थि]तः [इचुंग नामग्राम] वेदवेदांगपाणगा]136 य मीमांसा .. .. .. .. .. .. .. निजमानसाय षट्तर्क 137 [Damaged. The rest is lost.]
Motre : Anualubh. ODGAS6

Page #397


Page #398

INDEX
By A. N. LAHIRI, M.A.
=
=
[The figures refer to pages and n. after a figure to footnotes. The following other abbreviations are also used :-au. = author; ca. = capital; ch. = chief; ci. oity; co. = country; di. -district or division; do. ditto; dy. dynasty; E. Eastern ; engr. engraver; ep. epithet ; f. family; fe. female; feud. feudatory; gen. = general; ins. = inscription; k. king; l. locality; l.m. linear measure or land measure; m. = male; min. = minister; mo. = mountain; myth. = mythological; n. = name; N. Northern; off. office or officer; peo.= people; pr. prince or princess; q. = queen; rel. religious; ri. river; S. Southern; s.a. same as; sur. surname ; te.= temple; Tel. = Telugu; t.d. territorial division; tit. = title; tk. taluk; tn. town; vi. village; W. = Western ; wk. = work.]
=
=
a,
a, initial,
ǎ,
à, initial,
à, medial,
a, inedial, denoted by a sido matra,
a, medial, having three forms,.
a, medial, peculiar use of
a, medial, short type of
a of the modern Oriya type,
a of the modern Oriya type, Abalara-charitre, wk.,
Abhidharmakosa, do.,
Abhira, J.,
abhitvaramana, off.,
Abhōna plates of Sankaragana,
Ablür, vi.,
Ablûr ins..
.
Abhij or Bhij, m., Abhimanyu, epic hero,
Abhimanyu, Rashtrakuta k. of Manapura,
Achalapura, 8.a. Ellichpur, I.,
acharya,
Achchhivahalala, I.,
Achvutaraya, k.,
Adasama, .. Ataéarman,
adhavāpa, L.m.,
adhikarana, off..
adhikarin, le. off..
Adinatha Tirthankara,
=
Adikara, k.,
Adivara, 8.a. Adinatha, Aditi, god.
9 DG.1/56
170, 203, 226 44, 145 203, 226 109, 122, 160
PAGE
106
106
139 m., 143 134 45, 48 96, 239 175-76 136 5., 8, 12, 56 109-10 139, 140, 142-43 140 m., 143 111, 114 186 n.
.
106, 116, 170
29 146
Agni Honnayya, m., 160 Agnisarman, mahakulapati,
44 Ahichchhatra, ci.,
Aditya-bhatta, m.,. Adityadava, engr., Adityasakti, Sendraka ch., Adivaraha, i.e. Vishnu, Adya-Sakti, Aegian coast,
163 173-74
4, 10-11
85, 88 45
.
Agganiya Honni Tande, s.a. Agai Honnayya, Agisama, n.,
.
Ahmad Ntyältigin, gen... Ahmedabad, di., ai, initial. Aihole, L.,
Aihole ins. of Pulakeáin II, Airavatta-mandala, t.d., Aisanaka, legendary k., Aivanär, deity, Ajamila, legendary k.,
Ajapala or Ajapala-bhatta, donee, Ajätasatru, legendary k., . Ajay, ri.,
Ajayamēru, 8.a. Ajmer, 115 Ajayaraja, Chahamana k.,
201-02 53-54
202
153, 157 Akshasalin, do.,
(249)
Ajirage, s.4. Ajre, vi., Ajmer, ci.,
Ajmer (Arhai-din-ka-jhopra) ins., Akälavarsha, Rashtrakuta k.. Akkamahadevi, Velananți pr., Akkambixa, 8.n. Akkamahadevi, Akola, di.,
akshamälä,
Akshabalika, goldsmith,
PAGE
17
40, 43 116-19
147, 153, 157
138
138
143 174. 143
172-74
•
14
52 23 90,96 162-63
34 and n., 112, 160-61
186, 188 65 73
65
191, 193 and n.
6, 56 81 178 178 14 178, 180 178 23 238 238
109, 111, 113-14 174 40, 43 40 n.

Page #399

250
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
"PAGE
.
.
143
-18
PAGE akalayanlol,-dharma, .
218 Anangabhima III, do. . . 123-26, 130-31, 132 n. Akshidähiki, I., . .
147, 162, 168, 169 Acanta, .. . . . . . . 10, 12 Alagarkoil, vi.. .
. . 73 N. Ananta, serpent god, . . . . 164, 168 Alagum, do. . .
44, 46, 137 Anantapala, off-, . .
. . . . . 233 Alagu.n ins. of Anantavarman Chodaganga, 108, 137 Anantapur, di., . . . . . . 62. Alagumna, vi.. . .
. . . 45, 47
Anantavarman-Chodaganga, Ganga k.. . 44, 46-47, Alakumara, m.. . . . . . . 161-64
79 aud n., 108, 123-24, 137, 196, 232, 237 Aland ins. of Yuvarāja Mallikarjuna,
Ananti, m.. . . .
. . . . 167, 169 Alande, I., . .
Andhra, Andhradeba, co.,
8, 12, 62. 63, 68, Alavandapuram,
76
137, 199 n., 227-28, 235-36 Alavandar, f.,
. . . 72. Andhra-mandala, 1.d., .
. . . 226, 231 Al-Biruni, au.. 145, 181 N. Apdimslai, hillock,
. . . . 199 Alekomara, identified with Alakumara,
162-63 Anga, co., . . . Alekomara-Singa, s.c. Alekomara's son Singa, lu2 angaraksha, ., . ,
. -
5 n., 8, 12, 86 au, . . . . . . . 147, 156 Angiras, sage, .
• 209 . Alidorru, vi., . . . . . . .70 1. Angul, sub-division, .
. . 79 afiya-santana, a las of inheritance, . . . 207 Anhilvadepätad, ca. .
. . 24 Allabakti, 8.3. Nikumbhållabakti, sendraka ch., 116 Anindita, ep. of Chalukya Vikramaditya 1, 112
13, 115 Alphabet, see Script,
Aniyankabhima, o.a. Anangabhima,. . 123 Alupa, dy.. . . . . .
206, 207 and n. Afjanëri plates of Prithvichandra Bhögabakti,. 176 Aluvakheda, di., . . . 207 Afjapēri plato of Tējavarman, .
109, 112 Amalakshuddunga, i.d., . . 4, 6 and ., 7 Ankamahadevi, ... Akkamahadevi, . . 238 Amalapurani, ik...
. . 236 Annavaram-agraharam, vi.. i . .. 161 n. Amalgart, wi.. . . . . . 6n.
. 6n. Annigéri, .,.
. . .
. . . . . 144 amanta scheme of the lunar months,
117 Antaranga, off.,
43, 85, 217 Amarakosa, wk..
132 n. Antroli-Chhiroll plates of Karka II, .. . 109 Amarivati, I., .
anuaudra, . . . . . .
• .
226 Ambalāru, .a. Ablar, vi..
anunuára for class dasals, . . . . 19 Ambapua, I., . . 79 . anunvira used for final . . .
80, 90 Ambapuã plate of Dandimahädēvi, . . . 79 n. anusvira used for final, . . . . 80 Ardhra-vishaya, ed.. . . . . . 246 anusvara, written in both the Bengali and Amgachhi plato of Vigrahapala III, 4 and ., 5, Dévanigart fashions, . . . . . 49
9-10, 49, 51, 57 n., 227 Anoikehiki, . . . . . . . 128 Amma I, R. Chalukya k., . . . 227 Appikatla, vi., . . .
. . 238 Amma II, do. . . . 67, 241-42 Apsaròdéva, m., .
. 85, 89 Am.Damanda purani, pi., .
. . . 76 Arapabhita (or Ranabhita), Sailidbhava k., 35-36, 41 Ammanga, Chola pr., , ,
Aratha, pr.,.
. 149 and n. Anmarja, E. Chalukya k., .
. . 241 Arathi, Pragjyõlisha k... 147, 149 and n., 153, 157. An: Darija (I), do.. . . . . 67 Arcot, N., di.,
. 73 n., 143 n., 201 and n. Amouraje, ... .
. 206 Arcot, 8., do.,
. . . . . 63, 199 Amodi plates of Prithvideva I,
. 1952., 96 Arddhënduchida, i.e. Siva, .. . 242 Amoghakalaba, str., .
. 216 Arayan Rajarajan alias Vikrama-Chola CholiyaAmoghavarshn III, Rashtrakula k., . . 23 varaiyag, gen., .. . . . . . 62 ". Amritānanda, pandit, . 133 arhadacharya, . .
. 40, 43 Amritaluru, L., .. .
. 236 Apbai-din-ka-Jhopra, mosque, . . . 178 Amritavardhana, fl., . . . , 211, 219 | Arikeskrin, Chalukya ch., . .
. .22 . Amritēsvara, i.e. Siva, . .
Arjuna, epic hero,. . 35, 66, 157, 181, 239 Anvēviaka, ri.. . . . . . . 111
Arjunagrama, L., . *
. . . . . 111 Anahilvādapatan, I., . .
Arkašalin, off., . . . .
.
. 40 n. 26 Arkavana, ci., . .
20, 26, 28 Anaikättä Karsi, do. . . . . 73, 78, 78 Artha sästra, wk., .
. 86 n. Anangabhima I, 6.6. Vajrahasta, Ganga k. . 123 Arthana ins. of Chamundarāja Arangabhlaa II, do... . 122 n., 123-24, 126, Aruvige, 8.a. Arage, vi...
. 29-30, 32 130 and n. Arya Bhagarati, goddess, .
29-30, 32
138
14, 17
Arjuna, epis

Page #400

PART VIII]
Aryavarta, co., Asattigrama, vi., Ashtadhyayi, wk., Asia Minor, Asidharapura, I., Asilida or Silida, do., Assam, province,
Assam plates of Vallabhadeva, Astgaon, vi.,
Alvagbösa, au.,
Advapati, Gürjara-Pratihara k., Aivayurveda, wk.,
Atri, sage,
Aubalaraja, m.,
Auk, 8.a. Avuku, vi.,
Auparika, off..
avabhritha,
Aivayu,
Ataéarman, m.,
Atiba Dipankara Sri-JAAna, Bengali Buddhist
monk,
avadana, lax,
avagraha, sign,
avagraha, non-use of
Avakaru, vi.,
PAGE
173
118
90 %.
138
94 39, 42
50 n., 145, 147 n., 151-52, 171
Avanivarman, Chalukya ch.,
Avanivarman II Yogaraja, Chavda k.,
Avayu,
Aviddha, I.,
Avidhaya, Rashtrakuta k. of Manapura,
Avukku, ti.,
Avuku or Auk, do.,
Ayasobhita, Sailōdbhava k.,
Ayaéobhita I, do.,
Ayaéōbhita II Madhyamaraja, do.,
Ayodhya, co.,
Aya, legendary k.,
Ayukta,, off., Ayuktaka, do., Ayyavayyangar, m.,
B
Baigram plate,
Baihaqi, au., Bajitpur, l.,
DGA/56
•
INDEX
35 л.
118
133
25
171
56.
173-74
52
59, 65, 209 n.
72
72, 73 m.
85, 88, 217 39, 42 107-08
44, 49, 80 19, 98 62, 64, 70 21-22 24
56 and ".
167, 169 and n. 175-76 77-78 72-73, 78 41 35, 37, 45 33-34, 35 and n.,
37, 39 59 and "., 66
65
8,12 56, 85, 88, 217 73 m.
D,
b, indicated by v,
, substituted by v,
Badapa-Vijayaditya VII, E. Chalukya k.,
Baghäurā ins.,
Bagumra plates of Indra III,
23
Bagumra plates of Nikumbhällasakti, 116-17, 118 and n.
Bahraich, di.,
53, 86
Bahukadhavala, Chavda k.,
195 and n. 80, 122 and m., 146 195 227 n. 3
24
R
52
151
Balavarman, pēṭāpāla, Balisa, vi.,
Balkans,
Ballala, Silähära k.,
Bälpur, l.,
Balsane, do., Balsane ins., Baluchistan,
Bamanghati plate of Ranabhañja, Bamani ins. of Silahāra Vijayaditya,
Bana, demon k.,
Balarama-Sankarshana, Balasanaka, l.,
Balasore, di., .
Balasore, tn.,.
105-06
Balasore Copper axe-head ins. of Purushottama, 105-06 Balavarman, k. of the Mléchchha dy., 148, 149 and n., 150-52 40, 43 118
138
16
98 136-37 136
138
Banaras, ci.,
Banavisi, vi.,
Banavase-pannirchchhäsira, t.d.,
Banesvara, god,
Bangaon, vi.,
Bangaon plate of Vigrahapala III, Bangarh, I.,
Bangarh pillar ins.,
Bangarh plate of Mahipala I,
Banki Police Station,
Bänpur, tn.,.
Banpur plates of Ayasõbhita II Madhyan.arāja, Banpur plate of Dandimahadevi,
Bapatla, I., Bapatla, tk., Bappa-bhattaraka, Bappasvamin, donee, Barappa, Chalukya ch., Bargaon plates of Ratnapala, Bargaon temple ins. of Sabara, Barishi, L.,
Baripada Museum Plate of Devananda II, Basavapurana, wk.,
Basavarajadevara Ragale, do., Basaveévara, rel. teacher,
Basoda Pargana, Bastar, di., Baud, l.,
Baud plates of Prithvi.nahādēvi,
52 207
204.
48 48-49
10 m., 51
151 3
2, 4-5, 10 186 33, 35 29 79-80, 82-83, 87 n., 88 n.
236-38 94, 225-26
92 and n., 95 n., 96 117, 120 25 148 20, 21 *. 48 184-86 142 n. 143 142-44 18 196
85, 210, 220
82 n., 83 and
n., 191 and n., 210, 221-23
Bay of Bengal,
Belava plate of Bhojavarman, Bellary, di.,
Relvōla-münüṛu, t.d.,
Belwä, vi.,
Belwi plate of Mahipala 1,
.
251
PAGE!
180
136
169
.
80
15
48
151 180 201 n. 204 n.
1, on.
9-11, 50

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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•
841
•
298
PAGE
Paes Belwi plate of Vigrahapala IIT, . 4,9-13, 49-50 | Bhauma or Näraka, do. . . Bonsres plate of Kalachuri Karpa,. . . 62 Bhava, god,. . . . Bengal, 48,60 7., 63 and 1., 54, 151, 180, 183 Bhavaditya, W.. . Beta, ch. of Konamandala, . . . . 236 Bhavishya, Rachfrabljak. of Manapura,. 176-76 Bétana-bhatta, composer, . . 64-66 Bheraghat ins.. . Betul, di., . . . . . 111, 113 and 1. bhela, law, . .
107-08 Beswada l... . . . . . . 63 Bhij or Abhi), Mh.,.
46, 48 • 214 Bhilsa, di.. . .
.. 18 Biada, ... Bhadra,
Bhusa, tn., . .
.
21 Aad n. Bhadra, m.,. . 173-74 Bhile ins.. . .
21 and .. Bhadrak, tn.. . 169-71, 173 Bhima, Chalukya k.. .
. . 243 Bhadrak, subdivision, . . . 170 Bhinia, ch., . .
. . 45 Bhadrak ins. of Gana,
. . 169, 171 Bhima, X. Chalukya k.,. . . Bhadrakali, goddess, . .
170 Bhima, epic hero, . . 86, 168, 167, 231 bhaga, dues, . . .
0 and 1., 60 Bhinia, Kolanu-nandu ch.. Bhagadatta, Pragyotisha t., . . 147, 149, 163, Bhima, m., . . .
.. . 66 167 and 1. Bhims, Mandalita, a.a. Kolaninti Bhica, 228 bhaga-loka, off. . . . . . 107-08 Bhimd, ri.. . . . . . .
. 126, 127, Bhagalpar, di.. ..
131, 174 Bhagalpur plate of Nārāyaṇapals,. . 2n. Bhima (IT), E. Chalukya ... . . . . 67 Bhagavata Purana, wk...
. .187 n. Bhimana-bhatta, 4.a. Bhima, ., . . . 86 Bhagavad-Gita, do.. . 74 and n., 77-78, 132 n. Bhimanátha, god, . . . . . 235, 238 Bhagirathi, ri., . . 4, 7, 11, 60, 65 Bhimanáthēsvara, do.. . . . . . 238 Bhagyadēvi, Pala q. . . . . . 7, 66 Bhima-nayaka, .a. Kolanu-Bhima . . 233 Bhaiksha, asrama, . . . 188 Bhimendi, m.. . ..
. . 45, 47 Bhaillasvamin, sun-god, . . . 211. Bhimarathri
. . . 125 Bhaltgrāma, vi... . . . 107-08 Bhimasēna, epic hero, ..
. . 66 Bhairab-bāzār, I., .
. . : 161 Bhimnagarigarh (Dhenkanal) plate Bham bågirí, do.. . . . 136 of Kulastambha, . .
166 Bhandara, di.. . .
118 n. Bhimnagarigarh plate of Tribhuvanamshadert T, 80, Bhafija, f., .
. 83, 88, 191 m., 216 Bhajas of Vajulvaka, dy.. 189-91 Bhishn-dahan . .
196 . Bhanu II, k.,
. 108 bhoga, lat, . . . . . 6 and n., 60 Bhanurhapdra, m., . . 223 n. Bhögavati, ri., . .
15 Bbänudatta, governor, . . . 214 Bhögāvi Sutkoti, do.. .
. 189 Bhānubakti, sēndraka ch., . . . . 116-19 Bhogin, of... . . . 40, 85, 211, 219 Bhāra Bhagadatta, k.,. . 113 n. Bhoja, f. .. . .
... 113 Bharadvája, 4.a. Dröna, sage,. . . 21. 22. Bb5ja I, Silahara k.. .
. 18-16 Bharadvāja, Sulkich., . . · 19-20, 27 Bhojavarman, k. of E. Bengal, . . . 180 Bharasa ha, 8.a. Sivakara 1,
Bhramarabhadra, ch., . .
. . 196 Bhauma-Kara k., . .
Bhramarakótya, co., . . .
• • 198 Bharata, epic k., . . . . . . 65,67
Bhrigu-pandita, m., . . . . 100, 103 Bhaskara, poet, . .
124. 128. 133 Bhubaneswar, l. . . . . . 32, 79, 106, Bhāskatavarman, Pragjyotisha k., 34, 122, 148, 214
189-70, 183 Bbasvat, 3.a. Bhilai, . . . . . 25
Bhimanya, legendary k., . .. . bhaja.. . . . . . 6 and 7., 8, 12, 56, 115 bhumichchhidra-nyaya, 6., 8, 12, 50, 56, 86, 120,
177 Bhatidēva, Ikahvaku q. . . . 138
. Bhatta-Bāņa, au., .
88, 89, 217 . . . . .
bhumichchhidra-pidhana-nyaya, 146
Bhutagana-bhatta, ... . Bhattagrăma, ni..
. . 110, 115 . . . . . . 191 Bhatta-Makyadēva, m., .
Bigha, 1... . . . . . . . .
4 . . 85, 89
Bihar, . . Bhaffaraka-padanudhyata, ep.. .
. . . 48, 61-84, 86, 184 . . . 112
.
Bijapar, di.,. . Rhauma-Kara, dy..
100 and n., 144, 162 79-80, 81 and n., 82-85, 87 n., 165, 183, 186, 190, 191 1., 210-11, 213, 216, 220, 222-24,
Bijavada, o.a. Bezwada, . . . . . . 63 227 Bijawadgi, I., . . . . . . 68..

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Bijjala, Kalachuri, k.,
Bijjala I, do., Bijjala II, do.,
Bilaigarh, I.,
Bilaigarh plates, first set, Bilaigarh plate of Prithivldova,
Bilaspur, di.,.
Bilhäri, vi.,
Bilhär! ins.,
Birbhum, di.,
Bodh Gaya, 1.,
Bodhgaya ins. of Mahipala I,
Bodhisattva,.
Boggaram, tn.,
Bogra, di.,
Bombay, ci.,
Bombay State,
Bonai, I.,
Brahma, god, brahmacharya, &érama,
Brahmadēva, ch.,
brahmadiya, gift,
Brahman, god,
Brahmana, varna, Brahmani, ri.,
Brahmapala, Pala k. of Prägjyotisha,
Brahma Purana, wk.,
Brahmapuri mound,
Brahmaputra, ri.,
Brahmavák, f.,
Brahmēévara, god,
Brihadbhögin, off.. Brihan-Mangöka, t.d., Brihaspati, law-giver, Brihaspati-Rayamukuta, au., Buckerganj, di., Buddha, Buddha-bhattaraka,
.
Buddha, incarnation of Vishnu, Buddhacaritra, wk.,
Buddharaja, Kajachchuri k., Buddhavarasa, k., Buguda plates of Sainyabhita II, .
Bundelkhand, co.,
Burdwan, di., Burdwan, in.,
Cambay plates of Govinda IV, Chachcha, Paramāra ch., Chachcha, .a. Katkadeva, do, Chadachana ins.,
•
237
Chähamana, mythical progenitor of the Chauhan clan,.
100 and ". 100 n., 143-44
97 and n., 194
97 n. 194 100, 125
Chähamana or Chauhan, dy., Chaitya, symbol on seal, Chakra, pr., Chakrakōta, co., Chakrakōta-rashtra, t.d., Chakrakōtya, co., Chakravarti-chihna, Chakravarti-kshetra,
22 and n., 23 n.
21-23 52
139
Chalan, lake,.
52 Chalisgaon, tk., Chalukya, dy.,
184 237
INDEX
1, 6, 53, 86 Chalukyas of Badami, do.,
130 m., 200 n.
116 85 20, 59, 182, 209
158
PAGE
195-96, 198 92, 96 137
"
148, 151
2 n.
13
147, 151, 152
23
Madhavavarman
140
40, 43, 85-86, 217, 219
34,
158 Chalukya, hill,
85 Chalukyarajya-bhavana-malastambha, ep.,. Chamdrachada, i.e. Siva,
152
148
151
3
5, 8, 10, 12, 50, 56, 65, 81, 134, 220 m. 179, 181 133 109-10, 112 109
111 n.
Chalukyas, Eastern, do.,.
Chalukyas, Navasari branch, do., Chalukyas, Western, do., Chalukya-Bhima I, E. Chalukya k., Chalukya-Bhima II, do., Chalukya-chandra, ep., Chalukya-Chola, dy.,
23
20, 25, 28
Chamgalavve, fe.,
Champaran, l.,
Champaranya, 8.a. Champaran, Chandala,
.
Chandalladevi, fe.,
Chandavõlu, l.,
Chandika, goddess, Chandu, Muslim pr. of Delhi, Chandu Nachchhiyar, goddess, . Chandra, dy., Chandra, god, Chandra, Silahara k., Chandrabandi, L., Chandraditya, nes Chandradvipa, s.a. Vangaladoba, 24 Chandragupta II, Gupta k., 6 Chandraprabha Tirthankara, Chandravarman, Chalukya ch., Chandravarman, k. of Pushkarană, Characters, see Script
.81
Charanas :
Săman, Taittiriya,. 26 Vajasanaya, 100 Chata,.
Chandella, dy.,
Chandthara Yayati Mahasivagupta III, vaméi k.,
196 and ".
240 .4, 9 151 116
21, 22 and n., 23, 24 n., 31,
34 n., 111 m., 207, 240 59, 112, 118 and n., 160-81, 207
57-60 and n., 62
118
59, 100, 233 67, 227 228-30 67
164, 226, 234, 236
66, 240
232
245 142
52
52 12, 56 234 226, 237 21, 26
.
•
179, 182 178-80
1
149 and n. 195, 196 n.. 196.
.
.
.
253
Soma
PAGE
.
•
. 147,156,159
73 m.
73 พ.
.
3 and ".
50 15 134 5, 9 8. 173 and Я. 20% 24 m. 171, 173
191
156, 159
110, 118
85, 89, 191-93
5 and n., 8, 12, 56, 115
2

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[VOL. XXIX
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•
126
.
216
11
.
.
Catto
179
46
.
.
.
PAQs
ΡΑΟΣ Chlterara Siva, . . .
121-22 consonant, not doubled after répha,. . . Chattisgarh, di., .
Contai, subdivision, Chaturtha-bula, f. . . . . : 231 Crete, . . .
138 Chaturvargachintamani, wk.,. . . 125 9. Cuddapah, di.. . .
162 Chaturvuaranya, . .
Cumbum, tk., .
160 Chauhan, 1.. Chahamina, dy.. . . 178-79 Cuttack, di...
79, 86, 105, 121, 186, 227 Chaulukya, do., . . . .
Cuttack, tn., . . .
. . 105, 10,
105, 107, 121, 227 Chaundariya, feud. ch.,
. 237 Cuttack Museum plates, . . . . 111. Chaurasi plato of Sivakars II,. . . 83, 223 Cuttack Museum plates of Chauroddharanika, of.. . : 57., 8, 12, 56 | Madhavavarman (LI), . 34-35, 36 ., 39 n.., 40 R. Chivanarma, do.,. . .
. . 63 Cyolades, .. . . . . . . 188 Chidi, co., . . . 21 and 1., 22 and n., 28
2 and 1., 28 Cyprus, Cyprus, . . . . . .
. . 138 Chåbröld, I., . . . . . 229, 231 and . Chendalor plates of Kumäravishpu II, 91.7., 98 Chennakesave, god, . . . . 236 Cheruvulakote, a.a. Krottacheruvalakota,
237d and dh having no distinction in form, . . 296 Chetlapadu, 1., . .
232 . two forms of . . . . . . -- 19 Chbandöga, lakha,. .
60.66 Dadds Prasantarága, k., . . . . . 110 Ohhandombudhi, wl., . . 206 n. Dádinādu, vi.. . . . .
. . 70 Chhattisgarh, di...
• 194
Dahala, co., . . . . . 100 and .. Chitravahana, Aļupa ch..
207 Dahala-bedanga, ep. . . . . . 100 Chicacole, I., . . .
Daha-Parbatiya, 1.,
. . 152 Chikankhandi, vi., .
183 Daikonl plates of Prithvidēva II, . . . 198 . Chintan api, do.. . 72-74, 76-78 Dakinmal, .;.
. . . 215 Chintā maņi-dai, stream,
74 . Dakshinakhanda, di.. . . . 211, 218, 219 Chippili, ti., .
234 Dakshina-Kõsala, 1.d., . Chirpull, ... . . . 234 Dakshina-kala, do,
. 159 Chitramatikidevi, Paffamahadlul,, . ?n. Dakshinapatha, co., . . 59 and 7., 86, 240 Chitrakik handin, . . .
208.09 Dakshiņa-Radha, do., . . . . 53. Chittagong plate of Kántidēva, 31., 33 1. Dakshina-Tosala, I. d., .
191 m. Chittoor, di., . i .
Dakshina-Tõsala (Tosalt)., co., . . 82, 85-86, 88 Choda, s.a. Chola, f., . . . . 46 Dakshin Mahal, I., . . . . . 216 Choda, .. G. Rajendra Choda,
Damodar, ri.,
. . . 173 Velanan ich., . . . . . . 246 Däna, .a. Dänirpava, . Choda I, do., .
. 228, 231, 244
. Chalukya . . . . . 67, 227, 241-42 Chodachandra, 2.a. Pallsvarāja, ch. 231 and n. danda, . . . . . . . 174 Chodaganga, s.a. Anantavarman-Chodaganga, 99, 102 Dandabhukti, i.d... 83 n., 211, 214-15, 217, 224
123-24, 237 Dandanayaka, off.. . . . . . 43, 63 Choda-buahidēvi, q. of Chodaganga, . . .
Dandaniti . . . . . . . 128 Chola, dy. .
24, 31, 59, 62 Dandapašika, off... 57., 8, 12, 43, 56, 85, 88, 217 Chola-Chalukya, do., .
226, 233-34 Dandika, do.. . .. . 5 n., 8, 12, 56 Chols country, . .
. 45-46 Dandimahādēvi, Bhauma-Kara q. 79 and n., 82-85, Cbola-mandals, t.d., . . . 233
88, 190, 214, 221-22 Chólsvāndipuram, vi.. .
. . 199 Danduasi, 8.a. Dandapásika,. . . . 85 Chūdámani, donee,
147-48, 156, 1.59 Dantidurga, Rashtrakāta k., . . 109, 111 n. Charni, hundred corrie shells,, .
45, and n., 48 Danton, I., . . . . . . .83 . Chronogram -
Darrang, di... .
. . 145, 152 indu-nanda-viyach-chandra, . . . . 226 Darsi, I., . .
. . . 163 nidhi-jaladhi-viyach-chandra, . . 23 n. Dasa, 8.a. Jedara Disimayya,.. voet-anka-0064,
.
53 Dasabala, . . . . vida- abhodhi-nidhi,.
das-apachára, &.a. das-aparādha, . 5 1., 8, 12 Conjeevaram, tn., .
• 73 n. das-aparadha, o.a. das-apachara, . . 51. CONDADE, doubled after, . . 19, 117 | da šaparadhika, off., . . . $., 8, 12, 56 consonant, final, . .
. .,. 116 Dasaratha, epic k., . . . . . . 87
227
48
87

Page #404

PART VIII ]
INDEX
268
.
.
239
.
183
4th,
Bth.. 8th..
PAGS
PAGB Dallayintakpit (Dilarathi Rima), incarnation of Dhimpi, ri., . .
14-16 Vishes . . . ...
. . 179, 181 Dhadada, god,
187 Dalavadana, 3.. Rävapa, 155 n. Dhanadapurl, a.. .
• 226 Daspalla, sub-division, . , 183, 186, 189 Dhananjaya, 1.6. Arjuna, Daspalla plate of Dövlnanda,
Dhandba, i... Kuvèrs, . .
. 244 Daspalla plates of Satrubhaja,
Dhanga, Chandella k., .
. . 28 Daubadhasadhanika, off.. . . 6., 7, 12, 56 Dharskopa plate of Subhakara III,
220-21 Days, lunar
Dharkkraya-Jayasimba, ch.. . .
• 118 dark fortnight :
Dharmachakra-mudra, . .
. . 1, 49 2nd.
. 80, 88
Dharmaja, i... Yudhishthira, . . . 186 . 5th.,
. 191 and n., 193
Dharma-mahadevt, Bhauma-Kara q. 81 ., 81-89, 10th., . . 117, 120-21
214, 289 14th., . .
. . 106, 108
Dharmapala, Pald L., . . . . 3-6, 34 bright fortnight :
Dharmapatti, I., . . . . . 85-88, 89 . . . 17
84-35, 38, 39 .
Dharmaraja Manabhita, Sailodbhava k., 61, 189, 236
and ., 40 and ., 42-43 . . . 142
Dharmmaputra, i. e. Yudhishthira, . . 246 7th., .
44, 47, 71, 78, 218 Dharwar, di., . . .
. 139, 144 8th.,
195 and . Dhita, i.e. Brahma, .
. . 20, 27 12th., . .
. . 29, 32 Dhauli, l., . . .
. . 136 - 15th (Parnimā), .. 92, 96, 110, 115, 176-77,
Dhauli cave ins. of the time of Sintikara, , 80, 231-32, 235, 238
: 82-83, 136 Days of the fortnight (unspecified) :Pafohaml,
Dhavala, . .
. 147, 168, 169 . Days of the month :
Dhēmura, a tributary of the Kool, Bhadra 19, . .
Dhenkanal, I., . Brävana 26, . .
Dhenkanal, di.... . . . . . Days of the week :
Dhenkanal plats of Jayasimha, . . Aunday. . 61 and 191 and n., 193, 202, 204 Dhenkanal plato of Jayastambha,, . 166 . Monday, . . . 71, 78, 81, 106, 108, 238 Dhenkanal plate of Tribhuvanamshadovt, 210.11, Toesday, . . . . . . . 195, 202
213, 220-24 Wodpoday. . . . . . 81, 195 Dhirisvaradovasarman, . . . . . 0,8 Thursday, . . 44, 47, 60, 61 and 1., 68 Dhond, I., . . Friday. . . . . 195, 231 Dhş'tipura, ca., .
190 n., 191 n., 224 Doocan, .
. . 14, 18 Dhruvānanda, Nanda k. of Orissa, 194 and »., 186-86 Dajja Maharaja, Rashtrakifa k., . . . 176 Dhulia, I., . . .
. . 116 Delhi, ci., .
. 73 m., 178
Digbhaijs, Bhai ja k.. . . . . 199 Dolhaka, M., . .
. . 196, 198 dig-vijaya, . . . Datobha, do.. .
147-48, 168. 159 Dimmagadi in. of Vikramiiditya I, . Dévadova, do.. . . 211, 219 | Dinajpur, di.. .
1, 53, 151 Dövagapa, .
99 and n., 100 Dirghanga, I., . . 147, 162, 156, 159 Dévaki, . . . 65 disampati, off., .
· 44, 47. Dëvänanda, Nanda k. of Orissa,
190 dispati, do., . .
. . 44-47 Davānanda I. do.. . . 184-85, 187 Divakara, sun-god. .
. . 240 Davinanda II, do.. . . 183-85, 187-89 | Divódása, m., .
200, 103 Dėvana-preggada, gen., .
236-37 Doddayacharya, do.. Dévapala, Gurjara-Pralihara k.,
25 n. Dommara-Nandyala Plates of Panyakumara,. 163 Dévapilo, Pala k., . . . . 3, 6, 54 | Dompari, I., . . .
151 Dövarkja, Rashtrakifa k. of Manapura,. 175-77 Drakahirama, do... 228 and 1.., 229, 233 16., 234 Dérondravarman, Ganga k., . . 231
., 235, 237-38 Dövi, divine mother,
. 20, 27
Dräkshirima ins. of Pellavarlja, . . 230-32 Deviboutir ins.. . . . .
• 203 Dramila, co., . . . Döytkotte, l. . . . . . 161 and . Dramiladha, ep. of Rajendra-Chola I, 63, 68 d and having po distinction in form, . 226 Dravida-gapa, . . de rodaplicated after . . . . . 146 Drope, epic hero, . .
.
4
.
. 73 n.
203
.
.
91

Page #405

256
drona, 1.m.,
Drupada, epic k., Dudahl ins., Duggiyapandi, vi., Dūpadhalli, do.,
Durgā, goddess, Durgadeva, goldsmith,
Durgaraja, Rashtrakuta k. of Berar,
Durjaya, clan,
Dushyanta, epic k., Dussasana, epic hero, data, dúlaka, executor,
datapreshanika, off., dvaimătura, ep.,
dvědapäraga, s.a. dvivedapăraga,
&,.
4, undistinguishable from ch, , initial,
, initial, resembling 1, ¿, medial,
E
Eastern Chalukya, dy.,
Eastern Ocean, i.e. Bay of Bengal,
Eclipses :
Lunar,
Solar,
Egypt,.
Ehavala Chimtamula, Ikshvaku k.,
Elam,
Elapura, 8.a. Ellörä, ci.,
Ellichpur, do.,
Ellora plates of Dantidurga, England,
Eriya I, Velananți ch., Eriyavarman, do.,
Errayya, do.,
Erriya II, do.,
Eruva, t.d.,
Eruva-mahadevi, q., Eruva-nādu, di.,
Eruva Thrice-seventy, .d., Ettar, vi.. Ivadi-mandala, t.d.,
G
g and p, similar forms of,
9, reduplicated after r,
.
ika-chivara,
Ekantada, ep.,
Ekäntada Ramayya, m., Eka-samkha, royal insignia, Eka-sāja,
Elacharya, 8.a. Hélacharya, Jain pontiff,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGE
4, 10-11, 151
21
21
64, 70
139 30
190
110, 112, 114 233
65
20, 28
5, 9-10, 13, 40, 43, 51, 211, 219 5 n., 8, 12, 56 242 93, 96
.
226 160 90, 109, 122, 145, 160 116 49, 146, 170 46-47, 164-67 151
.
•
•
92, 96, 98, 103, 238 195, 198
138
138-39 40 140 n.
140 and n., 141, 143
66, 240 40, 43 203
138 20, 26-27 111, 114 109, 111 m. 228-29, 243
133
23C 230
228, 230 161-62, 163 and n., 161
163 103
163 and n. 72, 73 ม. 198-96, 198
.
54 194 21.
5 n., 8, 12, 56
243 244
8, 182, 243
16
171
171
171
169, 171-74
171 171 163 228, 230 228, 230-31 14-16 126, 129 and n. 171 4-5, 7
34, 44, 47, 66, 105, 123, 195-97 8, 12, 36, 41, 56, 65-66, 129-30, 132 and n., 182, 243
Gangaikondachōlapuram, ca.,.
63
46
125
Gangas of Světaka, dy., Gangas of Utkala, do.,. Gangaull, mula-grāma, Gangå- Yamuna,royal insignia, . Ganges, ri.,
54
66
2, 4-5, 10, 50 Gängeyadeva Vikramaditya, Kalachuri k., Ganguli, Gangopadhyaya, Ganjam, di, Ganjam plate of Dandimahādēvi,
52 54 54
Garga, m., Garhaathya, Abrama, Garttēávara, god, Garuda, mythical bird, Gauda, co., Gauda, peo.. Gaudacharya, scribe, Gauhati, tn.,
35, 46-47, 79 n., 85, 111 m. 79-80, 83, 86, 87 n., 88 n., 212, 214 Ganjam plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, 34, 35 n., 214 Gara stone ins., 232 147-48, 156, 150 158 44-45, 47-48, 137 15 51-53, 56-57 5 n., 8, 12 64
gaulmika, off., Gaur, l.,
106
146 Gauri, Bhauma-Kara q.,.
9, resembling,
9, written in two ways, Gädevalu, di.,
Gadval plates of W. Chalukya Vikramaditya I,.
gai,
Gajalakshmi,. Gajānkusēya, m., Gamagamika, off.,
Gamda I, Velananți ch., Garda II, do., Gargā, ri.,
Gärgeya, i.e. Bhishma, Gapa, au.,
Gana, demon ch.,
Gapa, götra-kära, Gana, k.,
Gana, mahasainyapati, Gana, .,
Gapapatidova, Kakatiya k., Ganda I, Vilananti ch., Ganda II, do., Gandaraditya, Silähära k., gandha-sindhura, scent-elephant, Ganesa, god, Gapëávara, I., Ganga, dy., Ganga, ri.,
[ VOL. XXIX
.
•
PAGE
49
49
69
92,
113, 161.
•
145, 147 m., 151-52 5 m., 8, 12, 56 4. 82-83, 88

Page #406

PART VIII)
INDEX
857
.
3,6
•
3.7
19
-
83
125.
125 .
Peo)
PAON Gaurl, goddess, . . . 20, 27, 02, 221, 240-41 Gonka II, do.. .
228, 232, 236 . Gaurimahidevi, Bhauma-Kara q. . . . 222 Gonkarija I, o.a. Gonka I, do. Gautama, epic k., . . . . . 206, 208-09 Gopkarkja II, 1.d., Volanånti Gonku II, 282-38 Gautama, law.giver, . . . . . 148, Gonkar ja III, do.
. . . 238 Gautami, ri., .
. . . 232
Gopala I, Pala k., . . Gautamiputra Sitakarni, Satavahana k.,. 139. Gopala II, do.. Gayi, ci.. . . . .
Gépkladove, do.. .
. 6-7, 54-55 Gayada I, Bhauma-Kara k.,. 81-83, 87, 210-213,1 Gopi Kahrs, m., .
. . . . . 97 m. 216, 223 Gorakhpur, I., .
. . 100 Gayada IT, ..a. Säntikara II, do., 82-83, 212, 220,224 Gosvamini, Gosvaminid&vi, Bhauma-Kara q. 82, Gaykdapura, I., . . .
81
216, 221-23 Gayadatunga, Tunga ch.
85 Gosvamint II, ... Tribhuvanamahidovi I, do., . 82 ., gh, used for h., . . Ghali, s.a. Khalin,
173-74 Gotras :Ghaptisa, m., . .
51-52, 57 Agastya, .
. . . 176, 177 Ghiptokasarman, do. .
60-61 Atreya,. .
. . . 236 Gifts :
Bhdradvjs, , 10, 12, 29, 82, 85, 89, 91, 95 Brahmanda, . .
Bhirgaya,
. . . . 63 Dhari,. . .
Hastidisa, .
. . . 6,8 Ganhasra, . .
Kayapa,
17, 44-45, 47, 117,120 Hémahastin,, .
Kaundinya. .
. . . 21 and . Hiranyagarbha, .
Kausika,
. . . 237 Hiranyakamadhenu, 125. Mārula,
. 110, 116 Hiranyaiva, . . 126. Maudgalya .
93, 95-9 Hiranyaavaratha, 120 n. Sarakita,
100, 103 Kalpalată,
125. Sandilya,
. 60, 56, 166, 169 Kalpapadapa,. .
126 n.
Srivataa, Mahabhätaghsta, .
Vårula,
. 110, 116 Pañchalingalaka,
125. Vatsa, . . . . . 124, 195, 198 Ratnadhēnu, . . 125 R. Govinda, Silahára pr.,. . . .
. 16 Saptasigara,. .
125. Govinda, m.. . Visvachakra,. . 125 n. Govinda, ch., . .
14-15 Girija, goddess, 166-67 Govinda, donce, .
. 29, 32 Girits, god,
166-67 Govinda, min., . .
123-24, 130 n., 237 Gilagovinda, wk., .
Govinda, o.a. Govindaraja, Rashtrakufa ch., 112 Giyds-ud-din 'Iwaz, Bengal Sultan,
. 125 Govinda III, do.. . . . Godivarl, ri.. .
232, 238 Govinda IV, do... Godivari, E. di., .
46, 229, 236 Govindagupta, Gupta k., . . Goggi-bhatára, m., .
161-63 Govindaraja, Rashtrakufa k. of Berar, 110, 112, 114 Gohapaka, do.. .
. 61, 57 Govpishana bhattaraka, donce, , 161, 163-64 Goilo, subdivision, . 167, 169 Grama-bhogika, off.. .
. . 114-15 Gotsk plates of Rashtrakata Dējja,. . . 175 Gråmapati, do.. .
. . 8, 12, 68 Gokarpa, ch.. . .
• 102 Greater Ganga, dy... . . . . . Gölahatti-chanaki, 1., . .
20, 26-27 Guikuchi plates of Indrapala, . . . golla, 6.a. kolla, valley, . .
15 Gudivada, lk. . .
. . Gorka I, Velananti ch..
244 Gudravāra, l..
. 243-44 Gorka II, do.,
244 Gudravára-dvaya, 1.d., . . . . . 230 Gömkalla, silahara k., , .
• 15 Gudravára-vishaya, do., . . . . 228, 230 Gommata, Jain deity. . . 200-01 Guha, o.a. Kumarasvamin, god, .
233 Gonda, di.,. . . i 53, 86 Guhadēvapätaka, Bhauma-Kara ca.,
81, 86 Göndrams, .
166-88 Guhēdvarapätaka, 6.a. Guhadēvapätaka, 81, 87, 210, Gonks I, Velananti ch... 228, 230, 231 and A.,
315-16 232 Gujarat, . . . . . 109, 116-18
128
.
180
.
.
307
•
192

Page #407

258
Gulbarga, di...
Gumdambika, Velananți pr., Gupidhya, Sulki k.,
Gunaga Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k., Gunaga-Vijayaditya III, do.,
Gunaighar plate,
Gunda, m.,
Gundambika, Velananti pr.,
Gunderu, ri.,
Guntur, di.,
Gupta, dy.,
Gurizala, I.,
Gurjars, co.,. Gurjara-Pratihāra, dy.,
Gurudurti, tn.,
Gurupăda, mo.,
Guruparamparaprabhava, wk., Gavala, Silähära k.,
Guzrāt, Gwalior,
A,
h of the early Bengali type, Badapéévara, I., Hadappoivara, 8.a. Hadapéévara, Haihaya, dy.,
Haihayas of Könamandala, f., Haihayas of Mahäköala, dy.,
Haihayas of Palnad, J.,
Hammira-mahäkävya, wk.,
Hampi, l.,
Hanumat, epic hero, Hapōsagrama, t.d., .
Hara, god,
Hara, m.,
Haradeva, do., Haragana-dvivedin, do., Harakili-nafaka, wk.,
59, 67, 164-65 Harjaravarman, Prägjyotisha k.,
40 142 228, 230, 232, 238 232
95, 137, 225-26, 229, 231, 23637, 238 and n. 170 233 n.
53
hala, I.m.,
Haladhara, s.a. Balarama-Sankarshana, Halsi ins.,
H
Harappa, 1.,
Harasur, do.,
Harasur ins. of Soma,
Hari, god,
Haridasa, donee,
Harihara, poet,
Harihara II, Vijaynagara k.,
Hariharéévara shrine,
Harihar ins.,
Hariküla, I., HarMohandra, J.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGE
203 244 19-20, 27
95
170
106
147, 151-52, 156, 158-59
140
1.
.
151, 156 101, 236 n. 233
125 233
PAGE
66
210-11, 213, 219, 225 147, 149 and n., 158,
157
146-47, 149 and n. 150-51, 171 and ". Harsha, s.a. Harshavardhana Siläditya, k. of Kanauj, . 214 Harsha, s.a. Harshavarman, Prägjyotisha k., 147, 153,
157 81, 84 23
34 and n., 161-2
147, 149 m.,
23
23, 24 and n. 195, 198 150 65
Hariti, goddess, Harivardhana, scribe,
Harjara, s.a. Harjaravarman,
24-25
237
134
72 m.
15
Hastin, lengendary k.,
23-24 hasty-abv-5shtra-nau-bala-vyāprilaka, off..
18 Hätapa-Sülin, god,.
Hatapéévara, ci.,
Hatappe vara, 8.a Hadapëávara,
Hayapati, legendary k., Hayapati, tit. of Devapala,
Hayungthal plate of Harjaravarman,
45, 47, 51
Himalaya, mo.,
180 Himavat, i.e. Himalaya, 30 | Hmayina
.
179 Hindol plate of Kulastambha,
Hindol plate of Subhakara III,
72 35, 38
147-48, 152, 156, 159
144, 182, 192 28 10, 13 110, 115
178 138
100 100 n. 16, 42, 153, 157, 180-82
98, 100, 103 142 m., 143, 144 m.
163 13 100 m. 3
112, 113 Hungund, ¿.,
Harsha Siläditya, k. of Kanauj, Harshapura (Harsola), ci., Harshavardhana, k. of Kanauj, Harshavarman, Prägjyotisha k., Harsola, 8.a. Harshapura, Harsola grants of Siyaka II, Härüka, m.,
Härüppevara, ca.,
Helacharya, rel. teacher,. Hemadri, au.,
Hētuka, Hetuka-Sulin, god, Hili, L.,.
[VOL. XXIX
Hirekerür, L.,
Hiuen Tsang, Chinese pilgrim, . Hödreya-vishaya, t.d., Honnur plates of Vikramaditya I, Hottar ins. Hrideva, m., Hrishikesaděva, do., Huligere, L., Hapa,
.
.
•
8, 12, 56
150 150 151, 156 65 25. 149 and n., 150, 171 202 and ., 203 125. 147, 150, 152, 154, 158 1 3, 128. 242 134
Hingni Berdi, vi.,.
165-66, 167 ". .80, 83, 22021 174, 176 93 Hirahadagalli plates of Sivaskandavarman, Hiramahadevi, Bhauma-Kara q.. Я2-83, 212 hiranya, dues,. 5 and n., 8,10 Hiranyakeéin, branch of the Taittiriya säkkä,
117, 120 139
34 n., 134, 214
50, 54-55 161 . 63 51, 57 and ". 10, 12 143 5 m., 8, 12, 20, 25-26, 28, 56 63

Page #408

PART VIII ]
Hungund, tk., Hyderabad,
.
i,
i, initial,
i, and i, undistinguishable,
i, medial,
i, medial looking like medial &,
i of the Gaudiya type,
i, medial,
Iddhahala, f., Idu, commentary, Ikshu tank,
Ikshväku, mythical k., Iltutmish, Sultan of Delhi, Imadpur ins. of Mahipala I, Indēdda, vi., Indra, god,
Indra III, Rashtrakuta k., Indrapala, Pala k. of Prägjyotisha, Indraraja, E. Chalukya k.,
Ingalēśvar ins.,
Inumgarru, vi., Inugurtipadu, do., Irajagambhira-valanādu, t.d.,
Irda plate,
Irmadi-Rachamalla, ch., Téanasiva, Saivite teacher,.
Iávara, god,
Iévara, m.,
Iávaravardhana, do., Iṭṭāhāka or Ituhōka, I.,
j used for y,
Jabalpur, tn.,.
Jagaddeva, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur,
Jagatsimha, m.,
Jajalladeva I, do.,
Jajalladeva II, do., .
Jajilpärä plate of Gopala II,
Jajpur, tn.,
Jajpur, tahsil,
Jahnavi, i.e. Ganga, ri.,
Jajalladova, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur,
Jalaukuhe, vi.,
Jalladěva, m.,
Jaluka, I., Jamadagni, sage,
9 DGA/56
INDEX
203, 226
90, 96 n., 122, 145
106
19, 38 n., 44, 49, 90
149
PAGE
162 22 n., 114, 203
106
19, 109
51, 57
71 and n.
32 179, 182
178 52
186, 188 128 n., 132 n.,135, 157, 179, 182, 244
23 151 60, 66, 240
100 n.
226
226 and N.
76, 78 3
221 n. 100, 103 147, 149, 153, 157 93 and n., 94, 96
211, 219 50, 54, 56 and n.
Jamadagnya (Parafurama), incarnation of Vishnu, Jambudvipa,.
Jamdera-grāma, vi., Jamgama-Sarasvati, Janaki,.
Janamejaya, epic k., Janardana-bhatta, m.. Jangalpadu plates of Satrubhanja, Janjgir, tahsil, Jatéévara, Ganga pr., Jatiga, Sllähära k., Jayadeva, poel,
Jayakēšin I, Kadamba k.,
Jayakěsin II, do.. Jayamgondär, au.,.
Jayananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, Jayanandadeva, donee, Jayapala, Pala k., Jayapura, ca., Jayapuradvart, do., Jayasakti, Sendraka ch., Jayasena, legendary k., Jayasimha, ch.,
Jayasimha, Paramāra pr. Jayasimha, ruler of Yamagartă, Jayasimha, W. Chalukya k., Jayasimha I, E. Chalukya k., Jayasimha II, do... Jayasimha II, W. Chalukya k.. Jayasimhavallabha, do., Jayasingarasa, ch., Jaya-skandhavara, Jayastambha, Sulki k., Jayavall, Bhauma-Kara q.. Jeda, weaver,
98 Jeur, L.,
jh,
Jedara Dasimayya, m.,
Jojjata, do.,. Jend, family name,.
24
99 jihvämaliya,
86, 105, 190, 227
227 111 85, 89
.
111 jita, revenue-income, 162
Jivadavi, q.,
99 n. 20, 27 99, 102 102, 197
jihvämüliya, looking like ma, jihvamaliya, resembling d. Jilinda, L.,
Jilönda-vishaya, t.d.,
99-100 Jimatavahana, founder of the Silahara dy.,.. 3-4 Jina,
Jina-bhavana, Jinendra, god,
Jishnu, i.e. Arjuna, epic hero,
259
.
PAGE
203, 206, 207 and n., 209 25 85
60, 66
240
240
62 59 206-07
4 and n., 5, 7, 10-11, 50, 55
166 and *. 81, 83, 212
142
142 and n. 147, 156, 159
108
119
146
116
109 19 186 186, 188 14-15 140, 201 s. 207 34.
. 28, 153, 157 107-08 147, 149 n., 150, 153, 157
179, 181
11 196. 32 and ". 181 65-66, 239
14, 17
215, 224
-100 196 15
180 and n.
31 29, 31 179 184-85, 187 10, 12 3, 6, 54 184-87 117, 119 116-18, 120 65

Page #409

260
Jivadharadevaáarman, m.,
Jõgama, k.,
Jõgavve, fe.,.
Jormu Pargana,
Jura, L.,
Jura ins. of Krishna III,
Jurerpur plate of Devananda II, Jvälämälint, Jain goddess, Jvalāmālinikalpa, wk., Jyeshthamüla, n...
k,
k of the Karanl variety, Kachchha, m., Kachchadeva, do., Kachchhapaghata, f.,
Kachchhavaha, do.,
Kadamba, do.,
Kadambas of Goa, f.,
Kadambur, I.,
Kadamvāru, vi.,
Kadaparru, do.,
Kadaparti, do.,
kahina, s.a. karshāpaṇa,
Kaikalur, tk.,.
.
Kailan or Kailain plate, Kailasa, mo.,.
Kaira, di.,
Kakatiya, dy.,
Käkināḍa, 1.,
Kakūka, engr.. Kalachuri, dy.,
K
nataka, do.,
Kalahasti, I.,
Kilahasti, mo.,
Kilaüjara, fort,
Kalasapota,vi., Kalidasa, poet,
Kalidimḍi, vi.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Kalidindi plates,
Kalidindi grant of Rajaraja-Narendra,
Kalika Purana, wk., Kalinga, co.,.
.
Kalinga, peo.. Kalinganagara, Mukhalingam, e. a. Kalingaraja, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur,
205-09
183 23.
23 n., 24-25 184-86 202-03
Kalachuris of Gorakhpur, do., Kalachuris of Karnataka,do., Kalachuris of Ratanpur, do., Kalachuris of Tripuri, do., Kalachuria, Southern, i.e. Kalachuris of Kar
•
PAGE
5,8 Kalingattupparani, wk.,
100
23
20, 23-25, 27 Kamakūta, hill,
Kamalā, goddess,
45, 47
62, 64, 70
70 45-46 57, 64, 230
51
142, 153, 156
·
PAGE
231 and ".
Kalkin, incarnation of Vishnu,
Kali-Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k., 67, 226-27, 241 Kaliyuga, 16, 95, 156, 159 179, 181 117, 119-20 119 . 119 64,70
Kallivana, I.,
Kalvan, tn.,
Kalvan, tk., Kalvasanda, vi.,
203 Kalyanadevi or Srikalyanadevi, Sailodbhva q., 39-40, 43 172 Kalyanakalasa, sur.,
215
Kalyanavarman, k.,
122
59 27
170
106
51, 57
164
23 163 235 n. 21 n. 22 and n., 23-24,
27, 112, 118 100 144 n. 98, 100-01, 195
100
.
.
66 29
47
100 228, 232, 235, 237
245
25
2. 131 n. 57, 62-65, 75 58 n.
Kalyāni, ca.,.
Kāma, god,
Käma, 8.a. Kamakhyā, goddess,
Kamagiri, mo.,
Kamakhyā, goddess, Kāmākhyā, l.,
151 35-36, 41, 46-47, 53, 81, 123, 164-65, 173, 231-32, 237-38 62 n.. 173 46, 237 101, 197
Kamalaraja, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur, Kamalibhühaka, agrahara,
Kaman stone ins.,
Kamandalu,
Kamandi, donor, Kamarüpa, co., Kambakaya plates, Kamboja, co., Kāmēsvara, god, Kāmēśvari, goddess, Kammanadu, c. Kamsa, epic k.,
.
[VOL. XXIX
Kanaka-danda, royal insignia, Kanakagiri, Kanara, S. di.,
Kanas plate of Lōkavigraha, Kanchanapura, l., Kanchipura, ca., Kanchipuram, do.,.
Kandadai Tõlappar, senāpati, Kandaha, I.,
Kankadeva, 8.a. Chachcha, Paramara pr.,
Kankanira, vi.,
Kannada, co., Kansai, ri.,
Kanthika-Bēta, E. Chalukya k., Kantideva, Harikēla k., Kanya-dana,. 230 n. Kanyakubja, ca., Kapadvapaj grant of Krishna II, Kapālēśvara, l., Käpälika-bhikshu, Käpäliverman, Bhoja k... Kapana, Velawati ch.,
+
.
151-52
152 and л. 151-52 147 n.
147, 151-52, 155
182
•
53, 151 n., 152 and n.
232 3
147, 151, 152 and n., 155, 159
151, 152 and n.
232
182
66 202 203
40, 107
50, 54-55
197 175-77
"
137 174 44-47
92, 95
140
74-75 48 26 164
142 173
234
3n., 33n. 206 53, 161-62 23 45, 47 141 113
228, 230, 243
.

Page #410

Part VIII)
INDEX
261
•
25
26
59
52 214
.
.
•
116
133
10n.
PAGE
PAGE Kapardin, m., . .
Kēdārpur plate of Srichandra, Kaparyaka,. . . 45, 48 Keonjhar, di., .
85 Kapisa, s.a. Kansai, Ti., .
• 173 Kerala, co., . . Käpyska, penitent, . .
45 Kěsarin, Sulkich., . .
19-21, 23-27 Kara, dues, . . . 6 and 7., 8, 50 Kecava, god, . . ;
. . 180 Kars, 6.. Bhauma, dy... 216, 220 Kosava, ... .
. 32 Karahataka, l.
17 Kēsirāja, au.. .
. . 204 Karanbel ing.,
. 52 Kēyürabahucharitamu, Tel. poem, 235, 237 and 1. Kara-fasan, . .
167, 169 Kėyuravarsha, Kalachuri pr... . 22, 24n. Karatöya, ri., 6n., 152 Khaduvavalli, 1.. . . . .
191-92 Karhäd plates of Kộishna III, . 22 and n., 23 Khailapätaka, vi...
22 Kariangala (Ammunaje), 1.. . 206-207 Khailwara, .a. Khailapätaka,
22 Kariangala ins. of Jayasingarasa, . . 206-07 Khajuraho ins. of Dhanga, Karka, sign of the Zodiac, ..
Khalghat, 8.a. Khalighatta, .
. 61n. . .
. Karka II, k., . . . ., . . . 109 Khalighatta, I., Karikāla-chõļa, Chõla k., .
Khalin, m., . . .
173 Karmarashtra, I.d.,. . . . . .
Khamduvulā, 9.. .
138-39 Karpa, . . .
57. . . .
155n. .
Khandaraksha, off Karna, Kalachuri k., . . . .
Khandesh, di.. .
116-19 Karnasuvarna, co., . .
Khandesh, E. do... . Karnāta, do..
26, 53, 56, 62-63, Khasa, peo... . . .
12, 56 88. 70. 152. 235, 237 Khatmandu, ca., . . . . Karnata, peo.. . .
5n., 8, 12,23 Khētakahirs.vishave
Khetakahärs-vishaya, t.d., . . Karnataka, co., . . 14, 142-44, 199n., Khetaka-mandala, do. . . .
23 221, Khijjinga-kotta, do. . . . . . 85 Karnataka-kavicharite, wk., . . . . 139n. Khiñjall, do.. . . . . . . Karnna, epic hero,. .
. 67, 188 Khottigadēva, Rashfrakūta k., Karnya, 8.a. Kalachuri Kama,
. . 52 Khurdá plates of Midhavavarman II, 34, 40n. Karshapana, silver coin, . . . . 45 Kiligāru, ri., .
. 76, 78 Kärtavirya, epic k., . . . . 22, 195-96 Kilpaláru, i.d., .
756., 76, 78 Karthaviryarjuna, do... . . 162 Kiņihivattāra, l.. . .
. . 111 Karunakaradása, m., . 74 and n. Kirti, m., . .
195-96, 199 Karunakara Tondaimán, Pallava ch., . . 231 Kirtidhara, do.
196 and n. Kārwär, I., . . . . . . 29, 118 | Kirttivarman I, W. Chalukya k.,
86, 240 Katakudi plates of Nandivarman II, . . 91 | Kisanpur, vi.. . :
. . 121 Kasaragod, l., . .
. 207n. Kidora-vadavd.go-mahishy-aj-avik-adhyaksha, Kasaragod, tk., . .
• 203 Kisire plates of Allabakti,
. 116-18 Koala, I., .
. . 167 Kasēji plates of Bhoja II,
14, 15n. Kouhohorlakota,s.a. Krottacheruvulakota, ti., 163, 237 Käsi, di.,
.
. . 52
And n. Kashmir, Co.,
. 14 Kochoherlaköta-sina, i.d., . . 163 and . Kasigāri. vi.,
Kod, tk., . . . .
. . 139 Käsya pa image ins., . • 133 Kodabalisiri, q. .
138 Kataka, ca.,. .
. 235 Kõdālöka, l.. .
. . . . 168-68 Katakžba, off. . 64 Kõdaló-Kachohhadova,
165 Kattamba, Velananti pr., 228, 230, 243 Koilkuntla, tk., .
73 Katyayana, legendary k., . . . 65 Kõinsari, vi., . .
• 215 Kauthêm grant of Vikramiditya V, . 59 and n. Kokalladeva, k.. .
. . 101 Kautilya, al., .
. . . 86 n.,
Kõkkala, Kalachuri ch. of Ratanpur, Kävērl, ri.. . . . 73, 74 and 71., 75 n.,
76, 78, 113 Kokkala, Kalachuri pr... .
. . 22n., 23 Kavirajamärga, wk.. . . . . 205r. Kokkili, E. Chalukya k., . . . 67, 240 Kayastha, caste, . . . 21n., 186 Kola or Vardha, incarnation of Vishnu, 179, KäyĀvatāra, l. . . . . . 118
181
. .
80 28
F 2

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262
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIX
•
48
.
.
.
237
233
13
Paca
PAG) Kolakuttai, vi.. . . .
Koshtha-vyäpara, do.. . . . . . 107 Kolañcha, .a. Kolāñcha, I., .
• 581. Kosi, ri.. . . Kolacha, do. . . . 50-52, 53 and ..., 34, Kotitirtha, tank,
Koftapala, off-, . . .
67., 8, 12, 58 Kolanamdu, do.. . .
45 Kottapuri, vi.. .
· 211, 216, 217, 219 Kolanānti Bhima, o.a. Kolanu Bhimardja,
.
Kötyadona, tn., . . Kolanu, l. . . .
234 Kötyamatba, ..a. Kotyapäraba, Velandspr., 280 Kolanu-Bhima, ch.,
Kötyapiba, .a. Kollapámba, do.. . 228Kolanu-Bhimarija, Mahamandalika, : : 234
29, 248. Kolanu-Brahmaraja, M.. . . . .
234
Koviladi, vi.. . . . . . . 731. Kolanupura, l., . .
234 Kövüra, tk.,. . . . Kolanu-visbaya, 1.d., 233 Kövūru, vi., .
987. Kolár, di., . .
Köyilofugu, wk.. .
73n., 74 and n., 76 Kolhapur, vi.. . .
and .. Kolhapur plates of Gandaraditya, . . . 14 Kratu, aage, .
. . . 2001. Kollabhiganda, out. of Vijayaditya IV, . . 227
epic hero, . . . . 206, 208-09 Kollaparbi, 6. a. Kotyanath ba, Velananti pr., 228.
Krishni, di., . . . 57, 64, 226, 230 30, 243
Krishna, incarnation of Vishnu, .20, 147, 163, 157, Kollāpura, 8.a. Kolhāpur, l... 14, 17
179-81 Kollēru, lake,
233-34
Krishna, k., . . . . . . Kollēti-kota, I., . . .
234 Krishni, ri., . . . . 125, 229, 231, 233, 235 Kollidam ri..
. . . . 74. Krishna II, Rashtrakata k., . . 221., 23 Kolláru, vi... .
. . 233n. Krishna III, do.. . 21 and n., 22., 23., 25 Kommana, min., . . . . 237
and R., 200 Kömyösanga, 1., . . . 85-86, 89 Krishna-nripa, . . . . .
20-21 Köna-Kandravidi, do...
. . 238 Krishnaps, Chandella pr. ., . 21 Köna-mandala, .d., . 232-33, 238 and 1., Krishnapa, Chandella k.,
. . . . 22n. 237
Krishnapura, ... Kisnapur, vi.. . . 121 Kona Räjëndra Chode, Haihaya ch. of Köna. Krishnaraja, Kafachchuri k., . . . .
110 mandala, .
. . 232 Krishnarija, Rashtrakūta k... , 20, 21 and 1... Kondapadumati Buddharāja III, off.. . . 238
22 and 1., 23, 27 Kondapadumati Manma-Manda, do.. . 238
Krishnaraya, Vijayanagara k.. . . . 76 Kondedda grant of Dharmarija Manabhita, 39
Krishnaraya Alavandapuram, vi... , 76, 78 and n.
Kritayug, . . Kondika-Mußjaldru, vi.. . . . . 64, 70 Krochchherulu, ca.,
163 Kongaja, ch.,
14-15 Kródáñcha, I.,
61-62, 63 r., 54, Kongóda, co. . . 35-36, 38, 46-46, 81, 8486, 214 Krodaichi, 8.4., Krödašcha,
• 53R. Kohedda-mandala, .d., . 32-33, 341., 36, 38, Krodaja, o.a. Krüdiñoba,
. . . 531. 82
82 Krödhanana, legendary k., . Konkalrå, vi.. . .
191-93
Krüsuru, L.,. . . . Konneki, do. . . .
64, 70
Krottacharla, tn... . . Kontbama, do.,
, 64,70 Krottacberlakóta, I., . .
237 Kopparam plates, . .
94 Krottacheruvulakota, vi.. . . . Koraiyar, ri.. . . . . . . 76 Króvart, l.. . . . . 96 Köräpa, Velandati ch., . . . . 228, 230 koha, used for khya, . . . Körumelli plates, . . . . 58, 60 and R., Kshatriya, . .
158, 162 84-85 Kshēmankara, Bhauma-Kara k.. . 81 and ., 83, Kosala, co., . . . 47, 83 and n., 191 and n.,
212 197, 210-11, 216, 217, 224, 232 Kshēmuka, legendary k., . .
. . 66 Koala, South, .
39, 191 and 1., 215,
Kshetrapa, off. . . . . 653., 8, 12,
224 Kosk thagara, .
17 Kshudraděyată, i.e. Sästä, Kosktha-karens, of . . . . 107-08 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k. 59-60
.
.
.
120
56
95
.
237
237
13
68

Page #412

Part VIII )
INDEX
263
Ρεαι
10n.
131n.
ΡΔΟΣ Kudiya I, Velananti ch., . .
228, 230, 243 Kuravasri, vi.. . . . . 93-94, 96 Kudiyavarman, 3.a. Kudyavarman, do., . 230 Kurkthår image ins.. Kudlor plates of Märasimha II, . 25 Kurma, incarnation of Vishnu, . 179, 181 Kudürāhāra-vishaya, 1.d., .
Kumool, di., . .
73, 160, 162 Kudyavarman, Velananti ch.,
• 230 Kurnool, tn., . . . . . . .
92 Kudyavarman II, do....
. .. .
. 230 Kurukshatra, . . . . Kulagrama, .
. .
. 20, 27 . Kushipa, dy. .
. .
. . 170 Kulakattaigudi, I., . .
76 Kosmehhane Kasumabhara, Bhauma-Kara k.,
. . 87 Kulaji, 8. a. Kula-panjika, wk., . . 53-54 Kusumabhāra (hära) I, 4.a. Subhākars III, do., 82-83, Kalabarmen, m., . . . . . . 93, 96
210-12, 216 and Kulastambha, Sulls k.,. . . 164-65, 168
11., 220 Kulika, . . . . . n., 8, 12, 68 Kusumahāra, a.a. Kusumabhāra II, Kulinism, . . . . . . . 63-64
2. a. Subhākara IV, do.,
82, 83, 210-211, Kalloka, commentator, . .
214, 217 Kulottunga I, Chalukya-Chola k., . . 164-65 Kusumahāra, s.a. Kusumabhāra, do.. . 211 Kulottunga-Choda, Choda k., . '.
242
Kafakólasa, off.. . . . 85-86, 88, 217, 219. Kulottunga-Choda (I), do. . .
243 Kulottumga-Choda, E. Chalukya k... . . 944 Kulottunga-Choda-Gonkarija, ... Velananti
Gorka II, . . . . . . . 232 Kulottunga-choda-GängyaGonkraja, do., 232 Kulottunga-Chola I, Chola-Chalukya k., 226-27, 231-331,
. 170, 203 Kulottunga-Chola H. do., .
. 227, 238 , dental, distinguished from retroflex . . . 106 Kulottunga-Gonka-Rájöndra-Choda II, o.a. Vola- 1, retroflex mid-palatal,. .
• 204 nanti Rajendra-Choda II, . . . 237-384, with a straight vertical stroko, . . . 116 Kulottunga-mada, coin, . .
. . 46
Lagna :Kulottunga-Rajendra-Choda II, Velananti ch., . 237 Kanya,
. . . 61 and Kulya, i.e. Kulyanapa, l.m., . 4,10-11 Lakshanavali, wk...
. . . 53n. Kumārs, god, . .
· 232, 235, 240, 245 Lakshmana, m., . . . . . . 17 Kumaragapta I, Gupta k.,
. 173 Lakshmanarāja, Kachchhavaha pr.,. . 24-25 Kumáramandasarmian, m., . . . 92-93, 96 Lakshwanasēna, Sēna k., . . . 180 Kumaramatya, of., . 85, 88, 217 Lakshmi, goddess,, . .
6, 20, 54, 97, Kumarabarman, m. . . . 93, 96
128 n., 129 n., Kumāravishnu II, k., . . . 91 m., 93
147, 154, 180-81, 188, lumbara, potter, . . . . . . 142
245, 246 and 1. Kumbakonam, vi...
5,9, 14, 195-96, 199 Kumbhi, ti... .
. . 15 Lakshmikara, Bhauma-Kara k., . , 81 and 1., Kumbla, ... 207 n.
83, 212 Kumdambika, 4.a. Kundavvai, 9.,
• 67 Lakshn Ikumārs Tātācharya, m., . , .73 1. Kurkuma-mahidēvi, Alupa . . • 207 Lakshmipati, s.a. Vishnu,
. . 243 Kurti, epic .. . . .
• 244 | Lalitabhāra II, 8.a. Sivakara IIT, Bhauma-Kara k. 82-83 Kumudēndu, au... . .
206
Lalitabāra, 8.a. Lalitabhåra, . 213, 216 n. Kumudendu Ramayana, wol.,
. 206 n. Lalitabăra ("bhāra) I, s... Santikara I, s. a. Gayada Kundalgaon, I., . .
. . . 119 I, Bhauma-Kara k., . . 81, 83, 87, 220 Kundalikamala-vishaya, t.d., . . 117.18, 120 Lalitabăra II, do. . . . . 210-14, 217 Kundavvai, E. Chaluleya q.. . . . . 60 Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka, ul., . . . 178 Kundür-sāsira, 1.d.,
Lankēka, i.e. Råvana, . . . . . 15 . . . . . 236, 237 Lanchhita, registered with a seal, KUALAIA, CO., .
. , 40-43 Kunti, epic q- . . 164, 167, 230 Languages Kuppan, Velandati pr.)
238 Bengali, . .
. . . . 122 Koram plates of Paramėgvaravarman I,. 90 and r., Kannada, . .
. . . 203 91-92 Marathi,
201 .. Koranäriyana Jiyar, m., 73 and n., 76 Oriya,
105-08, 122 Ktrattālvér, saint, .
73 n., 75 and . Pali, . . . . . . . . 172
stehmidhara,
m
a
ra k.
.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX
PAGE
PAGS
.
.
.
107.
Prakrit, . . . .
138, 140, 170-71 Sanskrit, . . . . 13, 19, 29, 44, 58,
. . . . . 170
m, cursive form of . 71, 80, 90, 98, 105,
. . . . 160 110, 116, 122, 140, 146, , final, 160, 170-71, 173, 175,
m, final, anusvára used instead of . . 80, 146 179, 195, 210, 226
m, final, changed into anusvāra, . . 30 n., 90 Tamil, . .
m, having a shape similar to g and p, 71, 140, 200, 202
. .
108 . Telugu, . . .
. . 44, 161 m, occasionally reduplicated after , .. . 146 Quasi-Sanskrit,. . .
. .
mi, with a slanting stroke above, 105
. .
. . 29 Lankavatārasutra, wk., . .
. . 134
Madala Panjt, wk., Läphi Zamindāri,. . .
. : 125
Madalars, ... Mandur, vi.. . . . . 16 . Lata, co., . . 20, 23-25. 27. 16. 235 Madanapala, Pala k.,
. . .
. . . 2 n., 10 Läta, peo., . . . . 5 n., 8, 12
Madanapalli, I., . . . . Lauhitya, 8.a. Brahmaputra, ri., . 151, 156
Madha, coin, . . . . . 107-08 Lauhitya-väridhi, sindhu, do.,
Madhava, Madhavavarman, Sailodbhava pr., 39, 42 Lavanabhāra (Lõņa") I, ... Santikara II, s.a. Madhava, min., . . . . . . 106 Gayāda II, Bhauma-Karak.,
82-83
Madhava, 1.c. Vishnu, . . . . . 248 Lavanabhāra II, 8.. Säntikars III, do... 82-83 ! Madhava, 6.. Ayabobhita II Madhyamaraj, 35 . Legends on seals :
Madhavadevi, Bhauma-Kara q.. . 81, 83, 212 Sri-Devananda-devasya,
Mādhavärys, m., . . . . . . 17 Sri Dharmarajadēvasya,
Madhavavarman,. .
. . . 84 Sri-Jayasakti, . .
Madhavavarman, Sailodbhava k. .
111 n. Sri-Juddhasurah, . .
Madhavavardan II, 8.a. Sain yahhita MadhavaSrt-Kulastambhadeva, .
varman Srinivasa . . . . 34, 40 n. Srimad-Dandimahadevyāḥ, . . .
Madhavendra, 8.4. Ayasobhita II Madhyama Sri-Madhyamarājadēvah,
raja, Sailabhava k., .
. 34, 85 n., 36 Sri Mahipaladēvasya, .
Madhurintaka, ep. of Rajendra Chola, . 69-70 Sriman Kulastambhadeva, .
164 Madhurāntakanallar, 8.a. Kalidindi, vi., . 62, 64, 70 Sri-Pratapamalladeva,. .
Madhusådana, m., . .
164, 191, 193 Sri-Ranastambhadēva,. .
. . 165 Madhuvātaka, vi., . .
. . 40, 43 Sri-Satrwbhanjadēvasya,
. . . 189 Madhvacharya, Dvaita teacher, . . 207 1. Sri-Tribhuvanamkuba, .
58, 225 Madhvavijaya, wk., . . .
207. Sri-Vigrahapaladevah, . . . . 9, 49 Madhyadēéa, co., ... .
86, 191-93 Sri Vishnudāsah. . . . .
29-30 Madhyamarāja, Sailodbhava k., . , 35n Lembulapātake, ca., .
. . 22 n. Madhyamarāja, s.a. Ayasõbhita II, do., 37, 39 7., 42 Lögayāka, engr., , .
Madhya Pradesh, 22 n., 23 n., 24, 97, 111, 113, 126 Lohitya-bhattāraka, ... Brahmaputra, river god, Madras, . . . . . 71, 89, 94, 199
147, 151, 156 . Madras Museum plates of Vikramaditya I, 161 1. Lohitys-sindhu, do., .
. 147, 161 Madras Museum plates of Narendradhavala, 105, 187 Loka-bhupa, ch., . .
. . 236 Marlura, di.,. . . . . . 73, Lokana nayaka, m., . . . . 14, 17 Magadha, co., .
. 62-63, 214 Lökanātha, Buddhist god, . . .
6, 54 Magha, du. . . . . . . . 122 Lokavigraha, k., . . . . . 40, 107 Maghavan,.
. 68 Lolikya, ch., . . . . . . 20, 25-26, 28 Mahabharata, wk., 21., 139 n., 157 m., 171 *., Lõnabhāra, 8.a. Lavanabhära, . . . 87
173 n., 297 Lonabhära (Lavana") I, .a. Säntikars II, Mahabhauma, legendary k., . . . . 65
Bhauma-Kara k.. . 82-83, 210-13, 216, 220, 224 Mahabhavagupta Janamējaya, k. of Kosala. . 216 Löpabhara II, 8.a. Santikara III, do. . .
Mahada plates, . . . . . 166 n. Lovapikām.a, vi., . .
. . . 10-11
Mahadana, great gift, . . . . 125 *. lu, indicating 100,. .
Mahädandanayaka, off.,. . . 5 n., 8, 56 Lū, indicating 200, . . .
80 Mahādéve, god. . . . . . 227, 241 14, standing for lu and indicating 100,
81 Mahāgaurt, goddess, . , 147, 151, 168, 169 Lunar race, . . . . . . . 123 Hah-agrahara. . . . . . . 246
97
.
189 Muhe
82

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Mahakali,
Mahäkärtäkritika, off., Mahäkösala, co., Mahakshapatalädhikrita, off., Mahakshapatalika, do., Mahakulapati, ep.,. Mahākumārāmätya, min., Mahalakshmi, goddess,
Mahalakshmi te., Mahamahattara, off., Mahamandaladhipati, do., Mahamandalebvara, tit.,
Mahamandalika, off.,
Mahanadi, ri.,
Mahäpithanirüpana, wk., Mahaprachandanayaka, off.,
Mahapratihāra, do., Mahārāja, do.,
Mahārāja, tit..
Mahārājädhiraja, do.,
.
Maharashtra,
Mahārāyar, Mahasainyapati, off., Mahasamanta, do., .
Maharajadhiraja-Paramesvari, ep.,
•
Mahideva, m.,
Mahidharadova, do.,
5., 7, 11-12, 56, 211,219 172, 174 5 n., 8, 12, 56 13, 16-17 13-14
.
85, 88, 217, 219 83 n., 211, 218, 224
13, 16, 76, 78, 232, 234,
238 233
98, 183, 227 152
233
5 n., 7, 12, 56
217 112
4, 7, 10, 11, 50, 55, 69, 76, 78, 82, 112, 147, 156, 159, 161, 163 210, 217 109, 116-17, 142, 175, 176 76, 78 171
Mahasamantadhipati, do., Mahasamund, tahsil, Mahasandhivigrahika, off, Mahasara, 8.a. Mahāsära,
Mahasara, m.,
Mahäsena, gol,
Mahasenäpati, off...
Mahäsiva Tivara, Panduvamki k., Mahasivagupta Yayati I, Sömuvainsi k.,
Mahasthan, I.,
Mahatlama,
Mahattara, off..
Mahāyāna,
Mahendra, 8.a. Mahendragiri, mo., Mahendr-achala, do.,
Mahendragiri, do.,
Mahendrapala II, Pratihära k.,
Mahendravikramavarman, s.. Mahendravarman II, Pallava k., Mahesvara or Siva, gol, .
.
INDEX
PAGE
134 Mahipala I, Pala k., 5 n.
125
.
211, 219
.
5, 7, 12, 35 n., 38, 43, 56, 85, 88, 162, 166, 168, 217 186 and n., 188, 233 196 5 n., 7, 11, 56 173-74 173-74 66, 182
5 n., 7, 12, 56
39. 191 and n., 215, 224 6
85 134 35-36, 47 245-46 228, 232, 235-37
24
39, 85, 147, 156,
159
Mahipaladeva, do., Mähishmati, I., Mähōla, m., Maihar Stato,
51, 56, 57 n. 51, 57 n.
Mailala-mahadevi, q. of Jayakeáin II, Maināka, legendary mo.,. Maitreya,
makaratorana, royal insignia, Mälava, co.,
Mälava, dy., Malava, peo...
Malavanadi, 8.a. Vetravati (Betwa), ri., Malaya, mo.,.
Malda, di.,
Mālēpādu plates of Punyakumāra, Malhana, m.,
Malhar ins. of Jäjalladeva II, Malla, Velanänți pr., Malla I, do., .
1
Malla II, 8.a. Velanänti Mallaiya II,
Malla III, 8.a. Velananți Malliya III, do., Malla V, do.,
Malla-bhupa, s.a. Malla I, do., Mallapadeva, do., Mallapadeva II, do., Mallideva, ch.,
Mallikarjuna, Vijayanagara k., Mallikarjuna-mahādēva, god, Malliya II, Velananți ch., Malliya III, do., Malliya IV, do., Mallōka, off., . Malwa, co., Mamallapuram ins., Mandala, t.., Maradhātā, epic k., Mame, m.,
12 Mamgi-yuvaraja, E. Chalukya pr.,
Manahali plate of Madanapala, Manaka, Rashtrakuta k. of Manapura, Manapura, I.,
91-92, 95 Manaraja, Rashtrakuta k. of
Manapura,
Mañchana, poel,
Mandala, t.d.,
Māņa,
Manabhita, sur. of Sailōdbhava
Dharmaraja,
PAGE
1-4, 7, 9, 11 and n.,
52
Mandanamiéra, au., Mandaraja II, off..
265
55 48
186, 188 23 n. 29, 31
125, 128 and n.
134 66, 240 26, 53, 56 161, 162 and n.
5 and n., 8, 12, 25
25
3, 7, 11, 55 4n. . 163 n. 195, 199 99 243 228-30
230 229-30 228, 230-31, 244 228-29 233
234 236 72, 143 235 228-29, 243
228-29, 243 228, 230, 243
211, 219
24-25 180 n.
243
246 99 67, 240 175
39, 42 2 n., 10
175-76
175-76
175-77 235 152, 156 48, 63 238

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
PAOL.
94
PAQ Mandasor ins. . . . . . . 122 Mandi, di., . . . . . 151
Arya,. . 6,27, 64, 65, 134, 135 n., 163, Mindu, s.a. Мардара or
156 n. Mandava, fort, . . . . . 20 *. Aryagtti, . . . . . . . 66 Mangala, q. . . . . . 147, 154, 157 Drutavilambita, . . . .
. . 216 Mangala, 6.a. Mangalasrl, . . 150, 154 Giti, . . . . . 65, 153, 167, 199 Mangalakalasa, ch., . . . 13, 83 7., 211, Hariņi, . . . . 125, 179-80
215, 218, 224 Indravajră, . . 6, 86, 40, 54, 153, 167, Mangalaraja, sur. of Satrubhafija,
215
179-80, 244 n., 245 n. Mangalarasa, Chalukya ch., .
118 Kanda, .
. . . . . . 205 Mangalaárt, Mlichcha q. of Pragjyotisha, . . 150
Mälinl,
. . . 6, 12, 15, 54, 65, 87, 101, Mangalkot, ri., . . . .
6
125, 179-80, 187, 192, 216, 242 1., Mangalore, in., . . . 206
244 n. Mangi-yuvarāja, E. Chalukya k.. .
Mandákrāntā, . . . 6, 12, 54, 65, 125, 153, Manma-Satya II, ch..
236
179-80, 196 Manor plates of Vinayāditya-Mangalarasa, 109, 112, Nardataka, . . . . .
118 Prithvi,
. . 179-80, 187 mantrin, off., . . . . .
Pushpitāyrå, 6, 12, 40, 54, 65, 125, 187, 192, Manu, au.. . . . . . 98, 131 1., 148
216 Manu, Mythical k., . . .
. . 196
Ragalo, . . . 140 n., 142 #., 143, 205 Manuempiti, wk., . ·
. 131 m., 171, 186
Rathoddhatā, . . Manvantara,
. . 128, 133 n. Salini, . . . 6, 12, 15, 54, 187, 242 . Minyakhēta, ci., . . . . . . 26 Sārdalavikridita, 6, 12, 15, 27, 38, 40, 54, 65, Mårasimha, Silahara k., . . . . 14-15
87, 101, 110, 114 1., 125, 153, 179-80, Marasimha II, W. Ganga k.. . 21 n., 24, 25
187, 192, 196, 203-04, 2087., and .
216, 243 1., 245 1., 246 m.
. 235 Sikhariņi,. . . 12, 54, 101, 125, 179-80, 216 Marichi, sage, . . . . . 209 n. Sragdhară, . , 27, 36, 40, 54, 101, 125, 163, Marripindi, ri. .
167, 179-80, 187, 216 Maru, 6.a. Marwar, co.,. .
Svāgata, . . . . . 65, 179-80 Maruvattugadalu,
Udgiti, . . . . . .
65 Maruvattugadalu, region,
• 29-30, 32 Upajäti, . . . 16, 27, 65, 101, 125, 153, Miser, ui., . .
18, 26
167, 179-80, 196, 238 1., 242 7., Miser ins.. . . . 21-23, 25-27
243 A., 244 n., 245 1., 246n. Ma'süd I, k.,. . . .
.
52
Utsäha, . . . . . . Mathuri, .
.. . 139 Upendravajra, . . . . . 167, 179-80 Mativara, legendary k...
. . 65 Vangastha, Vambasthavila,
65, 125, 167, Jlatsya Purana, wk., . 125 n., 171
179-80, 216 Mayurbhanj, di.. .
85, 215 Vasantatilakā, . 6, 15, 27, 36, 40, 54, 65, 87, 101, Meda, . . .
• 8, 12, 56
125, 163, 167, 179-80, 196, 216, Meghasandila, wk., . . . 139.
243., 245 n. Meharauli ins.,
173 and n. Viyógini, . . . . . 244 1. Mehar plate,. .
Midnapur, di.. . . L . 83 7., 85, 216 Mel-Mundarashtra, 1.d.,
. . 93, 96 Mimamsa, system of philosophy, . , 10, 12, 50, 56 Melpalasu do.,
. . 75 and n. Mina, incarnation of Vishnu, . . . . 179 Menå, i.e., Mēnakå, . . . . 128 n.
Mipalāru, ri. . . . . . . 75 n. Mentana-preggada, gen., . . . . . 237 Mitäkshari, wk., . .' . . 148 Mēru, legendary mo.. . . 36, 124, 132 and n. Mithila, i.d., . ,
. 53-54 Mesa potamia, co... . . . . . 138 Mitrakaradēva, m., .
10, 12 Metres :
Mléchchha or Salastambha, dy..
• 148 Anushtubh, . . 6, 12, 15, 27, 36, 40, 54, 65, Mochabbarasi, se., . .
206-09 96 n., 101, 121 n., 179-80, 187, 192, Mohenjo-daro, I., . . 196, 216, 212 n., 243 1., 244 n., Mohini, goddess, . .
. 73 n. 245 . Möhinidēvi, Bhauma-Kera q.)
89, 212
Marāta, co...
•
138

Page #416

PART VIII]
INDEX
267
.
108
.
.
.
.
,
100 cm
.
.
tes of Ananabh
123
PAGE
PAGE Months, lunar -
11, final,
90, 146, 226 Ashādha,. . . . . 98-99, 103, 195 , having two forms, . . . . 80, 116 Advayuj, . .
. 56 n. n of the Telugu type, Asvina, . . . . 195 1. 1, reduplicated after,
. 146 Bhadra, . . . . .9, 12 , redundant use after ,
. 110 Chaitra, .
. .
. . . . 116 and 1., 235 n, used for 1, . .
. 110 Jyeshtha,. . . . 189, 236 , used for ^, . .
117 Kärttika . . 2, 29, 32, 218, 232 Naddala, I., . .
25-26 Mägha, . 44, 47, 195 and n., 231 Nāga, f., .
215, 220-21 Phálguns, . . 43 n., 71, 78, 116 and 1., 117, Nāgad plates of Allasakti,
117-18 121, 231 7. Nagara, 3.a. Kalinganagara,. . . . 237 Pushya, . . . . . . 13, 17 Nagardhan plates of Sravana, . . . . . . 2, 8, 142 Simirkja, . . .
112-13 Vaisakha,. . . . 2, 9, 92, 96, 175-77 Nagari plates of Anangabhima III,. 44, 46 n.. Months, solar Karkataka, . 61, 106, 108 Năgărjuna hill, . .
137 Sithha, . . . 60 n. Nāgārjanikonda, I., .
137-38 Vaigāsi, . . . . . 202 Nagpur, ci., . . .
32, 116 Mount Abu, . 179 | Nagpur, di.,
. 113 and n. Mpigánkávall, Chalukya pr., . . 24 n. Nagavardhana, k., . .
. 109, 112 and n. Mudgagiri, . . . 4n. Någavarman, au... .
. . 205-06 Mudivému-agrahara, I., .
68 Nāgayayi, I., . .
. . 110, 114-15 Mudula, off.. . . . . . 107-08 Nahusha, epic k.,. . . 65, 154, 158 and n. Muduvemu, L., . .
. . . . 239 Naigaon, I., . . .
. . 23 Naishadhiya, wk., . . . . . . 35n. Mukhalingam, I., . . . . . . 46 Nakshatras :Mukkanti-Kaduvetti, 8.a.
Hastá, .
. . . . . 612. Tryambaka-Pallava, .
. 229 Mrigasiras,
. 191 and n., 193, 224 Mukunda, Mukunda, god.,
182, 232, Mala,
. . . . . . 172 244 Pushya, .
. . 238 Molajapa, m., . . . 172-74 Rohini,
. 76, 78 Mälarāja, Chalukya k. .
25 n., 26 Sūryyabha, 3.a. Uttara-Phalguni or ParvaMülasthānadeva, god, . . 231 n. Phalguni, . .
. . 61 and n. Multai plates of Nannarāja, . . 111-12
Uttarabhadra, . .
. . . 60, 68 Mummadi Bhima, 8.0. Vimaladitya,
Nakula, epic hero, . . . . . . 66 E. Chalukya k., . . .
. . . 61 Nala, epic k., .
. . 357. Mun madi-Bhima II, ch. of
Nålanda plate ot Dharmapala, Köna-mandala,
Nalanda ins. of Mahipala I, . Mundakhēdē, vi... .
Nalantigal-Närāyana Jiyar, m.,
71-75, 77-78 Mundarashtra, 1.d., .
93, 94 Nambillai, do., . . . . 71 n., 75-76 Muñija, m., . .
20, 28 Yandi, 8.a. Gauri, goddess, . . . 66, 240 Muñja, Paramára k..
25-26 Nanda, o.a., Nandodbhava, dy. . . . 184-88 Murári, god,. .
181
Nandi, goddess. . . . . . . . 240 Muttigi ins., .
100 n. Nandakurra, I., .
. . 93-94, 96 Muzaffarpur, di... . . .
52 Nandampūndi grant of Rajarāja I, 68, 60 and n. Mymensing, do. . . . . . . 151 Nandavaram, I., . . . . . . 94
Nandgaon, do.. . . . . . . 119 Nandin, royal emblem, . . . . . 100
Nandikeśvara-sandhivigrahika, off.,. . .107-08 . . 9, 170, 195 Nandipõttarasar, Pallava k.. . . .
• 203 . . 90, 214 Nandipuradväri-vishaya, 1.d.,. .
118 t, peculiar form of . . . . 98 Nandisvāmini, l., . . . .
. 4-5,7 7, looking likel, .
. 98 Nändivardhana, 8.a. Någardhan, do.. . 113 7h, looking like t, . . . 98 Nandivarman II, Pallars k.,. .
. 91, 93
•
52
116
9 DGA '56

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268
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX
80
–
118
PAGE
PAGE Nandodbhava, dy.. . . .
184 Nēttabhastja Kalyanakalasa I, Bhañja k... 190 Nandurbar, l., . .
i 118 Nettabhañja IIT Tribhuvanakalasa, do.. . : 192 Nanduru, vii, . .
; 225-28 Neulpur plate of Subhākara I,
81, 83, 214-15 Nandāru plates of Velanäpti Rajendra-Choda,. 225 ngh, written as nh,. . . . . . 146 Nanjlyar, m., . .
. . . 75 ni, contraction for nibaddha, 2, 6 ani n., 9, 49, 56n. Nanna, do...
. . 218, 224 ni, used for nī, Nanna, Velanäxti ch., . . . 228, 230, 243-44 ni, used for ni, . . . . . . Nannaraja, Rashtrakūta k. of Berar, 109,110-14 NI A dialects, . . . . . : 105 Nannarāja-Yuddhäsura, do... . . . 110 nibaddha, registered, Nannasvāmin, donee. . . . . 175, 177 Nidadavolu, I., .
133 Nannesvara, god,. . . . . 211, 224 Nidubrölu, do.
.
235 Napa, akshasălin, . .
. . . 192, 196Nila, legendarul
Nila, legendary k., . . Närada, lar-giver,
Nilagiri,l.. . .
215 Naraga, Sabara ch., . • 21n. Nilakantha, m., .
191, 193 Naraka, myth. k.,. . . 147, 153, 157-58 Nila-parvata, no., .
152 Närska or Bhauma, dy.. 148-49 Nilgiri, hill,. . . . . .
• .
202 Narasaraopeta, tk., .. . . . 236 Nikli, I., . .
151 Narasimha, avatāra, . . . 124, 129 Nikumbha, biruda, . .
117, 120 Narasimha, Chalukya ch., .
22n., 23 Nikunbhā, -, Narasimha, m., .
50, 56Nikumbhallakakti or Allasakti, Sandraka ch., 116-17, Narasimha, Sulki k.. . 19-21 2 and 1., 23 and
120 11., 27 Niravadyapura, 1.. .
. . . 233 Narasimha II, do.,
. . 23 Nirpan plates of Nagavardhana, 109, 112 and n. Narasimha IV, Ganga k., . . 105-08 Nivinā grant of Dharnarāja Minabhita, 34, 351., Narasimhacharya, s.a. Singarächārya, m.,
73
38r., 391., 40n. Narasimhavarman I, Pallava k., . 93n., 142 Nohala, Chalukya pr., . . . . . 22-23 Narasimhavarman II, do.,
. 89, 91-92, 94, 96 Nõnalla, Kalachurig. of Ratanpur,. . . 197 Naravāhada, legendary k., . . . . 66 North Arcot, di.,
73n., 1437... Nárayana alias Gajānkuća, min., . . 22n.
201 and . Nårāyaṇa, god. .
55, 59, 65, 178-80, 240 Nowgong plates of Balavarman, . . 148-50 Nārāyana, 8.a. Kura Narayana Jiyar, m.. . 75 Nrinnidēvi, Bhauma-Kara q... . . 83, 212 Nārāyana Jiyar, do. . . . 73 and n., 75 Nrittămahādēvi, q.. . . 831., 210, 217 Narayanapāla, Pala k., . . . , 2 n., 3, 6 Nrisimha, incarnation of Vishnu, . . 179-81 Nārāyanabarman, m., . . . . . 95 nt resembling it. . . . . . . 49 Nārāyanpur ins. . . . . . . . 3 ntha, used for nta, . . . . . . Narendra, o.a. Vijayāditya II, E. Chalukya k., 226, Nülgéri, vi... . .
228-29, 241, 243 Numerals, signs or symbols for : Narēndradhavala, k., . . . 105, 167 1 (of the Telugu typ),
106 Narondramţigarāja, do., . . . 67, 226-29 2 (of the Bengali type),
106 Narmada, Pi.. . . . . . 26, 59, 66 3, . . . . .
170 Narsingpur plate of Dévānanda II, . . 184-86
183 N&sichandra, arhadacharya . 40, 43 4 (of the Bengali type),
106 Nasils, di., . . . • 112-13, 119 5 (of the Bengali type),
100 Naulāgarh image ins.. . .
. . 51 8. . . . .
. . 170 Nausāri plates of Sryasraya Siladitys, . 109, 112 9 (of the Bengali type),
. 106 Naussahasänkacharita, uk, .
. 21n. 20, . . . .
80n. Navasári branch of the Chalukyas, dy., . 118 60, , . .
. 801., 213 Nayachandra, au... .
. . . 179 80, . . . . . . 8), 170, 183 Nayapāla, Pala k., . . . . . 9.11, 50, 100,. .
183, 213 52, 55 200,
80 and n. Niyimma, Silahāra k., . . . , . 15 Nürmadi Tailapa III, W. Chalucya . . . . 237 Nellore, di... . . . . 94, 95 n., 1611., Nyayakandali, wk.,
. . 531. 162.63 Nyāyakıņika, do...
. . 53 Nēmaņa, m., . . . . . . . 17 Vyżyasuchi, do., . . . 53 and ..
80

Page #418

PART VIII ]
INDEX
269
.
244
. -
61 25
40, 43 4, 6-7
.
202
P
52
.
228
PACE
PAGE pallidłua, vi. deity, .
46, 48
Panda I, Velananti pr., . Odda, peo.. .
Parada II, do.. . .
. . 244 Odra, co. . .
. 47, 173 n., 232 Panda III, do.. . .
• 244 Odra, peo.. . . .
. . .173 n. Parndarstalai, vi... .
195-96, 198 ohoru, tax, . . .
. . 107-08
Pandu, epic k., . . Om, expressed by a symbol, . . , 27 and n.
Panaduputra,. . .
. 244 Oth, written like tum,
29 Pamidipadu, vi... .
• 236 Omgērumärga, Aubdivision, . .238 and n.
Pamidipida-agrabara, do., .
236 Ongole, tk.,. .
. . . 94 Pampa, au... . .
206-08 Ongole, 1., .
. . 238n. Pampa-Bharata, wk., .
205n., 206n. Orissa, . 33, 34n., 35, 39, 41-47, 53,
Pamulavika plates of Vijayaditya VII, 79, 81, 84-85, 105, 107,
Paņshera ins. of Jayasimha, . 121, 125, 132n., 164-5,
Pannturago-golla, 8.a. Panutri, vi... 14, 15 and 167, 169, 173, 183-4, 180,
190, 210, 215, 227 | Panchadhikaranoparika, 00.. . . Cainna-Kaivarttavșitti, 1..
. 4-5, 7 Panchakaran parika, do.. . . Oudh,. . . 86 Panchakandaka, l..
. Oxford,
• 133 Panchamahasabda, ep.
. .
. .
. . . . 240 Panchamahayajña, . .
. . . . 120 Panchapandavamalai Jain ins., Panchanagari-vishaye, t.d., .
6-7 p and y, not distinguished,
Paricharaksha, wk., . pa of the Grantha-type,. .
71 Pañchbibi, I., Pachohir-kurram, di.. . . . .
75n, PandaTV
Panda I, Velananti ch., . . . 228, 230-31 Pachchama (Patchin.a)-khanda, i.d., . 85-86, 88 Panda II, do. . . Padachandrika, wk.. .. . 151. Panda III, do.. .
228, 230 Padāra, vi., . . 167, 169 Panda IV, do.. .
228, 282 padatijinya, tax, . . 107 Pandamá, Velananti g.,.
238 Padmi, goddess,
. 28 Paņdaraja, 8.a. Velanāņti Panda IV, Padmanagara, ci... "
• 110-11, 113 Pandāravādai, vi., . . and n., 114 Pandarl, I., . . .
. 151 Padmapura, l., . 113r. Pandikulusani-valanādu, t.d., .
78, 78 Padmavati, Yakshi of Parivanälha,
200, 201 Pandritarai, l., . . . . . Padmin, I., . 113 Pandu, Pandurāja, epic k., . . .
86, 239 Pahiņdipadu, vi...
236 Pändudāsa, m.,
. . . 53n. päika, tax, . .
107-08 Pandurangapalli plates of Avidhęya, . 176-76 päikāli, do.,. .
Panduri Mauza, . . . . Paikore pillar ins., .
52 Panduvamsa,
. . 29 Päiyalachchhi, wk,
Panduvarija, 8.4. Pallavarāja, ch..
231 and . Pajära, vi.. :. .
164 Pandya-Maharajadhiraja, ep. . . . 206 Pakistan, E., .
Pånida, I., . . . . . Pala, weight-standard,
167 Panini, au.. . . . . . Pala, dy.,
• 1, 3, 34, 48,183 Pånitual or Panitolā, l... . . . . . Pals dy. of Prāgjyotisha,
. . . . 149 Panjab, . . . .
86 Palacole, 8.a. Palakolanu, L.,. . . . . 238 Paņutare, 3.a. Panaturage,
14 Påla seal, .
49 Paoni, vi.. .
. .
. .
97 m., 194 . Palestine, . . .
Puraganlabhairava, ep...
. . 68 Palikētana, royal insignia, .
66 Paramabhagavata, do., .. .
. 92, 110, 114 Pal-Lahara State,. . .
86 Paramabhaffaraka, do... 4, 7, 10-11, 50, 56, 68, Pallapu-Gudravūra vishaya, i.d., 64, 68-70, 230
112, 147, 156, 159, 186 and ., 188, 206 Pallave, dy.,
. . . 89-01, 111n., Paramabrahmanya, do., . . 69, 92, 110, 114
140, 240 | Paramamahëbuara, do... 43-44, 47, 88, 82, 80, Pallavarija, o.a. Tiruvarange, ch., 231 and n., 232
89, 99, 285
236
.
196
107
•
26
151
.
.
172, 174 7. 228
138

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIX
19
.
.
118
• •
118 111
233
PAGE
ΡΑΟΣ Paramanähtsvari, do., . . . 82, 85, 88 Perumal, god, . . . Paramira, dy., .
. 24, 26, 179 pējāpala, pafakapala, off. . 40, 43, 211, 219 Paramasugata, ep., 2 n., 4, 7, 10-11, 50, 55, 81, ph, two forms of .' . . . .
185 Phānitavithi vishaya, t.d., . . . 10-11 Parsinstathagata, do.. .
. . 81 Phâpita-vithl, do. . . . . 4, 6 and 1., 7, 11 Parumpu ishl, do.. .
. 44-45, 47, Phisika, I., . .
. 39, 42
191 Piduvuräditya, Velananti ch., . . 228-30, 243 Paramavaishnavi, do. . . . . 82, 210, Pikira plates of Sichhavarman, 91 and 1.., 05 n.
217, 222
Pimpalner, l. Paramddvara, do... . . . 147, 156, 159, Pinäkin, god, . . .
147, 163, 167
206 Pippalikhēta, vi.. Parameávaravarna I, Pallavd k.,. .91-92, Pipparikā, I., . .
04-05 Pishtapura, ... Pithapuram, do.. . . Paramdsvart, ep... . 82 Pithanirnaya, wok., . . . .
162 Paramopasakas, do... , . 81 Pithapuram, I., . .
233, 236 Parinando, Nanda k. of Oriana, . 184-88, Pithapuram ins. of Mallapadēva, . .
187 Pithapuram ins. of Mallidēva and Manma-Satya Parajoti, gen., . .
236 Parantaka, Ohaluky-Chola pr.,
. 232-33 Pithapuram ins. of Prithvisvara. Parasurima, sage,. . . 162
238 Paraburma or Jimndagnya, incarnation of
Pokharna, I., . . . . . . . 178 Vishnu, . . . .
179 Pondi, &. a. Pondi, vi.. . . . . . 22 Parbatiya, vi.. . :
145 Ponni Tende, 5.a. Honni Tande, m., 143 and 7. Parbatiya plates of Vanamalavarinan, . 149, Ponnur, vi.. . . . . . 201.02
161 Poona, ci., . . . . . . 174 paridurdana, tax, . . .
107-08 Poona, di.. . . . . . . . 174 Parikshit, epic k.,. . . . 65-06, 239 Poshall, Poshēlā, vi.,
. . 5-6, 9, Parikud plates of Madhyainaraja, . . 33-34, 35
- 61, 67 and n., 36 n., 38 n., Potapdi, m., . . . 39 n. Potumarru, vi., .
• 64 Park vanatha, Jaina Tirtha nkara, . . 200-02 Potumbarru, do.,.
0., .
.
. . . . 64, 70 Parvati, goddess, . . . , 20, 36, 41 Prabhakara, in.. . . . . . 191, 194 pasdita, off... ..
107-08' Prabhakara Ghaisisa, d.., . . . . 17 Paschimakhanda-vishaya, t.d.,
.86,88, Prabhavatigupta, Vākā faka 9. : . 189 n. 191-92 prabhu-fakti, . .
245 Pasupata, sect, .
• 21. Prabuddhachandra, Jain monk, . . 40, 43 Pataliputra, ca.. . . . . .
• 41. Prachanda, Brahmarak ch. Pātap ins.. .
• 119 Prachisa, legendary k., . . Patharghata,
Práchy-ambhonidhi,. . .
. 36 Patna plates of Mahabivagupta Yayati, . . 216 Pradipana, legendary k., . påtra, off..
. 108 Pragjyotisha, co.,. . . 122, 145, 147-50, Paffamahadevi, tit., . . 2 n.
151 and n.. Pattanaka, I., . . . . . 20, 26, 28
152. 53, 157 pduka, taz, . . . . . . 107-08 Prahasitarăje, Pala pr., . . 61 and 1... 57 Pauni, l. . . . . . . 113 n. praja-loka, . . . . . . 45, 47 pauti, weight,
. . .45 1. Prakriti, . . . . . . . 138 Pomdrabandh plates, .
97-100 Prälambha, Salastambha k., . . . 149 and N. Ponnar, ri... . .
präntapala, op. . . . . . 51., 8, Pentapolis, . .
12, 56 Periya puranam, wk., .
.. . 142 Prapannāmritam, wk.. . . . 73 n., 74 m. Periya Tirumalainambi alias
Pratāpamalla, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur,. 97-99, and n.
103, 194 Pormadı, ne. Sivachitta Permidi. Kadamba Pratapgarh ins.. . . .
.24. k., . . . . . . 30-31 Pralidhakka, royal insignia . . : 68
45, 47
•
23
.
85
• .
103
8

Page #420

PART VIII 1
INDEX
271
8, 12
.
Bh&rmyabr,
Pulinda, per
100, 103
50, 56
PAGE
ΡΑΟΣ Pratiban, dy.. .
26, 179 Pratikana, off., .
191, 194 8Q-jala-thala, . . Prstij, ., . . . 100, 104
sa masta-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-adi-pratyāya. pratydys. . .
. . 60 améla. . . . .
8, 12 Pravachancedra, wok..
. 200 n., 208n. sa-khafa-ghatta-naditara-sthånadi-gulingka, 217 Pravarm
8-amra-madhuka,
. . 8, 12 Ambartaba, . .
. . 6,8 80-tala,
. . n., 8, 12 Angirass, . . . 8, 10, 12, 85,
8-oddzka, .
. 5n., 8, 12, 217 89, 100, 108, 1931. 8-Odrashga, .
. . . . 120 Asita, . . . . 60, 66 8-Oparikara,
. . . . 51., 217 Avatairs,
Prola II, Kakatiya ch.. .
. . 237 Bachaspaty, .
. 10, 12, 88, 89
Ptolemy, au. Bharadvája, • 12, 88, 89 Pulaha, sage,. .
. 209 n. 193 *. Pulakokin I, W. Chalukya k.,. . . 66, 93, 240 Dévala, . .
. . 60, 68
Pulakasin II, do... . . . . 34 7., 94, Kadyapa,
45
112-13, 118, 160, Kaubika, . 110, 115
101 and n., 102 and n. Mudgala, .
193 . Pulastya, sage,
. . . 209 n. Naldhruva,
Pulidorru, vi..
. . .
70 n. pailch-arsheya,
45, 47 Puligere, tr.,
. . . . 143 Sikrita,. .
. 82 Sandilya, .
Pulindaraja,. .
. . . 82 try-drahéya, .
i 45 Pulindasēne, m.. . . . . . 35-36, 41 Vachaapatya, . . 100, 103 Pulindesvara-te., .
. 82 Yeuvandsva,
Pundarika-mhandala, .d.
. .4, 6, 7, 10-11 pravartta, unit of weight,
Pundravardhana-bhukti, do.
4, 6, 7, 10-11, Primoval Boar, i.e. Vishnu,
152 prish fha-matra, . .
19 Punnaga-tirtha,.. .
. . 74 Prithivi,
138 Punyakumira, Telugu-Choda ch., . .111 n., 163 Prithivirajavijaya, wk.. .
and . Prithivluallabha, ep. . . . . 117, 120,
. . . 66, 199
161, 163 Purana, ancient silver coin, . . 45 and n., 46, 48, Prithvichandra Bhögasakti k., . . . 175
50 and . Prithvideva, engr.,. .
10, 12 Purāna, wk., . . . . 125, 128, 132 and . Prithvidova, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpar. .
Puri, di. . . . . 33, 35, 47, 48, 83, 108 Prithvideva I, do., ... . 102, 197 Puri, ci.. . . .
44, 46, 124, Pţithvidēva II, do.. . 978., 98, 99 and 1.,
132 n., 164,236 n. 100, 102, 194-98 Purigere, vi., . . .
• 207 Prithvidova III, do.. . . . . 99 and n.
Purigere-miliru, 1.4., .
. .204 . Prithvimahidovi alian Tribhuvanamahädövr II purillak, off.
. . 115 alias Sindagaur II, Bhauma-Kara q..
82 .
Puri platos of Bhanu II, . . 47, 108 83, 191 and 9., 194, 210-11, 213, 215, 217, Puri plates of Dharmarija Marabhta, 39 m., 40 221-23
and n., 43. Prithvisvara, Velananti ch., . , 227, 234, 238
Puri plate of Kulastambha, . . . 164, 166 Přithuyabib, Silahara k.. . . . . 15
Puri plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, 34-36, Privileges :
40 7., 111n. a-cha fa-bhata-pravēša,. . . 8, 12, 147, 166
Puri plates of Narasimha IV, . . . 107-08 a-litichit-pragrahya, . .
Puru, epic k., . 8, 12
. . . .
. .
. 66 a-Likhani-pravěka,
Pururavas, mythical k.,. . . 86, 89, 218
. .
.
63 mukt-Oparikara, . . . . 147, 156
Purushottania, pode : 65, 127, 132 and .,
235 parihrita-sarva-pida,
. . 8, 12
Purushättama, M., . . . . . 85, 89 sa-chauroddharapa, .. • 5 n., 8, 12 Purushottama, Sizryapmi k.. .
• 106 10-gart.Oshara, . . . . . 51., 8 Purushottamaa-Jagannatha, god, . 44,183 R.
157
179

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272
Pürvadik-Dandapāta, t.d., Pürva-khanda, do.,
Pushkarana, ca.,
pushpavāṭaka,
Pushyaditya, engr., Pustakapāla, off., Putta, s.a. Buddha, Puttadigal, n., Puttur, vi., :
Qutb-ud-din Aibak, Sultan of Delhi.
R
r, archaic four-chambered shape of
, Dravidian, having 2 forms, r, final,.
r, having more than one form,
r, reduplication of consonants after
r, resembling ch,
r, superscript,
r, retroflex,
Radnga-vishaya, t.d.,
Rachiya-Pedderi Bhima, m.,
Radha, co.,
Radhiya Brahmana, community,
Radhiya Kulina, do.,
Raghava, epic hero,
Raghuvamba, wk.,
Rahasavardhana, engr.,
Rählyavada, I.,
Raigarh, tn.,
Raipur, di.,
Rajabhima, E. Chalukya k.,
Rajada, m.,
Rajaditya, pr.,
Rajalladevi, Kalachuri q. of Ratanpur,
Rajamahendravaram, l., Rajamalla, ch.,
Rajamalla, Ganga pr., Rajamalla, Naga ch., Rajamalla I, ch.,
Rajamalla II, do.,
Rajamärttanda, E. Chalukya k.,
rajamatya, off.,
Rajamundry, ci.,
•
rajan, off.,
rajanaka, do.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
5, 9
85 98, 88, 217, 219
200 n. 200-01
206-09 Rajaraja II, Chalukya-Chola k.,
PAGE
107-08 rajanyaka, off.,
86
173 17
.
PAGE
5 n., 7, 11, 56 76, 78 5 n., 7, 11, 56, 85, 88, 166, 168,
217 46 242
57-58 and n., 59, 60 and n., 61-64, 68, 227-28, 230 and n. 236, 243, 246 and n. 225-28 124 62-63, 68, 70 232
Rajaraja II, E. Chalukya k., Rajaraja III, Ganga k.,
178 Rajaraja Brahma-Mahārāja, gen., Rajaraja-Devendravarman, Ganga k., Rajarajanarendra, 8.a. Rajaraja I, E. Chalukya k., 230 Rajaraja-valanādu, t.d.,
7ön. 62, 70
Rajarajēśvaram, te.,.
90, 98, 122,
2,49
204
107, 108 64, 71
Rajaparamesvara, ep., Rajaputra, off.,
161
160
90
Rajasatka, off., rajasthan-öparika,
106 Rajasundari, Ganga q.,
Rajutarangini, wk.,
Rajaraja, Chola k., Rajaraja, E. Chalukya k., Rajaraja I, do.,
•
131n., 173n.
210-11, 213, 219,
160 Rajumdra-ohoda, Velananți ch.,
108 Rajendra, 8.a. Anantavarman Rajaraja III,
[VOL. XXIX
85, 88
8 and n., 12, 56
46 35. 245 123-24, 126, 130 46
46-47, 62 n. Rijendra-choda I, s.a., Chola I, Velananți ch., 231-32,
Rajöndra, Chala k.,
Rajendra I, do.,
81, 83
6, 53 Rajendra-Choda II, do.,
238 225-26, 228, 234-38
54
234 Rajendra-Choda Madhurantaka, Chola k., 60, 62 and n., 63, 65, 68, 69
236 46
195 and n., 196 179
3, 7, 55 81 21 and n. 160
9, 12, 16, 18,
54, 67, 179, 182, 189, 245
Rania, incarnation of Vishnu, 179 Rama, Sandhivigrahika, 117, 121 71 Ramabhadra, m., 52 Ramacharita, wk., 191-92 Ramalava-vishaya, t.d., Ramanaths, m., 97 n. Ramanga-vishaya, 8.a. Raanga or Ranga-vishaya, 45, 47, 108 .72 and n., 75 and n. 77-78
Ramanuja, rel. teacher,
5n., 56, 114 43, 166, 168
Rajanarayana Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya pr., 234 n. Ramaraja, min.,
Rajendra-chola I, ch. of Kōnamandala, Rajendra-Kulottunga I, E. Chalukya k., Räjim ins. of Prithvidēva, Rajput, peo.. 97, 194, 196 Rajyapala, Pala k.,
223 186, 188
97
241 191, 194 93 and n., 96
Rakshasa form of wedding, Rālā-maṇḍala, t.d., Rallavägu, rivulet, Rāma, epic hero,
. 197 233 213, 221 and n., 224 201 82-83 211 n. 221 n. 67
5 n., 7, 11, 56
233 n.
.
.
"

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INDEX
273
113
L
a
.
65
PAGE
PAGE Ramarija Könētayyarāja, ch., .
72 .
226, 229 Repalli, lk.,
. 211. 233 Rimavardbana, m.,. . .
pha,
29, 71 Rāmavati, tu... 41. Rēva, ri..
26, 112 Ramayana, epic, 35, 52, 73 n., 139 n., 151 n.
Rēvasrāmin, m.,
117, 120 Ramayye, 3.a. Ekintada Ramayya, 140 ., 143 n., 144
Revūru, vi., .
. 94 Rámēsvara-mahadeva, god, . . 233 Rēyuru, do.. .
89, 92-94 Ramëkvaram pillar ins... . . . Rēyuru grant of Yarasimhavarman, .
01 n. Ramtek, I., . . . .
ri, medial, having different forms,
.. . 80 Ranabhanja, Bhanja k., . .
. So, 190 | Richuka, legendary k., . Kanabhanja, ki of Dhritipura,. . . 224 Rikshaka, do..
. . 65 Ranabhita, Sailodbhava k., . . . . 11 Rödapädi, co., .
21 and n. Ranaka, ep . 85, 89, 186, 188, 191, 211, 219 Rudapāti, 8.a. Rödapädi, de,
. . 21 n. Rapastambha, Sulki k., , . ... 165-67 Russelkonda, I., . .
79. Ranastipandi grant of Vimalāditya, 58, 60 ., 62, 65,
230 n. Rānda, sub-division, Rangáchārya, m., . . 73 R. .. .
• '170, 214 Ranganatha, god, . . . . 73, 78, 786, resembling conjunct tbh or vbh, Ranganathasvamin te. . . . . . 71 , used for , .
13, 19 Rangosa, god, . . . . 76-77 s, used for & . .
98, 195 Rangiya, I., . . . . 151 Sabara, ch., . . . . .
20, 21 n. Rangpur, di.,. . . • 1 Sabara, tribe,. .
. . 2! Rishtrakūta, dy.. . . . 22, 23 and n., 7, 25, Sabbambikā, pr., .
228, 231, 175-76, 207
235, 244-45 Rashtrakūtas of Malkhed, do..
Sachi, goddess, . . . . . 128, 132 Rashtrakūtas of Mänapura, do., . . . 175 Sacrifices Rasis :
Agnihotra, . .
. . . . 120 Mesha,
Afvamëdha,
35, 37, 39 and ., 41-42, 92-93 Mina,. . . . . . . 117, 120
and n. Simba,
. . 2, 68
Vaja pēya, . . . . . . 42, 199 Ratagarh, I., . .
. . . . 186 Vaišvadēva, .
. . . . . . . 120
.
. Ratanpur, ca.. .
. . . 98, 195 Sadasiva, god,. . Ratanpur ins. .
Sadasivadēva-mahārāya, Vijayanagara k., 72, 76, 78 Ratanpur ins. of Prithvidēva II, . . . 196 Sadāsivagad., 1., . .
. . 29 rath-ashtami, . . . . . .
Sadāśivariya, k., .
. . 71, 73 Ratna, m., . . .
. 192, 194 Sadhanvan, Chalukya ch., . . . . . 21 Ratnadēva, Ratnarāja III, Kalachuri k. of Ratan. Sagara, mythical k., 8, 18, 32, 43, 56, 144, 156, 177, 189, . . . 98-99
193, 198, 246 Ratnadēva II, do.,
99, 102, 125, 195, Sagara-vishaya, s.a. Kolanu-vishaya, 1.d., 233-34 196 n., 197 Sahadēva, epic hero,
. . BE Ratnapila, k. of Pragjyotisha, . . . 148, 151 Saharsa, sub-district, Ratnarāja, Kalachuri k. of Ralanpur,
101, 197 Sähasaganda, ci., . . 4 and n., 5, 6 ., 7 Ratnarāja, Ratnadeva III, do... . . 98, 102 Sahasrarjuna, i.e. Kärtavirya, myth. k., . 22 Ratnaraja II, do.. . .
. . 102 Sahasra
Sabasrărjuna, i.e. Yuvarāja I, Kalachuri k.. . 23 Ratnasimha, m.. . . .
98-100 Sahasr-ayatana te., . . . Ratnavati, 9.. . .
. . . 122
Sahavāsi, community. . . . . 14, 17-18 Rattapādi, 1.d.,
. . 63 Sailapārņa alias Periya Tirumalainambi, m., . 72 Rävana, demon k.,. 195, 234, 245 Sailodbhava, mythical k.,
35-36 Råvanga-vishaya, f.d.,
. . 47, 108 Sailodbhava, dy.. 32, 34, 35 n., 39, 41-42, 111 *. Raya, . . .
. 72 and 1., 78 Sailodbhavas of Köngöda, do., . . . 45-46 Rayarasimha, tit.
. . 99 n. Sainyabhita, Sailoibhava k., . . . 41 Razole, tk., . .
• 236 Sainyabhita I, do. . . . . . . 37 Rēnādu, i.d.,
234 Sainyabhita II, do, i . . . . 87 Rentálu, I.. .
. . 138 Sainyabhlta Madhavavarman I, do., . • 84-86
166-67

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.
.
.
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65
52
PAGE
ΡΑΟΣ Sainyabbita Madhavavarman II Srinivksa, do., 34, 39, Sankrantis :
41 | Karkata,
. . . . . 235 Sainyayāti, legendaryk,
. . 65
Vishuva, Vishavat, 2, 9, 12, 50, 191 and n., Sakambharl, l. . . 178
193, 224 Sakambhart Vidya,. . . . 195, 198
. . . . 13, 17, 236 Sakhis :
Santanu, epic k., . . . . 85, 206, 208-09 Madhyandina,
88, 89, 101.92, 193 and n. Santikara, Bhauma-Kara k., . . . 87, 136 Pippalada, . .
10, 12 Skatikara I alias Lalitabhāra (hära) I alias Gayada Taittirfya,. . . . . 117, 120 I, do... 80-81, 82 and n., 83, 212-13, 220, 223 Bakbigopal, I., . .
44, 108 Santikara II alias Lavaṇabhåra (Löna") I alias Ga. Sakra, 3.a. Indra, god,
16, 187, 242 yada II, do. . . . . 82-83, 212, Sakrsséna, off. . . . .
220, 223 Baktikomāra, m., .
. . 16 n.
Santikara III alias Lavanabhara II, do., 82 and 7., 83, Saktivarman, E. Chalukya k.,
191 n., 212-14, 221 Saktivarman I, do.'. .
.67 Santfragrama, vi., . . . . . 79, 85-86, 89 Saktivarman II, do. .
. 61 Santoshamadhava, .. . . . . 185.98 Salanıbha, Pragjyotisha k., 147, 149 and n., 153, 157 Sapadalaksha, t.d., . .
. .
22 n. Salastambha, k.,. . . 147-49, 151, 153, 157 Saradvat, epic k.,.
. 206, 208-09 Salastambha, .a. Mléchohha, dy., . . 148-49 Sarasvati, ri.. . Salimā, a.a. Saliya, ri., .
. . 36 Sarkhổ plates of Ratnadeva II, Salotgi pillar ins. of Krishna III, . . 21 n. Sarnath, l.. . . . . . Salya, epic hero, . ' . • 20, 28 Sarath ins. of Mahfpäla I, . . . Samadhigata-paricha-mahababda, ep., 16, 66, 118, 120, Sarsavni plates of Buddharāja, 109, 110 120n. 166, 186, 188, 232, 240 Sarvajna, poet, . . -
139 Sämangad plates of Dantidurga, 111 m. Sarvajita-vachanagalu, wk.,
199n. Samanta, m..... .
40, 43 Sarvalokasraya, ep. .
. . . 60n. Samanta, off.. . . . . . . . . 114 Sarvalókakraya-Srt-Vishnuvardhana Samanta-chinha, . . . , 243, 246 maharaja, E. Chalukya tit. . . . . 284 Samastabhuvaná araya, ep., .
. . 00 * 60 n. Sarvanandin, m., . .
135 and n. Samasta-ainadhipati, off...
. . . 231 Sarvvabhauma, legendary k... Samatata, Co., . . . .
Sasanka, Gauds k., . . 34 and n., 35n., 214 Sambhu, god., 19-20, 27, 34-38, 38 and 7., 41, 63, 66, &a fänkarhzuala, ep.. .
. 351., 38 147-48, 158, 159 Sasbahu ins.. . . . . . . . 21 Samirāja, k.,. .
112 Sasidēva, engr., . . . . . . 51, 57 Sathkara, god, . . . .
245 Sasidēva, m., . . . . . . . 57n. Samrajya-chinha, . . .
. 66 Sasilekha, fe.. . . . . 83n., 210-11, Samudragupta, Gupta k., .
215, 218, 224 Samvarana, legendary k.,. .
• 65 Sāsta, deity,.
. 73 and ., 74, 79 Sandhivigrahika, off. . .
117, 121 Sátaldru plates of Gunaga Vijayaditya,. . 95 Sandhivigrahin, do.. . 184-88, 189, Satanika, epic k.,
. . . . 59, 66
192, 194 Satrubhafija, Bhailja k., . . . 183, 215, 221 Sangalooda, s.a. Sanglud, I.,
Satrubhanja II, do..
189-92 Bangalooda plates of Nannarāja, 109, 111-13, 116 Satrubhanja Gandhata, do.,
190n, Sanglud, l..
. . . . 109 Satrubhañja Mangalaraja, do. . . Safjan plates of Buddhavarasa,
. 109 Sattanapalle, tk.,. . . . . . 95 Sanka-gäyunda, m., . . . .140-41, 143 Satyakraya, ep. . . 117, 120, 161, 163, 240 Bankapala, o.a. Sanka-gåvunda,
143 Satyldraya, 8.a. Pulakesin II, W. Chalukya k... 34n. Sankara, sandhivigrahin,
66-67 Antkaragann, Katachchuri k...
109.10 Satyasraya I, ch. of Kona-mandala, . . . 236 Baniche, ri.,
.
• 167 Saulkika, off.. . . . . 5n., 8, 12, 56 Satikhajoti, do. . .
166-67 Saumitri, epic hero, . . . . . 6,54 Bunkhajotika, 6.a. Sankhajóts, do,
188-68 Saundanē, l.. . . . . . . 119 Satkha-Likhita, uu. .
• 148 | Saurlehtra,. . . . . . 28,63 Bankaracharya, rel. teacher, . . 48, 129 . Savanur plates of Vikramaditya I,. . .161n.
68
173
.
109

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PART VIII)
INDEX
276
PAGE
.
.
.
. 91-93
111n.
PAGE Scripts :Assamese,
145 Bengali, . .
. . . 105, 145 Brahml, . . .
. . . 138 East Indian, . .
. . 49, 145 Gaudi, Gaudiya, .
. .44, 49, 105,
12., 145 Gupta,
. .
170 Grantha,
. 71, 201, 203-04 Kannada .
203-04 KannadA-Telugu, . .
. . 90-91 Kutila, . . .
. . . 145 Maithili, . .
.
. 145 Nägarl.
· 13, 19, 29, 97-98, 194 Nagari, carly. . .
. . . 145 Northern, North Indian,
49, 79 111 n. Northern, angular, . . . . . . 111 Oriya, . .
. . . . 105, 145 Oriya, early,. . . . . . . . 106 Proto-Bengali,
105. 122. • 145 Pallava-Grantha,. Siddhamátrikā, . Southern, . . . . 109, 111n. Southern, nail-headed variety,
174 Southern, rounded,
111 Southern, western varioty, . . . . 116 Telugu-Kannada, Chalukya variety, : :.
111n. Tamil, .
. . . 71, 91, 200-01 Sedam ins.. . .
. . . 203 Sedarampattu, ... . . . 201n. Seleyavāda 8.a. Sheloshi, vi., . . 14, 17 Sena, dy., . . . . . . 2, 49, 50n. Sēnana, oi.,. . .
. 117, 119, 120 Sandraka, dy.. . . 118.17, 118 and 1., 119 Set-Mahet, !.,
. . 53, 86 Sētu, do., .
4, 66, 240, 242 Sharari-Dih, do., .
. . . 49 Shashthadava, Kadamba k.
. . 31 Shatchabravartin,. .
. . . . 245 Shatsahasrāvant, 1.d., .
228, 231 Shattāpånäyichatra, do.. .
. 4, 6.7 Sholapur, tn.,
. 199n. Sholinghur, vi.. .
. . 787. Siddham, oxpressed by symbol, 2, 8, 9, 33, 36 and 1.,
145
silábára, dy... . .. . 13-16, 100n. Silao, L.,
.! . 133-34 Silāra, s.a. Silähära, dy., . . . . 16 Silida, or Anilida, l. . . . . . 39, 42 siman, sub-division, . . . . . 40, 43 Siihha, Sahara ch., . . .
. 21 and n. Simhachalam ins. .
. 107 Simhadhvaja, Sinhakētu, ... Subhakara III,
Bhauma-Kara k., . . . 82, 83,212, 220 Simhamana, ch., . . . . . . 82-83 simhasana, royal insignia, . . . . 240 Simhavarman, Chalukya ch.. . . . . 22 Simbhavarman, Pallava I., . 90, 93 and n. Simhavishnu, do.,
. Sind, . .
. . 138 Sinda, dy. .
. 118, 221 Sindagaurt, Bhauma-Kara q., 211, 218, 220, 221 and n..
222-23 Sindagaurt I, s.a. Tribhuvanan ahadevt I, do.. . AS Sindagauri II, 3.4. Prithvimahadevi, da... 82 1., 88 Sinda-Govinde, m., . . . . 221n. Sioda-Naga, ., .
. . 221 n., 222 Singa, m., . .
i 62-63 Singarācharya, 8.a. Narasimhacharya, do... 72, 79n. Sirall, vi. . . .
. . 98, 100, 103 Sirala, 7., . .
142 Siripuram, I.,
. . .229, 238 Siriyadxvi, Kalachuri pr.
. 237 Siriyala-setti, m.. .
. 142 Siroli, vi., . .
100, 103 Siro-matra,
. 19 Sifuttonda Nayanar, Saiva saint, . . . 10 Situpalavadha, wok.. .
. 122 sitachamara, royal insignia, . . 240 Siva, god,' . . .
. . 12, 19-20, 22, 29-30, 39, 44-45, 62, 73 n., 82, 106, 121-25, 127-28, 129 and n., 132, 137, 140n., 141-44, 147, 160, 167, 168 and n., 166, 171, 196, 201, 227,
232, 236, 238, 243 and n. Sivachitta Permadi, Kadamba pr.,. . 29-80 Sivakara I Unmattasimha Bharasaha, Bhauma.
Kara k.. . . . . . 81, 83-84, 212 Sivakara II, do.. .
. 81, 82 n., 83, 212 Sivakard III alias Lalitabhåra II, do., 82 and n., 83,
88, 210-14, 221 Sivananda, Nanda k. of Oriana,
184-88, 187 Sivanvåyal ine..
.
. . 93 Sivaskandavarman, Pallapa L.
. 98 Styaka II Harsha, Paramara k., 219., 28-24, 25 and n., 26 alandhandra, . . .
. . 81, 87 Sogal ins. of the reign of Taila II, . . 203-04 Soliyavarasan, gen.. . . . . . 62n. Sonia, god, . . . . . . . Soma, pr. . . . . . . . 100%.
Siddhagvara, god, . . Siddhësyara-Jena, off... .
. . Siddheswar, 1., Siddhi-Bēta, m.. . Siddhi-Beta-Chirpuli-harina-mrigendra, ep., 816bhafija, Bhanja k., . . . 80&bhajs II, do. . . . . .
105. 108 . 108
105
234 .
190-92 . 190
9 DGA/56

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•
25-26
. 73, 75
•
80Sad
637.
541,
PAGE
PAGE Somadatta, ch., . . . . 214 Subhakara II, do..
. 80 7., 82 n., 83, 212 Somadēva, Mahakari,
178 Subhākara III alias Kusumabhāra (hârs) I alios Somaditya, m.. . . . . . 93, 96! Simhadvaja (léto), do 80 and 11., 81, 82 and n., Somakulalilaka, ep. . . . . . 206
$3, 211-13, 220, 221n., 222-24 Sömanātha,
143 Subhākara IV alias Kusumabhāra (hára) II, do.. 82 Somanātha-patan, ci.
and 1., 83, 212-14, 222-23. Sómavamkis of Yayatinagara, dy., 47, 79, 190, 191 n., Subhākara V, do.
82 and n., 83, 191n., 211, 227
212-14, 221 Somayajin, ep.. . . . .
. 93, 96 Subhākaradeva, do..
. Som kvarn, goil. . . .
. .
. .
140, 143 Subhamkara, m.,. Somēévara te.,
Subhashitaratnabhändägara, wk.,
130n. Somēévara T, W. Chalukya k., .
. 100 Sudarsanasalkam, d.,. . Sottai Tolappayyangár, m.. . . 72, 731 Sudhansu, moon,. . . Sravana-Belagoln ins... .
• 21n. Sudhanvă, legendary k.,. . Srävasti, .. . . . .
. 53, 86 Sadra, warna, . . Sri, used for Sri... ..
Sadraku, epic k... . Srichandra, Chandra k...
3,33n. Suyata, i.e. Buddha,
. . 81, 18 Sridhara, au..
Suhotra, legendary k., . Sri-Harsha, Paramira k.,
Sukla, a.a. Sullt,
. . 20, 37 Sri-isvara-Subhakarasith ha-raja
Sulkt, dy. . . .
18-20, 23, 27, Srikakulam, di., .
86, 164-65, 167 Srikakulam, l.... .
46 Sumandala plates,
· 38 ., 173 Sutkalyanadēvt, q., . .
39-40, 43 Suméru, legendary mo., . . . . . Beikantha, .
65 Sundargarh, h., . Srikarana-pattox kyaka, ol..
106-08 Sunga, dy... Srtkūrmam, in.. . .
237 Sun.god. . Srimadbhagavadgita, nok.. . . . 132n.
Sara, dy. . . . . . . 53 Srimattari, I.,
Surat plates of Sryasraya Siladitys, .
118 Srinivasa, god,
41 Surabhéavara, god,
. . . 160, 162-63 Srinivasa, 3.a. Sainyabhita Madhavayaman IT,
Surabhi, celestial cow,
. . . 162 Sailodbham k., . . . . . 37 Särapäls I, Pala k., . .
. 3 Sripatidēva, m., . . . 10, 12 Surashtra, co. . .
. . 24 Srirangam to.. . 71, 73, 74 Sarya-vaha, .
. . . . . 179 Srirangani, tn.. . . 71, 73 and n., 74 and n. Susunia ins. of Chandravarman, . , 171, 173 Sriranganātha to...
75 Sutra - Srisaila, mo., . . . 228, 235, 237, 216 and n. Apastaba. . . . . . 93, 96 Srisailam, l., . .
. . 235 Suvarnaralondi, vi.. . . . . 39-40, 43 Srisalapärpa, fa.. . . . . . . 72, 73 Svabhivatunga, Korala pr., 83 and n., 191, 210, 213, Srisailapurna, m.,. . . . 71, 72n.
215, 217, 224 Srisailapürna Tätācharya alias Avuku Tiru- Svalpa-Mangoka, di., . 147, 162, 154, 169 vengadayyangar,
. . 72 Svamichandra, k.,.
..
.
. . . . . 113 Sri Subhakaradeva Kinars (Simha). . . 84 Svamikaraja, Rashfraküla k. of Berat, . 110, Srivallabha, ep. of Bhanusakti, . . 117, 120
113-14 Srivatsaraja, M., . . .
196 Svamirsis, k., . . . . . . 113 Srtveli Kongaraiyar Puttadigal, m...
200 Svapnösvara, ch., . . . . . 142 n. Sryatraya-Slalitya, Ohalukya pr... 109, 112, 118 Svargavatal,
. . . 71 stambha, name-ending. . .
85 Svarnapura, identified with Ponnur, vi... . 202 Stambhadeva-bhatta, m.,
190 Svayambhu, 1.6. Siva, god, . . . 35-36, 65 Stambhēsvart, goddess,. . . 166-87 évèlachchhatra, royal insignia,. .
240 Standntarika, .
, 85, 88, 217 | Svētska, co., . . . . . . . 46 Sabhakars, .,
. .
. .- . . . . 84 budkata patra, royal insignia, Subhikars, do.. . . . . .. 84 Syaralaagt Mahadevi, Rashtrakafa, pr., . 175-77 Subhakara I, Bhauma-Kara k., 81 and 1., 83, 84, 88, Sylhot, di.. .
84 210-12, 214, 216 Syria, co., . .
13

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.
.
86
.
.
122
PACE
L'aux Tarkārika, 8.a. Takari, ti., . . Tātāchārya, m., . .
. . 73 n. I, distinguished from n, . . . . . 90
Tättai Ayyangār, do., .
. . . 77-78 . . . 122 Tathagata, 8.a. Buddha, . .
. 81 1, Bengali type, . .
106 Tatilingichchhi-bhatāraka te., .
110, 115 t, final, .. .
. . 80, 146, 226 Taxila, . . .
• 176 4, in Bengali and Dēvanāgart fashions, . . 49
Tējavarman, k.. .
109,112 1, reduplicated before r, .
. . 146 Tejpur, tu.. . . .
145, 152 1, subscript, looking like subcript dh or », 97.
Telugu, co.,
. . . 142 , subscript, resembling t, .
Telugu, peo., . . ta, for final t, . . .
. . 80
Telugu Academy plates of Saktivarman II, 01 Tādapa, Tadaparāja, 8.0., Tāla I, E. Chalukya
Telugu-Chola, dy.. .
162 11., 163 k.,
67, 241 Tolunga-Bhiman, s.a. Kolanu-Bhimarija, Tādinādu, Tadināda, vi., . . 64, 65, 70 ch..
ch. . . . . .
. . . .
234 Tagara, l.
. . 110, 114-115 Tēmarå ing.,.
.
. . . 196 n. Tagarapura, 8.a. Tēr, vi..
. . 14, 16 Tēn, I., . . . . . . . . 118 Tagarēsvara, l., . . . . . 15 Tonali, tk., . . .
. 229, 238 and n. Taila II, W. Chilukya k., .
204 Tentirukkāvēri, ri.,
. . . 74 n. Takāri, ri., 85-86, 89 Tēr, l., . . .
. . : 114 Takkāra, 8.a. Takārl, . i
86 Terundia platou of Subhākara II, . . 80 n., 82 Takkārikā, 3.a. Takārt, 86
7., 83 Tāļale plates of Gandarāditya,
15 Tetrawan ins. of Mahipala I,. . . . 52 Talamanchi plates of Vikramaditya I,
Te-tsong, Chinese emperor, . . . . 84 Taļangere, vi.. :
203, 207
Tozpur platos of Vanamalavármadēva, 145 n., Talangere ins. of Jayasimha,.
146-147, 149-50, 155 n. Talcher, I., . .
85, 167 Tezpur ins. of Harjaravarman,. 146, 149-50 Talcher plato of Ranastambha,
165 and 1. th, not reduplicated after r, . . . . 146 Talghor platos Sivakaradeva III, 83, 85, 210-12, th, subscript, not distinguisned from h . . 98 214, 220 Thorana-vishaya, i.d.,
• . 39-40, 43 Taleher plato of Subhakaradeva, 82-83, 211-13, Threo Mahäräahtrakas, do..
220, 222-23 Tilingichchhi-bhatáraka te., . . . . 110 Tāļikoti, l. . . . . . . . 144 timpira, 1.m., . . .
39-40, 43 Tallikroyya, streamlet, . .
. . 64 Tinnidi, vi.,. . . . . . 10-11, 13 Talmul plate of Dhruvānanda, . . 184-86 Tippalar ins. . . . .
111 n. Taltali plate of Dharmamahädēvi, . . . 81 n. Tirabhukti
Tirabhukti, 8.1. Tirhut, I.,
Tichut 1
. . 50-52, 54-55 Tamalakhanda-vishaya, 1.d., 83n., 211, 215, 217 Tiruchirappalli, ci.. . . . . . 76, 78 Tamarakolani-Krovvindleru, ri. . . 64, 70 Tiruchirappalli, di.. . . . . 47, 71 Tamilnad, .
. . . 199 n. Tirukkovalür ins. of Krishna III, . . . 200 Tamluk, in... .
Tirukkóvilur, tk.,. Tamur, 1., . .
. . . 86 Tirukkuralappan, .a. Vam da, god, . . 74 Tamura-vishaya, 1.d, .
. . 85-86, 88 Tirumala Avuku Tātācharya, m., . . Tandantottam plates of Vijaya-Nandivikramavar. Tirumala Avuku Tiruvēngadācharya, do... . man, . . .
90 1., 94 Tirumalai, 3.a. Tirupati, I., . . . 73 . t and n, distinguished, ... .... 90 Tirumalai Tiruvëngada Tättayyangår, m., . Tañjāūr-usävadi, I.,
76,78 Tirumalirusijolaimalai, 8.a. Alagarkoil, I., 73 n., 75 Tanjore, di...
. 45, 72, 73 m. Tirumangai-Alvār, saint, . . . 72, tantradhipa, off.. . 20, 25, 28 | Tirumañjanakālam Ramanujayyangår, m.,
72 Tárā, goddess,
. . . 48 Tirupati, I., . . . . 72, 73 1., 89 n. Tārāgarh, hill, . . . 178 Tiruvattūr, do., .
. . . 143 n. Taräil, l., . .
Tiruvaranga alias Pallavarāja, ch., . 231 Tarika, off., . . . 8, 12, 58 Tiruvarangachchelvi, goddesa, .
74 tarka, logic,
12, 50, 56 Tiruvarangam-Tiruppadi, I., . . . 76, 78 Tarkāra, 3.a. Takāri, ri., .
• 75 Tiruvëngadayangår alias Srisailapurra Tatacharya, Tarkiri, 8.a. Takārt, in., .
. . . 63, 86 m., . . . . . . . . 72, 76, 78
2
.

Page #427

278
Tithi, see Days, lunar
Tivara, k.,
.
Trikalingadhipati, ep., Trilochana, dataka,
Trilochana Kadamba, mythical k.,
Trilochana-Pallava, do., Trinayana-Pallava, do., Tripurantakam, ..
Tiverekheta, s.a. Tiwarkhed, vi., Tiwarkhed plates of Nannaraja, Tosala, s.a. Tõsali, co.,
Tosali, do., Tribhuvanakalasa, ep. of Satrubhanja II,
Tribhuvanamahādēvi, Bhauma-Kara q.,
Tribhuvanamahādēvi alias Sindagaur! I alias Gösvamin! II, do., 82 and n., 83 Tribhuvanamahadevi II, s.a. Prithvimahādēvi, 82 n., 83, 191, 210-211, 217, 224
.
Tribhuvanamalla, W. Chalukya k., Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI, do., Trichinopoly, di., Trikalinga, co.,
233 232, 234 74 n. 124, 127, 131, 235
Tripurantakam ins., Tripurantakéévara, god,
Tripurări, do., Tripuri, I.,
•
Tumana, vi.,.
Tummana, ca.,
Tunga, m.,
Tunga, Rashtrakuta k.,
.
.
Tungabhadra, ri.,
Tunga, f.,
.
•
•
•
Tri-sat-ottara-shat-sahaaravani-vishaya, t.d.,
Tryambaka-Pallava, Pallava k., Tulapurusha, gift,
Turimalla, 8.a. Turimella, vi., Turimella, do.,
Turimella ins. of Vikramaditya I, Turumadla, s.a. Turimella, vi.. Turumadugu, e.a. Turimella, do., Turumadugula, 8.a. Turimella, do., Turumella, s.a. Turimella, do., . Turutataka, tn.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Tyagasamudra, ep, of Vikrama-chola, Tyägasimha, k.,
39 and n., 42 111
111, 114
.
PAGE
*
210, 212-15, 220-24
•
214,
85, medial,
189
Uchchhavahala (Chhivahalā), I., 92 Udaiyarpalaiyam, tk.,
29, 31 59, 66 229, 2389 233 n., 236 n., 237
232
232
238
100
235 228-29, 243 16, 124, 125 n., 127, 227, 241
125
th,
u and , medial, confusion between u, initial, 14, medial,
124, 127, 131 50, 56 7, 55
238 85
162 n. 180, 162 and ., 163
160-61
162 n. 162 . 162 n. 162 161, 162 and n., 164 233 149
Udamana, 8.a. Udâna or Unmana, I.m., Udaya, mythical mo., Udayagiri, tk., Udayagiri ins., Udayagiri-rajya, t.d., Udayana, k., Udayana, au.,
Udayendiram plates of Bana Vikramaditya, Udayendiram plates of Nandivarman II, Uddhavarya, m., Uddyōtakesarin Mahabhavagupta IV, Somavaméi k., 10, 13 Ujeni, 8.a. Ujjain, ci., Ujenipisacha, ep.,
227
Ujjain, ci., Ujjentbhujanga, ep., Ulohala, L.,
Ulohäla stone ins.,
Ulo-khanda, sub-division,. Umå, goddess,
Umamahéévara, god,
[VOL. XXIX
80, 109, 122, 145, 160
146 208 109, 146 110, 114-15
Upadhyaya, Uparika, off., Uparipattana, t.d., .
Upendra, i.e. Vishnu,
Uraiyar, vi., Uraiyar-kürram, di., Uravupalli plates, Utkala, co.,
203, 226 79, 81
.PAGE
47
4, 10-11
11
94
173
163 and n.
59, 66
53 . 208
91 17
Umbari, vi., Umabarika, do., Umrer, do.,
Undikavätika grant of Abhimanyu, Unmattakééarin, a.a. Sivakara I, Bhauma-Kara k., Unmattasimha, s.a. Sivakara I, do...
Uttama-choda Chodakön, gen., Uttama-chola Miladudaiyan, do., Uttamadānī, pr., Uttamaéola Brahma-Märäyan, off.. Uttara-kala, t.d., 147, Uttara-Tosali, do., Uttar Pradesh, Utthuka, I.,
79, 191 162 161-64 162 162TM
92 98 164
245 14, 17, 211, 218 114 110, 113 m., 114-15 113. 175-76 81 81,
83-84, 87, 210-12, 216, 223
186 n. 12, 43
147, 149, 152-53, 157
6 76, 78
75 m., 76, 78 90-91, 93 and n., 95 n. 81, 124, 127, 131, 173 and n. 62-63, 68, 70 62, 68, 70
66 63 159
151-52, 156, 81-82, 211, 217 53, 86 211, 219

Page #428

PART VIII]
INDEX
279
ΡΑΟΣ
86 .
PAGE
varno-drama, . . . . . 186, 188 v, opasionally reduplicatod after 1, .
Varuna, god,. 146
.
. . 96 * of the Karani variety, .
Vasavs, .. .
.
.. . 289 v substituted for h,
Vasishtha, sage, 19, 99, 110
.
179, 209 n.
VIsishtht, rii, Vãohaspati, min., . • 20, 21 .
. . 282 Vāchaspatimisra, au..
Vasiyapa-ghaisisa, M.,
53-54 .
. . 17 Vadakku-tiruvidippillai, do...
71 n. Vasukivartta, 1., ...
• 50, 54-56
Vastavy, S. Vadnēr plates,
120 n. .
. 196 Vaddarddhane, wk.,
204 n.
Vataparvataka, 1., . Vahēda, vi., .
Vatapuraka, vi., .
10-12 .
110, 114, 115 Vaidyanatha, god,
82
Vatēsvar-pervat,. Vaijayanti, wk.,
Vatsa, sage,. .
.
. . 179
Vedavykas, do.. Vaikhånasa order, 127, 131
. . 121 Vedura, Velananti ch., 140
. Vaikunthaperumal te..
. . 228, 230, 244 Velan ndu, 1.,
. 225-26, 228-29, 243 Vairāta, f. . .
215 .
Velananti, J.,. Vairdohana, myth. k., .
181
. . . . 225-27, 229 Vaidvasika, off..
Vellävi, et... . !
40,43
:
. . . 10-12 Velluka, m...
158 Vaibya, varna,
. 167, 169 Velu, do. 105, 172, 227 and .
. Vaitarani, ri.,
. 164
Vēluka, o.a. Velu, do... Vairāka, vi...
: . .
164
. 64
Velarpålaiyam plates,
110, 114-15 Vaivadraka, l.,
. .
. 90 .
Vergi-mandala, 1.d., Vajradāman, Kachchhavaha k.,
24
.
. . 240 Vajradatta, pr. . .. 147, 149, 153, 157 and n.
Vēnkara, l.,. . Vajrahasta (II), Ganga k.,
Vēmulavida, a.a. Lembulapätaka, do... . . . . .
22 n., 28 123 Vajrahasta Ananta varruan, do.,
46-47
Vengl, co., 48, 61, 62 and 1., 63, 66, 225, 231-32, 233 Våkpäla, Pala k., . . . . . 3, 6, 84
and n., 284-35, 287 Vakpati, com.. . .
20,28 Vôngimandala-asteen-thousand, 1.d., , 231, 289 Vakpati II Muñja, Paramara k.. . . 25-26 i Venkatadesika, ., . . . . . 76.71 Vakulamahadevi, Bhauma.Kara q... . 82-83, 222 Vetravati, Ti.. . . . . . . 21 n. Valsvāda, .a. Rahanagart, I., . . 13-14, 16 Věváka, vi... . . . . . . 84, 70 Vallabhadēva, k., :
Vibhuraja, Rashtrakafa k. of Manapura, 174-76, 177 Vallimalai, I., . . 200 n., 201
and n. Vamana, m., . . . . 196, 199 Vichitraviryya, epic k., . .
. 65, 239 Våmana, incarnation of Vishnu, . . 179, 181 Vida, identified with Vida, vi.. . . 19 and n. Vanamála, .... Vanamálsvarman, 147, 149, 154, Vida, do... . .
. 22, 26 167-58 Vida-dvädasa, 1.d., . . . .
20-23, 27 Vanamälavarmadēva, Vanamálavarman, Mie.
Vidarbha, co.. . .
. . . . 113
Viddha kalabhartfika, wk., . chchha k. of Pragjyotisha, . 145 and 1., 147, 149
• 24 n. Vidhivivčka, do.. .
Vidyadharabhafija, Bhanja k., . . . 190-92 Vanaprastha, a drama,
Vigrahapala, Pala k.,
10-11, 54-56
. Vangaladeka, . a. Chandradvipa, . .
Vigrahapala I, do., . .
. . 3,6 Vanga, co., .
. .
Vigrahapala II, do., . . 3-4, 7, 51 and n., 62 Vanga, pen.,
173 Vaniggotrā, vi.,
Vigrahapala III, do., .
1, 4, 9-10, 13, 48-60, 61 and ., .
186, 188 Vanglys Sähitya Parishat plate of Visvarapasēna, 45n.
52, 87 Vigraharāja, Chahamana k., . 189-90, 191 n., 192, 224
.
178 Vañjulvaka, ca., . Varadakhanda-vishaya, t.d., .
86 Vijayāditya, ch. of Pithapuram, 233, 234 and n. Variha (Kola), incarnation of Vishnu, . 18, 179 Vijayaditya, B. Chalukya k.. 59-62, 66, 207, 241
Vijayaditya, Kadamba k. Varahalarichhana,.
. . 29, 30 . .
66, 240 .
. .
. Vår nasi-kataka, 8.a. Cuttack,
. Vijayaditya, k., . . .
102 n. 299.40
. Vārēndra Brahmana, .
Vijayaditya, Silahara k., .
. . .
. 16-16 . . . Varman, dy... .
Vijayaditya I, E. Chalukya k., . . 67, 228, 241 Vermmulaka-obaturvēdin, ř., . . 110, 118 Vijayiditya I. Kadamba k.. . . . . 81
35 n.
52
107
.
.

Page #429

280
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXIX
PAGE
ΓΑΣ
•
67
.
65
233
Vijayaditya II, E. Chalubya L., . . 226-27 Vira-Rajëndra-choda, .a. Velananti Rajendra Vijayaditya IV, do.. . .
67, 227 Choda II, ch., . . ... . . 238 Vijayāditya V, do.
Vlrasena, epic k., .
. . . . 35 ». Vijayaditya VII, do.. . . . . 61, 63, 227 | Vira-Somēsvara IV, W. Chalukya k... . . 144 • Vijayanagara, ca.,. . . 71-72, 73 and 7., 163 Virāta, f. . . . $3 n., 211, 215, 219, 224
Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, Pallava k., . . 95 Virata Bhujanga, du. . . Vijayarka, 4.a. Vijayaditya II, Kadamba k., 29, 31 Viratapura, L., . .
215 Vijayarkkadēva, 8.a. Vijayaditya, Silahara k., 16 Vira-Vijayaditya, 1.a. Vijayaditya Vijaya-Skandavarman IV, Pallava k.. . . 229 VIII, E. Chalukya k., . Vijiapti, off. . . .
113 Virochana, legendary k., . . . Vikrama-chöja, Chalukya-Chala k... 227, 232-33, 242 Viruparasa, ch.. . . .
144 Vikraina-chola Choliyavaraiyan, 8.1. Areyan R. l'isaryn,' . . . . . . 80 n., 1:2 jarajan, gen.,
62n. Vishry pati, off. 8. 12,561, , 88, 114, 166-167, 217 Vikramaditya, 8.a. Jayasakti, Sendruka k., 117. Vishnu, god, 1.23-24, 127-28, 129 and 1., 131 and n..
18, 120
139, 179-81, 232, 235, 237, 239 Vikramaditya, .,.
. . . 161 Vishnu, min., 123, 124, 125, 127, 131 132 and n., Vikramaditya, E. Chalukya pr., . . . 271
133 n. Vikramaditya (1), Early Chalukya k., 67, 241 Vishnubhatta, m.,. . .
66, 239 Vikramaditya (11), do... . . . . . 67 Vishytuhitta, ep... . .
s . 30 Vikramaditya, son of Bhima, E. Chalukyo ... 241 | Vishnudēvasarman, m...
. . 5,8 Vikramaditya, Suiki k.,. . .
. . 166
Vishnumangala, I., . Vishnumaa
.
. . . 207 n. Vikramiditya I, W. Chalukya k., 92, 113, 118, 160-61, Vishwahasrananwa, wok..
. . . 129. 162 and n., 163 Vishnuvardhana, ep., . . 60 n., 228, 240, 244 Vikramiditya IT, do.,
161 and 1., 169 1. Vishnuvardhana, Pallava k.. . . . . 240 Vikramaditya V, do. . . . . 59 . Vishnuvardhana, E. Chilukyu k., 59-60, 66, 68, 230,
apura, .. . . ' . . . . 53 Vila 8.a. Billiari, .
. 22 n. Vishnuvardhana, founder of the E. Chalukya dy. 240 Vila-dvädaša 8.. Vida-dvadasa, .d., 20, 29 n.Vishnuvardhana II, E. Chalukyn k.. . . 94, 240 Vilasapura, ci., . . . 41., 10-11 | Vishnuvardhana (III), do. . . . 67, 0-41 Viläsatunga, Nanda k. of Orissa, . 184-85, 187 Vishnuvardhana (IV), do. . . 67, 226, 227, 241 Vilāvarāvidi-valanadu, t.d. . . . 70, 78 Vishnuvardhana V, do... . . . 226, 227 Vimaladitya, E. Chalukya k., 58,00 and ., 01-62, 65, Vitishfadvaita,. . .
.
. 79 67, 228, 230 and n., 242 Visvanatha-mahasenapati, ofl. . . 106-08 Vimalāditya, Chôda k.,. . . . . 243 Visvēsvara-Mahādēva, god., . . . . 238 Vinayachandra, scribe, . . . . . .223 n. Viļavatti grant of Simhavaraan, 90 and ., 91, 93 11. Vinayaditya, sur. of Mangalarasa, . . 118 vithi, 1.d., . . . .
. . . 4, 10 Vinayāditya, W. Chålukya k... 113, 118, 102 *., 207 Vitthaladva, yol, . .
. . . 72 Vinayaditya-Mangalarasa, k., ..
100, 112 Vivada, 7... .
. . . : 51, 57 Vindhya, mo. 39, 49, 112, 121, 125, 127, voda, tar, . .
107-08 131, 240 Vrigadi,f.,. .
83n., 211, 215, Viuttatunga, Tunga ch... . . . : 85
218, 224 l'iniyukta, Viniyuktaka, off... . 8, 12, 43, 58 Vrisha-stambha,
. . . 105 Vinukonda, tk., . . . . . 237 Vyakarana,, .
. . 12, 50, 56 Vira-choda, Chalukya-Chola pr., .
231 Vyasa, sage,. .
. . 121, 161
Vyavaharin, off. Vira-Goggidēva, ch., . . . .
.
. 144 Virajā, 8.a. Virajāpurl, . . • 227 and N., 241 Virajāpuri, I., . . . . . . 227 Virajä-tirtha, 8.a. Jajpur, do., . . 103 Virapermādidēva, Kadamba pr.,
31 Wandiwanh, lk., . . .
. 201 Waness, l.,
. . VIrapratāpa, ep...
118 : . .
. . . 76, 78
. 52-53, 83, 85 Virapurisadata, Ikahvaku k., . . . 138
Western Chalukya, dy.. . . . 111 n., 118 m. Virarajendra, Chola k., . . . . 46 Wu-oha, 8.a. Odra or Orissa. . . . . 84

Page #430

PART VIII ]
INDEX
281
PAGE
PAGE
Sh.
.
.
y, in Grantha character, . . . . . 109 Gupta, . . . 34, 146, 171, n., 173, 214 y, looking like p, . . .
. : 195 Harsha, . . . . . 81, 165, 183, 214 y, looped form of . . .
. 200
Kalachuri, see Chidi y, not reduplicated after T,
• 146 Kali, . . . . . . . 202 y, tripartite form of . 200 and n. Málava Samvat, . .
. 122 y, two forms of .
. . 109 Saka, 13-14, 17, 23, 29, 32, 63 n., 58 m., 60-61, Yadava-Bhima, gen., .
. . 63 71-72, 78, 110-111, 117-18, 134, 163, 203, 225-26, Yajfavalkya-smriti, tok., .
. : 148
228, 231, 232 and 1., 233 and 1., 235, 236 and the Yajurvēda, Black, . . .. . 117
237 and n., 238 Yakah cult,. . . . .. 199 Salivahana-Saka, . . .
202 Yamagartä-mandala, 1.d.,
. 85, 86, 89 Samyat or Vikrama Samvat, 6, 8, 10, 12, 63, 89, Yamuna, ri., . 65-66, 182 and n. :
98-99, 106, 108, 194-96, 199 Yauvanaert, Kalachuri pr.,
. 52 regnalYasabkarna, Kalachuri k., . . . 52
2nd, .
. . . 160 Yasodatta, donee, . .
186, 188-89 3rd,
. . . . 174-77 Yagovarnan, Chandella k., . 21, 22 n., 25
5th, . . Yasovşiddhi, m., . . . 83 n., 210, 217
..
60 n., 169, 171 Yattinhalli, vi., . .
. . . 139 11th, , : Yavan-daan-indra,. .
.
12th, . 124, 127, 131 . . .
. . 51, 92, 96 Yayāti, epic k., . .
. 66, 13th,
. 33 n., 84-86 Yayatinagara, ca., . .
17th, Years
19th, Cyclic
24th, . . . . . . . 61 Plava,
. . .
. . . . 33 ., 61. Prabhava,
27th, . . . . . . . 161 Pramadin,
50th, . . .
. . . 33 n. Sarvajit,
. 232 Unspecified,
120-21, 184-85, 189-90, 194 Sabhakrit, . 13. 17 Yelamazohili, tk..
. . . 237 Vikarin, . 29. 32: Yelburga, I.. .
. . . 237 Visvävasu,
Yögarāja, Chavda k.,
. . . . 24 46 of the 60-year Cycle, .
202 Yogasvāmin, ...
. . . . 50, 56 Anka, . . .
44, 105-08 Yögēsvara, do.. .
. 61, 57 of eras
Yuddhamalla, E. Chalukya k...
. 241 Bhauma-Kara, 8+ n., 158, 160, 165, 191, 211, 214, Yuddhamalla (II), do., .
67 Yuddhisura, ep. of Rashfraküla Nannaraja, 218, 224, 233 and n.
110, 114 Chēdi or Kalachuri, 97 n., 98-99, 118, 195
Yudhishthira, epic k., 16, 66-66, 121, 139 n., 153, 157,
239 Ganga,. . . . . . . . 233 . Yuvaraja, of.. . . . . .. 22-23, 60
.
.
202
117.,
MOIPC-81–0 DGA/66—9-12-57-450.

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