Epigraphia Indica Vol 20

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032574/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. XX (1929-30)
COL प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृणु
PUBLISHED BY
THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1983

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. XX. 1929-30.
9
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृण
PUBLISHED BY
THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110011
1983

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Reprinted 1983
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
1983
Price : Rs. 40,00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press, 5!33 Kirti Nagar Industrial Area New Delhi-110015.

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OT INDIA
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
AND
RECORD OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
Vol. XX. 1929-30.
EDITED BY
HIRAN ANDA SASTRI, M.A., M. O.L., D. LITT., GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA.
DELHI: MANAGER OF PUBLICATIONS
1933

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CONTENTS.
The names of contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGS ATYER, SUBRAHMANYA, K. V., B.A., M.R.A.S.
No. 3. Three Tamil Inscriptions of Lalgudi . . . . . . . . . 46 BANERJI, R. D., M.A.No. 10. Patna Museum Plates of Ranabhanja—the year 22. .
.
. . . . . 100 , 11. The Kadambapadraks Grant of Naravarman-V. S. 1167 . . DIKSHIT, K. N., M.A.
No. 6. Paharpur Copper-plate Grant of the [Gupta) year 159 HALDER, R. R.
No. 9. Samoli Inscription of the time of Siladitya [Vikrama-Samvat) 703 . . .
13. Dabok Inscription of the time of Dhavalappadova ; [Harsha-] Samvat 207 . . HIRALAL, RAI BAHADUE
No. 14. Four Chandella Copper-plate Inscriptions . . . . . . . JAYASWAL, K. P., M.A. AND BANERJI, R. D., Prof., M.A.
· No. 7. The Hathigumpha Inscription of Kharavela . . . . PANCHAMUKOT, R. S., M.A.
No. 6. Kotavumachgi Inscription of Vikramaditya V . .
12. Two Sinda Inscriptions from Benachamatti, Saka 1088 and Saka 1109 Rao, LAKSHMINARYAN, N., M.A.
No. 8. Kap Copper-plate of Keladi Sadasiva-Nayaka ; Saka 1479. . . . . SAHNT, DAYA RAN, M.A., RAI BAHADUR
No. 4. A Sunga Inscription from Ayodhya . . . . . . SASTRI, HIRANANDA
No. 2. Nalanda Stone Inscription of the reign of Yagovarmmadeva . . . . . VOGEL, J. Ps., PROP., PA.D.
No. 1. Prakrit Inscriptions from a Buddhist site at Nagarjunikonda . . . . . INDEX .
. . . . . . . . . . .
• 137 Appendix-A List of the Inscriptions of Northern India written in Brahmi and its Derivative Scripts from
about A.C. 200. By Professor D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A., Pu.D. . Title-page, Contents, List of Plates and Additions and Corrections . . . . . .i-vili
.
.
43–286

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No. 1. Prakrit Insoription from a Buddhist site at Nagarjunikonda (I)
2.
10
10
"
LIST OF PLATES.
"
"
39
"
6. Nalanda Stone Inscription of the reign of Yasevarmmadeva
7. Three Tamil Inscriptions of Lalgudi
8. Babarpur Copper Plate Grant of the (Gupta) year 159
(II)
(IV) (V)
9. Kotavumachgi Inseription of Vikramaditya V
10. Samoli Inseription of the time of Siladitya-Vikrama-Samvat] 703.
•
.
between pages
to face page between pages
"
to face page between pages
"
62 & 63 66 & 67 to face page 99 between pages 102 & 103 106 & 107 124 136
16 & 17
18 & 19 21
22 & 23 24 & 25 43 52 & 52
11. Patna Museum Plates of Ranabhanja-the year 22
18. Kadambapadraka Grant of Naravarman-V. 8. 1167
"9
i 13. Dabok Inscription of the time of Dhavalappadeva; [Harsha-] Samvat 207 to face page 16. Charkhari Plate of Hamiravarmadeva, [Vikrama-] Samvat 1346..

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS,
Page 7, 1. 26.-For Kasmira read Kasmira.
, 15, 1. 7 of G.-For Bhatidēvā read Bhatidevā. , 22, 1. 26.-For mahāvishă*]re read Mahāvi hā*]re.
23, 1. 11.-For Tambapamna read Tambaparni.
32, 1. 38.-For (G. 1. 12) read (H. 1. 12). ,, 35, 1. 17.-For Asoka read Asoka.
,, penultimate line.--For China read China, , 36, 1. 17.-For Naharāllaboļu read Nāharāļļa būdu. , 39, 1. 8.--For he read the. , 44, f.n. 3.--For hould read should. 45, penultimate line in translation of Verse 1.- For fishes (engraved) read makaras (wrough)
(suggested by Dr. A. Coomaraswamy.-ed.). ,,1. 2. in translation of Vv. 4-6.-For asif read as if
1.3 , „ V.9.--For coplous read copious. , 47, 1. 35.-For Paräntak n read Parantakan. , 48, 1. 25.--For latter read later.
, 1. 36.-For Vēlūrapāļaiyam read Vēlürpālaiyam. , 1.2 of f. n. 5.-Insert (before Stambha). 49, 1. 6.-Insert after Aparājita.
,, f. n. 5.--For Tillasthānam read Tillaisthānam. 50, col. 4 in the table.-For Prithvipati I read Prithvipati L
, 1. 1 of f. n. 3.-For Varaguna read Varaguna. 51, penultimate line of the letterpress.-For Ilamperungāy. read Iļamperunkäy
53, 1. 5 of translation.-For th egun read the sun, , , 1.5 of text of C.--For 1-ppon read i-ppon.
56, 1. 29.-For writer read writers. 58, 1. 30.-For karamisra read karamisra. 61, 1.2 of f. n. 5.-For Nätha-sarmmá read Näthasarmma. 63, f. n. 7.-For mahimatāṁ read mahimatāṁ.. 65, 1. 10.-For Govinda-Bhatta read Govinda-Bhatta. 66, 1. 20.-Omit be. , f. n. 1.- For Hebbal read Hebbā!. , f. n. 6.-For elonged read belonged. 67, text 1. 24.-For bhatta- read bhatta-. 68, text l. 43.-For mukkyarggam read mukhyarggam. 69,f, n.4.-For साधयेडिजितेद्रियः read साधयेहिजितेन्द्रियः 70, 1.2 of translation of LI. 46-48.-For Väraņāsi rend Väraņāsi. 79, text line 6.-For Rāja=8[u]ya[m] read Rājas[ülya[m].
83,1. 2.- Por Kalingapatanam read Kalingapatanan. ,, 86, t. n. 5 1.3.- Por Bhattoji read Bhattāji. ,, 87, a. 11.--For Fori nstance read For instance.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XX.
Page 88, f. n. 6.-For D. P. J. read K. P.J.
89, 1, 3 of translation of l. 15.-For Sindhula read Sindhula. » 90, f. n. 2.--For Viramitrödaya read Viramitrodaya. >> 91, 1. 6.-For Yasodharachariyā read Yasodharachariya.
92, 1. 16.-For Girnar read Girnar. , 95, translation of Ll. 19 ft.-For Paramēsvara read Rājcparamèsvara. 96,
28 ff. For Kanur- read Kāņūr-. , 97, 1. 2.-Insert & comma after Samkara-setti. , 99, text 1.7.-For TETER read exe)".
text l. 11.-For a read , 102, text I. 25.--For Dakhi(kshi)na-pa(pā)li- read Dakhi(kshi)naps(pā)li-,
103, text l. 41.-For Bhu(Bhūmi -read bhu(bhū)mi-.
, text 1. 42.-For-samkā read bankā. , 104, text I. 45.- For Hara[n*)= read hara[n=,
, f. n. 13.-For utkirnnant read utkirnnan , 110, 1.5.-For Yogēsvara- read Yogēsvara-. , 112, 1. 32.-For Vira-Pandya read Vira-Pāņdys.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOLUME XX.
1.-PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM A BUDDHIST SITE AT NAGARJUNIKONDA.
BY PROFESSOR J. PH. VOGEL, PH. D., LEIDEN.
In March 1926 Mr. A. R. Sarasvati, Telugu Assistant in the office of the Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy at Madras, made a discovery of great interest at the hill of Nagarjunikonda which belongs to the Palnaḍ taluk of the Guntur district of the Madras Presidency. The hill, which is described as a big flat-topped hill some 200 acres in extent, overhangs the right bank of the river Kistna or Krishna, the Kannapeņņā or Kannavanņā (Skt. Krishnavarna) of Pali literature, at a distance of some 15 miles from Macherla and on the border of the Nizam's Dominions. The top of the hill shows traces of fortifications, now in ruins. The find of a Buddhist sculpture led to the discovery of three vast mounds of large bricks in different parts of the valley, each, apparently, marking the site of a stupa. In the vicinity of these mounds marble pillars were found, some of them standing erect in rows. Several more were reported to lie scattered in the neighbouring villages and on the other side of the river. Among the pillars left on the site there were three, one on each mound, bearing inscriptions in Prakrit and in Brahmi characters.
At the request of Dr. Hirananda Sastri, Government Epigraphist, I undertook to edit the inscriptions in the Epigraphia Indica. A set of excellent estampages prepared under instructions from that officer, reached me in September 1926; but it was not until the end of that year that I could find the necessary leisure to decipher and study them. Early in March 1927, Dr. Hirananda Sastri informed me that trial excavations carried out on the site of Nagarjunikonda by Mr. Hamid Kuraishi, then officiating as Superintendent of Archaeology in the Southern Circle, had yielded no less than eighteen more inscriptions and that their estampages would be sent to my address, in case I should be willing to edit them. I gladly consented to undertake this laborious but attractive task. As, however, there was a likelihood of the recently discovered inscriptions being of some help in elucidating doubtful points in those found previously, I suggested that the epigraphical finds of Nagarjunikonda might be best dealt with in one article. Dr. Hirananda Sastri accepted this proposal and in October 1927 supplied me with a complete set of estampages admirably executed.
During the cold season of 1927-28 the excavations at Nagarjunikonda were continued under the supervision of Mr. A. H. Longhurst, Superintendent of the Archaeological Survey, Southern Circle. These explorations have resulted in the discovery of a number of very remarkable Buddhist sculptures, some of them bearing inscriptions. The style which they exhibit is clearly that of
1 A preliminary account of the discovery will be found in the Annual Report on South-Indian Epigraphy for the year ending 31st March 1926, Madras, pp. 4 and 92 f. Cf. also Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology for the year 1926, Leyden, 1928, pp. 14-16.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XX
As more
Amaravati, although perhaps they cannot boast of the high artistic merit which we admire in the best work from that place. Among the sculptural decoration of the two pillars discovered by Mr. Longhurst there are figures which clearly betray Roman influence. The full report of his excavations will be received with the greatest interest. There cannot be the slightest doubt that Nāgārjunikonda represents, next to Amaravati, the most important Buddhist site hitherto found in Southern India. The results which Amarāvati might have yielded have, for a large part, been irreparably lost owing to the deplorable vandalism perpetrated on that monument more than a century ago. It is all the more gratifying that the site of Nagarjunikonda is now being systematically explored so that no piece of evidence is likely to be overlooked. Mr. Longhurst estimates that the complete excavation of the site will require three years more.
When in February 1882 Dr. Burgess excavated the site of the Jaggayyapeta stūpa, on the Pālēr river, a tributary of the Kộishņā and about four miles north of their junction, he chanced upon three inscribed pillars, bearing each an identical dedicatory inscription in Prakrit. These epigraphs record the gift of five ayaka-khambhas at the eastern gate of the Mahāchetiya or Great Chaitya by & certain artisan (āvesani) Siddhattha in the twentieth year of King Mädhariputa Siri-Vira purisadata of the Ikhaku dynasty. The corresponding form in Sanskrit would be Māthariputra Sri-Vira purushadatta. Dr. Burgess expressed the opinion that the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions belong to about the third or fourth century A.D., but are possibly earlier." Dr. Bühler, while editing them, placed the reign of King Purisadata in the third century of our era, and before the accession of the Palla vas to the throne of Vengi."
The position of such ayaka-pillars on the monument to which they once have belonged becomes perfectly dear from the chaitya-slabs which have been found in such remarkable numbers on the site of Amaravati. These chaitya-Blabs exhibit the effigy in relief of a chaitya or stüpa in all its details, in other words, they represent the great monument which they once adorned. Now, one of the most prominent features of the main edifice-a feature not met with, as far as we are aware, in other parts of India is a row of five columns surmounting a kind of projecting balcony which seems to form part of the procession-path running around the body of the monument. These pillars invariably oocupy & position right opposite the entrances to the sacred enclosure, and as the stone railing surrounding the sanctuary has an entrance on each of the four cardinal points, it follows that the monument, when entire, must have had four sets of such pillars. They do not appear to have had any structural function as supporting members, but, besides carrying wellknown Buddhist emblems, they were utilised for dedicatory inscriptions, as have been noticed at Jaggayyapeta. The word ayaka-Ihambha mentioned in these epigraphs is evidently the technical term by which they were known'.
There can be little doubt that the great stupa of Amarāvati, when entire, was decorated with such pillars, but only a few fragments have been recovered. In the case of the monument of
1 J. Burgess, The Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapela; London, 1887, pp. 110 f., plates LXII and LXIII. 04. H. Lüders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos. 1202-1204 (Ep. Ind., Vol. X, app., pp. 139 f.); G. Bahler, Indische Palæographie, p. 44. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XI (1882), pp. 256 ff.
The word ayaka oocurs also in the compounde dakhin-yaka (Burgers, Amaravati, etc., p. 86, pl. LX, no. 47) and war-dyala (ibidem, p. 93), which have been rendered "the south entrance" and "the northern gate". It is questionable whether this translation is correct. The word "gate" is rendered by dara (Skt. dudra). Most probably the word ayaka indicates that part of the monument where the ayaka-khambhas were placed.
Burgess, op. ort., pl. XLV,1-4. The finest specimen is the square lower end of a pillar decorated on the four sides with as many Buddhist symbols--a stūpa, a bödhi-tree, a chaitya-hall, and a wheel. There is an inscription in four lines beneath the figure of the stüpa (pl. LX, no. 47) in which the pillar is called chetiya-kha [e]. bho sadhaduko.

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No. 1.]
PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
Jaggayyapeta three inscribed specimens were found, only one of them being complete. These, As we have seen, must have belonged to a set of five such pillars which were placed on the east side. Dr. Burgess noticed large påklars or stelæ at three of the sides of the stúpa, but it would seem that those found on the other sides were uninscribed.
The explorations at Nägārjunikonda have brought to light no less than seventeen specimens of āyaka-pillars, all inscribed. In thirteen cases the inscription is complete or nearly so. The technical execution of these epigraphs is as remarkable as the state of their preservation. Evi. dently, these pillars once served the purpose of adorning the main monument of the site, mentioned in the inscriptions under the name of Mahāchetiya (Skt. Mahachaitya), i.e., the Great Chaitya. It is clear that here, too, there must have stood a row of five such pillars at each of the four cardinal points, their total number being twenty. The original position which each of the seventeen columns so far recovered once occupied, could still be ascertained. A complete list of the inscriptions will be given below.
The mound which covered the ruins of the Mahāchetiya is nowadays known by the name of Nibagutta. Close to the east side of the great monument the excavations revealed the remains of an apsidal temple containing a small chaitya as an object of worship. The floor of this shrine retains the record of its foundation in an inscription (E) of two very long lines, remarkably well preserved.
At a distance of about a furlong to the east of the Great Chaitya there is another mound called Nāharăllabödu. According to Mr. Longhurst, this site contains the most important group of monastic buildings, including a large monastery built of brick and plaster, and the remains of two stūpas. At the side of the former building were found the remnants of another apsidal shrine or chaitya-ball. Here, too, a long inscription (F), incised on the floor of the temple, was found to be the record of its foundation.
There is a third mound known by the name of Iţikarällabodu to the north-west of the Great Chaitys and at a distance of about two furlongs from it. Here a number of stone pillars, apparently still occupying their original position, indicate the existence of another ancient building. From the inscription (G) found on one of these pillars (this inscription is one of the three recovered in March 1926), it appears that the edifice in question was & vihara somewhat later in date than the buildings previously noticed. If this conclusion is correct, the stone pillars may have formed part of the verandah enclosing the central court-yard of the convent.
A third vihara must have stood in a locality now known as Kottampalugu to the north of Nägärjunikonda. Here, too, the record of its foundation is inscribed on a stone pillar. The inscription (H), which is one of the three copied in March 1926, is probably the latest in date, the writing being smaller and less distinct than in the case of the earlier inscriptions.
The Jaggayyapeta inscriptions, as we have noted above, are dated in the twentieth year of the reign of a king who calls himself Madhariputa Ikhākunam Siri-Virapurisadata. The epigraphical records now recovered on the Buddhist site of Nāgārjunikonda refer to the same Ikhāku dynasty of Southern India. They mention not only Madhariputa Siri-Virapurisadata, in whose reign the principal sanctuaries of this locality were founded, but also his father, Väsithiputa Siti-Chāṁtamüla, and his son and successor Våsetbiputa Siri-Ehuvula-Chatamūla. In a passage which occurs in several of the inscriptions, the former is eulogized as a performer of the
1 This is the usual spelling of the name. The more correct form Siri-Virapurisadats ocours in inscr. G.
It is somewhat difficult to decide whether Chamtamüls or Chātamala is the correct form of these two Dames. In some cases there appears to be the sign of the anusvāra over the a. We may, therefore, assame, that elsewhere it has been omitted by mistake.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XX.
Vedic sacrifices Agnihotra, Agnishtöma, Väjapěya and Abvamëdha. It follows that Siri-Chărutamtila was a devotee of Brahmanism. His son, Siri-Virapurisadata, though partaking in the religious merit, does not seem to have had an active part in the foundation of the religious monuments of Nagarjunikonda. They owed their existence to the piety of certain queens and princesses belonging to the royal house of Ikhāku and evidently devotees of the Buddhist faith.
The principal founder was a lady called Chåṁtisiri (sirinika in inscr. B 3) who is praised for her munificence in a passage which recurs in not loss than nine of the ayaka-pillar inscriptions. In these inscriptions she is called the uterine sister of Siri-Chämtamāla and the paternal aunt of Siri-Virspurisadata. She was married to the Mahäsénapati, the Mahātalavara Vasithiputa Kardasiri of the Pūkiya family, and, in consequence, she herself bears the title of Mahätalavari. Moreover, she is called the mother of Khamdasāgaramnaka. In one of the pillar inscriptions (B 5) it is distinctly stated that it was she who erected the Great Chaitya of the Great Vihara or Monas. tery. It is curious that here the irstrumental plural (mahätalavarihi......Charitisirinikāhi) is employed, but it will be noted that several ladies of that name took part in the donation, Or, can it be a pluralis majestatis ? The date regularly found at the end of the pillar inscriptions-- the sixth year of Siri-Vira purisadata, the sixth fortnight of the rainy season, the tenth day-marks, no doubt, the time when the great monument was consecrated. Chārtisiri was, moreover, the foundress of the apsidal shrine (No. I), built opposite the eastern or principal side of the Great Chaitya. This is distinctly stated in the long inscription (E) cut on the floor of that building. In this document the edifice founded by Chāṁtisiri is designated first as a chetiya-ghara, and subse. quently as a stone mandapa surrounded by a cloister (chatusäla-parigahitan sela-mamtaram). The building was dedicated to the acharyas of the Aparamahāvinaseliya sect. The time of the dedication is expressed by the date found at the end of the inscription--the eighteenth year of Siri-Virapurisadata, the sixth fortnight of winter, the fifth day. The date is given both in words and in figures.
It deserves notice that in the earlier inscriptions Chămtisiri is called the paternal aut (pituchha)" of the reigning king, whereas in the later inscription (E), noted above, she refers to the king as her son-in-law. It would seem that Siri-Virapurisadata between the 6th and the 18th years of his reign had married the daughter of his aunt and consequently his cousin.
Two of the pillar inscriptions (C 2 and 4) mention another sister (sðdarā bhagini) of King Siri-Chantamūla, whose name was Hammasiri or Hammasiriņikā, and two of her daughters named Bapisirinika and Chhathisiri. Both these princesses were married to the reigning king, their cousin, and consequently bear the title of Mahadevi.
The same title of Mahādevi is borne by a lady, Rudradharabhaţărika, whose name occurs in the inscription on the fifth pillar of the southern row (B 5). It may be concluded that she, too, was & consort of the reigning king, though in the inscription she is not expressly designated as such. She appears to have been a princess from Ujjain (Skt. Ujjayini), the well known town in Central India, if at least we are justified in correcting the reading Ujanikā mahärabalika of the text into Ujenika mahārāja-balika. Among the rulers of the house of Chashtana, the so-called Western Kshatrapas, whose capital was Ujjain, we find a certain preference for personal names containing the name of the god Rudra, such as Rudradāman, Rudrasēna and Rudrasimha. This renders it
1 Here, too, there provails some uncertainty whether the name is Chimtisiri or Chitisiri.
Insor. E has Palgiya.
• The eastern side being the principal side of the Great Chaitys, it is significant that the three ayaka-pillers recovered on that side of the monument were all dedicated by Chamisiri.
• In Sanskrit: chatula-parigrihftan baila-mandapam.
Pali pituchchha.

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No. 1.]
PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIRONDA.
all the more plausible to assume that the Queen Rudradharabhatārikā mentioned in the inscription belonged to that illustrious house.
The pillar inscriptions acquaint us with three more noble ladies who were associated with Chămtisiri in her pious foundation. The one mentioned on the second pillar of the south side (B2) is called Adavi (!)-Chā[m]tişiri. The inscription calls her the daughter of King Siri-Chămtamūla, the sister of King Siri-Virapurisadata, and the wife of the Mahāsēnāpati Mahātalavara Mahädandanāyaka Khamda vigākhamnaka (Skt. Skandavisākha) of the house of the Dhanakas. She herself is distinguished by the title of Mahätalavari.
The other lady, who was the donor of the fourth pillar of the southern row (B 4), is called Chula-Chā[m]tisiriņikā, i.e., Chā[m]tisiriņikā the Lc8s or the Younger, the adjective chula evidently being added to distinguish her from her namesake, the foundress of the Mahāchetiya. The junior Cha[n]tisirinikā, as stated in the inscription, was a daughter of the Kulahakas and the spouse of the Mahāsēnāpati Mahātalavara Väsithīputa Khamdachalikiremmanaka of the Hiramñakas. She herself bears the title of Mahāsēnāpatini.
The fifth pillar of the western side (C5) was dedicated by a lady whose personal name is not mentioned, but who is called the wife of the Mahāsēnāpati Mahätalavara Vasithiputa Maha. kardasiri of the Pūkiyas and the mother of the Mahāsënāpati Mahātalavara Vinhusiri (Skt. Vishrusri). She is, moreover, distinguished by the title Mahātalavari. If we may assume that Mahākaṁdasiri and Kandasiri are one and the same person, it would follow that the anonymous lady of the pillar-inscription C5 was a co-wife (sapatni) of Chårtisiri.
We must now consider the two separate pillar-inscriptions G and H which, as we have noted above, must belong to a somewhat later date. The inscription G is found on one among a number of pillars, decorated with lotus-rosettes, which were found standing about two furlongs to the north-west of the Mahāchetiya. Mr. Longhurst informs me that the tops of these pillars are each provided with a mortice evidently meant to receive the beams of a wooden roof. This would well agree with our supposition that these stone columns once belonged to the verandah enclosing the central court of the vihāra. The inscribed stone shows several cracks running through the inscri. bed surface and the letters are worn owing to exposure.
The inscription records the foundation of a vihāra by Mahādēvi Bhatidevā who is called the daughter-in-law of Siri-Chă[m]tamüla, the wife (?) of Siri-Vira purisadata, and the mother of a Mahārāja, whose name appears to be Siri-Ehuvuļa-Chātamūla. The three syllables which we read-huvula-are uncertain. The same is the case with the one or two initial syllables of the word following the name Siri-Virapurisadata, so that it is doubtful what relation existed between that king and the lady Bhatidevā. The word in question, however, can be hardly anything but bhayāya. Thus it would follow that Bhatideva was the consort of the king. The last two lines of the document seem to have contained a date, but unfortunately this part of the inscription has been obliterated to such an extent that our reading must be regarded as conjectural. Evidently the vihāra was founded during the reign of Bhatidevā's son, the Mahārāja whose name is mentioned in the inscription.
The inscribed pillar of Kottampalugu is also the foundation record of a vihāra. The foundress was a Mahadevi who was the granddaughter of Siri-Cha[n]tamüla, the daughter of Siri-Virapurisadata, and the sister of Mahārāja Vāsethiputa Siri-Ehuvuļa-Chā[]tamūla. It is, moreover, stated in the inscription that she was the consort of the Mahärāja of Vanavāsa. Her personal name is somewhat indistinct but may be read as Kodabalisiri. It will be noted in the sequel that Vanavāsa, the ancient name of North Kanara, occurs also among the countries which in the chaitya-inscription F are stated to have been converted to Buddhism by the Coylonesc monks.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XX
The pillar inscription of Kottampalugu is dated in the eleventh year of the reign of Siri-Ehuvula. Chā[m]tamūla.
The historical information furnished by these inscriptions regarding the three rulers of the Southern Ikhāku dynasty, whom they mention, is very meagre. Siri-Chämtamula is extolled in a passage which recurs in several of the inscriptions but which appeats to be entirely convertional. It has been pointed out above that the king must have been an adept of Brahmanisin. From the expression Virupakhapati-Mahasena-parigahitara, which is applied to Chámtamala, it may perhaps be concluded that he was a votary of the god Mahisēna or Skanda, "the lord of the Virūpa khas". The term Virūpa kha (-Skt. Virūpāksha) seems to be used here to indicate the hosts of which Skanda is the lord and leader. Dr. Bühler's assumption, based on palaeographical evidence, that Siri-Virapurisadata flourished in the third century of our era, may be accepted as probably correct.
Although the inscriptions tell us nothing about the faits et gestes of these kings, it is interesting to meet with a line of rulers, settled in the Telugu country, which claimed descent from Ikhäku, i.e., Ikkhāku (-Skt. Ikshvaku), the mythical progenitor of the famous Solar dynasty of Ayodhyå. It is well known that not only Rama belonged to that illustrious house, but the Buddha, too, is called a scion of the race of Ikshvāku (Pali Okkāka). It is clear, in any case, that these Southern Ikhākus were rulers of some importance, as they formed matrimonial alliances not only with the Mahārājas of Vanavāsa, but also with the kings, presumably the descendants of the Satrap Chashtana, who resided at Ujjayini in Central India. The nomenclature of these Southern Ikhäku kings, coupling their personal names with metronymics like Mädhariputa and Väsithiputa seems to be a practice borrowed from the earlier rulers of the Andhra dynasty. It will hardly be necessary to quote the instance of Vasithiputa Siri-Puļumāyi and Gotamiputa Satakanni. On the other hand, there are in these inscriptions certain expressions which are also found in the Prakrit copper-plate grants of the early Pallevas, as will be pointed out in our glossary.
There are two more points to be noted in connection with these kings. We see that the name Chämtamūla, borne by the father of Siri-Vira purisadata, re-occurs in the name of the latter's son. This seems to point to the custom of naming & child after its grandfather, which, as far as we are aware, is not an indigenous practice in India. It further deserves notice that among the consorts of king Siri-Virapurisadata we meet with two of his cousins.
Chăttisiri, the sister of king Chămtamūla, was married to a personage who bore the title of Mahāsēnā pati and Mahātalavara. The same is stated with reference to other princesses of the ruling house. The title Mahäsënå pati (lit." great chief of the army " or general) denoted feudatory chieftains in charge of răshtrax or districts under the Andhrag, and the same meaning may perhaps be assumed here. The word is, therefore, to be taken as a title of nobility. We may compare the Anglo-Saxon heretoga (Dutch hertog, Gertnan herzog), which etymologically means an atmy-leader, It has become a title of nobility. The word makåsenapati could, therefore, be best rendered by "duke."
The curiotus tem mahatalabard which is also frlet with in other inscriptions of Southern India, must likewise denote a high dignitary whose exact function, however, is not clear. The second inember of the compound is not a Sanskrit word, but seems to be a term borrowed from some
The word Firúpakha (Skt. Virupaksha), indicating a class of snakes, occurs in an ancient snake-charm, Vinaya Mipakam (ed. Oldenberg), Vol. II, p. 110; 8. B. E., VOL XX, p. 76.
(This vastom was known to Moveral ruling families of ancient India, such as the Gupta, the Vakitaka, the Chihukyn and the Pall.. (Cr. V. Smith, Ind. An. VOL. XXXV, p. 125). Bealdes, u shown by the Mahabm. v.1.1.1. ...fagauty ... WW w point and Keiyyata en "four yu #w: ga
r a , it bad a sastrais sanotion behind itd.)

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No. 1.7
PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
Dravidian language. Evidently it penetrated also into Northern India, for there can be little doubt that it is identical with the mysterious word taravara which, coupled with mahāpratihāra (-"a great chamberlain ") is found in the legend of one of the clay sealings excavated by the late Dr. Bloch at Basăph, the site of ancient Vaisāli. This document belongs to the Gupta period. It was suggested by Dr. Bloch that the word tarika, which occurs in lists of officials in mediævai copper-plate charters, may quite well be a corrupted form of taravara.
In the inscriptions of Nagarjunikonda not only frequent mention is made of persons bearing the title of mahātalavara, but they also contain the feminine form mahātalavari (more correctly
talavari) indicating the wife of a mahātalavara. In the same way the consort of a manāsēnāpali bears herself the title of mahāsenāpatini (Skt. Osēnāpatni). It is found in B 4 (1.5).
A third official title, which occurs in B 2 (1.4), is the well-known term mahādandanāyaka. The early use of this expression is also attested by a fragmentary inscription, found at the village of Māt in the Mathurā district, which contains the name of King Huvishka.
The first apsidal shrine (No. I), as we have seen, was dedicated by Chămtisiri, the foundress of the Mahāchetiya, at the foot of which it is built. The other building of this type, on the contrary, as stated in the inscription F on the floor, was raised by a simple upāsikā, Bodhisiri by name, who does not appear to have been related to the royal family of the Ikhākus. Her relatives, who were to share in the merit of her pious enterprise, are enumerated at great length. They include & Koth[@]kārika (Skt. Köshthāgārika), either a treasurer or, perhaps, a superintendent of a royal store-house.
The inscription opens with an invocation of the Buddha who is extolled in a long string of laudatory epithets. Next comes the date which unfortunately is incomplete. This much is certain that the inscription is dated in the fourteenth regnal year of a king Madhariputa, who in all likelihood is identical with the Mädhariputa Siri-Vira purisadata of the ayaka-pillar inscriptions of Jaggayyapeta and Nagarjunikonda. The shrine is further stated to have been dedicated to the fraternities of Ceylonese monks who had converted Kasmira (Kashmir), Gandhāra, China, Chilāts (-8kt. Kirāta), Tosali, Avaramta (=Skt. Aparānta), Vamga i.e., Bengal), Vanavasi (i.e., North Kanara), Yavana (?), Damila (),..lūra and the Isle of Tambapamņi (i.e., Ceylon). Some of the countries are mentioned in the Mahāramsa among the territories which had been converted to Buddhism after the Third Council, namely, Kasmira and Gandhāra, Vanavāsa, Aparantaka and Yona. We may also compare two passages in the Milindapafiha mentioning a number of
At the end of the Kondamudi copper-plate grant (Ep. Ind., VOL. VI, pp. 315 ff.) the late Dr. Hultzsch read Mahatagi-varena mahadandandyakena Bhapahanavanmena kafati. There can be little doubt that mahalagivarena is a mistake, due either to the scribe or to the engraver, for mahätalavarena. This term occurs also in a fragmen. tary Prakrit inscription found at the village of Allāru, in the Nandigóma taluk, Kistna district. Cf. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1924, p. 97 and A. S. R. for 1923-24, p. 93.
We must leave this question to the decision of students of South Indian languages. Can the word have any connection with Tamil ta avdy (* generall), Tamil 'talaiyari (& village watchman), or Canarese tafavara, tasavira (a watohman, a beadlo)? [The Mehátalavaras are mentioned in early Jaina Niterature along with 18 Canarijas. So Mahitalavars must be taken a title of nobility. Cf. Kalpasūtra (ed. Jacobi, Leipzig 1879) 61, L 21-26. The Subodhibi, a Sanskrit commentary on it by Vinayavijaya (Nirnaya-tigara Preru, Bombay. low 80, 11. 6-7) explains the form talavara thus : talavaral tush-bhapala-pradada-paffabandhu-vibhushitu Rajasthaniyak. In the Punjab there is a sub-division of high class Khatris (Sanskrit Kahatriyas) which goes by the name of Talwar.Ed.)
* A.8. R. for 1903-04, p. 108, No. 16; plate XL, 6.
Oj. kothayala in Sohgaura copper-plate inscription (Lüders, List, No. 997) and bhatıdakarika in Nisik in. scription (Lüders, List, No. 1141).
Mahavamsa, Ch. xii. Cf. Dipartea, Ch või

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8
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XX.
regions which used to be visited for purposes of trade. In these two passages the first countries mentioned are Saka-Yavana and China-Chiläta. The printed text has Viläta, but, as has been pointed out by Professor Sylvain Lévi, this is an error for Chilāta. The Chilātas are the same un-Aryan tribe often met with in Sanskrit literature under the name of Kirata. In a well-known verse of the Panchatantra they are characterized as dishonest traders. We find them, moreover, referred to both in the Periplus and by Ptolemy. The former says: "Beyond this [Dosarenē], the course trending towards the north there are many barbarous tribes, among whom are the Cirrhadæ, a race of men with flattened noses, very savage." Ptolemy locates them along the Gulf of Bengal, "beyond the Ganges mouth called Antibolei." Their country is said to produce the best malabathron (tamalapattram). In his chapter on Trans-Gangetic India (VII, 2; 15) the same author describes the Tiládai (V. 1. Piládai), also called the Saesádai, as hairy dwarfs, with a flat face and a white skin. Evidently this passage too refers to the Kiratas, the name Tiládai (Tiλádat) being an attempt to render in Greek the alternative form Chilada."
It is very interesting to meet here with the name Tosali. It will be remembered that Aśoka's two separate Rock-Edicts of Dhauli are addressed to the Governor and the magistrates (Mahāmātras) of Tosali. "This enables us to locate Tosali in Kalinga: James Prinsep identified it with the "Tosalei metropolis" of Ptolemy, although this place is located in the fegions beyond the Ganges. We may, perhaps, connect the name Tosali with the Dosara of Ptolemy and with Dōsarēnē, the name of a country beyond Masalia mentioned in the Periplus. The name Dōsarenē is usually explained to be the Greek rendering of Sanskrit Daśārņa, but there are serious difficulties in the way of this identification. First of all, a Prakrit form of Daśārņa, from which the Greek form must be derived, would certainly not have retained the r which we find in Dōsara and Dōsarënë. The long ō-vowel of the Greek would also be difficult to account for. Besides, the tribe of the Daśārņa, as far as we can make out from Indian sources, appears to have been settled in Central India and not along the coast. On the other hand, Dōsara may have been a dialectic form of Tosala. The Periplus states that Dōsarene yielded the ivory known as Dōsarenic. Hiuen Tsiang in his account of Kalinga says that it produced the great tawny wild elephant which was much prized by neighbouring provinces.
Avaranta (Skt. Aparanta) is the designation of the tract of the country lying along the western coast of the Peninsula, the capital of which was Sopară. According to the Ceylonese Chronicles, it was converted to Buddhism by Dhammarakkhita. Aśoka mentions it in his Fifth Rock-Edict in connection with the appointment of Dhamma-mahāmātas.
Vanga is the ancient name of Bengal. Vanavasi, also mentioned as Vanavāsaka in inscription H, is North Kanara, the name being still preserved in Banavasi, a village or small town in the Shimoga district of the Mysore State in latitude 14° 33', longitude 75° 5'. The Mahavamsa mentions Rakkhita as the apostle of Vanavāsa.
The three words following Vanavasi are uncertain. The first one can be hardly anything but Yavana, the aksharas ya and va being still legible. Next comes a name which I read tentatively as Damila, meaning the Tamil country. The third word seems to consist of three aksharax, the second and third of which are clearly lu and ra. It is tempting to restore the name as Palura, the town mentioned by Ptolemy and identified by Professor Sylvain Lévi with Dantapura," the Town of the Tooth" on the coast of Orissa.
Afilindapanha (ed. Trenckner), pp. 327 and 331.
Etudes Asiatiques, Vol. II, p. 24.
Sylvain Lévi, op. cit., pp. 23-24. Cf. Bijdragen, sixth series, Vol. VI, p. 7, no. 2.
Periplus, transl. by W. H. Schoff, p. 253, and N. L. Dey, Geogr. Dict., 2nd ed., 1927, p. 54, s. v. Dasara
Käldäsa in his Meghaduta locates the Dasarnas between the Vindhya and Vidisă.
Journal Asiatique, Vol, CCVI (1925), pp. 46ff. ; and Ind. Ant., Vol. LV (1928), pp. 94fi.

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No. 1.]
PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
The latter part of inscription F enumerates the various pious foundations-several of' them evidently additions to existing buildings-dedicated by Bodhisiri, and mentions, moreover, the localities at which each of them was found. It is a point of considerable importance that this list includes "a stone mandapa at the eastern gate of the Mahachetiya at Kantakasela." Evidently this locality Kantakasela (Skt. Kantakasaila, lit. "Thorn-hill") must be identical with "the emporium Kantikossúla" which Ptolemy mentions (VII, 1. 15) immediately after "the mouths of the Maisolos." It follows that the river known to the Greeks under the name Maisolos has been rightly supposed to be the Kistna. The country watered by the lower Kistna is consequently called Maisōlia by Ptolemy. The Periplus speaks (§62) of "the region of Masalia stretching a great way along the coast before the inland country," and adds that "a great quantity of muslins is made here." The ancient name by which this part of Southern India was known to the Greeks is preserved in that of the town Masulipatam.
9
We are perhaps justified in identifying it with the country which Hiuen Tsiang describes under the name of T'o-na-kie-tse-kia. This seems to correspond to Dhaññakaṭaka, Dhanakataka (Skt. Dhanyakaṭaka), found in two inscriptions from Amaravati. The country in question the Chinese pilgrim locates between the Andhra country and that of the Cholas, the latter being situated at a distance of some 1,000 li to the south-west. In the course of his description he says: "The convents are numerous, but are mostly deserted and ruined; of those preserved there are about twenty with 1,000 or so priests. They all study the law of the Great Vehicle.".
Hiuen Tsiang further relates that to the east of the capital on a mountain there stood a convent called Purvasilä and on a mountain to the west was another, called Avarasila. Perhaps it would be preferable to render the names of these two monasteries by Purvasaila and Avarasaila, the Sanskrit word for a mountain being saila, whereas sila means "stone." Now, it is worthy of note that among the localities mentioned in inscription F, we meet with the name Puvasela, which is clearly a Prakrit form corresponding to Sanskrit Púrvaśaila. A name, meaning "Eastern Mountain or Hill," may, of course, have been used at different places of India. But it is a point worth considering whether the remains of Nagarjunikonda can possibly represent the ancient capital of Dhaññakaṭaka, which archeologists have sought both at Dharanikōta near Amaravati and at Bezwādā.
Another point of interest is the mention of Siripavata (i.e., Siripavvata) in inscription F. The Prakrit word corresponds to Sanskrit Sriparvata. Now, there is a tradition preserved in Tibet that Nagarjuna spent the concluding part of his life in a monastery of that name in Southern India. If this convent is the same as the "vihara on the Siripavata to the east of Vijayapuri" of our inscription, it would follow that the association of the great divine of the Mahāyāna with this locality has been preserved up to the present day in the name Nagarjunikonda. We may confidently hope that these and other questions of great import will be finally settled by further systematic excavations.
Among the religious foundations enumerated in F, we wish to draw attention to the two monasteries, called Kulaha-vihara and Sihala-vihāra. The former appears to have owed its existence to the same noble family which is mentioned in one of the ayaka-pillar inscriptions (B 4)
1 E. H. Warmington, The Commerce between the Roman Empire and India, Cambridge 1928, p. 116. Si-yu-ki, transl. by S. Beal, Vol. II, pp. 221 ff.; Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. II, pp. 214 ff.
Prof. Lüders' List, Nos. 1225 and 1271. The form Dhamakada occurs in the Mayida võlu copper-plate grant of the Pallava Yuvamaharaja Sivaskandavarman.
W. Wassiljew, Der Buddhismus, Vol. I, pp. 220 1.

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(VOL. XX.
under the name of Kulahaka. The other, if we may judge from its appellation, must have been & convent founded either by a Singhalese or, more probably, for the accommodation of Singhalese monks. This "Ceylonese Convent" appears to have contained & shrine with & Bodhi-tree (Bodhi-rukha-päsüdla Skt. Bodhi-vriksha-prāsāda) which is, indeed, & necessary adjunct of the Buddhist monasteries of Ceylon up to the present day. Not only the mention of a Sihala-vihāra, but also the dedication of a chetiya-ghara to the theriyas of " fraternities" of Tambapaṁņi point to relations which must have existed between the Buddhist community of Dhañña kata ka and their co-religionists in the Isle of Ceylon. The existence of such relations can be easily accounted for from the sca-borne trade which was carried on between the ports of the Island and Kantakasela, the great emporium on the right bank of the Kistna river.
This trade was, no doubt, alan largely responsible for the flourishing state of Buddhism in this part of India. The devotees of the Good law were largely recruited from the commercial classes and it was their wealth which enabled not only the merchants themselves, but also their royal masters, to raise monuments of such magnificence as the great stūpa of Amarāvati. Both Amaravati and Nagarjunikonda are situated on the right bank of the Kistna, the former being situated at a distance of some 60 miles from the inouth of the river. Nāgārjunikonda lies considerably higher up the river, the distance between this place and Amaravati being another 60 miles as the crow flies, but considerably longer by river. On the opposite side of the river we have Jaggayyapeta, containing another monument of the reign of the Ikhākus. The village of Allura in the Nandigama taluk of the Kistna district has yielded a fragmentary Prakrit inscription, referred to above, which appears to record a donation to a Buddhist monastery. At the village of Gummadiduru in the Kistna district the remains of a large stupa, adorned with marble reliefs in the Amarāvati style, have recently come to light together with the remnants of monastic buildings. All these monuments attest to the piety and the wealth of the Buddhist community in these parts during the second anıl third centuries of our era: In the days of Hiuen Tsiang the monasteries were mostly deserted and ruined. The collapse of Buddhism on the lower Kistna may have had various causes ; besides the general wane of that religion all over India, there may have been economic agents at work, like the decline of the sea-borne trade with the West, wbich had caused vast quantities of Roman gold to pour into the Peninsula. There was also the conquest of Southern India by the Gupta Emperor Samudragupta and the rise of powerful dynasties devotor! to Brahmanism like the Pallava in the South and the Chalukya in the West.
In connection with Buddhism attention must be drawn to the mention of sect-names in the Nāgārjunikonda inscriptions. In Nos. 1, line 10 and E, line 2, the dedication is stated to be made for the benefit or acceptance of the Aparamahāvinaseliyas. In both cases the sign for i over the fifth akshara is quite distinct so that we are not allowed to read -makāvana-, a8 was done by Drs. Burgess and Hultzsch in the case of an Amarāvati inscription. The latter was inclined to associate the name with the Mahāvanaśālā at Vasili, well-known from the Buddha legend, The Amarāvati inscription in question, however, as certainly Muhāvinaseliyānant: At the end of the fragmentary Prakrit inscription from Allūru we read : ayirāna[m] Puvaseli. yläjna[rn] nigāyasa (Skt. āryānā Purvalailiyānāṁ nikäynsya).
The Pali chronicles of Ceylon ma ke mention of the Publa and the Apara-selikas, the two sub-divisions of the Mahasanghikas. The latter of those two expressions is perhaps an abbreviated form of the Averamahāvinaseliyas in our inscriptions. Can it be that the two sects,
Burgess, Amaravati, p. 105, No. 49; and, Hultzach, 2. D. 4. G., Vol XXXVII, pp. 580 f., and XL p. 314.
* Mahäva shsa, V, 12, and Dipava thua, V. 64

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No. 1.)
PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
11
nown as Pubba and Apara-selikas, originated from the two Buddhist convents of Pubbasela and Aparasela which, according to Hiuen Tsiang, existed on the hills to the east and the west of the capital of Dhañña kata ka ?
The inscription G, line 8, contains the name of another Buddhist sect-Bahusutiya-which corresponds to Pali Bahusuttiya (Skt. Bahuśrutiya). Besides, we have Ayira-hamgha (Skt. Arya-sangha) in C 1, line 11 and C2, line 10, and Mahi[să]saka (Skt. Mahīšāsaka) in H, line 12.
Language and Script. A considerable difficulty in the way of interpreting the Nāgārjunikonda inscriptions is the want of precision of which they show ample evidence. Considering that these inscriptions were meant to be perpetual records of pious donations made by ladies of royal blood, the careless manner in which they have been recorded is astonishing. Not only single syllables but whole words have been omitted We find, moreover, that only in one instance it has been considered necessary to correct such an omission, i.e., in the word Mahāchetiya( E, line 1) where the akshara ha has been placed under the line. In other instances syllables have been repeated (C2, lines 1 and 3), or interchanged (e.g., bhaḥkham for kharbham in C 4, line 7). Very often the length of the vowels a and i is not marked. Even the name of the reigning monarch, Siri-Virapurisadata, is written with vi instead of vi except in a very few cases where we find the correct spelling with i. Much less frequently the long i has been substituted for the short one, e.g., in Mahächetiya. Considering the frequency of the omission of the a-stroke, we have ventured to assume that this omission has twice taken place in the long compound samana-bamhana-karana-vanija-din-a. nugaha-velāmika-dana-paţibhūga-vochhina-dhāra-padāyini, which re-occurs several times in the passage relating to the principal donor, Chāṁtisiri. This compound, as far as we can see, does not yield an intelligible sense, unless we read -dan-āpatibhag-āvochhina, thus assuming that the two adjectives required here are a patibhaga and avochhina. With regard to the latter word we may compare the use of the Sanskrit equivalent avyavachchhinna in the following line from the Harivansa (verse 3580) where we read : avyavachchhinna-dhar-aughaih samudr-augha-samairdhanaih.
The sign for dha is sometimes substituted for that of tha, whereas a certain confusion seems to prevail between tha and tha. The looped characters ta and na are very similar and are not always clearly distinguishable. The same is the case with the aksharas, the initial a and su.
The sign for anusvära too has often been omitted, while in several cases it is difficult to decido whether what appears to be a dot over the akshara may not be a depression in the surface of the stone merely due to accident. In consequence, there prevails a certain amount of uncertainty with regard to the correct form of the personal names Chämtamüla and Chāṁtisiri. In several Cases where these names occur, there is no trace of an anusvāra, but as in a few instances such & sign can be made out, we are perhaps justified in assuming that its non-occurrence is due to the inadvertence so noticeable throughout these records.
This want of precision becomes especially manifest if we compare the various redactions of the inscription recording the grant of a stele by the chief donor, the lady Chămtisiri. It is clear that these redactions are all based on the same text, but none of them produces that text without some omissions or mistakes. We may refer the reader to the text of C 3 given below with the various readings found in the corresponding inscriptions.
It is difficult to say who is to be held responsible for the negligent treatment which we have noticed in these epigraphs. The additional passage found in two of the pillar inscriptions of Chämtisiri, namely C 1 and 2, mentions & " Bhadanta Ananda, carrier of the Digha-and the Majjhima-mikäya " who acted as the navakannika of the Mabachetiya. In the case of bo apsidul temple

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(VOL. xx.
and other religious works founded by the upāsikā Bodhisiri there were even three navakaṁmikas, the theras Chardamukha, Dhammanandi and Nāga (F, lines 3 & 4). As the navakanmika was the monk commissioned by the Sangha to superintend the foundation (navakaṁma) dedicated by some lay-member, his responsibility may be supposed to have extended also over the inscriptional records of the deyadharima. It is, however, quite possible that the author of the inscriptions was some other learned member of the Sangha. We may perhaps assume that, the text of the inscriptions having been fixed, some copyist, either a bhikkhu or a professional writer, was employed to prepare one or more copies in the very ornamental writing of the period for the use of the stone-mason. At the end of inscription F we find the name of the stone-mason (sela-vadhāki) Vidhika recorded immediately after thoee of the three navakaṁmikas. It must be admitted that, as regards its technical execution, not only this epigraph but also the sixteen āyaka-pillar il scriptions leave nothing to be desired. It is noteworthy that inscription H which, as we Baw, must belong to a somewhat later period, shows at once a marked deterioration in technical skill.
With regard to the style of writing usd in the Nägärjunikonda inscriptions it will suffice to refer to the observations made by Dr. Bühler with regard to the inscriptions from Jaggayyareta. Here we wish only to draw attention to the use of ļa in Sihala-, taļākam, and alanda in F, line 3, and to the occurrence of the following ligatures : dra in Rudradharao (B 5, line 4), nhà in suņnhānam (F, line 3), nhu in Vinhusirina, mha in bamhana (A 3, line 6 eto.), mhi in imamhi (A 3, line 2) and mahächetiyamhi (C 4, line 2 and X, line 8), and ui in nattija (Hline 8).
The inscriptions contain the numerical symbols for one, three (F, line 1), four (F, line 1). five (E, line 2), six (passim), seven (F, line 3 und H, line 4), eight (E, line 2), ten (passim), seventy (B 5, line 6), and hundred (B 5, line 6).
As regards the language, the following peculiarities may be noted :
The ri vowel is represented by a in kavana (Skt. kripana) and vasabha (Skt. vrishabha), but elsewhere, by u. Examples : bhatuno (F, line 2) from Skt. bhartri- ; pituno (F, line 2) from Skt. pitri- ; bhätuno (F, line 3), bhätunan (F, line 2) and bhätuputānam (F, line 2) from Skt. bhrätri- : mātuya (F, line 2 and G, line 7) from Skt. mätri-; mahämätukāya (F, line 2) from Skt. mahamätri- ; dhūtuya (F, line 3; H, line 9) from Skt. duhitri-, jäm[@]tukasa (E, line 1) from Skt. jāmātri-, mātuk[a] (C 1, line 11 and C 2, line 9) from Skt. mätrikā.
We notice Svarabhakti in bhariya (passim) from Skt. bhāryā , mahächetiya (passim) from Skt. "chaitya , achariya (passim) from Skt. ācharya , harisa (F, line 1) from Skt. harsha, tarisa (F. line 1) from Skt. tarsha, darisana (F, line 1) from Skt. darśana ; and mahäsenapatini (passim) from Skt. opatni. Cf. Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen, $135.
They between vowels becomes v. Examples : Avarata (F, line 1) from Skt. Aparänta : kavana (passim) from Skt. kripana ; uvāsikäya (F, line 2) from Skt. upasika; uvarivammiltal (1. line 3) from Skt. upario; th[ävitam (F, line 3) from Skt. sthāpitam; Govagāma (F. line 21 from Skt. Göpagrāma(); mamava (E, line 2) and mandava (F, line 3) from Skt. mandapa.
The media is changed into the tenuis, in koth[ā]kārikao (F, line 2) from Skt. köshägārikaand mamtava (E, line 2) from Skt. mandapa. But else where mandara (thrice in F). Cf. also deva. dhama-parichāko from Skt. oparityāga-, in the Allūru fragmentary inscription, line 14.
The tenuis has been changed into the media in Pugiyana[m] (E, line 1), but elsewhere Pūkivanam or puliyanan, and sughāya (G, line 10) from Skt. sukha. Cf. nigāyasa from Skt. nikāva. in the Allūru inscription. As regards Pūkiya and Pügiya, it is, of course, possible that the latter is the more correct and original form. May it be connected with Skt. pūya="betel-palm"?
16. Bühler, Indische Palæographie, p 44.

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No. 1.)
PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
The initial h in some personal names appears to have been developed from s. Examples: Hammasiri (C 4, line 5); Hammasiririka (C2, lines 5-6 and 7; C 4, line 7); Haghanna (F, line 2). Also, Ayira-hanghāna (C1, line 11; C 2, line 10) from Skt. Arya-sarghānām. But samghan (H, line 13) and mahābhikhu-sa[m]ghasa (E, line 2).
We wish also to draw attention to the following forms : ayira- (C 1, line 11; C 2, line 10) from Skt. ārya'; bhayā for the more usual bhariya from Skt. bhārya, and Chiläta (F, line 1) from Skt. Kirata.
LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS.
a. Inscriptions on the ayaka-pillars of the Maháchetiya. A. 2. East side, second pillar. One large and two small fragments. The large piece contains fines 1-7 (sidhań to -vachhalā ma-), line 7 being incomplete. Besides, there is a gap on the right hand side by which several aksharas at the end of lines 2-4 and 6 are lost. One of the smaller fragments supplies the initial aksharas of lines 6-10, and the other, a few aksharas of lines 7-8. The inscription, when entire, must have consisted of 10 lines, 244 inches long. It records the gift of a pillar by the Mahätalavari Chāṁtisiri (name lost), the sister of King Chămtamüla and the paternal aunt of King Siri-Virapurisadata. Date lost.
A. 3. East side, third pillar. Inscription in two pieces. One large piece contains the inscription almost complete except the middle portion of lines 1–2. This missing portion is supplied by the smaller fragment containing 17 aksharas of the first line. The inscription consists partly of 10 lines, 25 inches long. It records the donation of a pillar by Chāṁtisiri (cf. sub A. 2). Dato, the 6th year of King Siri-Virapurisadata in last short line.
A. 4. East side, fourth pillar. Two large and one smaller fragment. The one large piece contains 11. 1-3, incomplete and partly obliterated. The other contains lines 5-11, viz., the latter half of the inscription, almost complete, although partly indistinct. The small fragment supplies the initial aksharas of lines 1 to 3. The inscription must have consisted of 11 lines, measuring from 21-22 inches in length. Donation of a pillar by Chămtisiri (cf. sub A. 2). Date as above sub A. 3 in last short line.
B. 1. South side, first pillar. One fragment, containing lines 1-6 in their full length, but with central portion.completely obliterated. Length of lines 16 inches. Name of donor and date lost.
B. 2. South side, second pillar. Inscription complete in 7 lines, measuring 20 to 22 inches in length. Gift of a piller by the Mahätalavari Adavi-Châtisiri, the daughter of King Chămtamüla. Date as above.
B. 3. South side, third pillar. Complete in 10 lines, measuring 21 to 234 inches in length. A few akskaras at the end of lines 5-9 missing. Donation of a pillar by Chămtisiviņikā, evidently the same person as Chantisiri (cf. sub A. 2). Date as above in last short line.
B. 4. South side, fourth pillar. Complete in 7 lines, 171 to 22 inches. Gift of a stone pillar by the Mahasenapatini Chula-Cha[m]tisiriņikā. Date as abowe in 6th and short 7th line.
B. 5. South side, fifth pillar. Complete in 7 lines, 20 to 22 inches. Gift of a pillar by Mahadevi Rudradharabhat[&]rikā. Date as above in last short line.
Besides the ayuka-pillar inscriptions enumerated here, twenty-three small frugmonta have been found which must have belonged to this class of inscriptions

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[Vol. XX.
C. 1. West side, first pillar. Two pieces: the smaller piece, containing lines 1 to 6 (1.1 complete, 1. 2 with the first akshara missing, 11. 3—6 incomplete), fits wedge-like into the larger one, which consists of 11. 3 to 13, 11. 3 to 6 supplying the missing portions of the upper piece. The inscription, when complete, consisted of 13 lines, 21 to 23 inches long. Donation of a pillar by Chäntisiri. Date as above.
C. 2. West side, second pillar. Two pieces. The larger piece contains 11. 1-6 complete, besides the initial and concluding portions of 1l. 7–9. The smaller piece supplies the middle portions of these three lines and the remainder of the inscription, viz., 1l. 10-12 entire. Twelve lines, 194 to 22 inches long. Gift of a stone pillar by Mahādēvi Bapisirinikā, the daughter of Hammasirinikā and wife of King Siri-Virapurisadata. Date as above in 11. 11-12, the concluding line being a short one.
C. 3. West side, third pillar. Two pieces. The smaller fragment has 6 lines, viz., 1. 1 com. plete, whereas considerable portions of II. 2–5 are missing and only a few aksharas at the beginning of 1. 6 remain. The larger fragment contains the missing parts of 11. 2–6 and, besides, II. 7-13 entire. Thirteen lines, 20 to 22 inches long. Gift of a pillar by Chä[m]tisiri. Date as above in last short line.
C. 4. West side, fourth pillar. Complete in eight lines, 19 to 22 inches long. Gift of a pillar by Mahādēvi Chhathisiri, the daughter of Hammasiri[ņikā) and wife of King Siri-Vira parisadata. Date as above in concluding line.
C. 5. West side, fifth pillar. Complete in five lines, 194 to 204 inches in length. Gift of a stone pillar by the wife of Mahākardasiri. Date as above.
D. 2. North side, second pillar. One piece containing 11. 15 complete, the initial and concluding portions of 11. 6—7, the first six aksharas of line 8 and only one akshara opening line 9. The inscription must have recorded the gift of a pillar by Chāitisiri. Date lost.
D. 3. North side, third pillar. Only a fragment containing ll. 1-2 almost complete, and besides, a few aksharas of line 3. Date lost.
. D. 4. North side, fourth pillar. Complete in ten lines, 191 to 214 inches long. Gift of a pillar by Cha[m]tisiri. Date as above in last short line.
X. Original position unknown. Complete in nine lines, 24 to 25 inches in length. Donation of a pillar by Chāṁtisiri. Date as above.
6. Chetiya-ghara inscriptions. E. Inscription on floor of apsidal shrine, No. I, immediately to the east of the Mahācbetiva. Inscription complete in two lines, measuring 14 feet 5 inches. Average size of aksharas to inch. Inscription well preserved except first portion of the second line. It records the dedication of a chetiya-ghara or stone mamfava (Skt. mandapa) provided with a cloister (chatusāla) at the foot of the Mahāchetiya by the Mahätalavari Chāṁtisiri, mentioned in several of the ayaka-pillar inscriptions, who here refers to King Siri-Vira purisadata as her son-in-law, for the benefit of the Masters of the Aparamahävinaseliya sect. Date, the eighteenth year of King Siri-Virapurisadata,
F. Inscription on floor of the apsidal shrine, No. II, on the mound Nāharā]labõdu, consisting of three long lines, 18 feet 4 inches to 19 feet in length, and of a fourth short line of 1 foot 9 inches. Average size of aksharas to inch. The inscription is fairly well preserved; here and there some aksharas have been lost. After a lengthy invocation of the Buddha it records the foundation of a chetiya-gharc and of various other religious edifices by an uvasika (Skt. upasika), named, Bodhisiri, together with her relatives, for the benefit of the fraternities (theriya) of the Ceylonese monks who Jud converted a number of countries which are enumerated at great length. Dato, tbe luurteenth year of King Māthariputa (Siri-Virapurisadata I).

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No. 1.)
PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
c. Detached pillar inscriptions. G. Inscription on a stone pillar or stele decorated with carvings, at a distance of about two furlongs to the north-west of the Mahächetiya. It consists of ten lines of writing. The inscribed surface shows three cracks and the right hand portion damaged. Some three or four aksharas at the end of 11. 1–5 are lost. Lines 9 and 10 are partly obliterated. The lines, when complete, must have been 15 inches in length. The average size of the aksharas is to inch. The lettering has become worn owing to exposure to the weather. The inscription records the foundation of a vihara by Mahadevi Bhatidėvā, who was the wife (?) of King Siri-Virspurisadata and the mother of King Ehuvuļa(?)-Chā[m]tamūla. The date in 11. 9—10 is no longer legible.
H. Inscription on a stone pillar or stele found at Kottampalugu to the north of Nagarjunikonda. It consists of fourteen lines of writing, measuring about 12 inches in length. The inscription is fairly well preserved, but here and there some aksharas have become indistinct, The execution is fair, but less ornamented than in the earlier inscriptions. The size of the aksharas is from 1 to 1 inch; they miss the long-drawn strokes of the earlier inscriptions and the lines are placed close together. The inscription records the foundation of a vihara by Mahādēvi Koda ballisiri, who was the daughter of King Siri-Vira purisadata, sister of King Ehuvu!aChasm tamüla, and wife of the Maharaja of Vanavāsa. It is dated in the 11th year of King Ebavuļa-Cha[n]tamūla.
d. Inscriptions on sculptures. J. Inscription along the lowər edge of a frieze showing the adoration of the Wheel of the Law (first sermon at Benares) in the centre and an amatory couple or mithuna on both sides. These three scenes are separated and flanked by railings. The frieze is supported by a row of crouching lions. The inscription consists of two lines, measuring 38 and 16 inches in length. The execution is fair and the preservation, satisfactory. The average size of the aksharas is } inch. The inscription opens with an invocation of the Buddha and records the donation of & slab and of a coping stone at the Mahāchetiya by an individual of the name of Chhada kapavaticha und by his housewife Padumaväni together with their sons and daughters. No date.'
K. Inscription along the lower edge of a long sculptured beam found on the mound Polugubodu. It consists of one line of writing, the beginning and concluding portions of which are almost entirely obliterated. The inscription, as far as preserved, measures nearly five feet in length. It records the donation of a slab (?) by a person whose name is lost, together with his Bons, daughters, sons-in-law, grandsons, granddaughters, relatives and friends. The preserved portions contain no date.
TRANSCRIPTS AND TRANSLATIONS.
Ayaka-pillar inscription C 3. The text of the dyaka-pillar inscription recording the donation of sucla # pillar by Cha[r] tigiri occurs in nine redactions, namely, A2, 3 and 4, B 3, 01 and 3, D 3 and 4, and X, seven of which are complete and two (A 2 and D 2) are incomplete. In C'1 there is an addition at the end, whereas in X the invocation of the Buddha opening the document has been oraitted. It will be sufficient to reproduce the text only once, as given in C3, noting such maride lationes as are found in the other redactions: The additional passage of C 1 will be given separately.

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16
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XX.
TRANSCRIPT. (1.1) Sidhań namot bhagavato devarāja-sakatasasupabudha-bodhino sava mñupo (1.2) sava-sat-äpukampakasa jita-råga-doga-moba-vipamutass mahagani-Tasabha- (1.3) (gamba hathisa samma-sam budh Jasa dhātuvara-parigabitas& mah[@]chetiye' mahārajasa (1. 4) Virūpakhapati-Mahasena-parigahitasa hirana-koti-go-Batabahasa-bala-88- (1.5) tasaha[sa-]dayisa Bevathesu spatihata-samkapasa Vasithiputasa Ikhākusa (1.6) Siri-Chātamülasa' sodari bhagini ramño Mädhariputasso Siri-Virapurisadatass (1.7) Pituchha mahäsenapatisa mahätalavarasa Väsidhiputasalo Pūkiyanam'1 Kamdasiri[8]" (1.8) bhariyä samanabam[hana-kavana vanijaka.din-anugaha-velāmikaa.dāna-paţibhaga 16.vo. (1.9) chhimnało. dhåra-padãyini sava-sadhu-vachbala mahādāpapatini" mahatalavari Khandasagarathnaka-18 mitä (1. 10) Ch[ä]tiairi. Apano ubhaya-kulasa atichhitam-anägata-vatamänakanan 0 parinâmetunan" (1. 11) ubhaya-loka-hita-sukh-āvahathaniya" atano cha nivånasampati-sampadske (1.12) Sava-loka-hita-sukh-svabathanaya" cha imam khambham patithapitam ti (1. 13) Ramño Siri-Virspurisadatasa Bava 6 Vå på 6+ diva 10
1 Invocation of Buddha omitted in X. * supabudha-bodhino up to sama-sambudhasa omitted in B3, 11:01,11;D 2, 1. 1 ;D 4, L. 1.
imanmhi mahachetiye in A 4, L3; D 4,1 1 (maháchetiye); imamhi mahacheliye in A 3, II. 2-3; D 2,L 1; mahdchetiye in A 2, 1. 3.
• Virüpakhapati-Mahasrna-parigahitand- omitted in D 2, L. 2. Agihot-Agithoma-Vajapey-dramadha-ydjina after-parigahitusa in A 2, 11. 3-4 ; A 3, 11. 3-4, A4, 1. 4;-parigahitosa in B 3, 1.2 ;D 4, L 2.
hirampa-koti- in A 2, 1.4; A 3, 1.4;B3, 13;D 4, L 3.
• Vanithiputasa in A 3, L8; A4, 1.8; B3, 14; X, L3; Vaasthiputasa in CI, L 4; Vasithi- in D 2. L 3: Väsidhi in D 4, L 4.
Chashtamilana in A 2,16; A 3, 1. 8: A4, 1.6;C1,L8;D ,L4; X, L. 3. • Madhariputaas omitted in A 3, L 6;D 4,L8; Madhariputasa in A4 L6; X, L 3.
senapatisa omitted in X, 1. 4.
10 Rand: Värithi putand with A 4, L 6;B 3, L 6;C 1,16; X, L. The reading is Vasifhipuland in A 2. 1. 6; Vasethi- in D 2, 1.5; Vasidhi- in D 4, L 6.
11 Pakiyanan in B 3, L 6; X, L1. 11 Kadasirisa in A 4, L 7: D 4, L 6; X, L 4. Omitted in A 3, L 6. 11.vanja in A3, L 6; -tapaka- in A 4, L 7; B3, L. 8:01, 1.7: D 2, L. 8; D 4, L 6; X, 1.8. 14 railamika in A 4, 1.7; -weldmi- in B 3, L 7;D 2, L 6. 16 Read : patibhaga, the reading of A 2, L. 7; A4 1.7-8; B3, L. 7:01, L 7; D 2, L 6:D 4,1 6: X, 18. 16 vochina in A 2, L 7; A 3, 1. 7; A4,L8:B 3, L 7;C1, L 7; D 4 L6; X, L 6. S. 17 mahadanapatini omitted in B 3, L 7;D 2, L 6;D 4, L 7.
Khardaadgarampaka. in A 3, L 7; A4, 1. 8;C 1, 1. 8; X, L 6. Khada. in D 2, L 7;D 4. L 7. * OM tiniri in A 3,17; A4, 10:01,L8; X, L 6. Chathtisiripild in B 3, L 8. 10 -vafamánake in B 3, L 8;D 4, L 8; X, L 7.
parvna meluna in A 3, L 8; A4, L 0; parinomabuna in D 4, L. 8, parindmolina (1) in X, 171 apano wbhaya-kula-parindmetina in C1, 18
whhaya-loka-rukha-nivinathandya in A 3, L. 8; A 4, L 10; X, 1. 7. Omitted in B 3, 1 ; 01, : D4, 1. 8.
X, 1. 8 han after-sampadake the following: bhagavalo sama-sambudhasa hatu. (dhaifu ) cara-parigali. tass maMenetiyamae,
sukha-niedpathanaya in A L 9; A4, L 10 (1); D4L0. Sava-loka- omitted in B3, L 9. alpa 6 written under the line. In A 3, 1. 10 and A4 1. 11 theo ghahara have been omitted.

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20. 1.)
PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
TRANSLATION.
Success. Adoration to the Lord, the Supreme Buddha, honoured by the Lord of the gods, omniscient, compassionate towards all sentient beings, freed from lust, hatred and delusion which have been conquered by him, the bull and musk-elephant among great spiritual leaders, the perfectly Enlightened One, who is absorbed by the best of elements (i.e., by Nirvana). At the Slahächetiya, the Mahātālavari Chā[n]tisiri (who is) the uterine sister of Mahārāja Vāsithīputa ikkäiku Siri-Chā[m]tamūla---absorbed by Mahāsena the lord of Virūpa khas, the giver of crores of yo, hundred thousands of kine, and hundred thousands of ploughs (of land), unimpeded of prirpose in all (his) aims, she who is the paternal aunt of King Mādhariputa Siri-Vira purisadata, (she who is) the wife of the Mahāsēnā pati, the Mahātalavara, Väsithiputa Kandasiri of (the family of the Pūkiyas ; and the mother of Khamdasāgaramnaka, she who, out of compassion for Sramaņas, Brahmins, and those that are miserable, poor and destitute, is wont to bestow on them a matchless and censeless flow of Velâmic gifts, she, the great mistress of munificence, devoted to all the virtuous, having due regard for the past, future and present (members) of both the houses to which she belongs, for the attainment of welfare and happiness in both the worlds and in order to attain herself the bliss of Nirvāṇa and for the attainment of welfare and happiness by all the world, has erected this pillar. In the 6th year of the reign of) King SiriVinapurisadata, the 6th fortnight of the rainy season, the 10th day.
Additional Passage in C 1.
TRANSCRIPT.
(1.10) achariyānam Aparamahāvinas[e]liyāna[m] suparigahitam imam mahāchetiyanavakarıma (1. 11) Parnagama-vathavānam Digha-Majhima-pa[m]cha-mätuka-okkavichakānamachariyānam Ayira-hamghāna[m] (1. 12) a[m]tevāsikena Digha-Majhima. nikāya-dharena bhajamt-Anadena nithapitam imam navakamar mshächetiyam (1.13) khambha cha hāpitā tiramño Siri-Virapurisadatasa sava 6 V& pa 6 diva 10
TRANSLATION.
For the benefit of the Masters of the Aparamahāvinaseliya sect this pious foundation of the Mahächetiya has been completed by the Reverend Ananda, who knows the Digha- and the Maj. shima-nikāyas by heart, (who is) a disciple of the Masters of the Ayira-hamgha (Skt. Arya-sangha) who are resident in Pamnagama and who are preachers and preceptors of the Digha, the Majjhima-[nikāya] and of the five Mätukas. This pious work, the Mahāchetiya, was completed and the pillars were erected. In the 6th year of (the reign of) King Siri-Virapurisadata, the 6th fortnight of the rainy season, the 10th day.
Ayaka-pillar inscription B 1.
TRANSCRIPT. (1.1) Sidhamh mahārājasa ....-sena-parigabitasa Agiho-(1.2) t-Agithoms Vāja......[hi] rana koti-go-sata- (1. 3) sahasa-hala....bavathesu apati- (1. 4) hata-sa[mm]kapas. V[a]se-......
My translation is based on the assumption that we must read .dan-aparibhag-dvochhina.. . Cf. the corresponding passage in line 8 of the ayaka-pillar insoription 02, infra * Read : -desaka- (C2, 19).
Road : bhada sit-Asar dena (C2, 1. 10).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XX.
Chātamūlasa bhagini- (1. 5) ya mahātalava[rasa]....[si]risa bha[riyāya ma- (1. 6) hätala. variya.... nah[7]r[ā]jasa
[The inscription is too frugmentary to admit of translation. It, evidently, opens with the string of epithets eulogizing King Siri-Chā[m]tamāla. The donor, whose name is lost, was, perhaps, a daughter of Chā[m]tisiri.]
Ayaka-pillar inscription B 2.
TRANSCRIPT. (1. 1) Sidham mahārajasa Asamedha-yājisa aneka-hiramņa-koti-go-satasahasa-bala-sata(1.2) Bahasa-padāyisa savathesu apatihata-samkapasa Väsithiputas& Ikhākusa (1. 3) Siri-Cha[m]tamālasa duhută ramño Siri-Virapurisadatasa bhagini mahāgenāpatisa maha- (1.4) talavaraga mahādamdanāyakasa Dhanakānam Khamdavisakhamņakasa bhayā mahātalavari (L. 5) Adavi-Chātisiri apano ubhaya-kulam parināme[tü]na atano cha ubhaya-loka-hita-sukh-avahathaniya (1. 6) bhagavato samma-sabudhasa dhātuvara-parigahitasa Mahāchetiye imam khambham patidhapamtal ti (1. 7) ramio Siri-Virapurisadatasa sarva 6 và på 6 diva 10
TRANSLATION.
. Success. The Mahātalavari Adavi-Chātisiri (who is) the daughter of the Mahārāja Väsithiputa Ikbüku Siri-Chă[m]tamüla, the offerer of Aśvamēdha, the giver of many crores of gold, hundred thousands of kine, and hundred thousands of ploughs (of land), of unimpeded purpose in all (his) aims ; (who is) the sister of King Siri-Virapurisadata, (and who is) the wife of the Mahāsenapati, the Mahātalavara, the Mahādandanāyaka Khamda visakhaiņaka (of the family) of the Dhanakas, having due regard for both the houses to which she belongs and for the attainment by herself of welfare and happiness in both the worlds, has erected this pillar at the Mahachetiya of the Lord, the supreme Buddha who is absorbed by the best of elements (ie., by Nirvana). In the 6th year of the reign of) King Siri-Vira purisadata, the 6th fortnight of the rainy season, the 10th day.
Ayaka-pillar inscription B 4.
TRANSCRIPT. (1.1) Sidham namo bhagavato devarāja-sakatasa supabudha-bo[dhino*] Havanñuno SAV&-sast-à-|(1. 2)pukampakasa j ita-raga-dosa-moha-vipamutasa mahāgani-Vasabhagathdha-ha[thisa) (1. 3) sauma-sariibugasa dhātuvara-parigahitasa mahāchetisye) Kulahakana[m] bālikā (1. 4) mahāgenāpatisa mahātalavarasa Väsithiputasa Hirarañakānu Khamdachalikirermana ka[ga] (1. 5) bhaya mahásenāpatini Chula-Châtisiriņika apano ubhava-loka. hita-sukha-ni- (1. 6) vanathanaya iman sela-khambham patithapitam ti ramño SiriVirapurisadatasa (1.7) saṁva 6 vi pa 6 dira 10
TRANSLATION Success! Adoration to the Lord, the Supreme Buddha, honoured by the Lord of the gods, enlightened with perfect enlightenment, omniscient, compassionate towards all sentient beige, freed from lust, hatred and delusion conquered by him, the bull and musk-elephant among great spiritual leaders, absorbed by the best of elements (i.e., Nirvana). At the Mahächetiya, the
Read : patihigitth. "Read: sambudhasc.

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No. 1.)
PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
19
Mahasenapating Chula-Châtisiriņika, (who is) a daughter of the family of the Kulahakas, ant the wife of the Mahäsenā pati, the Mahátalarara, Väsithiputa Khamdachalikirenmanaka of (the family of the Hiram na kas, for the attainment by herself of welfare and happiness in both the worlds and of Nirvana has erected this stone pillar. In the 6th year of (the reign of) King SiriVira purisadata, the 6th fortnight of the rainy season, the 10th day.
Ayaka-pillar inscription B 5.
TRANSCRIPT. (1.1) Sidham namo bhagavato devarāja-sakatase supabudha-bodhino savamñano Bava-sat[änu-*] (1.2) kampakasa jits-rāga-dosa-moha-vipamutasa mahāgani-vasabha-gandha-hadhisa (1. 3) samma-sambudhasa dhätuvara-parigahitas& mahachetiye Ujanika' mahārabalika. (1.4) mahadevi Rudradharabhat[a]rika imam sela-khambham apano hita-sukha-nivånadhanāyar patith[@]pitam (1.5) mahátalavarihi cha Pükivānam Chămtisiriņikāhi imasa mahāvihārasa mahâchetiyam (1. 6) samuthapiyamáne mahātalavaria ubhayită dinári-māsakā satari-satam 100[+*]70° khambho cha (1. 7) ramño Siri-Virapurisadatasa saṁva 6 vā pa 6 diva 10
TRANSLATION Success! Adoration to the Lord, etc. (see above, sub B 4). At the Mahachetiya the Mahādēvi Rudradharabhatārika, a Mahārāja's daughter from Ujjeni (Skt. Ujjayini) has erected this stone pillar for the attainment by herself of welfare and happiness and Nirvana. And while the Mahachetiya of this Great Vihara was being raised by the ladies, the Mahātalavaris, Chāṁtisiriņikā of (the family of the Pakiyas, one hundred and seventy (100+70) dināri-mäsakas and a pillar have been raised by the Mahātalavari. In the 6th year of the reign of) King Siri-Virapurisadata, the 6th fortnight of the rainy season, the 10th day.
Ayaka-pillar inscription C 2.
TRANSCRIPT. (1.1) Sidham namo bhagavato devarāja-sakatasa sarma-sama-sambudhasa? dhātuvara(1.2) parigahitasa Mahāchetiye mahārajasa Virūpakhapati-Mahāgena-parigahitasa (1.3) AgihotAgithogithoma. Vajapoy-Asamedha-yäjisa hirana-kopi-go-sata- (1.4) sahasa-hala-sa tasahasapadayisa savathesu apatihata-sankapasa (1. 5) Väsithiputasa Ikhäkusa Siri-Chātamülasa sodaraya bhaginiya Hamma- (1.6) sirimnikāya bälika ramño Siri-Virapurisadatass bhaya mahadevi Bapisirinikā (1. 7) ap&po mataram Hammasirinikam parinamatung 16 atanell cha nivåna-sampati-sampadake (1. 8) imam sela-thambham patithapitam achari yâ]nam Apara. mahāvinaseliyānam suparigahita[m*] (1.9) imam Mahāchetiya-navakamam Parnagamavathavānam Digha-Majhima-panda1l. m(ā]tuka-dosaku-vā*Ichskānam) (1.10) arayāna[mjı
Read : hathssa. * Read : Ujenika. * Read : mahāraja-balika. Road : nivanathanaya. Read: mahâchetiye.
• The meaning probably is that the Queen Rudradharabhatarika, besides dedicating a pillar, contributed & sum of 170 dināri-mdsak towards the expenses incurred by Chartisiri for the building of the stúps.
arshma- bas been written twio, by mistake. Perhepe pariganhitana. • The two akaieras gi pho have been written wice by mistake. io Read : parināmaina(si). 11 Read : atano 11 Read : pancha (cf. abovo, 01, 1:11). 11 Bond : achariyanan.

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[Vol. XX.
Ayira-haghana[m] amtevāsikena Digha-Manigaya-dharena bhadart-Anandena (1. 11) nithapita[m] ima[rn] navakama[m] mahāchetiya[m] khambhä сha thapitä ti ramño SariViripurisadatasa (1.12) samva 6 vă pa 6 diva 10
TRANSLATION. Success! Adoration to the Lord, the supreme Buddha, honoured by the Lord of the gods, absorbed by the best of elements. At the Mahāchetiya the Mahädevi Bapasirinikā (who is) the daughter of Hammasirimnikā, the uterine sister of Mahārāja Väsithiputa Ikhaku Siri-Chatam ūla, etc., (see sub C 3) and (who is) the wife of King Siri-Virapurisadata, with due regard for her mother Hammasiriņikā, and for the sake of attainment by herself of the bliss of Nirvāņa, has erected this stone pillar. For the benefit of the Masters of the Aparamahāvinaseliya sect has this pious foundation of the Mahāchetiya been accepted. This pious foundation, consisting of the Mahāchetiya, has been completed and the pillars have been set up by the Reverend Ananda, who knows the Digha- and the Majjhima-(nikāyas) (?) by heart, (who is) a disciple of the Masters of the Arya-sangha who are resident in Pannagāma and who are preachers and preceptors of the Digha and the Majjhima-nikāyas), and of the five Matukas. In the 6th year of (the reign of) King Siri-Virapurisadata, the 6th fortnight of the rainy season, the 10th day.
Ayaka-pillar insoription C 4.
TRANSCRIPT. (1.1) Sidham namo bhagavato devarāja-sakatasa sama-sambudhasa dhātuvaraparigamhitasa (1.2) mahädetiyamhi mahārajasa Virūpakhapati-Mahāsena-parigahītasa Agihāta - (1. 3) Agithoma.Vājapey Asamedha-yājisa hiramna-koti-go-satasahasa-bala-sata- (1.4) Bahasa-padayisa savathesu apatihata-samkapasa Väsithịputasa Ikhakusa (1.5) SiriChāṁtamūlasa sodara-bhaginiya Hammasariya' bālikā mahārajasa (1. 6) Mādhariputasa Siri-Virapurisadatasa bhaya mahadevi Chhathisiri apano (1.7) mätaram Hammasirinikam parināmetuna atanamcha nivāna-88mpati-gampadake imam bhamkham? (1. 8) patithapitar mahärājass Siri-Virapurisadatasa sava 6 vă på 6 dåva 10
TRANSLATION. Success! Adoration to the Lord, etc., (see above, sub C 2) the Mahadevi Chhathisiri (Skt. Shashthisri), (who is) the daughter of Hammasiri, the uterine sister of Maharaja Väsithiputa Ikháku Siri-Chāṁtamüla, etc., (see above, sub C 3) and (who is) the wife of Maharaja Mädhariputa SiriVirapurisadata, with due regard for her mother Hammasirinikā and for the sake of attainment by herself of the bliss of Nirväņa, has erected this pillar. In the 6th year of the reign of) King Siri-Virapurisadata, the 6th fortnight of the rainy season, the 10th day.
Ayaka-pillar inscription C 5.
TRANSCRIPT. (1.1) Sidharh namo bhagavato samma-sambu[dha *sa dhatuvara-parigahitasa Mohachetiye (1:2) mahasenapatisa mahātalavarasa Väsithīputasa Pūkäyānam Mahākotndasirisa (1.3)
Read Digha Majhima-nikaya-dharena (cf. above, C 1, 1. 12). ? Rear : Siri Vira • Rend: mahdcheliyarhli. • Read : Ayihol-A
Rand: siriyu. • Head : atanu. Road: khanbhara. Road: diva

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PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
21
bhavā mahāsenāpatisa mahátalavarasa Viņhusirisa mātā mahātalavari apano (!. 4) ubhayakulam parināmetu[na*] atano ubhaya-loka-hita-sukha-nivāņathaya cha imam (1.5) selakhabhain patithapitam mahāra jasa Siri-Virapurisudatasa samva 6 vä pa 6 diva 10
TRANSLATION. Success! Adoration to the Lord, the Supreme Buddha, absorbed by the best of elements, At the Mahachetiya the Mahūtalavari (who is) the wife of the Mahāsenāpati, the Mahätalavara Väsithiputa Mahakardasiri of the family of) the Pūkiyas and (who is) the mother of the Mahasënāpati, the Mahätalavara Vinhusiri (Skt. Vishņusri), with due regard to both the families to which she belongs, and for the sake of her own welfare and happiness in both the worlds and Nirvana, has erected this stone pillar. In the 6th year of (the reign of) Mahäräja Siri-Virapurisadata, the 6th fortnight of the rainy season, the 10th day.
First Apsidal Temple inscription E.
TRANSCRIPT. (1.1) Sidhar namo bhagavato Budhasa chetiya-ghara maharajasa Virupakhapati-Mah. sena-parigahitasa Agihot-[A]githoma-Vájapey-Asamedha-yājisa aneka-hirana-koti-gosatasahasa-hala-satasa[hasa *)-padāyisa savathesu apatihata-sarkapasa Väsethiputasa Ikhākulasa! Siri-Chātamülasa sahodar[a] - bhagini mahātalavarasa Väsethiputasa Pugiyāna[*] Khamdasirisa bhariy[] mahātalavari Khamdasagaramnaga-m[a]tã Châtisiri apano jāmfaltukasa raño M[a]thariputasa Ikh[a]kunam Siri-Virapurisadatasa syu-vadhanike vejayike (1. 2) apano cha ubhaya-[loka-]hita-sukha-(vivanathanaya sama-sambudhasa dha-]' tu-parigahitasa mshächetiya-pădamūle pavajitāna nānā-desa-samanāgatāna sava-sādhūnaṁ mahābhikhu-sa[m]ghasa apa[no cha u-]bhaya-kulasa atichhita[m-janāgata. vatamanake nikapanike cha parināmetuna Aparamahāvinaseliy[á]nam parigahe seva. niyuta[m] châtusala-parigahitam sela-mamtava[m] patith[ä]pitam ramño Siri-Virapurisadatasa samvachharam athāra sam 10[+*]8 hemanta-pakhai chhatham 6 divasam pamchamam 5 sava-satānam hit[@]ya sukhāya hotu ti
TRANSLATION. Success! Adoration to the Lord Buddha. A chetiya-ghara (chaitya-hall). Châtisiri (who is) the uterine sister of Maharaja Väsethiputa Siri-Chatamula of the house of Ikhāku, who is favoured (absorbed P) by Mahāsēna, the lord of Virūpakhas, the offerer of Agnihotra, Agnishtoma, Vājapēya and Asvamēdha, the giver of many crores of gold, hundred thousands of kine, and hundred thousands of ploughs (of land) and who is of unimpeded purpose in all (his) aims, (who is) the wife of Vasethiputa Khandasiri of the family of the Pugiyas and (who is the mother of Khamdasāgaramnaga, for the longevity and for the victory of her son-in-law, King Mätbaciputa, Siri-Virapurisadata of the house of Ikhāku and for the attainment by herself of welfare and happiness in both the worlds and of Nirvāņa, having due regard to the past, future and present bliss () of the great community of Buddhist monks consisting of all the holy men who have Tenounced the world and who have penetrated (?) into various countries, and of both the houses to which she herself belongs, has erected a stone shrine surrounded by a cloister and provided
1 Probably Ikhaku-kulasa. * Tho akahgros placed between square brackets are still partly trsooablo,
The akshara ha is written ander the lino. Read: chatla.

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22
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XX.
with everything at the foot of the Mahāchetiya for the benefit of the Masters belonging to the sect of the Aparamahāvinaseliyas. In the eighteenth year, anno 18, of King Siri-Virapurisadata, in the sixth-6th-fortnight of winter, on the fifth-5th-day. May it be for the welfare and happiness of all sentient beings.
Second :Apsidal Temple inscription F.
TRANSCRIPT. (1.1) Sidhai namo bhagavato Ikhāku-rāja-pavara-risi-sata-pabhava-vamsa-sambhavasa deva-manusa-sava-sata-hita-sukha-maga-desikasa jita-kāma-kodha-bhaya-harisa-tarisa-mohadosa-sada(ā)pita --Māra-bala-dapa-māna-pasamana-karasa dasa-bala-maha(a)balesa atha[**]ga-maga-dhamachaka-pavatakasa chaka-lakhaņa-sukumăra-sujāta-charaṇase taruna-divasakara-pabhasa sarada-sasi-soma-darisanasa sava-loka-chita-mahitasa Budhasa ramño M[ätha]riputasa?....10[+*]4 hemanta-pakban chhathah 6 divasam teram 10[+*]3....ta [ra]jachariyanar Kasmira-Gamdhāra-China-Chilāta-Tosali-Avaramta-Vamga-Vanaväsi-Yava[na-1 Da[mila-Pallura Tambapamni-dipa-passă]dakānam. theriyanan Tambapa[m]nakanam Buparigahe (1.2) Siripavete Vijayapuriya-puva-disa-bhāge vihāre Chula-Dhammagiriyer chetiya-gharam sapata-samtharam sachetiyam sava-niyutam kāritam uvāsikāya Bodhisiriya apano bhatuno Budhi[m]nakasa pituno chase Govagama-vathavasa Revata-gahapatisa mätuya cha sa Budhamnikāya bhātunam cha se Chardamukhanasa Karumbudhinasa Haghamnasa bhaginiya cha Revatitnikāya bhātu-putānam cha Maha-Charhdamukha-ChulaChardamukhānum bhāgineyānam chs Mahā-Müla-Chula-Mūlādam apano cha ayakaga Mūlavāniyasa ayikāya Budhavåniki[naya) mätulaka-'[88 cha) koth[2]kārikasa Bhadaya Bodhisammaga Chandasa Bodhikasa mahämātukāya Bhadi[la]ya Bodhiya cha apario pituno Budhisvälniyasa ms&tuya)....(1.3) bhātuno Mülasa bhagininam Budharnikava Mülamnikāya Näga bodhinikāya cha dhūtuya Viramnikāya putānam Nägamnasa Viranasa cha sumnhānam cha Bhadasiri-Misinam evam-eva cha Kulaha-vihare chetiya-gharam Sihalevibāre bodhi-rukha-pāşādo Maha-Dhamma giriyam ovarako 1 mahāvisbä*]re mandavakhambho Devagiriyam padhāna-sālā Puvasele taļākam alam]da- ma[m*]davo cha Kamtakasele mahāchetiyasa puva-dāre sela-momdavo Hirumuthuve ovarakā timņi 3 Papilāyam ovarskā sata 7 Puphagiriya[m] sela-mamdavo Dham ......vibāre sela-ma[m]davo eta cha savam uvarivamņi."(tam....sa]dhu-vagasa achamta 10 hita-sukhāya thavitam sava[se] cho lokasa imam navakaṁmam timhi navaka[u]mikehi käritam Chardamukha-therena cha (1.4) Dharmanamdi-therena oha Näga-therena cha sela-vadhakisa Vidhikass kamman ti
1 [I would read moha-dosasa da pita-Müra-Ed.]
* The akshara tha of Mathariputasa is partly preserved. After this word some five or six aksharas are lost. In the absence of any traces of i strokes, the missing word cannot have been Siri-Purisadatasa. In all probability it was aarhuachharan, followed by a word expressing " fourteenth " (chodan ?).
Perhaps bhadamla-raj-achariyanan ?
The words which I read Yarana-Damila-Palura are not quite certain. The Da of Damila is still logible and the long-drawn top strokes of the remaining two akshares have led me to the conjectural reading mila, the body of the akshara n being partly preserved. The Pa of Palura is conjectural.
The akahara sa of måtulakasa is conjectural. As the word is followed by several personal names in the genitive case, one would expect matulakanath, but the akshara ka shows no trace of a d-stroke.
Purhaps sela-manda. Tome ton uksharts are lost after dhath. • The akshara lam is conjectural. Perhaps lasa.
The first akshara ad has been restored tentatively The t-stroke of dhu is still faintly visible 1. The akskuras which I read achatinda- (8Lt. alyaula) are indistincte

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23
TRANSLATION. Success! Adoration to the Lord Buddha, born of a race (which is) sprung from hundreds of sages and excellent kings of Ikhāku's lineage; who has shown the road to welfare and happiness to gods and men and all beings, who has conquered and put down the pride and arrogance of Māra's hosts called lust, anger, fear, desire, thirst, delusion, and hatred; who, great of power, is possessed of the ten powers, who has set in motion the Wheel-of-the-Law (pertainirg to) the Eight-fold Path, whose graceful and well-formed feet (are marked with) the sign of the Wheel, whose splendour is that of the newly risen sun, whose sight is lovely as that of the autumnal moon, and who is magnified by the thoughts of all the world. In the fourteenth-14th-(year) of King Mathariputa, in the sixth-5th-fortnight of winter, on the thirteenth-13th-day. For the benefit of the.....masters and of the fraternities (of monks) of Tambapampa (Ceylon) who have converted Kashmit, Gandhāra, China, Chilata (=Skt. Kiráta), Tosali, Avaranta (=Skt. Aparanta), Vanga, Vanavāsi, Yavana(?), Damila (?), Palura (?) and the Isle of Tambapa mọi (Ceylon). At Siripavata (=Skt. Sriparvata) on the east side of Vijayapuri at the Convent on the Lesser Dhammagiri a chaitya-ha!l with a flooring of slabs, with a chaitya and provided with all the Recessaries, was caused to be made by the female lay-member Bodhisiri (Skt. Bödhisri) for the sake of her own husband Budhimnaka, and of his father, the householder Revata residing at Govagūma and of his mother Budharnikā and of his brothers Chandamukhana, Karumbudhina (and) Haghamna and of (his) sister Revatimnikā and of (his) brother's sons Mahā-Chamdæmukha (=Skt. Maha-Chandramukha) and Chula-Chamdamukha (=Skt. Kshudra-Chandramukha) and of (his) sister's sons Maha-Müla and Chula-Müla, and for the sake) of her own grandfather Mülavāniya and of her grandmother Budhavānikinā and of her maternal uncle(s) (?), the treasurer Bhada (=Skt. Bhadra), Bodhisaṁma (=Skt. Bödhisarman), Chamda (=Skt. Chandra) (and) Bodhika, and of her maternal grandmother.......... Bodhi and of her own father Budhivāniya and of her mother (?)...., of her brother Müla, of her sisters Budhaminikā, Mülamnikā, and Nägabodhinikä, of her daughter Virannikā, of her sons Nägamna and Virarana and of her daughters-in-law Bhadasiri (Skt. Bhadrabri) and Misi (Skt. Miéri). And even thuswise a chaitya-hall at the Kulaha-vihāra, a shrine for the Bodhi-tree at the Sihala-vihāra one-1-coll at the Great Dhammagiri, a mandava-pillar at the Mahāvihāra, a hall for religious practice at the Devagiri, a tank, verandahand mandava at Puvasela (=Skt. Pārvasaila), a stone mandava at the eastern gate of the Great Chaitya at Kanta kasela (=Skt. Kanta ka saila), three-3-cells at Hirumuthuva, seven--7-cells at Papilā, & stone mandava at Puphagiri (-Skt. Pushpagiri), .............. a stone mandava at the......vihāra. And all this above described has been dedicated for the endless welfare and happiness of the assembly of saints and for that of the whole world. This work was caused to be made by the three superintendents of works, the thera Chamdamukha, and the thera Dharmanandi and the thera Näga. (It is) the work of the stone mason Vidhika.
Detached Pillar inscription G.
TRANSCRIPT. (1.1) [Si]dham namo bhagavato teloka-dhamma-dhurā-vahaga mahārājo[8 Virū-) (1.2) [p]khapati-Mahāsena-parigahitasa Agihot-Agithoma [Vājape-1 (1. 3) y-Asamedha-y
1 Kothakarika - Skt. köshthagarika.
. If alanda is the correct reading, it may perhaps be taken for another form of Pali alinda & Verandah a terraco".
• The vowel-mark of the fourth ahehara has the appearance of an o-stroke. but this I believe is dae to an error not unfrequent in these inscriptions.
• The first balf of the inscription has been restored with the aid of the corresponding passage in oblier iaEcriptions

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[@]yi(ji)sa hiramna-koti-go-satasaba[sa-hala-sata-) (1. 4) sahasa-padāi(yi)sa savathesu spatihatasamka[pasa)..(1.5) (Vā]sethiputasa Ikhäkuna Siri-Chātamūlasa sun[hā]ya mahārāja-] (. 6) sa Madha[riputasa? Ikhäkuna Sir-Virapurisadatas& bhayaya? ma-(1. 7)harajasa Siri-Eshuvula-Chatamūlasamatuya mahād[e]viya Bhatideväys (1.8)........[i]mam viharo sava-jata-niyuto schariy[á]nam Bahusutiyanam (1. 9) patitha[pito)....i ra pu nam budhiņa....(samvachharam). - [bitiyaṁ) (1. 10) (gimha-pakham)............ sughāya ti
TRANSLATION Success! Adoration to the Lord, the Leader of the Law of the Three Worlds.-Mahadevi Bhatidevā(who is), the daughter-in-law of Mahārāja Väsethiputa Siri-Chātamüla, of the house of) the Ikhākus, etc., (see above, sub C 3); (who is) the wife of Mahārāja Mädhariputa Siri-Virapurisadata of the house of the Ikhākus ; (and who is) the mother of Mahărāja Siri-Ehuvula (?)Chatamūla, has erected...... this monastery provided with all essentials (?) for the Masters of the Bahusutiya sect."
Detached Pillar inscription H.
TRANSCRIPT. (1.1) Sidham namo bhagavato sami-sam- (1.2) budhasa, mahārajasa Väsethiputasa (1.3) Ikhakunan Siri-Ehuvala-[Cbāta]mülasa sava 101-+*]1 (1.4)....1 diva 7 mahärājas Agihot-Agidhema- Vājaveja (1. 5) As&medha-yāyi(ji)sa (aneka-]hitana-koti-go-satasahasa- (1. 6) bala-satasahasa-pad[@]y[i]sa savathesu apatihata- (1. 7) samkapasa Väsethiputasa Ikhākung[m] Siri-Chfajtamüla(sa) (1.8) nattiya mahārājasa Mathariputasa Siri-Virapuriss- (1.9) datasa dhūtuya mahārājasa Väsethiputasa Ikhakunam (1. 10) Siri-Ehuvala-Ch[ä]tamala[sa] bhaginiyā Vānavāsaka-mahārāja- (1. 11) mahädeviya (Ko]da[ba]lisiriya imam khaniyam vihāro cha (1.12) achariyānam Mahi[sā]sakānam suparigahe chātudisan (1.13) sa[m]gham udisāya sava-satānam hita-sukh[ā]tham thăpitam achariye- (1.14) na mahādhamma-käthik[ona Dhama[gho]sa 10therena anuthitam ti
TRANSLATION.
Success! Adoration to the Lord, the Supreme Buddha. In the 11th year of the reign of) Mahārāja Vasethiputa Siri-Ehuvala-Châta]mula of (the house of) the Ikhākus, the 1st (fortmight of..?), the 7th day. Mahädevi (Ko]da[ba]lisiri, (who is) the grand-daughter of Maharaja Vásethiputa, Siri-Chatamula of the house of the Ikhākus, etc., (see above, C. 3); (who is) the daughter of Mahārāja Māthariputa Siri-Virapurisa data of the house of the Ikhākus; (who is the sister of Maharaja Vasethiputa Siri-Ehuvala-Châtamula of the house of) the Ikhākus; and (who is) the wife of the Maharaja of Vanavāsaka has erected this pillar and monastery
1 The second akshara may be either da or dha. 2 This mutilated word can hardly be anything but bhayāya. • The akaharashuvula are damaged owing to a crack, but he is still legible.
• Or should we read sava.jina niyuto ! The akshara following sasa. is certainly ja. In the other insoriptions we find savaniyuto,
$[...... Virapunanbudhina . (proper name P) rano. -Ed.)
The date appears to bave been followed by a benedictory formuls such as sava-loka-hita-sukhaya. Lines 9-10 seer to have contained a date, but are too much obliterated to allow of being deciphered. * Read Agnol-Agithoma-ajapeya. • The third syllable sa is still traceable.
16 The third akshara has become very faint. At first I felt inclined to read Dhanmayana, but the long horizontal base-stroke which is still clear rather suggests the better gha.

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PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
for the benefit of the Masters of the Mahi[sa]saka sect, on behalf of the community of the Four Quarters, and for the sake of the welfare and happiness of all sentient beings. (It has been) carried out by the Master, the great preacher of the Law, the thera Dhamma[gho]sa.
Sculpture inscription J.1 TRANSCRIPT.
(1. 1) Sidham namo bhagavato aga-pogalasa Budhasa Chhada kapavatich[e]na. Paduma[va]-niya gharaniya sagaya saputakanam Hagas[i]r[i]sa sagasa Nagata rasa cha sabhaja[sa} (1.2) saputikāna[m] cha deyadham[o] pato unisa cha mahachetiye patiṭh[a]vito
25
TRANSLATION.
Success. Adoration to the Lord Buddha, the best of beings.
A meritorious gift (consisting of) a slab and a coping stone, has been dedicated at the Great Chaitya by Chhadakapavaticha, Padumavānī his house-wife, together with their sons Hagasiri and Nagatara with his wife and together with their daughters.
Fragmentary Sculpture inscription K. TRANSCRIPT.
(1. 1)........saputak[a]na[m] cha Dhamasa Padumasa cha [Bha]dasa Hughasa saput[i]k[a]na[m] cha.. ...had[a]ya Budh[a]ya Padumaya Misa]ya Chula-Budh[alya N[a]k[a]ya cha saj[a]m[a]tuk[a]na[m] san[a]tuk[a]na[m] sanat[i]na[m] cha sanadi. m[i]ta-ba[m]dhavana[m] cha deyadham[o] pata niba sapadaka.....
TRANSLATION.
....... together with his sons Dhama and Paduma, [Bha]da, Hugha and together with his daughters........-hada, Budha, Padumā, Misa, Chula-Budha, and Nākā, together with his sons-in-law, together with his grandsons and granddaughters and together with his relatives, friends, and kinsmen, a meritorious gift [consisting of] a slab
Postscript.
Extract from a letter dated Oslo, 2nd October, 1928, from Prof. Sten Konow, Ph.D.
"In the first place I should like to draw your attention-perhaps unnecessarily to the suffix anaka in Visakhanaka, Sagaramnaka, formed from Visakha, Sagara, respectively. This same suffix is frequent in names from the Bombay Presidency; cf. Lüders, Nos. 985, 993, 1000, 1018, 1020, 1033 (Kanheri), 1063,, 1064, 1065 (Kuḍā), 1088, 1091, 1097 (Karli), 1109, 1111, (Bedsa), 1141 (Näsik), 1171 (Junnar). It evidently belongs to a dialect with a Dravidian, perhaps Kanarese, substratum. The h for s also points to Kanarese. Moreover, some of the names seem to find their explanation in Kanarese. Thus kanda means 'child' in Kanarese, and chali 'cold.' Chalikiremmanaka probably is Chalikiranaka Moon.' It also strikes me that Kanarese karrambu means 'envy.' I have not access to a Telugu dictionary. But it seems to me that Kanarese is more likely. The other characteristics which can be gleaned from your quotations do not help us. They show that we have to do with a Standard Prakrit, related to Pali, which was, as you know, used over a large territory. The change of -p- to -v- is
1 The transcript and translation of inscriptions J and K should be regarded as provisional. Perhaps sapaduka-patta. [Perhaps the reading is 'pafani be sapadukani', meaning two slabe with footprints.-Ed.]
His, her, or their, as the case may be.
E

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general in most Prakrits and cannot be used for localizing the dialect. A similar language is also used in the Kharavela inscriptions. I would therefore be inclined to define the dialect of your inscriptions as follows: We are faced with a normalized semi-literary Prakrit, used by people whose home tongue was Dravidian, and probably Kanarese. If I am right, we should a priori be inclined to infer that the Ikkhākus had come to the Kistna country from the West. But all such conclusions are bound to be uncertain. Khamda is, as you say, probably Skanda, and Chamta might be Kshanta, but might also have something to do with Chandaka, the designation of some actors from Mathura (Lüders, No. 85)."
Glossary.
aga-pogala (J, 1. 1), Pali agga-puggala-Skt. agrya-pudgala, an epithet of Buddha. Agihot-Agithoma-Vajapey-Asamedha-yajisa (passim), an epithet of Siri-Chamtamula. Cf.
Aggitthoma-Vajapey-Assamedha-yaji in the Hirahaḍagalli copper-plate grant of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman, Ep. Ind. Vol. I, pp. 2 f. Also, dvir-Asvamedha. yajinah in the Sunga inscription from Ayodhya. J.B.O.R.S. Vol. X, pp. 202 f. a[chamta] (F, 1. 3); i.e., achchanta Skt. atyanta. athamga-maga-dhamachaka-pavataka (F, 1. 1), i.e., atthanga-magga-dhammachakka-pavattaka= Skt. ashtanga-marga-dharmachakra-pravartaka, an epithet of Buddha. aṭhāra (D, 1. 2), "eighteenth."
atichhita, i.e., atichchhita (A 3, 1. 8; A 4, 1. 9, etc.,) always followed by anagata-vața
manake or manakanaṁ. Cf. Pali atichchhati (Skt. ati-richchhati) which is only preserved in the expression atichchhatha bhante "Please go on, Sir." The past participle atichchhita, therefore, stands for the usual atita.
Adavi-Chatisiri (B, 2, 1. 5), a personal name. The second akshara is possibly da. anuthitam (H, 1. 14). Cf. Pali anutthita (=Skt. anushthita), past participle of anutthahati,
meaning "carried out, effected."
go-satasahassa-hala-satasahassa-ppadayi,
aneka-hiramna-koti-go-satasa hasa]-hala-satasahasa-padayi (E, 1. 1), i.e., aneka-hiranna-kotsepithet of Siri-Chamtamula. Cf. anekahiroga-kodi-go-hala-satasahassa-ppadayino in the Hirahaḍagalli grant, 11. 10-11, and aneka-go-hiranya-bhumy-adi-pradānaiḥ pravriddha-dharma-sañchayasya.... mahārain-Sri-Skandavarmmanaḥ in the Pikira grant of Simhavarman, Ep. Ind. Vol. VIII, p. 161 11. 5-6. Cf. also ti-go-satasahasadena in Karle inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. VII, p. 57, and tri-go-satasahasradena in Nasik inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. VIII, p. 78. aṁterāsika (C 1, 1. 12; C 2, 1. 10), Pali antevāsi, antevāsika "a disciple." savathesu
apatihata-samkapa-Skt. sarvartheshu apratihata-sankalpa, epithet of SiriChaintamula. Cf. appatihata-sasanassa in the Hirahadagalli grant, 1. 10. Aparamahāvinaseliya (C 1, 1. 10; C 2, 1. 8; E, 1. 2), name of a Buddhist sect. See
above, p. 10. The name presumably is identical with Pali Aparaseliya, Skt. Aparasailiya, a subdivision of the Theravada. Cf. M. Walleser, Die Sekten des alten Buddhismus p. 7; but cf. p. 21.
ayaka (F, 1. 2), i.e., ayyaka Skt. āryaka.
ayika (F, 1. 2), i.e., ayyika-Skt. äryikā.
ayira hamgha (C 1, 1. 11; C 2, 1. 10) Skt. arya-sangha. Cf. ayira, aira in Amaravati inscriptions, Lüders, List, Nos. 1276 and 1280.
ayu-vadhanike vejayike (E, 1. 1). Cf. appana kula-gottasa dham-ayu-bala-yaso-vadhanike vijaya-vejayike "while he made (the gift) a means of the increase of the merits

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ourselves
longevity, power and fame of (his) own family and race." (Bühler) in the Hirahaḍagalli grant of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman, 1. 9, Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 6; amha-vejayike [dham]m-ayu-bala-vadhanike "for conferring on victory (in war) and for increasing (our) merit, length of life, and power". (Hultzsch) in the Mayidavõlu plates of Sivaskandavarman, Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 87; amham ayu-bala-vaddhaniyam-kātūna "making (it) a means for increasing our length of life and power." (Hultzsch) in the British Museum plate of Charudevi, Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 146. The Sanskrit equivalent of the term is found in the Chammak and Siwani grants of Pravarasena II (Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 238 and 246) and in the Uruvapalli grant (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 52). Cf. also chhatrapasa saputra-darasa ayu-bala-vardhie in the Taxila plate of Patika (Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 56) and J. R. A. S. for 1924, p. 402.
alamda (F, 1. 3), perhaps Skt. alinda m. "a terrace in front of the house-door," Pali
alinda "a terrace or verandah outside a house." Mahavagga, VI, 36, 4 Vinaya Pitakam (ed. Oldenberg) Vol. I, pp. 247 f.; Chullavagga, VI, 3, 5 and 14, 1-Vin. Pit., Vol. II, pp. 153 and 169. The alinda is not necessarily a terrace or verandah outside a building, as is proved by Mahävamsa XXXV, 3, Tatheva Lohapäsäde Thüpärämuposathavhaye kuchchhi-ajiram käresi kuchchhi alindam eva cha "He made an inner courtyard and an inner verandah in the Lohapasada." Cf. P. K. Acharya, Dictionary of Hindu Architecture, pp. 54 ff., and A. K. Coomaraswamy, J.A.0.8., Vol. XLVIII, p. 252.
achariya (C 1, 11. 10 and 11), written with short initial a in line 8 of inscription C 2
-Skt. acharya, Pali achariya, "a teacher."
Anamda (C. 1, 1. 12; C 2, 1. 10), i.e., Ananda, a personal name.
Ikhāku, i.e., Ikkhaku-Skt. Ikshvāku, Pali Okkäka, the legendary progenitor of the Solar
race.
Ikhaku-raja-pavara-risi-sata-pabhava-vamsa-sambhava (F, 1. 1) Skt. Ikshvāku-rāja-pravara-rshi
sata-prabhava-vaméa-sambhava, an epithet of the Buddha.
udisaya (H, 1. 13). Cf. Skt. uddisya, Pali uddissa (absol. of ud-disati) "to point out", "on behalf of, on account of."
unisa (J, 1. 2)=-Skt. ushnisha, "a coping-stone." Frequently met with in Amaravati inscriptions. The word appears to designate not only the coping-stone which forms the crowning member of the railing enclosing the stupa, but also the frieze running along the top of the sculptured facing of such a monument. Cf. Acharya, op. cit., pp. 99 f.
ubhaya-loka-hita-sukha-nivanathanaya (A 3, 1. 8, etc., passim) and ubhaya-loka-hita-sukh-atahathanaya (B 2, 1. 5). Cf. Spence Hardy, Eastern Monachism, p. 229. ubhayita (B 5, 1. 6), i.e., ubbhayita Skt. *ürdhvayita from ubbha-Skt. urdhva. Cf. Pischel,
Grammatik, § 300.
uvarivam ni tam] (F, 1. 3)Skt. uparivarnitam.
wväsikä (F, 1. 2)=8kt. upāsikā.
ovaraka (F, 1. 3) "a cell "Skt. *apavaraka. Cf. Lüders, List; Index u. apavaraka uyaraka, uvavaraka, ovaraka.
Kamdasiri (A 2, 1. 6, etc., passim), a personal name.
Karumbudhina (F, 1. 9), a personal name.
kavana (A 3, 1. 6; etc.,)Skt. koripana, Pali kapana, "poor, mizerable, wretched, a
beggar."
2

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Kulahaka (B 4, 1. 3), name of a clan. Kuaha-vihara (F, 1. 3), name of a monastery. box[a]kärika (F, 1. 2)=Skt. koshthāgārika,"& treasurer, & superintendent of a royal
store house." Cf. kothagala in Sohgaura copper-plate inscription (Lüders, List,
No. 937). Kolda ballisiri (H, 1. 11), a personal name. Whaniya (H, 1. 12) "a pillar" (?). Cf. Pali khānu. Childers, Pali Dictionary, sub
Corrigenda, p. 622, under khāņu. Khaida, i.e., Khanda (in personal names)=Skt. Skanda. Khandachalikireimanaka (B4, 1.4), a personal name. Dr. Sten Konow suggests
Kanarese chalikiranaka=moon, from Kanarese chali=cold. Khandavisūkhanaka (B 2, 1. 4)=Skt. Skanda-visakha, a personal name. Khardasagarasi naka (A 3, 1.7, etc.,) and Khardasagarannaga (E, 1. 1)=Skt. Skanda
sāgara, a personal name. khambha, i.e., khambha (passim), "a pillar," from Vedic skambha. Cf. Pischel, Gram
matik, $ 306. Also in sela-khambha (q.v.). gahapati (F, 1. 2)=Skt. grihapati. gharani (J, 1. 1)=Skt. grihini. chaka-lakhana-sukumāra-sujāta-charana (F, 1.1 )=Skt. chakra-lakshana', an epithet of
the Buddha. Chasidamukha (F, 1. 3) Skt. Chandramukha, a personal name. Chandamu khana (F, 1. 2); cf. Skt. Chandramukha, a personal name. Chartamüla ; see, Siri-Chantamula. Cläntisiri (A 3, I. 7, etc., passim) or Chămtisirinikā (B 5, 1. 5), a personal name. chātudisa sangha (H, II. 12-13)=Skt. chāturdisah sanghah. chātusala (E, I. 2), i.e., chatussāla, Skt. chatuhšāla, Pali chatussāla, "a quadrangular build
ing built round an inner courtyard, & cloister or quadrangle." of. Msichchha. katika (ed. Stenzler) p. 46. 1. 20; vihāram sachatunkälam ; Rājat. III. 13; Mahāvansa XV, 47 and 50; XXXV, 88, Näsik Cave (No. 10) Inscription, L. 2,
Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 78. Acharya, op. cit., p. 193. Chula-Chardamukha (F, 1. 2)=Skt. Kshudra-Chandramukha, a personal name. Chula-Châtisirimikā (B 4, 1. 5), & personal name. Chula-Budha (K)=Skt. Kshudra-Buddhā, a personal name. Chula-Müla (F, 1. 2)=Skt. Kshudra-Müla, a personal name. Chetiva-chara (E, 1. 1 and F. 11.2 and 3)=Skt. chaitya-griha, "an apsidal temple or Chaitva
hall." The term seems to be employed synonymously with sela-mandava. The word chetiya-ghara is frequently met with in inscriptions and applies equally to structural and rock-cut shrines. Cf. Lüders, List, Index and Mahävaraa
XXXI, 52. chhatha (E, 1. 2; F, 1. 2), i.e., chhattha "sixth "=Skt. shashtha. chhathi, i.e., chhathi, in the personal name Chhathisiri (C 4, 1. 6). Chhadaka pavat icha (J, I. 1), a personal name () Cf. below under "Geographical Terms." jām ā tukasa (E, 1. 1)=Skt. jāmātikasya. jita-kama-kodha-bhaya-harisa-tarisa-moha-dosa-sad"[]pita-Māra-bala-dapa-mana-pasomana - kara
(F, 1. 1)Skt. jita-kama-krödha-bhaya-harsha-tarsha-moha-dvēsha-dabdăpita-Mära-baladarpa-prasamana-kara, an epithet of the Buddha.
[ See footnote 1 on page 22, above.-Ed.)

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jita-rāga-dosa-moha-vipamuta (A 2, l. 2, etc.,)=Skt. ita-räga-dvēsha-moha-vipramukta, epithet of
the Buddha. Rāga, dosa, moha, "lust, hatred, and delusion" are the three Aggis, Kiñchanas, or Akusala-mūlas symbolised in the centre of the "Wheel of
Existence" by three animals: a dove or cock, a snake, and a hog. tarisa (E, 1. 1)=Skt. tarsha "thirst." taruna-divasakara-pabha (F, 1. 1)=Skt. prabha, an epithet of the Buddha. taļāka (F, I. 3)=Skt. tadāga, "a tank or cistern." tini (F, I. 3), instr. timhi, (F, 1. 3)"three." tera (F, 1. 1) "thirteenth." teloka-dhamma-dhurā-vaha (G, I. 1)=Skt. trailokya-dharma-dhurā-vaha, an epithet of the
Buddha. thambha in sela-thambha (C2, 1. 8)=Skt. stambha, Pali thambha "& pillar, a column,
a stele." thera, combined with personal names (F, 11. 3-4; H, 1. 14)=Skt. sthavira, Pali thera,
"& senior monk, an elder." theriya (F, 1. 1), derived from thera, adj. " belonging to theras," subst. "fraternity, com
munity." darisana (F, I. 1)-Skt. darsana, Pali dassana. Cf. Pischel, Grammatik. $135. dasabala-mahābala (F, I. 1)=Skt. daśabala-mahābala, an epithet of the Buddha. dinār-māsaka (B 5, 1. 6); Skt. dināra, from Latin denarius, "an Indian coin struck
in imitation of and called after the Roman Denarius" and Skt. mäsha(ka),
"a certain weight and monetary value." Manu VIII, 135, 298, 392. divasa (E, 1. 2)Skt. divasa. Elsewhere (
C2, l. 11) abbreviated as diva. Digha Majhima-pa[m]cha-mätuka-desaka-vāchaka, and Digha-Majhima-nikāya-dhara (C1,
11. 11-12 and C 2, 11. 9-10); corrected reading. Cf. Vinaya-dhara and Mahavsnaya-dhara in Amarāvati inscriptions. Burgess, Amaravati Stupa, p. 37, No. VIII, and p. 102, No. 25. The word "dhara in these compounds must have the same
meaning as Arabic hafiz “ one who has the whole Qur'an by heart." duhutā (B, 1. 3)=Skt. duhita "a daughter ", gen., instr. sing., dhütuya, (F, 1. 3; H, L. 9). deva-manusa-sava-sata-hita-sukha-maga-desika (F, 1.1)=Skt. dépa-manushya-sarva-sattva
hita-sukha-märga-desika, in epithet of the Buddha. devarāja-sakata (A 2, l. 1, etc., passim)=Skt. devarāja-satkrita, an epithet of the Buddha. desaka (C1, 1. 11 “osaka"; C 2, 1. 9 “desa") "a preacher". Dhanaka (B 2, 1.4), & clan name. Dharma (K, 1. 1)-Skt. Dharma, a personal name. Dhamma[ghosa] (H, I. 14)=Skt. Dharmaghosha, a personal name. Dharmanamdi (F, 1. 4), i.e., Dhammanandi, & personal name. dhätuvara-parigahita (B 4, 1. 3, etc., passim)=Skt. dhātuvara-parigrihita "absorbed by
the best of elements (dhātu), i.e., by Nirvana".! watu (K) in sanatuka, i.e., sanattuka=Skt. sanaptrika. natti (H, 1. 8)Skt. naptri, "a grand-daughter".
1 The above interpretation I owe to the courtesy of M. L. de la Vallée Poussin, who adds : " If the inscriptions belonged to the Mahisanghikne, conjectural explanation of dhatuvara M Diaradhatu would not be Axcluded. The Dharmadhatw ww sometimes a kind of Buddhist Brabman for the followers of the Mahayana."
(To me it does not appear to be impossible that the Mahachotiys has been specified in there insoriptions protected by the corporeal remains of the Buddha' and that the genitive cute 16 uued here to discriminate the at üpa from others not similarly ooppocrated. Inscription E give dhatu pari only.-Ed.)

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navakama and navakamma (C 1, 1. 12; C 2, 1. 11; F, 1. 3) Skt. narakarman, Pali navakamma, "a religious building dedicated by some lay-member to the Sangha". The procedure by which a superintendent of works (navakammika) is appointed by the chapter of Bhikkhus in order to supervise the construction of a navakamma is described in Chullavagga VI, 5-Vinaya Pitakam (ed. Oldenberg), Vol. II, pp. 159 f. (S. B. E., Vol. XX, pp. 189 ff.). "If the buildings were for the Bhikkhus, then a Bhikkhu, if for the Bhikkhunis, then a Bhikkhuni, was appointed to superintend the works in order to ensure the buildings being in accordance with the rules of the Order as to size, form, and object of the various apartments". Cf. also Sutta-vibhanga, Bhikkhuni-vibhanga I, 1-Vinaya Pitakam, The word navakamma frequently occurs in dedicatory in
Vol. IV, p. 211. scriptions.
CC
navakammika (F, 1. 3) a Bhikkhu or Bhikkhuni appointed by the Chapter as a superintendent of the building operations of a navakamma, (see preceding article). Cf. Lüders, List, Nos. 154, 773, 987 and 1250. A synonymous term is kam m-adhiṭṭhāyaka, Maharamsa, XXX, 98.
Nākā (K) Skt. Nāgā, a personal name.
Naga (F, 1. 4) Nāgatara (J, 1.
30
Skt. Naga, a personal name. 1), a personal name.
Nagamna (F, 1. 3), a personal name.
Nigabodhinika (F, 1. 3), a personal name.
nana-desa-samanäguta (E, 1. 2) "assembled (?) from various countries".
nikapanika (E, 1. 2), a word of uncertain meaning.
nithapita or nithapita (C 1, 1. 12; C 2, 1. 11), Pali nitthäpita, past participle of nitthäpeti, "to complete", Mahāvamsa, XXXI, 1, 2. Cf. Pali nitthita completed, thüpe anitṭhite yeva, Mahuvamsa, XXIX, 53; thüpe anitṭhitam kammam nitthäpehi ibid., XXXII, 2. nivana-sampatti-sampadake (A 3, 1. 9, etc., passim) Skt. nirvana-sampatti-sampadake. pamchama (E, 1. 2) "fifth".
pata (J, 1. 2 and K) "a slab." Frequently in Amaravati inscriptions; see Läders, List, Index. Also in compound sapata-samthara (F, 1. 2), "with a floor of (stone) slabs". patibhaga (A 2, 11. 6-7, etc., passim) in compound samana-bamhana. The word corresponds with Skt. pratibhaga, Pali patibhaga=counterpart, likeness. But the word wanted here is apatibhaga, Pali appatibhaga" unequalled, unparalleled, matchless."
1
patithapita (A 3, 1. 9), i.e., patiṭhäpita, Skt. pratishthapita "erected, set up, dedicated" Paduma (K) Skt. Padma, a personal name.
Padumavāni (J, 1. 1), a personal name.
Paduma (K) Skt. Padma, a personal name.
padhana-sālā (F, 1. 3) Skt. pradhana-sälä, "a hall for practising religious exercises from Pali padhana "exertion, energetic effort, striving, concentration of mind Cf. padhana-ma[mda]vo in Amaravati inscriptions. Burgess, Amaravati Stupa, p. 105, No. 49; Lüders, List, No. 1230 and correction, p. 179. parigaha (E, 1. 2)-Skt. parigraha, Pali pariggaha, "grace, favour." pargahita or parigahita in dhatuvara-parigahita (q.v.)
and
Virüpakhapati-Mahasena
parigahiu (q.v.). The meaning of parigahita in these two compounds appears to be absorbed bya".
61
[But Skt. pratibhaga means gift' or 'share' also.-Ed.]
["protected by "-Ed.]

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parināmetuna[m] passim, absolutivum of parināmeti Skt. parināmayats, Paliparinānei
(caus. of parinamati) "to bend to, to change into, to turn to use for somebody, to apportion, to destine.” Mahadevi Bapisirinikī apino wilaram Hanmasirinikan parināmetuna (C2, l. 7) and Mahadevi Chhathisiri apano mīlara Ilanmasirinikan parināmetuna (
C4, 1. 7). It is clear that parināmetunz is used here in the same sense as purato katunar in the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions: apano mātaran Nāgalinin purato katunań "having associaterl (with him) his mother Nägalini" (Bühier). In the expression apano ubhaya-kulaṁ parināmetuna (B 2, l. 5; C , l. 8; O 5, 1. 4) it is also used with the object in the accusative. Elsewhere we find apano ubhaya-kulasa atichhitam-anāgata-rata mānake or ratamānakānain in which the connection with the absolutivum parinūmetuna is not clear. Cf. Buddhist Skt. pariņāmayati (Mahāvastu, Vol. I, pp. 81 and
309). pavajita (E, 1. 1), i.e., pavrajita, Skt. pravrajita, Pali pabbajita. passadaka (E, I. 1)-Skt. prasīdaka, Pali pasādakı "converting to the Buddhist faith". pāsāda in Bodhi-rukha-pāsāda (F, I. 3) q.u. pituchha (A 2, I. 5, etc., passim)Pali pituchchha : "a father's sister, # paternal aunt".
Cf. Pischel, Grammatik, $ 148. pituno (F, I. 2) gen. sing.=Skt. pituh. puva-dāra (F, I. 3), i.e., purva-dūra=Skt. pūrva-drāra "the enstern gate or entrance". The
word dāra is frequently met with in Amaravati inscriptions. Cf. Lüders, List,
Index, under dvāra. puva-disa-bhāga (F, I. 2)=Skt. půrvu-dita-bhāga. Pūkiya, Pukiya ($ 2, 1. 6; C3, 1. 7; C5, 1. 2), Pugiya (E, I. 1), & clan name. Bapisiriwikā (C2, 1. 6), a personal name. Cf. Bapisiri in Lüders, List, No. 1213
(Amaravati inscription) and names like Bappuka (Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 282), Bappărya (Gupta Inscrs., p. 243), Bappasvāmin (ibidem, p. 105) and Bäppadēva
(ibidem, p. 249), Bappikä (Rūjat. VII, 1128). Bahusutiya (G, 1. 8)=Skt. Bahusrutiya, Pali Bahussutiya, name of a Buddhist sect. It
was a subdivision of the Gökulika sect which belonged to the Mahasanghikas.
Cf. M. Walleser,. Die Sekten des alten Buddhismus, pp. 6 and 21. bālikā (B 4, I. 3; B 5, 1. 3 er conjectura; C 2, 1. 6; C 4, l. 5). Budhamnikā (F, 1. 3), a personal name. Budhavāniki[na] (F, 1. 2), & personal name. Budha (K), a personal name. Budhinaka (F, 1. 2), & personal name. Budhi rū]niya (F, 1. 2), a personal name. Bodhi (F, I. 2)=Skt. Bodhi, a personal name. Bodhika (F, I. 2)Skt. Bödhika, & personal name. Bodhi-rukha-pāsāda (F, 1. 3)=Skt. Bödhi-vriksha-prāsāda, Pali Bodhi-rukkha-ppåsāda, "a
shrine of the Bodhi-tree." G. Spence Hardy, Eastern Monachism, p. 212. Bodhisarima (F, 1. 2)=Skt. Bodhisarman, & personal name. Cf. Lüders, List, No. 1200. Bodhisiri (F, 1. 2)=Skt. Bodhisri, a personal name. bhagini (A 3, l. 5, eto, passim), instr. sing. bhaginiyā (H, 1. 10)Skt. bhaginigieter". bhajant-Anandena (C1, 1. 12) and bhadant-Anaṁdena (C2, 1. 10) Skt. bhadant- Anandinn
" by the Reverend Ananda". Bhatideva (G, 1. 7), & personal name.

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bhatuno, gen. sing. (F, 1. 2)=Skt. bhartuh. Bhada (F, I. 2), i.e., Bhadda Skt. Bhadra, a personal name, Bhadasiri (F, 1. 3), i.e., Bhaddasiri=Skt. Bhadrasri, a personal name. bhariyā (A 2, l. 6, etc., passim) and bhayā (B 2, I. 4; B 4, I. 5)=Skt. bhāryā. Pali.
bhariya. bhāgineya (F, I. 2) Skt. bhāgineya, "a sister's son". bhātuno (F. 1. 3) gen. sing. Skt. bhrātuh ; bhātunam, gen. plur.=Skt. bhrätrinām. bhātu-puta (F, 1. 2)=Skt. bhrātri-putra, "a brother's son". Majhima-nikaya, see Digha-Majhima-nikaya.. mamtava, mandava (F, I. 3)=Skt. mandapa. Mahākardasiri (C5, 1. 2), a personal name. Cf. Kardasiri. mahāgani-vasabha-gandha-hathi (A 2, I. 2, etc., passim)=Skt. mahagani-upishabha-gandha
hastin, an epithet of the Buddha. For mahāgani cf. Mahāvansa XXIX, 30. Maha-Chandamukha (F, I. 2)=Skt. Mahā-Chandramukha, a personal name. Mahächetiya and Mahāchetiya (A 2, 1. 3, etc., passim)=Skt. Mahachaitya, "Great Chaitya,"
loc. sing. Mahāchetiyanhi (C 4, 1. 2, ex conjectura). mahātalavara (A 2, 1.6, etc., passim), a title of uncertain meaning, evidently denoting
"a high dignitary or a feudal lord”. See above, p. 6. mahālalavari (A 3, l. 7, etc., passim), "the wife of a mahätalavara". mahādamdanāyaka (B 2, 1. 4)=Skt. mahādandanāyaka "a high, probably judicial, offi
cial". Cf. J. R. A. S., 1924, p. 402. mahādānapatini (A 3, 1. 7, etc., passim)=Skt. *mahädäna patni" a mistress of munificence"
an epithet of Chāṁtisiri. Cf. mahādānapati in Taxila plate inscription. Ep.
Ind., Vol. IX, p. 56. mahādevi (B 5, 1. 4; C 2, 1. 6; G, 1. 7; H, 1. 11), a title borne by the consort of a
ruling chief. mahadharimakathika (1, 1. 14)=Skt. mahādharmakathika "a great preacher of the Law.”
Cf. Burgess, Amaravati Stupa, p. 94. mahābhikhu-sangha (E, 1. 1), i.e., mahābhikkhu-sangha. mahämātu kā (F, I. 2). Of. Pali mahämätä "& grandmother". Maha-Müla (F, I. 2)—Skt. Maha-Müla, a personal name. mahāvihāra (1 5, 1. 5; F, 1. 3). mahasenapati (A 3, 1. 7, etc., passim)=Skt.mahäsènäpati, lit. "Commander-in-Chief"
but here used as a title designating a feudal lord. According to the late Dr. Fleet it "denotes equal rank with Mahārāja and Mahäsämanta." (Gupta Insorip
tions, p. 15, n.). See above, p. 6. mahāsenāpatini (B 4, 1. 5), Skt. *mahäsēnāpatni "the wife of a mahāsēnāpati". Mahi[s]saka (G, 1. 12), Skt. Mahisāsaka, Pali Mahirsäsaka, name of Buddhist sect.
It was a subdivision of the Theravādins and appears to have flourished in the Andhra country. Cf. M. Walleser, Die Sekten des alten Buddhismus, pp. 7 and
22. Madhariputa (A 2, l. 5, etc., passim) and Māthariputa (E, I. 1; F. 1. 1; H, I. 8)=
Skt. Mähariputra, metronymic of Siri-Virapurisadata. mata (A 3, I. 7, etc., passim) “mother", acc. sing. mätaran (C 2, 1. 7; C 4, 1. 7)
instr. and gen. sing. matuya (F, I. 2; G, 1. 7). mdluka, see pancha-mötuka. Misi (F, 1. 3), i.e., Missi=Skt. Miéri, a personal name

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PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
Müla (F, 1. 3), & personal name. Mülaṁnikā (F, 1. 3), a personal name. Mülavāniya (F, I. 2), a personal name. Rudradharabha (@rikā (5 5. I. 3)Skt. Rudradharabhaffärikä, personal name of 4
queen, probably belonging to the ruling house of Ujjayini. See above, p. 4. . Revata (F, I. 2), a personal name. Revatimnikā (F, I. 2), & personal name. -vadhāki (F, 1.4)-Skt. vardhaki, Pali vaddhaki, Hindi barhai, "a carpenter, builder,
architect, mason." Cf. vadhaki in Karle inscription, Lüders, List, No. 1092 and vadakin in Sünchi inscription, ibidem, No. 495. In inscr. F, I. 4 the word occurs in the compound sela-vadhāki=Skt. saila-vardhaki, "a stone-mason." Cf. Pali ithala-vaddhaki "a brick-mason,” Mahāvansa XXIX, 5, 30 and A. K.
Coomaraswamy, J. A. O. S., Vol. XLVIII, p. 272. canija(ka) (A 3, I. 6, etc., passim)=Buddhist Sanskrit vaniyaka, vanipaka "& beggar,
a mendicant." Examples: Dēva na hy=esha Kunālo='ndhaka ēsha vanipakah patnya saha dovasya yanatālāyām=avasthitaḥ, Divyāvadāna, p. 414, 1. 18; Mahakāsyapo din-anātha-kripana-vaniyak-ānukampi, Divy., p. 83, I. 19; brāhmaṇam và
framanam và anyar v-api, vaniyakam, Mahāvastu, Vol. I, p. 188, I. 14. -vathava (C1, I. 11; F, 1. 2), ie, vatthavva=Skt. vastavya “residing at". vichaka (C1, I. 11; C 2, I. 9, restored)," preacher". Vasithi puta (A 2, 1 3, etc., passim) and Väsethipula (G, I. 5; H, II. 7 and 9), i.e..
Väsitthiputta Skt. Väsishtliputra, metronomic of Siri-Chantamüla, Kardasiri,
Khamdachalikiremanaka () (B 4, 1. 4) and Siri-Ehuvala-Chātamüla (H, 1. 9). Vinhusiri (
C5, 1. 3) Skt. Vishnusri, & personal name. Cf. Vinhuka in Sanchi in.
scriptions, Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 95. Vidhika (F, 1. 4), & personal name. Virüpakhapati-Mahāsena-parigahita (A 2, 1. 3, etc., passim)=Skt. Virūpākshapati- Mahāsēna
parigrihita, an epithet of Siri-Chämtamüla. In the Milindapafha, pp. 6 ff.,
Mahäsēna figures as a deva putta who becomes incarnate in the sage Någasēna. oihara (F, 1. 2; G, I. 8; H, 1. 11), "a monastery". Viranna (F, 1. 3), a personal name. Vira[m]nikā (F, 1. 3), a personal name. velāmi(ka) (B 3, 1. 7, etc., passim ; once vailāmika A4, 1. 7), in compound samana
bamhana. The word appears to be an adjective meaning, "belonging to Velāma." Buddha (Jätaka, Vol. I, p. 228; Cambridge translation, Vol. I, p. 101) refers to the time of Velāma when he (Buddha) "stirred up all India by giving the seven things of price, and in [his) largesse poured them forth as though [he) had made into one mighty stream the five great rivers." He then preached the Velāma ku-Sutta (Velāmaka-Suttam kathesi) which is also mentioned in Sumargala-Vilasini, Vol. I, p. 234, 1. 11. It would seem, that Velāma was & legend ary personage renowned in Buddhist tradition for his munificence like Vessan. tara with whom his name is combined in Vibhangatha-katha, p. 414, l. 6. Mr. Helmer Smith has drawn my attention to a passage in Anguttara-Nikāya, Vol. IV, pp. 394-396 where the Buddha praises the liberality of a Brahmin
Velāma with whom he identifies himself in a previous birth. Dochhina, i.e., vochchhinna (A 2, I. 7, etc., passim) in compound samana-bamhana-=Skt.
vyavachchhinna, past participle of vyarachchhinatti, passive vyavachchhidyate, Pali

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vochhijate "to be cut off". The word wanted here evidently is goochhina,
Pali abbochchhinna, abbhochchhinna "not cut off, uninterrupted, continuous". wariachhara (E, I. 2)=Skt. samvatsara, "a year". Elsewhere (A 3, I. 9, etc., passim)
abbreviated as samoa, or sam (E, I. 2). sata (F, 1. 3), i.e., satta, Skt. sapta, "seven". satari-satar (B 5, 1. 6), e., sattari-satari "one hundred and seventy." Of. Pischel, Grammatik,
$ 60. sarithara in sapata-samthara (F, I. 2)=Skt. savstara, Pali santhara, santhara "& layer,
stratum, couch, Hooring". Cf. Mahāvarsa XXX, 70. samana-bamhana-kavana-vanija[ka]-din-anugaha-velāmi[ka)-dana-paţibhäga-vochhina-dhara-pada
yini (A 3, 11. 6-7, etc., passim)-=Skt. éramaņa-brāhmana-kripana-winiyaka-dinanugriha-vailāmika-dan-āpratibhāg-ūvyavachhinna-dhāra-pradūyini, an epithet of Cham
tisiri. Cf. above, under kavana, vanija(ka), welāmiku), patibhāga, and vochhina. sarma-sambudha (A 2, I.1) Skt. samyak-sambuddha, Pali samma-sambuddha "perfectly
enlightened, & universal Buddha". samuthapiyamāna (B 5, I. 6)-Skt, samutthāpyamana, present participle passive of samu
thapayati, Pali samutthāpeti "to found, originate". sarada-8asi-soma-darisana (F, I. 1)=Skt. sārada-labi-saumya-darsana, an epithet of the
Buddha. savannu, gen. savarhnuno (A 2, I. 1, etc., passim)=Skt. sarvajña, Pali sabbaññu "omnis.
cient", an opithet of the Buddha. anva-wiyuta (E, I. 2; F, I. 2; cf. sava-jāta(!)-niyula G, I. 8), 1.6., savva-niyutta=Skt.
sarva-niyukta. savi-loka-chita mahita (F, 1. 1)=Skt. sarva-loka-rhitta-mahita., an epithet of the Buddha. sara-loka-hita-sukh-avahathanāya (C1, 1. 9; 03, I. 12), of. ubhaya-loka-hita-o. 811 va-sat-anukan paka (A 2, I. 1, etc., passina), i.e., savva-salt-anukampaka=Skt. sarva
sativ-anukampaka, an epithet of the Buddha. #q"-sādhu-vuchhulā (A 3. I. 7, etc. passim)=Skt. sarva-sādhu-vatsalā, an epithet of
Chämtisiri. sājdhu-raga (F, I. 3), i.e., sadhu-vagga-Skt. sädhu-varga. Siri-Ehuvala-(Ehuvula-) Chātamüla (G, I. 7, H, 11. 3 and 10), a personal name. Siri-Chantamüla (A 2, I. 5, etc., passim), a personal name. Sometimes Chatamüla. Biri-Virapurisadata (A 2, I. 5, etc., passim) -Vira. (E, I. 2 and G, I. 6)=Skt. Sri-Vira
purushadatta, a personal name. sunnha (F. 1. 3, G, I. 5)=Skt. snusha, Pali suņisä, sunha "a daughter-in-law." supabudha-bodhi (B 5, 1. 1) Skt. suprabuddha-bodhi, an epithet of the Buddha. . suparigaha (F, I. 1; H, I. 11)=Skt. suparigraha, "grace, acceptance". su parigahita (C1, 1. 10; C 2, I. 8) =Skt. suparigrihita, Pali supariggahita, " well favoured,
graced, i.e., accepted by." sela-kharibha (B 4, 1. 6; B 5, I. 4; C 2, 1. 8; C 5, 1. 5) Skt. baila-skambha "a stone
pillar." Cf. above, under khanbha. sela-thainbha (C2, 1. 8)Skt. Saila-stambha, "& stone pillar." Of. above, under thambha. sela-manțava (E, I. 2) and sela-mandava (F, 1. 3)==Skt. baita-mandapa, "a stone shrine", sela-vadhāki (F, I. 4); see above, under vadhaki. sõdara-bhagini (A 2, I. 5, etc., passim) and once sahodar[a]-bhagini (E, I. 2)" sister
born from the same womb"; gen. sing. sodaraya bhaginiya (0 % 1. 6). soma (F, I. 1)=Skt. saumya, Pali somma,

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No. 1.)
PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
35
Hagnsiri (J, I. 1), a personal name. Cf. Lüders, List, No. 1284. Hagharna (F. 1. 2), from Skt. sangha (?), & personal name. Hangha, i.e., Hangha, Skt. Sangha, in personal names. Cf. Lüders, List, Nos. 1240,
1262, 1271, 1272, 1274, 1281. Hammasirinika (C 2, 11. 5 and 7; C 4, 11. 5 and 7) or Hammasiri (C 4, 1. 5), & personal
name. harisa (F, 1. 1)=Skt. harsha. Hiramnaka, i.e., Hiraññaka (B 4, I. 4), & clan name. hiran na-koti-go-satasahasa-hala-satasahasa-padayi (A 2, 1.4, etc., passim); see aneka
hiran na-kotiHugha (K, I. 1)=Skt. Sukha (?), a personal name. hemanta-pakha (E, I. 2; F, l. 1)=Skt. hômanta-paksha.
Geographical names. Avaranta (F, I. 1), i.e., Avaranta, Skt. Aparänta(ka), Pali Aparanta(ka), a country of
the Western coast of the Peninsula, corresponding to the Northern Konkan, the capital of which was Sopārā, the ancient Sürparaka. Aparanta is mentioned in Rock-Edict V of Asoka in connection with the appointment of dharmamahāmatas, in Nasik Cave III inscr. among the dominions of Gautamiputra Satakarni (Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 60) and in the Junāgadh rock-inscription of Rudradāman. It was converted by Yonaka-Dhammarakkhita, Dipav. VIII, 7. Mahāvarnsa XII, 4 and 34. Cf. also Milinda. p. 331, Luders, List, Nos. 965, 1013
A[pa]rātikā (?), 1123. Skt. Aparantaka. Cf. Raghu, IV, 53. Ujenikā (B 5, I. 3, ez conjectura for “Ujanikā "), i.e., Ujjenikā, adj. from Ujjens, Skt.
Ujjayini, Pali Ujjeni, Gr. 'Olymn (Ptolemy, VII, 1, 63), modern Ujjain,
a famous town in Central India. Kamtakasela (F, 1.3, ex conjectura for "Kantakasola"), i.e., Kantakasela, Skt. Kanta.
kaśaila, Gr. Kavraxosoúha čutóplov (Ptolemy, VII, 1, 15) : town in
Maisolia. See above, p. 8. Kasmira (F, I.1) Skt. Kalmira, Pali Kasmira, modern Kashmir, #country in the
Western Himalaya. Converted by Majjhantika, Dipar. VIII, Mahāv. XII. Gandhára (F, l. 1), i.e., Gandhāra, Skt. Pali Gandhära, the Trans-Indus country and the
district of Taxila. Converted by Majjhantika, Dipav. VIII, Mahāv. XII. Govogūma (F. 1. 2), Skt. Gopagrāma (). The ancient name of the town Goa on the
West Coast is Govapuri, Skt. Göpa kapuri. (Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 117. Jour. Bombay Hist. Soc., Vol. I, pp. 220 f.), but here some other locality appears
to be meant. Chilaa (F, I. 1), Skt. Kirata, Maharashtri Chilada, Chilāa, Ardhamagadhi Chiläya, Gr.
Kuppádat (Periplus, $ 62 ; Ptolemy, VII, 2, 2), Kippadia (Ptolemy, VII, 2, 16) and T ádat (Ptolemy, VII, 2, 15), an un-Aryan tribe frequently mentioned in Sanskrit literature. Cf. Milinda. pp. 327 and 331. (Read Chilata instead
of Vilāta). China (E, 1. 1, coupled with Chitāta), name of a country and its inhabitants. Chula-Dharmagiri (F, 1. 2), bee Dhanmagiri.
cf.Jarl Charpentier J. R. A. 8., 1927, pp. 111 . And ibid., 1928, p. 410.

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Chhadaka pavat[i]cha (J, I. 1), perhaps an adjective from Chhadaka pavata. Cf. [Chhada).
kicha "an inhabitant of Chhadaka " () Lüders, List, No. 1220 (Amarāvati). T'ambapan ni-dīpa, i.e., Tambapanni-dipa and adj. Tambapan paka (F, 1. 1), Skt. Täm
raparna-dvipa, Gr. Tarpoßávn (Ptolemy, VII, 4, 1), the Island of Ceylon. Tosali (F, 1. 1), & country and town on the coast of Kalinga, mentioned in the two
separate Rock-Edicts of Dhauli and two copper-plate inscriptions from the Cuttack district (Ep. Ind., Vols. IX, p. 286 and' xv, p. 1); Twoaan untpótto LS erroneously located by Ptolemy (VII, 2, 23) in Trans-Gangetic India. Perhaps identical with Awoápa (Ptolemy, VII, 1, 77) and Awoapvn (Periplus,
47). Cf. above, p. 7. Damila (F, I. 1, reading uncertain), Skt. Dravida, Pali Damila, the Tamil country and
people on the coast of Coromandel. Deragiri (F, 1. 3), a hill (?), site of a padhāna-sālā founded by Bodhisiri. Dharimagiri (Maha. and Chula. in F, 11. 2 and 3), i.e., Dhammagiri Skt. Dharmagiri,
a hill. The Chula-Dhammagiri was the site of a monastery, where Bodhisiri founded the chetiya-ghara or apsidal shrine mentioned in insor. F. It appears,
therefore, to be the ancient name of the hill now known as Naharāļļabodu. Pamnagāma (C1, 1. 11; C 2, 1. 10), i.e., Pannagāma, Skt. Par nagrāma (?), & village. Papilä (F, I. 3), a locality. [Pallura (F, 1.1, first syllable restored), a town in Kalinga, identified with Dantapura
(S. Lévi, J.A., Vol. CCVI, 1925, pp. 46 ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. LV, pp. 94 ff.). Ptolemy mentions IIaloup TÓALS év TayyntiX X6W (, 5, 16) and
Il áloupa tóg at the western-most mouth of the Ganges. Puphagiri (F, 1. 3), i.e., Pupphagiri, Skt. Pushpagiri ("Flower Mountain"), a hill (9),
site of a sela-mandava or stone shrine founded by Bodhisiri. Putasela (F. 1. 3), i.e., Puvvasela, Skt. Purvasaila ("Eastern Mountain"), a hill. Maha-Dhanmagiri (F, I. 3), see Dhanmagiri. Yava[na] (F, 1. 1), Skt. Yavana, Pali Yona, designation originally of the Greeks (Ionians).
subsequently of other foreign nations. Converted by Maharakkhita, Diput.
VIII, 9, Mahão. XII, 5 and 39-40. Cf. Saka-Yavane in Milinda. pp. 327 and 331. Varga (F, 1. 3), i.e., Vanga, Skt. and Pali Varga, modern Bengal. Vanaväsi (F, 1. 1) and Vänavāsaka (H, I. 10), Skt. and Pali Vanaväsa, Gr. Bovabáol
(Ptolemy, VII, 1, 83), a country corresponding to North Kanara. The village of Banavāsi is situated in latitude 14° 33', longitude 75° 5' in the Shimoga district of the Mysore State. It lies close to the border of Mysore territory and North Kanara. Vanaväsa W&converted to Buddhism by Rakkhita. Mahāv. XII, 4. cf. also Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 117. Vikramärkadēvacharita
V, 23 (ed. Bühler), p. 34; Mahāvamsa XII, 31, XXIX, 42. Vijayapuri (F, 1. 2), a town (?) to the east of which the apsidal temple founded by
Bodhisiri was situated. Cf. Lüders, List, No. 1285. Siriparata (F, 1.2), ie., Siripavvata, Skt. Sriparvata, & mountain, apparently the site
of a vihara or monastery mentioned in connection with the apsidal temple
founded by Bodhisiri. See above, p. 9. Sthala. in Sihaļa-vihoru (F. 1. 3), the Singhalese or Ceylonese Monastery, where Bodhisiri
had founded a Bodhi-rukkha-pāsāda or "Shrine of the Bodhi-tree." Hirumuthuva (F, L. 3), a locality.

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No. 1.)
TWO ADDITIONAL INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
TWO ADDITIONAL INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
BY J. PH. VOGEL, PH.D. After the above paper had been completed, Mr. Longhurst sent me estampages of two more inscriptions discovered by him in the course of his excavations at Nāgārjunikonda. 'Both are found incised on sculptures.
One of these inscriptions occurs on a 'footprint slab.' It consists of one line of writing and comprises twenty-three aksharas, the concluding letter being written below the line owing to want of space. The aksharas measure from 1 to 14 inches in height. The lettering is distinct, except some of the vowel-marks. It will be observed that the inscription is crossed by a series of nine vertical lines which possibly have some connection with the footprint carved on the slab.
The inscription records the donation of a pati padă: It would follow that this word, corresponding to Sanskrit pratipada, ought to indicate the object on which the inscription is engraved. The technical term, however, by which a footprint slab is indicated in the Amarāvati inscriptions, is paduka-paça (i.e., pāduka-patta), or pătukao, patuka (i.e., pāduka).
The donor was Budhi (i.e., Buddhi), the sister of Moda, the Saka. If this interpretation is correct, the mention of a Saka or Scythian is a point of special interest. In this connection it should be noted that among the sculptures excavated by Mr. Longhurst at Nāgārjunikonda there are two showing a warrior in Scythian dress.
In the word bakiniya corresponding to Sanskrit bhaginyāḥ we note a disaspiration of the initial consonant and a bardening of the media ga into ka.
TRANSCRIPT. Siddham) Sakasa Modasa bak[i]n[i]ya Budh[i]ya pat[i]padā deyadhama
TRANSLATION Success! A patipadā, the pious gift of Budhi, the sister of Moda, the Scythian.
The second inscription occurs on a carved stone slab. It consists of only three aksharas which I read :
Dhamasa meaning "Of Dhama". Whether this is the name of the donor or the mason, it is impossible to decide.
No. 2.-NALANDA STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN
OF YASOVARMMADEVA.
BY HIRANANDA SASTRI. The inscription which forms the subject of this paper was excavated at Nalandā, the wellknown ancient site of Magadha, by Mr. J. A. Page in the official year 1925-26. It was found buried in the debris of the southern verandah of the old vihāra-now called Monastery I-which has yielded not only a large number of bronze or copper images of various kinds and the very valuable copper-plate inscription of Deva paladēva that has been published above, but also the earliest remains so far discovered at Nälanda.
This interesting document is engraved on the top bed of a stone capital-bracket and covers a space of 174 inches by 11 inches. It consists of twenty-one lines of writing and, excepting
1 See A. 8. R., 1925-26, pp. 131 & 158. *Yol. XVII, plate between Pp. 320 and 321.

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for a crack at the middle, is fairly well-preserved. The execution is neat and calligraphic. The Iecord is a prasasti drawn in florid Sanskrit and, but for the initial symbol and the words api cha coming between the sixth and the seventh stanzas, is entirely in verse. The characters, in which it is written, belong to the northern class of alphabets and present a very marked development in contrast with those of the contemporary and even somewhat later inscriptions which have been found in Northern and Eastern India. They largely resemble the characters of the Aphsad stone inscription of Adityasēnal and would, thereby, indicate that the development, we notice in them, must have taken place not later than the first half of the sixth century of the Christian era, i.e., the time to which this inscription belongs. Till now, the Gayā inscription of A.D. 588-89 was considered to be the earliest inscription to illustrate such forms. But the epigraph under publication is decidedly anterior to that record and, therefore, becomes the earliest known inscription to represent that development. The alphabet to which these characters belong may well be called acute-angled (Bühler) or Siddhamätsika (Berüni) in preference to the term nailheaded' or kutila'. Devanagari is an outgrowth of this lipi. The present record uses the bipartite form of ya throughout, as does the Bödh-Gayā inscription of Mahānaman. Nalanda is not far off from Bödh-Gayā. This epigraph, therefore, will not countenance the supposition that the use of the bipartite ya in the Mahânāman inscription was premature." The tripartite form of ya is found even in the Udaypur inscription of Aparājita, which belongs to the Samvat year 718 (=A.D. 661). It is to be met with not only in the inscriptional records named above, but also in the Horiuzi palm-leaf manuscripts of Japan which are believed to have existed in the second half of the 6th century (A.D.). To regard an inscription as late or early merely on the ground that it uses the bipartite or the tripartite form of ya would not, consequently, be quite accurate. The alphabet used in this inscription is, to a large extent, identical with the modern Dēvanagari or Nägari. The chief points of difference which it presents are these : The a-mātrā is generally indicated by a sort of small wedge attached to the right of the top line, whereas in Năgari it is expressed by a full perpendicular stroke. In the case of nă, however, & somewhat different mode is adopted by slightly bending the right end and extending it upwards beyond the top towards the right side. The u-mātrā is slightly different in shape, as, e.g., in bhūrio, 1. 2. The e-mātrā is marked in two different ways, sometimes in an elongated form of the Nagari symbol with a bend at about the middle, ag in dehinām, l. 1, and sometimes by a short curve appended to the left of the top line of the akshara to which it belongs, as in "ārthine, I. 1, or in karena, 1. 21. Similarly, the ai-mātrā is expressed in two ways. In os=ch-aisha, occurring in the penultimate line, it is practically similar to the Nägari symbol, whereas in the majority of cases it is expressed by the hook-like mark attached to the left of the top line and the slanting e-mätra, as, e.g., in ouchchaih, 1.21. The 6-matra is shown by the symbols of the à and the e-mätras combined, see, for instance, mokshaya and yo in l. 1. The aumätrā is also different, e.g., see gaura in 1. 6, or Sauddhodanér- in 1. 9.
As to the initial vowels, only the à and the i retain their comparatively earlier forms. The former keeps the hook attached to its leg as in ādēsāt°, 1. 12, and the latter, the two small circles placed above the reversed crescent, as in itys, 1. 20.
In the case of consonants, the omission of the top line of the sa, the ma and the ya symbols is noteworthy. So, also, are the forms of the letters bha, ha, gha and ja. The symbol for dha is also dissimilar and still preserves the old form, as does the letter tha. The form of r in conjunction with a following consonant is also antique and noteworthy; e.g., see &Endrair-yah in l. 1 or padārthao in 1.2.
"C. . I., Vol. III, No. 42, plate XXVIII. * Indian Palmography (Ind. Anh, Vol. XXXIII), p.49.. . Ibid. 0.1.1., Vol. III, plato XLI A. "Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, plato facing p. 30.

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No. 2.] NALANDA STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF YASOVARMMADEVA. 39
In respect of orthography, the points which call for remark are (1) the use throughout of " for b, e.g., in vodhi, Il. 15 and 17, or in Validitya, 1. 19, and (2) the use of tho -like symbol for the conjunct , as in sarvvëshān-janma, 1. 17.
The inscription contains two words of special lexical interest. One is kasta which occurs in v. 14 and seems to be used in the sense of sword personified or command. The other is Tikina which comes in the third stanza and must be a foreign title, as is shown below.
The inscription, as I have stated above, is a prasasti and its object is to record that Mälada, the son of the minister (mantrin) of Yasovarmmadēva, male certain gifts, specified herein, to the temple which king Baladitya had erected at Nalanda in honour of the Son of Suddhödana', i.e., the Buddha. It consists of fifteen beautiful stanzas written in three different metres, namely, Sardd ülavikriditam, Vasantatilaka and Sragdhara, and is a Buddhist record. Commencing with an invocation of the Buddha, it extols the great king Yasovarimadeva as the Lōkapāla i.e., guardian of the world, who had risen like the san after dispelling the darkness in the form of the enemies and after placing his foot on the heads of all the kings through, unfortu nately, it does not mention the dynasty to which he belonge of the country over which he ruled. It, then, introduces the donor Malada and describes him as the wise, magnanimous, benevolent and victorious son of Yasovarmmadova's minister, whom it calls the Margapati as well as Udichipati and pratita-Tikina, though it does not give his name or any other particulars about him. Malada is mentioned here as the brother of Nirmmalā (v. 1), son (nandana) of Bandhumati and scion of a noble family, whose name is not stated. Giving a vivid description of the magnificient temple which king Baladitya had built at Nalanda like a column of victory constructed after conquering the world (vv. 4-10), the inscription specifies the benefactions which the donor made for that sanctuary, as well as, for the bhikshus or Buddhist monks The gifts consisted of ghee, curds, a brilliant lamp, pure water mixed with fourfold fragrant objects (chatur-jataka) and refreshing like nectar, and a permanent endowment (akshaya-nivi). the nature of which has not been made quite clear. We are further informed that Mälada distributed delicious food and scented water to the bhikshus and, purchasing a layana and other things from the revered Sangha gave them back to the monks, herein called Sakyatmajas (the (spiritual) sons of the Buddha), excepting a chivarika (monk's robe) and sradesa3 up to and beyond Narddarika. The afore-mentioned gifts Malala brought himself out of his great devotion for the Buddha when he was awakened or enlightenei by the illustrious monk Pürṇpendrasēna and gave them to the monks for the welfare of his parents as well as of other relations. At the close of the inscription we are told that the kirtti should be respected not only because of the fear of committing the five sins (pañch-anantarya), which accrue from the infringement of such pious deeds, but, also, because of the fear of the sword of king Bālāditya, the subduer of the enemy.
See Amarakosa, Sabda kalpadruma and also Monier Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary under Str. Or, does this word refer to an image of the Buddha ( Sästä) which might have been set up by Bäläditya in tho temple he had built at Nalanda (see v. of the text)?
The four fragrant articles aro: (1) Teak, i.e., Bamboo mara, (2) Ela, i.e., Cardamom, (3) Patraka, i.e., Laurus Cassia and (4) Nagakesara, or Mesua Roxburghii. Cf. Rajanirghanta and Bhavaprakasa quoted in the Sabdakalpadruma :
Tvag-bla-patrakais tulyais-tri-augandhi tri-jātakam | Nagakesara-samyuktam chatur-jätakam-uchyate |
The exact significance of this term is not clear. Possibly it meant some place for himself, if not his own
country.

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The last stanza tells us that the prasasti was composed by Śilachandra and the celebrated Karanika Svāmidatta under the inviolable command of the Sangha.
The inscription is not dated but supplies sufficient data to fix the time to which it belongs. It was written when Bälāditya was ruling and when king Yasovarmmadēva was holding the reins of sovereignty. That the Bālāditya of this record must be identified with the homonymous chief whom Hiuen Tsiang eulogises as the subduer of Mihira kula and the founder of the grand temple at Nalanda need not be dilated upon. The inscription itself mentions him as the builder of a magnificient sanctuary at Nälandā. That it is silent about his subjugation of the well-known Hūna king of Sākala (the modern Siālkot in the Panjāb) is either due to his having had very little to do in the matter, as has already been suggested by Vincent Smith, or, perhaps, to the fact that this inscription came into existence before that event. Bālāditya flourished cir. 530 after Christ. Accordingly, Yalovarmmadēva, his suzerain, must have ruled about the same age. So the question arises : Who was that suzerain ? He cannot be the homonymous ruler of Kanauj," who was routed by Muktäpida Lalitāditya of Kashmir and is better known to history as the patron of Bhavabhūti, the eminent playwright, because he came a couple of centuries after this period. The Chandal chief of the same name is also out of the question, for he belongs to a still later epoch, i.e., the 10th century of the Christian era. I know of no other ruler of this name who could be identified with the overlord mentioned in this inscription. But a powerful ruler of the name of Yasõdharma is known to have flourished at the time when Bālāditya reigned, s.e., the period to which this document is assignable. According to the Mandasör stone inscriptions, he was ruling in the Mälava year 589 (= A.D. 533-34), and was a mighty conqueror who governed the whole of Northern India from the Brahmaputra to the Western Ocean and erected two columns of victory with inscriptions commemorating his triumph over the foreign invaders. In view of the facts stated in all thesa records I am of the opinion that the Yafðvarmmadēva of the Nålandā and the Yasodharma of the Mandasör inscriptions are identical and that the late Dr. Fleet was perfectly right when he thought that the name of Yasõdharma should be corrected into Yasovarma. It is true that names ending in dharma are not unknown, but the appellation as given in the document under publication looks more reasonable and more appropriate than the one which was read in the other epigraphs. Accordingly, I would suggest that we should call the sovereign ruler who was chiefly responsible for the breakdown of the power of the Hüņas in India early in the 6th century of the Christian ora by the name of Yasovarmmadēva as given in the present record. From the way this inscription introduces him and Balāditya it is evident that he was the overlord of the latter, The suzerainty of Yasödharma is proven by the above-mentioned inscriptions. Bālāditya, in any case, could not have had two different overlords living side by side and having practically identical names. The chief interest of this inscription, therefore, lies in its enabling us to determine
1 Early History of India, 4th edn., p. 386.
* It is not impossible, however, that Baladitya fought Mihirakula-though under the supreme command of Yas/varmmadēva-and got the credit for ousting him (ie, Mihirakula).
• The guess made in A. 8. R. 1925-26, p. 131 was wrong. C. I. I., Vol. III, Nos. 34 & 35.
Ibid., foot-noto 2 on page 145. ' Janendra in the Mandasör inscription (1. 4) does not necessarily mean a tribal ruler a Fleet seems to have imagined. The word should he taken as a synonym of narendra in the general sense, 1.6, the king of men.' Besides, his mention before Vishnuvardhana olearly shows his suzerainty. Prof. Dr. Vogel has kindly draw my attention to the Yasovarmapurs of the Ghosrawi Buddhist inscription (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII, pp. 307 ft.) which might have been designated after this monarch. The whereabouts of this place are not known. Sir Alexander Cunningham took it to be the town of Bihr which is not far off from Alanda,

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1
the real name of the subduer of the Hūņas in Northern India, as stated above, though, unfortunately, it does not add anything to our knowledge of his ancestry or of his successors, whoever they were. That it lends an additional support to his claim for fame and that it proves for certain that what is stated about him in the above-mentioned epigraphs is not a mere' oriental hyperbole but rests on facts need not be emphasized.
Now comes the difficult problem of identifying the minister or mantrin who is spoken of as Märgapati, Udichipati and pratita-Tikina in this inscription. But for the reticence of the composers of the prasasti on the nationality and other particulars including the name of this personage, one could have known something definite about him. Märgapati literally means the guardian of road or roads, but from the similar expressions occurring in the chronicles of Kashmir one could take it to mean the guardian of the passes or the frontier. The Märgēšas figure very prominently in the narratives of the later chronicles of the 'Happy Valley' as Sir Aurel Stein has already pointed out. They were also known by other names like Märgapas, Adhvapas, Adhvēšas, etc., and were generally referred to in the plural and in connection with some particular routes or passes across the mountains, like the Maliks of the Muhammadan times. Besides, they were the feudal chiefs who held hereditary charge of specific passes and were bound to furnish garrisons for the frontier posts on these passes in return for the revenue of certain lands assigned to them. In the inscription under notice, on the other hand, only one such guardian' is men. tioned. He is spoken of in the singular number and is called the Lord of the North' and minister of Yasovarmmadēva, the protector of the world. Apparently, he was the Chief of such Guardians of Passes whose official status must have been higher than that of the Drängesas or Märgėšas of the Kashmir chronicles. What the udichi or north of this record connotes cannot be stated definitely but, possibly, it may not be wrong to take it in the sense of the North-West Frontier of India. This Udichipati or the Lord of the North was, it would seem, the Chief of the Guardians of Passes in that region. This personage is further described as pratita-Tikina and the meaning of this epithet is to be determined. That pratita (prati + ita) is a Sanskrit word signifying distinguished' or 'well-known' requires no proof. Tikina is not & Sanskrit word at all. Dr. Sten Konow very kindly tells me that it is evidently Turki tigin, tegin, tägin. It means a prince of the blood', and is especially used about the son or the brother of the Khān. The Chinese render it as t'o-k'in. It was one of the words first recognised by Thomsen in the Orkhon Inscriptions" and we "find several instances of its use in Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux". The authors of the prasasti, it would appear, were not aware of other particulars about this stranger' and therefore mentioned him by his rank or office only. The name of his son, the actual donor, was known and could not have been omitted. The inscription gives it as Māläda which is also not Sanskrit though a forced Sanskritic derivation may not be impossible. The other details given about the donor are that he was & scion of a stainless family and the delight, i.e., son, of Bandhumati and brother of Nirmmalā. Bandhumati and Nirmmalā might have been the proper names of the two ladies, his mother and his sister, or their epithets only. The former is known to be the name of several women. Both are undoubtedly Sanskritic and could have been applied to ladies of foreign descent also. Mālāde was, as is evidenced by this inscription, a devout Buddhist and might have been a proselyte. The offerings of a lamp, ghee, scented water, etc., which he brought to Nālandã out of his bhakti or devotion to the great son of Suddhödana', i.e., the Buddha, are like those which the Buddhists from Tibet and other Central
1 Cl. J. J. Modi, J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXIV (1914-17), p. 595. Notes on the Rajata rangini, Vol. I. p. 214; Vol. II, pp. 291 & 392.
However, it reminds me of Malada of the Mahabharata (Sabbão XXXI, S) and of the Kapyanima sa (Geek. Or. Serios No. 1, 03).

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Asian countries are seen bringing to the images of the Buddha at Kasia in the Gorakhpur district or at Bödh-Gaya and other sacred places even now.
The remaining persons spoken of in the prasasti are the monk Purpņēndrasēne and the two poets who composed it. Whether the former belonged to Nälandā itself or to some other locality is not definitely stated in the record but it does not look improbable that he was one of the great teachers of Nālandā itself. Of the two authors of the composition Svāmidatta is described as a prathita-karanika, i.e., & celebrated officer in charge of documents. No particulars are given about the joint author, namely, Silachandra.
As to the identity of Nālandă no remarks are needed, for it is too well-known to require any. A few points about this locality, however, seem to be worth mentioning here. The first is its designation which is certainly Nālandā (ending in long vowel, 1.e. a) and not Nālenda fending in short vowel, i.e. a) as is sometimes erroneously supposed to be. The name ending in the long vowel not only occurs in this and other inscriptions but in litetatare also, both Buddhist as well as Jains. I am not aware if the locality figures in Brahmanical literature at all. It goes back to the time of Mahāvira, the twenty-fourth Jina, and of Gautama Buddha, i.e., at least five centuries before the birth of Christ. The Jains account: would show that it was a very prosperous and sacred bāhirikā or suburb of Rajagriha where Mahāvirs spent fourteen chăturmäsyas. Early Buddhist literature also testifies to its pristine glory. But it looks curious that in neither of them it figures as a university of centre of learning. Possibly it grew as such later, i.e., about the period when the great pilgrim of China, namely, Hiuen Tsiang, came to study there. The description of the charityas or vihāras, the präsādas or devālayas, etc., as given in this interesting document, however, would show that the pilgrim's description of its splendour must have been based on facts.
1 The name ending in the short vowel, i.e., a, is given in C. I.I., Vol. III, p. 210, Buddhist Records of the Western World, pp. 167, etc., and The Life of Nagarjuna from Tibetan and Chinese Sources by M. Walloser (Reprint from Asia Major, Hirth Anniversary Volume, Leipzig, pp. 15, etc.).
* (1) Soo Satrakritanga, 7th Lecture (Chapter on Nalanda), of the Second Book.
Tenam kälenath tenam samaenan Rayagibe nāmam nayare hotthă riddhipphita samiddhe tanpao java padir ve tasranath Rayaglhna nayarak bahiyā uttara-puratthime disrbie etthapat Nalathdin mata bibiriye bottha apogabhavanaska yasannivitthā jāva padirůva | 1 |
(2) Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabahu (ed. H. Jacobi), Leipzig, 1879, p. 64, pars. 122. Rayagihan nagaram Nålardati cha babiriyam. (3) The Parvadesachaityaparipass which was composed by Pandita Harhraðms in V. 8. 1566 And he lately
been published in the Yalovijaya-Jainagranthamala, Bhivanagara (Kathiawad) says Nálamdai pādai chauda-chaumasa sunijai Hauda lokaprasiddha to Badagams kahijai
Solaprisidatihah achchhai Jinabimbanamijal. (4) The Sammelalikharatirthamala is more explicit. It records
Bāhiri Nalando pado Sunayo taa punyapavado Vira chaudatahi chaumes Hauda Badagamma nivisa
Bimhudehare ekaso pratima navilahi I Bodhani ganima.
References to Buddhist works are several and 1 have dealt with them in the paper which I mad before the All-Indio Oriental Conference at Labore in 1928. (Proceedinge, Fifth Indian Oriental Conference, Vol. I. pp. 386 ff.). Hero I may allude to Majjhima-Nikaya, Vol. I, p. 377.
"Tash kish mafifiasi gahapati : Ayath Nilandā iddha ch'evs phita oba babujana Akinna-mana ti." Evam bhante, ayath Nalanda iddhi ch'ova pbita cha bahojani ilinna-mantel tu.'

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As to the name Narddarikä occurring in this record, it might have been an ancient streamlet or a lake at Nalanda.
Line 1
33
"
23
دو
""
35
33
39
33
3
2 पद्मः सुरस्ती सर्व पदार्थतत्वविदुषे व (बु) चाय नित्यं नमः ॥ [१° ॥*] सर्वेषां मूर्ध्नि दत्वा पदमवनिभृतामुहतो भूरिधामा निस्त्रिंशांशप्रतानप्रदलितनिखिलारातिघो
5
4 श्वितः श्रीमानुदाराशयः पुत्रो मार्गपतेः प्रतीततिकिनोदोचीपतेर्मन्त्रिण: [*] मालादो भुवि मन्दनोरिदमनो यो व (ब) धुमत्या स्मृधोर्दीनाशापरिपूरणेकचतुरो धीरो विशुद्वान्वयः ॥ [ ३ ॥ * ] यासावूर्जितवेरिभूप्रविगलद्दानाम्वु (म्बु)'पानोलस माद्यद्भृङ्गकरोन्द्रकुम्भदलनप्राप्तश्रियाम्भूभुनाम् । नालन्दा ह सतीव सर्व्वनगरी शुभ्रास्वगौरस्फुरचैत्यांशु प्रक प्रदागमकलाविख्यातविद्द - जना॥ [ ४° ॥ * ] यस्यामम्बु (बु) धरावलेहि शिखरश्रेणी वि हारावली मालेवोध्वंविराजिनी विरचिता धात्रा नानास्तमयूखजालखचितप्रासाद देवालया सहिद्याधरमङ्घ
मनोज्ञा भुवः [*]
6
7
,, 11
TEXT.1
संसार (ब) न्धनात्कृत मतिर्मोचाय
यो देहिनां कारुण्यात्प्रसभं शरीरमपि यो दत्वा तुतोषार्थिने [1*] सेन्द्रयैः स्वशिरः किरोटमकरीਬrs
9
8 रम्यवसतिर्धत्ते सुमेरोः श्रियम् ॥ [ ५ ॥ * ] अत्रास [य] पराक्रमप्रणयिना जिल्वाखिलान्विड़ियो वा (बा) लादित्यम हान्नृपेण सकलम्भुक्त्वा च भूमण्डलम् [* ] प्रासादः सुमहानयम्भगवतः शौडोदनेरद्भुतः कैलासाभिभवेच्छयेष धवलो मन्ये समुत्थापितः ॥[६ ॥ * ] अपि च ॥ न्यक्कुर्व्वविन्दुकान्तिन्तु हिनगिरिशिरःश्रेणिशोभादिरस्यन् शुभ्वामाकाशगङ्गान्तदनु मलिनयन्मूकयन्वादिसिन्धून् | मन्ये जेतव्यशून्ये भुवन इह हथा भ्रान्तिरित्याक
लय्य वाग्वा श्रोणीमशेषाञ्जितविपुलयशस्तम्भ उच्चैस्थितो वा ॥[ ७**] वादायि निवेद्यमान्यदधिमहीपस्तथा भासुरचातुर्जात करेणुमिश्रममल
10
सम्धकारः [*] ख्यातो यो लोकपालः सकलवसुमतोयद्मिनोवो (बो) धहेतुः श्रीमान्भाखानिवोश्चैस्तपति दिशिदिशि श्रीयशोवदेवः ॥[2* *] तस्यासौ परमप्रसादम
1 Prom the excellent impressions supplied by Mr. J. A. Pago,
• Symbol for Om or Siddhan.
• Metre Sirddalavikriditan.
Metre: Sragdbars.

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Line 12 तोयं सुधाशीतलं । साध्वी चाक्षयनीविका भगवते वु(बु)चाय राहामने
मालादेन यथोक्तवंशययसा तेनातिभक्त्या स्वयं [1] पादशात्स्फीतशोल
श्रुतधवलधि, 13 यो भिक्षुसकस्य भूयो दत्तन्तेनैव सम्यग्व(ग्ब) हुतदधिभिव्यञ्जनैर्युक्तम
(म)नं । भिक्षुभ्यस्तञ्चतुर्यो [व]हुसुरभि चतुर्जातकामोदि नित्यं तोयं स[]
विभक्तां पुनरपि 14 विमलं भिक्षुसङ्गाय दत्तम् ॥[es] तेनैवातकर्मणा निजमिह क्रीवा... [2]सहान्तिकान्मुक्ता चोवरिकां प्रदाय विधिना सामान्यमेकन्तथा ।
कालमप्रेरयितुं सुखे. , 15 न लयनन्दत्तं स्वदेशम्विना तेभ्यो नई रिकावधेच परतः शाक्यात्मजेभ्यः
पुनः ॥[१०॥*] दानं यदेतदमलङ्गणशालिभिक्षुपूणेन्द्रसेनवचनप्रतिवो(बो)
धितेन । तेन प्रतीत, 16 .यशसा भुवि निर्मलाया मात्रा व्यधायि शरदिन्दुनिभाननायाः ॥[११]
पित्रोर्धातुः कलत्रखसमतसहदान्तस्य धम्मैकधारो दत्तं दानं यदेतत्सकल
मतिरसेनायुरा, 17 रोम्बहेतोः । सर्वेषाखममाजा भवभयजलधेः पारसंतारणार्थ श्रीमसम्बो
(म्बो)धिकल्पद्रुमविपुलफलप्राप्तये चानुमोद्यम् ॥[१२**] चन्द्रो यावच्चकास्ति
स्फुरदुरुकिरणो लो, 18 कदीपञ्च भावान् एषा यावञ्च धात्रो सजलधिवलया द्यौच दत्ताव
कामा । यावचैते महान्तो भुवनभरधुरन्धारयन्तो महीधास्तावञ्चन्द्राव
दाता धवलयतु दिशाम्म , 19 एडलं कोतिरेषा [१३] यो दानस्यास्य कधित्वतजगदवधेरन्तरायं विद.
ध्यात्माक्षाहवासनस्थो जिन पर भगवानन्तरस्थः सदास्ते । वा(बा)लादित्येन
राजा प्रदलितरि, 20 पुणा स्थापितष शास्ता पञ्चानन्तर्यकर्तगतिमतिविषमाधीहीनः स
यायात् ॥[१४॥*] इत्येवं शोलचन्द्रप्रथितकरणिकखामिदत्तावला संहाजां
मूनि कृत्वा श्रुतलव, 21 विभवावयमालोच्य भारं । इद्यामेतामुदार त्वरितमकुरुतामप्रपञ्चा
प्रशस्तिं पाछेता किन पंगू शिखरितरुफलावाप्तिमुच्चः करण [...]
1 Metre : Särddūlavikriditam. * Metre: Sagellaci. Motre : Voubtatilaka. -The last akahara of the first pida should be treated a gw **

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No. 2.) NALANDA STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF YASOVARMMADEVA. 45
TRANSLATION (Verse 1.) Continual salutation to the Buddha who made up his mind to emancipate living beings from the strong tangles of the world and who felt exceedingly delighted after giving (his own) body to the supplicant, whose foot-lotus is rubbed by the gods, including Indra, with the fishes (engraved) in the diadems on their heads and who is conversant with the real nature of all the categories.
(V. 2.) The illustrious, prosperous and highly glorious Yasovarmmadēva has risen after placing his foot on the heads of all the kings and has completely removed the terrific darkness in the form of all of his foes by the diffusion of the rays of his sword. He is the celebrated protector of the world and the cause of the excitement of all the Padmini women of the earth. He shines above all in every quarter like the resplendent Sun, who has risen after spreading his rays on the tops of all the mountains and has torn asunder by the diffusion of severe rays the foe in the form of terrible darkness, who is the well-known protector of the world and cause of the blooming of all the lotuses of the earth.
(V. 3.) Mālāda was the illustrious and magnanimous son of the well-known Tikina (.e., Togin), who was his (Yasovarmmadēva's) minister, the Guardian of the Frontier and Ruler of the North. He (Málada), the unrivalled and quick subduer of the enemies, fulfiller of the desires of the supplicants on the earth, resolute, of stainless family and the son (literally, gladdener) of Bandhumati, was honoured by his (Yasovarmmadēva's) great tavour.
(Vy. 46.) Balāditya, the great king of irresistible valour, after having vanquished al the foes and enjoyed the entire earth, erected, as if with a view to see the Kajlása mountain surpassed, & great and extraordinary temple (prāsāda) of the illustrious son of Suddhödana (i.e., the Buddha) here at Nalandā. Nālandā had scholars, well-known for their knowledge of the) sacred texts and arts, and (was full of the) heaps of the rays of the chaityas shining and bright like white clouds. She was consequently) mocking, as it were, at all the cities of the kings who had acquired wealth by tearing asunder the temples of the great elephants surrounded by the shining black bees which were maddened by drinking the rut in the hostile lands. She had a row of vihāras, the line of whose tops touched the clouds. That (row of vihāras) was, so to say, the beautiful festoon of the earth, made by the Creator, which looked resplendent in going upwards. Nalanda had temples which were brilliant on account of the net-work of the rays of the various jewels set in them and was the pleasant abode of the learned and the virtuous Sangha and resembled Sumoru, the charming residence of the noble Vidyadharas.
And
(V. 7.) (The präsida), after having gone round the earth and on finding, as it were, that it was a useless wandering when this world had no other structure to be conquered (surpassed), stands aloft, as it'it were & column of the great fame it had won, scoffing at the lustre of the moon, disregarding the beauty of the rows of the summits of the Snow-mountain (Himalaya), soiling (s.e., throwing into the shade) the white Ganges of the sky, and thon tuming dumb the streams of disputants.
(V. 8.) Hero, Malada of the above-mentioned family and fame himself brought with great dovotion for the pure Lord Buddha the pious permanent grant, pure water as cool as nectar and mixed with the powder of four fragrant objects, as well as, the shining lamp, the offerings of clarified butter and curds.
(V. 9.) Under the order of the community of frians of bright intellect, great piety and learning, he again distributed daily, in a fitting manner, rice with various) preparations, curds and ooplous ghee, to the four monks'. He again gave to the assembly of monks the pure 'and highly fragrant water, perfumed with the four objects (scents) and distributed daily at the attre.
1 Does it mean " monks from the four quarters"? • Soo above, p. 39, L. . .

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XX.
(V. 10.) He (Mālāda), whose deeds were wondrous, purchased (everything of his own here (al Nalanda) from the revered Sangha and gave it back (to the bhikshus) according to rites, barring the monk's robe. He also gave away to the sons of the Sākya, i.e., Buddhist monks, & common dwelling place (wherein) to spend time happily, up to and beyond Narddarikā, excepting a place for himself.!
(V. 11.) This stainless gift has been made by him who is the brother of Nirmmalā whose face resembled the autumnal moon. His fame is spread over the world and he has been awakened by the words of the monk Pūrņņēndrasēna, who shines by his excellence.
(V. 12.) All this gift has been given with great devotion for the sake of the welfare and longevity of the parents, brother, wife, sister, son and friends of him (ie., Mālāda) who is the sole repository of virtue. May it be approved so that the living beings inight cross the fearful ocean of the world and attain the great fruit of the Wishing Tree in the form of the sacred Enlightenment (Bodhi).
(V. 13.) As long as the Moon shines and the Sun, the lamp of the world, with his lustrout and extensive rays (sheds light), as long as this earth together with the encompassing ocean endures and the sky, whicl. ġives space, lasts, and as long as these great mountains, bearing the yoke of the world, remain, so long let this kürtli, which is pure like the Moon, whiten the circle of (all) the quarters.
(V. 14.) Whoever interferes with this gift, which has to last as long as the world endures, will, void of virtue as he is, have the dire fate of one who commits the five sing-(let him know) that the Lord Jina (the Buddha) is horo ever prosent within, occupying the adamantine seat and that the great king Bälāditya has established this command (or the image of the Buddha).
(V. 15.) Thus, Silachandra and the well-known Karanika Svāmidatta, having placed the order of the Sangha on their head, without considering the weight (of responsibility), composed at once this beautiful and sublime, though simple, prasasti, although the wealth of their knowledge is small, for, will not even the cripples wish to get the fruits from the tree on the mountain by raising (their) hand ?
No. 3.-THREE TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS OF LALGUDI.
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., M.R.A.S., OOTACAMUND. The three inscriptions which form the subjoct of this article are incised on the north wall of the Saptarishisvara temple at Lalgudi in the Trichinopoly district. For the sake of convenience, I call them A, B and C. Inscription A is dated in the year opposite to the fourth (i.e., the fifth year) of some king whose name is not given in it. It registers a gift of money made by the Pallava king Nandippóttaraiyar who fought the battle of Tellāru and gained victory in it, for burning a perpetual lamp in the temple of Mahādēva at Tiruttavatturai in Idaiyarru-nadu. The amount was received by the members of the assembly of Nalliman. galam who bound themselves to bring to the temple and measure out daily (one) nāli of ghee.
Does all this mean that Mäluda bocamo a Buddhist monk for some time and again bocame a grihastha se the Burmese do even now-a-days?
* See above, page 41.
* Soo foot-note l on page 39 above. The construction of this verse is not quite cloar. Dr. Vogel thinks that the stanza might be referring to two images of the Buddha-the Buddha of the Vajrasans, being the Bodhi image enshrined in the principal temple, and second, of the Teawber, perhaps an image of the Buddbe shown in the act of booching, which had been consecrated by Baláditya.
Tbe vord padgū is put ia tho dual number because the prasasti was composed by two authore

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No. 3. ]
THREE TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS OF LALGUDI.
THREE
47
Inscription B is dated on the day of Sadaiyam (Satabbishaj) corresponding to a Tuesday in the month of Dhanus falling in the ninth year opposite to the fourth (i.e., the thirteenth year) of the reign of king Mārañjadaiyan. In the body of the record the king is called Pandyakulapati Varaguņa-Mahārāya. The inscription states that the king gave 120 kasu to a certain Andacattu-Vēļān. This amount was finally received by the members of the assembly of Iļamperunkāy-iruiskai in Idaiyarru-nādu who bound themselves to supply towards interest, the capital remaining intact, one nūli of ghee daily for burning a perpetual lamp in the templo. In case of default the assembly further agreed to pay a fine of 500 kāņam (of gold). Inscription C is dated in the thirtventh year of the reign of the Chola king Rajakēsarivarman. It states that the king's uterine sister Nangai-Varaguņa-Perumāņār gave 30 kalañju of gold for a perpetual lamp to be burnt in the temple with one uri of ghee daily. The assembly of Manalkāl, a brahmadēya of Kalāra-kurram which was a subdivision of Vadagarai-Mala-nādu, received the amount given and sold a piece of land in exchange to the temple.
Before taking up the question of the date of these three inscriptions, I may point out straightway that they are written in the same hand and script and must consequently have been inscribed simultaneously. I may here add that there is another inscription in this very teraple which is coeval with these records and is, apparently, written by the same hand though it refers itself to the Pallava king Nřipatungavarman. It has already been published in the South Indian Inscriptions (Texts), Volume IV. Inscriptions of the throe kings mentioned in these records are also found in several other places. But they are all written in varying types of the Tamil script not resembling the one in which the three inscriptions under notice are incised. As these kings flourished at different periods, the records belonging to their respective reigns could not have been written in the same hand. Consequently, the Lalgudi inscriptions under examination, written as they are in the same hand, must be treated as later copies of older rocords made probably at the time when the temple where they are found was renovated or repaired. Palaeographically they can be assigned to the 10th century of the Christian era.
The inscription which I call C purports to belong to a ruler who is the latest among the kings mentioned in these three inscriptions. The princess referred to in it figures as the queen of Parān. taka Ilangövēlār* in another inscription of Rājakësarivarman which was found at Tillaisthanam in the district of Tanjore. She is also mentioned in a somewhat later record' belonging to the third year of Para kësarivarman: The Tillaisthānam inscription of Rājakësarivarman, unlike the Lalgudi inscription, marks the pulli or virāma as do the Takkõlam and other inscriptions of Rājakēgarivarman, i.e., Aditya I, and ought to be assigned to the same ruler. Two other epigraphs found at Tiruppalatturai refer to Tegnavan Ilangövēļār which is another name for Parantakan Ilangóvēlār. They tell us that he was also called Maravan Pūdiyār. One of them mentions his queen Karralippirāţtiyar also. The name Pūdiyār given to Ilangövēļār and the mention of his queen would show that he is identical with the Kodumbālür chief Bhūti-Vikrama kësari who is reported in the Müvarkovil inscription to have married Karrali and Varaguna. From a Tiruchchendurai inscription we learn that he had a daughter named Pūdi-Adichchapidariyar who was the queen of Arikulakēgari, i.e., Ariñjaya. the son of the Chola king Parantaka I. I have shown
1 See plate (VII) opposite to p. 173. * South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, No. 113. * Ibid. No. 127.
Nos. 258 and 273 of Appendix A to the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1903-04, and pera. 90 of pert II of the Annuut Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1907.08.
* Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1907-08, para. 90 of Part II. • Nos. 316, 317 and 319 of Appendix A to the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1903-04.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XX.
elsewhere that Aditya I must have ascended the throne in A.D. 871. Accordingly, the Lalgudi inscription, which also belongs to him, must be assigned to A.D. 883-4, for it is dated in the 13th year of his reign.
To settle the dates of the inscriptions A and B we have to consider the way in which they are dated. We find that they give some year opposite to the fourth. This mode of dating was adopted by the Pandya king Mäpañjadaiyan alias Varaguņa-Mahārāja, as is evidenced by several inscriptions of his reign which have already been brought to light. Consequently, these two records also should be ascribed to the same ruler.
We have now to establish the date of the accession of Tellarterinda-Nandippóttavarman and of his contemporary Varaguna-Mahārāja I, who was the grandfather of Varagunavarman II and father of Srimāra Srivallabha Parachakra kõlāhala, the conqueror of Ceylon. The Mahavamsa tells us that there was a Pandya invasion of Ceylon during the reign of Silāmēgha Sēna I (A.D. 846 to 866), in which the Pandya king came off completely victorious and took possession of the capital and carried away a large amount of booty, though he eventually restored the Singhalese kingdom to its rightful king. The only early Pandya king who is known from the Singamantr plates to have invaded and conquered Ceylon is Srimāra. From the facts recorded in the Mahāvarsa it can be gathered that his reign covered the last 3 years of the rule of Dappula and probably commenced in the year 840 and ended in 862 A.D. when his eldest son Varagunavarman II succeeded him. Srimāra's predecessor, namely, Varaguņa-Mahārāja I, must have reigned prior to 840 A.D. His latest regnal year go far known from inscriptions is the seventeenth and we can reasonably state that his rule over the Pandya country may have extended from 823 to 840 A.D. though it is not impossible that it might have commenced a few years earlier. The date of Varaguna I can approximately be ascertained from the chronology of the Pallava kings from Nandivarman Palla vamalla to Aparājita. The Vēlürpāļaiyam plates give us the genealogy of the latter Pallavas for three generations commencing from Nandivarman II Pallavamalla. They state that Pallavamalla's son was Dantivarman and that the latter's son was Nandivarman III. This information is supplemented by the Bāhūr plates which tell us that Dantivarman's son was Nandivarman III, who had for his queen the Rashtrakūta princess Sankhā, and that the latter's son was Nțipatunga. It is to be noted that in these plates no mention is made of Kampavarman and the name Kampavarman was not borne by any one of the above mentioned kings. If Kampavorman was a lineal descendant of Nandivarman Pallavamalla, we might tentatively assume that he was another, and, perhaps, the younger son of Nandivarman III. The name Nandi-Kampēšvara given to the temple at Solapuram may have been called after Kampa varman, the son of Nandivarman. It may be pointed out here that both the palaeograpnical peculiarities of Kampavarman's epigraphs and the genealogy furnished by the Vēlūra pālaiyam as well as the Bāhūr plates do not admit of any place for him before Nripatunga. It will be shown presently that he cannot be made the immediate successor of Nripatunga. Therefore the only inference that could be drawn regarding Kampa varman is that he must have been a joint ruler with either Npipatunga or Aparajita
Bp. Ind., VOL. XIX, PP. 81 ff.
* See Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 84 ff., and No. 13 of Appendix C of the Annual Report on South Indian Epic graphy for 1907-08, Nos. 90 and 137 of Appendix B of the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for
1908-09, Nos. 358 and 364 of Appendix B of the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1907-08 and • No. 84 of Appendix C of the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1909-10.
• South-Inasan Inacts., Vol. II, pp. 501 ff. • Ep. Ind., Vol. XVIII, pp. 5 ff.
Ibid., VOL VII, p. 196. The name Kampavarman, just like Nripatunga, also suggests that he might have boon mo oallod after Kambha (Stam bha), the eldest son of the Rashtrakūta king Dharavarsha Dhruvs. In that uso Nandivarman might have married a daughter of Kambba (or Stambba).

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No. 3. ]
THREE TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS OF LALGUDI.
or with both. Therefore, it is needless to take his reign into consideration to determine the period when the later Pallavas ruled. From the Ambūr inscription dated in the 26th year of the reign of Nripatunga, we learn that the Ganga king Prithvipati I was a subordinate of that Palleye king. And since it is recorded in the Udayēndiram plates that this very Ganga king was an ally of the Pallava king Aparajita and fought under his standard and secured victory for him in the battle of Sripurambiyam against Varaguņa (II), it might be said that Aparājita was the immediate successor of Nřipatunga. That he was the last Pallava ruler of Kāñchi is known from the Tiruvālangādu plates which report that the Chola king Aditya I killed him and took possession of his kingdom. This event, we have reasons to believe, must have taken place before A.D. 891, for it is stated in an inscription at Tirumālpuram near Conjeeveram that the village of Sirriyårrür in Manaiyil-nadu was granted as & dévadāna and as a brahmadèya in the 21st year of Tondaimāp-Arfür-tuñjipa-udaiyār i.e., Aditya I. If we allow at least two years for his settlement in the newly conquered country, it may be said that Aditya I killed Aparăjita in about A.D. 888. The latest dates furnished by the stone inscriptions for Nandivarman Pallavamalla, Dantivarman, Nandivarman, the victor of Tellāru, i.e., Nandivarman III, Npipatunga and Aparăjita are 65, 52, 22, 26 and 18, respectively. With the help of these, supplemented to a certain extent by the light of contemporary history, we shall try to settle the chronology of the later Pallava sovereigng. Keeping A.D. 888 as the last year of Aparājita and deducting from it 18, which is the highest regnal year known for him,' we get A.D. 870 for his accession. This date must, therefore, be the year when his predecessor Npipatunga ceased to rule. Since the latest regnal year so far found for him is 26, we get A.D. 844 for his accession. It may be noted here that the initial year of Nripatunga's reign cannot be earlier than this date because in a record of his 18th year the Pandya king Varaguņa-Mahārāja (II) figures as donor and we know for certain that that king's accession took place in A.D. 862.10 We have to take A.D. 844 as the last year of Npipatunga's father Nandivarman III, the victor of Tellāru. The latest regnal year found for him in the inscriptions mentioning the victory of Tellāru is 22.11 But there is a possibility of his having reigned longer. If he had a reign of 22 years, his accession would have to be placed in A.D. 822. This cannot be the case for, we learn from the Western-Ganga grants that the Rashtrakūta king Govinda III and the Pallava king Nandivarman-both crowned kings themselves, fastened the fillet of royalty on the forehead of Sıvamara II Saigotta. The last year of Govinda
1 In a Tamil inscription of Uttaram allir of the time of Kampavarman dated in his 18th year whose text (No. 325) is published in the 8.1.1. (Texta), VOL. VI, the donor is Seyya-Aparăjita, and he is called Perumapadigl. adiyan.
+ Rp. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 182. *$. I. I., Vol. II, p. 384.
It is loart from No. 350 of Vol. VI of 8. 1. 1. (Texts), that Aparajita bore the title Rajamārttapda.
.8. 1. 1., VOL. III, p. 419, v. 49. This statement is confirmed by & stone inscription found at Tilastbånam which stylos Aditya I a "Rijakosarivarman who extended his territory into Topdai-nidu" (Ibid., p. 221. No. 89).
• Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1907, Part II, paras. 29 and 30.
No. 435 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1908. • Rp. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 182.
No. 360 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1921. 10 No. 705 of the same collection for 1905. 11 No. 180 of the same collection for 1907.
11 In tho numerous opigraphs dated simply in the reign of Nandivarman without the distinguishing oplthote • Pallavamalhor. Tellirrorinda' tharo must be some belonging to Nandivarma III while the other may be of Pallava malla
10 Ey. Inch, Vol. V, PP. 188 and 16L

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50
Māravarman
IHI being A.D. 8141 this event should have occurred before that date, say about A.D. 812. Accordingly, we have to take back the year of accession of Nandivarman III by ten years. Looking at the fact that Nandivarman Pallavamalla and his son Dantivarman had unusually long reigns, extending to 65 and 51 years, it seems improbable that Nandivarman III, who succeeded Dantivarman, could have ruied long and, since the last year of his reign cannot be taken earlier than A.D. 844, it will be safe to assume that his rule lasted from A.D. 812 to 844. Deducting 51 from 812 and 65 from the balance we get the initial dates of Dantivarman and Nandivarman Pallavamalla. Their reigns should, therefore, have extended from A.D. 761 to 812 and A.D. 696 to 761. The chronology as worked out from these facts and others noted later on is shown below:
Pandya kings.
Nedunjaḍaiyan
Rajasimha
Varaguna I
Śrimāra
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Varaguna II
Pallava kings.
Nandivarman II
Pallavamalia
Dantivarman
Nandivarman III
Nripatunga
Aparajita
Rashtrakutas.
Govinda III
Amoghavarsha I
Western Gangas.
Šivamāra II
[VOL. XX.
Prithvipati I
Cholas.
Aditya Ï
Since Nandivarman, the victor of Tellāru, figures as donor in the Lalgudi inscription A dated in the 5th year, evidently of the reign of Marañjadaiyan alias Varaguna-Mahārāja I, that record cannot be placed earlier than A.D. 812 or later than A.D. 844 which are the initial and closing years of Nandivarman III. From this, it is clear that the date of accession of Varaguna I cannot be taken to an earlier date than A.D. 807. We have already shown that it cannot be later than A.D. 823. In order to arrive at the actual year of accession of Varaguna I, the astronomical details furnished in two inscriptions, which are both dated in 4+9th (i.e., the 13th) year of Marañjadaiyan (i.e., Varaguna-Mahārāja I), may be considered here. One of them is the inscription B edited below and the other is from Tiruvellarai. While the former gives the astronomical combination (a) Dhanus, Tuesday and the nakshatra Satabhishaj, the latter furnishes another set of combinations, viz., (b) Vrischika, Monday and the the nakshatra Aévini in the same year, i.e., 13th. Between A.D. 800 and 852, though there are several years in which each set of combinations occurred separately, the following table gives such of those years only as con
Ibid., Vol. III, p. 54.
3 No. 666 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1922 and No. 262 of the same collection for 1994.
The details of date furnished in this record have been calculated by the late Mr. R. Sewell for Varagupa II in Ep. Ind., Vol. XI, p. 203. But as it is dated in the 9th year opposite to the fourth it is clearly a record of Varaguna I.

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en
No. 3. ]
THREE TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS OF LALGUDI.
51
tained both sets of details, the days corresponding to the combinations (a) and (b), the initial and fifth years of the king :
No.
Year.
Equivalents of (a) and (6).
Initial year.
5th year.
(a) Tuesday, 19th Dec.
.
.
801 A.D.
806 A.D.
. .
.
.
. .
804
.
. :
.
(a) Tuesday, 13th Dec. . . (b) Monday, 26th Octr. . . (a) Tuesday, 29th Novr. . . (6) Monday, 7th Novr. .d.n. 71 (a) Tuesday, 12th Dec. f.d.n. 38 (6) Monday, 20th Novr. f.d.n. 01 (a) Tuesday, 8th Dec. f.d.n. 56 (b) Monday, 16th Novr. 1.d.n.. 70
.
.
(a) Tuesday, 22nd Novr. f.d.n. 23 (6) Monday, 31st Octr. f.d.n. 94
. .
. .
. .
(a) Tuesday, Ist Dec. (6) Monday, 9th Novr.
838
843
.
.
.
Since the first two give the fifth year equivalents A.D. 806 and 809 they have to be rejected for the reason that Tellarreginda Nandivarman cannot figure in them. Similarly, Nos. 6 and 7 have to be abandoned because, according to them, the 17th year would work out to be A.D. 845 and 855, both of which are later than the lower limit fixed for Varaguna I. The only three that could be adopted are Nos. 3, 4 and 5 which would give us, for the king's succession, the years A.D. 811, 818 and 821. Even out of these, Nos. 4 and 5 may be given up as their adoption would narrow the possible longer range of reigns of both Varaguna I and Srimára. It seems that the only probable date for Varaguņa's accession is A.D. 811. This conclusion is not entirely without grounds. The internal evidence furnished in the Anamalai inscription, Madras Museum Plates and the Vélvikudi grant shows that A.D. 770 must fall somewhere between the 3rd and 17th years of the reign of Parantaka Neduñjadaiyan to whose time they all belong. After Parāntaka and before Varaguņa I, only a single king intervened, i.e., Rājasimha and his reign, as at present known, was an eventless one. Therefore, the period of forty-one years from A.D. 770 to A.D. 811 is more than sufficient to cover the rest of the reign of Parānta ka Neduñjadaiyan from the time of the Anamalai record and the eventless rule of Rājasimha. For these reasons, therefore, adopting A.D. 811 as the date of accession of Varaguna I, we may assign A.D. 816 to inscription A and A.D. 824 to B.
Of the places mentioned in these inscriptions, many can be easily identified. Tiruttavattu pai. must be Lalgudi itself because, the inscriptions are found there. Manakkal' is the homonymous village in the Trichinopoly district and Edayattimangalam, not far from Lalgudi, might have been the principal place in Idaiyārru-nādu in which Tiruttavatturai is said to have been situated. I am not able to trace Nallimangalam and Iļamperungäy-irukkai. Tollāru, where Nandivarman gained a victory, is in the Wandiwash taluq of the North Arcot district.
1 See Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, pp. 57 ff.; Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, pp. 291 ff, and Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 317 f. .There is also a village, called Tiruttavatturaikattalai in the Trichinopoly District.
A village of this name is in Udaiyarpalaiyam taluk, but this cannot be the one refonied to in those inscriptions

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52
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ Vol. XX.
TEXT OF A.
1 Svasti śri [*] Yāṇḍu 4-vadiņ edirăm-ändu Idaiyarru-naṭṭu-tTiruttavatturai-Mähädövark ku1 Tellerrerinduvera Nandippōtta[r]ai
2 yar kuḍutta palan-kāśu 60-du [*] ivv-arupadu kasum i-ññāṭṭu Nallimangalattu sabhaiyom ivv-arupadu käsun(m) Tiruttavatturai-Mahādēvar
3 idai kondu nārāya-nāliyāl nisadi nāli ney oru nonda-vilakku bandir-ädittaval irav[um] pagalum eriya-kkondu-senru alappomā[no]
4 m[*] Nallimangalattu sabhaiyōm Tiruttavatturai-Mahe(ha)dēvarkku alavōmāyil muṭṭil mutt-iraṭṭiyum mulappaṭṭa pan-mahēsvara[re]
5 sabhaiy-agavum tanitt-agavum nilaikkalam-ullitta tän vendu kōviņukku pukka iru-nurru-ppadiņn-āru kāņam dandam-iḍa [v]e
6 ṭṭinom Nallimangalattu sabhaiyom [*] idu pan-mahesvarar närppatt-enpayira varum i(i)rakshai .
TRANSLATION.
Hail! Prosperity! In the year opposite to 4, Nandippöttaraiyar, who fought the battle of Tellāru and gained victory (in it), gave 60 old kasu to (the temple of) Mahādēva at Tiruttavatturai in Idaiyarru-nādu. Having received from the temple of the Mahadeva of Tiruttavatturai these sixty käsu, we, (the members of the assembly of Nallimangalam in this nadu, bound ourselves to take (to the temple) and measure out daily (one) nali of ghee by the measure called näräya-näli, for burning one perpetual lamp as long as the sun and moon last. If we, (the members of) the assembly of Nallimangalam, fail (in our undertaking) and do not measure out (the ghee) to the temple of the Mahadeva of Tiruttavatturai, all the Mahesvaras attached to the central shrine shall levy on (us, the members of) the assembly, as a body or individually, a fine of two hundred and sixteen käṇam and this shall be paid to the royal officers' inclusive of the nilaikkalam whichever they desire. Thus we, (the members of) the assembly of Nallimangalam, had this (edict) incised. This (charity) shall be under the protection of all the Forty-Eight Thousand Mahesvaras,
.
TEXT OF B.
1 Svasti śrī [*] Ko-Marañjaḍaiyarkku yāṇḍu 4-vadin edir 9-am-anḍu Dhanu-nāyirru Sevvä[y*]-kkilamai perra Sadaiya(m)ttu [nāļ I]
2 daiyārru-nāṭṭu Tiruttavatturai-Māhādēvarkku1 iravum pagalum sandir-ādittaval irandu no[nda-ttiru-vilakku]
3 erippadāga kō-Marañjadaiyana(ā)yiņa
Pandya-kulapati Varaguṇa-Mähārāyar'
Anda-nāttu-Vēlān [k]aiy[il-kkuḍutta palla[n]
Read Mahadevarkku.
The symbols can be read as vula (mistake for vula) which with the preceding pukka becomes pukkav-uļa. The words ivv-arupadu kasum' are repeated twice in the record.
The words 'mulappatta panmähebvara ' here used stand in the place of malappattudai pañch-acharya divakanmi' occurring in other inscriptions. The body meant by the term appears to have been constituted into an assembly for managing the affairs of the temple and was called 'unndligai-väriya' or 'unnā ligai-sabkai. Ko' literally means 'a king'.
• Nilai-stationary and kalam-field or body. As such, the expression may mean a standing committee Read Maharayar.

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No. 3. 1
THREE TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS OF LALGUDI.
4 kāśu nā
120 [*]nurr-irupadu kāśun(m) muda[1] ke[ḍā]m[si]y poli[y-u]ṭṭināl
5 alappōm-ayinōm ippadi ot[t]i i-kkāsu kondō[m] Iḍaiyārru-nāṭṭu Ilamperuňkāyiruk[k]ai [sabhaiyō]
6 m [*] i-ññey nisadi iru-nāliyum muṭṭil mutt-inattiyum milappa māhēsvararē sabhaiy-agavum tanitt-agavum ni. ' aññāru kkuḍuttom Tirutta vatturai-Mahādēvarkku [*]
lliṭṭa tän vēņḍu kōviņukku pukka
53
2 évara-baṭṭāra[ka]rkku
nisadi
TRANSLATION.
Hail! Prosperity! In the 9th year opposite to the 4th year of (the reign of) king Marañjaḍaiyan corresponding to the day of Sadaiyam, i.e., Satabhishaj (falling) on a Tuesday in the month of Dhanus, king Marañjaḍaiyan alias Päṇḍyakulapati Varagupa-Mahārāya gave into the hands of Aṇḍa-nāṭṭu-Vēlāṇ 120 old kāśu for burning day and night, till the sun and the moon last, two perpetual lamps in the temple of the Mahadeva at Tiruttavatturai in Iḍaiyarru-nāḍu. As interest on these one hundred and twenty käs the capital remaining un-affected-we bound ourselves to measure out daily [two nali of ghes by the nārāya-nāļi measure]. Thus agreeing, we, (the members of) the assembly of Пamperunkay-irukkai in Iḍaiyarru-nadu, received these kasu. If (any) default occurs in (giving) these two nali of ghee daily, we agreed on behalf of the Mahadeva of Tiruttavatturai to pay, either in a body or individually, double the (quantity at) default and a fine of five hundred kānam (of gold) to the royal (officers) inclusive of [nilaikkalam] as the Mahesvaras attached to the central shrine desire.
This gap may be filled up with the words “ rāya nāļiyāl iru-nāļi ney".
The letters laikkalam-u are damaged.
The first y in neyyal is corrected from yi.
Bead Hai.
pan
kaņam dandam-ida ota
TEXT OF C.
1 Svasti śri [*] Kō-Rajakēsaripanma[r*]kku yāṇḍu 13-āvadu Iḍaiyārru nattu-tTiruttavatturai I
Śōlapperumāṇ-adigal
tiru-udappandar
Nangai.
Varaguna-perumāṇār sandir-a
3 dittava iravum pagalum cru nonda-vilakku nisadi uriy ne[y]yal' erivadark. ku kudutta po[n]
4 30 muppadin kalañju ponnum Vadakarai-Mala-nāṭṭu Kalāra-kku(kü)rrattu mēl-kürru pirama
5 dayam Manalkal sabhaiyōm kondu 1-ppon 30 kalañjun-kondu Tirut[ta]. 6 vatturai Peruman-aḍigalukku tiruvilakkiņukku virru-kkuḍutta nilammāvadu Mē[r]7 ppulattu Mapamutți-ttidalin-kilai engal nangu-ma-kkāņiyum pōyum virkkin[ra] 8 nilattukku ellai Sirugavur veṭṭapperrin vaḍavay müņu mā-kkāņiyum pō[yu]
9 m virkkina nilattukku ellai Sirugavür ellai va[y*]kkalin-kkilai irandu
See note 2 on p. 52. Read nilamavadu. Head cheydu.
mavum
10 pöyum virkkina nilattukk-ellai nangalē Talaivāyaṇukku kuḍutta ve
11 ta[plperrin-kilai arai-mavum aga-ttaḍi nanginal nilam araiyum 11
12 ppilam oliviņpri i-ppon 30 [ka*lañjun-kondu i-ilam pattu-chcheyum iraiy. iliyaga virru vilaiy-avanañ-cheyidu'
.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XX
13 nnir vețţi utpada marrum eppērppatta vettiyum iraiyum echchöfum vedi
naiyum eppērppattadum-irada däga virru vi. 14 laiy-āvanañ-che[y*]du kuduttom Tiruttavattu rai-Mahädēvarkku Manarkal sa bhai
yöm i-nilattukku pugunda 16 kuttukkal tirttu-kuduppomanom tirttu-[kkudömägil kulttukkal pugunda(pugunda)
põdu murpatta panm[@]16 hēsvararē nilaikkaļam-ullitta tân (vēņdu] kõ[viņu]kku , .... kkāņam
sa bhaiyaiy-āgavum tanitt-agavum dan 17 dam-ida otti i-ñilam pattu-chcheyum virru vilaiy-āvanam beydu kuduttom
Tiruttavatturai-[Ma]hädēvarkku Mana18 xkkal sa bhaiyām (*) idu pan-Māhēśvarar näppatt-eņņāyira yarum rakshai i I! IR
TRANSLATION Hail! Prosperity! In the 13th year of the reign of) king Rājakösarivarman, Nangai. Varaguņa-perumânăr, the illustrious uterine sister of the Chola king (Solapperumanadiga!), gave 30 (kalañju of) gold for burning a perpetual lamp daily with (one) uri of ghee as long as the sun and the moon last, in the temple of Isvara-bhattaraka at Tiruttavatturai. The members of the) assembly of Maņalkāl, a brahnadēya on the western portion of Kalārakku/kurram which was a sub-division of Vadakarai-Mala-nādu received these thirty balažju of gold. The following are the lands which they sold for the 30 kalanju of gold to the temple of Perumānadigal at Tirutta vattu ai for (burning) a sacred lamp :
Four ma and (one) käni of our land, situated to the east of the mound called Manamuţtittidal; three mā and (one) käni (of land) to the north of the veltappēru in Sirugavùr ; two má of land to the east of the canal at the boundary of Sirugavūr; and half a mă (of land) to the east of the vetfappēru which we ourselves presented to Talaivāyan—in all, half a vēli comprised in four tadi. Having received the 30 kalasju of gold, we, (the members of) Manarkäl, sold these ten śey of land, free from taxes, and drew up the sale-deed expressing therein that all kinds of vetti, irai, echchou, vedinai and other (lates) inclusive of sennirvetti, shall not be paid (on these lands), and conveyed the same to the temple of the Mahădēva at Tiruttavattugai. If there arises any trouble in respect of these lands, we bind ourselves to rectify the same. In case of our failure to rectify, we agree to pay, either as a body or individually, a fine of . . ., kanam of gold to the royal officers inclusive of the nilaikkalam . . . . . . as may be desired by the several Māhësvaras existing at the time of default. Thus (agreeing), we, (the members of the assembly of Managkal, sold the said ten sey of land, drew up the saledeed and handed over (possession) to the temple of the Mahādēva at Tiruttavattupai. This (charity) shall be under the protection of all the Mähēsvaras (viz.,) the Forty-Eight Thousand.
No. 4.-A SUNGA INSCRIPTION FROM AYODHYA.
BY RAI BAHADUR DAYA RAM SAUNI, M.A. This inscription was first brought to the notice of scholars by Babu Jagannath Das Ratna kara of Ayodhyā. It is inscribed on a flat stone slab at the foot of the eastern entrance of the Samadhi of Baba Sangat Bakhsh, which is reputed to have been built in the time of Nawāb Shujäs-uddaula. This shrine with the connected buildings is situated in the western portion of a large walled enclosure known as Rinopali, about a mile distant from the town of Ayodhyā on the road leading to Fyzābād.
May also mean for the hond sluice'.

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No. 4. ]
A SUNGA INSCRIPTION FROM AYODHYA.
The inscription consists of two lines. The first line appears to be complete, though it is difficult to say that the portion of the slab hidden under the sill of the doorframe does not contain one or more lines. Of the second line, the left hand portion is completely effaced, though some slight traces that have survived make it certain that the whole of this portion was originally inscribed. The characters are Brāhmi which show considerable resemblance with the inscriptions of the Northern Kshatrapas and some archaic votive inscriptions from Mathurā. The characteristics of this type are discussed in Bühler's Indian Palaeography and these are the equalization of all the upper verticals except in la, the constant use of the serif and of the angular forms of gha, ja, pa, pha, ma, la, sha and ha. Another peculiarity of the Brāhmi script of this period is the slightly bent base line of the letter na. The inscription under discussion exhibits all these peculiarities in a marked degree and should be classed with those mentioned above. The document is written in correct Sanskrit and is thus one of the few early inscriptions recorded in that language. The only grammatical mistake noticed in it is the use of Dharmarājñā in place of Dharmarājēna.
The document has already been dealt with by several scholars, the first of whom was the discoverer, Babu Jagannath Das Ratna kara? himself. This article is written in Hindi and is accompanied by an inked impression of the inscription together with an improved hand-copy prepared by Mr. Ratnakara himself. Mahāmahõpādhyāya Pandit Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojhs of the Rājputana Museum, Ajmēr, dealt with the document in the same volume of the NāgariPracharini Patrikā, as well as in his report of that Museum for the year ending 31st March 1924, pp. 1-2. Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has devoted three articles to the subject. Other scholars, who have dealt with this inscription, are Mr. N. K. Bhattasali, Dr. A. Bannerji-Šāstris and Mr. N. G. Majumdar.? The inscription has, however, not yet been dealt with in any of the official publications of the Archaeological Department and my object in editing it in this journal is to bring together the various views expressed by scholars on this important inscription and to record my own impressions of the same.
The inscription records the erection of a shrine or other memorial in honour of Phalgudēva, the father of the Dharmarāja . . ... Dhana (odēva, obhūti, etc.), Lord of Kõsala, son of Kausiki, the sixth of the Senapati Pushyamitra, who had performed the Abvamëdha twice.
The inscription is inrportant for more reasons than one. It is the first inscription on stone or metal yet discovered which mentions the name of Pushyamitra, the celebrated founder of the Sunga dynasty. Hitherto he was only known from literary sources, e.g., the Divyāvadāna (XXIX), Patañjali's Mahābhashya (III-2-123), where reference is made to a sacrifice performed by him, some of the Purānas, Kālidāsa's drama, the Mālavikāgnimitra, etc. The passages referring to the Sunga dynasty in the Vishnu and the Bhagavata Purānas are quoted in parallel columns in Pargiter's The Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, pp. 30-33. From the extract from the former we learn that the dynasty was founded by the General Pushyamitra after he had slain the last Maurya king Brihadratha. His son was Agnimitra, who was succeeded by Vagujyështha. The latter's son was Vasumitra and his son Andhraka. He was succeeded by Pulinda ka and the
1 Ind. Ant., VOL. XXXIII, 1904, Appendix, p. 40. *Nagari-Pracharini-Patriki, Vol. V, pt. 1, pp. 99-104. "Ibid., pp. 201, seq.
Modern Review, October 1924, PP, 430-32, J. B. &0. R. 8., 1924, Vol. X, pp. 202-208, and ibid., Vol. XIII, pp. 247-49. (Here Mr. Jayaswal has given good facsimiles of this inscription. -Ed.)
. Modern Review, February 1925, p. 202. • Ibid., January 1925, pp. 59-60. Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Vol. VII, pts, I and II, pp. 160-163.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XX.
latter by Yomesha. He was followed by Vajramitra. He was followed by Samābhāga. The latter's son was Dēvabhūmi.
Kalidasa's drama mentions three of these kings, i.e., the founder, his son Agnimitra and the latter's son Vasumitra and further informs us that Pushyamitra instituted a Räjasūya sacrifice and appointed Vasumitra as the guardian of the sacrificial horse, which in accordance with religious custom was to wander at will for a year and that the horse was seized by the cavalry of the Yavanas, whom Vasumitra successfully defeated and brought the horse back to his grandfather's sacrifice. The Rājasūya sacrifice was performed by universal monarchs and the sacrifice of this name mentioned in the drama of Kalidasa may have been the one performed by Push ya mitra on the occasion of his coronation. The Ayodhyā inscription, however, records the performance of two Atvamēdha sacrifices by Pushyamitra. It is at present not known what necessitated the institution of the second sacrifice by him. It is to the credit of Push yamitra that he revived this sacrifice which had long been in abeyance owing to Asöka's commandments prohibiting the immolation of animals even for sacrifices. Mr. Jayaswal' thinks that the Asvamëdha sacrifice mentioned in an inscription discovered at Nagari also referred to Pushyamitra. It is true that such an inscription was found by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar when he was engaged in his excavations at Nagari. It has, however, been found by Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar H. Ojha' to be only a fragment of the Ghosūņdi inscription and to supply the missing portion of the first line of that record. Thus restored, the epigraph shows that the son of Gajāyana and Pārāsari mentioned in it was one Sarvatata, who had performed a horse-sacrifice, but makes no mention of Pushyamitra.
The Ayodhya inscription is also interesting as it establishes the fact that the correct name of the founder of the Sunga dynasty was Push yamitrs, not Push pa mitrs as found in some of the Sanskrit works. Dr. Bühler had already been led to this conclusion by the form Püsamitta which ho found in certain Jaina Prakrit gāthās, but epigraphical evidence was wanting.
The interpretation of this short record is rendered difficult by the uncertainty about the on.ct significance of the words Pushyamitrasya shashthena and I am afraid the difficulty will not be solved until another inscription of the Sunga dynasty containing the genealogy of these kings comes to light. I propose here to recapitulate what has been said by the previous writers before I record my views on the point. Pandit Ratnakara rendered these words as the sixth descendant, brother or son of Pushyamitra and as with the last alternative, Phalgudēva would become identical with Pushyamitra, he thought he could overcome the difficulty by supplying & word like pujyasya between the words pituh and Phalgudēvasya and interpret the expression as "in honour of Phalgudēva, a teacher or deity of his father." Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha favoured the meaning "sixth in descent from Pushvamitrs," while Mr. Jayaswal preferred to interpret the expression as the sixth brother of Pushyamitra, making Phalgudēvs the father of Pushyamitra. This view was endorsed by Dr. A. Banerji-Sastri, who rejected "the descent theory” for the reason that if Dhana[dēva) was sixth in descent from Pushyamitra and evidently proud of it, his name would have ended with the word mitra. This, as Mr. N. K. Bhattasalis has shown, is no real obstacle as the names of several of the kinge of the Sunga dynasty as given in the Puranas and found on their coins have different endings. Dr. Šāstri also emphasises the fact that in the Smritis descent is signified by the termination of the 5th case, not the 6th #9
1 Modern Review, October 1924, p. 432.
The Archaeological Remains and Escavations at Nagari (Memoirs of the Arch. Surv. Ind. No 4) p. 120. Anual Report, Archaeological Survey of India, 1926-27. p 204. ind. An., Vul. II, p. 362. Modern Reviere, January to Jano 1925, p. 20%

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No. 4.;
A SUNGA INSCRIPTION FROM AYODHYA.
57
is the case in the expression under discussion. Mr. N. G. Majumdar nas hunted up a parallel expregsion in verse 88 of the 16th Sarga of the Raghuvaméa. The expression in question is panchaman Takshakasya, which is interpreted by three commentators as meaning "grandson of grandsou of Takshaka." Mr. Majumdar therefore sees no difficulty in interpreting Pushyamitrasya shashthaḥ as "sixth in descent from Pushyamitra.” In his third article on this inscription, however, Mr. Jayaswal points out that the example from the Raghuvamsa referred to above is actually interpreted by Mallinātha as meaning the fifth son of Takshaka. The sixth of Pushyamitra' in the Ayodhyā inscription should therefore mean the sixth son of Pushyamitra. As, however, this interpretation would make Phalgudēva identical with Pushyamitra, he proposes to read Dharmarājñā in the 2nd line as Dharmarājni, and to compound it with the following word pituh. He thus construes the record as meaning that Dhanadēvs, the sixth son of Pushyamitra, erected a house in honour of Phalgudēva, the father of his lawful queen.
It will be seen from the above that the only parallel expression found by the ingenuity of Mr. Majumdar is capable of two divergent interpretations. As has been pointed out by Dr. BanerjiŠāstri, the inscriptions so far known fail to throw light on the question and he is right in stating that the established custom in epigraphical records is either to name the generations in succession or not at all and that it is not tisual to mention a distant stage by omitting the intervening ones. One such example I have indeed secured in verse 44 of the Vamšāvali of the Chambā rājās, where we find the words “Mēruvarman was the 10th from Jayastambha " after the nine intervening ancestors of Mēruvarman have been duly referred to in direct succession. Even here, however, the vibhakti employed is the fifth, not the sixth or possessive case. An example of this kind with the sixth case ending occurs in the Raghuvaṁsa, Sarga 6, verse 29 :
त्वमेव कल्याणि तयोस्वतीया
"Thou alone, fortunate lady, art fit to be their third." Sunandā, the attendant of Indumati, while narrating the achievements of the prince of the Angas observes that the goddesses Sri and Sarasvati, though naturally hostile to each other, together reside in him in peace, thus indicating the propriety of her union with him. It will be observed that though the grammatical construction in this case is the same as in the doubtful expression being discussed, the sense of descent is out of the question. Whether more exact parallels both in form and sense will or will not be found in the vast field of Sanskrit literature, I am unable to say. It seems, however, exceedingly difficult to disregard clear palaeographic evidence and to group this record with the other known documents of the early Sunga period. I would, therefore, with Pandit Ratnakara, supply a word like purushēna after shashthina and translate" by the sixth descendant of Push yamitra". It will be seen from the facsimile that only the first portion of the name of the chief who had this inscription engraved is preserved. Previous writers have restored it as Dhanadēva and Mr. N. G. Majumdar identifies him with a chief of that name whose coins have been found round about Ayodhya. Be the name, however, what it may, the inscription has established beyond doubt the fact that Ayodhyā formed part of the Surga Empire as late as the date of the inscription, which, on palaeographic grounds must be assigned to about the lot century A.D.
TEXT. Line 1. Kösal-adhipëna dvir-asvamëdha-yājinaḥ sēnāpatch Pushyamitrasya sñashthena
Kausiki-putrēna Dhana. Line 2. Dharmaräjiä pituh Phalgudēvasya ketana kāritam
1J. B. &0. R. 8., Vol. XIII. pp. 247-49. * Vogel, Antiquitses of Chamba State, p. 85:
CATHERISHT.

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EPIGRAPHIA 'INDICA.
(VOL. XX
[The chief point of interest in the inscription is the use of the genitive case in the expression Pushyamitrasya shasthena. According to Pipini (तस्य पूरणे इट, मान्तादसंख्यादेमेंट and
#fanfara TTT Y*, Ashļādhyāyi, V. ii. 48, 49 and 51), the suffix dat (with the augments mat and thuk) is used in the sense of pūrana, i.e., 4 e per qua fuga #de: gem: (Käbikä on the Ashļādhyāyi, V. i. 48), that with which a number is completed'. 80 48: means u gatt: and A:, at , and so on. In other words, this suffix does not signify any order of descent or kinship and 877 of the inscription, taken by itself, would simply mean by the sixth. The genitive case, however, would show the sambandha or relationship which this person had with Pushyamitra, for that is one of the chief functions of this vibhakti. To express order of descent' the ablative case should be ennployed, as a reference to the comments on अन्धारादितरते दिशब्दावृत्तरपदाजाहियुक्तो (Ashtadhyayi, II. ii. 29) would show. We generally say QUASI #, VARIGHT:. This will be made clearer by the following quotation given in the Sabdakalpadruma under the word sapinda :
"YAT HATER Ada: farca: TATTI
सपिण्डता निवसंत सर्ववर्येषयं विधिः।" प्रत्युवाहतच कृतनारदवचनम्। That panchami and not shashthi is generally used in such cases is further shown by the Vishnu Purāna (Amsa III, Adhyāya X) and the Garuda-Purära (Adhyāya LXV) as quoted in the Sabdakalpadruma under the word vivāha.
“uyat ATQYw1 faquule anait" and
"TPAR UNHIEJ Haa: fuqareten” The Yājñavalkya-Smriti, Achār-ādhyāya, (Trivandrum Sanskrit Series) would also support the said statement for it says -
diforuff atanataeftititor QyAt what AIWA: TAFUT NON
Therefore, if it was the order of descent which the author of the inscription had in view, he would have said gefral and not gethe. Consequently, it becomes evident that if any word is to be supplied, it should be gant and not go . In consideration of these points, Mallinātha Beems to be quite correct in taking UYU
(Raghu., XVI, 88) in the sense of the fifth son of Takshaka. To get the meaning attributed to this passage by Chăritravardhana or by Dinakarani:fera, we should expect the ablative case or the form at instead. We say he but not तस्मात् पुनः, पौवः, प्रपौवो वा. Here, we should remember that the Vāya-Purana gives the reading Pushyamitra-sūtās=ch-äshļau which strongly supports the interpretation of 287 as .by the sixth son'. Besides, there is no inherent impossibility in the version given in this Purāna which would necessitate a summary rejection of it. Nor does it imply & senge which is wrong or impossible. Accordingly, the meaning' by the sixth son of Pushyamitra' seems to be preferable.
Le to the two new references given in this article one (@* fu aratat) has no bearing whatsoever on the point under consideration. The other, which is a quotation from the Vańsävali of the rulers of Chambā, would only support the prati-paksha or the opposite view in that it uses panchami and not shahathi to express the order of descent of Mēru varman-Ed.]

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No. 5.)
PAHARPUR COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE [GUPTA) YEAR 159.
No. 5.-PAHARPUR COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE [GUPTA) YEAR 159.
By K. N. Diksart, M.A., CALCUTTA. This copper-plate was found by me during the excavation of the great temple at Paharpur in the Badalgachi Thana of the Rājshāhi District in Bengal on the 29th November, 1927. It was recovered from the debris that had accumulated on the north-east side of the circumambulatory passage on the second terrace. From the circumstances of the discovery it was apparent that it could not have been originally buried or deposited under the floor of the passage, but was probably brought down from a higher level along with the bricks and mud. It is to be regretted that owing to the inadvertence of the labourer a hole has been made in the upper right hand corner of it and some letters in the three lines at the end of the first side and the first few lines of the second side have become obscure. The left hand margin has also been damaged at places, owing to which circumstance some of the letters written there have disappeared. The plate when dug out was covered with a thick coating of rust and verdigris but has subsequently been cleaned by chemical treatment and proves to have been fairly well preserved. It is rectangular in shape, measures 7" x 44" and weighs 29 tolās.
The characters in which the inscription under notice is written belong to the northern class of alphabets of the 5th century A.D. and closely resemble those of the grants 3 and 4 of the Dāmõdarpur copper-plates of the time of Budhagupta. The formation of the medial à by the addition of a stroke at the right lower end of the letters ga, na, dha, ba, ra and sa may be noted. The terminal m is written slightly below the top line as will be seen in -adhikaranam (1. 1), ochatushayam (1. 8), Sam (1. 20), and phalam (1. 24). The rare letter dha occurs in ādhavāpa (1. 15). The forms of the conjunct letters ksha (as in Dakshina 1. 1), hma (as in Brāhmao 11. 3, 12 and 17) and nichchhya (as in apaviñchchhya l. 20) are noteworthy. The numerical signs for 100, 50, 9, 7, 4 and 1 are to be found in 11. 19 to 21. The unusual form of 9 in l. 20, seems to be the prototype of the modern Bengali sign for that digit.
As regards orthography, the doubling of k before ya in dinärikkyao (11. 4 and 11), and before r in Oviklarayoo (11. 5 and 12), and ®kkramēn=ão (11. 5 and 17) requires notice. The consonants k, n, d, my and y are doubled after r, as in ārkka” (1. 20), anuvarnny-a (1. 3), nirddishtro (1. 18), sarmmā (11. 4 and 12), sarmmata (1.17), aryyao (1.1), bhāryyão (11.4, 12 and 17), 'ächäryyao (II. 6 and 13) and in dharmmaand dharmmēna in lines 16 and 19. The v symbol is used for b in samudaya-vāhy-ao (11. 4 and 11) and vahubhiro (1. 23).
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the exception of the five imprecatory verses at the end, the whole record is in prose. The rules of sandhi have been very often violated, specially in respect of a visarge at the end of a word, as in ayuktakaḥ äryyao: (1.1), "Göhälitah arddha' (1.9), prödhah gunaso (1. 16), kulyavāpa adhyarddhoo (1. 19). Nätha-farmmā etado in 11. 4 and 12 is also wrong grammatically.
The document under examination rogisters the purchase of a fallow state land by a private individual for charitable purposes. The Dhānäidaha,' the Dämödarpur," the Farid.
The left hand margin presents a broken appearance in the central portion. It is probable that, as in No. 3 of the Damodarpur plates, there was a semi-circular projection at this place for attaching the seel.
? A bove, Vol. XV, pp. 116 ff.
(Se f.n. 5 on p. 61 below.-Ed.) • Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 345 ff. . Aboves Vol. XV. pp. 113 ff.

Page #71

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XX
pur and the Ghugrāhāti copper-plates also record similar transactions, the difference being that in the present case the rate at which one kulyavāpa of land was sold was 2 dināras whereas it was 3 in the case of the Dämodarpur grants and 4 in the case of the Faridpur ones. As Nos. 3 and 4 of the Dämõdarpur plates are almost co-eval with the present plate, the difference in the rates mentioned in the two cases must be due to local causes. Probably the quality of the land available was inferior or there was an abundance of fallow land in the locality around Pāhāļpur. It was, apparently, owing to such considerations that the 5 dronavāpas (= of a kulyavāpa approximately) were, as stated in No. 2 of the Dämödarpur plates, granted in lieu of a deposit of 2 dināras, when the rate was 3 dināras to a kulyavāpa'.
The grant under notice records that a Brāhmana and his wife deposited 3 dīnāras or gold coins with the city council (adhishthän-adhikarana) to secure 1 kulyaväpa and 4 drönavāpas of land situated at 4 different villages all lying in the Dakshiņāmsaka-rithi and Nägiraţta-mandala for the mairrtenance of worship with sandal, incense, flowers, lamps, etc., of the divine arhats at the vihāra of Vata-Gõhäli which was presided over by the disciples and the disciples of disciples of the Nigrantha preceptor (Sraman-ācharya) Guhanandin, belonging to the Pancha-stūpa section (nikāya) of Benares. The donation of a Brāhmaṇa couple for the worship of Jinas, as recorded here, is noteworthy for it bespeaks of the religious toleration of the people of the period.
The Jaina vihara at Vata-Gohali mentioned in this inscription, it would appear, must have stood at the original site of the present temple at Pābāppur. The boundaries of the site are partly situated within the limits of the village of Goālbhiţă to the north-west and the mound where the temple has been unearthed was pointed out to Dr. Buchanan Hamilton in 1807 as 'Goalbhitar Pāhär' (the eminence of Göālbhitā). The identification of Gõālbhițā with the ancient Vata. Göhäli easily suggests itself as the stem Gõbāli is substantially identical with Goal. Few relics of the Jaina faith* have come to light during the excavations at Pāhārpur, but numerous Brahmanical and Buddhist bas-reliefs and terra-cotta plaques, dating from the late Gupta times, have been discovered. In the ninth and the succeeding centuries of the Christian era, the Pāhāppur temple was known as the great Buddhist vihära of king Dharmapäla at Somapura, the latter place being recognised in the modern village of Ompur, a mile to the south of the mound.
Begarding the prevalence of Jainism in Bengal, the Chinese traveller Hiven Tsiang, who visited the country of Pundravardhana in the second quarter of the seventh century, records that "there are some 100 Deva temples, where sectaries of different schools congregate. The naked Nirgranthas are the most numerous." This statement can now be corroborated by the evidence of the present document which speaks of a vihara presided over by a succession of Nigrantha monks, at least 150 years previous to the Chinese pilgrim's visit to the locality. In connection with the name Guhanandin it is worthy of note that the names of the Digambara Acharyas of the third and fourth centuries of the Christian era, such as Yasõnandin, Jayanandin, Kumāranandin, etc., as is shown by the lists, generally end iņ nandin. Pundravardhana is mentioned as one of the seats of Jaina pontiffs, beginning with Gupti-Gupta or Visakh-achāryya, the disciple of Bhadrabahu II and Guhauandin must have been one of them.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 193 and J.A.S.B., N.S., Vol. VII, p. 475. * Above, Vol XVIII, p. 74.
[If the rate was 3 dinaras to a kulyavāpa, the price of 5 drönaräpas, i.e., of a kulyanapa biust he ? dinaras.-Ed.]
[Does this fact support the author's viow regarding the situation of the Jaina vihdra at the site or anggoot that the document under notice was brought from outside ? Cf. his romark abont, the find in part 1, p. 68, abovo-Ed.]
Bal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II, p. 195.

Page #72

No. 5. )
PAHARPUR COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE (GUPTA) YEAR 159.
61
The procedure followed in ancient Bengali in respect of applications for the purehage and donation of land, as elaborated in the present case, is interesting. The intending donors approached the District Officer (Ayuktaka") and the City Council (Adhishthan-adhikarana) headed by the venerable Mayor (Nagara-brështhin) and requested them for sale of land for charitable purposes at the prescribed rate. The Officer and the Council referred the case, in the first instance, to the committee of record-keepers consisting of one chief record-keeper and at least five other recordkeepers. The latter after making necessary enquiries submitted their report with recommendation in favour of the transaction. The authorities thereupon realised the necessary amount from the applicants and intimated the elders and other householders belonging to the villages concerned to measure out the land and make it over to the applicants for the purpose in view.
The land measure adopted in this grant was based on the measures of grain as is the case in the Dämödarpur and other grants. The kulyavāpa denoted as much land as could be sown with a kulya measure of grain. A kulya, according to various ancient authorities, was equivalent to 8 dronas=32 ādhakas=128 prasthas. Other land measures found in the present record are dronavaрa and adhavйра.
The date of the grant as given in the inscription is Sam 109 Mägha di 7 and, apparently, refers to the Gupta era, which was in use in Bengal when the charter was issued. As such, it would fall in January 479, A.D. The mention of Paramabhattāraka in l. 16 can only be taken to refer to the reigning sovereign whose name is not mentioned. The Dämodarpur plates show that the kingdom of Budhagupta included the bhukti of Pundravardhana at this period and it is not improbable that the unspecified reigning sovereign at the time of the issue of the copper-plate was Budhagupta.
Regarding the identification of the places mentioned in the plate, Pundravardhana has been identified by General Cunningham. with the extensive ruins known as 'Mahästhan-gaph,' 8 miles north of the town of Bogta. Vata-Gohāli, as stated above, may be the modern Göälbhiţă. I am unable to identify the other localities.
TEXT.
Obverse. 1 Svasti lll Pundravarddha]nād=Āyuktakah Aryya-nagara-brēshthi-purögar-ch-adhish
than-adhikaranam Dakshiņāmsaka-vithēya-Nägiratta2 mándalika-Palasätta-pārsvika-Vata-Gõhāli-Jambudēva-prāvēsya-Pfish thima-põtta ka-Göshå
tapuñjaka-Mala-Nāgiratta-prāvēśya3 Nitva-Gõhālīshu Brāhman-õttaran-Mahattar-ādi-kutumbinah kusalam-apuvarnay
&nubodhayanti (1 *] Vijñāpayaty-asmān-Brāhmaṇa-Nätha:
1 [It would be safer to say in this part of ancient Bengal' till it is proved by documentary evidence that this procedure was followed in the whole of ancient Bengal. Ed.)
The Faridpur and the Damodarpur grants mention more than one but less than five record-keepers. Faridpur grant No. 1 mentions only one record-keeper. Will it not be better to say the Committee which consisted of one chief record-keeper and very often other subordiasto record-keepers' ?-Ed.)
. A. 8. R., VOL. XV, pp. 104-117. . From the original plato.
The plato correctly gives "yuktakd dryyao. This reading would show that there were more Ayultatas than two and that Näthe-sarmma and his wife Rámi approached the Ayuktakas with their request for the land.Ed.]

Page #73

62
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XX.
4 Barmmā ētad-bhäryya Rāmi cha yushmākam=ih-adhishthän-adhikaran
dvi-dinärikkya-kulya vāpēna sasvat-kal-opa bhogy-akshaya-nīvi-samudaya-vähyl-a5 pratikara-khila-kshētra-vāstu-vikkrayo=nuvsittas-tad=arhath=ānēn=aiva kkramēņ=āvayos
sakāsād-dinära-trayam-upa sa ngrihy=āvayo[s*)-sva-puny-āpyā. 6 yanāya Vata-Gõhālyām=av?āsyän-Kāśika-pañcha-stūpa-nikāyika"-nigrantha-Sraman.
acharyya-Guhanandi-sishya-prasishy-adhishthita-vihär: 7 Bhagavatām=Arhatāṁ gandha-dhūpa-sumano-dip-ädy-arthan-tala-vāta ka-nimittañ-cha
[ta*] ēva Vata-Göhälīto vāstu-dröņavāpam-adhyarddhan-Ja8 mbudēva-prāvēsya-Pțishthima-põtta kēts kshētram drönavāpa-ehatushtayan Gösh
tapuñjād-drönavāpa-chatushtayam Müla-Nägiratta. 9 prāvēsya-Nitva-Göhälitah arddha-trika-drāņavāpān-ity ēvam-adhyarddhań kshētra
kulyavāpam®æa kshaya-nivyā dātum=i[ty-atra) yataḥ prathama10 Pustapāla-Divākaranandi-Pustapāla-Dhritivishņu-Virochana-Rāmadāsa-Haridāsa-Sasinandi.
shu prathamanu? . . . . [nā]m-avadhārapa - 11 y=āvadhțitam asty-asmad-adhishthan-adhikaraņē dvi-dinärikkya-kulyavāpēns salvat
kāl-opa bhogy-akshaya-nīvi-samu[daya-vājhy - pratikara12 [khila *]-kshētra-vāstu-vikkrayo-nuvsittastadayad-yushmām 10-Brāhmaṇa-Nätha-farmma
etad-bhāryyā Rāmi cha Palāśātta-pārsvika-Vata-Gõhālīstha 11 (?)-ya
Reverse. 13. . . . ka-pañcha-stūpa-kula-nikāyika-ächāryya-nigrantha-Guhanandi-sishya,
prasishy-idhishthita-sad-vihārë Arahatām" gandha-[dhūp)-ādy-upayögāya 14 (tala-v*jāta ka-nimittan-cha tatr=aiva Vata-Gõhālyām v āstu-dronavāpam=adhya.
iddhan kshētrañ=Jambudēva-prāvēsya-Prishthima-põtta kā droņa vāpa-chatushtayam 15 Göshātapuñjād-dröņa vāpa-chatushtaya Mūla-Nāgiratta-prāvēsya-Nitva-Gohālīto drð
ņa vāpa-dvayamadhavā[pa-dva]y-adhikam-ity=ēvam=8
Read "büny-a. 2 Read ex.
[Cf. Navy. A vakasikäyam of the Faridpur grants 2 and 3. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, pp. 200 and 204.-Ed.]
* This expression is further characterisod a parcha-stūpa-kula-nikayika in l. 13 of the text. The word pancha-nikāyika is familiar to the students of Buddhism in the sense of one who knows the five Nikayas'. In the present case, however, the word stūpa or stúpa-kula occurring between parcha and nikayika and its conneetion with Jaina preceptor would seem to show that Nikāya maust be taken here in the sense of a branch (fakhi) of the Jaina Acharyas. Paicha-stūpa may, in that case, be a place name from which a particular branch of the Jsina Acharyas may have been known.
5 t is redundant here.
. The engraver first wrote dronavāpam. but finding his mistake later, appears to havo made an attempt at oorrection. The erased letters drona are clearly visible below kulya.
Some letters after this are lost.
® [The text of the Damodarpur plates would suggest that avadharanaya was preoecled by the names of the record-keopers which were put in the genitive plural. - .
. Read bāhy". 10 Road yushman 11 Compare the reading in i 6 above. -Ed.)
Rsaul Arhutam,

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8
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PAHARPUR COPPER PLATE GRANT OF THE (GUPTA) YEAR 159.
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Page #75

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Page #76

No. 5.)
PAHARPUR COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE [GUPTA] YEAR 159.
63
16 dhyarddhamkshētra-kulyavāpam-prārtthayatē -tra na kaschidayirõdhah gunas
tu yat-parama-bhattāra ka-pădânām=artth-opachayo dharmma-shad-bhāg-apyaya17 nañ=cha bhavati tad van-kriyatām-ity-anēn=āvadhāraņā-kkramēņāsmad-Brå
hmana-Năths-Garmmata ētad-bhäryyā-Rāmiyās=cha dinārs-tra18 yam-āyiksity=aitābhyām vijñāpitaka-kram-õpayāgāy-Opari-nirddishţa-grāma-Gohāli.
kēshu tala-vāta ka-vāstună saha kshetram 19 kulyavāpa adhyarddhō-kshaya-nivi-dharmmēņa dattaḥ ku i dro 4 [*]
Tad=yush mābhiḥ sva-karmman-ävirõdhi-sthānē shaka-na dair apa. 20 viñchchhya' data vyö-kshaya-nivi-dharmmēna cha sasvad-achandr-ārkka-tāra ka
kālam-anu-pälayitavya iti [1] Sam 100 50 9 21 Maghe di 7 [ ] Uktañ-cha bhagavata Vyäsēna [*] Sva-dattām pare
dattar vå yo harēta vasundharām [1] 22 88 vishthāyām krimir-bhūtvā pitsibhis-saha pachyatē[ Il*] Shashti-varsha
sahasrāņi svargge vasati bhūmidaḥ [l*] 23 akshēptāch-inumantā cha täny-ēva nara kē vasēt [ll*) Rājabhir=vvahu
bhiro-datta diyatē cha punaḥ punah [ 1*) yasya yasya 24 yadā bhūmi tasya tasya tada phalam [*] Pūrvve-dattām dvijātibhyo
yatnād-raksha Yudhishthira [1] mahim-mahimatām? srēshtha 25 dânāch-chhrēyo nupālanaṁ [11] Vindhy-āta vishv=anambunshu s ushka-kotara
vāsina[h*] krishn-ahino hi jāyantë dēva-dāyam haranti yê [ll*]
Abstract of Contents. Nátha-śarmmā, a Brāhmaṇa and Rāmi, his wife, approach the District Officer 10 and the City-Council headed by the Mayor (Nagara-Sreshthi) at Pun Iravardhana with the request that in accordance with the procedure prevalent in the locality, they may be allowed to deposit three dināras in return for ly kulyavāpas of land distributed among 4 different villages to be endowed in perpetuity for the maintenance of requisites of the worship of Arhats such as sandal, incense, flower, 11 lamps, etc., and for the construction of a resting place at the vikāra of the Jaina preceptor Guhanandi at Vata-Gohāli. The details of the lands required were -Fields measuring 4, 4 and 2 dronavāpas, respectively, at the villages of Prishthima-pottaka, Goshătapuñjaka and Nitva-Gohāli ; home-stead land measuring 11 dronavāpas at Vata-Gobali.
[Read prarthayatt (yello).-Ed.)
* This expression can be compared with ashtaka-nava ka-niläbhy mocourring in the Dimodarpur Plates The present practice in parts of Bengal and Assam is to measure out the lands by nalas or reeds of a definite measurement in cubits, which differ in different localities. The shafka, ashtaka and navaka as referred to the nalas may therefore mean nalas of so many oubita (i.e., 6, 8 or 0).
Dr. N. P. Chakravarti connects it with the Bengali word bacha meaning to select or choos-Ed.) • Read ksimir. [But krimir, in is also allowed. -Ed.) Read Obbahubhir.
Read bhumisRond matimakan. The reading mahimalá is given in the plato is also correct.--Ed.] Read anambushu. (The plate correctly gives anambhaan.-Ed.)
Read dhayd. ** [See foot-noto on p. 61 sbove.-Ed.)
11 The mention of flowers in the worship of the Arhata or Jina indicates a point of difference between the umotice of the old Nigrantha and the modern Digambara Jainas. The latter do not permit the time of flowers in as much as the ingoeta likely to be prosent in the flowers may be destroyed thereby. The votambaras, however, have no objection to this practice.

Page #77

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XX.
The Council, in the first instance, consulted the Board of Record-Keepers presided over by Divākaranandin, who pointed out that there was no objection to the transaction, especially as, besides bringing some revenue to the treasury, it would entitle His Majesty to a sixth share of the religious merit accruing from the endowment. The Council, therefore, decided to accept the offer of the Brāhmaṇa couple and recorded the transfer of land.
The village elders of the respective villages at which the lands in question were situated, were then asked by the Council to mark out the boundaries of the lands thus granted and maintain them in perpetuity. The date was the 7th day of Mägha, in the [Gupta) year 159. The usual imprecatory verses follow.
No. 6.-KOTAVUMACHGI INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA V.
BY R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., OOTACAMUND. Kotavumachgi is a village about 14 miles to the north-east of Gadag, the headquarters of the Gadag Taluk of the Dharwar District. The inscription, which is edited below, is engraved on a stone-tablet set up in front of the temple of Kalamēsvars which is standing there. The inscribed portion of the stone covers an area of 6' 2" by 1' 11' and is in a state of very good preservation. The inscription is neatly written in the Kanarese script of about the 11th century A.D. As regards palaeography, the chief points requiring notice are : (i) the lingual d and I are not clearly distinguished from the dentald; compare for example chhandav-alamkāra (1.25), paṁneradu (11. 17, 29), künde (1. 33), padiyale (1. 34), etc. ; (ü) the u-sign is indicated in three different ways, viz., (1) by a short hook at the bottom of the letter as in Puligere (1.7), pamneradu (11. 17, 29), condu (1. 36), etc., (2) by a mark with a downward bend by the side of the letter, as in kudise kude (1. 13), mattar-aydu (11. 18, 20), kuruva-gey (1.28), etc., and (3) by a long right side stroke shooting from the bottom of the letter as in Pushya buddha (1. 10), nivēšanangaļu (1. 46); (i) the e-sign is given, sometimes, below the letter and resembles the u-sign, as in Puligere (1. 7) or in belgode (1. 13). In one case it is represented by a horizontal stroke at the bottom of the letter, as in Belvola (1. 7); (iv) the final m is used in two places, i.e., in 11. 52 and 54 and is shaped like the secondary ma. Excepting the three imprecatory verses in Sanskrit, which come at the end, the record is written in Kanarese prose of the medieval period. The words ghalige (1. 13) (which is a tadbhava of ghafika) and chhała (1. 24) (which is the tadbhava of chhatra) are of lexical interest; so also, kuruva-gey (1.28), künde (. 33), padiyale (1. 34) and părikhāya (1. 41). In orthography the only point which requires mention here is the use of r and in place of r and I as in mūru (1. 33) and elu-köți (1. 48) respectively.
After svasti, the inscription opens with the usual prelude announcing that Tribhuvanamalla Vikramadityadēva (V) was reigning at the time and that Bolvola-Three Hundred and Puligere-Three Hundred were administered by his subordinate Dandanāyaku Kēšavayya whom it describes as the obtainer of the five great sabdas, the Mahāsāmantādhipati, the great and fierce commander-in-chief of armies and a favourite hero of his master' (11. 1-8). After giving the date (II. 9-11) it records that Dandanāyaka Kēšavayya granted, with the king's permission, the vilage Ummachige situated in Nareyamgal-Twelve to Maunara Sridhara-Bhatta of Röna (11. 9-13). The latter, in his turn, entrusted it to the 104 Mahājands of the place specifying certain conditions to be observed by them. Lines 14-32 mention the income of certain estates under

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No. 6.]
KOTAVUMACHGI INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA V.
different headings, namely, the maintenance of the temples and temple servants, the emoluments of Bhatta and Akkariga," the stipends of students and the feeding of the eļkoţi ascetics.* Then follow the specifications of land and taxes levied on festive occasions such as upanayana, narriage, vedic sacrifices, Badube, Kārapunpime and Dipāļige, with a remark that they should be enjoyed by the Urodeya (U. 33-36). It further states (11. 36-43) that fines on certain crimes it has specified, incomes derived from spoils, daśavandha (dasabandha) of escheat property of persons dying intestate and taxes on musical instruments such as kale and maddale are to be utilised for repairs, etc., of the tank called Döyimgere at Ummachige. Lines 43-46 contain the stipulation that the Mahajanas should protect the estates and maintain the gift even in adverse circumstances. The record was written by Govinda-Bhatta and engraved by Chavðja (1. 54).
The inscription is dated the Saka year 934, the 8th day of the bright half of the month Pushya, Paridhāvin samvatsara, Sunday and the Uttarāyaṇa-samkrānti. These details do not appear to be quite regular. Except for the week day, the date corresponds, according to Swamikannu Pillai's Ephemeris, to Tuesday, 23rd December A.D. 1012.
The inscription is important as it reveals the name of a new subordinate of Vikramaditya, viz., the Mahāsāmantadhipati Kosavayya who was administering the two Six-Hundreds at the time of the grant. A record secured from Hosūr in the Gadag Taluk dated in A.D. 1029 refers to the Mahāsāmantādhipati Kēsa varass in the passage“ Mahasamantadhipati mahāprachanda-danda. näyakam Srimat-Kesavarasara tadagra-lanūjam [11*] Svasti samadhigata-pancha-mahasabda mahasandhi-vigrah-ādhipati mahaprachanda-dandanāyaka fri-Vāvanarasar-eradarunürunań...... nāluttam-ire......"as the father of Vāvaparasa who was then governing the two Six-Hundreds under Jayasimba, the younger brother and successor of Vikramaditya V. It is this Vāvanarasa who figures as a subordinate of Jayasimha II in the Hoţtūr inscription of Saka 959 (A.D. 1037) and the Hulgur inscription of Saka 960 (A.D. 1038) Kēka vara sa appears to have succeeded Sobhanarasa' in the administration of the two districts, sometime after A.D. 1004 when, according to a record of Yelisirūr, the latter was stil the governor. We know from the Nilgund inscription of Tails II dated in Saka 904 that Kannapa was appointed as the governor of Belvota-300 and Purigere-300 by Tails II and that he was succeeded by his brother
Akkariga is made up of Akkara (Skt. A kahara) and iga, a taddhita termination indicating knowledge, according to the Sutra rana | 167 of the Karnataka-Bhashábhashana of Nagavartus, p. 62 (Mysore Government edition). The word, therefore, means one who is well versed in the science of) words.'
Elkofi ascetics are probably the devotees of Siva in the form of Mallari who with an army of seven crores destroyed the demona Mala and his brother. Bee for the story Imp. Gas., VOL. XVII, pp. 30 31.
• Badube is a Kanarevo name for the now-moon day of Vaisakha, Karapumpimo for the full-moon day of Jyështha and Dipalige for the now-moon day of Abvina. For Kanarose names of all the full moon days and new moon days of a year, see Dr. Floot's noto in Ep. Ind., Vol. V, pp. 11 f.
An inscription of Vikramaditya V bearing the Saka date 93[6] is notlood in Appendix B (No. 722) of the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1923. But the reading of the last figure is doubtful. (Dee ibid p. 101). A record from Karadihalli in the Mysoro Stato (Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 287) belonging to the same king is dated clearly Saka 933, Paridhivin, Pushya, Bu. 13, Monday (Monday, the 29th December A.D. 1012) which may be re garded his latest date known so far. The present inscription is thus six days earlier than the latest epigraph of Vikramaditya V.
5 No. 110 of the Bombay Karnatak collection for 1926-27.
• See above Vol. XVI, pp. 76 ff. and pp. 882 the In the published text of the former record, the name appears to have been wrongly read as Chivanarasa,
1 The relationship between Bobhanarias and keśa Varasa is not disclosed by inscriptions .No. 62 of the Bombay Karnatak collection for 1926-27. • Ep. Ind., YOL. IV, Pp. 206 ft.

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[Vol. XX.
Sobhanara sa in the government of those provinces in about A.D. 982. It is likely that Taila II, after overthrowing the Ganga chief Panchaladēva shortly after A.D. 975, invested Kannapa! with the governorship of the two districts as stated in the above record. Thus we get, after the downfall of the Gangas, a succession of rulers of the Beļvola and Purigere provinces in the 10th and 11th centuries of the Christian era, namely Kannapa, Sobhanarasa, Köśavarasa and Vāvanarasa.
From this inscription it can be gathered that Ummachige was a great educational centre in the beginning of the 11th century A.D. and maintained a college, with a free hostel attached to it, where instruction was imparted in several sciences. It allots a share of fifty mattar with one house-site to the Bhata who could expound Nyāsa and Prabhākara and twenty-five mallar to the pupils studying those subjects, while twenty-five mattar and one house-site only are given to the Akkariga (man of letters) named Nāgadēsiga who could teach and compose works on mathematics, astronomy, prosody, poetics, etc., and was well versed in grammar. It is enjoined that this Nāgadēsiga should teach his pupils feeding them once a day and supplying them with a cloth every year. These two vrittis are respectively called bhatta-esitti and akkariga-vritti in the record. It is interesting to note that the Bhatta and his pupils are the recipients of separate shares in the village whereas the Akkariga, who enjoys a lesser income, has also to feed and clothe his pupils, From this distinction in the two vrittis, it is apparent that the curriculum of education was divided into two sections of which one was intended for specialisation in bästras and the other meant for the general needs of a student. Among the subjects taught, Nyāsa? was, possibly, be a work on grammar: Prabhākara is a work of the Mimämsä school of philosophy started by Prabhākara.
The record is interesting from another point of view also. It gives us & peep into the system of village administration in ancient times in Karnataka. From the details of the grant viven in II. 14-41, it seems that the proper conduct of worship in temples, the imparting of education, the feeding of ascetics, the supply of water to the village people and the punishment of criminals we e the chief items which claimed the immediate attention of the administrator. Regagling the last item, it is worthy of note that the inscription mentions a number of crimes taken cognisance of by the authorities and the penalties imposed in each case. They are: (1) for abusing one another (baydade), 2 panas ; (2) for assault (balidade), 12 panas ; (3) for drawing out the dagger (surige-gillade), 3 gadyānas-mani' who ascends the processional mandapa with weapons is excepted, (4) for stabbing (iridade), 12 gadyānas and (5) for a bachelor (mäni) committing adultery (mini süle-gēdade), 3 gadyānas. It is stated that the fines thus realised together with the spoils (kararle), one-tenth (dasavandha) of the escheat property (aputrika-dravvya) and taxes on musical instruments must be utilised for the upkeep and repairs of the tank called Döyimgere mentioned above. The Urodeya, i.e., the village officer was authorised to change the amount
Hebbal inscription of A D. 975 mentions a certain Kannapayys as the Perggade of Bhujagabbarasi, the grandmother of the Ganga chief Marasimha II. Sen Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, Pp. 350 .
References to Nyasa in Sanskrit literature show that it must be a grammatical work. Son Catalogus Calalogorum by T. Aufrecht, p. 312 and Ind. Ant., Vols. XLIV, p. 275 and XLV. p. 25 and Migha, II, 122.
See Il intorical Sketches of the Ancient Dekhan by K. V. & Aiyer, pp. 326 ff. and T. A. 8, Vol. III, pp. 191 fl.
• Mani is a brahmachirin who does service in the temple. See 8. I. I., Vol. III, part iii, p. 227. In Una 30, however, it is used in the sense of spanayana.
. Dabavandha moana a tenth part; it does not seem to have been tised here in its technical sense of land or el rovenue granted as a compensation for the construction, repairs, etc., of a tank, well or channel. See ind ant., Vol. XXX, p. 107, note 12 and page 267, note 2.
• According to Manusmriti, IX 182, aptrika-drarrya was the state property. In this carn, however, it bolcaged to Sridhara-Bhatta who set apart one-tenth of it for the purpose specified

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14
16
18 X/20
20
22
24
26
ఆదర
కే.శ్వర శ్రీ కూనపరిగరం ఉపప్రతనిని హనశీలిగి రవి రథం క
KOTAVUMACHGI INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA V
dorag
HIRANANDA SASTRI
చరు.
ది తరక శ్రేయ మంగ 20: R కన ఆకర్
అని అదిగి
తన గొప్పోడిన
Protone
Spiecessa
భాగవతలు NAGAL Ye give
శ్రీదీక్ష
చితకది
ఒక భవంతో వరం
అ
SCALE ONE-FIFTH.
సోమవార నల
తరతర
వత్తి
మిన్ల కడనంటి?
కొత్తలో
నియ
కరపత కన్న
D PRAISEXY
8
14
16
18
20
22
24
26
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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28 వరకు ఆగం
మండల k you done to he -ఉదాడులు
30
32 మ రియు
32
యంగా 34 24 మందులు, 34
36 రసాను. వాడు సంపునకు 36 నా జనం 38 అంగం నడుం బిగించి ఆకులు ముడు 40
40 Media 42 వరకు
he
ఉతం .. ఉcoYYA
అందం అని నన్ను
54

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No. 6.)
KOTAVUMACHGI INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA V.
67
of fines in respect of certain crimes according to the caste of the offender. This is in keeping with the laws laid down in the Dharmaśāstra.
Of the places mentioned in the inscription, Röņa is the modern Ron, the headquarters of the Ron Taluk in the Dharwar District. Nareyamgal which was the chief town of Nareyamgal12, a sub-division in the Belvola-300 province, is the modern Naregal situated at a distance of 10 miles from Ron. Ummachige is evidently identical with Kötavumachgi where the record was found.
TEXT
1 0 Svasti [*] Saunasta-bhuvan-āšraya-Sri-Prithvi-vallabha-mahārā. 2 jädhirāja-paramēsvara-paramabhattārakaṁ Satyā raya-ku3 ļa-tiļakaṁ Chāļukyābharaṇam srimat-Tribhuvanamalla-Vikra4 mădityadēvara räjyam-uttaröttar-ābhivriddhige salutta5 m-ire [Samadhiya ta-parcha-mahālabda mahäsämantādhipati 6 mahā-prachanda-daņdanāyakaṁ pati-mechche-gandai brīmad-Dandana7 yakar Kēšavayyamgal-Beļvola-mūnūra Puligere-mūnūsuvam su8 kha-samkatha-vinodadin-āļuttam-ildu [ll] Srimat-Tribhuvanamalla9 dēvaram pra[r]tthisi Rõnada Maunara Sridhara bhattargge Sa ka-varsha 931
neya 10 Paridhāvi-samvatsarada Pushya suddha ashtami Adityavāra vuttarā11 yana samkrāntiyandu Nareyamgal-Pannerada rolagana Ummachi12 [gelyan sarvvābhyamtara-siddhiyāgi sarvvanamasyav-aggrahāram mā13 di sāsanam beļgode ghalige verasu padedu kuļise kude paded-āyu14 ran=ā=Sridharabhattar=nūsanālvaremmahājana ke bharaṇam-geydu tayagam 15 mahājanakkam prajegam mādida vyavastheyum' dharmma-brayad upabiyada 16 mānyada bhūmiya nivēšanada pramāņamu[m=e]nt=ene Sõmēśvaradēvargge ma17 ttar-āru Bhägiyabbēgva rakke mattar-ppanneradu elkoti-tapodhanara 18 satrakke mattar-ppanneradu Aychagāvuşdana dēgulakke mattar=aydu maney-019 ndu Adityadēvargge mattar=aydu maneyrondu Bettada-Bhagavatige 20 mattar-aydu maney-ondu Nārāyanadēvargge mattar=aydumaney-onda21 nt-ayvattu m attar-kkeyyuman-avara nivēšana mgaļuvam Bendeyabhatárara
sam22 tatiya brahmacharyyavulla naish thika-tapõdhanar=āgiy=anubhavisuvar [1] 23 Māra kabbe-Bhatārige mattar=ppanneradu maney=ondu Nyāsam Prabhākara
vuvam 24 vakkhāņisi gunaśāsanadin-uņba bhatta-vrittim attar=ayvattu? nianey=ondu
chchhattargge
Compare Manusmriti, Chapt. VIII, Vv. 267-268 and Yajiavalky asmriti, Chapt: II, Vv. 220-224. . From ink-improveion. . The t-sign is indistinot and resembles the consonant y mark.
:

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[VOL. XX.
25 mattar=irppattaydu
ganitam
joyisa-chchhanda-valamkaravuvan=ābhaya.. veyuvam
b&
-innuru
mungese veyilige
26 reyalum bājisalur balla sabda-samskāra vullāta Nāgadēsigargge nityasthitiy=027 ndu poltal-āhāramum varishakk-ondu kappadavuvan-ikkiy=odisi gunaśāsa28 nadin=āļv=a kkariga-vrittim attarairppattaydu maney=ondu kuruva-gey-mattare
Ppanne29 radu maney=ondu gaļamtige-gey-mattar-áru maney=ondu nāvida-gey=mattar=
em30 tu maney-ondu parekāgargge mattar-ppanneradu maney-ondu gunašksanadi31 n=āļvara satrakke mattar=nnūgu mane yerad=antu dharmma-vrayakkam
vupa biyakkam 32 mattar=mūnūsu rodeyargge mänyads key-mattar-innuru maneg=enga33 yyagala virppattaygay-nila[da] nivēšana mūrul (sāśva]ta sumkam gāņa-veyilige
kūņde mu. 34 ţţige padiyale yajnadal-ondu gadyāṇam ....Saydu papan madu
veyal-era 35 du paņam māņiyal-ondu papam Bä[du]be Kāra-punnami Dipāļige mūru
parvvadola 36 pratyēka vondu gadyaņa imt-inituv-Urodeyargge orbar=orbaran baydade
danda v=eradu 97 paņam baļidade panneradu paņam surige-giltade mūsu gadyāņav=igidade
panneradu gadya. 38 ņam jāti-bhēdav-a pidu dapdavam visēsham-mälpa[r] māņi süle-gēdadet
mūsu gadya39 pa prāyaschittan-golvendu mūru gadyanam maņiy-äyudha berasu manda
pa40 vegal-sallad-int-i-dandadolan kava[r]tteyolav=aputrika-dra vyada dabavandhadolam
puțți41 da dravyamuvam kale maddaleya papamum Deyimgerege [ll] Idan
upēkshisidātam 42 kereyan-odeda pāta kan-akkum pårikhāya modalāg=ella mürgge .. ni43 vēśanam kotta yikkuvavargge gámundargga kiljātiye mukkyarggarh pra. 44 týēkam maney-ond=achandr-ārkka-tārambaram mānyada satrada dharmma.
bra45 yad-upa biyad-ant-anituv-edeys k ey=mattar-ainūruman-'alliy-alli46 ya nivēšana mgaļuman-enitu dushkālav=ādadam mahājana kädū. 47 dovar-idakke tappidavar-Kurukshētradolan Väraņāsiyolami
elu-köti Brahmanaruvan=eļu-koti tapodhanaruvan-elu-koţi 1 The word mür is written below the line. * Road (råma] ta. : The writing here is completely effaced. . Read gexdade.
Between rai and ni a superfluous letter wbloh looks like I is written and orased.

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No. 6. 1
KOTAVUMACHGI INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA V.
69
49 kavileyuvan-alida pamcha-maha-patakan-akkum || Samanyō
50 yam dharmma-sētumr(setur)=nripāņām kālē kālē pālaniyō bhavadbhiḥ | 51 sarvvan-ētān-bhaginaḥ pärtthivēndrin-bhūyö bhūyō yachatě Ramabhadraḥ Il 52 Sva-dattam para-dattam vā yō harēta vasumdharam [*] shashti varsha-sahasrāņi vishṭāyām1 jāya
53 të krimiḥ | Bahubhir-vvasudha bhuktā
rajabhis-Sagar-adibhiḥ [*] yasya
yasya yada bhumi
54 [s-ta]sya tasya tada phalam | Govindabhaṭṭa[m] bareda Chāvājam kandarisida mangala mahā-śri [*]
Translation.
(Ll. 1-4) Hail! While the reign of the glorious Tribhuvanamalla Vikramadityadeva, the refuge of the whole world, the lord of Fortune and Earth, the Mahārājādhirāja, the Paramesvara, the Paramabhaṭṭāraka, the decoration of the race of Satyasraya, an ornament of the Chalukyas, was increasing in prosperity,
(Ll. 5-8) while the chief of great feudatories, the august General who had attained the five mahāśabdas, a man of might causing pleasure to his master, the glorious Dandanayaka Kēsavayya was administering with enjoyment of pleasant conversation, the Belvola-Three Hundred and Puligere-Three Hundred (provinces),
(Ll. 8-13) (Kesavayya), after requesting the glorious Tribhuvanamalladēva, made (the village) Ummachige situated in Nareyamgal-Twelve into an agrahara on sarvanamasya tenure along with full and complete rights of enjoyment of all the properties and obtaining it (from him) together with the ro al charter, the white umbrella and ghalige (i.e., an assembly hall)?, caused it to be granted to Maunara Sridharabhatta of Rona, on the eighth day of the bright half of Pushya, Sunday, the Uttarayana-samkranti, in the Saka year 934 corresponding to the cyclic year Paridhāvi.
(Ll. 13-16) That Sridharabhaṭṭa, after thus getting it, entrusted the village to the hundred and four Mahajanas with the conditions of enjoyment by himself, the Mahajanas and the people (of the village); the extents of land and house-sites for meeting the expenses of charity, other auxiliary objects and for grants for services (manya) are as follows:
(Ll. 16-22) Six mattar to god Somesvara, twelve mattar to (the temple of) Bhagiyabbēgvara"; twelve mattar to the feeding house of elköti ascetics; five mattar and one house(-site) to Aychagavunda's temple; five mattar and one house(-side) to Adityadeva; five matter and one house(-site) to (the goddess) Beṭṭada-Bhagavati; five mattar and one house(-site) to god Nārāyapa-these fifty mattar of land in all and the house-sites attached to them must be enjoyed by the bachelors of the family of Bendeya bhaṭāra, following the course of the naishthika ascetics.
1 Read vishṭhāyām.
See above Vols. XIII, p. 327n and XV, p. 93.
The temple was perhaps named after Bhagalabbe, the mother of Vikramaditya V.
Naishthika is one who lives in the house of his preceptor as a brahmacharin throughout his life. He is described as follows in the Garudapurāna :
मेडिको ब्रह्मचारी च वर्धद्राचार्थसन्निधौ । तदभावेऽस्य तनयै परम्यां वैश्वानरेऽपि वा ॥
विधिमा देहं साधयेद्दिजितेद्रियः । ब्रह्मलोकमवाप्नोति न च जायते पुनः ॥

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(LI. 23-32) Twelve mattar and one housel-site) to the deity Māra ka bbe Bhatāri, fifty mattar and one house-site) towards bhatta-usitti to be enjoyed in return for performing the duties of expounding Nyāsa and Prabhākara, twenty-five mattar to the pupils, twenty-five mattar and one housel-site) as atkariga-vsitti to Nāgadēsiga who was able to compose and expound (the works on) mathematics, astronomy, prosody, poetics and ..... and who had & knowledge of sounds (i.e., Vyakarana), to be utilised for his daily requirements in virtue of his services of teaching his pupils, feeding them once a day and supplying (them) with a cloth every year ; twelve mattar and one house(-sile) for the supply of tender cocoanuts! ; six mattar and one house(-site) for the supply of) vessels for abhisheka ; eight mattar of land and one house(-site) for barbers; twelve mattar and one house(-site) for drummers ; (one) hundred mattar and two house(-siles) to the feeding-house of those that manage by gunaśāsana.. Thus in all three hundred mattar (were set apart) for charity and auxiliary expenses.
(LI. 33-36) Two hundred mattar as mänya land and three house(-sites)-eight hands broad and twenty-five hands long each-to the Crodeyl. Moreover, the Ordeya(shall get these flowing) taxes permanently a kunde for the open space of an oil-press; the reaper of a door-frame for every set of wooden materials (for building purposes)'; one gadyana for a vedic sacrifice ; five panas for .........., two paņas for a marriage ; one pana on the occasion of upanayana, one gadyanı severally on the three parvas of Bilube, Kārap'ınning and Dipīlige.
(LI. 36-43) The incomes accruing from the following fines, viz., two panas for abusing one another, twelve panas for beating; three gadyānas for drawing out the dagger, twelve gadyānas for stabbing-(they) may change the amount of) fine considering the distinction of caste-three gadyānas, in case a bachelor commits adultery; three gadyānas on the occasion of purification ceremony-except when a māni gets up a processional mandapa with weapons; that obtained as spoils (after a raid), one-tenth (daśavandha) of the escheat property of persons dying intestate and the taxes on (musical instruments) kale and maddale (the drum); all these shall go to the tank called) Dēyimgere. He who neglects this shall incur the sin of breaking the tank. A house-site . . . .. including pärikhāya, etc., (was set apart). Those that keep a cowpen (kofta), the gamundas and the chief men of the low caste (must get) one housef-site) each.
(LI. 43-46) The five hundred mattar (of land) and the respective sites (attached to thcm), (granted) as mänya, and for the purposes of feeding house, charity and auxiliary gifts, the Mahajanas shall protect and cause to be enjoyed as long as the moon, the sun and the stars (exist), however adverse the times may be.
(Ll. 46-48) Those that fail (to carry this out) shall incur the five great sins consequent upon the killing at Kurukshetra and Väraņāsi, of seven crores of Brahmins, seven crores of ascetics and seven crores of tawny cows.
(Ll. 48-63) Three imprecatory verses.
(L. 54) Govinda bhatta wrote (this); and Chāvāja engraved. (May there be) fortune and great prosperity.
1 Kurwa seems to stand for rubs which means a tender cocoanut. (See Kittel's Kanarese Dictionary, p. 448.)
* The word used here in galantige which is a tadbhava of the Sanskrit word galantik. It means a small waterjar with a holo in the bottom from which the water drops upon a linga.
"The exact significance of this word is not clear. For the meaning of the word muff, nee Kittel's Kanarens Dictionary, p. 1263.
This parenthetioal clause ovidently provides an exception to the fine stated above for drawing out thg word

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No. 7.-THE HATHIGUMPHA INSCRIPTION OF KHARAVELA.
BY K. P. JAYASWAL, Esq., M.A., BARRISTER AT-LAW, PATNA, AND PROFESSOR R. D. BANERJI',
M.A., BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY. This inscription is incised partly in front and partly on the roof of the Häthigumphā, an artificial cave, on the southern face of the Udayagiri, a low range of hills situated about three miles from Bhuvanesvar in the Puri district of Orissa. It was noticed for the first time by Stirling in 1825° and was published by Prinsep from an eye-copy prepared by Kittoe in 1837. In 1877 Cunningham published a tracing in the first volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. In 1880 the late Raja Rajendra Lala Mitra published another version of this inscription. About this time a cast of this inscription was prepared and taken to the Indian Museum, Calcutta. The first reliable version of the record was issued from the able pen of the late Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji in 1885. In 1895 and 1898 the late Dr. Bühler proposed certain corrections. The first inked impression was taken by the late Dr. T. Bloch in 1906 and sent to Prof. Kielhorn from whom it passed on to the late Dr. J. F. Fleet, who published two short notes proposing certain corrections in the reading of the 16th line. In the same year Prof. Lüders of Berlin published a summary of this inscription. In 1913 RDB0. examined portions of this record at the request of KPJ., and in 1917 he prepared two inked impressions at the request of the late Dr. V. A. Smith and KPJ., o one of which was published in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 11 and the second sent to Dr. F. W. Thomas, the then editor of this journal. Soon after the publication of the text, KPJ. went to the cave and prepared a revised text of his readings from the rock itself and published the same in 1918 in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. Sir Edward Gait, the then Lieutenant-Governor of Bihar and Orissa, who was greatly interested in the decipherment of the inscription, arranged a deputation of RDB., the then Superintendent of the Western Circle of the Archeological Survey of India, to go with KPJ. and in 1919, we both examined the entire inscription on the spot. In the meantime a cast of the inscription was prepared at the suggestion of KPJ. by the Government of Bihär and Orissa. The order of Sir Edward Gait in this respect was executed by the late Mr. H. Panday of the Archeological Survey Department who had accompanied KPJ. formerly and had become familiar with the inscription and the problems connected with it. This cast is now preserved in the Patna Museum. It is as successful a copy as the present condition of the original allowed it to be.. Two impressions on paper were also taken for the Patna Museum. With the help of these materials the study was carried on by KPJ. at Patna. In 1924 both of us again went over the corrections. In 1927 KPJ. published the results of his further studies in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society with new plates prepared
1 [I am sorry to record here his sad and untimely death which took place at Calcutta on 23rd May 1930. Scholars of Mr. R. D. Banerji's type it is difficult to replace.-Ed.).
1 Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV, pp. 313 ff. *J. A. 8. B., Vol. VI, pp. 1075-91, pl. LVIIL. • Pp. 27 f., 98-101, 132 ff., pl. XVII.
Antiquities of Orissa, Vol. II, pp. 16 ff. Actes du Sixième Congrés International des Orientalides, pt. III, section 2, pp. 102-177.
Indian Studies, No. III, p. 13 Origin of Indian Brahma Alphabe, PP. 13 , .J. R. A. 8., 1910, pp. 242 ff. and 824. . Ante, Vol. X, App. pp. 180-61, No. 1348. 10 [Author's initiala). 11 Vol. III, p. I. 11 Vol. IV Pp. 364 f.

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from the paper impressions preserved in the Patna Museum. In 1928 some further notes were published by him in the same journal. We have again conjointly examined the cast and the impressions and effected a few important improvements in the reading and explanation as offered below. Amongst notable contributions on the problems connected with the inscription, we refer to the articles by Dr. Sten Konow and Dr. F. W. Thomas. We have to thank our friend Prof. Anant Sadashiv Altekar for the help he has rendered to us in preparing the notes for this edition.
The Hathigumphã appears to have been a natural eavern which was later on converted into a temple or residence. The roof consists of a huge boulder, and the inscription begins on the southern face but is continued up to a place where the stone has become actually the roof of the cave. The last eight or nine lines occur on a sloping surface where it is difficult either to read or copy them. Both of us had to recline partly on our backs to read the portion from the rock. Below the inscription the walls of the natural cavern have been chiselled straight and at places are as beautifully polished as those of the Barabar caves. Near the floor there are sundry rock. cut partitions which do not appear to have been regular walls as they do not go up to the roof. In the dressed and polished portion of the side or the wall of the cave there are a number of later inscriptions (of about the 10th or the 11th century A.D.) many of which contain proper names which are not of any historical interest. They prove, however, that the cave was visited by pilgrims up to the 10th century and therefore it must have been considered some sort of a sacred shrine. It seems reasonable to expect that the great Jaina king Khåravela inscribed the record of his reign at a place which was holy in his eyes. Is it impossible that this is the place where Mahavira had preached the Jaina religion in Kalinga, because this inscription proves that the place was included in Kalinga at that time and there is a distinct reference to the preaching of Jainism in its 14tb line? The bed of the cave is full of sand in front and unless it is excavated its original form cannot be determined. Three stone pillars have lately been put up in front of the cave, to protect the inscription from the effects of the weather, under the orders of Government. The Häthigumphā stands at right angles to the Svargapuri and Mañchapuri on its left and the Sarpa cave on its right. There are several small and large excavations on the top of the boulder which forms the roof of the cave. As a whole the entire record has been very carefully inscribed. In two places only letters have been left out. In 1. 14 the letter ya in arahayate was left out and incised between II. 14 and 15, its position in 1. 14 being indicated by a käkapada. Two other letters sa and ha (?) are to be found in the interspaces immediately after ya but cannot be connected with any word in l. 14.
As regards orthography the inscription presents very few peculiarities. Ligatures are carefully avoided and the only instances where we meet with them are Kanha-ber nā- (1. 4), Banhanānam (1.9) and -vinisrito (1. 17). In the majority of cases the nasals are replaced by anusvāra excepting the places where they are used either as initials or medials. The initial forms are to be seen in - flävakehi (1. 14) and faninam (1. 15) and the medial forms in ora fio (1. 15) and in the ligature in Kanha-bem mi- (1.4). The use of the cerebral nasal is erratic and in the majority of cases the dental has boen used but the cerebral is rather rare and is to be met with in sampuna- (1.2) and guna- (1.17) only. With the exception of two cases all the sibilants are dental. These two cases are the cerebral in -desha- (1. 11) and the palatal in vinibrito
1 Vol. XIII, pp. 221 ff.
· Vol. XIV. pp. 150 ff. . Acta Orientalia, Vol. I, pp. 12 ft.
J. R. A. 8., 1922, pp. 83 f. Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of India, 1922-23, p. 130.

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(1. 17). The writing seems to have been done by three different hands, and it is possibly on this account that the forms of the characters sometimes differ. The first part of the inscription was written on a carefully dressed surface but after the 4th and 5th lines the surface was undressed; and towards the end of all the lines after the 5th there are numerous chisel-marks which make the decipherment extremely difficult.
73
The language of the inscription is Prakrit. The use of ra, the affix o at the end of the nominatives of masculine stems ending in a, and the absence of palatal a show that it is not Magadhi or any eastern dialect of it. Throughout the inscription the dental has practically replaced all other sibilants. The doubling of consonants, even when necessary, has been omitted. The cerebralisation of dentals is also to be seen, as a paisanthapanam (1. 3). There is also an attempt to approach classical Sanskrit in certain cas es, e.g., Mähämegha vahanena (1. 1) and vamdapayati (1. 12), etc. Throughout the record the liqu ifaction of consonants is absent. This would indicate that the record was composed by a man from Western India who wrote in a literary dialect. It is quite possible that the record was composed by a Jaina monk from Gujarat or the Maharashtra who might have been brought into Kalinga by King Kharavela for the purpose mentioned in 1. 16. The language of the record is a very near appros.ch to the canonical Pali. But, as in Jaina Sauraseni, tha in this dialect becomes dha, cf. padhame (1. 3), radha (1. 4), vitadha (1. 5), Goradhagiri- (1. 7), Madhuram (1. 8), Bharaalhavasa- (1. 10), Utaräpadha- (1. 11), but not in all cases, cf. Pithumda- (1. 11). The extraordinary form chavuthe (1. 5) is a graphic form of chaithe, but Prakrit cha" becomes cho in Choyathi (1. 16) which. is a later Prakrit form of chatuḥshashti. So also Sanskrit tvaritam becomes tur iyam (1. 16) instead of turiam. Perhaps turitam was the intermediate form but the change of ta into ya instead of a is exceptional.1
The characters of the inscription show great var iety. Among the vowels, the initial forms of a, a, i, e, o are to be found in it. The medial a its denoted by a perfectly horizontal line in many cases as well as by a slanting stroke, as in pathaj payati (1. 4) and -samuthäpitähi (1. 15). The medial form of the long i shows two diverging slanting strokes, in -sarira- (1. 2) and two converging ourved strokes in kiḍitā (1. 2). Among consonants two different forms of kha are noticeable, Khāravele (1. 1) and lekha (1. 2) in which the triangle at the bottom is either present or absent. Two different forms of ga are present, the angular Maurya form, as in nagarim (1. 5), and the broad. backed Kushāna form, as in Kalimg-a° (1. 1). Three forms of gha are clear: (1) the Maurya form with a circular bottom, (2) the transitional form in which the only side of the curve has turned into a right angle, ef. -oghatitam (1. 6), and (3) the complete second century form in which, though the length of the left-hand side vertical is not reduced, the lower part of the letter consists of two right angles instead of a curve. Two different forms of ta are to be found: the Maurya, as in hita-, -ti-vasa- (1. 6) and the later, as in "pateye (1. 6). In the case of da also we find two forms: the Maurya, as in pamdarasa- (1. 2) and the later, as in dati (1. 9). Three different forms can be distinguished in the case of pa and ma(1) the Maurya form, as in pathapayati and pachkima(1. 4); (2) the transitional form, as in patina (1. 1), -käripanahi (1. 5), matuka- (1. 7), Madhuram (1. 8), etc.; (3) the later form with angles fully developed in the place of curves as in kapa-rukhe (1. 9), apayato (1. 8), -samaja (1. 5), and Satamam (1. 7). It should be noted that the Kushapa form of ma is altogether wanting in this inscription. So also in the case of ha we find the Maurys form in -sahasehi and haya- (1. 4), the transitional form in Mahārāja and Mähämeghavāhane (1. 1) and the angular form in -vavahara- (1. 2). The general duct of the writing shows that the Hathigumpha inscription was inscribed at a time when the length of the verticals had not begun.. to decrease and the curves had just begun to become angularised. Therefore, this inscription
[866 f. hk. 11 & 12 on page 80 below.-Ed.]

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belongs to the same period as the earliest inscription from Mathură edited by Bühler1, and it cannot be earlier than the beginning of the 2nd century B.C. or later than that of the 1st century B.C. For na, na and other letters a reference is invited to the detailed palæographical analysis by RDB, elsewhese."
There are two symbols, one over the other at the beginning, and one at the end of the record. At the beginning the first symbol looks like a crown. KPJ. identifies it with the Vaddha-mangala. The second is the Svastika. The last symbol is the Sacred Tree within a square enclosure or railing. There is an elaborate system of spacing in this record, the larger, corresponding to full stops. There is space before almost every proper name. The smaller spaces indicate clauses of a sentence.
It has been proved by repeated examinations of the rock that there is no date in a Maurya era in the 16th line of this inscription, as supposed by the late Bhagvanlal Indraji and ourselves formerly. The date will therefore depend upon synchronisms. The first of these synchronisms is with Satakarni. It is now absolutely certain that the family name of the dynasty founded by Simuka is Satavahana and not Satakarni. The Nanaghat inscriptions supply the label Raya Simuka-Satavahano for the statue of Simuka. There were more kings than one of the name of Satakarni, and the first king of that name is called Siri Satakamņi both on his coins and in the label on his statue at Nanaghat. Subsequent Satakarnis with whose names we meet in epigraphical records added their metronymics to distinguish themselves from their predecessors, e.g., Gautamiputra Satakarni, Vasishṭhiputra Siva-Sri Satakarni and Gautamiputra Śrī Yajña Satakarni. It is therefore evident that this record refers to a Satakarni who was a contemporary king in the Western regions. The name is not to be taken as a reference to an unidentified dynastic title. And the only king of this dynasty who can safely be ascribed to the period when Kharavela was ruling is Śri Satakarni, the husband of Nayanika, and not Gautamiputra or Siva-Sri or Sri Yajña. About Gautamiputra Satakarni it is to be observed that the long record in cave No. 3 in the Päṇḍuleņa group does not mention the king or the country of Kalinga, and thereby proves that Kalinga or Orissa was not included in his conquests and, very probably also, that he did not come in close contact with Kharavela or any other king of Kalinga, though the Amaravati and China inscriptions of Pulumavi and Sri Yajña prove definitely that the whole of Kalinga had passed under their dominion. The other kings of the name of Satakarni are excluded as being, inter alia, too late to be Kharavela's contemporaries. According to the Puranic lists Satakarni II comes 36 years after Satakarni I. RDB. has proved that the dissentient view about the Häthigumpha inscription being later than the Nanaghat records is untenable. Therefore the Satakarni of the Häthigumpha inscription must be Satakarni I. The statement in 1. 6 about Kharavela's subjugation of the Rathikas and Bhojakas shows that up to the 4th year of the reign of Kharavela they existed as sepa. rate states, as in the time of Asoka, but subsequently these states must have been swallowed up by the Satavahanas. Therefore, Kharavela's conflict with Satakarni must have taken place
1 Ante, Vol. II, p. 198.
Memoirs, A. 8. B., Vol. X, pp. 133 ff.
J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. III, p. 429.
KPJ. put it forward in 1914 in bis Brahmin Empire, and the view has been confirmed by the discovery of the last record of the family-name, clearly. Ante, Vol. XIV, p. 153. Satavahana as the family-name is fully borne out by literature. [See J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XVI, pp. 258 ff. on Satavahana history.-K. P. J.]
Ante, Vol. X, App. Nos. 1248 and 1340.
Memoirs, A. 8. B., Vol. X, p. 145. [See also J. B. O. R. 8., XVI, pp. 258 ft.-K. P. J.]

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75
before the formation of the Sātavāhana empire covering the whole of Marāțhi-speaking (e.g., Barhādi, Khāndesi, Northern Marāthi and Konkani) area.
The reference in the 6th line to the canal from Tanasuliya-räta, which was excavated in the year 103 of King Nanda, will fix the upper limit of Khāravela's time, like the reference to Muriyakäla (the time of Muriya in l. 16). Chālukya Vikramāditya VI in the Yedarūve inscription is said to have established his Chalukya era after abolishing the eras of Vikramaditya, Nanda and Saka. "Having said 'Why should the glory of the Kings Vikramiditya and Nanda be a hind rance any longer ?', he, with a loudly uttered command, abolished that (era) which has the name of Saka, and made that (era) which has the Chalukya counting ".1 Acain, we have the definite datum that Alberuni found in use in his time an era with the initial year 458 B.C., which goes back to the time of the first Nanda king (Nanda Vardhana). The year 103 of the Nanda cra would correspond to 355 B.C. when the Tanasuliya canal, which Khára ela extended to the capital in the 5th year of his reign, was originally excavated. If we take this Nanda to be tbe last Nanda, Khåravela would be referring to (325 B.C.-103=)c. 222 B.C. and not to any later year. But we have something more definite in the next datum, namely, the contemporaneity with Baha. satimita. In line 12 Kharavela reaches the Sugamgiya palace, i.e., the famous Maurya palace at Pataliputra mentioned in the Mudrārākshasa. Bahasatimita is expressly called the King of Magadha. Now we know from coins that Bahasatimitra and Agnimitra issued coins of the same type. This much we may take as certain that the time of Bahasatimitra, whosoever he may be, is the first half of the 2nd century B.C. Āshādhasēna, who belonged to the royal family of Adhichchhatrā, describes himself as the maternal uncle of King Bahasatimitra in the Pabhosā inscription, and Ashādhasēna dates his record in the 10th year of Odraka, whom KPJ. has identified with a king of the Sunga dynasty. Bahasatiinitra's coins have been found at Kosam (Kauáāmbi)' which was a state on the borders of Magadha. The characters of the coins agree with those of the Häthigumpha inscription. As Bahasatimitra does not occur in the list of the Mauryan kings and as his connection with the family of Odraka is indicated by the Pabhosā record, we are justified in taking him as one of the early Sungas before Odraka, the fifth king of the line. In other words, Khåravela's contemporary Bahasatimita would belong to a period between 188 B.C. and c. 125 B.C. It is true that we do not find the name of Bțihaspatimitra in the Sunga list. But we have the explanation given in the Purāņas themselves. It is reported there that Pushpamitra made others rule; the Vāyu says that be made his 8 sons rule equally, i.e., with equal powers. We know that Agnimitra ruled at Vidisā with a separate court of his own. Probably the 6th son was ruling in Kösala as the Sunga inscription at Ayodhya would suggest. 10 It is significant that Pushyamitra is not called king in this record, but his title Senā pati is there just as it is in Kālidāsa's Malavikāgnimitra. Similarly the dating on the Bhärhut gate" in the reign of the Sungas” confirms the Purānic datum that several sons ruled at the same time in different parts) under Pushyamitra. The Vāyu-Purāna places in the imperial list (of Magadha) the sons of Agnimitra, and not Agnimitra himself, after Pushyamitra. As
1 Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 477. J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XIII, pp. 237, 241 ; Sachau, Vol. II, pp. 5 to 7. Act III. . Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p. 525. . Ante, Vol. II, p. 242. • Ibid. For Udraka as a proper name oompare Divydadana, p. 392.
Asta, p. 243 n. 17. • V. A. Smith, Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, Vol. I, p. 156, .J. B. O. R. S., Vol. X, p. 202, Vol. XIII, pp. 247 and 218. 10 J. B.O. R. 8., Vol. XIII, pp. 247, 248 and p. 57 sbove.

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Bțihaspatimitra is not in the royal list of Magadha between Agnimitra's sons and Odraka, we shall be justified in taking him to a period before Agnimitra's sons succeeded to the Magadha throne, i.e., to the time of Pushyamitra himself.
The most important contribution of the Hāthīgumpha inscription is the synchronism of Khāravela with the Indo-Greek king Demetrios. This important discovery was made in November 1919, and it was settled that after the phrase Yavana-rāja comes the name Dimita... ....Beyond this name not a single succeeding word of the sentence can be read. Demetrios, son of Euthydemos I, is generally well-known as the conqueror of India. It is mentioned in a verse of Chaucer quoted nearly half a century ago by Cunningham. Strabo refers to the fact that the kingdom of Bactria had expanded in a remarkable way beyond its original limits and that the kings responsible for its enlargement were Demetrios and Menander. Beyond this nothing could be said about the Indian conquests of Demetrios before the discovery of the king's name in the Häthigumphā record. Justin calls him the king of the Indians. He was probably driven out of Bactria by a rival king named Eukratides and had to settle down in Afghánistān anii India. The surest indication of his dominion over some part of India is the use of the Kharoshtni script on some of his copper coins with the use of the title Aparajita. Unfortunately we do not know the exact date of Demetrios except through synchronisms. He conducted negotia tions between his father Euthydemos I and Antiochus III of Syria and married the latter's daughter. Therefore he must have been a young man towards the close of the third cent cury B.C. His Indian campaigns appear to have been undertaken when he had come to the throne in mature age, and his coins show that he was between 30 and 35 when his reign be gan. Numismatists distinguish two Demetrioses, taking Demetrios II to be the son of Demetrios 1. It would be absurd to say that the Indian conquests of the first dynasty of the Bactro Greek kings were made by Demetrios II. The Indian campaigns of Demetrios and his advance at Pătaliputra are distinctly described in Yuga-Purāņa of the Gargi-samhita. The historical text of the work has been recently collected from different MSS. by KPJ.' Section 5 contains the account of the Greek invasion of Pataliputra and a battle at that place. It is stated t) at after conquering Säkēta, Mathurā and Panchala the Greeks reached Kusumadhvaja, and 8 t Pushpapura, hie., Pataliputra, there was a great battle fought on the mud-embedded western ramparte with engines (ballistae or catapultae), and the outlying districts became full of disorder. Further on (section 7) there is a mention of Demetrios as Dharmamita where it is distinctly s tated that his officers would oppress the people. Finally it is stated that intoxicated with fighting the Greeks would not stay in the Middle Country and that there would be a furious eivil war among themselves in their own country. This statement is corroborated by the Greek acer junts of the roat civil war in Bactria and Afghanistán between Demetrios and his successors ani 1 Eucratides
The objetion of Prof. Raphon (Cambridge History of India, Vol. L p. 637, note that there is an interval of 25 years between Pushyamitra and Odrake, and therefore Asbadharins, the matemal uncle of Bahmatimitra, annot be wonnected with Bnbaantimitra of Pablonk has not much foroo in oonntry where people marty more than one wilo at the sense time and where maternal uncles are often found to be much younger than their nephews.
It was announced by Sir Edward Guit in his presidential address to the Bihar and Orissa! Realaroh Society in 1920 (J. b. O. R. 8., Vol. VI, p. 8). The late Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sast did not hot so this discovery even in 1922-28. Cf. Annual Report of the Archaological Survey of India, 1922-28, p. 130.
. Cambridge History of India, Vol. 1, pp. 44-45.
Catalogue of the Coins in the Punjab Museum, Lahore, Vol. I, p. 14, No. 26. . Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, Plato III. &
Ibid., p. 451. "J, B. O. R. 8., Vol. XIV, PP. 897-491 and Vol. XV. pp. 140-180

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and the kings of the dynasty founded by him. Therefore his mention in the Hathigumpha inscription proves definitely that Kharavela must have flourished in the first half of the 2nd century B.C.
77
The compilation (upadayati) of the Amgas is described in line 16 as the crowning act of glory of Kharavela. This was undertaken and completed in the 13th year. Learned Jainas from all over India were assembled in a conference (samghayanam), evidently on the Kumari Hill of sacred associations, and they put together once more the scattered or lost sacred texts of Jainism. The Jaina tradition asserts that in the reign of Chandragupta Maurya a Jaina con ference was held at Päṭaliputra after the 12 years' famine was over but that no agreement could be reached as to the restoration of the texts. Kharavela's wide conquests from the Pandya country up to the North-Western Frontiers and from the Maratha country up to Magadha and his consequent political influence made it possible for him to have the texts recompiled. That the term Anga' denotes the Jaina canonical Angas is proved by the adjective consisting of 64' (choyathi), which is a very difficult and mysterious expression. The Jaina tradition says that 64 letters make up the Jaina sacred literature. The Jainas at present give a mystic interpretation, vide Mr. J. L. Jaini in his Introduction to the Jiva-Khanda of the Gommaṭasāra at p. 12. He says: The knowledge of Sruti, Śruta-Jñana, may be of things which are contained in the Angas (Limbs or sacred books of the Jainas) or of things outside the Angas. There are 64 simple letters of the alphabet. Of these 33 are consonants, 27 vowels and 4 auxiliary (which help in the formation of compound letters). The total number of possible combinations of these 64 simple letters into compounds of 2, 3, 4, or more up to 64 letters is: 24-1-1,84,46,74, 40,73,70,95,51,615.
These are the letters (simple and compound) of Śruta in its entirety. This number being divided by 16,348,307,888, which is the number of letters in a central foot (madhyamapada) of the Paramagama (Sacred Jaina Literature), gives us the number of padas of the Angas as 11,283, 58,005. The remainder 80,108,175 gives us the letters of that part of Śruta which is not contained in the Angas. This part is divided into 14 Prakīrņakas".
44
4
In our opinion the Jainas had an alphabet of 64 letters several of which were not actual letters but symbols.
One school of the Jainas maintains that only 11 Angas were recovered after the loss. If we read "Anga-satika-turiyam" instead of "Amga satika(m) turiyam" we may get the meaning that the re-compiled Angas were in two groups, Satika saptika, group of seven texts, and Turiya turiya, a group of four texts. In any case the Jaina tradition about the loss and the recovery of the texts stands confirmed, and here we find another instance of the faithfulness of the Jaina tradition. The monks honoured at the Kumari Hill in the 13th year were Svētāmbaras as they were given pieces of China-cloth (silk) (china-vatani china-vastrani) and white robes (vāsa-sitāni). Kharavela, by his religious enterprise, was emulating Chandragupta and Asoka. But posterity has completely forgotten him.
Fortunately the majority of the names of places mentioned in this record can be identified. Kalimganagari is the ancient capital. Kalinga, a city which has now disappeared, lay close to Kalingapatanam, a place on the Bay of Bengal in the Ganjam district of the Madras Presidency. Kanha-bernna is Krishna-verna of the Rashtrakuta period and the modern Krishna. Musikanagaram was probably a city on the river Musi in its upper reaches near Golkonda-Hyderabad
1 On the occurrence of China in the Arthasästra and its connection with Shina the Gilgit tribe see Hindu Polity,' I, 212; cf. Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. X, pt. 4, p. 5n.
[The Kannapenna or Kappabanna of Pali literature.-Ed.]
The confluence of the Musi and the Krishna is mentioned in a copper-plate, ante, Vol. VI, p. 209. [Muziris on the Malabar coast is suggested as a possible alternative-R. D. B.]

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As to the peoples mentioned in the inscription the Rathikas are probably the Maharathis or the people of northern Mahārāshtra, i.e., the inhabitants of the modern districts of East Khandesh, Näsik, Ahmadnagar, Poona and the northern taluks of Sholapur; the Bhojakas are likely the same as Mahābhājas, i.e., the inhabitants of the Marathi-speaking districts of the Central Provinces and Berār.
The Tanasuliya or Tanasuliya väţa cannot be identified by us. Vajiraghara remained under the same name till the 12th century A.D. when it is mentioned by Kulottunga Chola I or the Chāļukya-Chōļa Rajendra Chõļa II, as Vayirăgara in the Tiruvorriyūr Adhipuriśvara temple inscription of the second year. It states that Räjakesarivarman alias Rajendra Chola II captured elephants at this place and defeated the king of Dhāra at Chakrakotta. In the Pāndava-Perumāļ temple at Conjeeveram another Tamil inscription of the 5th year of the same king, who is called Räjakësarivarman alias Kulõttunga Chola I, informs us that the king's victories at Vaijirāgara and Chakrakotta were gained while he was the heir-apparent, i.e., before 8th October 1070 A.D. Chakrakotta has been correctly identified by Rai Bahadur Hiralal with Chakra-Kotyā in the Bastar State of the Central Provinces. It is therefore certain that this Vayirāgara is the same as modern Wairagadh in the Chanda district of the same province. Kielhorn restored the name Vayirāgara as Vairākara. The form Vajiraghara in this record shows that the original form was Vajra-griha or Vajra-gadha in Prakrit which came to be written as Vayirāgaram in Tamil. Both Chakra-Koțyā and Wairagadh are on the road from Central Kalinga to Southern Mālwā. Goradhagiri is no doubt the ancient name of the Barābar Hills in the Gayå district, as proved by Mr. V. H. Jackson, I.E.S., the late principal of the Patna College who, along with Mr. Russell, discovered the inscriptions on boulders near the top, giving the name correctly as Görathagiri. Mr. Jackson also described immense fortifications on the hill top. The place was an important outpost on the western flank of the ancient capital of Magadha, Girivraja or Rājagriha or Rajagaha. It is mentioned in the Mahābhārata where the route of Bhima and Krishna to Girivraja is described. Rājagriha or Rājagaha, the ancient capital of Magadha, still exists as Rājgir, famous as a Jaina Tirtha and for its hot springs, in the Bihar sub-division of the Patna district of Bihar and Orissa. Madhura is undoubtedly the northern Mathura in the United Provinces. Bharadhavasa (Skt. Bharatavarsha) means the plains of Northern India. Pithumda is Ptolemy's Pitundra, a city which no longer exists, but which was an important port even in the first century A.D. Tamira or Tramira is equal to Dravida or Dramila, i.e., the Tamilagam or the Tamil speaking districts of the Madras Presidency known as Damirike to classical writers. Utaräpadha is Sanskrit Uttarapatha which included cur North-Western Frontier Province. Magadha is south-western Bihār consisting of the modern diatricts of Patna, Gaya and the north-western Hazaribāgh, while Anga consisted of the portions of the districts of Bhagalpur and Monghyr which lie to the south of the Ganges, adjoining Mazadha. The Panda-Raja of this inscription refers to the kings of the southern extremity of the Indian Peninsula from Madura to Cape Comorin.
We edit the inscription from the rock, the cast in the Patna Museum and from impressions taken by us as well as by the Curator of the Patna Museum.
1 Ante, Vol. VIT, App. pp. 124-25, Nos. 756, 761. Seo also note 4 on p. 124. * V.B.O.R.S., Vol. I, p. 159.
lóid., Vol. III, p. 469.
Ibid, Vol. I, pp. 160 and 161.
. For the antiquities of Rajgir soo Marshall's account in the Anwal Report of the Archa logical Survey of India, 1905-05, Part ii, pp. 88 ff.
.J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XIV, p. 151.

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THE HATHIGUMPHA INSCRIPTION OF KHARAVELA.
TEXT.1
1 [Two symbols] Namo Ar[i]ba mtänam [.] Namo sava-Sidhanam[*] Aire a3 hārājena Mähämeghavahanena' Cheti-raja-vasa"-vadhanena pasatha-subha lakhanena chaturamta-luthita-gun-opahitena Kalimg-adhipatina" siri-Khāra
velena
2 pamdarasa-vasāni
79
siri-kaḍāra-sarira'vatā kiḍitä kumāra-kiḍikā[*] Tato lekha-rupa-ganana 10-vavahara 11-vid hi-visāradena sava-vijāvadātena nava-vasāni Yovaraja[m]13 pasāsitam[*] Sampuna-chatu-visati-vaso tadāni vadhamana 14. sesayo Ven-abhivijayo 15 tatiye
Ma
3 Kalinga raja-va[m]se purisa-yuge Mähäräj-abhisechanam17 papunāti[.*] Abhisita-mato cha padhame 18 vase[,] väta-vihita-gopura-pakara-nivesanam pațisamkharayati[*] Kalimga-nagari-Khibira-isi-tala 20-taḍaga-padiyo 21 cha bamdhapayat] sav-uyana-pa[ṭi]samthapanam cha
4 karayati panatīsāhi sata-sahasehi Pakatiyo cha ramjayati[.] Dutiye cha vase achitayitā Sātakamnim pachhima-disam haya-gaja-nara-radha-bahulam damdam pathāpayati[*] Kanha-berṇa-23-gataya cha senuya vitasitam Musika-nagaram "[*] Tatiye puna vase
5 gamdhava-veda-budho dapa-nata-gita-vadita-samdamsanahi
usava-samāja-kārāpanahi cha kiḍāpayati nagarim [*] Tatha chavuthe vase Vijādharādhivāsaṁ ahata-puvam Kalinga-puva 25-raja-[nivesitam] vitadha-ma[ku]ta-sabilama[dh]ite cha nikhita-chhata
6 bhimgare hita-ratana-sapateye sava-Rathika-Bhojake 20 päde vamdapayati[*] Pamchame cha däni vase Namda-raja"-ti-vasa-sata-oghatitam Tanasuliyavātā panāḍim Nagaram pavesa[ya]ti [*] So . . . . bhisito cha Raja-s28. [u]ya[m] samdasayamto sava-kara-vanaṁ
7 anugaha-anekāni sata-sahasäni visajati Poram Janapadath[*] Satamam cha vasam pasāsato Vajiraghara-vati-ghusita-gharini sa matuka-pada-pumna. . [ku]ma... [*] Athame cha vase mahata sen[a]
Goradhagirim
sava-gahanam cha karayitum Arahato [va ?] . . .
8 ghātāpayitā Rājagahaṁ upapiḍāpayati[.] Etin[a] cha kammapadana-sa[m]nadena 2 samb[i]ta-sena-vahane vipamu 30[m]chitu Madhuram apayato vana-raj[a] D[i]mi[ta]11. . . . yachhati. ... ... palava..
Ya
9 kapa-rukhe haya-gaja-radha-saha-yahte
sava-ghar-āvāsa-parivasane agipathiya3 Bamhapānam jātim pariharam dadāti[*] . . [gi]ya[to]
10. . . k.i. māna[ti]rāja-samnivāsam Mahāvijayam pāsādam kārayati athatisaya sata-sahasehi[.] Dasame cha vase damḍa-samdhi-sama]-mayo Bharadhavasa-paṭhānam mah[i]-jayanam . . . . . . kārāpayati . . .
p[älyätänam cha man[i]-ratnani upalabhate
(a) [The reading seems to be janapada-bhavanaṁ.-Ed.]
11 [mamdam] cha Ava raja-nivesitam Pithumḍam 34 gadabha-namgalena kasayati janasa dabhavanam(a) cha terasa vasa-satikam abhi[m]dati T[r]amira. desha-sarghatam[.*] Bārasame cha vase. hasa ke [saha]
sehi vitasayati Utarapadha-rājāno . . .

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14..
.
.
.
.
12 M[a]gadhänam cha vipulam bhayam janeto hathi Sugamgiya[m] paya
yati [*] M[äga]dha[m]* cha rājānam Baha[sa]timitam7 pädevamdapayatif.*] Namda-rāja-nitam eha Kā[li]mga-Jinam" samnive[sa]. .....
[gaha)-rata[nā]n[m] padībārehi* Amga-Magadha"-vasum cha" neyāti[.*] 13 .......... katu[m] jathara-1[i]khila barani siharani nivesayati sata
visikanam" (pa]ribārebis.*) Abhutam=acbhariyam cha hathi-nivā(sa)-parisara".... haya-hathi-ratanā [mānikam] Parda-rājā [ch-edāni anekāni] m[u]ta-mani-ratanini äharāpayati idha s t []. ........ sino v asikaroti[.* Terasame cha Vase supavatavijaya-chaka-Kumāri-pavate arahayate pa-khiņa-sam[si]"tebi kāya-nisidiyāya yapa-sävakehi rāja-bhitini china-vatāni vās[a]-s[i]täni" [*] püj-anurata
uvās[aga-Khajravela"-sirina jiva-deha-(siri]kä parikhita 15 ........ sukat[@]-samaņa-suvihitānań cha sata-disanam ñan[i]nam
tapas[i]-is[i]nam samghayanam"[.*] Arahata-nisidiyā samipe pābhäre var-ākāra-samuthäpitähi aneka-yojan-āhitāhi pa si. 0......... silähi Simha
patha-rani-Si[m]dhulāya" nisayani 16 ........ Patalako chaturo cha vedūriya-gabhe thambhe patitha
payatis,*) pânatariya sata-sa hase[hi];*) Muriya-kāla-vochhinam cha choyath[i] Amga-satika[m] turiyam upadayati(.*) Khema-rājā sa Vadharāja sa Bhikhu-rājā Dhama-rājā pasamt[o] sunat[o] anubhavat[0] kala
pāni
....... guna-visesa-kusalo sava-påsarhda-păjako SAVA-de[v-iya]tanasamkhāra-kārako [a]patihata-chaki-vähini-balo chaka-dhura-guta-chako pavatachako rājasi-Vasa-kula'h vinirito" mahā-vijayo Räja-Khäravela-siris.*] [Symbol].
NOTES ON THE TEXT. 1. For facsimile plates see J. B. O.R.S., Vols. III, IV and XIII.
2. The reading Ario was corrected from Arão after Mr. Banerji's death, with the help of Muni Jinavijaya.-K. P. J.)
3. Airena is the equivalent of Ailena, meaning a descendant of Ila or Iļā, father or mother of Pururavas. The same title is also to be found in the Mañchapuri Cave inscription of Kūdepasirt. For the change of l into r see T[r]amara in line 11 below. (In connection with this titre tše description in the last line rājasi-Pasi-kula-vinisrito may be noted. The Puranic tradition of Rajars i as well as of the Aila dynasty was thus well-established before khårivela's time..P. J.]
Māhā mekavāhana.-Probably the reading in the Mañchapuri inscription is also Mäha. meghavāhana and not Mahāmeghaváhana. The long vowel over the first syllable Mão is quite clear in this inscription. The increase in the strength of the vowel indicates that King Kháravels was a descendant of Mahămēghav hana, who might have been the recent founder of the dynasty.
6. Cheti-rāja-vasa-.--Evidently Cheti is the same as Chēdi.. The later Chedis, Kalachuris or Haibayas of Dābhāla or Dāhala were in occupation of modern Baghelkhand and Chhattisgadh in the medieval period. Before that in the 7th century the Kalachuria Salkaragtitia and Bud(harija were in possession of Malwisud the Northern Maharãokiţra until their conquest by the derty Chalukya of Bädami. The Buddhist books mention Chëti' as one of the sixteert great king. Jonus or nations of Northern India. In the dynastic liste given in the Peronas, the Haihayag 1 Ante, Vol. XIII, p. 100.
of Konow, Acts Orientalia, Vol. I, p. 38. Rhys Davids, Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p. 172.

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81
are a branch of the Yādavas. The origin of the Chedis is thus stated by Pargiter : Vidarbha of the Yadava clan had three sons named Bhima Kratha, Kaišika and Lomapada. Kaifika's son Chidi founded the dynasty of Chaidya kings in Chēdi. From Chidi the name of the clan as well as that of the country became Chēdi. In the Buddhist books Chēti is placed between Malla and Varsa indicating that the kingdom lay close to Kausāmbi in the Allahābād district, and it is very likely that modern Baghelkhand was originally called Chēdi. Vasu, from whose Jine Kharavela's family descended (1. 17) was, however, not a Chaidya, but the conqueror of the Chēdi country. He was fifth in descent from Kuru who was the 72nd Aila (J. R. A. S., 1910, pp. 22, 26-29). The Jaina Harivansa-Purana also includes Vasu in the Aiļēya list and as the son of the founder of Chëdi-rashtra in the Vindhyas (J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XV, p. 277).-K. P. J.)
6. Kaling-ādhi patinā.-The term Kalinga is usually applied to the northern part of the Telagu-speaking districts of the Madras Presidency. In the Purānas, Kalinga is associated with Anga (south-eastern Bihár), Vanga (eastern Bengal), Pundra (northern Bengal) and Suhma (south-western Bengal). The names of these five countries were given according to the names of the five sons of Bali,' i.e., the tradition treats the kingdoms to be early Aryan conquests and states. In the Vāyu and the Brahmānda-Purānas, Kalinga is associated with the Mahisha country (later Māhishmati, modern Mahesor in the Indore State on the river Narmadā). This text would indicate that Utkala was included in Kalinga in the time of Kharavela and the later name Odra had not come into existence. The Purāņic texts further indicate that the term Utkala was applied in early times to the billy country between Gaya and Orissa, i.e., modern Chhota. Nagpur and the Garhjat States. “The Saudyumnas had been almost overwhelmed by the Anavas and Pauravas, and were restricted to the Utkalas and other clans which occupied the hilly tracts from Gaya to Orissa." The transfer of the term Utkala to the plain country along the sea-board is therefore later.
7. Siri-kadara-sarira-vatā.Kadāra means reddish fair, according to Amara, and a slave according to the Mëdini. If it is a Prakrit derivation from katāra, then it means" nāgarah or kāmin,” according to the Sabdamála (Vāchaspatyam). The explanation given in the Amarakösha is more suitable as meaning " of beautiful reddish body."
8. Lekha or Royal Correspondence, & manual of which was written in the time of the Chāļukyas of Anahilapātana and has been published from Baroda. This lekha cannot refer to the art of writing. The subjeet is dealt with in the Artha kastra of Kautalya.?
9. Rūpa must be the equivalent of rupya meaning currency. In the present inscription the position of the word rūpa shows that the meaning cannot be anything else. The exact mean ing of the term is made clear by the explanation of Buddhaghosha on a passage of the Mahāvagga. The term is explained thus : "he who learns the rupa-sutra must turn over and over many Kärshāpanas." Finally, the term rupa-darsaka in the Arthaśāstra translated as "Examiner of Coins” shows that the term rūpa was used in cases 88 in the present inscription with
1 Pargiter, Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, p. 102. Ibid., p. 272. • Ibid., p. 109. • Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 54.
Pargiter, Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, p. 292. • Lekha-paddhati, Ge ekwad's Oriental Serion, p. 58. ? Mysore edn. (1919), pp. 70-75.
It is impossible to imagine that the prince learned acting. We can compare the word lupadakhe in the Jögimärä сave in scription where also it may mean a currency officer. The term is also taken te moen & City-Magistrate who could recognise offenders at a glance. Anmal Report of the Archaologioul Survey of India 1903-04, pp. 128-30. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVIII, p. 131.
.S.B.E., Vol. XID(p. 201. Doma

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reference to currency. The term did not refer to silver currency alone but to other metals also, as we find the term tāmra-rupa in the Arthaśāstra.
10. Gananā.-This term occurs in the Arthasastra and has been translated as Accountancy. An entire chapter has been devoted to it there and the subject is explained in detail. It is oertain that this term could not have been used for elementary mathematics in this inscription as supposed by Bühler. Knowledge of lēkha, rūpa, and gananā is here coupled with that of law and learning and refers to a post-boyhood period.
11. Vavahāra.-Vyavahāra meaning Civil Law or Municipal Law us opposed to
12. Vidhi or Religious Law which is mentioned in Sanskrit legal literature as positive injunctions.
13. Yovarajan Yauvarajyam.--Yövarajam shows the shortening of the internal medial vowel in the second member and the graphic lightening of double consonant, as in the case of Māhārājao (1.3), rañi (1. 15), etc.
14. vadhamana-serayo.-Though the incision of these two words is perfectly clear they cannot be satisfactorily explained by us. The equation vardhamana-sai savo is not quite satisfactory as a change of v into y is not to be had anywhere else in this record. The meaning proposed in the translation is adopted for want of a better one. There may be a pun intended by the use of the word vadhamana which is the early narre of the last Tirthankara. The verb pāpunāti=prāpnóti shows that the sentence is in the active voice and complete by itself. After this line the forms are generally causative.
15. Ven-ābhivijayo.-The reading is perfectly clear. The ancient monarch Vēna, father of Prithu, was an unorthodox king according to Brāhmanical literature. According to the Padma-Purāna he began his reign well but subsequently became a Jaina. He abolished the law of levirate (niyoga) and caused a confusion or abolition of castes, according to Manu. Vëna was a great conqueror and therefore the term abhivijaya is very appropriate in his case. Evidently the tradition recorded in the Padma-Purāna was well-established in the time of Khāravela and therefore the Jaina monarch is compared to Vēna.
16. Kaliga-rāja-va[]se.--In the third line the details about Khāravela's ancestry are made clear. . He was born in the royal line of Chēti and was the overlord of Kalinga, but the dynasty to which he belonged was the 3rd dynasty of the kings of Kalinga. This dynasty was one of the
Aila dynasties settled in Central and Southern India. The name Khāravela (probably, one whose waves are brackish'=the Ocean) is unusual, and so is the name of the other king of the dynasty, viz., Kūdepa (Mañchapuri inscription). Khāravela is described to be an Aila or Aida, that is, of the Lunar House as opposed to the Solar. Pargiter holds that the kings of the Aija stock held the Ganges and the Jumna valleys from the Siwālik Hills to Magadha, the country between the Rājputāna desert and the Berār, with the Pañjāb and Peshawar in the north and East Bibār and Bengal proper in the east. The town and country of Vidarbha is generally recognised to be the modern Berār.
17. Māhārāj-abhisechanam.-The regular abhisheka of a Chakravartin Monarch (called the Aindra-mahābhisheka in the Satapatha and Aitareya Brāhmaṇas).'
18. Padhame.--In this dialect tha becomes dha in the majority of cases, e.g., Goradha Goratha, raha=rutha, Bharadhavasa=Bharathavasa and Madhuram for Mathuram. The change is well-known and probably it is an influence of Dravidian origin.
1 Text p. 84, Engl. trans., p. 95. (Dr. Shamasastry's edition.) • Manavalharmasastra, Cb. IX, vv. 66-67.
Jayaswal, Hindu Polity, Pt. ii, p. 27. This peculiarity is found in Jaina-Saurasoni, Saurasēni, Magadhi and Dhakki. Soe Pischel, Gramma.lt der Prakrit Sprachen, para. 203.--Ed.)

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19. Kalinga-nagari.—The capital of the Kalinga country, very likely now represented by Kalingapatanam in the Ganjām district. The ancient capital of Kalinga, according to the tradi. tion prevalent in the Chicacole taluk of the Ganjam district, was swallowed up by the sea. Frayments of bas-reliefs of the Maurya period with the well-known protuberance on the head-dress have been, however, discovered by RDB. in the temples of Mukhalingesvara and Kūrmēsvara in the locality. The coast from Chhatrapuram to Masulipatam is subject to great cyclones during the north-eastern monsoon and the majority of ancient sites on this coast are buried in drift sand.
20. Khibira-isi-lāla.-We have examined these two words very carefully on the rock, cs. tampages and casts. The reading is perfectly clear but no explanation seems to be possible unless Khibira is taken to be a proper nime of a Rishi who excavated the tank or lake or after whom it was named. In that case, the phrase will have to be taken as referring to a particular tank while talāga and pādiyo will refer to artifical excavations.
21. Padivo Skt. Palih. Perhaps the same as the Podhiya of Western India, cf. Pandu. lēna cave No. 10, inscription No. 10, 1. 3.1
22. Sätakamnim.--Evidently Sri Sātakarņi, the third king of the Sātavāhana dynasty, the husband of queen Nāyanikā of the Nänäghāt inscriptions in the Junnar taluk of the Poona district. [As to the Sätakarņi whose architect Vāsēthiputra Ananda gave a törana to stūpa No. I at Säñchi see J. B.O.R.S., XVI, p. 254.-K.P.J.]
23. Kasha-berin-the Sanskrit Krishnavēņi or the modern Krishna which rises near Dhom in the Sātārā district. The river flows through the Sātārā, Belgaum and Bijāpur dia. tricts and the Kolhapur and Hyderābād States into the Bay of Bengal through the Krishna district of the Madras Presidency. It forms the boundary of the Nizani's State from Alampur near Karnūl to Nandigāma in the Kistna district. The rise of the Krishna and its particulac sanctity are described in the Pūtala-khanda of the Padmapurāna. The earliest epigraphical reference is to be found in this inscription and the second in the Nāsik inscription in cave No. 10 of the Pändulēņā group where it is called Karabena. In mediæval inscriptions it is called Krishna-Vērnnā. There is no doubt about the fact that Khāravela reached the Kțishṇā somewhere in the long and erratic course of that river. It is possible that he went westwards because the term pachhima-disaṁ is expressly mentioned. But it is uncertain as to where he reached the Kțishņā.
24. Musika-nagara.--The Mūshikas are a people of Southern India as in the Mahābhārata they are mentioned along with the Vanavāsas. In the Natya-śāstra of Bharata they are probably coupled with the Tõsalas and the Košalas under the name Möśalas.? In the VishnuPurāņa the Mūsika country comes with the Stri-rājya. According to the commentary Jayamangalā on the Kamasutra of Vatsyāyana, the latter was a kingdom in the western part of the Vindhya country. There is a river Mūsi which joins the Kșishņā about the Nalgonda and the Krishņā districts. It is mentioned under the same name in the inscription of the Rāshtrakūtu
1 Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 78.
* J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. III, plate 3. As to the letter form of this inscription reference may be made to the Palaography of the Hathigumpha and Nanaghat Inscriptions, Memoirs A. S. B., Vol. X, PP. 131 ff. RDB, has proved elsewhere that later and earlier forms of the character used in an inscription depend in tie irst place on locality.
• Anandaérama edition (1894), pt. 4, VI, 113, p. 1467. Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 78. Ante, Vol. VI, p. 211.
• Bhishma-parvan, Cb. IX, 'XIII, 27. (Kavyamālā edition, p. 148.)
. Sub. Kamu-sútra, II, 6, 29.

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Govinda II of the Saka year 692=769 A.D. It is quite probable that the Musika city stood on this river.
25. Kalinnga-puva-raja.The reading is absolutely certain and the phrase should be read with reference to tatiye Kalimga-tāja-varse.
26. Rathika-Bhojake stand for the Mahārathis and Mahābhojas of Sātavāhana inscriptions and the minor inscriptions of the same period at Kānhēri, Kudā and Bēds. The Rathikas are mentioned as Ristikas in the Girpār, Rathikas in the Shāh bāzgashi and Rathakas in the Mānsēhra version of the 5th edict of Asoka. The Dhauli version supplies the analogous form in Lathika. In the 13th edict we find the Bhojakas mentioned with the Pitinakae in Shāhbāzgashi, Mānsēhrā and Kālsi versions. In the Kānhēri cave inscription of the time of Vinhukada Chuţukulānanda A Mahābhoja is also called a Mahārāja showing that Bhoja probably was a title. Mahābhojas or Mahābhojis are mentioned in five votive inscriptions in the Kuda cave. In later periods a Bhojaka is mentioned in the copper-plate inscription of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman.'
27. Namda-rāja.--King Nanda is mentioned in two places in this inscription, once in l. 6 and again in l. 12. The date in this line apparently refers to an era founded by King Nanda. His mention in connection with Magadha fixes his identity with the Magadhan Nanda dynasty,
28. Rājasügan.-The reading is perfectly clear on the rock.
29. sarinadena.-The form of the first letter seems to be a sa of the same type as that which we find in Bahasatimitam in l. 12.
30. vipamuchitu.-It seems more probable that the reading is vipamu[m?]chitu not vipamuschitun.
31. Yavana-rāja-Dimita.-The word Yavana-raja was read by KPJ. for the first time in 1919. After that the second syllable of the proper name is distinct. The first and the third can be read with great difficulty. KPJ. proposed to read the first syllable as Di but RDB. proposed that it is Di in which the broad back of the letter is turned towards the right and not the left. In Aboka's inscriptions both varieties are found but in this inscription the other variety, with the broad back to the proper left, is used in all other cases. The Greek King Demetrios calls himself Dime[tra) in his Kharöshthi coin legends.
32. aginathiya.-The reading is certain and legible on the rock only. The decay of the stone makes good impressions impossible. Both of us have examined the place carefully and repeatedly. The meaning of the term is also uncertain. It may mean some form of Vēdio sacrifice and the original form in Sanskrit might have been Agn-ishti. What had been read as sa before this word is uncertain.
33. Ava-rāja was previously read as pūva-tāja. It appears that that particular form of a in which the left lower curve is much shorter than the upper is also used in this inscription. Therefore the shorter arm of the long u may be taken to be the lower left curve of a. Ava as a dynasty is given by the Bhagavata-Purāna, and the Vishnu equates it with the Andhras. Ptolemy
1 Ante, Vol. VI, pp. 208-13,
? I am of opinion that Khåravela reached the Maharashtra country and touched the river Krishna near ita source where it flow e directly north to south instead of touching it at any other place, because to reach the Irishni at any other place he would have had to travel almost due south instead of west. Moreover, I put more reliance on the Mahabharata than on any of the later texts. As the Musikas are coupled with the Vanavasikas it is more probable that they lived on the western coast below Banavasi (Sirsi taluk of the North Kanara district of Bombay). In my opinion Muziris, a famous port on the western coast, should be identified with Musikapagara of this ineoription. (R. D. B.) [See J. R. A. 8., 1922, pp. 165 ff., and Ind, Ant., 1923, p. 138.-Ed.]
See also Hindu Polity, Pt. i, pp. 143, 195. See J. B.O.R. 8., Vol. XIII, p. 237. Catalogue of the Coins in the Panjab Mteum, Lahore, Vol. I, p. 14, No. 26.

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THE HATHIGUMPHA INSCRIPTION OF KHARAVELA.
inentions a people called Avami or Atuarni near the Krishna. It is quite possible that the city of Pithumda mentioned by Ptolemy as Pitundra (Ind. Ant., Vol. LV, p. 145), was founded by these people (J. B. 0. R. 8., Vol. XIV, pp. 15 f.).
34. Pithunda-According to Ptolemy, & city in the upper part of the Coromandal coast: This city has perhaps to be taken as the capital of the Ava of Avarni.
35. Tramira or Tamira is the equivalent of Tamila just as Aira represents Aiļa. It has been pointed out that Tamil is the origin of Dravida and of Dramila. Tramila would thus be a perfectly correct substitute for Dramla.
36. Māgadhat.-We have examined the tock very carefully. The cast of the inscription in the Patna Museum shows that the word cannot be Muriyd as proposed by Dr. F. W. Thomas. The chisel-cuts of the letters are still clear though the decay of the rock surface has made inpressions of this part of the inscription smudged.
37. Bahasatimitan.-The sa in the word is of the later 2nd century B.C. type in which & clear right-angle has been formed in the right limb of the letter and therefore it looks more like pa than sa. The reading is absolutely certain.
38. Kālimga-Jina perhaps means Sitalanātha who was born at Bhadalapute, which is the same as Bhadrapura' or Bhadrachalam in the Godăvari district of the Madras Presidency.
39. padīhārehi stands for pratihāraih.-The da denotes its difference from parihara in 1. 9.
40. Anga- Magadha.—The mention of these two provinces indicates that the campaign of the 12th year was speciaby directed against South Bihar which now includes the ancient provinces of Adga (Bhāgalpur and Monghyr districts) and Magadha (Patna, Gayá såd part of Hazaribagh districts).
41. sata-visikanan.-The reading is not doubtful though it was tead slightly differently before. The reference seems to be do architects (baris mikas).
42. hathi-niväst-parisaram. This reading of the second word of the phrase is more reliable than the previous one (hathi-nāvana-paripuram). nivasa=nitrāsa.. The teferet ce seems to be to elephant preserves or some original form of theda arrangement, invented by Khāravela. The elephants of Kalinga were very famous in ancient India. The strerigth of Khårávela probably lay in elephants. He took the fort of Pataliputra with the help of elephants.
43. Parda-raja. For the form of rani in l. 15. The Sanskritized version of the name of the great Dravidian dlatt is Pandya and is detived from Párdu by a speciál rule of early grate marians. In the inscriptions of Asoka also the vowel in the first syllable is long.
44. Pa-khi nd-samsitehi.-The reading seems to be tolerably certain on the rock, though 16 looks doubtful in the impressions. Pa-khind=prdkskind, sarsito =sanssitio.
45. Yāpa-flavahelvi. The first part of the compound cannot be satisfactorily explained by ug though the reading is absofttely certai.
46. vasá-sitāni.-The medial vowels except that on the first syllable are somewhat uncertain. It may also be taken to be -satāni. It was previously read as vasäsitāni.
47. Uvisagd-Keranele previously road to Urdsd-Nhäradeldt. The go and te ate to tinct.
48. samghayanan.-The reading is certain except of the vowel value on gh: Certain improvements have been effected, e.g., filaninań which makes the purport of this term fairly oertain. 1 Ind. Anb., Vol. XLIII, p. 64.
*J. R. A: 8., 1922, p. 84. Inid. Ant., Vol. HI, p. 136.
.Of. Kamandakin-nitisara, XV, 7. [See Muni Punyarijaya, Anekanta' (Delhi), Vol. I, p. 142, where he cites Jours torte on yapa' ("religious life')-K. P.J.}

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49. Sindhulāya.-The recognition of the cerebial la is due to a suggestion of Prof. H. Lüders. In other cases the cerebral ļa is changed into ra in the dialect used in this inscription.
50. sata-sahasehi.--This reading was fully established by us when we examined the rock jointly in November 1919. This reading along with the reading of the passage Angao, etc. brings to a close the long controversy about the existence of a date in the Maurya era in this inscription
51. [The reading Rajasi-Vasu-kulao has been corrected by me (from-vasa-kula) after Mr. Banerji's death. King Vasu of Chëdi is known to the Purānas (see J. R. A. S., 1910, p. 22; MBh., I. ch.3). Cheti-tā ao in l. 1 refers to King V.su. The inscription here confirms the Purānic genealogy. The Jaina Haritamsa Purāna also gives Vasu in the Chēdi list (Ch. VII) and as an Ailēva. J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XV, p. 277.-K. P.J.]
52. vinirito.--This is the only instance of the use of the palatal da in this record. The form is certain both on the rock and impressions.
TRANSLATION. (Line 1) Salutation to the Arhats (Arihats=lit. Conquerors of Enemies,' i.e., Jinas). Salutation to all the Siddhas. By illustrious Khāravela, the Aira (Aiļa), the Great King, the descendant of Mahā moghavāhana, the increaser (of the glory) of the Cheti (Chēdi) dynasty, (endowed) with excellent and auspicious marks and features, possessed of virtues which have reached (the ends of the four quarters, overlord of Kalinga,
(L. 2) for fifteen years, with a body ruddy and handsome were played youthsome sports; after that (by him who) had mastered (royal) correspondence, currency, finance, civil and religious laws (and) who had become well-versed in all (branches) of learning, for nine years (the office of) Yunarāja' (heir apparent) was administered. Having completed the twenty-fourth year, at that time, (he) who had been prosperous (vardhamana) since his infancy () and who (was destined to have wide conquests as those of Vena,
(L. 3) then in the state of manhood, obtains the imperial (māhārājya) coronation in the dynasty of Kalinga. As soon as he is anointed, in the first (regnal) year (he) causes repairs of the gates, the walls and the buildings (of the city), (which had been) damaged by storm ; in the city of Kalinga (he) causes the erection of the embankments of the lake (called after) Khibira Rishi, (and) of (other) tanks and cisterns, (also) the restoration of all the gardens (he) causes to be
(L. 4) done at the cost of thirty-five-hundred-thousands, and (he) gratifies the People. And in the second year (he), disregarding Sätakamni, despatches to the western regions an
1 In Kalimg-adhipoti, adhipati like adhiraja of the inscriptions, would literally denote an 'overlord.' The chief queen of Khāravela in the Mafichapuri record calls her husband a Kalinga emperor (Kalinga-chakavati). In our record he is expressly described as belonging to the Kalinga dynasty. The expression 'overlord' would not indicate that he was the overlord of Kalinga, but an overlord or an emperor belonging to Kalinga.
A member of the ministry (Hindu Polity, Pt. II, pp. 124, 136). According to the Divyavadana, Samprati, grandson of Aboka, was the yuvaraja, while his father Kupals wm a viceroy at Takshasila. Yuvarāja was gene. rally, but not necessarily, the Crown Prince.
Evidently the throne had been vacant and Khåravela ascended it after completing his 24th year. Accord. ing to the Brihaspati-astra, for prince playing and learning were enjoined up to the 25th year and after that age, politics.
Purisa-yuge.--This has a reference to the 25th year, see the note above.
The meaning given above is in consonance with the use of similar figures in lines 10 and 16 (Mahavijayari pasidan karayati athatisya sat-sahasehi, and pinatariya, etc.). The instrumental case before pakatiyo may equally be taken to denote the number of the subjects (see Siddhantakaumuds of Bhattoji Dikshita on Panini. II, 3, 23, and IT, 3, 46). RDB. would connect the figure with the sentence beginning with palatige in the sense that by the expenditure indicated by the figure the king pleased his subjects (see J. B.O. R. 8., Vol. IV, p. 315).

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army strong in cavalry, elephants, infantry (nara) and chariots (ratha) and by that army having reached the Kanha-beiņā, he throw3 the city of the Musikas into consternation. Again in the third year,
(L. 5) (he) versed in the science of the Gandharvas (i.e., music), entertains the capital with the exhibition of dapa,' dancing, singing and instrumental music and by causing to be held festivities and assemblies (sa mājas) ; similarly in the fourth year, the Abode of Vidyadharaz' built by the former Kalingan king(s), which had not been damaged before ........
..........with their coronets' rendered meaningless, with their helmets (!) (bilma) cut in twain (?), and with their umbrellas and
(L. 6) blingāra, cast away, deprived of their jewels (i.e., ratana, Skt. ratna, precious ob. jects) all the Rathikas and Bhojakas (he) causes to bow down at his feet. Now in the fifth yaar he brings into the capital from the road of Tanasuliya the canal excavated in the year one hundred-and-three. of King Nanda' .........
........ Having been (re.) ano. inted (he while) celebrating the Rājasüya, remits all tithes and conseg,
(L. 7) bestows many privileges (amounting to hundreds of thousands or the City Corporation and the Realm-Corporation. In the seventh year of his reign, his famous wife of Vajiragbarall obtained the dignity of auspicious motherhood............ Then in the eighth year, (he) with a large army having sacked Goradhagiri
(L. 8) causes pressure on Rājagaha (Rajagriha). On account of the loud report of this act of valour, the Yavana (Greek) King Dimista) retreated to Mathurā having extricated his demoralised army and transport............ (He) gives ..................with foliage
1 In Sindh this term is found in modern vernacular applied to villago-performance by a row of men who move on cutting antics. Drava in Sanskrit, meaning a dance, is connected with motion or running.
* On its meaning as a theatrical performance, see Ind. An., Vol. XLVIII, p. 235.
(Makuta. Crowns or coronets according to the Nafya-sästra (XXI, 118). The Rathikas and Bhojakas were non-monarchical communities (Hindu Polity, Vol. I, p. 89).
• Bilma in the Yajur-vida, XVI, 35, comes in the company of kawacha (coat-of-mail or breast-plate).
. Bhringāra which was made of gold, formed part of a ruler's paraphernalia according to the Nafya. sastra (XXL, 138). So did the chhatra or umbrella.
Tawauliya vita means from the road of Tanasuli' or it might have been the name of the canal. VAT also means an enclosure.
The opinion of Lüders (List No. 1315) and Konow (Acta Orientalia, Vol. I, p. 26) is in favour of interpreting tivasa-sata as 103 years and not 300 years. This is acceptable in preference to 300 on considerations of chronological and historical data of the inscription discussed elsewhere (J. B.O. R. S., Vol. XIII, pp. 237-238). Such 1908 of numbers are not unknown in Vodic Sanskrit. The natural uxplanation is 'the year one hundred and three of King Nanda'. On a Nanda era, 800 Yedarave inscription of Chalakya Vikramaditya Vi (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 43) and on an era beginning in 458 B. C. current in the time of Alberuni, the discussion on the subject in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society (Vol. XIII, pp. 237-241).
Anugaha.- Consult Hindu Polity, II, 93; Kautiliya Artha-sastra, 19, XIII, 171. • Pora - Paura. See the disoussion on the subject in Hindu Polity, II, Ch. 27, and the next note below.
10 Janapada.-The discussion in the Hindu Polity, II, Ch. 27, sets out the materials. The question of identification of Janapada as a corporate body is now put beyond controversy by the seal discovered at Nalanda which reada Puribd-grāma-janapadasya of the Janapada of the Purika village. This seal is in Gupta characters of the 5th or 6th century. [I am publishing it in my article on Some Clay Seals of Nalanda '-Ed.) Probably the central Janapada was made up of the representatives of local Janapadas. In the Häthigumphi insorip. tion we have Janapada in the singular, that is, it refers to one (general) Janapada.
11 It is an ancient royal mannerist to refer to different queens by the name of the country of their origin f., Kausalya, Kaikėyi, etc. The custom still continges in the present ruling families where rinia are no referred w For instanoe, a princess of the Udaipur family, if married in the Jodhpur family, would be styled Sikodni
mahal.
15 Upapida payati means presses down, inflicte pain (Manu, VI, 62; XII, 80). With the meaning do' vaatating, laying waste', which the dictionaries give, the word may mean'he sacks, but it is contrasted Wb choprgita ("nacked') we take it that Kháravela only laid siege to the fortress of Bajagrihs.

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.....................
(L. 9) Kalpal (wish-fuifilling) trees, elephants, chariots with their drivers, houses, residences and rest-houses. And to make all these acceptable (he) gives at a fire sacrifice (?) exemption from taxes) to the caste of Brāhmanas. Of Arhat....
(L. 10) .................. (He) causes to be built .... royal residence (called) the Palace of Great Victory (Mahāvijaya) at the cost of thirty-eight hundred thousands. And in the tenth year (he), following the three-fold policy) of chastisement, alliance and conciliation sends out an expedition against Bharatavasa (and) brings about the conquest of the land (or, country) ........ and obtains jewels and precious things of the kings) attacked.
(L. 11) ................ And the market-town (0) Pithunda! founded by the Ava King he ploughs down with a plough of asses; and (he) thorougbly breaks up the confederacy of the T[r]amira (Dramira) countries of one hundred and thriteen years, which has been a source of danger to (his) Country (Janapada). And in the twelfth year he terrifies the kings of the Utarāpatha? with.................. thousands of
(L. 12) ................ And causing panic amongst the people of Magadha (he) drives (his) elephants into the Sugamgiya (Palace), and (he) makes the King of Magadha, Bahasatimita, bow at his feet. And (he) sets up the image) the Jina of Kalimga' which had been taken away by King Nanda..................and causes to be brought home the riches of Amga and Magadha along with the keepers of the family jewels of...............
(L. 13) ................ (He) builds excellent towers with carved interiors and creates & settlement of a hundred masons, giving them exemption from land revenue. And a wonderful and marvellous enclosure of stockade !• for driving in the elephants (he) ...... and horses. elephants, jewels and rubies as well as numerous pearls in hundreds (he) causes to be brought here from the Pandya King.
(L. 14) ............ ..... (he) subjugates. In the thirteenth year, on the Kumāri Hill where the Wheel of Conquest had been well-revolved 11 (i.e., the religion of Jina had been
Giving of Kalpa trees was one of the Mahādanas or great gifts according to Hēmādri (Chaturvarga-chintamani, dana-khanda). The tree was made of solid gold.
Prithu-anda 'the big egg'. probably had its origin in the physical feature of the situation of the city.
In the Jaina book Avasya kavy itti, Haribhadri, ipp. 685-87) and Hēmachandra's Viracharitra (pp. 170-71) it is stated that Konika ploughed Vaisali with ploughs drawn by asses. (J. B.O. R. S., Vol. XIII, p. 231n.)
sanghata.--- According to Panini (III, 3, 76, 86; V. 1, 59: and Hindu Polity, I, p. 27) the form should be here sangha and not sanghäta. Evidently this distinction of Sanskrit grammar is not followed by Jaina writers of the time and the regular form sanghata is used probably owing to the religious significance already attaching to the term sangha amongst them.
Terasa-vasa-satikark---We take it to mean 113 years, not 1,300 years old in conformity with the inter. pretation of ti-vosa-anta above.
•[Bhavande Skt. bhapana (cf. 'bhapayate in the Siddhantalaumudi on Pan. 1, 3, 68). I am adopting the former reading janapada-. The other reading will also yield nearly the same meaning.- P. J.]
As the record distinguishes Utarăpadka from Bharadhatasa it should be taken to refer to that part of the country of which Takshakila was the capital as in the Divyavadana (p. 407). Cf., Kavyamimåned, p. 94.
Suganga Palace is mentioned in the Mudrāräkahusa (Act III) as the palace of Chandragupta Maurya. This must have been near or on the Ganges. Khåravela's entry by means of elephants implies that it was a fortified palace.
sannivesa.., probably sannivēšayati," sets up an image". Sau nivēša in the sense of an image is mentioned in the dictionaries. The image called the Kalinga Jina was set up by Khāravel. This image had been taken away by King Nanda. There is no doubt about the reading of the text and the translation of Narda-raja-ritam.
10 Niwisa-parisaran sirvasa-parisaran. Compare the Karuandakiya on nirwies of elephants (XV, 7). parisara is enclosure or stockade.
11 rupavata-vijaya-chaka: Skt. rupravritta-vijaya-chahta, et., pavala-chako in 1. 17; vijaya-chaka, 'the wheel of conquest'. Evidently this was a term pommon to Buddhism and Jainism. That Varddhamana Mahavira preached Jainism in Kaliais attested by the tradition contained in Jaina literature (J. B. 0. R. 8., Vol. XIII, p. 223). The Haribhadriya-vritti mys that Mahavira wont to Kalings where his father's friend ww raling.

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KAP COPPER-PLATE OF KELADI SADASIVA-NAYAKA; SAKA 1479. 89
preached), (he) offers respectfully1 royal maintenances, China clothes (silks) and white clothes * to (the monks) who (by their austerities) have extinguished the round of lives, the preachers on the religious life and conduct at the Relic Memorial. By Kharavela, the illustrious, as a layman devoted to worship, is realised (the nature of) jiva and deha'
(L. 15)
... bringing about a Council of the wise ascetics and sages, from hundred (i.e., all) quarters, the monks (samanas) of good deeds and who have fully followed (the injunctions) near the Relic Depository of the Arhat, on the top of the hill,............ with stones..... ...... brought from many miles (yojanas) quarried from excellent mines (he builds) shelters 10 for the Simhapatha Queen Sindhula.
No. 8.]
(L. 16)
Patalaka(?)......(he) sets up four columns inlaid with beryl.. ...at the cost of seventy-five hundred thousands; (he) causes to be compiled expeditiously the (text) of the seven-fold Amgas11 of the sixty-four12 (letters). He is the King of Peace, the King of Prosperity, the King of Monks (bhikshus), the King of Religion (Dharma), who has been seeing, hearing and realising blessings (kalyānas)
(L. 17)..... ...... accomplished in extraordinary virtues, respector of every sect, the repairer of all temples, one whose chariot and army are irresistible, one whose empire is protected by the chief of the empire (himself), descended from the family of the Royal Sage Vasu, the Great conqueror, the King, the illustrious Kharavela.
No. 8.-KAP COPPER-PLATE OF KELADI SADASIVA-NAYAKA; SAKA 1479.
By N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A.
This copper-plate was secured by the Assistant Archæological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, from Kap a village in the South Kanara district of the Madras Presidency in 1921 and has been noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for that year as No. 8 of Appendix A.
arahayate arghayate.
1 China-vatani chirna-vastrani or China-vasträni. The latter gives a more reasonable meaning.
vasd-sitani.-This was formerly read as raad-sitäni. It would be the earliest reference to the white clothes later on connected with the Světämbars sect.
=
sameita Skt. samariti.
Navaka Skt. Jnapaka.-Yapa in yapa-ñävakehi may be interpreted in view of its use in Charaka as "mitigating pain", or as "supporting life" according to the Mahabharata. [The translation given above is adopted now from the Jaina texts. See above p. 85, n. 5-K. P. J.]
The Jainas raised symbolical graves of saints and Nishidi or Nishidhi was the name given to them. (Cf. ante, Vol. II, p. 274; Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 99).
Soul and body: these relate to the Jaina philosophy wherein the topic is very prominent (Stevenson, Heart of Jainism, Ch. VII).
Samghayana assemblage. pabhäre prag-bhare.
10 nisayäni Skt. nirayāni.
11 Amiga is a technical term meaning the sacred canon of the Jainas. If we read Ashga-satika-turiyam instead of Amgasatikam turiyam then we may translate it as "the Angas (in collections of) 7 and 4". According to the Jaina tradition the Angas, eleven in number, were discovered after their loss.
13 turiyam tvaritam, "expeditiously", or turiyam, "four-fold". Jaina authors maintain that the Jaina Canon is covered by 64 letters; see Gommafasara, Jiba-khanda (Sacred Books of the James, Vol. V, 1627 edition by J. L. Jaini, Introduction, p. 13)..

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"The plate which is rectangular in shape is 16.4" long and 11-5′′ broad. At the top of the plate, just in the centre, there is a flat projection 1'4" broad and 1" high shaped into the form of an arch. There is a small hole in the arch through which passes an ordinary copper ring 1.75" in diameter. The plate has suffered a slight damage at its proper right corner at the top. But the writing on either side is in a good state of preservation. The plate with the ring weighs 230 tolas."
The language of the inscription is partly Sanskrit and partly Kannada. The first six verses are in Sanskrit and the next six in Kannada, the rest being in Kannada prose. The Kannada verses are defective both in diction and in prosody. The record is written in Kannada alphabet and is rather indifferently inscribed. The letter va is often written like ra and it is not easy to distinguish pa from ru (as in Tirumarasa in line 17). The aspirates are generally distinguished by means of the vertical stroke at the bottom except in the case of dha. The secondary form of va is sometimes used (vulla in 1. 36 and vurolage in 1. 37). With respect to orthography: (i) the consonants are invariably doubled when they are preceded by repha; (i) the nasal is generally changed into an anusvara before consonants of the same class; (iii) the consonants are freely used in place of vowels (e.g., ye for e in 1: 21 and vo for o in l. 14); (iv) the letter sa is sometimes wrongly used for sha (11. 8 and 42); and (v) double na is used for na as in arnnava (1.9).
The object of the inscription is to register a grant of land made by Madda-Heggade, the chief of Kap with (the consent) of the assembly (nalinavaru), communal and professional guilds (gana-pana) and subordinate officers,' for offerings to Dharmmanatha, the 15th Jina Tirthamkara. The gift was made at the instance of the Jaina teacher Devachandradeva for the spiritual welfare of his guru Munichandradeva, the disciple of Abhinava evakīrttidēva.
The date of the record is Salivahana-Saka 1479, the cyclic year Nala, the first tithi of the bright half of Kärttika, and Sunday. According to L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Ephemeris the details correspond regularly to A.D. 1556, October 4, Sunday.
The inscription opens with an obeisance to Dharmmanatha which is followed by a verse in praise of the Jina-doctrine (sasana). It then invokes Vardhamana (Mahavira), the 24th Jina. Verses 3 to 6 describe the high spiritual attainments of a Jaina sage named Bhānu who belonged to Tintrini-gachchha, Kāpür-gapa and Müla-samgha. The Kannada verses, which follow, extol the donor Madda-Heggade but tell us nothing material except that he belonged to the Pangula line (bali) and that he was the administrator of the beautiful town of Kap. (Vv. 7-12.) The inscription then states that Ramarajayya, though he was the lieutenant of king Sadativaraya, was ruling the (Vijayanagara) empire (11. 18-21) and that Sadasiva-Nayaka (of Ikkēri) was the ruler of the districts of Barakůru and Mangaluru. Next comes an eulogy of Madda-Heggade in an elaborate prose passage which tells us that he was administering the chief town of Kap with (the help of) the assembly, communal and professional associations and subordinate officers. Then follows the formal portion of the grant. The lands granted were
1 māļinavara 18 the corrupt form of nadinavaru which comes from nadu meaning assembly.
gana is an aggregate of kulas' kulanam hi samühas-tu ganah samprakirtilah (Katyayana, Firamitrödaya, p. 428; quoted by Dr. Pran Nath in his " Economic condition of Ancient India", p. 54); and pana is a sectarian division. Eighteen panas are referred to in an inscription of the 17th century, viz., Vyavahärikas, pañchalas (five sects of saithe), kumbhälikas (potters), tanturäyins (weavers), vastra-bhedakas (cloth dyers ?), tila-ghatakas (oil-willers). kurantakas (kuratakas? : shoe-makers), vastra-rakshakas (tailors), devängas, parikelili (parikelette. virat keepers of pack bullocks), gorakshakas (cow-herds), kirätas (hunters), rajakas (washermen) and kehau. rakas (barbers). These formed a recognised part of the local assemblies. (Annual Report on South-Indian Epigraphy for 1918, part II, paragraphs 84 and 85.)

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91
gituated in the village of Malläru and yielded an income of 80 varāhas. This income, it states, was to be utilized for the daily rice offering, for the hālu-dhāre (milk-bath?) and for feeding the assembly of sages) on the 17th and 25th days of every month. Provision was also made for extra expenses to be incurred when either of these days happened to be a Mangala(a)-trayodasi. Muni Charanavijayaji from Poona has kindly pointed out that, according to the colophon of the Digambara Jaina work Yasodharachariya, Mangalā-trayodasi is the 13th day of the dark fortnight of Asvins.
Sadāsiva-Nayaka of the record was the first prominent chief of the Ikkēri-Keladi family which held gway over the whole of South Kanara and parts of the Mysore State from the 16th to the 18th century A. D.' Since very little is known about him, & short account of his career may be given here. He was the elder of the two sons of Chaudappa, the governor of Mailadāśa, the younger being Bhadrappa. Soon after Sadāsiva succeeded his father, his first act was to reduce to submission by the order of Rāmarājayya, who was the de facto ruler of Vijayanagara, the kings of Bijapur and Kalyāna. Immensely pleased with this achievement of Sadāśiva, the emperor appointed him governor of Chandragutti, Bārakūru and Mangaluru, besides bestowing on him the title of Köte-kolāhala (disturber of forts) and the privilege of affixing the term of honour rāya-nāyaka to his name. Sadāśiva's next expedition was against the rebellious chiefs of Chandragutti and Bidar and in recognition of his achievements he got the biruda of Satrusaptangaharana. He next put down the chiefs of Tuļu and Kērala and set up & pillar of victory. Shortly afterwards, he punished the defection of two chiefs named Yedava and Murdry in the country of Jālihāļu and received as & reward the title of Yedava-Murari from the emperor. Sometime later, he marched against Mädarasa of Bankäpura and took him prisoner. By this time Sadāsiva's younger brother Bhadrappa who had gone on a pilgrimage came back. After governing the provinces conjointly with his brother for sometime, Sadāsiva nominated him as his successor with the surname Immadi Sadāśiva-Nāyaka and retired to the forest.
The date of Sadasiva-Nayaka may now be ascertained. Our grant is dated in Saka 1479 (A.D. 1656). The latest date available for him, viz., Saka 1486, Dundubhis (A.D. 1562) is furnished by a record at Manigărakēri near Bärakür. And Saka 1473, Sadhāraņa (A.D. 1650) is the earliest date that we have for him from his inscriptions. In baka 1488, Kshaya? (A.D. 1666) Immadi Sadāsiv-Nayaka is known to have been ruling. Sadāsiva-Nāyaka must, therefore, have ceased to rule sometime between A.D. 1562 and A.D. 1566. So the period in which he flourished may be taken to be A. D. 1550-1562. The date & ssigned to him by Rice, viz., A. D. 1513-1545 is, therefore, not correct. Here it is necessary to say a word about Immadi Sadasiva-Nāyaka's place in the genealogy of the Keladi family. Though & number
* A baráha is equal to 31 rupees. But the expression used here is dodda-(hig) vardha, the exact significance of which is not clear.
*For an account of this family see A. 8. R. for 1911-12, pp. 196 ff; and Rice's Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, pp. 156 ff.
This title as well as others that follow are found in most of the inscriptions of the Nāyakau of Ikkeri.
This account is based on Kallolas 2-5, Taranga V of the Sanskrit Encyclopaedis Sivatattarat nakara edited by Messrs. B. Rama Rao, M.A., LL.R. and Vidvin P. Sundara Sastri.
No. 168 of 1901, Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1901. • Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Nagar 77. Ibid, Nagar 1. Mysore and Coorg from Inacriction, table on p. 137.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XX.
of his inscriptions1 has been discovered he has not been included in the table of the house published by Rice, perhaps, because his relationship to other members of the dynasty was not known to that scholar. Now the work Šivatatvaratnakara enables us to say that Immadi Sadasiva-Nayaka was the younger brother and successor of Sadasiva.
The sage Bhānu, who has been highly eulogised in the record, must have been one of the Jaina teachers of that name who were replaced by Lalitakirtis in about Saka 1286. Nothing is known about Devachandradeva at whose instance the grant was made, his guru Munichandradēva and his guru Abhinavadēvakirttidēva.
With regard to the geographical names occurring in the inscription, the village Malläru may be identified with Malluru in the Udipi Taluk; Belugula is the well-known Śravana Belgola in the Mysore State; Kopana is Kopal, a famous place of pilgrimage of the Jainas in the Nizam's Dominions; Parvata is probably identical with Srisailam in the Kurnool District, which is one of the twelve great centres of Saiva worship. Gokarna is the village of that name in North Kanara; Tirumale is the celebrated Tirupati in the Chittoor District. Ujjantagiri, which appears as Urjayat-giri in the Junagadh inscription of Rudradaman,' is the Mount Girnar on which there is an ancient temple of Neminatha.
TEXT.
First Side.
1 Sri-Dharmmanātha[nē] saraņu || Srimat-parama-gambhira-syādvād-āmōgha-lāṁchhanaṁ [*]jty
2 t-trailōkya-nathasya sasanam Jina-sāsanam || [1*] Svasti Šrī sakala-jñāna-sāmrājya -pada-rajita [h] Va
3 rthdha(rddha)mana-Jinäddhisa -syadvada-maṭha-bhasuraḥ || [2] Tintrini-gachchhavārāsēs-sudhamsur-jñāna-di
4 dhitiḥ [*]sa[d*]-dharmma-sarasi-hamsaḥ pravādi-gaja-kesari || [3] Kāpûr-gapa-nabhōbhage babhāti muni
₺ kuṁ[ja]raḥ | ajñāna-timir-ōddhūti [*] Śrīmān-Bhānu-mun-i[éva]raḥ || [4*] Pamch-achārasara-dhvasta-pamcha
6 bana-[sara-vrajah | akhamda-sri-tapo-lakshmi-nayakō Bhānu-samyami || [5] Srimad Bhānu
mu
7 n-iáva[ro] vijayatě syadvada-dharmm-ambare arimad-jñāna-vinūt[na]-didhiti-[a]ta-dhvastāṁdhaka
8
ra-vrajaḥ[*] śri-Mül-amala-sangha-niraja-maha-shamdēév-akhamda-śriyaṁ vyata[nva]n=muni
9 kōka-chāru-nikaram saukhy-ärnn(n)avē magnayan' || [6*] Tuļu-deśav-emba bhūpana poleva maha-pa
10 dakad-amte yesarg (se)gum nichkam I dharey-olage Kapina nagarada nelanan-alva bhupa Madda-Heggadey=embam || [7*]
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Nagar 2, 3 and 4.
Mysore and Coorg, p. 157.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 129, f. n. 2.
Nandolal Dey's Ancient Geography of India, p.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 42.
Read Jinädhisab.
1 Read shandeshv-. Read majjayan.
•Read nichcham.
193.

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93
11 Pamguļa-baļi adhipatiyanu pom-gaļasade(a) nelake tánu npipa-ku!a-tiļakaṁ | samgata
sabheyoļu 12 po[galgu] Angaja-jaya-Jina-pad-abja-madhukaran-embam || [8*] Bhū-dēviya mukha
kamnadi bādēm (hēļva)13 rgge Käpuv-enisida nagaram ! ādaradimn=adaro[]g-a] mēdini-mata-Dharmmanāthana
ena(se)guí Jinapam || [9*] A-nagara14 kk-adhipatiyum Sri-pati Tiru[ma]rasa-npipa [a]vani-tilakam | vomanadali ātānum vötu
karam Mukti-La15 kshmig-ittam manamam || [10*] Yên-embe Madda-Heggade dåna-chatu[]-vvidhakke tāne
chimtā-ratnam sanmunnu)ta-guna-gana16 nnileyar umnnata-silavanu tāļda (npi)pa-ripu-sahāram || [11*] Dharmmadolam [dridha).
chittanu nirmmala17 guru-bhaktiyalli Tirumarasa-nțipar Dharmma-Jina-Jaina-sāsanamam vom-mandim tänu
mādi kritisya)18 mn(nn)=ittaṁ || [12*] Svasti Sri [ll*] Jayādbhudaya. Salivāhana-Śaka-varsha 1479
neya samda Nala-samvatsara19 da Kārttika-buddha 1 Adityaváradalu Sriman mahārājādhirāja rājaparamēsvara satya
ratnākara 20 baraņāgata-vajra-pamjara chatu[g*]samudr-ādbīśvara Kaliyuga-chakravartti 6ri-vīrapratāpa
Sadāśiva21 rāya-raja-rājördra-dakshiņa-bhaga-bhagya-dēvata-sarhnibharumeappa Rimarljayya
navar[u] ye 22 ka-schhajtradim rājya[vajnu pratipälisut-irdda käladalu Barakoru Margaluralu Sadasi
(si)va-Nāyakaru 23 räjyavam ge[yilt-irdda kaladalu Tulu[va]-dēts kāmini-mukha-kamala-tilakayama[n)
ānādi-si24 ddha-prasiddha-Kápi-simhisan-oday-Schal-Alamkarana-taruna-[t]atani-prakābaruri ananya
rājanya-sau[ja]25 nany -[au]daryya-vīryya-dhairyye-[m]dhuryya-gåthbhlryya-naya-vinaya-satya-bauch-Idy.
ananta-guna26 gana-nūtna-ratn-abharana-gana-kiran-8dyötita-Bharatādi-sakala-(pu]rāņa-purusharum appe 27 Tirumalarasar=āda Madda-Heggadeyard avara nā[li]navaru gana-pana-8Āvantaru K&pine
rajyava
28 nu pratipälisut-irdda kaladalu' [I] Svasti [lli] Srimad-raya-raja-guru-mathdal-Schäryyı maha. 29 vāda-vädīśvara rāya-vādi-pitämaha wakala vidvasijana-chakravarttigaluch ity-ady-anēka
bi30 rudāvali-virajamānarurh Kanügra -gan-agra-ganyarugaļum=appa Srimad-Abhinava31 dēvaldirttidēvarugala sishyaru Munichardradēvarugalu (ajvarugala kishyaru Davaobam
drade1 Read ommanadali. 1 Read nilayın. * Read unnata.
Read Jay-abhyudaya, . Read geyyutt.
Delete na. ' Read kaladalu.
• Thene birudas are also borne by Bha ţikalanka, the author of Subdanuddsana, the Kannada grammar in Sanskrit, and several other Jaina teachers.
"Road Kasur.

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[VOL. XX.
32 varugaļu tamma guru Munichamdradēvarugalige svargg-āpavarggakke karanav-agi
Kapina33 lu dharmmavanu mādabēk-emba chittadimda Tirumalarasar=āda Madda-Heggadeyara
küm(kū)34 deyu avara nāļipavaru gana-[p]aņa-sāmatara kūdeyu Käpina halara sahāyadim35 da dharmmakke vondu kshetravanu kodabēku yerdu chittaisal-ägi avarugaļu dharmms36 pariņāma-svarūpavane vulavar=āda kāraņa guru-bhaktiyimda tamma simeya37 lu Manajr erba (vū]r-olage padu[va*]na dikkinalu Kaļaztopatina bā|keyalu agați38 mda volage beţțina gadde 1 kkam bija bal!a mū[va]ttara lekkada batta müde 2 mattam
8
39 galimdam horage Pūpinadiy=emba ga[dde] 1 kkam bija balla mūvattara lekkada bija 40 müde 4 mattam bāgila gadde 1 kkam bija balla mūvattara lekkada müde 4 gadde mü.
Second Side. 41 rakkam bija mūde 10 i bhūmigalige vulla kare mure mane bāvi halasu māvu su42 mbe nikkil-urkkamrdde kadiru jala pāśā(shā)ņa saha müla-dhāreyanu yera(eredu) ko43 ţţu yisikomda dodda vara(ā)ha ga 80 akshā(a)radalu yerbbattu vara(a)ha yi ho44 nnige yeradu beleyalu saha varsha 1 kke baha akki amgadiya horigeya 45 ballja aivattara lekkada akki müde 24 i akkige nadava dharmmada vivara Kūpina basti. 46 ya kejagana nelegalu Dharmma-Tirtha[m*]kara-sannidhiyalu madhyāhna-kāladalu nityada47 lu dina vomdakke vomdu balla akkiya naivedyakku (Mu]nichamdradēvarugala hesa48 rinalu nada[va] bāla-dhāregu saha akki mūde 10 timgaļu timgaļu tappade tim49 galalli 17 höhäga nadava vāra 1 mattam ippatta-aidu 25 höhäga nadava 50 vāra 1 amtu timgaļalli yeradu vāra samadāyal nadavudakke akki mūdevu' 51 12 i vāramgaļalli Mamgala(a)-trayodasi bahāga à Mangala(a)-trayodasi nadava52 [d=e]mn[du*] visēshav-agi yirisida akki mūde 2 amtu akki müde yippatta-nālku 53 yi dharmmada sthaļadalli Ballāļarige anāya sanāya salladu illa á stha[la]"gadalu idda 54 vokkalige bitti bidāra salladu känike dese appane padadalli yettu(a) salladu yerdu 55 sarvvamányav-ägi Tirumalarasar=āda Madda-Heggadeyaru avara nāļinavaru ga56 na-pana-sämantaru saha tamma dharmma-pariņāma-nimittav-ägi tamma svarü(ru)chi57 yimda guru-bhaktiyimda vodambattu barasi kotta tāmbra-käsana imt=a. 58 ppudakke sakshigalu ati(dhi)käri Kārta-setti Chata Bikra-setti Sämani Sarkara59 setti Räja-setti Bagge-(se*]ttiya aliya Kösana Mülüra Belile Birumala 60 Dugga Bandari Birusāmaņi yimt-inivara vubhay-anma[ta*]dim Ma61 galūra Sarkai-Sēnabövana baraha [l*] yimt=i dharmma-säsa[na *]kke mangala62 mahā-sri sri sri[l[*]Sva-dattā[de]-dviguņam punya para-datt-anupālanam[1*] 63 para-datt-āpahārēņa sva-dattam niḥ(sh)phalam bhavēt | Dana-pälanayor=mmadby: 64 dānäch=chhreyōrnupālanari dānāt svarggam=svāpnoti pālanād=achyutam 65 padara || yi(i) dharmma-säsanakke avanān=obba Jainan-ādáva tappidare Belugu66 Jada Gummațanātha Kopanada Chandranātha Ujjamta-giriya Nēmīśvara67 modalida Jina-bimbagalan-oda(e)da pāpakke höharu Saivan-ādare Pa
Read samudays. .Read müde.
Tbe letter []a) is written below the line. Read Sthaladalu.

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68 rvvata-Gōkarnna-modaladavaralli1 koti-limgavan-oḍa(e)da papakke hōharu 69 Vaishnavan-ädare Tirumale-modalidavaralli köți-Vishnu-murtiyan-oda(o). 70 da papakke hōharu || Bhadram bhūyaj-Jina-sasanasya [el] Sri [i*]
KAP COPPER-PLATE OF KELADI SADASIVA-NAYAKA; SAKA 1479.
TRANSLATION.
95
L. 1. Obeisance to Dharmmanatha !
V. 1. For the translation of this verse see above, Vol. XIII, p. 22.
V. 2. Hail! The illustrious Vardhamana, the lord of Jinas, who adorns the seat (symbolic) of universal sovereignty of all knowledge and who brightens the Syavāda school.
Vv. 3 and 4. Bhānu, the lord of sages, the ray of enlightenment of the moon to the Timtrini-gachchha ocean, the swan in the lake of pure faith (i.e., Jainism), a lion to the elephant of religious disputants, the dispeller of the darkness of ignorance, the elephant among ascetics, shines in the sky of Kanur-gapa,
V. 5. The sage Bhanu who broke asunder the multitude of arrows of Cupid by his arrows, the five practices (ächāras") is the lord of the ever prosperous Goddess of Penance.
V. 6. The illustrious Bhanu, the lord of sages, the reducer of the masses of darkness to dust by hundred fresh rays of knowledge, stands victorious in the heavens of Syädvāda religion foa. tering eternal prosperity among the assemblage of lotuses in the (lake of) the pure Müla-samgha and immersing sages, the herds of lovely kökas, in the ocean of happiness.
V. 7. Madda-Heggade, the ruler of the city of Kap-be he ever radiant on the earth like the shining pendant worn by the king, in the form of the Tulu country.
V. 8. (This) jewel of the community of kings, the lord of the territory adorned by golden pinnacles, born in the Pangula lineage, a bee at the lotus feet of Jina the conqueror of Cupid, is being praised in assemblies (of great and learned men).
V. 9. The city known as Kapu is the mirror of the goddess Earth; therein shines the Jinapa Dharmmanatha honoured by the world.
V. 10. The lord of that city and the favourite of Fortune, king Tirumarasa, the ornament of the goddess Earth, gave himself up with one mind and with great zeal to (the service of) the Goddess of Final emancipation.
V. 11. How shall I describe (him) ? Madda-Heggade is the wish-giving gem (chimtāratna) for the four kinds of gifts, the abode of all virtues and the vanquisher of enemy kings who have haughty demeanour.
V. 12. King Tirumarasa possessed of firm faith in dharmma granted a Jaina-sasana (endowment) with one mind and with great devotion to his spiritual preceptor and got an inscription written (to that effect).
Ll. 18f. Hail! Prosperity 1. In the prosperous Salivahana Saka year 1479 expired (corresponding to) the cyclic year Nala, on the 1st (day) of the bright half of Kärttika, on Sunday, Ll. 19ff. when Ramarajayya, who was, as it were, the Goddess of Fortune on the right side of the Mahārājädhiraja, the Paramèsvara, ocean of Truth, and adamantine cage for those who seek refuge, the lord of the four oceans, the emperor of Kaliyuga, VirapratapaSadasivaraya, was protecting the kingdom under one umbrella and while Sadasiva-Nayaka was ruling (as viceroy) the (provinces of) Bärakuru and Mangaluru,
1 Read 'davugajalli.
The five acharas are: 1. Darian-ichira (to induce steady faith), 2. Jään-achara (to increase knowledge), 3. Charitr-ichira (to improve one's daily life), 4. Tapa-kohära (to become a great ascetic) and 5. Viry-ãohära (to increase the power of one's inner self). (Sravana-Belgola Inscriptions, Translations p. 54, f. n. 2).

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[Vol. XX.
Ll. 23ff. and while Madda-Heggade who had the name Tirumalarasa, an ornament to the lotus face of the damsel the Tuļuva country, the young sun (emerging from the eastern mountain, viz., the throne of Kap which is from time immemorial famous in all directions, (the incarnation as it were of) all the ancients like Bharatal radiant with the rays of multitudes of ornaments of fresh gems, the collection of many virtues, which were possessed by no other man of royal descent, viz., friendliness, generosity, prowess, sweetness, profundity, policy, politeness, truth and purity, etc., was ruling the chiefdom of Kāp assisted by his assembly, communal and professional guilds and his subordinate officers;
LI. 2811. hail! 'Munichandradēva, the disciple of Abhinavadēvakirtidēva, the acharya of the circle of royal preceptors, the lord of great disputants, emperor of all learned men, resplendant with several such birudas, the foremost follower) of the Känür-gana ;
LI. 31 ff. his disciple Dāvachandradēva requested Tirumalarasa alias Madda-Heggade, his assembly, communal and professional guilds and his officers to grant a piece of land with the help of several people) of Kāp, with the intention of instituting a charity at Kāp for the final beatitude of his guru Munichandradēva ;
LI. 36ff, and as they were of a charitable temperament, they, out of devotion to their preceptor, granted, with pouring of water, on the western side of the village of Mallāru (situated) within their province, in the place called Kalantopatina-bäske, on the inner side of the trench, one bestu land requiring seed (for sowing) of 2 mude of paddy calculated at 30 balla(for each mude) and outside the trench one wet land called Päpinadi requiring 4 müde calculated at 30 balla and a bāgila land requiring seed of 4 mūde calculated at 30 balla; (in all) three wet lands requiring seed of 10 mide, with the properties attached to them, viz., kare, mure, house, well, jack-trees, mango-trees, sumbe, nikkil, urkkaṁrdde, crop, water and stone; (and Dēvachandra. dēva) received 80 big varāhas-in words eighty-(being the money income of the said lands).
Ll. 44ff. From this gold (was to be purchased), at both crops, 24 mūde of rice calculated at 80 baļļa of the standard prevalent in the bazaar. The (following are the) details of the charities to be managed with this rice :
LI. 46ff. 10 müde of rice for the rice offering at noon at the rate of one balla each day and for the hālu-dhāre, conducted in the name of Munichandradēva to Dharmanātha-Tirtharkara in the lower storey of the temple at Kāp; 12 müde of rice for feeding Jain ascetics (samudaya) on 2 days in the month, viz., the 17th and 25th day. If either of these days happened to be a Margalā-trayodasi, 2 müde of rice were provided for the extra expenses that would have to be incurred to celebrate that Mangalā-trayodasi. Thus the total is 24 müde.
LI. 53f. In this place of charity the taxes anaya and sanāyas were not to be levied by the Ballálag; the Vokkalu had no bitti? and bidāral and the fees kāpike, dese and appane could not be raised.
Ll. 55ff. (This is) the copper-plate inscription recording the sarvamänya gift caused to be written and granted by Tirumalarasa alias Madda-Heggade, his assembly, communal and professional guilds and subordinate officers out of their own free will and devotion to their guru.
1 Bharata was the brother of Bahubali or Gommata and son of Adinātha, the first Tirthaúkara. (Above, Vol. VII, p. 108 and Mysore Arch. Rep. for 1913, p. 5).
bettu is a wet land capable of yielding one crop annually. balla is equal to 2 seers generally. • aya generally means income but the import of anaya is not clear.
Bundys is perhaps & mistake for sinaya, 1.6., tax paid towards the maintenance of an army. • Ballalar are, like the Heggades, sot of the Bant claas (South Canara Manual, Vol. I, p. 159). wifi generally means free labour. bidana is perhaps mistake for binda, a tax. (Se 8. I. I., Vol. 1V, Nov. 266 su 276).

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SAMOLI INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SILADITYA.
97
Ll. 58ff. The witnesses for this (transaction) are: Atikari (Adhikari) Kamta-seṭṭi, Chata Bikra-seṭṭi, Samani Samkara-setti Raja-setti, Bagge-setti's nephew Kesana, Mūlūra Beļile, Birumāļa Dugga and Baṁḍāri Birusāmņi. With the consent of all these, Samkayi-Sēnahōva of Mangalur wrote this. Prosperity and good fortune to this charity deed!
Ll. 62ff. Imprecatory verses.
Ll. 65ff. Any one who violates this charity, if he is a Jaina, shall incur the sin of breaking the images of Gummaṭanatha of Belagula, Chandranatha of Kopana and Nemisvara of Ujjantagiri and other Jaina idols; if a Saiva, he shall incur the sin of breaking a crore of lingas at Parvata, Gokarna etc.; if a Vaishnava, he shall incur the sin of breaking a crore of images of Vishnu in (holy) places like Tirumale. May there be prosperity to the Jina-sasana (doctrine). Fortune !
No. 9. SAMOLI INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SILADITYA ; [VIKRAMA-SAMVAT] 703.
BY R. R. HALDER, RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER.
This short inscription was found at Sämōli in the district of Bhōmat in Mewar and is now preserved in the Rajputana Museum at Ajmēr. Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar has already noticed it,1 It consists of twelve well-engraved lines of writing, covering a space of about 9" x 10". The stone being slightly broken at the lower right corner, a portion of the inscription is missing. A few letters here and there are also indistinct. The average size of the letters is about ". On account of its importance as the earliest inscription of the Guhila family of Mewar, a detailed notice of it is given below.
The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets of the acute-angled type. They are almost similar to those of the Udaipur inscription of Aparajita of V. S. 718 (A. C. 661) though the matras of the vowels a, i, i, u and i have different forms. The language is incorrect Sanskrit and the inscription is written very carelessly. As a result, the metres employed do not always stand scanning, and the meaning is also not quite clear in a few places. As regards orthography, the following points may be noted:-n is used for n in ripinām (1. 4), and n for n in jananamndi(1.5) and -vāsiņyā (1.9); the anusvāra is used for m in -sambadham (1.8) and is redundant in japānamndi- (1.5) and uptäditamm-aranya- (1.7); the visarga is omitted in Hare (1. 2), -narapati (1. 5) etc., while it is redundant in -bhayaḥ (1. 2), mahataraḥ (1. 10) and janivah (1.4) etc.; sandhi is not observed in jīvanaṁ ägara (1. 6), agata ashṭādasa- (1.7) and other places, while it is wrongly used in -nivaham mavalokya (1. 3). Other mistakes and irregularities are pointed out in the text and the footnotes thereto.
The contents of the inscription may be summed up as follows:-After the invocation of the goddess Chandika (11. 1-4), the epigraph praises Éiladitya as the conqueror of his foes (11. 4-5). Ll. 5-7 record that a Mahajana (community) headed by Je[nta*]ka who had migrated from Vatanagara, started an āgara (? Skt akara, a mine) in Aranyakūpagiri which became a source of livelihood for the people. In the next two lines it is said that the Mahatara (Mahattara) Jentaka, at the command of the Mahajana, founded at the place a temple (devakula) of Aranyavāsini (Durga), which was noted for its eighteen vaitālikas (bards), hailing from different parts of the country and was always crowded with rich and wealthy people. The sense of the last two lines
1 PRAS., W.C., 1908-09, p. 48 and Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 189. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 29ff.

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is not very clear, the inscription being broken at the corner. It appears, however, that the Mahatara Jentaka, having seen the approach of the messengers of Yama entered fire (?) or com. mitted suicide at the holy place of Dēbuvaka. The record ends with the date 703 Katika
Kürttika) di ()-. Evidently the year belongs to the Mälava-Vikrama era and corresponds to 646 A.C.
As regards the personages mentioned in the inscription it would appear that Siladitya was a scion of the Guhila family of Mewar. This inference is supported by the documents which have already been published-e.g., the Āțapura inscription of Saktikumāra, the inscription of Chitor, datod V. S. 1331, the Mt. Ābū' inscription of Samarasimha. As has been pointed out by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, the name Sila in the Atapura inscription stands for Silāditya who was succeeded by Aparajita whose inscription, dated V. S. 718 (A. C. 661), has been alluded to above. Nothing of importance is recorded about the Mahatara Jentaka.
Vatanagara of the inscription is evidently the same as Vatao (Vațapura) which has been identified with Vasantagadh' in Sirohi State and is about 16 miles from Samõli, where the inscription was found.
This inscription is of special interost, as it enables us to rectify a mistake made in connection with the pedigree of Göha. Col. Tod supposed that Gõha (Guhila, Guhadatta, Guhāditya, elc., the founder of the Guhila family of Mewar, to which Siladitys of this inscription belongs) deBoended from the last Siladitya (Siladitya VI) of Valabhipura." The Alină copper-plate inscription of the last Silāditya of Valabhipura dated in Gupta Samvat 447 (A. C. 766-67), would show that he was the ruler of the Valabhi kingdom at least up to the date of his inscription, i.e., the latter half of the eighth century A. C.20 As the date of Silāditya of the present inscription is Samvat 703 (A. C. 646), that of Göha or Guhila, the fifth 11 predecessor from him, should fall in the latter half of the sixth century A. C., if an average reign of twenty years be assigned to each of the rulers precoding Siladitya (of Mewar). Thus there is a difference of about two centuries between the reigns of Gõha (Guhila) of Mewār and the last Silāditya of Valabhipurs. In other words, we might say that Göha (Guhila) had established his rule in Mewar about two centuries prior to the break up of the Valabhi kingdom. Therefore Gõha could not have been the descendant of the last Silāditya (Silāditya VI) of Valabhipura."
10 wafa HAETT
unifoqni ne : Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 191. • Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 75, v. 18. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 348, v. 14.
Ibid, Vol. XXXIX, p. 180. . Cf. noto 1 above whore the kings are mentioned in succession. • Above, Vol. LX, p. 12.
* Ibid, p. 191. Of. also Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 187. [But V antagadh cannot be philologically derived from Vatanagara.--Ed.]
• Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (W. Crooke's Edition), Vol. I, pp. 263-69.
C. 1. 1., Vol. III, pp. 171 ff. Dr. Fleet assigns the inscription to siladitya VIL In faot, Siladitya II of his book (vida p. 41, introduction) did not actually reign at Valabhi (Ind. An., Vol. V, p. 208 and Duff's Chronology. P. 308). Hence Siliditya VII ought to be siladitya VI. (This is a matter of opinion only, cf. Kialhorn's Northern List No. 487, footnote B.Ed.)
10 Duff's Chronology of India, p. 67. Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (W. Crooke's Edition), VoL I, p. 254, note 3.
11 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 188, Inscription No. IV. 11 Ser Ind. Ar., Voi. LVI, pp. 169 74.

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2
10
12
SAMOLI INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SILADITYA-[VIKRAMA-SAMVAT] 703.
༥༤འརྟིཊ༢ར!?ས[ནས་བནརགIསང
༄གན༽༦༽
༼iPage #116

No. 9.]
SAMOLI INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SILADITYA.
99
TEXT. 1 ों नमः ॥ पुनातु दिनक्कम(न्म)रोचिविच्छुरितपद्मपं(प)वच्छवि दुरितमाश
(च)ण्डिकापादह2 यं ॥ हरे(र:)शिखिशिखाभकेसरस्थितमपास रज(जो) नूपुरा(र)भया:(या)च्छरित
दिविभाव(दिग्विभागः) स3 दा:(दा) [*] असुरोर(रः)स्थल(ख) मूलविनिभिन(ब) मुहिररुधिरनिवई ।
[समा] लोक्य केसरि(गे) वाति ति4 रच चापलममप्येव भयमुहिजनिवः । जयति विजयी रिपूना(i) देव
हिजगुरु5 जणा(ना)नंन्दो:(नन्दी) [*] श्रोशीलादित्यो नरपति(तिः) स्वकुलाब(म्ब)र
चन्द्रमा(मा.) पृथ्वोः ॥ जयति वट6 नगरविनिर्गतमहाजन (नो) जेन्ति *] कप्रमुखं:(खः) । येगास्व लोकजीवनं
पा(नमा)गरम7 ता(त्या)दितं(त)मारण्य कूपगिरी:(रो)' [1] नानादिदेशमागत' अष्टादशवेतालि
[क*]ले (लो) कविख्यातः(सम्) 10) 8 धनधान्यष्टपुष्ट[*] विष्टजननित्यसंबाधं(धम्॥ एरि
तब [जेन्त]9 कमहतर(त्तरः) श्रीपरण्यवासिंख्या(न्या) देवकुलं चक्रे महामनादिष्ट(टः) ।
देवो च प्रति]10 टाप्यमनुपालयतु [चि]:(२) स च जेन्तकमहत(त)र: भास . . . . 11 वखतदूता० समवेच(थ) । देबुवके सिधा(मा)यत[भ] ...: 12 लन। प्रविष्ट(टः) ॥ ७०० ३ ॥ कति[क] [f] ..
+ From the original stone. - Expressed by a symbol.
'feo is engraved above the line, while of Oreo is engraved just below oqro. The sign of ST in ouro is bent downwards and is different from other T marks.
Read तिरको चापसमप्येव । • Read भयमुरिमनिक. .Read quatq. Probably the metre should be Udgiti.
*Thea of is written below the line under fao. It wo road "farcido in place of Ofafutia (la L 6) then the metre would be Udgiti.
• Read नानादिन्दयागताष्टादश. • Read प्रतिष्ठाम. - Read देवस्वतद्तान u Probably wort was intendnd. - Rend कार्तिक.

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No. 10.-PATNA MUSEUM PLATES OF RANABHANJA-THE YEAR 22.
BY R. D. BANERJI, M.A., BENARES. These plates were sent to the late Dr. D. B. Spooner by Mr. L. E. B. Cobden-Ramsay, I.C.S., l'olitical Agent, Orissa Feudatory States, in 1915-16.1 A summary of the contents of the inscription they bear, as drawn by the late Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, was published in the Annual Progress Report of the Eastern Circle for that year.
The plates are three in number and are joined together by a copper ring to which is attached a seal (13" x 15") which is ellipsoid in shape and bears the legend Sri-Ranabhaftjadēvasya. They are identical in size and measure 71" by 4 each. The first plate is inscribed on the inner side only while the remaining two bear inscription on both the faces. There are altogether fifty-seven lines of writing on these three plates, which are distributed as follows: the first plate has eleven lines, the second, eleven lines on each side ; and the third, twelve lines on each side. The writing on the whole is neat and clear but each line abounds in mistakes due both to the composer and the engraver.
The record is written in incorrect Sanskrit. The first eleven lines of it are in verse. They contain four stanzas of which the first three are already known from the two Baudh plates of the same prince. These verses contain an invocation to Siva and the genealogy of the donor. This grant mentions two ancestors of Ranabhañja, namely, Silabhañja and Satrubhañja, while the Baudh grant (B) names only one, i.e., Satrubhañja, his father. The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village of Vähiravādā which stood on the banks of the Mahanadi and was included in Dakshinapali and the Khiñjali-mandala, to the god Vijaēsara (Vijayēsvara), by Mahādēvi Vijyä (Vidya) who was the daughter of the illustrious Räna ka Niyârnama. The god Vijaésara is evidently a Siva-linga and the donor, the wife of Ranabhañja himself. The document describes Ranabhañja as a devout worshipper of Vishnu, the tilaka of the spotless Bhañja race and master of both the Khiñjalis, who had obtained the five great sabdas' whose feet were worshipped by tho Mahāsāmantas and who had obtained the blessing of the goddess Stambhēsvari.
Mahanadi is evidently the well-known river of that name in Orissa. Khiñjali is mentioned in several Bhañja grants which have already been published. I am unable to identify the village Vähiravida.
The date of the inscription is, apparently, regular and is given in a half chronogram as Indusvāk-vitanti varise (Indu-väk-vimsati-varshē). Ordinarily this expression would denote the year 2011 of some era but the Baudh plates (B) which are written in the same script as this inscription would show that it stands for 22, vāk being taken in the sense of 1.6
I edit the inscription from the original plates which were kindly placed at my disposal by Sir Edward Gait, I.C.S., K.C.I.E., the then Lieutenant-Governor of Bihār and Orissa.
1 Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of India, Eastern Circle, 1915-10, p. 7, para. 6. .P. 4, para. 6. * Above, Volume XII, pp. 323-28.
• [But våk (vách) does not mean one' though it might stand for four' as it is supposed to have four atagon, namely Pará, Paryanti, Madhyami and Vaikhari.-The reading, however, is not cortain.-Ed.]

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No. 10.)
PATNA MUSEUM PLATES OF BANABHANJA-THE YEAR 22.
102
TEXT. Metres :-Vv. 1-3, Vasantatilaka ; v. 4, Sārdūlavikriditam ; v. 5-19, Anushțubh; and v. 20, Pushpitāgrā.]
First Plate. 1 On: Om svasti! [*] Samhāra-kāla-hutabhug-vikarāla-ghora-sambhrānta-kinka2 ra-ku(kri)tānta-[nitānta * ]-bhinnam [*] bhinn-Andhak-asura-mahā-gahan-ātpatra*|*
tad-bhē(bhai)ravar Ha3 ra-vapu[ -* ]-bham(bha)vataḥ prapātuh" || [ 10 ] Durvvāra-vāraņa-rana-pratipa[ksha
pa ksha-la *]kshmi-hatha-gra4 haņa-suprassita-pratāpā[ h 1* ] Bhañjan(ān)-narādhipatayös va(ba)havau(vo) va
(ba)bhu(bhū)vur=udbhūta5 yõlyē)=tra bhuva(vi) bhu(bhū)ri-sahasra-sa[ ở * ]khyā[ h] /[/2*] Tēshā kulē
sa kala-bhu(bhū)ta[ la * -pā6 la-mauli(li)-mal-ārchchhit-āmghfi-jugalo valavām'ensipõ=bhu(bhūt éri7. Silābhañjadēva[h) pravakratao-paurusha-rasmi-cha kra-nirdārit-ari8 hřidayõ=sya pitā nsipasya [13*] Gambhiryēņa payonidhish*]o thirataya 10 bhu
(bhā)mi[r] 9 va(ba)lēn=ā[ ni * ]la[ 8 * ]-tējõbhir-yalanõ11 -ryamā samatayā || subhrair-jjabobhi's
basi(si) [ *] 10 ātmā sarvva-jagana-mana 18-sthitatayā datt-āva kālo viyajāta" sri11 Satrubhañjal ity-atula-dhil * ) tasy=ātmaja[ * ) Svayammbhu(Sambhu)vata(t) || [4* ] Anyo-nya-mada
Second Plate : First Side. 12 māna-milita 16-samuddhata-npipa-chakra-chaturanga-va(ba)la-kshobha-chali(li)ta-dha13 rā-mandala-gaja-turaga-khura-nirddāraṇa-prasarad-atula-dhuli-vitāna-san14 chchhan[n* Ja-jany-angana-ga[ja * -skandha-vēdika-svayammva(yamva)r-āyāt(ta-)!' pariņita
ja[ya*]-lakshmi
· Expressed by & symbol * Read atapatran.
Punctuation superfluous. Read prapūtu.
[Bhanji naradhipatayo.-Ed.] • Read -anghri-yugalo, * Read balavan. Read prakata..
• Panctuation superfluous. 10 Read thirataya. 11 Read ajvalano 12 Read Ryyabobhiso 1 Read jagan-manah 14 Read viyaj-jätab. 1. Road Satruchangu. 1. Road milila17 Read dhuli

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15 samāpandita-paura-jana-ma(ā)nasaḥ śrīmad-Bhañja-bhubhū)patih purad-Dhritipura
.. 16 mna[ * ] Sa(Sa)rad-amala-dhavala-kara-yasah-patala-dhavalita-dig-va17 danõ(nah) A(A)navarata-pravrit[ t*]a-samnārna! -dan-a[ na * ]ndita-sa kala-jano(nah) 11 18 A(A)ndaja-vad(m) sa-prabhavaḥ Parama-vaishnava(võ). mātā-pitri-pāda(d-a)nu19 dhyāta[ þ* ] Bhañj-amala-kula-tila ka Ubhaya-Khiñjal-(ly-a)dhipatil \ * ] sama
dhigata20 pancha-mahā-savda(bdo) mā(ma)bāsāmanta-vandita-[charanah*] Stambhēsvari-lav.
dha(bdha)-vara-prasā21 da[ h* ) Rāņa ka-fri-Ranabhañjadēva[ 5* ) kusali [l*) Ih-aiva Khiñjali-mandale 22 bhavishyad-rāja-rāja(ā)nak-anta tanga'-kumara(rā)mātya-mahāsāmanta-vrā(brā)hma
Second Plate : Second Side. 23 na-pradhânā[ n* ) anya[ ]s-cha dandapāsika-chăța-bhatta -vallabha-jātīnas 11 ya24 thārbi? mānayati vaidhayati samadisayati(bati) ch=ānyat !" sarvvuta[ \ . ]
si(si)vam=826 smakam Viditam nastu bhavatäh Dakhi(kshi) na-pa(pa)li-prativa(ba)ddha"
Mä(Ma)bånadi(di)-vima26 la-jala-viji".-prakshälita-taţa-Vähira(Bahira)vādā-grāma[6*] 1. chatu[ h * ]si (si)mā-paryanta
27 nidhya upanidhi"-sahitam(tah) mātā-pitro-yatma-jasa "-puny-abhivriddhayê 28 salila-dhārāh"-puraḥsarēņa vidhina | Sri-Vijya-mähädëvyä" | 29 [Para]ma-mähësvari(kvarya) Rāņaka-Sri-Niyârnama-sutä(taya) Vijaēsarāya! 30 datvá vidhi-vidhānēna?? sa-vidhēya-tâmyra 1-säsanash] pratipädito=yam || Param-mall.
Punctuation superfluous. * Read sashmina. . Read ®anlaranga . Read 'bhafao.
Read jātiyan. • Punctuation superfluous.
Read yatharhan. • Read bodhayati. . At first this was also writton di, which was erased and ta written in its place. 10 Read bhavat.Inh. 11 Read "richi 11 Read Onidhy-upanidhio 1* Read mata-pitror-dimanalcha yada! 14 Read dhand. 1 Read Vidyi-mahadevya. 1. Read Vijayébvardya. 17'ng is written below the line. ** Road támra. 11 The ma is superfluoda.

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PATNA MUSEUM PLATES OF RANABHANJA - THE YEAR 22.
उनुस्तू (संख्यकालकरकिराल जातजन कहा 2 रुसकाकाहाहाहायरसद 2
हपुरंद पाठपुरुषालालपढ़ए यह 45पस्तुलपहाणार आवपाहावटमारला 4
याहरुठी खदखखवारलाकुलतकलरठण मोलमालाला प्रेमालालठामणसुट
लारपासलकडियाकलाशा 8 यापहारूपताम्रलपा(मराठयाम
हल्काल हटाचलनाचमास्तममा शिरगान 10 आडिशनमस्तूल्यायवादकालाहिएडाटा 10
खहरू १०० राउलवा हयामरुस्खयम्त्याअशामरत
iia
12 माऊमालपरजपरवाह हलालाब 12
37 सालयतालबुला उठाकर 14लकातासिकानुककल्याला 14
माम ललाटो पदमाशी वातासायलमा 16रावालवलवतलगानठलठरत16
पठाइटरकलर 18
जुलमाला पारक 18 हालसमलकर
लालपाटसम्मान 20 प.सदानादारूमटकदलहरपसा 20
70 लाचलमरला 22 REMI कामदास्तानला 22 iib Qয়হানুল হকের প্রত্যাহ। मराठयाठिवराठिसमारितगलिगढहरवलम 24 भाकररारिम्मत रूठाय ललिटरझाहाल रहिम दिडियजाळ पाहि मादाशमाउतमापर्येा। 26
मुखठिवास्तहिलंमोटापछी पाडायु गायब ललकाका मासा पहावकारशाठिामारदार 28
ममाटवाट कायाम तुलजाल दुरस्त रोटा सहा महिनावारत व शाशस्तं मवादास्ताखायाम 30
पर्यकुलाहायलयले टरकलरखावभासालासा 32 खटप हमालनहरमोड हद सामाईल का 32 15 नालियांसारभरिमीकारक सालापा
HIRANANDA SASTRI.
SCALE: ABOUT TWO-THIRDS.
SURVEY OF INDIA
AVCUTTA.

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34 लासकालमा(बालकवर्मावास्तुपालक पामीरखना 34
स्तिवामदका पिाठ-स्तुर्येक कालाकातुन महाघर 36बरठामवथाढिदयनियछटा मटा दहाशलन्या 36
हामाहामाहराएघारापटकहलाठमहिला MR सुमकटयातनावरासाठराखंगाल 38
{ঠহীসঞ্জীSলহাতীতে তাস।
कर हिरमियान्यायापल पल 40 कि एडामहर्मियादाकुलटावाखमहावादिष्यहिट 42वीयतासगाठ मारिरिरमाहटलसकाछप्परहयु 42
7ে5{সহবানবৃহত্বাফ্রাঞসুস্থ। 44राहत इतकवा नछियामितापहरूसध्यपशि044
शमसुझमयसमालासकाकमायालयाठारत
46 परममिया हिशुदा दयरमपघटिरा पुकमा
यतोता सहायहरुभमटारसमाहतात 48 सहाल'पलपाठ पढ़ाएहामाहह करारलासुमन 48
सारपिजपपरवारलाहहहाडपंपमा दोखरामपका दिमाहतुएश्य इकाला
ISTईएमठारहरवाइएलादकाचा समसमरियाडापयतनालामक बाज
कितिपय मिडियावाला कमलपा 54 वायुलाला पिसाहाठिकलस्तक मरमाइला
तऋद्धि-सपासवोर रापाराश्यमा हातमुखराज 567 ताकि एकसुरातुकपरला राजपालतुमटा 56
नाडकी यमुरमहरा

Page #122

No. 10.)
PATNA MUSEUM PLATES OF RANABHANJA-THE YEAR 22.
103
31 perya-kulāvatārēna ya(yā)vad-Vēl sarvva-vachanēna yatha dharma(m2)[b']
prarõhamti" sā(ya) 32 sanēstē)na pratinā(tano)si sahasrēņa virobasi [*] ēva[n] vu(bu)ddha(dhvă) par
ärddhañ=cha parato 33 vams-avatārēņa (n=ā)py-asmad-antaror(uparödhåd)-dharmma-gauravā[ch*)-cha na kēnachi smalp-api'
Third Plate : First Side. 34 vā(ba)dha karaniya tatha cheau(ch-5)ktam dharmma-kästréshu [ll] Phala-krishtë
[m] mahi[m*] dadya[t*]=s&35 vija(jā)ń sasya-mēdini[m*](balinim)! yāvast*) su(sū)ryakfit-aloka tāvast*) - svargga
mahiyatē 1 [l 5*] 36 Vēda-vam-asmayāji vadanti risht'-dévatāḥ[i*] bhu(bhū)mi-hartrā. tath=anyach
cha &37 ho mã hara mä hara [16*) Yath=āpsu patitam Sakra tē(tai)la-vindu[r*]
visa[r*]ppati i 38 évam bhu(bhūmi- kritam dānam sąsya(syē) sasyē prarohati 1 [l 7*] Adityo
Varu. 39 ņo Vishnu[r*)-Vra(Bra)hmä Sõme(m6) Hutāšana[b.*) Sulapāņīs®-tu bhagavām 10
8
40 bhinandrantisi bhu(bhü)mida[m] | [ 8*] Asphotaya[rh*]ti pitaraḥ pravalgaya(ga)41 nti pitämaha(hāh) | Bhu(Bhūmi-dātā kulē jātütah) sa më trātā bhavishya
ti! [19] Rvvahu-13 12 bhir-vvasudha dat[t*jā rājānaiḥ13 Sagar-ādibhi[h*] | [110*Mā-ru(bkā)d
. aphala-samkā ye paradatēshu 43 palitan | yasya-yasya yadā bbu(bhū)mi[s*]-tasya tasya tada phala[th]
[ 11*) Sva-dat[t*]a[m*)-para-dat[t*]ā
1 Read Vēd-artha* [Punctuation superfluous. Ct, above, Vol. XII, p. 324, L 22 & f..-Ed.) . Read kenachit ralp-dpi. Read alokas
Read svargge. • Read vida-edk-emritayojihul. . * Read rishi. • Road hartha. [800 above Yol. XII, p. 325, L. 40.-Ed.)
Read Galapanis. 10 Read bhagawin. 11 Read abhinandanti, 11 Read Bahubhiro 1 Read Mijabhih.
14 The second half of this verse hoe been omitted. [The second half has been pnt as the moond half of the next voro, the latter half of whioh (viz., mondanát phalam atc.) has been omisted. d.]
w Rood bhadaphala-banke van para-dau-ek pürthiad.

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104
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vou. XX.
krimir-bhubhā)tva
44 m-vå yo harad varēta vasundharam & vishthāyä[m*]
pitçibhi[s*]-saha pachyatē [112*) Hiranya46 m-ēkam gâm-ēkam kath) bhu(bhūmim-apy-arddham-angulaṁ
kam=āyāti yāvad-abhuti(bhūta).
| Hara[n*]-nara
n
yisham-ity=&
.
Third Plate : Second Side. 46 samplava)(va) [ 13*] Bhu(Bhū)mi[m*] yaḥ pratigrihņāti yach(s-cha bhu
(bhū)mi[r*) prayachchhati i ubhau tau punya-karmmanau 47 niyatau s[v*Jargga-gaminau 1 [114] Haratë harayati bhubhu)-mi[th*]
manda-vu(bu)ddhis-tamā(mo)-vpitaḥ | 88 va(ba)48 ddho vârunaiḥ pākaifs*)=tirya[g*l-yõni(ni)sha jayata [ 15*] Mā pår
thivaḥ(va) kadachi[d- dhi*] Vra(bra)hmasvam mana49 sād-api(să api) 1 amga padham'-abhaisva(sha)jyam atat hālāhalam visham
[
1 16*] A(Na) visha[m*] visham-ity=a80 hu[h*) vra(bra)hmasvam visha[m*) uchyata | visham=ēkākino(nam) Banti
vra(bra)hmasvam putra-pautri(tra)ka[**] [117*] Lauha-chuchūb1 -akva "chu(chürppañ-cha vishafi-cha jarayon*-nara) | vra(bra)hmasvam tris
shu lokēshu kaḥ pumān(n) 02 jaramājvaramishyati | [ 18] Vajapēya-sahasrāņi y-Abvamēdha-satāni 53 chat gavām-koti-pradattāna' bhu(bhū)mi-hartta DA byudhyati [! 19*]
Iti kamala-dal-ā04 mvu(bu)-vi[m*]du-lõla[mm] briyam-anuchintya shantasya 1.jtvitaicha sa katam-idam
udahfitan=cha 66 vudaiḥ na hi purushaiḥ paraki(ki)tta (rtta)yo vilopyä[b*] 1 [l 20*) Vijaya
rajyo summva(samvatsar-ëndu-vväg-vi-13 56 santi-varisē(varshē) uktirnan 1-cha vapika(k)-suvampakåta-Sivapäga(gêna) Pandi-suta
(tēna) [1*) maha. 67 rājakiya-mudrēnati 14 M
1 Read bhaimira * Read niyatan • Road param-abhar Raad aémao Read jarayishyati, Read -vaha:rips Aframedha-tadona. Read .pradinēna. • Read buddhyati. • Head Griyama 5. Read manushya
Road budethed. ** [8ee note 4, p. 100 above*Read mikropako **[Pomnibly monat for "mudrayd lånchhitamm iti.--Ed.)

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No. 11]
THE KADAMBAPADRAKA GRANT OF NARAVARMAN-V.8. 1167.
105
No. 11.-THE KADAMBAPADRAKA GRANT OF NARAVARMAN-V.8. 1167.
BY R. D. BANERJI, M.A.The inscription edited below is incised on two thick plates of copper which weigh 15 lbs. 7 oz. and now belong to Mr. J. J. Gardar of Nepean Sea Road, Bombay, who purchased them at some place in Central India, and lent to me in November, 1920, for publication. There are two holes in each of these plates through which they appear to have been once tied together by means of two rings like many of the Valabhi plates which have now been published. There is no seal attached to them but a kneeling figure of Garuda, holding a snake in each hand, is incised at the proper right corner of the second plate, as is seen in the Dharampuri plates of Vākpatirāja of V.S. 1031, the Ujjain plates of Bhojadēva of V.S. 1078 and the Mändhātā platest of Jayasimha I of V.8. 1112. The plates measure 124" by 8each and are incised on one side only. In all, there are twenty-nine lines of writing on them, seventeen being incised on the first plate and twelve on the second. The average height oí letters is f".
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the exception of two verses at the beginning, two in the middle and five imprecatory stanzas at the end, the record is written in prose. It refers itself to the reign of the Paramabhattāraka-Mahārājādhiraja-Paramēsvara, the illustrious Naravarmadēva, who meditated on the feet of the P. M. P., the illustrious Udayadityadēva, who meditated on the feet of the P. M. P., the illustrious Bhöjadeva, who meditated on the feet of the P. M. P., Sindhurajadēva.
The object of the charter is to register the grant of certain pieces of land given on different occasions to a Brāhmaṇa named Dvivēda Asā(sa)dhara, son of Nārāyana of the Kātyāyanagötra and Mädhyandina-läkha. The gift-land consisted of twenty nivarttanas given by the king Naravarmadēva himself on the 12th day of the bright half of Mägha in the year 1167 (=Thursday, the 3rd February, 1110 A.D.) when this grant was issued. The charter also refers to a previous grant of twenty halas of land, out of which ten halas were given by the Mahamandalika Rajadēva on the 15th day of the bright half of Kärttika in the year 1154, four halas by his daughter-in-law, the illustrious Mabädēvi, probably on the same date, and six halas by the king himself, on the 15th day of the bright halt of Pausha in the year 1159 on the occasion of the Bhūtaraprana (Bhatarātri ?)-parvan.. Thus, three different dates are mentioned in the inscription, probably, with a view to bringing together all the grants of land made to the donee up to the time when the present charter was issued. The giftland lay in the village of Kadambapadraka which was in possession of the Mahamandalika Rājya(ja)dēva and was situated in the pratijāgaranaka of Mandāraka in the Upendrapuramandala. The measurement was called a plough measure (hala) which was of ninety-six rode (dandas). The length of the danda in Malwa at this period is unknown. A town named Upēndrapura is mentioned in the Ranod inscription of the Mattamayūra ascetics which seems to
[This article was taken up for publication after the sad and premature demise of the author and was revised by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy.-Ed.]
• Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 61 f.
Ibid., pp. 63 f. Above, Vol. III, pp. 48 ff. [Probably vadha is to be taken in the sense of wife' here.- N. P. C.)
• The correot reading seems to be Udayayana-parvari. According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, the wdagayana sankranti took place on Wednesday, the 24th December, A.D. 1102, i.e., two days before the date given in the present grant.-N. P. C.)
Above, Vol. I, pp. 364 ff.

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106
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XX.
have given its name to the mandala. I am unable to identify either Kadambapadraka or Mandāraka. The grant was issued under the sign manual of the Mahārāja Naravarmadēva and the Dütaka of the charter was Thakkura Kēkava.
TEXT.
[Metres :-Vv. 1, 2, 4 and 5, Anushţubh ; Vv, S and 7, Vasantatilakā; V. 6, Indravajra ; V. 8, Salini ; V. 9, Pushpitāgrā.]
First Plate. 1 Om svasti | Sri[r*]jayo=bhyudayas-cha | Jayati (Vyö]makēsõ=sau yaḥ sarggāya vi
(bi)bharttri(rtti) tām aindavin sirasa lēkhām jagad-vijānga sa kritim | [11*] 2 Tanvantu vaḥ Smar-arātēḥ kalyanam-anisam jațāḥ kalp-anta-samay-ādāta-Hadid
valaya-pirgalāḥ || [210] Paramabhadvälttä)raka-Mahārājā3 dhiraja-Paramēsvara-bri-Sindhurājadēva-vā(pā)dānudhyāta-Parana(ma)bhattāraka-Maha
rājadhiraja-Paramēbvara-bri-Bhojadēva-pädänudhya4 ta-Va(Pa)ramabhattāraka-Mahārājādhirāja-Paramēśvara-bri-Udayādityadēva-padánudhy
ata-Paramabhattāraka- Mahărājādhirāja-Pa5 ramēsvara-bri-Naravarmmadēvaḥ kusali # Upē[n]drapura-mandala Mandaraka
pratijāgaranakē Mahamamdallka-bri-Rājya(ja)dēva-bhuyya(dya)6 måna-Kadamva(mba)padraka-grāmē samupagatāsnamasta 6-raja-purushān=Vra(Bra)
hman-antaran [pra]tinivisi-pattakila-janapadadi[r ]6-cha võ(bo)- 7 7 dhayaty-astu vah samviditam ! yathi Srimad-Dhar-ävasthitair-asmabhih snätvå
charāchara-gurum bhagavantam Bhavānīpatim samabhya[r* Johchya samsä8 rasysärata[m] drishtva | Tatha hi | Vät-abhra-vibhramam-idam vasudh-adhipaty.
am-[6]påta-matra-madhuro vishay-õpabhögaḥ pranis tri ? 9 D-igra-jala-vindu-bami narānām dharmaḥ sakha param-aho para loka-yänē 11 1311
Bhramat-samsāra-chakr-agra-dhār-adhārām=imăm briyam [1] 10 präpya yê ne dadusetëshär paschättāpaḥ peram phalamh || [411] Iti jagato
vina[bva Jram svarūpam-akalayy=adpishta-phalam-amgikpitya chandr-arkk-- 11 DAVA-kshiti-samakälam yavat paraya bha[ktyä] 'bri-Madhyadës-äntahpäti-Srimga
pura-sthias-vinirggata-Kātyāyapa-gotra-Katyayana12 Kapila-Vigva(bv.)mitr-ēti-tri-pravara-Mădhyamdina-sākh-adhyāyi-Vrā(Brā)hmaņa-Dvir(Dvi)
vēda-Nārāyana-pautra-Dikshita-Dēvasa(sa)rmma-suta-Dvivēda-Asa(sa)dharaya 18 uparilikhita-ya(grä)mätshannavati-parvva-dam(da)pda-prämányēna bhëya dvichatva
riban(rimsan)-madhyakēna bhū-nivarttapa-vimsati-pratya | Bhu. 14 hala-vi[m*]satiḥ param=ato 10 Mahamandalika-bri-Rājadövēna chatuḥpa[
m chāsa (ba)d-adhika-eat-aikādaśa-samvatsarē Kā[r*]ttika-kudi-panchadaFrom the original plates and impressions. Expressed by a symbol.
Read jagad-vijankur-aksitim. • Read-samay-Oddand-. .Read galdnaamasta-. Read - ttardne. Danda unnecessary. . Danda unnecespary.
[Probably we have to road meyd ........ vithbatid prata.-N. P. C.) 1Riad parash dc.

Page #126

KADAMBAPADRAKA GRANT OF NARAVARMAN-V. S. 1167.
FIRST PLATE.
द्विशतायावर सातत्यविधीटर दयोलेटासाटदितत्रिता दिवाकरता त्यासाहोकाइसनतिर नवमंगवान कल्यागमनिरातटरकल्यानुसमत्मादान तदिवल्रगिलालाम्पमतद्वारदारापातर ? वानपनामशरगातिनुपातादववादा नुयातपयनतहारकनहापाडादसा उपरामराज्यातलाजाददादानुया तवरमा ट्रकमहापालानिपजपामयपशीठ दयादित्यादवपादानुधातपरमासकमहागताविराजप वामपयानपवमानः करानी पद्पुरमाउलमकारकपातजाला जागा महामहलाकया पायालय मानदतम्पदयातनुपपाताल मचाऊपुरुवा वाहिनियानानिनिया (तसिजन दादासावरा
वालानुदासा नदितीयवायोमदापावधितरम्मानिनावाचा तपासातनरवानावातसमभावासमा 8.यासारतापानवादि वातानविनमनिटवउत्सवपरमापतिमा नमाजविवायाखानामापातमा
पापक दिसतात व मुहिमेसावमाटापनालाक्यानासमतासारसकाराभवासपानिमानिय 10, पाथारनदासपापसातापःपापनातिगाताविनामूपमा कमगादेवपलमहिलादेति. 10
कि तिसमकालयादवारगरत्यायोमबादशानभ्यातिशोपवमानावतिमतदाबावनगातुकारस्थान 16 विवामानातविपद मायदिन गावावाधिदात्मदिना पयानया नदा ददवस मधुर वातावटा 12
उपपिलिखितयामावत वतिपदाटपामाप्य नातयश्चित्वा सन्मायाकन नूनिवजावरातिपमान दलावतिःपरमतोमहामारली कयासदावनततःपचासदविकरातिकदिरासमतदातक्यादिप्रसव 14
याचकाकहितवादाचिननुहलदरोक तबामदामटली कशागतदविद्याशादायवालात 16 बावजूदलचनु पयानवा अस्मा लिापकानमाविकातकादशसमत्सवापाराहि-16
पदयातजारनदार पुन पनि कथिततदलबहारचय हायतनदलविया
HIRANANDA SASTRI.
BCALE: THREE-FOURTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #127

SECOND PLATE.
-CA
तिसतीमारलबातिय पर्यनासहियतागाहोमसोपति तपसहादायसमेता । सातापिानावासनशपुराण घनिहायशासानानादकपूर्वतयापदेवोतन्मवानान तासिपैदक्तिस्तपादावादीयमानतागालगतवाहियादिके माकावणावाचे वासदेममुपसमय (नतासामायानतपुायफलवद्धामस्मसहिरनोरपिसावलोकनमयदनवसमादायामनुमना। पालता ययानावर मनसुवातुकापासनि:सपानादिनिमयमा सायदानमिनतातातदाफनायानाद वनानिसानाविधानानिम्मिधिरामपाणिनिमागवानपातम्मानितानाकानामसापुतादीनाना कुलकमसुदामदाद दियायदानमिदमयनामादनीयास्त्रासाउदलयवद्धदत चलायादामफलपराः । पारपारनतालबाननदाचिन या विवाहापानयागासोतसमतदारामागायतमातन पालीकालकालेगा। सन यानवतातिकमलदला सविटालालाजिखमन
विजापानीविनी सकत्वमिदमुदारूतस्वधनादिपरपरकीनीयाविला पाउसवता माघजादारह05कुशी कराठा मसालमहाराहात
24x7
सूदनायमा पानी नदी देवमा

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No. 11]
THE KADAMBAPADRAKA GRANT OF NARAVARMAN-V.S. 1167. 107
15 sya[m] sva-bhuktō kasyitam vāddhāpita(?)-bhu-hala-dasakati-(bhi)rvvā1 Mahāmandalika-sri-Rajadeva-vadhu-sri-Mahādēvyā pū[r]vva-kalpē ta(da)
16 tvān(tta) bhu-hala-chatushṭayam Tathā asmabhir-ekōnashash ty-adhika-sati(ai)kādasaka-samvatsare Pausha-sudi
17 pamchadasya[m] samjāta-bhūtaraprana-parvvani kasyitatvam (?) bhu-hala-shaṭka [*] Evam yathāyatham bhu-hala-vi[m*]sa- |*
Second Plate.
18 ti sa-sim-tripa-[y]ti-göchara-paryanta sa-hirapya-bhāga-hö(bh5)ga-söparikara-sarvv
ādāya-samētā
19 savā(mātā)-pitrōr-ätmanas-cha punya-yaso-bhidri(vri)ddhaye kataya pradatta [*] Te(Ta)n-matva tan-ni
sasanen-ödaka-pūrvva
20 väsi-paṭṭakila-janapadair-yathadiyamana-bhāga-bhōga-kara-hirany-adikē(ka)m=ājñā-éravana-vidheyair-bhu(bhu)tva sarvvam-amushme(shmai) samupa
21 nētavyam Şamanyam ch-aitat-punya-phalam vu(bu)ddhva asmaḍamsajair'=any[ai]r= api bhavi-bhōktribhir-asmat-p[r*Jadatta-dha[r*]mm-adayō-yam-anumantavyaḥ | * 22 pälaniyas-scha Uktam cha Va(Ba)hubhir-[vva]sudha
bhukta rajabhiḥ Sagar
adibhiḥ yasya yasya yada bhu(bhu)mis-tasya tasya tada phala[m] [*] Yan-iha
23 dattani pura narendrair-ddänäni dharmm-ärtha-yasaskarāņi nirmalya-vänti-pratimāni täni ko nama sadhuḥ punar-adadita | [6] Asma
24 t-kula-k[r*Jamam-udāram-udāharadbhir-anyais-cha
danam-idam-abhyanumōdaniyam
Laksh[m*lyas-tadid-valaya-vudvuda(budbuda)-chamchalaya dänam phalam para
aha(ya)śaḥ
25 paripalanam cha [17] Sarvvän=ēta (tan)-ha(bha)vinaḥ pārthivēmdran-nripō nüyō yachate Sa(Ra)mabhadraḥ śä(sä)many-ōyam dharma-sētur nripānāṁ kālē kālā på
26 laniyo bhavadbhiḥ [18] Iti kamala-dal-amvu(bu)-vind[u*]-lölam śriyam-anuchitra
7
(ntya) manushya-jivitam cha || "
27 sakalam=idam-udah[ri]ta sa vudha na hi purumai(shaib) para-kirttayo vilōpya iti || [9] Samvat 1167
28 Magha-()udi 12 [*] Da | Thak[k*Jura-tri-Kesavaḥ || Mangalam mahā-śrīḥ || cha śriḥ |
i
29 Svahasto-yam mahārāja-sri-Naravarmmadēvasya ||
TRANSLATION.
Om Hail! (May there be) prosperity, victory and success. Let that Vyömakēsa (Śiva), who, for the sake of the creation, holds on his head the crescent of the moon which has a form like the shoot from the seed of the Universe, be victorious (1). May the matted hair of the Enemy of the god of love (i.e., Siva) which is reddish like the fierce circles of lightning at the time
1[I would read sea-bhukto (ktau) kalpitatvad-däpita[m] bhi-hala-dabaka[m] tidva | Tatha).-N. P. C.]
[I would read pü[r]vva-kalp[i]tatvät.-N. P. C.]
[The reading appears to be "nü(U)dagapra(ya)na-parvvani Kasyi(lpi)tatva(tva).-N. P. C.]
Danda unnecessary.
5 Read asmad-va msajair=. Read bhuyo bhuyo.
"Only one danda is required. • Read udahṛilan-cha buddhva.

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108
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[VOL. XX.
of the end of the world, grant you prosperity incessantly (2). The Paramabhattāraka-Mahārāja. dhirāja-Parameswara the illustrious Naravarmadēva, who meditated on the feet of the P. M. P. the illustrious Udayādityadēva, who meditated on the feet of the P. M. P. the illustrious Sindhurājadēva, being in good health, informs the various officers, Brāhmaṇas and others, Pattakilas and inhabitants of towng, assembled in the village of Kadambapadraka which is being enjoyed by the Mahāmandalika sri-Rājadēva (and which is situated) in the prati. jāgaranaka of Mandāraka of the Upandrapura-mandala. Let it be known to you that while residing at Dhārā, having bathed and worshipped Bhagavān (Siva) the ruler of the world and the lord of Bhavani and having perceived the worthlessness of the world—as it is said, " This ownership of the earth is (as transient) as clouds moved by the wind, the enjoyment of property is sweet only for the time being, lives (of men) are (as unstable) as drops of water on the points (of blades) of grass, Dharma is the only friend in the journey to the other world (3). Those who, having obtained this fortune which is as unstable as the sharp edge of the moving wheel of the world, do not give it (to the needy or the deserving), for them the only result will be great repentance afterwards (4). So, having ascertained the transient nature of the world and having agreed to the result of fate, with great devotion, twenty nivarttanas of land, measured by the cod of ninety-six parvas in length (?) and forty-two in breadth (?) from the above-mentioned village are given by us, to last as long as the sun, the moon, the earth and the sea, to the Brāhmaṇa Dvivēda Asādhara, son of Dikshita Dēvašarman and grandson of Dvivēda Nārāyaṇa, who was an immigrant from Singapura, situated in the Middle-country (Madhyadēša), who belonged to the Kātyāyana-götra with the three pravaras Kätyāyana, Kapila and Visvāmitra, (and) who was a student of the Madhyandina-sakha. Also twenty plough measures of land were given by the Mahamandalika, the illustrious Rajadēva on the 15th day of the bright hall of Kartika, in the year 1154, from land being enjoyed by him and therefore retailed (? vaddha. pita); also ten plough measures given by the illustrious Mahādēvi, the daughter-in-law of the Mahamandalika, the illustrious Rājadēva. So also four plough measures given in a previous kalpa ; so also six plough measures given by us on the occasion of the festival of Bhūtaraprana(?) on the 15th day of the bright half of Pausha, in the year 1159. Thus, the twenty plough measures of land, in its regular order, with its boundaries, with rights of grass, yüti and pasturage, with rights of mining gold, of shares and easements with additional taxes and with all other income is given for the increase of the merit and fame of our own self and of our father and motber, by means of a (copper)-plate after a previous libation of water. Having regard to this, all shares, basements, taxes, rights of gold mining, etc., hitherto given by the Pattakilas and the townsmen inhabiting the place, are to be given to him (the donee). (Here follow the usual formula and five imprecatory verses.) The year 1167, the 12th day of the bright half of Māgha. The Dutaka (of this grant was) Thakkura sri-Kēšava. My own sign manual "the Mahārāja, the illustrious Naravarmadëva."
*[The passage may be translated as 'twenty nivarttanas of land from the abovementioned village out of the forty-two (nivarttanas) measured by the rod of ninety-six parvan, eto.-N. P. C.)
* The meaning of the word kalpita as used in the text is not oertain. This term also occurs in the granta of Bhājadēva of V.S. 1078 (Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 53) and Yaéðvarmadēva of V.8. 1192 (Ibid.,, Vol. XIX, p. 340). Possibly it has to be taken in the rense of settled ' or 'fixed'. I would translate II. 14-17 ms follows:
Additional twenty plough menenren of land were also manted). Out of these ten halas of land were Otised to be given in his own bhukti by the Mahamandalika the illustrious Rajadēva on ............from (hin own) settlement (1), four halas of land (were given) by the illustrious Mahadevi, the wife of the Mahamundalika the illustrious Rajadēva, from her previous settlement (!) and six halas of land are not given) by us on........on the occasion of the udagayana-parnan from (our) settlemont (1).- N. P. C.)

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No. 127 TWO SINDA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENACHAMATTI, SAKA 1088 & 1109. 109
No. 12.-TWO SINDA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENACHAMATTI, SAKA 1088 AND
SAKA 1109.
BY R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., OOTACAMUND. These two records are engraved on a stone tablet lying in front of the temple of Távara at Benachamatti in the Gajēndragad State which is included in the Ron taluk of the Dhärwär district. They are edited here for the first time from the estampages secured by me under the orders of the Government Epigraphist for India in the year 1927-28.1. The first inscription covers an area of 2' 91' by 2' 31", the size of each letter being about 1' in height. The area occupied by the second inscription is 2' 31" by 61' and the size of each letter is roughly t". The latter is the continuation of the former. I am calling them A and B respectively for the sake of convenience. They are in a fairly good state of preservation excepting that some letters of B are lost at the right corner of the lower edge where the stone is broken.
Both the inscriptions are Kannada records of the twelfth century of the Christian era. In A the long iis distinguished from the short one by an inside coil at the top as in păthina (1.1), Chandaladēvi (1. 19), etc.; the -sign at times has a short downward bend by the side of the letter with which it is connected as, for example, in Chāvunda (1. 10), sudhā (1. 11), etc.; the ai-sign is represented, in some cases, by a horizontal line at the bottom of the letter concerned with a curve on the left side and, in others, by a cursive upward stroke shooting from the bottom to the right end, as in Mandara-dhairyyam (1. 18), sainyaṁ (1. 26); the letters m, y and v have very often been represented by their special cursive forms as in baliyim (1. 6), 'y-aliyan (1. 7), and devāyatanamuman (1. 37) respectively; the anusvāra is written by the side of the letter connected therewith in four places, i.e., in yenisidam (1. 19), kularngaļim (1. 29), dēv-āyatanamumam (1. 37) and gāṁbhirya (1. 42). The Orthography is generally free from errors. It may be noted that in A the engraver has filled up the space left at the end of lines 3, 6, 10, 12, 13, 20, 24, 35, 38, 41, 46, 49, 51 and 52 by the addition of a superfluous mark resembling the English letter S. In B the consonant la is, in several places, wrongly used for la, as in paļa (11. 3, 5 and 6), kalegalolu (1. 5), etc., and the letter te in Nõhilana teradi (1. 4) is written like le.
Excepting the first verse which is in Sanskrit, A is written in Kannada poetry interspersed with prose in II. 8, 10, 31, 32, 36-38 and 44-54. B is also composed in Kannada poetry with a prose passage in 11. 10-16.
After the usual invocation to Sambhu (i.e., Siva), A describes the ocean (11. 2-3), the Jambudvips and the Mēru mountain (ll. 3-4), the Kumtala country and its past kings (11. 4-5) and the reigning sovereign Kaļachurya Bijjana who is stated to have wrested the royal glory from the (Western) Chāļukyas (11. 5-7). It then introduces Bijjana's son-in-law Chāvunda-nfipa of the Sinda family whose pedigree is given in lines 8-29. Further it tells us that, of the seven brothers-namely Acharasa, Nāka, Simga, Dāsa, Dāvana, Chāvunda and ChāvaChăvunda was a powerful warrior and that to Acharasa was born Bammarasa, a moon to the ocean of the Sinda family. His brother was the renowned Acharasa (II), son of Simha for Singa). To him were born Perma by queen Mahadēvi and Chāvunda (II) by queen Chamdaladēvi. Of Chăvupda it is recorded that when the Hoysala king met him with a huge army, the Sinda prince destroyed its general together with other opponents and captured his elephants in large numbers. Again when the Pandya chieftain Kāmanripa waged a War against Chāvunda with a view to conquer him, he met with a crushing defeat and had to flee away for life in the forest. When Chávunda was saling his territory from his capital at Erambarage (which is compared in lines 28-31 to the celestial Amarāvati, Ayodhyā, Mathurā and Ujjayini), the Fifty Families of Telligas extolled in 11. 32-36 constructed the
Nos. 31 and 32 of 1927-28 of the Bombay Karnatak Collection. App. B. A. R. on 8.1. Frigraphy, 1927.

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temple of Telligēśvara in the south-east quarter of that town and made certain gifts to it after laving the feet of Chamdramauti-vratin of the Lākuļa sect, the acharya of Simhēśvara-matha, on the day specified in ll. 46-47 during the reign of the Kalachurya king Tribhuvanamalla Bijjanadēva (1l. 44-45). Lines 38-44 give the genealogy of the Achārya Chandramauļi-vratin as follows:-Vigrahāśvara-vratin, his disciple Yogēsvarayati and his disciple Chandramauli-yati.
Inscription B introduces, after prayer to the god Telligkvara, mentioned above, ViraBijjala and Vira-Vikrama as sons of Chāvunda by Sridávi and describes the elder of the two, namely Vira-Bijjala, as a great devotee of Siva like Nambi' and Ohila' and a scholar like Bāna (11. 1-4). His wife was Tripurādāvi (1.5). His brother Vikrama was a munificent donor and an invincible warrior looking majestic as if he was a Chakravartin (11. 6-9). In lines 10-12, the two brothers are mentioned with the usual titles, Mahamandalesvara, Sāhasõttumga, etc., as ruling over Kisukādu-70, Bāgadage-70, Kelava¢i-300, Nareyamgal-12 and Karividi-3[0]. At the request of the Fifty Telligas and a certain Murhjaya-Sahani they are stated to have granted some land to the temple of Tolligkvara (11. 13-16) on the date specified in lines 12 and 13.
The details of the date given in A are:-Saka 1088, Vyaya, Pushya amăvāsya, Monday, Uttarayana-samnkrämti and vyatipāta. They are not quite regular. The Pushya amaväsyä ended on Sunday at 95 and the Makara (Uttarayana)-samkrarti had occurred on Märgadirsha ba. 30, Saturday (24th December). The date intended probably was Monday, 23rd January, A.D. 1167 which was a day of Kumbha-samkrāshti in Uttarāyana.
The details of the date given in inscription B are :-Saka 1109, the cyclic year Plava mhga,
........... chaturdasi, Monday, Samkrānti. According to Swamikannu Pillai's Ephemeris, chaturdasi combined with a samkrimti did not fall on Monday in any of the months of Plavamga. But, for Chaitra bu. 14 which was a day of Mēsha-samkramana, the details would be correct except for the week day which was a Tuesday. The nearest equivalent would, therefore, be 24th March, A.D. 1187.
The two inscriptions under publication are important inasmuch as they furnish in unambiguous phraseology the genealogy of the Sinda princes of Erambarage from Achugi I down to Vira-Bijjana and Vira-Vikramaditya, sons of Chāvunda IL Inscription A reveals for the first time that Perma and Chāvunda were the sons of Acbarasa II from different mothers, viz., Mahădēvi and Chandaladôvi respectively and thus supplements the information contained in the Ron record of A.D. 1180, where they are represented apparently as full brothers. The genealogy given in A is in perfect agreement with the one gathered from the published records of the family, although an ambiguous verse in the Pattadakal inscription" ātana tammar Simgamahi-tala-patiy=ātan=ātmajātam bhuvana-khyātam............ negald-Acharasam" bad led Fleet' to introduce another Simgi (II) and make him the father of Achugi (II). Dr. Barnett
* This matha was, apparently, named after Sithha, brother of Achugi I.
Nambi probably refers to Bundaramürti-Nayanar who was known as Narbi-Arirar. See Tamil Lexioon S.T.
• Obils was a great devotee of the god somanaths in Saurashtra. The story of his guieless devotion is nar. rated in the 43rd and 44th chapters of the Basava-Pwrpath of Bhimaksvi.
• Above Vol. XIX, p. 227.
. So far, only eight records of the Erambarage branch of the Sinda princes are critically edited : J.B. R. 4. 8., VOL XI, pp. 224-30; 239-42; 247-49, 253-55; 259-66 ; 274-75 (re-edited in Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 96) and above Vols. XV, p. 109 and XIX, p. 227.
J. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XI, p. 257.
The Dynasties of the Kanarese Dist icte, p. 573. Subaequently the mistake was rectified by him in a footnoto on p. 266 of Ing. Ant., Vol. XXX.

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No. 12) TWO SINDA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENACHAMATTI, SAKA 1088 & 1109. 111
who has written an excellent note on the Sinda chiefs in this journal', evidently followed Fleet in this respect; but, while editing the Sūdi inscription of the Kalachurya king Samkamadēva, he felt the incongruity of this interpretation and remarked " it seems to confuse Achugi's brother Singi I with the former's son Singhi II." Since the Ron record edited by the same scholar states clearly that Acharasa II was the son of Singa, a brother of Āchugi I, he has recognised this difference as being only a variant version of the pedigree recorded in the Sūdi inscription mentioned above. But it may be remarked that all the epigraphs, if understood properly with the aid of A, yield the same genealogy. The verse in praise of Achugi II in A runs as follows:
atan-anujätan-&vani-khyåtam bri-Simha-jatan-uddhata-ripu-samghāta-hati-niratana
enisidan=ātata-tējam pratāpadimdAcharasam (II. 13-14) meaning that his (i.e., Bammarasa's) brother was the powerful Acharass who was the son of Simha. This statement is fully borne out by the relevant portion in the Südi inscription, viz., vistarisidud-alli Singarasan-ātmajan-Achugimandalesvaram (1. 24), i.e., among them (alli) Simgarasa's son was Achugimaņdalēšvara. As Acharasa II is thus described in unmistakable terms to be the son of Simha without introducing any prince of the latter name before, excepting Achugi (I)'s brother Singa, there is no other alternative but to suppose that he was the son of this Sirga and consequently a cousin of Bammarasa I. The expression ätana tammam'must, therefore, be taken to mean his brother, i.e., the brother of Achugi I.
We know from inscriptions at Arasibidi and Katgēris that Chivunda had married three queens, namely, Dēmaladēvi, Lakshmădēvi and Siriyādēvi, of whom the last two were the daughters of the Kaļachurya King Bijjala. He begot on Dēmaladēvi, Achugi III and Permägi III and on Siriyadēvi, Vira-Vijjapa and Vira-Vikrama, the donors of inscription B. Vira-Vijjana's queen was Tripuradēvi. The portion containing the name of Vikrama's wife is unfortunately broken off.
The Sinda chiefs who played an important part in the mediaeval history of Karnataka began their political career aa feudatories of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani during the last quarter of the 11th century A. D. The first prince of the family was Achugi I who is described in the Sūdi and Nidgundi inscriptions with the significant epithet "ademandaļika," thereby indicating that with him came into being the rule of the Sinds princes of Erambarage. From the fact that he is extolled as Vikramadityana katfid.alagu? (a sharpened sword-edge of Vikramaditya VI) and that his son Bammarasa was, according to an epigraph at Savadi, ruling Kisukādu and other provinces in the Chalukya Vikrama year 7 (A. D. 1083), the origin of the family as a ruling power may be placed in or about A. D. 1076, the year of Vikramaditya's accession to the throne. It is therefore not possible that the Mahāmandalesvara Singannadēva of a Nidgundi inscription who was governing Kisukādu-70 in A. D. 1076 under Bhuvanaikamalladēva, could be identical with the Sinda prince Simga I 26 originally suggested by Fleet 10 and still accepted by Dr. Barnett in his note referred to above. There is no evidence to show that Achugi's brother simga ruled at all whereas it can be definitely inferred from 1 Above Vol. XIV, pp. 288.
* Above Vol. XV, pp. 109. * The expression vistarisidudalli has been taken as one word and translated "In dwelling upon the excellence oto." See ibid, p. 112. But it has to be split up into two words as vistarisiduds and alli.
No. 37 of the Bombay Karnatak Collection for 1928-20. No. 151 of the same collection. No. 205 of the same colleotion for 1926-27. * No. 35 of the same collection for 1927-28 and the Sadi inscription mentioned above. * No. 2 of the same collection for 1927-28.
[bid No. 200 for 1927-28. 10 Dyn. Kan. Dist, p. 674. But he has doubted this identification in Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, p. 200.

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inscription A that Bammarasa, the son and successor of Achugi I was succeeded by Achugi II, the son of Simha to whom there is only a passing reference. Bammarasa had, according to the Paṭṭadakal record, won the favour of the reigning sovereign, i.e., Vikramaditya VI and received from him a position of honour and rank in the State. His territory comprised Kisukaḍu-70 and Narayamgal-12. He appears to have died without issue as, otherwise, the Sinda throne would not have passed to the descendants of his uncle Simga. From an inscription at Arasibidi3 which states that Mahamandaleśvara [Ava]rarasa was administering under Vikramaditya VI, Kisukaḍu-70 and Karividi-30 in A.D. 1087, it may be surmised that at the time of Bammarasa's death, Achugi II was either a minor or not powerful enough to assert the rights of his family. Subsequently, however, he appears to have acquired possession of his hereditary provinces through the favour of Vikramaditya, which, thereafter, continued in his line till the end. Only three dates, viz., 1113-14, 1121-22 and 1125-26 are known for Achugi II who defeated, for his master Vikramaditya VI, the Pandya, Hoysala and other rebels. Thus it may be stated that the three chiefs from Achugi I to Achugi II were the feudatories of the Western Chalukya emperor Vikramaditya VI and took a prominent part in the conquests of their overlord.
After Achugi II, the two brothers Permaḍis and Chavunda II held the Sinda territory as subordinates of Perma-Jagadēkamalla and Trailōkyamalla Taila III, respectively. It was during the latter's reign that the Chalukya dominions were usurped by Kalachurya Bijjala who is described in A as having dragged by force the lady of the Chalukya sovereignty. Permadi is stated in his inscriptions to have vanquished Kulasekhara, besieged and decapitated Chaṭṭa pursued Jayakēsi and seized the royal power of Hoysala Vishnuvarddhana. The Ron inscription adds that he "captured the Hoysala king's elephants as well as his treasure-waggons." In the present record (A), however, the defeat of the Hoysala king's army and the capture of his elephants are attributed to Chavunda II for whom we have several dates ranging from A. D. 1151' to 1160-70. Besides, he is credited with having put to flight a certain Paṇḍya chieftain named Kamadeva. These events must be different from those noticed above. For, it is natural that the Hoysala prince should again have risen in vengeance against the declining power of the Chalukyas and tried to assert independence and that the Sindas, as faithful servants of the Chalukyas, should have checked his aggression on the battle-field. And Kamadeva, evidently Kamadeva of Uchchangi, otherwise known as Vijayapāṇḍyadeva, who succeeded his brother Vira-Pandya sometime after A.D. 1148" and lived on up to at least A.D. 118910, was for a longer period a contemporary of Chavunda II than of his elder brother Permaḍi. It is worth noticing that Chavunda, who had abstained from acknowledging the Kalachurya suzerainty in his earlier records dated before A. D. 1163,11
1 Not a single known inscription has described Simha independently except as the father of Acharasa II. This would suggest that he never enjoyed any power.
Savadi inscription referred to above.
No. 35 of the Bombay Karnatak Collection for 1928-29. Ibid No. 219 for 1926-27, J. B. R. A. S., Vol. XI, p. 247 and No. 218 of the B. K. collection for 1926-27. An inscription at Ködikop bearing an impossible date in Saka 872 introduces this prince as a feudatory of Vikramaditya VI. Since we know that his father Achugi was living in A. D. 1125-26, the last year of Vikramaditya, it may be presumed that he ruled conjointly with his father or his father must have died in that year so that Permadi, who succeeded him, could become Vikramaditya's feudal chief.
Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 575.
"No. 37 of the Bombay Karnatak collection for 1928-29.
These exploits of Chavunda do not find mention in other records of himself or of his sons. Excepting the defeat of Kamadeva which is nowhere ascribed to Permaḍi, the rest might as well be supposed to have been achieved by Chavunda in conjunction with his elder brother as the latter is known to have accomplished similar acts. 10 Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 466.
Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, p. 151.
11 No. 147 of the B. K. collection for 1928-29. See also Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 462.

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No. 12) TWO SINDA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENACHAMATTI, SAKA 1088 & 1109. 113
though it was well established by then, had begun to recognise it by A. D. 1167, as is evident from the preamble to the grant portion of inscription A. It appears that he was holding the reins of government in conjunction with his sons Achugi and Permādi in A. D. 1163 when the Pattadakal inscription was engraved. It is not known under what circumstances the Sinda chiefdom passed to the sons of Siriyādēvi after the death of Chāvunda II.
Chāvunda's rule must have ended in A. D. 1169-70, for we find his sons Vira-Bijjana and Vira-Vikrama ruling over Kisukādu-70, Bāgadage-70, and Keļavadi-300 in A. D. 1170 as recorded in the Ajhole inscription dated in Virödhin, corresponding to the 94th year of the Chalukya Vikrama era, whereas an epigraph from Hirēmaņņür bearing the date Saka 1091 (A.D. 1169) introduces Chāvunda as a donor of some gift. Further the Harti inscription of Vira-Bijjana dated in the cyclic year Vijaya falling in his 7th year fixes the date of his accession sometime in Virõdhin. Vira-Bijjana and Vira-Vikrama appear to have ruled conjointly as is shown by the preamble to inscription B which states that both the princes were ruling together from their capital at Erambarage. This is corroborated by other inscriptions also. There are, however, a few epigraphs which were issued by the two brothers independently of each other. But this does not vitiate the above conclusion inasmuch as joint rulers could make donations separately as well. There are reasons to hold that the two princes were very young when they were invested with power. Two inscriptions at Nidgundi with dates in Saka 1094 (A. D. 1172) and Saka 1096 (A. D. 1174) style them as kumāras and introduce patļamahādēvi Sirigādevi as making some gifts in conjunction with her two children. This seems to indicate that their mother Siriyādēvi was actually governing the Sinda territory as regent during their minority.? That they were children then, as said above, is rendered quite probable by a record of A. D. 1220 in which year Vikramaditya was still holding the Sinda dominions under the Yadava Simganadēva, after a rule of not less than fifty years.
It is significant to note that inscription B does not mention any overlord but proceeds to describe the two brothers straightaway as if they were independent rulers. After the Kalachurya usurpation which lasted for twenty years, the Sindas retransferred their allegiance to the Chāļukyas under Sömēsvara IV, who revived his ancestral sovereignty in A. D. 1183. Sometime after this date, the Chāļukya territory appears to have again become a prey to the constant attacks of the Yadavas of Dēvagiri on the north and the Hoysalas of Dvārasamudra on the south. During this period of turmoil, the Sinda princes must have declared independence. This is indicated by the expression “Chakravarti-padavi-patiy=innritan= enal-esevan=urvvi-khyäta-yasan Vira-Vikramāvanipālam " in inscription B which means that the powerful Vikrama was then the fit person to bear the title of Chakravartin. But this independence did not continue long, for we find from the Amạigere and Gadag inscriptions of Yadava Bhillamadēva, dated respectively in A. D. 1189 and 1191, that the Yādava king held the country south of the Malaprabhā and Krishņā as well as the northern provinces, thus precluding the possibility of the Sindas remaining free and unassailed. Since Jaitugi counts his reign from the latter date, Bhillama must have died in that year probably in an encounter with Vira-Ballāla. This is proved by the existence of Vira-Baltāļa's record at Gadag
1 J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XI, pp. 274. It was re-edited more correctly in Ind. Ant., Vol. LX, p. 96. * No. 4 of tho Bombay Karnatak collection for 1927-28. * No. 57 of 1926-27 of the same collection. Ibid, No. 221 of 1926-27. Ron and Harti inscriptions mentioned above. • Nos. 208 and 206 of 1920-27 of the Bombay Kamatak collection. *Ibid., No. 85 of 1927-28.
Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 504.

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itself dated in A. D. 1192 and by the statements contained in his Annigere inscription of A. D. 1202 representing Bhillama as having been killed in the fight. The Harihar inscription of his son Narasimha II adds to his father's conquesta the capture of all the strongholds between Soratūr, Erambarage, Kurugod, Gutti, Bellittage, etc. From this it is evident that Vira-Ballāļa had successfully wrested from the Yādava king some portion of the territory which the latter had taken from Sămēsvara IV, subjugated the Sindas of Erambarage and made them pay homage to his banner. The Yådavas, however, were not keeping quiet all this while. They were biding time to reclaim the lost country. Jaitugi's son Simgañadēva who carried his conquesta far and wide led an expedition against the Hoysalas during the last daye of Vira-Ballāļa and snatched back from him the portion of land lying to the south of the Krishņā and Malaprabhā and even extended his arms farther south as is proved by his inscription at Balagāmve in Mysore, dated in A. D. 1215. This event must have taken place in or about A.D. 1210 for, an epigraph at Dönit states that the sixteenth year of Singanadēva's entry into that tract corresponded to the cyclic year Vijaya (A.D. 1226). This statement proves that the Yadavas were once again in possession of the territory under contest which must have included Kisukādu-70 of the Sindas. That the Sinda chiefs became their subordinates and continued to acknowledge their suzerainty till the end is clear from a stone record at Kalakappanaguddas in which the Sinda Vikramaditya figures as & feudatory of Simgannadēva in the latter's 21st regna! year falling in Vikrama, i.e., A. D. 1220. Nine years later, we find Mahāpradhana Väsudēva-Nayaka ruling under the orders of Simhana, Erambarage " which had caused itself to be called the capital of Kisukādu-70” 8. Presumably the Sinda prince Vikrama had passed away between A.D. 1220 and 1229 and his territory was then annexed to the Yādava kingdom, thus ending the rule of the Sinda chiefs after a glorious career of about 150 years.
From the facts set forth in the foregoing pages, & revised genealogy of the Sinda princes with dates is reconstructed below for the sake of ready reference.
Dätapa.
Chävande L
Chára
Acharasa I. Naka.
Désa. (#chugi I.) Bammarosa.
Acharase II. (A. D. 1083)
(Acbugi II). (A.D. 1113, 1121-22 and 1125) by Mahidevi
by Chandaladevi
Perma (A.D. 1144.)
Chavanda II (A. D. 1151 and 1189). Married Demaladovi, Lakshmidori and Siriyadevi.
Achagi III. (A.D. 1163.)
Permadi. (A. D. 1163.)
Virs Bijjana. (A.D. 1169 and 1187.)
Vira-Vikrams (A.D. 1169, 1187 and
1220.)
* No. 193 of the Bombay Kamatak collection for 1928-20. Among the descriptivo epitheta applied to Vira BADAin this record occurs the expression “ Baillama-bola-jaladhi-badaudnalam".
• Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 504.
Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 505. No. 79 of 1927-28 of the Bombay Karnatak collection. 8oo also 4. 8. 2., 1927-28. p. HI. No. 36 of the Bombay Karnatak collection for 1927-28. No. 200 of 1926-27 of the same collection.

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No. 12.) TWO SINDA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENACHAMATTI, SAKA 1088 & 1109. 115
The following places and subdivisions are mentioned in the two records the celestial Amaravati, Ayodhye, Madhure, Ujjayini, Erambarăpuram, Kalldra, Kisukādu-70, Bāgadage-70, Keavadi-300, Nareyamgal-12 and Karividi-30. Of these Kalluru is the modern village of that name near Mushigēri in the Ron taluk of the Dharwär district. On Kisukādu-70 and Karividi-30 see Fleet's exhaustive note in Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXX, pp. 259 ff. Bāgadage-70 comprised a portion of the modern Bagalkot taluk in the Bijapur district with Bagadage, 1.e., Bagalkot as its chief town. Kelavadi-300 derived its name from its chief place Kelavadi which is at present a small village in the Bādāmi taluk of the Bijapur district. Naroyargal-12 was a small circle of villages with its headquarters at Narayangal, .e., the modern Narogal in the Ron taluk of the Dharwar district. The remaining places are too well known to require any remarks,
. TEXT.
А 1 Namas-tumga-siral-chumbi-chandra-châmara-chäravē trailokya-nagar-arambha-mūla
stambhāya Sambhavē || [11*] Vi Viluthat-pāțhina-puchchha- sphurita2 gurutar - asphālana - sphāra-kolāhala-niryyad-dhairyya-nakra-krama-kashana-nishamn - Oru
nirēbha-bhiksich-chaļa-hast-aghāta-masta3 prakathina-kamatha-bhrāti-nirmmukta-mukt-ävila-vichi-sanchayam kang=esedudu
bahala-dhvana-raudrar samudra 1 [21*1 Tad-värddhi-chäru-pa-(8) 4 rikhi-sadvalayitam-enisi näde sogayisuvudu Jambüdvipa-v-alli chăru-kubhrid.
yatan=ene năde Mēru-giri ramjisugum | [3]*] A Kanak-adri5 ya temkal-Bhū-kārtā-kuntal-opama Kuntaļav=amt=ā kārta-vishaya-rakshakar=1
Kaliyugadalli puţtidar-Chalukyar [41] Chalukya-mahi6 barimde baliyim durvfittaram geldu dhátri-chakram n ere bampnisal-bhują.
bal-āvashtambhadim Kumtal-orvvi-chamchach-chatur-arganā-kacha-samākarshä(8). 7 graham Bijapa-fr-chakrātvaran=opputirppan=adatam vidvishta-viddrävanam !
[5*] Tach-chakravarttiy=aliyam sach-charitam visada-kirtti Chāvumda-nfipam
nichchata8 gali Kali-kala-viyach-charan=ene pegarin=egev&n= vasumatiyo [618]
A mabānabhāvananvay-āvatārsv=ent=erdade Achu9 gi-bhūmi-pājana sah-ödarar=spratima-pratāpa-bhūp-achala-vajra-damdar_ene Nāka
nripam npipa-tunga Simtgan=&tm-Ochita-vikra10 mam negalda Dasarasam kali Dāvanam jaya-sri-chatura-priyam vibhu
Chavundarasam guņi Chāva-bhūbhujah || [TH*] Avarolage | Ahit-odyad(8) 11 bala-jalakan kadanadol-mirantu tāgal-mahā-mahimam sülige-gondu köpad-odavin
kond-ikki vidvishitaran mahiyol-taldi sudh-am12 bu-nirmmala-yasah-bri-kamtiyam santatam mahaniyam kali Chaunda-bhüpan
Beevam fri-Bidada-nash-odbhavan # [8] Ks! Avarolag=Achara-samg=u
(8) 13 abhavisidan-adhika-pratapa-nidhi jaya-lakshmi-pravanam Barhmarasam, kirtti-vilasam
Sittade vårddhi-varddhana-chandram [911*1 Atan-anujätan avani-khyātam(8) 14 Sri-Simba-jatan=uddhata-ripu-samghita-hati-niratan=enisidan-alata-tējam
pretápadirbd dobarasath 11 (1011) Ant-enisid-Acha-bhūpana karto 15 daya-varte, bhagya-varte nitamtam sānte naya-vamte Bat-kula-vamte
Mahadaviy-emba pesarimd=eseval ! [111*] Vfi | Acha-mabibhujangaycsevā

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116
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XX.
V
16 Mahadövigay-udgha-vikramam khē-chara-kirtti sambhavisidam kali Permma
mabidbaran manojñ-acharanam raņ-oddhatA-viruddha-npipāļaka-jāļa-ba17 Jika-lochane-nirggalad-vimala-lola-jal-äviļa-samgar-årganam # [12]*) Permma
| bhūpan=anujah rũpa-Manõjen manõjĩaguna-gana-yu18 ktam vēpita-ripu-nfipa-briday-aļāpar Chavumda-mandal-ēkam negaļdam [13t*)
Mandara-dhairyya ripu-nfipa-bfimda-kirah-kamduk-āļi-kēļi-ka. . 19 litar Chandaladövi-utan-amal-md-ūjvala-kirttiyenisidam Chávundam (14"}
Munis-äbhila-nfipäla-mēgha-patala-prötəära-jham20 jhânilam vanadhi-pravrita-kirtti samdra-vikirat-kaļēya-páp-andhakara-niris-ojvals
chandra-didhiti lasad-dānam budha-brāta(8) 21 dausthya-nag-odbhedana-vajrav=gal=esevan Chivunda-bhfi plakam (181*]
Samar-dyad-bala-Hoysala-kshitipa-sēn-ānikam=omd-agi 22 vikramadim tägo parikrama-krama-yutam Simd-anvay-imbhodhi-chamdramane
érvvatti tad-isanam maledaram komd=ugra-matta-e25 bha-samghaman=dam pididam pratāpa-tapanam Chāvunda-bhupațakam 1 [16*]
Vği Bhirugaļa saran-buguvaram b hayad-uţtudan-ikki nilu24 varam vāruvadimd=iļā-taļake vapparan=art-iriyalke pēsi sad-viraran=eyde
komd-eseva misegaļim huri-gonda ganda perdara25 man=alda Simda-kuļa-mandananol padiy=appa gandar=ar [17] Nija.
châturbbala-garbbadim bhuja-baļa-prakshõbhadim Pămdyan=āji-jay-,26 kamksheyin=eyde vamdu kadupimda tä[ge] Chāvuṁda-bhūbhujan=ēk.
ängadegelda Binyaman-adam kamd=uțţudam bittu nirvvijayam 27 Kāma-nripāļan=öờidan-avam bemgottu kāl-vatteyitó [181*1
Vandita[v-I]mdranimdav=Amaravati Raghavanimd=Ayodhye 28 Govimdanin=ujvalan-Madhure Guttanin=Ujjayanf-puram Marum-namdananimde
Hastinapuram nere ramjisuv-ante samtatam Simda-Chavunda29 bhäbhujantn-oppaman=āļdud-Erambarăpuram # [19 Dēvakuļamgalim (va
vadhujkula-harmmya-batangaļim mahīdēva-grihamgaļim Dhana30 pati-prabha-vaisya-kadamba-gehadim pāvanavat-tapā-vana-tapo-dbana-sälegalimde
kange-vamd=i vasdh-agrado! sale viräjisut-irppud=Erambarāpuran 1. (2011*) Alli | Telligar-ayvatt-okkal=sal-lalita-gug
adhyar-Abhava-pada-yuga-vimal-otphulla-Harasi(i)-ja-shat-padar-ullasi32 ta-sit-abhra-kirtti-vallabhar=eniper | [211] Mattam | Vpi Saran-āyāt-ādri.
rakshă-kshams-saradhigal-uddande-vidvishta-dusht-õtkara33 kārtāra-pradāha-prabalatara-mah-ögr-analar-Sambhu-bumbhach-charap-ambhājāta-gumjat.
Bw-ruchiratara-rõļamba34 red-erdu b biavad-dbarey aivattmokkalau takkaran-atisayadim kirttikur
mechchi nichcham (2210 Sujana-stutyar=ssu(su)-satya-bratar-sperimit
achara-sad-dharmme35 Vazmmarupn(pp)ija-kazat-anamta-moda-pramudita-vimala- viztaritmiya-dava-dvija-pad
ambhöja-pūjā-niratarvenuto kay-vá(8) 36 radim kūde bažndhu-brajav=aivattokkalan baranipada rani-talam nechche
8- pardadiradaxa (231") V. Aratu pogalte-vaded-aivatbeoklasigalaka wh r-sg-ibi-Erambarăpurad-tbana-dig-vibhiigedol Talligrēsvara-done pratish
thoyath tad-dēv-zyatanamumam miqinidara sthanad-a

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No. 12.] TWO SINDA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENACHAMATTI, SAKA 1088 & 1109. 117
38 charyyar-appa Chadramaulidëvara
gurukul-anvayav-emt-emdade || Math
39 n-érit-asrayam kali-kal-ötpamna-Lakulisan=enipam
neya-valiyol-ati-stutan-umnata-yasa(8)
hesvara-brati-tiļakam [24] Tat-pada-kamala-seva-tatpa
40 ran-anavadya-charitan-Amgaja-kudhar-ō(r)dyat-pavi Yōgōsvarayati sat-pumnyam Lakul-agam-ambuja-mitram [25||*] A munimukhyana 41 sishyam bhu-mahitam naishthik-agra-ganyam vibudha-stōma-sura-bhūjan= Amgaja-samaja-gaja-vairi Chamdramault-yatimdram || (S) [26||*] 42 Nija-dan-ōmnati kalpa-bhuja-tatiyam mula-bratam stutya-Vayu-janam sat. yav-animdya-Satyatapanam gambhiryyav-ambhʊdhiyam ti(tri) jagad-by43 pta-yasam śaś-amka-ruchiyam kil-māḍe
vijit-dyat-Kali
rārājipam Chandramauli-yatipark vidvaj-jan-aik-arayam H [27] 44 Vachana Svasti [*] Samasta-bhuvan-asrayam Sri-Prithvi-vallabha maharaj-adhiraja paramesvara paramabhaṭṭārakam Kalachuriya-kula45 kamala-märttarhḍam kadana-prachamḍam nām-adi-samasta-prasasti-sahitam śri-mat-Tribhuvanamalla Bijjapadevara vijaya-rijyam-u
46 ttar-öttar-abhivriddhi-pravarddhamanam-a-chamdr-arkka-tāram saluttam=ire S()aka-varsha 1088-neys Byaya-samvatsarada Pushyad-amäväsye (8) byatipatad-anda irl-mat-Telligēs.
47 Sömavärav-uttarayana-samkrämtt
varad vargge Telligar ayvatt-okkalgakka-stharagi 48 rada mathad-acharyyar-appa Charadramaulidevara
49 kkalum
Simhelva
kalam karchchi
dhara-pūrvvaka madi bittayav-emt-emdade [1] Dandin-okkalum talad-o. devasav alav-emne gāņadalli solasaveraḍu deva-ganad-okkalalli devasav=ajav-empe soļasav omdu chaitra-pavitrashgs(8)
50 Joļu gānadalli visav=aidu gāṇam meṭṭuvaralli visav-aidu mathakke band-abhyagataralli naḍava manushyar ähära-danakke tingaling-okka51 Igaloļ jāļa kojagav-ordu Kallura baṭṭeyim paduvala......namd=iruva tomṭam mattar-eadu Dipavaliya parvvadali(8)
52 yokkaloleme manav-omdu maligeyejag-indervar-Brämiga bit-kyath hothge
samnuta-mati Vigra
koṭṭavaralliy-aḍakey-omdu komḍava(8)
53 ralliyadakey=omdu
eņisida dhoregalalli pratyakav-adakey-omdu buligarv-viṭṭ-ayam bhamḍig=ele nuru hē
54 ringe nūru tale-voreg-aiy(ai)vattu devara
mumdan-amgadiy-eradu ||
Sri-vidita-Telligesvaradevam
S
2 yam [*] bhu-vinuta-Vira-Bijjaladavamgam Nuta-guna-Chavumd-orvvi-patigam
ניון יום
3 ne
[ou] [gatiyum-e
piriyam
B
manam-osedu kufuge
rājya-bri
[1]
Siridĕvigam
puṭṭidar-b(h)bhupati-Bijjala-Vira-Vikram-avanipālaru
Vira-Vikrama-kshitipamgam
tam
kumarer=kkam
[2] Avarolu
Bhav-ödbhava-rupam Vira-Bijjan-orvvi-nätkara [*] Siva padapamkaja-shaṭpadan akhila-stuta-ki

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118
1 rtti
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
niti-s(6)ara-nidhiy=esedam || [3] Nambiya
teradim Sivanam nambidan-Ohilana [te]radi nōh-illada bhaktam Bapan-arte jāņaṁ kim bahuna Vira-Bijjal-āva[ni]
5 palam || [4*]
ripu-hrit-sellam chaushashti-ka legalolu diṭadim tām ballam Tripuradĕviya vallabhan=i Vira-Bijjal-avani. natham || [5]........
6 ti-kulam chakravarti-padavi-[pati]y-irhnn-Itan-enal-esevan-urvvi-khyāta-yasam
Sal-lalita-kirtti
ma.....
Vira-Vikram-avani-pālam || [6*] Huliy-emdan-apasuvath phapi-kuja '7 van=oppe māriḍuvam jakkulipaṁ javanaṁ nichchata-gali už είνὄνο Vira-Vikrama-bhüparh || [7] Vr(r)itts Π Udit-ätyugra-bhuja-pratāpada poḍarppam [kamḍu] simga.....
8 r-ar-vvejakular-ar-ppoḍarpp-udugar=ăr=&nt=ōḍi
bōd-agi pogadar-ar-alukadar
9 8(6)ruta-Vira-Vikrama-nripa-tyāgakke
är-mmanam-gidadar-ar-ssarvvasvamam tettu bi...... kaiy-anar-aru || [8||*] Kanda || Ivam vandige saran=ene kāvam vibhu Vira-Vikram-örvvi-palam [*] Śri-vadhuge patiy-eni.....
10 deviya manō-bjini-kala-hamsam || [9||*]
16.
[VOL. XX.
éri-man(u)-mahamandalēśvara sähasöttumga bhuja-bala
11 ladova-Vira-Vikramadevarasarumh Kisukad-eppactu Bagaḍagey-eppattu Kela[valdi-münüru Narayargallu-harhneradu Karividi-ma[va]........ 19 nija-rajadhaniy-Erambarageyolu sukha-sarkatha-vinōdadim rajyam-geyyuttam= ire [1] (8)aka-varshada 1109-neya Plavarga-samvatsarada...... 13 turddas(6) Sōmavāra sarhkränti punya-tithiy-amd-séesha aty(ai)vatt= okkala bi(th)nnapadih árimad-anadi-pattanav-Erathbarageya Telli
Svasti [*] Samasta-prasasti-sahitam
gesvaradevarige....
14 ppattēļu gēņa gale yolu
Jagateévaradevara keyith baḍagalu keyi mattaru panneradumam Murhjaya Sahaniya bi[nnapadim] 15 ......[palduvalu gadde
sarvvanamasyam sarvvaVira-Bijjaladava Vira
badha-parihärmägi Vikramadeva....
mattar=ondumam dhara-pūrvvakram=a[gi]
.kottaru ||
TRANSLATION. A
Verse 1. Invocation to Sambhu.
V. 2. The ocean, terrific on account of excessive roar, looks fair to the sight with voluminous billows mixed with pearls that are tossed about by the motion of tortoises with stout heads, by the slashes of fearful trunks moving to and fro of the big water elephants that are seated, and by the rubbings of the feet of crocodiles losing courage at the increasing tumult caused by the blows, rendered heavier by the movements of the tails, of the wallowing pathina fishes.
V. 3. Encircled by the beautiful ditch, the ocean, Jambudvipa looks highly charming; in it the Mount Meru appears very attractive as if he is the best of all beautiful mountains.
V. 4. To the south of that golden mountain is Kumtala, resembling the lock of hair of the lady Earth. Of such a charming land the Chalukyas were born the protectors in the Kali age. V. 5 After, the Chalukya kings (had passed away), the ill ustrous emperor Bijjana the scarer of enemies, looked majestic seizing the braid of hair of the handsome and clever

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No. 12.] TWO SINDA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENACHAMATTI, SAKA 1068 & 1109. 119
lady, the land of Kumtala by resorting to strength of arms, after conquering the refractory (chiefs) so as to be highly praised by the whole circle of Earth.
V. 6. The son-in-law of the emperor was the well-behaved prince Chavunḍa of white fame, a tough warrior, renowned on earth as a Gandharva of the Kali age. As regards the genea. logy of that high-souled (hero):
V. 7. King Achugi's brothers, viz., prince Naka, Sirnga, the chief of kings, the famous Dasarasa endowed with valour befitting his rank, the valiant Dāvana, king Chavundarasa, a handsome lover of victory and prosperity and the virtuous prince Chava were (powerful) like a thunderbolt to mountains, the kings of uncomparable prowess. Among them
V. 8. the brave king Chaunda, born of the Sinda family, ever praiseworthy shines on earth with the splendour of fortune and fame unsullied like the nectar-rayed (moon), looting and crushing the foes in furious rage when the confederacy of hostile armies met him in fight.
V. 9. Among them, to Acharasa was born Bammarasa, a moon to increase the ocean, the Sinda (lin age), brilliant with fame, a repository of great prowess and endeared to victory and wealth.
V. 10. His younger brother was Acharasa of exceeding splendour who, born of the illustri. ous Simha and renowned on earth was, on account of his valour, (known to be) ever engaged in killing the hosts of haughty foes.
V. 11. The wife of Acha-bhupa, thus described, was known by (lit. shore with) the name Mahadevi and was of noble family, prudent, extremely calm in disposition, kind and possessed of good fortune.
V. 12. To king Acha and the beautiful Mahādēvi was born the powerful prince Perma, famed like a Gandharva, exceedingly brave, pleasing in conduct, who rendered the battlefields impure with pure and rolling tears proceeding from the eyes of the young wives (lit. girls) of the collection of enemy kings who rose in battle.
V. 13. The younger brother of that Perma-bhupa was the renowned chief Chāvuṇḍa a Cupid in form, possessed of a number of excellent qualities and who was a woe to the trembling hearts of the enemy kings.
V. 14. Chavunda, son of Chamdaladevi, courageous like Mount Me ndara and expert in playing with the rows of balls, the heads of the groups of hostile kings, attained fame glowing like the clear moon.
V. 15. The king Chavunda was, when exasperated, a storm to disperse the gathering of clouds, the formidable hostile kings, a brilliant ray of the moon to remove the enveloping and dense darkness, the sins of the Kali age, with fame encompassing the oceans. (A bestower) of magnificent gifts he shone like a bolt to tear asunder the mountains, the vanities of groups of scholars.
V. 16. When the army of the Hoysala king who had prepared himself for battle met him bravely with a united front, prince Chavunda, the moon in the ocean of the Sinda family stepping forth valiantly (lit. with valorous steps) rushed through, burning like the sun, killed its general and other opponents and, further, captured groups of fierce and intoxicated elephants.
V. 17. What hero, indeed, would equal the ornament of the Sinda family who was the master of valiant marauders that stimulated themselves by twisting their moustaches after destroying completely brave warriors, feeling disgusted to fight and kill these that were timid, those that sought his protection, those that cast away their garment through fear and stood (helpless) and those that got down on earth from horse (back)?
V. 18. Puffed up at (the strength of) his fourfold army and itching with the might of his arms the Pandya chieftain started immediately and met king Chavunda with force to conquer him

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120
EPIGRAPHTA INDICA.
[Vol. XX.
(Chavunda) conquered this) army single-handed. Seeing it king Kama threw off his garment and losing (hopes of) victory fled by the forest track turning his back.
V. 19. Just as Amaravati looked ever beautiful with Indra who was boved to (by alh). Ayodhyā with the descendant of Raghu (ie., Ramachandra), the lovely Mathura with Govinda, Ujjayini with Gutta and Hastinapura with the son of Marut (im.,Bhimasēna), salsa Erarbarapura attained much gracefulnees with the Sinda chief Chivunda.
V. 20. Erarberäpura shines greatly on the face of this eharming earth with temples, numerous palaces containing groups of maidens, houses of gads on earth, se., Brāhmaṇas, and of the hosts of Vaibyas who resembled Kubera fin wealth) and with the bermitages of ascetics in sacred groves of penanee.
V. 21. There, Fitty Families of Telligas fo.e., silmen), endowed with pleasing virtues and possessing brilliant fame (brigh) as white clouds, were like bees on the pure and full-blown lotuses, the two feet of Siva.
V. 22. Further, the bright Earth is ever pleased with the deserving Fifty Families and praises them high saying "they are like the ocean capable of protecting the mountains, the refugees, like the intensely furious conflagration powerful enough to burn away the forests, the turbulent foes and chief villains, and like the handsome bees humming in the lotuses, the beautiful feet of Sambhu.
V. 23. Groups of (their) relatives extol with gestures of hands the Fifty Families so as to be well appreciated by the whole world saying, “They are worthy of praise by the good, avowedly truthful, armoured with piety and inestimable conduct, gladdened in their pure hearts at the innumerable delights of their wives and are ever busy in the worship of the lotus feet of gods and of dvijas".
Lines 36-38. The Fifty Families, thus, praised, assembled and performed the installation of god Telligāśvara in the north-east quarter of Exarh barāpura and also constructed a temple for the deity. To describe the succession in the family of the preceptor of Shandra. maulidēva, the acharya of that temple
V. 24. There was an ornament of asceties named Vigranesvara of much extolled intellect, who was greatly praised in (his) respectable family, an abode of refugees, and was known as Lakulisa born in the Kali age.
V. 25. The meditator on his lotus feet was the righteous Yogēsvaragati of blameless conduct, a bolt lifted up at the mountain, the Cupid, a sun to the lily of Lākulāgama (ie., works of the Läkula sect).
Vv. 26 and 27. The disciple of that excellent muni was the best yati called Charadramauli, the sole resort of learned men, who has conquered the rising Keli; his generosity surpassed the group of desire-yielding trees, his vow of (subentong an), 190ts, the praiseworthy son of Vayu (i.e., Hanuman), his truthfulnes, the wablamable Sedyebapa, bia serenity, the ocean and his fame pervading the three worlds, the lustre of the moon.
LI. 44-46. Hail! When the victorious rigs of the illustrious Tribhuwanamalla Bijap dēva, an asylum of the whole world Lard of Perthane and Karth possessed of all the laudatory titles like Mahārājadhiraga, Paramdhara, Paramabhaffäraka, a sun to the lotus of the Kahe. churiya family, terrible in fight, was advancing in the course of continuously increasing prosperity as long as the sun and the moon. last
Manneya may also be taken to MAR
particular sub-divisiou of the touchor's lineago.

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No. 12.] TWO SINDA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENACHAMATTI, SAKA 1088 & 1109. 121
Ll. 46-48. On Monday, the new-moon day of Pushya, which was the day of Uttarayapa-samkrāmti and Vyatipata in the cyclic year Vyaya corresponding to the Saka year 1088, the Fifty Families of Telligas met together and granted the following income with the pouring of water to the glorious god Tellige vara after laving the feet of Chandramauliděva, the acharya of Simhesvara-matha.
Ll. 44-52. Each family in Cantonment and Town (should) each day measure out two solasa of oil for an oilmill; in the family (maintaining) the god's oil mill, oil measuring one solasa (should be received); five visas on an oil mill for (the offering of) chaitra and pavitra; and five visas from every one of those that press the mill; one kolaga of jwarry per month from each family for conducting the feeding of people (i.e., guests) that come to the matha; one mattar of garden situated at.. ..west of the path leading to Kallūru; on the sacred occasion of Dīpāvali, one māna of oil from each family (should be received).
Ll. 52-54. The income granted by the Five hundred svamins in (their) storehouse: for every gold coin, one areca-nut from sellers and one from buyers; one areca-nut from the counting officers each time (they count). The income granted by the dealers in betel-leaves: a hundred leaves for one cartload, a hundred for a bullock-load, fifty for a man's load and two shops in front of the temple.
B.
Verse 1. May the glorious and famous god Telligeévara grant with kindness the prosperity of kingdom to the world-renowned Bijjaladeva and king Vira-Vikrama.
V. 2. There were born to king Chavunda of reputed virtues and to Sridevi (two) sons namely, king Bijjala and king Vira-Vikrama as if they were the (two) eyes or (two) goals of life (of their parents).
V. 3. Of them, the elder was prince Bijjala, a Cupid in form, a bee in the lotus feet of Siva, with fame sung by all and an ocean of polity..
V. 4. King Vira-Bijjana trusted Siva like Nambi and was like Ohila, a devotee who did not observe any religious rites-what more-he was learned like Baņa.
V. 5. This prince Vira-Bijjala of increasing fame, a shaft in the hearts of his foes and an expert, forsooth, in the sixty-four arts was the husband of Tripurādēvi.
as if
V. 6. King Vira-Vikrama looks majestic with fame extolled on earth he was then the (proper) lord (to bear) the title of Chakravartin.
V. 7. If (the name of) a tiger is taken (to compare his valour with) he would mock at it, he would...... ....host of serpents, oppose in a fitting manner..... ......and cow down the Death God. O! God !! Vira-Vikrama is indeed a veritable warrior.
.....
V. 8. Who, indeed, can survive....(after witnessing) the force of the prowess of his arms? Who does not shrink in power? Who does not run away helpless after opposing (him) in battle? Who does not tremble or be perturbed in mind and will not..... .....offer everything of his own? What person is there that does not stretch his hands for the gifts of the renowned Vira-Vikrama ?
V. 9. The powerful chief Vira-Vikrama gives (gifts) to one that praises him; protects if one seeks his shelter and is a beautiful swan to the lotus plant..... .....devi who equalled
Lakshmi.
Lines 10-12. Hail! When the illustrious Mahamandalesvara, Sahasottumga, Bhujabala.... ........king..........ladova and Vira-Vikramadeva, possessed of all the laudatory birudas, were ruling in their capital Brambarage, with the diversion of pleasant conversation, Kisukādu-70, Bagadage-70, Kelavadi-300, Nareyamgal-12 and Karividi-3[0],
LL. 12-16. On Monday, the auspicious day of Samkrämti, the fourteenth day........ ........in the cyclic year Plavarga, corresponding to the Saka year 1109, Bijjaladōva

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122
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ Vol. XX.
and Vira-Vikramadeva..............granted at the request of the Fifty Families as samoaramasya, with the pouring of water and with immunity from all claims, twelve mattar of land field by the pole (measuring) twenty-seven (?) spans, on the north of the land of god Jagatesvara, to god Telligötvara of Erarbarage, the fortunate town existing from times immemorial (anādi-pattana), and at the request of Mumjaya-Sahani, one mattar of paddy land to the west...........
No. 13.-DABOK INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF DHAVALAPPADEVA; (HARSHA-)
SAMVAT 207.
BY
R.R. HALDER, RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER. This inscription was found engraved op a large stone lying in a field at the village of Dabok, eight miles to the east of Udaipur in Mewar. It was removed to the Udaipur Museum by Rai Babadur Gaurishankar H. Ojha, and I edit it from the ink-impression, which he so kindly placed at my disposal. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has noticed it in this journal.
The record contains fifteen lines of writing covering & space of about 3 ft. 6 ins. x 1 ft. 7 ins. The average size of the letters is in. The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets, commonly known as Kutila lipi. They are almost similar to the Jodhpur Inscription of Pratibâra Bäuka. Paleographically, the inscription is important, as the date given in it contains the letter-symbol of 200, which is worth noting. The language is incorrect Sanskrit and, ex. cepting the two imprecatory verses, the whole record is in prose. In respect of orthography, the following points may be noted-consonants are doubled after , as in Durggadēvyā (1. 4), -märgga (1.9), etc.; and tefore , as in puttra (1.2), kshettraṁ (1.5), etc. ; & is written for é, as in svarasya and säradya (1.4), and for sh, as in sèd hyö- (1. 13), -ațavisv=d. (1. 14), etc.; the anusvāra is used forn in asmin- (1. 1), -chandrārkka- (1.11), etc., and is redundant in -uridhyartham (1. 11), and haram- (1. 15); m is written for v in nimi (1. 3), etc.; rules of sandhi are, as a rule, violated in almost all the lines. The upadhmaniya is used in punar=ādadita (1. 14). Other mistakes and irregularities are pointed out in the footnotes accompanying the text.
The inscription is of the time of Sri-Dhavalappadēva, who, as shown by the titles Parama. bhaffäraka, Maharājādhirāja, Paraměsvara, appears to have been a paramount chief. The record is dated in the eighth day of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada of the Samvat 207. The object of the inscription is to record the grant of some fields and, probably, shops, too, by Vaidya Giyaka, son of Nāgadāman, & resident of Dhavagartā (the present town of Dhor in the Jahazpur district of the Udaipur State) to the temples of the god Mahamahēsvara and the goddess Durgă called Chattavasini.
As the era to which the year belongs has not been specified, the date cannot be ascertained with certainty. The characters, however, are of a period not earlier than the 8th or 9th century A. D. In consideration of this fact, the date can be referred to the Harsha era, in which several other inscriptions of Rajputāna are dated. In that case the date would correspond to Monday, the 8th August A.D. 813. The family to which Dhavalappadēva belonged is not mentioned in this inscription. From the Dhanop inscription of Chachcha, dated Samvat 1063
1 The impresion is not very cloar. Consequently the reading is not free from doubt in several places. . Above Vol. XII, p. 11. . Abovo Vol. XVIII, pp. 87 ff. Soo Annual Reports of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, for 1916-17 and 1019-20, 4(6) L Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, D.174

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No. 13.]
DABOK INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF DHAVALAPPADEVA.
123
(A.D. 1006), we know that the Rāshtrakūtas were ruling over Rajputāna in the eleventh century A.D. We also know from the Sirur inscription of the Rashtrakūta king Amoghavarsha I that Govindarāja III conquered Kerala, Mälava, Gurjara, etc., as far as Chitrakūta (Chitor in Mewar). This would show that the Rashtrakūtas of the Deccan held their sway over some parts of Rajputāns in the beginning of the ninth century A.D. Possibly the Rashtrakūtas of Dhanop, which is near Mewar, were related to the Rashtrakūtas of the Deccan, and Dhavalappadēva may Biso have been related to them. His name seems to be of South Indian origin.
The epigraph under notice describes Dhanika as the son of Guhila, who then ruled over Dhavagartā (1. 2). The Chātsū inscription of Balāditya mentions a Dhanika as the son of Guhila. One Dhanika figures as a local ruler in the inscription dated Samvat 887 (A.D. 830), recently discovered at Näsūn in the Kharwă estate in Ajmer-Merwara, but, there, he is described as the father of Isänabhata. The Dhanika of the Chatsu inscription was the great-grandson of Isānabhata. Consequently there must have been two Dhanikas and two ftānabhatas.
The contents of the inscription may be summed up as follows:
After making an obeisance to the god Siva and giving the date as the eighth day of the bright fortnight of Bhādrapada of the samvat 207 (200 in letter-symbol and 7 in figure), the first five lines state that, during the reign of Paramabhaffaraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramesvara Sri-Dhavalappadēva, Vaidya Giyaka, son of NÄgadāman of the Kāyastha family and an inhabitant of Dhavagartā, which was being ruled over by Dhanika, a Guhilot, made permanent endowments of some faradyagraishmika fields (the fields that can be tilled in autumn as well as in summer) to two temples-one of Mahamahēsvara established by him (Giyaks) and the other of Durgadevi previously established by Vaidya Yatodēva, Lines 4-5 inform us that the above fields were in the share or inheritance of Chachcha (probably one of the sons of the donor). In lines 5-10 are given the boundaries of the fields and of the two shops. Lines 10-11 tell us that the fields were granted for the increase of religious merit and fame of the donor and his parents, as also for the repairs and maintenance of the above temples. In lines 12-13, the allotment of the fields and the share of their produce is made. The fifteenth or the last line tells us that the inscription was engraved by Vriddhinaga, son of Vaidya Giyaka.
TEXT, 1 पोंनमः शिवाय ॥ सं २०.७ भाद्रपदरादि ८ परिमंदि(सिन्दि)वसे
परमभहारकमहाराजाधिरावपरममारबीच(ध)वसष्पदेवप्रवर्ध()2 Ar i freguest st(s)faaray[
watarat (V) atat वातावैधगीयवनागदामपुषनेगम१ वात्य (त्यः) श्रीमविक्यौरसामान्यदेवदायत्वेन पचयनीमी(वी) प्रयच्छति
पात्मीयाकारितदेवद्रोणीप्रतिष्ठापितस्य देवाधिदेवमहामी.
1 Above Vol. VII, p. 207.
* Names ending in pps generally denote the names of persons of South India; for instanos, appo (above, Vi, 117), Tailappa (ibid., ILL, 271), Dhörappa (ibid., 11, 217), Dhadiyappa (ibid., IL, 217), etc. Such ingtapos Morare in northern India. The name Dhavalappe also occurs in a grant of Krishna II (ibid., L03), bat Lo munt be a different person. . Abovo, Vol. XII, p. 14. • Ind. Ant., Vol. LIX, p. 22.
From the impression, Expressed by a symbol

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124
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vot. xx.
.4 स्व(ख)रस्य । तथा च पु(पूवतरवैद्ययस(शो)देवकारितदेवद्रोणीप्रतिष्ठा
पिताया घवासिनीनामश्रीदुर्गादेव्या पति(त:) । पात्मीयखवीर्योत्पत्री
(वा) सारख भिकक्षेत्रादी'पूर्वभुज्य(ता?)मुज्य। माना पचाटभटप्रवेश्या [खपुत्राणां श्रीचच्चदाया । (ध)वग पु(प्र)बत.
(त:) सा(मा)[रद्य ()भिकक्षेत्र [*] यस्याघाटनानि पूर्वतः [सा]बटक्षेत्र वकटा च [*] दक्षिणत(तो) राजकीयक्षेत्र । पश्चिमत(त:)
पडण6 प्पकपासी । उत्तरत(तो) वत्मा(म) । तथा नागादित्यभटा(ट)स्य चाग्रते (तः) भारद्य (3)ष्मिकक्षेचं । पूर्वत(तो) ब्रह्मसोमबाउट कक्षेचं वाटा च । दक्षिणत(तः) तटाकोदकं ॥ उत्तरत(तो) भकभवकक्षेचं ॥ तथा
च(ध)वंगर्ता 7 दक्षिणत(तो) वाहियालीनाम परहि(१)हक्षेचं । पूर्वत(तो) गर्ता वर्मा
(स्म)च । दक्षिणत(तो) राजकीय[क्षेचं । पश्चिमत(त:) पुष्कर(रि)णीघाली ॥ उत(त्त)रत(तो) वर्मा(म) ॥ तथा कतटाक चाग्रत परहा
क्षेत्र [*] पूर्वत(तो) 8 गर्ता । दक्षिणत(तो) राजकीय(या) घरकुला(खा) । पश्चिमत(तो)
वकटा । उच(त)रत(तो) राजकीयक्षेत्र । तथा पयारघवकटाकण्य
पष्टते(ष्ठतः) काशपयचेचं । पर्वत(तो) । विसोमचे। दक्षिणतरतः) पत्रि३ मत(तो) राजकीयक्षेत्र । उत(तारत(तो) मोम्मचेचे । तथा मधे बीयो
हे दोषणाभिमुखा(खे) ॥ पूर्वतो(त:) पश्चिमत(त:) [सा] उहवीथी । दधि. ... मततो) मार्ग (र्ग:) । उत(त)रत(त:) प्रणाली] . . . . . ॥ एवं च10 तुराधाटनोपलचितंत) । तथापरमपि सा(मा)रक्षेचादी(दि) यकिमपि
तत्समस्तं (सम[च] गुम्गुलदीपतैया(खा)र्थे खण्डस्फुटितसमारा(रो)पणार्थे च
माताप(पि)चो रामन] पुख1 यशोभिवृध्य (य)र्थ(थ)माचंद्रा पर्णवमानक्षत्रचितिवितिसमकालोमतया पुचपी
भान्वयक्रमभोग्यतया च देवदायत्वेन पश्यनीमि(वि)काचारण मतितापि]
ता(त) । 12 पनाधेयविधया । मम्म(म)पुचपीनाम:) प्रेमिकक्षेचादी(दिः) सप्तमविभा
गन (क)प(ब)बीया(थ:) सा(मा)रबषेचादी(दिः) सप्तद्रमीषकाखबाटवेन
क(क)प(ष)णीया(यः) । हावपि .. . . . . . . चतु. IRand भारम्भिवदि .
1" ? is written below the line. •Rond बटाकख. - Read चायतीर
The stroke in redundant.

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DABOR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF DHAVALAPPADEVA; [HARSHA-] SAMVAT 207.
2984NR
ASEENETRADEरयामपुरमा
जनमानस
४६७ मा
HUA
lad
MANTI
Asegnaler og s
PHSR LATES
रामायण्य
M
सम्पधीवि
NOTES
PAL
THAN
DR. HIRAKANDA SABTRI.
SCALE : ONE-SIXTH.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 13.)
DABOK INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF DHAVALAPPADEVA.
125
13 (4 ) a' [wife] Taart:) a vrum(:) afifafamart
taraffat (H)euntu(t)ocaacarf auranter (a)fu ()
a(A) falferri) nfae {a) szt [] .....22(07:) I amit 14 (1) THYR (at)fa yarasiterarfa [1] furentarar
afamift afa (TTH 8T]Y X griega il 7 fawrize()
atang tafua:) [*] wou 15 TA TR (fai o
di foratura( Ta ufis aña Xe()fafia
No. 14.--FOUR CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS
BY RAI BAHADUR HIRALAL. Impressions of the four inscriptions, edited below, were forwarded to me by Dr. Hirananda Sastri, Government Epigraphist for India, who received the plates from the Ruling Chief of Charkhärl State, Bundelkhand, Central India, through the Director General of Archæology in India; No details as to their provenance were available from the State office records. For the sake of convenience, I am here noticing the inscriptions in their chronological order. A. CHARKHARI PLATE OF DEVAVARMADEVA: (VIKRAMA-SAMVAT
1108.
This charter is incised on a large copper-plate, 181' by 12%', with its corners rounded off and weighing 3607 tolas. The plate is surmounted by a copper-hook, 24 long, which is rivetted to it and holds a ring 2* in diameter. Just below this is carved the figure of the four-armed goddess Lakshmi with an elephant on each side pouring water on her head with raised trunk. Under her seat is inscribed the sign-manual Srimad-Dévavarmmaddua) sa-hastah in two lines, The figure occupies a space, 4 inches long and 3 inches high, just in the middle of the first 6 lines. Each complete line is on the average 16' long.
The inscription is engraved in Nagari characters, their average size being . The language is Sanskrit. But there are numerous mistakes in spelling, etc., some of which appear to be due to the oversight of the engraver. There is a palpable instance of the latter being influenced by local patois, viz., the Bundelkhandi Hindi in which je is still used for the Sanskrit ye, of which it is an exact equivalent. In line 21 the engraver had used the correct form but in the next line the more familiar vernacular word asserted itself. The orthographical peculiarities are similar to those which the late Dr. Kielhorn pointed out in editing another copper-plate charter of the same king issued a year before the present one. The latter was issued on the occasion of the anniversary of his mother's death, while the present record was issued on the occasion of a lunar eclipse for the religious benefit of himself and
Probably this word is connected with dramma. Road xfor. Metro, Indravajra.
'Rend सपा जि. Metre, Anushubh.
•Rand भिवग, 'Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI, p. 206.

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126
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XX.
his parents. The date of this record is Samvat 1108 Märgasira sudi 15, Soma-dina.1 On this day the Chandella king Devavarmadēva, Lord of Kaliñjara, meditating on the feet of Vijayapaladeva who meditated on the feet of Vidyadharadeva, offered water to the names of his ancestors, worshipped Sulapani or Siva and gave the village Bhutapallika, situated on the bank of the Yamuna river in the vishaya of Nava-rashtra-mandala, to Pandita Kikkana of the Krishnatreya-götra with 3 pravaras whose ancestors had emigrated from Kumbhatibhatagrama. This Brahmana was ever ready to expound the Vedas, the Vedangas, Itihasa, the Puranas and Mimämsä and was devoted to shat-karma (shat-karm-abhirata), the prominent mention of which leads me to infer that he practised Yoga, which is more awe-inspiring than the ordinary six duties of a Brahmana.
The localities mentioned in this record have not yet been identified, excepting Kälinjara, whence the record was issued, and the Yamuna river on whose bank the village of Bhuta pallika was situated. Both of them, viz., the fort of Kaliñjara and the river Yamuna or Jumnā are too well known to require identification. The mention of the latter indicates sufficiently the locality of the village and the district in which it was included. Děvavarmadeva was the 12th king of the Chandella dynasty and, if this record shows anything in regard to his capital and extent of his dominions, it indicates that he lived in the Kälinjara fort and that his rāj ex. tended at least up to the Jumnă in the north. But almost the same conclusion is derivable from his other record referred to before and those of his predecessors, an account of which has been given by the late Dr. V. A. Smith in his exhaustive essay on the history and coinage of the Chandella dynasty. But it may be noted here that in his zeal to show the great antiquity of the Chandella dynasty and its kingdom Jejakabhukti-the designation was later on changed to Jajhauti and taken as given after Jejaka or Jayasakti, the third king of the line-he has fallen into a blunder, to which enthusiasts, howsoever great, are sometimes liable. In his article he has attempted to prove that Chih-chi-t'o, visited and described by Yuan Chwang in 641 or 642 A.D., was no other than Jijhoti. This would mean that the country was named after a king, who was born about 200 years later, as according to him Jejaka ascended the throne about 860 A.D.
TEXT.
परममहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेसर
1. चौं नमः faara 1 arfer श्रीविद्याधर देव: (व) पादानुध्यातः (त) परमभट्टा
2 महाराजाधिराजपरमेख (मा) र : (र) चोमविजयपालदेव: (व) पादानु (नु) ध्यातः (त) पर, मभट्टारक महाराजाधिराज
3 परमे व (ख) र (र) श्रीकालंजर । धिवत्तिः (ति) श्रोमहेववर्मा देवः (व) पादानां
महो(चा)
प्रवर्धमान कल्याणविजयराज्ये स
This date is irregular. According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, V. 8. 1108, Märgasira i, 15 fell on Wednesday, the 20th November of A.D. 1051, with no lunar eclipse on that date. The date in V, 8, 1109 would correspond to Tuesday, the 8th December, A.D. 1052, when there was a lunar eclipse.
The six hatha-yoga practices are:
Dhautir-basti tatha neti nauliki trätakas tatha |
kapala-bhati ch-aitani shal-karmmäni samachar ||
See Apte's Sanskrit Dictionary under shat-karman.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, pp. 114 .
Ibad, D. 131. The kingdom was known as Jajahati (Jajahöti, Jijhoti),
• Ibid., p. 127.

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No. 14.]
FOUR CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS
127
4 म्वत्सरसहौके पष्टोत्तरशताधिके अंकतोपि ११०८ मार्गसिर(शीर्ष)म(श)दि
१५. सोमदिन(ने) [*] पोह श्रो. 5 कालिंजरात(त्) पत्यस्मिन्क ले वर्तमाने सा(शा)सनदाता नामामव: (२)
एकाग[:] मू(शूद्रसेवक एव) निसि(शि)तासिधारादा6 रितारिबर्गः विष्णु)रिव सधरधरा(धराधर) कन्दरगुफा(हा)न्तगलयस(गो)ध
वलितदिग्वधूवदन(न:) व(ब)लिकर यि(गावि)व क7 नकगोधरादानविष्या(ख्या)ता(त)कीर्ति:] युधिष्ठिरेब(र इव) सत्यसौ(शौ)चगुरुतिः
जदेवशम(यू)षारतर(तो)मामिव(एव) रूपसौभाग्ययुक्त (क:) परकुल जनाव.
(ब)न्धु[:] 8 मुनिरिव विदितात्मा . काव्याल(लं)कारछन्द न्दो) लषा(च)णगुणगणाधिष्ठान(न:)
युगसमानदेसिलंम्बन्दिजनमकोर्णस (श)तहार(र.) निबार्या)सितत. 9 स्करादिभयंच(भयथ)न्देलान्वयः परममाहेख(ख)र: परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराज
परमेव (ख): बोमद्देववर्मादेव(वो) महासामन्तरा10 जपुत्रवन्दितः(त)पाद दः) रंभागभॊपमाम) संसारमाकल्य(लय्य) तडित्वच्चल
वायो जात्वा य(ज)लवुद्द(ब)दोपम(मं) जोवितमिदं श्रुत्वा यौवनचाज11 लितुकमिवास्थिरत्वं(च) सुचिरमपि वसि(उषित्वा नास्ति कामषु तृप्तिस्म
चिरमपि सुविचिन्त्य धर्ममे(ए)को हिसाखाय(सखा) [1] मा[य] वर्षस(स)त
नृणा(णां) 12 परिमितात) राधा [तदा(द) इतं तस्याईस्य कदाचिदर्थमधिक(क) वाहिज्य
(वाक्य)वाल (बाख्थे) म(ग) [1] से() व्याधिनराधियोगमरणै: सेवादिभि.
ीयते ॥ 13 जीवे वारिताचालवले:(तर) सौख्यं कुतः प्राणिना(नाम्) [१] एवं
संसारधर्मामेको(क) हि प्रसा(या)स(ख)तं जावा दानमतिवके (8)
[ख] भोगावा[H]- . 14 नवगामासविषये यमुनातटे भूतपक्षिकानामग्रामोय(यं) सोमावणकाष्ठको पर्य
(न्तः) श्रीदेववर्मन (वचा) पद्यः(ब) पौरिखमासोमनाई 16 वोटितीर्थे सात्वा पिवतर्प [] वा बोसू(शूलपाणिदेवमर्ख (यित्वा.
यथाविधि च ४(खा मातापितामन (पिचोगमन)व पुन्य(स्य)यसो(यो)
विहाये[ति](ति) कुचटोभट18 ग्रामविनिर्माताब लगायब(स)मोचाय पचिपचनानससोवास (ज्या वाखेलि) स्त:
(वि)प्रवराय पा(बा)चसा(मा)खिने वा(प्रा)अपरिहत-श्रीजयस्वामिपौत्राय
पण्डि
+ Rond °दकिंवा (2) 'Bond बोवरायबम्मनलविदुषद (१) 'Matre,Bardalavikindia. .9 Maraller's Historyat SamirikLiterature, p.397.
- Read अविषला, लक्ष्मी • Strokes not required, • Read 'काठगोचर'.

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128
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor.xx.
17 त:(त)श्रीसोमस्क(ख)रपुत्राय पंडित:(त) श्रीकिकमा(नाय) वेदवेदाङ्गेतिहासपुराण
मोमांसाव्याख्या नतत्पराय षट्कर्माभिरताय वा(ब्रा)प्रणाय 18 श्राश्र(शास)नं प्रदत्तं (त्तः) यथा दीयम(मा)नस्य भागभीगकरहिरन्य(ण्य) दण्डा
दायादिकुवितान्वचितं(कमुचितानुचित)प्रभृतयस्तत्सर्वमस्योपनेतव्यं ॥ सर्वान्ये
(ने)तान्भ(भा). 19 विनो(म:) पार्थिवेंद्रान] भूयो भूयः(यो) याचते रामभद्रः [1] सामान्योयं.
धर्मसेतुर्नपाणां काले २ पालनोयो भवद्धिः ।[१२॥*] भूमी(मि) य: प्रति... रहा(बा)ति । यच 20 भूमि प्रयच्छा(छ)ति । उभौ तौ पुन्थ (ण्य)काणी । नियतौ स्वगंगा
मिनौ [॥३॥"] षष्ठि वर्ष(षष्टिं वर्ष)सहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [1]
प(पा)च्छेता(त्ता) बाब(नुम)न्ता ब्व(च) तने(तान्ये). 21 वनरक(के) वये(से)त(त) [18] खदता(त्ता) परदत्ता(सा) [वा] । ये(यो)
हरन्ति(हरत) वसुन्धरा । स्वा(खा)मयोनिस(श)तं गत्वा । चाण्डालेष्व.
भिजायते ।[1५॥'] विंध्याटवीष्वतीयासु शुष्ककोटर. 22 वासिनः [*] मरुसोभिजायते । जे(2) हरन्ति रसुद्धचा [1६॥*] वापी
कु(कू)पसाम्राणि । अश्वमेधस(अ)तानि च [1] गवां कोटिप्रदानेन
भूमिहर्ता न • 23 शुध्यति ।[*] मङ्गलं महाश्रीः । पक्षपटलिकयशोभटेन खिखितं । B.-CHARKHARI PLATES OF PARAMARDDIDEVA: [VIKRAMA-JSAMVAT
1236.
These are two copper-plates having raised rims (' high) rivetted to them. Each plate weighs 1804 tolas, but their sizes differ a little, the first measuring 144 by 11t' and the second 143' by 108". The former contains 18 lines of writing against 14 of the latter. On the first plate there is a figure of Lakshmi in the middle of the first three lines, and at the bottom, & round hole in the middle of the last line. In the second plate space was left for a hole, but it was never made and hence the plates were not strung together as was originally intended. The size of the letters in the first plate is 1". They are smaller and more beautiful than those in the second plate, to cover the whole of which the engraver Palhapa, askilful artisan, as he calls himself, had had to raise the size tot'. In the case of the Mahoba plates of Sarivat 1230, I remarked how Palhana worked up his way from the position of a pitalahāra to that of a vijñānin, and this time, fre., six years later, he raised himself to the position of a vaidagdhi-vibvakarman (1. 32). Despite this, there is hardly any improvement in his engraving. The fact remains that the
Road शासनेन.
+Danda not required. Rend ayatt.
• Ahova, Vol. XVL, p. 10. [The Icholihawar plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV. pp. 208 ft., 1. 35) also give this epithet.-E.

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No. 14.)
FOUR CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS,
129
letters va, dha, cha and ra have been so formed as to cause confusion with one another, for instance, in l. 4 Paramarddidēvo has been engraved as Paramarddiderð. Ba has not been at all distinguished from va and the symbol for the medial u has been sometimes so broadened as to give the appearance of a ta, 6.9., bhütva (1. 17). In the text letters or their parts are, in some cases, omitted in consequence of which the sense is also affected. The anusvāra and the rēpha have been in many cases omitted through sheer inattention, f. shat-tre[m*]sao (1. 8) and Prithviva[*]mmao (1. 3). On the whole the record is well written. The language is Sanskrit and the text is similar to the one found in other records of the same king. The composer of the record or rather the adopter of the prescribed form, with necessary changes, was one Subhānamda Västavys, who was probably a relative of Prithvidhara Vāstavya, the writer of some of the previous records of Paramarddidēva.
This charter was issued from Vilāsapura and records the grant of Sagaudo village situated in the district of Kirayida to a number of Brahmanas, whose forefathers had immigrated from Mutăutha-Bhattägrahāra, by the P. M. P. Paramamāhēsvara Paramarddidēva, meditating on the feet of the P. M. P. Madanavarmadēva, who meditated on the feet of the P. M. P. Prithvivarmadēva, descended from the heroes Jayasakti and Vijayasakti of the Chandrātrēya (Chandēlla) lineage. The grant was made for the inctease of the religious merit of the donor and his parents on Monday, the seventh day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra in the Vikrama-Samvat 12361 which regularly corresponds to Monday, the 27th March 1178 A.D. The record does not supply any new information worth being mentioned and which is not given in the numerous inscriptions of this king which have already been found. (It is interesting to observe here that in the gift-village exception was made of the five halas of land gifted to Buddha (1. 14) for that would show that a Buddhist monastery was in existence there and was endowed with that land.-Ed.]
Of the localities mentioned in it, Kalajara is too well known to require identification. Kirayida may be Kiradi, 5 miles from Mahobi. I have not been able to trace Vilksapura, Sagaudo and Mutāutha villages.
TEXT.
First Plate. patyrua famarfaitva: 1
1 [at] afer
maart
2 ने विरोधिविनवि(य)भाविावयपतिविजयसत्यादिवीराविर्भावभाखरे परमभड़ा
GATTO 8 अपरमवारत्रोपचीवम()देवपादानध्यातपरममभधारणामहार जाधिराजपरमेवरची.
मदनवदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमवरपरममारवरथीकालराधिपतियो- मत्परमर्दिदेरो(वो) विजयी । स एष
This must be taken as the current year.
* Seo above, Vol. 1, p. 208, Vol. IV, pp. 157 ff., Vol. XVI, p. 9; Ind. Ant., Vol XIX, p. 37, Vol. XXV, 206 ; Cunningham's 4. 8. R., Vol. XXI, Pp, 74, 173, 174, and J. 4. 8. B., Vol. XVII, p. 313.

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130
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor. xx.
6 दुबिषहतरप्रतापताप(पि)तसकलरिपुकुलः कुलवध्य(धू)मिर(व) वश(सुन्धराषि.
राकुखां परिपालयबविकलविवेकनिम्मलीनतमत:(तिः) । किरायि8 विषयान्तःपातिसगौडोग्रामोपमतान्या(ब्रा) प्रणानन्या(न्यां)च मान्यानधिकता___कुटुम्बि(म्बि)कायस्थदूतवैद्यमहत्तरान्मेदचण्डालपर्य१ तासान्सम्बो(म्बो)धयति समाजापर्यते (ति) चा[स्तु]वः सम्बिदितं यथोपरि
लिखितोयं ग्रामः सजलस्थल: सस्थावरजङ्गमः साधजहों भूतभ8 विषदत्त(त)माननिःशेषादायसहितः प्रतिषिहचाटादिप्रवेशचास्माभिर्विलासपुर
षति(दि)शदधिकशतहयोपेतसहसतमे ७ सम्बन्धी चैत्र मासि शुकपचे घ(स)प्सम्यान्तिधावतोपि स(सं)वत(त) १२३॥
वैचादि ७ भो(मो)मवारे पुण्यतीर्थोदकेन वि10 विवक्षावा देवादीन्सन्तप्यं भास्करपूजापुरःसर() चराचरगुरु(6) भगवन्त (न्)
भवानोपतिमभ्यश्च हुसभुजि हत्वा माताl पिचोरामनय पुस्खयशोविकृपये । सुताउथभट्टामहारविनिर्गतभ्यो वत्सगोरेभ्यो
वत्मभावच्यवना12 प्रवानौव्वे या(जा)मदग्न्येतिपञ्चवरेभ्योछ(भ्यश्च्छ)दोगशाखाध्यायि [भ्यो] नामाप्रपो।
पौत्रभ्यो नामा(ना)पो (पौ)चेभ्यो नाना19 पुरेभ्यो नानानामशर्मभ्यो ब्रा(ब्राह्मणेभ्यः कुशलतापूर्तन हस्तोदकेन स्वस्ति
वाचनपूर्वञ्चन्द्रार्कसम14 काम्न) पुत्रपौत्राद्यन्वयानुगामि देवत्रीवी(बौ)इसत्व. पञ्चहलानि व(ब)हिक(ब)
से(शे)षभूमिः शासनीकत्य प्रद16 ता । मध्ये ॥ ति । दावरपुष ति । सोमकस्य पदहयम(म्) । ति ।
वाक्षेपुत्र ति । स्वपटस्य पदमेकग(म्) । ति । पापेपु16 ति । रतनस्य पदमेकम(म्) । ति । सूक्षणपुत्र ति । सीढस्य पदम
कम(म्) । इति मत्वा भवडिराजाख (व)वगपिवे17 ये(विधेय)भत्वा भागभोगपहिरण्यकरशुल्कादि सर्वमम्मे (मे) समुपनतव्य (व्यं) - [*] तदेनमया(स) सम(म)दिरप्राका18 र(२) सनिर्गमप्रवेश(शं) ससर्वाशनकोसकुशु(स) मस(श) शाममधूकादिभूगह(8)
सवनखनि
1 The letter is superfluous. '[Plural ought to have been employed.-Fa.].

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No. 14.J
FOUR CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS.
11
Second Plate.
19 निधानं सलीहलवणतुणप[]याकरं समृगवे (वि)हा[मजलचरं सकारकपंक
वरिंग(वणिग)वास्तव्यं स20 काग्वे (छे)ष्टिकापाषाणं सगोकुलमपर(३)रपिसीमान्त[]तेब्ब(ब)स्तुभिः सहितं
सवा(बा)ह्याभ्यन्तरादायं भुजा(जा)21 माम(नस्य) के(क)षता(त:) कष(ब)यतो दानाधानविक्रयम्वा कुर्वतो' न
केनाच(नचि)त्काचिहा(द बा)धा कर्तव्या । पत्व(च) च राजरा22 जपुरुषाठविक चाटादिभिः खंखमाभाव्यं परिहत्तव्यमिदञ्चास्महानमनाच्छेव्य(ध)
मनाहार्यच्चेति भाविभिरपि भूमिपालैः पालनीयमित(ति) । उक्तञ्च ॥ शम्भद्राश(स)नं छत्र
वराखा वरवारणा: । भू. 24 मिदानस्य पुष्याणि फलं स्वर्गः पुरदर(न्दर) [२] सौवर्णा या प्राथा
(सा)दा चा(था)शा (हा)रा[*] खकामदाः । गन्धर्बा25 सरसो यत्र तत्र गच्छन्ति भूमिदाः ॥[३॥"] भूमिं यः प्रसिएशाति
यश्च भूमिं प्रयच्छे (च्छ)ति । उभौ तो (तो) 26 पुण्यकाणी नियतं स्वागामिनी ॥[४॥"] व(ब)हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगराहि(दि)भिः । यस्य
भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फल(लं) [५॥"] सर्वानेताभाव(वि)न: पार्थिवेन्द्रान्भूयो भूयो याचते। 28 रामभद्रः । सामान्योय(य) धर्मासेतुर्नपाणां काले काले पाशनी[यो] भव
शिरिति' (निः ॥ इति ॥)[ ] स्वहस्ता(स्तो).. 29 य(यं) महाराजश्रीपरमदेिवस्य मतम्मम ॥ विशदगुणगणो(णौ)धोवामवास्त
व्यव(व)30 [श्यो] विदितसकलशास्त्रः श्रीमानंदनामा । पलिखदवनिपालस्यानया धर्म31 लेखी स्फुटललितनिवमि()रक्षरि(३)स्तामपट्टम(म) ॥[on"] रजपालस्य पुत्रण
पाणे32 न च सि(शि)बिना । उसी वर्णघटना वैदग्धीविख(ख) कर्मणा
[८॥"] मङ्गलम्हात्रीः । 1 This expression appears to be now. Ita exact implication is not understood. [Doos it mean, " together with potter's mud and what has been left by merchants ?" Vastavya is applied to what is left as a worthless remainder on any spote-Ed.]
Plural should be used.-Ed.]
Atavila I took to be wild tribee", se abovo, Vol. XVI, p. 14. n. 1, but it indicates a Government Officer We., one in charge of the forest and wild triboo. This finds mention oven in Katalya's Artha Sandra. See De-Shains Beats', Sanskrit Test, p. 284.

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132
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XX.
C.-CHARKHARI PLATE OF VIRAVARMADEVA: (VIKRAMA-SAMVAT
1311.
The prevent charter is the earliest record of the Chandēlla king Viravarmadēva yet found. The copper-plate on which it is engraved measures 151' by 119' and weighs 2304 tolas. It has a raised rim, 1" in height, rivetted with nails all round it. In the middle of the first six lines there is a seated figure of the four-armed goddess Lakshmi, holding lotus flowers in the two upper, and water pots in the two lower, hands. Over her head is a semi-circular hole apparently meant for a ring, which is wanting. There are 19 lines of writing with well formed letters the size of which is on an average.
The language is Sanskrit and the orthographical peculiarities are the same as found in other Chandēlla records published before. The record is not free from spelling and other mistakes, but they are comparatively fewer than in other similar records of the family.
The charter was issued from Vilāsapura by the P. M. P. Viravarmadöva the devout worshipper of Mahēšvara, and the Lord of Kālajara, son of the P. M. P. Trailokyavarman, son of the P. M. P. Paramarddidēva, son of the P. M. P. Madanavarmadēva, descended from Jayasakti and Vijayabakti, the famous heroes belonging to the Chandrätrēya (Chandēlla) lineage. It records the grant of Tumutumā village in the Dāhi vishaya to Rāūta Abhi, son of Rāüta Haripāla, son of Rāüta Jagadēva, son of Rāüla Dēvashamū of the Kāśyapa-gotra belonging to the family of Chandrēsvara, on Asvina sudi 8, Somavāra, Samvat 1311, which regularly corresponds to Monday, the 21st September 1254 A.D. The grantee is stated to have performed a deed of valour in a tussle with Dabhyuhadavarman in the battle of Sondhi, as a recognition whereof this grant appears to have been made in spite of the fact that the purpose has been recorded as one for increasing the religious merit of the grantor Viravarmadēva and his parents. In the present case the grantee does not appear to have been a Brāhmaṇa, as the omission of his pravaras indicates. Moreover, the family name Chandrēbvara and the title Răuta point to the same conclusion. Apparently Sondhi is identical with Seondhā fort, now called Kanhārgadh, lying on the banks of the Sind river in the Datia State, whence it took its name. It is stated in the State Gazetteer (Luard's, p. 129) that " Seondhā is certainly an old town as the remains of the earlier settlement can be traced close to the present town. It has been suggested as the Sarua fort taken by Mahmud of Gazni in 1018 when in pursuit of Chand Rai". Our record refers to a battle a little more than a hundred years later, apparently be. tween members of the same lineage, viz., the Chandēllas, if the termination of the opponent's name Dabhyuhadavarman would indicate anything to that effect. It must have been a battle of some importance to have been referred to as sangrāma or war. That was the time of disturbance as Viravarmadēva's grandfather Paramarddidēva had been defeated by Prithviraja Cbāhamāna in 1182 A.D. In fact the late Dr. V. A. Smith remarks that "the history of the Chandella dynasty as one of the powers of Northern India ends in 1203 A.D. with the death of Parmāl (Paramarddidēva) and the capture of Kälañjara and Mahõbā by the Muhammadan invaders. Trailökyavarman succeeded his father Parmál as a local chieftain holding the eastern part of the ancestral kingdom and in due course was succeeded by Viravarman and Bhojavarman!". The other villages referred to in this record have not been traced yet.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, p. 146,

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No. 14.]
FOUR CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS.
133
TEXT.
1 ॥ भों सिद्धिः ॥ जयत्याहादयन्विखं विखेश्वरसिरे(शिरो)त: । चन्द्राते
()यनरेन्द्राणां वंस (श)इंद्र वीज्वल: ।[१] 2 तत्र प्रवर्षमाने विरोधिविजयमा(भा)जिष्नु(षा)जयम(शक्तिविजयस(ग)[क्त्या दिवी.
राविर्भावभाख (ख)रे 3 परमभद्वार[क]महाराजाधिराजपरमखरीमदनवमर्मदेवपादानुध्यात्(त) । परम
[भ*]ट्टारकम4 हाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरथोपरमर्दिदेवपादानुध्यात । परमभट्टारकमहाराजा
धिगज5 परमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरथोत्रलोक्यवर्मादेवपादानुध्यात । परमभट्टारकमहा6 राजाधिराजपरमेश्‍वरपरममाहेखरचोकालंजराधिपतिमहाराजयो(श्रो)मही. 7 वर्मादेवो विजयी [1] स एष - दुवि(वि)षहतरप्रतापतापितसकलरिपुकुल:
कुलवधूमिव निराकुलां वसं. 8 धरा परिपालयबविकलविवेकनिर्मलीतमतिः ॥ डाहीविषयान्तःप[*]तिट
मुटुमाग्रामोपगता9 न(न्) वा(बा)ह्मणानन्यांच मान्धान(न्) कुएंवि(वि)कायस्थटूतवैद्यमेदचांगडाल
पय(य)न्तान(न्) समस्तप्रजालोकान्संयो(बो)ध. 10 यति समाजा(जा)पति च अस्तु वः स(सं)विदितं यथोपरिलिखितोयं
ग्रामः सजल स्थल[:"] सस्थावरजंगमः 11 खसीमावच्छिन(व:) साधकों ( भूज(सभ)विष्यतव(इ)र्तमाननिःसे(शे)षादाय ।
सहितः प्रतिषिहचा(चा)टादिप्रवेस (श) चास्माभिः श्री12 विलासपुरे संवत(१) १३११ पाखिनशुदि ८ सोमवारी पुण्यतीर्थोदकेन सात्वा
भास्करपूजापुर(र)सरं मातापिचोरा. 13 मन: पुण्य यशोविवईये (वये) । व(चं)ट्रेश्वरान्वये क[*] स्य(श्य)पगोचाय
राउतदेवषाप्रपौवाय राउतजगदेवपौत्राय राउतहरि14 पालपुत्राय सोंधीसंग्राम दभ्युहडवर्मयुद्दे कृतवीर्यातिम(स)ये प्रशा(सा)दे राउत.
पभिनाजे मासनीक(क)त्य प्रदत्त इति मत्वा । 18 भवकिराणा(जा)चसि विधेयैर्भूत्वा भागभोगादिकं सर्वमस्मै समुपनतव्य
तदेनमस्य ग्राम समंदिरप्राकारं निगमप्र16 वैसं() [स]वाद्या(बाबा)भ्यन्तरादायं भंजानस्य वा(बा)धा केनापि न
कार्या । पत्र च । गजगजपुरुषादिभिः स्वस्खमाभाव्य (व्यं) परिहा()संव्यमि
Danda not required.

Page #157

134
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vou. xx.
17 दं चास्मत(द)दानमनाहार्य चैति भाविभिरपि भूमिपालैः पालनीयं । एवं
च । शंखं भद्रासनं छत्र वरावा(खा) परवारणा: । भूमिदा18 न[स्य] पुष्पाणि फलं स्वर्ग: पुरंदर [२] भूमिं यः प्रतिरम्हा(बा)ति
यच्च(थ) भूमि प्रयक(छ)ति [*] उभौ तौ पुन्य(ण्य)काणी नियतो
खगंगामि19 नौ । [*] ममवंशेक्षतिक्षीणे कीपि राजा भविष्यति [] तस्य
दासस्य दासोहं मम की तिर्ण (तिन) लोपर्यत(क) [४सुभ(राभ) भवतु ॥
D.-CHARKHARI PLATE OF HAMMIRAVARMADEVA : [VIKRAMA-SAMVAT
1346
This is the first copper-plate charter of the Chandálla king Hammiravarmadova, whom I brought to notice, a decade ago, in my Damoh Dipaka, the Hindi Gazetteer of the Damoh district in the Central Provinces, from a sati record which I found in the village Bamhni of that district. When I visited the Ajayagadh fort, I came upon another sati stone record mentioning his name, which I included in the new account of the Ajayagadh fort inscriptions revised since the visit of General Sir Alexander Cunningham 88 detailed in his Survey Report Vol. XXI. It appears to me that the Hamirpur district of the United Provinces, in which Mahoba, the civil capital of the Chandēllas, is included, derives its name from this Chandēlla king. Of course, this district which borders on the Charkhāri State, took its name from the town of Hamirpur, which is situated on the confluence of the Jumna and the Betwā, 110 miles north-west of Allahābād.
The record is engraved on a copper-plate 11}' long and 8%' broad, with a raised rim in height running all round the plate and secured on the latter by nails. Its weight is 48 tolas only. In the middle of the first four lines of writing there is a figure of the four-armed goddess Lakshmi holding lotuses and water pots. On the top of the figure there is a hole for a ring which was either not put in or has been taken off and lost. The plate shows signs of corroding without serious damage to letters, which are rather small, their average size being '. Tho engraving is badly executed.
The language of the record is Sanskrit, the style being in the prescribed form used by the Chandellas ; but, from what little the writer composed, it is clear that he was no Sanskritiet, as he has committed many spelling as well as grammatical mistakes. The insertion of the title Sāhi against the names of all the kings mentioned indicates the growing Muhammadan influence, which finally ousted the Chandēllas, apparently during the reign of the grantor of this very charter. Hammiravarmadēva, who styled himself as the Paramabhaffäraka Sahi Raj.
18ee above, Vol. XVI, p. 10, t. n. 4. . The record runs as follows:
L. 1. संवत(त) १९८८ समये धावणसुदि बुधे L.2. सौ बावसभ मेने सा सुभ बीमहाL.३. राजश्रीमौरव-देवराव्य सभी मंग
L.4. परीति Contritrated to Madhurt, a Hindi Journal of Lapknow, no Vol. V. pt.
number

Page #158

FOUR CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS.
No. 14.]
donli-tray-Opta, 1 Lord of Kalañjara, meditating on the feet of the P. M. P. Sahi Mahārāja Viravarmadava, who meditated on the feet of the P. M. P. Sahi Mahārāja Trailokyavarmadava, who meditated on the feet of the P. M. P. Sahi Mahārāja Paramarddideva, announced the grant of Ko(or KI?)kadagrāma in the Vēdēsaitha-vishaya to two Brahmanas who were apparently brothers, on Sunday, the twelfth day of the dark fortnight of Bhadrapada and the Pushya-nakshatra in the Vikrama Samvat 1346, corresponding to Sunday, the 11th September, 1289 A.D. It will be noticed that in his own case Hammiravarmadeva has left out the grandiloquent title of the Mahäräjädhiraja Paramesvara, which he duly attached to his elders. This indicates that either he was fully conscious of his reduced position, which induced him to be content with a humbler title, or that he was never recognised as the Maharaja while his elder brother Bhöjavarmadeva was on the throne. In the Ajayagadh fort there is & sati record of Sarhvat 1346, which refers to the reign of Bhōjavarman. This copper-plate dated in the same year would therefore point to a usurpation of the throne, unless Bhojavarman died in the same year before the month of Bhadrapada, when the grant under publication was made.
The document was written by Par[dita*] Raurh ( Rāma)pals. The localities mentioned in the record are not traceable.
135
TEXT.
1 [it] fafr: ॥
'जयत्याल्हा (मा) दयन्विश्वं विश्वस्वर (ख) रशिरोष्टतः [*7 चे (चंद्रात्रेयनरेंद्राणां वंशस्थं (चं) द्र
2 बोव्वल (ल.)
[२॥ *] [१] (च) क्तिविजयस (भ) तयादिरौ (वी) राव (वि) -
3 व (भवि ) भास्वर : (रे)
। परमभहारे (र) कम हाराजाधिराज परमेव (ख) रपर [म]माहेर (ख) मा (सा) -
4 महाराज [श्री] मसन (मत्पर) महिं[दे] वपादानुध्यात् (त) ।'
धिराज पर
वर्धमान विरोधिविजयवाजिपु (ड) जय
परमभट्टारक महाराजा
5 मे (परममा सरे (कर) साहिर (म) हाराजयोम मेसी का वनी देवपादानुध्यात
परम [भ]हारक [म]हारा
6 जाधिराजपरतेख (मेल) रपरम माहेस रे (खर) साहिमहाराज श्रीमद्दीर वद (दे) वपादामुध्यात् (त)
परमभट्टार
7 के (क) साहिराजाप (घ) लीत्रभो (यो) पेसकाल (लं) जरा [धिप] तिमहाराजश्रीमह (ड) मीरव[देव] विजय (यो) । स एख (ष) (दु) वि
This is exactly the title used in the Bamhiti sati record which I misread as परमभट्टारक्याधिराजावलौत्रयोपेत. See above, Vol. XVI, p. 10, f. n. 4.
● In Bhadrapada of V. 8. 1846, ba. 12 commenoed on Sunday at 98 but the nakshatra Pushya ended on that day at 23.
See Madhuri, Vol. V, pt. 2, number %.
Punctuation unnecessary.

Page #159

136
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor.xx.
___8 तरप्रतापतावि(पि)तम(स)कलरि[पु]कुख(स) कुसवधूमिक वसुन्धरा निराकुला
व(पोरिपालयन(ब)विकलविवकनि. 9 सं()सोच(ज)तमतिसा(र)माभिः वेदेसथविषयान्त (त:)पाति:(ति)कोकडग्राम
गलाबामणान्याच (पामोपगतान्ब्राणानन्याच) मानकुटुंवि10 कायस्थगापितमारनेदधीवरचांडालप्रजन्तान्स(मानकुटुम्बिकायस्थ नापितमहरमेदधी
वरचाखालपर्यन्तानस)वो(बी)धयति समाजापयति च । व(क)स्तु वः
संविदितं यथा(यो)11 परखिखितोयं ग्रामः सबलस्खल(ल:) सस्थाय(प)रजंगमम(जंगमः) समोरा
(खसोमा)वछिन्न (च्छित्रः) साधऊईभूतभविश्यवर्तमा12 ना(म)नि(निः)[शेषादायसहितः] र(प्र)ति[षि]इचाटादिक[प्रवेश:"] लोणागर
पसणरधभूकहनिधिनिषेप(लवणाकरपाषाणवनभूकहनिधिनिक्षेप)[सहितः*] स
[वा](बा)चाभ्यन्तर(र.) पपरैरपि] वस्तु]भि[:] । 13 संवत(त्) १३४५ समये । भार(द)पदप(व)दि १२ रवी ।' पुष्य नक्षत्रे ।'
भा(िरहा)जगोना य] ।' ठ' ।' सुभराजप्रपोचाय ठ ।' वि[द्या14 धरमपोचाय । ठ ।' सठेलपुचाय । पं । श्रीधर । पं । पाम
(उभाभ्यां) पा(बा) प्रणाभ्यां को(or को)कडग्रामो . . . तोऽस्मलो
(स्माभिः १) विजा16 वड ? वाराखा. ? वाषालि . . संकल्पेश(न) प्रदत्त[]ति । इति
मत्वा मन्य(भवडि)रामात्रवणविधेयैर्भूत्वा भाग16 भोगादिक समुपनेतव्यं । वहु(बहुभिर्वमुधा(धा) भुक्ता राजभिमगरादिभिः
[*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमि(मि)त(स्त)17 स्व तस्य तदा फलं ॥१॥ षष्टि(षष्टिं) वर्षमापा(सहसा)णि स्वग्रे(ग) वसति
भूमिदः [*] पाता(पाच्छेत्ता) वानुमन्ता च तानव (तान्येव) न. 18 रकं व्रजेत् ॥२॥ स्वदत्ता परदत्ता वा यो हरेत्व(त वसु(मुं)धरां [1] ___म(स) विष्ठावा(या) क्र(क)मिभूत्वा पिटभिमा मन्नति ॥३[] 19 भूमि प:(यः) प्रतियशोयात्यस्तु(प्रतिग्रजाति यस्तु) भूमि प्रयच्छति []
उभो तो पुन्य(ख) कर्मादो नियतो स्वप(ग)गामिनी sir"] पं रों20 पाले[न] लिखितमिति ।
IPunotuation unnecessary. PAbbreviation for Thakura or Thakkurs.
.0
.

Page #160

CHARKHARI PLATE OF HAMIRAVARMADEVA, [VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1346.
सिलवमंदिर
मायवेडापतागायत 2वोहलार घिवनातवाचाजघजयाकविनयस कात्तीमा विजारव पापपERGETASTU
माजपननवासमादेलो गाह 4हाना तसाम सननावी तानेपाना प नमनदानक महराना साधा उपाय
खपरम सादे सोसारिरलाराजी महतोकापर्पदय पाहानुतापनमस्तानन ना भाधतान पनतेलनमतसगासेसनेमसिहानाजमा मदीनवम्मद शाहानुशासन त्याला ताप गोपेतमालनतासनमाना जाममामय गांवावयास एका समापना रिमाकाकुल वालवामिव वसुधमा (नयाकुलातपातयाचिका सलीलामनिसा मागविहेसेच विजयाद्रपा निकालाकडामाता वाजतापाचमा । व 10 कावरगना मस्तनेत्यौवनमांगनवागावा यसमा हाप्यार तो वह बताना ।
तिलिखिते नंगाम सजल कालप्तरयायतनगम मजसीनता उतराधिकरछन हिलाव 12 तातिवति तहसाबकितापपानमनिहाधलापशायनामोर ना2 संबर ३३ (समानासपाती। मनमाजवातावामानामा सघाचाच प्रपामा यातालावायन (पायानेवालनालयाका कमानता दला14
तर २ गालि संलिप्रमाला साधा 16सम्मनेरगावाजसपा नवाजाज मागोहानामा म16
मतपदापरलं जातवीरपाकर बस महाजालावामा 18 प्रजा वापरावाहिली स्वामिविना का मामला
मानालायालम मोपचरमण निघतानमामा) 20 रामलालसामना
HIRAXANDA SASTRI.
SCALE: THREE-FOURTH
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #161


Page #162

INDEX.
PAGE
•
73
Pass
Agnimitrs, Sunga k, . . 66 66, 78, 78 a, initial form of . .
agniahoma, a sacrifice, . . d, initial form of .
73 agrahara, .
.
. 67, 69 å, medial form of .
. 59, 73
aggrahara, .. a. agrahara, ... . . 67 a, used for ri, . .
Aila, dy.. . Abhi, ., .
. .
. . . . . 132, 134
Aindra-mahabhisheka,. . abhisheka, , .
ainsirvarSvámigafl -five hundred Srämine), 117, 121 acharas, five practices, .
96 Airs, &. a. Aila. Acharasa, a Sinda prince, 109, 110, 111, 114, 115, 119
Aira (Aida or Aiļa), dy.. , 79, 80, 81, 82, 88 achafabhafa pravébya, . . . . . 124 Aitariya-Brahmana, a work, . . . . 88 Achugi, 1.a. Aoharass I, . .
115, 119 Ajayagadh, fort, . . . . . 134, 135 Achugi I, a Shinda prince, . 110, 111, 112 Akasa-Gangă, a celestial ri., .
43, 45 Achugi II, do. . . 110, 111, 112 Akkariga, . . . . . . 65 & 16., 68 Achugi UI, do.
111, 113, 114
aklariga-vritti, . . . . . 66, 68, 70 Adavi(P)-Cha[m]tisiri, wife of Khandaviad.
akshapafalika, an official, . . . . 128 khanopala . .
a kahayanivi (or akshaya-nici), 39, 44, 62, 63, 123 Adavi-Chātisiri, an Ikhaku princess, 13,
alanda (=Skt. alindu P), terrace in front of the adhaka, grais measure,. . . .
howe door, . . . . . . 27 adhavd pa, land measure, . . 59, 61, 62 Alberuni, an author, . . . . 75, 87. Adhiobchhatra, vi.. . .
Alina copper-plate inscription of Staditya of adhishthan-adhikarana, City Council, .
Valabhipura dated Gupta Samvat 447, 98 Adhrapa, 4. 4. Märgapati, .
Alluru, vi... . . . . . 7th, 10 Adhodla, 8. 4. Märga pati, .
41
alphabets adimandalika, an epithet of Achugi I, . . 111
Acute-angled or Siddhamåtriki (nail-headAditya, a god, . . .
103 ed or Kutila), . Aditya I, a Chola k., . . .47, 48, 49 & 71., 50 Brahmi,
55 Adityadēvs, a deity. . . . . 67, 69
Devanagari,. . .
88 Afghanistan, co., . . . .
Gupta, . . . . aga-pogala=Skt. agrya-pudgala, an epithet of
Jaina, 64 letters of Buddha, . . . . . . .. 26 Kannada or Kanareee,. . 64, 90, 109 agara,. . 97, 99, 136 Kharoshthi,. .
. . 70 Agaraghattavakatāka,. . . . . 124 Kutila lipi, . . agidhema, mistake for agithona (Skt. agnish
Någari,. . . . . . . 126 toma), . . . . . . . 24 Tamil . . . . Agihata, mintake for Agihota (Agnihotra) . 20 Amara, Amara-bosa or Amarakosha, a work, Agihota, 8. a. Agnihotra,. . .17, 19, 21, 23, 24 Amaravati, a Buddhist mite, . . Agihot-Agithoma-Vajapey-Asamidha-yaji, u Amarivati, a celestial city, , . 109, 118, 116,
opithet of Siri-Charitam üla, . . . 26 agirathi (=Skt. agn-idhfi), . . 79, 84 Amaravati, wi.. . . . . . 9, 10, 37 agithoma, 1. a. agnisforna, .
17, 19, 20, 21 Amarivati inscription of Palumivi, . . . 74 agnihotra, a sacrifice, . . . . . 4 d-mdtra, indication of by a wedge, . . 99
1 My assistant Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, M.A., has rendered immense help in chooking this Indos.
the figures refer to page : . after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used ch.-chief; co.country: didistrict or division, doe ditto ; dy.dynasty W. Baatorn .fomale; k. king; m.-malo; mo. mountin; riu Tivo; .. .
; .surnamek. temple; vi, village or towD; W.Western:
.
.
87.
122
190

Page #163

138
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XX.
PAGE aputrika-drapya, eacheat property, . . 66 & Arahata-nisidi, . . . . .
• 80 arahalta ( Skt. araghafta). . . . . 124 Aranyakūpagiri, . . . . . 97, 99 Arapyavasini, a form of Durga,
97, 99 Arnaibidi, w., . . . . . . 111 Arhat, Arahat or Arihat, a Jina, 60, 62, 63, 79, 86, 88,
89
.
.
84
PAGE Ambür inscription, . . Args or Anga, co., . 67, 78, 80, 81, 85, 86, 88 Atga or Anga, Jaina canonical work, 77, 80, 89 & 1. Angaja(=Cupid) . . . . . . 117 Atinigere, vi.. . .
. . 113, 114 Amoghavarsha I, a Rashtrakufa k., . . 50
50 amuu, mistake for ambu,
. . . . 104 Apahilapātapa, vi.. . . . . anaka, a suffix, . . . . . . 26 Apamalai inscription,
. . . 51 Ananda or Ananda, a Buddhist teacher or
monk. .. . . 11, 17, 20, 27, 81 Ananda Visothiputra, an architect, . . . 83 Ananga (Cupid), .
. .
. . . 127 andya, . . .
. . . 94, 96 & n, Anavas, . . .
. .
81 Andaja, family,
. . . 102 Andanáttu-Vēļān, .... . . 47, 62, 63 Andhaka, a demon, . . . . 101 Andhraka, a Sunga k.,
. . 56 Andhras, people, ' . . aneka-hiramna-koti-go-satasahasa-hala-satasa. hasa-padáyi, an epithet of Siri Cha mtamüla,
18, 24, 25, 26 Angullara-Nikaya, a work, . . . . 33 Anhilwada, 8. a. Anahila pātana, antaranga, an official, . . . . . . 102 Antiochus III, a Syrian k., . . anuspära, initial forms of . . anusvära, medial forms of . anusvära, omission of- . . anusvira, used for m, . . anusvära, used for a, . anuvdra, used for nasals, . . . . 72 anusvāra, superfluous,.
. . 97, 122 Aparājita, a Guhila k., . . . 98, 99 Aparajita, a Pallava k. . 48, 49&., 50 Aparajita (=Skt. Aparajita), title of Demetrios, 76 Aparamahāvinaseliya, a Buddhist sect, 4, 10, 14, 17,
19, 20, 21, 22, 26 Aparanta/ka), co., . . . 7, 8, 22, 35 Aparasols, a Buddhist convent, .
. 11 Apara-selika, a Buddhist sect, Aphaad stone inscription of Adityasens, . . 38 appane, . . . . . .
94, 96 apeidal shrine at Nāgārjunikonda , 14, 36
arihanta, a, a, arhat, . . . . . Arikulakësari 8. a. Ariñjaya,. . . . Arifjaya, a Chola prince, . . . . 47 Artha fiatra, a work, . . .77 n., 81, 82, 87. Aruarni, &. a. Avarni, . . . . . asamedha, Skt. afvamëdha . Asbädhasēna, a prince, . . . , 75, 76 . Ashtadhyay, 4 work . . . . . 58 Asoka, a Maurya emperor, 8, 35, 56, 74, 77, 84,
85, 88r. Afvamëdha, a sacrifice, . 4, 18, 20, 21, 23, 56, 66,
57, 104 Atapura inscription of Saktikumára, . . 98 atavika, an officer, . . . . 131 and n. athanga-maga-dhamachaka-pavalaka (=Skt.
ashanga-marga-dharmachakra-pravartaka), an
epithet of Buddha. . . . 22, 23, 26 Atikari (Adhikari), a title, . . . 94, 97 atichhita (i.e., atichchhita)atita, . . . 26 Ava, dy.. . .
. . .
. . . . 84, 88 Ava, 8. a. Avarni, . . Ava-raja, . . . .
. . . 79, 84 Avarathta or Avatanta, 8. a. Aparanta or ka, Avararasa, ch.. . . . . . . 112 Avarasaila, a Buddhist convent, . . . 9 Avarasila, 8. a. Avarasaila . . . . 9 Avarni, people, . . . . . . 85 Avakya kavritti, a Jaina work, . . 881. ayaka(=Skt. aryaka), • . . . 20 ayaka, .
.
. . . 2 and n. ayaka-khambh4 or pillar, . . 2, 3, 4 & th, 7, 9 Aychagávunda, m., . . . . . 67, 69 ayikä (ayyika) (=Skt. dryild). . . . 26 ayira, 8. a. Skt. arya, . . . . 13 ayira-hamgha or ayira-hanga (=Skt. drya-sangha).
Buddhist community. . . 11, 17, 20, 26 Ayodhyā, vi.. . 6,54, 56, 57, 75, 109, 115, 116.
120
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.chief 00.moountry: di,- district or division; do.ditto; dy.dynasty: 8.Eastern; f. female; k.king m.male; mo, mountain; ri.river ; 8. . same as; sur.surname; 1.templo; vi village or town; W.- Western,

Page #164

Ayodhe, s. a. Ayodhya,. Ayuktaka, official,.
Bactria, co.,
Badagama, s. a. Bargaum,
Badube, new-moon day of Vaisakha,
Bagaḍage, vi., Bagadage-70, di.,
B
Bāna, an author,
Banavisi, vi.,
Bagge-setti, m..
Bahasatimita or mitra, s. a. Brihaspatimitra,
Magadha k.,
bähirika (=suburb),
Bähle, m.,.
Bahür plates
Bahusutiya(Skt. Babuérutiya), a Buddhist sect,
Bălăditya, k., Balagamve, vi.,
Bali, myth. k.,
Ballāļa (or Ballāļa),
Bamdari Birusamaņi, m., Bamhni, vi.,
Bammarasa, a Sinda prince,
Bandhumati, J.,
Bankapura, vi.,
Bapisiripika, an Ikhāku queen,
75, 76, 80, 84, 85, 88 and n.
42 131 48
Barabar caves,
Barabar hills,
Bārakūru, di.,
Basarh, a site,
Baudh plates of Ranabhanja Bedsă, inscriptions at-, Bellittage, vi.,
Belugula (Sravana-Belgola), vi.,
Belvola, di.,
59, 61 and ".
Belvola-Three Hundred, di.,
Benachamatti, vi.,
Bendeyabhatára, m.,
Bettada-Bhagavati, a goddess,
INDEX.
11, 24, 31 . 39, 40, 43, 44, 46 and n. 114 81, 127 94, 96 and n. 94, 97 134 109, 111, 112, 114, 115, 119 110, 118, 121 8, 36, 84. 39, 41, 43, 45 91 4, 14, 19, 20, 31
72 78
90, 91, 93, 95
7 100 84 114
92, 94, 97 66
PAGE
76 42n.
65 and n., 68, 70 115
121
. 94, 97
Bhadrabahu, a Jaina author, Bhadrabahu II, a Jaina monk 110, 113, 115, 118, Bhadrappa, ch., bhaga-bhōga, bhaga-bhoga-kara, . bhaga-bhoga-pabu-hiranya-karasulka, Bhagalabbe, a Chalukya queen, Bhagavata-Purana, a work, Bhagiyabb évara, te., bhajamta, s. a. bhadanta, bhamkham, mistake for khambhath,. Bhafija, dy., Bhanu, a Jaina sage, Bharadhavasa or Bharatavasa
.
.
64, 65, 67, 69
109
. 67, 69 . 67, 69
PAGE
Betwa, ri., Bezwādā, vi.,
135 9
Bhada (Skt. Bhadra), m., 22, 23, 25, 32 Bhadalapura, s. a. Bhadrapura or Bhadrachalam, Bhadalapura, vi., Bhadasiri (Skt. Bhadraári), J., Bhadila, m.,.
CO.,
Bharata, an author, Bharata, myth. k., Bharhut, vi.,
Bhasatimita, 8. a. Bahasatimita, Bhatidevi, an Ikhaku princess, Bhatta, bhattal-bhata ?), an official, Bhatta, title of a Brahmin, Bhattakalanka, an author, bhatta-vritti,.
Bhattōji Dikshita, a grammarian, Bhavabhuti, an author, . Bhavana Skt. Bhapana, Bhavaprakasa, a work, bhaya, s. a. bhariya-Skt. bhäryä, Bhikhu-raja, epithet of Kharavela, Bhikkhu, a Buddhist monk,
Bhillama or Bhillamadeva, a Fadava k.. Bhima Kratha, a Yadava k., .
bhi mgära or bhingāra (-bhringāra),. Bhoja, title?
Bhojadeva, a Paramāra k.,
.
.
.
85
22, 23, 32
22
(Bharatavarsha),
60 91
133, 136
107, 128
130 69 55, 84
. 67, 69
. 17, 31
11, 20
100, 101, 102
90, 92, 95
.
139
.
73, 78, 79, 82, 88 and n. 83 93, 96 75
5, 15, 24, 31
65
102 66 931. 66, 67, 70 86n. 40 88. 39. 13
80
12 113
81
79, 87 and n.
84 105, 106
.
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co. country; di.distriot or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty; E.Eastern; f.female; k.king; m.male; mo.mountain; ri.river; s. a. same as; eur. surname; te. temple; vi. village or town; W.-Western.

Page #165

140
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ Vol. XX.
. .
. .
Budha, f. . . Budhagapta, a Gupta k., Budhamniki, . . . . Budhavānikini, fun Budhi (-Buddhi), S., . . Budhihnaka or Budhinska, m., Budhisva]niya, 7., . . Bundelkhandi, dialect of Hindi,
PAGE . 25, 31
. 50, 61 22, 23, 31 22, 23, 31
. 37
.22, 23 22, 23, 31 . 125
.
. . . .
, .
. 38, 42
PAGE Bhojaka, people, . . .74, 78, 79, 84,97 and 1. Bhojaks, . a. Mahabhöja, . . . . 78 BLõjavarmadēva, a Chandella k.,. . . 135 Bhujagabbarai, a queen, . . . . bhukti, a territorial division, . . 61 Blūtaraprana (Bhūtarătri P)-parvan, 100, 107, 108 Bhūtapalliki, w., .
. . . 126, 127 Bhüti-Vikramakësari, a Kodumbaļúr ch., . . Bhuvanaikamalladëve, a Chalukya k., . 111 Bhuvanesvar, vi... . . . . . Bidar, vi.. . . . . . . . 91 bidara, possibly .. a. birada (& tax), 94, 96 and . Bihar, si.. . . . . . . . 40n. Bijjala or Bijjaladova, a Sinda prince, .110, 117, 121 Bijjana (or lo), a Kalachurya k... 109, 110, 112, 115,
118, 120 bilama, &. a. bilma, . . . . . bilma, a helmet? . . . . 79, 87 and the Birumila Dugga, M., . . . . . 94, 97 bitti, . . . .
94, 967. Bodh Gaya, i.. Bodh Gaya inscription of Mahanaman,. 38 bodhi,
. . . . . . . 31 Bodhi, f., . . . . . . . 22 Bödhi image,
. 46. Bodhi or Sambodhi, . . . . . 44,90 Bodhiks, m., . . . . . . 22, 31 Bodhi-rukha-pasada-Skt. Bödki-vriksha-pra.
sada), . . . . . 10, 22, 31, 36 Bodhisatma-Skt. Bodhi-Sarman), m., 22, 23, 31. Bodhisiri, f. . . 7, 9, 12, 14, 22, 23, 31, 36 Bodhi-tree, . . . . . . . 10 brahmadêya. . . . . . 47, 49, 54 Brahmapantara (Ottara). . . . . Brahmånda-Purina, a work, . . . Brähmas-ottara, . . . . . . Brahmaputra, ri. . Brahmasómabiutaka, name of a field,
124 Brihadratha, a Maurya k.. . . . . 66 Brihaspati-sútra, a work, Buddha, 15, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 33, 39, 41, 42,
43, 44, 45, 46 and n., 129 Buddhaghosha, an author, . . Buddharaja, a Kalacuri k. Buddhism, religion, . . . 10, 38, 88n. Budha, 8. 4. Buddha, . . . .
Ceylon, an island, . . . . 10, 48 Ceylonese Convent, 8. 4. Sihaja-vikara . . 10 Chachos, 17., . .
. . 123, 124 Chaidya, dy., . chaitra-pavitra, . . . . . 117, 121 chaka-lakhana-sukumāra-sujāta-charana (-Skt.
chakra-lakahanao), an epithet of the Buddha, 22, 28 Chakrakotta, vi, . . . . .
. 78 Chakra-kotya, 8. a. Chakrakotta,. . Chakravartin, a title, . . . 82, 110, 118, 121 Chalikiron manaka-Chalikiranaka - Moon, 25, 28 Chalukya or Chalukya, dy., 10, 67, 69, 76, 80, 81, 87n. Chāsukys (Western), dy.. . 109, 110, 112, 115,
118 Chalukya-Chole, family, . . . . 78 Chambi, a state,.
. . . 57, 58 Chamda ( - Skt. Chandra), m., . .22, 23 Chamdaladēvi, a Sinda queen, 110, 114, 116, 119 Charhdamukha, a Buddhist monk, 12, 22, 23, 28 Chattal-Kshanta or Chandaka 1). .
26 Chantamála, .. a. Siri-Chårtamula, . . Chathtisiri or bri, an Ikhaku princess . 4 and al.,
8, 6, 7, 11, 13, 15, 16 and th, 17, 19, 21, 28 Chamtiairipiki, .. a. Chathtisiri, . . Chandáls or Chandāls, . . . 130, 133, 136 Chandělla, dy., . 126, 127, 128, 132, 133, 134,
135 Chandika, a goddess, . . . . .97, 99 Chandramauli (or dēva), a teacher , 110, 117,
120, 121 Chandragupta, a Maurya k., . 77 and r., 88n. Chandragutti, di.. . . . . • 91 Chandranaths, a Tirtha nkara, . . . 94, 97 Chandratriya, . Chandells . Chandrēbvara, a family, . . . 182, 133
The figures refer to pages : n. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used : ch.chief: 00.country; di.=district or division; do. ditto; dy..dynasty: E. Eastern; f. female; k.king: m. male; mom mountain ;-ri-river: 6. d.-same ; sur. mname: te. temple; vi. village or town; W.-Western.

Page #166

INDEX.
141
PAGE Chule-Chandamukha (=Skt. Kshudra Chandra
mukha), m., . . . . . 22, 23, 28 Chula-Cha[th]tisiriqika, wife of Khamdacha.
likirenmanaka, . . . . 4, 13, 18, 19, 28 Chula-Dharmagiri, a hill, . . . 22, 23, 36 Chula-Müla (-Skt. Kshudra-Müla), m., 22, 23, 28 Conjeeveram, vi.. . . . . . . 49.78 consonants, doubling of consonants, doubled after , . . . 22 consonants, used for vowels, . . . 90
.
.
L
d, doubling of
Pacs Charaka, a work. .
. . . 891, Charitr-achara,
. . 967, Charitravardhana, a commentator, . . 58 Chashtana, a Kshatrapa k., . . . . 4,6 chata, an official, . . 102, 130, 131, 133, 136 Chata Bikra-setti, m., . . . . . 94, 97 Chhathisiri (Skt. Shashthi'sri), . . 20 Chātisiri, 8. a. Chămtisiri, . . . Châteü inscription of Bäläditya, .
123 Chatta, ch., . . . . . . . 112 chätudisa sangha(=Skt. chaturdisah sunghab), 24, 28 Chaturdramimmi)naka, . . . . 125 chatur jätaka (or chatur) (=four fragrant
articles). . . . . 39 and R., 43, 44 Chaturvargachintamani, a work, . . 88n. chatusāla( -Skt. chatuháāla), a cloister, . 14, 28 Chaucer, an author, . . . . 76 Chaudappa, ch., . . . . . . 91 Chaurada, a, a. Chávunda, . . . . Chāva, a Sinda prince, . . 109, 114, 115, 119 Chāvanarasa, mistake for Vāvanarasa . . 657, Chavoja, m., . . . . . 65, 69, 70 Chåvunda I, a Sinda prince, 109, 114, 115, 119 Chāvunda II, do. . 109, 110, 111, 112, 113,
114, 116, 117, 119, 120,
121 chavuthe(=chaithe), . . . . . 73 Chēdi, (or Chēti), co.,. . . . 81, 82, 86 Chēdi or Chēti, dy. . . . 79, 80, 81, 86 Cheti-raja-rasa-vadhana, title of Kharavela, . 79 Chhadakapavaticha, m., . . 15, 25, 28, 36 Chhathisiri, an Ikhaku queen,
4, 14, 20, 28 Chidi, founder of the Chaidya dy., . . . 81 Chih-chi-do, co., . . . . . . 126 Chilāta, Chilada, Chilūa or Chilāya(-Skt. Ki.
rāta), a tribe. . . . 7, 8, 13, 35 Chilátal-Skt. Kirāta), co., . . . 8, 22, 23 Chins, co.,. China, co., . . . . . 7, 22, 23, 36 China inscription of Pulumavi, China China or chirna, . . . . 897 China connected with Shina, . . . 77n. Chitrakūta (=Chitor), vi.. . . . . 123 chivarika (=monk's robe). . . . . 39, 44 Chola, dy... . . . . 47, 49, 50, 54 Chula-Budha (=Skt. Kshudra Buddha), J., . 25, 28
d, doubling of after , . . . . da, forms of . . . . . . 13 Dabhāla or Dahala, co., . . . . 80 Dabhyuhadavarman, ., .
132, 133 Dabók, vi... .
. . . 122 Dahi, di., . . . . 132, 133 Dakshiņāmsaka-vithi, di., . . . 60, 61 Dakshinapali, di.. .
100, 102 Damila (-Skt. Dravida), co., or people, 7, 8, 22
23, 36 Damirike, 8. a. Tamilagam, . . . . 78 Damodarpur copper-plates of Budhagupta, 59 and
1., 60, 61 and A., 63n. danda, a measure, . . . . . 105, 106 dandadaya,. . . . . . . 128 Dandanayaka, ar oficial, .
64, 67,69 Danda pašika, an official;
. . . 102 Dantapura, vi.. . . . . .. 8, 36 Dantivarman a Pallova k., . 48, 49, 50 dapa,. . . . . . . . 79, 87 Dappula, a Ceylon k.,. . . . . 48 Dardan-achara . . . . . . 95n. Dasa or Dasarasa, a Sinda prince, 109, 114, 115, 119 dasabala-mahābala (Skt. dasabala-mahabala), an
epithet of the Buddha, . . . . .22, 29 Dasarņa, co., . . . . . 8 and n. dabavalba)ndha, one tenth share, 65, 66 and 1., 68,
70 dat, use of -, with the augmenta mat and
thuk, . . . . . . . 58 Davana, a Sinda prince . . 109, 114, 119 Davara, m., . . . . . . . 130
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.chief; co.country; di.=district or division: do.ditto ; dy.dynasty : E.Eastern; f.female; k.king; m.male; mo.=moantain; ri.river; 8. 4.=same as; ou, sumame; 66.temple; vi.=village or town; W. Woutora.

Page #167

142
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XX,
PAGE days, lunar : bright fortnight:
. . . . . 90, 93 7th, , . . . . . 129, 130 8th, , , , 65, 67, 122, 123, 132, 133 12th, . . . . . 105, 106, 108 chaturdasi . . . . . 110, 118
15th, . . . 105, 107, 108, 126, 127 dark fortnight :
12th, . . . . . . 135, 136 13th, . . . . . . . 91 amāvāsya, . .
110, 117 days of the fortnight :
5th, . . . . . . 4, 21, 22 10th, . . . . 4, 16, 17, 18, 19
13th,. . . . . . . 22, 23 days of the month: -
7th, . . . . . . 61, 63, 64 days of the week :
Adityavára,. . . . . . 67 Monday, . 50, 51, 66n., 110, 117, 122, 129,
130, 132 Monday (Sõmavära), 110, 117, 118, 126, 127 Saturday, . . . . . 110, 121 Sunday,
65, 69, 90, 95, 136, 136 Sunday (Adityavāra), . . . 93 Tuesday, . . . 47, 50, 51, 53, 66, 110
Tuesday (Sevvāy-kkilamai), . . . 62 Débuvaks, a locality. . .
. . . 98, 99 Děmaladėvi, a Sinda queen, . . . 111, 114 Demetrios, Indo-Greek k., .. . 76, 79, 84, 87 Demetrios II, do. .
. . . 76 Denarius, a Roman k., . .
. . . 29 dentals, cerebralisation of desaka, a preacher, . . . . 19, 29 dese, . . . . . . . . Devabhūmi, a Sunga k., .
56 Dēvachandradeva, a Jaina teacher, 90, 92, 93, 96 dévadāna, . . • Dēvagiri, a hill (), . . . . 22, 23, 36 dévakula (-temple), . . . . 97, 99, 116 dérangas, one of the 18 panas, . . . . 90n. Dēva paladēva, a Pala k., . . . . 37 devaraja-sakata (=Skt. devaraja-satkrila), an
epithet of the Buddha . . . 16, 18, 19, 20, 29 Dévasarmman, m... . . . . 106, 108
PAGE Dévashamū, m., . . . . . 132, 133 Dēvavarmmadēva, a Chandella k.,
126, 127 Děyimgere, a tank, . . 65, 66, 68, 70 dha, used for tha, . . . . . . 11 Dhama, m., . . . . . . 25, 29, 37 Dhama-chaka (wheel of law), . . . .22, 23 Dhama-tāja,epithet of Khäravela, : : : 80 Dharmaghosa (-Skt. Dharmaghosha), 24, 25, 29 Dharmagiri (Skt. Dharmagiri), 4. a. Nähe
rålabodu, . . . . . . dharma-mahāmata, an official, . 8, 35 Dharmanandi, a Buddhist monk, 12, 22, 23, 29 Dhammarakkhita, do.
8 Dhana ('dēva, 'bhūti), m., . . . 55, 56, 57 Dhanaidaha copper-plate. . . . . 59 Dhanaka, a clan or family, . . , 18, 29 Dhanakataka or Dhaññakataka (Skt. Dhänyakataka, co. .. 9 and 1., 10,
11 Dhanapati (=Kubēra), a demigod,. . 116, 120 Dhanika, a prince, . . . . . 123 Dhanop inscription of Chachcha of Sam. 1063, 123 Dhārā, vi., . . . . 78, 106, 108 Dharanikota, vi.. . . . . . . 9 Dharivarsh, biruda of Rashfrakufa k. Dhruva, 48n. dharma, a suffix, . . . . . . 40 Dharmamita, 8. a. Demetrios,. . . . Dharmapala, a Pala k., . . . . 60 Dharmapuri plates of Vākpatirāja of V. 8. 1031, 105 Dharmerája, . .
. . . . 56, 57 Dharmasastra, . . . . . 67 Dharmma, a. a. Dharmmanātha, . . . 93 Dharmmalekhin,. . . . . . 131 Dharmmanātha, a Jaina Tirthamkara, 90, 92, 93, 95, 96 Dharmmarajñä mistake for Dharmmaräjēna, 66, 67 dhatuvara-parigahita,
16, 18, 19, 20, 29, 30 Dhauli, vs., . . . . . . . 8 Dhauli, inscriptions of Asöka at- . 84 Dhavagarttā, vi., . . 122, 123, 124 Dhavalappadēva, a Paramára k. . 122, 123 dhivars, . . . . . . . 136 Dhor, 8. 4. Dhavagartta. . . . . Dhritipura, vi.. . . .
. 102 Dhruva, a Rashtraküfa L., Dhritivishnu, n., . . . . . . 62
.
Oprut y
.
.
18
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.- obiel: 00.country: di.-district or division do.- ditto: dy. dynasty, B. Eastern : f.-female; k=king; m.=male; mo. mountain; ri, river ; 8. d.- same w; str. urdame : . temple village or town; W.-Westero.

Page #168

INDEX.
143
PAGE
73, 82n,
dialects :Barhadi. . .
. : 75 Dhakki, . .
. . . . 82n. Jaina Saurasēni, : Khandesi, . .
. . 75 Konkani, . .
. . 75 Magadhi,
. . . . 73. 82n. Marathi (Northern),
. 75 Saurasēni, . .
. 82n. Digambara, a Jaina secl,
63n., 91 Digha- Majhima-nikaya, Buddhist scripture, 29, 32 Digha-nikaya, do.
11, 17, 19, 20 Dikshita, family name,. . . . 106, 108 Dimetra, 6. a. Demetrios, . . . . Dimita, 4. a. Demetrios, Dinakaramiára, a commentator,
. . 58 dinära, coin, . . . . 60 and 1., 62, 63 dinari-mäsaka or dināri-masaka, coirm . . 19, 29 Dipälige, a parvan, . . . 66 and 1., 68, 70 Dipāvaļi, a festival, . . . . 117, 121 Dipara mea, a work, . . . 77., 10n., 35 Divákaranandin, m., . . . . . 62, 64 Divyāvadāna, a Buddhist work, . 55, 757., 86n.,
88n. dodda varäha, coin,
. . 919., 94 Doņi, vi.. . . . Dosara, 8. a. Tosali ? Dosarēnē, 8. a. Tosali 1 . Drangeša, an official, . . drava, a kind of dancing,
877 Dravida or Dramila, 8, a., Tamila drona, a measure of grain, drönava pa, land measure, . . 60, 61, 62, 63 Durgadēvi, a goddess, . . . 122, 123, 124 Düta or Data ka,, an official, 106, 107, 108, 130,
PAGE eclipses : lunar, . . . .
. 120n., 12 Edayattimangalam, wi.. . . . . 51 Ehuvala (1) --Chánhtamūla, an Ikhaku ki. . 15 ēlā, one of the four fragrant articles (chätur.
jätaka). . . . . . . 39. elkofi ascetics, . . . . 65 and ., 67, 69 eras :Chalukya, . .
75 Chălukye Vikrama, Gupta, . . Harsha, .
. . . . . . 122 Mälava, Mälava-Vikrama, Maurya, .
. .
. . . . 74, 86 Nanda,
. , 75, 84, 87. Baka, . . . .. . 65 and n., 67, 69,
75 Salivābana-Saka, . . . , 90,93
Vikramaditya, . . . . . 75 Erambarapura, 8. a. Erambarage, 116, 116, 120 Eukratides, Bactrian k., . . . . 76 Euthydemos I, an Indo-Greek k.,. . . 76
Faridpur copper-plates, . . . . . 59 60 Fifty Families of Telligas . 109, 110, 116, 117,
120, 121 fiye acharas, Jaina practices, . . . . 92, 95 fortnights :
6th,. . . 4, 6, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23 Forty-Eight Thousand Mahē varas, . . 54
133
Dvarasamudra, vi.. . . . . . 113 doir-a foamedha-yajin, a title of Pushyamitra,. 57 Dvivēds, family name, . . . 105, 106, 108
ga, forms of . . . . . gadabha-nangala, . . . . . Gadag, oi., . . . . . . gadyana, a coin,. . . . . Gajayana, m., .
. galardige (-Skt. galantika), a water jar,.
. 73 . 79
. 66, 68, 70
. 56 68; 70n.
e, initial form of- ochchoru, a tat,
.
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
73 64
The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are ed : .ohiot: 00.country; di district or division; do..ditto; dy.= dynasty, E. Eastern; f. female; k. king: m, malo; Mo.-mountain; ri.wriver ; 8. a. ame as; eur.surname; le.. temple; vi, village or town; W. Wolern,

Page #169

144
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XX.
Page Govinda-Krishna), de piana), .
. . . . . 116, 120 Govinda II, a Rashtrakufa k., . . . 84 Govinda III, do.
. 49, 50, 123 Govinda-Bhatta, M., . . . . 65, 69, 70 Guhanandin, a Jaina monk,. . . 60, 62, 63 Guhila, progenitor of the Quhila dy., . . 123 Guhila, dy.. . . . . . . . 97, 98 Guhilot, a family, . . . . . 123 Gummadiduru, vi.. . . . . . 10 Gummatanätba, a. a. Bahubali (a Jaina saint), 94, 97 gunasasana, . . . . 67, 68, 70 and n. Gupta, dy. . . . . . . . 60 Gupti-Gupta, a Jaina pontiff,. . . . 60 Gurjara, co., . . . . . . 123 Gutta (= Gupta), . . . . . 116, 120 Gutti, vi.; . . . . . . . 114
60
PAGE Gamdhara or Gandhära, co., . . .7, 22, 23, 35 gamunda, . . . .
. . . 68, 70 gina, . . .
. . . 90n. gananā (accountancy),.
. . 79, 82 gana-pana, communal and professional guilds, . 90, 94 Gandharva, a class of demi-gods, . . . 87 Ganga, dy.. . . . .
• 49, 66 and R. Ganges, ri., . . . . . .
45, 88n. Garyi.sa ihitu, a work,
. . 76 Garuda emblem, . . .
. 105 Garuda Purana, a work, .
. . 58, 69n. Gautama Buddha, 3. u. Buddha, . Gautamiputra Satakarni, k., . . . . 35, 74 Gautamiputra Sri Yajña Satakarni, an Andhra k., 74 genitive case, use of . . . . . 58 gha, forms of . . .
. . . 73 ghalige. . .
. . . 67, 69 Ghattavasini, a name of Durgā,
122, 124 Ghosrawa Buddhist inscription,
40R. Ghösundi inscription, . . Ghugrāhāti copper-plates, Girivraja, 8. d. Rajagriha, . Girnār, mo., . . . Gimnár, Inscriptions of Asöka at-,. Giyaka, m., . . . . 122, 123, 125 Goa, ti.. . • • • Gögga, name of a field, . .
124 Göha, 8. a. Guhila, Guhadatta or Guhäditya,
founder of the Guhila family, . . 98 Gohalika, vi.. . . . . . .
63 Gokarna, vi, and tirtha, . . . 92, 95, 97 Gõmmatasara, a Jaina uork, .
Jaina work . . . 77, 89n. Goradhagiri (Görathagiri), 8.a. Barabar hills,73, 78, 79,
87 go rakshakas, one of the 18 panas, . . . 90n. Goshāta pusjaka, vi., . . . 61, 62, 63 Götamiputa, an epithet of Satakarni, ". . 6 gotras :
Bharadvája,. . . . . . 136 Kayapa, . . . . . 132, 133 Katyayana,. .
. 105, 106, 108 Krishnátrēga, . . . 126, 127
Vatsa,. . . . . . 130 Govagama (-Gópagráma), vi. . 22, 23, 35 Govapuri (=Skt. Göpak apuri) 8. a. Goa,. . 35
84
35
h, used for 8 in Kanarese, . . . . 25 Hagasiri, m., . . .
. . 25, 35 Ragharhna, ., . . . . 22, 23, 35 Haihaya, dy.. . . . . . . 80 hala, a land measure, . . . 105, 107 half chronogram, . . . . . . 100 halu-dhåre, . . . . . . . 94, 96 hangha (-Skt. sangha). . . . . 35 Hammasari, 8. 4. Hammasiri, .. Hammasiri, an Ikhaku princess, 4, 14, 19, 20, 35 Hammasiriqikā, s. a. Hammasiri, Hammiravarmadēva, a Chandella k., . 134, 135 Ramsasoma, an author, . . . . . 42n. Haribhadra, do. . . . . . 88n. Haribhadriya-esitti, a work,
ora,
. .
.
. . 68x Haridása, 7., . . .
. . 62 Haripāla, ., . . . . Hariva msa, an epic, Harinarsa Purana, a Jaina work,
81, 36 Hastinapura, vi, . . . . . 116, 120 Häthigumphå, a care, . . . . . 7), 72 Hebbal inscription of Marasimha II, . . 06n. Hémachandra, an author, . . . . 88. Hēmadri, do. . . . . . 88n. Himalaya, mo., . .
. . 45 Hiratanaka, a clan, . . . 6, 18, 19, 35
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to focinotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.=chief; co= country, di. -district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynasty; E. Easteru; f.=female; k.=king: m.-male; mo.= mountain ; ri.=river; 8. 4.same as ; sur, surname; €.= temple; v=village or towa; W.-Western.

Page #170

INDEX.
145
PAGE
Рдав háranina-kopi-go-satasahasq-halu-satasahasa-pad
dyi, epithet of Siri-Chantamila, 19, 20, 24, 35 Hirēmannür, w.,. . . . . . 113 Hirumuthuva, a locality, .
22, 23, 36 Hiuen Tsiang, a Chinese pilgrim, . 8, 9, 10, 11, 40,
65
Ama, form of . . . . . . Horiuzi palm-leaf manuscript, . . 38 Roeur record, . . . Hotfür inscription (of Saka 959), Hoysale, dy.
109, 112, 113, 114, 118, 119 Hugha, 4., . . . . . . 25, 35 Halgür insoription of Saks 960, . . . 65 Hapas, a tribe . . .
. . . 40, 41 Hutabans, a god, . . . . . 103 Huvishka, a Kukana k.. . . . . 7
i, initial form of 4, medial form of- . . . . . 73 Idaiyarru-nadu, di.. . . 46, 47, 51, 52, 53 Ik häku, dy.
2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 10, 16, 17, 18, 19,
20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27 Ikhaku (Ikkhaku Ikahvaku), myth. k., , . 6 Ikhal-raja-pavara-risi-sala-pabhaid-tansa
sambhava (Skt. Ilshvá ku-nája-pravara-rahi balo-prabhava-vana-aamibhava), an epithet of the Buddha,. Ad, .
.
. . . . . 22, 27 Ikkēri-Keladi, family,. . . . . 91 Ils or lla, father or mother of Purüratas, . 80 Ilamperunkäy.irukkai, ai. . . 47, 51, 53 Ilangövēlar, ch., . . . Immadi Sadikiva-Nayaks, str. of Bhadrappa, 92 Indra, a god, . . . . 43, 45, 116, 120 Indu-vak vidanti-varisë (Indu-va k-virhbati.
varshë), . . . . . . 100, 104 Insoription of Chitör dated V. S. 1331, . . 98 ipai, a tax, . . . . . . . 54 Ikanabhata, k.,
.
• 123 Isvara, te... . . .
109 Ievars-Bhattaraka, a god, ..
. . . 53, 54 Itikaräffabodu, a mound, . . . 3
Jagadēva, m.. . . . . . 132, 133 Jagatsvars, a god, . . . . 118, 122 Jaggayyapeta, a Buddhist site, , 2, 2, 7, 10, 12 Jainism, religion, . . . . . 77, 88n., 95 Jaitugi, a Yadava k., . . . Jajhauti, 8. a. Jējákabhukti, . . 126 and n. Jälibalu, co.. . .
. . . . 91 Jambudēvs, vii,
. . 61, 62 Jambūdvipa,
109, 115, 118 janapada, . .
. 79n., 88, 106, 107 Janapada,. . .
. 79, 87. Janëndra, 8. a. narendra,
. . 40n. jasas, mistake for yabas, . . . 101, 102 Jayádbhudaya, mistake for Jayabhyudaya, . 93 Jayakėsi, a Kadanuba ch., . . . . 112 Jayamangala, a commentary on the Kamasutras
of Vateyd yana, . . . . . . 83 Jayanandin, a Jaina monk,, ndin, a Jaina monk, .
. .60 Jayabakti, a Chandella k., . 126, 129, 132, 133 Jayasinha (II), a W. Chalukya k.. . 65 Jayastambha, a Chamba k., . . 57 and n, Jayasvamin, m... . . . . . 127 je, used for yé, . . . . . . 125 Jējāka, 8. G. Jayabakti, . . . . 126 Jējákabhukti, kingdom, . . . 126 and .. Jēntake, m., . . . . . 97, 99 Jijhoti, 6. a. Jöjäkabhukti . . . Jina, Arhat, . .
. . 60, 62n., 88 Jina (-Buddha), . . . . . 44, 46 jita-kama-kodha-bhaya-harisa-tarisa-moha-dosa.
sad[@]pita Mära-bala-dapa-mana pasamana. lars (-Skt.jita-kama-krodha-bhaya-harsha. tartha-moha-dvčaha-sabda pita-Mara-bala-darpa.
prafamana-kara), an epithet of the Buddha, 22, 28 jita-råga-dosa-moha-vipamuta (-Skt. jita-råga.
dvēsha-möha-vi pramukta), an epithet of the
Buddha, . . . . . . . 16,29 Jiva-Khanda, a part of the Gommafasira, 77, 89n. Jhan-achara, . . . . . 95. Jodhpur inscription of Pratihåra Bauko,
122 Jõgimära cave inscription, . . . . 8in. jugala, mistake for yugala. . . . . 101 Junagadh rock-inscription of Rudradaman, 35, 92 Justin, an author, . . . . .. 76
The figures refer to pages: 1, after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used ch. chiet: Coocantry: di.district or division; do... ditto; dy.-dynasty; E. Eastern; f. female; k. king; m.-male; mo. mountain; ri.=river; 8. a. same as our surname te.temple; vi. village or town; W.-Western.

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146
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XX.
PAGE
к k, doubling of after r, . . . . . 59 k, doubling of before r, . . . . k, doubling of - before y, . . . Kadambapadraka, vi., . . 105, 106, 108 Kaikeyi, myth. queen,
.
. . . . . 87n. Kailasa, mo. . . . . . . 43, 45 Kaisika, a Yadava k.,.
. . . 81 käka pada, a sign, . . . . . . . 72 Kalachuri, dy.. . .
80 Kalachurya, dy... 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 117, 120 Kalakappanagudda, vi.. . Kalamēsvara, te., . . . . . . 64 Kālajara, fort, . . 126, 129, 132, 133, 135 Kalantopatina-baļkė, a locality. . . . 94, 96 ka lanju, a weight, . . . . 47, 53, 54 Kalira-kkurram, di.. . . . . . 53, 54 Kalara-kūrram, vi., . kale, a musical instrument, . 65, 68, 70 Kali, age, . .
116, 117, 118, 119,
120 Kalidasa, an author, . , . 8th, 65, 66,75 Kalimga or Kalinga, co., . 8, 36, 72, 73, 74, 77,
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86 so n., 87, 88 Kalining-adhipati, title of Kharavela,
79, 81 Kalinga-chakavati or Padhipati, tide of Kharavela, 86. Kalinga-Jina . .
. . 80, 85, 88n. Kalinga, dy. . . . . . 86n. Kalinga or Kalinganagari, si., . 77, 79, 83, 86 Kalingapatanam, i., . . . . . 77, 83 Kallūru, vi.. . . . . 115, 117, 121 Kalpasūtra, a work, . . Kalsi, Inscriptions of Asöka at - . . 84 Kalyani, vi.. . . .
. . 111 Kamandakiya-nitisära, a svork,
857., 88n. Kämansipa (or Kamadēva), a Pandya ch.. 109, 112,
116, 120 Kamasutra, a work, . . . . 83 and . Kambha, a Rashtrakufa prince, , . Kardasiri, a Pakiya ch., . 4, 16 and ., 17, 27 Kanta-setti, m., .
. . 94, 97 Kampavarman, a Pallava k., . 48 and 1, 49n. Kamta (or kanta") kasela (=Skt. Kaptakasaila),
a locality . . . . . 9, 10, 22, 23, 35
PAGE Kanakadri, .. a. Möru, . . . . . 115 kapam, a coin, .
. 47, 52, 53, 54 Kanauj, vi., .
. . . . Katchi (Conjeeveram), vi.. . . . kanda, Ksiha-bethpi, Krishnaveni o
vērnna, 6. a. Krishna . Kanhårgadh, 8. a. Seondhi, Kanhöri, inscriptions at
84 kani, a land measure, . .
. 53, 54 Kannap, .. . . . . . . 65, 80 Kannapayy, m., . . . . . . 66n. Kappapeppa or Kanpabappa, . a. Krlahpl . Kappavappi, 8. a. Krishna,. . . . 1 Kanugra-gana, mistake for Kåpiro . . 93 Kåpür-gana, subdivision of the Jainas, 80, 92, 93,
95, 96 Kåp, Kapi or Kapu, vi... 89, 90, 92, 93, 5, 96, 96 Karaboni... a. Kañhabem . . . 83 Karadihalli record of Saka 933, . . . 657. Karapika, an oficial, . . . 40, 42, 44, 45 Kärapanpime, a para . 65 and th, 68, 70 kare, . . . . . • . . 94, 96 Karividi-30, di.. . 110, 112, 116, 118, 121 Karkkatataka, name of a tank, . . 124 Karnataka, co., . . .
. 88,111 Karnataka-Bhashábhashana, a work,
6511. Karppa, an epic hero,.
. 127 Kairali, 6. a. Karralippirättiyar, . . 47 Karra ļippirättiyar, queen of Parantakan
Ilangover, . . . . . karsha papa, e coin, . . . . Karumbudhins, m., . . . . 22, 23, 27 Kaeis, vi.. . . . Kafiki, a work, . Katika-pancha-stūpa-nikayika, . Karmira (Kashmir) (-Skt. Kökmira), co., 7, 22, 23,
35, 40 käbu, a coin, . . . . 47, 52 and 1., 53 Käsyapiya, name of a field,. . . . 124 Katgeri, vi.. . . . . . 111, 112 Katyayana, an author, Kausalya, myth. queen,
• 871. Kausimbi, vi., . . . . . . 81 Kaubiki, S.,. . .
. 58, 67 Kautalya or Kautilya, an author,. 81, 87n.
The figure refer to pages : 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.cheif; co.= country; di. district or division; do.-ditto; dy.dynasty
B. Eastern : f. -female; k.king: m.male; mo-mountain; ri-river; 6. 4.-same m; our surname te. *vemple; vi village or town; W. Western.

Page #172

INDEX.
147
.
.
.
84
PAGE
- PAGI leapapa ( Skt. kripara), . . . 16, 27 Kobals, people,. .
. 83 Kavyamimdhed, a work,
Kosam or Kaumbl, wi.. . . . . 88n.
. . . 75 bdyo-nisidi, . . .
Kotavumachgi, si., . . . . . 64, 67
Koje-bolahala, a tide Klyestha, a caste,
. Nāgastha, acribe, .
Kofhakarika (Skt. Koolfhogariba), an oficial, 7 Ksladi, family,
and n., 22, 23, 28 Kelavadi, w., . .
, 116
Kotitirtha, . . . . . . 127 Kelavadi-300, di.,
110, 113, 115, 118, 121
bota, cow.pen, .
. . . . . 68, 70 Kērala, co., .
. .
Kottampalugu, a Buddhist site,
01, 123 .
. 3, 5, 6, 15 Kesans, 1., .
kerami, mistake for krimi, . . 94, 97
. . . .
135 . . Kélaverada, . . . . 65 and 1., 66
Krishni, ri... . 1, 2, 77 and 1., 79, 83, 113, 114 Kolavayye, m., . . . . 64, 65, 67, 69
Krishnavarni, 6. a. Krishna, . . .
1 kha, forms of . . . . . . 73
Krishnavoropa, . . Krishpavēņi,, .
83 Khathda (Skanda). . . . . . 26, 28
ksha, form of . . . . . . 59 Khamdachalikiretmanaka, ch, . 5, 18, 19, 28
kshauralas, one of the 18 papas, . . . 90n. Khanhdasägarzhnor ojaka,. 4, 16 and 1., 17, 21
Kuda, inscriptions at .
Kūdepasirf or Kūdepa, a Kalinga . Khandasagaramnaka, 4. 4. Khamdasagarazh.
. . 80, 82 nage,
. . . . . 28
. . 90. Khandaviakkhanska (or Khandavisikham. Kulshaka, a clan or family, 8, 10, 18, 19, 28 paka), ch., . . . . . 5, 18, 28
Kulsha-vihara, a monastery. . .9, 22, 23, 28 khaniya=piller, . . . . . . 24,28
Kalsbekhar, ch., . . . . . . 112 theda. . . . . . . . . 85
Kulõttunga-Chola I, a Chola k, . . 78 Khársvela, a Kalinga k., 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, bulya, measure of grain, . . . . 61 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86 and 7., 877., kulyand pa, land measure . . 60, 61, 62, 63
88n., 89
Kumdramatya, an oficial, . . . . 102 Khatri, a caste, . . .
71.
Kumiranandin, a Jaina monk, . . . 60 Khemardja, epithel of Kharavela, . .
Kumari or Kumari-pavata, a hill,. . 77, 80, 88 Khiltra-isi-e-li,. . .
. 79, 83
kumbhalikas, one of the 18 paras,. . 90R, Khibira, a rishi,. . .
Kumbbs-samkranti, . . . . . 110 Khifjali-mandala, di... .
Kumbbatibhatagräma, oi.,
126, 127 Kikkans, .,
Kapila, son of Adika,. .
. . . .
. . 126, 128
. .
. . .
86n Kiradi, identified with Kirayida,
129
. . . . . 64, 68, 70 Kirita, a co. or a people, . . 7.8 Kuntals, co., . .
. 109, 115, 119 hindas, one of the 18 papas,. . . . 80n.
Kūrmékvars, fo... .
. 83 Kirayida, di.,
. . . 129, 180 kurangokas (kurafakas ), one of the 18 panas, 90n. kirtti, pious deed,. . . . 39, 44, 46
Kuru, myth, E., . .
. 81 Kistaa, s. a. Krishpå,. . . 1, 9, 10, 26
Kurugod, ni. . . . . . . 114 Kisukadu-70, di., 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115,
Kurukshotra, ., . .
. 68, 70 118, 121
kuruna (kurube=s tonder cocoanatt), Kodabaliairl, a queen, . . . , 18, 24, 28
Kushape, dy.. . . . .
. 73 Kodambalar, dy.
Kusumadhvaja,, .
. .
76 . .
. . . K(or KI)kadagrims, vi., . . 135, 136
kutanta, mistake for brilanta,. . . 101 bolage, a measure, .
Kufumbit, . . . . 117, 121
.
. . . 130, 133 Kopika, k., . . . . . . 88n. Kopana, . a. Kopel, a Jaina tirtha, 92, 94, 97 |
1, change of shance of int
intor, . . . . . 80 Kosala, co., . . . . . . 66, 67, 76 la, change of intor,. .
. 86 The figures refer to pages: . After figure, to footnotes; and add to the addition. The following other abbreviation are wod .-chief 00, country; di.-distriot or division , do..ditto dy, dynasty 8.-Easterf.femalokking: m. malo mo, mountain three 6. d.-me M our.rodamo 10. templo W. village or town; W.-Wistera.
•
86
100, 102
kende,

Page #173

148
Ja, used for Ja,
Lakshmādēvi, a Sinda queen,.
Lăkuļa, a sect,
Lakulisa, a form of Siva, Lakshmi, a goddess,
Lalgudi, vi.,
Lalitakirtis, Jaina teachers, languages:
Hindi,
Kanarese or Kannada, Marathi,
Pali,
Prakrit,
Sanskrit,
Tamil,.
Lathika, s. a. Rathika, lavdha, mistake for lábdha, lekha, royal correspondence, Lekha paddhati, a work, Lomapada, a Yadava k., lona (= lavana), lupadakhe,
73
38, 55, 59, 64, 66n., 73, 90, 100, 105, 122, 125, 129, 132, 135
78 84
M
m, cursive form of -,
m, doubling of, after r, final, use of -
m terminal, form of -,
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
PAGE 109 111, 114 110, 117, 120 117, 120 and n.
121, 125, 127, 128, 132 46, 47, 51 92
55
28, 64, 65n., 90, 109
75
73
m, used for v,
ma, forms of.
ma, a land measure,
Macherla, vi.,
Madanavarmadēva, a Chandella k.,
102
79, 81, 82 81n. 81 136
81n.
•
•
109
59
64
59
•
122
73 53, 54
1 129, 132, 133 91
Madarasa, CA., Madda-Heggade, oh,
maddale, a drum,.
90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96 65, 68, 70 6
Madhariputa, a metronymic, Madhariputa, an epithet of Siri-virapurisadata, 2, 3, 7, 16 and n., 17, 20, 22, 23, 24, 32 Madhura or Madhure (Skt. Mathura), vi., 73, 78, 79, 109, 115, 116, 120 Madhura or Mathura, s. a. Mathura Madhyadesa, co.,
PAGE
madhyaka, width ?.
108 51
Madras Museum Plates (of Jatilavarmman), Magadha, co., 37, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 82, 84, 85, 88 66n.
41n., 78, 83, 84n., 89n.
55
32
78
78
84
Magha Sibupalavadha, a work, Mahabharata, epic, Mahabhashya, a work, mahabhi khu-samgha, Mahabhōja, people, Mahabhōjas Bhojakas,.
Mahābhojis, s. a. Mahābhojas
Maha-Chamdamukha (=Skt. Maha-Chandramukha), m.,
22, 23, 32
Mahāchetiya (or Mahāchetiya), 32 Mahādamdanayaka (or Mahadanda"), an official, 5, 7 and n., 18, 32
Mahādāna,
88n. 16 and n., 32
20
Mahadanapatini, a title, Mahādētiyamhi, mistake for Mahachetiyamhi,. Mahadeva, a god, . 46, 52, 53, 54 Mahādēvi, a title, 4, 5, 13, 14, 15, 19, 20, 24, 32 Mahadevi, queen, . 105, 107, 108, 108n. Mahadevi, a Sinda queen, 109, 110, 114, 115, 116, 119 Mahadhammagiri, a hill, 22, 23, 36 mahadhamma kathika (Skt. mahādharmakathika) (a great preacher of the Eaw), an epithet,
[VOL. XX
Buddha,.
mahajana, community, Mahajanas, the 104Mahakambdasiri, ch.,
Mahagani-vasabha-gamdha-hathi (=Skt. maha. gani-vrishabha-gandha-hastin), an epithet of the
Mahakamdasiri, s. a. Kardasiri? Mahamaheśvara, a god,. Mahamandalesvara, a tille, Mahamandalika, an official,
16, 18, 19, 32 97, 99 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 104 20, 21, 32
5, 14 122, 123, 124 110, 112, 118, 121 105, 106, 107, 108
Mahamatra, an official,. mahāmātukā, grandmother, Mähämeghavahana, Mahameghavihana, title of Kharavela, Maha-Müla, m., Mahanadi, ri.,
Mahaprachanda-Dandanayaka, a title, Mahapradhana, a title, .
24, 25, 32
.
and . 8 22, 32 86
73, 79, 80
22, 23, 32 100, 102
•
. 65, 67
114
106, 108
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure; to footnotes; and add. to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co. country; di.-district or division; do.=ditto; dy.=dynasty; E.Eastern; f.-female; k.-king; m.male; mo.mountain; ri.-river; s. a. same as; sur.=surname; e. temple; vi, village or town; W.-Western,

Page #174

INDEX
149
PAGE 11, 17, 19, 32,
Majhima-nikaya, a Buddhist work,
PAGE Araha pratihara, an official, . . . . 7 Mahara, . . . .
. . 136 Mahärabalikā, mistake for Mahārājabālikā, 4, 19 Maharaja, a title, .
5, 6, 73, 79, 84, 106, 135 Maharajadhiraja, a title or epithet, 87, 89, 93, 95, 105, 106, 108, 117, 120, 122, 123, 126, 128
133, 135 māhārājya,. . . . . . . 86 Mahărakkhita, a Buddhist teacher, . . Maharashtra, co., . .
. . . 78, 84n. Mahārathi, people,
. . . 78 Mahārathis = Rathika,. . . . 78 Mahasāmanta, . . . Mahäsämontadhipati, . .
. . . 64, 65 Mahasandhivigrahādhipati, official, . . . 86 Mahiasanghika, a Buddhist sect, . . 10 Mahārēna (Skanda), a god, .6, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23 Mahasenapati, a title, 4, 5, 6, 7, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20,
0.
91
100, 102
21, 32
malabathron (tamalapattram), . . . . 8 Mālāda, m, 39, 41 and 1., 43, 44, 45, 46 and 1. Malaprabhi, ri. . . . . . 113, 114 Mālava, co., . . . . . . . 123 Malavikagnimitra, a work, . . . . 56, 75 Malik, a title, . . Malla, co.,. . . . . . . Malla, a demon, . . . . . . 65n. Malla-dēsa, co., Mallāri, a form of Siva, . . . . . 657. Malläru, vi.. . . . . 91, 92, 94, 96 Mallinátha, a commentator, . . . . ., 58 Mallūru, 8. a. Malläru, . . . . 92 Mamneya, a religious division,
117, 120n. mana, a measure, . . . . . 117, 121 Manaiyil-nadu, di.. .
. . 49 Manakkal, Manalkal or Manakal, tri., 47, 51, 53, 54 mana-kutumbin, . . . . . . 136 Manamutti-ttidal, a mound,. . . . 53, 54 Mänavadharmasastra, a work, - . 82 and n. Mafchapuri. a cave, . Mañchapuri Cave inscription or record, . 80, 82, 86n. mandala, di., . . . . . . 105 Mandara, mythical mo., . . . . 116, 119 Mandaraka, name of a division, , 105, 106, 16 Mandasor stone inscription,. . Māndhäta plates of Jayasingha of V. S.
D. '. 419, 105 mari, . . . . . 68 and 3, 69, 70 Mangala (ā)-trayodasi, . . . 91, 94, 96 Mangalur, vi.. . . . . . 94, 97 Mangalur, di.,
90, 91, 93, 95 Mapigūrakéri, ... ,
91 Mapigays, stake for Majjhima, . . . Manõjal - Cupid), .
. 116 Mäna hra, Inseriptions of Asöka at : . 84 m alapa (=Skt. mandapa), . . . Mantrin, an official, . . . .
39, 41, 43 Manu, & sage, . . . . Manusmriti, a work, . .
. 66n., 67n. manya, a grant; . . . . 67, 68, 69, 70 Mära, a demon, . . . . . .22. 23 Marakabbe-Bhatari, a desty,. . . . 67, 70 Mārajadaiyag, a Pandya k., . . . 47, 48, 53
Mohasenapatini, an epithely 5, 7, 13, 18, 19, 32 Mahatalavara, a title, . 4, 5, 6, 7 and n., 16, 17,
18, 19, 20, 21, 32 Mahätalavari or 'ri, a title, 4, 5, 7, 13, 14, 16, 17,
19, 21, 32 Mahatara, 8. 4. Mahattara. Mahattara,. . . . . 61, 97, 98, 130 Mahavada vidi bara, birada of Munichandra
dēva, . . . . . . . 93 Maharagga, a Buddhist work, . . .
81 Mahavamsa, a work, . . 7 and 1., 8, 10 Th.,
28, 35, 48 Mahāvanasala, . . . . . . 10 Mahāvihāra,
: 22, 23, 32 Mahavijaya, a palace,. . : . 79, 88n., Mahavinaseliya, 8. a. Aparamahävinaseliya ... . Mahavira, a Jaina Tirthankara, . . . 42, 72 Mahayana, a sect, . . . . . . Mahēsvara (= Siva), a god, . . . . 132 Māhēsvaras, . . . . . Mahisisaka, a Buddhist sect, . 11, 24, 28, 32 Mahisha, co., . . . . . . 81 Mähishmati, 8. d. Mahisha, . . .
81 Mahoba plates of Samvat 1230, . . . 128 Maisölia, co. . . . . . . Misisõloe, 8. a. the Krishna, . . . Majjhantika, a Buddhist teacher, . . .
-
9
Tho figures refer to pages ! .. after figure, to footpatan. And add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used-ch.chief/co.-country; di.diatrict or divinion do.- ditto ; dy.-dynasty: . Tutor female ; t. king my male; mo,mountain.r river: #. d. same 48 ; 67.x80rbome te. tomplo; vi village or towa; W =Westero.

Page #175

150
Marañjadaiyan, s. a. Varaguna-Mahārāja I,
Marasimha II, a Ganga ch,. Maravan Püdiyar, s. a. Parantakan Ilangōvēlär,
Maravarman, a Pandya k.,
Margapa, Marga pati or Margeta,
Marmmakabhavaka, name of a field, Marumnandana (=Bhima), an epic hero,.
Masalia, co., Masulipatam, ti.,
Māt, ri.,
"
athari (or ri) puta, an epithet, hariputa, s. a. Madhariputa, Maura, vi.,
Mattayūra, a sect, matlar, and measure,.
mātuka,
Mannara Srida-Bhatta, m., Maurya, dy.,
metres:
.
varman, a Chamba k.,
Mēda,
media changed into uis and vice versa,
Mědini, a work,
Meghaduta, a work,
Menander, an Indo-Gk. k.,
Meru, a mythical mo.,
Misä, J.,
Misi (Skt. Miéri), f.,
mithuna,
mitra, name ending in,
Moda, m.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
105
66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 117, 118, 121, 122
Anushtubh,
Indravajra,
Pushpitägrä,.
Sälini,. Sārdülavikriditam,
Sragdhara,
Vasantatilaka,
Mihirakula, a Hana k., .
Milindapanha, a work,
Mimamhsa, a school of Philosophy,
PAGE
48, 50,
52 66n. 47 50
39, 41, 43
124 116
8,9
9
7
21
14
26, 74, 76, 78, 87
19 64, 67, 69 55, 73, 75, 77, 83, 88n, 130, 133 12 81 8n.
76
109, 115, 118
57 and n., 58
.
101, 106
106 101, 106 106
543n., 44n., 101
43n., 44n. 106
39, 41n.
.
40
7, 8n., 35,
•
66
25 22, 23 15
56
37
months :Aśvina, Bhadrapada, Chaitra,
Dhanus, Kärttika, Katika, s. a. Kärttika, Magha,.
Margasira, Margasirsha,
Mārgasira,
Pausha,
Pushya, Vrischika,
Mosalas, s. a. Mūshikas, Mrichchhakatika, a work,
Mt. Abu inscription of Samarasimha, Mudrarakshasa, a work,
Mukhalingēévara, te.,
Muktapida Lalitäditya, a Kashmir k., Múla, m.,
", doubling u
, used for i,
Murări, ch.,
mure, .
Muriya-kala,
Mushikas or Musikas, people,
Mūsi, ri.,.
Musika or Musika, co., Musika-nagara or "anagaram, vi, Musika-nagara, s. a. Muziris (?). Mutautha er Mutautha-Bhattagrahāra, Müvarkovil inscription, . Muziris, a port,
"
[VOL. XX.
91, 132, 134 122, 123, 135, 136 110, 129, 130 47, 53 90, 93, 95, 105, 106, 108
98, 99 61, 63, 64, 105, 107
126
110 127
105, 107
64, 65 and n., 67, 69, 110, 117, 121
after r,
N
•
+
28 98
75, 88.
83
Mülamnikā, f.,
40 22 22, 23 61, 62 90, 92, 95
Müla-Nagiratta, vi.,
Müla-samgha, a subdivision of the Jainas, Mülavaniya, m.,
22, 23 94, 97
Mülüra Belile, m., Mumjaya-Sahani, m., 110, 118, 121, 122 90 Munichandradeva, guru of Devaghandradeva,
92, 93, 96
•
PAGE
.
50, 52
83
91 . 94, 96
•
75, 80
83, 84n., 87
.
77 and n., 83
83, 84 and n
77, 79, 83, 84 77n 129, 130 47 84n.
59 39
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and wdd. to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.chief; co.country; di.-district or division; do. ditto; dy.-dynasty; E.Eastern; f.female; k.king; m.male; mo. mountain; ri,-river. a. same as; sur. surname; te, temple; vi.-village or town; W.-Western.

Page #176

INDEX.
151
•
97
47
PAGE Nandivarman III, a Pallava k., 48, 49 and "..
50 Nangai-Varaguna-Perumanár, a princess,
94, 53, 54 napita, . . . . . . . 136 Narasimha II, a Hoysala k., . . . . 114 Naravarmadēva, a Paramára k., 105, 106, 107
108 Nārāyaṇa, a god, . . . . . . 67, 69 Nārāyana, m., . . . . 105, 106, 108 nārāya-nali, a measure, . . . . . 52, 53 Narddarikā, a streamlet 1, .
39, 43, 44, 46 Naregal, vi.. . . . . . . 67 Nareyangal-Twelve (12), di., . 64, 67, 69, 110, 112,
115, 118, 121 Nareyangal, vi.. . . . . 67, 115 Nareyangal, 8. a. Naregal, . . . . 67 nasal, changed into anusvära, . . 90 Násik cave inscription, . . . . . 35 Näthasarman (rmmā), m., 59, 61 and 1., 62, 63 Natya-sastra, a work, . . . , 83, 87n. navakama or navakanma, foundation, 12, 17, 19, 20,
22, 30 navakammika, a superintendent of building
operations, . . , 11, 12, 22, 23
.
PAGE 1, used for 1, . . 17, used for , . .
. . 90, 97 pa, erratic use of
. . 72 nada or nala, a land measure, . 63 and 1. nadu, assembly, . . . . . . Son. Någa, a Buddhist monk, . 12, 22, 23, 30 Nägabödhinika, f. .
• 22, 23, 30 Nāgadāman, m... .
. 122, 123 Nagadēsiga, ., . . . : 66, 68, 70 Nāgādityabhata, . .
. 124 Nägarna, m., . .
· 22, 23, 30 nāgakësara, one of the four fragrant icles, 39n. Nagara-brishthin, an official, . . . 61, 63 Nagari, vi, . . . . . . 56 Nāgārjuna, a Buddhist monk, . . Nāgārjunikonda, a Buddhist site, 2, 4, 7, 9, 10,
11, 12, 15 Nagarjunikonda, a hill, . . . 1.37 Nagatara, m., . . . . . 25, 30 Någavarmi, an author,
. . . $5n. Nagiratta-mandala, di.. . . . . . 6061 Näbarallabodu, a mound or hill,. . 7, 14, Näks or Nāki, a Sinda prince, 109, 114, 115, TN nakshatms :
Alvin, . . . . . . 50 Pushye, .
. . . 135, 136 Sadaiyam or Satabhishaj, . 47, 60, 62, 53 Nalanda, mistake for Nålanda, . .
42 Nalanda, vi. or ancient site, 37, 38, 39 and n., 40
and 1., 41, 421., 43, 45, 46, 877, nāli, a measure, . . . , 46, 47, 52, 53 nālinavarı, corrupt forn of nădinavaru, . . 90n. nalinataru (assembly),. . 90 and 1., 94 Nallimangalam, wi., . . . . 46, 51, 52 Nambi, a saint, . . . . 110 and n., 117,
121 Namda or Nanda (Nanda-rāja), , . 75, 84, 87
and 7., 88 and n. Nänäghāt inscriptions, . . . . . 74, 83 Nanda, dy., . . . . . . 84 Nands or Nanda Vardhana, k., . . . 75 Nandi-Kampēsvara, te., . . . .
48 Nandippottaraiyar, 8. a. Nandivarman, Nandipõttaraiyar, a Pallava k., . . 46 Nandivarman, do.,
48, 49 and n., 50, 51 Nandivarman II, do..
. . . 48, 50
9
30
Na rashtra-mandala, di.,, Narakātikā, . . . Nayanan Andhra queen, . fichchhyam of- .
. . . .
. . . .
nēda (meda
126, 128 . 62n. . 74, 83 . 59
136 . 50, 61
92, 95 . 94, 97
.
.
. . .
Neduñjadaiya Pandya k., . Nêm nátha, a Tirtha mkara,. Nēmisvara, 8. Nainātha, Nibagutta, a mond, nidhi, . .
. . . Nigrantha or Digahara Jalous, . ni kapanika, . . . . . nei kaya, nikkil,
. . nilaikkalam,
• Nilgund inscription of Ta II, . Nirmmala, f- . . . nishëpa (=nikshëpa), Nishidi or Nishidhi, Jaind . . nitha pita, or nethapita, . .
. . 103 60, 63 and . . 21, 30 . . 62n.
. 94, 96 62 and 1., 63, 64
. . 66 39, 41, 44, 46 . . 136 . . 89n
19, 20, 30
The figures refer to pages : #. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions. The following oth
itions. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.chief; co.country: di.-district or division; do. ditto ; dynut Eastern 4 f.female; k.king: m.Emale; mo-mountain; ri.river ; 8. .-ame m; gurpame: temple; vi villego or town; W.-Walern.

Page #177

152
Nitva-Gōhāli, vi.,. nivarttana, a land measure, nivasa Skt. nirvāsa, Northern Kshatrapa, dy., Nripatunga, a Pallava k., Nripatungavarman, do., numerical sign or symbol for :
1,
3,
8,
9,
10,
50,
70,
100,
700,
Nyasa, a work,
Odra, co.,
Odraka, a Sunga k.,
O, initial form of-,
O, use of, in mas. stems ending in a,
Õhila, a saint,
Om or Siddham, symbol for-,
omission of doubling of consonants, omission of top lines in sa, ma and y Ompur, s. a. Sómapura,
Orkhon Inscriptions,
ovaraka (Skt. apavaraka),
p changed to v,
pa, standing for paksha, pa, forms of-, Pabhosa, vi.,
padhana-sala(Skt. pradhi padihāra (Skt. pratihar padiyo,
Padma-Purana, a work Padmini, a class of ur
The figures r abbreviations are Eastern; f. fer temple; vi.-v
men,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
PAGE
PAGE
61, 62, 63 paduka-pata (-padu ka-patta or pätu ka, or 105, 106, 108
. 80, 85, 88n.
55
.
48 and n., 49, 50
patu ka), footprint slab, Paduma, m., Paduma (=Padma), f., Padumavāni, f., Pāhārpur, vi., Pahupappakapāli, Palāsāṭṭa, vi.,
47
. 12, 59
12, 22
12, 22, 59
12, 21, 22 . 12, 21
22, 59
12, 21, 22
59 12, 22, 23 59 12, 19 12, 19, 59 99
66 and n., 67, 70
ina-sala), a),
110 and
75
•
93 73 81 76 and n.
117, 121
43n.
73
38
.
60
41
27
. 12, 25
16, 18, 19, 20, 21
73
75, 76n.
30 85 79,83
82, 83
43, 45
.
•
Palura, 8. a. Dantapura, [Pallura, A., pamchamahapataka, pamche-matuka,
Pamd
a= Skt. Pandya, parda, mistake for pancha, Pramda- Raja,
Pamna.gama(-Skt. Parna-grāma), vi.,
[VOL. XX.
Pālēr, ri.,
Palhana, an engraver,
Pallava, dy., 9n., 10, 46, Pallavamalla, epithet of Nandivarman II,
pana, a sectarian division,
pama, a coin,
parich-achara, five religious practices, Panchala, co.,
panchala, one of the 18 panas, Pañchaladeva, a Ganga chief,. pañcha-maha-babda,
pañch-anantarya, five sins, pañcha-nikäyika,. Pañcha-stúpa,
Pangul, bali, Panin', a grammarian, Pipes, m.,
Papila, a locality,. Pápinadi, a field,.
37
25, 30 25, 30 15, 25, 30 . 59, 60
124 . 61, 62 2
129, 131 48, 49, 84 48, 49 and
19 and . . 78, 80 17, 19, 36 90n. 66, 68, 70
95 76 90n. 66 100, 102 39, 44
62n.
62 n.
62, 62 n°
Pancha-stupa-kula-nikäyica, Pancha-stupa-niküya,
Panchatantra, a work,
60 8 104
Pandi, m., Pandu, epic k.,
85 Pandulēņa cave 'inscription, 74, 83 Pandya, dy., . 48, 49, 50, 77, 85, 88, 109, 112, 116, 119 47, 52, 53
Pandyakul'apati, a title of Varaguna-Mahārāya,
90, 93, 95 58, 86n., 88n. 130 22, 23, 30 94, 96
"
.
1., 50
8, 36
22, 23
69
17
85
.
.
.
efer to pages: n. after a figure, to footriotes; and add. to the additions. The following other used:-ch.chief; co.country; di.-district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty; E. nale; k.king; mi-male; mo. mouratain; ri.-river; e. a.msame as; sus.surname ; le. illage or town; W.-Western.

Page #178

INDEX.
153
.
.
62
РАав Parachakrakölähals, (śrimirs Srivallabha-),
a Pandya k., . . . . . . 48 Parakēsarivarman, a Chola k. .
. 47 Paramabhaffaraka, a title, . 61, 63, 67, 69, 105, 106, 108, 117, 120, 122, 123, 126, 129, 133,
135 Paramagama (sacred Jaina literature). . . Paramamahatvara, a title, .
129, 133,
135 Paramarddidēva, a Chandella k, , . 129, 132,
133, 135 Paramétvara, a title, . 67, 69, 105, 106, 108, 117,
120, 122, 123, 126, 127, 129, 133, 135 Parantaka, title of Nedušjadaiyan,. . . Parantaka I, a Chola k. . . . . Parantakan Ilangövēlär, ch. . . . . Parisari, f., . . . . . parigaha (Skt. parigraha), . . . . parigahita, . . . . 17, 19, 20, 21, 23 pariganhita, mistake for parigahita, . . 20 parihara, . . .
. . . 85 parikeliti (parikelettēvaru ?), one of the 18 panas, 90n. parikhaya,. . .
. . . 68, 70 parināmetuna[ ), . . . . 19n., 20, 31 parisara (enclosure), . . . . . 88n. parva, a measure, . . . . 106, 108 Parvata, identified with Srisaila, . 92, 94, 97 pasada kal -Skt. prasada ka), . . . . 21, 31 pasamda, . . .
. . 80 pasanal = påshana) . . . . 138 pata, a slab, . .
. . 28, 30 Patalaka ? .
. . 89 Patala-khanda, a section of the Padma-Purdna, 83 Påtaliputra, ti. . . . .. 75, 76, 77, 85 Patanjali, an author, . . . . . 55 pati pada (Skt. pratipada), . . . . 37 patraka, one of the four fragrant articles, . . 39n. Paffakila, official, . . . .
106, 107, 108 paffamahadevi, a title, .
. . 113 Paurava, a clan,. . . . . . 81 pavajita (-Skt. praparjita), .
. . . . 21, 31 pasitra,
. . 117, 121 Perggade, official,
. . 66n. Periplus, a work, . . . 8 and , 9 Perma, a Sinda prince, . . 109, 112, 114, 116, 119 Permadi, a Ninda ch., . . . 112, 113, 114
PAGE Perma-Jagadēkamalla, a Chalukya k., . . 112 Permmadi III, a Sinda prince, . . 111, 113 Perumanadigal, a god . . . . . 53, 54 Peruma nadiyal-adiyan, a title, . . 49n. Phalgudēva, . . . . . 55, 56, 57 pitalahara, brazier, . . . . 129 Pithurda, vi., . .
73, 78, 85, 88 Pitinakas, people, . .
. . . 84 pituchcha, a father's sister, . Pitundra, .. a. Pithumda,
78, 79 Pkt. chaicho.
. 73 Podhiya, a, a, pädiyo (1) . . . . 83 Polugubodu, a mound,. .
. . 15 Pera (Skt. Paura), . . . 79, 87n. Prabhakara, an author, Prabhakara, a work, .
. 66, 67, 70 Prakiraka,. . . . . . . . 77 Pratham-Pustapala, . . . . praatha, a measure,
. 61 pratijagaranaka, di., . . 105, 106, 108 pratita-Tikina, . .
. . . 39, 41,-43 pratinvitasin,
.
. . . . 106 pravars:
Atri-Archchananasa-Syäväkva, . 127 Katyayana-Kapila-Visvamitra, 106, 108 Vatsa-Bharggava-Chyavan-Apnuvan.
Aurva-Jámadagnya,. . . . 130 Prithvidhara Vistavya, m., . . . . 129 Prithviraja, a Chahamana k., . . . . 132 Prithvipati, I, a Western Ganga k., . . . 49, 50 Prithe vallabha, a title,. . . . . 67 Prithvivarmmadēva, a Chandella k., . 129 Prishthims-pottaka, vi. . . . 61, 62, 63 Prithu, myth. k.,. . . . . . 82 Ptolemy, an author, . . 8, 9, 78, 84, 85 Pubba-sela, a Buddhist convent, .
11 Pubba-selika, a Buddhist sect, . . 10, 11 Pàdi-Adichchapidariyar, queen of Arikula.
klaari, . . . . . . . 47 Pūdiyar, Pugiya, Pūgiya, Puglys, Pakiya or Pükiye, . 49,
6, 12, 167., 17, 19, 20, 21, 31 Paligore-Three Hundred, di., . . 64, 65, 69 Pulindaka, a Sunga k.. . . . . 65 puffi or virama, . . . . . . 47
The figures refer to pages: . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.=chief; co-country; di district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty : E.Eastern; f. fumale; k.king; m.-male; mo-mountain; riivut: 8. d.- mem .wsurdame; 16. templo; vi. village or sow; W. Westond.

Page #179

154
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XX.
РАах Pulumăvi, as Andhra k., . .
74 Pundra, co., . . . . . . $1 Pundravardhana, di.. .
. 60, 61, 63 Pundravardhana, identified with Mahästhångarh, 61 Puphagiri (=Skt. Pushpagiri), a hill t . 22, 23, 36 Puranas, . .
. . 55, 56, 58 Purigere, di., . . . . . . 66 Iurikä or Parika-grăma, vi... . . . 87n Purisadata, 8. a. Siri-Virapurisadata, . . -2 purisa-yuga, . . . . . 79, 86n. Pürnēndrasēna, a Buddhist monk, 39, 42, 44, 46 Purūravas, myth. k., . . . . . 80 Pūrvadēšachaitya pari päti, a work,. . . 42n. Purvasaila, a Buddhist convent, . . . Purvasailiya, a Buddhist sect, . . Purvasilā, 8. a. Pūrvasaila,
9 Püsamitta, (Prakrit form of Pushyamitra), . 56 Pushkaripighali,. . . . . . 124 Pushpamitra, mistake for Pushyamitra, . . 58,75 Pushpapura, &. a. Pätaliputra, i . . 76 Pushyamitra, a Sunga k., . 55, 56, 57, 58, 75, 76
and r. Pustapala, . . . . . . . Pūvs-rāja, mistake for Ava-raja, . . Puvasola, .. a. Pārvalaila, a hill,. 9, 22, 23, 36
10
Rimi
Rámi,l
.
100
PAGE Rajapāla, m., . . . . . 131 Rajaparamèdvara, a title, . . . 93 & add. räjapurusha, . . .. . 131, 133 Rajanitha, a Pandya k . . . . 50, 51 Rajasi-Vasa-kula-vinibrito, epith tof Kharavela, 80 Rajasūya, a sacrifice, , . . 56, 79, 84, 87 Rājatarangini, a work,
. . 41n. Rajávall-tray-opeta, a title, . . 135 and n Rájëndra Chola II, 8. a. Kulottunga Chola I . 78 Rajgir, 4, Q. Rajagriba, . . 78 and 1. Rakkhita, a Buddhist monk, . . . . 8, 36 Ramabhadra (Rama), an epic hero, . . 69 Ramadása, m., . . . . . . Ramarājayya, a Vijayanagara k.. . 90, 91, 93, 96 . . .
62, 63 Ranabhanja, a Bhañja k., . Ränakn, a title . . .
100, 102 Rinaka Niyamama, ch.,
100, 102 Ranod inscription, . . . . . 105 Rānopāli, name of an enclosure, . Rashtrakūta, dy., . 48 and 1., 49, 50, 77, 83,
123 Råshtrakūtas of Dhanop, . . . . 123 Ratana, 7., . . . . . . . 130 Rathika or Rathaka, people, 74, 78, 79, 84, 87 and n. Rathika, a, a, Mahārathi, . . . . 78 Raum(Rama)pāla, m.,. . . . 135, 136 Råüte, a kille . . . . . 132, 133 Röyagiha (=Skt. Rajagrihu). . . . 42mm Raya-nayaka, a title, . . Raya-raja-gurti-mandal-acharya, biruda of Muni.
chandradeta, . . . . . . 93 Raya-vidi-pitamaha, do. . . . Rovata, 7., . . . . . . 22, 23 Revatimhnika, . .
. . 22, 23 Ristikas, . &. Rathikas, . . .
84 Rðņa (Ron), ., . Rodradáman, a Kshatrapa k... Rudradharabhatarika, a queen . 4,5, 13, 19 and
.
more
.
.
54
R
64
67, 69
F, antique form of-, . . . . . 38 rand, used for and . pa, use of . . . . Raghuva thia, a work, . . . . . 67, 68 raja, a title . . . . . 102, 131, 133 Rāja (or jya)dēva, ch., . . . 108 and Rājagaha or @griha, vi., . . 42, 78, 79, 87
and go rajakas, one of the 18 panas, . . . . 907. Räjakösarivarman (Aditya I), , 47, 40n., 63 Rajakovarivarman, sur, of Rajendra Chola II. 78 Rajamarttapda, title of A pardjita, . . . 49n. Rajanaka, a title,. . .
. .. 102 Rajanirghanta, a work, . . . . . 39n.
Rudragene, a Kahalrapa k... . Rudrasimha, do. rupa, currency. . . . . Ripa-darbaka (Examiner of coins), . Repa-ritra, . . . riipa a. a. rüpya,. .
. . . . .
79, 81, . 81 . 81 . 81
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.chief: Co, us onnntry; di.-distriot or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty; E. Eastern; f. femalo: koking: m, male; mo-mountain; ri.river; . d.samo ; sur. Juracao; ko. temple; vi. - village or town; W.-Westeru.

Page #180

INDEX.
155
PAGE
&, initial, changed into h in personal name, . 13 8, used for &, . .
• 122 8, use of- for & and sh, . . . . 72, 90 Sábata name of a field,. . . .
. 124 Sabda kalpadruma, a work, .
. 391., 58 Sabdamála, do. . . . . . . 81 Sabdanu kaana, do. . . . . . 931, Sadasiva-Nayake, a Keladi ch., 90, 91, 93, 95 Badadivariya, a Vijayanagar.sk, 90, 93, 95 Sacsådai, .. a. Chilada,. . . .
. 8 Sagaudo, vi.. . . . .
129, 130 Sagara, a myth. k.,. . . Bägaraihpaka, a clan, , .
25 Sähasottunga, title of Bijjala and Vikroma,
.
69
118
Sähi, a title, .
.
. . Saigotta, title o Sivamdra II, . Baka, dy. . . . . Sakala - Sialkot), vi., . . Sakala-vidoajjana-chakravarttin, biruda of Muni
chandradeva, . Baka-Yavans, .. . . Sakēta, co., . . . . sakbás :
Bahvricha, . . . . . . 127 Chhandöga, . . . . . Madhyandina, .
105, 106, 108 Bakyatmajas - Buddhist monks),- . 39, 44, 46 Samibhaga, a Sunga k., . . . . 66 samaja, . . . .
. . 79, 87 samana.bamhana-kavara-vanijaka-din-anugaha. pelāmi ka)-dana-patibhaga-vochhina-dhara. padayinil - Skt. Sramana-brahmana-kripana. vaniyaka-din-anugriha-vailamika-dan-pratibhag-avyavachhinna-dhara-pradayini), an epi.
thet of Chartisiri, . . . . . 16, 34 samana (Skt. bramana), monk, . . . 89 Samani Samkara-setti, m., . . . . 94, 97 Sama-sambudha, 6. a. Sanma-sambudha,
24 Samastabhwand braya, a title,. . . Samastabhwwand braya, title of the Kalachurya king Bijjana,
.
. . 117 Sambhu-Siva), a pod.
109, 116, 118, 120
PAGE sa mghata,. . . . . . 88n. sanghayana, assemblage,
and, assemblage, . . . 80, 85, 891. sa tha, mistake for banka, . . . . 103 Barkar-Sénabova, m... . . : 04, 97 Sarma-sambudha (Skt. Samyak-sambuddha),
a title of the Buddha . . 16, 18, 19, 20, 34 Samma-sambuga, mistake for Samma-sambuddha, 18 Samměla bikharatirthamälä, a work, .
42n. Samoli, w., . . . . . . . 97, 98 Samprati, a grandson of Asoka, . 861. samtharai - Skt. samstara), a layer, . . . 34 Samudragupta, a Gupta emperor, . . . 10 sandhi, violation of . .
89, 97, 122 sangha, Buddhist community, . 12, 39, 40, 44,
45, 46, 88n. Sankaragana, a Kalachuri k., . . . 80 Sankhi, queen of Nandivarman III. , . 48 samkrinti :uttariyane,
.65, 67, 69, 110, 117, 121 sanaya, . . . . . 94, 96 and n. sa pladramipakahalabupaka, . . . 124 Saptarishisvara, te., . . . . . 46 saptika, group of seven Jaina texts. i . 77 sarada-asi-soma darisanal - Skt. brada-ladi.
saumya-darbana), an epithet of the Buddha, .22, 34 Sarasvati, goddess of learning,
• 57 Sari, mistake for Siri,
saral, mistake for baral, . . . . 102 Sarpa, a cave, . . . . Sarus, fort, . . .
132 sarvamanya, a tenure,. .
. 94, 98 sarvanamasya, do. . . ... 67, 69, 118, 122 Sarvatata, 1., .
56 Sarvudbhya shtara-siddhi, sasi, mistake for babi . . . Sabinandin, m., . . . . . Sasta, . . . . .
39 and 1., 44 sata-(Skt. sapla), . Sátakarni, or Satakarpi,, an Andhra k...
79, 83, 86 Satakarni I, do. . . . . . . 74 Satakarpi II, do. . . . . . . 74 Satapatha-Brahmana, a work, . . . . 82 satari-salam(-one hundred and seventy), 19, 34 Staváhana, dy... . • 74 and th, 75, 83, 84 Sathola, ., . . . . . . . 136
101 62
•
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used : ch.ohled co...country; di.=district or division; do.-ditto ; dy. dynasty: B. Bartern: f. -femalo; k.-king1 m.-malo mo,mountain; ri-river .. d.-same m; mr. surname; ke. templo: vi. village or town; W.-Western.

Page #181

156
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VOL. XX.
Paga Sati record of Samvat 1346, .
.
135 Sati stone record, . . . . 134 and the satika 8. 4. saptika. Satrubhañja, a Bhanja k. . . 100, 101 Satrusaptangaharana, a title,. . . . 91 sakra, . . . . . . . 44, 45 Satyasraya, a biruda, . . . . . 67, 69 Satyatapa, a sage, . . . 117, 120 Sauddhödani, 8. a. Buddha,. . . Saudyumna, a clan, . . . . 81 Sáülla, name of a street, . .
. . 124 Sarannu-Skt. sarvajña). .
. 16, 19, 34 Sava-loka-chita-mahita(sarvaloka-chilla-mahita),
an epithet of the Buddha, . . . . 22, 34 sava-niyula (=Skt. sarva-niyu kta), . . 34 Sava-adhu-vachhala (Skt. sarva-eddhu-vat
sala), an epithet of Chantisiri, . .' . 16, 34 Sara-sat-anu kampaka (-Skt. Sarud sattu-ant.
kampaka), an epithet of the Buddha, 16, 18, 19, 34 Savathesu a patihata-samkapa (-Skt. Sarvartheshus
apratihata-sa rinkalpa), an epithet of Siri Cha mh. tamúla. . . . .
. . 16. 26 Bensons
Hemanta (Winter), . 4, 21, 22, 23, 35
Rainy,. . . . 4, 16, 19, 20, 21 nela-khambha (Skt. kaila-skambha), 18, 19, 21, 34 sela-ma mtara(or mandava) (-Skt. baila-man.
dapa), . . . . . . 21, 22, 34 sela-thambha (-Skt. baila-stambha),
19, 34 selavadhaki, stone mason,
12, 22, 34 Senapati, a title,. . . . . 55, 57, 75 éennirveffi, a taz, . . . . . . 54 Seundhå, 8. a. Sóndhi, . . . . . 132 dey or chey, . . . . . . . 53, 54 Seyya-Aparajita, mn., . . .
49r. Shabazgarhl. Inscriptions of Aloks at-
84 shaf-karma, probably six yoga practices, 26 and n..,
128 Shuja-ud-daula, a Nawab of Audh,. . . 64 Sidba (=Skt. Siddha), . . . . 79, 86 Siddhantakaumudi, a work, . . 867., 88n. Siddhattha, m. • • • Siddhayatana, . . . . . . 99 Bidha, m., . . . . . . . 130 Sihala, co., . . . .
. . 36 Sthala-vihara, a monastery, . 9, 10,22,23 36
PAGE Sila, abbreviated form of Siladitya,. . . 98 Silabhaõja, a Bharija k., .
100, 101 Silachandra, 71... . . .
40, 42, 44 Saláditya, a Guhila k., . . . 97, 98, 99 Sīlāditya VI of Valabhipura, . 98 and n. Siladitya VII, a Valabhi k.. .
98R Silämēgha Sona I, a Ceylon k., . . . 48 Sindhula or Sindhula, a queen of Sithapatha, 80, 88
89 Simga, 6. a. Simha. . Singappedbv6, 8, a. Singape, Simha, a Sinda ch., 109, 111, 112, 114, 115, 119 Simhapatha, co., P . . . . . 80, 89 Simnhöbvara-matha, a monastery, 110, 117, 121 Simuka, an Andhra k... . . . . 74 Sind, ri.. . . . . . . . 132 Sinda, dy... 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 116, 119 Sindhurijadēva, a Paramára k., . 105, 106, 108 Singa I, a Sinda prince, . . . . . 111 Singapa or Singapadēva, a Yadana k., . 113, 114 Singannadeva, ch.,
. . . . 11 Singi (II), a Sinda ch., . . . Sipnamapur Plates, Siri-Chamtamüls (or Siri Chita), an Ikhaku k., 3, 5,
6, 11, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 28, 34 Siridēvi, a Sinda queen, . . . 110, 117, 121 Siri-Ehuvu! (or Ehuvala)-Chatam üla (or Chantamüla), an Ikhaku k., . . 3 and 1., 5, 6,
24, 34 Siripavata (or Siripavvata - Skt. Briparvata),
mo.. . . . . . 9, 22, 23, 36 Siri-Pulumáyi, an Andhra k., . .
. 6 Siri-Virapurisadata or 'Virao, an Ikhaku k., 2, 3 and ... 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17,
18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 34 Siriyadovi, 8. a. Siridevi, . . 111, 113. 114 Sirriyārrür, vi.. . . . . . . 49 Sirugavus, vi.. . . . . . . 53, 54 Sirur inscription of the Rashtrakata king
Amoghavarsha I. . . . . . 123 Sitalanatha, a Jaina Tirtha mkara, . . . 85 Siva, a god, 651., 100, 110, 11, 120, 121, 123 Sivamära II, a W. Ganga k., . . . . 49, 50 Sivanāga, 7., . . . . . . 104 Sivaskandavarman, a Pallava k., . . 9n., 84 Sivatatearainäkare, a work,.
911., 92
• The figuree refer to pagou : . after a figure, to 100 poten; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are upd :- .--chiefCo, country; di district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty; B. Eastara J.lemalo: k. king m.-male; Mormountain; ri.river; 6. a. same as surname; te. templo; ni.village or town; W.-Western.

Page #182

Smararati(Siva), a god,
Smritis,
Sobhanarasa, ch.,
Sölapperuman-adigal, a Chola k.,
Solapuram, vi.,
solasa, a measure,
Soma, a god,.
soma (=Skt. saumya),
Somapura, s. a. Ompur, vi.,
Sōměka, m.,
Sömeska(éva)ra, m.,
Sômésvara, a god.
Sõmeévara IV, a Chalukya k.,
Söndhi, a locality,.
Sopärä, vi.,
Soratur, vi.,.
Śri, goddess of wealth,
Śridhara, m.,
PAGE
106 56
65 and n., 66
53, 54 48
.
Stambheśvari, a goddess,
Strabo, an author,
.
Sridharabhatta, s. a. Maunara Sridharabhatta,
M...
Sridhara-Bhatta, m., Srimad-Devavarmmadevaḥ sva-hastaḥ, sign ma
nual on copper-plate, Śrimāra, a Pandya k., Srimgapura, vi., Sripurambiyam, vi.,
Sri Satakarni, an Andhra k.,
Sri-Ranabhanjadevasya, legend on a seal,
Sruti, Jaina scriptures!
Sruta-jñāna, knowledae of Jaina scriptures,
Stambha, s. a. Kambha,
•
Sülhana, m., Sumangala-Vilasini, a work,
Stri-rajya, co.,
Subhanamda Västavya, m.,
Subhananda, s. a. Subhananda Västavya, Subharāja, m.,
Subodhika, a commentary on the Kalpas dira, Suddhōdana, k.,
117, 121 103 22, 34
INDEX.
113, 114
132, 133
8, 35
114
57 136
100 77
77
48. 100, 102
76 83 129
132
136 7.
39, 41, 45 Südi inscription of the Kalacharys king, Sarbkamadeva, 110, 111 75, 80, 88 and ". 81 103, 126, 127 130 33
Sugänga or Sugamgiya, a palace, Sahma, co.,.
Sulapāņi(-Siva), a god,
.
60 130
•
128 67, 69
125
50, 51
106, 108
49 74
•
67, 69
66n.
sumbe,
Sumēru, mo., sumnhã (-Skt. enusha) Sunanda, f., Sunga, dy.,
PAGE . 94, 96 43, 45 22, 24, 34 57
55, 56, 57, 75 Supabudha-bodhi (-Skt. Suprabuddhabodhi), an
. 19, 34
epithet of the Buddha,. Sürpäraka, 8. a. Sopärä. Sütrakritanga, a work, svadesa,
Svamidatta, m.,
Svapata, m., Svarabhakti, use of Svargapuri, a cave,
Svastika, a symbol, Svētāmbara, a Jaina sect, Syadvada, Jaina school of philosophy, Symbol for 200,
42n.
39 and n., 44, 46
40, 42, 44, 46
130
12 72 74
63n., 77, 89n,
92, 95 122, 123
.
.
+
ta, forms oftadi,
tägin,
tegin,
tigin
Taila II, a Chalukya k.,
Tails III,
do.
Takkolam inscription of Rajakesarivarman, Takshaka, a myth. k.,
Takahatilä, vi.,
Talaivayan, m.,
talavățaka,
Talavara, an official,
Talwar, a sub-caste,
Tambapampaka, monks of Tambapamni or Ceylon
Tambapamni, or Tambapani-diga (Ceylon), an island, tam'ra (=tämra),
tamura, mistake for Mamra, Tamila, co... Tamilagam, co., Tamira, 8. a. Dravida,
Tamira or Tramira, s. a. Tamila, tamra-rupa,.
157
73
53, 54
41
41, 45
41
65, 66 112
47
. 57, 58
86n., 88n.
.
.
.
53, 54
62, 62
7n. 7n.
22
7, 10, 22, 22, 36
94
102
85
78
78
82
The figures refer to pages: . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.chief; co. oountry; di-district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty; E.Eastern; f.-female; k.king; m.male; mo. mountain ri.-river; 8. d.same as; sur.surname; le. temple; vi. village or town; W.-Western.

Page #183

158
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XX.
Paan Tondai-nádu, di, . . . . . . Tosala, co.,. . . . . . . 8 Tosalas, people . . Togali, co.,. . . . . 7, 8, 22, 23, 3R Trailökyamalla, epithet of Taila III, . . 112 Trailõkyavarmmadēva, a Chandella k... 132, 133,
135 Tramira (-Dravida), co., . . . 78, 79, 89 tri, used for tri, . .
. . 127 Tribhuvanamalla, epithet of Kalachurya king
Bijjana, . . . . . 110, 117, 120 Tribhuvanamalla, title of Vikramadityadēva (), 64,
67, 69 Tripurădēvi, a Sinda queen, 110, 111, 118, 121 Tuļu or Tuluva, co., . . 91, 92, 93, 95, 96 Tumutumā, vi.. . . . . . 132, 133 Turiya (=turiyu), group of four Jaina texts . 77, 80 duriya m (-Skt. tvaritan), . . 73, 89n. tvak, one of the four fragrant articles, . . 39n. Two Khiñjalis, die
. . . 100, 102
PAGE Tanasuliya or Tanasuliya-Váta 75, 78, 79, 87 and n. tantuvāyins, one of the 18 panas, . . . 90n. Tapa-achāra, .
. . . 95 taravara, . . . . . . . Tarika, an official, . . Taruna-divasakara-pabha, an epithet of the Buddha,. . . . .
. 22, 29 Tellárrerinda, epithet of Nandivarman II, 491., 61, 62 Tollárrerinda-Nandippóttavarman, a Pallava k... 48 Tellaru, vi., . . . . . 46, 49, 50, 51, 52 Tolligēsvara, a god, 109, 110, 116, 117, 118, 120,
121, 122 Teloka-dha ma-dhura-vaha (=Skt. Trailokya
dharma-dhurā vaha), an epithet of the Buddha, 23, 29 Tennavan Ilangovēlār, 8. a. Parantakan Ilan.
govēļār, . . . . . . . 47 Terasa-vasa-satikan, . . . . . 88n. tha, change of into dha, . . . . 73, 82 Thakura Kesava, an oficial,. . 106, 107, 108 thera (=Skt. sthavira), a senior Buddhist monk,. 29 theriya, fraternity or community of the Buddhist monks, . .
. .22, 29 thira, mistake for sthira, . . . . 101 Tibet, co., . . . . . . . 41 Tikina, . . . . . 39, 41, 43, 45 Tildai (Piládai), . a. Chiläda, . . 8 tila-ghafakas, one of the 18 panas,
90n.. Tillaisthānam, vi.. . . . . 47, 49n. Tillaisthānam inscription of Räjakesarivarman. 47 Timtrini-gachchha, a subdivision of the Jainas, 90, 92,
95 Tirtharkara,
. . . . . 82, 90 Tiruchendurai inscription, . . . . 47 Tirumalarasa or Tirumarasa, sur. of Madda.
heggade,. . . . . 90, 93, 94, 96 Tirumale, 8, a. Tirupati, . . . 92, 95, 97 Tiruppalättarai, vi. .
. . 47 Tiruttavatturai, 6. a. Lālgudi, 46, 51, 52, 53, 54 Tiruttavatturaikattalai, vi... . . . 51n. Tiruvālangādu plates, . . Tiruvellarai, vi., . . .
. 50 Tiruvorriyűr Adhipurisvara temple inscription, 78 tivasa-sata, . . . .
u, used for ri, . . . . . . 12 ubhayita (-Skt. ürdhvayita), . . . 19, 26, 27 Uchchangi, vi.. . . . . . . 112 udugayana-partan, . . 105n., 107., 108n. Udayadityadēva, a Paramara k.. . 105, 106, 108 Udayagiri, mo., . .
. . . 71 Udyapur inscription of Aparajita, · .38, 97 Udayēndiram plates, Udichipati, a title, .
. 39, 41, 43 Udraka, m., . .
. . 75n. Udruhatatva, a work, . .
58 Ujanikā, 8. a. Ujēnikā ? .
. 4, 35 Ujanikā, 8. a. Skt. Ujjayini, . . . . 19 Ujjain Plates of Bhojadēva of V. S. 1078, 105 Ojjantagiri, .. a. Orjayat-giri (Mt. Girnar),
94, 97 Ujjayini (=Ujjain), vi., 4, 6, 109, 115, 116, 120 Ummachigo, vi.,. . . 84, 65, 66, 67, P9 unnaligai-sabhai, . . ,
. . . 524, unpåligai-văriyam, .
. . $2n. unisa (Skt. ushnisha), a coping stone, 25, 27 upadhmaniya, use of , . . . . 122
577
9
To-na-kie-tso-kia, 8, a. Dhañña kataka,. Tondaiman-Arrür-Tunjiña Udaiyar, epithet Aditya I. . .
.
. of
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.chief: co.-country: di.district or division; do.ditto ; dy.-dynasty; 2.-Eastern; f. female; k. king : m.-male; mo, mountain; ri.river ; 8. 4.- same as ; sur..sorname; 1e.-tomple;vi, village or town: W. Western

Page #184

INDEX.
159
PAGE upanidhi, . .
· 102 Upondrapura-mandala, di., . . 105, 106, 108 uri, a measure, . . .
. 47, 53, 54 urkka rhrdde? . .
. . 94, 96 Urodeya, village officer, . . . 65, 66, 68, 70 Utarapadha or Utarapatha (--Skt. Uttaräpatha),
CO., . . . . . 73, 78, 79, 88 and n. Utkala, co., . . . .
81 Uttaramallur inscription, . . . 49n.
39
e, cursive form of- . .
. . . 109 , used for b, . . . . vá, contraction of varaha,
16, 18, 19, 20, 21 ta, secondary form of . . . . 90 da, written like ra, . . . . . 90 Vadaga (or ka) rai-Mala-nadu, di... 47, 53, 54 Vaddha-mangala, a symbol,. . 74 vaddha pita, . . . . . . 107, 108 Vadhamana (-Vardhamana), 8. a., Mahavira. Vadha-rāja, epithet of Kharavela, . . . 80 Vähira(Bahira)vada, ti.. . . . 100, 102 Vähiyali, name of a field, .
. . 124 Vaidagdhi-vibvakarman, a title, . . 128, 131 Vaidya (Kiyastha-data-Vaidya-moda), 130, 133 Vaidya Yasodēva, m., . . . . . 23 Vaisāli, 8. a. Basāh, a site, . . 7, 10 Vaisali, vi..
. . . . Vájapēya, a sacrifice, 4, 20, 21, 23, 24n., 104 Vajavejo, mistake for Vajapëya,
24 Vajragriha or Vajragadha, original form of Vajira
ghara . . . . . . . 78 Vajrákara, 8. a. Vayirágara. . . . Vajiraghara, vi.. . . . . . . 78, 87 Vajramitra, a Sunga k.,
. . . . 56 Vajrāsanastha (Buddha), . 44, 46 and 1. väk(-1)! . . . . . 100 and a våk (-4)? . . . . . . vakata . . . .
. .
. . 124 vala, mistake for "bala.. . . Valabhi or Valabhipura, vi...
98 Vallabha, an official, . .
. . 102 Vamga (Bengal), co., . . . . 7, 8, 36
Pasa Varusa, co. ?
. . 81 Vanavali of the Chamba Rajas, a work, 57, 58 Vanavaea (North Kanara), co., . 5, 6, 7 and 1
8,16 Vanavāsas or Vanavasikas, people, . . 83, 84n. Vanavaal, Vanavasi or Vanavas, co, 22, 23, 24
36 Vanga, co., . . . . . . 22, 23, 81 Varaguna I, a Pandya k., , . 50 and 1., 51 Varaguna II, do, . . . . 50 and Varaguņa II, 8. a. Varagunavarman II,
49 Varagupi, queen of Bhutivikramakéarin. 47 Varaguna-Mahārāya, a Pandya k... 47, 48, 52, 53 Varagupa-Maharaja I, do. . . . . 48, 50 Varaguna-Mahārāja II, do. . . . . 49 Varagunavarman II, do. . . . . 48 varáha, coin, . . . . 91 and 11., 04 Vārāṇāli, vi.. . . . . . . 68, 70 Vardhamana Mahavira or Mahavira, Jaina
Tirtha nkara, . . 887., 90, 92, 95 Varthdhamana, mistake for Varddhamina, 92 Varuna, a god, . . . . . . 103 Väsothiputa, an epithet of Siri-Ehuvula-Olla.
múla, . . . . . . . 8,5 Väaethiputa, 4. a. Väsithiputa, . . . 21, 24 Vasidhiputa, 8. a. Vaaithiputa, . . . 16, 17 Våsishthiputra Siva-bri. Satakarni, an Andhra k., 74 Väsithiputa, a metronymic, . . . . Väsithiputa, an epithet of Kardasiri, 4, 16, 17 Väsithiputa, an epithet of Khandachali kireth
manaka,. . . . . . 4, 18, 19 Väsithiputa, an epithet of Mahakardasiri, 6, 20, 21 Väsithiputa, an epithet of Sri Chantamüla, 3, 16
and th, 17, 18, 19, 20 Vaaithiputa, an epithet of Siri-Pufumáyi,
6 Vaatavya, a Kayastha family, . . 132 vastra-bhadakas, one of the 18 paras, . 80n vastra-rakshakas, one of the 18 panas, . . 90 Vasū or Vasu, k., . . . 80, 81, 86, 88, 89 Vasudevanayaka, ch., . . . . . 114 Vasujyështha, a Sunga k., . . . . 55, 56
asumitra d o. Vata-Gohill, identified with Goalbhita, 60, 61, 62 Vata-Gohali, vi.. .
60, 61, 62, 63 Vatanagara, vi.. . . . . 97, 98, 99 Vatanagara, 8. a. Vata or Vatapura, 98 and ., 90
.
8811.
The figures refer to pages 1 *. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used :-h.chief; co.country; di.district or division; do.- ditto; dy.-dynasty E.-Eastern: f.female; k.king: m.-male; mo.mountain; ri.river; 4. . same 16 eur.Farnamo ; fe. tumplo 1 vi. village or town; W.-Western.

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160
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XX
83
83
.
.
33
PAGE Vatapura, 8. a. Vasantagadh, V&tøyāyana, an author. . vavahara (-Skt. vyavahära), Civil law, . 79, 82 Viwaņarasa, m.,.
. . . . 65, 66 Vayiragars, &. a. Vajinaghara,
. 78 Váyu, a god . . . . . . 117, 120 Vayu-Purana, a work,. . . .
58, 78, 81 Vödésaitha, di.. .
136, 136 vedinai, a tax, . . .
. .
54 Velams, . . . . Velarnaka-sutta, . . . velämika, gift, . . . . 16 and 1., 17, 33 vili, . . . . . . . . 64 Vēlārpālaiyam plates, . Vélvikudi grant, . .
. . 81 Vēns, a mythical k., . . , 79, 82, 88 Veftapperu . . .
. . . 63, 64 Deffi, a tax,. . Vibhangatha-katha, a work, .
.. . 33 Vidarbha, a Yadava ling,
. . 81 Vidarbha, co. or vi.. . . vidhi, religious law . .
. . . 79, 82 Vidhika, a stone mason, . . • 12, 22, 28 Vidita, vi.. . . . . . . 8n., 75 Vidyadhara, m... . . . . . 136 Vidyadharas, class of demigoda,
43, 45, 87 Vidyadharadéve, a Chandella k..
. . 126, 127 Vigrahēsvara, a teacher, . . . 110, 116, 120 Vijadhar-adhivass, . . . . Vijaya-chaka, . . . . . . 88. Vijayanagara, tri., Vijayapăladëve, a Chandella kan . . . 128 Vijayapāņdyadēvs, 4., Kimadeva,
. . 112 Vijayapuri, vi.. . . . . • 22, 23, 36 Vijayasakti, a Chandella ks , 129, 132, 133
136 Vijayésara (Vijayēsvara), a Siva linga.. 100, 102 vijftanin, artisan,. .
. . 129 Vikrama, a Sinda prince, . . 110, 117, 121 Vikramaditya, k.. . .
. . 78 Vikramaditya, . a. Vira-Vikrama. . . . 113.
114. 121 Vikramaditya VI, a Chalukya k., 76, 87th, 111, 112 Vikramadityadova (V), a W. Chalukya k., . 64, 68 and
7., 67, 69 and Vilioapura, w., . . 129, 130, 132, 133
Paga Vilāta, mistake for Chilata,. Vinayavijaya, an author, . . . . 71. Vindhya, mo. . . . . . n., 63 tindu, mistake for bindu, . Viphukada Chutukulananda, m., . . . 84 Viphusiri (-Skt. Vishņuári), oh.. . . 6,21 Vira-Ballkla, a Hoysala k., . . . 113, 114 Vira-Bijjala, ona or "Vijjana, . a. Bijjala, 110, 111,
113, 114, 117, 118, 121 Viracharitra, a Jaina work,. . • 88n. Viramitróday, a work, .. . . . Viratna, m., . . . . . .22, 23 Viranhnika, J., ,
. . .22, 23 Vira pratapa, a title of Vijayanagara kings, 93, 98 Vira-Vikrama or dēva, 8. a. Vikrama, 110, 111,
113, 114, 117, 118, 121, 122 Virdohan, M. . . . . . . 62 Vrupakha,
. . 6 and Virüpakha pati, a title of Mahasena, . 6, 16, 17,
19, 20, 21, 23 Vira-Pandya, a Pandya ch., . . Viravarmmadova, a Chandella k... 132, 133, 135 Viry-dchara. . . . . . . 950. Vilakh-acharys, a Jaina pontif. . . 60 Visakhapaka, a clan, . . . . . 25 visarga, omission of . . . . . 97 visarga, wrong use of . . . . . Vishnu, a god, . . . . . 100, 127 Vishnu-Purára, a work, , , 65, 68, 83, 84 Vishnuðms, name of a field,. . . . 124 Vishnuvardhana,. . . Vishnuvardhana, a Hoysala k., pisikal - Skt. vaimika), an architect (1), . Visvödvarai -Siva), a god,. . 129, 133, 135 vochhina (Skt. vya achchhinna), • . . Vrå/Brahmana, a caste, . . . Vriddhinaga, m., . . . . . 123, 125 oritti, . . . Vyisa, a sage, . .
63 vyatipäta, a yoga,
110, 117, 121 Vyavahärika, one of the 18 panas,. . 907, Vyomakota (-Siva), a god,. . . 106, 107
W
Wairagadh, 8. a. Vayiragara, Western Ganga, dy. . .
78 . 46, 50
The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.-chief: compountry: di district or division; do..ditto; dy dynasty E.-Eastern; f. female; k. king: m.malo mo. mountain ri, river; .. 4.Rame as; our surname te temple; vi village or town; W. Western.

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INDEX.
161
PAgr
PAGS
regnal :
4th,
.
.
4, 13
6th, 11th, 14th, 15th,
.
7, 14, 23
16th, 17th,
58, 6776.
.
.
.
. 48, 51 4, 21, 49
18th, 20th,
21st,
y, cursive form of- . . y, doubling of , after , . . . ya, bipartite form of . ya, tripartito form of . Yidava, dy.. . Yadavus of Dövagiri, dy..
.
113, 114 Yajjavalkya-emriti, a work, Yajut-peda, a work,
. . . 871. Oyalana, mistake for jualana, . . . 101 Yama, god of death,
. . 98 Yamuni, ri.. . .
. . 126, 127 yapa, religious life, . . . 807., 891 Yapa-sivaka (Skt. jiid paba), . . . 80, 85, 89n. Yahodharachariya, a Jaina work,. 91 & add. Yabodharma, k., . . . . . . Yabönandin, a Jaina monk,.
. . 60 Yalovarmmadova, k., 39, 40 and 1., 41, 43, 45 Yasovarmapura, t. . . . . . 407. Yavans, co., people or tribe . 7, 8, 22, 23, 86, 58,
79, 84, 87 Yavana-raja, . .
. . . 76 years:Chalukya-vikrama:
. . . . . . . 111
. . . . . . . 113 of the cycle : Dundubhi,
. . . . 91 Kshaya, .
. . . . 91 Nala, .
. 90, 93, 95 Paridhävin,.
. 66 and n., 67, 69 Plavangs,
• 110, 118, 121 Vijaya, .
. . 113, 114 Vikrama, .
... . 114 Virödhin, . . . . . 113 Vyaya,. .
. 110, 117, 121 Gupta-Samvat: 159, .
. . 61, 63, 64 (Harsba) Samvat: 207 . .
. . 122, 123 Mälava :
589, . . . . . . . 40 Mälava-Vikrams :
703, . . . . . . . 98 Nanda : 103,.
. . 76, 84, 87n.
94,
22nd, 26th, 52nd, 65th,
. . 49 Saka :
692, . . . . . . . 84 934, . . . . . . 66, 67, 69 1088, . . . . . 110, 117, 121 1286, . . . . . . . 92 1488, . . .
. . . . .91 Salivahana-Saka: 1479, . . .
. . 90, 91, 93, 95 Sarvat:
1108 . . . . . . 126, 127 1154,
106, 106, 108 1159, . . .
106, 107, 108 1167, . . -
. 105, 106, 107, 108 1311, . . . . . . 132, 134 Vikrama Samvat:
1236, . . . . . . 129, 130 1346, . .
. 135, 136 Yedarave inscription of Chalukya Vikramiditya VI, . . .
. . 75, 871 Yedava, ch.,
. 91 Yedava-Mudri, title of Sadafina, -Nayaka : 91 Yelikirúr record, . . . . . Yogēbvara-yati, a teacher, , 110, 117, Yomēgha, a Sunga k.,. . . . Yona, 8. a. Yavana, . . . . . Yonaka-Dhammarakkhita, m., . . Yuan Chwang, a Chinose pilgrim, . . . Yudhishthira, an epic hero, . . Yuga-Purana, a part of the Gargi-samhita,
107, 108 Yuvamahäräja, an epithet,
. . 9.
.
35
63, 127
1 The figures refer to pages: 1. after figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions. The following other abbreviations are used ch.chief; co.country: di.. distriot or division; do..ditto; dy. - dynasty: E.-Eastern; f. female; k. king : M,male; mo. mountain ri-river; 5. d. samo as sur. surname : to. temple; t. village or town; W.-Wester

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