Svasti

Author(s): Nalini Balbir
Publisher: K S Muddappa Smaraka Trust
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/007006/1

Page #1
75 Years Puthday Essays in honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah SVASTI Editor: Prof. Nalini Balbir

Page #2
Muddushree Granthamale - 75 SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajajah for his 75th Birthday Edited by Nalini Balbir K.S. Muddappa Smaraka Trust Krishnapuradoddi

Page #3
SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah for his 75th Birthday Edited by : Nalini Balbir, 1079, 18 'A' Main, 5th Block, Rajajinagar Bengaluru 560 010 INDIA Publisher : Dr. M. Byregowda for K.S. Muddappa Smaraka Trust Krishnapuradoddi #119, 3rd Cross, 8th Main, Hampinagara Bangalore - 560 104 Karnataka Ph: 080-23409512 e-mail : baraha.ph@gmail.com (c) Author First Impression : 2010 Price : 600/- $ 60 PS 40 Pages : 40+404 - 444 pages Cover page : V.Raj Chamalapura Paper : 70 GSM Maplitho Published by Dr. M. Byregowda for Muddushree Granthamale K.S. Muddappa Smaraka Trust - Krishnapuradoddi # 119, 3rd Cross, 8th Main Road, Hampinagar, Bengaluru - 560 104 Ph: 080-23409512 www.ksmtrustwordpress.com aboda : A DOJO ddiNcaa VISHWAS PRINTS 291, nee addddrste, nNjaaNb agrhaar bottes, tonelado - 18 edwaed : 26604835

Page #4
Contents ........9 Foreword ........ Editorial Remarks. List of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah's Books List of Contributors.......... .............11 ............12 ... 24 Padmabhushan Rajarshi Dr. Veerendra Heggade, A Tribute... Robert J. Zydenbos, Hampana and Karnatakan Jainism ..................... Section I: Epigraphy, Iconography, Manuscripts Jaina Art as Potent Source of Indian History, Culture and Art (with special reference to the Kusana images from Mathura). MARUTI NANDAN PRASAD TIWARI & SHANTI SWAROOP SINHA ......... 2. Early Jainism in Tamilnadu : New Epigraphic Evidence IRAVATHAM MAHADEVAN. .......................................45 3. Some Thoughts on the Identification of Jaina Images in Tamilnadu A. EKAMBARANATHAN.. ...............................54 An Interesting Jaina Inscription from Varanga (Karnataka) SHRINIVAS RITTI. . .... .............61 Donation Pattern to the Jinalayas as gleaned from Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh C.S. VASUDEVAN..... ........ .....................65 Selected Jaina Tri-kuta Monuments from Karnataka K.M. SURESH. ........79 The Date of Vidyananda : Literary and Epigraphical Evidence M.A. DHAKY ..... ........85

Page #5
SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 8. Some Rock-cut Jain Temples of Gwalior Fort and their Inscriptions ARVIND KUMAR SINGH & NAVNEET KUMAR JAIN. ......89 A 17th century Digambara Yantra kept at the British Museum NALINI BALBIR ..... 10. Illustrating the Bhaktamarastotra PHYLLIS GRANOFF. ........... 11. Further Observations on Western Indian Miniatures KLAUS BRUHN. ........... 118 Section II: Literature 12. Some Observations on the Poetic Style of the Oldest Mahavira-Eulogy (Suyagadanga Part 1, Chapter 6) ADELHEID METTE... .................... 131 Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India WILLEM B. BOLLEE. ........ 141 14. Jaina Jatayus or the story of king Dandaka Eva DE CLERCQ ........ ................... 168 15. Dance and Music in Jaina Literature. With special Reference to Kannada literature CECUMNXH2.. 176 16. Afaisans: 1 RAJA RAM JAIN..... queresia ............ 187 Section III: Kundakunda and his legacy 17. Kundakunda versus Samkhya on the Soul JOHANNES BRONKHORST. ........215

Page #6
Contents Addressing One's True Self English Adaptation of Acarya Akalanka's Svarupasambodhana MANISH MODI ... ............227 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19. Banarasidas's Karmachattisi - Thirty-six stanzas on Karma JEROME PETIT ...... ....231 Section IV: General Issues 20. Some Observations on Buddhist and Jaina Ethics DAYANAND BHARGAVA... .. ...........245 Jain Concept of Origin and Transmission of Speech (Bhasa) R.P. PODDAR 21. ......................... ....252 . The Historical Development of Jaina Yoga System and Impacts of Other Yoga Systems on it : A Comparative and Critical Study SAGARMAL JAIN .......... ..257 23. Jain Devotionalism : The Namaskara Mantra KOKILA H. SHAH 24. Methods used by Mahavira for Social Change KAMAL CHAND SOGANI .............. ............ 278 25. Models of Conflict-resolution and Peace in Jain Tradition NALINI JOSHI ........ .290 , 6. Humanism and Jainism GEETA MEHTA..... ....298 27. Mahaprajna's Contribution to Anekanta Philosophy - Its Real-Time applications MAHAVIR R. GELRA ......................306 Section V: Facets of contemporary Jainism 28. Renunciation and Pilgrimage in Jainism: Perspectives from the Deccan ALOKA PARASHER-SEN ....... ........ 317

Page #7
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The Gommatesvara's Grand Mahamastakabhiseka Ritual: "Aisthetics of Religion" as a new Method of Research of Jaina Ritual EVA-MARIA GLASBRENNER ...... ............. 332 30. The Goddesses of Sravana Belgola JOHN E. CORT ..... .... 346 31. The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya : A case study of young women's embodiment of Jaina tradition ANDREA LUITHLE-HARDENBERG .......... ........354 32. Jain Monastic Life : A Quantitative Study of the Terapanth Svetambara Mendicant Order PETER FLUGEL ..... .....................381 33. The Jains in Antwerp/Belgium : An Overview GABRIELE R. HELMER ............. .393 List of Plates ...... Plates. .... 399 ... 403

Page #8
Foreword We are all delighted to present this volume of essays to Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah alias "Hampana", a star of learning and culture, a bright, lively and enthusiastic personality whose contribution to Karnatak culture and the Jain traditions are so numerous and valuable. Who would not be impressed by his list of publications and the wealth of information they bring to light? Prof. Nagarajaiah was born on 7th October 1936 in the village of Hampasandra (Cikkaballapur District, Karnataka). After obtaining his M.A. degree in 1959 from Mysore University with specialization in Literature, Poetics, Linguistics, Old Kannada Texts, he got his PhD from Bangalore University for A Comprehensive study of Vaddaradhane. He first served as Lecturer in Kannada in Government Colleges (19591969). He then joined Bangalore University in 1970, where he was Lecturer, Reader and Professor until retirement in 1997. Hampana is a true persona whose manifold activity has extended to all fields. Far from being a scholar living in his ivory tower and content with his own research, he is present in a large number of institutions - too many to be mentioned here. The Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, had him as Secretary (1966-1974) then as President (1978-86). He was the Director of the Jaina Research Centre, Bangalore (1977-79), the Director of the Institute of Kannada Studies, Bangalore University (1992-94), the Director of Kannada & Culture, Governement of Karnataka (1992) and the Director of the Jaina Research Institute, Shravanabelgola (1999-2002). Hence he plays an official role in the diffusion of Indian culture as a whole. One of the main concerns of Hampana is to share his love for Indian culture, especially Kannada and Jain, with everybody who is willing to, and, indeed, many of his numerous books in Kannada, then, more recently, in English, reach large audiences. Hampana is also a writer. One section of his publications consists of books for children. His services in this field, which was rather neglected in India until recently, have been recognized by the "National Award for Extraordinary Service for Children Literature" given to him in 1990 - one award among several that he has received in the course of his long career. No wonder, then, that scholars from India and abroad responded so enthusiastically to the call of papers for this volume. How could one be reluctant to pay a small tribute of homage and gratitude to a person like Hampana, whose knowledge, enthusiasm, generosity and hospitality are so helpful and comforting? The papers offered here are devoted to a wide range of subjects, a requirement to honour a scholar whose interests have no boundary. They cover all aspects of Jain culture in matters of space, time and

Page #9
10 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah sects, ignoring none of the four directions and going beyond the seven oceans, forgetting neither the past nor the present, neither the Digambaras nor the Svetambaras nor the Terapanthins. Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa, Kannada, Tamil and Hindi textual sources have been used according to the topics selected. Epigraphy and iconography, two areas where Hampana has published so much, are of course present. Broad perspectives on the impact and relevance of Jainism to modern times are submitted by some of the contributors as thoughts for the future. The increasing interest for the study of "living" Jainism is underlined in the last section of the book. The "trilingual formula" is valid here - as it is India: Kannada and Hindi are the languages of two essays, beside English which is used by most contributors. Finally, I would like to quote two Sanskrit stanzas which were composed spontaneously by Prof. I. Mahadevan when he received a copy of Jinendra Stavana, one of Hampana's books. They show how Hampana's writings are felt as an inexhaustible source of inspiration and a work of dharma, for the benefit of all: Jinendrastavanam stotram silasu likhitam pura / acarya-Nagarajena punar eva prakasitam // sravakadhyayanartham ca Jinadharmam prabodhitum/ krtam punyam idam stotram sarvalokahitaya ca // jinendrastavanaM stotraM zilAsu likhitaM puraa| AcAryanAgarAjena punareva prkaashitm|| zrAvakAdhyayanArthaM ca jinadharmaM prbodhituN| kRtaM puNyamidaM stotraM sarvalokahitAya c|| We wish Hampana, and his wife, who is a major writer too, a long and active life in years to come. May we see this great scholar often standing up for an interesting and witty remark in conferences in India or elsewhere! We also seek his blessings in all our endeavours. SVASTI ! SIDDHAM ! SUBHAM BHAVATU ! KALYANAM ASTU ! svsti| siddhm| zubhaM bhvtu| kalyANam astu| Prof. Dr. Nalini Balbir University of Paris-3 Sorbonne Nouvelle, UMR 7528 "Mondes iranien et indien" September 2010.

Page #10
Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah

Page #11

Page #12
Editorial Remarks The papers have been arranged in five sections, based on their contents. The use of diacritics has been standardized as far as possible. In a few cases, however, where it did not seem so crucial to have them given the nature of the paper, they have not been inserted. Bibliographical references have been standardized as much as they could be given, the circumstances and the varying styles of referencing in use in India and abroad. Information about the institutional affiliation and official title of each contributor is to be found in the list at the beginning of this volume. In the articles only the name is given, without any prefixed title. In one case, the illustrations have been included within the article and reproduced in black and white. In all other cases, they are collected together at the end of the volume. Neither the editor nor the publisher is responsible for the views expressed by the authors of the articles. Every author is ultimately responsible for his contribution. I am extremely grateful to Mr. Jerome Petit (Paris), one of the contributors to this volume, whose expertise has been invaluable for the preparation of this manuscript. Indirectly, I also thank Dr. Gerd J.R. Mevissen (Berlin): I have derived a lot of inspiration for the layout of SVASTI from Prajnadhara, a felicitation volume which he has magnificently edited (with Arundhati Banerji, New Delhi, Kaveri Books, 2009). We are all thankful to Dr. Byregowda for his kind cooperation in bringing this book out within a very short time. N.B.

Page #13
Bibliography of Professor Hampa Nagarajaiah's books BOOKS IN ENGLISH A History of the Early Gamga Monarchy and Jainism, Ankita Pustaka, Bangalore, 1999, XLIV+ 88 pages. The Later Gamgas and Mandali Thousand, Ankita Pustaka, Bangalore, 1999, XXII + 28 + 112 pages. Apropos of Vikramaditya VI, and Jainism, Tumkur, 1999, 64 pages. Jina Parshva Temples in Karnataka, Siddhantakirti Granthamale, Hombuja, Karnataka, 1999, XX + 32+ 72 pages. Jaina Corpus of Koppala Inscriptions XRayed, Ankita Pustaka, Bangalore, 1999, VIII + 12 + 76 pages. A History of the Rashtrakutas of Malkhed and Jainism, Ankita Pustaka, Bangalore, 2000, XVI +44 + 312 pages. Opulent Candragiri, Shravanabelagola, 2001, 2006, XVI + 68 pages. Indra in Jaina Iconography, Siddhantakirti Granthamale, Hombuja, 2002, XX + 16 + . 96 pages. Jinendra Stavana, Shravanabelagola, 2003. XVI + 48 pages (Foreword by Prof. John E. Cort and blurb by Dr. Paul Dundas). Manastambha: Jaina Pillar of Eminence, CVG Chandru Publication, Bangalore, 2004, 98 pages. Bahubali and Badami Calukyas, Shravanabelagola, 2005, XXIV + 310 pages. Stories of Abhayakumara, K.S. Muddappa Smaraka Trust, Bangalore, 2008, XVI + 90 pages (Foreword by Prof. Nalini Balbir, University of Paris-3, France). Morphology of Jaina Architecture, Shravanabelagola, 2008, XVI + 172 pages and more than 200 illustrations (Foreword by Dr. Peter Flugel, London University, SOAS). Shravanabelagola Through Ages, Rajajinagara, Bangalore, 2008, 24 pages. Spectrum of Sarasvati : Shrutadevi, Shravanabelagola, 2009, 112 pages.

Page #14
Bibliography of Professor Hampa Nagarajaiah's books 13 Padmaraja Pandita, K.S. Muddappa Smaraka Trust, Bangalore, 2009, XII + 68 pages. Rashtrakutas: Revisit, K.S. Muddappa Smaraka Trust, Bangalore, 2010, 418 pages. BOOKS IN KANNADA Nagasri, Karnatak Sahakari Prakasan, Bangalore, 1965, 1975, 1985, 1995, 143 pages. [A novel based on the story of Sukumara, a mythological hero in Jaina narrative literature] Paiyavara Muru Natakagalu, Bhandarkar's College, Kundapur, 1967, 20 pages. [Critical assessment of the three plays of M. Govinda Pai] Raman, C.V., Mysore University, 1968, 48 pages. [Brief biography and introduction to the life and researches of Noble Laureate Sir C.V. Raman] Sri Sambhavasagara Maharajara Jivana Carite, Sri Paccanna, Gowribidnur, 1968, 82 + vii pages. [Travelogue of Sri 108 Sambhavasagara Muniji] Muraneya Mamgarasa, Prasaranga, Mysore University, Mysore, 1968, 89 + vii pages. [Introduction on the poet Mamgarasa (1505 CE) and his poems the Sripala Carite, Prabhamjana Carite, Nemijinesa Carite, Nemijinesa Samgati, Samyaktvakaumudi, and Supasastra in Kannada] Vaddaradhane, Prasaramga, Mysore University, 1968, 1973, 68 pages. [An introduction to the study of Vaddaradhane, a popular Kannada prose work of the early 9th century] Ajatasatru (with Kalle Sivottama Rao), Hind Vidyarthi Yuvaka Sammelan, Bangalore, 1968, 1971, 150 pages. [Biography of Babu Rajendra Prasad, First President of Independent India] Atmatattva vicara (Translation), Ratnakara Mandali, Bangalore. 1971, 180 + viii pages. [Summarizes the pravacanas (preachings) of Srimad Vijayalaksmanasuriji] Gadinadu Gandhi (with Kallesivotthamarao) Hind Vidyarthi Yuvak Sammelan. Bangalore, 1974, 106 pages. [Biography of Khan Abdul Gaffarkhan, a patriot who had the epithet of Gadinadu Gandhi, "Gandhi of the Border" (between India and Pakistan)] Mahavira (with Kamala Hampana), Himamsu Prakasana, Bangalore, 1974, 160 pages. [Biography of Mahavira, reconstructed purely on historical perspective] Samgatya Kavigalu, Bangalore University, 1975, 2010, 228 + iii pages. [Life and works of poets who wrote in Samgatya, a four-lined metre in Kannada language, from the 15th to the 19th c.]

Page #15
14 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Virajinendra Carite (Translation), Rajyasri Prakasana, Bangalore, 1975, 142 pages. [Kannada translation of the Hindi Book Vira-Jininda-cariu edited by Hiralal Jain and A.N. Upadhye, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Delhi. Published on the occasion of Mahavira's 2500 year's Nirvana Mahotsava] Govinda Pai (with Kavyajivi), Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1976, 1981, 2009, 106 + iv pages. [Biography of Manjesvara Govinda Pai, Kannada writer and research scholar of 20th century, an illustrious persona] Yaksha Yakshiyaru, Candrasagaravarni Granthamale & Sapna Book House, Bangalore, 1976, 2008, 208 + 12 pages. [Detailed study of the Yaksha cult, its genesis in Digambara and Svetambara sects. Illustrated with 144 pictures) Savyasaci Pampa, Vivekodaya Granthmale, Gudibamde, 1976, 1981, 1985, 1994, 202 + vii pages. [Historical novel on the life of Pampa, the greatest Kannada poet of the tenth century CE] . Phanikumara Katha Sahitya, Candrasagaravarni Granthamale, Bangalore, 1977, 175 + 12 pages. [Comparative study of the story of Nagakumara alias Phanikumara, Dhirodatta hero in Jaina narrative literature. The Nayakumara Cariu of the Apabhramsa poet Puspadanta and similar Kannada and Sanskrit stories are examined). Kammatada Kidigalu, Vagdevi Enterprises, Mysore, 1980, viii + 290 pages. [Articles on the etymology and semantic shades of rare words which figure in ancient Kannada classics). Karnataka mattu Jainadharma, IBH Prakasan, Bangalore, 1981, 1983, 48 pages. [An introduction to the Jaina imprints on Karnataka in various fields, with relevant illustations. A book for the general readers) Gommata Bahubali, Bapko Prakasana, Bangalore, 1981, 48 pages. [Research book on Bahubali images) Sammelana Adhyaksharugalu, Karnataka Government, Bangalore, 1983, 328 pages. [Biography of the presidents of Kannada annual Literary conference held at different places). Gokak V.K., Bangalore University, 1984, 66 + viii pages. [A brief introduction to the life and woks of V.K. Gokak, a celebrated Kannada and English author of the 20th century] Akasa Janapada, Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1985, 64 + 16 pages. [Deals with folk-beliefs regarding the planets] Karnatakada Jatregalu, Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1985, 84 + viii pages. [Narrates the traditional rural festivals and their importance)

Page #16
15 Bibliography of Professor Hampa Nagarajaiah's books Upadhye, A.N., Sravanabegola, 1986, 48 pages. [Life and works of Professor A.N. Upadhye, a Prakrit and Sanskrit scholar of eminence] Visnuvardhana-Vijayaditya-Kirtivarma, Prasaramga, Bangalore University, 1986, 72 + viii pages. [Reconstruction of the life and travels of prince V.V. Vijayaditya as recorded in his contemporary inscriptions] Nagacandrana Kala-Sthala, Anugraha Prakasan, Bangalore, 1989, 80 + xvi pages. [Collection of available material for tracing the chronology of the teachers of poet Nagacandra who wrote two classics, the Mallinathapurana and the Ramacandracarita Purana (s.a. Pampa Ramayana) in campu style] Nagacandra-Itivrutta, Vidyanidhi Prakasan, Gadag, 1992, 92 + 20 pages. [Reconstruction of the life and chronology of the poet Nagacandra (1100 CE), his brothers, sons and grandson's based on extant inscriptional and corroborative literary evidence] Cinnadagari, Jilla Sahitya Sammelana, Kolara, 1992, 31 + vi pages. [Full text of Hampana's speech as President of the Literary Conference held at Cikkaballapur on the 18th and 19th of January 1992] Kavi Bandhuvarma: Jijnase, Vidyanidhi Prakasan, Gadag, 1993, 148 + 4 pages. [Critical assessment of the life and works of poet Bandhuvarma (1160 CE), a major poet who has written two classics in campu style: the Jivasambodhane (Speaking to Soul) and Harivamsabhyudaya (Elevation of the dynasty of Hari). Nenapinamgaladalli Masti, T.S.V. Smaraka Grantha Male, Mysore and Sapna Book House Bangalore, 1993, 208, 80+ xxxii pages. [Profile of the personal life of Masti Venkatesa Iyengar alias Srinivasa, a major author of 20th century Kannada literature] Attimabbe, Karnataka Sahitya Academy. Bangalore, 1994, 56 + viii pages, [Biography of the famous lady Attimabbe (950-1016 CE) who commissioned 1501 temples in the tenth century. This book has been translated into Gujarati, Hindi, Marathi, Rajasthani, Tamil, Telugu and Tulu languages] Sasanagalalli Eradu Vamsagalu, Mumbai University, 1995, 76 pages. [Introduces the accomplishments of two feudatory families -- the Sagaras or Manaleyars, and the Vaji vamsa -- as recorded in their inscriptions] Kavivara Kamadhenu, Ratnatraya Prakasan, Mysore, 1996, 138 + vi pages. [Reconstruction of the life and deeds of the celebrated lady Attimabbe who encouraged men of letters and created job opportunities for skilled artists. She had performed seven miracles] Sacitra Hombuja, 1997, viii + 40 (plates) + 52. [Pictorial introduction to the history of Hombuja, famous and ancient pilgrimage centre in Sivamogga district]

Page #17
16 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Samtararu: Ondu Adhyayana, Siddhantakirti Granthamale, Hombuja Kshetra, 1997, 380+xx pages. [Historical description of the Samtara Royal dynasty who ruled as feudatories for a thousand years with Hombuja as their capital] Vaddaradhane mattu Janapada, Karnataka Janapada & Yakshagana Academy, Bangalore, 1997, xv+ 55 pages. [Deals with the folk elements found in the Vaddaradhane]. Koppala Sasanagalu, Ratnatraya Prakashana, Mysore, 1998, 190 pages. [Contains 60 Kannada inscriptions discovered and edited by Hampana. These inscriptions belong to the period between the 8th century and 14th century] Sasanagalalli Basadigalu, Ratnatraya Prakasana, Mysore, 1998, xii + viii + 32 pages. [Brief history of Jain temples as recorded in the inscriptions of Karnataka, from the 5th century onwards. Arhageha, Arhadayatana, Arhad Devayatana, Arhat Parameshthi Caityalaya, Cediya, Caityalaya, Jinageha, Jinanathavasa, Jinanilaya, Jinabhavana, Jinamandira, Tirthesavasam, Basadi Koyilvasadi etc., are the words used in inscriptions to denote a Jain temple]. Sasanagalalli Jaina Tirthagalu, A. Samtirajasastry Trust, Bangalore, 1998, 76 pages. [Brief survey of Jaina Tirthaksetras recorded in the inscriptions of Karnataka] Yapaniya Samgha, Prasaramga, Kannada University, Hampi, 1999, viii+156 pages. [Description of the origin and development of the Yapaniya Samgha, a forgotten Jaina Sect which was active more in Karnataka between the 3rd and 12th c. of the current era]. Vaddaradhane: Samagra Adhyayana, CVG Publications, Bangalore, 1999, 400 pages. [Thesis submitted to Bangalore University and awarded PhD. A Comprehensive research on the dimensions of the Vaddaradhane, or the Aradhana Karnata tika of the early 9th century] Akkana Basadi, Jaina Adhyana Samste, Sravanabelagola, 2000, 28 pages. [Narrates the architecture of Akkana Basadi, a magnificent Jaina temple built by a lady Aciyakka in 1181 CE at Sravanabelagola] Caru Vasamta, Lakshmi Mudranalaya, Bangalore, 2003, 256 + xii pages. [A Khandakavya (long poem) on the deeds of Carudatta, a romantic hero of the Jaina tradition, conceiving the theme as relevant to modern times]. Samskruti Isiri, Kannada Samskriti Department Publication, Bangalore, 2003, 54 + 58 pages. [A survey of the glory of Karnataka in all allied disciplines] Penugonde: Jaina Ksetra, P.P. Dharma Samsthe, Tumkur, 2004, 98 pages + 38 pages of illustrations. [Historical description of the Jaina pilgrimage site Penugonde in Andhra Pradesh]

Page #18
Bibliography of Professor Hampa Nagarajaiah's books Bahubali : Rupa, Svarupa, Visvarupa, 2006, CVG Publications, Bangalore, 2006, 156 pages. [Narrates the historical development of Bahubali cult in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Kannada literatures, and discusses iconographic differences between the Digambara and Svetambara descriptions of Bahubali. Richly Illustrated] Guruvibhutige Namo (ed.), Rashtrakavi Kuvempu Pratishthana, Kuppali, 2009, 212 pages. Anthology of articles written by different writers on the rare qualities of PoetLaureate K.V. Puttappa alias Kuvempu, the greatest Kannada author of the 20th century). Danacintamani Attimabbe, IBH Prakasan, Bangalore, 2010, x + 162 pages. [Rerevised edition of an earlier book on the life and achievements of Attimabbe (9501015 CE), an illustrious lady in the period of the Kalyana Calukyas] Kuvempu Kurita Cimtanegalu, Sundara Prakashana, Bangalore, 2010, 90 pages. [It is a collection of six articles of criticism on the life and works of Poet-Laureate Kuvempu, a major poet of 20th century Kannada literature). Mahapurana, Kantavara Kannada Samgha, 2010, 64 pages. [An overview of the Sanskrit Mahapurana written by Jinasena (770-870) and Gunabhadra (820-98). It also has pages devoted to a critical assessment of the Sanskrit Adipurana of Jinasena in comparison with the Kannada Adipurana of Pampa (941 CE). BOOKS ON LINGUISTICS Dravida Bhashavijnana, D.V.K. Murthi, Mysore, 1966, 498 + xvi pages; 1976, 464 + xxii pages; 1991, 458 pages; 1994; 2006, 288 pages. Earliest book in Indian Languages on Dravidian Linguistics. Deals with the phonology, morphology, and syntax of Dravidian Languages, incorporating the researches of Robert Caldwell, M.B. Emeneau, T. Burrow, Jules Bloch, Kamil Zvelebil and M.S.Andronov] Bharatada Bhashasamasye, Hind Vidyarthi Yuvaka Sammelan, Bangalore, 1968, 33 + vii pages. [Explains the importance of mother tongue in the face of challenges from English) Bhashavijnana, D.V.K. Murthy, Mysore, 1968, 352 + xx pages. [Introduction to the study of general linguistics] Dravida Samkhya Vacakagalu, Prasaramga, Bangalore University, 1973, 46 + iv pages. [Reconstructing the Proto form of Dravidian numerals, deals with its distribution and development in the Dravidian languages) Bhashe, Rajajinagar, Bangalore, 1973, 54 + iv pages. [Discusses in detail many definitions of "what is language", in the light of latest discussions on the subject. A primer for College students]

Page #19
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Bhasha Vijnanigalu, Pragati Printers and Publishers, Bangalore, 1980, 392 + iv + ii pages. [Short biographical sketches of famous linguists and Grammarians. Book for general readers] COLLECTIONS OF SELECTED WRITINGS BY HAMPANA Hesarina Sogasu, D.V.K. Murthy, Mysore, 1974, 1975, 1978, 80 + xiv pages. [Numerous essays] Hampana Ayda Prabandhagalu, Cetana Book House, Mysore, 1993, 1996, 135 pages. [Anthology of selected essays] Candrakode, Kannada University, Hampi, 1997, 676 + xvi pages. [Anthology of 65 research articles based on epigraphs] Ananya, Kannada Pustaka Pradhikara, Bangalore, 2003, 240 pages. [Collection of 20 research articles] Kadegolu, Prasaramga, Kannada University, Hampi, 2007, 10 + 266 pages. [Anthology of 29 articles on miscellaneous subjects] Mulacula, Karnataka Sahitya Academy, Bangalore, 2009, 276 pages. (Collection of 28 articles on different topics, published earlier in literary journals] EDITED BOOKS Pampabharata Samgraha (with N. Basavaradhya, Mitra A.R), Pracya Kavya Prakasana Mandira, Bangalore, 1964, 1969, 2002, 180 pages. [Abridged edition of the Vikramarjuna Vijayam or Pampa Bharatam, the greatest epic in Kannada language written by Mahakavi Pampa who completed the poem in 941 CE] Bharatesa Vaibhava (Brahmappa, G & Kamala Hampana), Attimabbe Prakasan & Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1967, 2003, 120 + 765 pages. [Edition of the Bharatesa Vaibhava mahakavya, an epic poem of the poet Ratnakaravarni (1505). It consists of 10,000 verses in Samgatya metre) Jayanrupa Kavya Samgraha, Harshavardhana Prakashana, Bangalore, 1967, 80 + LI pages. [Abridged version of the Jayanrupa kavya by poet Mamgarasa (1505) with a detailed introduction by Hampana] Kannadada Muvaru Kattalugalu, Hind Vidyarthi Yuvaka Sammela, Mallesvaram, Bangalore, 1968, 65 pages. [Brief biography of Kengal Hanumantayya, former Chief minister, D. Javaregouda, former Vice-chancellor, and Rajkumar, most popular film actor]

Page #20
Bibliography of Professor Hampa Nagarajaiah's books 19 Kuvempu-Joci, Hind Vidyarthi Sammela, Bangalore, 1969, 58 + xii pages. [Brief introduction to the life and works of Kuvempu and Umasankar Joshi, the Joint Awardees of the Jnanapitha National Award in 1968] Nenapina Hottage, Kolara Jille Sahitya Sammelana samiti, Bamgarapete, 1970, 200 pages. [Proceedings of the literary Conference held at Bamgarapete in Kolar District in 1970] Dhanyakumara Carite, Candra Sagaravarni Granthamale, Bangalore, 1973, 62 +51 + xiv pages. [Kannada poem of poet Adiyappa (16th century) composed in Samgatya metre. It deals with the deeds of Dhanyakumara, a folk-hero in Jaina narrative literature) Apratimavira Caritre (Co-editor Vardaraja Rao, G.), Pathya-pustaka Vibhaga, Education Department, Bangalore, 1975, 185 + viii pages. [Popular Edition of the Apratimaviracarite, a treatise on poetics, by poet Tirumalarya (1645-1706), court poet of king Cikkadevaraja Odeyar (1672-1704)] Divyadhvani, Govt. of Karnataka, 1975, 380 + 27 + viii pages. (Ed. Hampana). (A souvenir published on the eve of 2500 years of Nirvana of Mahavira. It contains 55 articles in Kannada, one in English, and nine in Hindi] Kelavu Nompiya Kathegalu, Vivekodaya Granthamale, Gudibande, Kolar District, 1976, 88 + viii pages. [Anthology of ten Jaina Vrata-kathas called nompi stories) Salva Bharata, Prasaramga, Bangalore University, 1976, 746 + XCVI pages. [Full Text of the Neminatha Carite alias Salvabharata written by poet Salva (1485 CE), written in satpadi i.e., six-lined metre] Nagakumara Satpadi, Prasaramga, Bangalore University, 1977, 1044 pages. [Kannada poem of poet Bommana (1740 CE) consisting of 2988 verses in satpadi metre. The poem narrates the deeds of Nagakumara, a popular hero in Jaina mythology. Nagakumara alias Phanikumara is one of the 24 Kamadevass in the Digambara tradition] Ratnakarana Hadugalu, Rajajinagar, Bangalore, 1979, 200 + xxiii pages. [Unique collection of Kirtanas or devotional songs composed by Mahakavi Ratnakaravarni (1505 CE) who is more known for his epic the Bharatesa Vaibhava of 10,000 verses] Belagavi Sahitya Sammelana, Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1980, 644 + 12 pages. [Proceedings of the All India Kannada Literary Conference held at Belgaum District head Quarters in Karnataka. Noted literary icon Basavaraja Kattimani Presided over the Conference) Dharmasthala Sahitya Sammelana, Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1980, 456 + viii pages. [Proceedings of the 51st National Kannada Literary Conference held at Dharmasthala a famous pilgrimage centre in Tulunadu in March 1979]

Page #21
SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Janapada Adhyayana Vicara Samkirana, Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1980, 127 + iv pages. [Proceedings of a Seminar on Folklore organized in 1980). Cikkamagaluru Sahitya Sammelana, Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1981. [Proceedings of the 53rd National Kannada Literary Conference held at Cikkamagalur District Head Quarters in Karnataka, in 1981). Neminatha Purana (with Kulkarni, R.V), Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1981, vol. I, 480 pages, vol. II, 522 pages. [New Edition of the Neminathapuranam, a Kannada poem by the poet Karnaparya (1130 CE), a biography of Neminatha, the 22nd Tirthamkara] Janapada Kalavidara Suci, Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1982, 776 pages. (Classified addresses of 145 varieties of Folklore artists in Karnataka. Based on the collection of material from 9500 villages by 32 folklorists] Madakeri Sahitya Sammelana, Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1982, 500 + vii pages. [Proceedings of the National Kannada Literary Conference held in 1981 at Madikeri, District Head Quarters in Karnataka] Samtipuranam (with Prose Translation to each verse), Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1982, 554 + 199 pages. [Full text of the santipuranam of poet Ponna (965 CE), one of the triad in Kannada literature, who was bestowed with the title of kavicakravarti (poet emperor) by the Rashtrakuta emperor Krishna III ( 935-65 CE). Sirasi Sahitya Sammelana, Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1982, 512 + 16 + xii pages. [Proceedings of the National Kannada Literary Conference held in 1982 at Sirasi Taluka in Uttara Kannada Jille). Kaivara Sahitya Sammelana, Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1984, 278 + vi pages. [Proceedings of the National Kannada Literary Conference held at Kaivara in Kolar District in March 1984] Ananadara Ayda Kathegalu, Kannada-Culture Department, Bangalore. 1985, 258 + viii pages. [Anthology of eleven short stories of Ananda, a popular writer] Sadasivara Hanneradu Kathegalu, Directorate of Kannada and Culture, Bangalore, 1985, 192 + vi pages. [Anthology of twelve short stories by Sadasiva, noted shortstory writer] Bidar Sahitya Sammelana, 1 Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1986, 464 + xii pages. [Proceedings of the 57th National Kannada Literary Conference held at Bidara District Head Quarters in Karnataka in 1985) Amrutasri (with Nagaraja Rao, C.K.), Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1988, 198 + viii + xvi pages. [Anthology of articles on the history and development of Kannada Sahitya Parishat, 95 years old premier literary and cultural organization in Karnataka)

Page #22
Bibliography of Professor Hampa Nagarajaiah's books 21 Candrasagaravarniya Krutigalu (with Sivanna, S.), Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore, 1989, 208 + xxxii pages. [Popular edition of some works of poet Candrasagaravarni alias Brahmanamka, a prolific author of the 18th century] Vaddaradhane, Bangalore University, 1993, 166 + vi + 222 pages. [Full text of the earliest extant (800 CE) Kannada prose work by Bhrajisnu. Though the title of the work was Aradhana-Karnata-tika, it is more popular under the name Vaddaradhane] Tattvartha Sutranugata Karnata Laghuvrutti, Siddhantakirti Gramthamale, Hombuja, 1994, 197 + xxx pages. [Earliest extant commentary in Kannada language, on Umasvati's Tattvarthasutra. The Kannada scholiast pontiff Divakaranandi (11th century CE) has rendered it into Kannada with a simple vrutti in prose. He has also quoted 235 Prakrit gathas] Hombuja Sasanagalu (with Manjunath, M.G.), Siddhantakirti Granthamale, Hombuja, 1997, 146 pages. [Anthology of inscriptions of Hombuja Kshetra. Prose translation of the inscriptions meant to help the readers to understand the historical and literary importance of these records] Jaina Katha Kosa (with Kamala Hampana, Padmaprasad, Sarasvati Vijayakumar), Kannada Visvavidyalaya, Hampi, 1997, 808 + xvi pages. [Matchless treasury of Jaina stories translated into modern Kannada from Ardhamagadhi, Apabhramsa, Sauraseni, Maharastri, Sanskrit and Old Kannada sources. It contains about 350 stories. Exhaustive and comparative introduction by Prof. Hampana] Koppala Sasanagalu, Ratnatray Prakasana, Mysore, 1998, 180 pages. [Anthology of newly discovered lithic records by Hampana at Koppala, an ancient Jaina site] Pampa, Karnataka Sahitya Academi, Bangalore, 1998, 100 pages. [Abridged edition of the Vikramarjuna Vijayam (Pampabharata) and the Adipuranam of poet Pampa (941CE) with brief introduction] Nompiya Kathegalu, Prasaramga, Kannada University, Hampi, 2001, 449 + xx pages. [Anthology of 84 Vrata-kathas which are most popular in Kannada as nompi stories. Edited by Hampana with the help of palm leaf manuscripts with an exhaustive introduction describing historical, socio-cultural, religious, linguistic and literary aspects. Contains a useful Appendix] Ponna-Kamalabhava Samputa, Prasaramga, Kannada University, Hampi, 2006, 828 + XLII pages. [Full text edition of the Santipuranam of poet Ponna (965 CE), and the Santisvarapuranam of poet Kamalabhava (1235), the two famous campu classics] Ranna Samputa, Prasaramga, Kannada University, Hampi, 2006, 324 + XLII pages. [Full text of the Ajita-purana-tilakam and the Sahasa-bhima-Vijayam of poet Ranna (950-1010 CE), one of the three Jina-samaya-dipaka (Illuminators of Jaina faith) poets of the tenth century Kannada literature. The other two are Pampa (941) and Ponna (965).

Page #23
22 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Sumati Jnana (Chief Editor), Commemoration Volume in Honour of Acharya Sri 108 Sumatisagarji Maharaj, Muzaffarnagar (U.P.), 2007. Surya Prabha (Chief Editor), Commemoration Volume in Honour of Acharya Sri 108 Suryasagarji Maharaj, Muzaffarnagar (U.P.), 2010. LITERARY JOURNALS EDITED Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike (Half Yearly), 1966. Jivana (Monthly), 1969-75. Sadhane (Quarterly), University Journal, 1977-78. Theme Editor for Jinamanjari (USA, Canada), April 2000. BOOKS FOR CHILDREN Krishna Pandavaru, IBH Prakasana, Bangalore, 1971, 96 + iii pages. [Depicts Krishna's affection for the members of his family] Mahakavi Ranna, IBH Prakasana, Bangalore, 1971, 1972, 52 pages. [Depicts the life and works of Mahakavi Ranna (950-1010 CE)] Nadoja Pampa, IBH Prakasana, Bangalore, 1971, 1972, 54 pages. [Depicts life and works of Mahakavi Pampa (901-50), who is the greatest poet in Kannada literature) Devarayanadurga, IBH Prakasana, Bangalore, 1973, 48 pages. [Description of Devarayanadurga, a hill station and a pilgrimage centre) Bhima Bhakti Parikshe, IBH Prakasana, Bangalore, 1979, 42 pages. [Kannada translation of Suguna Manjesvar's English book depicting the deeds of Bhima of the Mahabharata] Mahavira, Rashtrotthana Sahitya prakasana, Bangalore, 1974, 48 pages. [Most famous and popular book on Mahavira. Translated into English, Marathi, and Hindi. With several reprints) Basavappa Sastri (with Padmaprasad, S.P.), Rashtrothana Parishat, 1975, 48 pages. [Biography of Basavappa Sastri, who translated the Abhijnanasakuntalam of Kalidasa and Shakespeare's Othello into Kannada) Punyakoti, Adicumcanagiri Mahasamsthana, Adicumcanagiri, Mandya District, 2006, 100 pages. [Depicts the life of a cow which won the cruel heart of a tiger by its honesty. Richly illustrated with quality pictures).

Page #24
Bibliography of Professor Hampa Nagarajaiah's books 23 FELICITATION VOLUMES PRESENTED TO HAMPANA Paccetene (ed. Mahmood, T.K, Krishnaraya, S.M.), Uttara Kannada Jilla Sahitya Parishat, Bhatkala. 1985, 102 pages. [Presented on the eve of Hampana's 50th Birthday, 15 articles) Samkruti (eds. Prof. Lakkappa Gowda, Prof. Sukanya Maruti), Hampana Abhinandana Samiti, Bangalore, 1988, 316 + 16 pages. [Presented on the eve of Hampana's 50th Birthday. 48 articles describing and assessing the importance of Hampana's works). Samkarshana (eds. Prof. Sanjiva Setty, Dr. Jnanananda), Hampana Abhinandana Samiti, Bangalore, 1989, 368 + xxxii pages. [Presented on the 50th Birthday. 73 articles by different authors describing Hampana's works, life, administrative experience, teaching ability, organizing capacity etc.] Bareha Bagina (ed. Nage S,H.V., Sahana Prakasana), Sivamogga, 1996, 630 + xii pages. [Felicitation Volume presented on the eve of 60th year, in the presence of many writers at Dharwar. 70 Kannada articles by different authors on various subjects) Hamgramthavali (ed. Dr. Tamil Selvi, Smita Reddy), Sahitya Samgama Mitrakuta, Bangalore, 1997, 132 + IX + 4 pages. Introduction by the popular writer Doddaramgegowda. Scholars Speak (ed. Prof. Nallur Prasad), Reception Committee, Bangalore 2006, 120 pages. [Hampana's 70th Birthday] Hampana Vangmaya (eds. Dr. Byregowda, M, Satyanarayana), B.R,, Bangalore, 2007, 224 pages. [Presented on the occasion of 70th Birthday. Contains a classified list and annotated bibliography of Hampana's complete Kannada works with brief note and review on each book] BIOGRAPHIES OF HAMPANA Dhimamta Hampana by Nagendrappa Daginakatte, 1993, Svati Prakasana, Bangalore, 124 pages. Sahiti Sahasi Hampana by Balesa Laksetty, Raghavendra Prakasan, Bangalore, 1994, 112 + 8 pages. Hampana Krutigalu: Adhyayana, PhD thesis by Nagappa Calavadi, submitted to and awarded PhD from the Gulbarga University, 1995.

Page #25
List of contributors Prof. Dr. Nalini Balbir, University of Paris-3 Sorbonne-Nouvelle, Centre Censier, 13, rue de Santeuil, 75231 Paris Cedex 05, France. Mailing address: 32, rue des Bruyeres, 92310 Sevres, France, Prof. Dayanand Bhargava, Chairman, Pandit Madhusudan Ojha Veda Vijnana peeth, J.R. Rajasthan Sanskrit University Jaipur. Present address: J 1/7 Jeevan Suraksha flats, Vidya Dhar Nagar Sector -2 Jaipur 302 023, Prof. Dr. Willem B. Bollee, Don Bosco-Str. 2, D. 96047 Bamberg, Germany. Prof. Dr. Johannes Bronkhorst, Section de langues et civilisations orientales Universite de Lausanne Anthropole 4118 CH-1015 Lausanne. Prof. Dr. Klaus Bruhn, Freie Universitat Berlin. Present address: Cimbernstr. 3, D. 14129 Berlin, Germany Dr. Eva De Clercq, Dept. of Indology, University of Ghent, Blandijnberg 2-146, 9000 Ghent, Belgium. Prof. John E. Cort, Denison Univeristy, Granville, OH 43023, USA. Prof. M.A. Dhaky, Director (Emeritus), American Institute of Indian Studies, New Delhi/ Gurgaon. Present address: People's Plaza, 6th Floor (No. 61), Near Memnagar Fire-Brigade Station, Navrangpura Road, Ahmedabad 380 009. Prof. Dr. (Retd.) A. Ekambaranathan, Department of Ancient History and Archaeology, University of Madras, Chennai 600 005 Dr. Peter Flugel, Centre for Jaina Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, London, U.K.,

Page #26
List of contributors 25 Prof. Mahavir R. Gelra, Former Vice Chancellor, Jain Vishva Bharati Institute, Deemed University, Ladnun, Rajasthan. Present address: 5, ch-20, Jawahar Nagar, Jaipur 302 004 Rajasthan. Mrs. Eva-Maria Glasbrenner, teaches Indian languages and culture at the Institut fur Indologie und Tibetologie, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat Munchen (Munich), Geschwister-Scholl-Platz 1, D. 80539 Germany. < evaglasbrenner@yahoo.ca> Prof. Phyllis Granoff, University of Yale, USA Padmabhushan Rajarshi Dr. Veerendra Heggade, Dharmadhikari, Dharmasthala 574216 (D.K.), Karnatak, Dr. phil. Gabriele R. Helmer, Schachenmeierstr. 48/2, D. 80636 Munchen, Germany Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain, SOS in Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior 474 011 (M.P.) Prof. Rajaram Jain, Rtd Professor. Present address: B-5/40 C, Sector 34, Dhavalagiri Apartment, Noida (U.P.) 201 307. Dr. Sagarmal Jain, Director, Prakrit Vidyapith. 35, Oswal Ceri, Shajpur (M.P.) 465 001. Dr. Nalini Joshi, Professor, H.N. Jain Chair, University of Pune, Dr. Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, Institute of Asian and Oriental Studies (AOI), Department of Indology and Comparative Religion, Eberhard-Karls-University Tuebingen, Gartenstr 19, 72074 Tuebingen, Germany. Dr. Iravatham Mahadevan, IAS (Rtd), B-1, Narumukai Apartments, 2nd Street, Brindavan Nagar Extension, Adambakkam, Chennai 600 088. Geeta Mehta, Director, K.J. Somaiya Centre for studies in Jainism, Cabin No. 6, IInd Floor, Management Institute, Bldg. Vidyavihar, Mumbai 400 077,

Page #27
26 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Prof. Dr. em. Adelheid Mette, Institut fur Indologie und Tibetologie, LudwigMaximilians-Universitat Munchen (Munich), Geschwister-Scholl-Platz 1, D. 80539 Germany. Mr. Manish Modi, Hindi Granth Karyalaya, 9 Hirabaug, CP Tank, Mumbai 400 004 Choodamani Nandagopal, Art Historian & UNESCO Fellow, Dean, Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, Jain University, Bangalore, Aloka Parasher-Sen, Currently, Saroj and Prem Singhmar Chair in Classical Indian Polity and Society Professor, Department of History and Classics, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada, AB, T6G 2H4. Permanent address: Department of History, School of Social Sciences, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad-500 046, India, Mr. Jerome Petit, Charge de collections, Departement des sciences, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris. Mailing address : 32, rue de l'Abbe Groult, 75015 Paris, France Prof. Ramprakash Poddar, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune 411 004. Dr. Shrinivas Ritti, Professor Ancient Indian History and Epigraphy (Retd), Karnatak University, Bharati 15th Cross, Navodayanagar, Dharwad 580 003. Dr. Kokila H. Shah, K.J. Somaiya Centre for Studies in Jainism, Mumbai. Residential address: B-14, Kakad Niketan, Derasar Lane, Ghatkopar, Mumbai 77 Dr. Arvind Kumar Singh, Professor and Head, AIHC & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior 474 011, M.P. Shanti Swaroop Sinha, Department of History of Art, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi 221 005, Prof. Kamal Chand Sogani, 7 Chittaranjan Marg, C-Scheme, Jaipur 302 001. K.M. Suresh, Director (Museum), Kannada University, Hampi, Vidyaranya 583 276, Dist. Bellary, Karnatak.

Page #28
List of contributors Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari, Department of History of Art, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi 221 005 Dr. C.S. Vasudevan, Associate Professor, Dept. of Ancient History & Archaeology, Kannada University, Hampi, Vidyaranya - 583 276 sor: Dept. of Ancient History 2 Prof. Dr. Robert J. Zydenbos, Institut fur Indologie und Tibetologie, LudwigMaximilians-Universitat Munchen (Munich), Geschwister-Scholl-Platz 1, D. 80539 Germany.

Page #29
A Tribute Padmabhushan Rajarshi. Dr. Veerendra Heggade Hampa Nagarajaiah, popular as Hampana, is known to me for the past 50 years, ever since I was a boy. He used to deliver lectures in the Annual Literary conference at Dharmasthala from the time of my father who was Dharmadhikari then. Later Hampana was my teacher during my College days. He was an inspiring teacher and students had high regard for his fund of knowledge. He is a prolific author, an eminent orator, an excellent organiser and a successful administrator. Having travelled far and wide, he has contacts with prominent personalities in various fields. He has an attractive voice and his running commentaries of the Maha-mastaka-abhisheka of Lord Bahubali at Shravanabelagola, Karkala, Venur and Dharmasthala are unforgettable. His wife Professor Kamala Hampana is also equally learned and a popular writer. As an eloquent speaker, she has delivered lectures in India and abroad. Both of them are made for each other. Kannada people and Karnataka Government respect the literary persons and hold them in high esteem.

Page #30
"hNpnaa" - naa kNddNte. "hNpnaa" eNdee prsiddhraagiruv shrii hNp naagraajyynvrnnu naanu nnn vidyaarthi deseyllee bll. beNglluurin srkaari kaaleejinlli avru nnn vidyaa gurugllaagiddru. naanu avr priitiy shissynaagidd. trgtiylli avru boodhnege niNtre, asklitvaanni, vivrnne, vicaargll shubhrte, shktipuurnn niruupnne, spssttte, haasyd honlu ivuglliNd vidyaarthiglllli hos jiivklleynnu tuNbuttiddru. pNp, rnn, raaghvaaNk mttitr kvi puNgvr saahityd snniveeshgllnnu arthpuurnnvaagi mnmuttttuvNte vivrisuttiddru. paatthd paatrdhaarigllu ivree aagiruttiddudriNd vidyaarthigll hRnmn sellediddru. vidyaarthigll bhaavuk hRdydlli aatmiiy sthaanvnnu pddeyuvlli yshsviyaad meessttu shrii hNpnaarvru.. aadrsh praadhyaapkraagi belledu iNdu jnpriy vidvaaNsrenisikolllluv vrege avr bellvnnigeynnu naanu kNddiddeene. nnn puujy tNdeyvr kaaldiNdluu shrii ksseetr dhrmsthlldlli nddeyuv srvdhrm smmeellndlli tmm vidvttuurnn bhaassnnglliNd gmn selleyuttidd avr paaNddityvnnu gmnisiddeene. avr upnyaasd srnni mRdhu mdhur. avr naalgey meele vaaggeevi nrtisuttiddaalle. maataadduvaag hordduv sputtvaad vaakygllu, vyvsthitvaad vissy niruupnne, bredittttukolllluvNte atyNt beleyullll nuddimuttugllaaguttidduvu. ivr bhaassnnveNdre keelluvvrige beesrvaaguvudill. hRdykke tttttuv, mnmuttttuv riitiylli, keelluvvruu dhvniguuddisuvNte, tlliinte, tnmyteylli miNdu mddiyaaguvNte tmm vaakjhriynnu hrisuv maatin mooddigaar nmm hNpnaa, bhaassey meelin prbhutv, bhaassey bllkeylli tooruv eccr, vissyd abhivykti kivige hitkaari. jaagtik saahityd aallvaad abhyaas. paaNddityglloNdige yaav vissyd meelaaglii bhu svaarsyvaagi

Page #31
maataaddi sbhikr hRdy gelluttiddru. sNskRt, praakRt, iNgliss, knndd bhaasseglllli avrigidd hiddit ii bgey bhaassnnglllli cennaagi prkttvaaguttde. avrobb rsik kvi. "rsiknaaddid maatu shshiyudisi bNdNte" eNb srvjnyn maatu ivrige opputtde. uttm brhgaarruu aad hNpnaarvru tnn vishissttteynnu aallvaad rsgrhnn saamrthyvnnu, gaaddhvaad sNshoodhnaa shiilteynnu, nishcitvaad vimrshaaprjnyeynnu haaguu aakrsskvaad mttu styshiilvaad sRjn shktiynnu tmm sumaaru 40 kkuu mikkid kRtigll muulk, saaviraaru upnyaasgll muulk saadr pddisiddaare. grNth sNpaadne, sNshoodhne, kaadNbri, prbNdh vimrsh, jiivn critre, jaanpd, anuvaad, bhaassaa vijnyaan- ii ell ksseetrdlluu pripkv kRtigllnnu kottttu kRtyraagiruv "naaddooj" shrii hNpnaarvru. knnddigr praatinidhik sNstheyaad knndd saahity prissttin adhykssraagidd avdhiylli (1978-1986) mhtvpuurnn kelsvnnu maaddidru. naaddinuddglkkuu sNcrisi knnddvnnu ullisidru, bellesidru. bhaassaa smsye, gddi smsye, nerey raajygll jnteyiNd knnddigrigaaguv anyaaygllnnu kuritNte tmm bhaassnngll muulk jaagRtiy gNtteynnu baarisi knnddigrnnu eccrisiddaare. akhil bhaart knndd saahity smmeellngllnnu yshsviyaagi nddesi, ell knnddigrnnu oNduguuddisi jaagRti muuddisiddaare. 1978 rlli shriiksseetr dhrmsthlldlli ndded 43 nee knndd saahity smmeellnd adhykssru, prsiddh kvi-ciNtk goopaalkRssnn addigru. atyNt yshsviyaad ii smmeelln hNpnaarvr avdhiylli nddeyitu. ii sNdrbhdlli shrii hNpnaarvr ktRtvshktiynnu naanu kNddiddeene, mecciddeene. saakssttu kaal knndd saahity prissttin adhykssraagidd hNpnaa avru adnnu bellesid riiti annyvaadudu. apuurvvaad kelvu aayaamgllnnu avru prissttige tNdukottttiddaare. adu naaddinelledde mnemaataaguvNte maaddidru. naaddu-nuddigllige adriNd visheess laabhvaaguvNte nooddikoNddru. tnn adhikaarvnnu aa disheylli nirvhisidru. saahity

Page #32
jnsaamaanyrnnu tlupuvNte maaddidru. prissttin ollguu horguu saahittik cttuvttikegllu rbhsvaagi nddeylu preerkraadru. upnyaas, sNshoodhne, grNth prkttnne ityaadiglllli mhtvpuurnn daakhlegllnnu sthaapisuv muulk unnt kaarykrmgllnnu hmmikoNddu yshsvigollisidru. jotege aneek trunn brhgaarrnnu bellkige tNdu prootsaahisidru. saahity prissttin itihaasdlli suvrnn aadhyaayvnnu bred knnddd kttttaallu hNpnaarvru. - "deesh tirugi nooddu, koosh oodi nooddu" eNb maatugllu hNpnaarige heellisidNtive. knyaakumaariyiNd himaacld vrege, kenddaa, ameerikaa, iNgleNdd modlaad paashcimaaty raassttrglllli, kolli deeshglllli sNcrisi vidvttuurnn upnyaasgllnnu niiddiddaare. naaddin muule muuleglllli sutti upnyaas niiddi, hiriy-kiriy saahitigll, saarvjnikr priiti vishvaasgllige paatrraagiddaare. praaciin arvaaciin saahityvnnu aamuulaagrvaagi vyaasNg maaddu jnyaankooshvnnu smRddhigollisikoNddiddaare. ell mtthaadhiishr, tyaagigllN munigll aashiirvaadkke paatrraad shriiyutru shrvnnbellgoll, dhrmsthll, kaarkll, veennuuru illi ndded bhgvaan baahubli mstkaabhisseekd viikssk vivrnne niiddi jnmnnnnege paatrraagiddaare. ddaa. kmlaa hNpnaarvru ptige sriyaad vidvaaNsru. ibbruu uddaam saahitigllu, prspr arivu, aatmiiyte, gaurv bhaavnegllu iruvudriNdlee jiivnd vividh mjluglllli naamuNde taamuNde eNdu aaroogykr sprdhe nddesuttaa, prspr gaurvisuttaa bNdvru ii aadrsh dNptigllu. jiivnd noovu-nlivu, soolu geluvugllnnu smnvygollisuvlli avr haasy prvRttiyu mhtvd paatrvhiside. nijd arthdlli ivribbruu iNdin muddnn mnoormeyru. kmlaa hNpnaaru muuddubidriylli ndded akhilbhaart knndd saahity smmeellnd adhykssraagiddu yshsvi kaarybhaarvnnu nirvhisiddnnu ii sNdrbhdlli neneybhudu.

Page #33
aadikvi naaddooj pNpniNd hNpnaa vrege belledu bNd knndd saahity ennuttaare naaddooj hNpnaa abhimaanigllu. hNpnaa iddkdde jn. aabaalvRddhraagi bellkke iruve muttuvNte seeruttaare. trunnroNdige trunnraagi, muppinvroNdige mudukraagi, haallli skkreyNte bereyuttaare. avru praadhypkraagi belledu iNdu vidvaaNsrenisikolllluv vregin bellvnnigeynnu naanu kNddiddeene. vRttiyiNd praadhyaapkraagi adkke puurkvaagi sNshoodhnaa aasktiynnu aavaahisikoNddu, knndd shkti shaardey kaiNkryd phlvaagi eerid ettr, muttttid guri, maaddid saadhne avr hooraattd bdukin viirgaathegllu. sdaa taarunnyd utsaah lvlvikegllnnu daihik vyktitvvnnu oNdee riitiylli rkssisikoNddu bNdu eppttnaalkr praaydlli ippttr yuvknNte ullaasdiNdiruv hNpnaarvru hiigeene aaroogypuurnnvaagi innssttukaal baallli. avrid innssttu saahityd kelsgllu aagli haaraisoonn. avrlliruv srllte, sjjnike, stsNg, melvaatu, styNg sllaapgllu, asklit vaagitegllu cirNtnvaagi ulliyli, kriyaashiilte, saahity nirmiti mttu vaalmiitegll triveenni sNgmvaagiruv hNpnaarvru oNdu apuurv rsaanubhv, utsaahd cilume. bdukinlli yshssige naipunnyvoNdee saaldu, punnyvuu beeku. averddnnuu pddedu dhnyraadvru nmm hNpnaarvru. sdaa lvlvikeylliruv "sphaaridhaari" naaddooj hNpnaarvru pNpnNteyee kiirtivNtraagli eNdu tuNbu mnssiniNd haaraisutteene. * - eNdu ddi. viireeNdr heggddeyvru.

Page #34
Hampana and Karnatakan Jainism Prof. Dr. Robert Zydenbos I first met Hampa Nagarajaiah in the early 1980s, at a time when hardly anyone outside India took an interest in Jaina studies, especially not through the medium of Kannada, a language whose significance went practically unrecognized. Now, slowly, Jainism is being rediscovered by the academic community outside India as an alternative voice from India's past, a necessary corrective after roughly two centuries in which smarta brahminical Hindu sources dominated international scholarly discourse about Indian history. Unlike Buddhism, which became extinct in India a thousand years ago, Jainism continued as a living tradition till today and has been of considerable philosophical, religious and other cultural influence on the rest of Indian society. Similarly, the importance of Karnataka and Kannada is gradually being realized by growing numbers of scholars, and the Indian government has officially declared Kannada a classical language. At such a juncture, it is befitting that Hampasandra Padmanabhaiah Nagarajaiah and his work are honoured by means of the present Festschrift. To the Kannada-reading public, 'Hampana', as Nagarajaiah is popularly known, is one of the best-known scholars of Kannada and Jainism of his generation. Much of his academic activity has gone unnoticed by the academic community outside Karnataka, simply on account of the language barrier: in spite of the immense richness both of modern scholarly secondary as well as of centuries of primary literature in Kannada, all this material has remained a largely unknown treasure. Hampana has written remarkable monographs on topics in the fields of classical Kannada literature, epigraphy, architecture, linguistics, history and religion. One of his best-known works is Yaksa-yaksiyaru (1976), on the fascinating subject of gods and goddesses in Jaina mythology and popular worship. Another is his short monograph on the Yapaniya samgha (1999), the third major tradition of Jainism besides the Digambara and Svetambara, which many centuries ago merged with the Digambara denomination but has been of great historical importance for the development of Jainism as a whole. Very useful are also his studies of Hombuja, the ksetra in central Karnataka that has not only played a role of immense importance in the history of Karnatakan Jainism but still today is the supra-regionally most important centre for the worship of the yaksi Padmavati (Hombuja sasanagalu (with M.G. Manjunatha), 1997, about the

Page #35
34 SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah inscriptions of Hombuja, and Samtararu: omdu adhyayana, 1997, about the royal dynasty whose capital Hombuja was). During his long tenure as president of the Kannada Sahitya Parisattu, this venerable organization brought out many valuable editions of Old Kannada texts, Jaina and nonJaina. Also the Sanskrit Mahapurana of Jinasena and Gunabhadra was reissued, with its Kannada translation by the late Pt. A. Shanthiraja Sastry, for its seminal importance also for Jaina literature in Kannada, which benefitted many researchers in the field. Later Hampana crossed linguistic boundaries linguistic boundaries with his edition of the Tattvarthasutranugata karnata laghuvrtti (1994), an Old Kannada commentary on the best-known Jaina philosophical text in Sanskrit. In recent years Hampana has ventured to present some of his findings to a larger audience through the medium of English. This is a double struggle, firstly with the medium of this foreign language, and secondly because the new target audience' is largely unfamiliar with the richness of, and the state of knowledge in Karnatakan scholarly circles about, the materials that form the basis of Hampana's work. Hampana was not my teacher in a formal sense, but he played a positive role in my own early career in Kannada studies by his encouraging attitude and his gladness to share information. On this occasion of Hampana's 75th birthday, one naturally rejoices at seeing him still intellectually productive; we should hope that he will be among us for many more years to come, and that the younger generations of scholars will continue to have opportunities to benefit from his accumulated knowledge.

Page #36
Section I Epigraphy, Iconography, Manuscripts

Page #37

Page #38
Jaina Art as Potent Source of Indian History, Culture and Art (With Special Reference to the Kusana Images From Mathura) Maruti Nandan Pd. TIWARI & Shanti Swaroop SINHA Art is the living visual account of our tradition, including the concept in religion and philosophy that prevail during an epoch in society. And yet, while discussing history or religion, philosophy and culture, we tend to take into account only literature as the main narrative along with inscriptions and coins and miss out the artistic creations of temples, stupa, sculptures and paintings, or the other forms of art embodying the spirit of the time. Jainism is a living religion with innumerable followers in India as well as abroad. It developed as an independent religious and cultural stream contributing greatly to the life and mind of the Indian people. The very fact of the emergence of Jainism under certain socio-religious conditions could be seen in its denial of the Vedic socioreligious order. Jainism was older than Buddhism, being historically established at least 250 years before the origin of Buddhism. In the Jaina context, art has been the main vehicle for the wide and dynamic expression of Jaina spirituality, the absolute renunciation of all possessiveness, and the ideals of non-violence and austerity, besides providing the information about the patronage of ruling dynasties, and traders and mercantile classes. The Jaina sculptures also reveal the forms and features of dress, ornaments, hair style and attributes which are important and direct source for the reconstruction of the cultural history of any period and region. The poetics of the Jaina concepts, woven into the attitudes, gestures and postures of the images, brought forth multiple layers of meanings in visual language. The subject chosen was depicted in the human form - whether legend, deity or sage. However, the person was revered for the ideal quality epitomized. The inspirational quality of a Jina, highest in Jaina worship, was his invincibility as the soul of perfection. Other qualities and state of being worthy of worship were: the vitaragi (free from desire and passion); nirgrantha (free from knots of bondage of Karma); the posture kayotsarga (standing erect in the attitude of dismissing the body); dhyana-mudra (seated cross-legged in deep meditation); and finally the aparigraha (non-possession) and tyaga (renunciation). Of course, the subject most often chosen by the artist to project the

Page #39
38 SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah wholeness of his inspiration was one of the 24 Jinas. The other main legendary subjects were Bahubali, the personification of endurance, non-violence and nonacquisition (aparigraha) and Bharata Muni, the prince who is worshipped not as Chakravartin or emperor, but as Muni after renouncing the material world and taking the path of absolute renunciation. Besides these, there were also the images and paintings depicting ascetics and holy mendicants - acaryas, sadhus and sadhvis. The subject of art always remained close to the popular imagination and art sought to enhance it with the artistic experience, taking great care to acknowledge the perfection of the ideals projected. Through all such renderings ideal social models were provided. There are inscriptional evidences from Mathura (Kankali Tila), Osian, Delvada, Khajuraho, Kumbhariya, Jalor, Sravanabelgola and several other places which frequently refer to the traders and merchant community who were making significant contributions towards the development of Jainism and thereby Jaina art. The Jainas never hesitated in borrowing what was suitable for Jainism to make it more accessible for the masses. They established balance between the spiritual and material world for the worshippers through representing the figures of Tirthankaras and yaksas-yaksis together in one icon format (Harivamsa Purana, 783 A.D.). The Jainas also assimilated several Brahmanical deities and represented them in art with grace and honour. In the process, Neminatha was depicted with Balarama and Krsna in Kusana and sculptures of subsequent period. The figures of Rama, Brahma, Visnu, Siva, Kama, Balarama, etc., along with their respective saktis were depicted on the exterior wall of the Parsvanatha Jaina temple at Khajuraho, while those of Ganesa at Mathura (Archaeological Museum, Mathura - pedestal of Ambika image) and Kumbhariya (basement of Neminatha temple, 12th cent. A.D.). Notably, the earliest known figure of goddess Sarasvati in Indian art hails from Mathura and belongs to the Jaina tradition. The pedestal inscription gives the name of Sarasvati and is dated to year 54 of Kusana rule (=132 A.D.). This image was carved by the donation of lohikakarukasya-danam (ironsmith) Gova for the welfare and happiness of all (sarvvasatvanam hitasukha). The Jaina images from Mathura, belonging to Kusana period, bear several inscriptions on pedestals which show that all classes of Kusana society were contributing to the carving of Jaina images. From the Kusana inscriptions from Mathura' it also appears that foreign population including women enthusiastically took part in Jaina art activity. Another peculiarity of Mathura Jaina inscriptions is that the majority of donors have been female worshippers. Even in subsequent centuries we find that women as queens, wives of traders and merchants and as lay devotees contributed immensely to the development of Jainism and Jaina art. This could be because the principles of Jainism, specially non-violence, were suitable more to the temperament of women. Some of the 1G. Buhler, "Further Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura", Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, Delhi, 1983 (Rep.), pp. 198-212.

Page #40
M.N.P. Tiwari & S.S. Sinha, Art as Potent Source of Indian History 39 names of women of Indian origin in Kusana inscriptions are- Ksudra, Mitra, Sucila, Bodhinandi, Datta Simhadatta, Gulha, Balahastini, sivamitra, Amohini, Dharmaghosa, Sivayasa, Mitasri, Jitamitra, Acala. On the other hand names like Akka, Ogha, Okharika, Ujhatika appear to be of foreign origin. Apparently the liberal Jaina social concept of equality without disparity of cast or class encouraged the business class and foreign people to embrace Jainism and contribute to its development by different means. This remained the socio-economic feature of subsequent period also. The inscriptions inscribed on pedestals of independent and four-fold (PratimaSarvatobhadrika) Tirtharkara images including Sarasvati image of 132 A.D. of Kusana period from Mathura reveal the universal concept of the Welfare and Happiness for All Mankind). The Jainas did have forceful impact on the contemporary ruling class also because they were having hold on the economy because of their active involvement in trade and commerce. Kusana Period: Mathura (The Period of Beginning and Standardization) Jainism thrived vigorously during the Kusana period, but without any direct royal patronage of the Kusana rulers. This is why we do not find any Jina figure on the Kusana coins as well as in the art remains from their nucleus political domain of, Gandhara region. But the variety of iconographic forms in the Kusana Jaina images and their profuseness must have been because of the existing well organised Jaina organisation at Mathura and also strong support and patronage which in this case was from the masses as is evident from the Kusana inscriptions. The geographical environment and also the situation of Mathura on the commercial route greatly helped in making the city a great centre of art, including Jaina art. The numerous Kusana Jaina inscriptions from Mathura referring to the donation made by Sresthin, sarthavaha, gandhika, suvarnakara, vardhakin, lauhakarmak, nartaka, pratarika (navika), vesyas, cotton dealers and different gosthis (traders community) towards the installation of Jaina images, at once suggest that the people following different crafts and occupations actively contributed to the development of Jaina art. Most of the inscriptions have dates, mostly in Saka era, which are very important from the view point of the reconstruction of Kusana history and culture as a whole. These inscriptions also provide the exact identifications and dates in cases of the images of Sarasvati (Sarasvato- Saka era 54 = 132 A.D.), Rsabhanatha (Vrsabho or UsabhoSaka era 46 = 124 A.D.), santinatha (Saka era 19 = 97 A.D.), Aristanemi (saka era 18 = 96 A.D.), Parsvanatha (Parsva) and Mahavira (Vardhamana- Saka era 5 = 83 A.D., 22 = 100 A.D., 29 = 107 A.D., 42 = 120 A.D., 50 = 128 A.D.) and Jina Caumukhi 2 G. Buhler, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, pp. 202, 208-210.

Page #41
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah = images (Pratimasarvatobhadrika, Saka era 18 96 A.D., 32 110 A.D.) and Ayagapata (Ayagapato). These inscriptions invariably give the word 'Arhat" for the Jinas, which show that Arhat was the earliest adjective used for the Jinas and the words Jina and Tirthankara came only subsequently. 40 The concept and visual forms both of Jina and Buddha crystallized in Kusana images reveal points of commonality. The assimilation of the features of yogi (meditative posture and half-shut eyes), mahapurusa (long arms, ears and halo) and cakravartin (lion throne, fly-whisk bearing attendants) into the iconic forms of both the Jina and Buddha reveal cultural synthesis and commonality. Although Mathura yielded a few examples of Sunga period mainly in the form of ayagapatas, yet as a prolific and formative centre of Jaina art it flourished only during the Kusana age3 (1"-2nd cent. A.D.). The excavations at Kankali Tila, Mathura, yielded a vast amount of Jaina vestiges ranging in date from c. 100 B.C. to 1177 A.D. The Kusana Jaina sculptures from Mathura are of special iconographic significance since they exhibit a formative stage in the development of Jaina images, which served as models for further development throughout the subsequent centuries. The vast amount of Jaina images includes, besides the ayagapatas, independent Jina figures, Pratimasarvatobhadrika (Jina Caumukhi), Sarasvati, Naigamesi and also the narrative scenes from the lives of Rsbhanatha and Mahavira. The Jina figures of Kusana art may be divided into four contexts: the ayagapalas, independent figures, Jina Caumukhi and the slab with narratives from the lives of the Jinas. The figures on the ayagapatas are always seated in the dhyana-mudra, while those on the Caumukhi are invariably standing in the kayotsarga-mudra. The Jinas, either standing or sitting, do not show any trace of drapery, which, however, fully conform to the Agamic tradition. Some of the scholars, however, hold that the nudity of the Kusana Jina figures from Mathura is suggestive of their being the product of the Digambara sect but the presence exclusively of Svetambara theme and feature in two cases: narrative panel showing the transfer of embryo of Mahavira (State Museum, Lucknow, J. 626) and a slab showing the figure of Kanha Sramana (State Museum, Lucknow, J. 623) with a piece of cloth hanging from his folded wrist to cover his genitals, poses a puzzling question as to their exact sectarian affiliation. We would like here to mention that the Acaranga-satra (c. 2nd century B.C.) frequently refers to both the acelaka (sky-clad) and sacelaka (draped) ways of living for Jaina friars. The Uttaradhyayana-sutra (c. 2nd century B.C.) also mentions the acelaka and sacelaka ways for the Jaina munis as per need of situation. As we know, the authority of the Agama texts, belonging to the Svetambara and hence of the 3 Maruti Nandan Pd. Tiwari, Elements of Jaina Iconography, Varanasi, 1983, pp. 1-10; "Prayag Mandala mein Jaina Dharma aur Kala", Prayag Kshetriya Itihasa Visheshank (Bharatiya Itihasa Sankalan Samiti Patrika), (Edits.) Dr. S N Roy etc., No. 2, Varanasi, 1984, pp. 210-215; U.P. Shah, 'Beginnings of Jaina Iconography', Bulletin of Museums and Archaeology in U.P., No. 9, June 1972, pp. 3-6.

Page #42
M.N.P. Tiwari & S.S. Sinha, Art as Potent Source of Indian History Yapaniya sect, has not been accepted by the Digambara sect, according to which the original Anga texts were lost. Thus the Kusana Jina images from Mathura, showing full concurrence with the Agamic tradition can suggest no sectarian affiliation with the Digambaras. It rather, and up to at least the mid-second century A.D., represents the undifferentiated proto-Svetambara and Digambara sects. The earliest examples showing distinctly the difference of the Svetambara and the Digambara sects in visual representations are known only from the late fifth century A.D. onwards (as exemplified by Akota Jaina bronze images from Gujarat). In the gamut of Kusana sculptures the rendering of auspicious symbols (svastika, srivatsa, triratna, cakra or dharmacakra, purnaghata, minayugala) was also very popular. Besides rendering of auspicious symbols either in group of eight (astamangala) or separately as svastika, dharmacakra, stupa on ayagapatas, these are carved also on the snake hoods covering the head of Parsvanatha (svastika, dharmacakra, triratna, srivatsa) and on the soles, palms and finger-tips of different Jina figures (svastika, cakra, triratna). However, as far as these auspicious symbols and their renderings are concerned they should be taken as non-sectarian in character since they were derived from the common ancient Indian heritage mostly of Vedic tradition. Such symbols could be identified as Jaina or Buddhist only in reference to their representational context. Astamangala-mala (garland with eight auspicious marks) and triratna (three jewels of Buddhism and Jainism), cakra (disc or wheel of religion or disc) and srivatsa are commonly found in Buddhist (Sanchi, Bharhut, Takshashila) and Jaina (Mathura) art and literature (Angavijja - Jaina text) to denote cultural commonality. Rsabhanatha with lateral strands, name and bull cognizance has semblance with Siva, while Neminatha joined by the figures of Balarama and Vasudeva Krsna and endowed in Gupta period with conch cognizance reveal bearing of Vaisnava or Bhagavata cult. Parsvanatha with a seven-hooded snake canopy overhead has distinct impact of Naga cult for which Mathura was so well known". The Paumacariyam of Vimalasuri (1st to 4th cent. A.D.) eulogizes Rsabhanatha with appellations such as Brahma, Trilocana, Sankara and Ananta Narayana (5.122). Further Rsabhanatha, in the Adipurana of Jinasena (8th century A.D.), has been endowed with 1008 appellations which distinctly show the cordial and interactive approach of Jainism in assimilating Brahmanical and Buddhist deities such as Svayambhu, Sambhu, Sankara, Sadyojata, Trinetra, Jitamanmatha, Tripurari, Trilocana, Siva, isana, Bhutanatha, Mrtunjaya, Mahesvara, Mahadeva, Jagannatha, Laksmipati, Dhata, Brahma, Hiranyagarbha, Visvamurti, 4G. Buhler, 'Specimens of Jaina Sculptures from Mathura', Epigraphia Indica, Vol-II, pp. 311-22; U.P. Shah, "Evolution of Jaina Iconography and Symbolism", Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture, (Eds.) U.P. Shah and M.A. Dhaky, Ahmedabad, 1975, pp. 49-74; V.S. Agrawala, 'Some Brahmanical Deities in Jaina Religious Art', Jaina Antiquary, Vol. III, No. IV, March 1938, p. 59; V.A. Smith, The Jaina Stupa and other Antiquities of Mathura, Varanasi (reprint), 1969, pp. 56-57.

Page #43
42 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Vidhata, Buddha, Pitamaha, Caturanana, Indra, Mahendra, Surya, Aditya, Kubera, Vamanadeva, Rama, Krsna and Buddha (Adipurana 25.100-217). An ayagapata (now in State Museum, Lucknow, J.623) bearing an inscription dated 99 (possibly of Saka era 177 A.D.) is particularly interesting because it shows at its top a stupa in the centre flanked by two Jina figures on each side". All the Jina figures are seated cross-legged in meditation. Of the four Jinas, one on the left of stupa having a seven-hooded snake canopy overhead is undoubtedly Parsvanatha. Even in the absence of the cognizances or any other distinctive identifying features, the Jinas may be identified (from left to right) as Rsabhanatha, Neminatha (stupa in the centre) and Parsvanatha and Mahavira. The identification goes well in order especially in view of the texts namely Kalpasutra (1" to 3rd century A.D.) and also the Rupamandana (15 century A.D.) wherein the above four Jinas are said to have been the most favoured ones. The pata is also suggestive of the worship of the symbol (stupa) and human form (Jina) together. Below this small horizontal panel are carved two other main figures occupying major space on the slab. Of the two standing male and female figures, one is of an ascetic who is shown covering his genital part with a piece of cloth (ardhaphalaka-sacelaka, i.e. Svetambara ?) in hand. He also holds a broom (rajoharana) in the right hand. The figure is labelled in the inscription as Kanha Sramana identifiable with Vasudeva Krsna shown as an ascetic. The early Jaina texts like Antagadadasao refer to Krsna as Kanha Vasudeva and also mention that he took diksa (initiation). Apparently the figure of Kanha Sramana is Krsna as an ascetic. Close to Krsna stands on his left a male figure with folded hands and with sevenhooded snake canopy. He could be identified as Balarama, the elder brother of Krsna. On the right of Kanha there appear two-armed female goddesses, whose right hand is in abhaya-mudra and who is labelled in the inscription as Anaghasresthividya. The goddess represents Vidyadevi, popular in Jaina worship. The name suggests her popularity in business community.. The figures of Neminatha, also called Aristanemi in some pedestal inscriptions from Mathura (birthplace of Bhagavata cult), are accompanied by the figures of his cousins, Balarama and Vasudeva- Krsna. The association of Balarama and Krsna with Neminatha was in agreement with the Jaina tradition. The prominence of the Bhagavata cult in Mathura was also an inspiring force for this association. This assimilation is ratified also by the early Jaina works of 2"-1" century B.C. to 2nd century A.D. namely Uttaradhyayana sutra (22nd chapter titled Rathanemi), Nayadhammakahao (68) and Antagadadasao. Subsequently works like Harivamsa Purana (of Jinasena, 783 A.D.), Uttarapurana (of Gunabhadra, 9th cent. A.D.) and Trisastisalakapurusacarita (of Hemacandra, c. 1150 A.D.) also mention this association at length. 5 Debala Mitra, "Mathura", Jaina Art and Architecture, (ed. A. Ghosh), Vol. I, p. 57; M.N.P. Tiwari, Jaina Pratimavijnana, Varanasi, 1981, p. 47.

Page #44
M.N.P. Tiwari & S.S. Sinha, Art as Potent Source of Indian History 43 The Neminatha figures accompanied by Balarama and Vasudeva-Krsna are quite interesting since they suggest syncretic concept and also mutuality in Jaina worship as early as in the Kusana period. In one instance of c. 1 century A.D. (State Museum, Lucknow, J. 37), the seated figure of Neminatha is joined by the figures of four-armed Balarama and Vasudeva- Krsna on the right and left sides respectively. Balarama holds a pestle (musala), a plough (hala) and a wine-cup (pana-patra) in three of his surviving hands while Krsna, wearing a vanamala, shows abhaya-mudra and a mace. However, the other two figures of Neminatha, seated as he is in dhyanamudra, also contain such figures but here a two-armed Balarama is shown in namaskara-mudra with a canopy of a seven-hooded cobra. Another Neminatha image of late Kusana period exhibits the figures of four-armed Balarama with plough and Krsna with mace and disc in their surviving hands (Government Museum, Mathura, Acc. No. 2502). There are five other Jina images wherein two flanking male figures, one with a snake canopy, the other with crown and both shown with folded hands are carved (State Museum, Lucknow, J.4, J.60, J.117; Government Museum, Mathura, B.15, 34.2488). These flanking figures have rightly been identified by N.P. Joshi as Balarama and Krsna and hence the Jina, on this strength, as Neminatha". Such sculptural examples to some extent are also indicative of the superiority of Jina Neminatha over the Vaisnavite deities. The Vaisnava impact further blossoms during medieval period (9th to 13th century A.D.) and Neminatha images with flanking figures of four-armed Balarama and Vasudeva Krsna are found from Mathura and Deogarh, besides several Vaisnava themes like. Kaliya-mardana, Krsna playing Holi (sprinkling of coloured water on gopa-gopikas) and his birth and childhood episodes carved in Jaina temples of Delvada (VimalaVasahi and Luna-Vasahi, 12- 13 century A.D.). Another significant form of Kusana Jina image was a four-fold image, known as Pratima-Sarvatobhadrika or Jina Caumukhi, about 20 examples of which are found at Mathura. The terms "Pratima-sarvatobhadrika" and "Sarvatobhadra pratima" mentioned in pedestal inscriptions denote that the image was auspicious from all the sides. The carving of Jina Caumukhi, showing four Jina figures standing on four sides, started as early as in the first century A.D. and its earliest examples are procured from Kankali Tila, Mathura. Such images remained popular in all the regions in subsequent centuries and further developed as Sarvatobhadra-Jinalaya (temple), the examples of which are at Guna (M.P.), Kharatara-Vasahi (Delvada) and Ranakpur (Rajasthan). The temples were built during 11-12th to 15th centuries A.D.. Culturally expressions like sarvatobhadra or sarvajana hitaya sukhaya in the Jaina images of "N.P. Joshi, "Early Icon from Mathura", The Cultural Heritage, (Ed.) D.M. Srinivasan, New Delhi, 1989, pp. 335-38. 'Epigraphica Indica, Vol-II, pp. 202-03, 210, Inscription Nos. 2, 13, 16; B.C. Bhattacharya, The Jaina Iconography, Lahore, 1939, p. 48.

Page #45
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Kusana period present the mindset of Jainas in particular and the very purpose of Indian art as a whole. Scholars generally believe that the conception of Jina Caumukhi was based on the early conception of Jina Samavasarana with advancement upon it. But this view is not acceptable for the following reasons. The Samavasarana is the congregation hall erected by the gods where from every Jina delivers his first sermon after attaining kevala-jnana (omniscience). It consists of three circular ramparts at the top of which sits the Jina (seated), facing east. The three other figures of the selfsame Jina on the remaining three sides were installed by the Vyantara gods to facilitate audience worshippers to have the look (darshan) of the Jina from all the sides. However, none of the early Jaina works like Kalpasutra and the Paumacariyam refer to the installation of Jina images on the remaining three sides. Its first mention occurs only in the works of eighth-ninth century A.D. Moreover in the Kusana Caumukhi images four different Jinas, always standing, are carved on four sides, as against the original conception of Samavasarana of having a seated Jina on the top (facing east) along with three figures of the selfsame Jina on the remaining three sides. Thus it would not be appropriate to conclude that the Jina caumukhi of the Kusana period, showing four different Jinas on four sides, bears any impact of the conception of the Samavasarana. It is rather difficult to find any traditional basis for the conception of the Jina Caumukhi from the Jaina works. On the other hand, we come across a number of such sculptures in contemporary and even earlier Indian art which might have inspired the Jainas to carve Jina Caumukhi. It is not impossible that some such representations as the Sarnath and Sanchi lion-capitals and multi-faced yaksa" figure and svastika" may have been the source of inspiration. We are also tempted to call these Jina Caumukhi figures, showing four different Jinas, equal in status on four sides, a form of composite (samghata) icon, which thus marked the beginning of the rendering of syncretic image in Jaina context. The above study reveals that Jaina images, besides their art (iconographic and aesthetic) value, could be the potent source of the reconstruction of contemporary political, social and cultural history. And their in-depth study in this context should now be encouraged. 8 U.P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, Varanasi, 1955, pp. 94-95; De, Sudhin, 'Caumukha a Symbolic Jaina Art', Jain Journal, Vol. VI, No. I, 1971, p. 27. Adipurana 22.195, 23.92; Trisastisalakapurusacarita 1.3.421-686. 10 P.K. Agrawala, 'The Triple Yaksha Statue from Rajgha!', Chhavi, vol. I, Varanasi, 1971, pp. 340-42; Deena Bandy Pandey, Notes on Indian Iconography, Varanasi, 1978, pp. 15-21. 11 V.S. Agrawala, Indian Art, Varanasi, 1956, pp. 49-50, 232.

Page #46
Early Jainism in Tamilnadu New Epigraphic Evidence Iravatham MAHADEVAN The decipherment of cave inscriptions in Tamilnadu has produced new evidence proving conclusively the association of Jainism with the caves. There are no vestiges of Buddhist or Ajivika occupation of the caves. The hitherto unsuspected influence of old Kannada on the language of the cave inscriptions from the earliest period has shown that Jainism reached the Tamil country through Karnataka at a very early date not later than about the third century B.C.. This paper is a brief summary of the new epigraphic evidence which has been presented in detail in my book Early Tamil Epigraphy (2003). To the earlier investigators of the Tamil caves, the Brahmi inscriptions in characters resembling those of the Asokan edicts suggested Buddhist association even before the inscriptions could be properly understood. However, the texts of the Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions which have now been fully deciphered, do not reveal any internal evidence for associating the Buddhist faith with the Tamil caves. Early phase of Jainism in the Tamil country Bhadrabahu-Chandragupta legend The advent of Jainism in South India is traditionally traced to the migration of Chandragupta Maurya and his preceptor Bhadrabahu to Sravanabelagola in Karnataka. According to the legend, when foretold of a terrible famine in Magadha which would last twelve years, the Jaina Samgha led by Bhadrabahu and Chandragupta migrated to South India and settled down at Sravanabelagola. Visakha Muni, the disciple of Bhadrabahu, went further south to the Tamil country and preached in the Cola and Pantiya kingdoms. As the Bhadrabahu-Chandragupta legend is found only in relatively late sources, scholars have been hesitant to accept it as a historical event. The TamilBrahmi cave inscriptions, now known to be the earliest Jaina records in South India, provide indirect corroboration of two key elements of the legend. The palaeography of 'Iravatham Mahadevan 2003. Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D. Cre-A : Chennai, India & the Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University, USA (Harvard Oriental Series No. 62).

Page #47
46 SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah the cave inscriptions is consistent with borrowing from Magadha in ca. 3rd century B.C. during the Mauryan Age. The decipherment of the inscriptions has also revealed early links with Karnataka and Old Kannada indicative of the proximate source of Jainism in the Tamil country. The views of some scholars that Jainism reached the Tamil country from Bengal and Orissa and not from Karnataka can no longer be accepted. Samprati and Jainism in the Tamil country Dasaratha and Samprati, grandsons of Asoka, succeeded him and ruled simultaneously from Pataliputra and Ujjain respectively. While Dasaratha seems to have supported the Ajivika faith, Samprati became an ardent supporter of Jainism under the guidance of his preceptor Suhastin. Samprati despatched Jaina missionaries to various regions' in South India including the Damila (Tamil) country. Jaina literary evidence credits the spread of Jainism from Ujjain to the Deccan and other southern countries. Jaina terminology Some of the key words in the inscriptions which help us to have a glimpse of the early phase of Jainism in the Tamil country are discussed below. Titles of monks kani The expression kani (Pkt. gani < Skt. ganin) 'a senior Jaina monk, the head of a gana' occurs four times at Mangulam (ca. 2nd century B.C.) and twice at Alagarmalai (ca. 1" century B.C.). While many terms like acarya, etc., are common to the Brahmanical, Buddhist and Jaina religions, the expression ganin is peculiar to Jaina hierarchy. Thus, the occurrence of this term in Early Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions is conclusive evidence of the occupation of the caves by monks of the Jaina faith. We learn from the Mangulam inscriptions that Kani Nanta-siri (Gani Nanda-sri) was the senior Jaina monk who received the endowments of three hermitages from the kinsmen, vassals or officers of Netunceliyan, the reigning Pantiya king. The inscriptions bear testimony to the support that the Jaina faith received from the Pantiya king, his court and the local merchant guild (nikama < nigama) at this early period. The given name or clan name of the senior Jaina monk was Kuvan, revealing his Tamil origin. This is a significant fact. For, if a native Tamil ascetic could have risen in the Jaina monastic hierarchy to occupy the position of a gani (head of a gana) at this time, then Jainism must have taken root in the Tamil country much earlier, that is, not later than the earlier half of the 3d century B.C..

Page #48
Iravatham Mahadevan, Early Jainism in Taminadu amanan The expression is derived from Ta. camana < Pkt. samana < Skt. sramana 'an ascetic or monk of non-Vedic religions (Ajivika, Buddhist or Jaina)'. However, in the Tamil tradition, the term is exclusively applied to the Jaina monks indicating that the Jaina samana monks reached the Tamil country earlier and that the Buddhist monks who came later had to be given other appellations like cakkiyar, terar, puttar, etc., to distinguish them from the Jaina ascetics. The term amanan occurs first at Mettuppatti (ca. 2nd century B.C.). This inscription records the gift of Utayanan (Udayana) to Attiran, the Jaina monk from Matirai (Madurai). The occurrence of the word in a Tamil-Brahmi inscription of the 2nd century B.C. proves that Jainism had spread to the Tamil country before that date. The linguistic testimony furnished by this word goes further. The use of the evolved form amanan (formed by the loss of the initial c in camanan) shows that the word must have been borrowed into Tamil much earlier to allow sufficient time for the linguistic assimilation and evolution samana > camana > amana. On the basis of this evidence, we may date the spread of Jainism to the Tamil country at least to the 3rd century B.C., if not earlier. The variant form amannan occurs in two later inscriptions from Pugalur (ca. 2nd century A.D.). The inscriptions record the construction of a rock shelter for Cenkayapan, a senior Jaina monk, by King Atan Cel Irumporai to mark the occasion of the investiture of his grandson as the heir apparent (ilanko). The Pugalur inscriptions (ca. 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D.) attest to the support of Jainism by the Cera king, his court and by the merchant community. irasap The expressions upacan at Tiruvadavur and its variant form upaca-an at Kilavalavu and Kongarpuliyankulam dated to ca. 2nd century B.C. are derived from Skt. upadhyaya 'spiritual teacher' through Pkt. upajhaya, uvajha, etc.; cf. Ka. uvajjar and Ta. uvaccan 'teacher'. The upadhyaya is venerated as one of the Pancaparamesthin (along with Arhat, Siddha, Acarya and Muni) by the Jainas. In the Tamil Jaina tradition, the upadhyaya is a lay teacher of scriptures. He functions as the priest in the local Jaina temple and also conducts religious ceremonies in Jaina households. In course of time, with the waning of Jaina influence in the Tamil country, the Uvaccar became priests in the shrines of pitari (< bhatari, originally Jaina) and other village goddesses. Still later, they figure as temple-drummers, dance-masters and musicians in medieval inscriptions. . patantan The expression patantan occurs as the title of a Jaina monk at Anaimalai (ca. 2nd century A.D.). It corresponds to Pkt. bhadanta 'venerable, reverend'. A variant form bhadata occurs as the title of a Jaina monk in an early Prakrit inscription from Mathura. The variant forms bhadamta and bhayamta are attested in Jaina Prakrit works.

Page #49
48 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah att(a)vayi The expression attuvayi in the Anaimalai inscription (ca. 2nd century A.D.) appears to be a title as it is prefixed to a personal name, most probably that of a Jaina monk. The word is probably to be read as attavayi; the scribal error appears to be due to stress on the first syllable in the original Prakrit. The first part of the name is from Pkt. attha < Skt. artha 'meaning', and the second part from Pkt. vayi < Skt. vacin /vadin'one who reads / expounds'. The whole expression attavayi may be interpreted as one who expounds the meaning (of scriptures)'; cf. AMg. atthavaya 'disputation of meaning' (PSM); vacaka/vayaka' preacher' occurring in Prakrit inscriptions. acariyar The expression acariyar and the variant form acirikaru < Skt. acarya 'preceptor' occur as the titles of senior Jaina monks in the Early Vatteluttu inscriptions at Paraiyanpattu and Tirunatharkunru respectively (ca. 6th century A.D.). In the Jaina monastic tradition, especially the Digambara, acarya is a title accorded to very senior monks who are considered to be superior to the upadhyaya in the list of the Five Dignitaries (panca-paramesthin) worshipped daily by the Jainas. manakkar The term literally means 'student' (honorific singular), but occurs at Paraiyanpattu (ca. 6th century A.D.) as a Jaina technical term with the specialised meaning of 'acolyte or disciple' of a senior Jaina monk. In later Jaina inscriptions as at Kalugumalai (Tirunelveli District), the expressions manakkar (masc.) and manakkiyar (fem.) occur in this sense. Titles of nuns pa(m)mitti The expression pa(m)mitti occurs at Alagarmalai (ca. 1st century B.C.) as the title of a Jaina nun named Sapamita (from Pkt. sappamitta < Skt. sarpamitra). The term pammitti appears to be the feminine gender form of pamman (masc.) 'Jaina novice'. The expressions are ultimately derived from Pkt. bamma < Skt. brahma / brahmi. kanti Ce-k-kant(i)-anni and Ce-k-kanti, mother and daughter, figure in the inscription at Nekanurpatti (ca. 4th century A.D.). Both are Jaina nuns as may be seen from the suffixed title kanti. The term kanti is attested as a personal name or title of Jaina nuns in Tamil literary works. The variant form kavunti occurs as the personal name of a senior Jaina nun. The term kanti (variants khanti, ganti) occurs in Kannada inscriptions as an affix to the personal names of Jaina nuns. The expression is probably derived from gamthi (AMg.) 'one who composes a literary work' (PSM) < grantha (Skt.) 'book'.

Page #50
Iravatham Mahadevan, Early Jainism in Taminadu Common religious terms in Tamil-Brahmi and Early Vatteluttu inscriptions Some of the expressions in the Tamil-Brahmi and Early Vatteluttu inscriptions are common to Vedic (Brahmanical) Hinduism and non-Vedic faiths (Ajivika, Buddhist and Jaina). They have been treated in the present study as relating to Jainism taking the overall context into account. atittanam: 'seat, permanent fixed abode'; refers to stone beds in the cave shelters. aram: 'charity, religious life'. urai, uraiyul 'abode of ascetics'. tana: 'religious gift'. namottu: 'Let there be salutation!'; an invocation. palli: "hermitage'; refers to the cave-shelter. dhammam, dhamam: 'religious gift, charity or endowment'. 49 Jaina religious terms in Early Vatteluttu inscriptions Religious terms specific to Jainism or with specialised meanings in the Jaina context occur in the nicitikai inscriptions in Early Vatteluttu at Paraiyanpattu and Tirunatharkunru (ca. 6th century A.D.). The expressions are listed below in alphabetical order with meanings. anacanam: 'abstinence from food'; the Jaina religious penance of fasting unto death. aratani 'worship'; a Jaina technical term for the religious penance of fasting unto death. nicitikai: 'seat of penance' (for fasting unto death). norra, norru: 'who observed / having observed penance'. In Jaina terminology, norral or nonpu refer to religious fasting. mutitta: "who completed'; a Jaina technical term for ending one's life through the penance of fasting unto death. Evolution of Early Jainism in the Tamil country Based on the distribution, frequency and contents of the Jaina inscriptions in TamilBrahmi and Early Vatteluttu, it is possible to discern three distinct stages in the evolution of early Jainism in the Tamil country. Early period (ca. 3-1 centuries B.C.) The earliest Jaina inscriptions in the Tamil country are found in the Pantiya region with most of them clustered around Madurai. The palaeographic evidence indicates that Jainism must have arrived in the Pantiya country not later than the 3d century B.C. The new faith received active support from the Pantiya dynasty and the local merchant communities as indicated by the inscriptions at Mangulam (ca. 2nd century B.C.) and Alagarmalai (ca. 1" century. B.C.). The presence of Old Kannada expressions and personal names in the cave inscriptions, especially at Sittannavasal (ca.1" century. B.C.), points to Karnataka as the route through which Jainism reached

Page #51
SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah the Tamil country. It is also likely that the Tamil-Brahmi script was adapted from the Mauryan Brahmi in the Jaina monasteries (palli) of the Madurai region some time before the end of the 3d century B.C. as the earliest cave inscriptions are dated to about the beginning of the 2nd century B.C. It appears from the absence of reference to sects that the early lithic records in the Tamil caves belong to the period before the schism between the Digambara and Svetambara sects. It is arguable from palaeographic evidence that the Early Tamil-Brahmi cave inscriptions are the earliest lithic records of the Jaina faith in India, as the Mangulam inscriptions of the time of Netunceliyan (Plate 2.1) appear to be earlier than the Jaina Prakrit inscriptions at Mathura and those of Kharavela of Kalinga. 50 Middle period (ca. 1-3 centuries A.D.) There is a sharp fall in the total number of cave inscriptions in this period. The centre of Jainism in the Tamil country appears to have shifted from the Pantiya to the Cera region in the early centuries A.D., as indicated by the sharp fall in the number of inscriptions in the Pantiya country and the equally sharp rise in their number in the Cera country during this period. As in the Pantiya country in the earlier period, Jainism was patronised by kings, and local merchant communities in the Cera country also, as seen from the Pugalur inscriptions of ca. 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D. (Plate 2.2). Contacts with the Jaina community in Karnataka continued in this period also, as indicated by what appear to be Kannada personal names in the inscription at Tirupparankunram (ca. 1" century A.D.). The earliest literary evidence of Jainism in the Tamil country belongs to this period; There is also literary evidence from the Cankam poems that Jaina monasteries (palli) existed in cities like Kaviri-p-pumpattinam and Madurai even during the early centuries A.D.. Late period (ca. 4th - 6th centuries A.D.) The era of natural cave shelters came to an end during this period. The Early Vatteluttu inscriptions at Sittannavasal and Tiruchirapalli (ca. 5th century A.D.) are the last of the Jaina cave shelters in the earlier tradition. A new type of Jaina monuments appears in the Tamil country in the 6th century A.D. in the form of the nicitikai inscriptions at Paraiyanpattu and Tirunatharkunru (Plate 2.3). These are epitaphs engraved on the bare summit of boulders commemorating the places where Jaina ascetics fasted unto death. Even though these Early Vatteluttu inscriptions are earlier in date, they clearly belong to the sallekhana ('religious fasting unto death') tradition of Karnataka which has more numerous examples than the Tamil country. The nicitikai inscriptions represent a fresh wave of influence from Karnataka, though contacts between the Tamil and Kannada Jaina communities existed even earlier in this period. as indicated by the inscription at Nekanurpatti (ca. 4th century A.D.). During most of this period, the Tamil country was under the rule of the Kalabhras, said to be tribal invaders from Karnataka following the Jaina faith. They displaced the traditional Tamil monarchies and held sway over the Tamil country for nearly three centuries

Page #52
Iravatham Mahadevan, Early Jainism in Taminadu 51 until they were expelled in the last quarter of the 6th century A.D. by Katunkon, the Pantiya, from the south and Simhavishnu Pallava from the north. It is, however, significant that there is no inscriptional evidence for increased support to Tamil Jainism during the Kalabhra rule; on the contrary, the number of Jaina inscriptions decreased further during this period reflecting the unsettled conditions following the invasion. The earliest epigraphic evidence for the construction of temples and monasteries in brick and mortar is found in the Pulankurichi inscription of King Centan Kurran (ca. 500 A.D.). There is now a general consensus that he was a Kalabhra ruler as the name Kurran does not occur in the Pantiya dynasty, and as there is clear Kannada influence on the language of the inscription (e.g. avaru, uru, arullittar, etc). The inscription relates to the administrative arrangements made for three places of worship, two of them Hindu (devakulam) and the other Jaina (tapata-ppalli which was located in Madurai). The inscription provides evidence that the Kalabhras, acting in the tradition of the rulers of the land, did not discriminate between the Hindu and Jaina places of worship. Re-occupation of the cave shelters by later Jainas Jainism declined steeply in the Tamil country from about the end of the 6th century A.D. when there was a tremendous upsurge of the Saiva and Vaishnava sects revitalised by the Bhakti movement led by the Nayanmar and Alvars. The Tamil Jainas were persecuted during this period. However, the persecution, uncharacteristic of Indian polity, did not last too long and the rulers resumed grants to the Jaina monasteries (palli) from about the end of the 8th century A.D. as attested by epigraphical evidence from the Pallava and Pantiya regions (8th-10 centuries A.D.). It was during this period of revival that many of the earlier cave shelters with stone beds and Tamil-Brahmi and/or Early Vatteluttu inscriptions were re-occupied by the Jainas who marked their renewed presence with relief sculptures (Plate 2.4) and inscriptions in the Vatteluttu script of the period. Jaina contribution to Tamil Literature No survey of Jainism in the Tamil country, however brief, can be complete without mentioning the enormous contribution made by the Jainas to the growth of Tamil literature from the earliest times up to about the 16th century A.D. While justice cannot be done to this vast subject within the scope of the present study, mention must be made at least of such outstanding works by Jaina authors like Tolkappiyam and Nannul among the grammatical works, Cilappatikaram, Civakacintamani and Perunkatai among the epics, the immortal Kural and Nalatiyar among the ethical works and Tivakaram, Pinkalantai and Cutamani among the lexicons. To this already formidable record may be added what is surely the most basic and fundamental contribution by the Jaina monks to Tamil viz., the development of a script for the language leading to literacy and the later efflorescence of Cankam literature in the early centuries A.D.

Page #53
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Influence of Old Kannada on Tamil-Brahmi Inscriptions The present study has brought to light the hitherto unsuspected influence of Old Kannada on the Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions from a period (ca. 2nd century B.C.-4th century A.D.) anterior to the earliest known Kannada inscriptions and literature, especially from Sittannavasal (ca. 1st century B.C.), Tirupparankunram (ca. 1st century A.D.), Edakal (ca. 3rd century A.D.) and Nekanurpatti (ca. 4th century A.D.). Some of the more interesting lexical items and grammatical usages showing the influence of Old Kannada are listed below. Lexical items Eruminatu is the same as LT erumainatu, the Mysore region (mahisha-mandala) of Karnataka. The word erumi (Ta. erumai, Ka., Tu. erme, Go. ermi) 'buffalo' appears to preserve an ancient dialectal form. kavuti is the personal name of the nun who is described in the inscription as born in a village in eruminalu. cf. Ka. gavudi, gaudi 'feminine of gauda, wife of a gavumda, wife of a village officer'. pocil 'entrance'. The expression occurs as part of the place name tenku-ciru-pocil which appears to be the same as ten-ciru-vayil, mentioned in the later Tamil inscriptions of the region as the name of the natu (territorial division) immediately to the east of the hill at Sittannavasal. pocil is not attested in Tamil and appears to be related to Ka. hosilu (< *posil) 'entrance'. cf. also To. pos 'entrance'. tayiyaru 'mother' (honorific). This is clearly a loanword from Kannada. The word occurs in New Kannada but is not attested in Old Kannada. However, as this inscription from Nekanurpatti is assigned to ca, 4h century A.D. on palaeographic evidence, we have to regard tayiyaru as an Old Kannada word which existed in the spoken language but was not attested in contemporary records. Personal names and honorifics Personal names like ay(c)ca and polal (a), and the suffixed honorifics anni, alp)paand a(y)yan / aiyan appear to be more at home in Old Kannada onomastics. Grammatical usages -a, occurring as the genitive suffix in some inscriptions is not attested in Tamil, but occurs in Old Kannada inscriptions where it is regarded as more ancient than -a. -u, the euphonic suffix to stems ending in liquid consonants (e.g., uru 'village') occurring mostly in the later inscriptions, is not attested in Old Tamil and appears to be due to the influence of Old Kannada, even though the suffix is attested in Kannada inscriptions only from the middle period (ca. 8th century A.D.). Spread of Jainism from Karnataka The presence of Old Kannada elements in the Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions corroborates the traditional account of the spread of Jainism from Karnataka into the Tamil country.

Page #54
Iravatham Mahadevan, Early Jainism in Taminadu 53 Protect the Jaina Monuments The Jaina monuments in the Tamil country face very real danger of serious damage by tourist vandalism and breaking up of the rocks for export of granite. I hope that my publication would help in creating greater awareness on the part of the Central and State Departments of Archaeology and the local citizens to take more vigorous steps to protect and preserve the priceless heritage of Jaina monuments of Tamilnadu.

Page #55
Some Thoughts on the Identification of Jaina Images in Tamilnadu A. EKAMBARANATHAN In the Jaina pantheon, the twenty-four Tirthankaras of the present aeon, commencing from Adinatha to Mahavira, form the pivotal object of veneration. Although all the twenty-four occupy equal position in the pantheon, some of them like Adinatha, Parsvanatha, Mahavira and Neminatha have been popularly worshipped by lay devotees. As a result, their images occur more frequently than others in almost all the parts of peninsular India. In iconographic parlance, all the Tirthankaras except Parsvanatha and Suparsvanatha are represented more or less identical, either seated in ardhaparyankasana or standing in kayotsarga pose. Distinctive personal attributes (weapons, ornaments etc.) as in the case of the Hindu deities, have not been endowed to the Tirthankaras. However, they are attributed with a cognizance each in order to facilitate their identity. Besides, each Tirthankara is attended by a pair of yaksa and yaksi, whose presence at the foot level also reveal the identity of their Masters. The practice of carving emblems or attendant deities on the pedestal of the Tirthankara images is a common feature almost throughout India. But in Tamilnadu, such a practice has not been adopted till about the 18th century A.D., in consequence of which the possibility of identifying earlier images remains uncertain. An attempt has been made, therefore, in this paper to identify some of the Jaina rock-cut images belonging to the 7th-10h centuries with the help of literature, epigraphical records, local traditions and art conventions. Single Tirthankaras Several Jaina caves in Tamilnadu are embellished with beautiful iconic depictions of a single Tirthankara, but most of their identity remains unsettled. Among them, those figures found in places like Panchapandavamalai, Valutalangunam and Arittapatti can be identified with Adinatha on the basis of epigraphical corroboration. The Panchapandavamalai cave temple, near Arcot town, contains a diminutive carving of a seated Tirthankara, surmounted by a triple umbrella and flanked by chauris. This 8th century icon is referred to in a lithic record as "Tiruppanmalai Dever" i.e. the lord of the milky white mountain. In conformity with the Puranic tradition of Adinatha Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV. No. 14 Jaina Rock-Inscriptions at Panchapandavamalai by V. Venkayya: Inscription of Vira-chola, p. 139, line 4.

Page #56
A. Ekambaranathan, Jaina Images in Tamilnadu 55 attaining nirvana on the snow-clad Kailasa mountain, here his images are elegantly styled as "Tirppanmalai Dever", and thereby its identity is made clear. The excellent portrayal of a seated Tirthankara adorning the overhanging rock of the Valutalangunam cave, 14 km. North-East of Tiruvannamalai, was known as "Marutupirasuradever. Although this epigraphical name is incongruous, it appears to mean the Deva born of Marudevi which denotes Adinatha. Arittapatti near Madurai has a fine carving of a Tirthankara seated on a double-lotus pedestal, flanked by two lamps and canopied by a trichatra. This exquisite carly Pandya specimen of the 9th century A.D. was commissioned by the revered monk Ajjanandi who was the foremost Jaina revivalist in the Pandya country.' The clue for its identification lies in the name of the hillock, "Tirruppunaiyanmalai" which means the hillock of that Tirthankara who served as a saviour or as a life-buoy in order to protect human beings when the bhoga-bhumi lost all its charm and wealth. Obviously, Adinatha is indirectly alluded to in this epithet "Tiruppunaiyan". It may be added in this context that similar single sculptures commissioned by Ajjanandi, found at Alagarmalai, Kongarpuliyankulam and Karungalakkudi - all within a radius of 20 km. from Madurai may also represent Adinatha. Their identity. with Adinatha is not improbable even though confirmatory evidence is conspicuously absent. First and last Tirthankaras It was an art convention to depict the first and last Tirthankara together instead of all the twenty-four in a single composition. Non-availability of space to carve the entire group at one place could have initially prompted craftsmen to represent only Adinatha and Mahavira together and finally it became an accepted norm symbolizing the Caturvimsatimurtis. Examples of these two Tirthankaras shown together are reported from the caves Karuppankunru, Eruvadi, Aluruttimalai, Muttuppatti, Uttamapalayam and Vallimalai. Among them, those sculptures from Eruvadi, Muttuppatti and Vallimalai deserve special mention. On the eastern face of the twin hillock (Irattai pottai) at Eruvadi in Tirunelveli district, more or less identical reliefs of Adinatha and Mahavira, each crowned by a trichattra, find place. The renowned monk Ajjanandi' commissioned these two images in the 9th century A.D. His choice of the twin hillock to sculpt the figures of the "Twin" Tirthankaras is praiseworthy, and it was apparently more prompted by intent and less 2 Reading of the inscription given by Pulavar S. Kuppuswamy of Bahur, Pondicherry. 3 See, for instance, Epigraphia Indica vol. IV No. 15 Jaina Rock-Inscriptions at Vallimalai by E. Hultzsch, Inscription "B" p. 141 and South Indian Inscriptions vol. XIV Nos. 126, 129-130 for evidence of Ajjanandi's activity in this area during that time. 4 M. Chandra Murthi, "Ancient Vestiges of Kalinjamalai" (in Tamil), Mukkudai, July 1975, pp. 13-14. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. XIV The Pandyas. Ed. by Late Shri A.S. Ramanathan Ayyar, Madras, 1962, Nos. 129-130, p. 67.

Page #57
SVASTI-Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah by chance. Perhaps, Ajjanandi visualized the two hillocks as symbolic forms of Adinatha and Mahavira. The specimens from Muttupatti near Madurai are remarkable for their elegance and refinement. Adinatha is accommodated within a curvilinear - topped niche, while Mahavira in a rectangular one. Moreover, the image of Mahavira is stouter and sturdier than Adinatha. His shoulders possesses a horizontal contour while that of Adinatha is sloping. This difference, either in the shape of the niche or in the stature of the body, is also clearly discernible in the image of Mahavira from Melapparaipatti, Uttamapalayam, Eruvadi, Kilavalavu and Vallimalai. The Western Ganga sculptures representing Adinatha and Mahavira at Vallimalai in Vellore district are shown seated without the halo behind the head and the triple umbrella above. They are flanked by Sarvanha Yaksa and Ambika Yaksi, which is a common feature in Western Ganga art. Here again, Mahavira's sturdy physique and horizontality of shoulders differeiate him from Adinatha. Jina trios In the case of triple sculptures of Tirthankaras seated alike, as at Sittannavasal, Chettipodavu and Kalugumalai, Mahavira occupies the last place. Besides his physical features are sturdier than the first and second image. Stranglely enough, the sculptured group at Kalugumalai in Tuticorin district has Adinatha, Neminatha and Mahavira accommodated in separate niches and the first two images contain depictions of a dharmacakra and a flaming conch respectively on their pedestal, revealing their identity. Perhaps the sculptor did not intend to show the lion emblem on the pedestal of Mahavira whose identity could be easily understood from his ysical features and the last place assigned to him in a group of sculptures. The presence of lanchanas on the above images is believed to be due to the impact of the Western Ganga art idiom in the Pandya Country The boulder accommodated in the shrine of Malainatha temple at Chittamur, 16 km., north-west of Tindivanam, has a row of sculptures representing Bahubali, Parsvanatha, Adinatha, Mahavira and Ambika Yaksi. Although Mahavira is portrayed in the fourth place, the convention of depicting him next to Adinatha is followed here. Besides, his anatomical features differ from that of Adinatha. Apart from the above sculptures of Mahavira along with others, individual representations of the same Tirthankara are also met with in the caves at Chettipodavu, Kalugumalai, Tirunatharkunru, Tiramalai etc. In these icons, Mahavira is shown seated in ardhaparyankasana with a well-built body and broad shoulders. The bold conception of the physique and horizontality of shoulders are true reflections of 6 A. Ekambaranathan, Kalugumalai and Jainism (in Tamil), p. 36.

Page #58
A. Ekambaranathan, Jaina Images in Tamilnadu 57 Virasvami's (Mahavira) great strength. These features are fully manifest in the hefty sculpture at Chettipodavu near Madurai. In fact, it is because of the presence of this bold image of Mahavira who, according to local belief, resembles a 'Chetti' or a stoutwealthy merchant, that the cave is called Chetti-Podavu. It may not be out of context to state that the single rock-cut images of Mahavira at Chettipodavu, Kalugumalai, Anaimalai and Vallimalai are carved facing the southern direction. Whether these sculptures were intentionally commissioned facing south or merely a coincidence cannot be ascertained precisely. Some scholars have tried to identify certain images with that of Mahavira on the basis of the three front-facing lions carved on the pedestal, mistaking them for his cognizance. These lion figures are suggestive of the simhasana and not of the lanchana of Mahavira. In fact, these motifs occur on the pedestals of the other Tirthankaras (well identified) also, hence, the presence of lions is not a criterion to identify the sculptures of Mahavira. Neminatha, the twenty-second Tirthankara, is popularly known as Sikhamaninatha in Tamilnadu. Here, the convention of carving his image between the sculptures of Adinatha and Mahavira has been adopted in places like Sittannavasal, Kalugumalai, Uttamapalayam, Chettipodavu, Kuppalanattam, etc., where they are shown in a group of three Tirthankaras. At Kalugumalai, the central figure has a depiction of the conch emblem on its pedestal, the presence of which proves the identity of Neminatha. At Uttamapalayam and Anaimalai, the niche containing his image is fashioned like the whorl of a conch, which feature also adds credence to his identification. Sometimes, the presence of Ambika Yaksi to the right side of a Jina image is also taken to be an indication of his identity with Neminatha, as at Ananthamangalam. But this cannot be strictly considered as a rule for his identification. Tirumalai has a unique 16 feet high colossal image of Sikhamaninatha carved on the vertical surface of a huge rock. The very idea of sculpting this imposing figure in the 11th century A.D. is believed to have been inspired by the Bahubali colossus of Sravanabelgola. Parsvanatha, Suparsvanatha Parsvanatha is the most popularly worshipped Tirthankara, who figures prominently in the sculptural art of Tamilnadu. As his image is iconographically different from the stereotyped form of the other Tirthankaras, it captivated the imagination of the artists more than others. As a result, almost all the cave temples in Tamilnadu possess at least one image representing him. In places like Kalugumalai, Uttamapalayam 7H. Sakar in Jaina Art and Architecture, ed. A. Ghosh, New Delhi: Bharatiya Jnanapitha, 1975, Vol. II. 8 P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India and some Jaina Epigraphs, Sholapur, 1957 (Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala No. 6), p. 37. A. Ekambaranathan, Tirumalai and its Jaina temples in Tamil), p. 48.

Page #59
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Pechipallam, Kilavalavu, Ananthamangalam and Vallimalai recurrent versions of Parsvanatha are commissioned, revealing the popularity of his worship. Parsvanatha's identity can be easily resolved by the presence of a five-hooded serpent canopy above his head. Besides, the serpent's body is shown descending down in zigzag manner behind the Jina. However, a solitary specimen from Uttamapalayam contains a seven-hooded serpent above his head, similar to the sculptures from Karnataka. In rock-cut panels, due to the availability of sufficient space, Parsvanatha is accompanied by Padmavati to his left and Dharanendra or the kneeling Kamatha to his right side. The boulder-wielding Kamatha is also shown at the top corner. The kneeling figure to the right side of Parsvanatha is mistakenly identified by scholars with that of Dharanendra. But it actually represents Kamatha repenting for his sin of causing disturbance to the penance of Parsva. Although the practice of sculpting Dharanendra with folded arms on the right side of Parsva is common in other parts of India, he is replaced by kneeling Kamatha in Tamilnadu. However, it is only at Karuppankunru, near Madurantakam, that Dharanendra, having a serpent hood on his crown, is seen with his arm held in anjali. Here, the serpent canopy reveals Dharanendra's identity. Suparsvanatha, the seventh Tirthankara, also resembles Parsvanatha in form, but his image in Tamilnadu is shown canopied by only a three-hooded serpent above the head. Suparsva is hardly represented in the rock-art of Tamilnadu. Only very few modern bronzes representing Suparsva are reported from the Jaina temples under worship in and around Vandavasi, Ginjee and Tindivanam. Apart from the above identifiable images of the Tirthankaras, several sculptures of the Jinas, either shown seated or standing are also found in many cave temples. But they cannot be definitely identified for want of any supportive evidence. Yaksas and Yaksis Among the twenty-four yaksas, only Sarvanha and Dharanendra appear in the rock art of Tamilnadu. Similarly, only Ambika and Padmavati, among the yaksis, figure in the cave temples. The earliest example of Dharanendra, dated to the gth century A.D., is seen in the Chokkampatti unfinished rock-cut temple in Tirunelveli district. Here, he is portrayed like a Dvarapalaka, with the right arm raised above (for holding a flower bud or to express tarjanimudra) and the left placed on a mace. A three-headed serpent adorns his crown. This image differs very much from the later standardized figures of Dharanendra, hence differently identified as a Naga king or simply a king by scholars." Other sculptures of Dharanendra are represented in rock art as a fivehooded serpent sheltering the head of Parsvanatha. Sometimes, he appears in therioanthropormorphic form, holding camaras in his arms, above the head of Parsva. Such 10 A. Ekambaranathan, Jaina Iconography in Tamilnadu, p. 107. "1 A. Ekambaranathan, Jaina Iconography in Tamilnadu, p. 107.

Page #60
A. Ekambaranathan, Jaina Images in Tamilnadu specimens are reported from Kalugumalai, Anaimalai and Pechchipallam. At Karuppankunru only, he is shown as a five-hooded serpent as well as in complete human form with his arms held in anjali to the right side of Parsvanatha. Sarvanha is rarely represented in the early art of Tamilnadu. It is only at Kalugumalai and Vallimalai that his images are seen accompanying the Tirthankara. In the former place, he is depicted as a stumpy figure on the pedestal of Adinatha, while in the latter he is shown seated on the mastaka of his elephant mount to the right side of Adinatha and Mahavira group of sculptures. This 9th century Western Ganga specimen from Vallimalai has been mistakenly identified by scholars with Matanga Yaksa due to the presence of the elephant vehicle.2 Sarvanha and Ambika enjoy the unique position of accompanying all the Tirthankaras till about the 11th century A.D. throughout India, and the same is followed at Vallimalai also. Apart from Dharanendra and Sarvanha other yaksas do not appear in the 7th-10th century art of Tamilnadu. * Among the yaksis, Ambika occupies the pivotal position and Padmavati comes next in the order of priority. The remaining yaksis do not appear in rock art at all. Jaina caves at Chitral, Kalugumalai, Anaimalai, Cholpandiapuram, Vallimalai, Tirumalai, Chittamur etc. have lovely images of the goddess datable to the 8th to 10th centuries. She is generally shown seated or standing with her two children and lady attendant in diminutive form at her foot level. The lion vehicle is also carved by her side or on the pedestal. In some places as at Kalugumalai, Tirumalai, Anaimalai and Panchapandavamalai, her husband in the previous birth (Somasarman) is also portrayed admiring the golden form of the yaksi. The excellent sculpture of the golden yaksi (Ponniyakki) at Panchapandavamalai near Arcot town was caused to be made by the monk Naganandi in the year 780 A.D." This image has been mistakenly identified by scholars with Siddhayika and Jvalamalini.' But the presence of her two children, a lady attendant and the lion vehicle at her foot level and her husband Somasarman on the right side proves beyond doubt her identity with Ambika Yaksi. Moreover her name" Ponniyakki" mentioned in the 8th century lithic record refers to Ambika only as evidenced by literature as well as local tradition." A rare form of a yaksi, shown as a warrior goddess riding on a lion and fighting with a person on elephant's back is met with in the Chettipodavu cave near Madurai. This 9th 12 I.K. Sharma, Temples of the Western Gangas of Karnataka, p. 191. 13 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV, No. 14 Inscription of Nandippottarasar, pp. 136-137. 14 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV, pp. 136-137. 15 Appandainathar Ula, line 78.

Page #61
- SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah century low relief is also mistakenly identified with Siddhayika by some scholars.16 Actually, it stands for Ambika Yaksi as Simhavahini, holding a bow and an arrow in her arms and getting ready to fight with a wicked person mounted on an elephant. The same episode is preserved in the Tottiratirattu, a Jain work of the late medieval times." Very likely, it was based on some local tradition, the sculpture had been carved unusually so as to gain popular appeal. Padmavati Yaksi is accorded a lesser position than Ambika, even though her iconic form was introduced in art a little earlier than the latter. Generally, she is represented as an accompanying figure of Parsvanatha and sometimes as an independent cult deity also. Independent images of the goddess are sculpted in a few places like Chokkampatti, Vallimalai, Kalugumalai and Ayirimalai. The unfinished 8th century rock-cut specimen at Chokkampatti depict her like a dvarapalika with her right arm raised in anjali and her left one hanging down. The projected part above her crown was intended for a snake-hood. This image had been variously identified by earlier writers as a queen or a lady-donor." But her identity with Padmavati is certain as the other side of the entrance contains an image of Dharanendra, her husband, who is also depicted like a dvarapalaka. The 9th century Vallimalai sculpture of the yaksi, seated in sukhasana, possessing arkusa, pasa, lotus and a fruit in her four arms and adorned with a serpent canopy above her crown, is also wrongly identified with Srutadevi by scholars like C. Sivaramamurti and I.K. Sharma." The iconic features and attributes of this goddess are in conformity with the textual description of Padmavati only. At Kalugumalai, she is more elegantly portrayed than the above specimen and endowed with four arms carrying an arkusa, pasa, lotus and fruit. Her head is decorated with a five-hooded serpent canopy, arranged conically to accommodate her tall crown. Besides, she is flanked by two lady camaradaris having a single serpent hood on their crowns. In the case of Padmavati as an accompanying figure of Parsvanatha, she is generally shown holding a long-handled umbrella extending over the head of the Jina. In some panels, she simply stands to the left side of Parsva with her right arm raised in anjali while the left hangs down. Yaksis other than Ambika and Padmavati do no appear in the rock-art of Tamilnadu between the 7th and 10th century A.D. 16 P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 59. R. Chamapakalakshmi, op. cit., p. 121. 17 P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 59. R. Chamapakalakshmi, op. cit., p. 121. 18 C. Sivaramamurti, op. cit., p. 40. 19 C. Sivaramamurti, Panorama of Jain Art - South India, New Delhi, 1983, p. 57. I.K. Sharma, op. cit., p. 188.

Page #62
An Interesting Jaina Inscription from Varanga (Karnataka) Shrinivas RITTI Varanga is a small village situated in the Karkala taluk of South Kanara District of Karnataka State. It was a flourishing Jaina religious centre in the medieval days. It was considered as one of the most sacred seats of the Jainas along with Dilli, Malayadri, Vijayanagara and Potta Ponbuchcha (Sri-nija-ghatikasthana-Dilli-MalayadriVijayanagara-Varanga-Potta-Pombuchcha-chaturvidha-siddha-simhasana).' Dr. Desai found this list in a Pattavali or the genealogical list of the pontificate of the Jaina basadi at Malkhed in Karnataka. Incidentally, Dr. Desai also equated Malayadri with Malkhed. Interestingly his conjecture is vindicated by an inscription at Varanga itself which contains an almost similar statement in relation to a Jaina saint at Varanga (Dhilli-Maleyakheda-Vijayanagara-sajjana dharma-simhasanadhisvara).? It may be noted that the latter statement replaces Malayadri with Maleyakheda which is the same as Malkhed. In a legendary fashion another inscription from Varanga seems to indicate that the place name Varanga came from a dignitary of that name (Varanganemba mahapurusam dharmavam madi). In fact it was not Varanga alone but the whole of Karnataka that was a congenial ground for the growth and thriving of Jainism throughout the historical period. Right from the days of the early Kadambas of the 4th-6th cent. A.D., down the end of the rule of Vijayanagara up to 17th cent, Jainism received benevolent patronage not only from the ruling class but also from the trading community and the general public. This is vouchsafed by the vast amount of Jaina literature produced in this period, numerous Jaina monuments in the form of basadis and sculptures that dot the whole of Karnataka landscape and the very large number of Jaina inscriptions that are spread over the entire land of Karnataka. Rightly therefore has an inscription averred that Karnataka was the abode of Jainism (Idu Jainavasam-adattu . . . . . charu-Karnatadesam). The inscription under discussion is found engraved on a slab set up in the outer Varandah of the famous Neminatha basadi at Varanga. It pertains to the rule of the Vijayanagara king Krsnadevaraya and is dated Saka 1437, Bhava, Magha su 5, Friday, P.B.Desai, Jainism in South India, Sholapur, 1957, p. 195. 2 South Indian Inscriptions, (SII) Vol. XXVII, 2001, No. 252, p. 396, line 62. 3 Ibid., No. 242, p.381, line 47. * For the full text of the inscription see Ibid., No. 164.

Page #63
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah corresponding to 1515 A.D., January 19, Friday. The main purpose of the record is to register the renewal of a grant which had lapsed over years. As the record puts it, Devendrakirtti-bhattaraka, the presiding priest of the Neminatha basadi brought to the notice of the king Krsnadevaraya who possibly visited the basadi in Varanga in the course of a pilgrimage (dharma-prasanga) that, earlier, the then king Devaraya II (1422-46 A.D.) had made a grant of certain lands for the worship and offerings to the Jina Neminatha of Varanga and for the feeding of the ascetics there. But due to the ignorance or indifference (ajnana dosadimda) of the seniors or the elders i.e., the predecessors of Devendrakirti, the grant-lands had elapsed (vrtti-ksetragalu nastavada sambandha) since they were infested with wild growth (kadanu belesidda karana). Obviously the ascetic appealed to the king to revive the grant. Thereupon the king ordered Ratnappa-odeya, the governor of Tulu-rajya to look into the matter. The latter got the wild growth cleared and entrusted as much land as was specified in the previous grant (purva-sasana-pramaninalli). It was also stipulated that 1. The government has nothing to do with the trees like jackfruit, mango, coconut and betel-nut grown in the grant-land and that the donees alone should enjoy them. 2. There would be no monetary transactions (arthartha-vrtti) between the government and donees, pertaining to the grant-land, i.e., the donees were not obliged to pay any rent or tax to the government. More interesting part of the story is that a record of the grant said to have been made earlier by Devaraya has been found in the form of an inscription in the Neminatha basadi itself at Varanga. It is set up in the inner shrine of the basadi. The record is dated Saka 1346, Krodhi, Pusya su 6, Wednesday, corresponding to 1424 A.D., December 27, Wednesday. This situation positively reflects on the system of keeping official records, which were obviously maintained systematically. There is a gap of 91 years between the two records. Devendrakirti of the inscription of 1515 A.D., must have come to know about the grant through some document such as a copper-plate grant or a palm leaf record preserved in the pontificate of the Neminatha basadi. Of course the inscription of 1424 A.D., was very much there in the public gaze, in the basadi itself. The inscription of 1515 A.D., states that the ascetics of the Neminatha basadi belonged to the Mula-sangha, Balatkara-gana and Sarasvati-gachcha which came down from the sage Kundakundacharya. The spiritual genealogy of the ascetics is given as below: The first named Vidyananda belonged to the lineage of Kundakundacharya. His successor on the religious seat (tadiya-patta) was Vadindra. His successor was Vidyananda. The latter's successor was Bhattaraka and his disciple (sisya) was Vardhamana. This Vardhamana is the same as Vardhamana, mentioned in the Ibid., No. 98.

Page #64
Shrinivas Ritti, Jaina Inscription from Varanga inscription of 1424 A.D., who was the recipient of the grant by the king Devaraya. This is clear from the fact that in the latter record also, Vardhamana is described as the disciple (tat-sisya) of Bhattaraka. This Bhattaraka also belonged to the same sangha, gana and gachcha mentioned above. Devendrakirti-bhattaraka who was instrumental in the renewal of the grant is mentioned immediately after Vardhamana, the recipient of the earlier grant. But he cannot be assumed to be the immediate successor of Vardhamana, since there is a gap of 91 years between the two. At least three generations must have passed between the two. This is also indicated by the statement of the inscription of 1515 A.D., which states that the seniors (hiriya) or the predecessors of Devendrakirti were responsible for the negligence and the consequent disuse of the grant. This happening also anticipates lapse of considerable time in between. Yet another inscription also from Varanga which is set up in the same basadi, and is dated in 1522 A.D., mentions the names of Bhattaraka and Vardhamana as preceptor and disciple respectively. These names are followed by Devendrakirti-bhattaraka, but without specific mention of relationship between the two. This also suggests that there was a gap of time between Vardhamana and Devendrakirti. Devendrakirti appears to have occupied an honoured position in his period. The inscription of 1522 A.D., mentioned above, describes him as occupying the noble dharma-simhasana of Dhilli (i.e., Delhi), Maleyakheda (i.e., Malkhel in Gulburga district) and Vijayanagara. His disciple Immadi Bhairvarasa, the chief of KalasaKarkala decorated the Neminatha basadi with copper sheets and granted a village renaming it Bhairavapura, for the worship and offerings of the deity. The inscription under study gives yet another interesting information. We have seen above that the inscription gives the spiritual genealogy of the pontificate of the Neminatha basadi. It states that Vadindra, the second in the list was given the title Vadi-vaibhava (the glory of disputations) by Mahamanda Suritana i.e., Mahamad Sultan (Mahamanda-suritana dattaya Vadi-vaibhavah). The text is not grammatically correct but it indicates that Vadindra was given the title Vadi-vaibhava by Mahamanda-Suritrana. The question is as to who this Mahamanda-Suritrana i.e., Muhammad Sultan, was, who honoured the Jaina saint. Vardhamana was the contemporary of Devaraya II while Vadindra lived 3 generations earlier. Alloting the usual 25 years for each generation, Vadindra can be placed in around 1350 A.D., i.e., during the period of Bukka I. Which Muhammad Sultan could be the contemporary of Bukka I? Indeed, Muslims had already come to stay on the northern borders of the Vijayanagara empire and the Bahmani kingdom was just then rising. The second ruler viz., Mahammad Shah of this dynasty could be the contemporary of Bukka I. But it is difficult to connect him in any way with South Kanara. Ibid., No. 252.

Page #65
64 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The inscription of 1522 A.D. mentioned above also gives the genealogical details of these saints. It also mentions Vadindra's predecessor Vidyananda and seems to associate him with Ahamanda-suratana of Venapura. But since the concerned portion of the inscription is damaged, it is difficult to know the exact import of the passage. While Ahamanda can be equated with Mahamanda of the inscription of 1515 A.D., it is difficult to ascertain his relationship with the ruling king. Though it may be surmised that he could be an officer at Venapura i.e., Venur (presently a village near Karkala) under Immadi Bhaiavarasa it is difficult to imagine that the Muslims were holding some position under the Vijayanagara rulers in so early a period. The imprecatory verses in inscriptions generally state that those who transgress a grant would go to hell or something like that. But interestingly, the inscription under study prescribes the payment of heavy penalty for violating the grant: sadhanakke tappidavaru tatha-tithiyimda himde ayivattu varusada hinayada honnanu rayabhandarakke teruveu i.e., he would pay to the royal treasury, as penalty, an amount equal to the income of 50 years backwards, from the said date i.e., 19th January 1515 A.D., which is the date of the record. The points of interest are the terms tatha-tithi and hinayada honnu. Tatha-tithi figures elsewhere also and its exact English equivalent is 'the said date.' The term hinayada honnu appears here for the first time and we are inclined to interpret it as money for humiliation i.e., penalty for having committed a crime. The verses leveling curses on the wrong doers are also interesting and unusual in this inscription. One such verse says that the transgressor is like the one who mixes deadly poison (singi) in the plate of food (harivana) of the king, he is like the one who destroys with his own hand, his whole family, and he is like the one who breaks the idol of his own favourite deity.

Page #66
Donation Pattern to the Jinalayas as gleaned from Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh C.S. VASUDEVAN The Kannada inscriptions from Andhra Pradesh throw light on various aspects of political, social, economic and religious conditions that prevailed during the early medieval and medieval period. There are as many as one thousand Kannada inscriptions that have been reported from Andhra Pradesh and we may sure that many would see the light of the day in the coming years. In this sequel, an attempt is made to understand the Kannada inscriptions of Jaina affiliation from Andhra Pradesh. Out of one thousand Kannada records, very few inscriptions provide information pertaining to Jaina religious order and also the socio-economic aspects. The inscriptions belong to Rashtrakuta, Chalukyas of Vemulavada, Chalukyas of Kalyana, Nolambas and the Vijayanagara dynasties, which fact testifies that Jainism was popular and enjoyed better status for over a period of five centuries. Of all these dynasties, it was during the Chalukyas of Kalyana times that Jainism received greater impetus and patronage, as attested to by the large number of their inscriptions. As already pointed out, it is attempted to reconcile and reconstruct the socio-economic aspects from the data as recorded in the Kannada inscriptions found in this region. The Kannada epigraphs of Jaina affiliation are found from the districts of Anantapur, Hyderabad, Karimnagar, Kurnool, Mahaboobnagar, Medak, Nalgonda Nizamabad and Warangal. And the maximum number of inscriptions is from Anantapur while the least is from Warangal. The earliest inscription is from Velamjala dated to 907 A.D. and belongs to the reign of the Rashtrakuta king Akalavarsha (Krishna II). It records a gift of 100 mattars of land and a garden to a basadi by a certain Ravichandrayya, a subordinate of the king! Another inscription from Halaharavi also belongs to the same dynasty and mentions that the feudatory of the king Nityavarsha (Govinda IV) was Kannara who was ruling This article is a revised and enlarged version of the article published in Kevalabodhi. The details are as follows: 'Kannada Inscriptions of Jaina Affiliation from Andhra Pradesh', Kevala Bodhi (Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan) - The BSL Commemorative Volume, (Ed.) Aloka Parasher-Sen, Vol. II, pp. 291-298. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh - Nalgonda (hereafter IAP, Nal.) I, No. 1; Vasudevan C. S., (Ed.), Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh (hereafter KIAP), No. 860. 2 South Indian Inscriptions (hereafter SII), IX, Pt. I, No. 62; (Also See. No. SII, IX, Pt. I, No. 60). Jainism in Andhra, No. 19; KIAP, No. 508.

Page #67
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah over Sindavadi-1000. The latter's wife Chandiyabbe is said to have constructed a basadi in Nandavara and endowed it with land and 3 gold gadyanas. Kannara seems to have been a protector of both the Jainas and the Saivas. Two more records from Tummalagudem also belong to the same period, viz, 10th century and they state about the gifts given to the Jinalayas. The first record' mentions the gift of wet land along with the income from siddhaya to the Jayadhira-Jinalaya by the Chief Ratta Sankaragandarasa bearing the epithets Jayadhira, Bhuvanaikarama, Abhimana-dhavala, Rattarameru, etc. The second epigraph registers a gift of ni[ru]nela by a certain Sankaragandarasa who had a title Rattarameru to the Jayadhira Jinalaya. It is a known fact that the Chalukyas of Vemulavada patronized Jainism. A recordo dated 968 A.D. from Repaka refers to the reign of the king Arikesari and introduces a Chief by name Vijaya Gavunda and records his gift of lands to a Jinalaya built by him. The record is in both Kannada and Sanskrit. The Sanskrit verse gives the genealogy of a family of disciples of the Jaina faith who were ruling Atukuru-70 and Pammi-12. This proves that the strings of administration were in the hands of persons belonging to the Jaina faith. The oft-quoted Kurkiyala inscription? belongs to the time of Arikesari II of the Chalukyas of Vemulavada. It mentions the installation of the two adyanta jinas, Chakresvari, i.e., first and the last Jaina Tirthankaras on the hillcok called Vrishabharigi and the construction of a basadi called Tribhuvanatilaka, a tank called Kavitagunarnava and a garden named Madanavilasa by Jinavallabha, son of Bhimapayya and Vabbanabbe and the younger brother of the famous poet Pampa alias Kavitagunarnava. The inscription furnishes valuable information regarding the genealogy and origin of Kannada poet Pampa, the author of the Vikramarajunavijaya, whose ancestors are stated to have belonged to Vangiparru in Kamma-nadu. The inscription being trilingual is in prose and poetry in the characters of about the 10th century A.D.. During the period of Chalukyas of Kalyana, we notice that Jinalayas or basadis were built and endowed with gifts. The majority of the records under review belong to the Chalukyas of Kalyana period, unlike the earlier period. An epigraph of 1012 A.D. now preserved in the Hyderabad Musuem refers to the reign of the Chalukya king The numeric suffixes attached to the proper names denote the number of villages or hamlets located within the administrative units. * AREp., 1973-74, No. B 19; APAREP, 1965, No. 279; IAP, Nal. I, No. 15; Jainism in Andhra, No. 63; KIAP, No. 877. SAPAREp, 1965, No. 279; KIAP, No. 878. 6 Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh - Karimnagar (hereafter IAP, Kr.), No. 5; Jainism in Andhra, No. 36; KIAP, No. 433. 7 APAREP, 1966, No. 178; IAP, Kr. No. 3; EA, II, No. 3; Jainism in Andhra, No. 65; AREP, 1966-67, No. B 1; Bharati, March 1967, pp. 10-23; KIAP, Nos. 428-429. & EA, II, No. 7; Jainism in Andhra, No. 48 E; KIAP, No. 391.

Page #68
C.S. Vasudevan, Donation Pattern to the Jinalayas 67 Tribhuvanamalladeva camping on the bank of a streamlet Payani with a view to conquer the North and overthrow Bhijadeva of Malva and registers a grant of lands to the Jina Parshvadeva of Indra Jinalaya at Chilkuru. Another record from the same Museum dated 1027 A.D. records the gift of 50 mattars of black land, 50 mattars of akade, 1 ghuna for the lamp and 1 mattar for a flower garden in the rajadhani (capital) Periya Mosangi to the Jaina basadi constructed by Basavoja under the direction of Sodera Vadeyora Revanayya at the request of Tambipattana Basavoja by the king's daughter Sahaja Vedangi, Somaladevi, while camping at the Appayana-vidu of Pulipodaru with the consent of her ministers. In this record a princess made the donation. Before making the donation, she got the approval of her ministers, a fact which underlines the power she enjoyed in making donations or taking decisions. An inscription from Saidapur, belonging to the reign of Jagadekammalladeva as ruling from the capital Pottalakere in 1034 A.D. records that the king at the request of Vaidyaratnakara Pranacharya Aggalayya made a gift to a Jaina temple Buddhasena Jinalaya at Mucchupalli constructed by Aggalayya himself and Vaidyaratnakara Jinalaya at Ikkuriki in Alur-40 which was a Kampana of Kollipake-7000. The Sanskrit portion of the record extols the greatness of the physician Aggalayya, a specialist in surgery and his capacity to cure severe diseases. A certain Jakabbe's Katte basadi is also referred to in the record. The importance of the record, like the previous instance, lies in the fact that the king makes the donation on the request of the person who constructed the Jinalaya. A record of 1051 A.D. from Sanigaram is interesting". It refers to the reign of the king Trailokyamalladeva and his Mahasamanta Kakatiya Betarasa. This records that Beta's Pergade Vaijaraja's son Naranayya renovated the Duddahmalla Jinalaya of Sanagara and endowed it with a ratana after obtaining the consent of the local gamundas Muppadayya and Punnireddi. Kakatiya Beta mentioned here is obviously Beta I. It is curious to note the ratana i.e., pulley is gifted to the temple. It is very rare to gift such items to the temple. We have very few references of making such gifts to the religious institutions. Besides endowing the temples with land and other gifts, it was also a common practice during the medieval and early medieval period to donate the taxes and levies. Generally, the king or a person authorized by him was empowered to make such donations. An inscription, dated 1056 A.D., from Kolanupaka is interesting. It opens with a Sanskrit verse describing the earth followed by a Kannada verse in the Kanda metre in praise of Jagadekamalladeva. It begins with the well-known Chalukyan AREp, 1960-61, No. B 16; APAREP, 1965, No. 169; HAS, No. 18, pp. 42-43; KIAP, No. 367. 10 IAP, Nal. I, No. 5; Jainism in Andhra No. 40; KIAP, No. 858. 11 EA, IV, No. 9-1; IAP, Kr. No. 14; Bharati 49-50; pp. 45-57; Jainism in Andhra, No. 42; KIAP, No. 437. 12 APAREP, 1965, No. 280; IAP, Nal II, No. 3; Jainism in Andhra, No. 45; KIAP, No. 815.

Page #69
68 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah prasasti, Manavyasa gotram, etc., and refers to the Chalukya family as the birth place of Samasta-Lokasraya, Vishnuvardhana, Vijayaditya and other famous kings, the subduers of the Nala, the Durjaya, the Prithu-Kadamba, the Maurya, the Rashtrakuta and the Kalachuri dynasties. Then it mentions Trailokyamalladeva ruling from Malikonda-Uppayanavidu. On the said date, S. 978, Durmukhi, Pushya, Punnami (15), Uttarayana Sankramana equivalent to Tuesday, 24 December 1056 A.D., the king made a gift of tala-vritti, bitti, pannasa, kere, nirunela, ratanam, tomta, kereyabu and manneya and cess to the ascetics of the Kuruma matha-sthanas, the gurus of Jinabasadis and temples in Jattupura in Kollipaka freeing them thereby from impediments at the request of Preggada Chavundayya and Dandanayaka Kavanabhatta. We have references to the donation of land and other gifts to the basadis." Another record from the same place viz, Kolanupaka is important as it registers. restoration of a grant made earlier. The epigraph' records the restoration of some lands in Juvvikunte and Nidungaluru originally granted by Sankragauda of the Rashtrakuta family by a copper plate charter to the basadis at Revundi and Nerila built by him and subsequently alienated from the basadis unjustly, by the queen at the request of Mahasandhivigrahi dandanayaka Kesimayya and on the representation of Rebbi-setti and the Karanas headed by Perggade Appanayya on the occasion of a solar eclipse. Mahasamanta Melarasa was then governing Kollipake-7000 in 1067 A.D.. This record proves that the queen was also empowered to take decision in the administration, while the princess was not empowered to act on her own. However, during the time of the Chalukyas of Kalyana, along with land, a flower garden, oil-mill and house-sites were also gifted as a donation package. This is true in respect of both Saiva and Vaishnava temples. A record's from Konakondla mentions Mahamandalesvara Joyimayyarasa, subordinate of Tribhuvanamalladeva, as ruling over Sindavadi-1000 in 1081 A.D.. It states that, for the service of the Jaina god in the basadi called Chatta-Jinalaya erected by Nalikabbe in memory of her husband in Kondakundeya-tirtha, Joyimayyarasa made a grant of 30 mattars of land, a flower garden, an oil-mill and 8 house sites. A widow Nalikabbe erected a Jinalaya in memory of her husband, which is interesting from sociological point of view. During the period under review, the widows also enjoyed some respectable social status and were not looked down by the contemporary society. An inscription from Alladurg registers a gift of two martars of gadde (wet land) for feeding the ascetics in the Kirtivilasa Santi-Jinalaya by the king's subordinate 13 AREP, 1961-62, No. B 57; Bharati, 40-8, August 1963; KIAP, No. 791(from Kohir); AREP, 1962-63, No. 217; KIAP, No. 790 (from Chintalaghat); APAREP, 1966, No. 306; Jainism in Andhra, No. 47; KIAP, No. 894 (from Bodhan). 14 AREP, 1961-62, No. B. 93 (Ref. No. 273 of 1965, APAREp.); AREP, 1961-62, No. B 93; Jainism in Andhra, 47; KIAP, Nos. 818-819. 15 SII, IX, Pt. I, No. 150; KIAP, No. 57. 16 APAREP, 1966, No. 261; HAS, No. 3, No. 39; Jainism in Andhra, No. 52; KIAP, No. 769.

Page #70
C.S. Vasudevan, Donation Pattern to the Jinalayas 69 Mahamandalesvara Ahavamalla Permanadi. Kamaladeva Siddhanti received the gift in 1084 A.D.. Kamala Siddhanti was probably the head of the Jaina temple. Kirtivilasa is the title of the king and the temple was probably named after him or got constructed by him. A record from Pudur dated Chalukya Vikrama year 12, Prabhava, Paushya, Amavasya equivalent to Sunday 26 December 1087 A.D., states that the Mahamandalesvara Hallavarasa of Pumduru who is described as Muchukundurp-Puravaresvara, etc., granted betel leaves, betel nuts, lands, shops, house-sites etc., in Punduru and the income from levy of 2 pana from every village in Ayije-300, on the occasion of Uttarayana Sankranti to the Pallava Jinalaya belonging to the Dravila Samgha after laving the feet of his preceptor Kanakasena bhattaraka." Yet another record" from Gobbur, Raichur district of Karnataka, now preserved in the State Museum at Hyderabad records the gift of money at specified rates by the nakharas, the officers of the mint (Kammatada-adhikarigalu) and the Kammatakaras of agrahara Hiriya Gobburu, to the Brahma Jinalaya for conducting the Chaitra-pavitra in 1109 A.D.. The grant of money was a rarity during the Chalukyas of Kalyana period. The donation, in the majority of cases, included land, both wet and dry, flower garden, and house-sites. As an exception, in this record, income from levy, shops, betel leaves and betel nuts were also gifted. The granting of betel leaves and betel nuts to the temple occupied an important place in the religious rites from early medieval period and continued even during the Vijayanagara period. Another epigraph from Kolanupaka registers the gift of 2 mattars of gadde (wet land) and flower garden and a gana (oil-mill) to the Jinalaya built by him by Mandalika Gomarasa. The gift was entrusted to Chandrasenacharya, probably the priest of the Jinalaya.19 The Bairanipalli inscription mentions the installation of a Jaina image and the gifts of a mango garden, 20 mattars of karamba land and other lands for repairs of the temple and feeding of the ascetics by Biramaraddi, the dandanayaka of the capital Bhuvanagiri and the 120 karanams of Bekkallu20 in 1125-26 A.D.. At the end of the inscription there is a lengthy description of the donor in Kannada verse, wherein he is said to have belonged to vitti-vamsa of the Raddi caste. Other gifts to the same Jinalaya by Punniraddi of Nanganuru and Reviraddi of Vallampatla are recorded. In this record along with dandanayaka, the officials joined hands in making the donation. The gifting of mango garden to the temple is interesting. The mention that the donor belonged to vitti-vamsa is very interesting. The term vitti is a derived from the 17 APAREP, 1965-66, No. B 28; Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series (hereafter APGAS), III, Mn. No. 58 and No. 33; Jainism in Andhra, No. 53; KIAP, No. 730. 18 AREP, 1960-61, No. B 21; APAREp, 1965, No. 180; HAS, No. 18 p. 51. 19 APAREP, 1965, No. 257; IAP, Nal II, No. 10; Jainism in Andhra No. 56; KIAP, No. 832. 20 AREP, 1983-84, No. B 7; APAREP, 1966, No. 314; IAP, Wr, No. 67; Jainism in Andhra, No. 67; KIAP, No. 902; Hampa Nagarajaiah, 'Shasanagalalli bittakula - Parishilane', Chandrakode, pp. 149-151.

Page #71
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Sanskrit word vista or visti and later got transformed to vitti in Prakrit and later got into Kannada. Vitti or Bitti in Kannada means free labour. Even in the Tamil inscriptions the term vetti is found that is equivalent to vitti or bitti. In course of time, the practice of free labour was dropped but survived as a tax. Kannada inscriptions have numerous such references of vitti being used as a tax term. The profession of collection of taxes by the tax-collectors was hereditary and their lineage is referred to in the inscriptions as vitti-vamsa or vitti-kula (persons belonging to a tax-collector's lineage). It would not be wrong to identify the person mentioned in this record as belonging to such a tax collector's lineage. Hampa. Nagarajaiah has rightly pointed out that such persons belonged to Jaina faith and were subordinates of Chalukyas of Kalyana. The mercantile community also never lagged behind in making donations to the temple. An inscription from Jadacherla refers to the reign of Yuvaraja Tailapa ruling over Kanudr-nadu and Bammisetti of the Virabalanjiga community has caused the construction of a Chaityalaya, the deity being Parsvanatha at Ganagapura, after washing the feet of Meghachnadra Siddhantadeva in 1125-26 A.D.. It also refers to the grant given by the merchant guild, Ayyavole 500, Muvattaru bidugalu, Maridamada, samasta ubhaya nanadesiya settis, for the maintenance of the Chaityalaya.21 Meghachandra Siddharathadeva belonged to Kanurgana, Meshapashanagachha. In the record the date mentioned is S. 1047 and the local ruler is king Bhulokamalla. However according to other records available, Tribhuvanamalla was still ruling in 1125 A.D. Another record, of the time of Chalukya king Somesvara IV, from Ujjili registers the gift of the income derived from the tax Vaddaravula and a tank with the adjoining land for the offerings and worship of the god in the Jaina temple, called Baddi Jinalaya, situated in the fort of Jivolal, the capital of Kallakelagu Nadu.22 The gift was made after laving the feet of Indrasena Pandita, the priest of the temple, by Bhanudeva, the army officer of the same nadu with the concurrence of Kesavayya of the region. An undated record from Togarakunta records the grant of two flower gardens and house sites by the Dandanayaka Kommanayya and others to the basadi of Chandraprabhadeva at Togarikunte in Kudiyape-40 for conducting worship in the basadi. The gift was made for the merit of the Mahamandalesvara Kumara Tailapadeva.23 The record refers at the end to Padmanandi. The mention of Prince Kumara Tailapadeva would show that the record belongs to the reign of Vikramaditya VI. Like the earlier record another inscription from the same place registers gifts of land and flower gardens for worship and offerings in the temple which belonged to Dravila 21 EA, Vol. IV, No. 7; Jainism in Andhra, No. 23; KIAP, No. 767. 22 APGAS, IH, No. 35; KIAP, No. 724. 23 SII, IX, Pt. I, No. 221; KIAP, No. 21.

Page #72
C.S. Vasudevan, Donation Pattern to the Jinalayas Sanghasena gana and Kaurar gachchha, that was situated in front of Ujjilivolal the capital of the region Kallakelagu-500. The gift was by Panditya, disciple of Vadiraja in the lineage of illustrious Vadireja. Other gifts by the local mercantile community were also made to the deity.24 There are numerous evidences of making images of tirthankaras and their installiation in the temple by philanthropic donors. Inscriptions from Hyderabad25 and Peddatumbalam26 mention that the images of Pamchaparameshthi were made by Devanna, son of Senabova Achanna of Erambarage a disciple (Chatta) of Madhavachandra-bhattaraka, who belonged to the Mula-samgha, Desiya-gana, pustaka-gachchha and Yimgalesvara-bali Gommata-Parsva-Jina was caused to be made by the Mahapurusha Bochikabbe, the wife of Chenchi-setti, a disciple of Chandrakirtti bhattaraka of the Mula-samgha, Desi-gana, Postakagachcha and Kondakund-anvaya. Similarly another recorda7 from Hyderabad mentions that Bopana, son of Emmeya Prithigauda of Kopana-tirtha and his wife Malauve and the lay disciple of Rajaguru mandalacharya Maghanadisiddhanta-chakravarti caused the image of Chauvisatirthankara (i.e., the 24th Tirthankaras) to be made and presented to the basadi built by Madana-danayaka of Mula-Samgha and Desiya-gana. The Gangapuram record28 is important from two aspects. First it refers to the construction of a Jina-griha and the consecration of the image of Chennaparsvanatha therein by Mahavaddavyavahari Manigara Kalisetti of Tumbala and to a gift of income from levies on commodities such as areca and other items for the worship of and offerings to the same. It contains an eulogy of Nayakirtideva who was perhaps the recipient of the gift. The second aspect is that the mention of the officers Sunkadhikari and Addasunkadadhikari in the record show that they concurred with the merchants to donate the income from levies on commodities. This suggests that they were empowered to divert the income of the State to temples. A record from Koratla29 registers a gift of land for the service of Rattamartanda Jinalaya, when Padmanandi Siddhantadeva was the acharya. At the end a Jaina sect of Koravattu ghosta, belonging to the Kornurugana and Tintinigachha, is mentioned. The Chilkuru inscription, now preserved in the Hyderabad Museum is interesting 30 It registers the gift for the repairs and maintenance of the Antara basadi of Chikura by Sridharavarmadeva and Kirtivarmadeva the Perggades of the king on the occasion of 24 APGAS, III, No. 36; KIAP, No. 725. 25 AREp, 1965-66, No. B 8; HAS, No. 12; The Kannada Inscription of Koppal, No. 10; Jainism in South India, Sholapur, 1957, pp. 381-83; KIAP, No. 385. 26 AREP, 1956-57, No. B 44; Jainism in Andhra. No. 69; KIAP, No. 496. 27 AREP, 1965-66, No. B 9; HAS, No. 12; The Kannada Inscription of Koppal, No. 9 Jainism in South India, pp. 379-81; KIAP, No. 386. 28 AREp, 1961-62, No. B 39; KIAP, No. 763. 29 IAP, Kr. No. 17; Jainism in Andhra, No. 44; KIAP, No. 444. 30 APAREP, 1966, No. 144; Jainism in Andhra, No. 49; KIAP, No. 408.

Page #73
72 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah the king's pattabandha (coronation). Mention of some of the images of Jaina Tirthankaras to whom the gifts are made by the local people is stated in the record. Another epigraph" from the same Museum registers the gift of 100 marturs of land, 3 marturs of garden to Parsvanathadeva of Indra-jinalaya of Chilkura by Dandanayaka Padmanabha Ailarasa governing the Lombalika-70, on his return journey with the king after Uttara-digvijaya (northern conquest) over Malava and defeating Bhojadeva. The inscription from Tadapatri is important from the point of view of Kannada literature. The record is in beautiful Kannada verses and consists of 25 poems. It goes back to the reign of Udayaditya, son of Somideva and Kanchaladevi, ruling from Tatparapura (the present Tadapatri) and registers the genealogy of the sthanacharyas of the Chandranatha, Parsvanatha basadi at Tatparapura. It records that a grant was given by Udayaditya Maharaja to the basadi for repairs after washing the feet of Meghachandradeva, the acharya of the basadi. The complete inscription can be called a small Champu Kavya. The statement that 'Andhra Dharanitala' is to the east of the Kuntala desa is noteworthy. During the time of Nolambas also Jainism continued to flourish. A record" from Amarapuram, dated 1277 A.D., registers that Mallisetti, son of Sangayana Bommisetti and Melavve, the favourite disciple of Balendu Maladhari Deva who was the senior pupil of Tribhuvana kirti Ravula of Ingalisvara Mulasangha, Desiya gana, Kondakundanvaya and Pustakagachcha, gave at Tammadihalli, the 2000 areca trees which belonged to his share to Prasanna Parsvadeva of the basadi at Tailamgere known as Bramhajinalaya. The priest of this temple was Challapillai, a Jaina Brahmana of Bhuvalokanatha Nallur in Bhuvalokanatha-vishaya, and a sub-division of Ponnamaravati-sime, north of Dakshina Madhure in the southern Pandyan country. Challapillai is also referred to as Sayanagiri and was a dear disciple of Balendu Maladharideva. From the produce of this garden land, the construction of the basadi from its upana to stupi, the mahamandapa, Bhadra, Lakshmi mandapa, gopura, parisutra (enclosure), Vandanamale (festoons), Manasthamba, Sampurna vahana and Makara torana was done. The present inscription proves that the produce from a garden is enough to construct a temple. It is for us to guess the worth of produce from such a garden. Another aspect is that the Jaina temple closely followed the architectural pattern adopted by the Hindu temples. Another undated record, 34 probably belonging to 13th century, from the same place mentions that a basadi was caused to be made by a disciple of Balendu Maladharideva belonging to Tribhuvana Kirti Ravula of Ingalisavara belonging to Mulasangha, 31 APAREp, 1966, No. 152; KIAP, No. 407. 32 SII, IV, No. 798; Jainism in Andhra, No. 61; KIAP, No. 257. 33 Epigraphia Carnatica (Old), XII, Sira, No. 32; Jainism in Andhra No. 62; Bharati, May, 1979; KIAP, No. 168. 34 Jainism in Andhra, No. 28; KIAP, No. 171.

Page #74
C.S. Vasudevan, Donation Pattern to the Jinalayas Desiyagana Konda Kundanvaya and Pustakagachcha. The vritti here was held by Challapillaideva. The inscriptionfrom Haresamudram is quite important. As it is undated and badly damaged the full purport of the nature of the record is not understood completely. It records that Bijaya Mahadevi was ruling Baraguru in Polalinadu granted by Nolambdhiraja (?) Siyavura (Sira) was ruled by Akkabbe and Trailokyavolalu by Dommabbe. It seems that they granted some land to a basadi. Penjeru is also mentioned here. The two queens were administering the two nadus and they jointly granted some lands to the basadi. This would prove that the women also were actively involved in the administration. Even during the Vijayanagara period, Jainism continued to occupy a considerable position and received due patronage from the royal house of early rulers. An epigraph from Rayadurga refers to the reign of the Vijayanagara king Harihara and by the command of the king Bhogaraja set up the god Ananta-Jinesvara in 1355 A.D.. His preceptor was Maghanandi, disciple of Amarakirtti of the Nandi-sangha, Balatkara-gana, Sarasvata-gachchha and Kundakund-anvaya. From the above inscriptions a clear donation pattern could be made out. It is gathered that the males dominated over females in donating to the temple. In as many as 34 instances males have donated in contrast with 5 donations by females. This suggests that the males dominated in the society. If the individual status of the donors is considered, the Chiefs or Mahamandalesvaras or immediate subordinates of the king occupy the top slot, followed by individuals. We have evidences to substantiate that queens occupied a prominent position. In as many as 5 instances they have contributed to the Jinalayas followed by mercantile community with 4 and kings with 3 instances. This proves that the women folk were involved in making donations and shows the status enjoyed by them. It is curious to note that women from lower rung were not involved in this activity while the women occupying higher social order were actively absorbed in pious activities. Even among the queens, some of them were holding the strings of administration and were empowered to act independently. A few exceptions are also noticed in this regard. The Jinalayas or basadis received lands for their maintenance in most instances. Usually gadde or nirunela i.e., wet lands, were gifted to the temple. Various types of lands like black soil land; karamba land, etc. were donated. The purpose of such donation was for conducting worship, feeding ascetics, maintenance, repairs and renovations and for the construction of the basadis. Marturs or mattar or marttur are the standard linear land measures that we come across in the inscriptions. And it 35 SII, VI, No. 556; KIAP, No. 194. 36 SII, IX, Pt. II, No. 404; KIAP, No. 244.

Page #75
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah varied from 2 mattars to 100 mattars, depending on the economic potentialities of the donors who donated it to the temple. Besides land, flower garden, mango garden and house-sites were donated to the temple as a donation package. Normally, either housesite or flower garden or land, either wet or dry is given. Here, in the majority of cases, especially during the time of Chalukyas of Kalyana we notice that donations are made as a package. There are also instances of giving away only land. In one example we have a reference of 2000 areca trees being donated to the Jinalaya. This fact suggests that areca, a cash crop, had economic implications both in society as well as in the religious institutions. There are a very few instances of making money donations to the temple and gold gadyana was money received by the basadis. Income from taxes, levies and cess were also diverted to the temple. Siddhaya, talavritti, bitti, pannasa, and manneya are some of the taxes that we come across in the epigraphs. In addition to the above gifts, interestingly ratana i.e., pulley is also donated. Tanks, oil-mill and other types of gifts were also donated. Abbreviations and Bibiliography APAREp = Andhra Pradesh Annual Report on Epigraphy, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad. APGAS = Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad. AREp. = Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. Bharati, Andhra Patrika, Madras (Now discontinued). EA = Epigraphia Andhrica, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad. EC (Old) = Epigraphia Carnatica (Old), Govt. of Karnataka, Mysore. Hampa Nagarajaiah, Chandrakode, (Collection of Research Papers in Kannada), Kannada University, Hampi, Vidyaranya, 1997. HAS = Hyderabad Archaeological Series, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad. IAP, Kr. = Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh - Karimnagar, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad. IAP, Nal = Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh - Nalgonda, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad. IAP, Wr = Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh - Warangal, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad. KIAP = Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Vasudevan C. S. (Ed.), Kannada University,Hampi, Vidyaranya, 1999. SII = South Indian Inscriptions, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi.

Page #76
C.S. Vasudevan, Donation Pattern to the Jinalayas 75 Table showing various donations made to the Jinalayas Type of Donation Name of the Donor Date (in A.D.) Dynasty No. Remarks Ravichandra Rashtrakuta 100 mattar of land and garden Land and 3 gold gadyana Wet land and Siddhaya 10th Chandiyabbe Rashtrakuta century 10th 3 Rashtrakuta century Ratta Sankaragandarasa Ratta Sankaragandarasa 10th Nirunela Rashtrakuta century Chalukyas Vijaya gavunda Land of 968 Vemulavada Chalukyas 10th Jinavallabha Garden and tank of Vemulavada century Tribhuvanamalladeva Lands Chalukyas of Kalyana 1012 King Somaladevi 50 mattars of black land, 50 mattars of akade, 1 ghuna for lamp, 1 mattar for flower garden Chalukyas of Kalyana 1027 9 Jagadekamalla Gift 1034 Unspecified Chalukyas of Kalyana Chalukyas of Kalyana 10 Naranayya Ratana (Pulley) Renovation and Ratana Tala vritti, bitti, pannasa, kere, nirunela, ratanam, 11 Jagadekamalla Chalukyas of Kalyana 1056

Page #77
76 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 12 Queen tomta, keyeabu, manneya and cess to ascetics, gurus of Jina-basadi Restoration of lands Oil mill, flower garden, 8 house site, 300 mattars of land Chalukyas of Kalyana 1067 13 Joyimayyarasa Chalukyas of Kalyana 1081 14 Mahamandalesvara Ahavamalla Permanadi 2 mattars of gadde Chalukyas of Kalyana | 1084 Wet land Mahamandalesvara Muchukundurp Puravaresvara Betel leaves, betel nuts, lands, shops, | house sites and income from levy of pana from every village in Ayije-300 Chalukyas of Kalyana 1087 Kammatada-adhikari and Kammatagaras Money Chalukyas of Kalyana 1109 Mint Officer and Mint Masters 17 Mandalika Gomarasa Chalukyas of Kalyana 12th century 2 mattars of gadde and flower garden, gana 20 mattars of karamba land, Mango garden and other lands Birmareddi of Vitti Chalukyas of Kalyana 112529 Vamsa Merchant guild - Ayyavole 500, Gift Chalukyas of Kalyana 1125 Unspecified

Page #78
C.S. Vasudevan, Donation Pattern to the Jinalayas 77 Muvattaru bidugalu, Maridamada, samasta ubhaya nanadesiya settis Bhanudeva 12th century 12th 21 Dandanayaka Kommanayya and others century 12th Panditya N century Tax of Chalukyas village and of Kalyana land 2 flower Chalukyas garden and of Kalyana house sites Land and Chalukyas flower of Kalyana garden Income of Commodities Chalukyas - areca and of Kalyana other items Chalukyas Land of Kalyana Chalukyas Gift of Kalyana 3 marturs of Chalukyas garden of Kalyana Chalukyas Gift of Kalyana 124h Mahavaddavyavahari Manigara Kalisetti 23 century 24 Unknown 12th century 12h Unspecified Sridharavermadeva and Kirtivarmadeva Dandanayaka . Padmanabha century 12th century 12h century | Udayaditya Maharaja Unspecified 28 Mallisetti 2000 areca trees Chalukyas of Kalyana 1277 From the produce of this garden land, the construction of the basadi from its upana to stupi, the mahamandapa, Bhadra, Lakshmi mandapa, gopura, parisutra (enclosure), Vandanamale

Page #79
78 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah (festoons), Manasthamba, Sampurna vahana and Makara torana was done Akkabbe and Dommabbe Gift 129 TA Chalukyas of Kalyana 13th century Unspecified

Page #80
Selected Jaina Tri-Kuta Monuments from Karnataka 6 K.M. SURESH Karnataka has a rich temple culture and is well known for the erection of many hundreds of temples of various architectural styles belonging to different periods from 5th to 16th centuries. The temples or basadis were built at the instances of several kings of every ruling dynasty, their subordinates, merchants, devotees and individuals etc. The Jaina temples are commonly known as the basadi or basti and Jainas believed that the temple building was also a means to salvation and secured for the builders the delight of heaven in the next life. This accelerated the process of temple construction and gradually gave rise to several temple cities and Sravanabelgola, Halsi, Aihole, Dharward and many other places in Karnataka are fine witnesses to this spirit of Jaina devotion. The people attached great importance to temple worship; they performed almost all sacraments such as birth ceremony, investiture of the sacred thread and marriage before the Jinas in Jaina temples. Jinasena explains clearly the observation of these rites in the Indian temples. The Jainas have always taken their due share in the development of art, culture and architecture. Both Buddhism and Jainism flourished at an equal state and a distinctive school of art and architecture had grown up. The special architectural characteristics peculiar to monuments dedicated to Jainism are many and are significant. In the Kuntaladesha i.e., Karnataka, the Adi-Gangas and the Adi-Kadambas had initiated an era of Jaina architecture. Aihole in Bagalkot district is an early cradle of Jaina architecture. Along with Aihole Badami Cave No.IV opened a glorious golden chapter in rock-cut architecture. Megudi is one of the early examples of structural shrine, of the flowering of the Chalukyan and Jaina art. The wealth of symbolism and mystical imagery in its vigorous style, wrought in hard stone, leaves an everlasting imprint. The Jains were the foremost patrons of religious architecture. They have profusely patronized craftsmen and artists. Many guilds of silpins, sculptors, worked for Jaina foundations. Jainism has produced special architectural and sculptural forms based on its regional tradition and mythological concepts. Through experiments and experience, the carvers had evolved some of the Jaina architectural and sculptural features. The Jaina building activities not only accelerated considerably but also standardized in the age of Chalukyas of Badami sovereigns. It reached its zenith in the epoch of the Rashtrakutas and Chalukyas of Kalyana and witnessed culmination in the reign of

Page #81
80 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah the Hoysalas. The Chalukyas initially continued the rich tradition of rock architecuture. They chose soft rocks of the region for architecture and sculptures like the Jaina Cave temples and the in-situ figural relief sculptures at Badami and Aihole. But they also soon shifted to solicit structural shrines with stones quarried from the soft sand stone rocks of Vatapi or Badami and its neighbourhood, putting the Chalukyas' stamp on the authorship. The earliest known Jaina temple or basadi in Karnataka is the Megudi or Melgudi at Aihole in Bagalkot district, got constructed in Saka 556 i.e., 634 A.D., by Ravikirti, a poet in the court of Pulakesin II and this temple was described as "jinendralaya". Although there are references to the constructions of Jaina temples in Halashi and in Banavasi area during the reigns of Kadamba Mrigeshvarama and Ravivarma, the temples have not yet come to light. The inscriptions also attest the practice of temple construction during the 9th and the 10th centuries. Chamundaraya, the minister and general of the Ganga king Marasimha, is said to have constructed a magnificent temple, containing the image of the 22nd Jina Neminatha on the Vindhyagiri hill at Sravanabelgola. The construction of temples and installation of Jina images increased in the 11th-12th centuries and the epigraphical evidence shows that princes and people alike erected numerous Jaina temples and granted lands for various acts of worship in the Jaina temples, which were open for all irrespective of cast and creed. Pocikabbe, the mother of Ganga Raja, is said to have erected numerous Jaina temples at Sravanabelgola and many other holy places. Santaladevi, the queen of the Hoysala king Vishnuvardhana, built the Savatigandhavarana temple at Belgola and granted willage Mottenavile to her preceptor for providing regular worships in 1123 A.D. In the middle of 12th century, Haryyale, a woman belonging to the middle class, is said to have advised her son to build a Jaina temple for obtaining boundless merit. Inscriptions refer to the construction of Jaina besides in the capital during the times of Harihara II and Devaraya II of Sangama dynasty of Vijayanagara. In 1385 A.D., Irugappa Dandanayaka, a Jaina general of Harihara, built a basadi for the consecration of the image of Kunthanatha, the 17th Tirthankara. This is the only instance of a basadi erected specially to install this Tirthankara in Karnataka. At present this basadi is known as Ganagitti Sivalaya at Hampi. The other basadi was erected under the order of Devaraya II, in 1426 AD, in the Pan Supari Bazar, at Hampi, for installing Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara. Some of the important and selected Jaina Tri-Kuta basadis are described below: 01. Chandragupta Basadi, Sravana Belgola, Channarayapatna Tq. Hassan Dist. The basadi or temple' is situated south of the hill, facing south, dedicated to Jaina, assignable to 8th century A.D., of Ganga king Siva Mara II, built of granite with a sikhara of Dravida style above the garbhagriha. K.M. Suresh, Temples of Karnataka, Vol. I & II, Delhi, Bharatiya Kala Praskashan, 2003, pp. 212-217.

Page #82
K.M. Suresh, Jaina Tri-kuta Monuments from Karnataka 81 The temple consists of three garbhagrihas in a row and a rectangular mandapa with flight of steps. All the three garbhagrihas are rectangular, the central one enshrines Parsvanatha, the right one enshrines Padmavati and the left one enshrines Kushmandini Yakshi. Above the central garbhagriha has sikhara of Dravida type with dvi-talas and the other garbhagrihas have eka-tala sikhara. The mukhamandapa is rectangular, squarish in appearance with elaborately carved perforated screens of steatite on either side of the shrines. The screens have friezes of narrative panels, revealing the Jaina legends in great details. The entrance doorway side-screens are later additions during the time of Vishnuvardhana of Hoysala period. The adhishthana of the temple consists of upana, jagati, tripatta kumuda, a kantha with kampas and a pattika with prati on top. The bhadra portion has two pairs of pilasters on each side and the side mandapa has two more pilasters. The wall pilasters are brahmakanta, the padmabandha and kambha. The kapota is decorated with kudu arches with trefoil finials and a vyalavar raft on the top. All these courses run right round the two vimanas. The sikhara is adorned by karnapattas with kodikkurukka work. 02. Jaina Temple or Basadi, Arasibidi, Hunugunda Tq. Bagalkot Dist. The temple is situated in the village, facing east, dedicated to Jaina, assignable to the second quarter of 11th, century AD, of Chalukyas of Kalyana, built of red sand stone with a sikhara of Dravida style above the garbhagriha. An inscription dated 1047 A.D., in the reign of Chalukya king Somesvara I, refers to the village name as Vikramapura and to the construction of tri-kuta Jinalaya in the name of god Gunada Bedargi Jinalaya. The temple consists of three garbhagrihas with three antaralas on west, north and south, a common sabhamandapa and an open mahamandapa with mukhamandapa towards east and southern entrances with a fligh of steps. The main western garbhagriha facing east is square and enshrines a seated Jaina Tirthankara on a pitha, which is parly mutilated. The garbhagriha dvara has chatussakhas decorated with creeper scrolls etc., and the lalatabimba is depicted with a Tirthankara. The antarala is square and its doorway is very simple. The antarala is fitted with jalandharas. The garbhagrihas on the north and south are also square and empty at present, but must have enshrined Jaina Tirthankaras. The doorways are similar to that of the western garbhagriha. The antaralas are square, open, and stand on two pillars at the front. 2 SII Vol. IX, Part 1, No. 80.

Page #83
82 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The sabhamandapa is square and stands on four central square pillars set on an elevated floor in the centre and twelve corresponding pilasters set against the walls. The entrance of the sabhamandapa towards the east and the doorway is similar to that of the main western garbhagriha doorway. The open mahamandapa is square, open, stands on four central pillars set on an elevated floor in the centre and twelve corresponding pillars set on the kakshasana. The central ceiling of the sabhamandapa and mukhamandapa are decorated with lotus flower in the centre. The mukhamandapa towards the east is square and stands on two square pillars at the front on kakshasana with flight of steps decorated with balustradala yali. The mukhamandapa has also an entrance towards the south with a flight of steps. The adhisthana of the temple consists on an upana, jagati, tripatta kumuda, gala, vedika. The outer walls of the temple ae plain and the gabhagrihas have sikharas of Dravida style. 03. Anantanatha temple, Lakshmisvara, Ranibennur Tq, Haveri Dist. The Jaina temple is situated in the town, facing north, dedicated to Anantanatha Tirthankara, assignable to circa 1200 AD, of Chalukyas of Kalyana. The temple consists of three garbhagrihas, antaralas, sabhamandapa and and open mahamandapa with mukhamandapas on east, and west and entrance on south and west. The garbhagrihas on south, east and west are square. Parsvanatha is enshrined in the eastern garbhagriha and a standing Anantanatha is enshrined in the northern and western garbhagrihas. The doorways of the three garbhagrihas are simple without dedicatory bloks on the lalatabimbas. The outer walls are decorated with pillars and pilasters with central projections have devakosthas toped by Nagara sikharas. The eastern garbhagriha has Dravida sikhara. The antaralas are square with doorways and connect between garbhagrihas and sabhamandapa. The outer walls are decorated with pillars and pilasters. The sabhamandapa is square and stands on four central pillars in the centre and corresponding pilasters set aginst the walls. The open mahamandapa is square and stands on four central pillars in the centre and corresponding pillars set all around. Towards the east the mandapa is converted into a garbhagriha. The main entrance of the mukhamandapa is towards the south. - Sviaru. 3 Gerard Foekema, Calukya Architecture : medieval temples of northern Karnataka built during the rule of the Calukya of Kalyana and thereafter AD 1000-1300, Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, 2003, No. 156, Fig. 144, pp. 537-539, Plates 796-798.

Page #84
K.M. Suresh, Jaina Tri-kuta Monuments from Karnataka 83 04. Neminatha Sankha temple, Lakshmisvara, Ranibennur Tq, Haveri Dist. The temple is situated in the town, facing east dedicated to Neminatha Tirthankara, assignable to circa 1200 A.D., Chalukyas of Kalyana. The temple consists of rectangular garbhagriha, square sabhamandapa with two garbhagriha's on north and south, square passage and open mahamandapa with three entrances on east, north and south. The main rectangular gabhagriha enshrines Neminatha Tirthankara seated in yogasana on a simhapitha. The rectangular garbhagriha is divided into six bays by two pillars. The doorway is simple without lalatabimba. The outer walls are decorated with pillars, pilasters, projections, recesses and devakosthas. Above the garbhagriha is a modern sikhara built with brick and morter with stupi. The sabhamandapa is square, stands on four pillars in the centre and corresponding pilaster set against the walls. Towards north and south are two garbhagrihas where Jaina images are enshrined. The doorway with lalatabimba has a Jina seated in padmasana with dhyanamudra flanked by male chauri bearers toped by chatras. The passage between the sabhamandapa and the open mahamandapa is square and standing on four pillars in the centre and corresponding pillars on all sides. The large open mahamandapa is square, stands on four pillars in the centre and corresponding pillars set on all the four sides. It has got 25 ankanas and three entrances on east, north and south with a flight of steps. The southern entrance doorway lalatabima has a Jina seated in padmasana with dhyanamudra flanked by male chauri bearers. All the three entrances have flight of steps. The temple is well preserved and in good condition. 05. Mahaveera Jinalaya, Anegondi, Gangavati Tq. Koppal Dist. The Jinalaya is situated in the village, facing east, dedicated to Mahavira, constructed in 1346 AD, by Iruguppa Dandanayaka, son of Baich Dandanayaka, the general of Harihara I of Sangama dynasty of Vijayanagara. The jinalaya consists of a garbhagriha with antarala towards the west, another garbhagriha with antarala towards the south and the northern garbhagriha (in a ruined condition), a common sabhamandapa and a rectangular open mukhamandapa. The main western garbhagriha is square and the pitha is decorated with a small squatting lion on three sides. The sculpture of Mahavira which was kept on this pitha is missing now. The doorway has simple sakhas and the lalatabimba is depicted with a seated Jaina figure. The antarala is rectangular, the doorway is decorated with sakhas and the lalatabimba depicted with a Jaina figure. The ceiling is rectangular and plain. * Gerard Foekema, Chalukya Architecture, No. 157, Fig. 145, pp. 540-542, Plates 799-803. SK.M. Suresh, Temples of Hampi, Bharatiya Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 2003, pp. 101-103.

Page #85
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The southern garbhagriha is square and empty at present, but it must have enshrined a Jaina Tirthankara. The doorway is plain and the lalatabimba depicted with a seated Jaina figure. The northern garbhagriha with antarala is completely ruined and the only doorway is available on the site. The sabhamandapa is square and stands on four central pillars set on an elevated floor in the centre and corresponding pillars set against the walls. The sabhamandapa has an entrance door towards east, has plain sakhas. The elephants depicted on the lalatabimba carry a flag in their trunks and stride towards the doorway. The central ceiling is decorated with lotus medallion and other ceilings are flat and plain. The mukhamandapa is rectangular and stands on four pillars at the front in a row. The pillars consist of lower square blocks, octagonal in the middle and sixteen sided above. The lower square blocks are depicted with elephants, geese with foliated tails etc. The octagonal portion is decorated with petal motifs and bands with medallions and capital. The ceiling of the mukhamandapa is horizontal and plain. The mukhamandapa is provided with low kakshasana on three sides and the western wall is decorated with hamsa.

Page #86
The Date of Vidyananda Literary and Epigraphical Evidence 7 M.A. DHAKY Vidyananda and Manikyanandi (the latter of the Pariksamukha fame), the pontiffs of the Southern Church, along with Siddharsi (active c. AD 890-920)' of the Northern Church, belong to the last batch of the great epistemologists within the ambit of the Brhad-Nirgrantha tradition. Vidyananda's known works, some of which are famous, are the Tattvartha-sloka-varttika, the Astasahasri,' the Yuktyanusasanalankara," the Vidyananda-mahodaya," the Apta-pariksa," the Pramana-pariksa,' the Patra-pariksa, the Satyasasana-pariksa," and the Sripura-Parsvanatha-stotra.10 The writers of this century for long had been placing him between the last quarter of the eighth and the first quarter of the ninth century A.D. and thus to the pre-medieval [Earlier published in the Nirgrantha, Vol.2, Ahmedabad 1996, pp. 25-28 and available on Jain ELibrary. See these places for the genealogical table which could not be reprinted here]. 1 Siddharsi's most famous works are the Upamitibhavaprapanca-katha (Sanskrit) (A.D. 905) and at commentary in Sanskrit (c. A.D. 900) on the Upadesamala of Sanghadasa gani (c. mid-6th cent. A.D) Recently, I have shown that the Nyayavatara, a famous Dvatrimsika in Sanskrit on the Nirgranthapramanasastra, is not the work of Siddhasena Divakara (c. A.D. 400-444) as had been held by many but could be of Siddharsi: (Cf. "The Date and Authorship of Nyayavatara", Nirgrantha 1, Ahmedabad 1996). The Sakrastava may also be added as Siddharsi's work, though hitherto steadfastly, insistently, though wrongly attributed to Siddhasena Divakara. 2 This is a further commentary on the Southern adoption of the Tattvarthadhigama-sutra of Umasvati (c. A.D. 350-373), the latter work is called Tattvartha-sutra in the fold of the Digambara Jaina sect. The author of the Digambara version is from early 16th century called 'Umasvami'. 3 This is an enlarged commentary incorporating the Astasati of Bhatta Akalankadeva (active c. A.D. 730780) on the Aptamimamsa of Samantabhadra (c. A.D. 550-600). * The work is a commentary on the Yuktyanusasana of Samantabhadra. 5 Vidyananda has referred to this work in his Tattvartha-sloka-varttika and in the Astasahasri. The work till now is unavailable. 6 The work seemingly was inspired by the inaugural verse of the Sarvarthasiddhi-tika on the Tattvarthasutra by Pujyapada Devanandi (active c. A.D. 635-680). 'Probably inspired by Akalankadeva's Pramana-Sangraha as well as, plausibly, some other works of a few preceding authors. It embodies a critical analysis on the characteristics of 'patra'. 9 The work compares the epistemological stands of other philosophical schools with that of the Nirgrantha. Ed. Gokul Chandra Jain, JMJSGSG No. 30, Calcutta-Varanasi-Delhi 1964. The information in annotations 1-9, 11, and 12 in this article has been abstracted from Gokul Chandra's "Introduction" in Hindi of the same work, pp. 32-34. 10 This is a hymn addressed to Jina Parsva of Sripura. The latter place was a tirtha in that period, situated as it probably was somewhere in Karnataka.

Page #87
86 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah times. While late K.B. Pathak is one of the earliest to situate him in c. A.D. 816, but without producing much supporting evidence, it was Darbarilal Kothiya who collected much of the vital evidence which had bearing on the issue and presented it in his "Introduction" in Hindi to Vidyananda's Apta-pariksa where he almost convincingly fixed his date to c. A.D. 775-840." Kothiya's main points (which incidentally include, according to his method of investigation, an observation that Vidyananda did not anywhere refute Vacaspati Misra, the famous mid-ninth century scholiast and commentator of the works belonging to various darsanas) was summarized by Gokul Chandra Jain in his "Introduction" in Hindi to the Satyasasan[a]-pariksa, pp. 29-31. Nathmal Tatia, in his prefatory paper, "A compendium of Vidyananda's Satyasasanaparikna," to the Satyasasan[a]-parikna edited by Jain, however, had pointed out that in this work Vidyananda had quoted an inaugural verse from the Bhamati-tika on the Nyaya-Varttika of Udyotakara (c. 6th - 7th cent. A.D) as cited by Vacaspati Misra.12 Seemingly, based on the indicator in Tatia's preface, Jain, in his afore mentioned "Introduction", cited the relevant verse and phrase from Vidyananda, which went against Kothiya's assertion that Vidyananda did not refute Vacaspati Misra,13 Vidyananda, on this showing, has to be placed some time after A.D. 850. Since the style of writing of Vidyananda (as of Siddharsi's) and also the phrasing, choice of words, as well as approach betray the colour and flavor of medievalism, further doubts arise about his so far conceded early date. In point of fact, the suspicion is well-founded as will now be shown. For determining Vidyananda's more precise date, a reengraved copy in c. mid-12th century of an earlier inscription of S.S. 993/A.D. 1071-1072 from Gavarvad (medieval Gavarivada) in Karnataka, '4 is very helpful. In this inscription, the donee is a Digambara Jaina divine Tribhuvanacandra whose hagiological history is given, and therein Vidyananda finds mention as a confrere of Manikyanandi. The inscription gives one information which is crucial in determining Vidyananda's date. It states that Ganga Permadi (Satyavakya Permanadi alias Marasimha II (who is not the Ganga prince Satyavakya Racamalla II), founded a Jaina temple at Annigere 11 Cf. G. C. Jain, "Introduction" to SSP. 12 Tatia, "A Compendium," p. 13. 13 Jain, p. 8. There also, there is evidence inside Vidyananda's work. For example his citing from Suresvara Misra's Sambandha-varttika. Suresvaracarya was the principle disciple of Sankaracarya whose traditional date is A.D. 780-812. The reference to 'Satyavakyadhipa' in some of Vidyananda's works had been taken by Kothiya (and possibly earlier by Pathak) as Ganga Racamalla Satyavakya, the nephew and successor of Ganga Sivamara I (Jain, "Introduction," p. 31). However, "Satyavakya" was also the title of Ganga Permanadi (Marasimha II) (c. A.D. 963-974), son of Ganga Butuga II. And it is he who is implied in the context invoked. 14 Cf. L.D. Barnett, "Two inscriptions from Gawarwad and Annigeri of the Reign of Somesvara II: Saka, 993 and 994," Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XV, 1919-20, pp. 337-348.

Page #88
M.A. Dhaky, The Date of Vidyananda (Annigeri) in memory of his father Ganga Butuga II" (and he is not Butuga I as Kothiya had determined or surmised, or may be he had depended on some other earlier scholar's determination) and handed it over to Gunakirtti, the disciple of Manikyanandi; and Manikyanandi is mentioned there as a confrere, possibly senior, of Vidyananda. The known dates of Ganga Permadi, according to the available inscriptions, fall between c. A.D. 962 and 974. The Annigere temple, therefore, may have been founded and made over to Gunakirtti during those years (or if the temple was built by Butuga II, it can then be between 940-1060, probably mid-10th century). Assuming that Gunakirtti's guru Manikyanandi by that date was not alive and Gunakirtti himself was fairly advanced in age, the date of Manikyanandi, and hence of Vidyananda, broadly can be bracketed between A.D. 900-950 or about 100-125 years posterior to what had been surmised by Kothiya and the writers befor and after him.16 In this connection, Barnett's remarks are worth noting. "One is tempted to identify this pair of scholars with the famous VidyanandaPatrakesari and the latter's disciple Manikyanandi, who wrote the Parikna-mukha and its commentary Prameya-chandrika. But Mr. Pathak has shown reasons for believing that Vidyananda-Patrakesari is referred to in the preface of Jinasena's Adi-purana, and that the former was an older contemporary of Manikyanandi, the author of Pariksa-mukha; and Jinasena's latest date is Saka 820 (J.B.B.R.S. 1892, pp. 219 ff.). Now the Manikyanandi of our inscription must have been living shortly before Saka 890, since his disciple Gunakirtti was contemporary with the Ganga Permadi, hence the gap between the two dates cannot be bridged over."!? But Jinasena's date, as earlier surmised, is inaccurate. His Adipurana is dateable to c. A.D. 830-839. And its prasasti referred to Patrakesari and not to Vidyananda : For Vidyananda and Patrakesari, though for long confounded, were not the same persons. Patrakesari is an earlier Digambara epistemologist who flourished some time in the seventh century as was conclusively proven by Jugal Kishor Mukhtar.18 Also, Manikyanandi was not the disciple but the confrere of Vidyananda as is clear from the Gavarvad inscription. And the temporal bracket of the concerned Ganga Permadi's activities is c. A.D. 962-974. The epithets mahavadi (the great dialectician) for Vidyananda and tarkikarka (the sun among logicians) for Manikyanandi, as qualificatories in that inscription, leave no doubt that no other Vidyananda and 15 Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah, however, in a communication, had mentioned to me that the temple was built by Butuga I and not Butuga II. 16 Cf. Mahendrakumar Jain, 2. The Authors, T. Vidyananda: Siddhivinishchaya-tika of Shri Anantaviryacharya, the commentary on Siddhivinishchaya and its Vritti of Bhatta Akalanka Deva, Jnanapitha Murtidevi Jaina Granthamala, SG 22, V. S. 2015 (A.D. 1959), pp. 49, 50. Pt. Jugal Kishor Mukhtar also believed Vidyananda to be of ninth century. (Cf. "Svami Patrakesari aur Vidyananda." Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa par Visada Prakasa (Hindi). Calcutta 1965, p. 652. 17 Cf. Barnett, p. 338. 18 Cf. "Svami Patrakesari" Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa, pp. 637-667.

Page #89
88 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Manikyanandi but those two illustrious epistemologists are implied in that context. Likewise, this is the only inscription which mentions these two notable figures. Also, the pontiff Tribhuvanacandra's claim of succession from those two illustrious pontiffs does neither seem spurious or a pretence. No attempt at appropriation of these great names by way of establishing a glorious lineage for himself can be discerned in the draft; or else, some other famous names such as Samantabhadra. Devanandi, Patrakesari, and Akalankadeva could as well have figured. The hagiology given there has all the appearance of being unambiguous and hence of indubitable genuineness. The temporal bracket of Vidyananda, on this showing, can now firmly be ascertained to have been between A.D. 900 and 950 as noted earlier in the discussion." 19 Vidyadhara Joharpurkar, in his "Introduction", summarizes the content of the Gavarvada inscription but offers no comment on the implications which have a strong, in fact very vital bearing on the date of Vidyananda as also of Manikyanandi. (Cf. Jaina silalekha Sangraha, MDJG No. 48, Varanasi V. N. 2491/A.D. 1964, pp. 10, 11).

Page #90
Some Rock-cut Jain Temples of Gwalior Fort and their Inscriptions Arvind Kumar SINGH Navneet Kumar JAIN Gwalior is a district and divisional headquarters in the State of Madhya Pradesh in India. Historical fort of Gwalior is famous for its impregnable condition, water management, art, culture, trade and military activities. The references in the early medieval inscriptions for Gwalior as Gopachala, Giri-durga, Gopachala-durga, Gopachala-durgasthana, Gopa-girindra-durga, Gopachala-parvatagra, Govardhana and Girivara emphasized repeatedly the nature of Gwalior's hill feature and fort. It has witnessed the rise and fall of many kings and their dynasties. Moreover the strategic position of the fort, its religious status as a tirtha is also noteworthy. Remains of numerous temples and sculptures as well as inscriptional and literary references signify the importance of fort as a tirtha. Its character as a Jain centre of pilgrimage received a fillip with the construction of a Jain temple by Ama who finds mention in the Prabandha Kosa.' Some early Jain sculptures of the fort are reported by Michael W. Meister and others. There are several Jain caves and sculptures in the fort that are grouped in the Urvahi, South-Western, North-Western, North-Eastern, and SouthEastern. They are built or excavated generally during the Tomara rules, by and large from the time of Vikramadeva to the times of Kirtisimha (A.D. 1403-1480). It is not possible to discuss the details of all these groups here, so the concentration is only on the North-Western group of Jain cave temples and inscriptions. North-Western group of Jain art occurs on the western cliff of the fort near the Dhondha gate (26deg14'00" north; 78deg10'04" east). Due to the nearby famous Siva temple these Jain caves are also known as Kotesvara Mahadeva group. The group consists of five rock-cut cave temples. Of them, due to much higher position two caves are not easily approachable. They do not retain any sculpture and it seems possible that on any circumstantial reason they were not completed and left unfinished. Misra, B. D. 1993. Forts and Fortresses of Gwalior and its Hinterland, Delhi, pp. 28-29. 2 Meister, Michael W. 1975. "Jain Temples in Central India", in Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, eds. U. P. Shah and M. A. Dhaky, Ahmedabad, pp. 223-242; Cunninham, A. 1972 (reprint). Archaeological Survey of India Report, Vol. II, Varanasi.

Page #91
90 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The size of the sanctum of cave temple 1 (from the Kotesvara Mahadeva side) is 9'10" x 16'8" x 18'5" and its narrow entrance is of 4' x 2'5" size. The cave is devoted to tirthankara Parsvanatha seated in padmasana. The pedestal of the image bears an inscription dated in Vikrama Samvat 1527. There are also twelve tirthankara images in kayotsarga that are carved in the side walls of the cave temple. They are of Rsabhanatha, Candraprabha, Padmaprabha, Vasupujya, Santinatha, Mahavira and others. Cave temples 2 and 3 are engraved in a similar pattern, having only garbhagrha (sanctum), elevated in double stories. The approach ladder for the second story is carved in the rock. In these cave temples an attempt has been made to show the Nagar style Sikhara by carving it in the upper rock. The size of the sanctum of rock-cut cave no. 2 is 17'2" x 14'11" x 28' with an entrance of 8'3" x 3'10" and of cave no. 3 is 13'7" x 15'9" x 29'6" with the entrance of 7' x 4' size. The sanctum of cave no. 2 consists of the image of Padmaprabha seated in padmasana and cave no. 3 bears an image of Parsvanatha in padmasana. Apart from the main image, there are four other images of Rsabhanatha, Candraprabha, Neminatha and Parsvanatha in cave 2. Likewise, cave 3 has two Jina-pattas and more than fifteen Jain images. Of them, Candraprabha, Neminatha, Parsvanatha could be easily identified. On the pedestal of the Parsvanatha image in cave 2 there is an inscription of Vikrama Samvat 1527. On the other hand cave no. 3 comprises eight inscriptions. Of them four are dated in Vikrama Samvat 1531. Two of them are engraved on the pedestal of the main Padmaprabha image; one is on the left wall and the other on the front wall of the second floor. The ceiling is decorated with full bloomed lotus. On the basis of the inscription, it could be assumed that the caves no. 1 and 2 were completed in Vikrama Samvat 1527 (A.D. 1470) and no. 3 in Vikrama Samvat 1531 (A.D. 1474). These caves were engraved with the assertion of Bhattaraka Simhakirti in the reign of Tomara ruler Kirtisimha. A. Padmaprabha Image Pedestal Inscription: VS 1527 The inscription is engraved on the pedestal of a Jina image of Padmaprabha seated in padmasana in the cave no. 2. It has 7 lines. All the inscriptions of this group are written in Sanskrit language and Nagari characters. Some earlier scholars have reported about this inscription.' The inscription records the ruling king Sri Kirtisimha and his father Dumgarendra and has the mention that with the assertion of Sri Simhakirti the image of Padmaprabha was installed. The inscription also talks about Khena, son of Pandita Thiru, Pani's son Paharaja and Guni's sons Padmasimha and Narasimha. It further mentions the wife of Padmasimha namely Padami and their four sons and their wives. 3 Annual Administrative Report, Archaeological Department, Gwalior State: (GAR), (1984/1927-28) no. 40; Dwivedi, Harihar Niwas VS 2004. Gwalior Rajya ke Abhilekha, Banaras: (GRA), no. 307; Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy: (ARE), 1961-62, no. 1526; Willis, Michael D. 1996. Inscriptions of Gopakshetra, London: (IG), p. 36.

Page #92
A.K. Singh & N.K. Jain, Rock-cut Jain Temples of Gwalior Fort TEXT (Plate 8.1) 1. // Siddham || siddhi // om namah siddhebhyah // trailokye gajivesah sakala sukhutah sarvvebhavyavjeha sahitho dosaribhutah paramapada-mitah samtabhavaikalitah hitamohenadita Nayacamdanacanah pamcakalyana bhano bhuyasca divi subhrai vibhravana-gahitas=tirthadevarpabhadyah //1 jinamavadya-manam-va-jianasva-prajvalasvarah japadama ubhavatay=anvaya ....... parama-sukhanita-mana-dharmma-japa-pranamy=asphutapadamih=asvinikhami 1/2// sam 1527 varse l vvaradvademhitaukamkaukitehayane subhe/hemalamnitimaghiyosite pattedhi pamcami / bhargaveha sataksatre pratisthabhurjji2. nesituh // 3 // suddhe-sri-Mulasamghe-Vimalagana-Valatkara-namni prasiddho-gano-gacche garisthe gunagnaatilape Kumkumd=anvayesmit/ jnata-sripati-saptapramukhapativadhyah padamangeka-bhuryadisyur= bhavya prajanama silavalaya samtyemsthita sritya-vidhi // 4 // sri- Ratnakirtti-ratavadyamurtte padyodayadrausu subhe-subhasmi sri-Prabhasiddha vidyojan=etabhidamsuh padyavitirasva varah praksemdrah // 5 pattevadiye munit-Padyanamdi mamda ......... samghamadatha ....... niyitah dharmasa tasmalimaloryita ........... paradhasva sridyitat-pattehi jitemdriyah paramata ksonitahimasesah / mam gune ....... digvasah paramatma-cimtanapatuh premkhatkila-puritas=citve dharma-matimtatvotuma-gatam sri-Madhunemda guruh Il 7 mithyavadatamah tasudavanna taptadaryaptisayuta pasthavadamdatadarai dhiryanata-dhirinotpanno sampannayata varatesuptasatilobharahitah padvesu-vamdoh subhrajatah sriJinacamdradeva munimedeyat-satyama-tanam // 8 // tatpattena ta sastrajno jagadanamdakarakah / Simhakirttirvijayate mithyavahitatkesari 119 tatkesaitadhitayaptana ........... srihbharaganasa-khyata munijatavratmani mulasamgha vilasaksiradhirga-bhovalat= hamvola pravimallagir=vijayate sriSimhakirtti guruh // 10 sri-Gopacalamabhige ananutvidbhih prabhakarah / paribhramabhyam varesmitkurvvanni rajanamiva // 11 tatrasi Dumgaremdrah sakala-ripukulevratata ghatapatordhuro srenigaranati cha vimala subho yatoda prabha-danah / danai munipattaihi namamati samatayena lokam nfpanamk= esam=esamdravitamtha bhavadhiti punathvanamta tajanatam// 12 kirtti srirnanu Kirttisimha nrpateh se vamdhanurvvabhava / pamalokavita varayam vinitarambha kroddhidah sarvvada/ karpuraih kimapuri kimtriruvana sripa ......... sritaisatalatraya pamdita Thiru tatputrah Khena bharya Panitsthah putrah Paharajah / bharya Guni / tayo putrau Padamasimha Narasimho/ Padamasi bharya Padami tayoh putrascatvarah

Page #93
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah .......... bharya maha putrau Jinadasasa Jalhisau Jalhi bharya Nao / Viharaja bha. Dhagutiya putrau Dhosu / Nemidasa tasu bharya Talhibha / om // samghavija6. mapadujadi-misratu ...... pratisthapitah ll ll sri Kalaramamanimadyo dvadamaghanamtu ............. vara-esu-bhftibhis-caturbhih sadyari bhuveh sri Padmaprabhah pratisthapitah 1 1 sri. Chatparamamabhirasya dvadamoghalamchane / jiya trailokyanathasya samah jinasa7. sanam B. Parsvanatha Image Pedestal Inscription: VS 1527 The inscription is engraved on the pedestal of Parsvanatha image in cave no. 1. It bears 18 lines. It is dated in 1527 of Vikrama year that corresponds to A.D. 1470. The inscription mentions Bhattaraka Simhakirtti, Acharya Samadhari, and some members of the Jaisvala family. After engraving the upper three lines the engraver continued to carve the letters in the right margin and then moved to the left margin while the last line is written separately in the lower margin. Due to the carelessness in engraving and broken portion of the upper left margin few letters are not readable now. TEXT (Plate 8.2) 1. Sidhi samvat 15[2]7 -------- -----------srava---------vasa bhatta[ra]ka2. syam dhoraparagat sri-Simghkirttideva / Jaisavalanvaye athasu-putrai Pritama3. sta Abhu Jara Pahamo putro Sotama Jaratha Madano Satama 4. putra 5. Vaghagu 6. Panada 7. Shauge 8. Rashi 9. Paro 10. Sujau11. yya pra12. tistha13. pitam 14. karma15. ppa(ksha)yai 16. jine17. tam 18. sanagucarya Samadhari.

Page #94
A.K. Singh & N.K. Jain, Rock-cut Jain Temples of Gwalior Fort C. Parsvanatha Image Pedestal Inscription: VS 1531 The inscription is engraved in 9 lines on the pedestal of the image of Parsvanatha in cave no. 3. The inscription is reported by earlier scholars. It bears the date in Vikrama samvat 1531 that corresponds to A.D. 1474. The purpose of the inscription is to record the installation of Parsvanatha image by Samghadhipati Champa at the assertion of Sri Simhakirti in the reign of Tomara ruler Kirtisimha. It also mentions several members of the Jaisvala family. Interestingly, here we find mention of three wives of Samghadhipati Lala, namely Ramata, Vidho and Dharu. TEXT (Plate 8.3 A-B) 1. 11 Siddham 11 om namah siddhebhyah 11 sremate-paramagambhirasya dvadamogha-lamchanam / jiyattrailokyanathasya sasana jinasasanam // 1 // yam sarvesvara-vamdhuvarggasahitadhyayam trilokatigaloka vibhaganedagirataradyam divamdhyanatah | Saurya-muktiramavilara-kamalah kaivalya / Laksmidharah ca payathapateprayaccha usalam sriParsvanathojinah // gacchebharati samjiake vudhanute sri-Kumdakundanvaye patha / ya bhaganisvara-gunagana-ramabhiramam= anvita" sadvakremi / [3] mayum3. sti nitinirata-vadila-kamthirava / ssanamdam-vusulaih sadasubhamatesyam pasya 4 saurabhyaptayarisyuh padur=kvacitavvakekvasedhiyo vadame pamcamanah nanavstta vibhrdva sisyanivadva sri-Ratnakirttipade / vikhyata vivudhadhipaucchita padah purojasahinu-vamithyatvandhya-nivaranai 4. kavvipuna srimatprabhamdvahvayah 11 5 tatpattadri divakagunanidhir= bhavyavja savvodhaso lokamloka vicarucara caturo mithyandhakara-padah / syadvam varamadr=anaika-nipunadya himayugvanvitah ca-dvipraipadim=ajitaumalamuni sri-Padyanamdi gani // 7 sresthair-vidhatrira-padaganipujai sri-kirsita-murttimayam sariravalotha yasyakhila-karmahartta-bhavyau-simdhoh Subhacamdradevah / 8 vratarddho samvarddhana-purnapado-vratasri-samvarddhana Purnnacamdra / syahi mayukhaibhuvanavjanamdo mithyam dhamedi Jinacamdrasuri 119 tatpattodaya sailasekharamaninatvo yete jomanirmmithyayadi vitvasanahada manisvame dhinvatamani dhanisavada giridramedat= manihtkasisetye dhanibhedattaya sahanatsala-manih sri-Simhakirtti gani The inscription is edited here possibly for the first time. The other references are GAR, (1984 / 1927-28) no. 41-42; GRA, no. 313-14; ARE, 1961-62, no. 1527-28; IG, p. 38.

Page #95
94 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 6. sri-bhupalati bhatakotinikarah kimma retamdhri-dvayah sri-Gopacalar bhadatona-dhanusah sri-Kirttisimho tapah/ ttena-Tomara vamsa-camdrana manirajadra cudamanih viparyama ratonisivara vibhuh sriDumgaremdrotmajah // 11 astihalokesura / sri-Jaisavalanvayo Sirapam Sadyau bharyo Nalhi putrah sam. Asala / Gana / Saramga / tesam madhye sam. Asala bharya Mani putrah sam. Vina (Vani) sam. Bhavada sam. Lala / Vani bharyoh Abhaiti / ditiya bharaya Anama putra jinana Darabhadra bharya Manihade // 8. sam. Lala bharyau Rabhatade dvi Vidho / tatiya bharya Dharupatni / putrasta Rahasya // tesam madhye sam. Champa / ta karma-ksayartham su kutumle saha sri-Parsva-daivasu pratistha Tilapadapitah / samvat 1531 varshe Tala // 70 sri jinatam 9. [pranami]tsa nityo // D. Inscription of VS 1531 There is an 8 lines inscription engraved on left wall of the upper story of cave no. 3. Due to the damage and carelessness in engraving, it is not easy to read some of the letters. The date of the inscription is mentioned in line 1 as Samvat 1531 varshe Kartika sudi 5 and Friday. The inscription records Simhakirtti who was the disciple of Bhattaraka Jinachamdra and mentions the family member of Sadhu Subhaga. TEXT (Plate 8.4) 1. // Samvat 1531 vase ka ....... sudi 5 Su2. kro bhataraya sri-Jinacamdra / tatpattom 3. sri-Simhakirtti sadhu Subhagatsadya Bha4. rama putraya Damalo putra sa. Dharavi 5. Hali putra Hijamusi putraya 6. Kukama Vinayasu Tarana Mahu 7. putraya Ajamu Jasyatena 8. putra Varijaisyasita ..... E. Inscription of VS 1531 There is a 9 lines inscription engraved on the upper story left wall of cave no. 3. The date of the inscription is mentioned in line 1 as Samvat 1531 varse Pausa sudi 1 and Thursday. The inscription records the installation of image by Meghu, wife of Karmacamdra on the assertion of Simhakirtti. Karmacamdra was a member of Jaisvala family whose father was Sadhu Raja and mother named Jiva. It also mentions that

Page #96
A.K. Singh & N.K. Jain, Rock-cut Jain Temples of Gwalior Fort Bhattaraka Simhakirtti was the disciple of Jain Acharya Bhattaraka Jinacamdra who belonged to Mulasamgha and Balatkaragana. TEXT (Plate 8.5) 1. Samvat 1531 varse Posu sudi 1 Gurau sri2. Mulasamgha Valatkara-gane sri-Kum3. dakumd=anvaye bha. Jinacamdra-deva 4. tata-patte bhatharaka sri-Simhaki 5. rttidevo pai(Jai)savala-vamse sa. Raja bha 6. rya Jiva putra Karmacamdu bharya 7. Meghu karapitam nitam pranama 8. ti dharme-vardhatam // sri // sarveja9. na susino bhavamtu // 95 F. Inscription of VS 1531 The inscription is engraved on the front wall of the second story of cave no. 3. It is dated in Vikrama samvat 1531 Phaguna sudi 5 Friday which corresponds to 10 February 1474 A.D. It records that Bhattaraka Simhakirtti was the disciple of Bhattaraka Jinacamdra who belonged to Mula-samgha, Balatkara-gana and Sarasvatigaccha. It also mentions the Sadhu Gamgu and his family members of Jaisavala and Ikshvaku lineage. Plausibly, Kutamba installed an image in this cave with the help of Sadhu Dhamu. TEXT (Plate 8.6) 1. // siddham // samvat 1531 varse Phaguna sudi 5 sukre // sri-Mulasamghe // 2. Valatkara-gano Sarasvati-gacche bhattaraka sri-Jinacamdra // 3. tatpatte sri-Simhakirtti-devah // pratisthitam // Jaisavalanva 4. ye/Iksavaku / vamse // sa. Gamgu / bharya Vilha putra sa. 5. Mahiraja bharya Susila / putrah / Dhamu / Camdasiri // 6. dvi. sa. Ganu bharya Jasovai / pum. Raimalu / trti 7. ya bhratr sa. Diugana bharya Abhayasiri // 8. tesam madhyesu-Kutavai saha sa. Dhamu saha // 9. karapitam // sa. Devagane sahakayapitam //

Page #97
96 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah G. Parsvanatha Image Pedestal Inscription of VS 1531 The inscription under discussion is engraved below the above mentioned inscription C in cave no. 3. It is interesting to note here that the letters after jiya and before the numeral 1 is written in blank ink and the engraver left them to carve. It is dated in Vikrama Samvat 1531 Phalguna sudi 5 Sukra which corresponds to A.D. 1474. TEXT 1. Siddham // om namah siddhayebhyah // srimat-parama-gambhirasy= advad=amogha-lamchanam jiya .......... ghasya sasanam jina-sasanam // 1 // samvat 1531 varse Phalguna sudi 5 Sukre // H. Other Inscriptions There are three more inscriptions in the cave no. 3. Of these, one is carved on the wall of upper story. It has 5 lines. Most of the letters of the beginning of each line are now obliterated. Due to that the purport of the inscription is not clear. However, the name of the wife Dharasri, Ajaisri, Karamasi could be read out in the preserved portion. It ends with the proclamation that the image was adored by the people. Another inscription of the cave records the name of Kamadhari who was the son of Sutradhara Sena. There is a possibility that this person was responsible for some or most of the constructional work of this group of Jain art. The third inscription consists only of the name of Pandita Sri Chamda.

Page #98
A 174h century Digambara Yantra kept at the British Museum Nalini BALBIR Jina images are the best known medium of meditation and worship, at least for those Jains who recognize the value of an image. But there are other objects of meditation and worship too. Among the most prominent ones are the sacred diagrams (yantras) associated with sacred or magic formulas (mantras) which have produced interesting and valuable artifacts. One of the first studies of Jaina iconography published outside India which has given them the right place they deserve is that by Jain and Fischer 78) where a fairly wide range of representations from both Svetambara and Digambara milieus is offered to the reader,' aptly described and placed within the religious context where the objects belong and are used. The tradition of large painted diagrams from western India on paper or cloth, mostly from Svetambara origin, which are occasionally seen in museum collections in India and outside, has been discussed by several scholars, and most recently by Cort (2009) who, on the other hand, is concerned with the rituals associated with yantras on the basis of what he has seen among Digambaras of Jaipur, thus in a contemporary setting. In this paper my aim is to bring a modest contribution to this vast area of research, which is still in need of exploration, through the examination of a single item from a Digambara surrounding. Digambara metal yantras Technically, the term yantra is normally restricted to designate objects of a size and weight which allow them to be easily carried (and, therefore, unfortunately, stolen too) and is different from a mandala.? These objects are mostly discs made of metal, mostly copper, which are incised. The "culture of yantras" (Cort 2009: 150) is specially lively among Digambaras. The fundamental form of the Jain yantra (also recognized by Svetambaras and well-represented in their literary and iconographic tradition) is the siddhacakra connected with the pancanamaskara mantra where the Five Entities are The central part of this paper makes use of material collected in the entry No. 1290 of Nalini Balbir, Kanubhai V. Sheth, Kalpana K. Sheth, C.B. Tripathi, Catalogue of the Jain Manuscripts of the British Library, London: The British Library, The Institute of Jainology, 2006, 3 volumes + 1 CD, where items belonging to the Victoria and Albert Museum and the British Museum are also included. Part II, Plates II to VII. 2 See Cort 2009 : 149. This holds true in other contexts, for instance in Nepal : see A. Vergati, "Quelques remarques sur l'usage du mandala et du yantra dans la vallee de Kathmandu, Nepal" in Mantras et diagrammes rituels dans l'hindouisme. Editions du CNRS, Paris, 1986, pp. 37-47.

Page #99
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah shown in a lotus with four petals attached to a circle. Even more common is the form where the spaces between the petals are occupied by the four basic principles: right knowledge, right faith, right conduct and right penance. Among the Digambaras this form is known as Navadevata. One of the most famous instances is the Navadevata yantra from 1858 CE kept at the Jain Matha, Shravanabelgola. The Tamil inscription at the back of the image is in Tamil and Grantha characters: "On the full-moon day of the bright fortnight of Ashadha, in the year named Kalayukta which comes after the lapse of 51 years from Prabhava, the 1780ch year of the Salivahana era, for daily worship in the matha at Belgula, this image of the Pancha-Parameshthis was presented by Peruma!-sravaka of Tanja-nagaram. May uninterrupted prosperity increase". Such is the basic form, but Digambara yantras are of many different types and variants are almost infinite. For example, a contemporary one (reproduced in Cort 2009: 149 fig. 9.11 and purchased by him in 2008) is basically a Siddhacakra/Navadevata, with 9 compartments, each having the sacred syllable hrim. The inscribed text has the formula namo arihantanam repeated nine times and no other part of the Namaskara mantra. In the circle around the central hrim it has all the vowels of the modern Nagari/Hindi alphabet in succession (a, a, i, i, u, u, l, 7,!,!, e, ai, o, au, am, ah) while the full alphabet is unfolded in groups of letters on the eight petals of the lotus: 1) vowels again, 2) guttural consonants, 3) palatals, 4) cerebrals, 5) dentals, 6) labials, 7) semi-consonants (ya, ra, la, va), 8) sibilants (sa, sa, sa) and ha. It is well-known that aksaras can be considered as containing the essence of teaching. In the Jain context, om is interpreted as being made of a-a-a-u-m, which is the acronym referring to the Five Entities. One can also refer conveniently to the beginning of the Rsimandalastotra which reads: "Between the first letter 'a' and the last letter 'h' come all the letters. By adding a dot and an '-sign to the last letter which is 'sound' and is like a flame the word 'arham' is made". Line drawings of 48 Digambara yantras are conveniently reproduced in the Jainendra Siddhanta Kosa. They are inscribed in a number of ways, combining magic or sacred 3 See Jain-Fischer, Part II, Plate II b: Metal Siddhacakra from the Digambara temple, Lakkundi, Karnatak. 4 Epigraphia Carnatica 1973: No. 488 (359) p. 524. See also Doshi 1981, plates 22a and 22b and Nagarajaiah 2007: No. 379 p. 136. For convenience sake I quote this from Jain-Fischer 1978 II p. 4, refraining from going into more details at this stage. 6 Vol. 3 pp. 347-368. - I have not seen the book by Acarya Kunthusagar, Pratistha Vidhi Darpan (Jaipur: Sri Digambara Jain Kunthu Vijay Granthamala Samiti, 1992) mentioned by Cort (2009: 157 n. 37), a ritual manual for the consecration of icons where the list of required paraphernalia "includes several dozen yantras". For Svetambara yantras see, for instance, Duggar 1985 with drawings, explanations, connected mantras, etc.

Page #100
Nalini Balbir, A 17" century Digambara Yantra 99 syllables, such as hrim or others, and homage formulas with fundamental concepts or beings of the Jain doctrine. The Five Entities (pancaparamesthins), the Three Jewels (ratnatraya) and the 24 Jinas are among the basic ones. But a lot more sophistication in the conceptual lists is present in several yantras which are made of several successive concentric circles and result into a complex picture. Their shape is an obvious reminder of the representation of the Jain universe and its succession of continents and oceans. Such brass/copper yantras are found in large numbers in Digambara temples all over India, from South to North. They are kept in large numbers whether in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh or Rajasthan.? In Tamil Nadu, they are often seen displayed side by side with images of Jinas, of goddesses such as Padmavati or of metal srutaskandhas, which symbolize the Scriptures. All these objects together form a sometimes crowded group placed on a platform on each side of the small corridor leading to the cella (Plate 9.1). Since yantras are objects of a size and a weight which make them easy to carry, they can serve various religious purposes. They are used as seats on which a Jina image will be placed, or they are placed erect in front of Jina images or padukas, for instance (Plate 9.2). To some extent, they are inseparable from the Jina images themselves and can be viewed as supplementing them. On the other hand, for being used a yantra is consecrated. If it is so, it is worshipped daily by ablution (abhiseka; Cort 2009: 150). Hence a yantra has a status similar to that of an image (Plate 9.3). In the same way as there are Jina images with inscriptions testifying to the fact that they were commissioned and produced in certain places, at certain times by certain persons, in the same way there is ample evidence showing that yantras were commissioned by lay families at the instigation of Digambara religious teachers (bhattaraka). Out of 766 records reproduced by Johrapurkar in his invaluable book See, for instance, Hegewald 2009, fig. 281 "Detail of a circular metal plate incised with a sacred yantra diagram from Mandu", and id. p. 417: "Many temples in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra have elongated sanctums, housing multiple Jaina images. Also in central India, it is common to find three main murtis or pratimas, surrounded by smaller sculptures and other religious objects. Amongst the latter one commonly finds cosmological representations and yantra discs". - For Rajasthan see Nyayatirth 1990: in the first section, which is a detailed directory of Jaipur Digambara temples, the presence and number of yantras is recorded among their specific features. In the second section, 4 out of a total of 70 yantras said to be kept in the Lunakaranji Pandya temple (18th century) are reproduced in black and white photographs (unfortunately of a rather poor quality): one Arham yantra, one Kalikunda yantra, one with different types of yantras, and one Siddhacakra yantra which has exactly the same text as the 20th century yantra bought by Cort (see above), laid out in exactly the same way. In the fourth section, M. Bharatiya (pp. 47-49) gives a brief description (without illustration) of some of the yantras kept in this temple. She calls them mandala and ends her list with two cosmological paintings on cloth - which, however, represent a different tradition of artifacts. * Another published instance is Hegewald 2009, fig. 282, with the following comment: "Yantra discs are often placed in front of figural images to shield of evil power, as can be seen in the Neminatha temple at Tirumalai".

Page #101
100 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Bhattaraka Sampradaya, 37 relate to various types of yantras which were commissioned by laypeople at the instigation of different bhattarakas between the middle of the 15th century and the 19th century in northern and central India: Dasalaksana yantra: Nos. 215, 266, 322, 595, 609 (during the reign of Shah Jahan, at Fatehpur), 615 Sodasakarana yantra: Nos. 71, 128, 216, 273, 320, 531, 537, 539 Ratnatraya yantra: Nos. 685, 744, 746 Darsana yantra: Nos. 207, 261, 314, 321 Jnana yantra: Nos. 64, 319,500 Samyakcaritra yantra: Nos. 210, 310, 352, 540 Rsimandala yantra: Nos. 183, 611 Navagraha: No 765 Jala yantra: No. 24 Ananta yantra: No. 33 Kalikunda yantra: No. 398 Unspecified: Nos. 209,532, 563. Yantras are used for protection, for pacification of evil powers, for attracting or submitting people to one's own will, or for worldly benefits of all kinds. In the Jain context they are also credited with the power to annihilate karmas. This is one reason why the text incised on these discs is often rather technical and gives an important place to doctrinal terms and categories, as the designations of the yantras themselves show. A Dasalaksana yantra refers to a standard list of ten main qualities (see below). A Sodasakarana yantra lists the 16 factors or conditions which result into one's rebirth as a future Jina, etc. The Digambara yantras are not used alone. They are associated with recitations and pajas having the same names and contents. A handbook such as the Jnanapitha Pujanjali where common Digambara liturgies are conveniently collected shows how verse compositions, by famous poets such as Raidhu (15th century) or unknown authors, on the 10 characteristics, the 16 factors, the 3 jewels, etc., are to be supplemented by mantras in the ritual performance. These mantras are what we read on the incised discs. The corresponding yantra is thus the material form which encapsulates these components. The British Museum Digambara yantra The object under reference in this paper is a circular copper yantra of 39,5 x 39,5 cm., dated Vikrama Samvat 1688 (= 1631 CE). Hence it is comparatively large. It now belongs to the British Museum (shelfmark: OA 1880-4057). "1880" in the shelfmark of the object refers to the year of acquisition. Unfortunately, however, nothing more is 'For general comments on this issue see, for instance, Devot 1990.

Page #102
Nalini Balbir, A 17th century Digambara Yantra 101 known about the provenance and the way the object entered the British Museum, either directly from India or through the India Museum.' The yantra is available for display to the viewers in Room 33 of the British Museum, case 8 where 8 other yantras (non-Jain) are nicely presented. The Digambara object is found among the highlighted objects for India on the Museum website, where an image and a short description are available on line (Plate 9.4)." The mantras This yantra is heavily inscribed and the text is often crowded. It is incised everywhere, from the centre to the very edge. The script is Devanagari. The language is Sanskrit, with some inaccuracies or spelling mistakes: for instance, -aya instead of -aya in the ending of the dative, single consonant when a double consonant is required (e.g., pata for patta), etc. Occasional orthographic features reflect the pronunciation of the Hindi * North Indian language) spoken by the person who incised the yantra, whoever he may be (e.g. -ja-for-ya- in Kundakundacarje). The text is transcribed here as it is, without any attempt at corrections, most of which are obvious anyway. Text 1) Centre: inscribed triangle inserted within a circle (Plate 9.5). In the middle is the syllable hrim in characters larger than the rest. In the first angle: om hrim samyag-darsanaya namah. In the second angle: om hrim samyag-jnanaya namah. In the third angle: om hrim samyag-caritraya namah 2) Around the central triangle is a circle arranged in three compartments, each of which is divided into two parts. a) om hrim astitva-dharmaya namahl om hrim vastutva-dharmaya namah b) om hrim prameyatva-dharmaya namah. I om hrim agarulaghutva-dharmaya namah c) om hrim cetanatva-dharmaya namah. I om hrim amurttatva-dharmaya namah 3) Around this circle is a larger circle in the shape of a flower with ten petals. On the ten petals we read: (i) om hrim uttama-ksama-dharmaya namah (ii) om hrim uttama-ma(r)dava-dharmaya namah om hrim uttamarjava-dharmaya namah (iv) om hrim uttama-satya-dharmaya namah om hrim uttama-soca-dharmaya namah V) omb 10 Such is the information which was kindly communicated by Dr. Michael Willis, Curator for South Asia, Asia Department, British Museum. 1 http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/asia/j/jain_yantra.aspx

Page #103
102 (vi) (vii) om hrim uttama-samjama-dharmaya namah om hrim uttama-tapo-dharmaya namah (viii) om hrim uttama-tyaga-dharmaya namah om hrim uttama-kimcana-dharmaya namah om hrim uttama-brahmacarya-dharmaya namah Between the petals we read: (ix) (x) (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi) SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah (vii) (viii) (ix) (x) om hrim samyaktva-dharmaya namah om hrim jnana-dharmaya namah. om hrim darsana-dharmaya namah. om hrim vaja-dharmaya namah om hrim saksama-dharmaya namah (for suksmadeg) om hrim avagahana-dharmaya namah. om hrim agurulaghutva-dharmaya namah om hrim avyavadha-gunaya namah. om hrim suddha-susamvedana-jnanaya namah om hrim svaramapratapane tapase namah. 4) Around the circle there is a narrow circular strip divided into five compartments which is also inscribed. From right to left: (i) om hrim ananta-darsanadi-catustayatmaka arhadbhyo namah (ii) om hrim samyaktvadi-gunatmaka seddhebhyo namah (iii) om hrim pamcacaraya acarjebhyo namah (iv) om hrim ratna-traya-prakasaka pathakebhyo namah (v) om hrim sva-sva(r)upa-sadhaka sarvva-sadhubhyo n. 5) Then come 108 inscribed spokes. The text is written vertically. The aksaras are placed one above the other. In the lower parts of the spokes, which are less narrow, two aksaras are written on the same line. The text is read from top to bottom. (i) om hrim akrta-manah krodha-sarabha-manogupteya (sic, for guptaye) namah (ii) om hrim akarita-manah-krodha-samrambha-nirvikalpa-dharmaya namah (iii) om hrim nanumodita-manah-krodha-samrambha-sananda-dharmaya namah (iv) om hrim akrta-manah-krodha-samarambha-paramanandaya namah (v) om hrim akarita-manah-krodha-samrambha-samtasta-dharmaya namah (vi) om hrim nanumodita-manah-krodha-samarambha-samtosa-dharmaya namah (vii) om hrim akrta-manah-krodha-arambha-anandasthanaya namah (viii) om hrim akarita-manah-krodha-arambha-anandasthanaya namah. (ix) om hrim nanumodita-manah-krodha-arambha-svabhavaya namah This is the first part of the litany. The organization is identical throughout. It consists of homages to various qualities characterizing the mental state of perfect beings who do not indulge in any of the four passions (kasaya) in any of the modes of action (to

Page #104
Nalini Balbir, A 17th century Digambara Yantra 103 do, to cause doing, to let do). There are 12 groups with 9 qualities each, thus amounting to 108: manah krodha mano mana mano maya mano lobha vacana krodha vacana mana vacana maya vacana lobha kaya krodha kaya mana kaya maya kaya lobha Among the qualities paid homage to in the final group are udasinaya, aksobhaya, nityasukhaya, etc. 6) On the next narrow border, starting above the words 'samvat 1688' we read, from right to left: om hrim Rasabhanathaya namah om hrim Ajitanathaya namah om hrim Sambhavanathaya namah om hrim Abhinandanaya namah om hrim Sumatinathaya namah om hrim Padmaprabhaya namah om hrim Suparsvanathaya namah om hrim Candraprabhaya namah om hrim Puspadamtaya namah om hrim Sitalanathaya namah om hrim Sreyasaya namah om hrim Vasupujyaya namah om hrim Vimalanathaya namah om hrim Anamtanathaya namah om hrim Dharmmanathaya namah om hrim Santinathaya namah om hrim Kunthunathaya namah om hrim Aranathaya namah om hrim Mallinathaya namah om hrim Munisuvrataya namah om hrim Naminathaya namah

Page #105
104 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah om hrim Neminathaya namah om hrim Parsvanathaya namah om hrim Viranathaya namah Comments This yantra is an excellent representative of the elaborate and maximalist variety of sacred diagrams, resulting into a kind of handlist of key Jain concepts. Homage is paid to auspicious beings, like the Five Entities or the 24 Jinas, and to all types of qualities (dharma, guna), whether they relate to faith, knowledge or behaviour. In the six sections we have distinguished, this yantra combines different varieties of mantras which are generally found separate on specific yantras: Section 1 is a Triratna yantra. Section 2 lists a total of six qualities. It can be compared with the BrhadNayacakra by Devasenacarya quoted in Jainendra Siddhanta Kosa 2 p. 243 where the same terms are included in a list of ten qualities: 1) astitva, 2) vastutva, 3) dravyatva, 4) prameyatva, 5) agurulaghutva, 6) pradesatva, 7) cetanatva, 8) acetanatva, 9) murttatva, 10) amurttatva. Eight out of ten apply to all dravyas: No. 8 and 9 do not apply to the jiva, No. 7 and 10 are absent in the pudgala, No. 7 and 9 are absent in dharma, adharma, akasa and kala. Section 3 first lists the ten components of dharma, the dasalaksanas, which are the topic of specific yantras: the Dasalaksana yantras are among the most frequently found."2 Further, these ten components are also the topic of a specific vrata." Some of the terms which come in the second list are shared by the Karmadahanayantra.14 Section 4 is an homage to the Five Supreme Entities and the qualities they represent (pancaparamesthin). Section 5 has been described above. It collects all sorts of qualities which can characterize only those who are totally freed from passions and thus enjoy eternal bliss and perfect knowledge. Section 6 is an homage to the twenty-four Jinas as can be found on Caubisamandala yantras. Hence the British Museum yantra is much more complex than any of the several examples conveniently provided in JSK vol. 3 pp. 347-368. It provides a further instance of a well-attested process at work in Jaina (and more generally Indian) iconography and literature: a larger ensemble is formed through the addition of single components which can be combined in any manner, almost without limit. 12 See above for the list of those available in Johrapurkar and No. 18 in JSK vol. 3 p. 354. 13 See for instance JSK vol. 2 p. 475 and Jnanapitha Pujanjali p. 539. 14 JSK vol. 3 p. 350.

Page #106
Nalini Balbir, A 17th century Digambara Yantra 105 Historical context Finally on the external border running around the disc information about the persons involved in the commissioning of the object is found. It is written on two lines. The script looks slightly different from the rest. This may be due to the lack of space and the difficulty of incising quite close to the edge. Text (line 1) samvat 1688 varse Jyesta sudi 4 ravau sriMulasanghe Valatakatkara (i.e. Balatkara)-gane Sarasvati-gache Kundakundacarjanvaye [Svastika] bhatarakasriSimhakirttidevas tat-pate bha(tta)raka-sriDharmakirttidevas tat-pate bhata(ra)kasriSilabhusanadevas tat-pate bhataraka [auspicious sign: hrim] sriJnanabhusa(na)devas tat-pate bhat(ara)ka-sriJagadbhusanadevas tad-amnae Soni-gotre {(above the line: lavakavaka ??) Isangha-Ri(?)hami-va seni (read Soni?) bha' Lalo pu 4 Mehi(?) bha nani pudeg Mitalu sambho bhadeg rase Mamaunade pu 5 Sitalu bha Bhahimati pudeg 5 Saugara Seni Narasighu agara Malu simapati sabhapati Ativalu bha Sahima (line 2) pudeg 5 susamalu catura-bhuju dhanidhara krapalu Me+u karu sajara pu bha Ajavapu samghapati bhadeg Vimohanadasi kamni bhao karamoti +ti bhadeg himsana depadeg Ratanamala jasodhanu jaga Malu bha mamaunade pudeg 5 tilokiu sapati pahala di+inadhanupita thi tithi +enatake I saghadi jara pu) jantra karapitam (kanigana jena tidasa sunata). In this part, the text is somewhat difficult to read. The portions where the reading is highly tentative have been inserted within {} Comments The final portion of the text is as elaborate as the succession of mantras. It is of historical significance as it supplies precise information about the date of the object and the parties involved in commissioning the yantra. In their full form, an inscription or a manuscript colophon unfolds in two stages, corresponding to the two sides of the sangha: the "mendicants" (sadhus or in the Digambara context, the clerics, bhantarakas) and the laypeople. Both have to associate closely in order to achieve their common aim, whether it is the making of an image, the writing of a manuscript, or, like here, the production of a yantra. 1. Here the religious lineage comes first. Its authenticity can be crosschecked with reference to inscriptions where the same names appear together.15 The key person who was the instigator of our yantra (jantra karapitam) is Jagadbhusana (Plate 9.6). This bhantaraka belonged to the so-called Ater branch of the Balatkaragana which had been initiated by Simhakirti (records available between V.S. 1520 and 1531), followed by Dharmakirti, Silabhusana (record available for V.S. 1621) and Jnanabhusana. All 15 For such information Johrapurkar's Bhattaraka Sampradaya remains an unrivalled source to date. See Johrapurkar pp. 126-135. 16

Page #107
106 SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah these names appear here in succession. The name of the sakha, however, is not explicitly mentioned. Jagadbhusana was active at least between V.S. 1686 and 1695. Here are some records of his activity: In V.S. 1686 (= 1629 A.D.) a Samyakcaritra yantra was made at his instigation. In V.S. 1688, the same year as our yantra, two Jina images were made at his instigation. In V.S. 1695 (= 1638) he was instrumental in the commissioning of a Harivamsapurana written in Hindi by Salivahana in Agra."7 18 His name also appears in an inscription engraved on a stone slab built into the cchatri near Mansingh's Palace inside the Gwalior fort, dated V.S. 1661 (= 1604), which refers to Akbar's reign." If this date is correct, it would provide an earlier testimony of Jagadbhusana's presence and role in the area. His identity makes no doubt, for the inscription also mentions the same spiritual lineage as the other documents known so far. It is likely that more evidence about him could be collected if one was able to scrutinize all possible Jain inscriptions of the Gwalior region. Added up this information highlights the manifold activity of a bhantaraka. Engaged in the promotion of Digambara culture he plays a part in the diffusion of learning (manuscripts) as well as in the making of objects for worship or rituals (images, yantras)." The result of chance or a hard fact: a relatively large number of the inscriptions relating to the Ater sakha are found on yantras. Could it indicate that the bhantarakas of this branch attached a special attention to this form of worship? 2. Unfortunately, the whereabouts of the laypeople who acted as donors are much less clearer than what relates to the bhantaraka. This part of the yantra is extremely difficult to decipher, and it is better to warn the reader that whatever is transcribed above is highly tentative except the name of the gotra "Soni", whose association with the bhattaraka lineage of Jagadbhusana is expressed by the compound tadamnde. Given the number of names listed it is clear that a joint family was involved in the investment made for getting this yantra produced. Their members are both men and women (for the latter, the names end with the suffix -de < devi), mentioned as couples having a number of "sons" (pudeg). At least some of these persons are praised for their qualities (if dhani "rich" and krapalu "compassionate" are correct readings). 17 See, respectively, Johrapurkar Nos. 310 to 313. 18 Indian Archaeology 1971-72. A review, No. 13 p. 54. The inscription records the construction of a suprabhavedi by various sravakas who are named, and refers to "an otherwise unknown local chief Rajasimha, son of Karnesa". 19 For the issue of bhattarakas's involvement in rituals, and even tantric rituals, which could become a source of controversy see Cort (2002: 41). 20 Bhattarakas often act as "caste-gurus", but the evidence collected above for Jagadbhusana shows that he was in contact with families of different groups. See also Mukhtar 1954: introduction p. 79 and Prasasti No. 107 p. 159 for his association with the Golapurva caste.

Page #108
Nalini Balbir, A 17th century Digambara Yantra 107 Certain words ending with pati (such as samghapati, which is tentatively read once) could suggest that the male members of the family were wealthy and occupied a leading position within their social group. If such is the case, it is likely that this yantra was not the only production of their pious activity and that their names would recur in other documents (inscriptions in temples or on images, manuscript-prasastis, etc.) as it often happens for elite members of the Jain society who engage themselves in multiple prestigious religious deeds. This hypothesis could not be checked for lack of adequate reference material at hand. How was the yantra used? This portion of the text does not inform about the use of the yantra. The only verbal form we have is karapitam, but we do not have any reference to the next stage: the consecration or the ritual installation of the yantra. Skt. pratisthita-, pratisthapita-, which we have in other inscriptions found on yantras is lacking here.2A correlate piece of information which is missing is the name of the place where this consecration happened (unless it is hidden in the lines which are hardly readable), although one can observe that it is far from being mentioned systematically.22 But it is likely that this object was prepared and inscribed in North India, probably in the region around Gwalior, Agra and Ater. Located to the North-East of Gwalior on the bank of the Chambal, Ater (dist. Bhind) is associated with the monastic lineage of the bhattaraka Jagadbhusana. The region is known for its wealth in Jain temples and images of all kinds.23 We are left in the dark about the precise destination of the yantra. Was it originally found in a temple of the Gwalior area? Was it found in South India, perhaps Sravana Belgola where it had been carried by North Indian pilgrims? The year when it was made (VS. 1688 = 1631 CE) does not correspond to a year when the Mahamastakabhiseka of Bahubali is known to have been celebrated, if we trust available written records.24 But this hypothesis is not unlikely, given the pan-Jain fame of Sravana Belgola and its surroundings. Among the overwhelming majority of Kannada inscriptions, there is also evidence of Marwari inscriptions left on the site by 21 See for instance Johrapurkar No. 261 (... srisamyagdarsana yantra karapitam pratisthapitam); 308 (srikalikunda yantra karapitam /srikalyanam bhuyat); 322 (yantrapratistha karita tatra pratisthitam); 609 (see next note); 615 (see next note); 685 (sribhusana-pratisthitam viryacaritra-yantram nityam pranamamti); 746 (see next note). 22 In fact very few of the yantra-inscriptions collected in Johrapurkar do record a place-name: No. 322 (Aterapure); No. 609 (dasalaksaniyantram pratisthapitam Phatehapura-madhye); No. 746 (sri Abadanagara pratisthitam). 23 For a pioneering study of bronzes found in the area and made in large numbers between the 13th and the 15th century see Jain (2007). 24 According to the list given in Sangave 1981: 97. Celebrations in the 17th century took place in 1612, 1659 and 1677.

Page #109
108 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah North Indian (Rajasthani) pilgrims.25 That Digambara devotees bring metal yantras which are garlanded with flowers and used in rituals associated with the colossal image of Bahubali is well known. In the window case of the British Museum our yantra is adequately accompanied by a colour photograph of a circular copper yantra resting on the toe of Bahubali's foot. Devotees ascending the sacred hill would be keen on placing it at the feet of the seventeen metres tall monolithic statue of Bahubali for the daily padapuja or for any occasional ceremony (Plate 9.7). The relatively large size of our yantra would suggest that it was meant for use in a public ritual, to serve as a seat for Jina images or for display along with other images. But it could also be that it was to be used in a private family ritual for protection or peace and prosperity by the members of the Soni caste mentioned in the colophon. One thing is sure: it does not belong to the type of Jain yantras "which were to be carried in the pocket or worn as amulets" (Jain-Fischer 1978: II p. 4)! References Bharatiya, Maniprabha, 1990 : "Dio Jain Mandir Lunakaranji Pamdya Mandala-Citra" [Hindi] in Anupacanda Nyayatirtha, Jayapur Digambar Jain Mandir Paricay, Sri Digambar Jain Mandir Mahasamgha, Jaipur, 1990, pp. 47-49 of the caturtha khanda. Cort, John E., 2002: "A Tale of Two Cities: On the Origins of Digambar Sectarianism in North India" in Multiple Histories : culture and society in the study of Rajasthan, Lawrence A. Babb, Varsha Joshi, Michael W. Meister (ed.). Jaipur, Rawat Publications, pp. 39-83. Cort, John E., 2009 : "Contemporary Jain Mandala Rituals" in Victorious Ones. Jain Images of Perfection, ed. Ph. Granoff, Rubin Museum of Art, New York & Mapin Publishing Ahmedabad, pp. 141-157. Devot Sohanalal, 1990: "Mandirom mem upalabdha yantrom ki upayogita evam mahattva" in Anupacanda Nyayatirtha, Jayapur Digambar Jain Mandir Paricay, Sri Digambar Jain Mandir Mahasamgha, Jaipur, 1990, pp. 10-24 of the tetiya khanda. Doshi, Saryu, 1981: "The Art Treasures of Shravana Belgola", pp. 101-140 in Homage to Shravana Belgola, Marg Publications, 1981 (hardcover) = pp. 49 88 in In Praise of Gommateshvara Shravana Belgola, Marg, 1981. Doshi, Saryu, 1985: Masterpieces of Jain Painting, Marg, 1985. Duggar Hiralal, Yantra-Mantra-Tantra Vijnana, Prathama bhag & dusra bhag. Jain Pracin Sahitya Prakasan Mandir Sahadra, Dilli, 1985. 25 Epigraphia Carnatica vol. 2, No. 302 (201) p. 455, No. 304, 306, 307-321 (V.S. 1812), No. 384-386, 442.

Page #110
Nalini Balbir, A 17th century Digambara Yantra 109 Epigraphia Carnatica, vol. 2, Second revised edition. Institute of Kannada Studies, University of Mysore, 1973. Hegewald, Julia A.B., 2009: Jaina Temple Architecture in India. The Development of a Distinct Language in Space and Ritual, GH Verlag, Berlin (Monographien zur indischen Archaeologie, Kunst und Philologie Band 19). Jain, Jyotindra & Fischer, Eberhard, 1978: Jaina Iconography. 2 parts. Leiden: E.J. Brill (Iconography of Religions XIII, 13). Part II: Objects of meditation and the pantheon. Jain, Navneet Kumar, 2007. "Jaina Bronzes in Northern Madhya Pradesh" in SumatiJnana. Perspectives of Jainism. A Commemoration Volume in the Honour of Acarya 108 Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja, Ed. Shiv Kant Dwivedi & Navneet Kumar Jain, Muzaffarnagar, 2007, pp. 187-193. Jnanapitha Pujanjali, ed. Phulacandra Siddhantasastri. Kashi: Bharatiya Jnanapitha, 1957 (Jnanapitha Murtidevi Jaina Granthamala, Hindi Series 7). Johrapurkar, V.P. 1958. Bhattaraka Sampradaya (A History of the Bhattaraka Pithas especially of Western India, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh). Sholapur, 1958 (Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala No. 8). JSK Jainendra Siddhanta Kosa by Ksu. Jinendra Varni. 5 volumes. Delhi: Bharatiya Jnanapitha, 2nd ed. 1985-. Mukhtar, Jugalkishore, 1954. Jainagrantha-Prasasti-Samgraha, Delhi, Vira Seva Mandir (Virasevamandira Granthamala 12). Nagarajaiah, Hampa, 2007. Morphology of Jaina Architecture, Shravana Belgola, 2007. Nyayatirtha, Anupacanda, 1990 (ed.): Jayapur Digambar Jain Mandir Paricay, Sri Digambar Jain Mandir Mahasamgha, Jaipur. Sangave, Vilas A., 1981: The Sacred Shravanabelagola. A Socio-Religious Study. New Delhi, Bharatiya Jnanpith.

Page #111
Illustrating the Bhaktamara Stotra Phyllis GRANOFF The University of Michigan Museum of Art has in its collection 18 folios of an unidentified Jain manuscript assigned to the 18th century and to Sirohi.' Two more folios of the same manuscript are in the Los Angeles County Museum and are also unidentified. Photographs of the folios are available on the museum websites, and one of the folios in Los Angeles is published by Pratapadatiya Pal in the Peaceful Liberators, where it is identified simply as "Lustration of a Jina" and assigned to the early 19th century Gujarat. Sirohi seems to be more likely as the place of origin of the manuscript. The Michigan manuscript closely resembles a Vijnaptipatra from Sirohi now in the Spencer Collection of the New York Public Library and dated 1761. It also shares many features with a Vijnaptipatra in the Delhi Museum, also from Sirohi and dated 1737.4 The illustrations have been separated from the text, which has made their identification difficult. In fact, comparison with an intact manuscript belonging to the Oriental Research Institute in Ara, Bihar, and recently digitized and put on the web by the International Digamber Jain Organization makes it clear that the Michigan folios belong to an illustrated Bhaktamara Stotra. The Bhaktamara Stotra enjoyed and continues to enjoy unusual popularity among all Jains. Scholars have argued that the hymn was composed by a Svetambara monk sometime around the 6th century. Digambaras also count its author as one of their own and depict him in the paintings as a Digambara monk. The Digambara version of the hymn contains 48 verses as against the 44 of the Svetambara version. Illustrated manuscripts of the hymn are rare, and I Accession numbers 1975.2. 153-180. The manuscript is 28.9 cm x 18 cm ( 11 3/8 in 7 1/16 in.). Photographs courtesy of the museum. 2 The Peaceful Liberators: Jain Art from India, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1994, figure 37, page 50. This is one of the opening folios of the illustrated Bhaktamara, which typically begins with scenes from the life of the first Jina, Rsabhanatha. Accession numbers AC 1975.2.165;178. 3 This is also illustrated in Pal, pp. 85 and 251. I thank Elena Preda, University of Bologna, for this information. 5 http://www.idjo.org/Manuscript.asp?id=4&i=0 6 Madhusudan Dhaky and Jitendra Shah, Manatunga aur unke Stotra, Ahmedabad: Sharadaben Chimanbhat Educational Research Center, 1997. See also John Cort, "Devotional Culture in Jainism", Manatunga and his Bhaktamara Stotra", in James, Blumenthal, ed., Incompatible Visions: South Asian Religion in History and Culture Essays in Honor of David Knipe, Madison: University of Wisconsin, Center for South Asia, 2006, pp. 93-115.

Page #112
Phyllis Granoff, Illustrating the Bhaktamarastotra 111 have seen only Digambara illustrated manuscripts. None predates the 17th century. Considering the large number of manuscripts of the hymn itself, there are surprisingly few illustrated examples that are known to date. It is also somewhat surprising, given the long history of Jain manuscript paintings, that the known manuscripts are all so late. Much remains to be studied about the tradition of illustrating the Bhaktamara, and this is a small contribution to what must be a much larger endeavor. The Michigan manuscript is an outstanding example of late Jain manuscript painting. There are two types of illustrated Bhaktamara manuscripts. One deals with magic diagrams and the other with illustrations to the verse themselves. I will only be concerned here with the illustrations to the verses. In addition to their esoteric associations with magic formulas and diagrams, every verse of the hymn also came to be associated with a story that vividly describes the miraculous results of reciting a particular verse. These stories, many of which are known from other didactic story collections, were told in commentaries to the verses. Interestingly, the illustrations to the hymn in the manuscripts with which I am familiar do not depict events in the miracle stories, but are intended to illustrate the verses themselves. This is somewhat different from what we see in illustrated manuscripts of other texts, and I should add in recent publications of the hymn that include illustrations. A new Gujarati book, for example, includes a wide range of miracle stories, which it illustrates. Traditionally, among the Svetambaras, illustrated manuscripts, for example of the Kalpasutras or Uttaradhyayanasutras, also included illustrations of the material in the commentaries in addition to the root text itself, perhaps because of the ease with which such narratives lend themselves to illustrations, in contrast to the more abstract contents of the texts. One of the unique features of the illustrated Bhaktamara stotra manuscripts that I have examined is the skill which the illustrators have found a way to depict the most abstract concepts, often by relying upon small visual clues within the verses themselves, and at other times making use of commonly accepted metaphors. In their efforts to depict abstractions these painters seem to me to be closer to the sculptors of images of the Jinas that to painters of narrative scenes. The sculptors endeavored to convey the abstract notion of the extraordinary knowledge of the Jina ? A manuscript dated 1773 A.D. has recently been published: Manatunga, Bhaktamara Stotra (Sacitra). Mahavirji: Jain Vidya Sansthan, 2005. The book has been reviewed by John Cort, ACSAA, 66, Fall/Winter 2006, pp. 15-16. I thank John for a copy of the review and his articles on the Bhaktamara. John notes in the review, p. 16, that Saryu Doshi in her book, Masterpieces of Jain Painting, Mumbai: Marg Publications, 1985, p. 77, in passing mentions illustrations to the hymn and published a black and white photo of a manuscript painted in Bikaner in 1694. The website of the International Digamber Jain Organization also includes several remarkable Bhaktamara manuscripts with delicately colored yantras. 9 The hymn has been edited many times. The edition of Professor Hiralal Rasikdas Kapadia in the Sresthi Devacandralalbhai Jain Pustakoddhara Series 79, Bombay: Nirnayasagara Press, 1932, contains a commentary with miracle stories. For information on Jain tantra, see the references I gathered for the catalogue, The Victorious Ones, New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2009, p. 297.

Page #113
112 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah through the perfection of his physical body. According to one medieval monk, every Jina image in its perfection was to remind us of the Jina in his preaching assembly. The preaching assembly was itself a reminder of the Omniscience of the Jina. In fact, depicting the preaching assembly or samavasarana was the standard way in which manuscripts of the Kalpasutra portrayed the Omniscience of the Jina. We shall see that the artist of the Bhaktamara in a similar fashion relied on accepted images and generally shared understandings to illustrate such an abstract concept like knowledge. I begin my discussion of the Michigan manuscript of the Bhaktamara Stotra with verse 20 of the hymn, a praise of the Jina's unique knowledge: "The knowledge that shines within you, reflecting every object in the universe, has no place in the other gods, like Visnu and Siva. Great is the light that glitters from gemstones; glass is worthless, no matter how much it sparkles." In plate 10.1, which illustrates this verse, we see the Hindu gods, Visnu and his wife Laksmi and Siva and his wife Parvati, in the bottom register. Siva and Parvati appear in the conjoined form as Ardhanarisvara. Above Visnu and Laksmi the seated monk Manatunga, author of the hymn, gestures both to the seated Jina and upwards to the sun, with its radiant light. In the Ara manuscript (Plate 10.2), the Hindu gods are off to one side, while the sun is placed very obviously directly above the head of the standing Jina. The monk gestures toward the sun and the Jina. It is the sun here that represents the awesome knowledge that the Jina possesses. The knowledge of the Jina and the Jina himself were often compared to the radiant sun, removing the darkness of ignorance. Manatunga himself uses the comparison in several verses of the hymn. In verse 7 the poet sings, "All the sins that living beings have accumulated over countless rebirths vanish without a trace when they praise you, just as the bee-black darkness of night, spread out over the world , vanishes in the rays of the sun." And in verse 17 the poet praises the Jina as even greater than the sun, for the knowledge of the Jina makes known or illumines all the worlds at once and is never obstructed, while the sun sets and illuminates only a fraction of the worlds at any given time. The illustrator of the Ara manuscript for this verse depicted the seated Jina inside a giant sun to show the Jina's extraordinary knowledge (Plate 10.3). This illustration is lacking in the Michigan manuscript, but it is clear that the sun as a metaphor for knowledge would have been easily recognized. 10 Samayasundara, "When one sees the Jina image one recalls the real Jina in the midst of his wondrous preaching assembly. And when one recalls the Jina and thinks upon his virtues, there is a great gain. At once bad future rebirths are prevented and a good rebirth is insured.", Samacari Sataka, verse 40. The text is published in the Sri Jinadattasuri Pracina Pustakoddhara Fund, 41, Surat 1939. I have discussed the role of memory and art, particularly Jain art, in a forthcoming paper, "Bewitching Beauty: Some Jain Reflections in Art: in a festschrift for Koichi Shinohara edited by James Benn and James Robson, Mosaic Press.

Page #114
Phyllis Granoff, Illustrating the Bhaktamarastotra 113 Verse 20 and its illustrations celebrate not only the unique power of the Jina's knowledge, but also the superiority of the Jina over the Hindu gods that results from the fact that only the Jina has such knowledge. The Michigan manuscript places the Hindu gods in the lower register, while we have seen that the Ara manuscript places them off to the side and in a posture that could even be construed as a gesture of worship to the Jina. In medieval poetry, Jain monks stressed that the superiority of the Jina over the Hindu gods could be seen from the Jina image itself, for the Jina is always depicted without weapons and without a wife, indicating his espousal of nonviolence and his complete renunciation of sensory pleasures." In both figures 1 and 2 the Hindu gods are shown with their wives, though the verse does not mention them, and their weapons are clearly shown, perhaps to emphasize their difference from the Jina, who is alone, without adornment and without any weapons. The desire to emphasize these unique virtues of the Jina may also explain why the artists have chosen the conjoint form of Siva and Parvati, for Hindu legends tell us that their love and longing for each other were so great that they could not bear the slightest bodily separation and fused into one form. The Ardhanarisvara form, then, is the ultimate depiction of lust at its highest most uncontrollable level. There is something else of interest here. If you look closely at the Michigan folio, at the bottom just under the throne of Visnu-Laksmi and beyond the yellow border you will see that the artist has practiced drawing faces on the margins of the illustration. He has practiced the double head of the Siva/Parvati, suggesting perhaps that he was not accustomed to drawing these Hindu deities. Plates 4 and 5 illustrate verse 35 in the Digambara version of the hymn, a verse that is not found in the Svetambara version. The Michigan manuscript (Plate 10.4) shows the Jina seated on a throne with a triple parasol above him. The Jina appears to be fourheaded. Manatunga worships the Jina, while a small, crowned and adoring figure, no doubt a god, is shown at the bottom of the illustration. The composition is framed by architectural elements at either side, A dark cloud band at the top is echoed by the rocky landscape at the base. The Ara manuscript (Plate 10.5) shows the same fourheaded Jina with Manatunga at the left. To the right is a tree and water pot. The verse praises the miraculous speech of the Jina at his first preaching, immediately following his Enlightenment. The speech of the Jina is not like ordinary speech. Among its unique qualities are these: every living being hears it in his own language, and it resounds throughout the universe. For medieval Jain monks, it was not only the physical beauty of the Jina's form that gave proof of his Omniscience. His marvelous 1 Thus Hemacandra, "The Jina is called Samkara, 'The One who Brings Peace', because it is he who is Siva, 'the Auspicious One'. Whether standing or seated in meditation, he is without weapons and unaccompanied by a wife". This is from the Mahadevastotra (verse 15), Kalikala-sarvajnasrihemacandracaryaracita Stotratrayi, Petaladavala: Sa. Bhailal Ambalal, V.S. 2016 (1936), p. 20. For further references see my paper cited above.

Page #115
114 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah speech was also a direct indication of his incomparable knowledge. 12 Here is how Manatunga praised the speech of the Jina in verse 35: "Your words are savoured by those who desire to find a path to heaven or to Final Release; only your words are capable of revealing the true dharma; miraculous, they transform themselves into many languages so that each living being can understand them." Seeking for a way to represent something as abstract as "speech", the illustrator again resorts to an allusion to something familiar, in this case the setting in which the Jina uttered his miraculous speech. At the first preaching that immediately followed the Jina's achievement of Omniscience, one of the miracles is that the Jina can be seen from all four directions. The artist has attempted to convey this by means of the multiple heads. He relies here on a series of associations to illustrate the abstract notion of the Jina's miraculous speech. The Jina who can be seen from all four directions is the Jina in the first preaching assembly. The marvelous speech of the Jina, the subject of the verse, is in turn manifested at that preaching assembly. If the sun was a metaphor for the Omniscience of the Jina in the illustration to verse 20, the Jina looking in all four directions is a metonym for the preaching assembly, the setting for the divine sermon, which in turn calls to mind the first sermon and the miraculous nature of the Jina's speech. I would suggest that the illustrators relied again on familiar images in this next illustration (Plates 10.6 and 10.7). We see in lower register Garuda, the bird mount of Visnu and next to him, Nandin, the bull of Siva (Plate 10.6). Garuda has his hands folded in reverence. To the right are Siva and Visnu, in the combined form of Harihara.. In the top register the Jina is seated on a throne, with Manatunga at his side. This illustrates verse 21, which is another verse about the superiority of the Jina over the Hindu gods. In a playful tone the poet says, "I would rather see Siva and Visnu, for whenever I see them my heart filled with devotion to you. But when I see you, o Lord, there is nothing else that can give me pleasure, now and forever more." Garuda and Nandin are examples of absolute devotion in Hindu mythology, and one suspects that their gesture of reverence is meant for the Jina. Both gaze upward, and Nandin is standing on a platform that even tilts upward towards the Jina. That this is the case is clear from the comparison with the Ara manuscript (Plate 10.7), where the gods and their mounts are all worshipping the Jina. The Ara illustrator has stressed 12 Siddhasena in his first Dvatrimsika, verse 14, states that the body of the Jina, which is always unchanging, devoid of ordinary red blood, and his marvelous speech suffice to convince even the most ordinary person of the Jina's true Omniscience. Dvatrimsad-dvatrimfikah tatra prathama dvatrimfika with commentary of Vijayalavanyasuri, Srivijayanemisurigranthamalaratna, 38, Saurashtra: Srivijayalavanyasurisvara Jnanamandira, 1951, p. 22. My paper cited above includes other verses from this text.

Page #116
Phyllis Granoff, Illustrating the Bhaktamarastotra 115 Manatunga's devotion to the Jina; here Manatunga is depicted standing and raising his arm toward the Jina in a dramatic gesture. All of these examples, I would argue, rely on the viewer's familiarity with certain ideas or visual clues that are not directly expressed in the illustrated verses themselves, but belonged to generally accepted cultural knowledge. In other cases the verses themselves directly provide a concrete visual clue for the illustrator even when the verse revolves around something abstract. It is standard in devotional poetry for the poet to proclaim his own unworthiness and to say that it is only his deep love for the deity that impels him to commit the rash act of trying to put into words the greatness of God, something that is truly beyond the range of human comprehension or language. In verse 5 Manatunga says, "O Lord of sages, incompetent though I am, I have begun this hymn of praise to you out of devotion. Doesn't the deer out of love rush towards the lion to protect her fawn, not for a moment thinking of her own weakness?". Plate 10.8, which illustrates this verse, is one of the firest illustrations in the Michigan manuscript. Typical of all the illustrations in the manuscript the actors are carefully separated from each other by various devices. In the top register we see the Jina seated on a three-tiered throne, framed by an architectural niche. Manatunga is beside him, with a water pot on his seat and a book on a stand.. The book has letters in Devanagari on it; other books on other folios will have unreadable writing that looks more like Arabic script than like Devanagari. The space that Manatunga occupies is clearly marked off from the larger niche in which the Jina sits by the presence of what might be columns, two vertical areas with geometric patterns. The lower register is set off by a thicker border with diagonal yellow lines. There we see a deer rushing at a lion, her three fawns protected by her body. Waving trees heighten the drama of the scene. The skill of the illustrator is immediately apparent from a comparison with the less elegant, more folksy Ara manuscript in Plate 10.9. In a similar manner, Plates 10 and 11, illustrations to verse 27, latch on to a potential visual clue within the verse itself to illustrate an abstract thought. The verse reads, "O Lord of Sages! What wonder is it that every conceivable virtue is found in you, leaving no space for anything else. For even in my dreams I never see a hint of any of those flaws that boast of being everywhere in the world." It is the reclining, dreaming figure that alerts us to the rest of the content of the verse, a celebration of the many virtues of the Jina. Not all the artistic choices seem equally felicitous. The Michigan manuscript lacks the illustration for verse 24, a verse that praises the Jina in terms often used in Indian philosophical texts. Manatunga tells us that the wise know the Jina as the impersishable one, the lord of Yogins, the one who is beyond thought, immeasurable, the primordial one, all pervasive, both one and many. In the Ara manuscript (Plate

Page #117
116 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 10.12), we see the standing Manatunga offering reverence to a standing Jina, on whose surface an identical smaller Jina figure has been delineated. Perhaps this is meant to show that the Jina is both one and not one. The commentator explains this apparent contradiction in several ways. One explanation he offers is that as a category or a group the Jina is one, but there are also 24 individual Jinas in each world cycle. Many of the verses of the hymn offered few such problems for the illustrator. They describe either concrete visual features of the Jina or Jina image, or the concrete benefits that accrue from reciting the verses of the hymn. Plates 13 and 14 illustrate verse 22, which praises the mother of the Jina. Hundreds of mothers have given birth to hundreds of sons; only one mother gave birth to the Jina. The next two figures (Plates 10.15 and 10.16), illustrate verse 34, praising the glorious halo that surrounds the the Jina on his Enlightenment. The presence of the halo is one of the eight pratiharya or so-called miraculous manifestations that accompany the Jina after his Enlightenment. Here the verse describes how the Jina's halo of light puts to shame all the heavenly bodies. Greater than a multitude of suns, it is also gentler than the moon at night. The poet means to say that the light of the Jina's halo is comforting not burning, something that is said in Sanskrit poetry of the light of the moon. At the same time, the light of the Jina is as brilliant as the light of countless suns. And by this seeming paradox the poet tells us that the light of the Jina's halo is not of this world. The Michigan illustrator (Plate 10.15) has chosen to depict the greatness of the halo by making it large, the round circle filling most of the picture space. The Michigan halo with its concentric circles also suggests the miraculous preaching assembly, which in turn alerts us to the marvelous appearance of the halo. Both illustrators show a host of creatures, animal, human and divine worshiping the halo. Recitation of specific verses of the hymn is said to bring specific benefits. One of the diseases that it cures is jalodararoga, or dropsy, in which the belly swells. Plates 17 and 18 illustrate verse 45. We see the patient lying on a couch, belly visibly swollen. The verse tells us, "Those who have been utterly wrecked by their burdensome swollen abdomens, who are plagued by the terrible disease of dropsy and have given up all hope, become as handsome as the god of Love himself, their bodies anointed with a life-saving nectar, the dust from your lotus feet." Reciting this verse in prayer to the Jina brings relief from this unendurable disease. The hymn can also protect against snakes and attack by wild beasts or enemy armies. It can even free a person who is tied up in chains and cast into a dungeon. Plates 19 and 20 illustrate verse 47, which sums up the virtues of reading or reciting the hymn: a person who studies this hymn has nothing to fear from wild elephants, lions, fires, battles, the ocean, dropsy or imprisonment.

Page #118
Phyllis Granoff, Illustrating the Bhaktamarastotra 117 The Bhaktamara Stotra continues to be illustrated today. It is depicted in stone on the remarkable temple at Sanganer, for example (Plates 10.21 and 10.22).'3 The stability of the iconographic tradition was already apparent from a comparison of the two manuscripts discussed in this paper, and now the reliefs on the temple at Sanganer tell us that much of the iconographic program has been maintained over the centuries and despite the change in the medium. Once some unknown artist achieved this remarkably successful language to convey in painting what Manatunga the hymnist had said in words, that visual language would seem to have been remarkably consistent. Indeed, in the case of the Michigan and Ara manuscripts, so similar are the illustrations for any given verse that I was able to identify the subject of the Michigan manuscript immediately on finding the Ara manuscript. Our aware these are illustrations to a poem might help us to appreciate the stability of the artistic formula. These paintings use visual images as their words, just as they rely upon widely shared metaphors and other figures of speech. Recognition and familiarity are important; the viewer has to know the language of these illustrations, just as someone who reads the hymn has to know the language in which it is written and its literary conventions. And here I think that literature and literary theory can help us with another question that these manuscripts raise: originality or lack of it. Sanskrit writers take as dim a view as we do of plagiarism, and they had a remarkably subtle understanding of originality. It is not afraid of the works of other poets, but demands of the true poet some creative touch in the use of a traditional image.14 I do not think that anyone would doubt the creativity of the Michigan artist. Using a language that others also spoke and relying on a shared vocabulary of images, the Michigan artist has nonetheless created a great poem. 13 I thank Dominique Sila Khan for these photographs. 14 I have written on plagiarism in Sanskrit literature, "Putting the Polish on the Poet's Efforts: Reading the Karnasundari as a Reflection on Poetic Creativity", in a volume edited by David Shulman and Yigal Bronner, forthcoming.

Page #119
Further Observations on Western Indian Miniatures Klaus BRUHN Considering the limited number of Jainas through the ages, the amount of Jaina literature is unusual; it defies all attempts at exhaustive investigation. Furthermore, the sheer number of manuscripts is enormous. Finally, many works have given rise to illuminated manuscripts, some to a considerable number of such manuscripts. There is much repetition in the field of book illustration, but repetition is combined with variation, and variation has many faces. Minute differences between miniatures deserve as much attention as obvious differences. Roughly speaking, most miniatures have been identified by now, but at this stage there is a particular need for accurate analysis as the second step after identification. It is hoped that the present study will give an idea of this situation. The material on which the present paper is based is identical with the material of our Uttaradhyayana study (2005).' However, the labels on the relevant slides (always "Utt...") are confusing. The situation is described below: The thirteen slides from Muni Punyavijaya's collection (BRUHN 2005: 38-39) are, according to the labels, all Uttaradhyayana slides. In the case of the six slides published in BRUHN 2005 this is correct for figs. 3-6 (Bild 3-6), but figs. 1-2 (Bild 12) may be Uttaradhyayana Sutra or Kalpasutra ("general motifs"). The seven slides of the present article have Plate 7 definitely from Kalpasutra, Plate 6 definitely from Uttaradhyayana Sutra, Plates 1-2 and 3-4 from Uttaradhyayana Sutra or from Kalpasutra ("general motifs"). Plate 5 is also uncertain. - Refer for Utt in general to BRUHN 2005: 38-39. The thirteen miniatures with their warm colour and careful delineation of motifs are among the best specimens of 15th century painting. The sharp (and crude) contrast between different colours (cf. MORGENROTH/HICKMANN 1979) is absent. All specialists know that 15th century paintings are of uneven quality. - Previously published in: VANAMALA Festschrift A.J. Gail - serta adalberto joanni gail LXV. diem natalem celebranti ab amicis collegis discipulis dedicata. Eds. Gerd J.R. Mevissen & Klaus Bruhn. Berlin: Weidler Buchverlag, 2006, pp. 28-36. A small collection of 13 slides is the basis of BRUHN 2005 (6 slides) and of the present paper (7 slides: Plates 1-7). See BRUHN 2005: 47, Appendix. The slides belong to the collection Mevissen (BRUHN 2005: 37, fn.1).

Page #120
Klaus Bruhn, Further Observations on Western Indian Miniatures There arises the question whether our thirteen miniatures "belong together" from the point of view of style. However, nothing can justifiably be said as long as we do not have more material. At this stage the manuscripts and the miniatures seem to form some sort of group. Out of the ten pictures illustrated in the present paper, three belong to "section" I, four to "section" II, and three to "sections" III to V. 119 SECTION I The first two pictures (Plates 11.1 and 11.2) show the seated Jina or Tirthamkara (BRUHN 2004: fig. 3; BRUHN 2005: fig. 1). In Western Indian miniature painting, the Jina is usually seated. Here we have, moreover, the case of 15th century Jina pictures with their stereotyped program and their horror vacui (see below). Earlier renderings show greater economy. The Jina NAWAB 1980 (pl. 25 [opp. p. 48]: fig. 96, palm-leaf) has the following formula (from top to bottom): elephant... elephant, camara-bearer... camara-bearer, small human figure... small human figure, throne-cushion, throne (deer/cakra/deer). Still simpler is BROWN 1933 (pl. 1 [opp. p. 116]: fig. 1, palm-leaf): camara-bearer... camara-bearer, cushion, throne (elephant/lion/cakra/lion/elephant). This Jina wears no jewellery. We show a third early painting which is dated: 11.fig.1, palm-leaf, 1295 A.D. The torana area is crammed with drawings (elephants etc., cf. NAWAB 1956: fig. 60 et passim). Our first colour plate (11.1) shows the throne or plinth formula elephant/ornament/elephant. A very clear "double-leaf"" is presented, a motif or formula which is derived from sculptural originals (BRUHN 1969: figs. 31, 141 etc.). In miniature painting, the motif consists of two stalks and two buds (with occasional deviations). Plate 2 has the plinth formula: elephant (fore-pt.)/stylized cakra/elephant (fore-pt.). There is no "double-leaf"; instead we have two half-views of a purnakalasa, one halfview to the left of the head of the Jina and one to the right. The dhoti of Plate 2 has, against Plate 1, apparently no "folds" (see SECTION V). The lower zone of the picture offers but a limited opportunity for variation. The throne is sometimes clear, sometimes blurred. In the "present genre" (seated Jinas of the 15th century) variation does exist, but it is carried out at random, and it is not linked with substantial changes. The dominant impression is repetition. The present

Page #121
120 SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah genre: NAWAB 1956: col.figs. 1, 60, figs. 72, 156, 186, 238, 274, 276, col.figs. 406, 420, 423, 424. Plates 1-2 follow the tradition in general and in the following details: There is a mark on the forehead (tilaka) and an object above the hands of the seated Jina (obviously a fruit). The cihna or distinguishing mark is visible directly below the Jina, but often indistinct (Plate 1 quadruped [?]; Plate 2 lion [?]). The Jina is decorated with jewellery, which became standard at an early date. SECTION II The following two pictures (Plates 11.3 and 11.4) show possibly Gautama Indrabhuti. But we are in the miniatures strictly speaking not concerned with an individual, but with a type: mainly eleven Ganadharas or Fathers-of-the-Church. The Ganadhara is in our miniatures a single seated monk shown en face. We occasionally find pictures of the Ganadharas (JACOBI 1884: 286-287) with the Ganadhara type appearing eleven times (BROWN 1934: figs. 130-132). We also have Ganadhara pictures with the names of saints inscribed (SHAH 1978: pl. 6, figs. 17-18), another instance of oscillation between type and individual. Gautama Indrabhuti is according to legend one of the eleven Ganadharas (JACOBI 1884: 265-266, 267). The rosary is the main attribute (hand attribute) of the Ganadhara, not compulsory, but frequent. The mudra is mostly "forefinger touching the thumb, with and without rosary". The other attributes: (a) lotus fully developed and rising as a plant from the ground (below the Ganadhara), and (b) lotus as nimbus (mostly stylized). Plate 3: plant, Plate 4: nimbus. The two lotus-motifs are fully developed in 11.fig.3 (1411 A.D.). The Ganadhara at times sits in a small niche the substitute for the dense motif ensemble encircling the Jina (Plates 1-2). On the whole, the Ganadhara gives the impression of an idol like the Jina (in particular in his elaborated form: lotus motifs etc.). The Ganadhara is always bare-headed, while the contemporary Jinas are shown with a "tiara". The Ganadhara Indrabhuti is in one case indistinguishable from Parsva's disciple Kesi (BRUHN 2005: Bild 5). However, the figure to the right has his right shoulder covered, and this detail may or may not characterize Kesi. Refer for an early and primitive Ganadhara to 11.fig.2 (palm-leaf, 1295 A.D.). The solid double-leaf is also found in NAWAB 1980: pl. 13, fig. 39: Jina. Refer for the broader scheme (ordinary monks, superior monks or acaryas, Ganadharas, etc.) to our preliminary typology in BRUHN 2005: 38. The Ganadharas have several elements in common with monks: broom, bare shoulder, mouth-cloth. Broom: The monastic broom (rajoharana) is used to clean the ground

Page #122
Klaus Bruhn, Further Observations on Western Indian Miniatures 121 of small animals (insects etc.) before depositing some object. The material (wool, grass, peacock-feathers) differs from case to case (SCHUBRING 1935/1962: SS 145). See BRUHN 1969: fig. 210 etc.; BALBIR 2000: 41, fn. 96 (historical details); JAIN/FISCHER 1978/2: Pl. XVIa; DOSHI 1985: 129.-Shoulder: The right shoulder of the monks is left bare, the nuns have both shoulders covered. - Mouth-cloth: The inconspicuous piece of cloth on the bare shoulder is the mouth-cloth or mukhavastrika (Plates 3-4). It was originally (the canonical Oghaniryukti) meant (a) to wipe insects and dust off the face and (b) to prevent insects etc. from entering the mouth and the nose when cleaning the house. See SCHUBRING 1935/ 1962: SS 145. The representations of rajoharana and of mukhavastrika are not absolutely uniform. The representation of the broom is frequent in the case of monks and Ganadharas. Often (sculpture and painting) the broom is "pinned" onto the body (naked body / garment) in low relief or by way of faint drawing: BRUHN 1969: fig. 210, adorant to the proper right of the main figure; Plates 3, 5, 6 (brush of the broom indicated by hatching). See also MORGENROTH/HICKMANN 1979 passim. A curious feature is the addition of a round element forming an intermediate link between handle and brush. Compare BRUHN 2005: Bild 4 (both monks). This element forms a nonorganic feature ("big blot") on four miniatures of the present set: Plate 4 (without broom?), Plate 5-6 (with broom) and Plate 7 (without broom?); in the last case the element is not round but it has an oval shape. In the context of the above it is strange that the "blot" occurs also outside the representation of the monk, e.g. Plate 6: blot on the "ceiling decoration", a hovering cloth apparently knotted in the middle and spread out like a bow (cf. once more BRUHN 2005: Bild 4). In BRUHN 2005: Bild 5, the two monks sitting opposite each other both have the "blot with broom". The 4 plus 2 miniatures mentioned above all belong to the manuscript BKB (BRUHN 2005: 47). The "blot" demonstrates how minor motifs can establish uniformity between different miniatures of the same set. The Ganadhara (Plate 11.3) is seated in an elaborate structure (supra) crowned by a triple roof and supported by four beams. A lotus-plant is seen in the middle of the lower section between the beams. The construction is crowned by a globular finial with a pair of decorative ribbons. Two adorants (cf. Fig. 2) highlight the importance of the Ganadhara. A pair of peacocks (or parrots) in the upper zone is not uncommon in the case of Ganadhara pictures. The left arm of the Ganadhara presses the broom against the body, while the raised right hand holds the rosary between thumb and forefinger. In the second picture (Plate 11.4), the Ganadhara also has a rosary in his right hand. The left hand rests again on its back. The halo has a zigzag border (stylized lotus petals). "Double-tree" and mountain range are fairly common motifs (Jina, Ganadhara), but have no connection with the main figure. Small human figures are seen in the three mountain caves.

Page #123
122 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The Ganadharas are clearly monks, but the iconographic differences suggest a division between monks and Ganadharas (see also BRUHN 2005: 38). - Ganadhara pictures are found in early and later miniatures: NAWAB 1985: 11 col.pl. 42; 21 col.pl. 68; pl. 5, fig. 17; pl. 29, fig. 149; pl. 31, figs. 158-159; pl. 32, fig. 163; pl. 38, fig. 185; pl. 48, fig. 214; pl. 79, fig. 286; (pl. 80, fig. 289); pl. 96, fig. 331. SECTION III Plate 11.5. The illustration shows a dialogue between a monk and a king, but we have no clue as to the meaning of the scene. Monk-and-king scenes of one type or another are not rare: BROWN 1941: Utt Chapter 9, figs. 26: Sakra (royal attire) extolling Nami; BROWN 1941: Utt Chapter 13, figs. 42-44: Citra and Sambhuta; BROWN 1941: Utt Chapter 18, figs. 62-64: Samjaya's conversion; SHAH 1978: pl. 6, col.pl. P: idem. Plate 11.5 includes a sthapana between monk and king, actually before the monk. The sthapana is a symbolic representation of the absent spiritual teacher of a monk; the monk has to place it before himself when studying and when preaching. Technically speaking, a sthapana is a "cross stand consisting of four sticks tied together in the middle, on top of which is an installation of five pieces of conch shell representing the five great beings..." (JAIN/FISCHER 1978: 35 and pl. 16a.b). The five great beings are the following: arhats, siddhas, acaryas, upadhyayas, sadhus ("Jinas, liberated souls, higher spiritual teachers, lower spiritual teachers, monks", dogmatic pentad). However, the character of the sthapana installation is not always the same (e.g. in the miniatures fruits-and-rice instead of conch shells). BRUHN 1969: fig. 233 etc.; BROWN 1934: 39, 40; NAWAB 1956: col.pl. 130, fig. 429. - The acarya (monk in a high position) of Plate 5 is seated on a spired throne, the right hand holding the mukhavastrika, the left hand hanging down, and the broom held by the right upper arm. Cf. MOTI CHANDRA 1949: col.fig. 51 (1288 AD). The king stands and he is shown with beard and "tiara". He performs an anjali. His broad scarf projects out at the upper right and at the lower left (cf. Plate 6, layman at the top). The blue haloes recur in Plates 11.6 and 11.7. The upper zone of the picture is filled with decorative, architectural and animal motifs, forming what may be called an "elaborate canopy", a common stylistic feature (BROWN 1934: pl. 2, fig. 5). SECTION IV Plate 11.6. Chapter 17 of Utt criticizes the bad monk. See BRUHN 2005: Bild 4, and refer now to Utt 17,11: "He who is deceitful, talkative, arrogant, greedy, who does not control himself, nor share (his food etc. with those who are in want), and is not of an

Page #124
Klaus Bruhn, Further Observations on Western Indian Miniatures 123 amiable disposition (?), is called a bad sramana " (JACOBI 1895: 79). The verse Utt 17,11 attacks the "passions" (often tetrad of passions); cf. BRUHN 2003: 48-50 et passim. BRUHN 2005: 43-44 quotes 17,3 and 17,12 (laziness etc. and argumentativeness). The miniatures (Utt 17) show inter alia a puffed-up bed which is the most conspicuous object (Plate 6 etc.). The bed designates the lazy monk, the antithetical groups point to the argumentative monk, the alms-bowls to the greedy monk. The various miniatures are the following: BROWN 1941: pl. 19, figs. 57 (two registers), 58 (three registers), 59 (two registers), 60 (three registers); MORGENROTH/HICKMANN 1979: 43 (two registers); BRUHN 2005: Bild 4 (two registers); Plate 6 (two registers); Uttaradhyayana (***), two registers. Our Plate 11.6 differs considerably from our previous painting (BRUHN 2005: Bild 4), from the four paintings of BROWN 1941, and from the painting of Uttaradhyayana (***), but it is very similar to MORGENROTH/HICKMANN 1979: 43. The lazy monk, lying on his bed (upper register), follows the usual rendering, but, as in MORGENROTH/HICKMANN, he is here accompanied, not by monks, but by laypeople (Plate 6: a man, a woman, a boy) who are going to massage him. The boy's left arm is misrepresented. The lying monk has no bare right shoulder, but a "neck" in his upper robe (cf. BROWN 1941: figs. 59 [?], 60 [?]; ibid. fig. 16). The lower register of Plate 6 does not show a monk engaged in argument (supra), but rather a seated monk receiving two lay-persons (cf. MORGENROTH/ HICKMANN 1979). The monk and the first layman are engaged in some sort of mutual gesticulation (cf. MORGENROTH/HICKMANN 1979). Has the layman (Plate 6) delivered some present to the monk? The second layman brings a big bowl with food. SECTION V b. We are here concerned with the story of the "spikes in the ears" (Plate 11.7). This is one out of two related "cow-herd stories" (a.- b.): a. SC/Prakrit: 297,22-299,11; HTr/Sanskrit: 10,4, 618-649. See BRUHN 1954: 104. In both versions of (a.) the angry cow-herd pushes sticks in Mahavira's ears. There are minor differences between the Prakrit and Sanskrit versions. SC: 274,11-20 and HTr: 10,3,17-26. In HTr, the cow-herd takes up a whip or rope, threatening to kill the Lord. In SC, he is merely in a fury, thereby indicating that he will kill his antagonist. See BRUHN 1954: 99. Hemacandra's version of a. (HTT) has been analysed by BROWN (1934: 37) and by WUJASTYK (1984: 189-190): A cow-herd had left his bulls with Mahavira to go somewhere to melk his cows. When he returned, the bulls had disappeared. He asked Mahavira, "where are my bulls?" But Mahavira gave no answer. Enraged, the cowherd drove two spikes in Mahavira's ears. Afterwards Mahavira met with two pious laymen, a merchant and a doctor, who recognized his problem and removed the spikes

Page #125
124 SVASTI-Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah from his ears. The miniatures show Mahavira between the two helpers. The cow-herd is nowhere depicted. The two stories are connected with a story cycle of a monk outdoors in the country who refuses to answer when asked by a cowherd about the whereabouts of his herd. The result is sometimes a cruel practical joke committed by the cowherd against the saint: BRUHN 1954: 105. Mahavira's troubles or trials (upasargas) - caused by men and animals are described in a general manner (no stories) in the relevant sections of the Kalpasutra (JACOBI 1884: 259-263, esp. 260) and the Acarangasutra (JACOBI 1884: 79-87). Independently, a cluster of upasarga stories, including the story of Plate 7, originated, not as part of a canonical work but perhaps close to canonical traditions. The stories are best known in the version of Hemacandra. Much later, miniatures, prepared in connection with the upasarga stories in HTr, surfaced in Kalpasutra manuscripts of the 15th century. For simplicity's sake we treat the famous "Kalpasutra" (mentioned here, but not directly involved) as a normal, self-contained canonical text. The actual history and structure of the Kalpasutra is beyond the discussion of the current context. In his study, W.N. BROWN prepared summaries of upasarga stories (BROWN 1934: 35-38), including the two stories quoted above (the "ear-spike story", Plate 7, and the "story of the whip"). The miniatures belonging to BROWN's pp. 35-38 are figs. 75-78. The ear-spike story is illustrated in fig. 76 (lower register, right) and fig. 78 (upper register). The damant ("binding thong", whip) story is illustrated in fig. 75 (upper register). In connection with Plate 7, a few words on the garment of the Svetambara Jina should. be intercalated. The standing Jina, seen mostly in upasarga episodes, wears a 'short dhoti'. This also applies to the seated Jina who plucks out his hair before renouncing the world (frequent cliche). See NAWAB 1980: pl. 48, figs. 225 (seated, renouncement) and 226 (standing). In the following cases the Jina is standing. BROWN 1934: figs. 75-78 (upasargas including the spike story); MOTI CHANDRA 1949: fig. 159 (spike story); WUJASTYK 1984: figs. 1 and 3 (spike story). Our Plate 7 (spike story) is irregular. Contrary to expectations, the future Jina wears the traditional dress of a monk. The seated Jina in WUJASTYK 1984: fig. 2, wears an ordinary dhoti. In principle, the seated Jina (standard) wears the same 'short dhoti' as the ordinary standing Jina. However, his "pictogrammatic dhoti" is almost imperceptible (Plates 12; much clearer: NAWAB 1956: pl. 123, col.fig. 422). "Folds" as they sometimes appear (infra) form a supplementary dhoti pictogram (Plate 1). There exists a similar convention in Svetambara sculpture. Standing Jinas always wear a normal dhoti. Seated Jinas occasionally display minute fanlike "folds" positioned

Page #126
Klaus Bruhn, Further Observations on Western Indian Miniatures 125 between the legs as a pictorial or symbolic indication of dress (the Svetambara Jina is never naked!). The folds are obviously copied from Buddhist art. The 'short dhoti 'is missing completely, however. See SHAH 1959: 72 (Jina standing) and 61 (Jina seated with folds). -- There are never any objects in the hands of the Jina (Digambara and Svetambara). In the picture, the end of the dhoti (Plate 7) is identical with the end of the familiar scarf (Plate 6). The two figures extracting the two spikes are portrayed with royal dress ("tiara" etc.) in reduced form. Three dancing girls appear in the lower register. D. WUJASTYK (1984) relates Hemacandra's version of the spike incident before describing three pertinent 16th century miniatures from the Wellcome Institute Library, London. In the second part of his paper, WUJASTYK discusses two pictorial testimonia (a Pala manuscript and a mural in Ajanta Cave 16). At the beginning of our paper we introduced the motto of "analysis (description) beyond identification". We have stuck to this principle, and we hope that the reader will accept our course of analysis. SECTION VI (APPENDIX) In the last number of the Indo-Asiatische Zeitschrift (BRUHN 2005) we published an article on "Jaina Miniaturmalerei im Uttaradhyayana Sutra" (see also fn. 1 supra). In that article we erroneously connected Bild 6 ibid. (killing of the ram) with Chapter 7 instead of with Chapter 25. Accordingly, the description of Bild 6 was an abstract of Chapter 7 and not of Chapter 25. The situation is as follows. The killing of the ram as shown in Bild 6, is a motif found on three miniatures of Ch. 25. All the miniatures of Ch. 25 show either the "two priests in the sacrificial enclosure" (a), or the "killing of the ram" (b / three cases). Now, version (b) is reminiscent of the miniatures of Ch. 7, but there a single man kills a ram or leads a fettered ram (5-1). Version (b) as belonging to Ch. 25 shows the full scenario (killing and cooking) or b-2. We call b-1 the simple version and b-2 the extended version. Version b-1 is an individual motif based on an individual story of Ch. 7. In Ch. 25 the relevant version (6-2) does not really fit: It is perhaps only a pictogram for "sacrifice". Chapter 25 relates how a Jaina monk (Jayaghosa) converts a Brahmanical priest (Vijayaghosa) to Jainism. According to the commentary, Jayaghosa and Vijayaghosa are brothers, but this is not indicated by the text of Utt. Jayaghosa approaches Vijayaghosa in the town of Varanasi when the latter performs a sacrifice (obviously an animal sacrifice). Jayaghosa who has performed a month's fast asks Vijayaghosa for alms, but the latter refuses, because Jayaghosa is not a Brahmanical priest. A short dialogue ensues and is continued by a description (by Jayaghosa) of the Jaina monk as the "true Brahmana". The description convinces Vijayaghosa, so that he offers the alms to Jayaghosa and enters the Jaina order. The dialogue and the discourse on the

Page #127
126 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Jaina religion refer inter alia to the Brahmanical sacrifice but they do not concentrate on that subject One miniature version for Ch. 25 (viz. version a) shows the round or roundish sacrificial enclosure with two priests tete-a-tete inside it and with the sacrificial fire between them. Outside the enclosure stands Jayaghosa, shown as a Jaina monk. There are thus two priests, not one, and the dialogue between priest and monk is not indicated. Only in the lower register (if existing) do we find priest (bestowing alms) and monk tete-a-tete. See BROWN 1941: figs. 98, 99, 101; Utt (***) slide/Ch. 25. The motif concentrates on the denial and bestowal of alms, not on the dialogue. Version 6-2 shows the killing of a ram and a fire. There is no specific story behind it. The first scene (slaughter) appears to the right, the subsequent scene (cooking: fire as pictogram) to the left. We see a man to the right and a man to the left with a ram and a fire in the middle. The man to the right kills the ram, and the fire is the requirement for the meal preparation (the meal for the gods). The man to the left pours ghee into the fire on which the meat of the ram is going to be cooked. There is a marked difference between the man to the left and the man to the right. The former is seated; in one case he has a long beard and is bareheaded (MORGENROTH/HICKMAN 1979: 13), obviously a priest; in the two other cases he has a short beard and a "tiara", the usual attribute of a king. The man to the right (who kills the ram) is a mere youngster and is standing; he is beardless and has but scant dress. - In Bild 6, the neck of the ram is blood-stained (colour dark-red) and a vessel is placed directly below its neck to collect the blood when it drips down. In MORGENROTH/HICKMANN 1979: 13, the act of killing is more realistic; the darkred blood runs along the back; the vessel is missing. The man to the left places a ladle with a ball of ghee on the rim of the hearth. In Utt (0deg), two dark-red streaks of blood are visible on the body of the ram. The man to the left pours ghee into the fire. There is again no vessel. -- The scenes in the upper and lower registers are not clear, but similar in all three miniatures. See Bild 6 (BRUHN 2005), MORGENROTH/ HICKMANN 1979: 13, and Uttaradhyayana (0deg) slide/Ch. 25. Refer for Utt (0) to Plate 11.8. The script to the left belongs to the basic text (mula), the script to the right to one of the commentaries. The arrangement of script and miniature is demonstrated by MORGENROTH/HICKMANN 1979: 87 (Ch. 7: full manuscript-leaf, same miniature as p. 31). The story of Ch. 7 runs as follows. Just as a ram enjoys good food and all sorts of delicacies to be ultimately slaughtered for a guest, so the sinner enjoys life to end ultimately in hell. This is the mula text of Utt. The commentary has a supplementary story. A calf complains to its mother that the ram has a far better life than the calf. The mother tells the above parable so that the calf is satisfied with its poor food when it later sees how the ram is slaughtered. The miniature motif is b-1. Refer to MORGENROTH/HICKMANN 1979: 31 (Ch. 7), to BROWN 1941: figs. 19-21, and

Page #128
Klaus Bruhn, Further Observations on Western Indian Miniatures 127 to Uttaradhyayana (***) slide/Ch. 7. We see two cows in MORGENROTH/ HICKMANN 1979: 31 and cow and calf in BROWN 1941: fig. 21. The man who leads the ram is shown in MORGENROTH/HICKMANN loc.cit.; in the other cases we see how the animal is slaughtered. It is not clear why the extended version was not used for Ch. 7 (side by side with the simple version), but for Ch. 25 where it makes prima facie little sense. Be that as it may, the extended version has in one case the portrayal of a priest, not of a king (supra). It is thus basically an appropriate indication of or pictogram for a sacrifice. The expressions "simple" (b-1) and "extended" (b-2) express a basic identity which seems correct and which justifies our nomenclature. An intermediate version between b-1 and b-2 is of course missing; b-2 was thus directly inspired by b-1 (?). Further material may throw light on the situation. But even now we can say that an analytic survey of the miniature paintings of all thirty-six chapters of Uttaradhyayana would be useful. My thanks go again to R. Radzinski for revising my English style. I am also indebted to G.J.R. Mevissen for a number of useful suggestions. Bibliography BALBIR, N. 2000: Le baton monastique jaina: fonctions, symbolisme, controverses. In: Chojnacki et al. (eds.): Vividharatnakarandaka (Festschrift A. Mette). Swisttal-Odendorf: 17-56. BROWN, W.N. 1933: The Story of Kalaka. Washington. 1934: A Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue of Miniature Paintings of the Jaina Kalpasutra. Washington. 1941: Manuscript Illustrations of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra. New Haven, Connecticut. BRUHN, K. 1954: Silankas Cauppannamahapurisacariya. Hamburg. 1969: The Jina-Images of Deogarh. Leiden. 2003: The Mahavratas in Early Jainism. Berliner Indologische Studien, Band 15/16/17: 3-98. 2004: Jaina Miniature Paintings from Western India. In: HereNow4U Edition 2. Online Magazine (http://www.herenow4u.de) and Surya-Prabha. Studies in Jainology. A Commemoration Volume in the Honour of Acarya 108 Sri Surya Sagara Ji Maharaja, Ed. H. Nagarajaiah, A.K. Singh, N.K. Jain, Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar, 2010: 134-142. 2005: Jaina Miniaturmalerei im Uttaradhyayana Sutra. Indo-Asiatische Zeitschrift 9: 37-47. DOSHI, S. 1985: Masterpieces of Jain Painting. Bombay. Marg Publications.

Page #129
128 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah HTr: Trisastisalakapurusacaritra by Hemacandra (1088-1172). New edition: Bhavnagar, 1906-1913. JACOBI, H. 1884: Jaina Sutras. The Acararga Sutra. The Kalpasutra. Sacred Books of the East 22. Oxford University Press. 1895: Jaina Sutras. The Uttaradhyayana Sutra. The Sutrakstanga Sutra. Sacred Books of the East 45. Oxford University Press. JAIN, J./E. FISCHER 1978: Jaina Iconography. Pt. 2. Leiden. MORGENROTH, W. / R. HICKMANN 1979: Die Bekehrung des Konigs Nami. Leipzig und Weimar. MOTI CHANDRA 1949: Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India. Ahmedabad. NAWAB, S.M. 1956: Masterpieces of the Kalpasutra Paintings. Ahmedabad. - 1980: Jain Paintings Vol. I. Ahmedabad. - & R.S. NAWAB 1985: Jaina Paintings Vol. II. Ahmedabad. SC: Cauppannamahapurisacariyam by Silanka (earlier than Hemacandra). Edited by Pt. A.M. Bhojak. Ahmedabad: Varanasi-5, 1961. SCHUBRING, W. 1935/1962: The Doctrine of the Jainas. Delhi, Varanasi, Patna. (German Original: 1935). SHAH, U.P. 1959: Akota Bronzes. Bombay. - 1978: Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras. Ahmedabad. Uttaradhyayana: J. CHARPENTIER, The Uttaradhyayanasutra. Uppsala 1922. Uttaradhyayana (***): Set of Utt miniatures (36 slides without inscriptions). Collection Mevissen. Uttaradhyayana (0deg): Miniature from a set of nine slides, 1492 AD Collection Mevissen. WUJASTYK, D. 1984: The Spikes in the Ears of the Ascetic: An Illustrated Tale in Buddhism and Jainism. Oriental Art N.S. Vol. XXX, No. 2 (Summer 1984): 189-194.

Page #130
Section II Literature

Page #131

Page #132
12 Some Observations on the Poetic Style of the Oldest Mahavira-Eulogy (Suyagadanga Part 1, Chapter 6) Adelheid METTE The so-called "Seniors of the Jain canon" are composed mainly in stanzas, and even the prose texts of the first part of Ayar'anga, the first and oldest of the four contain fragmentary metrical pieces, as Walther Schubring discovered and demonstrated in the text presentation of his critical edition. Besides the predominant meters which were developed from Vedic anustubh and tristubh/jagati, the reader will find vaitaliya/aupacchandasaka as well as the older form of the arya meter and - as secondary insertions in some chapters of the Uttarajjhaya - the new arya meter, too.? Nevertheless the aesthetic pretensions of the metrical and stylistic features mostly do not match the concern with substance which is conveyed by these works. So it is not surprising we get only little information about any artistic claim, let alone rhetorical or poetical training, of the respective authors or redactors. In later times, however, Jaina Pandits were able to utilize the vehicle of literary style for their task of teaching. Some of their techniques of using poetical devices Colette Caillat has demonstrated in her contribution to a congratulatory volume dedicated to Jan Gonda in 1972 presenting examples from Candavejjhaya Painna, a work composed in the modern form of the arya meter and belonging to the latest stratum of the canon. In her article, Mme Caillat referred to the important studies of Jan Gonda. Gonda, for his part, had documented and interpreted the occurrences of poetical features in the earliest sources of Indian literature, especially in the Rgveda, stressing the fact that Vedic texts were composed before rules of alamkarasastra-s controlled the modes of literary style. Gonda elucidated that it was not the intention of any Vedic kavi to 'make verses or poetry', but to give adequate and solemn expression to the Walther Schubring, Acaranga-Sutra. Erster Srutaskandha - Text, Analyse und Glossar, Leipzig 1910. 2 For these observations see Walther Schubring, Mahavira's Words. Translated from the German with much added material by W. Bollee and J. Soni,, L.D. Series 139, Ahmedabad 2004, pp. 2-4. [German Original 1926). 3 Colette Caillat, Stylistic Notes on Candavejjhaya. In: India Maior - Congratulatory volume presented to J. Gonda, ed. J. Ensink and P. Gaeffke, Leiden 1972, pp. 85-90. Mme Caillat closed her article with the following statement: "In such a context, 'figures of speech' are certainly not used as a vain and mundane ornament, but because they are felt to lead the listener naturally to the right Goal". * Jan Gonda, Stylistic Repetition in the Veda, Nieuwe Reeks, Deel LXV, No. 3, Amsterdam 1959. Besides the Vedic instances, Gonda quotes examples from early Greek, Latin and also from South East Asian literary sources. - See also: Jan Gonda, Remarks on Similes in Sanskrit Literature, Wageningen 1939.

Page #133
132 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah author's inspiration (dhih) and his knowledge of the divine. Vedic "stanzas owe their existence ... only to 'religious' need", not "to a desire to create something beautiful". Regarding the oldest group of Jaina scripture, Gonda's statements mutatis mutandis seem to apply to some of the poems delivered in the Svetambara canon also. Examinig that concept, let us have look at the sixth chapter of Suyagadanga (Suy. I, 6). In so far as it is an eulogy of Mahavira, entitled Virastuti /-stava by tradition, the chapter is sui generis anomalous and to some extent an alien element within the content of the "seniors of the canon", while in the younger Jainistic literature many examples of this kind (stotra), dedicated to single Jinas or to all of them, present rich and manifold varieties of its poetical genre. On the other hand, this special eulogistic feature suggests stylistic comparison of a text like Suy. I 6 with Vedic hymns. The Virastuti is a metrical text, composed of 29 stanzas, tristubh throughout. Also the use of tristubh metre, though tending to the specialized norm of upajati in this poem, yet typical as well of the Rgvedic praises of god Indra's deeds, prompts comparison of literary style likewise. The author, a bhikkhu (Suy. I 6,2c), envisioned himself questioned by a great audience (Suy. I 6, la.b), highly educated people, versed in refined discussions of religious themes (samana mahana ya), lay followers of his own (agarino ya) and also of foreign creed, critics possibly (paratitthiya ya). The object of the stuti, Mahavira, is named at the end of the sixth pada, not directly, but by paraphrasing his identity, mentioning the qualities of jnana, darsana, sila (i.e. caritra) meaning the moksamarga (cf. Tattvarthadhigamasutra, Sutra 1) of the Jnatasuta'. The bhikkhu is not questioned to create a poem, but as a person who has knowledge (janasi nam) to speak according to truth (jaha-tahena) and to the holy tradition (aha-suyam), in accordance with his own perception (jaha nisamtam; Suy. 16, 2c.d).' pucchimsu nam samana mahana ya se ke imam niiyam dhammam ahu agarino ya paratitthiya ya/ anelisam sahu-samikkhayae //1 kaham va nanam kaha damsanam se silam kaham nayasuyassa asi / janasi nam bhikkhu jaha-tahenam aha-suyam buhi jaha nisamtam 1/2 he praktun 194 referredada-Nigh, but i 5 Quotations of the Prakrit text in this article have been cited from Muni Nathamala's edition, Angasuttani, Vol. 1, Ladnun 1947, 301-304. Occasionally variant readings mentioned in the apparatus criticus of that edition have been preferred. 6 According to tradition Suhamma (Suyagada-Nijjutti v. 85), Mahavira's disciple and fifth ganadhara. Srutam is not only that what has been "heard", but in our context it means the agama, siddhanta; and also ni-SAM"to perceive" can be used in sense of spiritual activity.

Page #134
Adelheid Mette, Poetic Style of the Oldest Mahavira-Eulogy 133 As can be seen by many Indian instances as well as from the Homeric Iliad (8th cent. B.C.), and Odyssey, introductory stanzas like these correspond to ancient epic technique. The equivalent of this kind of proemium or prelude in later time's rhetorical and poetical terminology is called prastava or amukham. The poet begins his depiction of Mahavira's excellence with an enumeration of his qualities, setting the weighty adjective kheyannae (ksetrajna) at the beginning of a series of twenty predications (vv. 3a.b; 5a-d; 6a.b). The device of assonance, treated by Gonda in a special chapter (ch. X; and see note 11) is characteristic of this enumeration of qualities as well as of the whole Virastuti. The series is interrupted by vv. 3c.d and 4a-d, where the statement "janasi nam" (v. 2c) is answered, inviting the hearer to get knowledge of Mahavira's teaching and to look at his constancy: "janahi dhammam ca dhiim ca peha" (v. 3d). By use of alliteration (anuprasa) and chiasmus (yamaka) the request is "apt to create a certain tension, to arrest the hearer's attention". 11 * Resembling a lamp (dive va), Mahavira elucidates the dharma (v. 4d). This comparison is followed (beginning v. 6c.d) by an accumulation of similes, describing the richness of Mahavira's divine nature. Most intensely, like the sun, Mahavira gives out heat - and (as is suggested by the verb tapati) practices austerity (anuttaram tavai surie va, v. 6c), he illuminates the darkness like Vairocana-Indra, who illuminates the top-most hell, named Ratnaprabha (v. 6d). - Mahavira, the "muni Kasyapa of quick discrimination" (asupanne), who will lead to (or: is a leader concerning)" this highest dharma of the Jinas, is compared to Indra, the god "of great dignity" (mahanubhava), "who has thousand eyes" (sahassa-neta, v. 7d; or: "who is a leader of thousands")," prominent in heaven. - "As to power of discrimination, he (Mahavira) is inexhaustible like the ocean or, let us say, like the sea, the further shore being far, far away" (v. 8a.b: se pannaya akkhae sagare va, mahodahi va vi anamtapare). - Without any impurity, without passions, free (anaile va akasae mukke, v. 8c), he shines forth radiating like Sakka, lord of the gods.14 - As to his 8 Iliad A, verse 1, where a goddess is invoked by the request to sing, not of Achilles, the famous warrior, but of Achilles' menis, (that means) his "wrath" (krodha) which gave rise to the horror of the Trojan war. ksetrajna (kheanna, khettanna) in canonical texts found in Acaranga and Sutrakstanga only. 10 Gonda treated "enumeration" as a ,,syntactic and stylistic element" in a special chapter (pp. 380-389) of his Stylistic Repetition, pointing out that Indian thinkers and poets "always retained a predilection for enumerative expression of thought" and "that a casual occurrence of alliteration, homoioteleuton, assonance, isosyllabism etc. in the rather frequent enumerations .... in .... epic texts and other compositions of this kind (G. quoted per instance stanzas from Bhagavadgita] is normal" (381-383); "Gonda, Stylistic Repetition, p. 110. 12 neta, v. 7b and d, is recorded by Pischel, Prakrit Grammar, $ 390. 13 The author of the Curni has recognized that a pun was intended by the poet. He explains: "Sahasram asya netranam = sahassa-netta (sic!, anekanam va sahasranam neta = nayaka ity arthah" (Ed. Bombay, 1927, p. 180). 14 In contrast to v. 7, here the god is not named "Indra", but "Sakra", as usual in the epics.

Page #135
134 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah energy (virienam), he is full of energy; like Sudassana (i.e. Meru), which is the best of the mountains altogether, or rather (se, i.e. the Meru) is the dwelling of the gods, a mine of joy,'' he gives radiance to all sides , endowed with many virtues (guna). se virienam padipunna-virie sudamsane va naga-savvasetthel suralae va vi mud'agare se virayae negagunovaveell 9 The comparison of Mahavira to Sudarsana (Meru) is heightened by a charming digression. The poet, seemingly forgetting the theme of his stuti, starts a beautiful description of the central mountain, glorifying its splendour in four stanzas (vv. 10 13). This kind of digression represents a pattern of style, which at first had been observed by interpreters of classical Greek literature and has been called "ring composition", where the heart of a poem or passage is framed by matching "bookends". It was discussed in a broader frame with especially instructive examples by Hermann Fraenkel. Gonda remarked, concerning examples of 'ring composition from the Satapathabrahmana, that "this structure which was doubtless borrowed from colloquial usage is a well-known feature in archaic literary composition." The passage of vv. 11-13 appears as a climax of the poem. It deserves appreciation and further study as a simile not only in comparison with other descriptions of famous mountains in Indian literature, but also and especially as reflecting the picture, portrayed in the Aupapatikasutra, of Mahavira himself, standing in the center of the samavasarana and proclaiming salvation to the whole world. In v. 14, a stanza lacking in poetic brilliancy, the author returns to his object: Sudamsanass' esa jaso girissa pavuccati mahato pavvatassa/ etovame samane nataputte jai-jaso-damsana-nana-silell 14 "Thus is described the glory of mount Sudarsana, the great mountain; similar to it is the Sramana Nayaputra, who is noble, glorious, full of faith, knowledge and virtue." (Trs. Hermann Jacobi): 15 Regarding v. 9a.b, the Curni (p. 181) sees the tertium comparationis in virya, a term meaning not only Mahavira's power of tapas, but also the treasures of the mountain (mines, healing plants etc.). The Meru, central point of the earth (mahie, v. 13a), is also the abode (alaya) of the gods. The grammatical connection, however, is not clear-cut: If the expression va vi in v. 9c is to be understood as introducing an alternative, then sur'alae meaning "heaven" (svarga) and introducing an independent sentence, implies another comparison. The Curni, too, offers this possibility, paraphrasing sur'alaya through svarga ("heaven"). 16 "Eine Stileigenschaft der fruehgriechischen Literatur". In Nachrichten der Goettinger Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, 1924, pp. 63-127; ed. revised in: Wege und Formen fruehgriechischen Denkens. Muenchen 1955, repr. 1960, pp. 40-96. See also: Renate Sohnen, Untersuchungen zur Komposition von Reden und Gesprachen im Ramayana". Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik, Monographie 6, Reinbek 1979, pp. 292-307. and cf. further studies mentioned there. 17 Stylistic Repetition, p. 83. 18 Jaina Sutras part II, in: Sacred Books of the East, Vol XLV, Oxford 1895.

Page #136
Adelheid Mette, Poetic Style of the Oldest Mahavira-Eulogy 135 V. 15 comparing Mahavira with Nisadha and Rucaka, two mountain peaks of immense mass and proportions, both well-known from cosmographical texts and frequently mentioned together, has the appearance of a scholastic interpolation. It rather diminishes the effect of the magnificent simile that precedes it. Then we come to stanzas 16 and 17, extolling by a threefold anaphora" Mahavira's teaching of the best dharma (anuttaram dhammam), his dwelling in the stage of most profound meditation (anuttaram jhanam), which is the whitest of all stages of white (su-sukka-sukkam) meditation, and his reaching the condition of perfection (agg'anuttaram siddhim gaim). These stanzas may, in my view, be read as the quintessential point of the poem. It also could be assumed that the poet intended to conclude his text here, encircling the poem as a whole with the second 'bookend' of a framing 'ring-composition'. The ring is closed in v. 17c.d, when the poet refocuses on v. 2a.b, answering the audience, who had asked (v. 2a.b, cf. supra, p. 4): "Of which kind was his knowledge, of which kind his faith, of which kind the observances of the Nayaputra?" In response to the threefold question the poet responds with a single answer, supported by all three qualities into which the audience inquired (v. 17c.d): "The condition of perfection, which has a beginning, but does not end, he has reached by knowledge, by observances, by faith". kaham va nanam kaham damsanam se silam kaham nayasuyassa asi/v.2a.b siddhim gaim sai-m-anamtam patte nanena silena ya damsanena //17.ce But the praise of Mahavira goes on or better to say: it begins anew, guided by another idea and religious feeling. Formally connected to the foregoing by wordresponsion (nanena silena ya, v. 17d 18d), the next stanza introduces a series of similes (vv. 18-24), characterized by a different pattern of poetic style. The seven stanzas, constructed in a way that is more or less homogeneous, but not always clear in respect of grammar, are reproduced here and translated, following Jacobi's rendering (cf. supra note 19) as far as possible, but unapologetically laying bare their grammatical deficiency: rukkhesu nae jaha samali va jamsi raim veyayanti suvarna vanesu ya namdanam ahu settham, nanena silena ya bhuipanne//18 As among trees is famous (jnata) the Salmali, in which the Suparna gods take their delight, and among parks Nandana is called the best; by knowledge and observances he (sc. Mahavira), full of ascetic power and discrimination (bhuipanne),20 19 The explanation of "the widespread phenomenon of anaphora" forms one of the longest chapters in Gonda's book on "Stylistic Repetition in the Veda" (Ch. VI, pp. 128-165). 20The compound bhu(t)ipanna (bhutiprajna-) is used within this poem in vv. 6. 15. 18, but nowhere else within the angas of the Svetambara canon.

Page #137
- 136 SVASTI-Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The second half of this stanza was translated by Jacobi: "As Nandana is among parks, so is the Omniscient most famous through his knowledge and virtue." Probably that is what the poet had wanted to say, and Jacobi might have read the variant setthe for settham in his copy of the text and then interpreted nandana-m (the -m- being inserted to avoid the hiatus) as a nominative; ahu then would have been inserted as a parenthesis "as they say" (the same construction in v. 21a hatthisu eravana-m ahu nae). Nevertheless setthe in v 18c as the predicate in the first line belongs to nandana, there is no Prakrit equivalent of Jacobi's "so" (like taha) in v. 18d; and bhuipanne, the subject in v. 18d does not mean "omniscient". This is not the place for analyzing the grammatical style throughout the whole series of similes, butthese brief comments may suffice to show that v. 18 does not appropiately join to v. 17c.d. This hard transition may be further evidence of scholastic interpolation and possible loss of the poet's original words, for which scholastic interpolation may have been substituted. - thaniyam va saddana anuttaram u camde va tarana mahanubhave/ gandhesu va candanam ahu settham, evam muninam apadinnam ahu // 19 "As thunder is the loudest of sounds, as the moon is of high dignity among the stars, (as) among perfumes sandal is called the best, so among monks (he) is called incomparable". jaha sayambhu udahina setthe nagesu va dharanindam ahu settham/ kho'odae va rasa-vejayante tahovahane muni vejayante // 20 "As (the ocean on which sleeps) Svayambhu is the best of seas, or as among the nagas Dharanendra is called the best, or (as) the Ksododa-Ocean (is) the Indraflag of juice, so by his practice of asceticism the monk (Mahavira) is an Indraflag." hatthisu erdvana-m ahu nae siho miganam salilana ganga/ pakkhisu va garule venudeve nivvana-vadin' iha nayaputte //21 "Among elephants Airavana, as they say, is the leader (and: "famous", cf. v. 18a), the lion (is the leader) of animals, of rivers (it is) the Ganga, of birds (it is) Garuda, the Venudeva; of them, who teach the Nirvana (it is) this here, the Nayaputra." 21 In Prakrit, the word naya, of course, as a homonym has the meaning of jnata and of naya(ka) as well. 22 The compound nirvanavadin has, to date, not been verified in dictionaries of Sanskrit or Middle Indian, as far as I know; the Agama Sabdakosa mentions our stanza, Say. 1, 6,21 only.

Page #138
Adelheid Mette, Poetic Style of the Oldest Mahavira-Eulogy 137 The compound "nirvana-vadin" until now has not been verified in dictionaries of Sanskrit or Middle-Indian, as far as I know; the Agama Sabdakosa mentions this stanza only. johesu nae jaha visasene pupphesu va jaha aravinda-m ahu/ khattina setthe jaha dantavakke isina setthe taha Vaddhamanell 22 "As among warriors Visvaksena is the famous leader, or among flowers the lotus, they say, as the best of ksatriyas is Dantavakra, so Vardhamana is the best of rsis." danana settham abhaya-ppayanam saccesu va anavajjam vayanti/ tavesu va uttaman bambhaceram log'uttame samane Nayaputtell 23 "The best of gifts is providing security, or among true speech utterances, that one which does not hurt, they call (the best speech?); among religious austerities the highest is chastity, the highest in the world is the sramana Nayaputra." thiina settha lavasattama va sabha suhamma va sabhana settha / nivvanan settham jaha savvadhamma na nayaputta para-m atthi nani // 24 "As the Lavasaptamas are the best of those gods who live very long, as the palace Saudharman is the best of heavenly abodes, as Nirvana is the best in comparison with all principles, 23 so there is no wiser man than Nayaputra." These seven stanzas, which present a plethora of strong poetic imagery, aggregated and serially concatenated, leave no doubt as to Mahavira's pre-eminence in the relevant qualities, in each case praised in the fourth pada of the respective tristubh verse. It seems that here the author tried something new, as perhaps he experimented in a poetic structure to which he was until now unaccustomed. At first sight this structure gives the impression it could be the 'priamel', a form used in other literature through ages from Homer to baroque poetic art. The name 'priamele' (from latin praeambulum) had been given by F.-G. Bergmann, who was the first to collect occurrences and to define this kind of rhetoric and poetic device theoretically.24 Bergmann discussed examples from didactic literature, including Indian sources, especially Bhartshari. 23 In v. 24 c the editions have nivvanasettha (without any variant) as a predicate nominative referring to savvadhamma as the subject. My conjectura is suggested by Nagarjuna's 'agraprajnapti': "parmi tous les dharma, le Nirvana est le premier." (Trs, from the Chinese version of the Mahaprajnaparamitasastra , k. 27, p. 260a, by Etienne Lamotte, Le Traite de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse, Tome IV, Louvain 1976, p. 1754. See also below with footnote 33. 24 F.-G. Bergmann, La priamele dans les differentes litteratures anciennes et modernes. Strasbourg/Colmar 1868 and 1875. [The book was not yet accessible to me).

Page #139
138 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Since then, attention of philologists was focused on 'priamel', and further examples, also, for instance, from the Old Testament, were discovered and analyzed. In 1982 William H. Race, in his book entitled "The Classical Priamel Homer to Boethius"25 examined 'The Relationship of the Priamel to Other Rhetorical Forms' (pp. 17-30)26 and discussed numerous occurrences of this stylistic figure, commenting on his examples generally in chronological order.27 At the beginning of his work ("Preface', p. 1), Race provides the reader with "a brief description", a generally workable operational definition, of his object of research: "A priamel is a poetic/rhetorical form which consists, basically, on two parts: 'foil and 'climax'. The function of the foil is to introduce and highlight the climatic term by enumerating or summarizing a number of 'other' examples, subjects, times, places or instances, which then yield (with varying degrees of contrast or analogy) to the particular point of interest or importance." Inspecting our stanzas (Suy. 1,6, 18-24) in the light of this description, we might call them a series of priamels, if we dispense with the claim that the meaning of "foil" is 'enhancing a person or a thing by contrasting it against another' in the first line. While it is a distinguishing mark from classical literature that over against the opinion of others" the speaker of the poem sets his or her own view as a subjective proclamation, the comparisons of v. 18-24 do not strictly follow this pattern. The poem compares many wonderful things which may be familiar to the audience as a foil to emphasize the great qualities of Mahavira. Jan Gonda was unable to find the priamel structure in the Vedas, and indeed, if we recall that the Vedic hymns and Vedic prose are normative texts, we may well conclude there was no room for individual, subjective statements with a foil leading up to a climax. The same observation may be valid with regard to religious texts of later times, especially stotras or a poem like Suy. I 6, the Virastava. Here also, the poet needs assurance and by forming his poem as he does, he assures himself of alignment with a view of the world as a system advancing a standard of values and a fixed order of priorities at the highest place of which resides a divine ideal: Mahavira (log'uttame samane Nayaputte, v. 23d). The author of these stanzas did not invent the figure of style that he uses as an ornament here. A model existed already in Buddhist literature that must have been well known in our poet's time. 25 Leiden (Brill) 1982, 171 pp. 26 Mostly the same as the stylistic elements exposed by Gonda in "Stylistic Repetition in the Veda". 27 Indian literature is not mentioned.

Page #140
Adelheid Mette, Poetic Style of the Oldest Mahavira-Eulogy 139 Let me cite as a first example a prose text from the Majjhima Nikaya in archaizing festive language (the brahman Ganakamoggallana thanks the Buddha for the instruction he has given him): Seyyatha pi, bho Gotama, ye keci mulagandha kalanusarikam tesam aggam akkhayati, ye keci saragandha lohitacandanam tesam aggam akkhayati, ye keci pupphagandha vassikam tesam aggam akkhayati, evam eva kho bhoto Gotamassa ovadam param ajjadhammesu. MN III, 6-7: Ganakamoggallana Sutta (107). That, Master Gotama, is as - Whatever root perfumes there are, black orris root is reckoned as the best (agram "pinnacle") of them, whatever wood perfumes there are, red sandalwood is reckoned as the best of them, whatever flower perfumes there are, jasmine is reckoned as the best of them. just so, yours, master Gotama's speech is supreme among the teachings of today. An artistically refined anustubh stanza, distinguished by the same stylistic figure is presented, for example, by the fragmentarily preserved Varnarhavarnastotra of the famous poet Maticeta: tvad-rupam iva rupanam tvac-cittam iva cetasam/ tvad-dharma iva dharmanam agryah pranabhrtam asi //v. 3,2228 As your body among bodies, as your intellectual power among intellectual powers, as your teaching among teachings, so you are pinnacle-like (agryah) among breathing beings. This type of comparison was called "agraprajnapti" in Buddhist tradition.29 In western dictionaries it was noted as a term at first from a passage in the Anguttara-Nikaya: 30 Cattasso ima bhikkhave aggapannattio. Katama catasso? 28 Jens-Uwe Hartmann, Das Varnarhavarnastotra des Maticeta, herausgegeben und uebersetzt. Sanskrittexte aus den Turfanfunden XII, Goettingen 1987, p. 152. Here I have quoted the stanza omitting the brackets indicating lacunas. 29 Cf. Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary, New haven 1953, p. 5. Many relevant passages as well as the term agraprajnapti itself have been found in text sources of the Northern Buddhism, and also fragments from an Agraprajnaptisutra exists in the collection of Sanskrithandschriften aus den Turfanfunden (SHT 24, unpublished). 30 Cf. A Critical Pali Dictionary. Vol. I, 1924-1238, p. 18: ,,agga-pannatti, J., title of proeminence (as to greatness, etc.)".

Page #141
140 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The short sutra, which may have been composed as a joke, is a priamel also, in so far as the Buddha here is contrasted with the 'foil' of Rahu, Mandhats and Mara." In the chapter on Sarvajnata and Sarvakarajnata of the chinese version of Nagarjuna's Mahaprajnaparamitasastra is contained a list of eleven agraprajnaptis, beginning with images similar to those of our poem "among all sources of light (prabha) the sun (aditya) is the first, among all men the noble king cakravartin is the first, among all lotuses (padma) the blue lotus (nilotpala) is the first, among all flowers that grow on earth (sthalajapuspa) the jasmine (sumana) ..., among all tree fragrances the gosirsa-sandalwood ..." - and ending with the praise of Nirvana: "among all dharmas, the nirvana is the first." (see above, stanza 24 with footnote 24).32. In form of conventionalized statements the agraprajnapti always refers to the Buddha himself or to the triratna (Buddha - dharma - sangha), a fact, which may have induced the author of Suy. I, 6, 18-24, to apply this pattern of literary style for his purpose of praising Mahavira by a special feature of poetry. 31 The passage culminates in two verses: Rah' aggam attabhavinam Mandhata kamabhoginam Maro adhipateyyanam iddhiya yassa jalam Uddham tiriyam apacinam yavata jagato gati Sadevakassa lokassa Buddho aggam pavuccatiti. AN II p. 17, Nr. 15. 32 Etienne Lamotte, Traite, tome IV, p.1753.1754 with footnote 1, has added to his French translation, which is quoted here, parallels from the Pali canon known to him: MN III, p. 6-7 (see above); SN III, p. 158; AN III, p. 364.365; V p. 21-22.

Page #142
Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 13 Willem B. BOLLEE Jinno 'ham asmi ... savanam na phasu (Suttanipata 1120) *480) 1.0 Hearing is the first active sense in mammals, in humans even two months before birth,' and its great significance in Indian literature compared with other senses, especially seeing, is amply shown by a plethora of associations. Since the Rgveda one hears either with karna, which has no certain etymology, or with various nouns of the root SRU-, from which also the word for pupil, sravaka, and thereby the adherents of the Jain and Buddhist convictions are formed. Later, sruti "hearing; ear" (MW) also obtains the meaning of "reading", for instance in duh-sruti "faulty reading". With the Jains, only three bodies of five-bodied beings have ears: the earthly (oraliya), the metamorphic (veuvviya) and the body of transference (aharaga). 1.1 The importance of the ear is manifested by its occurrence as a synecdoche, just as white French in Reunion and the Caribbean are called Zorey (< les oreilles "[red] Ears"), and as in the barbarous bullfight in Spain where infatuated spectators grant a torero an ear of the animal tortured to death as a souvenir of his heroic deed. Thus, as a pars pro toto, in the times of the Maitrayani-Samhita the earmarking of cows indicates their belonging to a deity or sage: cows with the right ear pierced belong to Tvastr; those marked with a pillar (sthuna-karna) belong to Vasistha.? Numbers, too, can be branded in the ear of cattle, such as five: panca-karna. In the hereafter animals with marked ears were expected to come to their possessor and thus would not belong * The author expresses his gratitude to Dr John Weaver for idiomatizing his English diction. Huebotter 1932: 14 in the ninth week, together with the other seven openings of the body. 2 Native lexica give also some rare synonyms such as kuhara and p(a)injusa, penjusa (MW). 3 Williams 1963: 126 note 8. * Anuogaddara su. 405ff.; Suyagada-Nijjutti 6; Glasenapp 1999: 195; Schubring 2000: 8 62. Bollee 1993: 571. Conceder la oreja. Being Christians, the Spanish do not recognize us humans as just another kind of animals. MS 4,2,9 (p. 347,17), but we hear of earmarked cows as early as RV 10, 62,7 (asta-karnyyah; see also Delbruck 1896: 49f. and Paudler 1933). & See Panini 6,3,115.

Page #143
142 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah to the brahmins who obtained them as daksina, the lightning-conductor for the offence of killing the sacrificial victim. When a goat or sheep dies through a valid cause, cowherds have to deliver the earmark to the owner as proof.'' Once we hear of a dead Tailang brahmin whose ears are stuffed with holy basil (tulasi) leaves." In this case, and in the next, where in a fairy tale an ugly man becomes a young prince by twisting his left ear, the ear seems to represent the whole person. A good example of this is also the oblation into (the hand of a brahmin or) the right ear of a he-goat (Agni) when the yajamana's fire does not spring up." Normally, of course, one would expect the fluid to be poured into the mouth of the animal. 1.1.1 Indra is supposed to hear well: even from afar his ears are near.4 When in the Rgvedic wedding hymn the sun's daughter Surya marries (king) Soma, the ears are the wheels of her chariot.'' As a termitarium can register sounds very well, it is called an "ear of the earth" in the Taittiriya-Samhita.In the later speculative identifications of the Brahmanas one finds out the nature of the ear: Indra is the mind, Sarasvati speech, and the Asvins as twin deities are the ears.18 Elsewhere, the Satapatha-Brahmana says: heaven created the ear, and the seer Visvamitra is the ear, because therewith one hears in every direction and there is a friend of it on every side .....'' Dying, one passes into the quarters by one's ear,20 the association of the ear with the compass directions arising from its indicating from which side a sound emerges. In the BIhadaranyaka Upanisad the gods address the ear as a deity by urging it to chant the udgitha for them.22 The Buddha has a divine ear (dibba sota-dhatu).23 In the Kathasaritsagara MS 4,2,9 (p. 348,1) na va etam eta amutragacchanti, ya an-aksita iti, translated by Delbruck loc. cit. as: "dass das Vieh, welches ungezeichnet ist, im Jenseits (?) nicht zu dem Besitzer kommt, deshalb ist es zu zeichnen", cf. Gonda 1965: 357. 10 Kangle on Kautilya II 29,25 (where Meyer's translation in 1926: 206 is declined). 11 Campbell 1898: 160. 12 Stokes 1880: 130. 13 SadvimsaBr 4,1,12; considered apocryph in Mbh CE 13,399* 1 post karne vajasya daksine (Hopkins 1915: 103 [8 51] where the oblation is poured on the ear, but this makes no difference for my argument). See also Dandekar 1958: 182ff. 14 RV 6.38.2 durac cid a vasato asya karna ghosad indrasya ..... 15 RV 10,85,11 srotram te cakre astam. Soma's ears are called the sta AVPaipp 2 < Gonda 1965: 324. 16 Sabda-grahana-samarthyatisayam (Bhattabhaskara on TaittBr 1,1,3,4 [Konig 1984: 114]). 17 Taitts 5,1,2,5 srotram hy etat prthivyah yad valmikah. See also Oertel 1907; Caland 1909 and Krick 1982: 140ff. 18 RV 2,39,6 (Hirzel 1890: 47); Satapathabrahmana (SpBr) XII 9,1,13; see also Gonda 1965: 427, but not in id. 1974. Cf. TaittS 6,4,9,4 "moving all around, that he does) for the Asvins; therefore on all sides he hears with the ear" (Keith 1914). The mantra of RV 1,3,1-3 recited for the Asvins makes perfect the ears of a new-born baby who tries to hear and is attentive (AiBr III 2.7). 19 SpBr VIII 1,2,5f. - The autumn is the ear's daughter, an association Sayana does not explain, but sarad eva sarvam (GopBr 5,15). 20 SpBr X 3,3,8; BAU 3,2,13 disah srotram apyeti. In AgniPur 371,3 the soul of a good person leaves the body through its ear (Meyer 1952: 249 note). 21 Oldenberg 1919: 81f. note 4; Glasenapp 1940: 19. 22 BAU 1,3,5 (devah) atha ha srotram ucuh: "Tvam na udgayeti". See Glasenapp 1940: 18.

Page #144
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 143 Visnu is the god whose ears are the cardinal points, 24 though he is depicted with only one head, as against the asta-karna Brahma (MW). Apparently spectacular for their ears are the snake demon Adhikarna (MW) and a female ghoul (karna-pisacika).25 1.1.2 The ear is also thought to have been created by the eye, 26 as in the human embryo eye and ear separate in the sixth month. Elsewhere eyes and ears appear as a complementary pair; thus the eye and ear of an ox are compared to truth (satya) and cosmic norm (rta).27 On a royal ride, the eye of a curious woman, expanded by the wish to have darsan of the king, approached the side of her ear, which did not perceive him, in order to inform it,28 for the ears of a beautiful woman limit her eyes because of the long stroke of black paint.29 In this way the erotic side of the ear, of women, is touched upon, about which more below. 1.1.3 Johann Jacob Meyer points out the ear as a seat of intelligence, too." Having ears, kannavat, it says in a Jataka stanza," means being wise. This may truly be the case for those who can recollect what they hear only once, 32 though the ears are connected by a channel which would cause the learning matter to go in one ear and out the other. In the Vrsakapi hymn Indrani angrily snaps at her husband that his boar hound should catch hold of his monkey friend's ear.34 Naravahanadatta saw on his wandering a cowherd with hardened skin on his ears caused by their constantly being beaten by powerful slaps. Budhasvamin does not explain the reason for this, though.35 The teacher in the Bshatkalpabhasya hits with his flat hand on the ear (karna-capeta) of those novices who cannot learn to show proper respect for him, and may even cause them dangerous wounds.36 Worse still: King Triprstha, Mahavira's pre-birth, had hot 23 Udana III 7 (p. 30,10). 24 Kathasaritsagara (KSS) 54,33 dik-srotro (Visnuh). 25 MW < Tantrasara without ref.; Nemicandra 26b 5 on Pavac. Sarod. 113. 26 SpBr X 5,3,7. 27 AVPaipp 16,139,2 satyam caksur stam srotre (Gonda 1965: 324). 28 KSS 18,15 ekasyah srotsuka drstir nrpaloka-vikasvara sruteh parivam a-pasyantyas tad akhyatum ivayayau. 29 Rajasekhara, Karpuramanjari I 32 nettana dihattanam kannehim khaliyam; cf. Sattasai 323 (Weber) kena kanna-raiyam lakkhijjai kuvalayam "who would have noticed the dark lotus in the ear of a woman with dark eyes ?" The proximity of the eyes makes the ear a depository of deceit just as a learned man (srutavan) becomes corrupt by association with the evil-minded (Sternbach I 1974: 1642). See also Karpuram II 27 and Dandin, Kavyadarsa 2,339. 30 Meyer 1937: I 195 with reference to Pancatantra (ed D. D. Kosambi. NSP, 1950) 4,2, p. 287,8; 1939: 82. 31 Jataka II 261,18%; kannava ti pannava (22'). 52 KSS 2,37 saksc-srutam ayam balah sarvam vai dharayed dhrdi; 2,66 eka-sruta-dhara. 33 SpBr XI 2,6,4 daksinah karnas caturthah, savyah karnah pancamah. Atha yac caturthe prayaje samanayati, tasmad idam srotram antaratah samtrnam. 34 RV 10,86,4 sva nv a sya (of Vlsakapi) jambhisad api karne varahayur. 35 Bihatkathaslokasamgraha XX 233. 36 BKBh 5107 vinayassa u gahanaya kannamoda-khaduga-cavedahim | savekkha hattha-talam dalai mammani phedinto | The second line is explained thus: yesu pradesesv ahatah san mriyate, tani pariharan acaryah ksullakasya hastatalam dadati. Cf. comm. on the vss 2654, 3164 and Bollee 2006a note 23

Page #145
144 SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah tin and copper poured into the ears of his forgetful housepriest, because liking their performance, he had not stopped singers at night, as ordered by the king.37 Yet boxing and twisting the ear to ward off evil - such as when, among the Dhruva Prabhus of Pune, the bride's brother pinches the bridegroom's ear and even redemption are a weakening of the abscission, about which more under 6.3.4. - 1.2.1 42 The importance of the ear is further emphasized by its properties such as complexion, form, etc. in the names of beings.39 Regarding its colour, the often inauspicious being black-eared dominates, e.g. in the Atharva Veda "a white, blackeared (horse) does not make a show"." Kala-karni is a name of Laksmi, perhaps because fortune is ambiguous. A person desirous of rain, it says in the MaitrayaniSamhita, should sacrifice a cow with black ears." In Pali literature kala-kanni is an unlucky figure such as a monk" or even a wicked person," and serves as a term of abuse, e.g., for a son who is his parents' undoing." French rougir jusqu'aux oreilles and German rote Ohren bekommen (lit. to get red ears), "to blush to the tips of one's ears for shame" has no equivalent in Sanskrit and is expressed by krsna-mukho babhuva" or syamam mukham pidadhati,48 but as a sign of mortification the sadhu Dhanne's ears bottom; further Utt 1,38; Nisitha-Cu 299 (APSSK); Divyav 13, 125; KSS 66,139 and Latin aurem vellere, Sa. karnaghatayati (comm. 746,30 on BKBh 2659), Hindi kan umethna. Ahimsa does not prevent pedagogy by slaps as was customary; thus King Yasodhara's mother regretfully says to herself that the time is gone when her son could be compelled to carry out her wishes by a box on the ear (Handiqui 1949: 323). In Germany, especially at establishing a border, boys as witnesses used to have their ears tweaked to make them remember the important act for a long time. - Blows are powers that avert evil (HdA VI 1217; Meyer 1937: I 194) and in the story of the blind man, the deaf man, and the donkey they caused the deaf man to hear again (Frere 1881: 162). "Hemacandra, Trisastitalakapurusacaritra (Trideg) IV 1,881 X 4,619. 38 Campbell 1898: 159. 39 In proper names the word -karna as the last member of a compound can mean "son" (Kosambi 1963: 195f.). 40 In Mbh CE IX 45,24 a krsna-karni mata in Skanda's retinue is mentioned and these mataras are called yasasvinayas in vs 2. 41 AV 5,17,15 in Whitney's translation. Yet Galava had to give Visvamitra one thousand white horses with one black ear as teacher's fee (syama-karnanam panduranam tarasvinam || sahasram vajinam ekam Sulkartham me pradiyatam, Mbh CE III 115,15). See also Wackernagel & Debrunner 1954: 376 (SS 246). 42MW Page #146
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 145 were red like the skin of a radish.49 The Ramayana mentions a demon with bright ears.50 1.2.2 As to its form we may list the main tragic figure in the Mahabharata, Karna "Longear" (?), and his counterpart in a way, Vikarna "With widely extended ears";51 Ksurakarni "Sharp-eared" (a female companion [mat] in the retinue of Skandas2); Ksemakarna "With quiet ears" (?), the composer of the Ragamala (1570 AD); Jaratkarna "Old Ear" (the author of RV 10,76), citra-karna "with speckled ears", a camel (MW); Bahya-karna "With (big ?) outer ears" as the name of a Naga;54 lomakarna "with hairy ears: a hare"; Vasukarna "With good ears" (the author of RV 10,65f.); Srona Kotikarna "the lame Prick-eared", Buddha's disciple; etc. The ear form is often used for omens. Long ears are a positive mark of Mahavira (allinappamana-jutta-savane, Aup & 16);56 such people, however, are to be excluded from the sacrifice to the dead." The monster menacing maritime merchants in the Malli-jnata, depicted with long hanging auricles and ear cavities with ugly hairs, 58 is a paragon of religious phantasy which after all knows of no limits. Ears can be enlarged by magical means. Misers have short ears;60 men with skinny ears die as criminals, those with flat ears become rich in consumer goods.62 Women with uneven ears cause misery.63 Hemacandra makes Mahavira's believers drink the nectar of his speech in handfuls in the shape of ears.64 It is curious that Somadeva compares a mahout's ears with old shoes. Men with pointed ears will become kings, but in the description of a candala 49 Anuttarovavaiya 3, see further Barnett 1907: 117f. 50 Ram (Bombay, 1930) 7,5,40 Bhasa-karna. SI EWAia; Hiltebeitel 2001: 248. 52 Mbh CE 9,45,24. 53 In old age the tip of the ear becomes white: munim aiksata ... jara-dhavala-karnagra-samsrayinya virajitam (KSS 25,15). 54 Mbh CE 1,31,9. 55 AVPar and Varahamihira; see also Kohlbrugge 1948. 56 Depicted e.g., in Granoff 2009:161, and 166 where the ears of a 10th century statue from Madhya Prades touch its shoulders. Curiously, among the thirty-two laksanas of the Buddha in DighaN II 18 or III 144 there is no one on his ears (or nose). Bana mentions the hanging ears of Bhairavacarya (Harsac NSP 1946: 103,20). -Cf. Plinius, Nat. historia XI 251; see further HDA VI: 1204 where intelligence is mostly connected with long life. 57 SauraPur 19,8. The ears are also compared to a worthless son in Amitagati 288 when they do not hear salutary speech. 58 Roth 1983: 90. 59 GarudaPur 176,16f. < Meyer 1937 I 195; Bollee 1977: 35. 60 GarudaPur 165,61 krpana hrasva-karnakah. 61 Ibidem karnaih syuh papa-mrtyavah nirmamsaih which Meyer translates as "die an evil death" (1928: 132 note 1). 62 Ibidem (karnais) cipitair bhogah. 6 Brhatsaphita 70,21 klesam dadhate visamau ca karnau. 64 Trisastio X 11,91 sraddadhanah pibanti ye Bhavad-vacana-piyasam karnanjali-putaih, cf. Venisamhara I 4 sravananjali-puta-peyam ... amstam. 65 Somadeva, Yasastilaka IV 42,8 a-navanupadina-patala-sama-sravasam.

Page #147
146 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah hunter his pointed ears and big mouth appear as the epitome of ugliness. Buddhist monastic aspirants with small ears such as those of a mouse or bat may nevertheless be ordained.68 The Karna-pravarana are a fabulous people of coast-dwellers who use their ears for a covering.69 In Western India even people with one ear are supposed to live.70 Women's ears can be a stereotype of attractiveness. Thus fleshy, well-proportioned and soft ears which fit closely to the head are much appreciated." Sitala's ears were as large as a winnowing fan." French sixteenth century poets such as Albert le Grand" and Maclou de la Haye74 extol female ears that are much longer in their blasons.75 A cow's ear is used as a measure: thus it says in the Mbh that some snakes were a mile in length, others no longer than a cow's ear. Dogs may of course have pricked ears and a preti is called "with cropped ears".78 2.1 Not only human ears, but also those of other animals provide clear evidence of the weight of the parts of the body under discussion for it shows a close observation of them. Thus, in order to express a grazing proximity, a Rgvedic poet urges Indra and Kutsa to steer their chariot horses near the ear of the Sun's horse so as to squeeze off the wheel of the Sun," and Rajasekhara makes a woman shoot, across her ear, sharp and shining side-long glances. We may be somewhat surprised that Bhadrabahu advises a girl (novice ?) who panicked at the sight of a lion or elephant to look at a girl 66 GarudaPurana I 65,61 sanku-karnas ca rajanah and Meyer 1928: 133 note 1 refers to demons with such ears. 67 Mbh CE 12,136,110 sarku-karno maha-vaktrah. 68 Musika-kanno (text: mulika-) va jatuka-kanno va khuddakahi kanna-sakkhalikahi samannagato pabbajetabbo (Sp 1028,30). 69 Mbh CE 2,28,44; Ram (Bombay, 1930) 5,17,5. 70 Apadana 406: 18 (p. 359,9) Eka-kannika. 71 GarudaPur I 65,103 (Kohlbrugge 1948: 69); BIhatsamhita 70,9 karna-yugmam api yukta-mamsalam sasyate mTdu samahitam samam. See further, e.g., Paumacariu II 224. - The opposite is the man named Coda-karna "with projecting ears". 72 Auboyer et Mallmann 1950: 215. 13 "Oreille blanche, clere et nette, oreille un petit rondelette, oreille ne grosse ne grasse, oreille de bien bonne grace, oreille qui n'est point trop grande... 74 "ouye assise au chef de la beaute / dedans le clos d'honneste privaute, / et situee en deux fosses petites / sous un silence a coste des Charites ...." 75 Schmidt 1959: 307ff.; A. Saunders, The sixteenth-century Blason Poetique. Bern: Lang, 1981: 13. 76 Vogel 1926: 69 < Mbh I Poona 1931 52,7 krosa-yojana-matra hi go-karnasya pramanatah patanty ajasram ... vahnav agnimatam = A.D. I 434*, 77 Somadeva, Yasastilaka V 187,4 sv-alpa-tiksnagra-karna; Bollee 2006 note 812. 78 Petavatthu II 12 Kanna-munda (Pv-a 150,29). 79 RV 5,31,9 Indra-Kutsa ! vahamana rathena vam atya api karne vahantu. 80 Karpuramanjari I 29 mukka savan'-antarena tikkha kadakkha-cchada.

Page #148
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 147 her junior seizing or holding the ear of a lion whelp under the eyes of the guards informed beforehand, and not be afraid. 81 2.2 Furthermore, the individuals in the four classes of beings are often designated with names based on animal ears. 2.2.1 Among the gods, Siva Gajendra-karna (MW) and Go-karna may first be mentioned; 82 further Marjara-karni as a name of Camunda (MW). The second division, that of demons, etc. is represented by Hasti-karna as a class of Raksasas (MW). Go-karni and Khara-karni are mataras among Skanda's attendants; 83 Gaja-karna and Varaha-karna as the name of yaksas. 84 2.2.2 As to humans, we find the author of RV 8,9, Sasa-karna "with the ears of a hare". Then we hear of a virtuous man called Dog's Ear (Sunas-karna) who wanted to go to heaven without previous disease, as we all would like, and so died after the final bath of his soma-sacrifice. 85 A yogini is called "bear-eared". 86 A Go-karna is stated to be king of Kasmir;87 Jatu-karna "Bat-Eared" is the name of a physician, 88 Sardulakarna is the son of Trisanku.89 Camel-ears are a people in the Mahabharata.90 2.2.2.1 Except for the old myth of king Donkey Ear the Greek contribution to Indian culture is mostly faded. William Crooke dedicated one of his many papers to this legend and thus preserved a multitude of facts and ideas which would otherwise certainly have been forgotten. The story92 we read in Ovido in school probably originated in Anatolia in the eighth century B.C. This is about Midas, king of Phrygia, 81 BKBh 6206 kannammi esa siho gahio aha dhario ya so hatthi khuddalatariya tujjham te vi ya gamiya pura pala || which Ksemakirti explains: hasti-palah simha-palah ... purvam pratibodhitah kartavyah yatha: "Asmakam eka ksullik, yusmadiyam simham hastinam va drstva ksobham upagata. Tatah sa yatha muncati, tatha kartavyam." Evam tesu pratibodhitesu sa ksipta-citti-bhuta tesam antike niyate nitva ca tasam madhye ya tasya api ksullikaya laghutari, taya sa simhah karne dharyate .... Tatah sa ksipta-citta procyate: "Tvatto 'pi ya ksullakatara, atisayena laghus taya esa simhah karne dhttah ..., tvam tu bibhesi. Kim tvam etasya api bhirur jata ? Dharstyam avalambyatam" iti. The word ksipta-citta cannot, with MW, mean "absent-minded" (< PWB zerstreut), but is a synonym of ksobham upagata. PSM correctly gives pagal. - The scarcity of lions in India is responsible for such unrealistic ideas as is also shown by the story of the boy riding on a lion in KSS 6,94. 82 See Sorensen 1904, s.v., VamanaPurana Saromah. 26,66f.. KSS 22.218 as a statue. 83 Mbh CE 9,45,25. 84 Mbh 2, 10,15f. 85 JaimBr II 167; PVB 17,12,6; APSS 22,7,21; BaudhSs 21,17 (Caland 1903: 28 [33]). 86 Mallmann 1962: 294 and 356. 87 Rajatarangini 1,346. 88 Meulenbeld 1974 : 406. 89 Divyavadana 619,27. Another tiger-eared king could be mentioned in KSS 6,88, but the reading is not certain: instead of Dvipi-karnin of Tawney & Penzer 167 the NSP text has Dipa-karnin. 90 Mbh CE 2,28,48. 91 Crooke 1911 from which I freely quote. See further Naithani 2006 Part I, where also Crooke's Indian co-folklorist, collaborator and translator, Pt Ram Gharib Chaube, is rehabilitated. 92 *F 511.2.2 in Thompson's Motif Index. 93 Metamorphoses XI 146-193, cf. Aristophanes, Plutus 287.

Page #149
SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah who was called upon to judge between the lyre of the god Apollo and the pastoral pipe of the Arcadian deity Pan. When Midas pronounced the latter instrument more harmonious Apollo punished him by having ears like those of an ass fixed upon him, which he then tried to conceal with a purple head-dress. His slave discovered the secret, whispered it into a hole in the ground, where reeds grew which, when shaken by the wind, betrayed him." The tale, which was still popular in Greece in Crooke's time, spread westward over Europe to Ireland and in Asia as far as Mongolia and western India, where the industrious collector found four versions of it: in Gilgit, Mirzapur (U.P.)," Santal(pur, Gujarat ?) and Mysore. The last version, of a king of the Cengalva dynasty of Bettadpur in the tenth century, is closest to the original. I won't speculate why this is so but there was, as we know, an old contact with the Near East and Rome in this part of India." The king's right ear was like that of an ass. A barber" whispers the secret to a sandal-tree under which the Raja used to sit when being shaved. One day, pleased with the performance of some tumblers, he gives the tree to them. They cut it down and make a drum out of the wood, which then utters the ominous words. Thus everyone learnt the secret." Professor Hampana writes me an additional detail, viz. that this Rajan kivi katte kivi, as he is called in Kanarese, liked to overhear other people's conversation by hiding nearby. At his request a specialist in spells (mantravadin) prepared an auditory pill which the king took and subsequently developed donkey ears.100 So much for the oral tradition. 148 2.2.2.2 The only literary version as far as I have found is, perhaps not accidentally, quoted in Prakrit, maybe from a curni we no longer have, by the southerner Malayagiri (early 13th century) in a parable of a minister illustrating the word parisravin "leaking" in a figurative sense in common language, in which flow of 102 94 Thompson 1932-: D 1316. 5. 95 Naithani 2002: 122 states that Crooke's Mirzapur version in which the king has horns on his head is "the Eastern version of the Greek legend of King Midas"; she did not read Crooke's article apparently. 96 A village in Hunsur taluk, Mysore district, 24 km north of Piriyapatna in South Karnataka. 97 About 1950 many Roman coins dating to the time of the emperors Augustus and Tiberius were found in Yeshvantpur near Bangalore on the way to the old airport, and various other places; the same pertains to Roman pottery (p.c. Hampana). 98 Thompson 1932: N 465. 99 Crooke thinks that in the most primitive forms of the story the tree is the transformed or reborn spirit of the executed barber and speaks through its wood when made into a drum or flute. As an explanation of the legend Crooke proposes a half-forgotten or misunderstood form of ritual in which the worshipper dressed in the skin of the victim and so enveloped himself in its sanctity (Crooke 1911: 196ff.). 100 Quoted from C. Hayavadana Rao (ed), Mysore Gazetteer VII, 644. The story is not found in Chandran 1973. In KSS 70,108 the donkey represents a-dharma. 101 Muni Bhadrabahuvijaya kindly wrote to me (p. c.) that there are many amatya parables, but he has not informed me where they can be found and we regrettably have no list of illustrative parables in the commentaries. 102 BKBh I on vs 760 laukike bhavatah parisravini amatya-drstantah (I, p. 237,23ff.): Ego raya. Tassa kanna gaddabhassa jarisa. So niccam kholae a-mukkiyae acchai. So annaya amaccenam egante pucchio: "Kim tubbhe, bhattaraya-pada, kholae aviddhiyae acchaha ? Na kassai sisam kanna ya dariseha ?" Ranna sabbhavo kahio bhaniyam ca: "Ma rahassa-bheyam kahisi" tti. Tena a-gambhirayae tam rahassam

Page #150
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 149 words leaking can easily pertain to a verbal secret. But for the specification of the ear this version largely agrees with Crooke's story from Mysore. The popularity of the story up to the present day is undiminished, as is shown by a first reading edition for anglophone children. 104 2.2.3 Some human names with animals' ears cause us difficulties, e.g. Mayura-karna "Peacock-eared". 105 The bird may be a pendant with this form.106 In the name Kharjura-karna (MW) the first member of the compound may be the wild date (Phoenix sylvestris) or a scorpion 107 if the latter is meant for magical protection of the ear against spirits, etc. (see below under 7). 2.2.4 Animals and plants can also be named after animal ears. Thus "ox ear" designates the elk, a large species of deer in Ceylon.108 As for the plants we have, e.g. aja-karna for the Terminalia Alata Tomentosa (MW) and asva-karnaka for the Vatica robusta tree, so called from the shape of its leaves. 109 The leaves of the Butea Frondosa tree look like mongoose ears.'10 This kind of compound is frequent, cf. Greek muosotis" and in English mouse-ear hawkweed. 2.2.5 A mixed being is Go-karna, the son of a cow produced from a fruit given by an ascetic to the childless Atmadeva, whose wife passed it on to a cow; the boy had a cow's ear (see below sub 8).112 3.0 Another category consists of names in which the ear is connected with or defined by an object. 3.1 In it, we find among the deities Sruta-devi as a name of Sarasvati, the goddess of tradition and science. Further, Ghanta-karna Mahavira'13 and the goddess Ghanta an-ahiyasamanena adavim gantum rukkha-kottare muham chodhunam bhaniyam: "Gaddabha-kanno raya, gaddabha-kanno raya". Tam rukkham annena kenai chettum vaditram krtam. Bhaviyavvaya-vasena ya tam ranno purao vaiyam. Tam vajjantam bhanai: "Gaddabha-kanno raya, gaddabha-kanno raya". Ranna amacco pucchio: "Tume param eyam rahassam nayam; kassa te kahiyam ?" Amaccena jahavattam sittham. Esa lohio parissavi. 103 See, e.g. Bollee 2010 on vs 108. In SpBr 6,1,2,28 vag va agnih speech is associated with fire which fits Indian spoken language better (cf. Glasenapp 1940: 19). 104 Sims 2009. Hampana (p.c.) also points to the boy in Collodi's Pinocchio who for lying was punished by ass's ears, but Midas' ears were the consequence of divine misuse of power. 105 Commentary on Panini 4,1,112. Cf. BKBh 5227 moraga "little peacock" explained as kundala "earring" (Bollee 2005: 38); thus Mayura-karna could mean "with a peacock ornament in his ear". See also Malayagiri IV,3 10a 3ff. in Bollee 2005: 88. 106 Sternbach VI 10647. 107 Cf. vrsci-karni "Salvinia Cucullata". 108 Hertel 2007: 90 note 1. 109 Susruta 1,32,15 (< PWB). 110 Vana-dava-daddham ... .. mankusa-kanna-sariccham disai pattam palasassa (Hala 781). Il De Witte 1948: 144; Liddell & Scott. 112 Vettam Mani 1975: 293 < Bhagavata Mahatmya. 113 Kelting 2009: 183 note 20.

Page #151
150 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah karni "Bell-Eared". 114 Ganesa's names Surpakarna and Surpasruti "with ears of a winnowing basket"lls are prominent because the largest ear is of course that of an elephant 3.2 The ears of demons, etc. may not be overlooked; being disfigured is often their main attribute, such as the water-sprite called "sly dog" in the German state of Thuringen.'16 Thus we read of the raksasa Kumbha-karna, "pot-ear"; Kldhu-karna "with short ears" is a kind of imp."7 In the northern Mathura a certain Devila dedicated an inscription in the year 77 at the temple of the Naga Dadhikarna "MilkEar", a curious name for a snake deity.'18 3.3 Men with hairy ears live long." Peoples with elephant's or horse's ears are not Aryan.120 3.4 Panini 8,3,46 calls a cat "with ears (white) like milk, payas-karni". A horse's ears with curly hair irritate the wife of its owner.121 The Gonds in Mangwani tell the story of the man whose penance was in vain and who then cursed Siva. Annoyed, the god turned the man into a sheep and told him: "If anyone ties a shoe to your ear, you will have to lie down on the ground and sleep". From that day there have been sheep in the world which will lie down and sleep if someone ties a shoe to their ear. 122 4.0 Ears belong to the nine openings of the body. As such they are an entry,123 e.g. for spirits!24 or Kama's arrows,125 and can also adopt the function of mouth and yoni. 4.1 As to the mouth an expression such as "to put the right (Digambara) Doctrine into someone's ear" 126 may have helped the idea; when it is one's own ear it becomes "to take a mental note".127 Very frequent is drinking a flow of words with the ears, e.g. . 114 See Mallmann 1962: 62. Large metallic bell-shaped ear-decorations are worn, e.g. by Kami Mazu tribal women (Postel 1989: 300 and 302). 115 KSS 55,165, cf. 21,1. 116 Schlitzohrchen (HDA VI 1204). 117 AV 11,9,7 and 10,7; see also Wackernagel & Debrunner II,2: 376 and cf. Kunda-karna (MW). 118 Chatterjee 1978: 63. 119 GarudaPur I 65,61 discussed by Meyer 1928: 133. 120 Kuvalayamala 40,26. 121 Kuvalayamala 24,5 (Chojnacki 2008:II 96). See further Caland 1911. 122 Elwin 1949: 228; Thompson-Balys B 782. 123 Thus Kalingasena says her mind has been captivated by King Vatsa entering through the gate of her ear: sruti-marga-pravistena hstam tena yatha manah (KSS 31,3). 124 Crooke 1896: I 242. Among the Dakhan Mhars at a boy's initiation the priest performs the earcleansing rite (kan phunkane) in order to drive out evil spirits (Campbell 1898: 160). 125 KSS 51,122 where a Buddhist monk praises the beauteous princess Rupalata and his words enter the ears of the smart king Prthvirupa with arrows of Love and stick in his heart. 126 Amitagati, Subhas VII 30 yathartha-tattvam ... nidhaya karne. 127 Kanne havei (M IV,2 68b 2 ad VyavaharaBhasya 303 (Bollee 2005: 23).

Page #152
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India when in Hala someone is urged to say something: "Make my ears drink nectar!" 128 The effect thereof can be like a medicine when by hearing the description of the king's dream the queens saw their strength restored.129 A feast for the ear, German Ohrenschmaus, is expressed by karna-rasayana,130 sravanotsava (vide infra sub 5.1) and sruti-sukha,131 in Pali and Prakrit kanna-sukha. 132 Finally, from greed (for the sweetness of the beauty of Srikrsna) ears can grow tongues in Jnanesvar's metaphor.133 135 4.2 The idea of conception through the ear 14 and aural birth," the shifting from below to above, 136 is no Indian invention. For Moliere, birth from the ear is the limit of ignorance when he makes Agnes ask this in his Ecole des femmes,137 but as late as the German poet Rilke (+ 1926) Orpheus is made to create a tree in the ear for animals emerging from silence.138 The ear is a sex object (tarpana):139 to scratch the ear may conceal a woman's horripilation as an erotic manifestation." 151 4.2.1 his Crooke tells us a legend of the Bhangi sweepers following which Siva put semen into the ears of Anjana who then gave birth to Hanuman.141 4.2.2 In the Satapathabrahmana karman is born from the ear, 142 and earlier Prajapati thus creates the sheep;143 in the Mbh Brahma says to the Creator Brahman: "My fourth birth was from your ears.' 44 The sage Jahnu swallows the Ganga in the Ramayana and lets her out of his ears. Prtha-Kunti whom Surya touched at the navel and thus inpregnated delivered Karna through the ear. Further, the demons Madhu and 145 -128 Sattasai (/ed Weber) 805 kim pi jampasu! piantu kannai me amiam! Also, e.g. Samantabhadra, Ratnakarandaka 108 (see Bollee 2010); KSS 25,224. 12 KSS 19,10 tat-svapna-varnanendiva frotra-peyena trptayoh tayos ca vibhavaydiva jatah svadvausadha-kramah. 130 Rajatarangini (MW supplement, Schmidt 1928; no dictionary has an exact reference); Saddaniti 313,33*. 131 Gunabhadra, Utt. 73 vs 168 (Bollee 2007: 130). 132 Buddhaghosa, Samantapasadika 1061,3; BKBh 854. 133 Skyhawk 1990: 134 note 188. 134 Jones 1914: 135ff.; HdA II 808; Jung 1971 III 116f., 369. 135 HdA VI 1205. 136 See Freud 1968 18 (Index) s.v. 137 Vs 164. See also Jones 1928: 43 referring to a Buddhist legend in Mongolia. 138 Zinn 1955 I: 731. 139 VarahaGS 12,2; JaimGS 1,4; 5,15. 100 Kuvalayamala 159,29. 141 Crooke 1896 I: 269. See also Kapp 1988: 93 and Narula 1991: 16 where Anjana figures as a theophany of Visnu. 142 SpBr 10,5,3,8, see Glasenapp 1940: 35. SpBr 7,5,2,6 (Prajapatih) srotrad avim (niramimita). 144 Mbh CE 12,335,38. 145 Ram (Bombay, 1930; not in CE) 1,43,38 frotrabhyam asrjat prabhuh tasmaj Jahnu-suta Ganga procyate Jahnavi (see Crooke 1896a I 36; Glasenapp 1922: 143 and Kosambi 1962-3: 195f.). Cf. Bana, Harsac 105,7 and Hemavijaya, Kath 75,15. The river is called Jahnu's daughter because she emerged from his ears. 146 Haribhadra, Dhurtakhyana 1,83f. The Mbh CE 3,292,4 only speaks of virginal delivery.

Page #153
152 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Kaitabha emerged from wax flowing out of Visnu's ear.147 In the Buddha's "twin wonder" streams of fire and water issue from his ears and nose.148 5. The ear often occurs in common sayings and metaphorical use. 5.1 As to the former, Kalhana says of queen Didda that after the death of her husband Ksemagupta she was confused in her mind and lola-karna "listening to everybody".149 To this category also Kamapuraka, Vasantasena's servant in the Mscchakatika, may belong: filling > deafening people's ears with talking big.150 A report spreading from ear to ear is gatah karna-paramparam pravadah." One is easily accessible to calumny (karna-durbala) then."52 A feast for the ear, sravanotsava,"is frequent, as when Dandin makes prince Darpasara tell king Candavarman: "Do not delay to give my ears a holiday by sending word that the lovesick swain (the prince Rajavahana whose wife, Miss Avanti, had turned down the king) has been executed with fancy tortures" (Ryder). As the eye agrees with the ear in Hemacandra, 154 Somadeva lets Naravahanadatta blame the Creator: "Why did he not make me all eye and ear ?"155 Unpleasant news can burn someone's ears!56 and king Adityasena, whose ear was riveted on Tejasvati's musical discourse, could not be attracted by the cries of his distressed subjects.17 Daksa, Parvati's father in a former birth, made a remark to his daughter about her husband Siva, which was like a venomous needle to her ears.18 A secret can only be kept by four ears because six ears will break it, but if kept by two ears even Brahma will not be able to fathom it.159 As apparent proverbs I have noted "what is the use of gold because of which the ear would be cut off"60 and "something is better than nothing". 161 Hindi kan par jum regna "to prick up the ears" (lit.: "a louse creeps over the 147 MarkPur 81,50; KurmaPur 1,10,2. 148 Dhp-a III 214,5ff. 149 Rajatarangini VI 193 with Stein's translation. 150 Van Buitenen 1971: 274 note 19 calls Karnapuraka in Mscchakatika II a braggart. See also Esposito 2004: 269 note 176. 151 KSS 24, 212. 152 Bloomfield 1919: 226. 153 Dandin, Das 67,4 tasya kamonmattasya citra-vadha-varta-presanena sravanotsavo 'smakam vidheyuh, cf. Gunabhadra, UttP 73,168 sruti-sukha (Bollee 2008: 34). 154 Hemacandra, Trio IX 3,181 drk Srutyah samvadati. >> Vidhataram nininda sah: srotra-netram ayam kstsnam akarot kim na mam ? iti (KSS 35,139). 156 Dandin, Das 141,2 srotram adahava. 157 KSS 18,82. 158 Uvaca giram so (Dakso) 'tha tvat-karna-visa-sucikam (KSS I 37). 159 Pancatantra (NSP. Bombay, 1950) I 1 vs 108 sat-karno bhidyate mantras catus-karnah sthiro bhavet/ tasmat sarva-prayatnena sa-karnam varjayet sudhih II; BKBh 2088 cau-kannam hojja raham, cf. 391. OhaN 791; Ja VI 392,16f. tvam "catu-kanno me manto" ti mannasi, idan' eva cha-kanno jato, puna attha-kanno bhavitva an-eka-sata-kanno bhavissati" ti. See also Sternbach 10784. 160 Hemacandra, Trio X 3,228 suvarnenapi kim tena karna-bhedo bhaved yatah. 161 Badhiran manda-karmah sreyan (MW > Apte without reference).

Page #154
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 153 ear"). "To pretend not to hear" is expressed by a-karna-srutam vidhatte,162 in Hindi kan me tel dalna (lit.: "to pour oil into the ears"). Arjuna puts his hands over his ears to ignore Urvasi's offer of love: karnau hastabhyam pidhaya.163 5.2 The pravargya man has milk pails for ears. The pravargya sacrifice should provide the yajamana with a head at which the hot milk vessel of the milk oblation to the Asvins represents, for the yajamana, the sun in order to share its blazing heat.164 Sriharsa compares Damayanti's ears to ceremonial cakes to be offered to Kama and his consort to serve as one more weapon in his armoury. 169 The same poet, in a farfetched simile, imagines a special kind of marking in the shape of the Devanagari number nine carved with a deep-set outline in Damayanti's ears, indicating the division of the eighteen branches of learning. 166 The lappet of a monk's robe is called civara-karna.167 6. Rites & magic are equally of interest in the present topic. "At the emergence of the want for causality man explains to himself the act of hearing from the immediate activity of a demon". From this basic conception the great majority of rites and customs have come into being in which the ear plays a role.168 The main rites pertain to whispering into, touching, cutting the ears, and some minor religious ceremonies, As to this, the right or left ear concern the gender of the person or animal referred to. 169 6.1 In order to produce mental and bodily strength in his son soon after birth, the brahmin father performs the medha-janana, at which he mutters charms through a rolled up middle palasa leaf into the child's ear, the leaf taking the place of the sacrificial spoon.170 In the same way a mantra for longevity is murmured into his ear,171 as is his secret name.172 In the course of the long life rites (ayusmani) the ears 162 Stlanka I 111a 6 on Suyagada 1,4,1,19. 163 Mbh (Poona, 1930) III 3,46,36 and Harisena, Brhatkathakosa 57, 284, cf. Mbh CE 13 App. 10 294 karnau pidhaya hastabhyam. - Tawney-Penzer II 256 mentions the vrka or fire in the stomach which can be heard on putting the fingers in one's ears, but this could not be found in the reference given, SpBr II 1. 164 Hillebrandt 1897: 135; Gonda 1978: 153. Is this a reason why one occasionally does not bathe one's head as in Malayagiri IV 10 52a 1 on VavBh 4208 (Bollee 2005: 68f.)? 165 Handiqui 1956: 97 on Naisadhacarita VII 61. 166 Naisadhacarita VII 63. 167 Dhammapada-a III 106, 12 civara-kannam pattharitva nipajji, cf. Avadanasataka II 184. 168 HDA VI 1205 "Beim Erwachen des Kausalitatsbedurfnisses erklart sich der Mensch den Vorgang des Horens aus der unmittelbaren Tatigkeit eines Damons" (Karutz 1897: 214). Von dieser Grundanschauung sei die grosse Mehrzahl der Sitten und Gebrauche entstanden, in denen das Ohr eine Rolle spielt. 169 Negelein I 1931: 286. 170 ManavaGS 1,7,6 - BharadvajaGS I 23; see Caland 1899: 213 and Krick 1982: 180 on the parna = palasa tree, Butea frondosa. 171 HiranyakesiGS II 3,9; TaittS 1,3,14 m. Cf. the adhan spoken into the ear of a new-born future Muslim. 172 HDA VI 1207; Auboyer 1961: 215. Abbott 1932: 39 mentions the rite of kan phunknen, i.e. the breathing by a guru into the ears of a child after reciting from a sacred book.

Page #155
154 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah of the new-born are also treated.173 Further, to give a baby a long life stone balls are struck near his ears. 174 Later, at the upanayana, the right ear of the child into which the gayatri verse is repeated is thought to become holy for life.175 After the ceremony, the mother marks her son's eye-lashes with lamp-black and makes a smudge of it near his right ear, this being her final chance to safeguard him against evil influences. 176 The Buddha condemns muttering spells on the ears of an opponent to prevent him from hearing something."77 The adhvaryu and the yajamana whisper a mantra into the right ear of a horse'78 and a prince murmurs an incantation into the ear of a lion and teaches him the Svetambara Doctrine.179 Somadeva makes a foolish brahmin with his hands in the shape of a cow's ear (vide infra sub 8) chant the Sama Veda with a shrill sound, whereas he had been told to please the woman who should teach him the way of the world, by coaxing (sama)."*" For king Donkey Ear see above sub 2.2.2.1f. In the citra ceremony the ears of a this year's calf are marked with linga and yoni by a knife as a magic rite to make the cattle do well.181 By lauding with the vatsa saman, Trisoka brought about the opposite, viz hairless and earless cattle.182 The vrsotsarga has to take place in the middle of the Full-Moon sacrifice, an expansion of the ceremony of Kauss 24,19-23 at which oblations for the rain deity Pusan are made and a verse muttered in a bull's ear.183 At the founding of the sacrificial fire the yajamana mutters the Tanu mantras in the horse's right ear.184 When asked the yaksa Ghantika whispers the answer into the ear. 185 6.2 One touches one's right ear as a protection against impurities or for atonement, and at an asseveration, the former, e.g., when sneezing at a religious ceremony, in order to avoid spirits entering the ear because the Ganges, the Vedas, sun, moon and air live in a brahmin's ear. 186 Touching the right ear is an easier ritual gesture instead of sipping water while uttering mantras, 187 e.g. before receiving madhu-parka.188 A 173 Jolly 1977 $ 43. 174 Hemacandra, Trio 12,316; Bhavadeva, Parevac. V 76; Nemicandra 289a 11 on Utt 23,1. 175 Stevenson 1920: 36. 176 Stevenson 1920: 40. 177 DighaNikaya I 11,20 kanna-jappana with Sv 97,6ff. . 178 Katyss 20,2,9 adhvaryu-yajamanau daksine asva-karne japato vibhur matreti. 179 Kuvalayamala 111,32 (karna-japa). 180 KSS 6,57 go-karna-sadssau kstva karav abaddha-saranau tara-svaram tatha Sama gayati sma jadasayah. KSS 18,108 characterizes Samaveda brahmins as the home of timidity, boorishness and ill temper (Tawney-Penzer II 57). 181 Kauss 23,12ff. 182 Caland 1919 & 203. 183 AVPar XVIIIc (Negelein I 1909: 117). 184 Krick 1982: 323 note 845; 336. 185 Commentary 404,2 on BKBh 1312 Dombi tasyah kula-daivatam Ghantika-yakso nama. Sa prstah san karne kathayati, etc. (Jain 1984: 327 note 5 where the reference AvCu II 229 could not be found). 186 Campbell 1898: 160. 187 Sarngadhara, Paddhati 603 < Sternbach VI 10783. 188 Gonda 1980: 334; Hemadri, Caturvargacintamani II 1,690f. < Meyer 1937 I 195 note 1.

Page #156
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 155 different link of ears and hands is found in Merutunga's story of the man who held a she-goat by the ears while his brother killed the animal. The goat was reborn as the killer's wife, who then struck her husband with a sword. 189 As to the asseveration, the cat in the Hitopadesa first touches the earth and then its ears in order to aver that religions despite all differences agree to abstinence from ahimsa as the highest duty.190 In Kanara (formerly the region south of Goa) in the 19th century a Roman Catholic priest baptized children by touching their ears with spittle191 which may have served to stave off evil from them, the ears thus representing the whole as the children did not yet understand any words.192 It is unclear to me why a person who with an astrologer touches his ear shows him to have eaten hare's meat.193 When relieving oneself it is necessary to put one's yajnopavita, apparently the threadbare rest of the Indo-European toga, 194 over the right ear.195 6.3 Violence against the ear, apart from slapping, takes the form of piercing, earmarking, incision up to abscission. 6.3.1 The painful piercing (karna-vedha) of children's ears196 with a needle or thorn is done nowadays on the twelfth day after birth, in ancient times in the seventh or eighth month, a thread being kept in the hole till the next day.197 The father sits facing the east in the morning and speaks the mantra "Oh gods, may we hear bliss with our ears (RV I 89,8)" into the boy's right - or the girl's left - ear and vice versa. It is done also for protection against diseases198 and C.G. Jung takes it to be an apotropaeic magic against death, a going into the mother.199 A stillborn child's ear is bored with a gold ring to prevent the contagion of death from passing on to the next birth.200 Adult's ears are also bored, thus among the Lamani, a nomadic populace across India, the ears of a groom are bored before marriage as a proof of it, so that he is not buried at death, as are unmarried people, but cremated.201 Further, karna-vedha is sometimes performed to prevent a woman from dying if the birth of a third son be expected.202 Childless people 189 Prabandhacintamani 123,22f. 190 Hitopadesa, ed NSP (Bombay, 1950) 18,8 (I 3 on vs 63). 191 Campbell 1898: 159 < Bombay Gazetteer XV 388. 192 HJA VIII 152. 193 Brhatsamhita 51,34. 194 Cf. Caland in Witzel 1990: 567f. and 672; Kane II, 1 1974: 287ff. 195 AgnivesyaGS 2,6,8; VaikhanasaDhS 2,9,2; Stevenson 1920: 211; Bollee 2008 note 112. 1% Sternbach 9168* kasta vedha-vyatha ... sravananam. See also Bhattacharyya 1975: 83. 197 Susruta, Sutrasthana xvi; Kane 1974: 254; Diehl 1956: 181; Gonda 1980: 354 and 377. - On the auspicious moment see Brhatsamhita 100,6. 198 Auboyer 1961: 215. 199 Jung 1973: V 449, 452 note 97. 200 Abbott 1932: 208, cf. 221. 201 Abbott 1932: 92. 202 Puranasarvasva (MW without reference).

Page #157
156 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah in Tirupati, apparently as a cohabitation substitute, perform ear-boring on wooden figures in the hope of issue to be born to them.203 6.3.2 As earmarking was touched upon above (1.1) in order to present the ear as a synecdoche, we can give here only some more details. Calves are marked in pairs.204 Cows with defective ears are unfit for sacrifice.205 Marking also seems to represent a ritual procedure to increase one's stock of cattle.206 The ears of the earth were dealt with under 1.1.2. Other things can have "ears", too, such as the Vratya's sandals,207 a drum208 and a pot.209 Further, in geometry aksakarna is a hypotenusa, ardha-karna is the radius and eka-karna is a triangle (MW). The lappet of a monk's robe is called civara-karna,210 a cela-kanna is a fan,211 the tip of a ladle is a dabbi-kanna,212 the helm of a ship is nau-karna (MW), a certain massive battle order is sthula-karna 213 Of ears in riddles only one could be found: "it has eight feet and four ears; two-faced it faces two other quarters; it roars at the gate of the king's palace and is neither a god nor a demon" (a four-faced large drum). Here a drumhead is called "ear" 214 Asva-karna means a particular fraction of the bones21s and hasti-karna is the name of a big shield 216 A striking ear is often compared to a lotus; thus a sword is called the ear lotus of Death.217 Towns are often mentioned as ear-ornaments of the earth, such as Kausambi.218 en Myhedhyah karsah (MSropped cars"). Mw. Nie with gestutzten Ohren"WAI also defekt-wand 1986: xviil). -- Earmark i 370). eaf"), co as defecy note 17.uld 203 Thurston 1912: 159. 204 Muusses 1920: 54f.; AV 6,141,2. 205 Amedhyah karnah (MS IV 2,9). In Pischel and Geldner 1889: 138 karna is translated by "mit gestutzten Ohren" ("with cropped ears"). MW, Muusses 1920:39 and Mayrhofer, EWAi render karna by "long-eared" (in EWAI also defekt- and taubohrig "with defect ears; deaf"), corresponding to a-karna "with short ears" in VS 24,40 (Schwab 1886: xviii). - Earmarked is considered as defect and unfit for buying soma (SpBr 3,3,1,16); such cows may be killed (JaimBr II 370). Caland 1919: 207 note 17 states that the purpose of the marking is unknown and then asks if perhaps thereby beef cattle would be indicated. 206 See Gonda 1965: 357. 207 Latyayana 8,6,23, see Hauer 1927: 107. 208 Cp 1,9,24 kanna-bheri "a double drum" (Cp-a 85,11 yugala-maha-bheri). 209 Malayagiri 152b 7 on PindaNijjutti 549 pithara-kamna "handle of a pot", cf. bhana-kanna in OhaNijjutti 290. 210 Dhammapada-a III 420,2. 211 AyarangaNijjutti 170; Haribhadra, Samar 549,14 viavio cela-kannehi "cooled by fans". 212 Dhp-a I 371,6 dabbi-kannena thokam pittham (thus read for pithim) gahetva "taking a little dough with the tip of a ladle"). 213 Kautilya 10,6,16 and 42 (marching out with the centre with wings like big ears [Kangle)) 214 Sternbach 1975: 56 no 56.1 < Subhasita-ratna-bhandagaram 185, 22 (non vidi). No dictionary states karna in the sense of "drumhead". 215 Susruta, Nidana 15,5 one of twelve kinds of kanda-bhagna. 216 Kautilya 2,18,16. Kangle: "board used as a cover". 217 Bana, Harsac. 107,20 (mahasih) karnotpalam iva Kalasya. 218 KSS 9,5 Kausambi ... bhutatasyeva karnika, cf. 11,31 for Ujjayini.

Page #158
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 157 6.3.3 Ear-splitting takes place with the Kanphat yogins.219 6.3.4 Abscission of the ears may originally be a punishment for severe larceny, then also for treason, defamation and adultery, which can be seen as a kind of theft. Thus Merutunga has king Prthviraja cut off the ears of his minister Somesvara because he suspects him of favouring the enemy.220 The wicked yogini Sulasa is similarly punished for slander and severe misbehaviour.221 The punishment for adultery varies according to race and caste. A woman's ears may be cut off for adultery, as occurred to Ravana's sister Surpanakha when courting Rama.222 Among the Pardhi in Central India in either sex a piece of the left ear is sliced off with a razor.223 Jain recluses should not say of a person that his ears were cut off as it implies an offence.224 A Buddhist whose ears were cut into at the ear-piercing can be ordained, if they can be healed.225 Cropping the ears of dogs is pure human sadism in pseudo-aesthetic disguise.226 A strange rite is the removal of the placenta after birth by means of the right ear of a living male donkey cut off and dipped in a decoction of plants.227 To dream of one's ear being cut off is interpreted ambiguously: according to AVPar 68,2,10f. one will obtain external embellishment and knowledge, but in Jagaddeva 2,7 it means loss of wealth.228 6.4 Minor religious rites include a king's rubbing his ears with earth from a termitarium in order to hear of evil deeds planned against him.229 A case of calculated sadism is to pour hot oil into a dog's ear in order to induce Indra to stop torrential rain out of pity for the poor animal.230 In order to examine the ears of a doll one puts a thread into them.231 Though not a rite proper the juggler may be mentioned who puts iron balls in his mouth and takes them out through his ear or nose.232 The ear also 219 Briggs 1938. 220 Prabandhacintamani 117,22 (nigrhita-karna). In German: Ehrverlust macht Ohrverlust ("loss of honour causes loss of ears"). 221 Kathakosa ed. Hofmann 277,24. See also the story of Dhanasri in Bollee 2010: [53]. 222 Ramayana (NSP. Bombay, 1930) 3,18,21, see also Kane 1973: III 395 (adultery with a lower-caste man who then was sentenced to death). Schubring 1932: 108 wrongly translates Dasaveyaliya 8,55 ("a monk should avoid contact with a man whose ear or nose have undergone a (pathological change"). It is still practised, e.g. in Afghanistan where the horrible custom is pilloried in Time 176 (August 9.2010). 223 Russell 1916: IV 364. 224 Ayaranga 2,4,2,1. 225 Samantapasadika 1026, 19 yassa pana kannaviddhe (kanna) chijjanti sakka ca hoti samghanetum, so kannam samghanetva pabbajetabbo. 226 E.g. Panini 6,1,115; Petavatthu 24:10 kanna-mundo sunakho. See further Bollee 2006b: 19 et passim (subject index). 227 Jolly 1977, 8 42. An explanation for the donkey ear is not given. 228 Nasa-sruti-karttanam ca bhavati yasya, ... tasya vasu-nasah. 229 Konig 1984: 115. 230 Bollee 2006b: 24 and 100. As against Siva, we do not hear of a particular relationship of Indra with dogs. He only knows Sarama (RV 10,108,10). 231 Hemavijaya, Kath. 245,20. 232 VavBh I, p. 116 < Jain 1984: 264 note 5 (the place could not be found in my edition).

Page #159
158 SVASTI-Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah plays a role in enigmatic sign language as when a princess rubs her ears to an unknown prince whose companion explains to him that the princess gestured to him that she comes from the city of Karnalpur." 7. 235 Since the image of the swaying pendent vibhidaka fruit in the gambler hymn234 we know of objects in or on the ear as ornaments; they are flowers or pendants, studs, plugs or large bangles (karnavalaya), originally meant as a magical protection,256 tribal identification, personal identity embellishment237 and such as are put on the ear or inserted into it for medical purposes.238 7.1 Sirisa, 242 Mostly, however, this involves flowers on the ears of women as an ornament, e.g. white Sirisa,29 red asoka flowers,240 blue lotus,241 Nameru blossoms, Pterospermum acerifolium flowers or jujube berries,244 but men, too, wear earrings and objects such as a rolled leaf in their ears.245 243 246 There are, of course, many other kinds of ear ornaments, e.g. the tatanka of Siva's consort Devi, large flat discoid discs with grooved rims where they were inserted in the earlobe. Kali wears two dangling severed heads for earrings. In the early 247 248 centuries AD pin or stylet type earrings (karnotkilaka) were prevalent. In Bharhut, Sanchi and Amaravati prakara-vapra-kundalas can be seen, consisting of a thick double loop attached to a cubical block.249 An ascetic can have a rosary on his ear.25 250 233 Naithani 2002:164. 234 RV 10,34,1 pravepa, see Geldner's note 3 and Roth 1896. 235 Natyasastra; see also Postel 1989: 169. 236 See e.g., Neumann 1955: 39. Therefore there are makara-kundalas (Sivaramamurti 1956: 108), sihamukha-kundalas (Ja V 438,30 and Bollee 2009: 106), ear ornaments shaped like angry sharks (Tiruttakkatevar, Civakacintamani vs 168), etc. Perhaps Sita's sva-damstrau earrings which I discussed in 2006b: 24ff. as not having a connection with dogs, yet belong to this category of dangerous animals. Siva has earrings with snakes (Vettam Mani 1975: 725a line 9 from below). 237 Karpuramanjari I 31 ruvena mukka vi vihusayanti. Tanam alamkara-vasena soha "even when lacking beauty they put on ornaments. (Then) their charm rests on the ornaments". Also Sternbach II 3973 "by the earring on her ear, all the ornaments have been subjugated". 238 Campbell 1898: 159f.; Postel 1989: 5f. 239 Karpuramanjari IV 7; Sakuntala VI 18; see further Syed 1990: 590 and Chojnacki 2008 II: 20 note 2 (Albizzia lebbek). 240 Bana, Kadambari 547,3. See Syed 1990: 77f. 241 Rtusamhara 3,19. 242 Kumarasambhava 1,56 (Elaeocarpus ganitrus, dedicated to Siva). 243 Rtusahara 6,5 karni-kara. 2441 Hala 419 (Weber) kanne kauna bora-samghadim. 245 E.g., Jambu leaf in Hala 180 (Weber). 246 Sankara, Saundaryalahari 28. They are pictured in Sivaramamurti 1956 plate VIII nos 1,2 and 2 Postel 1989: 169f. 247 Kinsley 1975: 81. 248 Natyasastra 23,24f. See also Postel 1989: 169 and 172. 249 See Postel 1989: 170. 150 Kalidasa, Kum. 3,46; 5,11 et passim; KSS 25,15 munim aiksata karnagra-samfrayinya virajitam. aksa-malaya jara-dhavala

Page #160
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 159 In Tamil Nadu temple dancers have special ear-pendants (todu) which they are no longer allowed to wear when they are too old to dance, and must exchange for the pampadam, the antiquated ear-ornament of Sudra women.251 Earrings can also be different (asymmetric); 252 thus at the Vetala-sadhana, a Saiva black magic, the participants wear a white ivory pendant in the one ear and an earring with pearl in the other.253 We also hear of a herb for causing change of sex, which the princess Rsidatta put in or on her ear to become a man.2 254 Animals, too, can wear ear ornaments such as elephants with chowries at their ears in Bana. 255 7.2 In order to remove centipedes that entered a king's head when he slept in the forest, a tube is inserted into his ear leading to a pitcher of water into which the centipedes will fall, driven out by the heat of the head.256 8. The ear is often used in similes. Thus, to scoop the correct amount of water for the smarta acamana rite, the worshipper holds the spoon in his right hand in what is known as the cow's ear position, i.e. the first finger is bent over to touch the second knuckle of the thumb. Elephants' ears are considered a symbol of impermanence in the Avadana, and Merutunga reflects that fortune is as fickle as elephants' ears.259 The large ears of the vidusaka are an otological metaphor of his "wisdom",260 but they are made of wood,261 257 258 251 Tawney-Penzer I 1924: 262. - In Bana, Harsac 132,1 dancing dasis have chaplets around their ears (karna-pallava). 252 Bana, Harsac IV, p. 135,7f. ekenendra-nila-kundalamsu-symalitena sarirardhenetarena ca trikantaka-mukta-phalaloka-dhavalitena. See also Bopearachchi 2003: 154 no 146 and plate on p. 168. Kubera in Pabhosa near Allahabad wears a coil in his left ear only (vamaika-kundala-dhara), see Postel: 1989: 170. 253 Agrawala 1969: 83. 254 Kathakosa /ed Hofmann 267,18 tam osadhim aniya karne dhrtva tasyah prabhavad akasmat purusatvam praptam. 255 Harsacarita 145,12 and 216,12. 256 KSS 29, 146f. The earth-snake (Typhlops braminus) is known as ear-snake, because it is supposed to enter the ear of a sleeper on the earth and cause a certain death (Thurston 1912: 96). See also Dhp-a II 8,1 mama kanna-mule asivisam pi gacchantam na janasi. In KSS 69.68 a poisonous snake is put into an elephant's ear and kills it. 257 Stevenson 1920: 216 > Diehl 1956: 73; Krick 1982: 143 note 374. 258 Avadana 1,144,9. 259 Prabandhacintamani 123,26 kari-karna-tala-taralam kamalam vimrfya, cf. Bilhana (late 11 century A.D.), Vikram 4,58 janami kari-karnanta-cancalam hata-jivitam. 260 Rajasekhara, Karpuramanjari I 21 where a slave-girl is to be dressed like vidusaka, with a mask with a long beard and large ears (esa va duttha-dasi lamba-kuccam tappara-kannam (Comm. vistrta-karnam) padisisayam daiya). 261 Upadhye 1932: 793 referring to Paumac 1,19 and 2,28.

Page #161
160 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 9. Diseases of the ears, otalgia, are mentioned since the AV.262 Susruta distinguishes twenty-eight types.263 They emerge when the planet Venus is in the asterism Sravana.264 Dumb ears can be opened by the invocation (dhiti) of the Rta.265 Scabs at the ear are scratched with a scraper.266 Pimples on the ears indicate metaphysical science.267 Buddhaghosa lists aspirants to the order who may not be ordained because of serious diseases (papa-rogi)268 among which such as elephants' ears (hatthi-kanno), ears of a bat (jatuka-kanno), ears with boils (ganda-kanno) or ulcerating and festering ones.269 People affected with earache resort to ant-hills, pour out milk, cold rice, fruit, etc., thus pleasing the crows, and carry away part of the earth, which they apply to the troublesome member.270 After a bad dream, too, the ears should be cleaned with earth from a termitarium.271 An old dog's ear is thick with ticks.272 Somadeva makes a woman irrigate ears with nectar when she prattles.273 Finally, a man purges the ear with the sound of his lyre which, like the Ganges, charms with its swift stream of music. 274 Abbreviations275 APSSK = Anandasagarasuri 1954 AVPar = Bolling & Negelein 1909 BKBh = Bihat-Kalpa-Bhasya 1932-42 CE = Critical Edition of Mahabharata EWAI = Mayrhofer 1991-2001 262 AV 9,8,1-2 karna-sula. Cf. Honko 1967: 122 and 197. - For auditive errors in reciting the Veda see Minard I 1949, SS 588a. 263 Zysk 1998: 161; Susruta, Utt 20,3 and 6. See also Jolly 1977, $ 84. 264 Varahamihira, Brhatsamhita IX 33. 265 RV 4,23,8; see Glasenapp 1940: 12. 266 Jacobi 1886: 55,16 (kanduyanaga). 267 Bthatsamhita 52,3 pitakah ... srotre tad-bhusana-ganam api jnanam atma-rupam, cf. the ear seeking after the atman in SpBr 10,5,3,7. 268 Samantapasadika 1027,30ff. 269 Samantapasadika 1029, 2f. sa-bhavo yeva hi so tassa kanna-bhagandariko va nicca-putina kannena samannagato. 270 Thurston 1912: 134. In our classical antiquity formic acid was known as a medicine (Konig 1984: 136). 271 BhavPur 1,23,17 > Konig 1984: 153 note 96. 272 Sternbach I 8816*. 273 KSS 47,112 alapanty amsteneva kacid asincati srutim, cf. KSS 44, 21 uccacara gaganat ... vacah sudha-varsam sravanayos ... mahi-bhrtah. 274 KSS 49,23 sa vaditavan gathan ... Gangam ivaugha-subhagam karna-pavana-nihsvanam. 275 Abbreviations follow the system of Monier Williams for Sanskrit, Schubring for Jain texts and the Critical Pali Dictionary for Pali literature.

Page #162
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 161 HdA MW PWB Trio = Bachtold-Staubli 1937-42 = Monier-Williams 1899 = Petersburg Dictionary 1855-75 = Hemacandra, Trisastisalakapurusacaritra Bibliography 1932 Abbott, John, The Keys of Power. A Study of Indian Ritual and Belief. Seacaucus (N.J.): University Books (repr. as Indian Ritual and Belief. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1984). 1969 Agrawala, Vasudeva, The Deeds of Harsha. Varanasi: Prithivi Prakashan. 1954-79 Anandasagarasuri, Alpaparicitasaiddhantika-sabdakosa. I-V. Gopipur, Surat: Devchand Lalbhai Jain Pustakkoddhar Fund. 1905-08 Amitagati, Subhasita-samdoha /ed Richard Schmidt. In: ZDMG LIX and LXI. 1961 Auboyer, Jeannine, La vie quotidienne dans l'Inde ancienne. Paris: Hachette. 1950 do et Marie-Therese Mallmann, Sitala la Froide. In: Artibus Asiae XIII 3: 207-227. 1927-42 Bachtold-Staubli, Hanns & Eduard Hoffmann-Krayer, Handworterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter (repr. 1987). 1907 Barnett, L. D., , The Antagada-dasao and Anuttarovavaiya-dasao. Oriental Translation Fund, N.S. XVII. London: Royal Asiatic Society. 1933-42 Bhadrabahu, Bphatkalpabhasya with commentary of Malayagiri & Ksemakirti /ed. by Caturvijaya and Punyavijaya. Bhavnagar: Atmanand Jain Sabha. 1975 Bhattacharyya, Narendra N., Ancient Indian Rituals and their social Contents. London: Curzon Press. 1919 Bloomfield, Maurice, The Life and Stories of the Jaina Savior Parsvanatha. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press. 1993 Bollee, Annegret, Dictionnaire etymologique des creoles francais de l'Ocean Indien. Kreolische Bibliothek 12. Hamburg: Helmut Buske. 1977 Bollee, Willem, Studien zum Suyagada I. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner. 2005 do, Tales and similes from Malayagiri's commentary on the Vyavahara-bhasya (bhaga 2). In: Indologica Taurinensia XXXI 9-90. 2006 do, An Important Narrative Collection Available Again. A Propos Hemavijaya's Katharatnakara. In: WZKS 50: 69-139. 2006a do, Vyavaharabhasya Pithika. Mumbai: Hindi Granth Karyalay.

Page #163
162 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 2006b do, Gone to the dogs in ancient India. Bayer. AdW, Sb 2. Munchen: Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (new ed. in preparation). 2007 do, A note on the Pasa tradition in the Universal History of the Digambaras and Svetambaras. Gunabhadra, Mahapurana, Utt 73 (Parsva). In: IJJS 3,2: 1-60. 2008 do, Folklore on the Foot in pre-modern India. In: IT XXXIV: 39-146. 2009 do, Kunalajataka. 2nd ed. Oxford: The Pali Text Society. 2010 do, Samantabhadra's Ratnakarandaka-Sravakacara with illustrative stories from Prabhacandra's tika. Sravanabelagola: National Institute of Prakrit Studies and Research. Upcoming do, Caland, Uber den Aberglauben betreffend die Haarwirbel des Pferdes. 1909 Bolling, George M., and Julius von Negelein (/eds), The Parisistas of the Atharva-veda I-II. Leipzig: Harrassowitz. 2003 Bopearachchi, Osmund et al., De l'Indus a l'Oxus. Archeologie de l'Asie Centrale. Lattes. 1938 Briggs, George W., Gorakhnath and the Kanphat Yogins. Calcutta. 1896 Buhler, Georg et al. (eds, Gurupajakaumudi. Festgabe Albrecht Weber. Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz. 1971 Buitenen, Johannes A.B. van, Two Plays of ancient India. The Little Clay Cart, The Minister's Seal. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964). 1899 Caland, Willem, Zur Exegese und Kritik der rituellen Sutras. In: ZDMG 53: 205-30. 1909 do, Kritische Bemerkungen zu vedischen Ritualtexten. In: WZKM 23: 52-73. 1911 do, Over het bijgeloof der haarwervels op het paard. In: Verslagen en mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, 4e Reeks, 10e deel, pp. 177-185. Amsterdam. (German edition upcoming in Studia Indologiczne, see Bollee) 1919 do, Das Jaiminiya-Brahmana in Auswahl. Text, Ubersetzung, Indices. Amsterdam: Johannes Muller (repr. Wiesbaden: Sandig, 1970). 1990 do, Kleine Schriften /ed Michael Witzel. Glasenapp-Stiftung 27. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner. 1898 Campbell, James M., Notes on the Spirit Basis of Belief and Custom. In: IA 27: 159f. 1973 Chandran, Praphulla S., Folk Tales of Karnataka. New Delhi: Sterling Publ. 1978 Chatterjee, Asim K., A Comprehensive History of Jainism. Calcutta: KLM. 2008 Chojnacki, Christine, Kuvalayamala. Roman jaina de 779 compose par Uddyotanasuri, I-II, Indica et Tibetica 50/1-2. Marburg, Indica et Tibetica Verlag. 1997 Cort, John, Tantra in Jainism. The Worship of Ghantakarn Mahavir, the Great Hero Bell-Ears. In: BEI 15: 115-33.

Page #164
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 163 1896 Crooke, William, The Tribes and Castes of the North Western Province and Oudh. Calcutta (repr.Delhi: Cosmo Publ., 1972). 1896a do. The Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India. I-II. Westminster (repr. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 19). 1911 do, King Midas and His Ass's Ears. Folklore XXII, 2: 183-202. 2002 do and Pt Ram Gharib Chaube. Folktales from Northern India /ed by Sadhana Naithani. Santa Barbara (Ca): ABC-CLIO. 1958 Dandekar, Ramchandra N., Srautakosa 1,1. Poona: Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala. 1896 Delbruck, Berthold, Aksnoti aksnute das Vieh zeichnen. In: Buhler 1896: 48f. 1956 Diehl, Carl Gustav, Instrument and Purpose. Lund: Gleerup. 1949 Elwin, Verrier, Myths of Middle India. Oxford University Press (repr. New Delhi: Vanya Prakashan, 1991). 2004 Esposito, Anna A., Carudatta. Ein indisches Schauspiel. Drama und Theater in Sudasien 4. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 1949 Fodor, Nandor, The Search for the Beloved. A Clinical Investigation of the Trauma of Birth and Pre-natal Conditioning. New Hyde Park: University Books. 1881 Frere, Mary E. (ed), Hindoo Fairy Legends. Old Deccan Days. London: Constable (repr. New York: Dover, 1967). Freud, Sigmund, Gesammelte Werke 18 /ed Lilla Veszy-Wagner. Frankfurt/Main: Fischer. 1922 Glasenapp, Helmuth von, Der Hinduismus. Religion und Gesellschaft im heutigen Indien. Munchen: Kurt Wolff (repr. Hildesheim & New York: Georg Olms, 1978). 1940 do, Entwicklungsstufen des indischen Denkens. Untersuchungen uber die Philosophie der Brahmanen und Buddhisten. Schriften der Konigsberger Gelehrten Gesellschaft 15/16. Geisteswissenschaftliche Kl. 5. Halle (Saale): Max Niemeyer. 1999 do, Jainism. An Indian Religion of Salvation. Lala Sundar Lal Jain Research Series XIV. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Gonda, Jan, The Savayajas. Kausikasutra 60-68. Translation, Introduction, Commentary. Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uitgevers Maatschappij. 1974 do, The Dual Deities in the Religion of the Veda. Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company. 1978 do, Die Religionen Indiens I. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. 1980 do, Vedic Ritual. The non-solemn rites. Leiden-Koln: Brill.

Page #165
164 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 2009 Granoff, Phyllis (ed), Victorious Ones. Jain Images of Perfection. New York: Rubin Museum of Art; Ahmedabad: Mapin Publ. Handiqui, Krishna K., Naisadhacarita of Srtharsa. Poona: Deccan College. Haribhadra, Samaraiccakaha ed. Hermann Jacobi. Bibliotheca Indica 169. Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal. 1927 Hauer, Jakob W., Der Vratya. Untersuchungen uber die nichtbrahmanische Religion Indiens. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer. 1905-9 Hemacandra, Trisastisalakapurusacaritra. Bhavnagar: Prasarakasabha. 2007 Hertel, Johannes, Kleine Schriften, ed. Barbara Bomhoff, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 2001 Hiltebeitel, Alf, Rethinking the Mahabharata. University of Chicago Press. 1890 Hirzel, Arnold, Gleichnisse und Metaphern im Rgveda. Leipzig: Wilhelm Friedrich (repr. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1975) 1974 Hoffmann, Ingeborg, Der Kathakota. Diss. Munchen 1967 Honko, Lauri, Krankheitsprojektile. Untersuchung uber eine ursprungliche Krankheitserklarung. FF Communications 178. Helsinki: Academia scientiarum fennica. 1915 Hopkins, E. Washburn, Epic Mythology. Strassburg. Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde III, 1 b (repr. Delhi: Indological Bookhouse, 1968). 1932 Huebotter, Franz, Die (!) Sutra uber Empfangnis und Embryologie. Tokyo: Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Natur- und Volkerkunde Ostasiens (repr. New York: Johnson Reprint, 1965). 1886 Jacobi, Hermann, Ausgewahlte Erzahlungen in Maharastri. Leipzig: Hirzel (repr. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1967). 1984 Jain, Jagdishchandra, Life in Ancient India as depicted in Jaina Canon and Commentaries. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. 1977 Jolly, Julius, Indian Medicine. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal (repr. 1998). 1914 Jones, Ernest, Die Empfangnis der Jungfrau Maria durch das Ohr. In: Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse 6: 135ff. 1928 do, Zur Psychoanalyse der christlichen Religion. Wien: (repr. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1970). 1971 Jung, Carl G., Mysterium Coniunctionis III (Gesammelte Werke 14). Olten: WalterVerlag (repr. 1984). 1973 do, Symbole der Wandlung (Gesammelte Werke 5). Olten & Freiburg: Walter-Verlag. Kane, Pandurang V., History of Dharmasastra II,1 Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.

Page #166
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 165 1973 do, do III. 1963 Kangle, R. P., The Kautiliya Arthasastra II. University of Bombay. 1988 Kapp, Dieter B., Zwei Anspielungen auf die Mahiravana-Sage. In: WZKSA 32: 1897 Karutz, Richard, Das Oh rim Volksglauben. In: Globus 72: 214-19. 1914 Keith, Arthur B., The Veda of the Black Yajus School entitled Taittiriya Sanhita. Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press. 2009 Kelting, M. Whitney, Heroic Wives. Oxford University Press. 1975 Kinsley, David, The Sword and the Flute. Berkeley: University Press. 1984 Konig, Ditte, Das Tor zur Unterwelt. Mythologie und Kult des Termitenhugels in der schriftlichen und mundlichen Tradition Indiens. Wiesbaden: Steiner. 1948 Kohlbrugge, H., Glucks- und Ungluckszeichen am menschlichen Korper. In: Acta Orientalia 20:36-76. 1962-3 Kosambi, Damodar D., Combined Methods in Indology. In: IIJ 6: 177-202. 1982 Krick, Hertha, Das Ritual der Feuergrundung. Wien: Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sb. 399 Heft 16. 1942 Maitrayani-Samhita /ed. Padasarman Santavalekar. Aundh: Svadhyayamandala. 1962 Mallmann, Marie-Therese, Les enseignements iconographiques de l'Agni-purana. Paris: PUF. 1975 Mani, Vettam, Puranic Encyclopaedia. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. 1992-2001 Mayrhofer, Manfred, Etymologisches Worterbuch des Altindoarischen. Heidelberg: Winter. 1931-33 Merutunga, Prabandhacintamani (Singhi Jain Series 1). Santiniketan. 1974 Meulenbeld, Gerrit J., The Madhavanidana and its Chief Commentary. Leiden: Brill. 1926 Meyer, Johann J., Das altindische Buch vom Welt- und Staatsleben. Das Arthasastra des Kautilya. Leipzig: Harrassowitz. (repr. Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1977). 1928 do, Die menschlichen Korperteile in ihrer Bedeutung fur Schicksal und Charakter. In: WZKM 36: 108f.; 242ff. 1937 1939 do, Trilogie der Machte und Feste der Vegetation. Zurich/Leipzig: Niehans. do, Zusatze zur ,,Trilogie der Machte und Feste der Vegetation". In: WZKM 46:47-140. 1952 do, Sexual Life in ancient India. A Study in the Comparative History of Indian Culture. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Page #167
166 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 1949 1899 Minard, Armand, Trois Enigmes sur les Cent Chemins I. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Monier-Williams, Monier, Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Muusses, Martha A., Koecultus bij de Hindoes. Purmerend: J. Muusses. 2002 Naithani, Sadhana, see Crooke and Chaube 2002. 2006 do, In Quest of Indian Folktales. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 1931 Negelein, Julius von, Weltgeschichte des Aberglaubens I: Die Idee des Aberglaubens, sein Wachsen und Werden. Berlin & Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter. 1955 Neumann, Erich, The Great Mother. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 1991 Narula, Joginder, Hanuman God and Epic Hero. Delhi: Manohar. 1907 Oertel, Hans, Contributions from the Jaiminiya Brahmana to the History of the Brahmana Literature. In: JAOS 28: 81-98. Oldenberg, Hermann. Vorwissenschaftliche Wissenschaft. Die Weltanschauung der Brahmana-Texte. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 1933 Paudler, Fritz, Datrakarna. Uber den Ursprung und die kulturgeschichtliche Wichtigkeit der Ohrmarken an Haustieren. In: Stein und Gampert 1933: 267-277. 1889 Pischel, Richard & Karl F. Geldner, Vedische Studien I. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Postel, Michel, Ear ornaments of ancient India. Bombay: Franco-Indian Pharmaceuticals. 1989 1983 Roth, Gustav, Malli-jnata. Das achte Kapitel des Nayadhammakahao im sechsten Anga des Svetambara Jainakanons. Wiesbaden: Steiner. Roth, Rudolf, Vom Baum Vibhidaka. In: Buhler 1896: 1-4. 1916 Russell, Robert V. & R. Lai, The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India IIV. London (various repr. Delhi). 1888 Sarngadhara, Paddhati /ed. P. Peterson. Bombay Sanskrit Series 37. 1959 Schmidt, A.-M., Poetes du xvie siecle. Paris: Gallimard, La Pleiade. 1928 Schmidt, Richard, Nachtrage zum Sanskrit-Worterbuch in kurzerer Fassung von Otto Bohtlingk. Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz. 1932 Schubring, Walther (trsl.), The Dasaveyaliya sutta. Ahmedabad: The Managers of Sheth Anandji Kalianji (repr. Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1973: 109-248). 1973 do, Kleine Schriften. /ed Klaus Bruhn. Wiesbaden: Steiner. 2000 do, The Doctrine of the Jains. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. 1886 Schwab, Julius, Das altindische Thieropfer. Erlangen: Andreas Deichert. 2009 Sims, Lesley, King Donkey Ears. London. Usborne Publ.

Page #168
Willem B. Bollee, Remarks on the Cultural History of the Ear in India 167 1956 Sivaramamurti, Calambur, Amaravati Sculptures in the Madras Government Museum. Madras: Thompson. 1990 Skyhawk, Hugh van, Bhakti und Bhakta. Beitrage zur Sudasienforschung Sudasien Institut Universitat Heidelberg 132. Stuttgart: Steiner. 1904 Sorensen, S., An Index to the names in the Mahabharata. London: Ernest Benn (repr. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass). 1933 Stein, Otto und Wilhelm Gampert, Festschrift Moriz Winternitz. Leipzig: Harrassowitz. 1974 Sternbach, L., Maha-subhasita-samgraha 1-. Hoshiarpur: Vishveshvaranand Vedic Research Institute. 1975 do, Indian Riddles. Hoshiarpur: Vishveshvaranand Vedic Research Institute. 1920 Stevenson, Margaret, The Rites of the Twice-Born. London: O.U.P. (repr. New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corp., 1971). 1880 Stokes, Maive (/ed), Indian Fairy Tales. London: Ellis & White. 1990 Syed, Renate, Die Flora Altindiens in Literatur und Kunst. Munchen. 1957 Taittiriya-Samhita /ed. Padasarman Satavalekar. Aundh: Svadhyayamandala. 1924-8 Tawney, Charles & Norman M. Penzer, The Ocean of Story I-X. London: Sawyer. 1932-5 Thompson, Stith, Motif Index of Folk-Literature. FFC 106, 108, 116. Helsinki: Academia scientiarum fennica. 1958 do and Jonas Balys, The Oral Tales of India. Westport (Conn.): Greenwood Press. 1912 Thurston, Edgar, Omens and Superstitions of Southern India. London: Fisher Unwin. 1924- Trenckner, V. et al., A Critical Pali Dictionary. Copenhagen. Ejnar Munksgaard. 1932 Upadhye, Adinath N., Vidusaka's ears. In: IHQ 8: 793. 1975 Vettam Mani, see Mani. 1926 Vogel, J.-Ph., Indian Serpent Lore or the Nagas in Hindu legend and art. London: Arthur Probsthain. 1954 Wackernagel, Jacob & Albert Debrunner, Altindische Grammatik II, 2 Die Nominalsuffixe. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 1963 Williams, Robert, Jaina Yoga. London Oriental Series 14. London: O.U.P. 1948 Witte, Joseph J. de, De betekeniswereld van het lichaam. Taalpsychologische, taalvergelijkende studie. Nijmegen: Centrale Drukkerij. 1990 Witzel, Michael, see Caland. 1955 Zinn, Ernst, Rainer-Maria Rilke. Gesammelte Werke I. Frankfurt am Main: Insel. 1998 Zysk, Kenneth G., Religious Healing in the Veda. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Page #169
Jaina Jatayus or the story of king Dandaka Eva DE CLERCQ The character of Jatayus (also: Jatayu), the vulture-king who joins Rama, Sita and Laksmana's on their travels to Pancavati in Valmiki's Ramayana (3.13ff), is wellknown for having made the ultimate sacrifice, while trying to save Sita from her abductor Ravana. In a passage considered to be a later interpolation to the main narrative, it is described how, though Rama initially fears him to be a Raksasa, the aged bird soon wins his trust by introducing himself as a friend of Dasaratha, and son of Aruna and Syeni in the line of Kasyapa.' He offers to protect Sita, which Rama accepts on account of Jatayus' friendship with his father, Dasaratha. The vulture also occurs in some of the Jaina versions of the Rama story. This paper explores the ways in which Jaina authors, in this case Vimalasuri's (Paumacariyam 41), Ravisena, (Padmapurana 41) and Svayambhudeva (Paumacariu 34-35), reworked and transformed epic material, exploiting the possibilities which a character such as Jatayus has to offer to a far greater extent, and adapting it to a specific Jaina setting of greater coherence.2 Setting: two munis In the Jaina texts, Rama, Sita and Laksmana arrive in the Dandaka forest, near the river Karnarava, where they decide to take rest. One day two munis approach, whom Rama and Sita duly honour. Sita provides them with a meal. As a consequence of the The main reason for considering this passage an interpolation, is the fact that in the Ramopakhyana, Jatayus is only introduced on the occasion of Sita's abduction (Mahabharata 3.263.1); cf. Pollock's notes on his translation in Goldman (ed.) 1984-1996: vol. 3, 321 and Brockington 1984: 336. The earlier introduction of Jatayus in the Rama narrative appears to have been fixed by the time of Vimalasuri's composition. 2 The character of vulture is absent from the second Jaina current of the Rama story, found in Gunabhadra's Uttarapurana and Puspadanta's Mahapuranu. Hemacandra's account of Jatayus' previous birth as Dandaka in his Trisastisalakapurusacaritra differs from Vimalasuri; cf. Chandra 1970: 174-5. For a comparison of Jaina Rama tellings, cf. Kulkarni 1990. In this summary of the narrative, I follow the account of Vimalasuri, and list notable variants with regard to names, details, etc. in the stories of Ravisena and Svayambhudeva in footnotes. * Note that Valmiki's version does not mention a river named Karnarava, but refers to the Godavari being near the place where the threesome live (3.12.18). * Ravisena mentions their names as Sugupti and Gupta (41.16), Svayambhudeva as Gupta and Sugupta (gutta-sugutta 34.11.7). Vimalasuri only mentions the name Sugupti later (sugutti 41.18). Ravisena

Page #170
Eva De Clercq, Jaina Jatayus or the story of king Dandaka 169 . noble deed of giving food to ascetics, divine phenomena take place. Simultaneously, a sick vulture notices the munis and remembers his previous existence. In a mournful state, he decides to take refuge with the munis, falls into the water of their footbath and throws himself at their feet. Thereupon, the colour of the bird changes to the color of gems.? Seeing this, Rama asks why this bird has suddenly become so beautiful.' One of the munis, Sugupti, then starts to narrate his previous birth. This passage highlights some important differences between the epic and Jaina setting. In the Ramayana, the vulture is a noble king, who has the ability to speak and is moreover a friend of Dasaratha. Jainas, however, considered the vulture (giddha, grdhra) to be an animal of a lower order, particularly for its scavenging habits, as is illustrated by the words of Rama, "of ugly hue, impure and foul-smelling" and "the vulture, impure, eating all kinds of flesh and evilminded". 10 The introduction of the Jaina munis triggers the bird to remember his previous existence, and generates the opportunity of his previous birth to be revealed. He mourns his current state, since being born a vulture can only be the result of past evil actions. Another striking difference with Valmiki's text is that here, Jatayus does not come in aid and protection of Sita, but seeks refuge. As exemplary Jaina lay people, Rama and Sita feel nothing but compassion for him and his pitiful state, as is emphasized in Ravisena's account, where Sita helps the fallen bird and gives him some of the water from the munis footbath (41.41-43), and in Svayambhudeva's account, where Rama brings the unconscious bird back to consciousness with the water and Sita declares she will care for him as for a son (35.2.2-7). Dandaka On Rama's request, Sugupti reveals the vulture's previous life. In the area where they were residing, there once was a city, Karnakundala, ruled by a king Dandaka." One day, as the king went out of the city, he saw a muni in meditation. He grabbed a dead (41.12) and Svayambhudeva (34.11.1-6) also explicitely describe how the food was prepared before the arrival of the munis. 5 Svayambhudeva's account mentions how the Suras praise Rama for this deed (35.1). 6 Svayambhudeva mentions the name Jatayin (jadai, 35.2.1). Later in the Paumacariu, in 81.13.4, the vulture is named Jatayus (jadau). In Svayambhudeva's (35.3.1) and Ravisena's (41.46-53) stories he dances around the munis. & According to Svayambhudeva the muni explains that the beauty of the bird is due to him falling into the water and that everything becomes better in the presence of noble persons. Rama then inquires why the bird had fainted (35.3.5-9). Brockington (1984: 121) suggests that the term grdhra, "vulture", to refer to Jatayus and his brother Sampati, may be a tribal name or totemic device, indicating they originally may have been tribal rulers. The Jaina texts appear to have no recollection of this. 10 ...duvvanno asuio dugandho ca (Paumacariyam 41.17); asucih sarvamausado grddhro 'yam dustamanasah (Padmapurana 41.55) "Svayambhudeva names the city Dandapura (35.4.2).

Page #171
170 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah snake and tied it around the neck of the muni.!? The muni did not remove the snake, in order not to disturb his yoga. The king later returned and saw that the muni had not shifted. He removed the snake, fell to his feet and from then on became a protector of munis. When a mean begging mendicant (parivvao, parivraja) came to know of this, he entered the queen's chambers and made advances to the queen. Hearing this, Dandaka angrily ordered all munis to be captured and crushed to death. One muni, who had left the city, upon his return saw the crushed bodies of his colleagues. He became so enraged that he burnt the entire city, including all its citizens, to ashes." The forest is named after Dandaka, but is now inhabited by trees and animals. After a long time, king Dandaka was reborn as a vulture.14 Svayambhudeva's account is more elaborate and contains some interesting deviations from Ravisena and Vimalasuri, the most significant being that Dandaka is a Buddhist. While out on a hunting expedition, he became frightened of the sight of the muni, which he considered a bad omen. Therefore he killed a snake and tied it around the muni's neck, thinking it would disturb his meditation. When he returned some days later, the muni was still there, the dead snake still around his neck. At this point Svayambhudeva inserts a discussion, in which the Buddhist king and the Jaina muni reciprocate some well-known criticisms of each other's beliefs. Dandaka starts by ridiculing the muni's severe ascetic practice (tapas), which, according to him, is useless since everything is "momentary" (khaniu, ksanika) (35.5.2-4). The muni refutes his statement "according to the Doctrine of Standpoints" (nayavaeu, nayavada) as follows: If one were to utter this exact argument again, then one would not be able to pronounce the word "moment" (khana, ksana), because the syllables kha and na would also be momentary, and pronouncing the word khana would be impossible. The Buddhist teaching says thus: because of the momentary, there is nothing that has been produced, that is being produced or that produces (something). (All] is momentary and only lasts for a moment. Because of Emptiness (slinya), words are empty and spaces are empty. Everthing is in vain.' 12 Neither Vimalasuri, nor Ravisena are explicite about the motivation of the king. 13 Svayambhudeva mentions two surviving seers (35.10.9), and that, upon seeing what had happened, one of them selfcombusted in anger and burnt the entire city with him (35.10.9-11.7). 14 Svayambhudeva also includes an account of how the king, his wife and son spend centuries in different hells (35.12-14.9). 15 jai punu so jje pakkhu vollevau ta khana-saddu na uccarevau khaniu khayaru nayaru vi hosai khana-saddaho ucsaru na disai aghadiu aghadamanu aghadantai khaniem khaniu khanantara-mettai sunnem sunna-vayanu sunnasanu savvu niratthu vanddhahu sasanu (Paumacariu 35.5.6-8)

Page #172
Eva De Clercq, Jaina Jatayus or the story of king Dandaka 171 These words silence Dandaka for a moment. Then he retorts from a different angle, again attacking the muni's ascetic practice: "What one sees is all that exists. Then why would one practice asceticism?"16 The muni replies: We do not say that, for which the Naiyayikas ridicule us, king. We accept both, the existence (asti) and non-existence (nasti). We are not contested because of the Doctrine of Momentariness, like you." These words convince Dandaka and he takes on the Jaina faith, becoming a protector of five hundred ascetics. Another deviation in Svayambhudeva's account, is an elaboration in the intrigue leading to Dandaka killing all the munis in his city. Here, Dandaka's evil queen Durnayasvamini ("mistress of bad conduct") with her son Madavardhana ("he who promotes lust") concocts a plan to accuse the munis of stealing from the treasury. The king does not believe the munis would ever steal, whereupon the queen sets up a scene in front of the king, in which a man disguised as a muni makes advances to her, after which the story evolves more or less parallel to the accounts of Vimalasuri and Ravisena (35.7.5-9.6). The story of Dandaka is further interesting, as it echoes another famous episode from the epics, namely that of king Pariksit, son of Abhimanyu, grandson of Arjuna and father of Janamejaya, in the Mahabharata (1.36-40). One day Pariksit went out hunting and followed a deer deep into the forest. Tired and thirsty he came to a place where the muni Samika (here a Brahmin) was sitting and asked him if he had seen the deer running by. As Samika, who had taken a vow of silence, did not answer, Pariksit, like Dandaka, angrily picked up a dead snake with the end of his bow and draped it around the muni's neck. Samika did not react and the king went back to his city. When Samika's son heard of this insult, he cursed Pariksit to be killed by the great snake Taksaka in seven days time. Hearing of his son's anger and the curse he had put on Pariksit, Samika reprimanded him and urged him to give up his anger, since an ascetic's anger destroys all the merit that he has so painstakingly gathered. The reaction of Samika, the Brahmin muni, and of the Jaina muni in Dandaka's story is almost identical. Both remain undisturbed in their ascetic practice and, devoid of any anger, forgive the king for his insult. The behavior of Samika's son, who is also described as very austere, and that of the muni who reduced Dandaka's city to ashes, are both illustrations of the destructive powers that are released by enraged ascetics, a popular theme in Indian narrative literature. Despite sending a messenger to Pariksit to warn him of the curse, after seven days, the king is killed by Taksaka. The motif of the 16 to ghai savvu atthi jau disai 17 amhai rava na vollahu evan atthi natthi donni vi padivajjahi punu tavacaranu kasu kijjesaf (Paumacariu 35.6.2) neaichi hasijjahu jevam ruhu jiha nau khanuvaem bhaijali (Patimacariu 35.6.4-5)

Page #173
172 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah king putting a snake around the neck of a muni is crucial to the narrative frame of the Mahabharata. Pariksit's son and heir, Janamejaya, bore a grudge against all snakes after hearing how his father died. In order to wipe out all snakes, he arranged for a grand snake-sacrifice (sarpa-sattra) to be held, and it is on the occasion of this very snake-sacrifice that the story of the Mahabharata is told to Janamejaya by the sage Vaisampayana, as he himself had heard it from his teacher Vyasa. The authors of the Jaina Rama story utilize the arrival of Jatayus to narrate the origin of the Dandaka forest. In the Aranyakanda of Valmiki's Ramayana no information is provided about why the forest was named Dandaka. It is only much later, in the Uttarakanda (70-72), when Rama after his return from Lanka visits the sage Agastya, that he hears from him the origin of the name. There once was a king, Da youngest of Iksvaku's one hundred sons. His father gave him an area between the Vindhya and Saivala mountains to rule. Danda lusted after Araja, the daughter of his family priest (purohita), and raped her. Her father cursed the king and his kingdom, that within seven days, the entire area including all its creatures be reduced to ashes, and later became a forest named Dandaka, after king Danda. Some parallels between the Dandaka story of the Jaina Rama tellings and that of the Ramayana are evident: king Danda(ka) infuriates a man who, through his austere practices, possesses superhuman destructive powers, in the Ramayana the purohita, in the Jaina story a muni, as a result of which he and his kingdom are burned to ashes. The Ramayana story of Danda is considered to be a later addition, possibly dating from between the first and third century AD.18 This means that, depending on the date one accepts for Vimalasuri's Paumacariyam, either the first, third or fifth century, the Ramayana account may postdate that of the Jaina tellings. However, the narratives are too distinct to suggest any borrowing of the Jaina version, on the part of the later interpolators of the Ramayana. After the narration of the vulture's previous birth, the munis give an account of how they themselves came to renounce the material world, instruct the bird on how to live a good life and ask Sita to protect him." Then they leave. Laksmana soon returns to the place where Rama and Sita had been and he is informed of what has happened. The bird is named Jatayin (jadai ) and stays with them, in Sita's care.20 Jatayus' death According to Valmiki's Ramayana, Ravana, lusting after Sita, asks his uncle Marica to take on the form of a golden deer (3.40). As the deer passes by the threesome's forest 18 Brockington 1984: 59, 329. 19 In Svayambhudeva's account (35.16.1-2), the previous birth story of the munis has been left out, and Rama additionally asks the seers if they can confirm their vows and instruct the bird. 20 Ravisena gives the variant Jatayu (41.164). Vimalasuri further uses variants jadai, jadagi or jadagi, and jadau > jatayus (f.i. 44.40).

Page #174
Eva De Clercq, Jaina Jatayus or the story of king Dandaka 173 home, Rama, though wary of possible trickery, goes after it to fetch it for Sita, instructing Laksmana to stay and protect Sita (3.41). At a distance, Marica imitates Rama's voice calling Sita and Laksmana for help and Laksmana reluctantly heads into the forest to help Rama, leaving Sita alone and vulnerable to her kidnapper (3.42-43). Disguised as a mendicant, Ravana wins Sita's trust, but when he reveals his true identity and offers Sita to come away with him, she rejects him and Ravana grabs her (3.44-47). While Ravana tries to carry her off, Sita calls for Jatayus, who was asleep nearby. Jatayus immediately rushes towards them and rebukes Ravana for his base intentions (3.48). Enraged, Ravana attacks him and after a struggle, cuts off his wings, feet and flanks and proceeds with Sita to Lanka (3.49-50). When Rama and Laksmana return to their home, they find Jatayus barely alive and in his last breath he reveals that Ravana abducted Sita (3.63). The brothers perform funeral rites for Jatayus as if he were a relative (3.64). In the parallel Jaina accounts (Paumacariyam 44.29-55, Padmapurana 44.59-111, Paumacariu 38.1-39.2) Ravana arrives at the Dandaka forest to reinforce the Raksasas, who are struggling in battle with Laksmana. As he hovers nearby, he notices Rama and Sita and becomes infatuated with Sita. With the help of his vidya, he imitates Laksmana's voice, calling for Rama. After reassuring Sita and explicitely instructing Jatayin to protect her, Rama heads towards the battle-field and Ravana takes his chance to abduct her, striking down Jatayin. When Rama returns, he finds Sita missing and Jatayin dying and recites the namaskara-mantra for the bird. To counter the awkward situation of Valmiki's account, where Laksmana remains with Sita, while Rama hunts the deer, in the Jaina texts Rama stays alone with Sita, thus completely avoiding Sita's harsh, insulting speech towards her brother-in-law in the Ramayana, where she accuses him of plotting against Rama and lusting after her (3.44). The motif of the golden deer has been abandoned, since Rama killing a deer for the pleasure of his wife, would not conform to his so often stressed characterization as an ideal Jaina layman. Like in the Ramayana, Jatayin sacrifices his life attempting to protect Sita, but since in the Jaina texts he is a simple bird, he cannot reveal to Rama the identity of her abductor.21 Later events Unique to the Jaina tellings, the character of Jatayus returns at the very end of the narrative (Paumacariyam 113.1-67; Padmapurana 118.1-122; Paumacariu 88.1-9). After Laksmana has died, Rama, in denial, takes his corpse on his shoulder and treats him as if he were alive, washing and feeding him. Hearing of Laksmana's death and Rama's unstable condition, some enemies prepare to attack Ayodhya. Jatayus, who had 21 Ravana is identified later by a Vidyadhara, who happened to see Ravana flying by with Sita and unsuccesfully attempted to free her (Paumacariyam 48.41-44; Padmapurana 48.86-95; Paumacariu 44.7.9-10.2).

Page #175
174 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah been reborn as a god in the Mahendra heaven, together with another god comes to Ayodhya to defeat the enemies and bring Rama back to his senses. The two gods make Rama realize that Laksmana is dead and his actions are pointless, and Rama returns firmly to the teachings of the Jinas. Rama asks the two gods of their identity and their motivation for their noble efforts. Jatayus reveals himself and describes his deed as an act of gratitude for the fact that through Rama's intervention, by accepting him in his home and reciting the namaskara-mantra while he was dying, he attained Mahendra heaven. Concluding remarks In their appropriation of the popular story of Rama, Jaina authors could have transformed, or rather, underlined the identity of Jatayus as a tribal ruler of a "Vulture" tribe, already hinted at in Valmiki's story.22 After all, they chose to depict the Vanaras, whom Valmiki also portrays ambiguously both as humans and as simple monkeys, indicating that they were originally a tribal people, as a clan of humans belonging to the Vidyadhara dynasty, thereby, and perhaps unwittingly, doing justice to a pre-Valmikian telling of the story.23 Instead the Jainas resolved the ambivalence surrounding the characterization of Jatayus by portraying him unequivocally as a repulsive and pitiable vulture, devoid of human traits, thereby sacrificing his primary function in Valmiki's narrative, as the one who identifies Sita's abductor. The Jaina poets chose to add to the coherence of the narrative by linking the bird to the place where they were at that time residing, the Dandaka forest, thereby providing a didactically coloured interlude at a critical point in the main narrative, just prior to their encounter with Surpanakha (here named Candranakha), leading up to Sita's abduction. Like all previous birth stories in the Jaina Rama tellings, Jatayus' past is revealed by a muni. Apart from illustrating the munis' supernatural powers, such as the clairvoyance obtained through their ascetic practice, the episode glorifies the benefits of being in their presence and duly honouring them, especially by offering food (ahara-dana). The stories of their own current and previous lives in Vimalasuri's and Ravisena's texts, describing their path to becoming ascetics, are meant to inspire their audience, especially Jatayus, to live an austere life according to the Jaina precepts, even envisioning the possibility of world renunciation in the future. The story is moreover a tale of compassion. Instead of eschewing the sickly, vile scavenging creature, Rama and Sita take pity on Jatayus and accept him into their home. In accordance with karmic logic, the souls of Jatayus and Rama remain connected, as Jatayus later returns to rescue Rama from his deplorable mental state and to reaffirm his faith in the Jaina path. Immediately after Jatayus' intervention, Rama renounces his kingdom and possessions, to live an ascetic life and ultimately attain omniscience (kevala). 22 Brockington 1984: 121. 23 Brockington 1984: 120-3.

Page #176
Eva De Clercq, Jaina Jatayus or the story of king Dandaka 175 References Primary sources Bhatt, G.H. (ed.). 1960-1975. The Valmiki-Ramayana (7 vols.). Baroda: Oriental Institute. Bhayani, H.C. (ed.). 1953-1960. Paumacariu of Kaviraja Svayambhudeva (3 vols.) (Singhi Jain Series, nr. 34-36). Bombay: Singhi Jain Shastra Shikshapith - Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. Jacobi, H. & M.S. Punyavijayaji (eds.).1962-1968. Acarya Vimalasuri's Paumacariyam with Hindi translation (2 vols.) (P.T.S. Nos. 6 & 12). Varanasi, Ahmedabad: Prakrit Text Society. Jain, P. (ed.). 1958-1959. Padmapurana of Ravisenacarya - with Hindi translation (3 vols.) (Jnanapitha Murtidevi Jaina Granthamala - Nos. 20, 24, 26). Kashi: Bharatiya Jnanapitha. Sukthankar, V.S. (ed.). 1933-1966. The Mahabharata (19 vols.). Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Institute. Secondary sources Brockington, J. L. 1984. Righteous Rama - The Evolution of an Epic. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Buitenen, J.B. van. 1973. The Mahabharata: The Book of the Beginning. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press. Chandra, K.R.1970. A Critical Study of Paumacariyam. Muzaffarpur: Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology and Ahimsa Vaishali. Goldman, R. (ed.). 1984-1996. The Ramayana of Valmiki (5 vols.). Princeton University Press. Kulkarni, V.M.1990. The story of Rama in Jain literature. Ahmedabad: Saraswati Pustak Bhandar.

Page #177
Dance and Music in Jaina Literature With special Reference to Kannada literature 15 Choodamani NANDAGOPAL Karnataka is fortunate to have writers of great merit and their detailed narration helps us to reconstruct Karnataka history and culture. Careful study of their literary works may bring out the techniques in the field of art and may help to differentiate the styles of those days from the present times in the art forms in particular dance and music. From early.Chalukya to Vijayanagar times in every field of fine arts a number of literary works have been produced. The Jaina poets have contributed for the enrichment of Kannada literature. To embellish their narrative content they have amply used music, dance and other visual and performing art forms sensibly. By studying Kannada literature we draw authentic references to dance and music traditions which prevailed in respective centuries. The Kannada poets of repute are Pampa, Ranna, Ponna, Janna, Nagavarma I, Nemicandra, Nagacandra II, Parsvanatha, and Ratnakaravarni who contributed from 8th century to 17th century towards the development of Karnataka literature and arts. The works of Pampa, top the list of literary references of all art forms. Arikesari II was the patron of Pampa. Pampa, the eight century Kannada poet is known as Adikavi or the first poet of Kannada literature. He has written two major works namely, Adipurana and Vikramarjuna Vijaya. He had a thorough knowledge both in Sanskrit Kavya and Natyasastra. He studied all the earlier works such as Ramayana, Mahabharata, and the works of Kalidasa, Bharavi, Bana, Magha, Bhavabhuti, Harsa and others. He was well versed in scriptures and art forms such as dance, music, painting and sculpture. It is a rare combination of all knowledge in a single person.' Pampa's style of writing is delightful. Wherever the dance situation comes, with great enthusiasm and effect he narrates the dance sequence with all the technical terms used in Natyasastra. With deep respect and gratitude I offer this research article to SVASTI: Festschrift to Prof. Nagarajayya Hampa, the distinguished scholar in Jaina studies. It is an honour for me to contribute in this prestigious volume dedicated to him. It is our sincere wishes that his service to Kannada literature in general and to Jaina literature and culture in particular is going to be cherished through this publication. D.L. Narasimhachar, Karnataka Darsana. Mysore, 1904, p. 59.

Page #178
Ch. Nandagopal, Dance and Music in Jaina Literature in Kannada 177 In his Adipurana there are situations where dance and music are described in detail, especially in two instances. The birth of Vrsabhadeva created great joy among the people on earth and gods in heaven. Indra shared the joy in organising the dance of Devanganas, the celestial nymphs. The celebration started from the dances of Devanganas. They began the dance movements and picked up the rhythm by using 32 kinds of flowers. 32 dancers formed a design of flowers and petals in a circle and performed the movements which were a real feast to the eyes. Here the word 'Citrapatra' is used. There is a technique of dance known as 'Citranatya" which is now popular in the Kuchipudi classical dance style. In the Devangana dance number 32 types of flowers are spread on the ground. The colourful flowers form a beautiful colour picture. When the sequence of group dance reached its climax, Indra entered the platform and participated in the dance of the eternal bliss. Indra stood for the commencement of the dance in Visakha Sthana, the position indicating horse riding or the use of weapons in the combat. He danced with Karana (the unit of dance specified in Natyasastra of Bharata) and Angaharas (specific number of karanas form an angahara). The term 'Natyarasam' indicates the rasas or sentiments. The dance of joy of Indra synchronised with the Devangana, the celestial music, navarasas, the nine sentiments and padacaris, the intricate foot work. The Divanganas (celestial nymphs) joined Indra and formed a group sequence following the sentiments; emotions and rhythmic patterns, which were almost similar to the eternal dance of Indra, the principal deity of all gods. The Eternal Dance of Nilanjana Pampa takes up an opportunity in describing the dance style that existed in his times, by portraying the dance sequence of Nilanjana, a celestial dancer of Indra's court. This dance sequence is created purposely to divert the mind of Vssabhadeva from worldly life. The dance of Nilanjana is the last such situation, which turns Vrsabhadeva into an ascetic who later becomes a Tirthankara and attains salvation. This is the turning point in the life of Vrsabhadeva. Pampa narrated very effectively this situation of realisation. This chapter is unique and gained greater importance because of his detailed narration on the dance of Nilanjana. Vrsabhadeva was fully absorbed and desired that Nilanjana's dance should never end. She danced for such a long time that finally she was exhausted and dropped herself dead. Indra did not want 2 Adipurana of Pampa, Ch. 7, Janmabhiseka. 3 Kuchipudi is the dance style of Andhra Pradesh. One of the dance techniques is known as 'Citra Natya' giving popularity among present dancers. The colour powder is spread on the ground; a white cloth is spread on the colour, the dancer with her feet according to rhythm and timings moves on the cloth. After the completion of rhythmic note when the cloth rose from the ground a design is printed on it. Usually they draw seated Vinayaka, peacock, lion (Simha vahini). * Vaisakha sthana - 3 types of position prescribed for men keeping 3-2 tala distance between feet and keeping the thighs at the same distance and sitting half on the feet. s Adipurana of Pampa, Ch. 9, Pariskramana Kalyana Varnane (Nilanjaneya Nrtya), 17 verses.

Page #179
178 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Vrsabhadeva to experience rasabhanga, so he created another Nilanjana with his power and replaced her without anybody's knowledge. Other spectators never realized the difference. But Vrsabhadeva, an expert in the art of dance and music, suddenly felt the difference, developed a great dejection towards life and left the place immediately. Nilanjana has shown all human emotions in her dance. The divine dance of Nilanjana is not only a glorious part of Adipurana but it is a unique and eternally memorable situation and the most charming episode in Kannada literature. The kings and gods assembled to witness the great dance organised by Indra. When he asked the assembly to select a subject, the assembly left the choice to the fancy of Indra. Here perhaps Pampa made his own choice and took up the dance pattern of his interest and pleasure. In the beginning he describes the physical form of Nilanjana and calls her as 'Ganikatilakam' (the central attraction of courtesans). Then he narrates the entrance of Nilanjana on the 'Ranga' (Platform for dance). As the stage illumined slowly, she came out of the curtain, showing her face, as if a lightning emerged. Then she appeared before the audience performing "Puspanjali", scattering the flowers all around the stage and the court with rhythmic foot steps and lithesome movements.? The divine music followed with Tata (stringed instruments). Then came the Avanaddha (the instruments for rhythm such as Msdanga) instruments in first, second and third rhythm (Vilambita, Madhyama and Dhrta laya) followed by the dancer's foot steps. Then the melodious voice of a lady singer supported the divine dance of Nilanjana. Now the music and dance synchronised harmoniously to create an atmosphere of eternal bliss. Nilanjana is a learned dancer and well versed in Bharatasastra. Pampa used the word 'Natyagama' to describe her. She employed all the 4 vrttis: (the 4 styles of dancing) Bharati, Satviki, Kaisiki and Arabhati. Only an efficient dancer can perform all the 4 vrttis. She performed navarasas, all the nine sentiments depicting the various stages in life with bhava, vibhava and anubhava. She employed aptly the Sancari or the transitory status in dancing Abhinaya (the emotive form of dance). All the four folds of Abhinaya, Angika (physical), Vacika (verbal), Aharya (ornamental) and Satvika (involuntary states of expression) were involved in her dance. The 32 Angaharas and 108 Karanas were performed by her as in Bharatagama (Bharata's Natyasastra). She kept a smiling face throughout her performance which is the pre-requisite for a dancer while performing before the audience. The art, lyric, instrumental music, the dance, Nrtya served as ornaments for her. All sentiments and emotions flowed deeply in her stature and posture. She was immersed in the melody and rhythm from head to toe, and every part of her body moved to the rasa she was depicting. Following rhythm, she expressed thousands of movements of 6 V. Seetaramayya, Mahakavi Pampa, Poorvokta, p. 88. Pusanjali - Even today the Bharatanatyam dancers enter the stage with flowers in their hands and scatter them on the stage and bow to the God and musicians and then start their dance.

Page #180
Ch. Nandagopal, Dance and Music in Jaina Literature in Kannada 179 pure dance. She reached such a height of climax in rhythm that the spectators became one with the dance of Nilanjana. It appears as though Pampa must have experienced such a divine art. Perhaps royal courts of the Chalukya and Rastrakuta periods had such courtesans who were experts and deeply engrossed in their art. The history of Kannada literature reveals the remarkable influence of Pampa on later poets of Karnataka. Indeed the period of Kannada literature from Pampa to Basava that is 950-1116- A.D. has been justly named "The age of Pampa". Ponna is another noted Kannada writer. His works also reflect the contemporary style in the field of fine arts. If Pampa is credited to be the first to introduce dance and music with great effect in literary works, Ponna is the promoter and successful narrator of the episodes where he, with great ease used dance and music sequences to embellish his literary power in his works. In Santipurana (950 A.D.) Ponna has vividly described the dance of Apsaras" and Devendra. The Apsaras exhibited the Sukumara Natya (lasya) by using suitable Karanas and Angaharas. In the tenth chapter Ponna describes the dance sequence of 32 dancers who under the direction of Indra formed a semicircle in the shape of a pearl necklace. They also designed by their feet various colour pictures with the help of flowers as described earlier by Pampa, the dance of 32 Apsaras i.e., Citrapatra Natya. It appears that a dance pattern, performed by 32 members standing in different designs, drawing the colourful pictures stamping lightly on the flowers was very popular in the courts of Chalukyas and Rastrakutas. The same tradition in later periods came to be called as 'Citra Natya'. There are references to Citra Natya in the Mysore School of dance. Brndavana Natya and Padmavali Natya are the other names used in this tradition. As in Pampa's Adipurana, Ponna also describes the Ananda Nrtya of Indra, the dance of ecstasy. Along with Puspanjali, Indra took up the position of Vaisakha Sthana with great ease and started his dance in Aradhali style (the virile expressions) with great devotion. Opposite to the Tandava the virile style of Indra, the Sura-ganikas or the divine courtesans danced with great joy, the lasya, the delicate form of dance. Ponna had also greater experience of the pleasure of dance and musical art and he made use of this situation to express his love for art. His Santipurana was so popular that queen Attimabbe got a thousand copies of Ponna's Santipurana copied and distributed." The patronage of art and literature continued in the times of Kalyana Chalukyans who ruled Karnataka from late 10th century to mid-13th century. The works in the field of art and literature received highest attention of the royals and commoners in this period. The rulers themselves were scholars of high caliber and wrote texts on music KTA., Kannada in Chalukya and Rastrakuta period, p. 165. Santipurana, Ch. 7, Amariyara Nartana. 10KTA, Literature in the times of Kalyana Chalukyas.

Page #181
180 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah and dance. Nagavarma I, Ranna, Udayaditya, Bilhana, Vadiraja, Vijnanesvara, Somesvara III, Parsvadeva, Jagadekamalla II were great poets and also contributed greatly to the field of fine arts by adding passages of descriptions depicting the dual arts, dance and music. Nagavarma I (990 A.D.) was the court poet in the earlier days of Kalyana Chalukyas. His masterpiece Karnataka Kadambari is the translation of Bana's Kadambari. In the very beginning of the work, Nagavarma writes about Mahasvete, an exponent in playing Vina. The divine melody of Vina echoed in the characterisation of Mahasvete and the presence of music felt in the narrative of the text. Next to Nagavarma I, Ranna (993 A.D.), the ornate poet of the royal court of Taila II followed the style of writing of Pampa. His patron bestowed him with the title Kavi Chakravarti, the emperor among poets. His work Parasuramacarita and Ajitapurana have been highly placed in Kannada literature. An entire portion in the Ajitapurana" written in 993 A.D. is dedicated to dance and music. Ranna has described in great detail the techniques and styles of dance practiced in his times. There are references of the terms and usages of the physical gesticulations, given by Bharata and also Nandikesvara, the later writer who wrote Abhinaya Darpana. It appears that by this time along with Naryasastra, Nandikesvara's Bharatarnava and Abhinayadarpana had gained importance and were considered equally popular on par with the Natyasastra tradition. In this work (Chapter 5) Ranna has dedicated 37 verses purely for describing the dance of Indra. Indra dances Ananda Tandava with 108 Karanas, 32 Angaharas, suitable Recakas (hand and bodily movements) and Caris (the specific limb movements). His dance was based on the fourfold Abhinayas or expression. The orchestra included Vina Vamsivadana or flute, talapranada, an instrument for rhythm (Tatavanaddha ghana Susira Vadya bheda tarangal). Ranna has also mentioned about Vicitra Nartana, variegated dances of Vilasinis (the courtesans). Indra and the beautiful maidens were completely absorbed in the dance from head to toe. In verse 21, Citra Nartana, the dance of drawing pictures is described in a vivid manner. The description of the fascinating dance sequence in the words of Ranna unfolds in this manner: after completing the preliminary offerings, the actual dance numbers were introduced by Indra along with his associate dancers. The list of dance. techniques as mentioned in Natyasastra and other later texts are quoted authentically. The dance had Spigara and navarasas, 8 Sthayibhavas (Permanent emotional states), 33 Sancari Bhavas (emotions), four types of Abhinayas, Lokadharmi and "Ajitanathapurana of Ranna, Ch. 5. Line 19: Virajisitu hastapada vinyasam kulisiya tolangalam sam Samsthaladol karataladoleseva manibandhadalanguliyam nakhadol nartana vilasamam meredarindra saundariahal

Page #182
Ch. Nandagopal, Dance and Music in Jaina Literature in Kannada 181 Natyadharmis (realistic school of expression according to the ways of the world). Natyadharmi refers to theatrical expressions depending entirely on histrionic expressions adopted in four yrttis: Bharati, Arabhati, Satvaki and Kaisiki. The four pravrttis are Manavati, Daksinatya, Pancali and Madra-Magadhi. 12 Daiva Siddhi and Manusa Siddhi are the two siddhis, the celestial and mortal achievements. The saptasvaras are Sadja, Risabha, Gandhara, Madhyama, Pancama Daivata and Nisada. The Dasarupakas mentioned are Natakamam, Prakranamam, Benamum, Samavataramum, Dimamum, Ihamsgamam, Vyayogam, Prahasanamum, and Ankamam Vithiyamemba Dasarupa Laksanamam. Thus the dance of Indra presented the entire plethora of Bharata's Natyasastra relating to dance and music. Ranna gives further details: 'some dancers danced with complicated rhythmic patterns, others danced as though they were the rhythm themselves (Kelarutigale Talamage kunidar kelabar). Ranna takes the opportunity to mention the different modes of laya, the times set to limited space such as Aksasama, angasama, talasama, yatisama, lasyasama, canyasama, padasama and panisama. Then he gives a list of physical gesticulations such as 36 glances, the eye movements, 13 gestures of head, 7 gestures of eyebrows, 3 gestures of nose, 3 movements of lips, 3 movements of chin, 9 types of neck movements, 64 types of head movements (mastaka kriye), 5 gestures of sides, 3 gestures of belly, 5 gestures of kati. He also mentions Marga, the classical and Desi, the regional, Tandava and Lasya. Applying all the said techniques, Indra danced in ecstasy amidst the beautiful maidens, the celestial associate dancers. The above description given by Ranna shows the depth of his knowledge in the Natyasastra tradition of classical dance. Perhaps the contemporary dancers in the court of Kalyana Chalukyas performed the dance with utmost perfection. The artists of the period with dignity and maturity might have provided enough material for Ranna to give a detailed narration of art forms of that age. Nemicandra, another Jaina poet, flourished in the court of Hoysala Ballala II. Nemiathapurana and Lilavati are his important works. He has described the dance of Magadha Sundari in his Neminnathapurana (around 1190 A.D.). Magadha. Sundari performed exquisitely the dance of Sama and Visama as expressed by Nemicandra." The poet describes the dance techniques relating them to the various parts of the body of Sarasvati, the Goddess of learning. The glances expressing emotions are attributed to the eyes of the goddess, the 108 Karanas to the ears, the 32 Angaharas are like the pearl pendant, the Caris are inevitable for the systematic dance, the Mandalas are like 12 Pravrthi: This is the regional identity recognised through costumes, dialects, habit, tradition, custom and occupation. They vary from one region to another. Bharata has classified four identities such as Manavati or Western, Daksinatya or Southern, Pancali or Eastern, and Magadha Magadhi or Northern regions of India. 13 Neminathapurana by Nemicandra, Ch. III Dance of Magadha sundari. Antu sama visamavembaradum tereda natyamatyanta manoharam kautika karamumage

Page #183
182 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah the headdress for the goddess of learning, the various stances and gaits are suitably compared to the delicate form of Sarasvati. Nagacandra II (1190 A.D.), a contemporary to Nemicandra, was also the court poet of Ballala II and was known as Abhinava Pampa. In his Mallinathapurana he has codified the existing dance traditions in Karnataka. His descriptions when compared to the Hoysala sculptures reveal a new realm in the art forms of the Hoysala period. Nagachandra prescribes a tribhanga posture for Puspanjali." Nagacandra uses the term adavus (various steps) while describing the dancer's balance in her movements. In his lucid words he describes the way in which the dance movements, the rhythmic patterns on the drum and the melody of the song synchronised harmoniously. He mentions the regional dance traditions such as Gondala and Vekkana. Gondala was a dance tradition which was very popular in Karnataka. It is described at length in Sangita Ratnakara.' There is one more depiction of Indra's dance associated with the celebration of the birth of the Tirthankara Parsvanatha. The poet Parsvanatha during 1222 A.D. wrote the Parsvanathapurana. In the 14th chapter of this work there is a detailed description of the dance of Indra. Parsvanatha, like his predecessors made use of the situation to give an account of his knowledge in the field of dance and music. Parsvanatha also gives the entire list of dance techniques, as prescribed by Bharata in the Natyasastra and as practiced in the 13th century. The fourfold classification of Abhinaya, and the emotive sentiments (Rasabhinaya) were performed with great ease. The Dasarupakas were presented along with the gesticulation of Angas and Pratyangas (major and minor limbs) respectively. The feet movements of the female dancers were so light and their graceful gait. appeared like the gait of Swan. (Deviyar pada Vinyasamam Hamsi pada Vinyasamane polu). This description gives an idea that the dancers adopted the tradition of Abhinayadarpana also. These gaits are accessories to depict the bhava, the sentiments in their movements and gesticulations. Ratnakara Varni, an eminent Jaina poet belonging to Vijayanagar court has described the dance traditions that existed in Karnataka during the 16th century in the two chapters of Bharatesa Vaibhava." Ratnakara has elaborately described the dance techniques, which were very popular in the region of Karnataka. Ratnakara Varni 14 R. Satyanarayana, Dance traditions of Karnataka, Sutdies in Indian Dance, p. 25. 15 Ibid. Gundala dance. 16 Nandikesvara has given a list of gaits 10 types Hamsi, Mayuri, Magi, Gajagali, Turangini, Simhi, Bhujangi, Manduki, Vira and Manavi. 17 Bharatesa Vaibhava by Ratnakara Varni, Ch. Bhoga Vijaya - Purva Nataka Sandhi and Uttara Nataka Sandhi.

Page #184
Ch. Nandagopal, Dance and Music in Jaina Literature in Kannada 183 captures our mind in lucid passages which are as remarkable for their graphic descriptions as for the accuracy of technical information. In the Purvanataka Sandhi, Ratnakara Varni describes the dance of a courtesan who is a harlot (Belevennu) but highly efficient in the exposition of art. Ratnakara describes her physical charm and the erotic gestures she exhibited in the court of the king. Her eyes followed with emotions in the directions, whereas her hands moved in tremendous movements. She depicted with utmost ease the techniques of Bharatasastra, such as 108 Karanas and 108 Sthanas (the finale position), 13 head movements, 64 varieties of hand gestures, 32 Caris, 32 angaharas, 36 rasadsstis with bhava, and anubhava expressions. Her movements were full of life. She appeared like a young snake moving in the sun with shimmering movements. Her movements resounded in the Mardala (drum). While coming forward she resembled a wild wave with virile rhythm, while moving backward she was just like a delicate wave descending and becoming one with the great ocean. Her spinning movement reminded of the top when she took circular movements. In the middle of the stage (Ranga) she danced with the gait of an intoxicated elephant (maddane) and reached the high tempo and ended her recital in Arabhati (virile) natya. It appears the chief drummer was the chief vocalist for such a virile exposition. Then Ratnakara narrates and gives a list of the group dances of his times in Uttaranataka Sandhi. In the solo recital more attention was paid to the techniques, whereas in the group dances it is the arrangement of stage, symmetrical patterns and synchronisation of the movements of the dancers. The choreographic representation of dance is very well evidenced in the work of Ratnakara. In the first instance, the Hamsamandalinatya is an elaborate description of techniques, number of artists, and formation of patterns resembling a flower with sixteen petals, as if in a pond. There were 16 girls participating in this dance number, forming a single line in the gait of hansi (swan). Their tender movements of the feet bound by anklets resembled the voices of swans with their beaks, holding their hand gestures in mukulahasta." ancer pretending anger on a male swan moves away from the group. But she returns to the pond and sits in the middle deeply engrossed in the thoughts of the male partner. The other dancers, who had strong control over their limbs and feet, took leaps, not touching the ground and moved as if they were in the air, and slowly came down and with slight jump entered the pond with hand movements resembling a bird closing down the feathers. In the same delicate movements the dancers offered the flowers to the idol of Jina. The poet calls them as Kulavaniteyaru i.e. ladies coming from 18 R. Satyanarayana, Dance Traditions of Karnataka, Studies in Indian Dance, p. 39. 19 Mukulahasta - Here the use of this gesture representing the beak of a bird is exactly as in Sarasangraha. But this use is not mentioned in the Natyasastra.

Page #185
184 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah respectable families. While concluding the narration the poet imagines the spectators' curiosity in witnessing other types of group dances such as Dikkannikanatya, Jalakannikanatya, Amarakantanatya, Nagakanyanstya, Baspa-vidyullatanstya, Dyumani Tandava, Candra Tandava Puspakanttya, Dasapadma-lasya, Tarangananrtya, Kalpalatanrtya, Vimsatipadmalasya etc. It appears that all these are group compositions consisting of different numbers of dancers, depending on the type of composition they ought to present. Every piece had its own technique, unique postures and movements, woven around a theme. No doubt all these patterns were based on Pindibandhas (group dance) of Bharatagulma, Srrkhala and Latabandha formations. This shows the diversity in the group presentation of those days. Further, Ratnakara Varni describes the folk and tribal dancers of his days namely Koravanji, Joginatya and Koramanatya.20 When the female dancers disguised as male tribes and danced it created a roar of laughter in the auditorium. Thus Ratnakara presented in his work the dance consisting of classical, regional and folk styles. Aggala in his Candraprabha Puranam describes the preliminaries as prescribed by Bharata. He also points out the balance and rhythm to be maintained by the drummer and the dancer. The synchronising effect of the drum and foot work creates the climax in the art of dance. Aggala also depicts the Tandava aspect of dance as "the surrounding trees swayed in ecstasy at the recaka movements of his feet, the quarter elephants supporting the earth and the heaven were struck dumb with the Parigha (iron bludgeon) of his arms, the earth trembled at the stamp of his feet and the ocean overflowed due to his swirling revolution."21 Kamalabhava?? (13th century) is another writer whose reference to the dance styles is worth mentioning. The preliminaries are also described by him by giving the details of the orchestra set to play on the instruments with the dance director who was to perform the rite of Puspanjali. The Kutapa (orchestra) included the drone keepers, singers, four different flutists, the players of Vinas and the cymbal players. He calls them as vividha vicitra vadana visaradaru. Kamalabhava while describing dance sequences gives a detailed list of dance techniques performed by the dancers in the marga tradition (classical) such as 13 types of head movements, 24 single handed, 13 combined handed gestures, 108 Karanas, 32 caris, 32 angaharas, 8 rasa drstis, 8 bhava drstis, 20 sancari drstis, 9 eyeball movements, 8 looks, including 9 of sides, 7 of eyebrows, 6 of the nose, 6 of the lips, 7 of the jaw, 9 of the neck, 5 of the thighs, 5 of the hips, 9 standing postures, 12 gaits, 6 graceful postures, 4 facial moods etc. 20 Bharatesa Vaibhava by Ratnakara Varni, Tandava vinaya sandhi. 21 R. Satyanarayana, Studies in Indian Dance, p. 38. 22 Kamalabhava, Santisvarapurana, VI, V. 160.

Page #186
Ch. Nandagopal, Dance and Music in Jaina Literature in Kannada 185 Bahubali (1690 A.D.) is another very important contributor as far as the references of dance sequences are concerned. In his Nagakumaracaritam he depicts vividly the dress and ornamentation of a dancer and the musical band. He gives a pure Karnataka tradition of the sequence. After Puspanjali the dance was continued to songs in the Suladi talas, followed by naganatya, Varalaksmi and bhoga natya.23 At the time of Bahubali it appears that Suladi tala24 a musical composition was very well adopted in the dance recitals also. The singing and dancing of this composition demands great skill in the manipulation of time measures. Bahubali gives the information that the dance recital concluded by Kaivada Prabandha, which more or less corresponds to the modern tillana of Karnataka music. Govinda Vaidya (1684 A.D.) in Kanthirava Narasaraja Vijayam describes other dances such as kola, birudina natya, prabandha, jati, jakkini, rajaka, The literary works in Kannada ranging from the time of Pampa (940 A.D.) to the times of Bahubali (1690 A.D.) provide a rich source for studying the dance and music traditions that prevailed in Karnataka. If the Marga style (classical) was deep rooted in the dance systems, it has also given a wide scope for regional developments in the field of dance. One should be grateful to the writers for mentioning and describing the desi (regional) traditions practiced in Karnataka. The present dance system in Karnataka is very much different from the past, as it has received impact from the styles of Tamilnadu and Andhra. The resurrection and reconstruction of the dance tradition of Karnataka can be justly done by a careful study of all the techniques that these Kannada authors have described in great detail. So far we have examined the various Kannada works which have a bearing on dance and music in Karnataka. There are some Sanskrit works written in Karnataka which also describe in detail dance and music as practised in their times. However, it has to be noted that most of them are essentially based upon Bharata's Natyasastra. The survey of literary works from early times to the Vijayanagar period has provided a theoretical background of dance form that existed in Karnataka. The texts on music and dance were compiled and even today they are regarded as the source for reconstructing the traditions of dance and music in Karnataka. The detailed study of these texts and adoption of forms discussed therein would bring a new life to the existing system of Bharatanatyam. These Jaina literary works in Kannada have nourished the tradition of music and dance and therein set the chronology in the evolution and development of Karnataka dance and music. They also show that the tradition was not static but dynamic and absorbed influences and new elements that 23 R. Satyanarayana, Studies in Indian dance, p. 38. 24 Sripadaraya in 1500 A.D. composed many Suladis and Purandaradasa followed the technique of the Suladi tala of Sripadaraya. Five or seven of the Suladi talas are used in the pallavi and caranas and at the end of the composition there are two lines called Jale (couplets) which have to be sung in all the five or seven talas used for pallavi and carana.

Page #187
186 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah arose at various periods because of a variety of reasons. Thus these literary works have an important place in the study of Indian music and dance. References Adipurana of Pampa, ed. Kundanagar K.G and Changale A.P, Belgaum 1953. R.r. Divakar (ed.), Karnataka Through the Ages, Mysore 1968. Kamlabhava, Santisvara Purana, ed.Ramanuja Iyengar Mysore 1912. D.L. Narasimhachar, Karnataka Darsana, Mysore 1904. Nemicandra - Neminatha Purana, ed. Ramanuja Iyengar, Mysore 1914. Ponna, Santipurana, ed. Venkata Rao, A.shesha Iyengar, Madras 1925. Ranna, Ajitanatha Purana, ed. Ramanuja Iyengar Mysore 1910. Ratnakara Varni - Bharatesa Vaibhava, Ed. Mangesa Rao Mangalore 1923. R. Satyanarayana, Dance traditions of Karnataka, Studies in Indian Dance, Mysore 1968. V. Seetaramayya, Mahakavi Pampa, Mysore 1975.

Page #188
. 16 sirivAlacariu eka durlabha pANDulipi rAjarAma jaina In order to keep the original Hindi text, the paper of Prof. Dr. Raja Ram Jain has been printed in its original composition. The Editor

Page #189

Page #190
sirivAlacariu : eka durlabha pANDulipi uttara-madhyakAlIna apabhraMza athavA sandhikAlIna apabhraMza kI mahAkavi raidhU kRta prastuta kathAtmaka pANDulipi samakAlIna sAmAjika, Arthika, rAjanItika, sAhityika, sAMskRtika, bhaugolika, samudrI-yAtrA tathA vaidezika vyApara (Foriegn Trade) se sambandhita hone ke kAraNa mahattvapUrNa to hai hI, paravartI bhASAoM ke udbhava evaM vikAsa tathA unake bhASA-vaijJAnika vizleSaNa kI dRSTi se bhI vaha viziSTa-koTi kI racanA hai| ukta durlabha pANDulipi perisa (phrAMsa) ke prAcya-zAstra-bhaNDAra meM surakSita hai| vahA~ kI pro0 DaoN0 nalinI balavIra jI ke saujanya se usakI phoTokApI mujhe upalabdha huI thI, ataH isake adhyayana evaM mUlyAMkana kA sArA zreya unakI saMvedanazIlatA, sadAzayatA evaM saumanasyatA kI ora jAtA hai| tadartha maiM unakA AbhArI huuN| lekhaka pro0 DaoN0 rAjArAma jaina sirivAlacariu uttaramadhyakAlIna apabhraMza athavA sandhiyugIna apabhraMza kI eka mahattvapUrNa racanA hai, jo adyAvadhi aprakAzita hai| usakA mUla uddezya hai siddhacakravrata-vidhi-vidhAna tathA usake mantra-jApa ke camatkAra kA prdrshn| isIlie isakA aparanAma hai siddhacakkamAhappa (siddhckr-maahaatmy)| yaha racanA isalie bhI mahattvapUrNa hai kyoMki usake rocaka kathAnaka meM vaidezika vyApAra (Foreign Trade), tathA usake upakaraNa, patha-paddhati (Road System) madhyakAlIna mahAsArthavAha tathA unake kArya, samudrI potoM ke upakaraNa, samudrI DAkuoM ke AtaMka, jala tAriNI-vidyA-siddhi tathA vaira-nivAriNI-vidyA-siddhi ke tAtkAlika prabhAva, kraya-vikraya kI vastue~, samudra ke madhyavartI vibhinna dvIpa-samUhoM kI samRddhi tathA unake nivAsiyoM kA sAmAjika jIvana, samakAlIna Arthika jIvana, vibhinna jAtiyoM ke nAma, bahuvivAha-prathA, samAja meM nAriyoM kI sthiti, nAriyoM ke lie pradAna kI jAne vAlI vibhinna zikSAe~, samasyA-pUrti dvArA nArI kA bauddhika parIkSaNa Adi ke varNana-prasaMgoM ke mAdhyama se madhyakAlIna bhAratIya Arthika (Economic) sAmAjika (Social), dhArmika (Religious), rAjanItika (Political) evaM bhaugolika (Geographical) itihAsa-lekhana ke lie bhI usameM pracura mAtrA meM sandarbha sAmagrI upalabdha hotI hai|

Page #191
jaina vidyA ke viSayagata sAhityika vargIkaraNa kI dRSTi se yaha usake prathamAnuyoga-sAhitya (arthAt kathAtmaka-sAhitya) kA eka rocaka vistRta grantha hai, jisameM prAcIna aMgadeza kI campApurI (vartamAna bhAgalapura, bihAra) ke rAjA zrIpAla kA bahuAyAmI saMgharSazIla kathAnaka varNita hai| isa kathAnaka ko prabhAvaka, rocaka evaM sarvAMgINa banAne kI dRSTi se usameM kucha avAMtara-kathAoM kA bhI saMyojana kiyA gayA hai| rAjA zrIpAla kA ukta kathAnaka itanA lokapriya thA ki ise lekara saMskRta, prAkRta, apabhraMza, gujarAtI evaM hindI meM carita, kAvya, rAsAzailI-kAvya evaM nATaka-zailI meM darjanoM grantha likhe ge| yaha kathAnaka digambara evaM zvetAmbara donoM hI jaina-paraMparAoM meM lokapriya rahA, yadyapi ki unake kathAnakoM meM kucha antara hai| jisakI carcA Age kI jaaegii| kathA-srota prastuta pANDulipi-racanA' ke mUla nAyaka rAjA zrIpAla tathA usakI paTarAnI mainAsundarI kA AkhyAna eka loka-pracalita AkhyAna rahA hai| hamArA anumAna hai ki saMskRta, prAkRta evaM apabhraMza ke jaina AcArya lekhakoM ne unake (zrIpAla evaM mainAsundarI ke) pRthakpRthak pracalita lokAkhyAnoM ko mizrita kara unheM eka nayA rUpa pradAna kiyA hogaa| AcArya jinasena (nauvIM sadI) ke mahApurANa meM zrIpAla nAmaka eka cakravartI kA AkhyAna milatA hai, jisase nimna tathyoM ko prastuta sirivAlacariu ke lie grahaNa kie gae pratIta hote haiM (1) zrIpAla cakravartI kA eka vidyAdhara dvArA vRddha kiyA jaanaa| pratIta hotA hai ki yaha vRddhatva hI paravartI-kAla meM kuSThatva ke rUpa meM parivartita ho gyaa| (2) ukta zrIpAla ne apane sAhasa aura bala-pauruSa ke dvArA agamya sthAnoM kI yAtrAe~ kara aneka kanyAoM kA varaNa kiyA aura unameM se sukhadevI ko apanI paTTarAnI bnaayaa| yaha sukhadevI hI sambhavataH zrIpAla caritoM kI paravartI mainAsundarI hai| kyoMki donoM kA carita, sAhasa, buddhi aura dhairya lagabhaga eka samAna hai| AcArya hariSeNa (dasavIM sadI) ke bRhatkathAkoSa meM bhI eka zrIpAla nAmaka pAtra kI 1. perisa (phrAMsa) prati ke AdhAra para isakA adhyayana prastuta kiyA jA rahA hai| isakA pratilipikAla vi0saM0 ___1688 (varSe bhA0zu0 10) tathA isakI pR0saM0 109 X 2 hai| 2. jinasena kRta mahApurANa (banArasa, 1951), bhAga 2, 47vA~ parva

Page #192
kathA AtI hai| jo dakSiNApatha ke punnATa-deza ke talATavI nAmaka nagara meM nivAsa karatA thaa| zaizava-kAla meM hI usane zrIpaMcamI kA vrata grahaNa kiyA aura dRr3hatApUrvaka usa vrata kA pAlana kara usane sadgati prApta kii| ___uparyukta mahApurANa aura bRhatkathAkoSa kI kathAoM ke mizraNa se eka navIna kathA paravartI jaina manISiyoM dvArA kalpita kI gaI hai| isa kathA kA yaha upalabdha rUpa 15vIM sadI ke pUrva kA dekhane meM nahIM aayaa| zvetAmbara-paramparA meM aSTAnhikA-vrata kA mahattva atyadhika pracalita hai| paryuSaNa-parva ko bhI usameM aSTAnhikA hI kahA jAtA hai| ataH yaha kalpanA koI kliSTa-kalpanA bhI nahIM hai ki zvetAmbara-paramparA meM aSTAnhikA-vrata meM sampanna hone vAle siddhacakravidhAna ke mahattva ko pradarzita karane ke lie sarvaprathama isa kathA ke upalabdha rUpa ko isa paramparA ke AcAryoM ne bhI gaThita kiyA ho? _____15vIM sadI ke 'zrIpAla-kathA' nAmaka do grantha upalabdha hote haiMeka prAkRta meM aura dUsarA saMskRta meN| prAkRta-grantha ke racayitA bRhadgacchIya bajrasena-sUri ke praziSya aura hematilaka-sUri ke ziSya zrI ratnazekhara-sUri haiN| isa grantha kA saMkalana vi0saM0 1428 meM huA hai| saMkalakoM ne svayaM hI likhA hai sirivajjaseNa gaNahara paTTapahu hemtilysuuriinnN| sIsehiM rayaNaseharasUrihiM imAhu sNkliyaa|| caudasa aTThAravIse lihiyaa| isase spaSTa hai ki ratnazekhara-sUri ne Agama aura loka meM pracalita zrIpAla sambandhI kathAoM ke vividha rUpoM kA adhyayana kara isa kathA ko navIna rUpAkRti pradAna kI hai| saMskRta zrIpAla carita ke racayitA 15vIM sadI ke vidvAn sakalakIrti bhaTTAraka haiN| inhoMne saMskRta-bhASA meM zrIpAla-carita nAmakA eka grantha likhA hai| isa carita-grantha ke avalokana se pratIta hotA hai ki zrIpAla ke mUla kathAnaka ke sambandha meM kaI mAnyatAe~ pracalita thiiN| ___mahAkavi raidhU ke pUrvavartI kavi narasena ne bhI apabhraMza-bhASA meM do sandhi-pramANa 'sirivAlacariu' nAmaka eka kAvya likhA hai| yoM to mahAkavi raidhU ke samakAlIna 1. de0 bRhatkathAkoSa (sindhI jaina sIrIja, muMbaI dvArA prakAzita tathA DaoN0 e0ena0 upAdhye dvArA sampAdita), kathA-saMkhyA 145 2. Siri-Siri Valkaha, Pt. I Ed. V.J. Chokshi (Ahmedabad, 1932)] Introduction, Page 13.

Page #193
(4) satyarAjagaNi ne vi0saM0 1514 meM saMskRta meM eka zrIpAla - carita tathA siddhasUri ne vi0saM0 1531 meM zrIpAla-nATaka evaM vi0saM0 1557 meM labdhisAgara - sUri ne zrIpAla - kathA kI racanA kI hai| mahAkavi raidhU ke parivartIkAla meM bhI zrIpAla caritoM kI racanAe~ huI haiN| brahmanemidatta ne 16vIM sadI meM saMskRta meM zrIpAla - carita aura jJAnavimalasUri ne vi0saM0 1638 meM zrIpAla - carita kI racanA kI hai / isa samasta zrIpAla-caritoM ke AloDana se avagata hotA hai ki zrIpAla kI kathA ke do rUpa pracalita rahe haiN| prathama rUpa kI mAnyatA zvetAmbara - paramparA meM pAI jAtI hai aura dvitIya rUpa kI mAnyatA digambara- paramparA meM | mahAkavi raidhU ne apanI prastuta racanAsirivAlacariu meM digambara-mAnyatA kA anusaraNa kiyA hai' / prastuta sandarbha meM hama yahA~ donoM mAnyatAoM kA saMkSepa meM ullekha karane ke pUrva raidhU kRta racanA kI kathA saMkSepa meM denA Avazyaka samajhate haiM, jo sandhi-kramAnusAra nimna prakAra hai kathAvastu magadha- deza kI rAjagRhI nagarI meM rAjA zreNika rAjya karate the / unakI do rAniyA~ thiiN| jayAmatI evaM celnaa| jayAmatI se abhayakumAra nAmaka putra utpanna huA tathA celanA se vAriSeNa / kisI eka samaya rAjA zreNika apane rAjadarabAra meM baiThe the ki usI samaya vanapAla ne Akara chahoM RtuoM ke phala-phUla lAkara rAjA ko bheMTa kie tathA vipulAcala para bhagavAn 1. digaMbara paramparAnumodita 'zrIpAla carita' sambandhI nimna sAmagrI jJAta ho sakI hai saMskRta (1) bhaTTAraka sakalakIrti ( 15vIM sadI) zrIpAlacaritra (2) brahmanemidatta (vi0saM0 1528 ) zrIpAlacarita apabhraMza hiMdI gujarAtI (3) raidhU 15 - 16vIM sadI sirivAlacariu ( aparanAma siddhacakkamAhappa ) (4) paM0 narasena ( 14vIM sadI) siddhacakkakahA (5) dAmodara ( 16vIM sadI) zrIpAlacarita ( 6 ) brahmarAyamalla (vi0saM0 1630) zrIpAla sa (7) parimalla (vi0saM0 1651 ) zrIpAla caritra (yaha grantha raidhUkRta sirivAlakahA kA prAyaH hindI anuvAda hai) (8) nyAmatasiMha(20vIM sadI)mainAsundarI nATaka (9) bhagavata (20vIM sadI) bhAgya (10) vAdicandra (vi0saM0 1661 ) zrIpAlAkhyAna - kathA (11) ajJAta - zrIpAlarAsa

Page #194
___ (5) mahAvIra ke samavazaraNa meM padhArane kI sUcanA dii| yaha samAcAra sunakara rAjA atyanta prasanna huaa| usane vanapAla ko vastrAbhUSaNa dAna kara vIra-prabhu ko parokSa namaskAra kiyA tathA celanA ke sAtha samavazaraNa meM phuNcaa| vahA~ stuti-vandana ke bAda mAnava-sabhA meM baiTha gayA aura vIra prabhu se siddhacakra kI vidhi evaM usake phala kA mAhAtmya puuchaa| uttarasvarUpa gautama gaNadhara ne zrIpAla kA kathAnaka nimna prakAra sunAnA prArambha kiyaa| mAlava-deza kI ujjayinI nagarI meM rAjA pahupAla (pRthivIpAla) apanI vijayazrI nAmakI rAnI ke sAtha rAjya karatA thaa| kAlAntara meM usakI do putriyA~ huI, surasundarI evaM mainaasundrii| jaba ve donoM kanyAe~ bar3I huI, taba pahupAla ne surasundarI ko zaiva-guru ke pAsa tathA mainAsundarI ke lie jainaguru ke pAsa vidyAdhyayanArtha bhejaa| donoM putriyoM ne apane-apane guruoM ke pAsa sarvAMgINa adhyayana kiyaa| surasundarI veda, purANa, vaidyaka, kokazAstra Adi par3hakara vApisa apane ghara lauttii| ___ mainAsundarI ne 'NamosiddhaM' se apanA adhyayana prArambha kiyA tathA alpakAla meM hI bArahabhAvanA, aNuvrata, mahAvrata, carita, purANa, guNasthAna, mArgaNAe~, kAvya, vyAkaraNa, alaMkAra, vidhizAstra, jyotiSa, naya, pramANa, bhavya-saMgIta, nATyazAstra, tarkazAstra, SaDdarzana, ratnaparIkSA, aTThAraha-lipiyA~, solaha-kAraNa-bhAvanA, dazalakSaNadharma, karmavipAka-sUtra, roganidAna, auSadhizAstra, sAmudrika-zAstra, Adi kA jJAna prApta kiyA tathA apane pitA ke ghara lauTa aaii| apanI putriyoM ko viduSI ke rUpa meM dekhakara rAjA atyanta prasanna huaa| (kar3avaka 1-14, prathama-sandhi) eka dina rAjA pahupAla sukhAsana para baiThA huA thA ki acAnaka hI donoM putriyA~ vahA~ aaiiN| rAjA ne unakI parIkSA hetu nimna samasyA ko sammukha rakhakara sarvaprathama surasundarI ko usakI pUrti hetu Adeza diyA samasyA puNNe labmai ehu|| .................arthAt puNya se hI prApta hotA hai| surasundarI ne pitA ke Adeza se usakI pUrti nimna prakAra kI samasyApUrti vijjA-jovvaNa-rUva-dhaNu gharu-pariyaNu-kayaNehu / ballahajaNamellAvau puNNe labmai ehu|| (2/1)

Page #195
(6) arthAt isa saMsAra meM vidyA, yauvana, saundarya, dhana, bhavana, parijanoM kA sneha evaM priyajanoM kA saMyoga puNya se hI prApta hotA hai| ukta samasyApUrti se rAjA atyanta prasanna huaa| usane prasanna hokara surasundarI se icchAnusAra varadAna mA~gane ko khaa| surasundarI ne bhI avasara dekha varadAna mA~ga liyA aura kauzAmbI-nareza ke putra rAjA harivAhana se apanA vivAha kara dene kI prArthanA kii| rAjA ne vaisA hI kara diyaa| ___ aba mainAsundarI kI bArI thii| rAjA ne use bhI ukta samasyA kI pUrti hetu Adeza diyaa| usane nimna prakAra usa samasyA kI pUrti kI jiNa-sAsaNa-NiggaMtha-guru vaya-tau-Nimmalu dehu| ___ appA-paraha~ vicAra-guNu puNNe labbhai ehu|| (2/3) ___ arthAt isa saMsAra meM jinazAsana, nirgrantha-guru, vrata evaM tapa karane kI kSamatA, nirmala deha / tathA apane-parAe kA viveka-guNa ye saba puNya se hI prApta hote haiN| __ mainAsundarI kI samasyA-pUrti se rAjA ne prasanna hokara use bhI icchAnusAra apanA vara cunane kA Adeza diyA kintu ise sunakara vaha cupacApa raha gii| rAjA ke bAra-bAra pUchane para usane bar3I hI lajjA ke sAtha nivedana kiyA ki kulavatI kumAriyA~ kabhI bhI apane mu~ha se vara nahIM maaNgtii| mAtA-pitA, svajana evaM gurujana jinake sAtha usakA vivAha kara dete haiM, unake lie vahI vara kAmadeva ke tulya ho jAtA hai| cAhe vaha aMdhA, lUlA, la~gar3A, kAnA, baharA, kor3hI, rogI, rAva, raMka, bAla, vRddha, sundara, kurUpa, mUrkha, paNDita, nirdayI, nirlajja athavA sarvaguNa-sampanna, kaisA hI kyoM na ho, vahI una kumAriyoM ke lie sarvasva bana jAtA hai| kanyAoM kA bhalA-burA unake karmoM ke phala ke anusAra hI hotA hai| rAjA mainAsundarI ke isa kathana se bar3A kruddha ho jAtA hai| (kar3avaka 1-14 dvitIya-sandhi) campApura meM rAjA aridamana rAjya karatA thaa| usakI rAnI kundaprabhA se zrIpAla nAmaka eka honahAra putraratna kI prApti huii| bar3A hone para use vidyArjana-hetu guru ke pAsa bhejA gayA, jahA~ usane akSara, mAtrA, purANa, tarka, alaMkAra, graha, pramANa, chattIsa-guNa, gRhakArya, jala-saMtaraNaM, rAjanIti-zikSA, chaMda, vyAkaraNa, bahattara-kalAe~, vijJAna, nATaka-bheda, gAndharvavidyA evaM savArI Adi kI zikSAe~ alpakAla meM hI prApta kara liiN| zikSA-prApti ke bAda hI zrIpAla para ghora saMkaTa upasthita ho gyaa| usake pitA kI acAnaka hI mRtyu ho gii| ataH rAjyabhAra use sa~bhAlanA par3A kintu durbhAgya se use bhI akasmAt kuSTha-vyAdhi ho gii|

Page #196
usakA sArA zarIra galane lgaa| ataH apane cAcA vIradamana ko rAjya sauMpakara vaha apane pA~ca sau kor3hI sAthiyoM ke sAtha rAjya ke bAhara nikala gayA aura calate-calate ujjayinI phuNcaa| udhara rAjA pahupAla, jo ki apanI putrI mainAsundarI ke karmaphala kI bAta sunakara kruddha hokara baiThA thA, usane usa kor3hI rAjA zrIpAla ke ujjayinI Agamana kI bAta sunii| vaha turanta jAkara usase milA tathA bAtacIta kara usI ke sAtha mainAsundarI kA vivAha kara diyaa| rAnI, maMtrI Adi sabhI ne rAjA ko dhikkArA lekina usane eka bhI nahIM sunI tathA dAna-daheja ke sAtha mainAsundarI ko vidA kara diyaa| mainAsundarI apane mAtA-pitA, gurujanoM evaM paricitoM se kSamAyAcanA kara apane patigRha calI gii| isa vivAha se zrIpAla atyanta prasanna thaa| usane apanI patnI mainAsundarI ko apanA sArA vRttAnta yathArtha rUpa meM batA diyaa| -- (kar3avaka 1-20, tRtIya-sandhi) mainAsundarI ke mana meM isa vivAha se kisI bhI prakAra kA duHkha utpanna na huaa| vaha tana-mana-dhana se glAni-rahita hokara patisevA meM lIna ho gii| pratidina jinadeva kI pUjA-bhakti karatI tathA pati ko gandhodaka kA sevana kraatii| phalasvarUpa zrIpAla kA kor3ha dhIre-dhIre dUra hone lgaa| ___eka dina pati-patnI donoM jina-mandira ge| vahA~ eka munirAja ke darzana hue| munirAja ne unheM siddhacakra-vidhi evaM usake mAhAtmya para upadeza kiyaa| mainAsundarI evaM zrIpAla donoM hI usase prabhAvita hokara vApisa Ae aura tadanusAra siddhacakra kA vidhi-vidhAna karane lge| phalasvarUpa zrIpAla kA zarIra punaH kundana ke samAna bana gyaa| ___idhara, (rAjA) pahupAla ne krodhavaza mainAsundarI kA vivAha kor3hI ke sAtha kara to avazya diyA thA, kintu bAda meM vaha rone-kalapane lagA tathA bAra-bAra apane ko dhikkArane lgaa| eka dina usakI rAnI jina-mandira gii| vahA~ vaha apanI putrI mainAsundarI ko eka sarvAgasundara evaM svastha yuvaka ke sAtha dekhakara stambhita raha gii| use vizvAsa ho gayA ki merI putrI pathabhraSTa ho gaI hai| mainAsundarI ne apanI mA~ ke hRdaya kI bAta jAna lii| ataH turanta hI siddhacakra ke mAhAtmya se zrIpAla ke pUrNa svastha ho jAne kA sArA vRttAnta use kaha sunAyA, jisase mA~ phUlI na smaaii| vaha daur3I-daur3I ghara gii| jaba rAjA ko yaha samAcAra milA to vaha zrIpAla ke pAsa aayaa| use gale lagAyA tathA apane ghara le AyA aura vahIM rahane kA Agraha kiyA, jise zrIpAla ne svIkAra kara liyaa| . (kar3avaka 1-16, caturtha-sandhi) Age kA kathAnaka ativistRta hai| usameM zrIpAla kA bhRgukaccha (bhaDauMca) meM 10 sahasra

Page #197
(8) subhaToM tathA 500 mAlavAhI-potoM ke svAmI mahAsArthavAha dhavala seTha se paricaya, apanI jalatAriNI evaM vighna nivAriNI vidyAoM ke prayoga se prabhAvita kara dhavala seTha kA vizvasta mitra banakara usake sAtha samudrI mArga se videza yAtrA, haMsadvIpa meM praveza, samudrI luTeroM ke AkramaNa kA sAmanA kara tathA una para vijaya prApta karate hue unakA haMsadvIpa pahu~canA (pA~cavIM sandhi ) haMsadvIpa kI rAjakumArI rayaNamaMjUSA ke sAtha zrIpAla kA vivAha, rayaNamaMjUSA ke saundarya se dhavala seTha kI mohAsakti, dhavala seTha zrIpAla ko uphanate samudra meM pheMkakara rayaNamaMjUSA ko AkarSita karane kA prayAsa karatA hai, kintu asaphala rahatA hai| rayaNamaMjUSA pati- vichoha meM karuNa - krandana karatI rahatI hai| usake zIla- vrata ke camatkAra se aneka deviyA~ dhUrta dhavala seTha ko kaThora sajA detI hai ataH vaha usase kSamAyAcanA hai / (chaThavIM sandhi ) 1 zrIpAla samudra meM tairakara kuMkuMmadvIpa pahu~catA hai / vahA~ kI rAjakumArI guNamAlA ke sAtha usakA vivAha aura idhara vaha dhavala seTha bhI sadala bala kuMkuMmadvIpa meM pahu~catA hai aura zrIpAla ko vahA~ jIvita dekhakara dukhI ho jAtA hai / apanA aparAdha chipAne ke lie vaha zrIpAla ko vahA~ ke rAjA ke sammukha eka mAtaMgaputra ghoSita karatA hai aura eka dhUrta rAjya mantrI ko eka lAkha dInAroM (mudrAe~) kI rizvata dekara usake banAvaTI mAtA - pitA evaM parivAra vAloM ko ekatra kara detA hai, kintu guNamAlA vAstavikatA kA patA lagAkara dhavala seTha ko rAjA se kaThora daNDa dilAtI hai / vahA~ se Age calakara vaha zrIpAla mArga meM citrarekhA evaM kaMcanamAlA ke sAtha vivAha karatA huA, koMkaNapaTTana pahu~catA hai / vahA~ ke rAjA yazarAzi kI 1600 putriyA~ thIM, jinameM se 8 putriyA~ bar3I viduSI kintu ahaMkAriNI thI / unhoMne pratijJA kI thI ki jo yuvaka unake dvArA prastuta samasyAoM kI pUrtiyA~ karegA, ve usI ke sAtha apanA vivAha kareMgI / zrIpAla ne bar3I kuzalatApUrvaka unakI samasyApUrti kI / ataH rAjA yazarAzi ne pramudita hokara apanI samasta 1600 kanyAoM kA vivAha zrIpAla ke sAtha kara diyA / tatpazcAt kAMcanapura nareza kI 500, muMDavAdi deza ke rAjA kI 700 kanyAoM, tilaMga deza ke nareza kI 1000, soraTha deza ke rAjA kI 500 kanyAoM, gujarAta nareza kI 400 kanyAoM tathA mevAr3a nareza kI 200 kanyAoM ke sAtha vivAha kara vaha pallirAja khaza, babbara tathA mAlavA ke zatruoM ko parAjita karatA huA ujjayinI pahu~cA / vahA~ apanI mA~ tathA patnI mainAsundarI se bheMTa kI /

Page #198
apane pitA se kruddha mainAsundarI kI preraNA se usakA pitA rAjA pahupAla kandhe para kulhAr3I rakhakara kambala or3hakara tathA laMgoTI bA~dhakara eka lakar3ahAre ke veza meM Akara jaba zrIpAla se kSamAdAna karane kA sandeza bhejatA hai, to zrIpAla use lakar3ahAre ke veza meM na Ane kI sUcanA detA hai| ataH vaha (rAjA) prasanna hokara apane usa jAmAtA zrIpAla ko sAdara apane ghara le AtA hai| (AThavIM sandhi) zrIpAla ke jIvana kA saMgharSa yahIM samApta nahIM huaa| vaha apane khoe hue sAmrAjya ko apane cAcA vIradamana se yuddha kara use burI taraha parAjita kara aMgadezastha campApurI kA apanA sAmrAjya punaH prApta kara letA hai| ____sAmrAjya prApti ke bAda vaha rAjA dharaNipAla ke nAma se prasiddha huA aura sucAru rUpa se prajA-pAlana karane lgaa| kAlAntara meM usake 12800 putra utpanna hue| anta meM eka munirAja se dharma-zravaNa kara usane rAjya-pATa tyAgakara dIkSA grahaNa kara lI aura nirvANa-pada prApta kiyaa| (nauvIM-dasavIM sandhi) zvetAmbara-paramparA meM zrIpAla-carita kA mUla kathAnaka lagabhaga uparyukta jaisA hI hai| una donoM paramparAoM meM jo kucha antara hai, vaha nimna prakAra hai 1. mAtA-pitA ke nAmoM meM aMtara _2. zrIpAla kI rAjyagaddI evaM roga sambandhI antara 3. mA~ ke sAtha rahane tathA vaidya sambandhI ghaTanA meM antara 4. mainAsundarI Adi ke vivAha sambandhI antara 5. pariNItA rAjakumAriyoM kI mAtA tathA rAjakumAriyoM ke nAmoM meM antara 6. vivAhoparAnta zrIpAla kI bhramaNa yAtrAoM ke varNana meM antara tathA 7. zrIpAla kI mAtA evaM patnI ke milana-varNana meM antara granthakAra __ prastuta grantha ke lekhaka mAkavi raidhU haiN| vipula sAhitya racanAoM kI dRSTi se isa kavi kI tulanA meM Thaharane vAle anya pratispardhI kavi ke astitva kI sambhAvanA apabhraMza-sAhitya meM nahIM kI jA sktii| merI dRSTi meM yaha aisA prathama kavi hai, jisameM eka sAtha prabandhakAra, dArzanika, AcAra-zAstra-praNetA evaM krAMtidRSTA kA samanvaya huA hai| isake prabandhAtmaka AkhyAnoM meM saundarya ko pavitratA evaM mAdakatA, prema kI nizchalatA, mAtA-pitA kA vAtsalya, pApa evaM durAcAroM kA nirmama daNDa, vAsanA kI mAMsalatA kA prakSAlana, AtmA kA suzAnta

Page #199
(10) nirmalIkaraNa, romAMsa kA Asava evaM saMskRti ke pIyUSa kA maMgalamaya sammilana, preyas aura zreyas kA granthibandha aura ina sabase Upara tyAga evaM kaSAya-nigraha kA nidarzana samAhita hai| ina sabake lie usakA prastuta sirivAlacariu sarvazreSTha udAharaNa hai| mahAkavi raidhU kA janma-sthala ajJAta hai kintu usakI grantha-prazastiyoM se yahI vidita hotA hai ki gopAcala durga (vartamAna gvAliyara, ma0pra0) usakI sAhitya-sAdhanA kA sthala rahA thaa| vahA~ tomaravaMzI rAjA DUMgarasiMha evaM usake putra rAjA kIrtisiMha usakA bahuta hI Adara-sammAna karate the tathA unhIM ke anurodha se gopAcala-durga meM rahakara hI raidhU ne lagabhaga 30 granthoM kI racanA kii| unameM prayukta bhASAoM ko dekhakara yaha spaSTa vidita hotA hai ki apabhraMza ke sAtha-sAtha saMskRta, prAkRta evaM hindI para bhI usakA pUrNa adhikAra thaa| usakI upalabdha racanAe~ nimna prakAra haiM 1. tisaTThi-mahApurANapurisAyAraguNAlaMkAru (aparanAma mahApurANa) 50 sandhiyA~ tathA 1531 kar3avaka 2. pAsaNAhacariu (10 sandhiyA~, 138 kar3avaka)prakAzita 3. NemiNAhacariu (aparanAma harivaMsapurANu, 14 sandhiyA~, 302 kar3avaka) 4. sammaijiNacariu (10 sandhiyA~, 245 kar3avakoprakAzita 5. mehesaracariu (13 sandhiyA~, 304 kar3avaka) 6. sirivAlakahA (10 sandhiyA~, 192 kar3avaka) 7. balahaddacariu (aparanAma paumacariu, 12 sandhiyA~, 254 kar3avaka) 8. sukkosalacariu (4 sandhiyA~, 74 kar3avaka)prakAzita 9. dhaNNakumAracariu (4 sandhiyA~ 74 kar3avaka)prakAzita 10. jimaMdharacariu (aparanAma solahakAraNavrata-vidhAna-kAvya, 13 sandhiyA~, 301 kar3avaka) 11. sammattaguNaNihANakavva (4 sandhiyA~, 102 kar3avaka) 12. vittasAro (prAkRta-prakAzita) (7 aMka, 893 kathAe~) 13. sidvaMtatthasAro (prAkRta) (13 aMka, 1933 gAthAe~) 14. jasaharacariu (sacitra, truTita, 4 sandhiyA~, 104 kar3avaka) 15. saMtiNAhacariu (sacitra, truTita) 16. puNNAsavakahA (14 sandhiyA~ 250 kar3avaka)prakAzita 17. aNathamiukahA (17 padya)prakAzita - 18. solahakAraNa bhAvaNA (prAkRta) 16 padya)prakAzita

Page #200
(11) 19. dasalakSaNa-jayamAlA ( prAkRta ) ( 10 padya) prakAzita 20. bAraha bhAvanA (hindI) ( 14 padya ) mahAkavi raidhU kI adyAvadhi anupalabdha racanAoM meM (1) sudaMsaNacariu, ( 2 ) pajjuNNacariu, (3) bhavissayattacariu, (4) karakaMDacariu, (5) ratnatrayI evaM ( 6 ) uvaesarayaNamAla haiM / sirivAlacariu kI pANDulipi perisa (phrAMsa) meM surakSita hai / samudrI - vAyu ke prakAra sirivAlacariu meM samudra yAtrA kA bar3A lomaharSaka varNana kiyA gayA hai / usameM eka prasaMga meM batalAyA gayA hai ki eka bAra samudra meM vAyu prakupita ho uThI, bhayAnaka taraMgeM uThane lagIM aura usane raudrarUpa dhAraNa kara liyA / ataH mahAsArthavAha ke samudrI - jala-potoM kA Age bar3hanA kaThina ho gyaa| vastutaH samudra -yAtrA kI nirvighna - samApti kA sArA zreya anukUla vAyu para hI nirbhara karatA hai aura anubhavI kuzala niryAmakoM kA honA samudrI - vAyu ke rukhoM kA sujJAna samudrI yAnoM ke surakSita saMcAlana ke lie atyAvazyaka mAnA gayA hai| sUtrakRtAMga - TIkA (1 / 17 ) ke anusAra havAe~ solaha prakAra kI hotI haiM (1) pUrvI-vAta, (2) udIcIna-vAta (uttarAhaTa), (3) dakSiNAtya - vAta ( dakhinAhaTa), (4) uttarapaurastya ( sammukha se AtI huI uttarAhaTa), (5) saravAsuka, (6) dakSiNa - pUrva tuMgAra (dakSiNa - pUrva se calatI huI joradAra havA), (7) apara dakSiNa- vIjApa (dakSiNa-pazcima se calane vAlI havA ), ( 8 ) apara vIjApa (pachuvA havA), (9) aparottara - garjama (pazcimottarI tUphAna ), (10) uttara - sattvAsuka, ( 11 ) dakSiNa sattvAsuka, (12) pUrva - tuMgAra, (13) dakSiNa - vIjApa, ( 14 ) pazcima - vIjApa, ( 15 ) pazcimI - garjama tathA (16) uttarI garjama / ina havAoM ke rukha ko dhyAna meM rakhate hue kuzala -niryAmaka ( pota - saMcAlaka) potoM (samudrI yAnoM) kA saMcAlana kiyA karate the / videzoM meM kraya-vikraya kI vastue~ bhAratIya mahAsArthavAha videzoM meM vikraya ke lie gaNima ( ginane yogya phalAdi), dharima (taulakara becane yogya jaise kAlI mirca, kRSNakalI athavA lauMga), pariccheya ( phAr3akara becane yogya jaise caMdana kI lakar3I vastrAdi) aura meya ( mApakara becane yogya tailAdi) vastue~ le jAyA karate the aura badale meM vahA~ ke utpAdanoM yathA hIrA, motI, mANikya svarNAdi vastue~ lAyA karate the|

Page #201
(12) grantha mUlyAMkana _prastuta sirivAlacariu eka paurANika carita kAvya hai| granthakAra mahAkavi ne zrIpAla aura mainAsundarI ke AkhyAna ko lekara siddhacakravidhAna ke mahattva ko pradarzita kiyA hai| siddhacakra vaha mAMtrika anuSThAna hai jo vidhipUrvaka ASAr3ha, kArtika aura phAlguna mAsa ke zuklapakSa kI aSTamI se pUrNimA taka vizeSa vidhi se sampanna kiyA jAtA hai| isa anuSThAna kA mahattva jaina-zAstroM meM bahuta varNita hai| mainAsundarI ne siddhacakrayaMtra kA abhiSeka kiyA aura usI abhiSeka ke jala se siMcana karane para zrIpAla ke kuSTha-roga ko dUra kara use usane pUrNa svastha bnaayaa| ___ raidhU ne apane isa kAvya meM carita-kAvya ke guNoM kA samAveza karane ke hetu vardhamAna mahAvIra kI samavazaraNa-sabhA kA eka sundara citra prastuta kiyA hai| usameM batAyA hai samrATa zreNika bhagavAna mahAvIra se siddhicakra vidhAna ke mahattva evaM usake phala-bhoktA vyakti ke AkhyAna ke kathana kI prArthanA karatA hai| ___ gautama gaNadhara zreNika ke praznoM kA uttara dete hue zrIpAla kI kathA kA varNana karate haiN| kavi raidhU ne Arambha meM hI carita-kAvya kI nAyikA mainAsundarI kI satyaniSThA, vivekazIlatA evaM samyak-zraddhA kA sundara citraNa kiyA hai| kavi ne nAyaka zrIpAla ke guNoM kA vikAsa to pA~cavIM sandhi se dikhalAyA hai, kintu Arambha kI 4 sandhiyoM meM nAyikA ke carita ke guNoM para bahuta hI sundara prakAza DAlA hai| kavi ne nAyikA kI zikSA-dIkSA kA vivecana karate hue likhA hai guNa-mattAbheya. kavvaaNeyai~ vaayrnni-lNkaar-vihi| surakosupasiddhau joisu siddhau naya-pamANa saMjaNiya dihi|| 1/18 ghattA puNu roya aNeyai~ usaha joyai~ sAmudu ji tnnu-lkkhnniN| muNi pAsi paDheppiNu paya-paNaveppiNu jiNa acceppiNu suhmnn:|| 1/14 ghattA prasaMgavaza kavi raidhU ne bhAratIya nArI ke Adarza kA bahuta hI sundara vivecana kiyA hai| jaba pahupAla (pRthivIpAla) nRpati mainAsundarI ko surasundarI ke samAna hI jIvana-sAthI ke 1. sirivAla0 1/5

Page #202
(13) cunAva kA Adeza detA hai to mainAsundarI apane pitA ke viSaya meM vicAra karatI hai kulamaggu Na yANai aliya bhaasi| niyagehe ANai avjsuhraasi|| 2/4/8 arthAt mere pitA kula-paramparAoM ko jAnate nahIM, asatya bhASI haiM, aura aba apane ghara meM apayaza lA rahe haiN| jiha maimattu gaiMdu nnirNkusu| jaM bhAvai taM bolai jiha sisu| jAyaMdhu vi jaha maggu Na jaanni| caudisu dhAvamANu duhu maanni| tihi rANau lajjA mellivi| jaM ruccai taM cavai uvellivi|| ___ 2/5/8-11 arthAt jisa prakAra madonmatta hAthI niraMkuza ho jAtA hai, usI prakAra hamAre pitAjI bhI niraMkuza ho gae haiN| ajJAnI baccoM ke samAna hI jo mana meM AtA hai so bolate haiN| jisa prakAra janmAndha vyakti mArga nahIM jAnatA aura cAroM dizAoM meM daur3atA-daur3atA duHkhabhAjana banatA hai ThIka usI prakAra ye bhI mAna-maryAdA chor3akara jo mana meM AtA hai vahI kara aura bola rahe haiN| isake bAda vaha apane pitA ko bar3I hI nirbhIkatA ke sAtha uttara detI hai bho tAya-tAya pai~ Niru ajuttu / jaMpiyau Na muNiyau jiNahu suttu / / varakuli uvaNNa jA kaNNa hoi| sA lajja Na mellai eccha loy|| vAdAvavAu nau juttu taay| taha~ puNu tua akkhami NisuNi raay|| bihu loyaviruddhau ehu kmmu| jaM suva saiMvaru giNhai suchammu / / jai maNa icchai kijjai vivaahu| to loyasuhillau ihu pvaahu|| 2/6/5 arthAt he pitAjI, Apane jinAgama-sUtroM ke viruddha hI mujhe apane Apa apane pati ke cunAva kara lene kA Adeza diyA hai| kintu jo kanyAe~ kulIna hotI haiM ve kabhI bhI aisI nirlajjatA kA kArya nahIM kara sktiiN| he pitAjI, isa viSaya meM maiM vAda-vivAda bhI nahIM karanA cAhatI, isIlie Apa merI prArthanA dhyAnapUrvaka suneN| ApakA yaha kArya lokaviruddha hogA ki ApakI kanyA svayamvara karake apane pati kA nirvAcana kre| ataH mujhase kahe binA hI ApakI icchA jahA~ bhI ho, vahIM para merA vivAha kara deN...|

Page #203
- (14) jA vuccai kula uppaNNa nnaari| pariyaNa jaNamaNa Niru sukkhyaari|| jovvaNIrUr3hI picchevi taau| maNiM ciMtta vahai puNu-puNu subhaau|| Nibbharu homi kiM demi kaasu| ko jogu acchi kahu kula-payAsu / / iya ciMtivi puNu pariyaNu mhNtu| hakkArivi kIrai sA rmNtu|| kula jAya visuddhau vsnncttu| karu roppahi niya kulamaggarattu / / jaNa paMca milivi mNglsrehi| kijjai vivAhu clcaamrehi|| puNu jaNaNu samappai varahu hcchi| pariyaNu visamaTTai tAsu scchi|| kulamaggu tiyaha~ Niva ema hoi| tuva vayaNe tAsu viNAsai loi|| 2/7/1-8 arthAt jaba kisI ucca kula meM nArI janma letI hai taba vaha nizcaya hI parijanoM ke mAnasa ko sukhakara hotI hai| use yuvAvasthA ko prApta dekhakara pitA ke mana meM isa prakAra kI cintA utpanna honA svAbhAvika hai ki "maiM kisa prakAra nizcinta hoU~, yogya vara ke hAtha meM kaise dU~? kauna isa kanyA ke yogya vara hai, kauna vara kula-prakAzaka hai|" isa prakAra parivAra ke bar3e jana svayaM hI vicAra karake vara kI khoja karate haiM aura kulIna, AcaraNa se pavitra, vyasana-tyAgI apanI purAtana paramparAoM ke premI vara ko khojakara paMca loga milakara maMgala-svaroM se kanyA kA pANigrahaNa karA dete haiN| punaH pitA jaba kanyAdAna kara detA hai, taba sabhI parijana prasanna hote haiN| he rAjan, yahI kulamArga hai| kintu Apane jaisA kahA hai, vaha to nizcaya hI isa loka evaM paraloka kA nAzaka hai| ___ itanA hI nahIM, mainAsundarI apanI bAta Age bhI sunAtI hI gii| vaha apanI bar3I bahana surasundarI dvArA svayaM nirvAcita pati saMbaMdhI kArya ko kula-kalaMka kahatI hai tathA bhavitavyatA ko sarvopari mAnatI huI punaH kahatI hai ...bhavviyavbu Na pheDai kovi kaasu| pariNavai suhaasuhkmmpaasu|| Nau kovi kAsu suhu vicchrei| dukkhu Na paramacche kuvi krei|| 2/9/9-10 arthAt he pitAjI, bhavitavyatA ko koI nahIM meM sktaa| karmoM ke zubhAzubha phala ko koI bhI nahIM badala sktaa| na koI kisI kA sukha chIna sakatA hai aura na koI kisI ke duHkha ko badala hI sakatA hai|

Page #204
(15) sAmiu ji bhiccu puNu so Naresu / puNu so saMbhavai ji kimi visesu / / ari hoi mittu-mittu ji mhaari| tiya marivi putti puNu sA ji nnaari|| maha rUvavaMtu puNu ruuvhiinnu| dhaNa dhaNa puNa daaliddriinnu|| kammAyattau jagu sayalu raau| pariNavai ecchu bhavi viviha bhaau|| kammeNa rAu kammeNa rNku| kammeNa jIu payaDiya klNku|| 2/11/2-6 arthAt svAmI bhRtya bana jAtA hai aura punaH vahI nareza bhI ho jAtA hai| bhavitavyatA se kyA saMbhava nahIM hai? zatru mitra bana jAtA hai aura mitra mahAn shtru| patnI marakara putrI bana jAtI hai aura putrI hI naarii| mahAn saundaryavAn kurUpatA ko prApta ho jAtA hai tathA atyanta dhanADhya vyakti daridra ho jAtA hai| he rAjan, isa saMsAra meM sabhI loga karmAdhIna haiN| vahI logoM ko nae-nae nAca nacAtA rahatA hai| karma se hI vyakti rAjA banatA hai aura karma se hI rNk| karma-phala se hI yaha jIvana kalaMkita athavA nirmala banatA hai...| tIsarI sandhi meM kavi ne kaI mArmika sthala upasthita kie haiN| mainAsundarI kA pitA krodhAveza meM Akara mainAsundarI kA vivAha kuSThI zrIpAla se kara detA hai| vivAha ho jAne ke anantara jaba dAmAda kA vikRta rUpa dekhatA hai to usakA hRdaya vidIrNa hone lagatA hai| usakA mana use dhikkAratA hai ki krodha ke kAraNa maiMne apanI rati ke samAna sundarI putrI ko isa prakAra ke kuSTharogI ke hAtha sauMpakara bahuta hI anucita kArya kiyA hai| usakA mAnasika dvandva carama sImA para pahuMca jAtA hai aura barasAtI bA~dha ke samAna jaba bhAvAvali usake hRdaya ko tor3akara Age bar3hane lagatI hai to vaha mainAsundarI se kSamAyAcanA karatA huA kahatA hai hA-hA hau~ paThThamai appaannu| ehau Ayarai Na Domu paannu|| hA-hA mai hA riu Nivaha mggu| Niya maNuvajjamu sggaapvggu|| hau~ avajasu bhAyaNu ecchu lou| mahu NAmeM pAva mahaMtu hou|| daMsAvami loyaha vayaNa kemu / suva aMki Nihivviu ruvvai em|| / hA-hA putti jiNAmaya pviinn| maya pAveM pavihiya khaNi Na diinn|| 1. sirivAla0 3/16-17

Page #205
(16) pattA / Nau koi vi lakkhai muijaNapakkhai hau~ saThu dhicha vi paavmi|| 3/18/1-5, 10 ___ mainAsundarI kI dRr3hatA yahA~ para bhI prazaMsanIya hai| use karma-siddhAnta para dRr3ha vizvAsa hai| "likhitamapi lalATe projjhituM ko samarthaH" para usakI pUrNa AsthA hai| ataH vaha pitA ko madhura-vANI meM uttara detI huI kahatI hai"pUjya tAt, ApakA koI bhI doSa yA aparAdha nahIM, Apa vyartha hI ciMtita hote haiN| yaha saba mere kie hue pUrvajanmoM ke karmoM kA phala hai| yaha jIva jaisA zubhAzubha AcaraNa karatA hai, usakA phala use avazya bhoganA par3atA hai| mana, vacana aura kAya dvArA spandita-kriyA ko yoga kahA jAtA hai aura yaha yoga hI Azrava hai| zubha-yoga puNyAzrava kA kAraNa hotA hai aura azubha-yoga pApAzrava kaa| maiMne kisI janma-janmAntara meM azubha karma kA arjana avazya kiyA hai aura usI kA phala mujhe aba prApta ho rahA hai| kavi raidhU ne likhA hai avagaNhahu sou kiM dosu tumhu| muMjivau cirukiu kammu amhu / / Nau~ tumhi karahu mahu ahiu jmmi| ihu ANi ghaDAyau daiu kmmi|| ___3/18/7-8 manasvI zrIpAla svastha hokara jaba kucha dina sasurAla meM raha cukA taba eka dina madhyarAtri ke samaya usakI nIMda TUTa gaI aura vaha socane lagA ki yahA~ para rAja-jAmAtA hokara rahanA. apane kula ko apamAnita karanA hai| yahA~ sabhI loga mujhe rAjA-jamAI kahate haiN| mere kula kA koI nAma bhI nahIM letaa| yaha paristhiti mujhe asahya hai| isa prakAra usake mana meM nAnA prakAra ke saMkalpa-vikalpa utpanna hone lge| ___ pati ko jagate hue dekhakara mainAsundarI ne pUchA ki Aja ApakI nIMda madhyarAtri meM hI kyoM TUTa gaI? cintA ke kAraNa ApakA mukhapadma murajhA gayA hai, saundarya kI AbhA asta hotI huI candrikA ke samAna malina mAlUma par3a rahI hai| kyA kisI ne ApakA apamAna kiyA hai yA kisI ne durvacana kahe haiM? ApakI yaha vyAkulatApUrNa sthiti mujhe sahya nahIM hai| prANanAtha! apane mana kI samasta vedanA mujhe batA dene kI kRpA kreN| kavi raidhU ne isa prasaMga kA bahuta hI mArmika citraNa kiyA hai| vaha kahatA hai ................. / kiM kA vi ciMta NiyamaNi vhho|| kiM rAya kiM pi dubboliyaau| kiM Niyayadesu puNu slliyaau||

Page #206
(17) kiM keNavi aannaapsruhu| kiM aNatiyahiM puNu maNu khuhiu|| kiM siddhajaMtupuNu viisriu| kiM royadukkhu puNu vi phuriu|| taM kAraNu vallaha mahu bhaNahu |.....................sirivaal0 5/1/4-7 jaba zrIpAla videza yAtrA ke samaya apanI mA~ ke samakSa usase vidA lene hetu pahu~catA hai taba mA~ ke hRdaya kI mamatA phUTa par3atI hai aura usake hRdaya-tala meM chipA huA sneha-jala cUne lagatA hai| kavi raidhU ne isa dRzya kA bhI sundara citraNa kiyA hai| mA~ upadeza detI huI kahatI hai - tuhu pecchivi NayaNa' sNttuttuiN| tuva pecchivi maNi dukkhai~ nnttuiN| tuva daMsaNa-viNu mahu sua vAsaru / kahava Na khuTTai NaM sNvcchru|| puNu vi jAhi jiNaNAhu tikkAleNa ji duriyhro| cauvihasaMghahu dANu dijahi Niruvahu sukkhyru|| sirivAla0 5/6/7-15 chaThavIM sandhi meM kavi ne dhavala seTha kI kAma-vihvala avasthA kA sundara citraNa kiyA hai| alaMkAra-zAstra meM kAmiyoM kI 10 avasthAe~ varNita haiN| prathamAvasthA meM cintA utpanna hotI hai| dvitIya avasthA meM priya ke saMgama kI AkAMkSA jAgRta hotI hai| tRtIyAvasthA meM priya ke milane ke kAraNa dIrgha nizvAseM calatI haiN| cauthI avasthA meM kAma-jvara utpanna hotA hai| pA~cavIM avasthA meM zArIrika aMga jalane lagate haiN| chaThavIM avasthA meM bhojana bhI acchA nahIM lagatA hai| sAtavIM avasthA meM mUrchA utpanna hotI hai| AThavIM avasthA meM unmAda hotA hai| navI avasthA meM prANoM meM bhI sandeha utpanna ho jAtA hai aura dasavIM avasthA meM kAmI jIva prANoM se vaMcita ho jAtA hai| ____ mahAkavi raidhU ne ina dasoM avasthAoM meM se dhavala seTha kI nimna avasthAoM kA sundara citraNa kiyA hai uNhasAsu vayaNAu pvtttti| kiM ihu rou keNau htttti| maraNAvaccha eha Niru vtttti| jima sara sukai mINu plottttii| jalu taMbolu Na ginhahi kiMpi vi| gIuviNou Na ruccai taM jivi| sirivAla0 6/17/3-5 1. ...agaDadattakahAgAthA saMkhyA 42-45

Page #207
(18) vizvAsaghAtI dhavala seTha jaba apane kapaTa - jAla dvArA zrIpAla ko samudra meM girA detA hai| aura rayaNamaMjUSA ke satItva kA apaharaNa karanA cAhatA hai taba usa samaya rayaNamaMjUSA ne jo vilApa kiyA hai, usameM hRdaya ko dravita karane kI paryApta kSamatA hai'| 1 isa prakAra mahAkavi raidhU ne isa carita-kAvya meM kAvyatva kA samAveza karane hetu marma-sthaloM kI pUrNa yojanA kI hai| isameM paurANikatA to kevala sRSTi-nirmANa evaM prathama-sandhi meM bhagavAna mahAvIra kI samozaraNa-sabhA taka hI sImita raha jAtI hai / kavi ne jisa sandhi se kathA kA Arambha kiyA hai, usa sandhi se kAvya - zailI kA pUrNa prayoga kiyA hai / vaidarbhI-zailI kA svaccha rUpa aura samAsahIna sarala - padAvali kA prayoga isa kAvya kI apanI vizeSatA hai 1 zailI kI dRSTi se eka bAta aura smaraNIya hai ki kavi ne paryAyavAcI zabdoM kA prayoga kara arthabodha meM kliSTatA utpanna kara dI hai / yathA amarakoza ke sthAna para surakoza', Adi kA prayoga / sUktiyoM, kahAvatoM evaM vividha sadguNoM kI mahimA tathA durguNoM kI nindA Adi ke varNanoM kI dRSTi se bhI yaha racanA utkRSTa hai / kavi ne prasaMga prApta avasaroM para unakA samucita prayoga kiyA hai| aise varNanoM meM siddhacakramAhAtmya, navakAramAhAtmya', puNya-mAhAtmya, samyaktvamAhAtmya', upakAra-mahimA, gandhodaka-mahimA, vyApAra - nindA', lobha-lAlaca nindA', para-strI lampaTI kI nindA, kAmIjanoM kI nindA, Adi dRSTavya haiM / 'upakAra' ko kavi ne mAnava-zarIra' kA zRMgAra kahA hai / yathA / uvayAreM sohai NarasarIru / / jiha rayaNeM sohai kaNayabhavvu / verAgeM sohai jema bhavvu / / 1. sirivAla 06/21-23 2. sirivAla0 1/13/16 3. sirivAla 0 6 / 11; 7/1 4. sirivAla0 10/1 5. sirivAla0 4 / 9 6. sirivAla0 5/20 7. sirivAla0 5/17 8. sirivAla 06/25

Page #208
(19) jima dANe sohai pauradavyu / jima sIleM sohai lou savvu / / khamabhAveM jima sohai munniNdu| sapayAveM jima sohai diNiMdu / / jima sohai sAvau vasana cattu / jima sissu ji sohai saguru bhattu / / jima sohai tIya salajja citt| jima vihurakAli sohaMti mitt|| pattA viusu viveyaM jema sohai laddha pmaannu| tima uvayAreM ecchu sohai mahiyali maannu|| 5/10/5-12 'puNya-mahimA' kavi kI dRSTiM se 'mAnava' jIvana kI samasta RddhiyoM-siddhiyoM kA mUla kAraNa hai| usake binA aihika sukha-prApti sambhava nhiiN| kavi kahatA hai puNNeNa pavitta ji putt-mitt| puNNe tiya labbhahi kmlvtt|| puNNe NavaNihi saMbhavahi gehi| puNNeNa roya Nau hoMti dehi|| puNNe haya-gaya-bAhaNa hvNti| puNNe jasu hiMDai puNu nnhti|| puNNe pAvijjahi sayala bhoy| puNNeNa Na suhayaha puNu vioy|| puNNe dhaNa dhaMNai Niru mnnitttth| puNNeNa puhami puNu jnngritttth|| puNNe vijjAvalu pauru hoi| puNNeNa icchu vayariya Na koii|| puNNe jnnvllhruuvvNtu| puNNeNa muNai jiNa bhaNiu sNtu|| 6/15/1-7 'siddhacakra' kA mAhAtmya evaM usake phala ke viSaya meM kavi kI vicAradhArA nimna prakAra hai eyami vAri jo suddhcittu| thirajoyaM ArAhaya vicittu / / tahu TuTTha kutttth-khy-jr-anney| Nau roya hoMti khykaaltey|| dhaNNa-dhaNa-kalatta-suputta-mitta / kula-bala-jasehi Na hoMti citt|| NArihu dohagga Na kahavva hoi| Na vaMjharUva Na gutta hoii|| kiM bahuNA jIvahu vigaya vigghu / maNavaMchivacchu apaya aNagghu / / 4/5/1-5 para-strI lampaTI puruSa kavi kI dRSTi meM kula kalaMkI haiM tathA saMyama evaM zIla rUpI sarovara ko sukhA DAlane vAle haiM

Page #209
(20) . ..... varakulalaMchaNu jaNa uvhsnnu| saMjamasIlusarovaru susnnuN|| 6/18/3 madhyakAla meM videzoM ke sAtha bhArata ke acche sambandha the| kaI vyApArika vastuoM kA AyAta-niryAta (Import-Export) hotA thaa| videza-yAtrA kA pramukha sAdhana samudrI-pota the| mahAkavi raidhU ne zrIpAla kI videza-yAtrA ke bahAne yAtrI ke lie atyAvazyaka sAmagrI, videzoM meM dhyAna dene yogya bAtoM evaM samudrI-yAtrA kI kaThinAiyoM Adi kA sundara varNana kiyA hai| dhavala seTha jaba samudrI yAtrA prArambha karatA hai taba usake pUrva vaha apane sAtha calane ke lie dasa sahasra subhaToM ko nimantrita karatA hai tathA dhvajA, chatra, lambe-lambe bA~sa, bar3e-bar3e bartana, IMdhana, pAnI, bAraha-varSa taka ke lie sabhI sAthiyoM ke lie anAja, vividha vAdya, tila-tela, candana, prabhRti sAmagriyA~ taiyAra karatA hai| yathA / ..... / daha sahassai~ suhaDa vinniruttttaanniyaa|| vAhaNa-dhaya-chattai~ Niru sohiyaa| ujjhiyavaMsahi stthpunnurohiyaa|| paMcasattakhaNa maNasuha daaynn| tecchu Nihiya puNu NANA bhaaynn|| iMdhaNu pANiu pauru ji siNciu| bArahavarisahu saMvalu khNciu|| bajamANa NANAbiha tuurhiN| jalajaMtai pujjiya dhi-kuurihN|| caMdaNa vaMdaNehi til-telhiN| jaladevihu accivi suhvelhiN|| 5/13/1-6 isI prakAra jahAja meM baiThate samaya yAtrI apane zarIra ko sambhavataH bhairuMDa-pakSI ke carma se AcchAdita karate the, sira para lohe kI TopI dhAraNa karate the tathA mugdara, bA~sa ke DaMDe Adi hAtha meM dhAraNa karate the| yathA iya jaMpivi moggara puNu pyNdd| uccAiya ubbhiya vaMsa iNdd|| marajIyAruhiya khaNeNa siis| DhAriya Ayasa ttuppriysiis|| bhairuMDa vihaMgama mayaNa tevi| Nau suvahi rayaNa nniddaaprevi|| 5/20/2-4 madhyakAlIna samudra-yAtrA meM kaI kaThinAiyA~ upasthita hotI thiiN| kintu sabase adhika kaThinAI samudrI DAkuoM ke AkramaNa se hotI thii| samudrI DAkU sAmUhika rUpa meM bar3I bhayaMkaratA ke sAtha AyudhAstroM se AkramaNa kara diyA karate the| dhavala seTha apane sAthiyoM

Page #210
(21) ke sAtha gAtA, nAcatA evaM vividha manoraMjana karatA huA jaba calA jA rahA thA, usakA jahAja anukUla vAyu ke jhakoroM se calA jA rahA thA, tabhI pIche se bhayaMkara zabda sunAI die| loga nirNaya nahIM kara sake ki jahAja para kisI samudrI jAnavara ne AkramaNa kiyA hai athavA DAkuoM ne? kavi ne usakA varNana isa prakAra kiyA hai kaivaya diNehiM puNu hUva dhiir| suhu vilasahiM tahiM nnibbhysriir|| gAvaMti NaDaMti NiyaMti tou| pecchaMti Niya jalayara viNou / / Nau rayaNi Na vAsaru rahahi poy| NaM kammeM periya pAva loy|| pavaNe cAliya vAhaNa clNti| parasappara dhayavaDa NahiM milNti|| jA suhiNo laMghahi te samudu / marajIvau tA jaMpai raurdu / / sajahu-sajahu takkarahu biNdu| tumhaha~ sammuhu Avai snniNdu|| taM NisuNivi bhayapUriya vaNIsa / kehimi dhAriya Niya krinnsiis|| kehimi jaMpiu savvassu jaau| Nau sahi sakkami hau~ smrighaau|| kehimi jaMpiu jalayara ruddi| bhejijjai keccha mhaasmuddi|| parasappara iya jaMpaMti jaam| luTayayaNu NiyaDe pattu taam|| ____5/21/1-10 anya varNana-prasaMgoM meM mahAkavi raidhU ne nAyikA mainAsundarI ke saundarya kA bar3A hI sundara citraNa kiyA hai| upamA, utprekSA evaM rUpakAlaMkAroM ke mAdhyama se kavi kA yaha varNana sajIva ho uThA hai| yathA puNNimAsI addhau bhaalvttu| NaM kAma-Naresahu vijayapaTu / / vaMkattaNu bhU-juyalahu akhNddu| NigguNu vidhaNuhu NaM kjjcNddu|| sohaMti savaNajuva kuNddlehi| ravisasiNiddhADiya nniykrehi|| aggapaesi puNu tikkhnnaas| Nau lakkhijjai NiggaMta saas|| kaNaMti sahati kddkkhvaann| NaM kAmahu te melati saann|| bhuya juyalu sukomalu piypyaasu| NaM payaDu sumahiyali kaampaasu|| uraruhau Naya sasipaha nnisuNbh| NaM mayaNahu thiya ahiseya kuNbh|| harilaMkasamANI majjhi khiinn| tivalI-taraMga puNu tcchliinnu|| ai pihulaNiyaMvu ji tahi aliidu| NaM raisuhikAraNi Nihiu piiddhu|| uru juyalau nnynnaahiraamu| NaM jaNamaNabaMdhaNa thaMbha jummu||

Page #211
(22) diDha saMdhibaMdha jaannukhnnnn| jaMghAjuva puNu vicchara schnnnn|| rattuppala dala sAriccha paay| Nimmala Naha paha jiyaiumaNi chaay|| 2/13/4-15 zrIpAla jaba samudra pAra kara kuMkuMmadvIpa pahu~catA hai aura vahA~ ke rAjA ko apane sadguNoM se prabhAvita karatA hai, taba vaha prasanna hokara usake sAtha apanI kanyA guNamAlA kA vivAha kara use apane darabAra meM sammAna detA hai| saMyogavaza pApI dhavala seTha bhI ghUmate-ghAmate usI darabAra meM AtA hai aura jaba zrIpAla ko dekhatA hai to stabdha raha jAtA hai| vaha socane lagatA hai ki yadi zrIpAla use samudra meM Dhakelane sambandhI zikAyata rAjA se kara degA to nizcaya hI use mRtyu-daMDa milegaa| ataH apane maMtrI kI salAha se mAtaMga nAmaka eka bhA~r3a kA mu~hamA~gA pAritoSika dekara use rAja-darabAra meM hI zrIpAla ko apanA sajAtIya baMdhu ghoSita karAne kA SaDyaMtra racatA hai| bhA~r3a-maNDalI bhI SaDyaMtra ke anusAra hI darabAra meM pahu~catI hai tathA gIta-nRtya vaMsArohaNa Adi ke dvArA rAjA kA manoraMjana karake tathA upahAra Adi lene ke bAda zrIpAla ko ve gale lagAkara rone lagate haiN| darabAra meM eka vicitra vAtAvaraNa utpanna ho jAtA hai| kavi ne usakA citraNa nimna prakAra kiyA hai kouhalu bahuviha dNsiyu| vaMsArohaNu puNu vvsiyu|| kaMsAla-tAla bahu bjjiyaaiN| sura-nara-kheyara-maNa rNjiyaaiN|| taM pekkhivi rANau biNbhiyaau| peraNa karaNai~ ji puNjiyaaNii|| rAeNa pasAyaM aNkiyaa| varavacchAharaNa laMkiyAi~ / / Niu tuTThau pekkhivi vIru punnu| taMbolu samappai jAsu mnnu|| takkhaNiNA sayala NADau muevi| dhAviya te hA-hA-saru muevi|| siripAlu tehiM aMkiu dhriu| kaMThAliMgaNu keNavi bhriu|| kivi caraNa dharahiM kivi kari gahahiM / kivi mohe khaNu muchivi rhhiN|| kivi puchahiM pechahiM gattu tuhuN| kivi dhAha pamellihi garuyalahu / / kivi rAyahu saMsahi puNu vi punnu| taba vaMsu pavaThThau laddha gunnu|| pattA kuvi tiya siru cuMbivi mohu vi muMjavi jaMpai bahu diNa vicchuliu| ihu vAsaru dhaNNau suhasayapuNNau jema majjhu suu mahu milau / / 7/10/1-12

Page #212
(23) rAjanIti ke kSetra meM dUta kA kArya atyanta mahattvapUrNa mAnA jAtA hai| 'nItivAkyAmRta' meM AcArya somadeva ne nisRSTArtha, parimitArtha evaM zAsanahara nAmaka tIna dUtoM kI carcA kI hai| kavi raidhU ne unameM se parimitArtha evaM zAsanahara nAmaka dUtoM ke kAryollekha prastuta grantha meM kie haiN| madhyakAla meM nisRSTArtha-dUta kI kalpanA karanA kaThina thA, kyoMki jisake dvArA nizcita kie hue sandhi-vigraha ko usakA svAmI pramANa mAnatA hai vahI nisRSTArtha kahalAtA thA, jaise pANDavoM ke shriikRssnn| usakI saMbhAvanA isa samaya nahIM rahI thii| hA~, rAjA dvArA bheje gae sandeza evaM zAsana-lekha ko jaise kA taisA zatru ke pAsa kahane yA dene vAle parimitArtha va zAsanahara nAmaka rAjadUtoM kI carcAe~ pracura rUpa meM avazya milatI haiN|' ____ zrIpAla jaba aMgadeza pahu~cakara vahA~ ke rAjA ko apane vaza meM karane ke lie AkramaNa karane kA vicAra karatA hai taba usakA maMtrI use salAha detA hai ki ekAeka AkramaNa karanA upayukta nahIM hotaa| sarvaprathama dUta ke hAtha sandeza bhejanA cAhie aura jaba vaha asaphala ho jAya tabhI vigraha karanA caahie| yathA pahilau pesahi dUu niruttu| tAya sarisu so tumha puttu|| jai so tumhaha~ AyareM maannaai| Nehu karivi Niyarajjaho tthaanni|| tA Naresa Nau viggahu kijji| NaM to saMgAmeNa dlijji|| ____9/3/7-9 manoraMjana ke sAdhanoM meM kavi ne vAdya, gIta Adi ke ullekha kie haiM kintu prasaMgavaza jina navIna bAtoM kI carcA kavi ne kI hai; ve haiM citralekha-nRtya evaM caMcupuTa-tAla / kuMDalapura kA rAjA zrIpAla ke guNoM para AkarSita hokara use apanI kanyA denA cAhatA hai| zrIpAla ke rAjadarabAra meM pahu~cate hI rAjakumArI use caMcupuTa-tAla para citralekha-nRtya pradarzita karatI hai| yathA siripAleM tA paDaha vivjjiu| cittalehaNacca ji smppiu| caMcupuTatAlu ji teNoddhariu / tAhi maNu khaNamatteM hriyu|| 8/3/12-13 sAmAjika rIti-rivAjoM kI kI carcAe~ bhI kavi ne pracura rUpa se kI haiN| putrajanma, vivAha, 1. sa trividho nisRSTArtha : parimitArthaH shaasnhrshceti| nItivAkyAmRta 13/3 (dillI, 1950) / / '

Page #213
(24) beTI kI bidA Adi ke varNana-prasaMga prastuta racanA meM prastuta haiN| daheja kI prathA madhyakAla meM vizeSa rUpa se rahI hai| kavi ke ullekha se vidita hotA hai ki pitA apanI putrI ke vivAha meM daheja svarUpa hAthI, ghor3e, dAsI, dAsa, sonA, cA~dI Adi zreSTha vastue~ pradAna kiyA karate the| AbhUSaNoM meM kavi ne maNijaTita zekhara, kuMDala, kaMkaNa, mudrikA Adi kA ullekha kiyA hai| zrIpAla ne dIkSA lete samaya apane mahAgraM vastroM ke sAtha nimna AbhUSaNoM ko utAra pheMkA thA puNu seharu mnnibddhuttaariu| NaM kAmahu ahimANu nnivaariu|| kuMDala-kaMkaNAi puNu mukki| NaM Nakhatta sahahi Naha cukkai / / muddayAi~ uttArivi icchhu| Asiya muddA teNa nniggNthhu|| . 10/16/6-8 viSaya varNana ke prasaMgoM meM kavi ne sUktiyoM, kahAvatoM evaM bahumUlya upadezoM kA aMkana bhI kiyA hai, jo bar3e mArmika haiN| udAharaNArtha kucha aMza yahA~ prastuta kie jAte haiM sahasA aviyArau kiMpi kmm| kijjai Na kahijjai kAsu mmmu|| 3/10/1 arthAt sahasA hI avicArita koI kArya na karanA cAhie aura na kisI ko usakA marma kahanA caahie| kiM amayaveli ghallahi huyaasi| tusamoleM vikkiya rynnraasi|| 3/10/1 arthAt amRtalatA ko agni jvAlA meM kyoM jhoMka rahA hai? bhUse ke mola ratnarAziyA~ kyoM beca rahA hai? niSkarSataH yaha kahA jA sakatA hai ki jJAna, vijJAna evaM manovijJAna ke vizvakoza ke samAna ukta atimahattvapUrNa durlabha pANDulipi adyAvadhi aprakAzita hai aura usake lie prakAzaka kI vyagra pratIkSA hai| 1. sirivAla0 6/12, 7/5 2/8/2010 bI-5/40-sI, saikTara-34 dhavalagirI, noeDA-201301 (yU0pI0)

Page #214
Section III Kundakunda and his legacy

Page #215

Page #216
Kundakunda versus Samkhya on the soul 17 Johannes BRONKHORST There have been several conceptions of the soul in the history of Jainism. The probably oldest text of the Svetambara Jaina canon, the Acaranga Sutra | Ayaramga Sutta, has some passages that reveal an idea about the soul that is very different from what came to be the classical Jaina conception. Dalsukh D. Malvania (1981) and others have drawn attention to Ayaramga 176, which describes the soul in the following terms: "It is not long nor small nor round nor triangular nor quadrangular nor circular; it is not black nor blue nor red nor green nor white; neither of good nor bad smell; not bitter nor pungent nor astringent nor sweet; neither rough nor soft; neither heavy nor light; neither cold nor hot; neither harsh nor smooth. It does not have a body, is not born again, has no attachment and is without sexual gender. While having knowledge and sentience, there is nonetheless nothing with which it can be compared. Its being is without form, there is no condition of the unconditioned. It is not sound nor form nor smell nor flavour nor touch or anything like that." (tr. Jacobi, 1884: 52, emended as in Dundas, 2002: 43). Ayaramga 171, moreover, states: "That which is the soul is that which knows, that which is the knower is the soul, that by which one knows is the soul." (tr. Dundas, 2002: 44). The classical Jaina concept of the soul finds already expression in other texts of the Svetambara canon. A verse of Uttarajjhayana chapter 36 states: "The dimension of perfected [souls] is two-thirds of the height which the individual had in his last existence" (tr. Jacobi, 1895: 212, modified). The Viyahapannatti (7.8) compares the soul, which may cover the volume of an elephant or of a louse, with a lamp that lights up the space in which it is placed, sometimes a hut, sometimes the space determined by a cover (Deleu, 1970: 139). A short reference to the body-like size of the soul is also found in one of the concluding

Page #217
216 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah stanzas of the Uvavaiya (171). This classical concept - as I have been able to show in another publication (2000) -- appears to have been formed under the influence of Abhidharma Buddhism. It seems likely that the classical Jaina concept of the soul, whether under the influence of Buddhism or otherwise, was developed along with the special ideas of karma that came to occupy Jaina thinkers. But whatever its historical justification, it represents a somewhat idiosyncratic development which remained, as far as we can see, the exclusive property of Jainism. And even here it appears to have little to connect it with the origins of this religion. One reason for thinking so is constituted by the early canonical passages which I mentioned. Another one is that this classical concept barely fits in the surroundings out of which Jainism arose, and to which it originally belonged. Let us have a closer look at these surroundings. I have studied and analysed the cultural background of Jainism, Buddhism and other movements that were originally situated in the region east of the confluence of the two rivers Ganga and Yamuna in a book called Greater Magadha (2007). Jainism shared with some of the other religious movements a preoccupation with karmic retribution, which in their case meant the belief that all acts inevitably will have an effect, often in a future life. Many of these religious movements were concerned to avoid the new lives that would come about as a result of acts carried out in the present and preceding lives. Early Jainism emphasized the need to abstain from all physical and mental activity. In other words, the advanced practitioner should abstain from all acts, with the result that he would not create new bases for karmic retribution. Acts that had been carried out before, whether in this or a preceding life, could be immunized, i.e. forced to fructify in this life, through the pain produced by ascetic practices. Since the ascetic practices that were believed to bring this about consisted themselves largely in the abstention from all activity, the physical and mental immobilization pursued by the advanced Jaina ascetic served a double purpose: no new bases were laid for further karmic retribution, and the traces of acts carried out earlier were destroyed. This specific method to attain liberation from rebirth and karmic retribution did not crucially depend on any specific vision as to the true nature of the soul. Such a specific vision may have accompanied early Jainism, but we have already seen that the oldest canonical texts provide us with preciously little information to go by. There were however other religious movements at the same time and in the same region of northern India in which the concept of the soul did play a crucial role. These were the movements that believed that the soul, i.e. the real self of the human being (and of all other living beings for that matter), does not and cannot act by its very nature. Activity belongs to the body and the mind, both of which are essentially different from the inactive self. Karmic retribution, too, belongs for this reason to the realm of body and mind, without affecting the real self of a person. Knowledge of one's real self frees

Page #218
Johannes Bronkhorst, Kundakunda versus Samkhya on the Soul from rebirth and karmic retribution, because knowledge of the self amounts to the realization that in deepest reality one does not act and has never acted. 217 This notion of a real self that never acts lies at the heart of most philosophical thought that came to be associated with Brahmanism. It is very visible in Samkhya, which divides all that exists in two totally distinct categories: on the one hand the selves, essentially and fundamentally inactive, and on the other hand all that which is active, whether physical or mental. The fundamental idea finds expression in a verse of the Bhagavadgita, which states:" "Actions are, all of them, undertaken by the gunas of Prakrti. He who is deluded by egoism thinks 'I am the doer"." The gunas of Prakrti are, in Samkhya and therefore in texts like the Bhagavadgita which accept the fundamental ideas of Samkhya, that which makes up all that is active, i.e., all that is different from the inactive self. The self, for its part, is not involved in any acts, and indeed, if a person thinks that he is thus involved, he is deluded by egoism. It is Prakrti that acts, and the self remains inactive throughout. The Bhagavadgita adds some practical teachings of its own. It does not teach that one should abstain from all activity. No, one should rather act in accordance with one's own nature. The terms used to designate the nature of a person are prakrti and svabhava; these coincide, according to the Gita, with a person's own duty. (svadharma), i.e., the duties associated with one's position in life. The warrior Arjuna, for example, is told to carry out his duties as a warrior in a war that opposes him to members of his own family. The way to carry out such a task is by not being attached to the fruits, i.e. the results, of one's acts. This short excursion into the teaching of the Bhagavadgita is useful as an introduction to the thought of Kundakunda as it expresses itself primarily in his Samayasara, a work which "has greatly influenced Digambara thinking for centuries, and has been acclaimed by them as the most profound exposition of the Jaina doctrine" (Jaini, 1976: 30/92). Before turning to him, let me summarize what has been said so far. We are very poorly informed about the ideas on the self that were current in early Jainism. We do know that Jainism abandoned these early ideas, whatever they were, and turned to the idiosyncratic concept of the soul that accompanied it henceforth. We do not know for sure why the idea of an essentially inactive soul, which became so fertile in other currents of thought, was not incorporated in the classical beliefs of Jainism; I have 1 Bhagavadgita 3.27: prakrteh kriyamanani gunaih karmani sarvasah/ahankaravimudhatma kartaham iti manyate //. 2 I have not had access to the "bewildering number of editions, reprints and commentaries" that exist of Kundakunda's main works. They have been conveniently enumerated and presented by Royce Wiles (2001). The editions used by me in this study are specified in the "References" at the end of this article.

Page #219
218 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah already made the suggestion that the way in which Jainas elaborated their ideas about karma had a role to play in this. These ideas about an inactive soul were not completely abandoned, however. Kundakunda's ideas of the true nature of the self, I propose, have to be understood as attempts to introduce, perhaps reintroduce, them into Jainism, not, of course, in their original and primitive form, but adjusted to Jaina doctrine as it had taken shape in the meantime. Recall, at this point, that the notion of a totally inactive soul or self, where it is accepted, is inseparable from the belief in rebirth and karmic retribution. More precisely, knowledge of the true, inactive, nature of the self is always presented as an essential step toward the ultimate goal of liberation. The implication of this fact is that the way in which karmic retribution is conceived is closely connected with the way the self is thought of. Briefly put, the self is free from all those features that are responsible for rebirth and karmic retribution. For most currents of thought in ancient India, these features cover all acts carried out by a person. It goes without saying that, if others were to believe that only certain acts, not all of them, lead to karmic retribution, they are free to postulate the existence of a self that is only free from those specific acts, not necessarily free from all of them. In other words, they may believe in a self whose activity is limited to such acts as do not bring about karmic retribution. This, I submit, is the position of Kundakunda in his Samayasara. His main point is similar to the one that finds clearest expression in Samkhya and related texts, viz., that an essential step on the road to liberation is the realization that one's self is different from activity that leads to karmic retribution. The ripening of the fruit arising from karma does not belong to the self, we read in verse 208, for the self is different from it. The Jinas, verse 210 adds, have pointed out that there are many such ripenings, but these are not my own natures: I am only a knower by nature. However, he who still has if ever so little attachment or other faults left, does not know his self, however learned he may be (211). The similarity between Samkhya and the thought propounded by Kundakunda is undeniable. The similarity is however only superficial, and there are important differences. As a matter of fact, Samkhya is mentioned and criticized in the Samayasara. What is more, the teaching of the Bhagavadgita is criticized, too, be it implicitly. Let us begin with the latter. Verse 335 states that one becomes liberated when one gives up the fruit of one's deeds. This is close to the main teaching of the Bhagavadgita. However, the then following verse 336 adds an important specification. The ignorant person, it states, since he resides in the own nature (svabhava) of Prakrti, experiences the fruit of his deeds; he who possesses knowledge, on the other hand, knows the fruit of his deeds

Page #220
Johannes Bronkhorst, Kundakunda versus Samkhya on the Soul 219 but does not experience it as arisen. The use of the words svabhava and prakrti, so typical for the Bhagavadgita, confirms our suspicion that Kundakunda here criticizes this text in particular. Unlike the Bhagavadgita, he is of the opinion that only an ignorant person will follow his own prakrtic nature. Only the person incapable of liberation (abhavya)" will not give up Prakrti, verse 338 adds. The knowing person neither carries out nor experiences the various kinds of acts; however, he knows their result, as he knows bondage, merit and demerit (340). However, Kundakunda does not only voice criticism of the practical path taught by the Bhagavadgita. He is of the opinion that the underlying Samkhya philosophy is not up to the mark, either. Indeed, if all that is active is, for that reason, part of Praksti, the conclusion must be that Praksti is the only agent around. Praketi, however, is unconscious. Unconscious Praksti would in this way turn the self into one that has a correct or incorrect understanding of the world (vv. 353, 354). And all selves would be inactive (366). Kundakunda does not accept this. For him the soul is subject to change. Indeed, he points out in an earlier verse (127; cp. 124) that if the soul did not undergo modifications, there would be no cycle of rebirths (samsara) and the Samkhya philosophy would be correct.' According to Kundakunda, then, the soul is active, at least to some extent. Verse 127, just considered, states that the soul is modified by bhavas such as anger (krodha). Kundakunda makes a point of regularly using the verb "to do, to make" (Skt. kr) in connection with words denoting the soul. What, then, is it that the soul makes or does? The word often used as object in such situations is bhava. Recall that anger was called * a bhava in the verse just considered. We may assume that bhavas are states of the soul, which the latter "makes" or "produces", presumably by a process of modification. The soul, we learn in another verse (28), can be connected with many bhavas. An important verse states that the self makes a bhava and is its agent from the highest point of view, while from a practical, and therefore lower, point of view, it is the agent of material karma. This is to be understood in the light of the fact that karma in Jainism is thought of as a material substance which clings to the soul and is responsible for the cycle of rebirths it undergoes. Freedom from this substance Samayasara 336: annani kammaphalam payadisahavathido du vededi /nani puna kammaphalam janadi udidam na vededi // (Sanskrit: ajnani karmaphalam prakstisvabhavasthitas tu vedayate / jnani punah karmaphalam janati uditam na vedayate //). * Cp. Jaini, 1977. Samayasara 127/3.54: aparinamamte hi sayam juve kohadiehi bhavehim/samsarassa abhavo pasajjade samkhasamao va // (Sanskrit: aparinamamane hi svayam jive krodhadibhih bhavaih / samsarasyabhavah prasajyate samkhyasamayo va //). E.g. Samayasara 190. bahubhavasamjutto; Skt. -samyuktah. 8 Samayasara 24: jam kunadi bhavam ada katta so hodi tassa bhavassa / nicchayado vavahara poggalakammana kattaram // (Sanskrit: yam karoti bhavam atma karta sa bhavati tasya bhavasya / niscayatah vyavaharat pudgalakarmanam karta //).

Page #221
220 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah signifies freedom from rebirth. Total inactivity on the part of the soul is not required. The soul, in Kundakunda's opinion, is active: some of this activity has as consequence that material karma attaches itself to the soul, with the results we know. Activities of the soul that do not cause material karma to cling to it do not have this effect; they do not involve the soul in the endless cycle of rebirths. It follows that the soul must act in the right manner in order to be freed from samsara. In Samkhya the soul could not do a thing to bring about its liberation; it depended on the activity of Prakrti. Kundakunda's soul can do something, and is indeed ultimately responsible for its own liberation. The self, verse 88 points out, is an agent by its own bhava, but it is not the agent of all the bhavas produced by material karma. The following verse explains this further: From the highest standpoint the self makes nothing but itself and experiences itself.10 How does the self produce and experience itself, or rather its own bhava? Verse 93 appears to present the answer: "Just as the self makes its own bhava because of material karma, so it experiences its own bhava because of material karma."!! It is clear from what precedes that Kundakunda distinguishes between bhavas that belong to the soul and are in a certain way identical with it, and such that are not. This is confirmed by verse 94, which states that error and bhavas such as anger are of two kinds: they are either the soul (jiva) or not the soul (ajiva).'? It follows from verse 95 that the difference lies in what is called upayoga, which is often translated application of consciousness." Ignorance, intemperance and error are jiva, on condition that they are upayoga.!Indeed, they are modifications of upayoga connected with confusion; these modifications fall into three main categories: error, ignorance and 'Samayasara 88/3.14: ... katta ada saena bhavena / puggalakammakadanam na du katta savvabhavanam // (Sanskrit: ... karta atma svakena bhavena/ pudgalakarmakstanam na tu sarvabhavanam //). 10 Samayasara 89/3.15: nicchayanayassa evam ada appanam eva hi karedi /vedayadi puno tam ceva jana atta du attanam // (Sanskrit: niscayanayasyaivam atmatmanam eva hi karoti / vedayate punas tam caiva janihi atma tv atmanam //). Il Samayasara 93: poggalakammanimittam jaha ada kunadi appano bhavam poggalakammanimittam taha vedadi appano bhavam ll (Sanskrit: pudgalakarmanimittam yathatma karoti atmanah bhavam / pudgalakarmanimittam tatha vedayati atmano bhavam //). 12 Samayasara 94/3.19: micchattam puna duviham jivam ajivam taheva annanam / aviradi yogo moho kodhadiya ime bhava // (Sanskrit: mithyatvam punar dvividham jivo 'jivas tathaivajnanam / aviratir yogo mohah krodhadya ime bhavah //). 13 On this term, see Johnson, 1995: 97 ff.; Soni, 2007. 14 Samayasara 95/3.20: poggalakammam miccham jogo aviradi annanam ajjivam / uvaogo annanam aviradi micchatta jivo du // (Sanskrit: pudgalakarma mithyatvam yogo 'viratir ajnanam ajivah / upayogo jnanam aviratir mithyatvam ca jivas tu //).

Page #222
Johannes Bronkhorst, Kundakunda versus Samkhya on the Soul intemperance." Upayoga is in this way of three kinds, and itself a bhava that is pure and unsullied; whatever further bhava it creates, it is its agent." 221 So far the discussion deals with activities that take place within the self and which for this reason have themselves no karmic consequences. However, material substance modifies itself in accordance with what happens in the self: At this point confusion is likely to enter: "The soul consisting of ignorance makes something else into itself, and itself into something else. It becomes in this way the agent of the karmas." "Whatever bhava the self produces, it is its agent; [however,] material substance modifies itself in relationship to that, and turns itself into karma."*7 The soul thinks it becomes the agent of the karmas, but this is due to ignorance. In reality it is not. The soul possessed of correct knowledge knows better: 17 The picture which develops out of these and other verses is the following. There are two fundamentally different realms: that of karma, which is a material substance, and that of the soul. The soul, though not without activity, is not the agent of anything that takes place in the karma which belongs to the material realm. However, it can have a causal effect on karma, through its activity within its own realm. One can therefore say that the soul produces karma, but only metaphorically: "The soul consisting of correct knowledge does not make something else into itself, and itself into something else. It is not the agent of the karmas."19 "He who knows that the self does not make the modifications of material substance [such as] the obstructions of knowledge, he possesses correct knowledge."20 15 Samayasara 96/3.21: uvaogassa anat parinama tinni mohajuttassa/micchattam annanam aviradibhavo ya nadavvo // (Sanskrit: upayogasyanadayah parinamas trayo mohayuktasya / mithyatvam ajnanam aviratibhavas ceti jnatavyah //). 16 Samayasara 97/3.22: edesu ya uvaogo tiviho suddho niramjano bhavo / jam so karedi bhavam uvaogo tassa so katta // (Sanskrit: etesu copayogas trividhah suddho niramjano bhavah / yam sa karoti bhavam upayogas tasya sa karta //). 19 Samayasara 98/3.23: jam kunadi bhavam ada katta so hodi tassa bhavassa / kammattam parinamade tamhi sayam poggalam davvam // (Sanskrit: yam karoti bhavam atma karta sa bhavati tasya bhavasya / karmatvam parinamate tasmin svayam pudgaladravyam //). 18 Samayasara 99/3.24: param appanam kuvvadi appanam pi ya param karamto so / annanamao jivo kammanam karago hodi // (Sanskrit: param atmanam karoti atmanam api ca param kurvan sah / ajnanamayo jivah karmanam karako bhavati //). Samayasara 100/3.25: param appanam akuvvi appanam pi ya param akuvvamto/ so nanamayo jivo kammanam akarago hodi // (Sanskrit: param atmanam akurvann atmanam api ca param akurvan / sa jnanamayo jivah karmanam akarako bhavati //). 20 Samayasara 108/3.33: je puggaladavvanam parinama homti nana avarana/na karedi tani ada jo janadi so havadi nani // (Sanskrit: ye pudgaladravyanam parinama bhavanti jnanavaranani / na karoti tany atma yo janati sa bhavati jnani //).

Page #223
222 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah "Having seen the modification of bondage, the soul being its cause, it is said that karma has been produced by the soul, but only metaphorically."21 "Even though a battle is carried out by soldiers, people say that it is carried out by the king. In the same way, the obstruction of knowledge and other such things are produced by the soul (only) from a practical point of view."22 The distinction, in this discussion, between a higher point of view and a practical point of view is unavoidable.23 Indeed, it is the confusion between these two which is responsible for the fact that most people do not see the road to liberation. This is not only true of Kundakunda's thought. It applies with equal force to the Samkhya system of thought which Kundakunda criticizes. There, too, the failure to see the distinction between the realm of the soul and the realm of Prakrti keeps people tied up in the world of eternal transmigration. This is not to say that Kundakunda's thought is identical with Samkhya. Unlike Samkhya, the soul as conceived of by Kundakunda is capable of certain activities, which are however limited to its own domain. All this we have seen. The verses of the Samayasara present, sometimes in quick succession, the two different points of view just mentioned. This can easily lead to confusion. Since all verses do not explicitly state whether they present the highest or the practical point of view, the impression is often created that they contradict each other. The contradictions, it seems to me, can almost always be resolved by keeping the two points of view in mind, and assigning, of two contradictory verses, one to the highest point of view, the other to the practical point of view. Kundakunda's main point, unsurprisingly, is to emphasize that the soul is not, and cannot be, the agent of what happens in the material world of karma. This is essential, because it is this knowledge that allows of a dissociation of the self from all that which leads to karmic retribution. Kundakunda's ideas about the realm of the self in which the self can be an agent constitute a theoretical elaboration meant to distinguish his thought from Samkhya - which he obviously looks upon as a close competitor - and no doubt to allow place for certain traditional Jaina notions as to the possibility of the soul to be an agent after all. Indeed, verse 127 points out that if the soul did not transform itself into states such as anger, this would signify the end of the cycle of rebirths, or the acceptance of Samkhya.24 21 Samayasara 112/3.37: jivamhi hedubhude bamdhassa ya passiduna parinamam /jivena kadam kammam bhannadi uvayaramattena // (Sanskrit: jive hetubhute bamdhasya ca drstva parinamam jivena krtam karma bhanyate upacaramatrena //). 22 Samayasara 113/3.38: yodhehim kade juddhe raena kadam ti jampade logo / taha vavaharena kadam nanavaranadi jivena // (Sanskrit: yodhaih krte yuddhe rajna krtam iti jalpate lokah / tatha vyavaharena krtam jnanavaranadi jivena //). 23 See on this distinction Bhatt, 1974. 24 See above, note 3.

Page #224
Johannes Bronkhorst, Kundakunda versus Samkhya on the Soul 223 The preceding analysis of the thought of the Samayasara reveals a vision of the place of the soul in the world and of its place on the path to liberation that is coherent and credible. This depiction of the self does not "very much resemble that of the Upanisadic and Advaitic Brahman or Atman", as it has been claimed.25 It resembles the self of Samkhya in some respects, but differs from it in certain others, voluntarily so, as we have seen. Nor do I see any reason to look upon the Samayasara as a "heterogeneous repository of accumulated Digambara teaching. [...] rather than the imperfectly preserved work of an individual heterodox philosopher".26 This is not to deny that its author used traditional material, nor do I wish to claim that he was necessarily a complete innovator. But in reading the Samayasara, I do have the impression of being confronted with the work of someone who wished to incorporate into Jainism a notion that had become very fruitful and useful in other currents, primarily Samkhya, but also elsewhere. The author of the Samayasara is explicit about his concern to take over the central idea of Samkhya, at the same time improving upon it. In order to do so, he had to think out a competing system, an attempt in which he succeeded to at least some extent. The fact that the Samayasara can, by and large, be read as a text expressive of a coherent thesis is the best argument there could be to maintain that it had one single author, whether he was called Kundakunda or otherwise.27 Some other works ascribed to Kundakunda represent by and large the same thesis as the one propounded in the Samayasara. The Pravacanasara, in particular, has some verses that state in so many words that the soul can be active, but only in its own domain. According to Pravacanasara II.92, 25 "The self, making its own nature, becomes the agent of its own bhava, but not the agent of all the bhavas that consist of material substance."28 Two verses further, the same text states: "The [self], now being the agent of its own modification born from its [own] substance, is sometimes taken [and sometimes] freed by the dust of karma." Singh, 1974: 85, as cited by Johnson (1995: 238). Nor do Kundakunda's teachings resemble early Advaita Vedanta, as claimed by Dhaky (1991), referred to in Dundas, 2002: 291 n. 52. 26 Johnson, 1995: 265. 27 Johnson (1995: 111) does not seem to think otherwise: "as far as I know, the upayoga doctrine does not appear in this form in any recorded source prior to Kundakunda. Indeed, commentators frequently remark upon the peculiarity, or uniqueness of Kundakunda in this respect. For all hermeneutic purposes, therefore, he must be taken as the originator of this particular form of the upayoga doctrine." 28 Pravacanasara II.92: kuvvam sabhavam ada havadi hi katta sagassa bhavassa / poggaladavvamayanam na du katta savvabhavanam // (Sanskrit: kurvan svabhavam atma bhavati hi karta svakasya bhavasya / pudgaladravyamayanam na tu karta sarvabhavanam //).

Page #225
224 SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Pravacanasara 1.9 attributes to the soul (jiva) itself three states: "While the soul, whose nature is modification, modifies into something auspicious by means of an auspicious [state], into something inauspicious by means of an inauspicious [state], it becomes pure by means of a pure [state]." "If the self itself is not auspicious or inauspicious by nature, there will be no cycle of rebirths for embodied beings." The Pancastikayasara contains similar statements, among them the following: "Since it makes its own bhava, the self is the agent of its own bhava, not of the material karmas; this is how the words of the Jina must be understood." 32 It is on account of a modification in the soul that karma attaches itself to it (v. 128). We can contrast this with the Paramatmaprakasa of Yogindu, which is sometimes claimed to continue the thought of Kundakunda; this text does not contain any statement supportive of Kundakunda's vision of the soul's nature. Quite on the contrary, it states in no uncertain terms that the highest point of view is that the self does nothing whatsoever." 29 Pravacanasara II.94: sa idanim katta sam sagaparinamassa davvajadassa / adiyade kadai vimuccade kammadhalihim (Sanskrit: sa idanim karta san svakaparinamasya dravyajatasya / adiyate kadacid vimucyate karmadhalibhih//). 30 Pravacanasara 1.9: jivo parinamadi jada suhena asuhena va suho asuho / suddhena tada suddho havadi hi parinamasabbhavo // (Sanskrit: jivah parinamati yada subhenasubhena va subho 'Subhah / Suddhena tada suddho bhavati hi parinamasvabhavah //). On the difference between suddha "pure" and subha "auspicious", see Pravacanasara III.45; "Sramanas have pure consciousness and auspicious consciousness ...; among them those who have pure consciousness are without asravas and the others are with asravas" (samana suddhuvajutta suhovajutta ya homti samayamhi / tesu vi suddhuvajutta anasava sasava sesa //; Sanskrit: framanah suddhopayuktah subhopayuktas ca bhavanti samaye tesv api fuddhopayukta anasravah sasravah sesah //); further Johnson, 1995: 112 f. 31 Pravacanasara 1.46: jadi so suho va asuho na havadi ada sayam sahavena / samsaro vi na vijjadi savvesim jivakayanam // (Sanskrit: yadi sa subho va asubho na bhavati atma svayam svabhavena / samsaro 'pi na vidyate sarvesam jivakayanam //). 32 Pancastikayasara 61: kuvvam sagam sahavam atta katta sagassa bhavassa / na hi poggalakammanam idi jinavayanam muneyavvam // (Sanskrit: kurvan svakam svabhavam atma karta svakasya bhavasya / na hi pudgalakarmanam iti jinavacanam jnatavyam //). 33 Paramatmaprakasa 1.65cd: appa kimpi vi kunai navi nicchau eum bhanei (Sanskrit: atma kimapi karoti naiva niscaya evam bhanati). Cp. Balbir, 1998: 300; Balbir & Caillat, 1999: 113.

Page #226
Johannes Bronkhorst, Kundakunda versus Samkhya on the Soul 225 References Balbir, Nalini (1998): "Glossaire du Paramatmaprakasa et du Yogasara." Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes 16, 249-318. Balbir, Nalini, & Caillat, Colette (1999): Lumiere de l'Absolu. Paris: Payot & Rivages. Bhatt, Bansidhar (1974): "Vyavahara-naya and niscaya-naya in Kundakunda's works." Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Supplement 2, pp. 279-291. Bronkhorst, Johannes (2000): "Abhidharma and Jainism." Abhidharma and Indian Thought. Essays in honor of Professor Doctor Junsho Kato on his sixtieth birthday. Ed. Committee for the Felicitation of Professor Doctor Junsho Kato's Sixtieth Birthday, Nagoya. Tokyo: Shuju-sha. Pp. 598-581 ([13]-[30]). Bronkhorst, Johannes (2007): Greater Magadha. Studies in the culture of early India. Leiden - Boston: Brill. (Handbook of Oriental Studies, Section 2 South Asia, 19.) Deleu, Jozef (1970): Viyahapannatti (Bhagaval): The Fifth Anga of the Jaina Canon. oduction, critical analysis, commentary & indexes. Reprint: Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1996. (Lala Sundar Lal Jain Research Series, 10.) Dhaky, M. A. (1991): "The date of Kundakundacarya." = Dhaky and Jain, 1991: 187 206. Dhaky, M. A., and Jain, S. (ed.)(1991): Aspects of Jainology Vol. III. Pt. Dalsukhbhai Malvania Felicitation Volume I. Varanasi. (not seen) Dundas, Paul (2002): The Jains. Second edition. London and New York: Routledge. Jacobi, Hermann (1884): Jaina Sutras, translated from the Prakrit. Part I: Acaranga Sutra, Kalpa Sutra. Oxford University Press. Reprint: Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1980. (Sacred Books of the East, 22.) Jacobi, Hermann (1895): Jaina Sutras, translated from Prakrit. Part II: Uttaradhyayana . Sutra, Sutrakritanga Sutra. Reprint: Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1968. (Sacred Books of the East, 45.) Jaini, Padmanabh S. (1977): "Bhavyatva and abhavyatva: A Jain doctrine of 'predestination'." Mahavira and His Teachings. Ed. A. N. Upadhye et al. Bombay: Bhagavan Mahavira 2500th Nirvana Mahotsava Samiti. Pp. 95-111. Reprinted: Jaini, 2000: 95-109. Jaini, Padmanabh S. (2000): Collected Papers on Jaina Studies. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Jaini, Padmanabh S. (1976): "The Jainas and the western scholar." Sambodhi (L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, July 1976) pp. 121-131. Reprinted: Jaini, 2000: 23-36; Soni, 2001: 85-98. (references to the reprints). Johnson, W.J. (1995): Harmless Souls. Karmic bondage and religious change in early Jainism with special reference to Umasvati and Kundakunda. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Page #227
226 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Kundakunda: Pancastikayasara. Ed. tr. A. Chakravartinayanar & A. N. Upadhye. New Delhi: Bharatiya Jnanpith. 1975. Kundakunda: Pravacanasara. Ed. tr. A. N. Upadhye. Agas: Shrimad Rajachandra Ashrama. 1964. Kundakunda: Samayasara. (1) The original text in Prakrit, with its Samskrit renderings, and a translation, exhaustive commentaries, and an introduction, by Rai Bahadur J. L. Jaini, published by Pandit Ajit Prasada at The Central Jaina Publishing House, Ajitashram, Lucknow, 1930. (Sacred Books of the Jainas, 8.) (2) Original text, romanization, English translation and annotations (with scientific interpretation) by Jethalal S. Zaveri, assisted by Muni Mahendra Kumar, Jain Vishva Bharati University, Ladnun, 2009. References are to and citations from edition (1) Malvania, Dalsukh D. (1981): "Beginnings of Jaina philosophy in the Acaranga." Studien zum Jainismus und Buddhismus. Gedenkschrift fur Ludwig Alsdorf. Ed. Klaus Bruhn and Albrecht Wezler. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner. (ANIST, 23.) Pp. 151-153 Singh, Ram Jee (1974): The Jaina Concept of Omniscience. Ahmedabad: L. D. Institute of Indology. (L. D. Series, 43.) (not seen) Soni, Jayandra (ed.) (2001): Vasantagauravam: Essays in Jainism Felicitating Professor M. D. Vasantha Raj of Mysore on the occasion of his seventy-fifth birthday. Mumbai: Vakils, Feffer and Simons. Soni, Jayandra (2007): "Upayoga, according to Kundakunda and Umasvati." Journal of Indian Philosophy 35(4), 299-311. Wiles, Royce (2001): "The works of Kundakunda: an annotated listing of editions, translations and studies." = Soni, 2001: 183-224. Yogindu: Paramatmaprakasa (Paramappapayasu). Ed. A. N. Upadhye. Agas: Shrimad Rajachandra Ashram. 1937.

Page #228
Addressing One's True Self English Adaptation of Acarya Akalanka's Svarupasambodhana Manish MODI I bow to that supreme soul Who is indestructible and embodies knowledge He is free from and tied to (respectively) Karmas and consciousness. 1 . The soul embodies consciousness, bearing cause and effect in an orderly manner. It may or may not be perceived, is without beginning or end, And constantly undergoes creation and destruction, Without losing its essence. 2 The soul has attributes such as provability, And is non-sentient or sentient, Depending on the context. 3 Knowledge is an attribute of the soul, Distinct from as well as one with the soul, Depending on the context. 4 The soul takes the size of the body it occupies, So it does not touch all substances. It is not purely the nature of knowledge, Nor is it always omnipresent. 5 The soul is one as well as many. Many, because it has several attributes like knowledge. One, because it has consciousness. 6 The true nature of the soul is neither Completely describable nor completely indescribable. It may be described by its own attributes. But cannot be described by others' attributes. 7

Page #229
228 SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The soul is doer as well as non-doer, Of its own dispositions and others' dispositions respectively. It is both perceptible and imperceptible. It embodies knowledge (hence perceptible) and has no form (hence imperceptible). 8 The soul has several attributes and knows, Bondage, liberation, et cetera and their causes. Hence, the soul is the doer of its actions And bearer of the consequences. 9 The soul that is the doer of its actions, And bears their fruits, Is also capable of attaining liberation Through internal and external means. 10 The internal means of attaining one's pure nature are Rational perception, rational knowledge, rational conduct, And realisation of the true nature of the soul. 11 Understanding things as they are is true knowledge. Like a lamp, it sheds light upon the truth. But the right notion may differ, Depending on the context. 12 With increasing purity of rational perception and rational knowledge, Remaining tranquil and unperturbed, retaining equanimity, In happiness or unhappiness and contemplating the fact that "I am one, Alone, I have no other, I am the knower and seer" Is rational conduct. 13-14 Penance and asceticism, In accordance with place and time, Are the external means To attain the all important internal means. 15 In this manner, contemplating on all aspects, Irrespective of favourable or adverse circumstances, Always meditate upon your pure soul Which is free from all attachment and aversion. 16

Page #230
Manish Modi, Addressing One's True Self 229 Consciousness tainted with passion can never grasp reality, Just as cloth dyed dark blue cannot be dyed red. 17 Hence, to be free from all faults, One should become detached in all situations And indifferent to the body and the senses. One should remain keen to contemplate the soul and the substances. 18 Knowing that which should be got rid of, And that which should be followed, Know one's true nature. Give up the unworthy And adopt worthy qualities with the help of your soul. 19 Contemplate your soul and the substances, In accordance with their true nature. In this manner, when you become completely detached, From all substances other than your soul, You will attain liberation. 20 O mendicant, despite dwelling in your soul, Do not get passionately attached to it, Because till the time you have desire, You will not attain liberation. 21 " Only one who does not desire liberation shall attain it. For it is said that one should not have any desire, If one wishes to attain liberation. 22 Since you realise that even equanimity may only be attained, By him who is focused on his own soul, Will you not make efforts to attain lasting bliss That is the fruit of liberation? 23 Know that only your soul is your own, And the body, et cetera are not yours. Upon achieving this (realisation), get rid of this mineness. Stay only in your true self, Which is beyond anxiety and may be known only by oneself. 24

Page #231
230 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Attain the elixir of eternal bliss Which arises from the soul By meditating upon your soul and its true nature By yourself, for yourself, by remaining in yourself. 25 Epilogue He who reads this scripture and understands the soul, Contemplates upon it, either by reading or listening respectfully, These twenty-five verses can earn him the wealth of the pure soul.

Page #232
Banarasidas's Karmachattisi Thirty-six stanzas on Karma Jerome PETIT Introduction The well-known merchant of Jaunpur, Banarasidas (1586-1643), who gave to the world the first Indian autobiography,' wrote in Braj in Agra, where he was considered as the leader of an Adhyatma group, a series of philosophical poems gathered after his death by his friend Jagjivan under the title Banarasivilasa. The text presented here, written between 1623 and 1635, belongs to this collection. The title "Karmachattisi" 3 announces a reflection on Jaina karma theory, but the text, prima facie, looks like a mixture of different elements of a more general Jaina doctrine. Banarasidas informs the reader that he will "expound some conclusions (nirnaya) on soul and on karma" (verse 2). He begins by making the essential difference between sentient entities (jiva), which are divided in two main categories (samsari and siddha), and non-sentient entities (ajiva, dravya), which are matter (pudgala), space (akasa, named here gagana), time (kala), motion (dharma) and rest (adharma). A large part of this short text emphasizes in fact the substance "matter" because it is of course the heart of karma theory. Each properties (guna) and modes of representation (paryaya) of matter are mentioned, with some arrangements and novelties in the lists given by our author, according to his habits. The end of the text is somewhat surprising by the medical vocabulary used by Banarasidas who evokes the difference between two types of diseases, one caused by "bad" karma and the other caused by "good" karma. This distinction is made by Kundakunda who devotes an entire chapter (fourth adhyaya) of his Samayasara to the good (punya) and the bad (papa) karmic bondage, telling at the beginning that "a shackle made of gold is as After the first English translation of the Ardhakathanaka (henceforth AK) by Mukund Lath (1981), Rohini Chowdhury gave another one (2009) and a modern Hindi adaptation (2007). Allow me to mention the French translation I gave, to be published shortly in Paris. The composition of Karmachattisi is mentioned in AK 627. Banarasidas says (AK 623) that the writing took place between samvat 1680 and samvat 1692. 2 See J. E. CORT 2002. 3 As usual, chattisi is to be heard as a literary genre, the Karmachattisi is in fact long of thirty-seven stanzas For example, the Dhyanabattisi "Thirty-two stanzas on Meditation", which is also part of the same collection, contains thirty-four stanzas. See BANARASIDAS 2010. * See for example verses 9, 13, 20, 29, 30.

Page #233
232 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah good as one made of iron for the purpose of chaining a man. Similarly karma whether good or bad equally binds the jiva". This text, as we know after his autobiography, has caused him a real philosophical jerk, and we can find many elements described by Kundakunda in Banarasidas's poetry. Following the Digambara philosopher, Banarasidas considers as fundamentally different the soul (jiva) and the non-soul (ajiva), a distinction that transmigratory souls cannot make, missing the way towards achieving their pure nature, taken by the diseases of karmic bondage. As we can see, Karmachattisi is far from a precise description of all the categories of karma that we could expect. It is only at the end of the text that we find finally expressed two categories of karma (verse 35). The fact is that Banarasidas wrote another text on the subject, the Karmaprakstividhana in which he describes all the subcategories of karma over its 175 stanzas, using the correct denomination. We give here the beginning of this text, as an illustration. namoM kevalI ke vacana, namoM aatmaaraam| - kahauM karma kI prakRti, saba bhinna bhinna pada nAma // 2 // 2. namo kevali ke vacana, namo atama-rama kahau karma ki prakrti saba, bhinna bhinna pada nama. Homage to the speech of Omniscient, homage to the beauty of the soul. I will tell all the categories of karma, giving their name in separate verses. eka hi karama AThavidhi diis| prakRti eka sau add'taaliis| tina ke nAma bheda vistaar| varaNahuM jinavANI anusaar||3|| 3. eka hi karama atha-vidhi disa, prakrti eka sau aratalisa tina ke nama bheda vistara, varanahu Jina-vani anusara. One single karma shows eight species. Categories are one hundred forty-eight in number. I will describe their name, subspecies and extent, following the words of the Jina. prathamakarma jnyaanaavrnniiy| jina saba jIva ajJAnI kiiy| dvitiya darzanAvaraNa phaar| jAkI oTa alakha krtaar||4|| 4. prathama-karma Jnanavaraniya, Jina saba jiva ajnani kiya dvitiya Darsanavarana pahara, ja ki ota alakha karatara. The first karma is "nanavarana", Obscuring knowledge. The Jina said that it makes all the souls ignorant. The second is "Darsanivarana", Obscuring faith, a rockobstacle, whose obstruction is acting invisibly. etc. 5 sovanniyam pi niyalam bandhadi kalayasam ca jaha purisam bandhadi evam jivam suham asuham va kadam kammam (Samayasara 146/4.2). English translation by A. CHAKRAVARTI 1971.

Page #234
Jerome Petit, Banarasidas's Karmachattisi 233 The Karmaprakrtividhana is as well structured as the Karmachattisi is not. Mixture of Jaina doctrine, medical evidences, Digambara philosophy, the Karmachattisi is a kind of reminder probably written by Banarasidas to etch in his memory readings and oral learning provided by pandits he listened to. In order to compare with a more official' doctrine, we used the Tattvarthasutra and the Tattvarthavrtti,? a Digambara commentary by Srutasagarasuri (16th c.), disciple of Vidyanandi, a bhattaraka from Gujarat. Karmachattisi parama niraMjana parama guru, parama puruSa prdhaan| vandahaM paramasamAdhigata, bhayabhaMjana bhagavAna // 1 // 1. parama-niranjana parama-guru, parama-purusa paradhana. vandahu parama-samadhi-gata, bhaya-bhanjana bhagavana. I bow to the Lord, supremely pure, supreme master, the best among the supreme men, ' who has reached supreme contemplation, who destroys fear. jinavANI paramANa kara, suguru zIkha mana aan| kachuka jIva aru karma ko, nirNaya kahoM vakhAna // 2 // 2. Jina-vani paramana kara, suguru sikha mana ana. kachuka jiva aru karma ko, nirnaya kaho vakhana. Having taken the Jina's speech as the authority, which is a very important teaching brought to mind, I expound some conclusions on soul and on karma. agama ananta alokanabha, tAmeM loka akaash| sadAkAla tAke udara, jIva ajIva nivAsa // 3 // 3. agama ananta aloka-nabha, ta me loka akasa. sada-kala ta ke udara, jiva ajiva nivasa. Empty space is motionless and infinite. It contains the world and the sky. Its womb is the place where sentient and non-sentient entities live eternally. jIva dravya kI dvai dazA, saMsArI aru siddh| paMca vikalpa ajIva ke. akhaya anAdi asiddha // 4 // 4. jiva dravya ki dvai dasa, samsari aru siddha. panca vikalpa ajiva ke, akhaya anadi asiddha. The substance of the soul has two states: transmigratory and liberated. There are five varieties of non-sentient entities, which are imperishable, eternal, unrealised. In his autobiography (AK 630-1), Banarasidas evokes the figure of Rupchand Pande who gave lectures on philosophical works such as Nemicandra's Gommatasara. 7M. K. JAIN 1949.

Page #235
234 gagana kAla pudgala dharama, aru adharma abhidhaan| aba kachu pudgala dravya ko, kahoM vizeSa vidhAna // 5 // gagana, kala, pudgala, dharama, aru adharma abhidana. aba kachu pudgala dravya ko, kaho visesa vidhana. Space, Time, Matter, Motion and Rest are their names. I now expound some characteristics of the substance "Matter". 5. 6. carama drsti so pragata hai, pudgala dravya ananta. jara laksana nirjiva dala, rupi murativanta. Through the ultimate vision, it is clear that substance Matter is infinite; fitted with senseless attributes, non-sentient groups, it has a form and a shape . 7. SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah jo tribhuvana thiti dekhiye, thira jaMgama aakaar| so pudgala paravAna ko, hai anAdi vistAra // 7 // jo tri-bhuvana thiti dekhiye, thira jangama akara. so pudgala paravana ko, hai anadi vistara. This Matter, which is seen in the three worlds under immovable and movable aspects, has infinite and expanded measures." 8. caramadRSTI soM pragaTa hai, pudgala dravya annt| jar3a lakSaNa nirjIva dala, rUpI mUrativanta // 6 // 9. Now I make clearly understood the twenty attributes of the Matter10 - which contain other infinite attributes - as well as its infinite modes of representation. 8 aba pudgala ke vIsaguNa, kahoM pragaTa samujhAya / garbhita aura anantaguNa, aru ananta parajAya // 8 // aba pudgala ke visa-guna, kaho pragata samujhaya. garbhita aura ananta-guna, aru parajaya. zyAma pIta ujjvala aruNa, harita mizra bhubhaaNti| vividhavarNa jo dekhiye, so pudgalaM kI kAMti // 9 // syama pita ujjvala aruna, harita misra bahu bhanti. vividha varna jo dekhiye, so pudgala ki kanti. Space is named gagana, not akasa as expected. Space has also been the subject of a commentary in verse 3. 9 The smallest unit of matter is the atom (anu). Combined in aggregates (skandha), it is used to create animals or stones, which are the examples taken to illustrate movable and immovable aspects of Matter. 10 Banarasidas gives the correct number: there are eight kinds of touch (hard, soft, heavy, light, cold, hot, viscous and dry), five kinds of taste (bitter, sour, astringent, acidic and sweet), two kinds of smell (pleasant and unpleasant) and five kinds of colour (black, blue, red, yellow and white). See Tattvarthasutra (henceforth TS) sparsa-rasa-gandha-varnavantah pudgalah (5.23). Each kind is described below, but not in the order followed by Umasvami and with some peculiarities.

Page #236
Black, yellow, white, red, green, mixed in many ways:" the diversity of the colours which you see is the beauty of Matter. 10. Jerome Petit, Banarasidas's Karmachattisi Amala tiktakaSAya kaTu, kSAra madhura rasabhoga / e pula ke pAMca guNa, SaTa mAnahiM saba loga // 10 // amala tikta kasaya katu, ksara madhura rasa-bhoga. e pudgala ke panca-guna, sar manahi saba loga. Sour, bitter, astringent, pungent, salty and sweet are the enjoyments of taste. Although there are five attributes of Matter, everybody considers them as six.12 11. 235 tAto sIro cakino, rukho narama kaThora / halako aru bhArIsahaja, ATha pharasa guNajora // 11 // tato siro cakino, rukho narama kathora. halako aru bhari-sahaja, atha pharasa guna-jora. 12. Hot, cold, viscous, rough, soft, hard, light and heavy are the eight strong attributes of touch, 13 jo sugandha durgandhaguNa, so pudgala ko rUpa / aba pudgala parajAya kI mahimA kahIM anUpa // 12 // " jo sugandha-durgandha-guna, so pudgala ko rupa. aba pudgala parajaya ki, mahima kaho anupa. 14 The nature of Matter has the attributes of good smell and bad smell. Now, I expound the incomparable greatness of the modes of Matter.15 "The Tattvarthavrtti of Srutasagarasuri (henceforth STV) gives: varnah panca-prakarah krsna-nila-pitasukla-lohita-bhedat (5.23). The mixture of colours seems a novelty added by the author. 12 STV 5.23 gives the following list of tastes: rasah panca-prakarah tikta-amla-kalu-madhura-kasayabhedat (M. K. JAIN 1949). Salty taste (ksdra) is missing. N. TATIA gives the following commentary: "There are five kinds of taste: bitter, sour, astringent, acidic and sweet" (TS 5.23), pungent (katu) is now missing 13 tata < Skt. tapta; sira < Skt. sitala; cakino is not traced in the dictionaries consulted; rukho < Skt. ruksa; narama is a Persian word; kathora Skt.; to define halaka MCGREGOR gives only an evasive "cf. laghu-" as etymological explanation; bhari is the Hindi word. STV 5.23 gives the following list to compare: sparso "staprakarah mrdu-karkasa-guru-laghu-fita-una-snigdha-ruksa-bhedat. 14 STV 5.23: gandho dviprakarah surabhi-durabhi-bhedat. Here stops the enumeration of the twenty attributes (guna) of Matter. 15 paryaya is traced by Monier-Williams in its Jaina context: "(with Jainas) the regular development of a thing and the end of this development" (MONIER-WILLIAMS p. 605b). It is in fact an important element connected with the substance (dravya) and its qualities (guna). "The Jainas hold that each and every entity is related to all entities other than itself in the universe in some relation or other. These relations are called paryayas (modes) of the entity" (TATIA 1951: 70). "The ordinary person distinguishes between good and bad, pleasant and unpleasant, and so forth, because he has not yet perceived the true relation between substance (dravya) and modes (paryaya); thus he retains a deep attachment for things which please the senses and an aversion for those which do not" (JAINI 1979: 152).

Page #237
236 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah zabda gandha sUkSama sarala, lamba vakra laghu thuul| viThurana bhidana udota, tama inako pula mUla // 13 // 13. Sabda, gandha, suksama, sarala, lamba, vakra, laghu thula. vichurana, bhidana, udota, tama, ina ko pudgala mula. Sound, smell, subtlety, straightness, length, bendness, lightness, grossness, covering, desintegration, light and darkness are the roots of Matter.16 chAyA AkRti teja duti, ityAdika bahu bhed| e pudlaparajAya saba, pragaTahiM hoya ucheda // 14 // 14. chaya, aksti, teja, duti, ityadika bahu bheda. e pudgala-parajaya saba, pragatahi hoya ucheda. Shadow, shape, heat, light and the many categories described are all modes of development of Matter. This is clear. Let's cut it short. keI zubha keI azubha, rucira bhayAnaka bhess| sahaja svabhAva vibhAva gati, aru sAmAnya vizeSa // 15 // 15. kei subha kei asubha, rucira, bhayanaka bhesa. sahaja svabhava vibhava gati, aru samanya visesa. Some are good, some are bad, of pleasant or frightening kind; innate nature, creation,17 destiny and general characteristics are present. garbhita purlapiMDa meM, alakha amUrati dev| phirai sahaja bhavacakra meM, yaha anAdi kI Teva // 16 // 16. garbhita pudgala-pinda me, alakha amurati deva. phirai sahaja bhava-cakra me, yaha anadi ki teva. "Invisible, formless god is contained in the ball of Matter. He circulates easily in the wheel of rebirths. This is the state of things from eternity! pudgala kI saMgati karai, pudalahI soM priiti| pudgala ko ApA gaNai, yahai bharama kI rIti // 17 // 16 TS 5.24: sabda-bandha-sauksmya-sthaulya-samsthana-bheda-tamas-chaya-tapo-uddyotavantas ca. "The clusters of matter possess the following modes: sound, integration, subtlety, grossness, shape, disintegration, darkness, shadow, heat and light" (TATIA 1994: 132). Banarasidas gives twelve modes against ten in TS. gandha can be a mistake for bandha; chaya, is missing but replaced by vichurana (shadow is caused by "covering" light); samsthana and tapas are missing but come in the next verse; sarala, lamba, vakra and laghu are added by Banarasidas. 17 vibhava is not easy to understand: "any condition which excites or develops a particular state of mind or body, any cause of emotion" (MONIER-WILLIAMS 2002: 978c), "any cause of particular emotion" (MCGREGOR 1993: 925). This term is rhetorical, used normally in the drama context. 18 Refers to the atom. Banarasidas gives pinda for the usual anu. 19 Turner gives the etymology teva Skt. "habit" (TURNER 1966:304).

Page #238
Jerome Petit, Banarasidas's Karmachattisi 237 17. pudgala ki samgati karai, pudgala hi so priti. pudgala ko apa ganai, yahai bharama ki riti. He creates the meeting of Matter['s atoms]. He has affection for Matter. He adds up the soul to the Matter". This is a way of confusion.20 je je pudgala kI dazA, te nija mAnai hNs| yAhI bharama vibhAva soM, baDhe karama ko vaMza // 18 // je je pudgala ki dasa, te nija manai hamsa. yahi bharama vibhava se, badhai karama ko vamsa. The migrating soul considers as its own all the states of the Matter. This confusion, caused by imagination, increases the succession of karma. 18. jyoM jyoM karma vipAkavaza, ThAnai bhrama kI mauj| tyoM tyoM nija saMpati durai, jurai parigraha phauja // 19 // 19... jyojyo karma vipaka-vasa, thanai bhrama ki mauja. tyo tyo nija sampati durai, jurai parigraha phauja. As long as karma, which has the power to mature, keeps the wave of confusion, one's own success disappears, one is attached to his army of possessions. jyoM vAnara madirA piye, vicchU DaMkita gaat| bhUta lagai kautuka karai, tyoM bhrama ko utpAta // 20 // 20. jyo vanara madira piye, vicchu dankita gata. bhuta lagai kautuka karai, tyo bhrama ko utpata. The turmoil caused by confusion is comparable to a monkey who has drunk alcohol or whose body has been bitten by a scorpion, looking like possessed, showing a strange spectacle. bhrama saMzaya kI bhUla soM, lahai na sahaja svkiiy| karama roga samujhe nahIM, yaha saMsArI jIya // 21 // 21. bhrama samsaya ki bhula so, lahai na sahaja svakiya. karama-roga samujhai nahi, yaha samsarijiya. By oversighting the anxiety of confusion, it cannot find its own Nature: here is the transmigrating soul, it does not understand the disease of karma. 20 Banarasidas seems to evoke a bigot attitude towards matter. Indeed, there is no god creator in Jainism. TS 5.25-27 explains: anavah skandhas ca | samghata-bhedebhya utpadyante | bhedad anuh | "Matter has two varieties, atoms and clusters. Clusters of matter are produced in three ways: by integration, disintegration and by a combination of integration and disintegration. An atom is produced by disintegration." (TATIA 1994: 133-134). 21 Banarasidas uses two words of Arabic etymology, mauj "wave" and fauj "army" (MCGREGOR 1993: 838,690).

Page #239
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah karma roga ke dvai caraNa, viSama duhUM kI caal| eka kaMpa prakRtI liye, eka aiMThi asarAla // 22 // karma-roga ke dvai carana, visama duhu ki cala. eka kampa praksti liye, eka ainthi asarala. The diseases of karma are of two types. The progression of both is troublesome. One's nature is trembling, the other's is continuous spasms.22 2. kaMparoga hai pApa pada, akara roga hai punny| jJAna rUpa hai AtamA, duhUM roga soM zUnya // 23 // 23. kampa-roga hai papa pada, akara-roga hai punya. ___jnana-rupa hai atama, duhu roga si sunya. The trembling disease is because of harmful karmic bondage. Inactive disease is because of beneficial ones. The soul, whose nature is knowledge, is free from both diseases.23 . mUrakha mithyAdRSTi soM, nirakhai jaga kI roNs| DarahiM jIva saba pApa soM, karahiM puNya kI hoMsa // 24 // 24. murakha mithya-drsti so, nirakhai jaga ki romsa. darahi jiva saba papa so, karahi punya ki homsa. Through deluded view, the idiot sees the anger of the world. Sentient entities are afraid of all harmful karmic bondage and desire beneficial ones. upajai pApavikAra soM, bhaya tApAdika rog| cintA kheda vithA vaDhe, dukha mAnai saba loga // 25 // 25. upajai papa-vikara so, bhaya tapadika roga. cinta kheda vitha vadhai, dukha manai saba loga. Fear, fever and all other diseases appear because of a transformation of harmful karmic bondage. Anxiety, depression and pain increase. Everybody considers it as misfortune. upajai puNyavikAra soM, viSayaroga vistaar| Arata rudra vithA baDhe, sukha mAnai saMsAra // 26 // 22 The word asarala is not traced in the dictionaries consulted (Gupta, McGregor, Monier-Williams, Turner). It appears in the glossary of the AK established by Nathuram Premi (PREMI 1957) with the equivalent 'asarara' and the synonym "lagatara, bahuta". The word aimthi is well defined: aimthana "spasm", aimthana to be twisted, to be cramped, or contorted" (MCGREGOR 1993: 144). The first disease has trembling (kampa) for symptom, the second one is 'inactive' (akara). 23 There are two main kinds of karmic bondage: beneficial and harmful. sadvedya-samyaktva-hasya-ratipurusaveda-subhayur-nama-gotrani punyam. ato 'nyat papam (TS 8.25-26). "Pleasure, [near-perfected] enlightened world-view, laughter, relish, male disposition, auspicious birth, auspicious body, and auspicious status are beneficial karmic bondage. Other bondages are harmful." (TATIA 1994: 203-4).

Page #240
26. upajai punya-vikara sa, visaya-roga vistara. arata rudra vitha badhai, sukha manai samsara. Development of diseases linked with sensual enjoyment appears because of a transformation of beneficial karmic bondage. Distress, fear and pain increase. The world considers it as pleasure. 27. do roga samAna hai, mUDha na jAnai rIti / kamparoga soM bhaya karai, akararoga soM prIti // 27 // dou roga samana hai, mudha na janai riti. kampa-roga so bhaya karai, akara-roga so priti. Both diseases are the same. The idiot does not understand this way. He is afraid of the trembling disease, he favours the inactive disease. bhinna-2 lakSaNa lakhe, pragaTa duhUM kI bhAMti / eka liye udvegatA, eka liye upazAnti // 28 // bhinna bhinna laksana lakhe, pragata duhu ki bhanti. eka liye udvegata, eka liye upasanti. We can clearly observe the different signs for both categories. For one there is agitation, for the other one there is tranquillity. 28. Jerome Petit, Banarasidas's Karmachattisi 29. kacchapa kI sI sakuca hai, bakra turaga kI caal| aMdhakAra ko so samaya, kaMparoga ke bhAla // 29 // kacchapa ki-si sakuca hai, bakra turaga ki cala andhakara ko so samaya, kampa-roga ke bhala. There is contraction like a tortoise. Progression is like the winding course of a horse. There is an instant of darkness. Light is shed on trembling disease. 30. 239 bakarakUMda-sI umaMga hai, jakarabanda kI caal| makaracAMdanI-sI dipai, akararoga ke bhAla // 30 // bakara-kunda-si umanga hai, jakara-banda ki cala. makara-candani si dipai, akara-roga ke bhala. There is jubilation like the jump of a goat. Progression is of oppressive clutch. It shines like the moonlight of Capricorn. Light is shed on inactive disease. 31. tama udota doUM prakRti, pudgala kI prjaay| bhedajJAna bina mUr3ha mana, bhaTaka bhaTaka bharamAya // 31 // tama-udota dou prakrti, pudgala ki parajaya. bheda-jnana bina mudha mana, bhataka bhataka bharamaya. Darkness and light are two species of the modes of Matter. Without discernment, the idiot's mind is doomed to any kind of confusion.

Page #241
240 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah duhUM roga ko eka pada, duhaM soM mokSa na hoy| binAzIka duhuM kI dazA, biralA bUjhai koya // 32 // 32. duhu roga ko eka pada, duhu so moksa na hoya. binasika duhu ki dasa, birala bujhai koya. There is just one way for both diseases. From none of them is there Liberation. Few are those who can understand the state leading to the destruction of both. koU girai pahAr3a car3ha, koU bUr3he kuup| maraNa duha ko eka so, kahive ko dvai rUpa // 33 // 33. kou girai pahara carha, kou budhai kipa. marana duhu ko eka so, kahive ko dvai rupa. Some fall from a mountain on which they climbed. Some sink in a well. Both find death. It is said to be one in two forms. bhavavAsI duvidhA dharai, tArauM lakhai na ek| rUpa na jAnai jaladhi ko, kUpa koSa ko bheka // 34 // 34. bhavavasi du-vidha dharai, tatas lakhai na eka. rupa na janai jaladhi ko, kupa kosa ko bheka. It is established that there are two kinds of inhabitants in the world. 24 That's why we do not see them as one. The frog knows the treasure of the well, not the aspect of the ocean. mAtA duhuM kI vedanI, pitA duhUM ko moh| duhu ber3IM so baMdhi rahe, kahavata kaMcana loha // 35 // 35. mata duha ki vedani, pita duhu ko moha. duhu beri so bandhi rahe, kahavata kancana loha. Sensation-producing karma is the mother of both. Deluding karma is the father of both. Both are fettered with a shackle known to be made of golden metal.25 dub jAti duhUM kI eka hai, doya kahai jo koy| gahai Acarai saradahai, suravallabha hai soya // 36 // 36. jati duhu ki eka hai, doya kahai jo koya. gahai acarai saradahai, sura-vallabha hai soya. Birth is one for both, even some say that it is two. One who seizes, acts, and believes 26 is really the beloved of gods. 24 i.e. men and women. India makes also a distinction between arya and mleccha (GUERINOT 1926: 194-7). 25 See in the Introduction the reference to Samayasara 146. 26 Not traced in the dictionaries consulted, the root saradah- appears again in Premi's glossary: "saradahan: sraddhan, visvas" (PREMI 1957: 150).

Page #242
Jerome Petit, Banarasidas's Karmachattisi 241 jAke cita jaisI dazA, tAkI taisI dRsstti| paMDita bhava khaMDita karai, mUDha baDhAvai sRSTI // 37 // 37. ja ke cita jaisi dasa, ta ki taisi drsti. pandita bhava khandita karai, mudha badhavai srsti. The world-view depends on the condition of the mind. The wise breaks the existence into pieces, the idiot increases the creation. iti karmachattIsI References . Banarasidas. 1922. Banarasivilasa. Edited by Nathuram Premi. Mumbai: Jain Granth * Ratnakar Karyalay, Ratna no 7. Banarasidas. 2007. Ardhakathanaka. Traduction en hindi contemporain par Rohini Chaudhari. Delhi: Yatra Books, Penguin Books. Banarasidas. 2009. Ardhakathanak : A half story. Translated from the Braj Bhasha by Rohini Chowdhury; preface by Rupert Snell. Delhi: Penguin Books. Banarasidas. (forthcoming). Histoire a demi : recit autobiographique d'un marchand jaina du XVIIe siecle. French translation of Ardhakathanaka by Jerome Petit. Banarasidas. 2010. Dhyanabattisi : 32 Steps to Self-Realisation. Introduction and English translation by Jerome Petit. Mumbai: Hindi Granth Karyalay. Chakravarti, A. 1971. Acarya Kundakunda's Samayasara. With English Translation and Commentary based upon Amrtachandra's Atmakhyati. Delhi: Bharatiya Jnanpith. Cort, John E. 2002. "A Tale of Two Cities: On the Origins of Digambar Sectarism in North India" in Multiple Histories : culture and society in the study of Rajasthan, L. A. Babb, V. Joshi, M. W. Meister (ed.). Jaipur: Rawat Publications, pp. 39-83. Glasenapp, Helmuth von. 1942. Doctrine of Karman in Jain Philosophy. Varanasi: P.V. Research Institute, 2d edition 1991. Guerinot, Albert Armand. 1926. La religion djaina. Paris: Paul Geuthner. Gupta, Dindayalu. (no date). Brajbhasa Surkosa. Braj-Hindi dictionary, 2 vols., Lucknow: Visvavidyalaya Hindi Prakasan. Jain, Mahendra Kumar. 1949. Tattvartha-Vrtti of Sri Srutasagara Suri. The Commentary on Tattvartha-Sutra of Umasvami with Hindi translation. Delhi, Bharatiya Jnanpith, third edition 2002. Jain, Ravindra Kumar. 1966. Kavivar Banarasidas : jivani aur krtitva. Delhi: Bharatiya Jnanapith Prakasan.

Page #243
242 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Jaini, Padmanabh S. 1979. The Jaina Path of Purification. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Kundakunda. Samayasara. Original Text, Romanization, English Translation and Annotations (with scientific interpretation) by Shri Jethalal Zaveri assisted by Muni Mahendra Kumar. Ladnun: Jain Vishva Bharati University, 2009, Lath, Mukund. 1981. Ardhakathanaka. Half a Tale: A study in the interrelationship between autobiography and history. Jaipur: Rajasthan Prakrit Bharati Sansthan. McGregor, R.S. 1993. The Oxford Hindi-English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. Monier-Williams, Monier. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1899, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2002. Premi. Nathuram. 1957. Kavivar Banarasidas viracit Ardha Kathanak. Bambai: Hindi Granth Ratnakar. [dvitiya samsodhit samskaran. pratham samskaran 1943). Snell, Rupert. 1992. The Hindi Classical Tradition, a Braj Bhasa Reader. Delhi: Heritage Publ. Tatia, Nathmal. 1951. Studies in Jaina Philosophy. Varanasi: P.V. Research Institute. Tatia, Nathmal. 1994. Tattvartha Sutra: That Which Is. Umasvati/Umasvami with the combined commentaries of Umasvati/Umasvami, Pujyapada and Siddhasenagani. London: The Institute of Jainology, HarperCollins Publishers. Turner, R. L. 1966. A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages. London

Page #244
Section IV General Issues

Page #245

Page #246
Some Observations on Buddhist and Jaina Ethics 20 Dayanand BHARGAVA The points of similarity between the Buddhistic and the Jaina views of life are so glaringly evident that one is likely to miss the distinction between the two which is perhaps equally important, if not more, to understand them in their proper perspective. The attitude of Lord Buddha for the Jaina sadhus is refected in the Upalisutta, where he asks Upali, a convert from Jainism to show the same respect for Jaina sadhus as before conversion. Lord Buddha himself, is said to have once led a life in which he remained naked, took his food in the cavity of his hand and plucked out his hair with his hands.' Obviously, this resembles the Jaina mode of living of a monk. In fact, Devasena, a Jaina author, has said in his book Darsanasara that Lord Buddha was once a disciple of Jaina monk, Pihitasarva. In any case, what brought Jainism and Buddhism together was not only the similarity between the two but also their common attitude towards Brahmanism. They differed from the orthodox Vedic religion inasmuch as they divorced spiritualism from a social philosophy, with which the former has intermingled it. This central difference led to many other differences. The enthusiasm of the Jainas and the Buddhists for spiritual emancipation of the individual made them indifferent to the secular problems of society. They rejected the life of worldly activity in favour of a life of peaceful contemplation, stressed on asceticism and held the overall supremacy of a monk over a householder. Being indifferent to social problems, they remained indifferent to the caste system as a social institution and opposed it as a ban on entering the spiritual life. In the Asokavadana, it is said that the caste is to be taken into consideration in the context of marriage and not in the context of spiritualism. avahakale 'tha vivahakale jateh pariksa na tu dharmakalel dharmakriyayam hi guna nimitta gunas ca jatim na vicarayanti// Somadeva has summarised the whole position by saying that those general customs of the society which are not contrary to the spiritual code of morality should be followed by the Jainas : Majjhimanikaya, 1.2.2. 2 Lalitavistara, 12.1-4.

Page #247
246 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah sarva eva hi Jainanam pramanam laukiko vidhih | yatra samyaktvahanir na yatra na vratadusanam | It was on this basis that violence in the sacrifices was condemned. It would be interesting to note that the Jainas today perform sacrifices on special occasions like that of installation of the image. Even the authority of the Vedas was challenged by both of them because they teach violence. This emphasis on individualism led to the emphasis on the dignity of an individual. An individual need not bow before any God, who, in fact, does not exist at all. The gods, however, even though existing, bow before the power of a spiritual personality. We need not seek any help from outside. "Thou art thy own friend and you yourself make an effort," said Lord Mahavira.? "Lead a life, being a lamp to yourselves", said Lord Buddha. We are the architects of our fate, no supra-human power interferes. It is through intense human exertion that one has to seek emancipation from the sufferings and miseries of life. It is this belief in the efficacy of human exertion, from which, both the Jainas and the Buddhists derive their common name, sramana, which comes from the root sram-, to exert. Lord Buddha gave the central theme of his ethics in the first sermon at Sarnath, in which he dwelt upon the untold miseries and sufferings of the world. He declared : "Birth is misery; old age, decay, sickness, death, sorrow, grief, woe, lamentation and despair are miseries, not to get what one desires is also misery." The Uttaradhayayana speaks in rather a poetic tone. "All singing is but prattle, all dancing is but mocking, all ornaments are but a burden, all pleasures produce but pain." In fact the pressure of the problem of misery was already felt acutely in the Upanisads. In the Chandogyopanisad, Narada is said to have approached Sanatkumara with the request, "O Lord; I am in grief; lead me to the shore that lies beyond grief." This attitude gave an ascetic tinge to sramanism as well as to post-Buddhist Brahmanism. Here Buddha took care to ask his followers to avoid extremes and follow the middle path, which balances self-indulgence, and self-mortification. There are indications that Buddha was criticised for allowing many enjoyments, which the public opinion at that time did not consider proper for monks. The ancient commentators explain that the Sutrakstanga also criticises the Buddhist mode of life as 3 Yasastilakacampu, 8.34. * Dighanikaya, 1.5. * Majjhimanikaya, 2. 5. 5. Dasavaikalika, 1.1. 7 Acarangasutra, Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII, p. 276. * Dighanikaya, 3.3. deg Anguttara Nikaya 3.62.10. 10 Mahavagga, 1.39 and 1.49.

Page #248
D.N. Bhargava, Some Observations on Buddhist and Jaina Ethics 247 being too comfortable." The Jainas, however, distinguish themselves in the severest austerities. In the beginning of his career Lord Buddha also performed such austerities; but gave them up later on realising that they were not useful for enlightenment. Even then, some of his followers continued to practise such austerities under the name of dhutangas. 12 In fact, we find traces of distinction between those Bhikkhus who were hermits and loved solitary lives in the woods and those who moved about in bands, frequenting rest houses. This distinction, later on, led to the schism in the form of Hinayana, which laid more emphasis on the love of solitude, and Mahayana which laid more emphasis on the universal compassion towards the suffering creatures. In the history of Jainism, however, the penance has held throughout an essential position in the scheme of ethics. The Uttaradhyayana says: "As a large tank, when its supply of water has been stopped gradually, dries up by the consumption of water and by evaporation, so the Karman of a monk, which he has acquired in crores of births, is annihilated by austerities."14 Non-violence is the most important characteristic of asceticism. If suffering is an evil, it is also an evil to inflict suffering on others. So far, both the traditions of Sramanism agree. But keeping with the general trend, the Jainas went to the extreme in this case also. Buddha allowed pure meat which is not seen, nor heard, nor supposed to be prepared, even though Devadatta, who was an advocate of dhutangas requested him to restrict admission to his order only to vegetarians. Though a controversy whether Mahavira allowed meat or not is carried on by some scholars like Pandita Sukhalala Samghavi, yet by and large the creed of non-violence in Jainism seems to be irreconcilable with flesh eating. But this seems to be rather a minor difference because Lord Buddha also prohibited moving about of the monks in the rainy season and cutting of even trees and grass out of regard for life, which shows that he was no less particular about non-violence. We should avoid inflicting of misery on others but are we under any obligation to alleviate the miseries of others also? Santideva says that the world is just like a body, the constituents of which are like its limbs and the happiness of the one part belongs to the whole : 11 Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XLV, p. 269. 12 Samyuttanikaya, Vol. II, pp. 132-133. 13 Eliott, Sir Charles, Hinduism and Buddhism, Vol. I, p. 242. 14 Uttaradhyayana, 30.5. 15 Cullavagga, 1.5. 16 Sukhalala, Darsana aura Cintana, Jain Dharma aur darsana, pp. 70-71. 17 Mahavagga, 3.2.2. 18 Dighanikaya, 1.5.

Page #249
248 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah hastadibhedena bahuprakarah kayo yathaikah paripalaniyah tatha jagadbhinnam abhinnaduhkhasukhatmakam sarvam idam tathaiva (Bodhicaryavatara 8.91) Of what use is the dry liberation, which dwindles into insignificance before the oceans of the ecstacies of the creatures being freed? mucyamanesu sattvesu ye te pramodyasagarah tair eva nanu paryaptam moksenarasikena kim || (8.108) Obviously this trend became more prominent in the Mahayana school. The Bodhisattva's only wish is to do good to others." The Jainas however, emphasized more the negative precepts of non-injury. On a minute observation, they realised that the idea of helping the helpless is neither compatible with the high standards of detachment and asceticism nor with the concept of absolute non-violence itself. Any worldly help to a man would imply attachment on the side of one who gives it and the propagation of mundane activities on the side of one who receives it.20 It seems somewhat strange why the Buddhists should not have criticized the Jainas for holding such a restricted and negative view of non-violence and why the Jainas should have spared the Buddhists for allowing flesh eating, even though holding themselves to be the votaries of non-violence. The Jaina view of non-violence led to an idea of supra-moral plan of ethics. The moral plan of life, which is vyavahara dharma, admits of a distinction between the good and the bad. But this is not the ultimate aim of ethics. The niscaya dharma consists of transcending the duality of good and bad. The good and the bad, says. Kundakundacarya, are both like the shackles of gold and iron respectively, and as such, both of them bind us to the physical world." No doubt that the intermediate path of morality is to be preferred to the path of immoral practices, because as Pujyapada says, is it not better to wait in the cool shade rather than in the hot sun?22 Lord Buddha must have also thought only sila or conduct is insufficient as he has recommended samadhi also. In Buddhism also, all acts, whether good or bad are considered impure from the point of view of meditation." Buddhism, however, could never have gone to the extreme of considering even the virtuous activities as a hindrance to liberation. The Jainas argued that the virtuous action leads to wealth, wealth to pride, pride to infatuation and infatuation to sin and, therefore, let there be 19 Jatakamala, 5.3. 20 Cf. Muni Nagaraja Ahimsa-paryaveksana, pp. 29-32. 21 Samayasara, 146. 22 Istopadesa, 3. 23 Radhakrishnan, S., Indian Philosophy, Vol. I. p. 162.

Page #250
D.N. Bhargava, Some Observations on Buddhist and Jaina Ethics 249 . no actions for us.24 It is to be noted that this condemnation of virtue is connected with the condemnation of vice. The Jainas have included the vow of non-possession in their moral vows, which the Buddhists have not, even though they also prescribed a very limited number of possessions for a monk -- three robes, a girdle, an alms-bowl, razor, a needle and a water strainer. In Buddhism, the concept of supra-moral plan of life seems to have degenerated in the form of Tantric Buddhism. It is true that 'we do not always understand the symbolical language in which they were writers 25 yet any doctrine which says that nirvana can be found in the blissful embrace of a young girl,26 there can be no liberation without a female partner27 and lust is crushed by lust28 is bound to be abused by the common man. Thus the abstract idea of nirvana was replaced by the idea of mahasukha" which led to a code of morality which is sometimes diametrically opposed to what Lord Buddha himself taught. We find a period of moral decadence in the history of Jaina ethics also. In the commentary on Nisitha (the name, meaning 'night' symbolically indicates its secret nature), we find some striking examples of moral degeneration. A monk, for example, is allowed to use 'oil of swan' as a medicine, which is prepared by the cruel method of piercing the body of the swan, filling its body with medicines and then boiling it on oil.30 A monk is declared as pure even after he has killed lions to safeguard the samgha in a forest. A monk is asked by the acarya to kill the Brahmanas by magic, because the king compelled the Jaina monks to touch the feet of those Brahmanas.32 We have, on the other hand, the attitude of equanimity of Parsva to Dharanendra and Kamatha when the former tried to save him from the latter who tried to kill him. In the Brhatkalpabhasya, we also find that a senior monk tells lie to a junior monk about the water, which though impure, is declared by him to be pure, because he wants to take it.33 But the distinction between the attitude of the Jainas and the Buddhists should not be overlooked. The Jainas allowed these practices only as an allowance for human weakness but did not consider them as helpful for liberation whereas the later 24 Punnena hoi vihavo vihavena mao maena moho mohena ya pavam ta punnam amha ma hou. 25 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, XXVI, 1930, p. 128. 26 Hevajra Tantra pt. I. pp. 90, 96. 27 Ibid., p. 94. 28 Guhyasamaja Tantra, pp. 26-27. 29 Cf. Cittavisuddhi Prakarana, 6, 19, 33. 30 Curni on the Nisitha, gatha 348. 31 Ibid., gatha 289. 32 Ibid., gatha 287. 33 BThatkalpabhasya, Vol III, 882.

Page #251
250 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Buddhists recommended such practices on the ground of the theory that lust is crushed by lust and considered them to be a means to liberation. Another point to be noted is the attitude of the Jainas towards the relation of the metaphysics and ethics. Buddha kept silence over so many metaphysical problems, which have a close bearing on ethics. The nature of atman and nirvana are the two main problems of this type. Such metaphysical queries are rejected by Lord Buddha as they do not promote the moral well-being of the aspirant. A wounded man should not waste his time and energy in making worthless enquiries about the caste and family etc., of the man who wounded him and about the shape etc., of the arrow.34 The question about the nature of the liberated soul is a wilderness, a desert, a puppet show and it does not encourage distaste for the world, absence of passion, distance for the world, absence of passion, cessation of evil, knowledge, perfect enlightenment or nirvana." When Lord Buddha was compelled to explain his silence over the question whether atman existed or not, he replied that he wanted neither to side with those who held atman to be eternal (sasvatavada) nor with those who believed in nihilism (ucchedavada). Similarly, though nirvana is mostly described in negative terms, yet it is described sometimes as a state of happiness also." Jainism adopted the attitude of non-absolutism in such matters by which the apparent contradiction of statements would be logically explained. In fact, Samantabhadra's criticism of the doctrine holding the world and the self as absolutely transitory is based on ethical grounds. He says that all moral distinction between the antithesis of bondage and liberation, punya and papa, heaven and hell, pleasure and pain will be blurred if we were not to accept that things are partly temporary and partly permanent.39 This silence of Lord Buddha led to a greater schism in Buddhism, whereas a definiteness of the Jaina attitude did not allow an evolution of the metaphysical ideas to any appreciable degree. It is important to note that Asoka, who showed great interest in the propagation of Buddhist ethics, did not speak of nirvana at all, though lie refers to the other world. In any case, it is the unanimity on the ethical implications of the doctrine of Karman which binds all the three great Aryan religions of India viz., Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism, in a common link. If it is true that as you sow so shall you reap, the reverse of it is equally true. It was on account of this similarity that older Brahmanism showed a great receptivity to the new religion of the Jainas and the Buddhists. A life of *Majjhimanikaya, 2.2.3. 3 Majjhimanikaya, 2.3.2. 36 Samyuttanikaya, Anandasutta, 45.10. * Majjhimanikaya, 1.4.6. 38 Ibid., 3.4.9. 39 Aptamimamsa, 40-41. Also Syadvadamanjari, 35 and Yuktyanusasana, 15 and 16.

Page #252
D.N. Bhargava, Some Observations on Buddhist and Jaina Ethics 251 introversion and contemplation becomes as important for Hinduism as it was for Sramanism. In the Yogavasistha, Rama says, "I am not Rama, my mind is not attached to anything. I want to remain self-absorbed and calm as Jina": naham ramo na me vancha vibhave na ca me manah/ Santa asitum icchami svatmaniva jino yathal/ Thus the birth of Jainism and Buddhism led to a synthetic culture. The basic difference, however, as already indicated, between Brahmanism and Jainism is that the latter divorced spiritualism from social philosophy. As regards the Jainas and the Buddhists, the former represent the extremists whereas the latter were moderate in ethical principles. In this discussion, it would not be out of place to mention a strange phenomena. All the Tirthankaras, who preached non-violence, came from the Ksatriya class, who were warriors. But today, their followers come only from the business community, who are not only peace-loving but also of compromising nature. The utility of the theory of passions, which the ascetic religions teach, will have also to be reconsidered in the light of modern psychology which teaches their sublimation rather than their suppression. Similarly, when science and socialism are engaged in making the whole of the society rich and prosperous, the glorification of selfmortification and poverty in the form of non-possessiveness will have also to be reinterpreted. It seems that Buddhist ethics may prove to be more helpful than Jaina ethics in this effort. But non-absolutism may suit more for modern times when we like to be rational and not dogmatic in our thinking.

Page #253
Jaina Concept of Origin and Transmission of Speech (Bhasa) R. P. PODDAR Jaina scriptures often adopt a question-answer method for exposition of a subject. They treat speech (bhasa) in the same way. In the 11th chapter of the Pannavanasutta, questions about origin and transmission of speech (bhasa) are put by Gautama Ganadhara, to the Tirthankara Mahavira who answers them. The questions are : | Bhasa nam bhante kimadiya ? Where does the speech originate? ii) Kim pavaha ? From where is it produced ? iii) Kim santhiya ? What is it shaped like? iv) Kim pajjavasiya ? Where does it come to an end ? The answers are : i) Bhasa nam jivadiya. Speech originates from jiva (soul) ii) Sarirappabhava. It is produced from the body. iii) Vajjasanthiya. It is shaped as vajra, narrow in the middle and spread out at both the ends. In Jaina metaphysics cosmos is supposed to be of this shape, roughly like that of a man standing akimbo with the legs wide apart. IV) Loganta-pajjavasiya.

Page #254
R. P. Poddar, Jain Concept of Origin and Transmission of Speech 253 It ends at the extremities of the cosmos, because there is no motion in the transcosmic space. Jiva, though the ultimate source of speech, can produce it when united with a body. The latter is acquired according to the Karman accompanying the jiva in its transmigratory course. There are eight main types of karman, viz. i) Jnanavarana, knowledge-obscuring, ii) Darsanavarana, intuition-obscuring, iii) Vedaniya, gender-determining, iv) Mohaniya, deluding, v) Ayuska, lifespan-determining, vi) Nama, body-determining, vii) Gotra, family-determining, viii) Antaraya, obstruction-producing, Adyo jnana-darsanavarana-vedaniya-mohaniya-ayuska-nama-gotrantarayah (Tattvarthasutra 8.5). The body-determining (nama-) karman consists of forty-two subtypes including gati: determining the course of a jiva through numerous forms of life as sura (divine), nara (human), naraka (infernal) and tiryanca (sub-human); jati: determining the species; sarira: determining the shape and size of the body; Varna, gandha, rasa, phasa, atapa, uddyota etc., determining respectively colour, smell, taste, touch, heat and lustre etc. of the body; svara: determining the type and quality of voice. Of the earthly jivas there are six categories, sad-jiva-nikaya. These may be grouped as trasa (mobile) and sthavara (immobile). The latter consists of, i) Prithvi-kaya, earth-bodied, ii) Apkaya, water-bodied, iii) Tejas-kaya, fire-bodied, iv) Vayu-kaya, wind-bodied, and v) Vanaspati-kaya, plant-bodied, All these are ekendriya (mono-sensed), having the sense of touch (sparsa) only.

Page #255
254 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah vi) The trasas which constitute the sixth category, are: - Dvindriya, bi-sensed, having taste in addition, as earthworm; - Trindriya, tri-sensed, having smell in addition, as the ants; - Caturindriya, tetra-sensed, having sight in addition, as the black bee; and, - Pancendriya, penta-sensed, having hearing in addition, as birds, animals and humans. There are ten components of vitality (prana), viz. i) touch, ii) body, iii) respiration, iv) lifespan, v) taste, vi speech, vii) smell, viii) sight, ix) hearing and x) ratiocination. One-sensed beings have the first four components of vitality, viz. touch, body, respiration and lifespan; two-sensed have the fifth, taste, and the sixth, speech, in addition; three-sensed have the seventh, smell, in addition; the four-sensed have the eighth, sight, in addition; and the five-sensed beings have the ninth, hearing, in addition. But among these ratiocination remains the exclusive preserve of the fivesensed rational beings, namely, the humans. In Jaina metaphysics bhasa or vac has been postulated as paudgalika (non-sentient matter and energy). Only an embodied jiva can produce it by vibrating its appropriate paudgalika content to express its agreeable or disagreeable feeling (satasata-vedana). Since the sthavaras (immobile) cannot vibrate their paudgalika content, these have no speech, though they are jiva and have a body also. Only the trasas, two-sensed onwards, can do that. But in their case too bhasa or vac need not be invariably vocal. Any physical movement of a jiva, under the impact of a sensation, gross or subtle, is expressive of its response, and, is, therefore, speech, oral or extra-oral, audible or inaudible. In physical observation, two-sensed like worms etc., three-sensed like ants etc. do not seem to be producing any sound. But on minute observation, it has been found that insects produce sound by friction, the ants and the like by vibrating their proboscis. The snakes produce hissing sound by short quick breath, the crickets by vibrating their external membrane and the black bees by vibrating their wings. Fishes produce sound by vibrating the inner muscles of their body. Animals and birds produce vocal sound. All these sounds are inarticulate. Articulation begins with the humans who, besides the five senses, have a ratiocinative mind by virtue of which they can conceptualize their percepts and find out ways to express the concepts by producing appropriate sounds. Speech when emitted, instantly assumes a vajra-shape, i.e. the shape of the cosmos, at the extremities of which it terminates, because motion is not possible in trans-cosmic space. Speech, as sound waves, is mechanical energy which is transmitted by compression waves, at different speed in different media like air, water, metal etc. This speed is much less than that of light (roughly three lakh kilometer per second). So

Page #256
R. P. Poddar, Jain Concept of Origin and Transmission of Speech 255 speed consisting of sound waves, instantly touching the extremities of the cosmos is an impossibility. Since speech has its origin in the jiva, it basically consists of spiritual vibrations which can traverse and pervade the cosmos instantly (cf. nada-brahma, omnipervasive voice). Though the jiva, rid of karmic hindrances, as it is in case of an omniscient, can know and see the transcosmic space (aloka) also, its spiritual vibrations have to be limited within the cosmos, beyond which motion is not possible. From the spiritual state speech comes to the physical level. It is here that its objects are perceived and conceptualized in terms of language and uttered. The spiritual and different physical stages are comparable with para, pasyanti, madhyama and vaikhari stages of vani. At the spiritual stage it is para; while perceiving the object to be expressed, it is pasyanti, while transforming the object (artha) into speech-sounds it is madhyama, at the utterance stage it is vaikhari. Now, the question arises: how long does it take for a concept to be encased in word and delivered, 'katihi va samayehi bhasati bhasam', how many samayas, instants, (the smallest unit of time), does the jiva take in conceiving and delivering speech? The answer is, 'two samayas, instants'. Since, there can't be delivery without conception, so in the first instant the jiva conceives and in the second it delivers. In continuous speech, in the second instant, the jiva while delivering the first particle of speech, conceives the next, till the last instant in which there is delivery and no further conception. Practically, the processes are simultaneous, but then conception has to precede delivery in order. The speaker may go on conceiving the speech-matter and retain it in memory for delivery at some later time, with a gap of two to innumerable samayas, instants. This process of conceiving and delivering is called grahana-nissarana. In the process of grahana, the entire self of the speaker- mind, body and senses, are in action. In the nissarana, however, it is only the vocal organ which is in action, of course along with the mind. This apparently two-phased action of grahana and nissarana, is actually three-phased. The initial phase is identification of the matter to be expressed through speech, bhasadravya. It is to be followed by its conversion into speech-language, bhasatvena parinamana. This is the inner linguistic expression of the matter which is of necessity interwoven with the process of identification of the matter to be expressed by means of speech-language. It is a link between the grahana, the initial stage, and nissarana the final utterance. Any object of knowledge may constitute the content of speech (bhasadravya) provided that i) it is present (sthita) before the senses and mind of the speaker; ii) it is in full contact of the speaker jiva; in other words the speaker jiva is pre occupied with it;

Page #257
256 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah iii) the speaker jiva is competent to express it. Five types of exposition of a subject matter have been identifiedi) khandabheda, piece by piece, specifying and elucidating all the details; ii) pratarabheda, layer after layer, i.e. generic, not specific, exposition of subject matter; iii) curnikabheda, pounding or mixing up and confusing the subject-matter; iv) anutatikabheda, exposition along the periphery, i. e. marginal and superficial; v) utkarikabheda, scattered or incoherent exposition of the subject matter. Conclusion: i) Speech (bhasa) originates in the soul. ii) It is expressed through the body. iii) At the spiritual level its transmission is instantaneous. iv) It terminates at the end of the cosmos because in the trans-cosmic space there is no motion. v) Its physical expression varies with the number of the senses of the jivas. vi) It remains mute in the mono-sensed jiva, Earth, Water, Air, Fire and Plant. vii) It is expressed in two-, three-, four-, and five-sensed Jivas. viii) In sub-humans it is inarticulate. ix) Humans, because of their having a rational mind, can raise it to articulate level. x) Articulation varies from person to person according to the individual's capacity to conceive and deliver the speech-matter (bhasa-dravya).

Page #258
22 The Historical Development of Jaina Yoga System and Impacts of Other Yoga-Systems on it A Comparative and Critical Study Sagarmal JAIN Jainism, like the other religions of Indian origin attaches supreme importance to Yoga and dhyana (meditation) as a means to spiritual advancement and emancipation. According to the Uttaradhyayanasutra, one can know the real nature of self through right knowledge, one can have faith on it through right vision or right attitude. Similarly one can have control over it through right conduct, but the purification of the self can only be achieved through right tapas.' As per Janism tapas (penance) has two supreme wings, which are known as dhyana (meditation or concentration) and kayotsarga i.e. non-attachment towards one's own body as well as all worldly belongings. Jainas believe that emancipation, which is the ultimate goal of our life, can only be achieved by sukla-dhyana, which is the state of pure self-awareness or knowership. Thus according to Jainism emancipation can only be achieved by dhyana, which is also the seventh step of Patanjali's Yoga system. Thus we can say that dhyana and Yoga are the essential factors of Jaina religious practices. All the images of Jaina Tirthankaras are only in meditative posture and not any other posture: Sofar as the development of Jaina Yoga studies in our times in India and abroad is concerned, Nathamal Tatia and Pandit Sukhalalji have devoted a full chapter on Jaina Yoga and meditation, in their works Samadarsi Haribhadra and Studies in Jaina philosophy, respectively. R. Williams has written a book entitled Jaina Yoga, but in this book he mainly discussed the Jaina ethics and moral code and little about Jaina Yoga. For him Jaina Yoga means the Jaina path of emancipation. In present days some works in Hindi on Jaina Yoga have also been written, among which the first and foremost are Jaina Yoga and Preksa meditation of Muni Nathamal, the late Acarya Mahaprajna. Dr. A.B. Dige's Ph.D. thesis on Jaina Yoga also has been published by the P.V. Research Institute, Varanasi. In recent days two Ph.D. thesis, Meditation and Yoga in Jaina sadhana and Historical development of Jaina Meditation from Mahavira to Mahaprajna written by two Jaina nuns under my guidance have also been published. I have also written a work on Jaina Tantrika-Sadhana in Hindi in which I have shown the historical development and impact of other Yoga systems on Jaina Uttaradhyayanasutra 28/35.

Page #259
258 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Yoga, meditation and Jaina rituals. Some works on Haribhadrasuri and his Yoga system are also written and published in these days. If we want to know the brief historical account of the development of Jaina Yoga, its meditational methods, and the impacts of other Indian Yoga systems on it, we should divide the development of the Jaina Yoga system into the following five stages: 1. Pre-canonical age (before 6th century B.C) * 2. Canonical age (51h century B.C. to 5th century A.D) 3. Post-canonical age (6ch century A.D. to 12th century A.D) 4. 'Age of Tantra and Rituals (13th to 19th century A.D) 5. Modern age (204h century) 1. Pre-canonical age The concepts of Yoga and meditation are as early as Indian culture itself. From the earliest period, we find two types of evidences regarding Yoga and meditation: 1) sculptural evidences and 2) literary evidences. For the first phase of Yoga and meditation, both types of evidences are available. But it is very difficult to say that these evidences support the Jaina method of Yoga and meditation. We can only say that this earliest phase of Yoga and meditation belongs to Sramanic culture of which Jainism, Buddhism, Ajivikas, Samkhya, Yoga as well as some other minor Sramanic trends are the offspring. For this reason every Indian system of dhyana and Yoga has the right to claim it, as its own. Due to this some Jaina scholars also made the claims that these evidences belong to their own tradition. The earliest sculptural traces regarding Yoga and meditation are found from the Mohenjodaro and Harappa. In the excavation of Mohenjodaro and Harappa some seals are found, in which Yogis have been shown as sitting or standing in the meditational posture.? It proves that in that period meditative and yogic practices prevailed. The culture of Mohenjodaro and Harappa may be called the earliest state of the Sramanic culture of India. It is clear that while the Vedic tradition was engaged in performing the yajnas or sacrifices, the Sramanic tradition was taking interest in yogic and meditative practices. I am of the opinion that this early Sramanic tradition, in due course of time had been divided into various branches such as Jainism, Buddhism, Samkhya - Yoga and Ajivika along with some other minor sects. Though the Upanishadic trend of that period had tried to make a synthesis between the Sramanic and Vedic traditions, yet it was mostly dominated by the Sramanic tradition, The Samkhya and Yoga systems may also be the result of this synthesis. But we must be aware of the fact that in them Sramanic features are dominating. 2 A.K. Majumdar, History and Culture of Indian people vol. 1, plate VII.

Page #260
Sagarmal Jain, The Historical Development of Jaina Yoga System 259 Impact of other systems on Jaina Yoga in this period In the first phase i.e. in the pre-canonical age it is very difficult to trace the impact of other systems of Yoga on Jaina Yoga, because in this period we do not find any information about any of the organized schools of yogic and meditational practices, except that of Ramaputta, from whom Lord Buddha had learned some methods of meditation. It is interesting to know that he was also mentioned in some Jaina canonical texts, such as Sutrakstanga, Antakyddasanga and Rsibhasita. I believe that Vipassana and Preksha meditations of that period may basically belong to Ramaputta in their original forms. 2. Canonical age Traditionally it is believed that Jaina Yoga and meditative practices originated from Ksabhadeva, the first Tirthamkara. But so far as the historical evidences are concerned, the earliest mention of yogic practices and meditation was found in early Jaina canonical works such as Acaranga, Sutrakstanga and Rsibhasita. In Upadhanasruta (Ac., chap. 9), we have the records of those yogic and meditative practices, which were followed by Lord Mahavira himself, in which we find a specific method of meditation. In Sutrakrtanga (chap. 6) Preksa meditation was also mentioned. There Lord Mahavira was presented as the best meditator or seer, who knew the real nature of religious practices, steadiness of mind and preksa (selfawareness). In Sutrakstanga (chap. 8) it is also mentioned that for the emancipation the ultimate means are dhyana, yoga and titiksa (tolerance). The Yoga and meditational practices at their end can be completed by giving up the attachment towards one's own body (8/26), which is known in Jainism as kayotsarga. In this second phase, which is known as canonical age, some common features can be seen between Patanjali's eightfold Yoga system and the Jaina Yoga system. Patanjali's system has the following steps of Yogic practices: 1. Yama (vows) 2. Niyama (supporting vows) 3. Asana (bodily postures) 4. Pranayama (controlling of respiration) 5. Pratyahara (controlling of sense organs) (a) Sutrakstanga 3/62. (b) Sthananga10/113. (c) Rsibhasita, chap. 23. * Acaranga 9/5. Sutrakstanga 6/13,6/17. 6 Sutrakstanga 8/27.

Page #261
260 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 6. Dharana (controlling of mental activities) 7. Dhyana (concentration of mind) and 8. Samadhi (equanimity of mind or cessation of mind). In Jaina canonical works we also find these eight limbs of Yogic Sadhana, but with different names. The Sthanakavasi Acarya Atmaram has made a comparative study of these eight limbs of with the Jaina system in his book Jaina agamom mem astanga yoga. 1. According to him, the five yamas are also acceptable to Jainas in the name of the five mahavratas: 1. Ahimsa (Non-violence), 2. Satya (Truthfulness), 3. Asteya (Non-stealing) 4. Brahmacarya (Celibacy) and 5. Aparigraha (Non-possession)... 2. Niyama. In Patanjali's Yogasutra the five niyamas are: 1. sauca (piousness), 2. Santosa (Satisfaction), 3. Tapas (penance), 4. Svadhyaya (Study of scriptures), and 5. isvara pranidhana (meditation of the nature of god or pure self). In Jaina scriptures they can be recognized under some different names. In the Bhagavatisutra, Lord Mahavira explains to Somila that his life style is of six types i.e. 1. Tapas, 2. Niyama, 3. Samyama, 4. Svadhyaya, 5. Dhyana, 6. Avasyaka (Observance of essential duties with self -awareness).' Samyama corresponds to samtosa and isvarapranidhana to dhyana, whereas the names are the same in other cases. In Isibhasiyaim (chap. 1) we find the mention of sauca, though by sauca Jainas do not mean bodily purity, but give stress on mental purity i.e. the piousness of the heart. Jainism as well as the Yogasutra both accept that these niyamas are the supporter of the yamas or mahavratas. We can also say that the twenty-five bhavanas of the five mahavratas or the thirty-two yogasamgrahas of Jainism can also be considered as similar to the niyamas. 3. Asana. Many of the asanas (bodily postures) are accepted in Jainism in the name of kayaklesatapa, the sixth kind of external tapas. In Jaina scriptures (Bhagavati, Aupapatika and Dasasrutaskandha) we also find the names of various types of bodily postures. It is also said that Lord Mahavira attained kevalajnana in goduhasana. 4. Pranayama. Regarding this limb we do not find any clear instructions in Jaina canonical works. Only in the commentary of the Avasyakasutra it is mentioned that one should observe the meditation (kayotsarga) of one thousand respirations at the occasion of yearly penitential retreat (pratikramana), in the same way five hundred respirations meditation at fourth monthly penitential retreat, two hundred and fifty respirations meditation at the time of forthnightly, one hundred at daily and fifty at the time of nightly pratikramana.'' In my opinion this is the same as anapana-sati of 7 Bhagavatisutra 18/10/207. 8 Dasasrutaskandha 6/3. Pajjosavanakappo (Ladnun) 81. 10 Avasyakacurni.

Page #262
Sagarmal Jain, The Historical Development of Jaina Yoga System 261 Vipassana meditation of Buddhism and svasapreksa meditation of Acarya Mahaprajna. I do no find any reference of kumbhaka, puraka and recaka pranayama in early Jaina canonical texts, though in the later period subhacandra and Hemacandra have mentioned the various types of pranayamas in the Jnanarnava and in the Yogasastra respectively." 5. Pratyahara means to have the control over one's sense organs. This limb has been widely discussed in the Jaina canon in the name of pratisamlinata as a sixth kind of external austerity. In various Jaina scriptures this fifth limb of Yoga has been described in the name of indriya-samyama. Uttaradhyayanasutra (chap. 30) discusses it in detail," and there are many references in various Jaina canonical works. 6. Dharana. Though in the works of Jaina logic, the fourth kind of matijnana is known as dharana, the concept of "retention" in Jaina logic is somehow different from Patanjali's Yoga system, where it means concentration of mind, while in Jainism it means retention of the experience. Patanjali's conception of dharana is somehow similar to the Jaina concept of dhyana. 7. Dhyana. In the Jaina tradition dhyana generally means the concentration of mind on some object or mental image. According to it our thought and its instrument, the mind, are restless. The regulation and concentration of these is called dhyana. Though Jainism accepts four kinds of dhyana: (1) Arta-dhyana, concentration of the mind on the fulfillment of worldly desires, (2) Raudra-dhyana, concentration of thought on violent activities, (3) Dharma-dhyana, concentration of mind on auspicious thoughts or for the well being of one's own self as well as of others, (4) Sukla-dhyana where the mind gradually shortens its field of concentration and at last becomes steady and motionless or nirvikalpa." 8. Samadhi. According to Patanjali samadhi is the motionless state of mind, body and speech. In other words it is the state of trance in which the connection of self with the outer world is broken. In Jainism Patanjali's three internal limbs of Yoga, such as dharana, dhyana and samadhi are attached to the Jaina concept of meditation. Dharana and dhyana may be summed up in various stage of dharma-dhyana and samadhi in sukla-dhyana. In an other way, we can also find Patanjali's dharana and dhyana in the Jaina concept of dhyana and samadhi into the Jain concept of kayotsarga. In Patanjali's Yoga system, dharana, dhyana and samadhi are considered as internal limbs of yogic Sadhana and being internal limbs, they are not independent from each other. But they have some connective link: without dharana, dhyana is not possible and without dhyana, samadhi is not possible. (b) Yogasastra 7/8-9. "(a) Jnanarnava, sarga 37-40 12 Uttaradhyayana 32/21-106. 13 Yogasastra 12/5.

Page #263
262 . SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah In the canonical age Jaina Sadhana centered around the threefold or fourfold path of emancipation i.e. right faith, right knowledge, right conduct and right austerity. Because they considered right conduct and right austerity as one, Umasvati and some other Jaina teachers prescribed the threefold path of emancipation. This threefold path of emancipation is generally acceptable in Hinduism and Buddhism. In Hinduism it is also acceptable as bhakti-yoga, jnana-yoga and karma-yoga, and in Buddhism as sila, samadhi and prajna. We can compare right knowledge with jnana-yoga of the Gita and prajna of Buddhism Buddhism, similarly right faith with bhakti-yoga of the Gita and samyak-samadhi of Buddhism and right conduct with karma-yoga of Gita and sila of Buddhism.14 But here we must be aware of the fact that whereas some Hindu thinkers hold that the cultivation of any one of these three constituents is sufficient to attain emancipation, Jaina thinkers do not agree with them. They hold that the absence of any one of these makes emancipation impossible. Thus Jainism believes in the synthesis of these three Yogas. Here it is to be noted that this threefold path of Jainism can be summed up in the practice of Samayika or Samatva Yoga. For Jainas, Samatva Yoga is the excellent blend of right faith, right knowledge and right conduct. The Uttaradhyayanasutra says: nadamsanissa nanam, nanena vina na honti caranaguna agunissa natthi mokkho, natthi amukkassa nivvanam (28.30) Knowledge is impossible without a right view-point or faith and without right knowledge, right conduct is not possible, without right conduct, liberation remains unattainable. Thus all the three are needed for the attainment of emancipation. Samatva Yoga the fundamental Yoga of Jainism Samayika or Samatva Yoga is the principal concept of Jainism. It is the first and foremost among the six essential duties of a monk as well as of a house-holder. Pkt. samaiya is translated into English in various ways such as observance of equanimity, viewing all the living beings as one's own self, conception of equality, harmonious state of one's behavior, integration of personality as well as righteousness of the activities of mind, body and speech. Ac. Kundakunda also used the term samahi, in the sense of samayika where it means a tensionless state of consciousness or state of selfabsorption. In general sense the word samayika means a particular religious practice through which one can attain equanimity of mind. It is an end as well as a means in itself. As a means it is a practice for attaining equanimity while as end it is the state in which the self is completely free from the flickering of alternative desires and wishes, excitements and emotional disorders. It is the state of self-absorption or resting in one's own self. In the Avasyakaniryukti it is said that samayika is nothing but one's 14 Sagarmal Jain, Jaina, Bauddha, Aura Gita ke acaradarsanom ka tulanatmaka adhyayan, Vol. II page 1.

Page #264
Sagarmal Jain, The Historical Development of Jaina Yoga System own self in its pure form. Thus, from the transcendental point of view, samayika means realisation of own self in its real nature.15 It is the state in which one is completely free from attachment and aversion. In the same work various synonyms of samayika are also mentioned: equanimity, equality, righteousness, state of selfabsorption, purity, peace, welfare and happiness.16 In the Anuyogadvarasutra, Avasyakaniryukti and Kundakunda's Niyamasara, samayika is explained in various ways. It is said that one who, by giving up the movement of uttering words, realized himself with non-attachment, is said to have supreme equanimity. He, who is detached from all injurious or inauspicious actions, observes threefold control of body, mind and speech and restrains his sense, is said to have attained equanimity. One who behaves equally as one's own self towards all living beings mobile and immobile, is said to have equanimity. Further, it is said that one who observes self-control, vows and austerities, one in whom attachment and aversion do not cause any disturbance or tension and one who always refrains from indulgence, sorrow and ennui, is said to have attained equanimity or samayika." 263 This practice of equanimity is equated with religion itself. In the Acaranga, it is said that all the worthy people preach religion as equanimity, Thus, for the Jainas, the observance of religious life is nothing but the practices for the attainment of equanimity. According to them, it is the essence of all types of religious activities and they all are prescribed only to attain it. Not only in Jainism but in Hinduism also, we find various references in support of equanimity. The Gita defines Yoga as equanimity. Similarly, in the Bhagavata Purana it is said that the observance of equanimity is the worship of the Lord. The whole framework of Jaina Sadhana has been built on the foundation of samayika, i.e. the practice for equanimity. All the religious tenets are made for it. Haribhadrasuri maintains that one who observes equanimity or samabhava will surely attain emancipation, whether he is a Bauddha or the follower of any other religion." It is said in Jaina religious texts that one who observes hard penances and austerities such as eating once in a month or two as well as one who makes donations of crores of golden coins every day, cannot attain emancipation or liberation unless he attains equanimity.20 It is only through the attainment of equanimity of mind that one can attain emancipation. Ac. Kundakunda says: "What is the use of residing in forest, mortification of body, observance of various fasts, study of scriptures and keeping silence etc. to a saint, who is devoid of equanimity?" (Niyamasara 124). 15 Avasyakaniryukti 1048. 16 Avasyakaniryukti 1046. 17(a) Niyamasara-122, 155, 133; (b) Anuyogadvaragatha 127-128; (c) Avasyakaniryukti 797-800. 18 Bhagavadgita 2/48. 19 Haribhadra, Lokatattvanirnaya 1-2. 20 Pt Sukhalalji's Hindi introduction to Tattvarthasutra p. 55.

Page #265
264 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Now we come to the next question: how can one attain this equanimity of mind? Mere verbal saying that I shall observe the equanimity of mind and refrain from all types of injurious activities does not have any meaning unless we seriously practice it in our life. For this, first of all, one should know what are the causes which disturb our equanimity of mind and then make an endeavor to eradicate them. It is very easy to say that one should observe the equanimity of mind. But in practice it is very difficult to attain it. As our mental faculty is always in grip of attachment and aversion, whatever we think or do is always motivated by either attachment or aversion. Because the vectors of attachment and aversion are solely responsible for the disturbance of mental equanimity, so the practice to attain quanimity depends on the eradication of attachment and aversion. So long as we do not eradicate the attachment and aversion, we are unable to attain equanimity or Samatva Yoga. Impacts of other Yoga systems on Jaina Yoga in this period. So far as the impact of other Yoga systems on Jaina Yoga is concerned, in the second phase, the canonical period, different schools of thought have taken a definite shape with their particular names. In this period we do find in the Jaina Yoga system various similarities with that of Buddhism and Patanjali. Pandit Sukhalalji in his introduction of Tattvarthasutra has discussed these common features in detail. But according to these similarities or common features it is very difficult to prove one's impact on the another, though it can be generally accepted that these systems have a common source, from which they are developed and this common source was the Indian Sramanic tradition. In the later times, particularly in the Sutra-age we do find some common features in Patanjali's Yogasutra and Umasvati's Tattvarthasutra, but being named and explained differently, they cannot be used to prove an impact of one on the other. Though Pt. Sukhalalji has given 21 common points of conceptual similarity between TS and Yoga darsana,21 yet these common features conceptually denote only the same meaning, but their names are totally different, except for some of them. Due to this difference we cannot say that one system has borrowed these from the other. It shows only the common source of them. In this canonical age Jainism has its own method of meditation and it is fully accepted as that by which the ultimate end of emancipation can be achieved. In Jaina canonical works as well as in the Dhyanasataka of Jinabhadra the meditation was considered of four kinds. In these four types of meditations the first two arta and raudra) were considered as the cause of bondage and the last two (dharma and sukla) were considered as the cause of emancipation. So far as I know this classification in four types is only the contribution 21 Ibidem.

Page #266
Sagarmal Jain, The Historical Development of Jaina Yoga System of Jaina acaryas. We do not find it in any other Indian Yoga system and so we can conclude that it is very difficult to show one's impact on the other. 3. 265 Similarly Samatva Yoga, which is a key concept of Jaina Yoga, is also a common feature of Buddhism and Hinduism in general and of the Gita in particular. But we cannot say that Jainism has borrowed it from Hinduism, because it was propounded in Acaranga which is earlier than the Gita. Post-canonical age. This period is very important for the development of Jaina Yoga for two reasons: 1) in this period many Yoga works are written in the Jaina tradition, 2) this is the period in which the impact of other Yoga systems on Jaina Yoga can be clearly seen. Despite scattered references, Jaina canonical works cannot solely be considered as works of Jaina Yoga literature, The first work on the Jaina system of meditation is Jinabhadragani's Dhyanasataka (6a century A.D.). This work is fully devoted to the Jaina way of meditation and totally based on Jaina canonical works such as Sthananga and some others. The Sthananga deals with four kinds of dhyanas and their subclasses along with (i) their objects (ii) their signs (laksana), (iii) their conditions (alambana), (iv) their reflexions (bhavana). But this description of dhyanas is fully at par with canonical works, except some details such as the sub-kinds of meditation, time of meditation, examples of meditation, qualities of a meditator, results of the meditation etc.22 In this work Jinabhadra deals with first two inauspicious dhyanas in short, and the last two auspicious ones in detail, because according to him the first two dhyanas are the causes of bondage, while the last two are the means of emancipation so that only they can be accepted as a limbs of Yoga Sadhana. After Jinabhadragani, Haribhadra was the first Jaina acarya who made a very valuable contribution for the reconstruction of Jaina Yoga system and the comparative study of Jajna Yoga system with that of other Yoga systems. He has composed four important works on the 'subject: Yogavimsika, Yogasataka, Yogabindu and Yogadrstisamuccaya. It is Haribhadrasuri who has for the first time changed the definition of the word Yoga in Jaina traditions: in the canonical period the word Yoga is considered as a cause of bondage.23 But Haribhadra changed this definition and said that that which joins to the emancipation is Yoga. According to him all spiritual and religious activities that lead to final emancipation are Yoga.24 Haribhadra in all his Yoga works commonly opines that all religious and spiritual activities that lead to emancipation are to be considered as Yoga. It is to be noted that in his Yoga works he explained the Yoga in different ways. First in his Yogavimsika, he explained the five kinds of Yoga (i) practice of proper posture (sthana-yoga); (ii) correct utterance of sound (urna-yoga); (iii) proper 22 Dhyanasataka 1-5 and 100-105. 23 Tattvarthasutra 6/1-3. (a) Yogasataka 2; (b) Yogavimsikal.

Page #267
266 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah understanding of the meaning of canonical works (artha); and (iv) concentration of mind on a particular object such as Jina image etc. (alambana) and (v) concentration of thoughts on abstract qualities of Jina or Self (analambana). This fifth stage may also be considered as the thoughtless state of the self (nirvikalpa-dasa).25 Among these five kinds of Yoga, the first two constitute the external aspect of Yoga Sadhana and the last three the internal aspect of Yoga Sadhana. In other words the first two are Karma-Yoga and the last three are Jnana-Yoga. In the Yogabindu Haribhadra describes another five kinds of Yoga: (i) spiritual-vision (adhyatma-yoga); (ii) contemplation (bhavana-yoga); (iii) meditation (dhyana-yoga); (iv) mental equanimity (samata-yoga) and (v) cessation of all activities of mind, speech and body (vrtti-samksaya).26 In his Yogadrstisamuccaya Haribhadra explains only three types of Yoga: (i) willingness for the self realization or yogic Sadhana (iccha-yoga), (ii) the follow up of scriptural orders (sastra-yoga) and (iii) development of one's spiritual powers and annihilation of spiritual inertia (samarthya-yoga).27 These three facets of Yoga propounded in the Yogadrstisamuccaya may be compared with the three jewels of Jainism, i.e. right vision, right knowledge and right conduct, because these three jewels are considered in Jainism as a moksamarga, "path of emancipation" and so they are Yoga. Here one thing is to be noted: though Haribhadra differs regarding the various kinds or stages of Yoga in his different works, he unanimously accepts that Yoga is that which unites to emancipation. In this period after Haribhadra there are two other Jaina acaryas, namely Subhacandra (11th century), a Digambara who wrote the Jnanarnava, and Hemacandra (12th century), a Svetambara who wrote the Yogasastra. Their contribution in the field of Jaina Yoga is remarkable. For yogic Sadhana Subhacandra prescribes the fourfold virtues of maitri (friendship with all beings), pramoda (appreciation of the merits of others), karuna (sympathy towards the needy persons) and madhyastha (equanimity or indifference towards unruly), as the prerequisite of the auspicious meditation.28 Here, it is to be noted that these four reflexions are also accepted in Buddhism and in Patanjali's Yogasutra. Secondly while discussing dharmadhyana he mentions four types of it: pindastha, padastha, rupastha, rupatita, along with five types of dharanas i.e., parthivi, agneyi, vayavi (svasana), varuni and tattvarupavati.? Here it to be noted these four types of dhyanas and five types of dharanas are only available in Buddhist and Hindu tantric literature and not in early Jaina literature. Though Hemacandra in his Yogasastra generally deals with three jewels of Jainism i.e. right knowledge, right vision and right conduct, he has given more stress on right conduct. While dealing with meditational methods he also elaborately discusses the pindastha, padastha, rupastha, rupatita-dhyana along with above 25 Yogavimsika 2. 26 Yogabindu 31. 27 Yogadsstisamuccaya 2. 28 Jnanarnava 27/4-15. 29 Jnanarnava, sarga 37-40.

Page #268
Sagarmal Jain, The Historical Development of Jaina Yoga System 267 mentioned dharmas. But in this regards scholars are of the opinion that he borrowed these ideas from Subhacandra's work which is earlier than the Yogasastra.31 In short: first Subhacandra borrowed these types of dhyana and dharma from Hindu Tantra and then Hemacandra followed Subhacandra. Thus we can say that in this period the impact of other systems of Yoga Sadhana on Jaina Yoga can be seen easily. The impact of other Yoga systems on Jainism in this period - The Dhyanasataka is the first Yoga work of this period in which we do not find any impact of other Yoga systems on it, because this work only deals with the four types of meditation according to the Jaina canonical works. In this period the impacts of other Yoga systems on Jaina Yoga appears in the works of Haribhadra, Subhacandra and Hemacandra. The impact of the Brahmanic tradition is seen in Haribhadra's Yoga works. But one thing is cristal-clear that he remained completely faithful to the Jaina tradition, while dealing with Jaina Yoga in his different Yoga works. In the Yogavasistha we find the three stages of Yoga Sadhana: (i) total devotion (ii) mental peace and (iii) total cessation of the activities of mind and body. In the Yogadrstisamuccaya Haribhadra also mentions three Yogas (see above) on the basis of three jewels of Jainism. Icchayoga is similar to total devotion and samarthya-yoga to the other two states of the Yogavasistha. Among the five types of Yoga mentioned in the Yogabindu (see above), adhyatma-yoga was accepted in other Yoga systems as maha-yoga. The concepts of bhavana (contemplation) and dhyana are also present in the Hindu Yoga system, The samata-yoga (equanimity) and vittisamksaya-yoga (cessation of the activities) are presented in the Yogavasistha as well as in laya-yoga. The four types of Yogas mentioned in Haribhadra's Yogavimsika (see above) also have correspondences in other Yoga systems, as we have seen for asana. Similarly urna is accepted in Hindu Yoga system as mantra-yoga or japa-yoga, alambana as bhakti-yoga and analambana as laya-yoga. In the same way Haribhadra's eight yogadrstis are also arranged on the basis of the eight Yoga limbs of Patanjali. Though Haribhadra accepted these various concepts from Buddhist and Hindu tantric systems, yet his peculiarity is that he arranged them according to the Jaina tradition. The concepts of pindastha etc. (see above) came in Jaina works such as the Jnanarnava and the Yogasastra are due to the impact of Hindu Tantrism. Both Subhacandra and Hemacandra also deal with the eight limbs of Patanjali's Yogasutra in detail. And so we must accept that these two acaryas are mostly influenced by Patanjali's Yogasutra and other Hindu tantric works. 30 Yogasastra 7/8-9. 31 N. Tatia, Studies in Jaina Philosophy p. 290.

Page #269
268 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Age of Rituals and Tantra Impact (13th Century - 19th century) The four centuries after Hemacandra and before Yasovijaya, i.e. from 13th to 16th century, can be considered as a dark age of Jaina Yoga. In this period Jaina Yoga, which was originally spiritual in nature, was completely shoved into the background and Tantra along with its rituals became prime. The ultimate goal of yogic realization became the worldly achievements instead of being emancipation. Thus the spiritual goal was completely forgotten and material welfare took its place. Though in these centuries some commentaries of Jaina canonical and other works have been written, the dominating feature of this age was the works on Tantra, mantra and rituals which were written in large numbers by the Jaina acaryas. The spiritual nature of Jaina Yoga was revived by Yasovijaya (17th century). He wrote commentaries on the Yoga works of Haribhadra along with some original Yoga works such as Adhyatmasara, Jnanasara, Adhyatmopanisad, and also a commentary on Patanjali's Yogasutra. Another spiritual Jaina thinker of this age was Anandaghana, who also revived the Jaina spirituality and Yoga Sadhana through his Padas and songs written in praise of the 24 Tirthamkaras. The works of Yasovijaya and Anandaghana are fully influenced by Haribhadra. Yet some impact of Patanjali, Raja-Yoga and Hatha-Yoga can also be seen on them. Modern age (20ch century) So far as modern age is concerned we have tremendous changes and developments in the practice of Jaina Yoga. In this age the attraction of common men towards Yoga and meditation is much developed as a way for tension-relaxation. It was a chance that Shri S.N. Goyanka returned to India from Burma and revived the old Vipassana meditation of Buddhism in India, which was in early times also practiced in Jainism. Acarya Mahaprajna for the first time learned it from Goyankaji and on the basis of his own knowledge of Jaina scriptures and Patanjali's Yogasutra rearranged this method of meditation in the name of Preksha-dhyana. Preksha meditation is the dominating feature of Jaina Yoga of our age. Though some other acaryas of different Jaina sects tried to evolve their own method of meditation and Yoga, in them nothing is new, except a blend of Preksha and Vipassana. Here it is to be noted that Preksha meditation of our age is also a blend of Vipassana of Buddhism and Patanjali's Astanga Yoga and Hatha Yoga with some modern psychological concepts. To summarize the present essay we can say that in the first phase, i.e. before Mahavira, Jaina Yoga and meditational methods were in vogue. But we could not differentiate it from the early Sramanic trends, due to the absence of literary and other evidences. In the second phase, i.e. the Jaina canonical period, except pranayama,the

Page #270
Sagarmal Jain, The Historical Development of Jaina Yoga System 269 other seven limbs of Patanjali's Yogasutra were also be practiced in Jainism by Jaina monks and nuns, but we have no evidence to conclude about the direction of the possible borrowing. In my opinion both have borrowed from the common Indian Sramanic tradition, of which they are the branches. In the third and fourth periods Jainas borrowed various ritualistic methods of Jaina Yoga and meditation from Hindu and Buddhist Tantric practices. In these two periods the impacts of other traditions on Jaina Yoga and meditation can easily be seen. At present Jaina Yoga and meditative practices have been revived and the common Jainas have an awareness towards it, but it is clear that the present systems of Jaina Yoga and meditation are fully evolved on the basis of Vipassana meditation and B Pataajali's Astanga Yoga along with some modern psychological and physiological studies. At last, I would like to conclude my paper by quoting a beautiful verse of the Samayika-patha of Acarya Amitagati: sattvesu maitrim gunisu pramodam klistesu jivesu krpaparatvam madhyasthabhavam viparitavrttau sada mamatma vidadhatu deva. Oh Lord! I should be friendly to all the creatures of the world and feel delight in meeting the various people. I should always be helpful to those who are in miserable conditions and tolerant to my opponents.

Page #271
Jain Devotionalism The Namaskar Mantra Kokila H. SHAH There are two modes of religious observance. (i) Devotional ii) Renunciatory. The devotional aspect involves acceptance of the Jina as the ultimate divinity. This taking refuge in the Jina and his path is formalized by initiation into the holy litany called pancanamaskara, reverent salutation to the five holy beings. The Pancanamaskar Mantra, Namokar Mantra or Namaskar Mantra incorporates the five supreme beings who are saluted. The religious tradition of the Jainas is unique in many respects. In the Jaina tradition, it is customary to begin any work with the recitation of the Namaskara Mantra - the popular chant. It is the daily prayer of the Jainas. Recitation of Pancanamaskara comes to be synonymous with the acceptance of the Jaina Creed. The Pancanamaskara is a Mantra, a litany (sacred formula) in which salutations are offered to the five Panca Parameshthis. Jainas adore the virtues of these five supreme beings. They are worshipped so that one can realize their virtues and become like them. Devotion to divine beings its the first step in spiritual progress. It contains salutations to the Arihantas, the Siddhas, the Acaryas, the Upadhyayas and the Sadhus. It is expressed in a prayer formula as follows: 1. Namo Arihantanam (obeisance to the Arhats)- I bow down to Arihantas, the spiritual victors- the Jinas 2. Namo Siddhanam (obeisance to Siddhas)- I bow down to the Siddhas (Disembodied liberated Souls). the accomplished ones who have attained Moksa. 3. Namo Ayariyanam (obeisance to Acaryas)- I bow down to the mendicant leaders of the Jaina order. 4. Namo Uvajjhayanam (Obeisance to Upadhyayas)- I bow down to the preceptors (mendicants) 5. Namo Loe Savva Sahunam (Obeisance to all the Sadhus in the world)- I bow down to all the mendicants, the saints and sages everywhere in the world. 6. Eso Panca Namokkaro- These five Salutations, 7. Savva Pavappanasano- Erase all sin. 8. Mangalanam ca Savvesim- Among all that is auspicious,

Page #272
Kokila H. Shah, Jain Devotionalism: The Namaskara Mantra 9. Padhamam Havai Mangalam- It is the foremost (most auspicious). Jaina devotionalism is directed towards five supreme beings or Panca Parameshthis who have attained the highest state and therefore are worthy of worship. The early history of the Pancanamaskara Mantra is controversial. This litany occurs in the Kalpasutra - an extracanonical sacred book of the Jainas. According to the scholars, this formula occurs in the Mahanisihasutta. It also occurs in the Vasudevahindi and in the Satkhandagama. This sacred Jaina mantra is frequently found in Jaina ritual texts of later times. The European scholar W. Schubring is of the opinion that the only canonical reference to the formula was to be found in Mahanisihasutta. It is observed that originally, there existed the formula consisting of only two members, viz. Siddha and Jina who are invoked in the first verse of Pannavanasutta and also in the Bhagavai Sutta. Then the formula seems to be extended and we find the enlarged formula of five invocations. Qualities of the five Supreme Beings celebrated in the mantra 1. 12 Virtues of Arihantas 2. 8 virtues of Siddhas 3. 36 virtues of Acaryas 4. 25 virtues of Upadhyayas 5. 27 virtues of Sadhus----- The synonyms of Arihanta are: -Total- 108. Nature of the Panca Parameshthis A) Arihantas (The Conquerors) The first salutation is to Arihanta. The term 'Arihanta' is of great philosophical significance in Jainism. Arihanta is the one who has conquered inner enemies like pride, anger, deceit and greed. He is also the one who has destroyed four destructive karmas, viz. Knowledge-obscuring (Jnanavaraniya). Vision-(obscuring) (Darshanavaraniya), Deluding (Mohaniya), and obstructive (Antaraya) karmas. Freedom from these four kinds of karmas is the greatest achievement of an Arihanta. Acarya Kundakunda has said that one who knows the Arihanta in all its aspects knows himself. Jina- The conqueror 271 Vitaraga- One who is free from passions i.e. who is dispassionate. Sarvjna-Omniscient Arhat-worthy of being worshipped. The Arihantas possess twelve great virtues and they are devoid of eighteen vices such as hunger, thirst, anxiety, sleep, sorrow etc. An Arihanta deserves and commands respect and adoration because he is a worthy and holy being because of his virtues. It is said that one should meditate on the Arhat - the purified soul - who is endowed with vision, bliss, wisdom and energy. The Jina is praised by Pujyapada as a propounder of

Page #273
272 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah the way to ultimate release, as the destroyer of the mountains of karma and as the knower of the elements of universe. According to Acarya Haribhadra, an Arhat deserves respect and is honoured because he is the one whose Asravas, or defiling influxes, have been destroyed, one whose affliction, karmas and birth have been eradicated. He deserves salutation because of excellence in good qualities. Arihantas are free from ignorance, false belief, attachment, hatred, vowlessness, lust, fun, sorrow, delight. Hemacandra salutes the Arihanta by saying that he is a saviour who has constructed out of mercy the bridge to righteousness. According to Haribhadra, Arhatship includes perfection in yoga i.e. unity of true knowledge, faith and conduct. This kind of yoga results in union with ultimate release. Arihantas are devoid of passions that defile the soul. The Arihantas who are Jinas have in their lives personally lived the religion and showed the world the path of attainment of liberation. 12 Virtues of Arihanta: 4 main Atishayas (there are many of which 4 are important ones) 1. jnanatishaya- specialty relating to supreme knowledge. 2. Vacanatishaya- Arihantas deliver speeches/ sermons having 35 lofty ideal virtues such as specialties relating to speech (e.g. his speech is soft, clear etc.). 3. Pujatishaya- specialty relating to worship-worthiness. Even Indras bow down to him. 4. Apayagam- That which dispels 18 derogations e.g. sleep, ignorance, attachment, hatred etc. 8 Pratiharyas. 1. Asoka Vrksa - 2. Puspa Vrsti - 3. Divya Dhvani - 4. Camar - 5.. Sublime Seat - 6. Halo - 7. Divine Trumpet - 8. Chhatra. These Pratiharyas are created naturally wherever a Jina goes. Functions of Arihanta (who is Tirhtankara): 1. The Arihanta expounds and establishes Dharma Sasana tirtha. 2. The Arihanta preaches to the world what is Truth. 3. The Arihanta shows to people the way to Salvation/ Moksa. 4. He establishes the fourfold sangha. He ultimately becomes Siddha at the time of his Nirvana because at that time, he destroys the four remaining Aghati Karmas (Ayusya, Nama, Gotra, Vedaniya). The fact that the first salutation goes not to the perfected siddhas but rather to the Jinas-arhats is significant. B) Siddhas (The Accomplished ones) They are the second group of the Panca Parameshthis. Siddha means one who has accomplished everything. He has been completely liberated from 8 Karmas, from the

Page #274
Kokila H. Shah, Jain Devotionalism: The Namaskara Mantra 273 cycle of Birth and Death. Siddhas are beyond the world/ Samsara. They symbolize the supreme ideal of holiness and beatitude called Moksa. In the Jaina canon, Siddhas are indescribable. They are in disembodied state i.e. they have no body. They are without any shape, size, colour, smell and taste. They have accomplished everything and have nothing left to be realized. So Siddhas are Pure/ Perfect Souls. Jainism says that Siddhas are infinite. Their abode is at the top of the universe (Loka) in the Siddha Ksetra and they remain there forever. They are in Nirvana - in super bliss release and awakened, liberated from all sufferings, having burnt the impurities of Karma. Such souls are super souls or siddha Parmatmas (liberated Super souls) as they theoretically possess the highest state of pure existence. Because of the destruction of all 8 Karmas, they possess 8 very important qualities as follows: 1. Ananta jnana- infinite knowledge (Destruction of jnanavaraniya Karma) 2. Ananta Darshana- Sublime Vision (Destruction of Darshanavaraniya Karma) 3. Ananta Sukha- Infinite bliss (Destruction of Vedaniya Karma) 4. Ananta Virya- Boundless Power (Destruction of Nama Karma) 5. Suksmatva or Amurtaka- Fonlessness (Destruction of gotra Karma) 6. Aguru Laghutva- Neither Heavy, not light (Destruction of Nama Karma) 7. Avyabadhatva- Imperishability i.e. no birth and rebirth cycle (Destruction of Ayusya Karma) 8. Avagahanatva- Boundless felicity (Destruction of Mohaniya Karma) Every Siddha was once an ordinary human; hence, by meditating upon Siddhas, the Jaina aspirant is encouraged to pursue the path of purification. C) Acaryas (The Leaders of Jaina Order): They are the third group of Panca Parameshthis. They are spiritual leaders of the Jaina order. The master par excellence who guides the faithful in the practice of Jaina doctrine is called Acarya. Acarya is defined as the one who practices five Acaras- the five kinds of conduct and advises his disciples to do the same. These five kinds of practices are: 1. Jnanacara- observance relating to knowledge i.e. turning oneself to the attainment of knowledge regarding natural qualities of soul. 2. Darshanacara- observance relating to faith, i.e. turning oneself to the faith that the soul is nothing but consciousness, is separate from body and everything else etc. 3. Caritracara- observance relating to character, i.e. making the soul tranquil after freeing it from all kinds of disturbances arising from passions, attachments etc. so that it may enjoy bliss. 4. Tapacara observance relating to penance, i.e. practice of various kinds of penance by which one can control oneself and attain the true nature of the soul.

Page #275
274 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 5. Viryacara- observance relating to energy, i.e. giving full scope to one's inherent power so that the first four Acaras may be practised. Acaryas are the ones who have disconnected bondage with family and the world and have become Munis. They pursue the path of liberation which has been expounded by Arihantas. They guide the laymen in organizing their conduct in such a way that it can lead to liberation. After mastering Agamas and attaining certain merits, they attain the status of Acarya through their teacher. After becoming Acarya they preach to the world. Acaryas possess virtues: 5 controls, i.e. control over the 5 senses. 9 restraints related to celibacy (Brahmacarya). 4 Discarding of 4 passions, viz. pride, anger, attachment, greed 5 Mahavratas (great vows): non-violence, truth, celibacy, non-possession, nonstealing. 5 Acaras- Jnana darshana, caritra, tapa and virya 5 Samitis (Limits or Carefulness): 1. walking; 2. speaking; 3. collecting alms; 4. lifting up things; 5. careful disposal of body dirt like urine, cough etc. 3 Guptis- restraint or control over 3 types of activities i.e. of body, mind and speech. This results in suppression of inflow of new Karmas. D) Upadhyayas- (the Preceptors) They form the fourth group of Panca Parameshthis. They are the instructors who are experts in teaching scriptures. They study Jaina scriptures with the guidance of spiritual heads (Acarya) and they attain the stage of Upadhyayas after becoming capable of teaching the doctrine of Jainism. These preceptors represent spiritual knowledge. They possess perfect knowledge, faith and conduct. From their teachings, a person can know his duties and regulate himself by practicing what is desirable. Their place is high among Jain sages as they directly encourage practice of religion by continually preaching the principles of religion. Upadhyayas posses 25 Virtues: Knowledge of 11 Angas and knowledge of 14 Purvas (important Purvas are lost). Upadhayas represent spiritual knowledge and they enlighten the people wandering in this world in the cycle of Birth and Death. The difference between Acarya and Upadhayaya is that Upadhyaya is expert in scriptural doctrines which he teaches and gives instructions about Dharma while the Acarya can issue a commandment of Dharma. E) Sadhus- (Sages-Monks) A Sadhu is a good, righteous ascetic -a saint or a monk. Sadhus are the Parameshthis of the fifth group in descending order. Sadhus include Acaryas and Upadhyayas. They have discarded worldly life, which is full of infatuation and deception and they

Page #276
Kokila H. Shah, Jain Devotionalism: The Namaskara Mantra 275 practice Tyaga. A Sadhu is the sage who practices good conduct which is pure and which leads to the path of liberation. He takes vow to observe great vows strictly throughout his life. Monks strictly practice the Acaras viz. Jnana, Darsana, Caritra, Tapa and Virya. In order to carry out these vows, they keep themselves fit. They renounce the world and obtain food through bhiksa. They are supposed to accept vegetarian pure food which is not prepared for them and which is not sold. They obtain food from devotees/ householders in such a way that they do not come in contact with water, fire. They accept food strictly following the prescribed rules. They do not have the responsibility of taking care of the household. They have totally renounced wealth, women and worldly pleasures. They are prohibited from even touching the opposite sex so that they can observe total non-attachment and celibacy. Monks are not supposed to use any vehicle for traveling. They travel only on foot and wherever they stay, they spend time in acquiring knowledge and in doing meditation. They preach to the people, the high ideals such as non-violence, truth, noble conduct, charity, austerity, purity, benevolence, necessity of noble contemplation, and penance etc. Qualities of Monks: Sadhus possess 27 qualities as follows: 6 realated to observance of 5 Mahavratas (Ahimsa, Satya, Acaurya, Aparigraha and Brahmacarya) and 1 vow to renounce and discard all sinful activities. 6 related to protecting 6 types of Kayas of all living beings (Prithvi, Vayu, Agni, Jala, Vanaspati and Trasa). 5 Samitis (carefulness) 3 Guptis (restraints) Special qualities: 1. Forgiveness, 2. Discarding hatred, 3. Emotional Purity, 4. Acting according to the principles of Sadhu-padilehana, 5. Absorption in austerity, 6. Bearing with impediments, 7. Bearing with Calamities. Duties of Sadhus: 1. Forbearance, 2. Humility, 3. Purity, 4. Truthfulness, 5. Self- control, 6. Renouncing Egoism, 7. Asceticism, 8. Bearing with calamities. Salutations are offered not only to Dravya sadhus but also to bhava Sadhus. Though reverence to Panca Parameshthis is prescribed, it is really reverence to the soul of Parameshthis, which is to be meditated upon. Through this, the soul turns upon itself and meditates on its own nature, which is excellent meditation. The total qualities of the Panca Parameshthis are 108. The Navkara Mantra is chanted 108 times. It has 9 Padas and 68 letters.

Page #277
276 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Other elements of the Pancanamaskara Mantra "Om". This litany plays a great role in the mysticism of all Indian schools. This sacred syllable is present in the Yogashastra of Hemacandra. At the root of these words Om, Arham, there is the Navkara Mantra. Om (AAAum) contains the first letter of each Panca Parameshthi. These are concentrated forms of the Navkara Mantra. Repetition of Om thus becomes a legitimate practice for the Jainas. Meaning of Namo The world Namo gives control over mind and victory over nature and it gives one energy to become a supreme soul different from an ordinary soul. It gives true knowledge about ones' own soul. Namo implies that friendliness is established. By namaskara, good acts become possible but it should be Bhava namaskara. Scriptures give us knowledge of our own nature but a Mantra gives us the experience of our own soul. By uttering the Navakara Mantra, one can destroy sins. Special features of the Navakara Mantra 1. No sectarian bias: A person of any religion can recite it as it is the prayer of virtues and not the persons or God. 2. No salutations are offered to an individual person but they are offered to his virtues. Also, no Jaina terms are used. No particular being, not even Mahavira, receives mention as the object of veneration. Jaina emotionalism is oriented towards an ideal. Hence reverence is given to all beings that have been in pursuit of that ideal. Jainism believes in adoration of virtues rather than in adoration of a person. . i) It is mo Advantages of chanting the Navakara Mantra 1. Religious: It is most auspicious amongst all the auspicious mantras. It is a Mantra in which salutations are offered to 5 supreme beings who are auspicious. It destroys Karmas, thereby leading to spiritual progress. It destroys all impediments. iv) It dispels obstacles. v) It exemplifies 14 Purvas (Scriptures). vi) It is as good as getting the punyas of more than one Upavasa Vrata. 2. Miraculous: Many stories are told that underline the miraculous power of this Mantra. Two bullocks attained celestial existence by listening to this Mantra, a snake became a garland, fire became water, poison became nectar etc. 3. Scientific

Page #278
Kokila H. Shah, Jain Devotionalism: The Namaskara Mantra 277 From the scientific point of view, the power of this Mantra is extreme. Vibrations produced are such that peace of mind and equanimity are achieved. It heals physical and mental ailments. 4. Comparison: It is more powerful than the Kalpavrksa, the Cintamani or the Parasmani. 5. Riddhi Siddhi: It gives worldly prosperities in addition to spiritual gains. The Navakara Mantra is the essence of Jina Sasana and is regarded as Maha Mantra (Greatest of all Mantras.) It is significant to emphasize in conclusion the Jain conception of divinity. Jainism does not believe in personal God as a creator. Prayer is in the form of hymn - mantra the simplest form of devotion used in the religion. But in Jainism prayer for asking something has no place. It is for becoming supreme soul - God. The soul becomes God by getting rid of passions. By praising the virtues of enlightened beings the self realizes its divine potentiality by his own efforts. Liberation is through self-efforts and not by grace of God. Incidentally, the term 'Jainism' is significant. It is derived from the term 'Jina' which means conqueror of inner enemies- (passions) The followers of 'Jina' are called Jainas. And the religion preached by Jina is Jainism. Jainas worship five supreme souls to attain their qualities. Hence it is said by Acarya Pujyapada: "I Worship the leader of the road to salvation, Destroyer of mountains of karmas, knower of all the substance in the universe - to attain these qualities".

Page #279
Methods used by Mahavira for Social Change 24 Kamal Chand SOGANI In the cultural history of mankind, Mahavira is one of those few towering personalities who fought for individual liberty and revolted against the economic exploitation and social oppression of man and introduced vigorous innovations in the then existing social law and order. Mahavira regarded the individual and his social responsibility as the key to the progress of both individual and society. Mahavira did not confine himself to individual upliftment, but he dedicated himself to the development of a new creative social order for the healthiest orientation of the individual. Thus in the philosophy of Mahavira, both individual and society, 'l' and 'Thou' are properly reconciled. 1. Metaphysical Method For the reflective person Mahavira propounded that our conduct and behaviour are conditioned by our metaphysical speculation. The incentive to social change emerges from a deep and sound metaphysical theory which requires proper application of logic to experience. Samantabhadra (2nd A.D.) an ardent follower of Mahavira argues that the conceptions of bondage and liberation, Punya and Papa, heaven and hell, pleasure and pain and the like lose all their relevance and significance, if we exclusively recognize either permanence or momentariness as constituting the nature of substance. The affirmation that the momentary disintegration of all things renders impossible the financial transactions, the fact of memory, and the commonplace relations of the husband and the wife, the teacher and the pupil and the like also indicate the subservience of ethical problems to the nature of being.? Mahavira differs from all absolutists in their approach to the unfoldment of the inner nature of reality. He weaves the fabric and structure of reality on the authority of indubitable experience and is not swayed in the least by the fascinations of a priori logic. Owing to this deep-rooted abhorrence of the abstract way of philosophising, Mahavira evaluates what is given in experience, and consequently advocates change to be as much ontologically real as permanence. Both are separable but only in logical thought. Being implies becoming and vice versa. Inconsistent as it may appear at the 1 Apta-mimamsa of Samantabhadra, 40-41 (Ganesh Varmi D. Jaina Samsthana, Varanasi). Yuktyanusasana, of Samantabhadra, 8-15 (Vira Seva Mandira, Delhi). 2 Yuktyanusasana of Samantabhadra, 16-17 (Vira Seva Mandira, Delhi).

Page #280
K. C. Sogani, Methods used by Mahavira for Social Change 279 inception, there is no doubt that experience enforces it and logic confirms it. This conception of reality reminds us of the Greek philosopher Parmenides who regarded "Being' as the sole reality wholly excludent of all becoming, as also of Heraclitus, for whom, permanence being an illusion, 'Becoming' or perpetual change constitutes the very life of the universe. It also makes us reminiscent of the Buddhistic philosophy of universal flux and of the unchanging, static, permanent absolute of Vedanta. But all these point of the one sided evaluation of experience. It may be said that "if the Upanisadic thinkers found the immutable reality behind the world of phenomena and plurality, and the Buddha denounced everything as fleeting and sorrowful and pointed to the futility of all speculation, Mahavira adhered to the common experience, found no contradiction between permanence and change, and was free from all absolutism." In consonance with the perspective adopted by Mahavira in the metaphysical speculation, subsistence is that which is characterized by simultaneous origination, destruction and persistence. * Permanence signifies persistence of substance along with attributes, and change refers to fluctuating modes along with the emergence of the new modes and the disappearance of the old ones at one and the same time. To illustrate, gold as a substance exists with its modifications and qualities. Now after making an ornament, gold as a substance is existent along with its attributes and what changes is the mode. Thus nature of substance may now oblige us to think that things both material and mental are everlastingly existent. Such a view of things cannot even pretend to conceive without falling into inconsistency the intervention of any eternal and selfsubsistent maker, either personal or impersonal, for bringing into existence the diverse things of the world. It may be noted here that origination and destruction are applicable to Paryayas (modifications) and persistence to qualities along with substance. Hence permanence is not the denial of change, but includes it as its necessary aspect. The notion of Paryaya is the contribution of Mahavira to metaphysical thinking. 2. Socio-Ethical Method Effective social changes were made by Mahavira through the promulgation of the socio-ethical values of Ahimsa, Aparigraha and Anekanta. These three are the consequences of Mahavira's devotedness to the cause of social reconstruction. (a). Ahimsa In an unprecedented way Mahavira clarified Ahimsa. In the Acaranga he says: "None of the living beings ought to be killed or deprived of life, ought to be ordered or ruled, 3 N. Tatia, Studies in Jaina Philosophy, p. 18 (Parsvanatha Vidyasrama, Varanasi). * Pancastikaya of Kundakunda, 10, (Rajacandra Asrama Agas).

Page #281
280 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah ought to be enslaved or possessed, ought to be distressed or afflicted and ought to be put to unrest or disquiet." The sociopolitical organisations and the capitalistic set up can easily derive inspiration from this ethico-social statement. Thus the Ayaro (Acararga) conclusively pronounces that after understanding the importance of kindness to beings, the enlightened person should preach, disseminate and applaud it at all places in East-West and North-South directions. The Prasnavyakarana Sutra designates Social Ahimsa as kindness, security, salutariness, fearlessness, non-killer, and so on. The Acaranga gives us certain arguments to renounce Himsa. (1) Socio-political argument against Himsa: The Acaranga condemns Himsa by saying that its operation is without any stop, cessation and discontinuance and it goes on increasing to the extent possible with the political consequence that the race of armaments becomes unarrestable and continues to grow without any check. In contradistinction to this it eulogizes Ahimsa by saying that its observance is total and not piecemeal, with the result that the armament race discontinues and comes to a stop. (2) Psychological Argument against Himsa: After comprehending and beholding the significance of peacefulness of beings, one should renounce Himsa, inasmuch as Himsa causes suffering to beings and human suffering caused by theft, hoarding, falsehood, slavery, economic exploitation, social operation, curtailment of legitimate freedoms and the like is a great mental disturbance, is dreadful and is associated with unbearable pain and affliction. Since life is dear to all beings, pleasures are desirable, pain is undesirable for them, beings ought not to be killed, ruled, possessed, distressed and so on. It cannot be again said that human beings are engaged in actions and these actions are directed to different ends and some purposes. The Acaranga expresses unpleasant surprise when it finds that there are human beings who are prone to realise ends and purposes through Himsa, such as killing, ruling, possessing, distressing and disquieting beings. They not only commit Himsa, but also they provoke others to commit Himsa and appreciate those who commit Himsa. The Acaranga further tells us that these types of perverted actions defile human personality and thwart its proper development. We may thus conclude that the criterion of perverted action is Himsa, whereas the criterion of right action or ethico-social action is Ahimsa. It is of capital s Acaranga-sutra, 132, (Agama Prakasana Samiti, Beawer). 6 Acaranga-sutra, 196, (Agama Prakasana Samiti, Beawer). 7 Prasnavyakarana Sutra, 6.1.3, Pages 683-684, (Jaina Vishva Bharati, Ladnun under the title Amgasuttani (3)). 8 Acaranga-sutra, 129, (Agama Prakasana Samiti, Beawer). Ibid. 49, 78. 10 Ibid. 13, 24, 35, 43, 51, 38.

Page #282
K. C. Sogani, Methods used by Mahavira for Social Change 281 importance to note that when our energies are directed to Himsaka (destructive) ends social development is obstructed and when our energies are directed to Ahimsaka (constructive) ends social development sets in. It will not be possible to talk of Ahimsa without a world of living beings. Social Ahimsa begins with the awareness of the 'other'. Like one's own existence, it recognises the existence of other beings. In fact, to negate the existence of other beings is tantamount to negating one's own existence. Since one's own existence cannot be negated, the existence of other beings also cannot be negated. Thus there exists the universe of beings in general and that of human beings in particular. The Jaina Agama classifies living beings (Jivas) into five kinds, namely, one-sensed to five-sensed beings." The minimum number of Pranas possessed by the empirical self is four (one sense, one Bala, life-limit and breathing), and the maximum number is ten (five senses, three Balas, life-limit, and breathing). The lowest in the grade of existence are the one-sensed Jivas which possess only the sense of touch and they have only the Bala of body, and besides they hold life-limit and breathing. These onesensed Jivas admit of five-fold classification, namely, the earth-bodied (Pethivikayika), water-bodied (Jalakayika), fire-bodied (Agnikayika) air-bodied (Vayukayika) and lastly, vegetable-bodied (Vanaspatikayika) souls. The two-sensed Jivas posses six Pranas, i.e., in addition to the four Pranas of one-sensed souls, they have two Pranas more; namely, the sense of taste, and the Bala of speech; the three-sensed souls have the sense of smell additionally, the four-sensed souls have the sense of colour besides the above; and lastly, the five-sensed souls which are mindless are endowed with the sense of hearing in addition, and those with mind possess all the ten Pranas.12 Thus the number of Pranas possessed by the one-sensed to five-sensed souls is four, six, seven, eight, nine and ten respectively. This classification of Jivas into five kinds is used for the measurement of the degree of Ahimsa. The more the senses, the more the evolved consciousness. As for example, two-sensed beings are more evolved than one-sensed beings, five sensed beings are more evolved than one, two, three and foursensed beings. Thus Ahimsa will be directly proportionate to the Ahimsa of the beings (Jivas) classified. Now for the progress and development of these beings, Ahimsa ought to be the basic value guiding the behaviour of human beings. For a healthy living, it represents and includes all the values directed to the 'other' without over-emphasizing the values directed to one's own self. Thus it is the pervasive principle of all the values. Posit Ahimsa, all the values are posited. Negate Ahimsa, all the values are negated. Ahimsa purifies our action in relation to the self and other beings. This purification consists in our refraining from certain actions and also in our performing certain actions by keeping in view the existence of human and sub-human beings. 11. Pancastikaya, 112 to 117 (Rajacandra Asram Agas). 12 Sarvarthasiddhi of Pujyapada, II-14/288, (Bharatiya Jnanapitha, New Delhi).

Page #283
282 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah It may be asked what is in us on account of which we consciously lead a life of values based on Ahimsa? The answer is : it is Karuna which makes one move in the direction of adopting Ahimsa-values. It may be noted that the degree of Karuna in a person is directly proportionate to the development of sensibility in him. The greatness of a person lies in the expression of sensibility beyond ordinary limits. This should be borne in mind that the emotional life of a person plays a decisive role in the development of healthy personality and Karuna is at the core of healthy personality and Karuna is at the core of healthy emotions. Attachment and aversion bind the human personality to mundane existence, but Karuna liberates the individual from Karmic enslavement. The Dhavala, the celebrated commentary on the Sarkhandagama, remarkably pronounces that Karuna is the nature of soul.' To make it clear, just as infinite knowledge is the nature of soul, so also is Karuna. This implies that Karuna is potentially present in every being although its full manifestation takes place in the life of the Arhat, the perfect being. Infinite Karuna goes with infinite knowledge. Finite Karuna goes with finite knowledge. Thus if Karuna which is operative on the perception of the sufferings of the human and sub-human beings plunges into action in order to remove the sufferings of these beings, we regard that action as Seva. Truly speaking, all Ahimsa-values are meant for the removal of varied sufferings in which the human and sub-human beings are involved. Sufferings may be physical and mental, individual and social, moral and spiritual. To alleviate, nay, to uproot these diverse sufferings is Seva. In fact, the performance of Seva is the verification of our holding Ahimsa-values. It is understandable that physical, mental and economic sufferings block all types of progress of the individual and make his life miserable. There are individuals who are deeply moved by these sufferings and consequently they dedicate themselves to putting an end to these sufferings. Thus their Karuna results in Seva. Thus Ahimsa, Karuna and Seva are interrelated and are conducive both to individual and social progress. It is significant to point out that Mahavira's social mind exhorted that Ahimsa consists in recognising the dignity of man irrespective of caste, colour and creed. Man is man and should be recognised as such without any hesitation. The dignity of man is sacred and it is our duty to honour this dignity. Every individual, whether man or woman, should enjoy religious freedom without any distinction. A non-violent society cannot subscribe to class exploitation and social oppression of man. Mahavira bestowed social prestige upon the down-trodden individuals. This led to the development of selfrespect in them. Thus he showed that no man or woman should be deprived of availing himself of the opportunities of advancement. This "Ahimsite" spirit of Mahavira extended itself even to the lowest scale of life and he promulgated that life as such is basically identical. Hence no living being should be hurt, enslaved and excited. 13 Dhavala, Book 13, P. 361, 362 (Jivaraja Granthamala, Sholapur).

Page #284
K. C. Sogani, Methods used by Mahavira for Social Change 283 (b) Aparigraha Mahavira was well aware of the fact that economic inequality and the hoarding of essential commodities very much disturb social life and living. These acts lead to the exploitation and enslavement of man. Owing to this, life in society is endangered. Consequently, Mahavira pronounced that the remedy for the ill of economic inequality is Aparigraha. All the means of illegitimate Parigraha bring about social hatred, bitterness, and exploitation. The method of Aparigraha tells us that one should keep with one self that which is necessary for one's living and the rest should be returned to society for its well-being. Limits of wealth, essential commodities, all these are indispensable for the development of healthy social life. In a way wealth is the basis of our social structure and if its flow is obstructed because of its accumulation in few hands, large segments of society will remain undeveloped. The hoarding of essential commodities creates a situation of social scarcity which perils social life. In order to resist such inhuman tendency, Mahavira incessantly endeavoured to establish the social value of Aparigraha. (c) Anekanta It should be borne in mind that along with human and economic inequality, differences in outlook create a situation of conflict in society. The result is that constructive tendencies in man suffer a great deal. If we take things in the right perspective we shall find that differences in outlook appear as a result of the use of creative faculties inherent in man. If this fact is not adhered to, these differences become the cause of conflict between man and man, the consequence of which is that social unity is disrupted. Mahavira by his deep insight could see the waste of social energy on account of the wrong understanding of the nature of things. Consequently, he preached that differences in outlook are in fact differences in the nature of things. These different aspects of things are to be understood as the different aspects of truth. In fact, difference in outlook should be treated as difference in standpoints. By this, dissension disappears and social solidarity sets in. Mahavira's doctrine of standpoints can be called Nayavada which is a corollary of Anekantavada, the doctrine of multiple aspects of truth. By virtue of the promulgation of this social value, man started thinking that along with his own standpoint, the standpoint of the other is also significant. This gave rise to social tolerance and broad-mindedness, which is a key to social adjustment and progress. This led to the conclusion that truth cannot be monopolised and every man in society, can subscribe to the discovery of a new aspect of truth. Thus Anekanta is the dynamic principle of social life, by virtue of which life is saved from being stagnant. 3. Method of According Religious Freedom to Women and Down-Trodden People Mahavira gave complete religious freedom to women. They were allowed to accept the life of asceticism like men. Mahavira himself initiated Candana into the ascetic

Page #285
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah order. In the Samgha of Mahavira 36000 Sadhvis were following religious observances. The followers of Jaina religion have been divided into four categories, viz., Sadhus, Sadhvis, Sravakas and Sravikas. Sadhvis are female ascetics who follow the five great vows in a very strict manner. This shows that complete freedom was given to women to enter the ascetic order. Female sex was no bar to the practice of asceticism. The Jaina Acaryas were extremely sympathetic in their attitude to women and admitted them freely into their order, no matter whether the candidates for admission were royal consorts, members of the aristocracy, and women belonging to the common run of society.14 284 Religious freedom given to women enhanced their prestige in society. They were imparted education like men. As the full religious freedom was allowed to females, widows could devote their time for their spiritual upliftment and thus carve a respectable position for them in their family and in the minds of people in general. Mahavira based the fourfold division of society on activities and not on birth. He accorded full freedom to one and all including women and down-trodden people to perform religious practices and admitted them into the order of ascetics.15 Thus "the doors of Jainism were thrown open to all and equal opportunity was given to everybody to practice religion according to his capacity. Those who followed religion as house-holders were known as $ravakas and Sravikas and those who observed it fully by leaving their houses were called as Sadhus and Sadhvis". The Uttaradhyayana says that Harikesa who was born in a family of untouchables attained saintly character owing to the performance of austerities." Good conduct and not caste is the object of reverence. Merit is the basis of caste and the pride of caste destroys right living. It is significant to point out that Mahavira's social mind exhorted that Ahimsa consists in recognizing the dignity of man irrespective of caste, colour and creed. Man is man and should be recognized as such without any hesitation. The dignity of man is sacred and it is our duty to honour this dignity. Every individual, whether man or woman, should enjoy religious freedom without any distinction. A non-violent society cannot subscribe to class exploitation and social oppression of man. Mahavira bestowed social prestige upon the down-trodden individuals. This led to the development of selfrespect in them. Thus he showed that no man or woman should be deprived of availing himself of the opportunities of socio-spiritual advancement.18 V. A. Sangave, Jain Community-A Social Survey pp. 169-170 (Popular Prakashan, Bombay). 15 Ibid. p. 65. 16 Ibid. p. 66. 17 K.C. Sogani, Ethical Doctrines in Jainism, p. 273. 18 K.C. Sogani, Indian Culture and Jainism, pp. 23-24.

Page #286
K. C. Sogani, Methods used by Mahavira for Social Change 4. Method of Propounding the philosophy of fighting defensive wars and philosophy of Vegetarianism 285 The term Himsa may be defined as the committing of injury to the Dravya-Pranas and the Bhava-Pranas through the operation of intense-passion-infected Yoga (activity of mind, body, and speech).19 Suicide, homicide and killing of any other life whatsoever aptly sum up the nature of Himsa, inasmuch as these villainous actions are rendered conceivable only when the Dravya-Pranas and the Bhava-Pranas pertaining to oneself and to others are injured. The minimum number of Dravya-Pranas has been considered to be four and the maximum has been known to be ten; and the Bhavapranas are the very attributes of Jiva. The amount of injury will thus be commensurate with the number of Pranas injured at a particular time and occasion. Himsa is of two kinds, namely, intentional and non-intentional.20 The intentional perpetrator of Himsa engages himself in the commitment of the acts of Himsa by his own mind, speech and action, provokes others to commit them, and endorses such acts of others. Besides, Himsa which is unavoidably committed by defending oneself from one's foes is denominated as non-intentional defensive Himsa. This leads us to the philosophy of fighting defensive wars.21 Now the householder is incapable of turning away completely from Himsa; hence he should keep himself away from the deliberate commission of Himsa of the two-sensed to five-sensed beings.22 The commitment of Himsa in adopting defensive contrivances cannot be counteracted by him. Thus he has to commit intentional injury to one-sensed Jivas, namely, the vegetable-bodied, the fire-bodied etc; and non-intentional injury in fighting defensive wars. Even in the realm of one-sensed Jivas and in the realm of fighting defensive wars he is required to confine his operations in such a way as may affect the life and existence of a very limited number of Jivas.23 In these two provinces the point to be noted is that of alleviating the amount of injury that is apt to be caused and not that of total relinquishment which is not possible without jeopardizing the survival of man. The hard fact to be noted is that man is subject to Himsa by the very condition of his existence. Yet instead of aggravating the natural weight of Himsa by falling foul upon one another and by our cruel treatment of the animal and vegetable kingdoms, we should endeavour to alleviate this general curse, to the extent to which we are capable of doing, by conforming ourselves to the sacred injunctions enjoined by Jaina spiritual teachers. Vegetarianism is therefore prescribed. It limits us to the unavoidable injury caused to only one-sensed-Jivas. This is the philosophy of vegetarianism propounded by Jainism. 19 Purusarthasiddhi-upaya of Amrtacandra, 43, (Rajacandra Asrama, Agas). 20 Jainadarsanasara by Pt. Chainsukhadasa, page 63, (Sadbodha Granthamala, Jaipur). 21 Ibid. p. 63. 22 Purusarthasiddhi-upaya of Amrtacandra, 75 (Rajacandra Asrama, Agas). 23 Ibid. 77.

Page #287
286 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 5. Method of propagating the Doctrine of Karma Mahavira ascribed responsibility to an individual for the actions that he does in society. For establishing this he propagated the doctrine of Karma. Individuals differ from one another in respect of cognition, conation and affection etc. What is the cause of this difference? How to account for these perceptible distinctions among individuals? The answer of Mahavira is that it is the beginningless material subtle principle known as Karma that is responsible for the cause of differences in individuals. This Karma has been exercising its limiting and crippling influence on individuals from the beginningless past. This material subtle principle is known as Dravya-karma, and its psychical counterpart in terms of Raga (Attachment ) and Dvesa (Aversion) is called Bhava-Karma. It is no doubt true that Karmas bind the self to mundane existence. Now the question that arises is this : How the self is bound by Karmas? What are the causes that create Karmic bondage in individuals. The answer of Mahavira is that it is action (mental, bodily and vocal) polluted by passion that causes empirical bondage to individuals.24 The passion-free actions do not bring about any mundane bondage whatsoever. When there are no passions, there is no bondage (Bandha). It is passion that mars the sociospiritual career of an individual. 6. Method of Emphasizing Individual Liberty Along with Social Responsibility Mahavira fought for individual liberty in the context of social life. He revolted against the economic exploitation and social oppression of man and introduced vigorous innovations in the then existing social law and order. In a way, he was a social anarchist. In this way, Mahavira regarded individual and his social responsibility as the key to the progress of both the individual and society. He seems to be aware of the fact that the emphasis on merely individual progress without taking note of social responsibilities is derogatory both to the individual and society. Mahavira was neither merely individualistic nor merely socialistic. In his attitude both individual and society are properly reconciled. If individual liberty is to be sought, social responsibilities cannot be dispensed with. The history of social thought reveals that with the advancement of knowledge social beliefs of a particular age are replaced by new beliefs. Many religious superstitions, social paths of life and other forms of follies and falsities are derogatory to individual progress, therefore they are condemned in every age of history. But the change is met with great resistance. The reason for this is that change is looked by individuals with doubt and uncertainty. Besides love for conventionality and vested interests run counter to the acceptance of novelties in thought. All these obstacles mar individual dynamism. The individual who is a slave to customary beliefs, however false they have been declared to be, cannot develop his own personality and his actions are just 24 Rajavarttika of Akalanka, VI. 2/4, 5, (Bharatiya Jnana Pitha, New Delhi).

Page #288
K. C. Sogani, Methods used by Mahavira for Social Change 287 like machines. Mahavira, therefore, preaches that an individual should be free from follies (Amudhatas).25 It is only through such individuals that society progresses and a scientific outlook gains ground. Such individuals are forward looking, and are free from the pressures of narrow traditionalism. They are always open-minded and are ever eager to learn from history and experience. It is no doubt true that cognitive and conative clarities are essential to individual progress. If man's mind is prejudiced and his actions are stereotyped and wrongly directed, nothing worthwhile can be achieved. In order that an individual becomes an embodiment of noble thought and actions, virtuous dispositions are to be cultivated. This prepares the individual to do certain kinds of actions in certain kinds of situations. This is not just to think or feel in certain ways. There may be individuals who can think clearly and express good emotions whenever the situation calls for, but they may not act virtuously when required to do so. Consequently, Mahavira preached that an individual should develop virtuous dispositions of honesty, gratitude, Ahimsa, forgiveness, modesty, straightforwardness etc. This individual characteristic is known as upabrmhana.26 It cannot be gainsaid that noble thoughts can be translated into action through the medium of character. Mere thought is important to bring about any individual transformation. It is only virtues in addition to thought that can effect transformation in the life of an individual and transmute existing state of affairs: Mahavira, no doubt, greatly emphasised the development of the individuals, inasmuch as he was convinced of the fact that there is nothing over and above the good of the individual men, women and children who compose the world. But he did not lose sight of the fact that the individual develops not in isolation but among other individuals. The proper adjustment of l' and 'thou' leads to the healthiest development of both 'I' and thou'. 'Thou' may represent social and political institutions. Social and political institutions must exist for the good of the individuals. All individuals should live together in such a way that each individual may be able to acquire as much good as possible. Thus every individual, therefore, shall have certain responsibilities towards one another. This is the same as saying that an individual has certain social responsibilities. Therefore, social and individual morality are equally necessary to a good world. Mahavira unequivocally says that the other is like our own. This does not mean that there are no individual differences. Rather it means that the individual should be allowed freedom to develop his own individualities. There should not be any distinction between man and man on the basis of religion, race, nationality. To create differences between one individual and the other on these factors is derogatory, 25 Ratnakaranda Sravakacara of Samantabhadra, 122 (Vira Seva Mandira, Delhi); Karttikeyanupreksa, 417 (Rajacandra Asrama, Agas) ; Purusarthasiddhi-upaya of Amstacandra 26. 26 Purusarthasiddhi-upaya of Amstacandra, 27.

Page #289
288 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah therefore, it should be condemned ruthlessly. Consequently, Mahavira exhorted us not to hate individuals on these accounts (Nirvicikitsa). These are irrelevant inequalities. These negative conditions of not hating others is not sufficient, but the positive condition of loving them (Vatsalya) is very much necessary.28 To love is to see that equal opportunities of education, earning and the like are received by every individual without any distinction, of race, religion, sex and nationality. In his own times Mahavira fought for the equality of all men, and he revered individual dignity. Where there is love there is no exploitation. To treat other individuals as mere means is decried and denied. Where there is Vatsalya, all our dealings with others will be inspired by reverence; the role of force and domination will be minimised. It is likely that individuals may deviate from the path of righteousness. In dealing with persons they may become so selfish as not to allow others their due share of liberty, they may become very possessive. Pride of power, use of force, and exploitation of the weak may look to them normal ways of life. Creative impulses in man may suffer owing to their destructive attitude. When individuals behave fanatically with one another, the real good will be served if they are (convinced) to deal with others rationally. To establish them in the good life is 'Sthitikarana'.29 This is very much necessary in a society where the rule of creative impulses is to be established. Lastly, the good ways of life, of thinking and doing things should be made widely known to people at large, so that they may feel obliged to mould their lives in that pattern. For this psychological methods of transmitting knowledge are required to be followed in all earnestness. The scientific techniques of radio, television and the like are to be utilised for propagating good ways of life. If the researches in the laboratories are not taken to and utilised in the fields, they will serve no significant purpose. They will be like doing things in seclusion. Similarly, if the findings in the human laboratory in the realm of values are not taken to human beings in general, things will deteriorate and conditions will not change. Mahavira, therefore, says to propagate values of life (Prabhavana).30 7. Method of Using Common man's Language It is incontrovertible that the 6th Century B.C. witnessed the rise of the 24th Tirthamkara, Mahavira who played a dominant role in shaping the cultural history of India. He revolted against the socio-religious exploitation and oppression of man and introduced vigorous innovations in the then existing social law and order. In fact, he serves as an illustration both of spiritual realization and social reconstruction. 27 Ratnakaranda Sravakacara of Samantabhadra 13. 28 Purusarthasiddhi-upaya of Amstacandra, 29. 29 Purusarthasiddhi-upaya of Amstacandra, 28. 30 Purusarthasiddhi-upaya of Amstacandra, 30, Karttikeyanupreksa 421-422.

Page #290
K. C. Sogani, Methods used by Mahavira for Social Change 289 After the attainment of omniscience (Kevalajnana), Mahavira remained silent and did not deliver, according to Digambara tradition, any sermon for sixty-six days. At the advent of a renowned Vedic scholar, named Indrabhuti Gautama in the Samavasarana (religious assembly) Mahavira delivered his first sermon at the Vipulacala mountain outside the city of Rajagpha, the capital of Magadha, on Saturday the 1st July 557 B.C. This day is celebrated as the Virasasana day and Indrabhuti Gautama was designated as the first Ganadhara (chief disciple) by Mahavira. Along with Indrabhuti Gautama his five hundred pupils joined the order of Mahavira. Gradually Mahavira initiated more Vedic scholars into the ascetic order. It is of capital importance to note that Mahavira made use of Praksta for his discourses, as a result of which the whole canonical literature in Praksta was prepared by the Ganadharas. Now the question is why did Mahavira deliver his first sermon only at the advent of a : Vedic scholar? My interpretation of the event is : Vedic scholar is a Praksta scholar, since the Vedas have been composed in loka Bhasa (language of the masses) of that period. Pt. Kisoridasa Vajapaye tells us that the language of the Vedas is the first form of Praksta, though this underwent change in form in course of time and became the second stage of Prakrta at the time of Mahavira. This second stage was prevalent in a very large area and Mahavira's discourses were meant for all without any distinction of caste and creed, classes and masses, so he chose Praksta for his deliverances. It will not be out of place to mention that Mahavira was desirous of making the values of life accessible to the masses of the people, so he adopted Praksta for the propagation of ethico-spiritual ways of life and living. Now it is intelligible that Mahavira's Sojourn in the Arhat state of life inspired him to preach in the universal language used by the masses of people, though Vedic language and the classical Samskrta preceded him. This may be styled language renascence which supported the upliftment of the masses. The neglect of the common man ended with this attitude of Mahavira. From what has been said above it may be rightly inferred that the Second Stage of Praksta originating form the First Stage of Praksta of the pre-Vedic times was used by Mahavira for his deliverances and Ganadharas prepared the Agamic literature from it. This means that the Praksta language which is the representative of the common man's aspirations is denied the respectful position in society at large. Its revival is very much important for making intelligible the cultural history of India. Without it India will be misunderstood and the increasing significance of the common man in the present day democracy will not find its basis in ancient history of India.

Page #291
Models of Conflict-resolution and Peace in Jain Tradition 25 Nalini JOSHI Instead of using the word "Jainism", the title of the paper favours the phrase "Jain Tradition" which is very significant. If we try to search the models of Conflictresolution and Peace in Jain environment, we see that these models are pervaded in the Jain way of conduct, in Jain society, in their pattern of observing religious practices, festivals and celebrations, in their history, in their socio-political reactions, in Jain art and sculpture and in Jain literature. All these aspects put together suggest that Jainism is not a mere philosophical system but a full-fledged tradition which flourished in India, long back before the advent of Buddhism. . Three Inherited Models in Representing Jainism In the first model, Jainism is re-presented as a negligible sister system of Buddhism, as an essentially marginal unimportant heterodox group. This model is best seen in the countless references to the Jainas in the compound, "Buddhists and Jainas" and so on. The assumption is that by understanding something of the Buddhists, one knows all one needs to know about their "darker reflection" - the phrase used by Louis Renou. In the second model, Jainism is represented as a minority ascetic tradition; it is incapable of influencing political institutions or developing a mass popular following. The Jain tradition is characterized as boringly ascetic, austere, unimaginative and so forth. In the third model, "pure" Jainism is defined as conservative and unchanging and all innovations are portrayed as degenerations. Original Jainism is the essence and historical Jainism consists in falling away from that essence. In this model, all innovation is ascribed to Hinduism, which is a dynamic and changing tradition. According to this model, influence moves in only one direction, from active Hinduism to passive Jainas. Thorough study of "Pure Jainism" and "Historical Jainism" reveals a different picture. Jainism is one of the most ancient of India's indigenous traditions and the oldest of the surviving non-Vedic schools. It is quite evident that though Jainas are in minority from the ancient period till today, still they have not lost their identity. They stick to A research paper originally presented in the National Seminar jointly organised by Centre for Studies in Buddhism and Dept. of Buddhist Studies, University of Pune, February 2009. Quoted in J.E. Cort (ed.), Open Boundaries, Introduction, p. 3.

Page #292
N. Joshi, Models of Conflict-resolution and Peace in Jain Tradition 291 their fundamental tenets, doctrines and ethics but they are not "fundamentalists" in the modern sense of this word. In this paper, an attempt is made to enumerate the models of conflict-resolution and peace which have helped the Jainas in surviving without loosing their identity. The Comprehensive Model of Anekantavada When we start thinking in the direction of model creation in Jaina Tradition, we easily come to know that Jainas never exerted or strive for creating these models externally or superficially because the theory of non-absolutism is the very base, essence or crux in Jain thought. The chief, guiding model is already present which is gradually developed in the course of time. Whatever remains is the method of application of this comprehensive model in the various fields of human endeavor. The various models which we are going to discuss have sprung from the very core of crux of Jainism. Anekantavada, the Jain theory of multiple facets of reality and truth is so fundamental and central to Jain Metaphysics, Epistemology and Logic that the entire Jain system is known as Anekanta-darsana. Though we find the particular name "Anekantavada" from 6th or 7th century A.D. and onwards, we can trace back the starting points from Bhagavatisutra, a canonical text in Ardhamagadhi. The gradual progress.of Nayavada, Syadvada and Anekantavada is seen chronologically with the help of the treatises written by Kundakunda, Umasvati, Mallavadin, Siddhasena Divakara, Samantabhadra, Akalanka, Haribhadra, Hemacandra, Vadideva and so on up to Yasovijaya, of 18th century. The ontological, epistemological, logical, ethical and spiritual implications of Anekantavada are elaborately explored by many eminent scholars of Jainism. Jaina thinkers assert that reality is many-sided; it has manifold aspects and infinite characters. It is both existent and non-existent, permanent and transient, one and many etc. The conflict among the contradictory characters is resolved by creating the model urfold Nyasa or Niksepa. A thing is existent from the standpoint of its own substance (dravya), place (ksetra), time (kala) and quality, state or form (bhava). The thing is non-existing from the fourfold standpoints of another thing. Thus we can conclude that the non-violent, peace-loving attitude in Jain Tradition containing reconciliation, adjustment and adoption is the natural outcome of the doctrine of non-absolution. When we go through the long history of Jain Tradition, with its religio-social ups and downs, we come to know that earnest attempts are made to reconcile by changing the outer expressions (viz. modes) and protecting the soul of non-violence and peace intact in spite of the charges of cowardice and surrender. The canonical literature of the Jainas is almost free from the sarcastic, satirical and hostile 2 Bhagavati Sutra 7.58-60, 93, 94 ; 9-231. Dravya, ksetra, kala, bhava : Jnatadharmakatha 1.5.36; Sthananga 5.170-174.

Page #293
292 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah remarks against their opponents. On the other hand Lord Buddha uses these weapons freely towards Niggantha Nataputta. In one of the Jataka tales Buddha depicts himself as a peacock and Mahavira as a crow. Now, we will discuss the further sub-models which are in congruence with the chief model of non-absolutism. A: The Model of Suitable Languages The capacity of the Jainas to adopt various languages is unparallel. This multilingual attitude is handed down to them by Lord Mahavira and further prominent Jain Acaryas. Mahavira delivered his preaching in Ardhamagadhi. Further Jain Acaryas used Sauraseni and Maharastri. Nearly ten centuries after Mahavira, Jain Acaryas stuck to the regional languages viz. Prakrits. From the fifth century A.D. and onwards we see that Jain authors were interacting with others as intellectuals in terms of pan-Indian scholarly genre of Sastra. Jainas transformed their tradition into a school of learning by presenting their writings in the pan-Indian scholarly language of Sanskrit. But Jaina authors re-defined Sanskrit treating it not as a sacred institution but a natural phenomenon. Jainas, such as Hemacandra wrote their own Sanskrit grammars to replace the Brahmanical system canonized by Panini and Patanjali. Side by side, the Jain authors continued their writings in Maharastri and various Apabhramsas, up till the 15th and 16th cent. A.D. Even today, the Sadhus and Sadhvis can address people in three four languages very comfortably. This inherited model of acquiring suitable languages is proved to be beneficial even to the laity, which mostly owe to merchant class. B: The Model of Choosing Less Harmful Though Jainism gives utmost importance to non-violence, Jain thinkers are aware of the fact that for a normal person, it is impossible to avoid violence completely in his daily routine activities. The whole animate world is divided into five groups according to the possession of sense organs. When Jainas choose vegetarian diet and avoid meat, the model of accepting less harmful is exercised. Vegetable-bodied and waterbodied beings possess only one sense-organ. All other animates like shells, worms, insect, fish, serpents and four-legged animals possess two to five sense-organs. Among vegetables also the roots like potato, sweet potato etc. having sadharana sarira are avoided. It is advised that as far as possible the fruits containing many * Durga Bhagavata, Jataka-katha, vol. 3 p. 105. Samavayanga 34. 6 The first Jaina Sutragrantha is Umasvati's Tattvarthasutra (4th-5th cent. A.D.). 7 Tattvartha 2.23-24. 8 Varieties of vegetables : sadharana and pratyeka : see Jivabhigama 1.68, 69, 72, 73; Pannavana 23.38, 121.

Page #294
N. Joshi, Models of Conflict-resolution and Peace in Jain Tradition 293 seeds like custard apple should be avoided. Vigilance in selecting the food inculcates them to accept food that causes the least possible violence. While choosing clothes, cotton-clothes are preferable than silk. Leather-articles are avoided. A guideline is provided to a businessman by giving a list of fifteen prohibited businesses (Karmadanas) so that one can choose a business which incurs less harm. In Jain mythologies, it is depicted that when Bharata and Bahubali, the sons of the first Tirthankara, entered into a war, they decided to engage a duel (dvandva-yuddha) in order to avoid a huge warfare causing death of thousands of warriors. For kings, virodhi himsa is somehow permitted but samkalpi himsa is highly condemned. Lord Mahavira preached the kings who were his lay disciples that they should avoid aggressive wars and showing off their military strength. While defending oneself, one's neighbour, one's country and one's belongings, violence is inevitable. These sinful acts create Karmic bondage and one has to observe penance for lessening the bad effects. The proclamation of Lord Kssna in the Gita, i.e. aham tva sarvapapebhyo 'moksayisyami ma sucah has no scope in Jaina ideology of himsa and ahimsa. In the freedom movement of India against the British rule, the Jaina freedom fighters naturally preferred the non-violent way of Gandhiji rather than the way of Krantikarins. In fact, it is evident from Gandhiji's biography that he was actually influenced by the Jaina way of life. C: The Model of Peaceful Interaction with Rulers When we examine Jaina history from this point of view, we come to know that in the ancient, medieval and modern period, Jainas are successful in keeping peaceful and creative interaction with the rulers. There are few kings who themselves belong to Jaina faith. It is mentioned in the Prakrit inscriptions of Hathigumpha (Kalinga, Mod. Orissa) that the Jaina king Kharavela (200 B.C.) belongs to the Cedi dynasty. Though Vanaraja Cavada was a Saiva king of Gujrat in the 8th century, it is evident that he was a Jainized king. He was assisted by important Jaina laymen in ruling the kingdom. He was a devotee of a Jaina mendicant and received spiritual guidance to rule his kingdom. Kumarapala (12ch cent. A.D.) was one king in the Calukya dynasty who personally became a Jaina. Hemacandra, the most renowned Jaina Acarya, was his Guru. Animal slaughter, meat, liquor, hunting and dice were strictly prohibited in his kingdom. The dynasties like Kadamba, Ganga, Rastrakuta, Calukya and Hoyasala were quite co-operative towards Jaina monks and laymen. It is of course the outcome of keeping good relations with the rulers. On the advent of Mughal kings, mendicants of both the Tapa and Kharatara Gaccha attempted successfully to establish peaceful relations with them. Muni Jinaprabhasuri Bharata-Bahubali Dvandvayuddha : Adipurana vol. 2, p.200-220. 10 Upasakadasa p. 488, 491; Kalakacaryakatha ed. W. Norman Brown, p. 34, 35.

Page #295
294 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah was a contemporary of Mohammad Tughlak (14th cent.). He influenced the Mughal Emperor with his occult yogic powers. Due to this relationship, Jinaprabha became successful in keeping the Jaina Sangha and Jaina temples intact. With the royal support, Jinaprabha produced remarkable literary works." In the 16th cent., Acarya Hiravijayasuri was honored in the court of Emperor Akbar. As a result it is said that the Emperor enforced non-harm in his kingdom on certain holy days and had taken a vow to forego hunting. Jaina narratives portray Jahangir in a similar fashion. The early twentieth century Tapagaccha Acarya Buddhisagarasuri had influenced Sayajirao Gaikwad of Baroda. The interaction between the Jainas and Europeans is very complex and even less studied than between the Jainas and Muslims.!? This has been an interaction at the socio-economic level, as Jainas were among the Indian merchants with whom Europeans had their earliest dealings. The British were the colonial overlords, the relationship in which the social position of Jainas as bankers, traders, merchants etc. brought them into close association with the economic side of the British Raj. A later wave of Jaina migration begins in the second half of the 19th century. With economic opportunities becoming available in British colonial territories, many Jaina families moved abroad, mainly in Africa. In the 20th century Jainas migrated to the "West". Jainas are seeking to widen their activities through the creation of "Inter-faithlinks" such as Jaina-Christian Association, the Jaina-Jewish Association and the Leicestershire Ahimsa Society for the care of Nature. In U.S.A. and Canada Jainas have established many Jaina Societies and Jaina Centers. Some include temples, religio-social activities involving lectures and discussions for the spread of vegetarianism, non-violence and peace." This brief account of Jaina history suggests that Jainas are very adaptive in the changing circumstances "The Model of peaceful interactions with non-Jainas" is observed for the last two millenniums by Jainas but one cannot overlook the fact that the divide between Svetambaras and Digambaras and the number of lawsuits and public quarrels in recent years shows that this is a powerful generator of a sense of otherness between Jaina Communities. During the last two hundred years, there are many further divisions created, sometimes sharp and sometimes soft. D: The Model of Categorization When the Jaina thinkers select any aspect or important point for further elaboration, they divide it into various kinds, varieties and sub-varieties until they reach the logical end of the thought. They adjust and accommodate the non-Jaina views; objects or personalities among these categories. For instance, 11 Introduction of Vividhatirthakalpa. 12 J.E. Cort, Introduction to Open Boundaries p. 7. 13 Natubhai Shah, Jainism p. 82.

Page #296
N. Joshi, Models of Conflict-resolution and Peace in Jain Tradition 295 (i) (iii) Jainas present the ladder of spiritual progress with the help of 14 Gunasthanas. They place persons having wrong world view (Mithyatvins) on the first step of the ladder and name it as Mithyatvagunasthana. While explaining Siddhahood, the Uttaradhyayana mentions, strilingasiddha ... svalingasiddha ... anyalingasiddha.14 The gender and sectarian bias is thus overcome by this categorization. In the early centuries of Christian era, Jainas develop a format or model of 54 Mahapurusas or 63 Salakapurusas. They categorized the influential or illustrious personalities into Tirthankaras, Vasudevas, Baladevas, Cakravartins etc. The famous Hindu Puranic personalities like Rama, Laksmana, Krsna, Balarama, Jarasamdha, Bharata Cakravarti etc. got their "space" in Jaina environment. This all-inclusive tendency must have created a harmony with the Hindu brethren. E: The Model to Remove Social Injustice This model emerges rightly from the philosophical concept of Jiva in Jainism. Jivas or individual souls are infinite, each separate from the other. The transmigratory souls go through the cycle of births and deaths according to their own Karmans. The Jainas do not believe in any creator God, so the classes and castes are created by human beings and not by God. Basically all Jivas possess the same status and are equally eligible for one's spiritual progress. On this philosophical ground Jainas tried to remove the class-barriers and caste-conflicts. The views on asramas and jatis are reflected in many texts like the Uttaradhyayana." In the Jaina tradition, Svetambaras have conferred the same religious and spiritual status to woman folk. In Jaina Sangha, right from Rsabhanatha, Sadhus, Sadhvis, Sravakas and Sravikas are enjoying equal rights. 18 Jainas give equal status to women but in practice, even today, Sadhvis enjoy inferior status than Sadhus. A reform is taking place, but the pace of the reform is very slow. One more observation is very noteworthy under this model that the literacy rate among Jain women is comparatively very high. F: The Model of Gupti (Guarding or Protective actions) In Jaina History, there is a very little scope for rebels, reforms, attacks or eccentric actions. The attitude of guarding and protective actions is directly connected to the 14 Uttaradhyayanasutra 36.50. 15 For the division of Salakapurusas into Tirthankaras and other groups see, for example, Kummaputtacariya, verse 49. 16 Jivas are infinite and separate : alue mulae ... java anamtajiva vivihasatta, Bhagavati 7.66. 17 For criticism on class and caste see Uttaradhyayana chapters 9, 14, 15. 18 For the fourfold Sangha of Rsabhadeva see Adipurana vol. 1, p. 591-592. hadeva see Achiyana chapters 9, 14., asatta, Bhagavatt 7.66.

Page #297
296 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah ethical tenets of asrava and samvara.'' Gupti and Samiti mean guarding and careful movements. Due to this mild attitude, Buddhism has oppressed Jainism for some time quite strongly to such an extent that it had to beat the retreat before Buddhism in many areas. Around the 10th cent. the might of Buddhism in India declined completely. It could not resist the Jaina faith in the west and in the south. The activities of Kumarila and Sankara, the revival of Vaisnavite and Saivaite sects proved to be the dangerous opponents and they did severe damage to Jainism particularly in the Deccan and South. The Saivite sect of Lingayatas procceded against Jainas extremely fanatically. It is said that the Hoysala King Bittideva ordered that Jainas, compatriots in his early religion be thrown in an oil-mill and crushed, if they did not want to get converted. 20 The Jaina responses to all these kinds of oppressions was surprisingly humble and retreating. The growing might of Hinduism was not revealed to Jainism only in its loosing followers. Instead of adopting some revengeful and fanatic steps against Bhakti cults, as far as possible Jainas adopted their language, deities and Puja rituals. This attitude of adoption is clearly reflected in Jain art and sculpture. Jainas have enriched the country's art-treasure with numerous and diverse specimens of art and architecture. In the representation of the many lesser deities of the Jaina pantheon, such as Indra and Indrani, Yaksa and Yaksi as attendants of the Tirthankaras, the goddess Sarasvati, the Ksetrapalas in the depiction of scenes from the life-stories of the Tirthankaras, it seems that the artist was not restrained by any rigidly prescribed formulae and had greater freedom. He could also give play to his genius in carving and painting natural objects and secular scenes from contemporary life. In their temple-architecture, the Jainas while adopting the styles prevalent in the places and times where and when they built their temples also introduced certain characteristic features in keeping with their own culture and ideology. Thus the model of Golden Middle is found in Jaina expression of art and sculpture. Concluding Remarks The Jainas possess a distinct religion, a separate philosophy, a different ethical code, a set of particular beliefs, practices, customs and manners and a vast literature of their own. The Jainas form a small minority at present and also in the past. Due to this fact, Jainas struggled a lot for identity crisis. Fortunately their sound monitory position and inclination towards charity and donation helped them a lot. They have adopted and still adopt various models of conflict-resolution and peace. As we have seen above, the chief model of non-absolutism was already available for them as a central doctrine. The above mentioned six models are just some examples of the application of the theory of non-absolutism and Ahimsa. There is a vast scope for formulating more models on the same line. Due to various reasons the attention is not 19 Tattvarthasutra 9.1-2. 20 Von Glasenapp, Jainism p. 65.

Page #298
N. Joshi, Models of Conflict-resolution and Peace in Jain Tradition 297 attracted towards the Jaina theories in spite of its tremendous capacity to give solutions on many problems in future. Aidan Rankin quotes Albert Einstein in his book entitled The Jain Path: Ancient Wisdom for an Age of Anxiety. The father of the theory of relativity says, "I do not know if there is rebirth or not or life after death. But if it is true, then I would like to be born in India as a Jain". 21 It is very noteworthy that a scientist like Einstein has reflected a lot on the Jaina theory of multiples facets of Reality and Truth. References Bhagavata Durga, Siddharthajataka, khanda 3, Pune, 1977. Bhagavatisutra, in Amgasuttani vol. 2, ed. Ac. Tulasi, Jain Vishvabharati, Ladnun, V.S. 2031. Cort, John E. (ed.), Open Boundaries, Delhi, Indian Books Centre, 1999. Von Glasenapp, H., Jainism (English Translation). Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1999. Jinasena, Adipurana, ed. Pannalal Jain, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, 1993. Jivabhigama, in Uvamgasuttani 4, khanda 1, ed. Ac. Tulasi, Jain Vishvabharati, Ladnun, V.S. 2044. Kummaputtacariyam Jinamanikyaviracita, ed. P.L. Vaidya, Pune, 1930. Nayadhammakahao, in Amgasuttani vol. 3, ed. Ac. Tulasi, Jain Vishvabharati, Ladnun, V.S. 2031. Norman Brown, W., The Story of Kalaka, Washington, 1933. Pannavana, in Uvamgasuttani 4, khanda 2, ed. Ac. Tulasi, Jain Vishvabharati, Ladnun, V.S. 2045. Rankin, Aidan, The Jain Path, Delhi, New Age Books, 2007. Sanghvi, Sukhlal, Darsan aur Cintan, Ahmedabad, 1957. Shah, Nagin J. (ed.), Jain Theory of Multiple Facets of Reality and Truth, Delhi, BLII, 2000. Shah Natubhai, Jainism (The World of Conquerors), Vol. I and II, Delhi, 2004. Sthananga, in Amgasuttani vol. 1, ed. Ac. Tulasi, Jain Vishvabharati, Ladnun, V.S. 2031. Titze Kurt, Jainism: A Pictorial Guide to the Religion of Non-Violence, Delhi, Motilal Banarasidass, 2001. Upasakadasangasutra ed. Ghasilalji Maharaj, Svetambara Sthanakavasi Jain Sangh, Karachi, 1936. Uttaradhyayanasutra Sukhabodha Tika by Nemicandra, Balad, 1937. Vidhimargaprapa of Jinaprabhasuri, ed. Jinavijaya, Bombay, Singhi Jain Series, 1935. Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri, ed. Jinavijaya, Bombay, Singhi Jain Series, 1935. 21 Aidan Rankin, The Jaina Path p. 1.

Page #299
Humanism and Jainism 26 Geeta MEHTA The origin of humanism Humanism as a philosophical and literary movement originated in Italy in the second half of the 14th century and diffused all over Europe. As an atheistic theory it was conceived in 17th century by French philosophers but as a theistic, pragmatic theory it was conceived indirectly around 2000 B.C. at the time of Vedas, Sramana Tradition and Upanishads in India. The Prayer - sarve atra sukhinah santu sarve santu niramayah "Let all be happy here and let all enjoy full health" of Vedic Sages echoed the Universal welfare. . The philosophy of Humanism has had many incarnations during the long history of mankind. In India, the humanistic tradition also started with Jain Acharyas who gave the tenet, sivam astu sarvajagatah "Let there be welfare of the whole world". The western tenet, given by Protagoras is "Man is the measure of all things" (The truth above all things is man; there is nothing above him). "Humanism is any philosophy, which recognizes the value or dignity of man and takes human nature, its limits, or its interests as its theme." Various interpretations of humanism Humanism is not an established school of philosophy, but is a definite philosophical outlook. It emphasized the worth and dignity of man by rejecting other worldliness and transcendentalism. It is this worldly, man-centered secular philosophical outlook. It claims that the man is self-sufficient and is able to comprehend the world phenomena and work out a certain social order without the help of God. It is an attitude towards and an approach to man's worldly life and values. It is characterized by interest in man, concern for man, and faith in man's reason and conscience for discriminating perception of truth and goodness. It also has to take note of man's cultural history, where values and standards have been discovered and set up by men, for men. Mahavira's humanism Mahavira's great contribution to Humanism consists in conceiving a religion that centers almost wholly around man and his life here in this world. Religion, according to him, should pervade all our activities; it cannot and ought not to be

Page #300
Geeta Mehta, Humanism and Jainism pursued in seclusion from one's fellow-beings and in separation from life's other activities. The equivalent for Religion is Dharma in Sanskrit, which means moral obligation and connotes individual's integrity as well as social solidarity. The universe as envisaged in Jain teaching and the motto is parasparopagraho jivanam1 "There should be mutual support between living creatures". Religious tolerance Jaina thinkers have consistently shown deference to other ideologies and faiths. In the Sutrakrtanga (2nd Century B.C), it is stated that those who praise their own faith and view and disparage those of their opponents, possess malice against them and hence will remain confined to the cycle of birth and death. sayam sayam pasamsanta garahanta param vayam je u tattha viussanti samsaram te viussiya.2 299 In another famous Jaina work of the same period the Isibhasiyaim, the teaching of the 45 renowned saints of Sramanical and Brahmanical schools of thinking such as Narada, Bharadvaja, Gautama Buddha and many others have been presented with regard: Devanaradena arahata isina buiyam.3 Haribhadra's crusade against sectarianism is unique and admirable in history of world religions. Jainism has a sound philosophical foundation for religious tolerance and throughout the ages, it practically had remained tolerant and regardful to other faiths and ideologies. Acarya Amitagati writes a beautiful verse for tolerance - sattvesu maitrim gunisu pramodam klistesu jivesu krpaparatvam madhyasthabhavam viparitavrttau sada mamatma vidadhatu deva.4 Jainism attaches great importance to universal tolerance, an active ingredient of the principle of Ahimsa. 1 Tattvarthasutra 5.21. 2 Sutrakrtanga 1/1/2/23. 3 Isibhasiyaim1/1. 4 Samayika Patha 1 (Samayika Patha I by Amitagati. Published in Samayikasutra, Sanmati Jnanapitha, Agra).

Page #301
300 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Free will in Jain thought The problem of free will is discussed by almost all renaissance humanists, 'Man the measure' is the earliest declaration of humanistic outlook. Humanists confirm that man is the maker of his own destiny. Free will did not mean slavery to desires of our mind but freedom of 'rational self'. Once you condition yourself with 'rational self', you are free to move within those restraints. In the words of Emerson, "A man is free to speak the truth not to lie, free to serve, not to exploit, free to sacrifice himself but not free to kill or injure". Morality for Mahavira was not a matter of outward conformity but of inward fulfillment, of deep conviction, accomplished by right action. Hence Jainism teaches Triratna "Three Jewels" (Right knowledge, Right faith and Right conduct). The soul has all power to implement the quality of life. Right conduct Karma Theory is supreme in Jainism. It is the activity of human beings. There is no concept of grace and God in Jainism. Right knowledge is the knowledge of reality without doubt or error. To acquire this knowledge one should study the teaching of the Tirthamkaras who have attained liberation and are therefore fit to lead others. Right faith is an essential preliminary for right knowledge. It consists in an insight into the truths. Right knowledge in itself is not enough, if it is not followed by right conduct. Right faith, right knowledge and right conduct cannot exist exclusively of each other. Though right conduct is the direct means of liberation: caritram ante grhyate moksaprapteh saksat karanam iti jnapanartham. Right conduct consists in controlling the passions, the senses, the thoughts, the speech and the action so as to cultivate an attitude of "neutrality without desire or aversion towards the objectives of the external world." The right conduct is based on the fivefold moral code which Jainas call panca mahavrata which are tenets of Ahimsa. This fivefold moral code names killing as the biggest sin. Killing includes harming or hurting not only humans or animals but also insects and plants, because Jains believe that plants are in possession of souls. The Jain Munis even breathe through a piece of cloth tied over their mouth, lest they inhale and destroy the life of an organism floating in the air. It is this morbid fear of injuring life that governs the life of orthodox Jains. Thus Jainism prescribes asceticism for the sake of asceticism. The other rules of the moral code are actually contributory regulations to the main rule of Ahimsa. The second code stresses truthfulness (satya) in one's dealings with others. Asteya or abstinence from stealing is the third rule. The fourth is brahmacarya or Quoted in the Foreword by Mahadev Desai, Gandhi M.K. My Early Life. Bombay: Oxford University Press. 1938, p. VIII. Pujyapada on Tattvarthasutra 9.18.

Page #302
Geeta Mehta, Humanism and Jainism 301 celibacy and the fifth is aparigraha or renunciation of worldly objects. All these vratas are to be observed by individuals but they have social connotation. Human concern, so non violence For the Jainas, a true religion consists in the practice of equanimity: samiyae dhamme ariehim paveie.? And its foundation is the observance of non-violence: se bemi: je aiya, je ya paduppanna, je ya agamissa arahanta bhagavanto te savve evam aikkhanti ... savve pana, save bhuya, save jiva, save satta na hamtavva ... esa dhamme suddhe, niie sasae... In the Acarangasutra we come across these two definitions of religion. Equanimity is the essence of religion, while the observance of non-violence is its eternal exposition or a social aspect of religion. The Acaranga mentions that practice of non-violence is the true and eternal religion. It was agriculture which allowed man to settle down and think about himself as well as think about others. When he started thinking about himself, he expected non-injury, non-violence from others and if he expects non-injury, non-violence from others he also has to behave with others in the same manner. Jainas speak of violence as unnatural and of non-violence as natural because if you throw somebody into the river, you expect a cause for it but if you save a man from drowning into river, we do not require an explanation for it. It means that love or nonviolence is inherent in the nature of things. Non-violence is as natural as fragrance to a flower. Flower emitting fragrance is not conditional. It is, therefore, not conditional. It is unconditional and unmindful of its surroundings. Non-violence is the intrinsic nature of man. It is unconditional and unmindful of its surroundings. It is, therefore, not dependent even on the existence of the other, not to speak of the action of the others. The flower emits fragrance equally not only for its friends and foe but also when it is all alone and there is none to receive its fragrance. In the literature of world religions, non-violence as a way of life has a very ancient history. Jainism is the 'Ahimsa' religion par excellence among others. Jainism placed strong emphasis on the ethical principle of Ahimsa and also discussed it in epistemology and metaphysics. Ahimsa is the central core of Jain philosophy and religion. Rsabha is said to have been the first to preach Ahimsa before achieving his own Kaivalya. The preaching of Ahimsa is the most important task of Mahavira's life. Feeling of immense respect and responsibility for life inspires his activities. The Jaina 7 Acarangasutra 1/5/3 Edited by Atmaramji, Jain sthanaka, Ludhiyana, 1963. 8 Acaranga 1/4/1.

Page #303
302 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah doctrine of non-injury is based on rational consciousness, not emotional compassion, on individual responsibility. Though the emphasis is on personal liberation, the Jain ethic makes that goal attainable only through consideration for others. According to Umasvati, the author of Tattvarthasutra, "Nonviolence is unlimited, tolerance unconditional and reverence for life supreme. There is no question of just war"! Padmanabh Jaini has observed that there is a "preoccupation with Ahimsa" within Jainism for no other religious tradition "has carried it to the extreme of the Jainas. For them it is not simply the first among virtues but the virtue". 10 The Doctrine of Ahimsa is narrated and analyzed in the Agamas as follows: a) All violence deserves to be discarded because it leads to sorrow and fear. This is the basic, argument of the doctrine of non-violence. b) Violence means ending somebody's life or torturing others. Still the blemishes born on violence depend only on infatuation or attachment and jealousy etc. If there is no infatuation or attachment, mere ending of life can not come under the category of violence. c) The purport of the blemish of violence does not depend upon the relative importance of the size, number and senses of the living beings that are killed. It depends upon the result of the violating person or the intensity or otherwise, his knowing or unknowing action or the use of force. This constitutes the purport of non-violence. The three matters mentioned above became fruitful in the thought and conduct of Mahavira and are woven in the Agamas. Mahavira proclaimed: "There are no quality of soul more subtle than non-violence and no virtue of spirit greater than reverence for life". All religions are at one in upholding the primacy of nonviolence. However, Jainism tends to give it a more comprehensive interpretation than anyone of them. The basic principle of nonviolence follows from Jaina metaphysical view that all souls are equal. No one likes pain. One should not do unto others, what one does not want other to do unto one. Hence hurting whether by thoughts, words or deed is looked upon as the basic evil to be overcome. Non-violence and environment Jainism is not an abstract philosophy, but a complete life-style, a way of life. It offers physical, moral and spiritual rules of healthy living. The latest technology and best of Science can be incorporated in the Jaina model while reviving the old tradition. It establishes harmony between religious and scientific, spiritual and physical aspects, between personal independence and ecological interdependence. It is the path of 9 Translator's Introduction to Tattvarthasutra in Nathmal Tatia (ed.) That which Is, San Francisco and London: Harper Collins 1994, p. XXI. 10 Padmanabh S. Jaini, The Jaina Path of Purification, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979, p. 167.

Page #304
Geeta Mehta, Humanism and Jainism 303 purification the basis of which is the principle of non-violence which is the principle pertaining to environment. According to Jainism, true religion is that which sustains all species of life and helps to maintain harmonious relationship among them. In the Acarangasutra it is said "Ahimsa is pure and eternal Dharma". Non-violence is not restricted to human beings but it embraces the whole Universe. Non-violence is observed by Jaina seers as a rule of nature. It is the first principle of higher life. "All miseries arise from violence.":12 and also "non-violence is the crux of wisdom". 13 Not to kill or destroy is the good deed par excellence. It is said in the Acarangasutra that non-violence comes first because it is the chief of all the vratas. Just as fence is meant for the protection of a field, so also are the remaining vratas meant for the protection of non-violence. Equanimity Equanimity is the essence of religion, while the observance of non-violence is its extensional exposition or a social aspect of religion. One who is unbiased and impartial can perceive the truth of his opponent's ideologies and faiths, and thus can possess deference to them. Intense attachment unfailingly generates blind faith in religious leaders, dogmas, doctrine and rituals and consequently religious intolerance and fanaticism. Right knowledge, Right faith, and Right conduct (the triratna) of Jainism maintains that Right faith should be maintained and not blind faith. Jainism maintains that Right faith should be followed by right knowledge. Anekantavada The doctrine of Anekantavada or non-absolutism of the Jainas is that on which the concept of religious tolerance is based. Non-violence is the essence of religion from which the concept of non-absolutism emanates. Absolutism represents "Violence of thought" for it negates the truth-value of one's opponent's view and thus hurts the feeling of others. A non-violent search for truth finds non-absolutism. The necessary corollary of Anekantavada is non-violence in speech and thought. One must respect others' point of view. If we insist on truth we must understand the beauty of compromise. This is the philosophy of relativism. What is required is to be flexible - intellectual fanaticism is dangerous. Therefore, liberalism in thought is advocated. We have to develop a non-absolutistic standpoint attitude on almost all problems. It helps us to understand the viewpoints of others and to reconcile ourselves with the thoughts of others. It helps also to cultivate the spirit of tolerance and understanding. This will increase goodwill and harmony. One has to 11 Acaranga 1/4/1 quoted above. 12 Sutrakstanga 1/10/21. 13 Sutrakstanga 1/14/10.

Page #305
304 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah practise generosity of spirit and avoid fundamentalism. Thus antagonism can be resolved not by quarrels but by communication and understanding. It is the principle of cooperation and co-existence. The result is the establishment of a liberal attitude in our dealings. Anekantavada leads to relativity, which states that since truth is relative to different standpoints, one has to consider different aspects of it. It is an ideal for successfully managing conflicts - personal or interpersonal, national or international. It brings about importance of tolerance. Intolerance arises because of unwillingness to accept difference. But according to this doctrine - "he is right, but I am also right". The basis of this theory is not merely that reality can be viewed from many angles but also that all views of reality must be equally honored. All views have equal significance. The basic tenets of Jainism can be summarized in two words - Ahimsa and Anekanta. Non-violence and "Standpointism". These two tenets are principles of peaceful coexistence, which are based on the concept of respect for life. Standpointism signifies open-mindedness. It has been rightly observed that if we accept non-violence as the regulative principle of conduct and standpointism or manifoldness as the basis of our outlook, barbarism and exploitation, war in any form can come to an end. Jaina thinkers are of the view that reality is a complex one: ananta-dharmakam eva tattvam. It has many facets, various attributes, and various modes. It can be viewed and understood from different angles and thus various judgments may be made about it. Even two contradictory statements about an object may hold true. Since we are finite beings, we can know or experience only a few facts of reality at one time. We cannot grasp the reality in its completeness. Thus Jainism admits human right to hold a different view.point. According to Jaina thinkers the truth-value of opponents must be accepted and respected. Non-absolutism pleads for a broader outlook and an open mindedness, which alone can resolve the conflicts that emerge from differences in ideologies and faiths. Equipped with Anekanta, the Jaina appreciates reality in all its aspects. She or he is equipped to understand other people's viewpoints. This makes her or him a better listener, more sympathetic and more receptive to others and their viewpoints. He or she is willing to consider any phenomena in its entirety. She or he is diligent enough to examine all precedents, willing to approach any issue with an open mind and unwilling to jump to an instantaneous conclusion. Such a rational and ethical approach is bound to lead to less violence, less anger and consequently, less anguish. A true believer of Syadvada (Non-absolutism) is that who pays equal regards to all the faiths. To remain impartial to the various faiths is the essence of being religious. A little knowledge that induces a person to be impartial is more worthwhile than the unilateral vast knowledge of scriptures.

Page #306
Geeta Mehta, Humanism and Jainism 305 While in principle Anekantavada may appear as a system recognizing multiple worldviews in reality it severed, according to Paul Dundas, as a way which could establish the superiority of the Jain worldview over other models of reality. Based on the critical examination of medieval Jain texts and their authors, Dundas demonstrates the tensions and divisions that existed. Non-personalism For the Jains, the object of veneration and worship is not a person but perfectness. The Jains worship quality or merit, not the person. In the sacred navakara mantra, Veneration is offered to the spiritual-posts such as Arhat, Siddha and not the individuals like Mahavira, Rsabha. Veneration is paid to all the saints of the world: loe savvasahunam. Jain prayer is addressed to Tirthamkaras only to inspire one for one's own better self which may be called the conscience, the true self. i The Door of Liberation open to all Jainism holds that the followers of other sects can also achieve emancipation or perfection, if they are able to destroy attachment and aversion. They do not believe in the narrow outlook that "only the followers of Jainism can achieve emancipation, others will not". Haribhadrasuri writes: "One who can attain equanimity of mind will for certain get emancipation whether he may be a Svetambara or a Digambara or a Buddhist or any one else".14 Conclusion Thus, Jainism as an atheist school can be considered as a humanist school of thought. It accepts Non-violence, Non-absolutism, Non-possession, Non-personalism, Equality and Equanimity from human point of view and not for any transcendental reason. 14 Haribhadra quoted in Jaina, Buddha aur Gita ka acaradarsan by Dr. Sagarmal Jain p. 5 vol. II, 1st ed. 1982.

Page #307
27 Mahaprajna's Contribution to Anekanta Philosophy Its Real-Time Applications Mahavir R. GELRA Introduction One question - what is the solution to the problems and miseries of mankind - is bothering all of us alike. Is the answer political, philosophical, mathematical, social, religious or divine? The answer cannot be political alone, because of vested interests. It cannot be philosophical only, as it has to deal with ground realities. It cannot be social, religious or divine - all riddled with controversies. It is neither capitalism - as it creates divide between haves and have-nots, nor could it be philanthropic or communistic - as such experiments have already failed. Science and mathematics cannot answer as the human behavior does not follow any formula. What if there is a ray of hope which is all inclusive? Most of the religions and philosophies in this world have made efforts and taken interest in the creation of peace and happiness needed by all of us. India has a long, rich and diverse tradition of philosophical thought spanning some two and a half millennia through which an attempt was made to understand the true nature of Reality. It is believed that once the truth is understood, the chaos and conflict between man and man will stop. Fortunately, Jain philosophy has enriched the freedom of human thought by its doctrine of Anekanta. We are very well familiar with the Jain philosophical terms Anekantavada, Syadvada, Nayavada, Niksepa, Tribhangi, Caturbhangi, Saptabhangi and four Anuyogas. All of these methodologies are interrelated and have contributed in explaining the Reality or Truth with a strong tradition of rationality. Further they promote a multi-faceted approach to the problem of the knowledge of Reality. It is of special interest that out of these methodologies, Anekanta became popular to an extent of doctrine and the rest of the methodologies gradually fell into oblivion. Anekanta, as a doctrine, has the reasoning of science - logic of mathematics, compassion of religion and equality of humans - at its centre. The hallmark of this thought process is the understanding of wholeness along with multidimensionality of Truth.

Page #308
M.R. Gelra, Mahaprajna's Contribution to Anekanta Philosophy 307 Hermann Jacobi' the German Indologist has pointed out that Anekanta opens the floodgates to the comprehension of Reality not only in toto but also in its different aspects. Another German Indologist Professor Alsdorf has said "there is no exaggeration if it is said that most of the original Jain contribution to Indian scholarship was made in the field of methodology". The Indian Jainologist Dr. A.N. Upadhye said: "The approach to Reality adopted by Anekantavada strikes an original note in the history of Indian logic." Anekantavada Unique to Jain philosophy is its concept of Anekanta. Anekanta simply means viewing the Reality or Truth in its diverse aspects. Anekanta describes that each object of knowledge is found with infinite attributes, modes or paryayas so the knowledge of the true nature of every object should be viewed from different angles, i.e., the truth can be known through numerous paths like all the radii of a circle confluence at its center. Truth is one, singular and unique but there can be more than one way to reach it. An observation of an object at a particular spatial-temporal instant is just one facet of the truth. Thinkers having a singular view in mind can see only one facet of Reality and cannot realize Reality in full. A famous anecdote in which ten blind men touching different parts of an elephant come up with different observations explains Anekanta in right perspective. Only a person with vision can tell the Truth - a whole elephant. An example is Sthananga Sutra, where the jiva (soul) is defined in several alternative ways elaborates this: 1. It is singular to each animated being. 2. It could have two types: bonded with karmas or liberated. 3. It has three properties: origination, transformation and perpetuity. Likewise, there could be ten different ways to look at it. So the attitude of Anekanta can mitigate several confrontations among different sects, societies, states and nations. Therefore, it exhibits tolerance to other faiths to the extent that whosoever follows the path of Anekanta finds peace and happiness and in doing so contributes to the wellbeing of all life in the world. Anekanta is not simply a multisided perception theory but it is remarkable to find that some of the attributes appear to be mutually contradictory or opposite and they do coexist in the same object. The leading Jain Acarya Mahaprajna has successfully M.R. Gelra, Science in Jainism. Published by Jain Vishva Bharati Institute, Ladnun, 2002, p. 13. 2 M.R. Gelra, "Anekanta - A Jain contribution to scholastic methodology", in Science in Jainism, pp. 11-22. 3 Ibidem.

Page #309
308 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah professed this view-point of Anekanta and discussed its applications in day-to-day life. Swami Vivekananda is a good example of the 'Gitian soul'. Likewise Mahaprajna's contributions in the field of Anekanta are tremendous and we will discuss only his viewpoints here in the context of the Principle of Coexistence of Opposites. Principle of Coexistence of opposites Mahaprajna has successfully professed the Anekanta viewpoint of Jainism. He pronounces that the whole is the sum total of two opposites. This is an amazing statement on the part of Mahaprajna, as he explains that opposites do not cancel each other, on the contrary they are complementary and add up to make a whole. A student of science knows thoroughly well that if there is matter, anti-matter is equally abundant. Opposites are actually two faces of the same coin, whose true and clear picture is complete only when both faces coexist together at the same place and the sea point of time. For ease of understanding such pairs the author prefers to term them as "Copposites". Definition of "Copposites" . Mahaprajna has stipulated a few postulates in order to expand this 'theory of opposites': 1. Copposites represent two mutually different directions. 2. F Existence of copposites is a self-proven Axiom. It is the very nature of every object to possess the copposites simultaneously. 3. Copposites do not cancel each other but reinforce each other. There exists a definite coordination even in obvious conflict. Conversely, there exists conflict in apparent cases of harmony. This is the vary basis of coexistent evolution. Examples from Jain Literature The term "pudgala' is extensively used in Jain literature to describe the constitution of matter. Today, scientists use similar terminology for quarks and other micro-particles. They have assigned various basic properties to these particles like frequency, spin, etc. Identical references are available in Jain literature regarding the basic tenets of a 'pudgala', which are varna (colour), gandha (smell), rasa (taste) and sparsa (touch).* The last quality of pudgalas, namely sparsa has a further classification consisting of four opposite pairs: snigdha-rukna (Degrees of smoothness, laghu-guru; Light-Heavy (measurement of weight), sita-usna (Degreees of temperature) and mrdu-karkasa * See Ganadhipati Tulsi, Jaina-Siddhanta-Dipika, chapter I. English translation by Late Dr. Satkari Mookerjee, Anekanta Sodha-Pitha, Jain Vishva Bharati, Ladnun, 1995.

Page #310
M.R. Gelra, Mahaprajna's Contribution to Anekanta Philosophy 309 (readiness to interact). In any composition of matter, presence of these opposite pairs is essential. The entire universe is based on the co-existence of opposites. The law of opposites as propounded by Mahaprajna has its roots in the Jain Agamas: Sthananga, Nandi, and Dasavaikalika have the description of opposite couplets aplenty. Some of them are mentioned forthwith: (1) Mentions of pairing opposites are abundant in the first and second sections of the Sthananga Sutras. Sixteen axioms are stated in the opening paragraph of the first chapter. Out of these fifth to fourteenth are of special interest in the context of present discussions. These self sufficient truths are tabulated as follows: 5th There is one Loka (Universe) - 6th There is one Aloka (Void) 7th There is one Dharmastikaya (Dynon) - gth There is one Adharmastikaya 9th There is one Bandha (Bondage) - 10th There is one Moksa (Emancipation) 11th There is one Punya (Chastity) - 12th There is one Papa (Sin) 13th There is one Asrava (Attraction) - 14th There is one Samvara (Repulsion) Mahaprajna comments that these axioms actually form pairs. The universe is fully filled with opposing pairs, or we may say that it is because of opposing pairs that the universe exists. 2. The heading of the first paragraph of the second chapter of the Sthananga Sutra is "Dvipadavatara' - meaning duo. It says that everything under the sun appears in pair. A few such examples are: jiva-ajiva, trasa-sthavara, dharma-adharma, vedana-nirjara etc. Similar pairs are mentioned in the Nandi-Sutra. Seven pairs of sruta are described therein. 3. In the Dasavaikalika Sutra, four key human emotions - Anger, Ego, Affection and Greed are prominently discussed. The Sutra states that these emotions coexist with the contrasting feelings. Anger can be diluted by forgiveness and Ego with humility. Affection too is a kind of bondage and can be countered by equanimity. Greed can be overcome by the feeling of contentment. The entire gist of these discussions is that the opposites coexist. Mahaprajna says that the Jains do not see things in black and white only. Their vision is not restricted to true-false but the third dimension of relative-truth is added to it. All thoughts and alternatives are just the diagonals of circle - all equal and identical. Sthananga Sutra, Chapter I, p. 489 in Amgasuttani, vol. I, Ladnun, Jain Vishva Bharati Institute, 1992 (2nd ed.). 6 Sthananga Sutra, Chapter II, p. 500 in Amgasuttani, vol. I.

Page #311
310 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Duality Understanding of Anekanta is incomplete until we discuss the duality of all the 'reals'. Mahaprajna has observed the duality of apparently contrary attributes in a substance and found that they enjoy mutual concomitance. Some of them are as follows. 1. Universal and Particular 2. Permanent and Impermanent 3. Existence and Non-existence 4. Speakable and Unspeakable According to this principle no substance in this world is forever permanent or impermanent. Every substance has an intrinsic harmony between the permanence and transience. The existence of 'reality' is eternal, so it is permanent. But, 'reality' undergoes transformations shape, association, time, etc. - so it is impermanent also. Transition means the creation of 'new', cessation of 'old' and continuation of 'pure'. It is, therefore, evident that every substance is the integration of three characteristics, namely, origination, destruction and the eternity. Applications Mahaprajna has established the practical utility of the above principle which can be put to good use in resolving our every day conflicts of life. We shall present his thoughts concisely. Democracy Opposition is the backbone of any democratic setup. Leftists keep rightists under reign. Now-a-days, however, the opposition is more to pull down the ruling party, rather than for strengthening it. A supporting and balancing role of opposition will create a healthy environment for the entire country. The basis of democracy is very much similar to that of Jain spiritualism, which stresses on the simultaneous presence of dharmasti- and adharmasti-kaya. It is also similar to the practical life where accumulation and renunciation of wealth, both are equally important and necessary. It is why, of all forms of governance, democracy is considered the most effective and stable way, because it is based on the complementing structure of two opposites. Destiny and Decisions Modern society by and large follows two diagonally opposite doctrines. One section believes "Decisions and actions make destiny", while the other section believes "Whatever happens is predestined." Here, Mahaprajna urges us to apply the law of opposites. The moment we accept the coexistence of positive-negative pair, the whole conflict collapses. It is a matter of common experience that howsoever hard one works, the results may not be commensurate with the efforts. Contrarily, if one sits

Page #312
M.R. Gelra, Mahaprajna's Contribution to Anekanta Philosophy 311 idle and waits for destiny to act, void is what results! Decisions carve destiny and destiny moulds decisions. Individual Society It is aptly said that a man is a social animal. At times, the interests and preferences of an individual may conflict with those of the society, yet can the two be separated? Can the droplet survive beyond the ocean? Isn't the ocean made of droplets? But ships cannot float on droplets and the ocean cannot be carried in a container. An individual is as good as the society he lives in and vice-versa. An individual cannot take and sustain his growth in isolation. We have a case of reservations as example. In India, a section of society grew allegedly at the cost of another. This called for the concept of reservation, as the decision makers were aware of the fact that the whole family of Indians must grow and become strong in order to survive globally. This resulted in conflict and friction. What if we see the whole situation differently from the view point of the theory of opposites? We find a very simple answer to this vexed issue: if an individual, who receives the benefits of reservation, is ready to pay back to the society in the form of a simple promise - that his dependents and all the future generations will not further burden the society with perpetual benefits of reservation. This way, both the short-term and the long-term interests of an individual and the society can be met. Mahaprajna says that the cooperation and coordination is obvious in all the activities of the universe. Creation-destruction, life-death, ephemeral-immortal, light-dark; they all coexist, yet our minds have created the concept of conflict, which must be transformed to the theory of harmonizing and complementing the opposites. Science and Spiritualism Science is objective - always looking for cause and effect relationship. Philosophy is subjective - based on intangible experiences. As a pair, they become a fit case for applying the theory of complementing opposites. Surprisingly. Most scientific discoveries have philosophical origins. Similarly, science is giving new dimensions to the spiritual awakening. They need to be mutually reinforced further, rather than one discarding another. Today, science has concluded that if there is matter, there exists anti-matter too. They extrapolated the concept from atom/anti-atom, practical/antipractical to universe/anti-universe. How similar it sounds to the concept of Dharmastikaya-Adharmastikaya and Loka-Aloka described in Jain literature! Examples from Rishabhayana Rishabhayana is one of the many verses penned down by Mahaprajna. Sadhvi Srutayasa has searched several instances, which sound paradoxical at first, but contain the deep-rooted message of coexistence of opposites. A few such mentions are:

Page #313
312 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 1. 'Waves in calm water' 2. "Marudeva's death made her immortal' 3. 'As I approach nearer to the Almighty, He maintains the same distance and illusion' 4. "Sun removed the darkness/but, it could not be seen in extreme brightness' All these are imaginations of a poet, yet are very close to the truth. Mahaprajna has extended his imagination up to the horizon where the practical reality meets the scientific theory. His logic is very simple: meet. According to him, the principle of Anekanta gives us a tool with which the seemingly opposite ends can be bent to encircle the complete picture, which depicts the complete truth. Examples from Medical Science Einstein has stated that the music cannot be truthfully described in scientific terms of frequencies and amplitudes only. It has an intrinsic value, above and beyond science, entering into the arena of higher consciousness. Human body is just like a symphony. It can be quantified in terms of medical parameters of blood, bones and muscles, yet it has an intangible and impenetrable spirit. A complete picture emerges only when the obvious' meets 'the occult'. Mahaprajna has cited several examples from human anatomy where the two diagonally opposite forces exist and act in a coordinated manner. (1) According to the medical science two main centres of activities cohabitate in the body. One is - "Jnana Center' acted upon by Hypothalamus and another is 'Kama Center' actuated by the Gonads. Pineal and Pituitary Glands when acts on Gonads stimulate the acts of pleasure, while they act on hypothalamus to initiate the journey of super-conscious knowledge. Ironically, both these activities are indispensable part of the human anatomy. Jnana is essential to protect the life while Kama is inevitable to perpetuate the life. Both are interrelated and interdependent - reinforcing each other. It is difficult to establish the superiority of one over the other. (2) Our body is abode to billions of cells. Every second, tens of millions of them die and an equal number of them are born, thereby maintaining a perfect balance. The body is alive only when both activities run simultaneously. An uncontrolled growth of cells results in cancer while the continuous decay of cells invites death. (3) Psychologically too, the human behavior is a mix of male-female qualities. Aggression and affection both coexist in all humans, albeit in different proportions. From Jain Karmavada viewpoint, happiness-sorrow, quspiciousinauspicious, superior-inferior, longevity-fragility all types of conflicting karmas

Page #314
M.R. Gelra, Mahaprajna's Contribution to Anekanta Philosophy 313 coexist. Their proportions vary from person to person, but their simultaneous presence is an undeniable fact. Examples from physics Scientific investigations of the micro-world have so far revealed that the basic building blocks of the matter are quarks. Interestingly, these quarks are found in pairs of opposite spins. Even before this discovery, the coexistence of electron and proton, positivity and negatively charged particles is a well-established scientific fact. When Einstein described the properties of light, a startling fact was discovered that the light has the dual nature of behaving as a particle and as a wave. Science coud progress this far only after accepting the dualism of light. Properties of light have become central to the entire physics. We very well know properties of a magnet. Both north and south poles constitute a magnet. Even when broken into pieces, each piece keeps on exhibiting both poles in its magnetic force. Whatever we do, the two poles cannot be separated just as we cannot separate Siamese twins. If by some means, we are able to demagnetize a magnet, both poles disappear together. A magnet with single pole is impossibility. Another excellent example from the field of physics is that of friction. One might think of an easy motion in the absence of friction, but the matter of fact is that the motion would not have been possible had there been no friction. Conclusion Life and universe are nothing but a delicate balance of opposing forces, conflicting particles, contrasting energies and divergent view points. No adjective, no verb exists in this entire world, which does not have an antonym. Without the pairing opposite the word will loose its meaning. Light will be rendered redundant in the absence of darkness. It is in our hands to convert conflict into complement. This is the main teaching of Jainism. Freedom should be responsibly controlled. Mankind must realize that malefemale, hot-cold, light-dark, ephemeral-immortal, etc. All are inevitable reality. When they form the basis of our existence, we too, must live in harmony and compromise rather than conflict. Further reading Acharya Mahaprajna, The Quest for Truth, Jain Vishva Bharati University, 2003. M. R. Gelra, Science in Jainism, Jain Vishva Bharati University, Ladnun, 2002.

Page #315

Page #316
Section V Facets of contemporary Jainism

Page #317

Page #318
Renunciation and Pilgrimage in Jainism Perspectives from the Deccan 28 Aloka PARASHER-SEN "Tirthayatra brings an end to a number of beginnings, success in money, devotion of sangha, fortune for good people, renovation of old chaityas, development of tirthas. It helps in following the sayings of tirthankaras in correct way, bringing moksha closer and gaining higher status of human and god" (Jnanavijayaji, Upadeshtarangini 1938: 25)1 Introduction This quotation succinctly expresses the purpose of pilgrimage for devout Jainas but it also simultaneously suggests that this would bring them closer to moksa or spiritual liberation. It befittingly encapsulates for us the purpose of this paper, namely, to reconcile the two main pillars on which Jainism as a religion grew in India and entrenched itself in particular localities. Contrary to contemporary perceptions that Jainism seems confined largely to Western India during the early years of its spread and prosperity, Jainism also had a considerable following in the Deccan and South India. There are several views put forth on how Jainism spread into these parts. The origin of Jainism in the Deccan according to one opinion goes back to the days of the lifetime of Vardhamana Mahavira himself. Generally it is accepted that Jainism began to flourish during early historic times. Textual evidence in the form of legends and the recording of oral memory inform us that this began around the 3rd century B.C. when Bhadrabahu and Chandragupta (the Mauryan emperor who had abdicated his throne to become a Jaina) traveled to Sravana Belgola along with several thousand Jaina followers.3 Though details of this early period are still shrouded in uncertainties what This is a slightly revised version of a paper entitled: 'Renunciation And Pilgrimage In The Jaina Tradition - Continuity And Change In The Deccan' Journal of Deccan Studies, Special Issue on Jainism, vol. V, No. 1, January-June 2007, pp. 157-176. I am grateful to the Chairman of the Editorial Board and the Editors of the Journal for granting me permission to reprint this article in its present form. 1 Quoted in Viraj Shah, 'Medieval Jaina Pilgrimage Centres In Maharashtra', Journal of Deccan Studies, Special Issue on Jainism, (Guest Editor: Aloka Parasher-Sen) vol. V, No. 1, January-June 2007, p. 140. 2T.V.G. Sastry, 'Early History of Jainism', Arhat Vacana, vol. 1, no. 3-4, June-September, 1989, pp. 3839. 'R.C. Majumdar, (ed.) The Age of Imperial Unity, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1968 4* edition, p. 16; 408; 419.

Page #319
318 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah is generally agreed upon is that despite the tough competition from Buddhism, it stayed on with intensity for a longer period of time. Sastry has put forth archaeological evidence from early historic sites in the Deccan especially Vaddamanu to shed light on the fact that it co-existed with Buddhism and that both the religions had royal patronage. Its development during the early medieval period is significant to emphasize upon in the present context for understanding the spread of the concept of tirtha. It is during this period that certain transformations in the faith took place providing it a new form that enabled it to meet several challenges from both the spiritual leadership as well as the laity. New methods were adopted to make the followers understand the value of renunciation that involved a rigor that was awesome for most of the lay followers. The duration of its survival is important because only then we can appreciate how important centres of Jaina learning and congregation led to the furtherance of their faith. It may be noted that it is during the same period that the collective Jaina tradition, assignable to between the sixth and fifteenth century A.D., in the form of its great literature was systematized and put down to writing. Most of this literature was in an oral form from the days that Lord Mahavira preached and even after his attainment of ultimate bliss. Through it the important message of renunciation was conveyed to people in a variety of ways. Prominent among these was a recounting of stories and tales explaining the life achievements of great renouncers through pilgrimage, texts, epics, spiritual autobiographies, and folktales in general. It is our submission that the study of tirthas or pilgrimage enhances our study of both local and religious history. We would like to emphasize at the outset that our attempt is not a mere description of the temples, buildings, and images located in centres of Jaina pilgrimage. In this paper we intend to elaborate, with the help of a couple of examples of Jaina pilgrimage centres in the Deccan, the broad socio-economic and changing historical framework in which these centres flourished without damaging the essential principle of the Jaina faith in renunciation as a desirable goal. Our chronological focus will be limited to the early historic and early medieval times. For understanding the continuity of such practices we have to first take a close look at the ideological impetus that motivated people to set up institutions of worship and learning. All these factors can be put down in terms of generalities but our attempt 4T.V.G. Sastry, op. cit., 1989, p. 41 and 'An Earliest Jaina Site in the Krishna Valley', op. cit., 1989, pp. 23-37. 5 B.S.L. Hanumantha Rao, Religion in Andhra, (a Survey of Religious Developments in Andhra from early times up to A.D. 1325) Archaeological Series No. 69, Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1973, 2nd edition 1993, pp. 171-190 discusses its rapid development in Andhra during this period. 6 It has been pointed out by K. M. Shrimali that one of the best ways to research into the history of tirthas and sacred complexes is to undertake micro-studies of specific sites and temples. This would enable an in depth study of their material setting and their role in society and economy. For details: 'Religion, Ideology and Society', Presidential Address, Ancient India Section, Indian History Congress, 49th Session, Karnataka University, Dharwad, 1988, (Reprint) pp. 26-27.

Page #320
Aloka Parasher-Sen, Renunciation and Pilgrimage in Jainism 319 shall be to put them in the context of a local or micro-level situation. This has to be closely analyzed since it poignantly reveals how such local tirthas received financial and material support from the larger group of the Jaina laity. Without periods and regions of prosperity, the sanctity of such centres is short lived. Thus, in our ultimate analysis we wish to highlight that faith and economic support go together. Renunciation -- Jaina beliefs and practices The core of Jaina doctrine was centered on the idea that the blissful, bright and allknowing soul is present in every jiva and ajiva entity. These entities enveloped not only human, animal, and plant life but stones, rocks and running water as well. However, the existence of this soul is understood to get clouded and dull by karmic action and matter which is born as a result of an unending cycle of transmigration. The main focus of attention in Jaina belief is therefore, the annihilation of this karma. It was believed that this could be done through penance. This, in turn, required a long course of fasting, self-mortification, study and meditation that was ideally to be done by the most rigorous means so that fresh karma could not enter the soul. In simple words, by a carefully disciplined conduct the dangerous qualities of karma could be prevented from entering the soul so that it could be set free. This simple and clear Jaina teaching remained unaltered even though Jaina philosophers developed with great subtlety many other aspects of their doctrines and epistemology in general at a later period. The early Jainas recognized however, that full salvation for the layman was not possible. To attain kevala and mukti one had to necessarily abandon all aspects of luxurious life including the clothes one was wearing. The rigorous penance could therefore, not be followed by the lay folk. Further, it was also recognized that monastic life was essential for salvation but since the Universe was fast declining very few souls could indeed achieve spiritual liberation in the foreseeable future. Nonetheless, some popular Jaina stories on how members of families, wives and children in particular, were effected by the resolutions of renunciation undertaken by those who wished to go in search of truth, were popularized as an ideal for all to respect. Though the stories revealed from time to time that social ties, friendships, emotional bonds between man and wife, mother and child, father and son and so on, were painful and often generated anger and helplessness, these narratives were so written that they went beyond the single life of an individual to show the ultimate efficacy of the decision of renunciation being the only goal. In other respects of the Jaina teaching too a lay follower of Jainism found it difficult to even take up the profession of agriculture since it involved the destruction of plant life and many other 7 Several of these stories have been put together as an anthology in Phyllis Granoff (Selected, Translated and with an Introduction) The Forest of Thieves and the Magic Garden, An Anthology of Medieval Jain Stories, Penguin Classics, 1998.

Page #321
320 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah living beings in the earth. The Jainas most ardently followed this insistence on ahimsa when compared with any other Indian religion." The close association of the Jaina order of monks and nuns with the laity has to be emphasized. Herein, lay the difference between them and the Buddhists. The layman in Jainism was encouraged to live the life of a monk for specific periods. In his ordinary life he was encouraged to inculcate commercial virtues of honesty and frugality. The Jaina Sangha therefore consisted of Bhiksus or monks, Aryikas/Sadhvis or women ascetics and Sravakas-Sravikas or lay worshipers so that the promotion and interests of the Sangha was made a pious duty of everyone." The admission of the laity into the Sangha was acclaimed as the genius of Mahavira for organization because this enabled the Jainas to have a root in India, which the Buddhists never obtained.10 In other aspects there were similarities with the other faiths that were prevalent on the subcontinent. For instance, very early on Mahavira and the other Tirthankaras began to be worshiped in the same way as the Buddhist and Hindu gods." Further, it has been pointed out that the notion of austerity that was so central to the Jain faith got reflected in the images of the Jaina Tirthankaras that were marked by a lifeless and rigid monotony absent in other contemporary sculptures.12 Soon the donation of the laity to the Jaina Order, along with support by kings and nobles, led to the building of splendid Jaina temples --- two extant outstanding examples are Mt. Abu and Sravana Belgola. Though the core of Jaina belief did not falter the tradition of explaining the importance of pilgrimage or tirtha gradually began to evolve with the emergence of these institutional bases of the religion. Tirtha Changes and continuity in Jaina beliefs In a country like India the concept of tirtha was already popular and it is likely therefore, that to compete with others, the Jainas had to adopt it as well. In Puranic Hinduism the idea of tirtha was well entrenched by the early centuries of the Christian era and had effected the psyche of the Indian mind as a valuable social and religious mode of worship." The concept of tirtha emerges out of the notion of a sacred place and tirthayatra or pilgrimage is a popular form of piety and devotion to these places of significance in a particular religion's ecology of sacred places. Over time, around these tirthas or sacred places there emerges a mythology that further sanctifies the place, while at the same time, publicizing its importance. Usually, at these places dana or gift 8A.L. Basham, The Wonder that was India, London, 1954, pp. 287-293. 9 J. C. Jain, Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jain Canon, Bombay, 1947, p. 22. 10 B.S.L. Hanumantha Rao, op. cit., 1993, p. 124. See also S. Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, p. 67. 11 J.E. Cort, 'Bhakti in the Early Jain Tradition: Understanding Devotional Religion in South Asia', History of Religions, Vol. 42, 2000, pp. 59-86 has a different view on this subject. 12 Ibid., p. 146. 13 It is well known that brahmanical literature mentions more than 400 tirthas in early medieval times and that the Mahabharata and the Puranas contain 40,000 verses on tirthas and legends connected with them. For details see: P.V.Kane, History of Dharmasastra, vol. IV, Poona 1973, pp. 581-82; pp. 730-825.

Page #322
Aloka Parasher-Sen, Renunciation and Pilgrimage in Jainism 321 and charity rituals are performed and the proclamation of such rituals at important tirthas gives that place a special importance for the devotee who is supposed to get unparalleled religious merit by such acts. Thus myth, belief and ritual get intertwined in a complex way to how the concept of tirtha develops in different religions particularly on the Indian subcontinent. In the case of Jainism, we argue, that it also got entwined with the concept of renunciation since many of the places of Jaina pilgrimage were immortalized in the name of the brave and sincere acaryas and munis who had given up ordinary life to achieve sallekhana or ritual death. 14 At the same time it would not be an exaggeration to suggest that in other aspects there was a considerable influence of Hindu rites and rituals that affected the overall texture of the Jaina concept of worship. For instance, between the tenth and the fifteenth century, detailed rules regarding the ritual of almsgiving (dana) appear in almost all the texts that deal with the duty of the Jaina laity. This, it is argued was essential to formulate as it would assure the monastic fraternity of adequate and permanent support. Along with this the details of formal worship of the Jaina images or puja, taking these images in procession or yatra etc. also become central to Jaina belief. However, it is important to emphasize that the idea of pilgrimage in Jainism originally began to be associated with the activities of the great Jaina acaryas. Visit to such places came to be considered a sacred duty and a purifying and meritorious act. The idea is put forth that the Tirthankaras themselves made some tirthas but the choice that they could be made by others was also given in the later Jaina texts. Primarily, they were understood to have come up in places that were identified as the kalyana-ksetras or those areas associated with the birth and other noteworthy events in the life of the Tirthankaras. Next in importance were the siddha-ksetras that were those areas where the Tirthankaras and other saints had attained spiritual liberation. This was followed by the atisaya-ksetras that were associated with the miracles or myths important for the Jaina believers and finally, the most common were the kala-ksetras reputed for their artistic monuments, temples and images." By early medieval times the idea of tirtha had become rampant in Jainism and an integral part of its religious practice. It was the siddha-ksetras that acquired a special significance for propagating the ideal of renunciation and were highlighted in a big way in the literature of the times. In fact, Cort is of the view that Jaina images were not necessarily made for devotional bhakti but rather, for "singing the glory of asceticism" and thus making the heroic asceticism of the few accessible to the people at large." 14 R.N. Nandi, The Social Roots of Religion in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1986, pp. 117-118. 15 Details of various aspects of pilgrimage in Jainism discussed in J.P. Jain, Religion and Culture of the Jains, South Asian Books, 1976, Chapter VIII, pp. 127-128. 16 J. E. Cort, 'Singing the Glory of Asceticism: Devotion of Asceticism in Jainism', Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol. 20, 2002, p. 738.

Page #323
322 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Monastic organizations and rituals Scholars of Jainism are of the view that it was in the Jaina literature of the early medieval and medieval times that fundamental changes began to take place in its doctrines, rituals, and monastic organization. By this time there had also emerged different Jaina sects. The proliferation of these sects particularly in the southern region is important to emphasize upon. Scholars like R.N. Nandi suggest that the changes and deviation in this regard can be explained in terms of their relationship to the changing social and economic milieu of what he calls 'the early middle ages'. This was marked by the decline of the market economy of towns and the rise of small-scale subsistence economy of agriculture. We discuss below some of these changes as reflected in medieval Jaina literature that has relevance for the development of the idea and practice of tirtha. The Brhatkalpabhasyal has been generally dated to the early middle ages'. Its main thrust is best articulated by in the words: "Monastic rules can be either reinforced or modified to avoid actions that could be seen as contrary to worldly conventions (logaviruddha), or to permit actions that are conducive to the increase of the religion" (tittha-vivaddhi)". It vividly illustrates the growing popularity of the practice of mathavasa, i.e. permanent residence of monks. This necessitated a change of the old canonical rules restraining monks from taking a permanent residence. This text refutes the earlier view that monks must stay away from the society and live in the forest in order to avoid contact with people in general and women in particular.20 Another writer Hemacandra, a Svetambara author of the twelfth century A.D. also commends the settled life of monks in monasteries and refers to the provision for lodging (upasraya) like food, drink, clothing, beds etc., which is said to be most beneficial to the ascetics.21 Devendra, another Svetambara author of the 13th century states that the best form of dana or charity is the gift of a dwelling place (vasati) since this gives the monks and ascetics an opportunity for study, meditation and development of religious life. Many inscriptions published in the Epigraphica Carnatica, Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions cited by Nandi give evidence to the above fact and we find kings, nobles and other wealthy clients undertaking to build residential houses for the monks and to furnish them as best as possible.22 From the above, as gleaned from both literary and inscriptional sources, we can deduce that the changing life style of the monks began to necessitate a change in 17 R.N. Nandi, op. cit., 1986, p. 160 ff. 18 Authored by Sanghadasa (6th century A.D.), this is one of the most important Jaina commentaries on monastic rules and the contexts in which they can be changed without losing sight of the original. 19 Mari Jyvasjarvi, 'Retrieving the Hidden Meaning: Jain Commentarial Techniques and the Art of Memory', Journal of Indian Philosophy, Vol. 38, 2010, p. 137. 20 S.B. Deo, History of Jaina Monachism, Poona, 1956, p. 397. 21 Nandi, op. cit., 1986, p. 107. 22 Ibid., p. 107.

Page #324
Aloka Parasher-Sen, Renunciation and Pilgrimage in Jainism 323 monastic laws. Permanent residence greatly affected the monastic ideal of nonpossession or non-attachment (aparigraha). Thus changing conditions from the early medieval period led to possession and attachment to worldly things. In fact, literature of the period, especially on dana or charity, tried to justify parigraha (possession) by the monks. Hemacandra goes to the extent of questioning those who suggest that there was no canonical authority for dana in any form other than food and drink and goes on to quote texts permitting the offering of clothes, blankets etc. These items were almost like the amenities of life that the householders enjoyed with the only difference that the monks had a code of conduct to abide by. Puritans however, continued to emphasize that living in forests or taking to the life of a wandering monk was an ideal. They resented upon the increasing popularity of the mathavasati monks. Thus, texts continued to mention transgressions that monks should not commit as listed by Haribhadra in the 8th century A.D.. These included the making use of water, flowers or other substances containing live matter, bathing in cold water, applying oil to the body, decorating the body, making use of perfumes and the erection of post-mortem memorials at burial places. The puritans also objected to and criticized the settled monks who derived income from agriculture and admitted women as disciples.23 The literary perceptions and restrictions were based on what was happening in reality. Information from inscriptions show that the monks had started encouraging the construction of temples and did indeed derive subsistence from land donated to them as free holdings. From epigraphs it also becomes clear that in the temples they used water, flowers, milk, curd, clarified butter, grass etc. for different services. That, women were allowed to become nuns, and as senior nuns, had monks as disciples as well as the fact that there were lady disciples under male monks is also clearly visible in the data from the epigraphs, which give frequent references to these aspects. Similarly, it was for all to see that numerous nisidhis or memorial stones came up as post-mortem memorials and all these substantiate Haribhadra's allegations that all those who indulged in the above were to be treated as "false ascetics" 24 The above ideas on the change in the concept of the monastic ideal and particularly the gradual but certain process of the building of mathas, temples and other permanent structures have a considerable bearing on our present concern on the simultaneous growth of the tirthas. The tension between these changes and the ideal of renunciation also gets reflected in the literature of the times and great efforts were made to emphasize on the latter in the form of stories so that the message did not get diluted in any way. We shall dwell on some of these stories below. The above changes also led to the rise of a large number of monastic units in different parts of the country who vied with each other in attracting the layman to their particular ideas, beliefs and 23 N.R. Premi, Jaina Sahitya Aura Itihasa, Bombay, 1956, p. 352. 24 R.N. Nandi, Religious Institutions and Cults in the Deccan (c. A.D. 600-1000), Delhi, 1973, pp. 33-38; 65-66; 72-75.

Page #325
324 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah practices. Going on pilgrimage was one of the most visible and material means of expressing support to these various monastic orders. Indeed, their success very much depended on where they could receive a regular hospitality of their clients in order to further build temples and institute cults of more Jaina deities. Shravana Belgola - The making of an ideal pilgrimage We now turn to take a close look at one of the most well known Jaina tirthas that not only has a long recorded history but is also one site from where a great abundance of inscriptional data had been collected especially on the number of nuns and monks who offered sallekhana or self-mortification at this place and thereby, upheld the important Jaina doctrine of renunciation. This is the site of Shravana Belgola near Mysore, in the present-day State of Karnataka. This example enables us to see how the idea of pilgrimage developed in Jainism given the changing socio-economic context in which the religion was also transforming. However, most importantly, at the same time, its main tenets of belief and the ultimate aim of how salvation should be attained were constantly interrogated and re-formulated by preachers, teachers, and seekers of salvation who flocked to this site from very early times. This also gives us a valuable insight into how, over a period of time, the followers of Jainism sanctified the earlier memory of the ascetics and monks who had visited this site but had preferred to remain anonymous. Thus, gradually at this site we are able to study the initiation of certain practices into Jainism that involved both collective and individual ritual and this, in turn, fostered the growth of pilgrimage as a mode of being a devout follower. That this tirtha was a Digambara centre also makes this a unique case study because usually the settling down of monks and acaryas is emphasized upon in the Svetambara sects. Shravana Belgola is located in the Hassan District of Karnataka State and covers a topographical area of about 5 square kilometers. It has a continuous history of about 1500 years and is the foremost Digambara Jaina centre in India, revealing for the historian and the scholar the largest number of Jaina records at one place. Besides having the tallest colossus in the country of Gommatesvara it is also a place that has the largest number of Jaina Digambara temples concentrated at one place. Last but not least, it has the highest number of nisidhis or commemorative monuments located here which is how the recorded history of the place first began. Settar whose study Inviting Deathas provides us with the above details has further analyzed that the Hill at Shravana Belogola at first, simply "invited the devout to death". Only later, he informs us, did it begin to attract pious pilgrims to this place who were initially awe struck by the severe austerities being done by the monks. It was still later that the place began to attract prosperous patrons who began to shower resources for the construction of temples and pavilions. The natural barren rock formations thus gradually began to be 25 Historical Experiments on Sepulchral Hill, Institute of Indian Art History, Karnatak University, Dharwad, 1986.

Page #326
Aloka Parasher-Sen, Renunciation and Pilgrimage in Jainism 325 surrounded by man-made structures that then became the focal point of pilgrims over the ages. Based on the data provided by Settar some examples of the above can be given. Shravana Belgola is in fact a place that was known for its two hills called Candragiri (small hill) and Vindhyagiri (Big Hill). The historical name that occurs in the inscriptions frequently to describe this place is Katavapra or Kalvappu. This occurs with several suffixes in the inscriptions of the period between the 7th to the 12th century A.D. like giri (hillock), saila (rock-bed), tirtha (holy centre), durga, (fort), parvata (mountain), rsigiri (hillock of monks), and tirthagiri (hillock of pilgrimage). After the excavation of the colossus in the 10th century A.D. the entire complex came to be called Gommatatirtha or Gommatapura. In fact, it has been pointed out that it was only after the 12th century that Belgola is mentioned as a tirtha in several inscriptions from there.26 Settar informs us that "...the tirtha seems to have attracted visitors to settle down around the pond" and therefore, the connotation of it being a nagara or town only occurs in the records of the 14th century and after?? when the composite term Belgolanagara occurs. Thus, Belgola, literally meaning the white pond, was first hailed as a tirtha in the early 12th century when it gradually began to grow as a township between the 12th and the 14th century A.D. to finally, become the headquarters of the nadu in the 15th century. In some records of the 19th century Shravana Belgola is hailed as the Kashi of the South because of the substantial increase of its spiritual importance.28 The general impression is that it is only because of the presence of the Gommatesvara colossus, carved in the 10th century that pilgrims thronged to this place through the ages. However, contrary to this, Settar writes: "Though the colossus is the most important object which attracts millions of visitors today, its importance is subordinated to the sepulchral hill and the holy pond throughout the history of Shravana Belgola."29 The sanctity of this place to the Jaina laity must now be explained. During the 3rd century B.C. and even as late as the 7th century A.D. the environs of Shravana Belgola were anything but hospitable to the householders. It was surrounded by high peaked mountains and situated amidst lowlands and a valley that was still inaccessible. Legend informs us that the first migrations here were due to the fact that there was a famine in the north. The monks who wanted to perform austerities were of course drawn to the place because of the secluded environment that was most suitable for them if they desired to mortify their body and invite death. This can be contrasted with the urges of a pilgrim who comes to a place to show reverence and then wants to record his or her gift or dana to the place. In this way the laity left an inedible mark of their visit that becomes the reference point for later generations of pilgrims to follow. 26 Ibid., p. 5. 27 Ibid., p. 7. 28 Ibid., p. 5. 29 Ibid., p. 7.

Page #327
326 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The pattern of how Shravana Belgola grew in sanctity is clearly explained by Settar. These explanations and the statistical data that accompanies them help us to argue that pilgrimage as a concept has to be located in the broad historical context of the times, which enable its underlying growth and prosperity. The role of the individual aspirations and spiritual urges of the followers are not the sole factors that determine the form and the structure of the pilgrimage centre. At Shravana Belgola by the 7th century A.D. about seven hundred pious men had invited death voluntarily on the rocks at Katavapra. The anonymity of these early saints is important to note and none of them had their memorials made. About 100 commemorative records have survived to this day.30 The history of these hills at Shravana Belgola during the early years was therefore, not made by outstanding events or, the achievements of great monarchs and rulers in the furtherance of the faith. On the other hand, the obscure monks and nuns waged a war against worldly desire through the weapon of self-mortification. This of course was fundamental to their original teaching and belief. [Emphasis added] It is further interesting to note that in the few details known about these individuals none of them were attached to any sangha, society, or association. They also did not inform posterity about their high spiritual pedigree or their list of disciples. Gradually over these hills there emerge records when young monks begin to tend to the dying monks during their last stages towards death. From the records we gather that they seem to have taken pride in honoring the dead by engraving brief inscriptions at Katavapra. Among these monks commemorated about 30 did not name their sangha at all nor, did they name their teachers. Statistics analyzed by Settar show that only 6 monks took pride in referring to their sangha, which are mentioned by name like those located at Kittur, Kalattur, Sandviga etc. This perhaps indicates that these sanghas. must have approved of the ritual termination of life of their members. A few records are also available that mention the names of the teachers only and not of the Orders or guruvadis that these monks belonged to. In contrast to the monks, the nuns who mortified themselves between the 7th and 11th century A.D., it is noted, always mentioned the names of, either their sangha or, their teachers. It is further noted that almost of all the nuns came from the Navilur Sangha. During this early period, except for an isolated record that mentions that the false doctrine was destroyed by a king, there are hardly any references to royal patronage of any kind. It is between 900-1100 A.D. that records begin to mark a significant change that clearly is an erosion of the simplicity that was the hallmark of the earlier period. The 10th century is marked by the rise of institutions and by the 12th century we definitely see at Shravana Belgola the fall of the individual and the rampant rise of the institutional life with all its frills of ritual. Ironically, this is marked by the considerable entry of the laity into the religious life of the Digambara Jaina establishment both as seekers of spirituality as well as rich donors for the construction 30 Ibid., See Appendix I.

Page #328
Aloka Parasher-Sen, Renunciation and Pilgrimage in Jainism 327 of temples and mathas. Initially of course, the laity had been drawn to the hills to witness the awesome mortification rituals of the early monks. As a next step they started erecting nisidhi memorials for them. Among the significant commemorators were engravers, sculptors, scribes, and members of the order and sometimes lay disciples. During the 6th to the 10th century the patronage of the ruling kings and people of affluence is largely unsolicited The evidence from both the hills at Shravana Belgola indicates that the number of pilgrims increased between the 10th and the 11th century A.D. Several of them left behind their names on the rock bed. The names of pilgrims had been known from the 8th century onwards but they were just a trickle then. From the 10th century onwards they mention clearly that some of them had come to pay obeisance to the tirtha and some others to "bow before the god". For instance, an interesting example of the 10th century tells us that one Andamarayya came with Sankayya desiring to see the monk Aggaladeva but being enchanted by the holy place both of them stayed on at Belgola till the end. Though the total number of pilgrims who came to the place must have been many, only a few of them inscribed their name. From the names engraved on the rocks like Ranadhira, Sri Ratta, Sri Bamma, Isarayya, Sridhara we presume that most of them were ordinary laypersons. In fact, for the period before the 11th century A.D., Settar has analyzed to write: "It is interesting to note that this sizable number of pious visitors never made an attempt at enriching the holy centre either by cash or land grants."32 It is also deduced that during this early period the majority of the pilgrims were local people including some who were non-Jainas. From the above discussion it can be clearly seen how Shravana Belgola emerged an important centre of pilgrimage for the Jaina community. The increase in the number of pilgrims brought the laity closer to the monks. Whereas, during the first four hundred years, i.e., between 600-1000 A.D. we do not find any examples of lay disciples terminating their lives, the evidence for the period after the 10th century increases in this regard. It is noticed that in the early days the pilgrims came to meet the monks by whom they were inspired. However, later after the 9th century, on the engravings left by them they mention that they had come to pay respects to god. This further leads us to argue that after this period temple building had become an important activity and so now the pilgrim's aim was to pay respects to the gods housed in the temples. The emergence of temple building activity and the land grants as well as cash grants that began to be given to them totally changed the character of this pilgrimage centre after the 12th century A.D. The increase in the number of monuments at the place went hand in hand with the activities of the Sangha and in this case it was the Mulasangha that began to enrich the religious life of this region as a whole. From the open hill where the early monks had mortified themselves, there gradually emerged caverns, 31 Ibid., p. 17. 32 Ibid., p. 18.

Page #329
328 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah rock-shelters etc. which gained sanctity. The earliest such cave was the one associated with Bhadrabahu that emerged into prominence only between the 9th to 10th centuries A.D. However, proper temple worship became popular between the 10th to 13th centuries A.D. The Sangha's new role emerged in the context of controlling the resources that were being generated by the laity for this worship and organizing this worship in a proper manner. Thus, we find that by the end of this period the individual monks who had earlier committed self-mortification and to whom the laity had come to see, more or less, disappear from the hill. The clergy now became engaged in temple building and temple management. The spiritual and religious activity now engulfs the entire valley around Shravana Belgola and not merely the hills because lands began to be given in the surrounding villages for the management of these temples. It would seem from the modus operandi of the Mulasangha that the influential and affluent laity played a significant role in what kind of religious activities were to be followed. An important aspect of their interference in the Sangha was to appoint clergymen to manage the religious establishments. Image worship became the central feature of these religious institutions. Settar has discussed that in order to survive and compete with the other religions of the time, the language of the discussion and debates became increasingly militant." The micro-level study of Shravana Belgola is interesting from various angles. Its history reveals clearly the changes in the inter-connections between the spiritual values of the Jaina faith which were held high by the monks or clergy and the religious life and practices of the Jaina laity that changed over time in the given social context. The important role of the temples and monasteries in bringing about a change in religious practice has much to do with the generous donations that were received from the wealthy laity. It is thus our submission that the tirtha here developed as a religious practice to enable laity to participate in the perpetuation of the spiritual values of their faith for which Shravana Belgola had already become very famous. Uphodling renunciation as an ideal Keeping in mind the changing religious practices that were affecting Jainism and also the fact that there were different points of view emerging in the organization of the different Jaina Sanghas, the large corpus of the Jaina literary tradition during the early medieval and medieval times began to preach on the values of upholding the principle of renunciation. Keeping in line with the earlier Jaina teaching it encouraged young men and women to renounce life and become nuns and monks as the most important way to achieve salvation and this was considered to be the more direct path. On the other hand, those who were unable to take this path had the option of living as a 33 The post-12th century A.D. period had been discussed by S. Settar, op. cit., 1986 in a section entitled "Emergence of Monuments - Shift in Spiritual Outlook", pp. 23-30 and in a separate chapter entitled: "Age of Great Material and Religious Prosperity", pp. 31 - 71. The ideas in the above paragraph have been summarized from these writings.

Page #330
Aloka Parasher-Sen, Renunciation and Pilgrimage in Jainism 329 householder in accordance with the basic principles of Jaina ethics. In case a layperson could lead an ideal life properly he too would ultimately lead to a life of renunciation. This was surely a more circuitous path and often full of temptations and hurdles. We will now briefly reflect on some of these stories to emphasize the point that the tension between complete renunciation and the householders life was sought to be solved by glorifying the former at an ideational level so that in the larger interests of the Jaina faith the growing ritual did not undermine and erode the essential ethos of this philosophy. By taking some select examples from these stories, it will be our endeavor to look at the multidimensional responses of society towards this major essential concept of Jainism. In other words, we will detail how the resolute ideas of renunciation affected society and, in turn, how individuals in society responded to it. An interesting story is that of the monk Ardrakumara34 who faced several difficulties during the course of his pledge to take to renunciation and in the process also caused pain to his loved ones whom he ultimately abandoned. He got activated to take this decision after seeing an image of the Jina. As a young man he had renounced the world but had to break his vows to marry. He, however, could not forget that he had once been a monk and when a son was born to him he decided again to take to renunciation. The story goes on to inform us that since he and his wife had been married even in their previous birth, it was very difficult for him to take this decision but he did so nonetheless rationalizing that now his wife had their son to keep her company. The story thus explores the complexities of pain and sorrow in taking the decision to renounce as well as the difficulties of keeping the family intact. In this story all concerned, including the monk, go through a period of pain and sorrow at the decision taken to renounce the world. Several stories of this sort narrating the difficulties faced by individuals in taking to renunciation occur in the Jaina anthologies but they vary in terms of how each of the members are afflicted by it. In another story of renunciation, that of the monk Vajrasvamin,35 we are informed how right from the beginning as a young man he was inclined towards becoming a monk. Despite this, he, however, reluctantly marries and then abandons his pregnant wife and renounces the world. The interesting aspect of this story is that the son born to this monk also wishes to follow in the footsteps of his father and become a monk. He then convinces his mother to let him go but she suffers a lot of pain in the process. The story emphasizes on this pain but equally informs its readers that the young lad had taken the right decision to renounce the world. In this narrative the father and son fulfill their ambitions to become monks but the wife/mother is full of sorrow but is generally benign in her attitude. This is not the case in all the stories where the women are affected in this way. 34 Granoff, 1998, op. cit., pp. 21-37. 35 Ibid., pp. 38-48.

Page #331
330 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah The story of the monk Sukosala36 ends with the anger of the women that is rather graphically depicted. In this story a king renounces the world to become a monk. Like the others, in this case too, his wife originally suffers from grief at this decision of his but this gradually turns to anger and hostility. We are informed in the story that she desperately tries to keep her son from becoming a monk but he too follows in the footsteps of his father. Unable to stop her son, full of grief and anger the mother dies. This story then moves on to the next life of the wife/ mother when she becomes a tigress. As such her anger continues in this life and she uses her present form as tigress to devour the monk who had once been her son. Here, there is the emotion of anger that is being amplified since in her earlier plight as a wife and mother she was helpless when her husband and child left her to become monks. The tension in this case is not based on moral ambiguities but simply on pure human emotions that are difficult to explain. In another story of anger and abandonment, that of Celana,37 we continue to explore the tenacious and unpredictable nature of human relations in terms of the feelings of the hurt person continuing to yield fruit in the next life. In this case the wife left behind when her husband became a monk, dies and becomes a demi-goddess tormenting her former husband who is now a monk. In this story, however, there is another aspect, namely, the image of a female devotee who emerges in the story to help the monk. Thus, complex emotions and, at the same time, exemplary piety both come to the forefront in this narrative. These stories were used as a medium to convey to people the difficulties faced by families when men and, particularly male children, resorted to renunciation as the most desired goal of the Jaina faith. The ultimate aim of course was that however difficult the situation and however, painful the separation and still further, however difficult the ability to control anger, the end result was success of the ideal of renunciation. In this context it is important to point out that there were other stories which tell us about monks who had renounced the world but yet, continued to interact with it. These set of stories do not totally deny the world but try to explain it in positive light but within the context of the ideal of renunciation. In this context the story of Amarasiha is most fascinating. He lives and works in society but technically he is withdrawn from it or rather, detached from it in a form of renunciation.38 Basically, in this story the monk lives an exemplary life, doing good deeds like putting an end to blood sacrifice, bringing about an end of the plague - all to show the greatness of the Jaina faith. The practice of non-violence in the world is particularly stressed upon as a virtue that both the laity and the monks must possess. This is even stressed for the kings to adopt in the story of Abhayasiha that is a dialogue between King Kumarapala of Gujarat and the monk Hemacandra.99 36 Ibid., pp. 49-56. 37 Ibid., pp. 57-61. 38 Ibid., pp. 76-83. 39 Ibid., pp. 84-94.

Page #332
Aloka Parasher-Sen, Renunciation and Pilgrimage in Jainism 331 Conclusion The necessity of narrating some of the stories located in the real world of on going life and its happenings was that the monks had to preach the pristine teachings to the laity in an atmosphere which was continuously expanding and changing. The ideal of renunciation had to be particularly stressed among a Jaina laity that was, from the early medieval times, increasingly being drawn to image and temple worship. The aim of this paper has thus been on highlighting the changes that took place at Shravana Belgola during the early medieval times wherein we had concluded that the spiritual life got merged and intrinsically entwined with religious practice. The idea of pilgrimage as it had emerged had been closely connected with the spiritual beliefs of the Jainas to perform austere penance so that the liberation of the soul could take place. Its later practice, on the other hand, dwelt more on the worship of images of god and the rituals that accompanied them. The latter cannot also be understood unless we give due emphasis to the role of the influential laity who worked hand in hand with the spiritual orders for the expansion of these places of pilgrimage. The literary endeavors, on the other hand, which we focused on in the latter half of the paper were necessary reminders for both the laity and monks that the ultimate goal of renunciation could not be sidelined in any way. Stories were the best means on communicating that the pristine ideals of Jainism lay in renunciation. In the end we reiterate that there are a variety of reasons that enable pilgrimage centres to develop. Some have to do with the larger cultural idiom in which Jainism developed. Others can be related to the social functions that the idea of pilgrimage performs. The most significant however, has to do with the symbolism of ritual attached to it in the given ideology. In the case of Jainism this particularly evolved in it during the early medieval times. This is also the period during which most of the stories discussed above were systematized and popularized. Thus, in an overall sense both pilgrimage and literature mirror society in religious tradition. Therefore, we have argued that since there is socio-economic and cultural change from time to time, the idea and practice of pilgrimage continually got reinforced. Further, so that the essence of Jainism in its ideal of renunciation did not get diluted, the literary traditions were kept alive to propagate these ideals to the people at large. Studies on pilgrimage help us to see how they originate and thrive in given local situations during specific periods while the literary traditions keep alive the sub-continental linkages within the religion - each reinforcing the other to keep the seminal message of the founder intact and further fortify the old memory of their sanctity.

Page #333
The Gommatesvara's Grand Mahamastakabhiseka Ritual "Aisthetics of Religion" as a new Method of Research of Jaina Ritual Eva-Maria GLASBRENNER "Religionsasthetik" or "Religionsaisthetik" is the German term for a new development within the study of religion. It has slowly been evolving during the last decade in German discourses of studies of religion. This aisthetics of religion has already gained some popularity and is now reaching out to neighbouring disciplines such as Indology or Anthropology - but so far it seems to be a more or less purely German phenomenon. In this essay I wish to share some results of my field work in South India using this new approach. Thereby I hope to show how the new research discipline of aisthetics of religion can have a new impact on Indian ritual studies by means of its focussing on perceptive categories (such as visual and acoustic perception, olfactory components and haptic components). As an example for applying this approach on India studies, I chose the analysis of a famous Jaina temple ritual, the Mahamastakabhiseka, for two reasons: (1) ritual generally is a rather neglected aspect within Jaina studies, but a highly interesting one, combining pan-Indian elements with such that are particular to Jainism. (2) Secondly, the Digambara Mahamastakabhiseka, a large-scale anointing ritual, is particularly suited for showing the advantages of a religiously aisthetic research perspective. Shravana Belagola Shravana Belagola is a small village in southern Karnataka (Hassan District) with a population of about 5000 people, and is the location of the largest Digambara Jaina monastery. It is the most important pilgrimage centre of south Indian Jainism, and it is an important destination also for north Indian Jainas, next to the larger place pilgrimage (ksetra) like Shatrunjaya (in Saurasthra) or Mount Abu (in Rajasthan). Even among non-Jainas, the place is a favourite tourist destination on account of the monolithic statue of Bahubali with its impressive height of 58 feet and 8 inches (17 m 88 cm), standing majestically on a high hill in an otherwise flat landscape.

Page #334
E.-M. Glasbrenner, The Gommatesvara Mahamastakabhiseka Ritual 333 Shravana Belagola looks back on a long history as a holy place of pilgrimage (ksetra) and bathing place (tirtha). The first historical evidence is a Jaina monk (muni) named Bhadrabahu.' Bhadrabahu is thought to have lived eight generations after Mahavira, that is to say, in the third century BC, and to have migrated with followers (a mythical number of 12.000 Jaina munis), from Magadha in northeastern Bihar to Shravana Belagola. He is supposed to have founded Shravana Belagola, which later was to develop into the most important centre of Jainism in southern India. None other than the king Candragupta Maurya (died 297 BC) is said to have spent his final days in Shravana Belagola as a monk. Shravana Belagola owes its striking landmark, the monolith of Bahubali, to a minister of the Ganga king Racamalla IV, Camunda-Raya or Cavunda-Raya. Historically it is not certain what finally inspired the minister to have Bahubali sculpted in stone, rather than one of the Tirthankaras;} but according to legend, the great Bahubali statue owes its origination to the eager wish of Camunda-Raya's mother, Kalaladevi, to see the first image of Bahubali, made by his brother Bharata, in the town of Paudanapura. But Paudanapura, according to Camunda-Raya's teacher Nemicandra Siddhantadeva, was extremely difficult to reach, physically practically unreachable for humans, also when they set out for it with a deeply pious attitude. Camunda-Raya's mother Kalaladevi had vowed not to touch any food until she had seen this image of Bahubali, and therefore he undertook all possible efforts to purify his mind by attaining the ratnatraya (samyagjnana, samyagdarsana, samyakcaritra), by keeping to the anuvratas (brahmacarya, asteya, aparigraha, ahimsa, satya) and by repeating the namokaramantra. He read all the versified accounts of the Tirthankaras to refresh his memory and to complete his religious knowledge. To be sure that he had understood everything correctly, he wrote down what he had read in Old Kannada prose, which he showed his guru, Ajitasena Bhattaraka, who titled the work the Cavundapurana. Thus prepared, Camunda-Raya set out together with his mother and his teacher, the muni Nemicandra, from his capital city of Talakadu (45 km from Mysore) in the direction of Paudanapura. They struggled through the forest and, when night fell, they reached a valley with two hills and a crystal-clear pond: Shravana Belagola. In the shelter of a large boulder Camunda-Raya lay down to rest and dreamed intensively about the life story of Bahubali and his brother Bharata. The first image of Bahubali appeared to him in full splendour, reaching high into the sky, and around it were only wilderness and dangerous snake-birds. The yaksi Padmavatidevi shows herself to him and points out that in this kaliyuga, this unfavourable age of decline, it is granted to nobody to This and the following information is found in: Vilas Adinath Sangave, The Sacred Sravana-Belagola. A Socio-Religious Study (New Delhi: Bharatiya Jnanpith, 1981), p. 2. 2 However, the earliest inscriptions that refer to Bhadrabahu and his migration are not older than the 7th century CE (S. Settar, Sravana-Belagola. Dharwad: Ruvari, 1981, p. 10). This could indicate that it was not Candraguptra Maurya, but another Candragupta, king of Ujjayini. The oldest inscription on the small hill is from the 6th century CE (Settar, p. 5), the oldest temple is from the 9th century (Settar, p. 13). Settar, p. 18, also for the legend that is reproduced in the following.

Page #335
334 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah reach Paudanapura. Instead, he should shoot an arrow at the largest boulder on the top of the larger hill. Camunda-Raya does this the next day. Small rocks and rubble fall down with much noise, and Camunda-Raya recognizes the contours of Bahubali. He calls his stonemasons and has them complete the granite structure.* On Sunday, March the thirteenth, 981,' the image is festively installed. Shravana Belagola thus probably had the first temple with an image of Bahubali, as previously only depictions of the Tirthankaras had been usual. This and the founding of a monastery (matha) made the remote and inhospitable, beautiful yet wild place, which had all the qualities that are conducive for a monk to renounce his material existence, to a small town for the first time, which at first was called "Gommatapura".? The attractiveness of Shravana Belagola as a holy place grew further, and the heads of the monastery (bhattarakas) gained in influence in the religious and social life of the Jainas in Karnataka and in adjacent regions. Also in the middle ages Shravana Belagola remained in the focus of reigning kings; the rulers of the Ganga, Rashtrakuta and Hoysala dynasties' expanded the temple sites of Shravana Belagola, added many further images and temples, increased the wealth of the sacred place through gifts of land, and lended patronage to poets and scholars. Especially the Wodeyar dynasty of Mysore gave great importance to having the largest and most important ritual of Shravana Belagola, the Mahamastakabhiseka, performed with their patronage. Since India became independent, Shravana Belagola, like all prominent Indian holy places of archeological significance, is under the supervision of the Archeological Survey of India. The government for the state of Karnataka financially supports the Mahamastakabhiseka, which nowadays, also due to reasons of prestige and touristic economy, is among the main rituals of a site that by itself already is of great importance. The immense treasure of ancient stone inscriptions and of manuscripts that have been preserved for centuries, now kept in the library of the National Institute of Prakrit Studies and Research, at Shravana Belagola, are among the most important sources for the study of south Indian cultural history. The present head of the monastery (mathadhipati) is Jagadguru Karmayogi Charukeerthi Bhattaraka Swamiji, who has occupied this position since 1970. * Cf. Settar, p. 18f. Sangave, p. 81. * Settar, p. 2. 7 The matha was probably founded by Camundaraya already in the 10th century. The first historical evidence of a Carukirti-Bhattaraka (head of a matha) dates from 1131. Settar, p. 59. Settar, p. 2. Sangave, p. 3. 10 Published in Epigraphia Carnatica, Volume Two. Institute of Kannada Studies, University of Mysore: Mysore 19732. According to Settar, 523 inscriptions have been published. 271 of them are found on the small hill, 172 on the large hill, and the oldest can be dated to roughly 600 CE. The oldest bit of writing in the Marathi language is found on a sculpted termite hill at the foot of the Bahubali image. Settar, inner cover, chapter "Inscriptions".

Page #336
E.-M. Glasbrenner, The Gommatesvara Mahamastakabhiseka Ritual 335 The name "Shravana Belagola" of the present town has been known in this form since the beginning of the nineteenth century. A sravana or sramana is a wandering ascetic Jaina monk. The word "Belago!a" has been attested continuously for the period between 650 and 1889" and means "white pond". The earlier name of the holy place, "Gommatapura", after the installation of the Bahubali image' refers to the same: "Gommata"13 is Bahubali, "pura" is the town. The myth of Bahubali will be summarized below. The term "Religionsasthetik" "Religionsasthetik" or "Religionsaisthetik"? These terms concerning the proper nomenclature of this rather new discipline are one of the points being discussed within the group of scholars who try a new perspective within the study of religion regarding that matter. As there is no differentiation in the English language between "Asthetik" and "Aisthetik", the English term "esthetics" would cover both. To understand the question we have to go back to the old Greek term aisthesis (aioOnouc), meaning sensory perception, which is especially interesting for the religious perspective, as we see in: aionous Tov Oenv, the usage as the sensory perception of the gods, and the verb being aisthanesthai (aiodaveoai), to perceive. The German term "Asthetik" reaches back to Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten (1741-1762) who in his "Aesthetica" (1750/1758) uses this term to designate the science of sensory perception, the memory, the concept of beauty and the fine arts. Nowadays the term "Asthetik" will generally mean the perspective regarding the beauty or harmony of an object, most often directly connected to a subject that will be traditionally treated by art historians. The disciplines of philosophy and literature will also have "esthetics" as one of their major fields of research. So we basically have to differentiate esthetics of "beauty" (however "beauty" may be defined), esthetics of (material) art, and esthetics of sensory perception. Esthetics of religion applies the question or the questions of esthetics not to objects or theories of art or the analysis of literary works, but on phenomena taking place in religious contexts which could include -- but certainly not exclusively -- art and texts. As "Asthetik" in German refers only to the art historian and philosophical " Settar, p. 59. 12 Only after 1159, the place had the name Gommatapura (Settar, p. 35). 13 According to one view, gommata is derived from the Prakrit gammaha for manmatha (kamadeva, a category of beings to which, according to Jaina mythology, also Bahubali belongs); this is said to have become gammata or gommata in the Kannada language. According to another view, gommata is a loanword from the Konkani language, in which gomato or gommato means 'beautiful' (Sangave, p. 77). According to Settar (p. 45) Bahubali got the nickname 'Gommata' only 225 years after the installation. Also there are the names Dorbali, Saunandi, and the variations Gummata, Gummatta, Gamata, Gomata. Settar mentions another explanation, namely, that Gummadi is a Prakrit name of Kusmandinidevi. 14 Cancik/Mohr, Religionsasthetik, p. 121 (Cancik, Hubert/ Mohr, Hubert, in: Cancik, Hubert/ Gladigow, Burkhard/ Laubscher, Matthias (Ed.), Handbuch religionswissenschaftlicher Grundbegriffe (HRGW). Band I. Verlag W. Kohlhammer: Stuttgart 1988, pp. 121-156).

Page #337
336 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah term, the use of the term "Aisthetik", which assumes the spelling of the Greek word, will hereby indicate a meaning that includes and goes beyond this established meaning of Asthetik. Aisthetik includes a wider range of academic subjects and research, such as the body as instrument of religious performance, ritual in all aspects (including, for example, dance movements and the question of religious experience in terms of inner effects by outer stimulation), the interaction of form and content in religious presentation, self-presentation and constituation, and a look at all possible sensory perceptions which are rather seldom observed while looking at a religious phenomenon: not only texts and pictures, but observing, recording and including acoustic elements, haptic elements, olfactory elements that all contribute to a certain cultural performance. According to me, they contribute in a most interesting way to the analysis and understanding of a religious event. Very generally, the analysis and interpretation of a religious performance will gain in depth if the researcher, in field work and in hermeneutic processes at his desk at home, is able to include other sensory data into his considerations. This asks for a wider sensory perception by the researcher himself (to get an idea what to record, what to observe and perceive and to note down while doing his field work), but also for a more flexible theory or method of analysis; it means more and different recording media (not just the photo camera, but also a video camera, an audio recording machine, something to collect elements creating haptic perceptions, even if not all kinds of haptic perception can be caught into a researcher's bag, and maybe a bottle to conserve some fragrant air?); and it means a wider acceptance of scientific means, methods and proofs at least such as audio and video documents, considering that the only traditional way of proving scientific quality is that of reading texts and publishing in form of written texts in scientific journals or books. This should not be a proposal to leave the boundaries of our established system. of scientificness and to accept the most obscure theses without rational argument -- I rather wish to state that there are more perspectives to be taken into account while doing field research, namely, the full range of sensory perception and its cultural interpretations by the religious performers. This fact is not at all accepted in the study of religions, nor in its neighbouring disciplines like, for example, Indology, that still widely remains a pure philological discipline instead of accepting non-textual subjects or non-textual approaches or non-textual proofs of analysis of another culture, in our case Indian culture. There is nothing wrong about texts and their profound philological and hermeneutic analysis; all I want to stress is that our study of religious objects can gain in depth and thereby accuracy by adding additional perspectives. I plead for a concept of scientific approach to religious objects and phenomena in which all qualities of a textual study are combined and enriched with the observing and interpretation of sensory perceptible events. So by keeping the Greek spelling in English as well, aisthetics of religion, as the study of religious phenomena under the aspect of their sensory perception, is to be

Page #338
E.-M. Glasbrenner, The Gommatesvara Mahamastakabhiseka Ritual 337 differentiated from the term esthetics of religion, that customarily refers only to the artistically esthetic perspective. Aisthetics of religion for a deeper study of Indian ritual This new research perspective, by some authors even described as separate "discipline", of aisthetics of religion" can have a new impact on Indian ritual studies by means of its focussing on perceptive categories - not only the visual one but also the acoustic perception, olfactory components and haptic components. I wish to exemplify the wider spectrum of this by applying the method of aisthetics of religion on the Mahamastakabhiseka ritual, the impressive large-scale religious ritual performed in honour of Bahubali, the mythological Jaina king, who became an ascetic and is said to have reached liberation (moksa) as the first person in this cosmic world age. There are several huge monolithic Bahubali statues in India, most of them concentrated in South Karnataka. But the oldest and most important one is located at a place called Shravana Belagola. In Jaina literature Bahubali is known to be one of the 100 sons of Adinatha, the first Tirthankara in this cosmic cycle. When Adinatha or Rsabha decided to become a wandering monk, he divided his realm among his sons in equal parts, of whom Bharata and Bahubali were two. Bharata desired kingship of all the world, and he sent all his brothers the message that they should subordinate themselves to him. 15 As Klaus Hock describes anthropology of religion (Religionsethnologie) not as an independent discipline but rather a branch of religious studies with an eminent position ("Sonderstellung, p. 111), I would prefer to see aisthetics / esthetics of religion as a new and wider, because more holistic, perspective within the possible approaches of research and reflection on religious phenomena and research methods within the science of religion. Cf. Klaus Hock, Einfuhrung in die Religionswissenschaft (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2002). In his chapter on Religionsasthetik he stresses the analysis of the perception and the production of signs (Zeichen) as subject of esthetics of religion (pp. 152-154), hereby referring to one of the important contributions to the discussion, the essay "Religionsasthetik" by Hubert Cancik and Hubert Moh. in: H. Cancik, B. Gladigow and M. Laubscher (eds.), Handbuch religionswissenschaftlicher Grundbegriffe (HRGW). Band I (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1988), pp. 121-156. The term "Religionsaisthetik" is preferred by the following authors: Anne Koch, Korperwissen. Grundlegung einer Religionsaisthetik. Unpublished thesis, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat, Munchen 2007, p. 116; Daniel Munster, Religionsasthetik und Anthropologie der Sinne. Munchener Ethnologische Abhandlungen 23 (Munchen: Akademischer Verlag - Edition anacon, 2001), p. 13; Jurgen Mohn, "Von der Religionsphanomenologie zur Religionsasthetik: Neue Wege systematischer Religionswissenschaft", in: Munchener Theologische Zeitung 55, Munchen 2004, pp. 300-309. 16 Both the Digambaras as well as the Svetambaras have their versions of the Bahubali myth, that differ only in details. Bahubali is first mentioned in the sixteenth chapter of the Adipurana (Adipurana of Acharya Jinasena. Part I. Edited and Translated by Pannalal Jain. New Delhi: Bharatiya Jnanpith, 2004". (Sanskrit text with Hindi translation)); the story of the duel is related in chapters 35 and 36 (Adipurana of Acharya Jinasena. Part II. Edited and Translated by Pannalal Jain. New Delhi: Bharatiya Jnanpith, 2002). A Svetambara version is found, for instance, in the commentary by Amara Muni on the Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu, a Sthanakavasi edition of the Prakrit original with translations in Hindi and English: Shri Amar Muni (ed.), Sacitra Shri Kalpasutra. Delhi: Padam Prakashan, 1995, p. 198.

Page #339
338 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah According to the Digambaras, Bahubali, not accepting subordination under his elder brother, decided to fight with Bharata. In a triple duel, the brothers fought by staring at each other, by splashing water at each other until one would fall, and by wrestling. Bahubali, the one with the strong arms, was victorious in all three parts of the duel. In blind rage Bharata threw his cakra at Bahubali. But this sharp miraculous weapon does not kill relatives, hence it flew around Bahubali three times and returned to its master. Bahubali then lifted up his brother; but then he realized that he wanted to harm his brother out of desire for worldly power. He gently put down his brother and decided to devote the remainder of his life to meditation and asceticism. In this way Bahubali had lost almost all his karma. But his knowledge was still limited on account of his ego. When Bharata humbly came to him and explained this to him, Bahubali also lost his remaining karma and attained omniscience. The Mahamastakabhiseka Mahamastakabhiseka literally means "the great anointing of the head". This refers to the common Indian ritual practice of pouring various fragrant and valuable substances over a statue (murti) in an act of worship. An abhiseka, in its most simple form using only water (jalabhiseka), is regularly performed to the small festive statue (utsavamurti) of Bahubali. As in the case of all very large and unmovable murtis, there is also a so-called utsavamurti for Bahubali in Shravana Belagola, a miniature version of the large figure that also carries the presence of the great murti in itself and is carried around in processions and worshipped in stead of the large one. With the help of this small version, Bahubali is ritually worshipped every day. Only during the Mahamastakabhiseka is the large image of Bahubali the object of the complete anointing ritual. The history of the festival The installation of Bahubali on the large hill on March 13th, 981" was at the same time the first Mahamastakabhiseka. The base of the ritual is the pancamrtabhiseka, the anointing with five nectars, i.e.. milk, curds, clarified butter, saffron water and water. Because of the various complications involved, the Mahamastakabhiseka has always been performed once every 10 to 15 years and partly also at larger intervals (in any case historical records are not found). As a rule, it is performed once every 12 years. The last time, Shravana Belagola organized the big celebration in 2006, that is to say, 13 years after the previous Mahamastakabhiseka. The first inscriptional record is from the year 1398, when the ritual had already been performed seven times. The dates for the performance of a Mahamastakabhiseka are determined according to 17 Sangave, p. 79. 18 Sangave, p. 94. 19 Further Mahamastakabhisekas have been reported for the years 1612, 1677, 1800, 1825, 1827, 1871, 1887, 1900, 1925, 1940, 1953, 1967, 1981 and 1993. Sangave, p. 97f.

Page #340
E.-M. Glasbrenner, The Gommatesvara Mahamastakabhiseka Ritual exactly calculated astrological criteria. Mahamastakabhisekas are performed also in other places with large Bahubali images, such as Dharmasthala and Karkala in southwestern Karnataka. This custom seems basically southern and Digambara, but Jainas from all denominations gather for the celebrations, which receive increasing attention and appreciation in northern India.20 Religious dimensions of the Mahamastakabhiseka A description of the Mahamastakabhiseka opens different dimensions of a religious happening, that reveal themselves to the observer stagewise, but the participant is subject to all of them simultaneously. I wish to distinguish five dimensions of the religious event: the ritual aspect, the aisthetic, the social, and furthermore the economical component and the spiritual aspect.2' In the following, I deal with the ritual aspect to give a frame of this religious performance for those who are not familiar with this ritual, and will come then to the aisthetic analysis. The ritual dimension Although all Mahamastakabhisekas are basically the same, namely, a Mastakabhisekapaja, each individual Mahamastakabhiseka can vary according to the kinds of substances used and the exact order in which the anointings take place, as well as in the number and size and material of the so-called kalasas, the vessels in which the liquids are transported and poured out over the head of Bahubali, and finally also in the number of days the ritual is performed. In what follows, I rely on the last Mahamastakabhiseka in Shravana Belagola in the year 2006.22 About two weeks before the main part of the Mahamastakabhiseka,23 the first of a series of major anointings, the first initial rituals take place. Among these are the first preparatory puja ceremonies for small utsavamurtis, the festive statues of Bahubali, as well as for the Tirthankaras, the 24 liberated great teachers and idols in Jainism, yaksas and yaksis, lower deities accompanying the Tirthankaras, and the guardian 20 Also in northern and central India there are a few Bahubali shrines, such as in Papauraji (Madhya Pradesh), or the recently (only twenty years ago) erected Bahubali in Gommatgiri, north of Indore (Madhya Pradesh). 21 For a detailed description see my article "Indiens prachtigster Gabenregen. Zum Mahamastakabhiseka von Shravana Belagola", in: Munchener Indologische Zeitschrift (MIZ) Vol. I - 2008/09, pp. 18-127. 22 Sangave depicts in detail earlier Mahamastakabhisekas with numerous references. Sangave, pp. 97-110. 23 The opening ceremony took place on January 22, 2006, and the first Mahamastakabhiseka on February 8th. The anointing ceremony, most lavish on the first day, was repeated eight times until the official end of the main period of worship on February 19th. Afterwards an abhiseka was performed every Sunday, to satisfy the immense influx of pilgrims; the entire program was prolonged, for the same reason, till May and then June. To organize the masses of pilgrims, specially dedicated Mahamastakabhisekas were announced. Thus journalists (many of whom had no access to the first and largest abhiseka, because the narrowness of the hill only allows a limited number of persons) were specially invited to one, and other abhisekas were reserved for certain districts of Karnataka.

Page #341
340 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah deity of the ksetra, Brahmappa. The most important ceremony is the Panca-Kalyana ritual, in which the stages of the life of one of the 24 Tirthankaras are revered. The five kalyanas are the conception (garbhakalyana), the birth (janmakalyana), the religious initiation (diknakalyana), the highest wisdom (kevalajnanakalyana) and liberation from the cycle of births (moksakalyana). Thousands of pilgrims gather on the hill for the great abhisheka, they stand or sit at Bahubali's feet or on plateaus that are constructed especially for the celebration, or outside the immediate temple premises on the hill, wherever any place can still be found. Already in the early morning hours, long before the commencement of the actual ritual, pilgrims begin their ascent of the large hill; they sing, pray and, in the case of many women, lay out typical auspicious symbolic patterns in rice in front of themselves while reciting mantras. There is a fixed dress order: all, especially those who participate in the anointing with a small kalasa, must wear new, unused clothing in white or orange; men must wear a traditional garment such as a dhautra or lungi, and women must wear a sari.24 An ocean of white and orange waits at the feet of the Gommatesvara, while directly in front of the statue the priests begin with the puja. In the open courtyard of the temple in front of Bahubali, a square surface is laid out in wheat. The beautifully ornamented kalasas, that are used in the ritual, are placed on it. The kalasas are traditional bellied metal jugs, decorated with white or yellow cotton threads. They contain the ritual liquids, and they are closed with a coconut. A ring of mango leaves is inserted between the coconut and the mouth of the vessel, and also a rice straw, and they are further decorated with a white or yellow flower. There are different kinds of kalasa fillings, and there are also different kinds of kalasa materials and positionings. The kalasas are filled with water (jala), coconut water (narikela), sugar cane juice (iksurasa), milk (ksira), rice powder (sveta-kalaka-curna), kurkuma powder (harita kalaka-curna), a mixture of herbal extracts (kasaya), sandal paste water made of Mysore sandal (srigandha), coloured sandal paste water (candana), sandal paste water made of eight varieties of sandal wood (astagandha), and saffron water (kesaravrsta). Between the "kasaya" and "srigandha" kalasas stand four corner kalasas (kona kalasa), particularly large kalasas that are filled with water, standing at the corners of square arrangement of kalasas. Additionally there are also special categories of kalasas, such as the "first kalasa" (prathama kalasa), the "gem kalasa" (ratnakalasa), 24 Children up to the age of ten may wear sewn clothing (kurta paijama / salvar kamiz). 25 The kalasas on the ground are, according to my knowledge -- with the exception of the few special, highly priced kalasas, that are festively carried on top the heads of the donors -- only filled with water. The huge quantities of additional holy water, milk, and coloured liquids are manually carried up beforehand (or in the case of Dharmasthala are carried up in an elevator) and are used to fill small kalasas above repeatedly from gigantic barrels that never stood below. This guarantees that enough liquids are available to colour the body of Bahubali completely without unspectacular pauses. The first kalasas used in Dharmasthala in 2007 were large Nandini milk barrels.

Page #342
E.-M. Glasbrenner, The Gommatesvara Mahamastakabhiseka Ritual 341 "gold" or "copper kalasas" (suvarna / tamra kalasa) or "Gullakayajji kalasa"26 (after the story in which Padmavatidevi as a poor woman humbles the pride of Cavundaraya, because his majestic outpourings do not reach below the navel, but she with her little vessel breaks the spell). In more than one respect these kalasas are a focal point of the event. They contain the anointment substances, in other words, spectacular elements of the puja, and are basically the only vessels which the pilgrims clearly see; the other important ritual actions, which are carried out by priests at the foot of the image, remain practically invisible and are not explained. Totally different in this respect are the kalasas that are individually and clearly announced through a public announcement system. Not only are they an impressive and clearly understandable part of the ceremony, but they are also the central point where the religious individual can actively participate in the common ritual. The individual becomes active and a part of the collective, in which the entire community participates. The person who is called goes to the kalasa reservoir, identifies himself with his previously acquired puja slip, receives his kalasa from the priest, carries it on his head to Bahubali and climbs the many steps of the scaffolding. At the sign of the priests above and below (who communicate with each other by means of red and green flags, so that the anointings take place at the ritually correct moments), the carrier of the kalasa slowly pours out its contents over the head of Bahubali while pronouncing mantras, while the crowd cheers. After the saffron kalasa six more elements of the Mahamastakabhisekapuja follow: large basketfuls of yellow and white flowers are scattered over the image (suvarnaratna-puspavrsti) and then white flowers (puspavrsti). Then follows a rain of colourful flowers, as well as a skilful hoisting of a gigantic flower garland, such as ordinarily is given to deities of smaller sizes (purnarghya). Finally there is the pouring of water from the great kalasa that stood in the centre of the collection of kalasas, and the scattering of coins and gems such as rubies, pearls, pieces of gold etc. The puja ends with an arati done by means of a huge pendulum with burning clarified butter, which illuminates the honoured murti from below to the top and downward again (mahamangalarati). Thus, after approximately six hours, the end of the Mahamastakabhisekapuja is reached, the gathering dissolves, devotees bow at the feet of Bahubali in order to just once be at the forefront of things and to receive a bit of blessed water and flowers. The aisthetic dimension Religious aisthetics is, as defined, the study of religious phenomena under the aspect of their sensory perception. The Mahamastakabhiseka is a ritual which, like hardly any other, appeals to the senses of the participants and thus impresses not only through its sheer size, but also, through its intensified perceptibility, makes the otherwise distant 26 March of Karnataka, January 2006, p. 10.

Page #343
342 SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah relationship between puja participants on the one hand and priest and deity on the other, to a conscious, holistic experience. The mise-en-scene of the Mahamastakabhiseka grabs hold of the devotee in his entire aisthetic capacity. Here we come to the perceptive categories: l Vision is most obviously appealed to, due to the size of the worshipped image, over which various colours are poured out: the glistening water, the white milk, the yellow kurkuma powder, the brownish red mixture of kasaya, to name only a few. When the liquids reach the head of the image, they spout in all directions, like a gigantic fountain, and the water drops appear against the background of the deep blue Indian sky as a rain of diamonds. The sheer unending rain of colourful fluids, powders and flowers offers a colour ocean to the eyes which might be unpreceded for most of the participants. The theatronlike architectural structure of the temple area, intensified by the mobile stages constructed just for this event, offers an all-surrounding colour bath for the participants. But also the strict dress code and the festive decoration of the hill, as well as in the main street of this temple town contribute to the effect. If taken into account that the landscape of India is basically just yellow or only green as far as the eye reaches and leaving aside the proportionally small city areas and the TV and film revolution of the last decades this ritual must have been one of the most colourful events in the life of the Jaina participants, marking this religious event as one of the most festive and most desirable feasts in their lives, topping even the most lavish wedding ceremony. Acoustic perception contributes greatly to the emotional atmosphere. Already long before the first abhiseka many electric amplifiers provide live music: well-known Jaina devotional songs are sung and played. Some of these become something like "abhiseka hits", whose choruses are sung along loudly by all who listen. The most popular song was according to my observances "Bahubali Mahasvamiya Mastakabhiseka" "(This is) the head anointing worship of the great Lord Bahubali" etc., telling the story of his worship. The function of the songs is to shorten the breaks for those participants who are 'bored' by the intermissions that are necessitated by the ritual, unseen by most, taking place at the feet of the statue. The priestly activities like reciting religious formulas and operating with the puja elements can cause longer "breaks" in the view of the participants who are hardly familiar with the complicated rites performed by the priests and are more interested in the spectacular parts of the performance. Certain phases of the ritual are announced and described (for instance by the song "kesariya, kesariya...", that announces the employment of the saffron and also yellow kurkuma kalasas). Toward the end of the paja many women and men begin to cheer and dance.

Page #344
E.-M. Glasbrenner, The Gommatesvara Mahamastakabhiseka Ritual 343 The olfactory component is not to be overlooked. Many of the substances that are poured out have an intense smell and delight the devotees. This is especially so with the penetrating smell of kurkuma and the gentle one of sandal, of which waves envelop the hill in a cloud of fragrance. These fragrances leave a deep olfactory impression in the mind of the participants, connecting it like in a outward syn-esthetic performance together with certain songs with certain stages. So as just mentioned the yellow colours will for example come with live music repetitions of the song "kesariya, kesariya..." -- singing "oh Bahubali, you are the one being of saffron...". The taste element comes into play when receiving prasada, the graceful "leftovers" of the ritual food that comes back filled with what are considered holy vibrations after having been used in the ritual. In these mass events there cannot be actual prasada for everyone, of course, but having the free meals that are offered to every pilgrim in the monastary compensates for that. In another famous Jaina ksetra with Bahubali worship, Dharmasthala in southwest Karnataka, the temple food is so famous for its excellence in tastefulness and quality that people from afar, and even adherents of other religions, come rather to enjoy the food along with the worship rituals! The haptic component is particularly there for those who have the honour of being permitted to pour out a kalasa over Bahubali. After buying a so-called puja slip the pilgrim is allowed to carry one water (or otherwise filled) vessel on his head over many steps up to the head of the Bahubali statue. Touching the vessel with holy water is believed to offer spiritual powers and cleaning effects, it has for the performer a cathartic meaning which is expressed by the white and orange colours of the clothes. The contact between skin and vessel, and later the fluid and the touching of the carved stone head of Bahubali -- which is possbible only at this time is a golden opportunity for collecting religious purity and merits which at the best may take place every 12 years. The abhiseka would remain incomplete if one does not touch the blessed liquids that flow down from the Gommatesvara or touch the mangala flame with one's hands. Some will put blessed, red-dyed flowers in their hair, others carry a little of the precious liquid mixture in a piece of newspaper, again others try to fill entire bottles with the Bahubali potion, so that this may be carried home to an extended family. Whoever has not been besprinkled involuntarily, because he had a place near to the colossus, will not hesitate to join others in a joyful game of besmearing each other: the holy paste of powders, spices and flowers is not something that stains, but is a blissful sign of closeness to Bahubali and his community. As one of the greatest haptic

Page #345
344 SV SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah blessings is believed when a layman is being touched by the peacock-feather brush (pincha) of an ascetic. Another haptic event is -- connected with sound -- the vibration. Especially the intruding sounds of the wind instruments such as the nagasvaram, and the loud drums, make the bodies of the participants vibrate in a certain rhythm. That might have a more intuitive effect on subconscious levels, according to the reflective perceiving capacity of the individual; but in any case these powerful sounds touch not only the ears but go through the body and deepen the experience of the event in an unforgettable mind impressing way. All these observations have to be analysed together with information we get from studying the Jaina ritual of worship (puja) in general, including mythological connections, theoretical considerations and beliefs about the meaning of colours, stones, godly sounds and vibrations, plants and so forth. So far I have dealt with aisthetic dimensions accepted by Western science. If we include the well-known Indian concepts of inner organs of perception, like the inner eye, the inner ear, the inner tongue etc., and make interviews with religiously advanced practitioners such as nuns and monks, the interpretational possibilities multiply, because there is an extra interpretation and concept for every sense organ for which the researcher has made his "outer" observations. These might also not be the same as for Indian participants just traditionally living their culture and religion, and not seeing the ritual in agreement with these more philosophical categories but just living their "normal" way of performing or watching or experiencing the ritual. This becomes clear when looking at the "spiritual" dimension, that means the description of how the participants experience and interpret the "outer" sensory perceptions according to their mental capacity of experiencing. These might also include (according to Western academic standard) scientifically not provable notions and ideas of mental perception and transformation. These observations would, according to the general Indian understanding of science, be called scientific on the base of their supposed repeatability, but here I wish only to mention that these inner experiences are claimed and interpreted in a certain way. This spiritual satisfaction is the main reason for coming to the Mahamastakabhiseka, especially for the monks, nuns and novices, in other words: for the professional religious experts and performers. Most of the laypeople feel religiously elated and harmonized by the extraordinary sight of the gigantic ritual, purified by the travails of travel, by the presence in the pilgrimage centre (ksetra) as such, and as already mentioned, in the case of those who were so fortunate, by the blessing touch of the peacock-feather brush of an ascetic; for the monks, nuns and novices especially the inner participation is an element of their spitirual path (sadhana). For instance, the colours have further, deeper, symbolic meanings for the ascetics: white stands for the

Page #346
E.-M. Glasbrenner, The Gommatesvara Mahamastakabhiseka Ritual 345 purity of the soul, gold for the shine of correct knowledge.27 Whereas the laypeople express their joy in dance and song, the ascetics remain quiet and experience the elaborate worship of their ideal Bahubali in peaceful meditation. In this way Indian ritual, as exemplified here with the great Jaina Mahamastakabhiseka paja, is a hitherto untouched field of research under the systematic and methodological reflected perspective of aisthetics of religion. In the short span of this article it is of course not possible to give a thorough analysis according to the aisthetics of religion; rather, through the example of this especially impressive Jaina ritual it should be shown here, which possibilities of analysis in the field of South Asian religions are possible by means of this approach through aisthetics. I want to invite scholars of religion to discuss the possibilities of this aisthetic approach to the immensely old and rich field of Indian religious culture, that until now is heavily under-researched and under-represented in academic discourse. 27 I was told this during my field research at the Mahamastakabhiseka of Dharmasthala 2007 by the Digambara Muni Nijananda Maharaj (2007).

Page #347
The Goddesses of Sravana Belgola 30 John E. CORT The pilgrimage shrine of Sravana Belgola is, without a doubt, one of the best-known sacred sites of the Jains, and its 58-foot tall colossal icon of Bahubali, carved out of the very rock in the late tenth century, is one of the sculptural wonders of the world. The periodic great lustration (mahamastakabhiseka) of the icon attracts hundreds of thousands of pilgrims, tourists and scholars to this otherwise small and quiet town in Karnataka. Photographs of the event, and more recently YouTube postings, spread throughout the world by newspapers, magazines, and now the internet. In many ways the icon of Bahubali has become emblematic of Jainism as a whole. Robert Zydenbos, for example, in his 2006 popular introduction to Jainism, chose a photograph of the most recent (2006) lustration for the cover to the book, and Jeffery Long similarly chose a photograph of the ludic and celebratory response of devotees to the same lustration for the cover of his 2009 introductory textbook on Jainism. Focusing solely on the ways that the icon of Bahubali graphically demonstrates the Jain renunciatory ideal of liberation (moksa), however, results in both scholars and most pilgrims overlooking the other living heart of the sacred complex: the goddess.. It is her presence, ritually installed and daily worshiped, at multiple locations that, in the eyes of Jain devotees, protects and vivifies the site. Southern Digambara Jainism is known for the prominent place given to worship of goddesses. In this it stands in distinct contrast to the ways that northern Digambara Jainism has developed in the past three centuries due to the anti-goddess ideology of the Digambara Terapanth. Goddess worship still maintains a place in the ritual culture of the Digambara Bispanth, but is much reduced compared both to earlier centuries * This short essay is based on fieldwork conducted in Sravana Belgola in 1999 and 2008. In both cases, research was funded by a Senior Short-Term Fellowship from the American Institute of Indian Studies. I thank Robert Zydenbos and Nagarajaiah, Hampa, for their assistance in organizing my two visits to Sravana Belgola (and much else). I also thank H. H. Swastishri Carukirti Bhattaraka and Dharanendra Shastri for their hospitality at Sravana Belgola. This of course exaggerates the extent to which the icon of the liberated Bahubali is "absent" of any divine presence. The evidence of icon consecration (pratistha) manuals and devotional hymns (stavana, stotra) in many languages clearly indicates that even though according to Jain doctrine Bahubali now resides in the realm of liberation and is therefore no longer of this world, in the experience of both ritual specialists and countless devotees, he is very much a sacred and powerful presence in the icon (Cort 2006).

Page #348
John E. Cort, The Goddesses of Sravana Belgola 347 and to patterns in south India. In particular, there are three goddesses who are very popular among Digambara Jains of Karnataka. Padmavati is the yaksi or sasanadevi who guarded the twenty-third Jina Parsvanatha, and who continues to guard his tirtha as embodied in his icons and shrines. She is a goddess who is equally popular in south and north India, and among Digambaras and Svetambaras (Cort 1987: 244-46). In Karnataka, her most important shrine is at Hombuja or Humcha, in Shimoga District. The Hombuja icon is said in the sthalapurana or foundation myth of this shrine to have come from Madhure (Mathura) in north India. King Jinadatta was forced to flee to the south, and at the advice of his guru, the monk Siddhantakirti, he brought the icon of Padmavati to protect him on his journey. At one point she appeared to Jinadatta in a dream, and told him that she would travel no further. He became king of the local tribals, and with their aid cleared the forest and built his new capital city. Padmavati made him rich by turning into gold any iron bar that was touched to her icon. This was the beginning of the Santara dynasty. Her icon in Hombuja remains a popular pilgrimage goal among Karnataka Jains today. In contrast to Padmavati, Jvalamalini is a more distinctly southern Digambara goddess in her popularity. According to Jain iconography and mythology, she is the yaksi or sasanadevi of the eighth Jina, Candraprabha, but in many respects her cult is independent of his." There are two origin stories found for her worship. One involves the ninth-century Jain monk Helacarya. He worshiped a local goddess named Vahnidevi, who resided atop a hill in North Arcot District of Tamilnadu, in order to rid his female disciple Kamalasri of a fierce demon that had possessed her. The goddess gave Helacarya a mantra, and he incorporated her into Jainism as the goddess Jvalamalini. In the other version, the great sixth-century philosopher-monk Samantabhadra was a devotee of Jvalamalini. He was afflicted with a seemingly incurable disease. His own guru recommended that he go to the Saiva shrine of Kanchi, where due to her grace he was eventually cured. It is this latter story that is told at her most important shrine in Kamataka, at Simhanagadde or Narasimharajapura, in Chikmagalur District. The third goddess is Ambika, better known in Karnataka by her alternate name Kusmandini. She is also popular in both north and south India, and among both Digambaras and Svetambaras. Her origin story is located in Saurashtra, in Gujarat. A 2 In addition to Zydenbos (1992), I have consulted Nagarajaiah (2005: 153-57), and two pilgrim pamphlets, both of which I purchased in 1999: one (Adisagar n.d.) in Hindi, the other (Joyis 1996) in Hindi and English. See Cort (1987: 246-47), Nagarajaiah (2005:150-53), Settar (1969), Zydenbos (1994: 139-41). I have also consulted a Hindi pilgrim pamphlet, Suprakasmati (n.d.), also purchased in 1999. See Cort (1987:247-48), Granoff (1990: 183-84), Nagarajaiah (2005:137-44), Shah (1940), Tiwari (1989). See Shah (1987, 1991) for a highly speculative discussion of the possible origin of AmbikaKusmandini at the confluence of three different goddesses: the Sumerian goddess Nanaiya and Iranian

Page #349
348 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah pious Jain laywoman named Ambika was forced to flee her home along with her two sons due to the anger of her husband, a Brahmin named Soma. During their wandering, several miracles occurred due to the woman's piety. When her husband eventually ran after her to bring her back, she feared more violence, and so she and her sons jumped into a well to save themselves. She was reborn as the goddess Ambika, who was the yaksi or sasanadevi of the twenty-second Jina, Neminatha. That he was the one Jina who was born, lived, and attained liberation in Saurashtra confirms the regional origin of her myth. Her story also conforms to those of many Saurashtrian and Gujarati goddesses, who are the reincarnations of virtuous and pious women who died from unfortunate and violent causes. Kusmandini in Karnataka is especially associated with Sravana Belgola, for she is the guardian deity of the site. Robert Zydenbos (2000:87-88) has observed that each of the three important goddess shrines is also the seat of a bhattaraka, so we see that these two distinctive aspects of southern Digambara ritual culture are closely connected. At Hombuja and Simhanagadde, the largest temples--and so putatively the main onesare of the Jinas Parsvanatha and Candraprabha, respectively. Even a cursory observation of the attention of pilgrims indicates, however, that most if not all of them come primarily to worship the goddesses, not the Jinas. At Sravana Belgola, on the other hand, there is no central temple of Neminatha, as one would expect since Kusmandini is his sasanadevi. There is no mythic or iconographic connection between her and Bahubali. Her role as guardian of the shrine, therefore, either precedes the consecration of the Bahubali icon in 981 A.D., or else further shows how the cults of the Jain goddesses in Karnataka are only loosely tied to those of the Jinas. The principal icon of Kusmandini is not on either of the two hills, but in a cell in the temple to the Jina Candraprabha (also known here as Candranatha) next to the matha (monastery) that is the seat of the bhattaraka (Plates 30.1, 30.2). The doorway to her cell is gilt with gold, adding to her luster. This icon is worshiped daily by ablution (abhiseka) and offerings (puja). While this temple is not visited by many pilgrims, who tend to focus their devotional attention upon the icon of Bahubali on Vindhyagiri, a small number of people come every day to receive her sacred gaze (darsana). Tuesday is the day of the week devoted to Kusmandini, so more people come for her gaze on that day. Her icon is elaborately adorned every day with a tall silver crown, silver and jeweled ornaments, flowers, and silk cloth, so her darsana is a visually rich experience. Kusmandini is not the only goddess in this temple, as there are also icons of Padmavati and Jvalamalini, both of which are also worshiped and elaborately decorated every day. goddess Anaitis; an ancient goddess associated with the mango tree; and a goddess associated with the ancient tribe of the Kusmandas. 5 The Marathi pilgrim pamphlet by Desmane (1987), which I purchased in 1989, also tells the origin myth of Kusmandini while tying the goddess to Sravana Belgola.

Page #350
John E. Cort, The Goddesses of Sravana Belgola 349 Kusmandini, not surprisingly, since she is the guardian of the sacred site, is also present atop Vindhyagiri, the hill topped by the Bahubali icon. She is not a very prominent presence, however. Her icon is located in a cell among a number of other cells with icons of Jinas in the pavilion that runs behind the Bahubali icon (Plate 30.3). While this icon is worshiped daily, on most days she is ornamented much more simply than the other important goddess icons at Sravana Belgola, with just a long garland of red and white flowers around her neck. The third important and popular icon of Kusmandini is atop Candragiri. Compared to the steady stream of pilgrims up Vindhyagiri to worship the icon of Bahubali, a much smaller number of people climb Candragiri, even though this hill is covered with temples, and is the older of the two sacred hills. Only a few icons in the more than one dozen medieval temples receive much active worship. Pilgrims who climb this hill tend to take a quick darsana of the many Jina icons. The people who linger to read the many signs posted by the Archaeological Survey of India, and to inspect the architecturally and iconographically important structures, are acting as much as tourists as they are pilgrims. Their gaze is as much a secular and historical one as it is religious. Many of the people who engage in this historical viewing of Candragiri may pay very little attention to two cells on the veranda of the largest temple on the hill, the Kattale Basati, or "dark temple", so called because the lack of windows renders it very dark inside. This temple, with its main icon of the Jina Adinatha, was built in 1118 A.D. by Gangaraja, a minister of the Hoysala king Visnuvardhana, in honor of his own mother Pocikabbe, and renovated in the mid-nineteenth century by two women of the Mysore royal family. While the icon of Adinatha is, in the words of one author (Nagaraj 1981, 16), "a fine piece of Hoysala art," it is not the main focus of worshipers. They come instead to view and worship the icon of Padmavati, and her devotional centrality has lent this temple its second name, Padmavati Basati.? The attentive pilgrim or tourist will note that her icon, as well as the icon of Kusmandini in a nearby cell, and an icon of the male protector deity Ksetrapala in a third cell, give evidence of frequent worship. Their icons are ornamented, the smell of incense is in the air, and offerings are on the low tables at the entrances to the cells. Each goddess cell also has a rod rurining from wall to wall across the width of its inside, on which dozens of women devotees have left glass bangles, in response to a petition that has been successfully answered. Of the two goddesses, Padmavati is more popular here, as seen in her more Information on the temples on Candragiri comes from del Bonta (1981), Karnataka (1981), Nagaraj (1980), Nagarajaiah (2001), Sangave (1981), and Settar (1981). 7 Note that the two goddesses here are Padmavati and Kusmandini, the attendant goddesses of the Jinas Parsvanatha and Neminatha respectively. Cakresvari, the goddess who attends upon Adinatha, is not important either at this temple or elsewhere at Sravana Belgola (she is much more important in north Indian Svetambara Jain ritual culture; Settar (1971b), Shah (1971)), showing again how the cults of the goddesses in southern Digambara Jainism are to a significant extent independent of the Jinas.

Page #351
350 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah extensive ornamentation (Plate 30.4). The priests (arcaka) who perform the daily morning worship of the two goddesses pay more attention to Padmavati than to Kusmandini, especially on Fridays, the day dedicated to Padmavati. The people who come to worship her on that day are almost exclusively Jains who live in the village of Sravana Belgola. On that day she receives four ablutions, of water, milk, water with dalwood paste mixed in it, and finally water again (Plate 30.5). The icon is then dried off and ornamented. The priest goes outside the temple to crack open a coconut, and brings the two halves inside to offer before the goddess. He then performs the standard eight-fold worship (Vasantharaj 1985), concluding with the performance of arati, the waving of a flaming lamp in front of the icon. He brings the metal plate with the lamp on it out of the cell for onlookers to wave their hands above the flame and then touch their hands to their faces as blessing. In return, some of the onlookers place a small monetary offering on the plate. Next the priest brings the bowl used to collect the ablution liquid, and uses a flower blossom to sprinkle the water on the onlookers, while speaking a Sanskrit mantra that says that this blessed water will remove all sins (papa), and result in all one's undertakings being successful. Finally he hands the two halves of the broken coconut to the lay person who has been the patron for that day's worship, who in turn breaks it into smaller pieces to distribute to everyone present. This worship is the same as that performed to an icon of a Jina and to the large icon of Bahubali, with the only exception being that the Sanskrit mantras are directed to Padmavati (and then Kusmandini) instead of to a liberated being. While the icon of Padmavati in the Kattale Basati atop Candragiri is believed to be the oldest Padmavati icon at Sravana Belgola, and so plays an important role in the protection of the entire site, another icon of her in the village is more popular, in large part because it is much more easily accessible. Across a square from the matha of the bhattaraka is the Bhandari Basati, the largest temple in the entire sacred complex. It is so-called because it was commissioned in 1159 by Hullaraja, the treasurer (bhandari) of the Hoysala king Narasimha I, who in turn dedicated the income of a village to its upkeep (Sangave 1981, 18-19). It is also known as the Caturvimsati Tirthankara Basati, because instead of a single main icon, its main altar area contains a row of nearly identical icons of the twenty-four Jinas. On either side of the large pavilion in the front part of the temple are two cells, one containing an icon of the important male deity Brahmadeva, and the other an icon of Padmavati (Plates 30.6, 30.7). Both of them receive regular attention from worshipers, especially early in the morning and in the evening. Some people even come for darsana of these two deities and do not proceed further into the temple for darsana of the Jina icons. There is a string of bangles in the cell of the Padmavati icon. While these may be given to her in response to the granting of many different petitions, they are given most often as thanks for the 8 See Settar (1971a) on this deity, whose cult is distinctive to south Indian Digambara Jainism.

Page #352
John E. Cort, The Goddesses of Sravana Belgola 351 safe birth of a child, and local women regularly bring infants to this shrine to be blessed by the goddess. We have seen that while Sravana Belgola is best known to pilgrims, tourists and art historians for the monolithic icon of Bahubali, careful attention to ritual and devotional activity reveals a second sacred focus upon the goddess in two Jain personalities, Kusmandini and Padmavati. Jvalamalini, the third highly popular goddess among Digambara Jains of Karnataka, has a much less visible presence in the sacred complex. Also less noticeable in their presence are two goddesses whom the Jains share with the larger South Asian religious world, although they also have distinctive Jain cults and personalities: Laksmi and Sarasvati. Any sacred site will accumulate multiple meanings, as centuries of pilgrims, residents and religious specialists leave their traces in memory, constructions, and the very rocks themselves. Some of these meanings will be evident to everyone, as they are embedded in the most public and obvious rituals and objects. These may come to be iconic for the entire site. But scholars must be attentive to more than the obvious. In the case of Sravana Belgola, such sustained observation and analysis is rewarded with * the revelation that the goddess is a vital, even essential presence. Works Cited Adisagar, Brahmacari. N.d. Sri Parsva-Padmavati Rocak Kahani. Imphal: Vijay Patni. Cort, John E. 1987. "Medieval Jaina Goddess Traditions." Numen 34, 235-55. - 2001. Jains in the World: Religious Values and Ideology in India. New York: Oxford University Press. - 2006. "Installing Absence? The Consecration of a Jina Image." In Robert Maniura and Rupert Shepherd (eds.), Presence: The Inherence of the Prototype within Images and Other Objects, 71-86. London: Ashgate. - 2007. "Saraswati, Goddess of Knowledge and Scripture." In Nagarajaiah, Hampa (chief ed.), Sumati-Jnana: Perspectives of Jainism: A Commemoration Volume in the Honour of Acarya 108 Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja, 153-58. Muzaffarnagar: Acharya Shanti Sagar Chhani Smriti Granthamala. - 2008. "Pilgrimage and Identity in Rajasthan: Family, Place, and Adoration." In Lawrence A. Babb, John E. Cort and Michael W. Meister, Desert Temples: Sacred See Cort (1987, 237, and 2001, 167-71, 188-90) and Ghosh (1979, 139-71) on Laksmi; and Cort (1987, 236-27, Nagarajaiah (2009), and Shah (1941) on Sarasvati. 10 See also Cort (2008) for a more extended discussion of the ways multiple meanings accrue to a pilgrimage site, in this case Osian in western Rajasthan.

Page #353
352 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Centers of Rajasthan in Historical, Art-Historical, and Social Contexts, 93-114. Jaipur: Rawat Publications. del Bonta, Robert J. 1981. "The Temples and Monuments." In Saryu Doshi (ed.), Homage to Shravana Belgola, 63-100. Bombay: Marg Publications. Desmane, Vidyullata Vidyadhar. 1987. Sri Kusmandini Devi, Sravana Belgo!a. Mumbai: Sri Kailascandra A. Randive. iranjan. 1979. Concept and Iconography of the Goddess of Abundance and Fortune in Three Religions in India. Burdwan: University of Burdwan. Granoff, Phyllis. 1990. "The Origins of a God and Goddess, from a Medieval Pilgrimage Text, the Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri." In Phyllis Granoff (ed.), The Clever Adulteress and Other Stories, 182-88. Oakville, Ont.: Mosaic Press. Joyis, Bhuvanhalli Di. Sripati. 1996. Atisay Ksetra Hombuj / Athishaya Ksethra Hombuja. Hombuja: Siddhantakirti Granthmala. Karnataka, Government of. 1981. A Guide to Sravana-Belgola. Mysore: Govt. Text Book Press. Long, Jeffery D. 2009. Jainism: An Introduction. London: I. B. Tauris. Nagaraj, Nalini. 1980. Sravanabelagola. Bangalore: Art Publishers of India. Nagarajaiah, Hampa. 2001. Opulent Chandragiri. Sravanabelagola: S. D. J. M. I. Managing Committee. -. 2005. Bahubali and Badami Calukyas. Shravanabelagola: SDJMI Managing Committee. - 2009. Spectrum of Sarasvati: Srutadevi. Shravanabelagola: National Institute of Prakrit Studies and Research, Bahubali Prakrit Vidyapith. Sangave, Vilas A. 1981. The Sacred Sravana-Belagola (A Socio-Religious Study). Delhi: Bharatiya Jnanpith. Settar, S. 1969. "The Cult of Jvalamalini and the Earliest Images of Jvala and Syama." Artibus Asiae 31, 309-20. - 1971a. "The Brahmadeva Pillars: An Inquiry into the Origin and Nature of the Brahmadeva Worship among the Digambara Jains." Artibus Asiae 33, 17-38. - 1971b. "Chakresvari in Karnatak Literature and Art." Oriental Art (N. S.) 17, 6369. -. 1981. Sravana Belgola. Dharwad: Ruvari. Shah, Umakant P. 1940. "Iconography of the Jain Goddess Ambika." Journal of the University of Bombay 9, 147-69.

Page #354
John E. Cort, The Goddesses of Sravana Belgola 353 -. 1941. "Iconography of the Jain Goddess Sarasvati." Journal of the University of Bombay 10, 195-218. - 1971. "Iconography of Cakresvari, the Yaksi of Rsabhanatha." Journal of the Oriental Institute 20, 280-313. - 1987. "Origin of the Jaina Goddess Ambika." In B. M. Pande and B. D. Chattopadhyaya (eds.), Archaeology and History: Essays in Memory of Shri A. Ghosh, Volume 2, 483-94. Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan. - 1991. "Two Interesting References by Haribhadra Suri." In Chandramani Singh and Neelima Vashishtha (eds.), Pathways to Literature Art and Archaeology: Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura Felicitation Volume, Volume 1, 60-64. Jaipur: Publication Scheme. Suprakasmati, Aryika. N.d. Simhanagadde (Jvalamalini) Ksetra ka Samksipt Paricay. Enarpura: Bastimath Enarpura. Tiwari, M. N. P. 1989. Ambika in Jaina Art and Literature. New Delhi: Bharatiya Jnanpith. Vasantharaj, M. D. 1985. "Puja or Worship as Practiced Among the South Indian Jainas." In Third International Jain Conference Souvenir Volume, 98-101. New Delhi: Ahimsa International. Zydenbos, Robert J. 1992. "The Jaina Goddess Padmavati." In K. I. Koppedrayer (ed.), Contacts Between Cultures: South Asia, Volume 2, 257-62. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press. - 1994. "Jaina Goddesses in Kannada Literature." In Alan W. Entwistle and Francoise Mallison (eds.), Studies in South Asian Devotional Literature, 135-45. New Delhi: Manohar; and Paris: Ecole Francaise d'Extreme-Orient. - 2000. "The Concept of Divinity in Jainism." In Joseph T. O'Connell (ed.), Jain Doctrine' and Practice: Academic Perspectives, 69-94. Toronto: University of Toronto, Centre for South Asian Studies. -. 2006. Jainism Today and Its Future. Munchen: Manya Verlag. All photographs reproduced with this article are by the author

Page #355
31 The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya A case study of young women's embodiment of Jaina tradition Andrea LUITHLE-HARDENBERG Introduction On occasion of this felicitation volume for Professor Hampanaji, who has dedicated his life's work to the study of Jainism, I would like to raise the question how this ageold and apparently austere religion is continued by the younger generations. As a social and cultural anthropologist I would like to address this matter by discussing the religious practices, values and ideas of the contemporary, mostly urban Jaina youth. In particular, this paper describes how young metropolitan Shvetambara women with Marvari and Gujarati origins experience their religion. In my account on their contemporary religious attitudes and practices I focus on the so-called "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya, navanu. This pilgrimage has not received much scholarly attention, neither by social and cultural anthropologists, nor by indologists.' According to my data this extraordinary strenuous religious practice is regularly performed by Shvetambara lay people, among them also a number of young and unmarried women. For the description of this pilgrimage I am referring to data collected during an ethnographic fieldwork, which I conducted between September 2001 and June 2003 in Gujarat, mainly in the pilgrim town Palitana and on Shatrunjaya. I first give an overview of the collective performances, ascetic restrictions, liturgical rituals, and prescribed routes of the pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya in general and the navanu pilgrimage in particular. Next I introduce some case studies of young unmarried women in their late teens and early twenties who performed navanu in the winter seasons of 2001/2002 and 2002/ 2003. Finally I offer an interpretation of these practices by arguing that these extreme bodily experiences of navanu have performative effects on the participants. I argue that in the cause of this pilgrimage the young people embody Jaina ideas and values and thereby re-establish a connection with their religious community. Thus, the scope of this paper is limited to the Shvetambara urban middle class and does not consider the various "kaleidoscope images" of Indian youth. Moreover, while referring to an extraordinary situation like navanu many questions regarding the every-day lives of the Jaina youth is left open. According to my knowledge, the only author who mentions the navanu pilgrimage briefly is Jain (1980). 2 Verma/ Saraswathi (2002).

Page #356
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 355 However, by taking into account the experiences of young Shvetambara women in Palitana and on Shatrunjaya, we might get a better clue of the Jaina youth's aspirations, skills and perspectives. Shatrunjaya In order to approach the subject we first have to address Shatrunjaya's crucial importance for the Shvetambara community. Today, among the supra-regional pilgrimage centers of the Murtipujak Shvetambara, the holy mountain Shatrunjaya together with the adjacent pilgrimage town of Palitana, is the most significant in both ritual and social terms. According to the estimation of an officer employed by the managing trust, Anandji Kalyanji Pedhi, every year at least 400,000 pilgrims undertake the pilgrimage to the holy mountain in order to worship Adishvar, the way Adinath or Rshabha, the first fordmaker, is called locally. In accordance with the traditional obligation for pilgrimage (tirtha yatra) as enlisted within the eleven duties for the lay person, many Shvetambaras come regularly, even several times a year. In no other place one encounters such a concentration of Shvetambara temples of great importance and nowhere else are so many pilgrim hostels established which reflect the plurality of local Shvetambara communities. Elsewhere I therefore argue that the pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya is a central aspect in the construction of a distinct Shvetambara identity. What, however, does this mean for the younger generation, especially for the young people who live in metropolitan cities like Mumbai, Bengalaru, Kolkata or Chennai, which are at least a day's journey away? In fact, most of the Shvetambara youngsters of today belong to the middle or upper classes of these and some other urban centers. We would rightly expect them to attend a business school or a university class rather than a sermon of an Acarya and we are more likely to meet them in cyber cafes or shopping malls than in a temple. These youngsters wear fashionable clothes, communicate mainly in English and watch American TV serials or cosmopolitan music programs like MTV. On first sight they do not seem to be interested in establishing a lasting connection with their respective local Jaina community. Nevertheless, during my fieldwork I had the opportunity to observe and interview several Shvetambara girls and boys in their late teens or early twenties who took part in the so called "99fold" pilgrimage (navanu) to Shatrunjaya. These repeated pilgrimages are accompanied by extraordinary ascetic practices, which are continued over a period of two months. Thus, within the Shvetambara community a lot of people refer to navanu as the hardest austerity a lay person can take on, even harder than 3 Williams (1991[1963]: 233-34). * Luithle-Hardenberg (in print); for a summary of the main argument see Luithle-Hardenberg (2010).

Page #357
356 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah other ascetic practices such as updhan, the one year of fasting" (varshi tap), or one month of a complete fasting (mahashkaman). Interestingly, the prospect of extreme physical hardships does not frighten off those youngsters, who decide to take a two months leave of their worldly commitments in their comfortable urban residences in order to impose a rigorous ascetic practice on themselves. According to one of the officers of the Anandji Kalyanji Pedhi, an average of about 3000 lay pilgrims perform navanu every year. * At least 50% of them are lay women between 40 and 65, and about a half of these women are attended by their husbands. Typically these navanu pilgrims put their grown up married sons and their daughters-in-law in charge of their personal affairs back home. Usually these elderly women claim that they were intending to perform navanu since a long time, but were not able to accomplish their plans previously. Married women and men below the age of 40, who have unmarried or small children, very rarely perform navanu, as their daily business and household affairs does not allow them an absence of two months. However, according to my estimation about 15 % of the navanu groups, i.e. annually about 450 people, are under the age of thirty and unmarried. Out of these, about one third are diksharthis or candidates for the ascetic initiation. In this group girls are, in the clear majority, reflecting the fact that about two third of Shvetambara ascetics are women. The dikshartis, women and men alike, perform navanu mainly in order to prepare themselves for the ascetic wanderings. The rest of the unmarried navanu participants below the age of 30 are almost exclusively women. They often perform navanu because they are told to do so by elder relatives, who want to prepare them for their religious duties as wives and mothers. Some of them, however, have chosen navanu on their own initiative or have been convinced by a friend to accompany her during the 99 fold pilgrimage. Despite these diverse social motivations all pilgrims agree that navanu is performed in remembrance and as a humble emulation of Adinath's 99 purva pilgrimages to the eternal mountain Shatrunjaya. According to various myths and legends (which are repeated in the various pilgrim's almanacs and retold by many pilgrims) Adinath himself once established the pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya. Therefore, the holy mountain is particularly important in connection with the life of the first fordmaker, Adinath or Rshabha. As commonly known, Adinath (,,the first Lord") generally plays the vital For an elaboration of this penance see Cort 2001: 105 and 137 and Luithle-Hardenberg (in print). For an elaboration of this penance see Cort 2001: 137-138 and Luithle-Hardenberg (in print). 7 ibid. During my fieldwork I got notice of nine larger navanu groups, five in the winter season of 2001/2002 (about 3000 participants) and four in 2002/2003 (about 1500 participants). The measurement purva is equal to the multiplication of 8,400,000 by 8,400,000, which is again equal to a number with 14 digits. 10 When being asked for textual sources the pilgrims usually refer to the Shatrunjaya Mahatmyam or Shatrunjaya Laghu Kalpa irrespective of their own actual knowledge of the text. However, these legends are explicitly mentioned by Hemacandra only (Johnson 1931: 354-357).

Page #358
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 357 role of a cultural hero in Jaina mythology. He first established the Jaina community and Jaina kingship before renouncing it and becoming the first Jaina ascetic of our era." Thus, in the context of pilgrimage (yatra) to Shatrunjaya, devotees always refer to Rshabha as "Adinath" or "Adishvar", thereby stressing this fordmaker's role as the 'first'. Accordingly, during the period of his ascetic wanderings Adinath also performed the first pilgrimage to the eternal mountain Shatrunjaya. It is said that he performed the pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya as many as 99 purva times and that he delivered sermons on every occasion. His example inspired some of his own descendants to undertake the same. The most famous of them is Adinath's grandson Pundarik, who came to Shatrunjaya as his first disciple. He was also the first of countless saints, who are said to have attained salvation at the very spot." However, to be precise, for the Shvetambara this deed alone did not bring about the fame and uniqueness of Shatrunjaya as the "king of pilgrimage places" (tirthadhiraja). In fact, the exceptional importance of Shatrunjaya rather stems from the idea that the mountain is shashvat, literally meaning "etei.ial" and indestructible. Within a vast and constantly changing universe' Shatrunjaya is considered the only eternal place accessible to human beings in our "dark age" (kali yug). Therefore it is believed that only those people who collected sufficient spiritual merits in their previous lives are able to complete a pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya and that a successful pilgrimage guarantees salvation after some rebirths. Thus, Shatrunjaya is seen as a ford to salvation in a very literal sense, because even though the Jaina doctrine holds that it is impossible to gain salvation in the current era of time, a successful pilgrimage is very effective in bringing a pilgrim closer to that remote goal. When asked about the purpose of their pilgrimage, many pilgrims, not only the navanu participants, offer an interpretation of the very name of the holy mountain. Shatrunjaya literally means "the conqueror of enemies." For the pilgrims, this 11 For the crucial role of Adinath see Folkert (1993: 152). 12 Some of these legends are referred to in the medieval Shvetambara literature and some are not. The few available translations of primary sources are Weber 1901 and Cort 1993. However, the main sources of my analysis are oral references to mythology and legends made by the pilgrims in personal communication. Moreover, I carefully studied contemporary pilgrimage guides, for example: Dhami (2000), Gunaratna Suri (1997; 1998; 1999), Seth Anandji Kalyanji (1976 [V.S.2031]), Varaiya (1980 [V.S. 2035]). A version of Adinath's life story in English, although making only occasional reference to Shatrunjaya, can be found in Johnson (trans. 1931-54), Vol. I. 13 This event is celebrated every year on the full moon in Caitra (March/April). See Weber (1901: 249) for an early reference in the Shatrunjaya Mahatmyam. Because of Pundarika's salvation on Shatrunjaya, the hill is also called Pundarik Giri. 14 For detailed descriptions of Shatrunjaya's location within the Jaina cosmos, see Luithle-Hardenberg (in print); for a comprehensive summary of the Jaina cosmography see Glasenapp (1984 (1925): 214-43) and Caillat and Kumar (1981). Due to this special eternal quality, Shatrunjaya is considered to be a place with a direct link to the place of salvation, Siddhashila, and that again enabled uncounted souls to attain salvation on this hill, including important protagonists of Shvetambara myths and legends, whose spiritual liberations are recalled in several festivals of pilgrimage and are observed by all image-worshipping Shvetambaras.

Page #359
358 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah metaphor alludes to the difficult fight against the so-called "inner enemies", namely the four cardinal passions (kashaya), which are the main cause for karmic bondage, and the major obstacles to the command of non-violence: greed (lobh), fury (krodh), ego (man), and hypocrisy (maya). Thus, pilgrims generally claim univocally that their pilgrimage was nothing but an effective way of striving for the purification of their souls by getting rid of karma and thereby getting a little closer to salvation. As in many other Jaina contexts, the purification of the pilgrim's soul is considered to be basically a material process, because the karmic matter (pudgala) is believed to be a substance, which is attached to the soul (jiva) by the cardinal passions (kashaya)." Consequentially it is necessary to take physical action against the karmic matter. In accordance with that premise the motto of many pilgrims is: "The bigger the physical efforts during pilgrimage, the greater the spiritual progress and the closer one comes to salvation", as Joshika, a twenty years old navanu-pilgrim put it. The average lay pilgrim usually resides in a comfortable urban home and avoids to walk long distances in his or her everyday lives. However, when climbing the top of the mountain on foot everybody, not only the navanu participant, has to endure unfamiliar strains during his or her pilgrimage (yatra) to Shatrunjaya. 16 The 99fold pilgrimage (navanu) The physical efforts are considerably enhanced during the two months long navanu pilgrimage. While in general all pilgrims -- not only navanu pilgrims - perform liturgical rituals and adhere to certain restrictions during their pilgrimages, only the navanu pilgrims (navanu yatriks, navanu aradhaks oder navanu tapasvis) are ritually bound by a pledge (paccakkhan) to a number of rules and restrictions over a period of two months. Thus all navanu pilgrims have to adhere to the following four sets of obligations: 1. The compliance with the so-called "six restrictions (cha'ri palit)", 2. The repetition of five liturgical rituals during each pilgrimage, 3. The performance of six alternative routes, and 4. The observance of a two or three days complete fast. First of all the navanu observances involve the mandatory six restrictions (cha'ri palit) of pilgrimage." The strict adherence to these brings the daily routine of a navanu pilgrim very close to the ascetics' mode of life. They imply: (1) strictly abstaining from all kind of forbidden food (sacitt parihari), such as roots, bread with yeast or tinned food, (2) limiting the intake of food to once a day (ekasan), (3) walking barefoot and not to use any other mode of transport but one's own feet (pad cari), (4) sleeping on the floor (bhumi santhari), (5) observing celibacy (brahmacari) with regard to deeds as well as thoughts and (6) performing the pratikraman-ritual twice a day. 15 Jaini: 1979:112 and 151, 114, Dundas 1992:83, 88, Banks 1992: 17. 16 Usually only children of a very young age, ailing or elderly people are taking a doli, a kind of palanquin mostly carried by herdsmen (of Bharvad caste). 17 These rules are the same which are followed by other pilgrimage groups, but no one does apply them for a longer period than two weeks.

Page #360
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 359 The second set of rules refers to the daily repetitions of pilgrimages on the main route: All in all a navanu yatrik has to complete the pilgrimage to the main temple of Adishvar on the peak of Shatrunjaya 108 times. According to the pilgrims they perform 99 times in remembrance of Adinath's 99 purva pilgrimages, and 9 times for one's own spiritual protection (sva jiv daya). Furthermore every single pilgrimage implies obligatory liturgical rituals at the five prescribed sacred sites on the route to the main temple of Adinath." Therefore it is mandatory to visit the following sites during every single pilgrimage on the main route: The first place of worship is located at the northern foot of the hill, which faces Palitana. At the so-called Jay Taleti (praising the foot") Jaina devotees worship a non-iconical piece of rock in a way which is usually reserved for the images of fordmakers. This rock represents the eternal, sacred mountain itself, which is considered to be tirthadhiraja, the king of all pilgrimage places. Furthermore the pilgrims worship Adinath, whose footprints are installed in several shrines around the Taleti rock. Sometimes, the Taleti rock itself is said to symbolically represent the feet of the first fordmaker. Starting from Jay Taleti a pilgrim reaches the walled city of temples on the summit of the mountain Shatrunjaya only after at least an hour's strenuous ascent. Here, all the other four obligatory destinations are situated within the compound of the main temple of Adinath, which covers the south-eastern part of the peak. In fact, despite the great number of temples and shrines, the vast majority of pilgrims focus on these places only while performing their pilgrimage. This main route also entails the second mandatory destination, the Shantinath temple. A sanctuary of the 16th fordmaker is included into the main route because this Jina is considered to have spent eight rainy seasons meditating on the summit of Shatrunjaya while observing a complete fast.19 The third site is a small shrine which is situated under a rayana tree and harbors huge footprints of Adinath. This is believed to be the very spot were the first fordmaker delivered his sermons during his many pilgrimages. Therefore, the tree itself as well as its leaves and fruits are an object for veneration. The fourth sanctuary on the main route is dedicated to Adinath's grandson and first disciple (ganadhara) Pundarik, who was the first to have attained salvation on Shatrunjaya in our era of time.20 The entrance of the Pundarika temple faces the gate of the main temple of Adinath, which 18 On their way, pilgrims may include other sites of their choice, but in contrast to the five main destinations, these are not obligatory. Anyway, most of the pilgrims usually go straight to the compound of the main temple of Adinath on the south-eastern peak of the mountain without a detour, for example to the temples on the north-western summit. 19 Except for Adinath, no other fordmaker is believed to have visited Shatrunjaya more often than Shantinath. According to the legend, 15,255,777 ascetics attained salvation here while spending the rainy season under the spiritual guidance of Shantinath. See Weber (1901: 250) for a short reference. Modern pilgrimage almanacs give Shantinath's story in detail; see for example, Gunaratna Suri (1997: 164ff). 20 Interestingly, Pundarik's image has all the characteristics of the images of the fordmakers. He is depicted in the typical meditation posture and not as usual for an ascetic leader with the right hand raised for blessing. Furthermore, the liturgical ritual of veneration, as well as the eightfold worship, is performed in the same way as to a fordmaker.

Page #361
360 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah is the fifth and last destination and the goal of pilgrimage. This temple is addressed by the pilgrims as "Dadanu Derasar" after its miracle-working image "Dada Adishvar" 21 At all five destinations, the pilgrims have to perform a liturgical worship (caityavandan) of the main image present in each temple. The singing of hymns (stuti) and devotional songs (stavan), in which the pilgrims refer to myths and legends related to the holy mountain and to the first fordmaker Adinath, forms the core of these rituals.22 Also, any liturgical worship can be accompanied by the "worship of eight substances" (astaprakari puja), which includes the bathing and decorating of the image. 23 All in all the navanu pilgrimage implies at least nine astaprakari pujas to Dada Adishvar.24 As I stated elsewhere,2 by progressing on the pilgrimage route, every pilgrim regresses in time: the foot of the eternal hill serves as a gate from whence the pilgrim goes back in mythological time. With every step s/he passes an earlier phase of our age until s/he reaches the temple of Adinath and the origin of the Jaina community, doctrine and practice represented by the first fordmaker. However, while an average pilgrim quickly leaves Palitana and goes back to the linear time of everyday life, a navanu pilgrim repeats the journey to mythological eras as many as 108 times and over a period of two months. Thereby s/he moves back and forth between everyday linear time and the cyclic time of the myths. The severe austerities and the resulting physical strains of the pilgrimage are considered to strengthen the ability of a navanu pilgrim to overcome the transience of everyday life and approach the eternity ascribed to the sacred mountain. In enduring physical pain the navanu pilgrim clearly imitates the wanderings and daily routine of the ascetics, which were once initiated by Adishvar himself. 26 Whereas an average pilgrim - after having performed one yatra only - usually spends the rest of the day in his/ her hostel, a navanu pilgrim, is constantly away from sunrise until the late afternoon. S/he performs as many pilgrimages as s/he can and returns to his/her hostels not before 4.00 p.m, when s/he listens to the daily sermon of his/her ascetic preceptor. Afterwards s/he hurries to take the only meal of the day before sunset. The day is brought to an end by the collectively performed pratikraman ritual. Soon after the exhausted pilgrim goes to bed and sleeps early. In order to complete the whole course 108 pilgrimages on the main route in two months only, navanu pilgrims have to adhere strictly to that schedule, which enables 21 Close to the sanctum, facing the main image, Marudevi, Adinath's mother, sits on an elephant. By standing behind the image of Marudevi during worship, every pilgrim takes up the same position in relation to Adinath as his mother, the first human being of our times who according to the Shvetambara version of the myth had attained salvation after having seen her omniscient son. 22 For details see Luithle-Hardenberg (in print). 23 For a detailed description of the Jaina temple rituals, see Cort 2001: 61-99. 24 At least once they have to offer a garland with 108 flowers to Dada Adishvar. 25 Luithle-Hardenberg 2010. 26 Remarkably, when performed by ascetics, navanu is seen as an equivalent for the obligatory itineraries.

Page #362
. : Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 361 them to perform an average of three pilgrimages a day. I also observed that the number of pilgrimages on the main route increases in the course of their stay. Thus, at the beginning they are usually able to complete only one or two pilgrimages a day but once they have gained some practice they may be able to climb the mountain as many as five times a day. In this way they gain some additional time which they need in order to observe a third set of navanu rules. According to these rules every navanu pilgrim has to include in his/her routine six additional and extensive pilgrimage routes, which I will describe below. Last but not least the navanu pilgrims have to observe special rules of fasting in order to complete their pilgrimage. Usually they eat only one meal a day, but in the course of their two months long stay every navanu pilgrim must also completely abstain from all food and drink for at least two or three days. During this time they cannot take rest but have to perform seven or eleven pilgrimages respectively. In general I perceived a strong mutual control among the pilgrims concerning the proper observance of these rules and rituals. They frequently explained this behavior by saying that their sat sangh- "true companionship"-requires reciprocal support. In their view, the strict observance of a rule or the thorough performance of a mandatory ritual inspires others to do the same and guarantees the success of the pilgrimage. Breaking a rule or neglecting a ritual is, on the other hand, considered to be a temptation for other pilgrims to do the same. Such behavior is, therefore, not only believed to reduce or destroy the karmic success of the pilgrimage, but believed to bring bad karma (pap) to the wrongdoer. In this sense, mutual control serves to ensure one's own as well as the others' spiritual progress. Accordingly, most of the pilgrims are convinced that the navanu observances are much easier to follow when they are performed in a group. These navanu groups consist of at least 50 people and can be composed of as many as 1000 participants, but mostly have a size of 150-400 people. As with every larger pilgrimage group, all navanu groups are sponsored and organized by wealthy lay people -- the sangha pati ("head of the group") -- who invite members of their own local community to perform navanu, while they bear the expenses of all the participants. 27 From the first preparations to the actual performance of the pilgrimage, the sponsors and all the other lay participants are constantly supervised by at least one Acarya and his disciples, who belong to the ascetic branch which is affiliated with the respective 27 This type of religious donation is quite expensive. For example, according to one of the sangha patis, who sponsored a medium scale navanu group of about 200 participants, his expenses were as high as two million rupees (40 000 Euro). However, the sponsors of the 99-fold pilgrimages only rarely perform navanu themselves. Mostly these sponsors are successful businessmen who hardly can leave their managing posts for as long as two months, unless they are semi-retired. Also, their organizational commitments for their navanu group do not leave much time for austerities.

Page #363
362 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah local lay community. During the two months28 sojourn time in Palitana all navanu participants stay in one of the 83 pilgrim hostels. Generally, the sponsor of a navanu pilgrimage prefers to book a hostel which is run by a trust of his own local community. This preference corresponds with a general practice that regardless of the actual -- mostly urban - place of residence, every pilgrim favors a hostel, which is linked to his or her family by regional affiliation and which is particularly defined by the family's place of origin (mul vatan) and sometimes even limited to a certain local caste.31 However, if the hostels which comply with these preconditions cannot host all navanu pilgrims of his group, a sangha pati might also choose a bigger hostel associated with a different local community. At any rate the pilgrim hostel of a navanu group functions as an independent unit: In the assembly hall, the pilgrims listen to lectures given by ascetic preceptors and regularly elaborated pujas are performed here. In larger groups the pilgrims might also gather for the sermons in the inner yard, where for that purpose huge canopies are installed. At the same place each morning and evening the male lay pilgrims collectively perform pratikraman with the male ascetics, while the lay women join the female ascetics in their quarters for the same purpose. In the eating hall, all lay pilgrims eat together according to the strict Jaina dietary rules. Some days before the end of the rainy season the lay people of a navanu group usually take a private car or bus from their urban residences in order to reach their hostel in Palitana. Traditionally, all pilgrims of a navanu group jointly commence with the first of the 108 pilgrimages on the early morning of the full moon day of the month of Kartik (October/November), which is called "Kartika Punam" in Gujarati. >>? That day marks the end of the rainy season (comasul caturmas), during which the ascetics discontinue their itineraries and stay at one place in order to prevent the hurting of the abundantly thriving flora and fauna. For the same reason, ascetics and devoted lay people do not perform the pilgrimage to the top of Shatrunjaya hill during this season. 28 Sometimes particular navanu pilgrims, mostly elderly couples, who have plenty of time, but cannot complete more than one pilgrimage a day, do not join a larger navanu group, but continue their 108 pilgrimages over an extended period or even years. 29 In 2003 in Palitana I counted 102 pilgrim hostels; fourteen were closed (either under renovation or run down) and five were still under construction. Most of the pilgrim hostels are located alongside the Taleti Road at the southern end of town, literally meaning ,,foot road" as it connects the old city and bazaar area with the northern foot of the mountain. 30 For almost all hostels, the affiliation with a region or place of origin was obvious, even if it was not mentioned in their names. In interviews, their managers referred explicitly to a place or region in Gujarat (41), or in Rajasthan (31), Punjab (2), and Maharashtra (1), respectively. 31 For details see Luithle-Hardenberg (in print). In particular, the older hostels built before independence explicitly stress their pilgrims' affiliation with a certain region and local caste. For Jaina castes in Gujarat, see Cort (2004). 32 Sometimes a navanu group might start one month after Kartika Punam, on Magsar Punam. This is the case when the Acarya who is in charge of that particular navanu group has previously led a group of lay people to perform another kind of austerity, such as updhan, which also starts immediately after the rainy season and is also performed frequently in Palitana as an extension of the rainy season quarters.

Page #364
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 363 Nevertheless Palitana is frequently chosen as so-called comasu quarters for Acaryas (and their disciples), who might afterwards continue their stay to supervise a navanu group of lay people, affiliated to their own particular ascetic branch. During the days, which precede the beginning of navanu, the Acaryas start to prepare the lay people of their particular navanu group for the ongoing austerities with daily sermons and presiding over elaborate rituals, pratikraman-rituals and long processions from their Hostel to the foot of the hill. Thereby the daily shared routine in the hostels creates an exceptionally intensive interaction between all participants, lay people as well as ascetics. The case study The above exemplification of rules and rituals has shown that navanu is an extraordinary expression of lay religiosity, which imitates the ascetic mode of life yet places great emphasis on collective mutual support. I will now elucidate how these rituals, regulations and restrictions were perceived by a group of girls, who performed navanu in the winter season of 2001/2002 and 2002/2003 respectively, during which I met them regularly for interviews in their hostels. I also accompanied them during some of their pilgrimages, even though, I have to admit, I never completed 99! In my case study I focus mainly on four girls who were between 18 and 21 years old: Priti," Neepa, Joshika, and Latika. They belonged to a friendship circle of Marvari girls from Bengalaru. One of them, 20 year old Priti, had decided to perform navanu and consecutively convinced her best friends, Neepa and Joshika, to join her. Though Priti was the most experienced of the three friends with regard to ascetic practices,34 Joshika had turned out to be the unofficial leader and spokeswoman of the group. She was also the one, who established contact with me soon after the girl's arrival in Palitana. Before that she had talked her younger sister Latika into accompanying her, Priti and Neepa to Palitana. Joshika also invited her cousin Vidhya, who was in her late twenties and already married, to join their pilgrimage. This helped her to receive her parent's approval of her plans because this cousin could act as a kind of "governess" and guarantee for the modest appearance of her comrades. Vidhya, however, rather acted as a silent observer than as a bossy elder sister and did also not complete navanu herself. The friendship circle belonged to a larger navanu group of 400 participants, who jointly performed navanu in the winter of 2001/2002 and stayed in one of the biggest hostels in town, the Kacch Vagad Dharamshala. That particular group was sponsored by a sangha pati of Marvari origin and was lead by the Acaryas Kanakratnasuri und Jayshekharsuri of Mohansuri Samuday. Besides the case study of these five young women from Bengalaru I will also include some observations regarding another 21 33 All names are changed in order to protect the privacy of my informants. 34 She decided to perform navanu after having completed updhan.

Page #365
364 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah year old navanu pilgrim, Charita from Mumbai, who was more or less dragged by her mother's mother to perform navanu in 2002/ 2003. In the beginning she reluctantly joined a navanu group of 150 participants, which was sponsored by a sangha pati of Gujarati origin, led by Naivardhansuri of Ramcandrasuri Samuday and stayed in the Sabarmati Bhavan. When meeting these girls the first time some days before the beginning of navanu they appeared to me as very typical young Jaina women, resembling those whom I had met earlier in different Indian towns and suburbs. They stepped out of the air conditioned bus which had brought them a long distance from their metropolitan homes, dressed in well-tailored and fashionable salvar kamiz, and looked a little out of place on this dusty road in front of their hostel in Palitana. During our first meetings on the next days they acted according to my expectations: They were just "normal" young middle class urban women, well educated, fluent in English, interested in fashion and Bollywood movie stars. Their conversational topics were quite the same as those of other girls, whom I had met in their urban homes. For example, though none of them was already engaged they frequently indulged in discussions about future marriages. However, when I asked them whether they had decided to perform navanu pilgrimage in order to find a suitable husband, they hurriedly answered in the negative. Like many other pilgrims they argued that in contrast to Hindu pilgrims, they do not give a vow (manta) that connects the pilgrimage with a mundane aim, such as finding a good marriage partner, gaining prosperity for the family, or ensuring health. Somewhat precociously Priti explained to me that [...] the only motivation of pilgrimage is to get rid of karma. This is only possible while performing aradhana, ascetic practice." While I secretly wondered, if she knew what she was talking about, or if she just had repeated what she had heard, this first conversation shifted quickly to less severe topics. For instance, I learned that two of them had widely travelled through India and abroad, but all of them claimed that they missed their family at home already after the first day. At the same time I got the impression that while being away from home they enjoyed a kind of freedom which was new to them. However, most strikingly, they were highly ambivalent with regard to the ritual routine. For example, the four friends used to sit on the veranda in front of their shared room joking with each other thereby almost forgetting to attend a sermon or one of the elaborate rituals in the assembly hall that lasted for hours during the preliminary days. Some of the older lay pilgrims felt it necessary to reprimand them repeatedly for doing so. Moreover, female ascetics regularly paid visits to their room, in order to remind them of the very reason for their stay in Palitana. The female ascetics also gently pushed them to join the morning and evening pratikraman in the sadhvi's quarters. Several times I witnessed how these girls courteously and decently received these advices, often with an open show of honest acceptance or even abashed regret.

Page #366
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 365 Though the girls showed a more or less carefree attitude in the beginning, I never observed them to violate the rules which were regulating their stay in Palitana. For instance, in accordance with the strict vow of celibacy, I never saw them talking even casually to any men, except for their brothers or fathers who had accompanied them to Palitana and later regularly came to visit them. The girls clearly cherished the special measures which were meant to guarantee the careful segregation of sexes, for example by setting up fences in the tents of the assembly. Although they, according to their own reports, were used to a relaxed coeducational atmosphere in their colleges, the girls welcomed these measures because they were considered to prevent sexual harassment and thereby promote a relaxed atmosphere within the whole group. As Joshika expressed it: "It is like sitting in the ladies compartment constantly!" Moreover, the girls emphasized that they have to take a special precaution in avoiding male ascetics, as the presence of young unmarried women is usually seen as a severe threat to the younger ascetics' vow of celibacy. Even though the girls tried to adhere to the many rules and regulations, they did not show much enthusiasm for the Acarya's sermons, which were meant to prepare the navanu groups for their pilgrimages. With the exception of Priti, who had initiated the navanu project among their friends and now continuously tried to motivate them, the girls rather anxiously listened to the stern instructions given by the Acaryas regarding the manifold navanu restrictions. If the young women talked to me or to each other about the upcoming challenges of navanu, they mostly expressed their fear of not being able to meet the expectations. For example, during the three daily meals which were served in their hostel, they enjoyed eating high calorie dishes and usually discussed the coming abstinence of culinary pleasures with a clear sigh of regret. Furthermore, they very hesitantly got used to abandon their footwear and even before starting the actual pilgrimages they spent a lot of time to treat their feet with cold cream in order to better prepare them for the anticipated strains. The first pilgrimages: enduring physical strains When the big day of Kartika Punam 2001 had come, the girls, like all the other pilgrims, got up very early, at 4:30 a.m. When I met them at 5:15 a.m. in front of their hostel, shortly after they had performed the morning pratikraman, they still looked bleary. While the group proceeded to Jay Taleti, the foot of the hill, they seriously joined in singing devotional songs, but were carefully tip-toeing around stones and holes, in order to prevent their bare feet from being hurt on the unpaved road. Arriving at Jay Taleti, the northern foot of the mountain Shatrunjaya, which faces. Palitana, all the six girls got very excited in view of the huge masses of pilgrims, which had come for performing their first pilgrimage to the top of Shatrunjaya after the end of the rainy season. Moreover Kartika Punam is a holiday dedicated to Dravid and Varikhil, two other grandsons of Adinath, whose spiritual liberation on the

Page #367
366 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah mountain Shatrunjaya is remembered and celebrated on that day35 In addition to the navanu pilgrims as many as twenty to thirty thousand people climb the sacred mountain on this occasion. Even for Indian standards the rush was immense. It was hardly possible to find enough space for performing the twenty one ritual prostrations (ekvis khamasmana),36 which are a mandatory part of the caityavandan ritual on that day. Though the four girls from Bengalaru earnestly tried to follow this important ritual with devotion, at least three of them appeared strained even before commencing the actual climbing. When starting the pilgrimage on the steep and stony stairs of the main route, the girls could not move freely, but constantly had to watch one's own steps in order not to push other pilgrims, nor to lose the grip on the floor. Due to the mass of pilgrims the ascent to the mountain was even more tiresome than on other days. As a consequence two of the girls got exhausted before having completed one third of the route. Very early they complained about suffering stitches in the side. Latika, the youngest, even burst out into tears and felt completely discouraged. Catching her breath, she asked her mates: "How will I be able to complete 108 when I am not able to complete one?" I must admit I secretly asked myself the same and got worried about her. However, her friends did not allow her to take a rest or to drop behind. They firmly took her in the middle, holding her hands and telling her to go on. This companionship is typical for all navanu pilgrims, who usually prefer to walk in the company of other members of their navanu group. According to their sex, age, stamina and pace they form smaller units, which often stay together for the whole period of two months. Sometimes, one of them may proceed a little faster or slower, but in general they try not to lose sight of each other and always take care for each other's wellbeing. While slowly continuing on their first pilgrimage the four girls of my case study openly expressed their admiration for the younger and well trained male and female ascetics, who literally sprinted up the hill on a small alley that was reserved for them. These ascetics usually ascended the mountain by taking two steps at a time and in double pace when compared to most other pilgrims. During this very first navanu pilgrimage of the girls from Bengalaru even I was able to overtake them easily and after a while I admittedly got impatient. I left them before reaching the top of the hill as I did not want to miss the rituals, which took place in the compound of the main temple of Adinath on that day. When I paid the four friends a visit on the evening of the same day, I found them lying on their mattresses, where they had dropped after returning from evening pratikraman. Despite the dazzling neon lights Latika was already fast asleep, but the others were very ready to talk about their experiences. Even though they looked very tired, they were obviously very excited and proud of having successfully finished the first day by performing even two yatras. 35 Weber 1901:250. 36 For details see Luithle-Hardenberg (in print)

Page #368
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 367 When I asked them about the hardest task of their first day they univocally explained that they suffered most from not being able to satisfy their thirst. In fact, navanu pilgrims must observe strict rules with regard to drinking. First of all, they cannot drink anything else than boiled water (garam pani). Secondly, they must abstain from drinking water until they have completed one pilgrimage. Thirdly, if they continue their pilgrimages on the same day, they may only take water two more times before returning to their hostel. Moreover, in accordance with the strict dietary restrictions the girls did neither eat nor drink anything after their evening meal of the previous day. As it took them as many as six hours to get down the hill after the first pilgrimage, they did not have water before twelve o'clock on the next day. In order to be able to understand their suffering one must also take into account that in this season of the year it starts getting very hot in Palitana at eight o'clock. Apart from their thirst they also complained about their paining feet which were swollen and pierced by thorns because they were not used to walk barefoot. Thus, during this early stage of navanu bodily strains were emphasized by the girls when describing their experiences. Compared to these sufferings spiritual progress was only a random topic. Even when the girls broached the issue of religious devotion, they immediately turned to a discussion about the physical stress they had experienced. For example, they expressed a deep regret that it had not been possible to have a proper darshan of Dada Adishvar in the main temple, because the masses of pilgrims had pushed from behind and prevented them from having a free sight for more than a few seconds. They also complained that it was very hard to focus on meditative rituals, which are mandatory during every single pilgrimage. Thus, every navanu pilgrim must complete the chain of 108 prayer beads (ap) 10 times, while silently reciting the nokar mantra. Furthermore, they have to perform nine logassa in a standing meditation posture (ka'ussagg) and nine prostrations (khamasamana) for the worship of Shatrunjaya, which are accompanied by yet another liturgical recitation. If one of the girls diverted her attention and forgot a liturgy she was gently reminded by others to start the whole procedure all over again, something which happened to the girls several times because of their physical stress and exhaustion. When visiting the girls in their hostel during this first week I could observe that the tone of their reports stayed quite the same. Not the religious experiences, but the physical strains formed the center of all their discussions. So they daily complained about not getting sufficient sleep, of suffering from sore muscle, of having chapped feet, and of losing weight as they were allowed to eat only one meal per day. In the evenings our conversations often came to an end when a maid appeared and offered the girls to massage their legs for a small payment. The topics of their conversations also changed in another significant way. Bollywood stars or fashion were no longer of a concern for the girls and in accordance with the strict vow of celibacy the discussion

Page #369
368 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah of romantic issues such as prospects of marriage was suddenly strongly disapproved in that group. Getting used to the daily routine: the transforming effect of bodily efforts After this first week, the girls slowly got used to their new daily routine. They increased their daily pace and after some time were even able to perform three yatras in a relatively short period of time. It came the same time when I was no longer able to keep up with their pace. Thus one day, when they were performing their perhaps 25th pilgrimage, I met them on their ascent to the mountain. Similar to the ascetics the navanu girls from Bengalaru now climbed up the hill effortlessly. They also performed their ritual observances in a focused and proficient manner, knowing all liturgical texts by heart. Their increasing speed enabled the girls to return early enough to attend the daily sermons of Kanakratnasuri und Jayshekharsuri, which started at about 4 p.m. When I joined the girls on these occasions, I noticed that the daily reprimands, which were frequently uttered by the eloquent Acaryas in a humorous style to motivate the lay pilgrims, furthermore encouraged the friends to consciously apply the navanu rules and regulations. Hence, the girls stopped complaining about their hardships and began to look at their physical experience with a sense of black humor. For instance, one day, while combing each other's disheveled hair Neepa exclaimed: "Gosh, Joshika, I think after having completed navanu all your beauty will be gone! Can you tell me what happened to your hair? I am glad for you that your friends at college do not see you like that! O.K., but I think something has happened to me, too. Have you seen my legs? They are disgusting! When will I find time to pluck the hair? I hardly find time to take a quick bath once a day!" This kind of conversation also implied an air of surprise about how easy it is to live without all the time consuming beauty care, which shapes the life of an average Indian girl. Thus, the ascetic negligence of the girl's outer appearance stands in stark opposition to the daily hours of beauty "rituals", which the girls were used to enjoy at home when taking several baths a day, shaving and peeling their bodies, changing their fashionable clothes frequently, carefully oiling and combing their hair, polishing nails, plucking eyebrows, and abundantly applying scented talcum powder on their skin. It was not new for the girls to be concerned with their bodies, but the way they treated their bodies during navanu was new and even adventurous to them. Apart from the physical strains deriving from the pilgrimages they had to adapt to an ascetic code of behavior that clearly stood in contrast to their everyday lives. To start with, they were only allowed to use three sets of garments, one for performing pilgrimages, one for sleeping and taking meals and one for touching the image of a tirthankara while performing puja. Their dresses during navanu consisted of polyamide salvar kamiz, which did not look fashionable, but were selected because this cloth dries quicker than 37 Moreover, only this garment must be worn while using the toilet.

Page #370
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 369 cotton, does not need ironing and is therefore faster to clean.38 During navanu, body care is reduced to a minimum, namely to take a bath once a day, to brush teeth immediately after the only meal, and to comb one's hair. More efforts in beauty care, such as oiling the hair, are denounced as an evidence for vanity, which is an aspect of ego (man) and therefore not in accordance with the code of behavior of ascetics and pious lay people. For the same reason, the four friends and other women of that group rejected the usage of mirrors. Gradually, I could also perceive a considerable modification of their attitudes towards the challenges of navanu. They actually started to appreciate the diverse austerities. Reports on religious experiences now entered into their conversations with me and other people. Priti, for example, explained to me that the bodily strains of the navanu observances helped her to get rid of a large load of karmic matter. As a consequence, everything, not only the climbing, now appeared easier to her. Her friend Neepa enthusiastically agreed with her and added: "While performing navanu my bhav [devotion] becomes bigger and bigger with every pilgrimage. I am close to Dada Adishvar now. He is giving us shakti (mental and physical strength)." Hence, she added, the highlight of every pilgrimage is the darshan of Adishvar, now easily received by her. Thus, according to these navanu pilgrims, the physical routine systematically enforced by the strict observance of all mandatory navanu rituals and restrictions leads to a quick spiritual improvement. In a later conversation Joshika also explained to me, that performing navanu is not a question of physical stamina, but of devotion and mental willpower. According to her, a bodily weak person with a lot of willpower can easily complete navanu, whereas a physically strong person with less devotion was bound to fail or could not even start with navanu. In short, a fervent enthusiasm had taken hold of the girls at this time. This became all the more obvious whenever one of them was forced to stay back in the hostel due to her menstruation period, during which she had to observe a strict seclusion for 72 hours in order to avoid polluting the sacred mountain or her fellow pilgrims. Whenever a girl of this group had to interrupt her pilgrimages for that reason she was full of eagerness to get through these three days, instead of being glad to have a chance to rest. Additional routes and fasting observances: Intensifying the transformative experience Highly motivated the girls now began to include some additional mandatory navanu observances, which even further aggravated their bodily strains and their devotion (bhav). To begin with, they increased the number of daily pilgrimages to five. They also included five of the six prolonged and mandatory routes of pilgrimage into their 38 Usually the pilgrims do not employ dhobis, as they cannot be sure if the washermen are carefully observing the rules which prevent the ritual pollution of the clothes. For instance a garment has to be dried completely before ironing it.

Page #371
370 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah daily program. These additional routes cover other and sometimes remote parts of an area that is considered to be part of the Shatrunjaya mountain range. While the normal pilgrimage has an average length of about three hours to four hours, the longer routes may take up to eight hours to complete." Whereas two of the alternative routes, the so-called Ghetipag tour40 and the dodh gaul tour, are short and are therefore performed daily or at least regularly, the other four extend the main route considerably. The first prolonged route includes the attendance of all the 12 main temple compounds (tunk) of both the summits of Shatrunjaya and is known as nav tunk." While most of the pilgrims focus on the Dada Adishvar Tunk on the south-eastern summit and usually ignore the north-western summit opposite of the main temple, every navanu pilgrim has to attend all the 12 temple complexes of Shatrunjaya in one pilgrimage for at least nine times, thereby performing caityavandan in each of the main temples. The three other routes are usually performed only once during navanu. The so-called tran gau route, which literally means "three gau", adds about seven and a half km to the main route before reaching the top of Shatrunjaya. It starts at the reservoir of the Shatrunji river close to the hamlet Rohilshala, where the pilgrims have to take a ritual bath with water from the river (not in the river, but taking water from it in a bucket and having a bath in a tent). Afterwards liturgical worship is performed in front of the footprints of Adinath in the nearby hamlet of Dungapur. Though the tran gau route is otherwise uneventful in terms of ritual actions the climbing of the eastern slopes of the hill on an unsecured, stony and thorny path is a challenge even to the navanu pilgrim, who at the time of conducting this particular pilgrimage is usually accustomed to walking barefoot. What about the girls of my case study? They were meanwhile well trained and took the troubles of tran gau with equanimity, neither complaining about 39 The detailed description of all routes is included in Luithle-Hardenberg (in print) and could, of course, cover another article. 40 The first of the shorter routes leads to the small hamlet Ghetipag at the northern foot of the mountain and is usually performed by navanu pilgrims at least once a day. After the first performance of all five obligatory rituals, they climb down to the hamlet Ghetipag, where the footprints of Adinath are worshipped in a small shrine. Going back to the top of Shatrunjaya from this site is considered a shortcut but is still assessed as the second climbing of the day. 41 The so-called dodh gau route, that is one and a half gau", covers about 3,5 km and forms a small circumambulation of the main temple complex on a path a little below the summit, connecting the main route with the Ghetipag-route as a seni circle. 42 The route is called nav tunk-route, ,,nine temple compounds", referring to the traditional number of complexes. (For details see Luithlc-Hardenberg (in print)). However, to be precise, the complex of Dada Adishvar (1), as well as Kesavji Nayak Tunk (2) and Nava Adishvar Tunk (3) are situated at the southeastern summit. The northwestern summit is covered by the Kesavji Nayak Tunk (4), the Caumukhji or Sava Soma Tunk (5), the Chipa Vasi Tunk (6), the Sakar Vasi Tunk (7), the Ujambai (Ujamphai) Tunk (8), the Hemabhai Tunk (9) and the Premchand Modi Tunk (10). Moreover, the navanu pilgrims also have to attend the Motisha Tunk (11) and the Balabhai Tunk (12), which are located in a small valley in between the two summits.

Page #372
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 371 the taking an unpleasant bath with cold water, 43 nor lamenting about their sore feet. On the contrary, they even expressed feelings of peace while walking in the wilderness of the most remote part of the mountain, with a grand sight over the Shatrunji reservoir. They showed the same kind attitude during their pilgrimage on the so-called cha gau route ("six gau"). This route is the longest and most arduous route with about 15 extra km. As the above mentioned routes it can be performed on foot only. Its first part is identical with the dodh gan route and forms half a circumambulation of the main. temple complex, a little below of the southwestern summit. Afterwards the route leads to the shrine of Bhadava Hill, a smaller summit on the southwestern slopes of Shatrunjaya, where the footprints (pagla) of Shambha and Pradyumna, heroes of the Jaina-Mahabharata, " are located. The two brothers are said to have attained salvation on that spot on Phagan Sud Teras, the thirteenth day of the bright half of the month of Phagan (February-March). Every year on this day the pilgrimage is performed by as many as forty thousand pilgrims, who share the belief that a pilgrimage on this tour frees the devotee from all sins (pap). This route ends in the hamlet of Adpur at another shrine with the footprints of Adinath. The cha gau route also includes five additional caityavandan rituals, 47 as well as an extensive ritual of meditation in front of a large rock, which is situated at the bank of the "silver pond", Chandan Talavadi. The pilgrims refer to it as "abode of salvation", Siddhashila, because it is commonly believed that on that very spot thousands of ascetics attained salvation. The girls also explained to me that in the vicinity of the rock a devoted pilgrim can find access to a subterraneous path which leads to the first image of Adishvar. According to a local myth this image is hidden in the roots of the rayana tree behind the main temple and was once installed by Adinath's son Bharat. Here, at Siddhashila, the girls from Bengalaru, as well as all the other navanu participants, performed at least 12 logassa, while standing or laying in the "motionless" ka'ussaga posture. For many pilgrims this 43 According to the ritual observances the water which is taken from the river to have a bath has to be garam pani, i.e. has to be boiled. However, when it was the girl's turn to have a quick bath, it had already cooled down because early in the morning the air is fresh. 44 The last route to mention here, the bar gau route, literally means,,twelve gau", and covers about thirty kilometers. However, since 1962, when a dam was built in the river Shatrunji and the old route was flooded, this route cannot be done on foot. Thus, the navanu pilgrims undertake that variation of pilgrimage after they have completed all 108 pilgrimages on foot only. 45 According to the Jaina version of the epos, Krishna's sons named Shamba and Pradyumna, attained salvation on Shatrunjaya. 46 For details of this elaborate festival see Luithle-Hardenberg (in print). 47 These are conducted at: (1) the shrine of the "six sons of Devaki" (Devaki na cha putro), which is dedicated to the elder brothers of Krishna, who are said to have attained salvation on Shatrunjaya according to the Jaina Mahabharata, (2) a shrine with the footprints of Adishvar close to the well named Ulkha Jal, (3) the shrines of Ajitanath's and Santinath's footprints close to the "silver pond", Candan Talavadi, (4) the shrine with the footprints of Krishna's sons, Shamba und Pradyumna, situated on the top of the Bhadava hill and. another shrine with the footprints of Adinath (5), located under a huge banyan tree, which is called "Siddhavad". It marks the end of that particular route in the hamlet Adpur.

Page #373
372 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah meditation is especially difficult, because it has to be observed at about noon, when they are exposed to heat but are not allowed to drink anything at all. Joshika reported afterwards that under these circumstances she found it quite difficult to focus her mind on that task, and the others agreed with her. However, all in all they proceeded very determined and arrived quite early at the end of the cha gau route in Adpur. While usually this elaborated route of cha gau adds at least another five hours to the main route, the girls completed it within four hours, only slightly later than the young and fast ascetics. Considering the bad physical condition of the girls during their first pilgrimage, this was quite an achievement! After the completion of 60 to 70 yatras on the main route and after having performed all possible alternative routes on foot, their bodies had adapted to the daily demands of navanu. More interestingly, however, they had also become experts of pilgrimage. They knew the various religious sites on Shatrunjaya, their legends as well as the respective rituals. Yet the demands made on the girls during the navanu pilgrimage were once more increased. The maximum of physical strain as well as of spiritual devotion was reached when the girls observed a complete fast without even drinking water on at least two consecutive days (chath) while still performing seven yatras during this fasting period. This kind of fierce asceticism is said to guarantee salvation after three rebirths only, a privilege which is usually attributed to outstanding Acaryas only. Despite the high motivation for achieving that goal, this practice regularly leads to extreme exhaustion and many navanu pilgrims collapse while performing it.48 Unsurprisingly, many pilgrims consider this part of navanu as the greatest challenge of their life and, if successfully completed, as their most important achievement. While performing this kind of extreme austerity the girls again put emphasis on the importance of gaining spiritual bhav. Neepa, to her own surprise, spontaneously decided to perform even three days of fasting (atham) and she managed to complete 11 yatras during these days. On the third day, when she was back in the hostel, she told me about her experiences in a very low voice and with glowing eyes, thereby resembling many other pilgrims whom I talked to after they had performed such extreme austerities. She said: "I pled Dada Adishvar to give me strength for atham and eleven yatras. And I made it! Beforehand nobody, not even me, could imagine that I would be able to do so. At home I never took on a serious fast, not even ayambil. Since I am performing atham, I feel very close to Dada." Another young navanu pilgrim, 21 year old Charita, whom I met in 2003, put it vividly: 48 The festival of "Silence Eleventh", Maun Agyaras/Maun Ekadashi (Cort 2001: 143), the 11th day of the bright half of the month Magsar (November/ December) is especially popular for performing this penance, because according to general beliefs of the pilgrims the punya earned by a penance at this day is multiplied a 150 times. Therefore at this day apart from the navanu pilgrims some 4000 other devotees also come to Palitana in larger groups of 50-150 people and start for seven or eleven pilgrimages while completely fasting on two or three consecutive days.

Page #374
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 373 "[...]when I did chath [...] I was crying tears of joy after my seventh yatra. I was praying to Dada, please help me, don't put me down. [...] After the fourth yatra it became very difficult. I was so thirsty and exhausted. I constantly told 'mane pani piu!'. Then I prayed to Dada and the other yatriks came to support me. They told me 'Calo ben, beso nahi! Calo, jaldi!' They told me again and again: don't sit, get up, hurry up, Adishvar bolave che! [Dada is calling!] 'Somebody told me to close my eyes to see Dada from inside. Then I saw his pratima from inside and I could feel that he will always be with me. Then I felt as if somebody was pushing me from behind and holding my hand. A voice was telling me: 'Calo, calo!' I can tell you, four yatras we have to do ourselves; the last three Dada is holding our hands." It follows from this statement that the individual pilgrim not only needs Adishvar's support, but also encouragement from her (or his) companions. In many instances the exhausted pilgrims have to be motivated by others, who support them, fan air into their faces, put wet cloths on their heads and constantly push them physically and verbally to complete their daily program of pilgrimages. Though I did hear of people who died during that kind of the pilgrimage, I never witnessed any of these pilgrims to be encouraged to give up, nor did I see any pilgrim untimely quit his or her pilgrimage. In fact, any pilgrim who had successfully gone through this experience of total exhaustion but still managed to complete the pilgrimage enjoyed a lot of approval and respect by others. In order to be able to support each other, the pilgrims. take turns in performing the hardest part of navanu." Some of the pilgrims, who had performed chath or atham, repeatedly talked about a very special kind of reward, which is said to wait for the earnest navanu pilgrims. Accordingly, only very exceptional pilgrims can get access to the hidden and subterraneous realms of Shatrunjaya, which were already an issue while performing the cha gau yatra. For example Induben, an elderly navanu pilgrim from Ahmedabad, whom the girls (and I) met during the second part of navanu, told us that the austerities experienced while perfoming chath and atham might open unsearchable places for elected pilgrims. She explained: "Kamalben (another pilgrim) knows a shravika, Urmilaben, who repeatedly [...] performed navanu (...) Once she decided to go for atham. [...] During her eleventh yatra, while performing a pradakshina around the main temple of Dada Adishvar, she suddenly disappeared [...]. Later on Urmilaben told that a cave opened up in front of her and a kshetrapal 49 Sometimes the pilgrims decide to pay the professional porters of Kholi or Bharvad caste in order to support them during this special task of navanu.

Page #375
374 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah appeared who led her to an enormous subterraneous temple hall with the first pratima of Dada Adishvar. It was so huge that she only could see his feet. [...] On her way back she suddenly appeared again at Jay Taleti, bringing flowers which nobody had seen before and with a very delicious scent. [...] Some people think, this is a miracle, but the only reason why Urmilaben got there was that she came close to salvation already. Though the girls themselves never experienced a comparable miraculous incident, such accounts clearly fascinated them.In my view, this story about the possibility of entering otherwise concealed realms by performing fierce austerities can be seen as a symbolic expression of the transformative aspects ascribed to the navanu pilgrimage in general. Thus, physical deprivations were eventually cherished by the four friends from Bengalaru, as well as by other navanu pilgrims, even in view of a possible untimely death. In case someone dies during a pilgrimage, s/he is usually not bemoaned. On the contrary, such a death is considered ideal in the eyes of many pilgrims. Although immediate salvation is considered impossible during our era of time, not even on Shatrunjaya, such a death is nevertheless seen as a kind of guarantee for achieving salvation within the next three rebirths. With other words, death during a pilgrimage is accepted, as a way for accelerating the process of reaching spiritual salvation. Admittedly, a critical mind would rightly argue that the girls surely did not intend to die, nor would a responsible adult of their group have allowed such an effect of their austerities. Nevertheless the possible death is just an extreme form of the real transformation, which the girls actually experienced during the navanu pilgrimage. As Charita put it dramatically, one day after having performed chath: Physically navanu is very difficult, but every day when I reach Dada I feel happy as never before. I feel that I achieved everything in my life. So if I die now I will do it happily. I make use of my human birth. I come close to salvation. This feeling was extreme when I did chath. [...] I thought even if I die on spot I will be happy. After two or three days of fasting the navanu pilgrim is ritually fed by close family members, who on that occasion comes to Palitana, in order to share the feeling of spiritual success with the daughter, sister or niece. During the last ten days of navanu, all the four friends from Bengalaru continued their pilgrimages while being convinced that they cannot fail any more. After all, the hardest task was already achieved. 50 For the hidden parts of Shatrunjaya see also: Granoff 1999: 164 51 On death during pilgrimages in the Hindu context see, for instance: Morinis 1984: 297, Hardenberg 1998: 226

Page #376
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 375 Therefore, the four of them performed even more than 108 yatras, ranging from 113 to 131. The final days of navanu: The embodiment of tradition The end of the navanu pilgrimage is marked by several elaborated rituals, but for the sake of brevity I want to refer to them only shortly. 52 The first ritual, the Navanu Prakari Puja, is celebrated two days before Posh Punam, the full moon day of Posh (December-January). On this occasion all navanu groups assemble together at the northern foot of the mountain, Jay Taleti, and "99 substances" are applied to a mobile image of Adinath, which is installed in front of the Taleti rock. The very last pilgrimage on the full moon day of Posh is accompanied by special observances. Similar to the first pilgrimage, the last is also commenced jointly by all members of a particular navanu group who collectively perform a caityavandan at Jay. Taleti. Furthermore, every individual pilgrim has to be engaged in a quite unique "mountain ritual", the giri puja, which entails the cleansing and worshipping of every single of the 3745 steps of the main route to the temple of Adishvar. As Joshika explained to me in advance, this has to be done as a penance (prayascitt, alocana) in order to ask forgiveness for any ritual fault (ashatna), which a pilgrim might have committed by accidentally trespassing the rules and regulations during the many pilgrimages on the sacred mountain. With this ritual the pilgrims can prevent any harmful consequences to their karma. However, in order to complete the giri puja in one day only, the co-operation of all navanu pilgrims is again required. In smaller groups of 10 to 25 pilgrims they are taking shifts in carrying out the following procedure, which clearly resembles the ashtaprakari puja for Jina images: After bathing the step with milk and water, it is first dried with a white cotton cloth and then decorated with sandalwood paste, as well as a piece of silver or gold foil." At every shrine with images or footsteps (pagla) of the Jinas, which are located on the main route, the pilgrims stop for a short caityavandan ritual. Special attention is also given to the shrines of the protecting deities Hingulaj, Padmavati, Chakreshvari and Kapad Yaksh, who receive generous donations. While previously the pilgrims have performed their yatras more or less silently in order to save energy, they now continuously sing devotional songs about Adishvar or Shatrunjaya. The exceptionally cheerful atmosphere of the last yatra was also mentioned by the girls when they talked to me about this giri puja. On the last day, when returning from the top of Shatrunjaya in the late afternoon, the navanu pilgrims are venerated by a so called "group ritual" (sangh puja), which is organized by the sponsor of the particular group. The sponsor and his family members 52 For details see Luithle-Hardenberg (in print). 53 The expenses for that costly ritual of at least 2,5 lakhs are mainly born by the sponsors of the navanu group, even though every pilgrim is eager to add a minor donation to that sum.

Page #377
376 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah take bow down in front of every pilgrim of his group, symbolically wash their feet and give them a coconut and a tilak. For the girls, it was the first occasion ever that they were honored in this way. In the following and very last ritual of the day, the bahuman, it was now their turn to pay "tribute to the sponsor of the group (sangha pati). In the course of events, the four young women put their worn out garments aside, took a bath and dressed in their best saris or chaniya cholis. As suggested by elderly navanu pilgrims, it was their prominent role to perform an artful stick dance, ras dandia, in front of all assembled lay people of their navanu group. After that skillful performance the same elderly navanu pilgrims, who had to admonish them at the very beginning of the pilgrimage, now praised the young women for having successfully completed all austerities. On a similar occasion Charita from Mumbai, who performed navanu in 2002, expressed her feelings in the following way: "I feel happy as never before. I feel that I achieved everything in my life. By doing navanu I think I have completely changed my life. In Bombay I never went out without my car. Every day I got up at 12:30 noon! I spent my nights going to the movies. I never went to derasar. I never did pratikraman. [...] My parents got worried. They sent me to US. [...] They wanted me to get interested in something, not to waste my time. I liked to go for outings. I saw the Niagara Falls, Statue of Liberty and so on. But it did not change my life. [...] To send me to Shatrunjaya was my parent's last hope. I am grateful they did it. This place is incomparable. [...] Nobody could believe that I did it [navanu). People said she will never finish navanu! She will be back in five days! They are very surprised now! Now I don't want to go back [...][to Bombay). I want to stay in Palitana for the rest of my life! So people ask my parents: How is it possible? They say it is a miracle. I am indifferent to what they think. I am happy that I did navanu. Now they (my parents) are afraid that I won't marry, but take diksha. I don't want to marry. When I close my eyes all I see is Dada. [...]This place made me change my mind. I want to make use of my time now. When I am back home I will go for derasar every day. I will get up early in order to do so. I will do bhav yatras4 daily." In the same year I also met Priya, a 22-year old woman from Ahmedabad, who only two months after completing her navanu pilgrimage spontaneously decided to become a nun and therefore joined a group of 19 diksharthis who took diksha in March 2003. 54 Bhav yatra, the pilgrimage of devotion" is a mental pilgrimage, which is performed in front of an image or model of Shatrunjaya. (For details see Luithle-Hardenberg (in print)).

Page #378
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 377 Somewhat less extreme, but still determined, the four young woman of our friendship circle also felt inspired to continue their spiritual progress by performing special penances such as the one year fast" (varshi tap) in the instance of Priti, and the updhan tap in the case of Neepa. When the last day came, the four friends from Bangalore left with tears, though they said they were looking forward to be with their families and friends again. While the ascetics continued their journey on foot the lay pilgrims entered the bus for their urban places of residence. When later calling me in Palitana Joshika told me that on the day of their arrival her parents conducted a ritual for her which is usually performed to newly initiated ascetics only, the pad prakshal puja, literally "making footsteps". In this ritual a returning pilgrim steps into a dish with red color before walking over a white cloth. In this way the footprints of a person can be preserved and will be kept in the house shrine of the respective family. This ritual is meant to preserve the enhanced spiritual status, which s/he had achieved during his/her pilgrimage. Like the saints in the mythical and legendary pilgrimages to Shatrunjaya the young women from Bengalaru, too, got transformed by performing navanu. Even if they did not to achieve the ultimate goal of salvation, they still made some steps into its direction. Thus, the pilgrimages of these navanu pilgrims and their presence on the mountain is remembered by their footsteps, which are preserved in their family's shrines just as the numerous shrines on Shatrunjaya contain the footsteps of those people whose souls were liberated on this sacred mountain. Conclusion In their everyday lives young urban Shvetambara women are mainly engaged with their bodies in extended beauty care "rituals". The five girls of our case study, however, took up quite a different task when they decided to perform the 99fold pilgrimages. During navanu the concern with their bodies shifted from beauty matters to spiritual goals. The physical strain deriving from ascetic restrictions, repeated pilgrimages, liturgical rituals and endured fasting rituals was now seen as a catalyst for a spiritual "uplift" and the ability to endure these austerities as an evidence for spiritual progress. In other words the observable physical strains became indicators of spiritual achievements which are again considered to change the body of the pilgrim. These physical challenges were taken up collectively by the girls who thereby helped to create a religious community, in which they participated actively. The joint commitment to identical and ritualized physical strains on prescribed pilgrimage routes and during particular collective fasts enabled the girls to experience extreme physical deprivation, which was culturally purported and socially orchestrated. Thus, the physical strains endured by the girls can also be taken as an observable expression of the shared identity as Jains.

Page #379
378 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah This connection of individual physical experience and ritualized social practices can be seen as an example of what Connerton calls ,,incorporated bodily practices". According to Connerton (1989: 73-74) such practices are used as a very effective technique for linking the memory of a group with the memory of an individual. Applying this idea to the navanu pilgrimage of young women and others, it can be concluded that the socially important values, rituals, myths and legends of Adishvar and Shatrunjaya are remembered by the individual pilgrim, because they are inscribed into the individual memory by the unforgettable sensation of an extreme exhaustion. This effect is of a special importance for the young Jains such as the girls from Bengalaru, whom I presented in my case study. Though leading everyday lives which are quite averted from ascetic ideals and practices, they were able to resurrect their link to the Jaina community by the intense experience of the two months long navanu pilgrimage. This experience is intimately linked to the sacred centre Shatrunjaya. Especially the final ritual of giri puja clearly illustrates the exceptional relation between the navanu pilgrim and the sacred mountain of Shatrunjaya. This relation is established during the course of navanu as our case study of the four girls from Bengalaru shows. While the girls came as absolute beginners and without any special knowledge regarding their religious tradition, the intense bodily and devotional experience of 108 or more yatras made them adepts of pilgrimage and its rituals, which were quickly learned by heart. In the last pilgrimage of the giri puja not only all the five major places, but literally every corner of Shatrunjaya is worshiped, remembered and internalized in order to be carefully kept in mind and body. Thus, in the end of navanu, every performer becomes an expert in the eyes of other lay pilgrims. For example, whenever I asked a detailed question regarding the pilgrimage or the sacred mountain Shatrunjaya and my interview partner could not answer it, they often excused themselves by saying: ,,I do not know, sorry. Anyhow, ask my sister. She has performed navanu!" Similar to an ascetic a performer of navanu is thus attributed with an unquestioned authority. Strikingly, this extraordinary knowledge of the navanu pilgrims is linked to the potential of overcoming linear time and participating in mythological, cyclic time. Thus, the navanu pilgrim is considered to enjoy a share of the imperishable quality called shashvat, literally meaning "eternal" and indestructible, a quality, which is ascribed to Shatrunjaya. It is believed that Shatrunjaya, even if it expands and contracts in accordance with the ups and downs of the never-ending cycles of time, is one of the few places which never vanishes. Affected by this quality, the navanu pilgrims, while moving on Shatrunjaya for a period of two months and performing diverse rituals which refer to mythological events, transcend linear time and take part in the mountain's eternity. Furthermore, during navanu the transcending of linear time coincides with the crossing of spatial borders. This is expressed by the idea that navanu pilgrims are among those few people who might get access to the otherwise hidden, subterraneous realms of the sacred hill, which are also linked to mythical time

Page #380
Andrea Luithle-Hardenberg, The "99fold" pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya 379 by the implied reference to the very first image of Adinath. Thus, even in the eyes of the young pilgrims, the full potential of the sacred mountain is never exhausted, nor completely felt out. Shatrunjaya will never become boring! In the words of Charita, one of the navanu girls: That is the difference between all the wonders of the world and Shatrunjaya. Disney world you can find everywhere, but for real happiness of life you have to come to Giriraj. This place is unique! Everything will be destroyed, but not Shatrunjaya! It will remain forever. It will be still there when we are gone and forgotten." Selected References Banks, Marcus (1992), Organizing Jainism in India and England, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Caillat, Colette/Kumar, Ravi (1981), The Jain Cosmology, New York: Harmony Books. Cort, John (1993), Twelve Chapters from The Guidebook to Various Pilgrimage Places, the Vividha Tirtha Kalpa of Jinaprabhsuri, in: P. Granoff (ed.), The Clever Adulteress and other stories: A Treasury of Jain Literature, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass: 245-274. Cort, John (2001 [2000]), Jains in the world. Religious Values and Ideology in India. Oxford/New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Cort, John (2004), Jains, caste and hierarchy in north Gujarat, in: Contributions to Indian Sociology (n.s.), Vol. 38: 73-111. Dhami, Vimalkumar Mohanlal (2000), Siddhagiri tori mahima (Gujarati und Hindi), Rajkot: Pratham Avrtti. Dundas, Paul (1991), The Digambara Jain warrior, in: M. Carrithers/C. Humphrey (ed.), The Assembly of Listeners: Jains in Society, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 169-187? Folkert, Kendall W. (1993), Scripture and Community. Collected Essays on the Jains. Altlanta: Scholars Press. Glasenapp, Helmuth v. ([1925] 1984), Der Jainismus. Eine indische Erlosungsreligion, Hildesheim/Zurich/New York: Georg Olms. Granoff, Phyllis (1999), Medieval Jain accounts of Mt. Girnar and Shatrunjaya: Visible and invisible realms, in: Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. 49:1/2: 143-170. Gunaratnasuri (1997), Sau calo Siddhagiri jaie! (Gujarati) Mumbai: Adhyatmik Shikshan Kendra,

Page #381
380 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Gunaratnasuri (1999), Anashan ko siddhavad ho... Cha gauni sacitr bhavyatra: The Spiritual Pilgrimage of Cha Gau (Gujarati und Englisch), Mumbai: Adhyatmik Shikshan Kendra, Gunaratnasuri (1998), A visit to Shatrunjaya, Mumbai: Adhyatmik Shikshan Kendra. Hardenberg, Roland (1998), Die Wiedergeburt der Gotter. Ritual und Gesellschaft in Orissa, Hamburg: Dr. Kovac. Jain, Jyotindra (1980), Spatial System and Ritual Use of Shatrunjaya Hill, in: Art and Archaological Research Paper (aarp), Vol.13: 47-52. Jaini, Padmanabh S. (1979), The Jaina Path of Purification, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Johnson, Helen (1931-1962), Trisastisalakapurusacaritra (of Hemacandra), Vol I-IX, Baroda: Oriental Institute. Luithle-Hardenberg (2010), The Pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya: Refining Shvetambara Identity, in: P. Berger/R. Hardenberg/E. Kattner/M. Prager (ed.), The Anthropology of Values. Essays in Honour of Georg Pfeffer, Delhi: Longman/ Pearson. Luithle Hardenberg (in print), Die Reise zum Ursprung: Die Pilgerschaft der Shvetambara-Jaina zum Berg Shatrunjaya in Gujarat, Indien, Munchen: Manya Verlag. Morinis, Allen E. (1984), Pilgrimage in the Hindu Traditions. A Case Study of West Bengal, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sheth Anandji Kalyanji (V.S.2031 [1976]), Tirthadhiraj Sri Shatrunjaya. (Gujarati) Ahmedabad: Anandji Kalyanji Pedhi. Varaiya, Kapurcand Ranchoddas. (V.S. 2035 [1980]), Shatrunjay-Giriraj-Darshan (Gujarati), Palitana: Shri Parshvanath Jain Pustak Bhandar. Verma, Suman/ Saraswathi, T.S. (2002), Adolescence in India, Street Urchins or Silicon Valley Millionaires?, in: Brown, B.B. / Larson, R.W/ Saraswathi, T.S. (eds.), The world's youth. Adolescence in eight regions of the globe, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Weber, Albert (1901), The Shatrunjaya Mahatmyam: A Contribution to the History of the Jainas, in: Indian Antiquary, Vol. 30: 239-251 and 288-308. Williams, R. (1991 (1963] ), Jaina Yoga - A survey of the Mediaeval Shravakacaras, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Page #382
Jain Monastic Life A Quantitative Study of the Terapanth Svetambara Mendicant Order' 32 Peter FLUGEL One of the most neglected areas of research in Asian religions is the sociology of monastic orders. This is surprising, given the pivotal importance of organised asceticism for contemporary Jain, Buddhist and Hindu traditions. Jain mendicant orders are the oldest surviving monastic traditions of the world. Today, they broadly refer to themselves as sramana sanghas, or ascetic communities. While information on the history and organisation of these itinerant groups is increasingly accessible, few studies inform us on their social and geographical dynamics. To remedy this situation regarding one centrally organised and tightly regulated Jain mendicant order in India, a combined socio-demographic and network-analytical survey was conducted by the present writer in 2001-2003 in Rajasthan, with the blessings of the late Acarya Mahaprajna (1921-2010), head of the Svetambara Terapanth mendicant order. The aim was to supplement previously collected qualitative data on the history, rules and regulations, monastic division of labour and religious life of the Terapanth, and on general demographic trends in contemporary Jaina monasticism. The principal unit of investigation was the monastic order itself, which was treated as social system differentiating itself from the social environment through rules of membership, role-definitions, and emergent actions. The analysis of living social systems is predicated on third order observation, or observation of self-observation. While the Terapanth order describes its own functioning in normative terms, resembling the model of rule-implementation of classical organisational sociology with a focus on values, norms, rules, commitment, hierarchy, lines of command, compliance, etc., the project aimed at an understanding of the social dynamics within a Jain monastic community which presents itself as a limiting case of perfect social selfregulation. Not the formal structure and the practice of rule-implication, but the conditions, functions and consequences of the process self-organisation were the main concern of the project. The principal aim of this pilot study was to generate a clearer idea of the network structure of actual contacts within the mendicant order, ideally in form of a 'First published in CoJS Newsletter, March 2009, Issue 4, pp. 24-29. - The project was funded by the British Academy Small Research Grant SG-32893. For a detailed account see Flugel 2009.

Page #383
382 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah sociomatrix recording the internal transactions of all mendicants in selected media (name-recognition, communications, services, material transactions) within a defined time-frame, to collect data for the study the spatial dynamics, to measure group connectedness, to statistically correlate the results with the newly generated demographic data, and to analyse outcomes in the light of the rules and regulations of the order and ethnographic background information collected over more than fifteen years. The project specified three main objectives: * To produce reliable statistical information on the demographic and social composition of the entire contemporary Terapanth mendicant order, including psychological factors such as motivations for renunciation. To produce a systematic analysis of the network structure within the order and the patterns of transactions in key media such as information and material support. To learn more about the network analytic aspects of studying a trans regionally organised group of itinerant mendicants. The research was conducted in form of a survey in 2003 amongst 785 Terapanth monks (19.6%), nuns (68.5%) and male (0.5%) and female novices (11.3%) using a two-part questionnaire in Hindi. Muni Sukhlal in Pancavat Data Collection The first round of data collection took place between 1.8.2001-1.8.2002. After pre-tests, the distribution of the questionnaire amongst an exceptionally large group of some 450 monks and nuns attending the annual assembly, maryada mahotsava, of the Terapanth mendicant order held in January 2002 in the town Pacapadara in Rajasthan proved to be a great success. With the help of a leading monk, Muni Sukhlal (born 1930), and the junior monks under his guidance, research assistant Harshita Jain of Bikaner managed to get most of the locally distributed questionnaires returned in February 2002. Because the response to the network analytical questions was insufficient for statistical investigation, additional questionnaires were distributed by mail with the help of Muni Sukhlal and his associates. More than 100 questionnaires were returned in this way.

Page #384
Peter Flugel, Jain Monastic Life 383 Due to the geographical distances no interviewer could be used. By August 2002, 477 mendicants completed the questionnaire, at least in part. The response rate of monks and samanlis, who are all well educated, was notably higher than of the nuns. Some mendicants were too old or sick to be involved in the project. Many older nuns did not answer the questionnaire because they could not read and write, though some asked younger nuns to help them.? A number of mendicants never received or did not return their questionnaire, and about 10-20% refused to answer or did not fill in the questionnaire properly for a variety of reasons, partly due to the mechanical and apparently meaningless nature of the exercise and the perceived "shallowness" of network-analytical questions geared towards quantitative analysis. The quality of the answers varied significantly from question to question. Because of the, not entirely unexpected, difficulties encountered with the response rate and the quality of the data for network analysis, it was decided to initiate a second round of data collection with the help of interviewers during the period of residency of the mendicants during their annual rain retreat, or caturmasa, in July-November 2002, and to extend the project by six months until March 2003. During this period, the response rate was increased to 530 or 67.6%: 108 monks (14%), 362 nuns (46%), 4 male novices (0.5%), and 56 female novices (7%). For an additional 40 (5%) mendicants (13 monks, 12 nuns, 15 female novices) basic demographic information was extracted from mendicant biographies and group statistics published by Muni Navaratnamal (1981-2002). In this way, detailed demographic data were collected for 570 or 72.6% of all mendicants in the Terapanth Jain order between August 2001 and March 2003. However, for some items of Part I of the questionnaire the response rate was too low to form a representative sample, and in order to enable meaningful crosstabulations, 74 of the 570 questionnaires had to be excluded from analysis. The final sample of 496,99 sadhus (20%), 341 sadhvis (68.8%), 4 samans (0.8%) and 52 samanis (10.5%), is statistically representative of the population and forms one of the largest collections of demographic data on a South Asian mendicant order to date. Social Background of the Mendicants State of Origin: The majority (78%) of the sample of Terapanth mendicants came from a small number of districts in Rajasthan, in particular Churu (30%), Bikaner (20%) and Nagaur (10%), and from migrant families from these regions to Kalkatta (3.2%) and other commercial centres (where the majority of Terapanth laity now live). Birth Place: Most mendicants were born and brought up in villages (52%) and small towns (36%), and only a minority in towns (4%) and cities (8%). The main recruitment areas were the small towns Sardarshahar (10%), Gangashahar (9%), Dungargarh (7%), Ladnun (9%) and the surrounding villages and adjacent small towns 2 Balbir 1990: 202-4, 223 reports similar experiences.

Page #385
384 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah such as Sujangarh, as well as the area around Badmer and Kalkatta. The highest proportion of male renouncers came from villages. There is no significant evidence of (an impact of) family migration from villages to towns and cities or vice versa. Place of Upbringing Female Male Village Small Town Town City Caste: The majority of the mendicants belonged to the Osval castes (85%) with a significant minority of Agravals (12%) from the region of Hisar and Hansi in Hariyana (and Delhi and Orissa). Most respondents returned themselves as Bisa Osval or emphasized that the status distinction between Bisa- and Dasa Osval is not observed anymore. Father's Occupation: Generally, the data on father's occupation in the majority of cases equivalent with family occupation) show that nearly all mendicants (87%) came from traditional self-employed lower middle class business families with a modest but relatively secure source of income. This seems to reflect the overall pattern amongst the Rajasthani Osval castes. More than half of the business families from which Terapanth mendicants emerged engaged in the traditional cloth (33%), jute (4%) and jewellery (5%) trades as well as in shop keeping (13%). Only 7% engaged in manufacturing, and 1% in finance. The rest were higher professionals and employees in government service and management etc. (11%), and a small number of (part time) farmers (0.8%). The fact that wealthy metropolitan Terapanth Osvals families produced only few mendicants was explained by Terapanth nuns with reference to the "greater freedom" and "more entertainment" and "opportunities for self-development" rich women

Page #386
Peter Flugel, Jain Monastic Life 385 enjoy. Women of "poor" middle class families in rural areas live in joint families. They have less time for themselves and are totally dependent on their husbands and their families. They have no independent income, cannot leave the house often, and, because the villages offer not much, enjoy few public entertainments. But they have more contact with mendicants than metropolitan families. The only entertainment and intellectual stimulation is often provided by religious contexts. Similar reasons have already been reported by Goonasekera (1986) for Terapanth monks. Family Name: The mendicants were recruited from a small number of gotras, or exogamous family clans. Of altogether 114 family names mentioned by respondents, 17 names accounted for 33% of all mendicants. Family Size: Nuclear families (within the joint family) had a median size of 6 members (range of 1-14). This family size is not untypical for middle class Rajasthani households, though firm data are a desideratum. It decreased slightly over the last 70 years. Most of the key families had more than one mendicant in the order (one nun could name 13 relatives inside the order). Birth Order: Previous studies on Buddhist (Spiro 1970) and Terapanth Jain mendicants (Goonasekera 1986: 122) argued that the motivation for renunciation can be explained in terms of the emotional deprivation of middle children, i.e. Freud's theory that "middle children experience fluctuations of nurturing and affection from early childhood ... especially girls". In contrast to Goonasekera's finding of a higher than statistically expected proportion of middle children amongst his sample of 75 Terapanth "renouncers" (82%) - 65 females (86.6%) and 10 males (13.3%) - the present sample of 137 respondents - 56 sadhus (40.9%), 40 sadhvis (29.9%), 41 samanis (29.2%) - revealed only the expected percentage of 61% middle children (given an average family size of 6), as well as 26% youngest (Goonasekera: 10%), 11% eldest, and 2% only children. The overrepresentation of middle children in the earlier study may thus be a sampling effect. But both samples are not statistically representative. It is significant, though, that 10% more female than male middle children renounced. The high number of youngest male children reflects the economic and social importance of the eldest male child as the principal heir of the family business. Initiation Age: The data confirm the overall increase of the mean initiation age over time observed by Goonasekera, and substantiate trends, such as the impact of the aforementioned institutional factors on initiation patterns. The mean initiation age for the entire sample was 20 years. Generally, males (mean age: 18) were initiated earlier than females, nuns (20) earlier than female novices (samanis) (24).However, during the period between 1931 and 1948 the mean initiation age of 15 years was identical for male and female mendicants. Gender differences developed with the creation of the first pre-monastic educational institution for girls in the town of Ladnun in 1949, and in particular after the reforms of Acarya Tulsi (1914-1997) in the 1980s which only

Page #387
386 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah permit male but not anymore female child-initiation (bala-diksa). Both the overall gender differential and the higher initiation age of female novices compared to nuns thus appear to be effects of institutional factors, especially the compulsory premonastic education for girls which also accounts for the increasing number of unmarried girls rather than widows in the monastic order (90% of the mendicants in the sample are unmarried). Social support for widows is nowadays provided by religious and social funds. Initiation Year: In 2001-2 the mean age of the Terapanth mendicants was 52 (for monks it was slightly lower: mean 50, median 47) with peaks around 75 and 40, i.e. those born 1926 and 1961. This reflects the lower recruitment rate during the 1950s and 1960s compared to the 1940s and the 1980-1990s. The number of initiations increased after the inaugurations of the last two acaryas in 1937 and 1997, and during the decisive years of the Indian freedom struggle between 1940 and 1945, followed by a post-Independence low, and a peak after the establishment of two new institutions - the Jain Vishva Bharati centre in Ladnun in 1978 and the new Terapanth novice order in 1980. Less than 50% of all initiations took place in the home-village/town of the mendicants. Initiation Year Frequency 1931 1944 1952 1960 1968 1976 1984 1992 2000 1940 1948 1956 1964 1972 1980 1988 1996 Reasons for Renunciation The two open questions concerning the causes informing the decision to renounce the world and the sources of inspiration identified push and pull factors. For statistical

Page #388
* analysis, the spectrum of answers was coded into seven categories, after discussing the answers with Terapanth samanis:3 SOCIAL REASONS (6%: male 4%, female 6%): social reasons, fear of marriage, the monastic environment, to live a meaningful life, to gain spiritual power, to gain the status of a mendicant. * Peter Flugel, Jain Monastic Life * 387 PSYCHOLOGICAL REASONS (27%: male 21%, female 28%): death of a family member or others, sight of suffering, illness, uncertainty of life. RELIGIOUS REASONS (7%: male 11%, female 6%): path of salvation, religious disposition, experience of meditation or ritual, experience of a natural event, religious literature, drama or film, inspired by a deity. INSPIRED BY A MONK OR A NUN (20%: male 33%, female 16%). SELF INSPIRED (34%: male 25%, female 37%). INSPIRED BY A RELATIVE (7%: male 6%, female 7%): inspired by a family member, inspired by the initiation ritual of a relative. OTHER (0.4%: male 0%, female 0.5%) : unknown. Statistical analysis demonstrated that religious experiences or doctrinal reasons were not the prime motivating factors. The fact that nevertheless relatively more men than women mentioned religious reasons may be explained by the perceived need of men to legitimize their interest in religion, since traditional role models cast them as "less religious' than women. A more detailed analysis of the responses revealed interesting gender differences. For males, especially young males, the personal influence of ascetics (sometimes but not necessarily relatives) was important, while for females (socio-) psychological factors were more significant. Personal interviews indicated that the most frequent answer of female mendicants in response to the question who inspired them to become initiated: 'self inspired' (svatah prerana) also served as a rationalization for a number of unspecified personal, spiritual, social and psychological reasons.* Initiation as an alternative to marriage for women was not often explicitly mentioned (10 nuns and no monks), although in the ethnographic literature on Jain mendicants it is highlighted as the most important factor. However, this motive may also hide. behind the answer 'self inspired' and co-varies with certain 'psychological reasons'. 3 Boradiya (1975: 265-80) interviewed 100 nuns "from various sects" and coded the stated reasons for renunciation in a similar way: 21 "personal reasons", 19 "inspired by particular nun", 17 "orphan", 14 "ambiance of ascetic community", 5 "outward appearance of ascetic life", 59 "spiritually motivated", 17 "refuge", [? widows), 11 "increase of knowledge for specific religious end", 10 "service of the community", 3 "escape from marriage". The word 'reason' is ambiguous. Motives and intentions are rarely clearly distinguished. 4 "Within the order, desire to belong to the group, or attraction to a charismatic leader, is not treated as a 'social' motivation, stemming from worldliness. Instead, it too is seen as evidence of a spiritual purity" (Vallely 2002: 197).

Page #389
388 SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Interviews with Terapanth nuns confirmed that relative poverty and family pressure only indirectly influence female renunciation "because the conflicts produce intense bitterness in the mind of the renouncer" (Goonasekera 1986: 224). Widowhood (Boradiya 1975, Goonasekera 1986) could not be established as a dominant factor for renunciation anymore (15 widows, 2 widowers), since most initiation candidates are nowadays young and unmarried (Reynell 1985: 269). Within the Terapanth this is not only a consequence of fewer numbers of child-widows and improvements in the social world of women (Cort 1991: 659f.), but also because of new rules regarding pre-monastic education of female candidates (Flugel 2006: 364f.). For young women the 'experience of death' was an important explicit motive, but less so for young men, who more often mentioned 'religious disposition/inclination' (dharmik pravrtti/ruci) or the 'extreme attraction' (atyadhik akarsana) of religious life as motives (despite the high number of fatherless male renouncers), which was rarely referred to by women. An explanation for this may be sought in the role patterns in Rajasthani middle class and caste families, i.e. the strong family orientation that is imprinted more on women than on men, who are frequently on business travels away from home. Men have to legitimate their special interest in religion, which is taken for granted in the case of women, who described themselves as "more sensitive". The analysis of the survey data showed that, in contrast to Buddhist societies (Spiro 1970), economic or status considerations were not directly important; nor are women forced to renounce by their families as is often suspected (see already Goonasekera 1986). With regard to the factors 'own choice' and 'social' and 'psychological' reasons not much seems to have changed over the last 2000 years. Self-attributions of motives and intentions are, of course, constructions which are, more or less, informed by role expectations. Many of the returned reasons, especially extrinsic or psychological reasons, have already been enumerated in sections of the Jain canon "which, partly, give the impression of holding up a mirror to the monks" (Schubring 1935/2000 SS 137). The ten principal reasons are listed in the Couplets on Renunciation (Pavvajjapadam) of Thana 10.15 [712a]: (1) one's own choice, (2) anger, (3) poverty, (4) dreams, (5) fulfilment of an earlier vow, (6) recollection of inspiration received in a former birth, (7) illness, (8) insult, (9) enlightenment by the gods, (10) affection for a son who is a muni. Thana 4.571-577 [276ab] lists additional this-worldly and otherworldly motives and methods for inducing the inclination for renunciation in another person. To put these empirical motives in perspective, Thana 4.577 distinguishes four types of renunciation on a scale beginning with renunciation free of fault and three progressively more faulty types. The leaders of Jain mendicant orders are compared with farmers who are interested in keeping only unsullied grain.

Page #390
Peter Flugel, Jain Monastic Life 389 Reasons for Renunciation Female Male Social Other Religious Psychological Self Inspired Inspired by Ascetic Inspired by Relative Division of Labour The favourite activity of initiated monks (38%) and nuns (32%) is to study (svadhyaya), followed by service (seva) to the order (16%) for monks, and needlework (silai) (9%) and art work (kala) (7%) for women, i.e. producing objects of daily use (begging bowls, etc.), drawing, and other crafts. This reflects the traditional sexual division of labour within the order which is perpetuated through a system of rewards (kalyanaka bonus points) (Flugel 2003b), though the quantity of items produced and transacted is low. Statistically, needlework, study/research, and service to sick and old nuns and monks (it is obligatory for young monks and nuns to serve one year in one of the seva kendras for old nuns and monks), but also artistic work, are more often than other 'good deeds' rewarded with bonus points by the present head of the order. Officially, kalyanaka bonus points should not be used as a medium of exchange within the order. However, for females the correlation of the length of time spent in the mendicant order with the number of bonus points collected for good work is statistically significant. Nuns accrued far more bonus points then monks. High scoring men and women tended to study and to write. By contrast, there is no statistically significant correlation with regard to males. This result furnishes indirect proof for the observed pattern that males used their bonus points as a medium of exchange and spent their kalyanakas on help offered by the nuns for mending clothes, etc., while nuns rarely received reciprocal

Page #391
SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah services from monks. The rules of the order explicitly rule out the practice of equivalent exchange in favour of the ideal of service to the order. 390 Monastic Networks The key questions for network analysis concerned the extent to which the order was socially integrated, which informal networks or groups ('cliques') existed, and how the monastic rules and regulations shaped the network structure." The analysis of selected features of the monastic networks demonstrated: (a) that many mendicants do not know one another; (b) that older mendicants are better connected than younger mendicants; (c) that mendicants of the same category, gender, age group and kinship group are more connected than others; (d) that the members of the entourage of the head of the order, or gurukula, are more connected than others; and (e) that both novices (saman/) and ex-novices who were promoted to the status of fully initiated mendicants are extremely well connected. There are three reasons for this: the samanis lived and studied together for several years in religious boarding schools, they are allowed to travel and meet other monks and nuns, and they meet each other every year at the annual assembly of the mendicants. Thus, over time, the entire network structure of the order will be affected by the introduction of the novice category in 1980. Increased connectivity between the nuns is to be expected. The data also showed that: (a) (with the exception of the members of the gurukula) fully initiated male and female ascetics hardly ever interact across the gender divide, since contact between male and female ascetics is strictly regulated and because there are few opportunities for itinerant mendicants to meet; (b) the networks are oriented. towards the office holders of the centralised monastic hierarchy, who qua position know and interact with everyone; (c) family members of the same gender often live together in the same itinerant group, because in this way conflict within small groups is minimized; (d) family connections are maintained within the order through occasional "exchanges" of small gifts which have to be mediated by the group-leader and the head of the order; (e) group solidarity as a whole is strengthened through birth-day and initiation-day cards from the leadership of the order; (e) rotation of personnel does not often take place, except: in cases of conflict, to balance the educational and age profile of a group, and for specific collaborative projects; (f) due to the greater group size the rate of rotation is higher amongst nuns than amongst monks; (g) novices show a higher degree of mutual interaction than other mendicants for the said reasons. "The following characteristics of personal or ego-centred networks oriented the analysis in particular: (a) morphological: anchorage, reachability, connectedness (density), range, (b) interactional: directedness (symmetry/asymmetry), frequency, content. See Mitchell 1969.

Page #392
Peter Flugel, Jain Monastic Life 391 Summary On the basis of a sample of 496 mendicants of the Terapanth Svetambara Jain order in the years 2001-3, a number of ethnographic observations and theories on Jain ascetics could be tested, albeit only for few questions in a statistically representative way due to uneven response patterns. A socio-demographic analysis showed that the Terapanth mendicants are largely recruited from lower middle class Osval business families in the villages and small towns of the Churu, Bikaner and Nagaur districts of Rajasthan. The pivotal families are long-term followers of the Terapanth and often have more than one initiated family member in the order. Nowadays, the majority of the mendicants are unmarried females who renounce of their own accord, primarily because their conservative families do not offer them any other alternative to marriage, and because of their familiarity with Jain values and pre-established links with the well organised Terapanth order which offers unique educational opportunities for women in a traditional social context. With regard to the rural background, the findings resonate with Spiro's (1970) observations on Theravada Buddhist monks in Burma. However, the families of Terapanth Jain renouncers are more urbanized and of higher social and economic standing than those of the Buddhist monks in Burma. There are no significant material reasons for renunciation, and no one is forced to enter mendicancy. Goonasekera (1986) offered a psychoanalytical interpretation of Terapanth Jain patterns of renunciation, but overlooked the psychological significance of experiences of death and suffering for female renouncers in particular. By contrast, one of the main findings of this study is that social and organisational factors, such as the pre-monastic educational institutions of the Terapanth founded in 1949 and 1980, have a strong influence on initiation patterns, gender relations, geographical spheres of influence, the division of labour and the social integration of the order. Muni Navaratnamal in Ladnum 2000

Page #393
392 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah References Balbir, Nalini. "Recent Developments in a Jaina Tirtha: Hastinapur (U.P.) - A Preliminary Report." The History of the Sacred Places in India as Reflected in Traditional Literature. Panels of the 7th World Sanskrit Conference Vol. II. Ed. H. Bakker. General Editor: Johannes Bronkhorst, 177-191. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990. Boradiya, Hirabas. Jaina Dharma ki Sadhviom evam Vidusi Mahilaom ka Itihas. Ph.D. thesis, University of Indore, 1975. Cort, John E. "The Svetambar Martipujak Jain Mendicant." Man (N.S.) 26 (1991) 651-671. Flugel, Peter. "Socio-Demographic Analysis of the Terapanth Svetambara Jain Monastic Order." Final Report: British Academy Research Grant SG-32893. London, 25.5.2003a. Flugel, Peter. "Spiritual Accounting: The Role of the kalyanaka patra in the Religious Economy of the Terapanth Svetambara Ascetics." Jainism and Early Buddhism. Essays in Honor of Padmanabh S. Jaini. Ed. O. Qvarnstrom, 183-224. Fremont: Asian Humanities Press, 2003b. https://eprints.soas. ac.uk/965/ Flugel, Peter. "Demographic Trends in Jaina Monasticism." Studies in Jaina History and Culture: Disputes and Dialogues. Ed. P. Flugel, 312-398. London: Routledge, 2006. https://eprints.soas. ac.uk/6242/ Flugel, Peter. "Jain Monastic Life: A Socio- Demographic and Network Analysis of the Terapanth Svetambara Mendicant Order." International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) 4 (2009) (forthcoming) Fohr, Sherry E. Gender and Chastity: Female Jain Renouncers. Ph.D. thesis, University of Virginia, 2001. Goonasekera, R. S. A. Renunciation and Monasticism among the Jainas of India. Ph.D. Dissertation, San Diego, University of California, 1986. Mitchell, Clyde. "The Concept and Use of Social Networks." Social Networks in Urban Situations: Analyses of Personal Relationships in Central African Towns. Ed. J. C. Mitchell, 1-50. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1969. Navaratnamal, Muni (comp.). Sasana Samudra. Vol. 1 18. Published by Uttamcand Sethia. Kalkatta: Sri Jain Svetambar Terapanthi Mahasabha Prakasan & Ladnum: Jain Visva Bharati, 1981-2002. Reynell, Josephine. Honour, Nurture and Festivity: Aspects of Female Religiosity amongst Jain Women in Jaipur, Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. Schubring, Walther. Die Lehre der Jaina. Nach den alten Quellen dargestellt. Berlin: Walter DeGruyter, 1935 (The Doctrine of the Jainas. Described after the Old Sources. Translated by Wolfgang Beurlen. Third English Edition. With Three Indices Enlarged and Added by Willem Bollee & Jayandra Soni. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1962/2000). Spiro, Melford E. Buddhism and Society. New York: Harper & Row, 1970. Thanam (Sthananga Sutra). Mula Patha, Samskrta Chaya, Hindi Anuvada tatha Tippana. Vacana Pramukha: Acarya Tulsi. Sampadaka-Vivecaka: Muni Nathmal. Ladnum: Jaina Visva Bharati, 1976. Vallely, Anne. Guardians of the Transcendent: An Ethnography of a Jain Ascetic Community. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003.

Page #394
The Jains in Antwerp/Belgium An Overview 33 Gabriele R. HELMER Introduction One might wonder what there is to see in the one-horse town of 'Geitendorp', as Wilrijk, a borough of Antwerp, is often called. But an early morning walk through this part of the city has many a surprise in store. Wandering along Sneeuwbeslaan, you will hear Indian sounds from loudspeakers break the silence. Each morning and evening at the same time the chiming of a bell can be heard for approximately ten minutes. But hardly anyone from the local population knows what goes on behind the evergreen hedges on the 4000m2 compounds. And yet the first Indian migrants arrived at Antwerp as early as 1948. Today (2006/2007) 310 families live here in third generation. The men work exclusively in diamond trade, whereas the women work in the house. Economically, diamond trade, which lies in the hands of the Jains, plays a major role for the city of Antwerp. Religiously, the migrants belong to one of the various Jain traditions. They come from the state of Gujarat in north-western India. Unlike many minorities of refugees and immigrants, this comparatively small group holds considerable financial means. This makes many things possible and certainly contrasts the financial straits that characterize many Diaspora communities. The foundation of the Jain Cultural Center Antwerp (J.C.C.A.) in 1992 was the first step towards the planning and building of a new Jain temple in traditional style. The construction work itself started in 2001. Entering the Field My situation can be described with the words: From outland to outland. In July 2004, I decided to move from the Netherlands to Belgium. For coming in touch with the Jains in Antwerp and doing a research which had never been done before, it was necessary to live at the same place where they live. I stayed in Antwerp till December 2007. Normally it is very difficult for somebody from outside to enter this community. One reason for this could be the seclusive nature of the diamond business. Another obstacle was that the Jains have no common area where they can come together for a longer period of time. This made it very difficult to get in touch and to find informants. Doors that had just been opened were closed again in the next

Page #395
394 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah moment. It felt like looking for a needle in the haystack. But patience, openness and empathy were soon to be rewarded. Jains in Antwerp This article is giving an overview of the Jain Community in Antwerp/B. I lived very close to this community for four years. To collect the data I needed took me several years, from 2004 to 2006. I was able to collect them mainly by participating observation, by active participation, and by many talks and visits with the Jain families. This is an explorative study focusing on the religious life, the construction of the temple, and the guru network of the Jains in Antwerp In comparison with the Jains in the USA and England,' the Jain diaspora in Antwerp is very small. The number of Jains living out of India reportedly varies between 70,000 and 80,000 (Dundas, 2002) and one million (Jain Center, Toronto, 1998). There are no exact statistical data available around the Jains, but the following figures are acceptable: There are around seven million Jains worldwide. Around six million Jains are living in India, which is less than 1% of the whole population. The largest Jain diaspora is to be found in North America, comprising 60,000 people, the second largest - 10,000 people - in the UK, followed by 10,000 in East Africa and 310 families in Antwerp. Till today, no research has been done around the Jain immigrants in Antwerp. There are only studies available around Germans, French, Polish, Italians, Jews, and Turkish and Moroccan migrants in Antwerp. According to the mailing list? of the Indian Community, there are 310 Jain families living in Antwerp. All Jains in Antwerp have come directly from Gujarat to Antwerp for diamond trade. Most of them came to Antwerp at the end of the 1970s or in the early 1980s. Most of them are between 40 and 60 years old. In the meantime, many of them got the Belgian nationality or an unlimited residence permit. In the early days, the migrants settled close to the diamond centre, --where many Jewish families live as well. After some time, the Indian migrants bought land in the district of Wilrijk, where they proceeded to build their villas. Today many Jain families also live in Edegem and Schoten, districts where many villas are to be found, too. The diamond business in Antwerp refers back to a tradition of four centuries. In the book 'Brilliant Story of Antwerp', one can find an exact documentation of the historical development of the diamond business in Antwerp. History shows that the diamond trade in Antwerp has always been in the hands of migrants up to the present date. The Flemish port on the Schelde river, with its convenient infrastructure and its Jacobsen, Knut A.; Kumar, P. Pratap: South Asians in the Diaspora: Histories and Religious Traditions, Leiden: Brill, 2004: 4-7. 2 Antwerp Indian Association (Hg.), 2005. Kockelbergh, Iris; Vleeschdrager, Eddy; Walgrave, Jan, The Brilliant Story of Antwerp Diamonds. Antwerp: MIM, 1992.

Page #396
Gabriele R. Helmer, The Jains in Antwerp/Belgium: An Overview 395 attractive conditions favoring migration and business, made it easy for Indian diamond dealers to choose Antwerp as their second place of home. Antwerp, the most important port of Belgium, counted 949 000 inhabitants in January 2005. Antwerp has the most important world trade centre for diamonds. The city has four stock exchanges, around 1,600 diamond companies, and one diamond museum. The diamond business, which had been in the hands of Jewish traders for four centuries, has moved to the hands of the Jains. In very short time the Jains were able to take the leading role in the diamond business. They took the companies over from their fathers or established new ones operated by their sons and grandsons in the second and third generations today. There are big differences in the history of migration, in particular as compared to the Jains in Leicester, London, and Manchester. Most of the Jains in the UK migrated twice, first from India to South Africa, and in the 60s-70s to England or the USA. As mentioned previously, the Jains in Antwerp migrated from India to Belgium for economical reasons in order to extend their trading network and to enhance their standard of living. Most of the migrants came to Antwerp without their families. The women and children moved to Antwerp later. The diamond business has always been the domain of men, and this has never changed till today. The religious life of the Jains in Antwerp Religious Profile of the Antwerp Jain Diaspora The Jain diaspora consists of various subgroups of the Svetambara tradition. Only one family belongs to the Digambara tradition. The members of the families spread over two main branches of the Svetambara: The Deravasi and the Sthanakvasi. While Deravasi and Sthanakvasi are equal in number, a small group of around thirty families belongs to the Shrimad Rajchandra Movement, and around ten families are Terapanthi. Jain Traditions in Antwerp Svetambara Digambara Sthanakvasi Terapanthi Deravasi (temple construction) Shrimad Rajchandra Movement (guru network) Daily Practices With the beginning of the temple construction, the Jains established a small temple where they perform ashta prakari puja every day and aarti every evening. Every morning, a group of between five and ten men celebrates the ashta prakari puja together, which is a very special feature of Jain puja.

Page #397
396 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Annual Practices The first feast in the year is gyan panchami. The Jains worship the Kalpasutra. The devotees bring notebooks and pencils and donate (Plate 33.1). The most important feast of the Jains is paryushan, a time of reflection, meditation and fasting (Plate 33.2). In India this feast takes place during the four month rainy season called caturmas. During this time, nuns and monks do not wander around, but stay at one place and give lectures to the lay people. In the diaspora, paryushan is also of great importance. During these eight days, many Jains are fasting, everybody according to his or her individual abilities. To celebrate paryushan, which takes place in August/September, they set up one or two big tents. Lay preachers and musicians from India are invited. There are lectures every morning and evening. Paryushan ends on the eighth day with the celebration of pratikraman, which takes three hours for the Deravasi and one and a half hour for the Sthanakvasi. After this ceremony people greet each other with Micchami Dukkadam, and all look forward to parna taking place the next day in the morning (Plate 33.3). Shankheshvar Parshvanath Mandir In 1992, the Jains decided to build a Jain temple on the 4,000 m2 plot of land they had bought from a Belgium company years ago. In this year, they established an incorporated society called Jain Cultural Center Antwerp, abbreviated as J.C.C.A. Members of this society are thirteen men, who also form the temple committee. This team is responsible for the whole organization of the temple construction. This project is financed by donations of the Jain Community Antwerp. The temple is called Shankheshvar Parshvanath Mandir. Shankheshvar is a place of pilgrimage for the Jains and Parshvanath is the 23rd Tirthankara. The temple of the Jains is located amidst a residential area in Wilrijk, a district of Antwerp (Plates 33.4 and 33.5). White marble is transported from Rajasthan to Antwerp by ship and from the port to the temple area by a big lorry (Plates 33.6 and 33.7). Every year, people from India come to Antwerp for six months to build the temple. Most of them come from Rajasthan and few from Gujarat. They are no Jains. While most of the stonemasonry work is completed in India, there is still a lot of hard work to do for the people by hand, with hammer and bit or with the cutting machine (Plates 33.8 and 33.9). The temple built in Nagar style has three Shikhara. The biggest is the middle one (Plate 33.10). The temple, called Shankeshvar Parshvanath Mandir, was not built according to a model (Plate 33.11). Yet the cultural hall was built according to the example of the Shrimad Rajchandra Ashram in Agas. This building provides space for approximately 1,500 people (Plate 33.12).

Page #398
Gabriele R. Helmer, The Jains in Antwerp/Belgium: An Overview 397 Conclusions This study adds a small stone to the still incomplete and permanently changing picture of the global Jain diaspora in particular and of the migrants from South Asia in general. From now onwards, the Jain Community Antwerp will have to be mentioned in all discussions about South Asian diaspora. The analysis of the data shows a very strong collective identity. These are the three identity features: 1. Ethnicity - they all are Gujaratis 2. Business - they all are in the diamond business 3. Religion - they all are Jains Only people with all three characteristics are members of the Jain Community Antwerp. The Jain families in Antwerp have a very strong relationship on the social, economical and religious level, which is supported by the very strong network of a lay guru. One of the gurus, Rakeshbhai Jhaveri, regularly visits all Jain communities out of India. Shrimad Rajchandra was the founder of this lay guru movement. It can be seen as an innovation within Jainism because of migration. In summary, we can say that an utterly homogenous milieu like the Jain Community in Antwerp leaves less space for intercultural and interreligious dialogue. Most probably, the Jains will be able to maintain their tradition in the foreign environment. The following reasons are apt to emphasize this hypothesis: - The closeness of the community - Their independence of the host country - The very close relationship to their home country. All photographs reproduced with this article are by the author

Page #399

Page #400
List of plates 1. Jaina Art as Potent Source of Indian History, Culture and Art (with special reference to the Kusana images from Mathura) - MARUTI NANDAN PRASAD TIWARI & SHANTI SWAROOP SINHA 1.1. Sarasvati (Jaina), Kankali Tila (Mathura ), 132 A.D., State Museum, Lucknow [Acc. No.J. 24). 1.2. Mahavira (inscribed: Vadhamana), Kankali Tila, Mathura , 113 A.D. 1.3. Rsabhanatha-Neminatha (composite), Kankali Tila (Mathura ), 10th cent. A.D., State Museum, Lucknow (Acc. No. J. 78). 1.4. Neminatha (joined by Balarama and Vasudeva-Ktsna, Svetambara), Mathura , c. 10th cent. A.D., State Museum, Lucknow (Acc. No. 66.53). 1.5. Ambika Yaksi (with figures of Ganesa and Kubera), Mathura , 9th cent. A.D., Govrenment Museum, Mathura (Acc. No. D. 7). 1.6. Sarvanubhuti (Kubera) Yaksa, Chittor (Rajasthan), 10th cent. A.D., Government Museum, Udaipur (Acc. No. 117). 1.7. Gommatesvara Bahubali (inscribed, 57 feet monolithic image), Shravanabelgola, A.D. 983. 1.8. Kama-Rati, North facade,Parsvanatha temple, Khajuraho, 950-70 A.D. 1.9. Kssna playing Holi with Gopa-Gopikas, aisle ceiling, Vimala Vasahi, Abu, c. 1150 A.D. 1.10. Sthauna Narasimha, aisle ceiling, Vimala Vasahi, Abu, c. 1150 A.D. 2. Early Jainism in Tamilnadu: New Epigraphic Evidence -- IRAVATHAM MAHADEVAN 2.1.Early Tamil-Brahmi cave inscription of Netunceliyan. 2nd century BC Mangulam, Madurai District.' 2.2. Late Tamil-Brahmi cave inscription of the Irumporai dynasty. 2nd century AD Pugalur, Karur District. 2.3. Early Vatteluttu nicitikai inscription. 6th century AD Tirunatharkunru, Senji. Viluppuram District. 2.4. Relief sculpture of 24 Jaina Tirthankaras. 9th century AD Tirunatharkunru, Senji. Viluppuram District.

Page #401
400 SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 8. Some Rock-cut Jain Temples of Gwalior Fort and their Inscriptions - ARVIND KUMAR SINGH & NAVNEET KUMAR JAIN 8.1. Padmaprabha Image Pedestal Inscription: VS 1527. 8.2. Parsvanatha Image Pedestal Inscription: VS 1527 8.3A. Parsvanatha Image Pedestal Inscription: VS 1531 8.3B. Parsvanatha Image Pedestal Inscription: VS 1531 8.4. Inscription of VS 1531. 8.5. Inscription of VS 1531. 9. A 17th century Digambara Yantra kept at the British Museum - NALINI BALBIR 9.1. A Digambara yantra with other Jaina images. Valathi, Tamilnadu. N.B., 2008. 9.2. Yantra in front of padukas. Peravur, Tamilnadu, N.B., 2008. 9.3. Yantra and Jinas, Velukkam, Tamilnadu. Courtesy Dr. Karine Ladrech, 2008. 9.4. The British Museum Digambara yantra. (c) British Museum. 9.5. Detail of the British Museum Yantra with central hrim and text, Sections 1ff., N.B. 9.6. Detail of the British Museum Yantra showing the name of Jagadbhusana. N.B. 9.7. A yantra in worship, Vembakkam, Tamilnadu, N.B., 2008 10. Illustrating the Bhaktamarastotra -- PHYLLIS GRANOFF 10.1. Folio of the Michigan manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 20. Photo courtesy University of Michigan Museum of Art 10.2. Folio of the Ara manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 20. 10.3. Folio of the Ara manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 17. 10.4. Folio of the Michigan manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 35. Photo courtesy University of Michigan Museum of Art. 10.5. Folio of the Ara manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 35. 10.6. Folio of the Michigan manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 21. Photo courtesy University of Michigan Museum of Art. 10.7. Folio of the Ara manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 21. 10.8. Folio of the Michigan manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse Photo courtesy University of Michigan Museum of Art. 10.9. Folio of the Ara manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 5. 10.10. Folio of the Michigan manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 27. Photo courtesy University of Michigan Museum of Art. 10.11. Folio of the Ara manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 27. 10.12. Folio of the Ara manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 24. 10.13. Folio of the Michigan manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 22. Photo courtesy University of Michigan Museum of Art. 10.14. Folio of the Ara manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 22.

Page #402
List of Plates 401 Art. 10.15. Folio of the Michigan manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 34. Photo courtesy University of Michigan Museum of Art. 10.16. Folio of the Ara manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 34. 10.17. Folio of the Michigan manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 45. Photo courtesy University of Michigan Museum of Art. 10.18. Folio of the Ara manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 45. 10.19. Folio of the Michigan manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 47. Photo courtesy University of Michigan Museum of Art. 10.20. Folio of the Ara manuscript of the Bhaktamarastotra illustrating verse 47. 10.21. General view of the Sanganer temple in Rajasthan. Photograph by Dominique Sila Khan 10.22. The Bhaktamarastotra in stone on the outside walls of the Sanganer temple. Photograph by Dominique Sila Khan. 11. Further Observations on Western Indian Miniatures -- KLAUS BRUHN 11.fig. 1. Seated Jina, 1295 A.D. Santinatha Bhandar, Cambay. After NAWAB 1980: pl. 26 fig. 101. 11.fig.2. Ganadhara, 1295 A.D. Santinatha Bhandar, Cambay. After NAWAB 1980: pl. 26 fig. 103 (also SHAH 1978: pl. 6, fig. 18). 11.fig. 3. Ganadhara with lotuses, 1411 A.D. Sarabhai Nawab Collection, Ahmedabad. After NAWAB 1985: pl. 29, fig. 149. 11.1. Seated Jina with "double leaf." Slide: 5 LD 8 1448 A.D. 11.2. Seated Jina without "double leaf." Slide: 6 LD 7 1500 A.D. 11.3. Ganadhara in architectural setting. Slide: 6 LD 6 1500 A.D. 11.4. Ganadhara between two trees. Slide: 6 BKB 2 c 1490. 11.5. Monk-and-king. Slide: 6 BKB 7 c 1490. 11.6. The bad monk. Slide: 6 BKB 4 c 1490. 11.7. The spike incident. Slide: 6 BKB 3 C 1490. 11.8. Killing of the ram. Slide: Utt (0) 1492 A.D. 30. The Goddesses of Sravana Belgola -- JOHN E. CORT 30.1. Icon of Kusmandini, matha temple, 1999. 30.2. Icon of Kusmandini, matha temple, 2008. 30.3. Icon of Kusmandini, Vindhyagiri, 2008. 30.4. Icon of Padmavati, with bangles, Kattale Basati, Candragiri, 2008. 30.5. Lustration of icon of Padmavati, Kattale Basati, Candragiri, 1999. 30.6. Icon of Padmavati, Bhandari Basati, 2008. 30.7. Icon of Padmavati, Bhandari Basati, 1999. 33. The Jains in Antwerp/Belgium : An Overview - GABRIELE R. HELMER 33.1. Donations of notebooks, pencils, etc. for Gyan Panchami.

Page #403
402 SVASTI Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah 33.2. Worship at the time of Paryushan. 33.3. Food for Parna. 33.4. The residential area of Wilrijk, Antwerp. 33.5. Location of the Jain temple, Wilrijk, Antwerp. 33.6. Blocks of white marble for the Jain temple. 33.7. Transport of white marble for the Jain temple. 33.8. Handwork on the white marble blocks. 33.9. Work with the cutting machine. 33.10. The biggest Shikhara of the Jain temple. 33.11. The Shankheshvar Parshvanath Mandir, Antwerp. 33.12. Outside view of the cultural hall

Page #404
muddushrii: grNthmaale kRtigllu L nkkubiddi -haasy kvn sNkln (sN. ddaa.eN. baireegaudd) 2. mollke mttu ciguru kthaasNkln (sN. ddaa.eN.baireegaudd)2000 3. knndd naaddu-nuddi -naaddgiitegllu(sN. ddaa. eN. baireegaudd) 2000 4. hebbaal -gaadegllaadhaarit naattk (jytiirth) do. 025* do. 150* d. 045* 2001 do. 025* 5. mukh -kvn sNkln (mdhukumaar) 2001 do. 015* do. 025* 6. saalu saalu kvitey saalu k. sNkln (shrt kdd) 2003 7. vaitrnnii ddddlli -kvn sNkln (bi.aar. stynaaraaynn) 2003 8. urvi -naattk (aanNd Rgvdi) do. 020* 2003 d. 025* 9. nerllu maatnaadduv hottu -k sNkln (aarunn jookuuddligi) 2004 ruu. 025 10. baan beddgu -k. sNkln (jaaji deeveeNdrpp) 2004 do. 025* 11. hennd muNde kthaa sNkln (e.si. paarth) 2004 do. 035* 12. yuroopaa -k. sNkln (tti.aar. nrsiNhmuurti) 2004 do. 015 2004 do. 100 13. aaddllitd nenpgllu -anubhv (bi. paarthsaarthi) 14. knndd s.ktheglllli d.sNskRti -adhyyn (ddaa.si.bi. honnyy)2004 ruu. 150* 15. keNpukNgll hkki -k. sNkln (cN.su. paattiil) 16. modl moggu -k. sNkln (vi.en. mllikaarjunsvaami) 2005 2004 do. 040* do. 035* 17. mdhugiri mhaanaadd prbhugllu -adhyyn(ddaa. aar.kaavllmm 2005 ruu. 150* 18, kuveNpu naattkgllu adhyyn (ddaa. en. sushiil) 2005 do. 150* 19. hNdiipuraann -naattk (ddaa. eN. baireegaudd) 2005 do. 050* 20. jaal-maarjaal -naattk (ddaa. eN. baireegaudd) 2005 do. 050* 2005 do. 055* 21. pNcvrnnd ginni naattk (ddaa. eN. baireegaudd) 22. ele nkku, addike maataaddi, -naattk (OR, eN. baireegaudd) 2005 do. 050* 23, teejsvi -sN, -naattk (ddaa. eN. baireegaudd) 2006 do. 070* 24. tere sridaag -jiivn citr (guddihlllli naagraaj) 2006 do. 085* 2006 do. 070 2006 do. 030 2006 do. 052 ruu. 480 d. 160 25. bddvnhlllli rNgdhaam -jaanpd (pro. shivraamyy) 26. mllehni haaddu hiddidu naattk (tti.ec. lvkumaar) 27. maari -naattk (ddaa. mNddy rvi) 1999 28-39, cinnnnr look -mkkll pustkgllu (ji.es. vsNtmaal)2006 40. rnnn srll gdaayuddh -sNshoodhne (ddaa.el. bsvraaju)2006 41. nNbid stygllu sNshoodhne (ddaa. ke. saavitri) 42. bitti belledvru -sNshoodhne (ddaa. ji.aar. tippeesvaami) 43. tere srid meele sNshoodhne (ddi.es. caugle) 2006 2006 2007 2007 44. bnnnn nnn knnnnuullge klaa vimrshe (ddi.es. caugle) 45. pNpn aadipuraann - sNshoodhne (ddaa. el. bsvraaju)2007 46. pNpnaa vaaqy -sN. (ddaa. eN. baireegaudd) 2007 47. pddsaaley pvaaddgllu -jaanpd(ddaa. eN.e. jycNdr) 2007 48. jaanpd niilltegllu -jaanpd (ddaa. eN.e. jycNdr) 2007 do. 250* do. 120 do. 080 do. 050 d. 350 do. 120 do. 150 do. 150

Page #405
49. nelmuttttuv priiti -sNshoodhne (ddaa. cNdrsheekhr nNgli) 2007 50. kaiphiyttu kNdd k.raa. critre -adhyyn (ddaa. puttttsvaami) 2007 51. krnaattk vissvaidy prNpre nighNttu (ddaa.s.naa. btt) 52. sNkr bNddi -kvn sNkln (raamliNgpp tti) 53. uttr krnaattkd bylaattgllu (ddaa. bsvraaj mlshetttti)2008 2007 2007 54. buddkttttu vaidy sNskRti (ddaa. mNgllaa shriidhr ) 55. sttooriis aaph abhykumaar anuvaad (hNpnaa) 56. 106 shrnnr 1000 vcngllu (ddaa. el. bsvraaju) 57. baaddu ciNtne sNshoodhne (pro. bi.e. shriidhr) 58. ntt naaddooj vykticitr (pro. shivraamyy) 59. rnnn srll gdaayuddh -. el. bsvraaju 60. bsvpuurv vcnkaarru -ddaa. el. bsvraaju 61. maarksvaadi vimrshe -ddaa. cNdrsheekhr nNgli 62. pNp bhaart sN. ddaa. el. bsvraaju 63. jnbhaasse mttu prbhutv bhaassegll sNghrss ddaa. rNgnaath kNttnkuNtte 64, kere krguv smy -aar. mNjunaath 65. dkssinn krnaattkd oddpugllu -vn. shivraamu 66. shbdmnnidrpnn - ddaa. el. bsvraaju 67. innoNdu mukh -ddaa. mujaaphr assaadi 2009 2009 2009 2009 2009 68. krnaattkdlli aiddeNttitti raajkiiy: rait, rait hooraatt haaguu saamaajik clluvlligllu 2009 2009 69. hiNdnn hejje -ddaa. bi. viveek rai 2009 70. ciNdooddi liilaa - guddihlllli naagraaj 2010 71. ec.es.vi. ktegllu -ddaa. ec.es. veNktteeshmuurti 2010 72. koddgu gaudd smudaay -ddaa. koorn srsvti prkaash 2010 73. raassttrkuutt rivisitt ddaa.hNpnaa 74. buddh crite ddaa. el. bsvraaju 75. svsti sN. pro. nllini blbiir - - - 2008 2008 2008 2008 2008 2008 2008 2009 2009 2010 2010 do. 150 do. 120 do. 300 do. 050 do. 200 do. 200 do. 125 do. 250 do 300 do. 150 do. 200 do. 150 do. 100 d. 400 do.250 do. 500 do. 150 do. 300 do. 120 do. 150 do. 150 do. 60 do. 200 do. 250 do. 500 do. 200 do. 600

Page #406
PLATES Tiwari & Sinha Plate 1.1 NE Plate 1.2

Page #407
SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Plate 1.3 Plate 1.4

Page #408
PLATES Ganesha Plate 1.5 083 Plate 1.6

Page #409
IV SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Plate 1.7 Plate 1.8

Page #410
PLATES ADMINIMIR Plate 1.9. Sthauna Narasimha, aisle ceiling, Vimala-Vasahi, c. 1150 A.D. Plate 1.10

Page #411
VI SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Putti Fig. 1 Fig.2 Mahadevan Plates 2.1 and 2.2

Page #412
PLATES VII 7TH OOK Plates 2.3 and 2.4

Page #413
VIII SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Singh & Jain.Plate 8.1. Plate 8.2.

Page #414
PLATES IX Plate 8.3A. BON Plate 8.3B. Plate 8.4

Page #415
SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah dAvanenAtalaMTa yA rAnA malA vAdanAta merAbArapAnaMtara rAnA rAcina na ta Plate 8.5. yA Rupa saMraka nayA jorakAkAaai lATa yAtIla vanasAhA Plate 8.6

Page #416
PLATES XI Balbir Plate 9.1 4:2 Plate 9.2

Page #417
XII SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Plate 9.3

Page #418
Pai Ban HAS FRAKELIGE LE PEDRE hangugyi AAP mis adara 56141 magarala nAyana sImitatA 3 javAna tArAna SUPE HTIK nimnasa namaH sa Sirs GFRE neut BEERE vastusi PLATES i.sa. HRE & RES samIyana BEMBE skrana 15 kasale banAe nayA OM zrI madhya Pia sejamadha nAmaH maH satvardham dharmAjana OM kI agara lakIprameya lln nama Music/V 25. HESA mAkhanamaH bujhI sabhya rA namAi bhara samya FREEST (DIema/ kRri mAtha DAravara masApa Plate 9.4 38 36 kA TRIDG hI mUrtIvetana MER ji Ten Bangla Turcomradent fea Ti rIla ASUS niho 5il gwan Here 55 1565R3 114 BIFFGE 3300 kAna mana la Kal XIII

Page #419
XIV SVASTI-Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah WAE ems namAna Plate 9.5 www GAGICAL JASNEW See toets JG21 Plate 9.6 Pack FL 34238 rebleken Maine P300

Page #420
PLATES XV Plate 9.7

Page #421
XVI SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Granoff Plate 10.1

Page #422
PLATES XVII majhAnayathAvayivimA tirutAvakAsa navaMta daridarAdiznAyake aspheznamalijAti yAmahatva nabaMdhakAra kA kirAlevi A~suvodhasAdamamAdira smAdikamesonAhito'ni stanamaho'kAnadipAne / soI-20 SIRONI | jasatarAmpAdakatAbakAsIvyAre1nayAsokAUyAramAphavinimanadevAyattabampAdayatImolokanA yamakalokatAkIdAjAvetobInavarayAyo darIdarabajhAledarakarAvedevoUtIsakalakhAmAta liyAbAAghavadAsakaMdAmanikovAyasanazkAcakIsiritAdi kesIdinayabAyA 20 Plate 10.2 nAstekadAvipayAsina rAUgampa: spIkaroSisa basAyugayagati nAnA righanirukSmavAnAnAma yanisAyamahimAmuni loke 27 piuunluyraauukii| bAda agayarakAsacina mAMdighanazanavamahAni vAraviadhikavarImuNa sAra 7 tumhArAjAnanyastagatakadenA bovAketakAuyavanahAisa supItAmaviyajJAnajyotakArIva sada zrInagavejomahArAghanAvamA manasataudyotakAraha yAvaraNAnahAhotAcumhArAanAvatInama kavitAdinakIpatiyumanijhalokamanitAkIpamAyAnAthamayAMvADayA bAkoriyazakumarighunA manAsakArIzatanAdivAnAdharavAzyA varatAvinAzanisicamaRvinAzISacavadatInavikalA umasumAzyAghavadAsagrasaravikopAnadevavitAsevikAdhyAyonakamulAkahIvA 20 Plate 10.3

Page #423
XVIII SVASTI-Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah M myw Plate 10.4 divyazvarIkI mahimA madAdo nAtha svarga kA mArga mArga bolatesa pi sugati dAsadhanudhanurAjana sudhAro ghumavAvida cavetA Plate 10.5 maup dukhI anirnavartitavi parigama upA ka mukhAmIdivAsa kina para sieTA piya namadhirA nAmAgI samma 35 tine kitane jIvanasIsI 35

Page #424
PLATES XIX Plate 10.6 mamavaradaridarAdayapavara yunesTayadhi todhimeti vikleina pravitAviyenanAyaka zinAnotinAthAnoM tiredhi 21 sarAgadevadedhimA viDoSamAniyAsaruyanATi vItarAgAiniyAkabuna hidavanekadA dazAvaDAvi manokacitravAramA bAtha 22 zrAyanamanakabaraSamasakaladevasaharubamAdipulaMdarasamAnakajasakazmazamamAmAmavara yasAmaramAnandIdevayAnakai managavAyAyAyA kahavArakahanAranArasanArusudhAra pAlanapAekaghavadAsanAdIko manakodahApha mahIdaSanumeraagAjhiyAnakara Plate 10.7

Page #425
XX SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah SOR . . S Plate 10.8

Page #426
Huang Xing PLATES AN paTana dajAnana umdArIyA pratimesana sinAmereyAparakere tere upa yovena dhanuyazakaOM mRgarAjake sAdhu ke jIva tukAva 5 // Plate 10.9 [1] [sa] [sathApita naksA gizA krimi yama vivArya mRgo' nAmenika zizoparipAlanArtha Plate 10.10 dhutika someza tisAda i tyAlA deta mRgapati nanu jAya vina XXI

Page #427
XXII SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah pakAvismayAdhayadinI parasava vansezanonikA EnaryAdhunIzaH doSamA navivudhAzrayAnA nigaIsa prAtayinakaTAvakSyA si 27 rimanimayuganatare dona rathakaritabayarabarAra ganyAcyA mupani bAphazmiAI 27 HOME yahamesumAhImAthAyanazravanavAnA umasegrasAdhunisaMdayAruyAiyo jenahAregunajAmata karivacinomanIkaikaivAyAIyo tezyaviravizaridhokhISathInivasaMzuSThAvidrakesa maIyA ghavadAsajhaseaparAdhanisAradelAgaumaghAtisAyanikai supanAIyo 27 Plate 10.11 khAmavyayaM vicamatpamasaMkha mAdhavanimAvaramatamoga kai lAgIzvaviditajIgamaneka mikaM jJAnadharuyamamalezvaratisa a yatanityavinakAzagamyasampachA madA saMsthasarvavyAdhivinuvAda anAdido madesakAmakatanagisa jogalAnadI anekaekabhyAnarUpa zudhasaMtamAnahI 24 matapurogakurANavedivadikAmasarumadatIsAimakAkadahI matinAvinacitaya sadhinAyanAdigovarasagovadatI udArUIzvaradomana "gaketajogIzvaradediumdAra vanAgAnavadatahI ghanudAsakenuekeruanekaujUrapAnarUpavimalaviveyakai gahata 24 Plate 10.12

Page #428
PLATES XXIII Plate 10.13 astrANAAtAnizanasAja nayaMtitrAn nAnyAsuna vapamaMjananIpasamAsa vadhizodhatimAnisa arabhi prAcyavadijanaya limphuradaM nAle 22 bhanekavetimAnitadhanAma misamAnazyAramAta asa disAvaratatArakA kaikoTikoganedinesavevara kavadidisAune antivanadhArA lihitezanavavArasya agnisarImAtADiditosAMmutakAIyobAyanikezanajhadata tiratAsamAnakIkArucyAzyA kalakasahitayAradizakalaMkavaTIcampAnataragaranAvatAsthA budAsanavadisAmacijananadArAvIvadizAko samaAe virAIyo 22 Plate 10.14

Page #429
XXIV SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Plate 10.15 navanAvasyavidhi nAdhinasokabaMdhana Beegusaangal beegsteries ismelessbjesresbe umanAmanAsalincaTamA nidevakaramadamaMda koTimavirakSA tehAdiyA jamiramasanimi uThAda 18 e eeeeeeeRT Beatmejeets Sanelesbenegse nivetAtinakAsakAmAkarIniviTI sayAjAjImAnadiyAMmadhyanamAkAra kAmAyanaapamAdAnAdasudAmamATokapAlatarAmAzikasAmItalanAnadAnAcA 34 Plate 10.16

Page #430
PLATES XXV Plate 10.17 18jIbAlana rasAramA sAmAna sAyAtAyutinI tAsAbapAzpakatA jAmRtamcadevAH mA navanimakarava rupAH 45 utpAdapaMkajanAjolagegakesamAnatavadeSIyA zasoIyAdhisitajalAznArakA biAnananikepevAyo vidoSavithAkArIsaMmpAsavagaharIsodisA:yAImuganimAkSasatAyA-matA mamAmarukIdaraNayAvidhavadAsayadataramUlahI visapiyo 45 Plate 10.18

Page #431
XXVI SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Share Plate 10.19 ||mddiye mRga vAnalAdi saMgrAma manodavardhano spAnA mukyA naye niyeva vyasta stamirmama timIna ti 57 eka eka kI kite kavAna numeresa kalanedavi koumajinarAjana rAjanayavoranaya paMganipi nayavAridhikA saMyojyo umadIjidAjana rogalaya sokasya siMdhU gajarAjasya yuddhanikI sayamA ka dIkolAjajJa kadaidhanarAje se uma para davana kI sakalane darI kI 89 Plate 10.20

Page #432
PLATES XXVII Plate 10.21 Plate 10.22

Page #433
XXVIII SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah HEITI 3 Bruhn Plate 11.1 & fig.1

Page #434
PLATES STAMALE MENTE COULMINENT KARME VIC Plate 11.2 & fig.2 MKOQUE XXIX

Page #435
XXX SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah AAN Plate 11.3 & fig.3

Page #436
PLATES XXXI Plate 11.4 Plate 11.5 Plate 11.6 Plate 11.7

Page #437
XXXII SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Radindianrain RETRY pa ERALDENTutors mAnaka: kuDaviha sako vAyata karaNa: prANiya n||24 pavayIna leghAnatA minnatoga jApAnI nayavasa nivAzA sarvatra yA guptA rAtAyA disalA Plate 11.8

Page #438
4350 Plate 30.2 PLATES Cort Plate 30.1 Plate 30.3 XXXIII

Page #439
XXXIV SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Plate 30.4 Plate 30.5 Plate 30.6 Plate 30.7

Page #440
PLATES XXXV Helmer Plate 33.1 Plate 33.2

Page #441
XXXVI SVASTI -Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Plate 33.3 Plate 33.4

Page #442
PLATES XXXVII Plate 33.5 Plate 33.6

Page #443
XXXVIII SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Plate 33.7 Plate 33.9 Plate 33.8

Page #444
PLATES. Plate 33.10 XXXIX

Page #445
XI SVASTI - Essays in Honour of Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah Plate 33.11 Plate 33.12

Page #446
We are all delighted to present this volume of essays to Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah alias "Hampana", a star of learning and culture, a bright, lively and enthusiastic personality whose contribution to Karnatak culture and the Jain traditions are so numerous and valuable. Who would not be impressed by his list of publications and the wealth of information they bring to light? Hampana is a true persona whose manifold activity has extended to all fields. Far from being a scholar living in his ivory tower and content with his own research, he is present in a large number of institutions - too many to be mentioned here. He plays an official role in the diffusion of Indian culture as a whole. One of the main concerns of Hampana is to share his love for Indian culture, especially Kannada and Jain, with everybody who is willing to, and, indeed, many of his numerous books, in Kannada, then, more recently, in English, reach large audiences. Hampana is also a writer. One section of his publications consists of books for children. His services in this field, which was rather neglected in India until recently, have been recognized by the "National Award for Extraordinary Service for Children Literature" given to him in 1990 - one award among several that he has received in the course of his long career. No wonder, then, that scholars from India and abroad responded so enthusiastically to the call of papers for this volume. How could one be reluctant to pay a small tribute of homage and gratitude to a person like Hampana, whose knowledge, enthusiasm, generosity and hospitality are so helpful and comforting? The papers offered to the readers are devoted to a wide range of subjects, a requirement to honour a scholar whose interests have no boundary. They cover all aspects of Jain culture in matters of space, time and sects, ignoring none of the four directions and going beyond the seven oceans, forgetting neither the past nor the present, neither the Digambaras nor the Svetarbaras nor the Terapanthins. Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa, Kannada, Tamil and Hindi textual sources have been used according to the topics selected. Epigraphy and iconography, two areas where Ha pana has published so much, are of course present. Broad, perspectives on the impact and relevance of Jainism to modern times are submitted by some of the contributors as thoughts for the future.. The "trilingual formula" is valid in this volume: Kannada and Hindi are the languages of two essays, beside English which is used by the majority of contributors. SVASTI. Professor. Nalini Balbir Editor, University of Paris France K.S. Muddappa Smaraka Trust-Krishnapuradoddi #119, 3rd Cross, 8th Main, Hampinagara, Bangalore - 560 104 600/ ** *