International Journal Of Jaina Studies Vol 01 To 03 2005 To 2007

Author(s): Peter Flugel
Publisher: Hindi Granth Karyalay
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022773/1

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL
OF
JAINA STUDIES
Volume 1-3 2005-2007
Hindi Granth Karyalay

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL
OF JAINA STUDIES
Volume 1-3 2005-2007
Hindi Granth Karyalay

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International Journal
of
Jaina Studies
Edited by Peter Flügel
Volume 1-3 2005-2007
Hindi Granth Karyalay
Mumbai
2008

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Subscriptions and orders for the IJJS should be sent to the publisher:
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ISBN 978-81-88769-36-0

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF JAINA STUDIES Centre of Jaina Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
EDITOR
Peter Flügel
EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD
Mark Allon
Lawrence A. Babb
Nalini Balbir
Piotr Balcerowicz
Bansidhar B. Bhatt Willem B. Bollée
Johannes Pronkhorst
Frank van den Bossche
Christine Chojnacki
John E. Cort
Eva De Clerq
Paul Dundas
Christoph Emmrich
Anna Aurelia Esposito
Sin Fujinaga Phyllis Granoff
CORRESPONDENCE
Centre of Jaina Studies
School of Oriental and African Studies
University of London
Thornhaugh Street
Russell Square
London WC1H OXG
United Kingdom
E-mail: jainstudies@soas.ac.uk
Website: http://www.soas.ac.uk/jainastudies
Julia Hegewald Padmanabh S. Jaini
William J. Johnson
Whitney M. Kelting Kornelius Krümpelmann
James Laidlaw
Padmanabhaiah Nagarajaiah
Olle Qvarnström
Josephine Reynell
Maria Schetelich
Renate Söhnen-Thieme
Jayandra Soni
Royce Wiles
Kristi L. Wiley J. Clifford Wright
Robert Zydenbos

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IJJS (ONLINE)
The International Journal of Jaina Studies is a publication of the Centre of Jaina Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London. It is available in two different forms: online on www.soas.ac.uk/ijis and in print by Hindi Granth Karyalay in Mumbai. Articles published online should be cited: International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online), and articles published in print: International Journal of Juina Studies.
The Editor, London 1.2.2008

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CONTENTS
PETER FLÜGEL The Invention of Jainism: A Short History of Jaina Studies
WILLEM B. BOLLÉE Review of Acharya Kundkund Barasa Anuvekkha
.......
KORNELIUS KRÜMPELMANN The Sthanangasutra: An Encyclopaedic Text of the Svetāmbara Canon .....
PETER FLÜGEL Jaina Philosophy and Religion....
WILLIAM J. JOHNSON Are Jaina Ethics Really Universal?
WILLEM B. BOLLÉE Subject Index of the Inventory of the Stories in N. Balbir's Avaśyaka Studien ....... 60
WILLEM B. BOLLÉE A Note on the Päsa Tradition in the Universal History of the Digambaras and Śretâmbaras (Gunabhadra, Mahāpuräna, Utt. 73) ...
JEAN-PIERRE OSIER Blind Faith According to the Jainas: The Yama Case ....
PETER FLÜGEL A Short History of Jaina Law ....
FUJINAGA SIN Digambarü Altitudes to the Svetāmbara Canon ..
DIWAKAR ACHARYA The Original Panhavăvarana / Praśnavyäkarana Discovered
........

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CONTRIBUTORS
Dr Diwakar Acharya
Graduate School of Letters Kyoto University, Japan acharyadiwakar@hotmail.com
Prof (retired) Dr Willem B. Bollée
South Asia Institute University of Heidelberg, Germany willem.bollee@t-online.de
Dr William J. Johnson
School of Religious & Theological Studies Cardiff University, UK william.johnson7@ntlworld.com
Dr Peter Flügel
Centre of Jaina Studies Department of the Study of Religions Faculty of Arts and Humanities School of Oriental and African Studies University of London, UK pf8@soas.ac.uk
Dr Sin Fujinaga
Miyakonojo Naticnal College of Technology, Miyakonojo, Miyazaki, Japan fujinaga@miyakonojo-nct.ac.jp
Dr Kornelius Krümpelmann
Institut für Orient- und Asienwissenschaften Abteilung Indologie Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn, Germany k.kruempelmann@t-online.de
Dr Jean-Pierre Osier
4, Avenue Marcel-Doret 75016 Paris, France jean-pierre.osier@wanadoo.fr

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International Journal of Jaina Studies Vol. 1-3 (2005-2007) 1-15
THE INVENTION OF JAINISM A SHORT HISTORY OF JAINA STUDIES
Peter Flügel
It is often said that Jains are very enthusiastic about erecting temples, shrines or upāśravas but not much interested in promoting religious education, especially not the modern academic study of Jainism. Most practising Jains are more concerned with the 'correct' performance of rituals rather than with the understanding of their meaning and of the history and doctrines of the Jain tradition. Self-descriptions such as these undoubtedly reflect important facets of contemporary Jain life, though the attitudes toward higher education have somewhat changed during the last century. This trend is bound to continue due to the demands of the information based economies of the future, and because of the vast improvements in the formal educational standards of the Jains in India. In 1891. the Census of India recorded a literacy rate of only 1.4% amongst Jain women and of 53.4% amongst Jain men.' In 2001, the female literacy rate has risen to 90.6% and for the Jains altogether to 94.1%. Statistically, the Jains are now the best educated community in India, apart from the Parsis. Amongst young Jains of the global Jain diaspora University degrees are already the rule and perceived to be a key ingredient of the life-course of a successful Jain. However, the combined impact of the increasing educational sophistication and of the growing materialism amongst the Jains on traditional Jain culture is widely felt and often lamented. In particular the Jain mendicants, whose daily sermons dominated traditional Jain religious education for centuries, and the few remaining Jain Pandits face an uphill struggle to adapt to the rapidly changing social and cultural environment, and sometimes choose to combine monastic and academic training to keep up with the rising expectations of their followers.
* International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) Vol. 1, No. 1 (2005) 1-16
Baines 1893: 216.
www.censusindia.net

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The dramatic changes within the Jain community were prompted by successive religious and social reform movements in the 19th and 20th centuries which were instigated both by individual Jain laymen and laywomen, often by lawyers who were the first Jains with modern University education, and by individual Jain mendicants. The reformers faced strong resistance, in particular in the field of religious education which is vital for the transmission of the tradition. The publication of Jain scriptures, for instance, which was pioneered by European Indologists from 1808 onwards, was obstructed, sometimes violently, by 'orthodox' Jains who objected to the cruelty of the printing press to micro-organisms, and to the open accessibility of the sacred scriptures. Before the appearance of the first printed editions of the Svetambara canon by Ray Dhanpalisinha Bahadur in 1874-1900 (in the Prakrit original) and by Acarya Amolakarsi in 1916-1919 (with Hindi translation) primary access to the sacred texts was unattainable for Jain śrāvakas and śrävikäs, and certain sections of the Agamas were (and sometimes still are) off limits even for nuns and junior monks. This explains, in part, why rituals and public celebrations were for millennia the only form of religiosity open to the Jain laity. Studying the original scriptures was not an option, except for the few who had access to the bhandaras and who knew the languages of the ancient texts; an expertise which was almost entirely lost during the first half of the 19th century, even amongst Jain monks, who had to be re-educated by Brahmin Pandits around the turn of the 20th century. Instead, the handwritten manuscripts became objects of ritual veneration, notwithstanding the fact that in some late canonical scriptures the process of writing itself is rejected due to its cruelty to single-sensed organisms, or ekendriyas.
Because no textual evidence was presented by the Jains in public, Jainism/Jinism was not recognised as an independent 'religion" until 1879 when
The first Jain text was published by Rama 1808 "auf den Befehl des Herrn Colebrooke" [on the order of Mr Colebrooke] (Böhtlingk, in Bochtlingk & Rieu 1847: ix).
C. R. Jain 1926: 8.
* One of the earliest occurrences of the anglicized word Jinism (Jainism) can be found in Neumann 1831: xxvi-xxviii. With the exception of Islam and Manichaeism which are mentioned already in the European literature of the 16th and 17th centuries, W. C. Smith 1982: 61 located the prime sources for all other - isms in the early 19th century. On the word Jainism, which is 'etymologically not correct', see Schubring 2000: 3.
n. 4.
2

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Hermann Jacobi in the introduction of his edition of the Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabahu furnished for the first time textual proof that the ancient Hindu and Buddhist scriptures already depicted ine nigganthas as a separate 'heretical' (tirthya) group. With this, Jaina Studies was established as an independent field of academic research. Before Jacobi, the Jains were regarded either as 'Buddhists' or as a 'Hindu sect'. After Jacobi's publication, Jainism became gradually recognized as a universal or 'world religion'.' The political value of the academic study of Jainism, and of Jacobi's findings in particular, was instantly realised by the educated Jain elite, who for some time demanded the public recognition of 'Jainism' and the 'Jainas' from the colonial government and in the courts."
Like the use of the word 'Hindu', the use of the Sanskrit word 'Jaina' as a selfdesignation (not in the older sense of 'pertaining to the Jinas")" seems to be a recent development. It was predicated on earlier uses of the vemacular term 'Jain'" which was popularised by Jain leaders in the 19th century, particularly in the Panjab, most likely for the purpose of nominally presenting a united front of the different Jain sectarian traditions vis à vis the Arya Samaj and other competitors, or within mixed Jain-Hindu castes.
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"For the history of 'religion' see W. C. Smith 1961/1982, J. Z. Smith 1998 and for 'Hinduism' Sweetman 2003.
"Jainism is universal; it is. according to its own theory, a world-religion that tries to include all human beings. Not only human beings, but also animals ..." (Glasenapp 1925/ 1998: 314/349). The term 'world religion' or 'ethical religion' in contrast to 'primitive religion' was introduced in 1876 by C. P. Tiele in his work Outline of the History of Religion to the Spread of Universal Religion, which classified Jainism as a sect of Brahmanism which in turn was categorised as a 'national nomistic' ethical religion rather than as a 'universalistic' ethical religion, a term which was reserved for Buddhism, Christianity and Islam (J. Z. Smith 1989: 2781.).
The earliest case Maharaja Govind Nath Roy v. Gulab Chand 1833 5 Sel. Rep. 8 D. A. Cal. 276 is published in Sunderland 1843: 276-281.
Skt. Jaina' means either 'pertaining to the Jina' or designates the 'follower of a Jina'.
'See Böhtlingk & Roth 1861: 132. Jaini 1979: 2, n. 3 argues that the use of the Sanskrit word Jaina in this sense started already in the 9th century, though the cited expression jainasasanam of an inscription mentioned in Upadhye 1939: 111f. refers only to Jaina doctrine.
41
Jacobi 1879: 5 already hinted at the social implications of the introduction of the term Jainas: "It should be noticed that the older word Arhata and the more modern one Jaina apply as well to the lay community as to the monks". Jain monks and nuns were originally called niggantha or nigandha (Skt. nirgrantha), i.e. the knot-less or unattached ones, both in the scriptures of the Jains and the Buddhists and in the Aśoka
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When exactly the vernacular word 'Jain' was introduced as a self-designation is still an open question. It may be that its history as an internalised observer-category echoes the history of conceptual reification of the other contemporary 'religions' which, as Wilfred Cantwell Smith (1982: 44, 72ff.) has demonstrated, emerged in circumstances of cultural contact and conflict, particularly in the age of the European reformation and Colonial expansion during the 16h-18th centuries. The earliest known use of the word 'Jainas' in European literature goes back to Portuguese and German traveller and missionary accounts of the late 17 and early 18th centuries respectively. The word Zainas, designating 'a baniyā sect', is used in the anonymous Portuguese work Breve Relação das escrituras dos Gentios da India Oriental e dos suos costumes, which Zachariae (1933: 181) placed in the second half of the 17ih century, and the word Tschainer can be found in the translation of Letter 3 of the Malabarische Correspondentz of Tamil Brahmin informants to the 18th century German Protestant missionaries Johann Ernst Gründler and Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg (1714/1998: 94),15 who in Letter 41, apparently for the first time, described the South Indian "Schāmmaner" as "eine a parte Religion" (a separate
inscriptions. In thc Jain canon, Mahavira's leaching is also called niggantha pāvayana (Viy 134b, 792b) (Schubring 2000: 6). The 'laity' were incorporated into the religious community not earlier than the late canonical period, where for the first time the word cāuvvann'āinna samana-sangha, i.e. the fourfold community, is in evidence (Viy 792b).
1. "The sense of the Jains as a unified community ... first emerged in the nineteenth century" (Brekke 2002:
121).
13 J. E. Cort 1995: 5, 2002a: 65 studied the attributes of 'Jainism' and 'Jain' as variables, but not the terms themselves: 'most scholars have identified Jainism as a reified body of doctrine that is essentially unchanging over time, whereas I view Jainism as the sum total of the practices and beliefs of all people who call themselves Jains throughout the centuries'. The categories 'Jainism' and 'Jain' were, however, not used before the modern period, nor were the identity claims associated with them. See already M. Weber 1922/1978: 207.
H Williams 1977: 264 apparently assumed that the Portuguese report gives an account of a self-designation since he noted: "Though there is no quite conclusive evidence that this treatise applies to the Digambaras the employment of the word Jaina points in that direction, for it was not normally used by the Svetāmharas until a more recent date."
15 Hallische Berichte I 1714: 373, also cited by Zachariae 1933: 181. At the beginning, Letter 3 of Gründler and Ziegenbalg's 1714/1998: 90 Malabarische Correspondentz talks not of Jainas but of Tschainermadām jainu-matam), i.c.not of a group but of a doctrine.

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religion), though Letter 3 classified them as a sub-division of the 'Hindoos'. With Colebrooke's (1807) influential article on the 'Hindu sect' of 'the Jains' the use of the word Jains in the plural became widespread both as an euc and an emic category.
Officially, the category 'Jain' was used for the first time in the Census of India of 1881." The Census still remains the only government institution which classifies the Jains as a separate religious group. Despite the legal recognition of the doctrinal differences between 'Hinduism' and 'Jainism' in the landmark judgement Gateppa v. Eramma AIR 1927 Madras 228, 'Jaina law' remains incorporated within 'Hindu law', and for all practical purposes Jains are treated as 'Hindus' by the Indian (UK and US) Government, and were not even granted religious 'minority' status after the introduction of the National Commission of Minorities Act of 1992. The artificial political issue whether Jains are Hindus or not is largely based on (deliberately) ambiguous legal definitions.25
To raise the communal self-awareness amongst Jains, British educated Jain reformers campaigned from the mid 19th century onwards for the public self-identification of the Jains as 'Jains', particularly at the time of the Census when many Jains, for one
16 These passages in Letter 41 of the Hallische Berichte VII 1714: 484 have not been included in Liebau's edition of Gruudler and Ziegenbalg 1998 but are cited by Swectman 2003: 120, n. 713; 123, n. 83, who identifies the Schămmaner or camanar (? śramana) as Jains.
Earlier court cases such as Maharaja Govind Nath Roy v. Gulab Chund 1833 treated 'the Jains' as 'Heterodox Hindus'. See Sunderland 1843: 280.
1* Baines 1893: 186f.
19 The Privy Council decision on the leading case Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal 1873 10 Bombay HC 241 is still accepted.
21 'If a Hindu be defined as one born in India, or at the best one born in India and who was not a Mahomedan or Christian by birth then certainly every Jaina is a Hindu. - Some say Hindu is one from whom injury (Him-su) is removed (Du-r). If this is so, only Jainas are the first and best Hindus; whereas meat eating, hunting Hindus will not be Hindus at all. Others say, - a Hindu is one who owes allegiance to the Vedas or the Brahman. There again Jainas are not Hindus. Really it is an idle and futile problem. It all depends on what you mean by a Hindu. Let the Hindus agree upon one universal definition of a Hindu, and then it would be easy to answer the question whether a Jaina is a Hindu' (Jaini 1921: 7f.).

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reason or another, still identify themselves as 'Hindu'. The incentive of gaining separate representations and other privileges that were granted by the colonial and post-colonial governments to recognised religious communities promised new avenues for the advancement of the political and economical interests of the educad Jain elites and for the preservation of the Jain religion. For the ambitious reformers it was thus disturbing that, in the early 19th century, the Jain community was (like much of India) in a dismal state. The mendicant communities were defunct, with few mendicants, dominated by often uneducated yatis who maintained strong sectarian and caste orientations and rarely followed the canonical rules of conduct, with the temples, upāśravas and mathas in a state of decay, the bhandāras unkempt and the sacred manuscripts crumbling. The only hope for change seemed to be religious and social reform, a cornerstone of which was the revival of monastic education and the propagation of religious learning and secular education side by side for both men and for women who are the torchbearers of religion in traditional Jain families.
At the time, the academic study of the Jain tradition was perceived as a threat to customary religious practice by most community leaders. Although study (svādlıvaya) was in the later parts of the Svetāmbara canon already presented as an important form of karma-destroying asceticism (tapasya), the processes of acquisition and the benefits of knowledge were strictly circumscribed. While knowledge (jñāna) of the fundamental religious dogma, the tattvas for instance, is considered to be essential for any progress on the path of salvation, even for a reasonably good rebirth, more important than learning some thing was the karma-destroying discipline of the act of studying itself, which was often predicated on the simultaneous performance of certain fasts and other ritual preconditions. The acquisition of objective knowledge or Bildung is not perceived as a worthwhile end in itself in classical Jainism, but only as an ascetic means for lifting the veil of karma from the soul whose innate quality is absolute knowledge. Spiritual or selfknowledge can not only be reached by studying but also through fasts and meditation, which, in the form of sukla dhyāna, is considered to be the ultimate form of religious practice.
At the same time, the national Conferences of the 'Digambaras', 'Svetāmbaras', and 'Sthānakavāsīs', which were founded around the turn of the century, agitated for sectarian unity within their equally divided 'subcategories'. For the invention of the term 'Sthanakavāsi' scc Flügel forthcoming.

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Jain reformers regarded the prevalent 'ritualistic' attitude towards the scriptures and to the acquisition of knowledge in general as a major impediment for the progress of the Jain community, if not as one of the main casons for its visible decay during the early modern period. In their view, the Jains should embrace secular (English medium) education rather than rejecting it. In 1926, the reformer Hem Chandra Rai noted in the Jaina Gazette that a "dark gloom of ignorance is stunting the growth of our community to a fearful extent all around. ... As matters stand the large majority of Jains are content with rudimentary teaching of vernacular Pathsalas and schools, dotted all over the country. Higher education is distinctly unpopular. According to the mentality of the average Jain, college education is either unnecessary or positively harmful."... Some of our mentors try to frighten us into the belief that the spread of [secular Western] education would lead to the decay of religion." " Rai argued instead that "College education should not at all imply the elimination of religion from the life of the youth, as some people imagine. On the contrary, religious training would be a profitable adjunct of college careers".
The desire for the 'upliftment' of the Jain community through modern education was reflected in the agenda of the All India Jain Association in 1926 which advocated setting up endowments for scholarships, boarding houses, asramas, libraries for the collection and preservation of manuscripts, the publication of the Jaina scriptures with translations, a central Jaina museum, an archaeological institute, and funds to help poor Jain widows. This program was not new but merely restated the principal aims of the western educated Jain elite which were gradually implemented from the late 19" century onwards. The first modern Jain educational institutions were public libraries, where the new printed community journals and books can be read, boarding schools or vidyalayas (the first in Bombay 1900), student hostels or chatralayas, and schools or gurukulas. which are generally also open to non-Jain children (Karanja 1918). Later, Jain research.
Hem Chandra Rai 1926: 44.
Hem Chandra Rai 1926: 46. This attitude was widespread in India at the time: 'English Education was criticized on moral grounds because it lacked religious instruction or actively upheld Christianity, a criticism reworked in countless articles, stories, and pamphlets on the evil effects of western education. English education was also deemed too expensive for India ... (Orsini 2002: 94). Contemporary reverberations of such views are discussed in the volume edited by Cabezón and Davancy 2004.
24 J.L. Jaini 1925: 3331.
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institutes or sodha samsthanas (Arrah 1925), private colleges or vidyā pihas (Varanasi 1937), and private institutes for the publication of the scriptures such as the Prakrit Text Society and the L. D. Institute (Ahmedabad 1952) were founded. Initially, most of these institutions were not open to the public but served exclusively the interests of the members of the Jain community or particular sections thereof. But the intention to spread the knowledge of the Jain doctrines throughout the secular educational system in India and beyond was in evidence early on. The Jaina Gazette reported in 1926 that M. J. Mehta, M. J. Jhaveri and A. H. Shah had approached the Hindu University in Benares (BHU) with the offer to finance a chair in Jain logic and philosophy in the University, under the condition that the General Secretaries of the Jain Swetambar Conference should be consulted in prescribing the course”. 26 The offer was declined. Only when the Indian Government itself made resources available with no strings attached were degrees in Prakrit and Jainology institutionalised at recognised Universities. Degree courses were established at the Universities of Vaishali 1955, Mysore 1971, Varanasi 1972 (P. V. Institute with BHU), Udaipur 1978, Madras 1982, and in 1991 at the Jain Vishva Bharati Institute in Ladnun, which remains the only 'deemed to be' Jain University to date. Degree courses in Jain Religion and Society are offered for the first time in Kolhapur from 2005 onwards.
Sadly, the impressive expansion of the institutional provisions for the study of Prakrit and Jainology masks a continuing decline of Jaina Studies in India after the renaissance of Jain scholarship in the 19th and early 20th centuries. For economic reasons, nowadays few Jains choose an academic career in Jainology or to become Pandits. As a consequence, University courses are empty, research is declining, and most of the remaining experts are Hindus (which is not bad at all but symptomatic). The only area of unabated excitement seems to be the craze for degrees as status symbols to be worn in tandem with Jainness itself. Similar tendencies can be observed elsewhere.
While India witnessed the progressive widening of access to Jain knowledge, culminating in the establishment of recognised University degree courses, Jaina Studies
25 Most research in Jain Studies in the 20th century was conducted at institutions such as the P. V. Institute, and the L. D. Institute of Indology which collaborates in some ways with the Gujarat University in Ahmedabad. Its creation and the publication of the Jaina Agama Series was inspired by Muni Punyavijaya (1895-1971).
26 Jaini 1926: 135.

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in Europe and North America experienced, for a while, a reverse process. Research on Hemacandra's work and the Svetämbara scriptures flourished in small academic circles, particularly in Germany, from 1865 onwards." Jain education started in the U.K. and the U.S.A. due to the presence of three prominent Jain lawyers who studied, at different times, in London at the Bar, and for various reasons returned frequently from India to Britain and visited Europe and the U.S.A.: C. R. Jain (1867-1942) 1892-7, 1925-6, 19303. V. R. Gandhi (1865-1901) 1894-5, 1896-1901, and J. L. Jaini (1881-1927) 1906-9 and 1913. As ardent Jains, the three lawyers were interested in spreading the knowledge of Jainism in the West and co-founded Jain study circles and learned societies for interested. Europeans such as F. W. Thomas, the Professor of Sanskrit at Oxford, or Herbert Warren. In 1909, J. L. Jaini created the Jain Literature Society in London together with F. W. Thomas and H. Warren, and in 1913 the Mahavira Brotherhood or Universal Fraternity with H. Warren, J. H. Dunn, A. & E. Gordon, D. Sainter, R. Wightman, and others. In 19.30, the Rishabh Jain Lending Library was established by C. R. Jain and others in North London, where it was maintained at different places until 1946. The World Jaina Mission. finally, was founded in 1949, also in London, by M. McKay, W. H. Talbot, F. Mansell, and Mrs. K. P. Jain.28 The character of these societies, whose Mahāvīra Jayanti meetings attracted between 30-100 participants, resembled the Theosophical Societies and it would not be out place to call their members Jain Theosophists'. They were educated. professionals, vegetarians, and greatly influenced by the international peace movement during the period of the great wars, but less so by the interfaith movements such as the World's Parliament of Religions, since most members were disillusioned both with organised religion which they sought to transcend by finding a more fundamental spiritual dimension and with the materialism which came to dominate the world.
Due to the lack of interest amongst the Jains in India, the project of a World Jain Mission, which was also promoted by The Voice of Ahinsa (Delhi 1949), was abandoned. after the death of Herbert Warren (1866-1954), and apart from isolated research work of renowned scholars such as A. L. Basham, J. D. M. Derrett, P. S. Jaini, and R. Williams at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) at the University of London, few Jain related educational activities can be noted in Britain or elsewhere outside India before the
27See Schubring 1935/ 2000: 3, Alsdorf 1965.
Anonymous 1926, Gordon 1931, Anonymous 1949, Anonymous 1958.
28
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arrival of the East African Jain Diaspora from 1967 onwards. Understandably, the new migrants were more narrowly focused on the educational needs of their own communities, than the short-term Jain visitors two generations earlier. They established institutions for community education such as the now defunct Jain Pathsälä in Leicester 1973-1977, Candana Vidyapith in London 1998, and Jain Visva Bharati London 2003, and organised Sivirs and other educational events. In addition. Jain community organisations such as the Institute of Jainology, the Jain Academy, and Jain Spirit, which seek to transcend the sect and caste-based loyalties of the majority of the British Jains, promoted an Adult Education course on Jainism at the Faculty of Continuing Education at Birkbeck College in London from 1997, and University degree courses on Jainism at De Montford University in Leicester 1994-1997, and at SOAS from 1999 onwards. Though the interest in the academic study of Jainism continues to remain low amongst 'born' Jains, even if combined with a professional degree, the enthusiasm for Jaina Studies is increasing amongst the wider public and amongst professional academics and teachers. In Britain and in Europe and North America as a whole, the growing interest in Jainism and in the Jain way of life is reflected in the increasing number of publications on the Jain tradition, in public exhibitions such as Peaceful Liberators in the U.S.A. and at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London in 1996 and Steps to Liberation at the Etnographisch Museum of Antwerpen in 2000, and in the new Centre for Jaina Studies. the first of its kind, which was founded by SOAS in March 2004 to host regular international Jaina Studies Conferences and Annual Jaina Lectures, and to promote teaching and research of the Jain tradition at the University of London.
The term 'Jain Studies' is not without its critics who point to its uneasy closeness to Jain studies' and to its artificially narrow thematic focus. Academic research on the Jain tradition was pioneered in the Departments of Indology which were newly introduced into European Universities during the first half of the 19th Century (only to be slowly abolished again in the first half of the 21" century)." The pioneers of Jaina Studies were predominately professional philologists who studied not a religious group or a set of
29 See Pal 1995.
30 See Alphen 2000.
See Bollée 2005: 23.
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16482144 religious practices but South Asian and Indo-European languages and literature in general: in this case the Ardhamāgadhi and other Prakrits which distinguish the Jain scriptures from the Brahmin and Buddhist scriptures. In recent years, the focus of academic research has shifted from the earlier philological, archaeological and art historical endeavours to the study of Jainism as a living religious and philosophical tradition. The study of the (post-canonical) Jain philosophy has been pioneered in India and in Japan, while studies of the anthropology and history of the Jains has been advanced in France, the U.K., and the U.S.A. from 1985 onwards. Most of the few sociological studies following the work of Sangave (1959/1980) have been written in India. Outside India, Jainism is taught at University level, to varying degrees, at Departments of the Study of Religions which alone provide a thematic focus on one or other religious tradition. In contrast to Indology, Archaeology, or Anthropology, Religious Studies is a field of study, like Diaspora Studies, Migration Studies and other related fields, but not an academic discipline.34 It can therefore encompass diverse approaches and methodologies, and interact more closely with religious communities without jeopardizing academic independence and objectivity. 35
This short overview shows that the institutional history of Jaina Studies can not be understood in isolation from the political, social and cultural contexts which prompted the invention of Jainism as an independent 'religion' and of the 'Jainas' as an 'imagined community in the 19ih century and the institutionalization of 'Jaina Studies' in the late 20th and early 21" centuries.36 It may well be that we are presently witnessing the uncoupling of the doctrines of Jainism from the traditional institutional bedrock of the Jain communities and the establishment of a universal religion of non-violence (ahinsa) embodied in a set of texts which, after their release from the vaults of the bhandāras and the monopoly of interpretation of the äcāryas, gained a life on their own in the form of
12 On Frauwallner's 1953/1997 influence on his work see Dixit 1971: 5.
From a few minutes to several one year-long courses.
3+ Pace J. Z. Smith 1998: 281.
** For a critique of the 'ideology of religious studies' see for instance Fitzgerald 2000.
Carrithers and Humphrey 1991 import this term without mentioning the issue of Jain communalism, which Sangave 1980 discusses at length.

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printed or electronic texts which are freely available to anyone anywhere. 'Jainism' as a disembodied text-based set of idea-ologies or dogmas from which one can pick and chose can be individually interpreted and applied in manifold ways without fear of social or supernatural sanctions. The consequences of the ongoing transformation of Jain lay religiosity from ritual to reflection for the future of the Jain tradition have to be seen.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alphen, Jan Van (ed.). Steps to Liberation: 2,500 Years of Jaina Art and Religion.
Antwerp: Etnographisch Museum Antwerpen, 2000. Alsdorf, Ludwig. Les études Jaina: état présent et tâches futures. Paris: Collège de
France, 1965. Amolakarsi, Acārya (ed. & tr.). Jaina Sūtra Battisi. Rājā Bahādur Lāla Sukhadevsahāya
Jvālāprasāda Jaumharī. 2nd Edition. Hyderabad: L.S. Sahaya, (1915-1919) 1920. Anonymous. "Our London Letter." Jaina Gazette 22,5 (1926) 158-161. Anonymous. "Jainism in London", Jaina Gazette 56, 9 (1949) 86f. Anonymous. "Jainism in England." Voice of Ahinsa 8, 12 (1958) 489-494. Bāhādur, Rāy Dhanpatisinha (ed.). Rāya Dhanpatisinha Bāhūdura Jainīgamasangralia.
Different Places of Publication, 1874-1900. Baines, Jervoise Athelstane. Census of India 1891. General Report. London: Eyre &
Spottiswoode, 1893. Bochtlingk, Otto & Charles Rieu. Hemacandra's Abhidhânak'intâmani. Ein Systematisch
Angeordnetes Synonymisches Lexicon. Herausgegeben, übersetzt und mit Anmerkungen begleitet. St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften,
1847. Böhtlingk, Otto & Rudolph Roth. Sanskrit Wörterbuch. Dritter Theil. St. Petersburg:
Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1861.
* CH. C. R. Jain's 1926: 16 term 'idealatory'
38 For supernatural sanctions see for instance Mahānisība 3.1.
14 See Luhmann 1982 on this issue. The term reflection should not suggest an increase in thoughtfulness, since the availability of the scriptures invites responses across the spectrum.

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Bollée, Willem. "Jain Studies in Germany." German News (Monthly Magazine of the
German Embassy, New Delhi) 46 (2005) 22-23. Brekke, Torkel. Makers of Modern Indian Religion in the Late Nineteenth Century.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Cabezón, Jos, Ignacio & Sheila Greeve Davaney (eds.). Identity and the Politics of
Scholarship in the Study of Religion. Oxford: Routledge, 2004. Carrithers, Michael & Caroline Humphrey. "Jains as a Community: A Position Paper."
The Assembly of Listeners: Jains in Society. Ed. M. Carrithers & C. Humphrey,
5-12. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. Colebrooke, Henry Thomas. "Observations on the Sect of Jains." Asiatic Researches 9
(1807) 287-322. Cort, John E. Defining Jainism: Reform in the Jain Tradition. The 1994 Roop Lal Jain
Lecture. University of Toronto: Centre for South Asian Studies, 1995. Cort, John E. "Bhakti in the Early Jain Tradition: Understanding Devotional Religion in
South Asia." History of Religions 42 (2002) 59-86. Dixit, Krsna Kumār. Jaina Ontology. Ahmedabad: L. D. Institute of Indology, 1971. Fitzgerald, Timothy. The Ideology of Religious Studies. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2000. Flügel, Peter. "The Unknown Lonkā: Tradition and the Cultural Unconscious." Panets of
the 12 World Jain Conference: Jainism. Ed. Colette Caillat & Nalini Balbir, 181
279. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 2008. Frauwallner, Erich. History of Indian Philosophy. Vol. I-II. Translated from the original
German by V. M. Bedekar. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, (1953) 1997. Glasenapp, Helmuth von. Der Jainismus: Eine indische Erlösungsreligion. Berlin: Alf
Häger Verlag, 1925 (Translated into English by Shridhar B. Shroti as Jainism. An
Indian Religion of Salvation. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1998). Gordon, A. "Rishabh Jain Lending Library London." Jaina Gazette 27, 1 (1931) 20-22. Gründler, Ernst & Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg. Die Malabarische Correspondenz:
Tamilische Briefe an deutsche Missionare. Eine Auswahl. Eingeleitet und erläutert
von Kurt Liebau. Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbeck Verlag, (1714) 1998. Jacobi, Hermann. "Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu." Abhandlungen für die Kunde des
Morgenlandes 7,1 (1879).

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Jain, Champat Ray. The Jaina Law. Madras: C.S. Mallinath (Editor: The Jaina Gazette),
1926.
Jaini, Jugmandar Lāl. The Jainas of India and Dr. H. S. Gour's 'Hindu Code'. Delhi: The
Jaina Mitra Mandal, 1921. Jaini, Jugmandar Lāl. "The Jaina Community and the All-India Jaina Association." Jaina
Gazette 21, 11 (1925) 329-335. Jaini, Jugmandar Lāl. "Jain Chair in the Benares Hindu University." Jaina Gazette 22,4
(1926) 135. Jaini, Padmanabh S. The Jaina Path of Purification. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1979. Luhmann, Niklas. Funktion der Religion. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, (1977) 1982. Mahānisīha = Jozef Deleu & Walther Schubring. Studien zum Mahānisiha. Kapitel 1-5.
Herausgegeben und übersetzt. Alt- und Neu- Indische Studien 10. Hamburg: De
Gruyter, 1963. Neumann. Charles F. Catechism of the Shamans. London: Oriental Text Fund, 1831. Orsini, Francesca. The Hindi Public Sphere 1920-1940: Language and Literature in the
Age of Nationalism. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pal, Pratapaditya (ed.). The Peaceful Liberators: Jain Art from India. Los Angeles
County Museaum of Art, 1995. Rai, Hem Chandra. "Higher Education." Jaina Gazette 23 (1927) 43-47. Räma, Bābū (ed.). Abhidhânacintamani. Calcutia, 1809. Sangave, Vilas A. Jaina Community. 2nd Revised Edition. Bombay: Popular Prakashan,
(1959) 1980. Schubring, Walther. Die Lehre der Jainas. Nach den alten Quellen dargestellt. Berlin:
Walter De Gruyter & Co., 1935 (Translated into English by Wolfgang Beurlen as The Doctrine of the Jainas. Described after the Old Sources. 2nd Edition. Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidas, 2000). Smith, Jonathan Z. "Religion, Religions, Religious." Critical Terms for Religious Studies.
Ed. Mark C. Taylor, 269-284. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1998. Smith, Wilfred Cantwell. The Meaning and End of Religion. Minneapolis: Fortress Press,
(1961) 1991

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Sunderland, J. C. C. (ed.). Reports of Cases Determined in the Court of Sudder Dewanny
Adawlut with Tables of Names of the Cases and Principal Matters. Vol. V. Select Cases from 1832 to 1834 Inclusive. Calcutta: G. H. Huttmann, Bengal Military
Orphan Press, 1843. Sweetman, Will. Mapping Hinduism: 'Hinduism' and the Study of Indian religions 1600
1776. Neue Hallesche Berichte Band 4. Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen
zu Halle, 2003. Upadhye, Adinath Neminath. "On the Authorship of a Mangala-Verse in Inscriptions."
New Indian Antiquary 2, 2 (1939) 111-112. Viy = Vivāhapannatti (Bhagavai). The Fifth Anga of the Jaina Canon. Introduction,
Critical Analysis, Commentary & Indexes by Jozef Deleu. Brugge: Rijksuniversiteit
de Gent, 1970. Weber, Max. Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religionssoziologie. Bd. II. 6. Auflage. Tübingen:
J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), (1921) 1978. Williams, Robert. "Accounts of the Jainas taken from the Sixteenth and Seventeenth
Century Authors." Mahāvīra and his Teachings. Ed. A.N. Upadhye et. al., 259-266.
Bombay: Bhagavā ? Mahāvīra 2500th Nirvāna Mahotsava Samiti, 1977. Zachariae, Theodor. "Berichte über die Jains bei Autoren des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts."
Festschrift Moriz Winternitc 1863 - 23. Dezember 1933. Hg. O. Stein & W. Gampert, 174-184. Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1933.
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International Journal of Jaina Studies Vol. 1-3 (2005-2007) 16-18
REVIEW OF ACHARYA KUNDKUND: BARASA ANUVEKKHA
Willem B. Bollée
M. K. Dharma Rāja (ed.) Acharya Kundkund, Barasa Anuvekkha (Twelve Contemplations). [Kundkund Bharati. Publication No. xi]. 2nd ed. Delhi: Kund Kund Bharati. 2003. xii + 96p. Gratis.
In April 2004 many scholars of Prākrit were pleased to find a welcome present from the Digambara ācārya Śrī Vidyânand Ji Munirāj in their mailbox as reprints of Sauraseni texts are very rare nowadays and it is not easy to hear of their publication, let alone to obtain them. The present is therefore gratefully accepted and the following remarks are offered to the editor to be perhaps taken into account for a 3rd impression.
First, the reviewer would like to thank Dr Paul Dundas for a xerox of the Kundakunda-bharati. Phaltan. 1970 edition, pp. 309-24 by Pt Pannālāl (text with Hindi translation, abbreviated below as B); further, Mr Manish Modi for a xerox of the text in the Satprabhriadi-samgraha, pp. 427-42, edited by Pt Pannalal Soni and published in Bombay, 1920 by the Manikacandra Digambara Jaina Granthamālā as No 17 (A); and last but not least Dr Peter Flügel for a xerox of Braamachari Shital Prasad's English translation (with text and Sanskrit rendering), entitled Twelve Meditations by Sri Kundakunda Acharya, and published in Madras in 1931 (D). Paris lacks the book, but there is a copy in the British Library. In the preface to the latter, p. viii, C. S. Mallinath says that 'the text and translation are based upon the Marathi edition of the book published by Sait Sakharam Nemchand Doshi of Sholapur,' place and year of publication of which are not mentioned. Thus reviewer could not check this. The Sauraseni text and the Sanskrit version of A and B are most times identical (exception, e.g., stanza [st.). 5). It was not possible to obtain for comparison the text in Kannada edited by T. Raghuchandra Shetty, mentioned in C (Preface, p. ix) because again particulars fail. It is to be hoped that Dharma Raja can supply such defects in a future edition. - The one under review here is marked by C and its free rendering on the whole hits the sense, as does Prasad's.
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St. 5: even Dr Sangave who undertook the painstaking effort of overseeing the manuscript" (Preface, p. ix) apparently oversaw a corruption shown by the metre: jala-bubbuda-Sakka-dhanū-khana-ruci-ghana-soha-m-iva thiram na have. Even the status of celestials, it is said, is not everlasting: "these are similar to the water-bubble, the flash of the lightning and the splendour of the rainbow." The translation in D runs: "water-bubble, rainbow, lightning and magnificence of clouds." The beginning of the bpāda is corrupt and the translations pass over the difficulty which ought to have been discussed in a note. Khana is sanskritized as kşaņa. - Restoring the metre reviewer proposes to read -ruci-ghana-rava-soha- and to render: "water-bubble, splendour of the rainbow and thunder-and-lightning.' The aksaras: kha and rava are very similar, of course. D reads: vivihehim, sanskritized as vividhaih.
St. 7 derâsura-manu(v)a-rāya-vihavehim I vadiritto so appā must mean the soul is different from the splendour of gods, demons and human kings', not: "humans and the kings”. The translation in D runs as: “.... it should always be contemplated that the soul is distinct from the riches of the lords of devas, asuras and human kings and that it is everlasting." - Cf. vs 3.
St. 8 contains a misprint; read: marana-samayamhi with ABD.
St. 10, where ABD wrongly read pecchanto, has a corrupt word kaddie before kāle, sanskritized in AD as kardite, which makes no sense. One could think of kandiva - Sa. krandita 'lamented, deplorable': 'when the lamented death looks at him.'
St. 11d bandhôdaya-satta-kamma-vadiritto is probably -sakta-karma-ivatirikto in Sanskrit instead of -sattva-ko in ABD and perhaps also in C. I would translate the päda as: (the soul) 'when it is without karma bound by the emergence of bonds / by cmergent bonds.'
St. 12ab must read: aruhā siddhâyariyā uvajhāvā sāhu panca paramêtthi. ABC read siddhäirivă, C reads: uvajjhāyā, D reads: siddhā äiriyā.
St. 16c probably read: deva-manuvesu jīvo in order to restore the metre. St. 20 is a sloka and therefore must be a quotation.
t. 24 instead of "Entanglement in .... cycles of existence replete with birth, senility, death, disease and fear is the lot of the soul" perhaps ..... replete with fear of birth ....' (Samsāre jādi-jară-marana-roga-bhava-paure) is meant.
St. 28 for uparittaņā read with B uvarillavä. AD have uvarillavă corrected to uvarillagā.
St. 32c for kuddiya-dhamma-kulingam ABD read: kudhamma-kulinga-kutittham which does not fit the metre and seems to be an explanation of kuddiya.

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St. 346 ABD read: ca aha-nisam. St. 37d read with ABD: niccaya-naya-kamma-nimmukko for niccaya-nayena ko.
St. 38b and d: AB read vicintejjo, D: -ijjo corresponding to jīvo which seems better than vicintejja of C sanskritised in A as vicintanīyam.
St. 41d AB read: ņāma udu-ādi tesatthi, D reads: -tesattī for the unmetrical nāma uddha-ādi to of C, and see W. Kirfel, Kosmographie der Inder. Bonn / Leipzig, 1920: 3 ch. 3D (p. 292f.).
St. 43d read with ABD: cokkham
St. 45b ABD correctly add, but C omits: -kimi- between pūya and bahulam; B wrongly reads putta for mutta. If majja is deleted, the āryā is perfect (thus Professor A. Mette, p.c.): Rasa-ruhira-mamsa-med'-atthi-[majja]-samkulam mutta-pūya-kimi-bahulam!
St. 47b read with ABD: honti. St. 49b ABD read vi ya for idi. St. 52b read: hassa against ABCD hassa. St. 6ld read with AB: tti; D: ti. St. 62d palagehim metri causā for ABD pallagehim. St. 69d read: desa-virad' ede with ABD against C: desa-virade ya.
St. 70 for ABCD uttama-khama-maddav'-ajjava-sacca-sauccam ca samjamam c'eva read perhaps, in order to restore the metre: -maddava-sacc'-ajjava-soccam ca .....
St. 72d delete with ABD: vi at the end. St. 800 ABD read: sukkadi ... dharadi St. 816 ABD read: hu for C: du. St. 87a read: bārasa-aņuvekkhāo with ABD. St. 88c read with ABD: pakuvvadi for C: prakuvvadi. St. 89b read with ABD: anuvekkham.
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International Journal of Jaina Studies Vol. 1-3 (2005-2007) 19-31
THE STHĀNĀNGASŪTRA AN ENCYCLOPAEDIC TEXT OF THE ŚVETĀMBARA CANON**
Kornelius Krümpelmann
The Sthānāngasūtra, or, as it is called in the original Prakrit, the Thānamgasutta, was included by the Svetāmbara-Jainas as the third of the eleven anga- texts into the canon of their holy books at a council held at Valabhi in the fifth century A.D.
Muni Jambūvijaya not only carried out a critical edition of the work in 1985, but in 2002-2003 he also signed for the publication of the voluminous Sanskrit-commentary, composed by Abhayadevasūri in the 11th century A.D. In 2004, an English translation in two volumes was published by Surendra Bothara. This is not a literal translation, but, to quote the editor Amar Munijī, "a free flowing translation". The interpretations of several of the stras are questionable, but, not only for those who do not know Prakrit and Sanskrit, the book is a very helpful tool to gain a first impression of the work. No critical study of the Sthānānga is available today. The first treatise on it was written by Albrecht Weber (1885: 267-277) in his “Ueber die heiligen Schriften der Jainas". Walther Schubring (1935) in his "Lehre der Jainas", Shantaram Bhalchandra Deo (1956) in his "History of Jaina Monachism" and other scholars eclectically exploited the text. Two books written in Indian languages are worth being mentioned here: Muni Nathmal's (1976), i.e. Ācārya Sri Mahāprajñā's, translation into Hindi, and Dalsukh Mālvaniyā's (1955) detailed subject index to the text, written in Gujarātī.
The Sthānānga is subdivided into ten chapters, named eka-sthānam, dvi-sthānam and so on up to daśa-sthānam. In the critical edition the text comprises 783 sūtras of
International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) Vol. 2, No. 2 (2006) 1-12
* This article is a slightly revised version of a paper presented at the 8th Jaina Studies Workshop, 23-24h March 2006, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. I am grateful to Dr. Peter Flügel for inviting me to deliver the lecture as well as for carefully proof-reading my manuscript and making numerous critical remarks. I would also like to thank Thomas Krümpelmann, who offered valuable suggestions on English expressions in my article, and Georg Krümpelmann, who took much interest in my project and discussed with me parallel conceptions of the Sthânănga in ancient and medieval western thought. I am especially indebted to Prof. Bansidhar Bhall. I very much enjoyed discussing Jainism in general and the Sthānanga in particular with him on numerous occasions. I cannot imagine a more competent scholar of the Jaina canon.

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different length. Some consist of one, two or three words, others of extensive sections, nearly all of them composed in prose. As is generally the case with the texts of the canon, the language of the Sthānānga is Ardhamāgadhi.
As it is necessary to get a general idea of the contents of the work and to make clear the peculiar character of the text, I will give a few examples of the sutras from each of the ten chapters. Three points should be taken into consideration:
First, the selected sūtras are not rendered literally, nor do I give a complete account of their contents.
Secondly, I give the numbers of the sūtras in pointed brackets.
Thirdly, if I quote a word from the text, I give the Sanskrit equivalents of the Prakrit words.
Chapter I (eka-sthānam)
Soul <2> harmful activity <3> activity <4> universe <5> in every body there is one soul creation <14> destruction <15> rebirth <17> reasoning <20> death of beings who are in their last rebirth <27> knowledge, faith, conduct <35> sound, appearance, smell, taste, touch <38> killing of living beings, etc. (i.e. the five great vows of an ascetic); again: anger, etc. (i.e. here we learn of the four passions; kasāya) <39> descending worldperiod (avasarpini), ascending world period (utsarpini) <40> one group (vargană) of infernal beings, one group of Asurakumāra-gods, and so on for all twenty-four categories of beings, including earth-bodied beings, water-bodied beings, etc. <41> one group of atoms occupying one space-point <43> one continent Jambūdvipa <44 > one Mahāvīra in this descending world-period <45> sūtra 47 gives the names of three constellations (naksatra) with one star only.
Chapter II (dvi-sthānam)
All that exists in the world falls under two categories: sentient or non sentient, mobile or immobile, liberated or non liberated, etc. <49> activity is of two kinds: of the soul or of non-soul, inspired by attachment or inspired by aversion, etc. <50> two kinds of renunciation of certain foods (pratyākhyāna): mentally or verbally, for a long period or for a short period <52> faith may be right or wrong <59> earth-bodied beings are minute or gross <63> bodies are on the movement to their next birth or in their present birth <65> an ascetic should be initiated while facing two directions: east and north <66>
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matter particles (pudgala) are of two kinds: a single atom or an aggregate of atoms <75> equanimity (sāmāyika) is of two kinds: for householders and for ascetics <78> sūtra 80 gives the names of two areas in the continent ambudvipa / sutras 83 up to 91 give the names of two mountains, two rivers, two lakes etc. in Jambudvipa / two gavyata is the height of humans in Jambudvipa during the epoch susama-duḥṣama of the ascending world period; their maximum life span is two palyopamā <92> while departing the body the soul touches it in some parts or in all parts (desena or sarvena) <108> two kinds of anger: self-caused and not self-caused <111> two kinds of enlightenment: related to knowledge and related to faith <115> sütra 119 gives the names of two Tirthankaras who had blue complexion/sutra 121 gives the names of constellations with two stars.
Chapter III (tri-sthanam)
Three kinds of sexual acts of gods: they embrace their own goddesses, goddesses of other gods, different forms created from their own bodies <130> three kinds of activity (yoga): mental, vocal, physical <132> three ways how the soul acquires short life span karman: destroying life, telling a lie, giving impure food to ascetics <133> males are of three kinds: animals, humans, divine beings; the same holds good for females, but neuters (napumsaka) are either animals, humans or infernal beings <139> three kinds of wombs (voni): cold, hot, a mixture of both; or: covered, open, a mixture of both <148> in both world-periods there live three kinds of eminent persons (uttamapuruşa): Arhat, Cakravartin, Baladeva or Vasudeva <152> three colours of celestial vehicles (vimana): black, blue, red <159> three kinds of men: good-minded, bad-minded, neither goodminded nor bad-minded <168> three kinds of men: upholder of the tradition (sütradhara). upholder of wealth (arthadhara), upholder of both <177> three kinds of speech: truth, lie, meaningless <181> faith is right, wrong, a mixture of both; again: three kinds of story (katha): relating to artha, relating to dharma, relating to kāma <194> time can be subdivided into past, present, future <197> sutra 199 gives the names of three areas, three mountains etc. in Jambudvipa / three causes of an earthquake: in the hell Ratnaprabha gross aggregates of matter are colliding, a certain deva moves up and down, a battle of certain gods <200> three parts of the body are inherited from father's side: bones, marrow, hair; three from mother's side: flesh, blood, brain <209> the Arhat Malli got tonsured along with 300 (i.e. three times one hundred) persons <230>.
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Chapter IV (catur-sthānam)
In sūtra 181 (chapter III) we learn that speech is of three kinds: truth, lie, meaningless speech / in sūtra 238 it is stated that speech is of four kinds: truth, lie, a mixture of both, neither truth nor lie / a nun may keep four garments: one of two hasta length, two of three hasta length, one of four hasta length <246> four passions (kașāva): anger, conceit, deceit, greed <249> sūtra 253 gives a simile: fruit may be unripe and slightly sweet, unripe and very sweet, ripe and slightly sweet, ripe and very sweet. The same is true for men (Abhayadeva in his commentary states that we have to replace "ripe" by age or knowledge of the tradition, and "sweet" by virtues like tranquillity of mind. This means: men may be ripe with regard to age and very sweet with regard to tranquillity, etc.) / four causes of laughter: seeing, speaking, hearing, recalling (Abhayadeva in his commentary states: by funny gestures, by imitation of someone's style of speech, by jokes, by remembering funny things) <269> four kinds of servants (bhrtaka): day labourer, on travel, with a fixed-termed contract, for a specific task <271> four kinds of gossip (vikathā): about women, about food, about the country, about the king; again: four kinds of gossip about women: regarding their caste, family, appearance, adornments <282> monks and nuns who have a talk do not transgress the ascetic code (atikramana) in case: they inquire for a path, show a path, offer food, help seeking alms <290> sūtras 300 up to 307 give the names of four gateways, islands, plateaus, areas, mountains, lakes in Jambūdvīpa / four kinds of austerity (tapas) of the Ajīvikas: severe austerity, terrible austerity, abstention from rasa (Abhayadeva in his commentary states: from "ghi", etc.), indifference to the taste of food <309> four kinds of brave men (śurā): brave in patience, in austerity, in charity, in war <317> four entities (astikāva) having an extension of innumerable space-points: dharma (medium of movement), adharma (medium of rest), space, single soul <334> four kinds of "going forth from home" or "initiation" (pravrajvä): with mind fixed on livelihood, fixed on happiness in the next birth, fixed on both of them, with no wish at all but out of equanimity <355> the sangha (religious organisation) consists of four groups: male ascetics, female ascetics, laymen, laywomen <363>
Chapter V (pañca-sthānam)
Five great vows for an ascetic (mahāvrata); again: five vows for a layman (anuvrata) <389> due to five causes a monk may be expelled from the gaña: he sows the seeds of

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discord within the kula (i.e. a group of monks of one äcärya), within the gana, he seeks to harm members of the kula or gana, he resorts to fault-finding, he repeatedly gives rise to controversy <398> an ācārya may cause dis, ute (vyudgraha) in the gana if he fails to properly: assert his commands, instruct about conduct, recite and teach the sutras, take care of ailing ascetics, inform the gana before he leaves for other places <399> sutra 403 and 404 give the names of five goddesses, armies and commanders of gods / monks and nuns are not allowed to cross these five rivers more than two times or three times a month: Ganga, Yamuna, Sarayü, Airävati, Mahi; again: it is allowed to cross these rivers out of five reasons: fear, famine, they are distressed (pravyathate), there is no other way. because of a flood, disturbance created by inferior or dishonourable people (anārya) <412> five ways a woman can conceive without having intercourse with a man: she sits naked at a spot spoiled with semen, a piece of cloth with semen enters her yoni, she herself puts semen into her yoni, some other person puts semen into her yoni, while taking a bath in a pond semen enters her yoni <416> monks and nuns may study or meditate or sleep at the same place: if they stay in an inhabited area, there is only one upasraya in town, they come to the abodes of Nagakumara-gods which are either empty or overcrowded, in case thieves are around and want to steal their robes, for the sake of protection in case sexually excited young men approach the nuns; again: a nude monk may stay with a dressed nun if no other sädhu is nearby and the monk is: distracted in mind (kṣiptacitta), is in a delirious state (drptacitta), is possessed by an evil spirit. (vakṣāvista), he has gone crazy (unmädapräpta), he has been initiated by female ascetics <417> an ācārya recites or explains sutras: to teach the disciples the tradition, to encourage them to right conduct, to shed his karman-particles, because the disciples want to widen their knowledge, to keep the tradition intact (avyavacchitti) <467> sutra 468 gives five colours of celestial vehicles (vimāna).
Chapter VI (sat-sthānam)
A monk endowed with six qualities may get the position of a leader of a gana: he is faithful, truthful, intelligent, scholarly, powerful, not quarrelsome (alpädhikaraṇa) <475> only few beings have command over these six supernatural powers (ṛddhi): turn soul into matter, matter into soul, speak truth and non-truth at the same time, suffer or not suffer karman at will, pierce atoms, go beyond the edge of loka <479> 6000 dhanus (i.e. six times 1000 dhanus) is the height of human beings in the suşama-sușamă epoch of the ascending world-period <493> a monk may take food for six reasons: to remove pain of
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hunger, so that he can serve other ascetics, so that he can observe careful movement, so that he may follow the rules of ascetic discipline, for support of his life, so that he can contemplate about religion <500> sūtra 505 up to sūtra 509 and sūtra 515 up to sūtra 520 give the names of six goddesses, gods, hells, etc.<>/ six seasons (rtu): first half of the rainy season (prāvrt), second half of the rainy season (varsā), autumn, winter, spring, hot season <523>
Chapter VII (sapta-sthānam)
Seven kinds of birth (yoni): born from an egg, as a fetus without enveloping membrane. born with a placenta, out of liquids, out of sweat, by act of congealing, by bursting out of earth <543> seven kinds of gross air-bodied beings (bādara-vāyukāvikā): wind blowing from the east, west, south, north, upward wind (ürdhvaväyu), downward wind (adhovāvu), wind from intermediate directions <547> seven clans: Kāśyapa, Gautama, Vatsa, Kutsa, Kausika, Mandava, Vāsistha <551> seven gems of a Cakravartin: disc, umbrella, hide of leather, staff, sword, jewel, cowrie shell <558> seven signs of the dulsama-period: untimely rains, absence of rains at the usual time, worship of impious persons, no worship of pious persons, misbehaviour with persons of respect, mental affliction, hurting by speech (vāgghata) <559> seven causes of sudden death (āvurbheda): affection or fear, weapon, excess of food, pain, execution, touch (Abhayadeva in his commentary states: "bite of snake", etc.), suffocation <561> sūtra 582 gives the names of seven armies (anīka) and seven commanders of gods / sūtra 587 gives the names of the seven schisms (nihnava) which arose in the early history of the church, the names of the seven responsible ācāryas and the names of the cities where the schisms originated.
Chapter VIII (asta-sthanam)
Eight kinds of touch: hard, soft, heavy, light, cold, hot, smooth, coarse <599> eight kinds of signs or omens (mahānimitta): relating to earth (bhauma; Abhayadeva in his commentary states: earthquake etc.), sudden events or unexpected appearances (utpāta; Abhayadeva in his commentary states: rudhiravrsti - blood shower etc.), dreams, celestial phenomena (antariksa), body (anga; Abhayadeva in his commentary states: trembling, etc.), voice or tone (svara), marks or symbols (laksana), signs or token (vyañjana; Abhayadeva in his commentary states: hair on the forehead, etc.) <608> eight inflections

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of words (vacuna-vibhakti): Nominative, Accusative, Instrumental, etc. <609> eight branches of Ayurveda: treatment of children, treatment of bodily diseases, surgery related to eye, removal of any substance which has entered the body, doctrine of antidotes, treatment of mental diseases, doctrine of aphrodisiacs, doctrine of elixirs, alchemy <611> the first future Tirthankara will initiate eight kings <627> sūtras 631, 632, 635 up to 637 and 639 up to 644 give the names of eight islands and seas, state that the Jambu-tree is eight vojana tall, give the names of eight mountain-caves, areas, cities, goddesses, divine realms etc. / a maximum of eight Arhats, eight Cakravartins, eight Baladevas or eight Vasudevas did, do and will take birth in some specific areas in the continent Jambūdvīpa <638> the height of celestial vehicles in the heavenly abodes Mahāśukra and Sahasrára is 800 (i.e. eight times 100) yojana <650> the minimum duration of the bondage of the karman responsible for male gender is eight years; the same period of time is stated for the karman responsible for fame (yaśas) <658>.
Chapter IX (nava-sthānam)
Nine kinds of restraints (gupti) for a monk who lives in chastity (brahmacürya): he stays in solitude, avoids: talking with women, sitting near women, looking at women, tasty food, excessive quantity of food, recalling pleasures enjoyed in the past, listening to flattering (anupātin) words, does not get attached to pleasures <663> nine causes of discase: sitting continuously, sitting in wrong posture, excessive sleeping, keeping awake too long, restraining bowel movement, restraining of passing urine, excessive travelling, wrong food, agitation <667> nine oozing apertures in the human body: two ears, two eyes, two holes in the nose, mouth, urethra, anus <675> cight topics of evil scriptures (pāpa-śruta): sudden events (Abhayadeva in his commentary states: "blood-shower", etc.), augury or omen, mantra, ākhyāyikā (perhaps: drama, etc.), Ayurveda, arts, architecture, ajñana (Abhayadeva in his commentary states: secular scriptures as those dealing with dance or the Mahābhārata), preaching wrong faith <678> nine conditions for pure alms-seeking: a monk does not destroy living beings (na hanati), does not cause others to do so, does not approve of others doing so; he does not cook for himself (na pacati), does not cause others to do so, does not approve of others doing so; he does not buy food himself (na krināti), does not cause others to do so, does not approve of others doing so <681>

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Chapter X (dasa-sthānam)
Ten characteristics of the Jain religion (śramana-dharma): patience, liberation, honesty, kindness, humbleness, truth, self-discipline, austerity, detachment, chastity <712> ten times are prohibited for study with regard to the sky: comet, abnormal redness of horizon, rumbling, lightening, thunderstorm, juvaga (?) (Abhayadeva in his commentary states: blending of the light of the setting sun with that of the moon), vakṣādīpta (?) (perhaps: glow caused by a demon), mist, fog, frost, raising of dust <714> sutras 717 up to 725 give the names of ten rivers, cities, kings, mountains, etc. in Jambudvipa / ten causes of joy (sukha): health, long life, wealth, love, enjoyment, contentment, attainment (asti). irreproachable enjoyment (subhabhoga), abandoning wordly life, to be free from troubles <737> ten causes of pain (vedana) of infernal beings: cold, heat, hunger, thirst, itching. dependence, fear, grief, old age, disease <753> ten kinds of wishes: for happiness in this life, in the next life, in both of them, for long life, not to suffer agony, for love, enjoyment, wealth, respect, honour <759> characteristics of ten states (avastha) of a 100 year old man: 1 up to 10 years: bala child; 10 up to 20 years: krīḍā - sport, play; 20 up to 30: mandā - (Abhayadeva in his commentary states:) slow in understanding or enjoying pleasures; 30 up to 40: balā strength; 40 up to 50: prajñā - knowledge; 50 up to 60: hapani - (Abhayadeva in his commentary states:) growing weakness with regard to the sense-organs; 60 up to 70: prapanca - (Abhayadeva in his commentary states:) displaying trembling and cough: 70 up to 80: prāgbhārā - (Abhayadeva in his commentary states:) to walk with a stoop; 80 up to 90: murmukhi - wish for liberation or for end of life; 90 up to 100: Sayani - lying down <772>
This short summary of the contents of the Sthānanga gives us a fairly clear idea of the character of the text under discussion. Not only the main subjects of the Jaina religion in its broader sense are listed, but also many more aspects of the Jaina conception of the world. Besides terms such as soul, liberation, or karman, we also read of constellations, time-cycles, etc. As a matter of fact, the Sthänänga is a work of extreme heterogeneity. One cannot detect any logical order of the sutras within the chapters. Right in the middle of sutras whose topic is geography or music, we learn about medicine, karman particles, and so on. In this respect the Sthānanga bears a strong similarity to a notebook.
Because all topics, terms and things are thought of as fitting well with number one, number two, and so on, up to number ten, and because they are listed accordingly. the word "sthāna" in the titles of the ten chapters as well as in the title of our work means
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"place". The Sthānāngasūtra is an anga-text in which "terms and things” are listed in their right place".
At first glance, it seems to be a somewhat simple way of thinking that underlies the programme of the work. We cannot discern a basic idea which makes the list significant with regard to philosophical conceptions of life and the world. The Sthānanga obviously has nothing in common with the western medieval concept of a universe which is governed by the law of mathematics. It makes no attempt to combine mathematics with religion, an idea which, in Europe, goes back to Pythagorean and neo-Platonic number mysticism. An arrangement of such an encyclopaedic compilation either in alphabetical order or according to subject matter we take for granted today. As a consequence of the listing of the terms and things under numbers we notice certain disadvantages such as a lack of conceptual clarity and unavoidable repetition of words.
However, to do justice to the text we have to inquire why the Sthānānga was composed. In my opinion, the style and the contents of the text clearly indicate that the Sthānānga is nothing but a memory aid for an ācārya, so that he might not forget the varied subject matters he wants to teach. With this work he has a kind of guideline for his lessons at hand and can easily reply to questions asked by his disciples. If I am right, the Sthānānga contains exactly those subject matters, which had been most interesting to the scholarly monks in the first centuries A.D. And I think I can make the point that this text was definitely not meant to be studied by a younger monk for himself.
I would like to list four arguments to support my thesis:
First, we quite often read in a sūtra, subsequent to a statement, "bhāniyavva" - (this) has to be explained.
Secondly, in numerous places we find abbreviations to shorten the text. In these cases the word "jāva", which corresponds to our "et cetera", is used. Most certainly, only those who are experts on the subject matter in question can fill in the gaps.
Thirdly, in at least ten sūtras the meaning of a word is explained through application of the dialectical technique called "niksepa". But the view-points, from which the word is subject to explanation, are only listed, without any elaboration of details.
Fourthly, more than twenty outlines of similes are included in the text. Doubtlessly, they were incorporated to be used in sermons or lessons.
I have to say some words about Abhayadeva's Sanskrit commentary on the Sthānānga, which is indispensable for an understanding of the text. In it we do not only find the Sanskrit equivalents of the Prakrit words, but, what I consider more important,

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explanations of those topics which are worded in this text in general terms but without any detailed information. In the colophon to his commentary, Abhayadeva mentions - besides the year of the completion of his work, i.e. 1063 A.D. - his assistant Yasodevagani, a group of scholarly monks under the leadership of Dronācārya who did the proof-reading, the lack of any preliminary work and the difficulties resulting from the different versions of the text, its complex contents, and occasional disagreements with other scholars. In the introduction to his commentary he expressively states that before him nobody had commented upon the text: Sthānārgah pūrvapuruṣena kenāpi kuto pi kārānād anınmudritah Jambūvijaya (2002: 2)]. According to this, no bhāsya, niryukti or cürni had ever been written on our text.
Abhayadeva, and in his succession all Jaina scholars to this very day, interpret the structure of the Sthānānga as a kind of demonstration of the so-called naya-theory. In this respect I cannot agree with them and I consider it a misjudgement of the simple character of this old text. I give an example to clarify this point:
It is common knowledge that the Jainas teach endlessly many, immaterial souls. Therefore, one is astonished to learn in chapter one, sütra two, "ege ävä" (Sanskrit: eku ātmā) -"one soul". To this sūtra, as well as to all the other sütras in chapter one which list abstract terms, Abhayadeva applies the second of the seven classical nayas, the sangraha-naya, i.e. the point of view, which considers only the general qualities of a thing and not the specific ones. This means, with regard to "eka ātmā" we should only think of the aspect "consciousness (upayoga)", which is present in all souls. In accordance to this statement, we read in all translations and interpretations of the second sutra: "soul is one."
This interpretation may be consistent from a logical point of view. But we have to keep in mind that Abhayadeva wrote his commentary about 500 years after the compilation of the Sthānānga, at the time when the naya-method had gained a predominant status in Jaina philosophy. In my opinion there is no need to burden the text with such a complex underlying idea. I am certain that the Sthānānga was created as a rather simple textbook and not a unique philosophical treatise. Terms such as creation, destruction, reasoning, knowledge, liberation, etc., to which Abhayadeva's interpretation can be applied only with some difficulty, had to be included into the text, because otherwise the textbook would have been of no use at all to the ācāryas. Where, if not under number "one", could they possibly be subsumed? And why are they not analysed again in other places of our text taking into consideration the remaining six nayas?
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In my opinion, "eka ātmā" does not mean "soul is one", because I do not take "eka" as a predicative adjective. In accordance with the name of the chapter, i.e. ekasthānam, and the general character of our text, as well as with those numerous expressions in the Sthānānga, in which we find the cardinal numbers employed attributively, we should interpret "eka" as conveying the sense of "ekasmin sthāne" - in place "one". If we leave out the adjective "eka", the term "ätnian" alone serves its purpose. I think the cardinal number was added only to ensure the formal uniformity of the text. Presumably, it was also intended as an aid to learn the text by heart. If one thinks it inevitable to translate "eka" in the sūtras "eka ātmā", "ekā krivā", "ekā tarkā", etc., I see no better solution than to render them as "one: soul", "one: activity", "one: reasoning", and so on.
Now, I will make some short remarks concerning the authorship of our text. The first sūtra in the Sthānănga goes as follows: suyam me ausam tenam Bhagavavā evaim akkhāvam - I have heard, o Long-Lived one, that the Venerable (i.e. Mahāvīra) has said thus.
In accordance with the tradition, Abhayadeva understands this formula, which we find also in some other canonical texts, in the sense that the ganadhara Sudharman, the fifth direct disciple of Mahāvīra, has recited the Sthānānga to his disciple Jambūsvāmin. But, without any doubt, we are entitled to notice that the work is a compilation of oldu. texts and that its composition can by no means go back to the times of Sudharman. I think, I don't have to argue in detail to support this statement. Scholars such as Johannes Bronkhorst (1993: 151-152) in his "Remarks on the History of Jaina Meditation" or Bansidhar Bhatt (1992: 42) in his "Study of the word: niksepa" have already demonstrated that the sulras 247 and 374, which deal with meditation and music respectively, have been borrowed, though net verbally, from the canonical texts Vyākhyāprajñapti and Rājapraśniya. I could easily add more examples of word for word borrowings, but confine myself to point out that all the topics mentioned in the Sthānānga are dealt with at length at several places in the Svetāmbara canon.
Abhayadeva quotes (Jambūvijaya 2002: 2-3] the verses 582 and 583 from Haribhadrasūri's Pañcavastuka, dated 8th century A.D., where a time is set for the teaching of various texts to the disciples. With regard to our text they say that it is suitable to be studied by those ascetics, who have at least eight years standing in monkhood. Otherwise, faults would arise such as disobedience, etc. That this is a very old rule is confirmed by the Vyavahāra, a text which belongs to the group of the canonical Chedasūtras, which obviously was the source for Haribhadra. In the Vyavahāra (10, 20

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34) not only the same schedule is mentioned, but in addition to that it is stated that only a monk who knows the Sthānānga by heart may attain the position of an ācārya, which, as we know from other texts, entitles him to supervise the monks and nuns in regard to their conduct and study.
In this connection, I would like to refer to a most interesting information John Cort (2001: 330) has given about two modern curricula for Mārtipūjaka-monks, dated 1912 and 1988. He says with regard to both of them: "[They are) noteworthy for the almost complete absence of texts of the Svetāmbara canon. This tells that in fact the canon of early texts is not where the Jains themselves go to learn the intellectual and ritual fundamentals of their own tradition."
This statement corresponds to what I have heard from an informant: Today, only few nuns and monks study the canonical texts thoroughly. This I consider a sad state of affairs. It is self-evident that the Sthānānga - as a textbook - cannot be of any importance for the Jaina ascetics nowadays. But I am convinced that for everybody, may he be interested in the history of the religion and literature of the Jainas or the intellectual history of India in general, the Sthānāngasūtra is worth reading.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bhatt, Bansidhar. "Study of the Word: niksepa and other Derivatives in the Svetāmbara
Jaina Canon." Akten des Melzer-Symposiums 1991. Ed. Walter Slaje & Christian
Zinko, 15-53. Graz: Leykam, 1992. Bothara, Surendra. Illustrated Sthānānga Sūtra, Original Text with Hindi and English
Translations, Elaboration and Multicoloured Illustrations. Ed. Amar Muni Ji
Maharaj. Delhi: Padma Prakashan, 2004. Bronkhorst, Johannes. "Remarks on the History of Jaina Meditation”. Jain Studies in
Honour of Jozef Deleu. Ed. Rudy Smet & Kenji Watanabe, 151-162. Tokyo: Hon
no-tomasha, 1993. Cort, John E. "The Intellectual Formation of a Jaina Monk: A Śvetāmbara Monastic
Curriculum." Journal of Indian Philosophy 29 (2001) 327-349. Deo, Shantaram Bhalchandra. History of Jaina Monachism. From Inscriptions and
Literature. Poona: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute, 1956. Jambūvijaya; Muni. Thānamgasuttam and Samavāyamgasuttam. Jaina-Agama-Series 3,
Bombay: Śrī Mahāvīra Jaina Vidyālaya, 1985.
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Jambūvijaya, Muni. Sthānāngasūtra. With the Commentary by Abhavadeva Suri
Maharaja, Jaina-Agama-Series 19 (1)-19 (3), Bombay: Śrī Mahāvīra Jaina
Vidyālaya, 2002-2003. Mälvaniya, Dalsukh. "Sthānānga-Samavāyanga. Trijā ane cotha angagramthanum
gujarāti rūpäintara." Śrī Pūmjābhāi Jaina Gramthamālā 23, Ahmedabad: Gūjarāt
Vidyapith, 1955. Nathmal, Muni (Acārya Mahāprajña). Thānam. müla pätha, samskrta chāvā, hindi
anuvāda tathā tippana. Lādnūm: Jaina Viśva Bhāratī, 1976. Schubring, Walther. Die Lehre der Jainas. Nach den alten Quellen dargestellt.
Berlin/Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1935 (Translated into English by Wolfgang Beurlen as The Doctrine of the Jainas. Described after the Old Sources.
Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1962, 2nd revised edition 2000). Weber, Albrecht. "Über die heiligen Schriften der Jainas." Indische Studien. Beiträge für
die Kunde des indischen Alterthums. Hrsg. von A. Weber. Bd. 16, 211-479 and Bd. 17, 1-90. Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1883 und 1885 (Repr.: Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1973).
The Editor. International Journal of Jaina Studies 2005-2007

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International Journal of Jaina Studies Vol. 1-3 (2005-2007) 31-40
JAINA PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION
Peter Flügel
In a vast and currently quickly expanding field such as Jaina Studies, which is researched by only a small number of scholars, conference volumes covering a wide variety of themes are the principal means of academic communication across disciplinary boundaries. A welcome addition to the small but growing body of interdisciplinary publications in Jaina Studies is the work Essays in Jaina Philosophy and Religion, edited by Piotr Balcerowicz of the University of Warsaw. Specialised in Indian philosophy and formal logic, and one of the few experts in Jaina logic in Europe, the editor has done more than anyone in recent years in promoting the dialogue between technical philosophy and rest of the field of Indic Studies by organising regular international symposia on Indian religion and philosophy. The book under review contains proceedings of the International Seminar 'Aspects of Jainism' at Warsaw University gih_9th September 2000, supplemented by additional contributions. This important collection of articles in English and Sanskrit is addressed at specialists in the field of Jaina Studies. It contains fifteen articles by leading scholars in the field, a foreword by Satya Ranjan Banerjee, a benedictory message in Sanskrit by Muni Jambūvijaya, a short preface by the editor, and an index. The main text is divided into four parts, elegantly labelled Caturaranayacakram, four viewpoint-spokes: Philosophy and Anekânta; Early Jainism, Buddhism and Ajīvikism; Ethics and Monastic Discipline; Medieval Mysticism and Sectarian Divisions.
The first contribution in the sequence of chapters is, fittingly, Albrecht Wezler's article 'The Twelve Aras of the Dvādaśâra-naya-cakra and their Relation to the Canon as Seen by Mallavādin. First Part', which is the second part of the author's 'Studien zum Dvādasara-nava-cakra des Svetâmbara Mallavādin', and based on Muni Jambūvijaya's critical reconstruction of the (lost) original text on the basis of Kșamāśramana's
International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) Vol. 2, No. 3 (2006) 1-8
A review of Piotr Balcerowicz (ed.) Essays in Jaina Philosophy and Religion. Lala Sundara Jain Research Series Volume 20. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 2003. x + 306 pp. ISBN: 81-208-1977-2. RS 495. (First Indian Edition of Piotr Balcerowicz & Marek Major eds. Essays in Jaina Philosophy and Religion. Warsaw Indological Studies Volume 2. Warsaw, 2002).
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commentary. In his analysis of the sophisticated structure of the text, and of the relationship of Mallavādin's twelve naya (vidhi) scheme to the older seven naya (viewpoint) scheme and Siddhasena Divākara's two naya scheme, Wezler comes to the conclusion that Frauwallner's interpretation in his Introduction to Jambūvjiaya's edition of the DNC Vol. I) of the 'terms' vidhi ('general affirmation'), niyama ('restriction'), and vidhi-niyama ('affirmation and restriction'), whose combination generates the twelve naya structure, is unconvincing: 'both these modes do not refer to classes of propositions, or statements, ... but to aspects of, or perspectives of, perceiving (real) objects. The "scheme" of the twelve aras of Mallavādin is ... basically of an ontological character (20). According to Mallavādin himself, it is grounded in the teachings of the Jina which encompass all other teachings, since 'The Jaina canon is the true Veda' (22).
Jayandra Soni ("Kundakunda and Umāsvāti on Anekânta-vāda') compares the philosophical terminology used by two of the most influential non-canonical Jaina authors, Kundakunda and Umāsvāti, and some of their commentators. He found that Kundakunda uses the word 'svād' explicitly, whereas Umāsvāti does not (wisely none of the authors in the volume translated syāt, a word that is discussed by J.C. Wright, Review of: Nagin J. Shah (ed.) Jaina theory of multiple facets of reality and truth (Anekāntavāda). Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 2000,' Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 63, 3, 2000: 435-437). Kundakunda uses naya only with reference to the 'canonical' (pace Balcerowicz, infra, p. 48) distinction between dravya (substance) and paryāva (modification), while Umāsvāti refers to the list of five (Digambara: seven) nayas (which Kundakunda also mentions). Without explicitly addressing the question of the historical evolution of the terminology of Jaina perspectivism, the author concludes that it is not clear whether syāt or naya has priority in Kundakunda (28), that the Digambara commentator Pūjyapāda (c. 5th-6th C.) first used the word anekânta (33), while the approaches of syād-vāda and of anekânta-vāda may or may not be 'implied' in the relevant passages of Umāsvāti's Tattvärtha-sūtra (28).
Through translations and analyses of the relevant explanations of sapta-bhangi in the classical treatises on Jaina logic, Piotr Balcerowicz' article 'Some Remarks on the Naya Method demonstrates that the well-known scheme of the 'sevenfold modal description' (sapta-bhangī) can be interpreted as an answer to the question 'how to relate the whole and its parts' (40), if the whole is to be understood as a multiplex reality, which can only be fully described through statements from different perspectives ('contexts'). The analysis shows convincingly that the (Digambara) Jaina scheme is arranged in form of a 'progressive indexation' of the semantic field of a statement, in which each viewpoint

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(naya) delimits the context further (46): What is conspicuous in this method of description by way of applying seven conditionally valid predications in the gradual limitation of the context: from the most general one ...down to the most specialised. ... Thus every subsequent viewpoint is directly related to the one preceding it and it represents a further restriction of the point of reference' (61). Thus, it is not necessary to assume, as critics do, that the scheme violates the law of non-contradiction, or to take recourse to multi-valued logic (Pandey). In footnotes, the article proposes solutions to a number of longstanding problems in the field of Jaina logic. In footnote 27, it is argued that Kundakunda's two-truth theory goes back to the Buddhist Katha-vatthu and Milindapanha (47). A small question mark may be put over the proposed formalisation of the method sevenfold predication in terms of 'truth-values', since at least Siddharṣigani points out the significance of the speaker's intention, which however cannot be taken into account in the objectivist description of the 'co-ordinates' of the 'paradigm index' of sapta-bhangi (63). A further extension of the important findings of this study in view of current work on speech act analysis would be fascinating.
Christoph Emmrich, in 'How Many Times? Pluralism, Dualism or Monism in Early Jaina Temporal Description", implicitly suggests a three-stage evolution of systematic ontological conceptions of time in Jainism (71). He starts with the classical conceptions of Umäsväti and Kundakunda, who both defined time as a substance. (dravya). Umāsväti distinguished between niscaya-kāla (dravya-kāla) (absolute time. beyond measurement, samaya) and vyavahara-kāla (conventional time, measured through spatial movement); kala being defined primarily as setting in motion (vartana), change (pariņāma), or motion (kriya). Kundakunda, on the other hand, was only concerned with absolute time. He adopted an atomistic conception of time-atoms (samaya) in analogy to the apparently pre-existing conception of space-atoms (pradesa). This conception remained dominant in the Digambara tradition, while the Svetämbaras favoured an integral notion of time. Earlier, less systematic, texts such as Viy 207b distinguish cosmographic regions where time can be measured (samaya kṣetra) from those beyond where it cannot (due to the absence of planets). The author suggests that the main step towards the development of ontological concepts of time 'as such' must have been the interpretation of these two regions with the help of the niscayalvyavahara distinction (76, 78). As Adelheid Mette already showed (84), the word kāla is rarely used in canonical texts which instead use the word addha-samaya (Viy 11.11, 25.5), translated by the author not as 'abstract time' (Deleu)(78), but as 'a stretch of time' or 'the time dimension' of past, present and future in view of the 'enumerative' character of addha
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(80). In the canon, neither addha-samaya nor kāla is characterised as a substance (drarya) - a conception which may have emerged as the result of Vaiseșika and Nyāya influence - nor is te niscaya/vyavahāra distinction explicitly applied to descriptions of time (80). In the oldest texts, the 'seniors', which are predominantly soteriological in orientation, even the word samaya in its temporal sense is not used. Instead, the word khana, short duration, is employed to designate a certain time' of significance (82-4).
In her thematic study 'Extrasensory Perception and Knowledge in Jainism Kristi L. Wiley investigates the classification and role of extrasensory perception in a variety of Jaina texts. Particularly interesting is the discussion of different views within the Jaina tradition on the sequentiality/simultaneity of darśana and jñāna, and of avadhijñāna (clairvoyance) and manah-paryāya-jñāna (mind-reading), and the attribution of these powers to different stages of the guna-sthāna scheme. Interestingly, the author found few details on what exactly was perceived through mind reading (which is said not to be possible anymore in our era) (103). But the texts univocally state that 'attachment to these powers is detrimental to a mendicant's continued spiritual progress' (106).
Muni Jambūvijaya's short and rather general contribution Tainadarśanasya Svarūpamuddeśasca [The Essence and Outline of Jainism)' is written in Sanskrit, and was probably only included in recognition of his pre-eminent status as a scholar-saint.
Three articles concentrate on Jaina-related passages in the Sāmañña-phala-sutta in the Buddhist Digha-nikāya. Padmanabh S. Jaini ("Cätuyāma-samvara in the Pāli Canon) addresses the open question of the meaning of the fourth of the 'four restraints' (cāujjáma dhamma) in early Jainism, which is not clearly defined in the well-known sources in the Jaina and Buddhist (DN I. 57) sources. The only available characterisation is the obscure compound bahiddhâdāna in Than 4.266, translated by the commentator Abhayadeva as (restraint of) 'sexual conduct and other possessions'. Jaini identifies two sūtras in the Pāli canon, which confirm this interpretation. In DN 3.48f., the fourth of the cāturvīma samvara is described with the word bhāvitam ('the pleasures of senses'). In the passage itself the Niganthas are not mentioned, but the commentator Buddhaghosa clearly attributes the fourfold restraint to the 'Titthiyas', or Jainas. Since at least Dhammapāla must have met Jaina mendicants in the 6th century in South India, and because the five great vows (pañca-mahā-vrata) of the Jainas are nowhere mentioned in the Buddhist commentary literature of the period, Jaini concludes with the evocative hypothesis that 'Buddhists in South India most probably were in contact with some Jaina mendicants who may still have been observing the cäturvāma samvara' (133). The author was apparently not aware of Adelheid Mette's earlier discussion of DN 3.48f. (“The

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Synchronism of the Buddha and the Jina Mahāvīra and the Problem of Chronology in Early Jainism'. in H. Bechert (ed.) 1991. The Dating of the Historical Buddha. Part 1, 132-7. Göttigen: Vanderhoeck & Ruprecht).
Kenji Watanabe's 'A Comparative Study of Passages from Early Buddhist and Jaina Texts: Ayar 2.15 Dhp 183 and Isich 29.19: Dhp 360, 361 is based on a number of papers published in Japanese between 1981-1994 and points to 'some parallelism between the Buddhist kusala and the samayika [sāmāyika] -caritra in Jainism' (141). i.e. the vow to abstain from all sinful acts, because both refer to the stopping of the influx of karma. Similar parallelisms are found with regard to samvara and vari in passages also discussed by Jaini (146).
The formidable article by Johannes Bronkhorst, 'Ajivika Doctrine Reconsidered', proposes a new solution to the conundrum of what exactly the Ajīvikas taught, which was left unsolved in Hoernle's contributions (curiously not mentioned by Bronkhorst) and in Basham's exegeses of the opaque passages describing Gosala's teachings in the Buddhist (DN 1.53f.) and Jaina (Viy 15) scriptures. Bronkhorst's interpretation is predicated on his well-publicised view that early Jainas were mostly concerned with immobility, ie, with stopping all physical and mental activity, whereas early Buddhists highlighted the role of desire and intention (157): The inactivity of the Jain ascetic was not only meant to avoid producing karmic effects in the future, but also to destroy actions carried out in the past. The Ajivika denied that present inactivity can destroy actions carried out in the past. For him these former actions will carry fruit whatever one does. However, there is no reason to believe that he rejected the possibility of non-performance of new actions' (163). However, this does not answer why the Ajivikas propagated a strict determinism. Bronkhorst's answer focuses on the less well understood passage in the DN (1.53f.): "There is no deed performed either by oneself or by others, no human action, no strength. no courage, no human endurance or human prowess (paraphrase Basham)". In his view, the Ajivikas must have believed, like the proponents of the Sämkhya school and of the Bhagavad-gita, that 'the real self does not act', and that activity belongs to the material world (169). What exactly distinguished the Ajivika position from the message of the Bhagavad-gitä, Bronkhorst fails to explain, apart from the suggestion that it may have rejected the caste-orientation of the Bhagavad-gita in favour of the idea that everyone has its own predetermined trajectory of reincarnations (ibid.). At the end of his article. Bronkhorst speculates that early Jainism may have had a similar conception of an inactive (akiriya) self, which is not in evidence in the later Jaina literature anymore. The conception of an active (kiriya) soul, as seemingly manifest in the oldest surviving Jaina
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text (Ayāra 1.1.1.3-5), would, of course, seriously undermine the 'immobility' thesis (therefore his defence in note 47, pace Schubring 1935: $ 57, 70), which also does not match the prescribed Jaina practices of begging and wandering, the unavoidable violence of which was criticised precisely by the Ajīvikas (cf. Viy.). However, Bronkhorst's convincing reconstruction of the Ajīvika doctrine would not even be affected by the removal of the immobility thesis.
Phyllis Granoff's 'Paradigms of Protection in Early Indian Religious Texts or an Essay on What to Do with Your Demons' argues that basically three different strategies of dealing with the demons attacking children with disease can be identified in South Asian religious and medical literature: First, the strategy of either 'chasing evil away' or propitiating 'the agent of evil with a sacrificial offering', or both (185), that can be found in the Rg-Veda and the Brāhmanas, or the aggressive subduing of the aggressor, for instance by Krsna, the protector, in the Hari-varsa; second, the Buddhist strategy of converting the aggressor into a protector of the home, as manifest in the Müla-sarvāstivāda-vinava; and, third, the Jaina strategy of attributing all harm to karmic rather than supernatural causes, and to remain indifferent to demonic forces, as evidenced by selected stories of the Avasvaka literature. The article offers numerous new and evocative hypotheses (e.g., because protective functions were not attributed to the Buddha, local deities were incorporated as protectors of Buddhist communities (200)), which could be fruitfully related to comparisons of a similar kind by anthropologists such as L.A. Babb, and his predecessors.
Adelheid Mette's 'Waste Disposal (paritthavana-vihi) in Ancient India. Some Regulations for Protection of Life from the Rules of the Order of Jain Monks' (a translation of the German original to be published in a forthcoming volume) can be read as an addition to her magisterial work on the Pind'esaņā, the chapter of the Ogha Niryukti on the alms round of the Jaina 'monks'. The Pāristhāpaniki-niryukti is a short Prakrit text of 83 āryā stanzas compiled from various sources, embedded within the Avasyaka Niryukti. The text is a commentary to the 5th samiti, or rule of circumspection, concerning the proper removal of impure substances (Skt. pāristhāpanikī). It has a parallel in Ogha Niryukti 596-625, which is generally less complete, but more elaborate with regard to the correct disposal of human excreta (215, 223). Mette's article analyses the flaws in the structure of the text, and offers translations and analyses of 'assorted excerpts'. It concludes with the remark that 'not the arbitrary rule of the cleric superior, but ahimsā, the principle of conscientious non-injury of life, provides the criterion' which informed
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the formulation of specified rules: 'the quite simple forms of external living conditions forced the adoption of a detail-oriented order and strict regulations of behaviour' (2231.).
On the basis of four examples selected from the medieval Digambara narrative literature, Luitgard Soni, in 'Concealing and Protecting: Stories on Upagūhana', explores the puzzling concept of upagūhana or avagūhana (Pkt. uvagūhana) - protecting Jainism by concealing the faults of one's fellow members - which is regarded as one of the eight attributes of right belief (samyag-darśana) of a lay-person (cf. R. Williams. Jaina Yoga. London, 1963, pp. 43-5). The paradox that in such cases the 'protection of the true religion is based on an explicit lie' in direct contradiction to the Jaina value of truthfulness (229) is explained with reference to the idea of a higher 'duty' manifest in the examples which show that 'upagühana is not implemented for the sake of an individual but for the status of the Jaina community as a whole' (235).
In A Portrait of the Yogi (joi) as Sketched by Joindu Colette Caillat explains, through a philological examination of his terminology, why for the Digambara mystic Yogindu (Pkt. Joindu) (c. 6-10 C. C.E.) 'most of the exercises that are commonly termed yoga, joya are spurious', or, at best, mere preparations for the ultimate form of Jaina yoga, the 'contemplation of the supreme self (paramâtma)' (244). Interestingly, the word yoga itself is not used in Yogindu's main poems - the Yoga-sara and the Paramâtmaprakāśa - which prefer the verb joi (Skt. yogin), often in association with words derived from the present jānai (Skt. jānāti), 'he knows' (247). In continuation of her longstanding criticism of the common misrepresentation of Jainism as a religion that is only concerned with the regulation of outward (and mental) action, Caillat shows convincingly that the association of Jaina yoga with vision and knowledge is fundamental in Digambara mysticism, and that self-contemplation is regarded as the form of 'right conduct' of those who know (248): 'Joindu even maintains, paradoxically, that right doing, from the transcendental point of view, is worse than wrong doing' because it produces pleasurable rewards and encourages more of the same karma-accumulating actions (250).
Nalini Balbir's stimulating contribution 'Samayasundara's Sāmācāri-sataka and Jaina Sectarian Divisions in the Seventeenth Century' is part of a project on the 'history of ideas and methods of argumentation' in Jainism (254). It illustrates the methods employed by the Jaina praśnottara ('questions and answers) literature, which emerged in the medieval period during a phase of intense sectarian competition (a chronology of selected texts from the 14th century onward is given on p. 274, though Klatt 1894: 175 cites an earlier text composed in 1206). According to Balbir, the genre is characterised by a 'tendency to stress divergences' (256) in doctrine and practice (259), although the
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criticised groups are rarely explicitly mentioned (257). Most praśnottara texts do not follow any organising principles (257). They focus on ascetic practice and liturgy, which 'is one of the areas at the heart of differention between Jain orders' (261). The technique of 'source-quotations' is widely used to establish legitimacy for partisan interpretations (263). The 17th century Sāmācāri-śataka of the Kharatara-gaccha upadhyāva Samayasundara is particularly rich in captivating detail. Following the example of Klatt's (1894) study, the text is summarised in the form of keywords. The article concentrates then on selected doctrinal innovations of the Kharatara-gaccha vis à vis other sects. The key example is Samayasundara's interpretation of the legendary 'embryo transfer' of Mahāvīra as the 'sixth kalvānaka', or auspicious event, in his life, which contrasts with the conventional 'five auspicious events in the lives of the other Jinas (263-7). Balbir concludes from this (pace P. Dundas) that Samayasundara does not write as a 'puritan' fundamentalist but as an innovator who seems to prioritise the imperatives of group identity over those of the canonical tradition (267). His technique of citing canonical scriptures (sutra, siddhanta) and authors belonging to his tradition (sampradaya) side by side represents 'a subtle way to introduce novelties without calling them so' (268). The main argument of the article concerns the interpretation of the changes within the tradition by Jaina authors themselves, whose arguments Balbir often, with very good reasons, deconstructs: "The prevalent tendency is to see changes occurring in one's own group as restorations, and changes made by others as lapses' (273). It could have been added here, that innovations are detectable in the canon itself: and that the scriptures explicitly permit the ācāryas to frame new rules under certain circumstances. In fact, the rhetorical techniques of the medieval authors do not seem to be much different from those of the compilers of the 'canon' itself. The presumed 'invention of the practice of 'installing images or stūpas of the gurus' may also not be a distinctly characteristic of the Kharatara-gaccha' (269), since stūpas are already mentioned in the scriptures. In an interesting footnote, Balbir herself points to citations of older sources in the Sena-praśna, a later praśnottara text of Subhavijayagani, which support this conclusion.
John E. Cort's short article 'Dyanatrāy: An Eighteenth Century Digambara Mystical Poet' is a revised and expanded version of an article which was first issued in the largely inaccessible publication Mahāvīr Jayanti Smärikā 37 (2000). It offers a translation of selected poems of Dyānatrāya's oeuvre, and locates four influences on the work of this author, who belonged to the Adhyātma lay movement: Digambara
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mysticism, Digambara liturgy, Jaina devotional poetry, and the Hindi poetry of the nirgun sants.
This outstanding collection of original and thought provoking philological and historical essays makes a significant contribution to Jaina Studies. It is a must read for everyone with an interest in the academic study of the Jaina tradition.
©The Editor. International Journal of Jaina Studies 2005-2007
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International Journal of Jaina Studies Vol. 1-3 (2005-2007) 41-59
ARE JAINA ETHICS REALLY UNIVERSAL?
William J. Johnson"
To many outside, and some within, the Jain tradition, the ethical bar seems to have been set at a daunting height. The concept of ahimsa, or non-violence, appears to be both universal and non-negotiable. Of course, other traditions, especially Indian ones, also subscribe to ahimsa as a prime value. What makes the Jain position different, however, is their capacious definition of what counts as a living being or jiva: as a result, it seems almost impossible not to do harm to other beings and yet remain functional as a living. sentient being oneself. Reactions to this range from astonished admiration, through incomprehension and disbelief, to outright cynicism, especially when it is realised that lay Jains operate in the modern world much like anyone else.
My argument in this paper is that such reactions stem from a basic misunderstanding or confusion, one to which some Jains themselves are not immune. The confusion arises from a conviction that Jaina ethics in general, but particularly the precept of non-violence (ahimsa), as followed by Jaina monks and nuns, is universal, in the sense of being equally applicable to all people, in all circumstances, at all times. (In other words, the fact that lay people, for practical reasons, cannot live up to this standard is seen as a falling off, with all its attendant karmic and soteriological consequences.) I think this view has been largely propagated and endorsed by Western students of religion, and taken up more or less enthusiastically by some Western-based Jains seeking to establish Jainism' as a 'world religion', and to align it with various ecological movements. It is, indeed, an understandable view, given that it is based on doctrines and precepts. compiled in authoritative textual sources. But precisely because such texts were composed by ascetics, either specifically for other ascetics (monks and nuns), or, in the mediaeval period, in a conscious attempt to unify the Jain community by constructing a ladder of ascetic practices between the monastic and the lay world, it is necessary to contrast such a view with actual practice.'
* International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) Vol. 2, No. 4 (2006) 1-18
In the case of the ladder, I am thinking specifically of the śravakācāra texts that have been so brilliantly analysed by Williams (1963) in his book Jaina Yoga. I also suspect that the indispensable and wide-ranging
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I should perhaps make it clear at this point that I am not denying that ascetic values have been crucial to Jaina history, but, beyond the merely emblematic, I am questioning the importance for most lay practice of the near-total or blanket ahimsa required of ascetics. Of course, there are lay people (particularly women) who, from time to time, undertake strict ascetic vows, notably fasting, but in between, those same people, and many others, pursue their significant religious lives through what, in monastic terms, are the harming activities of pājā (worship). Additionally, they go about their daily lives in factories and hospitals, drive cars, fly planes, and so on. To talk about a reluctant compromise, a 'second-best future' (Norman 1991: 39), or a failure to live up to the ideal, does not, I think, reflect the reality of the situation; rather I suggest that lay Jains, in practice, if not in theory, actually have a different set of ethical values, which for most of Jaina history has not been regarded as in any way inferior to that of ascetics. Another way of putting this is to say that Jaina ethics, rather than being universal, is in fact particularistic, in the sense that not just different rules, or different interpretations of the same rules, but effectively quite different ethical standards apply to ascetics on the one hand, and laity on the other; and they do so precisely because ascetics and laity belong to different groups or categories.
Perhaps the clearest way of illustrating this point is to consider Jaina ethics in their Indian cultural context. In Hinduism, just as impurity is relative to caste, so to some extent is morality, at least in the eyes of the higher castes. The anthropologist, David Pocock (1973: 58), writes the following about the attitude of higher castes to lower ones: 'We have to rid ourselves of the notion that "low" in the caste hierarchy implies moral condemnation of such a kind that members of low castes ought to abandon their evil ways and conform to a universal set of values. Members of such castes are indeed said to be ... lightweight or shoddy, ... low and ... black - but in spite of being regarded as morally inferior, they are not morally condemned. One can often hear the phrase ... "for those people it is not a sin", used in a discussion of meat-eating, widow-remarriage, liquor drinking and any custom which the speaker regards as low.'
This reflects a classical concept, that of sva-dharma - 'inherent-duty' - i.e. duty according to class and caste. It is a duty you are born with - adharma, 'sin' in this context, is the failure to conform to your sva-dharma, and so to set yourself against natural law,
work of the doyen of modern Jaina studies, Professor Padmanabh Jaini, has also been influential in this respect. There, ascetic values in general, and ahimsa in particular are presented as a prototype or ideal to which the laity aspire, while, in practice, indeed, out of practical necessity, mostly having to settle for an inferior compromise.
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against Dharma at the cosmic level. In other words, this is a particularistic rather than a universal ethic: different classes, different castes have different duties. This is why Arjuna must fight in the Bhagavadgītā - it is his sva-dharma to be a warrior, because he belongs to the ksatriya varna. In the words of the Gītā itself (3.35): 'It is better to practise your own inherent duty (sva-dharma) deficiently than another's duty well. It is better to die conforming to your own duty; the duty of others invites danger.'
Moreover, as the end of the Mahābhārata shows us, where Kauravas and Pāndavas, heroes and anti-heroes alike ultimately enjoy the delights of heaven, soteriological reward is earned, not by attempting to institute Dharma at the cosmic or universal level (that, after all is God's job, and for the most part obscure to individuals), but by conforming to one's own very particular sva-dharma.?
This attitude does not of course prevent those who consider their sva-dharma to be relatively purer in terms of the caste hierarchy showing moral condescension to those less pure - as we heard from Pocock above.
It is usually thought that part of the revolutionary nature of both Buddhist and Jain teaching is precisely the rejection of this kind of particularistic ethic in favour of a universal ethical dualism of good and bad, defined somewhat differently in each case. Padmanabh Jaini (1987: 119) has been even more specific, arguing that for the Jains and the Buddhists the orthodox Brahmanical value of sva-dharma was replaced by the new and universal value of non-violence. While not wishing to disagree with what is selfevident - that ahimsā is a universal principle or value for Jains - I intend to argue that 'the karma is in the detail': what is regarded as ahimsā, in terms of its soteriological consequences, depends in effect on who you are (lay person or ascetic), rather than on the absolute quality of the action. In practical, or even pragmatic, terms, ahimsā is therefore a particularistic rather than a universal ethic. It may replace sva-dharma, but, structurally and functionally, it resembles it, differing only in so far as it is relative to mode of life rather than particular birth.
Let me explain: Jaina texts differentiate between the ethical standards expected of lay people on the one hand and ascetics on the other. This differentiation is usually presented as a modulation of intensity - we should all do (or refrain from the same kinds
The Gita, of course, has its own means of cutting through the bind of action (karma), namely, bhakti, which is open to all as a soteriological means, regardless of caste status (sva-dharma). Indeed, bhakti is the logical corollary of a particularistic ethics, since it provides for a means of salvation which is not ultimately based on universal cthics at all. God transcends good and evil. The role of pūjā in Jainism seems to be very similar, although, for the Jains, of course, no amount of pujā will redress major and deliberate violence.
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of things (our ethics is universal), but for practical reasons some do so more comprehensively than others. Yet, in fact, when we look at the expected results the effects, karmically and soteriologically, of the different kinds of behaviour undertaken by ascetics on the one hand, and laity on the other the most striking thing is that they are not so different as the behaviour itself. Indeed, the expected results, as we shall see, tend to converge. This suggests that perhaps the difference is actually one of kind rather than quality or intensity.
Is it too radical to propose, therefore, that in the Jain case there are, or have come to be, essentially (if not explicitly) two soteriological paths, both subscribing to the same general view of the universe, both striving for similar ends,' but, in practice, applying two parallel ethical codes which are particular to the individual's status as either a renouncer or a layperson?
We can explore this further by making a specific comparison with early Buddhism. This, I think, is particularly instructive, not least because the idea that the Jaina monastic ethic of ahimsa is universal is partly derived from Buddhism, which, as Jaini points out, also subscribes to non-violence as a key ethical value.
My characterisation of Buddhism here is taken from Richard Gombrich's (1988) compelling account in his Theravada Buddhism: A Social History. Gombrich (1988: 67) points out that the Buddha's 'great innovation was to say that the moral quality of an act lies in the intention behind it'. This overturns the sva-dharmic, that is to say, particularistic ethics I outlined above, since the intention of one person cannot be ethically of quite a different kind from the intention of another: it can only be virtuous or wicked. (We, of course, make a similar if less coherent distinction in law between actions that are premeditated, impulsive, and entirely accidental.) For the good Buddhist. therefore, it is 'purifying action' (punya karma), in the sense of good intention, which brings rewards in this and future lives. Karma is thus internalised. But 'since acting is
31 am assuming here that the soteriological goal of both laity and ascetics is effectively the same. This is not the canonical view, which distinguishes between a better rebirth (perhaps in heaven) and escaping rebirth altogether. However, it seems that for most Jains this became an academic question from early in Jaina history, since it is thought that in the present morally attenuated world age no-one in this part of the universe can hope to attain liberation. What K.R. Norman (1991: 39) calls, in relation to lay prospects, a 'second-best future' actually awaits both monks and laity alike, at least as far as their next birth is concerned. One consequence of such a view, it seems to me, is that the status of the available goal (heaven / a better rebirth) is likely to be raised. This may help to account for the conflation of the soteriological effects of acquiring positive karma and shedding karma altogether (see below). My concern here is primarily with karmic effects - i. e. soteriological effects this side of the ultimate goal.
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really mental, doing a good act is actually purifying one's state of mind. In meditation, such purification is undertaken directly, without any accompanying action. Thus there is a logical continuum between the moral actions of a man in the world and the meditations of a recluse. This shows why the Buddhists claim morality to be a prerequisite for meditation. The system is all of a piece' (Gombrich 1988: 67). In other words, there is a continuum, at the moral level, between lay and monastic practice the latter is an intensification of the former.
If we compare this situation with that faced by the Jains, however, it is less easy to claim that such a continuum exists and that the 'system is all of piece'. The difficulty is precisely because the Jaina doctrinal view of karma is that it is accumulated predominantly through external action. and specifically through harm done to the embodied souls which inhabit virtually every part of the physical universe. What this. means is that karma in itself cannot be purifying (it is always binding or re-embodving), and that it can only be stopped and expunged through severely curtailed activity and bodily mortification. In these circumstances, a lay Jain may feel that he or she is limiting the damage being done through certain basic restraints and periods of fasting, but can hardly suppose that they are approaching ever nearer to liberation.
As I have argued elsewhere (Johnson 1995), Jaina doctrine achieves a degree of internalisation of karman through associating its long-term binding effects with pas on. Consequently, Jains seek in the first place to control harming actions engendered by negative emotions, and only secondarily all harming actions. But again the logic of the doctrine requires restraint, control and inaction, rather than a positive ethic of virtuous conduct. According to these beliefs, there is little you can do to achieve liberation, and lay people, willy-nilly, have to exist in a world of action. So again it seems as though their way of life is inevitably morally compromised, and that the monastic institution, while at one level providing an example, at another, simply confirms their moral inferiority. If the Jaina ethic of ahimsa in its standard doctrinal form, and the consequences of neglecting it, are therefore taken to be universal rather than particular to ascetics, most lay Jains (and anyone else wanting to adopt it) are left in a position of considerable soteriological inferiority.
I am reminded of a prominent and highly educated Jain industrialist who appeared in a film made for the BBC about 17 years ago. He had started to take doctrinal Jainism seriously later in life, and had read a lot of texts. From these, and from conversations with monks, he had come to understand that his way of life was 'wrong' because his factories were doing harm to embodied creatures at some level. He could not at that time bring
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himself to give up his business; consequently, he spent a good deal of time (at least to camera) agonising about his inability to live up to the moral precepts of his religion. I visited him in 1997. He was then semi-retired, although he still lived in luxury. His religious life seemed to be concentrated in such activities as looking after temple sites through chairing committees, and worshipping in his family shrine. Perhaps he still considered himself to be a 'poor', or morally compromised Jain. But it seems to me that if he did, then he is significantly out of step with most of his predecessors, who, from very early in Jaina history, have actively engaged in similar merit-making activities, without apparently thinking they are anything but 'good' Jains.
Before considering in more detail how most lay Jains have acted for most of Jaina history, and the moral status of such actions, it is worth, I think, taking a closer look at what the doctrine of ahimsa, if taken to be a universal moral principle (as it is by the monks and nuns), entails in practice.
Ahimsa is the first of the 5 great vows (mahävrata) taken by all Jaina ascetics and, as Paul Dundas (2002: 158) remarks, it is accepted by the two major sectarian groupings, Svetämbaras and Digambaras alike, as 'lying at the heart of Mahavira's ethical teachings'.. The list is very similar to that subscribed to by the Buddhists, and by others in renouncerderived traditions. In the interpretation of it, however, there are considerable differences.
The full Jain list, as given in the standard compendium of doctrine, the Tattvärtha Sutra, is as follows: To desist from injury, lying, taking what is not given, unchastity, and attachment to things (himsä, anṛta, steya, abrahmu, and parigraha) (TS 7:1). (The final element [parigraha) actually refers to both 'possessions' and 'possessiveness'.)
The Tattvärtha Sutra presents the standard doctrine, but these vows first appeared in the oldest text in the Svetambara Jaina Canon, the Ayaramga Sutta, in a passage which leaves us in no doubt about the comprehensive nature of the vow of ahimsa, and by implication the impossibility of adhering to it unless you are a fully-fledged ascetic. It goes like this: I renounce all killing of living beings, whether subtle or gross, whether mobile or static. I shall not myself kill living beings, nor cause others to do it, nor approve of it. As long as I live, I shall confess, repent of, and avoid these three kinds of violence, mentally, vocally, and physically' (Ay 2.15, after Jacobi 1884).
The crucial element here, and what makes this vow so difficult to carry out, is the depth of the category of living beings. The Ayramga Sutta distinguishes six types of embodied souls or living beings, split into two groups trasa or 'mobile' beings, and sthavara or 'static' beings. 'Mobile' beings are all those creatures which, according to Jain taxonomy, have two senses or more. These include human beings, animals, birds, and
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insects - in other words, probably everything most of us would regard as being alive in some sense. 'Static' or 'immobile' beings are those with a single sense (that of touch), and so they are also known as ekendriya - 'one-sensed beings'.
These beings that possess the sense of touch only - whose individual awareness or consciousness, what characterises them as living beings (jiva), is confined or trapped within that one mode, the tactile - are not, as we shall see, very easy to avoid.
They are classified into 5 distinct types: 1) earth-bodies prthvi-kāyika water-bodies
āp-kāyika fire-bodies
tejo-kāvika air or wind bodies vāvu-kāyika vegetable bodies vanaspati-kāyika
To be an 'earth-body' means that you inhabit a single molecule of the element earth, and so on. Or to put it the other way round, each single 'molecule' of the four fundamental elements provides a body for a jīva or soul.
The vegetable bodies (vanaspati) are of two kinds. First there are those that have an entire plant body to themselves (called pratyeka) on the basis of 'one mango, one jīvu. And second, there are those that assume collective forms (sädhärana). So a tree, for instance, or particular kinds of plants and vegetables (a carrot, or a bulb of garlic, for example) may contain or be comprised of many souls. (This, of course, is one of the reasons why Jaina ascetics will eat some kinds of vegetables and not others).
It seems that it was out of this notion - that souls, living beings, are clustered in various parts of certain plants (in roots, bulbs, seeds, etc.) - there later developed an idea that the whole universe is full of sub-microscopic creatures called nigoda. These do not possess individual bodies but exist as part of a cluster - one which lives and dies as a group. (They are said to attain rebirth in the same state eighteen times in the space of a single human breath.) Moreover, these nigoda may, as clusters, occupy the bodies of other, better-embodied jiva (humans, animals and plants - but not gods, hell-beings or the single molecule element beings).
Leaving aside nigoda (which perhaps owe their existence to scholastic overenthusiasm), the Jaina ascetic is still left in a precarious situation, since, as we have seen, his vow of ahimsa is taken in regard to all living beings, mobile and static. The Aväramga Sutta attempts to help him out by listing five 'realisations' or specific practices

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(bhavana) associated with each vow. In Paul Dundas' (2002 158-9) words, the 'realisations' connected to the first vow: 'delineate particular areas in which violence might occur and with regard to which the ascetic must take special care. Firstly, he must closely observe how and where he walks lest he injure life-forms on the way..... The next two realisations are implicit in the vow itself, enjoining the ascetic to control mind and speech lest they be agents of violence. Fourthly, the ascetic has to take care about how he puts down his alms bowl and, fifthly, all food and drink has to be inspected to ensure there are no life-forms within it.'
Most post Tattvärtha Sūtra commentators take the vow of ahimsa (non-violence) to be the basis of the other vows. They also regard each vow as having a dual nature (e. g. Tatia 1994: 170, on TS 7.1): it has both a passive and an active, an 'ought not' and an 'ought to', a detached and an attached aspect. As Tatia (1994: 169) puts it, summarising the Digambara commentary, the Sarvarthasiddhi: To practise non-violence with detachment is to not be violent whereas to practise non-violence with attachment is to be compassionate in the worldly sense."
Moreover, while detached non-violence inhibits the inflow of karma, attached non-violence (i.e. compassion) generates good or beneficial karma. This interpretation is clearly made under the influence of lay concerns (either directly or because the monks are attentive to lay interests), since lay people may take a partial or relaxed version of these same vows - effectively an active version of them, known, significantly, as aṇuvratas or 'lesser vows'.
Indeed, according to later, laity-concerned Jaina theory, one major distinction. between the vows taken by the ascetic - the monk or nun - and those taken by lay people is that, while the vow of non-harming or non-violence (ahimsa) as taken by the monk or nun, applies, as we have seen, not just to the 'mobile beings' but to all immobile (sthavara), one-sensed beings as well, the lay vow-taker, is only bound not to harm beings with two or more senses. The formula, which the aspirant recites before a monk, is as follows: 'I will desist from the knowing or intentional destruction of all great lives ji.e. embodied mobile souls]. As long as I live, I will neither kill nor cause others to kill. I shall strive to refrain from all such activities, whether of body, speech, or mind' (Jaini 1979: 173). The significant difference between this and the 'great' or total vow of nonharming taken by the ascetic, is not simply its restriction to mobile souls, but the insertion of the qualifiers 'knowing' and 'intentional' in respect of destruction.
As Padmanabh Jaini (1979: 170-1) points out: Jaina teachers have drawn a distinction between injurious activities which are totally forbidden and those which may
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be tolerated within strict guidelines. The first of these categories is designated as sankalpaju-himsā, and includes all deeds involving intentional, premeditated violence. Such deeds are contrasted with those of the arambhajā-himsā variety, which either occur accidentally or may result from the performance of an 'acceptable' occupation.'
The example of an 'acceptable' occupation given by Jaini is surgery. He writes that: 'Surgeons ... may cause pain or even death during a delicate operation, but are guilty only of the much less serious ārambhaja-himsa (Jaini 1979: 171). Such licensed harm suill, of course, has bad karmic, i.e. soteriological consequences (as Jaini's use of the term guilty' reveals); if it did not, then there would be no bar to ascetics causing it as well. Expressed in this way, and presented in terms of a 'lesser' vow, such harm is obviously a pragmatic concession formulated by monks for the benefit of their lay followers. The clear implication of this is that, as far as monastic, i.e. doctrinally normative Jainism is concerned, at the level of soteriological consequences, there is a universal ethic of ahimsa: but since it is only possible for ascetics to implement or conform to it in a significant way, the soteriological progress of non-ascetics is dependent upon the degree to which they can emulate the mahāvrata, i.e. become less like lay people and more like asceties. This is the whole raison d'être of the mediaeval handbooks of lay conduct I mentioned earlier.
One author of a highly influential manual of this type, the 10th century Digambara, Somadeva, makes a distinction in his Upāsakādhyāyana between laukika ('worldly') and paralaukika ('other worldly') dharma. These are essentially two different kinds of dharma available to the householder. But this does not, as one might expect, make a distinction between ascetic and non-ascetic Jaina practice; rather it differentiates between, on the one hand, wider cultural practices and social norms (such as caste identity), which are not specifically Jain but 'worldly', and, on the other, peculiarly Jaina practices, whether temple and worship-based or ascetic, which are based on the canonical texts rather than custom. In other words, householder and ascetic are in the same karmic boal, the paralaukika one; and because of its inevitably harmful nature, there is therefore every reason to consider the religious conduct of householders as ethically inferior to that of ascetics, except when householders are actually imitating the latter's asceticism (Lath 1991: 19-30)
Certainly, these mediaeval manuals of lay conduct provide a ladder, or model for logical progression from lay to ascetic life; but relatively few Jains have ascended it systematically. Of course lay Jains, particularly women, follow specific ascetic practices, such as fasting, and restricting their movement from time to time. But this is seldom a
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programmatic attempt to make soteriological progress in the light of the Jaina doctrine of karma, and tends to be for limited periods only. Moreover, it hardly needs pointing out that the comprehensive or near comprehensive non-violence of the ascetic is predicated on, and only possible because of, the violence perpetrated by non-ascetics in their preparation of the monk or nun's suitably 'pure' food and water. From one perspective, it is the duty and the privilege of the laity to take this violence upon themselves and suffer the karmic consequences. But another perspective, which I shall investigate below. shows that what would be disastrous violence for the monks and nuns (because they are monks and nuns) is nothing of the kind for the laity, precisely because they are laity.
To anticipate my argument a little, it is not just the case that the negative, violence-induced karmic consequences for a lay person of giving alms (dāna) to a monk or nun are easily compensated by the positive but, nevertheless, embodying karma accrued from this act of charity; in the modern era, at least, dāna (preparing and giving food, drink, and clothing) has come to be viewed as actually destructive of karma. This shift is evident if we look at the relevant passages in the Tattvärtha Sūtra (which probably dates from the second or third century CE). There, giving or charity (dana) is named as one of the causes of the influx of a kind of positive karma known as 'pleasureproducing' (TS 6.13 = SS 6.12). It is defined specifically as: 'the act of giving I something) away for the purpose of conferring benefit on one's self (anugrahärtham svasvatisargo dänam) (TS 7.33 = SS 7.38)'. In fact, the two earliest commentaries on this passage describe charity (dāna) as the act of giving something away for the benefit of oneself and others. One of these, the Digambara Sarvārthasiddhi, differentiates between the benefit acquired by the lay donor, which is a store of merit (i.e. positive karma or pulya), and that acquired by the recipient monks, which is advancement along the path to liberation as a result of their worldly needs being taken care of for them (SS 7.38). However, the most recent translator of the Tattvārtha Sutra, Dr Nathmal Tatia, basing his interpretation not simply on these two early commentaries, but on their successors, and, it seems, on contemporary Jaina self-understanding, writes here (as a summary of the commentarial tradition on this verse): 'The giver gives for his own benefit with a sense of gratitude to the recipient. Charity practised with a pure heart helps weaken karmic bondage' (Tatia 1994: 183). This formulation gives a different nuance, at the very least, to the results of däna. By giving to ascetics, you can acquire some of the karmic benefits of actually practising asceticism. And as I hope to show, this tendency to make positive. lay activity actually destructive of karma is even further advanced by some accounts of the

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significance of the material worship (dravya-pūjā) of Jaina Tirthankaras. Before proceeding to this, however, I shall summarise my argument so far.
Beyond wha Dundas (2002: 190) has called the 'monastic idealisation found in the handbooks of lay behaviour, there is, in my view, no general expectation that the laity should try to conform to some universal standard of ahimsā. Indeed, the general attitude is reminiscent of the Hindu particularism I outlined at the beginning: 'For those people it is not a sin'. This is as much as to say, there are higher values, but they are not universally applicable: it is not a sin for them because of who they are. The difference between this and the Hindu case, of course, is that a lay Jain can become 'someone else', a monk or a nun, if they choose to do so, whereas a Hindu cannot change his or her caste. Indeed, it is precisely this possibility of a legitimised change of status via renunciation which, in the Jain case, allowed some monastic writers to create an asceticised and karmically integrated behavioural ladder which, in theory, lay people are to ascend in their quest for better rebirths and ultimately, liberation.
To consider this in more general terms: if the ascetic doctrines concerning himsā, and its bad karmic effects, are taken as definitive constraints on progress towards a better rebirth, let alone liberation, then most lay Jains are, at best, either soteriologically stalled or crawling along in the slow lane. That such ascetic doctrines are not in fact taken in this way (either by the laity or by contemporary ascetics vis à vis the laity) is suggested by the fact that lay Jains today (and this is probably true of much of the past as well) very seldom formally take the anuvrata (or lesser vow) of ahimsā (which, as we have seen, is clearly based on the ascetic mahāvrata). Instead, they express their identity as Jains through the basic ahimsā of a vegetarian diet, and through worshipping asceticism in various ways, rather than actually practising it.
Paul Dundas (2002: 191) points out the difference between the 'ways in which lay people and ascetics envisage non-violence': '[t]he layman is typically portrayed by the ascetic writers as being by his very nature continually implicated in violence and destruction, even when he is acting for ostensibly pious motives'. From the ascetic's point of view, therefore, the best way to escape these dilemmas of lay existence is through
Caste groupings have sometimes changed their caste habits in an attempt to raise their staius - a phenomenon known to anthropologists as 'Sanskritization' - demonstrating that purity is as much a social as a moral or soteriological concept in the Indian context. The fact that the Jain tradition is composed of at least two ways of life - lay and monastic - is, of course, the inevitable consequence of its historical development from a loose, ascetic association into a 'religion' with a wider following. The effective particularism ofits ethics is therefore also a function of that historical change.

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renunciation. Yei, 'Jain lay people, although maintaining a respectful attitude towards animals and lower forms of life, taking care to conform to traditional dietary prescriptions and following trades and professions which do not blatantly infringe the principle of nonviolence, seldom exercise their imaginations greatly about the religious implications of their normal day-to-day activities, placing the emphasis instead, if challenged, on their purity of intention'. He goes on to say: 'What is important in Jain lay behaviour is not precise conformity to a canonical pattern of religiosity ... but the manifestation of pious intentions and correct ethical dispositions through public participation in religious ceremonies, worship and community affairs, the enhancement of the prestige of oneself and one's fellow Jains through religious gifting and the correctness of one's business affairs and family alliances' (Dundas 2002: 191-2).
While certainly agreeing with the general tenor of this, I prefer to interpret lay Jain behaviour in terms of an implicit particularisation of ethics rather than any lack of interest or imagination about the religious implications of day to day activities as such. In other words, I suggest thal, rather than being pragmatically oblivious to some universal, monastically defined ethical standard, they are in reality tacitly conforming to a different ethic, from which they, nevertheless, expect similar results. Because this is implicit, and has not been formally codified, some are understandably embarrassed when the apparent contradiction between their behaviour and the monastic ideal of ahimsă is pointed out to them, and fall back on the proto-Buddhist solution of 'purity of intention, which can, at least at some level, be connected to the classical karma theory.
Let me illustrate the way in which this alternative, or parallel, ethic of good (in the sense of karmically and soteriologically beneficial actions) operates. Essentially, this hinges on what kinds of behaviour destroy karma, and specifically cn the question of whether positive actions (as opposed to inaction and asceticism) can do so. Alms-giving has already provided an example of a positive action which has increasingly come to be regarded as destructive of karma; there is, however, an even clearer case.
The most obvious and typical activity undertaken by lay Jains is pūjā - worship of images of ascetics in the majority mūrtipījaka tradition, and veneration of living ascetics and of the principle of knowledge in the non-image-worshipping traditions. Confining myself to the majority case, one of the reasons for worshipping the Jina or Tirthankara is that it is an activity which gives access to the power generated by great asceticism, both in terms of its karmic (that is to say, liberating) function, and, at least in some times and
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places. its capacity to satisfy more worldly ends. Of course, the mechanism by which this occurs can be, and usually is, accounted for in terms of the results of the individual worshipper's inner and outer actions. But as the i. thropologists Humphrey and Laidlaw (1994: 45) have explained, although there is a clear conceptual distinction between gaining merit (good karma) and removing or "burning off" karma (whether good or bad), there is no correspondingly clear distinction between the actual practices which cause these different sorts of internal process'. And they go on to suggest that püjā is regarded as bringing both punya (i e. good karma) and its effects, and purification of the soul (the shedding of karma altogether) (Humphrey and Laidlaw 1994: 45). That is to say, there is no clear distinction between the effects of practising asceticism and worshipping asceticism (chiefly the prototypical ascetic, the Jina). There is therefore, at the very least, a tendency to transfer the karmic effects of the former (asceticism) to the latter (worship).
John Cort has provided a clear summary of this process in general terms. He writes: 'Veneration involves the praise and adoration of a superior being, whether a departed, enlightened, and liberated Jina or a living, unliberated mendicant. In the Jain case it also plays an integral part in the process of liberation, which is attained by the removal of all karmic attachments and stains. By venerating the superior qualities of a being who is more advanced along the path to liberation, one absorbs some of those qualities into one's being, and thereby both eradicates previously accrued karma and prevents the accrual of more karma. These are integral elements in the Jain process of liberation' (Cort 1995: 327). In short, karmically speaking, the worship of asceticism is thought by many to bring at least some of the effects of its actual practice" - a practice that is configured precisely by the ethic of near total ahimsā.
In the modern era, confirmation of the widespread acceptance of this attitude comes from the monastic community itself. Let me give two examples. First, Lawrence Babb (1996), in his book Absent Lord, quotes from a layman's manual written by a nun
See Humphrey and Laidlaw (1994: 170) on the tendency in practice for some Jains to appeal to the Jina. and not just to the protective deities (sasana-devatā), for this worldly help. See also Cort's translation of part of Acārya Vijay Anandasuri's Juin Tanträdarśa, where the 19th century teacher says: 'those who worship God (the Jinas, out of a supreme sentiment get fruit in this life in the form of wealth and also quite definitely get even hetter rewards in the next life' (Cort 1995: 605). And sce, especially. Nandi (1973: 16667) on the tantric use of paricaparamesthi for magical and protective ends.
"As Paul Dundas (2002: 170-1) remarks, although non-existent in the oldest texts, devotional activity was not only considered a necessary part of the Jain path from the early period, but was also credited with the ability to destroy karma.

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called Hemaprabhāśrījī and published in 1977. She writes: 'Just as the darśan of the supreme soul (... meaning the Tīrthankara) makes the mind pure and becomes the means of the removal of karma (karma nirjari), so the pūjā of the Lord encourages the arising of ... feelings, and the spark of these feelings will burn kannas ai reduce them to ashes. Worship (...) is done in order to destroy sensual vices and eradicate karma. Just its austerity and self-denial eradicate karma, in the same way the Lord's puja, done willi devotion, also destroys karmas and provides many worldly benefits (labh) besides' (Hemaprabhāśrīji in Babb 1996: 92).
Babb (1996: 92) comments: from her standpoint, worship is really a kind of substitute form of world renunciation, which in Jainism is the principal means of shedding the karmas that impede the soul's liberation. In this sense the act of worshipping becomes - itself -- an ascetic act. She also says that these ritual acts result in worldly benefits by means of that relatively) positive form of karma called "merit" (punva). This seems to me to be as clear an example of 'having your karma and shedding it' as you could ask for.
My second example is provided by Bhadrankar Vijay (1903-1980), characterised by John Cort (1995: 601) as one of the most highly revered of all Svetāmbara Mūrtipujaka monks of this century' (ie. the 20h). This is taken from passages m his writings in which he 'responds to the questions of an imaginary interlocutor concerning the suitability of worshiping images of Jinas with physical offerings' (Cort 1995: 601). The potential problem, of course, is that 'worship involving physical objects also involves an element of harm (himsā) to living beings, and therefore runs counter to the central Jain ethical principle of non-harm (ahimsi) to all living beings' (Cort 1995: ( chann comes in the form of the fruit and floral offerings made, and the use of water and fire Similar problems attend the preparation of food and water for ascetics.)
First of all the monk says: 'Devotion of God [by which he means the Jinas or Tīrthankaras) destroys both separation from oneself and contact with harmful karma ... " (Cort 1995: 602). The question is then asked: 'If a householder performs only spiritual (bhava) worship li.e. inner worship or contemplation), and not physical drarvai worship. then will it work or not?' (Inner worship is the only kind of worship the monks and nuns are permitted - physical worship being inherently too violent.) The monk replies that inner worship will not work because a householder's mind requires the stability of an external support. He goes on to say: 'Not only that, all his i.e. the householder's) other activities involve physical matter and are successful, so therefore his mind is satisfied in the realm of religion by physical things. Since his mind is oppressed by worldly womes
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and intrigues, he cannot attain any result through spiritual worship. A householder is involved with physical things, so his religion cannot be successful without physical worship (Cort 1995: 603). He characterises the mple as: 'the path to heaven ... the pillar of liberation ... the lock on the door to hell' (Cort 1995: 605). And elsewhere. in reply to his own question about the way in which worship benefits the soul, answers: 'From worship of God an auspicious karmic sentiment arises in the soul. At the time of worshiping God the worshiper becomes humble, and sings praises of God, from which a sentiment of gratefulness becomes evident. From this gratefulness, knowledge-obscuring and other karmas are destroyed, and the soul gradually advances on the path to liberation' (Cort 1995: 606).
In terms of the standard Jaina theory of karma, presented in the early monastic texts and elsewhere, there is something extraordinary about this statement - namely, the idea that auspicious karma actually destroys other kinds of karma (rather like the Buddhist model of purifying intention), and that through what, from the monastic perspective, is a harming activity, the soul can advance towards the soteriological goal of liberation.
Anticipating possible objections, Bhadrankar Vijay asks himself the question: 'In the worship of God. minute living beings are killed, so aren't these rites therefore unworthy?" To which he replies: 'The injury that occurs to souls in water and vegetable bodies in the worship of God is beneficial to householders' [my italics] (Cort 1995: 607). He likens the householder to a thirsty traveller digging in a dry river bed, who becomes indiferent to the exertion involved because of the hope of finding water. Eventually, when he discovers it, he forgets about the exertion altogether. The monk concludes: 'In the same way, there is a small amount of injury done to living creatures in the worship of God, but in the auspicious perseverance of devotion to God, that violence is the cause of great gain' (Cort 1995: 607).
One clear implication of this is that what is (soteriologically) beneficial to householders would not be beneficial to monks. This seems to me to be the tacit acknowledgement of a particularistic ethic of ahimsā. In other words, the ethical means by which you attain the same soteriological effect (destruction of karma) differs in accordance with your status (ascetic or lay); such a means is not, therefore, universally
I am reminded of Elias Canetti's aphorism: 'An act of violence, for the ritual commemoration of the abolition of all violence' (Canetti 1986: 198) - the Tīrthankaras and siddhas being those who have achieved that abolition of all violence in the Jaina context.
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applicable. This is not simply a matter of one type of behaviour resulting in auspicious karma, and another in the destruction of karma: both types of behaviour are said to lead to the destruction of karma, and indeed, in the lay case, the paradoxical accumulation of auspicious karma, and so worldly benefits, as well.
It is not, I think, accidental that the enabling factor of such particularism is (as it is in the Bhagavadgita) a form of bhakti (devotion) since bhakti has its own imperative which undermines the strict logic of karma-tied ethics. In the Gitā God will save you, in the Jaina temple you will save yourself, and you will do it through action rather than its avoidance. Such action, moreover, has no universal ethical significance: it is particular to your ascribed status (caste status in the case of the Gitā, lay status in the case of the Jains). This is what makes bhakti the logical corollary of a particularistic ethics, since it provides a means to liberation which ultimately transcends the ethical differences that operate at the worldly level. This is particularly obvious in the Gītā where the mechanism of karma is effectively replaced by the will or grace of God; but something of the same function is played by worship of ascetics and asceticism in Jaina püjä.
Let me conclude, by summarising how my model of Jaina ethics differs from those previously offered. It seems to me that, from the perspective of ethics, the standard picture of the Jain community has been drawn as follows. At one level we picture conformity to, or variance from, universal ethical demands that have clear soteriological consequences for ascetics and lay people alike. The canonical texts and the mediaeval compendia of rules for lay people are both predicated on this picture. At another level. we picture the Jaina community as creating and existing in a moral or ethical climate'a generalised non-violent attitude towards the world, symboised by various basic dietary practices and ritual behaviour. This second level is largely expressive: the sense a community has of itself, and the picture it presents to others, rather than karmically (i.e. soteriologically) significant for the individuals concerned.
I differ from this view in so far as I propose a model which allows the assimilation of positive soteriological consequences to the 'ethical climate through ritual and devotion. Such a model assumes that it is possible to make soteriological progress in ways other than those which reproduce, or are simply lesser imitations of, ascetic practices. To put it differently, ascetic practices are predicated on an absolute or universal reading of ahimsā, whereas these other forms of 'soteriological gain' are not. The fact that they are not - that they are particular to lay Jains - resolves what might otherwise be the unbearable dilemma of living in the world and being a good Jain. In other words, rather than subscribing to a watered down version of the monastic vow of ahimsã with its
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watered down soteriological effectiveness, lay Jains can, instead, subscribe to the general values, live in the world, and still make significant soteriological progress, perhaps even, in the perception of some modern Jains, as much as the ascetics.
Their increased knowledge of certain types of canonical texts - texts which were originally composed by and for monks - has caused some lay Jains to regard the first pattern - the ascetic conformity to ethical demands based on a universal reading of ahimsa - as the 'true' or 'pure' Jainism, and on that basis to agonise about their own behaviour and criticise that of their fellows. It is knowledge of the same texts, or the principle underlying them, which has led some Western students of comparative religion to worry that lay Jains are unable to live up to their own high ethical standards, that the religion is 'virtually impossible' for ordinary people and riddled with compromise. Some of the more ecologically minded have presented Jaina cthies, freed from its karmic mooring, as a universal solution to pollution and war, mainly through advocacy of the monastic vow of non-possession rather than the lay one of 'non-possessiveness'. My analysis may not satisfy such universalists, or may be simply irrelevant to their purposes, but it does answer the question of why, for instance, lay Jains drive cars. They do so because they can more than redress the karmic, and thus soteriological balance in other Way's ways that do not require the kind of ascetic and non-harming behaviour that would necessitate surrendering their driving licences. Ascetic Jains, on the other hand, do not ride in. let alone drive cars, because for them it is a sin.
I am grateful to James Laidlaw who, as one of the referees of this paper, inade some interesting and acute observations, which he was happy to make known to me beyond the referee's usual ring of anonymity. One area in which he takes issue with my argument (if I am not misrepresenting him) is that, insofar as lav people can choose to take temporary vows of a kind which are mandatory for ascetics (including the frequent practice of fasting), there is more common ground between ascetic and lay ethics than I allow for in the particularistic-universal' distinction. In other words, such practices are predicated, at some level, on a universal value or principle of ahimsa. I would certainly not wish to deny this last observation; nevertheless, it seems to me that the crucial distinction is between ascetic and lay perceptions of the karmic consequences of particular actions. From the perspective of normative (ascetic-defined) karma theory, the benefits of intermittent lay fasting, for instance, are always going to be more emblematic or promotional than soteriologically significant. It therefore requires a tacit (perhaps even unconscious) re-configuration of karma theory is lay practitioners are to feel confident that they are making significant soteriological progress. In other words, even if the value informing the practice is universal, its perceived karnic effect depends on the practitioner's particular (lay or ascetic) point of view.
For a detailed, and more theoretical, discussion of the ethical complexities at play in, especially, contemporary Jainism, see Laidlaw (1995: 12-21).
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ABBREVIATIONS
Ay - Avāramga Sutla in Jacobi. SS - Pujyapada Sarvarthasiddhi in Jain, S. A. and Tatia. TS- Umāsvāti Tattvārtha Sutra in Sanghvi and Tatia.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Canetti, Elias. The Human Province. Translated by J. Neugroschel. London: Picador.
1986. Cort, John E. "Jain Questions and Answers: Who Is God and How Is He Worshiped?"
Religions in india in Practice. Ed. Donald S. Lopez Jr. 598-608. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1995. Dundas, Paul. The Jains. Second Revised Edition. London: Routledge, 2002. Gombrich, Richard. Theravāda Buddhism: A Social History. London: Routledge: 1988. Humphrey, Caroline & James Laidlaw. The Archetypal Actions of Ritual: A Theory of
Ritual Represented by the Jain Rite of Worship. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
1994. Jacobi, Hermann. (trans.). Jaina Sutras: Part One. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1884. Jain, S. A. Reality (English Translation of Shri Pujyapāda's Survürthusiddhi). Calcutta.
1960. Jaini. Padmanabh S. The Jaina Path of Purification. Berkeley: California University
Press, 1979. Jaini, Padmanabh S. "Values in Comparative Perspective: Svadharma versus Ahimsā."
Sramana Vidrā: Studies in Buddhism: Prof. Jagannath Upadhvara Commemoration Volume. Ed. N. H. Samtani, 111-122. Varanasi: Central Institute
of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1987. Johnson, William J. Harmless Souls: Karmic Bondage and Religious Change in Earl
Jainism with Special Reference to Umāsväti and Kundakumda. Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1995. Johnson, William J. (trans.). The Bhagavad Gita. Oxford: Oxford World's Classics, Repr.
2004. Laidlaw, James. Riches and Renunciation: Religion, Economy, and Society Among the
Jains. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995.
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Lath. Mukund. "Somadevi Suri and the Question of Jain Identity." The Assembly of
Listeners. Jains in Society. Eds. Michael Carrithers & Caroline Humphrey, 19-30.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. Nand: Ramendra Nath. Religious Institutions and Cults in the Deccan. Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidas. 1973. Norman, K. R. "The Role of the Layman According to the Jain Canon." The Assembly of
Listeners: Jains in Society. Eds. Michael Carrithers & Caroline Humphrey, 31-40.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. Pocock. David. Mind, Body and Wealth: A Study of Belief and Practice in an Indian
Village. Oxford: Blackwell, 1973. Sanghvi, Sukhlal. Pt Sukhlalji's Commentary on Tatrvārthasūtra of Vācaka Umāsvāti.
Trans. K. K. Dixit. Ahmedabad: L.D. Institute, 1974. Tatia, Nathmal (trans.). That Which Is: Tattvārtha Sūtra. San Francisco: Harper Collins,
1994
Williams, Robert. Jaina Yoga: A Survey of the Mediaeval Srāvakācāras. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1963.
The Editor. Intemational Journal of Jaina Studies 2005-2007

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International Journal of Jaina Studies Vol. 1-3 (2005-2007) 60-85
SUBJECT INDEX OF THE INVENTORY OF THE STORIES IN N. BALBIR'S
ĀVAŚYAKA STUDIEN
Willem B. Bollée
(Nalini Balbir, Avasvaka-Studien. Introduction Générale et Traductions. Alt- und Neuindische Studien 45, J. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1993. Numbers refer to pages 126-195 and 229-439 of the book. Keywords are printed in capitals. For proper names as a rule see Mohanlal Mehta & K. Rishabh Chandra, Prakrit Proper Names I-II.
Ahmedabad: L.D. Institute, 1970-72)
ABHAE (Abhaya) 166, 181, 233, 363 ABHIGGAHA (ʻremoval of the embryo') 135, 303 (“voluntary restriction in food) ABHIPPAE ('intention') 158 Abhira 127 (potter quarrels with his wife destroying their wares), 151 (-s enter the order).
194 (Jain - couple in Cutch), 359, 437 (cf. 127) ABHIRI 400.435 (see Abhira) abstention, see anurata acquaintances 127 act (rash - prevented by monks' advice) 127 ADANA-BHANDA-MEITA-NIKKHEVANA-SAMI ('caution as to the apparel of the
monks') 177 ADAVÍ ('forest, wilderness of existence') 154 ADDHANE ("road') 173 adultery of man with his daughter in law 194 adultery of woman 150, 161, 165, 193 advice of monks saves from rash act 127 AGAE (antidote') 164, 174 āgamao ('with regard to the Scriptures') 232 AGAME (tradition') 158 āhākamma ("inacceptable') 245 (see L. Alsdorf, Jain Studies, Mumbai, 2006, p. 26)
International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) Vol. 3, No. 1 (2007) 1-23
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-aika 341 note 208 (suffix with participial value) akavapunna ('man without religious merit) 165 Ajja-Khauda 157 (a magician) AJJAVA (honesty') 183 AJJHAVASANA ('mental stress') 144 AJJIYA-LABNA (receiving alms from a nun') 172 AKĀMA-NIJJARA ( spontaneous expulsion of karman) 149 almıs 128, 131 (bad - ), 150 (accepting one - only is considered meritorious), 172
(receiving – from a nun), 187 (ants eating spoiled - die), 245 (unacceptable -
accepted), 3011. ALOHE (lack of desires') 183 ALOYANA ('confession") 179 AMACCA-PUTTE, 167 (- tests prince's longing for adventure) AMACCE, see minister AMALAGAM ('emblic myrobalan) 168 (artificial -), 269 (not used for pūja) ANAVAJJAM ('avoiding the reprehensible') 154 ANISSIOVAHANE 179 INKE ( sign of recognition) 162 ANNIYAYA ('incognito ascetism) 183 antidiote (AGAE) 164 (poisoned elephant revived), 191 (- against possession by a
Vyantari) ants, see urine, drinking of -; alms ANUBITUE (knowledge) 149 ANUKAMPA (compassion) 149 Anuvrata 1921t. anusvāra added or removed in messages 239 unuyoga 305 APPAMAE ("permanent vigilance) 186 apprenticeship (SIKKHA) 162, 273 Arabian nights 174 (Jain -) ARAHANĀ ("reaching the goal at the approach of death') 187 Ardha-Māgadhi 138 (traces of -) arithmetic (GANIE) 163 ĀROGGAM ABHIRAI 169 arrogance 155 (MANA)

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asceticism (TAVE) 169, 183 (incognito - ) ASSE ("horse') 163 ATTEYA 153 ATTHA ('money, wealth) 158 ATTHA-NIPPHATTI ('obtaining wealth) 169 ATTHA-SATTHE (Arthasāstra') 1621. ATTA-DOSOVASAMHARO ('abstention from errors one has in one's hands') 185
(Jinadeva refuses to eat meat for his recovery) AVACCE (descendants) 130 (of Rsabha); 136 (of Mahāvīra) AVAHĀRA ('embryo transplantation)! 135 Avantisukumāla 179, 181 Āvasyaka 251 aversion from dirty monks (VITIGICCHĀ) 191 avoiding (PARIHARANA) 173 AYAR(OVAE) ('correct behaviour') 184 Bähala horse easily broken in 143 Bahubali 132 BALA-TAVE (fool's fast) 150 Bambnadatta legend 144 battle, see: fight beans (māsā) taken for flies 191 beggar (daridda) 154 (seduced by queens), 169 (robbed and killed by dacoits) behaviour, monastic 143, 184 (good -: bad - of Nimbaga), 185 (see SUVIN) betel 174 (dhobi cleans clothes tainted by ) BHARAHA-SILA 158 (Rohaka) Bharata, see combat, disc, digvijaya; as cakravartin 132f. BHASA-SAMI ('caution in what one says) 177 BHĀUYA (brothers') 151 BHAVAMMI ( in spiritual sense') 171 BHAYA ('fear'). 144 BHERİ ("the drum') 433
See Willem B. Bollée, "Physical Aspects of some Mahäpurusas: Lescent, Fecuality. Birth" Hicnic Zeitschrift für die Kunde Slidasiens 49 (2005) 12f: Gokuldās Kāpadiä in Yasovijaya. Tirtha hara Mahavira. Bombay. 1976. Plate 5.
See Tara Sethia (ed.). Ahimsri, Anekanta and Jainism. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2004

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BHESANA (“terror") 135 BIRALI ('cat') 127, 425 BIYA VARAVARIYA ('second proclamation') 131 hirth 129 (- ritual of Rsabha) 285 (chain of ~5) black 275 (spot on thigh of queen), 375 (see: dog) blind man and lame 127, 295 boothi (deliverance') 149 bracelets 186 (sound of -) brahmins, origin of - 133 brothers 151 (two-s one of whom is hated by his mother).
161 (woman married to two ~S),
184 (Jalana and Dahana) BUDDHI (intelligence) 158, 233 (four types of -), 393 Buddhist 146 -5 converted), 162 (~ monk and pledge),
1851 - monks pass off as Jains to get ihe better of the latter in debates),
1911- converted), 193 buffalo does not drink mı ldy water 127, 419 burglary 193 (partaking refused by a Jain) buttock (ahithana) 377 (fight with ~S), 383 (do) ca. abuse of 136 (oldest example of -) CIKKE (disc) 148. 156 CAKKI-INDIA ('sight') 156 (TKRILIRTIN 1.2 CALAN-AMAYA ('kicking') 168 (which punishment for the one who kicks the king's
head?) CALANI (filter) 411 (see: filter) CWMA 148 CAMPAGA-MĀLĀ ( example of the wreath of campā flowers) 172 CANAKKE 167 (youth and adolescence of Cānakya),
191 (disagreement with Candragupia) CANDANA-KANTHĀ (sandalwood patchwork") 373 Candapingala 170 (a thief) Candraprabha 136 (description of Mahāvīra's palanquin) cannibalism 139 (woman offers alms of rice and flesh of her sullborn child to Gosäla),
156 (Kalmā āpāda story) - see DHANADATTE

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canonical style 138, 141, 151 carpenter (VADDHAT 166 cat drinks spoiled milk 127. +25 caution (SAMII) 177 CEDAGA-NIHANE (boys and treasure') 162 CEIYA-BHATTI ("attachment to certain holy places') 172 chain 127 (human -), 285 (chain of births) child of first wife killed after remarriage 127 CITTAKARE (painter) 166 clairvoyance 140 (of a layman), 150 (negative -) cleaning (SOHĪ) 174 cloud and gravel (SELA-GHANA) 401 coins (NANAE) 162 colic. dying from - after overeating 144, 191 COLLAGA (food) 147 combat. single - of Bharata with Bahubali 132 commentaries difier 241 compassion 149 (ANUKAMPA) conjunication of southern merchants with northern barbarians 127 concentration (SAMADHANAM, SAMAHĪ 184 confectioner (PUTE) 166 confession (ALOYANĀ) 179 (story of two wrestlers) conjurers 244 (perform before the king with a monkey) conversion of brahmin 194 corpse swimming in river 167 courtesan (GANIA) 164 (admires ascetic who resists her), 166 (pregnant -), 170 (pities
impaled dacoit), 186 (two rival -s), 263 (see: picture gallery) cow 127 (lying - not to be bought; milked by four men without being fed in between),
230 (five groups of -s herded according to their colour), 307 (- and calf),
369ff. (lying -, cf. 127) cowherd 141 (female ~ gives alms), 155 (see GOVĀ) crow 132 (-s in elephant carcass), 159f. (number of -s, white -, etc.) cultural hero (Rsabha as -) 131 curds 172 (king Udayana turned monk wants to eat only curds) curse 170 (strikes town of Kuņālā)
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dacoit 170 (- impaled pitied by courtesan):
178 (six as discuss plundering a village and killing the inhabitants) DAMADANTE 152 DAMANNAGA 195 (nobleman refuses to eat meat and fish) Damocles' sword 189 (- above the head of man who refused a queen's overtures) danda ('offending act') 1751. (three kinds of -s) Danda 179 (ascetic tortured by king Jauna) DANE (gift) 136, 150 daridda (beggar') 169 DASANNA(BHADDA) 151 daughters 127 (Brahmin lady advises her three - how to treat their husbands,
cf. 255.257.259). 184 (two - of king Pandusena) daughter-in-law 171 (sex with -) DAVVAMMI NINHAGA ("heresy in material sense'), 171 (novice destroying potter's
merchandise) davv'avassaga 232, 245 deaf family 127, 397 death 127 (unmerited- of mongoose), 143 (causes of -: overeating, touching a snake, incest
with mother) death penalty 189 (sword hung over head of condemned), 192 (plunging into crocodile
pond) Devanuppiva (beloved of the gods) 274, 278 DEVAYABHIOGENAM (under the pressure of a uivenry').
190 (- a layman turns against Jinism) DEVI (queen') 166 description of feminine beauty 141 desire (KANKHA) 191 DHAMMARUI 154 (a prince turned ascetic) DHAMMILA 195 DHANADATTE 167 (father D. and five suns eat girl's corpse to avoid starvation) DHANNE, see mustard seeds
Sce Willem B. Bollée, The Story of Paesi. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2002 and Mumbai: Hindi Grantha Kansalava. 2005. p. 261.
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DHIL-MAI ('fixed thought) 184 dialogue of the deaf 317 dice, see PĀSAGA; play of -, see JŪE digvijaya of Bharata 132 dīksā of Bāhubali 132 dirtiness of monks 191 (aversion from -) disc of Bharata appears 132 disguise 333 (of wife as friend of wife), 341 (- of woman as man) disgust at the world (SAMVEGE) 185, 245, 285 doctor 149, 175 (three -s), 185 (two -s) dog 375 (carcass of black - with bright teeth), 379, 381 DO KANNÃO ("two girls') 173f. DO-MAHURA-VANI 151 donkey (GADDAHA) 164 DONNI VĀNIYAGA 143 DOSA (“hatred') 155 doubt (SANKĀ) 191 DOVE ('wooden spoon) 165 dream 135f. (having twice the same -), 148 drum 375 (Krsna's four-s, one abating the plague), 381ff. (- abating the plague), 433 DUDDHA-KAYA (milk can made of bamboo') 173 (two boys carrying milk in -) dysentery (aisāra) 276 (as a cause of death), 291 ear, spikes in the 141 eating meat, see: meat education 184 (good ) elephant 128 (rebirth as an -), 160 (weighing an -), 163 (traces of an -),
164 (resuscitation of poisoned -), 176 (excited -), 182 (traine i for water play) elephant driver, see mahout elephant stable put on fire 363ff. eleven paths to state of Siddha 157 embryo exchange 144 (between Sulasā and Devaī) embryo transplantations 135 (see AVAHĀRA)
See Willem B. Bolléc, Gone 10 the Dogs in Ancient India. München: Bayrische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2005, pp. 26 and 88.
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empty hut (sunnaghara) 176 (used for venue by lovers), 356f. (used for kāyotsargu) ESANA-SAMII ('caution as to alms) 177 eunuch refuses to enter women's quarters 194 excrements (UCCARE) 160 exorcism 191 expiation, see PAYACCHITTA-KARANE tables 131 famine victims brought to Buddhist country 145 farmer (KARISAE) 165 fast 131 (break of' - ritual instituted by Śreyāmsa), 150 (fool's -),
184( unto death by five Pandavas), 301 tear, see BHAYA ferryman Nanda and monk Dhammarui 155 festival, see: Indra: iisava fight with buttocks 377, 379. 382 filter (CALANI) 411 (- is full when in water, outside it is empty lire 140 (Gosāla's magic -) fireplace 133 (KUNDA) fish, see meat five 172 (- Sons of a brahmin), 177 (- old monks die of thirst), 188 (- external agents
forbid study) flamingo can separate milk from water 127 (cf. HAMSA) flesh. human - offered to Gośāla 139 ilies, not leeches annoy when sucking 127 flowers 186 (poisoned karnikára - avoided) flying in the air, see magic knowledge fool's fast (BĀLA-TAVE) 150 fools praise the wrong thing 126 forester 169 (- who saw town cannot tell his people what it is like) foundation of capital (Ayodhyā) by Rsabha 130 four 1271- men milk a cow without feeding her in between),
375 (- drums of Krsna), 429
See Willem B. Bollée, Physical Aspects of some Mahäpurusas: Descent. Foetality, Birth." Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens 49 (2005) 12f.
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fourteen vassals 279 fraudulent behaviour in order to be respected 155 frog 167 (killed), 176 (created by a deity to test a monk's careful walking) funcral sermon 144 GADDAHA (donkey') 164 gām'-agara-nagara 278 (village cliché) GANABHIOGENA ('under the pressure of a group)
190 (a layman fights as a driver in the Rahamusala war) GANDAGA ("monk who strikes a gong for announcements') 188 GANDHA 164 GANIA (courtesan) 164 GANIE ('arithmetic) 163 GANTHI ("knot) 164 GARIHĀ ("reproach') 171, 174 garment (PADA) 159 garment (VATTHE) 174 Garuda 157 (Kokkāsa makes artifical -) GAYA ('clephant) 160 GHADA ('pot[ter]') 166 GHAYA ('ghee') 166 GHAYANA Gjester) 160 (plays joke on queen) GHAN-INDIA ("smell") 156 ghee (GHAYA) 166 girls, two (DO KANNÃO) 1731. (princess and painter's daughter), 184. 389ff. GO ('cow) 127, 429 (see: four) GOLA (globule) 160 (- in someone's nose removed with glowing pin) goldsmith (HERANNIE) 165, 271 (jealous - with 500 wives), 281 (do), 291 (do) GONE GHODAGA-PADANAM ca RUKKHÃO 165 GONI ('cow) 369 goose (HAMSA) 417 Gośāla 1381., 139 (utters curse) GOVA ('cowherds) 155 GURU-NIGGAHENAM ('on the insistence of one's parents') 191 (a Jain offers alms to
Buddhist monks) GUITI ('watch, surveillance) 176 (three-S)
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hair 137 (Sakra drops Mahāvīra's hair into milk ocean) hal! 134 (of mirrors), 149 (burnt cannot be rebuilt) HAMSA ('wild goose') 4171- can separate m 'k and water (cf. flamingol) hand 359 (man seizes ~ of woman) hāra (pearl chain 182 HASE (joking, laughter') 157 (courtesan's daughter approaches novice) hatred 155 (continues in various births) head 168 (punishment for hitting the king's -), 255 (wife hits husband on -),
257 (do), 259 (do) hearing (SO-INDIA) 156 hecatomb 184 (sacrifice of - to a vaksa) hedgehog curls up 127 helmsman 154, 158 HERANNIE (goldsmith') 165 hereafter (PARALOE) 170 heresy of Jamali 146 Herodes legend 154 heterodox 1916 honours (SAKKARE) 151 horse 163 (Väsudeva as a horseman), 164 (- keeper), 191 (restive -), 267 (- urinates),
377 (deity steels - of Krsna) human birth 147 - difficult) human chain 127 hunchbacked woman 146, 311 HUNDIYA JAKKHO 170 husband 161, 255 (hit on head by wife with heel of shoe), 257 (do),
281 (murdered with mirrors by 499 wives) hygiene, lack of - 183 ibbha-putia 1551. (falls in love with a queen of whom he had seen a toc) ICCHĀKĀRA ('spontaneous wish to serve one's superior) 143 ICCHĀ MAHAM ('according to my wish') 162 ideal ol feminine beauty" 141 IDDHI (power) 151
See Willem B. Bollde. "A Note on the Pasa Traditions in the Universal History of the Digambaras and Svetambaras "International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) 3. 2 (2007) note 47 on vs 40.

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ILĀPUTTE 151, 154 illegitimate prince Sundaridatta 148 incest 140 (of son with mother), 166 (of twins), 182 (do), 185 (of father with daughter),
193 (of son with mother; daughter with father, brother with ster) INDANAGA 150 INDE 169 INDIYA ('sense') 155 (five senses) Indra festival, origin of - 133 infanticide 345 (father kills son in order to be able to remarry) intelligence, see BUDDHI IRIYA-SAMII ('caution in walking') 177 jackal 132 (greedy -), 167 (cry of female -), 180f. (-s eat a Jain monk at night),
347 (young monk called - ) JĀHAGA ("hedgehog') 427 (- drinks milk from pot) JĀIE SARANE ('recollection of prebirths') 130 jai-sarana, see SARANAM JAKKHO 170 (vakşa Hundiya) JALUGA (*leech) 127, 423 (- compared to mosquito) Jamāli (Yamāri) 146 (heresy of -), 177 JAMMANA (birth) 129 (of Rsabha), 135 jars are whole or broken 127 JATTA (pilgrimage) 158 jester (GHAYANA) 160 (plays a joke on queen) jewel 147 (spotting -s in the ocean after wreckage), 168 jewellery of 14 pieces 281 (feminine -), 389 (do) JHANA-SAMVARA-JOGE (`excercise to dam the influx of karman by meditation') 187 JIBBHP-INDIA ('sense of taste') 156 JINA-HARE 'sanctuary' 133 JOGE (mixing substances; supernatural substances) 158 joisa (Jyotiska, a class of divinities) 138 JŪE ('play of dice') 147 JUGE ('yoke') 148 Kadapuyanā (a demigoddess) 139 KĀGA ('crow) 159 (sixty thousand -s) kāgini ('distinctive jewel sign of brahmins') 133
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KAHANA-VIHI 399
kalah ('social arts') 263 (64) KALAYA-PUCCHA ('question for K.") Kalmäṣapāda 156 (man-eating king) kalpa-vrksas disappear 128
KAMALAMELA 351
KAMA-NIPPHATTI ('sex') 169
KAMMA-KKHAE ('annihilation of karman') 169
KAMME ('action') 157
Kandarika 161
KANKHA (desire') 191
Kapila 134 (servant of Marici and founder of Samkhya)
kappanthaga ('boy') 191 (two-s)
KARISAE (farmer") 165
karkota (a vegetable, Momordica charantia" or mixta") 321
karman, annihilation of
(KAMMA-KKHAE) 169
karman, influx of 185 (~ stopped)
karnikāra flowers 186 (poisoned -s avoided)
KASAYA (passion') 155 (four passions)
KAYA-DANDA ("harmful act') 176 (master Candarudda kills his pupil who had
stumbled)
KAYA-GUTTI (watch on one's acts')
176 (monk standing on one leg at night in order not to kill any living beings)
KAYAUNNA 150
KHAGGA-THAMBANA ('calming of the rhinoceros') 189
KHAGGE (rhinoceros') 168 (rebirth as a ~)
KHAMBHE (pillar') 160
khapalaya ( faggot': 'grain and fodder") 317 (bound at horns of cattle for sale)
Om Prakash, Food and Drinks in Ancient India (From Earliest Times to c. 1200 A.D.). Delhi: Munshi Ram Manohar Lal, 1961, p. 274.
7
Ralph 1. Turner. A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages. London: Oxford University Press, 1973. p. 2825.
Thomas Oberlies, Avasyaka-Studien: Glossar ausgewählter Worter zu E. Leumann's 'Die AvasyakaErzählungen Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1993, p. 62.
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KHUDDAGA (Jain novice) 160 KHUDDAGA (ring) 159 (→ recovered from pit bottom) kibbisivá 155 (rebirth as a -) KIDHI-VANIYA-DASI-AHARANA (example of the merchant's ollave woman)
142 king, 167 (disconsolate -), 267 (- and minister go out) knot (GANTHİ) 164 knowledge (ANUBHUE) 149 KOLIA ('weaver') 165 Konkan 192 (father and son in-) KONKANAGA-DARAE ("the boy from Konkan') 345f. K(R)ONCA 165 KRODHA ('anger') 155 KUDAGA ('pot') 407 (comparison of pots and pupils) Kuiyanna (stable owner) 126 kulala (Spotter) 171 KUMARE (prince) 166 Kunāla, blind prince 126 KUNDA ('place for the holy fire') 133 Kunälā 170 (town of - hit by 15 days' rain due to curse) Kūniya, Kuniya 182 KUSĪLA-PADISEVANA ('visiting loose women') 157 kuta ('pot') 407 (see: pot) KUVA (pit) 163 KUVA-DITTHANTA (parable of the pit) 172 LAKKHANA ("mark) 164 laughter (HASE) 157 lāvaga birds 192 (child refuses to kill - ) leeches do not annoy when sucking 127, 423 lehāvariva (lekhâcārya) 135 ('scriptorium') LEHE (writing') 163 lemon tree (MAULINGA) 169 (grove of -) LESE ('colour of the soul') 178 letter 239f. (royal - changed by adding or removing anusvāra) linga 145, 181 (monk's mark: ravaharana) listening 119

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lizard (SARADA) 159 (why does - shake its head ?) LOBHA ( Covelousness, greed") 155 love sickness 33319.. 353 MAGGI ('path') 161 masg'inni 16! Magha 261 (month with cold rain) magic charm 191 (thief cannot use -) magic fire 140 (of Gośāla) magic knowledge (called Prajñapti) of flying, of metamorphosis
145 (0! Vajrusvämin), 1571. (walking on water), 233 (flying ascetics),
353 (creating double) magic unguent for the feet 158 Mahāgiri 1801 Mahakala 181 Mahavira 134 (prebirths of -), 139f. (-taken for a spy) MAHISA ('buffalo') 127, 419 muhiva (buttermilk) 314 mahout (MENTHA) 149,0 257 MAHUSITTHA ('bee's wax) 161 MANA ('arrogance, pride') 155 MANA-DANDA (bad thoughts') 175 manasa devānam vāväe patthivānam ("gods need to think only, kings to speak') 274f. MANI ("pearl) 168 (~ in head of snake drops into pit and reddens its water); see snake
jewel man loves wife's friend 127 MANO-GUTTI ('watch on thoughts') 176 MANTE ('magic formula, mantra') 158 Marici the heretic 134" mark of a monk (linga) 180 (ravaharana) marriage of Rsabha 130 Marudevī 132
CL. Willem B. Bollée, Kinolajataka. Being an Edition and Translation. London: Luzac and Co., 1970, p. 150.
Sec Paul Dundas, History, Scripture and Controversy in a Medieval Jain Sect. London: Routledge (Routledge Advances in Jaina Studies Vol. 2), p. 232 note 24.

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MARUO ('brahmin) 143, 171, 188 MASAGA (mosquito') 421 MAULINGA-VANA ("grove of lemon trees') 168f. MAYA ("deceit') 155 MAYA-SALLA (“arrow of deceit') 176 (one of the three arrows) meat 164 (of an elephant eaten), 185 (Jinadeva refuses to eat - for his recovery),
195 (young nobleman refuses to eat meat and fish; result: good marriage, wealth and
divinity in next birth) medicine 126 (in wrong dose harms) MENTHA ('mahout) 149 merchant 128 (two ~$ reborn as elephant and man), 142 (with old female slave). 143
(two ~S, one covering his wares in the monsoon), 166 (turned monk after his wife's
adultery in his absence), 151 (two -s) MESA ('ram') 127, 420 message 144 (wrong - causes wife's death), 165 (secret ~) metamorphosis, see magic knowledge MEYAJJE 152 (the sage Metārya who had his eyes cut out) MICCHĀ-DAMSAŅA-SALLA ("arrow of heterodoxy') 177 (Jamāli) milk, separating – from water, see: flamingo, HAMSA milker 127 minister (AMACCE) 167 ( -s organize alleged messenger service to the hereafter for
disconsolate king) mirror 281 (his wives kill jealous goldsmith with -s), 291 (do) misfortune (VASANA) 151 money, see ATTHA mongoose's unmerited death 127, 349 monkey 126 (two -s), 143, 149 (- king), 243 (- couple falls from vañjula tree) monks 191 (dirtiness of -) monuments 133 (erection of commemorative -) MOS'UVAESE ("showing someone how to get the better of someone else in a dispute')
193 mother advises three daughters how to treat their husband 127, 255, 257, 259 mother-in-law 261 (man hates -) MUDDI (“seal) 162 mugga stone cannot be destroyed even by intense rain 127 Müladeva 161
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(MULAGUNA-)PACCAKKHANA ('voluntary major restrictions') 185 (king Cilaya) mustard seeds, finding -in a heap of cereals 147
MUTTI (pearl') 165
myrobalan not used for pūjā 269 Nalinigumma 181 (Upanga 9.2.8) NAMA naming (of Rṣabha) 129 namokkära 169 (efficiency of ~)
NAMOKKARA-NIJJUTTI (Niryukti of fivefold homage') 154 (fruit of the five-fold N. salutation') 170
NAMOKKĀRA-PHALA NANAE (coins') 162
NASIKKA SUNDARI NANDE 168
NAULE (mongoose') 347
needle 357 (s fixed on nails of person in kayotsarga as torture)
NIDANA-SALLA ('arrow of wicked desire') 177 (one of three arrows)
NIJJAMAGA ('helmsmen') 154
NIKKHAMANE (going into homelessness, ordination of Mahāvīra') 136 Nimbaga 184 (bad behaviour of)
NIMITTE (sign') 163 (elephant traces)
NINDA ('self-criticism') 171, 174 NIPPADIKAMMAYA (lack of care of the body') 183 (Nägadatta story) NIRAVALAVE ('secret of confession')
179 (if a plate drops when handed over both giver and receiver are at fault) NIVVĀNAM ('extinction") 133
NIVVODAE (water from gutter') 165 (~ poisoned by snake kills adulterer) NIYATTI (abstention') 173
NİYĀVĀSA-VIHARA ('sedentary life') 172
niyoga 183 (of Avantivaddhana with Ratthavaddhana's wife Dharaṇī)
north-east 273 (vakṣa-temple
of Saketa)
numbers 261
nun protected from king by Jain monk-magician 158
offspring (of Rṣabha), see AVACCE
omens, bad 138
omniscience 132 (of Rṣabha), 132 (of Marudevi), 133 (of Bharata),
137 (of Mahavira), 142 (do)
one who knows another 126, 253
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orāla ('beautiful', Sa. audārika) 335 ordeal 189 overeating and dying from colic 144, 191 PACCAKKHANA ("renouncement') 154 PADA ('garmcnt) 159 PADHAMĀ VARAVARIYA 127 PADIHARANĀ ('avoidance') 173 PADIK(K)AMANA ("repentance) 173 padima ('ascetic posture') 137 PADIYARANA ("taking care') 173 PADOSE ('rancour') 157 PAL ("husband') 161 PAI-MARIYA (murderess of her husband') 174"? painter (CITTAKARE) 166, 270, 273 (killed by yaksa) painting 127 (threefold aspect of -), 275 (- a whole being after seeing only a part of it) palm tree kills boy 130 pancanamaskāra 192 (condemned pronounces - and is saved by a deity)? Pāndavas 184 (fast unto death of the -) PANIA 159 PANIHI (deceit') 185 PARA-LOE (hereafter") 170 PARAMANU ("atom) 148 PARA-PASANDA-PASAMSA (“praise of the heterodox')
191 (Canakya and Candragupta disagree on the attitude towards Buddhist monks) PARA-PASANDA-SANTHAVA ('familiarity with the heterodox) 192 PARIHARANĀ ('avoiding') 173 parihüra-visuddhi (purification by isolation') 299 pārināmika-buddhi (deductive intelligence) 335 PARINNĀ ("discernment') 154
1. Thus read in Willem B. Bollée. The Story of Paesi. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2002 and Mumbai: Hindi Grantha Karyalaya, 2005 on p. 167 and 312.
! See Paul Dundas, The Jains. Second Revised Edition. London: Routledge, 2002, pp. 81-83: Nalini Balbir. "Le Pancanamaskāramantra en charades." Jaina-Itihasa-Ratna. Festschrift Gustas Roth. Herausgegeben von Ute Hüsken, Petra Kieffer-Pulz & Anne Peters, 9-31. Indica et Tibetica 47. Marburg: Indica et Tibetica Verlag, 2006.
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PARIPUNAGA (muslin for filtering') 415 PARISA ('audience') 399 parisaha ('endurance) 148, 155f. PĀSÃE (residence') 173 PASAGA ('dice') 147 passions 155 (four -) PAVAE ('rope-dancer, -walker) 166 PAYACCHITTA-KARANE ('practice of expiation') 187 pearl (MANI) 168 (in head of snake drops into pit and reddens its water) pearl (MUTTI) 165 (perforated – caught with a bristle) pearl chain (hāra) 182 Persia 165 (women sold to - as prostitutes) PHALA ('result [of renouncements]') 195 PHASA ('contact) 144 PHAS-INDIA ('sense of touch') 156 physician (VEJJE) 149, 175 (three -s), 185 (two ~) picture gallery 263 (of courtesan with representations of craftsmen attending to their
occupation to learn the character of her customers and serve them accordingly), 275,
289 pillar which when destroyed cannot be restored 148 plague 375 (one of Krsna's drums abates the -), 381 plate 179 (if dropped between two persons both are at fault) pledge 162 poisoned flowers 186 (karnikāra) polyandry, see: brother 161 polygamy, see: goldsmith possession by a Vyantarī 191 pots 127 (~ are pure or dirty), 407 (- are new or old, etc.) pois destroyed by quarreling Abhīra merchant couple 127 potsherds are of no use 127 potter, see Abhira, DAVVAMMI NINHAGA, GHADA, kulāla, pot with cobra 167 practical joke, see: jester Pradyota 285, 291, 293 Prajñapti (magic science) 353ff.
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pratvaklvāna ('refusal) 171 Pratyekabuddha 186 (four-s) prebirth 130 (recollection of -), 134 (-s of Mahāvīra), 177 (of Vasudeva), 194 pride 155 (MĀNA) prince (KUMARE) 166 princess 190 (- widow rejects eating meat and becomes nun) princess and the pea 156 (queen Sumāliyā) promise to be kept 353 prostitutes, women sold to Persia as - 193; - cf. courtesans proverb, see manasā; snake PUCCHA ("question') 133 (Bharata asks Rsabha – about other Jinas), 153 (for Kālaya
about the consequences of sacrifices) PŪIE ('confectioner) 166 pupils's qualification 127 PUPPHASĀLA-SUE ("son of P.') 150 purisa-paramparad (human chain') 270 PUTTE ('son') 161 queen (devī) 166, 275 (- painted after seeing only her big toe) question, see PUCCHA quintessence of doctrines in one sloka 153 (see e.g., Süyagada) RĀGA ('affection') 155 Rahamusala war 190 RAHIO ("charioteer') 164 (courtesan and ~) rain 170 (- of 15 days hits town of Kunāla due to a curse) RAJJA-SANGAHE 'cohesion of the realm (of Rsabha) 131 ram (MESA) 127 (- drinks without clouding the water), 420 (do) rancour (PADOSE) 157 rash act prevented 127 rattapada (Buddhist monk) 162 RĀYABHIOGENA ('under pressure of the king') 190 (- a layman offers an alms to a
heterodox mendicant) rāvavattaga 289 (note 157) ravaharana (hand brush') 145 (mark of monks) RAYANE (jewels) 147 RAYA-SUĀ princess) 190
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rebirth 147 (-as a human difficult), 167 (-as snake for killing frog),
168 (- as a rhinoceros), 283 (of women as dacoits and of goldsmith as animal) remarriage of widower 345 (impossible because of child) repentance (PADIKKAMANE) 173 resuscitation 164 (of elephant), 175 (of man bitten by snake) Rhampsinitus story 150 rhinoceros (KHAGGE) 168 (rebirth as a -), 189 riddles 1741+ ring (KHUDDAGE) on pit bottom recovered 159 rivalry 237 (between sons of different mothers) rogue 161 (two -s: Mūladeva and Kandarika) Rohini 357 (first vidvā) rope-walker (PAVAE) 152, 166 Rsabha. previous births of - 128; cares for a sick monk 129 RUKKHE ("tree") 159 (monkeys throw apples) SADARA-MANTA-BHEA 192 (suicide of a wife after discovery of adultery) sädhu magician protects nun from king 158 SĀDIVVAM ('wonder) 169 Sagadāla 182 (a minister) SĀHŪ NANDISENE 167 Saiva ascetic 169 SAKKARE (honours) 151 Sakra protects Mahīvīra 139 salla (arrow) 176 (three -) Salutation 154 (fivefold -) SAMADHANAM ('concentration') 184 SAMAHI ('concentration) 184 SAMAIYAM ('active indifference') 152
! See Nalini Balbir, "Prakrit Riddle Poetry." Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 72-73 (1993) 661-73; do, "Théorie et pratique de la devinette en milieu jaina I." Bulletin D'Études Indiennes (2002) 83-243: do, "Grammatical Riddles from Jaina Works." Jambijvoti (Munivara Jambuvijaya Festschrift). Eds. M. A. Dhaky and J. B. Shah, 269-308. Ahmedabad: Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre, 2004; do. "Le Pañcanamaskāramantra cn charades," Jaina-liihāsa-Raina. Festschrift Gustav Roth. Herausgegeben von Ute Hüsken, Petra Kieffer-Pülz und Anne Peters, 9-31. Indica et Tibetica 47. Marburg: Indica ct Tibetica Verlag, 2006,
CL Asagada in W. Bollée. V'vavahara-Bhāsva Pīhikā. Mumbai: Hindi Grantha Karyalaya, 2006 note 79.
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samarasarana of Rsabha 132 sāmāyāri ('proper monastic behaviour) 143 sāmávika, see bodhi SAMBASSA SAHASAM 359 SAMBOHA (awaking') 136 (commentaries do not mention a canonical source for this) SAMII (precaution') 177 (five -s) samjamani ("meal') 335 SAMKHEVO ("summary') 153 SAMMA-DITTHÍ ("right belief") 184 SAMMA-VÃO ("telling the truth') 153 samsāra 154 (forest of - ) SAMVARE (obstruction of the influx of karman) 185 SAMVEGE ('disgust at the world') 185 SAMYOGA-VIPPAOGA ('union and separation) 151 sanctuary, see JINA-HARE 133 sandalwood drum 375, 381 SANGANAM Ca PARINNA ('discerning') 187 SANKA ('doubt') 191 SAPEE ("snake') 138, 168 SARANAM 'recollection of pre-births' 130, 138 SATTA-VAIE ('vow of seven steps) 339 SAVAE (Jain layman, srāvaka') 395 SAVAGA (-BHAJJA) 167, 333 SAVVA-KĀMA-VIRATTIYA ('abstention of all wishes') 185 (by an incestuous father) SAYA-SAHASSE 163 (tujjha pivā majjha piū dhārei anūnavam) schisms 146 scriptorium, see lehayariva seal (MUDDI) 162 secrets 192 (finding out wife's -) security 162 (return refused) SELA-GHANA ('cloud and gravel') 401 self-criticism (NINDA) 171 SENIE KOVO ("Śreņika's anger') 363 sesame 140 (discussion between Gośāla and Mahāvīra about -) SETTHI (merchant) 166
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SETTHI-BHAJJA ('merchant's wife') 189 (with the help of a yakṣa saves husband who
had rejected the queen's advances)
sex 171 (with daughter-in-law); see KAMA-NIPPHATTI
sheth's daughter scoffed at by another 127
SIA SADI DIHAM ca TANAM AVASSAVAYAM ca KOŃCASSA 165
—
sieve 189 (catching water in a ~ as an ordeal)
sight (CAKKH'-INDIA) 156
sign of recognition (ANKA) 162
SIKKHA ('apprenticeship') 162, 181 singiya 317
SIPPE (manual skill") 157
SIVA 150
smell 156 (poisonous), 191 (evil due to disgust at evil smell of monks in prebirth), 375 (cadaverous of dead dog)
snake 167 (rebirth as for killing frog), 168 (killed by birds), 175 (= passion); - sce MANĪ
snake 279 (~ at the head of the bed); - see SAPPE
snake charmer 175
snake jewel 168 (MANI)
social groups 131 (four: Ugras, Bhogas, Rajanya, kṣatriya)
SODASA 189 (a king)
SOHI (cleaning") 174
SO-INDIA ('hearing') 156
Solomon's judgment 161 spittoon 311
spoon (wooden-: DOVE) 165
studying 127 (at the wrong time), 188, 315, (no with a master who resembles a deaf family)
stupa, see THUBHA
style (canonical) 151, 154
SUBHADDÃ 188
SUE (listening to') 149
Suhatthi 1801. (Mahagiri's pupil)
~
16 See Peter Gaeffke, "The Snake Jewel in Ancient Indian Literature." Indian Linguistics 14 (1965) 124-40: Kamil V. Zvelebil. Two Tamil Folktales. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1987, p. liii note 20.
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SUI ('purity') 184 suicide after discovered adultery 193 (of a wife) suitability of pupils 127 Sumāliyā, see: princess and the pea SUMIŅA ('dream') 135 Surapriya (a vaksa), 287 (see also: yaksa) SUVIHI ('normal behaviour) 185 (of two doctors) syllable missing 233, 235 tailor (TUNNĀGA) 166 takka 314 taste (JIBBH'INDIA) 156 TAVE (asceticism, fast) 169 teacher saved by royal disciples 165 teeth 375 (bright - of dead dog) temple, see JINA-HARE test 159 (list of -s) TEYALI 154 theft 389 (- of jewellery at bath), 393 (~ of garment at bath) thirst 177 (five monks die of thirst on alms round) thirty two 180 (wives), 182 (sons of Sulasā) thorn drawn from monk's foot 149 three daughters 127, 255, 257 three drums of Krsna 375 (of yellow sandalwood) threefold aspect of wood, painting, treasurer, flower, showing the way 127 THUBHA ('stūpa") 133, 169 (- of Munisuvrata destroyed which protected Vaiśālī) THŪLABHADDE 164, 168, 180, 182 thumb (samdāsaya) 277 (right ~ of painter cut off) TIDANDI ("Saiva ascetic') 169 tit for tat 171 (punishment of novice who destroyed potter's merchandise) TITIKKHA ('endurance') 148, 183 toe (pāy'-angutthaya) 156 (big - of queen), 275 (do) tongue pulled out as a punishment 162 torture, see: needle traces of canonical style and language 138 treasure 162 (found by boys), 163 (hidden underground)
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treasurer, threefold aspect of a - 127 tree 159 (monkeys throw apples); 178 (parable of - and fruits) iri-dandin, see TIDANDI Triprsta the first Vāsudeva 134f. tucch'osahi-bhakkhanavā ('consuming vegetables of little nutritive value') 195 TUNNAGA ("tailor) 166 turtle and the yoke-hole 148 (cf. W. Bollée, JAOS 93.4 1973: 603) twelve years 137 (of Mahāvīra's peregrinations) twenty-two 148 (parīsaha), 183 (sons of Indradatta) twins 130 two 173f. (- girls, see DO KANNĀO), 183 (→ pupils of Kosiyajja), 184 (→ brothers),
185 (- doctors), 237 (- queens) UCCARE 160 uda'olla ('wet) 245 U(DIODAE RĀYA (king Udioda') 166 (protected by Vesamaņa), 189 unbelieving deity 375 unction of Rşabha, see ABHISE(G)E unguent (magic - for walking on water) 158 upasarga, prototype of - ('trial') 135, 137, 141, 155 urine 178 (drinking of - ), 267 (- of king's horse), 269 (do) Usabha, see Rsabha ŪSAVA ('festival') 151 (UTTARAGUNA-PACCAKKHANA ('secondary voluntary restrictions')
186 (two monks resist wish to drink to keep their vow) uvabhoga-paribhoga-vae ("relation to objects of enjoyment resulting from consumption
or activity') 195 UVASAGGA, see upasarga 138ff., 155, 157 VADDHAI ("carpenter) 166 VAI-DANDA (harmful word) 176 (monk says to have seen a herd of swine which
people then want to kill) VAIRE 168 VAKKHĀNA-VIHI 399 Vajrasvamin (biography of -) 144 ranamantari 161 (in the shape of a woman - touches man at a distance and thus betrays
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VANARAO (monkey) 143
vanjula tree 243f.
VARANA ('dissuasion') 173 (king dissuades his soldiers from eating foods poisoned by
enemy)
VASANA (misfortune') 151
Vasubhūi 180
VATTHE (garment') 174
VAYA-GUTTI (watch on speaking') 176
VEJJE (physician') 149
VIBBHANGE ('negative clairvoyance") 150
vibhäsä ('detailed exposition") 127
viddha 289 (technical term in painting: Leumann: 'mark', see note 159) vidvädhara 126 (thoughtless -), 233, 235, 353 (woman transformed into ~) VIGAISU ya PADIBANDHAM ('inclination for vikṛti")
172 (king Udayana turned monk wants to eat only curds)
VIJJA ('magic science') 157, 351 (vidya)
village 247 (set on fire by jeweller who is banned), 249 (do), 278 (cliché) village chief helps monks lost in jungle 128
villager in town 127
VĪMAMSĀ ('examination') 157
VINAYA (low service') 150
virtue, feminine 189 (proved by ordeal)
VISA-BHOYANA-TALAE ('pond and eating poisoned food') 173
VITIGICCHA ('aversion') 191
VIUSSAGGA ('rejection') 171, 186
VIVAHA ('marriage') 130 (of Rsabha), 136 (of Mahavira)
vow of seven steps (SATTA-VAIE) 339ff.
VUDDHI ('adolescence') 130 (of Rṣabha), 135 (Mahāvīra)
walking on water 158 (magic unguent for ~)
water 127 (muddy not drunk by buffaloes), 158 (walking on ~ possible with a magic unguent), 165 ( from gutter poisoned by snake kills young man)
wealth, see ATTHA
weaver (KOLIA) 165 (knows the amount of yarn for a piece of cloth), 173(s daughter wants to flee with her lover)
weaverbird 143
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wife 180 (playing with 32 wives), 189 (saves husband), 194 (poor - sells jewellery),
261 (bound to pillar in the cold rain by husband as punishment), 271 (500 wives of a
goldsmith), 281 (do), 281 (wives burn then selves after killing their husband) wildernis of samsāra 154 woman 161, 169 (pregnant - killed by dacoit), 174 (- who murders her husband), 193
(women sold as prostitutes to Persia), 127 and 349 (~ kills mongoose), 359 (~ refuses
to enter temple) wonder 169 wood, threefold aspect of - 127 words (vayana) 323ff. (uttering -) wreath 172 (example of - of campā flowers) wreckage 147 (- of a ship laden with jewels), 184 (- of two princesses) vaksa 170 (Hundiya), 273 (temple of Surappiya), 287 yoke hole, see turtle
© The Editor. International Journal of Jaina Studies 2005-2007
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International Journal of Jaina Studies Vol. 1-3 (2005-2007) 86-145
A NOTE ON THE PĀSA TRADITION IN THE UNIVERSAL HISTORY OF THE
DIGAMBARAS AND ŚVETÂMBARAS
Guņabhadra, Mahāpurāņa, Utt. 73 (Pārsva)*
Willem B. Bollée*
in memory of A. N. Upadhye
The 9th century C.E. was one of vivid display of activity on the part of both Svetâmbara and Digambara authors of whom we possess works of, e.g., Śīlânka, Puspadanta, Jinasena and his pupil Gunabhadra. They all wrote a Universal History (mahā-purana) hagiography, that is, of the 24 Jinas, 12 Cakravartins (emperors) and 3 x 9 other heroes. The Digambara monks Jinasena and Gunabhadra composed their Sanskrit kāvva in two parts: the former, called Adipurāna, consists of 47 chapters (parvan), 42 of which were written by Jinasena and deal with the lives of the first Jina, Rşabha, and of the first emperor (cakravartin), Bharata. The other 5 and the 30 chapters of the latter part, the Uttarapurāna, were authored by Gunasena, who also wrote the Atmânuśāsana. As the Epilogue (Praśasti) tells us, in the rule of the Rāstrakūta King Krsna II Akālavarsa the final Trișastilaksana-mahāpurāna was dedicated on June 23rd 897 C.E. by Gunabhadra's pupil Lokasena (Glasenapp 1926: 331). The chapter on the life of Pāsa, or Pārsva, as the 23rd "fordmaker" (Tīrthakara or Tīrthakrt) is wrongly called in Sanskrit (see note 8 infra), is edited and translated below.
Pārsva is very popular in both Jain denominations,' to the extent that he not only had his place in the Universal Histories, but was also given separate hymnic
International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) Vol. 3, No. 2 (2007) 1-60
* The author expresses his sincere gratitude to several colleagues for various suggestions, and Miss Andrea Polden for checking his English text. - In this treatise Jain texts were abbreviated as in Schubring 2000, Sanskrit texts as in Monier-Williams Dictionary, and Buddhist texts as in the Epilegomena zum Critical) P(āli) Dictionary) (Copenhagen, 1948).
"Until the present day". Acārya Mahāprajña says. "Pārsva is the most popular Tīrthakara among the Jains. One reason for this could be the greater austerity of Mahāvīra and his insistence on increased ascetism. Another reason for Pārsva's popularity could be that his name is associated with snake worship.
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compositions, a survey of which is given in Madhusudan Dhaky's contribution to the collection of papers read at a seminar in Delhi in 1987. For a general comparison of the various versions of the Pārsva hagiography see I ruhn 1954: 95.
Alsdorf's remark about Sīlānka's Cauppanna-mahāpurisa-cariva (9th century C.E.), viz that "parts of it are very condensed and even incomplete; from the point of view of the content it is far inferior to Hemacandra's work," (1974: 132 note 3) may mutatis mutandis also be applied to Gunabhadra's Uttarapurāna where the meaning of a stanza sometimes cannot be understood without a parallel text such as Hemacandra's Trişastiśalākāpuruşacaritra (1 159-72 C.E.), as in vs 66 below.. Gunabhadra's käiva text presupposes a thorough familiarity with the subject. For that reason it may be useful to list the various rebirths of the adversaries Kamatha and Marubhūti up to Sambara and Pārsva; the names in Bhāvadeva's Pārsvanāthacaritra, when different, are given in brackets:
9. Marubhūti 12. elephant 24. Sahasrara god inhabitant 28. Raśmivega (Kirangavega) 30. Acyutakalpa deity 32. Vajranābhi (Vajranābha) 41. deity (Lalitânga) 43. king Ananda (Suvarnabāhu) 68. deity in Anata heaven 92. Pārsva
9. Kamatha (Katha) 23. cock with head of snake 29. Dhūmaprabhā (Pancamâvani) hell 30. boa constrictor (great snake) 36. 6th hell inhabitant 37. Bhil named Kuranga 67. hell (Saptamâvani hell) inhabitant 67. lion
? (hell inhabitant) 117. Sambara (Asura Meghamalin)
Another shortcoming of śīlanka's is also valid for Gunabhadra, viz volatility in his way of composing. Moreover, a difference between Gunabhadra and both Bhāvadeva and Hemacandra is the absence of stories and sermons.
A more precise comparison of the various Pārsvanāthacaritras, inter alia by Vādirāja' (ca 1025 C.E.), Hemavijaya (ca 1575) and Udayavīra (ca 1597), to mention
which has an immense following all over India" (http://www. herenow4u.de/Pages/eng 17.02.2007). See also Nagarajaiah 1999: 52f.
2 Though Vădirāja's Pārsvanāthacarita was mentioned in Winternitz 1983: 495, Lienhard 1984: 212 speaks of it as lost, apparently mixing him up with his probable teacher Kanakasena Vădirāja, the
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only those published so far,' can only be made with critical editions of the texts and exact translations (as against Hindi paraphrases) and evaluations. The present treatise is an attempt to provide the latter; even if the conditions are not yet fulfilled, a start must be made. Gunabhadra's hagiography was paraphrased by Bloomfield in 1919, whereas Campbell, who posthumously edited Zimmer's Philosophies of India in 1951, admitted his inability to figure out the text used by Zimmer for his chapter on Pārsva in view of many details that deviate from Bhāvadeva in Bloomfield's version. See also Shah 1987: 17011.
As to the person of Pārsva, because of his representation in literature and art, supported by an etymology of his name, I think he is a mythical serpent prince behind whom (for unknown reasons) the historical Tīrthakara, who may even be a near or older contemporary of Mahāvīra," is hidden. The reasons for this in my view is his being the son of the nāga king Aśvasena, mentioned in Mahābhārata I 218,5 and 219,40; accordingly Hemacandra, Trisastiśalākāpuruşacaritra IX 3, 90, calls him Aśvaseni, etc., and his dark complexion as that of a nāga.? As proper names are often abridged, the name Pāsa or Passa may be derived from (U)pâśva(sena). As a rule, Pāsa is represented with his two yakşas Dharanendra and Padmāvatī, the latter holding an umbrella over the snake protecting the Jina. This is the umbrella of the dharma expressing the Indian idea that a person who does not attack himself will not be attacked.
Dravidian poet (Wintcrnitz 1983: 533). The Hindi Grantha Kāryalaya will soon reprint the Bombay, 1916 edition by Pt. Manoharlal Sastri.
Sce Velankar 1944: 245f.
+ Zimmer 1951: 181 note 1.
5 Dhaky 1997: 4. The traditional round number of 250 years (of their being apart in time) is frequent in Indian literature (Pāli: addhatiya- and addhateyya-sata).
* Sec Bloomfield 1919: 243.
On other dark heroes, Krsna. etc.. and speculations on the meaning of their complexion see note 113 on vs 95 bclow.
* Eg.. Pāla for Gopāla or Pālakāpya (Handiqui 1949: 454): see further Bollée 2005: 273: 2006: 76 and 125; in my forthcoming review of Wiley 2004, I take Skt. Pārsva to be a faulty reconstruction of Pāsa/Passa.
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The pattern of the protecting serpent (nāga) as in Vinaya Pāli I 3 of the Buddha, sheltered from bad weather by the snake king Mucalinda,' was possibly the example for Pārsva.
Guņabhadra, Uttarapurāņa 73
1. sa pātu Pārsvanātho 'smān, yan-mahimnâiva bhū-dharah
nvasedhi; kevalam bhakti-bhogini-chatra-dhāranam
May Pārsvanāth protect us, by whose mere power the mountain (thrown by Kamatha) was averted. The female serpent (Padmăvatī) carrying the umbrella acts only from devotion."
2. dharma-svetâtapatram te sūte viśva-visarpiņīm
chāyām päpätapa-plustās tathôpi kila ke-cana
Your white umbrella of the Doctrine provides a shadow over everything / an all covering shadow. Some, however, are indeed burnt by the heat of Evil."
3. sarva-bhāsām bhavad-bhāṣām satyām sarvôpakāriņīm
santah śrnvanti samtustäh, khalās tāñ ca na jätu cit
Good people are pleased to hear your true speech, all that you say (?)!2 that helps all, but mischievous men are never pleased.
Giteau 1976 plate 12; Zimmer and Campbell 1983 Il plate 561. The pattern occurs later also in Sivaism as with the linga in Lepakshi (Michell 1982: 17).
18 In Pannālāl Jain's (afterwards: PJ) sometimes hclpful Hindi paraphrase this pertains to Padmăvati's holding an umbrella over Pārsva as seen, e.g., in the Jaina cave at Badami (Titze 1998: 35; Nagarajaiah 2005: illustrations 6 and 9). The stanza is cited in Nagarajaiah 1999: xix.
"
Cf. vs 140.
Read: -bhāsam a light for all'?

Page #99

4. an-abhivyakta-māhātmvā, deva, tirthakarāh parel3
tvam eva vyakta-māhātmyo; vācyā te sādhu tat-kathā
Of other Tirthakaras, Lord, the exalted state is not evident, but your exalted state is clear indeed. You should proclaim it weil.14
5. ku-märga-vārini vasmād yasmāt san-märga-dhāriņi,
fat te dharmvām kathām vaksve bhavānām mokşa-gāminām
Therefore I shall relate your sermon leading to the deliverance of (all) beings' for it will keep (people) off the wrong way, in order that it will make (them) stick to the right way.16
6. Jambū-višeșane dvipe Bharate daksine mahān
su-ramyo vişavas; tatra vistirnam Podanam puram
In South Bharata (India) on the isle of the Jambul there is a large, quite pleasant region. There lies the big city of Podana. 18
7. rakṣitâ syaravindâkhyo vikhyāto Vikramâdibhih
pipriyus tam samāśritya Prajāpatim iva prajāh
Its protector was called Aravinda by Vikrama and others.' His subjects confided in him and loved him as his creatures (love) Prajāpati.
13 Read: param?
14
Thus p.c. from Professor A. Mette and Professor H. Nagarajaiah; I had taken sādhu as a vocative.
15
"Therefore, I narrate your story to those desirous of delivery“ (p.c. Professor H. Nagarajaiah).
16 "As the (sermon keeps people) off the wrong road (and) supports the right road I shall deliver to you the sermon of the ways of existence leading to deliverance" (p.c. Professor A. Mette).
17
Or: Black plum (Syzygium cumini Skeels). Thus the new definition of Wujastyk 2004: 297.
IK Read Potana as in Pāli and later Sanskrit (Hemac., Trio IX 2,3 and Parisistaparvan 1 92: ŚC 245, 5 has Poyanapura) and cf. Sammeda for Sammeta in vs 14. It is said to be modern Paithän on the north bank of the river Godavari. 50 kms south of Aurangabad (Dey 1927), but see also Saletore's Encyclopaediu, s.v. Pota.
90

Page #100

8. tatrâiva Visvabhūty-ākhyo brāhmaṇaḥ śruti-śāstra-vit.
brāhman v Anundhari?" tasva prītyai śrutir ivâparā
At that very place there lived a brahmin named Viśvabhūti who knew the Vedas and the manuals. His wife was Anundharī, loved [by him] like another Veda.
9. a-bhūtām etayoh putrau vișâmrta-kytôpamau
Kamatho Marubhūtiś ca pāpa-dharmāv ivâparau
They got two sons, one as if made of poison and the other of nectar: Kamatha and Marubhūti, images of Evil and the Doctrine.
10. Varunā jvāvaso bhāryā dvitīvasya Vasundhari!
mantrinau tau mahīpasva kanīvān nīti-vit tayoh
The wife of the older one was Varunā, of the second, Vasundhari. Both men were ministers of the king. The younger of the two was a politician.
11. Vasundhari-nimittena sad-ācāram satām matam
Marubhūtim dur-ācāro jaghāna Kamatho 'dhamah
Because of Vasundharī the lowly (and) wicked Kamatha killed the virtuous Marubhūti. who was esteemed by good men.
12. Malave Kubjakákhvane vipule sallaki-vane
Marubhūtir abhūn mrtvā Vajraghoṣo dvipâdhipah
1
SC 245.5 and Bhd 1.23 call Aravinda king of Potana. Vikrama is not mentioned in my sources.
20 SC 245, 7 has Anundhari, Hemac., Tri" IX 2, 11, Anucidharā.
21
In ŚC 245.9 and Hemac., Trio IX 2, 12: Vasundhara.
- This was a case of the reverse relation of the common niyoga, (the custom of a brother-in law being allowed sexual relations with his elder brother's widow; see also Bollée 2005: 19) in that the elder brother Kamatha approached Vasundharī, the wife of his younger brother, because of her husband Marubhūti's ascetic behavour, details of which are recounted by Hemac., Trio IX 2, 18ff. and Bhd 1,673ff. An early case also of stalking? On Marubhūti, see Jaini 2003.

Page #101

In a large Boswellia Thurifera forest in the Malaya mountain range, Marubhūti after his death was reborn an clephant king named Vajraghoşa
13. Varunā ca mrtā tasya Karenur abhavat priva.
tavos tasmin vane pritvā kāle gacchaty a-tucchake
and Varunā after her death became his wife Karenu in the course of time, which was full of pleasure for them in that forest.
14. Aravinda-mahártijas tvaktvā rājyam virajya sah
sampräpya sam vamam särthenämä Sammedam iditum
King Aravinda became indifferent and gave up kingship, accomplished self-control at home with the intention to go to Mt. Sammeda.24
15. vrajan vane sva-velāvām pratima-yogam agamat
nộllanghate nivogam svam manāg api manasvinah
Setting out in the forest at a moment of his own choice he observed vows of selfdiscipline;25 he did not himself in the least violate the order of the wise man.26
16. vilokva tam mahā-nāgas tri-prasruta-madóddhatah
hantum abhyudyatas tasva pratimā-voga-dhārinah27
23 Read: samiritum.
21 Pārasnäth hill in Bihar. 65 kms to the east of Hazaribagh (cf. Dey 1927: 176; Titze 1998: 208ff.). Read Sammeta as in Hemac.. Trio, and Bhd, and see Bloomfield 1919: 181 note.
25 On these see, e.g., Schubring 2000 & 156.
24
Probably the Jina.
27 Thus read for tri-prastuta- (variants: tri-prapluta- and tri-prasūta-), as in Bāna. Harshacarita 209, 11 and cf. PWB tri-prasruta where also a variant -praśruta in the Rāmāyana is mentioned. The confusion is odd for the phenomenon must be well known. Regrettably, Nīlakantha, Mātanga-lilā IX 5 (Edgerton 1931: 80), when dealing with musth, speaks only of the nine places on the body where it flows from (see also ibidem, p. 34f.), and does not explain our tri which could pertain to the temples and penis (especially in divination: IX 9). No solution is given either in the otherwise informative Google article
92

Page #102

Seeing him the big elephant (Vajraghoșa] which was intoxicated because in musth, with fluid streaming from three (places in its body) was ready to trample him to death who undertook vows of self-discipline.
17. viksva vaksah-sthale saksan manksu śrīvatsa-lañchanam
sva-parva-bhava-sambandhain pratyaksi-krtya cetasä
Quickly noting (however) with its own eyes the śrīvaisa sign on his (the king's) chest, it (the elephant) realized in its mind the connection with its own previous life.
18. tasmin prükiana-sauhārdāt pratosi jošam āsta sah.
tirvarco 'pi suhrd-bhāvam pälayanty eva bandhusu
Because of his former affection towards him (Aravinda) it was gratefully pleased. Even animals maintain friendship with (their former/or: attachment to) relatives.?
19. dharma-tattvam muneh samyag jñātvā tasmät sa-hetukam
sa prosadhópavāsâdi śrāraka-vratam agrahit
Understanding very well the real essence of the monk's Dharma/Doctrine (and) motivated thereby, he took the vow of a layman, viz., fasting, abstinence from sensual gratification, etc.
20. tada prabhrli nägendro bhagna-sākhāh parair dvipaih
khādams trnāni suskāni patrani ca bhayād aghāt
From that time onward the mighty elephant, out of fear (of violating his vow), ate (only) branches broken off by other elephants and grazed (only) dry grass (and) leaves.24
(http://www.upali.ch/musth_en.html) which has pictures of the thick blackish fluid issuing from the temporal glands. The appearance of ichor is not related to the mating season which does not exist for elephants.
2
In his pre-birth the clephant was Marubhuti and Aravinda his father.
24 Cl., e.g., Hemac.. Trio IX 2, 100.

Page #103

21. upalâsphälanak sepa-dvipa-samghāta-ghattitam
pibams tovam nirāhārah păranāyām mahā-balah
The very strong one drank (only) water pressed by the bodies of elephants when rubbing and striking against rocks, and abstained from food until the conclusion of a fast.
22. ciram evam tapar kurvan kşina-deha-parākramah;
kadäcit pätum āvāto vegavatyä hrade 'patat 23. parike punah samutthātum vihitêho 'py aśaknuvan
Kamathena ku-vrttena kukkutâhitvam iyusā 24. purva-vairânubandhena dașto nirnasta-jīvitah
abhūt kalpe Sahasrâre sodaśabdhy upamâvusā
For a long time it pursued penance in this way and its physical strength diminished. Once when it came to drink, it violently fell in a pool and was unable to rise again from the mud, despite the efforts made. Because of its enmity from a former birth, bitten by the wicked Kamatha, who was reborn as a cock with a snake head, its life was extinguished. It was reborn (a god) with a life-span equal to 16 sāgaras in the Sahasrâra heaven.
25. tatra bhogān vatha-yogyam bhuktvā prānte tataś cyutah
dvipe 'smin prag Videhe 'sti vişayah Puskalāvati
30 This is also "a legendary serpent with the tail of a serpent and the head of a cock. The vehicle of the sasanaderi of Pārsvanāth is usually portrayed as a kurkuļāhi" (Johnson II 1949 note 276). Bloomfield 1919: 42 says in note 36 that this fabulous serpent is first found in Bhd 1,858 which, however, occurs in ŚC 250,3. For a reproduction see Pal 1994: 165 (plate 65) and Nagarajaiah 1999, plate 59, who informs us on p. xv that this snake is the lāncana of Padmāvati. the presiding deity of Hombuja kşerra and the family goddess of the Säntara and Ganga dynasties. On this plate, however, it is a wild cock with a snake's head as mentioned in the introduction to Nemicandra's Dravyasamgraha, p. xxix. On the colour illustration in a MS in Pal 1994: 88 the the cock has no snake head; possibly there was a scribal error in the MS used for the printed cd. (Shah 1987: 268). More on the kukkutôraga in Nāgarajaiah 1999: 3 and 4911.
51 In Hemac.. Trio IX 2.109, his life-span is 17 sāgaras.
52 For this heaven see Kirfel 1920: 292-315.
94

Page #104

There he enjoyed his life as befitted him and at its end was reborn from there on this island (of Jambüdvīpa) in East Videha. (There) is the district of Puskalāvatī. 32
26. tat Khecarâcale rājā Tri-lokottama[na)-nāmani
pure Vidyud-gatir13 vidyādharêśas tasya vallabhä 27. Vidyun-mālā, tavo sūnū Raśmi-vegâkhyaya jani.
sampürna-vauvano dhimān. pratyäsanna-bhavâvadhih 28. samadhi-guptam āsādhya muninn samprāpya samyamam
grhīta-sarvato-bhadra-prabhrtv-ugrópavāsakah
On a rock of the Khecaras in a city of the name Trilokottama. there lived at that time (tat) the king Vidyudgati. The wife of this lord of the vidyādharas was Vidyunmālā. Of them a son with the name Raśmivega was born. When adult he was a wise man. When his life was near its end the king sat down near a muni who had retired into meditation and when he had reached self-control he undertook strict fasting, the beginning of which was in every way auspicious.
29. paredyur Hima-giry-adri-guhāyām vogam ādadhat
präpta-dhüma-prabhā-duhkha-kukkutôraga-pāpinā
The next morning in a mountain cave in the Himalaya he encountered the wicked cock with a snake head, which had come to suffer in the Dhūmaprabhā?? hell.
30. tataś cyutena bhūtvâjagarenâlokya kopina
nigirno 'cyuta-kalpasthe vimāne puskare 'bhavat
*
Text: -gatim.
34 Hemac., Tri" IX 2, 118, the city on Mt. Vaitādhya is named Tilakā.
» In Hemac, Tri" IX 2. 120. she is called Kanakatilakā.
36 In Hemac., Trio IX 2. 123. named Kiranavega.
1? On this hell see Kirfel 1920: 315-25.

Page #105

When seen by an angry boa constrictor, his (the serpent's head cock's) rebirth, the (king) was swallowed and reborn (as a deity) in a vimāna (heavenly chariot) in the Puskara region in the Acyuta-kalpa heaven"9
31. dvāvimšaty abdhi-mānāvus. tad-ante punva-särathih
dvipe 'pare Videhe 'smin visave padma-samjñake
with a life-span the length of 22 sāgaras. At the end thereof he became a leader of the virtuous people in West Videha, in the region named Padma,
32. mahîso 'sva-purâdhišo Vajra-vīryasya bhū-pateh
Vijayavaś ca tad-derya Vajra-näbhiḥ suto 'bhavat
as a big landowner, ruler of Asvapura. Vajranābhi was the son of king Vajravīrya and his queen Vijayā.
33. sa cakra-laksitam laksmin a-ksunnām punya-raksitah
bhuktvapy (I-Irpnuvan bhoktum mokşa-laksmīm samudyatah
Though, protected by merit, he enjoyed permanent happiness characterized by a province from sea to sea,'' he was insatiable and eager to enjoy the bliss of deliverance.
34. Ksemam-karâkhva-bhattārakasya vaktrâbja-nirgatam
dharmômrta-rasam pītvā tvaktô-sesa-rasa-sprhah
He drank the nectar fluid of the Doctrine, which had left the mouth-lotus of the bhattāraka'' named Kșemankara, and longed for the whole essence that was missing still.
26 See Kirfel 1920: 237, 239.
39 See Kirfel 1920: 292.
4. Was he a cukra-vartin ?
+ In DULL 325.43 Ksemankara is a Jina, in Hemac.. Trio IX 2.169. a Jinêśvara. - On bhattarakas see Dundas 2002: 123ff. and especially Dundas 2007: 185f. (note 79 and 80).
96

Page #106

35. sutam sva-rajve su-sthäpya rajabhir bahubhiḥ samam
samyamam samagat samyak-sarva-sattvânukampanam
He firmly installed his son in his kingship and together with many (other) kings attainedself-control (and) full compassion for all living beings.
36. präktano jagaraḥ ṣasta-narake tanum asritaḥ
dvävimsaty-abdhi-samkhyāna-jivitenâti-duḥkhitaḥ
The former boa constrictor stayed very distressed in the sixth hell with a life-span of 22 (sāgaras).
37. cirāt taxmad vinirgatya Kurangakhyo vane-caraḥ kampayan vana-sambhätän sambhutaḥ sarva-dehinaḥ
After a long time he was reborn from the (sixth hell) as a forest-dweller called Kuranga and frightened all beings living in the forest.
38. vivarjitârta-dhyānasya vidhṛtâtapana-sthiteḥ tasya yakta-sarirasya sarira-bala-salinah
39. tapo-dhanasya cakrêśo ghoram katara-dussaham upasargam sphura-dvairaḥ sa papi bahudha vyadhät
The wicked one, trembling with hostility (from a former life), often caused horrible trouble, unbearable for the disheartened, to the sovereign (Vajranäbhi), (now) a great ascetic, who had stopped painful meditation and the custom of causing affliction. He had given up his body (though still) amply in possession of physical strength.
40. dharma-dhyanam praviśyásau samārādhya surôttamaḥ samutpannaḥ Subhadrakhye sudṛn-madhyama-madhyame
42 Apparently the caṇḍāla-vaṇavara in DUtt 326,2f. and the Bhil spoken of by Hemac., Tri°. IX 2, 179, and Bhd 3,1095; all three state this hunter on Mt. Jvalana to be a rebirth of the former snake. On the Bhils see Koppers 1948.
97

Page #107

41. saptavimśati-vir-rāśitt meyayum divva-bhoga-bhāk.
tataś cyuto 'smin dvipe 'sau Jambu-bhūruha-bhüșite
Having entered into pious meditation (the ascetic died and was) reborn, conciliated, as a prominent deity in the womb of a woman with a handsome waist" named Subhadrā with a life-span of 27 sāgaras, enjoying heavenly happiness. Reborn from there he was born on this island, which is decorated with the Jambul (i.e. Jambūdvīpa)
42. Kausale vișaye 'yodhya-nagare Käsyapânvaye
Iksvāku-vamsa-jātasya Vajra-bāhu-mahi-bhrtah
in a region belonging to the Košalas in the city of Ayodhyā in the Kāśyapa family of king Vajrabāhu, who was born in the Ikşvāku dynasty.
43. suto devya Prabhamkaryam Anandakhyo 'jani priyah
sa samprāpta-mahā-māndalika-sthāno mahôdayah
He was born as the beloved son of the queen Prabhamkarī,“7 named Ananda (and) very fortunate to have obtained the position of a powerful governor of a province.
44. svasva Svāmi-hitakhvasva mahato mantrino 'nyadā
vācä vasanta-mäsasva Nandisvara-dinâstake
+
Thus read for vārāsi-.
+ DUtt 326,7 uppanno Vajjanabha-muni majjhima-gevejjavammi Lalivamgao nama devo; Hemac.. Trio IX 2,195, calls him Lalitânga.
+6 On the topic of the attractive feminine waist see, e.g., Singh, Renn and Singh 2007: 3; Bolléc 2005: 28; Zimmer and Campbell 1983 1: 7011. In Rajasekhara's Karpūramanjarī I 30 and III 19 a woman's waist is even said to be contained in a (child's) fist. Cf. the sixteenth century Blasons du corps feminin among which there is none of the waist and that of the belly is anonymous (Schmidt 1959: 333f.). In contrast to India, in mediaeval Europe the belly is stressed (as the place of pregnancy) because the garments were tied up under the bosom and thus the waist was not even visible (Philine Helas, Madensack und Mutterschoss. in: Benthien/Wulf 2001: 180).
+7 Named Prabhākarī in Bhd 8.88.

Page #108

45. pūjā nirvartayan drastu-kāmas'' tatra samāgatam
vipulâdi-matim drstvā ganêśam praśrayâśravah
Once, at the suggestion of his eminent vizier called Svāmihita, performing pūjā on the eight days of Nandîsvara" in the spring month (and) seeing a very learned, etc., 50 leader of a troop (of monks) who had arrived there with the wish to witness (his pūjā), he became the seat of/full of veneration.
46. abhivandhya samākarnya sad-dharmam sarva-sarma-dam
"bhagavan, kimcid icchāmi śrotum me samsayâspadam.
He saluted (him), listened to the good Doctrine (of the Jina) that confers happiness on all (and said:) "Sir, I would like to hear some authoritative (words) against my uncertainty.
47. a-cetane katham pūjā nigrahânugraha-cyute
Jina-bimbe krta bhaktimatäm punyum phalaty asau ?"
How should an inanimate Jina image, which can neither bestow a favour nor punish one, be meritorious for devotees when worshipped ?"
48. ity a-prcchad asau câha: "sa-hetv" iti; vacas tada
śrnu, rājan, Jinêndrasya: caitya caityâlayâdi ca
Thus (the king) asked and (the monk) replied: "(That) has a reason. Then, O king, listen to the word of the Jina: an assembly hall and a temple complex, etc.,"
+8 Thus read for -kämam?
* There are threc cight day long astâhnika festivals every year. See PI's explanation of Nandisvarī prijā at 63,258 as āstāhnika pūjā, vaha puja Kārtika, Phälguna aura Aşadha-ke antima arha dinom mem ki jati hai on p. 648. Sec further Varni 1944: II 503, s.v. nandisvarī (p. c. M. Modi).
50 PJ takes Vipulādimati (changed into Vipulamati) to be a proper name which, however, as such is an unusual formation with the metrically necessary ādi, and not known from elsewhere.
Scc on these Acharya 1979: 176f. Saletore 1938: 11 et passim often mentions cuityålaya, but does not translate it.
09

Page #109

49. bhavaty a-cetanam, kim tu bhavyānām punya-bandhane
parināma samutpatti-hetutvāt kāranam bhavet
are inanimate, but it may be effective in the building up of merit because the good things in the future are based on the production and ripening (of merit), 52
50. rāgâdi-dosa-hinatvād āvudhâbharaṇâdikāt
vimukhasva prasannêndu-kānti-hāsi-mukha-sriyah 51. a-vartitâkşa-sūtrasva lokalokâvalokinah
krtârthatvāt paritvakta-jatâdeh paramâtmanah 52. jinêndrasyâlayāms tasya pratimāś ca prapasvatām
bhavec chubhâbhisamdhāna-prakarso nânyatas tathā
One must look at temples and contemplate3 statues of this Jinendra, who dislikes arms as ornaments, etc., because he lacks faults such as passion and the like, and who has the aura of the laughing face of the wife of the bright moon.54 Without turning a rosarys he looks through the worlds, because he is content, has done away with his hair locks and has an excellent soul. Therefore is his fitting speech so eminent, not for another reason.
52 Cf. Hemac., Trio IX 4, 40, devatā l adarśayat Tirthakara-pratimām tasya pāvanīm.
53 Association of V PAS with Pasa/Passa?
54 Cf. Hemac., Trio IX 4, 95, dharma-rato dāra-vimukhaś ca.
55 On the rosary see Leumann 1893 = 1998; Kirfel 1945-9, and Crooke 1906: 407ff.. As Leumann 1893: 886f. points out, rosaries are found first in the Jaina canon, viz. in the Aup $ 86 where they are called ganelliyā (cf. Upadhye 1943: 104). For akkha-sutta(-mālā) see Anuog 3, 52 in Ghatage. The Guhyaka Gomukha has an aksa-malā in one of his right hands (Hemac., Trio I 3, 680). - A befriended Digambara layman in Mumbai writes to me that rosaries are daily used in his family, especially for the namaskaramuntra and the "Gommatesa Thudi" composed by Acārya Nemicandra Siddhanta Cakravarti. Glasenapp 1999 Plate 18,3 shows a Digambara svāns with a chaplet. In many temples chaplets are freely available to faithful visitors.
56
Thus MW's translation.
57 On the practice to pull out one's hair to master the senses (Hemac., Trio 16,16) as hair is evil as such (JaimBr 2,369: HiranyakesiGS 1,9,18) and the root of the tree of karman (Hemac., Trio X 10,51) see also Hiltebeitel and Miller 1998: 20f.
100

Page #110

53. karana-dvaya-samnidhyät sarva-karya-samudbhavah.
tasmāt tat sädhui vijñeyam punya-kāraṇa-kāranam
The origin of what is proper is founded on these two causes. 58 It is therefore good to know these causes that produce/the primary cause of merit.59
54. tal-kathâvasare loka-trava-caityâlayâkrtih
samvag varnavitum vāñchan präg āditya-vimäna-je 55. jinêndra-bhavane bhūtām vibhūtim so 'nvavarņayat
tām a-sādhāranim śrutvānandaḥ śraddhām parām vahan
Since (the leading monk) at the right moment in his account thereof wanted truly to praise the appearance of the temple complexes in (or: representing the three worlds, he mentioned the splendour inherent in the palace of Jinendra which originated from the vimāna of the sun." Hearing of this extraordinary (splendour) Ananda felt highest belief.
56. dinâdau ca dinânte ca karābhyām krta-kudmalah
stuvann ānamra-mukuto jinêśān mandale raveh 57. silpibhih käravitvarka-vimānam mani-kāñcanaih
krudi-krta-jinâdhīša-bhavanam vitata-dyuti
Morning and evening, with hands held into a bud and with bent head, he praised the lords Jinas in the sun's disk and had a vimāna of the sun made by artisans: a palace of the lord Jina set in gold and jewels (and) with far-reaching lustre.
SK
Temples and statues ?
59 Maybe kärana-karana has the sense of karana-karana here.
6) Professor Hampa Nagarajaiah was kind enough to mail me his explanation of the stanzas 54-60: There are 23 vimanas (9 anudića, 5 unuttara and 9 graiveyaka). Aditya, the sun, is one of the anudiśa-vimanas. One of the ganadharas describes here the glory of the Jaina shrine in the Aditya-vimäna to king Ananda. - A source for the discrepancy with Kirfel 1920: 294 where the Aditya-vimāna is the ninth central vimana of the Graiveyaka with the Svetâmbaras (with the Digambaras it is called Prītimkara) was not given. Anudisavimānas are not found in Kirfel.
61 Cf. perhaps a stanza like Hemac., Trio IX 3,121 tigma-tejā ivõttejä rathena vyoma-yāvinā Sri-Pārsvanāthah prayayau .... Does the sun's disk stand for a halo here or is this Hindu influence?
101

Page #111

58. śāstrôkta-vidhinä bhaktyā pūjām āstâhnikim vyadhāt.
catur-mukham Rathôvartam sarvato bhadram ürjitam
With devotion62 in the way expressed in the śāstras, he performed an eight day půjā.63 Rathāvarta64 has four points of access (and is) quite good and important,
59. kalpa-vrksam ca dinebhyo dadad dānam a-väritam
tad-vilokva janāḥ sarve tat-prāmānyāt svayam ca tat 60. stotum ārebhire bhaktvā mandalam canda-rocişah
tadã-prabhrti loke 'smin babhūvârkó-pasevanam
(and there is) a wishing tree that gives any presents to the distressed. All the people who saw thal, of their own accord began piously to praise the sun's disk because of its evidence. From that time on the sun has been worshipped in this world.
61. athânyadā kilânandos mahît sirasi buddhavan
palitam dalavad vauvanârthinām hrdavam dvidhā
Then the wise king Ananda one day tore a grey hair on his head in two66 - a critical phenomenon for those who strive after youthfulness.
62. tan-nimitta-samudbhūta-nirvego jyestha-sünave
sâbhișekam nijam rājyam datvâdatta-sprham tapaḥ
02 See on this, e.g., Cort 2002: 59, 86.
63 This line repetes the content of vs 44 supra and is therefore superfluous.
64 Either the tirtha of Mbh 3,82,21 south of the river Sarasvati or the mountain near Mt. Kuñjarāvatta in Vidisā (north of Sanchi; Jain 1984: 406; Mehta & Chandra 1972 s.v. Rahāvatta); the former, too, has to be climbed and thus is a mountain. - I see no semantical connection of the stanzas 58cd-60 with the context, all the more since the accusative Rathâvartam seems up in the air; the verses look like a note on the Jinas in the sun in vs 56. This is apparently one of the very condensed and even incomplete" (Alsdorf 1974: 132) passages.
65 Text: Anandan
66 On this topos see Hertel 1908: 223.
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63. yateh Samudraguptasya samīpe bahubhih samam
rājabhi rājasam bhāvam parityajya su-lesyaya
Feeling calm because of that, he gave his kingdom with a consecration rite to his eldest son and started practising penance without desires with the yati Samudragupta, together with many other princes, giving up passion with a good soul colour (leśyā).67
64. sârädhana-catuskah san-viśuddhyâikadašânga-dhrt
pratyavāms tirtha-krn-nāmno bhāvayām āsa sodaśa 65. vathôktam bhāvayitvâitān nama baddhvântimam śubham
ciram ghoram tapah krtvā prānte śäntântar-ätmakah
With fourfold propitiatory declarations (?),68 by his actual virtue in possession of the eleven Angas, he meditated on the sixteen causes leading to tirthakrt-ship69 and, having meditated on them separately as stated to attained final bliss. He practised horrible penance for a long time and at the end reached inner peace.
66. prāyôpagamanam prāpya pratima-yogam āsthitaḥ
dhirah Ksīra-vane dharma-dhyānād hino nirākulah
Observing vows of self-castigation” he fasted unto death as a wise man in the forest on Mt. Ksīra,73 without falling from pious meditation,74 calm.
67 On these see, e.g., Bollée 1977: 144f.; Bānthiyā & Coradiyā 1966.
68 Also vs 68. On these: darśana, jñāna, caritra and tapas, see, e.g., Upadhye 1943: 47ff.; Johnson, op. cit., V 134 (gratitude for being allowed to perform good actions, request for pardon for sins committed, complete submission to arhat, siddha, dharma, sādhu, and fast unto death) and VI 19. In Thānanga arahana is either two- or eightfold.
09 Varni 1972 U11: 236 under bhāvanā $ 2.- Professor P.S. Jaini (p.c.) kindly refers me to Talivârthasūtra IV 23 and Tatia 1994: 161f. where the 16 causes of body karma leading to the life of a Jina are listed; the Svetambaras know four more of them. A synonym is kārana.
70 Source or parallels unknown to me.
7 As against the pädôpagamana of the Svetâmbaras, Gunabhadra apparently knew the correct expression very well; sce hereon Alsdorf 2006: 64ff.
72 See note on vs 15.
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67. Kamathah prāktanah papī pracyuto naraka-kșiteh
kanthiravaivam āsādya tan-muneh kantham agrahit
Kamatha, wicked in a former state of existence, was reborn from his infernal stay, became a lion and seized that muni by his neck.
68. sodha-simhôpasargo 'sau catur-ārādhana-dhanah
pasur anata-kalpêśo vimāne prānate 'bhavat
Bearing the lion's attack, and with his wealth of the four propitiatory declarations, the (muni) died and was reborn a lord of the Anata heaven in a central vimāna.75
69. tatra vimsati-vārāśi-vihitôpama-jïvitah
sârdhâratni-trayönmeya-sarirah sukla-lesyavā
There he lived for twenty sāgaropamas76 with a height of three and a half cubits and a white soul colour.78
70. daśa-māsânta-niśvāsi manasa 'mstam āharan
kha-catuska-dvi-varsante manasa stri-pracäravān
73 This forest also occurs in Hemac., Trio IX 2, 302, but is in no dictionary. This is one of the cases where one needs Hemacandra to understand Gunabhadra.
Cf. Hemac., Trio VIII 3, 857, dharma-dhyanad vicyuta.
75 Hereon see Kirfel 1920: 294.
76
Kirfel 1920: 310.
77 For unmeya MW gives only the meaning 'weight.' According to Kirfel 1920: 308 their height is three hastas.
* Scc note on vs 63.
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Breathing at the end of ten months" he ate amṛta in his thoughts; at the end of twentythousand (lit.: two with four zeros) years he occupied himself in his thoughts with women (?).
71. a-pañcama-kṣiti-vyāpta-tṛtivavagamêkṣaṇaḥ
svavadhi-kṣetra-manabhä-vikriya-bala-samgataḥ
Because of his avadhi-jñana" his transcendental perception reached to the extreme limit. of the world (and) he was able to change his appearance and physical strength according to the extent of his cognition.
72. sāmānikâdi-sarvarddhi-sudhâśana-samarcitaḥ
kānta-kama-pradan-eka-devi-kṛta-sudhakaraḥ
73. visvän vaiṣayikan bhogan saśvat sampräpya nirvisan tal-loko lilaya kalam alāvīt kalayan kaläm
Honoured with an abundance of food and drink fitting his peers, etc., receiving plenty of nectar made by many goddesses who granted the desirable objects he longed for, he had all kinds of sensual pleasures and always enjoyed them. Being in this world and betaking himself to a practical art he killed time with play.
74. san-mäsair antimais tasminn agamisyaty amum mahim
dvipe 'smin Bharate Kasi-viṣaye nagare 'dhipaḥ
Kirfel 1920: 308, breathing every 300 days.
80
Kha-catuska is not in the dictionaries. In mathematics kha can mean 'a cypher' (MW, Apte), according to PWB zero. The latter makes sense and PJ's paraphrase also takes kha-catuska-dvi to mean 'twenty thousand' (bis hazar). On nouns as numerals see Kane 1974: 701 ff. with further literature, and Bollée 2008.
79
* If avagama is a synonym of jñana, the third kind of cognition is avadhi-jñāna (Umāsvāti I 9; Schubring 2002 $73). Avadhi-jidna is transcendental knowledge of physical substances (Nyayavijaya 1998: 188ff.). cf. Tatia 1951: 61ff. The expression pañcama-kṣiti is derived from Rgvedic páñca carṣaṇávaḥ or páñca krstayah 'the five peoples living in settlement areas with borders' (Thieme 1971: 250f. with reference to Schlerath 1960: 28ff. explained the expression "five settlements" convincingly as "all bordered lands" one's own people being in the middle with the others grouped around it in the four directions; p. c. of Professor A. Mette).
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When in the next six months he will come to that (well-known) earth on this (Jambu) continent (there will be) a king in Bharat (India) in the city of the district of Kāśī.
75. Vārāṇasyām abhud Visvasenaḥ Kasyapa-gotrajaḥ.
Brahmy asya devi sampräpta-Vasudhärâdi-pājanä
In Benares he became Viśvasena,3 born in the Kasyapa clan. Brāhmī was his queen by the worship of Vasudhärä" and others.
76. vaisakha-kṛṣṇa-pakṣasya dvitīvāyām nišātvaye
visakharkṣe subha-svapnan niriksya tad-an-antaram
At the end of the nights of the second day of the dark half of Visakha, she then saw auspicious dreams near a forked tree.
77. sva-vaktråbja-pravistóru-gaja-rūpa-vilokini
prabhata-pataha-dhvana-samunmīlita-locană
She saw the shape of an elephant whose member (lit.: shank) had entered the lotus of her mouth. She fully opened her eyes at the sound of the morning drum.**
82
person.
X3
Cf. Asvasena, Parsva's father, who was king of Benares (Bhd 6, 257). In Bhd 6,666 Viśvasena, the rebirth of the menial Sundara who fed a monk after his fast of a month, is king in Viśvapura.
84
85
Grammatically the absolute locative in the first line and adhipaḥ in the second cannot be the same
Dreams at this time are often mentioned and supposed to be very predictive; see Negelein 1912: 16; Bollée 1984: 177 and 182f.
NO
A female Śakti peculiar to the Jains (MW). No further information on this is available to me at present.
In Bhd 5,30 queen Vämadevi has her dreams on the 4th day of the dark half of the month Caitra, under the constellation Visakha.
ST Perhaps the orange tree (viśākha-ja).
In Bāṇa. Harṣacandra (ed. Parab. Bombay, 1946) 125. 1 the pratyuṣa-nāndī sounded daybreak. Information from anywhere else that daybreak in ancient India was announced by drum seems scarce.
אא
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78. mangalâbhișavâvista-tuștih punya-prasādhanā
vibhāvariva saj-jyotsnā rājānam samupetya sä 79. krtôpacārā samvisva vistarârdhe mahipateh
sva-drsta-sakala-svapnān vathâkramam abhāșata
Content after making an auspicious ablution and performing meritorious acts, she went to the king, waited upon by her attendants, bright like a moonlit night, sat down on the (other) half of the king's throne, and recounted all her dreams as seen in succession."
80. śrutvā tān savadhih so 'pi phalānv evam nyavedavat:
gajendra-vīksanât putro, vrşabhâ-lokanät patih 81. tri-vistapasya, simhena drstenânanta-vīryakaḥ,
Mandarâbhișava-prāptih padmâbhișava-darśanāt
(The king) listened to them attentively and foretold the following outcome: "From seeing a king among elephants a son (will be born); because of seeing a bull he will be a ruler of heaven; from the lion you saw he will be of a strength without limits; from the sight of (the goddess Śrī) sprinkling lotuses' he will perform a libation on Mt. Mandara (Meru);
82. dāma-dvayâvalokena dharma-dvitaya-tirthakrt
sasanka-mandalâlokāt trailokya-kumuda-priyah
From the pair of wreaths9 he will be a tirthakrt of the twofold Doctrine; 94 from your seeing the lunar circles he will be dear as lotus to the three worlds."
89 The elephant occurs twice and the lotus-pond is lacking (for a comparison of the Svetambara and Digambara dreams see Glasenapp 1999: 275.). It is curious that women, who usually keep and pass on the tradition, seem not to know the meaning of these famous dreams though seen only by them.
9
On dreams as auguries see, e.g., Bloomfield 1919: 189f.
Cr. Kalpasūtra. Jinacariya $ 36 in fine.
In Indra's heaven, that is.
Cf. Kalpasūtra, Jinacariya 37 and Hemac., Trio X 2.30. for Trisalā's dream of one wreath.
94 For renouncers and laymen.
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83. tejasvi bhāsvato matsya-yugalena sukhâvilaḥ
nidhīnām adhipaḥ kumbha-vikṣaṇāt sarva-lakṣaṇaḥ
From (your seeing) the sun he will be energetic; through the pair of fish he will be not devoid of happiness; as (you dreamt) of pots" he will be a lord (> owner) of treasures and possess all auspicious body marks.
84. sarasah sagarat sarva-jñātā, simhasanêkṣaṇāt
sarva-lokáika-sammānyaḥ, svargad advâvatirnavän
85. avatarād vimānasya, bhavanāt pavanâśinaḥ tri-bodha-didhiti, ratna-rasinâlingito gunaiḥ
Because you saw an ocean, he will be omniscient; because of the sight of a lion's throne he will be highly honoured by the whole world; from the appearance of a vimana he will now descend from heaven; from the palace of a snake" (in your dream) he will shine with three (kinds of) knowledge and by (the sight of) the heap of jewels he will be provided with good qualities.
86. vidhuma-dhumaketupalakṣaṇad dahako 'mhasam
vaktrâmbhoje gajendrasya prave sat te, kṛśodari
Dreaming of the moon is otherwise associated with kingship (Bloomfield, loc. cit.).
I have no parallels for this image at hand: Kirfel 1959: 60f. is not helpful. However, kumuda can also mean a very high number: he will be dear to many in the three worlds.
95
46
PJ: sukhīvilaḥ. A pair of fish, matsya-yugma, belongs to the eight mangalas or auspicious signs. Fish means happiness and money in oniricritics (see Negelein 1912: 122).
97
For the Digambara there is a pair of golden pots, for the Śvetâmbara only one. See also Negelein 1912:
1271.
98
Glasenapp 1999: 276 mentions a palace of Asuras.
Cr. Thaṇanga (ed. Jambūvijaya. Bombay, 1985) 2,164 tividhā bodhi pannattā, tam jahā: ṇāṇa-bodhi, damsana-bodhi, caritta-bodhi.
yy
100
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From (your vision of) a fire without smoke he will be a destroyer of troubles; through the entering of a royal elephant (gajêndra) into your mouth (in the dream), slim-waisted
one."102
87. "avasthitim sa samprāpad udare'mara-püjitah"
iti śrutvatusad vānim patvur eni-vilocanā
When she heard that "(a son) has reached his proper position in her womb" and was worshipped by the gods, the deer-eyed (queen) was pleased 103 with her husband's words.
88. tadâkhilâmaradhīšā samāgatya vyadhur muda
svargavatarane pitroh/04 kalvān@bhişavôtsavam
Then all lords of the immortals came together and, delighted at the descent from heaven, celebrated the parents' ablution festival of the auspicious event (of the conception).05
89. svarga-lokam ca tad-yeham atiśete sma sampadā.
kim karoti na kalyānam krta-punya-samāgamah
(The newly born) surpasses heaven and their (i.e., his parents') house in glory, the good thing a collection of merit made can do !
90. navame māsi sampúrne Pause māsy asite sutaḥ
pakse voge 'nile prădur āsīd ekādasi tithau
10Cf the idea of Gancsa as a remover of troubles.
102 See note on vs 40.
103
In MW tusvati, when construed with accusative, has the preposition prati.
104
Cf. vs 92.
HIS PJ's rendering of abhișava is abhiseka. This is also used in Kalpasūtra $ 99 when the gods celebrate Mahavira's birth. Tisalā prepared herself for the birth (Kalpasūtra $ 95) in the same wording as both parents afterwards for the feast with their relatives (Kalpasutra $ 104): nhāyā kava-bali-kammā kaya-kouvā, etc. Cf. also vs 92 janmabhișeka-. For the five great events (kalyānas) in the life of a Jina: conception, birth, etc., see Glasenapp 1999: 274.
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After a full nine months in the dark half of the month Pausa (Dec.-Jan.), when there was a proper wind (i.e., weather ?), 106 a son was born on the 11th day.
91. tada nijâsanâkampād jñātvā tirthakarôdavam
Saudharma-pramukhāh sarve Mandarâcala-mastake
Then, because of the trembling of their own seat, all chiefs of the gods in the Saudharma heaven07 on top of Mt. Mandara (Meru) knew of the birth of a Tīrthakara.
92. janmabhișeka-kalyāna-pājā-nirvetty-anantaram
Pārsvâbhidhāna krtväsya pitrbhyām''' tam samarpayan 93. Nemy-antare kha-pañca-svarâgny-asta-mita-vatsare
prānte hantā krtântasya tad-abhyantara-jīvitah 94. Pārsvanāthah samutpannah śata-samvatsarayușă
bāla-śāli-tanu-cchāyaḥ sarva-laksana-lakṣitah 95. navâratni-tanûtsedho Lakşmivān ugra-vamsa-jah
sodasâbdâvasāne 'vam kadăcin nava-yauvanah
Directly after finishing the worship at the great event of the birth and the ablution (of the child), his parents gave him the name Pārsvallo to make him known, at the end of the
106 Yoge 'nile is unclear to me. Elsewhere (Hemac.; Bhd 5,42) his birth under the constellation Visakhā is added. Manish Modi (private communication) thinks anile is an error for amale and points to amala yoga which is defined as the 10th day from the moon or lagna should be occupied by a beneficial planet by which a person will achieve lasting fame and reputation. His character will be spotless (amala) and he will lead a prosperous life" Page #120

year numbered 83,750 after Nemi(nätha)," the conqueror of death, Pärsvanātha whose life followed this interval, was born with a life-span of a century, with a body complexion of a young rice plant and provided with all auspicious marks, nine cubits tall, prosperous (and) born in a high-born family, after 16 years he was more or less adolescent
96. krīdârtham sva balenâmā nirvāvā vād bahih puram.
āśramadi-vane mātur Mahi-päla-purâdhipam
THI There is no explanation as against Bhd 5,126 who derives the name from pārsvatal his mother's side near which she saw a cobra the night before, a tradition first found in AvNH 1091. This "etymology is certainly a wrong sanskritisation of Ardha-Māgadhi Passa/Pāsa for which I surmised the etymology (l)pâśvasena) in Bollée 1998: 366f., see Balcerowicz 2005: 5771., my forthcoming review of Wiley, and Seldeslachts in Tikkanen 2006: 121f1. Balcerowicz 2005: 578f. takes up a connection with *Pārsava. a development from Parsu (sec N. J. Sāh referred to by Dundas 2002: 283 note 26). This, however, would require the assumption of the clision of the penultimate -a- (p.c. from Paul Dundas who suggests that the tribal designation Parśu and i amiliarity with miraculous births of supermen from e.g. the "side" of the mother might also have played a role in conditioning the name Pārsva < Pāsa"). - Snakes are ominous animals (Jagaddeva II 78): fear of them is innate in humans but no such reaction from Queen Vämä is handed down. As to the cobra myth it is a pity we cannot ask anymore the ethno-psychoanalist Georges Devereux about the improbable nocturnal emergence of a snake near a queen in a royal bedroom.
!!! Hemac., Th" IX 4.318. expresses this normally. On nouns with numerical value in Sanskrit see Bollée 2008.
112 Usually Pārsva is said to be of a dark complexion, as in Hemac., Trio IX 3,35, where he has the colour of a creeper (? privangi), i.e. very dark (see Johnson V 1962: 379 note 334 pointing to its anti-evil eye quality), or 48, where his body colour is likened to blue lotuses. Also Hemac., Trio IV 4,109, sapi nilarainamala-Ivisam tanuvam janavāmāsa and Bhd 5, 43 nilabham susuve putram ratnam vaidūrva-bhür iva. The dark colour is apparently not connected with the danger of asphyxia, but is as auspicious as, c.g., moon- or gold-colour (Hemac., Trio IV 4,105, sita-ruci-prabha and 6, 20 suvarna-varna respectively), though in fact it is the colour of a snake, for Pārsva was the son of the snake king Asvasena. See also Schubring 1977: 3791.. who did not see the Mbh 1 218,6 and Bhavadeva (Bloomfield 1919: 243) references and thought the serpent king Dharana would be Pārsva's connection with the Nāga. Zimmer 1951: 196 considers Pāsa non-Aryan, which is improbable for a prince of Benares at that time; for his "dark brother" associations see ibidem 186ff. Hemac., Trio IV, 1, 227 describes Triprstha as dark. See also Ruben 1944: 45ff.
113 In Bhd 5,135 these marks number 32 instead of 22 as stated by Bloomfield 1919: 110.
114 It is also possible to read: Laksmívân-ugra-. gentle like Laksmi.
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97. pitaram tam Mahi-pāla-nāmānam amarârcitah's
maha-devi-vivogena duhkhāt tāpasa-dikṣitam 98. tapah kurvantam alokya pañca-pāvaka-madhyagam
tal-samipe kumāro 'sthād a-natvainam an-ādaram 16
For sporting entertainment together with his military he, honoured by the immortals, went outside town. (There,) in a wood with pleasure gardens, etc., he, honoured by the immortals, saw his mother's father named Mahīpāla," the king of Mahīpālapura, who, from unhappiness about the separation from his chief queen ordained as an ascetic, performed penance amidst five fires. The prince stayed with him without bowing to him, who was thus) not honoured. 19
99. a-vicārva tad-āvistah kopena ku-munir "guruh
kulīno 'ham tapo-wrddhah pitā mātur namaskriyām 100. c-krivā me kumāro 'jnah sthitavān mada-vihvalah"
ili praksobham āgatya praśānte pāvake punaḥ 101. nikseptum svavam evôccair utksipva parasum ghanam
bhindann indhanam "A-jño 'sau;” “mā bhaitsīr, atra vidyate 102. prāni" ti värvamāno 'pi kumāreņâvadhi-tvișä
anvatisthad ayam karma tasvâbhyantara-vartinau
115
Thus read for --citān.
116 PJ changed -ädaram into ādarah, but then one should read: a-ñātvā, cf. ajñaḥ (vs 100) which gives a better sense: the prince stood before him and did not pay his respects because he did not know him.
117 For this name, which in Jinasena's Harivamsapurāna 52,31 designates the son of Jarāsandha, but does not occur in Bhd or Hemac., Trio, cf. Bhumibol < Bhumipāla, which is a proper name, not a title. No source accessible to me mentions Mahīpāla or his wife, but in Hemac., Trio and Bhd (6,52) the ascctic is called Katha, apparently a reincarnation of the banished brahmin Kamatha, as Johnson says (V, p. 456), but this is not stated in our texts. Lakşmivallabha has Kamadha for Katha and Satrunjayamahatmya 14,12 has for Katha a variant Kamava which points to the alternative Kamatha; evidently the two names are interchangeable (Bloomfield 1919: 19). See also Bruhn 1954: 95.
118
Or: 'from his queen, the earth,' because he had lost his realm.
119
I am not sure of the translation of these three stanzas, particulary of vs 96.
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At his (the prince's) approach the wicked muni, without reflection, spoke angrily agitated: “I am an important person of high descent, rich in penance, his mother's father. Without salutation the prince, because he does not recognize me, stays (here) affected by pride," but when his fire was dying he himself raised high an axe and split a thick log of fire wood 20 in order to put it on (the fire). Despite, through his illuminating clairvoyance that "he does not know," being stopped by the prince with the words: "Don't split it; there is a living being in it," he carried out his act.
103. nägi nāgaś ca lac-chedād dvidhä khandam upāgatau.
tan-nirīksva Subhaumâkhya-kumārah samabhāșata: 104. "aham gurus tapasvî' ti garvam durvaham udvahan
pāpasravo bhavaty asmān na vê(?)"ty“etac ca vetsi na
By his act of cleaving it (the log), the two male and female snakes sitting in it:21 were cut (lit.: got) in two. Seeing this a young man, Subhauma by name, said: "With these words: 'I am an important ascetic'!22 he shows unbearable arrogance and for this reason is of an evil influence, or not ?” “But you do not know that.123
105. a-jñāna-tapasânena duḥkham te 'tra paratra ca"
iti tad-vacanät kopi munir ittham tam abravīt:
By this ignorant penance you will have trouble here and in the hereafter." Because of these words (of the young man) the muni became angry and spoke to him thus:
106. “aham prabhur; mamayam kim vā karotî ? ty avajñayā
tapaso mama māhātmvas a-buddhvâivam bravīşi kim?"
120 Hemac., Trio VII 8,119, tells a similar story where the living being, a snake, is the king's grandfather. Similarly Bhd 6,53ff. Our vs 101b-102a mentions one living being, 102b two snakes.
121 Hemac., Trio IX 3, 218, and Bhd 6,54 speak of one big snake, see Bloomfield 1919: 19 and Shah 1987: 201 note 293.
1.22
Thus vs 99.
123 "That' will pertain to the snakes in the log. - The text, if correct, is unclear to me. Asman can also be accusative plural 'us'.
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"I am powerful; what can this (fellow) do to me? Why do you thus indifferently speak, though you do not know the peculiar efficacy of my penance ?"
107. "pañcâgni-madhya-vartitvam pavanâhāra-jīvanam
ūrdhva-bāhutayā pādenâikenâiva ciram sthitih
“Just sitting amid five fires, 124 living with air for food, with raised arms, standing long on one foot only,
108. svayam patita-parņâder upavāsena pāraṇam
ity-adi-käva-samtapi-tapasanam su-durdharam
breaking one's fast with a diet of fallen leaves - a penance difficult to bear for ascetics who torment their body with penances like these
109. tapo nâdhikam asty asmād" iti tad-vacana-śruteh
Subhaumah sa-smito 'vādin: "na bhavantam aha gurum 110. avamanve, punah kim tu samtyajyâptâgamâdikam (?)
mithyatvâdi-catuṣkeņa prthivy-ādișu șatsv api
is not superior to this one (of mine).” When hearing these words Subhauma laughed and spoke: "I do not blame you as a serious ascetic, but giving up the true tradition, etc., by the tetrad of erroneous belief, etc., 125 regarding the hexad of the earth, etc., 126
111. vācā kāvena manasā krtakâdi-trikena ca
vadhe pravartamānānām an-āpta-mata-samśrayāt
124 He did this himself in vs 98.
123 In Thānanga 147b micchatta is one of the three thorns, besides māyā 'illusion' and nivāna 'desire for reward' (Schubring 2000 $ 168). I cannot find a tetrad. PJ thinks of the series of koha, moha, mavá and lobha which has nothing to do with heterodoxy.
126 Samavāya 6 mentions six kinds of living beings, viz earth, water, fire and air beings, as well as such in trees and mobile beings (tasakāe), but I do not know if this is meant here. See also Jaini 1979: 109f.
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by the triad of things done, etc., 127 in word, in deed and in thought, in consequence of the unsuitable thoughts of those intent on killing;
112. nirvana-prarthanam teşām tandulâvāpti-vāñchayā
tusa-kandana-khedo vā ghrtêcchā vâmbu-manthanāt
their search for nirvana by the wish to obtain rice, or the trouble to separate chaff, or the wish for ghee after churning water;
113. hemộpalabdhi-huddhir vā dāhād andhâśma-samhateh
andhasyevágni-sampāto dāva-bhītyā pradhävatah
or the idea of obtaining gold after heating a heap of black stones;128 the appearance of fire, even for a blind man, when he runs away out of fear of a forest fire -
114. jñāna-hina-parikleso bhāvi-duhkhasya kāranam"
iti prarūpyate yușmat-snehena mahatā mayā”
hardship (of penance) without knowledge is the cause of future trouble." Thus I explain it out of great affection for you.
115. ity etad uktam jñātvâpi pūrva-vairânubandhanāt
nija-paksanurāgitvād duhsamsārād ihâgateh 116. prakrtvaivatidustatvād'an-ādāya viruddha-dhih129
"Subhaumako bhayān atra sa-smavo 'yam kumārakah 117. parābhavati mām evam" iti tasmin prakopavān
sa-salvo mrtim āsādva Śambaro jyotisâmarah
127 Krlukâdi may pertain to acts done oneself, caused to be done by someone else or conniving at someone performing them.
1* See Balbir 1992
129 -dhih must be accusative plural for dhiyah, cf. strih.
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118. nämnâbhavat, sa-kopānām tapasâpîdrśī gatiḥ,
Even after learning these words (of Subhaumaka), bound by prenatal enmity, he stayed in his own group because of his appearance in this world due to the bad samsāra. Because of his extreme natural malignancy an armed god named Sambara, 130 afflicted, did not accept any contrary opinion and, expressing his anger at him with the words: “this youngster Subhaumaka present here thus overcomes me with a smile" caused (Subhaumaka's) death with a flash of lightning. 31 Such is the state of rebirth of angry people despite penance.
nägi nägaś ca samprāpta-sama-bhāvau kumäratah 119. babhūvatur ahîndraś ca tat-patni ca prthu-srivau.
tatas trimsat-samāmāna-kumāra-samaye gate 120. Sāketa-nagarâdhíso Jayaseno mahi-patiḥ.
Bhagali-deśa-samjāta-hayâdi-prābhrtânvitam 121. anyadâsau nisrstârtham prähinot Pārsva-samnidhim
grhītvôpāvanam pūjavitvā dūtôttamam mudā
Due to the prince, the two snakes were reborn with a quiet nature as a snake king and his wife, both highly prosperous. Then, when the life-time, measured thirty years, of the Prince had elapsed he was reborn as) the ruler of the city of Sāketa, 132 king Jayasena. 133 Once he sent an envoy to Pārsva with presents such as horses originating from the *Bhagalī* country. 134 After gladly honouring the excellent messenger with a gift
130 In the Rgveda a demon, in the Avassaya commentaries as Sambala, a Nāgakumāra deity. For PJ he is a jyotisi deva, perhaps because of the lightning, his weapon.
131 The Subhaumaka passage 103b-118a is very much in the air and an obvious interpolation; it apparently does not occur in the parallel texts. Yet when the interpolation is eliminated, 118b does not follow 103b: there remains a lacuna. - The relation between the wicked muni (102) and Sambara is also not clear to me.
132 Ayodhyā (Dey 1927: 174).
133 A king in Magadha (MW), not in Jain dictionaries. The name is frequent in Pāli, but not as a king of Ayodhyā/Ayojjhā.
134 Unknown, possibly corrupt name of a region in the north-west, in the horse-land Afghanistan (afghan
aśvänām), or beyond. Cf. the enigmatic name Mudgala (?) of an an-ārya people in ÇatrunjayaM XIV 166 whom Weber 1858: 41f. associated with Mongolians and thought to be Indo-Scythians or White Huns. Bh
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122. Säketasya vibhutim tam kumārah pariprstavān.
so 'pi bhattārakam pūrvam varnayitvä purum puram
the prince enquired of him about the power of Sāketa. He (the envoy), for his part, first depicted the mighty town as venerable,
123. paścâd vyāvarnavamāsa, prājñā hi krama-vedinah
śruvä tai tatra kim jätas tīrthakrn näma bandhanät
later he explained (?)!35: will a person of slow understanding, after learning that a proper tirthakrt has been born there, comprehend it because of the binding (of karma) (?) ?
124. esa eva punari16 muktim āpad ity upayogavān
sāksāt krta-nijâtīta-sarva-prabhava-samtatih
However, when one believes that just he has obtained deliverance, there is obviously a series of causes of all kinds (thereof) made in one's own past.
125. vijrmbhita-mati-jñāna-ksavôpasama-vaibhavät
labdha-bodhih punar laukāntika-deva-prabodhitah
Laukântikadevas, 137 however, become aware of perfect wisdom obtained by stopping the loss of understanding to a large extent through their greater intelligence.138
(0) and m(e) are easily exchanged. Or could it be a corruption of Bharuka- in eastern Turkestan (Lüders 1940: 5421.)? Horses from there were brought by Kabul merchants (Crooke 1906: 254 and 476).
135
Vvāvanavati is not in MW.
136 Thus the variant; text: purur which apparently makes no sense, but I do not know a solution. Reading urur 'the excellent one would at least give a good meaning and pu (pu) for u (w) are sometimes exchanged (Bhayani 1988: 117), but the sandhi would then hurt the metre.
12 Not in MW. On these see Kirfel 1920: 306.
13% The stanzas 124f. do not make sense in this context, for one expects after vs 123 the messenger's explanation. Also a transition to the prince's decision to become a renouncer is missing. The appearance of the Laukantikadevas is incomprehensible.
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126. tat-kşaņâgata-devendra-pramukhâmara-nirmita
prasiddha-madhva-kalvāna-snapanâdi-mahôtsavah
There is a great festival of the ablution, etc., on the well-known middle one of the festive days' 19 (i. e. the Jina's dīksā) performed by the the gods, headed by their king, arriving on the same moment.
127. pratyaya!40-yuktimad-vägbhih krta-bandhu-visarjanah
āruhya sibikām rūdhām vimalâbhidhayā vibhuh
Giving up his friends with words in accordance with his faith the great one with the impeccable name ascended a high palanquin and
128. vidhāvastamam āhāra-tvāgam Aśva-vane maha
silātale mahā-sattvah palyankâsanam āsthitaḥ
after fasting on a large slab of rock in the Aśvavanal4l for eight meals, the great being on the seat of his palanquin
129. uttarâbhimukhaḥ Pause māse pakṣe sitêtare
ekādasyum su-pürvâhne samam trisata-bhūbhujaih
turned to the north with three hundred princes 142 in the dark half of the month Pausa (Dec.-Jan.) very early on the eleventh day,
130. krta-siddha-namaskāro diksă-laksmīm samādade
dütikām mukti-kanyāyā mânvām krtya-prasādhikām
139 Schubring 2000 $ 34 end. See also the note on vs 88.
140
Text: pratveva.
141 Not in any dictionary.
142 Cf. Bhd 6,111. Princes as a rule do not start into homelessness alone but are in the company of many others, as e.g. at Hemac., Trio IV 4,64, with one thousand and V 1,131 even with four thousand.
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performed a namaskāra to the Siddhas and received the Lakşmi of his ordination, the procuress of the girl Deliverance, 143 lest (he should receive) another attendant (of / from the goddess Laksmī) for the purpose.
131. keśān vimocitāms tasya mustibhiḥ pañcabhiḥ surêt
samabhvarcyâdarān nitvā nyaksipat ksīra-väridhau
The king of the gods tore out his hair in five handfuls,144 worshipped them, brought them away carefully and threw them into the Milk Ocean.
132. åtta-sāmāyikah suddhyā caturtha-jñāna-bhāsvarah
gulma-kheta-puram kāya-sthity-artham samupeyivän
Having become equanimous by his holiness and provided with the luminousness of the fourth knowledge!45 he understood that the notion of a firm body is (in fact) that of a receptacle of gobbets of phlegm (i.e. something worthless).146
143 It is curious to call "deliverance" a female because women cannot be delivered according to the Digambaras, but just these regularly envisage deliverance in female terms as in Subhacandra's Jñānārnava (vs 42 et passim; p.c. from Paul Dundas); cf. Mukti, the wife of the deity Satya (MW) and daughter of Siddhasena in Nāgadeva's Madanaparājaya (Balbir-Osier 2004: 77 et passim (p.c. Mette), cf. Siddhi (happiness') there (p. 168) as a superhuman beauty). Thus the woman who cannot be liberated as such returns by a loophole. Maybe it is simply because mukti is feminine.
144 For the Švelâmbaras Pasa and his followers (e.g., Kesi in Utt and Rāy) kept their hair and thus Hemac., Trio, does not mention Pāsa's removing it (see Johnson's note 343 in vol. V, p. 393 and Mette 1991: 134). Bhd (13th century), however, makes Päsa pluck out his hair himself (Bloomfield 1919: 115 with note). Monks with long hair are mentioned in Āyära 2,13,17; in Viy 3. 2 sutra 145 Mahavira tells Goyama that Sakra had hurled his vajra at the Asura-King Camara who had sought refuge with Mahāvīra. In order to prevent the vajra from hitting the Tirthankara, Sakra ran after it and pounced upon it with such force that Mahavira's hair blew in the wind caused by his fist (mutthi-võenam kes'-agge viitthā; p.c. Paul Dundas); and Hemac., Trio X 3.58. lets Mahāvīra's he twisted like a tree (Johnson): jatävän iva pădarah. On matted hair see Hiltebeitel and Miller 1998: 23.
145 The fourth knowledge is the awareness of the thought-forms of others" (manah-paryaya: Umāsvāti 19; Jaini 1979: 122: Varni 1944: III 272ff.), i.c. mind-reading, which seems curious here.
146 Cf. vs 151 and Hemac., Trio X 1,253. For a similar view of the Buddhists see Pali-English Dictionary, s.v. kava
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133. tatra Dhanyâklıva-bhūpālah sväma-varno 'sta-mangalaih
pratigrhyâsanam śuddham datvâpat tat-kriyộcitam
There the dark-coloured 47 king named Dhanya with the eight auspicious signs, obtained a proper (reward) for this act, after giving (him) pleasant, pure food."
134. nayan sa caturo māsān chădmasthyena visuddhi-bhāk
dīksā-graha-vane deva-dāru-bhūri-nahi-ruhah 135. adhastād astamâhāra-tyāgādātta-visuddhikah
pratvāsanna-bhava-prānto yogam sapta-dinâvadhim 136. grhitvä sattva-säro 'sthād dharma-dhyānam pravartayan.
Sambaro 'trâmbare gacchann agacchat svam vimänakam
In the forest where he had taken his ordination spending four months under a mighty deodar (cedar) tree, with ascetic practice after obtaining purity through a fast of eight meals, '50 (he was) endowed with holiness (?151 and), when the end of his life was near, the best of living beings undertook yogals2 for seven days and remained meditating on the Doctrine. At this moment (the demon) Sambara 53 (Kamatha) went to his celestial vehicle in order to proceed into the air.
137. lokamāno vibhangena spasta-prāg-vaira-bandhanah
rosẽ kria-tuaha-ghos(naha-vrstim apătayat
147 See note on vs 94. This colour detail indicates the identity of Dhanya with Dharana: the reason for the introduction of this new name remains open (in vs 139 it is Dharana again). In Hemac., Trio and Bhd, a Dhanya is just an ordinary householder.
14* Svastika, Nandyavarta, Śrīvatsa, etc., see Glasenapp 1999: 427.
149 See Jaini 2000: 281ff. and 229ff.; Mahias 1985: 246ff.
150
Cf. vs 128.
1ST
An attempt to distinguish between visuddhi-bhāk and ätta-visuddhikah.
152 Suddhôpavoga? (Kundakunda, Pravacana sāra I 11ff.).
153
In Bhd VI 172 (Bloomfield 1919: 117) and in Hemac., Trio IX 3, 247, he is called Meghamalin.
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When he saw (the Lord), his recognition of him touched off the recollection of his former enmity, and angrily making a loud noise he poured a mighty rain (on him).
138. vvadhāt tadâiva saptâhāny anyāmś ca vividhān vidhih
mahôpasargan sailốpanipätấniãn ivantakah
Then for seven days he also did various other acts: viz created serious natural phenomena, ending with a sudden attack with rocks, just as Yama (creates) scrious diseases. 151
139. tam jñātvavadhi-bodhena Dharaniso155 vinirgatah
dharanväh prasphurad-ratna-phaḥā-mandapa-manditah
Knowing this by means of his supersensual knowledge, king Dharana arose from the ground with a decorative, sparkling canopy of jewel-crested hoods.156
140. bhadantam57 asthäd ävrtya tat patni ca phantateh
upary ucсaih samuddhatya sthitā vajrâtapacchidam
154 Upasarga can mcan 'misfortune' and disease (MW). On the upasurga see in general Dhaky 1997: 46f1.
Probably read: Dharanešo for in Bhd and Hemac., Tri", he is called Dharana. See Bloomfield 1919:
155 191.
156 The protective canopy made by the hoods of the heptacephalous Nāga king Dharana, first mentioned, according to Dhaky (1997: 46), in Vimalasūri's Paümacariya about 473 C.E., reminds us of the Nāga king Mucalinda, with his seven heads sheltering the Buddha from a heavy monsoon rain in the same way, i.e. a natural cause as against Sambara's aggression, in Vinaya I 3; Mahāvastu III 301, ctc. On the story sco Zimmer and Campbell 1983 1: 56ff. The motif is depicted in Nāgārjunikonda in the 3rd century C.E., where the Buddhalike figure under the hoods has no usnisa and thus is no Buddha; the legend is old as there are reliefs of empty Buddha seats with hoods over them dating from the 2nd century B.C.E., such as the one in Bharhut depicted in Chandra 1971 fig. 21 with brāhmi inscription Mucilido Nāgarāja, for which scc Lüders 1963: 104, and Sirkar 1959: 59 (p.c. Dr M. Zin). The Jains probably borrowed it from the Buddhists, cf. Zimmer and Campbell 1983 1: 56. In the Angkor period (11-12th century) the Buddha on the serpent throne was different, viz the highest Buddha representing the eternal cosmic quality of the Enlightened (Lobo 2006: 1426. and 149 (plates 57f. and 63]).
157 Thus, or bhugvantai, read for bhadram tam. Metrically better would be: asthäd bhadantam arriva.
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There he kept covering the venerable (Pärśva) by the darkness of his hoods, and his wife (Padmavatī) was towering high over him in a way that destroyed the heat of (Sambara's / Kamatha's) lightning strikes.
141. ama krürau prakrtvåiva nagau sasmaratuḥ kṛtam;
nôpakāram pare tasmäd vismaranty ärdra-cetasah
Both those Nāgas, ferocious by their very nature, remembered what was done (to them): therefore others (than these) who are not ferocious (lit.: friendly-minded) do not forget the help rendered (to them).
142. tato bhagavato dhyana-mākātmyān moha-samkṣaye
vinasam agamad visvo vikāraḥ Kamatha-dviṣaḥ
When his illusion was destroyed by the power of the Lord's meditation, then the whole hostility of Kamatha's hatred came to an end.
143. dvitiva-sukla-dhyanena munir nirjitya karmanām tritayam Caitra-mäsasya kale pakse dinȧdime10 144. bhage visakha-nakṣatre caturdaśyām mahôdayaḥ samprapat kevala-jñānam lokálokāva-bhāsanam
158 On plates 64 (Badami, cave IV. late 6th century C.E.): 57-9 and 61-3 (Ellora, caves 32-34, ninth century C.E.) in Dhaky 1997, discussed by Sundari on p. 130, respectively by Tiwari on p. 112, Padmavatī stands to the right of Pārsvanatha, but her sunshade rises above Dharana's canopy of hoods protecting both against demons attacking from the air. Cf. note 10 above, vs 166 phani-vadhu-channam below, and the frontispiece of Shah 1987. The word order is curious as phanâtateḥ must belong to Dharana and tat-patnī to sthita. The emendation of the first word alone probably does not restore the original form of this stanza.
150
On the perennial enmity of the serpent Dharana and the tortoise Kamatha see Bhattacharya 1974: 84; there, on plate 61, there is a perhaps ninth century pictorial representation of Pasa and Kamatha in Ellora.
Cf. vs 156 and Hemac., Tri° IX 3,298, Caitra-kṛṣṇa-caturthyām ca Viśākhâsthe nisa-kare and Bhd 6, 217 Caitra-kṛṣṇa-caturthy-ahni Viśākhâsthe niśā-kare.
160
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After neutralizing (lit. besieging) the triad of the karmas 161 by the second pure trance, 162 at the first part of the day in the black half of the month Caitra (March-April), on the 14th in the constellation Visakha, the muni, the very fortunate (Pärśva) reached omniscience, which illuminates the world and the non-world.
145, tada kevala-pujam ca surêndra niravartayan.
Sambaro 'py atta-kälädi-labdhiḥ samam upagamat
Then the kings of the gods worshipped (him who had reached) omniscience. Sambara, for his part, desisted at his first opportunity.
146. prapat samyaktva-Suddhim ca dṛstvä tad vana-vasinaḥ tapasas yakta-mithyätväḥ satānām sapta samyamam 147. grhitvä suddha-samyaktväḥ Pärsvandtham kṛtâdarāḥ sarve pradakṣini-krtya pranemuḥ padayor dvayoḥ
(Parva) obtained the certainty (or: truth) of the Jain faith and when seven hundred acsetics living in a forest saw that, they gave up their false views, controlled themselves. came to the true Jain faith, and all worshipped Pärsvanath by circumambulating (him) and making obeisance to his pair of feet. 164
148, kva tad-vairam vṛtha? santir īdṛśī kvasya papinaḥ?
sakhyam astam virodhaś ca vṛddhaye hi mahatmabhiḥ
161
Näma, gotra and vedaniya with the fourth, ayus, being neutralised by kevali-samudghata at the moment of death (p.c. Paul Dundas), cf. Jaini 1979: 124ff. and 269; Varni II 1971: 169 § 19.
163
162
On this kind of sukla-dhyana called padastha-dhyana 'concentration upon holy chants' see Jaini 1979: 255f. with special reference to Subhacandra, Jianârnava (ch. 38f.) and Handiqui 1949: 276ff., especially
280.
163
Kevala-pujām stands for kevala-jñāni-pūjām.
164 Those who lie prostrate in front of a person held in respect see only his feet, which therefore represent that whole person, see Bollée 1983: 232 and 236. Representations of feet replace an icon. - These 700 ascetics are mentioned only here, not in any other Pārsvanathacaritra available to me.
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How could his (Katha's = Meghamālin's) enmity stop (lit.: become idle), how could there be such bliss for this evil one ? Indeed, with great souls both affection and hostility used to serve happiness. 165
149. Ganêśā daśa tasvâsan vidhävadim Svavambhuvam
sârdhāni tri-satāny uktā munîndrāh purva-dhärinah
He had ten leaders of a troop, making Svayambhū the first one. There are said to be three hundred fifty principal monks 166 who had memorized the Pūrvas.67 150. yatayo 'yuta-pūrvāni satäni nava śikṣakäh
catuhsattôttaram proktah sahasram avadhi-1vişah
(There were) ten thousand nine hundred recluses, 168 fourteen hundredt69 (of whom) are recorded as teachers with the splendour of supersensual knowledge.
151. sahasram antima-jñānās, tāvanto vikriyarddhikäh.
satäni sapta-pañcāśac caturthâvagam äśritäh
One thousand possessed omniscience. So many could assume various forms. Five thousand seven hundred practised mind-reading. 170
165
Hi is expletive here.
Il Doubt has emerged as to whether Pasa/Pārsva's in fact founded an order of monks (see Bollée's review of Wiley 2004).
167 On these see Alsdorf 1974: 2521f. and Dundas 2002: 67ff.
16% In Kalpasūlra $S 160ff. followed by Hemac., Trio IX 4,311ff., Pāsa's congregation as a kevalin consisted of 16,000 sädhus. 38,000 sādhvīs, 350 monks knowing the 14 Pürvas. 1.400 clairvoyants. 750 monks with mind-reading ability, one thousand omniscients, 1,100 who could transform themselves, 600 disputants, 164,000 laymon and 377,000 lay women (in Kalpasūtra $ 164: 327.000). SM has 20,900 vratinas (monks). - Cf. Neminātha's retinue in Hemac., Trio VIII 12. 100ff.
109 Apparently four times three hundred fifty, seven times fifty, that is. On the number fifty see Falk 1986: 104ff.
170 Called manah-paryaya-jñāna by the Svetâmbaras (Schubring 2000 $ 80).
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152. vādinah sat satāny eva te sarve 'pi samuccitāh
abhvarni-krta-nirvāṇāh syuh sahasrāni sodaśa
Just six-hundred (vatis) all in all were disputants, sixteen thousand had the capacity to reach nirvana.
153. Sulocanadvāh sat-trimsat-sahasranv ārvikā vibhoh
śrävaka laksam ekam tu tri-gunāh śrāvikās tatah
The Lord had thirty-six thousand nuns, among whom Sulocanā, and one lakh of lay adherents, but three times as many female lay followers as that.'71
154. devā devvo 'py a-samkhyātāh samkhyātās tirvag-anginah;
evam dvādaśabhir yukto ganair dharmôpadeśanam
Innumerable gods and goddesses (as well as) animals were counted (among his adherents). In this way the Lord taught the Doctrine together with twelve ganas!72
155. kurvānal pañcabhir māsair virahi-krta-saptatih
samvatsarānām; māsam sa samhrtya vihrti-kriyām
for seventy years less five months. After maintaining for one month pleasure-act(s)
156. sat-trimsan munibhih sârdham pratimā-vogam āśritah
Srāvane māsi saptamvām sita-pakse dinâdime!73 157. bhāge Visakha-naksatre dhyāna-dvava-samāśravāt
guna-sthāna-dvaye sthitvā Sammedâcala-mastake
171 Bhd 8.358ff agrees with Kalpasutra in the number of laywomen. Gods, animals and ganas are not mentioned.
17! In Hemac., Trio IX 3,358. Pāsa had ten gana-dharas. among whom Aryadatta.
173 Also vs 43.
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he restored to vows of self-castigation (fasting) together with thirty-six monks'74 in the month Śrāvana (July-August) on the seventh (day). 175 In the light half in the first part of the day in the constellation Vesākha (April-May), after a pair of meditations in two stages of purification,176 standing on the top of the mountain Sammedal77
158. tat-kālôcita-kāryāni vartayitva yathā-kramam
nihsesa-karma-nirnāśān nirvane niścalam sthitah
he gradually did what was customary at that time, because he wanted to destroy his remaining karman, and he stood motionless in his nirvāna. 178
159. krta-nirvana-kalyānāh surendrās tam vavandire
"vandāmahe vayam câinam nanditum sundarair gunaih"
The kings of the gods saluted him by hailing the festive day of his nirvāņa: "we salute him and are very pleased with his noble qualities.”
160. ūdi-madhyânta-gambhīrāh santo 'mbu-nidhi-samnibhäh
udaharanam eteșām Pārsvo ganyah kşamāvatām
They resemble the ocean: deep at the beginning, in the middle and at the end. Pārsva should be counted an example for people here to be forbearing.
161. fvaj-janmabhişavôtsave sura-girau svöcchvāsa-nihśvāsajaih
svargêśän bhrśam anayas tvam anilair andola-līlām muhuh.
174 In Hemac., Trio IX 4,316, frayastrimsan muni-yutah māsam cân-aśanam vyadhäl and Bhd, 8.368, whose verses are nearly identical here, there are only 33 monks.
175
In Hemac., Trio IX 4,317, and Bhd 8,370 it is the eighth day.
176 On the guing-sthanas sec Jaini 1979: 2727.
177 Read Sammeta and see vs 14.
13* Note the alliteration in the second line of this stanza; the fourfold prefix nis- means to emphasize the wish for annihilation.
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kim kuryāt tava tādrso 'vam amaras tvat-kşānti-labdhôdayah pathino jaladher ivety abhinutah Pārsvo jinah pätu nah.
At the festival of the ablution at your birth on the mountain of the gods, by the winds of your breathing, you very much brought the gods constantly to play the swing. "What can such an immortal here, (Sambara ?), 179 whose good fortune was (only) obtained by your forbearance, do to you as brahmins would to the ocean180 ?" praised with these words the Jina Pārsva should protect us. 181
162. "niskampam tava suklatām upagatam bodham payodhir mahā
vātôddhūta-tanur vinila-salilah prāpnoti dürän na tam dhyānain te vata!82 vâcalasya marutām svāsânilăd vâmarāt ksobhah kah katham" ity abhistuti183-patiḥ Pārsva-prabhuh pātu nah
"With its dark water the ocean, the mass of which is tossed up by high winds, does not nearly reach that motionless knowledge of yours which has arrived at purity. 184 (Is) meditation (? far from > stronger than the divine breath of the winds on the mountain (of the gods ?)/ if meditation is compared to the divine breath (...), why worry (lit.: what disturbance is there) ?" Thus praised, Lord Pārsva should protect us.185
179
Vide supra vs 117, 136 and infra 164.
150 Brahmins are said to be forbearing, e.g., BIS 3800 kşamā is the mandana of the brahmins, and 4499 brāhmam śīla ksamā nāma, but their relation to the ocean is unclear to me. Perhaps kim kurvat ... means: 'what is such a one compared to you'; then the depth" of the brahminic ksamatā is not that of the ocean, for brahmins are usually not held in high esteem in Jain and Buddhist literature.
181 On the sense of praise and worship of the Jinas see Dundas 2002: 209f.
18. Should express astonishment here.
186 Text: abhistuti..
184 'The dark ocean apparently is contrasted with Pärsva's purity.
185 The sense of this stanza is not clear to me. PJ paraphrases: "Oh Lord, your extremely flawless knowledge is unshakable. It cannot be compared with the ocean, since the ocean gets choppy in a storm. Also its water is blue, hence from far off it cannot attain your knowledge. Similarly, your meditation (dhyāna) also cannot be compared to the ocean since it is unshakable and extremely pure. Oh Saviour, you are as imperturbable as Mount Sumeru, hence what possible discomfort can this humble body cause you,
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163. tirthêśaḥ sadrso gunair an-anubhiḥ sarve 'pi dhairyâdibhiḥ
santy apy evam, adhiša, visva-viditäs te te guṇaḥ priṇanāḥ tat sarvam Kamaṭhāt tathā hi mahatäm satroḥ kṛtâpakriyāt khyatir ya mahati na jätu cid asau miträt krtopakriyāt
Though all such fordmakers without exception have coarse qualities, such as firmness. etc., yet, Lord, these various qualities of yours, as all know, are pleasing. For so all this (happens) because of Kamatha, the enemy of great (men), who has perpetrated an improper action. 186 Great renown never comes from a friend whom one has done a service (?) 187
164. dura-sthâmara-vikrivasya bhavato badha na śäntâtmano,
na krodho na bhayam ca; tena na budhaiḥ "sodhe "ti samstuyase. mähätmya-prasamau tu vismaya-karau tau tena tīrthêśinaḥ stotavyam kim? iti stuto bhavatu naḥ Pärsvo bhavôcchittave
You for whom harm from a deity (like Śambara) is remote and who are calm-minded have no adversaries (lit.: harassers). You neither know anger nor fear. For that reason you are not praised by wise men as being forbearing, but because of that, the magnanimity. and tranquillity of mind of a fordmaker are wonderful. If one asks (iti): "What is praiseworthy ?" (the answer should be:) we should praise Pärśva in order to end our stay. in the samsara,
165. pasvaitau krta-vedinau hi Dharanau "dharmyāv" itidām gatau tāv evôpakṛtir na te tribhuvana-ksemâika-bhūmes tataḥ bhubhṛt-pata-niṣedhanam nanu kṛtam cet präktanôpadravaḥ
kair nåsann? iti sära-samstuti-kṛtaḥ Pärśvo jinaḥ pātu naḥ
which is like the air we breathe. In this way, may Bhagavan Pārsvanatha, object of many hymns and devotional songs, protect us" (English translation by Manish Modi).
186 Seducing Marubhuti's wife and killing Parsva in pre-births.
This line seems to be, or like, a proverb such as listed by Bloomfield 1919: 211ff., but I have no parallels of it. Does this mean that great renown comes from confrontation with enemies one has once wronged, like in the case of Kamatha?
187
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for look at Dharanendra (and Padmavati),
even these two grateful (deities), praised as virtuous, are of no help to you, for whom this earth is the only habitable one in the universe. Were mountains prevented from flying, if some had not previously caused trouble? The Jina Parsva when thus clearly praised should protect us. 189
166, bhedo 'dreh phani-mandapah phani-vadhu-channa kṣatir ghātinām kaivalyaptir a-dhātu-deha-mahimā hānir bhavasyamarī
The cloudburst, the canopy made by the snake('s hoods), the sunshade of the female snake (Padmavati), the removal of those who cause damage, attaining omniscience, greatness of immaterial (?) physical appearance (and) eternal cessation of existence."" the danger (of Sambara and) becoming a fordmaker equally meant destroying an obstacle. (You,) the leader of a noble lineage, should remove the permanent fear of death from the person who has it.
אא!
bhītis tīrthakṛd-udgamo 'pagamanam vighnasya câsan samam bhartur yasya sa samtatantaka-bhayam hantúgra-vamsâgraṇī
167. "kim dhyānāt phaṇinaḥ, phanindra-yuvateḥ, kṣānter mahendrāt svatas, tantran, mantra-vijṛmbhanad, vata ripor bhiter, ayasyôdayāt, kālād, ghati-hateri idam samam abhud?"ity arghya-hastaiḥ surair asankhyâmara 13-vighna-vicyutir agham hanyat sa dhirágraṇīḥ
Thus taken by PJ. On this goddess, who is very much worshipped by Digambaras in South India, see Dundas 2002: 213f., Tiwari in Dhaky 1997: 111, Sharma 1989: 95f., Bhattacharya 1974: 104ff. and Bloomfield 1919: 167.
189
190
As in Latin, a text is imagined as a fabric the end, the border, of which is decorated respectively marked by another metre, here sardülavikrīḍita. Yet bhujamga-vijrmbhita would have fitted Pārsva's
connection with snakes better.
1ME See vs 140.
These items are occurrences in the life of Parsva. For the cloudburst by which Katha tried to kill Pārsva and against which the latter was protected by the serpent king Dharana cf. Hemac., Tri IX 3,262ff. and Bhd 6,190ff. - PJ takes adri to mean 'parvat'; I have not found a parallel for a-dhātu-deha-°.
193
192Cf. vs 169 hata-ghati-samheti. For the comparable long series of ablatives serving the grounds for the actions of the main actors in ŚC see Bruhn 1954: 27.
This seems a hard construction. A variant reads: āśankyo 'mara-, apparently a lectio facilior.
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"Was there happiness here (i.e., for you, Pärśva ?) because of the meditation of the snake (Dharanendra), of the snake king's female attendant (Padmavati), of Indra's or your own forbearing, of the religious text, the saying of the charm, after the danger created by the enemy (Sabara was overcome), because of the occurrence of good fortune (?), the right time, the absence of blows (or: aggressivity) ? thus possibly thought about by [the mass of] the gods deserving the respect shown to guests, he, no longer obstructed by a fearful deity and foremost in composedness, should eliminate evil (for us).
168. śrutva yasya vaco 'mṛtam śruti-dukham hrdyam hitam hetuman mithyätvam divijo vamid visam iva vyaviddha-vairôddhuram vam stauti sma ca tädṛśo 'py upanata-sreyaḥ, sa Pärśvo vibhum vighnâugham hari-samdhṛtâsana-sikham adhyasya siddho hatat
After hearing the eternal, pleasing (and) useful feast for the ears, viz his (Pärśva's) words, the deity (Samvara) became reasonable and gave up like poison the firm illusion of revenge connected with it). Pärśva is the Lord to whom just such a one (as Samvara) pays homage. As you seated yourself on the highest throne, which is firmly supported by lions (or: by Indra), and are liberated, remove (our) many troubles.
I have made a literal translation but fail to see the meaning of some single items of the series such as the snake's meditation, the mantra or the tantra. The first two could be references to the dying snake burnt by Katha on whom Pārsva's men pronounce the namaskāra mantra and who is then reborn Dharana (Hemac.. Tri IX 3,226 and HvP 5,38). The eight "severe inflictions cast by Sambara toward Pārsva" depicted in Ellora are discussed by Tiwari in Dhaky 1997: 112.
194
The sense of the second part of vs 168 is not very clear to me. PJ paraphrases: svayam akar jin ki stuti ki aur us prakār kā krur hone par bhi vah kalyan ko prapta hua tatha jo indra ke dvara dharan kiye hue simhasan ke agra bhag par virajmän ho kar siddha avastha ko prapta hue aise bhagavan Parsvanath hamare vighnom ke samuha ko naşta kare. 'May Lord Parsvanatha destroy all our difficulties, (Parsvanatha) whose words, which are pleasing to the ears. soothing to the heart, beneficial and pertinent. (motivated Sambaradeva to get rid of the extreme mithyatva, that had arisen in his soul owing to his traditional enmity, as if it were poison and to visit the august presence of Lord Parsvanatha and worship the Lord, thus alleviating his bad karmas despite his cruel nature,) and who attained liberation while seated on a throne borne by Indra' (Translation by Manish Modi). Hatat in SpBr 11,5,1,1 is a 2nd ps. imperative and this seems better than taking hatat as a nominal ablative. To call Parsva for help is a fitting end of the hagiography thus referring to vs 1 the last two stanzas being only a summary. For illustrations see Pal 1994: 1341.
195
Sma may be expletive here.
Parsva on the lion-throne is seen, e.g.. on a miniature painting in a manuscript in Müḍabidarī (Nagarajaiah 1999: 3); on such a throne see Hegewald 2005: 495ff.; Auboyer 1949: 34.
196
197
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169. jātaḥ prān Marubhutir, any ibha-patir, devah Sahasrara-jo
vidyeso 'cyuta-kalpa-jaḥ kṣiti-bhṛtām śrī-Vajranābhiḥ patiḥ devo madhyama-madhyame nrpa-gunair "Ananda-nāmânato devêndro hata-ghati-samhatir; avatv asman sa Pārsvesvaraḥ
200
202
Lord Parsva was first born as Marubhūti, then as an elephant-king, a Sahasrara god, a vidya-dhara, a god in the Acyutakalpa heaven,201 the happy king of kings Vajranabha. as a god in the very middle (of the ninefold Graiveya region), humble (man) with royal qualities named ânanda, as a king of the gods without much aggressivity (lit.: without close contact with blows). Lord Parsva here may protect us.
as a
170. Kamathaḥ kukkuṭa-sarpaḥ, Pañcama-bhū-jo, 'hir abhavad, atha narake, vyadho (?)'dho-gah, simho, naraki, nara-po 'nu Sambaro divi-jah
vvādho207
208
Variant for text -te. We need a nominative here for Pärśva's eighth pre-birth, elsewhere called Suvarnabāhu.
190
20
In Hemac., Tri IX 2, 123 and Bhd 2.35 Pärśva's fourth pre-birth is as Kiranavega, the son of the Vidyadhara king Vidyudgati.
201
On Sahasrara and Acyutakalpa see Kirfel 1920: 292. Hemac. Tri" IX 2, 147, mentions the fifth incarnation as a chief-god in the palace Jambudrumâvarta in the 12th heaven.
Thus read for nabhiḥ, cf. Hemac., Tri IX 2, 155; Bhd 3,11 and Vādirāja 4,140.
The parallel texts call the 7th incarnation that as Lalitânga.
DUu 326,6f. majjhima-gevejjayammi; see Charpentier's note 3 on p.341.
In Hemac., Tri" IX 3, 22 and Bhd 4,15 named Suvarnabahu. According to Bhd 4,128 he took off his royal insignia and going to the tirthankara Jagannatha bowed down to him at a distance (pancake rājacihnānāņi dūre muktvā nanāma tam). - PJ: vahām se ākara rājāom ke gunom se susobhita Ānanda nāmakā rājā huā.
202
203
204
CT. vs 167 ghati-hati.
265
Cf. vs 167 ghati-hati. - In Hemac., Tri° IX 2, 309, the nameless deity lives in the Mahāprabha-vimāna in the tenth heaven. - PJ: Anata svargamem (Kirfel 1919: 292 etc.) indra hua aura tad-anantara ghātivā karmom ke samihako naṣṭa karanevālā bhagavan Pārsvanatha huā
201 Thus read for text: dhyadho?
2008
The metre seems faulty here even if abhavad is deleted in order to restore the number of 19 syllables.
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Kamatha was reborn a cock with a snake's head, then born in the Pañcamabhū?" (hell), then as a snake, 24 in another) hell," as a low hunter, a lion,213 an inmate of the (fourth) hell and subsequently as king Sambara in heaven.215
2014
Called Pancamāvani in Bhd 1.884; neither name occurs in Kirfel.
CC Bhd 2,1048 Hemâdrer galvare tusya mahahir udapadvata.
Dhumaprabha in Bhd 3,1059.
212 Bhd 3,1095 Bhillo nämna Kurangakah.
213
Bhd 4,146 Kurangako 'pi narakād udvrttya tatra parvate simho babhūva.
214 Bhd 4.159 mrtve simho 'pi păpârmă caturtham narakam galah.
215 Sambara is unknown to Hemac. Trio and Bhd; the latter states the rebirth of the lion's soul as Katha who eventually is reborn as Meghamalin (5.111.).
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Rare and new words
aksa-sūtra 'rosary, chaplet' 51 agni 'three' 93 agranin 'leader; foremost' 166f. abhinuta 'praised' 161 abhisava ablution, libation' 81 (cp), 88 (cp) abhyarni-krta 'near' 152 A-cyuta-kalpaja "deity in the Ac. heaven' 169 *anile yoge* 90 atta-visuddhika 'having obtained purity' 135 ā-pañcama-ksiti-vyāpta ‘reaching up to the extreme limit of the world' 71 ārādhanā (four -) "propitiatory declaration' 65, 68 ārdra-cetas 'friendly-minded' 141 ugra-vamsa ‘of noble lineage' 166 unmeya 'height ?' 69 urushank (metonym for: member') 77 kalyana one of the five great events in the life of a Jina' 888., 92, 126, 159 kukkutâhi 'cock with a serpent's head' apparently, rather than a serpent with a cock's head 2 kukkutõraga 'cock with a serpent's head' 29 kukkuta-sarpa 'cock with a serpent's head' 170 ksiti, see pañcamakha 'zero' 93 kha-catuska 'fourfold zero' 70 khala 'mischievous person' 3 ganesa 'leader of a troop of monks' 45, 149 gulma-kheta-pura receptacle of a mass of phlegm: the body'132 caturthâvaga "the fourth knowledge: mind-reading 151 tirthakrt (16 pratyavas of -) 64 tīrthêśin 'fordmaker' 164 tri-prasruta- 'with the fluid streaming from three (places on its body) 16 tri-bodha-didhiti brilliant with three(-fold) knowledge' 85 tri-vistapa 'heaven 81 istiyâvagama 'avadhi-jñāna' 71 däman 'wreath (in a dream symbol of the Doctrine)' 82
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dinâdima 'daybreak' 143, 156 dīksā-Lakşmi 'Laksmī of initiation' 130 deha-mahimā 'greatness of physical appearance, smartness' 166 dhirâgranin 'foremost in composedness' 167 nandiśvara 'a lâhnika, eight day parvu'ana' 44 nirnāśa destruction 158 nirvāna-kalyāna 'festive day of the nirvāņa of a fordmaker' 159 pataha kettle drum beaten to announce the new day' 77 padmabhisava 'sprinkling lotuses' 81 praksobha 'agitation' 100 pratimā-yoga observing vows of self-castigation, esp. fasting' 15f., 66, 156 pratyaya (sixteen -) 'cause 64 pratyūşa-nändi 'drum announcing daybreak' note 89 phani-mandapa 'bower or canopy of snake hoods' 166 Mandarâbhișava "libation on Mt. Mandara' 81 mahîsa 'big landowner'32 mukti-kanyā 'girl ,,Deliverance 130 vār-rāśi'sāgara, ocean as measure of time' 41 vikriyarddhika 'with various forms, multiform' 151 vighnâugha 'having known much trouble' 168 vidyêśa 'vidvādhara' 169 vipulâdi-mati 'very knowledgeable (?)' 45 vibhanga 'Tact of being distinguished, recognition' 137 viśākharksa 'forked tree' 76 viśuddhi-bhāj 'endowed with holiness or purity' 135 vibrti-kriya 'wandering (?)' 155 vyävarnayati 'to explain' 123 śruti-sukha 'feast for the ears' 168 samsayâspada "authoritative word against uncertainty' 46 sattva-sära 'best of creatures' (BHSD) 136 samāmāna ‘measure of time' 119 Sahasrâra-ja 'a deity 169 svara 'seven' 93 svargêśa 'deity' 161
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Subject index (vs numbers)
adolescence with 16 years 95 ahimsă practiced by elephant 20 alliteration 158; note 178 animals as Pārsva's devotees 154 ärädhanā fourfold 64, 68 belief. tetrad of wrong - 110 bhattāraka 34 Bhils note 42 Cain and Abel motif, see fratricide canopy of appearance 71 canopy of snake hoods 139, 166; note 156 change of appearance 71 chaplet, see: rosary churning water does not produce ghee 112 cock with snake head note 30; vs 170 complexion, dark ~ Pārśva 94; of Dhanya 133; of Triprstha note 112 deliverance as a woman 130; note 143 dreams of pregnant queen 76, 79 (meaning unknown to dreamer), 82ff.; notes 87f.,
91f., 95 drum announcing daybreak note on vs 77. eight days' festival 44,58 face of woman likened to moon 50 feet, obeisance to 147 fish, auspicious sign in dream 83 five fires, penance amidst 98, 107 foot, standing on one – as a penance 107 forbearance, Pārsva as an example of - 160 fratricide 11 Gommatesa Thudi note 53 grey hair motif 61 hair = evil note 57 hair of Pārsva removed by Indra 131 hair of Mahāvīra note 144
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horses imported into India 121 image of Jina worship, sense of - doubted 47 Jambu-dvipa 'isle of the Jambul or Black plum' 6 Kama)tha note 117 Laukântika devas 125 Lion throne, Päráva on - 168 lotus dear to the three worlds 82 moonlike face 50 Mucalinda note 156 musth causing three streams of ichor vs 16 namaskāra mantra 130; note 55 Nandiśvara 45 niyoga reversed 21 order of monks, did Pārśva have an - ? note 166 pañcama-ksiti 'all bordered hinterlands' note 81 Pārsva, etymology of - notes 1 and 106 praise of Pārśva in order to get protection 161f., 164f. Pūrvas memorized 149 Rathāvarta 58 rosary 52; note 55 Sammeda, -ta 14 self-torture to secure holiness 98, 107 seven days' attack 138; - yoga 135 seven hundred ascetics 146, 151 snakes in log cut through 103 soul colour 63 śrīvatsa sign 17 stalking note 21 Subhauma passage (vss. 103-118) interpolated ? note 131 tetrad of wrong beliefs 110 Tīrthakrt-ship, sixteen causes (pratyaya) of - 64 tortoise and snake enmity note 159 umbrella representing the Doctrine 2 Vajraghoșa elephant 12 vimāna of the sun 54, 57
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waist (woman's slim - as beauty ideal) 40 while umbrella of the dharma 2 wife of Brahmin loved like another Veda 8
Abbreviations
Anuog ARK Aup ΑνΝΗ Bhd BIS
DULL
Hemac. HvP
= Amuogaddārā = Abhidhāna-Rajendra-kośa = Aupapātikasūtra = Avassava Nijjutti with Haribhadra's commentary = Bhāvadeva, Pārsvanāthacaritra = Bochtlingk, Indische Sprüche = Devendra, Uttarādhyayana-likā, see Charpentier = Hemacandra, Trişastisalākāpuruşacaritra = Hemavijaya, Pārsvanāthacarita = Mahābhārata = Monier-Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary = Pannālāl Jain, Hindi Paraphrase of the Mahāpurāņa
Böhulingk & Roth, Sanskrit Wörterbuch
Dhanesvara, Cauppannamahäpurisacariva = Satapatha-Brāhmana = see Hemac. = Vivāhapannatti
Mbh MW
PJ
PWB ŚM ŚpBr
Trio
Viy
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International Journal of Jaina Studies Vol. 1-3 (2005-2007) 146-157
BLIND FAITH ACCORDING TO THE JAINAS: THE YAMA CASE
Jean-Pierre Osier
ante matiḥ, sā gatih
According to this pan-Indian' maxim, there is a connexion between the last thought or thoughts of the dying and their fate in the next life. Hence, it is necessary to help the dying during this essential moment. Ritualising death is the best way to reach this aim. Ritual death is an option only for one who has made up his mind without hurry, if his certain death is near. Suicide determined by emotions, such as excessive arrogance, anger, love or fear,' is not sanctioned by the rite, because it involves blind attachment and haste. The deceived lover, for instance, who takes the decision to hang himself, to throw himself from a rock or to drown himself into a river, shows only that he is a fool (bāla), and dies the death of a fool (bāla-marana). In this kind of "deliberate" death or suicide there is no room for ritual, because there is no, or very little, room for reflection and conscience. Yet, when disease or similar circumstances give death the appearance of inevitability, and when this is not only established by the dying, but confirmed by his guru, the choice of dying according to a ritual may seem rational (pandita-marana). This is the case in the Jaina ritual eradication (Skt. samlekhanā) of karmic particles at the end of life.
In the context of this ritual, death is not awaited passively. Fasting unto death is an activity. By taking his vows again, by progressively reducing food and drink, the future dead plays an active part in his own process of dying. Moreover, his activity involves the religious group to which he belongs. He does not die alone, away from human society, but near his guru, in a place which reminds him of his belonging to a
* International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) Vol. 3, No. 3 (2007) 1-12
Kane 1977 V: 972f. quotes for instance Buddhist and Hindu texts.
Kane 1977 II: 924. n. 2130 quotes Parāśara 4.1-2.
3 See the case of the ugly Nandisena who is refused three times by his uncle's daughters. Vasudevahindi, p. 115.
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Jaina community. However, despite the fact that the ritual death is backed by the religious group or by some of its mendicant or lay members, the man who is fasting to death is in some way, alone, busy with his own thoughts.
Loneliness or solitariness (ekatva) is familiar to the Jainas. They know that social and even family bounds do not ameliorate the helpless situation (asarana) of anybody dying--the second topic of the twelve anuprekṣās, or reflexions. But loneliness when dying is seen as peculiar and very dangerous. At every moment, before the last, a dying person can become prey of a bad thought, a regret, which the Digambaras call a nidāna. For instance, if a very pious layman who is just aboat to die by fasting remembers his wife's beauty and dies, he will be born again not as a god, a man, or a siddha, but as a lustful frog. Such is the power of the last thought!
Of course nidāna is linked to karman, and as such seems to have an absolute mechanical inevitability. In fact, this inevitability is never absolute, because an embodied jīva is neither a product of mere defilement, nor of mere purity, but rather of a mixture of both. Which tendency will dominate the jīva during its life, and especially at the last moment, is an open question, which implies choice and education. Therefore, the Jainas can balance the weight of nidāna with a counterpoise. Since the nidāna produces its effect only on a man or a woman who pays exclusive attention to his own whims, the guru can draw this attention to pious thoughts. A guru who assists the dying reminds him of glorious models of religious behaviour so that he will not think of his situation in any other ways. Mere loneliness of the dying would not be a fatal state, but the result of a bad "choice": responding to nidāna rather than identifying with the exemplary patterns of religious conduct which are given by the guru.
Thesc ideal patterns are not a free invention of the guru. They are informed by special works of the canonical or post-canonical literature. Svetāmbaras and Digambaras have composed texts which will help the dying to fix his last thoughts. The Autobiography of Ganes Prasād Varni (1874-1961), written in Hindi at the beginning of the last century, is a good example. The writer relates the samādhi, or meditated death of a religious woman, Bäiji who, in the final phase of her death fast, asks for hearing
* TS 9.7.
Nāgadeva 1948: 18-26: French translation by Balbir and Osier 2004: 86-91.
Pujyapāda speaks of the samsāre paribhraman jīvaḥ karma-vantra-preritah (Sarvārthasiddhi $ 801).
Varni 1977: 310-317.
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classical works about right faith. The Svetāmbara canonical Painnayas contain many texts with concerning this point." The Digambara Bhagavati Arādhanā of Sivārya (circa second century A.D.) also serves as a handbook for helping the guru advising the dying in their last hour. In this laiter work, one finds not only reminders of principles and rules, but also examples of exemplary behaviour. The former are presented in abstract, while the latter appear to be concrete, because they are narrated in form of stories. Yet, in the Bhagavati Arādhanā these stories are only alluded to. A personal name, some particulars, etc., are mentioned, but without further elaboration. Fortunately, these rather terse verses inspired the creation of extensive collections of stories, which develop the matter indicated in the verses. The 13th century Digambara author Prabhācandra, in his Kathākośa, quotes some verses of the Bhagavati Arādhana and elaborates their plots in shorter or longer narratives. Ninety stories were composed in such a manner.
Despite their great number, the stories deal with only one main topic. That is, illustration of the advantages of right faith, or orthodoxy, and explanation of the disadvantages of wrong faith, or heterodoxy. It would be interesting to know more details about their use in real life situations. Of particular interest are situations where specific narratives are chosen by the guru to help the dying in his final struggle. If specific principles of selection were known, we could get a more precise image of the Jain ritual of dying. The choice of a particular story cannot be arbitrary, but must be informed by (a) the guru's personal knowledge of his disciple, and (b) the special rules or vows he follows. Of course, autobiographies such as G. P. Vārnī's can give some details on the first point. But reading the fasting unto death of Baiji, one cannot fail to be surprised by the "generality" of the depiction of her behaviour. She appears to be an embodiment of the ideal pattern of samlekhanā rather than an individual with idiosyncratic features, even if her compassion for her spiritual son Varni is very touching and reveals very personal features. However, despite being rather formulaic rather than autobiographical or even biographical, there are some works that offer precious information about the normalized choice of narrative materials under these special circumstances.
The Bhagavati Arādhana was commented upon by Asadhara in his Mülārādhanadarpana (BKK, Introduction, pp. 56f.). One could have expected that Aśādhara's commentaries deal with the narrative material mentioned in the verses. But unfortunately,
* The list encompasses: Mula Natakasamayasāra, Säntisamādhimarana. Anupreksī. Rainakarandasravakācāra by Samantabhadra, Dasadhādharma, Dvadasānupreksa by Kārttikeya. Samadhimarana (Varni 1977: 313).
Cf. von Kamptz 1929.
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this hope is groundless. In the Introduction to his edition of Harişena's Bihatkathākoša, a collection of versified stories (931-32), A.N. Upadhye underlines this point: "Between the two lie., Aparajita and Āsādhara), it is only Ä idhara that gives a few remarks, here and there, on these gāthäs. This neglect on their part indicates that either they were indifferent to this aspect of the contents or by their time the Kathäkośas were so usual that they did not like to repeat them in their commentaries"!" A good fortune compensates for this "neglect". At the end of his treatise for Jaypeople. entitled Sägäradharmāmria. Āsādhara mentions some stories which the guru murmurs into the dying individual's ears to help him in the final phase of his life. He mentions twelve personal names, and sketches particular features which should be able to support the disciple. The simple mentioning of names would not have been sufficient for interesting research on the ideal mental dispositions of the dying, because some of the characters, such as Śrenika, the Pandavas, and so on, appear in many stories. Yet, the available sketches of the personalities behind the names ward off this danger. They allow the reader to refer to the Kathākośa of Prabhācandra, where he will find many details on the characters mentioned by Asādhara, and in this way, enable him to understand which special feature Asādhara chooses and exalts in one or other particular context.
One example: Yama
a. Sāgaradharmāmrta 8.81:
"Devoting himself to duties such as personal study and so on, thanks to the bits [=fragments of three verses he composed himself, Yama, despite his lack of experience due to the reproaches he did to a muni, acquired the seven magical powers."
This rather enigmatic verse appears in the context of the depiction of personal study, or stādhvara, one of the six obligatory daily duties (karman) of householders according to
BKK. Introduction, p. 58.
" khando-slokas tribhih kurvan suptarddhibhir abhüril.
svadhyāyādi svavam-krtaih Il muni-nindapla-manghyo'pi
yamah
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the Digambaras. 2 Memorizing the sacred texts, and understanding their meaning is the aim of svādhyāva. Laity as well as mendicants cannot improve themselves without being perfectly conscious both of their faults and of the way to perfection. At the time of death, memory of the sacred texts is important. The tradition clearly e plains the fruits of svādhyāya after death, and destroys any doubts on this point. However, the relationship between the principle and the narrative content of verse 81 remains obscure.
In the Bhagavati Arādhanā, one finds a verse quite similar to Aśādhara's:
"If king Yama escaped from death thanks to a sloka fragment, and became a good ascetic, how much more [one will achieve) thanks to [remembering] the sūtra told by the Jina"!3
The context is the same: without knowledge, that is to say, knowledge of the tradition, religious deeds are blind and fruitless. Here too, however, the behaviour of Yama is enigmatic. The reader knows only that the "śloka fragment" does not belong to the Jaina scriptures or tradition, and must be considered as secular. A wonderful conclusion: a king can obtain important religious results by quite non-religious means! How is this alchemic operation possible?
Fortunately, the auto-commentary of Sāgāradharmämrta VIII.81 gives the fragments of the ślokas Yama himself composed:
"You cannot make your mind up, donkey, you looked for barley: don't eat it!"*
"Why the fruit would be elsewhere: let bring it to me from here: she is asleep (niddiva) in the hole!'15
"Do not be afraid of us, the thing you have to be afraid of is manifestly far away!"16
1. Williams 1963: 237.
13 Bhagavati Arādhana 771: jaidā khanda-silogena Jamo maranādu phedido rāvā 1 pallo va susāmannam kim puna jina-ulta-sutiena il
14 Critical edition, p. 341: kattasi puna nikkhevasi re gadahā javam patthesi khādidum II
annaitha kim phalo vahatu me ittham niddiyä сhidde 11
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The reader's fortune is in fact very short-lived. These verses have a mere mnemonic form, and otherwise look like riddles which ca 'not be solved without knowing other elements of the story. Prabhācandra's Kathākośa' and Harisena's Brhatkathākośal give the whole stories in which these enigmatic verses appear.
b. Kathakośa 24 begins by quoting verse 771 of the Bhagavati Ārādhānā and offers the story as an explanation of its meaning: asva kathā. According to this tale, Yama was a king who had a son: Gardabha, a daughter: Konikā, five hundred sons from other queens, and a minister, Dīrgha. According to a prediction, Konikā's husband would become king of the whole world. Yama hid her in a cave. Yama, who knew all the treatises (sarvasõstrajna), met a Jaina muni and insolently offended him. As a consequence, Yama immediately lost his mental power (buddhi). Brought back to reality, he gave up being king, passed his kingdom to Gardabha, and became a muni, together with his 500 sons. But Yama still remained quite unable to learn even (mätra) the Pañca Namaskāra. His guru rebuked him, and with his permission he went alone (ekākin) to a tirtha. There, he saw how some donkeys were led by their owner to a barley field, but suddenly refused to go further. This scene gave Yama the opportunity to compose his first half śloka:
“You draw and withdraw, Donkeys (gaddaha), you see barley: don't eat it!"
Elsewhere he saw children playing with a staff of wood (kastakonikā). This staff fell into a hole. The children ran here and there to find it, and inspired Yama to recite his second half sloka:
"Why search elsewhere, the staff is buried here in a hole."
At another time he saw a frightened frog going near a lotus-leaf in which a snake was hidden, and he pronounced his third half śloka:
"amhädo nathi bhavam dihãdo disae bhayam tumha II
1 KK 24.
18 BKK 61.
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"You don't have to be afraid of me, be afraid manifestly of what is far (dirgha)."
He turned these fragments into svādhyāya texts and went back to his former capital. where he stood in kāvotsarga posture.
Dirgha, the new king, and Gardabha his minister came to kill him. But fear of killing a muni held Gardabha back from such a murder. Yama recited his first stoka which Gardabha understood as meaning that Yama had identified himself and his accomplice, Dîrgha. From the second half-verse, he drew the conclusion that the mini had come to his former capital to speak to his daughter Konikä. Hearing the third half, he thought that Dirgha meant to kill him, and that the muni had come to warn him!
Gardabha and Dirgha then became Jain laymen, and Yama improved his own status as a muni, and gained the seven magic powers or rddhis.
Interpretation
Despite its mention in the Bhagavati Ārādhanā, Kathakośa and Brhatkatlākoša, this story seems to have a very weak connection with the Jaina context. It seems to belong to a pan-Indian background without any sectarian colour. King Yama is sarva-sõstra-jnah. as the three Brahmins of Vișnuśarman's Pañcatantra 4.3 who are simultaneously sõstrapāram ágatāh, and buddhi-rahitīh. The treatises, Yama is boasting of knowing are probably about vidvā or kalā, and quite useless for one of lacking mental power. In fact, Yama has some buddhi, but not enough to understand his own situation in front of a muni. He is not quite as stupid as the three "learned" Brahmins who bring the dead lion back to life. His buddhi is blinded by his arrogance (garva). His punishment will be his buddhi's loss, not the loss of sarva-sõstra-jñāna.
There appears to be an important difference here, which distinguishes the tales of the Pancatantra and Kathākosa 24. The former favours three unintelligent, but learned Brahmins, over an intelligent one, while the latter favours Sudharma, a man who is at the same time learned, intelligent, and stupid. If he was not clever, Sudharma could not deprive him of his cleverness! The assumption of natural mental powers, present in every human being, independent of learning, is a special Jaina feature. It is known as uppattivā buddhi.'' The loss of it leads to relative stupidity (mudhatā). But this loss is not absolute, Kathākośa 24 refers to this point. Hardly has Yama done wrong, when, becoming sober
19 Balbir 1993: 158-196 renders into French this term by ,,intelligence innée ou esprit d' à propos".
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(itirmada), he listens to the dharma and becomes a muni. This conversion involves buddhi. since Yama distinguishes at least, if confusedly, orthodox and heterodox behaviour. Without a very minute quantity of buddhi, such a conversion would be quite impossible. It is not the result of Sudharma's eloquence, but the result of a process internal 10 Yama. Some other features of this tale are specifically Jaina. Amongst them, mentioning of the Puica Namaskara and svādhyāya, and of course of the seven rddhis, which Yama obtains at the end of the story.
The main difficulty for the interpretation of this Jaina story lies in understanding the relationship between the sloka fragments and Yama's religious progress. At first sight, this episode looks ridiculous. How could a “muni”, unable of learning by heart a simple praise like the Pañca Namaskāra, compose for himself stüdhyāva texts? Calling them srdliväva seems improper, if not sacrilegious. The term stādhväva should apply only to the words of a Jina, not to an amateur's fancies. The first step of svādhyāva is vicana, reciting of the sacred texts.20 The verses composed by Yama are not really poetical, and express only verbally the contents of their author's immediate perception. Neither does the parts they play later give them enhanced meaning. The Parica Namaskara in itself is of religious value," and reciting fragments of slokas takes on a special meaning, without Yama and Gardabha knowing it, as if both of them were led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of their intention".." However, there is no room here for a providential or Hegelian trick, which would work behind the back of the actors. To the conclusion of the story, the relationship of the sloka halves is quite irrelevant, and yet, in addition to the fact that their recitation saves Yama from death, these as it were non doctrinal verses must contain clear information provoking the muni's spiritual progress.
One can find an interesting clue in the parallel version of Harisena. Rendering into Sanskrit the second half of the śloka, instead of reading niddivä, asleep, he reads mundabuddhi-samīvuktā, that is "O you, slow-witted", cease to run everywhere, and so on.
- Williams 1963: 237. quoting Schubring 1935: 267.
KK 25: or Sagäradharmámra VIII, 78: sa namo aharantānam ir arccaranc-luitparalil gopal sudarśan-bhiva subhagahvah sian gatahll.
2. Smith 1964: 100,
- BKK 61.27: adhavantah pradhävantah samdhāvanto matam maväl manda-buddhi-samavuktās chidre pasvan konikämll
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This understanding is very interesting. Harisena expressly confirms the first step of Yama on the path to spiritual self-realisation. He had lost his buddhi, as he could not even leam the Parica Namaskara, his guru had sent him away. But now he is able to understand the slow-wittedness of children looking for their lost toy, konikā. His new understanding represents a reactivation of his lost buddhi, which was only slumbering. He has not become a pandita, but he is now able to become an authentic muni.
Such is the last word of the story. Yama improves his qualities as a muni. and obtains the seven rddhis. The former result is mentioned in Bhagavati Ārādhana 771, but the latter only in Kathakośa and Brhatkathākusa. In his auto-commentary, Asadhara gives information on this Digambara traditional list of seven items. It encompasses buddhi, tapas, vikriva, ausadhi, rasa, bala and aksīnā. Some of these are magic powers. which, according to Schubring (2000 $ 181: 316), can be considered as a Jain concession to popular belief. Yet, the first two terms (mental power and asceticism) are quite different. The first one, buddhi, is of special interest in the context of the Yama case. It means not only the above mentioned reactivation of his lost memory power. but something more. If, according to Schubring, it cannot be the access to the highest stage of meditation (sukla-dhväna), it has probably some relationship with some wonderful improvement of buddhi such as kottha-buddhi. By this term buddhi is compared to a granary, which can contain seeds (biya) and veils (pada). When acquiring this kind of buddhi, some people are able to conceive the principles of the sciences, and to develop them to their final conclusion. The lack of such a buddhi was the main mark of the muni Yama. Was he not unable to learn even the seed, the Pañca Namaskära formula, and to develop it? This requirement of buddhi, not spectacular magic power, gave him the real means of a true spiritual improvement.
Last but not least, this story illustrates the meaning of an enigmatic verse of the Bhagavati Arādhanā, the last pāda of it being: kim puna jina-utta-suttenam-, i.e., moreover the sūtra told by the Jina. By this argument, the thought goes one step further. It is more rhetorical than logical. The extension proceeds not from one restricted class to a wider one, as in inductive reasoning, but by way of comparison, the ground of it being
2 BKK 61,58: Yamavogi paripräpva guru-samipvam ādarāt ! ghorain tapas cakaredam vividha-rddhisaman vilahll
25 VIII.81.
26 Ibid., and Aupapätika-stitra $ 24.
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mere perceptible facts: here reciting three halves of slokas, there quoting one Jina's sutra. Comparison is quite qualitative between the smaller and the bigger text. It has only a psychological value: reading this verse and that story, the reader perceives, simply by means of buddhi, the one good way to spiritual perfection (aradhana) which goes through right faith and orthodoxy.
Now back to the dying!
Now it is easier to understand the use of murmuring tales into the ears of the dying. From the previous analysis of Yama's story, it is possible to draw some conclusions about the psychology of the guru and his disciple. Both of them know the danger of nidana. Both of them know that there is no time left to elaborate dogmatic explanations. There is time only to come back to the very beginning of the spiritual process by which a man becomes a layman or a monk. That is, to the moment when he chooses between right and wrong faith, between orthodoxy and heterodoxy. The choice or realisation of right faith is called samyag-darśana. According to the Pujyapada's Tattvärthasutra commentary, this vision (darsana) is a peculiar one, because its only aim is the path to freedom. The best translation of this mental state is not 'right belief', because belief concerns indifferently everything, but Glaube' (H. Jacobi) or 'faith' (P.S. Jaini) because Glaube or faith means that the person feels himself personally involved in his choice of a new life. According to Pujyapada, the individual experiences a deep transformation of his self (atma-pariņāma). For himself, this is quite a new step. So it was for Yama, who had faith without knowledge (he was unable to recite the Namaskara). So it is for the dying, who this example reminds of his own potential progress up to moksa.
From the point of view of both the guru and the dying, there is something more in the verse. The a fortiori argument (kim punah) works as a powerful means of strengthening the will of the dying. He is not in the situation of Yama, because he is learned, and has a guru. Hence, if Yama succeeded with very insufficient means, how much easier will it be for him, who is better equipped. This is a consolation in his final agony.
27 Sarvarthasiddhi, New Delhi, 1991, § 10 on TS 1.2.
28 Jaini 1979: 150f.
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Conclusion
One example does not permit general conclusions, but most tales alluded to in the final verses of Asädhara's Book VIII point in the same direction: reminding the dying of the predominance of faith in this particular moment. With good reason, the formula of the threefold jewel (trava ratna) puts faith, knowledge and behaviour on the same level. Jainism is not only a philosophical doctrine, but a religion. As such, it includes an element quite irrational: faith, which rests upon will and understanding, not only upon mere understanding. Faith condenses or coagulates the big dogmatic developments of knowledge, it reduces them to a simple formula (e.g., the Pañca Namaskūra) and public profession which involves will and a deep change of the self, as underlined by Pujyapāda. From this point of view, Jainism may be closer to other religions, such as Islam, which have faith as their main principle. Living, in Malwa, in the 13th century, could Asādhara have been indifferent to this fact?
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Äsādhara. Dharmämrta (Sägara and Anagära). Ed. Kailas Candra Śästri ? Vols New
Delhi: Bharatiya Jñānpīth, 1996. upapatika-Sutra. Erstes Upanga der Jaina. I. Theil. Einleitung, Text und Glossar von
Ernst Leumann. Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes VIII. 2. Hrsg. von der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft. Leipzig, 1883 (Nachdruck,
Nedeln/Lichtenstein, 1966). Balbir, Nalini. Avasvaka-Studien: Introduction Générale et Traductions. Alt- und
Neuindische Studien 45, 1. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1993. BKK = Brhat Kathakośa of Acārya Harisena. The Sanskrit Text Authentically Edited for
the First Time With Various Readings, With a Critical Introduction, Notes, Index of Proper Names etc. by Dr. A.N. Upadhye. Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. 1943
(Singhi Jain Series No. 17). Jacobi, Hermann. "Eine Jaina Dogmatik. Umāsväti's Tattvärthädhigama Sutra übersetzt
und erläutert." Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 60 (1906)
287-551. Jaini, Padmanabh S. The Jaina Path of Purification. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1979
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Kampız, Kurt von. Über die vom Sterbefasten handelnden älteren Painna des Jaina
Kanons. Hamburg, 1929. Kane, Pandurang Vaman. History of the Dharmaśāstra (Ancient and Medieval Religious
and Civil Law in India). Vol. 1-5. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute,
(1931-1962) 1977. KK = Prabhācandra's Arodhana-Katha-Prabandha or Kathakosa. Edited from a Rare
Ms. along with a Critical Introduction etc. by A.N. Upadhye. Manikcandra
Digambara Jaina Granthamälā No. 55. New Delhi: Bhāratiya Jñānapītha, 1974. Nagadeva. Madanaparājava. Delhi: Bhāratīya Jñānpīth, 1948 (Translated into French as
La défaite d'amour. Poème narratif traduit du sanskrit et présenté par Nalini Balbir
et Jean-Pierre Osier. Préface de Colette Caillat. Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 2004). Pujyapäda. Sarvārthasiddhi. Edited with a Hindi Translation by Siddhāntācārya Pandit
Phulcandra Sastrī. Fifth Edition. New Delhi: Bhāratiya Jñānpith, 1991 (Jnanpith
Mürtidevī Granthamālā Sanskrit Grantha No. 13). Sanghadāsagani. Vasudevahindi. Ahmedabad: L.D. Institute of Indology, 1989. Schubring, Walther. Die Lehre der Jainas. Nach den alten Quellen dargestellt. Berlin:
Walter De Gruyter & Co., 1935. (Translated by Wolfgang Beurlen as The Doctrine of the Jainas. Described after the Old Sources. 3rd English Edition. With the Three Indices Enlarged and Added by Willem Bollée & Jayandra Soni. Delhi: Mual
Banarsidas. 1962/2000). Sivärya Bhagavati Arādhana, Edited Along With the Hindi Translation by Kailās
Candra Siddhānta Šāstrī. Solāpura: Jain-San skrti-Samraksaka-Sangha, 1978/2004
(Jivaraja Jana Granthamālā: Hindi Vibhāga 36-37). Smith, Adam. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. London:
Dent, 1964. TS = Tattvāriha Sūtra. That Which Is. Umāsvāti/Umāsvāmī with the Combined
Commentaries of Umāsvāti/Umāsvāmī, Pujyapäda and Siddhasenagani. Translated
with an Introduction by Nathmal Tatia. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1994. Varni. Ganeś Prasād. Meri Jivan Gothā. Kāšī: Ganeśprasādvarmi Digambara Jaina
Granthamājā, 1977. Visnušarman. Pañcatantru. Edited by M.R. Kale, Bombay, 1912 (Reprint Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidas, 1986). Williams. Robert H.B. Jaina Yoga: 4 Survey of the Medieval Srävakācāras. London:
Oxford University Press, 1963.
The Editor. International Journal of Jaina Studies 2005-2007
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International Journal of Jaina Studies Vol. 1-3 (2005-2007) 158-171
A SHORT HISTORY OF JAINA LAW
Peter Flügel
The nineteenth century English neologism Jaina law' is a product of colonial legal intervention in India from 1772 onwards. 'Jaina law' suggests uniformity where in reality there is a plurality of scriptures, ethical and legal codes, and customs of sect, caste, family and region. The contested semantics of the term reflect alternative attempts by the agents of the modern Indian legal system and by Jain reformers to restate traditional Jain concepts. Four interpretations of the modern term 'Jaina law' can be distinguished:
(i)
(ii)
'Jaina law' in the widest sense signifies the doctrine and practice of jaina thuma, o Jaiya 'religion'. In a more specific sense it points to the totality of conventions (vvavahāra) and law codes (yavasthā) in Jaina monastic and lay traditions. Sanskrit vvavastha and its Arabic and Urdu equivalent qānūn both designate a specific code of law or legal opinion/decision, whereas Sanskrit dharma can mean religion, morality, custom and law. The modern Indian legal system is primarily concerned with the 'personal law' of the Jaina laity. In Anglo-Indian case law, the term 'Jaina law' was used both as a designation for 'Jain scriptures' (śāstra) on personal law. and for the unwritten 'customary laws' of the Jains, that is the sccial norms of Jain castes (jāti) and clans (gotra). In 1955/6 Jaina personal law was submerged under the statutory 'Hindu Code', and is now only indirectly recognised by the legal system in the form of residual Jain 'customs' to be proved in court.
(iv)
* International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) Vol. 3, No. 4 (2007) 1-15
This article was first published in Jaina Studies - Newsletter of the Centre of Jaina Studies 2 (2007) 24 27. It is reprinted here with minor additions and full bibliographical references. Research for this article was funded by AHRC grant B/RG/AN9085/APN 16405.
All original Prakril terms have been sanskritized in this text.
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The principal sources of Jaina law are the Prakrit Svetämbara and Digambara scriptures, known as cīgama or siddhanta, and their extensive commentaries. Early 'Jaina law' was exclusively monastic law, which still evolves through commentary and supplementary rules, unconstrained by state interference. Svetāmbara monastic jurisprudence combines general ethical principles (dharma) - five fundamental qualities (müla-guna) and ten or more additional qualities (uttara-guna) - with specific rules (kalpa) of good conduct (ācāra), supplemented by lists of common transgressions (anacära or pralisevanā) and corresponding atonements (prāvascita). Atonements for self-purification should be requested voluntarily by an offender, following confession (alocana) and repentance (pratikramana). Alternatively, penances are imposed as punishments (danda) by the head of the order (ācārya), whose judgments should take into account the circumstances and the status of the offender and make allowances for exceptions (aparāda). The disciplinary proceedings (vvavahüra) are, in theory, determined by superior knowledge (āgama), traditional prescriptions (fruta), an order (ājna), a rule (dhāraņā) or an accepted practice (jīta), the following criterion always coming into force in absence of the preceding one (Vavahära 10.2 = Viyahapannatti 383a = Thāna 317b). In practice, only the last four criteria are relevant.
The rules of tradition (śruta) and the procedures of adjudication (yavahüra) : d execution (prastha vina) o! penances are detailed in the Chedasutras of the Svetämbara canon and their commentaries, the niryuktis, cürnis, bhāsvas and likäs. The oldest passages of these texts must have been composed not long after Mahāvīra. Aller the emergence of differently organized monastic orders, gacchas or ganas, in the medieval period. the commonly accepted disciplinary texts of the Svetämbara tradition were supplemented by codified customary laws of individual monastic traditions, sämācārī or maryadā* (incorporating ājñä and dhāranā), which are still continuously updated by the carvas. Ācārya Malayagiri (12th C.E.), in his commentary on Vavahära 10.9, notes that
Schubring. in Schuhring & Caillat 1966: 87.
* All proceedings ivavahára) ... are determined by superior knowledge (agama), tradition (suya), an order cana), a rule (dharana) or an accepted practice (jīya), the following criterion always coming into force in delauit of the proceeding one" (Viy. 383a, rendered by Deleu 1970: 152).
The canonical term sämäcari and the post-canonical term marvädä are both currently in use. On the Jaina marida literature sce Flügel 2003,
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consequently it is possible to follow the dharma, while violating the law, or maryādā.
In contrast to the Svetämbaras. Digambaras never developed organized monastic orders, and have only a rudimentary literature on monastic jurisprudence. They regard their own much younger Caraṇanuyoga texts as authoritative for monastic jurisprudence.
Lay supporters of the mendicants, the upasakas, supporters, or fravakas, listeners. were defined early on as part of the fourfold community (tirtha or sangha) of monks. sādhus, nuns, sädhvīs, laymen, śrāvakas, and laywomen, śrāvikās (Viy 792b). on condition of vowing to observe in part (desa-virata) the main ethical principles to which mendicants must be fully committed (sarva-virata). Categorising 'laity as lower rank ascetics and devising rules based on monastic paradigms was the work of monks (4th to 14th century). Such rules achieve normative force through public vows, and can be individually chosen and self-imposed for specified times. In contrast to monastic law. observance is socially sanctioned qua status recognition, not enforced through juridical procedures.
OF
The principal written sources for judging the proper conduct of the laity are the medieval śravakācāras. treatises containing rules of conduct (acara) for the Iity (śravaka), and nitisästras, texts on statecraft, law and ethics. The word śravakācāra and its synonym upasakādhyayana, lessons for the layman, are used as generic terms only by the Digambaras who claim that the original Upasakadhyayana is lost. while the Śvetämbaras preserved the Uvāsagadasão (Sanskrit Upäsakadaṣaḥ Upasakādhyayana), the only canonical text exclusive ly devoted to the concerns of the laity. The Sanskrit term niti-śästra is used as a designation for both texts on statecraft and political ethics (rājā-nīti) and for texts on morality and rules for ethical conduct in everyday life (sāmānya-nīti). Together, the śravakācāras and the niisastras form the Jaina equivalent of the Hindu dharmasastras." But their focus is more on ethics and ritual than on statecraft and personal law, which are traditionally kept outside the religious law and left to local custom, deśācāra, which Jains are advised to observe if there is no conflict with the dharma.
Jaina texts on kingship, statecraft and personal law were composed in contexts where
"Schubring, in Schubring & Caillat 1966: 87.
Williams 1963: xi. Chapters VI-VIII of Somadeva's Yasastilaka, for instance, on samyakiva and lay ethics are styled Upasakadhyavana (Hardiqui 1949/1968: 2461.
Hertel 1922: 5.
Glasenapp 1925/1999:1116/1316, 325-30/360-65; Williams 1963: xi.
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individual Jain mendicants exercised personal influence over one or other 'Hindu' king or local official. The majority of the texts were created by monks of the Digambara tradition which had a sustained influence on the ruling dynasties in the Deccan between the 8th12th centuries. The most significant Jaina works on statecraft are the Adipurana of Acarya Jinasena (ca. 770-850 C.E.) and the Nitiväkyämṛtam (ca. 950 C.E.) and the Yasastilaka (959 C.E.)" of Acarya Somadeva Süri. Both authors were associated with the rulers of the Rastraküța empire. The Adipurana belongs to the genre of universal history. It tells the life story of the first Jina, the legendary first king and law-giver Rsabha, in the manner of a Jaina Mahabharata, and for the first time offers blueprints for Jain social rituals and Jain kingship through the Jainization of Brähmanical prototypes. The Nitiväkyämṛtam, by contrast, is an entirely secular text on statecraft modelled on the Arthasästra of Kautilya (ca. 3rd century B.C.E. 1st century C.E.) with barely noticeable emphasis on Jaina morality." The most influential medieval Śvetämbara text concerning the laity is the Yogasästra and its auto-commentary by Hemacandra (12th C.E.) who was closely linked with King Kumarapala of the western Cälukya dynasty in Gujarat. The first Svetambara text detailing life-cycle rituals is the Acaradinakara of Vardhamanasuri of the Kharatara Gaccha (1411 C.E.).
While Jaina concepts of kingship and statecraft were never systematically implemented and considered obsolete already under Muslim rule, Jaina ethics is still evolving. Scripted liturgical and life-cycle rituals left their mark both on the ritual culture of the Jainas and on the customs of contemporary Jaina castes' which, though purely 'secular' from a purely doctrinal perspective, emerged in the medieval period generally through the conversion of local rulers by Jaina monks. Compilations of 'Jaina law' texts produced by modern Jaiña reformers in the 19th and early 20th centuries focused exclusively on the only legal domain which was initially exempted from codified AngloHindu law, that is the rules of Jaina 'personal law' concerning the role of property in contexts of marriage, adoption, succession, inheritance, and partition. At the centre of concern was the division of property, or daya-vibhāgam. Medieval Digambara texts with chapters on 'personal law' are the Bhadrabahu Samhita (ca. 8th-15th century C.E.), the
of
See Handiqui 1949: 98ff. on the YC as an "illustrative commentary on some of the topics dealt with in the formal treatises on the nitiśästra including Somadeva's own Nitiväkhyāmṛta."
"See Botto's 1961 comparison of the Nitiväkyämṛtam and the Arthaśastra. I am grateful to Maria Schetelich for pointing me to Botto's work.
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Vardhamananiti of Amitagati (ca. 1011 C.E.), the Jina Samhita of Vasunandi Indranandi (10th century C.E.), and the Traivarnikäcära of Somasena (1610 C.E.)." The pioneering Bhadrabahu Samhita was cited by all later texts, even by treatises of Svetämbara authors such as the Arhanniti of Hemācārya (12th-14th century C.E.). They usually follow the example of Brahmaṇical works such as the Manusmṛti (ca. 2nd century B.C.E. 1st century C.E.), which in parts is influenced by earlier Jain teaching as Derrett (1980: 44) for instance on Manu 6.46 has shown. The Jain texts also contain many original conceptions especially on the rights of widows to inherit and to adopt a son. coloured throughout by the Jain value of non-violence.
The lasting impact of the statutes of medieval codified Jaina personal laws on the customs of Jaina castes is evident in numerous reported cases of the 19th and 20th centuries. These cases cannot be dismissed as modern fabrications, despite their somewhat artificial identification of modern customs with ancient sastric prescriptions, which was typical for early 19th century Anglo-Indian law." Already the earliest reported case on 'Jaina law', Maharaja Govind Nath Ray v. Gulab Chand (1833 5 S.D.A. [Sadra Dīvān-i 'Adalat] Calcutta Sel. Rep. 276), concludes that "according to Jaina Sastras, a sonless widow may adopt a son, just as her husband" (citing an untraceable passage in the Acaradinakara). The leading case is Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal (1873 10 Bom HC 241), a succession dispute within a Marwari Jaina Agraval family involving a widow's right of adoption. Adjudicated by C. J. Westropp at the Bombay High Court, the decision was confirmed by the Privy Council in Sheosingh Rain v. Dakho (1878 ILR Allahabad 688). The final judgment distinguished between Jaina law' and 'custom', but affirmed Westropp's view that the Jains come under Hindu law unless they are able to provide evidence for the prevalence of different customs:
-
12 J. L. Jaini 1916: 9 received a manuscript of this text from Pandit Fateh Chand of Delhi.
13 Williams 1963: 31 writes that the book provides a picture "of a very hinduized Jaina community in the early seventeenth century. It advocates many practices which in Jugalkisor Mukhtar's definition are contrary to Jainism. Its scope goes very much beyond the limits of other Śrāvakācāras and contains a considerable amount of information on the Jaina law of personal status." The same criticism has been expressed by Mahaprajña 2000: 7, also of another Digambara text called Dharmarasikā.
The Sanskrit text published in 1906 in Ahmedabad under the title Laghu-Arhanniti claims to be an extract of the untraceable Prakrit-text Brhad-Arhanniti-Sastra of Hemacandra Suri (12th century C.E.). See Winternitz 1920: 349, n. 1/1983: 547, n. 1; Glasenapp 1925/1999: 111/132.
15 Menski 2003: 74.
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"But when among Hindus (and Jains are Hindu Dissenters) some custom, different from the nor-mal Hindu law of the country, in which the property is located, and the parties resident, is alleged to exist, the burden of proving the antiquity and invariability of the custom is placed on the party averring its existence" (Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal 1873 10 Bom HC 260).
Reform oriented 'liberal' Jain lawyers resisted the imposition of Anglo-Hindu law, which from 1858 was extensively codified, and the progressive juridical demotion of the notion of a scripture based uniform 'Jaina law', mirroring śāstric 'Hindu law', and its replacement with secular unscripted local 'customs' of caste. They persistently demanded the "right for a personal law based on our scriptures" (Alaspurkara 1945: 1). For the purpose of unifying 'the Jaina community' to strengthen its political influence, the fiction of a long forgotten originally unified 'Jaina law' was upheld:
"The Jainas, if they are not now, have been a united body of men and women, at least in the Past. They had a law of their own. It is not altogether lost. It is buried in the mass of our literature and traditions; but it is there all right" (J. L. Jaini 1916: vii-viii).
"All the Jainas are governed by one law. The law books to which they owe and profess allegiance are the same. The spiritual precepts which form the backbone of their moral and mundane conduct spring from the same theological and metaphysical beliefs and considerations" (J. L. Jaini 1916: 94);
"It is well to recognise that the Jainas are not a bagful of castes and sects with diversified cultures, conceptions and creeds. There is one doctrine, one religion, one culture, one community of the Jainas, and also one Law" (C. R. Jain 1941: 191.).
Because no textual evidence was accessible to the courts during the period of codification of Hindu law, Jaina law was treated merely as a 'deviation' from standard 'Hindu law'. 'Jainism/Jinism' was not even recognised as an independent 'religion' until 1879 when Hermann Jacobi in the introduction of his edition of the Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu furnished for the first time textual proof that the ancient Buddhist scriptures already
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depicted the nirgranthas as a separate 'heretical' (tīrthya) group. Officially, the category 'Jain' was used for the first time in the Census of India of 1881.
Rai Bahadur Jagmandar Lal Jaina, Law Member and President, Legislative Council, Indore (Source: Jaina Gazette 1927)
The problem that relevant scriptural evidence for Jain social customs was not readily available in print before the second decade of the 20th century, and only accessible for the courts through 'expert' witnesses, was partly due to the opposition of 'orthodox' Jains who in view of the "large number of differences in our social customs" were against the creation of a uniform Jaina Law and of "a central guiding and directing body working all
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over the country" (Latthe!6 1906: 31f.);"7 particularly in view of the fact that in Harnabh Pershad v. Mandil Das 27 C. 379 (1899) "the homogeneity of the Jainas was recognised by holding that Jaina customs of one place were relevant as evidence of the existence of the same custom amongst Jainas of other places" (J. L. Jaini 1916: 22). In 1904, members of the Young Jain Men's Association (later All-India Jain Association) and the Digambara All-India Jaina Mahāsabhā reiterated earlier suggestions to collect "materials from Jain Shastras for compiling a Jain Law like the Hindu Law" (M. S. Jaini 1904: i), i.e. as a "code of Jain customs" (J. L. Jaini 1905: 144). Already in 1886, Pandit Padmarāja published A Treatise on Jain Law and Usages. But it contained merely selections from medieval Digambara codifications of local customs which reflected southern Indian practices, for instance of cross-cousin marriage. Only in 1910 a Jaina Law Committee was formed by the Mahāsabhā to formulate a common legal code and to claim rights and privileges for 'the Jain community as a whole' in the new Legislative Assembly.'' Barrister Jagmander Lal Jaini's (1881-1927) landmark translation of the Bhadrabāhu Samhitā was published in 1916. After the Montague Declaration in 1917, the Jain Political Association was set up by the same circle of predominately Digambara Jain intellectuals to create a unitary political representation for the Jains. Following the
16 Annāsāheb Bahādur Laththe (1878-1950), a lawyer, was the Dīvān of Chhatrapati Shahu (1874-1922). Mahārāja of Kolhapur. He was a major leader of the Non-Brahman Movement, and founder of the Daksin Bhärat Jain Sabhā.
17 "Our common religion is the basis of our common aspirations and what little work is possible in the direction of evolving cominon social life over and above this basis, is being done by our Mahasabha, our J.Y.M. Association and your esteemed Gazette. Reforms which are completely involved with family life must, I think, be left to individual evolution, for a long time to come" (Latthe 1906: 32).
15 At the time, presumptions of homogeneity were also imposed by the lay leaders of the new sectarian Jain Conferences. The newly invented self-designation 'Sthānakavāsī', for instance, was originally intended to incorporate also the Lonkāgaccha traditions and the Terāpanth: "It is no doubt very gratifying that LokaGachha, Tera Panthi, Sadhumargi, Daya-Dharmi - all these have realised that they are one and the same as Swetamber Sthanakvasi Jains (and this is really so) and they heartily participate in this great movement. The most prominent men of the Loka Gachh of Bengal also exhibit their readiness and willingness to lend every support to this pious cause" (Swetambara Sthanakvasi Jain Conference 1905: Appendix 1). See Flügel 2005
14 "A large No. of responsible persons solved the problem, wherein various manuscripts, old and new, and other pontiffs of the religion were consulted" (Jain Mitra Mandal 1927: 47).
20 According to J. L. Jaini, the various initiatives were manifestations of a 'Jaina enlightenment': "It is as if yesterday that after the red day of the Mutiny, India slept like a psychologised baby under the spell of British domination and the Jainas like other sections of the Indian nation had no consciousness of their
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publication of Hari Singh Gour's (1869-1949) The Hindu Code in 1919, the Jaina Mītra Mandal in Delhi, also a Digambara organization, created the Jain Law Society under the leadership of the Barristers Jagmander Lal Jaini (1881-1927) and Champat Ray Jain (1867-1942) to refute the "misrepresentations" of Jainism in this text, whose second edition was amended accordingly. In due course the society intended, after due search of the sästric literature, to give a definite shape to Jaina Law. The result of this collective effort was C. R. Jain's (1926) compilation Jaina law with (reprints of) text translations of treatises on personal law by both Digambara and Svetämbara authors, which almost certainly influenced the outcome of the landmark judgment Gateppa v. Eramma (1927 AIR Madras 228) which concluded that Jains are not 'Hindu dissenters' but followers of an independent religion. The Census is still the only government institution which recognises Jains as an independent group.
The legal status of the Jaina laity continued to be disputed until Indian Independence. However, the Privy Council decision on Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal effectively sealed the legal position of the Jainas in India today. Its decision that the Jainas come under codified 'Hindu law' dominated the case law until 1955/6 when 'Jaina law' was officially subsumed under the new statutory 'Hindu Code' (which grants the same rights to widows as the Jaina texts centuries ago) with the dispensation that Hindu law is to be applied to Jainas in the absence of proof of special customs.22 Article 25 (2) b Explanation II of the Constitution of India recognises Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists as separate religious groups, but subsumes them into 'Hindu' law, as do Sections 2 of the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 and the Hindu Succession Act of 1956, as well as the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act and the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act of 1956.
rights, position, past or prospects. But it is pleasant to notice and emphasize that with every awakening or half awakening of India, the Jainas kept admirable pace. The nation had its Congress and Social and Educational Conferences, the Jainas at once had their All-India Digambara Jaina Mahasabha, Svetambar and Sthanakvasi Conferences, Boarding Houses, Schools, newspapers, memorials, etc., etc., the whole paraphernalia of modern so-called enlightenment and progress." (J. L. Jaini 1921: 2f.).
21 See J. L. Jaini's 1921 pamphlet, which states: "Further the assumption that Hindu Law applies to Jainas is absolutely illegal, as it is against statute law. (See 21 George III C. 70 S. 17; Sir William Jones on 19th March 1788 in Digest of Hindu Law by Colebrooke, in preface pp. v-vi.; 37 George III C. 142; Sir M. E. Smith in 4 Calcutta (Indian Law Reports) at p. 751; 29 Allahabad (I.L.R.) 495.)" (J. L. Jaini 1921: 8). "Dr Gour has erred in not distinguishing between caste and religion" (ib.).
22 See the publication of the Jain Seva Mandal Nagpur 1945 for Jain discussions and objections to the Draft Hindu Code.
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Assembly of the All India Jain Conference 14 March 1925, Śravanabesagoia (Source: Jaina Gazette 1925)
Despite their different religious beliefs and practices, for all practical purposes 'Jainas' are treated as 'Hindus' by the Indian state. Jainas were not even granted religious 'minority' status after the introduction of the National Commission of Minorities Act of 1992, except on the basis of differential state legislation. The controversial judgement of Bal Patil v Union of India (AIR 2005 SC 3172) states:
“Hinduism can be called a general religion and common faith of India whereas ‘Jainism' is a special religion formed on the basis of [the] quintessence of Hindu religion.”
The process in modern Indian legal history of narrowing the semantic range of the modern term 'Jaina law' from 'Jain scriptures' down to 'Jain personal law' and finally 'Jain custom' may thus culminate not only in the official obliteration of Jaina legal culture, which continues to thrive outside the formal legal system23 in monastic law, ethics and custom, but also of Jaina 'religion'.
23 Cf. Menski 2006.
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D Acāradinakara of Vardhamānasūri, 1411 C.E. Published by Pandit Kesarisinha.
Bombay: Nirnayasāgarā Press, 1922-1923. AP Adipurāņa of Ācārya Jinasena, ca. 780-850 C.E. Jñānapītha Mūrtidevó Jaina
Granthamālā No. 9. Benares, 1951. First published in Indore, 1916. Arhannīti of Hemācārya, ca. 12th-14th century C.E. A Śvetāmbara work in Sanskrit, first published in Lucknow 1891, and again in Ahmedabad 1906. Translated into English by Puran Candra Nahar (first edition untraceable, re
published in C. R. Jain 1926: 172-207), and by J. D. M. Derrett 1976: 6-20. BS Bhadrabāhusamhita of Bhadrabāhu, ca. 8th-15th century C.E. The Manuscript in
the Bhandarkar Oriental Institute Pune is dated Samvat 1504 (=1448 C.E.). English Translation of chapter 9 (Dāya-bhāga) by J. L. Jaini 1916: 30-58,
republished by C. R. Jain 1926: 109-142. JS Jina Samhitā of Vasunandi Indranandi, 10th century C.E. Text published by J. L.
Jaini 1916: 59-64 and re-published with an English translation by C. R. Jain 1926: 156-171. Nītivākhvāmrtam of Somadeva Sūri, ca. 950 C.E. Original Text with Hindi and English Translation by Sudhir Kumār Gupta. Jaipur, 1987. Traivarnikācāra of Bhattāraka Somasena, 1610 C.E. Sanskrit text edited by Pannaläl Sonī. Bombay, 1925. Extracts of Chapter 11 translated into English by
C. R. Jain 1926: 208-216. Thāna Thana (Sthānānga). Mūla Path, Samskrt Chāyā, Hindi Anuvād tathā Tippan.
Vācanā Pramukha: Ācārya Tulsī. Sampādak Vivecak: Muni Nathmal. Lādnūr: Jaina Viśva Bhāratī, 1976. Uvāsagasão Dasão (Upāsakadašā or Upāsakādhyayanadaśā). Translated into English by Rudolph A. F. Hoernle as The Uvāsagadasão or the Religious Profession of the Uvāsaga Expounded in Ten Lectures Being the Seventh Anga of the Jains Translated from the Original Prakrit with Copies and Notes. Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, (1885-1890) 1989.
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Vavahāra (Vravahāra). Edited by Walther Schubring. In: Vavahāra- und NisihaSutta. Herausgegeben von der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft. Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes XV. Band No 1. Hg. W. Schubring. Leipzig: In Kommission bei F.A. Brockhaus, 1918. Vardhamananīti of Ācārya Amitagati, 954 or 1011 C.E., or (?) of Hemācārya, ca. 12th-14th century C.E. Extracts translated into English by J. L. Jaini, re-published in C. R, Jain 1926: 143-155. Vivahapannatti (Bhagavai). The Fifth Anga of the Jaina Canon. Introduction, Critical Analysis, Commentary & Indexes by Jozef Deleu. Brugge: Rijksuniversiteit de Gent, 1970. Yaśastilakacampū of Somadeva Sūri, 10th century C.E. See Handiqui 1949. Yogaśāstra of Ācārya Hemacandra. A Twelfth Century Handbook on Svetāmbara Jainism. Original with English Translation by Olle Qvarnström. Cambridge MA: Harvard Oriental Series, 2002.
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Alaspurkara, L. S. "Synopsis." The Draft Hindu Code and The Jaina Law. Ed. Jain Seva
Mandal Nagpur. Nagpur: Jain Seva Mandal of Nagpur, 1945. Botto, Oscar. Il Nītivākhyāmrtam di Somadeva Sūri. Torino, 1962. Deleu, Jozef. Vivāhapannatti (Bhagavaī). The Fifth Anga of the Jaina Canon.
Introduction, Critical Analysis, Commentary & Indexes. Brugge: Rijksuniversiteit
de Gent, 1970. Derrett, J. Duncan M. "Hemacarya's Arhanniti: An Original Jaina Juridical Work of the
Middle Ages." Annals of the Baroda Oriental Research Institute LVII (1976) 3-21. Derrett, J. Duncan M. "Scrupulousness and a Hindu-Jain Contract." Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1980) 144 167. Flügel, Peter. "The Codes of Conduct of the Terāpanth Saman Order." South Asia Research
23, 1 (2003) 7-53. Flügel, Peter. “The Invention of Jainism: A Short History of Jaina Studies." Journal of
Juinu Studies 11 (2005) 1-19 (Kyoto) (also: International Journal of Jain Studies 1
2005 http://www.soas.ac.uk/ijis). Glasenapp. Helmuth von. Der Jainismus: Eine indische Erlösungsreligion. Berlin: Alf
Häger Verlag, 1925 (Jainism. An Indian Religion of Salvation. Translated by Shridhar B. Shroti. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1999).
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Vav
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Vavahara (Vvavahara). Edited by Walther Schubring. In: Vavahara- und NisihaSutta. Herausgegeben von der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft. Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes XV. Band No 1. Hg. W. Schubring. Leipzig: In Kommission bei F.A. Brockhaus, 1918. Vardhamananiti of Acarya Amitagati, 954 or 1011 C.E., or (?) of Hemācārya, ca. 12-14th century C.E. Extracts translated into English by J. L. Jaini, re-published in C. R, Jain 1926: 143-155.
Viyahapannatti (Bhagavai). The Fifth Critical Analysis, Commentary & Rijksuniversiteit de Gent, 1970.
Yasastilakacampū of Somadeva Sūri, 10th century C.E. See Handiqui 1949. Yogasästra of Acarya Hemacandra. A Twelfth Century Handbook on Svetambara Jainism. Original with English Translation by Olle Qvarnström. Cambridge MA: Harvard Oriental Series, 2002.
Anga of the Jaina Canon. Introduction. Indexes by Indexes by Jozef Deleu. Brugge:
Modern Sources
Alaspurkara, L. S. "Synopsis." The Draft Hindu Code and The Jaina Law. Ed. Jain Seva Mandal Nagpur. Nagpur: Jain Seva Mandal of Nagpur, 1945.
Botto, Oscar. II Nitiväkhyāmṛtam di Somadeva Suri. Torino, 1962.
Deleu. Jozef. Vivahapannatti (Bhagavar). The Fifth Anga of the Jaina Canon. Introduction, Critical Analysis, Commentary & Indexes. Brugge: Rijksuniversiteit de Gent. 1970.
Derrett, J. Duncan M. "Hemacarya's Arhanniti: An Original Jaina Juridical Work of the
Middle Ages." Annals of the Baroda Oriental Research Institute LVII (1976) 3-21. Derrett, J. Duncan M. "Scrupulousness and a Hindu-Jain Contract." Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1980) 144 167.
Flügel, Peter. "The Codes of Conduct of the Terapanth Saman Order." South Asia Research
23. 1 (2003) 7-53.
Flügel, Peter. "The Invention of Jainism: A Short History of Jaina Studies." Journal of
Jaina Studies 11 (2005) 1-19 (Kyoto) (also: International Journal of Jain Studies 1 2005 http://www.soas.ac.uk/ijjs).
Glasenapp, Helmuth von. Der Jainismus: Eine indische Erlösungsreligion. Berlin: Alf
Häger Verlag, 1925 (Jainism. An Indian Religion of Salvation. Translated by Shridhar B. Shroti. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1999).
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Menski, Werner. "Law and Religion: The Hindu and Jain Approach." Jainism and
Prakrit in Ancient and Medieval India. Ed. N. N. Bhattacharyya, 361-374. New Delhi: Manohar, 1994.
Menski. Werner. Hindu Law: Beyond Tradition and Modernity. New Delhi: Oxford University, 2003.
Menski, Werner. "Jaina Law as an Unofficial Legal System." Studies in Jaina History and Culture: Disputes and Dialogues. Ed. P. Flügel, 419-437. London: Routledge.
2006.
Menski, Werner & Jeremy A. Brown. "Case Law: Case List Edition: Post-Jain (1942)." 2006. http://www.soas.ac.uk/academics/centres/jainastudies/resources/25115.pdf Padmaraja, Pandit. A Treatise on Jain Law and Usages. Bombay: Karnatak Press, 1886. Schubring, Walther. Die Lehre der Jainas. Nach den alten Quellen dargestellt. Berlin:
Walter De Gruyter & Co., 1935.
Schubring. Walther & Colette Caillat. Drei Chedasütras des Jaina Kanons. Aväradasão, Vavahara, Nisha. Alt- und Neuindische Studien 11. Hamburg: De Gruyter, 1966. Sunderland, J. C. C. (ed.). Reports of Cases Determined in the Court of Sudder Dewanny
Adawlut with Tables of Names of the Cases and Principal Matters. Vol. V. Select Cases from 1832 to 1834 Inclusive. Calcutta: G. H. Huttmann, Bengal Military Orphan Press, 1843.
Swetambara Sthanakvasi Jain Conference. "Swetambara Sthanakvasi Jain Conference at
Morvi (Advertisement)." The Jaina Gazette 2, 9 (1905) Appendix: 1. Williams, Robert. Jaina Yoga: A Survey of the Medieval Śrävakäcäras. London: Oxford
University Press, 1963.
Winternitz, Moritz. Geschichte der indischen Literatur. Zweiter Band. Die buddhistische Literatur und die heiligen Texte der Jainas. Leipzig: C. F. Amelangs Verlag, 1920 (A History of Indian Literature. Vol II: Buddhist and Jaina Literature. Translated by Srinivasa Sharma. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1983).
The Editor. International Journal of Jaina Studies 2005-2007
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International Journal of Jaina Studies Vol. 1-3 (2005-2007).172-182
DIGAMBARA ATTITUDES TO THE ŚVETĀMBARA CANON*
Fujinaga Sin'
0. No one would deny the importance of anekāntavāda or the doctrine of multi-foldness in Jaina philosophy. This doctrine teaches us to observe an object from many points of view. Jain literature can also be viewed from many sides. In other words, Jaina literature itself has an anekänta aspect. The Digambara Jaina philosopher Samantabhadra says in his Svayambhūstotra that according to the teaching of Mahāvīra the doctrine of anekānta is also of an anekānta character when it is observed through pramāna and naya.? In this paper I shall point out an example of such a multi-pointed discussion on the Jain canon.
1. As is well known, the two main Jain sects, Digambara and Svetāmbara, have different attitudes toward the sacred texts. All Śvetāmbara sects accept the authority of Prakrit texts called āgamas, although the number and contents of the agamas accepted are not always the same, because of different sectarian views. The āgamas are divided into three groups of works, known as pūrva, anga and angabāhya (scriptures which are outside the angas). The last one has five subdivisions: upānga, chedasūtra, mülasūtra, prakirnakasūtra and cūlikāsūtra. Today, the Digambaras are generally said to deny the authority of the Svetāmbara canon. It is unknown, however, who was the first Digambara philosopher that aired the opinion that the Svetāmbara canon is not authentic. Moreover, some Digambara texts contain detailed information on the Svetāmbara āgamas when they deal with śruta, or scripture, as one of five kinds of knowledge. It is therefore interesting to examine Digambara views of the āgamas and compare them with those held by Śvetāmbaras.
International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) Vol. 3, No. 5 (2007) 1-11
This paper is a revised version of my article 'Svetāmbara Canons in the Digambara Tradition which appeared in The Annals of the Research Project Center for the Comparative Study of Logic 3 (2005) 101105. Author's acknowledgment is due to Dr Hideyo Ogawa, editor of the journal, who was kind enough to invite me to write the original article.
2 Svayambhüstotra 103ab: anekānto 'py anekāntah pramānanayasādhanah.
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2. Some Digambaras argue for the authenticity of the Satkhandägama and the commentaries on it. According to them, the teaching of Lord Mahāvīra is partially preserved in this text, which was made accessible even for Digambaras only in the twentieth century. Others maintain that the original āgama tradition comprising the authoritative teaching of Mahāvīra completely vanished 683 years after his nirvāna.' Even after that time, however, Digambaras seem to have preserved some portions of the āgamas in a different way.
Both Svetāmbara and Digambara traditions agree that the twelfth anga, the Drstivāda, has been long extinct. Even so, they have some information on this text. We shall see how the text is described in the Digambara and “vetāmbara schools to find similarities as well as dissimilarities between their descriptions.
3. Let us begin our discussion with the Tattvārthasūtra (hereafter TS) which is regarded as an authoritative text by both schools. The authorship of the TS is uncertain. According to the Svetāmbaras the name of the author is Umāsvāti while the Digambaras call him Umāsvāmin. The TS has been commented on by many philosophers. The Svetāmbaras claim that Umāsvāti himself wrote the commentary upon TS, and the Digambaras deny the fact. However, the sūtra of the TS which we will discuss is authorized by both schools. In the twentieth sūtra of chapter I, the author refers to śrul or authentic scripture which is one of five varieties of valid knowledge or pramāna. He explains that śruta can be categorized into three groups and that each of them has two, many and twelve" subdivisions.
3.1. Pūjyapāda in the sixth century is the first Digambara scholar to write a commentary on the TS. Commenting on TS 1.20, he explains as follows:
3 On the publication of this text, see Dundas 2002: 63-65.
4 Dixit 1971: 79.
5 The Śvetambara school calls this text Tattvārthādhigamasūtra. In this paper the author will use the title given by the Digambara school.
6 TS 1.20: śruam matipurvam dvyanekadvādaśabhedam.
7 We cannot decide his date with certainty. But it can be said that he must be junior to Samantabhadra and senior to Akalanka
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"The word 'division' (bheda) should be construed with each of the words two subdivisions, many subdivisions' and 'twelve subdivisions. First, by two subdivisions' are meant the outside anga (angabāhya) and the inside anga (argapravista). The outside anga has many divisions including Dasavaikälika, Urtarādhyavana. The inside anga has twelve subdivisions:
(i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi)
Acara Sūtrakrta Sthana Samavāva Vvākhyāprajñapti Jñātrdharmakathā
(vii) Upāsakādhyayana (viii) Antakrddasā (ix) Anuttaraupapädikadašā (x) Praśnav vākarana (xi) Vipākasūtra (xii) Drstivāda
The Drstivāda comprises five sections:
(1) (ii) (iii)
parikrama sutra prathamānuyoga
(iv) (v)
pūrvagata cūlikā
Of these sections pūrva has fourteen subsections:
(i) utpädapūrva (ii) agrāvanīva (iii) vīryānupravāda (iv) astināstipravāda (v) jñānapravāda (vi) satyapravāda (vii) atmapravāda
(viii) karmapravāda (ix) pratyākhyānanāmadheva (x) vidyānupravada (xi) kalyāṇanāmadheya (xii) prāṇāvāya (xii) kriyāviśāla (xiv) lokabindusāra
This 'scripture is divided into three groups, which are respectively two-, many- and twelve-membered. Why are there such divisions? Because of different preachers. There are three kinds of preachers: omniscient saviors (sarvajñas tirthakara), perfect masters of scripture (śrutakevalin) and 'remote ones (ārälīva). Of them the omniscient highest saints, possessed of the highest knowledge, preached the āgama. The āgama is authoritative because the saints
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preached it after having perceived things directly and [because they had destroyed all the faults. The perfect masters are the leaders of the religious group (ganadhara) and they are direct disciples of the saviors and possessed of special cognitive abilities. Depending upon their memory, the leaders wrote books which presupposed the anga. The books are authentic because the anga is authentic. The 'remote' teachers wrote books such as the Daśavaikālika for the benefit of their disciples who could not enjoy longevity and had the weakness of mental power and vital power due to the defect of aging."
First let us compare the titles of the texts in the inside anga category listed here with those of the inside anga category accepted by the Svetāmbara tradition. All titles in both traditions are the same with little difference: in the Digambara tradition the sixth begins with Jrātr- while in the Svetāmbara sources it begins with Jñātā-; and the seventh ends in -adhytyana in the former while it ends in -daśāh in the latter. The sequence of the twelve titles in the two traditions is quite the same.
Pujyapada mentions two titles among the outside anga category: Daśavaikälika and Uttarädhyavana. In the Svetämbara tradition these two comprise a group of sacred literatures named mūla or 'root' and are regarded as being among the oldest texts. This fact suggests that he realized the importance of these two texts.
* Survärthasiddhi $8 2101: bhedaśabdah pralvekam parisamāpvale . dvibheudam anckabhedam Madašubhalam ili I dhibhedum tavai - angabālıyam arigapravistam iti langabäl van anekavidlami Dasavarkalikotlaridhvavanidi langapravistam dvādaśavidham I tad vathā, Acarah. Sutrakrtam. Sthanam Samuwval l'yakhyāprajnaptih Jürdharmakatha Upāsakādhyavanam Antakrddaśam Anutiaraupapadikadaśam Prasnavākaranam Vipūkasūtram Drstivāda iti | Drslivādah pancavidhah - parikarma sutra prathamänuvogah pūrvagatam (ülikā ceti tatra pürvagatam caturdaśavidham - atpūdapūrvam agromnivm Firvanapravādam cistincstipravādam jānapravādam sarvapraradan atmapravadam karmapravodan pratikli vānanämadhe vam vidyānupravādam kalvänanamadhe vam pranävavam krivcivisclam lokabindiscram iti I tad etal srutam dvibhedam anekabhedam drädaśabhedam ili kim krio
ram vises koris nakrtah I travo raktärah - sarvajñas tirthakara itara ra ýroirakevali arīlīvas cetil laim sarvajnena paramarsina paramăcintyakevalajñānavibhutivisesena arthata agama uddistahl jasva pravaksadarsitat praksinadosatrīc ca prāmānyam I tasya sāksäcechrisvair buddhi- aliśavarddhivuktair ganadharaih śrutakevalibhir anusmrlagrantharacanam angapurvalaksanam I tai pramanam, tatprāmanvāt | urātīvuih punar ācārvaih kāladoşii samkşiptāvurmatibalasisvānugrahārtham Dasavaikiilikadvupaniba ddhum (translated by the author).
On the titles of the inside anga given by the Svetambara school, see Dundas 2001: 731.
10 Dixit 1971: 8.
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Now let us look at the contents of the Drstivada which is admitted by both the traditions to be extinct. The titles of the five sections mentioned by Pujyapäda are almost the same as those handed down in the Svetämbara tradition. The titles of the subsections of the fourth section, i.e. parva, are also the same in the two traditions. The only difference is, according to Pujyapāda, that the subsections nine and eleven are called Pratyakhyana-namadheya and Kalyāṇa-nämadheya in the Digambara tradition, while in the Svetämbara tradition the former has the suffix -pravada and the latter the suffix - vanjha.
In the Sarvarthasiddhi, Pujyapada seems to quote from the Svetämbara canon to fortify his arguments. The original source cannot stem from the angas, but must be a scripture accepted as authentic by Svetāmbaras."
Taking all these things into consideration, thus, we may safely say that Pujyapada does not deny the authenticity of the Svetamabara canon, although he does not accept its value.
3.2. Akalanka, another Digambara philosopher,14 gives more detailed information on the agamas. In his commentary on TS. i.e. 1.20-xii, he says:
"The inside anga consists of twelve kinds of texts, such as Acärä. They are written by the leaders of the church, who are possessed of special cognitive abilities, depending upon their memory.
The leaders have pure minds cleansed with the words of the Omniscient, compared to the water of the Ganga flowing from the Himalaya. They, being possessed of special cognitive abilities, wrote twelve books beginning with Acara depending upon their memory. The books are called the 'Inside anga."
Their titles are:
11 See Kapadia 2000: 6f.
12 See Sarvarthasiddhi p. 165 (§426).
13
See Jambudvipaprajñapti.p. 91.
14 Akalanka must have lived in the eighth century. On his date, see Dundas 2001: 49.
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(i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi)
Acāra Strakrta Sthāna Samavāva Vvākhyāprajñapti Jñātrdharmakathā
(vii) Upāsakādhyayana (viii) Antakrddaśā (ix) Anuttaraupapädikadašā (x) Praśnavyākarana (xi) Vipākasūtra (xii) Drstivāda
In the Ācāru, different types of behavior, i.e. eight kinds of suddhi, five of Sumili and three of Gupti are described. ... The twelfth anga is Drstivāda: ... In this book, the explanation of 363 (180+84+67+32) kinds of views and the refutation of them are made. This Drstivāda is divided into five sections: parikarma, sūtra, prathamānuyoga, pūrvagata and cūlikā. Of them, pūrva has fourteen subsections."15
Some of the titles in the following list are changed:
(i) utpădapūrva (11) agrāyana (iii) vīryapravāda (iv) astināstipravāda (v) jñānapravāda (vi) satyapravāda (vii) ātmapravāda
(viii) karmapravāda (ix) pratvākhyānanāmadheya (x) vidyānuvāda (xi) Kalyāṇanāmadheya (xii) prāṇāvāya (xiii) kriyāviśāla (xiv) lokabindusāra
Akalanka defines the angabāhva scriptures as follows:
*Tallvarthavärlika, pp. 72f.; angapravistam Acārādidvādaśabhedam buddhyatisayarddhiyukta ganadharinusmrfugrantharacanam
bhagavadarhatsarvajrahim vannirgatavāg-gangärtharimalasalilapra-ksälitäntahkaranair buddhvatiśayaddhivuktair ganadhair anusmrtagrantharacanam Acārīdidvādaśavidham angapravistam ity ucyate I tad yathā, Ācārah, Sūtrakrtam, Sthānam, Samavāvam, Vvrikiváprajapih, Jatrdharmakathā, Upāsakadhyayanam, Antakyddadaśa, Anuttaraupapādikaśā, Prašnar vākaranam, Vipäkasūtram, Drstivāda iti | Acâre caryāvidhanam śuddhyastakapancam ili triguptivikalmam kathvate 1 ... dvādaśamāngam Drstivāda iti ... eșām drstiśatānām travāņām Irisasivultaranám prarüpanam nirgrahaś ca Drsrivāde kriyate | Sa pañcavidhah - parikarma sūtram prathamānu vogah purvagatam cūlikä сeli l tatra pürvagatam caturdaśaprakaranam .... (translated by the author)
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"The remote' teachers who had been disciples or intermediate disciples of the leaders of the church and who gained the understanding of the reality of things composed compendia of angas, for the sake of those who could not enjoy longevity and had deficient powers due to the defect of aging. The compendia are called the outside anga. (...) They are of many varieties: Ullarādhyavana and others. "16
In addition, he quotes some passages from the Avasyakaniryukti to bear out his views. For example, in his commentary on TS 1.19, where he discusses prăpyakäritva, (reaching to the object) by sensory organs, he quotes the following verse as evidence from the āgamas to argue for aprāpakāritva, (not reaching to the object) by the visual organs and the mind:
puttham sunedi saddam aputtham puna passade rūpam! gamdham rasam ca phāsam baddham puttham vijäņādi Il
Sound is heard when the organ reaches to it while the shape is recognized without reaching: Smell, taste and touch are sensed when the organs reach to them closely
This is the fifth gāthā of the Avasvakaniryukti. It is clear that Akaianka does not quote the verse to refute what is said there but that he quotes it as the authority. We must note, however, that he does not mention this text when he enumerates the titles of the inside anga. This shows that, although even in the Svetāmbara tradition the Avasvakanirvukti is not regarded as an agama text, it occupies a rather important position. We also know its importance from the fact that it has been published several times in modern India.
3.3. Another famous Digambara philosopher, Vidyānandin, who belongs to the ninth century, does not refer to the titles and contents of the āgamas in his commentary on TS I.20, which is the first sūtra that deals with śruta or agama exclusively. It is likely, therefore, that Vidyānandin had no information on the Svetāmbara canon. But this does
16 Tattvārthavärtika p. 78: yad ganadhara isyapraśisyair arätiyair adhigatasrutarthatattvaih kāladostid alpamedhäyurhalānām prāninām anugrahārtlam upanihaddham samksiptängärthavacanavinyasam tad angabāhivam I... tadbheda Unarādhavanādayo 'nekavidhahl (translated by the author).
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not necessarily mean that by the time of Vidyānandin, i.e., by the ninth century, the Digambara tradition had lacked any knowledge about the canon.
4. Nemicandra, a Digambara philosopher of the tenth century, has a good knowledge of the Svetāmbara canon. In his Gommatasara Jiva-Kānda, Nemicandra refers to eleven titles of argas, as Pujyapāda and Akalanka do, and enumerates fourteen outside anga texts, including Daśavaikālika and Uttarādhyavana.17 Moreover, he not only mentions the titles of the agamas but also refers to the number of the pādas which are contained in the canon. With reference to the Acāranga, for example, he says that it consists of eighteen thousand pādas.18 Furthermore, Nemicandra seems to take into consideration the twelfth anga, the Destivāda, when he mentions five kinds of parikarma, one sūtra, one prathamánuvoga, the pūrvas and five cūlikās. 19 In this connection it is also interesting to note that the tive kinds of parikarma consist of Candraprajñapti, Suryaprajñapti, Jambūdvīpaprajñapti, Dvipasamudraprajñapti and Vvākhyaprajñapti.20 We come across these titles in the list of the canonical Śvetāmbara upāngas. As mentioned above, the Drstivāda in which these five texts are included is regarded as extinct by both traditions. Nemicandra may have intended to deny the authenticity of the upāngas, especially of those dealing with Jaina cosmology.21
What is common among these Digambara authors is that they do not emphatically deny the authority of the canonical works which they enumerate with titles.
5. Many Svetämbara philosophers mention the titles of their own canon. Umāsvāti, for example, refers to the names of the angas along with Uttarādhyayana, Dasavaikālikā, Rsibhāșita in the so-called auto-commentary on TS 1.20.22
17 Gommalascira, jiva kanda, vv. 355-356 (Nemicandra 1927: 202f.).
18 Gommatasära, jīva kanda, v. 358 (Nemicandra 1927: 203).
19 Gonmatasära, jīva kanda, vv. 361-362 (Nemicandra 1927: 204).
20 Gommatasära, jīva kanda, v. 361 (Nemicandra 1927: 204).
? It must be noted here that cosmology is one of the most controversial topics between the two schools. Different readings of the text of TS, chapters 3 and 4, which discuss Jaina cosmology, show a great discrepancy between the cosmologies of the Svetāmbara and Digambara traditions.
22 Sce TS 1.20 (p. 20). The present author regards the so-called auto-commentary as a work belonging to the Svetāmbaras.
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Detailed information on the Svetāmbara canon can also be found in the Nandisutra23 which is part of the canon itself. Naturally, the Nandi distinguishes and enumerates the eleven inside angas. The titles of the inside angas, though they are mentioned not in Sanskrit but in Prakrit, correspond to those enumerated by the Digambara philosophers, as we have seen above.
6. Concluding remarks
In my view, it is difficult to decide who was the first Digambara philosopher to deny the authority of the Svetāmbara canon. K. K. Dixit is of the opinion that by the seventh or eighth century the Digambaras began to neglect the Svetāmbara canon.24 However, as we have seen above, the Digambara philosopher Akalanka of the eighth century referred to the Svetāmbara āgamas. He knows not only their titles but also their contents. Moreover, he quotes some passages from the Avasyaka Niryukti to add authority to his opinions.
Given all this, we may say that Akalanka accepts the authority of the Svetāmbara canon, at least partially. And it is also likely that he had access certainly to parts of the canon preserved in the form of manuscripts and not only within the oral tradition. In his works he does not accept the validity of the Svetāmbara canon as a whole. But it is also clear that he does not deny the validity of certain passages which he sometimes quotes to bear out his opinion. Thus not all Digambaras denied the authenticity of the Svetāmbara canon by the eighth century.
From textual evidence we know of the long history of fierce debates on various subjects between the two traditions. The topics of kevali-bhukti (food taken by an omniscient person) and stri-nirvāna (emancipation of women) are, for example, controversial among both traditions. The Svetāmbaras admit the appetite of the kevalin and the salvation of women, which the Digambaras both deny. Naturally, the former criticize the latter and vice versa. This does not mean, however, that both traditions oppose to each other on each and every point. On the contrary, there are quite a few topics on which they agree with each other. To be sure, the two traditions today have different opinions on the issue of whether the āgamas handed down by the Svetāmbaras are authentic or not. But, as we have seen above, at least by the time of Akalanka, the
23 On the classification of the angas, see sütras 79-81. On the titles of the angas, see sūtras 71-72.
?+ Dixit 1971: 2. On the dates of the Jaina councils see Wiles 2006.
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Digambaras also accepted the authenticity of at least parts of the canon though they did not say so explicitly. This attitude may have continued until the time of Nemicandra.
In order to fully understand how the Digar varas viewed the Svetāmbara canon, we must study the Satkhandāgama and the commentaries on them. Yet, even after the research on them has progressed, the tentative conclusion which we have arrived at in this paper will not need amending.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Literature
Gommatasāra Jivakända of Nemicandra. Edited with Introduction, Translation and
Commentary by Rai Bahadur Jugmandar Lal Jaini. The Sacred Books of Jainas Vol.
5. Lucknow: The Central Jaina Publishing House, 1927. Jambūdvipaprajñapti with śānticandra's Commentary. Devcandra Lālbhāi Jainapusta
koddhāra No. 52. Bombay: Devcandra Lālbhāi Jainapustakoddhāra Fund, 1920. Nandi Sūtra. In: Nandisuttam Anuyogaddārāim. Edited by Muni Punyavijaya et al. Jaina
Agama-Series Vol. 1. Bombay: Śrī Mahāvīra Jaina Vidyālaya, 1968. Niryukti-samgrahah of Bhadrabāhu. Edited by Vijaya Jinendra Sūrī. Šāntipurī: Śrī
Harsapuspāmrta Jaina Vidyālaya, 1987. Sarvärthasiddhi of Pujyapāda. Edited by Phūlcandra Siddhānta Šāstrī. Mūrtidevī Jaina
Granthamālā No. 8. Varanasi: Bhāratīya Jñāna Pītha, 1971. Svayambhustotra of Samantabhadra. Edited by Sin Fujinaga as: "Studies on
Samantabhadra (8)." Reports of Researches of Miyakonojo NCT 30 (1996) 83-92. Tattvārthādhigama-Sūtra of Umāsvāti/Umāsvāmi. With Auto-commentary. Edited by
Keshavla! Premchand Mody. Bibliotheca Indica No. 1044. Calcutta: Asiatic
Society, 1903-1905. Tattvärthaślokavārttika of Vidyānandin. Edited by Pandit Manohar Lāl. Bombay, 1918. Tatárthat raja)vārtika of Akalanka. Edited by M. K. Jain. Mürtidevī Jaina Granthamālā
No. 20. Vārānasi: Bhāratiya Jñāna Pītha, 1953, 1957.
Secondary Literature
Alsdorf. Ludwig. "What were the Contents of the Destivāda?" German Scholars on India:
Contributions to Indian Studies. Vol. I. Edited by the Cultural Department of the
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Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1-5. New Delhi: The Chowkhamba Sanskrit Office, 1973 (Reprinted in his Kleine Schriften Vol. 1. Ed. Albrecht
Wezler, 252-256. Wiesbaden: Steiner Verlag, 1974). Dixit, Krishna Kumar. Jaina Ontology. Ahmedabad: L. D. Institute of Indology, 1971. Dundas, Paul. The Jains. Second Revised Edition. London: Routledge, 2002. Glasenapp, Helmuth von. Der Jainismus: Eine indische Erlösungsreligion. Hildesheim:
Georg Olms Verlag, 1985 (2. Nachdruckauflage der Ausgabe Berlin: Alf Häger
Verlag, 1925). Jaini, Padmanabh S. The Jaina Path of Purification. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1979. Kapadia, Hiralal Rasikdas. A History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas.
Ahmedabad: Sharadaben Chimanbai Educational Research Centre, 2000 (Reprint of
Surat: H.R. Kapadia, 1941). Malvaniya, Dalsukh D. "Introduction.” Nvāyāvatāra of Siddhasena. Edited with Vrtti of
śānti Sūri. Singhi Jaina Series No. 20. Bombay: Bhāratīya Vidyā Bhavan, 1949. Wiles, Royes. "The Dating of the Jaina Councils: Do Scholarly Presentations Reflect the
Traditional Sources?” Studies in Jaina History and Culture: Disputes and Dialogues. Edited by Peter Flügel. 61-85. London and New York: Routledge, 2006.
The Editor. International Journal of Jaina Studies 2005-2007
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International Journal of Jaina Studies Vol. 1-3 (2005-2007) 183-192
The Original Paņhavāyarana / Praśnavyākaraṇa Discovered
Diwakar Acharya*
The Sthänăngasūtra (Jambūvijaya 1985a: 311, sūtra 755) describes the Panhavāgarana (Skt. Praśnavvākarana), the tenth anga of the Jain canon, in the following way:
panhāvāgarana-dasānam dasa ajjhayaņā pannattā, tamjahā - uvamā, samkhô. isi-bhäsiväim, āyariya-bhāsitāim, mahāvīra-bhäsitäim, khomapasinām, komala-pasiņāim, addāga-pasiņāim, amguttha-pasināim, bāhupasiņāim!
In the Panhavāgarana-dasā ten adhyayanas are taught. They are as follows: comparison/ example (uvamā), decision/enumeration (samkhā), teachings of the seers (isi-bhāsiyāim), teachings of the teachers (avariya-bhāsitāim), teachings of Mahāvīra (mahāvīra-bhāsitāim), the issues associated with the way of divination which involves a deity's entering a linen cloth (khomapasiņāim), those issues associated with the way of divination which involves a deity's entering some soft object(?) (komala-pasiņāim), those issues associated with the way of divination which involves a deity's entering a mirror (addäga-pasiņāim), those associated with the way of divination which involves a deity's entering the surface of one's thumb (amguttha-pasiņāim), and associated with the way of divination which involves a deity's entering the surface of one's arm (bāhu-pasiņāim).
Similarly, the Samavāvāngasūtra (Jambuvijaya 1985a: 444, Sūtra 145) describes it the following way:
International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) Vol. 3, No. 6 (2007) 1-10
* I am grateful to Dr. Peter Flügel (the chair, SOAS Centre of Jaina Studies) and the reviewers of the IJJS for their suggestions on previous drafts of this article, which is a revised and expanded version of the report published in Juina Studies (Newsletter of the Centre of Jaina Studies) Vol. 2 (2007) 22-23 (online: http://www.soas.ac.uk/academics/centres/jainastudies/newsletter/25135.pdf).

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se kim tam panhävägaraņāim? panhāvāgaranesu nam atthultaram pasinasatamatthultaram apasiņasatam, atthuttaram pasiņāpasinasatam. vijätisayā, nagasupannehi va saddhim divvā samväyā āgha ijjamil
panhāvāgaranadasāsu nam sasamayaparasamavapannavayapatteyabuddhavividhattha-bhāsābhāsiyāṇam a tisayagunauvasamanānapagāraāyarivabhāsivānam vittharenam vīramahe-sīhim viviha-vitthärabhāsiyānam ca jagahitānam addāgamgutthabāhuasimanikhomaāicca-mātivānam vivihamahāpasinavijjāmanapasinavijjādaivayapavogapāhannagunappagāsivā nam sabbhūvabigunappabhāvanaraganamativimhavakarinam atisavamatītakālasamayedamatittha-karuttamassa
thitikaranakäranānam durabhigamadurovagāhassa savvasavvannusammata-ssābudhajanavibohakarassa paccakkhavappaccayakarīnam paņhānam vivihagunamuhattha jinavarappanīvā āghavijjainti
panhāvāgaranesu nam parittá vāyaṇā, samkhejjā anuogadārā, java samkhejjão samgahanio. se nam amgatthayāe dasame amge, cge sutakkhamdhe, (panayālīsam ajjhayana], panavālīsam uddesanakala, panavālīsam samuddesanakālā, samkhejjāim payasayasahassāim paaggenam pannatte, samkhejjā akkhară, anamtā gamā, jāva caranakaranaparūvanā äghavijjati. se itam panhāvāgaranānil'
What are the contents of the panhāvāgaraņāim? In the panhāvāgarana, 108 praśnas, 108 apraśnas, 108 praśnāpraśnas, excellent supernatural vidyās, and supernatural conversation of snakes and eagles are taught.
The Nandisutra (Punyavijaya 1966: 84, sūtra 96) also contains a description of the Panhavāgarana, which drops the second paragraph of the above citation from the Samavāvāngasūtra. The Samavāvāngasūtra abbreviates the sentence in the third paragraph, as that portion can be borrowed from previous descriptions of other angasutras, but the Nandisātra keeps it intact. Let me present in the following the reading of the Nandisutra (Punyavijaya 1966: 84, sutra 96), and underline the extra lines: se kim tam panlāvägarantim? panhāvāgaranesu namn atthuttaram pasinasatan, athuttaram upusiasatam, atthutiaram pasināpasinasatam, anne vi vividhā divvä_vijjātisavā nāgasupannchi va saddhin irra samvārā üghavijjami panhāvāgaranánam paritta vāyaṇā, samkhejjā anuogadārā, samkhejjā vedhi. samkhejja silogā. samkheijão nijjitio samkhejjão samgahanio, samkheijão padivaltio se con amgatthayãe dasame amge, ege suvakkhamdhe, panayālisam ajjhayanā, panayālisain uddesamakālā, panavälisan samuddesamakālā, samkhejjāim padasahassāim padaggenam, samkhejjā akkhari, anama gamā, anamtā pajjavā, parittä tasa anamtá thàvară, säsatakadanibaddhanikäivä jinapannatta bhavi aghavijamti panna vijamtti parūvijijamti damsijamti nidansijamti uvadamsijamti se enamára, evamnāvā, evamvinnava, eva caranakaranaparuvanä āghavijjai Isettam panhāvāgaranam
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In the Panhüvägaranadasë, those great issues of praśnavidvās are explained, which are composed by the best Jinas, cause direct perception, and have manifold great qualities. [These issues are hard to comprehend and fathom (but can awaken ignorant men, and are approved by all omniscient Jinas. (These are] told, by great Jaina sages with great details, by those teachers who speak of various objects of manifold qualities and the ways of self-restraint in detail; and also by all those Pratyekabuddhas, who propounded our as well as others' doctrines in discourses of various purposes. These include the issues, beneficial to the world, which concern the mediums, such as a mirror, one's thumb or arm, a sword, a jewel, a piece of linen, and the sun. (Theyl shed light on many of the?) great praśnavidyās and mindreading praśnavidvas, involved deities, ceremonial applications, and major qualities. [Those issues involve the proofs for existence of the best of the Tīrthakaras in the distant past who resorted to self-restraint, and cause astonishment in the mind of people because of their true double impact.
In the panhāvāgarana, a certain number of narratives, a certain number of anuyogadvāras, {a certain number of vedha-verses, a certain number of verses, a certain number of niryuktis, }' a certain number of sangrahanīs, {and a certain number of pratipattis} are taught. In the tenth anga situated among the anga-texts, one śrutaskandha, {45 adhyayanas,} 45 uddeśanakālas, 45 samuddeśanakālas, numerous hundred-thousands of padus together with padägras, a certain number of aksaras, limitless gamas, (limitless chapters, a certain number of tasas, limitless thāvaras, and eternal as well as made-up, composed and settled bhāvas taught by the Jina are taught, indicated, explained, shown, instructed, [and] exhibited. That anga-text stands containing such teachings, such knowledge, such wisdom,} and such explanations on the cause and merits of self-restraint. Thus is the Panhāvāgarana.
These descriptions indicate that the Praśnavyākarana deals mainly with various issues concerning divination, for instance, essential and non-essential questions for the purpose of divination. The title of the text itself suggests the same thing: (Prophetic]
- I use curly braces to contain the words present only in the Nandisutra and abbreviated in the Samadvargasira.
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Explanation of Queries. Abhayadeva, in the beginning of his commentary on the current version of the Praśnav vākarana, analyses the title of the text this way: Prasna in the title stands for prasnavidvās, or methods of explaining queries, involving mediums like one's thumb and so on, for divination purpose. The Praśnavyākarana is thus named, because all these are explained or told here. He further says that this used to be the content of the text in earlier times, but by the time he composed his commentary nothing except explanations on the five types of sins and five types of their consequences were found in the text. This indicates that Abhayadeva himself was aware of the fact that the text he is commenting upon is not the original but a new text. Albrecht Weber (1883: 327: 1885: 17) noticed long ago that the original text of the Praśnavyākarana, which the compilers of the above mentioned sūtras had before them, was lost at some point in history and another entirely different text was substituted in the place of the original angasūtra.
Now as a sheer surprise, an archaic version of the Praśnavyākarana in Prakrit, together with a Sanskrit commentary of one Jīvabhogin has been found preserved in a palm-leaf manuscript in the National Archives of Nepal. The accession number of the manuscript is 4-149 and can be found on NGMPP (Nepal German Manuscript Preservation Project) microfilm reel no. B 23/37. The palm-leaf manuscript was complete in 153 folios but now folios 142 and 143 are missing. There are some extra folios in the same handwriting at the end of the manuscript which contain charts and circular diagrams of aksaras, mentioned or implied in the text. I am tempted to take this portion as an extension of the appendix included in the main body of the manuscript. There is an innocent little corrupt catalogue entry for this manuscript in the vyākarana section of the Brhatsūcīpatra (A so-called descriptive catalogue of the manuscripts belonging to the Virapustakālaya) published from Kathmandu, where it is identified as a grammatical text.
Abhayadeva's commentary on the Praśnavyākarana, introduction: praśnā angusthādipraśnavidvās, la vväkriyante abhidhīvante 'sminn iti praśnavyākaranam. ayam ca vyutpat yarıho sva prvakale 'bhui, idānim 1 ásravapañcakasamvarapañcakavvākrtir evehopalabhyate. See also Abhayadeva's commentary on the Sthânänga passage cited above which states the same point: praśnavyākaranadaśā ihoklartipa na drsvante drývamänās iu pañcäśravapañcasamvarātmikä iti (Jambüvijaya 1985b: 341. II. 311.). + Śarmā 1965: 41.
SI was aware of the existence of this manuscript already in 1993 when I worked for the NGMPP for the first time as a student, and went through all NGMPP index cards. But due to the lack of good library facilities in Kathmandu, I was not able to compare the content of the manuscript with that of the printed text. So I was not aware of its importance until I went to Hamburg in 2001 and finally read Abhayadeva's commentary and secondary sources.
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As the manuscript is written in Jain Nāgarī, it is highly probable that it was written in western India but found its way from there to Nepal when Gujarati merchants traveled or migrated to Kathmandu valley in early mediaeval times. It is also possible that it was written by a Jain migrant in Kathmandu. The manuscript is not dated but I place it in the beginning of the 12th century on paleographical grounds. There is a paper transcript of this palm-leaf manuscript, which was made at least 56 years ago. It is preserved in the same archives and is numbered 5-1462. It is microfilmed under reel number B 466/20. It is badly rat-eaten in the left-hand side and is of little use except in one place, where two folios of the palm-leaf manuscript are missing; obviously the two folios now missing in the manuscript were intact when the transcript was prepared.
This text is the best available candidate for the original Praśnavyākarana. This text fits Abhayadeva's description: its subject is praśnavidyā, the discipline that is connected with divination. It is the most logical thing to take praśna in the title of the text in this sense. The description of the Sthānāngasūtra clearly suggests that the tenth anga is centred on this issue. Out of the ten topics mentioned there as the contents of the Praśnavyākaraṇa, the last five are on the various ways of divination. They deal with the issues related to the five ways of divination in which a deity enters a linen cloth (khomapasiņāim), or some soft object (?) (komala-pasiņāim), or a mirror (addāga-pasiņāim), or the surface of one's thumb' (amguttha-pasiņāim) or arm (bāhu-pasināim). The first two topics, comparison or example (uvamā) and decision or enumeration (samkhā), could also be somehow related to divination, but the other three, teachings of the seers (isi
This Manuscript belonged to the Bharati Bhavana Library of Late Rajaguru Hemraj Pande before it arrived the National Archives. Transcripts of rare palm-leaf manuscripts were regularly made in that Library until around 1950, when the Räjaguru was in power and active.
? In Nepal, Newar Tantric priests practice divination to locate lost items or identify athief or answer other queries. They smear collyrium or similar substance on a mirror or an innocent boy or girl's thumb/palm and ask the boy or girl to see things on that blackened surface and report; they still call it "vir bolāune" (calling the Vīra). After I read the manuscript of the praśnavyäkarang I am inclined to take this "vir" as Mahāvīra/Jina, but unaware of the history of the tradition and under the influence of the prevalent cult of Hanuman, people interpret this vir as Hindu Mahävīra = Hanumān.
* This is the way Abhayadeva takes these topics, as he comments on the above cited Sthānānga passage: ... pasiņāim in the mula means the praśnavidyās by means of which deities are induced to enter certain objects. In this context, ksaumaka is cloth, addäga is mirror, angustha is a part of the hand, [i.e. thumb), and bāhava is arm. (... 'pasināim' ti praśnavidyāh yakābhih kşaumakādişu devalavatāraḥ kriyala ili, tatra ksaumakam - vastram addīgo - ādarśah angustho - hastāvavavah bāhavo - bhujā iti. - Jambūvijaya 1985b: 341, II. 33-34). So there is no doubt that Abhayadeva associated the original Praśnavyākarana with divination.
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bhasiyāim), teachers (avariya-bhäsitäim), and Mahāvīra (mahāvīra-bhāsitäim), indicate that legends were also part of the text.
The other two descriptions of the Praśnavyakarana from the Nandisutra and Samaväyängasútra, though highlight the legendary character of the Praśnavyakaraṇa known to them, tell us that it contained prašna, aprašna, and praśnäprašna. These three issues can be the best interpreted as questions valid for divinatory consideration, the opposite, and the questions which are concerned with divination only to a certain degree. So, I conclude that the text of the Praśnavyakarana known to the compilers of the Śvetämbara Jain canon contained divination related issues as well as legends,"" And, we have to say that the text now found is either only a part of the text they had in view or belongs to the Digambara tradition. I see a greater chance for the second option, because Pujyapada Devanandin who was instrumental in composition of Jivabhogin's commentary (see below) was a well-known Digambara teacher.
It is peculiar feature of the text of the recently discovered Praśnavväkarana that, unlike other angasutras, it is entirely in versified form, but is not presented in the form of dialogue. It begins with an invocation to Mahavira and to Śrutadevata, the embodiment of the entire canonical knowledge." In the third gatha, Panha appears as the title of the text together with an epithet Jinapayada." The full Prakrit title appears only in the mantra of Mauravahini Sudadevadă, found in the appendix at the end of the manuscript", where the
"A text titled Isibhāsiyaim exists and has been published with a German translation from Hamburg, see Schubring 1969. Abhayadeva does not elaborate about these first five topics, but says that their meaning is literally clear.
These descriptions can only hint at the original content but cannot be taken literally. It is no new thing in the history of Jaina literature that accretions grow around older material.
Śrutadevata (Pkt. Sudadevada/Suyadevaya) is mentioned also in the Bhagavatisutra, Mahānisīthasutra and some other Jain texts. See Shah 1941: 196f. In the Jain tradition, the twelve angasutras are described as her limbs and the fourteen purvas as her ornaments. See Shah 1941: 196, Ludvik 2007: 245. As Ludvik 2007. 234. n. 38 in her recent book on Sarasvati reports, Jain Scholar Paul Dundas takes the Śrutadevatā referred to in the Bhagavatisutra not as Sarasvati but rather as an all purpose category. Yet, another Jain scholar. Nagasaki Höjun (p.c.), interprets it as Sarasvati. With the discovery of Jivabhogin's commentary on the Panhavagarana, it is clear that Śrutadevata was identified with the Mayūravahini Sarasvati by the end of the seventh century, the date of our commentary.
12 Jīvabhogin, the commentator, records a variant reading Jaäpayaḍa (Skt. Jayaprakṛta) for Jinapayada (Skt. Jina-prakra).
13 I give here the complete set of mantras, including the well-known parameṣthimantras: namo arahamtaṇam namo siddhanam I namo airiyanam | namo upajjhayanam | namo loe savvasahūḥam namo
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goddess is identified as the panhavāyaranavidvā, the vidvā venerated in the Panhavävarana (not to be confused with the vidyādevis of later times). The Sanskrit title Prasmartākurana, however, can be found in chapter colophons of the commentary.'
As the commentator states, the composer of the text was a Kevalin. This is contrasts with the traditional belief that the whole set of twelve angas was composed by the Ganadharas, who are counted among the Kevalins.
The text deals with the praśnavidyā in a rather complex way. It is divided into at least 33 short chapters, some of which are further divided into sub-chapters." Some contents of the text, mainly those related with articulation and pronunciation can have significance far beyond the scope of the praśnavidyā.
Here I present a list of all sections of the text:
vargaracanăprakarana voninirdeśaprakarana śiksāprakarana uttarādharaprakarana abhighātaprakarana nasamjñāhhedaprakarana jīvacintāprakarana i. manusvādhikūra
Section on formation of series [of aksarus] on indication of root [aksaras] on articulation and pronunciation (of aksaras) on superior and inferior (aksaras) on abrupt articulation on names and varieties of living beings on investigation into living beings Sub-section on human beings
bhagavado mahadi manāvīravaddhamanahuddhassa I namo jiņāņain namo savvo v jināņam namo panhaa varunavijjādevadie namo sarassadie | mama hidayam pavissa I cakklum parissa | jibbhan parissa I pucchaassa mutham pavissa l amgapadamga pavissa sarisaya savvam mama aisaantam asamaena savvaväinitam udara 2 ida manijame suvannajäle jaassa vijae maravähini svähā ... namo bhagavadie mahadi mahavidvãe annadāe pānadāe giri 2 ru 2 mavūravāhini svāhā (fol. 149r3-v1, 149v3
14 Thus runs the final colophon of the commentary: darśanajyotir nāma praśnavyäkaranatikā samāptäh (sic) li o ll krti (sic) jīvabloginah dvitīvam cāsya nāma sāradattetill oll (fol. 149r2-3).
15 As reported in the Svetambara tradition, each of the eleven Ganadharas composed a separate sct of twelve argas but only the gana of Sudharman continued, so all available arigas belong to him and his guna
"". The Stharangasūtra states that the Praśnavvākarana consisted of ten adhyayanas, however, the other two sūtras cited in the beginning of the article claim that it consisted of one śrutaskandha and 45 adhyavanas
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ii. pakṣyadhikara
iii. dvipadadhikara
iv. catuspadadhikara
v. apadādhikāra
8.
dhätubhedaprakarana
9. mulacintaprakarana
10. mustijñānaprakarana
11. samkatavikaṭaprakarana
12. samsthanavibhāgaprakaraṇa
13. varṇavibhāgaprakaraṇa
on birds
on bipeds
on quadrupeds
on creatures without feet Section on varieties of metals
on consideration of plants
on investigation into theft
on contracted and open [akṣaras]
on distinction of the shape [of lost or stolen object]
on distinction of colour
14. ghanacchidravibhāgaprakaraṇa on distinction of solidness and hollowness [density]
15. gandhavibhāgaprakarana
on distinction of smell
16. rasavibhāgaprakarana
17. digvibhagaprakarana 18. sthānaprakarana 19 naṣṭikājñānaprakaraṇa
20. tajjñātakaprakarana
21. samkhyaprakaraṇa 22. kalanayanaprakarana
23. nakṣatranayanaprakarana
24. dvikavogakāṇḍa
25. guṇakārakāṇḍa 26. nandyavartakakarana 27. gajavilulitakaraṇa
samkhyākaraṇaprakaraṇa
28. simhävalokanaprakarana 29. sarvatobhadraprakarana 30. aśvamohitaprakarana 31. samavisamaprakarana
32. guṇaprakaraṇa
33. akṣarotpadanakāṇḍa
190
on distinction of taste
on distinction of the direction [of lost/stolen object]
on location
on investigation into [identity of] the lost object
on omens hinting at the lost object
on the number [of lost objects]
on reckoning of the time [when the lost or stolen object is found again]
on reckoning of the star involved
on queries involving two possibilities
on multiplier [akṣaras in queries]
on the Nandyavartaka measure [for query analysis] on the Gajavilulita and counting measures
on the simhävalokana measure
on the sarvatobhadra measure
on the aśvamohita [measure]
on similar and dissimilar [akṣaras]
on multiplication
on production of aksaras
According to the colophon, the commentary is called Darśanajyotis, which is otherwise known as Saradatta. The concluding verses mention that Jivabhogin composed

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the commentary by the grace of Devanandin!? Hence, he was a junior conteynporary most probably a disciple, of the latter. If this Devanandin is the same as Pūjyapāda Devanandin the author of the Jainendravyākarana and several Jain works, the commentator's time cannot be later than the end of the seventh century.
There is yet another source for the root text, at least for a large part of it: Muni Jinavijaya (1958) has published an inferior recension of the Praśnaryūkarana with a very brief commentary, under the title Jayaprākrta. Like the keepers of his manuscript, who labeled it with the name Javapāhuda, he did non even suspect that what he had found had a direct link with the original Praśnavvākarana. As he admitted in his introduction, the text belonged to a distinct genre and every line in the manuscript was corrupt and suspect. He was not even sure about the title. He printed the whole text with Javapāhuda at the top of each page but chose the title Jayapāvada on the cover, ignoring the name Praśnavyākarana found in the final colophon. In his introduction he promises to return to this issue with more material in future, but I am not aware of any of his subsequent publications related to praśnavidyā. He does not give precise details of the manuscript in his book, but if possible it would be nice to locate and use the Jaisalmer manuscript in future studies.
The discovery of this new text of the Praśnavyākarana highlights divination as the focus of the original Praśnavyākarana. As the descriptions of the three sutras cited i the beginning of this article indicate, the original Praśnavyäkarana was largely concerned with this matter, but not exclusively. The recently discovered text, however, focuses on divination exclusively; it does not contain legends. It is not simple to answer why and how it is so, but it is hoped that matters will be clearer after a thorough study of the contents of the new text.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Acharya, Diwakar 2004. "Cataloguing Nepalese Manuscripts: Challenges and Rewards."
A Report Read at the 29. Deutscher Orientalistentag, Halle: September 23, 2004. Published online: www.uni-hamburg.de/Wiss/FB/10/IndienS/Jahresbericht2004.pdf, pp. 21-24.
Fol. 14715-v2: kälatravam(sic)vibhägärtham idam sisyahiraya ca. krta tikä mahābhäga darśanajvolám sic)samjiital avvaktapadavākvärthavvakta(sic)dāhrtapesalā, Devanandiprasadena krievam Jiabhogma !
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Kapadia, Hiralal Rasikdas. A History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas. Surat:
Hiralal Rasikdas Kapadia, 1941 (Reprint Ahmedabad: Sharadaben Chimanbhai
Educational Research Centre, 2000). Ludvik, Catherine 2007. Sarasvati: Riverine Goddess of Knowledge. From the
Manuscript-Carrying Vinā-Player to the Weapon-Wielding Defender of the
Dharma. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2007. Jambūvijaya, Muni. The Sthānāngasūtra and Samavāyāngasutra. Jaina Āgama Series 3.
Bombay: Mahāvīra Jaina Vidyalaya, 1985. Jambuvijaya, Muni. The Sthänārgasūtra and Samavävängasūtra with the Vrtti of
Abhavadeva Sūri. Lāla Sundarlal Jain Agamagranthamālā Vol. II. The Text Originally Edited by Sāgarānanda Sūri. Reprinted in a Different Format. Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass, 1985(b). Jinavijaya, Muni. Javapāvada Nimittaśāstra (A Work of the Science of Prognostics
Making Prophecies on the Basis of the Letters of Speech). Singhi Jain Series 43.
Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavana, 1958. Punyavijaya, Muni. Nandisutra of Devalaka with Haribhadra's Vriti and Sub
Commentaries. Prakrit Text Society Series 10. Ahmedabad: Prakrit Text Society,
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Āgamodaya Samiti, 1919. Śarmā, Bābukrsna. Brhatsuicipatra. (A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts
Belonging to the Virapustakälaya.] Vol. 6: Vyākarana Section. Kathmandu:
Vīrapustakālaya, 1965. Schubring, Walther. Isibhāsivăim. Ausprüche der Weisen. Hamburg: De Gruver. 1969. Sen, Amulyachandra. A Critical Introduction to the Panhāvāgaraņāim, the Tenth Anga of
the Jaina Canon. Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde Philosophischen Fakultät der Hansischen Universität. Würzburg: Buchdruckerei Richard Mayr.
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