Indian Antiquary Vol 47

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032539/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY. HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS. PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &o, &o. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART, C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A. HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUT. COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, AND PROF. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A. VOL. XLVIL-1918. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS .. 246 PAGE PAGE R. D. BANERJI, M.A. S K. B. PATHAK :THE PRATHARA OCCUPATION OF MAGADHA.. 109 | NEW LIGHT ON THE GUPTA ERA AND MIHIPsor. D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A. .. RAKULA .. .. .. .. .. 10 DEOCAN OF THE GATAVAHANA PERIOD... 69; S. N. SASTRI :Pror. H. B. BHIDE, M.A., LL.B. : The Sanskrit Poems of Mayors and Bana's NOTES ON KALIDASA .. .. . . Candfiataka, by G. P. Quackenbos, A. M., G, E. L, CARTER, I.C.S. Ph.D. .. ... .. .. .. 167 RELIGION IN SIND .. .. .. .. 197 Partha-ParAkrama Vyayoga of Paramara H. C. CHAKLADAR : Prahladanadeva, by C. A. Dalal, M.A. .. 168 Davva-Saagaha (Dravya-Sangraha) by Nomi. GURU DAS SARKAR, M.A. - chandra Siddhanta-Chakravarti .. .. 139 ALLEGED BUDDHIST INFLUENCE IN THE SUN The Practical Path, by Champat Rai Jain, TEMPLE AT KONARAK .. Bar.-at-Law .. 139 .. .. .. .. 208 An Epitome of Jainism, by Purachand ARUN SEN, B.A. (CANTAB.) : Nalar, M.A., B.L.; K. Ghosh and V. Chinta MAURYANA . . . . . . . . . 291 mani .. . . . . . . 140 8. N. SEN :CAPTAIN K. A. C. CRESWELL, R.A.F.: 1 A History of the Maratha People, by C. A. THE VAULTING SYSTEM OF THE HINDOLA Kincaid, I.C.S., and Rao Bahadur D. MAXAL AT MANDU .. .. .. .. 169 Parasnis .. .. .. .. .. .299 H. C. DAS-GUPTA, M.A., F.G.S. - V. A. SMITH ON A PECULIAR POLISHED HAMMERSTONE ASOKA NOTES, No. XII.. .. .. .. 48 BOM SINGHBHUM, CHOTA NAGPUR 1351 Tus STRATAGEM USED BY ALEXANDER N. B. DIVATIA, B.A. - AGAINST PORUS, ALLUDED TO IN THE THE WIDE SOUND OF EAND O WITH PEN-I-AKBAR .. .. .. .. 245 SPECIAL REFERENCE TO GUJARATI.. 24; 37 DR. V. A. SUKTHANKAR, B.A., PH.D. A. G. EELIS - A CONTRIBUTION TOWARDS THE EARLY His. Spread of Hobson-Jobson in Mesopotamia. 244 TORY OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHY, by Hermann M. B. GARDE, B.A. - Jacobi. (Translated) . .. ".. 101 A NOTE ON THE YAJVAPALAS OR JAJA ON THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE KAUTILIYA, PELLAS OF NARWAR by H. Jacobi. (Translated) .. 167; 187 T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A. SIR R. C. TEMPLE, Bt. S . VIVEKAPATRAMIL .. .. .. 79; 94; 125 AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA LT.-COL. T. W. HAIG, C.M.G. "IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.. 1; 29; 57; 85 THE FARC DYNASTY OF KHANDESH. 113;141;178 Malay Currency in Trengganu .. . 28 RAI BAHADUR HIRALAL, B.A., M.R.A.S. - Notes from Old Factory Records .. 56; 84 TRIMORTIS IN. BUNDELKHAND .. .. 136 Spread of Hobson-Jobeon in Mesopotamia .. 1965 K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxon.), BAR-AT-LAW: SIDE-LIGHTS ON OMICHUND .. THE ARTIAGASTRA EXPLAINS .. .. 50 " A Faqir's Cure for the Cholera".. .. 284 NOTES ON ALOKA INSCRIPTIONS: THE The Beginnings of South Indian History, by TERM ASHASHU .. 297 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar .. .. 263 Vaishnava Worship and Buddhism.. .. 84 DE. L. P. TESSITORI: The Week-Days and Vikrama .. .. 112 THE WIDE SOUND OF AND O IN MARWARI Dates of Panini and Katyayana .. .. ... .. .. 225 Identification of some of the Post-Andhrabhitys Rulers of the Puranio List.. 298 298 N. G. UTGIKAR, M. A. :NARENDRA NATH LAW, M.A., B.L. - 1-THE BHAGAVADOITA IN ITS ORIGINAL " For .. .. .. .. Sup. 1 VARTTA-THANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS, 266 : 275 I-IV-GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE N. G. MAJUMDAR, B.A. - BHAGAVADOITA .. .. Sup. 9:17; 23 DATE OF THE ABHIRA MIGRATION INTO INDIA 35 A, VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., PH.D. :Vatsyayana and KAlidasa ... . .. 195 INDRASEN .. .. .. .. .. 289 SAM JA .. .. .. .. .. .. 221 1 THE CHRONOLOGY OF THS WESTERN Home of KAlidAsa .. . .. .. 264 CHLUKYAS Or KALYAN .. .. .. R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A. - ROBERT ZIMMERMANN, S.J. - THE REVISED CHRONOLOGY OF THE LAST AN ADDITIONAL PROOT FOR THE GENUINENESS GUPTA EMPERORS .. OF TIN VITTIS IN MAROKATAS KAVYAPRAHathigumpha Ineoription .. .. .. 223 : : .. 241 161

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CONTENTS 84 .. 188 MISCELLANEA. PAGE Vaishnava Wonhip and Buddhism, by K, P. Jayaswal The Week Days and Vikrama, by K. P. Jayawal .. . 112 Dates of Panini and Katyayana, by K. P. Jayaswal Vatayayana and Kalidasa, by N. G. Majumdar . .. .. .. 195 Hathigumphi Insoription, ty R. C. Majumdar .. 223 Home of Kalidasa, by N. G. Majumdar .. Identification of some of the Post-Andhra bhritya Rulers of the Puranic List, by K. P. Jayaswal, M.A. (Oxon.).. ..... .. . .. .. 208 NOTES AND QUERIES. Malay Currency in Trengganu, by R. C. Temple .. Notes from Old Factory Records, by R. C. Temple Spread of Hobson-Jobson in Mesopotamia, by R. C. Templo Bpread of Hobson Jobson in Monopotamia, by A. G. Ellis "A Fagle's Cure for the Cholera," by R. Templo .. . BOOK-NOTICES. Davva-Sangaba (Dravya-Bangraha) by H. C. Chaklader.. .. The Practical Path, by H. C. Chakladar .. .. .. .. An Epitome of Jainism, by H. C. Chaklader .. .. The Sanskrit Pooms of Mayara and Baqa's Candidataka, by 8. N. Sastri ParthA-pardkrama Vyayoga of Paramkra-Prah Adanadova, kvy 8. N. Sastri .. The Beginnings of South Indian History, by R. C. Templo :: A History of the Maratha Peoplo, by 8. N. Son .. .. .. .. ". .. 167 SUPPLEMENTS. 1-The Bhagavadyth in its original Form, by N. G. Utgikar, M.A. II-IV-Garbo's Introduction to the Bhagavadguid, by N. G. Utgikar, M.A. .. .. .. 17:26 . .. facing p. 184 PLATES. Polished Hammerstone from Singhbhum Photograph of Trimurti found in Bangaon, 13 miles from Damoh .. John Faithfull Fleet, C.LE The Vaulting System of the Hindola Mahal at Mandu (I-II) .. Side-lights ou Omichund (I-II) .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. facing pp. 170 ; 174; 176 .. .. facing p. 272

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH VOLUME XLVII-1918 AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BART. (Continued from Vol. XLVI, p. 286.) Letter from Lieutenant Colonel William Bolts to the President and Council of Bombay, dated Gogo, 31 October 1777.20 Honble. Sir and Sirs You have some time ago been informed of the accident which happened to the Imperial Austrian ship Giuseppe and Teresa, under my command, in the bay of Delagoa. A subsequent transaction there obliges me now to lay my complaints, on behalf of their Imperial Majesties, before you, against John Cahill, Captain of a ketch from your Presidency; the whole relation of which is briefly as follows. On the 3d day of May 1777 I took formal possession of a certain district of land in the country called Timbe on the western side of the river Mafoome in the beforementioned bay from the Rajah Mohaar Capell, who by a deed of sale and a treaty, solemnly executed the same day, gave up the property and sovereignty thereof, together with the sovereignty of the said river, to their Imperial Majesties for ever. There are at this time in the river Mafoome two ketches from Bombay under English Colours, one commanded by Captain John McKennie and the other by Captain John Cahill, the latter of whom having partly erected an Indian hutt of cajan27 sticks, did on the 4th May wantonly erect a flagstaff and hoist thereon an English ensign within ten yards of the imperial flagstaff and even within the line of the guns we had planted upon taking possession. Wishing to avoid every act that would bear the smallest appearance of incivility, I therefore wrote the following letter to Captain Cahill.28 To this letter Captain Cahill did not think proper to give any answer. Nevertheless, I sent several other polite messages to him by my officer, requesting he would take down his ensign, but the Captain still refused to comply, at one time pretending he was going to give a dinner on shore, and at last alledging he had bought the ground, or some part of it, himself. Upon this I assured Captain Cahill that if he really had purchased any 28 Letters Received at Bombay (1777), XLIII, 372-376. The shrubby plant, Cajanus Indicus (Malay kachang), producing the food stuffs known as dak a substitute for pulse. 28 See ante., Vol. XLVI, p. 286.

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[ JANUARY, 1918 ground that was comprehended within her Imperial Majesty's territory, and could prove his title to it, he should be perfectly secure of his property, subject to the sovereignty of the power to whom the district was given up, agreeable to the usages and laws of nations in similar cases. The Rajah Capell in the mean time having informed me there was no truth in Captain Cahill's assertion of any purchase, I prevailed on Captain McKenny to accompany my officer, whom I again sent to expostulate with Captain Cahill on the impropriety of his conduct in endeavouring to obstruct the affairs of the Imperial Court, which I informed the Captain was highly aggravated in his person, as not only acting without authority from either the British Government or the East India Company, but as being a person, as I was informed, not authorized (according to the laws of his own country) to be even found on this side the Cape of Good Hope. But altho' Captain Cahill now thought proper to desist from his pretence of having purchased any ground, still he kept his ensign flying close to the Imperial flag, till I was at last obliged to let him know that if he did not lower it, I should send my own people to do it, and in that case I would even pull down the few sticks he had set up towards building a hut, as I was resolved not even a hut should be erected on her Majesty's territory by any man, in obstinate defiance of her Majesty's sovereignty while I had power to prevent it. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Captain Cahill still paying no attention to the expostulation of my officer, or even of his countryman Captain McKenny, I was reduced to the disagreeable necessity of executing what I had threatened, and I accordingly ordered Captain Cahill's ensign to be taken down and carried on board his vessel. I have been thus particular in my relation of this affair to convince you, Sirs, how scrupulous I shall be on every publick transaction of acting in an offensive manner to the unauthorized subjects of your Government. At the same time, I flatter myself you will be equally ready to do my Sovereigns the justice of reprimanding Captain Cahill for his obstreperous conduct. Being safely arrived in the road of Surat, though much in want of assistance and refreshment, particularly on account of several of my officers and crew, who were dangerously ill, I applied on that occasion by a letter of the 6th September, to Governor Boddam, who referred me to the Nabob as the Moguls officer, informing me that the city of Surat was the Moguls city under his government. Accordingly, by means of Monsieur Anquetil de Briencourt his most Christian Majesty's [French] Consul at Surat, I made several applications to the Nabob for such assistance only, as according to the constitution of the Moguls City, I knew he could not refuse. The delicacy, however, of the Nabob upon those occasions was so great and productive of delays so little reconcileable to the situations of men at the point of death, as obliged me to repair to this port, where I and my people have been happier to find speedier relief from the humanity of the sectaries of Brimha [Brahma, i. e., the Hindus, apparently in this case, the Marathas]. These transactions and the nature of certain orders, which publick fame informs me have been given to your Honble. Presidency for the obstruction of the business of her Imperial Majesty's subjects and ships, have induced me to dispatch the present sloop, solely for the purpose of authentick information from your Honors upon subjects so materially interesting to the honor of the Imperial flag and the interests of their Imperial Majesties. Your answers to the following questions I shall therefore esteem as a particular favour.

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* JANUARY, 1918) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 1. Whether the Imperial Austrian ships of Europe and the Imporial country shipof Asia will or not be admitted to the rights of hospitality and of trade in the British settlements of Asia on the same footing as are admitted ships of the same denomination of the French, Portuguese and other European Nations. 2d. Should the Nabob or Governor of the Moguls City of Surat, on any future occasion, act repugnantly to the laws of nations with respect to any vessel under my direction, whether am I to consider him as an independent prince, acting solely frofu his own authority or under that of the Mogul ; so that any consequent act of resentment on behalf of their Imperial Majesties would not in any wise affect the British Government of Bombay, or any other part of Asia, or in your opinions, Gentlemen, tend to interrupt the harmony subsisting between the Courts of Vienna and London. I have the honor to assure you that in the execution of the commissions with which I am entrusted, I shall most studiouly avoid giving the slightest foundation for offence to any branch of the English Company's government, and I flatter myself I shall meet with the same exemption from those prejudices arising from a jealousy of commerce, which in less enlightened times have been the bane so frequently of human society. I am with the most profound respect Goga, 31st October, 1777. Honble. Sir and Sira, Received 16th November 1777 per Leopold. Your most obedient humble Servant WILLIAM BOLTS, Lieut. Colonel in the service of their Imperial Majesties. Letter from the Council at Bombay to the Court of Directors, dated 30 November 1777.29 Mr Bolts in the Austrian Ship Joseph and Theresa to our great surprize arrived at Surat Bar the 5th September. An Extract of your Commands dated the 21st of February had been previously sent thither, and the Chief and Council in consequence thereof, and of the further Orders We sent upon receiving Advice of the Ships Arrival, exerted themselves so much and with the Assistance of the Nabobs Influence threw so many obstacles in his way that Mr Bolts found himself unable to transact any Business there and sailed away for Gogo. The Chiefs at Surat and Broach will use every justifiable Method to prevent his meeting with Success, and we learn He has not Yet been able to sell any pert of his Cargo, but that He had sent to the Pundit of Ahmedavad to whom Gogo is subordinate offering him a Present of Rs. 25,000 annually in lieu of Customs. provided he will permit Him to establish a Factory and carry on a Trade there. He has since proceeded to Poonah [head-quarters of the Maratha Government] to negociate this Business himself, but we shall exert our little Influence with the Durbar to defeat this Scheme, and You may be assured that no justifiable or legal Efforts shall be left untried to frustrate the Projects of these Adventurers, We have sent the most strict Injunctions to all your Subordinate Settlements to have no Commercial or other Intercourse with the Persons concerned in this Ship, and to prevent any Investments whatever being made for them. 29 Bombay Letters Received, V, 250-251.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1918 Consultation at Bombay Castle, 3 December 1777.30 A Packet addressed to Mr Bolts on their Imperial Majesty's Service having been intercepted by Mr Lewis (British East India Company's agent) at Poonah and sent by him to the President, it is debated whether the same shall be opened and inspected, when :Letter is read from the Commander of the Sloop Leopold, purchaesd from the Portugueze by Mr Bolts and now in the Road, wherein he terms himself an Agent for their Imperial Majesties, and demands that the said Packet should be restored. On Consideration of which It is agreed to give it up. But Mr Carnac31 desires it may be minuted that als Mr Bolts is engaged in a Scheme so destructive to the Interests of the Company, he thinks every means should be made use of to defeat it, and it is therefore his Opinion that the Packet should be opened and the Contents inspected, as it may probably, from the anxiety of Mr Bolts' Agent to recover it, contain intelligence of Importance. Consultation at Bombay Castle, 24 December 1777.32 As Mr Bolts has already been here a sufficient time to answer every purpose of getting Refreshment for the Imperial Sloop now here, the Secretary must signify the same to him, and require him to depart from this place without any further delay. As We have reason to believe that there are a number of British subjects on board the Imperial Ship Joseph and Theresa and as we believe the Squadron is in want of Men, the same must be noticed to the Commodore and the Propriety of his taking them out of the Ship suggested to him. Letter and Protest from Mr Bolts to the President and Council at Bombay, dated 24 December 1777.33 Honble. Sir and Gentlemen I did not receive Mr Secretary Ravenscroft's answer, dated the 19th of November, to the Letter which I did myself the Honor of writing to you under Date of the 31st October, untill the 13th Inst., owing to the very extraordinary interceptions of my Letters, which Your Honor &ca. Gentlemen are well acquainted with, and which make the subject of the latter part of this address. I do not imitate your mode (unusual as I conceive it in the case before us) of answering by my Secretary, as I would not wish by any example of punctilio, much less of personal disrespect, to give cause of prejudice to the affair of my Sovereigns, who, I am sorry to say, Honble. Sir and Gentlemen, from Your answers, will not be able to collect much information of a satisfactory nature on the subjects of my last letter. You are pleased to inform me in one Paragraph that "You cannot consider mere strangers in India as entitled to the same Privileges and attention in Your Ports as the Nations who have had Establishments and traded in the Country for upwards of a Century and a half by Virtue of Royal Grants and Phirmaunds." To this I must remark that all European Nations are strangers in India, and in their own respective Ports, while Peace subsists between them, are mutually entitled to that attention and freedom of intercourse which are founded on the general Laws of Society, 80 Bombay Public Conmltations (1777), XLIV, 626. S1 The celebrated General John Carnac ( 1760-1800 ), then Second of Council at Bombay. 32 Bombay Public Consultations ( 1777), XLIV, 551-562. 33 Bombay Public Consultations (1777), XLIV, 668-573.

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JANUARY, 1918 ] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA where not interrupted by particular Treaties. The Principles on which Your Honor &ca. Gentlemon herein appear to consider the Mogul's Phirmaunds as essential to that Peace .and Freedom of intercourse are to me perfectly unknown. You are also pleased to inform me that "The English East India Company, by Phirmaunds from the Mogul, are Governors of his Castle and Fleet at Surat, and as his allies must certainly be affected by any Acts offensive to his Government." I have very attentively considered the Petition said to have been presented to the Mogul Emperor in 1759 on behalf of the Honble. English East India Company, together with the Perwunahs Husbulhookums and Firmauns [parwana, hasbu'l-hukm, farmin] said to have been obtained in consequence thereof from the Mogul's Court, respecting their Government of the Castle and Fleet of Surat, as those authorities have been publickly acknowledged bofore the most respectable Tribunals of Great Britain. The Petition to the Mogul expressly paya that the Company might be invested with those offices for the purposes of protecting the Inhabitants and traders of all Denomination from injustice and oppression; and the Orders issued in Consequence recite the Petition to have been granted for the express purposes of preserving the Bar and Sea open to all ships and Vessells, that the trade of all Merchants and pilgrims might meet with no trouble or impediment and they impose on the Company the strongest injunctions of "Care, Circumspection justice and moderation" in the execution of those offices. Regarding to those acknowledged documents and the immemorial established usages of the Moguls City of Surat, The English East India Company, in the Character of the Mogul's Castle and Fleet, cannot permit, much less themselves occasion, in the name of the Nabob, any impediments of trade by the exaction of exorbitant and unusual duties, or even by any other breaches of humanity or aots of oppression, which were the very grounds on which they themselves dispose[ess Jed the former Nabob of his Government. And altho it were admitted that the English East India Company as Governor of the said Castle and Fleet might be at liberty to defend them when attacked, it would merely [be] as servants of the Mogul : but how.". they must certainly be affected "as his allies against an European Nation in amity with Great Britain for any other act of reprisal, in retaliation of a breach of the Law of nations on the part of Nabob, is a point above my powers of discussion, and must be left to the decision of the Courts of Vienna and St. James, if ever occasion should be given for it. How far their Imperial Majenties have reason to be diagatisfied with the treatment their subjects have already received on the score of Trade and Hospitality at Sarat, I leave Your Honor &ca. Gentlemen, to judge! In another Paragraph I am farther acquainted "that circumstanced as I have been with Your Honble. Employers, I must be sensible I can expect no farther countenance or attention than what the Laws of Hospitality indispensibly require." Permit me to assure Your Honor &ca. Gentlemen, in answer to this Paragraph, that I have perfectly obliterated from my Memory all the injuries I have formerly received from the Honble. English East India Company. They are dead with their Author, and I wish never to revive their remembrance. But my present claim, having no relation to any former circumstances, but to that situation alone in which I have now the Honor to resant myself, it is solely on behalf of their Imperial Majesties that all my applications will be made, when necesary, to the Representatives of the British Nation in every part of Asia. In this point of view, expect to countenance for the very idea would be an

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1918 indignity to my Sovereigns; but as I shall endeavour on every occasion to pay the strictest attention to all national Rights of others, I shall also expect from you, Honble. Sir and Gentlemen, the same "attention to those Rights, from which the smallest relaxation on my part or deviation on Yours might possibly be highly resented by our respective Sovereigns. I come now, Honble. Sir and Gentlemen, to that subject which gives me the most lively concern, I mean the interception of my Letters by William Lewis Esqr., the British Minister at the Mahrattah Court at Poonah during my late Residence there, by Order of Your Honble. Bar.l. The accompanying Affidavit sufficiently ascertains the fact, although abrindance of other proof can be legally adduced if necessary. I assure you, Honble. Sir and Gentlemen, that the object of my Visit at Poonah was purely of a Commercial Nature, in execution of a trust reposed in me by her Imperial Majesty The Empress Queen of Hungary, &ca, &ca., which in no respect could tend to interrupt the peace or harmony subsisting between the British Government and the Mahrattahs, or any other of the Indian Powers. This open infraction, therefore, of the most sacred publick rights, in time of profound peace, added to the many obstructions I have already experienced by your Orders from the Indian Governments, make me conclude that a determinate resolution has been taken per fac ac et nefas [sic] to impede all intercourse between the Court of Vienna and the Princes of India, and wholly to destroy the peaceful and lawful trade of their Imperial Majesties' subjects in Asia. In this state of insecurity for transacting any business of their Majesties or their subjects, I have no other remedy left me than that of protesting, as I now most solemnly do, on behalf of my Sovereigns, Their Imperial, Royal, and Apostolick Majesties, against Your Honor &ca. Gentlemen as representatives of the British Government for the infraction of Right, which I now complain of, and for all the detriment and loss that may accrue to the property and persons of their Majesties' subjects on this side the Cape of Good Hope, in consequence of any order issued, or which may be issued directly or indirectly by Your Honble. Board, or by any other Agents or Representatives of the British Nation in Asia. At the same time that my duty forces me to lay this Publick Protest before Your Hon ble. Board, permit me to assure You that I have the Honor to subscribe myself with the most profound Respect Honble. Sir and Gentlemen Your most obedient humble Servant WILLIAM BOLTS, Lt. Col. in the Bombay 24th December 1777. service of their Imperial Majesties. Attestation of John Joseph Bauer. John Joseph Bauer a native and heretofore inhabitant of Oldenburgh in the kingdom of Hungary but now actually resident at the British Settlement of Bombay maketh oath and saith that he the deponent was employed by William Bolts, Lieutenant Colonel in the service of their Imperial Ruyal and Apostolick Majesties the Empress Queen of Hungary, fos &ca., and the Emperor Joseph the second, to transmit from this Port of Bombay to him William Bolts then at the Mahrattah Court at Poonah, a letter on the business of their said Majesties; that accordingly on or about the twenty third day of November last past 34 The Duchy of Oldenburgh in N. Germany, then under Austrian domination, but it seems to be a stretch of historical fact to call it in the Kingdom of Hungary.

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JANUARY, 1918) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA he made or caused to be made application to the Honble. Wm. Hornby Esqr. President and Governor for all affairs of the British Nation at Bombay, to obtain a Permission or Pass for a Pattamar or Express to convey the said letter, which was accordingly granted by the said Hon ble. President; That on or about the said 23rd day of November 1777 last the Deponent hired, paid and dispatched an Express with the said Pass or permit and Letter directed to the said Lieutenant Colonel William Bolts at Poonah, that the said Express or Pattamar with the said Letter was seized at Poonah by or by the Orders of the British Agent there ; and sent down to Bombay under a strong Guard of the British Indian Troops belonging, as this Deponent believes, to the Battalion called the Pily Phultum*5; that he the Deponent repaired to Poonah to inform the said Lieutenant Colonel Wm. Bolts of the interception of his Letters; that being arrived at Poonah on or about the 3rd day of this present month of December he the deponent was sent by the said Lieutenant Colonel Wm. Bolts with one or more Letters to William Lewis Esqr., the English Agent then Resident, at Poonah, to demand his reasons and authority for the said interceptions, and that the said Wm. Lewis Esqr. did then and there personally acquaint this Deponent in answer to the said Letters that he had sent all Mr. Bolts' Letters down to the Honble, the President and Council of Bombay, agreeably to the Order of his Constituents, the Honble. English East India Company, or of the said Honble. President and Council, which Orders he was obliged to comply with in Conformity to the duty of his station; or word[s] to that or the like effect : and further this Deponent saith not. JOHN JOSEPH BAUER. Bombay Town Hall, 22 Decr. 1777. Sworn before this Court sitting in Judgement. BECK, Register. N.B.--This Paper was attested in the usual Form by the Mayor and Notary Publick. Letter from the President and Council at Fort St. George to the President and Council of Bombay, dated 3 January 1778.36 We have paid attention to that part of your letter of the 3rd Ultimo which relates tu the Austrian Enterprise under the direction of Mr Bolts, and have only to acquaint your Honor doa. that as the orders of the Company to this Presidenoy Correspond bitarrally with the extract' of their commands which you have transmitted to us upon this subject, We shall readily cooperate with you to the utmost of our power in frustrating the success of a scheme which appears to be so prejudicial to their interests. Letter from the Council at Bombay to the Court of Directors, dated 25 January 1778.37 In our Address of the 30 November We mentioned the Arrival of the Austrian Ship Joseph and Theresa at Surat and of Mr Bolts baving left that place and proceded to Gogo on account of the Obstruotion thrown in his way by our Directions. We conclude that the Object of his Journey to Poonah was to obtain a Settlement at Gogo, and We shall be able to judge what Success He met with by his future Proceedings, but no Endeavours were wanting on our part to oppose his Design. It is surmised that Mr Bolts by making a Settlement at Delagoa means to make that Place his Magazine for European Commodities and from thence to pour them into India. 36 Pahila Paltan, i.e., The Fint Regiment, Bombay Native Infantry, formed in 1767. * Letters Received at Bombay (1778), XLIV, 41. 37 Bombay Lettere Received, V, 285-289.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1918 A Sloop named the Leopold purchased by Him from the Dutch at Surat arrived here the 16th Novembar with a Letter from Him dated at Gogo the 31st October, wherein He complained much of the Treatment He received at Surat, and put two Queries to Us which He requested We would answer. We aocordingly sent Him a Reply by our Secretary. Whilst Mr Bolts was at Poonah a Packet addressed to him superscribed " on their Imperial Majesty's Service " fell into the hands of Mr Lewis thro' the Mistake of the Pattamars, who thought it his duty to transmit it to Us. The Captain of the Sloop Leopold who had by some means gained Information of the Packet being intercepted, demanded it from us in the Name of their Imperial Majesties, and on Consideration of the matter it was thought best to give it up, but Mr Carnac desired it might be minuted that as Mr Bolts was engaged in a Scheme so distructive to the Interests of the Company, he thought every means should be made Use of to defeat it, and He was therefore of Opinion that the Contents of the Packet should have been inspected, as there was reason to conclude from the Anxiety of Mr Bolt's Agent to recover it that it contained Intelligence of Importance. Mr Bolts himself arrived here from Poonah the 13th December, when we immediately resolved not to permit of his stay here beyond a reasonable time for procuring the necessary Supplies for the Sloop during her Voyage. He left this place on the 24th when we had determined to require Him to depart, and on that Day He sent in a Lotter and Protest commenting on our reply to his former Letter and protesting against us for the Interception of his Packet. We have to remark in Reply to his Complaint of the Disrespect shewn him by our Angwer being sent thro' the Secretary that however much We might be disposed to pay all possible Respect to a Commision from so illustrious a Personage as the Empress Queen, We could not consistently shew any Distinction to Mr Bolts who may justly be termed an Apostate from the Company's Service. With regard to our Replies to his Queries, We think they were as explicit as the Nature of his Queries required, and in our Interference with the Nabob of Surat to obstruct his commercial Views, We acted in exact Conformity to your commands of the 21st of February which direct Us to make Use of our Influence with the Country Powers to counteract his Designs. Four British Subjects deserted from Mr Bolts's Ship and have entered into your Service. Having received Information from them of their [sic] being several others on Board, We gave Notice thereof to Sir Edward Vernon38 who has sent the Cormorant Sloop of War to make Enquiry into the Affair. Letter from the Council at Tellicherry to the President and Council at Bombay, dated 8 February 1778.39 The Resident Richard Churoh) having wrote to the Prince of Cherrika [Chirakkal 1 to send Nanah Putterah 40 hither, as he wanted to communicate to him the Orders received from your Honor &oa.... the latter arrived the 2d Instant ... The Resident 38 Admiral Sir Edward Vernon (1723-1794), Commander-in-Chief in the East Indies, 1776--1781. >Letters Received a Bombay (1778), XLIV, 48-50. 40 Paltar, paffara, Malayalam name given in Malabar to foreign Brihmans, who there are usually traders and money-londere

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JANUARY, 1918 ) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA mentioned the report that prevailed of Mr Belte being promised a Factory in the Princes dominions and that as it would be oontrary to the Treatios subsisting between the Company and the Palace of Colastria, 41 We expeoted the Prince would not grant any establishment to any European power in his Country besides the Company, which Nanah Puttorah has reported to tho Prince. The former said the Prince desired him to assure us he would strictly abide by that olause in the Treaty with the Honble. Company. But in this agarance we cannot place a firm relinnoe. Bombay Diary, 13 March 1778. Received the following Letter from Mr Bolts, which the President directed the Secretary to send round for the opinions of the Council, in consequence of which Mr Bolte's request was refused, Honble. Sir and Sirs Being much in want of a little Salt for Ballast of the Vessel under my Command, now in this Harbour, I request your purmission for taking in the same, which I shell estrem partioular favor, who am with the greatest Respect Honble. Sir and Sirs, Your most obedient and humble Servant WILLIAM BOLTS, Lieut. Colonel in the - Service of their Imperial Majesties. Consultation at Bombay Castle, 1 April 1778.43 Mr Carnac now acquaints us that as Mr Bolts's ship has been in this Port full three weeks, a time in his opinion more than sufficient for proouring Refreshments and Ballast, the avowed motive for his coming hore, He shall, to exonlpate himself, deliver in a Minute expressing his disapprobation of Mr Bolts being permitted to make so long a stay. Consultation at Bombay Castle, 8 April 1778." Mr Carnac lays before us the Minute he coquainted us last Council day he proposed delivering, respecting Mr Bolts, which is ordered to be entered after this Consultation. Mr Bamsey thinking it necessary, in consequenoe of a Passage in Mr Carnac's Minute, that his Conduct with respeot to Mr Bolts should stand recorded, now delivers in a Minute which is subjoined to Mr Carnac's. Enclosures. 1. Mr John Carnae's Minute respecting Mr Bolts. It has been positively enjoined from bomo to all the Settlements that the most strenuous Efforts should be exerted to defeat the Austrian attempt to carry on an interloping trade in these Seas, and to frustrate the Voyage set on foot at Trieste for that purpose. This was the more necessary, as the expedition was projected and is conducted by a man who, from the time he lost our Service, has made it his principal study both at home and abroad how he could most effectually injure the English Company and their Servants, 41 Colastria, Portuguese corruption of Kalattiri or Kilatnad (Kolam)North Malabar. Its rulers * were formerly known as the lattiri Raj and now the Chirakka Rijae. - Bombay Public Consultation (1778), XLV, 118. # Bombay Public Consultations (1778), XLV, 158. 44 Ibid, 171, 178-179, 45 Andwww Ramsay, Sixth, and last, of Council XLV. 116

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1918 Mr Camac is therefore amazed at, and cannot help thus publickly expressing his disapprobation of, Mr Bolts being permitted to remain so long with his Ship in our Harbour, particularly as his conduct since his arrival in India has not been such as to merit any indulgence from us. Having assumed a right of Dominion in the River of Delagoa, he ordered forcibly to be taken down the English Flag hoisted by the master of a vessel trading thither under our protection; he has been at Poonah intriguing with the Minister most adverse to us, in the hope of being able to purchase some Establishment in the Gulph of Cambay and privilege of trading, which must have been hurtful to our Interests; and we learn from the subordinacy of Tellicherry that the disturbances excited in that district by Domingo Rodrigueze are supposed to arise from a design of granting to Mr Bolts a License, which he is solicitous of obtaining, toform a Settlement at Bimliapatam.<< In strict compliance to the Orders of his Employers, Mr Carnac has gorupulously avoided all intercourse whatever with Mr Bolts, but from his being still here after the expiration of more than three weeks, without any ostensible reason for it, it may be presumed every body has not been equally scrupulous, as there can be no other motive for so long a stay, but that he has a fair prospect of engaging some of our merchants in a contraband trade between this Port and the Factory he has set up in Delagoa River, whereby the Europe Staples may be introduced to this side of India by a new Channel, greatly to the detriment of the Company. Mr Carnac has strong reason for entertaining such a suspicion, as he has been assured by a free merchant of considerable credit that proposals had been made to him by Mr Bolts for engaging in this Traffick, 80 very advantageous as to prove a temptation too powerful to be generally resisted. 1st April 1778. JOHN CARNAC. 2. Mr Andrew Ramsay's Minute respecting Mr Bolts. As it may be inferred from Mr Carnac's minute that persons in Authority have been interested in the long detention of the Austrian ship at this Port, Mr Ramsay, as a member of the Board, who has been largely concerned in trade, thinks it necessary thus publickly to declare that he has had no interest therein directly or indirectly, nor has he had the least intercourse with Mr Bolts, not even in the common civilities due to a Stranger, which, but for his particular Predicament in respect to the Company and their Servants, Mr Ramsay would otherwise most certainly have shown him. ANDREW RAMSAY. Letter from the Council at TeRicherry to the President and Council at Bomtay, dated 24 April 1778.47 Wo received information that Mr William Bolts in the Austrian Ship the Joseph and Theresa, arrived the 21st Instant at Billia patam, with an intention of taking in Pepper there. As this proceeding of Mr Bolts is an infringement of the Honble. Company's privilegos of Trade, granted them by the Kings of Colastria, and that he might not plead ignorance thereof, we immediately wrote him a letter, acquainting him therewith, and which was sent to Billiapatam by our Linguist (interpreter ), who was directed to gain all the Information he could of Mr Bolte proceedings in general, and that in case he should discover Mr Bolts soliciting an establishment in any part of the Prince's Dominions he was Baliapatam (Beliapatam) or Valarpattanam, near Cananom, in the Chirakkal falak. e Lettere Received at Bombay (1778), XLIV, 162-3.

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JANUARY, 1918] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA to advise us thereof immediately, and to represent to the Prince the enjury [sic] the Company will receive from such a breach of the privileges granted by his Ancestors to them. Letter from the Court of Directors to the Council at Bombay, dated 7 May 1778.48 11 We approve your conduct relative to Mr Bolts and also the behaviour of our servants at Surat, as stated in your general letter of the 30th of November. As we have not received the copy of Mr Bolts's letter, asserting a right to Delagoa in consequence of a grant said to have been made to Her Imperial Majesty, we cannot at present reply thereto. If that letter is not accompanied by any remarks of yours, you will not fail to state to us by the first opportunity, every circumstance attending the affair in question, with such information as may be procurable respecting the supposed grant of the country, the name and rank of the grantor, the time when granted, and likewise the particular authority by which Mr Bolts has ventured to remove the English Colours and to destroy the house mentioned in your letter. Letter from the Council at Tellicherry to the Court of Directors, dated 9 May 1778.49 Mr William Bolts in the Austrian ship the Joseph and Theresa arrived at Billiapatam the 21st ultimo, with an intention of taking in pepper there. As this proceeding of Mr Bolts is an infringement of the Honble. Company's privileges of trade granted them by the Kings of Colastria, and that he might not plead ignorance thereof, we immediately wrote him a letter, acquainting him therewith, and which was sent by our linguist to Billiapatam, who was directed to gain all the information he could of Mr Bolts's proceedings in general, and that in case he should discover Mr Bolts soliciting an establishment in any part of the Prince's Dominions he was to advise us thereof immediately, and to represent to the Prince the injury the Company will receive from such a breach of the privileges granted by his ancestors; and as he persisted in trading in our districts after our having informed him of the Company's privileges, we thought it unnecessary to enter into a further discussion of them, and determined to leave the whole to the judgement of our Superiours. While the Imperial Ship remained at Billiapatam there was landed from her at that place many chests of arms; after which she proceeded to Goa, where she will winter; Mr Bolts and other gentlemen belonging to the above ship remain at Billiapatam. As we heard the Prince of Cherrika was at Cotiote [ Kottayam ] the 3rd instant, Mr Samuel Stedman was ordered to wait upon him to confer with him on the subject of Mr Bolts's views and proceedings: On Mr Stedman's return, he informed us that he represented to the Prince the injury the Company would receive by Mr Bolts having in particular an establishment in his country, and that we expected from the treaties between him and the Company that he would not grant it. Upon which the Prince gave Mr Stedman the strongest assurances that he would not of his own will grant Mr Bolts an establishment, who he acknowledged was endeavouring at one, but would throw every obstacle in his way to prevent it, tho' he believed Mr Bolts was going to the Nabob 48 Bombay Despatches, IV, 1450-1452. 40 Bombay Letters Red, VI, 56-58,

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1918 Hyder Ally Caun [Haidar' Ali Khan ] to solicit for it, and we were sensible if he succeeded, it would be out of his power to refuse obeying it. The Resident has addressed the Nabob and represented to him in the strongest light how detrimental it will be to the Company if he gives the Prince an order to grant Mr Bolts an establishment in his country. Letter from the Council at Tellicherry to the President and Council at Bombay, dated 17 June 1778.50 We wrote you last the 12th Ultimo ... A few days after we were informed that Mr Bolts paid a visit to Ally Rajah at Cannanore, and from thence proceeded to Callicut in one of his barges. We understand his principal errand was to find out a proper spot there or at Beypore [ near Calicut] to build a Factory, but have not learnt whether he has succeeded. On the 1st instant he proceeded to Seringapatam [ to Haidar 'Ali]. The Ship Joseph and Theresa on the 2nd of last month left Billiapatam for Goa, where she proposed staying the Monsoon, but was not able to reach that place, and returned to Billiapatam the 14th. On the 20th following, she passed this Port to the Southward, and we are since informed is gone to Pondicherry,51 On the 31st ultimo a Carrikar [ carrick, cargo-boat] arrived from Cannanore, and acquainted the Resident by order of Ally Rajah, that Mr Bolts had been soliciting a place at Cannanore for a Factory, but that Ally Rajah would not give him an answer before he knew if it would be agreeable or not to the Honble. Company. The Resident dispatched the Carrikar the day after, with a letter informing Ally Rajah that the Company expected, from the amity existing between them, that he would not grant Mr Bolt's request. Letter from the Council at Tellicherry to the President and Council at Bombay, dated 27 November, 1778.62 Mr Bolts arrived at Mangalore from Seringapatam the 21st Ultimo, and immediately hoisted the Imperial Colours on the spot of ground granted him there for a Factory. One Mr Fife, a dependant of Mr Bolts, is left in charge thereof. On the 2nd instant he arrived at Billiapatam, but has not yet hoisted the Imperial Colours there or at Mattamy 63 Letter from the Council at Tellicherry to the President and Council at Bombay, dated 3 December 1778.5 The Imperial Ship Joseph and Theresa arrived at Billiapatam the 30th Ultimo from the Coast of Coromandel, and we learn that some time before she left the Coast, Mr Bolts's 50 Letters Received at Bombay (1778), XLIV, 204-205. 51 "The south-west monsoon having strongly set in on the Malabar coast, it was deemed unsafe to remain there any longer; we therefore took our departure from Mangalore on the 20th of May 1778, directing our course towards the gulph of Bengal; and in less than ten days, we came in sight of the Carnicobar islands In one of the bays formed within those islands, we moored in twelve fathoms, and there remained until the S. W. monsoon was quite over, which was in the beginning of September." Extract from the Diary of Nicolaus Fontana, surgeon of the "Joseph and Theresa," printed in Asiatic Researches, Vol. III, No. VII, pp. 149.163. 52 Letters Received at Bombay (1778), XLIV, 306. 53 I have not succeeded in identifying this place. It is probably an error for Madakara. See the letter of 4th February 1779, infra. 54 Letters Received at Bombay (1778), XLIV, 306.

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JANUARY, 1918] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA Agent had made a Settlement on the Nicobar Islands, and that the Inhabitants of the four Islands of Soury [Chowra], Nicaoree [Nancowry,] Tricuttee [Trinkat] and Cachoule [Katchall] had joined in a body, and surrendered themselves to the Sovereignty of the Empress Queen, upon condition of having secured to them a due administration of justice, freedom of commerce and liberty of conscience. Letter from the Council at Tellicherry to the Court of Directors, dated 4 February 1779,55 13 The Ship Joseph and Theresa lost her passage to Goa from Billiapattam in the beginning of May, and the 20th [following ] passed this place for the Coromandel; she returned the 30th of November. We learn that Mr Bolts's agents had made a settlement on the Nicobar Islands. Mr Bolts on the 1st of June proceeded to Seringapatam, and obtained from the Nabob Hyder Ally a grant to establish factories at Mangalore, Carwar, and the Island of Maddacana, 5c on which last he has hoisted the Imperial Colours. His ship proceeded from Billiapatam to Goa the middle of December, it is said to be repaired. Letter from the Resident at Onore to the President and Council at Bombay, dated 12 February 1779.57 There was landed from the Austrian Ship Joseph and Theresa which came to the Port of Mangalore the beginning of December ninety six iron guns from one to four pounds caliber, two brass pieces of six pounds, ten thousand muskets and eight thousand round shott, intended for the Nabob, out of which he has yet only taken three thousand stand of arms and the two brass guns; the remainder of the muskets and guns are still there. Several copper utensils intended for setting on foot a sugar manufacture and distilling spirituous liquors were also landed, and Mr Bolts has left there two European gentlemen, Mr Fyfe and Mr Brown with a doctor, at the Banksaul which the Government has allotted him. The same ship toucht at Carwar afterwards, and landed a small quantity of copper and iron for the use of the factory. Both at that place and Mangalore Mr Bolts had began to build the Factory Warehouses, but when the walls were raised only a few feet a general stop was putt to their proceeding further on them by the Governments people, under the pretence of wanting more distinct orders from the Nabob, and I have pleasure to acquaint your Honor &ca. that Mr Bolts's Agents have not yet succeeded in securing any articles of Investment in this neighbourhood. It is true that Luximicant Sinoy [Lakshmikanth Sinai] has been making offers for pepper in the Soundah [Sonda ] Province, but we may possibly be able from this Factory to counteract his designs, for which end, I beg to assure you, not activity on our part will be wanting. Bombay Diary 18 February 1779,58 Imported the Austrian Ship Joseph and Teresa, commanded by Mr William Bolts last from Goa. Consultation at Bombay 18 March 1779,59 Read a Letter from Mr William Bolts as entered hereafter, in reply to which he must be acquainted that the Orders We have received from the Honble. Company are not 58 The fort of Madakara, near Baliapatam. 50 Ibid, 188. 55 Bombay Letters Received (1779), VI, 113-114, 57 Letters Received at Bombay (1779), XLV, 61-62. 58 Bombay Public Consultations (1779), XLVI, 107.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1918 of the nature he mentions, but that We expect to receive particular Orders respecting the Trade of the Subjects of their Imperial Majestys by the Ships of this Season, till when We will grant him the Liberty of the Port and all requisite Assistance and Supplies for the Imperial Ship Joseph and Theresa. Enclosure. Letter from Mr Bolts. Honble. Sir and Sirs Since my Arrival in this Port I have had the pleasure to be informed that the Honble. the United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies have lately been please: to issue Orders to their several Presidencies in Asia to admit in their ports of the trade of such European Nations as are in amity with his most sacred Britanic Majesty. I therefore request the favour of information from your Honble. Board whether (as I most sinoerely hope) the subjects of their Imperial, Royal and Apostolic Majesties have the happiness to be included in the said general Orders, or whether there is any particular exception against the Colours of their said Majestys. From the Obstructions which you, Honble. Sir and Gentlemen, know me to have met with in the conduct of the Expedition with which I have the honor to be entrustel, I Hatter myself you will admit the Propriety of my requesting this Informaiion, as being essentially necessary, as well for the satisfaction of their Imperial Majesties, my Sovereigns, as for the direction of my future Conduct. For such a determination of the Honble. Company may not only free their Majesties from the Expense of forming Connections with the Powers of Asia but also free me from the disagreeable necessity, to which I might be otherwise with reluctance reduced, of clashing or interfering in any respect with the Political Interests of Great Britain in India. Permit me to assure you that this is my sincerest wish while I have the Honor of subscribing myself with the greatest respect Honble. Sir and Sirs Your most obedient and humble Servant Bombay, 5th March 1779. WILLIAM Bolts, Lieut. Colonel in the Service of their Imperial Majesties. Bombay Diary, 5 May 1779.60 Sailed the Austria Ship, Joseph and Theresa, commanded by Lieut. Coll. Bolts to Bengal. Letter from the Council at Bombay to the Court of Directors, dated 30 April 1779.61 You have been advised from Tellicherry of the proceedings of Mr Bolts on the Malabar Coast... On the 18th of February Mr Bolts arrived at this place in the ship Joseph and Theresa, which was taken into the dock to receive some necessary repairs, and Mr Bolts having we pregume had intimation of the directions contained in your 60 Bombay Public Consulationg (1779), XLVI, 291. 61 Bombay Lolters Received (1779). VI, 260-261.

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JANUARY, 1918) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 15 commands of the 19th March 1778 respecting the trade of foreign ships, applied to us to be informed whether he should be allowed the benefit of those orders, or whether there was any exception against the subjects of their Imperial Majesties ... [In ) our answer ... which...is of a general nature we have declined granting him any intercourse of trade, for as the year before we had received very particular and special orders respecting the persons concerned in this enterprize, we were not altogether satisfied that those orders were superseded by your present commands, being inclined to think that if such had been your intention you would have said so expressly. We also hoped soon to be favoured with your particular instructions on this head in consequence of the representations we have before made to you. Letter from the Resident at Onore to the President and Council at Bombay, dated 8 September 1779.62 The Austrian Vakeel at Carwar, Lazimicant Sinoy, who was formerly in the Company's employ at that place and this Factory, has been very industrious for several months in sending agents to Soundah, Bilgey, Sorebaw and other adjacent ports13 for making purchases of pepper, and he has even offered six and eight Rupees per Candy (Port. candil, candi, about 500 lbs.] more than the price the Company purchase this article for, and as farther encouragement he has promised to supply those parts with broad cloth, iron, lead and other Europe staples, which he gives out the Austriaa ship will bring to Carwar in the month of November next, but we are happy to acquaint your Honor &ca. that all Luximacants endeavours have hitherto proved fruitless, which we chiefly attribute to the low state of Mr Bolts's finances at Mangulore and Carwar, tho' we are apprehensive this Factory will feel the ill-consequence of these measures by raising competition among the Pepper Contractors. At the same time, we beg leave to assure your Honor &ca. that we constantly keep a vigilant eye on this material object of our Honble. Masters Interest. Letter from the Council at Bombay to the Court of Directors, dated 30 April 1780.C Mr Bolts in the Austrian ship Joseph and Theresa sailed for Bengal the 5th of May (1779). The papers and Diary transmitted by the Haroke on her former dispatch contain the only information we are able to afford respecting the right asserted by Mr Bolts to Delagoa and the circumstance of his removing the English Colours. We however now send another copy of the letter from the Commander of a Country Vessel, which related the facts mentioned in our address of the 30th November 1777 and also of the letter from Mr Bolts dated the 31 October, containing his relation of the same circum statices. The factory left by Mr Bolts at Delagoa is we understand nearly if not entirely deserted. (To be continued.) .61 Letters Received at Bombay (1779), XLV, 246-247. 6 Sonda, Bilgt and ? Siddapar in North Kanara, famous for pepper garden 3. "Ports" is evidently A copyist's error for "parte "as all three places are inland. 64 Bombay Letter Received, Vol. VI.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1918 NEW LIGHT ON GUPTA ERA AND MIHIRAKULA BY K. B. PATHAK. (Continued from Vol. XLVI, p. 296.) DR. FLEET's discovery of the Mandasor inscription was very interesting and important. But his attempt to prove that the Malava era was the same as the Vikrama era of 57 B.C. was a failure and looked like the attempt of a person who wishes, to use Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar's words, 33 "to determine the value of one unknown quantity by means of another unknown quantity, which cannot be done." Nor was Dr. Fleet more suceessful in interpreting the date of the pillar inscription of Budhagupta when he said that the Gupta year 165 was a current year and that34 " in following Alberuni's statement and adding two hundred and forty-one, what is really accomplished is the conversion of a given current GuptaValabhi year into an expired Saka year, by which we obtain precisely the basis that is wanted for working out results by Hindu Tables, viz., the last Saka year expired before the commencement of the current Saka year corresponding to a given current Gupta-Valabhi year, and that the running difference between current Gupta-Valabhi and current Saka years is two hundred and forty-two." That this view is erroneous will be obvious from a careful consideration of the following two equations which have been explained above Expired Gupta year (a) 165 = (6) 406 expired Saka year, Current Gupta year (c) 166 (d) 407 current Saka year. Dr. Fleet has mistaken the expired Gupta year (a) 165 for a current year and made it correspond to the current Saka year (d) 407 and drawn the wrong inference that the difference between current Gupta years and current Saka years is 242 instead of 241. His final conclusion, which is also due to the above mistake, that 35 "in the absence of any distinct specification to the contrary, we must interpret the years in Gupta-Valabhi dates as current years" is equally erroneous. Dr. Fleet attackslo Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar's view that the addition of 241 would turn a past Gupta year into a past Saka year, and the addition of 242, a past Gupta year into a current Saka year." But this view, which is found to be in accordance with the statements of the Jaina authorities and the Sarnath inscription of Buchagupta, must now be accepted as final and decisive on the point at issue. Let us turn to the date of the Morvi copper plate grant, which is thus expressed paJcAzItyA yutatIte samAnAM shspnke| gome davAvadI nRpaH siipraagkmNddle|| This means that the king made the grant, when 585 years of the Guptas had expired, on the occurrence of a solar eclipse. The eclipse, therefore, occurred in the current Gupta year 586. Our equation is Expired Gupta 157 - 398 expired Saka. Now the expired Gupta 585 is 428 years later than the expired. Gupta 157. By the addition of 428 to both sides we get the new equation Expired Gupta 585 = 826 expired Saka. The equivalent Saka year 826 can also be obtained by adding 241 to 585. Therefore Current Gupta 586=827 current Saka. 33 Jour. Bom. Br. R. A. S., Vol. XVII, part 11, p. 92. See Buhler's opinion, Ind. Ant., XV, p. 33) and Cunningham's letter, ibid, p. 347. 31 Gupta Inscriptions, Introd. p. 84. 35 Idem, p. 129. 36 Idem, p. 84, n. 1. a lupta Inscriplions, Introd. p. 97.

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NEW LIGHT ON THE GUPTA ERA AND MIHIRAKULA 17 The solar eclipse alluded to in the grant is therefore the one that occurred on the new moon of Margasirsa, Saka 827 current, corresponding to the 10th November A.D. 904. There was a solar eclipse also in the following Saka year 828 current, on Jyestha Bahula Amavasya, corresponding to the 7th May, A.D. 905. Dr. Fleet's view that this second eclipse is the one alluded to in the grant is untenable as the Saka year 828 is obtainable by adding 242 to the current Gupta year 586; and this is, as we have seen, against the statements of our Jaina authorities and the two Sarnath inscriptions. Nor can we accept his reading Gopte and his explanation of it as the name of a village ; for on the analogy of the expression Tata To found in the two Sarnath inscriptions of Kumaragupta II and Budhagupta we must expect the reading T y in the Morvi grant. If the reading be fa, it should be corrected into Tra. It is thus clear that Dr. Fleet's reading and interpretation of the date in the Morvi copper plate grant are positively wrong. On the other hand the decision of Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar on this interesting point is upheld by our Jaina authorities and the Sarnath inscriptions of Kumaragupta II and Budhagupta. The connection of Kumaragupta II and Budhagupta with the main line of the Imperial Guptas may be exhibited in the following genealogical tree Kumaragupta I Skandagupta Puragupta Kumaragupta II Narasimhagupta Budhagupta II Kumaragupta IIF The rule that Gupta years can be converted into Saka years by adding 241, may be illustrated thus: Skandagupta ascended the throne in Gupta Samvat 136. In the very first year of his reign, the Gupta empire was invaded by the Hunas. Kalidasa assures us that the Hunas, who enjoyed the reputation of being the most invincible warriors of their age, were still on the Vanksu (Vaksu)tira or Oxus banks, when he wrote his well-known verses. The Huna empire in the Oxus Basin was founded about A.D. 450. The date of the invasion of the Gupta empire by the Hunas and their defeat by Skandagupta, namely the Gupta vear 136. must therefore be subsequent to about A.D. 450_by a very few years. By calculating 24 years backwards from Saka year 394, corresponding to the Gupta year 153, we arrive at Saka 370 (A.D. 448) corresponding to the Gupta Samvat 129. Now the Gupta year 129 (A.D. 448) is the 36th regnal year of Kumaragupta I. In A.D. 448, in the reign of Kumaragupta I, the establishment of the Huna empire in the Oxus Basin may be placed. That the year A.D. 448 is the exactly correct date of this event, while the year A.D. 450 is only approximate, will be shown hereafter. The Gupta year 136 (A.D. 455) is thus only 7 years subsequent to A.D. 448. Kalidasa's reference to the Hunas being the most invincible conquerors of their age, and as being still in the Oxus Basin, must have been made between A.D. 448 and A.D. 455. Kalidasa and Skandagupta were thus contemporaries. This argument needs no elaboration here, as it has been discussed at length in the introduction to my second edition of the Meghaduta (pp. 10, 11, 12) where it is shown that the fall of the Gupta Empire took place towards the close of the fifth century. Jinasena, who writes a

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1918 little less than three centuries later, has preserved to the world the oldest, and therefore the most reliable, text of the Meghaduta as yet discovered, while his pupil Meghaduta says that the Kumarasambhara was widely read in his time and was the delight of every class of people, young as well as old. 38 From a comparison of the Eran pillar inscription of Budhagupta and the EraNG Boar inscription of Toramana it can be conclusively proved, as has been shown by Dr. Fleet, that39 Toramana came after Budhagupta. The latest date for Buddhagupta is Gupta Samvat 180 corresponding to Saka 421 or A.D. 499. Toramana was the father of Mihirakula. Mihirakula was defeated by Yasodharman who was reigning to in Malava or Vikrama year 589 corresponding to Saka 454 (A.D. 532). The first regnal year of Toramana is mentioned in the Eran Boar inscription, while the 15th regnal year of his son Mihirakula is given in his Gwalior inscription. These two regnal years must fall between Gupta Samvat 180 and Malava year 589, corresponding to Saka 421 (A.D. 499) and Saka 454 (A.D. 532) respectively, according to our Jaina authorities. It is worth noting that the inscription which records the defeat of Mihirakula by Yasodharman is not dated. But from another inscription of Yasodharman dated in Malava or Vikrama year 589, the approximate date of Mihirakula is ascertained. This Mihirakula is believed by Dr. Fleet and other scholars to be identical with the famous tyrant Mihirakula, whose career has been described in such vivid colours by the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang and by Kalhana in the Rajatarangini. On the other hand our Jaina authorities tell us that the early Gupta kings were immediately succeeded by the great tyrant Chaturmukha-Kalkin, Kalkin or Kalkiraja. He was a paramount sovereign (# f a). He was foremost among wicked men (farfe :), a perpetrator of sinful deeds ( fa). He oppressed the world (ataus:). He asked his ministers whether there were any people on earth who did not owe allegiance to him ; the reply was, none but the Nirgranthas. He thereupon issued an edict that the first lump of food offered to the Jaina community of Nirgranthas at noon every day by pious people should be levied as a tax. The Jaina Nirgranthas are allowed by the rules of their religion to take their meal at noon once a day. If any w or difficulty occurs at that hour, they must wait for their meal till noon on the following day. The result of the tyrant Kalkiraja's edict was that the Nirgranthas were exposed to utter starvation. Unable to bear this spectacle, a demon appeared and killed the tyrant with his thunderbolt. Kalkiraja then went into the hell called Ratnaprabha, there to live countless ages and to endure misery for a long time. 41 We may compare this account with the statement 2 of Hiuen Tsiang as regards Mihirakula-"the holy saints said, in pity, for having killed countless victims and overthrown the law of Buddha, he has now fallen into the lowest hell, where he shall pass endless ages of revolution." We have seen that the tyrant Kalkiraja was a paramount sovereign. The Mihirakula of the inscriptions also was a paramount sovereign, because he bowed down before none 3 Compare, for instance, 3 gr. Chap. 59, stanza 36 saMvardhya viSavRkSaM ca charnu svabamavaiti kaH / our grafik t e fregit || 36 li with kumArasaMbhava ii, 55 viSavRkSopi saMvarya svayaM uttumasAMpatam | >> Ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 227. W Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 150, 158, 162. 41 See the passage given at the end. 1 V. Smith's Early History of India, 3rd ed., p. 319.

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JANUARY, 1918 NEW LIGHT ON THE GUPTA ERA AND MIHIRAKULA 19 save the god Siva. The real meaning of the verse, in which this fact is stated, and which was misunderstood by the translators of the Gupta inscriptions, has been pointed 3 out by the present, writer and by Dr. Kielhorn. Like the Mihirakula of the inscriptions the tyrant Kalkiraja came immediately after the Early Guptas ; that is to say, he overthrew the Early Gupta sovereignty. The Mihirakula of the inscriptions was therefore a tyrant and must be identical with the tyrant Mihirakula of Hiuen Tsiang and of the Rajatarangini. Then again, like the tyrant Mikirakula, the tyrant Kalkiraja (A.D. 472-542)44 was reigning in A.D. 520 when the Chinese pilgrim Song Yun visited this country, and was still on the throne when the Greek monk Cosmas came to India about A.D. 530. There is no denying the cogency of these arguments, which lead to the inevitable conclusion that Kalkiraja was only another name of the famous tyrant Mihirakula. It is to this great Huna conqueror that the Jaina author Somadeva, contemporary with the Rasprakuta king Krisparaja III, alludes when he says 45. nAmubahasto'zodhitI vA kazcitsvamaNDalaviSaye pravizeni(nirgacchehA / zrUyate hi kila hUNAdhipatiH paNyapuTavAdibhiH subhaTaizcitrakUTaM jamAha / The Jaina version of the story of Mihirakula has this advantage over the Buddhist and Brabmanical versions that, while the two latter afford no clue to the real date of the tyrant, the former gives the exact dates of his birth and death. Not only is the approximate date of the tyrant deduced from inscriptions and coins amply corroborated by the Jaina authors, but they supplement, in a material degree, the information which we owe to those two independent sources. The famous tyrant Mihirakula, accounts of whose cruel deeds have been preserved to us in Buddhist, Jaina and Brahmanical literatures, was then born on the 1st of the bright half of the month Karttika in Saka 394 expired, the cyclic year being a Magha-samvatsara, corresponding to A.D. 472. And he died at the age of 70 in Saka 464 or A.D. 542. Jinasena assigns to him a reign of 42 years, while, according to Gunabhadra and Nemicandra, he reigned 40 years. Deducting 42 or 40 from A.D. 542 we get A.D. 500 or A.D. 502. We shall accept A.D. 502 for the initial year of Mihirakula's reign. His fifteenth regnal year must be A.D. 517. His father Toramana's first year may be safely taken to be A.D. 500, coming after Gupta Samvat 180 or A.D. 499, the latest date for Budhagupta. And the figure 52 found on Toramana's silver coins corresponds to A.D. 500, the initial year of his reign. If calculated backwards, the figure 52 brings us to A.D. 448,46 which is thus the exact date of the foundation of the Huna empire in the Oxus Basin. The tyrant Mihirakula died in A.D. 542, just a century before Hiuen Tsiang was on his travels, and exactly 241 years before Jinasena wrote his passage relating to the Guptas. Jinasena says that he owes his information to chroniclers who proceded him ( ETH). These, chroniclers must be as near in time to the period of the Huna sovereignty as Hiuen Tsiang himself. In the light of these facts we feel that we are in a position to discard as baseless the opinion of the Chinese pilgrim that Mihirakula lived some centuries previously,' 43 See my paper entitled " Nripatunga and the authorship of the Kavirajamarga. Jour. Bom. Br. R. A. S., Vol. XXII, p. 82 ff; ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 219. 44 See below, on this page. 45 vifaa Bombay edition, p. 79. 18 V. Smith's Early History of India, 3rd ed., r. 316, note 3

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY IJANUARY, 1915 as it comes into conflict with the statements of the Jaina writers, which have been shown to rest upon contemporary Gupta inscriptions. On the same ground we should reject as valueless the view of Alberuni, admittedly a later writer than our Jaina authorities, that the Gupta era dated from the extermination of the Guptas. This erroneous opinion of Alberuni, coupled with his conflicting statements as to the difference between Saka and Gupta years being 241, 242 or 243,47 led to a fierce controversy over the epoch of the Gupta era, which has raged now for more than 78 years since 1838, when Mr. James Prinsep discussed the date of the Kahaum pillar inscription of Skandagupta. A great step in advance was made when Dr. Fleet discovered his Mandasor inscriptions. But his method of proring that the Malava era was the same as the Vikrama era of 57 B.C. left a great deal to be desirel. Now that we have placed his hypothesis on a footing of certainty, unstinted praise should be given to Dr. Fleet for his interesting discovery. But that he claimed more for his discovery than was its due has been already shown. Nor should we refuse to pay a well-meritech tribute to Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar for his discovery of an earlier date in the Vikrama era, namely 461, referable to the reign of Chandragupta II. Mention should be made here of the synchronism between Samudragupta and the king Meghavarna of Ceylon discovered by M. Sylvain Levi to whom our thanks are due. But this synchronism, valuable as it is, should he utilized not in proving the epoch of the Gupta era, as was suggested by some scholars, but in rectifying Ceylonese chronology, which is full of uncertainty, as various dates are propose for king Meghavarna. Nor should we omit to express our gratitude to Mr. Hargreaves who has lately discovered the two Gupta inscriptions, one of Kumaragupta II dated Gupta Samvat 154, and the other of Budhagupta dated Gupta Sanivat 157, which have enabled us, with the help of our Jaina authorities, to prove that the Gupta years between 153 and 157 are expired and not current years. Thus the controversy, which has raged over the epoch of the Gupta era for more than 78 years, is finally set at rest. Extract from Gunabhadra's Uttara-perana, Chap. 76. athAnvaza mahArAmaH zreSikaH bhAvika dRzaM / / dhanatvA gaNAdhIzaM kuDmalIkRtahastakaH / / 387 / / zeSAvasarpiNIkAlasthiti nirviisstH| AgAmcurasarpiNIkAlasthitimapbanuyuktavAn / / 388 / / gaNI nijadizAbhISupasaraiH prISabansabhAm / girA gaMbhIrabA vyaktamuktavAniti sakramAt / / 389 // caturyakAlaparvate sthite sNvtsrtrve| sATamAse sapane svAtsiDaH siddhArthanaMdanaH / / 39011 dubamAvAH sthitivrssshsaabekshitiH| zasavapastAsmihatkRTena matA narAH / / 391 / / samAralipramANAMgA kamacchAbA vikpkaaH| vikAlAhAraniratAH saratAsakamAnasAH / / 392 // parepi doSAH prAyeNa teSAM syuHkaalhiiptH| batosvAM pApakarmANo aniSyate sahanasaH / / 393 / / bayoktabhUbhujAbhAvAjAte vrnnaadisNbre| e Gupta Incriptions, Introd. p. 25; ante, Vol. XV, p. 189. "sambagdarzana which purifies the noul pormanently by estirely destroying karman or action. Cf. . Tattvarttha-Rajavartika II, 1, 2 and 10, Benares Ed. I, p. 69. .Mahavirai

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JANUARY, 1918: NEW LIGHT ON THE GUPTA ERA AND NLHIRA KULA khAH // 399 duHSamAvAM sahasAbApatIto dhrmhaanisH| 394 // pure pAyalighupAyaye shishupaalnhiipteH| pApI tanUjaH pradhikIsaMdIpurNamAdikaH / / 385 11. caturmukhAhaba kalkI sajo vibhuunmH| utpatsvate50 mapAsaMvatsaraboyasamAgame / / 396 / / samAnAM saptatistasva paramAyuH prakIrtitam / catvAriMzatsamA rAjyasthitiyAkramakAriNaH / / 397 !! paNvasthukpApaMDivargasvAjJAvidhAvinaH / nijabhRtvasvamApAca mahIM kRtvAM samozcati / / 398 / athAnyAH svamithyAtvapAkAviSkRtacetasA / pApariyukimasmAkaM saMsvacAjJApagamukhAH / / 3901i kathyatAmati pApana praSTaSvAsna mNssinnH| nithAH saMsi deveti te karibati sopi tAn / / 4001 bhAcAraH kIdRzastapAmiti prasvati bhUpatiH / nijapANinAmacA dhanahInA gasalA1401 | ahiMsAvatarakSAthai svtcelaadisNbraaH|| sAdhanaM tapaso masyA dezasvitvarthamAha tim / / 402!! ekApupoSitaprAMte mikSAkAleMgararzanAt / nirvAcana svacAmokkAM mhiinumkliaassinnH||4031|| Atmano pAyake vAbasamarzinaH // bhutpipAsAzivAdhAyAH sahAH sasthApi kAraNe / / 404 / / prpaapvinaandhrsmbhilaassukaaH| so vA vihitAvAsA jJAnadhyAmaparAyaNAH / / 405 / / amRsaMcAradezeSu saMpati mRgaiH saha / iti svaMti dRSTaM viziSTostasva maMdinaH / / 406 // zrutvA vasahituM nAI zakrombakamavartanam / teSAM pApipare prAyaHpiMDaHzulko vidhIvatAm ||4071i iti rAmopadezena vAciyate niyoginH| mamapiMkana jAnAH sthAsvasi munayopite / / 408 / / tadRSTvA siMgo namA mAtAM sahapravIpsapaH / kiM jAsamiti ne gavA jJApaviNyAta taM nRpam / / 409 || sopi pApaH savaM krodhaaruniibhuutviimnH| ucamI piMDamAituM praspharazanacchadaH / / 410 / / sAhuM vadAmaH kIcanasarApabA ts| lamiSyati tamambA pakkA samvata ghi||411 || sopi ratnama mAM gatvA sAgaropamanISita: / ciraM caturmukho duHkhaM lobhAnubhaviSyati // 412 // ................................................ ............................................... 5So three Kannada MSS, of the Jaina Matha, Kolhapur, and one Nagari Ms. pf the late Maniksher of Bombay. But I reject the raading 46T in some Deocan College M88., which gives no sense. 51 ama. pot; ct. pANipAbI rigNbrH| Ahati-bhAhAra, food. vA-iva, bhktaavaasaaH| M The name of the first hell 65 sAmaropamaHbhasaMkhye ka Tattvartharajavartika IIL, 38, 8 Bouares Ed., II, P140).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1918 sanUjaH kasvirAjasva buddhimAnajitaMjayaH / patnyA cAlanavA sArdhaM vAtenaM zaraNaM suram / 426 / / samyagdarzanAsaM ca mahA svIkariSyati / jineMdradharmamAhAtmyaM dRSTvA suradhinirmitam / / 447 / / Extract from Trilokasara, Palm-leaf Ms., p. 32:-- idAnIM zakrakalkinorutpattimAha paNa cha saya vasaM paNamAsajuI gamiva vIraNi bujhdo / sagarAjo to kalkI caduNavatiya mahiya sagamAsaM || 840 / / zrIvIranAthanirvRteH sakAzAt paMcottaraSaTzatavarSANi (609) paMcamAsayutAni gatyA pazcAt vi kramAMkazakarAjI jAyate tata upari caturNavatyuttaratrizata (394 ) vaNi sapta (0) mAsAdhikAni gavA pazcAt kalkI jAyate / / itanI kalkinaH kRtyaM gAyApaDkenAha so umagAhimuDo para muho sakariSAsaparamAU / . cALIsaraja o jibhUmi chaha samaMtigaNaM / / 841 || sa kalvayunmArgAbhimukhazcanurmukhAkhyaH saptativarSaparamAyuSyazca casvAriMcavarSa( 40 )rAjyo jita bhUmiH san svamaMtrigaNaM pRcchati / amhANaM ke avasA Ni gaMthA athi kerisAbArA / gidhaNava thA bhikhAbhogI jahasa thanidivabaNe // 842 || asmAkaM ke avazA iti maMtriNaH kathayati nirmayAH saMti iti punaH pRcchati te kI tRzA iti nirdhanavastrA yathAzAstraM nibhAbhojina iti maMtriNaH (gAM) prativacanaM zrusyA tapANiuDe NivaDidapaDhama piMDaM tumaka mivige jhN| idiNiyame sacivakade ca tAhArA gayA muNiNo || 84311 teSAM nithAnAM pANipuTe nipatitaM prathamaM piMDa zulkamiti mAhyamiti rAjJo niyame sacivena kRte sati tyaktAsArAH saMtA munayo gatAH / taM sauduma khamo taM pihaNadi vajAuheNa asuravaI / / so bhuMjadi rayapapahe dukha gAhe ka jalarAsi || 844 || tamaparAdhaM soDumakSamo surapatizca(zcA)mareMdro vajAbudhena taM rAjAnaM nihanti sa mRtvA ratnaprAbhAyAM duHkhapAyakajalagArza bhuNkte| sabhavado tadegsa sudo ajidaMjaya saNidI surAriM taM / saraNaM gachada celavasaNAe saha samahilAe || 045 || tasmAdamurapatibhayAttasya rAjJaH muto jitaMgavasaMjJitazcelaka saMjJayA svamA hiSyA sahitaM surAri zaraNa / gacchati / sama desaNaravarNa hiyayAbharaNaM ca kaNadi so sighN| pacakhaM daNiha surakayamiNadha mamAha paM / / 846 / / surakRtajinadharmamAhAtmyaM pratyakSaM dRSTvA zIghra sambagdarzanaratna hRdayAbharaNaM karoti / Also called celanA. 37 No distinction is made between IT and are in these passages. 58 This mea:29 394 according to the principle aMkAMnAM vAmato gatiH ; of. khaDyASTaddhi (-2800) vijJAtavAditadAbhivaMditaH || Gunabhadra, Cttarapurana, Chap. 61. 9 This is a mistake. See my raper on the date of Mahavire, ante, Vol. XII, 22. . See fn. 56, above.

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JANUARY, 1918) THE GENUINENESS OF THE VRITTIS 23 AN ADDITIONAL PROOF FOR THE GENUINENESS OF THE VRITTIS IN MAMMATA'S KAVYAPRAKASA.. . BY ROBERT ZIMMERMANN, S.J.; BOMBAY. It has repeatedly been shown that Mamma a is the author both of the Karikas and the Vrittis of the Ka vyaprakasa. (See The Kavyaprakasa, ed. by Bh. V. B. R. Jhalakikara, 2nd. erl., Bombay, 1901. Introduction, Nr. 7, pp. 14-151; for the literature on the question see Z.D.M.G. LXVI. "Miscellaneous Notes on Mammata's Kavyaprakasa," by V. Sukthankar, M.A., pp. 477-78, n. 2; Z.D.M.G., LXVII, " Indologische Studien," von Johannes Nobel, p. 35, n. 1. As an independent, internal, proof for the common authorship of the Karikas and the Vpittis has been adduced so far: Atat gira, ullasa x, Sloka 8, the Karika on the Mala Rapaka. Jhalakikara gives the argument in the following words : STRA wa TegrarTATTATAT: Tharkitaat Ar a ".... kArikaivAsva pravAdasya [vRttikammammaTa evaM kArikAmApi praNinAba' iti ] prAmANya vyavasthApabati / eSA hi pUrvavat'-isyanena mAlopamAyAH pUrvoktatAM vyakti / na ca mAlopamA kArikayA parvamuktA, kiMtu vRtvaiveti. Introd. p. 15. There is, if I am not mistaken, another proof, though running on the same lines contained in the very same sloka. The beginning of sloka 8: aitafi t treats of the "Entire" and the "Partless"? Rupaka. On the aim the Vritti remarks: Twitt sAvayava ( sAMgam ). This express statement of the subdivision of the sAMgaM rUpakam into two sorts is made only here in the Vritti, nowhere in the Karika. It is true, the two kinds of sAMga rUpakam, the samastavastuviSayaM and the ekazaviti, have both in the Karikas and the Vrittis been trested of immediately before ; but there only their respective character, which discriminates one from the other, has been pointed out; the two figures of speech are not spoken of as the two kinds of the efi TT. Thus the Vitti contains a new, explicit, statement. The Karika continues : fata . It emphatically -lays stress on the difference of the forest 59 from the ai 690 by saying that it is only of one kind. . From here the argument is the same as that based on ATAT I TT. The Karika supposes the Vsitti; the Vritti, therefore, cannot have been written either later than the Karika, or--as we know on other grounds as well--by another hand. And as there is neither any internal nor external evidence for an interpolation, we have no reason to doubt the genuineness of the Karika or the Vritti on this point. The apparent deficiency of the Karika, on the other hand, is sufficiently explained by Mammata's style, which often enough approaches the Satras in brevity. A doubt, moreover, about the genuineness of sAMgametatiraMgazuddham could hardly be entertained without impunity' for mAlA pUrvavat, imperilling thus the traditional proof for the common authorship of Karikas and Vtittis. But neither the traditional nor our proof evince that the whole Vritti, as we have it now, has been written by Manmata. Of. Nobel, "Indol. Stud." 2.D.M.G., LXVII, p. 35 The force of language used by Jhalakikara against the star, who hold the opposite view, is perhaps not quite in proportion with his argu nent. But it is only fair to say that, in spite of occasional mistakes in particular points, there cannot be two o pinions on the general merit and usefulness of this edition of the Kavyaprakasa. 2" Partless" for fit may be kept only for want of something better. There has the mean. ing of attributive or soundary part, auxiliary, dependent mo.nbor, serving to help the principal oo, if we refer in to the subordinate metaphor in tha aia , or, a: D. T. Chan lo:'car, T. Kinya. Prakash of Mammuts, u'll a X. 2al.el., 115, p. 45, tisas it to m i, a cuyo.Taus jutt moana that [ 4] whers ons mstaphor is the caus) of aiother metaphor," raforring to the principal metaphor.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1918 THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND O WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO GUJARATI. BY N. B. DIVATIA B.A.; BANDRA. (Continued from Vol. XLVI, P. 304.) I shall now address myself direct to the arguments contained in sub-heads (a), (b) and (c), noted above. I do not contend that, where and when were actually written in the earliest Marava i Manuscripts for the -H7 of a previous period, 12-17 were found in writing at any intermediate stage. I regard the - not as symbols of diphthongal sounds in these cases, but as rough attempts to symbolize approximately the wide sound that had come into the spoken language. The spoken bhai-au became aba-bhava and 174-in the mouths of the people and generated the wide sounds, e and o. The late Sastri Vrajalal Kalidasa wrote to me (in a letter dated V. S. 1942, Bhadrapada s. 15) that he had seen in the possession of a Maravadi Bhata a manuscript copy of Mara vadi Prithvidja Rasan wherein he saw the following line : Ha Hoi da fa 4 va and that, on being questioned about the inverted matra stroke in and of the Bhata explained that such was the practice in his country to denote the wide sound of T and af It would be interesting to know how far this account tallies with Dr. Tessitori's experience and results of his examination of Marava i Manuscripts, and during what period such practice obtained, if it did. Dr. Tessitori states in his present article (p. 79, l. 1-2) that Marava i sometimes writes - and sometimes s i to distinguish the wide sound. Could this alternative st have anything to do with the inverted matra of Sastri Vrajalal's Bha ta ? Any way, the 1-3 seem to be special symbols in the Mara vadi Manuscripts for the wide sound; and the very fact that Dr. Tessitori was misled by them is significant ; for, in the true spirit of the honest investigator, he tells us that he was incorrect when in his * Notes" he stated that the HI-H7 of 0 W. Rajasthani became e_1 (narrow -st) in modern Gujarati and ai-au (9-4) in modern Maravadi; he admits that in both these languages the 6-8 become e, * (-37, wide ). It is the reason which he gives for this mistake that is of particular significance. When he wrote the "Notes "(he informs us ) he had never been in India and for information concerning pronunciation in Gujarati and Maravadi he had completely to rely on the accounts given by others.17 Thus, away from the sound of spoken language, he was guided by the eye and the incorrect representations of informants. If this was so in the case of present times, when informants of some sort were available, how much more difficult is it for all of us when, even the possibility of such informants being out of the question, we have to depend solely on the written forms in manuscripts? It is therefore that I contend that the t and sit of the manuscript need not as a matter of course, be taken as a proof that they were symbols of the pure, narrow diphthongal sound. In the circumstances, I bring into aid a condition within our present-day experience : In Hindi we find and wit written to express the peculiar widish sound of these vowels; we hear with our own ears that sound and we see with our own eyes the symbols ; we also know that the and w symbols in these cases are not of a recent date but IT See his present article, p. 74, para. 1.

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JANUARY, 1918 ] THE WIDE BOUND OF E AND O 25 fairly old, 18 It is therefore perinissible to infer that the out of the earliest Maravadi Manuscripts were symbols, not of the narrow diphthong, but of the wide sound in s and off. These remarks practically dispose of all the three sub-heads (a), (b) and (c) given above. I may just add a remark or two in regard to sub-head (b): Dr. Tessitori's theory that were written for W-*because the latter were pronounced as diphthongs (it-tr) would create a fresh case for reversion of phonetic process, at least in cases like - - , -it (Sanskrit) becoming 978-** (Prakrit and 0. W. Raj.) and again -sit in early Maravadi. One might express the very doubt which Dr. Tessitori puts in the other case and say-it is not admissible that a language which began its existence by reducine -au to bhara-au should have brought ai-ara back to ai-au. I am myself not against the possibility of reversion. But in the present case, I have already stated that the O- of early Maravadi are not the old diphthongs but crude symbols for the wide sound. Next, if i t were really purely diphthongal in their sound (i.e., narrow) in the early Maravadi stage, it is not easily conceivable what possibly could have turned them later on into the wide sound almost at a bound. The diphthongal - have no affinity with the wide sound. In order to reach it they must pass back into 98-972, for even for passing into the narrow T-sif they first get split into 97-98, as I shall show later on. This sort of double reversion has no foundation in probabilities. This being my position, the practical suggestion made by Dr. Tessitori to reintroduce the -it to express the wide sound does not appeal to me, for the simple reason that, being really the signs of the narrow diphthongal sound, they will not be true symbols of the wide sound, and are likely to create confusion between the two. For will indicate narrow sound as in 4. TT, etc., and also the wide sound in fr. for etc. : this will create a situation similar to the one prevailing at present when a represent both the sounds narrow and wide, the only difference between the two situations being that, while tatsamas with - are comparatively few, tadbhavas with -of will be found in a larger number. The source of confusion will thus remain all the same. In fact, Dr. Tessitori was really misled by the signs before he visited India, and thought Maravadi did not possess even the narrow e as evolutes of MT-92, much less the wide eO. 18 I pick up the following from the poet Bihari's Salmi (which was completed by him in V. S. 1719, 1. e., over 250 years ago) (1) tag wifi 49 Hafta Ara ..bhomana mohana rUpa mili pAnI ko launa // (2) al sake hisake cugala ve nitake hova na naina / / (3) ** ? a o ata (4) art of fitt er al (5) *** *79 Brut as a (6) Pita Arget get TFT (7) *** * argraferara vaha khAyeM baurAta hai vaha pAye bauraay|| (8) si ate * agus ! For additional instances soe Appendix B.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1916 I shall now refer to a theory of Dr. Tessitori's which is given separately, outside the three reasons for differing from me. In connection with his theory that original Prakrit 972 passed into the wide 1 through the intermediate step 7, he states that the fact that in manuscripts there are no instances of written for 4 is easily accounted for by the remark that all words with an 2 are (Prakrit) tatsamas and therefore they continued to be written according to the traditional spelling. All I would say to this is that it would not be enough that such words should only be written with 32; if they were really tatsamas they would be required to be pronounced with 77; and thus there would be no room for the intermediate aha. baiThanA bala cauka cauthA cauka (M.) I shall now supplement my answer to Dr. Tessitori's objections by giving the analytical examination of the problem, on which I base my hypothesis : (A) If we carefully compare the sounds of, saybasavaM (Guj.) baisaNe . (M.) (H.); (Guj.) (M.) . baila (H.); khara (Guj.) (M.) (H.); (from Sanskrit khadira); or cAyu (Guj.) coyeM (M.) (H.); cA~ka (Guj.) (H.); kADI (Guj.) kauDI (M.) koDI (H.); caurasa (Guj.) caurasa (M.) caurasa (H.); as they are spoken by the people, we shall find marked differences in each of the three languages. While each is evolved out of the contactual vocalic groups 37 and , the Gujarati sound is a distinctly wide one (as in 'hat' and 'awl'), making a complete fusion of the 27 and and and 3; the Marathi sound leans more towards the 7 and 3 and makes the resulting diphthong narrow; while the Hindi sound, leaning more towards the a of the vocalic groups ( ai-au), approximates the wide sound of Gujarati up to a certain point but stops short there, and is not the same wide, fused, sound as the Gujarati one. At the same time the last one (the Hindi sound) is not the pure diphthongal sound of Sanskrit, but resembles aya-a agood deal, thus making the symbols and wrong indicators, strictly speaking. (B) Let us now examine a few Gujarati words with the wide sound, which have come from Arabic and Persian :Gujarati. Arabic and Persian. kali kavala garata gabarata harAma aba aba Again these :hara sahara kara kahara zahara In this latter set the steps of phonetic mutation are kahara - vasabhara - kavara - kara; zahara - habhara - gRhaba - zahara (zahara); sahara - sabhara - sabara - mera.

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JANUARY, 1918] THE WIDE SOUND OF EANDO 27 If we sound the s-37 in all these words, as also in the words T, 171, *T, TE etc., we shall perceive the peculiar fri (open, wide ) nature of the phonal phenomenon which alone can give the Gujarati vikRta, maiM and au. (C) Now, examine the sound in the following words on the basis of accentuation (a) 1977-fi TT fra (6) 1967 rast ( 4) igrant warar | (0) andhakAra aMdhAra (aMdhavAra) aMdhavara aMdhAra aMdhera (d) parNapallI paNNavalI paNpAlI pAnolI (name of a village in Surat District). (e) # 99 7573 (1) caturdaza cauhaha caUvaha cauda (a) * Tara (6) * ** *** krst (c) pRthulaka pahulaDaM ulau yahALu II (d) NITxar 3T TWO SITIS (e) 99 T420 G (from Hindi) i o 2199* TE R2 watt (Hin., arty-separate). 19 True, the case of artit does not fall under the principle under consideration because of the long #; but it is taken for that very reason, as the long furnishes a test and shows how the long , which is necessarily accented, comes in the way of prati-sampraedrana. Siddha-Hemachrindra VIII. i. 101 shortens this (TFT), but the glossary tells usdeSu kvacinityaM kavacitikalpaH , thus giving an opening for option, and we may very well regard gahiraM, and it as alternative forms. 20 Dr. Sir R. G. Bhan darkar regards the T in P as direct change from Here also sit in for direct from 3, and the in terms direct from 9 . (See his Wilson Philological Lectures, pp. 166, 145). But I believe these must pass through the shortening stage shown above.. 21 Hemachandra (VIII. iv. 422) gives 7764 TTC. This 70 (7 5 ) may be advanced as the origin of tg, and with apparent reason. But there are some strong points, in favour of Trag . as the origin of the they are: (a) One of the Manuscripts of Si. He gives the reading 17 (as the adesa of 7). (6) Spare is used in Gujarati, as well as are. (c) The or at tacked on to 77 by Hemachandra appears quite inexplicable and its arbitrary nature leaves a mystery, while TFT supplies a good explanation of the land . Thus it seems that art , an evoluto of FUTS before Hemachandra's time, was regarded by him as the axlesa of 77 on the strength of the meaning and external similarity, and he was probably oblivious of the other phonetic phases, especially the loss of the unaccented initial syllable in T . Sir R. G. Bhandarkar (Philological Lectures, r. 168) gives Hindi Sratar in the sense of unexpected', and derives it from i t . The sense in which are (Tr ) is used in Gujarati is 'separate, and would favor the derivation from tra . It would also be enlightening to necertain the Hindi text whore word is used and what sense fits in there. 22 Here, although the leaves aconted at the early stage, the accent gives way under the double influence of (1) the loss of the conjunct, FC without the compensating lengthening of the preceding vowel, and (2) the tendency to accentuate the second syllable in a word where the first syllable is unaccoutech and eventually therefore gets dropped. (The change of in T to indicates that the word is become a part of the whole compound, and honoe the is eventually subordinated.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1918 In group I we observe that in the vocalio groups-( s), 9 ( ) - 97 (575), the accent is on the second member, whereas in group II it is on the first member, i.e., on s. Now the First of is us and the wide sound is produced by a peculiar widening of the oy or glottis. This fra nature of is thus the source of the wide sound in and i, and it is helped by the 7 and as noted under the last para. (B). (To be continued.) NOTES AND QUERIES. MALAY CURRENCY IN TRENGGANU. distributions after the Fast month, and before the British dollar was demonetized bore a fixed relation WITH reference to my articles on the Obsolete! to it of 100 and 200 ; the Straits Settlements dollar, Tin Currency of the Federated Malay States, ante, and subsidiary coins were, of course, algo current, Vol. XLII, the capital Annual Report on the State but in insufficient quantities. The British dollars of Trengganu for 1916 by Mr. J. L. Humphreys, were redeemed in 1915 at a rate of 70 Straits cente has a most interesting note on currency, which I to the dollar. give below in extenso. An account of the tin currency prevalent on the East Coast of the Malay After their removal it became necessary to Peninsula will be found on p. 101 of the above affiliate the local tin cents--which in the language quoted volume of this Journal. of the Trengganu peasant had now "lost their The point there is that the tin pitis (or cash) parent"-to the Straits dollar; the proportion fixed ran by normal scalo 400 to the dollar, but in reality was the extremely inconvenient one of 133). varied from 320 in Trengganu to 480 in Kelantan The loss of the parent dollar, the complications and even to 640 in Jering (Patani), the differences of the money table (which act always to the being stated to be due to changes in the price of detriment of the peasant ), and the increase of tin, in other words, to the value of the silver in counterfeit, aro destroying the former popularity the dollar. We are now told that recently in of the tin coins. Their ultimate disappearance is Trengganu pitis ran in relation to the "British inevitable. At present they provide two denominadollar" before its recent demonetization, 200 to the 'tions of subsidiary coin lower than the copper cent dollar, or double their face value, and that the and finance the petty marketings of the poorer British dollar was converted to the official Straits classes; their sudden removal would cause & Settlements dollar at 70 cents, the pitis being general rise in the price of local commodities. advanced to 2664 to the dollar, which is rightly At the moment of writing the question of the called an "extremely inconvenient" figure. To subsidiary coinage generally is under the consideraremedy the monetary confusion thus caused, tion of Government, and it is hoped that measures Mr. Humphreys recommends the introduction of will be taken to promote the establishment of a the Straits Settlements coinage in full, i.e., of the clean Straits currency. The depreciation of the dollar and its parts, together with the depreciation white cent from 1333 to the dollar to 200 and of of the pitis to 400 to the dollar, thus bringing the pitis from 2661 to 400, together with a steady it back to its original normal value. importation of Straits subsidiary coin, seem to be The names for the denominations of Malay obvious measures for hastening the disappearance currency are legion and many gre quoted by me of the former and discouraging the production of in the articles above mentioned, but the name for counterfeit. the double pitis, or half cent, given by Analysis shows that the metal value, in tin and Mr. Humphreys, "white cent," is now to me. lead, is about 50 per cent. of the token value of Extract from the Annual Report of the British genuine and counterfeit alike. Redemption can Agent, Trengganu, for the Year 1916, only be made at a cost that Government will not by J.L. Humphreys. yet pay, and it is certain that the immediata Currency. removal of the small denominations would be felt The matter of the local subsidiary coinage severely by the peasants, who hold 90 per cent of required attention during the year owing to the the tin coins, and would suffer most from the increase of counterfeit. These tokens,composed onhancement of prices that would follow. Measures of a mixture of lead and tin, are of two to produce a gradual change will probably be denominations, the white cent and the pitie; they adopted. were formerly minted annually for charitable R. C. TEMPLE. It is for this reason that I utilize the old technical term, fry in an extended sense and a slightly new application, for the wide sound of aff never existed when the Sanskrit grammarians described the and T F prayatnas, and is more or less an offspring of foreign influence, as I shall show later on.

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TEBRUARY, 1918) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 29 AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. BY SIR R. (. TEMPLE, BART. (Continued from p. 15.) II Measures taken at Fort William, Bengal. Consultation at Fort William, 7 July 1777. 6.5 GENERAL Letters received by the Cormorant and Egmont... Of the letter dated 24th December 1776, Paragraphs 21 to 27, GG Agreed that the Governor General (Warren Hastings be requested to write a letter to the Naib Suba (Naib Sabadar, Deputy Governor ), advising him of this intelligence, and desiring him to send General Orders to the Officers of the Nizamut 67 to oppose the Officers and crew of the expected vessel in their attempts to land in any part of the Nabob's dominions and special orders to his Vackeel 3 at the Presidency to apply for such aid from this Board as may be required for this purpose. Agreed that an advertisement be published, forbidding the Company's Servants and all under the Company's protection to hold any commerce or other intercourse with Mo Bolts or the other Agents or Seamen of the expected Ship, or to supply them with money, goods, stores or any other assistance conducive to the execution of their plan. The following Advertizement is accordingly published. Fort William 7th July 1777. Advice having been received of an enterprize of trade set on foot by Mr William Bolts, late a servant of the Honble. East India Company, who is now on his way to India in a ship called the Joseph and Theresa, and the Honble. the Court of Directors judging it expedient to guard against any injury which their commerce may suffer by this undertaking, have thought proper to forbid their Covenanted Servants and all others under their protection to hold any commercial or other intercourse with him or any of the agents or seamen of the said ship, or to supply them directly, or indirectly, with money, goods, stores or any other assistance which may conduce to the execution of their plan. Notice is therefore given that a strict observance of this prohibition is expected and required. By order of the Honourable the Governor General and Council. Consultation at Fort William, 26 July 1779.69 The Governor General [Warren Hastings ) informs the Board that he has received & letter from Mr William Bolts, dated on board the Joseph and Theresa the 23d instant, at Kedgeree, [Khijiri, at the mouth of the Hugli] and desires that the Orders of the Court of Directors dated the 24th December 1776, and the publication made in consequence on the 7th July 1777 may be read, to enable the Board to pass such further Resolutions and Orders as they shall think proper. 65 Bengal Public Consultations, (1777), XIX, 704-707. 66 See ante, XLVI., 279. Nizamat, the Government of the NawAb Nazim of Bengal, created by Clive in 1757 ruler of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa in subordination to the Government of the East India Company. The Nawab at this time wa Mubaraku'ddoula, youngest of the three sons of Mir Ja'far Ali Khan, 1770-1793. 68 Vakil, legal agent or representative of the Nawab Nazim. 69 Bengal Public Consultations, (1779), XXXI, 525-531.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEBRUARY, 1918 Read the above-mentioned Orders and Resolution. Resolved that the following Advertisement be now published. Advertisement respecting Mr Bolts. Fort William 26th July 1779. Whereas the Governor General and Council wero informed by the Honble. the Court of Directors in their letter of the 24th of December 1776 that an enterprize of trade had been undertaken by Mr William Bolts, formerly in their service in Bengal, who had embarked in a large ship, late the Earl of Lincoln, now the Joseph and Theresa, from the Port of Leghorn, or some other foreign European Port, laden with a valuable cargo of merchandize and with ordnance and ammunition and all kinds of military stores to a great amount, which were reported to be destined for the East Indies. In consequence of which information they were pleased to prohibit all commercial and other intercourse of the Company's servants and all others under the protection of this Government with the persons who had the conduct of the expedition or were concerned therein, and to shew a resentment adequate to the nature of the offence, they have been further pleased to command the Governor General and Council &ca. to prevent the latter from being furnished by any persons subject to their authority with money, goods, stores, or any other assistance which may conduce to the success of the undertaking. Of which Orders public notice was given on the 7th July 1777. And whereas the Governor General and Council have received information that the said Mr William Bolts is actually arrived in this river (Hugli ] on board the said ship Joseph and Theresa, they have thought it proper to cause this publication to be repeated that no persons may plead ignorance of the same, and further to declare their firm resolution effectually to execute the commands of the Honble. the Court of Directors, and to enforce them with rigour against all persons who shall be found offending against them. By Order of the Honble. the Governor General and Council. Mr Francis.To The Orders are very proper as far as they.go. I myself shall adhere to them literally, but I apprehend they will answer very little purpose, if we do not take other measures. Mr Bolts' ship will proceed to Serampore [ Srirampur ) or Chinsura. He will there unlade his cargo, and thro' the intervention of the Dutch or Danes accomplish every commercial object which he may have in view by coming hither, and which the Company seem to have it very much at heart to defeat. We cannot correspond with their intentions in this respect by any means so effectnally as by using our weight and influence with the Nabob to induce him to order Mr Bolts' ship immediately to leave the river without landing any part of his cargo. No foreign ship can have a right to come into the Bengal River and to carry on traffic here without the permission of the Prince of the Country. This step will be effectual and much less likely to embarrass the Company in its consequences than any thing done directly by ourselves. The Secretary begs leave to read to the Board the Resolution passed in Consultation the 7th July 1777, which contains an application to the Nabob somewhat similar to that proposed by Mr Francis. Read the Resolution of 7th July 1777.72 Agreed that the Governor General be requested to write a letter to the Nabob, referring him to the former letter of the 7th July 1777, and informing him that Mr Bolts is actually arrived. TO Sir Philip Francis (1740-1748), member of the Supreme Council at Fort William. 71 Headquarters of the Danes and Dutch respectively, both situated near Hagli. 72 See ante, p. 29.

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FEBRUARY, 1918) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA Consultation at Fort William, 12 August 1779.73 The Governor General [ Warren Hastings] informs the Board that he has received # report from the Master Attendant that eight sloops are arrived at Calcutta laden with cotton and other goods, which they received on freight from on board the Joseph and Theresa, the ship under the orders of Mr Bolts, that two other sloops have passed on to Chinsura, and that several more are coming up. The Governor General sent for the Sarangs { sarhang, skipper) of the sloops, which had stopped at town, and received the following information from them. That they had been engaged by Captain Dundas to carry down goods to che Royal Henry lying at Kedgree. That on their arrival there an European came on board their sloop from Mr Bolts's ship and desired that as soon as they should have cleared their sloops of the goods brought down for the Royal Henry, to come along side and take in a cargo of cotton for Calcutta, for which they should be paid the customary price. That having delivered the goods for the Royal Henry they received a cargo of cotton from Mr Bolts's ship. That on their arrival at Calcutta, they were told to proceed on to Chinsura, for that the cotton could not be unloaded here. The Governor General adds that he has given directions to the Manjeer (manjhi, master of a native boat ) not to proceed further without an order from him. [ Here follows a list of the sloops and their owners. ] The Governor General also lays before the Board a letter to the Phoulsdar faujilar, chief police officer of Houghley which, if approved, he recommends that the Commander in Chief be requested to give orders to the Officer Commanding at Chandernagore ( Chandarnagar to comply with any applications which shall be made to him by the Phousdar of Houghly conformably thereto. To Khan Jahan Khan, Phousdar of Hooghly. Notwithstanding the orders issued by this Government as well as by the Nabob to prohibit all trade or intercourse with Mr Bolts, eight sloops have come up the river with merchandize from his ship, three of which have passed Calcutta and will probably proceed to Chinsura : Should they have reached that place, it will not be advisable to interfere with them, but with respect to any others which may attempt to pass Chinsurah, it is necessary that you take effectual means to prevent them, and should you stani in need of any additional force, Captain Grant, who is stationed at Chandernagore, will, on your written application to him, afford it to you. Approved the letter to the Phousdar of Houghly, and agreed that the Commander in Chief be requested to give orders to the Commanding Officer at Chandernagore to comply with any application which may be made to him by the Phousdar of Houghly for troops to prevent the sloopy laden with Mr Bolts's goods from passing up the river. To obviate the consequence of any misunderstanding of the publication of the Company's Orders respecting Mr Bolta. Resolved that the Custom Master be directed not to suffer any goods whatever imported by Mr Bolts's ship to be landed in Calcutta, and that the Collector of Government Customs be laid under the same prohibition and further onjoined to give orders to his officers to prevent any from being landed within the jurisliction of his office. Ordered that the Master Attendant be directed peremptorily to for bid the Sarangs of the sloops laden with Mr Bolte's goods to proceed further up the river with them. 13 Bengal Public Consullations, (1779), XXXII, 62-67.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1918 Consultation at Fort William, September 1779.14 The following letter from the Deputy Collector of Government Customs having been read at the Revenue Board on Tuesday last, the Minutes which are entered after it were then taken and sent in. Honble. Sir, A quantity of Redwood, the property of Mr Bolts imported on the Sanctissimo Sacramento ( a Portuguese ship ) and now laden un boats to be transported on board his vessel, is stopt by the Officers of the Customs in consequence your late orders. As the goods have not been landed but are removing froin one foreign vessel to another, I request your orders, whether the red wood is to pass for ME Bolts's ship? And if in future he may be at liberty to export whatever goods he may think proper. (ocernment Custom House, 318) August 177 I have the honour to be &c. (Signed) Hy. SCOTT, Dy. Cr. G. Customs. Ordered that it lie for consideration, and in the mean time that the Collector be referred to the orders which he has already received respecting Mr. Bolts, and to tho regulations of his office, leaving him to act conformably to those authorities. The Secretary now informs the Board that the only special orders sent to the Collector of Government Customs respecting Mr Bolts's ship was to forbid him from suffering any goods to be landed from them, but are silent with respect to the lading of other goods, and that the Collector in consequence is at a loss how to act. Ordered that the Collector of Government Customs be informed that the Board expressly forbid him to pass any goods whatsoever belonging to Mr Bolts, that if he has reason to suspest that the goods in question have been procured in Calcutta, the Board desire he will endeavor to trace and report the persons who furnished them to the Board, but if they have been purchased at either of the foreign settlements, it does not der end inmediately upon him to collect the duties, the Fouzdar being in this case the proper officer who will take cognizance of the matter upon his representation, Consultation at Fort William, 6 September 1779.75 The following letter from Mr Bolts was circulated on Saturday last, and the Minutes which are entered after it were returned. Honble. Sir and Gentlemen, In the month of July last I purchased and loaded on freight at Madras, upon a Portuguese vessel called the Sanctissimo Sacramento for Bengal, a quantity of redwood, the property of such of the subjects of Her Imperial Majesty, my sovereign, as are interested in the Asiatic Company of Trieste. Finding that at this Presidency all subjects of the British Government were publickly prohibited from having any intercourse with the subjects of Her said Majesty, on the arrival of the Portuguese vessel I did not attempt to land this redwood at Calcutta, but had it laden on four boats, in order to be conducted on board of one of the said Company's vessels now under my command in this river; I am now informed that the officers of your Custom House have stopped the said redwood on the river, and taken possession thereof; and as I am ignorant of the reasons which have occasioned this seizure I take the-liberty of informing you that I have paid the English Company's 4 Bengal Public Consultations, (1779), XXXII. 317-319. * Bengal Public Consultations, (1779), XXXII, 356-359.

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FEBRUARY, 1918) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 33 duties on this article at Madras, and am ready to pay any other legal demand that can be made thereon by your Government. On these terms I request the favor of an order for its being released. I have the honor to be &ca. Chinsurah 2d. September 1779. (Signed ) WILLIAM BOLTS, Lieut : Col : in the Service of Their Imperial Majesties. Mr. Barwell. 76 By the orders of the Company we can hold no intercourse with Mr Bolts ; of course can give no reply to his letter, Consultation at Fort William, 29 September 1779.7? Read the following letter from Mr Bolts. Honble. Sir and Gentlemen, On the second instant I did myself the honor of addressing you a letter relative to four boats loaded with redwood, the property of the subjects of Her Imperial Majesty, my so vereign, which, in consequence of your orders, were on the 27th of August past, seized by your Custom House officers on the river, and conducted within the districts of your Town of Calcutta. Not having had the honour of an answer to that letter, to which I beg permission to refer, and much less obtained restitution of the red wood, I must now look upon the said property as lost, to Her Majesty's subjects, and shall therefore trouble you no farther on that head. At the same time, Honble. Sir and Gentlemen, I am sorry to be under the necessity of informing you that other officers of your Government, at Fultah, have been extremely troublesome, not only in obstructing the lawful business of Her Imperial Majesty's subjects and insulting her flag, but in having even gone so far as to prevent the officers and men of the ships under my command from obtaining provisions and the common necessaries of life. It is not necessary for me to inform you. Honble. Sir and Gentlemen, that the commerce under my directions is " under the protection of the Empress Queen, belonging to a Company erected in Germany "; or that "this commerce is not contrary to any treaty at present subsisting", since you have been formally advised thereof by the Honble. Court of Directors for Affairs of the Honble. the United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies. But whatever may be the orders of that Honble. Court, perhaps too much dictated by a commercial jealousy equally as illfounded as at this period ill timed, permit me to address myself to you on this occasion, not as to the agent of a commercial society, but as to a tribunal appointed by an act of the British Legislature to the National Government of the British Dominions in Asia. In this point of view it will be needless for me to call to the recollection of gentlemen of so superior knowledge, what great events have often sprung from small causes, or how easy a spark may at first be quenched, that in its consequences must produce a conflagration. I must confess after the amicable treatment which we have lately received at the other British Presidencies of Bombay and Madras, where we have been permitted even to trade on paying the established duties, and after seeing the friendly manner in which the ships and subjects of other European States are received at the British Ports in Asia, it is matter of the greatest astonishment to me, ignorant as I am of any differences subsisting between our respective sovereigns, to find your Government here so extremely hostile towards the 76 Richard Barwell (1741-1804), member of the Supreme Council 1773-178L. TT Bengal Public Consultations (1779), XXXII, 549-554.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( FEBRUARY, 1918 colours and subjects of the Empress Queen. For admitting you may have a right to prohibit British subjects from all intercourse with those of Her Imperial Majesty, what right can you have to obstruct or oppose Her Majesty and Her subjects in their peaceful intercourse or licit commerce with those of her allies His Most Serene Majesty of Denmark, and the high and Mighty United States of Holland? Or what right can you claim to seize the property of Her Majesty's subjects, as in the case of the redwood, where ever you find it? Earnestly desirous on my part of promoting peace and harmony, I have hitherto most cautiously forbore every act that could possibly give the least offence to your Government, and it is a conduct I wish to pursue during the whole period of my short stay in this river. Let me then conjure you, Honble. Sir and Gentlemen, by those ties of humanity which unite Great Nations together in peace and amity, to give such orders to the respective officers of your Government as may in future remove the causes of the complaints I now make, and thereby prevent any possible interruption of the harmony which I hope will long subsist between the August Courts of Vienna and St. James. Chinsura 18th September 1779. I have the honor to be &c. (Signed) WILLIAM BOLTS, Lieut. Col. in the service of their Imperial Majesties. Extract of a General Letter from the Council to the Court of Directors at Fort William, dated 14 January 1780. 18 We are to inform you that your orders prohibiting your servants and dependants from having any commercial intercourse or connection with Mr Bolts were published immediately on receipt of the General Letter which contained them, and again advertized on the arrival of that gentleman in July last. To Your wishes with respect to this gentleman have been so strictly attended to by us and by the officers of the Nizamut, in consequence of orders from the Nabob to that effect, that he was unable to land any part of the goods imported by his ships, the Joseph and Theresa and Kallowrath, either at Calcutta or any where below it. He addressed repeated letters to us on the subject, but we did not think ourselves at liberty, consistently with your instructions, to return him an answer to either of them. We believe however that his merchandize was received at Chingura and disposed of to the Dutch. As the President and Council at Bombay had not been equally vigilant to prevent the intercourse of persons under their authority with Mr Bolts, we found that some consignments of goods had been made both by European and Native merchants at that place to individuals here by the ships of Mr. Bolts, which we were induced on their claim to suffer the importation of. Axtract of a General Letter from the Council at Fort William to the Court of Directors, dated 5 April 1783. 80 With respect to the conduct which we observed towards Mr William Bolts, we were cautiously governed throughout by your orders concerning him, and have regularly reported the particulars of it to you in our General letter of the 14th January 1780. After having been for bid any intercourse with Mr Bolts, and having issued the prohibition of Trade with him generally to all the dependants of this Government by Public Advertisement, it wasno: in our power to acmit of any Goods imported in his name to be passed thro' the Custom House It is within the memory of some of the Members that a letter of representation was presented from Mr. Bolts on the subject of some redwood belonging to him being detained by the Custom Hour officers, but we did not think ourselves at liberty to receive it. (To be continued.) See ante, p. 29. 10 Bengal Letters Receipod, XVIII, 16-17. Bengal Lettere Roreired, XX (unpaged).

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FEBRUARY, 1918 DATE OF THE ABHIRA MIGRATION INTO INDIA 35 DATE OF THE ABHIRA MIGRATION INTO INDIA. BY N. G. MAJUMDAR; CALCUTTA, In his monograph on Vai navism, Saivism und Vinor Religious Systems, 1 Sir R. G. Bhandarkar has assigned the migration of the Abhiras into India to the first century A.D. According to him the cult of child Krishna was a side-issue of Christianity and was imported by the Abhiras (among whom the boy-yod Krishna lived' ) from outside India in the century following the crucifixion of Jesus Christ. Mr. Ramaprasad Chanda in his work called the Indo-Aryan Races, 2 has attempted to prove that the Abhiras came into India long before Christ was born, and as such they cannot be credited with an importation of Christian traditions as alleged by Sir Ramkrishna. I fully agree in the contention of Mr. Chanda, though I think his arguments are too weak to prove his theory. Mr. Chanda refers to the word ghosha which occurs in the Mahabhashya of Patanjali (II. 4. 10) 3 and interprets it in the sense of Abhira settlement, which is the meaning put upon that word only by such late authors as Amara and Jayaditya. It cannot be proved that the word ghosha was understood in the same sense in the time of Patanjali as it was in the time of Amara and Jayaditya. On the other hand, it will follow from the very passage Mr. Chanda has quoted, that ghosha has been used here in an altogether different sense. In the passage in question, Iryanivisu or Aryan settlement is stated as consisting of four units, grama, ghosha, nagara and sumviha. Here ghosha could have been taken to mean an Abhirapalli, i.e., a settlement of the Abhira race, if the Abhiras had been Aryans. But in Patanjali, as I shall just show, they have been associated with the Sadras, and in the Vayupurana, too, they have been pointed out as Mlechchhas. So Abhirapalli could not have been the sense of the ghosha of the above mentioned passage where the intention is to denote the units of Aryan settlement. I do not mean to say that ghosha exclusively denoted a unit of Aryan settlement. What I contend here is that, because a certain author wanted to give an example of an Aryan settlement the term ghosha,which was used to serve that purpose, could not be referred to in the sense of Abhirapalli. Ghosha which is grouped with such general terms as grama, nagara and samvdha, could only have been taken in a general sense. It is like the rest, a unit of settlement and has nothing to do with one special class of people. The word has been used in this general sense also in the Ramayana and the Vayupurd na. "T FT-ATTIN ATTARTTTT: 1" -Ayodhya, Ch. 83, V. 15. " BATUT AN AU " -Vayu, Ch. 33, V. 10. 1 p. 37. pp. 84-85. 3" TEST : raigar TTT 2 gia"-Kielhorn's Mahabhashya, I, 475. For other references to the word ghosha in the Mahabhashya see ibid, II, 117-118. 4 Ch. 37, V. 263.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1918 2 The other argument adduced by Mr. Chanda to prove that the Abhiras migrated to India before the birth of Christ, is that Katyayana, the predecessor of Patanjali, excludes the word mahasudri from the operation of a certain rule of Panini (IV. 1. 4). According to Amara and Kasika the meaning of this word would no doubt be Abhiri. But it is neither a scientific nor a safe method to explain a text of the early second century B.C. in the light of an interpretation suggested by authors later by at least seven hundred years, Whatever might be the value of the premises put forward by Mr. Chanda it is fair to acknowledge that his theory might have been substantiated from the Mahabhashya itself. I draw here the attention of scholars to one important passage of Patanjali, which, so far as my knowledge goes, has not yet been pointed out. The Abhiras are actually mentioned by Patanjali in his gloss on the Vartika-sutra," indrAbhAvAn siddham " The passage is quoted below:-- sAmAnyavizeSavAcinozca indro na bhavatIti vaktavyam || yadi sAmAnyavizeSavAcinordvandvo na bhavatItyucyate zUdrAbhIram gobalIvardam tRNolapamiti na sidhyatei / naiSa doSaH / iha tAvat zUdrAbhIramiti AbhIrA jAtyantarANi | etc. The import of the above passage is that dvandva-compound should not be formed between a general term (samanya) and a particular term (visesha). If this be so. there cannot be any drandra compound like sudrabhiram, gobalivardam, etc., for in these examples the words of each pair stand in relation of samanya and vises ha. Therefore if we want to have a dvandva compound in sudrabhiram sudra must not be taken as a general term and abhira as a particular term included within that term, though they are actually so. for, in that case, the meaning would be, an Abhira who is a Sudra, which would satisfy only the requirements of a karmadharaya compound and not a dvandva-compound. Here, the two terms are thus required to be understood as if they represent two different classes (jati). The legitimate inference which we can draw from the above, is, that the Abhiras had settled in India and come to be associated with the Sudras even in the time of Patanjali, who lived at any rate in the second century B.C. Therefore, their migration is to be placed at least three hundred years before the Christian era. The Vayupurana tells us that, at the time when the portion referring to the Abhiras was composed, they were not even counted as Sudras, but were looked down upon as Mlechchhas. The period of its composition must therefore be placed prior to Patanjali. From the Vayupurana we learn also that the Abhiras had already settled in northern India and penetrated even to the far south. This is again indicative of the further antiquity of the Abhira migration into India. 5 Kielhorn's Mahabhashya, I, 252. 6 Vayupurana, Ch. 45, vs. 115, 126.

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FEBRUARY, 1918) THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND O 37 THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND O WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO GUJARATI. By N. B. DIVATIA, B.A.; BANDRA. (Continued from p. 28.) (D) Lastly, let us consider some apparent exceptions, and see how the accent affecte the phonetic process : Sanskrit. Prakrit or Apabhramsa, and fur. ther steps. Gujaratt. Remarks as to causes, etc. (1) 76 : gadheDI gahahaDara TT933 The accent on T (which is guru because of the conjunct next after it) deprives the rin sa of its accent and consequent preponderance. Hence the = gets accented and its y is not far and therefore not dropped. Thus is not formed, which alone would give the wide Consequently the | undergoes samprasarana, and thus 19 and unite into a narrow . Note.--The accent here is to be considered as relative between 7 and (or 3 ) and not with reference to the word as a whole. (2) PET vacchayarata vaDerI guru and hence (a) * in Tee is accented; (-a colt ) (6) or begins a new sense-bearing portion of the word ; hence the of ve remains unaccented and the gets accented. Result--as above-*+=(narrow). ghaNe (3) (4) ** * ghaNaDarara ghaNAra bhAlavara bhalAra anavara anAra bhalehaM Causes and results as above, mutatis mutandis. (5) bhanera (6) : megaLa mabagalu mahagalu The change of * to T (which can occur only if the letter is uninitial) shows that is only a part of the whole word. Consequently the accent, not falling on T, falls on 1, which therefore undergoes samprasarana. Result- + Y=T (narrow). * Dr. Tonsitori would put * here me preoursor of T.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEBRUARY. 1918 Sanskrit. Prakrit or Apa bhramsa, and fur. ther steps. Cujarati. Renark as to causer, etc. (7) AT viraha # The here is the residue of the beginning of the root portion of f erti, retains its predominance, and is thus accented, and escapes prati-samprasara na. Result-97+3=T (narrow). (Note.--In 39 -305975 (7585 se) the result is different (i. e., the has the accent on and hence the becoming 'suborclinate becomes , giving the broad sound in th), although the conditions are apparently similar to those in feft, in that the left from it is the initial syllable of the root portion of 39 +fy. The reason is that in 39 the accent is on to start with, and the loss of the unaccentled initial u of uvAsaha (giving bAsaha as the next step) strengthens the accent on the 3 (, the evolute of T). which becomes initial in a compact root-like formation. T . Thus the accent falls on the stof 5 and not on 5. One little fact may seem to go against this explanation. viz.. that the elision of in fr would inclicate that the root portion is not regarded as a separate word (such elision being always in the case of uninitial consonants). But it may be held rightly that for the purpose of accentuation the root-nature of Far still clings to it, and hence its opera tion in changing the s to T direct. Par, as in igar. The reason here may at first night seem lifticult to find. Dr. Tensitori amaLanera, vAMkAnera, accounts for the narrow sound by and such other regarding the penultimate T as a final names of towns. Jone because the final inquiescent" (vide p. 78 of his article under consideration). I think there is another and a better explanation. Although the as beginning a t woukl naturally be accented, yet it is the T and its evolute, ) that is accented here, because TT, as the second member in these compounds (1997r. etc.) is a subordinate element and hence the initial T occupies i secondary place and loves its accentuation in favour of the following syllable T and its evolute, 4. As a result, the in remains unaccented and its tendeney to widen the glottis becomes inoperative, the becomes 3, an + unite into a narrow . (8) Tet maharI

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* FEBRUARY, 1918 ] THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND Q 39 Prakrit or Apa Sanskrit. Gujarati. Remarks as to causes, ete. ther steps. (9) TRT aMghara aMdhavAra aMdhavara adhahara The si in r is distinctly accented: in the shortened stage the st in retains this accent; hence the first in ar remains subordinate and unaccented; consequently becomes and += (narrow). With this may be contrasted the |cases of bhaujAI and pahala where the aa, obviously accented, transmits its accent to its successor 1, and thus the first member in 3-55 is accented yielding the wide 31-37 as a result. Also contrast the case of aurato (from AnuratvakaM -93 -(changed to "3 masculine) (TE. Dr. Tessitori derives the word thus ; see his "Notes," $.148). Here too the conditions are the same, turning Au to bhI. (a) a, coming between and has to be emphasized in order to be pronounced distinctly and clearly, especially as all the three end in ; (10) avayava (6) The final ending in a becomes subordinate; hence the 4 is predominant and accented, and the 7 of my is unaccented. Result : becomes and + =T (narrow). (11) 29** caudheI caUveI 12) 94 kasabAhimA kasauhI kasaUdI 26 The is guru, because of the conjunct ( 59 ) after it, and, being thus accented, it leaves the st of Tunaccent ied. Result - sf narrow. kasoTI (a) The T has its e made guru by (= touchstone) the following conjunct; (6) The begins a new word; (although a second member of a compound it retains its inde pendence for purposes of accent); (C) ends the first word in the compound; these causes render the sofa (9) unaccented, because is accented. Result : becomes W (3 accented) and 7+3 (3) change to sit (narrow). 25 ges. That woft." (Premenanda; Nal khydna, XV.) 26 The it ending of this word seems to be the result of a false analogy : the Hindi appearing like the plural of ICT, and the Hindi masculine F ending corresponding to the sit ending in Gujarati.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1918 Sanskrit. Praksit or Apabhramsa, and fur. ther steps. Gujarati. Remarks as to causes, etc. (13) paNNavallI paNNaulI pAnaUlI (a) The Y in ed; is guru and accent pAnola (name of a village in the Surat District.) (6) The sing is also guru and accented ; (c) 7 begins a new word (as in the case of No. 12 above); (d) T in og ends the first word of the compound; Result as above,-974-77 (15) 11-(narrow). (a) fis guru and accented; (b) = (5) is long and accented; (14) cittaUDa citIDa Thus both are accented : (e) begins a new word (as above); (d) The win ends the first word of a compound; hence the of - i.e., the in 873) is subordinate and therefore unaccented. Result + =sit (narrow). (15) rad rAThoDa rakhaUDa rAThaUDa Causes the same as above, mutatis mutandis. Result + -it (narrow). Note. It need not be pointed out that the last two instances, P E and gg are given here for the smae purpose for which off is included above, viz., to show how pratisanprasdra na is prevented by the long ). (16) ting guhila utta guhilaUta guhilota (a) The is strong on account of the subsequent conjunct; (b) yy is a separate word, for the purposes of accent ; (c) The final of the occupies & subordinate position. Result as before "+7(5)=sit (narrow). ,

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FEBRUARY, 1918] THE WIDE SOUND OF E ANDO All these facts, noted above, will go to show(a) that when, in the vocalio group 8 or 9, 7 is accented, the <-3, getting subordinate, the ultimate result is the wide sound, -st; (b) that, when in these groups the 7-3 are accented, their prominence leads to the uniting of st and and w and into the narrow r and sit; (c) that the wide sound is akin to aN-a rather than to bhai-au; (d) that the 7-2, when subordinate, turn into -(and then * ); and (e) that thus the wide sound is the result of t4-999 and the narrow one is the result of 7-973. I shall give two or three comparative instances from identical words to further illustrate pointedly the operation of these principles ; I give them in the form of a genealogical tree for the sake of giving a clear impression : l-iro (Sansksit.) 27 atret (=1. qat) (Prakrit ) 2. A fair woman. TOE (=alfag: 127 (Prakrit) (O.W.R.) 6 (= rret )27 Tid (O.W.R.) 1. Guj.Trd 2. 3. Tit (Guj.) ( a goddess (- the latter half (a fair woman). worshipped by of proper names maiders in the like caMdAgavarI, etc. month of ashadha) Also gyavarI from parte in old Gujarati works). Here, Gujarati has (1) a, (2) trd, and (3) tret, each in a different sense; and the phonetic processes are different, as under: (1) STE-T-ST-3f1: (it is to be noted in this case that the final becomes subordinate and turns into ; whereas in (2) it remains prominent and preserves they of from becoming itatara, and hence the bhava stays on, and we have gavarI). (2) 7-974. (See note, just above, under (1).) (3) The sfr has come direct from Prakrit under the operation of the general rule in Si. Hema. VIII-1-159. (I shall soon consider below the nature and genesis of this operation; I may only state here that in the contraction of it to sit, the si passes through , wherein is prominent and hence the narrow aft.) | II Ha (Sanskrit) gavakSa (Prakrit) O.W.R. TTC (1) gavakha gaUsa Tre (Guj.) (2) 4 (0.W.R (3) 27 Vide Kumanapdracharita (Ed. by S. P. Pandit), V, 80; IV, 56; and I, 75, &c. Also Index to it. -

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1918 We notice here 4 changed to sf in (2) Tir and 373 changed to in (3) T; in the latter case the of 35 is so subordinate and so very predominant that, instead of the two uniting into a narrow it, the sy is lost and T+ remain as T in T.28 The following lines in Kanhadade Prabandha (V. S. 1512) will show the place of both tea and to in old Western Rajasthani : koThe chaDa kosIsa ghaNAM 29 gUkhagavAkha maDha matavAraNAM (Khanda III, st. 245. III-*9 59 (Apabhramba) (O.W.R.) (O.W.R.) 59 *49 (O.W.R.) *T (Guj.) Here also the results, and kit, are as in Ter ( ) and write the only difference being that, while the in Te is long, that in 37 is short, and yet somehow occupies a prominence which ousts the off. We may also contrast-colAvata, caMzavata, etc., which contain vata as the final evolute of patra through putta, utta,30 with guhilota from guhilapatra, gahila utta: the point of contrast being that, in the latter case the 33 unites into a narrow it because of the strong 3, while in the former the strength is more than counteracted by the long stt preceding it, and hence the change into . It may be objected : Is not this fixing of the accent an arbitrary procedure? What is the guide for fixing it? Does it not amount to begging the question when you fix the accent on the 37 or on the 3 (or 2-) according as the resulting sound is wide or narrow ? My answer to the first and last question is-No, and to the second question the answer is furnished in the reason I shall just give for this answer in the negative. We have the guide and the test in certain instances where the accent is obvious and undisputable, e. g., ghaIra, cittaUDa, avayava, aMdhavAra, caubveI, kasavAhiA, paNNavallI, khaUDa, guhila utta, bhAujAI, pAbadala, and the like ; and in the light of these we detect the location of the accent in the other cases, always with good reason for the same. In this subsequent process if the method appears to be a priori, it has a justification and is not the same as begging the question ; for the test indications have already disclosed to us the governing principle, and we trace it backwards The is extraordinarily subordinate in this case because it is in the initial syllable, and hence unsupported by a preceding syllable, and so it becomes are. In the case of Tre the accent on gets lost when it becomes shortened, and hence the 1 of 2 gets accented. Of course, the fact is that when people are inclined towards subordinating overmuch it becomes lost, and in the opposite case it acquires emphasis. Karmana Mantri's Slidharana (V. S. 1626) also has to and Tour in juxtaposition : ger, Tare, ATT T ; (Description of Ayodhy&). (This double-barrellod word must have been a conventional expression, it seems. ) Vimala prabandha (V. S. 1568) has T with a short 3. (See Khanda I, st. 55.) 30 The becomes TT by prati-va praadrana in these cases. I do not believe that becomes JM and thus 41; for in the case of great the steps are ge- (not TT, TT, 34).

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FEBRUARY, 1918 THE WIDE SOUND OF EANDO 43 from the visible results in cases of possible dispute, and see how it fits in. This method is. I believe, fairly permissible and frequently resorted to in all inquiries of this nature. Dr. Tessitori ("* Notes," $ 10, (4) ) refers to the change of 7 into (narrow) as visible in Prakrit and Apabhrama, and cites Pischel, SS 166. The instances given by Pischel are kela from kadala,1 ghera from sthavira, etc. Similarly the change of ara to t is visible if we look behind and under the adesas given by Hemachandra: as in IT, etc., from TT, etc. (Si. Hema. VIII-i-171 ) and sit for 19 and 7 (Si. Hema. VIII-1-172). Similar is the principle underlying the shtra. VIII-:-170. wherein the word presumably passes through an intermediate step, 93T, (alternatively with T which gives er in Hindi ), and the in the mediate evolutes of gate and first goes through a metathesis and the 13 thus clerived becomes it. To this I would further add that the changes of it to T and wito ft. noted by Hemachandra in VIII-i-148 and 1.59 respectively, are not direct, single-stepped changes, but really through the intermediate steps 78 and 3 respectively; consequently all these changes to e-bhI may be regarded as but changes from inherent ara-au. The exceptional position of daityAdigaNa and vairAdigaNa (VIII-i-151, 152), as also that of paurAdigaNa (VIII i-162) and gaurava (VIII i-163), which note the change of - in those cases to 93-93, in really this :- All Sanskrit IT-aft are in Prakrit changed to STK in the first instance, and, while in the exceptions just mentioned turf, etc., and herf, etc.) they stop short at the hiatus form 93-93, in all the remaining cases the contactual vowels thus arrived at move a step further and unite into and it respectively.32 It will thus be seen that even in the Prakrit stage the tendency wax for the union of 37 and and and to result into the narrow T and sil. Of course, the wide sound was 31 lischel's Nteps are - - - . I would prefer - (yes)- - ; for nam pravurty is latent in Satras like Si. Hema. VIII-i-171, 17., and VII - I 49, under which 1577 becomes loNa and apa and ava become o, and the aya of the causal becomm.s e (mArayati-mAreDa), obviously, through the change of 7 to 3 and to (Samprasaria); whereas Pireas for any is not quite a known change the principle underlying ETCIT FITT: gratis , or, better still, that underlying Si. Hema. VIII.-46, may cover the case by stretching a joint. But we need not g o for when the obvious and natural steps are available. 39] be this theory on the difference in the essential formation of sir and T-Str. It is this: Sansktit and I'rakpit grammarians divide the vowels into #67 (simple), which are to and af (compound), which are T, T, TT, TT, because these latter four are formed by a coalition of and and 9 and 3 respectively. They (the grammarians) do not make any further distinction in the latter division. I am inclined to differentiate these by further dividing them into F r , which are T and fi, und E, which are and . The meaning is obvious: is fusion, and eft is mere adinixture; we find in and off the component simple vowels thoroughly fused together as in a chemical combination, while in and the component simple vowels stand joined together, as in a mechanical mixture. They are to the simple components what conjunct consonants are to the simple consonants composing them. Thus, while it would be easy for it and it to get split up into 973 and 73 as contactual vowels, it would be practically impossible for T and Ti to be so split up. Consequently 1- 1. would seem to have no direct connection with T-ST. And, in passing into the latter form, must necessarily first get split up into 37-973. I am half inclined to call it sit by the name NE instead of ETE; but on second thoughts 1 adhere to the latter name, because (1) Bigle is conventionally used as the reciprocal of taie (as in the cast of alan kinas); and (2) i would indicate a closer union (an embrace) than aT which is a mere union, only a little more than mere contact. Dr. Bhandarkar's distinction between 1 and HE-H3 will prove interesting incidentally in this connection. (l'ide his Wilson Philological Lectures, I, 142 and 146.)

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1918 not known then; and no wonder, because the conditions for that sound were not present ; viz., 572- as results of accent on . Consequently Dr. Tessitori's theory that sta-574 must pass through TT-before forming the wide -ff, will not fit in with all these principles noted above. A small indication will bear this out : Sanskrit becomes in Prakrit in cases like the causal forms of verbs : qara-NITE, cara- c, - TT and the like. (Vide Si. Hema. VIII-iii-149.) This must obviously be the result of a passing into 57EUR. Similarly the change of TT, etc., to 17, etc., and of and we to indicate the change of a to sa first. This will show the nature of the union between and stand and , and and 3, even when derived from 4-5. It will be seen, thus, that sy and and and are the generators of the narrow 7 and it, while si and 47 those of the wide and off. For it cannot be seriously contemplated that the narrow - thus formed turned all at once into the wide ones, or that +7 and +3 could generate both the sounds, narrow as well as wide. I have already referred to Dr. Tessitori's gracefully frank admission that, when he wrote his "Notes", the wide sound of e ando (as is) was never present before his mind, and he states there that 7 and 3 became e (T) and A (i) narrow. May it be that, now when he has discovered that both Gujarati and Maravadi have the wide ero ( - ), the first impression still clings, of course partially, in so far as he regards the wide sound as resulting direct from 75-573 without an intermediate step? * One word more. It will be remembered that the wide sound of 5-ff was quite unknown to Prakrit or 0. W. Rajasthani; and that it came into Gujarati and Marava ci alone during the early history of their growth, probably about the early part of the seventeenth century of the Christian era. This period coincides with the time when the Moghul Empire had just been consolidated by Akbar, and Akbar's great efforts had brought Arabic and Persian literature into close contact with Indian literature. May I therefore venture a suggestion that this wide sound, which is peculiarly similar to, or at least extremely near, the wide sound of Arabic and Persian words of the types of art and , was matured under the indirect influence of these foreign languages ? It is certainly not unlikely that the sound in -79 should have recognized a close likeness in the foreign word or that in staat should have found a similar correspondence in that of , and that thus a silent current of phonal influence generated and established itself. I am aware that Hindi -the language of a province where the Moghul influence was wider and more powerful has the sound not identically wide with Gujarati and Marava i. This can be very well accounted for by the comparatively sturdy character of the people speaking Hindi who tried to steer clear of this foreign influence, and only partially succeeded, for, after all, the similarity between the new indigenous sound and the foreign sound was really very close. Finally, it is possible that the question may be asked-"If the wide -ff are the results of se-19 how could the formation contain and sit which comprise 7+ and W+7, without the presence of and in the precedent stage?" The answer is this : As just observed, the wide s-sti are really new and, in a way, foreign sounds; they comprise (a) the foreign element, and (b) the nature of and it; of these (a) is predominant and (b) subordinate, and this latter is contributed by the rand remaining, as it were, in the form of a latent influence in the u and . This need 33 I must here admit that, when I wrote my Note in the Indian Antiquary to which Dr. Tensitori han alluded, I had mistaken the circumflex over e and o(4-6) for the grave ( ) when reading Dr. Tessitori's Note The former marks the narrow sound and the latter the wide one.

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FEBRUARY, 1918] THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND O not be regarded as if I gave up my whole case. The latent influence can exist for its limitect operation and yet the final formation (4-7) remain as the dominant factor. 24 To summarize,-my position amounts to this: I. The wide sound in 37- in Gujarati ( which is also a peculiarity of Marava ii) comes from (a) 92-97 in Prakpit, Apabhramsa, and O. W. Rajasthani; and (6) 35-45 in the same languages, through a subsequent step 4- 7 by pratisamprasarana (a principle at work in an extensive field). NOTE:(1) In both these cases the aba-ava assume the form ay-a (by the lons of the ar >>) before taking the form of the wide sound. (2) ahi-aha which also become vide a-au really pass through the -au step by the movement of them to the initial syllable of words: vahibarDa hAla vhAlaDaM . ( a ) quot II. The reasons for the above analysis are : (a) 875-33, if they combine, form T-sf (narrow), as shown by the tendency ever since Prakrit and Apabhramia periods: they cannot yield the wicle sound by mere combination as they are: - (6) 374-377 (through T2-T) generate the wide sound, as is manifext to the ear by actual perception ; (c) This wide sound, which did not start much earlier than the seventeenth century of the Christian era, and is confined to Gujarati (and Maravadi), is really foreign in its nature, and its advent was helped by the 0. W. RAjasthani 92-977 (in the 34- T stage) finding a phonal affinity with the Arabic-Persian sound in -: TTT (TIT), ( a ) UK (W : * ( sit), Teen ( 43, 44, 4 ); these find, as it were, a phonal kinship with the types represented by - IMG; (d) This phonal phenomenon is determined by the position and movement of accent ; if the accent is on the st of the 2-sty, T-, the resulting sound is wide, being and capable of a pronunciation ; if the accent is on -2,3-4 the resulting sound is -51 (narrow), 4-passing first into 3 by samprasarana: (e) The dipthongs T-i in Sanskrit were narrow in sound; the f-31 in Marathi tadbhavas (e.g. s, TT) are almost similar to the Sanskrit sounds; the - in Hindi tadbhavas (s, 14), although swinging to the side opposite to the Marathi sound, i.e., inclining towards the wide sound, do not quite come up to the full wide sound in Gujarati and Mararaci) tadbhavas ;consequently 1-3 would be misleading as symbols for this last-named wide sound, for which 3-1 would be perhaps the best symbols, especially as these were in vogue at one time in old manuscripts, if my information is correct. I conclude now, but not without acknowledging iny great debt to Dr. Tessitori whose learned labours have helped me in examining this question in all its bearings and enabled me to place my view before him and other scholars interested in this subject, in a spirit of friendly co-operation in the search for knowledge and truth. 34 This may be likened, in a way, to the principle underlying Panini's ritra FutfaTT : (L-1-56). though it adds and thereby excludes Safety from its operation. I am estare, the purpose of the satra is different. I simply apply the principle in a different way for my purpose. In fact oxclude the axonption, T, i.e., a process similar to it, in this case.

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1918 Appendix A. (See page 297, December, 1917, n. 3.) The scope of 78-17 is further restricted by the fact that, as a general rule, Sanskrit and si are changed in Prakrit to T and si respectively, and the changes to sing and are contined, as exceptions, to (u) Words in the team group (Si. Hemachandra, VIII-i-151), or, optionally, to those in the soft group (8i. Hema. VIII-i-152); (6) Worls in the rare group (Si. Hema. VIII-i-162), and, optionally, the word (Si. Hema. VIII-i-163); And X-T3 formations are otherwise evolved in (c) Words where the sport is derived by the elision of certain consonants united with the or 3, e.g.: greta ( 17), fruta ( 3 6 Tura (485), Hos (-Hi Guj.); (d) Words which, in Prakrit, contain sift- undergo a further transitional change by way of the shunting of the h to the beginning of a word and precipitate ai-au, e.g.: Guj. fait poft (51) bahana pahilaGa (pAila) palaM zithilakaM sahila (shailaGa) helu pRthulakaM pahulaDaM (pahaulaGa) hAMlu and the like. In this last case, (d), however, the 75-77 stage is merely a transitional one, a mere possibility, and therefore not likely to be found in actual writing. This may, therefore, be properly excluded from calculation for the purpose of finding out use in actual writing. Add to this the fact that all the words covered by the above groups do not necessarily yield corresponding words in Gujarati (or Maravadi). This is in regard to medial 378-373. For the rest there is an extensive field of final S45 and sta in verbal forms and nominative singular of nouns and adjectives; e.g.: STT, 37, etc. #ta, ete. 3, 5, etc. sirsa, hatthara; 173 ta, etc. But the extensiveness of this field is compensated for by what I call the TT 35 nature of the sound in the resulting e and o, a fact recognized by Dr. Tessitori also. Thus, as a result of all this, the cases of sta and in actual writing will obviously be comparatively very few. In contrast to this 372-37, as derived from Sanskrit words by elixion of certain consonants or change of g to (where does not exist originally) will always be medial --rarely final (as in - and the like), and instances thereof will be larger in number. It is interesting to note that Hindi, which pronounces the final and medial wide and sit in a peculiar way, sometimes writes 4 for ( is). 35 A few exceptions may be noted : 1 (fear) from 49:- ; Of ( =let be), from 53 (= e); of an interjection, meaning.--" Do you see : ", " Will you ? ", as in ho o f !" You will write to me, will you ? ") from 199 ,- , ; (=victory), from T . These, especially as they are monosyllabic, emphasize the wide sound of the final aff and Ti as will De porceived by contrasting the words with * (address of vocative), 5 (= chunam plastering), and = which), which all, of course, end in a narrow sound.

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FEBRUARY, 1918) THE WIDE SOUND OF EAUDO Appendix B. (See page 25, January, n. 18.) Tulsidasa (died V.S. 1680) shows the following : (1) mosana mirahi kauna bodhA vada ( Lanki-Kinalee). (2) jAmbavaMta aurau nalanIlA (Kishkindha-Kanla). (3) suma dekhI sItA mRga nainI (Aranya-Kanda). (4) sunahu sakala baiThe iharetA (Kishkindhi-Kinla). (5) vetA rAmalaSaga autarahIM (Sundara-Kamla). (6) ihite kavana vipati bar3a bhAI (Aranya-Kamla) 17) yahA~ na panapAna kachu rAkhoM vedapurANa saMna mata bhASoM (Uttara-Kansla). (8) pa~chauM kAhi kahIM kahijAI (Sundara-Kala, Interpolated portion). (9) kavana 36 uttara dehI tinajAI ( Ditto ditto. ). (10) asa svabhAva kahu sunauM na dekhoM kehi khageza raghupatisama lekhoM (Uttara-Kamla). (11) mosana hoina pratyupakArA vandI navapada bAra hi bArA ( Ditte ) (12) maiM kRtakRtya bhaya nava vAnI / Ditto ) (13) moha jaladhiyohita tuma bhayau mokaha nAtha vividhamukha dayau ( Ditto ) (14) nija paritApa vainavanItA paratukha vahiM susanta punItA ( Ditto ) (15) dhanya so bhapa nIti jo karaha dhanya so vija nija dharma naTarA ( Ditto ) (16) soSa maruta taba bhamA jur3Avai pratasama jAvana beDa jamAva ( Ditto ) A comparative study of these specimens will show that ra, a in instances like No. 15 and No. 13 are necessitated by the requirements of metre; -sit in such cases would not have done. Barring this, we find ai-au in general use, and e-o rare. It may be reasonably inferred that, while this state of mixed use of ai-a and-ai-bhau-indicating the rise of-au-prevailed in. Tulsidasa's time, the ai-bhI practice was fairly wellestablished about half a century after Tulsidasa's death, when Bihari wrote his "Satasai." Of course, a careful inspection of the original manuscripts would throw further light on this matter. I have had to depend on printed works only in this case. The "Song of Jasavanta Sonigaro" (given by Dr. Tessitori in the article under notice, pp. 82-84) which is in old Maravadi and contains ai-au in fair profusion, is placed by Dr. Tessitori soon after V. S. 1670. This would show its affinity with the similar practice in Hindi in Tulsidasa's period. kavana is also found in other places: kArazakandha kavana te bandara (Lanka-Kanda.) karahakavana kAraNa sapabhArI (Bala-Kanda.) This shows that, if he did not exist between Apabhramsa and Hindi, 99 preserved its form eide by side with the changed form kauna -a phenomenon no unusual in linguistic evolution. The karahu here, for instance, retains ther and we have forms like bhavaTa dabara also (see instance 13)..

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THE INDIAN ASTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1918 ASOKA NOTES, NO. XIJ. (No. XI appeared in Vol. XXXIX ante, for 1910, p. 64.) BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A. (Oxon. ) Idontification of Tambaparani in the Rock Ediets. The name Tambapasini occurs twice in the Edicts, namely, in Rock Edict II. which asserts that 'curative arrangements were organized as far as Tambapamni': and in Rock Edict XIII, which descrilies the conquest by t). Law of Piety,' or morality as extending to the same limit. The name undoubtedly is that written in Sanskrit ** Tamraparni (Tam braparni of Imp. Gazetteer), which is applied both to Ceylon and to a river which formerly fowed through the ancient Pandya kingdom and now traverses the Tinnevelly District. In the second edition of my Akoka (Oxford, 1909 ) I translated the name in both passages by "Ceylo:1, but am satisfied that I was mistaken, and that the reference in both cases is to the river, not to the island. Asoka meant that his medical institutions and Buddhist propaganda extended into the Pandya territory. The Rock Ediots, as is now well known, were published in or about 2.57 B.C. At that date the relations of the Indian emperor with Ceylon had not begun. They did not come into existence until several years later, soon after the accession of Tissa as king of Ceylon, which event, according to Wickramasinghe, may be dated in 253 B.C. The reign of Tissa, who, like Asoka, bore the title Devana piya, lasted, as that of Asoka did, for about forty years. (Ep. Zeylanica, 1, 81.) Consequently, it is impossible that he word Tambapa ini in the Edicts should refer to Ceylon. The Arthaslistra of Kautilya or Chanakya, which was composed in the time of Asoka's yrandfather, and makes only one reference to Tamra parui, certainly treats the name as meaning the river. Chapter 11 of Book I. in which the various kinds of gems are described, mentions the Tamraparnika kind as being that which is produced in the Tamraparni. The commentator explains the meaning by the note, 'A river in the Panilya country. The river was famous as the seat of fisheries for both pearls and the chank shell (Turbinella rapa). The ancient port of Korkal, then on the bank of the river and on the sea-coast, was a place of extensive commerce and a centre of the gem trade. The gems, other than pearls, must have come chiefly from Ceylon, and the close commercial relations between the Pandya kingdom and the island may explain the transfer of the name Tamra parni from the river on the mainland to (evlon. Prior to the accession of T'issa, in or about 253 B.C., Ceylon probably was known to India mainly as a place which supplied gems and spices to the mart on the Tamraparni, from which it was not distinguished. The Ta mraparni river was and is still a stream of exceptional importance on its own account. although its course, windings included, measures only about seventy miles. The catchment area receives both the S.W. and N.E. monsoons, with the result that the river is in flood twice in the year and offers unique facilities for the irrigation of rice. Its valley is the wealthiest portion of the Tingevelly District. The river rises in the Potiyam or Potigai mountain, also called Agastya's Hill, the Potalaka of Hinen Tsang, 6800 feet high, which receives an annual rainfall of 300 inches, while the Tinnerelly plain receives only 25. The river is said to be mentioned in both the Aranya-parve of the 1 Real, II, 233 : Watters, II, 231.

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FEBRUARY, 1918 ASOKA YOTES. YO. XII. Mahabharata and in the Raghuraiia. It is considered extremely sacred throughout its whole course, and especially at the falls in the hills. The Greeks called ic Solen, which seems to be a variant form of Ceylon. It is remarkable that they, like the Indians. should apply the one name to the river and the island The Potigai mountain appears as Bettigo' in Greek. The port of Korkai, which used to be situated near the mouth of the Tamraparai, but now is five miles from the sea, seems to have been the first settlement of civilized man in those parts. The ruin of Korkai and the other ancient ports in the neighbourhood uncloubtedly is due to a gradual elevation of the land, and not to mere silting up by deposits of sand brought down by the rivers. The proof is given concisely hy Caldwell in the following passage : I should not expect to find relics of the oldest period anywhere near the sea, as I consider it certain that the land has been slowly but steadily rising above the ancient sea level for ages, probably even before man made his appearance in the district. The rise of the land all through the historical period is, I think, capable of proof. Near Kulasekharapattanam, a town and port of some antiquity, pieces of broken pottery are occasionally found imbedded in the grit stone, a marine formation abounding In sea shells of existing species, found all along the coast. I have a specimen in my possession found about #mile from the sea-shore ; but I regard this as proving, not the immense antiquity of the pottery, which does not appear to differ in the least from the pottery now in lise, but rather the comparatively recent origin of some portions of the grit-stone.' 2 The long-expected edition of the edicts of Asoka by Professor Hultzsch was in the press when the war broke out in 1914. The work is not sufficiently advanced to be completed by any body exoept the author. I have been permitted by the Clarendon Press to consult the small portion printed off which comprises the whole of the Rock Edicts in the Girnar recension and most of the Kalsi recension, but not the 13th edict or the close of the 12th. Dr. Haltzsch correctly renders the words a Tambapanni in Edict II, Girnar, by as far as the Tamraparnt', and appends the note: Here and in edict XIII Tamraparoi is usually taken to refer to Ceylon; but it is more natural to understand by it the river of this name in the Tinnevelly district, which was known to the author of the Ramayana (Bombay edition, iv, 41, 17). Cf. Mr. V. A. Smith's note, ZDMG., 63, 211.' Edict XIII in the Girnar recension is missing In edict II of the Kalgi recension we have the enumeration of foreign countries Chorld Paida ya Satiyaputo Kelalaputo Talibapa ini, which Dr. Hultzsch renders :the Chodas, the Pandyas, the Satiyaputa, the Kelalaputa, the Tamraparni.' His edition of the 13th edict in that recension is not at my disposal. It is clear that in both edicts Tambapanni means the Tinnevelly rive, not the Island of Ceylon. History of Tinnevelly, Madras, 1881, 5, 9-11, 19, 38. Within India proper there have been local changes in the relative level of land and sea within recent geological times... On the east side of Bombay Island trees have been found imbedded in mud about 12. feet below low-water mark, while a similarly submerged forest has been described on the Tinnevelly coast. On the other hand, there is evidence to show that a part of the coast of Tinnevelly has risen and driven back the sea in the neighbourhood of Kayal.' (Imp. Gaz, 1907, 1, 99, Geology' by T. H. Holland.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1918 THE ARTHASASTRA EXPLAINS : BY K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxon.), BAR. AT LAW: BANKIPORE. (1) << Pranaya" of Rudrada man's Inseription. The meaning of the term pranaya occurring in Rudradaman's Inscription 1 is now settled by Kau ilya's Arthasastra. Hindu Law lays down a fixed system of taxation which no king acting under the Law could violate. He could neither introduce a new tax, nor could he enhance the rates fixed by the Common Law (Dharmasdstra). This, of course, was very inconvenient to an imperial system like that of the Mauryas, which had to maintain a large standing army and to carry on great wars. The system, therefore, had to have recourse to devices. It introduced and levied taxes without directly calling them taxes. The Arthasastra calls them pranaya! (in the singular). This gift of affection was to be realised during financial stringency (Pratyutpannarthakrichchham,' p. 240).: This could be levied only once, presumably in one reign (sakrideva na dvih prayojyah, p. 241). If there was disappointment in the realisation of the pranaya the Minister of Revenue had to beg' it from the capital and the country after pointing out the importance of the object for which it was wanted (tasyakarane va sam tharta karyamapadisya paura-jinapadan bhikshela, pp. 241-2). For better success, the king had also to beg (ra ja paura-junapadan bhikhsheta). The agents of the Government were the first to give largely and they would put to shame those who paid little. Hiranya' (gold coin) was begged of the rich. Another device was that titles or dignities, the privilege of using the umbrella of distinction, and what in Muhammadan times was called khiilats, were to be given for hiranya (Fura-314-u-ferrari feroaa yeg, p. 242). The pranaya amongst the rural population was realised at twenty-five per cent. of the agricultural produce, and at one-sixth of cotton and woollen goods, etc. Likewise the urban articles of trade and merchandise were also made to pay a high profit and capital tax ranging from 50 per cent. to 20 per cent. Theatrical people had to pay half of their salaries (p. 241). It seems that this affection tax was carried down to thu time of Rudradaman and thus had a history of about four centuries, at least. That the affection 'tax had been very much resented is proved by the fact of Rudradaman's publicly announcing its discontinuance. True to his coronation-oath (pratijna') he realised only the taxes sanctioned by Hindu Law. 3 1 Ep. Ind., VIII. 43, 44. * f. pratijJAcAbhirohasva manasA karmaNA giraa| pAlavivAmyahaM bhaumaM brahma iveba cAsakRt // M. Bh., Santi, 59.106. The oath exacted a promise to follow the Law. Cf. TNT w fiset poratti TF: n a ETITI 7 . M. Bh., Banti, 59. 107. :

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FEBRUARY, 1918 ] THE ARTHAGASTRA EXPLAINS 51 (2) The God-idols of the Mauryas. The old discussion on Patanjali's Mauryair hiranydrthibhir-archah prakalpitah ought to be considered now in the light of a datum in the Arthaidstra. The pranaya' and sale of honours were not the only Mauryan devices to ease financial situation. Pataajali's remark the worships established by the Mauryas who wanted hiranya (money)' has reference to another of those devices. In the same chapter (on Financial Stringency, ch. 90) one more method of raising money is given and that is by instituting new worships (p. 242 ). There was an imperial Department of Temples and Worship3. The Minister in charge (baru ) was expected to help the Exchequer by various procedures. He had, for instance, to exploit the superstitious devotees (Sraddadhanan) of Nagas by showing a real serpent in the Niiga-idol through secret human agency (p. 242). New daivata had to be set up at night and yatrasamajas convened there to raise revenue from their offerings. According to Patanjali some of the objects of worship established by the Mauryas were still worshipped in his time ( gfrie ), and amongst such worships were also the wellknown" Siva, " " Skinda" and "Visakha" 3 (f : F a ure , apparently, of Pafaliputra. (3) Nivi of the Inscriptions. The word nici oceurring in the inscriptions has not been properly understood. The Arthasastra explains it. - Vivi is a technical term of the Hindu secretariat. It means & despatch,' document,' record' or file.' See Arthaslistra, pp. 61, 62, 64. (Wrasa ftat; -TRT ifrantai, etc.) The expression, like our modern 'red-tape,' is derived from the physical feature the string 'which was tied round the despatch or returns. The Nivi of the inscriptions has thus to be translated as document' or despatch,' and akshaya-nivi as permanent document.' "Thus saith Priyadarsi ": Proclamations not ediets.' "Thus saith" was a technical style used in a certain class of royal documents. The style had come down from pre-Mauryan times. For Kautilya in his chapter on 4 On Payini, 5. 3. 99 : sif su rol 5 It may be noticed that most of the gods mentioned in the Arthagdatra (pp. 55-6 ) go back to the Maurya and pre-Maurya times. Its Siva and Vaigravana may be compared with Panini's Siva (4.1.112 and Siva-Vaisravanau of the Maha-Bhashya (on Panini, 6.3.26), and the Nagas and Sri with the Nagas and Siri of the Buddhist Sutras. The divins are vedic. The histories of Madird, Jayanta, Vaijayanta, I pardjita and Apratihata, however, are still to be traced. Patanjali means by implication that the Mauryas did make a trade by instituting these idols (pratikritis, P. v. 3. 96), and thus the limitation of Panini " soa" where no trade is made' (only a livelihood is made, stare), faile in the case of the Siva', etc., of the Mauryas, which are called * Siva,' etc. (not Sivaki, etc.): Stuu ryca ferat fra : frater fal PK ETTEI arroz etc.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1918 Sasanadhibuira or the Department of Royal Correspondence (pp. 70-75) gives ancient rules " *** art y " (p. 75). He quotes verses which by their very style prove themselves to be ancient. "A r easur" are the royal communications which stand in the first pada of the first verse, others being Pari-hara, Nisrishli, Pravrittika. Pati-lekha and Sarvatraga. We are not here concerned with the sisanas other than the first two-Prajia pana and Aina. Prainipandis described in these words: anena vijJApitamevamAha sahIyatAM ceyadi tattvamasti / Trata TECATE Targar forreer II (p. 73). The verse is difficult and the meaning obscure, but this much is clear and certain that the Prajapana gave various advices or informations (fearrrrezi) and that it began with " Anena vijnapitai," "It is notified hereby," or "evam aha," "Thus saith."8 Thus the inscriptions of Asoka beginning with evam dha are all Prajnapanas : Proclamations, alvising or informing the people. It is wrong to call them edicts." These Public Proclamations sometimes quote an ajna-lekha. Let us first discuss the characteristics of an ajna-lekha. bharnurAjJA bhaveyara nisahAnupahI prati / Att ta de- ar |(p. 73). << An order of the Master (Sovereign- an order restraining or approving, issued especially to Government servants-bears the characteristics of an ajna-lekha." An ajna-lekha is quoted in the Rock series, section III. It is addressed to the bhritys rajukus', Pradesikas' and 'the council's (Parisa, the Council of Ministers'). Another ajna-lekha in cited in sec. VI of the Rock Series. It is issued to the Council of Ministers (Parisa). Both are marked by the style "evam mayd ajna pitam." These ajna-lekhas are included in the evam-aha documents of Asoka; they have no separate existence there. They contain one more class of writs, called by Kautilya a Prati lekha, where a document is drafted in the king's own words ( HUT) p. 74). A good example of this is the Jaugad, Separate Record II, beginning with "Thus saith" but giving the laja-vachanika text. It would be, therefore, proper to call these inscriptions Prajnapanas or Public Proclamations.' "Eliots" are not correct. European scholars take "lipi" of dharma-lipi standing at the head of the series as denoting the character of these documents and they translate it by "edicts." But it can be demonstrated that lipi does not mean "edicts." In the Saranath inscription Asoka says that two lipis of the same aasana were sent there. Lipi therefore means a despatch.'10 Sinana does not there invariably mean "orders." Foreign correspondence was also called tinanas. T T T 1, 617 faqat: (p. 7C.) . The other styles of conimen:ement are obscure. They probably are "addiyatached-yudi fattpam =asti" or "addiyatam chet" (you may give if'(?)) and " yadi tattramasti" (If it is true" (?)) and Rainas-samipe Parakiram = dha ( meaning obseure ) Enemy's document (litu, p. 73) come to the king says thus" (?) As it is an ajna-lekha it must have been addressed to the Royal Parind('servants'), and not to the clergy as supposed by scholars. Cf. also my interpretation of the Parisk in sec. VI (ante, 1913, 282.84.) 10 Cf. also the lipi addressed to the Government of Kalinga,

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FEBRUARY, 1918) THE ARTHASASTRA EXPLAINS 53 (5) Vinita of Aboka's Inscriptions. Vinita used in Asoka's dharm 2-lipi, section VI of the Rock series, has been translated by European scholars, with some diffidence, as a 'carriage.' We get the real sense if we refer to the Royal Time Table given in the Arthasastra in the chapter on Royal Duty (pp. 37-39). The chapter emphasises utthana (energy): TERUTA47: ffa (1st paragraph; p. 37), and again, trait a ura | Egerina rural A faq ( last lines, p. 39). Now Asoka's 'edict' VI is also on utthana: TF T JETA I. Bearing this in mind we can proceed further. According to the Artha sastra time-table the King was to attend to the questions of Defence and Finance early morning for 11 hours (p. 37), and after that between 7-30 a.m. and 9 a.m. he had to entertain public petitions freely in the Throne-Hall.11 After that he went to have his bath and meals and private study (9-10-30 a.m.)12 That this time-table was acted upon by Chandragupta may be gathered from Megasthenes, who says that the King was being 'shampooed' while receiving petitions. This shampooing' would naturally refer to the hours before bath Asoka is really extending the hours for the petitions of the public. He says that he would attend to the artha of the people (cf. rifat, AS.) even in the hours set apart for meals and study (while I be taking food or I be in the palace"-Asoka). Then after the hours of breakfast and study, the Arthasastra again enjoins attending to public businesscorrespondence with the Council of Ministers (10-30--12 a.m.) after which he might have his ( ET) rest and amusements (12--1-30 p.m.). Against this (tapatero ), Asoka refers to his presence in his "garbhagara." This garbhagara was most likely an inderground cool room for rent in summer. 13 In the after-noon, according to the Arthasastra time-table, the king would go to the military training grounds ( A REEZETTU antart 9 , P. 38) and himself would join the drill or vinaya ( **** FRONTY a re TEXT, p. 10). Against this we have Asoka's vachasi and vinitasi. 14 Vinita, therefore, stands for vinaya or military exercise. (6) Vracha of Aboka's Inscription. Vacha (Girnar and Kalsi) would also refer to some military matter, as it occurs after garbhagara corresponding to the rest' of the Arthasastra time-table. Mr. Vincent Smith restores vacha into vracha (Asoka, 1901, p. 122). The Kharosthi versions have varcha which in view of the eccentric orthography of those versions 15 or our eccentric reading of that 11 fata Arratai rart 3 (p. 37) 39 YTTTT: rain raa (p. 38). 13 at E a t I FIAT ! (p. 37). 1s Ot. with the bhumi-griham of the Arthasdetra, p. 40. 1 sarva kAlaM adamAnasA meM olodhanAsa gabhAgAlasi vacasi vinitasi uyAnasi sabatA panivedakA arDa et 97 # (Kalsi). 15 Cf. parti-vedaka (VI) instead of prati-vednk. T

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY | FEBRUARY, 1918 orthography, may represent both vracha and varcha. With regard to varcha, European scholars have translated the word as 'latrine'. No king in his senses would ask officers to announce the business of suitors in his latrine. The basis of the interpretation (varcha), therefore, strikes me as being a mistaken value. Vracha on the other hand gives a meaning which agrees with the data of the Artha astra. I'racha and vacha both equate with vraja. Vrachanti in sec. XIII, Rock series ( Shahbazvarhi) stands in the place of the Khalsi yanti, that is, vrachanti = Sans. vrajanti. Hemachandra gires vachchai for wrajati.16 We may therefore take vracha and vacha as equivalents of the Sans. vraja. raja in the Artha nastra is a technical term for the royal stables for horses, mules, bullocks, etc., and their breeding-farms. 9 19- FA T 9799a Parafera 78-989 (p. 129 ); 1-HR114*, ATE N (p. 60), also see p. 59. Aoka thus says that whether he be in the royal steed and cattle farms and stables or he be on the parade grounds, reviewing animals or men, urgent petitions might be brought to his notice by the ushers (prati-wedakas ).17 The last stage of Asoka's daily routine is his presence in the udyana or the Royal Gardens. The Arthasastra has, against it, the performance of the sandhya in the evening (p. 38). Asoka being a Buddhist had nothing to do with the orthodox prayer sandhya, but he passed his time in the gardens which presumably was done in the evening. Before the evening hours, we have in the Arthasastra, the king thinking' of vikrama along with the Commander-in-Chief. If it meant military expeditions Aboka had nothing to do with it either, as these had been given up by him. But if it meant military drill, it corresponded with Asoka's vinita. 19 Vacha-Bhu mik as of Aboka. Vachu-bhumikus or Vracha-bhumikas (Mansera) of sec. XI] of the Rock series lipis of Asoka, in view of the interpretation of vracha in the last note, would mean the officers of the Vrajabhumi." Vraja-bhumi and Vraja are not the same. For the Royal wajas in the Arthaidstra are nowhere connected with bhumi; the technical term is wraja there, and not Vraja-bhumi. 18 JR.N., 1913, 655, #. Buhler, AgokaInzer flen, p. 173. 1 Prativedakes are not spies as translated heretofore but the ushers or the officers who announced the arthins or suitors. This is the natural meaning, while the "spy" is forced, and unwarranted by the literature of the time. 1% We may tabulate a comparison between the two routines as follows: CHANDRAGUPTA. 9-10-30 a.m. .. .. 10-30-12 12-1.30 p.m. 1-30--3 p.m... 3 to +-30 p.m. 4-30--6 p.m. .. ASOKA. . Meals an udy. Meals. .. Correspondence with Council. .. Svaira-vihera. In the Palace; in the garbhagana. .. Inspection of the military elephants, At the vrajas. horses, etc. .. Vikrama' along with the Senapati. Vinita or military drill. .. Sandhya. In the gardens. ..

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FEBRUARY, 1918 ] THE ARTHASASTRA EXPLAIXS 55 We have, however, in one place another use of vraja. It is at p. 22 of the Artha sastraTET -TIT : "On the frontiers vraju-dwellers ( are to be employed as spies)." V.rajavasins here means the class of men who lived by looking after cattle, cowherds, shepherds, etc. Vraja-bhumikas probably were officers of the ecclesiatical service (dharmayuktas ) living and working amongst the wandering population on the frontiers. 10 (8) Narendra' as another name of Chandragupta in the Puranas. In discussing the Puranic data about the end of the Nanda and the beginning of the Maurya chronology, I could not understand a passage of the Vayu Purana which read as TOST: safa 20 (37-324). This comes after the statement that the land had remained for 100 years under the Nandas. (T heff or yht wet, ra). The Matsya adds to this Fat Arara (ori) Acura (Pargiter. Purana Text, p. 26). Nandenduhin the Vayu is clearly a corrupt reading. For the MSS. are not unanimousNandendah, Nandendrah, Nandenthao, Nandanah, and Nandendhah are the variants. (See Pargiter, p. 26, n. 42.) The correct form appears in the Brahmania as Narendrah. I could not see its significance in 1913 when I wrote the paper on the Mau.ya chronology, 19 and it appeared to me then as filling up some gap after par hf. Now as the nominative form *t has been found in MSS. TTT - would stand independently and the next pagsage ater etc., independently. Instead of a there has been found in one MS. (18th century) facare (Pargiter, p. 26, n. 42). #: art or f ara would thus mean-after the 100 years of the Nandas) "there will be Narendra" ("the Maurya " of the Matsya), that is, Naren ira Maurya = Chandragupta. The : fare (V., Br.) = - Ati sfarcure I (M.) The preceding passage mentions the destruction of the Nandas by Kautilya. Hence there is no doubt that the Maurya' of the Matsya is equivalent to the "Narendra " of the Vayu and Brahmanda. It thus becomes obvious that Narendra ' is employed as another name of Chandragupta, and Narendra' as another name of Chandragupta is confirmed by the Arthasastra. The Arthasastra (p.75) gives a verse sarvazAstrANvanukramba prayogamupalabhya ca / kauTilvena narendrAtheM zAsanasva vidhiH kRtH|| -The Kautilya laid down the canons governing the issue of the Sasanas for the benefit of Narendra. 19 For Vraja as a division of land see references in St. Peter's Diot. where vraja is opposed to forest and town. Vraja-bhumi may also mean the province or country of Vraja, around Methora (Harivamsa and Bhase); cf. Vatsa-bhumi of the Sabha-P. MBh. According to Megasthenes the Krishna cult was powerful in the Vraja area. It is possible that Aboka attempted to check the adverse criticism of Buddhism by the followers of that cult through his Vraja-bhamika oonsors, 2 JBOR8., I. 97.

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56 THE INDIAX ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1918 (9) Dipista and Dipi of Asoka's Inscriptions. Prof. Hultzsch has corrected the old readings dipista, dipalpitam, dipapito of Shahbazgarhi. He found that di is really ni in each case, and he derived nipista from nishpishta 'ground' (JR48., 1913, 653-54). Later on he inclined to connect it with the Persian navistan, 'to write' (JRAS., 1914, 97 ). The Artha astra saves us from the necessity of going to Persia for the derivation of nipista. In view of the explanation of nivi offered above, it may be said with confidence that nipi in ni pista stands for nivi, and that nipista stands for nivi-stha or nivishta 21 Nipista would thus mean reduced into document' or recordeu If we compare this with the direction in the Arthasastra as to what matters were to be entered into nibandha-pustaka "Tygr RIFTO" (p. 62), we might get some additional light. Certain facts-e.g., laws and customs (174-62 ter-afty-F i), treaties, subsidies allowed to foreign kings ( PIETAT -Trata--were to be recorded (Paru-aniei e) in certain registers kept within wooden boards at the department of the Royal Archives A. Likewise Asoka here is leaving certain directions to his sons and grandsons, and for them he is putting them on record (nivi-stha). The original nivi must have been kept at the Imperial Akshapatala enclosed and tied within wooden boards. As dipi' has to be read as nipi so probably dhrama-dipi also has to be read now as dhrama-nivi. Dhrama-nivi would mean "the Despatch (or Document') relating to the Dharma.' This accords with the sense of dharma-lipi of the Girnar and other editions. Lipi there, as already pointed out by me, means a 'despatch' and not an edict'.22 NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. employ your Shipp, She being newly and well fitted on this Voyage for the buying of Slaves att Malla 10. Slaves from Madagascar for the Company's gascar, to which purpose we have laden and conSettlement at Sumatra. signed to you for the Right Honble. Company [] 17 October 1689. Letter from Elihu Yale and account propper and Suflitient Stock and Cargoes Council at Fort St. George to Benjamin Bloom and which we refer to your care and management Council al Bencoolen. Your importunenate desiers hopeing you will answer our orders and of a Supply of Cofferyes [ ka fri, caffree, native of expectations therein, but haveing noe Settlement S. Africa) to carry and serve your fortification has or People there to Recommend you to, we must Perswaded us to send the Pearle Friggot to Malla leave the more to your discretions ... 80 can gascar for the procury of them and to proceed give you no more then & Generall advice to from thence directly to you, which we hope She de port your Selves and negotiate your businogs will be Successfull in and pray send us a Particular with care, caution and prudence, that you may account of whatt and how many you receive by nither fall into Surprize by the Natives, or give them... them any just occation of ofence by your Carriage (October 1689]. Commission and Instructions to and dealeing with them; and the ladeing being to Mr. Watson and Capt. James Perriman for cheifly in Cofferyes we would have you buy so their Voyage to Maddagascarr, &ca. Upon the many of them as your Shipp is able to carry Pearle Friggott. with Conveniency and Safety ... Records of The Cheif &ca. att Bencoolen adviseing us the Fort St. George, Letters from Fort St. George, 1689, creat want of Cofferyes for the Rt. Honble. pp. 53, 58. Company[s] Service there, we have thought fitt to R. C. T. #Compare the change of fha or tha into ta in tistati ( = tishthantah ) in the same Rock (IV), Shahbazgarhi. Supra 51, .

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MARCH, 1918) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, Bt. (Continued from p. 34.) III. Obstructive Measures at Madras towards Individuals concerned in the Austrian Venture. Letter from the President and Council at Fort St George to the Court of Directors, dated 17 October 1778.81 THE Imperial Ship [Joseph and Theresa] arriving here the 4th Inst., we have given 1 strict orders that there shall be no other Communication with her on shore but for fresh water and Provisions. Letter from Nathaniel Green, Consul at Trieste, to the Earl of Suffolk,s? dated Trieste, 1 January 1779.83 I have heard talk of an intention to build some large ships; some hint also that they may be of force, but others say thay are to be for the East India trade, which I am told is to be managed by a Company established here some time ago under the title of the Priviledged Company of Fiume, the Adventurers in which are of Brucells (Brussels), Antwerp &ca. I am told that Bolts has certainly been in China and that the ship is on her return destined for this Port, or at least that her Cargo will be sent hither, also that the French will permit ships to be purchased and fitted out at Port L'Orient (Brittany) for carrying on this trade. I have from another part pretty sure intelligence that Bolts was about 6 months ago on the coast of Coromandel and had had some dispute with an English frigate about some sailors; that his agent Ryan died at Madrass; that he sold copper at 12 Per Cent loss, but other goods tolerably well, and that the Dutch caused him much trouble by refusing him Provisions. Letter from Sir Thomas Thumbold 84 and the Select Committee at Fort St. George to Sir Fdward Hugre8,58 dated 2 March 1780.86 We think it necessary td inform you that We understand Mr Macey, late a Lieutenant in the French Service at Chandernagore, entered in Bengal as an officer on board the small Imperial Ship now in the load, and which is to sail for Europe in a few days. He is said to be an active inteligent man, and as his going from hence at this time may be of prejudice to the Company Affairs, we request you will take measures for preventing his departure in that ship. 81 Madras Letters Receiveo IX. 178. 82 Henry, 12th Earl of S olk, died 6 March 1779, was Principal Secretary of State for the Southern Department from 1771-1779. 88 State Papers, Foreign, rmany (Empire), Vol. 221 (Public Record Office). The information in this letter, if exact, W if Axact. would be most ateresting, as Fiume, now the great Hungarian port, has always been the rival of Trieste, the great Austrian port. I have, however, been unable to trace this Company among the Records in England. From Consul G:een's letter of 11 July 1783 (see infra), the new venture seems to have been styled the Imperial India (ur Asiatic) Company" and to it Bolts resigned the exclusive rights of trade obtained from Maria Theresa in 1775. u Sir Thomas Rumbold, Bt. (1736-1791), Governor of Madras 1778-1780. 85 Admiral Sir Edward Hughes (1720-1794), commander in the East Indies 1773-1777 and 1778-1783. # Madras Select Committee Consultations (1780), LXIX. 319-320.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 1918 Letter from Sir Edward Hughes to Sir Thomas Rumbold and Select Committee, Fort St. George, dated Ship Superb in Madras Road, 5 March 1780.87 I yesterday received your letter of the 2nd Instant, informing me Monsieur Macey, late a Lieutenant in the French Service at Chandernagore, was serving as an officer on board the small Imperial Ship in this Road, and as his going from hence might be of prejudice to the Company's Affairs, requesting me to take measures to prevent his departure in that Ship. I am now to acquaint You that, in consequence of your request to me, I ordered an Officer of the Squadron to demand Monsieur Macey of the Commander of the Imperial Ship as a Prisoner of War, and he is now on board the Superb, where he cannot be well accommodated, to wait your Determination for the future disposition of him. Deposition of Louis Mace at Madras, dated 25 March 1780.88 Louis Mace, native of the Port of L'Orient in France, declares upon oath that at the time Chandernagore was taken by the English, the 17th July 1778, he was on board a Dutch Ship then at the Dutch Settlement on the River Hughley, called Barnagore (Baranagar) that from that time he resided at Serampore, a Danish Settlement in Bengal, till the 27th August following, when he went on board ship and landed at the Danish Settlement o Tranquebar, where he resided for a considerable time till he engaged himself as a Marine Officer in the Service of the Imperial Asiatick Company of Trieste, having to that end, on the 27th of May 1779, taken the oath of allegiance to Her Imperial Royal Apostolick Majesty, Maria Theresa Empress Dowager Queen of Hungary, &c. &c. &c., which oath was administered to him by her Lieutenant Colonel, William Bolts, in consequence of the full powers granted to him by her said Majesty, under the seal of the Empire and under her own hand, dated at Vienna the 27th March 1776, which full powers the said William Bolts has caused to be shown to and read by this Deponent. And this Deponent further makes oath that he never was made a prisoner of war, or otherwise, in any part of the dominions of Great Britain. He deposes, moreover, that on the 5th of this Instant March, he, this Deponent, being then an Officer commanding on board the Imperial Ship le Comte Kolowrath in Madras Road, the Colours of Her said Imperial Majesty being then hoisted on board the said Ship, a boat came from the squadron now under the command of Rear Admiral Sir Edward Hughes, with two officers armed on board the said ship, and by force took this Deponent and carried him on board the said Admiral's ship, called the Superb, at present in Madras Road, and he deposes that, not withstanding the representation which this Deponent made to the said officers of his situation as above, they replied they were obliged to carry him with them as they acted under the orders of the abovementioned Admiral. And this Deponent further deposes that he was kept a prisoner on board the said ship the Superb till he signed his Parole of honor89 not to leave the District of St. Thome which is in the neighbourhood of Madras and the actual residence of the said Admiral. That in consequence of his said Parole, this Deponent went to St. Thome, and to this moment continues, with the permission of the said Admiral, to remain at Madras without having been able to obtain his full liberty, notwithstanding many 8 Madras Select Committee Consultations (1780), LXIX, 325-S 26. A Miscellaneous Letters Received, Vol. 69, No. 95. Another copy, differing slightly in the wording, is te found in Madras Select Committee Consultations (1780), LAXIX. 511-514. # A copy of the Parole, date: 17 March 1780, is entered in Madras Select Committee Consulations (1780), LXIX. 428-429.

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MARCH, 1918 ] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 59 Representations which he has had the honor of making to the said Admiral and to the Council of Madras at Fort St. George, at whose requisition the said Admiral told him he had caused him to be seized on board the said ship le Comte Kollowrath. . (signed) Mace. After having made Oath in the presence of the Lord Mayor John Hollond to the above), he, on the 26th March 1780 signed and attested it under his hand and afterwards caused the Seal of the Court of Justice to be a fixed hereunto [and] registered and attested his said signature to be true. A true Copy, Madras the 30th March 1780. (Signed) LOUIS Mace. Consultation of the Select Committee at Fort St. George, 14 April 1780.90 The Secretary lays before the Committee the following Letter from Mr William Bolts. Charles Oakeley Esqr. Sir, I request the favor of your laying before the Board at their first Meeting the accompanying Papers, in order to be transmitted to Europe in the most regular Channel I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obedient humble Servant WILLIAM BOLTS, Lieut. Colonel in the Service of their Imperial Royal and Apostolick Majesties. Madras, the 3rd April 1780. Enclosures. 1. Deposition of Louis Mace." 2. Protest of William Bolts, dated Madras, 3 April 1780. To all whom it doth or may concern, I the underwritten William Bolts as Lieutenant Colonel in the Service of their Imperial Royal and Apostolick Majesties, namely Maria Teresa Empress Dowager of the Romans, Queen of Hungaria and Bohemia &ca. Archduchess of Austria. &ca. &ca, and Joseph the Second, Emperor of the Romans, Hereditary Prince of the States of Austria and Co-regent with his said. August Mother, and also as Chief Director in India for all Affairs of the Society of Merchants united for carrying on the Trade of Asia from and to Trieste, Greeting. Whereas on the 5th day of March 1780, by order of Sir Edward Hughes Bart., Rear Admiral and Commander in Chief of His Britannick Majesty's Squadron now at Anchor within the Roads and Jurisdiction of Madras, a Boat armed with Men and Officers belonging to the said Squadron came suddenly on board the Imperial Ship Count Kollowrath, 92 then also peaceably at Anchor within the Jurisdiction aforesaid, Her said Imperial Royal and Apostolick Majesty's Colours being then flying on board the said Ship Kollowrath, and did forcibly take from on board the said Ship Kollowrath one Lewis Mace by birth a native 90 Madras Select Committee Consultations (1780), LXIX. 509.518. 91 See ante, p. 58. 92 Probably named after Adolphe Frederic, Comte de Kalkreuth, Prussian Field Marshal (1736-179-).

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1918 of Port L'Orient in France, but by Naturalization a subject of their said Imperial Royal Apostolick Majestys to whom he hath taken the due and customary Oaths of fidelity and allegiance, the said Louis Mace being then the Commanding Officer on board the said Ship Kollowrath, and did then and there forcibly take and conduct him on board Ship of the said Squadron of His Britannick Majesty under the Command of the said Rear Admiral. And whereas on the sixth day of the said Month of March, another Boat armed with Men and Officers belonging to the said Squadron did come on board the said Imperial Ship Count Kollowruth, did take from on board of her one Julius Lindeman, a Native of Germany, who was then Chief Carpenter on board, having duly entered himself upon the said Ship's Books under the usual penalties, and received his advance Money for the Voyage to Trieste, and did conduct the said Julius Lindeman on board His Britannick Majesty's Ship called the Burford. And whereas several Applications have been made by and on behalf of me the said William Bolts in the Name of My August Sovereign Her said Imperial and Apostolick Majesty to the said Rear Admiral Sir Edward Hughes, Bart., for to procure the enlargement and delivery of the said Louis Mace and Julius Lindeman, but without effect. And whereas I tho said William Bolts do conceive that the said acts of the said Sir Edward Hughes are in general violations of the universally acknowledged Rights of Nations, and in particular Acts of Hostility against the Crown and Dignity of my Sovereigns. And Whereas the said Louis Mace is a man well experienced in the celestial observations, on which I the underwritten greatly depended for the safe direction of the said Ship's path to Trieste, and the business of a Carpenter is so very material that without the said Julius Lindeman, whose place I have not been able to supply, the said Ship proceeds on her Voyage under great risques. For all these reasons I have thought it my indispensable duty to protest against the British Government and against all persons who may have acted under the Authority thereof respectively, in the Name of my said August Sovereigns, for such reparation as may be justly due to them for the injuries which I the underwritten humbly conceive are done by the Acts aforesaid to the Imperial Crown and dignity and in the name of the said Society of Merchants united for carrying on the trade of Asia from and to Trieste, for such Losses, Charges and Damages as may already have arisen and been incurred, or which may hereafter accrue or be sustained on Account of the Premisses, and particularly in case of the Loss of the said Ship and her Cargo on her intended Voyage to Trieste. I have therefore thus publickly protested and by these Presents do for and on behalf [of the) aforesaid publickly protest against the British Government and against the said Rear Admiral Sir Edward Hughes Bart., The Honble. the President and Select Committee and Council of Madras, and all others who may have acted in the Premises under the authority of the said Government, at the same time assuring each Individual Member thereof that, impressed as I am with the highest Veneration for their public Stations and Characters, and persuaded in my own mind that they have acted in the Premises in Conformity to the orders received from their Constituents, I hope they will construe this Act on my part as it really is, an Act proceeding from an indispensable obligation and duty, and not from any other motive whatever.

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MARCH, 1918] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA In Witness whereof I the said William Bolts have on the behalf aforesaid hereunto set my hand and Seal in Madras this third day of April in the year of our Lord seventeen hundred and Eighty. In the presence of WILLIAM BOLTS, Lieut.-Colonel in the Service of their Imperial Royal and Apostolick Majesties. Registered upon the Records of the Honble, the Mayor's Court at Madraspatam this 3rd day of April 1780. THOS. BAMBRIDGE JOHN MULLENS 61 JAMES TAYLOR Register Agreed that the Court of Directors be advised of this Proceeding of Mr Bolts by the first Dispatch. Consultation at Fort St. George, 5 February 1781.93 Read the following Memorial from Mr James Hegner. To the Honble. Charles Smith Esqr. President &ca. Member of the Select Committee, Fort St. George. The humble Memorial of James Hegner Sheweth That Your Memorialist is Super Cargo of the Snow Vienna, Burthen 80 Tons, which Snow was bought by Nazareth Satur of Rangoon, Merchant, for account of their Imperial Majestys, the the Cost whereof, with her outfitting, amounted to the sum of (7000) Seven Thousand Rupees. That in the Month of September 1780 the said Snow sailed from Rangoon for Nancoury (one of the Nicobar Islands, and the property of their Imperial Majestys),95 under the Command of Captain Daniel Bowles. That the said Snow arrived at Nancoury in the month of December last. That in the beginning of this month, Lieutenant Staht, the Imperial Resident at Nancoury, appointed Your Memorialist Super Cargo of the said Snow, with orders to touch at Atcheen [Achin, in Sumatra], where a Cargo would be ready. That your Memorialist sailed from Nancoury the 5th Inst., and after beating up to Windward to the 17th, the said David Bowles declared that it was not in his power to fetch Atcheen and that he must sail for Madras. That on the 26 Instant, being nearly in the Latitude of Madras, we descried the French Fleet consisting of Seven Sail and were immediately after visited by some Officers belonging to a 60 Gun ship, who, after examining our Passport and Commission, ordered us not to leave the Fleet, but to follow them, which we did accordingly, and went to the northward of Polyacott [Pulicat] on the night of the 27th, when, on account of the fast sailing of the said Fleet, we lost sight of them, and as they shewed no Lights, we tacked about and Anchored in the Roads of Madras on the same Evening, and the Cable having broke, we let go a Second Anchor. That at Sunrise of the 28th Inst. We hoisted the Imperial Colours, and being in distress fired a Gun for a Boat to come on board; soon after which Captain Bowles wrote a letter by a Cattamaran to the Master Attendant to inform him of the Name and Owner of the said Snow. And your Memorialist wrote to Mr Agavally Satur, Merchant of 93 Madras Select Committee Consultations (1789), V. 251-255. 4 The two merchants named Nazareth and Agavelly Satur were evidently Persian Armenians from Julfa near Ispahan. The name Satur is nowadays sometimes transformed into Chater. See ante, IP. 12-13.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1918 Madras, to order an Anchor and Cable on board, who in consequence thereof applied to the Master Attendant for that purpose; soon after which your Memorialist came on shore to deliver his letter and spoke to Mr Agavally Satur about the want which they were in for The Anchor and Cable. Your Memorialist Sheweth that the Anchor and Cable was not sent, and the old Cable having broke about three o'clock in the afternoon of the 27th Inst., the Snow began to drive, and the Officer on board hoisted a Signal of Distress and fired again. Notwithstanding which, no assistance came, and the Officer was then obliged to hoist his Sails in order to prevent the Snow from driving on Shore. That the Indiamen thereupon fired seven or more sharp loaded Guns at the Snow, some of which shattered her Sails and Rigging and then sent three boats on board with men armed with Cutlasses, who came alongside, and altho' no resistance was made to their boarding the said Snow, they fell on the Snow's Crew with ther Cutlasses, treated them very ill, broke up many Chests and plundered the Vessell, as if it had belonged to an Enemy. That afterwards they made the Snow fast to one of the Indiamen, but as the Boats had returned, the Rope was cut and the Snow drove on Shore, where she is now lost. Your Memorialist further Sheweth that Captain Bowles hath lost all his things, and what Money ho had on board ; That the Mate suffered a Considerable Loss; The Imperial Soldier Suwald lost all he had, was very much beaten and ill used, and with difficulty saved his Life. The Lascars have lost every thing. That your Memorialists effects were plundered to the amount of eighty Pagodas, besides the loss of 90 Pieces of Blue Cloth to the value of 400 rupees. Your Memorialist sheweth that throughout the whole of this misfortune from his first arrival in the Place to the hour the Snow was driven on Shore, every Act of Respect and Attention was shown to the Honble. Company by your Memorialist, by the Captain and by every person on board the said Snow, and that, by hoisting their Colours and afterwards hoisting signals of distress and firing Guns, it was evident that nothing was intended by those on board the said Snow but to save their own Lives. That their Imperial Majesties are at peace with his Britannic Majesty and with the Honble. East India Company, and as an instance of the attention of the Sabjects of their Imperial Majesties to those of the British Nation, your Memorialist sheweth that Captain Williams who was taken by a French Cruizer and landed at the Nicobars was entertained for three months at the expence of the said Mr Staht, the Imperial Resident, and was granted a free passage on the said Snow Vienna to Madras. Your Memorialist therefore as the immediate Subject, and as being in the employ of their Imperial Majesties submits to the consideration of the Honble. the Select Committee that the violence which has been thus offerad to the Colours of their Imperial Majesties and their Subjects, and the loss of property which has followed therefrom, being entirely unmerited, ought to be redressed, and your Memorialist hopes that your Honors will be pleased to grant such redress as the Case appears to deserve. JAMES HEGNER Madras, 3181 January 1781. Agreed that the above Memorial be referr'd to the Company's Standing Counsel and his opinion requested thereon.

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MARCH, 1918) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA Letter from the Company's Standing Counsel respecting Mr Hegner's Memorial, dated Fort St. George, 9 February 1781.96 To Mr Secretary Sulivan. Sir, I have received your favor of the 7th Inst. enclosing me, by Directions of the President and Select Committee, a Copy of a Memorial delivered to them by Mr James Hegner and desiring my opinion on the subject of it. But as it is necessary, to enable me to forin an opinion how it would be proper to act upon this occasion, that I should know what the Captains complained of have to offer in their justification, I think it would be right to send them a copy of the Memorial for that purpose. At present having but a partial view of the subject, it is impossible for me to form a satisfactory judgement of it. I request that you will acquaint the Hon'ble. President and Select Committee with this circumstance and am &c. BENJAMIN SULIVAN Letter from the Secretary at Fort St. George to Mr James Hegner, dated 16 February 1781.97 The Hon'ble. President and Select Committee have received your Memorial. The Subject of it is under the consideration of the Company's Standing Counsel. When his Opinion is reported, I shall have the Command of Government to reply fully to you on the points in Question, Letter from the Earl of Hillsboroughos to the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the East India Company, dated St. James's, 21 September 1781.90 Count Belgioioso, 100 the Imperial Minister, having presented to me, by Order of his Court, two Memorials complaining of the proceedings of Vice Admiral Sir Edward Hughes, the Governors of the Company's Settlements in India, and particularly of the Governor General, against the subjects of His Imperial Majesty, I transmit to you herewith copies thereof, and of a Declaration upon Oath of Louis Mace 1 inclosed in one of the Memorials. I shall by the first Conveyance write to Sir Edward Hughes for what regards the Charge stated against him, as I do not find any mention in his Letters to me of those matters, but in case you may have received intelligence of what may have passed between that Admiral or the Governors in India and the Emperor's Subjects, I am to desire you will communicate the same to me, together with your opinion concerning the propriety of the Admiral's and Governor's Conduct, and if you have received no such notice, it will be highly necessary that you transmit by the very first conveyance to the respective Governors Copies of the inclosed papers, so far as regards them, and that you direct them to send you, as soon 96 Madras Select Committee Consultations (1781), V. 350. 97 Madras Select Committee Consultations (1781), V. 360. 96 Viscount Hillsborough, Ist Marquis of Downshire, Principal Secrutary of State for the Northern Department 1779-1782. 99 Miscellaneous Letters Received, Vol. 69, No. 88. 106 Louis Charles Marie Belgio Joso, Comte de Barbrano, born 1728, was Maria Theresa', ambassadur (and after her death ambassador for Joseph II. of Austria) in London from 1770 to 1783. . 1 See ante, p. 58.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1918 as possible, circumstantial Accounts of what has happened, for His Majesty's Information, that I may be enabled to give proper Answers to Count Belgioioso thereupon. Enclosures. 1. Memorial from the Count Belgioioso to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated 21 June 1781. The undersigned Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from Her Imperial and Royal Apostolick Majesty has the honor of transmitting to Lord Viscount Stormont 3 the annexed deposition upon oath of Louis Mace, a naturalized subject of Her Imperial and Royal Apostolick Majesty, made at Madras the 5th March 1780, by which his Excellency will see in what manner that officer, then commanding the Ship le Comte Kallowrath, carrying the Imperial and Royal Flag as Lieutenant, was seized in Madras Road by order of Rear Admiral Sir Edward Hughes and detained as a Prisoner. Her Imperial and Royal Majesty having commanded the undersigned to demand of His Britannick Majesty's Minister that the said Officer should be set at liberty, he acquits himself of that command by this Memorial, with the more alacrity as he is convinced that an act of violence so manifestly contrary to all that is due to a Power in amity could never have had the approbation of His Britannick Majesty. (signed) LE COMTE DE BELGIOIOSO Portman Square, 21st June 1781. 2. Memorial from the Count Belgioioso to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated 13th December 1781. The undersigned Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from Her Imperial and Royal Apostolick Majesty had the honor of transmitting to your Excellency a Memorial dated the 21 June last, to demand satisfaction and reparation for an insult offered to the Imperial and Royal Flag in Madras Road the 5th March 1780 by the English Rear Admiral Sir Edward Hughes, in the violent seizure of one Louis Mace, a naturalized Subject of Her Imperial and Royal Majesty, engaged in her Service as Chief Officer of the Imperial Ship le Comte de Kallowrath, and being at that time commanding Officer on board that Ship. But the undersigned has since learnt that this insult was followed by another of the same kind on the day after the seizure of Louis Mace, the same persons having come a second time armed on board le Comte de Kollowrath, (sic) and having, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the Officers, taken one Lindeman, a German, an Imperial Subject, and who was Master Carpenter of the Ship. Nor are these open violations of the rights of nations the only acts of injustice that the subjects of Her Imperial Royal Majesty concerned in the Asiatick Company of Trieste have experienced from the British Governments in India, and particularly from that of Bengal, which not only by publick notice forbid all the subjects of its Colony to have any communication with Her Imperial and Royal Majesty's subjects, but even carried its violence so far as, on the 27th of August 1779, to cause to be seized and detained a considerable quantity of Caliaton Redwood purchased on their account, without assigning any reason Miscellaneous Letters Received, vol. 69, No. 92. Dayid. 7th Viscount Stormont and 2 Earl of Mansfield (1727-1796), Secretary of State for the Southern Department 1779 1782. Miscellaneous Letters received, Vol. 69, No. 90. 5 This term probably means redwood from Kaliot (in South Kanara) Dear Mangalore, where Bolts had established a factory.

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MARCH, 1918] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 65 whatsoever for so doing, notwithstanding the Lientenant Colonel and Director of the said Asiatick Company, William Bolts, repeatedly claimed it on the 2nd and 18th September following, declaring that he had paid the Duties due to the English Company on that article at Madras and that he was ready to satisfy all legal demands which could be made on the part of the said Government. It being impossible that proceedings so unjust towards the subjects of a Power in amity, and so contrary to all that might be expected from the reciprocal sentiments of the two Courts can have had the approbation of His Britannick Majesty, the undersigned has orders to state them here as a sequel to the abovementioned Memorial transmitted by him to his Lordship on the 21st June last, and to demand the satisfaction which the honor of Her Imperial and Royal Majesty's Flag, as well as the interests of her commerce and of her Subjects require. Her Imperial and Royal Majesty having both the one and the other so much at heart, the undersigned finds it his duty to pray that his Excellency will honor him with an answer in order that he may be enabled to give an account to his Court of this official step, which he has, by its express orders, taken in this Memorial and in the former one of the 21st June last. (signerl) Louis COMTE DE BELGIOIOSO Portman Square, the 13th September 1781. Letter from Lord Hillsborough to the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the East India Company, dated St. James's, 24 November 1781.7 On the 22nd instant I transmitted to you copies of two Memorials which had been presented to me by Count Belgioioso, the Imperial Minister here, complaining of ill treatment which some of the Emperor's subjects are stated to have received from the Company's Governors and servants in India. It is with concern that I now inclose to you copies of another Memorial from the same Minister with additional complaints of the like nature, as also of the two Papers accompanying it, marked No. 1 and 2, and I am to signify to you His Majesty's Pleasure that you do take the same into your Consideration and acquaint me, for His Majesty's information, with every Intelligence you may already have received from India relative to the Facts so repeatedly complained of, together with such information and observations as may enable me to give without delay as satisfactory an answer as possible to Count Belgioioso. Enclosures. 4. Translation of a Memorial from the Count de Belgioioso to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated 21 November 1781.8 It is with the most just regret that the undersigned Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from Her Imperial and Royal Apostolick Majesty once more finds it his duty to prefer complaints to His Britannick Majesty's Minister respecting an Act of violence offered by a British India ship at Madras on the 27th January last to the Imperial Snow, . . See ante, pp. 32-34. 1 Miscellaneous Letters Received, vol. 60, No. 201. 8 Minoellaneous Letters Received, vol. 69, No. 205.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCH, 1918 called the Vienne, which on her voyage from Pegu on account of the Imperial and Royal Asiatick Company established at Trieste, in order to supply its factory on the Nicobar Islands with stores, was forced by a storm to take shelter in Madras Road, after having lost all her Anchors ; excepting one, and having made a signal of distress, the crew of a . British ship which was there on guard boarded her, beat the crew, broke open several Chests of the Imperial Ship and caused her to run aground and to break in pieces. The particulars of this new violence is contained in the annexed Piece, the proofs of which are not only in the possession of the undersigned, but advice thereof must have been already certainly received at the Company's India house in London. It will suffice to convince the Earl of Hillsborough of the necessity which the undersigned finds himself under to demand, in the name of his August Court, the punishment of the persons culpable, and reparation on the part of the Company, as well for the value of the Snow la Vienne, as for her Cargo, both of which were entirely lost upon this occasion through the unheard of conduct of a Ship's crew belongingto the Company who were on guard that day. An Action as contrary to humanity as to the Laws of Nations leaves me no room to doubt but that it must have been committed without the knowledge and against the orders of their Superiors, but it is not the less of a nature to merit the most serious attention on the part of his Britannick Maiesty's Minister, whose equity is so well known. He will certainly see with concern how little a similar conduct on the part of the Commanders and Servants of the British India Company agrees with the sentiments which, on all occasions, he has charged the undersigned to make known to his August Court, on the constant amity of the King, and that after these repeated assurances founded on the strict reciprocal amity which so happily reigns between the two Courts, it was doubtless to be hoped in favor of His Majesty the Emperor's subjects and of his flag, that at least they should meet with the same reception and assistance in the possessions of His Britannick Majesty in India which is granted to all the other European nations in amity with him. It is consequently with a perfect confidence in the justice of His Britannick Majesty that the undersigned has the honor of addresing himself again to his enlightened Minister to represent to him instantly the necessity, not only of causing complete satisfaction to be made for these insults offered to the Imperial and Royal flags in the East Indies, but for preventing in future, by giving such Orders as the King may think most proper to the proper persons, the repetition of similar acts of injustice and violence towards the Emperor's subjects and that the latter may, in case of necessity, find every reception and assistance that the British Flag and subjects have ever found so particularly in all the Territories of the Austrian Monarchy. The undersigned in calling to my Lord Hillsborough's recollection the two preceding Memorials which he had the honor of transmitting to him on the 21st June and 13th September last, and of which the present may be deemed a continuation, cannot at the same time avoid offering to his Excellency the accompanying Piece No. 2 [88] a proof of what he set forth in the Memorial of the 13th September, on the almost hostile behavior on the part of the Directors of the India Company towards the Imperial subjects concerned in the fitting out the Ship under the Imperial Flag commanded by William Bolte, Lieutenant Colonel in the Imperial service and a subject of the Emperor and King. This Piece being. Copy of a notice published by the Governor General and Supreme Council of

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MARCH, 1918) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VESTURE IN INDIA 67 Fort William, conformably to the orders of the Directors of the India Company against the said Ship and her Commander, it cannot admit the smallest doubt of the fact. This proceeding towards subjects of a Power in amity with Great Britain must by its nature strike the equitable and enlightened Minister of His Britannick Majesty too forcibly to render it necessary that any ulterior reflections should be added. It has not, however, been the first, it being known in 1776 that the Directors of the Britsh India Company, on the 24th December in that year wrote to the Governors of their Settlements in India, giving orders that they should jointly and severally employ the most efficient means to thwart and undermine the undertaking of the Ship Joseph and Theresa, adding that if they could effect the failure of this first expedition, it would not be followed by a second. The undersigned attending the honor of Lord Hillsborough's answer in order to enable him to give an account thereof th his Court, has the honor to renew the assurances of his respect. Loris COMTE DE BELGIOIOSO Portman Square, the 21st November 1781. B. 1. Testimony of divers Persons to the Violence offered by a British East India Ship to the Imperial Snow Tienne at Madras the 29th January 1781.10 We the here underwritten Pilot, Succanys (su kkani, quartermaster of a ship) and Soldiers of the Imperial Snow Vienna, make according to truth the following Declaration-- The 27th of January of this year 1781, in the Afternoon, we all being on board of the said Imperial Snow Vienna, the wind blowing hard, our Anchor Cable broke and we began to drive : there being no Anchor nor Cable more on board, the Pilot hoisted and tied the Colours and fired a Gun for sign of Distress, and made sail in order to preserve the Snow from running on shore. Immediately the Indiamen fired several Guns sharp loaded at her, and sent some boats with Officers and sailors on board, who, without paying any Attention to the Remonstrances of the Pilot and other People, fell upon them with Swords and Pistols, treated them very ill and chiefly beat the Soldier very sorely. They broke up violently several Chests, and behaved entirely as in an Enemy's Vessel. The Time the Boats were on board the Snow, the Indiamen fastened her with a Rope, but as soon as the Boats had left her, they cut off the Rope, and let them drive on Shore, where she was entirely broken and lost. The truth of which declaration we testify herewith with our handwriting. Madras, the 28th January 1781. (Signed) Michel Seewald, Soldier Piloto, Joan Garcia Succano, Manoel Mendeff Succano, Joao de Cruz Immediately after the loss of the Spow Vienna, I went to the Notary Public, Mr Stephen Popham, the 27th January 1781, about 8 o'clock at night, but he then not being home, I waited upon him the 28th, as the next following day, early in the morning, in order to make a Protest against the Violence committed against the Imperial Snow Vienna, but Mr Popham Sec ante, p. 30, for a copy of this document, 10 Miscellaneous Letters Received, vol. 69, No. 208.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1918 said he would not make any protest against his own Nation, but offered to draw up in my Name a Petition to the Governor and Council of Madras. Therefore, as I could not do better, I agreed to this Proposition, in order to try what Satisfaction I would be able to get. The Truth of this I testify hereby, and desire the Gentlemen who were present at this Transaction to testify the same by their Handwriting. Madras 28th January 1781. (Signed) James Higner, [sic] Supercargo of the Snow Vienna (signed) Nicolas Renaud I was present at this (signed) Agapeery Thaddeus Callandar11 Jtransaction. B 2. Notice dated July 1779.12 Letter from the Court of Directors to the Councils at Madras and Bombay, dated 25 January 1782.13 We transmit for your information and guidance copies of two letters from His Majesty's Secretaries of State respecting Mr Bolts, together with the representations of Count Belgioioso, the Imperial Minister, and we strictly enjoin and charge you to take especial care that no just cause of offence be henceforth given to any subject of his said Imperial Majesty or to the subjects of any Prince or State whatever in amity with Great Britain. In addition to what we have written in a former paragraph of this letter concerning the representations of His Excellency Count Belgioioso, the Minister of His Imperial Majesty, we further direct that you forth with prepare and transmit to us as soon as possible, the most circumstantial account of all that has happened, together with reasons at large for your proceedings in every instance which has been made a ground of complaint, and which may enable His Majesty's Secretary of State to return proper answers to the representations of His Excellency the Count Belgioioso. Letter from Robert Ritchie to the Chairman of the East India Company, . dated Venice, 6 May 1781.14 The two Inperial East India ships (the Joseph and Theresa and her consort] that arrived at Leghorn sometime ago are not to proceed to Trieste as was at first intended. Their cargoes are actually selling and to be sold at Leghorn. Mr. Bolts seems to be protected by the Grand Duke [of Tuscany). An English merchant has, however, laid an attachment on all his effects. Letter from the Court of Directors to the Councils at Madras and Bombay. dated 29 August 1781.16 We have been informed that the ship Great Duke of Tuscany, under Tuscan Colours, being an English vessel bought by Mr. Bolts since the French war commenced, with a valuable cargo from the coast of Coromandel, was seized at the Cape of Good Hope by two French frigates and condemned by them in virtue of the French King's declaration, the Dutch Governor not chusing to interfere. The same frigates are said to have taken in 11 This is also the di me of lorsian Armenian merebapt of. Julfe. 13 See anke, p. 30. * Bombay Dispatches, VI. 297, 383. * The Company's agent at Venice. # Miscellaneou Lettre Receired, vol. 68, No. 221b. Bombay Dispatcher, VI. 169-170.

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MARCK, 1918 ) DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD that harbour an English Packet homeward bound, but from whence dispatched is not known to us, nor the name of the ship. We direct that you make a strict and particular enquiry, whether any and who of our servants or persons under our protection were concerned in the above ship bought by Mr Bolts or had any interest therein which occasioned ber condemnation, an also to make the most minute enquiry who of our servants or persons tinder our protection had any concerns or transactions in the promotion of any trade carried on by foreigners, or in furnishing them by any means with ships or vessels for the purpose of carrying on such trade or otherwise, General Letter from Fort St. George to the Court of Directors, dated 31 August 1782.17 Upon Enquiry We found that the Ship Great Duke of Tuscany, mentioned in your Letter of the 29th August 1781, had been loaded and dispatched by Mr Bolts from Bengal directly to Europe and did not touch at this place. But as We wished to put your Commands in Effect to their extreme Extent, We ordered the Sea Customer's Books to be examined to discover whether any Persons living under the Compeny's Protection had been concerned in shipping goods in the vessels that were in this Port in 1780 under the Direction of Mr Bolts. The names of some European inhabitants now residing here were in consequence reported to be found as having shipped Merchandize on them, and We thought proper to call on those Persons to acquaint Us if they had acted upon this Occasion on their own Account or on the Account of others, and of whom. They have in answer declared a total ignorance of the whole transaction except in one instance of a very trifling Quantity, and that their names had probably been made use of by their Servants. We shall however make every possible further Enquiry into this Business for your Satisfaction. (To be continued.) DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD. BY PROF. D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A. ; CALCUTTA. CHAPTER I. POLITICAL HISTORY. THERE is hardly anybody in the Dekkan who has not heard of Satavahana, or Salivahana as he is popularly known. Curiously, however, Salivahana or Satavahana is supposed to be the name, not of a royal family as it ought to be, but of an individual king. Various traditions are known about the birth of this prince and the origin of his name Satavahana. Somadeva in his Kathasaritsagara 1 tells us that he was the son of a Yaksha named Sata from the daughter of a sage. The union of this couple was not liked by the Rishis, and through the curse of the latter the former became a lion and lioness. When the son was born, the latter died and assumed her previous body. The son thereafter was one day being carried on his back by the lion father, and while the latter dismounted and the former went to the bank of a river close by to quench his thirst, a king called Dipakarni slew him with an arrow whereupon he at once became a Yaksha again. And because the boy was being carried by the Yaksha Sata, he was styled Satavahana, (Satah vahanah yasya sah.) Jinaprabhasuri in his Tirtha-kalpa,2 gives a different account. In Pratishthana or Paithan in Nizam's Dominions there lived two Brahman brothers in the house of a potter with their young . * Madras Letters Received, vol. XI. 1 VI. 87 & ff. ? JBBRAS., X. 132.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 1918 widowed sister. One day she went to the bank of the Godavari to fetch water, when Sesha, king of serpents, became enamoured of her. He assumed the human form and had connection with her against her will. In course of time she gave birth to a boy, who, when he grew up and played with his companions, used to become their king. And because he used to give them clay horses, elephants and other conveyances, he was called Satavahana (satani dattani vahanani yena sah Satavahanah). Soon after, Vikramaditya, king of Ujjain, when he heard that he was to die at the hands of a virgin's son, despatched his Vetala or king of ghosts in search of him. Vetala saw Satavahana and informed Vikramaditya. The latter came with a large army to clestroy the child, but Satavuhana, by means of an incantation communicated to him by his father Sesha, infused life into the clay figures with which he was in the habit of playing, and at once raised a large army. He gave battle to Vikramaditya, killed him, and instituted an era called Salivahana-saka commencing with A.D. 78. Such would have been our knowledge of the ancient history of the Dekkan, if we had har mere legends to go upon. Fortunately for us inscriptions have been found in sufficient numbers, and it is possible to construct a history which is reliable. If these inscriptions had not been found, to this day we should have continued believing that Satavahana was the name of a king and not of a dynasty and that he was the founder of the era beginning with A.D. 78. The latter question does not concern us here, and we may dismiss it with a few words. The phrase Salivahana-saka, which is used at present in Maharashtra to denote this era, has really no meaning, because the word Saka has in no Sanskrit lexicon been given as signifying "an era." And what inscriptions teach us is that up to the eleventh century it was called Saka-kala, Saka-nripa-kala, or, as in an inscription at Badami in the Bijapur clistrict, Saku-wipa-rajyabhisheka-kula, showing clearly that it was believed to be founded by a Saka king and that Salivahana or Satavahana had absolutely nothing to do with it. Let us now see in detail what we can know of the Satavahana dynasty from epigraphic records, which are the principal and most reliable source of our information here. These inscriptions have been engraved in caves at Nasik, Karle, Junnar, Katheri and so forth. The names of some of the kings of this family mentioned in epigraphs occur also in the list of the Andhra dynasty enumerated in the Puranas, such as the Vayu, Matsya and Vishnu. The founder of this family is therein described as Andhra-jatiya, i.e. as belonging to the Andhra race. It, therefore, behoves us to say a few words about the Andhras before the actual account of the Satavahana dynasty is concerned. We learn for the first time about the Andhras from the Aitareya-Brahmana,3 a work which was certainly composed long prior to 500 B.C. Andhras are there represented as a Dasyu tribe living on the fringes of the Aryan settlements and to have descended from Visvamitra. Evidently this means that they were a non-Aryan race, and that at the time when the Brahmana was compiled there was an admixture of blood between them and the Aryans. especially the hymn-composing Aryans. The next notice of this people is to be found in a well-known passage of Pliny, the Roman encyclopaedist, whose information was doubtless derived from the writings of Megasthenes, who we know was an ambassador sent by Seleucos to the court of Chandragupta, the founder of the Maurya dynasty. He describes the Andhras, or the Andarae as he calls then, as a powerful race," which possesses numerous villages and thirty towns defended by walls and towers, and which supplies its king with an army of 100,000 infantry, 2000 cavalry, and 1000 elephants. ..." From this we infer that about 300 B.C. the Andhra country was thickly inhabited and occupied by a large urban : VII. 18. Hist. Nat., Book vi. 21-3.

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MARCH, 1918] DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD population, and their kingdom was then an important second-rate independent power of India. The next important notice of this people is supplied by Asoka's Rock Edict XIII 5 promulgated about 256 B.C. It speaks of many independent and feudatory princes to whose kingdoms the Maurya monarch dispatched missionaries. In this connection the king of the Andhras is mentioned, but his name is included in the list of those of the feudatory princes. We thus see that about 300 B.C. the Andhra king was independent but was a subordinate chief about 256 B.O. We know from Asoka's inscriptions that Kalinga was the only province which he conquered. Evidently the Andhras were deprived of their independence either by Chandragupta or his son Bindusara. We do not hear of the Andhras again till about 75 B.C. The Puranas tell us that one Sisuka (Simuka) of the Andhra race uprooted not only the Kanvas, but also " whatever was left of the power of the Sungas," who, we know, supplanted the Maurya dynasty to which Asoka belonged. It appears that the Kanvas, like the Pesh was of the modern day, usurped the power of their masters, the Sungas, and that Sisuka (Simuka) by supplanting the power of the Kanvas supplanted that of the Sungas also.. The Telugu country lying between the rivers Kistna and Godavari is called Andhra-desa at present. But whether or not it was the original home of the Andhras, has been called in question. One Buddhist Jataka, however, speaks of two traders going from the Seriva kingdom to a town called Andhapura situated on the Telavaha river. Andhapura certainly corresponds to the Sansksit Andhrapura, and as pura is invariably used in early PAli literature to signify a capital-town,' Andhrapura must mean the capital town of the Andhra kingdom. The river Telavaha is either the modern Tel or Telingiri 8 both not far distant from each other and flowing near the confines of the Madras Presidency and the Central Provinces. This, indeed, locates the original Andhra country which must, therefore, have comprised parts of both these provinces. The name of the Andhra dynasty that came to power about 75 B.C. is Satavahana. There can be no doubt that the order of succession of its first three kings has been correctly given by the Puranas, viz. (1) Sisuka (Simuka), (2) Krishoa, and (3) Sri-Satakarni. Krishna, we are told, was a brother of Simuka and father of Sri-Satakarni. No record of Simuka has come to light, but of Krishna we possess an inscription in a cave at Nasik. It tells us that the cave was scooped out by the Mahamatra Sramana; inhabitant of Nasik, when Krishna of the Satavahana family was the king.10 Of the third prince, Satakarni we have two inscriptions, the most important of which has been engraved in the cave at Nanaghat, a pass in the Western Ghats in the Poona District. Though it is mutilated, it is of great importance. In the same cave figures have been carved on the front wall with their names inscribed above them, which are supposed to represent the royal personages referred to in the big inscription. A combined study of these monuments gives us the following results. Satakarni was the supreme ruler of Dakshinapatha (Dekkan). His queen was Naganika. They together performed a number of sacrifices, and Afvamedha we are told was celebrated twice-which * EI., II. 471. 6 Vide Appendix A. . 11. 111. 5-8. SI owe this suggestion to my friend Mr. K. P. Jayaswal. 9 Simuka is the name given by a NapaghAt inscription (ASWI., V. 64, No. 3) and must therefore represent the correct original (ibid, 69-70). X0 EI, VIII. 93, No. 22.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCH. 1918 is a clear indication of Satakarni being a paramount sovereign. 11 Naganika was the daughter of the Maharathi Tranakayiro of the Angiya family. She had two sons, viz. Vedisri and Saktisri (Hakusiri). When the inscription was actually incised, Satakarni was dead and queen Naganika was regent during the minority of her son Vedisri. There can be no doubt that Satakarni was a powerful monarch. For the Ha thigumphi inscription gives us to understand that he was the ruler of the whole country to the west of Kalinga. Satakarni, it is true, has been styled the paramount sovereign of Dakshinapatha, but it does not at all mean that his might was confined to the Dekkan only. His second inscription has been found on an arched gateway (torana) of the celebrated stupa at Sanchi' in the Bhopal State, Central India. This shows that Malwa also owned his sway, and it is quite possible that his power was extended still further north. A long interval intervenes between the earlier and the later inscriptions of the Satavahana dynasty. A period of 89 years has been unanimously allotted by the Puranas to the first three kings just described. According to this calculation the third king, viz., Satakarni, ceased to reign in A.D. 16. Gautamiputra (Satakarni), according to the Puranas, came to the throne in A.D. 133, which fits excellently as we shall see shortly. There was thus an interval of 117 years during which no Andhra inscription has so far been found. Of course, we can imagine that Vedisri, when he came of age, succeeded to the throne of his father Satakarni. His name, it is true, is nowhere inentioned in the Puranas, but as a king is described also by his epithets, it is possible that Apilava or Apitaka may be another name for Vedisri. The Puranas show a remarkable agreement in point of the names and the lengths of the individual names. We may therefore provisionally fill up this long period with reigns recorded in the Puranas, It is true that no Andhra inscription has been discovered during this interval, but a good many epigraphic records are known which belong to this period. They clearly tell us that an alien dynasty had risen to power and had for a time eclipsed the glory of the Satavahanas. The name of the new dynasty was Kshaharata, and its members called themselves Kshatrapas. The name Kshatrapa is worth considering. At first sight it seems tempting to take the name to mean Kshatram patiti Kshatrapah, the protector of the warrior class. But such a title is unknown to Sanskrit or Prakrit literature, and must be taken to have been borrowed from a foreign language-a conclusion strengthened by the fact that ail the early chiefs of the Kshatrapa families bear foreign names. Like the Greek term Satrap, Kshatrapa seems to be a Sanskrit adaptation of the old Persian kshatra pavan, 'protector of the kingdom', which was used to denote the governor of a Persian province. Four Kshatrapa Houses have 1 Buhler wrongly supposes that the sacrifices narrated in the large Nananghat inscription were all performed by the queen Naganika. He himself admits that" according to tho Sdstras, women are not allowed to offer Brauta sacrifices, and that the Brahmanas who perform such sacrifices for them (striyajaka) are severely blamed." It is true he further says, that " that prohibition does not apply to queens who may be conducting the government of a state, either independently or for minor sons," but this is a mere gratuitous assumption as no proof has been adduced by him in support of his position. Again, the Nanaghat record speaks of Afvamedha sacrifice as having been twice performed. It is inconceivable that Naganika, even as queen-regent, celebrated it of her own accord and to indicate her paramount sovereignty. An Asvamedha sacrifice is performed by a king who lays claims to universal monarchy by conquering all neighbouring princes and as Naganika's husband Satakami has been styled a pratilatachakra, it is proper and natural to suppose that it was he who celebrated the sacrifice twice. What appears to be the case is that Satakarpi it must be, who carried out the sacrifices referred to in the epigraph, and as all sacrifices are performed by Yajamanas along with their consorte, Naganika has been associated with him. 19 Luders' List of Brahms Inscriptions, No. 345. 13 Ibid, No. 346.

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MARCH, 1918 ] DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD 73 so far been traced in the different parts of India from their inscriptions and coins. A few isolated names of Kshatra pas and Mahakshatra pas have also been found, but the exact province of their rule not yet known. Two of the four Kshatrapa families ruled over Western India, but here we have to deal with only one of them. It was again only one prince of this family with whom we are directly concerned. His name was Nahapana, and it was he who seems to have wrested Maharash tra from the Satavahanas. He has been mentioned in no less than eight cave inscriptions. Of these six have been cut in Cave No. 10 of the Pandu Lena near Nasik, one in the Chaitya cave at Karle, and one in a cave at Junnar."! All of these except the last specify the many charitable and publicly useful works of Ushavadata, who calls himself son-in-law of Nahapana and son of Dinika. All these records give Xahapana's family name Kshaharata which, in Prakrit forms, appears as Khaharata or Khakharata. For a long time Nahapana was the only Kshaharata prince known to us. A few years ago. another Kshatrapa of the Kshaharata clan, named Bhumaka, was brought to light by the celebrated numismatist, Prof. E. J. Rapson, by carefully reading the legends of certain coins wrongly attributed to Nahapana.15 He was the immediate predecessor of Nahapana in Rajputana and Malwa, but does not seem to have ruled over Maharashtra. A fragmentary inscription found by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel on the site of Ganeshra, 16 three miles west of Mathura, revealed the name of yet another Kshaharata, viz., Ghataka, who, if the restoration proposed by him, is correct, was also a Kshatrapa. It has just been mentioned that of the eight inscriptions which refer themselves to the reign of Nahapana, no less than seven describe the benefactions of his son-in-law Ushavadata (Rishabha datta)" and the latter's wife Dakhamita (Dakshamitra). Most of these charities stamp Ushavadata as a staunch adherent of the Brahmanical religion, and these we will describe in the next lecture. Ushavadata's other charitable works were the gifts of gold and river-side steps on the river Barnasa 18 and the bestowing of thirty-two thousand cocoanut trees at the village Nanamgola" on the congregation of Charakas 20 at Pinditakavada, Govardhana, 21 Suvarnamukha and Ramatirtha in Sorparaga. Among the works of public utility executed by him may be mentioned quadrangular dwellings for Brahmals and resthouses at Bharukachha, 23 Dasapura, 21 Govardhana and Sorparaga and the establishment . 14 Ibid, Nos. 1099, 1131-1136 and 1174. 15 TRAS., 1904, pp. 3371-4. 16 Ibid, 1912, pp. 121.2; ASI., AR., 1911-12, 128-9. 17 This name is not the Hinduised form of a foreign name as has been thought by wome; for it has heen mentioned in the Kalpa-stri as the name of a Brahman (SBE, XXII 220). This name oeeurs also in Karle Inser. No. 11 (EI..VII. 36; ASWI., IV. 91) as the name of the father of one Mitradevanaka hailing from Dhenukakata and bearing the expense of a pillar in the Karle Chait ya cave. M. Senart no doubt identifies him with Ushavadate, son-in-law of Nahapana, and Prof. Rapson seems to gree with him (CIC.A.Wk. etc., Intro. lix). I am afraid I cannot accept this view. We have 20t an inscription of Nahapana's son-in-law in this cave recording the grant of village to the Buddhist monks residing in it. Evidently he made this grant after the cave W&S excavated. But AR Mitradevanaks incurred the expenses of carving one pillar in this cave, it is clear that his gift was in time prior to its excavation.Mitradevanaka's father, Ushavadata, cannot, therefore, be the same as Ushavadata, son-in-law of Naha pana. 15 Baraa sa corresponds with the Sanskrit Parnasa mentioned in the Mahabharala and the Puranas and with the modern Bans, which is the name of two rivers in Rajputana --one coming from Mount Abu and falling into the Gulf of Outch and the other a tributary of the Chambal. The former river can hardly be meant, as it rarely contains any water except during the rains. 19 Perhaps NArgol on the Thapa sea.board, four miles west of Sanjan, as proposed by Bhagwanlal Indraji. 20 These seem to be identical with the Charakas who are named in the stereotyped formula of the Buddhist (e. 8., Maha vastu, III. 412, anya firthika-Charalu-Pariura je ka) and Jaina texts, namely, a certain special category of Brahmanical ascetics (EI., VIII. 79). 21 This is Goverdhan Gangpur, six miles west of Nasik. 22 Sopara near Bassein in the Thana district. A holy reservoir here is still called Rama-kunda. 23 Modern Broach. 24 Mandasor (Fleet, GI., 79, n. 2), which is on the borders of Rajputand and Malwa.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQLARY ARCH. 1918 of free ferries across and the erection of waiting places and prapas or gratuitous distribution of drinking water on the banks of the Iba. Parada, Damana, Tapi, Karabena and Dahanuka.25 l'shavadata was no doubt a follower of the Brahmanical faith, but according to the catholie spirit of the age, he was by no means slow to extend his charities even to the Buddhist community. Thus his Karle inscription speaks of his granting the village of Karajika for the support of the monks residing during the rainy season in the caves of Valuraka, which was unquestionably the name of the old place within whose bounds the caves were situated.26 Nasik Cave No. 10, again, was caused by him to be cut in the Trirasmi hills in Govardhana. This cave, we are told. was spacious enough to accomodate twenty Buddhist monks during the rains. Like a true liberal donor Ushavadata had made ample provision for their comfortable maintenance. Thus for supplying food to them, he purchased a field for 4,000 Karshapanas on the north-west side of Govardhana. He also made a perpetual endowment of 3,000 Karshapanas, 2,000 of which were deposited in one weavers' guild and 1,000 in anotherboth of Govardhana, and at the rates of one and three-fourths per cent per mensem respectively. The first investment vielded a sum of 240 Karshapanas, of which a sum of 12 Karshapanas was made over to every one of the twenty monks for his chivara or garnients. From the annual interest of 90 Karshapanas, accruing from the other deposit, each monk was granted a Kusana." The Jummarcave inscription of the time of Nahapana records the gift of a cistern and a hall by Avama (Arvaman) of the Vatsa yotir, his minister (amaty). It is worthy of note that this epigraph specifies the date 46 and speaks of Nahapana as Maha-kshatrapa, whereas the Karle and Nasik records give the dates 41, 42 and 45 and call Nahapana only a Kshatrapa. Nahapana struck both silver and copper coins. In point of weight. size and fabric, coins of the first class agree with the hemi-drachms of the Graeco-Indian princes, Apollodotus and Menander, which, as the author of the Periplus tells us, were up to his time current in Barugaza (Broach)." Nahapana's silver coins were of extreme rarity until the discovery ten years ago, of a hoard of at least 14,000 coins at Jogaltemhhi in the Nasik (listrict. From an examination of the busts on the four specimens of Nahapana's coins in his possession. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji had inferred that they were struck at different ages of the king and that whereas the earliest had the face of a man 30 years old, the latest, of a man 70 years of age. But the Jogalembhi hoard conclusively proves that we have here faces varving not only in age but in every feature. The various types of the face which this hoard presents, viz, short-necked, straight-nosed, hook-nosed, low forehead and high forehead, lean face and fat face, cannot possibly represent one and the same individual even at different ages. The Rev. H. R. Scott, who has given a full account of this interesting and important find, solves the difficulty by saying that the heads represented are those of the members of Nahapana's family, who "caused their own likenesses to be engraved on the coins whilst keeping the inscription of Nahapana unchanged, as he was the founder of the family." This does not however, meet the case, and it seems that these faces are not likenesses at all, but merely copies of Roman coins-an inference strengthened by the figures on plates accompanying Mr. Scott's article," where the head-dress, the style of dressing the hair, the absence of moustache, and, above all, the shape of the head and features are very similar to the heads on coins of the Roman emperors of from 30 B.C. to A.D. 150":. 75 Bhagwanlal Indraji identifies Iba with Ambika. Parada with Par, and Karabend with Kaveriall in South Gujarat. Damana, of course, is the Damanagan ga river. and Dahanuka the Dahanu creek. # EI, VII, 57-8. This seems to be the name for the silver coins struck by Nahapane. See further in the text. 21A, VIII. 19 JBBRAS., XXII. 223 and ff. JRAS., 1890, 643. 31 JBBRIS. XXII. 236. Ibid, 237. ** JRAS., 1908, 551.

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MARCH, 1918) DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD 75 The obverse of Nahapana's silver coins bears Head of king' just described and an inscription in the Graeco-Roman characters. When only four specimens were known, this legend could not be deciphered, but with the find of thousands of his coins at Jogaltembhi it has now become possible to read it and was first read beyond all doubt by Mr. Scott who has found it to be an almost exact transliteration of the Brahmi inscription on the reverse. It runs thus : PANNIW TAHAPATAC NAHANANAC. Though this legend is essentially Greek, it contains the Roman H with the value h both in his proper and tribal names. 34 The reverse of the coins has, on the left, an arrow pointing downwards, and, on the right, a thunderbolt, with a pellet in between. It bears two legends -one in Brahmi, and the other in Kharoshthi characters. The first reads Rajno Kshaharatasa Nahapanasa, and the second, Rajno Chhaharatasa Nahapanasa. Nahapana's copper coinage is at present represented by a solitary specimen in the possession of Cunningham who found it in Ajmer. The obverse is engraved with a thunderbolt on the left and an arrow pointing downwards on the right. Of the inscription incised on it, only the letters (Na)hapana have been preserved. On the reverse appears a tree, with large leaves, within railing. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji also is reported to have possessed two more specimens which came from Mandasor. Nothing is, however, known about their present whereabouts. The extent of Nahapana's rule may be inferred from the places where his coins have been found and the localities where his son-in-law Ushavadata made benefactions. It stretched as far north as Ajmer in Rajputana and included Kathiawar, S. Gujarat, Western Malwa, North Konkan from Broach to Sopara, and the Nasik and Poona districts. As some of his coins have been found at Junagadh, Surashtra or Kathia wir must have been under his sway. In one mutilated inscription in Nasik Cave No. 10, a charity of Ushavadata's seems to have been made at Ujeni (Ujjain). This shows that Nahapana's kingdom comprised at least Western Malwa. There can be no doubt that it extended as far northwards as Ajmer. For both at Ajmer and Pushkar his coins have been found. Besides that is proved by a postscript to Nasik Inscription 10 in Cave No. 10. Therein we are informed that in the rainy season he had gone in the north, at the command of his lord who can be no other than Nahapana, to relieve the Chief of the Uttamabhadras who had been besieged by the Malayas. The Malayas fled away at the mere sound of his approach and were all made prisoners of the Uttamabhadras. Ushavadata is represented to have thereafter repaired to the Poksharas, performed ablutions, and given three thousand cows and a village. Poksharas is obviously Pushkar, 7 miles west of Ajmer. The word actually used is Poksharani, 35 the plural and not singular. Even to this day, not one or two but three, Pushkaras are known -jyeshtha, madhya and kanishtha all situated within a circuit of six miles. And as Ushavadata bathed there and gave cows and a village, it shows that even so early as the 2nd century A.D., Pushkar was a centre of Brahmanism. And the very fact that Ushavadata hera granted a village, which to be of real use must have been in the vicinity of this sacred place, shows that Nahapana's dominions stretched as far northwards as Ajmer and Pushkar. The Malayas whom he defeated must, of course, be the Malavas, %0 who at this time were settled in the eastern part of Rajputana, especially in the south-east portion of the Jaipur State. 1 Ibid, 1907, 1044. 35 This has been wrongly translated " Pokshara tanks" by M. Senart (EI., VIII. 79) and "Pushkara lakes" by Prof. Luders (List, No. 1131). So far as I know there is only one lake at Pushkar, but three different Pushkars are known within & circuit of six milos, as stated in the text. * As in the cave inscriptions of this period v is sometimes replaced by y, I have no doubt that MAlaya equates here with MAlaya. Thus the correct form of the name of Gautamiputra Satakarhi's sou is PulumAvi, as evidenced by the Puranas and his coins (Rapson's CIC.-4.Wk., 20-22). But in the cave inscriptions it is spelt Pulumayi except in one instance. That the Malavas were settled at this time in easter Rajputand is proved by their coins (Smith's OCIM., I. 161-2).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1918 It was, therefore, quite natural for Ushavadata to have gone to Pushkar after inflicting a defeat on the Malavas. The concluding portion of Nasik Inscription 12 speaks of Ushavada ta having given to gods and Brahmans a gift of 70,000 Karshapanas, the value of two thousand Suvarmas, counting 35 Karshapanas for one Suvarna. The reference here, as Prof. Rapson rightly says, must surely be to the contemporary gold currency of the Kushanas, which we must, therefore, suppose to have been prevalent in Nahapana's kingdom.37 Neither the Indo-Bactrian princes nor the Indo-Scythian kings before the Kushanas are kaown to have struck gold coinage, which was for the first time introduced by Kadphises II., the second of the Kushana sovereigns. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that Nahapana was a viceroy of Kadphises II. There was yet another type of coins current in these parts but introduced by Nahapana, which seems to have an intimate connection with the name of the Kushana family and to show that he was a subordinate of another Kushana ruler. Nasik Inscription 12 which speaks of Suvarnas also makes mention, as stated above, of Kusanas, which were to be given to the Buddhist mendicants occupying Ushavadata's cave. Ushavadata deposited a sum of 1,000 Karshapanas at the monthly rate of 1 per cent. and yielding therefore an annual interest of 90 Karshapanas. This amount of 90 Karshapanas, we are told, was the Kusana-mula, i.e., the value of Kusanas. The word Kusana has very much exercised all the editors of the Nasik cave inscriptions. M. Senart, however, has clearly shown that it must correspond with the word padiko in the expression Chivarika solasaka (sometimes barasaka) padiko cha mase ulukale and other similar phrases which occur in the Kanheri inscriptions.38 As the words Chivarika barusaka of this expression are actually found in the Nasik record, the words Kusana-mula which immediately follow in it must, as correctly pointed out by M. Senart, be taken to correspond with padiko cha mase utu kale of the Kanheri inscriptions. Unfortunately, however, he takes it to mean " a monthly stipend, assigned to every monk during a certain period of the year, and probably to be applied to his food." This does not appear to me to be quite in order, because, as the last postcript of Nasik Inscription 10 informs us, Ushavadata had already provided for the boarding of the monks by assigning a field. It seems more natural, therefore, to take Kusana, like Padika (=Pratika), as denoting a specific coin. And to me the name appears to have been given to the silver coinage of Nahapana, because he issued it for his overlord who must have been known as Kusana, i.e., Kushana. We have instances of coins named variously after the kings who struck them. Thus we have Vigrahapala-drammas and Ajayapala-drammas, no doubt, called after the proper names of the kings.39 Coins have also been named after the epithets or titles of kings. Thus Srimad-Adivaraha-drammas have been so styled after the epithet Adivaraha of Bhoja I. of the Imperial Pratihara dynasty. These coins are also called Srimad-Adivarahas without the addition of the word dramma. It is thus not unreasonable to suppose that Kusana denotes the coins issued by Nahapana for his suzerain who must have been commonly called simply Kushana. Was there any Kushana king who was also known by the mere name Kushana? Certainly this must be the Kushana sovereign referred to in the Taxila scroll inscription of the year 136.40 It is worthy of note that he is here simply styled Kushana with the titles Maharaja Rajatiraja Deva putra without any specification of his proper name. I have elsewhere shown that he can be no other than Kujula Kadphises, or Kadphises I. as he is also known. It thus seems that Nahapana was a viceroy not only of Kadphises II. but also of Kadphises I. 'Against this it might perhaps be argued that Kadphises I. flourished about the beginning of the fourth quarter of the first century A.D., whereas Nahapana's dates 41, 42, 45 and 46, which are unanimously taken to be years of the Saka era and thus 37 CIC.-AME., Intro. clxxxv. * EI., VIIT. 83. 99 Ibid, 1. 169. 40 JRAS., 1914, 976; A ST.-AR., 1912-13. 4) 1 A., XLV. 121-2.

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MARCH, 1918) DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD range between A.D. 119 to A.D. 124 place him about the first quarter of the second century. It will, however, be shown shortly that Nahapana was ruling as early as A.D. 85 and that consequently he was a contemporary of Kadphises I. also. Again, the principal characteristic of Nahapana's coins is the imitation of the Roman head on the obverse, as stated above. This is exactly the characteristic of one type of Kadphises I's coins, in the head of whose obverse numismatists recognise the likeness of a Roman emperor though they differ in regard to the identification of the exact original. 49 And what can be more natural than that Nahapana, striking coins as viceroy of Kadphises I., should adopt the special features of his sovereign's money? The word Kusana, therefore, indicates the currency started by Nahapa na as subordinate of the Kushana ruler Kadphises I., and the monks residing in Ushavadata's cave were to be given each a Kusana, i.e. Nahapana's silver coin, for every month of the rainy season, just as the monks living in the Kanheri caves received each a Padika, i.e., one Karshapana, for every month of summer or the rainy season. It will thus be seen that Nahapana was a Kshatrapa of both Kadphises I. and Kadphises II. It is not necessary to suppose that Kadphises I. himself led an army and conquered Rajputana, Central India and Gujarat. It is possible that he may have sent Nahapana to subjugate these provinces, of which the latter was afterwards made a Satrap. The name Nahapana is of Zend-Persian origin, and he is,43 therefore, regarded as a Pahlava or Parthian. This is not at all impossible. His son-in-law, Ushavadata, was a Saka, and it is, therefore, quite natural to expect Nahapana to belong to a different clan, as was required by the matrimonial connection subsisting between them. And as Pahlavas at this period are constantly associated with Sakas not only in Sanskrit works but also in inscriptions, and as the name Nahapana is Iranian, it is very likely that he was a Parthian. That he came from the north is also indicated by the use of the Kharosh thi alphabet on his coins. The proper home of this script is Eastern Afghanistan and Northern Punjab though its use extended as far southwest as at Bhawalpur near Multan, as far south as Mathura, and as far south-east as Kangra, in which regions it is generally found side by side with the Brahmi alphabet. Not a single inscription has been discovered in Kharosh thi in Rajputana, Central India, Gujarat or the Dekkan, where Brahmi alone was used. And the very fact that Kharosh thi occupies an equally important place with Brahmi in the coin legends of Nahapana shows that he came from a province where Kharosh thi alone was prevalent. It also shows that Nahapana was not a mere adventurer who came southwards to carve out a kingdom for himself. The employment of Kharosh thi on his coins, in the provinces where Brahmi alone was understood, shows that it was a script of his court and that he came from the north along with several scribes knowing Kharosh thi. In this connection it will be interesting to note that a Nasik inscription 44 speaks of a scribe called Vudhika who was a Saka and a resident of Dasapura, Nahapana's capital. It seems tempting to suppose that he was probably one of the scribes who accompanied Nahapana, when the latter was sent south by his Kushana overlord for the subjugation of territory. The author of the Periplus in chapter 41 of his book informs us that next after Barake (Dwarka) follows the gulf of Barygaza (gulf of Cambay) and the sea-board of the region called Ariake being the beginning of the kingdom of Mambaros (or Nambanus) and of all India. The capital of the kingdom was Minnagara, whenee much cotton was brought down to Barugaza (Broach). Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji has rightly corrected Ariake into ABapatun, the Prakrit form of Aparantika, an old name of the western sea-board of India. / M. Boyer had more than fifteen years ago shown cogent reasons for identifying Nambanus 43 Prof. Rapson recognises in it a likeness of Augustus (10., 1897, SS 15, 66), and Mr. V. A Smith of Augustus or Tiberius (EHI. 236: OCIM. I. 66) and also of Caius and Lucius, grandsone of Augustus (JRAS., 1903, p. 30, n. 1). 15 JRAS., 1906, 215. 4 BI., VIII. 95-6.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1918 with Nahapana. It was, however, left to Dr. Fleet to explain satisfactorily how the name Nahapana could partly through the copyist's confusion and partly through phonetic influence be easily transformed into Mambanos or Nambanos. 15 The late Mr. McCrindle has adduced strony reasons to hold that the Periplus was written between A.D. 80-89, and no scholar of repute has called this clate in question. Nahapana was thus alive circa A.D. 85, long before A.D. 124 which is the last known date for him. The capital of Nahapana's territory, according to the Periplus, was Minnagara. The work also mentions another Minnavara, but this was the capital of "Scythia " and was situated in the delta of the Indus in Sinci. The name has been taken to be a hybrid word meaning "a city of the Mins, the Scythians." Nahapana Minnagara has been identified by McCrindle with Indore, to by Pandit Bhagwanlal with Junaga lh, '7 by Mr. Schoff with Nagari north of Chitorgadh in Rajputana, 13 and by Dr. Fleet with Dohad in the Pach Mahals district, Bombay Presidency.+9 It deserves to be noticed that Ptolemy. the Greek geographer, who wrote shortly after A.D. 150, refers to both these cities, and, what is more interesting, specifies both the latitude and the longitude of these as of other places. In regard to the inland Minnagara which was, no doubt, the capital of Xahapana, he gives 115' 10deg and 19' 30deg as its latitude and longitude, which for Barugaza are 113' 1.50 and 17' 20deg.51 Minnagara was thus nearly 2' east and 2' north of Barugaza, which, we know for certain, is Broach. The only old place which fulfils these conditions is Manclasor, the ancient Dasapura. Dasapura certainly was a place of importance in Mahapana's time as it is mentioned in one of Ushavadata's inscriptions along with such big cities as Sorparaga, Govardhana and Bharukachha. Besides, it seems at this time to have been inhabited by some Sakas, as we see from a Nasik cave inscription. I have often thought that it was impossible for Ushavadata not to have made any benefactions at the capital town of Nahapana and that consequently one of these four cities must have been his capital. But Ptolemy's geography no longer leaves this point in doubt. A Dasapura was the capital of Nahapana's kindgom, the other three cities, viz., Sorparaga, Govardhana and Bharukachha, must have been each the head-quarters of a district. Govardhana certainly was the principal town of an ahara or district, as we learn from other Nasik cave inscriptions of this period.5. This Govardhana is the large modern village of Govardhan-Gangapur, on the right bank of the Godavari and six miles west of Nasik. We have seen that a Junnar cave epigraph mentions an amatya of Nahapana called Ayama (Aryaman). Amatya, of course, has been used in inscriptions to signify the head officer of a territorial division. Thus Junnar seems to have been the head-quarters of the Mamala district which is mentioned in a Karle inscription and which has been identified with Mava!. Nasik inscription 14(a), as we have seen above, makes mention of Ujeni (Ujjayini), which, no doubt, was included in Nahapana's dominions and must have been the head-quarters of a division called Avanti. There was yet another district called Kapur-ahara which is also referred to in one of Ushavadata's inscriptions. It was at Chikhalapadra in this division that he granted 8,000 cocoanut trees. From the mention of the cocoanuts Chikhalapadra seems to have been on the coast and most probably is Chikhali, the principal town of a taluka in the Surat district, as suggested by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji. Kapura is mentioned as the name of both the district and its head-quarters on a copper-plate grant of the Traikutaka king Dahrasena found at Parci in the Surat Collectorate. Kapura thus appears to correspond to the modern Surat district and was situated between the Sorparaga and Bharukachha districts. (To be continued.) 45 JRAS., 1907, p. 1043, n. 2 1A., CIII. 140. 17 B. G., VIII. 187. 18 Periptus, p. 180. 19 JR.S., 1912, 788. 50 IA., XIII, 359. 51 EI, VIII. 95.0. 32 See, for example, Nasik Cave Inscriptions Nos. 1 & 5, where Govardhana is mentioned as a place where an amalya was stationed.

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MARCH, 1918] VIVEKAPATKANALA VIVEKAPATRAMALA.1 BY T. A. GOPIXATHA RAO, M.A.; TRIVANDRAM. In my article on the Arivilimangalam plates of Srinangaraya II., contributed to the Epigrapia Indica, Vol. XII, an attempt was made to identify certain members of the family of the document (sasana) writers of the Inter Vijayanagara dynasties with certain poets of Mullandram. Since writing this article more materials have been accumulater, which enable me to review the situation in greater detail. There are no less than fifty-five copper-plate documents belonging to a period intervening the reigns of Harihara II to Ranga VI. in which the names of the following persons, the composers of the documents. are mentioned : namely, Sabhapati, son of Abhirama, his sons Svayambhu, Kimakoi or Kamakshi and Garaparya ; his grandsons Rijanatha br Svayambhu ; Krishnakavi and Ramakavi by Kamakoti and Kama ya by Gana parya ; Kimaya's son was Somanatha. Then again the engravers of the kisanas, are said to have been Muddala, Virana I., Muddana II., Virana II., Mallana II, Virana III., Appana, Ganapirya, Viraya IV., Virana V. Kamaya, Achyuta and Somanitha. The following table gives the details regarding the kings, the composers and engravers of their documents and other information : Serial No. Date. Name of the King. Composer. Engraver. Reference. 1 2 S. 130. S. 1316. S. 1318. S. 1319. S. 1348. S. 1351. S. 1386. Harihara I Mallanaradhya. Nagideva. Tiptur, No. 9. Bukka II. Mallanaradhya, son! Nagideva. Goribid nur, of Kotisvara ra No. 46. dhya of the Atreya gotra and Yajussakha. Harihara II. Muddanacharya. Hasan, No. 86. Do. Nagideva. T. Narsi, No. 134. Praudhadeva-1 Viranacharya, Tumkur, No. 11. raya. son of Mud danachurya. Devaraya II. Muddana, son Liiga mpadu of Viranna (?) Grant. Im. Praudha- Mallana, son of Virala, son of Nagar, No. 69. devareya. Kamana of the Mudelana. Bharadvajagotra and Riksakha (?). Mallikarjuna. Do. Tirtha ha! !i, No. 206. Virupeksha. Mallana, son of Mala va !! i Virana, No. 121. Mallikarjuna. Virana son of Srirangapatna, Muddana. No. 11. Vira N Ara Mallana (son of Nagar, No. 64. simha Virana). Virana, son of Kumbhakonam Mallana. Plates. Do. Krishnadeva- | Sabha pati. Do. 1 Belar. No. 79. raya. This is sometimes known also as the Vibhaga.patrami. S. 1386. . 1396 S. 139. S. 1429. S. 1429. Do. Do. Do.. Do. 14 6. 1433.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 1918 ] Serial No. Date. Name of the King. Composer. Engraver. Reference. 15 s. 1433. Sabhapati. Krishuadeva- raya. Do. 16 S. 1434. Mallana, son of Holalkere, No. 94. Virana (?). Virana, son of Shimoga, No. 1, Mallana. Viranacharya, Naijangod, son of Mal- No. 16. lana. 17 S. 1437. Ga 1 dl pe t, No. 30. Hasan, No. 6. S. 1437. S. 1438. S. 1438. S. 1444. Pavugada, No. 4. Chamarayapatna No. 167. Kumbhak onam Plates, No. IV. 22 S. 1444. S. 1445. Do. Channapatna, No. 153. S. 1446. 1447. 1450 1453. Achyutadeva raya. S. 1455. Do. Do. $. 1455. Do. S. 1456. Appanacharya, Hasan, No. 46. son of Vira nachan. Virana, son of Chikna y a ka nMallana. halli, No. 10. Do. Kumbhakonam Plates, No, V. Do. Krishnarajpet, No. 11. Holalkere, No. * 132. Pavugada, No. 75. Virana, son of Mandya, No. 55. Mallana. Virana, son of Arsikere, No. 126. Virana. Virana, son of Chintamani, No. 28. Do. Polepalli Grant. Belur, No. 197. Svayambhu, son Una manjeri of Sabhapati; of Plates. Savarnya gotra. Ep. Ind., Vol. III, 31 S. 1456. S. 1458. Virana. S. 1458 S. 1461. S. 1462 Do.

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MAROH, 1918] VIVEKAPATRAMALA 81 Serial Date. Name of the King. Composer. Engraver. Reference. S. 1463. Viranacharya. s. 1467. Achyutade- Sa bhapati. varaya Sadasiva-deva- Do. raya. Do. Yadavali Grant. Nag a m a n gala, No. 58. mmmmmmmm S. 1470. S. 1471. Do. Do. S. 1483. $. 1489, S. 1497 S. 1504. S. 1505 * $. 1511. Do. Do. mmm Do. Svayambhu, son of Virana, son of Chan na patna, Sabhapati. Virana. No. 186. Do. Do. Do. Mama di pundi Grant. Do. Hasan, No. 7. Do. Do. Do. Krisha apuram Grant. Tirumalariya. Do. Virana, son of Tum k u I, Ganaparya. No. 1. Sriranga II. Ganaparya, son of ..... Mareda palli Sabhapati. Grant. Varatuiga Narayana .. Trav. Arch. Se.. Pandya. ries, p. 124 Varatuvga and Kamakshi, son of Narayana, son Do. p. 81. Srivallabha. Sabh apati, and' of Parandara. grandson of Abhirima. Ve nka ta - Krishnakavi, son of Virana, son of Shimoga, No. 83. patiraya. Kamakoti, and Ganaparya. grandson of Sabhapati. Do. Chiknayakanhalli, No. 39. Ativirara Rajanathakavi, son Purandara, the Trav. Arch. Se ma Pandya. of Svayambhu. Rathakara. ries, p. 142. Venkata I. Chidambara - Kamay arya Maigala mpadu kavi, sister's son son of Gana- Grant. of Siva sury a, parya, and king of poets. brother of Virana. Veukata II. Ramakavi, son of Achyuta, son Kuniyur Grant. Kamakoti, and of Ganaparya, grandson of Sa- and grandson bhapati. of Virana. Do. Do. Kondyata Grant. Ranga II. Soma na tha. Kallakurichi son of Ka- Grant. maya, and grandson of Gana parya, Rauga VI. Ramakavi, son of Somanatha,l Utsur Grant. Kamakoti and son of Ka. grandson of Salma y a and bhapati. grandson of Ganaparya. Do. Do. Do. Mulbagal, No. 60. 50 $. 1556. Do. S. 1558. S. 1566. 53 S. 1569. 54 S. 1569.

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From the above tabular statement we may frame the following pedigree of the sisanum Composers of the Vijayanagara Empire : Abhirama Sabhapati S. 1434--1463. Composer of No. 1, Shimoga ; No. 79, Belur; No 94, Holalkere; No. 16, Naijangod; No. 30, Gundupet; No 6, Hasan; No. 4, Pavugada; No. 167, Chamara japet; . No, IV of the Kumbhakonam Plates; No. 46, Hasan; No. 153, Channapatna; No. 10, Chiknayakanhalli ; No. V of the Kumbhakonam Plates ; No. 11, Krishnarajapet; No. 132, Holalkere; No. 28, Chintamani; No. 75, Pavugada; No. 55, Mandya; No. 126, Arsikere; the Polepalli Grant; No. 197, Belur; the Yadavalli Grant. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Svayambhu. $. 1462--1493. Composer of the Onamanjeri Plates; No. 186, Channapatna: No.58, Nagamangala; the Mamadipandi Grant; No. 7, Hasan; the Ktishnapuram Grant; and No. 1, Tumkur. Kamakshi or Kamakoti (?) $. 1505. Composer of Varatuigarama Pandya and Srivallabha Pandya's Grant, (Pudukottai Plates.) Ganaparya. S. 1497 Composer of the Mare dapalli Grant. Kamaya. Rajanatha Kavi S. 1517. Composer of the Dalavky Agraharam Plates of Ativirarama Pandya. Ksishna Kavi. S. 1510. Composer of No. 83, Shimoga and No. 39, Chiknayakanhalli. Somanatha Rama Kavi, S. 1566-1569. S. 1556-1558. Composer of the KallaComposer of the kuruchi and the Utsur Kuniyur and the Grants and No. 60, MulKondyata Grants. bagal. [MARCH, 1918

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on the ibuanam engravers debates at the Begraves of the MARCH. 1918 ] And that of the basanam engravers thus : Genealogy of the Engravers of the Vijayanagara Grants [ Muddana I.] 1. Viranacharya I. S. 1348. Engraver of No. 11, Tumkur Tk. Ep. Carn. 2. Muddapa II. S. 1351. Engraver of the Lingampadu Grant. B and V's. Nellore Inscriptions. 3. Virana II. S. 1348--139 Engraver of No. 19, Nagar Tk, and No. 206, Tirthahalli. Ep. Carn. 4. Mallana I. S. 1396--1435. Engraver of No. 121, Malavalli and No. 64, Nagar Tk. Ep. Carn. Hasan. 7. Virana II. 1456--1458. 6. Appanacharya! Canaparya. Engraver of No. 28, Chinta- S. 1446. mani; No. 126. Arsikere; the Engraver of No. 46, Polepalli Grant; No. 197, Belar; No. 186, Channapatna; Virana V. Kamaja. No. 58, Nagamaugala; the S. 1493-1510. S. 1524 Mama lipundi Grant; No. 7, Engraver of Engraver of Hasan; and the Krishai No. 1, Tumkur Mangalam puram Grant. and No. 83, padu Grant. Shimoga. VIVEKAPATRAMALA 5. Virana IV. S. 1429-1456. Engraver of Nos. 2 and 3 of the KumbhakOnam Plates; No. 1, Shimoga; No. 79, Belur; No. 16, Nanjangod; No. 30, Gundlupet; No. 6, Hasan ; No. Pivuga 'a; No. 167, Chamarajapatna and No. 4, Kumbhakonam Plates ; No 153, Channapatna ; No. 10, Chiknayakanhalli; No. 5 of the Kumbhakonam Plates; No. 11, Koishnarajapet; No. 132, Holalkere; No. 55, Mandya. Achyuta. S. 1555-- 1558. Engraver of the Kuniyur Grant and Kondyata Grant. | Solanatha. S. 1566--1569. Engraver of the Kallakuruchi and the Utsur Grants and No. 60, Mulbagal. (To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1918 MISCELLANEA. VAISHNAVA WORSHIP AND BUDDHISM. actually went up. The " Vishnu-pada" at Gaya Tix date assigned by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar and Hill is still worshipped and was being worshipped in other scholars to the rise of the Vaishnava cult is too the days of and before the Vayu Purana (600 A. D.). well known to be quoted here. I want to draw The passage is not only important for the history attention to a piece of evidence which carries one of the Vaishnava cult, but throws light also on the aspect of Vaishnava cult to a period not later than religious history of early Buddhism. The custom 700--600 B.C. This was the worship of Trivikrama of worshipping foot-prints, it shows, had been Vishnu, curiously enough the form of worship was already an old institution before the time of the the worship of foot-prints. Buddha. It probably originated in this Vedic legend The worship was current even before Yaska and of Vishnu's stepping over the earth. His supposed was alluded to by & predecessor of his. That foot-prints (Vishnu-pada) were worshipped by the predecessor was Aurpavabha, who was probably Aitih asikas and those who believed with them. identical with the Teacher of that name in the The passage also shows that Gaya had long Brihadaranyaka Upanishad. Aurnavabha is cited become a sacred place before the Buddha went in several places by Yaska who gives his aitih isiku there to do his meditation. or legendary and historical interpretations of the And it was a sacred place of the orthodox people who derived their Rigveda hymns. cult from the Rigveda. Commenting on the wellknown Richa facfa ta fa T , Yaska in his Nirukta I take this opportunity of pointing out that the identification of the Trivikrama-Vamana Vishnu (Daivata, 6-3-19 ) quotes sakapuni first, who with Vasudeva was complete before the Baudhayanaexplains that Vishnu crosses all this with three dharma-Satras (see II. 5. 9. 10). Also before the steps placing them on the earth, on the antariksha Baudhayana dharma-Sutras child-Ktishoa (D&mo. (horizon) and on the sky. (af f art dara) and the cow herd-Ktishna Govinda) were CIENT AY T ATT grapariat known deities (ibid.) 4 This disposes off the view rata :) Then he cites Aurnavabha held by Indian and European scholars that the who takes the verse in the sense that Vishnu Krishna worship in the child form is post-Christ. literally and physically crossed in the past (7 ) The accepted date of the Baudhayana-dharma. in the manner described by Sakapuni, stepping over Sutras is "before 400 B.C." (Macdonell, Sanskrit the earth, horizon and sky, and he says "in ascend and sky, and he says "in ascend Literature, p. 259.) ing (he stepped) at the Vishnu-pada on the Gaya Peak" My own view which will appear in my Tagore HAURU facte Tierardar: Lectures is that the date is over-estimated by two centuries. In any case the cowherd and the childAumavabba is referring to the first step prithio god Krishna was worshipped here before Christ yam and is giving the Aitihasikas' view current in was born. his time by referring to the "Vishnu-pada" at Gaya Hill from which place, they believed, Vishnu K, P. JAYASWAL. NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. several months as reformadoe [ volunteers), duely 11. Company's officers obliged to go through performeing there duty, which wben Mr. King has the ranks. well discharged the Governour will encourage him 13 December 1689. Letter from Elihu Yale and to his Moritta, but in this you must also have Council at Fort St. George to John Vicks and a regard not to discourage our officers whose Council at Conimere. We commend Mr. Kings mar. only hopes is there due succession and preferment siall Inclinations, but first he must well understand which ought duly to be observed to all that the duty of a Sontinall before he climes to an deserve. Records of Fort St. George, Letters from officer as those Gentlemen here did [whom] the Fort St. George, 1689, p. 67. Governour advanced in that Imploy, who served R. C. T. 1 For Gayd-Peak in the Jatakas, see J. I. 142. * The orthodox worship of foot-prints to-day is confined to Vishnu-pada (Vishnu's footprints) only. 3 Apparently he went there because it was a sacred place. In the Anandhirama edition the twelve names Kesava, etc., are given separately. But see Buhler, SRE. XIV. The identity is ostablished by the Vaikhanasa-dharma 80era (lately published) which gives the pratika " Kekava " of the Baudhayana mantra and calls them the twelve names'. (The date of the Vaikhanasa in the present form is cir. 200 B.C. Its earlier shape which can be easily detected goes back before the Buddha's time and Panini, It is quoted by Gautama and Baudhayana and the quoted sutras are to be found in the present Vaikhnasa, I discuss its date and importance in my Tagore Lectures, The MS. known to Europoan scholar wwa later book than the present one.

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APRIL, 1918] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, Bt. (Continued from p. 59.) IV.--The Triestine Society of 1782. Letter from Robert Ritchie to Peter Michell, 18 dated Venice, 21 February 1783.19 NOW transmit the Prospectus of Mr Bolt's scheme, and should have done it some time ago had I seen any probability of his finding subscribers for the sum wanted; he seems, however, to have some chance now of being able to send out his ship one way or other, though I doubt much whether the subscription will be really, or only nominally, full. The scheme is printed in Italian, which I have translated into English, because some of the Gentlemen who may have the curiosity to peruse it, perhaps do not understand that language. Convention relative to the expedition of the Ship "Cobenzel" by the Trieste Society from Trieste to the East Indies and China, and back to Trieste 20 It is universally known that the underwritten Lieutenant Colonel William Bolts obtained from the Empress Queen Maria Teresa of glorious memory 21 a Commission or Patent, with very extensive privileges, to establish a direct Commerce with the East Indies, dated the 5th of June 1775. It is equally notorious that the trials made by him with several ships sent out on that voyage, in company with other persons, yielded on their return, considerable profits, insomuch that, under his co-direction, a Company was formed with a Capital of two millions of florins, divided in Actions (shares) among her Imperial Majesty's subjects in the Low Countries. It is flattering to him to have been, in this manner, the founder and restorer of this important and lucrative Commerce after it had been abandoned for half an age, and it will give him still greater satisfaction if he can succeed in animating the subjects of these hereditary States with trust and confidence with regard to this trade. To which end he offers the following proposals, 1. The above written Mr Bolts, jointly with the underwritten Codirectors, and for account of the Trieste Society, will set out and dispatch for the East Indies and China, by the ordinary way of the Cape of Good Hope the new Imperial Ship called Cobenzel, of about 600 tons burden, now in this port of Trieste, furnished with experienced Officers, and commanded by Captain John Joseph Bauer, a subject of the Emperour, (Joseph II), and this ship will sail, at the farthest, within the month of March next. 2. Although the above ship, including her rigging, furniture, arms, &c., actually in readiness, cost Mr Bolts more than the sum of 130,000 florins, yet, to the Society now proposed, the ship and furniture shall be valued only at 110,000 florins; and in order to facilitate the ballancing of accounts, he obliges himself to take back the ship, on her 18 Sooretary to the East India Company, 1768-1783. 19 Miscellaneous Letters Received, vol. 72, No. 92. * Miscellaneous Letters Received, vol. 72, No. 94. # Maria Teresa, Empren of Austria, died 29 Nov. 1780.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1918 return to Trieste, for two thirds of the value she shall cost the Company when ready to sail, in the condition she may return from sea, with the rigging, furniture, arms, &c., belonging to her, so as they then happen to be, without pretence to any deduction for whatever accident may happen, which he expressly renounces by these presente. 3. This projected voyage, including the ship and cargo, & part whereof is already provided, as is well known, and a part not, requires a fund of four hundred thousand florins. This fund is to be divided into a hundred actions or shares, of four thousand florins each, and every proprietor is at liberty to purchase as many shares as he thinks proper, till the whole hundred are completed, and also a half, fourth, or eighth of a share, so that a greater number may partake of the profits which this foreign trade offers. 4. Mr Bolts being convinced by experience and a long stay in India of the solidity of this undertaking, obliges himself to take for his own account fourteen shares, amounting to the sum of fifty six thousand current florins of Vienna. 5. As he has the jus and privilege for another similar voyage to India, therefore, in order to give the concerned in the present Adventure a greater prospect of gain, he promises and obliges himself that those among them who are unwilling to be interested in that voyage shall have the preference as far as the half of the sums they have subscribed to this, on condition that, thirty days after advertisement, they shall declaro whether they chuse to be concerned in that separate adventure and how much. 6. To convince the Adventurers of the solidity of this enterprize, he obliges himself to warrant, and hereby does warrant, ten per cent. per annum as certain profit, from the day the ship Cobenzel sails to her safe return, to each of the adventurers on the capital respectively advanced, and five per cent. from the day of disbursement till the day the ship sails, and from the day of her return till the final liquidation of the respective quotas. 7. All charges of whatever kind being deducted, as also the abovementioned ten and five per cents., the next profit of the voyage is to be divided into two equal parts, one of which to be subdivided among the adventurers according to their respective shares, and the other half becomes the property of Mr Bolts, in consideration of his having formed the project and ceded his privilege, and also by way of premium for his guarantee of a certain gain to each adventurer of ten and five per cent. as above. 8. Furthermore, the said Mr Bolts obliges himself not to withdraw or sell, cede or alienate his interest of fifty six thousand florins till all the adventurers are fully satisfied. not only in regard to their capital, but likewise the profit warranted or insured of ten and five per cent., in conformity to the 6th article, and also the surplus that may fall to their respective shares on their half of the next gain, after all the charges are deducted. 9. To the end that the business of the projected expedition may be managed with good order and exactness, and in order to give a greater and more general faith and trust in the concerned, Messrs. James de Gabbiati, John Adam Wagner, and John Rossetti are appointed Directors conjointly with the said Mr Bolts, and it is hereby expressly stipulated that, without the consent of the Codirectors, neither he, nor in his absence, his Agent, Mr Edward Watts, shall assume the management of any business whatever relative to, connected with, or dependent on the said adventure.

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APRIL, 1918] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 87 10. In co.isequence, however, of the foregoing obligation, it shall be incumbent on the Codirectors jointly with Mr Bolts, to prepare and draw up the publick or private advertisements to the Adventurers, to collect the money arising from the sale of the actions, to realize and verify the fourteen shares taken by Mr Bolts; to provide the goods required for the voyage; to give the needful instructions to the Captain, Supercargo, and other officers of the said ship; to get insurance done, not only on the capital, but also on an expected or imaginary gain, as is usual in maritime trade; to sign letters of correspondence, and whatever else is requisite in the execution of this undertaking; and in like manner, after the return of the ship, to take care that the merchandize be landed, sold, the produce got into Cash, charges paid, the respective dividends made, and whatever else may be necessary or convenient for the general interest of the Society. The money chest shall be kept under four keys, whereof Mr Bolts or his Agent shall have the custody of one, and one shall remain in the hands of each of the other three Directors. In this chest shall be lodged not only the money received or to be received for Actions, but also all the documents relative to the expedition, such as the bills of lading signed by the Captain, the policies of insurance, and every voucher concerning the voyage out and home. The books shall be kept by Mr Edward Watts, but under the constant inspection of the Codirectors, who, jointly with Mr Bolts, shall, in due time, get insurance done on the cargo out and home, and likewise on an imaginary or hoped for profit, so as, in case of a misfortune, which God forbid, the capital and interest of all the Adventurers may be insured. In like manner, they shall jointly give the requisite instructions to the Captain, Supercargo and Officers, that, in case of any fortunate circumstance, particularly in Asia, on the opportunity of this ships return to Europe, if a certain profit should be offered independent of the fund of this Society, all such - transactions may be done which are usual in these parte, and from which a sure profit results, but not otherwise ; and these profits, independent of the Company's funds, shall be divided, that is, three fourths to Mr Bolts, and one fourth to the Adventurers, the commission of the Direction, as in the following article, deducted. In recompenge for the pains and care of all the four Directors, they shall be allowed. by way of commission and premium, two and a half per cent. on the whole amount of the expedition outward, and two and a half per cent. on the sales of the homeward cargo, after the ships return, that is, two fifths to Mr Bolts, and three fifths for the other three Directors. On the safe return of the ship, with all convenient speed in regard to the interest of the Company, the whole cargo shall be sold at publick sale ; and when the accounts are made up, all the charges are to be paid, and the ten per cent. and respective five per cent. to the Adventurers, the commission to the Directors, premiums of insurance, and whatever else falls to the charge of the common concern ; and the remaining profit, hoped for, shall be decided according to the seventh article. In case of loss, the funds insured are to be recovered and brought into cash, and the capital, interest, and hoped for gain that have been insured are to be paid to the Adventurers in the manner above mentioned ; and every thing is to proceed in a clear orderly manner for the satisfaction of the conoer ned, who shall at all times have free access to see the accounts and vouchers.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1918 All the Adventurers, excepting the Directors, are at liberty to sell their shares, giving notice to the Directors for the registry; but the Directors shall not be responsible for the eventuality of this expedition, whether fortunate or not, having done their duty as indicated above. Whoever chuses to accede to this Convention and social contract will be pleased to sign their names, and note the number of actions they desire to take, with an obligation to accept the bills at usanoe which the Directors shall draw for the value of the purchase as soon as the whole number of one hundred actions is completed. 1'rieste, 17th December 1782. We underwritten, elected and appointed for managing the affairs relative to the Association called the Trieste Society for the expedition of the Imperial ship Cobenzel, in conformity to the foregoing printed plan, declare that the subscriptions in Trieste till this day amount to the sum of 140,000 forins, and so soon as the subscriptions required are completed, the names and respective sums of all the Adventurers shall be published. Trieste, the 20th December 1782. (Signed) GUGLIELMO BOLTS. GIACOMO DE GABBIATI GIAN ADAMO VAGNER GEO : ROSSETTI Note on the Prospectus of the Triestine Company. The foregoing prospectus is very interesting as showing the methods of the Austrian Company, known to the English as the Triestine Society (Societe Imperiale Asiatique de Trieste) in raising funds for its voyages. Apparently the Society raised a separate subscription for each voyage, which was liquidated on its completion. Put into modern commercial parlance and divested of its "wrapping," the scheme developed in the prospectus is illuminating, as it tells us how funds for ventures were raised in the 18th century in Europe ; and it shows incidentally that the Company promoters of that time were as "smart" as the most modern of their tribe.. On 20 December 1782, Bolts, in the name of the Triestine Society, promoted a special issue of shares for the voyage of the ship Cobenzel to India, China and the East, and back. The Directors were to be himself, as Managing Director, and three others. He was also to be the promoter. The share capital was to be 400,000 florins (say PS40,000, taking the Austrian florin at 2s, to be divided as to 260,000 florins into 520 20% preference shares of 500 florins each, held by the subscribers, and as to 140,000 florins into 35 unsaleable fully paid ordinary shares of 4,000 florins each, held by the Directors in the proportion of 14 by the promoter and 7 each by the other Directors. The preference sbares were to receive on the promoter's guarantee 5% from the date of subscription to the date of sailing. 10% during the voyage, and 5% from the date of return to the date of final liquidation. These dividends were subject to all the charges of the venture, including the Directors' remuneration. The Directors' remuneration was to be 21% on all sales during the voyage and 21% on all sales after the ship's return, payable in the proportion of to the promoter

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APRIL, 1918] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 89 and each to the other Directors. 22 The balance of the net profits on the voyage, which were to include the value of the ship taken at of the total capital (i.e., at 266,000 florins), and the guarantee of the promoter, was to be divided, half to the promoter and half to the shareholders. The ship was to be insured by the Society, and in case of loss the insurance money was to be available for dividend. Any incidental profits, i.e., any made during the voyage by trading in goods not included in the original cargo, were to be divided, to the promoter and I to the shareholders. The objects of the issue were to purchase the ship Cobenzel of 600 tons, valued at 130,000 florins, but sold to the Society by the promoter for 110,000 florins for the purposes of the issue, and to equip her and take her on a voyage to India, China and the East and back, the total cost of the scheme being estimated at 400,000 florins. The outward trade cargo was to consist of copper, gunpowder, iron, cloths and wine, and also porcelain, cannon, etc., as presents for Haidar Ali of Mysore and other Indian potenates ; and the homeward cargo was to be pepper. It was stated in the prospectus that the promoter's previous voyage for the Society to the East had been very profitable. The subscription to the issue was opened on 20 December 1782, the capital was fully subscribed by 23 June 1783, and the ship had commenced her voyage before 29 September 1783, but I have not been able to trace her arrival in the East. The promoter reserved the right to undertake arrangements for a similar voyage for the Society immediately on completion of those for the present one, and he set to work to raise funds for another venture to the East as soon as the Cobenzel had started on her voyage. It will be seen from the foregoing statement that what Bolts did was this. Heguaranteed his subscribers nominally 20%, but in reality only 5% 23 on the capital they put up, 260,000 florins, risking thus 13,000 forins; but he sold his ship to them for 110,000 florins in cash. so he made them pay handsomely for his guarantee. He also guaranteed to buy the ship nominally for 266,000 florins on ber return, but the shareholders were to have her insured ; and so if she was lost on the voyage he not only risked nothing, but got his share of the insurance money as owner of 14% of the total capital.25 If the ship returned safely, his share of the profit would cover the risk, as it would necessarily be great.28 Thus he got 56,000 florins worth of shares (14% of the total capital as above noted ) for nothing 27; half the gross profit boyond 20% as the shareholders paid all the charges of the venture including bis remuneration ; three-fourths of any trading profit (beyond those on the proceeds of the outward and homeward cargo ) made during the voyage : and one per vent. (of 21%) on all sales of both the outward and homeward cargo which were always very high in those days. It was these considerations that apparently made business men of the day accept his guarantee, as at that time he was practically bankrupt, the voyage of the Joseph and Theresa not being the success he would appear to have made it out to be. It is probable that he I. e., 1% to the promoter and 3% to each of the other Directors. 27 That is until the return of the ship the only dividend payable on the prospectus was 5% for the time before the ship started. * This was the outside risk, as the 5% it represented was only payable after deduction of " expenses." 15 By the prospectus the insurance money was specially earmarked as available for dividend. # The value of the ship was also to be available for dividend. 17 His total outside risk was 56,000 florins for shares and 13,000 florins as guaranteed dividend against 110,000 florins, the price of his ship paid him by the shareholders.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1918 had to give away a large share of his advantages in the prospectus to them for assistance in floating the issue, in a manner well known to the modern Company-promoter. The object of giving Bolts three colleagues in the direction of the Society's venture was obviously to protect the shareholders, but they had individually so subordinate an interest in the concern that their control must have been shadowy. One result of this story is to bring home to the present-day reader, with convincing clearness, what it meant to European merchants, even in the late 18th century, when " their ships came home." Letter from Mr Nathaniel Green, Consul, to Mr Secretary Fox, dated Trieste, 9 May 1783.29 Mr. Bolts is now at Vienna, solliciting Credit for the Value of One Hundred Thousand Florins in Copper and Gunpowder for the Cargo of the Ship Colentzel, which is to be fitted out here for Bengal and China so soon as the Actions are all engaged, if the Disputes among Mr Bolts's Creditors do not throw Obstacles in the Way. This Expedition proposed (according to all Appearance ) by Mr Bolts to amuse his Creditors, is to be carried on under the Firm &c, of La Societa Triestina. Mr Bolts and three Merchants of this place are the Managers, and they hope, not only to send out this Ship, but also to find Funds in the same Way, that [is,] by Shares or Actions, for sending out another immediately afterwards. All this affair is totally separate from those of the Antwerp Company to whom Mr Bolts has ceded his Octroi or exclusive Privilege for the East India Trade, which began in 1775 and its term will expire in 1785. Mr Bolts, however, not withstanding his present very critical situation and his extensive Engagements, still contemplates his favourite Project of a Voyage to the North West Coast of America and round the Globe, for which intent he retains yet in is Service the People he first engaged to assist in that Enterprize, vizt. Mr Gilpin, Astronomer, who went the last Voyage with Captain Cook 30 [G] Dixon, Armourer in the same. [Wm.] Walker, Joyners Mate Do. and [H.] Zimmerman, Mariner Do. This last is a Native of Spiers in the Palatinate and is the Man who has published in German a Relation of Captain Cooke's last Voyage. Thus Mr Bolts's projects may produce two trading Companies instead of one, besides setting something of the same kind a going in Leghorn, from whence a Ship lately sailed under Tuscan Colours for East India, though perhaps its Voyage may terminate at the Isle of France, and Mr Sherriman, late of Madras, is now solliciting the Grand Duke for his Protection of another Ship for the Coast of Coromandel. There is some Ground to 18 Charles James Fox (1749-1806), Joint Secretary of State with Lord North, April-Dec. 1783. 9 Miscellaneous Letters Received, vol. 73, No. 189. 30 Mr. Edward Heawood informs me that in Kitson's Life of Captain James Cook the name of G. Gilpin appears in the list of officers and men who went with Cook on his second (not last) voyage, 1772.1775. Gilpin's name figures among the supernumeraries as "gervant" to the Astronomer on the Resolution, and he probably acted as assistant. al G. Dixon, Wm. Walker and Heinrich Zimmermann were all members of the crew of the Discovery in Cook's last voyage. Zimmermann's account, entitled Reise um die Welt mit Capit. Cook, was published at Gottingen in 1781. A second ed. was published at Mannheim in 1782. In a note to the 1st ed. the author is said to have been a quartermaster in the Discovery, but in Kitson's list (see previous note) he is styled co xawain. I am indebted to Mr. B. G. Corney for this information,

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APRIL, 1918 ] AUSTRIAS COMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 91 believe that all East India Speculations would soon be laid aside in this country if they were not supported by the Assistance of Eaglishmen and other Foreigners, and the Facility they find of fitting out Ships from English and other Foreign Ports. Next week I shall have the Honor to transmit some Notes on the Account which Mr Bolts has lately presented to his Creditors on his stopping Payment. P.S. Some Presents for Hyder Ally (Haidar Ali] are getting ready at Vienna, of what kind I know not, but believe the bulk small. Letter from Mr Green, Consul at Trieste, to Mr Secretary Foxt, dated 23 June 1783.32 The Subscription of florins 400,000 for the Expedition of the Ship Cobentzel for Bangal and China for Account of Mr Bolts and the Triestine Society as it is called (not the Imperial Asiatic Company ) is now full, and the Ship is to be fitted out in all haste. Hyder Ally has given Commission for 150 Tons of Iron which is to go in this Ship. A messenger is to be dispatched by the Way over land to the Coast of Malabar. A Manufacturer named Martin, at or near Marseilles, gives Mr B. credit for a large Quantity of Cloth for this Voyage ; a Person at Madeira offers him 200 Pipes of Wine for half ready Money and half credit at Thirty Months. Mr Berthon of Lisbon writes to him that if he cannot immediately succeed in his Project here, He may find better Friends at Lisbon. Letter from Consul Green to Mr. Secretury Fox, dated Trieste, 11 July 1783.33 Mr Bolts Ship, the Cobentzel, is to sail about the enl of August for the Coast of Malabar, from whence she is to go to China. A Messenger will set out in a few days with Dispatches for Mangalore, where he is to wait the arrival of the Ship. The great Ship building at Fiume for the Imparial India Company 31 will not be ready for Sea till December next. Letter from Consul Green to Mr Secretary Fox, dated Trieste, 25 July 1783.35 The Ship Cobentzel is to carry the Presents from His Imperial Majesty to Hyder Ally, Part of which I am told will consist in some Porcelaine of Vienna and some Brass Cannon. The Present which Mr Bolts brought from Hyder for the late Emprese was Shauls and Diamonds, supposed to be worth about Thirty Thousand Florins. The Company hopes by the Favor of Hyder to be able to procure a Cargo of Pepper on the Coast, to bring home which, a Ship is to be bought there. Letter from Consul Green to Mr Secretary Fox, dated Trieste, 18 August 1783. 36 Two Days ago a gentleman named Campbell set out from hence with Dispatches from Mr Bolts and the new Association called the Triestine Society, for Hyder Ally and for some Correspondents at Bombay. Their Ship, Coben zel, will be ready to sail from hence in about three weeks. She is to touch at Marseilles to receive a Quantity of Broadcloth, at Madeira for a large Quantity of Wine, and, I believe, also at Cadiz for some other Articles. It is pretended that She will be at Mangalore in the Month of May next, but I am told by some who understand the Nature of the Voyage and the Course of the Seasons that She cannot arrive on the coast of Malabar till some Months later. Some 33 Miscellaneous Letters Received, vol. 73, No. 12. 33 Miscellaneous Letters Received, vol. 73, No. 54. 31 See in fra letter of 29 Sept. 1783. 55 Miscellaneous Letters Received, vol. 73, No. 72. #6 Miscellaneous Letters Received, vol. 73, No. 121.

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1918 Englishmen who are Officers on board are very much dissatisfied with Mr B. who refuses to pay them, as he promised when his Affairs were in disorder, and he engaged them to wait till this period. Some others whom he had also brought here to serve in his Expedition to the North West of America by the Way of Cape Hoorn are now also in Dispute with him for their Pay and Discharge, both of which he refuses, and pretends he shall yet be able to put this project in execution. This may be very uncertain, and I believe that he himself sees that this Country is not well adapted to his views nor can give hopes of Success to them. I know also that he has entered into Correspondence with Naples and hopes to be furnished with a Ship there and that Court will take some part in the Affair. He has also lately treated for an English Ship which is now here and offered PS6,000 Sterling for the Voyage, but could not persuade the Captain to undertake it. Letter from Consul Green to Mr Secretary Fox, dated Trieste, 29. September 1783.37 The Triestine Society have at length sent away their Ship Cobentzel for the Coast of Malabar and China. The Captain is Mr John Joseph Bauer, an Hungarian, Chief Mate Mr. Lindsay, Second Mr Moore, and Third Mr Smith, which three with two Petty Officers have made themselves Austrian Subjects. The Society is now in Treaty for another Ship for a second Expedition, coaformable to the Privilege which Mr Bolts has reserved to himself in the Agreement with the Imperial Asiatick Company when he gave up the Octroy 38 to them. Some Projects are in Contemplation for re-establishing the Course of India Trade by the Way of Suez, Cairo, &c. Some Proposals of such Tendency have been made both from hence and from some Englishman in India, to people of consideration in Egypt, who have given a very encouraging Answer. Additional Paper on Austrian Trade in the East. Unsigned Letter from Brussels, dated 11 April 1788, containing the general Tenor of the Instructions intended to be sent by the Emperor to the Consule General in India.39 The Viscount de Walekiers to has just now called on me to desire me to tell you that he cannot keep his promise of sending you to-day the heads of the instructions intended to be given by the Emperor to the Consuls General appointed in India, because the form and words of those instructions are not yet finally settled, and besides, their expedition in due form depends on other regulations now about to be taken to prevent effectually the abuse of the Imperial flag in India. You know his only view in proposing to send you the copy or substance of the Instructions was that you might find some means of learning whether they are such as may be in all respects perfectly consonant with the wishes of those at the head of India affairs on your side of the water, in order that any alterations they think proper to hint might be made in them. Perhaps & general idea of them may answer that purpose which a few words will convey to you. 37 Miscellaneous Letters Received, vol. 73, No. 169. * This word is used in its now obsolete meaning of commercial privilege, exolusive right of trade. 59 Home Series, Miscellaneous, vol. 74. 40. Joseph Walcher, bom 1718 at Lentz, was Director of Navigation on the Danube and later & member of the Austrian Goverment.

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APRIL, 1918 ] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 93 - They are directed to conform, as far as circumstances will admit of, to the existing maritime Regulations of the late Empress for Trieste and to those adopted in this Country-To take cognizance of all Ships which come within their district under the Imperial Flag-To cause the Captains and Officers [to] produce their Passports and requisite authority for carrying that Flag-To keep proper accounts and Registers of the whole, granting their certificate of such papers having been only produced and in the proper form, and they are to request of the Governors, &c. in India to pay no respect to the assumed Flag of such Ships as are not provided with such Passports and comply with these forms. And also upon the certainty of illegal proceedings of this nature, they are to ask the protection and assistance of all Governors &c. that they may be enabled to deal with such subjects unauthorized according to the aforementioned regulations now making. And if those assuming the Emperor's Flag are not Imperial Subjects the Consuls or their Deputies or Vice Consuls are to give any public declarations or certificates of it which may be necessary to enable them in whose ports they are to seize them or deal with them as they please, renouncing all claims on that account on the part of the Emperor. They are, on the other hand, to protect, as far as in their power, and endeavour to obtain protection from those in power, in favour of all Imperial Ships and Subjects duly anthorized by His Majesty to trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope, to call them before them, hear and determine their disputes and differences among themselves, take depositions, grant certificates valid in Law here, give sentences to be executed subject to appeal here, and in short, to act in general as other Imperial Consuls do in foreign Countries, but always with the concurrence, where needful, and under the protection of the Governor &c, in whose Presidencies or Districts the Circumstances occur. They are to make proper Reports to the Emperor of their proceedings and in general to maintain, as far as in their power, good order and tranquillity among his subjects who trade to India or are there properly authorized--to encourage this trade and obtain for ther: such indulgences and favours as they may stand in need of, but to take care those placed thus under their authority commit no offence against the laws in the places they frequent, and should that happen, to assist as far as in their power in bringing them to justice and obliging them to make proper reparation. You may look upon these as the chief principles and substance of the Instructions to be given to the Consuls General, and the Viscount de Walckiers would be glad you could learn whether any stronger restrictions or injunctions ought to be added for the satisfaction of the British Government or the East India Company. In that case, it will only require a hint from him to have it done, for Government here are determined to put a stop to all the abuses which have of late been committed under the Imperial Flag. Our friend the Viscount is also very anxious to know if the orders are given for admitting those Consuls, especially the one in Bengal. I wish you could learn something about this and write to him, if you do not pay us a visit in your way to Paris, but we firmly expect to see you. (THE END.]

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94 1. Prasadavallabha 2. Bhaskarakavi .. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY VIVEKAPATRAMALA. BY T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A.; TRIVANDRAM. (Continued from p. 83.) THE Vibhagapatramala, a manuscript hitherto unpublished, whose existence was brought. to my knowledge by Mr. Raigasvami Sarasvati, B.A., and which is a very late production, gives some account of the poets of the village of Mullandram. It gives us some glimpses into the lives of a few of them, more especially, of Arunagirinatha (otherwise known also as Sonadrinatha, &c.) and his son Rajanatha Kavi. It is stated therein that a Chola king who went on a pilgrimage to Benares (Gangaikonda Rajendra Choladeva I. is evidently referred to here) was met there by a number of learned men of the village of Mandara. This king being pleased with the erudition and character of these people took them with him to his dominions for the purpose of erecting temples for Siva and settled them in the Kanchimandala. They were eight in number and belonged to eight different gotras; their names and gotras are as follows: 3. Rajanathakavi 4. Subrahmanyakavi [APRIL, 1918 5. Jatadharesa Dikshita 6. Nilakanthakavi 4 7. Somanatha Dikshita 8. Mallikarjunabhatta Kasyapagotra. Gautamagotra. Savarnyagotra. Sandilyagotra Srivatsagotra Bharadvajagotra. Gotama (Samaga) gotra, and Saukritigotra. After some time, the Chola king granted them an agrahara worth 450 nishkas of gold, which was named Mettaippadi (translated in Sanskrit as Talpagiri) and which was divided into ten shares, of which eight were given to the abovenamed eight brahmanas and two to the god of the local temple. In this village which was also known as the Rajanathapura (perhaps after one of the donees, No. 3 of the above list), Rajanatha built a temple for Siva and set up in it a linga which he called Rajanathesvara. The hill situated on the east of their village was called the Mettaippadimalai. The first of the donees, Prasadavallabha Dikshita, had, by the grace of the god of Chidambaram (Pundarikapura), a son named Sabhapati. The kings of the Chera, the Chola and the Pandya countries became his disciples; whenever Sabhapati went out, a drum (dhakka) mounted on an elephant used to be sounded to announce the advent of the illustrious poet. Hence he was better known as Dhakka Sabhapati. The great grandson of Dhakka Sabhapati was Bhaskararya, the author of the Prasanna kavya. In this family was born the poet Tyagaraja who set up a pillar of victory in the Kamakotisvara pitha (i.e., the Sankaracharya matha which is at present situated in Kumbhakonam). Tyagaraja had two sons named Svayambhu and Gurusvami. The contemporaries of Svayambhu in the other families were: Dakshinamurti Yajva and Bhaskara Dikshita of the family of Bhaskara Dikshita of the Gautamagotra; Vidyapatimakhi, Divakarakavi and Suryabhatta of the family of the Rajanathakavi of the Savarnyagotra; Gurumurtikavi and Sivasuryamakhi of the family of Subrahmanyakavi of the Shodilyagotes; Sivaadryamakhi, Subrahmanyamakhi, Ramalign makhi and Ramachandra of the family of Jatadharesa Dikshita of the Srivatsagotra; Sankarayajva, Nilakanthamakhi, Ya nanarayana and Anantakavi of the family of Nilakanthakavi of the Bharadvajagotra; Rajanathakavi and Venkatakavi of the Gotamagotra;

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APRIL, 1918 ] VIVEKAPATRAMALA 95 and Devarama... of the family of Mallikarjunabhatta of the Sarkritigotra; thus the original eight families consisted, in the time of Svayambhu, of twenty-one households. Svayambhu had & son named Sabhapati, and Gurusvami had a daughter named Abhiramambika and a son called Somanatha, who were born twins. Abhiramambika was married to Rajanatha of the Gotamagotra; she attained her age in her 13th year, and in the Kali year 4400 expired (A.D. ....) gave birth to a son named Sonadhara (or Arunagiri). Of the twenty-one householders mentioned above seven left their native village Mettaippadi and began to reside in the village of Attiyar granted by Bukkaraya as an agrahara to Brahmanas. The king Bukka is described in the manuscript as one who had received the grace of the sage Vidyaranya, who was the giver of all desired objects and who was the establisher of several temples for Vishnu and Siva. These seven people employed a Karnataka brahmara and his brother as the Pakichangi and accountant respectively on a fixed pay and another brahmana for doing puja in the local templo These ten families lived in Attiyur cultivating their knowledge of Vedanta and other sastras. They had friends in the adjacent village of Puttur founded by the Chola kings. Sonadrinatha (Arunagirinatha) was sent to a teacher to learn all sd stras. While studying, uis father who was anxious to have his son married, died. The boy was taken under his charge by his uncle Somanatha, for, his mother Abhiramambik& committed sati with her deceased husband. After some time had passed, Arunagirinatha found the wife of his uncle not at all kind to him; her ill-treatment made him run away from his uncle's house. All along Somanatha was ignorant of the fact that his nephew was not accorded proper treatment by his wife and when he found the boy missing he set about searching for him. Three days after he found him on the river bank, his lips tinged red with betel. When questioned about the matter, he explained that feeling tired he slept away the previous night in the Saiva temple in Puttur (Navagrahara), meditating upon Vidyapati, the god of that temple. He then dreamt that a person whose head was ornamented with the crescent moon, whose arms were adorned with bracelets of snakes, and who was accompanied by a number of children and four disciples approached him and spat in his mouth the betel he was chewing. Seeing that his lips were coloured red he got up to wash them in the river and therefore he happened to be then by the side of the river. Forthwith he burst into poetic effusion and ever since became a famous versifier and by his divine gift he attracted the attention of the then newlycrowned king Praudhadevareya Maharaya and became a very intimate friend and companion of the king. He married Yajnambika, a girl belonging to the Savarnyagotra. There was a pretty garden belonging to the crown, situated on the south of the village of Mettaippadi (Talpagrama), on the east of Attiyur (Audumbarapura) and on the northwest of Puttur (Navagrama); the officer who was in charge of this garden was named Nilagiri. Once when Rukmini, the queen of Praudhadevaraya saw this garden she liked it so well that she desired to possess it and the king immediately made over this property to her. The cows of the Brahmana villages near by used to enter the garden and destroy the valuable plants. Nilagiri protested against the straying cattle, but the brahmanas paid no heed to his protestations. Then he detained the cattle and declined to liberate them : among those thus penned there were some cows belonging to Sonadri (Aruagoiri). Incensed at the insolence of Nilagiri, Sonadri appealed to the king not simply to order Nilagiri to liberate the cows, but to grant him the garden so that he might build an agrahara on its site. The king, however, declined to interfere with the estate of his queen. Sonadri then left the kingdom of Praudhadevareya, it is stated, and proceeded to that of the Stratrana (Sultan) where by the cleverness of his composition he got access to his presence and pleased him very much. The court poet by name Anapaya, surnamed Kavimalla, came out with his characteristic drum, dindima, beating, to meet Arunagiri in an intellectual wrangle: it was resolved that if Kavimalla was defeated by Son&dri he should deliver all his distinctions to

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1918 the latter. Unfortunately for him, he was overcome by fonadri and lost his title and distinctions. The Sultan then decorated him with the distinguishing appellation of " Vidyadindima Sonasnila Kavi " and detained him for some time with himself. On one occasion Arunagiri so pleased the Sultan with his poetic talent that the latter conferred upon him the title of Dindima-sarvabhauma-kavi.' Arunagiri rendered the story of Rama into a kavya and a nataka and wrote also several works on edstras. Having thus distinguished himself in the court of the Sultan and having pleased him, Arunagiri got a note of the Sultan ordering Praudhadevareya to grant the queen's garden near Puttur to Arunagiri (1). Praudhadevaraya, it is said, quietly gave away to Arunagiri the garden belonging to his queen. Arunagiri then ordered an agrahara to be built there on the bank of the river Kutila ; in the middle of which was constructed a temple for Siva under the name of Sabhapati and on the south-east corner another for Vishnu. This new village received five different names, namely, Praudhadevarayapuram, Sarvabhaumapuram, Dindimalayam, Trimandalam and Mulandam. Though Dindimakavisarvabhauma often caused panic in the minds of great poets, he never interfered with the lesser ones. The above is an abstract of the contents of the Vibhagapatramala. From this we see that the so-called " deed of division" is nothing more than a paregyric on DindimakaviSarvabhauma Arunagirinatha. The genealogy of this person as gathered from the manuscript may be tabulated thus : Prasadavallabha Dikshita of the Kabyapagtra. Dhakka Sabhapati. Son Grandson Bhaskararya Author of Prasannakavya. Tyagaraja, who set up a pillar of victory in the Kamakotiavara Pi-ha. Svayambhu Gurugrami Sabhapati Somanatha Abhiramambika X Rajanatha of the Gotamagotra. Arunagiri X Yajnambika of (alias Sonidri, the Savarnya gotra. received the grace of Siva in becoming a poet; contemporary of Praudhadevaraya; rendered the story of Rama into a kavya and also a na aka; obtained the birudas of Dindimaka visarvabhauma; defeated Anapaya, alias Kavimalla.

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APRIL, 1918) VIVEKAPATRAMALA 97 The members of the family of Svayambhi have left behind certain poetical works of theirs which also yield incidentally some information about them and their ancestors. The Subhadra-Dhananjaya-nataka, a Sanskrit play by Ramakavi yields the following genealogy Rajanatha Svayambhugreu * Daughter Ramakavi, Author of the Subhadra-Dhananjaya Nataka. It is stated in this work that the author was a native of Mulani!am in the Tundiramandala and that he belonged to the Kasyapagotra. His ancestors were worshippers of Siva, and were called by the distinguishing title Aghorakavacharya ; these were held in great respect by Sarvabhaumakavi and others. Again in another work, the Somavalli-yogananda prahasana, its author Arunagiri gives his genealogy as follows: Dindimakavi, the opponent of Kaviprabhu of the Samaveda Naganakavi, the court poet of the Ballalas Sabhapati Abhira manayita md. Rajanathadesika Arunagiri (Author of the Somavalik-yogananda prahasana). The Bhagavata-champu is another work written by Rajanathakavi, son of Sonagirinatha. The two kavyas, the Saluvabhyudayam and the Achyutarayabhyudayam, sung in prais e of the deeds of valour of the Vijayanagara kings Saluva Narasimha and Achyutaraya are claimed to have been composed by a poet called Rajanatha. In the former work the poet Rajanatha states that he was the son of Sonadrinatha; therein we see him bear a long string of birudas, rather high-sounding in their purport; they are: 1. Dindima-kavi Sarvabhauma, Dind'imakavi Rajanatha. 2. Chera-chola-Paniya-prathamaradhya Hridayasivabhikhya Dindimakavi-sarva bhauma-biruda Sonadrinathatmaja Rajanatha. 3. Dasarupa-Narayana-biruda-manlana Dinima. 4. Rasika-kavitasamrajya Lakshmipati. 5. Navanataka-bharatacharya. 6. Kavimalla-galla-ta cana-patu. 7. Pratibhata-kavi-kunjara-panchanana. 8. Bindudaka-kavi-prapita maha. 9. Kavisarvabhaumabdhi tara pati. 10., Chatur-vritti-Sarvabhauma. 11. Dvadasa-desya-vritti-paradisva. 12. Ashtabhasha-paramesvara. 13. Abhinava-nataka-Bhavabhuti. 14. Maghadyati-varti-chitraprabandha-parames vara. 15. Ashtadigvijaya-patahiksita-biruda Dinlima ambaca. 16. Sha Idarsana Shanmukha.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1918 17. Saiva-sastra-jivatu, and 18. Akhilaveda-sagara-sa myatrika. Of these a very large number of the birudas qualify Arunagiri or Sonadrinatha than glorify his son; the son born of the merits of such a great man as Arunagirisa who bore almost all the foregoing birudas, was Rajanathakavi, the author of the saluvabhyudayam. But in the Achyutarayabhyudayam not even the name of the father of the poet is given ; one thing, however, is certain, namely, that the author of the Achyutarayabhyudayam and the Bhagavata Champu are identical, as will be observed from the introductory verses in both, extracts of which are given in the appendix; the authors of these two poems were the contemporaries of Achyutadevaraya. The verse beginning with dhammilla-saivaladhara is found, without the least change, in both poems. From the facts detailed above some feel'inclined to dissociate the two Rajanathas, the authors of the Saluvabhyudayam and of the Achyutarayabhyudayam and treat them as two different persons; there is also apparently some ground for their doing so, because, the one deals with the history of a king who lived at least 25 years earlier than the king whose exploits are recorded in the second poem. It might also be stated that it cannot be that the title-less Rajanatha (the grandfather of the highly-soundingtitled Rajanatha, whose father's name even is not mentioned), was the author of the kavya dealing with a later king and his grandson, the composer of the kdvya dealing with the history of the earlier king. One gets out of this difficulty, if one admits that the author of the Saluvabhrudayam, the Achyutarayabhyudayam and the Bhagavata-champu was one and the same person, Rajanatha, the son of Arunagiri. If this conclusion is admitted, as it must be, the genealogy of the poets of Mullandram could be shown as related to that of the sasana writors of the Vijayanagara kings thus :Kasyapag otra Gotamagotra Abhirama Kaviprabhu, the opponent (Dindimaprabhu) of Nagan pakavi SabhApati Abhiramanayika married to Rajanathadelika Ganaparya Svayambhu-married to Suster Kamakshi or Kamakoti Bonagiri or Arunagirinathe (possesso: several birudas) Kamaya Krishnakayi Ramakavi Rajanatha Ramakavi Rajanathakavi kavi (author of the (author of the Salu Subhadrd- vabhyudayam, the Dhanafijaya ) Achyutarsydbhyuda yam and the Bhaga vata.champu). Somantha The identification of the casana writers of the kings of Vijayanagara with the poets of Mullandram is based upon the following considerations: (i) The poets of Mullandram and the sasana writers of the Vijayanagara kings bear the same names. (ii) They both have written the eulogies of the kings of Vijayanagara. (ii) They both were the proteges of the Vijayanagara kings and possibly because, (iv) as the poets, according to the Vivekapatramala were the followers of the Srikanthagama and bore the high-sounding title Aghorasivacharyas, were able to induce the family guru of the Vijayanagara kings, Kriyasakti Pandita to exert his influence with the kings to procure for them the hereditary position (mirdsi) of the bdsana writers of the kings.

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APRIL, 1918 ] VIVEKAPATRAMALA 99 The above are the only reasons which induced me to take the poets as identical with the sdsana writers. How far this identification is tenable it is too much to say at present. Future research alone should bear out or contradict this identity. As regards certain facts mentioned in the Viveka patramala, a few words of explanatior are necessary. First, it is stated that the ancestors of the poets of Mullandram were originally the inhabitants on the banks of the Ganges and that when a Chola king went on a pilgrimage to Benares, he met those learned men and took them with him and settled them in Tondainadu. If the statement is true, the Chola king is, as has been already remarked, Rajendracholadeva I. who conquered all the countries as far north as the Ganges and as a consequence was better known as Gangaikondachola. It was after his name the city of Gangaikonda. cholapuram and the superb temple in its centre were constructed and the former made the capital by that king. This fact of his having brought some Saiva Brahmanas of the Agamanta school on his way from the banks of the Ganges is also referred to in his work the commentary on the Siddhanta-Saravali of Trilochanasivacharya by Anantasivacharya. And we know from the inscriptions of Rajaraja I. and his son Rajendracho!adeva I. that they preferred the Brahmanas of Lata, Gauda, &c., countries to be mathadhipatis and pujdris in temples. Thus there is some truth in the statement made in the Vivekapatramala. The next fact stated therein is that the original immigrants into the Tondaina du were the followers of the Srikanthagama. The present inhabitants of the village of Mullandram who trace their descent from the poets mentioned in the Viveka patramdla pow assert that they are not Agamantins but Vedantins belonging to the Vadama sect. One of them is to-day the guru of the oilmonger caste (Vaniyan). It is very hard to believe how they could have become Vadamas if they trace their lineage from persons who once bore the title of Aghorasivacharyas. Again Mullandram is stated to have been the native village of Dindimakavi and that it also bore the name Praudhadevarayapuram. An inscription (No. 396 of the Madras Epigraphist's Collection for 1911) found in Mullandram "records that the Mahajanas of Praudhadevarayapuram alias Agaram-Mul?andram including the poet Dindimakavi, assigned house sites to certain stone-masons in the Kanmalatteru. This charter was engraved on the temple of Tandonrisvaram-udaiyar." This is dated in the cyclic year Raudra. Another record belonging to the same place (No. 397 of 1911) dated S. 1472, Sadharana records "Gift of land by a Brahmana lady to the shrine of Annamalainatha built by her, in the temple of Svayambhunatha for the merit of herself and her husband Kumarar Dincimar Annamalainathar." If S. 1472 was Sadharana, Raudra adjoining Sadharana will be the Saka years 1423 or 1483, the earlier perhaps being more probable. From these two inscriptions we learn that the ages of the Kavi Dindima and perhaps of his son Kumarar Disdimar Annamalainathar were about the middle of the 15th century of the Saka era which falls in the reign of the Vijayanagara king Achyutadevaraya-a fact which clearly shows that the author or authors of the Saluvabhyudayam, the Achyutarayabhyudayam and the Bhagavata-champu should necessarily have lived only in the reign of Achyutadevareya and not before. The inscriptions further inform us that another name of the village Mullandram was Praudha devarayapuram, as mentioned in the Vivekapatramaia.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1918 According to the Vedantadesika Vaibhavaprakasika of Doddayacharya of Cholasingapuram, Vedantadesika, the great Visish tadvaita Acharya, the founder of the Vadagalai sect of the Srivaishnavas, is said to have had a philosophical wrangle with a Dindima-Sarvabhauma Kavi.? This Dindima-Sarvabhauma Kavi is herein said to be the author of a work called Raghavabhyudayam and that to excel this composition Vedantadesika is said to have written Yadavabhyudayam. We know from other sources that Vedantadesika lived for over a hundred years from S. 1191-1293 (=A.D. 1269-1371). Therefore the opponent of the Srivaishnavacharya must be an ancestor of Arunagirinatha (in his mother's side). Again, Nainaracharya, the son of Vedantadesika, a contemporary, like his father, of Sarvajnasimha Nayaka, is reported to have defeated in a philosophical discussion a poet of the court of the prince abovenamed, known by the appellation of Sakalya-Malla. This must be the Kavimalla who was overcome by Dindimakavi Arunagirinatha, as evidenced by one of his titles, Kavimalla-galla-tadana-patu. The Vivekapatramald contains an absurd statement that Arunagirinatha, incensed by the conduct of the keeper of the queen's garden near Mettaippadi, complained against him to the king Praudhadevariya and requested him to present him with the garden, so that he might construct there an agrahara, that Praurhadevareya refused to give it and that thereupon Aruragiri went to the Sultan of Delhi and got an order from the latter to Praudhadevareya to cede the garden in favour of the poet. Even supposing that the Sultan of Delhi is a mistake for the Sultan of one of the five kingdoms into which the Bahmani kingdom broke, we fail to understand what right the Sultan had to issue an order to be obeyed by Prauchadevareya and how the Vijaya iagara king endured the conduct of this most disloyal and dangerous poet and settled him down in the midst of his loyal subjects. But the village of Mullandram is actually called Praudhadevarayapuram, a fact which clearly bears out the fact that it was made an agrahara by Praudhadevareya. Perhaps it might be argued that after all, it might be that the king first felt some difficulty in conferring his queen's garden to the Brahman poet, but later on was pleased by his conduct and his learning to grant it to Arunagirinatba. But this supposition cannot be upheld, because the age of Arunagiri is far behind that of Praudhadevaraya and therefore the one cannot be the donee and the other the donor. From all these petty contradictions and absurdities contained in the Vive kupatramala we can assert without fear of contradiction that the work is not one written in the life-time of Arunagirinatha but long after it, the chief source of information being the traditions current in the village of Mullandram at the time of its composition. A number of places, etc., occur in the Vivekapatramala; they are Rajanathapura, otherwise known as Talpagiri, the Talpagiri hill near the agarhara of that name, Audumbarapura and Navagrahara (N. grama). These are absurd literal translations of the Tamil names Mettaippandi, Attiyur and Puttur all three of which are in the Arni division of the North Arcot District. Mullandram is also there. (To be continued.) jisvA karSi DiNDimasArvabhaumaM kRtvA ca kRSNAmbudavaM manozaM / stutastadA tena guruttamo bastamAzraya savakalA

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APRIL, 1918] THE EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHY 101 A CONTRIBUTION TOWARDS THE EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHY. 1 BY HERMANN JACOBI. [Translated with permission by Dr. V. A. Sukthankar, Ph.D., Indore.] TIE Indians have no historical tradition regarding the origin of their six philosophical systems; the general belief that they are very ancient has been most effectively strengthened, if not oocasioned, by the circumstance that their originators, who are believed to be the authors of the Sutras, are called Rsis, i. e., "Seers of olden days" Being free from such prejudices, philological research has arrived, on the ground of general considerations, at a relative chronology of the six systems, or rather, of three pairs of systems, as each two of them have always been closely allied with each other. The two Mima meas, as regards their contents, are closely associated with the Revelation; their followers are the Vedic theologians. The representatives of Sruti. Sankhya and Yoga hold the later religious ideal: asceticism and contemplation instead of sacrifice; their followers are representatives of the Smriti. Vai esika and Nyaya do not stand in an intimate relation to any strata of the older literature, neither the Revelation nor the Tradition. They form the Philosophy of the learned man of the world, the Pandit. 3 Thus three chief directions of Philosophy get clearly marked, each of which has for its representative, one of the classes of the Brahman community. The first draws its concepts and ideas from the Revelation; the second propounds a rational scheme of the world through bold speculation, and the third tries to bring it into systematic coherence through the examination of the facts of experience. As Sruti, Smriti and Sastra are the three successive stages of the development of the Indian spiritual life, the chief philosophical schools belonging to each of them, stand also in a similar relation of time to each other. This much can be gathered from general considerations with a fair degree of certainty. Recently, however, we have acquired a positive starting point for constructing the history of Indian philosophy, and to expound it is the object of these lines. It is found in Kautilyam." a treatise on state-craft by Kautilya or Visnugupta, which has very lately become accessible. The author is best known by the name of Chanakya; he was the first Imperial Chancellor of the Mauryas, and overthrew the last of the Nanda princes and helped Chandragupta, the CANAPAKOTTOC of the Greeks, to the throne, as he himself says in the last verse of his work : yena satram ca sastram ca Nandarajagata ca bhuh amarseno 'ddhritany abu tena sastram idam kytam II The translator is a former pupil of Prof. Jacobi. 2 This assertion will be proved more thoroughly in the course of this Essay. For the present it should be remembered that in works which are religious but do not belong to the Voda, soh as the Purance, the Sankhya ideas constitute the philosophical back-ground. 3 The oldest work of a non-religious character which has the doctrines of Vailerika and Nyaya for its philosophical basis is the Charakeanhita : for Vaisegika see I. 1, 43 ff., 63 ff.; for Nykya soe MI. 8.24 . + The Artha-Sastra of Kautilya, edited by R. Shama Sastri, Mysore, 1909. of the valuable contribution by Von Alfred Hillebrandt: On the Kautilya-Sastra and Allied Subjects in the 88th Annual Report of the Schlesischen Gesellschaft fur Vatorlandische Kultur ; and J. Hortel, Literary Matters from the Komsays Sdaira, WZKM., 24, p. 416 ff.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1918 Thus the composition of the Kautilyam must be placed about 300 B.C., so long as no proof is brought forward to show that it is an old forgery. Kautilya treats in the first Adhikarana (Vidyasamuddesa ) of the four branches of learning (Vidyas) :- invik iki, Philosophy ; 2 Trayi, Theology; 3 Vartta, Science of Industries, and 4 Dandaniti, State-craft. The second Adhyaya gives the views of different authorities regarding the number of the Vidyas ( the Manavas accept three (2-4 ], the Barhaspatyas two [3 & 4), the Ausanasas only one [4]), and then explains that under Philosophy are to be understood Sankhya, Yoga and Lokayata (Samkhyam Yogo Lokayatam cety anviksiki). Then the text continues : dharmadharmau trayyam), arthanarthau varttayam, nayanayau dandanityam, balabale cai 'tasam hetubhir anvik amana lokasyo 'pakaroti, vyasane' bhyudaye ca buddhim avasthapayati, prajnavakyakriyavaisaradyam ca karoti : pradipas sarvavidyanam upayas sarvakarmanam ! Asrayas sarvadharmgnem sasvad Anviksiki mata il "In as much as philosophy examines (religious) merit and demerit in Theology, profit and loss in the Science of Industries, right and wrong policies in State-craft, and also discusses, with reasons, the relative importance of these (three sciences), it serves mankind, gives correct insight into prosperity and adversity and lends sharpness of intellect and cleverness in business and speech : Philosophy has always been considered to be the lamp of all the sciences, a means of performing all the works, and the support of all the duties." According to Kautilya the essence of philosophy lies in systematic investigation and logical demonstration; in his judgement these conditions are satisfied only (ili) by Sankhya Yoga, and Lokayata. Now it will be of interest to place by the side of the above remark of Kautilya concerning the essence of anviksiki, Vateyayana's exposition of the same subject as given in Nydya-Bhasya (I, 1, 1). I shall give here the passage, together with a few comments by Uddyotakara (6th century A.D.) on the same in his Varttika. The occasion for the exposition of this subject in the Nyaya-bhashya is the question why in the Nyaya-Sutra sixteen categories, praman, prameya, saysaya, etc., should be introduced when samjaya and the rest are included in the first two, viz. :"the means of knowledge" and the "right knowledge." Vatsyayana admits it and then continues : imas tu chatasro vidyah prithak prasthanah pranabhritam anugrabayo 'padisyante, yasam caturthi 'iyam anyiksiki nyayavi dya: "But these (i.e., the well-known ) sciences, of which this philosophy or the science o Nyaya is one, 7 are taught for the benefit of men, in so far as each of them has its speciai subject." On this Uddyotakara comments: catasra ima vidya bhavanti, tas ca prithakprasthanah: agnihotrahavanadiprasthana trayi, halasakatadiprasthina vartta svamya 5 Hillebrandt has identified the quotations and references in the Classical Literature ( Loc. cit., p. 4 ff.) To these evidences of the genuineness of the work may be added, as we shall immediately see, those from the Nydya Bhanya of Vatayayana of the 4th or 5th century A.D. Further indications will be given in the course of this essay. 6 Bibl. Ind., p. 13. + Chaturthi is to be understood in the sense of the Indian Grammar (Paxini, V. 2, 48) as I wrund, and not to determine the nrder of enumeration ; because, according to Kautilya, the Anvikniki stands in the first place, and VatayAyana, as we shall geo, follows Kautilya. Honce Chaturthi means here the Vidyal which completes the number four.

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APRIL, 1918) THE EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHY 103 matyanuvidhyayini dandanitih, samsayadi-bheda nuvidhayini anriksiki. "These sciences are four in number and each has its separate subjects; those of Theology are agnihotra, sacrifices, etc. : those of the Science of Industries are plough, cart, etc.; those of Statecraft are Prince, Minister, etc.; Philosophy treats of "Doubt and the remaining (categories)." Vatsyayana continues after the passage just translated : tasyah prithakprasthanah samsayadayah padarthah; tesam prithagvacanam antarena 'tmavidya matram * iyam syad, yatho 'panisadali." Its (i.e. of philosophy) special subjects are the categories " Doubt," etc.; if these are not taught separately it would be nothing more than a doctrine of Atman (or redemption) like the Upanishads." Uddyotakara says: tasyah sarusayadiprasthanam antarena 'tmavidyamatram iyatu syat. tatah kim syat? adhyatmavidya matratvad Upanisadvidyavat trayyun evi 'ntarbhava iti catastvam nivarteta." Without these special subiects Doubts, etc., "it (philosophy ) would be nothing more than a doctrine of the Atman, like the Upanishads. What would that come to? It would then be, like the doctrine of Upanishads, included in Theology, as it would be nothing more than a doctrine of redemption; and then the number of Vidyas would not be four." A few lines after the passage we have discussed, Vatsyayana defines the Anviksiki in this way : pramanair arthapariksanam nyayah. pratyaksagamasritam anumanam, sa 'nviksa pratyaksagamebhyam ikkitasya anviks 'anam anviksa, taya pravartata ity anvikwiki nyayavidya nyaya. sastram. "The examination of a subject by means of the right means of knowledge is called demonstration (nyayas). The inference depends upon sense perception and communication (agama); it is reflection (anvikud), i.e., subsequent knowledge obtained from what one has already learnt through perception and communication : the Anveksiki has to do with this reflection and is thus the science of demonstration, the Nyaya Sastra." And Vatsyayana concludes the Bharya in the following way: Se'yam anvik iki pramanadibhih padarthair vibhajyamana : pradipah sarvavidyanam upayal) sarvakarmanam Asravah sarvadharminam Vidyoddese prakirtita Il tad idam tattvajnanam nihsreyasadhigamartham rathavidyam vedita vyam; iha tvadhyatmavidyayam atmadi tattvajnanam, nihareyasadhigamo 'pavarga praptih. "This our Philosophy arranged according to " categories," means of knowledge,' etc., is praised by (Kautilya in the Adhydya) Vidyoddesa >> as a lamp of all the sciences, a means of performing all the works, and the support of all the duties. One has to ascertain in the case of the different sciences wherein the knowledge of truth that is said to lead to the proposed goal lies. But here in this science of redemption (Adhyatma Vidya) the knowledge of truth refers to the Soul, etc. (1. 1. 9) and the attainment of the highest goal is the acquisition of salvation." In this exposition of Vatsyayana, there are three points which are of importance for our investigation: (1) The statement of Kautilya that there are four sciences, not more and not less, has acquired unquestioned currency; the views which disagreed with his and were mentioned by him (see above p. 102) seem to have been definitely set aside. (2) Vatsyayana makes the claim for the Nyaya Philosophy to be the Anviksik KAT' E OXHN in the sense which Kautilya gives to it. # Some MSS. read adhyatmavidyd. Both, words are used synonymously; of, the next pamage from the Varttika. In another place also Vatsyllyana shows his indebtedness to Kautiliyam. At the end of his Bhasya on L. 1. 4, he says: parnmatam spratisiddham anumatam iti tantrayuktib. The last adhytes of Kautiltyam discusses the 33" Rules of Method" (antray ulayak) after which the chapter is nained. The 19th tantrayukti reads : Paravakyam apratiriddham anumatam (gui face consentire videtur) henne V&teyd yana has borrowed this maxim

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1918 (3) He expressly designates it as an Adhyatma Vidya, i.e., as a Philosophy which recognises the atman and would help it to its redemption. Now as regards the second point the claim of the Nyaya Philosophy to be the true Anviksiki is, as a matter of fact, thoroughly justified; as it, together with the Vaisesika, fulfils the conditions demanded by Kautilya in a higher degree than other philosophical systems. And this is recognised also by others. The commentator to Kamandaki's Nitisdra 2, 7 (anviksiky atmavijnanam) says that Anviksiki is anumanavidya Nyayadarianavaise ikadikd; and Madhusudana Sarasvati explains anviksiki to be Nyaya (nyaya anviksiki pancadhyayi Gautamena pranita). All the more it is therefore of importance that Kautilya does not mention by name Vyaya and Vaisesika, while enumerating the systems recognized by him as Anviksiki. From this we can draw the inference with certainty that at his time, i.e., 300 B.C., Nyaya and Vaibesika had not yet received the recognition as philosophical systems, not to speak of the existence of the sotras of Gautama and Kanada in the form in which they are now before us. In his enumeration of the philosophical systems recognised by him as Anviksilei Kautilya mentions after Saukhya and Yoga the Lokayata (Samkhyam Yogo Lokayatam cety 'anviksiki). The Lokayata system is known to us only from references to it in Brahmanical, Buddhistic and Jaina Philosophies, all of which are agreed in their abhorrence of this infidel philosophy. Madhava in his Sarvadarsanasamgraha devotes the first chapter to it and calls its founder, Carvaka as nastika siromani, "an arch-heretic." The Lokayata doctrine is a gross materialism -The senses alone give correct knowledge, the material things alone (the four elements Earth, Water, Fire, and Wind) are real; there 28 no immaterial soul but the spirit arises from a certain mixture of these elements just as the intoxicating effect of a drink is produced by the fermenting ingredients of the game: the Vedas are a fraud just as everything they teach. These are the fundamental principles of the system and on this point all the records are in complete agreement. Now it is difficult to believe that Kautilya, who acknowledges the entire social order founder on the Vedas, meant this grossly materialistic system by that Lokayata which he puts on the same line together with Sankbya and Yoga as a representative of Anviksiki. And still there is no doubt about it, because the Lokayata doctrine is ascribed to Brihaspati, the teacher of the gods, and many of the verses handed down to us are put in his mouth. There was also a Niti-sdstra which was likewise ascribed to Brihaspati. Kautilya refers to his teaching in the second adhyaya : vartta dandanitis ceti Barhaspatyah ; samvaranamatram hi trayi lokayatravida iti. "The followers of Brihaspati recognise only two sciences: the science of Industries and the science of State-craft, while Theology is seen to be only a fraud 11 by him who understands life." Here we 20 Gautama is, of course, not the founder of the Nyaya system, but he only helped one school of the Neivayikas to obtain general recognition. Thus Vateyayans mentions in I. 1. 32 that some Naiyayikas maintain that the inference consisted of ten parts instead of five as taught in the nitra. Pahare also the true explanation of the three kinds of inference, which VAtayyans gives in I. 1. 5 did not arise for the first time after the composition of the sutra but had existed before. It is worth noticing that Caraka, III., 8, 24 ff. gives for the use of physicians a short compendium of Nyaya which in part entirely agrees with our Nykya ; but in details differs considerably from it. Have we perhaps here to trace a collateral school of Nyaya which existed by the side of that of Gautama? 11 Here Sam varana must have the same meaning as the Mahayanistio sath viti which corresponde to Mdyd of the Vedantins. It will be to the purpose to compare the saying (dbhanaka) quoted by MAdhava (loc. cit. p. 2) agnihotram trayo vedas tridandam bhas jivike'ti Brihaspatih. This verse has been quoted in Prabodhacandrodaya II., 26.-Kautilya mentions the Barhaspatyas several times, e. 9., pp. 29, 63, 177, 192. The Niti-teachings of Brihaspati, which Draupadi expounds in Mahabharata Ill. 32, are at any rate as orthodox as one can wish!

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APRIL, 1918 ] THE EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHY 105 have evidently to do with the same repudiator of the Revelation as is known to be the founder of this Materialism. And that this Brihaspati was known to be the teacher of gods can be seen from the fact that a School, 12 which was a rival to the Barhaspatyas, that of the Ausanasas, is traced back to Usanas, i.e., fukra or Kavya Usanas, the teacher of the Asuras. The Barhaspatyas were not merely a school of philosophy but also a school of Smriti, like the Manavas, the Parasaras and Ausanasas, whom also Kautilya mentions. We thus understand how he comes to place the Lokayata in the same line with Sankhya and Yoga. Because these systems are also considered to be Smritis. Samkara expressly designates them as Smritis in Brahma Sutra, II. 1, 1-3 and Badarayana was of the same view, as can be seen from the wording of the sutras, 13 even though he mentions only the Yoga by name. 14 That the old Sankhya had the character of Smriti is seen also from its method of teaching, of which it was so characteristic to expound its principles through similes and parables, that the Sankhya Sutra, which is certainly a pretty modern work, devotes to them the whole of its fourth chapter, the Akhyayikadhyaya. Isvarakrsna similarly testifies that the Akhyayikas were an integral part of the old Sankhya; Karika 72 runs: saptatyam kila ye 'rthas te 'rthah krtsnasya sastitantrasya | akhyayikavirahitah paravadavivarjita's capi || Sankhya Yoga and Lokayata thus belong to the same stratum of ancient Indian Literature and hence Kautilya could mention them together. We knew, indeed, that Saikhya and Yoga are two ancient systems-sanatane dve (mate). The Mahabharata says of them, XII, 349.72 nevertheless the positive testimony of Kautilya is not to be under-estimated. We now know for certain that Sankhya and Yoga existed at least 300 B.C. and indeed as philosophical systems which were based on logical demonstration (anviksiki), and not only in the form of intuitive speculation, as the so-called "Epic Sankhya", which is only a popularized variety of the real Sankhya,15 All the same we cannot assert that the Sankhya and Yoga of Kautilya's time are identical in the details of their teaching with these systems as they are known to us in the Sankhya Karika and the Yoga Sutra. These are rather the last stages of their development and as there intervened between the beginning and the end of this development from seven to eight centuries, if not more, changes in detail cannot but occur, as indeed we can see from the fact that the teachings characteristic of Sankhya and Yoga (pratitantrasiddhanta) 12 The notorious Sukrantti, from which once G. Oppert proved that the ancient Indians possessed guns, is certainly a later fabrication. 13 Smrty anavakasa-dosaprasanga iti cen na 'nyasmrty-anavakasa-dosaprasangat (1); itaresham ca'nupalabdheh (2); etena yogah pratyuktah (3). 14 He did not need to mention the Sankhya as the whole of the first Adhyaya in its polemical part is directed against it. Thibaut explains (SBE., Vol. XXXIV p. XLVI): "It is perhaps not saying too much if we maintain that the entire 1st Adhyaya is due to the wish, on the part of the Sutrakara, to guard his doctrine against Sankhya attacks." Only on this supposition can the beginning of the 2nd Adhyaya be understood:-in the 1st Adhyaya the attempts of the Sankhyas to interpret individual passages from the Scriptures as a proof of their teachings, were rejected. The first Satra of the 2nd Adhyaya rejects the claim of the Sankhya to be considered authoritative as Smriti, and the 2nd Sutra says that the rest of its teachings found no support in the Holy Scriptures. 15 Compare W. Hopkins, The Great Epic of India, p. 97 ff.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL. 1918 as explained by Vatsyayana in Nyayadarsana I. 1. 29 do not quite correspond with our knowledge of these systems.6 We saw above that Kautilya in his enumeration of Philosophical systeins passes over Vaisesika and Nyaya ; this must evidently be due to their not existing at his time. He does not mention the Mimamsa, because he must have considered it not as a systematic Philosophy (Anvilniki, but as a branch of study belonging to Theology. He does not indeed mention it expressly in his concise survey of Theology (Trayi ) in Adhyaya. 3: The four Vedas and the Itihasa veda along with the six Vedangas." But we may assume that the Purva Mimampsa (Adhvara-Mimamsa) was included as a subsidiary branch of Kalpa especially of the Srauta Satras) 17 under this Vedanga. Kamandaki who belongs to the school of Kautilya mentions the Mimamsa by name : aigani vedas catvaro mimamsa nyayavistarah dharmasastra puranam ca trayi 'dam sarvam ucyate II One thus sees that Kautilya's enumeration of what belongs to Theology did not go much into details; that even the Purana and Dharmasastra belong to it, follows from his explanation of Itihasa, p. 10. Had he given a similar account of the Vedangas he would certainly have mentioned the Purva Mimamsa. But whether the Uttara Mima @sa, the Vedanta existed as a school of Philosophy is doubtful. Because the Sutra, as I have shown elsewhere,' can scarcely be older than the 3rd century A.D. But on the other hand it mentions a succession of teachers 19 from which we can conclude that a school of the exegesis of the Upanisads already existed in early times. This be as it may, there was for Kautilya no occasion to mention the Uttara Mimamsa as this also must be reckoned as pertaining to Theology. Still a few words regarding the Buddhistic Philosophy by which I here understand, of course, not the dogmatic speculations of the canon 20 but metaphysical and epistemological cheorising, such as the Ksanikavada or the doctrine of the momentariness of existence, against which the whole Philosophy of later times had to wage a bitter war. Had this doctrine, which must have required at least as much acuteness for being maintained, as its opponents. evinced in refuting it, been in existence at the time of Kautilya, it is quite conceivable that he, having recognised the infidel Lokayata as a systematic Philosophy, would not have denied the same recognition to a heretical system, if it only had deserved the name of Philosophy (Anviksiki). Such an inference, however, must not be drawn. Because a real statesman like Kautilya could easily come to terms with the theoretical unbelief of Brihaspati as long as there were no practical consequences to follow from it. It is not, however, reported that Brihaspati wanted to set aside the political and social institutions resting on Brahmanical groundwork, to maintain which was, according to Kautilya, the highest duty of a prince. But the Buddhists and Jainas took up another standpoint with regard to this important question, and that must have been the reason why this Brahman writer on state-craft ignored their Philosophy. ** Cf. P. Tuxen, Yoga : Copenhagen, 1911, p. 10 ff. 17 SBE., XXXIV, p. XII. 15 JAOS., XXXI, p. 29. 19 Deuseen, System des Vedanta, p. 24. 01 Kautilya had considered these worth his trouble to know he must have regarded them as different branches of heretical Theology. Ho, however, recognised the Brahmanical Theology, the frayt, as a vidyd worthy of study. Of. Mane XII. 96, ya Vedabahyab frutayo yas on kadoa kudayah sarvas ta niqphalah protya tamonitha hi tah emptab 11

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APRIL, 1918] THE EARLY HISTORY OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHY 107 We have seen that according to Kautilya the number of Vidyas is four. He lays great emphasis on this number. For he first puts forth the views of the three schools, which differ from him. Those of the Manavas, Barhaspatyas and Ausanasas, who maintain that the number of viydas is respectively 3, 2 and 1; and he continues: catasra eva vidya iti Kautilyah, tabhir dharmarthau yad vidyat, tad vidyanam vidyatvam. "Kautilya teaches that there are four Vidyas not more and not less. They are called vidyas because through them one learns (vidyat) Dharma and Artha." From these words one can gather that he was the first, who not only taught that the number of the vidyas was four, but also recognized the Anviksiki as a special Vidya. For he says about the Manavas that they included Anviksiki in Theology. It is not that they denied the Anviksiki but they did not admit it to the rank of an independent Vidya and hence connected it with Theology. As far as two Mimamsas are concerned, they were perfectly justified in doing so. Sankhya and Yoga, however, could be looked upon as different branches of Theology, because as we have seen they were considered as Smrtis. That the Manavas knew both these philosophical systems can be seen from the circumstance that Manu, who certainly is to be considered a later offshoot of this school, makes a considerable use of Sankhya and Yoga ideas in the theoretical part of his work. Kautilya's innovation thus consists in the fact that he recognized Philosophy to be a science by itself, inasmuch as it has its own method of treatment. And therefore he can bring in the Lokayata, the character of whose contents must exclude it from the Trayi. Had the conception of the Anviksiki, as Kautilya grasped it, been current before him, the Barhaspatyas would have considered the number of the Vidyas not to be two ( Vartta and Dandaniti) as we saw above; but would have mentioned the Anviksiki as the third Vidya. Because they themselves were followers of Lokayatam which was recognised by Kautilya as the Anviksiki.-Hence when we find in Gautama's Dharma Sastra (XI, 3) the statement: trayyam anviksikyam ca 'bhivinitah, " (The Prince) should be well schooled in Theology and Philosophy", we may presume that the passage is a later interpolation. J. Jolly classes the work with the revised Dharma Sastra.22 The combination referred to by Gautama: of Trayi and Anviksiki, is not at all mentioned by Kautilya; probably it arose from the efforts of an enthusiast, who was anxious to emphasise the authority of Vedas and Brahmanas for every duty of a prince, as Gautama himself does elsewhere.23 But all other authors recognise four Vidyas. The passage that has been translated above from the Nydya Bha ya shows that for Vatsyayana the number four had almost canonical authority, as he bases upon it his argument to prove that the Nyaya Sastra must be called the true Anviksiki. I shall soon bring forward further early evidence to show that the view of Kautilya that there are four Vidyas, received general recognition. But in one point all the later writers are agreed, as opposed to Kautilya, viz., in demanding that the Anviksiki is at the same time Atma-vidya. We saw above that the author of the Nyaya Bhasya requires of the Anviksiki that it should not be merely an Atma-vidya; but should have subject-matte. peculiar to itself. Nevertheless he claims towards the end of the passage translated above, that the Nyaya Sastra is not only the Anviksiki but also Adhyatma-vidya, a Philosophy, which 21 Trayi vartta da panitie ceti Manavah. traylviseso hy anviksiki 'ti. 22" Recht und Sitte," in Grundrisz der indoar. Phil. p. 5. 23 If the tradition (SBE., II., p. XLV) according to which Gautama is supposed to be the grandson or great-grandson of Usanas, can be taken seriously, Gautama must have belonged to the school of the Ausanasas; but this recognized, according to Kautilya, only one Vidya; dandanitir eke vidye 'ty Ausanasib

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1918 recognises the existence of the soul and leads it to salvation. The idea obviously is that only that Philosophy which at the same time is Atma Vidya bas a claim for recognition. In this way not only was Lokayata excluded, which Kautilya had recognised, but also the Buddhistic systems which probably arose as dangerous opponents of Brahmanical Philosophy only after Kautilya's time, in the centuries immediately before and after the beginning of our era. In order to defend itself, the Brahmanical Philosophy assuuned the roll of Jnanamarga, "the way of Salvation depending upon Philosophical knowledge." This means exactly the same as the demand that the Philosophy should also be an Atma Vidya. It shows that in the authoritative circles of Brahman society a decided movement had started in favor of exclusively orthodox views. This transformation had already taken place when Kamandaki, belonging to the school of Kautilya, wrote his Nitisara. While discussing the four Vidyas in the second Sarga, he says: anviksiki at mavidya syad iksanat sukhadulkhayoh iksamanas taya tattvam harsasokau vyudasyatill "The Philosophy must be an Atma Vidya inasmuch as through it one understands the nature of pleasure and pain ; ( the prince ) realising the truth from it, overcomes exultation and grief." Prof. C. Formichi discussed the question of the age of Kamandaki's Vitisara at the XIIth International Congress of Orientalists held at Rome ("Alcune osservazioni sull'epoca del Kamandakiya Nitisara," Bologna 1899 )and showed that Kamandaki was com paratively late a contemporary of Varahamihira or a little older). From his arguments, which I supplement in details, the matter seems to stand as follows :-While enumerating the Ministers Kamandaki mentions, in IV, 33 (tadfk samvatsaropy asya jyotihsastrarthacintakah 1 praenabhidhanakusalo horagaaitatattvavit II). The astrologer after the Purohita, whereas Kautilya concludes his remarks regarding the Ministers with the latter without referring to the astrologer; and does not at all mention the Mauhurtika along with the ministers, but places him in the same rank with the Physician and the head-cook (p. 38). During the interval between Kautilya and Kamandaki Greek astrology (Hord) came in vogue and the astrologer came to stand high in the esteem of kings, as the "Great Seer Garga" testifies : Kftsnangopaigakubalam horagaaitanaishikam yo na pujayate raja sa nasam upagacchati | yas tu samyag vijanati horaganitasamhitah abhyareyah sa narendrena svikartavyo jayaisina II According to this, KAmandaki must have lived at the earliest in the 3rd or 4th century A.D. The date so determined explains also the fact, that the proof given by Kamandaki for the existence of the Soul, I. 20 agrees in general with Nyaya Darsana I. 1. 10 and Vaisesika Darsana, III, 2. 1, and his proof for the existence of the 'inner sense' (Manas) I. 30 agrees almost literally with Nyaya Darsana, I. 1. 60 (cf. Vai esika Darsana, III. 2.1). For, as I have shown elsewhere, 25 the Nyaya Darsana in the form in which it is now before us, cannot well be placed earlier than the 3rd century A.D. But it may be pointed out that Kamandaki combines these Nyaya and Vaisesika ideas with those that are borrowed from Sankhya and Yoga (1. 28, 30b to 35), and thus he prepares an eclectic philosophy in usum delphini. On the other hand Kautilya * Brhataamhitd adhy. 2. 25 JAOS., XXXI, p. 9ff.

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APRIL, 1918 ) THE PRATIHARA OCCUPATION OF MAGADHA 109 attaches importance to philosophy in so far as it exercises the princes in logical thinking; and the contents of the system do not seem to him to matter much, as he recognises even the infidel Lokayata, along with Sankhya and Yoga. This clearly indicates a great difference in point of view between Kautilya and his later follower Kamandaki. An older witness is Manu. According to Kautilya the Manavas recognised only three Sciences, because they included Philosophy in Theology (trayi vartta dandanitis ce 'ti manavah; trayi viseshchy Anvikshiki 'ti). Hence one may expect Manu to recognise only three Vidyas; but he mentions four, just like Kautilya, because he, like the latter, separates Philosophy from Theology; however he demands that the Anviksiki shall be an atma vidye (VIII, 43); traividyebhyas trayim vidyam dandanitim ca sabvatim Anviksikim ca 'tmavidyam varttarambhams ca lokatahil "(The king should learn from Brahmans well versed in Vedas, Theology, the everlasting State-craft and Philosophy which teaches the nature of the Soul and learn the works taught in the Science of Industries from people who understand it." We thus find the same views in Manu as in the Nydyabhagya and in Kamandaki. They based their teachings on Kautilya modifying the latter to suit the orthodox tendencies of the time which set in after Kautilya, probably after the dissolution of the system of Government introduced by the heretic Emperor, Asoka. That the account of Philosophy as we find it in Kautiliyam could not hold good a few generations after the life-time of Chanakya, speaks for the genuineness of its text that has come down to us. I may recapitulate the results of our investigation by saying that the Mimamsa. Sankhya, Yoga and Lokayata already existed in the 4th century B.C., whereas Nyaya and Vaibesika and probably the Buddhistic Philosophy also came later into existence. THE PRATIHARA OCCUPATION OF MAGADHA. BY R. D. BANERJI, M.A., POON A. In my monograph on the Palas of Bengal I had stated that "Magadha was annexed by the Gurjara-Prataharas to their dominions, and after Nareyanapala we find the names of the Guriara princes in the votive inscriptions of Magadha." 1 The discovery of two inscriptions in the province of Bihar has thrown new light on this period and has now enabled us to determine the extent of the occupation of Magadha by the Pratibaras more precisely. The Vishnupada inscription of the 7th year of Narayanapala's reign provod that up to that date Gaye was in the possession of Narayanapala. The Bhagalpur grant of Narayanepala proves that up to the 17th year of his reign Mudgagiri or Munger was in his possession. A small brass image bearing & votive inscription on its back was discovered in Bihar Town two or three years ago. At present it is in the Museum of the Bangtya Sahitya Parishad at Calcutta. The image is that of a goddess with four hands Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. V, p. 63.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1918 seated in the arddha-paryanka posture. The inscription is incised on the back of the throne of the image. It reads: Om Deya-dha [rmmey] am Sri-Narayanapala-deva-rajye Samvat 54, Sri-Uddandapura-vastavya Ranaka Uchaputra Tharukasya. 110 Translation. "The pious gift of Tharuka son of the Ranaka Ucha (Utsa), (dedicated) in the year 54 of the reign of the illustrious Narayanapaladeva." This new inscription proves that Narayanapala reigned for at least fifty years and that in the 5th year of his reign Uddandapura or Bihar was included in his dominions. The characters of the two Pratihara inscriptions discovered in the Gaya District show a marked resemblance to the characters of the Vishnupada inscription of the year 7 of Narayanapala and therefore it would be safer to place these two records after the Visnupada inscription but before the Bodhagaya-pedestal-inscription of the reign of Gopala II. This proves that after the 7th year of Narayanapala Gaya and Western Magadha were occupied by Gurjaras, but Uddandapura or Bihar Town and Eastern Magadha continued to be ruled by the kings of the Pala dynasty. The Guneriya inscription of Mahendrapala, a tentative reading of which was published by me in my monograph on the Palas is being republished now. I edit it from a photograph kindly lont to me by Dr. D. B. Spooner, B.A., PH.D., F.A.S.B., Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Eastern Circle: Text. 1. Samvat 9 Vaisakha. 2. Sudi 5 Sri-Guna. 3. carita Sri-Mahendrapa 4. -la-deva-rajye deva-dha 5. rmm[olyam Paramopasaka 6. vanika Haridatta putra Sri (?) pa. Translation. "In the year 9 on the 5th day of the bright half of Vaisakha, in the reign of the illustrious Mahendrapala, at the illustrious Gunacarita, the pious gift of Sripa (? la) son of the merchant Haridatta." The record is incised on the pedestal of an image of Buddha which has been placed inside a modern shrine near Guneriya. The continued occupation of Eastern Magadha by the Palas during their struggle with the Gurjjara Pratiharas can now be proved from a number of records : 1. The Vishnupada inscription of the 7th year of Narayanapala. 2. The Bihar inscription of the 9th year of Narayanapala. 2 This inscription was found among the specimens collected by the late Mr. A. M. Broadley in the subdivision and therefore it proves that Eastern Magad. was in the possession of Narayanapala upto the 9th year of his reign. Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. V, p. 63; pl. XXXI.

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APRIL, 1918) THE PRATIHARA OCCUPATION OF MAGADHA 111 3. The Bhagalpur grant of Narayanapala of the year 17. This proves that Mudgagiri or Munger was in the possession of Narayanapala up to the 17th year of his reign. 4. The Bihar image inscription of the year 54. Though the find pot of this image is uncertain the mention of Uddandapura in the record proves that the city was included in the dominions of Narayanapala in that year. There is a blank between the years 17 and 54 and in these thirty-seven years the Gurjaras may have temporarily occupied Eastern Magadha. Such occupation could not have been of a permanent nature as Eastern Magadha was in the occupation of Narayanapala in his 54th year. 5. No records of the reign of Rajyapala, son of Narayana pala, were known when my monograph on the Palas was published. Two or three years ago Mr. Puran Chand Nahar, M.A., B.L., Zamindar of Azimganj, Murshidabad, discovered an inscription of Rajyapala in the Jain temple at Bargaon near Bihar in the Patna District of Bihar and Orissa. Bargaon is the site of the ancient Nalanda. A Jain temple, amidst the ruins, is the oldest temple at that place. Mr. Nahar informs me that there are four stone pillars at this place, all of the same design. The record is incised on one of these pillars. Mr. Nahar has kindly supplied me with four inked impressions of this record from which I edit it. It consists of five lines; the language is incorrect Sanskrit verging on Prakrit. The object of the inscription is to record the visit (?) of one Vaidanatha (Vaidyanatha), son of Manoratha of the merchant family, to the temple in the month of Margga (kirsa), in the 24th year of the reign of the illustrious Raja pala (Rajyapala). Text. 1. Om Samvat 24 Margga dine. 2. Sri-Rajapala-cleva-ra3. je Vanika-kule Manora4. -tha-sutena Sri-Vaidanatha 3 5. Devathane paranavata Translation. " In the year 24, the--day of Margga (sirsha), in the reign of the illustrious Rajapala (Raivapala) the illustrious Vaida-natha (Vaidyanatha) son of Manoratha of the merchant family, bows in the temple." This inscription proves that Rajyapala reigned for at least 24 years and in that year Nalanda, and most probably the whole of South Bihar belonged to him. This is the first inscription of Rajyapala that has been discovered as yet. Two inscriptions of Gopala II., the son and successor of Rajyapala has been discovered ; one at Bargaon and the other at Bodh Gaya. These prove that Gopala II. recovered the whole of Bihar from the Gurjaras. Only one record of Vigrahapala II. has been discovered as yet. It is the colophon of a MS. copied in the 26th year of his reign. But this does not help us in determining the western limit of the Pala kingdom. Mahipala I., the son of Vigrahapala II., possessed the whole of Bihar and & series of records prove that Mahipala I., Nayapala, Vigrahapala III. and Ramapala ruled over Eastern Magadha. * Read Vaidyandtha. 4 Read Pranavati. The form pranavati for pranamat is to be found in one of the Bacabar cavo inscriptions where we have : Acarya-Srt-Desanan da pranavati Siddhasnara.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1918 MISCELLANEA. THE WEEK-DAYS AND VIKRAMA. the face of the Avadana and the Bauhdyana THE late Dr. Fleet argued (JRAS., 1912, p. 1039) Dharma-elera. that the Jewish calendar of the week-days found its The Gathd-Sapta-Saff mentions Vikrama (V. 64), a way into India after Europe received it from the fact which was not known to me when I published Jows, that is, in the third century of the Christian my theory in 1913 on the identity of Vikrama with ers. If India received the week-days from outside it one of the two Satayahana kinga, either the one who it must have been from Syria direct, not sia conquered Nahapana or the one who succeeded him. Europe. The evidence is twofold. The Sard Alakarna The theory apparently appealed at the time, as vadana (Divyavadana) mentions these days (p. 642). I was fortunate to receive & letter from one In the 3rd century it was translated into Chinese. of the greatest Indian scholars, Mr. Haraprasad Dr. Fleet tries to get over this evidence by saying Shastri, who signified his acceptance of my view. that the days are not to be found in the Chinese The theory, or rather the mythology about the noncranslation. But the natural explanation is that it existence of Vikrama circulated by early Indianista bbing rather difficult to express week-days in in their imperfect knowledge, is fit to be given up. Chinese, the translator left them out. The other I might point out that the new Jaina datum (see my evidence is more ancient. The Baudhd yana article on Kalki)places the end of Nahapana Dharma-ultra (Buhler, II. 5. 9. 9) prescribes (Nahavana) in 58 B.C. The authority which I had tarpaya to the week-days or their planets in the before me in 1913 placed him a few doondes earlier. same order as we know them here or as Europo The new material makes the identifioation doubly learnt centuries after the Baudhayana-Stras from strong. Napapana was the sake of the popular the Semitic world tradition who was taken captivo, and whose rule The point comes before us in connexion with the was onded by Vikrams. It is impossible for the Gashd-Sapta-Sati, where one of the day-names Hindu public to have forgotten the great conqueror, occurs. the son of Gautami who destroyed so many oppres. Even if we knew the weekdays in the first sors of " dharma." Tha Jaina book Vird charitra Century A.D., as is clearly proved by the Avadana also connects Vikrams with Bodraks Satavahana. referred to, thedate of the Gatha-Sapta-saff need not The Satavahana (=Balavahana) origin of the be lowered from the 1st century A.c., which was Vikrama explains the confusion in the popular be date assigned to it by Sir R. Bhandarkar. My tradition, which connecta Balavihana with Vikrama riend Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar's argument in the Bhandarkar Memorial Volume loses its force in K. P. JAYASWAL 1 Apparently she did, as in old literature we have only pakaha. Not only some' as supposed by Fleet. All the week-day (grahas) names are thero. 3 Rahu and Ketu were originally separate as in the AnandAkrama od. of the BDhs. They make up the nine grahas. The Avadana also has got Rdhu and Keu. It has been given up for Fleet and other do admit that there was a Vikrama, but they say he was . foreigner. . Ante, 1917, April * 18., XIV, 07 .

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MAY, 1918] THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 113 THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH. BY LT. COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.M.G. [References to Firishta are to the Bombay text of 1830.] UNTIL recently our sole authority for the history of this dynasty, which ruled in Khandesh for 225 years, was the industrious but careless and uncritical Firishta, but the publica tion in 1910, by Dr. Denison Ross, of the first volume of Zafar al-Walihi bi Muzaffar wa Alih. (An Arabic History of Gujarat), placed at our disposal an original historical sketch o' the family, on which the Burhan-i-Ma'a sir, first brought to notice by Major J. S. King. who published in 1900, under the title of The History of the Bahmani Dynasty, an abstract translation of the introductory portion of the work, which had already appeared in The Indian Antiquary, also throws some light. The history of the small state of Khandesh which, though surrounded by the three large kingdoms of Gujarat, Malwa, and the Dakan contrived to maintain some measure of independence and outlived all its powerful neighbours is not unworthy of study, and a comparison of the authorities now available may enable us to reconstruct it with some degree of accuracy. Firishta, our first authority, attributes the foundation of the state to Malik Raja, son of Khanjahan Faruqi, whose forbears, he says, had served Ala-al-din Khalji and Muhammad bin Tughlaq of Dihli, and who had himself held high office under the latter monarch. On the death of Khanjahan his son Malik Raja, as often happens in a country in which nobility is not hereditary, found no means of advancement and was content to serve as a trooper in the bodyguard of Firuz Shah, the successor of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, in which humble capacity he still found means to indulge in his favourite pursuit, the chase. On one occasion Firuz, during bis disastrous retreat from Sind to Gujarat across the Rann of Kachchh, while hunting wandered far from his camp and was resting, weary and hungry, under a tree when he saw a solitary sportsman with a few hounds. He asked him whether he had any food with him and the hunter produced such coarse food as he usually carried and placed it before the emperor, who, being struck by his host's superior manners and address, asked him who h was, and was astonished to learn that the son of so important an amir, with whom he had been well acquainted, was serving him in so humble a capacity. Firuz, on his return to Dihli, appointed Malik Raja to the command of 2,000 horse and conferred on him, for their maintenance, a small fief on the borders of Baglana, in the district afterwards known as Khandesh. Here a victory over Baharji, the Rahtor raja of Baglana, compelled that ruler to acknowledge the suzerainty of Firuz and enabled Malik Raja to send to Dihli fifteen elephants. This service was rewarded by promotion to the command of 3,000 horse and by the government of the whole province of Khandesh. Malik Raja was able, in his remote province, to maintain a force of 12,000 horse and, as the province could not support this force, he augmented his revenue by raids into Gondwana and the territories of various petty rajas. Towards the end of the reign of Firuz, when the authority of Dihli grew ever feebler, Malik "Raja anticipated his neighbours in Gujarat and Malwa, and in 1382 ceased to remit tribute and began to conduct himself as an independent monarch. Such is Firishta's account of the foundation of the state and the origin of its ruler, but the title of Khanjahan is not to be found in the lists of the amirs of Ala-al-din Khalji and Muhammad bin Tughlaq given by Ziya-al-din Barant; and 'Abdallah Muhammad, author 1 ii, 541.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [May, 1918 of the Zafar-al-Walih, gives a different and more probable account. According to him Raja Ahmad, as he styles the first ruler of Khandesh, was the son of Khvaja Jahan, minister of Ala-al-din Bahman Shah, the founder of the Bahmani dynasty of the Dakan. In his history of this dynasty Firishta mentions no amir under this title, and says that Saif-al-din Ghuri was vazir throughout the reign of Bahman, but the Burhan-i-ma'sir describes Khvaja Jahan as one Ain-al-din, an amir in the service of Muhaminad bin Tughlaq, who, with his son Muhammad, deserted his old master and joined 'Ald-al-din Hasan. When 'Ala-al-din Hasan ascended the throne of the Dakan as Bahman Shah he conferred the title of Khvaja Jahan on the father and that of Shir Khan on the son and rewarded the former with the government of Gulbarga, the capital of the new kingdom. This Khvaja Jahan is certainly not identical with Saif-al-din Ghuri, who is mentioned by Firishta as holding the governinent of Gulbarga in addition to the post of prime minister, but we may assume that ho was an important amir at the court of Bahman Shah and it is probable that he held the Government of the city of Gulbarga while Saif-al-din held that of the whole province. Abdallah Muhammad goes on to say that on the accession of Muhammmad I Bahmani, in 1358, KI:vaja Jahan retained the post of vazir until his death, and was succeeded therein by his son Ahmad; not Muhammad, as in the Burhan-i-Ma'a sir. This is further evidence that he was not identical with Saif-al-din Ghuri who, after an interval passed in retirement, was reappointed vazir, and died in harness at the age of 107 on April 21st, 1397, one day after the death of his master Muhammad II Bahmani, whom Firishta wrongly styles Mahmud. It even seems doubtful whether Ahmad can be identified with Muhammad, Khvaja Jahan's son, though the two names may be confounded. It is more likely that Ahmad was a younger son of Khvaja Jahan, not mentioned in the Burhan-i-Ma'heir. Ahmad, according to Abdullah Muhammad, disagreed with Muhammad I Bahmani and set out for Daulatabad where was the saint Zain-al-din, whom he approached as a disciple. The saint welcomed him as a disciple and said . Well done Raja Ahmad!' Raja meaning Sultan, so that Ahmad took it as a good omen. This account of Abmad's disaffection and of his interview with the saint Zain-al-din of Daulatabad enables us to trace his career. Bahman Shah had a nephew, Bahram Khan Mazandarani, the son of his sister, whom he married to one of his own daughters and always addreseed as "son", and whom he appointed to Daulatabad, one of the four great provincial governments of the kingdom. Bahram resented the accession of his brother-in-law, Muhammad I, and seems to have expected that he would inherit, on the death of his uncle and father-in-law, at least a share of the kingdom, if not the throne itself, for in 1363, while Firuz Shah of Dihli was in Gujarat, to which province he had retreated on the failure of his first expedition into Sind, Bahram sent a mission to him from Daulatabad, and invited him to make an attempt to recover the Dakan, promising him his assistance. It was impossible for Firuz to abandon his enterprise against Sind, in which was involved the imperial prestige, but the envoys were encouraged to believe that after Sind had been reduced to obedience an expedition to Daulatabad would be undertaken. In 1365-66 Bahram Khan, having won over to his causo many of the amirs of the neighbouring province of Berar and secured his financial position by retaining for his own % This is the correct title of this king, called by Firishta and European authors who follow him Ata-al-din Hasan Kangu Bahmani. See 'JASB., Vol. LXXIII, part 1, extra No. 1904 ; Imperial Gazetteer of India, ii, 385 ; and Zafar al-Walih, i, 159. . si, 632 * Tarikh Piriz Shaht, by Shams-i-Siraj Aflf', p. 224.

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MAY, 1918) THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 115 use several years' revenue from Berar as well as from his own province, rose in rebellion, and at the same time sent another mission to Firuz, who was now at Dihli, whither he had returned after bringing to a successful conclusion his expedition to Sind. This expedition had, however, exhausted his military ardour, and he was loth to undertake a campaign in the south, where the power of the Bahmanids was now firmly established. He therefore replied tauntingly to the envoys that they had been among those who had rebelled against their sovereign, Muhammad bin Tughlaq, and that if the course of events was not to their liking they had only themselves to blame. It is clear that Raja Ahmad was a partisan of Bahram. When he left his king's court he turned towards Daulatabad and sought the saint Zain-al-din who, as is evident from Firishta's account of this rebellion, supported Bahram against his cousin and brotherin-law, gave the rebels sanctuary, and behaved towards Muhammad I, after his success as only one whose personal safety was secured by a superstitious veneration for his sanc. tity would have ventured to behave. With the progress of the rebellion we have no further concern. The rebels were defeated and banished to Gujarat, but of Raja Ahmad we are told that he entered the service of Firuz, so that he seems to have been a member of one of the two missions sent to the imperial court, either of that sent to Gujarat in 1363 or, more probably, of that sent to Dihli in 1365-66. 'Abdallah Muhammad repeats the story of the service rendered to Firuz when he was hungry and weary in the hunting-field and says that he asked Raja Ahmad to choose his reward, and that he asked for and received a grant of the village of Thalner, known as Karvand. Abdullah Muhammad gives no further details of his history, beyond saying that he established his independence in 1382, and Firishta's brief record of his progress until this yeer may be accepted as correct. Raja Ahmad perhaps chose Thalner as an obscure corner whence he might safely harass his enemies, the Bahmanids, secure of assistance, in the last resort, from the Imperial power of Dihlf; but that power began to decline from the day of his investiture with his small fief, and the senile incompetence of Firuz and the disorders due to the wrangles and feebleness of his successors were but the prelude to the final crash, the invasion of India by Taimar, which dissolved the frail bonds which bound together the provinces, until the Sayyids, who succeeded the Tughlaq dynasty, could call little but the city of Dihli their own. The example of Raja Ahmad in Khandesh was soon followed by his more powerful neighbours, Dilavar Khan Ghuri in Malwa and Muzaffar I in Gujarat, and Ahmad, instead of raiding the powerful kingdom of the Dakan, was forced to seek alliances which should enable him to maintain a measure of independence, for though the policy of preserving a balance of power might protect his small state from utter extinction he could not hope to preserve his importance if he allowed the bark of his policy to drift down the stream of events with no other guidance than the fluctuating policy of his neighbours. Raja Ahmad, or Malik Raja as he is styled by Firishta, first turned towards Malwa, and married his daughter to Hushang, son and eventually successor of Dilavar Khan, whose assistance against Gujarat he thus purchased. With Dilavar's assistance he expelled the officers of Muzaffar I of Gujarat from the town and district of Nandurbar, which were long a bone of contention between Gujarat and Khandesh just as were the Daab of Raichur between the Bahmani Kingdom 5 Firishta, i, 567. * Tarikh-i-Firds Shahf, by Shams-i-Siraj 'Aff, p. 261. i Firishta, i, 560.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 191 and Vijayanagar and, at a later date, Shola pur between Bijapur and Ahmadnagar and Pathri between Ahmadnagar and Berar. Raja Ahmad probably believed that he could commit this act of aggression with impunity, for Muzaffar was then engaged in warfare, but he would not submit tamely to this insult and, suspending his operations against the Hindus, marched at once to Nandurbar, expelled Raja Ahmad, and besieged him in his own capital of Thalner. Muzaffar, however, had yet to establish his authority in his own kingdom, where the continuance of his cule was threatened by turbulent Rajputs, and asked but to live in peace with his Muhammadan neighbours, so that Ahmad found no difficulty in obtaining terms and Muzaffar withdrew after obtaining from Ahmad satisfactory assurances that the district of Nandurbar would not again be molested. Raja Ahmad died on April 29, 1399, and was buried at Thalner. The distinctive epithet of Faruqi applied to his dynasty is derived from his claim to decoent from 'Umar, the second orthodox Khalifch of the Muslims, who was entitled al-Faruq, 'the Discriminator (between truth and error).' Ahmad's descent from Umar is thus given by Firishta 8 :- Malik Raja (Abmad), son of Khanjahan (Khvaja Jahan), son of 'Ali Khan, son of 'Uthman Khan, son of Sham'un, son of Ash'ath Shah, son of Sikandar Shah, son of Talhah Shah, son of Daniyal Shah, son of Ash'ath Shah, son of Urmiya Shah, son of Ibrahim Shah Balkbi, son of Adham Shah, son of Mahmud Shah, son of Ahmad Shah, son of Muhammad Shah, son of A'zam Shah, son of Asghar, son of Muhammad Ahmad, son of Muhammad, son of 'Abdallah, son of 'Umar the Discriminator. Raja Ahmad left two sons Nasir (not Nasir, as he is called in the Imperial Gazetteer of India) entitled Jahangir Khan, who succeeded him, and Hasan, entitled Malik Iftikhar According to Firishta Raja Ahmad had intended to divide his small dominions permanently between his two sons, leaving Nasir ruler of the greater part of the state, but establishing Hasan as permanent and independent governor of the town and district of Thalper. Nasir established his authority throughout the eastern districts of Khandesh, which appear to have been neglected by his father, captured the hill fortress of Asirgashoby stratagem from the pastoral chieftain called by Firishta Asa Ahir, from whom it took its name, and by the command of Zain-al-din, the spiritual guide of his family, who came from Daulatabad to visit him, founded the city of Burhanpur which, in accordance with Zain-al-din's injunction, he named after the great saint Burhan-al-din, who is buried in the hills above Daulatabad. On the southern bank of the Tapti, which Zain-al-din refused to cross. Nasir founded, on the spot where the saint lodged, a mosque and a village, which he named Zainabad. Having thus established himself in eastern Khandesh Nasir resolved, by expelling his brother Hasan from Thalner, to extend his authority over the whole state, and to this end sought aid of his brother-in-law, Hushang Shah, who had succeeded his father on the throne of Malwa. Hashang sent his son Ghazni Khan to the assistance of Nasir, and in 1417 Thalner was captured and asan was imprisoned by his brother. Hasan had sought aid of Ahmad I of Gujarat, but assistance had not reached him in time and Nasir, partly with the object of forestalling the interference of Gujarat in the domestic affairs of Khandesh and partly, doubtless, with that of repairing his father's discomfiture, attacked Nandurbar. On the arrival of reinforcements sent by Abmad of Gujarat Nasir fled to Thalner and Ghazni Khan to Manda, and Malik Mahmad, an amir of Gujardt, besieged Nayir in Thalner Sii, 543.

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MAY, 1918 THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDEBH 117 and the latter was obliged to purchase place by paying tribute and swearing fealty to Ahmad Shah, and in return received from him the title of Khan and some of the insignia of royalty. It was also agreed that Hasan, Nagar's brother, should remain at Ahmad's court as his brother's representative, or, in other words, as a hostage. Hasan seems to have been by no means loth to assent to this arrangement, and made his home in Gujarat, where he was safer than if he had remained within his brother's reach. From this treaty we may date the estrangement between Khandesh and Malwa, for Nasir undoubtedly resented Ghazni Khan's pusillanimous desertion of him, which had left him no choice but to humble himself before Ahmad of Gujarat. The residence of Hasan of Khandesh in Gujarat sowed the seed of a close alliance between the two states, as will be seen hereafter, but Nasir was not prepared at once to throw himself into the arms of Ahmad Shah of Gujarat, and was soon enabled to form another alliance. The old animosity against the Bahmanids had by now been forgotten, and in 1429 Ahmad Shah Bahmani, who had recently been at war with Hushang Shah of Malwa and, although he had inflicted a crushing defeat upon him, desired still further to weaken his adversary and to extend his own influence in the state on the northern border of his kingdom, proposed to Nasir an alliance between his eldest son, 'Ala-al-din Ahmad, and Nagir's daughter, Agha Zainab. The alliance suited both parties, for it provided Nasir with a powerful ally both against Almad of Gujarat, by whom he had recently been humiliated and against Hushang of Malwa, from whom he was estranged, and Ahmad Shah Bahmani with a useful ally against Hushang. The alliance was almost immediately tested. In the following year Kanha, Raja of Jhalla war, fled from the wrath of Ahmad of Gujarat and attempted to purohase the protection of Nasir Khan by the gift of some elephants, but was told that the ruler of Khandesh could not venture to face alone the wrath of the Sultan of Gujarat. Nazir Khan furnished him, however, with a letter of recommendation to Ahmad Shah Bahmani, who sent a force to his aid, and the troops of the Dakan and Khandesh attacked, nominally in the interest of the fugitive raja, Nandurbar, the frontier district of Gujarat. They suffered a defeat, and a stronger foroo sent by Ahmad Bahmani under the command of his son, 'All-aldin Abmad, the son-in-law of Napir Khan, had no better fortune. The Dakanis withdrew to their own country, leaving Khandesh at the meroy of the justly inoensed Gujaratis, who overran it and forced Nasir Khan to take refugo in the hill oquntry until their thirst for plunder and revenge was sated, when he returned to Burhanpur. The match between Ald-al-din Ahmad and Agha Zainab was not happy. Ald-ab din Ahmad, who succeeded his father on the throne of the Dakan on Feb. 27, 1435, led an expedition two years later into the Konkan and, having defeated the Raja of Sangameshwar and reduced him to the condition of a vassal, married his beautiful daughter, who received the name of Ziba Chibra ( beautiful face'). Agha Zainab who, as the principal queen, had the title of Malika-yi Jahan, was slighted for the younger and more beautiful Hindu prinoons, and in her jealous wrath wrote to her father, Nagtr Khan, oomplaining of her husband's neglect. Nasir Khan, after obtaining the consent of Abmad Shah of Gujarat, the necessity for which indicates the change in the relations between the two states, avenged his daughter's wrongs by invading Berar, where many of the amire welcomed him owing to his descent from Umar, and caneed the Khutbah to be recited in his name. 'Abd-al-Qadir Khanjahan, the loyal governor of Berar, shut himself up in NarnAla and appealed for assistance to his king, 'Ala-al-din Ahmed. A force of the best troops of the Dakan under the

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ May, 1918 command of Khalaf Hasan Basri, Malik-al-Tujjar, was sent into Berar and found Nasir Khan awaiting it at Rohankhey. Nasir Khan was utterly defeated and fled to his hill fortress of Laling, whither Malik-al-Tujjar followed him, after burning and destroying all the public buildings in Burhanpur and laying waste the fertile plains of Khandesh. An attempt to surprise Laling failed but Nasir Khan, who attacked the Dakanis with 12,000 horse and a large force of foot, suffered a second severe defeat, which so preyed upon his mind that it is said to have contributed to his death, which occurred on Sept. 20, or, according to another account, Oct. 1, 1437. He was succeeded by his son, Adil Khin I. after whose accession Malik-al-Tujjar, hearing that a force was advancing from Nandurbar to relieve Laling, retired to the Dakan with his plunder, which included seventy elephants and many guns. Adil Khan reigned without incident until 1441, when he died, either on April 30 or on May 4, and was succeeded by his son Mubarak Khan, who likewise reigned without incident until his death on June 5, 1457, when he was succeeded by his son Malik Aina, who assumed the title of Adil Khan II. "Adil Khan II was one of the most energetic and most powerful rulers of Khandesh He established his authority over the rajas whose territory was included in or marched with his own, including the rajas of Gondwana, and compelled them to pay him tribute, he suppressed the depredations of the Kolis and Bhils thus making the roads throughout his dominions safe for travellers, he strengthened and extended the defences of Asirgarh, he fortified Burhanpur by building a citadel on the Tapti, and he carried his arms as far as Jharkhand, now known as Chutiya Nagpur, from which exploit he was known as Jharkhandi Sultan. The author of the Zafar-al-Witih evidently did not understand this title for he erroneously attributes one bearing a slight resemblance to it to Mubarak Khan, ' Adil Khan's father and predecessor, who, he says, was known as Chaukanda, & word without meaning but bearing some resemblance to a Hindi word meaning "square," the applicability of which is not clear. Firishta's account of the origin and application of the nickname is undoubtedly correct. The alliance with Malwa had terminated with Ghazni Khan's desertion of Nasir Khan in 1417, that with the Dakan had ended in disaster and humiliation, and since Malik-al-Tujjar's invasion of Khandesh the Faraqis had learnt to regard the king of Gujarat as their natural protector, had recognized his suzerainty, paid him tribute, and maintained an agent at his court. "Adil Khan II, flushed with his successes over Hindus and aborigines, believed that the time had come when he could stand alone, and failed to remit tribute to Gujarat and to appoint an agent to represent him there. Mahmud Baikarah, who had succeeded to the throne of Gujarat in 1458, accordingly sent an army to reduce him to obedience and 'Adil Khan, who was forced to seek refuge in Asirgarh, obtained peace on the payment of all arrears of tribute and henceforward remained obedient to Mahmud of Gujarat. The author of the Zafar-al-Walih says that this invasion of Khandesh occurred in 1459-60, but from what we know of the history of Gujarat Mahmud can hardly have had leisure to invade Khandesh in that year and it is far more probable that 'Adil Khan II. ventured to defy Gujarat towards the end of his reign, when his successes had increased his power and inspired him with confidence, than at its beginning when he had no reason to believe that he could throw off his allegiance. Moreover from an event which occurred during his visit to Mahmud Shab, his designation of a distant relative as his heir, he being then childless, it is probable that he was then advanced in years, for had be been a young man with a prospect of begetting

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May, 1918) THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 119 children he would not have been likely to imperil the rights of a son who might be born to him by naming a distant relative as his heir. It appears therefore that 1499-1500, the date given by Firishta for the invasion of Khandesh by Mahmud Baikarah, is correct. After his reconciliation with his suzerain 'Adil Khan visited Gujarat and was kindly received, and the author of the Zafar-al-Walih says that he associated much with Mahmud Baikarah and was on most intimate terms with him. He was childless and the heir-presumptive to the throne of Khandesh was his younger brother, Da'ad Khan, a feeble and worthless prince. There was at the court of Mahmud Baikarah a child, 'Alam Khan, who was directly descended in the male line from Hasan (han, Malik Iftikhar, the younger brother of Nasir Khan who, after having been captured and imprisoned by his brother, had been sent to Gujarat. where he and his descendants had lived ever since, the objects of the special favour of the kings of that country. Hasan Khan married a relation, probably a sister, of his benefactor, Abmad I of Gujarat and left & son, Ghazni Khan, who married Abmad Shah's daughter and left by her a son, Qaisar Khan, who married the daughter of the Sultan of Sind and left a son, Ahsan Khan, who was married by Mahmud Baikarah to his daughter, the sister of Muzaffar II of Gujarat, and left a son, Alam Khan, who was related to 'Adil Khan II no more nearly than in the ninth degree, but was regarded almost as a member of the royal house of Gujarat. Firishta, 10 in his heading to the reign of Alam Khan, who eventually succeeded under the title of Adil Khan III, makes him a son of Nasir Khan, but this is absurd, for he was certainly a child about 1500 and Nasir had died in 1437. If we supported * Alam Khan to be a posthumous son of Nasir he would have been seventy-one years of age at the time of his accession in 1509, when he was certainly a young man. Moreover Firishta contradicts himself, 11 by correctly describing "Alam Khan as daughter's son to Mahmud Baikarah of Gujarat, who was fourteen years of age in 1458, so it is obvious that he cannot have been a son of Nasir Khan. One day towards the end of his reign Adil Khan II, who was visiting Mahmud Baikarah, was sitting with him in the hall of the palace at Champanir, when the conversation turned on Alam Khan, who was then in the room. Mahmud evidently wished that he should be well provided for, and 'Adil Khan embraced and fondled the engaging child and at length promised Mahmud that he should succeed him on the throne of Khandesh. Shortly after adopting his young cousin as his heir Adil Khan II, died. Regarding the date of his death there are some discrepancies. Firishta gives it, 11 as Rabi-al-awwal 14,897 (Jan. 15, 1492) but this date, which differs by more than ten years from that given by any other authority, may be at once discarded, for Firishta himself contradicts it twice, first in stating that Adil Khan II, having succeeded on Rajab 12, 861,13 reigned for 'forty-six years, eight months, and twelve days, which period brings the date of his death to Rabi-al-awwal 24, 908 (Sep. 27, 1502), and secondly in stating that Adil Khan's successor, Da'ad Khan, died on Jamadi-al-awwal 1, 914, after a reign of eight years, one month, and ten days, according to which statement the date of Adil Khan's death would be Rabi-alawwal 20,906 (Oct. 14, 1500). The author of the Zafar-al-Walih,16 gives the date as Rabi'al-awwal 15,907 (Sep. 28, 1501) which divides almost equally the period between the two dates found by calculation from Firishta's statements regarding the duration of the two reigns and may be accepted as correct. Mr. Stanley Lane Poole, in his Mohammadan Dynasties, 16 gives the date of Adil Khan's death and Da'ad's accession as 1503, for which 1, 401, 13 ii, 550. 10 ii, 662, 563. 14 ii, 651. 11 , 562. 15 i, 64. 17 u, 504 26 p. 316.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1918 his authority seems to be the Useful Tables, 17 published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, but what the authority for those tables is I do not know. The Muntakhab-al-Lubab, a work which, so far as its account of the dynasties of the Dakan goes, is admittedly a mere epitome of Firishta, gives the date as Sep. 27, 1501, so that it is clear that the date given in the Bombay text of Firishta is a misreading. According to the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, a most untrustworthy authority for the reigns of the earlier Nizam Shahi kings of Ahmadnagar, Adil Khan II, who is described as "Adil Shah, was succeeded on the throne of Khandesh, in accordance with his will, by his son "Mahmud Shah Faruqi," whose presumption in styling himself Shah aroused the wrath of Mahmud Baikarah of Gujarat. A long and confused account of the invasion of Khandesh by Mahmud, of Ahmad Nizam Shah's expedition to assist "Mahmud Faruqi," and of the defeat and discomfiture of Mahmud Baikarah follows. Another version of this story is given by Firishta in the only passage in which he quotes 18 the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, called by him the "Wagai-Nizamshahiyyah which Sayyid 'Ali Samnani was writing in the reign of Burhan Nizam Shah II, and which he never lived to finish," but in this version Mahmud Baikarah is represented as coming to attack and Ahmad Nizam Shah to support 'Adil Khan II, and the mythical "Mahmud Shah Faruqi" is not mentioned. Firishta discredits the story, as well he may. Not only has Sayyid 'Ali been obliged to juggle with the chronology of the Faruqi dynasty, but he has invented a Faruqi ruler who never ascended the throne and fathered a son on the childless 'Adil Khan. The motive for the invention of the story was doubtless a desire to conceal the discomfiture of Abmad Nizam Shah, who was at this time attempting to wrest the fortress of Daulatabad from the brothers Sharaf-al-din and Wajih-al-din and beat a hasty and undignified retreat on hearing that Mahmud Baikarah was marching through Khandesh to the relief of the fortress. On the death of 'Adil Khan II, Mahmud Baikarah took no steps to obtain the throne for his protege Alam Khan, the adopted heir, and 'Adil Khan's brother Da'ud Khan would have succeeded peacefully had not a strong party among the amire of Khandesh been bitterly opposed to him and proclaimed instead of him his infant son Ghazni Khan; but Glazni Khan's party was overcome and Da'ad Khan retained the throne. It is almost impossible to follow the events of Da'ud's brief but troubled reign. Accord ing to Firishta Da'ud entertained the design of annexing part of the Nizam Shahi dominions and to this end committed some acts of aggression. It seems impossible that so feeble a monarch should wantonly have provoked so powerful a neighbour, but there is no doubt that Ahmad Nizam Shah invaded Khandesh in this reign, though according to the Burhani-Ma'asir it was not until after Da'ad's death that he attempted to enthrone in Burhanpur a pretender, 'Alam Khan Faruqi, not to be confounded with the protege of Mahmud Baikarah, who bore the same name. The silence of the author of the Burhan-i-Ma'asir is easily 11 Ain.i-Akhart, Colonel Jarrett's translation, ii, 227, n. 2. 18 ii, 189. Major J. S. King, in his preface to The History of the Bahmans Dynasty, says, "Though the two authors (Firishta and the author of the Burhan-i-Ma'sir) were contemporaries and probably met one another in Al madnagar neither makes any mention of the other," and adds, in a note referring to Firishta, "he never mentions the Burhan-s-Ma'asir unless he alludes to it under some other title. Professional jealousy probably accounts for this. But the work quoted by Firishta as the Waqd'i-ig Nizamahdhiyyah is undoubtedly the Burhan-1-Ma'agir, Major King is, however, quite right in saying that Firishta does not mention the Burhan-i-Ma'asir in the long list of authorities cited at the beginning, of his history.

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"MAY, 1918] explained, for Amad's invasion of Klandesh brought him no glory and he was ignominiously expelled from the country. From a comparison of the Zafar-al-Walih with Firishta it appears that Hisam-al-din, an amir of Khandesh who was one of Da'ud Khan's principal opponents, invited Amad Niem Shah to aid him in overthrowing Da'ud. Ahmad invaded the country, bringing nis protege, Alam chan, with him, and laid it waste. Da'ud, who probably dared not appeal to Mamud Baikarah of Gujarat, lest he should bring another pretender into the field, applied for aid to Nasir-al-din Shah of Malwa who, in 1504, sent a force under Iqbal an, one of his amirs, to aid him. Iqbal Khan expelled Ahmad Ni am Shah, but betore leaving the country insisted that the Khubah should be recited in Burhanpur in the name of his master, Na,ir-al-din Shah, with which humiliating demand Da'ud was forced to comply. Alam Khan had fled with his protector, Ahmad Ni.am Shah, and for the remaining four years of his life Da'ud Khan reigned in peace, dying on Aug. 28, 1508. THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 121 After the death of Da'ad his son Ghazni Khan was, according to Firishta, raised to the throne by Malik risam-al-din and the other amirs, but was poisoned by them after ten days. According to the Zafar-al-Walik Ghazni Khan had been poisoned during the lifetime of his father, but the discrepancy is of little consequence, for Ghazni Klan never actually reigned and almost immediately after the death of Da'ad Ahmad Nizam Shah reappeared in Klandesa wita as protege, 'Alam Klan. The desount of this Alam Khan is not precisely known, but there is nowhere a hint that he was an impostor. According to Firishta he was " of the offspring of the Faraqi Sulans"; the Zafar-al-Walin calls him "a relation of Da'ud"; and the author of the Burhan-i-Ma'ar says that he was "of the stock of the rulers of Asir." It is probable that he was tar nearer in blood to Da'ad than was the other Alam Kan, who was protected by Ma, mud Baikarah. It will be convenient to distinguish the two pretenders as 'Alam Klan of Gujarat and. 'Alam Khan of Ahmadnagar, Alam an of Gujarat now thought that it was time to assert his claim to the throne of Klandean and his mother applied to her father, Ma mud Baikarah, for assistance, which was readily givea. In November or December, 1508, only three or four months after the death of Da'adan, Mamad Baikarah set out from Champanir for Thalner, then held for Ahmad's protege, styling himself 'Alam Shah. The position in Andean was now as follows:-- Alam Khan of Ahmadnagar and Malik Hishm-al-din the Mughul, the leader of the Ahmadnagar party in K andesh, were at Burhanpur, where they were joined by Amad Ni am Shah of Amadnagar and Ala-al-din Imad Snah of Berar, whom disam-al-din had summoned to his aid; Malik Ladan, the leader of the Gujarat party in Kandesh, had shut himself up in Asi garh, where he was besieged by the partisans of Alam Kan of Ahmadnagar; and Mahmud Shah Baikarah and his protege, Alam Klan of Gujarat, were advancing on Thainer. Thalner surrendered, and on hearing of its fall Ahmad Ni am Shah and 'Ala-al-din 'Imad Shah fled for refuge to Gawilgarh, leaving 4,000 troops in Burhanpur to support their candidate for the throne. Ma mud then sent two of his am ra, Sayyid Asaf Khan and Aziz-al-Mulk against Hisam-al-din and Alam Khan of A'madnagar, and the troops of A madnagar and Berar fled from Burhanpur so that Hisam-al-din was obliged to provided for his own safety by sending the pretender off to the Dakan and making his submission to Ma mud Baikarah. Malik Ladan had forestalled him, and there was now no obstacle in the path of 'Alam K' an of Gujarat to the throne. On April 1, 1509, Ma mud Baikarah held a court at Taalner and installed nis protege 'Alan. Khan, who now took the title of Adil Khan III, as ruler of Khandesh, eonfacring on him,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1918 as though he had been a mere officer of Gujarat, the title of Aram-i-Humavan. Malik Ladan received the title of Khanjahan and Malik Hisam-al-din that of Shahryar and Mahmod. after giving his nephew four elephants and 300,000 tangas, returned to Gujarat. In the meantime A' mad Nizam Shah had returned to the frontier of his own kingdom and ventured to send a letter to Mahmud Baikarah requesting him to grant to 'Alaman, who had taken refuge at the court of Almadnagar, some small share in the dominions of his forefathers. To the letter, which Ahmad, who had revolted from his master, Mahmud Shah Bahmani, had imprudently addressed as from one king to another, no written reply was vouchsafed, but the envoy who bore it had to endure an unpleasant interview with Mahmud, who wrathfully asked how one who was a rebellious slave had dared to address him as one king writing to another, instead of embodying his requests in the form of a humble petition, and closed his homily with a threat that such insolence, if repeated, would not go unpunished. Adil Khan TII, now established on the throne of Khandesh, still further cemented his alliance with Gujarat by marrying a daughter of Sultan Muzaffar, who afterwards sucovuded to the throne of Gujarat as Muzaffar II. One of his first acts was to cause Malik Fisam-aldin Shahryar, who was again plotting with Ahmad Nizam Shah, to be assassinated. The dispatch of a large force from Gujarat averted a danger which threatened the state from the direction of Ahmadnagar, and the reign of 'Adil Khan III. was not marked by any noteworthy event until his death, on Aug. 25, 1520, when he was succeeded by his son, Mu'ammad I., who is generally known as Muhammad Shah, from his having been summoned to the throne of Gujarat, which he never lived to occupy. The history of Muhammad Shah's reign is to a great extent that of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, with whom he always acted in concert and by whom he was designated heir to the kingdom of Gajarat. In 1527 a quarrel arose between Burhan Niram Sh&h I of Ahmadnagar and 'Ala-al-din 'Imad Shah of Berar, which was composed for & time by Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, who took the king of Berar under his protection. In the following year Burhan and Amir Barid of Bidar invaded Berar, and Muhammad Shah, who regarded 'Allal-din 'Imad Shah as a protege of his uncle, Bahadur Shah, at once responded to his appeal for help and marched to his assistance. Burhan I and Amir Barid severely defeated AIAal-din and Muhammad Shah in the neighbourhood of MahOr and Muhammad flod to Asirgash, leaving all his artillery and elephants in the hands of the victors, and at onee appealed to Bahadur Shah for assistance. Bahadur Shah, Muhammad Shah, and 'Ald-al-din Imad Shah then marched to Ahmadnagar and Burhan I fled to the protection of his fortress capital, Daulatabad; but Bahadur's intervention in a quarrel which was regarded as a purely domestic affair in the Dakan and his announcement that he had annexed Berar aroused the resentment and apprehensions of the other kings of the Dakan, and Isma'il Adil ShAh of Bijapur and Sultan Quli Qutb Shah of Golconda, as well as Amir Barid of Bidar, sent contingents to the aid of Burhin, whereupon Bahadur, fearing lost his communications with his own country should be endangered by the rainy season, which was approaching, hastened to make peace. It was agreed that the fortress and district of MahOr should be restored to Ala-al-din 'Imad Shah and that Burhan should return to Muhammad Shah the elephants, guns, and other booty which he had taken from him the year before. Bah&dur's nephew was, of course, indemnified at once, and he and his uncle returned to their kingdoms, Sut. Bahadur considered that he had already done sufficient for Berar and failed to enforce the stipulation regarding the restoration of Mahur. The kings of the Dakan, who bitterly

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MAY, 1918) THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 123 resented 'Ala-al-din's appeal to the powerful king of Gujarat, were in no mood to see his wrongs righted, and Mahur remained in the possession of Burhan. This companionship in arms increased the intimacy between Bahadur and Muhammad and Bahadur not only permitted his sister's son, whose ancestors had been content with the title of Khan, to assume the royal title, but was accustomed to give him a seat beside him on his throne, and it was probably now that he openly acknowledged him as heir-presumptive to the throne of Gujarat. In 1530 Bahadur again visited Burhanpur and seemed inclined, in response to an appeal from the King of Berar, to attack Ahmadnagar'once more, but Muhammad, who had nothing to gain from a strife which would convert Ahmadnagar into a permanent enemy of Khandesh, came forward as peacemaker, and his counsels prevailed. Early in 1531 Muhammad accompanied Bahadur on his expedition into Malwa, in which he captured Manda on March 28, 1531, affd subsequently, after reducing to obedience the Rajputs who had acquired power in that country, in which operation he was much assisted by Muhammad annexed Malwa to Gujarat. In 1534-35 Muhammad assisted Bahadur in his siege of Chitor, which ended in the capture of that fortress, and in the same year accompanied him in his flight from Humayun's army at Mandasor to Mandu. Bahadur fled from Mandu to Champanir, whither he was pursued by Humayun, and thence to Kathiawad. Humayun's expedition into Malwa and Gujarat had much alarmed the kings of the Dakan, who were convinced that he intended at once to recover the Southern Kingdoms for Dihli, and Burhan I. of Ahmadnagar, Ibrahim "Adil Shah I. of Bijapur, Sultan Quli Qutb Shah of Golconda, and Darya 'Imad Shah of Berar formed an alliance against him, but their apprehensions were premature, for Humayun, who was harassed by the activity of Bahadur's amtrs and disturbed by news of the progress made by the already formidable Shir Shah, was unable to maintain his position in Gujarat and retired to Mandu and thence, on Bahadur Shah's return from Diu to Champanir, to Dihli. Humayun, on retiring to Dihli, left some of his amirs in Malwa to retain possession of the province, and Muhammad Shah of Khandesh was engaged, under the orders of Bahadur Shah, in expelling those intruders, when he received news that Bahadur had been drowned on Feb. 13, 1537, at Diu, whither he had gone to treat with the Portuguese under Nuno da Cunha, and that the affairs of Gujarat were in great confusion owing to the return of the Mughul, Muhammad Zaman Mirza, from Hindustan and the Panjab. Muhammad Shah was summoned by the amfrs, in accordance with his uncle's will, to ascend the throne of Gujarat, but before he could reach Champanir he died, on May 4, 1537, and was buried in Burhanpur. On the death of Muhammad Shah an attempt was made to raise to the throne his young son Ahmad, but the majority of the amirs supported the cause of Muhammad's brother Mubarak. Ahmad died, or was probably put to death, and MubArak ascended the throne, using the royal title which, in the case of Muhammad, had been recognized by Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. The death of Muhammad Shah had left the throne of Gujarat vacant, and the amirs of that country were obliged to seek their king in Khandesh, where Bahadur, * in order to secure an undisputed succession in Gujarat for his nephew, Muhammad Shah of

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1918 Khandesh. had imprisoned his younger brother, Latif Khan. Latif Khan was now dead but had left a son, Mahmud, and a deputation from Gujarat, headed by the amir Ikhtiyar Klan, waited on Mubarak Shah and demanded the surrender of Mahmud. The demand was a disappointment to Mubarak, who had hoped that the choice of the amirs of Gujarat would fall on him, and he demurred to surrendering Mahmud but, on the amirs of Gujarat assembling their forces and assuming a threatening attitude, delivered him to Ikhtiyar Klan, who carried him off to Gujarat and there enthroned him as Mabmud III. The history of Gujarat during the early part of Mahmud's reign is the history of contests between the leading amirs of the kingdom for the possession of the king's person and the regency which such possession involved and two amirs entitled "Imad-al-Mulk and Darya Khan, having slain Ikhtiyar Khan, quarrellod with one another. Imad-al-Mulk was worsted by his confederate in the contest for the possession of the young king and fled to Khandesh, where he took refuge with Mubarak Shah. Darya Kan and Mahmud III pursued him and were met by Mubarak at Dankri. Mubarak was defeated but the Gujaratis refrained from following up their success and 'Imad-al-Mulk fled to Mandu and took refuge with Qadir Khan, one of the old amirs of the Khalji kings of Malwa who, on the expulsion and retirement of Humayun's officers from Malwa, had assumed the government of the country and entitled himself Qadir Shah. According to Firishta, 19 Mahmud now, in fulfilment of a promise which he had made to Mubarak when they were fellow-prisoners in Asirgach during the life-time of Bahadur and Muhammad, surrendered to Klandesh the town and district of Nandurbar. It was in Mubarak's reign that the army of Khandesh first measured swords with the troops of Akbar, and defeated them. In 1561 an imperial army under the command of Adham Klan, Akbar's foster-brother, conquered Malwa and expelled Baz Bahadur, the son and successor of Shuja'at Khan, Shir Shah's viceroy of that province, who had assumed independence as the power of the short-lived Sur dynasty of Dihlf declined. Baz Bahadur took refuge in Burhanpur, and was followed thither in 1562 by the brutal Pir Muhammad Khan, Akbar's governor of Malwa, who committed the most terrible atrocities in Khandesh, plundering and laying waste the country and slaughtering its inhabitants without regard to age or sex. He captured Burhanpur and ordered a general massacre of its inhabitants in which many pious and learned men perished. Mubarak and Baz Bahadur shut themselves up in Asirgarh and Tufal Khan, who had usurped the government of Berar and imprisoned Darya Shah, the last of the 'Imad Shahi dynasty, came to their assistance. The allies niarched to attack Pir Muhammad who, anxious to save the plunder which he had collected, retired before them without fighting. On reaching the Narbada Pir Muhammad and his officers were attacked and defeated by their pursuers and fled in confusion across the river, in which Pir Muhammad was drowned. All historians agree in regarding his fate as God's judgment on the atrocities which he had committed in Malwa and, above all, in Krandesh. As Budoni says, "the sighs of orphans, the weak, and the captives did their work with him." As a result of the defeat of Pir Muhammad Baz Bahadur temporarily regained possession of Mandu. (To be continued) 19 ii, 569.

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MAY, 1918] VIVEKAPATRAMALA VIVEKAPATRAMALA. BY T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A.; TRIVANDRUM (Continued from p. 100) // zrIH // // vivekapatramAlA | jayanti jagatItale kavayatAM pravAcAM puro valanti vasudhAvalArihRdaye ta ete budhA: / vasanti viduSAM zironaTanaGgake ye paraM pANDava / mUNDavAstanyamahAjanAnAM kAlAntarepi / velAM kulAbdheH suvivekapatramAlAM suhatkaNThagatAM sRjAmi || asti mandArakaM nAma vRndArakapuropamam | mandAkinIjala kledamandAdityaM mahApuram || somanAthamakhisomapIthinaH somazekharapadAbjasevakAH / USuratra bahuzAstravaktRkAH saMpradAyakuzalAzvirAya te // colasya rAjJaH kila kAcimaNDale cikIrSato buddhirabhUcchivAlayAna mandAkinIgIrI dvijanmanaH nijAmahAreSu nivAsayiSyataH // gaGgAGgAtpArzvataH prApya na mAyakedArabhUmiH / tasmAdete prAmamunmucya hInaM colaM prAptA yAtrayA prAptagaGgam || snAtvA tripathagAM gaGgAM dRSTvA vizvezvaraM zivam | AnayiSyAmi tatravyAnviduSo brAhmaNAniti // pobhUmipativiyabo viguNA sarvAnabhicitasvikRti nityakriyA zrInidhimupasyAtmaparyantaka kAJcImaNDalamAninAya sahasA sammAnya sammAnya ( ? ni ) tAn / kAzyapA gautamAzcaiva sAvarNyAH zaNDilA api / zrIvatsAzca bharadvAjA gotamA api sAmagAH || sAMkRtvA iti meTI ghoSataH parikIrtitAH / prAsAdavallabho yajvA bhAskarAkhyakavistathA || rAjanAtha kavizcaiva subrahmaNyakavistathA / jaTAdharezayajvA ca nIlakaNThakavistathA // pIkSitaH somanAthAya namaH | Agatya kAJcyAmavasanvikhyApya ca vidagdhatAm || tuNDIramaNDalamahAmaNimaNDapasya talpAyamAnavaratalpa garezva pazcAt | kauTilyahArakanadasya ca pUrvabhAga bAlazcakAra ruciraM pRthumamahAram || paJcAzaduttaracatuHzata niSkramUlyaM grAmaM vibhajya dazadhA dazavaMzanADhayam / aSTAvimAnapi ca bhAgavato vidhAya bhAgAbhAvapi ca bhAgavatI vivatre || sarvepi sarvairapi mAnyatAyAM svagrAmamApuH kila sarvamAnyam / tasyApi sarvairapi mAnyatAyAmadyApi tAnyo bhavatIti manye // 125 I am indebted to Mr. T. S. Kuppusvami Sastri of Tanjore for the text of the Viveka patramala, as also the extracts from the Subhadra Dhananjaya Natakam, the Bhagavata-champu and the Somavali, Yogananda-prahasanam. He has also been kind enough to make several valuable suggestions.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY rAjanAthapure tatra rAjanAthAbhidhaM zivam | rAjanAtha kavistutyai rAjanAthaH sa saMnyadhAt || kicAmI nRpatI gate nijapuraM saMcArayantaH kratUn maGkSa pAmamupetya saMcitadhanAH paJcApi paJcAgnayaH / klezAnIzapadAce nAzgamayana kezAndaduH ( ? ) kozajAn pAzApAzabhRto vidhUya suciraM kAlaM ca te'kA (? gA )layan || tappADIti nAmAhurmAmasyApi girerapi / drAviDA aMtarA yatra svAsate zrotriyottamAH || evaM nRpa garmi lUrAva kulabhUmipahAyanAni bhA(hyA) vibhUracireNI // prAsAdavallabhamakhIndrabudhasya tatra zrIpuNDarIkapuranAyakasevanAyAH / putrA babhUva guNasArthakasAranAmA zrImAnsabhApatiriti pratibhAnayuktaH | pANDyazveravIlarAjazca yasya ziSyA AsaJchAM karAH kiMkarAzca / DhakkAvAdyaM hastimallasya zIrSe DhaGgArAdhyaM hanyate yasya yAne || DhakkAsabhApatiriti prathitaH pRthivyAM vidyAvimativibhavairgururAsa sAkSAt | tasyaiva naptAjAne bhAskarAryaH prasanna kAvyasya ca yaH praNetA | sarveSu zAstreSu sahasrazIrSaH sa eva cAgnInacinotsamastAn // tasyaiva vaMze tapanaprakAze sa tyAgarAjI'vatatAra dhIraH / yaH kAmakoTIzvarapIThikAyAM vidyAjayastambhamadhatta yajvA || gurusvayaMbhUyazrImaca bhUmi // dakSiNAmUrtiyajvA ca bhAskarAkhyazca dIkSitaH / tadA dvau gausanAvAstAM vaMze bhAskarayajvanaH || vidyApatimakhI caiva divAkaraka vistathA / trayo'mI sUryamadRzva rAjanAthakaveH kule // gurumUrtividhezivasUryamatrI tathA dvAvetau zANDilI khyAtI subrahmaNyakaveH kule // zivasUryamakhI caiva subrahmaNyamayI tathA / rAmaliGgamakhI caiva rAmacandrabudhastathA // jaTAdhara gurorvazyAzcatvAro lokavizrutAH / zrImacchaMkarayajvA ca nIlakaNThamakhI budhaH // yajJanArAyaNo vidvAnyajvAnantakaviH paraH | ime paJcabharadvAjA nIlakaNTakaH kule // rAjanAthaka vidheyakaTakaviH / dvAvaito somanAthasya kule vikhyAta kIrtikau // devArAmAhRyo yajvA mallikArjunasantatI / ekaviMzatireSAM tu kulAnyAsa nvibhAgataH // gurusvayaMbhUpatinAmayajvanaH sabhApatIti prathitastanUditaH / tathA gurusvAmisutasya santatau sutAvabhUtAM ca yamo yamojvalI // abhirAmAmbikA kanyA somanAthazca putrakaH / tAmeva kanyAM jamAha rAjanAthastu gautamaH || sarvAsAmapi nArINAmabhirAmAmbikA varA / sobhAgya gugalA // amvardhanAnyAmatirAmApuSpamapi bhAgyarAzi prasUya puSpaM sakRdeva sApi trayodaze janmata eva varSe // [ MAY, 1918

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MAY, 19181 VIVEKAPATRAMALA zuktIva vidvanmaNimapragarbha dhAra lokasya vibhUSaNAya / catussahasreSu catuHzateSu gateSu varSeSu kalayugasya / zrIrAjanAthasya karvadhUTI prAcIva jA kusumaiH samarcan / sa rAjanAtho'dhijagI (?) kulAnsvAt kaTAkSacandra tanayaM prajajJe // zubha muhUrte sati jAtamAtre saputrake zoNadharAbhidhAne | sarvA ca bhUmirmamude sarasyaH prasedurAzA anukuulvaataaH|| rAjanAthaH kaviH prApya tanayaM vinayAnvitam | na vakre brahmavAdIya kAmamanyamaharnizam // nArthI babhUva kenApi yathA sarvamahIpatiH / bhAvinaM sArvabhaumaM taM bhAvayankaraNe mutam / / vidyAraNyadayodayAIvapuSA vizvArthavizrANinA viSNubramazivAlayAn racayatA zrIbhUpAtmanA / devenApitamamahAramabhajanasvarusaMjJaM svayaM salpamAmagatA vibhaktasahamAste sama sNsaarinnH|| kyotizzAstravidaM ca kaMcana budhaM karNATakabrAhmaNaM paJcAGgasya suzacanAya sahitA asthApayanvRttidAH / tatsovaryamabhIkSNamakSarakRtaM saMkhyAvidaM gehinAM saMkhyAnArthamamuM ca samimadhire grAmastha bhR(?)vvA tadA / / ubhau pshcaagrignnkaavekcaalypuujkH| ete mahAjanAssapta tathA dshniketnaaH|| audumbaramAmagatAH shaasvvedaantcinsneH| sandhyAtithisamarcAbhirUpAsata mahezvaram / / colapratiSThite prAme navagrAmasamIrite / isa bhAkramya pAcAbhiH karSaNaiH pshupossnnH|| bukabhUpAbhyanujJAtA USurdaza niveshnaiH| sa rAjanAthaH kavirAjavaryaH zoNAdrinAthaM tanayaM sphurantam / vedAdividyAvratamAjanAya ninAya taveSaguruprivasvAn / / putrasyopayamaM vicintya manasA zrIrAjanAthaH kaviH prApvopayama svayaM tu sahasA saMprApya zambhAH padam / pUrva bhrAtari somanAthamAkhina(1ni prAvadha vecAkhilam bAlaM bhAsikulAvali(mI)svanujagAmaivAbhirAmAmbikA / / zrIsomanAthastvanuzAsanUjaM tanUmavargAca nijApatIya / pupopa zayyAsanalepanAMgasaMvAhavastrAbharaNAhajastaiH / / evaM mAsulagehapoSaSajuSaH zoNendra(pAdi)saMjJAvato vedAdhItivazAcayodaza vayAMsyAsanguNAnAM nidheH| sAsUbAbhavatra mAsulavadhUniSkAraNakodhinI jAnIta na sa jAtu tatkavivaraH zrIsomanAthAbhidhaH / / mahAjanakRtAgasAM vihitamAlayaM zAmbhavaM zivArcakAnena taM samupagamya shonnaaclH| navA...cchivaM hadi vicintya vidyApAta samAnulavadhUkadhA zacanameva mene varam // bhanujAtanujanmAmamanAlokya nijaalye| somanAthAbhidhI baccA bacinotsakalA mahIm / / hatI divase prAtarapazvatsa ndiittte| sAmlarasarakoSThaM taM niSi durgakho bthaa|

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Mar, 198 AlijacA samAvi vezya zirasyAprAya vai mhH| papraccha kimidaM vassa? toti bhaginIsutam / / yadRcchathA navamAmamAgatyApI. ?vi)zamAlayam | vidyApatIzapramukhe supta AlasyabAdhitaH / / ardhanducuDaH zaradindusundaraH sphuranmaNImUrdhaphaNIzakaMkaNa / bAlairmunIndrezca canarmiranvito bubodha mA kazcidupetya puruSa / suptasya me saMbhramalolabuddhervaktasya deze vivRne svabhAvAt / tAmbUlasAraM nijavaktasaMsthaM mugAMca kAruNyasamudra essH|| seneva rakkA rasanA madIyA tacchodhanAvaha samAgato'smi || ukveti sa stotratarti cakAra vaTasya male vasanaH zivasya / sa toSayAmAsa navAbhiSiktaM taM prauDhadevaM nRpamindutulyam / / kavitvazaktayA ca vicArarItyA vivAdasAmarthyavazena tb| sa prauDhadevaH kavirADaso ca snehAturAvakamanaHprasArI / / zarIrabhadaM ca samIcikIrSu tulyAmbarasamvalayAvabhUtAm / sAvarNyakanyAmupayapya samyagyajJAmbikAM nAma yajikriyAhAm / / yahaH sacinbhirvahudakSiNAkerIje mahezAdimAgaNAnsvAn / talpagrAmasya yaamyaayaamaadumbrpuraatpurH| navamAmasya vAyavye rAjArAmamakalpayat / pratyakSAkozamAtraM tu tadardhe dakSiNottare // anekaphalapuSpAdayanAgavallIbhumaNDitama | nIlagiryAkhyavaNija tatrAdhyakSa nRpI vyadhAt / / atha saptAdrideze tu rAjJodyAne prakalpite / idamudyAnamudIkSya rAjJI jamAha rukmiNI / / uyAnajIvI nIlAdrirdhaniko garvito'bhavat / ArAmaH phalapuSpabhAravinamacchAkhAprakUjacchukaiH prAkAreNa payodapaddhatijuSA dogdhai ?) gavAM mnnddlaiH| talpagrAmajuSaH parezvaramasAvArAdhayAmAsa tacaGgIzoNAdrikavIzvaro napaguNarbandhupriyazcAbhavat / / jAtu nIlagiri: kopAdAkRSya ca gavAM kulam / kavirAjamupAgamya kaTakAramabocata / abhIkSNametA gAvaste raajaaraammupddhtaaH| kRchUdhArAMkurAM (?) jagdhvonmUlayanti latAtarUn / zvaH prabhasthAgatAnA vA bandho'smAbhirvidhAsthave | tanmotA kramADyAikSiNAzApatiH prbhuH|| idamuttavA gate tammingatA gAvazca tatpadam | gate'pi kAle dohastha gA mumoca na vai vaNik / gopAvedina vRttAntaH pratyAkhyAnazca tena sH|| prauDhadavAya sadAjhaM niveoThamavAcata / AgamamakhilaM mahyamamahArayituM viza!! anyathA manyathA mAM svamandharASTra dAmbinam / zrumveti nRvijJAtvA svayaM prAha karIzvAm || pramadAlambiteSA me pramadAvanabhUH svayam | bhanyA bhuvaM pradAsyAmi sasyAgamasamA kulAm / / zrutyati tamavAdhUya kttaahimupaayo| murabANarAjaM jagacANavalaM hijANadIkSaM nijatrANazakam / hijebhyo viditvA nijebhyo vadikhAjagAma hijAmyai puraM hastinAsyam //

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Indian Antiquary John Faithfull Fleet, C.I.E. PHOTO BY ELLIOTT & FRY. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTO COLL.

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MAY, 19181 VIVEKAPATRAMALA 129 D durIsaM samakSaM nRpasthati matvA divRkSanRpaM ta vivabhuHsvamartham / kavIzo'yamIzaprabhAvo nRpavAradeze prapadyA(yA)vatasthe nijaM shokmrdhm|| satpaThitvA nRpAvAhurasUyAtaralA vijaaH| dAkSiNAtyakaviH kazcidvAryazlokamAlikhat / / rAjyaparyAyavAcyAyAM rAjaparanyA ratotsukaH / iti tatkathayatyarSe zrImAnpazyatu tatpabhuH / / suratrANe sataH kruddha vicArayati maanse| lavaMgI tanayA tasya tAtamAha zubhAM giram / / vidvAnI ca bhUtvA kaH sphuTamevaM raciSyati / anyathaiva bhavedartha Aneya iti vai kaviH!! tataH samAhUya sabhAM kavIzasammAnyavAcA kavirATsamartha( ?kSa)m / bhokaH prapUryAzu ca pazyatAM bhoH samAdidezeti kaviM nRpAgyaH / / artho vicAryatAM vijJairAlaMkArikasammataH / ityuttavA sa papAThAzu bhokaM sampUrva caatmnH|| surabANa bhavadrAvye nidraanumhmaagtH| anidrastvanyadezeSu svadAgamanazaGkayA kavimalo'napAyAkhyo rAjasannidhipUjakaH / DiNDima vAghamAhasya jayanapurabhRtpade // etacchokaprasaGgena sa kaviM pratyapadyata / kavimallaH kavIzazca vAcA punruupsthitii| pratijJA cakraturvaSTravA vaaykrmvivrjne|| nimahecAtmanaHprApte sati raajbudhaamtH|| praborvize dine prApne sarvazAstravicArataH | nigRhIto'napAyAkhyo garvitaH kvimaalkH|| vAcaM DiNDimamasya napuravaraM hastIndramutkumbhakam vihatkaNThagatAM vitIrya vimatAnAdhUya vAlAzriyaH (1) / sauvaNe maNiraJjite samabhiSicyainaM subhadrAmane vidyADiNDimazINazailakavirityAkhyAM vibhuIttavAn || jAta taba nizAkAle candrazAlAsthito npH| avocavarNayasvainamudyantaM zazilAJchanam || prAcIbhAge sarAge dharaNivirahiNikAntamudre samudra bhidrAlo nIrajAlI dhRtamudi kumude kokaloke sazoke / AkAze sAvakAza tamasi zarmita nirvicAra cakore .. kandapaM'nalpada vikirati kiraNAnzArvarIsArvabhaumaH / / varSayAmAsuranyapi yathAmati vibhoH purH| eSa zoNIndra(?NAdri)bagvA tu ityAzu lokamApaThat // zRNvasu ca sabhAsassa rAjA prAha kavIzvaram / / sArvabhaumo na rAjoyaM dvijarAjo bhavAniti / soyaM DiNDimasArvabhaumakavirityAkhyAM vahanbhUnale kAvyaM rAmapadAMkitaM caritamapyAkalpayan rUpakam // panyAsmana catuSpathe viracayanprApya pratiSThA vi ( bhoH) devavANamahIpatenijabhuvaM prApAjJayA vAJchitAm / / AjJAcIMTImasau dRSTvA savANamahIbhujaH / prauDhadevI nRpaH prAdAstramadAvanakAzyapIm / /

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY EMAY, 1918 athAmahArasya sisRkSabAsau sametya sarvaipi bAndhavaiH svaiH / tarapradezo kuTilApagAyAH sabhAM vitanvansa babhANa sarvAn || paJca pahayastrayo mAmAH sntinHsmudaaytH| avibhajyaiva bhojyAH syuriti saumyA matirhi naH // sampA(? vivAdayatu kovAna samainImo vayaM samam | pAma vA kaNThikAM vApi zrotriya mAnyameva ca // iti zrutvA vacaH sarve sAdhUktIHpratyudaraban / atha taiH pramadodyAnamAviveza kavIzvaraH / / upaprAkpravarNa dezamavApratyaksamunnatim / mAmasya sanivezAyAmokata zubhAzubham / zataM ca sappaiva padAni misvA catussamudrAMzca nikhAya zaMkUn / kRSIvalAnAvizadatra kuTuM te lAMgalarAcaSuH samantAt // sirAmukhe lAMgalakarSitA smudbhvaabutlijaamtiH| svAyaMbhuvo nAtha iti pratIta | cidambare yo varado vareNyaH / / gANDIvadaNDAhatipArzvadeze sphuratyajasaM hlkottissssttiH| vasyaiva zambhoH svayamujhavasya sa nAma cake sdssptiiti| zatavyAyAmatastasmAnekatyAM dizi vaiSNavam | prAGmukhaM kavirAjazva cakArAyatanaM kviH|| ttpurssnnidhiprenniishcturdshgRhaatmikaaH|| ekAvalyA viracitAstathA pazcAragRhAyam / / ubhaya zreNikA vIthI dakSiNaM pakSamAzritA / nivezanAdazabhiranvitaM zubhavedikaiH / / aSTAzasyu (1)ttarazataM zUdrANAM sadanAni tu / / kRSIvalAnAM dAsAnAmabhitaH kalpitAni hi|| tataH samAje viduSAM pAmatramanivAsinAm pAmasya cakre nAmAni paJca protramukhAni ca / / prauDhadevo dadau basmAt prauTadevapuraM bhavet / sArvabhImaH svayaM kartA sArvabhaumapuraM ttH|| yatra sthitAnAM viduSAM sAmAnya DiNDima basaH / DiNDimAlayamisvasva nAma proktaM sRtIyakam / / coleSu careSu ca pANyabhUmI trimaNDalIvattijuSAM bijanmanAm | vAsAya teSAmiha yatprakalpyate trimaNDalaM tatkavayaH pracakSate // mUlA itIha vidvAMsasteSAmaNDaM smaashryH| mUlANDAmati tamAma tasmAsyanti vai budhAH asyUrupugisametapADI mAmAsvayaH santi vipazcitAM te| yeSAM ca teSAmiha vAsasatvAt trimaNDalaM tena bhavedapIdama / /

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MAY VIVEKAPATRAMALA 181 puttUruvAsinAM pUrvavIthikA sannidhau hreH| audumbaramAmaJjuSAmuttaraM pakSamAriMzat / / talpapAmagatAnAM tu dakSiNa pakSa iiritH| pazcAimasyaM dattaM devaalysmrcinoH|| kAzyapA dazaveimAno gautamA nvveshminH| sAvayAH saptadazakAH zANDilAH sapnavedimanaH || zrIvatsAzca triveimAnI bhAradvAjA dshaalyaaH| sAmagA gotamAzcaiva a(?)ttaalykuttumbinH|| SaDveimAnastu sAMkRtyA iti saptatisaMkhyakAH / / / / iti vivekapatramAlA / / prAjJAnAmeva rAjJAM sadasi na sahate jalpamalpetareSAM bhudeSvAkSepamudrAM na khalu gaNayate DiNDimaH saarvbhaumH| bhAMkurvanekakukSimbhariSu bhayabharabhrAntabhogIndrasudhU bhrUNabhrazI kimambhaHphaNiSu patagarAda sambhramI bambhramIti / / // gururAmakavikRtasubhadrAdhanaJjayanATakam / / asti kila kAzyapagotrasya tatrabhavato gururAmakaveH kRtiH subhadrAdhanazcayaM nAma nATakam | nUnaM sahI pariSadAdeza sUtradhAraH-bhUyatAM tAvat / asti khalu tuNDIramaNDale mUlANDa nAma mhaanmhaarH| tatra kecana vasanti kAzyapAH zrotriyAH dhRtshivaarcnvtaaH| vairaporazivadezikAdibhiH pratyapAdi paratatvamaizvaram / / bhapica sArvabhaumakaviprakhyA vaiyavAco bhushrutaaH| guNottaratayA sarve gurUnsambhAvayanti yAn / / teSAmanyavabhUSaNasya tanubhUreSa svayambhUguro dauhitra kavitAnirUDhayazasaH zrIrAjanAthasya c| enAmapyakaroskRti bhitaguNamAmaH sa rAmaH kaviH kAvyaM kRSNaparaM vyadhAcchivaparaM campUpabandhaM ca yH|| ||raajnaathkvikRtbhaagvtcmpuuH|| astu zriyai zrIsuhRdacyutendo svarvasidhyai ptirvnaadreH| balAba jetA balidAnavasva pumarthahetoH puruSaH purANaH // prakAzya pANizritamaNamaye svAdhInayansvAnsamRgaM munInAm /

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY AvarjayedacyutabhUvalAreracAryamezvaryamahAryabhandA // uccArabhaGggyA yugapacchutInAmupAta sAphalyamukhIkaH / AyuSkAmatarA ssakalpamAkalpayatAvidhAtA // dhammillazaivAladharA virAja tRpAMgamInAdharavikumAptA // dhanyA picchAyatayAbdhikanyA sanyAdanyAM zriyamacyutendoH / puSyApurandhrI purazAsanasya khAyAM zriyamacyutendoH / kalAnidhAnaM dadhatI kabaryo saMyojayantIva sadA rajanyA // nizAyAjilapU netuM praNamAmghaTayanvameva | pANI vahantI sphaTikAkSamAlAM vANI purANI vazavartinI syAt // suvacaiH zubhAkAM rAjyasyamanimamupAneH / pariSkRtAvizitipAnyabandhe prAcetasAdyAnpraNumaH kavIndrAn // kathaM nu varSyA bhuvi kAlidAsamayUramAcAdimahAkavIndrAH / purAtanIM puruSabhUmikAM ya dveSeNa dhRtvA vinanarta vANI || karNau nayantAM kavitAM kavIndrA zramatkiyAM kAmapi yAti seyam / pazupAyaH prayAti muktAphalatAM na kiM vA // vyAsoktipUrAdvasudevasUnoH kathAM gRhItvA kathayAmi kiJcit / santi sravantyo bhuvi tatpayobhiH kulyopabhogAya kuto na bhUyAt // vaMzAvalImA vakSyAmi vAdhavAnyIkAm / mamoktireSA mahataH stavena pavitritA syAditi pArthivendoH // [ MAY, 1918 bhatipaya ambaraparidhyAvalambanaM avataMsamabhirabhininidAnanidhAnasya, sahakRtyA dhambararAjyabhaya mAnasa kemukAphalaM madhuninasya rarambhAsahodara bhAkarI nAma | parapuruSadArasodarasvaM prathamaM prApya nijAn yojavAnAm |

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MAY, 1918] VIVEKAPATRAMALA paradArasahodaravrataM yaH paramadhyApayatavipArthivAnA // sarohe samajakhelanAne dAnaM surebhyastamasi vi daNDaM ca yo daNDitarAjabhAvaH // tato budha iti zruto'jani purUravA jAtavaH naso'bhavadapAkRtapatistataH / ataH sa iti yayAtitA bhiyAtita paranihatuH // mahitaguNamahitasamavAye mahati tadanyayAye nAmAntarANIva nAbhAgasya mAtRkA ra mAyA purA purUravasaH, dviruktaya iva dundumArasya, nidarzanAnIva nimeH, ajAyanta katicidanUcAnA rAjAnaH | ratnAni santi racitAna sandhI khyAtiM parAmayati kaustubharatnamekam | tejIvizumbhanadaNIkRtatigmadhAmA teSu pratImahimAjanitimmaraH // patidevatadevakItapasyA paripAko manunIrtipAravRzvA | parinIrivInAmubhUtIzvarabhUlAriH / durgezatA vaibhavadhUrva hayorahArya - dhAmanoriyAbriyatanImvarayorvizeSaH / ApIDitajipatiH prathamo dvijAnAmanyAjapAlana kalAbhirato dvitIyaH // apAsta khedAnavanIdhurINAn phaNAdharendrapramukhAnvidhAtum / ajAyatAmuSya sa bukamAyAM nayopadeSTA narasakSitIzaH || yasya tu idayagamanasampara 'sAmparAvikaprasthAnameva sammukhApatarivAmbudhAnaM paraguNA paripandhiparapAvaropaNaM, koNDaranasakuNDalIkaraNameva kunRpatimakuNDalIkaraNam yasthAtinA ripuNAvacanAnAmakSyaJcAlAdapahataM navamaJjanaM yat / AdyeSa nRpatimirAharaNIyakIrtinikSepadarzananidAnamabhUttadeva || asmAdacyutabhUSatAritabhUmyAjabandhuH satA mantevAsipade taka ndiviSatAmaudAryataH sthApayan / ithe pUrva nRpAnanapathituM yasya pras yasminneti dayA vRSAcalapaterekAtapatrazriyam // 133

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1918 - yasya khalu sughaTitapAtrasaMvidhAneSu SoDazamahAdAneSa ghaTIyantravadaniyantraNaizvaryasalilanidhAvAvRttimadhigateSu parivahamANena dAnapayasAsamantato'khilabhuvanakedArAntaradhanta yshaaklmsnttyH| yasyAzAsyapravRttebhujavijayaramAcAru veNyA kRpANyA rAjanyai nyabhUmau rabhasavidalitairandhritaM cenna bimbam / vyomAkAre kaTAhe vimalatarayaza pUrapUrNe'vatIrNo mArtANDo nUnamahAM maNimayaghaTikAmAnapAtrI bhaveskim / / pItvA dAnapayAMsi yasya jalavastatsekarUDhaM tRNaM carvitvA maruto vazena gamitaM nAkokasAM naicikii| vyAkIrNa divi tatkarISazakalaM samprApya ca svarddhamA vikhyAti ta ime bhajanti niyataM vizrANanazreyasIm / / kadAcanakavibudhagAyakavahAsikavandivRndArakAnavadyavidyAparIkSaNavinodakalpitakAlakSepaH satatavandanAgatasAmantanikurumbakarAmbujayugalImukalIkaraNalakSaNIyarAjabhAvaH preSyamukhapreSittavanAyujavAjivAraNAvivividhopadAvalokanamAtrakRtArthitaparapArthivagaNo mahattaramaNimayakAtapatramaNDalIpravartitAvartasammilatsAmrAjyakalazAmbudhiphenakalikAyamAnAbhyAM sakalabhuvanasaccaraNasandohala(?)yazomarAlipakSapAlikAsamarasAbhyAM dhavalacAmarAmyAmupavIjyamAno, vinaya iva vigrahavAn, vinambha iva vilocanagIcaraH, sadAra(?)iva sacetanaH, rAziriSa rAmaNIyakasya, samAhAra iva sadguNAnAmuDavakhanirivAbAmbikAmAdasampadA nayanopahAro narasamahInAyakasya, vizramasthAnamiva vizvambharAyAH, nidarzanamiva nItidAzinAm, AdhAra ivaudAryastha, rajanikarakulapradIpaH, sa rAjarAjaparamezvaro rAjanAthakapimidamavAdIt / / svAvu zaurikathAlApasudhApUrapraNAlikA / kRtiH kRtijanamAhyA bhavatA kriyatAmiti // so'yaM kavistadanu zoNagirIndrasUnu.. rAjJAgiraM narapateravataMsayitvA / campUprabandhamajahatsarasoktibandhaM vaktuM samArabhata vAgvibhavAnukUlam / / vistAriNI vyAsamukhoktipUrA skayAM gRhItvA kathayAmi puNyAm | ambho nayantI pRthagApagAnAM kulyopabhogAya kuto na bhUyAt || / somavallI yogAnandaM nAma prahasanam // asti khalu parendrAmahAranAyakamaNe : sAmavedasAgarasAMyAtrikasya aSTabhASAkavitAsAmrAjyAbhiSiktastha ballAla - / rAvanikaTakavikulagarvaparvatapaveH nAgaNNakavinAgakesariNaH zrImataH kaviprabhoH pautraH putraH zrIrAjanAthadedhikasya / pramANDabhANDapicaNDamaNDalitavijayaDiNDimakhacaNDimnaH zrIkaNThAgamazikhaNDamaNDanamaNeH zrIDiNDimaprabhosahitraH zrImAbhirAmanAyikAstanandhayaH sabhApatibhadvArakabhAgineyaH zrIDiNDimakAvisArvabhauma iti prathitavirudanAmA sarasvatIprasAdalabdhakavitAsanAthaH zrImAnaruNagirinAthaH / tena kRtena somavAlIyogAnandanAmnA prahasanena sabhAniyogamanutiSThAmi / * narendrAgrahAra' iti pAThAntaram / 'manugaNDAgrahAra' iti ca / 'ballAlarAyakaTakakavikulaparvatanAmnaH kavinAgakesariNaH zrIkaviprabhoH pautraH putraH rAjanAthadevasya ' iti pustakAntare paatthH| sabhApatibhadhArakAcArya' iti pAThAntaram /

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PLATE I POLISHED HAMMERSTONE FROM SINGHBHUM.

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MAY, 1918] ON A PECULIAR POLISHED HAMMERSTONE ON A PECULIAR POLISHED HAMMERSTONE FROM SINGHBHUM, CHOTA NAGPUR, INDIA. 135 BY H. C. DAS-GUPTA, M.A., F.G.S.; CALCUTTA. THE implement to be described here is included among a number of stone implements presented to the Geological Department of the Presidency College, Calcutta, by Mr. Subodha Krishna Biswas, M.Sc., who came across them in the course of his professional work as a geologist in the district of Singhbhum. According to Mr. Biswas the specimens were obtained from two different localities: one of them, Nadup or Ladup, is about 5 miles south of Kalimati Railway Station (Lat. 22deg46', Long. 86deg17') and the other is about a mile and a half east of the workings of the Cape Copper Company at Matigara (Lat. 22deg38', Long. 86deg 26'). Both these localities are in Dhalbhum and are mostly inhabited by the Kols and the Santhals, while the implements were all found among the debris at the mouths of ancient copper mines. The rocks which were utilised in preparing the specimens are hornblende-schist, a rock which is very common in the area, though according to Mr. Biswas in the exact localities where the specimens were obtained the strata are phyllitic and quartzitic showing that the rocks used for the manufacture of the implements must have been brought there by persons, the remnants of whose handicraft they are. A number of implements from Chota Nagpur has been described by a number of workers including the late Dr. Wood-Mason and the Rev. P. O. Bodding. But the specimen under notice is of an unusual type and accordingly a short description of it is desirable. The implement, as the accompanying Plate I. shows, is broken and has a thickened head followed by a portion which is flat. A specimen somewhat similar to this has been described by Mr. Rivett-Carnac 3 from Banda in the United Provinces, and there is a plaster cast of it exhibited in the Archaeological collections of the Indian Museum, Calcutta. These two specimens, however, differ from each other markedly both in the shape of th head and of the remaining portion-the latter being quite cylindrical in the Banda specimen while, as already mentioned, it is quite flat in the specimen from Singhbhum. There is also a marked difference in the nature of the head which in the Banda specimen has a portion about one-fifth-protruding beyond the cylindrical part while no such protuberance is present in the Singhbhum specimen. In the latter, however, the boundary between the head and the flat portion is very marked, though it is not equally well pronounced on both faces, while any such marked boundary is altogether wanting in the Banda hammer. The head shows evidence of wear resulting in three well-marked concavities. The flat portion is only partially present and there is no indication regarding its real length. It is rather difficult to say definitely anything about the use to which this peculiar implement was put. But in consideration of the fact that it was found among the debris at the mouth of old pits dug for copper-ores, it may be supposed that it was used as a hammer to break the cupriferous rocks-the precise way in which the hammer was used being, however, doubtful-e.g., whether it was a double-headed hammer with a handle attached to it, or a single-headed hammer, the flat part preserved being used as a handle. The sharp boundary between the flat part and the head would lead one to suspect that it was double-headed, but then the somewhat large size of the flat part is rather difficult to account for; while, if the flat part is supposed to be used as a handle, it may be argued 1 Jour. As. Soc Beng., Vol. LVII. 1888, pp. 387-396. 2 Ibid, Vol. LXX, 1901, Part III, pp. 17-22; and Vol. LXXIII, Part III, pp. 27-31. Ibid, Vol. LII., 1883, Part I, p. 228.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1918 that a cylindrical pattern would have served the purpose better. Mr. Rivett-Carnac believes that the Banda implement might have been used as a pivot. The specimen was obtained from the second of the two localities above referred to, and the collection also includes one pounder and two stone arrow-heads. It may be mentioned here that at a meeting of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Sir Thomas Holland exhibited some grooved stones and ground pebbles found in Singhbhum and used by a past and unknown generation of gold miners. TRIMURTIS IN BUNDELKHAND. BY RAI BAHADUR HIRALAL, B.A., M.R.A.S.; DAMOH. A perusal of Mr. Nateka Aiyar's article on the Trimurti image in the Peshawar Museum contributed to Sir John Marshall's Annual for 1913-14 ( which has just appeared) has suggested this supplementary note. In the Deputy Commissioner's bungalow at Damoh, which I am just occupying, there is an image of a Trimurti, which is somewhat peculiar and confirms Rao Sahib Krishna Shastri's remark quoted by Mr. Aiyar that "Brahma, Vishnu and Siva being all directly or indirectly recognised to be identical with the sun, there is every possibility of the Trimurti figures representing the sun-god." The photo of the Bangaon 2 Trimurti, which is reproduced in the accompanying Plate II, actually represents. the sun with all his emblems and accompaniments. In front of the standing figure, there is the broken image of Chhaya (Sun's wife) below which sits the Sarathi or chariot-driver holding the reins of seven horses, of whom only three can be seen, the rest being broken. There are three side figures, the bull-faced Mahadeva in a sitting posture, surmounted by Vishnu standing with feminine grace and holding the Gada (mace) in his hand, while on the opposite side stands the bearded Brahma, all these tree combining into the main figure of the sun described before. At the top there are figures of two females shooting with a bow and arrow, apparently the other wives of the sun, who along with Chhayi. form the three Saktis, or counterparts of the Hindu Triad. This is, moreover, a unique representation of sun worship by one of those six classes of adorers, who regard the sun in the triple form to which reference is made by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar in his "Vaishnavism, Saivism and minor religious systems." Speaking on the sect of Sauras he remarks in & 115, p. 152, that "some worship the orb of the sun who has just arisen as Brah madeva, the creator, others the sun on the meridian as Isvara, the destroyer. He is also regarded as the originator. Some regard the setting sun as Vishnu. the protector, and considering him as the cause of the creation and destruction also and as the highest entity worship him. There are some who resort to all the three suns as a triple form." The Bangaon statue would be easily recognised as one in which the suns are conceived in a triple forni. A minute scrutiny of the image would show that the sun-god wears top-boots up to his knees, terminating into a curl at the foot end in a Pesauri or Peshawar fashion. This is another interesting point, confirming the identity of the image with sun worship incorporated from foreign sources. Again quoting from Sir Rimkrishna, that learned savant remarks in para 116 of his book as follows:-"The form of the idol of the sun worshipped in such temples is described by Varahamihira (Bihat Sanhita, Chap.58), but the features mentioned by him which have a significance for our present purpose are that 1 Proc. As. Soc. Beng. 1903. p. 302. See pp. 276-280. Ig 13 miles north of Damph. The image lying in the Leputy Commissioner's compound was brought from that place about 4 years ago. 3 Compare Mr. Aiyar's remarks in his footnote No. 2 on page 278 of the Archeological Report for 1913-14, where he says :-" It must be borne in mind that Vishnu being regerded as the preserver performs the role of the mother of creation. Hence we fnd that in certain Pure as Vishnu is described as the enkli or female Jounterpart of Biva. It is no wonder, therefore, that in the bgures under consideration the portion allotted for Vishnu is carved with feminine grace."

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PHOTO OF TRIMURTI FOUND IN BANGAON 13 MILES FROM DAMOL,

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MAY, 1918) TRIMORTIS IN BUNDELKHAND 137 his feet and legs should be enclosed or covered up to the knees and he should be dressed in the fashion prevalent in the North (V. 46 ) and that he should be encircled by an Avyanga (V. 47). Accordingly the images of the sun that are found in the temples mentioned above have boots reaching up to the knees, and a girdle round the waist with one end hanging downwards. This last is a Persian feature as we have already seen and the other also must have the same or similar origin. It certainly is not Indian." The Bangaon statue wears top-boots exactly as described above. It is somewhat curious that the booting idea should have been extended to images of Vishnu in a sitting posture. In & village named Madhia in the Panna State I recently saw a figure of Vishnu wearing shoes. This god also happens to be a Trimurti carved in the centre of the door of a ruined temple. The figure is six-handed, unlike the Bangaon Trimurti which is eighthanded, apparently representing four hands of Vishnu and two of Mahadeva and Brahma each. The Madhia Trimurti holds in its left hands, a Trisula (trident) in one, and a lotus in the second, the third being open, with the thumb bent towards the centre of the palm. The right hands hold a lotus in one, and & Mriga jika (deer symbol) in the second, the third being broken. These symbols show what deities are combined in the Trimurti, the Trisula and Mriganka being symbols of Siva, the lotus of Vishnu and the open hand with thumb bent of Brahma. In the left corner is carved the figure of a bull and on the right, that of Garuda, but I could not find the Hamsa (Swan ) the conveyance of Brahma represented there. This is the central panel on each side of which there is one, separated by figures of gods and goddesses. In the right panel are carved Siva and Parvati and in the left Vishnu and Lakshmi. The intervening figures between the panels consist of two rows of goddesses and gods, the first row representing eight goddesses (Ashtamatarak) five being depicted on the right and three on the left with a figure of Ganesa at the end and the second row eight figures of Vishnu, four on each side of the central panel. Below this there is a second row of panels with Vishnu and Lakshmi placed in the central one. The right side panel has the figures of Brahma and Brahmani and the left one of Siva and Parvati. The intervening place between the central and side panels is occupied by the Navagrahas, four being represented on the right side and five on the left. This is a most beautiful piece of work executed apparently about the same period as that of Khajuraha, the old capital of the Chandellas, now included in the Chhatarpur State. In Khajuraha itself there is a temple dedicated to a Trimurti, with an inscription dated A.D. 953-54 But the side heads of that Trimurti are not human. One is leonine and the other porcine. This Trimurti is named Vaikuntha in the inscription, which is peculiar as a name of a god. I quotes below the invocation, which explains the form of the subsidiary heads which the image bears : sthAnAnekAM vaH kiriSarupasiMhobhavajuSaM tadAkAroccheyAM tanumasuramukhyAnajavarAtU / a f i norary : : fafara:74:11 "May that Vaikuntha protect you, who, frightening the whole world with his roaring, as boar and as man-lion, slew the three chief Asuras, Kapila and the rest, (who were ) terrible in the world, and who possessed one body, which by the boon of Brahma enjoyed freedom from fear (and ) could be destroyed ( only) by (Vaikuntha ) having assumed these forms! This Trimurti of Khajuraha is four-handed and is therefore popularly known as Chaturbhuja, which in the abstract is correct as it was intended to represent Vishnu as the predominant deity, which is apparent from the invocatory salutation recorded at the beginning and end of the inscription referred to above, running as it does "Namo bhagavate Vasudevaya" (Adoration to the Holy Vasudeva). Curiously enough at the About 35 miles north-east of Damoh aad about 80 miles from Khajuraha. Soe Epigraphia Indica, volume I, page 124.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( May, 1918 end of the record is added another invocation " Namah Savitre" (Adoration to the Sun), just after Vamo bhagavate Vasudevaya, which incidentally discovers the mind of the writer, who certainly identified Vishnu with the sun, thus further confirming the theory of Rao Sahib Krishna Shastri to which allusion has already been made. It may be further noted that these Trimurtis show that in Bundelkhand Vishnu was the predominant deity of the triad, unlike the South where Siva was generally allotted that honour. Khajuraha, Malhia and Bangaon are all in Bundelkhand, but curiously enough the first has a four-handed Trimurti, the second six-handed and the third eight-handed. Varahamihira describes a Vishnu image as one of 8, 6, 4 or even 2 hands. The Madhia and Bangaon images as noted above are booted, but the Khajuraha one as reported by the Diwan of the Chhatarpur State does not wear boots. I am sorry I omitted to examine carefully the feet of the Khajuraha Trimurti when I saw it in December 1916 and a photo is not available to settle this point with confidence. Dr. Spooner to whom I am indebted for drawing my attention to Sir Ramkrishna's remarks has in the matter of top-boots kindly called my attention to the analogous red top-boots which are (or were) worn by Christian Bishops at their orclination. Some authorities consider that they too aro derived from the same source as those of the Surya which gives us an unexpected bond between the Christian prelates and the Hindu sun god. MISCELLANEA. DATES OF PANINI AND KATYAYAYA. of the Persian emperor (cir, 500 B.C. ) at Taxila or at some other place. The time of Katyayana is denoted by a wirttika I may here remind once more that the Buddhist of his which does ot seem to have yet been tradition placing him under Nanda ( which would noticed. On PAnini 2.1. 60 Katyayana's note, be Nandavarchana ) takes him to cir. 450 B.C. ETT-T ears Thera, fixes his time between Katyayana's varttika on Panini 6.321 giving the Parthian rise and Patanjali, i.e., 248-180 B.C. Devanam.priya is another indication of Katyayana's Sakin' and 'Pirthivah' are in samanadhikarana : time. The word had become very important in "the Parthivas who are Sakas (or Bakas)." No Katyayana's time, for he gives one separate virttika other meaning of the example is possible in view of Tat-se a Panini, 6.3.21 ) to the expres. the grammatical rule. The form Parthiva has to go sion. He could have tacked it on to the preceding back to the original form of their ethnic name vdrtlika. But he does not do so. The reason was its Parthava (Darius inscr.) which goon changed in importance, it being the imperial title in his days. Persia and India. Apparently in the time of It had been the imperial title for some generaPatanjali the form had changed and he could not tions, as Asoka calls his predecessors former recognise it, hence the absurd meaning the saka. devinam-priyas'. In the time of Patanjali it was bhojins (vegetable-eating) kings! a term of courtesy even in the orthodox people. It If we put Katyayana between 248 to 200 B.C. had therefore no Buddhistic or Asokan significance we would be very near the mark. It is noteworthy about it. Its wide-spread use is testified by that Katyayana calls tho Parthiang Sakas'. This its employment in Ceylon in Asoka's time. is confirmed by their title Ar-Sakes or the Ruling This shows that the expression had come into Saka'. existence in the language for some time. And even if this time was only a century, M. Levi's view In 273 B.C. devinam.priya is a well recognized that the Yavanas of Panini refers to Alexander's word (Asoka's incrs.) It must have been so for some Greeks or the later ones, must be dislodged. Greeks or t time past. If Panini lived about 300 B.C. (a date The kings before Asoka alluded to as devanan. which is so much emphasised by M. Levi), he could priyas would be probably more than two and not have laid down the rule paSThadhA Akroze (6. 3. 31) certainly more than one. The title would thus go which would give absolutely a bad meaning to the back to the time of Chandragupta if not to the time expression. The expression obviously came into of Nanda. Panini in the face of the imperial title being and use after Panini's time. We must tako could not have said " the genitive is retained in 150 or 100 years before 275 B.C. (Asoka ) to get a contempt." He must have therefore lived before Panini's period. He thus can in no case be placed Chandragupta at least, and therefore before about 300 or 325 B.c. Consequently PAnini's Yavande Alexander's Greeks. must have been the Greeks who were in the service K. P. JAYASWAL. 1 Parhaid in the Natyai Astra: ai ka Palhava in inscriptions; Panhava or Palhava in Manu, Patanjali uses it in a good sense and so also Katyayana. 3 See my paper on the Saigunaka Chronology, J BORS., vol. I.

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MAY, 1918) BOOK NOTICES 139 BOOK NOTICES. DAVVA-SANGANA (DRAVYA SANGRAHA) by NEMI- CHANDRA SIDDHANTA-CHAKRAVARTI, with a commentary by BRAHMA-LEVA, edited with introduction, translation, notes and an original commentary in English by SARAT CHANDRA GHOSHAL, M.A., B.L., Saraswati, etc., and published by Kumar Devendra Prasad, the Central Jaina Publishing House, Arrah (India.) 1917. pp. Ixxxiii and 103. This is an excellent edition of a philosophical work of the Digambara sect of the Jainas. It is not often that we lay our hands on a book published in India which is so neatly got up and generally so carefully edited. The editor and the publisher have done almost everything that could be calculated to make the perusal of this rather abstruse work attractive and easy to readers not acquainted with the technicalities of Jaina metaphysics. Besides the introduction in which he discusses the date of the work, and gives an account of the other books written by its author, the editor, Mr. Ghoshal, has provided an appendix giving notes on various important points, four indexes for convenience of reference, and also eight charts illustrating the analysis of the Jaina categories. For the help of Western scholars who do not find it convenient to read the Devanagari script, all the Prakrit Gathag or verses, their Sanskrit renderings, and also the verbal analysis or Padapathu have all been given both in Nagart as well as Roman alphabets. The Sanskrit commentary by Brahmadeva has been given in original. In the English commentary which evinces much learning and research, the editor has generally followed the interpretation given by Brahmadeva and has enriched it with copious extracts from other Jaina works bearing on the subjeots discussed. The translation is generally a good piece of work, though we might differ from the editor in the rendering of an expression here and there. Davva-Sangaha is a short work of 58 verses in Jaina Prakrit in which the author enumerates, claseifies and defines the six Dravyas or substances (spirit, matter, space, time, dharma and adharma ), into which all concepts in the universe are divided and also the seven Tattvas or fundamental categories (&srava, bandha, sameara, nirjard and moksha); and finally, he indicates the path to the liberation of the soul through perfect faith, perfect knowledge and porfect conduct. The author, Nomichandra Siddhanta-Chakravarti flourished at the end of the tenth century A.D. and was the preceptor of the celebrated Chamunda Raya who erected at Sravana Belgola, in Mysore, the colossal monolithic statue (673 feet high) of Gommatesvara of which Fergusson writes, nothing grander or more imposing exists out of Egypt." Two imperfections of this otherwise scholarly work, we venture to point out. Mr. Ghoshal has not indicated any varia lectionae nor stated what text of this important work he has adopted. There have already been three other printed editions of this work and some manuscripts have been noticed by scholars. Certainly he could have examined some of them and collated the different readings wherever there might be any. Another desideratum is the absence of any remarks on the language in which it is written. We may hope that should a second edition of this work be called for, these apparent defects will be removed. We should not omit to thank the enterprising publisher, Kumar Devendra Prasad, the founder of the Central Jaina Publishing House, Arrah, for making this valuable work available in this useful form; let us hope that in the near futuro he will be able to fulfil his promise of presenting us with similar scholarly editions of the other works of his series of "The Sacred Books of the Jainas." H. C. CHAKLADAR. THE PRACTICAL PATH by CHAMPAT RAI JAIN, Bar-at-Law. The Central Jaina Pablishing House, Arrah, 1917; pp. xxxi, 233. This is another work printed by the same enterprising publishing house at Arrah. The author, himself an ardent Jaina of the Digambara school, has in this book the object, an ho puts it, of " pointing out the practical scientific method of self-realisation " according to Jaina philosophy. With this end, in view he has enumerated, and furnished an interpretation of, the Tatras or categories of fundamental truths of the universe, an accurate knowledge of which is sesential for the realisation of nirvana. The Jainas possess an

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY uncommon genius for division and subdivision which to an uninitiated reader might appear to lead to a tangle. Mr. Champat Rai realises this difficulty of the lay-reader and has been eminently successful in furnishing a rational interpretation, intelligible to modern readers, of the principles of his creed, and we are thankful to him for this service towards the better understanding of Jaina doctrines. The learned writer has not, we fear, been equally successful in his endeavour to show the relation between Jainism and Hinduism, which he has attempted to do in a lengthy appendix. Here he is evidently out of his element and his very enthusiasm for Jainism has led him to make dogmatic statements based on insufficient grounds. It is very difficult to follow him, for example, when he tells his readers that" Hinduism in its very inception was an offshoot of Jainism. In course of time it fell under demoniacal influence" (p. 230). Hardly any modern student of philosophy will assent to his dictum that the six systems of Hindu philosophy are neither happily conceived, nor characterised by scientific or philosophical precision" (p. 224). We doubt very much if Mr. Jain will be able to carry his readers along with him when he avers: "The superstructure of Vedic mythology is based on a foundation of fragmentary truth taken from the Jaina siddhanta" (p.191). It is needless to multiply these instances, but what we have already quoted will show that our author is not a very reliable guide in comparative religion or philosophy. 66 H. C. CHAKLADAR. AN EPITOME OF JAINISM by PURANCHAND NAHAR, M.A., B.L., and KRISHNACHANDRA GHOSH, VEDANTA-CHINTAMANI. Calcutta, 1917; pp. xxx, 706, lxxviii. [MAY, 1918 discusses the date of Chandragupta, the next gives English translations of the firmans and sanads granted by the Mughal Emperors and others to the Svetambara Church conferring upon it the right of possession over places of Jaina worship and pilgrimage; the remaining appendices furnish lists of the Jaina agamas and nigamas, of the Tirthankaras, and of the heads of the gachchhas, respectively. We cordially welcome this hand-book of Svetam. bara Jainism as it puts before the general reader what the followers of that faith have to say in favour of their own religion. The joint-authors have tried to vindicate the claims of Jainism as a rationalistic form of religion, and in doing so they have instituted a comparison between Jainism and the Indian philosophical systems on the one hand and the modern European systenis on the other. It must be admitted that the joint-authors have done fair justice to this very difficult task, and the attitude of toleration in which they have done it is really commendable. We trust this book will help, by clearing up the metaphysical principles underlying Jainism, to dispel much misconception about it. The work is, however, not satisfactory with regard to the historical portions. The authors have put down dates of many important events about which there is much controversy, without attempting either to establish them or to indicate the sources from which they have drawn them. Their discussion of the date of Chandragupta does not throw any additional light on this important point, nor have they summarised our present knowledge of the date of that monarch. We regret the many typographical blunders in this book; misprints disfigure almost every one of its pages; letters and words have not anoften been omitted. Then again, no care has been taken in the transliteration of the numerous Sanskrit and Prakrit words that had to be used in this work. Careless transliteration sometimes combined with This work purports to be a critical study of the inetaphysics, ethics and history of Jainism from the point of view of the Svetambara sect of the Jainas, and the joint authors have made an attempt.imperfect proof-reading have made many expresto harmonise the ancient doctrines of Jainism with the teachings of modern science and philo. sophy. Besides being a compendium of philosophy according to the Svetambara school, it is a mine of information on many other topics relating to Jainism. It gives a history of the Jaina Church and of the rupture and split that led to the creation of the sub-sects, and it also provides interesting accounts of the festivals, places of pilgrimage, literature, art and architecture of the Jainas. Besides, there are five appendices; the first sions in the book under review quite unintelligible. For illustration-we quote a few at random-Pritvakia vitarka (p. 600); Svabhva (p. 88); Jnt putta (p. 2); Jnyan prabad (p. 691); dasashruta skanda (P. 693); the same word is transliterated as sahabhavi, sahabhabi and sahabhavi on the same page (88). The list could very easily be enlarged, and we trust the authors will take care to get rid of these serious, but easily remediable defects. in a subsequent edition. H. C. CHAKLADAR.

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JUNE, 19181 THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 141 THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH. BY LT. COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.M.G. (Continued from p. 124.) TN the summer of 1564 Akbar himself marched to Mandu from Agra and his amirs captured the fortresses held by officers who had not yet submitted. Among the places so captured was Bijagarh, which was held by 'Izzat Khan for Mubarak Shah. The fortress was surrendered conditionally, and it was agreed that Mubarak should give a daughter in marriage to Akbar, should give her in dowry the districts of Bijagash and Handiya and should henceforth cause the Khutbah to be recited in his dominions in the name of Akbar. Mubarak's daughter was conducted to the imperial court by Akbar's eunuch, I'timad Khan. The treaty with Akbar made no alteration in the status to which the rulers of Kbandesh had long been accustomed. They had for many years been subject to the suzerainty of Gujarat and though it appears that the feeble Mahmud III had not ventured to assert this suzerainty they now merely exchanged their former allegiance to Gujarat for allegiance to the emperor. It does not appear that Akbar intended to regulate the succession to the throne or to interfere in any way in the internal affairs of Khandesh except in so far as those affairs affected the foreign policy of the state, but he certainly assumed control of its foreign policy and expected the assistance of a contingent of troops whenever the imperial army was engaged in operations in the neighbourhood of Khandesh. Mubarak died on December 19, 1566, and was succeeded by his son Muhammad Shah II., a wild and generous prince, who left all power in the state in the hands of his minister, Sayyid Zain-al-din. Meanwhile the affairs of Gujarat had fallen into great confusion. Mahmud III had been murdered in 1554 and left no male issue. The leading amirs raised to the throne a young man named Raci-al-Mulk, who was said to be a descendant of Ahmad I and who succeeded under the title of Ahmad II and was assassinated in 1560. There appeared to be no male heir of the royal house left, for Mahmud III, who dreaded a disputed succession, had been in the habit of ensuring that no woman of his harem ever gave birth to a living child, but the minister, I'timad Khan, produced a child named Nanhu, and by swearing that the boy was the son of Mahmud III by a maidservant of the harem whom he had saved from Mahmud's barbarous and unnatural treatment, induced the amirs to acknowledge him, and he was raised to the throne under the title of Muzaffar III. In 1567 Iftimad Khan, in order to rid himself of the importunity of Changiz Khan, another leading amir, who was demanding additional fiefs with a view to extending his power, contrived to embroil Changiz with Muhammad II by sending him to recover Nandurbar, which had always belonged to Gujarat until it was surrendered by Mahmud III in fulfilment of his promise, to Mubarak II of Khandesh. Changiz Khan marched to Nandurbar, occupied it, and emboldened by his success, advanced to Thalner. Muhammad II induced Tufal Khan of Berar to assist him in repelling the invader and the allies marched to Thalner. Changiz Khan, being too weak to withstand them, entrenched himself and, when he perceived that the enemy was resolved to bring him to battle, lost heart and fled. Muhammad and I tal pursued him, taking much plunder, and reoccupied Nandurbar. In 1568 Changiz Kban defeated the minister I'timad Khan and expelled him fror Gujarat, and the wretched king, Muzaffar III became a mere tool in the hands of any one

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( JUNE, 1918 of the amirs who could for the time obtain possession of his person. The genuineness of his descent from the royal house had always been suspected and was now openly impugned and Muhammad II of Khandesh deemed the occasion opportune for asserting his claim to the throne, which was undoubtedly superior to that of Muzaffar, and invaded Gujarat with an army of 30,000 horse. He advanced to the neighbourhood of Ahmadabad but the amirs of Gujarat assembled an army of seven or eight thousand horse, utterly defeated him, and compelled him to retire to Asirgarh. Shortly afterwards Khandesh was overrun and plundered by the princes known as the Mirzas, distant cousins of Akbar, who had recently sought a refuge, whence they might trouble Akbar, in Gujarat, but had quarrelled with Changiz Khan and fled from the country. Muhammad II assembled his army with the intention of punishing them, but before he could take the field they had fled and passed beyond the confines of his kingdom. In 1574 Murtaza Nizam Shah I of Ahmadnagar conquered and annexed the kingdom of Berar, carrying off from the fortress of Narnala, where they had been confined, all the members of the 'Imad Shahi family. He then marched against Bidar. The annexation of Berar by Ahmadnagar, which threatened to upset the balance of power in the Dakan, was most distasteful both to 'Ali `Adil Shah I of Bijapur and to Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golconda, and the latter sent a secret mission to Muhammad II of Khandesh urging him to attempt the recovery of Berar from Ahmadnagar, and promising help. A pretender to the throne of Berar, representing himself to be the son of Darya, the last of the 'Imad Shahi dynasty, appeared at the same time in Khandesh and sought Muhammad's aid. It appears to have been the ambition of Muhammad's minister, Sayyid Zain-al-din, that committed Khandesh to the support of the pretender's claim, and Muhammad, according to Firishta, 20 placed at his disposal a force of 6,000 horse which, when it entered Berar, was reinforced by seven or eight thousand of the adherents of the 'Imad Shahi dynasty; but according to the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, the author of which would be likely to magnify the difficulties with which Murtaza Nizam Shah had to contend, Muhammad II. sent into Berar, an army of nearly 20,000 horse, under the command of Sayyid Zain-al-din, having received encouragement and material assistance from 'Ali `Adil Shah as well as from Ibrahim Qutb Shah. Berar had not settled down quietly under its conquerors and even one amir of Murtaza Nizam Shah had rebelled. On hearing of the approach of the invaders the amir appointed by Murtaza Nizam Shah to defend his conquest assembled at Elichpur, the capital to concert measures of defence with Khurshid Khan, their leader. It was decided that the army of occupation was not strong enough to withstand the invaders and Khurshid Khan withdrew to Gawilgash, where he was besieged by the army of Khandesh. The rest of the Ahmadnagar amirs withdrew from Gawilgash and attacked another force of the invaders. which was besieging Narnala, but were defeated and fled southwards to join Murtaza Nizam Shah, who was preparing, at Cdgir, to invade the small kingdom of Bidar. They were overtaken by the army of Khandesh and again suffered a severe defeat, apparently on the banks of the Pengunga, in which river many were drowned. A remnant of the fugitives reached Murtaza Nizam Shah's camp at Odgir in sorry plight, and Murtaza at once perceived that the expedition against Bidar must be abandoned if he wished to recover and retain Berar, and marched northwards with his whole army, sending ahead an advanced guard of picked troops under the command of Sayyid Murtaza Sabzavari. The army of Ahmadnagar 20 ii. 268.

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JUNE, 1918) THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 143 reached Balapur and on its approach the army of Khandesh fled to Burhanpur, and as the invaders continued their march northward Muhammad II left Burhanpur and took refuge. in Asirgash. Murtaza I captured and sacked Burhanpur and then marched towards Asirgarh sending Changiz Khan in command of his advanced guard. A force of seven or eight thousand horse which was sent by Muhammad II against Changiz Khan was defeated and the whole army of Ahmadnagar advanced against Asirgash. The main body of Muhammad's army was encamped about the fortress, but fled on the approach of the invaders, leaving its camp and baggage behind, and was pursued as far as the borders of Akbar's dominions. The army of Ahmadnagar then formed the siege of Asirgash. The siege was likely to be protracted and as Muhammad II was most anxious to come to terms negotiations were opened which terminated in a treaty under which the army of Ahmadnagar agreed to evacuate Khandesh on payment of an indemnity of 900,000 muzaffaris.81 Muhammad II did not long survive his disastrous attempt to add Berar to his dominions, and died in 1576, leaving a young son, Hasan Khan and a uterine brother, Raja "Ali Khan, to dispute the succession. Firishta says that Raja 'Ali Khan was at Akbar's court at Agra at the time of his brother's death, and Hasan Khan was enthroned but was deposed in favour of Raja 'Ali Khan on the latter's return from Agra, but the Zafar al Walih gives a detailed account of the events immediately following Muhammad's death. It seems that Raja Ali Khan was present at his brother's deathbed, and Lad Muhammad, the paymaster general, who entered while the question of the succession was under discussion, insisted on the enthronement of Hasan Khan, in the hope of profiting by a share in the guardianship of a minor sovereign. The other amire readily acknowledged the boy but Raja 'Ali Khan obtained the consent of Sayyid Zain-al-din, the vazir, to, an arrangement under which he became his nephew's guardian and king in all but name. This arrangement remained in force untilan extensive plot for the assassination of Raja 'Ali Khan was discovered. Its author was 'Ali Khan, the maternal uncle of Hasan, and the leading conspirators were Hasan's mother, Raihan, governor of Burhanpur, and Khanjahan. The plot was discovered by means of an injudicious attempt by 'Ali Khan to gain over 'Arab Khan al-Yafi'i, who was a devoted adherent of Raja Ali Khan and disclosed the plot to his master. The conspirators were put to death, except Hasan's mother, who was generously pardoned, and Hasan was deposed, so that Raja 'Ali Khan became king in name, as well as in fact. According to Firishta 22 Raja 'Ali Khan, seeing that Akbar had obtained possession, not only of Hindastan and Bengal, but also of Malwa and Gujarat, refrained from exciting his wrath by assuming or using the title of Shah and always regarded himself as his vassal, while maintaining, on the other hand, the most friendly relations with the independent kings of the Dakan. This statement is not correct, at any rate of the early days of Raja 'Ali Khan's reign. According to the Zafar-al-Walih Raja 'Ali Khan assumed the title of Adil Shah IV, by which he is always described in that work, and he seems at first to have eherished the idea that the kings of the Dakan, by maintaining an unbroken and united tront, might be able to check the extension of the Mughul empire beyond the Narbada, or at all events beyond the northern frontier of Berar, but he was a wise monarch, and must soon have realized that it was impossible to unite the quarrelsome rulers of Abmadnagar, 21 Firishta says a million, but on this point the Burhan-i-Ma'asir is probably the better authority It may be that the additional hundred thousand was a gift to the minister who arranged the treaty. This was usual in the Dakan. 2 ii, 562.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (June, 1918 Bidar, Bijapar, and Golconda, even in a cause in which their common interest was indis solubly bound up. It is true that neither in Firishta nor in any history written in Northern India is Raja 'Ali Khan ever referred to by the title of Shah, but it is extremely doubtful whether the kings of the South often used this title in their correspondence with the imperial court, and it is quite clear that Raja Ali Khan never so used it. The title of Raja, which he always used and by which he is known even in imperial chronicles, was probably adopted by him, in imitation of the founder of his dynasty, as a word which etymologically bore the same meaning as Shah and at the same time could not be objected to by an emperor who numbered among his vassals many territorial rulers bearing the same title. But it also seems certain that the more exalted title of 'Adil Shah was employed, not only within the limits of Khandesh but also in Raja 'Ali's correspondence with the kings of the South. It will, however, be more convenient to refer to him as Raja 'Ali, both because that is the title under which he is more generally known, and because his title of 'Adil Shah is apt to be confounded with the titles of the 'Adil Shahi Kings of Bijapur. For some reason which is not quite clear Raja 'Ali Khan made Lad Muhammad, who had been the first to advocate the acknowledgement of Hasan Khan as king, his minister, and gave him the title of Asaf Khan. The first recorded act of Raja Ali Khan's name does not display him in the light of a royal tributary of Akbar. Both Mubarak II and Muhammad II had paid tribute to Akbar and in 1579 23 Shah Budagh Khan, governor of Malwa, sent his son 'Abd-alMatlab Khan to demand payment of the tribute according to custom. Raja 'Ali Khan replied to *Abd-al-Matlab's demand that he collected his revenue for his army and was accountable to his army for it. 'Abd al-Matlab was returning to Malwa with this answer when Raja 'Ali Khan's army, which was following him, came up with him on the bank of the Narbada. His mission was not strong enough to cope with an army, but 'Abd-al-Matlab Khan, who was a notorious coward, fled across the Narbada without waiting to ascertain what the intentions of the leaders of the army were. He himself was nearly drowned, and his elephant, his banners, and his kettle-drums were carried back as trophies to Asirgash. This episode is not mentioned in any of the histories of Akbar's reign, but the author of the Zafar-alwalih tells us that Shah Budagh Khan was highly displeased with his son for his conduct on this occasion, which certainly did not tend to advance the imperial prestige. In 1584 an event occurred which tended to turn Akbar's eyes towards the Dakan. The insolence and absolute predominance in Ahmadnagar of the minister, Salabat Khan, who had a monopoly of access to his feeble-minded master, Murtaza Nizam Shah I which enabled him to issue such orders as he pleased, had long disgusted many amars in the state, and none more than Sayyid Murtaza Sabza vari, governor of Berar, and his principal lieutenant, Khudavand Khan. Their resentment against Salabat Khan reached such a pitch that they assembled the army of Berar and marched on Ahmadnagar with the avowed object of overthrowing the minister and releasing the king from his bondage to him. On December 9, 1584, they were attacked at the pass of Jeur, two leagues from Ahmadnagar, by the royal army, and utterly defeated. They fled through Berar, and thu small force which was detailed to pursue them allowed them no opportunity of repairing their defeat. They therefore crossed into Khandesh with the object of invoking the aid of Akbar in their quarrel with the constituted authority in Ahmadnagar and in the belief that Raja 'Ali Khan would 13 Zafar al Warihi bi Muzaffar wa Alih, i, 67.

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JUXE, 1918) THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 145 observe towards them at least a benevolent neutrality; but the policy of inviting imperial interference in the domestic affairs of the Dakan was very far from commending itself to him and when his attempt to divert them from their purpose failed he sent against them a force which pursued them as far as the Narbada, the frontier of his kingdom, and took from them such elephants, horses, and baggage, as they had been able to save in their flight. The two amirs reached the court of Akbar, who appointed each of them to the command of 1,000 horse and sent a message to Raja 'Ali Khan commanding him to restore the plunder he had taken from them, which order was promptly obeyed. At this time Akbar received another fugitive whose presence reminded him that there was work to be done in the Dakan. This was Burhan-al-din, the younger brother of Murtaza Nizam Shah, who was no longer safe in his brother's dominions and fled to Agra by way of the Konkan and Gujarat. In August, 1585, Akbar, who was obliged by the death of his brother, Muhammad Hakim Mirza, at Kabul, to march towards the Panjab, appointed his foster-brother, Mirza 'Aziz Kaka, Khan-i-A'zam, governor of Malwa. With Kban-i-A'ram's arrival in Malwa began, Raja Ali Khan's troubles. His true sympathies were with the independent kings of the Dakan, but his own kingdom formed the outpost of imperial aggression against theirs, he could not trust them to join whole-heartedly with him in any resistance to that aggression and it was impossible for him alone to stem its tide. Khan-i-A'zam, having made Handiya his headquarters, demanded of Raja 'Ali Khan, early in 1586, passage through Khandesh for the army with which he proposed to invade the Ahmadnagar kingdom. Raja Ali Khan replied that the passage of so large a force would devastate his small kingdom and suggested that the best line for an army advancing from MAlwa to invade Ahmadnagar lay through Kherla, in north-eastern Berar, and, on the rejection of this proposal by Khan-i-A'ram, appealed for help to Ahmadnagar. Sala bat Khan, the regent of Ahmadnagar, largely reinforced the army of Berar, which had its headquarters at Elichpur, and placed it at the disposal of Raja 'Ali Khan. In the meantime the imperial amirs, of whom many disapproved of Khan-i-A'zam's enterprise, were quarrelling among themselves, and Mir Fathallah Shirazi, whose duty it was to keep the peace between them, was much harassed. Khan-i-A'zam could ill spare Mir Fathallah, whose services in the turbulent camp were invaluable, but the unexpected opposition of Raja 'Ali Khan called for the intervention of his ablest negotiator, and Mir Fathallah was sent to Asirgarh. In Raja All Khan, whose object it was to prevent the invasion of the Dakan without appearing to oppose the imperial policy, Mir Fathallah met his match. Raja 'Ali Khan secretly invited the army of Berar to invade his kingdom, in order that it might appear that in opposing the designs of Khan-i-A'zam he was acting under compulsion. As the army advanced he sent his minister, Agaf Khan, to Mir Fathallah to warn him that he stood in great danger and to conduct him on his way back to Handiya. Fathallah had no choice but to retire and when Asaf Khan left him his retirement speedily became a flight. On his arrival in Handiya Khan-i-Azam so rated him for his failure that he refused any longer to serve under him and withdrew with his contingent into Gujarat. Khan-i-Azam whose force was dwindling away, was now goaded into action. He invaded Berar and attempted an attack on Kherla, which was disastrous to the horses of his cavalry, but he plundered some of the northern districts of Berar and on March 20, 1586, sacked Elichpur, which had been left defenceless by the advance of the army of Berar into Khandesh. In the meantime the army of Berar, under the command of Mirza Muhammad Taqi, having been royally entertained by Raja 'Ali Khan, had advanced, together with the army of Kbandesh, towards

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1918 Handiya, and, on learning that Khan-i-A'zam was plundering in Berar, attacked and burnt that town and at once turned southwards in pursuit of the imperial troops, whom they largely outnumbered. The imperial troops plundered Balapur and the amirs of the Dakani army pressed on so rapidly in pursuit that only a few of their troops could keep pace with them. An indecisive action was fought at Chandur, but Khan-i-Azam would not stay his flight towards Nandurbar, for which town he was making in the hope of being able to persuade his brother-in-law, the Khan thanan, who was then Governor of Gujarat, to join him in invading the northern districts of the Dakan. His flight was so rapid that he was even obliged to maim some of his elephants to prevent their falling uninjured into the hands of the enemy. His troops reached Nandurbar on April 10, 1586, and as the Khan khanan could not then join Khan-i-A'zam in his enterprise hostilities ceased and the armies of Berar and Khandesh retired. The Dakan thus enjoyed a brief respite from foreign aggression, but the progress of events in Ahmadnagar favoured Akbar's designs. On June 14, 1588, Murtaga Nizam Shah I, the madman, was murdered by his son Husain Nizam Shah I, who succeeded him and was himself murdered a few months later, when the party in Ahmadnagar who had embraced the heretical Mahdavi doctrines raised to the throne the boy Isma'il, son of Burhan-al-din, who had fled from Ahmadnagar and taken refuge at Akbar's court. Burhan, who had lately been employed by Akbar in the Bangash country, where he had done good service, was now the undoubted heir to the throne upon which a faction had placed his youthful son, and Akbar dispatched him to Malwa in order that he might attempt to secure it, at the same time sending instructions to Khan-i-Azam and Raja 'Ali Khan to give him all the assistance in their power. Burhan refused, however, the help which Khan i-A'zam offered him, on the ground that his people would resent his appearance in his country at the head of a foreign army; the true reason for the refusal being evidently the desire to avoid laying himself under an inconvenient obligation, and invaded Berar with only his own contingent of 1,000 horse and 300 musketeers. Leaving Elichpur on his right he marched on Balapur, but was defeated by the commandant of that post and fled back to Malwa. On receiving the news of the failure of Burhan's first attempt to recover his throne Jamal Khan the Mahdavi, who was now supreme in Ahmadnagar, attempted to inveigle Burhan to Ahmadnagar by means of a proposal that he should come himself and take possession of his kingdom, but Burhan was too wary thus to deliver himself into the hands of his adversary. Burhan now perceived that he could not recover his kingdom without foreign aid, and sank his pride. Raja 'Ali Khan, in obedience to Akbar's orders, not only prepared his own army for the field but wrote to Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II of Bijapur and his powerful minister, Dilavar Khan the African, proposing that the army of Bijapur should invade Ahmadnagar from the south simultaneously with its invasion from the north by Burhan and his allies. Dilavar Khan gladly seized the opportunity of striking a blow at Ahmadnagar and invaded the Nizam Shahl dominions from the south while Burhan and Raja 'Ali Khan invaded Berar. This double attack caused much dissension in Ahmadnagar but Jamal Khan ultimately decided first to turn southwards, and trusted to the army of Berar to check Burhan's advance. He defeated the army of Bijapur but almost in the moment of victory learnt that the army of Berar had gone over to Burhan, and he was obliged to turn northward without delay. He was pursued by the army of Bijapur, which had not been broker by its defeat, and now harassed him by cutting off his supplies. On reaching Ahmadnagar

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JUNE, 1918 ] THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 147 he learnt that Burhan and Raja 'Ali Khan had advanced as far as Rohankhed, a small town lying on the slopes of the plateau of southern Berar, and were there awaiting him with 7,000 horse and forty elephants. He pressed on to meet them, but defection and desertion had been rife in his army ever since he had taken the field, and of the 10,000 horse which he had led against the army of Bijapur no more than 3,000 remained to him. The battle of Rohankhed was fought on April 5, or, according to other accounts, on May 7, 1591.24 From the first Jamal Khan's army had no chance of victory. Habashi Khan, one of his amirs, deserted, with nearly 1,000 horse, to the enemy, his gunners refused to fire, and his cavalry was checked by a slough into which they rode. Jamal Khan in desperation charged the enemy at the head of a small body of cavalry and received a musket ball in the forehead, which killed him on the spot; Khudavand Khan, his principal lieutenant, was cut down while attempting to flee, and the young king, Isma'il Shah, was captured at a short distance from the field. All authorities agree in assigning the chief, if not the sole credit for this victory to Raja 'Ali Khan. Burhan had a small contingent of his own followers and adventurers from the imperial army, and he had been joined by the amirs of Berar and other deserters from the army of Isma'il Nizam Shah and Jamal Khan, but Raja 'Ali Khan's troops formed by far the greater part of the invading army and he probably supplied nearly all the elephants and artillery. During the battle, which lasted but for a short time, Burhan, by agreemen with Raja 'Ali Khan, stood aside with instructions not to interfere unless the day should appear to be going against the army of Khandesh. The arrangement was creditable to the political acumen of Raja 'Ali Khan and Burhan, though it is probable that Akbar would have preferred a greater measure of activity on the part of Burhan, who would thus have been presented rather as Akbar's candidate for the throne than as a legitimate sovereign seeking his hereditary right. But for those who had the interests of the kingdoms of the Dakan at heart it was most undesirable that Burhan's appearance on the scene in his quest of a throne should be marked by an act of open hostility against his prospective subjects. Raja 'Ali Khan, having congratulated Burhan on his road to the throne being now open, retired to Burhanpur, with Jamal Khan's elephants and artillery as his reward, and Burhan marched on to Ahmadnagar, where he ascended the throne without opposition as Burhan Nizam Shah II. The death of Burhan on April 13, 1595, and the subsequent disputes regarding the succession gave Akbar the pretext which he had long desired for direct interference in the affairs of the Dakan. He had been bitterly disappointed in Burhan II who, instead of proving to be the obedient vassal of his expectations, had asserted his independence and taken his own course, and the Akbarnama, the official history of Akbar's reign, inveighs against his gross ingratitude. On his death his elder son, Ibrahim Nizam Shah, who was distasteful to a majority of the amirs on account of his birth, his mother having been an African, was raised to the throne, and his younger son Isma'il, who had already occupied it for a short period before his father's accession, was blinded. Ibrahim was slain in a battle between his partisans and his enemies on Aug. 7, 1595, and Miyan Manjhu raised to the throne & youth named Ahmad, whom he represented to be the son of Muhammad Khudabanda, sixth son of Burhan Nizam Shah I (1509-1553), and imprisoned Bahadur, son of Ibrahim Nizam Shah, in the fortress of Jond. The African amirs, who had been partisans of Ibrahim and knevi Ahmad to be supposititious, refused to acknowledge him and rallied to the support of the * The Albarnama has April 6, and Firishta (ii, 2917) and the Burhan-i-Ma'dir bave May 7.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, -18 famous Chand Bibi, daughter of Husain Nizam Shah I and widow of 'Ali 'Adil Shah I of Bijapur, who had returned to Ahmadnagar since her husband's death and now stood forth as the champion of the lawful heir, the infant Bahadur Nizam Shah. The African amirs besieged Miyan Manjhu in Ahmadnagar, and he betrayed the cause of the Dakan by appealing for assistance to Sultan Murad, Akbar's second surviving son, who was now viceroy of Gujarat. Murad's instructions from his father covered this contingency, which had been expected, and the prince marched towards the Dakan. At the same time the viceroy and amirs of Malwa, at the head of whom was 'Abd al-Rahim, Khankhanan, in accordance with Akbar's orders, marched to the Dakan in concert with the prince. The position of Raja 'Ali Khan was now one of great difficulty. Akbar's armies were about to undertake the enterprise which he had always dreaded and deprecated, and had once actively opposed, the subjection of the first of the independent kingdoms of the Dakan which lay in their way. During the life-time of Burhan Nizam Shah II the poet Faizi was sent as an envoy from the imperial court both to Ahmadnagar and to Khandesh, and his mission, which had not been brilliantly successful in Ahmadnagar, was believed to have secured the adhesion of Raja 'Ali Khan, whose sympathy with the kings of the Dakan and whose opposition to Khan-i-Azam's filibustering expedition were well known, but it was deemed advisable to send at this time another envoy, who should not only assure himself of Raja 'Ali Khan's acquiescence in the invasion of Ahmadnagar, but should convert him into an active ally. To this end he was to offer him the coveted district of Nandurbar, which had for some time past formed part of the imperial province of Gujarat, and though the bribe, together with other considerations, secured its object, Raja 'Ali Khan did not requiesce in the armed intervention of the empire in the domestic affairs of Ahmadnagar until he had matle an appeal for help to Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II of Bijapur and had been disappointed. At length he was compelled to join the Mughuls and accompanied them with his army to Ahmadnagar, taking part in the siege of that, city, which was opened on December 26, 1595, and closed on March 23, 1596,25 on which date was concluded the treaty under which Chand Bibi, regent of Ahmadnagar, ceded the province of Berar to the emperor Akbar. The besieged garrison of Ahmadnagar had some hopes of assistance from Raja Ali Khan, on account of his known sympathies with the kingdoms of the Dakan, but they were ultimately disappointed. The author of the Burhan-i-Ma'agir writes, Traditions of the old friendship of Raja 'Ali Khan, ruler of Khandesh, still remained, and he maintained an uninterrupted intercourse with those within the fort, so that they were enabled, by his means, to introduce any supplies that they might require, and occasionally, when a body * of gunners came from the other forts in the kingdom to reinforce those in Ahmadnagar, * they were able to enter the fortress by the connivance of Raja 'Ali Khan, and greatly strengthened the defence. When this matter became known to the prince (Sultan Murad) 'he removed Raja 'Ali Khan from the position which he occupied and placed that section * of the trenches under the command of Raja Jagannath, who was one of the great Rajput * amirs, and thus all ingress and egress were stopped. In the course of the siege, and while it was at its height, Raja 'Ali Khan, being instigated thereto by Akbar's amirs, sent to Chand Bibi Sultan a letter, saying, "I purposely accompanied the Mughul army into this counury with the object of preserving the honour of the Nizam Shahi dynasty. I know 25 This is the date givon in the Burhan-s-Ma'dgit. According to the Akbarnama terms were concluded and the imperial forces retired on March 2, 1596.

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JUNE, 1918) DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD 149 well that this fortress will, in a short time, be captured by the Mughuls. See that you * shun not the fight, but protect your honour, and surrender the fort at the last to the prince, who will give you in exchange for it any fort and any district in this country that you may choose. The honour of the Nizam Shahi house is, owing to the connection between us, the "same to me as the honour of my own house, and it is for this reason that I, laying aside all 'fear of arrow or bullet, have come to the gate of the fort, and I will bring Chand Bibi Sultan to my own camp." When the defenders received this letter their dismay and confu'sion were greatly increased, and they were struck with terror, for they had relied much on Raja 'Ali Khan, and they now almost decided to surrender, but Afzal khan did his best 'to pacify them and to calm their fears, and sent Raja 'Ali Khan a reply, saying, "I wonder 'at your intellect and policy in sending such a letter to Chand Bibi Sultan, and at your * endeavouring to destroy this dynasty. It was you who went forth to greet the Mughul army, and it was you who brought them into this country, and the Sultans of the Dakan will not forget this. Soon, by the grace of God, the Mughul army will have to retreat, and then Chand Bibi Sultan will be in communication, as before, with the Sultans of the Dakan. It will then be for you to fear the vengeance of the heroes of the Dakan, and 'to tremble for your house and for your kingdom !" When this reply reached Raja 'Ali * Khan he was overcome with shame for what he had written, and the Mughul Amirs gave up all hope of taking the fortress.' . (To be continued.) DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD. By Prof. D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; CALCUTTA. CHAPTER II. POLITICAL HISTORY-(continued from page 78 above). The reign of Naha pana, though it began gloriously, came to a disastrous end. He was defeated and killed in Lattle by Gautamiputra Satakami of the Sata vahana dynasty. In Cave No. 3 at Nasik has been cut a large inscription, which sets forth a long panegyrio of this king. We shall soon give a somewhat detailed account of this record, but here we may notice only two epithets used in connection with Gautamiputra Satakarani and coming immediately one after the other. The first calls him the uprooter of the Kshaharata race and the second the restorer of the glory of the Satavahana family. The first epithet, making allowance for the exaggeration which it obviously contains, indicates that he certainly killed, if not all the Kshaharatas, at least those who ruled over Maharashtra, Gujarat and Central India. Otherwise there is no sense in his being represented to have re-established the glory of the Satavahana dynasty to which he pertained. We know that the Satavahanas had held Northern Maharashtra and some parts of Central India before these came under the sway of Naha pana. It is true that these epithets alone do not necessarily prove that Gautamiputra Satakarni turned his arms against Nahapana himself and killed him. But this can be easily inferred from certain facts revealed by the Jogaltembbi hoard. The total number of coins from the lot examined by Rev. M Scott was 13,250. Only one-third of this number consisted of Nahapana's own coins, the remaining two-thirds being those of Nahapana re-struck by Gautamiputra Satakarni. 2 1 EI., VIII, 80, 1..6. JBBRAS., XXII. 224.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1918 It is worth noting that in this second class of coins, i.e. those re-struck by Sata karni, there was not a single one belonging to any prince other than Nahapana, as would certainly have been expected if any such ruler had really intervened between them, especially as these coins numbered upwards of 8,000. I think, the evidence supplied by this hoard is conclusive that Satakarni destroyed Nahapana. The extent of Gautamiputra's territory may be inferred from the description given of him in the big Nasik Cave inscription referred to above. Therein he is said to have been king of the following countries 1. Asika. - This country has been mentioned by Varahamihira, but he does not tell us where exactly it was situated. 2. A saka.--This evidently is Assaka, the Pren keit form of the Sansksit Asmaka. This must be the country watered by the lower Godavari, consisting of the south-east parts of the Nizam's Dominions and the Godavari District of the Madras Presidency.' Its capital Potana or Potali has been mentioned in the Pali literature. + - 3. Mulaka--is the country with Pratishthana or Paithan as its capital. 4. Suratha-is Sur ishtra, corresponding to modern Kahiawar. 5. Kukura-probably modern Gujarat.5 6. A paranta.--The word literally means the Western End. Ptolemy, who was contemporaneous with Gautamiputra and Pulumavi divides Ariakes (ABapatikn=Aparantika) into four sections, two on the seaboard and two situated inland. Of those on the 8ea-coast the northern corresponded to the Thana and Kolabi Districts and the southern to the Ratnagiri and North Kanara Districts. Of the inland parts the northern was very nearly coincident with the country watered by the upper Godavari, and the southern included the Kanarese-speaking districts of the Bombay Presidency. Both the northern sections belonged to the Sadinon (=Satavahanas). 7. Anupa.-A district on the Upper Narmada with Mahishamati as capital.? MAhish mati has been identified with Mandhata in the north-west corner of the Central Provinces. 8 8. Vidabha-is of course Vidarbha. It corresponds to the western portion of Berars and the valley-country west of it. 9. Akaravanti-Malwa. I take this whole as one name. This is clearly indicated by the fact that in the Junagadh inscription it is qualified by the word Purvapara, which means both the eastern and western divisions of the Akaravanti country, and not the eastern 3 In the Sutta-nipata (V. 977) the Assaka (Asmaka) country has been associated with Mulaka, exactly as it has been done in this inscription. In the edition of the Sutta-nipa ta by V. Fausboll the reading Alakao is wrongly adopted in the text (Vs. 977 and 1010-1), and the variant Mulaka noticed in the foot-notes. The Sutta-nipata distinctly tells us that the capital of Mulaka was Patitthana (Paithan) and that Assaka was situated immediately to its south along the river Godavari. 4 Jat. III, 3 and 15. 6 Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar identifies it with that portion of Rajputand which is called Kiu-cho-lo by Hiouen Thsang (Yuan Chwang) (Trans. Inter. Or. Cong., 1874, 312-3; EHD., 17, n. 4). According to Pandit Bhagwan lal it denotes "probably part of East Rajputana" (B. G., I, i. 36 n. 7). But as in this and Rudrademan's Junagadh inscription Kukura is associated with Aparanta, it seems to be part of Gujarat. & Above XIII, 325-7 and 366-7. Trane. Inter. Or. Cong., 1874, 313. S JRAS., 1910, 445-6. . Pargiter, Mdrkandeya-Purdna, 335.

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JUNE, 1918] DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD 151 Akara and the western Avanti country as has been taken by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji.10 The latter proposal is against the Sanskrit idiom.11 Avanti, of course, is another name for Ujjayini (Ujjain), and Akara, I think, is identical with the ancient midland town of Agar, 40 miles NNE. of Ujjain from which the Bania caste Agarval derives its name.lu Gautamiputra is also styled 'lord of the following mountain ranges: 1. Vijha = Vindhya, here denoting the portion of the Vindhya range oast of Bhopal. 2. Achhavata = Rikshavat "the Satpusk Hills, and the hills oxtending through the middle of Berar and the south of Chutia Nagpur nearly into West Bengal." 13 3. Parivata - Pariyatra, the portion of the Vindhya ranges west of Bhopal. 4. Sahya - the Sahyadris. 5. Kanhagiri - Ktishnagiri, doubtless the mountain on which Kanhert in the Thana district is situated and from which it derives its name. It is mentioned as KapbaselaKrishnasaila in insoriptions of Kazhori Caves 6. Macha-not identified so far. 7. Sirifana - Sristana, probably the same as Bri-saila or Srt-parvata, the name of a mountain on the river Kistna in the Karnul District." 8. Malaya--the southern portion of the Western Ghats. 9. Mahinda = Mahendra, the great range between the Mahanadi and Goddrarti in Eastern Indis--the Eastern Ghats. 10. Setagiri-not yet identified, 11. Chakora.--The Markandeya Purana mentions it along with Sri-parvata (Sirijana). It may have been in the same locality. The specification of the mountain ranges is apt to lead one to suppose that Gautamiputra was the lord of the whole Dakshinapatha or Southern India. Thoir mention, however, need not mean that he was the lord of each whole range. If part of any rango ran through his dominions, it would justify a panegyrist in calling him its lord. This Gautamiputra was not the master of the whole of Southern India is olearly proved by the fact that Ptolemy, while reforring to his son Pulumavi who reigned conjointly with him speaks not of one but of six kings as ruling over different parts of Dakshinapatha, along with Palumavi. Thus we have not only Polemaios (Pulumavi ) reigning at Paithan but also Baleokuros at Hippokoura, Kerolothros (Keralaputra) at Karoara (Kardt), Pandion ( Pandya) at Modoura (Madura) and so forth. The list of the countries, however gives us a better idea of the extent of Gautamiputra's territory. It shows that he hold the whole of the country watered by the Gode vari, Berar, MAlwa, Kathilwar, Gujarat and Northern Konkan. The object of the large inscription alluded to above (Inaoription No. 2) is to record the grant of Nasik Cave No. 3 to the Bhadrayanfya sect of Buddhist monks by Gautami,16 10 Above, vii. 259 : BG., I. i. 36 and XVI. 631. 11 See also the translation of this passage from the Junagadh insoription by Kiolhom (BI., VIII. 47). 11 BG., X. i. 70. 13 Pargiter, Markandeya Purdna, 840.. 14 Ibid, 290. 15 Above XIII. 366.8. 16 Buhler and M. Senart take Balasiri to be ths proper name of this Queen (ASWI., IV. 109; EI., VIII. 62). But this is highly improbable, because Balasiri dons not sound to be proper name, and seems to be as much an attributive me the other phrases following it. Noe is Gautam propor name. It only means that through her father she belonged to the Gotama gofra. Similar instances are Vasishthl, MAdhari and so forth. This reminds us of the unge still ourrons in Rajputand where.no Rant is known by her proper name, but only by hor olan name.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1918 mother of Satakarni and grand-mother of Pulumavi. The inscription, it is worthy of note, refers itself to the reign of Pulumavi and not Satakarni, and is dated the 13th day of the second fortnight of summer of the 19th regnal year of the former. On the same day the village of Sudagana in the Govardhana district was granted for the maintenance of the Cave (Inscription No. 3) by the lord of Dhanamkata, 17 who must be Gautamiputra Satakarni and the village of Pisajipadaka by Pulumavi for painting it (Inscription No. 2). In the 22nd year, however, in lieu of Sudasana the village of Samalipada in the same district was given, not by Satakarni but by Pulumavi (Inscription No. 3). It seems that before this cave, i.e. Cave No. 3 at Nasik, was excavated the Bhadrayaniya mendicants were living in some of the caves already existing on the hill which in the inscriptions is called Trirasmi. For the maintenance of these mendicants Gautamiputra Sata karni 18 granted a piece of land in the village of Aparakakhadi in the 18th year, i.e. one year previous to the excavation and presentation of the cave to the Bhadrayaniyas Inscription No. 4). But the village could not be inhabited and the field could not be tilled. Another piece of land was therefore given in the year 24 by Satakarni who was here joined by his mother in the making of this gift (Insoription No. 5). It is supposed by Buhler and Bhagwanlal Indraji that the dates of Inscriptions Nos. 4 and 5 in which autamiputra Satakarni is mentioned as the donor must refer to his reign and those of Inscriptions Nos. 2 and 3 to the reign of Pulumavi who alone figures there as the grantee. It is, therefore, contended that Satakarni and Pulumavi reigned separately, the latter after the former, even so far as Maharashtra was concerned and that Satakarni was dead when Cave No. 3 was granted to the Bhadrayaniyas Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, on the other hand, contends that all these dates pertain to the reign of Pulumavi and that he reigned conjointly with his father, the former over Maharashtra and the latter over the hereditary Satavahana dominions. The latter view alone can be correct. For in Inscription No. 5 Gautamiputra Satakarni, who is the donor there along with his mother, issues a grant in favour of Buddhist monks, who, it ie expressly stated, were staying in the cave which was the pious gift of theirs. This cave which was a pious gift of Satakarni and his mother must doubtless be Cave No. 3 which, as we have seen above, was excavated and given over to the Bhadrayaniyas. But then we have also seen that this cave was presented to these monks in the 19th regnal year, not of Satakarni but of Pulumavi. Inscription No. 2 does not leave us in any doubt on this point. Evidently Satakarni was living when the cave was granted to the Bhadrayaniyas, otherwise how could he possibly make any grant to these monks while they were dwelling The words Ya amhe hi sava 19 of pa 2 diva 13 Dhanakafasamanli ya etha papate ... dato have very much puzzled the antiquarians. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, Buhlor and M. Senart taka Dhanakataaa manchi to stand for Dhanyakafa-framanash. I cannot understand how these sramane could have granted the village of Sudasana. Besides, the word Bramana nowhere occurs in Cave inscriptions and in the sense of Buddhist mendioants. Dhanakata samanehi must, therefore, be taken is oquivalent to Dhanakata-adminchi and connected with dato as is done by Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarker (EHD., 18, n. 2). The letters amhehi preceding the date I split up into the two words amhe Mi and amhe I take in the sense of 'we' and connect with dadama. 18 M. Senart supposes that Nasik Inscription No. 4 calla Gantamiputra Satakarni lord of Banakataka'. I powever prefer to road Bendkatakd svdms with Buhler and Pandit Bhagwanlal, and take Bonakataks to be the place where the king's army was onoamped. Similarly in Nasik Inscription No. 3 I prefer to read Nava nard oudmi instead of Navanara-strims and suppose that Pulum&vi issues his order from a locality called Nayanara.

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DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD 153 JUNE, 1918] in the cave presented to them? Further, as Inscription No. 2 is dated in the reign of Pulumavi notwithstanding that his father Satakarni was alive, the only possible conclusion. is that the former was ruling over Maharashtra and the latter over the old Andhra territory, and that consequently all the dates of the inscriptions just noted must refer to the reign of Pulumavi alone, 19 Klaudios Ptolemaios, writing his ge, raphy of India shortly after A.D., 150 speaks of at least three kings ruling over different parts of Western India. Thus he tells us that Ozene was the capital of Tiastenes, Baithana of Siro Polemaios, and Hippokoura of Baleokouros.20 Ozene is, of course, Ujjain, and Baithana is Paithan on the Godavari, the ancient Pratishthana, in Nizam's dominions. Hippokoura has not been definitively identified, some taking it to be Kolhapur and others Hippargi in the Bijapur district.21 Of the royal names Tiastenes obviously corresponds to Chashtana, the founder of the second Kshatrapa dynasty, which we know wielded away over Kathiawar, Gujarat and Malwa and which seems to have immediately succeeded Nahapana's family. Siro Polemaios is Sri-Pulumavi, son of Gautamiputra Satakarni, and Baleokouros is Vilivayakura, name of a king whose coins have been found at Kolhapur. These three princes have, therefore, been regarded as contemporaries of one another. Diverse views have been expressed in regard to the relation in which Chashtana stood with Nahapana, on the one hand, and with Gautamiputra Satakarni, on the other. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji to the last held that Chashtana was a contemporary, though not a subordinate, of Nahapana.22 According to Dr. Fleet Chashtana was Nahapana's co-regent or viceroy at Ujjain just as Bhumaka was in Kathiawar.23 Prof. Oldenberg and Dr. Burgess regard Chashtana as the satrap of Gautamiputra Satakarni, the Andhra con queror of Nahapana.24 Prof. Rapson and Mr. V. A. Smith, however, consider that he was a satrap of the Kushana sovereigns who ruled over North India.25 Now, Chashtana's coins have been found in Kathiawar and Gujarat and even as far north as Ajmer and Pushkar. His capital, as Ptolemy tells us, was Ujjain. It seems that if we exclude the Poona and Nasik districts, his dominions were co-extensive with those of Nahapana. It is not, therefore, probable that both Nahapana and Chashtana ruled simultaneously or that Chashtana was a viceroy of Nahapana. Again, his foreign title Kshatrapa and the use of the Kharoshthi alphabet on his coins clearly show that Chashtana was a viceroy, not of Gautamiputra Satakarni, but of some northern alien power. The view held by Prof. Rapson and Mr. Smith, viz. that he was a satrap of the Kushana family, is therefore, the only plausible one. It appears that after the destruction of the Kshaharata family, the Kushana overlord appointed Chashtana to be a satrap and dispatched him to save as much of Nahapana's territory as was possible from the clutches of the Satavahanas. Chashtana seems to have performed his task not unsatisfactorily, because, as the find spots of his coins show, the Poona and Nasik districts were the only two provinces from Nahapana's territory which he did not hold. But it may be asked: how is it that Nasik Inscription No. 2 makes Gautamiputra Satakarni the lord not only of Akaravanti (Malwa) but also of Surashtra (Kathiawar ) 19 For a full discussion of the subject, see my article in JBBRAS., XXIII. 69 and ff. 21 EHD., 44; BG., I. i. 541 23 JRAS., 1913, 993 and n. 1. 25 CIC.-AMK., Intro, evi; EHI., 210-11 20 Above, XIII, 359 and 366. 22 BG., I. i. 32. 24 Above, X. 226; ASWI., iv. 37, n. 4.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1918 just those provinces which were under the sway of Chashtana ? The answer is simple. The date of this insoription is the 19th regnal year of Pulumavi. What is its Christian equivalent ? If we suppose, as is commonly held, that Nahapana was killed in battle shortly after the year 46 ( A.D. 124) the last date we have for him, Pulumavi's nineteenth regnal year must correspond to circa A.D. 145. Now no less than six stone inscriptions have been discovered in Cutch, bearing the date 52 and referring themselves to the conjoint reign of Chashtana and his grandson Rudradaman.46 It appears that in the year 52 (= A.D. 130) Chashtana Was MahAkshatrapa and his grandson Rudradaman Kshatrapa, governing Kachchha and Surashtra. It was therefore between A.D. 130 and 145 that Gautamiputra Satakarni seems to have wrested Malwa and Kathiawar either from Chashtana or Rudrademan, but most probably from the former. The story appears to be simply this. Gautamiputra Satakarni and his son Vasish thiputra Pulumavi came from the south-east to regain the provinces lost to their family, overthrew Naha pana circa A.D. 126. and re-established their power over the north-west part of Maharashtra. Not being content with this, they soon turned their arms against another dynasty of foreigners-the Kshatrapa dynasty that came immediately after Nahapana and succeeded in wresting their dominions also about A.D. 146. This is also clear from a rock inscription of Rudradaman at Junagadh in Kathiawar. In this record men of all castes are represented to have gone to Rudradaman and chosen him as their lord for protection. If Rudradaman had succeeded Chashtana in the natural course of things, people of different castes would not have repaired to him and selected him as their protector. Evidently his family seems to have lost the kingdom and he to have regained it. This is also indicated by the boast of Rudrad Aman in the same inscription that the title of Mahakshatrapa he had won for himself and not inherited. 28 He was by no means slow to retrieve the glory of his family. For the same Junagadh epigraph speaks of Rudrad iman as the lord of Akaravanti, Surashtra, Kukura and Aparanta - just those countries ruled over by Gautamiputra Satakarni according to Nasik Inscription No. 2 as stated above. Now the date of the Junagadh epigraph is (Saka) 72 - A.D. 150, and the date of the Nasik inscription, we have seen, is about A.D. 145. It must be, therefore, between 145 and 150 A.D. that Rudradaman succeeded in reconquering the provinces lost to his family. Again, it is worthy of note that Rudradaman is represented to have twice subdued Satakarni, the lord of Dakshinapatha, but not to have destroyed him in consequence of his relationship with him not being remote and to have acquired a good name on that account. It will be seen that this Sata karni can be no other than Gautamiputra Satakarni. 28 I was the first to discover these inscriptions (PRASI-WC, 1905-06, 35), yet, ouriously enough, my name has not been mentioned in ASI.-AR., 1905-06, 166-7. A detailed summary of their contents has been published by me in PRASI-WC., 1914-15, 67. The date of these inscriptions is thus expressed: Rajko Chashtanasa Yamotikapulrasa rajfio Rudrada masa Jayada maputrasa ugrohe dvipaoha se 50 2 Phaguna bahulasa dvitiyam 16 2. At first I was inclined to supply pautrasa after Yedmotika putras, and refer the date to the reign of Rudradaman (JBBRAS.., XXIII. 68). Mr. R. C. Majumdar of the Calcutta University has kindly offered the suggestion that the date had better be referred to the conjoint reign of Chashtana ard Rudradaman. I entirely accept this suggestion which is a very happy one. This at once does away with the necessity of supplying the word paurasa'Waddition which seems to be highly improbable when we have to make it not to one but to six Boords that were found in Outch and which even though it is made does not render the passage untirely free from straining. It, therefore, seems that Jayadaman died and was succeeded to his Kshatrapa rank by his son Rudrad&man during the life-time of Chashtana himeelf. # EI., VOL. 43, 1. 9. 28 Ibid, 44, 1. 15.

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JUNE, 1918] DEKKAN OF THE SATAVAHANA PERIOD 155 Nasik Inaoription No. 5 tells us that he was alive at least up to the 24th regnal year of Pulumavi, which must correspond to A.D. 150--the date of the Junagadh inscription. Now, in what relationship could this Satakarni have stood with Rudradiman? In this connection one Kapheri inscription is invariably referred to. It records the grant of a minister of the queen of Vasishthipatra Satakarni. Her name is lost, but she is said to have been the daughter of a Mahakshatrapa called Rudra. Rudra may of course stand for Rudradaman, Rudrasimha or Rudrasena-all belonging to Chashtana's family. But, according to Buhler, the form of the letters is of the time of Rudradaman. Vasishthiputra Satakarni was thus Rudradaman's son-in-law. The metronymic Vasishtbiputra clearly shows that the former was, like Pulumavi, a son of Gautamiputra Satakarni. Gautamiputra Sitakarni was, therefore, the father of Rudradaman's son-in-law. Satakarni's connection with Rudra. daman was thus by no means intimate and can be described as "not remote," as has been done in the Junagadh inscription.39 Gaute miputra Satakarpi was succeeded by his son Pulumavi. We have seen above that he was ruling conjointly with his father, the former over Maharashtra and the latter over Andhra-deba. After the death of Satakarni, Pulumavi seems to have become ruler of Andhra desa also. For we have an inscription on the Amaravati stupa in the Kistne district which distinctly refers itself to his reign.80 His coins also have been found in the Kistna and Godavari districts 81 showing olearly that he had succeeded to his ancestral kingdom. Pulumavi died about A.D. 158, and was succeeded by his brothers, Siva-SriSatakarni and Sri-Chandra-Sati. Coins of these two last have been found, which, so far as the numismatic style is concerned, are closely connected with those of Pulumavi.32 Besides, they three have the common metronymic Vasishthiputra. This shows that they must all be brothers. According to the Matsya Purana, Pulumavi was succeeded by Siva-Sri, who can, therefore, be no other than Siva Sri-Satakarni of the coins. With this prince I identify Vesishthiputra Satakarni, son-in-law of Rudradaman, who, as I have remarked before, has been mentioned in a Kanheri cave inscription. Siva-Sri-Satakarni must thus have been succeeded by Sri Chandra-Sati. We do not know who came immediately after this last king. But of the two Satavahana princes who remain to be noticed, Sakaeena Was certainly earlier than Yajna Satakarni on palaeographic grounds. The name of the first prince occurs in two records inscribed in a cave at Kapheri," but seems to have been wrongly deciphered. Three years ago I had occasion to examine the ingcriptions personally. I also took estampages of the portions which contained his name. And on a careful comparison I was convinced that the real name of the king was not Sakasena but Siri-Sata. Commonsense also would lead us to doubt the correctness of the first reading. For the first line has been read as : Sidhai rano Madhariputasa Suami-Saka senasa. Now, it is worthy of note that wherever we meet with a Satavahana name in an inscription, it is invariably prefixed with the honorific Siri (=Sri). Thus we have Siri-Satakani, SiriPulumavi, Siri-Yajna-Satakani, and so forth. And the two Kayheri inscriptions just referred to alone beoome an exception, if we read Sakasena. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji 29 For a detailed consideration of this question see JBBRAS., XXIII. 72.3. * Luders' Liat, No. 1848. 91 GIO.-AM k., 20-3. # Ibid, Intro. xl. 33 ASWI., V. 79 and 82.

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1918 was nearer to the truth when he proposed to read also Sirisena. As a matter of fact there is absolutely no doubt as to the first two letters being Siri. And the next two almost certainly are sata--a reading which is fortified by the fact that we know a Satavahana prince of exactly this name from coins found in Western India. The last Satavahana king whose name has been preserved is, as mentioned above, Gautamiputra Sri-Yajna-Satakarni. One inscription of his has been found in Chinna in the Kistna district and three in Maharashtra--two in a Kanheri and one in a Nasik Cave. This shows that both the Andhra-desa and Maharashtra continued to be under the Satavahanas up to this time. Nay, he seems to have extended his sway far beyond as is indicated by the findspots of his coins. Some of these have been found not only in Gujarat but also in Kathiawar and Eastern Malwa. He, therefore, appears to have wrested these provinces from the Kshatrapa dynasty of Ujjain as Gautamiputra Sitakarni did sometime before him. After Yajna Satakarni Maharashtra seems to have been lost to the Satavahana dynasty. This appears to have been caused by the irruption of the Abhiras. In a cave at Nasik we have got an inscription which refers itself to the reign of the Abhira king 1svarasene, son of Sivadatta, 37 In Malwa, Gujarat and Kathiawar we find coins of a king called Isvaradatta who, though he styles himself a Mahakshatrapa, was an intruder. He has been looked upon as an Abhira, and it is quite possible that the names of the Abhira king and his father referred to in the Nasik inscription were really isvaradatta and Sivasena, and not Isvaragena and Sivadatta. The father is not called a king, and if he had really been a ruler, the word rdjfiah would certainly have been conjoined with his name. The son alone, therefore, seems to have been a king and made himself so. And it seems to me that it was one and the same Abhira prince, viz. fsvaradatta, who conquered not only Malwa, Gujarat and Kathiawas but also Maharashtra, I have elsewhere shown 38 that Isvaradatta is to be assigned to A.D. 188-90. This certainly places him immediately after Yajna Satakarni. Though the Satavabanas were deprived of Maharashtra or Western Dekkan about the end of the second century A.D., they for sometine retained possession of Eastern Dekkan. Wo have thus coins of Sri-Rudra-Satakarni, Sri-Krishna-Satakarni and Sri-Chandra (II) found in Central Provinces and Andhra-desa only and not at all in Western India.30 If we assign an average reign of 15 years to each one of these kings, the Satavahana power came to an end in the first half of the third century A.D. On the Jagayyapetta stopa in the Kistna district, we have three inscriptions belonging to the regin of Sri-Virapurushadatta of the Ikshvaku family. On palaeographic grounds the records have been ascribed to the third century. It, therefore, seems that the extinction of the Satavahana rule was caused by a northern dynasty called Iksh vaku. To be continued 31 JBBR.4S, XII. 407-9. 36 EI, I. 96; ASWI., V. 76 and 79; EI., VIII, 94. 38 A SI-AR. 1913-14, p. 230. 40 ASSI., I. 110. 35 CIC.-AMk., p. 1. 37 EI., VIII. 88. 39 CIO. A Mk., Intro., ,& ff.

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JUNE, 1918 ] ON THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE KAUTILIYA 157 ON THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE KAUTILIYA. BY HERMANN JACOB1 ; BONN. (Translated* from the German by V. S. SUKTHANKAR, PH.D.; POONA.) There can be no doubt that the Kautiliya is one of the oldest monuments of the classical Sanskrit literature; for from the whole range of this literature upto the earliest times one oan cite numerous instances of quotation and borrowing that go to prove the acquaintance with this work and the recognition of its authority. But already A. Hildebrandt, to whom we owe the first really critical inquiry concerning the Kautiliya, has expressed a doubt regarding its authorship; at p. 10 of his monograph cited in the footnote, he says: "We cannot assume that Kautilya himself is the sole author of the text in question. It only originates in his school, which quotes often the opinions of other teachers and opposes to them (after the manner of Sutra works ) expressly the view of Kautilya himself, at times expressing the latter in the form of direct maxims." In other words the opinion of Hillebrandt is that just as in the Sutras the view of the alleged author is cited with his name, while in reality that particular work only arises in his school, so also the expressions iti Kautilyah or ne'li Kautilyah, which occur 72 times, reveal the fact that the Kautilya could not have been the work of Kautilya himself, but must have arisen in a school of his, the existence of which we are led to postulate. Now the editor of the text has already, in my opinion, conclusively refuted this argument in his Preface, p. XII: "But when certain occidental scholars judging (or rather misled?) by current usage, according to which no author when he sets forth his own view puts down alongside of it his name, hold the opinion that works which contain the names of Badara yana, Bodhayana, etc., in formulae like ili Badarayanah, ity aha Bodha yanah, iti Kautilya, etc., are not composed by these persons, their view is based on the ignorance of the usage of the ancient Indian scholars. For, when an author, after refuting [ 833) the views of his opponents wishes to express his own views, he must either speak of himself in the first person or specify his name. The use of the first person, which involves the bringing into prominence of one's own person, is opposed even to this day to the sentiment of Indian scholars; they rather would take pains to conceal their personality. Consequently those authors could not help giving their own names when they were stating their own views. For this reason it is not right to assert that our Arthasastra was written not by Kautilya himself but by some one from the circle of his pupils, notwithstanding the frequent repetition of the formula iti Kautilyak in the work." The occurrence of the expression iti Kautilyah is, as far as I know, the only argument that has been advanced against the authorship of Kautilya. But this evidence is, as we must grant Shama Shastri, inconclusive. On the other hand, it would not do either to look upon it as a positive proof of his authorship; for, one does come across cases in which he who is named as the author in the way mentioned above, is not the real author; for instance, Jaimini and Badarayana, as they mutually quote each other, cannot be the authors of the two Mimansa Satras ; for, that the two Mimams a Sutras could have been produced approxi To the Rev. Father Dr. Robert Zimmermann, 8. J., Ph.D., are due my most sincere thanks for having kindly undertaken to go over the translation in manuscript and for having improved upon my unaided efforts, the more 80 as, owing to the difficulties in the way of communicating with the author of the article, the translation could not be submitted to him for the benefit of revision. It is hardly necesary to add that I am aolely responsible for the errors and imperfections of the translation.-V.8. 8.) 1 Soo A. Hillebrandt, Da. Kautiliyasastra und Verwandtes, Breslau 1908, pp. 2 ff. J. Hertel in WZKM., Vol. 24, pp. 417f. The author in these Sitzungsberichten, 1911, pp. 733, 735, footnote 1, 962. 2 Translator.

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1918 mately at the same time seems impossible on account of the extreme dissimilarity of their styles, and perhaps also by reason of their mutual differentiation as purva and uttara. If we, therefore, provisionally leave out of consideration the specific statements of the author of the Kautiliya regarding his personality and confine our attention to the occurrence of his name in the formula iti Kaulilyah, it would be after all possible to imagine that Kautilya might not be the author of the Arthasastra that is called after him. It would then be a work of an indeterminate period of composition, and would be without that significance for the 'culture history' (Kulturgeschichte) which, I am convinced, it possesses. The great importance of this question calls for a detailed inquiry, which is to occupy us in the sequel. When we say that a work had its origin in the school of a certain individual person after whom it is named, we must assume two things: 1. that the alleged author was the founder of a school that acknowledged him as such in the sense that he, either materially or formally, brought the development of a 'discipline' to a certain completion and, through its being regularly handed down from teacher to pupil, made & new beginning ; 2. that the discipline', that had been handed down in that manner and perhaps also amplified as regards minor details through discussion and controversy, was put forward in the form of a book by some subsequent adherent of the school. Can we make these assumptions in the case of the Kautilya ? [834 ] That Kautilya could have been the founder of a school in the above sense is hardly conceivable in the light of what we know from history of the position of this man. For. according to the unanimous voice of tradition, which makes itself heard already in the Kautilya (yena kastram ca sastram ca Nandara jagata ca bhah | amarseno 'ddhrtany asu), he had played a leading part at the time of the founding of the Mauryan Empire and become the first Chancellor of the State that was soon to grow to such prodigious dimensions. This office imposed on him undoubtedly a task to which only a man endowed with extraordinary powers could be equal. That such a man might have "formed a school" among the statesmen and diplomats of his time--as we might say of Bismarck-may be unhesitatingly admitted ; but that he had founded an academy is difficult to believe. Just try and imagine Bismarck at the end of the day's work, if there was at all an end to it, lecturing to a number of Assessors on the theory of politics and administration ! Hardly less preposterous is it to imagine that Kautilya, the Indian Bismarck, should collect pupils around himself like a common Pandit, instruct them in the Arthasastra, and in this manner found a school of the Kautiliyas. On the other hand, it is quite compatible with the character of a great statesman, nay even a ruler, that he should deal with the subject of his &vocation or a part of it in theoretical treatises, as indeed was actually done by Frederick the Great. Therefore, if one may speak of a school of Kautilya in any sense of the term whatever, then such a school could have originated not with Kautilya personally, but only through the medium of the Arthasastra written by him. In other words the book does not owe its existence to the school, but the school to the book. It is perhaps not superfluous to point out that the word school is used in the last sentence in two widely different senses. In the former case that is, had Kautilya himself founded the school-the word school signifies the sequence of teachers and pupils, gurusisijasamtana, in the latter the totality of the followers of his doctrines, tapmatanusarita. It is true that in the first Act of the Mudraraksasa he is represented as one. But the author of this drama, who lived a millennium after Canakya's time, depicts the age of his hero after the pattern of his own.

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JUNE, 1918] ON THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE KAUTILIYA Now, what do we know in reality about a school of the Kautiliyas? The solitary fact which could be adduced in favour of its postulation is that Kamandaki, the author of the Nitisara, calls Visuugupta, i. e. Kautilya, his guru (II 6). In this instance guru can clearly not be taken in its strict sense; for, since Kamandaki (as was shown above 1911, p. 742) can at the earliest be placed [835] in the third century A.D., he could not have been a contemporary of the minister of Candragupta. In other words, in Kamandaki's mouth guru signifies either the Great Master of the Science or the paramparagura. But the latter appears on his own saying not to have been the case. For, after praising Visnugupta and his deeds in the introductory verses of his work (I 2-6), he proceeds to say: durianat tasya sudrio vidyanam paradysvanah | rajavidyapriyataya samksiptagrantham arthavat || 7 || uparjane palane ca bhumer bhumisvaram prati yat kimeid upadeksyamo rajavidyavidam matam ||8 || 159 "From out of the teaching (darsanat = sastrut C.) of this sage, whose gaze has penetrated to the deepest fundament of all sciences, shall we, as friends of the Science of Kings, teach only a small part concerning the acquisition and preservation of territory on the part of the prince, abridged in form, but of like contents (arthavat, C.: artha(ta)s tu tavun eva yasya tat), to which the masters of the Science of Kings have given their assent." As Kamandaki in this instance scribes the attribute samksiptagrantha to his work, therefore, contrasted with it, the original that served as the source must needs be called vistrtagrantha, with which only the Kautilya could have been meant. This, undoubtedly, he means by darsana, as indeed also Vaisesika, and Nyaya-Darsana are the usual designations of these two Sutras. Our conclusion that the source used by Kamandaki was the Kautiliya is supported by his quotation II, 6: vidyai catasra evai 'ta iti no gurudarsanam, which is almost identical with Kautiliya, p. 6, catasra eva vidya iti Kautilyah. In any event in Kamandaki we find no reference to agama or amnaya as we indeed might expect if he had learnt the doctrines of Kautilya not from his work, but in his school," i.e. if Kautilya had been his paramparaguru. To estimate, however, the relation of Kautilya to Kumandaki adequately, we must draw attention to two facts that are hinted at by Kamandaki himself in the verses translated above. In the first place it is to be noted that he, in addition to the authority of Kautilya, appeals to the consensus of the savants of the science (rajavidyavidan malam), that is to say, he takes into consideration [836] other authorities, older and newer, when their doctrines have received general recognition. Thus we can explain divers points of difference between Kamandaki and Kautilya as, for example, those dealt with above 1911, p. 742. A further instance concerns the doctrine of the mandala (political sphere') and its constituents to which Kautilya, p. 259, refers very briefly without mentioning any authorities, obviously as a matter of little practical value 5 But here was a field for idle theorists. Kamandaki cites VIII, 20-41 a great number of different theories, in some cases giving the names of their exponents. Thus it follows that he is not a XI, 68 Kamandaki refers to the views of Kautilya concerning the number of ministers in the Council of State (mantrim mantramandale): yathasambhavam ity ange; cf. Kaut., p. 29 yathasamarthyam itt Kautilyah. His including Kautilya under the anye would not be intelligible, if he had belonged to a School of the Kautilyas. But in the mouth of a compiler who, in addition to his chief authority had consulted others as well, it is unobjectionable. On this question see the immediate seque!. 5 Interesting is Manu's procedure in this respect. VII, 156 he teaches, what according to Kamandaki, VIII, 28 is the view of Usanas, and VII, 157 that of the Manavas (ib. 35). Thus we have here a combination of the two views, which we may expect to find in the Bhrguprokta Manusmrti, Beyond this, however, no direct connection of Manu with the doctrines of the Manavas communicated by Kautilya is demonstrable, see above 1911, p. 743.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1918 biassed partisan of his master. The second peculiarity of his work that deserves notice is that he presents only one small section of the Arthasastra (yat bimcit). He omits everything that is concerned with the actual reality of the life in the State, the State affairs proper, such as Administration, Control of Trade and Commerce, Administration of Justice, etc., in fact, those very things which impart to the Kauciliya an incomparable value in our eyes; or at least he does not go beyond the most general maxims. Surely he was no statesman but a typical Pandit ; in fact, even his work is characterised by his commentator, p. 137, as mahakavyasvarupa, i.e. didactic poetry. The subjects which chiefly interest him are those that bear on abstract concepts, and may be discussed even by laymen with a vraisemblance of political discernment : such parts of the Sastra, for instance, ns have offered material to Bharavi in sarga 1 and 2 of the Kiratarjuniya, and Migha in the 2nd sarga of the Sisupalavadha for their descriptions and for many ingenious bons mots. Such is not the case with a science that is handed down traditionally and studied in a school, but rather with a Sustra which the author knows principally from books and from which he concocts his own. In any case we cannot appeal to Kimandaki for establishing the actual existence of a school of the Kautiliyas, which is, in fact, here the point at issue, So far we have been treating of the school as an indefinite abstraction; it is absolutely necessary that we now come to the actual facts of the case and try to determine the importance of the school for the development of the Arthasastra. We find information regarding it [837] in what Kautilya says concerning the sources utilised by him. This question will now be subjected to a detailed examination. As authorities are mentioned in the Kautiliya the following: the acaryah 53 times, apare twice, eke twice, Minavah 5 times, Barhaspatyih 6, Ausa nasuh 6, Bharadwajah 7, Visolaksah 6. Par Asarah 4. Par marah once, Parasarah once (for the latter two we ought perhaps to read Parasarah), Pisunah 6, Kaunapadantah 4, Vata vyadhih 5, Bihudantiputrah 1, Ambhiyah (perhaps a mistake for acaryah ?); besides these, six authors are mentioned once each, but probably not as authors of Arthasastras, see above 1911, p. 959. Kautilya thus refers to his predecessors 114 times-all instances wher in either he differs from them, or they differ from one another-and then he expresses his own views with iti Kautilyah or ne'ti Kautilyah (altogether 72 times) ; only once, p. 17, we find in a verse etat Kaullyadarsanam. This frequency of contradiction appears to me to disclose unmistakably an individual author with a pronounced critical tendency and is in entire harmony with the words of Kautilya quoted above, that he had reformed the Arthasastra without consideration in quite an independent manner (amarrena ud lhrtam asu). If the Kauciliya had originated in his school a long time after Kautilya's death, and only reproduced those of his doctrines that in the meantime had attained general recognition, would people have taken the same interest in carefully nosing all those points in which the doctrines of Kautilya differed from those of his predecessors? And would they have called his opponents acarydh ; ought not the founder of the school to be the only acaryah for them? Now it is highly remarkable that two rather large sections of the work, rp. 69-156 and pp. 197-253, contain no reference to divergent views. The former would have included the whole of the adhyaksapracara (pp. 45-147), if antagonistic views had not been mentioned on pp. 63 and 68. At both these latter places the question is about the measure of punishment for losses which the responsible overseers are guilty of (p. 63), and also about how to trade their crimes, p. 68. Both these questious relate really to the Criminal Proce * Road Yaksayari for bhak ayati of the printed odition,

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JUNI, 1918) REVISED CHRONOLOGY OF THE LAST GUPTA EMPERORS 161 dure and have nothing to do with Administration, the subject-matter of the adhyake apracara. The other section includes the 4th and 5th adhikaranas : kantakasodhanam and yogavrttam upto the last adhyaya of the latter, which deals with a topic unconnected with the preceding one, namely, [838] what should be done in the event of a prospective vacancy of the throne. These two sections, in which no reference is made to any antagonistic views, have this in common that they do not deal so much with general principles as rather contain detailed practical hints: the adhyaksapracara regarding Administration, Inspection of Trade and Commerce, the other about Police, Budget and similar subjects. They are things about which the doctrinaire does not worry himself, but which for the practical politician are of the utmost importance; and on which after all -only such a person can give an authoritative opinion as has taken an active part in the affairs of the State. If Kautilya does not avail himself of the opportunity of entering into controversy in connection with these parts of his work, the reason probably is that his predecessors never having dealt with these subjects, no opportunity offered itself. In the introductory romarks of his work the use of the expression prayaias appears to show that he had some such idea in his mind : prthivya labhe palane ca yavanty arthaidstrani parvacaryaih prasthapitani, praya kas tani sahrtyai 'kam idam arthaidstram krtam. (To be continued.) THE REVISED CHRONOLOGY OF THE LAST GUPTA EMPERORS. BY RAMESH CHANDRA MAJUMDAR, M.A. ; CALCUTTA. THE Bhitari Seal of Kumaragupta II. has added three new names to the list of the Gupta Emperors. Dr. Hoernle who announced this important discovery in JASB., Vol. LXVIII, Part I, p. 88, undertook at the same time a discussion about the chronology of these kings and arrived at the following conclusions about their dates : Puragupta, A.D. 470-485 Narasimhagupta (Baladitya), A.D. 485-530 Kumaragupta II, A.D. 530 (accession). Dr. Hoernle's views have been generally accepted by scholars. Thus Mr. V. A. Smith placed the accession of the three kings respectively in 480, 485 and 535 A.D.,' whila Mr. Allan refers it to A.D. 480, 485 and 530." A few inscriptions, recently discovered, seem however to invalidate the above conclusions. As none of these inscriptions has been published in detail, it will simplify matters if a short description of each of them is given at the outset. 1. The first in point of importance is an inscription on a Buddhist image discovered at Sarnath. The announcement of this discovery together with a reading of the dated portion was published in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India. Part I, p. 22.3 Through the kindness of Mr. R. D. Banerjee of the Indian Museum I had an opportunity of examining the estampages of this and the two following inscriptions. I read the dated portion as follows: Varsha Sate Guplanai sa-chatuh pavicha iaduttare bhuminn rakshati Kumaragupte mase Jyai(shthe). ... "In the year one hundred and fifty-four of the Guptas, in the month Jyaishtha, while KumAragupta was protecting the earth." * This article was submitted for nublication in August 1917.-D.R B. * Early History of India, 3rd Edition, pp. 31 1.12.2 Catalogue of Gupta Coins, XLIX, LV, LX. See also Annual Progress Report of the Northern Circle, Buddhist and Hindu Monumento, 1914-15, p. 68.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1918 2 & 3. The second and the third inscriptions were also incised on Buddhist images discovered at Sarnath. The announcement of their discovery together with a translation of the dated portion was published in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey referred to above. In one of these inscriptions a considerable portion of the line containing the date is quite illegible but enough remains to show that the two inscriptions belonged to the same year and were probably dated in identical words. I read the second inscription as follows: Gupta nam samatikkrante sapta-paii cha ad-uttare late samanasia prithivin Budhagupte praisa sati. "When one hundred and fifty-seven years of the Guptas had passed away, and Budhagupta was ruling the earth." The third inscription reads: .... pta pa(?)cha(?)a(?)dutare iate saminasi prithivim Budhagu x profasati Vaisakha-mase saptame. 4. A copperplate of the time of Bud hagupta has been discovered at Damodarpur in the district of Dinajpur, Bengal. It records a grant of land in the Puncravardhana-bhukti. It is now in the possession of the Varendra Research Society along with four others belonging to the Gupta period. Short notices of these inscriptions have been published in p. 273 of the Indo-Aryan Races by Rama Prasad Chanda. Now the question arises about the identity of Kumaragupta mentioned in No. 1. We know of three kings of this name belonging to the Gupta Dynasty. The first Kumaragupta must have died before A.D. 456-7, the earliest recorded date of his son and successor Skandagupta. Kumaragupta of the later Gupta Dynasty is said in the Aphsad Inscription to have defeated sa navarmman, whose reign is placed beyond all doubt in the middle of the 6th century A.D. by the recently discovered Haraha Inscription. Kumaragupta of Inscription No.1 with a date in 154 G. E. (A.D. 473-4) cannot, therefore, be identified with any of these, and must be identified with Kumaragupta II. of the Bhitari Seal. For it cannot be maintained, without positive cvidence, that a new ruling dynasty had sprung up within the home territories of the Guptas in less than six years after the death of Skandagupta. If this is once admitted, the chronological scheme proposed by Dr. Hoernle and accepted by Mr. V. A. Smith and others at once falls to the ground. The invalidity of their chronological assumption is also definitely established on independent grounds. Inscription No. 4 plainly indicates that Budhagupta was not merely a local ruler of Malwa as has hitherto been supposed but that his empire extended to Fur (ravardhana-bhukti or Northern Bengal. This conclusion is supported by the Sarnath Inscription of the same king (Nos. 2 and 3). Now the latter places bis reign in the year 158 (current) of the Gupta Era or A.D. 477-8. According to the accepted scheme of chronology, either Skandagupta or Puragupta must have been the Gupta Emperor at that time and there is no place for Buchagupta, king of Magadba, before A.D. 530, the date of Kumaragupta II, the last king in an unbroken line of succession that ruled over Magadha. It is generally assumed, on the authority of the Jungadh Rock Inscription (Fleet's No. 14) that the earliest recorded date of sk ndagupta is 126 G. E. or A.D. 465-6 (Allan's Catalogue of Gupta Coins, CXXXVIII). This view, however does not ecem to be quite correct. The inscription says that Chakrapalito, an officer of Skandagupta, renewed, in the year 137, the embankment of the Sudarhana Jake which had burst in the year 136 in consequence of excessive rain. It does not necesarily follow from this that Chakrapalita was already an cfficer under Skandagupta, when the dom of the lake had actually burst, and there remains, therefore, no ground for the supposition that Skandagupta had Ascended the throne as early as 138 G. E. Or A.D. 466-6.

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JUNE, 1918 ] REVISED CHRONOLOGY OF THE LAST GUPTA EMPERORS 163 Lot us now examine the grounds on which Dr. Hoernle based his chronological theory. He accepted as true the statement recorded by Yuan Chwang that Mihirakula was defeated by king Baladitya of Magadba, and identified this Baladitya with Narasimhagupta of the Bhitari Seal on the ground that the latter "calls himself Baladitya on his coins." He then pointed out that as Mihirakula's final overthrow in India took place in about A.D. 530 "it follows, that. Baladitya in whose reign Mihirakula's overthrow took place must have reigned down to about A.D. 530"; and accordingly adjusted the dates of Puragupta, Narasimhagupta and Kumaragupta II. This argument is considerably weakened by two considerations. In the first place, we need not lay too much stress on a tradition recorded by Yuan Chwang, specially when we remember that his information about Mihirakula was anything but satisfactory and that the credit of defeating Mihirakula is given to Yasodharman in the Mandasor Inscription." In the second place, the identity of the Baladitya of Yuan Chwang and Narasimhagapta Baladitya is anything but certain, for we know from a Sarnath stone inscription 10 that there were at least three kings of the same name. Under these circumstances the evidence on which Dr. Hoernle based his chronological scheme must be pronounced to be very weak. It might have been provisionally accepted in his days in the absence of any other evidence, but we must be prepared to give it up as soon as more definite information is forthcoming. Such informations are furnished by the inscriptions noticed above and it is therefore high time to reconstruct the whole chronological scheme on this new basis. It will follow from what has been said above that the total period of the reign of Purucupta and Narasimhagupta cannot possibly be more than 18 years, from A.D. 455-6 the last recorded date of Kumaragupta I. to AD. 473-4 the earliest date of Kumaragupta II. This in iteelf is not inadmissible but the difficulty is caused by the fact that we have to place during the same period, the great emperor Skandagapta whose known dates range from A.D. 456-7 to A.D. 467-68. This raises once more the question of relationship of Skandagupta to Puragupta, a question which has never been satisfactorily answered. As Skandagupta had. certainly ascended the throne in less than a year's time within his father's death, Paragupta could not possibly have preceded him. Pungupta could therefore be either (1) the successor, (2) the contemporary or (3) identical with Skandagupta. Let us now consider the probability of each of these points of view. (1) Dr. Hoernle 11 looked upon Puragupta as successor of Skandagupta and this viow has been generally accepted. As he held that Narasimhagupta ruled in A.D. 530, he naturally argued that the interval of 75 years between this date and the earliest recorded date of Skandagupta "can be more easily filled up by two gonorations including three reigns than by two generations including only two reigns, i.e., by assuming that Skandagupta and Puragupta 5 Dr. Hoernle has now considerably modified his theory. See JRAS., 1909, pp. 128-9. He would now identify Puragapta with Skandagupta and place the latter's death at about A.D. 485, the other portions of the chronological schome remanining intact. The other scholars, however, have accepted the original chronological schome laid down by Dr. Hoernle apparently on the same grounds as were put forward by him. It is therefore necessary to examine the grounds. * Op. cit., p. 97. Op. cit., p. 96. This is clearly proved by the fact that he places Mihirakula "some centurior ago " althongte the latter must have flourished hardly more than a century before him. .. .Floot's Nos. 33, . 0 Fleet's Gupta Inscription, No. 79. 1. Soe footnotes above.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY were brothers, succeeding one another and being themselves succeeded by Narasimhagupta." 12 According to the new scheme of chronology put forward above the interval between the latest date of Skandagupta and the earliest date of Kumaragupta II. is reduced to only 6 years, and not only does it invalidate Dr. Hoernle's arguments, but it seems also to be fatal to his conclusions. For if we hold Puragupta to be the successor of Skandagupta the two reigns of Puragupta and Narasimhagupta would have to be crowded in the short space of less than 6 years, a theory not deserving of serious consideration without strong evidence in its support. (2) Dr. Fleet was of opinion that "there was a formal division of the Early Gupta territories in the generation of Skandagupta and Puragupta or some dissension between them." 13 This implies that both Skandagupta and Puragupta were contemporary kings over different portions of the Gupta Empire. [JUNE, 1918 The Bhitari Stone Pillar Inscription of Skandagupta records his achievement as crown prince and as well as emperor, and we are told that he erected there an image of the god Vishnu in order to increase the religious merit of his father. It is, therefore, certain that he succeeded his father in those parts of his dominions. 14 The Junagadh Rock Inscription of the year 138 15 records that Skandagupta selected Parnadatta as his governor over Surashtra, and the latter appointed his son Chakrapalita as the governor of the city. We are told that Chakrapalita renewed the embankment of the Sudarsana lake in the year 137. Skandagupta must, therefore, have come into the possession of the western parts of his empire immediately after his father's death. These considerations seem to show that Skandagupta inherited the empire intact from his father and there could not possibly have been any formal division of the Gupta Empire on the death of Kumaragupta I. It may be contended that Puragupta rebelled against his brother at a later date and carved out a dominion for himself and his successors. This view is, however, opposed to the testimony of coins. It is a well-known fact that Kumaragupta I. introduced a new type of silver coinage for the home territories of the Gupta empire and this type is commonly found in the eastern portion of the Gupta empire. Skandagupta imitated this type of coins; four of them are dated in 141, four others in 146 and one in 148. This shows that Skandagupta was in possession of those parts down to the end of his reign. On the other hand, the available coins of Puragupta are all of the Archer' type and closely resemble in style Skandagupta's heavier issues which, according to Mr. Allan, belong to a later period of the reign. and to the most eastern Gupta dominions. 16 These numismatic considerations certainly do not favour the theory of a division of the Gupta empire in Skandagupta's reign, or the contemporaneity of the reigns of Skandagupta and Puragupta. (3) We next come to the question of the identity of Puragupta and Skandagupta. The Bhitari seal of Kumargupta II. favours, the supposition. It traces the genealogy of the Gupta dynasty from Gupta upto Kumaragupta I. and then continues: "His son (was) the Maharajadhiraja the glorious Puragupta, who meditated on his feet (tatpadanudhyata) (and) who was begotten on the Mahadevi Anantadevi." Op. cit., p. 96. 24 Allan's Gupta Coins, p. xlvi. as Abova, 1890, p. 227. 15 Fleet's No. 14. 26 Allan's Gupta Coins pp. xov, cii, 129-133.

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JUNE, 1918) REVISED CHRONOLOGY OF THE LAST GUPTA EMPERORS 165 As Dr. Hoernle admitted, the expression tatpadanudhyata, applied to Puragupta in the Bhitari seal, seems to indicate him as having been the immediate successor of his father rather than a remoter successor of him.17 As Skanda gupta is known to have been the immediate successor of his father, the natural presumption is that Puragupta was but another name of Skandagupta. This view was discarded by Dr. Hoernle on the ground that it seemed "hardly probable that in such genealogies the same person would be called by different names "and even when later on he assumed the identity of the two1' he was at a loss how to account for the two names of the same person." 30 Such instances of double names are, however, not unknown even in the Gupta dynasty. Chandragupta II had a second name Devagupta and both the names occur in the genealogical list of the Vakataka kings. Thus in the Chammak village grant of Maharaja Pravarasena II,21 the donor's father, is said to have married Prabhavati-Gupta, daughter of the Maharajadhiraja Sri-Devagupta, while a copperplate grant of Rudrasena 22 calls the same Prabhavati Gupta, daughter of Chandragupta II. Another instance may be quoted from the inscriptions of the Pala dynasty. The fourth king of this dynasty is generally known as Vigrahapala, but in the Badal pillar inscription of the time of Narayanapala 23 he is mentioned under the name of Sarapala. These instances are calculated to obviate the objection raised by Dr. Hoernle against the identity of Puragupta and Skandagupta. Numismatic considerations also support the identity of Skandagupta and Puragupta. All the coins attributed to Puragupta are exactly similar to the coins of Skandagupta with the difference that on one coin alone the two letters Pu, ra, are written vertically beneath the left arm of the king in place of the letters Ska, nda. As a matter of fact, before the discovery of the coins with the letters Pu ra the other similar coins, now attributed to Puragupta, used to be attributed to Skandagupta.24 If it is assumed that Skandagupta had & second name Puragupta, all these coins may be without any difficulty attributed to Skandagupta himself. On the whole, therefore, the new inscriptions seem to be fatal to the accepted view that Puragupta succeeded Skandagupta. They certainly favour the supposition that the two names were identical although they do not absolutely preclude the theory that Skandagupta and Puragupta were rival kings. As has been pointed out above, Budhagupta can no longer be looked upon as a mere local ruler. We learn from Inscription No. 4 that his kingdom included Pundravardhana of Northern Bengal, from Nos. 2 and 3, that it extended up to Sarnath, and from the Erag stone pillat inscription 26 that it included the country between the rivers Narmada and Jamuna. He must be said, therefore, to have been in possession of a fair portion of the Imperial Gupta territory, if not the whole of it, and there remains no ground for relegatIng him to the position of a local ruler. Now, the Sarnath inscriptions (Nog. 2 and 3) definitely prove that Budhagupta was ruling there in 168 G.E. or A.D. 477. The Bhitari seal of Kamaragupta II places this monarch as well as his two predecessors in an unbroken line of succession from Kumara 17 Op. cit., p. 93. 19 JRAS., 1909, p. 129. 21 Fleet's No. 68. >> Ep. Ind., II, P. 161. 18 Ibid. 20 Ibid. 22 Above, 1912, p. 218. 24 Allan's Gupta Coins, pl cil. 25 Fleet'. No. 19

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Jox, 1918 or gupta I. It would follow therefore that the reign of Kumaragupta II was olosed before A.D. 477, at least in the Sarnath regions, and this inference is in full agreement with the Sarnath Inscription (No. 1) which gives us the date A.D. 473-4 for Kumaragupta II. As a result of the foregoing discussions the following reconstruction of the chronology of the last Gupta emperors may be offered with confidence on the basis of the newly discovered inscriptions mentioned aboveKings. Known dates. Probable period 1. Skandagupta or Puragupta, A.D. 456-7-467-8 A.D. 456-468 Skandagupta and Puragupta 2. Narasimhagupta Nil. A.D. 468-472 3. Kumaragupta II. A.D. 473-4 A.D. 472-477 4. Budhagupta A.D. 477-8-494-5 AD. 478-500 The relation of Budhagupta to his predecessor cannot be easily determined. It is. natural to look upon him as the immediate successor, if not the son, of Kumaragupta II, but it is not impossible that he was a successful rebel in the west who had gradually forced his way to the imperial throne. The fact that no gold coins of Budhagupta have been discovered as yet, is certainly difficult to explain. It may be supposed that the coins bearing simply the 'Aditya legends' like Prakasaditya and Dvadasaditya really belonged to him, though at present there is no evidence to show that they were so. On the other hand, it may very well be that he did not survive his usurpation of the imperial throne for a sufficiently long time to institute the gold coinage. The reconstructed Gupta chronology olears up our knowledge about the history of the period in some respects. To take only one instanoe, the history of the so-called later Guptas becomes more definite and more consistent. The begining of this dynasty cannot be placed later than the commencement of the sixth century A.D., because the fourth king of this dynasty, Kumaragupta, who also belonged to the fourth generation of kings, was a contemporary of Isanavarmman and therefore lived in the middle of the 6th century A.D. According to the hitherto accepted chronology of the last Gupta emperors, the first half of the 6th century is covered by the two reigns of Narasimhhagupta and Kumaragupta II. the former of whom died in about A.D. 530. We have thus to suppose that whe first four kings of the later Gupta dynasty were contemporaries of these Gupta imperors, although the available evidence shows that all of them ruled over Magadha. The scheme of Gupta chronology reconstructed above gives a very natural explanation of the origin of the later Guptas. The last lineal descendant of the mighty Gupta emperors died some time after A.D. 473-4. The throne was then occupied by Budhagupta whose latest known date is A.D. 494-5. We have no definite information of any other Gupta king occupying the imperial throne of Magadha and this is quite consistent with the supposition that a new dynasty of local kings, probably scions of the Gupta Emperors, was established at Magadha at the beginning of the 6th century A.D. In conclusion, I may refer to an article on the "Gupta Era and Mihirakula "contributed by Mr. K. B. Pathak to the Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume, recently published by the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. He has read the 5th word in the Sarnath

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JUNE, 1918) BOOK NOTICE 167 Inscription No. 1 As Sagati instead of rakshati, but the latter reading is quite clear on the estampage. Besides, he holds Kumaragupta of the Sarnath inscription to be the son and successor of Skandagupta, and different from Kumaragupta of the Bhitari seal. Further, he takes Budhagupta II (sic) as son and successor of Kumaragupta of the Sarnath Inscription. As he furnishes no reasons for these hypotheses, I am unable to discuss them n the present paper. I do not know of any evidence which either establishes the existence of Budhagupta II or proves the relationship assumed to exist between Skandagupta, Kumaragupta of the Sarnath Inscription, and the so-called Budhagupta II. BOOK NOTICE. THE SANSKRIT POEMS OF MAYORA AND BANA's Skanda; Candi was his seventh mother) but Candi CANDIKATAKA, edited with a translation, notes and which, punningly, means * Don't call her an introduction by G. P. QUACKENBOS, A.M., fairbrowed, but a vixen.' May not, therefore, the Ph.D. (Columbia University Indo-Iranian Series title Candi ataka have the underlying meaning of vol. 9.) New York. 1917. The Hundred stanzas to the Vixen ?' The matter is all legend, or mostly all, but speculation, even PROF. JACKSON, the general editor of the Series, in legend, is not without interest." is to be congratulated for the success of his pupil (p. 247, foot note). Simultaneous propitiation of one's Deity Dr. Quackenbos, who, by bringing out this critical and lady love is not unknown in Sanskrit literature edition of the poems of Mayura and the Candtataka, (e. g., Kalhana, in his Rajatarangint, VII. 1, refors has not only preserved the reputation of the to Sivaks simultaneous praise of Sandlhyd end of Columbia editors but has actually increased it. To his consort) and double entente is the play of handle and study the artistic and nice volumes of Sanskrit poets and commentators. If this series is a pleasure to a Sanskrit scholar whose the suggestion of Dr. Quackenbos bo communicated hard lot is to read old and worn-out MSS. or cheap to orthodox Sanskrit pandits, we may soon Indian editions. In the Introduction Dr. Quackenbog expect a Srigarapaksiyatika of the Candisataka has very ably discussed anything and everything concerning Mayura, the contemporary and rival of which would be a parallel to the devotional interpretations of the Amarusataka, the Caura. Banabhatta. His criticism of the poems is just. pancasika and the Srngaratilaka of Kalidasa. Original and romantio indeed are the following The text of the poems has been edited critically. remarks on the origin of the Candisataka :-"I The Mayarastaka has been printed for the first cannot refrain from hazarding the suggestion that time from the unique biroh-bark Sarada MS. perhaps the Candlsataka was written by Bana to in the Tubingen University Library. The other propitiate the anger o fhis wife by praising the foot poems were printed many times in India and with which she had spurned him. The reader will Dr. Quackenbos has given all the different remember how Mayura, while eavesdropping, heard readings of those editions and also the readings & lover's quarrel in progress between Bapa and his of the sokas as quoted in the various anthologies, wife. Bepa was saying: 'O faithful one, pardon works on poetios, eto. The translation is a this one fault ; I will not again anger thee. But faithful one following the interpretation of the she spurned him with her foot, and Mayura heard her commentaries printed in the Kavyamala editions anklet tinkling. Then Bapa recited & propitiatory of the Suryasataka and Candisataka. The editor stanza (Gatapraya rdtrih krsatan sasi tfryata iva has also added various explanatury notes. Pradipo'yam nidravasam upayato gharnita iva; Pranamanto manas tyajasi na tatha'pi krudham We have noticed all its good features. As for aho Kuca-pratyasanya hodayamapi te subhru its defects, there are a few mistranslations and a kaf hinam) in which he addressed his angry few misleading notes as examples of which we spouse as subhrt, 'fairbrowed'. Thereupon Mayura, may mention the following: (1) p. 21-pura' unable to restrain his propensity for punning, manavat jayinyam Sri Ujjayinyam puri : 'Formerly interrupted the quarrel and said: 'Don't call her in ... Amaravati Ujjayini, Bri Ujjayini.' (It ought subhne (Subhra was one of the six kerthikas, the to be 'in Brf Ujjayinf which surpassed AmaravatiPleiades, who were aocounted the six mothers of the city of the Lord of Devas.') (2) p. 272

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Kuvalayakalika-karnaptradarena; out of regard for her ear-ornament, an imitation lotus bud 'an ear-ornament in the shape of a lotus.' (Ta e commentary explains 'Nilotpala-kalika-rupah Karnaparah'; here rupa does not mean shape but indicates identity of the two, i.e., the lotus tself is the ear-ornament. For lotus ear-ornament, of..... Bhavani putrapremni Kuvalayadalaprapi karne karoti. Meghaduta I, 48). (3) p. 109-Dr. Quackenbos identifies the Mountain of Sunrise' (Udayagiri) with Mt. Meru. But these two are, according to the Puranas, different; Udayagiri is located to the east of Bharatavarsa, the southernmost country of the Jambudvipa in the centre of which is Mt. Meru. Thus Udayagiri is to the east of India, whereas Mt. Meru is to its north. (4) pp. 234-5-Bhapala sasi-bhaskaranvaya-bhuvah ke, nama na"saditu Bhartaram punar eka eva hi bhuvas tvan deva manyamahe; Yena'ngam parimrsya Kuntalam atha'kreya vyudasyayatam Colam prapya ca madhyadetam adhuna kancyam karah patitah. Dr. Peterson supposed that this sloka refers to the conquests of Harsavardhana, Mayura's patron. But as his conquest never extended to Southern India, Dr. Ettinghausen believes (and Dr. Quackenbos also seems to believe) it to be a stanza written before a campaign, forecasting what Harsa intended to do. But it cannot be a forecast. The suffix ta (kta) of patitah refers to past tense only. Here it has been used with adhuna (now) and thus the past sense is modified a little so as to mean immediate past or in other words Present Perfect Tense. It cannot refer to future. Hence we must take the stanza not as a forecast but as Praise in the conventional exaggerated style of a poet given up to punning and without any reference to historical accuracy.' SURENDRANATH MAJUMDAR SASTRI. subject matter is the parakrama of Partha (Arjuna) in defeating the army of the Kauravas and recovering the cows of Virata. The author is Prahladanadeva, the younger brother and Yuvaraja (A.D. 1162-1207) of king Dharavarsa, the Paramara ruler of Chandravati and Mount Abu. Prahladana was famous as as warrior, philanthropist and poet. The author of the Kirtikaumudi says that this royal bard made the Goddess of Learning, who was afflicted with sorrow on account of the death of Munja and Bhoja, again delightful by dramatizing a beautiful story. He also describes our poet in a prasasti as the incarnation of Sarojasanasambhava (Goddess of Learning) or of the heavenly cow. Though these descriptions have been prompted by what Visakhadatta refers to (in his Mudraraksasa) as "Stuvanti erantasyah ksiti patimabhatairapi gunaih prabha rastrinayah sa khalu," this Vyayoga exhibits our royal bard's skill in drawing word-pictures and in delineating the Svabhavokti alankara as an example of which I quote: Gopan-astravranitavapusah preksya baspayi PARTHA-PARAKRAMA VY YOGA OF PARAMARA PRAHLADANADEVA, edited with introduction by C. D. DALAL, M.A. Baroda, 1917. Price Annas six. It is the fourth volume of the Gaekwad's Oriental Series which was welcomed, a few months ago, in my review of the first volume-Kavya-mimdmed. The work under review is a vydyoga or an one-act drama on military spectacle. The [JUNE, 1918 taksyo Hambharavair-mukharitama ho kudhrarandhra rudatyah; Udhorodhad-alasagatayo'pyasu bhitya vrajaniyasTamyanty-etah Kurupatihata (hrta ?) matarastarnakanam. It contains many fine passages some of which reminds the reader of similar incidents described in the Venteamhara and the Dhananjaya-vijayavyayoga which treats of the same subject. Though our poet is skilful in writing fine verses and is thus really a prahladana (gladdener), he is not very artistic in the manipulation and develop. ment of the plot. His style is Gaudi He introduces, in his Prastavana, a Sthapaka in addition to the Sutradhara. The Prakrit passages insert y to avoid hiatus (the Ya-srui of Jaina Prakrit a peculiarity probably due to the fact that the MSS. belonged to Jaina Bhandaras. The editor has performed his duty very satisfactorily; his introduction is learned, and there are only a few printing mistakes (e.g., read hrta for hata in the slo ka quoted above, varsavara for varsadhara in p. 13, Acarya, vicaryatam for Acaryavicaryatam.) SURENDRANATH MAJUMDAR SASTRI

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JOLY. 1918) THE HINDOLA JAHAL AT MANDU 169 THE VAULTING SYSTEM OF THE HINDOLA MAHAL AT MANDU.* BY CAPTAIN K. A. C. CRESWELL, R.A.F. LOOKING through the Annual Report of the Archaological Survey of India for 1903, 1 was much struck with the interior of the Hindola Mahal at Mandu, which I think must possess one of the most remarkable vaulting systems in India. This building is T-shaped in plan, and consists of a great Durbar Hall (Plate I, A) 884 feet long by 244 feet broad and 384 feet high, forming the stem, and a cross-piece in two storey's. The ground floor of the latter is taken up by passages, store rooms, a stairway and a broad ramp leading to the upper floor, where there is another fine hall, a glimpse of which is seen through the window over the door at the end of the Durbar Hall. As may be seen, the vaulting system of the great Durbar Hall consists of a series of transverse arches evenly spaced; the backs of these arches are filled up level, but the roofing between them had disappeared as long ago as 1842. These transverse arches may have been connected either by a series of barrel-vaults running at right angles to the axis of the hall, or by means of beams of wood or stone. Mr. Cousens 2 suggest that the roof was supported on wooden beams, which have been carried off, as has happened in so many buildings at Bijapur and other places." In view of the tremendous abutment provided (Plate I. B) it is difficult to believe that it can have been roofed with anything lighter than stone. I venture to suggest that it was roofed by a series of barrel-vaults resting on the transverse arches, and my reason for doing so will become clear in the course of this article. The great feature of this vaulting system which immediately strikes one is that, owing to the roof being carried on fixed points spaced well apart, the wall between them becomes merely a curtain wall, which may be pierced at will and lateral lighting obtained, as in Gothic vaulting. With a simple barrel-vault running from one end of the hall to the other it is very difficult to do this. I shall therefore attempt to trace this somewhat unusual solution to its earliest type, a type in which this potentiality for lateral lighting is not realised, and in which the arches, placed seldom more than six or seven feet apart, are roofed with stone slabs and never vaulted. This primitive type can be traced back to the commencement of the thristian era, when it is found in Nabataan tombs still existing in the Jebel Hauran (the country lying S. E. of Damascus). The Nabataans, who were once thought to have been Aramaeans on account of their language, have been shown by Noldeke and others to have been true Arabs who made use of Aramaic for literary purposes-all their inscriptions are in Aramaic-because Arabic had not at that time developed into a literary language. Our knowledge of them may be said to date from the Hellenic period, when we hear of Antigonus sending his general Athenaeus against them in 312 B.C., previous to which we know practically nothing about them. At this time they were nomads, without agriculture; nevertheless they were great traders. The first ruler (rupavvos) of whom we hear is Aretas, with whom Jason, the High Priest, sought refuge in 169 B.C. The Nabataans got their chance on the fall of the empire of the Ptolemies and the Seleucids, and their kingdom may be said to date from Erotimus, Reprinted with additions from the Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects. i A description of the Ruined City of Mandoo. By a Subaltern. Bombay, 1854. (Preface dated June, 1842.) See pages 16-17. Archological Survry, Anual Report. 1903, p. 32 n. 3 Macc., V. S.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1918 abont 110-100 B.C. In 84 B.C., the Nabataan king Aretas Ill. took Damascus from Antiochus XII. ; it was recovered by Herod, 23 B.C., but it again changed hands nineteen years later, being taken by Aretas IV. in 4 B.c. In A.D. 106 the Nabataean kingdom, which now comprised Bostra (Hauran) and Petra, was converted into a Roman province (Provincia Arabia) by Cornelius Palma, the Roman governor of Syria. As might be expected, the architecture of the Hauran was governed by local conditions. Like the mountains of the Hauran, the entire region is one in which black basalt. is the only rock, except at its southernmost extremity, where limestone appears as a building stone in the ruins of Kusair al-Hallabat. The country does not produce any timber, and this quite material necessity became the mother of invention and led to the cliscovery of new constructive methods. Thus the arch, the sole means of covering wide spaces, became the principal element of construction and a series of parallel arches supporting ceiling slabs (Fig. 1) served to cover most of Fig. 1. their halls. The architecture of this region is divided by Butler into five groups :-(1) The Prehistoric-a rough megalithic style without any indication of date; (2) The Xabataean; (3) The Roman ; (4) The Christian (5) The Muhammadan. The first historical period is the Nabataean, the earliest monument of which that can be accurately dated is placed by him c. 60 B.C. It may, of course, hare begun somewhat earlier, and it lasted until A.D. 106 when the Roman period commenced, and continued until the time of Constantine. The Roman and Christian periods have much reduced the Xabataan remains, but many scattereil details of very characteristic ornament and numerous inscriptions in Nabataan script remain. Schurer, (E.). History of the Naba'in Kinis, being Appendix II. to his History of the Jewish People, Div. I, Vol. 2. 5 Butler (H. C.). Amint Architec'ure in Syria, Sect. A, pp. 63-64. * De Vogile. Syrie Centrale, tome I, p. 6.

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Indian Antiquary VAULTING SYSTEM OF HINDOLA MAHAL, MANDU. Plate I. K. A. C. CRESWELL. A. The Hindola Mahal (Interior). B. The Hindola Mahal (Exterior). C. Tak Aiwan. (From Dieulafoy: L'Art antique de la Perse). W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD. COLL.

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JULY, 1918) THE HINDOLA MAHAL AT MANDU 171 Butler, like De Vogue, emphasises the fact that the architecture was the most truly lithic that the world has ever seen ; it was entirely of stone, sometimes even to the doors and window shuttory." It offers a marked contrast to that of Northern Syria in plan, principles of construction and ornamental details--in all those things that go to make up style. For the roofing of all narrow apartments stone slabs were employed; when the width did not exceed 9 feet the space was reduced by corbels to about 6 feet, and slabs slightly over this length were placed across: The wall was always carried up above the corbels to weight them and keep them in place. When broader spaces were to be roofed an arch was thrown across, the haunches of the arch were filled up level with the side walls, and long slabs were la id from these side walls to the central line of support thus provided. Corbelling was used at the same time to further help the cross slabs. In roofing a space that was very long as well as over 9 feet in width, two or more transverse arches were used, giving a series of transverse supports all down the hall. The Druses of the Hauran build their houses in this fashion at the present day. Tombs were wholly or partially excavated in the ground and paved, walled and roofed with stone. One of the earliest found is described and illustrated by Butler. It is roofed with arches which support slabs (Fig. 2), and eight stelae with Nabataean inscriptions were found in it. V wwwmmmmmm U ONNASSE Flat Agarrangerer WALTERER AIMU RA 2 LEGOLAND SEX ATEN SECTION A-B SCALE: ICM*1M. NNN SCALE: 50c24*1M. UTILI CHILIK mendoza NABATALANES TOMB Fig. 2. Butler, Ancient Architecture in Syria, p. 68. & Butler, Architecture and other Arto, p. 310 . Ancisnt Architecture in Syria, p. 206 and ill. 186. Another p. 207, also illustrated.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1918 Some examples of this form of ruofing were published by De Vogue fifty years ago. Recently the ground has been thoroughly gone over by the Princeton Expedition, which has published and described many new buildings. Confining myself to those which are dated, I have compiled the following list A.D. 345. Church of Julianos at Umm al-Jamal.10 371. Praetorium at Umm al-Jamal. 11 412. Kasr al-Ba'il, near the western border of the southern Hauran. A Greek inscription states that it was built in the reign of the Emperor Arcadius under the dux Phil. Pelagios, A.D. 412.12 430-1. A small house at al-Majdal, in which it occurs on the ground floor,13 508 (?) Church No. 1 at al-'mta'iyah. Inscription gives date which may possibly be A.D. 508.14 515. Church of S. George at Zor'ah, dated 410 of the Era of Bosra (=A.D. 515).15 578. House of Flavios Soog-a Roman-Nabat sean name-at al-Haiyat. 10 624-5. Monastery of S. George at Sameh. This date is exceedingly late for a Christian inscription to be found in situ in Syria, as Islam had been proclaimed and Christian Arabia was on the point of extinction. Bosra, however, had not fallen and the country was still under the protection of the Empire.17 Let us now stop a moment to examine the exact raison d'etre of this roofing system. Being a country of stone, the people naturally had a predilection for the lintel, and used it wherever possible. Where, however, this was not possible they used the arch, and it may well be asked, why did they not make the arch continuous, and thus form a barrel-vault. I think the answer must be that, as they were not acquainted with the Mesopotamian method of building a vault without centering by using flat-bricks in rings sloping backwards at a considerable angle against a head wall, any barrel-vault built by them would have required considerable timber for the centering-& serious matter. By building a series of separate arches, however, the same piece of centering could be used over and over again as soon as one arch had set, thus reducing the timber required to an absolute minimum, and their favourite lintel method could be used as a final covering. In all these early buildings, however, the fact that the roof is borne on points of support spaced at regular intervals permits the piercing of the side walls for lateral lighting. Yet out of the large number of examples. some thirty cr forty described by De Vogue and Butler, there are not many in which this opportunity has teen realised, and even in these cases it has only been made use of in a timid and halting manner, small square windows pierced at irregular intervals, and not in each bay, being all that is attempted. The Persians must have been acquainted with this system at a fairly early date, since it is found in the palace built about 50 miles south of Mosul at Hatra 18 (or al-Hadr) by the Parthians, (Plate II, B) whose dynasty came to an end in A.D. 226. It was left to the keen architectural insight of the Persians to realise its potentialities fully and to carry it to its final 10 Ancient Architecture in Syria, pp. 173-176. 11 Ibid, pp. 160-166. 12 Ibid, pp. 81-83. 13 Ibid, pp. 120-122. 14 Ibid, p. 92. 15 De Vogue, Syrie Centrale, tome I, pp. 61-62 and plate 21. 16 Butler, Ancient Architecture in Syria, pp. 362-363. 1 Ibid, p. 85. 18 Andrae (Dr. W.). llatra. Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft. Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen, Nos. 9 and 21. It occurs in Room 15--see Abb. 21 and 228.

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JULY, 1918 ] THE HINDOLA MAHAL AT MANDU 173 development. They were responsible for two innovations, (a) they were the first to use barrel-vaults to connect the transverse arches, thus making it possible to place them farther a part, (b) they pierced windows in each of the curtain walls between these arches and thus obtained excellent lateral lighting, so that when Dieulafoy saw the ruins of the earliest building of this type, he was irresistibly reminded of a Gothic cathedral. This building, known as Tak Eivan or Kut Gapan, stands at Karkh. This town, which is known in Syriac as Karkha de Ladan, was founded by Shapur II. who died A. D. 379. Although seen by Rawlinson in 1838, 19 it was first surveyed and described by Dieulafoy some thirty years ago.20 It is raised on a sub-basement connected with an immense rectangular enclosure, to which it probably formed a monumental gateway. In its present state it consists of a gallery about 60 feet long by 27 feet broad (Plate I,C), which originally formed one of the arms of a long hall, the centre of which was occupied by a dome. Each arm was spanned by transverse arches (aros-doubleaux) brought up level and joined by barrel-vaults (formerets). Plate II, A. shows Phene Spiers' restoration and Figs. 3 and 4 explain ENTES PE! 11 II!! ET - -- - . ......... (Fig. 3 & 4.) the vaulting system in detail. The curvature of the transverse arches was found to correspond to a radius equal to half the width of the hall, hence semi-circular arches are shown in the restoration. If we bear in mind the restrictions imposed by longitudinal lighting, the very great step forward here taken will be realised. We now come to a building which every writer, with the exception of Professor Max van Berchem, 31 has regarded as Muhammadan. This is kusair Kharaneh, which stands in the country lying east of the Jordan, the Moab of the Old Testament, or the steppe of 19 Journal of the Royal Grographical Society, Vol. IX, p. 71. 20 L'Art Antique de la Perse, tomo V, pp. 79-87. 21 See Journal des Savanta, 1909, pp. 406-408.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1918 Balqa, where so many of the Umayyad Khalifs passed a great part of their lives. Our Vaulting system occurs in three halls on the upper floor, but although the transverse arches are joined with barrel-vaults, windows are not pierced in the bays (Plate II,C). In this respect it is unique among Muhammadan buildings vaulted in this fashion, which fact appears to me to lend further support to Prof. van Berchem's views as to its pre-Muhammadan date. As for the date of Kharaneh, a terminus-ad quem is fortunately provided by the preservation on its walls of the last three lines of an inscription painted in black and copied by Dr. Moritz,22 which runs, *. .Amir said it and Abd al-Malik the son of Ubayd wrote it on Monday three days remaining from Muharram of the year ninety-two ( A.D. 710)." Dr. Moritz suggests that Abd al-Malik was probably a member of al-Walid's suite on his return from the visit to Mecca, which he made in A.H. 91, (709), and which is recorded by Tabari and Ibn al-Athir. A few hours west of Kharaneh stands Kusair Amrah, first seen by Professor Musil in 1898, and completely surveyed by him in 1900 and 1901 under the auspices of the Imperial Academy of Sciences of Vienna. The feature, of course, which concerns us is the hall roofed with three barrel-vaults resting on transverse arches with windows in the bays between them (Plate II,D), but the unique feature of the building is its rich and wellpreserved wall-paintings which are fortunately combined with inscriptions enabling us to fix its date within very narrow limits. The two most important pictures are one representing the Khalif enthroned, with an Arabic inscription too damaged to be deciphered, and another-a group of six figures-representing the enemies of Islam, four of whom may be identified by their inscriptions as Kaisar (the Emperor of Byzantium), Roderick (the Ostrogoth), Chosroes (King of Persia) and Negus (King of Abyssinia). It must therefore have been built after A.D. 711, when the Arabs first came in contact with Roderick at the battle of the Guadalete. On the other hand, Professor Musil has brought together detailed historical evidence from the Kitdb al-Aghani and other works to show that it must have been built by the l'mayyads, who have been shown both by him23 and by Lammens24 to have been real Arabs of the desert, fond of hunting, wine, poetry, and the free open-air life. hating towns and neglecting their capital, Damascus, whenever possibleMuhammadans in name but not by temperament. Especially was this the case with Walid L, a half-Bedouin, who already, when heir to the throne, had selected the steppe of Balqa (Moab) as his dwelling place. He combined with this a real craze for building and the Kitab al-Aghani especially mentions pleasure palaces built by him. Professor Musil suggests that just as suba, lying in the Wadi Ghadaf, probably corresponds with Aghdaf so it is probable that Kusair 'Amrah--half bath, half hunting-tox-must be one of the Umayyad palaces mentioned in early Arabic literature, concealed under a name that is modern. As the Umayyad dynasty came to an end in A.D. 750, this fixes the other limit. Basing his opinion on convincing arguments as to the identification of the two remaining Egures which, however, I cannot enter into here for want of space. Professor van Berchem has narrowed down the probable date to A.D. 712-715,25 This fixes the date, more or less, for a building scarcely a mile away, known as Hammam as-Sarakh26, since its plan and dimensions, as well as the number and arrangement of its rooms, are almost identical. One chamber even is roofed with three barrel-vaults resting on transverse arches with windows in the bays, just as we have already seen (Plate II, D). 22 Ausfluje in der Arbia Petraea : Melanges de la Faculte orientale, Beyrouth, tome III, p. 422. 23 Kusejr Amra, pp. 151-160. 24 La badia et la hira sous les Omaiyades: Melanges de la Faculte orientale, Beyrouth, tome VI, pp. 91-112. 25 Journal des Savants, 1909, pp. 364-370. 26 Butler, Ancient Architecture in Syria, Sect. A, pp. 77, 78, and Appendix, pp. xix-xxv, with plan.

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K. A C. CRESWELL Tak Kivan Restoration of Interior (From Dieulafoy B. Hatra. (From Dr. W. Andrac: Harra). VAULTING SYSTEM OF HINDOLA MAHAL.. MANDU. Twian Antiguar Mate 11 ! W GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLL. C. Kasr Kharaneh. (From Dr. Moutz: Ausfluge in der Arabia Petraea). 1. Kusair Ainra (From Dr. Musil: kusejr Awra)

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JULY, 1918) THE HINDOLA MAHAL AT MANDI 175 FORDI Butler has also published a description of an exceedingly early mosque at Kusair al-Hallabat.27 It measures 10.10 m. by 11.80 m. and is divided by two rows of five arches carried on columns and engaged piers (Fig. 5). The walls are levelled up above the arches and barrel-vaults are turned upon them. He suggests that it belongs to the eighth or ninth century. This mosque has a concave mihrab, which he expressly states was built with the walls, and not added afterwards. As the concave mihrab does not go back to the earliest days of Islam, this is important, as it gives us a clue to its date. According to Makrizi, the first to introduce the concave mihrab was 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-Aziz when he ACTVAL STATE restored the mosque at Medinah by order of the Khalif Walid, A. H. 87-88 ( 705-706). The mihrab was copied from the Christian apse and for this reason was received with some reluctance by Islam, in fact it is defined as the least holy part of the mosque and the Imam is earnestly warned not to take up his station within SECTIONAB RESTORED it.28 In keeping with this (Fig. 5.) statement, the exceedingly early mihrab in the mosque-courtyard of the eighth century palace of Ukhaidir is entirely without decoration, and is a simple rectangular recess roofed with a semi-dome set on horizontal brackets ; the archivolt consists of a double ring of voussoirs. Though the first Egyptian mosque was built by 'Amr ibn al-A$ in A. D. 642 it was not given a concave mihrib until its thiril enlargement in A. D. 710. The mosque at ku air al-Hallabat must therefore have been built after A. D. 706 at the earliest. On the other hand, it is scarcely likely to be later than the early part of the ninth century, as it has not a distinctively Muhammadan appearance, and we know from ninth-century buildings at Samarra, and from the mosque of Ibn I'ulun at Cairo (A. D. 876-879), that strong individuality had been acquired by that time. The last early instance toat I shall quote occurs in the palace of Ukhaidir, discovered by Massignon in 1908, and by Miss Bell, independently, in 1909. Au interesting example of our valilting system is found in one room (Miss Bell's Room 32) in which the windows are not pierced, but simply blocked out (Plate III, A. and Fig. 6). This palace may be placed c. A.D. 750. The finest and most beautiful example to be found in the Middle East is undoubtedly Khan Orthma at Baghdad (Plate III, C), which will at once be recognised as having the closest possible affinity with the Hindola Mabal, indeed it would be difficult to find anywhere two interiors so nearly identical. Dienlafoy and General De Beylie?o attribate this building to the twelfth century, and Baron von Oppenheim says that it doubtless belongs to the times of the Khalifate30 (ended A.D. 1258). I find, however, that Commander J. E. Jones, who saw it in 1846, states that it bears the date 758 (A.D. 1356-7).31 This is 27 Ibid, pp. 74-77 and Appendix xvii-xix. 29 Bell (G. L.). Palace and Mosque at Ukhaidir, pp. 147-151. 29 Prome et Samarra, p. 33. 30 Vom Mittelmeer zum Persisches Gold, Band II, p. 241. 31 Memoir on the Province of Baghdad. Selections from the Records of the Bombay Government, XLIII-New Series, p. 315.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1918 the year in which the Merjaniyeh Mosque was built, of whose endowment Khan Orthma forms part. Perhaps the dating inscription inay have since disappeared. Regarding the date of the Hindola Mahal, Capt. Barnes states that it cannot be fixed with exactitude, as no inscriptions were discovered during the repairs, and he had not succeeded in finding a specific reference to it in any history. He considers it, however, to be one of the earliest Muhammadan buildings at Mandu. This is probable for two reasons, (a) its sloping walls which recall fourteenth-century buildings at Delhi, (b) the fact that a large number of the facing stones bear on their inner sides the images of Hindu gods or remains of Hindu ornament, while broken images were found mixed indiscriminately with the rubble core. He suggests that the building which it most resembles in its sloping walls and decorative features is the to.ab of Muhammad Tughlaq at Delhi (d. 1324). However, I do not think we need assume that it is quite as old as that. Firstly, one would expect the style of a provincial building to lag some forty or fifty years behind that of the capital ;33 secondly, the tomb of Muhammad Tughlaq is the very earliest in Delhi with sloping (Fig. 6.) walls; there are several later examples which may have influenced the Mandu architect. 32 Conservation at Mandu and Dhar. 4. S. Ind., Annual Report, 1903-4, p. 31. 33 As an example of this I would cite the following case taken from the field of palaeography. As is well known, the Kufic character was emploged for all historical inscriptions in Egypt down to the fall of the Fatimido dynasty. The curved character, however, was employed in Syria before this event, e.g., on the minbar made by order of Nar ad-Din for the mosque at Aleppo. This minbar is dated H. 564 (1168), And was moved by Saladin to the mosque of el-Aksa at Jerusalem, where it still is. It is illus. trated in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol. I, plate VIII. The latest historical inscription in Kufio in Cairo is in the Mosque of is-Salih Tala'i and is datod H. 555 (1160). The earliest in the curved character is dated 576 (1180-1). In the large towns of the provinces the last Kufio inscription (Alexandrin) is dated H. 583 (1187.8) and the first in the curved character (Alexandria) is dated in the vinces the last Kufio inscription (Kus) is dated H. 568 (1172) and the first in the curved character (Desk) is as late as H. 604 (1197). See M. van Berchem: Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, I, p. 719.

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Indian Antiquary VAULTING SYSTEM OF HINDOLA MAHAL, MANDU. Plate III A. Ukhaidir: Miss Bell's Room 32. (From Dr. Oskar Reuther : Ocheidir). B. Aiwan in the ruined palace of Machi, near Hawzdar. (From G. P. Tate: Seistan). C. Khan Orthma, Baghdad. (From Sarre-Herzfeld : Archaologische Reise im Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet). .W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLL. K. A. C. CRESWELL.

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JULY, 1918] THE HINDOLA MAHAL AT MANDU 177 This view receives further support from the historical evidence. MAnda was finally conquered by the Muhammadans in 1305, and was ruled by governors appointed from Delhi until Dilawar Khan declared himself independent in 1401. Like his predecessor, Dile war Khan, although he spent several months of the year at Mandu, resided at Dhar, and Mandu only became the capital on the accession of Hushang (1405-1434). Although Manda owed most of its splendour to Hushang, we know from inscriptions that Dilawar Khan also erected buildings there, viz., the Tarapur Gates and the mosque named after him. This mosque, 34 as well as the Lat Masjid at Dhar, built by him in 1405, are both constructed, like the Hindola Mahal, of Hindu remains. I think, therefore, on historical and archeological grounds, that the Hindola Mahal was probably built in the first quarter of the fifteenth century, either by Dilawar Khan or Hushang, the chances being in favour of the former. Before closing I give here (Plate III, B) an interesting example of an aiwan vaulted in this fashion.35 This building stands at Machi, near Hauzdar on the trade route through Seistan, and was perhaps built about A. D. 1600. Postscript.-In the first part of this article, when speaking of Kasr Kharaneh, I said that Prof. M. van Berchem did not accept the view that it is a Muhammadan building. His reasons for doing so are as follows. Kusair Amrah is not fortified, and no one would expect it to be since the Umayyads, masters of a great part of Asia, had no need to fortify their residences when these lay well within the boundaries of their eni pire. On the other hand Kharaneh as well as Mashita, Taba, 'Amman and Abyad, are fortified buildings of Mesopotamian type adapted to the plan of the castra of the Roman limes, such as Qastal. He discusses the matter at considerable length, and concludes that the hypothesis which attributes these buildings to the Ghassanides, who were Syrians and Christians, is improbable owing to the complete absence of Christian symbols and the presence of fragments of images at Mashita, as well as the Dionysiae interpretation of the facade suggested by Clermont Ganneau. Further, Mashsta and Kharaneh are strongly influenced, if not entirely inspired, by Persia and Mesopotamia. Now the Lakhmids were of Mesopotamian origin, and the inscription of Nemara proves that at the commencement of the fourth century the Lakhmid king Imrulqais was allied with the Romans and Persians, and that his rule extended to the Roman boundary east of the Hauran. He may well have felt the need of frontier forts and Taba, Amman, Mashita and Kharaneh form just such a line of advanced posts towards the west. Prof. van Berchem therefore places them in the fourth century. I submit that in the series of buildinga dealt with in this article, Kharaneh, by reason of the absence of windows in the bays, falls more naturally into the fourth than into the eighth century, and that support is thus lent to Prof. van Berchem's theory. 33 Zafar Hasan. The Inscriptions of Dhar and Manda: Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1909-10, pp. 18-19. 4 Barnes (Capt. E.), Dhar and Manda: Journ. Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Vol. XXI, p. 384. * Tate (G. P.) Seistan, plate to face, p. 136.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1918 THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH, By LT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.M.G. (Continued from p. 149.) THE peace was not long kept between the imperial troops and the armies of the Dakan. Each side accused the other of bad faith, but there appears to have been some excusable difference of opinion as to the position of the southern frontier of Berar, and the Dakanis, who accused the Mughuls of breaking the peace by occupying Pathri and other places beyond the limits of Berar, attacked some Mughul posts which were unquestionably within that province. The Mughuls could adduce some evidence to show that Pathri was included in Berar, and there seems to be no doubt that the responsibility for the renewal of hostilities lay with the rulers of Ahmadnagar, who, having obtained help from Bijapur and Golconda. decided to make an attempt to expel the imperial troops from Berar. Abang Khan of Ahmadnagar appealed for help to Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II of Bijapur, who sent to his assistance a force, well supplied with artillery, under the command of his best officer, the eunuch Suhail Khan. A contingent under Mahdi Quli Khan was also supplied by Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah of Golconda, and the allied army of the Dakanis, 60,000 strong, marched towards Sonpat on the Godavari, about fifteen miles from the town of Pathri. The Khankhanan, who had his headquarters at Jalna, at once assembled his forces and himself went to Shahpur, to inform Sultan Murad of the impending danger. The prince wished to take the fielel in person but the Khankhanan, whether from selfish motives or in the interest of the imperial cause, dissuaded him from this course, and himself assumed command of the field force with Shahrukh Mirza. The imperial army, which mustered no more than 20,000 horse according to Firishta, 26 or 15,000 according to the Akbarnama, marched to Ashti, to the north of the Godavari, and there entrenched itself, halting for fifteen days before renturing to attack the enemy. The battle began on Feb. 8, 1597, according to Firishta, and on Feb. 17 according to the Akbarnama. The various accounts of this extraordinarily complicated battle differ in detail, but agree in all the main particulars, and display the lack of discipline and cohesion in oriental armies. In the army of the Dakan the contingent of Ahmadnagar occupied the centre, that of Bijapur the right, and that of Golconda the left. In the imperial army the Khankhan nan and Shahrukh Mirza commanded the centre and Raja 'Ali Khan and Raja Jagannath the right and left. As the imperial troops advanced to the attack Suhail Khan opened fire with his artillery and put two or three thousand horse out of action, Raja Ali Khan with thirty of his principal officers and 500 of his men being slain. The two wings of the imperial army were defeated and put to flight, so that many of the men hardly rested until they had reached Shahpur, more than a hundred miles distant. where their accounts of the total defeat of the imperial troops so alarmed Sultan Murad and his tutor, Muhammad Sadiq Klan, that they prepared to retire from Berar. In the meantime the Khankhanan and Shahrukh Mirza had not only stood their ground in the centre of the imperial army but had pushed back the army of Ahmadnagar and captured the Bijapur artillery, which they were enabled to clo by the disposal of the Bijapur contingent who, being assured of victory, and scattered in all directions in search of plunder. The battle had not begun until late in the afternoon, and when night fell the Krankhanan and Shahrukh Mirza, with the small force that remained to them, held their ground on the field, while Suhail Khan, who, though he believed the defeat of the imperial army to be complete, 26 ii, 320.

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July, 1918 ] THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 179 had retained the royal guards of Bijapur near his person, bivouacked within a bowshot of the remnant of the Mughuls, neither party being aware of the propinquity of the other until, after a watch of the night was passed, the Bijapuris lit their fires. The Khankhanan then opened fire with his artillery and that which he had captured on Suhail Khan's position, and at intervals through the night caused the great drums to be beaten, thereby rallying round him many fugitives, so that before the morning he had assembled 4,000 men to oppose to the 12,000 who had gathered round Suhail Khan. During the night the imperial troops, finding no trace of Raja 'Ali Khan or his contingent, hastily concluded that he had either fled or deserted to the enemy, and plundered his camp. Accounts of the circumstances in which the battle was renewed in the morning differ. According to one version the Khankhanan refrained from taking the offensive, believing that Suhail Khan would ask for terms, and the Mughuls were attacked by the Dakanis when they went down to the river in the morning to slake their thirst; but according to the other version the Mughuls attacked the enemy with loud shouts before it was light. There is no discrepancy regarding the result of the battle. The Bijapuris were utterly defeated and fled towards Naldrug, Suhail Khan who had been wounded, escaping with difficulty. The contingent of Ahmadnagar and Golconda, which had been put to flight on the previous day and had barely rallies where the Bijapuris were defeated, fed headlong and in sorry case to A!!madnagar and Haidarabad. Forty elephants and all the artillery of the Dakanis were captured. When the corpses of Raja 'Ali Khan and his valiant contingent were discovered those who had plundered his camp were overwhelmed with confusion, and it would appear that his banner, kettle-drums, and elephants were restored. His body was carried to Burhanpur and was there buried, with great pomp, in the Daulat Maidan. He was succeeded in Khandesh by his son Qadr Khan, who assumed and used the title of Bahadur Shan. The prince bitterly resented the unfounded suspicions of his father's good faith and the plundering of his camp and, with less wisdom but more honesty than his father, consistently opposed Akbar. Sultan Murad sent him congratulations on his accession and invited him more than once to visit him at Shahpur, but Bahadur Shah evaded the invitation on each occasion, urging as his excuse the lack of a suitable force to accompany him,-a sufficiently pointed reference to the losses which his state had suffered by its activity in the imperial cause. He could not, however, refuse Murad's offer of a contingent of 4,000 horse to be placed under his command, and his proposal to marry a daughter of the Faruqi house, and he gave to the prince a cousin german of his own. Bahadur's reign was troubled by dissensions between his amirs, but he was no roi faineant and usually contrived to follow his own course, which was disastrous to him in the end. On May 1, 1599, Shaikh Abul Fazl, Akbar's secretary, who had been appointed to the Dakan, arrived in the neighbourhood of Burhanpur and was courteously welcomed by Bahadur, who urged him to remain for some time in the city as his guest. Abul Fazl insisted, however, on continuing his march to join Sultan Murad, but was delayed by wind and rain and was overtaken by Bahadur Shah. He took advantage of Bahadur's forcing his company upon him to urge him to aid in the conquest of the Dakan, but Bahadur temporized and suggested that he should send his son Kabir Khan, with a contingent of 2,000 horse, to join the imperial camp. He again urged Abul Fail to stay with him in Burhanpur, but Abul Fazl again declined, saying that he would have acceded to the request had Bahadur agreed to join the imperial army in person. Bahadur then attempted to conciliate Abul

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1918 Fazl with gifts, but he declined them on the ground that his imperial master supplied all his needs. Sultan Murad, who had long been drinking heavily, succumbed to the effects of his intemperance before Abul Fazl, whom he was avoiding, could overtake him, and on May 12, 1599, died at Dihari, on the Purna, of delirium tremens or alcoholic poisoning. It was at this time that Bahadur for some reason, probably because it had virtually become an imperial city, conceived a dislike to Burhanpur and resolved to destroy it and to build with its materials a city at a distance of about ten miles from it, which be proposed to name Bahadurpur, but the people of Burhanpur protested strongly against this proposal. They had no objection, they said, to his building a new city for himself, but objected to the destruction of Burhanpur, which had been founded in honour of the saint Burhan-al-din and bore his name. Bahadur then denied that he had any intention of destroying Burhanpur, but proceeded with the building of Bahadurpur, beginning with his own palace. When this was completed he assembled Sayyids, amirs, and all the principal men of the state with poets, singers, and minstrels, and gave a great feast. Sultan Daniyal, Akbar's youngest son, was appointed to the Dakan in the place of his brother, Sultan Murad, but travelled in a very leisurely manner towards the seat of his new government, and did not reach Burhanpur until January 1, 1600. After his arrival in Burhanpur Bahadur Shah imprudently refused to wait on him or to acknowledge his arrival in any way. Daniyal was much enraged, and though he was understood to be marching southwards, under his father's orders, to besiege Ahmadnagar, and had already sent order to Abul Fayl to refrain from opening the campaign, which task had been reserved for him, he halted in Burhanpur and summoned the amirs of Berar to his aid, with a view to punishing Bahadur for his insolence. To all demands for reparation for the insult, which included the payment of an indemnity, Bahadur returned temporizing replies, and Daniyal would probably have besieged him in Asirgarh, had he not received peremptory orders from his father to continue his march towards Ahmadnagar. Akbar was himself on the way to the Dakan, and was now at Ujjain. He had intended to spend some time in Malwa, but on Learning of the attitude of Bahadur resolved to march at once to Burhanpur. In order to appease Daniyal and to leave Bahadur a loophole for escape Akbar feigned to believe that Bahadur, having learnt of the emperor's impending arrival, had scrupled to pay his respects to the prince before paying them to the emperor himself. On Daniyal's leaving Burhanpur Bahadur sent him a present and sent his son, Kabir Khan, to set him on his way, but when Khvaja Maudad arrived at his court, as Akbar's envoy, to inquire into the circumstances of the slight put upon the prince he found Bahadur immovable. He took the position that it would have been derogatory to him, as a king, to make the first visit to a mere prince and instead of making the offerings which Akbar had expected, both as tribute and as reparation for the slight put upon his son, he sent only four inferior elephants. Akbar sent to Abul Fazl, who was hastening from Berar to join him, orders to visit Bahadur Shah and to offer him forgiveness on condition of his appearing at court and making his submission, but the mission failed and on April 8, 1600, Akbar arrived before Burhanpur and on the following day sent Khan-i-Azam and other officers to form the siege of Asirgash. Abul Farl wag appointed governor of Khandesh and sent his brother, Shaikh Abul Barakat, and his son, Shaikh 'Abd al-Rahman, in different directions with troops, to establish the imperial authority in the country. Muzaffar Husain Mirze was sent to Laling where three of Babadur's amirs, Falad Klan the African, Rap Rai, and Malik Shir, were assembled with their troops.

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JOLY, 1918) THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 181 Falad Khan submitted, and slew Rap Rai, who attempted to prevent him from deserting, so that all Rap Ral's elephants and other property fell into the hands of Muzaffar Husain Mirza. At the end of May Bahadur attempted to open negotiations with Akbar, sending his grandmother and his young son to the imperial camp with sixty elephants, and promising to give his daughter in marriage to Sultan Khusrav, the son of Sultan Salim (Jahangir), but it was evident that these negotiations were only a device to gain time until provisions should become so scarce and dear that Akbar would be obliged to retire, and Bahadur was informed that nothing but unconditional personal submission would be accepted. On June 21 a force under Qara Baig and other officers captured the Sapan hill, from which the Kbandoshis had been able to harass the besiegers of Asirgarh, and the whole of Bahadur's forces were driven inside the fortress; and on August 13 Malik Shir and the garrison of Laling, who had surrendered to Khvajagi Fathallah, were brought to court. On Sept. 22, further overtures for peace made by Bahadur were rejected, but the siege made slow progress, for many of the imperial officers had received bribes from Bahadur, and Abul Fazl was sent to infuse fresh vigour into its prosecution. The garrison was reduced to great straits, for Bahadur had permitted many refugees from his kingdom, to the number of 18,000, with their horses and cattle, to enter the fortress, and the insanitary conditions arising from the presence of so large a number of people and animals in a confined space were aggravated by the putrefaction of the vast stores of grain which the fortress contained, and a pestilence broke out among men and beasts, so that large numbers perished, The plight of the garrison facilitated the capture of the fort of Maligarh, a large outwork situated to the north-west of the main fort and on the lower slopes of the hill, which fell on Dec. 9. Bahadur Shah's chief anxiety was to escape the disgrace of formally surrendering Asirgash, but although he had been able to buy many of the officers in the besieging force it was evident that Akbar intended to remain in Khandesh until the fortress fell. It was therefore decided that an attempt should be made to evade the surrender by a stratagem. Bahadur Shah was to fulfil Akbar's conditions by appearing before him at Burhanpur, in the hope that the emperor would be content with this formal act of submission on the part of the ruter and would confer the government of Khandesh on him as a vassal, following a common practice in such cases, so that the formal surrender of Asirgash would be avoided. In the event of this expectation being disappointed it was decided that the fortress should hold out and that Bahadur should avert Akbar's wrath from himself by representing the garrison as rebels who defied his authority. Accordingly he agreed to wait upon Akbar on condition that the government of Kbandesh was bestowed upon him and that he was allowed to release the imprisoned members of the Faruqi family, for it was the custom in Khandesh to imprison all members of the ruling family except the reigning king. No attempt at regulating the issue of rations in the fortress had been made and discontent was rife, for large numbers of those who had taken refuge there were suffering from scarcity and want. The garrison, learning that Bahadur proposed to desert them, sent a deputation to him to announce that they would not permit him to leave the fortress alone, but would accompany him. At length Sadat Khan, one of the leading amirs, was permitted to go to the imperial camp to arrange preliminaries with the emperor, and carried with him a large quantity of treasure from the fortress to assist him in his negotiations. He was accompanied by his contingent of troops and a large retinue of private servants and turned traitor. Having made terms for himself-he entered Akbar's service and disclosed the state

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1918 of affairs in the fortress. Muqarrab Khan was next sent to the imperial camp and, having obtained Akbar's promise that Bahadur should be maintained in his kingdom, returned to the fortress and persuaded Bahadur to descend to the imperial camp and make his submission. Bahadur left the fortress with the leading men of his army and was received at some distance from Akbar's camp by the Khan-i-Ayam and by him conducted into the imperial presence. " And that," says the author of the Zafar-al-Walih," was the end of his reign over his kingdom and his mountain." Bahadur's stratagem failed, for he soon discovered that Akbar's promise to maintain him in his kingdom was contingent on the surrender of Asirgash, and as the fortress continued to hold out the promise was held to be void. From the Akbarnama it would appear that the obstinacy of the garrison was due to secret instructions from Bahadur, but the author of the Zafar-al-Walih gives a different account. He says that among those who remained in the fortress was Malik Yaqut, Muqarrab Khan's father, who was old and blind, and he assembled in the royal palace in the fortress all the sons of Mubarak Shah and their sons, and said to them. "The fortress is as it was and the garrison is as it was. Which of you will accept the throne and will protect the honour of your fathers?" And not one of 'them answered him anything, and he said to them, "Would to God that ye were women!" And they excused themselves, and it happened that as he was defending the fortress there 'came up to it his son Muqarrab Khan with a message from the king, and Malik Yaqut said to his son, "May God not show me thy face. Go down to Bahadur and follow him." And he went down and obeyed his order, until at length in the assembly of Abul Fayl he stabbed himself in the belly with his dagger, in abasoment that his father was not content * with him, and he died. But Malik Yaqut Sultani, when he despaired of all the offspring of Mubarak Shah, went out to his house, made his will, bathed himself, and had his shroud * brought. Then he summoned his family and went out to the mosque which he had built, * and prayed, and distributed benefits and gave alms, and he caused to be dug a grave in a * spot which be desired, and then he ate opium, for his jealous patriotism was strong upon him, and he died and was buried there. And they said, "Search for a text in God's book," * and this was found, "Say : O my servants who have transgressed to your own hurt, despair not of God's mercy, for all sins doth God forgive ! Forgiving and merciful is He!" May . God pardon him and have mercy upon him! Then the people of the fortress were summoned to come down and take assurance, and in accordance with their answer Shaikh Abul Fazl. of Dihli went up the mountain and took his seat on the stone platform known as that of Tafa'ul Khan, and gave permission to them to descend with their families, and this they * did, and the reduction of the fortress in A.H. 1009 (A.D. 1600-01) was attributed officially 'to Shaikh Abul Fazl. The beginning of the rule of the Faruqis in Burhanpur was in A.H. 784 (A.D. 1382) and from that date the name of Burhanpur (as applied to the province) was disused, and the province was known from them as Khandesh ("the country of the Khans ") of the dependencies of Dihli, and in the reign of Bahadur Shah, son of 'Adil Shah, after 225 years, the province was again, as formerly, included among the dependencies of Dihli. And the kingdom is God's, be He praised !' The exact date of the surrender of Asirgash, as given in the Akbarnama, was January 26. 1601, which may be taken as the date of the extinction of the dynasty founded in 1382 by Raja Ahmad or Malik Raja, and according to the same authority it was not Shaikh Abul Fazl himself, but his son, Shaikh 'Abd-al-Rahman, who received the surrender of the fortress.

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JULY, 1918] THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 183 According to Khafi Khan, the author of the Muntakhab-al-Lubdb, all the treasure of the Faruqis and much buried treasure of the former Hindu chiefs of Asirgash fell into the hands of Akbar's officers, and in the same work there is an interesting story of a superstition connected with the fortress. It is said that there was a large rock in the Tapti near Burhanpur and that when the city was founded in obedience to the posthumous instructions of the saint Burhan-al-din, conveyed through the saint Zain-al-din, the latter said that so long as the rock should retain its shape the kingdom should belong to the Faruqis, but when it assumed the shape of an elephant the kingdom should pass from them. Akbar heard this story, and being impatient for the fall of Asirgarh, the siege of which was long protracted, employed sculptors to cut the stone into the likeness of an elephant. His action, with the evidence of faith in the old prophecy which it displayed, disheartened Bahadur and hastened the surrender of the fortress. It is evidently to this circumstance that Firishta refers when he says that the outbreak of sickness in the fortress was attributed by the besieged to the arts of sorcerers employed by Akbar. The author of the Muntakhab-al-Lubab 27 also says that the siege of the fortress lasted for nearly four years, beginning in the early part of A.x. 1008 (July-August 1599) and ending at the beginning of A.H. 1012 (June, 1603), but on this point the evidence of the Akbarnama, written by Shaikh Abul Fazl, who took part in the siege, and of Firishta and the author of the Zafar-al- Valih, both of whom were contemporaries, while the latter had an intimate personal acquaintance with many of the principal actors, is conclusive. The author of the Zafar-al-Walih, who was for a time in the service of Fulad Khan one of the amirs of Raja Ali Khan (Adil Shah IV) and Bahadur Shah, gives the following character of Bahadur : In his reign the mighty were humbled and those of low degree * were exalted, he who laboured not obtained advancement and he who was honest fell behind; and he divided among lewd fellow's of the baser sort the jewels and rich stuffs which his fathers had amassed and collected together all that promoted sensual enjoyment, and all manner of unlawful pleasure became common; and he aroused wrath in the breasts of his father's ministers, so that they were prepared to welcome even a disaster that might bring peace. Nevertheless there were in Bahadur some praiseworthy qualities, such as * assiduity in alms-giving at fit seasons; and with equal justice he distributed alms to the * well-being of those who were in want, and very willingly to Shaikhs and Sufis who claimed to work miracles, even though these were doubtful. Nor was he without trust in * God, and would always say masha'llah ("please God ") when he undertook any business. This sketch does not much exalt Bahadur in our eyes. He was evidently weak, sensual, and strongly tinged with superstition. His petulant and foolish defiance of Akbar was evidence rather of lack of understanding than of strength of character, and he certainly entered upon the undertaking without counting the cost. Mention has already been made of the Faruqi princes whom it was the custom of the house to imprison lest the succession should be disturbed, and we have seen that the faithful Malik Yaqut, when Bahadur loft the fortress, assembled these princes and unsuccessfully tried to rouse their spirit by inviting one of them to ascend the vacant throne. The circumstances of their lives had not been such as to foster in them a spirit of enterprise. When the fortress was finally captured over fifty of these unfortunate princes, all of whom sprang from Mubarak Shah II, the ninth ruler of the line, fell into Akbar's hands. Their genealogy is as follows. 17 i, 214.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1918 Mubarak Shah II, died 1566. I. Muhammad Shah II, died 1676. 1. Hasan Khan. i. Qasim Khan. ij. Ibrahim Khan. II. Raja 'Ali Khan ('Adil Shah IV.) died 1597. 1. Bahadur Shah. i. Kabir Khan. ij. Muhammad Khan. Lii. Sikandar Khan. iv. Muwaffar Khan. v. Mubarak Klan. 2. Ahmad Khan. i. Mu'affar Khan. ii. 'Ali Khan. iii. Mu'ammad Khan. 3. Mahmud KLan. i. Vali Klan. ii. Ibrahim Khan. 4. Tahir Klan. 5. Masoud Khan. 6. Muhammad Klan. 7. Daughter married to Vali Khan. 8. Daughter married to Nasir Khan. 9. Daughter married to Sayyid Isma'il. III. Da'ud Klan. 1. Fat' Khan. 2. Muhammad Khan. IV. Ho mid Klan. 1. Bahadur Khan. V. Qai-ar Khan. 1. Latif Kban. i. Habib Khan. ii. Ibrahim Khan. 2. Dilavar Khan. 3. Murtaza Khan. VI. Bahram Khan. 1. A'zam Klan. 2. Musa Kran. 3. Jalal Khan. VII. Shir Klan. 1. Isma'il Khan. Ahmad Khan. VIII. Glazni Khan. 1. Ahmad Khan. IX. Darya Khan. 1. Muhammad Khan. 2. Mahmud Khan. 3. Muzaffar Khan. -oi *

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JULY, 1918) THE FARUQI DYNASTY OF KHANDESH 185 X. Sahib Khan. 1. Tahir Khan. i. Sikandar Khan. i. Ibrahim Khan. 2. Sidq Allah Khan. XI. Daughter married to Farid Khan. 1. Dilavar Khan. i. Taj Khan. In addition to these descendants there were : (1) Muhammad Khan, son-in-law of Chand Khan, whose name does not appear in * the genealogy, probably because he was dead, but who was evidently a member of the royal house. (2) 'Ali Khan, son-in-law of Hasan Khan, only son of Muhammad Shah II. From this genealogy we learn that the youthful Hasan Khan, son of Muhammad II., was not, as the Zafar-al-Walih would lead us to suppose, put to death by his uncle, Raja Ali Khan, who supplanted him, but lived to marry and to have a family of at least two sons and a daughter. The ultimate fate of all these princes is unknown, but according to the Akbarnama they were presented to Akbar, who ordered that they should attend regularly at court in order that he might judge of their fitness for advancement. Firishta, at the conclusion of his account of the rulers of Khandesh, makes one of his few original contributions to history. He tells us 28 that in A.1. 1023 (A.D. 1614) he visited the fort of Asirgarh in company with Khvaja Husain Turbati, who had held an important post in the service of Sultan Daniyal. After describing the fortress, he writes : They say that when Akbar Padshah had conquered the fortress and returned to Agra, 'he, in consequence of his attachment to the ways of the unbelievers, sent orders that the great Friday mosque in the fortress should be destroyed, and an idol temple erected on its site, but Sultan Daniyal, who was then in Burhanpur, did not obey the order, and purposely neglected to carry it out, so that it was never given effect to.' There is no reason to doubt this statement of Firishta. He was a good Muslim and was probably much scandalized by the report of the order which Akbar had issued, but he always writes with the highest respect of Akbar and his natural impulse would have been to conceal a fact so damaging to a great monarch whom all Muslims are anxious to claim as one of themselves, despite his well established unorthodoxy. The order is only one instance out of many, though perhaps the most marked, of Akbar's hostility to Islam. List of the Paragi Rulers of Khandesh 1. Raja Ahmad, or Malik Raja .. 1382 2. Nasir Khan, Jahangir .. April 29, 1399. 3. "Adil Khan I. ..Sept. 20, or Oct. 1, 1437. 4. Mubarak Khan I. .. April 30, or May 4, 1441. 5. 'Ain Khan ("Aina), Idil Khan II., Jharkhandi Sultan June 5, 1457. 6, Daoud Khan Sep. 28, 1501. 7. Adil Khan III. April 1, 150. 8. Muhammad Shah I. (Muhammad I. of Gujarat) .. Aug. 25, 1520. 9. Mubarak Shah II. May 4, 1537. 10. Muhammad Shah II. .. Dec. 19, 1566. 11. Hasan Shah 1576-77. 12. Raja 'Ali Khan ( Adil Shah IV.).. 1577-97. 13. Qadr Khan, Bahadur Shah .. Feb. 17, 1597. [Asirgarh captured by Akbar.] Jan. 26, 1601. 3 ii, 557.

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931 Genealogy of the Faraqi Rulers of Khandesh. Ain-al-din Mu'ammad, Khoajn Jahan. 1. Raja Ahmad (Malik Raja.) 1382--1399 2. Nasir Khan, Jahangrf. 1399--1437. -6. Hasan Khan, Malik Iftikhit. Went to Gujarat. 3. Adil Khan I. 1437-1441. Ghazni Khan. m. * dau of Ahmad I, of Gujarat. 4. Mubarak K&I. 1441-1457. Qrisar Khan. m. A dau of the Sultan of Sind. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 4haan Khin. ma dau of Malmed of Gujarat. 8. Ain Khan, ("AinA 6. Da'ad Khan 'Adil Khan II. 1501-1508 (Jh&pkhandi Sultan) 1451-1601 Hasan Khan. Ghazni Khan. Khanjahan. Blinded in 1503. 7. "Alam Khan, 'Adil Khan III. madan, of Mugaffar II. of Gujarat. 1509-1520. 8. Muhammad Shah 1. also of Gujarat. 1520-1537 9. Mubarak Shah II. 1537-1566. 4hmad Khan. 10. Muhammad Shah II. 1566-1576.77. 12. Raja Ali Khan, Adil Shah IV. 1577-781597. [JULY, 1918 11. Hasan Shah. 1578-77-1677-7. Qadr Khan, Bahadur Shah. 1697--1601

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JULY, 1918] ON THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE KAUTILIYA 187 ON THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE KAUTILIYA. BY HERMANN JACOBI, OF BONN. (Translated from the German by V. S. SUKTHANKAR, PH.D.; Poona.) (Continued from p. 161.) As is evident from this quotation, by acaryah Kautilya means his predecessors. And when he introduces a doctrine with the words iti dcdryah, he must be referring to them all collectively or at any rate to the majority of them, except when he adds ity eke or ity apare, pp. 164, (185) 338. Only in one instance, p. 320, is the meaning of acaryah to be restricted to the three oldest schools which will presently be mentioned; because, after quoting the opinion of these acaryah, the author proceeds to enumerate the views of the rest of the authorities which differ from them. The authorities that are actually mentioned by name are of two kinds: the schools aud the individual authors; the former indicated by the name in the plural, the latter in the singular. Four schools have been named: the M&navah, Barhaspatyah, Ausanasah and Parasarah. The first three are connected with each other, because four times (pp. 6, 29, 177, 192) they are quoted one after the other, and once only (p. 69) in connection with the Parasarah. One may, therefore, conclude that those three were looked upon as the older and the more respected schools and the Partsarah as a later one. To the same conclusion point the names as well; for, the former are derived from divine persons but the latter only from a Rsi. These six schools, however, were not exclusively schools of Arthasastra ; they dealt with the Dharmasastra at the same time. For, in the chapter of the Kautiliya dealing with Administration of Justice (dharmasthiya ) the above-mentioned three schools have been quoted twice (pp. 177, 192), and the acaryah, apare, eke nine times. On the other hand, in many Dharmasastras as, for example, ( 889 ] Bodhayana, Gautama, Vasistha, Visnu, Manu, etc., have the duties of the king been laid down. We thus perceive that both gubjects, Law and Politics, were intimately connected with each other and probably taught in one and the same school. Therefore a doubt may be entertained as to whether there were any schools exclusively for Arthasastra. The remaining authorities, which are spoken of in the singular number, namely, Bharadvaja, Visalakkal, Pisunah, Kaunapadantah, Vatavyadhih, and Buhudantiputrah must refer to individual authors. For, if these persons had also been looked upon as founders of schools, then like iti Parasardh, also iti Bharadvajah ought to have been said ; but we invariably find only the singular iti Bharadvajah. This difference of nomenclature makes it clear that Kautilya distinguished between schools and individual authors. A close examination of the passages in which the later authorities have been named reveals a remarkable fact, namely, that they invariably occur in the order given above with the Parasarah standing behind Visalak ah. On one occasion (pp. 13 f.) the whole series is enumerated; three times (pp. 32 f., 320-322, 325-328 ), the first six members; once (pp. 27 f.) only the first four; and once (p. 380 ) only the first two. In two passages (pp. 320 ff., 325 fi.) Kautilya refutes them one after the other in succession; in the remaining places the refutation of each author is attributed to the next following. The idea that the sequence is meant to be chronological, which lies near at hand, must be abandoned after a close scrutiny of the first-named places. On pp. 320 ff. is discussed the relative value of the seven prakytis : avamin, amatya, janapada, durga, ko a, danda and mitra. According to the acaryah, their importance diminishes in the order given above. On the

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1918 contrary Bharadvaja exchanges the places of 1 and 2, Visalakah of 2 and 3, the Parasarah of 3 and 4, and so on right through the series. In the other passage (pp. 325 ff.) the discussion is about the three kopajah and the four kamaja dosdh; Bharadvaja looks upon the kamaja dosah as more heinous than the kopajah; Visalaksah, the second kopaja as worse than the first; the Parasarah, the third worse than the second; and in the same way the kamaja dosah are gone through maintaining the same stereotyped sequence of authors, and the same fixed scheme. The question whether the historical development could have taken place in this manner, according to an unalterable rogramme, need not be seriously discussed. That Kautilya had not meant the series to be a chronological one, can besides be demonstrated in another way. For, according to it, Bharadvaja ought to be the oldest author. Now Bharadvaja attacks (p. 253) a doctrine that is explicitly attributed to Kautilya and is subsequently [840] refuted by the latter. Bharadvaja should accordingly have been not the oldest but the most modern author, and besides a contemporary of Kautilya himself! Probably the serial sequence expresses the degree of estimation which Kautilya entertained in regard to the respective predecessors, and Bharadvaja stood in the eyes of Kautilya the lowest in the scale. Kautilya utilised, as is absolutely certain in two cases and more or less probable in the remaining, the names of his predecessors for staging an imaginary controversy as a means of enlivening his discourse! This solitary artifice strikes one as something extraordinary in a manual of instruction otherwise so sober and pertinent. It was the first step towards an artistic representation that was taken by a great writer and that remained without issue. Such liberty could be taken by a great master; it would be something unheard of in the case of a pedagogue. From the data of the Kautiliya we can infer regarding the development of the Arthasastra that it was at first cultivated and handed down in schools and that subsequently individual authors wrote on the subject. This evolution was already completed before the time of Kautilya, whose work bears the stamp of a strong individuality, both as regards the form and the contents. This same development, first only a scholastic tradition and then individual productions, may be demonstrated also for the Kamasastra, which, as was shown above 1911, p. 962, belongs to the same literary category as the Arthasastra. Thus, if we except the mythical founder of the Kamasastra, Nandin, the attendant of Siva, and the semilegendary author Svetaketu, son of Uddalaka, then the first writer on Kamasastra, whose work was known to and [841] used by Vatsyayana, according to his own testimony (pp. 6 6 Vatsyayana mentions, pp. 78 f., & doctrine of Auddalaki; the commentary also one on p. 77, and p. 80 assigns a verse to him, Further, p. 4, the commentary quotes two verses according to which Auddalaki did away with the promiscuity of wives and with the consent of his father composed, as an ascetic, the Kamasastra (sukham sastram). Uddalaka sets forth Brh. Ar. VI. 4, 2 ff., the doctrine of rite coeundum and teaches the use of two maniras from which it follows that a man was permitted to have sexual relation with any woman during her menses. There must have thus actually existed a certain promiscuity of wives. We ought also perhaps to interpret the story of Jabala and her son Satyakama, Chand. Up. IV. 4, 2 in the same way (and not as rendered by Deussen that Jabala in her youth knocked about a good deal working as a maid-servant). According to MBh. I. 122, svetaketu did away with the promiscuity of wives, because he was indignant at seeing that a strange Brahman should actually avail himself of the right which his father (theoretically) recognised. From what tradition has to report concerning the father and son, it is therefore explicable why the composition of a Kamaeastra was attributed to Svetaketu. Nor do I wish to question, the fact that doctrines relating to the Kamasastra were current under his name. In this connection it may be mentioned that pastamba I. 5, 14 ff. counts Svetaketu among the modern authors, Jolly, Recht und Sitte, p. 3 (Grundriss).

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JULY, 1918) ON THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE KAUTILIYA 189 and 371), was Babhravya Panoala. Now it is very remarkable indeed that Vatsya yana quotes the Babhraviyas four tinies (pp. 70, 96, 247, 303). The conclusion is that here we have a school in which the doctrines of its supposed or actual founder, Babhravya Pancala, were traditionally handed down. The rest of the authorities named by Vatsyayana, treat of the seven parts of the Kamasastra severally, which cannot therefore be looked upon as products of distinct schools. For, it is indeed not possible to assume that there ever existed distinct schools which had specialised only in subjects like the Science of Courtesans, Seduction of a Maiden or Intercourse with Prostitutes. The respective works are, as Vateyayana himself unequivocally states, written by definite individuals: Dattaka, Carayana, Suvarnanabha, Chotakamukha, Gonardiya and Kucumira. As was shown above, 1911, p. 959, note 2, Ghotakamukha and Carayana are also mentioned in the Kautiliya and Gonardiya in the Mahabhasya. As out of the above-named authors Dattaka is, according to Vateyayana, the oldest and had been commissioned by the courtesans of Pataliputra to write his work, therefore he must have lived, as I have stated in the above-cited place, at the earliest in the second half of the fifth century B.o.; for Pataliputra became the capital of Magadha only in the middle of that century. It clearly follows, therefore, that individual authors had begun writing on the subject already in the fourth century B.c.? Vatsya yana himself finally being the last author is now to be considered. Vatsyayana is the gotra name, the personal name is Mallanage (Com. p. 17: Vatsyayana iti xvagotranimitta samdkhya, Mallanaga iti samskarika). Already Subandhu calls the author of the Kamasutra Mallanaga, (p. 89) to which passage the commentator adds a quotation from the Visvakona. The personal name rendere it indubitable that the Kamasutra is not the work of a school but that of an individual writer. Moreover, Vateyayana was the regenerator of the Kamasastra, which in his time was utsannakalpam, all but extinct. That he is much later than Kautilya, I have shown above, 1911, pp. 962-3, foot-note 1; he can scarcely be prior to the third century A.D. To the reasons already adduced for assuming & considerable difference in point of time between Kautilya and VAtayAyans may be added that the latter looked upon abstention from meat diet as meritorious (mam sabhaknanddithya satrdd eua nirdranan dharma!, p. 12), while in Kautilya's time there was no such thing. In the sanddhyaksa a number of animals are named which should not be slaughtered (especially in the abhayavanas), but meat diet was not tatooed. For, otherwise Kautilya would not give rules regarding the sale of meat, e.g., "only the flesh of freshly slaughtered animals and cattle (mrgapasandm) should be sold, and it should be devoid of bones; the bones ought to be compensated with most of the same weight. No animal should be sold of which the head, feet and bones have been severed, which has an offensive smell or had fallen dead." The disinclination towards meat-eating has been on the increase since very early times. In the time of Brahmangs some already forbid beef; while, on the other hand, Yajsavalkya raises no objection to tender beef, Satapatha Brahm. III l. 2. 21 ; in later times many Brahman asceties were converted to complete vegetarianism. The motive power in this movement appears to be the duty of ahimed imposed upon the fourth Asrama, tie pariurdjakas (also in Kantillya, p. 8: arvepdm ahmad). Buddhists and Jainas raised the ahimad, though not at the outset, still with certainty in later times, to a general religious commandment. Asoka's example and edicts must have exercised the most powerful influence. In the Mahabharata occurs & polemic against animal sacrifice and the recommendation of vegetable sacrifice as a substitute for it. The prohibition of meateating follows naturally the abstention from killing. In India extrome principles become established in the long run: the more stringent rule appears to be the more correct one; the Indians fight shy of cultivating lax habits. An important role was played in these matters probably by the women. Do they not appear even nowadays as the guardians of the orthodox tradition, though the men might be prepared to renounce it ?

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1918 [842 ] The transition from the scholastic treatment of a discipline' to its presentation in literary works, which we can follow in equal measure in two separate subjects, was caused probably by the growth of these sciences, which rendered their separate treatment and specialisation inevitable. Simultaneously a change in the form of its presentation must have set in. While those text-books which were the products of schools, such as the srauta-, dharma-, gphyasutras, the two Mimams sutras, exhibit the sutra style, the works of individual authors such as Y iska's Nirukta, Patanjali's Mahabhanya, Vutsy yana's Kamasutra (in spite of its designation as sutra) are of a different type. By the side of dogmatic exposition discussion comes more and more into prominence. The sutra style changes into the bhasya style. The Kautiliya has also its place in these stages of development: alongside of sections in which the author attempts the shortness of the satras, there are others where the author indulges in a certain amount of breadth and prolixity after the manner of the Bh&eyas. In point of fact the author of an old Tika8 on Kamandaki's Nitisara (pp. 136 and 138) designates the Kautiliya as Kautalyabhasya 9 and an anonymous &rye of unknown origin added at the end of the Kautiliya says: [843) drstva vipratipattim bahudha sastresu bha yakaranam svayam eva Vixnuguptas cakara sutram ca bhasyam ca | If then our Kautiliya is the Bhanya and we know nothing about another work, a Sutra, of Kautilya, nor can we even imagine what that Satra should be liko, to which the Kautiliya could stand in the relation of a Bha Rya, it appears to me that the above statement that Visugupta himself is the author of a Sutra and a Bhagya must be interpreted to mean that the Kautiliya is at once Sutra and Bhasya. It would not be, for that matter, the only instance of a Bhanya that was not a commentary to any Sutra: another example is the Prasastapadabhasya, which is an entirely independent treatise on the Vaisesika system and in no sense a commentary on the Sotra of Kanada. The designation Bhagya for those kinds of works did not, however, come into vogue, as we see that Vitsyayana on the contrary gives the title Kamasutra to his work.10 Generally speaking it must be emphasised that the free exposition of the sciences in the form of literary works does not import a complete breakdown of the primeval institution of the Vedic school. People may have adhered to the old mothod in Vedio disciplines and others similar to these, and given that method a scholastic turn, conformable to the particular subject in hand, in the case of others. The first might have been the case with the two # For the age of the Upadhyayanirapeksi Tika, from which the editor have given in the Bibl. Ind. extracts with their own additions (see bhumika, p.1), the fact that the author calls Vatsya yana asmadguru appears to be decisive (p. 136 where he quotes & passage from the Kamasutra, p. 3 of the edition). This statement could not very well have been smuggled into the text by the editors. On the other hand the quotations from Kullakabhatia to Manu, VIII. 155-157 on Pp. 211 ff., from Sahityadarpana (III. 146 1.) on p. 278, from Mudrarhk88, p. 223 (cited according to a printed edition of the drama) #re undoubtedly additions by the respective editors: arthaprakasartham. 9 The spelliog Kauralya is rendered certain through the derivation of the name from kutala (kutakih kumbhidhanyahkufaidnti); com, to Kamandaki I. 2 and Hemacandra Abhidhanae. III. 517 com. Does perhape the form Kautilya rest on a popular etymologie ! Kautilya denotes 'falsity, cunning,' and, in the tradition, that is just the prominent characteristic of Canakya, cf. the stories about him in the Paribistaparva, VIII. 194 ff., particularly 362-376, as also the Mudraraksasa. 10 The case is quite different with the use of the designation sitra with the Jainas and Buddhists. They were influenced by the religious literature of the Brahmans. The name anga for the oldest portions of the Jaina canon shows that most clearly; for it the reding as had evidently served as model.

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JULY, 1918 ] ON THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE KAUTILIYA 191 Mimam sas, of which it was noted above that both the alleged authors quote each other. For, as the exegesis of the Vedas, theoretically dealt with in the Parva-Mimamsa, was developed in the schools of the Srauta-Sutra and followed in practice, it is probable that the scholastic method of the latter was introduced into the former. Later the UttaraMimmisa followed in the wake of the older branch. With the Vedic schools should not be confounded the academic schools, even though the latter were moulded after the pattern of the former. We shall elucidate the difference by a reference to the later philosophic schools, about which we are better informed. A philosophical system must have been originally the vigilantly guarded property of a school; for, as in accordance with the Indian custom [844] the disputant that was Vanquished in public disputation had to acknowledge the victor as his guru, it was disadvantageous that the train of thought of any disputant should be known beforehand to his antagonist. At a later stage of development when the knowledge of the system could no longer be kept secret, there took place the composition of the respective Satras. Here we find the actual authors mentioned by name in the case of the Vaisesika-and Nyayadarsana: Kanada the Kasyapa for the former, and Aksapada the Gotama for the latter. Now the interpretation of the Satra became the task of the school, while, on the other hand, in the case of the Vedic school it consisted in its traditional preservation. When therefore ultimately the exegetical activity of the school results in a written exposition in the form of a Bhasya, the science acquires a standing independent of a school exclusively devoted to it; henceforth its cultivation lies mostly in the hands of Pandits who do not form a corporate school in the original sense. It may be that the scheme roughly sketched here has to be modified in details ia regard to other disciplines'; but in every case one may assume the following three stages: 1. during the initial stages of development of a * discipline', its existence is bound up with the school or schools devoted to it; 2. through the composition of the Sutra & certain amount of completion is attained and the activity of the school is, in the first place, directed towards the interpretation of the Satra but is incidentally also concerned with supplementing the material contained in it; 3. the composition of the Bhasya ushers in the dissolution of the school as such, in place of which steps in the scholastic and scientific study. 12 It may here be added that eventually the Sutra becomes a purely 11 For a science the living tradition is naturally of great importance in India. But it does happen that the agama becomes extinct and is subsequently revived. So Bhartrhari appends at the end of the wecond book of the Vakyapadiya & resume of the history of grammatical studies upto his own time. He relates among other things how the study of the Mahabhasya, which then existed only in manuscript, was revived by the Acarya Candrs and others (B. Lieblch, Das Datum Candragomins und Karidasa, p. 7). Also similarly, as Prof. Von Steherbatskol informs me, the study of the ancient Nyaya in Satra, Bhasva, Varttika And Tatparyatika has been brought into vogue again in our time through the editions of these works, efter being supplanted for centuries by the Tattvacintamani and the literature connected with it. 12 One of the most modern schools that we know of, that of the Dhvani-doctrine has gone through the three stages set forth abova in barely a century, see my remarks in ZDMG., vol. 56, PP. 405 ff. (pp. 14 ff. of the off-print). Through the Dlvanyaloka the Dhvani-doctrine became the common property of the Pandits; thenceforward one can speak of a Dhyani-school only in the figurative song of tanmatansaritd. In the grammatical school of Panini the activity of the individual authors appears to have attained great importance already in the second phase. The case of the medical schools may again have been quite different, if, that is, we might believe in the intimations of the Upamitibhavapra panca Katha, pp. 1210 f., a medical school was constituted through the patha of a Sambiti.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1918 literary form, especially when [845] its author writes simultaneously also a commentary ; this took place when the sciences detached themselves entirely from the school proper. We have set forth the foregoing reflections regarding the different kinds of schools in India in order to clear up the point whether the Kautiliya could be the product of a school. If such were the case, we ought to expect a Sutra-work, as, however, the Kauriliya is not a Satra but rather a Bhasya, which designation is also expressly given to it by an ancient author; therefore the work is presumably that of an individual author, as shown by many a peculiarity, material and formal, which has come to our notice in the course of our inquiry. We must now investigate if there is reason for doubting the common Indian tradition that Kautilya himself is the author of the work under discussion. In the first place, it must be emphasised that, as already shown by Hillebrandt, throughout the Indian middle ages Kautilya was with one accord looked upon as the suthor of the Arthasastra under reference. I single out only the evidence of Dandin, who places in the mouth of a character in the Dasakumarac. Chap. VIII, the words : iyam (scil. dandanitih) idanim acarya-Vis muguptena Mauryarthe sadbhih slokasahasraih samkripta : here with is the time, the author, purpose, extent of the work most definitely given, in complete accordance with the data of the Kautiliya itself. The passages in which the facts in question are given are, in addition to the opening sentence of the work quoted above verbatim, the last verse of I1, of II 10, and the last three verses at the very end of the work. The first question is: whether these verses may not be later additions. This supposition is impossible in the case of the end verses of Il and II 10. For were we to strike off these verses, then those chapters would lack the usual metrical conclusion. There is in the Kautiliya (as in the Kimasutra) the rule that every chapter must end with at least une verse.13 Further, as regards the three verses at the end of the work, it is well-known that that is the place where authors give information about themselves and their work ; it must be specially emphasised that the Kamasutra, which in other respects also agrees [846) in outward form with the Arthasastra, ends with eight verses containing information about the work, the sources, the author, the purpose and the justification. Lastly, the introductory words, which, indeed, do not contain Kautilya's name, cannot be dispensed with and find besides their parallel in the Kamasutra, where similarly, before the enumeration of the Prakaranas, but in greater detail, the relation of the work to its sources has been set forth. Accordingly the expunging of the doubtful passages would result in gaping blanks; the amputation is therefore not foasible. Let us now examine the contents of the above passages. The introductory words say that the contents of the works of all previous masters have been compressed in the Arthasastra before us. If the Kautiliya were the product of a school it would have in that case appealed to the tradition of the school itself and not to older teachers, who would be looked upon as the leaders of rival schools. The wording of this passage points thus to an individual author, independent of every school. The same follows from the end verse of I l, which reads as follows: sukhagrahanavijneyam tattvarthapadaniscitami Kautilyena kertam kastram vimuktagranthavistaram il 1 Only an apparent exception to this rule is XIV l, where a mantra in prose follows the last verse: for, this mantra is probably a gloss intended to supplement the agi mantra mentioned in that verse. Otherwise when mantras are laid down (XIV 3), the directions for use are always appended to them introduced by the words: elasya prayogah. There are no such directions in this instance.

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JULY, 1918] ON THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE KAUTILIYA "Kautilya has composed this manual easy to understand and to study; exact as regards subject, ideas and words; free from prolixity." These appear to be the words of the author of a book intended for self-instruction. A text-book intended for the use of schools does not need to be sukhagrahanavijneya: the teacher, the school is concerned with its exposition. The second verse runs: sarvasastrany anu kramya prayogam upalabhya ca | Kautilyena narendrarthe sasanasya vidhih krtah || 193 "After scrutinising all Sastras and with due regard to practice, Kautilya has formulated these instructions concerning documents for the benefit of kings." This verse refers only to the particular chapter sasanadhikara; Kautilya claims special credit for it, probably as this subject was either not dealt with at all before him or at any rate not dealt with sufficiently well. The personal note is here unmistakable. Would a school compiler boast of having provided for the wants of a king? The verses at the end of the work read: evam sastram idam yuktam etabhis tantrayuktibhih | avaptau palane co'ktam lokasya'sya parasya ca|| dharmam artham ca kamam ca pravartayati pati ca | [847] adharmanarthavidve an idam sastram nihanti ca || yena sastram ca sastram ca Nandaraja-gata ca bhuh | amarseno'ddhrtany asu tena iastram idam krtam || Thus has this Sastra that leads to the acquisition and preservation of this and the other world been set forth along with these methodic concepts. This Sastra brings about and protects Justice, Prosperity and Enjoyment and also dispels Injustice, Detriment and Displeasure. This manual has been composed by him who quickly and angrily rescued at once the Science, the Art of War and the Earth that had passed to the Nanda King." The first of these three verses refers to the last chapter (concerning methodic concepts) and to the first words of the book: prthivya labhe palane ca. The second verse promises the attainment of the trivarga to him who knows this Sastra, as is done in a similar way, in partly identical words in the Kamasutra, p. 370: dharmam artham ca kaman c, etc. Lastly, the end verse tells us, with surpassing conciseness, who the author is, not through the specification of his name, which had occurred already twice, but through the recounting of his distinguished services. That is not self-praise: they are the words of a man who stands at the pinnacle of his fame. But in spite of his self-consciousness, which is not veiled by any sham modesty, one does feel in the words of the Chancellor of Candragupta a certain amount of courteous consideration in so far that he does not specify the name of the master whom he has raised to the throne; for, it might in this connection have called forth his disfavour. Kamandaki, on the other hand, who could glorify the great master irrespective of any such consideration, praises as his work the overthrow of the Nand as and the raising to the throne of Candragupta, each in one stanza (I 4. 5). If some one in later times had added a prasasti to the book, it would surely have been a lengthy eulogium like Kamandaki's.-What the words amarseno 'ddhrtany deu in the last verse referred to the Arthasastra imply, deserves to be discussed more fully. Amarsa is, taking

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1918 it in its widest sense, the irritation caused by the conduct of the opponent ; 1' the primary meaning of uddhrta is something like "restoring to its rights" and is according to its object to be translated differently: with reference to the Science it may be rendered with something like "reform." The sense of Kautilya's words very probably is that he [848] is vexed over the narrow-mindedness of his predecessors, and that he has without a moment's hesitation (asu) thrown overboard their dogmatism: it implies the sense of contempt in which the "Professors " are held by the statesmir, which even Bismarck was at no pains to conceal. This standpoint of Kautilya finds expression in his work, on the one hand in the frequent rejection of the doctrines of the acaryas, on the other hand, in the admittance of important matters into the Sastra which his predecessors did not deal with there, but which in a serviceable hand-book of Politics could not very well be left out. The agreement obtaining between the words of Kautilya and the character of his work, and the personality that characterises them would be difficult to understand, if those were not the very words of the author. A later writer who wanted to palm off his own lucubration or that of his school on the name of the famous statesman, would surely have faltered somewhere. From this view point the higher criticism must acknowledge the authenticity of the Kautiliya. Many will perhaps find it difficult to bring themselves to believe in the authenticity of the Kautiliya for the reason that literary forgeries have been in India the order of the day from time immemorial on an extensive scale. For is it not a forgery when & work is given out as revealed (prokta) by Manu, Yajna valkya, Vyusa or some god or Rsi? But a forgery in the name of a historical personality with studied adaptation of the work on that of the latter would be no longer a pia fraus but a refined imposture, which has no counterpart in the Indian method. For this case would be quite different from that when, for instance, some tractate or commentary is attributed to Sankara through the putting down of his name at the end of the chapter; the Kautiliya is a masterly product of the highest rank and recognised as such through a long series of centuries. He who could write such a work must have suffered from a inor bid lack of self-consciousness, were be to send it out into the world under the name of another in order to assure its recognition.--Another mis-statement commonly made by authors in India is one which is rather a suppressio veri than a direct falsification, and consists in the publishing of the work under the name of the patron who brought about the composition, more or less influences or even supervises it, instead of under that of the author biinself; a well-known instance is that of the works going under the name of Bhoja, king of Dhara. Such an origin is impossible in the case of the Kautiliva on account of the way explained above in which Kautilya looks upon the composition of the work as a personal achievement; and even if such were the case, the question of the age of the work would not be affected by it. On the other hand, I do not wish [849] to dispute that Kautilya may have had collaborators for certain parts of his work, especially for such as deal with technical details ; officers engaged in the respective branches of administration may have supplied the material and he may have only attended to its editing. A similar state of things may be observed elsewhere, for example, in the commentary of 1. Compare the definition in the Rasaga'igAdhara, p. 88: parakridvahadindnd paradhajanyo maunaodkpdrusya-dikaranfbhua cittavrttidseso 'margar. Similarly already in Bharata, p. 80: amargo ndma vidyais varyadhanabalaksiplaayd 'pamanitasya od samutpadyase. These definitions are applicable primarily to poems and dramas,

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JULY, 1918] MISCELLANEA 195 Arjunavarmadeva to the Amaruka, in which one believes to be in a position to distinguish between the words of the princely author and the learned disquisitions of his Pandits. But even this reservation does not vitiate the authenticity of the Kautiliya. Lastly, one might hesitate to accept the fact that just the Kautiliya should survive as the only literary monument of those early times, 15 for which the "habent sua fata libelli" would offer no satisfactory explanation. I too do not look upon its preservation merely as a matter of an unexpected, lucky chance, but would emphasise that epoch-making works of master-minds, to which category the Kautiliya undoubtedly belongs, have this advantage over other merely creditable productions that they do not get antiquated but, on the contrary, attain the dignity of a canon. Similarly out of a slightly older epoch has been preserved the Nirukta of Yaska, and from slightly more modern times the Mahabhasya of Patanjali. The high esteem in which these works are held protects them not merely from the tooth of time but also from the hand of the meddlesome interpolater. In the latter respect was the Kautiliya further protected through the enumeration of the Prakaranas contained in it and the specification of its extent like similar data in the Kamasutra also. We have, therefore, a certain guarantee for the fact that our text has not undergone any considerable addition; whether any curtailment has token place will be revealed by a critical study of the work. The outcome of our investigation is, on the one hand, that the suspicion against the authenticity of the Kautiliya is unfounded, and, on the other, that the unanimous Indian tradition according to which the Kautiliya is the work of the famous minister of Candragupta, is most emphatically confirmed through a series of internal proofs, 16 MISCELLANEA. VATSYAYANA AND KALIDASA. and idea sooms to be a clear proof of Kalidasa's IN Act IV of the Sikuntala Kalidasa has got the borrowing from Vatsyayana. famous verso, Susrashasva gurdn, etc. Kasya pa In the third foot of the verse from the Sakuntala in this verse advises Akuntals as to how she should quoted above, according to some reading we get behave herself in her husband's house. The third bhagyeshu instead of bhogeshu, In the light of the foot of the verse bhayishfhan bhava dakshind Kamasutra it would be now justifiable to alter parijane bhogeshu =anutsekini is rather interesting thag yeshu into bhogeshu once for all. as it clearly shows that Kalidasa was indebted to Accepting Prof. Jacobi's theory that the third Vatsyayana for the idea and language of this century A.D, should be fixed as the date of passage. A lady who is eka-charini must possess Vatsyayana, the same period should also be now eccording to Vatsyayana, among other qualities, put down as the lower limit of the date of bhog eshu anutsekah and parijane dakshayam (Kama Kalidasa. sira, IV, 1, 39-40). This similarity of language N. G. MAJUMDAR. 15 It may further be emphasised here that in the later classical period thare was no longer any certain tradition concerning the pre- and early classical writers and that therefore they could not be distin. guished in that period. Thus the lexicographers (Trika asosa, II 365 1., Abhidh anasint Imani, IIL 617 1.) identify the following writers with Kautilya : both the Vats yayan (Mallanaga and Pakila v Amin), Dramila and Angula. Is it porhaps due to this confounding of Vataykyans with Kautilya that the commentator to the Kamandakiya, es remarked above p. 19), note 8, calls the author of the Kamasutra asmadguru ? 36 The above article of Prof. Hermann Jasobi ap 23a re 1 in th> Sitzu ujaberish's der kniglich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1912, No. XXXVIII.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1918 NOTES AND QUERIES. SPREAD OF HOBSON-JOBSON IN corporal talking about the domes and marionettes of Baghdad.'" MESOPOTAMIA B-Corruptions of European words. The war has naturally brought about a new 1. Shamin dafar. Fr. chemin de fer : & railway. crop of Hobson-Jobsons and corruptions of "An Arab asked me the other day where the new English and European languages which are begin. shemin duffer was going to be.'" ning to be reported and are worth collecting from 2. Sataronbil, terumbil. An automobile, motor the commencement for the sake of future studente car. "The men of the desert call our motors of philology. *stronbille' or 'terumbills,' a truly onomatopaeic Mr. Edmund Candler, the representative of the word." British Press in Mesopotamia, is responsible for 3. Antika. Any "antique." "The urohin who those contained in the following extracts taken holds out a faked curio at Babylon asks you to rom a letter published in the (London) Observer on buy an antion." (This is an old expression in the the 12th May 1918. Near East through the Italian antica. The Editor A.-Hobson-Jobsons. heard it used continually in the bazaar in Cairo 50 years ago. The expression used in enquiries 1. Imshi. Imperative of Ar, verb mashi, to go:go, then was usually, andak haja antica ? Is there get out. To vanish, a vanisher (one who vanishes). any antique with you? Have you any arcient "There was a small port on the Euphrates whero yems ?). the villagers were called 'imshis' by the British rank 4. Kuntracht. A contractor. Fr. contrat and and file. The word, with its Djinn-like [Ar. jinn, Turki chi, an agent, & handler. "The contractor veneric term for supernatural beings of darkness) is the contrachi (contrat and chi, the Turkish suggestion of disappearance, is very apt." termination that implies agent)." (Ct. mash alchi, 2. Makoo. Contracted form of Ar. mi yakan, it the lamp man,' the male kitchen-maid,' or is becoming nothing. There is none, not to betweenie' of the Anglo-Indiaa household : lit. had, cut of stock. "I only know of one instance the man who handles the lamps (properly torches, in which 'makool has been applied to an individual, mash al).- ED.). and that is Makoo Effendi of Mr. Never has), a 5. Damful. To deceive. "At Aden I hear the picturesque dignified old gentleman, a sort of Arabs have coined a verb from an English expletive, general factotum, contractor and agent, whom we damful,' which is conjugated in all its moods and have inherited from the Turk. He stands with the tenses. I damfuled you' (damfaltuk], you palms of his hands turned up and resting on his damfulei me' [damfattani], with the Arab hips, his eyes fixed on the far horizon empty of inflection hope, the personification of 'makoo. If you talk about work,' said a subaltern to me, he falls 6. Finish. To finish, end, be done for. "It has all of a tremble and spins out 'makoos' by the spread from Basrah to Samarrah and to the remotyard.'" est villages of the desert. A familiar greeting 3. bill-bellum. Ar. B'il-balam, in the river boat. from the Arabs as we went up the Tigris was Turk Any kind of river boat." In Basrah you have finish,' and it was always accompanied with an soldiers oalling out for a "bill-bellum.' eloquent gesture of finality." 4. Marionette. Ar. mandral, a turret : the mina R. C. TEMPLE. rets of a mosque. The other day I heard a

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August, 1918] RELIGION IN SIND 197 RELIGION IN SIND. BY G. E. L. CARTER, I.C.S. Part I. (Continued from Vol. XLVI, p. 208 of 1917.) HAVING formulated our hypothesis - let us proceed to examine a few legends which clearly refer to pre-Mussalman times. In the History of Gujerat we read that the Brahmins of Sind refused to become Shrimali Brahmans. "The angry Sindh Brahmans in their own country worshipped the sea. At their request Samudra sent the demon Sarika to ruin Shrimal. Sarika carried off the marriageable Brahman girls ......Shrimal became waste . . . . When they heard that the Shrimal Brahmans had returned to their old city and were prospering, the Brahmans of Sind once more sent Sarika to carry away their marriageable daughters. One girl, as she was being haled away, called on her housegoddess and Sarika was spell-bound to the spot. King Shripunj came up and was about to slay Sarika with an arrow whon Sarika said "Do not kill me ..... let your Brahmans at their weddings give a dinner in my honour and let them also marry their daughters in unwashed clothes ....On this Sarika fled to Sindh. And in her honour the people both of Shrimal and of Jodhpur still marry their daughters in unwashed clothes." This extract clearly indicates that in Sindh the orthodox Hindus had given up the worship of celestial deities and were water worshippers. It is true the sea is specified but the connotation is vague. Even Punjabi Mabommedans to this day call the Indus the "sea". That the crocodile was demonic may be gathered from the strange lycanthropio tale incorporated in the Mahabharata. Arjun was roving through Western India in search of adventure and had apparently reached the lakes of the Lower Indus flood plain. "Dragved by the renowned Arjuna to the land, that crocodile became a beautiful damsel .... "Who art thou, O beautiful one? What for hadst thou been a ranger of the Waters?" The damsel replied, saying, "I am, Oh mighty armed one, an Apsara sporting in the celestial woods. I am, Oh mighty one, Varga by name "... and then she describes how she and four others (dear to Kuvera), Sauraveyi, Samichi, Vudonda and Lata, tempted & Brahman, who cursed them. "Becoming crocodiles range ye the waters for a hundred years . . . An exalted individual will drag ye all from the water to the land. Then ye will have back your real forms." Now this tale is pure lycanthropy and is all the stranger because this form of magic is 80 rare in India. The name of the leader of the Apsaras, Varga, is to be noted. One must assume that the Beast, the terror of the jungle, the incarnation of foul murder, is not in Sind either the panther (Marathi wagh), or the tiger (Sk. vyaghra), but the crocodile (Si, wagho). In Europe the Beast was the wolf (Norse vargr, Saxon varag) and from the terror inspired by its ferocity was evolved the whole conception of the werwolf. In Sind the Beast was eventually lost in an all-embracing Hinduism. A curious parallel of absorption in Catholio Christianity will be found in the most holy miracle, which St. Francis wrought when he converted the very fierce wolf of Agobio, 1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Pt. 1, p. 462. * Trans. by P. C. Roy, Calcutta, 1883. Adi Parva, oh. 918. * Little Flowers of St. Francis, ch. XXI. For the terror inspired by the orocodiles among the Jows, 100 Job, sh. 41 RV.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( AUGUST, 1918 Does the mythical makara 'represent the contribution of Brahmanical Sind to catholic Hinduism? One Puranic legend, quoted in the History of Gujerat, refers to the conquest of Mavuradhvaja of Gujerat by Makaradhvaja of Sind. This fight is considered to represent the contest in which the Mers from Sind, as allies of the Huns, overthrew the Gupta viceroy of Kathiawar. It is significant that the Mers fought under so repellent a standard. What the classical idea of the Makara was may be gathered from the gloss incorporated in Sir William Jones' translation of the Institutes of Manu (VII. 187). "On the march let him form his troops . . . . like a macara or sea-monster, that is, in a double triangle with apices joined. In the Mahabharata . the formation literally reproduces the crocodile form. Part II Introduction. The first part of this article was based on customs observed in Lower Sind regarding the river cult and the few remarks of reticent villagers. In central Sind the attraction of the shrine of Uderolal results in less reticence and fuller details are available. The problem is, how did the cult survive the subtle blandishments of Buddhism and the more violent methods of the Arabs. Regarding the former, Hiuen Tsang is clear, though a Sindhi characteristic appears, then as now-no tale, no religion. It took an aeronaut arhat to convert the denizens of the Indus flood plain. "Since then generations have passed and the changed times have weakened their virtue, but as for the rest they retain their old oustoms." Arab methods may be conveniently studied in the Chachnama, In the story of the Incarnation of the River God not only have the details of the cult at Uderolal been described in full but the caste customs of the Thakurs have been elaborated - not because of an essential connection with religion as illustrative of how completely a foreign control has been established over a purely local religion, centuries after it might reasonably be supposed to have died out, and of how it is maintained by the custom of exogamy. In the cult of Khwaja Khizr the Thakur was less successful. Apparently it had already become esoteric before the Thakur arrived and the most he could do was to assert that the deity worshipped near Sukkur was identical with the incarnate Uderolal. The Story of the Incarnation of the River God. At the beginning of the eleventh century, when Marakh was king of Tatta and Aho was his vazir, the Hindus of Sind were greatly oppressed-80 much so that their sacred threads were removed and their top-knots cut off that they might be converted into Islam. Tatta was at that time the capital of Sind. The Hindu panchdyat of Tatta thereupon approached the king with a request that they might be relieved from so great a tyranny, but the king utterly refused saying that they must obey his order for he desired only one religion in his realm. Then the panchayat asked for a respite of three days on the expiry of which they would make a final reply. The older members of the panchdyat, who were learned in the Sastras and the Bhagawad Gala, the most holy books of the Hindus, Op. cit., p. 135. * Op. cit. Karna Parpa, XI. 14-21.

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August, 1918) RELIGION IN SIND 199 called to mind a sloka of the third book of the Bhagavad Gita, wherein it is written, " Whenever the dearest ones of God are oppressed or their ritual interfered with, God, becoming incarnate, will protect those dear to him." Remembering, then, this sloka they resolved to go in a band to the bank of the river at Tatta, where they offered prayers for three days continually. At the close of the third day a voice was heard coming from the River, saying, "Eight days from to-day I shall be born at Nagarpur in the house of Ratanrai Arora, who is Asharm by Viran and Tina by caste. I shall be called Uderolal. My mother's name is Deoki. Do you therefore request the king that after eight days he and his vazir should come to me there to discuss your religious differences. I shall gladly dispose of them. Meanwhile the king should stay his hand." The panchayat became of good cheer and with hearts emboldened returned to the city strewing flowers on the road. They related their tale to the king who agreed to postpone matters. After eight days on Friday the first day of Chaitra in the year 1007 Samrat Uderolal was born in the aforementioned house at Nasarpur. The king then sent his vazir Aho to Nasarpur to enquire into the statement of the Hindus ; first asking the name of the father he came to the house of Ratanrai, where he learnt that a child named Uderolal had actually been born. In those days Nasarpur was also on the bank of the Indus. Aho entered the house with some of the elders of Nasarpur and indeed found the child in a cradle. After a few moments the babe had become a youth of sixteen years of age, again he became a black-bearded man, and yet again after a short while a grave old white-bearded man. Much astonished he humbly requested the babe to accompany him to Tatta for the king had summoned Him in connection with a dispute regarding the Hindu religion. He replied that the vazir should go in advance to Tatta and then He Himself would appear on the bank of the river at Tatta what time the vazir remembered Him. The vazir set out from Nasarpur and after three days reached Tatta. On the fourth day while standing on the bank of the river he remembered the words of Uderoleil Sahib and to his surprise at once saw Him emerging from the river at the head of a regiment armed with swords and other weapons. The vazir was astonished to see such an army coming from the river and begged Uderoll to send it back again as there was no question of a fight , the king merely desired His presence. Uderolal thereupon commanded the army to return to the river, while he accompanied the vazir to visit the king. On seeing God thus incarnate the Hindus collected in large numbers, rejoicing in Him and conducted him with great pomp to the king. The vazir then related all that he had seen, introducing Uderolal by name and reporting that he was considered as the guru of the Hindus. The king arose to receive Him and enquired of the vazir the name of the new incarnation. The vazir replied that He was known both as Uderolal and as Zinda Pir. He was called Zinda Pir because He was their personal God, though the meaning of Zinda Pir is this, that Zinda means living and Pir means a guru or a teacher. The king thereupon addressed Uderoleil, saying that as He was held to be an incarnation by the Hindus, He should advise them to give up the worship of stocks and stones and become Mahomedans 6 The reference is perhaps to Bhagavad Gita, III, 35: There's more happiness in doing one's own Law without excellence than in doing another's Law well. It is happier to die in one's own Low; another's Law brings dread. (L. D. BARNETT, Temple Classica).

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1918 whereby there would be one religion throughout the country. Uderolal replied that the world is the creation of God and all is according to His nature, wherefore he should abandon his plan and cease from tyrannising over the Hindus. A reference to the Sastras or to the Koran would show that God had created all things in His wisdom and in the fullness of His wisdom had He created many religions. To Him Hindus and Turks were alike. Those who remember Him are those who are nearest and dearest to Him. It would be better therefore for the king to follow His (Uderolal's) advice and abandon his plans. The king asked the vazir as to what should be done to Uderolal ; he replied that the king should be firm, that he should bind Uderolal and cast him into prison. The king issued orders accordingly but his men could not capture Uderolal. At times his body changed to air, at times to water, at times it was itself; thus their efforts were fruitless. Failing in this the king and his vazir turned their thoughts to converting the Hindus to Islam by force. On hearing this they became terrified but Uderolal calmed their fears and commanded Fire to destroy the houses and places of the Turks. While this fire was raging through the town the king and the vazir with all the Makomedan ryots bowed before Uderolal and begged for pardon, offering to obey all His orders. Uderolul commanded that all should be free in their own religion and that Hindus should not be persecuted for the future. The king submitted to this and Uderolal, first consoling the Hindus, returned to Nasarpur and lived with his father. * On reaching the age of twelve he asked his brothers Somo and Bhandar to give up their worldiy affairs and to join bim in founding their new Thakurai or Daryapanthi religion. This they refused to do and remained in their business. Uderolil then ordered his cousin Pugar to bear his commands and to found the new religion. He agreed and was led to the bank of the river, where, while bathing, he saw the true form of Uderolal and many other wonders. By the grace of Uderolal his mind and heart were open and, understanding, he saw what remained to be seen. Returning from the river Uderolal made him his disciple and gave him seven things: (i) Jot . ... or lamp. Timahli or Chari.. A pot containing sacrificial wator for distribution in cups to Hindus. (iii) Robe (iv) Drum Capable of emitting various notes, (v) Crown (vi) Deg ... ... A large metal pot for cooking rice. (vii) Teg? ... ... A sword. Somo and Bhandar, the brothers of Lal Sahib, now became jealous of Pugar and wished to drive him away. Lal Sahib, however, informed them that Pugar was the only person fit to be his disciple; if they wished to share in his service and its rewards and to be respected as was Pugar, let them take the T'imahli and distribute water from it to the 7 At the present day the jof is in the possession of the Thakurs of Sehwan and the crown with the chief of the Thakurs, who resides at Alipur (Punjab). There is no trace of the other gifts.

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AUGUST, 1918) RELIGION IN SIND 201 Hindus, whereby they too would be respected as Thakurs and obtain wealth, reputation, and believers. 8 After the establishment of the new religion Uderolal Sahib came riding on horseback, spear in hand, to Jhai-jo-Goth, some eight miles from Nasarpur, and halted in a large open space. A Mahomedan, who was there, on being asked who the owner was, replied that he himself was. Uderolal informed him that he wished to purchase the land, but the Mahomedan before selling wished to consult his wife. He went off to do 80 and on his return found Uderolul, whom he had left in the full blaze of the sun, standing beneath a large tree that had suddenly grown up on the land. The Mahumedan was astonished particularly by the miracle, and offered the land gratis to Him, provided he might receive the income accruing to the temple, which would be built on the spot. Uderolal granted the request. Further, he struck his spear in the ground and, bringing to light many diamonds and rubies, told him that all was his for the gathering. The Mahomedan declined everything except the income of the temple. Uderolal confirmed the grant and was immediately swallowed up by the ground, himself, his horse and his spear and was never seen again. When the news of this event spread abroad, the king, Marakh, sent his vazir to enquire into the matter; if the information was true he should build a fine mausoleum over the spot in commemoration of Uderolal. The Thakur Pugar also arrived at the place and as they could not agree among themselves about the construction of the mausoleum they decided to watch during one whole night and to carry out whatever orders a voice from underground should give. While keeping their vigil they heard a voice declare that the king, wealthy as he was, should build the mausoleum in fitting style and that the Hindus should build another place adjoining it in which should be maintained the lamps. In fact, it is said Uderolal considers Hindus and Mahomedans alike and would rejoice if both would worship at his tomb, adding that He is not dead ; His name of Uderolal or Amarlal indeed signifies the everlasting one. The order was obeyed and the two places, still in existence, were built side by side. Mahomedans do not go to the jol building, but Hindus go to both. Five lamps are maintained up to the present time and lit at night-fall in the tomb, where a Mahomedan sits to collect the offerings. These lamps are lit by the Hindus and all service is done by them, such as sweeping the floor, cleaning the tomb and offering flowers. The Mahomedans only collect the money offerings. In the jot building lights are kept burning day and night. The holy tree, which grew up while the original owner went to cunsult his wife, still survives. It is worshipped and no common person is allowed to touch it. The seeds of this tree, if swallowed like pills, are a certain specific for sonlessness. Pugar Sahib had also constructed a well and a rest-house (bhanddro) for travellers, which still exist. The well is considered sacred as the Ganga or Jumna. A fair is held annually on the first day of Chaitr (Cheti chand) at Jhai-jo-goth (Uderolal) and all Uderolal's followers from Sind, the Punjab, Cutch and elsewhere come. & The Thakurg of Nagarpur are in consequence known as Somais. The followers of Pugar are Bhudai Thakurs. These latter are so called from Budho, the son of Pugar in his old age. The Thakurs of Sehwan and of the Punjab are Budhais. There are Budhais also in other parts of Sind.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1918 A large market is opened during the fair. A fair is also held on the first day of every month at Uderolal and a mid-yearly fair is held on Asu chand. At Nasarpur also fairs are held as at Uderolal at the place where he was born, the place being considered holy and jot being maintained there. On the island of Bukkur a fair is also held on Cheti chand. After Uderolal had disappeared at Jhai-jo-Goth he appeared again at Bukkur emerging from the rock. He was seen and people still worship Him as Zinda Pir in the temple built over the spot. Here a light is perpetually maintained in a cave. From the Sakrant of Srawan to the Sakrant of Bado the Hindus at Sukkur lock the doors of the holy place of Zinda Pir for forty days and no one but the care-taker is allowed to enter. He too approaches the place not in a boat but swimming on an earthenware pot (mati) with his eyes bandaged. He but adds oil to the lamp and trims the wick. After the expiry of forty days a great fair is held when many baharanas ( distributed. a ball of spiced dough) and much sweet rice are At Uderolal the service is in the hands of a Bairagi, who has been placed in charge by the Thakurs. From him no accounts are taken and he is in fact his own master with his own chelas to succeed him. He, however, serves all Thakurs who visit Uderolal. It is he who adorns the tomb with its rich trappings on every day of the new moon, on every Friday, and on every thirteenth day of the moon a golden turban and a rich piece of cloth are laid upon the tomb. At the same time people offer rice cooked with sugar (gur) and baharanas, of which the former is eaten and the latter thrown into the well. At other places where there are disciples, as at Sehwan and Shikarpur, will be found temples for the jot where, lamps are maintained night and day. At every temple or, as in Hyderabad city, at every road-side shrine, a jhari full of water is also maintained near the jot. Both are worshipped symbolically and equally. Morning and evening prayers must be offered before the jot and the jhari, or, if possible, on the river-side before running water. A Thakur as part of his worship should morning and evening ceremonially cast rice and sugarcandy into the river. At "Uderolal" He is addressed as Lal Udero Sain (the holy leader), Ratnani Sher (the lion of the house of Ratanrai, and Baga Bahar Sher (Lion of the white sea). The Daryapanthis are monotheists and worship no other gods nor are they idolaters. Their only religious books are the Janam bakhi (the story of Uderolal, in verse from which the foregoing story is taken) and other poems and writings in praise of Uderolal. Women partake in the worship of Uderolal. From ancient times they visit the central place of the cult to pray for children, seating and bumping themselves at the time of prayer on a wishing-stone. They pray too on many accounts, on behalf of their husbands, for wealth or for health. When going to the river to ask such requests they carry sweet rice in a jhari which must not be opened on the way. The whole is thrown into the river as also other offerings of rice and sugar to the accompaniment of hymns in praise of Uderolal. Finally, they draw their sari (rava or chadar, the body cloth) slightly across their breast and beg for the required boon. Such prayers should be offered on Friday, the 13th day or a new-moon day. In other respects there is no special ritual or place specially set apart for women.

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AUGUST, 1918 ] RELIGION IN SIND 203 Mahomedans do not go to Nasarpur, they never eat with Hindus either at Nasarpur or Uderolal. In this religion there is no place for Brahmins though a few Brahmin mendicants may be found at Uderolal. The controlling persons are Thakurs, who maintain their position by the most unusual custom of exogamy. It has already been noted that the two principal sections of the Thakurs are the Somki and the Budhis. The latter centre upon Sehwan and are the more respected persons. There is a third sub-division known as the Ghosis, who centre around Mehar and have their own followers. The story runs that they are the descendants and disciples of a poor man who lived with some Budhais (who are known also as Vardharis) as a temple servant. One day when the Thakur arose early in the morning and ordered his horse to be prepared as he wished to go to the river, this man came and knelt before him like a horse saying that he was the horse and that the Thakur Sahib should ride him to the river. The Thakur rejoiced and told him that he might now leave the temple and obtain his own disciples who should henceforth be known as Ghorais. When Ghorais approach a village where other Ghorsis live they neigh like a horse before entering it. The custom of marriage among Thakurs is this. No Thakur may marry from a Thakur family; more especially a Budhai may not marry from a Som i Thakur family for all Thakurs are brothers. A Thakur may not even marry from a Daryapanthi family which is reckoned among his own disciples. A Thakur may marry from any PunjabiHindu family, e.g., Arora, Lanjara (Inai), Supareja (L ), Khir aya ( 1 ), Rabar (de); Kukareja (ly, SS), Chanwala (gl). They do not marry from among Sindhi Lohanas nor from among the Thakurs of Punjab. Conversely, too. Thakur daughters must be given to Punjabi families. Among the rank and file of the Daryapanthi religion marriage is a question of social position. Daughters may be given to castes or sub-sections of equal standing but not to those of lower esteem though daughters may be taken from such (hypergamy) or from within the same section (endogany). Socially Budhais will have no intercourse with Somais, as Pugar, their ancestor, was the honoured disciple of Uderolal. Thakurs are, ordinarily speaking, a priestly class and when personally they have a sufficient number of followers they are absolved from the necessity of working for their living. Otherwise they enter Government or private service or engage in trade. The story of Uderolal, LAI Wadero, the holy chieftain, is remarkable from many points of view. The incarnation of the God of Nature, the God of Sind, the River God, is assigned a definite and comparatively recent date. It may be that the Hindu revival spring from the persecution of a petty Sumro prince during the latter part of the 10th century just previous to the inroads of Mahomed of Ghazni; it may be, however, rather later and represented a reaction against the strength of the agents of Ghazni kings. Probably the latter is a better explanation in view of the close connection of the Thakur family with the Punjab. One may picture to oneself the break up of Brahmanical rule in the Punjab, the flight of large classes to Sind, the "capture" of local Hinduism in the 11th century, just as in the 17th and 18th centuries a new swarm of Uttaradis came, partly to avoid local persecution and partly to avail themselves of trading facilities under the Mogul regime.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( AUGUST, 1918 Nextly the great and persistent strength of a non-Brahmanical religion, purely monotheist and still pure in its worship, not at all idolatrous, yet essentially Hindu in its connection and philosophy, is a feature which cannot be passed over. Strangely enough Sehwan, Shivistan, one great home of the Thakurs, was a religious settlement of the Guptas, whence the cult of the great god Siva was to spread over Sind. The cult did not spread far. Only one daughter-colony, that of Pir Patho, is known and their elements of both the Saivite and Daryapanthi religions have been caught up with Buddhism and Sufi-igm and" remoulded into a strange Moslem cult. Again, the unsuccessful attempt to connect up the religion with the cult of Krishna must be noted. The revival of religion preparatory to the Incarnation is professedly inspired by the Bhagavad Gita but this is again nowhere referred to nor does it form any part in the modern Daryd panthi religion or in any branch of it except at Bobara. Yet another and, apparently, a Vishnuvite attack was made on the worship of the God of the Waters. Jhimpir is a popular place of resort for Hindus in the old Mogul pargana of Sonda or Sondro. The story, as related in the Tuhfat-ul-kiram, is as follows:-" Sondro" is another important place. Until recent times there was a large fort here. Its name was Bhim-kot and Hindus frequently visit it as a place of pilgrimage. There is a spring of water at the place; the water trickles from beneatb a cliff. The spring is an interesting phenomenon of nature. The locality is commonly known as Jhim. The place also possesses a stone which the Hindus worship as a deity. The servants of this place say that a party of virgins took this stone and threw it into the river. On their return they found the stone on the exact spot whence they had removed it. Seeing this the virgins thrust their hands into the sleeves of connivance (i.e., they were ashamed to touch it again)."10 The geography of the story calls for some notice. In the Tuhfat-ul-kiram Nasarpur is stated to have been founded on the banks of the Sangro Wah in the 16th century and that its glory had departed by the 18th century. The topographical maps still show the old course of the Sangro Wah and Dhoro Phital running due south parallel with the line of the Ganja Hills but far to the east of them. Does the Sangro Wah represent an old course of the Indus and, if so, how could it run from Nagarpur to Tatta, which lies far to the south west! The vagaries of the river constitute of course the only problem in Sind and in the days before it was harnessed by huge riverain embankments nothing definite could ever be postulated as to its courge. The move from Nasarpur to Jhai-jo-Goth probably represents an attempt to keep the cult located on the river bank though the river is now many miles west of Uderolal, Curiously enough the canal running past Shahdadpur towards Brahmanabad is still known as Marakh Wah. This disposes of the possibility of the Indus lying east of Shahdadpur and gives respectability to the history of the tale. Khwaja Khizr. On a small island near Bukkur stands the ziarat of Khwaja Khizr. He is identified by Massalmans with the River God, the Living God, Zinda Pir as he became manifest there. * The town of Sonda is eight miles from Jhimpir station and midway between it and Jherruck to the north-east are some Buddhist ruins. There is no trace of Bhim.kot. A large tumulus, unexplored, overlooks Jhimpir. Any spring is a phenomenon in Sind. As evidence of the pre-Musalman existence of Vishnuvism, see the name of the capital of (Central) sind in Hiuon Teang's account. P'i-shen-p'o pu-lo = Bishnavpur or Vishnupur.-Beal, II. p. 272.

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AUGUST, 1918) RELIGION IN SIND 205 This identification is based on the similarities of the two personalities, on the fact that both are eternal, that both derive their power from the fountain of life. Here there was no Mussalman buried on a spot held sacred by Hindus, as at Sehwan, no attempt as at Uderolal to combine persons of both religions as servants of one incarnation, The identification was complete, the cult was esoteric and uncongenial ritual, such as the cult of the Satyun or Virgins, was separated out. The period of the identification is an extremely difficult problem. Does it date from the days of the Arab conquest or from the time when Multan was a centre of Sufi learning and missionaries of all types wandered through the land working subtly as leaven. Who Zinda Pir was we have discussed. El Khizr, in Arabic legend, was the vazir of Dhoulkarnaim, the two-horned one, Alexander the Great, who drank of the Fountain of Life, through the virtue of which he will live till the day of judgment. To Mussalmans in distress he appears clad in green robes-whence his name. 11 In the fourth book of the adventures of Hatim Tai will be found a life-like picture of Khwaja Khizr in the character of a "white magician." He was a man of venerable appearance dressed in green apparel, who guided Hatim Tai from an enchanted desert, who released him from the clutches of a magic tree, who taught him the charm of the ninetynine names of God, which is however of no avail unless you keep yourself pure and never utter a falsehood; every day you must devoutly purify yourself with water, and never break your fast till set of sun, nor must you repeat the charm at an improper time." Later when he finally released Hatim Tai from Sam Ahmar's power, Iblis, the Devil (on whom be curses) informed the latter that they should fight no more-"over the unerring decrees of the Almighty I have no power or control. The Eternal hath willed that Hatim's fame should be perpetual and he hath commissioned the prophet Khwaja Khizr (on whom be peace) to assist him in his bold undertakings." This Moslem charm finds such a strange analogue in Hinduism that one is tempted to believe that it is a borrowed one." Illustrious one, listen to the one hundred and eight names of the sun as they were disclosed of old by Dhanmye to the high-souled son of Pritta! Dhanmye said "Surya, Aryamen, Bhaga.. ... the merciful Maitreya.' These are the 108 names of Surya of immeasurable energy as told by the self-create. For the acquisition of prosperity I bow down to thee, Oh Bhaskara, blazing like unto gold or fire, who is worshipped of the gods and the Pitris and the Yakhas and who is adored by the Asuras, Nisacharas and Siddhas. He that with fixed attention reciteth this hymn at sunrise obtaineth wife and offspring and riches...." 13 Once in this guise of a divine helper Khwaja Khizr appears in Sindhi legend, Mullah Daud of Sehwan was an accomplished and learned man; his son Nur-ul-haq, when a child, was very weak in mind and forgetful; his father tried hard to teach him the Koran but the boy could remember nothing. His father then shut him up in a cell and paid no heed to his lamentations and weeping. The boy was indeed a blessed soul, for in that confinement he had a vision of Khwaja Khizr, who addressed him: "Child, why liest thou low thus? Get up. Henceforth whatever thou readest will remain in your memory." At once the Koran shone in his mind, there and then he repeated them aloud and shouted to his father and mother who took him out; their instructions were welcomed by him; he remembered promptly whatever he was taught and gradually became a very learned man. He was surnamed Ta'lib-i-ibn Ustad--the geeker of the Preceptor's knowledge-and Mushta'qi 11 The Koran, Everyman Ed., p. 186. 1 Mahabharata. Vana Parva, ch. III.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1918 enthusiastic-was his nom-de-plume. His poetry was greatly appreciated by Mirza Sahib --that illustrious poet of Persia, when he saw this poet of Sind in the course of his travels in Persia. Simple though this identification may be, there is still considerable doubt attached to it, as though the Baloches are in some measure disciples of the River God, a cult which they seem to have adopted in Sind several centuries ago, they are unable to fix their choice of the personality of their Pir.13 Khwaja Khizr in one Baloch ballad takes the place of the archangel Mikail in the heavenly hierarchy and is at times variously identified with Elijah or Ilias and the River God. In the delta of the Indus Khwaja Khizr is held to be the brother of Ilias. The Khulasat bas no reference to this ziarat but Manucci mentions it14 though under an ill-written name. "At a short distance from the fort (of Bakkur) towards the north was a little island known as Coia Khitan, where is a tomb held in great veneration by the Moors." According to an "ex-Political "15 the date on the mosque of Khwaja Khizr ziarat is A.H. 341 (-952 A.D.) The story of its being built is that " a shepherd named Baji, whose hut stood where the Mahal of Baji, one of the divisions of the town of Rohri, now stands, observed at night a bright flame burning at some distance from him. Thinking it had been kindled by travellers, he sent his wife to procure a light from it but, as often as she approached, it vanished. She returned and told her husband; and he disbelieving the report went himself and then discovered that it was indeed a miraculous manifestation. Awe-struck with what he had seen he erected a takiyah, or hermit's hut, on the spot and devoted himself as the fakir to the religious care of the place. Soon after this the Indus altered its course and abandoning the walls of Alor, encircled the ground on which the takiyah of Baji stood and which is now called the island of Khwaja Khizr. *<Page #223
UGUST, 1918] RELIGION IN ND 207 Hindu or Mussalman, they were of one stock supported by the same river and bound together by common interests. Whether matters were clinched by a sudden diversion of the river is doubtful in spite of the persistence of the legend, for no sudden diversion or catastrophe could carve a way of the river of the size of the Indus across a range of hills or line of high ground. We must think rather of political events moulding and reviving old creeds, think of the Hindus as worshipping the river and of the Mahomedans with a veneer of Arabic learning, carrying on to the full all their old customs and folklore What spot should be holy if not that to which the pulla went on pilgrimage annually, that which breasted every year the floods which overwhelmed the land. The early years of the 11th century gave the Sindhi much to think about and one result was the realisation by Hindus and Mahomedans that both could worship at the same shrine and pray for help, for both worshipped the living God. The cult of Uderolal was developed by foreigners who brought their own ideas of their saviour as a warrior; that of Khwaja Khizr was more primitive and aboriginal. In it the God moves through the rivers seated on a pulla, and so every year the first pulla caught in the season must be offered as a sacrifice to the River God. In both cases the religion is the same but the background is different, the setting is different. The Uderolal legend clearly shows how the effort was made by the Thakurs to capture the earlier form of their own religion and to what extent they succeeded, for they can but assert that Zinda Pir is the same as Uderolal. The cult of Uderolal has become purely anthropomorphic in the hands of the Thakurs. From the cult of Zinda Pir by a few stages of evolution a true conception of Godhead may still be developed. Part III. Within a mile of Mai Pir's coppice is the shrine of Ahmed Pir or Hot Hakim-the Pir of the Jackals. This composite saint has two Khalifas, a Sheikh and a Murghar Baloch. The Khalifa of Mai Pir is a Sheikh. In both cases the annual ceremony depends upon the Hindu calendar and my Mussalman informants were in doubt as to whether the anniversary of Mai Pir fell in Naheri (Marga) or Poh (Pausha). It is probably in Naheri as the Jackal Pir's anniversary is Poh 12th. The first point of interest is that a certain cure for rabies is for the person bitten to go to Hot Hakim's shrine and drink holy water and ashes. This form of medicine is a common one; Pir Patho's ashes are a specific for any ordinary complaint. The "ashes" are simply wood ashes prepared on a sanctified spot. Now in Balochistan Bibi Dost 10 is the popular physician for this terrible illness of rabies and it was not by mere chance that Baloches captured one-half of the cult of Mai Pir and set up their own Khalifa (a Murghar) and invented their own saint (Hot Hakim). It would appear that the strict rule preserving the virginity of Mai Pir had necessitated the separation of "Ahmed Pir," A former connection is certainly indicated by a Sheikh being Khalifa at either shrine, while though the medicine is obtainable at Ahmed Pir's shrine, it is at Mai Pir's that the jackals are fed ritually. It is illustrative of Baloch superstition that they did not attempt to restore Mai Pir's cult but were satisfied with that of Ahmed Pir (Hot Hakim), however much they had formerly had faith in Bibi Dost. In fact, one is tempted to believe that the jackal almost became the Beast associated with the Vegetation Deity, but did not, being too contemptible. It is formidable only 16 Frontiers of Balochistan, by G. P. Tate, pp. 193, 200, 204.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ACCUST, 1918 when rabid and Bibi Dost, Madonna, healed her votaries--if, as Mr. Tate sagely remarks, they are not fated to die. That the whole ritual is of great antiquity is obvious. (a) It occurs separately in Sind and Balochistan. (b) In Sind it is part of the cult of the Virgin Mai. (c) It depends upon the Hindu calendar. (d) Rice is the only offering made to the jackals at Mai Pir's shrine. The question is at what stage of pre-history the cult arose. In this character as wolf-god ", Apollo is usually regarded as he who keeps away wolves from the flock, yet offerings were laid out in his honour just as in Mai Pir's case. A still closer parallel in ritual will be found in the association of jackals with the Roman Ceres, a "Mediterranean" deity, linking up whose cult with the East is the well-known incident in the legend of Samson, where "fox" is noted in the margin to connote "jackal." Further, one may cite the elaborate discussion by Mr. B. A. Gupte in his work on Hindu Holidays, where the details of the worship of Laksh mi are related at considerable length and a not unreasonable conclusion drawn that Lakshmi was purely a vegetation goddess. Thus, -diffused throughout the Middle East is a popular Ceres cult; to fix its origin or development would throw considerable light on the wanderings of people. We may at least draw our own conclusions with regard to Sind; they require primitive man to be neither a believer in totems nor altogether animistic. He was of necessity very matter-of-fact, childish and fearful for good reason of the bigness of the world. (i) Tribal religion is indissolubly connected with economics. (ii) Nature, red in tooth and claw, was a reality to primitive man. (iii) Divine help was the only remedy for rabies, or, in other words, rabies was one ( the only) illness that mattered that he could not understand. The first and second propositions are truisms, though often forgotten, and the third is but a special case of the second. Others barely need elucidation. One obviously is the classification of the genus canis as dog and non-dog, the dog being the domestic servant and non-dog all the allied wild species. This classification is presumably still that of the X-W. Frontier, where wolves are said to be inbred with dogs in every third generation. Another is the dependence of medicine upon religion, this subject opening up a wide field for discussion on the psychological aspect of Fate, it being the residuum, the Incomprehensible, after all the old wives' medicines, the "tried remedies" of hakims and vaids have proved ineffective. We are no more advanced in Physician, heal thyself." One further conclusion remains. It is a favourite axiom of anthropologists that the concept of maternity as a matter of observation precedes that of paternity, which is, pace Mendel, a matter of conjecture. It naturally follows that, the worship of the River being local and that of Ceres general, the worship of the Living God of the Indus was grafted upon the worship of Mother Nature, by a more advanced race, who ventured into the Hood plains and waxed fat upon agriculture. One might talk of Aryans and non-Aryans, for we think we know the Aryans, but criticism has dulled the virtues of the Aryan touchstone and the non-Aryans have still to be classified, One non-Aryan race we certainly know of locally, a pigmy brachycephalic race of hunters, who worshipped the sun after their Prometheus had taught them the use of fire, builders of dolmens and--but the subject of the Stone Age requires separate treatment.

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August, 1918) ALLEGED BUDDHIST INFLUENCE IN THE SUN TEMPLE AT KONARA K 205 ALLEGED BUDDHIST INFLUENCE IN THE SUN TEMPLE AT KONARAK. BY GURU DAS SARKAR, M.A.; CALCUTTA. It was Raja Rajendra Lala Mitra who seems to have first suggested in his Antiquities of Orissa that like Darpan, the place of Ganesha, Konarak, the place of the Sun, "may fairly be suggested to have been Buddhist " (Ant. Orissa, Vol. II, p. 148). In his much earlier work Stirling the first western worker in the field of Orissa History-- makes no mention of such a theory in the chapter dealing with the great temple of the Sun, though he expatiates at some length on the architectural remains and the beauties of the door-frame carved in black chlorite. Dr. Mitra apparently based his theory on the existence of a car-festival in Konarak. Popular belief and the accounts in the existing religious works like Kapila Sa ihita seem to indicate that this extinct festival was one of some importance. It appears to have been once a sort of article of faith in these parts--that the person who witnessed the car-festival held in this sea-side shrine bad the privilege of seeing the Sun God in a corporeal existence (Sariri Rupa). "Maitreyakshye vane punye rathayatramahotsavam je pasyanti nara bhaktya te pasyanti tanu raveh" (Kapila Savihita, Chap. VI). The presence of an Asoka inscription at Dhauli not far from Bhubaneswar-the city of numerous temples and the mention in Yuan Chwang's work of about a dozen stu pas built by the Emperor Asoka in the Odra tract was regarded in Dr. Mitra's times as a sufficient basis for holding many of the principal shrines in Orissa as primarily of Buddhist origin. In the passage referred to above (quoted by Dr. Mitra from the translation of Stanislaus Julien ) there is a reference to the extraordinary prodigies exhibited at some of these stupas, and to the scholastic activities of some ten thousand monks who studied the great vehicle' in some hundred local monasteries where heretics and mon of the faith lived pell mell'. It seemed to have been argued that as Buddhism was once in such a flourishing condition in the province of Orissa, it was quite reasonable to suppose that other shrines within 3 or 4 days journey from Dhauli would still contain lingering traces of their Buddhist origin either in ceremonials or in the architecture and sculpture. Dr. Mitra also lays considerable stress on a passage from the Foe-ku-ki, of which an English translation from the French rendering by MM. Remusat, Klaproth and Landresse seems to bave been available in Calcutta at least 27 years before Dr. Mitra published his great pioneer work. The passage in quostion refers to the observance in ancient P.italiputra of & car-festival, a close analogue of which the Chinese Pilgrim saw in a festival in Buddhist Khotan on his way to India. The description of the ceremony seems to have made a deep impression on the Indian Orientalist and the car-festival per se seems to have been regarded as a special feature of the Buddhist faith. The Khancagiri caves lying within a few hours journey from Dhauli-once regarded as the habitation of Buddhist monks-have now been proved to be of Jaina origin from the Hathigumpha inscription of King Kharavela supposed by Bhagwanlil Indraji to be of the 2nd century B.c. (Actes du sixieme congres des Orientalistes, Vol. III. pp. 174-77, and Mr. K. P. Jayaswal's paper in JBORS., December, 1917) and the following three minor inscriptions : (1) the inscription referring to the Jaina Monk

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1918 Subha-chandra (in Navamuni Gumpha), (2) the inscription of the Chief Queen of Kharavela (in the Manchapuri care), and the (3) Udyots Kesari inscription in the Lalatendra Kesari Gumph supposed on epigraphical grounds to date from the 10th century A.D. (Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, pp. 160, 165-166). The emperor Asoka Hourished in the 3rd century B.O. If only after the lapee of a century or two, Jainism could leave such lasting evidence of its long continuance in the Kumara and Kumari Hills in close proximity to Dhauli,t it is difficult to um derstand why Buddhism should be dragged in to account for the existence of a thirteenth century Solar Temple which copper-plates of Ganga Kings (Narasimha Deva II and IV. JASB., 1906 and 1905) agree in attributing to Narasimha Deva I (Langulya Narasimha or Narasimha of the tail), a king whose name is also mentioned in this connection in Abul Fazal's Ain-i-Akbari. Mr. M. M. Chakravarty has, after very minute and careful calculations, ascertained the periods of reign of the respective kings of the Ganga dynasty in Orissa and there cannot be the least hesitation in accepting (1238-64) as the period of first Narasimha's reign-- (JASB., part I, 1903). Mr. V. A. Smith also agrees in holding that the Konarak temple was built in the 13th century though he assigns the period between A.D. 1240 to 1280. The only inscription found at Konarak on the pedestal of an image since removed to the Indian Museum, though undated, may safely be assigned on paleographic and other grounds to the third quarter of the 13th century as has been done by Mr. M. M. Chakravarty in his note in the JBORS., Vol. III, part II, p. 283. Though the palm-leaf record at Puri ascribes the erection of the temple to a mythical king of the Kesari dynasty-one of the so-called Caesars of Orissa as Dr. RAjendra Lala Mitra was pleased to style them--there are in the remains at Konarak no trace of any earlier structure which might reasonably lead to the presumption that the present foundations were laid on the ruins of an earlier shrine. The late Dr. Fleet, in his paper on the Somavamsi Kings of Katak, rightly disbelieves the temple-chronicles and puts forth convincing arguments in favour of the supposition that except the two Somavampi kinge % of the 11th century-Yayati Kesari or Mah asiva Gupta and Janmejaya Mah ab hava Gupta-the other Kesaris styled Kurma, Varaba, &c., are mere figments of the chronicler's imagination (Ep. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 324, 336, et seq.). Except the inscription of Udyota Kesarf mentioned above no other inscription or copper-plate has been found of any other Kesari king. In Sandhvakara Nandi's Ramacarita (Asiatic Society Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 146, and p. 36, fika of sloka 5), there is mention of one Karna Kesari. But of this king, also no inscription or any 1 Mr. Jayaswal says in his paper on the Hathigumph& inscription of the emperor Kharavela (JBORS.,, December, 1917, p. 448), that before the time of Kharavela there were temples of the Arhats on the Udayagiri Hille as they are mentioned in the inscription E. institutions which had been previously in existence. Mr. B. C. Majumdar is or opinion that these kings had their naj at Sambalpore although their territories extended to Chandwar or Cuttack in Orissa (Ep. Ind., Vol. XI, p. 102). * Simha iti Dandabhaktfbhupatiradbhataprabhay.lkura kara kamalamakula-tulitotkalia karne koyarf marityallabha-kumbhasamvabo Jayasimhab.

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August, 1918) ALLEGED BUDDHIST INFLUENCE IN THE SUN TEMPLE AT KONARAK 211 other reliable epigraphic evidence has yet been discovered. If Purandara Kesari, referred to in the Palm-leaf record, had really existed and been the builder of this important temple, Choda Ganga's descendants would hardly have tried to filoh the honour from him and in all likelihood some of the inscriptions of these monarchs would have set forth details about the earlier origin of the temple. It may be argued that as the Kesari kings were staunch Hindus according to tradition and popular belief, their connection with the temple, even if proved to be a historical fact, would not be of much help to the supporters of the theory of Buddhist origin. But even in this regard there seems to be a divergence of opinion. Some architectural ornaments on the temple such as Gaja-Simha or elephants surmounted by lions or leogriffs, have been explained in a manner more clever than convincing as the symbols of the triumph of the Hindu Kesari kings, represented by the lions, Over Buddhistic faith-of which elephant representations are said to be the special symbols. It is thus suggested, inspite of reliable evidence to the contrary, that the mythical Kesari transformed or built up anew in parts & shrine originally Buddhist, and in token of his dominance put up these huge figures on the pyramidal roof of the temple as prominent sculptural decorations. The assertion that lions were the symbols (Lafichhana) of the Kesari kings, still remains to be proved. The seal of the Muranjamura copper-plate of Yayati Kesari (J BORS., March, 1916) is a figure of Sri or Kamalatmika and that on the copper-plate of Janamejaya (described in Bp. Indi., Vol. XI, p. 95, el. seq.) is the representation of a man in a squatting posture. It would thus appear that no evidence is forthcoming at present to connect the temples with any line of kings anterior to Ganga Dynasty. The Udytoa Kesari Jaina inscripbion at Khanda giri further proves that during the reign of this king with the Kesari title (of about the 10th century A.D.), no intolerant persecution of heretical sects had taken place. In India it is hardly safe to theorize about the creed of the builders of a sacred shrine merely from the way the temple is fashioned or from its architectural or sculptural remains. Like Buddhist stupas, Jaina stu pas have also been discovered, and Hindu curvilinear temples like those of the Jainas are by no means uncommon. It has therefore been rightly held by modern authorities like Mr. V. Smith that works of art and architecture should be classified with regard to their age and geographical position only, and arbitrary divisions formerly favoured by specialists like the late Mr. Fergusson according to the so-called religious styles have now been abandoned. We have so far been able to show that there is nothing in the geographical position of Konarak or in the age or style of the temple which would lead to a reasonable inference as to any Buddhist influence. We shall now examine the so-called Buddhist indications which are said to be still lingering in the name of the place, the traditions regarding past ceremonies, the The stone image of an elephant surmounted by a lion is also met with in the Doumar Layna Lamotto), one of the Hindu Saiva caves in Ellora (Monuments de L'Hindusthan par M. Langlos, Tome II, plate contra, p. 87). Mr. B. C. Majumdar has kindly suggested to me that the fabulous strength of the king of boasts could best be indicated by a design in which he is shown as tearing open the skull of huge elephants. In Sanskrit Literature the capacity of lions to strike down the huge pachyderms of the forest seem to be emphasisd in passagos such as bhinaut nityan kari-raja kumbham.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1917 peculiar style of architecture and the subject of some of the principal decorative sculptures. As regard traditions, as to the so-called Buddhist ceremonies, much has been made of the car-festival or Ratha Yatra, as already alluded to. Whatever may be the origin of this festival there is no doubt about the fact that the system of perambulation in cars and other conveyances appear to have been early adopted as an integral part of some of the Hindu observances. In the Agni Purana, we find, even in connection with such a rather unimportant affair as the consecration of hand-written books or manuscripts that after the Pratistha ceremony the book is to be perambulated (apparently round the city or town) in cars or elephants Rathena hastind vapi bhramayet pustakam naraih.' (Vol. I, p. 186, chap. 63, v. 16, Biblioth. Indic.) Thus it would appear that mere perambulation or carrying to and fro in cars of an image or simulacrum cannot always be taken as a Buddhist observance-specially in a period when Buddhism had no longer any hold on the province. In his otherwise excellent monograph on Konarak published under the authority of Government Mr. Bishan Swarup tries to make out a strong case in favour of the "Buddhistic" theory. The name Kona Kone or Kona Kona occurs in certain verses in the copper-plates of Narasimha Deva II (JASB., 1896, p. 251, and of Nrisimha Deva IV, (JASB., 1895) referred to above (Kona Kone Kutir Kamachikara Dushya rashme ) koNA koNa kuTira kamacikara TUSNa razme. The common sense inference from this is that the place was known at the time as Kona Kone or Kona and the word Konaraka means only the Arka or Sun God at Kona. This explanation (simple as it is) has met with the approval of so careful a scholar as Mr. V. A. Smith (History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, p. 28, foot-note). Mr. Bishan Swarup, however, makes bold to assert that Konakona is an abbreviated or corrupted form of Kona Kamana or Kona Gamana, the name of one of the previous Buddhas (Konarka, p. 85). Whether phonetic decay can account for this change seems to be very much open to doubt, but when the ingenious author of Konarka proceeds to account for the last two syllables in Konaraka by bringing forward from the Sanskrit dictionary, Amarakosha (1, 1, 15), the word Arka Bandhu as one of the appellations of Buddha-one though convinced of the ingenuity of the explanation can hardly accept it as & correct or scientific statement of actual facts. Then as regards the form, the temple looks like a huge car furnished with wheelsbeautifully sculptured in the plinth. There are still some remains of big stone horses, which Mr. Havell regards as splendid specimens of Indian sculpture. Any one acquainted with Indian iconography would admit that the Sun God is represented as being drawn by seven horses in a car driven by his charioteer Aruna. Though there is nothing to show that the number of these horses at Konarak were increased at any subsequent date, Mr. Bishan Swarup supposes--I do not know on what authority-that the number of horses in this car pagoda was originally four and was increased to seven at some later date (Konarka, p. 89). He was apparently thinking of some sculpture at Bodh-gaya, reference to which will be made in a subsequent part of the paper, wherein Apollo is said to be represented as being drawn in a car with a team of four horses,

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AUGUST, 1918) ALLEGED BUDDHIST INFLUENCE IN THE SUN TEMPLE AT KONARAK 213 The key-stone of the Buddhistic theory appears to be the subject represented in some of the sculptures in the temple and it is necessary to consider them seriatim. Much has boen made of the abundance of elephant figures not only in the various friezes of the temple, but also in the elaborately sculptured altar or Ratna-Vedi. In Konarak there are not only elephant friozes, but goose friezes as well. and there are cornices containing rows of procossions of horsemen and infantry. While it must be admitted that elephant figures are met with in some of the oldest Buddhist remains such as the Asokan cave known as the Lomasa Rishi Guha in the Barabar Hills, similar sculptures are also to be found in structures almost contemporaneous with Konarak temple such as the templo of Hoy saleswar, an undisputed Hindu sbrine supposed to have been built between A.D. 1117 and 1288. In the Hoysaleswara temple in Southern India there are amongst the animals depicted, figures of horses, elephants and Sardulas (lions) and the last were believed by some to be the symbols of Hoysala Ballalas, even as the lions or leogriffs in Konarak sculptures were taken to be the emblems of the Kesaris. Architectural ornaments of this description are also not quite uncommon in Ellora Caves. M, Langles says in describing the Adinatha Sabha in Ellora (Tome II, p. 79), "on a aussi pratique de petites retraites (Nos. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18) couvertes d'une multitude innombrable de sculptures. L'exterior est orne, d'elephants de lions et autres animaux." A careful study of these with reference to Sanskrit works has convinced the modern scholars of the prevalence of "a canonical scheme of decoration" of which such frieze-borne figures formed a part. (History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, by V. Smith, p. 42, foot-note 2.) The Khajuraho group of temples are believed to have been erected between the 4th and 8th century of the Christian era and in the precincts of one of them-the temple of Visvanatha--there is a colossal elephant carved out of stone. Elephant figures are also to be met with in the Ellora Caves. The huge stone-elephants at Konarak .considered by connoisseurs to be not less vigorous in execution than the much-belauded horses of the Sun Cannot therefore be regarded as something singular or exceptional. The picture of a boy and elephant in the Konarak altar reminds Mr. Bishan Swarup of the Jataka story which describes how the mother of the future Buddha saw in a prophetic dream that a white elephant was entering into her womb by piercing one of her sides. Mr. Swarup further mentions that Buddha himself was born as an elephantkeeper or driver in one of his incarnations (Konarka, p. 88). On this slender foundation is based the identification of the sculpture as illustrative of the Jataka story. Mr. Swarup identifies another part of this very altar as depicting the meeting of Sambathe son of Krishna-and the Sun God, after the former had been cured by the special favour of the latter-of the dread disease of leprosy--the result of paternal curse for a thoughtless indiscretion. If the boy and elephant had merely been illustrative of & Jataka story, it is only natural to suppose that the continuity of the subject should be maintained in the adjoining panels as well as is said to be the case in regard to some of the far-famed soulptures at Boro Budur, but to identify at the same breath two guch neighbouring sculptures, forming component parts of a single alt ar piece, as depicting the Buddhist Jataka and Hindu Pauranio legenda, can hardly be regarded as a satisfactory way of reconciling facts with theory. The prevalance of so-called Buddhist ornaments like the goose-frieze, the elephant-frieze and the Barajhanji ornament consisting of reproductions of a water-weed on the pilasters, the scroll work of Nagas 'and The goon.frieze is found in the Abokan pillars, eg., the pillar at the entrance of the Indian Museum, and Bard jhdnji decorations are met with in the remains at Bodh Gay. There is a prominent goose-friese in the semi-circular moonstone at Anuradhapura, which is over-topped by a mixed frience of lione, horses, elephants and bullooks (Plate 90, Visvakarma, pt. VII, published by Dr. A. K. Coomaraswamy).

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1918 Nagakanyas, and the figure of Lakshmi on the lintel seem only to indicate that like that of Makara in Hindu ornaments, in Toranas (gateways) and water-spouts (Annual Report of Archeological Survey of India, 1903-4, p. 227), the use of these arebitectural devices extended far back into the Buddhist age. In the mediaval period these conventional ornaments and decorations seem to have been adopted by architects in southem and south-eastern part of India. Similarly in some Buddhist stupas miniature productions of these sacred structures are found in the ornamental pilasters. It would be as safe to ascribe the existence of a temple to Buddhist influence because of the existence of the Barajhanji decoration, goose-friezes or elephant friezes as it would be to attempt to lay at the door of Buddhism the type of Saiva temple of the Bengal School (of 17th century) which are still to be found in some parts of Nadia and other Bengal districts-simply because the pilasters of these buildings contain reproductions of temples in miniature. The sculptural representation of trees found in the plinth have been taken to stand for the sacred Bodhi-Tree of the Buddhists. In the Jaina caves at Khandagiri, trees enclosed in railings are also found carved in relief. Tree-worship is prevalent among the Hindus to this very day. Kalpadruma, the legendary Tree of Desire described in sacred literature, the model of which used to be constructed in gold and given away as Maha-dana, may also have some influence in determining the motif of such architectural ornaments. That . Kalpadrums existed at Konarak like the Valesrara at Puri appears clear from the Kapila Samhita from which the following translation of an extract is given in Dr. Mitra's work. "There exists an all-granting tree named Arka-Vata adorned by numerous birds and at its foot dwell many saints and whoever goes to the salvation-giving banian tree becomes, for certain, indestructible. For the good of animated beings Suryya himself has become the tree and those who recite the excellent mantras of Suryya under its shade in three fortnights attain perfection." (Ant. Orissa, Vol. I, p. 147.) Under the cireumstance these trees, should, I think, be taken as conventional decorations only. As regards the semi-ophide Naga and Nagini figures represented singly and in couples, usually forming part of the beautiful scroll work and said to be an evidence of Buddhist Architecture (Konarka, p. 86), Mr. M. Ganguly in his work on Orissa has pointed out (Ganguly's Ori88a, p. 177-78), that in the Mahabharata Adiparba, mention is made of the thousand Nagas, the ofisprings of Kasyapa. Even to this day when performing prija of the Serpent Goddess Manasa, the name of the principal eight Nagas-Vasuki, Padma, Mahapadma, Takshaka, Kulira, Karkata Sankha, &c.--are duly recited. Mr. Ganguly holds- I think with the majority of Hindu opinion in his favour-that these demigod-like Nagas were probably borrowed by Buddhism from Hindu sources. At any rate there is no reason to suppose that every Naga representation found in Hindu temple should be the outcome of Buddhist cult, simply because there is mention of Nagas in Buddhist sacred books. this does not in any way militate againt the generally accepted opinion that a certain amount of resemblance is noticed among the Buddhist Naga figures as represented on the lopes of Sanchi and Bharhut, and the Naga representations of the later Brahminical period as found in the south-eastern (Orissa) temples. Mr. R. K. Mukerji, referring to this class of temples in the chapter on Building and Carving" in his Foundation of Indian Economics, observes: " In the older.brick temples the spaces between the curved lines and roof-base and on the sides are covered with carvings......there are also mixed panel of rosettes or geometrical patterns and in some instances miniature temples are piled one above the other along the arched openings" (p. 247). A temple of this kind has been clegoribed by the present writer in his article on the remains at Brinagar (Nadia) in the Journal of the Sahitya Parishad (Vol. XIII, p. 259)

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AUGUST, 1918) ALLEGED BUDDHIST INFLUENCE IN THE SUN TEMPLE AT KONARAK 215 The Indian sculptors of old never carved their names underneath the works of art coming from their chisels nor desoribed the subject which they represented in the various sculptures. Hindu iconography as a science is still of recent origin. To this may be ascribed the conflict of opinion which is so often noticed in regard to the identification of sculptures by different scholars and sometimes ludicrous mistakes are made because of the partiality or bias towards a particular theory. Instances of such clashing opinions are by no means uncommon in regard to the Konarak soulptures. Tho well-known "Teaching Soene" has been taken by Mr. Swarup to represent Buddha in the sot of delivering & sermon or imparting religious teaching to some of his disciples (op. cit., p. 86). Dr. A. K. Coomaraswamy, & scholar well learned in Hindu and Buddhistio lore, describes this in his Visvalarma, Part VII, plate 72, as Vaishnava Guru. Any one who has the opportunity of examining this picture carved in chlorite or the beautiful reproduction of it as given by Dr. Coomaraswamy will admit that there is nothing in it peculiarly Buddhistic, which may confirm Mr. Swarup's identification. There is another representation, known as the "Archery Soene," which Mr. Swarup considers to be the illustration of an incident from Sarabhanga Jataka (op. cit., p. 87). Buddha, though he was without any previous training, is said to have defeated all his compotitors in an archery competition. Among the local people this soulpture is said to illustrate the shooting of arrows by Parasurama. In the Hindu sacred books there is mention of an incident referring to Parasurama's reclaiming land from the Bea-bed by shooting arrows. Whether the mound or projection in the sculpture which the arrows are represented as piercing through is meant for a sea-side cliff or is due merely to a wrong idea of perspeotive is more than what can be assorted with confir dence. As instances are not wanting of representations of purely secular incidents such as hunting soones among tho Konarak sculptures there need be no objection in taking this st loust - * wcalar fout in archery. Among these sculptures some have been identified as pictures of Pauranic incidents such as marriage of Sita and killing of Mahishasure and accepted as such without cavil even by Mr. Bishan Swarup. A numbe of images of Hindu deities such as Bishnu, Surya, Glanga, Balagopals and Brihaspati, &c., have also been discovered among the ruins. It does not seem therefore probable that among Hindu Pauranic sculptures of this description, illustrations of Buddhist Jataks stories would also find a place in a scattered disconnected sort of way. Mr. Bishan Swarup identified one of these stone-carved pictures as Buddha with Muoh&linda the Serpent God (op. cit., p. 87) and the two small female figures standing on two sides were declared to be Sujata tho wife of the rich Bresthi, who brought the Enlightened One food after his prolonged abstinence, and her maid-servant Punna. Mr. Swarup's objection to the group being a Hindu Vaishnavite image lies in the fact that ordinarily Vishnu is depicted as lying on the Ocean of Milk with the serpent Sesha or Ananta spreading its hoods over his head. In the catalogue of exhibits published on the occasion of the centenary of the Indian Museum, 1913, there is a description of an authentic Buddha and Muchalinda image (No. 6290 of the Catalogue). It is noticeable that in this sculpture Buddha is represented as seated on the head of the Serpent God. Serpent hoods are found also on the head of the image of the Jains Tirthankara Paravanatha. It does not seem quite safe, therefore, to classify an image as Buddhistic merely from the accompanying Berpont symbol. In his comprehensive work on Hindu Iconography, Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao describes a Vishnu image of the Bhogasthanaka order, in which the god is shown in a standing posture with the serpent's hood over his head, flanked on two

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 19 sides by the figures of Lakshmi (Goddess of Wealth) and Prithvi (The Earth Goddess). In a silver statuette of Vishnu discovered in the village of Churai in Bengal (given in plate No. 24, of Mr. R. D. Banerji's History of Bengal) the god is shown as standing upright and has over his head a sort of arch which seems to be made of hoods of ser pents. While there may be still some doubt as to the definite classification of this so-called Muchalinda sculpture, the statement that it is an image of Buddha cannot be held to have been established. On the lintel of the beautifully carved chlorite doorway of the temple well-known as a memorable production of Orissa art, is depicted the image of Sri or Maha Lakshmi, a fact which is sought to be made one of the strongest proofs of the theory of the Buddhist origin of Konarak ruins. The goddess Sri has been described in the Matsya Purana in the chapter dealing with the Sun God and other minor gods and goddesses (Chap. 26, Slokas 40 to 46) and it mainly agrees with the noticeable features of the deity ordinarily depicted in the sculptures. As Mr. B. C. Majumdar has shown in one of his learned articles in the Bengali magazine, Sahitya (Sahitya 1312 B. S., p. 131-138), these Sri images are identical with Kamalatmika, one of the Dasamahavidyas of the Hindu Pantheon. It will appear from Mr. M. Chakravar. ty's learned notes on Dhauli and the caves of Udayagiri and Khancagiri (Caloutta, 1903), that the images of Sri, Gaja-Lakshmi or Mahalakshmi and pictures of trees, &c., are common alike to Hindus, Buddhists and Jainas. Even to this day trees, are represented in Jaina places of worship and Kalpadruma of the sacred lore 8 has by no means fallen into oblivion. Srimurtis are not peculiar only to Buddhist stupas at Sanchi, but reproductions of these figures are met with in Orissa es in the Lakshmi temple in Jagannatha enclosure, Puri. Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar, in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey, Western Circle, 1904, gives an interesting account of the Hindu temple of Narasimha Natha situated in another part of the province of Orissa. The temple which he escribes to 9th century or to an earlier period has got a chlorite door-frame somewhat resembling the one at Konarak and in the lintel is depicted the image of Lakshmi and two female attendants bearing flyskips and over the head of the goddess are represented two elephants holding aloft two water-jugs in their trunks. Professor Bhandarkar referring to plate No. 1, and p. 71, of Fergusson and Burgess's Cave Temples of India, observes : "It is no wonder that Lakshmi image should be found on the lintel of the temple--as these are met with alike in the ancient Caves of Katak and the temples of Southern Orissa." Like the Svastika, Sri or Kamalatmikd figure seems to have been looked upon as a beneficient Bymbol and as such came to be adopted as a sort of conventional decoration by Hindu architecte, especially in connection with sacred places of worship. The erotio sculptures at Konarak--the likes of which are also found in other Orissa temples have also been brought into requisition in the attempt to establish the Buddhist claims. These pairs of human figures in various attitudes (bandhas) are taken to be due to the influence of the Tantriks of the Left Path School. The pro-Buddhist ? Fa A tare arrang! subovanAM pInagaNDAM rakkoDI kucitadhruvam // 4 // pAzrva tasyAH striyaH kArbAdhAmara bppaannvH| pacAsanIpaviSThAtu pasihAsanasthitA // 45 // karimbAM snApyamAnA sI bhRjArAmbAmanekapaH prakSAlavantI kariNI bhUnArAbhyAM tathAparI // 4 // matsyapurANe pratimAlANaM nAmekaSaSThapadhikadizAtatamo'dhyAye 8 In Kharavela's inscription there is mention of & Kalpa Tree (in gold) given away by the Emperor with leaves on (JBORS., December 1917, p. 463). Mr. K. P. Jayaswal refers to Hemidri's Chaturvarga Chinta mari for description of this Mahada na (Danakhanda 5), a fact which seems to show that ceremopies of this kind like the conception of the tree itself were essentially Hinduistao in character,

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AUGUST, 1918) ALLEGED BUDDHIST INFLUENCE IN THE SUN TEMPLE AT KONARAK 217 arguers assert that the union of these erotic pairs is a crude way of representing the union of Buddha and Prajna (wisdom) (Konarka, p. 63). In direct contradiction to this theory it has been stated by a writer in a vernacular journal that the object of these carvings was to prevent the austere devotees of Buddhism from approaching the neighbourhood of the temple. This view may be dismissed without much comment as under some of its degraded Tantrik forms, a good deal of license seems to have been allowed to followers of the faith. Sir J. G. Woodroffe in his preface to Mr. M. Ganguly's book on Orissa, has referred to Dr. Maeterlink's mention of the occasional existence of a type of erotic representation on the walls of Gothic cathedrals. It has been justly held that mere sentimental or spiritual explanation of these sculptures do not explain away their bearing as a natural land-mark in the evolution of human faith and morality, and one is reminded of Kraft Ebbing's well-known dictum that "sexual feeling is really the root of all ethics and no doubt of aestheticism and religion" (Psycho, Sex, p. 2). Messrs. Stephen and Catherwood in the course of their explorations in Central America discovered ruins of huge edifices in the cornices of which were found depicted symbols of an erotic character membra conjuncta in coitu' (Squier's Serpent Symbols, p. 48). Mr. Westropp, mentions having met with the symbol in temples and public buildings at Panuco (Primitive Symbolism, p. 33). It is interesting to observe that like the sculptors illustrating the descriptions in Kamasastra on the steps of Mahamaya or Ramchandi temple, and on the porch of the Sun Temple at Konarak, he explains these pictures as representing in various manners the union of two sexes. Another remarkable feature of similarity in religions so diverse as Mexican and East Indian is the worship of the Sun God in Mexico, which appears to have been interconnected with the worship of the Phallic symbol. Representations similar to those which Dulaure found carved or painted at Panuco were observed by Bertram on the sacred edifices at Tlascalla, where among the local creek tribe heliolatry was strongly in evidence. No connection has yet been established between the religious cults of India and Mexico and what appears to have been a stage in the natural evolution of human faith or as it has been called a "cosmic process,' should not be hastily ascribed to 4 degraded form of any particular religion. One is therefore inclined to hold that these erotic figures by no means establish the Buddhist origin which is claimed for Konarak. It may be stated in this connection that according to Hindu works like Utkalakhanda (Chap. XI) sculptures of this description are carved with a view to prevent the buildings being struck by lightning (Vajra pdladi-bhityadi-varanartham, TRITAfeur &c.). Mr. V. Smith whose attention seems to have been drawn to such Sanskrit texts has also remarked that "such sculptures are said to be a protection against evil spirits and so serve the purpose of lightning-conductors" (History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, p. 190, foot-note). In the Agnipurana also, we find directions regarding the representations of these human couples in certain parts of sacred buildings (Agni. Vol. I, p. 356, Ed. Biblioth. Indic. Ch, 104-30. Mithunai padavarnabhi Sakhaieshan vibhishayet mithanaH pAzvarNAbhiH zAkhA zeSaM vibhUSaveta). It has also been asserted that according to the Silpa Sastras, it was customary to depict on the temple buildings scenes portraying the nine principal sentiments (Rasa) and the erotic passion or Sringara Rasa 'being the first in the category, has naturally come to occupy a more prominent place. These explanations coming as they do from Hindu sources, certainly go to show that carvings of this kind were not the hall-mark of any particular creed. Not content with the so-called indirect evidenoe of once prevailing Buddhism, an attempt has been made to silence all dissentients by making a bold assertion to the effect that there is an image of Buddha at Puri which can be traced to Konarak. The image of Sun in the Sun Temple at Puri is said to have been removed from the isonarak temple and there is also

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1918 a tradition recorded in the Palm-Leaf Temple annals (Madla Panji) which lend support to this. In the Sun Temple there is another partly mutilated image which the Pandas or the custodians of the temple declare to be that of Indra, the Hindu Jupiter Pluvius. Mr. Swarup declares this image to be that of Buddha (Konarka, p. 84), an identification which would naturally lend a strong support to his own theory. Mr. Swarup's opinion in this matter cannot, however, be accepted as final as we find that a very different view has been put forth by an independent scholar, after a minute and careful personal inspection. In an article in the Modern World, July 1913, Mr. Himangshu Sekhar Banerji, B.L., who took careful measurements of the altar at Konarak and the pedestal of the images in the Puri Sun-Temple, has described the similarity of the so-called Buddha, with that of the Moon-god, in the Navagraha frieze at Konarak and in view of the tradition that the Moon was also worshipped there along with the Sun, he is inclined to hold that the image in question is that of the Moon. If there had been anything peculiary Buddhistic about the image which was likely to lead to a satisfactory identification, the fact would hardly have escaped the attention of modern researchers. Mr. M. Ganguly, whose work on Orissa is probably the latest of its kind from the pen of an Indian scholar, has also been careful not not to hazard such a guess. Mr. Swarup's identification can therefore only be regarded as proven' under the circumstance. Some of the Indian writers are so much obsessed with Buddhist' theories that we find in a vernacular work on Puri Shrines (Puri Tirtha) by Mr. Nagendra Nath Mitra, a statement to the effect that there are big images of Buddha on the pyramidal roof of the Konarak porch or Jagmohan. We had an opportunity of inspecting these images at close quarters, having risked a climb to the roof with the help of the local chowkidar. Being four-headed they are popularly believed to be representations of Brahman. Mr. Swarup with Mr. Longhurst of the Archaeological Survey (Arch. Survey Report, E. Circle, 1906). so far differs from the popular identification as to take these images for representation of Siva or Mahesvara, the matted locks being considered a fifth head on the strength of certain passages quoted from Hindu Texts. The author of "Konarka" monograph seems. to be under no illusion that these images were made to represent the founder of Buddhism in any of the varying attitudes (Mudra), but Mr. N. Mitra seems to go a step further even than other theorists of this school. Mr. Swarup, in view of his own peculiar views, seems to be anxious to relegate the Solar cult to a very subordinate position, and enunciates the view that it could never make a stand as a distinct or separate creed having subsequently become absorbed in the Saivite faith-the Sun God coming to be regarded as one of the eight forms of Siva or Rudra. To an unsophisticated person the obvious object of this assertion would appear to be that if Sun-worship were reduced to a mere subsidiary cult, it would be easier to attribute the building of this famous fane to a once flourishing and widely prevalent faith like Buddhism. Heliolatry seems to have once been fairly established in this land-from the temple of Martand 9 in Kashmir in the far north to that of Konarak in the southern shore. In Punjab, Multan (Mulasthn) on the Chenab (Chandrabhaga) was an ancient seat of Sun-worship. (Cunningham's The Ancient Geography of India, p. 232). Mr. N. N. Vasu quotes Vardha Purdia (178, 49-55) to show that Sun images were consecrated by Sambu, the Pauranic founder of the cult at Muttra, Multan, and Ujjain (Introd. to Vraja Parikrama), and in Vabishya Purana also there is mention of Multan and Chandrabhaga in connection with heliolatrous rites (Viasllavism, Saivism, doc., by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, p. 153). In Central India the shrines of the Sun God were not quite & negligible factor (Report Arch. Survey, W. India, Vol. IX, pp. 73-74, one of the interesting remains of early Built by king Lalitaditya in the 8th century between A,D, 24 to 760.

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AUGUST, 1918) ALLEGED BUDDHIST INFLUENCE IN THE SUN TEMPLE AT KONARAK 219 heliolatry in the Gwalior inscription of Mihirakula, now in situ in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, which records the erection of a Sun temple by this blood-thirsty son of the White Hun Toramana, in the 15th year of his reign, i.e. about 4. D. 530. (Fleet No. 37.) Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar in his interesting progress report of the Archeological Surrey, W. Circle, 1905-06, pp. 51-52, describes a 7th century Sun temple at Basant gach in Sirohi, and a 8th century one at Osiah in Jodhpur State, both of which are rich in artistic sculptures. M. Langles describes a Sun God in the peristyle or verandah of the cave at Ellora Djenouassa (Janwasa)-a Saiva cave which may be ascribed to 8th or 9th century (Le toit du verandah ou peristyle sur les murailles du quel on a sculpte ... Souria (le soleil) tranee dans son char par sept chevaux, p. 89, Tome II). There is an old Sun Temple at Gaya to the north of the Vishnupada Temple, the sacred fane which contains according to Hindu belief the foot-print of Vishnu.10 The Sun in this temple is as usual shown as being drawn in a seven-horse car. The image is important in the sense that the sculptor has followed the description of the God as given in the Hindu scriptures instead of taking for his model the standing figure with two archer companions said to be an adoption of Greek Apollo found on an Akoka railing in Bodh-Gaya, to which reference has already been made. If the Apollo model had no influence in determining the nature of the image at Gaya itself, it is not likely that it would have any influence on the 13th century artists at Konarak. Gaya is not the only place in Bihar containing traces of Solar worship. In an open courtyard inside the temple of goddess Pattanesvari, the guardian cleity, according to the local Hindus of the city of Patna, was found a big image of the Sun God.11 A twelfth century chlorite Sun image found at Rajmahal on the border of Bengal. has been thought deserving of a notice in Mr. V. Smith's History of Fine Art and Sculpture. In Bengal itself instances are not unknown of the Sun God being worshipped under a totally different naine as the result of forgetfulness or misconception on the part of local inhabitants. 12 Mr. Brajendra Nath Banerji in the Journal of the Sahitya Parishad. describes the so-called image of Shasthi (the guardian goddess of infants) worshipped at Chinsurah which is in reality an image of the Sun God with the usual top-boots and lotuses in both hands (Journal of the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad, Vol. XVIII, p. 193 ). Mr. Nikhil Nath Roy in his history of Murshidabad, describes an image of a Sun God seated on a horse known as Gangaditya, which is still worshipped in the village Amarakudu, lying not far from Berhampore, the headquarters of the Murshidabad district. In the Kondi subdivision in the same district the Sun God is regularly worshipped at Jemo Rajbati, and also at Gokarna, Patanda, under the name of Kusaditya (Journal of the Sahitya Parishad, Vol. XIV, p. 144). Not long ago the late Dr. Bloch discovered at Maldah the image of a Sun God of the Aditya class. Some of the Sen Kings of Bengal--who flourished before the Mahomedan conquest-'were Sun-worshippers and Kebava Sena in the Edilpur Grant (JASB., Vol. X, 1914, p. 103), 10 The shrine evidently belongs to Buddhist timen, and proves that Sun-worship Was even then in vigoro in existence. Lovide the temple is an inscription in the em of Buddha's Incient Monuments of Bengal, p. 280. Above Vol. X, p. 341.) 1. The image is no longer worshipped and was lying neglected when the writer of this note visited the shrine with some delegates to the last Bengali Literary Conference held at Bunkipur, 12 It is interesting to note that lingering traces of heliolatrous rites are still to be observed in the Chhat (Sansk, Chhata ?] festival of Bihari and up-country women,

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1918 describes himself as Parama Saura. The Solar cult which was once so wide-spread and has left such important archaeological evidence of its influence cannot be called a "subsidiary' one, and there appears to be no proper foundation for the idea that at Konarak the Sun worship had flourished like a parasite on the ruins of a once popular Buddhist place of worship. It is not the place to discuss the relative merits of the theories as to whether the Sun worship ultimately got merged or incorporated in Narayanic or Vaishnavic cultor in the Saivaicone, though certain facts are certainly in favour of the former supposition. It is worthy of note that at Vrindaban, one of the principal seats of modern Vaishnavism, Sun is even now worshipped in a temple on the tila of twelve Adityas, and at Muttra another sacred place of Vaishnavite pilgrimage there is a Sun temple on the Surya Ghat or Surya tirtha where according to Hindu belief Bali, the lord of the Patala regions, obtained from the Sun God the jewel Chintamani as a reward of the austerities practised by him. In the copper-plate grants of Kesava Sena, and Visvarupa Sena (J ASB., Vol. LXV, Pt. I, p. 9), after the opening words Namo Nardyanaya THI ANTUZ (Salutation to Narayana ) occurs the sloka (vande Arabindabana-vandhabam-andhakara-karanibaddhabhubanatrayamuktihelum ) T a ha ATTATHI Salutations to Thee Thou friend of the lotus plants and deliverer of the three worlds from the prison of darkness, &c. That the stanza is to be taken as referring only to the Sun God hardly requires any comment. In reference to the Martand temple is also mentioned the local name of Vishnu as the Sun God.' In popular parlance the Sun God is even to this day referred to in Bengal as Surya Narayana. A carved stone in the Indian Museum--known as Surya Narayana Sila-on the top of which is sculptured the lotus symbol of the Sun seems to bear convincing testimony to the union of the two tenets. At any rate, so far as Konarak is concerned, there seems to have been no such clashing of rival Hindu sects and the claims now rashly advanced on behalf of Buddhism restricts the discussion to the actual influence, if any, exercised in this part of Orissa by the Buddhist faith alone. In the Arch. Survey reports there is no mention of any Buddhist remains found at Konarak. Nowhere on the temple do we find any representation of the characteristic Buddhist symbol of Tri-ratna. Messrs. Vincent Smith and Havell in their well-known works on Indian Art and Sculpture have made no observations on this point. Mr. R. D. Banerji, now Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Western Circle, who had on more than one occasion studied the Konarak remains on the spot declared to me that nothing Buddhistic has yet been found on the site in the course of excavations made by the officers of the Archaological Survey. Mr. M. Ganguly also maintains a discreet silence and does not commit himself to the views enunciated by Mr. Bishan Swarup. As we have shown above the so-called evidence adduced in support of the proBuddhist theory is exceedingly unsatisfactory, as Dr. Rajendra Lala Mitra himself admits, 11 and so long as no new results of archaeological or epigraphical discoveries are forthcoming to corroborate such' statements no accurate or scientific writer should speak of Buddhism or Buddhistic influence in connection with the Konarak ruins. 13. The evidence available is certainly exceedingly magre and unsatisfactory, but without the & Bumption of previous sanctity and celebrity it becomes difficult to account for the selection of & seabeach for the dedication of so costly and magnificent a temple as the Black Pagoda" (Ant. Orissa, Vol II, p. 148). As regards the inaccessibility or loneliness of some of the wellknown sacred places of the Hindus, one is tempted to quote from the beautiful lay.sermon of Sir Rabindranath Tagore " What is Art ? " (Personality, p. 28-29 & 32), in justification of the selection of such beautiful sites.

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AUGUST, 1918] SAMAJA 221 SAMAJA. BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, Esq., B.A.; CALCUTTA. PROFESSOR D. R. BHANDARKAR in his discussion on Asoka's Rock-edict I in which the king condemns the samaja but shows his leaningness towards a particular kind of it, has culled from many sources various references to the word samaja. He has clearly shown from Brahmanical and Buddhistic literature that there were two kinds of samaja, and that the great monarch wanted to taboo that particular kind in which, animals out of number, were, as a rule, slaughtered and "the meat formed one of the principal articles of food served." Regarding this point I do not think any reasonable doubt can possibly be entertained. But what was the second kind of samaja. Prof. Bhandarkar has shown good reason to suppose that in this samaja "the people were entertained with dancing, music, and other performances," which according to Rock-edict I was considered Sadhumata or excellent by king Asoka? 2 The above theory of Prof. Bhandarkar, I am glad to say, is strongly confirmed by the following evidence. First, I want to point out that the word samaja in the sense of theatrical performance has been used by Vatsyayana in his Kamasutra where he describes it as a sort of religious observance. The passages which refer to it are translated below: " "On the day of a fortnight or month, sanctioned by prevailing custom (prajnate) those who are attached to (the service of) the temple of the Goddess of Learning must hold a samaja." 1 Ante, 1913, 255-58. 3 Fausboll, Jataka, III, 61-2 Actors coming from other places, should give them a performance (prekshanakam)." "On the second day (after their performance) (the actors) should invariably receive marks of honour from those (engaged in the service of the Goddess of Learning)." "Then they might repeat the performance or be discharged according to the taste (of the audience)." "And in adversity or in festivity they (should) help one another. " "And honour and help to the itinerant (actors) who have (already) entered into the covenant is the duty of a Gana." From the above quotations it appears that samaja meant a sort of theatrical performance. We further notice that it had great religious importance inasmuch as it was customary to hold it in temples of Sarasvati who was no doubt considered to be the presiding deity of the dramatic art. In the Jataka also samaja has been used in the above sense. From the Kanaverajataka (No. 318) it appears that in those days there were companies of itinerant actors (naja) whose business it was to move from place to place and show their performances, which are called samaja, in villages (gama), towns (nigama) and cities. A courtezan, in the above Jataka, is in deep love with her husband who has run away. In order to trace him back she calls together some professional actors, and addresses them thus: Tumhakam agamanatthanam nama n'atthi, tumhe gama-nigama-raiadhaniyo gantva samajjam katva samajja-mandale pathamam eva imam gitam gayeyyatha ('ti nate sikkhapenti parhamam gatham valva), etc. Te Baranasito nikkhamitva tattha tattha samajjam karonta pathamam eva gitakam gayimsu. In this passage samaja must mean theatrical performance and samaja-man lala, the stage. "3 The samaja which is described in the Kamasutra and to which there are references in the Jataka would correspond to the second kind of samaja as described by Prof. Bhandarkar. But this is not the only sense in which the word has been used in the Jataka. Turning to Fausboll, VI, 277 we come across the passage Passa malle samajjasmin 2 Kamasutra, Chowkramba Sanskrit Series, 49-51.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1918 pothenti digunai bhujam. We further learn that this samajja was manchatimancha which the commentator explains as manchanam upari baddha-mancha. This word must mean, therefore, here at any rate, a stage for the purpose of a wrestling combat. It should be noted also that a stage can but occasionally serve this purpose for which alone, however, open space is always preferable. The commentator explains no doubt, samajjasmin b malla-raiza, but that meaning cannot be the only meaning for reasons just noted-a conclusion which is forced upon us from a comparison of the two instances of the Jataka referred to above. In the first of these as I have already shown sama ja cannot, of course, mean a milla-ranga for the simple reason that natas play on it. Prof. Bhandarkar has noticed that ranga and prekshagara are used synonymously with sama ja. I have not the least doubt that here samaja means the place where plays are enacted just like theatre' which has a double meaning. Prekshagara is the same as prekshagriha,' the construction of which is described at length by Bharata in his Natyarlstra (II, 8, etc.). In the description of samdja in the Kamasutra, as we have already seen, the word prekshanakam means a performance. From these the conclusion becomes unavoidable that samaja was primarily a technical word for theatre. I do not doubt, however, that games, contests of animals, etc., were also exhibited in a samaja which practice is common even now. A stage, therefore, serves two objects, primarily, the enactment of a drama, and secondarily, the exhibition of games. These were also what sama ja used to serve in Ancient India. But the question that arises here is : which of the above two senses would suit the samaja which a king like Asoka considers excellent ? Dr. Thomas takes it in the sense of a celebration of games or rather contests' (JRAS., 1914, 393-4). But then, why should Asoka show a special predilection for it in one of his own religious writs? There is no evidence to prove that the celebrations of games was 'looked upon as a religious observance in his days. On the other hand there is evidence to prove that samaja in the sense of theatrical performance was really looked upon as religious. I have already referred to the tesimony of Vatsyayana to this point. But this is not all. In the Ramayana, e. g., the theatre is pre-eminently looked upon as a sign of prosperity of a country (rashtravardhana). In the following passage it has been said, that in a kingless country utsavas and samajas which delight the actors and dancers never flourish: Nara jake janapade prahrishtanatanartakah. utsavischa Samajuscha vardhante rashtravardhanah. -Ayodhya, c. 67, 15. It follows, therefore, that the king patronized the theatre which was regarded no doubt as an instrument of educating the people. In view of what is stated above, we are now in a position to understand Akoka's liking for this particular kind of ramaja, and this explains why he was so eager to record his sympathy with it. It may be noticed here that if our interpretation is correct it is the first inscriptional evidence of a king supporting the stage in India. Besides this there are in record two other inscriptional evidences proving the same fact, viz.. the Nasik Cave inscription of the 19th year of the reign of Vasisthi putra Fulumayi and the Hathigumcha inscription of the Emperor Khara vela. M. Senart in editing the former inscription, took samaja in the sense of assembly.' But that word has to be interpreted in a different sense now. In 1. 5 of the Hathigumpha inscription, it has been recorded that the king, who was himself a master of music ( gandhava-veda-budho '), entertained his capital, in 1 As to the fact that samaja was sometimes celebrated on the top of a hill which was first pointed out by Prof. Bhandarkar and the which Dr. Thomas has again drawn our attention, we may cite the case of the JogimAra cave at Ramgarh Hill which according to the late Dr. Bloch was the site of a theatre flourishing there at least about the second century B. C.--Archeological Survey Report, 1903-4. 5 Epi. Ind., VIII. 61.

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August, 1918) MISCELLANEA 223 the third year of his reign, by Usava-samaja, just like Pulumayi. It was worth noticing here, that in the record dampa (?) nata-gita-vadita-samdasanahi is mentioned over and above U sava-sumaja-kurapandhi. This makes clear that in tnose days samaja or theatre did not merely consist of dancing and music. These are then instances to show that the Hindu theatre began to receive State support from very early times. MISCELLANEA. HATHIGUMPHA INSCRIPTION. very little ground of doubt in the facsimile given MESSRS. K. P. JAYASWAL and R. D. BANERJI by Pandit Bhagwin LAl Indraji. Now that an have placed the students of Indian Antiquity impression has been prepared on approved scientific under a deep obligation by having made accessible method, it is time to examine closely the original to them, for the first time, a reliable version of the words as they stand in the record. Fortunately, very important inscription of King Kharavela at Mr. Banerji has taken a separate impression of the Hathigumpha (J BORS., 1917, pp. 425-507). dated portion' (see Plate IV) and it may be Mr. Jayaswal has further increased the value of his hoped, therefore, that we have here the best publication by adding a learned introduction and mechanical estampage of the portion that we may various notes for clearing up the subject, and it ever hope to obtain, may be confidently expected that ere long the Now any one who even cursorily glances at contents of this valuable inscription will be fully Plate IV must at once come to the conclusion that utilised for studying the history of the period. the letters read as "Sa hi va sa" are far from Before this can be done, however, we must arrive clear. In the first place the second letter can be at a definite understanding about the date of this hardly read as thi'. This may be verified by a record. I propose, therefore, to discuss this point comparison of the other tha's in the record, e.g. in some detail in the following pages. that of 'Choya (or ? a) ta' in the same line The various theories entertained on the subjeot Rathika' in l. 6, and 'Athame' in l. 7. The have been summarised by Mr. R. D. Banerji, on next letter read as va' looks like 'ta' for its pp. 488-489, in his note. They may be divided lower limbs are not joined and there is no sign that Into two classes. According to one, there is a they were ever so joined. The third letter, read direct reference to a date in line 16 of the record; Assa, looks more like 'pa' than anything else ; according to the other, there is no date in line 16 the left limb of sa' is entirely wanting for we but there are references to some events elsewhere I cannot suppose that the same stroke served both (11. 6 and 11) in the record from which an idea of as the right limb of' ta'(or, va) as well as the left its approximate date may be formed. limb of sa! Both Mr. Jayaswal and Mr. R. D. Banerji have It thus appears to me, that, so far at least as endorsed the first of these theories, and have 1 the facsimile goes, there is no justification for the unhesitatingly pronounced that the record does reading 'sathivasa-sate'. In the absence of this contain a date in line 16,-" In the time of reading, there remains no trace whatsoever in the king Muriya [Chandragupta] which had elapsed by inscription, of any direct reference to a date. hundred and sixty-five years according to Mr. Jayaswal (pp. 449, 451) and " in the era of the Now, conceding for a moment, that the record Maurya kings, one hundred and sixty years increas. really contains the date 165, of the era of Muriya ed by five..." Bccording to Mr. Banerji [Chandragupta) or of the Maurya kings as con(p. 492). Inspite of this difference of interpreta- tended by Mr. Jayaswal and Mr. Banorji, and is to tion, which, by the way, is not insignificant, both be placed in about 161 B.C. let us see what result the scholars take their stand upon the same follows. The record, as interpreted by these two reading, viz." Pan-amtariya-sathi-vasa-sate Raja. scholars, mentions in line 6, that king Kharavela, Muriya kale." The correctness of this reading in his fifth year, brought into the capital the canal (with slight unimportant modifications) have excavated by king Nanda three centuries before. hitherto been conceded even by those (e.g. Dr. As Mr. Banerji has shown (p. 498), this would Fleet) who were not disposed to look upon it as mean that a king Nanda was master of Kaliga in containing a date, for there seomed to have been about 465 or 469 B.C. Mr. Banerji would identify & Journal of the Bihar and Orisea Research Society, 1917, 456. T'To show further that it was really a full-fledged theatrical performance in the sense that actual dramas were enacted on the stage, I should like to draw the attention of scholars to the ocurrence of the word nitaka, i. e, drama, in the J aldlea (IV, 105). Fleet nu doubt suggested some alterations, but he fully admitted the possibility of tyis reading. See his reading quoted by Mr. Banerji on p. 491.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1918 him, not with the earliest ruler of the Nanda Dynasty, but with the earliest king of the Pauranic list whose name contains or is supposed to Coutain the adjunct Nanda, i.e. Nandivardhana. We leave out of consideration, for the moment, the fact that the name is given as Nandivardhana in all the authentic Puranas, that the corrupt Bhavishya Purana alone gives the name as Nanda vardhana, that none of the Puranas count him or his successor among the Nanda kings and that there is no justification therefore to dub him as Nanda I. as Mr. Banerji has done on the authority of Mr. Jayaswal. We take for granted that Nandavardhana,or Nandivardhana, of the disunagadynasty was on the throne in 465 B.C. (taking the later date). This would place Ajatasatru's reign, according to Mr. Jayagwal's calculation, between 568 and 534 B.C., or rather earlier, as we may justly suppose that king Nandivardhana was for some years on the throne of Magadha before he could excavate a canal in Kalinga. Now this not only runs counter to the present accepted view about the date of the death of Buddha but is also opposed to the orthodox view, accepted by Mr. Jayaswal, that the Buddha died in the 8th year of AjAtasatru's reign (see, e... the Synchronistic table of Mr. Jayaswal in Appendix C of his paper on the Saisunaka and Maurya Chronology, etc., published in J BORS. Sept. 1915. Reprint p. 49). The date of the HAthigumpha inscription, as interpreted by Mr. Jayaswal and Mr. Banerji, thus upsets the accepted date of the Gautama Buddha and therewith the whole chronological system based upon it. Such far-reaching conclusions can be accepted only on the basis of clear and positive evidence. But as has been seen above, the line 16 of the record which is the keystone of the whole structure is far from being clear and positive. Attention may be drawn in this connection to the ways in which idioms expressing dates have been interpreted by these scholars. We have three such expressions, viz., li vasa-sata in line 6, terasa-rasa sata in line 11, and the alleged sathi. tasa-sata in line 16. They have taken the first two in the sense of 300 and 1300 respectively, but have interpreted the last as 100, while it is clear that, to be consistent, they should have explained it as 6,000. According to the usual meaning the first two expressions ought to be taken in the sense of 113 and 103, respectively. These would upset many theories started by Mr. Jayaswal. Thus, for example, there would be no basis for the suggestion that we have in line Il a reference to the Kalinga hero who flourished at the time of Mahabharata war, or that there was a careful chronicle in Orissa at the time of Kheravela which could go back 1,300 years. But by far the most important results would follow if we take ti-vusa-sata to mean 103 on the analogy of the so-called sathi-vasa-sata. For then we have to place a Nanda King in Kalinga in the year 54 of the Maurya era, and this by itself would go far to prove that there is something wrong in the system of chronology adopted by the authors of the paper Mr. Banerji has maintained that even apart from the question of the true reading of line 16, Dr. Fleet's views about the date of the record were grossly inconsistent in themselves. In this I cannot follow him, and it is but due to the memory of the illustrious scholar that his case should be fairly represented. As shown by Mr. Banerji (p. 494) Dr. Fleet concluded from some details in line 11 that the eleventh year of Kharavela fell in the 113th year after the conquest of Kalinga by Asoka, and that Khara vela therefore ascended the throne of Kalinga, 111 years after the anointment of Asoka. Mr. Banerji then adds, "Now, accord ing to Dr. Luiders, Kharavela caused an aqueduct, that had not been used for 103 years since king Vanda or since the Nanda kings, to be conducted into the city, in the 5th year of his reign. This view is also shared by the late Dr. Fleet." (P. 494). Is becomes easy of course to show that the two views are incompatible with each other. The fect, however, is that there is no reason to suppose that the particular view of Dr. Luders was also shared by the late Dr. Fleet. His published writings on the subject, referred to by Mr. Banerji, contain no such thing and Mr. Banerji should have given full reference before advancing such a charge against the late lamented scholar. He was too critical a scholar for such inconsistencies and I maintain that his view, so far es it goes, is perfectly consistent in itself. It may be mentioned in this connection that Mr. Banerji has fallen into similar orror in his criticism of Luder's viev. Kharavela, aceording to it, would not be four years of age, as Mr. Banerji maintains in l. 22. p. 496, but 11 years of age when Aboka died. R. C. MAJUMDAR.

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SEPTEMBER, 1918 ] E AND O IN MARWARI AND GUJARATI 225 THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND O IN MARWARI AND GUJARATI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI ; BIKANER. I HAD already dealt with the subject of the present paper in a note published in appendix to my "Progress Report on the work done in connection with the Bardic and Historical Survey of Rajputana during the year 1915", 1 and had hoped that I had therein given the genesis of the wide sound of e and o in Marwari and Gujarati, as distinct from the narrow sound, with sufficient lucidity and documentation to convince everybody. But in this I was mistaken and & contradictory article by Mr. N. B. Divatia, recently appeared in this Journal,? now obliges me to take up the same subject again and remove some shades of doubt which it has cast on my conclusions. In the note to which I have just referred, I had shown that every e, e (wide) 3 of Marwari and Gujarati is derived from an ai, au of the Old Western Rajasthani, whereas every e, o (narrow) is derived from 0. W. Rajasthani e, o, or, in some few casos, 0. W. Rajasthani 1, ea, i, oa. With regard to the former change I had pointed out that the manuscripts indicato that it was effected through a process of contraction, that is, through suppression of the hiatus, the intermediate step being the diphthongs ai, au, (t t). Thus O. W. Rajasthani ai, through ai, gave Marwari-Gujarati e, and similarly 0. W. Rajasthani au, through au, gave Marwari-Gujarati o. Seeing that the spelling ai, au is found in most, if not all, of the earliest manuscripts of Marwari and Gujarati, and that it is still used by accurate Marwari writers to represent the wide sounds e, o, * and at the same time considering that this ai, au spelling is not only etymologically accurate but also very significative in that it graphically represents the genesis of the sounds themselves, I had suggested that it might be adopted, or rather readopted, in Gujarati to distinguish the wide sound (e, o) from the narrow sound (e, o). It is known to everybody that one of the deficiencies of inodern Gujarati orthography is the use of a unique sign to indicate both e, dand e, o. Shortiy before the publication of my note Mr. Divatia hed in this same Journal 5 proposed a theory according to which the e, o of Gujarati was devolved from 0. W. Rajasthani ai, ai, not through ai, ar, but through aya, ava (ay, av). In reply to this, I had in 1 Jour. As. Soc. of Beng., N.S., XII, 1916, pp. 73 ff. 1 The Wide Sound of E and O with Special Reference to Gujarati. Vol. XLVI, pt. DLXXXIX, 1917, and VOL XLVII, pts. DXCI and DXCII, 1918. * I use a grave accent () to represent the wide sound and an acute accent !) to represent the narrow sound. "I give below a specimen which I have taken at random from a manuscript about 50 years old containing the "Khyata " of Bikaner by Sindhayaca Dayala Dasa (MS. No. 1 of Desor. Cat. of Bard. and Histl. MSS., Sect. i, pt. ii) T otalcat vratai & PT G araget Taro taitIpa dilI re rajIDaMsa sAhaba bAhAdara ne gujarAi sa.1886 phAlguNa ra 10 ne aura muphasala hAla hiMna malajI jabAMnI jAhara kIyo tiNa para sAhaba mausUpha vAvalapura reSAMna nai tAkIdIrI liSAvaTa bhejI tArAM SAMna paNa TAkara ne Apa re ilAke mUM bAbara kIyA taha ThAkara ilAkai jesalamera re mai gayA uThe kitIeka prAramI jamA kIyA tathA pUgaja rAva rAmasiMhajI vairIsAlajI rI sAjasa mai tA sU jesajamera rAvana gajasiMhajI ne gayA ta? gajasiMhajI kauza 1sAMmA Aya ne rAva ne le gayA bhara rAvalajI pUrI pAsarI kara madata rau hukama kIyo . . . . . . . etc. (pp. 3425--343a). "A Note on Some Special Features of Pronunciation etc, in the Gujarati Language, Vol. XLIV, pts. DLII Scd DLVI, January and May 1915.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1918 my note given some reasons which, I believe, conclusively dismiss Mr. Divatia's explanation, but he has not been persuaded by them and in his new article on the subject still clings to his theory and not only maintains that e, o are derived from aya, ava, but also that the result of the contraction of ai, ai, if this contraction ever takes place, is not e, e, but e, o. Naturally, in the beginning of his new article Mr. Divatia examines the arguments given by me against his theory and tries to dismiss them, but how ! Instead of removing them from his path, he simply walks round them and gets beyond. One of my arguments is that there are no sure instances of any ai, au of the 0. W. Rajasthani having changed to aya, ava in any stage of this language. To prove the contrary, my opponent splits the vocal compounds ai, au into their two elements and fetches instances of isolated i, u having passed into ya, va in the later stage of the 0. W. Rajasthani if not in Gujarati itself! The only instances of the pretended change ai > aya which Mr. Divatia is able to quote, are vayara, payasdra, bayathau, and payathai. I had already explained these forms as incorrect readings due to the habit of the scribes to write ya for i. But Mr. Divatia does not accept this explanation and ransacks some O.W. Rajasthani texts in search of examples like niscal. uvajhai, Ramaira, etc., which in his opinion prove that the scribes instead of showing a tendency to write ya for i, show a tendency to write i for ya. But i is the regular spelling in all these cases and does not represent a tendency of the scribes, but a tendency of the language! The fact is that the tendency of the scribes to write ya for i is not only indisputable but also much more widely established than Mr. Divatia imagines, for it is found in Prakrit manuscripts as well. To cite only one case. Of the two manuscripts collated by Prof. H. Jacobi for the edition of his Maharasiri Erzahlungen, A and B, the former reads gayam for gaim (p. 73) and payasario for paisario (p. 63), and the latter kayavaya for kaivaya (p. 61) and vayara for vaira (p. 60). Another of my arguments was that it is not admissible that a language which possesses a tendency to samprasarana even greater than Apabhramsa itself, should at the same time possess a tendency to anti-samprasarana, to use Mr. Divatia's expression. In other words, it is not admissible that the 0. W. Rajasthani after changing kavana into kaina should have reversed the process and changed ka una into kavana back again. Mr. Divatia clings to this example and discovers that Apabhramsa kavana is derived from Prakrit kauna Page #243
SEPTEMBER. 1918 1 E AND O IN MARWARI AND GUJARATI 227 that languages " go backwards and forwards", but the generally accepted principle is very clifferent from this. 8 My third and last argument was that when the Marwari and Gujarati scribes found that the spelling ai, au no longer corresponded to the actual pronunciation, they did not alter it into aya, ava, but into ai, au. Evidently, by the time when ai, au were introduced into use about the sixteenth century A.D.--the two elements in the vocal compounds ai, au had been blended together into diphthongs and were then pronounced as diphthongs. This is, perhaps, the strongest and most decisive of all my arguments in that it proves that during the period of transition from O. W. Rajasthani to modern Marwari-Gujarati, if not earlier, the tendency of the language was to fuse the two elements in the groups ai, ai into one, not to divaricate them further by amplifying them into aya, ava. But Mr. Divatia easily disposes of this argument by refusing to believe that early Gujarati manuscripts contain the spelling ni, au. Even if this was the case, it would suffice to know that the spelling is found in Marwari manuscripts, but that it is found in Gujarati manuscripts as well is a matter that can be easily ascertained by Mr. Divatia himself if he only cares to complete his researches, which, as he states, are "limited in extent in this respect." In conclusion, none of Mr. Divatia's replies to the arguments given by me against his theory, does really hit the point, much less can these replies demolish my criticism. However, Mr. Divatia has satisfied himself if no others, and thinking that he has cleared his path of all obstacles, proceeds on. I shall not follow him into all his details, but will confine myself to examining the two or three main points in his discussion and conclusions. He begins by suggesting that if aya, ava (as developments of ai, au) were not actually written, except in a few cases, "they were potential developments as precedent conditions requisite for the production of the wide sound (e, o) which comes on the final a being lost through want of accent * The other examples with which Mr. Divatis tries to show that a va of the Apabhramsa after becoming u in O. W. Rajasthani can revert to va in Gujarati, are : desdura > desavara, deula > devala, and deura > devara. Here the reversion of the samprasarana is only apparent. In several old Marwari manuscripts (e.g., MS. No. 15 of Descr. Cat. of Bard. and Histl. MSS., Sect. ii, pt. i, Samvat 1615-34). I have found tho spelling vu for u coming after a long vowel. Thus: ravu for rau, no rarula for rdula, vituli for vdu!, Sekhavrata for Sekhi uta, etc. Evidently, we have here insertion of va-sruti between 1 and the preceding long vowel, and it is this va-sruti that has given rise to the modern va. Thus 0. W. Rajasthani deula first becomes devula, through insertion of va-sruti, and then, by dropping the u, devala. There is no question of reversion of samprasdrana hero. Not only is the spelling ai, au found in early Gujarati manuscripts, but it is very often found side by side with the old spelling ai, ai, a circumstance that shows better than anything else that the former spelling is the immediate successor of the latter and that there are no intermediate steps like aya, ava between them. Here is an illustration of the above-mentioned case, taken from the first page of a manuscript in my possession, written, apparently, towards the middle, if not the end, of the seventeenth century A.! . and containing a Gujarati balavabodha to a "Jambucaritra," a Jain work : s a ET 3977 sAMbhale chaMda tivAraha eka devatA mahaDika bhagavaMta naI bAMdaI..... bAMdI prazna karaI mAharI devalokA viDAM ketalo ret . .. ., etc. It will be noticed that in the above extract, ai, ai are used side by side; whereas au is constantly represented by o. This is not a mere graphic peculiarity of the manuscript, but it is a general fact that while early Gujarati manuscripts as a rule always represent d by ai, they very seldom represent d by au, but either use the old form au or the newer form o. Marwari manuscripts are more consistent in this respect and use both ai and au. The Gujarati manuscript cited above is only one of many I could cite in which ai is used side by side with ai. Indeed, the practice of writing ai is so prevalent in early Gujarati manuscripts that I am very much puzzled to explain how & Gujarati roholar can assert that he has never come across any instance thereof!

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1918 thus giving ay, av as the causative principle of the broad sound." Translated into practice, this means that O. W. Rajasthani karai to become modern Marwari-Gujarati kare, had to pass through the stages: karaya >karay, the entire process being as follows: (1) karai (2) karaya >(3) karay>(4) kare. There is no room for the karai of the manuscripts here, but this is no stumbling-block for Mr. Divatia as he has already disposed of the inconvenient form karai by denying its existence. Anyhow, one would like to ask, in what does karay differ from karai? For it is clear that it must differ in something, otherwise the third phase would represent no progress in respect to the first. My opponent's reply to this question can hardly be expected to be any other but this: that the last letter of karai is a distinct i separated by hiatus from the preceding a, whereas the last letter of karay is an indistinct i attached to and forming one syllable with the preceding a. Well, if it is so, is this not tantamount to admitting that the second syllable of karay is a diphthong? And if it is a diphthong, is not ai its proper expression? I think I can guess whence Mr. Divatia's idea of the intermediate phase aya, ava has sprung from. He has seen that in modern Gujarati the ai, au of tat-samas (e. g. daiva, gaurava) is pronounced differently from the e, e of tadbhavas, while on the other hand aya, (ava) of tatsamas and semi-tatsamas (e. g. samaya, paya, nayana, kavari) is pronounced very much like e, o, and has concluded that aya, ava are akin to e, o, and ai, au remote from it. If this was Mr. Divatia's line of thought, he has made here a double mistake: firstly in assuming that tadbhava ai, au were necessarily pronounced in exactly the same way as tatsama ai, au, 10 and secondly in imagining that aya, ava are correctly written in all cases when they are pronounced e, o. Forms like samaya, paya, nayana, etc., as are commonly met with in O. W. Rajasthani and modern Marwari-Gujarati, are really incorrect spellings for samai, pai, naina or samai, pai, naina, respectively. In my article mentioned above I had suggested that in the case of all these tatsamas or semi-tatsamas the transition of aya to e must have taken place through the intermediate step ai, but I had been unable to adduce any instances of this passing of aya into ai then, as up to the time of writing that article I had met with none in the manuscripts I had examined. Since then I have found many instances of ai*virai, verai (O. W. Raj.), Rathora is not from Rathaura, but from Rathaura. 10 Probably they were pronounced in a way similar to the ai, au of Hindi. 11 See Descr. Cat. of Bard. and Histl. MSS., Sect. ii, pt. i, No. 15. The instances include: pai (Page #245
SEPTXMBER 1918 ) E AND O IN MARWARI AND GUJARATI 229 It is not exactly clear what Mr. Divatia means by the accent which he thinks is always present on the one or the other element of ai, au. He can hardly mean the old Sanskrit accent, for his accent does not fall on the same syllables on which the Sanskrit accent would fall, besides, the Sanskrit accent does not always support the theory that ai, au give e, o only when accented on the a 12 What he probably means by accent is a stress or greater emphasis possessed by one of the two vowels in contradistinction from the other, but if he means this stress, he has a very peculiar way of defining and locating it. In some places he speaks of the "preponderance" of one vowel over the other. From the examples he gives of the preponderance of i or u over the preceding a, it appears that he finds the reasons of this preponderance in the fact that the i, or u, is "guru," i. e., prosodically long either by in nature or by position. Thus in Cittaura > Citora it is an u long by nature that predominates, whereas in Pannaulli > Pannauli > Panoli it is an u long by position. Now, this is all very well, or at least it would be if the etymologies given were all correct, but these are examples of au >o, not of au > 6! I have noted that several of the i's and us which Mr. Divatia understands as predominating, belong to the initial syllable of a suffix or of the second member of a nominal compound. This is probably a mere coincidence which my opponent possibly has not even noticed, but should he ever think of this and come out some day with a new theory according to which an i or w forming part of the initial syllable of a suflix or of the second member of a nominal compound predominates over the terminal a of the word to which it is appended and gives rise to e, o, I think I have better forestall him now by quoting a few etymologies which show that such is not the case : Skt. upa-visati > Ap. uva-isai > 0. W. Raj. ba-isai > Marw.-Guj. bese "Sita down Skt. *pra-bhuta kah > Ap. *pa-huttau >0.W.Raj. pa-hutai > Marw.-Guj. pohto "Arrived", Skt. pra-hara-> Ap. pa-hara-> 0. W. Raj. pa-hura > Marw.-Guj. pohra "A watch of the day", Skt. *dva-sa plati > Ap. *ba-hattari > 0.W.Raj. bu-hutari > Marw.-Guj. bohtara" Seventy two", Skt. su-bhata > Ap.*su-bhada- > 0. W. Raj. su-hara > Marw.-Guj. sohara " A warrior", . O.W. Raj. kabana-ata > Marw.-Guj. kabareta "A bowman", . O.W.Raj.pakhara-ita > Marw.-Guj. pakhareta " An armoured horse", Skt. sva-jana- > Ap. sa-(y)ana-> 0. W. Raj. sa-yana > Marw Guj. se na A relative or friend", Skt. Simha-putra-> Ap. Sinha-putta->0. W. Raj. Siha-ita > Marw.-Guj. Sihota 13 "Son or descendant of Stho", Skt. Labha-pura-> Ap. Laha-pura-> 0. W. Raj. Laha-ura > Marw.-Guj. Lahora 13 "Lahor." 13 Cfr. the cases following: Skt. kari'ra. >0. W. Raj. kayara > Marw.-Guj. kera "Capparis Aphylla", Skt. ndgara. 0. W. Raj. nayara, naira > Marw..Guj. 'nera "City of .... Skt. vijayd->Ap. vija(y). > 0. W. Raj. Djaya, vijai > Marw..Guj. vije " Victory", Skt. iata- 0. W. Raj. saj, sau, > Marw..Guj. ee, ad "Hundred", Skt. samaya. Ap. sama(yla. > 0. W. Raj. samaya, samui > Marw..Guj. same "Time, epoch." 13 Patronymics in ta and names of towns or villages in ora are often pronounced narrow nowadays, but the evidence of old manuscripts shows that the o in these terminations was in origin wide. In fact, the manuscripts oxhibit in these cases both the d and the 6 spelling (e.g. A and art). but the former is perhaps the more frequent in old and accurate manuscripte, and, anyhow, the fact that the manuscripts, though often writing a ford, never write o for 6, is a sufficient reason for concluding that the o in these terminations must necessarily have been wide in origin.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1918 I have remarked above, incidentally, that some of the etymologies which Mr. Divatia produces in order to show that ai, ai gave e, o, and aya, ava gave e, e, are incorrect and instead of proving what they are intended to prove, prove exactly the contrary. My opponent will no doubt be surprised to learn this, and still more to learn that his theory is not only fallacious, but is the perfect reversion of the truth. Guided by the perception of the ear," Mr. Divatia asserts that e, e can only be the result of aya, ara, and that the contraction of ai, au can only give e, o. The real facts are precisely the contrary : ai, au gives e, e, and aya, ava gives e, e. Of the former change I need give no illustrations as I believe I have sufficiently proved it in my note to which I have referred above, and which as I have tried to show, has not been in the least impaired by Mr. Divatia's adverse criticism. I shall therefore confine myself to show how aya, ava contracts into e, o. One of Mr. Divatia's examples is ghanera, and another kason. The correct etymology of these two words is as follows: Skt. ghana-taram > Ap. ghana-(y)ari > 0. W. Raj. and Guj. gha neru " Plentiful", Skt. kasa-pattika > Ap. kasa-va!!ilya > 0. W. Raj. and Guj. kasa-vali > Marw.-Guj. kasoti" Touchstone." Here we have a real instance of the change of aya to e and of ava to 6. Mr. Divatia represents the change as having taken place through an intermediate step ai, ai, and thus makes the two examples agree with his theory, but these ai, ai are not the regular ai, au of the 0. W. Rajasthani, but merely hypothetical forms which have no more reality than Mr. Divatia's potential steps ai > aya, ai >ava, supposing that the latter were justifiable. Two other instances of aya > e, ava >o, which are unconsciously given by Mr. Divatia himself, are the following: Skt. ava-yava- > Ap. ava-(y)ava- > 0. W. Raj. and Guj. aveva "Limb", Skt. *Parna-pallika > Ap. *Panna-valliya > 0. W. Raj. Pana-vali > 0. W. Raj. and Guj. Panoli "N. of a place." I now proceed to give some additional instances of my own: Skt. *Phulla-talakakah > Ap. *Phulla-tadaau, *Phulla-(y)ada(y)au > 0. W. Raj. Phulelau > Marw.-Guj. Phalesava "N. of a tank." Skt. *(ut)tunga-patfika (?) > Ap. *(ut)tunga-valliya > 0. W. Raj. *tanga-valli > Marw. Guj. tangoti "A small tent", Skt. dvara-patta-> Ap. bara-vatta-> 0. W. Raj. bara-vata > Marw. barola "Door-panel" . . : ,0. W. Raj. baja-vatau > Marw. (Guj.) bajo! " A footstool", Skt. *desa-urttakah (?)> Ap. desa-vattau <0. W. Raj. desa-va!ai > Guj. desa-valo > Marw. desbC/d "Banishment". Skt. kara-pattra-> Ap.kara-vatta- > 0. W. Raj. kara-vata > Marw.-Guj. karota "A saw", Skt. nanandr-pati > Ap. nanandu-vai > 0. W. Raj. *nananda-vai > Marw.-Guj. nanadoi "Husband's sister's husband", Skt. pra-vayati > Ap. *pra-vai > 0. W. Raj. proi, > Marw.-Guj. poi " Pierces, strings", . . . . . . . W. Raj. hara-vala > Marw.-Guj. harola" Vanguard", Skt. *Phala-vardhika > Ap. *Phala-vaddhi(y) > 0. W. Raj. Phala-vadhi > Marw.-Guj. Phalodhi" N of a place."

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SEPTEMBER, 1918] E AND O IN MARWARI AND GUJARATI 231 It will be noticed that in all the above examples the ya or va which combines with preceding a to form e or o, is initial in the second member of a nominal or verbal compound. This is a very important circumstance, because it contains in itself the reason why the ya or va in all these cases did not undergo sam prasarana. I have said above that sam prasarana is one of the most marked features of the O. W. Rajasthani, and that every ava of the Apabhramsa is changed into au in the former language. But when va is initial in a word or comes immediately after a prefix, sam prasdrara does not take place. Thus Ap. vaira remains vaira in O. W. Rajasthani, and similarly a-vasa remains a-vasa. but ravamau becomes naumau. Mr. Divatia has made the mistake of overlooking the fact that nitial va cannot undergo samprasdrana and has given a series of etymologies in which he presupposes two conditions incompatible with one another : the existence of a stress or accent on a va or ya initial in the second member of a compound, and the weakening of this va or ya into u, i. It is obvious that so long as the va in kasa-vart retains the stress or emphasis which naturally falls on the initial syllable of every word, it can never undergo samprasarana. The form kasau!f can only be possible, if at all, when the word kasa-vati has ceased to be considered as a compound and the va has lost its stress or has transferred it to another syllable. 14 As a matter of fact, this has happened in the case of kasavali, and we have of this word two parallel developments: (a) kasa-vart > kasdit, and (6) kasavati > kasauli 15 > kasoti. In all the examples of the change aya > e, ava > which have been given above, the ya and va are initial, a condition which is essential in 0. W. Rajasthani for the production of the narrow sound. But if we step out of the boundaries of the 0. W. Rajasthani into the domains of Apabhram sa and Prakrit, we find that here the change aya > e, ava >o is not confined to cases when ya and va are initial, but extends to other cases as well. Thus we find lena (< Skt. layana), lona (< Skt. lavana), ohi ( < Skt. avadhi), etc. I need not give more examples of this kind because the reader can see them for himself in Pischel's Grammatik der PrakritSprachen, $$ 153-4, but what I wish to remark here is that the change aya > e, ava >o is not a peculiarity of the 0. W. Rajasthani, but rather the continuation of a process which was already in operation in the early Prakrit-Apabhramsa stage. But to revert to the e, o sound. Certainly I need not waste time to emphasize the absurdity of Mr. Divatia's suggestion that this sound was probably matured under the influence of certain Arabic and Persian words. Mr. Divatia must be very little persuaded of the plausibility of his own derivation of this sound, if he finds it necessary to supplement it with such hypotheses. No, Arabic and Persian could not be responsible for the birth of e, o in the least, and to accuse them of sharing the paternity of these sounds is ridiculous, just as ridiculous as it would be to impeach English, because it possesses words, like "hat", and "hot", whereof the vowels are pronounced much like the e, o of modern Gujarati! But why, instead of going so far in search of foreign influences, why not lay greater stress on the analogy of the e, d of Marwari-Gujarati with the ai, au of Hindi? The latter sounds are identical with the former, except that they represent a slightly earlier stage, the very same 14 Cases of this kind are not unheard of. Cfr. taruara (staru-vara), and homarahomvara (< haya. vara). 15 I have found the form kasaufa unod once in Somasundarasuri's balduabodha to Dharmadasa's "Uvacsamala", 473. Ita derivative kaadet is used in Hindi (Bates, p. 111). Mr. Divatia cannot possibly claim this form kasaufi as evidence in support of his theory that an a followed by an accented - gives o, boonuso, as I have remarked above, the win karautf cannot be accented.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1918 stage, I believe, of the Marwari-Gujarati diphthongs ai, au as they must have been pronounced previous to their transition into the wide vowels e, 0. I cannot conclude this note without a remark on the pronunciation of e, o. As I had already pointed out in my former note on the subject, there is in modern Marwari-Gujarati a marked tendency to pronounce e and o less wide when they are final, than in other cases. Here under the term final I comprehend also an e or o forming part of the penultimate syllable of a plurisyllable ending in a quiescent a. In some cases, the vowel is actually heard as narrow, thus the words : ave-la " will come", rove" is crying ", Bhatanera "Bhatner", ghoro "horse", karo "do!", Nagora "Nagor", Raphora "Rathor", Rinamalota "a son or descendant of Rinamala", are generally pronounced : Qvela, rove, Bhatner, ghoro, karo, Nagor, Rathor, Rinmalot. Here etymology and the evidence of the old manuscripts are our only guide for recognizing in all these vowels which are now heard as narrow, an originally wide vowel whereof the value has subsequently been modified. Were we to rely only on the "actual perception of the ear " and disregard the evidence of the manuscripts and of etymology, we should incur into the same error as Mr. Divatia who misunderstood vere for vere, Rathora for Rathora, and Guhilota for Guhilota. The "actual perception of the ear" is often most fallacious, but etymology is a faithful guide, and so are old manuscripts in this special case. In fact, accurate Marwari manuscripts always maintain with scrupulous accuracy the distinction between e, o and e, o by representing the former by the signs, wr, and the latter by the signs t, . In this connection I may here reiterate the practical suggestion which I had already made in my previous note: that when the question of revising the present imperfect spelling of Gujarati comes to be reconsidered, the signs, s-which were formerly used in Gujarati and are still used in Marwari-should be readopted to represent the wide sound of e and o. Etymology and manuscript tradition show that the above-mentioned signs are the only legitimate and correct ones and their readoption in Gujarati would have, besides others, the great advantage of better conforming the orthography of this language with that of Hindi and making it more easily intelligible in other parts of the country.10 16 I have purposely refrained from alluding in the course of this note to a misinterpretation of a passage in my former noto which my opponent makes and emphasizes as if in order to condemn me with my own words. A reply to this point might have been interpreted as a personal controversy. In iny note I had taken the opportunity of correcting an inaccuracy into which I had fallen in the first chaptor of my "Notes on the Grammar of the Old Western Rajasthani, oto.. by representing the result of O. W. Rajasthani at, ai, as ,0 in Gujarati and ai, au in Marwari. This means that, misunderstanding the use of the signs ci, au in Sir George Grierson's Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. IX, Pt. ii, to indicate the e, sound of Marwari, I had concluded that this sound does not exactly correspond with the e, o of Gujarati, which in the modern writing 18 inaccurately represented by U, str. and only after coming to India I dis. covered that the e, e of Marwari and the e, o of Gujarati are exactly the same and identical sound. But Mr. Divatia misinterprete my words so as to take them to mean that "Dr. Tessitori .... thought Mar. avadi did not possess even the narrow 1-O as evolutes of 6, 93, much less the wide -O" (), and in another place, referring to "Dr. Tessitori's gracefully (sic) frank admission ", says that " when he wroto his" Notea" the wide sound of eando.... was never present before his mind, and he states there that *3 and 575 became & (T) and (1) narrow "(!) Here evidently Mr. Divatia assumes that in my "Notes I had used e, o to represent the Gujarati narrow sound, but how arbitrary this assumption in is shown by the fact that in my "Notes I have never indicated in writing the distinction between the wide and narrow sound of Go in Gujarati, but following the modern Gujarati spelling, I have represented both by 2.9.

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SEPTEMBER, 2018) VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS 233 VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS. BY NARENDRA NATH LAW, M.A.; B.L., P.R.S.; CALCUTTA. Stray expressions of thought in ancient Europe on the material interests. Though the science of economics is essentially modern, stray expressions of thought on the material interests may be traced back in Europe to the time of Hesiod (8th century B.O.), whose Works and Days 1 is a long versified dissertation embodying directions for practioal guidance in the material concerns of life, such as the making of ploughs, sowing, planting, reaping, threshing, supervision of slave-labourers, weaving of cloths, management of dogs, horses, oxen, etc., shearing of sheep, felling of wood, sea-trade. The European writers subsequent to Hesiod were occupied in a very large measure with thoughts about political constitutions. In spite of this feature, we meet with economic precepts and anticipations of later economic researches in some of the writings. Plato (429 or 427-347 B.C.) Plato has given us a few economic thoughts and analyses, some of which are correct even according to modern criticism. These may be gathered from the Republic, Laws, and the dialogue called Sophist. The Eryxias, a short dialogue, treats of wealth; but it is considered spurious and does not go deeper or farther than the aforesaid works. Plato recognizes the economie basis of political society, the importance of the division of labour and also of the primary occupations such as agriculture, cattle-rearing and artisanship, domestic exchange of commodities, foreign commerce, and currency; and touches the subjects of distribution of property, money-lending, interest on loans and overdue accounts, and such other topics. Though many of his ideas are crude and unscientific, they furnish germs of much serious thought to later writers. His economic speculations, however, are found in mixture with his treatment of political and ethical questions which occupy the primary place, and are not disintegrated yet as a separate subject. 2 Xenophon (circa 430-857 B.C.) Xenophon's Economics treats of the management of the household consisting of the family with its dependants and requiring property for its maintenance. Incidentally, he touches the subjects of agriculture, manufactures, trade, foreign commerce, nature of money and some other kindred topics. His precepts for the management of private property show much sense and sagacity, 3 but his views on the subjects just mentioned are not in advance of his times except in one or two instances. Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) It was Aristotle who first reached the conception of a special science or art of wealth, though he never treated it apart from ethical and political considerations. He used the word chrematistike sometimes as equivalent to ketetike, i.e., acquisition in general, and some 1 See T. Cooke's translation of the poem in three books, and J. K. Ingram's History of Political Economy, (enlarged ed., 1915), p. 9. ? Dictionary of Potitical Economy (edited by R. H. I. Palgrave) under. Plato,' and Ingram, op. cit., Pp. 12, 13. 3 Xenophon's work on the revenues of Athens contains some practical suggestions for their improvement. * Palgrave, op. cit., Xenophon,' and Ingram, op. cit., pp. 13, 14.

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234 times in the narrower sense of that kind of acquisition that is rendered possible by exchange and money. The appended table 5 of the divisions of acquisition will show that he divided wealth into three classes, natural, intermediate, and unnatural. Hunting of wild animals or of slaves, the "living tools", is considered a "natural" mode of acquisition as also the first division of chrematistike, on account of their having the same relation to the household as mother's milk to the young, or ordinary food to the graminivorous or carnivorous animals. The "intermediate" acquisition is thought to be somewhat removed from nature and hence its name. This gulf reaches its farthest limit in the "unnatural", with exchange for its instrument. Wealth is defined to be "a number of instruments to be used in a household or in a state." None of the modes of acquisition should be pursued immoderately, as domestic economy is not identical with amassing wealth, nor statesmanship with finance. The foundations of an "art of acquisition" quite apart from the "art of household management" were thus laid. The term oikonomike continued to denote as before household management', chrematislike (or ktetike) being used to stand for the predecessor of modern economics. "Political economy" as the name of the science of wealth was first used bya French author in the title of his work Traite de l'Economic Politique published in 1615. Aristotle dwells on diverse topics of economics which I need not reproduce. Suffice it to say that with him originated the conception of a distinct science or art of wealth'. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Stray expressions of thought in the ancient East on the material interests. The Chaldaeans reached a high degree of excellence in agriculture making the soil yield a good many raw products. Their methods were first transmitted to the Greeks and afterwards to the Arabs, and practised long after the disappearance of the Chaldaean civilization. The people of Irak under the Abbaside Caliphs followed those methods while the (1) Natural, including 5 The art of acquisition (ktetike; but chrematistike is sometimes used in this wide sense). I. Hunting (a) of wild beasts, (b) of those who are by nature slaves.' II. Chrematistike, the science or art of wealth. (a) keeping of cattle, flocks, &c. (b) agriculture (including cultivation of fruit-tree's. (c) bee-keeping. (d) keeping of fish. (e) keeping of birds. (2) Intermediate, (a) wood-cutting. (b) mining. (3) Unnatural (metabletike, exchange). (a) trade (commerce and retail trade). 1st, ship owning. 2nd, carrying trade. 3rd, shop-keeping. [SEPTEMBER, 1918. (b) money-lending (usury). (c) labour for hire. 1st, of the skilled artisan. 2nd, of the unskilled. " Jowett's Politics of Aristotle (Oxf. 1885), vol. II, p. 35, as quoted in Palgrave, op. cit., Aristotle'. Palgrave, op. cit., Aristotle', and Ingram, op. cit., pp. 14-17. 7 Ingram, opi cit., p. 45. Economia' meant but 'domestic management' according to Bacon.

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SEPTEMBER, 1918 ) VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS 235 work entitled Nabuiwan Agriculture of Ibn Wahshiyah (the Nabataans being an Arab people on the east and south-east of Palestine) preserves according to one body of opinion, a reflection of those methods. In the opinion of E. Renan, "It is possible that the method which is taught in them goes actually back, as far as the processes are concerned, to the most ancient periods of Assyria ; just as the Agrimensores latine, so recent in regard to the editing of them, have preserved for us customs and ceremonies which can be explained only by the Brahmanas' of India and which are consequently associated with the earliest ages of the Aryan race." 8 Agricultural treatises on olay were deposited in one or other of the sacred libraries in which the priests of each city used to collect documents of all kinds. 9 China. Dr. Chen Huan-Chang's "Economic Principles of Confucius and his School" makes it clear that in the writings of Confucius (552-479 B.c.) and his disciples were imbedded remarks bearing on the administration of wealth, its relation to the varions social sciences, the principles that should underlie the production, distribution and consumption of wealth, and public finance. It should not be thought that there was a separate systematic exposition of all the principles. They are, on the contrary, found scattered throughout their sacred writings and require to be scraped together to show that Confucianism is a great economic in addition to being a great moral and religious system, containing many an early "anticipation of the accepted economic teachings of today." India: Vartid emerges as a branch of learning in the opic period. In India, the subject treating of wealth emerged very early as a special branch of learning under the name Vartta. It is implied in the use of the expression tisrah-vidyah in the Ramayana 10 which points to the inference that Vartta crystallized as a branch of learning most probably in the epic period. A few Puranasll record that the group of occupations signified by the word came first into existence in the treta age, and we find its appearance as a branch of learning in the Ramayana, the great epio of that age. The relation of Varud to Arthasdstra in the Kaufiliya. In the Kautiliya, Vartta is mentioned as dealing with wealth and loss of wealth' (arthanarthau) 12 while the scope of the arthaidstrae is laid down thus: "artha (wealth or goods') is the object of man's desire: the inhabited land (or country) is artha; that science which treats of the means of acquiring, preserving, and developing the said land or country is Arthasastra (science of man's material concerns)."'13 Arthasdatna deals with wealth, but as good government is the sine qua non of peaceful acquisition of wealth, it treats of polity also. Arthasastra thus .concerns itself with the economic development of the country but & Memoir upon the age of the work entitled "Nabatan Agriculture" (in French), p. 38, as quoted in G. Maspero's Dawn of Civilization, p. 770, fn, 5. For the information in the paragraph, see G. Mewporo, op. cit., p. 770. 10 Ramayana, Ayodhya-kanila, ch. 100, alk. 68, mentions three divisions of loarning of which one is vartta. u Vdyu-Purana, ch. 8, slk. 134; Matsya-Purana, oh. 140, slks. 1-3; Brahmanda-Purdna, ch. I, elk. 107; ch, 8, elk. 195; ch. 63, alk. 4 (same as Mataya-Purana, loc. cit.) 12 Kaufitya, Bk. I, vidyasamuddesas, p. 7-" Dharmadharmau trayy&m. Arthanarthau varttayam. Nayana yau dandanityam." Cf. Agni-Purdna, ch. 238, alk. 9 ; Kamundakdya, ch. 2, Ok. 7. 13 Ibid., Bk. XV, tantrayudaya, p. 424.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1918 has to do in a large measure with polity (dandaniti) which helps to create and maintain the condition precedent of economic development.14 The relation between vartta and Arthasastra appears therefore to be that the former is the general name of the branch of learning that treats of wealth alone while the latter deals with it in combination with polity, and other subjects having more or less intimate connection with vartla and dandaniti.15 Arthasastra a sub-type of Itihasa-Veda; how far this is additional clue to the time of emergence of Vartta. Having noticed the relation of Vartta to Arthasdstra we are led to enquire whether the sub-gumption of the latter under Itihasa-Veda as done by Kautilya 16 can furnish any clue to the time of emergence of the subject and thereby that of Vartta, for Itihasa is mentioned in the Atharva-Vedu 27 Taittiriya-Brahmana, 18 Satapatha-Brahmana 19 and various other Vedic works 20 as a branch of learning. The implication of the term as given by the commentators is not expressly in favour of its inclusion of the six sub-types of learning as represented in the Kauliliya. Moreover, the Vedic texts themselves mention very often Purana and Itihasa side by side as a compound expression, which seems not to support their relation to each other as genus and species ; for if the words bore the mean. ing given in the Kautiliya the mention of Itihasa would have obviated the necessity of citing Purd na separately. We are not therefore in a position to say that the denotation of the word Itihasa in the aforesaid Vedic passages is the same as that of the Kauciliya. It may be supposed that the word Itihasa may be found in use in post-Vedic Sanskrit 21 or Pali 23 and Jaina 23 literature with the denotation it bears in Kautilya's treatise, but so far as I see, the evidences in the light of their current interpretations do not favour the supposition. Thus the aforesaid meaning of Itikasa in the Kautiliya stands alone unless it be said that the meaning should be read into the word in the passages of works chronologically 14 Cf. Kauf ixtya, Bk. I, p. 9. "Anviksha ki-trayi-varttan&m Yogakshe magadhano dandah." 15 The contents of the Kautilya Arthasastra lead us to infer that the subjects of administration of justice, polity including art of war and inter-statal relations, building of forts, town-planning, &c., formed part of the Arthasastra in view of their bearing on polity and economics though of course those subjecte, that had a comparatively distant connection with them, received proportioual attention and space in the working up of the treatise. 16 Itihasa-Veda includes (1) Purana, (2) Itivsitta, (3), Akhyayika, (4) Uddharana, (5) Dharmasastra, and (6) Arthasastra.(Kauti tiya, Bk. I, vriddhasan yogal, p. 10.) 17 Atharva-Veda, XV, 4. 18 Taittiriya-Brahmana, III, 12, 8, 2. 19 Satapatha-Brahmana, XI, 5, 8, 4-8; XIII, 4, 3, 3 ff.; XIV, 5, 4, 10; 6, 10, 6; 7, 3, 11. 20 E.g., Taittirlya-Aranyaba, II, 9 and 10: San kha yana-Srauta-Satra, XVI, 2, 2 ff.; Asvarayana-Srauta. Satra, X,7, 1 fl.; Sankhyayana-Grihya-Satra, I, 24, 8; Asvaldyana.Grihya-Satra, III, 3, 1-3; Hiranya kerinGrihya-Satra, II, 19, 6. Cf. Brihadaranyaka-Upanishad, II 4, 10; IV, 1, 2; 6, 11; IV, 8, 11; Maitra yani-Upanishad, VI, 33; Chhandogya-Upanishad, III, 1.4. 21 E.g., Gautama, VIII, 6; Vishnu, XXX, 38; LXXIII, 16; Baudhayana, II, 5, 9, 14; IV, 3, 4; Manu, III, 232; Vayu-Purana, ch. I, elk. 200. Vishnu-Purana, Pt. I, ch. 1, blk. 4. Agni-Purana, ch. 271, elk. 10. Bhagavata Purana, Skandha I, oh. 4, slk. 20. 2 E.g., Sutta-Nipdta, Maha vagga (Selasutta) [SBE., vol. X), p. 98 mentions Itihasa as the fifth Veda; Parayanavagga (vatthugatha) [SBE., vol. X), p. 189. Questions of Mitinda (SBB., vol. XXXV], pp. 6, 247. 2a Kalpa-Sutra (SBE., vol. XXII), p. 221 mentions Itihdea as the fifth Veda.

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SEPTEMBER, 1918] VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS 237 anterior or posterior to the Kautiliya. In that case also the separate mention of Purana will present difficulty in the way of accepting the signification in toto. The relation therefore of Arthasastra or Itihasa as set forth in Kautilya's work does not furnish us with any additional clue as to the time of emergence of vartta. The process of emergence of Vartta. Its use to denote certain occupations and trade. Side by side with the signification of varita as a division of learning (vidya), we find its use as a collective name for the occupations of the third caste, the Vaisyas, viz., roughly speaking, agriculture, cattle-rearing and trade. The allotment of distinct means of livelihood to each caste must have preceded the raising of the vritti or means of livelihood of the Vaisyas to the status of a division of learning for greater specialization in the same in order to make it more effective for the fulfilment of the objects it sub-served. This use of vartta as signifying certain occupations and trade is found in Sanskrit works from the Ramayana downwards. A few instances are cited in the foot-note.25 The elements of varita in this sense are agriculture, cattle-rearing and trade according to certain texts ; 26 while, according to others, money-lending is added to them as the fourth item.27 Vartta formed the means of subsistence of the third caste, which Manu 28 details as agriculture, cattle-rearing, trade, and money-lending which are further detailed in subsequent passages: "A Vaiaya must know the respeotive value of gems, of pearls, of coral, of metals, of (cloth) made of thread, of perfumes, and of condiments. He must be acquainted with the (manner of) sowing 'seeds and of the good and bad qualities of fields and he must perfectly know all measures and weights. Moveover, the excellence and defects of commodities, the advantages and disadvantages of different) countries, the (probable) profit and loss on merchandise, and the means of properly rearing cattle. He must be acquainted with the (proper) wages of servants, with the various languages of men, with the manner of keeping goods and the rules of) purchase and sales." It will be seen that these details of works are necessitated by the three or four principal duties of the Vaisyas mentioned above. In the Kauriliya, 39 however, vartta denotes only agriculture, 24 Vartta, according to the Kaufitiya, is also the means of livelihood of the gudras (Kautilya, vidydsamuddesak, p. 7). 25 Ramdyana, Ayodhya Kanda, alk. 47. Mahabharata, Santi-Parva, ch. 68, 4lk. 35: Sabha Parva. ch. 5, elk. 79. Bhagavadgita, XVIII, 44; Kautilya, vidyd-eamuddesah, p. 8. Vayu-Purana, ch. 8, alks. 128. 130. 134: ch. 24, lk, 103. Vishnu.Purana, ch. 6, elk. 20, 32; Bhdgavata Purana. Skanda 7, ch. 11, slk. 15; Skanda 10, ch. 24, slks. 20, 21; Skanda 11, ch. 29, slk. 33; Brahmanda-Purana, ch. 8, alk. 130 (same as Vayu-Purdna, ch. 8, 6lk, 134); ch. 26, slk. 14 (same as Vayu-Purana, ch. 24, slk. 103); Linga. Purdna, ch. 39, alk. 43; ch. 21, elk. 16 (same as Vayri-Purdna, ch. 24, bls. 103); Bhavishya Purana, Brahma-Parva, ch. 44, slk. 10; Naradlya-Purana, Atri-Samhita, slks. 14, 15. 26 Kautiliya, Bk. I, vidya-samuddesah, p. 4,--krishi-pasupalye vanijya cha vartta; dhanye-pasuhi. ranya-kupys-vishti-pradanadarpakariki (i.e., Agriculture, cattle-roaring and trade constitute varit ; it is useful in that it brings in grains, cattle, forest-produce, labour, &c.). Cf. Kamandaktya, ch. 2, alk. 14; and Questions of Mitinda (SBE., vol. xxxv), p. 247 (IV, 3, 26). 27 Nilakantha's commentary on Mahabharata, Santi Parva, oh. 5, 6lk, 79 (with commentary); Bhaga. vata-Purdna, Skanda 10, ch. 24, slk. 21- krishi-vanijya-goraksha kusidam turyamuchyate. Vartta chaturvidha tatra vayam govsittayo'nisam, 28 Manu, I, 90; cf. Mahabharata, Santi Parva, ch. 63, 6lk. 1; Bhagavata-Purana, Skanda 1, ch. 11, alk. 15. 29 Manu (SBE.), iv, 329-332. The various duties contemplate their performance by various sections of the Vaidyas and not by every individual Vaibya.

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTRIBER, 1918 cattle-rearing, and trade, money-lending being omitted. In addition to this difference, there is another between Manu's law-code and the Kausiliya, viz. that the former makes the serving of the three higher castes the only occupation of the Sadras, while the latter adds to it vartta and karukusilavakarma (professions of artisans and bards).30 The separate mention of vartta and karu-karma may suggest that the various arts and crafts did not fall within the limits of vartta in its primary sense. This seems to be confirmed by the VishnuPurana which appears to make a distinction between "varttopaya" and "karmaja hastasiddhi " 31 the latter expression referring to arts and crafts involving manual labour and dexterity. But as a branch of learning, its scope was much widened. We shall return to this point shortly. Vartta as a branch of learning is posterior to the allotment of particular occupations to the Vainya oaste. The raising of vartta to the status of a branch of learning so important as to be classed with its three other principal branches, viz., Anvikshiki, Trayi and Dandaniti, is as old as the Ramayana, though of course its attainment of the literary status must have been posterior to the allotment of agriculture, stock-rearing, trade, and money-lending to the third caste, the Vaisyas. Previous to the emergence of varttd as a Sastra requiring systematic study, the occupations and trade must have developed haphazardly; but subsequent to its conversion into a type of learning, agriculture, cattle-rearing, trade, and money-lending may be inferred to have received a careful attention and perhaps a conscious direction. The questions put by Rama to Bharata in the Ramayana 8 and by Narada to Yudhishthira in the Mahabharata 33 regarding the people engaged in agriculture and other occupations and the application of vartta, point to the same inference. A few texts in while h Vartta is mentioned as a branch of learning. The seope of Vartta. Some of the Sanskrit texts in which vartta is impliedly or expressly mentioned as a branch of learning are given below. 34 The topics that came within its scope were naturally those means of subsistence that were embraced by variid in its primary sense, viz, agriculture, cattle-rearing, trade, and money-lending. Its soope was not, however, limited to these four subjects but became much wider. Such a widening of scope is not uncommon ; for the secondary sense of a word is not often shackled by the 80 Kaufixtya, Bk. I, vidya-samuddata1, p. 8. Cf. Kamanda kiya, ch. 2, lk. 21. 31 Vishnu-Purana, pt. I, ch.6, 6lk. 20, verso 2.-VArtt-opdyam tataschakrur= hastasiddhiticha karmajam. * Ramayana, Ayodhy-kAnda, ch. 100, slks. 68, 47. * Mahabharata, Sabha Parva, ch. 6, 6lks. 78-79. * Ramayana Ayodhya-kanda, ch. 190, 6lk. 68 (odrtid implied) : Mahabharata, Vana-Parva, ch. 150 elke. 30, 31; Santi-Parpa, ch. 18, 6lk. 33, and ch, 59, lk. 33; Harivana, ch. 40, elk. 39 (vdrtta implied) with commentary ; Man, VIL, 43; Yajaapallya, I, 311; Kauf alya, Bk. I, vidya-samuddesan, pp. 6, 7; Agni-Purdua, ch. 226,6lks. 21, 22 (same ms Manu, loc. cit. ); ch. 237, elk. 5; ch, 238, 6lk. 9 (same as Kautilya, Bk. I, p. 7, lines 1 & 2): Vayu Purana, ch, 61, 6lk. 167; MatsyaPurana, oh. 215, alk. 63 (same m Manus, los cit.); ch. 146 : Alk. 38; Bhagavata Purana, Skanda III, ch. 12, lk. 44; Vishnu-Purana, pt. I, ch. 9, lk. 119; pt. II, ch. 4, elk. 84 ; pt. V, ch. 10, 6lks, 26-30; Brahmanda-Purana, ch. I, elk. 107; ch, B4, lks. 26, 32 ; ch. 68, 6lk. 36; Brahmal'urana cb. 20, 6lk. 85 ; oh, 179, lk. 40; ch. 187, 6lks. 43-46 ; Def.Purana. oh. 37, 6lks. 60, 61 Siva-Purana (Vayaviya-Samhita), pt. I ch. I, elk. 22.

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SEPTEMBER, 1918 ] VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS 239 . primary. In the Devi-Purd na 35 varila as a branch of learning appears to include karmanta, i.e. manufactures. Though trade is omitted in the bloka, the inclusion of trade within v drtta does not admit of any doubt in view of the many evidences already cited. The subsumption of manufactures under vartta or, in short, any occupation or accomplishment that had an economic value follows from the fact that vartta was not merely a subclass but the highest class of learning dealing with wealth. Arthasastra, according to the Prasthanabhedah 36 of Madhu-sudana Sarasvati, is an Upa-Veda 37 and includes nitikastra (political ethics, or morals), asva-sastra (veterinary science), silpa-bastra (mechanical and fine arts), supakara-sastra (cookery), and chatuhshashtikala edetra (sixty-four 38 kalas, i.e., practical, mechanical or fine arts).39 But as vartta is the highest category of learning relating to the material interests, arthasastra in its economic aspects cannot but fall under the same. The whole field of human knowledge is, as we have already pointed out, divided among four categories of knowledge, viz., anvikshiki, relating to philosophy and reasoning, trayi to the Vedas, ie, to theology, dandaniti to polity, and vartta to wealth both public and private. 40 Hence vartta was the branch of learning of ancient India devoted to the systematic study of the material interests of the people with a view to their acquisition, preservation and development. 25 Devi-Poranna, ch. 37; alk. 61- Pasvadi-palanaddevi krishi-karmanta-karanat, Varttanad varanad vapi vartta sa eva giyate. 36 The Prasthanabhedah of Madhusodana Sarasvati in Indische Studien, vol. I, pp. 2,13. [A Bengali translation of the piece together with the Sanskrit text appeared in the Sarvdrtha-Parnachandra (7th Samkhyd, A.D. 1855, pp. 217-224) edited by Advaitya Charan Adhya.] The eighteen divisions of learning are 4 Vedas + 6 Angas + 4 U pagas + 4 Upa-Verlas, viz. Ayurveda, Gandharva Veda, Dhanur-Veda, and Artha sastra). The texts that mention the divisions as fourteen leave out of account the four Upa. Vedan. For the mention of the divisions either as fourteen or eighteen, see Siva-Purdna (Vayaviya. Samhita, pt. I. ch. 1, alks 22, 23; Brahma-Purdna, ch, 179, alk. 40 ; Skanda-Purdna (Vishnu-khanda), ch. 9, alk. 54; ch. 11, elks. 15-20 ; ch. 32, lk 21 ; ch. 38 ; blk. 68; ch. 46, blk. 11; Kasi-khanda, ch. 2, sk. 100 ch. 9, 49. The highest categories of learning are generally mentioned as four, of which vartta is one. In this case, the whole Vedic lore falls under Trayi. A paslamba's law.code (II, 11, 29, 11 and 12 (S.B.E.) 1 says, " The knowledge which sadras and women possess is the completion of all study. They declare that this knowledge is a supplement of the Atharva Veda." The footnote following the commentator (see also Buhler's Introduction, XXXII) adds that "men ought not to study solely or at first suck Bastras as women or gdras also learn, but at first they must study the Vedo. The knowledge which women and gudras possess is dancing, music, and other branches of the Arthasdatra." The lo t sentence makes & confusion between Gandharva Veda, which like Arthasastra is also an Upa-Veda, but treats of dancing, musio, &c., whilo Arthasastra treats of quite different matters. The expression " other branches " wrongly conveys the implication that dancing and music are also branches of Arthafdstra. It will be noticed that the position of Arthaga era as an Upa-Veda has geen put put here as proceeding from its relation to the Atharta. Veda, but according the Kautiliya, its position as such comes from its relation to the fifth, i.e., the Itihafa.Veda. ST Cf. Vishnu-Purana, pt. III, ch. 6, alkb. 28, 29, 38 Jayamangala, the annotator of the Kamasutram of Vatay Ayana, computos kalas with their sub-division to be as many as 518, and refers to a set of them called Panchalik (see VAtayayana's Kamasutram, pp. 32, 40). 59 Madhusudana Sarasvati, op. cit., pp. 10, 13, 22. 40 Prof. H. H. Wilson writes the following note on "vdria" in his translation of the Vishnu Purana [Bk, I, ch. 9, alk. 119 (=vol. I, p. 148, Hell's od. 1864)]: " udrud explained to mean the Silna. Sagtra (moohanics, sculpture, and architecture ); Ayur. Veda (medicine ). &c.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1918 The learners and teachers of Vartla or its branches. The application of the principles of Vartta within the state by competent men was the look-out of the sovereign. In view of this exigenoy, the sovereign had to learn vartta with perhaps special attention to its more useful sub-divisions, viz. agriculture, cattle-rearing and trade from teachers having special knowledge thereof. Kautilya includes vartta in the course of study prescribed for the prince, the subject being taught by superintendents of government-departments (adhyakshah) having not merely a theoretical but also a thorough practical knowledge of the same and who were in charge of various agricultural, industrial and commercial operations of the state. The prince also learnt arthasastra from competent professors.4. It seems that the two higher castes, eligible as they were to the study of all the branches of learning, could learn Vartta like the Vaisyas either in order to have & merely general knowledge of the subject or, according to particular needs, to have a special knowledge of some or all of its branches. The Brahmaras learnt the subject sometimes perhaps for the sake of making their education all-round, and sometimes for the purpose of teaching it to their pupils; for the Brahmaras were teachers not merely of theology and philosophy but also of economics, polity including even the art of warfare and use of weapons, as also the practical or fine arts, and accomplisments. Only a few instances will suffice. Rama and his cousin were taught the use of some weapons by Visvamitra, the Pandavas the military art along with the use of weapons by Dronacharyya. The various branches of learning together with the sixty-four kalas were learnt by Krishna from his preceptor Samdipani. Thus the members of the first caste were often masters and teachers of the practical arts, though of course it should be admitted that the knowledge and practice of tartta were the special obligation of the Vaisyas, just as the knowledge and practice of dandaniti (polity) the special charge of the Kshattriyas. The members of the fourth caste were, as it appears from several Sanskrit texts, debarred from literary or scientific culture, but, according to Kautilya, they were eligible to the means of subsistence included in vartid and had therefore at least the practical knowledge required for the purpose and transmitted from one genera tion to another through apprenticeship of some form or other. Manner of treatment and extant literature.. The manner of treatment of vartta or its sub-topics in the treatises on the subjects, so far as we can judge it from the evidences at our disposal, was rather concrete, though, of course, general maxims and wise saws, the generalizations that were the results of long experience were not wanting in them. The economic treatises of the ancients whether of Greece or India could not be like their namesakes of the present day. The aim of the works on vartta was more or less practical, their primary object being the guidance of the traders. agriculturists, cattle-rearers, artisans, artists, and directors of industries, and the concrete mode of treatment of the subjects in those books was determined by this practical purpose. I have appended at the end of this discourse names of extant treatises on the various arts 4 Ramayana, Ayodhya kanda, 100, slk. 68; Mahabharata, Sabhd. Parva, ch. 5. elks. 76.79. 12 Manu, VII, 13 Traividyobhasiraylin vidyaddandaniti atha shvatim, Anvikshikim chatmavidyam vartthrambban scha lokatab. -ef. Yajnuratya. I, 311; Ayni-Purana, ch. 238, lk. 8. Kautiliya, Bk. I, Vriddhasa'yoga), p. 10. 41 Ibid.

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SEPTEMBER, 1918] ON THE YAJVAPALAS OR JAJAPELLAS OF NARWAR 241 and crafts and such other subjects as are classed under vartta in two Lists, the first of which contains the names of manuscripts, and the second names of printed works. So far I have not come across any work entitled Vartta-Sastra dealing with the entire subject in a general way. The absence of such a book in the Lists cannot be a bar to the recognition of the other works mentioned therein as appertaining to vartta in view of what we find in regard to the three other divisions of learning Anvikshiki, Trayi and Dandaniti; for I do not think there are any works entitled Anvikshika or Trays though there are admittedly hundreds of works on philosophy and theology. Similarly in framing the list of more than 150 works on Dandaniti or its sub-topics, which I have collected and published elsewhere, I have not come across any book with the title Dandaniti. It is not essential that books must always be named after the divisions of learning to which they belong, and it is not a fact that books named otherwise cannot appertain to those divisions of learning. Most of the works named in the lists are on one or other of the sub-topics of vartta or on a group thereof, treating of architecture, sculpture, painting, examination of precious stones, agriculture, nourishment of plants, treatment and cultivation of trees, laying out of gardens, cow-keeping, handicrafts, construction of carriages and ships, &c. We do not expect to find in these works an attempt to elicit economic laws by an inductive and deductive study of man and his diverse activities in relation to the utilisation of nature. The analogy of the handVing of polity in the available treatises on the subject points also to the same inference. We find in them details as to the duties of various government-servants from the Viceroys to the lowest menial, how the State-departments should be administered, how war is to be waged and inter-statal relations maintained, and so forth, and not any abstract discussions of the origin and development of State, nature and seat of sovereignty and such-like. (To be continued.) A NOTE ON THE YAJVAPALAS OR JAJA PELLAS OF NARWAR. BY M. B. GARDE, B.A.; GWALIOR. In his Coins of Mediceval India (p. 90) Sir A. Cunningham gives the following genealogical table of a family of kings whom he calls 'Rajputs of Narwar'. Accession. Dates from inscriptions and cnins. SAMVAT. 1347 Malaya Varmma Deva S. 1280, 1282, 1283, 1290. 1294 1237 Chahada Deva . . S. 129, 1303, 1305, 1306, 1311. 1312 1255 Noivarmma 1312 1255 Asalla Deva .. .. S. 1327, 1330. 1335 1278 Gopala .. S. 1337. Ganapati .. $. 1348, 1355. This list 1 was compiled from inscriptions and from the dates furnished by the coins and other sources' known to Cunningham. Four inscriptions relating to these kings are mentioned by him, namely No. 1. At Rai, dated S. 1327 = A.D. 1270, in the time of Asalla Deva. No. 2. At Dahi, dated 1337 = A. D. 1280, mentioning Gopala Raja. No. 3. At Surwaya, dated 1348 = A.D. 1291, in the time of Ganapati Raja. No. 4. At Narwar, dated S. 1355 = A.D. 1298, in the time of Gagapati. 1 Cunningham gives another defective list of these kings in his A. S. Reporte, Vol. II, p 216. * Coins of Medieval India, p. 90.

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY As none of these inscriptions mentioned the family name of the kings or supplied any clue to the identification thereof, Cunningham contented himself by calling the dynasty Rajputs of Narwar.' And this vague appellation or its eqiuvalent "princes of Narwar" has been given to this dynasty in books on chronology, numismatics and history published since. [SEPTEMBER, 1918 Recently however, five more inscriptions of this dynasty have been discovered by me, two of which are valuable as supplying the hitherto unknown name of the dynasty and further as clearing away certain misconceptions about Chahada of Narwar, the founder of the dynasty. A stone 3 inscription on a Jaina Temple at Bhimpur about 3 miles from Narwar dated in V. S. 1319 in the reign of Asala Deva contains the following verses : pAla iti sArthakanAmA saMbabhUva vasudhAdhavavaMzaH // sarvataH kalitakIrtiSukUla chatramekamasRjad bhuvane yaH // kule kilAsmina janiSTa vIracUDAmaNiH zrIya ( pa ? ) ramADirAjaH | [[]] sitAraka bhI kaMpi nAsi yena sAmyam || wwwwyafhenwegfewafiquniwcepfer cAhaDaH pratinareMdra kAna naptoSadAvazikhimUrtiruthayo | etc., etc. The facts of historical importance gleaned from this passage are that there was a race of kings named Yajvapala; that in that race was born Sri Ya (pa)rdmadiraja; and that he was succeeded by Chihada. In another stone3 inscription found in the kacheri at Narwar, dated in V. S. 1339 in the reign of Gopala, occurs the following text: gamyo ma vidveSimanorathAnAM rathasvadaM bhAnumato niruMdhan / vAsaH satAmasti vibhUtipAtraM ramyodayo ratnAgirigirIMdraH // tatra sauryamayaH kazcinnirmito maharUMDavA | jayapAlo bhavannAmnA vidviSAM duratikramaH // maar gewytrend: fretkeit: | Cestnentes sinemikku: viqueninda: || sacAbhavanRpatirupatarapratApa zrImAnakIrtiH / doIDacaMDimabharaiNa puraH parebhyo yenAhRtA nalagiripramukhA gariSThAH || etc. etc. This passage tells us that Chahada of Narwar was born in a noble family which was called after a legendary hero named Jayapala; that the current popular form of the family-name was Jajapella; and that Chaha la captured from enemies Nalagiri, i.e., Narwar, and other big towns. On combining the information supplied by these two records we learn that the family name of the kings of Narwar hitherto known by the rather vague title 'Rajputs of Narwar' was Jajapella. The alternative form 'Yajvapala' specified in the Bhimpur inscription appears to be a learned Sanskritised form of the popular Jajapella. We further learn that Chahada's immediate ancestor was Sri Yaramadiraja or Paramadiraja and not Malaya Varmma as supposed by Cunningham (Coins of M. India, p. 90). Yaramadiraja however does not appear to haveruled over Narwar for we learn from the Narwar kacheri inscription that it was Chahada who conquered Narwar from enemies. 5 These stones have now been deposited in the State Museum at Gwalior. A copper-plate inscription of this Malaya Varmma dated V. S. 1277 has been lately discovered at Kuretha in Gwalior State, from which it is clear that Malaya Varmma did not belong to the Jajapella mily of Narwar but was a Pratihara.

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SEPTEMBER, 1918] ON THE YAJVAPALAS OR JAJAPELLAS OF NARWAR The new historical information noticed above is important as it clears away the obscurity that hitherto hung over the history of the Chahada Deva of Narwar. 243 C A Muhammadan historian named Marlana Minhaju-d-din informs us that in A. H. 631 or 632 (=A. D. 1234 or 1235) the forces of Shamsu-d-din Altamsh defeated at Ranthambhor a powerful ruler of the name of Rana Chahada Achari who sustained another defeat in A H. 649 (A D. 1251) near Narwar at the hands of Ulugh Khan. According to Cunningham, Raverty held that two different Hindu chiefs were intended here. But Mr. E. Thomas thinks them to be one and the same. Cunningham says Major Raverty's opinion is not without support, but I am inclined to agree with Thomas. I found my conclusion on the title of Achari which is given to Ranthambhor Chahada in this account and to the Narwar Chahala Deva in all the accounts. Recently Rai Bahadur Daya Ram Sahni in his article on the Rataul plates of the Chihamina Chahada Deva (of Ranthambhor) supports the identification of the Chahada of Ranthambhor with his name sake of Narwar. His conclusion is based on three arguments: (1) The type of characters used in the Rataul plate inscription of the Chahamana Chaha la fits in very well with the time of the Chahala of Narwar. (2) His second authority is the historian Minhaju-d-din referred to above. (3) His third argument is afforded by numismatic records. The coins of Chaha Ja discovered at Narwar and other places are of two kinds, namely, those issued by him as an independent ruler and secondly those struck by him as a tributory to Altamsh. The coins of both these kinds are of the bull and horseman type like those of the Chahamana rulers, and what is more, those of the first kind also bear on the reverse the legend of Asavari Sri Samanta Deva which occurs only on the coins of the Chahamana Somesvara and his son Prithviraja.' Now this identification of the Chahamana Chahada of Ranthambhor with his namesake of Narwar, which was generally favoured by writers on the subject in the light of facts hitherto known, is clearly refuted by our newly found inscriptions of Bhimpur and Narwar kacheri, which as already noticed inform us that the Chahada of Narwar was a Yajvapila or Jajapella and not a Chahamana. The arguments adduced by previous writers in favour of the identification of the two Chihadas are also not unimpeachable. Let us examine them : (1) The palaeographical argument afforded by the Rataul plate can show nothing more than that the Chahamana Chaha la was a contemporary of the Chahada of Narwar and not that they were identical. (2) As for the statement of the historian Minhaju-d-din it is seen from Cunningham's remarks quoted above, that opinion is divided as to whether the two accounts of the historian really refer to one and the same Hindu chief. It is just possible that the two Chahadas were contemporary of each other and the historian identified them through oversight. (3) The numismatic evidence also is not convincing. Coins of the Narwar Jajapellas Chahada, Asala or Asalla, and Ganapati have been found hitherto. The coins of the two latter princes are represented by only one type showing on the obverse a rude figure of a horseman and on the reverse, a legend specifying the name of the prince preceded by the word 5 Cunningham, Coins of Medieval India, pp. 90-91, where the authority quoted is Raveriy's Translation of Tabqat-i-Nasiri, pp. 731 and 824. See also Duff's Chronology of India, pp. 184 and 194. 6 Pathan Kings of Delhi, p. 67. 8 Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, pp. 223-24. 7 Cunningham, C. M. I., p. 01. 8 Cunningham, C. M. I., p. 73, Nos. 8-10.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1918 rimat, and a date below. Of the coins of Chahada three different types have been traced : No. 1. This typelo is exactly similar to that of the coins of Asala and Ganapati mentioned above. No. 2. This typell bears on the obverse a figure of a horseman and the legend Sri C'hahada Deva, and on the reverse, a bull and the legend Asavari Sri Samanta Deva. No. 3. This typell is similar to type No. 2 with one difference, namely, that the legend on the reverse is replaced by Asavari Sri Somasoraladera. The definite find places of these three different types of Chahaca's coins have not been recorded. It is likely that coins found elsewhere have been confounded with those found at Narwar. To me it appears that the coins of type No. 1 alone belong to the Chahada of Narwar as they resemble the known coins of his descendants Asala and Gapapati. While types Nos. 2 and 3 are to be referred to the Chihamina Chihal'a of Ranthambhor as they are copied from the Chahamana type. This view is supported also by Cunningham's remark 13 that the title Achari (or Asavari) does not appear on the Narwar coins. The title A8arari is absent only in type No. 1 of Chiha la's coins which alone, to judge from Cunningham's remark, must have been found at Narwar. If this view is correct the title Achari (Asavari) rightly belongs only to the Chihamire Chahada of Ranthambhor. And the assignment of that title to the Chahaca of Naiwar by Muhammadan historians is probably due to confusion arising from the fact that the two Chahadas were nearly contemporary. Having thus explained away the arguments adduced by previous writers in favour of the identification of the two Chahadas we may safely conclude on the authority of the Bhimpur and Narwar kacheri inscriptions that the Chahada of Narwar and the Chahada of the Rataul plate or of Ranthambhor were two different persons. The former was a Yajvapala or Jajapella and the latter was a Chahamana. NOTES AND QUERIES. SPREAD OF HOBSON-JOBSON IN crew. They have been compared to the Nile MESOPOTAMIA. dahabiyah, but I am told that they are more after Wira reference to the words quoted by Sir the pattern of the nugger' of the Soudan ... Richard Temple (ante, p. 196) from Mr. Edmund The mahaita carrriee anything from fifteen to Candler's article in the (London) Observer of 12th seventy tona. She can make ten miles a day, towed against the current, and four to six miles (sic) May 1918, I may give here some further examples of Hobson-Jobson from an article in the Daily knots an hour with a following wind." Telegraph of 14th March 1916 by the same writer, 3. Belfum. Ar. belam (see ante, p. 196). "The 1. Kellek. Ar, kelek, a large skin raft Arab name for the long, narrow, canoe-shaped boats 2. Mahaila. Ar. mahayalah, a large river sailing of the country, the gondola of Basra ... It is boat. "These loon river craft make a pioturesque punted or paddled, according to the depth of the water." floet, with their high-forward-sloping maste, huge rudders, lateen sails, and cut-away prowe, pointed 4. Gufar. Ar. quffah, a river tub. "Another boatand barbed. They are painted like the Chineco indigenous to the Tigris is the cauldron-like gufar junk, but with Arab designs and characters, the of Baghdad ... It is made of reed backed star and crescent and figures like the signs of the with wooden uprights plastered over with pitch Zodiac, generally white on a point of green, or red, from the bitumen wells of Hitt." or yellow. Each boat carries a large olay oven like an antheap, and the poop is boarded over for the A. G. ELLIS, Cunningham, C. M.I., p. 73, Nos, 5 and 6. See also Thomas, Pathan Kings of Delhi, p. 75 No. 48. This tyre is ignored by Rai Bahadur Daya Ram Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 224) 11 Cunningham, O.M.I., p. 92, No. nil. Thomas, Pathan Kings of Delhi, p. 70, No. 39 and V. A. Smith, Catalogue of Coin on the Ind. Mus., pp. 262-63. za Thoma, Pathan Kings of Delhi, p. 70, No. 40; Cunningham, C. M. l., p. 92, No. 4. 13 Cunningham, C.M.I., pp. 97-98.

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OCTOBER, 1918) THE STRATAGEM USED BY ALEXANDER AGAINST PORUS 245 THE STRATAGEM USED BY ALEXANDER AGAINST PORUS ALLUDED TO IN THE AIN-I-AKBARI. BY VINCENT A, SMITH. MR. H. BEVERIDGE has drawn my attention to two passages in the Hin-i-Akbari as M translated by Jarrett (vol. iii, pp. 330, 392), which allude to a stratagem practised by Alexander against Porus. Neither passage specifies the nature of the operation. The earlier one states that Alexander by stratagem put him (Porus) to rout. The second, an allusion in Akbar's 'Happy Sayings', intimates that Akbar did not believe the story, his words being reported as : The legend of Alexander's stratagem against Porus does not carry the appearance of truth.' Evidently the tale must have been of a marvellous, incredible character. Jarrett, commenting on the later passage, suggests that the allusion must be to the ruse by which Alexander eucoeeded in crossing the Hydaspes. That suggestion cannot be correct, because the Persian and Muslim traditions treat the Macedonian invariably as a legendary personage. They never betray the slightest knowledge of the authentic accounts of the Indian campaign, except in so far as that the name 'For' may be taken as the equivalent of Porus. I have looked through Captain H. Wilberforce Clarke's transla. tion of Nizami's Sikandar-nama (London, Allan, 1881), which gives the Sikandar legend at immense length in cantos xlvi-xlviii. Alexander is there represented as having invaded China through Tibat', and as having advanced even into Russia. Those absurd stories are supported by a mass of fiotitious correspondence, but the poem does not mention the stratagem' which forms the subject of this note. Mr. Beveridge holds that the allusions in the Sin refer to the tale related by 'Abdullah bin al Moqaffa in his preface to the Arabic version of Katila and Dimna, and mentions that Silvestre de Sacy pointed out at p. 49 of his edition of that work (Paris, 1810) that it had been used by Abu-l Fazl. Silvestre de Sacy's book apparently is wanting in the Oxford libraries, but is in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society. Mr. Beveridge has been good enough to communicate the French text from page 15. It is unnecessary to print that extract, because I have found in the Monier Williams collection at the Indian Institute at Oxford a rare English work which serves the purpose more conveniently and seems to be little known. The title is : Kalila and Dimna, or the Fables of Bidpai, translated from the Arabic by the Rev. * Wyndham Knatoh bull, A.M., Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, and Rector of Westbeere in the Country of Kent. Oxford, printed by W. Baxter, for J. Parker; and Messrs. Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, London. 1819.' Knatohbull was a pupil of de Saoy. Page 1 gives The Preface of Ali, the son of Alschah Faresi [i.e., Alshah Farisi, the Persian ; also known as Bahnud sisu son of Sahwan). Alexander, having overcome the kings of the West, turned his arms toward the East...... Afterwards directing his course towards China, he in his march summoned. Four, at that time King of India, and renowned for his wisdom and great power, to declare himself his vassal; but Four on the contrary made immediate preparations for resistance...... Alexander....determined to call to his aid the experience which he had acquired, and to employ stratagem to secure his success. For this purpose

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1918 "he began by ordering an intrenchment to be formed round his camp...... in the mean time he ordered the artificers in his train, many of whom he had taken from the different * cities on his march, to make hollow figures of brass ( nahas w i] representing horses * and men, caparisoned and equipped in a manner to give them the appearance of regular cavalry and to be filled with naphtha and sulphur, and placed in front of his line, intending that the combustible materials should at the very commencement of the battle be set on fire.. Four had placed his elephants in the front rank, which, advancing to meet the figures of brass which were simultaneously pushed on, no sooner touched them with their trunks, than, being rendered furious by the heat, they threw down those who were on their backs, and then suddenly turning round, took to flight, and trod under their feet and crushed all they met.' Four and Alexander then engaged in mortal com bat. Alexander, taking advantage * of the moment when he was off his guard, struck him a blow, which made him fall from his horse, and with a second laid him dead at his feet. The Indian army renewed the combat ....... but finding at length all resistance to be ineffective, they accepted the terms which the conqueror offered them.' Another version of the story is given by Firdauss in the Shah nama. Mohl's abstract in French is reprinted by Dowson in Appendix A to vol. vi (p. 476, note 2) of The History of India as told by its own Historians. According to the poet the horses and riders, exceeding a thousand in number, were constructed of iron, the joints being soldered and rivetted with copper. Note 1 on the same page states that a similar tale was related concerning the mythical Prester John of Abyssinia, who adopted the expedient against the son of Chingiz Khin. It is not worthwhile to pursue the variations of the legend through other books. It is impossible to doubt that Mr. Beveridge is right in maintaining that the story, as related in the Arabic and Persian works named, is that referred to by Akbar and Abu-I Fazl. Akbar showed his good sense in rejecting the fantastic legend. NOTES ON KALIDASA. By Paoy. H. B. BHIDE, M.A., LL.B.; BHAVNAGAR. (1) Early References. References to Kalidass may be direct or indirect. By direct reference I mean the mention of the name of Kalidasa or his work. By indirect reference I mean the mention or indication of, or the reference to, & story or the incidents in a 'story, or any other peculiar feature found in the works of Kalidas Bana is the earliest writer who directly refers to Kalidasa. The following couplet from the Harshacharita is well-known: nirgatAmu na vA kasya kAlidAsasya sUktiSu / prItirmadhurasAndrAsa malarIvira jAyate // But it is not so well-known that the Harshacharita contains another, though indirect, reference to Kalidasa. On the death of Prabhakaravardhana, his elder son Rajyavardhana consoles Harsha in the following words amidst others :-lokatrayatrAsari mAndhAtari mRte kiM kRtaM purukurasena calatAdiSTASTAdazadvIpe dilIpe vA raghuNA, mahAsurasamaramadhyAdhyAsitatridazarathe dazarathe vA rAmeNa, gopa9 62 I (p. 179). In this passage all the referenoes except the first 1 * Do Sacy translates by bronze,' but' brass' seems to be correct, The edition used is the Nirnayasagara edition.

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OCTOBER, 1918] NOTES ON KALIDASA 247 are to personages that figure in Kalidasa's works. Of these the most significant is the reference to Dilipa and Raghu. Raghu is said to be the son of Dilipa and this relationship between the two rests solely on the authority of the Raghu-vania; it is not affirmed by the Ramdyana or by the Purdnas. We may therefore reasonably conclude that Bana relies upon the Raghuvana when he makes Raghu the son of Dilipa. Thus this constitutes another and indirect reference to Kalidasa by Bana. There are some other passages in the Harshacharita which may show that Bana is influenced, perhaps unconsciously, by Kalidasa's works. These passages are given below : (1) api ca . . . bhavAdRzAM janmagrahaNopAyaH pitarau / prajAbhistu bandhumantI raajaanH| p. 158 Compare with this the following: - sa pitA pitarastAsAM kevalaM jnmhetvH| ____Raghu. I.24. yena bena vilujyante prajAH snigdhena bandhunA / sa sa pApAvRkSa tAsAM duSyantaH . . . . // Sakuntala VI. (2) na ca zaknomi dagdhasva bharturAryaputravirahitA ratiriva niraryakAnpralApAnkartum | p. 167. May it be that Bana had in his mind Canto IV of the Kumarasambhava when he put these words in the mouth of Yasomati ? (3) anArvaca taM muktvA . . . keSAM manasasarasa rAjahaMsA iva parazurAmaparAkramasmRtikRto na kuryurAryaguNAH pakSapAtam | p. 188. This reminds us of the following lines from the Meghadata : prAleyAdrupataTamatikramba sA~stAvizeSAna hasabAra bhagupatiyazovarma baskrIccarandhram | tenAdIcI dizamanusareH . . . . . (4) deva na kacikRtAzrayayA malinavA mlAnatarAH kokilavA kAkA iva kApuruSA hatalakSyA vipralabhyamAnamAtmAnaM ma cetayante| p. 190. The idea here may be traced to the following lines from the Sakuntala : prAgantarikSagamanAsvamapatyajAta manyaDijaH parabhRtAH khalu poSayanti / (5) na ca svamavRSTanaSTeviya kSaNikeSu zarIreSu nibannanti bandhuvuddhi prbuddhaaH| p. 192. Compare with this: kimapyAhiMsvastava cenmato'haM bazaHzarIre bhava me dayAluH / ekAntavidhvaMsiSu mAvidhAnAM piNDebanAsthA khalu bhautikessu|| Raghu. II. 52. I now come to a predecessor of Bana. Generally Bana is supposed to be the earliest author who refers to Kalidasa. But there is a still earlier writer whose work contains references to Kalidasa. As will be seen later on, these references are indirect in the sense I have explained above. The writer I mean is Subandhu, the author of the romance Vasavadatta. He is believed to be a predecessor of Bana. Dr. Satishachandra Vidyabhushan supposes him to be a contemporary of Bana. Without entering into a controversy on the point here, I may state that the grounds he advances do not appear to me to be conclusive and that I therefore associate myself with the scholars who hold that Subandhu preceded Bana.

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBEE, 1918 Subandhu's Vasavadattd is a wellknown work. It seems to have served as a model to Bana who much improved upon his model in his great work Kadambari. Subandhu's work contains unmistakable references to certain episodes and incidents in the Raghuvansa and the Sakuntala. These references occur in three passages. In two of them, the story of Dilipa as given in the Raghuva.iya is referred to, while in the third are referred to the incident of the curse of Durvasas which plays such an important part in the Sakuntala and the Svayamvara of Aja and Indumati described in the Raghuvainsa. Let me quote the passages: (a) dilIpa iva sudakSiNAnurakto rakSitaguzca . . . (rAjJAzcantAmaNeH) tanayaH kantaketurnAma pp. 16-17." (2) kiM nopAsitA vayaH kimadhikSimA bhUnevAH kiM na pradakSiNokRtAH surabhayaH kiM na kRtaM zaraNeSvabhayamiti bahuvidhaM vilapan &c. p. 134. (3) aho prajApate rUpanirmANakauzalam | . . . . yeva damayantI nalasva kRte vanavAsavezasamavApa mudhaivendumatI mahiSyApyajAnurAgiNo babhUva / aphalameva duSyantasya kRte zakuntalA durvAsasaH zApamanubabhUva / p. 80. In (1) the name of Dilipa's wife occurs, and it is given only by Kalidasa. What is more important is the word that therein we see the reference to the episode so heautifully described in Canto II of the Raghuvania. The reference in (2) will be understood from the following verses which occur in Canto I of the same epic. The context is that Vasishtha is explaining to Dilipa the reason why Dilipa was without a son : purA zakamupasthAya tavA pati yaasytH| bhAsIkalpatarucchAyAmAzritA surabhiH pathi // 7 // dharmalopabhayAdrAjJImRnusnAtAmimAM smaran / pradAkSiNakiyAhItAM tasvAM tvaM sAdhu nAcaraH // 6 // avajAnAsi mAM basmAitaste na bhaviSyati / matpamatimanArAdhya prajeti svAM zazApa sA / / 77 // It is olear that this part of the story is refered to in (2). In (3), the allusions are to two incidents, one in the Raghuva isa and the other in the Sakuntala. The first is to Indumati's choice of Aja which is the subject matter of Canto VI. The second is to the incident of the curse of Durvasas on which hinges the plot of the Sakuntala. In some plases, Subandhu uses words and phrases which may point to his acquaintance with some of Kalidasa's works. A few such cases may be illustrated. (4) When describing the morning time he says AsannamaraNAsvitra jIvitezapurAbhimukhIpu... kAminISu (p. 28). The idea here, and especially the word jIvitezapurAbhimukhI' at once puts us in mind of the following verse : rAmamanmathazareNa tADitA duHsahena hadavena nishaacrii| gandhavadrudhiracandanokSitA jIvitazavasarti jagAma sA || Raghu. XI. 20. (5) Again, see nRtyaskabandhe surasundarIsamAgamoramukacArubhaTAhakArabhIpaNe samarasAgare . . . . (kandarpakatoH) khaDgI rarAja| p.24. . The references to pages are from the edition of Vasavadaka by Jivananda Vidyasagar.

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OCTOBER, 1918 ] It brings to our mind these verses from Canto VI of the Raghuvashia: kazciddiSatvaGga hatottamAGgaH sadyo vimAnaprabhutAmupetya / vAmAGga saMsakta varAGganaH svaM nRtyaskabandha samare dadarza / / 51 / / paraspareNa kSatayoH prahanauru skrAntavAgvAH samakAlameva | amartyabhAve'pi kayozcidAsIdekApsaraH prArthitayorvivAdaH || 53 | NOTES ON KALIDASA (6) Lastly, in sarAgeNApi nirvANaM kurvatA nayanayugalena bhUSitAM ( kanyakAmapazyatsvame ) (p. 32), the peculiar meaning of the word far is worth notice. In this clause the word has two meanings; one is (liberation) and the other faf (highest felicity). If we take the former, there is an apparent which is removed if we take the word in the latter sense. In the former sense the word for is used in the Sakuntala. Dushyanta, on seeing Sakuntala exclaims : aye landhaM netranirvANam | Kalidasa is perhaps the only writer of the early times who has used in this sense; Subandhu who was ever on the lookout for an opportunity to use might have picked up the word whose other meaning enabled him to employ the virodhAbhAsa. . * BHABAVI. kRtAriSaDurgajayena mAnavImagamyarUpAM padavIM pravissunA / vibhajya naktantiyamastasAndreNA vitanyate tena nayena pauruSam || As regards the question of Subandhu's indebtedness to Kalidasa whose priority in point of time to Subandhu is consequential thereupon, the last three quotations may not be looked upon as a conclusive proof of it, but the first three are clearly so; because the references they contain are to incidents which are narrated nowhere except in the works of Kalidasa. Therefore, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, we may conclude that the original source of these allusions is the works of Kalidasa. In this light their importance cannot be too much emphasised They form a very important landmark. earlier than any hitherto known, in arriving at the date of the premier poet of Indiaa vexed question with which I shall deal some other time. ( 2 ) Kalidasa and Bharavi. Bharavi is one of the earliest Sanskrit authors. From his Kiratarjuniya I adduce few passages whioh find a olose parallel in the works of Kalidass. asaktamArAdhayatI yathAyathaM vibhajya bhaktayA samapakSapAtayA / guNAnurAgAdiva sakhyamIyivAn na bAdhate'sya trigaNaH parasparam || I. 9. I. 11. KALIDASA nRpasya varNAzramapAlanaM yat sa eva dharmo manunA praNItaH / ataH so 'bhyantarAtrityAn SaDurgamajayadripUn / rAtrindivAve bhAgeSu yadAdiSTaM mahIkSitAm / sarisaSeve niyogena sa vikalpaparAGmukhaH na dharmamarthakAmAbhyAM babAdhe na ca tena tau / nAyeM kAmena vA kAmaM so'rthena sadRzastriSu || gunagunAt tasya saprasavA iva / Raghu. XIV. 67. R. XVII. 45. 249 R. XVII. 49. R. XVII. 57. R. I. 22.

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250 vasUni vAJchanna vazI na manyunA svadharma ityeva nivRttakAraNaH / gurUpaviSTena ripau sute'pi vA nihanti daNDena sa dharmaviplavam // svayaM pradugdhe'sya guNairupasnutA vasUpamAnasya vasUni medinI / mahIbhRtAM kiyA sa veda niHzeSamoSitakriyaH / mahatasya hitAnubandhimi pratIyate dhArihitaM phale // anurAmaina zironika narAdhipairmAlyamivAsya zAsanam / janayatyacirAya sampadAmayazaste khalu cApalAzrayam / prema pazyati bhayAnyapade'pi / THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY I. 13. I. 18. na mRgaH khalu ko'pyayaM jighAMsuH skhalati patra yathA mano bhRzaM me / vimalaM kaluSIbhavaca cetaH kathayatyeva hitoSiNaM ripuM vA // I. 20. II. 21. aparAgasamIraneritaH kramazIrNAkulamulasantatiH / sukarastaruvasahiSNunA ripurunmUlayituM mahAnapi // nApIyAn kRta hinadIca II. 41. II. 50. VII. 15. IX. 70. XIII. 6. sthisyai daNDayato daNDyAn pa adhyardhakAmI svAtI dharma eva manISiNaH // videza vetanaM tasmai rakSAsavRzameva bhUH | zivirala gUDhAkArera ca phalAnumeyAH prArambhAH / na tasya maNDale rAjJI nyastapraNidhidIdhiteH / zamarate maratejA se pArthive / R. IX. 4. tasya sava'tamantrasya aSTa bhavyamukhyAH samArambhAH pratyavekSyA niratyayAH / garbhacAlisadharmANaH tasya gUDhaM vipecire || rApa stasyAjJAM ghAsanArpitAm / zironilA zriyaH saMzrayadoSarUDhaM svabhAvalolavyAyadyaH / [OCTOBER, 1918 R. I. 25. R. XVII, 66. R. I. 20. R. XVII. 48. R. XVII, 53. R. XVII. 79. acirAdhiSThitarAjyaH zatruH prakRtiSvakamUlatvAt / navasaMrohaNazithilastaruriva sukaraH samuddhartum // ...R. VII. 41. Ma. I. 8. eko hi doSo guNasanipAte nimajjatIndoH kirnnessvivaanggH| K. I. 3. atisnehaH pApazaGkI / asaMzayaM kSatraparigrahasamA yadAryamasvAmAlAce me manaH / satAM hi sandehapadeSu vastuSu pramANamantaHkaraNapravRttayaH // S. IV. 8. II.

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OCTOBER, 1918] NOTES ON KALIDASA (3) A difficulty in the Meghadata. The several commentators and annotators of the Meghaduta have failed to satisfactorily solve the difficulty of reconciling the following three passages: (1) ASADhasya prathamadivase ( prazamadivase ) meghamAzliSTasAnuM vaprakrIDApariNatagajaprekSaNIyaM dadarza / (2) pratyAsane nabhasi dayitA jIvitAlambanArthI jImUtena svakuzalamayA hArayiSyanpravRttim / (3) zApAnto ma bhujagazayanAdusthita zArGgapANI zeSAnmAsAngamaya caturo locane mIlayitvA / V. 2. 251 V. 4. V. 116. Both the readings in the first passage are open to objection as being difficult to be reconciled with the other two passages. The reading . is objected to on two grounds. (A) In v. 4, Sravana is said to be rear, i. e., proximate. Suah, however, would not be the case if the Yaksha had seen the Cloud on the first day of Ashadha, because, the whole of Ashadha had to elapse before Srava na commenced. (B) Secondly, we are told further on that the remaining period of exile was few months and that the curse was to come to an end on the eleventh Tithi of the bright fortnight of Karttika. If we count from the first day of Ashadha, the period upto the eleventh Tithi of the bright fortnight of Karttika comes to be four months and ten days, that is, ten days in excess of the period mentioned. These considerations lead Vallabha, one of the commentators, to reject the reading and approve of . This word literally means on the ending day': but it can be taken to mean on one of the last days.' This reading no doubt enables us to get rid of the first objection urged against ; because Sravana then becomes proximate, as required by verse 4. But the second objection reappears in a new form. With the reading there was an excess of ten days; with the reading 4 there will be found, on calculation, a deficiency of about fifteen days, even if we construe the word most literally and take the day to be the tenth Tithi of the dark fortnight of Ashadha. Thus we are left to choose between an excess of ten days over or a deficiency of about fifteen days in the required period. * Mallinatha who prefers the reading 4 tries to refute the objections brought against it in the following manner. As regards the first objection, he says that what is intended by seat is proximity in general of the months of Ashalha and Sravana, so that the proximity of Sravana to Ashadha may be construed to mean the proximity of Sravana to any day of Ashadha and to the first day in particular in the present case (.. ' prazamadivase iti pAuM kalpayati tatsaGgatam / nabhInAsasya pratyAsatyarthamityuktamiti cenna / pratyAsAttamAtrasya mAsapratyAsatyaiva prathamadivasasyApyupapatteH ) / As to the second objection, he says that the reading prazamao being equally liable to a similar objection, it is better to select the reading ( mAsa catuSTayasyA yA vaziSTasyokti IzA devasAdhikyAriti cetsvapakSe'pi kathaM sA viMzatidivasainyUnatvAditi santoSTavyam / samAzeSadveSamyamavivakSitamiti suhUtaM 'prathanadivase ' iti / ). In short, the expresison caturo mAsAn is not to be construed too literally but we are to have four months approximately. So far as I know no attempt has been made to meet these difficulties by offering a better and more satisfactory explanation. I venture to offer one and it may be taken for what it is worth.

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1918 Let us clear the ground before we proceed with the explanation. Let us consider the data supplied by the text, so that the problem may be clearly grasped. The data are four. (1) On a certain day of Ashddha the Yaksha saw the Cloud to whom he entrusted a message to be conveyed to his beloved. This day is to be fixed by us bearing in mind the two readings and T. (2) Sravana was proximate to that day. (3) The curse was to come to an end on the eleventh Tithi of the bright fortnight of Kartlika. (4) Lastly, the period from the day on which the cloud was sent to the last day of the curse was four months. These data are given and we are required (a) first to determine the day on which the message was delivered to the Cloud by the Yaksha and (b) secondly to prove the porrectness of one of the two or both readings accordingly. Here it is best to proceed from the conclusion to the beginning. We are told that the curse was to end on the eleventh Tithi of the bright fortnight of Karttika. If we count four months backwards from this day, we see that the day on which the Yaksha saw the Cloud must have been the eleventh Tithi of the bright fortnight of Ashadha. This, however, apparently lands us in a great perplexity. Neither of the readings gya and t o fits in with our calculation and we know of no third reading. The word AIETE may mean either on the first day' or on one of the first days' of Ashadha, but the eleventh Tithi of the bright fortnight of Ashadha is not the first day of the month, nor any stretch in the meaning of the word na makes it 'one of the first days' of the month. I think it is too much to take the first day of Ashadha to extend beyond the first ten days. In neither case, again, can Sravana be said to be pratydsanna to that day. Similarly, the eleventh day of the bright fortnight of Ashdaha cannot be the prasamadivasa Ashadha in either of the two senses wbiali we have explained above. Under these circumstances, only two alternatives seem possible; either the expression e ATETT should not be construed too literally or the poet should be taken to have overlooked the inconsistency. Is there no getting over this dilemma ? I think there is one way out of the difficulty thus created. As has just been made clear the difficulty arises because the eleventh Tithi of the bright fortnight of Ashddha cannot be made the prathamadivasa or prazamadivasa of Ashadha and patyAsa to Sravana. This difficulty is bound to remain insurmountable so long as the arrangement of months is taken to be what Fleet calls southern or Amanta (ending with the conjunction ') arrangement in which the bright fortnight precedes the dark fortnight of the month. If however we proceed on the basis of the Parnimanta (ending with the Full Moon') arrangement, the difficulty will be seen at once to vanish; at least one reading, 74, will be found to give intelligible sense. The eleventh Tithi of the bright fortnight of Ashdd ha can then be taken to be a YHTE in the sense that it is one of the last days of Ashddha because the bright would then be the second fortnight of the month and only four days after the next month Sravana would commence. Thus 8-dvana would also be Pralydsanna to that day. In this manner the lines quoted in the beginning of this note can be satisfactorily reconciled and explained. And looked at from this point of view, the reading Hy will have to be preferred to yo; * See Gupta Inscriptions : Introduction, p. 70.

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OCTOBER, 1918] NOTES ON KALIDASA 253 the latter remains unintelligible whichever of the two arrangements of months we take as the basis of our calculation. Can we conclude from this thau in Kalidasa's days the Purnimanta arrangement was the one generally current and not the Amania one! (4) Second difficulty. I have met with another difficulty, not in the Meghadula but in the Raghuvansa. I have not been able to solve it and I wish to bring it to the notice of scholars with a hope that some one will be able to do it. In the ninth Sarga of the Raghu the post is describing the Spring. The description opens with this verse bhaya samAvate kusumainavastAmiva sevitumekanarAdhipam / H T TI Hnyt nyergaft || ay 11 The difficulty occurs in the verse which follows - jigamiSudhanadAsyuSitAM dizaM sthabujA parivartita vaahnH| dinamukhAni ravihimanimahavimalayanmalaya nagamatyajat / / 25 / / I give Mr: Nandergikar's translation of this verse: "Desirous of going to the quarter presided over by the Lord of Wealth (Kubera) the Sun, having his horses turned back by his charioteer, left the Malaya mountain brightening the dawn by removing the frost." The same phenomenon is similarly described in the 3rd Sarga of the Kumara-sambhava. The poet says: kuberaguptAM dizamuSparaimI gantuM pravRtne samayaM vilajaya / vigdAkSiNA gandhavahaM mukhena vyalIkanizvAsamivotsasarja // 25 // A second explanation of T is suggested. It is proposed to take the word in the sense, 'the best,' ic., the holiest. In Ashadha, the eleventh day of the bright fortnight is the only day which is observed as a holiday and a very sacred one; that should, therefore, be taken as the surface of Lohadha. In this rendering one difficulty is got rid of ; v. 2 is certainly rendered consistent with v. 118. But the other difficulty remains; the month Sranana is not pratyisanna to the eleventh day of the bright fortnight of Ashadha, unless as I have suggested the arrangement of months is Parnimdnia. In the case of TT4deg also another interpretation is suggested. It is to be explained thus :- N : TA: HTH : I n re TV Hi Sama is to be taken in the sense of coolnens', no 994 will mean on a cool day'. Even this explanation, however, is no way better in that it does not avoid the one or the other of the two difficulties. Even if the cool day' be the eleventh Tithi of the bright sortnight of Ashddha, Sravana is not pratyasanna to it. To avoid this if we take that day to be towards the end of the month, the period of four months as mentioned in v. 116 falls short of fifteen days at least. If however, the Perimanta scheme be accepted, this interpretation may be allowed by supposing that the eleventh day of the bright fortnight was perhaps coo when the Yaksha saw the Cloud, but then the necessity of assigning this meaning no longer exists as the ordinary meaning taken by Vallabha serves the purpose equally well or perhaps better. It will be observed as regards these other meanings of T4 and . that whatever the mothug they are taken to have they do not render the verses consistent unless the Parnimdnta arrangement is accepted. I lay emphasis not so much on the meaning of the words and Tons on the fact that the verses yield consistent sense only when construed in a way such as I have suggested.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1918 In these passages the poet seems to mean chat with the commencement of the Spring ( : Ar ) the Dakshindyana, i.e., the Sun's southward journey, came to an end and the Udagayana, i.e., the Sun's northward march, commenced. The Sun is said to be desirous of going to the North ( Tag:) and therefore to have had his horses turned back' (Targa:). In the verse from the Kumara, the Sun is said to be ready to proceed' towards the North ( T TY ). All this clearly shows that according to the poet the time of the commencement of the Udagayana coincided with the time of the commencement of the Spring. Now if we look to the Indian Calendars we see therein that the Dakshinayana ends on some day in the month of Pausha; this day which is called the fanta*47 day (the day of the Sun's entering the Makara Rasi) generally corresponds to the 13th or 14th January every year. This is the conventional ending of the Dakshinayana. Actually it ends on the 23rd of Lecember every year, i.e., about 21 days earlier than the supposed Makara-sasikramana. Next, the Spring (Tere really begins with the HITE T (the Sun entering the Mina Raii), i.e., about two months after the Makara-sainkramana ; this generally takes place in the month of Phalguna. How are we then to reconcile what Kalidasa says with the present-day facts as we observe them? A similar discrepanoy is visible in the description of the hot season ( EA). In the 16th Sarges the poet describes the Grishma and the following are the opening verses - bhayAsya ratnamavitottarIyamekAntapANDustanalambihArama | farraxinarstra n a fatagal Il ya !! agastyacihAdayanAtsamIpaM viguttarA bhAsvati saMnivRtte / bhAnandazItAmiva bAppavRSTiM himaburti haimavatI sasarja ||4 // The first verse desoribes the advent of the Grishma. For our purpose the second verse is more important; it is thus translated by Mr. Nandargikar -"The Sun having come back near from that side of the Equator which is marked by Agastya, the northern quarter began to produce the oozing of snow on the mountain Wimalaya as though it were a flow of tears cool with joy." The point to be noted here is this: When the Grishma set in (ve AjagAma), the Sun came back (saMnite) near (samIpe ) the North from the South in which the star Canopus rises and sets (PITEEZITTE ). What is meant by the Sun coming back near the North is that the Sun came nearer the Celestial Equator, to the South of it, and was about to cross it after a month or so. So far as the poet himself is concerned, he is consistent in these two descriptions of the Vasanta and the Grishma. To reach the Equator from the Vernal Equinox the Sun takes three months. If acording to the poet the advent of the Vasanta coincides with the commencement of the Udagayana, it is clear the Grishma will commence one month before the Sun crosses the Equator; because the Vasanta lasts two months. Thus the poet can very well say that the Sun is near the North when the Grishma sets in. When the , Equator is crossed the sun will be in the North. If we now turn to the Indian Calendar we find that the Grishma commences one month after the Sun has crossed the Equator. Of the six months that the Sun takes for the northward journey, the first two constitute the Sisira season; the next two the Vasanta and the last two the Grishma. The Equator is crossed during the Vasanta, one 5 I have calculated on the basis of the Amanta arrangement of months. Parnimdnta arrangement will involve slight changes; but it will not affect my point, namely, that the Spring commences two months after the Udaga yana begins.

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OCTOBER, 1918) NOTES ON KALIDASA. 255 month after its advent; and one month after the arossing the Grishma commences. The northernmost point of the journey is reached (that is to say the Udagayana ends) at the end of the Grishma. 6 Thus in the case of the Grishma also as in the case of the Vasanta, a difference of two months is to be seen. According to the poet the Grishma begins two months after the Udagayana begins; while according to the Calendar it begins four months after the beginning of the Udagayana. The question is how to explain this uiscrepancy. I should like to have one point made clear for those who may attempt to solve the question. It may be thought that the discrepancy can be explained away by taking into consideration the effects of the Precession of the Equinoxes and then calculating the difference that has crept in during the period intervening between Kalidasa and the present generation. But so far as I can see the question appears to be insoluble on purely astronomical and mathematical calculations, simply because of the wrong assumptions which tho poet seems to have made. The following are my reasons. The phenomenon of seasons does not depend upon and therefore is not produced by the Precession of the Equinoxes. Seasons are caused by the variations in the severity of the heat generated by the rays of the Sun, and this depends exclusively on the Sun's position relative to the Earth alone. When the Sun reaches the southernmost point (that is, when the Dakshinayana ends) the Sun's rays produce the minimum amount of heat; therefore about that time there must occur the cold seasons. In other words, the two months preceding the Sun's reaching the Vernal Equinox and the two months following are bound to be cold months; and these correspond to the Hemanta and the Sisira seasons of the Indian Calendar. The preceding two months comprise the Hemanta and the following the Sisira. The Precession of the Equinoxes does not affect the heat-producing capacity of the Sun's rays. What it does is that it causes an apparently retrograde movement on the part of the Sun along the Celestial Equator. This no doubt leads to a change in the time of the commencement of the seasons but indirectly and in a way having no bearing of the question before us. For instance, about 6000 years before, the Vasanta might have been beginning in the month Margasiraha, whereas it now begins in Phalguna ; but then there must have been a corresponding change in the time for the end of the Dakshinayana and the beginning of the Udagayana, which must have been occurring two months earlier, s.c., in the month Atvina. So that even then a period of two months must be intervening between the close of the Dakshindyana and the advent bf the Vasanta. I therefore think that in this instance Kalidasa cannot be justified on purely mathematical grounds. On what other ground he can, if at all, be justified I leave to scholars to decide; I only hope this our premier poet of India does find some justification at the hands of some able scholar. A few other astronomical allusions that may throw light on the question I propose to discuss in the next note. (To be continued.) 6 Of course all this is according to the conventions of the Indian Calendars.. Accurate caleulations will show that the beginning of the Vasanta, the crossing of the Celestial Equator by the Sun and such other events, will have to be antedated by about 2 days in each case. But as I have said above this change will not affoot my argument, as the change will have to be made throughout and its effects in ono place will be noutralised by those in the other.

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS. BY NARENDRA NATH LAW, EQR., M.A., B.L.; CALCUTTA. (Continued from p. 241.) Conclusion. [OCTOBER 1918 Thus it appears that a branch of learning for the study of wealth developed in India, the time of its emergence being roughly indicated by the fact that it is first referred to in the Ramayana and was posterior to the allotment of particular occupations to the Vaisya easte. In Greece, it was Aristotle who first reached the conception of a special science or art of wealth in the fourth century B.C., though stray thoughts on the material concerns of life had commenced to be expressed by earlier writers. The emergence of Vartta in India as a distinct branch of learning was very probably earlier than Aristotle's conception of a similar branch of learning in Greece. The Chaldaeans had reached a high degree of excellence in agriculture and their methods had been transmitted to the Greeks and Arabs ; and it is likely that they left in their libraries clay treatises on agriculture which are all lost to us. The "Nabataan Agriculture" appears to be the only work that seems to contain a reflection of the methods of agriculture. We have, however, no evidence to show that the Chaldeans had developed a branch of learning devoted to the study of the material interests of the people. As to China, Dr. Chen Haun-Chang's work makes it clear that many economic concepts and principles were imbedded in the writings of Confucius and his disciples, but he does not make out that the great philosopher was the originator of a distinct subject of study, conducive to the preservation and improvement of the material concerns of life. In India, this branch of learning developed early on the soil and was intended to give a scientific direction to the economic activities of the people. This literary type taking its rise in the triple occupation of the Vaisya caste included at first within its scope three occupations alone, viz., agriculture, cattle-rearing, and trade. References to this branch of learning lie scattered not only in Sanskrit literature from the epics downwards but also in Buddhist and Jaine works which point to the wide currency acquired by the subject in early times. In the Kalpa-Sutra, for instance, the Arhat Rishabha "during his reign taught, for the benefit of the people, the seventy-two-sciences,. . . . the sixty-four accomplishments of women, the hundred arts, and the three occupations of men."45 The three occupations are evidently the well-known triplet "agriculture, cattle-rearing, and trade," which we find expressly mentioned in the Milinda-Panha as "kasi, vanijja, gorakkha" and the teaching of these occupations implies that vartta in its primary sense had risen to be a division of learning. The scope of this science of wealth after its fullest expansion came to embrace all the branches of knowledge bearing on wealth and stood side by side with the three other divisions of human knowledge,-Anviksiki, Trayi and Dandaniti. These four literary types. 45 Kaipa. Sutra (SBE., vol. xxii), p. 282. Prof. H. Jacobi commenting on the passage says: "The arts, as those of the potter, blacksmith, painter, weaver, and barber, each of which five principal arts is sabdivided into twenty branches, are inventions and must be taught; while the occupations, agriculture, rade, dec., have everywhere developed, as it were, of themselves" (the italics are mine). The last remark in this passage does not seem to be justified; for "the three occupations of men" mentioned by the Kalpa Sutra refer evidently to "agriculture, cattle-rearing and trade." Milinda-Pasha (Trenckner's ed.), p. 178..

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OCTOBER. 1918) VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS 257 divided among themselves the whole field of human knowledge, and may, from this standpoint, be considered as standing on the same level of importance; but from the other view-point, from which Kautilya looks at them, viz., the creation of conditions that make the pursuit of learning possible, Dandaniti (Polity) is given the first place on account of the peace and order it brings about in the State and thereby makes it possible for the people to pursue the other branches of learning. 17 Epigraphic confirmation of the existence of Vartta as a branch of learning and its teaching by professors in & college comes from a South Indian Inscription 18 which records that in the Sthangunduru agrahara " were professors skilled in medicine, in sorcery (or magic), in logic, in the art of distorting people by incantation, in poetry, in the use of weapons, in sacrificing, ..... and in the art of cookery to prepare the meals. While its groves put to shame the groves of Nandana, such was the glory of that great agrahara that all the surrounding country prayed to be taught in the four Vedas, their six vedangas, the three rival divisions of mamamsd, the tarka and other connected sciences, the eighteen great puranas, the making of numerous verses of praise, the art of architecture, the arts of music and dancing, and in the knowledge of all the four divisions of learning which were possessed by the Brahmans of the Sthanagunduru agrahara." The four divisions of learning mentioned in the passage imply vartta as one of them, and some of the arts that have already been classed under rartid have also been separately mentioned as being taught in the agrahara. The inscription belongs probably to the 12th century A.D. and testifies to the fact that up to that time at least, vartta as a branch of learning did not yet become in India the unfamiliar or obsolete subject of later years. *NOTE.-Some of the important Catalogues of manuscripts have been consulted firsthand instead of through Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum in view of the definitive and descriptive details that such consultation can furnish. There are chapters in the Puranas and other Sanskrit works like the Vishnudharmottara devoted to various topics of Vartta. As these chapters do not require any special mention, they have been omitted in the Lists. There are a good many MSS. on minerals and their chemical actions mentioned in Dr. P. C. Roy's History of Hindu Chemistry and Dr. B. N. Seal's Positive Sciences of the Ancient Hindus. Only those portions, if any, of the MSS. that treat of the processes by which they can be reduced into raw materials for the production of articles of commercial value can come within the scope of Vartta. It is not possible to discuss the dates of the various works mentioned here. Apart from the difficulty of the task itself, # good many of the works are out of reach and perhaps not available for copying or consultation. It cannot be denied that some of them are of recent composition but even these may be the lineal descendants of the older onek in which latter, however, the treatment of their respective subjecta might be seen in greater freedom from influences which, multiplied by the lapse of time, tend to put it away from its ancient orthodox line. ] 11 Soe Kauf illya, Bk, I, Vidyd-Samuddcia, p. 7. # Sillana at Taldagundy, No. 103 (L. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, o. 197).

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1918 LIST I. Available Manuscripts on Vartta or its Sub-Topics. (1) Manushyalayachandriks." Tachchu-Sastra, a primer of architecture in 65 stanzas with Malayalam translation and notes." A supplementary catalogue of Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit books in the Library of the British Museum (acquired during the years 1892-1906) by L. D. Barnett, p. 715. (2) Mayabilpa or Artisan's Manual by Maya-Classified Index to the Sanskrit MSS. in the palace of Tanjore prepared for the Madras Government by A. C. Burnell, (1880), p. 62. (3) Rajagrihanirmana." On architecture." Ibid, p. 62. (4) Ratnapariksha.-"On gems and their qualities, etc. Some described are imaginary." Ibid, p. 141. (5) Vastu-Ratnavali, compiled by Jeva Nath Jotishi.-"A treatise on house-building and the religious observances connected with it." Ibid, p. 154. (6) Vastusankhya, deposited with Pandit Syamacharana, Benares." An extract of Todarananda, very rare, complete and incorrect." Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. in N. W. P. compiled by order of Government, Part IX, printed (1885) by Pandit Sudhakara Dvivedi, Librarian, Benares Sanskrit College, p. 56. (7) Vastu-Raja-Vallabha, by Mandanasutradhara.-"A treatise Remark ibid. Ibid, p. 56. on Vastu." (8) Vastu-Vichara, by Visvakarman, deposited with Gaurinatha Sastri, Benares."A treatise on Vastu; very old, complete and correct." Ibid, p. 56. (9) Vastu-Pradipa, by Vasudeva, deposited with Umasankara Misra, Azamgarh."Rare, recent, complete and correct." Ibid, Pt. X, p. 56, No. 1. (10) Vastu-Prakaba, deposited with Balabhari Sapre, Benares.-Remark ibid. Ibid, p. 56, No. 2. (11) Aparajitavistu-Sastram, by Vivakarman, in the possession of Magikara Bhatta, Surat. Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. contained in the private libraries of Gujarat, Kathiavad, Kachchh, Sindh and Khandesh, No. 3 (compiled under the superintendence of G. Buhler by order of Government, printed at the Indu Prakasa Press, Bombay, 1872), p. 276, No. 1. (12) Jnanaratnakosha, by Visvakarman, in the possession of Acharatalal Vaidya, Ahmedabad. Ibid, p. 276, No. 3. (18) Prasadanukirtanam. Author not mentioned. In the possession of Gopal Rao, Malegamva.-On Silpa. Ibid, p. 276, No. 4. (14) Rajavalla bha-Tika, deposited with Nirbhayaram Mali.-Ibid, p. 276, No. 6.

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OCTOBER, 1918) VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS 259 (15) Kriyasamgraha-Panjika.-"A catalogue of rituals by Kuladatta. It contains among other things, instructions for the selection of a site for the construction of a Vihara and also rules for building a dwelling-house." The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal by R. L. Mitra, 1882, p. 105, No. B. 23. (16) Ratnapariksha. On the merits and defects of precious stones and jewels of Buddha Bhattacharyya. The articles noticed are diamond, pearl, emerald, carbuncle, ruby, sapphire, lapis lazuli, bhishma (1), crystal and coral. The work is in Sanskrit verse and its meaning is explained in Newari prose. As usual in Sanskrit works of this class, great importance is attached to good and ill luck the jewels are calculated to bring on under particular astrological and other circumstances." Ibid, p. 291, No. B. 50. . (17) Rajavallabha-Mandana, by Mandana Saetradhara (age 1578 Samvat, com plete).-"On architecture. In the colophon it is stated that Mandana, a Satradhara or architect who was in the service of Kumbhakarna, king of Medapata, composed the work and by his devotion to Ganapati and to his teacher and the propitiation of the Goddess of Learning he expounded the art of building as taught by the Munis. (EE., Appendix II.) Medapata is Mevad and a king of the name of Kumbha ruled over the country according to Tod from A.D. 1419 to 1469. He had a taste for the arts and constructed many temples as well as strongholds. It is not unlikely therefore he had in his service persons who read the literature of architecture and who could compose such treatises as the one under notice." Report on the search for Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Presidency during the year 1882-83 by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, p. 86, No. 404. (18) Padapavivakshe. Author not mentioned. Place of deposit (henceforth written P. D.) Narasimhacharyya of Kumbhaghonam.-"Subject-Dohada" (nourishment of plants). List of Sanskrit MSS. in private libraries of S, India by Gustav. Oppert, Vol. II, p. 371, No. 6333. (19) Vrikshadohada. Author not mentioned. P. D. Tadakamalla Venkata Krishnarayar of Tiruvallikeni.-Ibid, Vol. II, p. 223, No. 3271. (20) Vilkshayurveda, Author not mentioned. P. D. Ta akamalla Venkata Krishnarayar of Tiruvallikeni.-Ibid, Vol. II, p. 223, No. 3272. (21) Sasyananda. Author not mentioned. P. D. same as above.-"Subject--Ktishi bastra." Ibid, Vol. II, p. 223, No. 3289. (22) Ratpalakshana. Author not mentioned. P: D. Maharaja of Travancore.-Ibid, Vol. I, 478, No. 6161. (23) Ratnadipariksha. P. D. Pichchudikshitar of Akhilandapuram.--" Subject Ratnasastra." Ibid, Vol. II, p. 320, No. 5253. (24) Ankanavastra. Author not mentioned. P. D. Virasvami Aiyangar of Siva ganga.-"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p.228, No. 2499. (25) Kasyapiya, by Kasyapa. P. D. Sankaracharya-matbani of Kumbhaghonam. "Subject--Silpa." Ibid, Vol. II, p. 395, No. 6836.

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1918 (26) Kupadijalasthanalakshana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Maharaja of Travan core." Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 467, No. 5941. (27) Kshetranirmanavidhi.. Author not mentioned. P. D. Raja of Cochin at Tiruppunittura.--" Subject--Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 254, No. 2811. (28) Gtihapithika. Author not mentioned. P. D. S. Kodanda, Ramavadhanapantulu of Vijayanagaram.-"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 545, No. 7544. . (29) Gopuravima nadilaksbana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Archakayogananda bhatta of Melakota.--"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. II, p. 259, No. 4009. (30) Chakrasastra. Author not mentioned. P. D. Sagi Narasayya of Karempudy (Palnid Talak).--"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. II, p. 200, No. 2793. (81) Chitrapata. Author not mentioned. P.D. Athakopacharyyar of Vanamabalai in Nanguneri, Tinnevelly District.--"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 440, No. 5426 (32) JAlargala. Author not mentioned. P. D. Subrahmanya dikshitar of Chidam. baram.-"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. II, No. 461. (38) Jalargala, by Vardhamihira. P.D. Tadakamala Veikatakrishnayou of Tiruvalli. keni.-Ibid, Vol. II, p. 217, No. 3146. (34) Jalargalayantra. Author not mentioned. P. D. Same as above.-"Subject silpa," Ibid, Vol. II, p. 217, No. 3147. (85) Devalayalakshana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Maharaja of Travancore. "Subject-- Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 470, No. 5998. (86) Dvaralakshanapa tala. Author not mentioned. P. D. Same as above. "Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, P. 470, No, 6003. (37) Pakshimanushyalayalakshana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Same as above. "Subject--Silpa." The construction of aviaries dealt with in this MS. is likely to be interesting. Ibid, Vol. I, p. 471, No. 6030. (88) Prasadak alpa. Author not mention!. P. D. Mandadi Kondoyya Pantulu Vija yanagaram, Vizagapatam District. -"Subject--Silpa," Ibid, Vol. II, p. 522 No. 7064. (89) Prasadalakshana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Maharaja of Travancore. * Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 473, No. 6056. (40) PresAdalakshana, by Varahamihira, P. D. R&ja Vellariki Venkataramagurya prakasa Row of Ulukuru (Vissampeta Division).-"Subject-Silpa,Ibid, Vol. II, p. 208, No. 2959. (41) Prasadalai karalakshana. Author' not mentioned. P.D. Mabaraja of Travan core.-"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. II, p. 473, No. 6057. (42) Vallpithalakshana. P. D. Same as above.-" Subject-Silpa". Ibid, Vol. 1. p. 473, No. 6059. (48) Manushyalayachandrike, by Arunadatta. P. D. Maharaja of Travancore. MS. No. 1 of this List bears this name but its author has not been mentioned." Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 475, No. 6108.

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OCTOBER, 1918] VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS 261 (44) Manushyalayalakshana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Maharaja of Travan core.-"Subject--Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 475, No. 6169. (45) Marichipatala. Author not mentioned. P. D. Anrasvami of Srivilliputtur, Tinnevelly District.--"Subject--Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 448, No. 5610. (46) Manakathana, Author not mentioned.--"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. II, p. 473, No. 8070. (47) Manavavastulakshana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Maharaja of Travan core.-"Subject--Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 476, No. 6125. (48) Manavasara. Author not mentioned. P. D. Samannachari of Srimashnem, Chidambaram Taluk. According to Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum, it is same as Managara.-"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. II, p. 31, No. 532. (49) Manasa (perhaps Manakara). P. D. Puligad da Arurachala sastri of Kottapeta (Vijayanagaram), Vizagapat am District. "Subject-Silpa." Ibid., Vol. II, p. 518, No. 6976. (55) Rathalakshana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Archakayogananda-bhatta of Melkoja.--"Subject-Silpa." Ibid Vol. II, p. 264, No. 4124. (51) V stu-Chakra. Author not mentioned. P. D. Raja of Vijayanagram, Vizaga patern District.-"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 538, No. 7397. (52) Vastu-Lakshana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Maharaja of Travancore. "Subject-Silfa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 480, No. 6198. (53) Vastu-Vidya. Author not mentioned. P. D. Maharaja of Travancore. "Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 480, No. 6199. (54) Vastu-Sastra, by Sanat Kumara. P. D. Paravastu Venkataraogacharyar of Visa. khapettana, Vizagapatam Distriot.-"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 580, No. 8239. (55) Vimana-Lakshana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Arohekayogananda bhatta of Melkota.-"Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. II, p. 266, No. 4150. (56) Visvakarmiya, by Visvakarma. P. D. Maharaja of Travancore.-" Subject Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 480, No. 6207. (57) 311fa-Sastra. Author not mentioned. P. D. Archakayoganenda bhatta of Melkota.-Ibid, Vol. II, p. 267, No. 4187. (58) Silparthasara. Author not mentioned. P. D. ArobilPSjiyar" of Kanchipur (Conjeveram), Chingleput District. -"Subject--Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 26, No. 248. (59) Shad vidiksandhana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Sagi Narasay ya of Karempudi (Palnad Talak).-"Subject-Silpa," Ibid, Vol. II, p. 200, No. 2802. (60) Pitha-lakshana.Author not mentioned. P. D Maharaja of Travancore. "Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 472, No. 6037. (61) P-atimadrayyadi-vaeana. Author not mentioned. P. D. Annasvami of Srirangam, Trichinopoly. District: "Subject-Silpa." Ibid, Vol. I, p. 490, No. 6384,

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 191 (62) Mala-stambha-Nirnaya -' On architecture" (acc. to Aufrecht's Catalogus Cata logorum, Pt. I, p. 464). Ibid, Vol. II, p. 202, No. 2486. (63) Kautuka-lakshana - "On Silpa."-Ibid, Vol. II, p. 258, No. 3998. (64) Chatvarimbat-vidya (i.e., forty branches of learning). Ibid, Vol. II, p. 230, No. 3407. The subject being mantra' as mentioned by Oppert, we do not expect from it more than an enumeration of the branches of learning. (65) Ansumanak alpa--"On Silpa." Burnell, 62. Aufrecht (henceforth abbreviated into Auf.), Pt. I, p. l. (66) Agaravinoda, by Durgasaikara.--"On architecture." N. W. 554. Auf., Pt. 1, p. 2. (67) Jayamadhavama nasolla sa, by Jayasim hadeva.-"On architecture." Bik. 708 ; Bhk. 21 ; Poona, 202. Auf., Pt. I, p. 201. (68) Taralakshana.--" On sculpture." Burnell, 62. Auf., Pt. I, p. 229. (69) Manl-pariksha or Ratnapariksha, attributed to Agastya.--"Testing of precious stones." L. 131. Auf., Pt. I, p. 420. (70) Manasara. It is being translated in the Indian Architecture." "On architec ture." Burnell, 62, Taylor 1, 71. Oppert II, 532. Quoted by Ramraj. Auf., Pt. I, p. 452 (71) Ayadilakshana.--" On Silpa." Burnell, 62. Auf, Pt. I, p. 52. (72) Aramadipratishthapaddhati, by Gangaram Mahadakara.- On gardens. Hall, p. 94. Auf., Pt I, p. 53. (78) Kaldeva.-This work may have some bearing on agriculture." On Botany." Quoted three times in the Nirnaya-sindhu. Auf., Pt. I, p. 128. (74) Grihanirupanasamkshepa." On architecture." Kabin. 6, Auf., Pt. I, p. 157. (70) Chitrakarmailpalastra or Brahmiyabllpa.--"On architecture." Burnell, 62, Auf., Pt. I, p. 187. (76) Chitrasatra.--"On painting, mentioned in Kuttanimata 23." Auf., Pt. I, p. 187. (77) Jhana-Ratnakosha. "On Silpa." B. 4. 276. Auf., Pt. I, p. 210. (78) Nava-Ratna-Pariksha, by Narayana Pandit.-"On gems." Bik. 708. Auf., Pt. 1, p. 281. (79) Prasada-Dipika.-"On architecture." Quoted in Madana-Parijata. Avf., Pt. I, p. 364. (80) Mayura-Chitraka or Meghamal or Ratnamaja.-" Indication of coming rain. famine or plenty, etc., from the appearance of the atmosphere. Attributed to Narada." L. 2668, Report xxxvi, Pheh, 8. Quoted in Santiskra. Ant. Pt. I. p. 432. (81) Martti-Lakshana."On the forms of idols." Ride 96. Auf., Pt. I, p. 464. (82) Ditto.-From the Garudasamhita. Burnell, 207, Auf., Pt. I, p. 464. (88) Martti-Dhyana.--"On sculpture." Burnell, 62. Auf., Pt. I, p. 464. (84) Ratpa-Samuehchaya.-" On precious stones," Bik. 708. Auf., Pt. I, p. 491.

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OCIORER, 1018) VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS 263 - (85) Lakshana-Samuch chaya.-"On the features in images of Celties." Bik. 411 (attributed to Hemadri). Kam. 12. Quoted by Ecm &dri in Danakhunga p. 823, by Kamalakara, Oxf. 279, in Mukurta-dipaka, Oxf. 336 by Klan deraya in Parasurama-prakasa. W. p. 312." Auf.. Pt. I. p. 535. (86) Loha-Ratnakara.- A work on metals." Sp. p. 99. Auf, Pt. I, p. 546. (87) Loharnava.--"A work on metale." Sp. p. 99. Auf, Pt. I, p. 546. (88) Loha-Sastra.- Quoted by Sivarama on Vararac'atta, p. 198. Auf., Pt. I, p. 546. (89) Vastu-Nirmana.-"On architecture." Pheh. 9. Auf., Pt. I, p. 568. (90) Vastu-Prakaka by Viuvakarman,-"On architecture." Oudh, xii, 30, NP. x. 56. Auf., Pt. I, p. 568. (To be continued.) BOOK NOTICE. THE BEGINNINGS OY SOUTH INDIAN HISTORY. By writers meant to convey or report, you can dig 8. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR. Madras Univer- actual facts of history out of almost any ancient sity Special Lectures on Indian History and records or writings. At any rate it is worth the Archaeology, Second Series, Madras. The while of scholars to enter on the study of the Modern Printing Worlas, Mount Road. 1928. old ocuments in this spirit, fo: they will in Price, Rs. 3.13-0. time be duly rewarded, THESE lootures strike me as an honest attempt Patience and time will solve most puzzles and to present to the student the notual facts as ascer explain historical references in the most unlikely tained to date of the earliest known detinite places. Thirty-five years ago I collected and history of South India without any trimmings began to publish the Legends of the Punjab, taken They are to my mind all the more valuable for that down eerbatim from wandering bards, and one and all the more creditable to the lecturer, as he of the early heroes, with every kind of folktale himself is a South Indian. Indeed he has gone fastened on to his memory, was Raja Sirkap. At out of his way to state all the facts-epigrapbio that time no one know and no one could conjecor other that have come before him, so as not to ture who was referred to. We know now that allow patriotism to take command of evidence, Sirkap was one of the citing on the site of Taxila and he has tried to avoid the pitfall of making too and that the modern Punjabi bard is still per much of epigraphical and too little of other formspetuating in his own fortune the memory of thn of evidence, Hero, I am ontirely with him. actual Saka and perhaps Indo-Bactrian rulers of I am glad to note that the author is aware that that spot in the centuries round the commencethe old oharge against Indian History of a totallment of the Christian era. want of chronological data will gradually have to be I notice that the author lays no olen to great abandoned as untonable. I am of those who believe antiquity for the history of Southem India. In in the establishment in due course of a set of chro- the present state of knowledge perhaps this wise, nological facts of a reliable character, in regard to but I cannot help thinking that as time goes we early Indian History, and that the labours of shall find that this can be properly carried back contributors to such a Journal as this for so many further than is now recognised, Civibastion-end years will not prove to have been in vain. In therefore history--must have beeg very old there. compiling a "popular" history of India from the earliest times to the latest a few years ago, In brief notion like thin it is impossible to which had noosmarily to be very brief, I felt enter into any argument on details and I content myself astonished to find how very far towards myself with expressing gratitude for what the a sufficiently definite chronology for general pur. book contains-much that is of moral value to ponos scholars and researchers had gone in the last students, especially to the younger sort, and mucha 35 to 40 yeon. My own impresion is, as an old Ja that every mature student can take seriously into student of history of all sorts, that if you know consideration. enough and understand enough of what ancient R. C. TARLE

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1918 MISCELLANEA. HOME OF KALIDASA. A.D. Acoording to him, rtti means Visisha-padaIn the Kavyadarsa Dandin contrasts between rackand (I, ii, 7), and is of three kinds, the two schools of Sanskrit poetry, the Vaidarbha and Vaidarbhi, Gaudi and the Panchali: the Gaulya (vs. 40-100). The ten qualities "sA tredhA vaidarbhI gauDIyA pAJcAlI ceti / "" Slesha, prasada, samala, etc. are, according to him characteristic of the former. But they are not so After stating this V&mana 5 writes : with the poets of the latter who seldom observe "kiMpunardezavazAt dravyaguNotpattiH kAvyAnAm yenA'yaM them. The great difference that lies between trad994:1 , 2 favifry TETIT the two schools, is iMustrated by Dandin with ro FACTI atsargiaga: ferference to certain specific examples. He first cites & passage from the Vaidarbha school and then by | svarUpamupalabdhasvAt matsamAkhyA | na punardezaiH kiccidupaway of contrast cites another from the Gauda school. Tho substance of the foregoing passage is that To explain the prasida guna Dandin (I, v. 45) each school took the name of the country in which says: it flourished. The poets of a country developed "prasAravat prsiddhaarthmindaarindiivrghuti| one particular style of poetry and that parti. lakSma lakSmI tanotIti pratItimubhagaM vcH||" cular style became peculiar to that country. The expression lakahma lakshmim tunoti' is a This led to the rise of the various schools and this fragment of the following verge of Sakuntala: 1 Was why they were designated efter the names of countries. Thus according to Vemana who no "sarasijamanuviddhaM zaivalenApi ramyam / doubt represents the curient tradition of his age, malinamapi himAMzIrlakSma lakSmI tanoti / " the Vaidarbha school was established in Vidarbha The more fact that Dandin quotes Kalidasa to which, according to Cunningham, roughly corres. illustrate the Vaidarbha school of poetry is not so ponds with the territory "extending from near important, for he is regarded as a pre-eminently Burhanpur on the Tapti end Nander on the Vaidarbha poet by other rhetoricians to.? What Godavari to Ratanpur' in Chattisgarh, and the is however, more important is that we get, from Nowagadha near the source of the Mahanadi." him a valuable hint in regard to the part of the According to Vemana the Vaidartha school is country to which the greatest post of India belong superior to all other sister-schools by reason of its ed. In the Kavyodarta (I, V8, 44, 46, 54, 60, SO), being samagra-guna, i.e., possessing all the ten the poets of the two schools are qualified by such qualitios of poetry, ojas, prasada, etc. To illustrato adjectives as Gaudai, Gaudiyaih and Adakshindty. this Vimana quotes i the wellknown stanza from angm, and Vaidarbhair and Dakshintya respec. Sakuntala: Gahanta mahisha nipinasalila"! tively. From this, it is clear that according to sritgair-muhus-tadiam," etc. This quotation, Dandin the poets of these two schools were also immediately following the above definite stateinhabitants of the two countries after which they mert of the author, that the Vaidarbha school were designated. This is also the view taken by the author of the commentary called Hridayan means that school which originated in Vidarbha, gama published by Rao Bahadur M.Rar gacharya seeins to denote that VAmana believed Kalidasa to from Madras. To silence those who would argue have been a native of Vidarbha. This tradition, recorded again by an author who comes only that KAlidAsa might as well have imitated the Vaidarbha school without having anything to do & few centuries after Kolidasa, must be looked with the Vaidarbha country, it is necessary to upon as the most valuable piece of evidence wo point out that the sense which we put forward hitherto bad, in fixing the home of the great here is also corroborated by the early rhetorician poet. VAmana, who flourished in the 8th or 9th century N: G. MAJUMDAR. * This has been brought to our not ce by Dr. Barrett-JRAS., 1905, p. 535. . . Gopendra Tripura hara BhQpale, a commentator of Vamana, quotes the following fragment of a verse-Vaidarbhariti-sam darthe Kalidasal praga bhate-Karyalam karasutra, Vidyabila sa Press Edition, p. 18. : Kavyudarsa, p. 28. Kavydian kira-satra, p. 16. 5 Ibid, p. 17. 6 Ancient Geography of India, p. 526. Kiryalam kara-stitra, p. 18. # It should be noticed here that M. M. Pandit Haraprasad Astri mainly depending on the flora of Kalidasa concludes that the poet rruet have belonged to W. Melwa.- JEORS. 1915, p. 15.

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NOVEMBER, 1918] SIDE-LIGHTS ON OMICHUND 265 SIDE-LIGHTS ON OMICHUND: An Echo of the Intrigues before Plassey. RY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE. BT. OME years ago Sir George Forrest, in the course of his research us into the life story of Robert Clive, found among the Clive MSS. belonging to his descendant, the Earl of Powis, two documents in Armenian (Plates I and II). Plate I shows an original letter addressed to Agha Petros and signed in the Panja bi character, "Amirchand " (Omichund). Plate II shows an unsigned copy of it, with a footnote, "Copy of Mar Mirchand's letter." Neither document bears a date. There is nothing to show why Clive should have got possession of both the original and the copy and have so carefully preserved them, beyond the fact that the letter is addressed to Agha Petros and indicates that he and Omichund were closely connected in some transaction of a confidential nature with Wach, a legitimate Bengali form for the name of William Watts, the Chief of the East India Company's Factory at Kasimbazar from 1752 to 1758. Btit a reference to the Orme MSS. preserved at the India Office supplies the explanation. During the collection of matter for his History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan, Orme laid under contribution all the great actors in the drama of the foundation of our Indian Empire, including Clive and his immediate associates, and had copies and translations made of the papers and information supplied to him. Among a series of letters written by William Watts to Colonel Clive between the 29th December 1756 and the 27th June 17571 is a letter, clated the 8th June 1757, covering the Armenian document under discussion; but in order to understand both the document and its covering letter, it is necessary to review briefly the situation in Bengal at that period. The events leading up to the determination of Suraju'ddaula, Nawab Governor of Bengal, to oust the British from his jurisdiction have been ably set forth by Mr. S. C. Hill in the Introduction to his Bengal in 1756-57. From this it appears that in May 1756 orders were issued for the seizure of Kasimbazar Factory, of which William Watts, then an old servant of the Company, had beert Chief since 1752. On the 1st June, Rai Durlabh, the Nawab's diwan, attempted to force his way into the Factory, but meeting with resistance, he treacherously persuaded Watts on the following day to pay a complimentary visit to the Na wab at Murshidabad. Watts was seized and the Factory was subsequently surrendered by Matthew Collett, the next senior official. Then occurred the Tragedy of the Black Hole and the capture of Calcutta on the 20th-21st June, and meanwhile Watts and Collett were kept with others of the Company's servants, in prison at Murshidabad, and subjected to much insult until the 24th June, when the Chiefs of the French and Dutch Factories at Chandernagore and Chinsurah obtained their liberty for them and became sureties for their appearance when required by the Nawab. They repaired to Chandernagore where they remained until the 13th August, when they joined the surviving members of the Bengal Council at Fulta on the Hugli, whither the refugees from Calcutta had fled. * Orme MSS., India, Vol. IX, pp. 2265-2317. Close to Murshidabad, the Nawab's headquarters

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1918 On the 20th August 1756 Watts was appointed a member of the locally constituted Secret Committee of the Bengal Council, the other members being Roger Drake, the Bengal President, Major James Killpatrick, the chief military officer, and J. Z. Holwell, the hero of the Black Hole. Immediately after the arrival of Admiral Watson's squadron with Colonel Clive for the relief of Calcutta, bringing orders from the Court of Directors in England for the foundation of a regularly appointed Select Secret Committee, Watts became one of its members and attended its first meeting on the 12th December 1756. Calcutta was retaken on the 2nd January 1757 and Roger Drake reinstated as President. Then followed the attack on Hugli and a Treaty with the Nawab on the 9th February. One of the conditions privately accepted was that the British should have a representative at the Nawab's Court, and Watts was selected for the office. His appointment was agreeable to Suraju'ddaula, who considered him a weak man, but Clive and the Bengal Council judged him fit for the post," being very well versed in the country language, and in their politics and customs." His position was a delicate one. He was charged to effect by diplomacy the fulfilment of the Treaty and all the objects which the Council had in view, such as complete restitution for losses sustained and a guarantee that no fortification should be erected on the river below Calcutta. Watts was accompanied by a native adviser and agent, a Hindu merchant at Calcutta named Amir Chand, but known to contemporary Europeans and ever since as Omichund. He was a Panjabi who for many years had acted as an agent for the English in their annual investment of Indian goods in Bengal, chiefly saltpetre. There were constant disputes with him and the other merchants who contracted with the Company, and in consequence, the Bengal Council changed its policy in 1753 and began to deal directly with the producers at the various "aurungs" (factories) without the intervention of agents. Although Omichund continued to be the medium for the supply of certain goods, chiefly again salt petre, this proceeding on the part of tht Council naturally affected his friendly feelings towards the English and threw him into the arms of the native government, especially as he had been held in bigh esteem by Alivardi Khan, Suraju'ddaula's grandfather and immediate predecessor. Apparently Omichund miscalculated his influence with the young Nawab and therefore deemed it wise to regain the favour of the English, for from the time of the expulsion of the Company's servants from Calcutta he used every effort to render himself invaluable to the Secret Committee. This, however, did not prevent the Bengal Council from issuing an order in January 1757 for the sequestration of his goods on suspicion of his complicity in the proceedings leading up to the Black Hole episode, but as no direct proof could be found 6 the order was rescinded. Omichund then induced Clive to take action on his behalf, with the result that he was allowed to accompany Watts to Murshidabad, on the 17th February 1757,' as confidential adviser and agent, and from the letters of Watts preserved among the Orme M88., he at first appears to have justified Clive's confidence in his loyalty. 3 Afterwards the celebrated Select Committtee, finally developing into the Foreign Department. * As early as 1744 we find him in partnership with " Deepehund " (Dip Chand), a Patna merchant, dealing always in salt petre, the name of the firm being then "Omichund Deepehund," as the Europeans understood it. The partnership was apparently dissolved in 1746, after which date both Omichund and Deepchund contracted separately. 1. O. Records, Coast and Bay Abstracts, vol. V. 5 Orme, History of Indostan, vol. II, p. 51;1.0. Records, Coast and Bay Abstructe, vol. V, pp. 424-425. 6 The part he actually played in the Tragedy has never been cleared up. 7 Orme MSS., India, vol. IX, p. 2265.

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NOVEMBER, 1918) SIDE-LIGHTS ON OMICHUND 267 On the 3rd March 175 Watts wrote, "I must do this justice to Omichund to say he is indefatigable in the Company's interest; his assistance is of the utmost service to me he declares he will convince the Company and the whole world of his attachment to their service." On the 26th he reported, "Omichund is indefatigable in the service of the Company and if ever man deserved their favour he does; he is always with me, and as I am convinced of his superior understanding, I always consult him and am persuaded he is sincere and hearty in the cause of the English ; and if our advice is thought worthy to be listened to, I do not doubt we shall be able to be of advantage to the Company and particulars; hitherto I think I have not erred." Again, on the 11th April, Watts wrote, 10 " As Omichund has a superior understanding and as I am persuaded it is greatly for his interest we should be successful, I therefore consult him on all occasions, which I hope you will approve of." His illness, a few days later, caused Watts great anxiety : "Omichund is ill; if any accident should happen to him, we shall miss him greatly."11 During the first two months of Watte's stay at Murshidabad Omichund's assistance was invaluable, and it was he who persuaded Suraju'ddaula to allow the English to attack the French in Chandernagore in March 1757, as a reprisal for assistance reported to have been treacherously given to the perpetrators of the Black Hole. After the capture of the place, Jean Law, Chief of the French at Kasimbazar, endeavoured to re-establish his influence with the Nawab, but the more attractive promises of the Company's agents prevailed, and Watts eventually gained the upper hand. Nevertheless, although the Nawab withdrew his protection from the French, he was still suspicious of the designs of the English, and on Clive's demand for the complete fulfilment of the Treaty of the 9th February 1757, his attitude towards Watts became threatening. Suraju'ddaula had by this time rendered himself odious to a large proportion of his subjects as well as to the Europeans in his dominions, and Omichund now devised a scheme to depose him. The particulars were first communicated, on the 17th April, to Luke Scrafton 2, who had apparently been sent to Murshidabad in connection with the Company's business at Kasimbazar Factory. Omichund's idea was to obtain the support of the Seths, the powerful Hindu financial community of Bengal, and with their help and that of the British to set up Yar Lutf Khan 13, a military adventurer and an officer in high commend in the Nawab's army. On the 20th April Omichund had an interview with "Juggutseat" (Jagat Seth), 14 the head of the fraternity, who seems to have received his suggestion with favour, and with the sanction of Watts, he visited Yar Lutf Khan on the 23rd, when preliminary conditions were arranged. 15 Omichund was now at the height of his power, and Serafton warned Clive not to allow him too much latitude, as he wants to have the whole honour to himself and cannot bear that any one should interfere." 16 It is at this point that Khwaja (or Agha) Petros comes prominently into the story. & Orme MSS., India, vol. IX, p. 2277. Ibid. p. 2285. 0 Ibid, p. 2291. Ibid, p. 2295 1 Ibid, pp. 2324-2326. Scrafton was one of the emissaries employed by Clive to treat with the NawAb after the retaking of Calcutta. He was appointed Resident at Murshidabad when Mir Ja'fir was made Nawab Nazim. 13 Mir KhudAyar (also Khudadad) Khan Latt, called by Watts "Meir Godau Yar Cawn Laitty" (Orme MSS., India, Vol. IX, p. 2299), with many curious variante, including "Murgodsunyer Cawa Lattee" (Ibid, vol. X, p. 2405). He had been brought to Murshidabad by the Seths, which may have been one reason why Omich und counted on their support. # Orme MSS., India, vol. IX, pp. 2326-2328. 15 Ibid, pp. 2299-2300. 16 Ibid, p. 2330.

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1918 Petros Arratoon, usually known as Coja (Khwaja) Petrus (Petrose) was an important Armenian merchant, whose brother Grigor Arratoon (Gorgin Khan) was a general of Mir Kasim. 17 He had resided in Calcutta since 1748 and had rendered valuable service to the English at the time of its capture and in the negotiations following its recapture. He seems to have accompanied Watts and Omichund to Murshidabad, as he is mentioned in a letter of the 18th February, immediately after their arrival, 18 and subsequent lettters show him to have been employed as an emissary by both Watts and the Nawab. On the 24th April 1757, Mir Ja'fir, 19 Suraju'ddaula's Bakhshi or Paymaster General, who had previously agreed to countenance Yar Lutf Khan's pretensions but had since been approached by the Seths as a more suitable candidate, sent for Petros 20 and desired him to tell Watts that he could secure the adhesion of the Nawab's chief officers in support of his own claims if these were put forward. "This scheme," Watts considered, "more feasible than the other " 21 and he urged its adoption by Clive, who readily acquiesced, since he was doubtful of the wisdom of setting up so comparatively unimportant a man as Yar Lutf Khan, while Mir Ja'fir, brotherin-law of the late Nawab Governor, Alivardi Khan, was a personage of weight and influence. C This change of candidates placed Omichund in an awkward position, for he could not hope to have any ascendancy over Mir Ja'fir, the Seths' nominee, and he therefore seems to have determined to get what he could out of the Nawab and at the same time to revenge himself on both the Seths and the British for overriding his support of Yar Lutf Khan. Ranjit Rai, the Seths' broker, was pressing the Nawab for the payment to his clients of a sum agreed on by the Treaty of the 9th February, and Omichund seized the opportunity to suggest that if negotiations were conducted solely through him, the Nawab might evade this and other obligations. Suraju'ddaula accordingly flouted Ranjit Rai and ordered a large sum of money to be paid to Omichund in consideration of his advice. Such conduct naturally roused the anger of the Seths, who not only declined to be associated with Omichund but used all their influence to set Mir Ja'fir against him. Watts, however, showed no distrust of Omichund until the 14th May. On that day,22 in reply to a letter of the 8th, in which Clive had suggested that an ample reward should be granted to the agent for his services, Watts strongly opposed a proposition "to give Omichund 5 per cent. on whatever money he may receive on the new contract," and added, "As I by no means think he merits such a favour or has acted so disinterested a part as I once imagined, I have not mentioned the 5 per cent. to him." To support his attitude, Watts gave the details that had recently come to his knowledge of the trick played on Ranjit Rai narrated above, together with other proofs of overreaching duplicity, greed and general untrustworthiness on the part of Omichund.23 Three days later Watts, again wrote to Clive, repeating his distrust and reporting an interview, detrimental to the interests of Mir Ja'fir, that Omichund had had with the Nawab. In this letter Watts charges his former qoundant with dishonesty, calls him a liar, and winds up with, "I have learnt many particulars relating to Omichund too tedious to mention at present, but they will astonish 17 Son-in-law of Mir Ja'fir and the second Nawab Nazim. 18 Orme MSS., India, vol. IX, p. 2267. 19 Afterwards the first Nawab Nazim of Bengal appointed by the English. 20 Orme MSS., India, vol. IX, p. 2301. -21 Op. cit., loc. cit. 22 Hill, Bengal in 1756-57, vol II, pp. 380-382. Op. cit., loc. cit.

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NOVEMBER, 1918] SIDE-LIGHTS ON OMICHUND 269 you." 24 On the 20th May, in a postscript to another letter to Clive, he remarks, "We are deceived and Omichund is a villain, but this to yourself." 25 Watts now, as far as possible, employed Petros in the room of Omichund, though he was careful not to arouse the suspicions of the latter. Petros was thus the principal go-between in the negotiations with Mir Ja'fir, who would have nothing to do with Omichund, whom he styled "an intriguing Gentoo [Hindu] without fortitude or honesty." 26 But Clive considered it dangerous to oppose him openly, although he had by this time the lowest opinion of him. 27 Having regard, therefore, to what was looked on as Omichund's treacherous nature, two treaties with Mir Ja'fir were drawn up: a false one containing a clause providing him with a substantial gratuity, and another, the true one, omitting any mention of him.28 Watts was instructed to flatter Omichund and lull any doubts that he might express by telling him that the Select Committee were "infinitely obliged to him " for the pains he had taken "to aggrandize the Company's affairs," and further, "that his name will be greater in England than ever it was in India." 29 In reply, Watts wrote, on the 23rd May, "We [Luke Scrafton and himself] shall either deceive Omichund as you mention, or pretend to have dropt the scheme and leave him intirely out of the secret, whichever on consultation we judge the most secure."30 Watts, Omichund and Petros were all this time still in Murshidabad, from whence Watts was anxious to escape to Calcutta before Suraju'ddaula could become aware of the plot to depose him. But in consequence of Omichund's intrigues with the Nawab and his officers, it was necessary to induce the former to depart before the others, and he was persuaded to set out for Calcutta with Scrafton on the 30th May. On the way down, however, he managed an interview with Rai Durlabh at Plassey (Palasi, eight miles from Murshidabad) during which Watts surmised that he disclosed the conspiracy with Mir Ja'fir, while he himself got the first inkling of the contents of the false treaty. 1 On the 3rd June Omar (Aumee, 'Umr) Beg, Mir Ja'fir's confidential agent, was provided with copies of both treaties for his master's inspection, and on the 5th Petros took Watts concealed in a dooley to the palace of Mir Ja'fir at Murshidabad, and there the real treaty, drafted by the Select Committee, was signed. 3 Watts effected his escape a week later, on the evening of the 12th June, and it was during this period that the Armenian document, the subject of this paper, was received and transmitted to Clive. From the evidence available, the letter in question could not have been written before Omichund left Murshidabad on the 30th May 1757, or after the 8th June, the date of a letter from Watts to Clive mentioning its receipt. On the 5th June Clive wrote from the French Gardens (Calcutta) to Watts at Murshidabad: 33 "You assured Mr. Scrafton, that Omychund once gone, you had no 24 Orme MSS., India, vol. IX, pp. 2309-2310. 25 Ibid, p. 2310. Orme, History of Indostan, vol. II, p. 150. 1 Orme MSS., India, vol. X, p. 2415. 28 The exact dates when the false treaty was shown to Omichund and when he found that he had been duped do not appear in the Records now available, but according to Orme (History, vol. II, pp. 158-159) the first inkling Omichund had of the false treaty was during a visit to Rai Durlabh on the night of the 30th May, and he first saw it on the 10th June through bribing a soribe (Ibid, p. 163), and was told of the real treaty by Clive and Scrafton on the 30th June (ibid, pp. 181-182). so Ibid, vol. IX, p. 2415. 29 Orme MSS., India, vol. X, p. 2415. 31 Ibid, vol. IX, p. 2313; Orme, History, vol. II, p. 159. 33 Orme MSS., India, vol. IX, pp. 2313-2314. Hill, Bengal in 1756-57, vol. II, p. 398.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1918 further obstacle to a conclusion, then why this delay ? Surely you are deceived by those you employ, or you have been deceiving me, and all your aim was to get away Omychund, The affair of the conspiracy to depose Suraju'ddaula) is now publickly talked of, and if it does not take place within a short time after the receipt of this, I will set it aside, being determined not to undertake it in the Rains." Watts replied, on the 8th June, vindicating himself from Clive's accusations :) " I have not been duped as you must know by this time, and be convinced Omichund has been the occasion of the delay. As a further proof I inclose you Copy and translate of a letter from him to Petrus [ Khwaja Petros). Please to send for Petrus's brother [Grigor Arratoon) and ask him upon oath if Omichund did not dictate and he write such a letter to his brother. If this will not satisfy you, and Omichund's address has more weight than my proofs, I will send you the original letter with his own signing. Let me beg of you to comply with this request not to divulge what I have inclosed or wrote you to Omichund, till I am in a place of security, as he is implacable in his resentments, and may be induced to discover every thing by writing up here in order to sacrifice Petrus and me to his resentment. The Nabob and Meer Jaffier are at open variance, and it's apprehended troubles between them will soon ensue; the latter is supported by Laittee, Roydullub, Juggutseat 35 and others, but of this I shall write you more certainly in the evening." The only document that Watts appears to have enclosed to Clive on the 8th June was the copy (Plate II) of the Armenian letter, and finding his mistake, he wrote again on the 11th, sending the translation, and no doubt the original. This accounts for the original, the copy and the translation being all three in Clive's possession, and the first two being handed down to his descendant. Watts's letter of the 11th June 36, written on the day before he left Murshidabad, runs as follows: "I have this moment received yours of the 10th. Meer Jaffeir and the Nabob continue with their forces armed night and day; Roydullub is faithful. Many Jemidars 37 have sworn to join Meer Jaffier in case of an attack. Upon it's appearing that you favour Meer Jaffeir's cause, I imagine the Nabob will be deserted by most of his people, and you will have little else to do than the trouble of a march. As we hourly run the risque of a discovery and of course being then at least made prisoners, and as there is no depending upon the arrival of Cossids , your last being 3 days in the way, if I do not hear from you to morrow, I am determined to set out the next day. We are already suspected of wanting to run away; this the whole town talk of. Meer Jaffier has sent to me to get away as soon as possible. This incloses Omichund's letter to Petrus." The enclosure is in reality a free translation of a part of the Armenian letter under discussion, no doubt given to Watts by Petros himself. * Orme MSS., India, vol. IX, p. 2316. I give below reasons for identifying Grigor Arratoon as the brother" mentioned, though of course there may have boon others. 15 These names are Yar Lutf Khan Lati, Rai Durlabh and Jagat Seth, the chief of the Setbe. Tho Arat two were with Suraju'ddaula's foron at Plassey (23rd June 1767), but refused to fight, which supports the statement in Watta's lettor. 36 Orme MSS., India, vol. IX, p. 2317. >> Jemadar (jama'dar), military commander, Consid (gdeid), messenger.

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NOVEMBER 1918 ] SIDE-LIGHTS ON OMICHUND 271 "Omichund's compliments to Petrus. There's letters gone for Mr. Watts to forbid his coming down 'till permission is given from hence. You and I are one. Let us consider what is for our own interest and act so as to make it pass that we have had the whole management of this affair. If our friend is not set out, keep him a few days; affairs are not yet settled here; hereafter I will write you the particulars. You have a good understanding therefore there's no occasion to write you much. Our success depends upon each other. All my hopes are in you." We are now in a position to discuss the document itself, and I begin with a transliteration thereof, followed by a translation and a free rendering. Transliteration and Notes by Mr. S. M. Gregory. (PLATES I AND II.) Amina paitsar Sahapi Sahap 39 Agha 40 Petros. Arz *1 lini viragrialin ghullughuman 2 wor minchi wakhtas 13 Sahapitzas shenorha shunemq. Shwat fikrmandam menq, yev Amirchandin 15 gholan lasitzi yeki Gaurthi Saha pis haghighatan 6 khartzri. Asatz qani qalames'17 : asatz 'wor griem Amirchandan. Sahapis ghullugh uman bandagi 48 uni. Asuma thae teghaes Wachin 19 gretzin, thae minchi menq grenq woch mochov ghuo woch. Menatz yes du min amq. Inch miez lev lini aryes. Lev merdi : 50 deran hramann 61 wo'shch minchi virchan myerna. Yev hramanotz tanitzan khathirjam 52 katzir yes tegh sam. Yev en beryekaman wor hramanotz khet goletza, yekela bhariya thae woch, gani or hetatznes; zira 5 dherevas teghas maslahatan 5 chi yelel. Maslahatan lini hakutz lazumin 55 kegriem hramanotz. a) Ar.-Pers., $dhib-i-saliban, lord of lords. 40 Turki, Agha, a great nobleman, lit., elder brother. 41 Ar-Pers., 'arx,' a petition, a respectful request : be it humbly known.' 12 Turki, quling, service (qui, slave. Urdu, quli, servant); in your service, to you.' 43 Ar.-Pers., waql, time. 44 Ar.-Pers., fikrmand, anxious. 45 Amirchand, correct Panjabi form of the wellknown name Omiohund. 46 Ar.-Pers., haqiqat, real state of affairs, the truth. 47 Ar.-Pers., kalam, words. 48 Pers. bandagi, service, devotion : compliments. 49 Wachin, to Wach, Bengali form of the name of Mr. William Watts, Chief at Kasimbazar. 50 Pers., mardi, manliness, boldness. 51 In the original letter, between the first word of the eighth line, mardi, and the fourth word okhch, there are two contractions, replaced in the copy by aryes, the fourth word in the eighth line, mean. g to do or perform, which makes sense, but does not at all convey the meaning of the original, as de contractions for which it is substituted, derdn hramdnn, mean "the management, 52 Ar.-Pers., khatirjam'a, tranquil, at ease. 53 Turki, zird, because. 54 Ar.-Pors., maglahat, affair, transaction, deliberation. 55 Ar-Pers., Idzim, necessary expedient.

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMEBR, 1918 Bewra 56 grielan lazum chi, zira hra manqad danu 67 mardas : 58 yev zira indz lev lini hra munotzna, yev hramanotz levan imna. Im kull 59 banan hramanotz maelovnam chatz thoghel. Zida woch. AMIRCHAND.62 Addition to the Copy (Plate II). Marmirchadin EUR3 grin naghlan.64 Translation by Mr. 8. M. Gregory. To the most illustrious Sahibs, Agha Petros. Be it humbly known in the service of him to whom the above is written, that up to the present time we have no favour [letter from the Sahib. We are very anxious, and hearing of Amirchand's arrival I came to the Pavilion: 65 I enquired into the real state of things about the Sahin. Amir hard told me to write these few words. He sends his compliments of devotion in the service of the Sahib. He says that they have written to Wach from here that so long as we do not write, no one is to come. It remains that you and I are one. What is good for us, do that. Be thoroughly manly, so that the management of everything is ours till the end. And be tranquil about your home. And if the friend who is to come with you has arrived, whether it is good or not, delay him for a few days, as deliberations here are not yet. Deliberations over, I will write to you tomorrow what is necessary. It is not expedient to write details of circumstances, because you are a wise man and because my advantage is yours and yours mine. My whole affair I leave open to your inclination. No more. AMIRCHAND. (Addition to the copy.) Copy of Mar Mirchand's letter. Free Rendering. To Agha Petros. We have had no letter from you up to the present and have become very anxious, so hearing of Amirchand's arrival, I came to the Pavilion (Gaurthi) to enquire into the real facts about you. Amirchand has told me to write to you for him. He sends his compliments and says that Wach (Watts) has been written to, to say that no one is to come until he hears from us. 06 Hindi, beurd, details. 57 Pers., dan d, wise. 58 Pers., mard, a man. 5) Ar:-Pers., kull, all, entire. 60 Ar.-Pers., mel, inclination. 61 Ar.-Pers., ziada, the ordinary shortened ending of a Persian or Muhammadan letter in India, ziada hadd-i-adab, more would be the limit of respect : your obedient servant.' In the original but not in the copy, just above the last word zida, there appears the Armenian letter cha with two marks to the left of it, which no doubt represent the letter wa, so that the word would read woch, nothing. A usual endins to Armenian letters in India at that period was zidu woch no more,' in imitation of the Persian ending above mentioned. 62 The signature is in Panjabi characters, but the last three signs are not at all clearly written. However, as Aniircband is a common Panjabt name, they no doubt are meant for r-ch-d, i.e., rchand. with the bindi, i, omitted. ta Marmirohand in the copy seems to be a slip of the pen for Amfrchand. 64 Ar.-Pers., naql, a copy. 68 For the reason for thus translating Gaurtht in the text, see infra, p. 137.

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Indian Antiquary Plate I. . prwndh khwrh sr w dmh .. w w m hw , wh . d r rwmn . m . h . khh * d . m . ` khy hy. m w dwdmn rhh m rh sh mthm hd m n rw mrwr w mrmryh st mhm mrb` , wmn khrj /g 4 m wh . j4 rm h rmlh. wm. mrd bh @ 3 ` . . h m m ., hmh w hm wf: y m m . m . . 8 st . lsw wl hw , wmhr@ # : h hm . . rym rwmh d h m w hm mhmt Original document in Armenian signed by Ami Chand. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTO, COLL.

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Indian Antiquary Plate II. m `* dhh sT frt h rw tn@ 3 mrwh tmym@ wlHwr 4 wm : `r m`h b`ml m`h mdrsh m` wh bh rh wh w ! . . gws h h mh lh , 2 frd m n shrh rw . wqm rf`h . 1 .`ml khh mn `r`r 14 h ` ly mnh dw sh mw w whm w`dh d nwmhm Gyrhm `mh z w .h khrh 5 , dy . `mrh , w T w `mh wjwdm . n`mh : - d hr : mw w hm bh hmh jwrh d `... dr shhr w m ymh `mr h y dr qh br rwy wmr@ qm google Earzen Andreeah Rough copy of No. I. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD.. COLL.

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NOVEMBER, 1918] SIDE-LIGHTS ON OMICHUND 273 For the rest, he says that you and he are of the same mind and asks you to act in your oint interests boldly, so that the management of the whole affair shall appear to be in your own hands until the end of the business. He says you are not to worry about your home because he is here, and you should delay the departure of the friend (Watts) for a few days, in any case, as the business is not yet settled. As a soon as it is settled he will write at once what it is necessary for you to do. It is not expedient to go into details because you know them and you are both in the same position, and he leaves the whole affair to you to deal with as you think best. Date and Address of the Letter. It will be seen, then, from the general evidence available, that the date of Omichund's letter to Agha Petros is narrowed down to the week between the 30th May and 8th June 1757, and from the correspondence quoted in this discussion it can be actually fixed as during the night of the 30th-31st May, for the following reasons. It was written by Omichund from a place apparently called Gaurthi, of which more anon, to Petros who was then at Murshidabad. It could not have been written at the latter place, nor after Omichund reached Calcutta, as he did not arrive until the 8th June, and it was received before that date at Murshidabad. So it must have been written on the way down, and Petros thought that his brother Grigor was present when it was written.c7 On the 3rd June Watts complains to Clive,as that "Omichund's four hours visit to Roydullub Rai Durlabh) at Plassy has been the cause" of the set-back in the negotiations with Mir Ja'fir. From Orme we learn that Omichund twice gave Sorafton the slip on the way to Calcutta, at Kasimbazar and at Plassey, on the night of the 30th May, and that he did no see him again after his second absence until 3 p.m., on the 31st. In the interval Omichund had had his conference with Rai Durlabh, at which Grigor Arratoon must have been present and this was when he had the letter written to Petros. Rai Durlabh, Suraju'ddaula's diwan was then in favour of Mir Ja'fir's claims; Grigor, the brother of Petros, was, as Gorgin Khan a general in the service of Mir Ja'fir's son-in-law. At the conference Omichund heard a rumour of a treaty between Mir Ja'fir and the English which deprived him of his claims,70 and his only chance of defeating it was to get Watts to remain at Murshidabad and thus fall into the hands of Suraju'ddaula. Accordingly, he first persuaded Rai Durlabh, and apparently Grigor also, to waver in their allegiance to Mir Ja'fir, and then induced them to let him dictate letter to Petros, with the sole object of delaying the departure of Watts and so upsetting the scheme in favour of Mir Ja'fir. This does not imply that either Rai Durlabh or Grigor was aware of his real motive. Omichund's plan miscarried because Petros remained loyal to Mir Ja'fir and the English, and on the further journey down to Calcutta, Scrafton managed to allay the suspicions which gave rise to the letter. 71 The whole evidence thus shows that the letter was written in the early hours of the 31st May 1757. 66 Orme, History of Indostan, vol. II, p. 159. 67 See Watts's letter of the 8th June, quoted above. Petros n ust have told Watts that he thought his brother' wrote the letter or Watts would not have used the terms he employed in writing to Clive. It is quite likely in the whole circumstances that Grigor Arratoon was present and there is hothing in the history of the time to show that any other brother of Petros was of sufficient importance for Clive to am play him in a confidential capacity. The fairest assumption is that Grigor was the brother" meant by Petros, and it is not likely from the language in which the letter is couched, that the term 'brother merely meant some unnamed relative. Orme MSS., India, vol. IX, p. 2313. Orme, History of Indostan, vol. II, pp. 168-159. To Orme, op. cit., loc. cit. T1 Ibid, p. 159

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1918 The name Gaurthi, the place from which the letter is said to be written, is obscure. No such town or village in the neighbourhood of Plassey can be traced on any 18th century map, but it must have been close to Plassey and in the camp of Rai Durlabh. A contemporary plan of the battle of Plassey by Major Rennell, reproduced in Broome's History of the Bengal Army and also by Mr. Hill in his Bengal in 1756-57, vol. I, p. cxcv, gives "the Nawab's Hunting House" on the river, close to Plassey Grove. As Rai Durlabh was the Nawab's diwan, his headquarters were no doubt in that building. Assuming this to be the case, we may take it that Gaurthi is a corruption of chauthri, through a metathesis chaurthi, such as is common in India, and it would then mean a pavilion in a garden (chabutra ), just the kind of place where such an interview as that between Rai Durlabh and Omichund would take place at night. 79 All students of the period covering the career of Omichund are indebted for this additional light on his methods of dealing with the English to the discovery by Sir George Forrest of the Armenian letter and its copy. Both documents have been deciphered, translated and annotated by Mr. S. M. Gregory, formerly of the Federated Malay States Civil Service, and it was by the help of Mr. Gregory's accurate translation that I was able to identify it with the incomplete and free rendering supplied to Watts and handed over to Clive. My thanks are also due to two Armenian friends, Mr. John Apcar and Colonel G. M. Gregory, for assistance leading to the decipherment by Mr. S. M. Gregory of documents which proved a stumbling-block to many scholars. The language of the letter is that of an inferior addressing a superior, which shows that Watts was not quite correct in saying that the letter to Petros had been written by his brother.73 What Petros meant to convey was that his brother was present and was aware of its contents. There is, in fact, no indication of the scribe's name.. The original (Plate I) is wri'ten in a difficult cursive hand, full of contractions, even of foreign words, sometimes marked by a line (pativ) drawn above the contracted words in the familiar European manner, and sometimes without any signs to mark them. The copy is, however, clearly written in a fine legible hand, despite the contractions. The language of the letter is a vulgar form of the Julfa dialect of Armenian, current in India in the 18th century, in which the use of foreign words was common. Indeed, as will be seen from the footnotes, the letter is full of Persian, Turki, and even Hindustani terms, adapted to Armenian colloquial forms. Reviewing the conditions surrounding this remarkable letter, one cannot help considering what would have happened had Agha Petros acted as Omichund desired and kept Watts in Murshidabad until Suraju'ddaulla had him in his power. Clive's letter of 5th June 1757 to Watts (supra, pp. 182-3) shows that had Watts failed in his mission, as he would have done if Omichund had had his way, Clive, for some months at any rate, would have dropped his scheme of deposing Suraju'ddaula and setting up Mir Ja'firas Nawab Nazim under British suzerainty, and the world-famous battle of Plassey would not have been fought. No doubt 80 worthless a prince as Suraju'ddaula would not long have retained his power, and no doubt Clive would in time have found means to obtain supreme authority in Bengal, but it would have had to be achieved in some other way. There was nothing then but the loyalty of Agha Petros to prevent the success of Omichund's proposal and a complete change in the story of British supremacy in India as we know it. The letter we have been discussing therefore just missed being of the first importance to history. 12 For the derivation, senses and uses of the chauthrt, see Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Temple (Hak. Soc.), vol. II, pp. 26 (and f.n.), 44-45. 13 See the letter of the 8th June 1757, quoted above, p. 183,

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NOVEMBER, 1918] VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS 275 VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS. BY NARENDRA NATH LAW, MA., BL, P.R.S.; CALCUTTA. (Continued from p. 263.) (91) Vastu-Vichara.-"On architecture." B. 4, 276; NP. ix, 56. Auf., Pt. I., p. 568 (92) Vastu-Vidhi by Vigvakarman.-"On architecture." Mack. 133. Auf, Pt. I, p. 568. (93) Vastu-Sastra-Samara ngana-Satradhara, by Bhojadeva.-Kh 75. Auf., Pt. 1, p. 569. (94) Vastu-Siromani. -"On architecture." Pheh. 9. Auf., Pt. I, p. 568. (95) Ditto, by Maharaja Syamasah Sankara.-NP. V, 92. Auf., Pt. I, p. 568. (96) Vastu-Sangraha, by Visvakarman." On architecture." Mack, 133. Auf., Pt. I, p. 568. (97) Vastu-Samachchaya by Visvakarman.--"On architecture." Kasin. 6. Auf., Pt. I, p.-568. (98) Vastu-Sara, by Satradhara-mandana.-"On architecture." NP. V., 92.4uf., Pt. I, p. 569. (99) Vimana-Vidya. -" On architecture." Burnell, 620. Auf., Pt. I, p. 578. (100) Vaikhanasa.--"On architecture." Quoted by Ramraj. Auf., Pt. I, p. 610. (101) Sastra-Jalad hi-Ratna, by Hariprasada.--"On Silpa." Bik. 708. Auf., Pt. I, p. 644. (102) Silpa-Kala-Dipika." On Silpa." Burnell, 621. Auf., Pt. I, p. 647. (108) Silpa-Lekha." On Silpa." A work quoted according to Raya-mukuta by Sarvadhara. Auf., Pt. I, p. 647. (104) Silpa-Sarvasva-Samgraha." On Silpa." Burnell, 62. Auf., Pt. I., p. 647. (105) Sakaladhikara.-"On architecture, attributed to Agastya." Taylor I, 72, quoted by Ramraj. Auf., Pt. I, p. 683. (106) Sarva-Vihariya-Yantra, by Narayana Dikshita. -"On architecture." Rice 46. Auf., Pt. I, p. 702. (107) Sarasvatiya-Silpa-Sastra.--"On architecture." Burnell, 62. Quoted by Ramrij. Auf., Pt. I, p. 714. (108) Aparajita prichchha, by Bhuvana-deva.-" On architecture." 10. 1603 (two first chapters). The work is quoted by Hemadri in Parisesha-khanda. 2, 660-62-819. Auf., Pt. II, p. 4. (109) Ratna-Dipika, by Chandebyara.--" On Silpa." Rgb. 1022. Auf., Pt. II, pp. 36, 114. (110) Kshirarnava, by Vibvakarman.-" On Silpa." Peters 4, 32. Auf., Pt. II, pp. 26, 138. (111) Viwakarma-Mata.-"On Silpa." Quoted by Hemadri in Parisesha-khanda 2, 817, 825, 827, 828. Auf., Pt. II, p. 138.

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1918 (112) Visva-Vidyabharana.--" On the duties of artisans by Basavacharya." IO., 2680 (inc). Auf., Pt. II, p. 139. (113) Ghattotsarga-Suchanik.-" On the erection of steps on the bank of a river." CS. 2, 298. Auf., Pt. III, p. 37. (114) Pratishtha-Tattva or Maya-Samgraha.-" On architecture." Rep., p. 11. Auf., Pt. III, p. 74. (115) Pratisb tha-Tantra.--" On architecture in a dialogue between Siva and Parvati." Rep. p. 6 (copied in 1147). Auf., Pt. III, p. 74. (116) Krishi-Vishaya, by an unknown author. The first few blokas quoted in the catalogue are identical with those of Parabara's Kishi-samgraha printed at Calcutta (1322 B.S.), but the last bloka quoted in the same does not coincide with that of the latter.)--"A guide to agriculture." R. L. Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit MSS. (Calcutta 1871), vol. I, p. 179, MS. No. cocxvii. (117) Ratnamala, by Pasupati.-"A treatise on precious stones." Ibid. vol. I p. 205, MS. No. ccclxiy. (118) Maya-Mata, alias Maya-Silpa, alias Pratishtha-Tantra.-"A treatise on architecture founded on the canons of Maya, a Danava, who is reputed to have built a palace of Yudhishthira...... It is remarkable in being less devoted to religious ceremonies and astrological disquisitions than the Manasara. Contents 1. Architecture defined. 2-3. Examination and purification of the ground intended to be built upon. 4. Measurement of land. 5. Ascertainment of the points of the compass. 6. Fixing of pegs to demarcate the spots for building. 7. Offerings to gods. 8. Measure of villages and the rules of laying them out. 9. Ditto for towns. 10. Ritections for laying out squares, octagons, &c. 11. Laying the foundation and the ceremonies to be observed on the occasion. 12. Plinth. 13. Base. 14. Pillars. 15. Stone-work. 16. Joining or cementation. 17. Spires or tops of houses. 18. Onestoried houses. 19-20. Two-storied houses. 21. Three, four, &c. storied houses. 22. Gopuras or gates. 23. Masdapas. 24. Out-offices, barns, treasuries, &c. 25. Manlapa Babhas or open courts. 26. Linear measure,-of finger breadths, &c." Ibid, vol. II, p. 306. MS. No. 912. (119) Viyyakarmiya-Silpam.-"A treatise on the manual arts attributed to Vis va karma, the divine architeet. Contents : - Origin of Visvakarma, derivation of the word takshaka (carpenter), vardhaki (sculptor), &c. 2. Height of man in different ages of the world ; wood and stone for the formation of images. 3. Sacraments for sculptors and carpenters. 1. Halls for the consecration of Siva and other gods. 5. Proportions of the images of the planets and lingams. 6. Formations of cars. 7. Consecration of cars. 8. Forms of Brahmi, Mahe vari and other goddesses. 9. Sacrificial or Brahmanical thread. 10. Sacrificial threads of gold, silver, and munja fibre; the different sides where images of gods and goddesses are to be placed ; qualities of a kind of stone called Hemasila or golden stone to be found to the south of the Meru mountain. 11. Images of Indra, Mabekvari and other gods and goddesses. 12-13. Crowns, crests and other head-ornaments. 14. Movable and fixed thrones for images ; crests and other ornaments for the

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NOVEMBER, 1918 ] VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS 277 head; repairs of temples. 15. Proportions of doors of temples for liigams. 16. Proportion of doors for other temples. 17. Temples for Vighneba. Most of these chapters appear imperfect and fragmentary, and the work is obviously incomplete." Ibid, vol. II, p. 142, MS. No. 731. (120) Menasoljasa, by the Chalukya king Somesvara.--"A treatise on architecture and allied subjects. The latter part is taken up with a description of royal pleasures. In two chapters." (Incomplete). Ibid, vol. III, p. 182, MS. No. 1215. (121) Manasollasa-Vrittanta-Prakba. P. D. Pandit Vamana Acharya, Benares.-In Weber's Berlin Catalogue, p. 179. Ibid, vol. III, p. 182. (122) Silpa-Sastra.-Palm leaves, Karnata character, "On construction of temples and images." A descriptive catalogue of the Mackenzie Collection by H. H. Wilson, p. 170, No. 4. (128) Silpa-Sastra.-Palm leaves, Grandham character imperfect. "On architecture regarding construction of ornamented gateways." Ibid, p. 170, No. 5. (124) Silpa-Sastra.--Paper-Telugu character. "Direction for making images." Ibid, p. 170, No. 6. (125) Silpa-Sastra, by Peddanacharya.--Telugu book. "On making images and ornamental work in gold and silver." Ibid., p. 304, No. 5. (126) Paricharatra Dipika, by Peleanacharya.--"A work on the manufacture of images, their dimensions and embellishment. Ibid, p. 170, No. 8. (127) Vastu-Samgraba.-Palm leaves.-Telugu character. "On architecture, erection of buildings, temples and fabrication of images." Ibid, p. 171, No. 12. (128) Grihanirmana-Vidhi. Author not mentioned.-Palm leaves. "On rules for the erection of houses, temples and other edifices." Ibid, p. 304, No. 6. (129) Ratta-Mattam.-"A book on agriculture. Translated from the Kanada of Ratta, by Bhaskara, son of Nagaya and dedicated to Venkatapati Palligar of Eravar. (Astrological predictions of the weather, rain, drought and similar topics applicable to agriculture and the plenty or scarcity of grain.)" Telugu book. Palm leaves. Ibid, p. 303, No. 1. (180) Vastu-Purusha Lakshana. "On architecture." Canarese letter. incomplete. A Cataloyue Raisonee of Oriental MSS. in the Library of the late College of Fort St. George by the Rev. William Taylor, vol. I, Madras, 1857, p. 313, No. 1562. (181) ATMsumat-Kasyapiya.--" On silpa." Ibid, vol. I, p. 314. (182) Bilpa-Sastram, by Kasyapa.--" On the structure of a Saiva temple in Canarese letter." Ibid, vol. I. p. 314, No. 1585. (138) Kshetra-Ganita-astra.--" On land-surveying." Ibid, vol. I, p. 347. (134) Abhllashitartha-Chintamani, by Malla Somesvara.- Malayalam letter. On arhitecture." Ibid, vol. I, p. 478.

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (XOVEMBER, 1918 (135) Ratna-Sastra.--"On characteristics and examination of stones." Ibid., vol. I, p. 555. . (136) Manavala-Narayana-Satakam.-" (3) " Jaisiyar perumai, the honour of merchants. The merchants must skilfully conduct their own business. They must not lay on too large profits. Whosoever comes to them, they must preserve an even and correct balance. If the dishonest come, offering to leave a pledge, they must give them no loan; but if the honest come, and only ask a loan without pledge, they must give it. In writing their accounts, they must not allow of a mistake, even if no more than the eighth part of a mustard seed. They will assist a (public) measure, even to the extent of a crore (of money). Such is the just rule of a mercantile class." (4) * Vellavher perumai, the honour of agriculturists. The Vellarher, by the effect of their ploughing (or cultivation) should maintain the prayers of Brahmavas, the strength of kings, the profits of merchants, the welfare of all--charity, donations, the enjoyments of domestic life, and connubial happiness, homage to the gods, the Sastras, the Vedas, the Puranas, and all other books; truth, reputation, renown, the very being of the gods, things of good report or integrity, the good order of castes, and manual skill; all these things come to pass by the merit (or efficacy) of the Vellar her's plough." Ibid, p. 15, No. 2108. (137) Nava-Sastram.-"On ship-building and navigation. But the work is chiefly astrological. Some directions are given respecting the materials and dimensions of vessels." Ibid, vol. III, p. 6, No. 2226. The same work is called Kappal Sastram at p. 444 of the above catalogue. (138) MS. No. 790, Sec. 30 (name not given) deals with miscellaneous arts, mechanics, building, &c.-"On the art of constructing forts, houses, fanes : of settling a village ; navigation and variety of other similar things enumerated as taught in 36 works, the names of which are given in the MS.)." Ibid, vol. III. p. 350. (139) Silpa-Nigbantu, by Aghora Sastri.--" In Grantha character." A classified catalogue of Sanskrit works in the Saraswati Bhandaram Library of His Highness the Maharaja of Mysore. Class XIX, No. 533. (140) Silpa-89 stra-Bhushalya.-" In Grantha character." Ibid, class XIX, No. 634. (141) Devata-Silpa. -"With Telugu translation in Canarese character." Ibid. class XIX, No. 535. (142) Go-Sutra.-Oxf. 398. Auf., Pt. I, p. 169. (148) Go Santi.-Burnell, 149. Ibid, Pt. I, p. 169. (144) Go-santi.-66th parisishta of the AV.-W.P. 94. Ibid, Pt. I, p. 169. (145) Govaidya-Sastra. Author not mentioned.--"Subject-Vaidya." Oppert, vol. I, p. 533. MS. No. 7298. * (146) Go-Bastra." Subject-Golakshaya." Ibid, vol. I, MS. No. 6676.

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NOVEMBER, 1918] VARTTA-THE ANCIENT HINDU ECONOMICS (147) Kalabastra.-" Name of a work by Visakhila." Mentioned in Monier Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary under the word Kala.' 279 (148) Chitra-Bharata.-Mentioned in Monier Williams' op. cit. under the word 'chitra'. It seems to be a work on painting. (149) Vastu-Bastram-(1) Rajavallabha mandanam (see List II), (2) Rupamanlanam, (3) Prasada-mandanam, (4) Devata-murtti-prakaranam." On Silpa." Cata logue of Printed Books and Manuscripts in Sanskrit belonging to the Oriental Library of the A. S. B., p. 173, No. I. G. 89, (150) Silpa-Sastra. A treatise in Tamil, said to have been originally composed in Sanskrit by Myen. Indian Antiquary, vol. V (1876), pp. 230-237, 293-297. LIST II. Printed works on Vartta or its Sub-Topics. 1) Rajavallabhamandanam, by Maadana, son of Srikshetra.-"A metrical treatise on architecture in 14 adhyayas; edited with Gujrati translation and over 100 plates and diagrams by Narayana Bharati Yasavanta Bharati (Baroda, 1891)." Stated to have been composed at Udaipur in Samvat 1480. A supplementary catalogue of Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit books in the Library of the British Museum (acquired during the years 1892-1906) by Dr. L. D. Barnett, p. 715. (2) Visvakarmaprakasah." A work on architecture attributed to the god, Visvakarma. With a Hindi translation by Saktid hara Sukula for Munshi Palaram and hence conjointly with the text styled Palaram-Vilasa, pp. IV, 304 Lucknow, 1896). The preface states that the work, first communicated by Brahma to Siva was thence transmitted successively to Garga, Parasara, Brihadratha and Visvakarma." Ibid, p. 715. (3) Silpasastrasa rasa ngraha.- "A manual of architecture by Kalyana Sivanarayana of Surat. 12 plates. (Rajanagar, 1898). With a Gujarati translation by Kalyaradasa Bhanabhai Gujjar." Ibid, p. 375. (4) Laghu-Silpa-Jyotisha-Sara. (5) Visvakarma-Vidya-Prakasa (6) Silpa-Dipika. (7) Vastu-Ratnavali. (8) Vastava-Vichitra-Prasna. (9) Vastava-Chandra-Sringonnati-Sadhanam. (10) Silpadhi-Vriddhi. (11) Yukti-Kalpa-Taru, edited by Pandit isvarchandra Sastri with a Foreword by the present writer. (12) Krishi-Samgraha, by Parasara. (13) Kshetra-Prakasa. (14) Upavanavinoda, edited by Kaviraja Gananath Sen.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1918 INDRASENA. BY A. VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., Pg.D.; MYSORE IN stanza 2 of the Rigveda-Samhita, X. 102 occurs the word Indrasend which is taken by Geldner (Vedische Studien ; 2, p. 1) as denoting Mudgalani (or the wife of Mudgala) mentioned in stanzas 2 and 6 of the same hymn. This hymn is obscure and the most diverse views have been held about its import. Bergaigne (Religion Vedique; 2, p. 280ff.) thinks that the hymn depicts liturgical symbolism ; Henry, (Journal Asiatique ; 1896, II, p. 516 ff.) that it refers to the methods employed in primitive divination, and Bloomfield (ZDMG., 48, p. 547), that the hymn refers to heavenly, i.e., mythological events and not to human events. Similarly, Profs. Macdonell (Vedic Index, II, p. 167) and Keith 1 (JRAS., 1911, p. 1005 n). Profs. Geldner and Oidenberg, on the other hand, consider that it is an o khyana or itihdsa hymn and that it describes a chariot-race in which Mudgala's wife took prominent part. For literature connected therewith, see Oldenberg, RigvedaNoten, II, p. 318. In p. 1328 ff. of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, Mr. Pargiter has attemptec to throw some light on this hymn with the help of certain details contained in the Purdas about Mudgala, who is, according to the Nirukta (9. 3. 2. 3.) and the Sarvanukramani, the son of Bhrimyasva and the author of this hymn. With the help of these details, Mr. Pargiter has constructed the following genealogy Bhrimyasva Mudgala Brahmishtha = Indrasena Vadhryasva= Menaka Divodasa And, from this genealogy, he has arrived at the following conclusions respecting the persons named in the hymn : 1deg Mudgala was a raja of the North Pafchala dynasty and yet might also be regarded 88 & Tishi. 2deg Mudgalani, whose name is not mentioned, was obviously Mudgala's wife, as is generally agreed. 3o Indrasena was the daughter-in-law of Mudgala, being the wife or rather the queen of his son Brahmishtha. 4deg Vadhri, in stanza 12, seems to refer to Indrasena's son and Mudgala's grandson Vadhryasva 5deg Keti, mentioned in stanza 6, was the sarathi or cbarioteer who drove Mudgalani in the race. Mr. Pargiter is therefore disposed to interpret the hymn in accordance with the above conclusions. In the note referred to above, Mr. Pargiter has collected the information given by the * Puranas about Mudgala only and has not brought out anything new about Indrasend, In the opinion of these scholars (and of Seyana alao), Indrasend is not a proper name at all, but . common name meaning Indra's bolt.' This word therefore has not been accorded an entry in the Vedic Indea.

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NOVEMBER, 1918) INDRASENA 281 although Geldner had long ago pointed out that her name occurred in the Mahabharata (Calcutta ed., 3. 113. 22; 4. 21. 11) where she is described as Narayani and as the wife of Mudgala. It is therefore my object to give here some details about this Indrasena which I have been able to gather from the South Indian text of the Mahabharata as it is printed in the Kumbhakonam edition. The stanzas referred to by Geldner in his Vedische Studien are found in this edition on p. 186 of the Vanaparvan (Ch. 114; 23, 24) and p. 47 of the Virdia parvan (Ch. 24; 19-22). In both these places, this text reads Nalayani. instead of its doublet form Narayani : and it thus indicates that Indrasena, the wife of Mudgala, was the daughter of Nala. She must therefore be identified with the Indrasena, who, we read in the Nalopakhyana, was born to Nala of Damayanti. This inference is confirmed by the following story found in chapters 212 and 213 of the Adiparvan (p. 359ff.), where it is related by Vyasa to king Drupada with the object of overcoming his repugnance to the marriage of his daughter with five men (the five Pandava brothers): "Krishna, the daughter of Drupada, was, in her former birth known as Indrasena. She was then the daughter of Nala and was married to the rishi Maudgalya' who was old and mere skin and bones, who was reeking with a smell which was other than pleasant, whose hair had become white and the skin furrowed with wrinkles, who was afflicted with leprosy, whose skin and nails were peeling off, who was repulsive to look at and who was extremely irritable, harsh, jealous and fanciful. The blameless Indrasena used to serve her husband faithfully and to eat what was left of his food (uch-chhishta) after he had eaten. One day, the thumb of Maudgalya came off when he was eating his food; and, Indrasena, when she sat down to the remnants, unconcernedly threw it away and consumed the food left without any feeling of disgust. Her husband was much pleased at this act of wifely devotion, said that he would grant her a boon, and asked her often what she desired. Indrasena, being thus frequently urged, begged of the rishi that he should sport with her, first dividing himself into five persons, and later becoming one person again. "The rishi, owing to the power of his austerities and his yoga, accordingly sported with Indrasena for many years, now making himself into five men, and again, as one man, in Indraloka, Meru and other places. Indrasena thus came to the fore-front of pativratas in the same way as Arundhati and Sita; and she attained a greater distinction in this respect than even her mother Damayanti.5 2 Damayantya saha Nalo vijahar amaropamahi janayamAsa cha tato DamayantyAm mahamanah Indrasonam sutan chapi Indrasenan cha kanyakam || Mahabharata, III. 54. 48-9. 3 The husband of Indrasena is represented in the Mahabharata, 4. 24. 21 as being aged more than one thousand years. oshi Naldyani parvam Maudgalyam sthaviram patim Aradhayamasa tada kushthinam tam anindita | tvag-asthi-bhuta i katukam lolam frshyam sukopanam sugandhetara-gandhadhyam vali-palite-murdhajam || sthaviran vikritakAram siryamang-nakha-tvacham | Uchchhishtam upabhunjana paryupaste maha-munim!! Adiparvan, Ch. 212; 4-6. 5 eka-patni tath& bhutva sadaivegre ya jasvintil Arundhative Siteve babhavati-pativrata! Damayantys chs mitus & visesham adhikam yayan Toid. 213: 25.

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1918 "While the rishi Maudgalya thus played with Indrasena, many years elapsed and the rishi became weary (vyarajyata) of sensual pleasures. He therefore resolved to abandon this luxurious course of life and to practise austerities (tapas) in a retired place. On this resolve being announced to Indrasena, she fell down on the earth and earnestly besought the rishi not to leave her as her desire for sensual pleasures (kama-devana) was still unsatisfied. The rishi grew wroth at this bold and impudent request and uttered a curse that she should be born as the daughter of Drupada, the king of the Pafchalas, and have five husbands. "Grieving at this curse, and with her craving for sensual pleasure unsatisfied, Indrasena, too, repaired to a forest and practised austerities in order to please Siva. That god, being pleased at the austerities, showed himself to Indrasena and conferred a boon on her that she would in her next birth, have five husbands." The story, I may observe, is not peculiar to the South Indian text, but is found in some of the editions of the Northern text also, though not in all. Here, too these editions have the form Narayani instead of Naldyani. It should be noted that the wording of the textDamayantyde cha matus ad visesham adhikam yayau-informs us in an unmistakable way that Indrasena, who is described as Nalayani and as the wife of Maudgalya, was the daughter of Damayanti. This story is very interesting and confirms the correctness of Geldner's interpretation of RV. X. 102 in several respects : 1. Thus, it is clear from the above story that Indrasena, mentioned in stanza 2, is the same as the Mudgalani mentioned in st. 2 and 6, and that she is the wife of the Mudgala mentioned in st. 5 and 9 and not his daughter-in-law as Mr. Pargiter would believe. Mr. Pargiter seems to have been misled here by the use of the word Mudgala instead of the more correct form Maudgalya. Such negligence however, in the matter of adding patronymic suffixes is fairly common not only in the epics and Puranas, but in the Rigveda also. See, for example, ZDMG., 42, p. 204ff. where Oldenberg has shown that the word Vasishtha is used in the Rigveda to denote not only the original Vasishtha but his descendant as well. As regards the word Mudgala itself, we have already seen above that the Mahabharata in one place (III.114.24) uses that word to denote Mudgala's son (who, in I. 212. 213 is called Maudgalya). Similarly, it relates in the Vanaparvan (Ch. 261) the story of a Mudgala (whether the same as Indrasena's husband or a different person, there is no means of saying) who was offered, because of his zeal in giving gifts, the privilege of going to heaven in his mortal body (sasarira-svarga) but refused to avail himself of it. In this story, the hero is called Mudgala (in III. 260. 38 ; III, 261. 3, 11, 14, eto.) and Maudgalya (in III. 261. 6, 14. 25, 33, etc.) indifferently. And in the Bhagavata, X. 21. 34 the word Mudgala is used of the father of Divodasa, i.e., to denote Vadhryasva, the grandson of the original Mudgala. There is thus no doubt that the Mudgala mentioned in st. 5 and 9 of RV.X. 102 is identical with the Mudgala of the Mahabharata, DII. 114.24, with the Maudgalya of the The text, I may here note, calle Maudgalya's wife as Mahendrasend in one place-I. 212. 17.

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NOVEMBER, 1918) INDRASEN A 283 Mahabharata, I. Ch. 212, 213 and with the Brahmishha (son of Mudgala) of Mr. Pargiter's genealogical table. 2. The story also supports the opinion of Geldner (p. 1) and Oldenberg (p. 318, n. 2) that Mudgala was a Brahmin against those of Henry and Pargiter who believe that he was a king. 3. The story gives, as can be seen above, a graphic description of the decrepitude (abgelebtheit) of Mudgala, a point about which Bloomfield and Oldenberg seem to be sceptical. Mudgala's decrepitude is thus well-attested and can be taken as a certain fact. It is not, however, quite so certain that it was this decrepitude, which, as Geldner believes, prevented him from riding the chariot himself in the race and led him to substitute his wife Indrasena in his stead. A passage of the Ka!haka-Samhita (X. 5; Vol. I, p. 130) which relates the story of a chariot-race between Vamadeva and Kusidayi shows that it was not unusual for women to take part in such races. Indrasena, too, who was the daughter of Nala, a noted charioteer, must naturally have known more of chariots and their driving and of races than her husband the Brahmin rishi. These facts offer, in my opinion, sufficient explanation as to why Mudgala did not himself ride in the race but sent his wife Irdracena instead as rider. 4. In interpreting st. 6 of the hymn, Geldner has followed Sayara in thinking that Mudgalani (ie., the wife of Mudgala) was both the rider (rathth) as well as the charioteer (sdrathih) in the race. He has therefore accepted (p. 8) Sayava's dictum 10 that the word kesi in that stanza stands really for the feminine form kesini. Further on, however, Sayara has given another explanation'1 according to which Kesini was the charioteer. I am disposed to think that this last explanation is correct and that this Kesini is, perhaps, identical with the Kesini that was employed by Damayanti to observe the actions of, and to carry mese ages to, Bahuka (i.e., Nala) in the Nalopakhyana 12 5. Regarding Geldner's interpretation of st. 11 of the hymn-an interpretation which is not acceptable to Bloomfield, Oldenberg, and Pargiter-, the story related above shows that the sense which Geldner attaches to the first half of that stanza is quite correct-EO Correct I am, however, very doubtful that Mudgala's son was named Brahmishtha. From the footnotes given by Mr. Pargiter on p. 1329 (loc. cit.) it can be seen that, out of eight Puranas which he has used to construct the genealogy in question, only two contain the word Brahmishtha. In both these places, it is preferable to regard this term as a common noun the best of Brahmins ; a brahmarahi) rather than as a proper name. The corrupt text of the Harivam sa, too, which uses the word brahmarshi in thie context, favours this view. Ludwig has, in his Rigveda (III. 171), set down & table where he has shown Vadhryasva, the father of Divodasa, as the son of Devavan-a view accepted by Macdonell (Vedic Index, I. 376). Though there is not much evidence in favour of this view too, I have here provisionally adopted it for lack of a better. attested genealogy. , Vamadeva che vai Kusiday chatmanor ajim ayatam | tasya Kusideyl purvasyatidrutasya kuba ram nyamrinat | Be dvitiyam upa paryavartate I fshem va ... kham va chheteyomitil Ea VAmadova ukhyam agnim abibhah... o Mahabharata, Vanaparvan, 64. 2; 69. 28-31; 70. 18. eto. 10 kesiti sara thyabhiprayena pullingata. 11 atha va kesi kesini sarathir asye. 12 Mandbharata, III. Ch. 72, 73.

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAKY NOVEMBER, 1918 as to be surprising when one bears in mind that Geldner did not know of the story related above by the Mahabharata. He has there rightly interpreted the sentence parivvilteva patividyam anat and has remarked that after winning the race and thus pleasing the old Mudgala, the net advantage gained by Indrasena was not much to speak of, and that, on the whole, she was rather disappointed than otherwise. The correctness of this opinion is fully borne out by the above story, which relates, as we have already seen, how Maudgalya was pleased with his wife, offered her a boon, sported with her as she desired, but left her before her desires were satisfied and thereby disappointed her. 6. In the light of what has gone above, Mr. Pargiter's opinion that vadhri in st. 12 refers to Indrasena's son seems to me to be quite untenable. In the course of the above discussion, we have met with the names of two women, Damayanti and Indrasena, that were regarded as patterns of pativratas. These two were related to each other as mother and daughter. It is therefore interesting to find further that Ahalya (wife of Gaitama and mother of Satananda, etc.) who is also regarded as a pattern of chastity, was the daughter of Vadhryayva, the son of Indrasena (Bhagavata, IX. 21. 34). We can now rewrite Mr. Pargiter's genealogical table as follows : Bhtimyaiva Mudgala Nala - Damayanti Devavan = Indrasena Vadhryasva - Menaka 1 Divodasa Ahalya Gautama Of these names, all except Bhrimyasva, Nala, Damayanti, and Menaka are found in the Rigveda. NOTES AND QUERIES HA FAQUIR'S CURE FOR THE CHOLERA." leave, and bound her hands an logs 8 inches (Soleotod from the Native Newspapers). agunder with a piece of rope. This stayed the symptoms of the disease, and after an hour they Prince of Wales Ioland Gazette, oth October 1822. unlooned the knots. However, she was quite The wife of a barber st Etabauree Mobarazrpoor, intoxicated by the draft she had taken and slept which lies to the north of Kristn-nugur, aged in the night soundly. The next morning she about 24, was seized with the Cholera Morbus, in found herself quite recovered. The Barbar the month of Ausar. A Fakeer, who came to wanted to make some present to the Fakeer, who the house to ask alms, hearing of this, said to the sojourned there that day; but the latter doolined Barbar (sic) that if he would permit him, he could the offor. He said that any one might be cured make ouro for his wife. As no doctor was to be of the Cholera Morbus by that draft, and there had in the village they, according to the advico fore we have given publicity to it for the good of of the Fakeer, made her take some green leaves of the Public. Biddhy' and Opium with the juice of siddhy R. C. T. * Refering apparently to some place in India and not to a place in Prince of Wales Island (Penang). It looks as if the paragraph had been translated direct from some Indian native paper. * A misprint for Ausin (Andin), (October). Sidhi bhang, Indian hemp (Cannabis sativa)

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DECEMBER, 1918 J THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WESTERN CHALUKY AS THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS OF KALYANI.1 BY A. VENKATASUB BIAH, M.A., PH.D.; MYSORE. THE THE chronology of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani was originally determined by Dr. Fleet in his Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts (revised edition published in the Bombay Gazetteer, 1896, Vol. I, Part 2, pp. 277-584) by the help of dates recorded in the inscriptions of these kings. And this account was, later, confirmed by Kielhorn who has included most of these dates in his List of Inscriptions of Southern India (EI., Vol. 7, App.), and has given a synchronistic table for Southern India in EI., Vol. 8, App., based on the results of these dates. I subjoin here from that table the names of the Western Chalukyan kings with their (initial) dates : Taila II. Satykiraya Vikramaditya V. Jayasimha II. Somesvara I. Someevara II. Vikramaditya VI. Somesvara III. Jagadekamalla II. Taila IIJ Somesvara IV... .. EC. EI, (F.) DKD. 1184-1189 The List of Inscriptions referred to above contains 83 verifiable dates of the Chalukyas, of which, however, 18 have been characterised by Kielhorn as slightly irregular and therefore needing emendation, and 35 as wholly irregular. Thus the number of verifiable dates used by him and Dr. Fleet for purposes of chronology as they stand is less than half of those that are at hand. (K.) LISI. (V.) SSDI. I have shown in my book, Some Saka Dates in Inscriptions, that the great majority of these 'irregular' dates are regular enough to indicate to us with certainty the days on which the events recorded happened. I have also shown on p. XII of the Introduction of that book that the correct equivalents of some of these dates make untenable the acceptance of the dates proposed by Drs. Fleet and Kielhorn for the commencement and the end of the reigns of some W. Chalukyan kings. I therefore propose to give here a revised chronology of these kings, utilising for this purpose not only the 45 dates (of KLISI.) that have been rejected as irregular, but also the verifiable dates contained in the several volumes of the Epigraphia Carnatica and the Reports of the Madras Epigraphists. 1 The following abbreviations have been used in the course of this paper : IA. for Indian Antiquary. 973 998 1009 1018? 1044 1068 1076 1128 1139 1154 285 Epigraphia Carnatica. 33 " Epigraphia Indica. 33 (Fleet's) Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts in the Bombay Gazetteer, 1896, Vol. I, Part 2. ,, (Kielhorn's) List of Inscriptions of Southern India, App. to EI., Vol. 7. (Venkatasubbiah's) Some Saka Dates in Inscriptions. 33 The English equivalents of the dates of the inscriptions cited below, have been, for the most part, calculated by me for the first time in accordance with the principles indicated in my book, SSDI. Of such equivalents, those which are certain (through their being calculated on the strength of more than one verifiable detail) are here printed in thick type. 2 I may observe here that I have, by reference to ink-impressions, verified the text published in these volumes of the more important inscriptions that I have made use of in writing this paper.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1918 The connection between the later Chalukyas of Kalyani and the earlier Chalukyas of Badami is traditionally given as follows Satyasraya Vijayaditya Bhima I. Satyasraya Vikramaditya II. Satyaeraya Kirttirarman II. Kirttivarman III. Taila I. Vikramaditya III Bhima II. Ayyana I. Vikramaditya IV. Taila II. Of these, nothing is known, beyond the mere mention of their names, of Bhima I. Kirttivarman III, Taila I, Vikramaditya III, and Bhima II. Ayyana I is said to have married a daughter of Ktishna and to have begot on her a son named Vikramaditya IV. This Krishna has been with great probability, identified with the Rashtrakata king Krishna II (884-913), which places Ayyana somewhere about A.D. 930. His son was Vikramaditya IV, who, it is related, married Bonthadevi, daughter of the Kalachuri Lakshmana-deva. No inscriptions 3 seem to have been found of his time; and it thus seems that he did not reign as king. In EC., Vol. XI, Mr. Rice has published an inscription (CD. 25; p. 13) which at first sight seems to belong to his reign. This epigraph records that, in the year Saka 892, on Sunday which was the thir. teenth day of the bright fortnight of Pausha, and the day of the uttarayana Saikranti when the Mahardjadhirdja Paramesvara Paramabhattaraka (Vikramaditya-deva, beloved of the goddess of wealth and of the Earth, was reigning : and the Mahdsamanta Pandarasa of the Chalukya family was in charge of the nidhi, nidhana, nikshe pa and danda of the Kadambalige one-thousand, Pandayya, (the same as above ?) made a grant of 12 gadyanas on behalf of a tank and of the Tribhuvana (malla) devalaya of Pittagere. Although the record does not specify the reigning king as being a Chalukya, the mention of the word Tri. bhuvana[malla) in connection with the temple may be taken as indicating that the reigning king Vikramaditya was a Chalukya. And as the date cited corresponds quite regularly to 23rd January, 970, one is tempted to identify this Vikramaditya with Vikramaditya IV, father of Taila II, and to infer that he, too, had perhaps the cognomen of Tribhuvanamalla like his namesakes Vikramaditya Vand Vikramaditya VI. And in favour of such a supposition can also be construed the fact that the provinces of Nolambavadi and Kadambalige were always the strongholds of the Chalukyas. Thus, after the overthrow of the Western Chalukyas of Badami by the Rashtrakutas, we find governors of the Chalukya family ruling in these provinces, namely, the Mahasamanta Sudrakayya, father of the Pandarasa mentioned above who was the governor of Kadambalige in 967, followed, later, in this office by his son Pandaras. And simi. larly, after the overthrow of the Chalukyas by the Kalachuryas, we again find that the authority of the ChAlukyan emperors Jagadekamalla III and Somesvara IV Tribhuvanamalla was acknowledged, if not really, at least nominally, in these provinces. Although there is thus nothing inherently improbable in the above supposition that Vikramaditya IV was ruling with supreme titles in A.D. 970, there are three things that tend to cast a doubt on its cor. rectness. These are (1) the fact that the reading of (Vikramaditya-deva in the inscription, seems, so far as can be judged by an ink-impression of it, to be doubtful; (2) the further fact that, according to an Adargunchi inscription (KLISI. No. 104), the reigning king at that time was the Rashtrakuta Nityavarsha-Khottiga who was followed in 972 by Kakka II; and (3) the evidence of numerous Chalukyan inscriptions that it was Taila II (son of Vikramaditya IV) who dispossessed the Rashtraktas of their sovereignty. These facts, however, are not conclusive and can all be otherwise explained. I neverthelees think it better that one should wait until some more evidence is forthcoming before one gives a place to Vikramaditya IV among the Chalukyan emperors.

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DECEMBER, 1918) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS 287 His son was Taila II Ahavamalla, who completely overthrew the Rashrakutas and became ruler in their stead. The date of his coming to power is given in a Gadag inscription (KLISI. No. 140)' as the year Srimukha, which must be taken as the southern luni-solar Srimukha which corresponded to Saka 895 (= A.D. 973). The earliest verifiable date we have for him is recorded in a Sogal inscription (KLISI. No. 141) and corresponds to 7th July, 978; the latest is recorded in a Talgund inscription (KLISI. No. 145) and corresponds to 20th September, 996. Among his feudatories and officers (see F. DKD., p. 428) must be mentioned the Mahdsdmantadhipati Santivarman of the Matura family who was ruling the Santalige one-thousand, the Edenad seventy, and other divisions in A.D. 991 (EC. VIII, Sb. 477; p. 158): the Mahasamanta Jatarasa who was ruling the Kadambalige one-thousand in 992 (EC. XI, Dg. 114; p. 129); and the Mahamandalesvara Chatu or Chaitayya who was ruling the Banavase twelve-thousand in A.D. 986 (EC. VIII, Sb. 413; p. 148). An inscription at Hunavalli (EC. VIII, Sb. 529; p. 169) seems to indicate that Taila was reigning from Banavase as headquarters in 985; and another inscription at Anegondi (in the Nizam's dominions), that he was reigning from Pampe? or Hampe on the southern bank of the Tuigabhadra as headquarter in 988. He was succeeded in 998 by his son Irivabedanga Satyasraya, who is said in an inscription at Hiri-Chavuti (EC. VIII, Sb. 234 ; p. 76) to have been reigning in Saka 921, Vikarin or A.D. 999. The earliest verifiable date for him is 22nd March, 1002 given in an inscription at Gadag (KLISI. No. 146); the latest, 26th July, 1008 given in an inscription at Manawalli (KLISI. No. 148). He was succeeded in about 1009 by Vikramaditya V Tribhuvanamalla, eldest son of his brother Dasavarman or Yasovarman. The earliest verifiable date for this Vikramaditya is 10th October, 1010 given in an inscription at Nelluru (EC. VIII, Sb. 471 ; p. 156): the latest, 29th December, 1012 given in an inscription at Karadihalli (EC. VII, Sk. 287; p. 259). Among his feudatories and officers (see F. DKD. p. 434) must be included the Mahamandalesvara Chattayya mentioned above and the Mahamandalesvara Kundamarasa, who were the governors of the Banavase twelve-thousand province in 1010 and 1012. Vikramaditya V seems to have been succeeded in A.D. 1014 or a little earlier by his younger brother Ayyana II. His name appears in the list of Chalukyan kings given by eight inscriptions 8_three at Belgame (EC. VII, Sk. 110; p. 149; Sk. 130; p. 177; with VSS DI., p. 125; No. 193. 5 For a brief account of some chiefs of this line, see Dr. Fleet in EI, XI, p. 5. Dr. Fleet has, however, there made use of some only out of the many inscriptions in EC. VIII that mention the chiefs of this family. 6 A brief notice of this and other inscriptions at Anegondi is given by Mr. Shama Shastry in the Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. VII, p. 285 ff. It is much to be desired that these inscriptions be properly edited. * This was, later, the capital of the Vijayanagar Empire. 8 There are four other inscriptions-EC. VII, Sk. 100; 137; 185 and EC. VIII, Sb. 277-which also seem to point to the succession and reign of Ayyana II. They all relate that there were two kings who reigned after Irivabedanga Satyasraya and before Jayasimha II. The name of the earlier of these two kings is given by all as Vikramaditya, while the name of his successor is given as Ayyana by Sk. 185 and es Dabavarman by the other three. All these four inscriptions commit a curious mistake in the genealogy by making Jayasirha II stand in the relation of a nephew to Vikramaditya V.

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1918 a date corresponding to 23rd January, 1072; Sk. 123; p. 164, of about 1158); one at ChikkaMagadi (EC. VII, Sk. 197; p. 213) of about 1181 ; one at Vudri (EC. VIII, Sb. 233; p. 74) with a date corresponding to 12th January, 1139; one at Bharangi (ibid., Sb. 328 ; p. 116) of about A.D. 1158; and two at Harihara (EO. XI, Dg. 41, p. 82 ; Dy. 35. p. 69) the former with a date corresponding to 26th October, 1147. He seems to have reigned for a short time only, which fact perhaps explains why no inscriptions of his reign have been so far discovered and why his name has been left out in the genealogies contained in many inscriptions. He was succeeded by his younger brother Jayasinha II who had the cognomen of Jagadekamalla. He is represented by an inscription at Kodakani (EC. VIII, Sb. 16; p. 5) 88 reigning in Saka 937, Rakshasa or in A.D. 1015, and by another inscription at Sanda (EC. VII, Sk, 125; p. 265) as reigning in Saka 938, Nala, or in A.D. 1016. The earliest verifiable dates for him are 13th May, 1017 given in an inscription at Salur (EC. VII, Sk. 285 ; p. 258) and 22nd December, 1017 given in an inscription at Belgame (EC. VII, Sk. 125; p. 173-KLISI. No. 152); the latest date is 25th April, 1042 given by two insoriptions at Ach&pura (EC. VIII, Sa. 108 bis and 109 bis : p. 211ff.). Among his feudatories and officers (see F. DKD., pp. 436, 437) must be mentioned the Mahisdmantadhipati Santayya or Santivarman (EC. VIII., Sb. 60-64), the Mahasamantadhipati Alayya 10 and the Mahasamantadhipati Jayasimha or Singana-deva, son of above (EC. VIII, Sb. 184; p. 64) all of the Mafara family, and governors of the Edenad seventy and other divisions in 1032, 1034 and 1037; Jagadekamalla Nonamba-Pallava-Permmanadi of the Pallava lineage, who had the titles of Samadhigata-panche mahasabda and Sriprithvivalla bha and was ruling the Kadambalige one-thousand, the Kogali five-hundred, the Ballukunde three-hundred, eto., in 1022 (EC. XI, Mk. 10 ; p. 161); Udayaditya-deva and Jagadekamalla Immadi-Nonamba-Pallava-Permmanadi, successors of the above, who were ruling the same provinces with the same birudas in 1033 (EC. XI, Dg. 71; p. 111) and 1037 (EC, XI, Dg. 126: p. 131): Mokarasa, brother of the Mahdmandalesvara Kundamarasa and ruler of the Santslige one-thousand in 1025 (EC. VIII, Sa. 7; p. 178); the Mahdsdmanta Satyasraya, son of the above Kundamarasa and ruler of the Santalige province in 1030 (EC. VII, Sk. 30; p. 92): Brahmadeva 11 who was ruling the Banavase twelve-thousand in 1032 (EC. VIII, Sb. 191 : P. 66); the Mahamandale svara Bijjaraga or Bijjana of the Chalukya lineage and his brother the Mahdsdmanta Gonaraga who was ruling the Santalige province in 1042 (EC. VIII, Sa. 108 bie, p. 211): the Mahamandalesvara Madhumarmadeva mentioned in a Katte-Bennur insoription of 1025 (No. 490 of 1914); " and the Mahamandalesvara Revarasa mentioned in a Yewur inscription of c. A.D. 1040 (EI. XII., p.269). His capital or headquarter was at Tagarila in 1032 (EC. VII, Sk. 20a ; p. 98) and at Ghatada-kere in 1038 (EC. VII, Sk. 153; p. 194). * VSSDI., p. 128; No. 203. 10 Tho Mahdadmaritadhipati Alayya is represented by the inscription as having been the governor of the Banavico twelve-thousand and the Santalige one-thousand provinces. He was killed at some time before 24th December, 1037 in a fight at Kuppagadde with the Mandalika Kandama. 1. This Brahmaddva was the ruler of the Nagarakhanda soventy in 1029 (EC. VII, Sk. 81 ; p. 108). 11 That is, No. 490 of the Madras Epigraphist's collection for 1914; and similarly in other such reforences.

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DECEMBER, 1918) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WESTERN CHALUKY AS 289 Jayasimha was succeeded by his son Somesvara I, who had the double biruda of Trai. lokyamalla-Ahavamalla. The earliest date for him is 23rd January, 1043 given by an inscription at Belgame (EC. VII, Sk. 323; p. 273 KLISI. No. 160)13 and another at Huli (KLISI. No. 159).14 He died on the 29th or 30th of March, 1068 by entering the waters of the Tungabhadra as is related in another Belgame inscription (EC. VII, Sk. 136; p. 181). Among his queens (see F. DKD. p. 438) must be included Hoysala-devi who was his piriy-arasi or senior queen and was ruling from Kalyani as capital 15 on 24th December, 1053 (EC. VII, HI. 1 ; p. 275). And among his feudatories and officers (see F. DKD. p. 439) must be mentioned the Mahamandalesvara Lakshmarasa who was the governor of the Banavase twelve-thousand in 1067 (EC. VII, Sk. 19; p. 88); Trailokyamalla Nanni-Nolamba-PallavaPermmanadi, who, with the birudas of Samadhigata-pancha-mahasabda and Sriprithvivallabha, was ruling the Kadambalige one-thousand, Kogali five-hundred. and Ballukunde threehundred in 1047 (EC. XI, Dg. 20; p. 49); his successor Narasinghac eva, who, with the same birudas, was ruling the above provinces in 1049 (EC. XI, Jl. 10; p. 151); Chorayadeva, son of the above (EC. XI, Jl. 10; p. 151); the Mahasa mantas Eragarasa and Siriyamarasa of the Ahihaya family (EI. XII, p. 292); the Mahamandalesvara Satyasrayadeva of the Matura family who was ruling the Edenad seventy and other divisions in 1057 (EC. VIII, Sb. 50C; p. 163): the Mahapradhana Dandandyaka Rapabhattayya who was governing the 18 agrahdras and the vaddardvula in 1065 (EC. VII, Sk. 110 ; p. 197); the Dandandyaka Udayaditya who was ruling the Benavase and Santalige provinces in 1065 (EC. VIII, Sb. 249; p. 78); the Mahamandalesvara Trailokyamalla Vira-Sautara who was ruling the Santalige one-thousand in 1062 (EC. VIII, Nr. 58 ; p. 278); and the Mahamandalesvara Trailokyamalla BhujabalaSantara who was ruling the same province in 1067 (EC. VIII, Nr. 59; p. 279). We learn from a Belgame inscription (EC. VII, Sk. 169; p. 197) that his capital or headquarter in 1067 was Kadaravalli or Kadaroli. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Somesvara II, surnamed Bhuvanaikamalla, who was anointed on the throne on 11th April, 1068 (EC. VII, Sk. 136; p. 181) about 13 days after the death of his father. The latest date for him is 24th January, 1076 given by an inscription at Kadaroli (KLISI. No. 178).16 An insoription at Torevanda (EC. VIII, Sb. 299; p. 108) dated, seemingly, in 1069 shows that his capital (nelevidu) at that time was Bankapura; and another at Niralgi F. DKD).. p. 444) dated in 1074 also relates that the king was then at Badkapura. It would thus seem that Somesvara II lived more at Baikapura than at Kalyani. To the list of his feudatories given by Dr. Fleet (DKD. p. 443), we must add the name of the Kadamba Mahamandalesvara Kirttivarman II who was ruling the Banavase province in 1071 (EC. VIII, Sb. 387; p. 112). 18 VSSDI., p. 134; No. 216. 14 VSSDI., p. 129; No. 204. 15 Dr. Fleet has pointed out (DKD., p. 440, n. 8) that the earliest mention of Kalyani as capital is in an inscription at Kembhavi of 1053. To this we have now to add the Honnati inscription likewise dated in 1053. As an insoription at Muttagadur (EC. XI, Hk. 65, p. 205) mentions that Trailokyamalla was ruling from Bandanikeya-ghatta in 1051, it seems likely that the capital was removed to Kalyani at some time in 1052 or 1053. 16 VSSDI., p. 114; No. 160.

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1918 Smesvara II was succeeded by his brother Vikramaditya VI who forcibly deposed Somekvara and had himself anointed on the throne. It is difficult to determine in which year this event took place. For, on the one hand, we have seen from the Kadaroli inscription that Somesvara II was the reigning king on 24th January, 1076. On the .other hand, an inscription at Hulegundi (EC. XI, CA. 82 ; p. 32) records that, when the reign of the Maharajadhiraja Parametvara Paramabha!!araka Tribhuvanamalla-deva was ever increasing in prosperity, the Mahasamanta Mangiy-Echayya who was a dweller at the lotus-feet of the Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Trajlokyamalla-Nolamba-Pallava-Permmanadi Jayasimha-deva (i.e. of prince Jayasitha III), and who was ruling the Sulgallu seventy, made a grant of lands to some temples on the occasion of uttarayana-sankranti on Monday, the eighth day of the dark fortnight of Pushya in the year Saka 995, Pramadicha. And, similarly, an insoription at Huvinahalagalli (No. 127 of 1913) records that the king Tribhuvanamalla, while he was encamped at Govindavadi, made the grant of a village to a temple on the occasion of vyatipai: on Friday, the eighth day of the dark fortnight of Phalguna in the year Saka 993, Sadharana. The dates of these two inscriptions correspond quite regularly to Monday, 23rd December, A.D. 1073 and Friday, 25th February, A.D. 1071; and they show that in 1071 and 1073 it was Vikramaditya VI and not his brother Somesvara Bhuvanaikamalla who was recognised as sovereign ruler in the Kogali five-hundred and the Kadambalige one-tbousand province (of which the Sulgallu seventy was a subdivision). The overlapping dates of these epigraphs go to show that Vikramaditya VI made himself independent of Somesvara II and assumed sovereign titles at some time before December, 1073 or February, 1071, that he and Somesvara were both ruling as emperors for some time, and that ultimately Somesvara was dispossessed of his sovereignty at some time after 25th December, 1074 (KLISI. No. 177) or 23rd January, 1076 (KLISI. No. 178). The inscriptions thus confirm the account given by Bilhana in his Vikramankadevacharita (cantos IV. V. VI) that Somosvara II was a weak and tyrannical ruler who oppressed, and alienated the affections of, his subjects, that he meditated evil towards his brother Vikramaditya, and that Vikramaditya, learning of this, left the capital with his brother Jayasimha and a large force, defeated the army sent against him by Somesvara, and eventually deposed him and had himself crowned as emperor. On p. 83ff. of my book (SSDI), I have discussed the question of the starting point of the Chalukya - Vikrama era which was founded by Vikramaditya after he had himself anointed as emperor. I have there shown that the majority of the dates recorded in that era favour the view that the era began in the year AD. 1076.17 And I am accordingly disposed to think that the correct equivalent of the date recorded in the Wadageri 18 inscription is Thursday. 11th February, 1076, and that Vikramaditya was anointed as emperor on that day or shortly before that day. As he had assumed imperial titles at some time before December, 1073 (or February, 1071), as we saw above, there is thus an interval of two (four) years and some months between that event and his ancintment on the throne. (To be continued.) 17 I may here add that since I wrote those pages I have examined nearly & hundred more dates recorded in that era and that the great majority of these dates, too, have confirmed me in the view expressed above. 16 For a discussion of the equivalents of this date, see VSSDI., p. 84.

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DECEMBER, 1918) MAURYANA 291 MAURYANA. BY ARUN SEN, B.A. (CANTAB.); CALCUTTA. In connection with my lectures to the Post-Graduate Students of the Calcutta University I have had occasion to study Mauryan Sculpture. I find I am unable to agree with the various theories archaeologists have hitherto promulgated. The reasons which lead me to this conclusion are set forth in this paper with the hope that they will receive an impartial consideration from scholars interested in the subject. The theories referred to resolve themselves into the following: (1) Mauryan Sculpture was executed by a Persian. (2) Ditto imitated from Persian. (3) It may have been done by an Asiatic Greek. (Vide Vincent Smith's History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, p. 60; Sir John Marshall's A Guide to Sanchi, pp. 9 and 10; Fergusson's History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, Vol. I, pp. 58-60.). The theories are based upon the following: (1) Some Abokan pillars which unfortunately want both abacus and capital, e.g., Delhi Topra, Delhi, Meerut, Allahabad, Lauria Araraj, Sanchi, Rum mindei, Nigliva. (2) Columns more or less complete, e.g.--- (i) Sarnath. (ii) Sankisa. (iii) Lauria Nandangarh,-(a) Lion. (iv) Ditto -(6) Bull: (v) Bakhira. (3) Certain other sculptures in the round which we shall deal with later: To take the columns first, (i) They all apparently lack a base. I have nowhere found any reference to one. At any rate in the only column which appears to have successfully resisted the ravages of time, the Barbarian and the Archaeologist, there is no base. (ii) Then comes the shaft, which is round and highly polished-extremely elongated, and in most cases slightly tapering. The Bakhira column, however, is short, very thick and not tapering. From the slight attenuation towards the top. archaeologists have concluded a wooden origin,-why, I fail to see. I did not knowthat the trunk of a tree tapered towards one end. And even if it did, it would not prove anything. If the tree stumps used in modern huts be taken as a clue (they do not taper in the least bit); of this later. (iii) Then comes the capital--which contains the following decorations :(a) 4 wheels alternating with the 4 animals, the lion, bull, horse and the elephant in Sarna th. (b) In Sarkiss-the lotus followed by the so-called honey-suckle, then the rush ornament carved all round. This is placed above the "cable ornament " and the bead and reel." I apologise for the terminology, which I here adopt to save confusion. (c) In both the Lauria Nandangarh Columns--the row of geese with heads down wards apparently pecking at something. This according to Vincent Smith is in basrelief. Ideas of basso, mezzo and alto do not appear to be a constant quantity.

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1918 (d) In Bakhira-it is a rectangle above the cable. (e) In Allahabad-there is the so-called honey-suckle, etc. In most it is circular except at Bakhira where it is rectangular. (N.B. What is called a honey-suckle ornament by some is called a palmette by Vincent Smith. Apparently they are not sure which plant it is supposed to represent). In each case these decorations surmount "a bell capital "-so-called because firstly it is not a capital, and secnodly it is not a bell. The eye which does not trace in it a representation of a lotus-an inverted lotus must be singularly blind. (iv) The Abacus, which is invariably zoophorous. (a) In Sarnath the animals are four lions. (b) Saukisa-1 elephant. (c) Lauria Nandangarh-1 lion. (d) Ditto -1 bull. (e) Bakhira -1 lion. We must discuss the general characters of these columns before we begin to ascertain whether there is any resemblance with Persian which the Persomaniacs fancy they have detected. (a) These columns do not support any wall, or any cornice-there is not the faintest trace of any building anywhere. They are simply landmarks of the progress of the piety of the monarch. (b) They are all in grey sandstone. (c) They are highly polished and hence there is no scope for the addition of any kind of plaster, stucco or clay. (d) The high polish also negatives the superimposition of any colour. (e) Nor is there any reason to believe that they were encased in metal or enamel plate. (f) The technical quality of the whole is of a highly developed kind. It bears the stamp of the uttermost decadence, thus presupposing the existence of the two previous periods of art of this type-the classical and the primitive. The extraordinary realism of each detail cannot fail to attract notice, nor the infinite care which has been devoted to the delineation of each detail. The rapid and easy transition in any sculptured piece, from relief of one kind to another, from basso to mezzo, from mezzo to alto, without any abruptness, (vulgarly without chipping off a bit of a brittle material like sandstone), also the delicate modelling, e.g. of the legs and the body of the elephant, the geese, the tendrils (?) of the lotus-all are indications of an advanced stage of sculpture. The proportions which would make them classical sculpture are there, only the Promethean spark is absent. It is not primitive-because it is not in the least degree stiff. We must now come to details: (1) Material.-Asokan columns are invariably made of monolithic grey sandstone. In Persia various materials are used-a limestone of good quality-some varieties are so hard as to deserve the name of marble-so fine, so hard and so close-grained. These rocks vary in colour-from light to deep-grey, with here and there yellowish and dark brown tones. Other materials-artificial stones, burnt brick, crude brick, also a kind of plaster-white and as hard as stone-are used (Perrot and Chipiez, pp. 47-48). It is clear that the materials used in Persia were different and there is no evidence that they were familiar with grey sandstone. It would have taken them some time to adapt themselves to the exigencies of the strange material. Their first attempt with a new material could hardly have yielded such "precious" products. It is one of the axioms of Art that a new material baffles the artist for ages, before it ultimately yields to him.

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DECEMBER, 1918 ] MAURYANA 293 (2) Base.I have observed above that Maurya columns have no base-in Persia they invariably have that appendage. And the reason is not far to seek-if Persian structures are inspired by the huts of peasants, such as those that we see now and which doubtless existed in profusion in those times, the reason becomes apparent. The truth is that Persian structures are built from wooden models and some stone was necessary to prevent the access of damp to the wooden columns. See Perrot and Chipiez, p. 98, The Persian base presents an infinite variety-a rectangular piece and above it, a series of concentric circles bulging in the middle ; a bell highly decorated with rosettes, &c., and above a round superstructure, &c. (Observe that this bell does not present any point of similarity with the lotus or even a conventionalised lotus--there is not the faintest indication of a leaf, a petal or tendril). Also a highly conventional ornament of a highly decorative type which is utterly divergent from any decoration found in India. See Perrot and Chipiez, pp. 88, 89, 91 and 93; for other bases, Dieulafoy II, pp. 82-85. (3) Shaft.--In India it is plain, round, highly polished. In Persia there is no mention of any polish. That would not be necessary, because of the coating of paint, plaster or metal which would usually be added. Secondly, it is almost invariably fluted. The only oincidence is that they sometimes taper in Persia (Dieulafoy), in India almost invariably. The base would naturally have to be heavier and therefore thicker to counteract the law of gravitation with the increase of length. This would be eminently necessary. The resDective height cannot be compared from photos which are at best misleading. In Persia columns are never monolithic, in the Mauryan period, always. It is very strange that Indian art which merely imitated Persian should have made that experiment at the very outset. The vast majority of Persian shafts are fluted, three given in Dieulafoy are plainII, p. 83, figa, 59, 60 and 61. But evidently the plaster (which would be fluted) has peeled off. All these three are very rough in appearance which is opposed to the spirit and grain of Persian art. Lastly Perrot and Chipiez assert-(p. 87)-"It is fluted in all instances savo in the facades of the Necropolis at Persepolis (Pl. 1) and the single column that still remains of the Palace of Cyrus in the upland valley of the Polvar (fig. 11). In the latter case the building dates from a time when Persian.art had not constituted itself and was as yet groping to strike out a path of its own. On the contrary the rock-cut tombs which are coeval with the Palaces of Darius and Xerxes, and if in them the shaft is plain it was because the vaults stood a considerable height above ground. To have them fluted would have reduced-the column still further and divested it from a frank clear aspect." (4) Capital.-The lower element of all capitals in India is a lotus-represented with extraordinary realism--with even the veins, and the slight curves found at the tip of the leaves. (N.B.-Mauryan Art is always realistic-Persian Art never.) The inverted lotus bulges at the bottom, narrows down in the middle and again bulges at the top-exactly as a full-blown lotus would do. Below this, there is the "cable" as well as above it, together with the "bead and reel." The prototype of the cable is the rope, as well as of the reel) and the bead must also have been found in profusion in India (if it is really a bead). As Asokan art was eminently realistic, they transferred these common objects to stone (unless it be the contention of the European archaeologist that Indians borrowed the rope from the West). What is called a bead and reel may also be a different variety of rope. Nothing similar is found in Persia-to judge from the plates in Perrot and Chipiez,

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1918 pp. 91-97. Above this is a round (or rectangular) piece with a bas-relief of various plants. Fergusson failing to find an analogy in Persia has to rush to Assyria for a prototype. What he calls the honey-suckle is dubbed a palmette by Vincent Smith as has been stated above. At any rate one discerns a lotus on the flat, an ornament which must have been meant to represent a plant of the screw-piece variety, (or even a fading lotus), the last must have been leaves swaying with the wind and curled up in various manners-treated of course as decoration. Figure 5 in Fergusson, page 57, is misleading-it is essentially differ ent from that in the Indian Museum, also from the plates in Vincent Smith-(probably another case of a theory based on an incorrect illustration). The Sarnath column presents a different type. The four animals alternating with wheels are represented with great fidelity. The modelling is delicate, the bull is typically Indian and the transition from basso to alto (which is the insignia of an extremely advanced art) is very clear; some of the spokes of the wheel appear to be in deeper relief than others. (Wiekoff observes that it was to the credit of Roman art to have discovered "Illusionism" which is utterly absent in Greek art. To explain the term in a crude manner-illusionism is the gradation of a relief-where the artist begins with a few scratches on his medium and gradually intensifies his depth. After attaining his maximum depth he allows it to die down again). The four animals represent the four points of the compass-North, South, East, West. In Persian art, we strive in vain to discover any similarity to any of these features. The lowest point is a decorative bell-without any bulging-without any delineation of any of the veins of the lotus-with the lines pointing strictly downwards.. This is connected with the next element by a pyramidal decoration. The next is a bulging cylinder supporting egg-shaped ovolo-engraved with a pattern. Above the egg-shaped ovolo, we find a plaque with the same pattern; and lastly, above this and just below the abacus is a unique and typical ornament with five cylinders separated by straight lines and terminating on both sides with brackets ending in rosettes there being four rosettes on each side, two above and two below separated by blank spaces. I shall not comment on the perspicacity of those who detect any resemblance between an abacus of this type and an Indian abacus. (N.B.-There is no gradual transition in relief in any of these decorations judging from plates.) The vast majority of Persian capitals conforms to this type, while in one or two the abacus is made to rest on the shaft. See Perrot and Chipiez, pp. 91-95, 326, 328, 336, Dieulafoy, Vol. II. (5) Abacus.-The Asokan entablature is zoophorus. In Sarnath, four lions are placed in close juxta-position. Regarding it from the front we see two lions only with the backs to each other (exactly contrary to the Persian design). In the others single animals are depicted the bull, the elephant and the horse (apparently in Rummindei). They are all extremely realistic (which is antagonistic to Persian sculpture). The curves of the body, of the face, and the hair are executed with extreme precision, the mane falls in ringlets, (congealed ringlets), the protul erance of the cheek muscles and the deep shading beneath; the nostrils, the pucker of the flesh around the curve of the tongue, the sweep of the eye, the straight pose of the leg, with the slightly perceptible muscle-all these differ from the Persian art, which treats the animals as conventionalised designs. These lions indicate a sense of form which, however, has deteriorated immensely. It is the art of an aesthetea sense of form without rhythm.

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DECEMBER, 1918 ] MAURYANA 295 In the elephant we find the broad generalisation which is so characteristic of Indian sculpture. There too the same characteristics are evident. The bull recalls even a medieval painting or scuplture, the curves are sweeping, the hump, the well-rounded body, the slack ears (which are even marked inside), the easy fall of the legs-do not certainly recall Persia. We shall now describe the differences with Persian animals. The animals represented in Persia are also the lion and the bull--but the lion is a conventional design with horns. The animal is thick set and the curve of the neck is exaggerated, the mane is scanty and brushed, being engraved with straight outs with the chisel, the ear is straight and stiff, the lobe is a curve (ogee), the eye is wider, the nose is a quiline, terminating in a stump, there are horses, the legs stick out at right angles, three cheek muscles are represented (not one as in India). What is called the bull is a unicom. The proportions of the animal are not as wellrounded or delicate. The horn is of an ogee shape, the neck is an absolute arch, four lines are drawn over the eyes. Fillettes (with rosettes) are attached wherever possible. The legs protrude in a characteristic manner. It is a design, not an animal, not of the same world as the Indian bull. There is just one representation of an Indian bull in Persepolis-Perrdu and Chipioz, p. 407; but the sculptor betrays his want of skill, it is the crude attempt of an artist who is endeavouring to create something entirely novel. It is a bas-relief not a sculpture in the round, it is not as slack as the Indian prototype, the mouth is of a different shape, the udder is not wholly shewn-it is a mere elongated specimen. (From indications like these we can argue that Persia borrowed motifs and styles from India.) These animals on the Persian entablature are placed in their characteristic position to support the wooden beams on top, which are made to rest on the horns, and on the backs surmounted by a stone, and that is the invariable rule. Now that we have dealt with the animals, we shall pass on. (1) If a Persian artist had executed Asokan sculpture, he would have carved an essentially Persian thing or at least would have betrayed his nationality by the representation of some feature characteristically Persian. No adaptation would seem to be neces. sary and the Persian column would have served Asoka's purpose just as well. (2) If an Indian had merely imitated from Persia, (i) there would be some Persian characteristic in his art; (u) the art would not have been realistic, but conventional; (ii) if Flinders Petrie is correct that a design is borrowed from a natural form then very many of the Persian designs must have been borrowed from that primitive art, of which Maurya is the decadence-e.g., the Persian palmetto must have been derived from the Indian lotus; (iv) the spirit of Mauryan art would not have been so essentially divergent there would have been more colour and less sombreness. Mauryan art never stoops to those subterfuges, with which artists of every age have tried to conceal their lack of thought; (v) the numerous decorations of Persia (or at least some of them) would have been represented. It is useless to multiply arguments to refute an absurdity.

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1918 Lastly, we come to sculpture in the round: (3) Sculpture in the round : of which we found three of the Maurya period : (1) Colossal female statue from Besenagar. (2) Ditto Mathura Museum. (3) Ditto Victoria and Albert Museum (which is in red sandstone, a material never employed in Persia). From (1) we irrefutably conclude the existence of a very old art before it. Mark how well the plaited hair is represented, how clear are the incisions for the eye, how careful and how aesthetic the execution of the jewellery, e.g., in the rings of the Mekhald, each one is smaller than the one which follows (cf. Wiekoff). The same remark may be applied to the folds of the cloth in front. The drapery presents unique features. In (2) the same characteristics are seen the eyes are straight-cut (typical of Indian art), the ears are long, the arms are well-rounded and smooth, there is also the typical protuberance of the belly, the folds of the garments hanging down in front are marked with clear outlines. The cords bound round the body are very definite, the pose is typical, the chest broad, the waist thin, the belly treated like the figure 8, the support of the body on one leg, the other leg being slightly bent forward-he has no beard. In vain we look for the stylisee figures of Persia, for winged monsters, and long processions of sycophants bowing down before the King of kings. In Persia there is practically no sculpture in the round, the monsters guarding the entrances are direct importation from Assyria where the number of legs indicate the absence of development of sculpture. The bas-reliefs are confined to a few themes-king with heavy beards, and before him a long train of courtiers, one standing behind the other, all in the same position. There is no generalisation of formother figures are all alike-the dress is different, the pose is different-in short there is no feature in common. Even an outsider who compares the combat of the lion and the bull in. Perrot and Chipiez, p. 434, might draw an illuminating conclusion. The wheel depicted in Perrot' and Chipiez, p. 404, is totally divergent from the Asokan wheel. Some of the figures are covered over with enamel-which is the last degradation of sculpture. In Persia, art is full of all that is banal and vulgar-features which are absent in India. And a person who still persists in saying that Indian art is derived from Persia must. be blind, dull and perverse. Sir John Marshall seems to think that the style is Perso-Greek and the figures were carved by a Bactrian. It is hard to realise the full import of this statement. If he means that the style is Persian, the technique Greek, the handiwork Bactrian and the soil Indian. the onus of provine this apotheosis of internationalism is on him. From the standpoint of the Philosophy of AEsthetics, this combination would be unjustifiable. If the style is Persian the other incidents would tend to be Persian, and so on, Greek Art.-The contention of some critics who discern a similarity between Mauryan and Greek art does not call for any comment. As Gardner points out, Mauryan art is more mature than Greek art of the same period,-a fortiori from colonial Greek art. I quote Vincent Smith (p. 58)--"But--as Professor Peroy Gardner observes-there can be no doubt that Indian art had an earlier history. The art of Asoka is a mature art, in some respects more mature than the Greek art of the time, though of course, far inferior to it at least in our eyes." It is unfortunate that we have to quote Gardner to prove what is apparent even to the untrained observer.

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DECEMBER, 1918 ] NOTES ON ASOKA INSCRIPTIONS 297 NOTES ON ASOKA INSCRIPTIONS. BY K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxon.), BAR-AT-LAW; BANKIPORE. THE TERM ASHASHU IN ROCK SERIES XIII. The passage "iha cha sa vre]shu cha amteshu ashashu pi yojanasa[te]shu yatra Amtiyoko nama Yonaraja ...... ava Tambapamniya" -Shahbazgadhi (ls. 8-9). has been translated by Buhler as follows" both here ... and over all his neighbours, even as far as six hundred yojanas, where the King of the Yonas, called Amtiyoka dwells .......... as far as Tambapani"-Ep. Ind., II, 471. This is the accepted translation. The expression under consideration is Ashashu. European scholars have taken it as equivalent of A-shatsu, 'up to six. This interpretation is objectionable. Sha for six is nowhere met with in Pali. In Asoka's inscriptions themselves we have for six sadu, as in "Pillar Edict " IV (saduvisati). The chief emphasis is on ashashu, because pi is after that and not after yojanabateshu. This is a further indication that the word has got nothing to do with six. For, why should six be emphasised ? Six by itself is in no way extraordinary. The value of the yojana is now known: 4:54 miles (Fleet, Translation of Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 541). If the old interpretation is accepted the distance between Syria (where Antiochus was living) and Pataliputra would be roughly 2,800 miles. But this is far too short of the overland route from Patna to Syria. It is also noteworthy that for 'as far as 'in the same inscription ava (as in 'ava Tambapawniya ') is used. 1 I am inclined to interpret ashashu as a country-name: 'Here and all over the neighbouring countries, even in (that part of) Asia where Antiochus (dwells), which is 100 yojanas (in length). This was the place where Asoka had achieved his dharmavijaya or conquest by religion. In other words, not throughout the whole of the Empire of Antiochus but in Syria only he succeeded in propagating Buddhism, and this portion of Syria, according to the information received by the Emperor (evidently from his missionaries) was 100 yojanas in length. Hundred yojanas will be above 450 miles, a measurement which tallies very well with the actual measurement of Syria under Antiochus. Yojanasateshu qualifies the preceding Ashashu. 2 The Greeks associated the name Asia with the country east of Greece. The limit was not definite to the east, but it was more closely connected with the immediate east Asia Minor and the neighbourhood). Asoka is using the expression as the Greeks at the time, or rather the court of Antiochus, used it. Asia originally was an eastern term and Asoka is employing not the Greek feminine form but the base with the Indian inflexion to denote a country. It is noticeable that the pronunciation is preserved in all the recensions, the sh is not allowed to become dental. Probably in the time of Asoka Persia was distinguished by its name from the rest of Western Asia, Asia Minor and Syria, which alone were called Asia in the narrow sense. 1 The use of a is, however, not unknown, for instance, see Rock II (Girnar Tamba pamni). 1 Another possible interpretation is "Even in Asia, over hundreds of yojana.."

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1918 MISCELLANEA. IDENTIFICATION OF SOME OF THE POST. (a) it gives us the extent of the empire of ANDHRABH RITYA RULERS OF THE Kanishka (if my identification be correct); PURANIC LIST. (6) it gives us also the administrative policy of (1) Satrap Vanaspara. Vinasphars, and therefore probably of The Vdyu-Purana, after it closes the so-called his race, in India. Andhra Dynasty, gives a brief notice of the The Vayu gives 10 Blokdrdhas to this man, dynasties which sprang up a while the Andhras were which is the longest account of an individual still reigning (TYTTI FRUTGT: T9 T: HT: ruler in the post-Mahal Bharata list. Vanas : ; 37, 352), whom the other Puranas imply to phara's was recent history in the authorit have been once subordinate to the Andhra (Ata- from which the V dyr borrowed it, as it is stated vahanas) by their term bhrityanvaya. After them there he is called T ' (374). No doubt there are described mushroom, contemporaneous his contemporaries were very much impressed by dynasties and communities (uditoditavaMzAste him; he was in battle as powerful as Vishnu." arcareAGTUT. 37, 384 ). Amongst the latter The complete passage is as follows: there is one name which we can probably identify mAgadhAnAM mahAvIryo vizvasphAnirbhaviSyati // 31 with the Vanaspara of the Saranatha inscription of tassAca pArthivAn sarvAn so'nthAn vana kariSyati It is Visvaphani (37, 271). It is spelt as Visvapha kaivAn paJcakAMzcaiva pulindAn prANAMstathA // 372 tika in the Vishnu, as Visvaphati in the vizvasphANirmahAsatvo buddha viSNusamAbalI // 373 Brahmanula, as Vigvasphani in Hall's MS. of the sthApayiSyanti 'sic.) rAjAnI mAnAdezeSu tejasA / Vayu, and as Visvaspharji and Visvasphurji in vizvasphAnirnarapatiH krIvAkRtirivAcyate / the Bhagavata. Out of these we may assume utsAmyati kSatrantu kSacamanyat kariSyati / / 374 Vlavaspharl as the nearest form of the original word. As in the case of Kusala-Kunala, we may devAn pisuMzca viprAMzca tarpavitvA skRtpunH| assume a confusion between Vigvasphari and jAhavItIramAsAtha zarIraM yasyate balI // 375 Vinvasphari or rather between Vinnsphari and The purport of the last two lines in the copy of Visaspdari, the latter in its turn becoming Sans the Brahmanla which was before Hall is kritised as Visvasphari. expressed differently, viz., " the king committed Now Vinaspharl can be easily recognised as suicide by throwing himself into the Ganges." the Vanaspara of the Saranatha statue inscription. Here the Brahmdnda as I have noticed in several The history which we get of Vinasphari is other instances seems to give a more faithful noteworthy for two points. account. Bala. 1 Bibliotheca Indica edition by Rajendra Lala Mitra, 1888. In many particulars it contains valuable information which the other editions and also the MSS. wbioh I have seen in Calcutta do not contain. [This note was written in September, 1913.) 2 These rivals were five (ETRTGT: T ), viz., the Abhfras, the Gardabhins, the gakas, the Yavanas, the Tusharas ( Tokharis). The Merupdas or Murupdas the Maunas, and the Andhra (acc. to the Malaya, the Sri-Parvata Andhras, 273 ; 17, 18. 23 ) evidently followed the five contemporaries of the Andhra Satavahanas. Their periods are given in the Vayu 37, 352 to 358. * Wilson takes the rear viz., " on their close," but the Puranas never use this term to denote the close of a dynasty. They use wchchhinna, anta, pariyaya. The periods given to them also prove, in the light of verified facts, that the specified five dynasties did spring up under the Satavahana regime. * W. and H., Vishnu, IV., 217. Cf. Brahmanda (Bombay ed.), Bhagavata (Vanga-Vast ed.), XII. I. 6 W. and H., IV., 189; Vayrs, 37, (Bibl Ind.). . Cl. Sodtikari (M., 273, 6) = Salikari. + The form Vanasphars (with ph instead of p only as in the Saranatha inscription) seems to be more correct. A rajapat lan called "Bandphara" were living in the days of King Prithviraja Chaubena. Alhu and Odala, whose heroism is sung in ballads in Hindustan, wer Bana pharas who were regarded as a low raco, Ms none would give girls to them in marriage. These Banfphara Rajpats may be still living near Mahoba, the centre of Albe and Odala. They are found at present in the districs of Mirzapur, U.P. I do not find it in the Bombay edition.

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DECEMBER, 1918) BOOK-NOTICE 299 The Vishnu has furai in place of ATM., (fellow) will establish (in authority) subjects mainly It is significant that he is not called king' in non-Brahmanical." I think the Vayu and the the Bhdgavata, nor in the first five lines of the Vishuu have mistaken a-brahma for Brahma. Vayu, that is, the passage quoted by the Vayu from Instead of Panchakas the Bhagavata has Yadrus its first authority, for these alone are known to and Madrakas (1) and the Vishnu, Yadus or Padus. the Bhagavata and Vishnu. Verse 373 which stands He thus generally established in Magadha non. in the air and implies & mere repetition is intro. Brahmanic and distant races in authority. On the duoed only for the information rapinaaa. whole his rule and policy were regarded as This as well as the succeeding verses might abnormal. have been newly composed by one of the last His eunuch-like appearance probably refers to authors of the Vayu, who was trying to give an his Mongolian features, sparse of moustaches and abstract of another authority. Thus it is very beard. He was of a gigantic frame (FETECT), and probably in his own version that Vinasphari a great warrior. He seems to have been a capable is called it and related to have established a lieutenant of Kanishka, extending his dominions new kshattra and to have been orthodox up to Magadha. It was probably he who dug Vinasphari seems to have suppressed little rulers up Buddhist relics and sent them to his master on of Magadha ( RT ) who had sprung up the North-Western frontier. there when the satavahana empire became weak (2) Yama. (according to the Vayu after Hala, i.e., after c. 56 The abovementionedking of the Mahishis A.D.). It also appears that to the exclusion of the is called Bakyama in the Vayu. This we can analyse as Saka +yama. He must have been one Kshatriyas he employed other castes as district of the Yamas whose coins have been grouped rulers. They were the Kaivartas (= one of the un der Malava by Mr. V. Smith in his Catalogue Aboriginal tribes of lower Magadha), Pafichakas of Coina in the Indian Museum (Pf. 174, 176), and (Panchamas ), Pulindas and Brahmans. In the very probably the one mentioned at p. 176 whose Bhagavata instead of Brahmans we have i coin is found in characters of about A.D. 100." RETET: E zra gala: "That wioked K. P. JAYASWAL. BOOK-NOTICE. A HISTORY OF THE MARATHA PROPLE, by C. A. nary student who does not know that language. KINCAID, C.V.O., I.C.S. and RAO BAHADUR The late Mr. Ranade's little volume gives much D. B. PARASNIS. Vol. I. - From the Earliest food for thought and points out an altogether Times to the Death of Shivaji. Pp. 294. now angle of vision, but the great scholar died too early to finish his work, and many of the new ALMOST a contury ago, Captain James Grant doouments now available, were still undiscovered Duff published his monumental work. Since then in his time. The necessity of a work is has been many new manuscripts illuminating many dark now undertaken by Messrs. Kincaid and Parasnis corners of Maratha history have been brought to is therefore undeniable. light. The labours of scholars like Rajwade and In dealing with Maratha history, we are con Parasnis have been mainly devoted to the sifting fronted with the double danger of being either led and editing of these documente, but very little astray by the prejudice and bias of earlier Eurohas been done for making the results of their pean writers, or of being hopelessly entangled in researches available in a handy form to the the thiokots of legends in which the Maraths publio in general. Mr. Sardesai'r Marathi Riasat, chroniclers rovelled. For the first hundred page. ritten in Marathi, is a closed book to the ordi. the path before our authors lay cloar and straight.

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1918 Mr. Kincaid has nicely summarized the work of one of the greatest Indian scholars, Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, and for the Muhammadan period he has depended mainly on Ferichts. His charming style makes the volume extremely readable, and we have no doubt that Messrs. Kin. caid and Parasnis will have a hearty reception from those who have no leisure to enter into the intricacies of the history of the Marathas. For the materials of Shivaji's biography, our authors have depended on four Bakhars. The earliest of these is the Sabhasad, and written only a few years after Shivaji's death, it is to our estimate, the most trustworthy. It is to be noted that Shivaji had been deified even in his life-time, and although Sabhasad's credulity was not much above the average, his Bakhar wants many of the wonderful anecdtes to be found in the later chronicles. The next important Bakhar is that of Chitnis and it is twice as large as the Sabhasad. Captain Grant Duff mainly relied on Chitnis. The Shivadigvijaya Bakhar is the biggest of the three and abounds in many improbable stories. It is on this Bakhar that our authors have mainly relied. Yet its authorship and date of composi. tion are very uncertain, and for all we know it may be a spurious work. In spite of all that purious work. In spite of all that Messrs. Nandurbarkar and Dandekar, the joint editors of the Shivadigvijaya, have to say, it is very difficult to believe that Khando Ballal Chitnis could have been its author. The question, however, has been already discussed by Mr. Rajwade, and for further discussion we should refer the reader to a volume of selections from the Bakhare to be shortly published by the Calcutta University. Yet it may be incidentally mentioned here, that a few years ago Prof. Jadu Nath Sarkar obtained from the India Office Library a copy of a dated Persian manuscript work-Tarikh-i-Shivaji. Its style loads Prof. Sarkar to think, that it is not an original work but a translation of some Marathi Bakhar, and its curious agreement with the Shiradigvijaya, both in subjoot matter and in general arrangement, further leads him to believe that the latter work is nothing but a new edition of the original Bakhar of which Tarikh-i-Shivaji is a translation. The Shivadigvijaya therefore, in its present form could not have been writton sarlier than the last decade of the 18th century, and it is extremely unsafe to rely on the traditions and legends oompiled by the unknown chronicler. Without any comment, our authors mention that incident of the Bijapur butcher, although Sabhasad, who as a contemporary ought to have known better, is silent about it. Mr. Kincaid says that Bhawani of Tuljapur was hidden and saved from sacrileges of Afzal Khan, although Sabh&sad clearly states that she was pounded in a mill zrIbhavAnI kala HERTH , E 177, wrforata gre off . We do not know whence the authors gather that Tanaji Malsure and other companions of the great hero were introduced to him by his guar. dian Dalaji. Messrs. Kincaid and Parasnis simply quote letters after letters from the Shivadigvijaya. But in onso Rao Bahadur Parasnis has not dis. covered them in original, they should be rejected as altogether untrustworthy. Credulous as our authors seem to be, the extravagance of the Bakhar of their preference is at times too much for them. For instance, they have not been able to accept the Shivadigvijaya version of the Shaista Khan incident, although shorn of its exaggeration it has the support of Sabhasad and Chitnis. Again, in this history of the Maratha people, we look in vain for a good description of Shivaji's administrative system or any account of his navy. The chapter devoted to the Pandhar. pur movement might have been much enlarged and the fabricated geneology of Shivaji discarded on the strength of the temple inscription of Math (800 Rajwado). The transliteration of some Per. sian names is incorrect, as in the case of Fulad Khan Kotwal. Mr. Kincaid misled by the error of the Bakhara, calls him Polad Khan. He is, however, to be congratulated for his appreciation of the national aims of Shivaji. And inspite of ita few defects this volume will be an excellent guide for the uninitiated readers of the Bakhara, who lack the necessary geographical knowledge. Here they will find an excellent compilation of the aneodotes of Shivaji and the story of his life chronologionlly arranged. Messrs. Kincaid and Parasia's work will enable them to master these initial difficulties that beset the study of the Bakhars. S. N. Sax.

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INDEX Sup. stands for the Supplement, Garbe's Introduction to the Bhagavadgita, pp. 1-36. abacus, of Abokan pillars .. .. 291, f. ; 294 age, of the Bhagavadgitd. . . Sup. 28-33 Abbaside Caliphs of Irak .. .. 234 Aghdaf, modern Tuba .. .. .. 174 Abdallah Muhammad, author of the Zafar-al. Aghoradivacharya, title of the poets of MullandWalih, on the FAruqi dynasty of Khan .. 98, 1. desh .. .. .. .. .. 113-115 Agni, and Buddha .. .. .. .. Sup. 10 Abd-ar-Rahman, and Asirgarh .. .. 182 Agobio, wolf of St. Francis .. .. .. 197 Abhira Migration into India, date of .. 35, f. Agra, and Akbar .. 186 Abhira, dyn., and Maharashtra.. .. .. 156 agriculture, 233 and the Chaldaeans, 234 & n., Abhirama, Dindimaprabhu .. .. .. 98 235 & n., 237&n., 238, 240, f. ; or Rasi..256 & n. Abhirapalli, an Abhira settlement .. .. 35 Agrimensores latine, the .. .. .. .. 236 Abu, mt. .. .. .. .. .. .. 168 ahinode .. .. 189, n. Abul Fazl, Shaikh, secretary to Akbar, and Ahmad I, of Gujarat, 116, f., 141; II., or Rapi. author of the Akbarndma, 179-183 ; 210; al-Mulk on Alexander and Porus .. .. 245, f. Ahmad Khan .. .. .. .. .. 184 Abyad, fortified building (Hauran dist.) . 177 Ahmad Raja, reputed founder of the Faruqi Abyssinia .. .. .. " .. .. .. .. .. 174 .. dynasty, and the saint Zain-ad-din, 1 Achapura inscrip. .. .. .. .. 288 114117; 182, 183, f. Acharf, or Asdvari, title of Chahada ChAha Ahmad Shah Bahmani, and Khandesh .. 117; 186 mana of Ranthambhor .. .. .. .. 243, 1. Ahmadabad, and Khandesh .. .. .. 142 Acharyabhimana-yoga, fifth way of salva. Ahmadnagar, and Khandesh, 120, 123, f. ; and tion .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 23 231 Berar, 142, f.; and Akbar, etc. 144-148;178180 Achhavata, Rikshavat, Satapusa Hills, etc... 151 Ahmedavad, tn., and Austria's commercial Achin, Atcheen, and Austria's commercial venture in India .. .. .. .. 3 venture in India in the 18th oen. . . . . 61 Ahmed Pfr, Hot Hakim, Pir of the Jackals .. 207 Achyutadovariya, Vijayanagara k., copper. Ain-ad-din, Khvaja Jahan, ancestor of the plates of, 80, 81; kedoya, in praise of .. 97-99 Faruqi dynasty of Khandesh .. .. 114. 186 Achyutardyabhyudayam kavya attributed to Ain - Akbari, the, 210 ; and the stratagem used Rajanatha .. .. .. .. 97-99 by Alexander against Porus .. .. 245, f. acquisition, the art of, (ktetike), Aristotle's treat Aitareya Brdhmana, and the first mention of ment of it .. .. .. .. .. 233, 234 & n. the Andhras.. .. .. .. 70 Adhyatma-vidyd, philosophy.. .. .. 107 aiwan, vaulted building at Machi (Seistan) . 177 Adil Khan, L. of Khandesh, 118; 185, f.; II., or Ajatasatru, k., dato .. .. .. .. 224 Malik 'Aina, 118-120 ; 185, f.; III, or Alam Ajmer, and Nahapana's coins .. . .. 75 .. .. 119-121 ; 185, 1. Ajna-lekha, an order .. .. .. 52 & n. Adil Shah, I. of Bijapur, 'Ali, 142; 11., 146 or Akara, and Agar .. .. .. .. .. 151 Ibrahim, 148; IV, 'Ali Khan Raja, 143, f.; 182-186 Akaravanti, Malwa, and Gautamiputra, Adil Shahi kinge etc. .. .. .. .. 150: 153, f. Adiparvan, the, and Krishna (Indrasena) ..281 & n. Akbar, and literature, 44 ; and Khandesh, 124 ; Adivaraha, epithet applied to Bhoja I .. 76 141-144; 179--183 ; and the Dakan, 144 advertisement, E. I. Co.'s, referring to Wm. -148; and Islam, 185; and Alexander's Bolte .. .. .. .. .. 29, 30, 34 stratagem against Porus .. .. 245, 1. Afzal Khan, and Bhawani of Tuljapur .. 300 Akbarndma, the, and the Dakan, eto., 147& n., 148, n. i 178; 183 ; 186 Agamanta School of Brahmapas, and Mul. Akshapada, author of the Nydyadardana .. 191 landram.. .. .. .. .. .. 99 akshaya-nivi, and Nivi .. .. .. .. 51 Agar, N.N.S. of Ujjain, possibly Akara .. 151 *Ala-al-din Bahman Shah, founder of the BahAgaram-Mullandram, Praudhadevaraya mani dynasty . . . . . . 114 &n. puram, or Mullandram .. . 99 Ala-ad-din Khalji, of Delhi .. . .. 113 Agastya's Hill, Pottiyam .. .. . 48 Alberuni, and the Gupte. Vala bhi year, etc... 16:20 Khan

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302 Aleppo, mosque at Alexander the Great, or Dhoulkarnain, 205; and Porus Alivardi Khan and Omichund.. Allahabad Pillar.. al-Majdal, example of vaulted roof al-Umtaliyah, vaulted roofed church at 245, f. Alexandria, and the last Kufic inscrips., 176, n.; visited by Indian Sages ..Sup. 15, 16 al. Hadr, or Hatra 172 .. al-Haiyat, example of vaulted roof at.. 'Ali Khan, Raja, Adil Shah IV .. 172 143, f.; 186 Aparakakhadi, vil. in Nasik grant 266-268 Aparantika, and Ariaka, 77; Aparanta, West191, f. ern coast of India 172 Apastamba's Dharmasutra Aphsad inscrip... 172 174 150, n. 154 . Sup. 29, f. .. 162 72 al Walid, and Mecca Amara, author, and the words ghosha and mahd. badri ..35, 36 Amarakundu, near Berhampore, and the Sun god Amaravati, stupa inscrip. Amarlal, Uderolal .. amarea, meaning of 219 155; 167 .. 201 193 74, 78 & n. Ambika, Iba, riv. 73 & n. America, and Austria's commercial adventure, amatya, meaning of 90, 92; and erotic sculptures.. Amirchand, Omichund 'Amman, fort, Hauran dist. Amr ibn al-A, built the first Egyptian mosque. 175 Amtiyoka, Antiochus .. Anapaya, alias of Kavimalla 297 95 Ancient Hindu Economics, or Vartta, 233-241; shikt 176, n. Anupa, (in modern C. Provinces) and Cautamiputra Anvikeiki, philosophy, 102-107, 109; Anvik238, f.; 241; 256 Apabhramea, or Prakrit and the wide sound of E and 0, 37-40; 42, 43; 47 n., 48; 226, 227 n., 231 Aparajita, g. ..51, n. 152 .. ... INDEX Anegondi inscrip. anga, oldest portion of Jaina canon.. Angirasa Ghora, guru of Krishna putra 217 256, 1. 177 Andares, the Andhras.. Andhapura, Andhrapura Andhra, race, Pliny's description, 70, 71; terr tory, and Pulumavi, 153; rulers Andhrabhritya (post-) rulers of the Puranic list, identification of.. Andhra-desa, the Telugu co., 71; 155; and the Satavahanas 275-279 70 71 .. 298 Aramaic, and the Nabataeans Aranya-parva, the, and the Tamrapali riv... 48. Arcadius, imp. 172. arches, vaulted, etc. of the Hindola Mahal, Manda .. 169-174 architecture, of the Hauran, 170; prehistoric, 170, n., 171, 172, n. Aretas, first known Nabatean ruler, 169; III. and IV., and Damascus etc. 170 150 Ariake, Aparantika, 77; or Ariakes Aristotle, and economics, etc... 233, f.; 256 Arivilimangalam plates, of grinangaraya II.. 79 Arjun, and the crocodile, 197; or Arjuna, Partha, 168; and the Bhagavadgitd, Sup. 5; Indra, Krishna, other names of, Sup. 10, 12, Devaki. 13 & n. ; 14; 20; 33-35 Sup. 9 Arjunaka.. ..Sup. 12, 13 195, n. Arka-Vata tree, and the Kalpa-druma tree.. 214 Armenian letter of Omichund, see Sidelights 189, n. .291, f.: 294, f. on Omichund.. 169 196 298 166 287 & n. 190, n. Angula, writer, and Kautilya.. animal, and vegetable sacrifices animals, in Mauryan sculptures Antigonus, and the Nebateans antika, any antique, Hobson-Jobson Antiochus, Amtiyoka Antiochus XII, and Damascus Antwerp, and the Priviledged Company of Fiume, etc. Anumantri, the consenter 57; 90 Sup. 31 Apollodotus, coins of Apratihata, g. 150 .. Apilava, Apitaka, possibly Vedisri Apollo, wolf g., 208; and sun, at Bodh Gaya, 212; 219 74 51, n. 72, n. 205 172 Apratihatacharya, title of Satakarni Arab, conquest of Sind Arabia, Christian Arabic, words and Gujarati, 26; and Indian literature, 44-46; insorip. in Kusair 'Amral, 174; or Muslim, tradition of Alexander.. 246 Arabs, and Nebateans, 169; the Umayyads, 174; and the River cult, 198; Chaldaean agriculture.. 234, 256. 169 265 Arratoon, Petros (Khwaja Petrus) and Grigor (Gorgin Khan) Armenian merchants in Bengal 297 (1757) 265, 269-274 170 arrow-heads, stone, from Chota Nagpur ..136 Art, Indian, Persian, etc., see Mauryana .. 291 art, of acquisition, (ktetike) or science, of wealth 234 & a.; 256

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artha, wealth or goods.. Arthasdstra, (The,) Explains Arthasastra, see Authenticity of the Kautiliya, 157-161; 187-195 Arthadastra, refers to the Tamraparni riv., 48; and philosophy, 101, n. ; and Vartta, 235, 236 & n., 239 & n., 240 54, n. 212 relation of arthins, suitors .. Aruna, charioteer of the Sun-god Arunagirinatha, Sonadrinatha, etc., poet of Mullandram .. INDEX 94-98; 100 74, 78 Aryaman, Ayama, minister to Nahapana Aryan, settlements, and the Andhras, 70; race. 235 Aryanivasa, Aryan settlement 35 Asaka, Assaka, co., (Sans. Asmaka) and Gautamiputra Asalla Deva, Rai inscrip. of, 241, f.; or Asala, coins of .. ascetics, Brahman, and vegetarianism ushashu, term in Rock Series XIII ashes, sacred, as medicine.. ashtamatarah, eight goddesses Ashti, scene of a battle Asia, British settlements, etc., in, and Austria's commercial venture in India, 3, 5, 6: 33; 59; 60; 87; and the Umayyads Asia Minor, Indian Mission in .. Asiatic, Greek and Mauryan Sculpture Asiatic Company of Trieste, see Trieste Asika, co., unidentified, and Gautamiputra Asfrgarh, fort, 116, 118, 121, f.; 124, 142-146; 180-182; 185 150 & n. Asmaka, Asaka, and Mulaka Asoka, Notes, (from Vol. XXXIX, p. 64) No. XII., Identification of Tamba pamni in the Rock Edicts 235 50-56 ivamedha, sacrifice and Satakarni asva-sastra, veterinary science.. Asvins, Vedic gods. Atcheen, Achin .. Athenaeus, general Ativirarama Pandya, copperplates of atman, redemption .. .. 150 48, f. Asoka, inscriptions, Notes on .. 297 Asoka, inscrips., 52; 56; 71; 138; 209, f.; his time-table of work,etc., 53, f.; and Buddhism, 55, n. ; heretic emp., 109; and ahined, 189, n.; stapas, in Odra district, 209; date, 210; rail, 219; Rock Edict I and the word Samaja, 221; and Kalinga, 224; and art, see Mauryana 291, ff. 189, n. Asrama, the fourth, and ahimsa.. 176, n. as-Salih Tala'i Mosque, Cairo Assyria, and agriculture, 235; and Indian sculpture, etc. 177 Sup. 16 291 32 150 of Trivikrama-Vishnu 84 aurangs, factories Ausanasah school of philosophy .. 266 187 Ausanasas, rivals of the Barhaspatyas. 102, 105, 107&n Austria's Commercial Venture in India, in the Eighteenth Century, (contd. from Vol. XLVI, p. 286)....1-15; 23--34; 57-69; 85-93 243, f. Authenticity of the Kautilya..157-161; 187-195 189, n. automobile, sataronbil etc., Hobson-Jobson.. 196 297 Avadana, the, and the week days 207 Avanti, 78; Ujjayini 137 Avatara theory, and Krishna .. 112 151 .Sup. 18, 19 74;.78 178 Ayama, Aryaman Ayyana I., Badami Chalukya k., 286; II., 287 & n. 294 71, 72, n. 239 ..51, n. 61 169 81 103, f. Atma-Vidya philosophy Attiyur, N. Arcot district,, Brahmana settle 108, f. ment 95; 100 Auddalaki, a doctrine of, and the Kama. ?astra .. 303 188, n. 100 Audumbarapura, N. Arcot district Augustine, emp. .. Sup. 16 ..77, n. Augustus, Tiberius, on coins.. Aurnavabha, probably the Teacher in the Brihad-dranyaka Upanishad, and the worship Babhravya Panchala, supposed first writer on Kamasastra Badal pillar inscrip. Badami, inscrip. and the Saka era, 70; co., the Chalukyas of 286 & n. Badarayana, author, and a Mima sa Satra.. 157 202 Baga Bahar Sher, Uderolal .. 189 165 Baghdad, the Khan Orthma mosque, 175 & n.; 196; and the gufar (boat) Baglana, fief, and Malik Raja Bahadur Shah, Qadr Khan of Khandesh, and Akbar 170-183; 185, f. Bahadurpur, near Burhanpur baharanus, spiced dough balls Bahmani, dyn., 113, f.; or Bahmanids.. Bahram Khan .. 180 .. 202 117 114, f.; 184 283 202 Bahuka, Nala Bairagi, temple attendant Baithana, Paithan, ancient Pratishthana, cap. of Siro Pulemaios Bakkur, fort Bala, his Saranatha inscrip. Baladitye, Narasimhagupta, date, 161; and Mihirakula Balasiri, eud Gautami 244 113 153 200 298 163 151, n.

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304 INDEX Baleokuros, k., 151 ; Vilivaya kura .. .. 153 Beypore and Wm. Bolts .. .. .. 12 Bali, g., and the Sun god .. .. .. 220 Bhadrayaniya monks, and the Nasik Caves. . 161, f. Baliapatam, Beliapatam or Valarpattanamn Bhagalpur grant, and Mudgagiri .. 109; 111 near Cananore, and Austria's commercial Bhagavadgita, Garbe's Introduction to the, venture .. .. .. .. .. 10, n.; 13, n. Sup. 1-36 Baloches, and the River god .. .. .. 206 Bhagavata.Champu .. ..974-99125. n Balochistan, and Bibi Dost .. .. 207, 208 Bhagavad-Gita, the, and Sind .. 198, 199 & n.; 204 Balqa, Steppe, Moab, ruins near .. .. 174 Bhakti, oldest evidence of the word, Sup. 14: Bambridge, E. I. Co.'s servant.. idea, in India, and Christianity, etc. Bana, first reference to Kalidasa . 246248 Sup. 15-17; 19, f. ; 27 Banabhatta .. .. .. .. Bhakti-yoga .. .. .. Sup. 23 Banas, two rivers of the name in W. India .. 73, n. Bhandar, brother of Udorolal .. .. .. 200 Banda, U. P., stone implement from .. 135, f.Bhandarkar, Sir R. G., and the Abhiras, etc. Bandanikeya-gharta, Chalukya cap. .. 289, n. 36; 43, n. Bangaon, in Bundelkhand, Trimurti image Bhandarkar, D. R., and the Vikrama era .. 20 from . . .. .. . bhang, Indian hemp, and cholera .. 136 .. 284 & n. Bankapura, Chalukya cap. .. .. .. 289 Bharadvaja, and the Arthaddstra .. 187, f. Bharangi inscrip. barajhanji, temple ornament.. 213 & n., 214 .. .. .. 288 Barake, Dwarka .. .. .. .. .. 77 Bharavi, 160 ; and Kalidasa . . 249, f. Bharhut topes Bargaon, ancient Nalanda, inscrip. at.. .. 111 .. .. .. .. .. 214 Bharukachha, modern Broach BArhanpatyas, school of philosophy, 102, 104 & .. 73 & n.; 78 n., 105; 107; 187 Bhaskardrya, of Mullandram, author of the Barnagore, Baranagar, Dutch settlement .. 58 Prasannakavya .. .. .. 94 : 96 Barnasa, Sans. Parnasa, and the Banks: 73 & n. Bhagya and Satra styles .. .. 190-192 barrel-vaults, in roofing .. 169, 172-175 Bhawani of Tuljapur, and Afzal Khan .. 300 Barth, on Krishna, Sup. 10, 14; and Bhakti, Bhima I., II., Badami kings .. .. .. 286 Sup. 15, 16, n.; 27, n. Bhim-kot, fort, in Sind .. .. .. 204 & n. Barugaza, Broach .. .. .. .. 74; 77, 78 Bhimpur, near Narwar, stone inscrip. from, Barwell, Rich., E. I. Co.'s servant ... 33 & n. 242-244 Barygaza, Cambay .. .. .. .. 77 Bhishma .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 20 Basantagadh, in Sirohi, sun temple at .. 219 Bhitari Seal, inscrip. .. .. .. 161-166 Basra, and the bellum (boat) .. .. 196 ; 244 Bhudai Thakure, of Sind .. .. . 201 & u. Baudhyana .. .. .. .. .. 84, n. Bhumaka, Kshatrapa k. .. .. 73 Baudhayana Dharmasutra, and the week days. 112 Bibi Dost, Saint, in Balochistar, 207; Madonna, 208 Bauer, Austrian captain .. .. .. 6: 85; 92 Bihar, inscrip. from, 109; or Uddandapura, Beck, Mr., E. I. Co.'s servant, Bombay .. 7 110: 111 beef, as food .. .. .. .. 189, n. Bihari, poet, quotations from .. .. 25, n. ; 47 Beginnings of South Indian History, Book Bijagarh .. .. .. 122, ff. ; 141, f.; 144 Notice. .. .. .. .. .. .. 265 Bijapur and Ahmadnagar, 146-148; 178, f. ; Belgame, inscrip. .. .. .. 287-289 the butcher incident of .. .. Belgioioso, Count, Austrian Ambassador in .. 300 Bikaner, 225 & n.; Darbar Library .. London .. 228 & n. .. .. .. 63 & n.-68 Bikhira column .. .. .. bellum, (Ar. belam) boat (Hobson-Jobson)196; 244 .. 291, f. Benares and Gangaikonda-Rajendra Chola bil-balam, bill-bellum, a river boat, Hobson deva 1 .. .. .. .. . 94 : 99 Jobson, 196; or bellum .. .. .. 244 Bengal, Gulf and Province, and Austria's com. Bilgi, Bilgey, in N. Kanara, and Austria's com. mercial venture, 12, n., 29&n; 69; 74; 90, mercial venture . .. . .. .. 15 & n. 91 ; and the Palag, 109; and Akbar, 143, and the Sun god, 219; Council, (1757) 265, f.; Bilhana, on Someevara II .. .. .. 290 Billia patam, Bimlia patam and Wm. Bolts 10-13 and E. L. Co.'s trade. 266; and clive 274 ; Northern, or Pundra vardhana-bhukti .. 162; 165 BindusAra and Aboka .. .. .. 71 birch-bark Ms. .. .. 167 Berar and Khandesh, 117, f.; 121-124; 141145; and Akbar, 148; 178; and Sultan Dani. birth, and rebirth, cycle of .. .. Sup. 25 . .. . .. . .. 180 birudas, of Arunagirinatha, eto. .. 96-98 Besnagar, female statue from .. .. .. 296 Bishnavpur, Vishnupur 204, D. Bettigo, Greek form of Potigai .. . 49 bitumen, wells, at Hitt .. .. .. .. 244

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INDEX 305 the 1 Black Hole of Calcutta, and Omichund ..265, f. Brown, Mr., with Wm. Bolte .. .. .. 13 Black Pagoda . . . . . 220, n. Brussels, Brucells, and Austria's commercial Bloom, Ben., E. I. Co.'s servant, Bencoolen .. 56 venture .. .. .. .. .. 57; 9 Boddam, governor at Surat, and Wm. Bolts....2 Buddha, law of, and Mihira kula, 18; 84 n.; and Bodhagaya-pedestal inscrip. .. .. .. 110 the elephant, eto., in carving, 213; 215-218; Bodh-Gaya, inscrip. of Gopala II., 111 ; Soulp. I death of, 224; and the Bhagavadgita, ture, 212, 213, n. ; sun temple .. .. 219 Sup. 10-13: 18:33 BodhAyana, and the Arthafastra . .. 157 Buddhism, and Asoka, 50, 12. in Syria, 297: Bodhi-tree.. . .. .. .. .. 214 and Vaishnava worship, 84; and the River Boh&ra, tn., and Uderolal.. .. .. .. 204 oult, 198 ; and the Daryapanthi religion, 204; Bohtlingk, and the Bhagavadgita Sup. 1:3; 22: and Orissa, 209, f.; and Hinduism, etc., 214; - 30; 34 35 217, 218; and the Bhagavata religions, etc. Bolts, Wm., Lieut-Col., see Austria's commer. Sup. 18; 28, n. ; 33 cial venture in India .. .. .. ..d, it. Buddhist, version of the story of Mihirakula, Bombay, see Austria's commercial venture in 19; monks, and Ushavadata, 74, monks, and India, 1, ff.; finds of submerged trees on the the Nasik Caves, 151, f. ; image inscrip., Sar. Island .. . . .. .49, n. nath, 161, f.; ruins, in Sind, 201, n.; influence, boote, on Trimurti image . .. 136-138 in Sun temple, in Konarak, 209; ornaments, in Sun temple in Konaral. 209 Boro Budur, sculptures .. .. .. .. 213 etc. in templos 213, 214; works and economice, Bosra, Era .. .. 172 266 ; relics, 299 ; influence, in the Bhagavad. Bostra, Hauran, Nabatean kingdom .. .. 170 gita .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 28 Bowles, Dan., Capt. of the Snow Vienna ..61, f. Buddhistio, philosophy.. .. .. 106-109 Brahma, Brimha g., 2; and the sun .. 136, f. Buddhists, and ahin ad, etc... 189, n.; 190, n. Brahmadeva, writer .. .. .. .. 139 Budhagupta, pillar inscrip. 16, 20; date, 18; Brahman, image, Konarak temple, 218; the 166; copperplate, 162 ; 165; II . 17; 167 Absolute, etc., in the Bhagavadgita, Sup. 2, Budhais, or Vardharis, Thakure .. .. 203 3; and Krishna, Sup. 4,5; and the Sages, Buhler, the late Dr., and the age of the Apas Sup. 16; and Krishna, etc. .. Sup. 19; 35 tamba Dharmasdera .. Sup. 29, 30, n.; 32 Brahman, ascetios, & vegetarianism..189 n., 190, n. Bakka II, copperplates of, 79; and Brahmadas. 95 Brahmanas, and Gangaikonda Rajendra Chola Bukkur, isl., and Uderoll .. .. 202 : 204 dova I, etc. 94, f. ; 99; and beef, 189, n.; and Bundelkhand, Trimurtis from. .. .. 136 : 138 the Agrimensores latine, 235; and the Bha Burford, British ship (18th cen.) . .. 60 gavadgita .. . .. Sup. 21 Burhan-ad-din, Saint, and Burhanpur, 116: 180; 183 Brahmani, image .. 137 Burhan-ad-din, of Ahmadnagar, 146, f. ; Nizam Brahmanical, version, of history of Mihirakula, Shah II .. .. . ... 147, 1. 19; faith, and Usha vadata, 73 & n.; 74; rule, Burhan-i-Ma'dnir, and the Faraqi dynasty of and the Panjab, 203; ritual, and the Khandesh, 113, f.; and the Waqd'i'iy Nizam. Bhagavadgita .. .. .. .. Sup. 26 shahiyyah, 120 & n. :121 ; 142 : 143, n. : 147, Brahmanism, and the Bhagavadgita .. Sup. 5, n. : 148 & n. 6; 11, 12; 17; 20 Burhanpur, cap. of the Faruqi dyn., 116 Brahmans, and Usha vadata, 73; 76; or Brah 118: 120-125; 142; 179-182 ; 185 mins, of Sind, 197; and Uderolal, 203 ; and Butler, H, C., and Nabatean architeoture, 170 Vartta, 240 ; and Christianity, etc. Sup. 15; 17, 18 &n.: 172 & n. ; 174, n. 175 Brahmasutra .. .. .. .. Sup. 35 Byzantium .. .. .. .. .. 174 Brahmi, inscrip. on coins .. .. .. 75 Brahmishtha, son of Mudgala .. 280; 283 & n. Briencourt, M. Anquetil, French Consol, Surat. 2 Brihaspati, and the Lokayata philosophy, 104 & n., 105, f. Cadiz, and Wm. Bolts .. .. .. .. 91 British, Government, eto., and Austria's oom. Cegars, of Origsa, Kesari kinge .. .. 210 mercial venture in India, 2-7; 65--68 ; 93; Cahill. Capt. J., and Austria's commercial and Omichund .. .. .. .. 267 venture .. .. .. .. .. .1; 2 Broach, and Austria, 3; ancient Bharukachha, Cairo, Ibn Talan mosque, 176; tho as-Salih 73.& n.: 78; or Baruga, 74; and cotton, oto, 77, 78 Tala'i .. .. .. .. .. 176, D.

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306 INDEX Caius, on coins .. .. .. . 77, n. Chakora, hill, and Gautamiputra cajan, Cajanus Indicus, (Malay kdchang) .. .. 151 Chakrapalita, officer under Skandagupta. 162 n.: 164 dal plant .. .. .. .. 1 & n. Chaldaeans, and agriculture Calcutta, and Austria's commercial venture, .. .. 234 ; 256 Chalukyas, western, Kalyani Chronology of, 31-34; and Suraja'ddaula, etc., 266--209; 273 calendar, Jewish, and India .. .. .. 285-290 Chammak, vil., grant by Pravarasena II .. 165 Caliphs, Abbaside Champaner, tn. .. .. .. Callandar) A.J., witness for Wm. Bolts ... 121;123 Chamunda Raya, and the Sravana Belgola Callicut, and Wm. Bolts .. .. .. .. 12 statue statue .. Cambay, and Wm. Bolts, 10; or Barygaza .. 77 .. .. .. .. .. 139 Chanakya, 48; Visnugupta or Kautilya, 101; Campbell, agent for Wm. Bolts .. . 91 109; (Canakya, 158, n.; 190, n.) see Kautiliya, C'anakya, 158, n.; and the Mudrarakfasa, etc., 190, n. ;sce Chanakya .. .. .. 48 157, ff, Chanda, R., and the Abhiras canal, ancient, in Kalinga, and Hathigumph .. .. 35, f. Chand Bibi, regent of Ahmadnagar .. 148, f. inscrip. .. .. . .. .. .. 223, f. Chandamnagar, and Austria's commercial ven. candil, candi (Candy) Portuguese measure.. 15 ture, 31 : 57, f.; and Calcutta refugees, 260; Candisataka, a work by Bana, suggested attacked by British .. origin of .. .. . . . . . . . 167 . . .. 267 Chandra bhaga, Chenab, riv. .. .. enab, riv. Candragupta, and Kautiliya, 159 ; 193; 195: .. .. 218 400 Chandragupta .. .. .. .. 53 Chandragupta, his daily routine, 03-55; and Cannanore, and Wm. Bolts .. .. .. 12 Seleucos, etc., 70, f.; and Chanakya, 101; 138; date, 140; 159 ; and Hathigumpha inscrip. 223 Cape, of Good Hope, and Austria's commercial venture .. .. Chandragupta II, date, 20; or Devagupta .. 165 .. 2; 6; 68; 85; 93 Chandravati, Paramara co. Capell, Rajah Mohaar, of Delagoa Bay, and ara co. .. .. .. .. 168 Chandwar, and Cuttack Wm. Bolts .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 210, n. 1 Changiz Khan .. .. .. 291; 293, f. .. uapital, of Asokan pillars .. .. 141-143 chank shell, Turbinella rapa, fisheries Car festival, in Konarak, etc., 209; or Ratha 48 Charakas, ascetics .. .. Yatra 73 & n. .. . .. . .. .. .. 212 chariot races, and women .. .. 281 ; 283 Caraka .. .. .. .. .. 104, n. Carayana, and the Kauciliya .. .. .. 189 Chashtana, founded the second Kshatrapa Carnac, Gen. J., and Austria's commercial ven. . . . .. . .. 153--155 Chatur, form of Satur .. .. ture .. .. .. .. .. 61, n. 4 & n.; 8-10 C'hatuhshashtikaldsastra, the sixty-four kalds, Carnicobar, isls., and Austria's commercial venture .. .. .. 239 .. .. 12, n. carrick, carrikar, cargo boat .. .. .. Chaturmukha-Kalkin, Kalkin, or Kalkiraja... 18 12 C'hauthri, and Gaurthi .. .. Carvaka, founder of the Lokayata philosophy. 104 .. 274 & n. chemin-de-fer, sham-in-dafar, Hobson-Jobson. 196 Carwar, tn., and Wm. Bolts .. .. 13:15 cash, tin pitis .. . .. .. 28 Chenab, Chandrabhaga riv. .. 218 castra of Qastal .. .. .. .. .. 177 Chen Haun-Chang, Dr., on Confucius and cave, inscriptions, Nasik, 70, f.: 73-78, n. ; 151 economics . .. .. .. 256 -153 ; 222 ; Khapdagiri 209; 211 ; 214; 216; Cherrika, Chirakkal .. .. .. .. 8:11 216 Chhandogyopanishad, Cdayagiri, etc. .. .. .. .. .. 216 novy puma , une, the, and and Krishna, Krishna, ceremonies, in temples, etc. .. .. 211, f. Sup. 9 & n.; 11, 12 Ceres, g. .. .. .. .. .. .. 208 chhat, festival, and sun worship .. 219, n. Ceylon, ancient Tambapamne and India, 48; Chhaya, wife of the sun, image .. .. 136 Greek Solen .. .. .. .. .. 49 Chidambaram, Pundarikapura .. .. 94 Ceylonese Chronology, uncertainty of .. .. 20 Chikhalapadra, in Kapur . .. .. .. .. 78 chabutra, garden, and Gaurthi .. .. .. 274 Chikka-Magadi inscrip... .. Chachndma, the, and Arabs in Sind .. .. 198 children, and Uderolal, 202; slaughter of, in Chahada Achari, Rand, Chahamana Chahada Bethlehem .. .. .. .. Sup. 16 of Ranthambhor and Chahada of Narwar. 243, f. China, and Austria's commercial venture, 67: Chahada Deva, Rajput, founder of Narwar 85; 88--92; and economics, 235; 256 ; and dyn. .. .. .. .. .. 242--244 Alexander .. .. .. .. .. .. 245 Chaitanya, and Bhakti .. .. .. Sup 20 Chingiz Khan .. .. .. .. .. 246 .. 288

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INDEX 156 .. Chinna, Kistna dist., gata vahana inscrip. Chinsura, and Austria's commercial venture, 30, 31, 34; Shasthi image at, 219; and Calcutta refugees Chintamani, jewel 265 .. Chirakkal, Cherrika, on Malabar coast, ancient Kolattiri 9, n.; 11 123 73 174 colour epithets and names, in India.. Sup. 14 Colours, flag, ensign, English, and Austria's com. mercial venture, 1, 2; 10, 11; 15; Imperial, of Austria.. 12-14; 33, f.: 64, 66; 92, f. columns, or pillars, Asokan, etc. 291, ff. 94; 99 commercial venture in India, see Austria's.. 1, ff. 284 Committee, Select, and the Foreign Dept. 266 & n. Company, (Imperial India) of Fiume, etc. 57 & n.; or Society, Commercial, of Wm. Bolts, 85-87; Imperial Asiatic, 57 n., 58; 64; 66; 91, 92 Company, E. I., and Austria's commercial venture, 15; 57; 68; 69; 85, n.: 93; slaves for, 56; officers, obliged to go through the ranks, 84; and Omichund 266, f.; 269 composers, of Vijayanagara copperplates, engravers of deanas, lists of, 79-81; pedigree of deanam composers.. ...82, f. Confucius, and wealth, or economics.. 235; 256 205 conquest, of Gujarat, 198; Arab, of Sind .. 199 contractor, kuntrachi, Hobson-Jobson Contribution towards the Early History of Indian. Philosophy Cook, Capt. copper, trade in 101, ff. 90 & n. chronology, Ceylonese, uncertainty of.. Churai, vil., in Bengal, Vishnu statuette in Church, Rich., Resident, Tellicherry .. Church, of Julianos, Umm-al-Jamal and others, vaulted roofs of Chutiya Nagpur, ancient Jharkhand, 118; or Chota Nagpur .. 58; 89: 90 copper-plate, documente, Vijayanagara, lists of, with composers, etc. 79, ff.; grant, of Rudrasena II, 165; Narasimha Deva II, 210, 212; of Yayati Kesari, 211; of Kesava Sena, 220; of Malaya Varmma, in Kuretha, Gwalior.. 242 Cormorant, British ship, and Wm. Bolts ..8; 29 Cornelius Palma, Roman governor of Syria.. 170 Coromandel Coast, and Austria's commercial 135 venture 12, 13; 57; 68; 90 elay records and agriculture 235; 256 Clive, Robt., and Omichund, etc. 265-269; corruptions, of European words in Mesopota. 273 & n., 274 mis .. 196 19 cloth, blue, merchandise, 62; trade in... 89, 91 Cosmas, monk, and India 197 Cosmic Illusion, or Maya Sup. 3; 7 clothes, unwashed, for brides Cloud-messenger .. 251, f.; 253, n. cotton, etc., trade, and Wm. Bolts, 31; and Broach Cobenzel, Austrian ship 68; 85-92 Coia Khitan (Manucci) for Khwaja Khizr.. 206 coinage, Strait Settlements coins, of Toramana, 19; Roman, 74; of Nahapana, 73-77; his Jogaltembhi hoard, 149, f.; of Vilivayakura, 153; Malaya, of Pulumavi, etc.; 75, n. ; 155, f.; of Baladitys, 163; 166; Gupta, 164 & n.; 165; of Medieval India, etc., 241 & n., 243 & n., 244; of the Yamas, 299; of Vasudeva Sup 18. n.. .. 28 countries, (and mountains) ruled by Gautamiputra Batarkarni 150, ff. 189 courtesans, science of cowherds and Krishna, 84; and Christ, and Krishna, Sup. 16; cowherd-maidens and Krishna.. Sup. 19 crocodile, wagho, in Sind, 197; and the Jews. 197 n. 200 & n. crown, of Uderolal .. 67 .. Cruz, Joao de, Austrian pilot Chitor, siege of (1534) chivara, monk's garment Chola kings and Mullandram cholera, a Faquir's cure for Chosroes, k. of Persia .. Chota Nagpur, stone implements from, 135; or Chutiya Nagpur 16 Chowra, Soury, a Nicobar isl.. chrematistike and ketike, science or art of wealth, etc. 233, 234 & n. Christ, Jesus, date of, and the Abhira immigration into India, 35, 36; worship, and the cult of the Child Krishna .. 84; Sup. Christian, era, 36; 44; architecture, in the Hauran, 170; 175; inscrip. in Syria, 172; influence, in the Bhagavadgita .. Sup. 28, 29 Christianity, and the cult of the Child Krishna, 35; and the wolf of Agobio, 197; and Bhakti, etc. Sup. 15 & n., 16 177 Christians, the Ghassanides Chronology of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani Chronology, revised, of the last Gupta emperors 265 220 118 13 285-290 161-167 .. 20 216 8 172 307 Colastria, Port, Kolattiri 9 & n., 10, 11 Collett, Matt., E. I. Co.'s servant and Kasimbazar .. 77

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308 INDEX .. 210 cults, Vaishnava, eto, 84; in Sind, the River, Dattaka, and the courtesans of Patatiputra .. 189 Uderolal, etc., 198; 204208; religious, of Da'ad Khan, of Khandesh .. 119-121; 184-186 India and Mexioo, etc., 217; Solar, 218-220; Daulatabad .. .. .. 114-116; 120; 122 of Krishna .. .. .. 5:9:11, n. : 17 Davis, J., and the Bhagavadgitd .. Sup. 30. 31 Cunningham, Sir A., and coins of Mediaeval Davva-Sangaha (Dravya-Sangraha) by Nemi. India .. .. .. .. 241 : 243, n. chandra Sidhanta-Chakravarti, (Book. cure, for rabies, 204 ; a Faqir's, for cholera. .284 Notice) .. .. .. .. .. . 139 currency, Malay, in Trengganu .. . 28 Ideath, of Maria Teresa, 85, n.; of Buddha, 224; curse, of the Durva888 .. .. .. 248, 251, f. and God.. .. .. .. .. Sup. 24 ; 34 customs, in River cult, 198; marriago, of Deepehund, Dip Chand, partner of Omi. Thakurs .. .. .. 203 chund.. .. .. .. .. .. 286, n. Cuttack, 210, n.i see Katak .. deg, metal pot, and Uderola! .. .. .. 200 Cyrus, palace of . . .. .. .. .. 293 deification, of founders of sects in India, of Krishna .. .. .. Sup. 9; 11; 17; 18 Dekkan, of the Satavahana period, 69--78 ; 149-156; see Dakan . .. .. .. 113 Delhi, ancient buildings, etc. 176, f. ; Topra, 291; Dahanu, Dahanuka, oroek .. .. 73 n. see Dihli, 113; ancient Kurufield Dahi, inscrip. of Gopala Raja .. Sup. 20 .. .. .. 241 Denmark .. .. Dahrasena, Traikutaka, k., copper-plato grant deposition, regarding Austria's commercial ven. of .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 78 * ture .. .. .. .. .. .. 58 Dakan, 113; and the Bahmani dyn., 114; and Department, of worship and temples, Maury. Khandesh, etc., 115; 117, f.; 131; 127; 142-- 149; and the Mughale, 179, f. see Dekkan. 69 an institution .. .. .. .. .. 51 Dakha mita, Dakshamitra, wife of Uahavadata. 73 Desuk, and the curved character .. .. 176, n. Dakshinapatha, Dekkan .. 71, f. ; 161; 154 71. 1. 161 : 164 Devagupta, Chandragupta II .. .. .. 165 dal, food, from the Cajanus Indicu .. .. 1, n. Devaki, m. of Krishna .. Sup. 9; 11:16 Damana, Damanaganga, river .. .. 73 & n. Devondsipiya, title of Tissa and of Asoka, 48; Damascus, and the Nabataeans, eto., 170; and or Devandth-priya .. .. .. .. 128 Umayyads Devaraya IV., copper-plates of.. .. .. . . 174 .. 79 . . . . Damayanti, Indrasena .. .. ..281-284 development, of the Bhagavata religion. Sup. 14 damful, to deceive 196 Devil, the, Iblis .. .. .. .. .. 205 Damodara, the Child-Krishna .. . 84 de Vogue, and Nabataan architecture, 170, n.; Damodarpur, in Bengal, copperplate from. 162 171 & R.; 172 & n. dandaniti, state-craft, 102, f. ; 107; 236: 238 dhakkd, drum .. .. .. .. .. 94 241; 256, 1. i 264 Dhakka Sabhapati, or Sabhapati .. 94; 96 Dapd in, and Sanskrit poetry .. . .. 264 Dhar, Lat Masjid.. .. .. . 177 & n. Danes, and Austria's commercial venture 30 & n. Dharavarsha, k... k... ... ... .. .. .. .. 168 Daniyal, Sultan, son of Akbar .. .. 180; 185 Dharma-nivf, and dharma lipi .. .. .. 56 Darius, inscrip. of, 138; palace .. .. .. 293 Dharmaddstra, 50; and Arthaldatra .. .. 187 Darpan, and Ganesha .. .. .. .. 209 Dharmasdira, work by Apastamba, antiquity Daryapanthi, or Thakurai religion .. 200; 203 of . . . . . . . . . Sup. 29 Dary&penthis, monotheists, 202; and marriage, du mo . dharmayuktas .. .. .. . .. .. 55 Darya Shah, last Imad Shahf k. . .. 124 Dhauli, Aboka inscrip. .. .. .. 209-211 Dhoulkamaim, Alexander the Great .. .. 206 Dasapura, modern Mandasor, and Ushave. data Dhritarashtra, k. .. .. .. .. .. 73, 77, 78 .. .. .. Sup. 20 Dhvani-doctrine .. Dasyu, tribe, of Vibv mitra, and the Abhira, 70 .. .. .. 191, n. Date, of the Abhira migration into India .. 36, 1. Digambara, Jains sect .. .. .. .. 139 Date, of Panini and Katejayana .. .. 138 Dihli, and Khan desh, 113-116; etc., 123, f. ; 182; date, of Chandragupta, 140; of last Gupta em. Boe Delhi .. .. .. .. .. 176 perors, 161-163 & n.; of the Hindola Mahal, Dilewar Khan, and Manda .. .. .. 176 176 of the Hathigumpha inscrip., 223; of Dilipa, character .. .. 247, f. Buddha's death, 234 ; of the Bhagavadgita. Sup. 30 dindima, drum .. .. .. .. .. 95

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INDEX 309 Dindima-Sarvabhauma kavi, sonadri or Aruna - Edicts, Rock, and the identification of Tam giri, 96-99; author of the Raghavdbhyu- baparini, 48, f. ; edicts, not proclamations. 51 dayam .. . .. .. .. .. 100 Edilpur grant of Kesava Sena .. .. .. 216 Dionysos, Siva .. .. .. .. Sup. 18 Egmont, E. I. Co's ship .. .. .. .. 29 Dipakarni, k., and the Yaksha Sata .. .. 69 Egypt, and Wm. Bolts, 92; the first Mosque dipista and dipi, of Asoka insorip. .. .. 58 | in, 175; and the Kufio character .. 176, n. discipline, disciplines, Vedic .. .. .. 19 Ekata, sage, and Svetadvipa .. .. Sup. 16, 16 Dixon, armourer, with Capt. Cook, and Wm. el-Aksa mosque, Jerusalem .. .. 176, n. Bolts .. .. . .. .. 90 & n. elephant, symbol of Buddhism, eto. 211 Doctrines of the Bhagavadgita .. Sup. 20--29 & n.-214; 216 documents, (sasanas) Vijayanagara, writers Elichpur .. .. .. 142; 145, f. of . . .. . . .. 79, ff. Elijah, Ilias, and Khwaja Khizr 79, 11. .. .. 206 dogs, in Sind cult .. .. .. .. 208 El Khizr, vazir of Alexander the Great, and dollar, eto, Strait Settlements i. .. .. 28 Mussalmans .. .. .. .. .. 205 Doumar Layna, Saiva cave, Ellora .. 211, n. Ellora, cave, 211, n.; 213; Sun temple.. .. 219 Drake, Roger, President, Bengal Council .. 266 emancipation, the five ways of .. Sup. 23; 27, 28 Dramila, and Kautilya .. .. .. 195.n. Emperor, of Austria, and Austria's commercial 195, n. mpe Dronacharya, and the Pandavas .. venture, 92, f. ; of Byzantium .. 240 .. .. 174 Emperors, see Gupta . . . . drum, dhakka, 94 ; or dindima, 95 ; and Udoro. 161, ff. Empire, Gupta 163; of the Ptolomies and .. .. .. .. .. .. 200 Drupada, and Indrasena. .. 281, 1.! .. . .. .. 169 .. .. Empresa, Maria Teresa .. .. .. 85, n. ; 93 Druses, of the Hauran, their houses .. .. 171 Endogamy, and the Thakurg .. .. .. 209 Dundas, Capt. of the Royal Henry .. .. 31 England, and Omichund Durbar Hall, Hin dola Mahal, Mand .. 169 .. .. .. 263 English, the, and Austria's commercial venture. Durv&sas, curse of .. .. 248251, f. Duryodhana 1, 2: 15:57, f. ; 91, f.; and Omichund, 266 ; .. .. .. .. Sup. 20 Dutch, the, and Austria's commercial venture attack the French, 267; or British ..268; 273, f. 30 & n. ; 34; 57: 58 : 68 engravers, etc., of copperplates, etc... ..79, ff. duty, in the Bhagavadgita .. .. Sup. 26, 27 Epistles, of St. Paul, and the Bhagavadgita, Sup. 29 Dvita, sage .. .. .. .. Sup. 15, 16 Epitome of Jainism, by Purachand Nahar, M.A., Dwarka, Barake .. and .. 77 Krishnachandra Ghose Vedanta dynasties, reigning with the Andhras .. 298 Chintamani, Book-Notice .. .. .. 140 oquinoxes, procession of .. .. .. 255 Ers, Eras, MalAve and Vikrama, etc., 6: 20 : the Gupta, 20; 162; Christian, and the date of the Abhiras, eto., 36; 44, 45; of Bogra, 172; Chalukya-Vikrama .. .. .. 290 & n. E and O, the wide sound of, with special refer'. Eran, pillar insorip. of Budhagupta, Boar ins ence to Gujarati (from Vol. XLVI, p. 304) crip. of Toramana .. .. .. 18; 165 24, ff. ; 87, ff.; 225, ff. erotic, sculptures, Konarak, eto.. 218; Earl of Lincoln, E. L. Ca's ship, later the Joneph C. America, 217; see .. .. .. Sup. 19 and Theresa ... .. . .. .. 30 Erotimus, dete .. .. .. .. .. 169 East, The Ancient, stray expressions of thought Erycias, work by Plato, and econon ice ... 233 on material interests .. .. .. 234, ff. Europe, and Austria's commercial venture, 3; East India Company, see Company, E.I. .. 15 staples, in India, 15; Ancient, and stray expresEast Indies, and Austria's comndercial venture, sions of thought on the material interests. 233 57, n.; 85 & n.; 88, 89: 91-93 European, Nations, and India, 4; commodities, Eastern Ghats, Mahendra .. .. . 1511 for trade in India, 7 (or staples) 10; 15; eclipse, solar .. .. .. .. .. 16, f. words, corruptions of, 196 : Indologists, and Economia, domestic management .. 234, n. the ago of the Bhagavadgita .. Sup. 29 Economic Principles of Confucius and His Europeans, and Sur&j'ddaula .. .. .. 267 School, a work by Dr. Chen Huan-Chong. .. 235 oxogamy, in oult of the River God, Sind 198; 208 Economics, The Ancient Hindu, Vartta, 233 extracts, from the Utarapurana of Gunabhadra. 241; 256-263; 275-279 20, f.; and the Trilokasdra Palm loaf Ms. 22

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310 INDEX .. 32 Factory, Factories, Austrian, in Delagoa Bay. Gadaq inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 287 10; 16; Cannanore, 12; the Nicobars, 13; 61; Ganapati Raja, his Surwaya inscrip. and coins 68; Kaliot, 64, n. ; British, at Onore .. 15 241; 243, f. Factory Records, Old, Notes from .. 56; 84 Ganeda, 8., in image, 137; and Darpan .. 209 Faixi, poet, and envoy to Khandesh .. .. 148 Ganeshra, W. of Mathuri, inscrip. at . Faqir's cure for cholera .. .. .. .. 284 73 farman, Mogul, 5 ; see firmans .. .. .. 140 Ganga, kings, and Orissa . . . . . 210 Faruqi dynasty, of Khan desh 113, ff; 141, ff ; 178, ff. Gangaikonda Rajendra Choladeva I., and Man." Fatin ide dynasty .. .. .. 176, n. dara .. .. .. .. .. 94; 99 saudar, phousdar, chief police officer, Hug. Ganges, riv., and the poets of Mullandrace #9 Garbe's Introduction to the Bhagavadgita Bup. I-36 11, 31; or fouzdar .. .. .. temalt, statues, from Besenagar, etc... .. 296 Garcia, Joan de, Austrian pilot.. Garuda, 8., image .. .. Ferishta, and Maratha history, 300 ; see Firish .. .. 137 Gachd-Sapta-sati, the, and Vikrama .. .. 112 ta .. .. .. .. .. .. 113 Fife, Mr., and Wm. Bolts, 12; or Fyf .. 13 Gaudiya, School of Sanskrit poetry .. .. 264 Gaurthf, in Bengal, Omichund's letter from, finish, to be done for .. .. .. .. 196 272-274; and chauthrt .. .. 246 Firdausf, on Alexander and Porus .. .. 274 & n. Gautama, quoted the Vaikhanasa, 84; 104 & Firishta, on the Faruqi dynasty of Khandesh, 1. ; and the Nyaya system, and Uganas. 107 & n. 113-116; 118-121; 124; 142-144; 147, Gautems, and Ahalya .. .. .. n. ; 178; 183 ; 185 ; see Ferishta .. .. 300 .. 284 Gautami, father of Nahapana .. .. .. 112 Armans, Mughal, to Svetambara church, 140; Gautami, Balasiri, m. of Gautamiputra.. 161 & n. see farman .. .. .. Gautamiputra Satakari ., date, 72; coins of, Firuz Shah, and Malik Raya, eto. .. 113-116 eto., 149; Lord of the mountain ranges, Fiume, Priviledged Company of, 57 & n.; and the Nasik caves, etc. .. .. 151-156 ship-building centre .. .. .. .. 91 Gaya, and Narayanapala, 109; inscrips., 110, flag, see colours . . . . . . . . . .. 1 111; Sun temple .. .. .. .. 219 Flavius Seos, house at Haiyat .. .. .. 172 Gaya-Peak, Vishnupada .. .. .. 84 Fleet, the late Dr. J. F., and the Malava era, Geldner, on the Rigveda-San hita . 280--284 etc., 16, f.; and inscrips., 18, 20; 223 & n., genealogical tree, Gupta, 17; table .. .. 284 224; and the w. Chalukyas, 285 & n.; genealogy, of the ideanam engravers of the Vi287 & n.; 289 & n. jayanagara Empire, 82 ; of the poets of MulFontana, Nicholas, surgeon on the Joseph landram, 96-98; of Faruqi dyndety, 183-- and Theresa .. .. .. .. 12, n. 186; of Indrasena .. ..280; 283; n., 284 foot-prints, and Trivikrama Vishnu worship. 84 & n. Gentoo, Hindu .. Foreign Department, from Seleot Committee. 266, n. .. .. .. .. .269 Genuineness of the Vrittis in Mammata's forgery, literary .. .. .. .. .. 194 Kavyaprakdia, an additional proof for .. 23 Fort St. George, and Austria's commercial ven. George, see Fort St. George .. ture .. .. .. 7: 56--59; 61-63 ; 84 Ghas Ghassanides, Christians, buildings attributed Fort William, and Austria's commercial ven to them .. .. .. .. .. .. 177 ture .. . .. 31-34; 67 GhatAka, possibly a Kshatrape .. .. .. 73 Fox, C.J., Joint Sec. of State .. 90 & n. ; 91; 92 Ghazni kings, and the Hindu revival in Sind. 203 Francis, Sir Wm., and Wm. Bolte .. 30 & n. Ghazni Khan .. .. .. .. 184, 186 French, trade, etc., and Austria's commercial Ghop&is, sub-division of the Thakurs .. .. 203 venture, 3; 57; 58; 61; and English, at war, ghosha, unit of the Aryan settlement, etc... 35 & n. 68 : aid the English, 265 ; attacked by, 267, 269 Ghotakamukha, and the Kautilua Ghotakamukha, and the Kautilya .. '.. 189 Friday, mosque, Asirgarh .. .. .. 185 Gilpin, astronomer, with Capt. Cook, and Wm. Fulta, on the Hugli, and Calcutta refugees .. 265 Bolts .. .. .. .. .. 90 &n. Far, possibly Porus .. . .. 246, f. Girnar inscrip. .. .. .. 54 : 78 & n. Goa, and Austria's commercial venture. .. 11: 13 God, and god-idols of the Mauryas, 51 & n.; of the River, 198; of the Waters, UderolAI, 203, f.: 206 ; in the Bhagavadgita, Sup. 2, 6, 9, Gabbiati, J., and Wm. Bolts' Company. 86: 88 11& n., 12,15, 17, 19-21, 23, f., 26, 28, 33, 34, f. gada, mace .. .. .. .. 136 goddess, of learning, temple of .. 221

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gods, and the Yoga system Gogo, and Wm. Bolts, 1; or Goda Golconda, and Berar, 122, f.; 142; 144; 178, f. gold coinage, of Kadphises II.. Gommatesvara, statue at Sravana Belgola Gonardiya, and the Mahabhashya INDEX Sup. 22 3; 7, 8 Guadalete, battle 2, n.; 6 213 & n., 214 110, 111 241, f. 256 Good Hope, c. goose frieze in temples Gopala II., inscrip. of Gopala Raja, Dahi inscrip. etc. gorakkha, trade Govardhana, Govardhan-Gangapur, W. of Nasik, and Ushavadata 73 & n., 74; 78 Government, British, in India 2, 3 Govinda-Krishna, the cowherd, 84; or Indra. Sup. 10 Greco-Roman inscrip. on coins.. 75 grama, unit of a settlement 35 Grant, Capt., of Chandernagore 31 Great Britain, and the Mogul Emperor, etc. 5; 14 Great Duke of Tuscany, Austrian ship 68, 69 Greece, and economics, 240; or science of wealth. 256 Greek, inscrip. of Kasral Ba'ik, 172; sculpture, 291; 294; 296 Greeks, and Yavanas, 138; and Chaldaean agriculture, 234; and Indra etc. Sup. 16 Green, Nath., Consul at Trieste.. 57 &n.: 90-96 grit-stone, and pottery, significant finds near Kulasekharapattanam 76 139 189 gufar, guffar, riverboat, Hobson-Jobson Guiseppe and Teresa, Austrian ship, Joseph and Theresa .. .. 49 174 244 1:3 gunas Guneriya insorip., of Mahendrapala gunpowder, trade in guns, landed from Austrian ships, 13; and ancient Indians Gupta Emperors, the last, revised chronology of. 161-167 Gupta Era and Mihirakula, New Light on (contd. from Vol. XLVI, p. 296) 16-23; 166 Gupta, empire, invaded, 17; inscrips., 19, 20; coins and kings, 164 & n., 165; era, date, 20; 165; viceroy 198 Haidar Ali Khan, Nabob, and Wm. Bolts, 12; 89; see Hyder 'Ali Hakusiri, Saktisri Hamid Khan 13 72 184 .. 174 Hammam as-Sarakh, building in Moab hammerstone, from Singhbhum.. Hampe, Pampe, Vijayanagar cap. Happy Sayings, a work by Akbar Haraha inscrip., and feanavarman Hardy, Ed., and the Bhagavadgita Sup. 17 Harihara II., copperplates of, 79; Harihara, inscrip. 135, f. .. 287 245 162 Hari-Hara, Vishnu and Siva Harga vardhana, patron of Mayure Harshacharita, the, and Kalidasa Hartmann, Franz, and the Bhagavadgita Hasan Khan, 143; Malik Iftikhar Hasan Shah hasbu-l-hukum Hathigumpha inscrip. Hatim Tai, and Khwaja Khizr Hatra, al-Hadr, S. of Mosul, vaulted roof build. 28; 37-47; 225-232 ing Gunabhadra, on Mihirakula, 19; extract from Hauran, Bostra, architecture of the Uttara-purana Hawke, the ship.... Hegner, J., and Austria's commercial venture. Gujarat, and Khandesh, 113: 115-118: 121124; 141, f.; 147; and Gautamiputra Satakarni, 149; probably ancient Kuruka, 150; and the Second Kahatrapa dyn., etc... 153; 156 Gujarati, and the wide sound of E and O. 24 20-22 n. Sup. 24, f. 110 89, f. Guptas, Imperial, genealogical tree, 17; Early, and Kalkiraja, 19; in inscrips. 161, f.; the later, 166; and Schwan 105, n. Gupta-Valabhi year, etc. 16; and Saka gur, sugar Gurjara-Pratiharas and Magadha, 109; and Bihar.. 311 204 17 202 111 Gurusvami, son of Tyagaraja, 94; family of..95, f. gurusisyasam tana, sequence of teachers and pupils .. Gwalior inscrip., of Toramana, 18; of Mihirakula, 219; Museum, and the Narwar insorip... 242, n. 158 " 288 Sup. 20 .. 168 246, f Sup. 1 186 185, f. 5 72; 209; 222-224 205 172 ..170, f.; 177 15 61-63 heliolatry in Tlascalla, 217; in India, 218, 219 & n. Hemachandra and the wide sound of E and 0, 27, n. 43, 44: 46 hemp, Indian bhang, and cholera 284 & n. Herod, and Damascus 170 Hesiod, 8th cen. B.C., author of Works and Days Hillebrandt, A., and the Kaufiliya. .. 233 151 & n.; 192 Hillsborough, Earl of, Sec. of State. 64, 65 & n. Himalaya, Himagiri, etc., ancient Hima vat. Sup. 32

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312 INDEX .. 17 Hindi, and the wide sound of E and O, 24; 26; Hughes, Sir Ed., Commander, E. Indies, and 27, n. 39, n. 43-47 & ni 228, n.: 231 & n.; 232 Austria's commercial venture. 17 & n.--19; 63, 64 Hindola Mahalat Manda, vaulting system of. 109,. Hugli, riv., and tn., and Austria's commercial Hindu, gods, ornaments, etc. in Hindola Mahal, venture, 29, f., (Hougley) .. ..31 ; 265, f. 176; remains, and mosques, 177; revival, in Hulegundi, inscrip. .. .. .. .. 290 Sind, 203; calendar, and Mai Pir, 208; cus- Holi, Chalukya inscrip..... .. .. 289 toms, in temples etc, 211, f. ; and Buddhist Hultrach, Dr., and the Tambapamni riv., 49: and ornaments, etc. 213--217; temple, sites, 220, the word dipista, etc. .. .. .. .. 56 n.; theatre, 223; or Gentoo, 269; religion, Humayun, emp., and Mandasor, etc. .. .. 123 and Krishna .. .. .. Sup. 10 Humboldt, W. von, and the Bhagavadgtta Hindu Economics, the Ancient, and Vartta Sup. 1: 3, n. : 8; 21: 32; & n. 233, ff. ; 266, f. ; 275, ff. Huna, conqueror, Mihirakula; empire, in Hinduism, and Jainism, 140 ; in Sind, 197, f. ; Oxus Basin .. .. .. .. .. 19 205: and Krishna .. .. .. Sup. 11 Hunas, and the Guptas, eto. .. Hindus, or Marathes, 2; and Khandesh, 118; in Hunavalli, inscrip. Husein Nizam Shah I . .. Sind, 197-205; 207; and tree worship, 214; Hushang, governor of Mandu .. 220, n. .. .. 177 Hindustan, and Akbar .. Huvinahadagalli, inscrip .. .. .. 143 .. .. 290 Hydaspee, and Alexander .. Hipparge in Bijapur dist., 163; and Hippokou .. .. 245 Hyder Ali, Haider Ali, and Austria's commer ra, cap. of K. Raleokouros, not definitely cial venture .. .. .. 12: 13; 89: 91 identified .. .. .. .. 161; 153 hypergamy, and the Daryapanthis, 203: and hiranya, gold coin, as a tax .. .. 50, 51 the Thakurs .. .. .. .. .. 208 Hiri-Chavuti, Chalukya inscrip. at .. .. 887 History, of the Maratha People, Book-Notioe, 299, f. History, Early, of Indian Philosophy, a Con tribution towards .. .. .. 101, ff. 213 History, 8. Indian, Beginnings of, Book-Notice. 263 Iba, Ambika riv. .. .. .. .. 74 & n. History, political, of the Dakkan, of the Sata. Iblis, the Devil .. .. .. .. .. 205 vahana period .. .. 69, fl.; 149, ff. Ibn-al-Athir historian .. .. 174 History, of early Buddhism .. .. .. 84 Ibn-Talun, mosque in Cairo .. .. .. 176 Hitt, bitumen wells of .. .. .. .. 244 Ibn Wahshiyah, author of Nebataan Agriculture .. .. .. .. Hiuen Tsiang, on Mihirakula, 18; date, 19; .. .. .235 Ibrahim Adil Shah II, of Bijapur .. 148: 178 Yuan Chwang, 150, n.; and Sind .. 198; 204, n. Identification of some of the Post-AndhraHobson-Jobson, in Mesopotamia, spread of 196 : 244 bhritya Rulers of the Puranio list .. .. 298 identification of the poete of Mullandram Hoernle, Dr., and the Guptas, 161; 163 & n.-165 and the Sasana writers of the Vijayana- Holland, High and Mighty United States of .. 34 gara kings, 98, 99; of Krishna-Vishnu, with Holland, John, Lord Mayor of Madras .. 59 Brahmin .. .. .. Holtzmann, and the Bhagavadgitd, Sup. 1 &n. .. Sup. 19 idol, temple, and Akbar, 185; god idols of 4; 10, 11 ; 29, n. ; 32, n. i 33, n. the Mauryas .. .. .. Holwell, J. Z., hero of the Blackhole of Cal. .. 51 & n. Ikah vaku, sage, and the Yoga teaching tta . Sup. 32 .. .. .. .. .. 266 Ikshvaku dyn., and the Satavahana dyn. . .. .. .. 156 264 & n. Ilias, Elijah .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Hopkins, E. W., and the Bhagavadgita, Sup. .. 206 Imad Shahi, dyn. . .. 142 -6, n.; 8,& n. i 10, n.; 11, n. i 10, n.; 18, 10, image, images, Trimarti, in Peshawar Muse. 21 : 24, n. i 28, n. ; 30: 32 um, 136, f. ; at Sarnath, 161, f. ; in Hindola hornblonde-sohist, rook, implements of .. 136 Mahal, Mandd, 176; fragmente, at Mashita, Hornby, Wm., E. I. Co's servant, and Wm. Bolts 7 177; of Buddha, in Hindu temple, 217, f. ; Hot Hakim, Ahmed Pir, Pir of the Jackals .. 207 of Sun god .. .. .. .. 219 & n. Hougloy, tn. Hugli .. .. .. .. 31 Imam, the, and the mihrab .. .. .. 175 Hoysala-d&vt, q. to somesvara .. .. 289 Imperial Majesties of Austria . 1: 3--9; Hoysaleswar, temple .. .. .. .. 213 11, f. : 14, f.: 32-34

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INDEX 313 implements, stone, from Singhbhum .. .. 135 Indus, riv., called the sea, 197; and Uderolal, Imrulquis, Lakhmia k., and the Romans .. 177 etc. .. .. .. 199; 204; 206--208 imski, (Arab mashi), to go out, etc., Hobeon. industries, sciences, and Vartta .. 102-104 : 109 Jobson .. .. .. .. .. .. 196 influence, Buddhistic, in the Sun temple, Konincarnation, of the River God, in Sind, 198, 1. ; arak, 209, Buddhistic, and Christian, in the of Uderulal .. .. .. .. .. 203 Bhagavadgita .. .. .. .. Sup. 28 India, and Austria's commercial venture, 1, ff.; Inscription, the Hathigumphe .. .. .. 223 29, ff.; 57, f. ; 85, ff.; visited by Song Yun Inscriptions, Aboka, Notes on .. .. .. 297 and Cosmas, 19; Abhirs migration into, 36, f.; Inscriptions, Amaravati stupa, 188; Andhra, & Ceylon, 48; changes, in level of land and 71; Anegonde, etc., 287 & .n.; Arabic, ses, 49; and the Jewish calendar, 112; invad 174 : 176 & n.; Aboka, (edicts 48, 49: 71 ;) ed by Taimur, 115; and Mihirakula, 163; and 51--53; 56; 138; 297; Badami, 70; Bel. the vaulting system, 169; and magic, 197; gaum, 287 & n.-289; Bhagalpur grant, 109; and Yuan Chwang, 209; and temple sculp 111; Bhitari seal, 161-166; Bihar image, ture, 211, f : 214; other sculptures, 203 ; and 109 & n.-111; Bodh Gaya, 110, f. ; Budhawomen's orthodoxy, 189, n.; and tradition of gupta, etc. 16 & n. ; 18 & n.; 50; Chalukya sciences, 191, n., 192; and literary forgeries, (W.) 285-290 ; Christian, in Syria, 172, on 194 ; and sun worship, 218; medieval, coins coins, 75; 241, f.; Copper-plate, 79-81 ; 162; of, 241 & n. ; 243, n. ; the Brahmans, and 165; 210--212; 220; 242; of Darius, 138; Vartta, 235 : 239; 256, f.; and King "Four," Eran stone pillar, 18; 165, f.; Girnar, 54; 78 (Alexander), 245, f. ; and Kalidea, 264 ; and & n.; Groek, 75; 172 ; Guneriya, 110 ; Gupta, Omnichund, 269: 272, n.; and the British, 274; etc. 19, f. ; 50-57; referring to Gupta history, and Vinasphare, 298; ancient, and the stage, 161-167; Gwalior, 18; 219; 242, n.; Haraha, 222 ; Central, and Gautamiputra, 149, 151; 162 ; HAthigumpha, 72; 209; 222, f. ; JunaNorth, and the Kushanas, 163; South, or gadh, 150 & n.; 151 & n.; 154, f.; 162, n.; 164; Dakshinapatha, 71, 72; and Gautamiputra, Junnar Cave, 70; 73; 74; 78;KahAur pillar, 20; 151 : 154 ; West, and the Kshatrapas, 73; Kalsi, 63; Kanheri, 70; 76; 151; 155; Karle, Kings of, 153; and the Satavahana dyn., 70; 73 & n., 74; Kharavela, etc., 216 ; Koda. 156; and Arjun, 197; and the Bhagavadgita, kani, 288, 289 & n.; Korarak, 210 & n.; KrishSup. 1 & n., 2; 7; 9; 11 ; 13-16; and Christ na, 71, 72, n.; Kshatrapa, 70--73, 75; MagaSup. 16; 18; North and South . Sup. 19 dha, 109, f.; Mandasore, etc., 16 & n.; 50; 163; Indian Philosophy, a Contribution towards Manda, 177; Nahapana, 72; 74; 75; Nan& the Early History of.. .. .. 101, ff. ghat, 71, n., 72, n.; Nasik, 74, 75 & n. 149 Indian, campaign of Alexander, 245; History, 156; Nebatuan, 169-171; Pala, 165 : of Raja see Beginninge of, 253 ; calendar, 254, 255 & raja I, etc. 99; Rataul plate, 243; Sanda, n. ; goods, in Bengal, 266; hemp, or bhang, 288; Saranatha, 298 & n.; Sarnath, etc. 16 & 284 & n. ; bull, Sarnath Pillar, 294 ; other n., 17; 161-167; Sogal, 287; Satakarni, 71 & sculptures, 295 ; South, inscrip. and Varuta, n., 72 & n.; Stone, Bhitari, 161-166; Eran, 257; Spiritual life, and the Bhagavadgita, Sup. 118; 165, f. ; of Narwar Rajputs, 241-244; 2 ; mysticism, Sup. 7; Sages and Christian Stupa, Amaravati, 155; Jagayyapetta, 166 ; ity, Sup. 15; people and renunciation, eto. Ser chi, 72; in Syria, 172 ; Temple, Bhimpur, Sup. 25; 28; 29 242, Khajuraho, 137; Sun, 219, n.; TaldagunIndians, ancient, and guns, 105, n.; and the dy, 257, n.; Talgund, 278; Taxila Scroll, 76; Bhagavadgita, Sup. 4; and the Greeks, Sup. Vishnupada, 110 ; Wadageri, etc., 290 ; on 16; and Krishna .. .. . Sup. 20 Dekkan history, 70--78 & n. ; referring to Indies, E., and Austria's commercial venture, Shivaji .. .. .. .. .. .. 300 30; 85; 88; 89 | intercourse, with prostitutes . .. .. 189 individual soul, see soul . Sup. 26, 27, 28 interests, material, stray expressions of ado-Bactrian, rulers of the Panjab .. .. 283 thought on, in ancient Europe, 233; in the Indologists, European, and the age of the ancient East .. .. .. .. 234, f. Bhagavadgita .. .. .. .. Sup. 29 | invasion, Huna, of the Gupta empire, 17; of Indra, g., Jupiter Pluvius, image, 218; Govin ! India, by Taimur, 115; of Khandesh, 118, ff.; da, and Krishna . .. . .. Sup. 10 of Mahmud of Ghazni .. Indraloka, and Maudgalya .. . .. 281 Irak, and the Abbaside Caliphs . .. 234 Indrasena .. .. .. .. .. 280, ff. iron, trade in .. .. .. .. 89; 91

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314 INDEX IAAnA varmman, and Skandagupta . 162; 166 Jewish, calendar, and India .. .. .. 112 Islam, in Syria, 172; 174; and the mihrab, Jews, and the crocodile 197 & n. 175; and Akbar, 185; in Sind .. 198; 200 Jhai-jo-Goth, tn., in Sind, and Uderola), 201, Isle of France, and Wm. Bolte.. .. .. 90 f.; 204 Igma'il Shah, k. .. .. .. .. 146, t. Jhalakkara, and the Kavyaprakdia .. 23 & n. Isvara, the sun, 137; or Vibhava, Krisha, jhari, timahli, waterpot .. .. 200 ; 202 Sup. 20 Jharkhand, modern Chatiya Nagpur, and Ievaradatta, coins of .. .. .. .. 156 Adil Khan II of Khandesh .. ..188 : 185, f. fovarasena, Abhira k. .. .. .. .. 156 Jhimpir, Hindu resort in Sind .. .. 204 & n. futhasa-Vedd, and the Arthafdstra, 336 & n.; Jinaprabhagari, and Satavahana .. .. 69 237; 239, n. Jinasena, and the Meghaddta, 17; and Mihira kula, etc. .. .. .. .. .. 19 Jhanamarga, Brahmanical philosophy, 108; Sup. 23 Joana-Yoga .. .. .. .. Sup. 23 Jabala, story of .. .. .. .. 186, n. Jodhpur, marriage custom .. .. .. 197 jackals, and Ahmed Pir .. 207, PS. Jogao bhi, Nasik dist., find of Nahapana's Jagadekamalla, Jayasimha II, W. Chalukya coins .. .. .. .. 74, f. ; 149 .. .. .. .. .. 285 : 288 Jogimark cave, Ramgarh Hill, and sam. Jagayyapeta, stupa inscrip. .. .. .. 166 d ja .. .. .. .. .. 222, n. Jahangir, Sultan Salim .. .. .. .. 181 Joseph, emp. of Austria, 6; 59; (II) .. 63, n. Jahangir, Nasir Khan of Khandegh .. 185, f. Joseph and Theresa, or Guiseppe, Austrian Jaimini, and the Mimam sd Sutra . .. .. 187 ship, 3; 4; 7; 10-14; 29; formerly Barl of Jaina, authorities, and Gupta dates, etc., 18: Lincoln .. .. .. 30, f. ; 57; 67, f.; 89 and Mihirakula, 19; literature, 20, 21, n. ; jot, lamp of Uderoll .. .. 200 & n.-202 Matha, at Kolhapur, Kannada M8S. from, Julfa, near Ispaban, 61, n.; 68, D. ; dialect.. 274 21, n.; origin, of the Khandagiri caves, 209; Julianog, Church of, at Umm-al-Jamal .. 172 and Hindu, and Buddhist, ornaments in tem. Junagadh inscrip., 150 & n. ; 151 : 164--156 ; ples, 216; works and economics ... .. 256 162, n.; 164 Jainas, and ahim sd, 189, n.; and the term Junnar; cave inscrip., 70; 73, f.; tn., Mughal head-quarters .. otra .. .. .. .. .. 190, n. .. .. .. .. 78 Jainism, Indian and European philosophical Jupiter, Pluvius, Indra .. .. .. .. 281 systems, and Hinduism, 140; in the Kumari Hills . . . . . . . . . . . . 210 Jaipur, and the Mala vas .. .. .. 76 Jaja pella or Yajvapala dynasty . 241, e. Janam-bakti, Story of Uderolal and the Daryd. Kabir Khan of Khandesh .. . 179, f panthis .. .. .. .. .. 202 kochany (Malay) Cajanus Indicus, dal Janmejaya Mahabhava Gupta, Soma vami plant .. ... k., 210; copper-plate of .. .. .. 211 Kachchha, and Rudradaman .. .. .. 164 Jasa vanta Sonigaro, Song of .. .. Kadambart, a work by BApa .. .. .. 248 Jason, High Priest, and the Nebataeans . 169 Kadara vili, or Kaderdli, Chalukya cap., 289; Jafadharisa Dikshita, poot, of Mulandram.. 94 inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 290 Jayadaman .. .. 154, n. Kadphises I., Knjula-Kad phiges, and Naha. Jayaditya, and the word ghosha .. .. 35 pana, 76, f. ; II., his gold coinage, etc... 76, f. Jayanta, g., in the Arthasdaira .. 51, n. Kafri, Caffree, native of S. Africa Jayasinha II, W. Chalukya k., 285: Jagadi. Kahaum pillar inscrip. .. .. .. .. 20 kamalla, 288, f. ; III .. .. .. .. 290 Kaisar, emp. of Byzantium .. .. .. 174 Jebel Hauran, S.E. of Damascus, Nebatman Kalachuryas, overthrow the Chalukyas 286, n. tombs in .. .. .. .. .. 169 Kalhans .. .. Jemo Rajbati, etc., near Berhampur, and the KalidAsa, Notes on .. .. .. 246, ff. .. .. .. 264 & n. . . . . . . . . 29 Kalidhaa, home of Jering, (Patani) and tin pitis .. .. .. 28 Kalidies, and the Hunas, 17; 167; and Vat. Jerusalem, the el-Aksa mosque .. 178, n. Bylyana, date, 193; and the Bhagavadgita, Jesus Christ .. 35: Sap. 30; and the word Himalaya... Sup. 32 . . . . 18:167

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INDEX 315 Kalila and Dimna, or The Fables of Bid pai, Kasyapa .. and Four," (Porus) k. of India .. .. 245 Katak, and the Soma vamsi kinys, 210; Chand. Kalinga, conquered by Asoka, 71; 224 ; canal, war, 210, n.; caves .. .. . .. 216 and the Nanda kinge .. .. .. 223, f. Katchall, Cachoule. a Nicobar island .. .. 13 Kaliot, Caliaton, in S. Kanara, Austrian Kathdearitadgara, work by Somadeva, men factory .. .. .. .. .. 64 & n. tions Sata vahana .. .. .. .. 69 Kalkin, Kalkiraja, or Chaturmukha-Kalkin, KathiAwar, ancient Suratha, Surashtra, 150; tyrant, and Mihirakula, a comparison .. 18; 191 and the second Kshatrapa dyn., etc., 103 ; Kallowrath, 34; Count Kollowrath, etc., Austrian 156; and Sind .. .. .. .. .. 198 ship .. .. .. .. .. 59: 60: 64 Katyayana, and the word mahabudri, 36; dato, Kalpadruma, Tree of Desire, and the Arka and Panini .. .. .. .. 138 & 1. Vata . .. .. .. 214: 216 an. Kautilya, the, on the Authenticity of, 157, ff.; Kalpa-Satra, and the sciences .. .. 256 & n. 187, A. Kalsi inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 53 KalyAni, and the W. Chalukyas .. 285, ff. Kautiliya, the, and Vartta, 235 & n.- 238 & KAmakotisvara pltha, (Sankaracharya matha, n. : 239, n. ; 240 & D. ; 257 Kumbhakonam,) victory pillar in .. 94 : 96 Kautilya, Chanakya, author of the Arthasastra, Kamal&tmika, image, and Sri .. .. .. 216 48 : 50--52; and the Nandas, 55; Visnu. Kamandaki, and Kautilya, 106: 108, 109: 169 gupta, 101 & n.-104 & n.; 106 & n.-109; & n, 160 ; 193 see Kautilya .. .. .. .. 157, ff. Kamasdetra, development of, 188 & n.; and Kaufilyam, the .. .. .. 101-103, n. Kaveri, Karabena, riv. .. .. .. 74 & n. Kalidase.. .. .. .. .. .. 195 Ka:nasutra, 190 ; 192, f. : 195; and samaja, Kavi-Dindima, Dindima-kavi .. .. .. 99 221 & n. ; 222 Kavimalla, Anapaye, court poet, defeated by Kanada, author .. . .. 104 : 190, f. Sonadri .. &Q . . . . .. . . . . . 95: 100 Kanaveraj dtaka, and samaja .. .. .. 221 Kaviprabhu, poet .. .. .. .. 98 Kanchimandala, and the men of Mandara .. 94 kduya, of Rama .. .. Kunhagiri Hills, Kptahnagiri .. .. .. 151 Kavya Uhanas, Usanas or Sukra .. .. 106 Kanheri inscrip. and the Satavahana dyn.. 70: Kdvyaprakdia, a work by Mammata, additional 76; 161 ; 155 proof of the genuineness of the Vrittis on KAlishka's empire, extertt of .. . 298, f. it.. .. .. .. .. Kanvas, and Sisuka' .. .. .. .. 71 Kedgeree, Khijiri, tn., and Austria's commerKapura, and Kapur-ahara, possibly Surat.. 78 cial venture cial venture .. .. .. .. .. 29 : 31 Karaben, Kaveri, riv. .. .. .. 74 & n. Kelantan, tn., and value of tin pitis .. .. 28 Karadihalli inscrip. .. .. .. .. 287 kellak, (Ar. kelek), large skin raft, HobsoniKarajika, vil., and Ushavadata . . . . . 74 Jobson .. .. .. .. .. .. 244 Karikds, and Mammata.. .. Kembhavi, inscrip. .. .. .. 289, n. Karkh, Karkha de Ladan, tn., palace ruins Keropothros, Keralaputra, k. .. .. .. 181 near .. .. .. .. .. .. 173 Kobari, dyan., Caesars of Orissa, 210 ; and the Karle, inscrip. and the Satavahana dyn., 70; lion symbol .. .. .. 211 & n. ; 213 73 & n.; 74 Kesava, a name of Krishna .. .. Sup. 10, n. Karmamdrga .. .. .. .. Sup. 23 Kelava Sena, Edilpur grant of, 210 ; copper karmanta, manufactures.. . .. 239 plate . . . .. . .. 220 Karma-yoga .. .. .. Sup. 23: 27 Kesi, charioteer of MudgalAni, 280; or ke karshapanas, coins .. . .. 76, f. .. .. 283 kdrukusilavakarma, profession of artists, eto. 238] Ketu, planet .. . . . .. 112 Karur, Karaura .. .. .. .. 151| Khafi Khan, author of the Muntakhab-al-Lubith. 183 Karvand, Thalner . .. .. 115 Khaharata or Kshaharata, family name of kavi, agriculture .. .. .. 256 Nahapana .. .. .. .. .. 73 KASika, and the word Mahasudra .. .. 36 Khajuraha, near Bundelkhand, Trimurti image Ka zimbazar, E. I. Co.'s factory, and Wm. ...,137 & n. : 138 Watte and Suraju'ddaula, etc...265 ; 267; 273, f. Khajuraho, group of temples. .. .. .. 213 kasr al-BA'ik, in the Hauran, and vaulted roofs 172 Khalifate, mosque of the time .. .. .. 175 Kapr Kharaneh, Kusair, building of the Um. Khalif Walid, and the mihrab .. .. .. 175 ayyad Khalifs .. . ..173, 1., 177) Khandagiri, Jaina caves 209, 211; 214: 216 .. 23

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316 Khandesh, and the Faruqi dynasty, 113, ff,; 144, ff.; 178, ff. Khanjahan, Faruqi, officer under Muhammad bin Tughlaq of Delhi, and ancestor of the Faruqf dyn., 113; or Khvaja Jahan.. 114: 116: 143 Khan khanan, officer 148: 178, f. Khan Orthma, mosque, Baghdad 175, f. Kharaneh, Kasr, or Kusair Kharaneh.. 173, f.: 177 Kharavela, k., and the Hathigumpha inscrips. 209 210 & n.: 222-224 Kharoshthi, inscrip. on Nahapana's coins, 75: 77; on Chashtana's .. INDEX .. 153 29; 31 Khijiri, Kedgeree, at Hugli mouth khillats, Muhammadan term, and hiranya Khotan, car festival Khusrav, Sultan, son of Jahangir Khutbah, recited, in name of Nasir Khan, 117; 121; and of Akbar 50 .. 209 181 Khvaja Jahan, and Khanjahan Faruqi.. Khwaja Khizr, cult in Sind, 198: zidrat, 204, f.; and Mikail, Elijah, etc. Kielhorn, the late Prof., and the W. Chalukyas, 141 114 Kubera, lord of wealth.. Kufic, character in inscrips. Kujula Kadphises, Kadphises I 206, f. Kukura, probably Gujarat Sup. 12 189, n.: 221 266 .. 84 75, f. 285 & n.; and the Bhagavadgita killing, slaughter, and meat eating. Killpatrick, Major, J., Bengal C. King, Mr., E. I. Co.'s servant kingdom, of Nahapana, extent of kings, Vijayanagara, and their copperplate engravings, 79, ff.; science of, eto., in the Arthas detra .. 159: 187; 193 Kirttivarman III, Badami Chalukya k. .. 286 Kitab-al-Aghani, and buildings in Kusair 'Am. .. Krishnaism, and Christianity. Sup. 15: 16: 18, n Krishna-Satakarni Keignaraja III., Rastrakuta k. Kriyasakti Pandit, family guru of Vijayanagara kings 156. 19 98 Kshaharata, (and Khaharata, family name of Nahapana, 73) dyn., and the Satavahanas, 72; and Gautamiputra Satakarni, 149; destruction of Koran, the, and Ta'bib-i-ibn Korkai, on the Tamraparni river, ancient port for gem trade, 48; early settlement of civilised man.. .. Krishna, g., the Child, 35; or Damodara, 84; Govinda, the Cowherd, 84; cult, mentioned by Megasthenes, 55. n. Sup. 18; and the Daryapanthi religion, 204; and Samdipani, 240; in the Bhagavadgita .. Sup. 2, ff. Krishna, dr. of Drupada, see Indrasena. 280 Krishna, Andhra k. 71 286 Krishna IL, Rashtrakuta k. Krishnadevaraya, copperplates of 79, 1. 49 .. 153 Kshatrapa, title, of Chashtana, etc., 153: 154 & n.; dyn., of Ujjain Kehat rapavan, Persian title Kshattriyas, and dandaniti, 240; or Kshat. riyas, and Spiritual life in India, etc., Sup. 9; 12; 14; Sages, and yoga teaching. Sup. 33 ktetike, acquisition, and chrematistike, 233 234 & n. 253 176 & n. 76. 156. 7 150 & n.: 154 Kulasekharapattanam, tn., and port, significant grit-stone finds near Kumaragupta I., date, 17; 163, f.; II., inscrips. of, etc., 20; 161-167; III Kumarusambhava, a work by Kalidasa kuntrachi, contractor Kuru-field, modern Delhi 17; 167 18 196 .. Sup. 20 & n. Sup. 10: 11 176, n. 176 Kurus, and Krishna Kus, and the last Kufic inscrip. Kusair al-Hallabat, ruins, 170; mosque Kusair Amrah, E. of Jordan, probably ayyad palace rah 174 150, n. Kusair Kharaneh, Kharaneh Kiu-cho-lo, co., and Kukura knowledge, divisions of, 256, f.; or learning. 239, n. kusana, kusanas, possibly coins, from KushKodakani inscrip. Kolattiri, Kolatnad or Colastria, in N. Malabar, 288 ana Kushana, dyn., and currency 74: 76, f. 76 173 9, n. Kut Gapan, Tak Eivan, building now Cherakkal Kolhapur, and Hippoukoura, coins from .. 153 Konarak, Sun temple, alleged Buddhist influence in 209, ff. Konkan, and the Dakan.. 117 200 49 Um. 174: 177 .. 173 Ladup, Nadup 135 177 Lakhmid, dyn. Lakshmi, image, 137; 216; vegetarian goddess 208. Lakshmikanth Sinai, Luximicant Sinoy, agent for Wm. Bolts 13; 15 Lalitaditya, and the Sun temple, Martand..218, n. Lal Sahib, 200; Lal Udero Sain, holy leader, 202; Lal Wadero, names of Uderolal 203 Lassen, on Krishna, Sup. 11; 13, n.; 14, n.; 15; 31 Lat Masjid, Dhar... ..177 Lauria Araraj, Lauria Nandangarh, Asokan pillars: 291; 293

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INDEX 317 Law, Jean, French chief, Kasimbazar . 267 Law.code, of Manu, 238; of Apastamba .. 239, n. Laws, (Plato) and economics .. .. .. 233 learning, goddess of, 221; divisions of, 239, n. or knowledge .. .. .. .. 258, f. legend, of Krishna and Indra, Sup. 9; of Buddha, Sup. 10; Mahabharata, of Bhakti and Christianity . . . . . Sup. 15, f. Leghorn, and Wm. Bolts .. .. 30; 68: 90 Leopold, Austrian ship . .. .. 3, 4; 8 letter, Armenian, of Omichund .. .. 265 Lewis. E. I. Co.'s agent, and Wm. Bolts. 4:6, 7, 8 lighting, in vaulted roofs.. .. 169; 172: 173 limes, Roman .. .. .. .. .. 177 Lindeman, Julius, Austrian seaman 60: 64 lion, symbol, of Kesari kings .. 211.& n. 213 lipi, despatch, etc .. .. 52 & n. 56 liquor, manufactured by Austrians, in India.. 13 Lisbon, and Wm. Bolts .. .. .. .. 91 lists, of Vijayanagara copperplates, etc. 77, ff.; of Faruqi rulers, 184, ff. ; of available MSS. on Vartta .. .. .. 258, ff. ; 275, ff. literature, Arabio, Persian, and Indian, 44; Sanskrit, and economics .. .. .. 256 Lokayata, philosophy .. 102 : 104-106; 108, f. London and Vienna, courts of, 3; see St. James 5. Lorinser, and Christianity, the Bhagavadgut Sup. 29 Low countries, and Austria's commercial venture .. .. .. .. .. Lucius, on coins .. .. .. .. 77, n. magic, in India .. .. .. .. .. 197 Mahabharata, the, and animal sacrifice, 189, n. ; and the crocodile, 197, f. ; and Vartta, 238; and the name Indrasena, 281-284 ; and the Bhagavadgita, Sup. 1 & n. : 2: 4:5 n., 6, n. i 8-13, n. ; 15, & n. : 18-20; 2832 & n. Mahabharata Adiparba, and Nagas .. .. 214 Mahabhdahya, of Patanjali, and the word ghosha, 36 & n. : 36 & n. : 195; and Krishna, Sup. 12 & n. i date .. .. .. Sup 33 Mahadeva, Trimurti Mahadevt Ananta devi .. .. .. .. 104 mahaila (Ar. mahayalah) river sailing boat, Hobson-Jobson .. .. .. .. 244 Mahakshatrapa, title of Nahapana, 74; of Chashtana, etc. .. .. .. 154, f. Maharajadhirkja, title of Puragupta .. .. 164 Maharashtra, and the salivahana-saka, etc., 70 ; 73; and Gautamiputra Satakarni, etc., 149 162: 184; and the Abhiras .. .. .. 156 Maharashtri, and the wide sound of E and 0.226, n. Mahalive Gupta or Yayati Kesarf, Soma - vamst k. .. .. .. .. .. 210 mahdolldri, meaning of .. .. .. 36 Mahendra, Mahinda, the Eastern ghats .. 151 Mahendrapala, Guneriya inscrip. gf .. 110 Mahekvara, or Siva images .. .. Mahipala I., and Bihar .. .. .. .. 111 MAhishmati, cap. of Anupa Mahmod III., of Gujarat, 124; and Khandesh 141 Mahomed of Ghazni, and Sind .. 203; 206 Mahommodans, Panjabi, and the Indus, 197; and Udoroll .. .. .. 199; 201 ; 203 maiden, seduction of .. .. .. .. 189 Mai Pir, Virgin .. .. .. .. 207, f. Makara, Macara, sea-monster, and Hinduism, 198; 214 Makaradhvaja of Sind, and Mayaradhvaja of Gujarat .. .. .. .. .. 198 makoo, contraction of Ar. md yakun, there is none; Hobeon-Jobson . . . . . 196 Makrizi, and the introduction of the mihrab .. 175 Malaber, and Austria's commercial venture. 14; 91, f. MAlava, and Vikrama, eras .. .. .. 20 MAlaves, and Malayas, 75 & n.; and Ushava. data .. .. .. .. .. .. 76 Malay currency in Trengganu .. .. .. 28 Malaya, southern part of W. Ghats .. 151; 253 MAlayas, Mala vas and Uthamabhadras .. 75 & n. Malaya Varmma Deva, Rajput k. of Narwar, 241; a Pratshara .. .. .. 242, n. Maligarh, fort, and Akbar n, fort, and Akbar . . . . . . 181 Malik 'Ain, of Khandesh, Adil Khan II .. 118 Malik Raja, reputed founder of me Malik Raja, reputed founder of Khandesh, 113; or Raja Ahmad .. 114, f."; 182 ; 185, f. Macey, Lieut., of Chandernagore, and Austria's commercial venture, 57; or Mace 58-60; 63, f. Macha, range, unidentified .. .. .. 151 Machi, in Seistan, vaulted roofed palace ruins. 177 Madagascar, and E. I. Co.'s slaves .. .. 56 Madakara, or Mattamy, 12; or Maddacana, 13; fort near Baliapatam .. .. 12, n.: 13, n. Madhia, vil. near Bundelkhand, Vishnu Tri. marti from .. .. .. .. . 137 Madhusudana, g. . . . . . .. Sup. 12 Machyadesa, and the Pandavas . Sup. 11 Madira, g., in the Arthadastra .. .. .. 51, n. Madonna, Bibi Dost .. .. .. .. 208 Madras, and Austria's commercial venture, 32, f. ; 57--67 Madura, Madoura :. .. 151 Mafoome, riv., E. Africa Magadha, Pratihara occupation of .. 109, f. Magadha, and the Guptas, 162, 166; 189; and the Nandas, 224 ; and Vinasphari .. .. 299 200 Magha, and Kautilya .. .. 160

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318 INDEX 78 marriage, oustoms of Thakurs of Sind.. .. 189 .. 203 Mallanaga, personal name of Vateyayana .. Marseilles, and Wm. Bolte .. 79 .. .. Mallikarjuna, copper-plates of .. .. 91 Martand, Kashmir, Sun temple .. 218; 220 MallikArjunabhatta, poet .. Marwari, the wide sound of B and O in it. 226-232 Mallinatha, and the Meghadata, 261; and the mashi, Ar., to go, and imshi .. Bhagavadgita .. .. .. .. Sup. 30 .. .. 196 Mashita, frontier fort, Hauran dist. .. .. 177 MAIWA, and Bhamaka, 73; and Khandesh, 113;. material, of Asokan pillars .. .. .. 292 116-118; 121 ; 123 ; and Akbar, 124; 143 material intereste, stray expressions of thought 146; 148; 180; or Akaravanti, 150, 153; on, in Ancient Europe, 233; in the Ancient and the 2nd Kshatrapa dyn., 153; and the East, 234, f. ; or concerns, 236, fl.; and the Ata karpis, 72 ; 154 ; and Budhagupta, 162; Chaldeans .. .. .. .. E., and the Abhfra dyn., etc., 156 : W., and .. 256 Math inscrip. .. Kalidasa .. . . . 264, n. . Mathura museum Mamala, dist., Maval .. . . mati, earthen pot Mambaras, Nambanus, 77; or Nahapana Mattamy, for Madakara.. Mamma ta's Kavyaprakdac, an additional proof .. matter, the theory of, of the genuineness of the Vittis on it 23 the Bhagavadgita, Sup. 24-27 mandrat (Ar.) minaret, and marionette .. 196 Maudgalya, rishi, Mudgala .. 281 & n.; 282 & n. Manasa, serpent goddess .. .. .. 214 Maurya, dyn., and the Andhras, etc... 70: 71 Manava Dharmasastra, and the Bhagavadgita Sup. 32 Mauryan empire, and Kautilya .. .. 158 Manavah, School of Philosophy, 187; or Mauryana . . . 291, ff. Mana vas .. .. .. 102; 107: 109 Mauryas, their god-idols.. .. 51 & n.; 101 Manawalli, inscrip. .. .. .. .. 28 Maval, Mamala, dist. .. .. .. .. 78 Mandara, vil., and Mullandram .. .. 94 Max Muller, and the Bhagavadgita.. Sup. 29 Mandasore, inscrip. and Dr. Fleet, 16; 20; 163; MAYA, m. of Buddha . . . . . Dasapura, 73, n. : 78; and Nahapena's coins, Sup. 13 Mdyd, the Cosmic Illusion .. .. Sup. 3; 7 76; and Humayan .. .. .. .. 123 md yakum, Ar., it is becoming nothing, and Manda, the vaulting system of the Hindola makoo .. .. .. .. .. .. Mahal at .. .. 196 .. .. .. 169, ft. Manda, and Akbar Mayura, contemporary and rival of Bana .. .. .. .. 141 bhatta bhatte.. .. .. .. .. .. 167, f. Mangalore, and Austria's commercial venture, McKennie, Capt. J., 1; or Me Kenny, and Wm. 12 & n. ; 13; or Mangulore.. .. 16; 91 Bolts .. .. .. .. manjhi, manjoe, master of native boat 31 moat-eating, 189, n.; and samdja .. Manu, and the Sankhya and Yoga systems, 107; Mocoa, and al-Walid .. .. .. .. 174 109; and Kautilya, 159, n.; and VArtta, 237 Medinah, mosque, and the mihrab .. .. 175 & n.; code and the Kautilya, 238; and Meerut pillar .. .. .. .. .. 291 the Bhagavadgitud . .. . Sup. 32 Megasthenes, on Chandragupta, 63 ; 56, n.; and Manucci, and the Zikrat of Khwaja Khizr .. 206 the Andhras, 70 ; and Krishna . Sup. 18 MSS., Kannada, 21, n. ; Trilokasara Palm-leaf, Meghadata, the, and Jinasena, 18; a difficulty extract from, 22; MAravadi, eto., and the in it .. .. .. .. .. 251, ff. wide sound of E and 0, 24, f. ; 44-47; 225 n. Meghavarna, k. of Ceylon boycon .. .. .. .. 20 -229, n. ; 232; and Vartta, 241; 267; 258 Mohar, in Sind, Ghopki centre .. .. .. 203 263; 276--279; see Orme . .. 265 & n. momorials, in Austria's commercial venture 61-66 Mammriti, tho, and the Mahabharata. Sup. 32 Menander, coins of .. .. .. .. 74 Marakh, k., of Tatta .. .. .. 198; 201 Mendeff, Manoel, Austrian quartermaster .. 67 Marakh Wah, canal, in Sind .. .. .. 204 Merjaniyeh mosque, date .. .. Maratha People, & History of, Book Notice .. 299 .. 175 Mers, from Sind .. .. .. 198 Marathas, Hindus, and Wm. Bolts .. 2, 3:6 Meru, mt., 168; and Maudgalya, 281; and Marathi, and the wide sound of E and 0 .. 46 Svetadvipe .. .. .. .. Sup. 15 Mara vadi, MSS., and the wide sound of Mesopotamia, the spread of Hobeon-Jobson in B & 0., 24, f. ; 4447 106; 944 Maria Theresa, and Austria's commercial ven- Mesopotamian method of vault-budding..172: 177 turo, 57, n. : 88, f.: 63, n. ; death of .. 85 & n. metabletike, unnatural exchange . 934'n. marionette, (Ar. mandrat), minaret, Hobson Mettaippadi, Sanak. Talpagiri, an agraldra, Jobson .. .. .. .. .. .. 196 N, Arcot dist. .. . . 94, 1:100

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INDEX 319 Mexico, and the Sun-god.. . . . . . . 217 Mubarak Shah, of Khandesh, and Akbar, 141; Michell, Peter, E. I. Co.'s servant .. .. 85 182; II. .. .. .. .. 183-186 migration, Abhira, into India .. .. 35, f. Mubarakuddaula, Nawab Nazim of Bengal. 29, 11. Mihirakula, and the Gupta Era, New Light Mudgagiri, Munger, and Narayanapala .. 109; 111 .. .. 16, ff. Mudgala, raja of N. Panchala dyn., or a rishi, Mihirakula, defeated, 163 & n.; and early 280 : 282-284 heliolatry .. .. .. .. .. 219 Mudgalani, wife of Audyala, and Indrasena, mihrd), the, date of introduction .. .. 175 280, 282 Mikail, Archangel, and Khwaja Khizr.. .. 206 Mudrardkrasa, the, and Kautilya, 158, n. i or Mimamsa, system of philosophy, 106; 109; 257; Capakya .. .. .. .. 190, n and the Vedanta .. Sup. 6 & n., 7 & n., 8; 34 Mughal, emperors, their firmans, etc., to Mindad Satras .. .. .. .. .. 157 Svetambara Church, 140; empire, 143 : and Mimalsas, two .. .. .. .. 101 ; 106, f. the Dakan .. .. .. 148, f. minbar, in Aleppo mosque, and curved charac- Mugbals, and the Dakan 178, f. ter .. .. .. .. .. 176, n. Muhammad I., Bahmani, 114, f. ; II., 114; 143; Minhaju.d.din, historian, and Chahada Achari and Akbar .. .. .. .. .. 144 Rana of Ranthambhor . .. .. 243 Muhammad I., of Khandesh .. .. .. 122 Minnagara, cap. of Nahapana's kingdom, 77; Muhammad bin Tughlaq, oi Delhi, 113-115; several places of the name, identification of. 78 tomb .. .. .. .. 176 mirasi, hereditary position .. .. .. 98 Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah of Goloondah.. 178 Mir Ja'fir, Nawab Nazim, 267, n. ; 268 & n.; Muhammad Shah I., Muhammad I. of Guja and Omichund, 269, 273 ; Meer Jaffier.. 270; 274 rat .. .. .. .. .. 185, f, Mir Kasim, son-in-law of Mir Ja'fir .. 268 & n. Muhammad Shah II., of Khas desh, 141, f. ; 184-186 Mir Khudayar Khan Lati, Yar Lutf Khan. 267 & n. Muhammadan, architecture, of the Hauran. Mirzas, overran Khandesh .. .. 142 170 ; 175, f. ; period, of Maratha history .. 300 Mirza Sahib, and Ta'lib-i-ibn Ustad .. .. 206 Muhammadans, the Umayyads, 174; and Mlechchhas, the Abhiras 35, f. Mandu .. .. .. .. .. .. 177 Moab, the steppe of Balga 173, f. Mulaka, co., and Gautamiputra . 150 &n. Modoura, Madura .. .. 151 Molasthn, Multan . .. .. .. 203 Mogul, Empire, 44; rule, in the Panjab .. Mullandram, poets of, and the idsana writers Moguls, of Surat and Wm. Bolts, and the E.I. of the Vijayanagara dynasty, 79; and ManCo. .. . . . .. 2, 3; 5 dara, 94; 97, f. ; or Praudhadovarayapuram. 99, f. Monastery of St. George, in Sameh, 172 ; mon. Mullens, J., Austrian sailor and Wm. Bolts .. 61 asteries, in Orissa .. .. .. .. 209 Multan, and Sufi learning, 206; or Mulasthn, money lending, 233; and Vartid (usury) 234n.: 237, f. and Sun worship .. .. 7476 . .. monks, Buddhist, and Ushavadata .. 218 Munger, Mudgagiri .. ... .. 109: 111 monotheistic religion, established by Krishna, Muntakhab al- Lubab, the, and the Faruqio .. Sup. 17; 21 Sup. 9: 11: 16; or monotheism .. 183 .. mootheiste, the Daryapanthis .. Murad Sultan, 148; 179 ; death of 202; 204 .. .. 180 Muranjamura copper plate of Yayati Kesari.. 211 Moon-god, image .. .. .. .. 218 Muriya, Chandragupta .. Moors, and Khwaja Khizr .. .. .. 206 .. .. .. 223 Morvi, copper plate .. .. Murshidabad, and Wm. Watts, etc. (1757) 16, f. Moslem, cult, in Sind .. .. 204, f. 265 & n.- 270 : 273, f. Mosques, at Kusair al-HallAbat, Medinah, first Murtaza Nizam Shah I., of Ahmadnagar. 142-146 Egyptian, Ibn-Talun, (Cairo), Khan Orthma, Museums, Indian, 294 ; Mathura, Victoria and Albert .. .. .. .. .. .. 296 eto., 175 & n.; Merjaniyeh, Aloppo, el-Aksa (Jerusalem) as-Salih Tala'i, 178 & n.; Mushta'qi, nom-de-piume of Ta'lib-i-ibn Ustad. 205 Dilawar Khan, Lat Masjid at Dhar, 177; Muslim, tradition, of Alexander 245 (Arabic).. 246 Asirgarh, 185; of Khwaja Khizr.. .. 206 Mussa Imans, and Khwaja Khizr, 204 ; and Mount, Abu, 168: Meru .. 168; 281: Sup. 15 Hindus .. .. .. .. .. 205 ; 207 Mountain ranges, in dominions of Gaun Muttagadur inscrip. .. .. .. 289, n. .. .. 218; 220 tamiputra .. .. Muttra, and Sun worship .. .. .. 151 Mriganka, deer symbol .. .. .. .. 137 Muzaffar I., of Gujarat, 115, f. ; II., 122 III. . .. .. Mubarak, of Khandesh, 123, 1. ; II, and Akbar.. 144 .. 141, f Mubarak Khan, of Khandesh, 118;1... 185, . Muzaffar Husain Mirza, and the Dakan .. 180 f. . .. 218

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320 Nabatean Agriculture, a work by Ibn Wahshiyah, 235 & n; 256 Nabatean tombs, near Damascus, the architecture of, etc., and the Hauran .. ..169, f. Nabateans, Arabs of S. E. Palestine .. 169; 235 Nabob, the Mogul, and Wm. Bolts, 2; 5; 8; 11; or Haidar Ali Khan, 12; 13; or Mubaraku'ddaula 29-31; 34 Nadup, Ladup, S. of Kalimati, stone implements from INDEX Naga, worship, and the Mauryas, etc., 51 & n.: Nagas and Buddhism Naganakavi, court poet of the Ballalas.. Naganika, q. to Satakarni 214 97, f.. 71; 72 & n. 35 nagara, unit of a settlement Nahapana, and the Satavahanas, 73 & n.; coins of, 74 & n.-76; or Nambanos, 77, or Naha vana, 112; and Gautamiputra, Nalagiri, Narwar Nalanda, Bargaon 135 ete. 149, f.; 154 Naib Subadar, Naib Suba, deputy governor of Bengal Nainaracharya, and Kavimalla Nala, and Nalayani, or Indrasena, 281, f.; or Bahuka 283, f. 241, f. ..29 100 Nalayani, Narayani, or Nala Nambanus, Mambaros, Nahapana 111 281 77, f. Nanaghat cave inscrip. ..71 & n., 72 Nanamgola, perhaps Nargol, W. of Sanjan.. 73 Nancowry, Nicaoree, a Nicobar isl., and Aus tria's commercial venture 13: 61 Nanda, k., 193; and the Hathigumphs inscrip. 188 223, f. Nandas, 55; and Chanakya .. 101; 103 Nandavardhana and Panini, 138; or Nandivardhana, and the Hathigumpha inscrip... 224 Nandin, and the Kamasastra .. Nandurbar, tn., in Gujarat.. 115-117; 124; 141 Nanhu, Muzaffar III., of Gujarat Naples, and Wm. Bolts.. Narada, and Vartta, 238; and Svetadvipa. Sup. 15, f. Narasimha Deva, Ganga k., copperplates of, 210; 212 Narasimhagupta, k., 17; and Baladitya, date, 161; 163, f.; 166 216 141 92 Narasimha Natha, temple, Orissa Narayana, Sup. 12; 15; Vasudeva and Krishna, Sup. 18 Narayanapala, k., grants of .. 110, f.; 165 Narayani, and Indrasena 181, ff. Narendra, Nandenduh, etc., names of Chandragupta 55 Nargol, Nanamgola Narnala, tn. 73, n. 142 242, ff. Narwar, Nalagiri, and the Yajvapala dyn. 241, f. Narwar Kacheri inscrip. Nasarpur, in Sind, and the River god, etc, 198; 200-204 Nasik inscrips., 70, f.; 73-78, n.; 151-153; 222 Nasir Khan, of Khandesh and Jahangir nata, itinerant actors nataka, or drama, of Rama Nature, g., and Uderolal 186 221, f. .96; 223, n. 203; 206 95; 100 British, 265 & n.-270 Navagrama, etc., Puttur, in N. ArcotNawab Suraju 'ddaula, and the Nayapala, k., of E. Magadha Necropolis, at Persepolis Negus, k. of Abyssinia Nelluru inscrip. Nemara inscrip. Nemicandra, on Mihirakula New Light on the Gupta Era and Mihirakula (contd. from Vol. XLVI, p. 296) New Testament, and the Bhagavadgita Nicks, J., E. I. Co.'s servant Nicobar Isls. and Austria's commercial venture, 13; 61; 62; 66 Nigliva, pillar Nilakanthakavi, Brahmara, of Mandara Nirgrantha Jainas, and Kalkiraja Nirukta of Yaska 291 94 18 195 Nirvana, the word, and the Bhagavadgita. Sup. 28 Nitisara, a work by Kamandaki, 104; age of, 108; and Kautilya.. nitiedatra, political ethics 111 293 174 287 .. 177 19 .. 16, ff. Sup. 29 84 .. 109 239 nivf, and akshaya-ntvi, explained 51 .. Nigam Shahi kings of -Ahmadnagar ..120; 148, f. Nizamat, Government of the Nawab Nazim of Bengal, etc. 29 & n.; 34 Note, on the Yajvapalas or Jajapellas of Nar241, ff. 56; 84 war Notes, from Old Factory Records Notes on Kalidasa, I., Early references, 246, ff.; II., Kalidasa and Bharavi, 249, f.; III., A Difficulty in the Meghaduta, 281, f.; IV. Second Difficulty, in the Raghuvamhea 253, ff. Notes, on Asoka Inscriptions-the term Ashashu 297 Nrisimha, form of Vishnu Sup. 6, n. Nrivarmma, Rajput k. of Narwar .. 241 Nuno da Cunha, Port. governor of Diu .. 123 Nar-ad-Din, and the Aleppo mosque.. 176, n. Nyaya, philosophy. 101 & n.; 104 & n.; 106; 108; 109 Nydya-Bhashya, the, 102 & n.: 103 & n.: 107; 109 Nydya-Sastra 103; 107 102; 104, n.. Nydya-Sutra

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INDEX 321 90: 92 209 84 O and E, the wide sound of, with special reference to Gujarati (contd. from Vol. XLVI, p. 304) .. :. .. 24, ff. ; 37, ff. : 225, ff. Oakley, Ch., E. I. Co's. servant .. . 59 Oscupation, Pratihara, of Magadha.. 109, ff. Octroi, exclusive privilege of trade .. Odra, stupas .. .. .. Economics (Xenophon) 233 Officers, of E. I. Co., obliged to go through the ranks oikonomike, household management .. .. 234 Old Factory Records, Notes from .. 56; 84 Oldenberg, and Buddha .. .. .. Sup. 10 Oldenburgh, Duchy .. 6 n. Om, holy syllable .. . Sup. 8 n. Omar, (Aumee, 'Umr) Beg, agent for Mir JA'. fir .. .. .. .. 269 Omichund, New Light on .. .. 265, ff. Onore, tn., E. I. Co. .. .. .. 13: 15 origin, Indian, of the Bhagavadgita. . Sup. 28 Orissa, shrines in, 209, 1. ; ornaments of, 216 f.: 224 Orme, MSS., and India, 265 & n. : 266 & n. 267, n. : 268, n. ; 269, n. ; 270, n. : 273 & n. Osiah, Jodhpur State, Sun temple .. .. 219 Ostrogoth, Roderick .. .. .. .. 174 Oxus, Vankpu, riv., 17; and the Hune emp... 19 Ozone, Ujjini, cap. of k. Tiastenes .. . 153 Panini, and the wide sound of E and O, 46; on Siva, etc., 51, n.; 84 ; and Katyayana, dates of, 138; and the Krishna sect, etc. Sup. 12: 13 & n. : 17 Panjab, and Akbar, 145 ; and the Thakurs .. 203 pantheistic doctrines, and the Bhagavadgita, Sup. 3--5; 19; 35 panther, wagh .. .. Panuco, tn., and erotic sculptures .. .. 217 Par, Parada, riv. . . .. . . . 74 &n. Paramadiraja, Yara marliraja . .. .. 242 Parasa rah school of philosophy . 187, f. Parasurama, in temple sculpture . .. 216 Parli, Surat dist., Dahrasena grant at .. 78 Pargiter, Mr., and the 'igveda-Sat hita, 280 ; 282284 Parisd, council of ministers .. . 52 & n. Parifist aparva, the, and Canakya . 190, n. Parivata, Pariyatra, part of the Vindhya range. 15) Parpadatta, governor of Surashtra, under Skandagupta .. .. .. .. .. 164 Pamasa, Barnasa, rir. .. .. .. 73, A. Partha-Parakrama Vyu yoga, of Paramara Prahladanadeva, Book-Notice .. .. 168 Parthia, and St. Thomas, etc... Sup. 15:16 Parthian, rise, date .. .. .. .. 138 Parthians, and vaulted roofing, 172 : or Parthi. . . . . . . . . . . 138 Parvati, g., image .. .. .. .. 137 parwana, Mogul .. Pataliputra, and Maurya worship, 51; the courtesans of, and Dattaka, 189; car festival, etc. .. .. .. .. .. 209; 297, f. Patanjali, and Mahabhashya and the word ghosha, 35, f. ; 195; and Maurya worship, ete, 51 & n.; 138; and Krishna, etc., Sup. 12; 17; 22; 33 Pathri, and the Mughals .. .. .. 178 Patitthana, Paithan. .. .. .. 150, n. Patna .. i. .. .. .. .. 291 pattamar, express messenger .. .. ..7: 8 Pattanesvari, temple, and the Sun.god . 219 Pattar, Putterah, Pattara (Malayalam), foreign ". .. 8 & n. padika, patika, a coin .. .. .. 76, f. pahild paltan, Pily Phultum, first regiment. 7 & n. paintings, wall, in Kusair 'Amrah .. .. 174. Paithana, 69; Paithan, Baithana, Pratishthana, etc. .. .. .. 150 & n.: 151; 153 PAla, dyn, of Bengal, 109-111; inscrips. .. 165 palaces, ruins of, in the Hauran, 172; 174 ; of Cyrus, Darius and Xerxes .. .. .. 293 PAli, texts .. .. .. .. Sup 10, n. Palm leaf, MS., the Trilokasdra, extract from, 22 ; record, Puri, 210; temple, Puri .. .. 218 Pampe, Hampe .. .. .. .. 287 PAnchalas, Aryans .. .. .. Sup. 13, n. Panchali .. .. .. .. .. 264 PAicharatra, and Bhagavata, Sup. 12; and Nara da, Sup. 15; and Christianity .. Sup. 16; 18-20 Pandavas, and Dronacharya, 240; and Kriphoi, Indrasena, 281, f.; and Krishna, etc. . . . . . . Sup. 9: 11-13: 20 Pandion, Pandya k. .. .. .. .. 151 Pandya, co., and Aboka institutions .. .. 48 Pearle, the frigate .. .. .. .. 56 pedigree, of the sasanam composers of the Vijayanagara empire .. .. .. .. 81 Pelagios, phil. duz, and Kasr al-Ba`ik ... 172 pepper, trade, and Bimlia patam, 10; 11; 13:15; 89: 91 periods, of the Bhaga vata religion . Sup. 19 Periplus, the, and Greek coins .74; 77: 78 Perriman, J., Capt. of the Pearle .. .. 56 Persepolis, the Necropolis, etc. .. .. 293 ; 295 Persia, 174; 206 ; and Mauryan sculpture. 191-197 Persian lang., and Gujarati words, 26; and Indian, 44, f.; tradition, and Alexander etc. 245, f.

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322 INDEX 170 .. 268 .. .. 197 = Pensians, and vaulted roofing, etc. .. 172 ; 177 pranaya, gift of affection, a tax .. .. 50, f. Petra, Nabatean co., and Rome prapda, gratuitous distribution of water .. 74 Petros, see Arratoon .. .. .. Prapatti-yoga .. .. .. .. Sup. 23 phallic symbols, in temples .. .. .. 217 | Prasadavallabha, ancestor of Arunagiri .. 94 : 96 Philosophical systems, Indian, European, and Prasannakduya, a work by Bh Askararya ...96 Jainism .. .. .. 140 Pratihara Occupation of Magadha .. 109, ff. Philosophy, Indian, 101-109; and religion, pratijad, coronation oath .. .. .. .. 50 combination of .. Sup. 14 Pratishthana, or Paithan, birthplace of Batava. phirmsunds, of trade, Mogul .. .. .. 4:51 hana, 69; cap. of Mulaka, 150; Baithana .. 153 phonetic process, and the wide sound of prati-vedakas, ushers .. .. .. 54 & n. E and O .. 37 Praudhadevareya, k., copperplates of, 79; phousdar, faujdar, 31; fouzdar .. .. .. 32 Maharaya, and the poet BonAdrinatha. 95: 96: 100 pillars, of victory, 94 ; 96; 213, n. ; see Maury. Praudhadevarayapuram, or Mullandram... 99, f. ana .. .. .. .. .. 291, ff. Pra varasena II., Chammak grant of .. .. 165 Pindita kavada, tn., and Ushavadata .. .. 73 predestination, and the Bhagavadgitd.. Sup. 26 prehistoric architecture .. Pir Muhammad Khan, governor of Malwa 124 Pir Patho, cult of .. .. .. 204 ; 207 pre-Mussalman, times in Sind .. Pisajipadaka, vil., in Nasik grant .. .. 152 Prester, John, of Abyssinia, legend of .. .. Pischel, Prof., and the wide sound of Eando, Princeton expedition and architecture in 43 & n. Hauran .. .. .. .. .. .. P'i-shen-p'o pu-lo, for Bishna vpur, Vishnupur, Prithvi, earth goddess .. .. .. .. 204, n. Prithviraja, Chahamana k., coins of .. .. 243 Pitis, cash, in Trengganu .. .. 28 Priyadarsi, and Aboka .. .. .. .. Plassey, Palasi, battle, etc., and Omichund, proclamations, of Priyadarsi, 51; prajia. 269, f.; 273, f. panas .. .. .. .. .. .. 52 Plato, and economics . . . .. 233 & n. prospectus, of Wm. Bolts' Company, 85, ff; Pliny, and the Andhras .. .. 70 note on .. .. .. .. .. 88, ff. Poets, of Mullandram, see Viv@kapatram prostitutes, intercourse with .. .. .. 189 79, ff.; 94, ff. Provincia Arabia, Nabataean kingdom.. .. 170 Pokaharas, Pushkar, W. of Ajmer, three places Ptolemaios, Klaudios, and W. India .. .. 153 of the name .. .. .. .. 75 & n. Ptolemy, on Mwanagara, 78; contemporary Polemaios, Sri-Pulumavi .. .. 151 : 153 with Gautamiputra, etc. .. .. 150, 151 political economy, first use of the name .. 234 Ptolemies, fall of their empire .. .. .. 169 political history, of the Dakkan, of the sata Pugar, disciple of Uderolal .. 200, 201 & n. : 203 vahana Period .. .. .. 69, ff.; 149, ff. Pulicat, Polyacatt .. Polity, 236; 240: 257; see Dandaniti .. .. 102 pulla, fish .. .. .. Polyacntt, Pulicat .. .. .. .61 Pulumavi and Pulumayi, 75 n.; Polemaious. 150-155 Pondicherry, and Wm. Bolts .. .. .. 12 Pundarikapura, Chidambaram .. .. .. 94 Poonah, and Wm. Bclts. .. 3, 4:6, 7, 8:10 Pundravardhana-bhukti, N. Bengal .. 162: 165 Popham, Step., E. I. Co.'s servant .. 67, f. pura, (Pali) meaning, capital town .. .. 71 porcelain, trade in .. .. .. 89; 91 Puragupta, 17; date, 161, f. ; and Skanda gupta, . Port L'Orient, and Austria's commercial suggested identity of .. .. 163 & n.-166 venture .. .. .. .. 57-59 Purana literature, and the Bhagavadgita, Portuguese, trade, in India Sup. 8; 9: 30 : 32 Porus, and the stratagem used by Alexander, Purdpas, and the Andhras, etc. 71, f. ; and 246, 1. 245, 1. Vartta, etc. ... .. 235 & n.-239 & n. Potalaka, Potigai (Greek Bettigo) .. ..48, f. Purandara Kbari, possibly a Soma vamsi k... 211 Potana, Potali, cap. of Asaka .. .. .. 150 Puranie list, and Post-Andhra bhritya rulers, Potivam or Potigai, mt., or Agastya's Hill.. 48, 1. identification of .. .. .. .. 298 pounder, stone, from Chota Nagpur .. .. 136 Puri, tn., and the palm-leaf record, 210 ; and Pretorium, at Umm-al-Jamal .. .. .. 172 the Vatesvara tree, 214; temple omaments, Prahladanadeva, Para mara Yuvardja, writer.. 168 etc. .. .. . .. 216, f. Prajna, wisdom .. .. .. .. .. 217 Purushottama, g. .. .. Sup. 12:21 prajndpands, public proclamations of Asoka.. 52 Pushkar, Pokaharas, W. of Ajmer :.75 & n. ; 78 Prakrit or Apabhramba, and the wide sound of Puttar, Navagrahara, N. Arcot, and Sona. E and .. 25, f.; 37-41; 43-45; 231 d rinatha . . . . . . . . 95, f .. .. 207

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INDEX Qadr Khan Bahadur Shah of Khandesh qastal, a castra quffah, gufar, a river-tub Quli Qutb Shah of Golcondah, 122; and Huma rabies, cure for Raghu yun " Qutb Saheb, Qutb-ud-din Bakhtyar Kaki of Ush, and Khwaja Khizr.. 206 179 Rashtrakutas, and the W. Chalukyas of Badami, 177 244 123 207, f. .. 247 Raghuvamia, the, and the Tamraparni riv., 49; and Baga, etc., Subandhu's reference to, 247 -249; a difficulty in .. Rahu, planet 253 .. 112 .. 241 Rai, inscrip., of Asalla Deva Rai Durlabh, Diwan to Suraju'd-daula..269; 273, f. Raja Ahmad, reputed first ruler of Khandesh, 114; 182; 185, 1. Raja Alf, 'Alt Khan, or Adil Shah IV. 144-149; 183-186 Rajanatha, son of Arunagiri, possibly two poets of the name 94; 96-98 Rajanathapura, 94; or Talpagiri Rajanatheevara, linga, at Rajanathapura Rajaraja I, inscrips. of 100 94 99 263 Raja Sirkap, Panjab Saka hero .. Rajasthani, and the wide sound of E and 0, 41, 42: 44: 225-232 Rajatarangini, the, and Mihirakula 18 19 Rajendracholadeva I, Gangaikonda Chola.. 94 99 Rajmahal, and the Sun-god 219 Rajputana, and Bhamaka, 73; and the Mala75 & n. Rajputs of Narwar, genealogical table of .. 241 Rajyapala, Bargaon inscrip. of .. 111 Rama, kdvya of, 96; and Vartta, 238; and Vis. Vas vamitra, 240; and Vishnu Rama-ism Sup. 17 Sup. 19: 20 Ramakavi, author of the Sans. Subhadra .. ..97, f. ..Sup. 4: 9; 19: 23 111 73 Dhananjaya-nataka Ramanuja, system of Ramapala, and E. Magadha Ramatirtha, tn., and Ushavadata Ramayana, the, and the word ghosha, 35; and Vartia 233 & n.: 237 & n.; 238 & n.; 356 Ramsay, And., of Bombay, and Wm. Bolts, Ranga II, copperplates of, 79; VI .. ranks, E. I. Co.'s officers obliged to go through them.. Ranthambhor, district and battle rasa, sentiments, symbols of, in temples 9 & n. 10 81 84 ..243 217 Rastrakuta k., Krisnaraja III .. Ratanrai, Arora, a name of Uderolal Rataul plate inscrip... Ratha Yatra, Car festival Ratnani Sher, Uderolal .. Ratnaprabha, a hell, and Kalkiraja rava, adri, bodycloth 323 286, n. 19 . 199 243 212 202 18 . 202 ** 141 Ravenscroft, Mr., E. I. Co.'s servant Rast-al-Mulk, Ahmad II., of Gujarat re-birth, and birth, in the Bhagavadgit. Sup. 25; 26 record, palm-leaf, in Puri Records, Old Factory, Notes from 210 56; 84 redwood, from Kaliot, Austrian trade in, 32-34; 64 & n. references, to places mentioned in copper-plate grants .. reformadoe, volunteers Religion, in Sind, (contd. from Vol. XLVI, p. 208). 197, f. Religion, monotheistic, of Krishna, etc. Sup. 9-13; and philosophy Renaud, Nic., Austrian seaman Republic, The, (Plato) and economics .. Revised Chronology of the Last Gupta perors revision, of the Bhagavadgitd, date Revival, Hindu, in Sind Rigveda, and monotheism .. 79-81 84 Sup. 14 68 233 .. Em161, ff. .Sup. 30, 31 203, f. Sup. 16 Rigveda-Sam hita, and the name Indrasena, 280 282 283 & n. Rikshavat, or Achhavata, Satpura Hills 151 Rishabhadatta, and Ushavadata 73 & n. Ritchie, R., E. I. Co.'s agent, Vienna.. 68; 85, ff. River cult in Sind, see Religion in Sind.. 197, ff. Rock Ediots, identification of Tambapamri. 48, f. Rock edicts, I., 221: 297 & n.; XIII, 71; inscrip., Junagadh 154; 162, n. Roderick, the Ostrogoth 174 Rodriquez, Domingo, of Tellicherry, and Wm. Bolts Rohankhed, battle Roman, Emperors, coins of, 74; and Kadphises, 77; architecture, in the Hauran, 170; 177; art.. Romans, and the Lakhmid k. Imrulques roofing, systems, see Vaulting System Rossetti, J., and Wm. Bolts' Company routines, of Asoka, and of Chandragupta Roy, Protap Chandra, and the Bhagavadgitd.. .. 10 147 294 .. 177 .. 169, ff. .. 86: 88 ..54, n. Sup. I n. 31 Royal Henry, ship Rsis, seers of olden days, and Indian philosophical systems .. ..101

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INDEX Rudra, or Siva . . . . . . . . . . . 218 saltpetre, trade in .. .. .. .266 & n. Rudradaman, 50; and Gautamiputra gata. Salur, inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 288 154 & n. 165 adjuvdbhyudayam, a kdvya, attributed to Raja. Rudra-gatakarni .. .. .. .. .. 156 natha .. .. .. 97-99 Rudragena, copperplate grant of .. .. 1658luva Narasimha, Vijayanagara k... .. 97 ruins, of Kugair-al-Hallabat, etc. .. .. 170 salvation, in the Bhagavadgita .. Sup. 25, f. Rulers, Faruqi, of Khandesh, list samdja, word in Rock Edict I. 221, ff. Rulers, Post-Andhra bhritya, of the Puranio list. 298 Samarra, and Muhammadan buildings .. 175 Rumbold, Sir Thos., gov. of Madras ..57 & n., 58 Samba , son of Krishna .. .. .. 213 Rummendei Pillar, 291 ; inscrip. Sambalpore, and the Soma vamai kinge ..210, n. Ryan, agent for Wm. Bolts .. .. .. 67 Sambu, and the Solar cult .. .. .. 218 Samdfpani, preceptor of Krishna .. .. 240 Sameh, example of vaulted roof, at .. .. 172 Samjaya, charioteer . . Sup. 20 : 35 Hamkara .. .. .. .. 105 Sabandhu, and Mallanaga .. .. .. 189 Sankhya, system of philosophy, 102; 105 & Sabhapati, and Siva .. .. .. .. 96 I n.: 107-109; and the Bhagavadgita. Sup. Sa bhApati, Dhakka Sabhapati, ancestor of the 14 ; 22-26 : 28: 34 poets of Mullandram, 94, f. ; a second of the Samkya-Yoga, monotheism, Sup. 6 & n.: 8:17; name .. . . . .. 96; 98 19; 21; 27: 35 sacred thread, cut ... .. .. 1981 Samson, legend .. .. .. .. .. 208 sacrifices, in N&paghat inscrip., 71, 72 & n.; Samudra, and the Brahmans of Sind .. .. 197 animal and vegetable, 189, n.; in the Bhaga- Samudragupta and Megha varna of Ceylon .. 20 vadgita .. . .. 6 & n., 7, n.; 18; 32 sam vdha, unit of a settlement .. .. .. 35 Sadasiva-deva-raya, copperplate of .. .. 81 sanads, Mughal, to SvetAmbara Church .. 140 SA dinon, the gate vahanas . .. .. 150 |_Sanchi, stupa, inscrip.72; or topes, 214; Sagen, Indian, and Svetadvipa, and Alexandria, pillar .. .. .. .. .. ... 291 Sup. 15, 16; Kshatriya, and Yoga teaching, Sanctissimo Sacramento, Austrian ship . 32 Sup. 32 Sanda inscrip. .. .. .. .. .288 Sahya, Hills, Sahyadris .. .. .. .. 151 Sandhya, prayer, and Asoka .. .. .. 54 St. Francis . .. .. .. .. .. 197 & n. Sankara, 194; and the Svetdsvatara Upanishad, St. George, fort, and Austria's commercial Sup. 15; or Sankaracharya, and the Bhaga venture, 7:56--59; 61-63; 69; 84; monas- vata-Pancharatra religion .. .. Sup. 18 tory, in Sameh .. .. .. .. 172 Sankaracharya matha, or Kamakotfevara pilha, St. James, court of, and Vienna, 5; 63: 65; or 94: 96 London .. .. .. .. .. .. 3 Saukhya, philosophy .. .. .. .. 109 St. Paul, Epistles of, and the Bhagavadgitd. Sup. 29 Sankisa, columm .. ... . 291, f. St. Thomas, and Parthin .. .. Sup. 15 Sanskrit, and the wide sound of E and O, 25; St. Thome, near Madras . .. 68 26; 28, n. 37-41; 43 & n.-46 ; 229 & n., Saiva Brahmanas, and Rajendra Choladhva I. 99 230; in inscrip., 111; texts, and Vanita, 238 Saka, year, 16, 17; era, 20; 76; rulers, of the & n., 239; 256 ; and the Sudras .. '.. 240 Panjab .. .. .. .. .. .. 263 Sanskrit Poems, by Mayura, and Bana's CandiSaka-kala, Saka-nyipakala, and other variants. 70 Sataka, Book-Notice .. .. .. .. 167 Sakalya-Malla, court poet, and Nainaracharya. 100 Saranatha inscrip. .. .. 52; 298 & n. Sakapuni. on Trivikrama Vighnu worship . 84 Sarasvati, and dramatio art .. .. .. 221 Sakay, and Dasapura, 78; the Parthivas .. 138 Sarathi, charioteer, of the sun.. .. 136; 280 Sakasena, Siri-Sata, k. .. .. 155 Sarhang, sarang, native skipper.. .. .. 31 Sakti, female counterpart of Siva . 136 & n. Sarika, demon .. .. .. .. .. 197 Saktisri, Hakusiri, son of Satakarni.. .. 72 Sarnath, inscrips., 16, f.; image, etc. 161-163; Sikuntala, the, 247-249; And Subandhu .. 264 166, f. : column . . . . 291, f.: 294 Sakyama, Yama ... .. .. .. .. 299 fasana, orders, 52, n., documents, 79; writers Saladin, and the el-Aksa mosque, Jerusalem. 176, n. of the Vijayanagara kinge .. .. 98, f. Salim, Sultan, Jahangir sdsanam, composers and engravers of the Salivahana, Sata vahana .. .. 69 Vijayanagara empire, pedigree, etc... .82, 1. Salivahana-Saka .. .. 70 sdatra, stage of development .. .. .. 101 .. 181

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Sata, Yaksha, father of Satavahana Satakarni, Andhra k., 71 & n.: 72 & n.; lord. of Dakshinapatha 154, f. 196 sataronbil, terumbil, automobile.. Satavahana Period of the Dekkan, 69, ff.; 149, ff. Satavahana king, and Vikrama sati.. Satpura hills, Achhavata 112 95 151 25, n. Sup. 6 & n. Satsai, a work by Bihari sattra, sacrifice Satur, two merchants of the name, and Austria's commercial venture ..61 & n., 62 .. Sup. 9; 12 186, n. 285 Satvatas, followers of Krishna Satyakama, son of Jahala Satyaaraya, W. Chalukya k. Satyaaraya Kirttivarman II., Badami k. Chalukya INDEX .. .. 286 Satyasraya Vijayaditya, Chalukya of Badami. 286 Satyasraya, Vikramaditya II., Chalukya k... 286 Satyun, Virgins, cult of.. Sauras, sect 205 136 115 190-192 partment Seleucids, fall of Seleucos, and Chandragupta Sen, dyn., Bengal, sun worshippers Senart, on Krishna 69 Sayyids, and Dilhi Schools, Vedic and Academic Sciences, of courtesans, 189; of industries, 72; 102-104: 109; of kings, 159; expositions of, 190-194; or art, of wealth.. Scott, Revd. K., and coins of Nahapana 234 256 ..74, f. Scott, H., Customs officer, Calcutta 32 Sorafton, Luke, and Omichund, 267 &n.: 269 & n.:273 script, Nabatean 170 sculpture, remains, of old Indian, 212; see Mauryana 291, ff. 78 197 189 Serampore, Srirampur, and Wm. Bolts. Seringapatam, and Wm. Bolts Scythia, co., in Sind sea, and the Indus seduction, of a maiden Sehwan, in Sind, and Uderolal, etc...200: 202-205 Select Secret Committee, later the Foreign De 266 & n.; 269 169 70 219 Sup. 10, f. ..30; 58 12, f. 71 215 Seriva, ancient Andhapura serpent, in temple sculpture Sesha, serpent, reputed father of Satavahana.. 70 Setagiri, hills, unidentified 151 35 Seths, Bengal Hindu financial community, and Omichund, etc. 267 & n. 268: 270, n. settlement, Aryan, units of Settlements, projected Austrian, in. Gogo, 7; Bimliapatam, 10; Nicobars, 13; E. L. Co.'s, in Sumatra, 56; 57; Dutch, etc., Baranagore. 58 sex, and ethics, etc. 217 .. Shahbazgadhi, inscrip. shamin dafar, chemin-de-fer Shamsu-d-din Altamsh, and Rana Chaha da Achari 243 Shasthi, goddess, guardian of infants Sherriman, Mr., and Wm. Bolts Sher Shah, and Humayun Shikarpur, and Uderolal.. Shivaji, deified .. 219 90 123, f. 202 300 .. 204 Shivistan, Sehwan, and the Siva cult Shrimali Brahmans, and Brahmans of Sind.. 197 shrine, of Uderolal, in Sind, 198; shrines, in Orissa 209, f.. .. .. 325 Shripunj, k., and Sarika, demon Siddapur, Sorebaw, in N. Kanara siddhy sidhi, bhang, and cholera Side-lights on Omichund silpa-sastra, mechanical science, etc... Sind, see Religion in, 197, ff.; and Firuz Shah, 113-115 .. 297 196 197 15, n. 284 & n 265, ff. 239 Singhbhum, Chota Nagpur, polished hammer. stone from Siri-Sata, Sirisena, Saka-sena, coins of Siritana Sristana, probably Sri-Saila Sirkap, c. on Taxila site Siro-Polemais, Sri-Pulumavi Sisuka, Simuka, Andhra conqueror Siva, and Mihirakula, 19; and the Mauryas, 51 & n.; temples, etc., and the Brahmanas of Mandara, 94-97; and the Sun-god, 136 & n.: 137; or Rudra, 218; Dionysos, Sup. 18: Vishnu Hari-Hara Sup. 20 156 .. 155 51 Sivadatta, Abhira k. .. 135 155 .151 263 153 71 Siva-Sri-Satakarni, coins of, etc. Skanda, worshipped by the Mauryas Skandagupta, 17; his Kahaum pillar inscrip., 20; and Puragupta, suggested identity. 161-167 slaughter, and killing, 189, n. ; 221; of BethleSup. 16 56. 61 ham ... slaves, for E. I. Co., Sumatra Smith, Hon. Chas., President, Madras Smriti, stage of development in Indian spiri. tual life.. Snow Vienna, Austrian ship Society, Triestine, (see Company) Sogal, inscrip. solar, eclipse, 16, f.; cult, see Sun Temple, Konarak, 209, ff.; theory, and Buddha. Sup. 10, f. Solen, probably variant of Ceylon, Greek for Tamraparni riv. Somadeva, Jaina author, and Mihirakula, 19; and Satavahana domais, Somai, Thakurs, Nasapur Somanatha Dikshita, of Mandara 101 61, f.; 65-67 85, fl. 287 49 69 201; 203 94

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326 Somavalli-yogananda-prahasana, a work by Arunagiri Somavamsi, kings, of Katak Someevara, Chahamana k., coins of Somesvara I., W. Chalukya k., 285; or Trailokyamalla Ahavamalla, 289; II., 285, or Bhuvanaikamalla, 289, f.; III., IV. Somo, brother of Uderolal Sthangunduru, agrahara, subjects studied there. 257 Stone, inscrips., Bhimpur 242 64 & n. 28 Stormont, Viscount, Sec. of State Strait Settlements, coinage of Stratagem, of Alexander, against Porus..245, f. stupas, Sanchi, 72; 216; Buddhist and Jaina, 111; 114; in Odra Subandhu, and Kalidasa Subha-Chandra, Jaina monk Subhadra-Dhananjayandfaka, play, by Rama 97; 125, n. 94 ..162, n.: 164 152 & n. .. 112. Sudras, and Abhiras, 35, f. ; and Vartta, 237 n.239, n. ; and emancipation Suffolk, Earl of, Sec. of State .. Sufl-isn, and Daryapanthi religion sugar, manufactured by the Austrians.. Sukkani, quarter-master Sukkar, in Sind Sup. 27 57 & n. 204, f. 13 67 202 105 63 Sukra, Kavya Usanas, Usanas. Sulivan, Ben., of Fort St. George Sup. 9 Sultan, Suratrana, and Sonadri, 95, f.; Murad, 178-180; Salim, Jahangir, Khusrai, and Khandesh 181; 185, f. 56 Sopadrinatha, Arunagirinatha, poet, of Mullandram Kshatriyas Spring, in the Raghuvansa.. springs, in Sind 97 & n., 125, n. 210 243 .. INDEX Sonagiri, Arunagirinatha Sonda, Soundah, in N. Kanara, and Austria's commercial venture .. 13: 15, n. 47 Song of Jasa vanta Sonegars, date Song Yong, Chinese pilgrim, on Mihirakula, etc. 19 Sophist, Dialogue, (Plato), and economics .. 233 Sorparaga, and Sopara, cap. of an ancient dist. 73 & n.: 78 trans Soul, the, and Kamandaki, 108, f.; migration of, etc., Sup. 2: 4: 5; 21; 23-25; 27, f. sound, the wide, of E and O, (contd. from Vol. XLVI, p. 304). 24, ff.; 37, ff.; 225, ff. Spirit, the theory of, in the Bhagavadgua .. Sup. 24-26; 31; 34 Spiritual, life, Indian, stages of, 101; and the 94-98 98 $raddadhanan, superstitious devotees Sravana Belgola, in Mysore, statue in.. Sri, goddess, in the Arthadastra, 51, n.; and Maha Lakshmi and Austria's 285 200 253 254 & n. 204 & n. 51 139 sculpture (see erotic, 216) Sri-parvata, Siri-tana, hill Sri-Pulumavi, Siro Polemaios Sriranga, II., copperplates of Sri-Saila, k., Siritana Srivallabha, and Varatunga Pandya, copper plates of.. 216 Sri-Chandra-Sati, k., coins of.. 155, f. Srikanthograma, the, and the poets of Mullan. dram 89, f. Brinangaraya II., the Arivillmangalam plates of, 79 Sungas, and Sisuka bringara rasa, erotic passion, and temple 217 .. 151 .. 153 81 151 commer stage, the, in ancient India Staht, Lieut., cial venture staples, Europe staples, and Austria's commercial venture 10: 15 State-craft, (see Dandantti, 102) science of 102-104: 109 statues, Gommatesvara, at Sravana-Belgola, 139; female, Besenagar Stedman, Sam., E. L. Co.'s servant.. Steppe of Balqa, Moab, and the Umayyads. 173, f. 296 11 81 222 kavi 61, f. Subrahmanyakavi, scholar of Mandara Sudarsana-laka Sudasana, vil., in Nasik cave grant Sudraka Satavahana, and Vikrama .. Sumatra, E. I. Co.'s settlement Sun Temple, Kanarak, alleged Buddhist influence in .. 209, ft. Sun, and Brahma etc., 136; 138; worship, in Mexico, 217; in the Raghuvamea, 253-255; and Buddha, Sup. 10; Surya.. 209 247, f. 210 sura, style, and bhdaya style Suvarnamukha, tn., and Ushavadata Suvarnanabha, writer supakdra-edstra, cooking.. Superb, E. I. Co.'s ship Sur, dyn., of Delhi .. 165 Suraju'ddaula, and Omichund, etc., 265-270:273, f. Burapala, Vigrahapala .. Surashtra, Kathiawad, 150: 153; and Gauta. miputra, etc. Sup. 32 71 .. 239 .. 154; 164 Surat, Mogul's city, and Wm. Bolts, etc. 2: 3: 5; 8; and Kapura Suratha, Surashtra .. 78 .. 150 .. 241 Surways, inscrip. of Ganapati Raja Surya, Sun g., 138; or Suryya, 214; and the warrior caste Sup. 32 190-192 73 189 76 .. 58 .. 124 Suvarnas, coins Svayambhu, son of Tyagaraja, of Mandara, possibly two of the name 94-96

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INDEX 327 Svetadvipa, White Island, and the Sages Narada, etc. .. .. .. Sup 15 & n. : 16 veta ketu, and the Kamassstra . 188 & n. evetambara, Jain sect .. .. .. 140 Svetdiwatara Upanishad .. .. .. Sup. 14: 15 Sveta vaha, and other variants, names of Ar juna .. .. .. . . . Sup. 13 Syria, and the week days, 112; and architeo. ture, eto. 170-172; 178, n.; and Antiochus. 27 Systems, Philosophical, of India .. 101: 104-106 .. 197 Tabari, historian .. .. .. .. ! Tafa'ul Khan, stone seat, Khandesh . .. 162 Taila I., Badami Chalukya k., 286; II., 285, 286 & n.; or Ahavamalla, 287; III. .. 285 Taimur and India .. .. Tak Eivan, building near Karkh taliyah, hermit's hut .. .. .. .. 206 Talgund, inscrip. .. Ta'lib-i-ibn Ustad, or Mushta'qi, Sind legend .. .. .. .. .. .. 205 Talpagiri, Mettaippadi or Rajan Athapura. 94 : 100 .. .. .. Sup. 6, n. Tambapamni, riv., identification of .. 48, f. 297 T&mraparni, riv... .. .. .. ..48, f. tanmatanusdrita, totality of followers of a doo trine .. .. .. .. .. .. 158 Tarikh-o-Shivaji, Persian work .. .. .. 300 L'atpdddwudhydta, expression, applied to Pura gupta .. .. .. .. .. 164, f. Tatta, cap. of Sind, and UderoIAL .. 198, f.;. 204 tattoos - .. .. . . .139 Taxila, Soroll, insorip. 76; tn., 138; and Sir. kap .. .. .. .. .. .. 263 Taylor, J., of Madrasapatam .. .. .. 61 teg, sword .. .. .. .. .. 200 Tel, Telingiri, and the Telavaha riv. .. .. 71 Telang, on Bhakti .. .. Sup. 15 & n. ; 28, n.-32 Tellicherry, and Austria's commercial venture, 8-12; 14 Telugu, co., Andhradeca . . 71 Temples, of Siva and Vishnu, 94, 96; of the Sun, Kanarak, etc., 209, ff.; and worship department, Mauryan institution .. .. 51 termas, explained, in the Arthaddstra .. 6., ff. territory of Gautamiputra .. .. .. 150 Tessitori, Dr., and the wide sound of E and o, 37 & n.-39; 43-47; 225, ff. texte, on Vartia, etc. .. .. .. 238-240 Thakurs, and Uderolal, 200 & n.; 201 & n.; 202: and exogamy .. .. .. .. 203; 207 Thalner, vil., Karvand, and Raja Ahmed, 115, f. ; 121: 141 The Divine Song, Bhagavadgita .. Sup. 2, 3, n. The Practical Path, by Champat Rai Jain, Book-Notice .. .. .. .. .. 139 theatre, etc., and samdja .. .. 221-223 & n. Theism, and the Bhagavadgitd. Sup. 3-6, n.: 8, n. Theology, tray .. ..102104: 106, f.; 109 Thomas, St., and Parthia . .. Sup. 15 Tiberius, or Augustus, on coins. . .. 77, n. Tibet, Tibat, and Alexander .. .. .. 245 tiger, vyaghra .. .. .. .. Timbe, near Delagoa Bay, and Wm. Bolts Tinnevelly dist., ancient Pandya kingdom .. 48 Tirtha-kalpa, a work by Jinaprabhasuri .. 69 Tirumalaraya, copperplates of .. . 81 Tissa, k. of Ceylon tombs, Nabataan, and vaulted roofs, etc., 169; 176; of Muhammad Tughlaq, 176; of Uderolal . .. 201, f. Tondainadu, and Mullandram .. .. .. 99 Toramana, Eran Boar inscrip., etc. .. 18, f. Torevanda, inscrip. .. .. .. .. 289 trade, Austrian, in S. India .. .. 59, f. tradition, and Alexander .. .. .. 245 tragedy, Black Hole .. . 265, 266 & n. Trailokyamralla, biruda of Somesvara I... 289 & n. Traite de l'Economie Politique (1615) . 234 Tranquebar, Danish settlement .. .. 58, f. transmigration, of the soul .. . Sup. 21 trayi, theology, 102; 106, f.: 109: 238: 239 & n. 291; 256 treaty, with Suraju'ddaula, eto... 266-269: 273 trees, in temple carvings, etc. ..214; 216 & n. Trengganu, and Malay currency .. .. 28 Treld age, and Vartta .. .. .. .. 233 Triest, and Austria's commercial venture, 9; 32; 51 & n.: 58-60 : 64: 68 ; Society of .. 85, f. Trilokasava, palm-leaf MS., extract from .. 28 Trimurtis in Bundelkhand .. .. 136, ff. Trinkat, Tricuttee, Nicobar isl... .. .. 13 Trita, sage, and Svetadvipe .. .. Sup. 16, f. Trivikrama Vishnu worship .. . .. 84 Tuba, frontier fort, Hauran .. 174; 177 Tughlaq dyn. .. .. .. .. 116 Turks, and Uderolal .. .. .. .. 200 Udayagiri, mt., 168; temples on, 210, n.; caves, 214 Uddalaka, and the Kamaidstra Uddalaks . .. 188 &n Uddandapura, Bihar .. .. .. 110, uddhrta, meaning of .. .. .. .. 1 Uddyotakara, early writer .." .. 103,

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328 INDEX .. .. 58 Uderolal, seo Religion in Sind .. .. 197, ff. Vartta, the Ancient Hindu Economics, 233, fr.: udyana, royal gardens .. .. .. .. 54 256, ff.: 275, ff. Udyota Kesari, inscrip... 210, f. Vasavadatta, romance by Subandhu .. 247, f. Ujjain, Ozone, cap., of Chashtana, etc., 153: 166; Vasishthiputra Pulumavi, and Nahapana, and Akbar, 180; and Sun worship .. .. 218 154, f.; inscrips. of .. . .. .. 222 Ujjayini, Ujeni, 78; Avanti .. .. 151 ; 167 Vasishthiputra Satakarni .. .. .. 155 Ukhaidir, palace, ruins, etc. .. .. .. 175 Vasudeva, 8., and Trivikrama Vamana Ulugh Khan, and Rana Chahada Acharf .. 243 Vishnu, 84; 137, f. : in the Bhagavadgita, Umar, Khalifah, or al-Fariq, ancestor of the Sup. 4: 5: 9-13; 17; 18; 20 : 21 Faruqi dyn. .. .. .. .. 116, f. Vatesvara tree, Puri .. . .. .. 214 Umar ibn 'Abd al-Aziz, and the mihrab. .. 175 Vatsyayans, and Kautilya, 102 & n.-104 & n.; Umayyad Khalifs, Arabs, 174 ; a power in C. 106-108; and the Kamaldstra, 188 & n. ; Asia .. .. .. .. .. 177 and Mallanaga, etc., 189 & n. ; 190 & n.; and Umm al-Jamal, Church etc., with vaulted roof. 172 KAlidAsa, two of the name, 195 & n.; and Umtatiyah, example of vaulted roof, at .. 172 samaja .. .. .. .. ..221, f. Upanishads, the, and the Bhagavadgitd, Vaulting system of the Hindola Mahal, ManSup. 14; 15: 31 & n. : 35 du . .. .. 169, ff. Vsanas, gukra, etc., 105 ; and Gautama .. 107, n. Vayupurdna, the, and the Abhirae .. 35: 36 & n. Usha vadata, two of the name, 73 & n.; his bene Veda, the, and Krishna, etc., .. Sup. 18:21: 26 factions .. 7478 Vedants and the Bhagavadgita .. Sup. 5-9:34, f. usury, seo money-lending . . 234, n. Vedantadtbika, founded the Vadagalai SrivaishUttamabhadras, and Malayas .. .. .. 76 nava sect .. .. .. .. .. 100 Uttaradis, in Sind .. 203 Vedantins, and Agamantins .. .. .. 99 Uttara-purana, extract from .. .. 20-22, n.. Vedic, legend, of Vishnu, 84; Schools, 190, L.; utthana, energy .. .. works, and Vartta, 236 & n.; and the Bhaga. vadgita .. .. .. .. Sup. 6; 7 & n.: 11 Vedisri, son of Satakarni .. . 72 Vegetable, and animal, sacrifices, 189, n., god, 207, f. Venice .. .. .. .. .. .. 85 Venkata I., II., copperplates of .. .. 81 Vacha, and Vracha, words in Asoka inscrip. 53, f. Venture, commercial, see Austria's .. .. l, ff. vackeel, vakil .. .. .. .. 29 & n. Vernon, Sir Ed., Commander-in-Chief, E. Indies. Vadhryasva, Vadhri, son of Indrasena. 280-284 29, n. Vaidarbha School, of poets .. .. .. 264 Vetala, ghost k., and Satavahana ... .. 70 Vaijayanta, g. .. . 51, n. Vibhagapatramdla, a name for tho Vivokapat. Vaidepika, system of philosophy, 104: 106; 108: ramdla .... .. .. .. .. ..... 79, n. 190, f. Vibhava, Isvara and Krishna .. . Sup. 20 Vaishnava worship and Buddhism, etc. 84 ; 220 Victoria and Albert, Museum .. .. .. .. .. 296 Vaidravana, R. . .. .. .. 51, n. | Victory pillar, at Kamakotisvara pifha .. 94 : 96 Vaikyas, and Vartta, 237 & n., 238; 240 ; 256; Vidabhs, Vidarbha, co., and Gautamiputra, and emancipation .. .. .. Sup. 27 150; and the Vaidarbha School of Poetry.. 264 Vakataka, kings .. .. .. .. .. 165 Vidyapati, g. .. .. .. .. .. 96 Vakgu-tira, Vanku, Oxus, riv. .. .. 17 Vidyaranya, sage .. Valaipattanam, Baliapatam .. .. 10, n. Vidyas, and Kautilya, 102-104; 107, n.-109; 237 Vallabha, commentator, 251 : 253, n. ; and the Vienna, and Austria's commercial venture, Krishna sect .. .. .. .. Sup. 19: 20 3:5:8: 34 : 86; 90: 91 Valuraka, caves .. .. .. .. .. 74 Vigrahapala II., III., inscrips, of, etc. 111; or vanijia, cattle-rearing .. .. .. .. 256 Surapala .. .. .. .. .. .. 165 Varahamihira, 108 ; and Sun, idols. . 136: 138; 150 Vijayanagara, dyn., sasana writers of and the Varatunga Pandya, Srivallabha, copperplate poets of Mullandram, 79, ff.; pedigree of the composers, etc... ... .. .. 82, f. ; 98 Vardharis, or Budhais, Thakurs .. Vikrama, and Mala va, eras, etc. 16:20 ; and the Varga, Apsaras leader .. week-days .. .. .. .. 112 & n. vargr, varag, wolf .. Vikramaditya, k. of Ujjain, 70; III, 286 & n.; Vartika-sutra, Patanjali's gloss to, and the IV. 286 & n.; V., 285, 286 & n.: Tribhu. " Abhiras .. .. .. 36 vanamalla, 287 & n.; VI. ... ... ..29

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INDEX 329 .. 197 .. .. .. 197 Sup. 27 Vilivayakura, Baleokourous, coins of .. .. 153 week days, and Vikrama .. .. .. 112 Vinasphari, and Vanaspars .. . 298, f. werwolf Vindhya, Vijha, mte. .. .. .. .. 151 Western Chalukyas of Kalyani, chronology vinita, word, in Aboka inscrip... ..63: 54 & n. . . . . . . . . . . 285, ff. Vira Narasimha, copperplate of.. .. .. 79 Western Ghate, Malaya .. . .. 161 Virapurushadatta, Srf Ikshvaku, k. .. .. 156 Williams, Capt., E. I. Co.'s servant .. virgins, cult .. .. .. .. 5: 208 .. 205: 208 wisdom, prajad .. .. .. .. Virupeksha, copperplates of .. .. .. 79 wolf, varg wolf-god, Apollo .. . Visakha, worshipped by the Mauryas .. .. .. 208 .. 51 Vishnu, Temples, 95, f. ; and the Sun, 136 &' women, and orthodoxy in India, 189, n.; and UderolAI, 202; their studies, etc. 239, n. : 256; n. : 137; 220 ; image, etc., 164; 216 ; Trivik. rama worship, 84; in the Bhagavadgitd, and chariot races, 283; and emancipation, Sup. 2; 4, 5, n.: 6, n.; 11; 17:18 Vishnuism, pre-Mussalman, 204, n.; in the words, European, corruption of .. .. 196 .. Bhagavadgita .. .. .. Sup. 14: 19 Works and Days, a work by Hesiod .. .. 233 Vishnupada, on Gaya Peak, 84 & n. ; 219; worship, and the Mauryas, 51 ; 84, n. ; in Sind, inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 109, f. 197: 202 : 204: 207, f.; of the Sun, 217-219 & n. Vishnupur, P'i-shen-p'o-pu-lo .. . 204, n. Vishnuvite, attack on Uderolal.. .. .. 204 Visnugupta, Kautilya, or Chanakya... 101; 159; 190 Visvamitra, and the Andhras, 70; and Rama. 240 Visvaphani, Visvaphatika, etc., and Vanaspara. 298 Xenophon, and economics .. .. 233 & n. Visvarupa Sena, copperplates of .. .. 220 Xerxes, palace of .. .. .. 293 Vindkapatramdia, the .. 79, ff. ; 94, ff.; 125, ff. volunteer, reformadoe .. .. .. .. 84 vraja, vrajas, divisions of land.. .. ..55 & n. Vrindaban, and Sun worship .. .. .. 220 Vrittis, in Mammata's Kavya Prakdba, an addi. Yadavas, and the followers of Krishna, tional proof of the genuineness of .. .. 23 Sup. 9: 11 : 13, n. Vudri, inscrip. ... .. .. .. .. 288 Yajna-Satakari .. .. .. .. 156, f. Vyasa, and the story of Indrasena ..281; Sup. 20 Yajna valkya, on beef diet .. .. 189, n. Yajvapalas, or Jajapallas of Narwar .. 241, ff. Yale, Elihu, E. I. Co.'s servant.. .. 66; 84 Yama, Sakyama .. .. .. .. .. 299 Yamas, coins of .. .. .. .. .. 299 Wadageri inscrip. Yar Lutf Kh An, Indian officer (1757) 267, 268; odgh, panther .. . wagho, crocodile .. 270 & n. Yaramadiraja, or Para madiraja, Jajapella k...242 Walid I, Umayyad Khalifa, 174; and the mihrab .. Yasodharman, and Mihirakula .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 18 .. Walkor, man with Capt. Cook, and with Wm. Yavanas, Greeks .. .. .. .. .. 163 Bolts Yewur, inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. .. 288 .. .. 90 & n. wall paintings, Kusair 'Amrah .. Yoga system, of philosophy, 102: 104, f.: 107- .. .. 174 109; Sup. 21-23; 27 Waqd'if Nizamshahiyyah, and the Bur. Yuan Chwang, Hiouen Thsang, 150, n.; on hdn-s-Ma-dgir .. .. .. .. 120 &n. Mihirakula, 163 ; and Odra stupas .. Warren Hastings, and Austria's commercial .. 209 venture .. .. .. 2931 water worship, in Sind .. .. 197 Watson, Admiral, and relief of Calcutta . 266 Watts, Ed., E. I. Co.'s servant .. .. 186, f. Watte, Wm., Chief, Kasimbazar . Zafar-al-Walih, the, and Khandesh .. 183: 185 265, ff. wealth, art of ... .. 233235; 239: 256 Zidrat, of Khwaja Khizr .. .. 204 ; 206 Weber, and the Bhagavadgitd.. Sup. 1: 6, n. : Zimmerman, with Capt. Cook, and with Wm. 10-13; 16-18 & n.; 21, n.: 29; 31 Bolts .. .. .. .. .. 90 & n. wedding customs, Jodhpur, eto. .. 197 | Zinda Pir ; Uderold! .. . 202, 204; 207, f. ".. .. 197

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITA.* TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN BY N. B. UTGIKAR, M.A.; POONA. Preface. [Text p. 5] Or tranlations of Bhag, and of treatises over it, there is certainly no lack.1 A new translation and investigation of the famous poem is not however superfluous, since Bohtlingk in his " Bemerkungen zur Bhag." has shown how much yet remains to be done for an exact understanding of the text of the Bhag. Bohtlingk's remarks conclude with the words:" An unprejudiced examination of the philosophical contents of the Bhag. influenced by no commentator is certainly very much to be wished for, if coming from a scholar familiar with the philosophical systems of India." If the great scholar-only recently snatched away from us-be right in holding this view, and if I might reckon myself on the ground of my work for the Indian Philosophy-as amongst those qualified for such a work, I need have no scruples in putting forward the result of (my) all-sided and searching investigation of the Bhaq. I. The Bhagavadgita in its Original Form. [Text p. 6] The days when the Bhag. because of the loftiness of its thought and of its language excited in Europe nothing short of enthusiastic rapture, are long gone by, We are-in spite of phantastic theosophists like Franz Hartmann-grown more sober and more critical, and do not any more shut our eyes to the manifest shortcomings and weak points of the poem. Even now the still prevai ing view in India is of the homogeneity of the Bhag., though this view has been often enough refuted by German scholars. Already in 1326 had W. von Humboldt in his well-known essay "On an Episode of the Mahabharata known under the name of Bhag.," p. 53, said: "The interpolations and additions can with great probability be conjectured even if one be not in the position to single them out ;" and again p. 54," the relationship of the individual doctrines would probably have been stronger if indeed the idea of unity had prevailed from the very first design of the work." With greater decisiveness has Weber after him [Ind. Stu. II, 394 (1853)] expressed himself on this point:-"The Bhag. can be regarded only as a combination of partly very different kinds of pieces." A. Holtzmann, Das Mahab., II., pp. 163-165, emphasises the necessity of the supposition that the Bhag. might have been recast; so also E. W. Hopkins in his Great Epic of India, 1902, speaks more than once (p. 205, p. 234) of the rewritten Gita (rewritten by a modernizing hand). In what way Hopkins thinks that the Gita might have been rewrittten is to be seen from his older work The [Garbe's (German) Introduction to his (German) Translation of Bhagavadgita appeared at Leipzig in 1905.] 1 A comprehensive review of the MSS., editions and translations of the Bhag. and of its native commentaries and of the explanatory treatises thereof by European scholars is given by A Holtzmann, Das Mahabharata, II. 1893, pp. 121-153. Since the appearance of Holtzmann's work no year has passed but has added in India further contributions to the literature on the Bhag. * Berichte der phil-hist Klasse der Konigh. Sachs. Gesell. der Wissen. sitzung Vom 6 Febr. 1897. a Protap Chandra Roy says in his translation of the Mahabharata, VI. 75, note: "The text of the Gild has come down to us without, it may be ventured to be stated, any interpolation."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Religions of India, p. 389, [Text p. 7) where it is said: "This Divine Song (or Song of the Blessed One) is at present a Krishnaite version of an older Vishnuite poem and this in turn was at first an unsectarian work, perhaps a late Upanishad." Again at p. 399, Hopkins says: "It is noticeable that although Krishna (Vishnu) is the ostensible speaker, there is scarcely anything to indicate that the poem was originally composed even for Vishnu." As would be evident from what follows, I do not share this view of the American scholar. The conviction, however, that the Bhag. has not reached us in its original form but has undergone essential transformations, is now, however, shared by most of the Indologists outside India. Still this conviction has not upto now led any one to separating the later parts of the Bhag. And this for conceivable reasons-since any such attempt exposes the critique quite too much to objections and contradictions. Because of the importance which the Bhag., however, possesses for the Indian spiritual life, it appears to me to be in the religio-historical interests of the present) moment, that such a task should be ventured. The translation that I offer in the sequel will neither be polished nor smooth, but will be quite literal, and will contain therefore in smaller type those parts, which according to my view are interpolated by a later hand. In this I have proceeded on the following considerations. A. Holtzmann (op. cit., pp. 163, 164) is on account of the inconsistencies in the Bhag. led to the conclusion that " We have before us a Vishnuite revision of a pantheistio poem. We must distinguish between an older and a later Bhag. The older poem was a philosophico-poetical episode of the old genuine Mahabharata, being composed with a pantheistic tendency." (Text p. 8] When I read this statement the conviction grew strongly on me that the fact was just the opposite of this. Just before the passage quoted above, Holtzmann correctly shows how the theological idea of the poem must be regarded as a contradiction with itself. "On the one hand, the pantheistic and thoroughly impersonal World-Soul, on the other, the extremely personal and realistic Krishna-Vishnu, incorporated as a human being, and we are called upon to believe that these two principles are identical." Because of this contradiction the investigation must, as a matter of fact, proceed to distinguish the later component parts of the Gita from the older ones; but in my opinion the investigation should not be carried on after Holtzmann's fashion. The whole character of the poem in its design and execution is preponderatingly theistic. A personal God Krishna stands forth in the form of a human hero, expounds his doctrine, enjoins, above all things, on his listener, along with the performance of his duties, loving faith in Him and self-surrender; and then discloses Himself as an act of especial grace in His super-mundane but withal personal form, and promises to the faithful as a reward for his faith, that he would be united with Him after his death, and would be admitted into the fellowship of God. And by the side of this God-(who is) delineated as personally as possible, and who dominates the whole poem-stands out frequently the impersonal neutral Brahman, the Absolute, as the highest principle. At one time Krishna says that He is the sole Highest God who has created the world and all beings and rules over it all ; at another Of interpolations and changes (made) in the Bhag. Hopkins treats, Religions of India, 390 and 429 (top).

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGIT. time, he expounds the Vedantic doctrine of Brahman and Maya--the Cosmical Illusion, and expounds as the highest goal of a human being that he be freed from the World-Illusion and become Brahman. These two doctrines--the theistic and the pantheistic-are mixed up with each other, and follow each other, sometimes quite unconnected and sometimes loosely connected. And it is not the case that the one is represented as a lower, exoteric, [Text p. 9] and the other, as the higher esoteric doctrine. It is nowhere taught that the Theism is a preliminary step to the knowledge of the reality or that it is its symbol, and that the pantheism of the Vedanta is the (ultimate) reality itself; but the two beliefs are treated of almost throughout as though there was indeed no difference between them, either verbal or real. One might seek to disregard the contradictions in the Bhag. with the explanation that there was not to be expounded in the Bhag, any consistent system, but that it was only a poet speaking there, who received and fashioned thoughts as they streamed into his mind, without paying any heed to the inconsistencies that are to be found at various places. Any such view regarding the Gita is quite erroneous. The Gita is certainly no " artistic work which the all-comprehending vision of a genius bas created." The play of inspiration is indeed oftentimes perceptible; not seldom, however, there are (merely high- ) sounding, empty words with which an idea that has been already quite often explained, is repeated ; and occasionally the literary expression is exceedingly faulty. Verses are bodily taken over from the Upanishad literature, and this is certainly what a poot filled with inspiration would never have done. The workings of Sattra, Rajas and Tamas are systematised with a truly Indian pedantry, and much indeed besides this could be brought forward to prove that the Gita is not the product of a genuinely poetic creative impulse, but is partially a purely artistic didactic poem for the propounding of certain definite religio-philosophical ideas. 6 The inconsistency pervading through the greater part of the Guld [Text p. 10 ] cannot, therefore, be overcome by relying on the poetic character of the poem. One can remove the inconsistency only by the supposition that out of the two heterogeneous doctrines that are put in the mouth of the personal God Kfishna, one must be a later addition. And if this be the case, could we really doubt that we must reject the pantheistic doctrine (as & later addition) and not the heistic one, as Holtzmann does ? 5 Von Humboldt, p. 98, 99ys: There is in the Gitd) & sage that speaks in the fulness and enthusiasm of his knowledge and of hiu feelings, and not a philosopher brought up in any school, who divides his material in conformity to a settled method, and arrives at the last steps of his doctrines through the clue of a set of systematic ideas." Bohtlingk in his Bemerkungen (p. 6, end) says: "The Guld contains by the side of many high and beautiful thoughts, not a few weak points : contradictions which the commentators have tried to PAAR over an excusable), repetitions, exaggerations, absurditios and loathesome points." Hopkins, Religions of India, p. 390, names the Bhay. as a characteristio work of the Hindu Literature" in its sublimity as in its puerilities, in its logic as in its want of it ;" and p. 399 (bottom)," an ill-assorted cabinet of primitive philosophical opinions." Hopkins passes the following judgment (p. 400) on the poetie worth of the Bhag. "Daspite its occasional power and mystic exaltation, the Divine Song in its present state as a poetical production is unsatisfactory. The same thing is said over and over again, and the con. tradictions in phraseology and meaning are as numerous as the repetitions, so that one is not surprised to find it described as the Wonderful Song, which causes the hair to stand on end."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY One might, however, object that the Indians themselves have not at all seen any inconsistency in this combination of Pantheism and Theism; in many other passages of the Mahabharata (e.g. just at its commencement, Anukramanikaparvan, vv. 22-24), in the Puranas and elsewhere, Krishna, i.e. Vishnu, is indeed often enough identified with the universal Soul. And in the system of Ramanuja, the Brahman is conceived to be thoroughly personal,-as an all-powerful, all-knowing and all-merciful Ruler of the Universe which is pervaded by His godly spirit. Why should not have (therefore) the author of the Gita composed the poem under this belief itself in which the theistic and the pantheistic elements lay side by side? [Text p. 11] To this I reply as follows. The identification of Krishna with Brahman, his being regarded as the universal Soul, belongs to a period posterior to the original Bhag. a period filled with syncretic inclinations. This can be proved from the Gita itself as it has come down to us. As is well-known, Krishna comes to be regarded as the Supreme Principle first in the later parts of the Mahabharata. The Gitd, however, does not belong to its later interpolations. The Gita, even in the revised form in which it lies before us, is regarded rightly as one of the older episodes of the Mahabharata. (Holtzmann, op. cit., part II, 121; Hopkins, Great Epic, 205, 402.) Indeed Holtzmann (I, 127) would "ascribe the oldest parts of the Bhag. unhesitatingly to the older poem." Even if I do not subscribe to this latter statement still on ground of its language and its metre, the relative antiquity of the Bhag. cannot be doubted. With this also quite fits in (the circumstance) that in the Gita Krishna stands forth almost thoroughly as a person, and that his identification with Brahman is expressed in clear words only in a few passages (which also will be discussed more closely shortly). I shall here only call attention to Bhag. VII. 19: "At the end of many lives the man of knowledge approaches me realising that Vasudeva is everything.' Such a high-souled person is very difficult to find." That is, Krishna was very seldom regarded as the all (or Brahman), but he was almost always regarded as a personal God. Does not the reviser of the Gita express here in quite clear words that the identification of Krishna with Brahman was at his time first in (process of) growth? In the first verse of the twelth Adhyaya, which in my opinion belongs to the older poem, those who revere the unchangeable and unknowable Brahman are placed in opposition to the Theists who worship Krishna, with a preference for the latter (verse 2), and with a remark that the difficulties [in the way] of the Theists for obtaining eternal welfare are lesser [than for the Avyakta-Upisakas) (verse 5). [Text p. 12] Hopkins, Great Epic, 398, characterises the third of the periods postulated by him in the development of the Mahabharata-text in these words:" Re-making of the epic with Krishna as all-god, &c."; for the preceding second period, [a Mahabharata tale with Pandu heroes, lays and legends combined by the Puranic diaskeuasts] Hopkins lays 7 For more on this point, see part IV of this Preface.

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGIT. down "Krishna as a demi-god." On the ground of this close-fitting theory 8-a theory which in its essentials is quite convincing to me-- I believe Hopkins cannot possibly be regarded as holding that Krishna had developed from a demi-god immediately to an allgod, from a half god to a universal being. In between lies naturally the transition from half (demi-) god to God, and his identification with Vishnu. Only after the Krishna cult had reached that point in its development, could the one god be identified with the Universal Soul : an event furthermore which signifies more the degradation of the Brahman conception than the exaltation of the personal God. The original Bhag. has been composed during that period in which KrishnaVishnu had become the highest (or we might simply say, the) God of Brahmanism; and in the period when Krishna began to be identified with Brahman and & Vedantic turn to be given to Krishnaism in general, originates the pantheistic revision of the poem as it lies before us now; and then originate also those constituent parts (of the poem) which in my translation I have exhibited as additions. Indeed, I have already indicated that Krishna first appears in the Gila to be identified with Brahman only very sporadically. Many times Text p. 13] the conceptions of Krishna and of Brahman are placed in juxtaposition (but) as quite different from each other, so that it almost makes an impression as though the reviser might have shrunk from asserting quite emphatically the identity of Krishna and Brahman because of the distinctly theistic character of his subject matter. Arjuna indeed says to Krishna (X, 12): "Thou art the Highest Brahman", and in the passage already cited, it is said "Vasudeva is All" (VII, 19). [Similarly in XI, 40). However VIII, 1, Arjuna asks--"What is the Brahman ?", and Krishra answers (v. 3) not that "I am Brahman" but says "Brahman is the unchanging highest principle" and gives & different explanation of himself in v. 4 b. In XIV, 26-27 Krishna says, "He who serves me with an unswerving devotion is fit to become one with Brahman, because I am the substratum of Brahman." In XVIII, 50-53, it is taught how the perfected one reaches Brahman; but immediately thereafter (vv. 54, 55) we hear that having become Brahman, he compasses devotion for Krishna and that consequently he enters into Krishna. In these passages, then Ktishna and Brahman are quite distinctly distinguished from each other. It is not only here that they are separate, but ( they are 80 ) everywhere through the whole poem (excluding of course those passages where the Vedantic reviser has mixed up and completely identified with each other the two ideas). In the older poem Krishna speaks of himself--and Arjuna of Krishnaas an individual, a person, a conscious God-head. In the additions made at the time of the revision, the neutral Brahman steps in as the highest principle and is occasionally identified with Krishoa. To summarise therefore, in the older poem is preached Krishnaism based philosophically on Sainkhya-yoga; I might as well leave out of account Joseph Dahlmann's theory regarding the homogeneous character of the Mahabharata- theory that is shared by no non-Indian scholar. * Of this identification of Ksishna with Vishnu and the reason thereof I shall treat at length in a different connection in part II of this Preface. 1 Even in the description of the Rishis, Moh. VI, Adh. 68 (Calc. Edition), Krishna i- viewed quits empbatioally in & personal capacity.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY the Vedanta philosophy (Text p. 14 ) is taught in the additions made at the time) of the revision. 11 Of course it is known long since that the doctrines of the Samkhya-yoga are for the most part the basis of the philosophical ideas of the Bhag. and that by their side, the Vedanta considerably recedes to the back-ground. How often are Sa tokhya and Yoga mentioned by name, while (the word) Vedanta comes only once (Vedantakrit, XV. 15) and that too in the sense of Upanishad. 12 So then even if we think only of the rule which the philosophical systems play in the present Gita, and if we hold in view the irreconcilable difference between the Samkhya-yoga (on the one) and the Vedanta (on the other hand),-a difference which can only be overcome by distinguishing older and newer parts (in the Gild),--the Vedantic portions of the Bhag. would be proved to be over again as un-original. Were we, therefore, to investigate the Gita either from the religious or from the philosophical point of view, (Text P. 15 ) the same result would be attained in either Case. 13 Since Mimatinsa and Vedanta are most closely bound up with each other in the philosophical literature of Brahmanism, it is conceivable that the reviser of the Gila should have ushered in Mimamsa tenets as well, along with Vedantic views, in this popular work, more religious than strictly philosophical. That the poem itself inveighs against the performance of Vedic works (II. 42-46, and XVIII. 66) has not prevented the reviser (of Gita) from making additions in which he brings in his ritualistic stand-point and impressively recommends (III. 9-18, IV. 31) the Vedic sacrificial work.16 The sacrifice was in the older poem (IV. 25 and ff. and elsewhere), thoroughly understood in a metaphorical spiritual sense. 11 The additions made (to the Glid) at the time of the revision are related to the original Bhag. as the subsequently interpolated Ularata pa niya to the older Parvatapaniya in the case of the Nrisimhatapaniya Upanishad. Weber (Ind. Stud., IX, 54) has characterised the two parts of this Upanishad in the following words: "The great difference of the two from each other can be seen quite clearly. The Pdrvald panfyam is purely exoterie and is concerned only with the forms of belief of one (particular) seet, which reveres the Noisimha form of Vishnu as the highest expression and the most exalted form of godhood; and it (i.e. the Parpata pantya) is based essentially on the standpoint of the Yoga system. The Uttarald paniyam is, on the other hand, purely esoteric, and is concerned only with the identification of the All-Soul-the highest Atman, i. e. Brahman-with the Universe, and more particularly with representing its identity with the holy syllablo Om, the different parts of which are in their turn represented as containing the Universe, and stands essentially on the standpoint of the Vedanta system. Thus in the Nyisimhaldpont Upanishad also, the Yoga doctrine based on Theism is the older (vieto), and the Veddntic doctrine the later one. Moreover, it has been shown in part IV of this Prefaca that the revisor of the Bhag. has utilised the Uttaratdpantya. 1. Vedanta has generally this sense.very often in Mahabharata, cf. Hopkins, Great Epic. 93. 13 Even in the so-called quintessence verse of the Gua, XI, 65 (Sarva-kastra-Sara or so forth according to the commentators) there is nothing of Vedantie doctrine. * The description of the Tamana kind of sacrifice, XVII, 13," where there are no prayers and no gifts" might probably occasion the view whether it might here be intended to speak approvingly of the sacrifices prescribed in the Mimdrad. The description of the Satta kind of sacrifice, however, in v. 11 as being performed by those who do not expect any reward therefrom" is against this view. The objec of the author in these verses is to bring together under his seheme of Sattua,

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGIT A 7 Ever since the Bhag. was completed as it has come down to us, it has served to the later poets as a model-even with all its admixture, inconsistencies and vagueness-which all, the Indian mysticism can put up with. After the pattern of the Bhag, are composed [Text p. 16] the Anugita (Mhb. XIV., Ad. 16-51,) the Iivara Gita (Kurmap. II. Ad. 1-11), the Vyasa Gita (Kurmap. II. Ad. 12-34.) 15 and indeed many other pieces besides, not to mention the borrowings from the Bhag., e.g. in Mhb. III. 120 and in the Pancharatra Section, Mhb. XII, Adh. 341 and ff., compare particularly Bhag. XI, 15 and ff., and Mhb. XII, verse 12914 and ff. (Calc. edition). I have read the Bhag. six or seven times during the course of the year, and the impression has ever strengthened itself on my mind that the Vedantic and the Mimamsic parts are unoriginal. I have therefore ventured to carry into practical execution the idea of separating the above named parts of the Bhag., not as the result of any abrupt conceit, but on the basis of a slowly accumulating conviction. (By) thus (separating the particular parts) it appears to me that there is (by this process) nowhere caused any real gap in the Bhag., rather the interrupted relationship of the various passages is further restored ;thus, for instance, quite decidedly by removing the passages III. 9-18; VI. 27-32; VII. 7-11; VIII. 20; IX., 6.16 A better confirmation of my theory (than this) cannot possibly, I believe, be expected. If I might still bring forward a circumstance in favour of my opinion, it is the use of the word "Maya" which occurs six times in the Bhag. Among those passages the word Maya has at IV. 6 and XVIII. 61 the old sense of "miraculous power"; (these passages in my opinion are old since they treat of levara) but the word has at VII, 14 (twice), 15 and 25, the technical Vedanta meaning of the world-appearance, Cosmic Illusion. Over and above this word, which for the religio-philosophical development of India is of very great interest, [Text p. 17] I will not seek to support my theory with (other) literary investigations; and just now I refrain from the possible attempt of bringing to bear on the case literary, stylistic or metrical arguments: because the revision of the Gita has not naturally been carried on so mechanically that the Vedantic and the ritualistic pieces were put in whenever any occasion presented itself as being favourable, and that the old constituent parts of the work scrupulously preserved. It is rather to be supposed that because of the exigencies of the interpolations, most of the poem has been shaped anew. However the old Bhag. has not thereby suffered so radical a transformation of its character that Rajas and Tamas the different kinds of sacrifices known to him in civilized life of his community, but not thereby to recommend the Vedic sacrifice and the tenets of the Mimamad. The same is the case with the veneration of the Brahmanas in v. 14 and of the practice of Veda-recitation in v. 15. In XVIII, 5-6, sacrifice, alms-giving and austerities are recognised as means of purification. Still, however, it is emphasised that one should not practice them with a view to their results [and this is opposed to (the tenets of) Mimamed.] 15 Rajendralala Mitra, Catalogue of Bikaner (MSS.), 201, No. 436. 16 For more on this point, see the Appendix "On the passages in the Bhag. not originally belonging to it."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY the interpolated passages are not for the most part even now recognisable as such in the new work. Though the interpolations are distributed very unequally on the eighteen Adhyayas, it can well be supposed that the original Gita must have consisted of a smaller number of Adhyayas. Its division into eighteen Adhyayas is presumably fashioned after that of the Mahabharata into eighteen parvans ; perhaps the eighteen Paranas were also known at that time. The passages expurgated by me are, as already said, mainly of a Vedantic and Mimaisic import. Other passages are also expunged on other critical grounds, the reasons of which are set forth in the Appendix. One hundred and seventy out of the seven hundred verses of the Bhag. fall away in this way; if the twenty-four verses at the beginning and at the end which might or might not belong to the original Gita, are to be deducted from this number, there are one hundred and forty-six of these interpolated verses), or more than one-fifth of the whole. I do not cherish the illusion that according to the method outlined above I might have succeeded in taking out all the unoriginal parts of the Bhag. At the time of the revision there mighthave been added many other verges besides, of which no word might have been existing in the original poem; means are, however, wanting to decide them as unoriginal, and I should not venture upon pure guess. W. von. Humboldt's remarks on p. 46 of his work make it appear that this great scholar was inclined to make the genuine Gita (Text p. 18] end with the eleventh Adhyaya. Hopkins, Great Epic, 225, calls the verses of Muh. VI. 830-1382, i.e. just the first fourteen Adhyayas of our poem, "the heart of the Cita." 17 I admit unhesitatingly that the later Adhyayas contrast unfavorably with the preceding ones; I would not however, therefore, venture to declare them to be outright later additions, but would suppose that, as it so often happens, the skill of the composer has failed him as he approached the end. That many of the fundamental teachings of the Gita are for the first time brought into clear light in passages of the eighteenth Adhyaya (vv. 55, 66) speaks for the genuineness of the later Adhyayas. My translation of the Bhag. will in a convenient manner 'enable the reader to pass lightly over what I regard its un-genuine passages, and thus to secure a faithful representation of the original form of the Bhag.). In any case, my attempt at reconstructing (the original Bhag.) removes all the most glaring contradictions that pervade the whole poem in its present form, creating ambiguity and vagueness. It represents a Cita the religious character of which is purely theistic, and the philosophical character of which closely corresponde to the doctrines of the Sarkhya-Yoga. Clear though the result of my investigation appears to me personally, I still expect to meet with opposition (from others). This opposition is principally to be expected from the side which regards the Samkhya as nothing else than a "muddling up" of Vedanta, though this standpoint in itself does not necessitate the rejection of the result I have arrived at. 17 When however Hopkins, p. 234, says that the heart of the poem differs in style from its beginning and ending, he does not indeed regard in this passage the beginning of the Gue as belonging to the "heart." How is this to agree with his statement above ?

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITA 9 II. The Origin of the Doetrines of the Bhagavadgita. [p. 19]. For a correct estimation of the contents of the Bhag. it is necessary that we should realise its historical antecedents, in so far as we can gather them with an approximation to truth from the means at (our) disposal. We shall use for that purpose only a part of the huge material regarding Krishna and the Krishna-cult. Even this material is, however, very much complicated and does not yield quite easily to any attempt to secure a clear and homogenous apprehension regarding the progress of Krishna-ism. An attempt of this kind is beset by the danger of some essential and chronological violence being done to the statements contained in our sources. Whether I might have succeeded in steering clear of this danger, is for others to decide. I can only say that I have constantly placed this pitfall before my eyes. In the epoch in which the Kshatriyas played a prominent part in the reformation of the spiritual life of Ancient India-according to my view they had the leading of it 18-there was established by a valiant warrior, Krishna, the son of Vasudeva and Devaki, a monotheistic religion which spread itself first amongst his co-tribals the Yadavas, Satvatas or Vrishnis, and, then, beyond the range of that tribal communion. This view was first put forward only by way of a hypothesis by R. G. Bhandarkar in connection with his exposition of the Ramanuja system and its antecedents (Report on Search for Sanskrit MSS. in Bombay Presidency, 1883-84, Bombay 1887, p. 74); but this view can (now) be securely established. In connection with this, there are principally to be taken into considerstion the following three lines of evidence, which mutually support and supplement each other. First, Krishna Devakiputra is, as is well known, mentioned already in Chhandogyopanishad III, 17, 6 as the pupil of Angirasa Ghora, in a very remarkable [ p. 20] way in connection with doctrines which bear a distinctly ethical character. Secondly, is to be mentioned the role which Krishra, the renowned hero of the Yadava olan and the ally of the Pandavas, plays in the older parts of the Mahabharata-the role, viz., as a warrior, counsellor, and expositor of religious doctrines. The Petersburg Dictionary, II. 413, already speaks of the "natural connection" of the hero famed in the Mahabharata with the teacher Krishna mentioned in the Chhandogyopanishad, and this connection should not be severed unnecessarily. Thirdly, there is another circumstance to be mentioned as belonging to this point, viz., that the patronymic of Krishna, viz. "Vasudeva," meets us in a large number of cases, and used earlier than the personal name, as the designation of God, and is primarily found specially amongst the members of that clan to which Krishna according to the Mahabharata belonged. 20 This circumstance is therefore of primary importance since the deification of the founders of sects in India is a general custom, and does not date first with only the rise of neo-brahmanism since the close of the 12th century A.D., as held by Barth, Religions de l'Inde, 137. If these lines of evidence were to be combined, the way, I should think, is shown to us for our understanding of what Krishna Vasudeva once was in reality. From the tangle of tradition, legend and myth, with which the conception of Krishna is overgrown, there can be peeled out as kernel a victorious hero who at the same time was the successful founder of a religion. 18 See my Beitrage zur indischen Kulturgeschichte (Berlin 1903), Aufsatz I. 1 Chhand. Up. III, 17, 4: Austerities, oharity, straightforwardness, non-injury and truthful words. R. G. Bhandarkar, loc. cit., p. 73.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The contradictions which the character of Ksishna exhibits in the Mahabharata have led Ad. Holtzmann to the view that two different persons might be mixed up together in the Krishna of the epos. This recourse, however, has been long since recognised to be unnecessary, since the contradictions can quite satisfactorily be explained through the revision effected in the old Kuru-epos, according to which i.e., the old kernel) Krishna was an antagonist of the Kurus, and a person [p. 21] full of trickery and cunning ; in the present Pandava-epos, Krishna is glorified as a friend and helper of his heroes.a: Weber also supposed on mythological grounds that in the Krishoa of the epos and of the Hindu religion different persons bearing this name-one human and one or more (?) mythological personalities-might have coalesced together (Zur Indischen Religionsgeschichte, eine Karsorische Ubersicht, Stuttgart 1899, pp. 28 and 29-Eng. Trans. by Grierson Ind. Ant., Vol. 30, 1901, p. 285 ff.). However, the way in which Weber presumes "some such mythical basis " and arrives at his opinion by means of various possibilities, affords no exact insight into the way of reasoning through which he had reached his conviction in the matter, and offers no help to a critical analysis of his standpoint. Still less convincing to me is the phantastic theory brought forward by Senart and Barth regarding Ktishna's having originally a purely mythical aspect. Senart in his essay on the legend of Buddha, sees in Krishna as much as in Buddha, a sun-hero, a popular form of the atmospheric Agni, and A. Barth, Religions de l'Inde, pp. 100, 103, (The Religions of India, English Translation (1882), Trubner's Oriental Series, p. 172] shares his opinion. At the latter place Barth says: "Considered in his physical derivation, Krishna is & figure of complex quality, in which there mingle at length myths of fire, lightning, and storm, and in spite of his name (Krishna signifies " the black one") of heaven and the sun," and further below he puts forward the statement that in Krishna's parents Vasudeva and Devaki, "we recognise concealed the ancient pair, the celestial man and the Apsaras." Weber also who otherwise gives a very sound view regarding the gradual elevation of Krishya from a human being to godhood, has given a mythological.interpretation to many of the purely human references to Krishna. He understands Vasudeva as "Indra son", Ind. Stu. I. 432; XIII. 353, note 2; and in Ind. Streifen, III. 428, he says (p. 22): "The close relationship of the legend of Krishna with Indra, the Vedic representation of the thunder god, was already seven before Sonart] regarded as certain, Indra being called Govind' and Krishna Govinda ', because of the common relation of both to Arjuna," i.e., because Arjuna is represented-like so many other heroes of Indian legends-a9 & son of Indra. This followed, in the present case, from the fact that Arjuna was known to be a name of Indra in the Vedas.22 The striking refutation which Oldenberg urges against the solar theory of Senart in relation to Buddha, cannot indeed in the same way be made applicable to Krishna. since in this case there are wanting such older materials of a thoroughly reliable genuineness, as are to be found in the old Pali texts regarding the life of Buddha. The analogy 31 L. Von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Kultur, p. 480. 12 Weber likewise finds it a great riddle (Ind. Stu., XIII. 355, note 5) how Krishna might have come to have the names Kebava and Govinda. There is nothing less puzzling than this to any one who sees in Krishna a human being. The epithet Kesava shows that Krishna had long curling hair, or WAS Aupposed to have such hair.dress; and Govinda " the herd-obtainer" simply denotes the victorious in battle. That there is no sufficient ground for supposing that the bye-name Govinda might be a Prakritic form of Gopendra " the prince of the herdsmon" has boon already mentioned in the Petersburg Diccionary.

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITA 11 is, however, none the less very instructive. If the solar theory about Buddha is in itself shown to be an error-Senart himself has deemed it necessary in the second edition of his "Essai", to make a considerable concession to the historical view-then, by a parity of circumstances, the solar theory in the case of Krishna might not well stand. In the Krishna myth we should not see the "basis" from which the conceptions of the person of Krishna might have been evolved; on the other hand, we must see in the Krishnamyth purely mythological ideas which are engrafted on Krishna, after he was raised to God-hood. From this stand-point all the difficulties that are inherent in the solar or atmospheric [p. 23] theory regarding Krishna, vanish, and from this point of view the circumstance that many of the Krishna-myths recur with much peculiar characteristics in the apocryptic biography of Buddha, is not (therefore) to be wondered at. Every unprejudiced historical consideration of our material shows us Krishna in the oldest period as a human being, and later,-in a progressive development as half-god, god, and all-Soul. If in the mythology of Hinduism Kishua is represented as a God assuming human shape, or as an incarnation of Vishuu, it is simply the reversal of the real relation, as is to be observed elsewhere quite distinctly in the myths that bring about the transformation. As a matter of fact, Euhemerism is quite justified in our present case. Krishna is therefore as much a real personality as Buddha; and his parents also-Devaki and Vasudeva-were no mythological or allegorical persons, but human beings like (Krishna) himself. The question has naturally been raised as to what fundamental causes the deification of Krishna might be due to. Some (Weber, Ind. Lit. Gesch. 2 p. 78, note 68-English Trans. (1892), p. 71, note 68; Ind. Stu. XIII, p. 349, note, Holtzmann, Arjuna, p. 61) declare this to be a riddle; on the other hand, the services which Krishna rendered in bringing about the victory of the Pandavas are mentioned in this connection. Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, p. 332, finds it reasonable and natural that "these new rulers of the Madhyadesa were ready [p. 24] to insist and to promulgate the reverence shown to their national hero by their allies, and were at great pains to magnify the glory of the hero who had now become their hero as well;" and p. 333, he says (in agreement with Lassen, Ind. Altertumskunde, I, 821,) the Pandavas, the heroes of the Mahabharata appear as the furtherers of the Krishna-worship. As against this, it is to be remarked that the deification of Krishna has been brought about in a time when the help which the Yadavas had once rendered to the victors of the Kuru-tribe, did no longer possess any actual interest. Quite naturally the reason of Krishna's deification is-as has been already stated above-due to his being the founder of the monotheistic religion of his tribe; and this on account of the numerous analogies which the religious history of India presents to us from (the time of) Buddha down to quite modern times. Regarding the original essence of this religion it can only be said that it was popular and independent of the Vedic tradition and of Brahmanism, and that most probably it 23 Hopkins, Religions of India, p. 465, says that the Divine man of the Mbh. "must be the same with the character mentioned in the Chhandogya Upanishad, 3-17-6." On page 466 (end), however, Hopkins strikes out a different way of explanation: "It cannot be imagined, however, that the cult of the Gangetic Krishna originated with that vague personage whose pupilage is described in the Upansshad," and on the next two pages he declares Krishna to be an anthropomorphic God. This deduction of the otherwise very ingenious and lucid scholar appears to me not to be happy. In Fausboll's Indian Mythology according to the Mahabharata, London 1903, p. 121, Krishna has been treated of in a remarkable manner with reference to the Hari-vamsa, the Bhagavata Purana and other later works.

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Rajara laid from its very start great emphasis on the moral side of which there is dreadfully too little in the Brahmanical religion and philosophy. We might compare above, and think of the role which duty plays in the Bhag. Other passages of the Mahabharata might be brought forward to support the view that the Kishnaism has been--from the very beginning an ethical religion of the Kshatriyas; e. K., Mahabharata. VI, 3044, 3045 (Calc. edition.) Rajarshinam udaranam ahavesh vanivartinam Sarvadharmapradhananam tvam gatir Madhusadana || "Thou, O Madhusudana, art the resort of the noble royal-sages who never turn back from fight and with whom all behests (of duty) preponderate." In Kishua's religion God is named "Bhagavat" "the noble one," a word used in India since very ancient times to denote the godly and holy beings. Along with this word there came to be used in oourse of time other epithets : [p. 25 ] Narayana, Purushottama, as well as the patronymic and the personal name of the founder of the religion. As the oldest names of the sect occur (first in the 12th book of the Mahabharata) Bhagavata and Satvata; the latter is derived from the clan of Krishna. Later than both these names is the name Pancharatra, which occasionally signifies a particular subdivision of the sect. but which is generally used as equivalent to Bhagavata. With this (latter) name only I shall designate in the sequel the followers of the Krishna-religion, because I regard this as the original name. If we were now to enquire about the time when Krisbria lived and established his religion, we shall have to place him according to Chha Up. III. 17-6, a couple of centuries before Buddha; and if there is any historical nucleus in Krishna's participating in the war of the Pandavas with the Kauravas, (and his participation I believe to be real) he will have necessarily to be still carried back to a higher antiquity. The existence of the sect founded by Ktishna is indeed, confirmed for the first time by literary evidence of the 4th century B.C. : it is from Parini IV. 3.98, whero is laid down the formation of the word "Vasudevaka " in the sense of "& worshipper of Vasudeva." The alternative explanation given in the Mahabhashya, athaud naisd doc., a evidently appears as the correct one. 25 In the passage from Panini, (p. 28 ] Vasudeva is not the epithet of the Kshatriya Krishna, but of the highest being. As against this it cannot be urged that in the passage under consideration "Arjunaka " in the sense of " & worshipper of Arjuna" stands by the side of "Vasudevaks." For inasmuch as Papini hae mentioned both of these forms in close connection with each other, he must not have thought of Arjuna as the friend and companion in arms of the human Krishna; on the other hand, Panini must have conceived of Arjuna in that individuality in which he stands forth in * Kielhorn reads in his edition tatra-bhavatal, whioh is cortainly wrong. 25 of. Weber, Ind. Stu.. XIII, 348 8. Wober soos in the statement of the Malabhdehya rogard ing the worship of Vadova (something ) loss than Telang, whom he controverts and who correctly oxplain. Vasudova in the passage quoted as "& name of the Supreme Being. Against the view of Telang that the Mahabhdehya proves the worship of Krishna M the highest being, Weber urges, p. 363, that numerous other passages of the Mahabhdahya rolor to Krishna Vasudeva as a hero and half God. In these pisgen, however, Patanjali has simply utilised the material from the opio stories. If the renuwned oom montator quotes legendary stories known to him in which Krishpa in montioned to somi.divine horo, to illustrato grammation instances, it does not militato against the fact that Patanjali in other places refers to the worship of Vasudeva as the highest God, worship that bad spread wido amongst the people in his time. uj. also on this point R. G. Bhandarkar, Indian Antiquary, III, 16.

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GARBES INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITA the Bhag. (excepting its prologue) and in which he must have been generally known in Panini's time, viz., as Krishna's disciple to whom the religious truth was disclosed by the Supreme Being, and who in consequence must be regarded as the preacher and promulgator of that religion. The way of worship, which should have brought into vogue the two derivatives, Vasudevaka and Arjunaka, must have been a different matter; in essence, however, both the words signify the same thing, viz., a follower of the Bhagavata religion, and it is for this reason that Panini has mentioned them simultaneously.40 I have above fought resolutely against the theory of the mythical origin of Krishna. When I first investigated the theory regarding its probability, I became doubtful for a long time because of the name Arjuna,-whether after all the theory might not be a true one, since the two names Krish pa and Arjuna convey-in spite of us-[p. 277 an allegorical or naturalistic impression. The worris indeed have led even Weber (Zur ind. Religions Geschitchte, pp. 28-29) to think in a similar fashion. However, such impressions baing dupendent on the etymology of namas, land one quite too oft in an errror, and give rise to an allegorical meaning or some other mysterious explanation where the simple and the most natural meaning was intended. I need) remind only of Maya, the mother of Buddha. The names Ktishia and Arjuna are often to be met with in India, and Krishna besides as that of a poet in the Rigveda. If now two persons bearing these names (sic. Krisha and Arjuna) appear in close relation with each other, the circumstance is indeed very striking; but still it is not necessary for us therefro'n to recognize in then say-an embodiment of day and night or some such other thing; on the other hand, this circumstance might lend itself to a very simple explanation in two ways. Either the conception of Arjuna as a counterpart of Krishna was freely invented when the latter was enveloped up in legead; in such cases the people are fond of a parallelism of names, and the namo Arjuna had especially in this case a double justification as being the name of the hero, in which the tribe of the Pandavas, i.e., the sons of the "white one ", was to a certain extent individualised ; $T or there was really amongst the Pandavas a friend and follower of Krishna bearing the name Arjuna. If now we were to decide for the second of these two P. 281 alternatives, we might guess that "Arjuna" might have beon originally a by-name. i.e., the short form of a by-name, which originated from our hero having had a team of white horses. Arjuna also bears in the Mahabharata the surnames Sveta vaha, Svetavahana. Svetasva, Sitaiva. In this case too, viz., to this genesis of the name Arjuna, might also have An entirely different view of our prosent) Papini-passage has been expressed by Hopkins, Great Epic, p. 395, note 2: "The whole "evidence" at its most evincing is that Panini knew Mahabharata in which the horoo (Krishpa and Arjuna ) were objects of such worship as is accorded to most Hindu heroes after death." Had Papini really thought of only some such worship, it is in the highest degree surprising that he should have chosen just these two names, which from the point of view of religious history, are of very great significance and are from the same point of view associated together closely. * Laator sees, not only in Arjuna but also in Krishna, the personification of a tribe, and holds the two heroes as representatives of two Aryan tribes, differentiated from each other by white and dark skin complexion. Soo Ind. Altertumskunde, I', p. 789 and ff, partioularly p. 791. "The differentiation according to colour must have some morning, and this can only be that the PAKohalas like the Yada vas who are representod by Krishna, both belonged to the Aryan people who had immigrated earlier, but that both had, through the influence of climate, become more dark-complexioned than the youngest immi. grants from the North, the former therefore being called "black" in opposition to the latter." How does this, however, agree with the fact that Arjuna himgelf is often characterised in Mahabharata a having dark complexion 1 Cf. Hopkins, Great Epic, p. 383.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY contributed (Arjuna's) contrast with Krishna (in colour). It can scarcely be thought that Arjuna has been from the very first a real personal name. Cases of colour-epithets becoming individual names (of persons) have indeed been quite extra ordinarily common in India since very remote times. In addition to Krishna, Arjuna and Pardu, I might name Asita, Kapila, Chitra, Nili, Rama, Rohita, Lohita, Virupa. Sukla, Syama, Syamaka, Syava, Syavaka, Sveta, Hari, Harita. If it therefore follows from this list-which could certainly be still enlarged-that every kind of colour has been utilized to serve as basis for (coining) personal names, I cannot still decide for the supposition that the friend and disciple of Krisha, might have borne as a child the name Arjuna ; since the play of chance that might have brought together two persons of the names Ktishna and Arjuna (black and white) would be indeed) too remarkable and therefore), improbable ; had it been "black" and "red" or "black" and "yellow," the probability would have been greater that there was such a person who bore the name from his infancy).. The development of the Bhagavata religion, which, according to the usual view, dates from the medieval ages of India, but which, according to my opinion, as set forth above, commences much earlier, proceeded along two lines-vix, the speculative one and the deepening of the religious sentiment. The genuine Indian disposition to combine Religion and Philosophy and the strong speculative tendency in particular of the Kshatriya caste, resulted in a philosophical basis being given to the Bhagavata religion, when an interest in philosophical questions had laid possession far and wide of all classes of society in ancient India. For this purpose were utilized the two oldest systems (of Philosophy) which India has produced, viz., Samkhya and Yoga.28 [p. 29) The way in which a philosophical basis was thus given to the Bhagavata religion can indeed be recognized quite distinctly in the Bhag., the proper devotional manual of that sect. Besides I might here as well refer to a conjecture which I have put forward in my Sainkhya Philosophie, p. 56. In place of "the old Vishou-ism with & Samkhya-metaphysics" which A. Barth, Religions de l'Inde p. 117 arrives at, because of the many traces of a 'dualistic theory of the Universe, to be found in Vishgu-ite works, we shall have probably to substitute simply "the religion of the Bhagavatas," which indeed at a later period merges into Vishnu-ism, and to which the Bhagavata religion has transmitted its views. R. G. Bhandarkar, Report, p. 74 (bottom) speaks of the "religion of Bhakti or Love and Faith that had existed from times immemorial." So high an antiquity for the existence of) Bhakti-& trustful and confiding devotion to God-should not only have been asserted, but proved as well. So long as the latter is not the case it cannot really be held as probable that Bhakti has been the peculiar characteristic of the Bhagavata religion from the very beginning, although this conception has in later times supplied it and its offshoots with their most important characteristics. The question regarding the age and the origin of Bhakti is of such an importance for our (present) consideration that we must investigate it somewhat closely. As the oldest evidence for the word Bhakti in the above-mentioned sense might be mentioned the concluding verse of the Sveta svatara Upanishad : "yasya deve para bhaktib" "he who has the highest devotion for God," and the use of this word has Compare Lassen, I.A.K., II, p. 1123.

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAV ADOITA 15 eontributed along with other reasons to the oft-repeated assertion of the post-Christian origin of the Svetasvatara Upanishad.29 I do not believe that this supposition is justified ; [p. 30) and just for this reason that many verses of the Svetdivatara Upanishad are already to be come across in the original Bhag. which according to my view (see below, Ch. IV of this preface) dates from a pre-Christian period. If it could really be proved as Sankara makes us understand, that the Brahma-Sutras oftentimes allude to the Sveta vatara Upanishad, then the existence of the latter in pre-Christian times could be completely vouchsafed for. In determining the antiquity of the idea of) Bhakti in India we might, however, leave for a short time this (point) out of our consideration. Weber has on oft-repeated occasions asserted the borrowing of the conception of) Bhakti from Christianity, and in making this assertion, he has principally relied upon the remarkable legend contained in the twelfth book of the Mahabharata which says that the sages Narada (Adh. 337, Cal. ed.), Ekata, Dvita and Trita (Adh. 338) had gone to the "Svetad vipa, "the white island," or "the island of the white ones," and that Narada brought back with him from there the Paicharatra doetrine there expounded to him by Narayana. Weber's explanation that this statement could only be explicable "if we recognize therein a tradition of the journey of Indian saints to Alexandria and of their having incurred there an acquaintance with Christianity," is, at the first sight, 30 very tempting. When we read in the Mahabharata that the white men living in the Svetadvipa were filled with the highest passion for the one invisible God Narayana (Mahabharata, XII. 12.798) and that they worshipped him in their hearts with lowly muttered prayers (Mahabharata, XII. 12,787), the whole, to be sure, sounds as extraordinarily Christian. Lassen himself-who otherwise has firmly set himself against Weber's theory regarding the influence of Christianity in the development of Krishoa-ism-is, by reason of this portrayal of the Svetadvipa, led to the supposition Ind. Altertum. II?, 1118, 1119) [p. 31] that "certain Brahmins might have learnt to know of Christianity in a land lying to the north-west of their mother-country and might have brought to India some Christian tenets ; " he is of the opinion that this land might be Parthia " since the tradition that the apostle Thomas had preached gospel in this land is old." After reading that remarkable section of the Mahabharata) I cannot, however, convince myself that there is contained in the legend the historical kernel which Weber and Lassen believe to find therein. The account is so marvellous and phantastic that I can only perceive therein the representation of a purely mythical land of blessed existence. The view of Barth (Religions de l'Inde, page 132) (=English Trans., Trubner's Oriental Series, p. 221] and of Telang' that there lay here purely a product of poetic fancy appears to be thoroughly conclusive. The Svetadvipa lies north-east (XII, 12,703) or north XII. 12.774) of the Mount Meru (and) on the other side of the Milky Ocean ; the whito 29 E.g., by Webery Ind. Stu., I. 421-423; and Roer in the Preface tu his translation of the Upanishad, Bibl Indi., Vol. XV., p. 36. 30 Die Griechen in Indien : Sitzungsberi. Ber: Aka: Wissensch. 1890, p. 930 ; cf. also Ind. Stu., 1. 400, II. 398 and ff; Die Rama-Tapantya-Upanishad, Abhand. Berlin: Aks: Wissensch., 1864, p. 277. uber die Krishna-janmashtami (The birthday festival of Krishna), ibid, 1867, pp. 318-324: Zur Indischen Religionsgoouhichte, p. 30 and elsewhere. al Pratapa Chandra Ray, Mahabharata trans. XII, p. 762 note, following Telang's preface to his metrical translation of the Bhag., a work not accessible to me, Hopkins also, Religions of India, PR. 431, 139, doon not find any trace of Christianity in wo Svetadvips opine de.

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY resplendent residents of this land have no sense (organs), live without nourishment, are exuberantly odoriferous and are sinless; they blind by their lustre the eyes of sinful men and are further described with other fabulous particularities (XII. 12,704, and ff.; see specially Sama-mushka chatuskah.) When we now remember that the Indians had had in their own land, for centuries together, sufficient contact with the Greeks, it appears to me unbelievable that an Indian mission in Alexandria, Asia Minor or Parthia should have brought back home impressions, which could have served as the basis of any such legend, developed in relatively so short a time. In favour of the supposition, [p. 32] that nothing substantial seems to lie at the back of the story, might be mentioned this circumstanceamongst others that the sages Ekata, Dvita and Trita are called the sons of the god Brahman, and more especially the fact that it is Narada who makes that fruitful journey to Svetad vipa; because Narada often emerges forth in the Indian literature serving as the intermediary between gods and men, and his home is as much in the heaven of the gods as on the earth of mortals. Moreover, the whole narration, in spite of the apparently Christian traces referred to above, bears a thoroughly Indian character. Weber, loc. cit., is further of the opinion that the name Christ, son of the divine (?) Virgin after it became famous in India, might have reminded the Indians of (the name of) Krishna, the son of Devaki (i.e.. evidently of the divine goddess,) and thus it might as well be "that numerous Christian themes and legends, specially those of the birth of Christ amongst cowherds, of the stable and the asylum being the place of his birth, of the Bethlehamite slaughter of children, of the taxation of Emperor Augustine and such others reappear in the Indian legends of Krishna." According to the showing of Weber's suggestive essay "On the Krishnajanmashtami," however, the Christian elements in the Krishna-myth are to, be referred to so late a period that they hardly need be considered in connection with the question here treated of; and some traces, for which Weber supposes a Christian origin, are with certainty ascribed to a pre-Christian period (cf. Bhandarkar, Indian Antiquary, III, p. 14 ff.). Weber's opinion that we have probably to recognise even in the first century A.D. an influence of Christianity on India and more particularly on the doctines of Paancharatras is already refuted sufficiently by Lassen, I. A. K., II. 1121-1128; further, other weighty authorities have raised their weig Weber's theory. No shadow of evidence has therefore upto now been brought forward to support the theory that [p. 88] the conception of Bhakti, with which we are immediately concerned, is derived from Christianity. The religious significance contained in the word Bhakti has nothing exclusively about it that is specifically Christian. Not only have devotion to God and faith in Him developed themselves gradually in other monotheistic religions: but even beyond the circle of monotheistic ideas, the two conceptions are to be found." And particularly in India we possess all the essentials on (the strength of) which we have to regard Bhakti as an "indigineous" fact as Barth says; since monotheistic ideas are to be found prevalent from (the time of) the Rigveda onward through almost all the periods of the religious history of India, and the powerful longings after the Divine, peculiar to the Indian soul from yore, must have developed such sentiments as Divine Love and Divine Faith in a popularly conceived monotheism. Barth, Religione de l'Inde, 132 (= English Translation, p. 220-1).

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITA 17 " Edmund Hardy, Lit. Centralblatt, 1903, No. 38, sp. 1269, points out that he word) bhakti (in its Pali form bhatti) is to be found in the sense of "love", "self-resignation", in Jataka, V. 340, 3, 6; 352, 11, and refers to Theragatha, V. 370, where the word passes into the specific sense of "devotion to God." In this latter sense, might also be mentioned Panini, IV. 3. 95 in conjunction with (Sutra) 98 (following). From these passages it follows that the word Bhakti has been used in the secular sense of "love", 'devotion", "attachment", in the fourth century B.C., and that during the same period, a way was being prepared for the employmeut of the word to denote the relation of man to God. Even though "the bhakti which is spoken of (in Paini, IV. 3, 95) be the same as the one treated of in the rules 96 to 100, and is to be understood only in the simple since of "love", "devotion" according to rule 96, it is applicable to inanimate things such as cake or pastry as the Calcutta Scholia explains it "-(Weber, Ind. Stud., XIII. 349, 350), still the connection of the word "Bhakti" with Vasudeva, in rule 98 is at least [ p. 34] a proof that in Panini's time the use of the word Bhakti in the sense of "devotion to God" was in process of growth; and the opinion of Patanjali on this passage referred to above (regarding Bhakti with reference to Tatrabhagavat) proves that this sense of Bhakti was quite current in the second century B.C., and indeed much earlier. The supposition that the use of the word Bhakti in a specific religious significance might have been caused by a conception imported from outside, can be thus refuted. Though indeed "devotion to God" can thus scarcely be claimed (as belonging) to the original Bhagavata religion, still the belief of the Vasudeva-worshippers was in any case permeated by this sentiment before the Bhag. came to be composed; since a new idea is (usually) explained in a manner unlike the one followed in the case of Bhakti as treated in the Bhag., where this conception is ever and anon summoned forth as something self-evident. If we were now to divide the development of the Bhagavata religion into (different) periods, the first period must reasonably be allowed to last so long as this religion led a solitary life outside (the pale of) Brahmanism. In this first period, which might be reckoned as running from an undeterminable beginning to about 300 B.C., fall, probably, all the religio-historical events discussed hitherto in this section, i.e., briefly put, (a) the founding of the popular monotheism by Krishna Vasudeva, (b) its being philosophically equipped with (tenets of) Samkhya-yoga, (c) the deification of the founder of that religion, and (d) as I believe, the deepening of the religious sentiment on the basis of Bhakti. The second period is characterised by the brahmanising of the Bhagavata religion and the identification of Krishna with Vishnu. The great popularity of the legends and myths with which the personality of Krishna was surrounded must have excited the interest of the Brahmins; however, the basis for equating Krishna with Vishnu [p. 35] was indeed first given to them, when Krishna was definitively elevated to the dignity of a God from a tribal hero. Against this view it might be objected that just as Rama, as a purely human hero, came to be regarded by the Brahmins as an incarnation of Vishnu, and has become divine primarily in consequence of this identification, why should we not similarly say that Krishra as a (human) hero came to be regarded as an incarnation of Vishnu? To this it is to be replied that the fact of the matter lies indeed very differently in the two cases. Rma, tender, pious and self-resigning, and a rigid moralist was a genuine Brahmanical character, that could more easily be assimilated to the Vishnu-cult than the popular conception of the powerful and active Krishna, about whom the Brahmins indeed knew

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY quite well from tradition that he had rejected the authority of the Veda and had withstood the Brah manical theory of sacrifice the great source of inoone of the Brahmins-(cf. Bhagavadgita) in the same way as it was done after him (Koishna) by one greater than hinr, i.e. by Buddha, with greater results. Even Sankaracharya at a time when the Bhagavatas had long since been immerged into Brahmanism, refers, towards the end of his critique of the Bhagavata-Pancharatra-religion (Com. on Brahma-Sutra, II. 2, 42-45) to the antiVedic character of the sect. How can it be doubted that the Brahmins had admitted the Bhagavatas into their own (Brahmanical) ranks quite reluctantly indeed, but with a correct apprehension of the many advantages accruing therefrom, in order to be able to counteract the influence of Buddhism all the more successfully? Before Krishna Vasudeva had become to the Bhagavatas a spiritual being, could the Brahmins with any show of justification bring it about that Krishna showed an inner relationship with the Brahmanical Vishnu? With the older character of Krishna-his being a man and a warrior--as it survived in the epical stories, the Brabmins could readily accomodate themselves, since they could rely on their convenient Avatara theory. As the oldest evidence for the identification of Vishnu with Narayana-Vasudeva, the God of the Bhagavatas, (p. 36) Weber mentions, Ind. Stu. XIII, 353, note 1, the passage in the Mahanarayana Upanishad=Taitliriya Aranyaka X. 1-6. As, however, we cannot yet say as to when this Upanistad-compilation might have been grafted on to the Taittiriya Aranyaka as it last book, this evidence loses all worth for chronological purposes. Quite different, however, is the circumstance known long since that Megasthenes in his account (of India) describes Krishna--under the name Herakles--as an avatara of Vishiu. The parallelism of Herakles with Dionysos ( Siva) proves, pace Weber, Ind. Stu. II. 409, 410,that Krishoa was, at the time when Megasthenes lived in India, no more regarded as simply a tribal hero, but was already looked upon as Vishnu, i.e., as an incarnation of his. The identity of Krishna with Vishnu was therefore already firmly established between 302 and 288 B.O.,33 and the Krisbra-worship proper cannot be said to have arisen for the first time in the fifth and sixth centuries A.D., as Weber had opined many years ago (Ind. Stu. I, 400, note at the end). In the meanwhile we can place the identification of Krishna with Vishnu and the antecedent deification of Krishna not much before 300 B.C., since during the second period in the development of the Mahabharata text,-a period which Hopkins, Great Epic, 398, reckons on good grounds but naturally with the reservation of reasonable probability, from 400-200 B.C.-Krishia is known only as a demi-god ("no evidence of Krishna's divine supremacy "). The supposition is not indeed un justifiable that the remodellers of the Epic might have stuck to that character of Koisha, which, in spite of his deification, he possessed in the popular tradition; they could not have, however, held themselves aloof, for any long period (P. 87] from the Brahmanical conception of the identity of Krishna-Vishnu after this conception) had been once raised to (a point of) dogma. Incidentally it might be added that Bafodno (= Vasudeva ) is to be found as the name of a King, manifestly ashort form of a theo phoric proper name, and, "evidently an Indo-Scythian one" on numerous coins belonging to . period just preceding and following our (ie the Christian ) era, (Wobor, Ind. Stu. XIII, 363, noto 2). In this ciroumatanoe we could have an additional ovidence--if it be still required--for ( the existence of) Krishna-womhip in period preceding the birth of Christ.

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITA 19 This second period of the Bhagavata religion could be, I believe, fixed from 300 B.C. to about the beginning of our (i.e. the Christian) era. In any case the original Bhag. might be assigned to this period (and in making this remark I do not wish to express myself just now regarding its date,) since in (the genuine parts of) the work, Krishna is not still identified with Brahman, but is designated oftentimes as Vishnu; (of the three passages X. 21, XI. 4 and 30, the last two belong to the old poem) and since the passage IV. 6-8 contains a reflection of the Avatara theory. The third period of the Bhagavata religion for which I would postulate the period from he beginning of our (Christian) era to the commencement of the twelfth century, is specially characterised by the identification of Krishna-Vishnu with Brahman; in spite of the vedantification of Krishnaism, however, the older Sankhya-yoga elements hold on. In the former part of this period the remodelling of the Bhag. has taken place. Along with this pantheistic conception of God which has been brought about quite consistently with the (spirit of the) time, there was developed an erotic comprehension of Krishna, 34 quite in consonance with the dual metaphysico-sensual nature of the Hindu character; this latter view revels principally in describing Krishna's love-sports with the cowherd-maidens, which are at the same time explained in a mystic sense. The allusions to Krishna's pastoral life are to be traced back to the supposition that Krishua as a human being was born in a pastoral people and had attained fame as their leader. [p. 38] I might date the fourth period (in the history) of the Bhagavata religion with its systematisation by Ramanuja in the first-third of the twelfth century. The system of Ramanuja that, as is well-known, still counts at the present day numerous followers not only in Southern India, but has also obtained wide currency as an important form of faith among many Brahmin families in Northern India, has been described most lucidly by R. G. Bhandarkar at the place referred to above 35 When however Bhandarkar says at the end of page 74: "It was Ramanuja's endeavour to . seek a Vedantic and philosophic basis for the religion of Bhakti or Love and Faith ., and thus the Pancharatra system which was independent of the Vedas beforehand, became a system of the Vedanta or an Aupanishada system," the statement is positively incorrect. And for this reason: the fundamental Vedantic ideas were not first pushed by Ramanuja into the religion of Bhakti; on the contrary they had found their way there many centuries before him, a fact disclosed to us by the Bhag., the Bhagavata Purana and other texts. I might (here as well) object to another mistaken view to be occasionally met with, viz., that Vishnu-ism is distinguished into Rama-ism and Krishna-ism according as it has a tendency to contemplation and speculation, or one to an inordinate enjoyment of life, and that therefore the system of Ramanuja, or for matter of that the religion of the Pa charatras, is to be regarded as Rama-ite. 36 Indeed, the Krishna-ite sect founded by Vallabhacharya about A.D. 1500 has inordinate enjoyment of life written on its banner, and the lower classes 14 In the latest parts of the Mbh. and in Harivamia; this development, as is well known, reaches its climax in Gtagovinda. 25 Cf. also Sarvadarsanasangraha, ch. IV; Wilson, Essays and Lectures, ed. R. Rost, I. 34-36; Colebrooke, Misc. Essays, ed. Cowell, in the Article on the Pancharatras or Bhagavata I. 437-443; K. M. Banerjee, Dialogues on the Hindu Philosophy, 401 and ff; Hopkins, Religions of India, p. 496 and 1, 36 This view was first propounded by Wilson, Essays and Lectures, I. 38, note and, 40, and Colebrooke, Misc. Essaye, 21, 211, (contra, however, p. 439).

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY amongst the followers of Chaitanya, who at about the same time refashioned the religion of Bhakti in a popular manner, [p. 39] and in a spirit of opposition to Brahmanism, insisting on an ardent and ecstatical devotion to Krishna, can be scarcely distinguished in point of their morality from the followers of Vallabhacharya, From this, however, no conclusion a posteriori could be drawn regarding the age when Krishna-ism became speculative like the Rama-ism. And as regards the system of Ramanuja, there are Rama-ite elements pervading it, in as much as, for instance, Rama like Krishna is looked upon as a Vibhava-a manifestation of Isvara; and finally, every (point of) difference involved in the two conceptions of Krishna and Rama is generally reduced to the lowest extreme-just as indeed Vishu and Siva are also merged together in the one personality of Hari-Hara; however, the system of Ramanuja is in its basis thoroughly Kishua-ite as it is a continuation of the Pancharatra religion, the Krishna-ite character of which need not be proved, but is already guaranteed by the name of its God-Vasudeva. Among the modern works in which the doctrine of Bhakti is developed in agreement with those of the Bhag., the first place is taken by the Sandilyasutras an imitation of the (older) philosophical Sutras. I have here followed in a brief exposition the development of the Bhagavata religion from the time of the Bhag. (and) beyond (as well) for the sake of completeness, as for the fact that Krishna-ism, from the time of the compilation of the Bhag. has obtained a preponderating significance in the religious life of the Indians, a significance none the least due to the powerful influence of this poem. PART III The Doctrines of the Bhagavadgita. The situation of the dialogue between Krishna and Arjuna is well known; still a short sketch of the same might perhaps be welcome to some that might consult this work. The Kauravas and the Paulavas, after many years' quarrel, march against each other, prepared for open battle, to the Kuru-field-the province of modern Delhi-[p. 40] with their respective armies and allies. Although the two families, being closely related with each other have an equal claim on the name Kurus or Kauravas, this epithet is usually confined to the members, of one party, i.e., to the blind old king Dhritarashtra, his uncle Bhishma, and to the former's sons, the oldest of whom is Duryodhana; only Arjuna, in spite of his belonging to the other party, is six times called in the Bhag. "a scion of the Kuru" or by some such name.37 The course of the battle is narrated to the blind king Dhritarrshtra by his charioteer Samjaya, on whom Vyasa, the reputed author of the Mahabharata, had conferred the supernatural power of knowing all the events of the war. The dialogue between Krishna and Arjuna occupies one of the first places in this narration of Samjaya, and this dialogue is called-to quote its full name-Bhagavadgitopanishad "a secret lore expounded by the revered one," though usually shortened into Bhag. or even simply called Gila. At the sight of his close relatives pitched in the hostile camp, Arjuna is reluctant to begin the battle, and is lectured to by Krishna, who in his human form stands by Arjuna's side as his harioteer, upon the behests of duty. Krishna's admonitions and instructions strengthen themselves in the sequel, and in the eleventh Adhyaya Krishna discloses himself to Arjuna as the sole God and the Ruler of the Universe, who has assumed the form of a Yadava hero. 37 See the Index of Proper Names in the edition of Schlegel-Lassen, s. v. Kuru.

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGETA 21 Hopkins, Great Epic, 384, regards the Gita as a "purely priestly product"; this view appears to me to be a gross misinterpretation of the essence of this poem, in which the Veda and the Brahmanical ritual is censured and the lustful covetousness of the Brahmanas severely criticised (II. 42-46). It is just therein that the Gita is not a priestly (p. 41 ) product that lies principally the religio-historical significance of the work. In so far as it concerns the tenets of the "re-fashioned " Bhag. one might still refer even to-day to the well-thought out work of W. von Humboldt, whose famous treatise maintains its value, though the scholarship of our days evidently differs from him on a few points, and though, in my opinion, that profound scholar often sees too much meaning as lying (hidden) in the words of the Gita. If we were now to keep in view the original and not-yet-Vedantisised Gita, as I have tried to peel it out from its present form, it is hardly necessary to allude to the fact that it shares the common Indian beliefs regarding the transmigration of the soul, the retributive power of actions and the possibility of freedom from the distressing revolution of lives. Not only the characteristic feature of the Bhag, according to which devotion to God is the climax of all knowledge, marks out the poem as a text-book of the Bhagavatas; but this fact is also recognisable from its epithets for God (Krishya, Visudeva, Bhagavat, Purushottama). I find the Bhagavata doctrine in a special but important point in the Gita, viz., in XV. 7, where God says that the individual soul has proceeded from him and is a part of himself.38 We have seen in part. II above that the knitting together of the monotheism with the tenets of the Samkhya-yoga is above all & process characteristic of the Bhagavatas. This knitting together necessitates, in various ways, a forced interpretation and a distortion of the two systems; since thus only could the theism of the Bhagavatas be provided with the tenets of the a vowedly atheistio Samkhya system and with those of the Yoga system, only outwardly furnished with a formal theistio appearance. [p. 42] If therefore the Bhag. discloses numerous discrepancies from the genuine Samkhya-yoga doctrines, i.e., from the doctrines as expounded in the respective text-books of the two systems, it would be entirely a mistake to perceive here an older stage of the Sain khya-yoga. The Sarkhya system is mentioned by name six times in the Gita (II. 39, III. 3, V.4,5, XIII. 24. XVIII. 13, cf. also XVIII. 19,) and its fundamental tenets are set forth in their unmixed purity at II. 11-16, 18-30, III. 27-29, V. 14, VII, 4, XIII, 5, 19 and ff. Besides, the whole poem is permeated by the influence of the Samkhya tenets, and principally by the theory of the three Guras. However the terms of the Sankhya (system) are not quite always used in the Bhag, in their technical sense, but constantly in a sense which is in keeping with the current literary usage. Thus buddhi, ahal kara and manas, in many places, to be sure, denote the three internal organs of the Sa mkhya system, but buddhi aud manas occasionally meet us in the sense of " mind, heart, understanding, view," and ahasnkara in the sense of "egoism, pride." Prakriti too is not always matter-or the primal matter-but stands in the sense of nature, essence, natural condition" at III, 33 IV. 6, VII. 4, 5, 20, IX. 8, 12, 13, XI. 51, XIII. 20, XVIII. 59 ; similarly atman has not 38 See besides the well-known passages regarding the Pancharatra-tenote, Madhwadana Sarasvat in Weber, Ind. Stw. I, 11.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY always its philosophical sense, but is to be translated as "essence", "mind", &c. Thus Samkara explains atman as the internal-organ, and often enough by antahkarana, e.g., at V. 21, VI. 10, 36, 47; XIII. 24; though in these cases it would be well to take it in the sense of the empirical self fi.e. of the Visishtatman of the text-books) connected with its limitations. In many places (IV. 21, V. 7, VI. 10) the commentators go to the length of even explaining atman as the body. The relation between the Bhagavata religion and the Yoga tenets rests on reciprocal influences. The Bhagavatas have taken over the conception of Yoga, [p. 43] but have explained it differently, and given the word the sense of "self-surrender to God, devotion concentrated on God."39 On the other hand the Yoga system has taken over the idea of God from the Bhagavata religion. I have shown at great length in the Encyclopaedia of Indo-Aryan Philology and Antiquity, III. 4, p. 50, how the idea of God is understood in the Yoga-satras, and how it is ushered into the system of the (Yoga) doctrines in a completely superficial, unoonnected manner, disturbing the connection (of the sutras). If one were to eliminate from the Yoga-sutras (those sitras viz.) I. 23. 27, II., 1, 45, that treat of God, there would be caused in the text no lacuna; on the other hand, something would drop away which militated against the entire presumptions of the Yoga system. If indeed the borrowing over of the conception of God into the Yoga system signifies a concession to the Bhagavatas, the same is the case in a higher measure with Isvarapranidhana (mentioned in Yoga-sutras, I. 23, II. 1, 45) in the sense of self-surrender to God, in which Rajendralala Mitra, Yoga Aphorisms, p. 28, has already recognised a borrowing from the Bhakti system, i.e., from the religion of the Bhagavatas. levarapra idhana is perfectly synonymous with Yoga from the Bhagavata point of view. I must leave it undecided whether the many-sided role which Yoga plays in the Bhag. entirely conforms with the position it has occupied in the Bhagavata religion, or whether the author of the Gita did not utilise in a very great measure the tenets of the Yoga system. I am, however, inclined to accede to the first alternative. The words yoga, yogin or other radically connected forms, occurring quite often in the Bhag. had necessarily to be rendered in the translation by a series of different expressions. Sometimes the meanings so imperceptibly pass into each other that one is apt to become doubtful as to what meaning to choose. The following passages in part, [p. 44] though they do not contain the word yoga, treat evidently of the yoga practices which form the subject-matter of Patanjali's text; IV. 27, 29, 30; V. 27, 28; VI. 10 ff.; VIII. 8-14; XVIII. 33. In the great majority of the passages, however, yoga, yogin and other verbal derivatives of the root yuj have a significant meaning characteristic of the Bhagavatas, and designate respectively self-surrender to God, devotion to him, and a self-surrendering devout saintly being. Further, yoga when it is connected with karman, stands (III. 3, 7, V. 1, 2, IX. 28, XIII. 24) in its original sense of, " performing or carrying out of the work." 40 Relying on this sense of the word, there appears in Gita the Yoga doctrine (particularly in the third Adhyaya and V. 2 ff.) explained away as the doctrine of conscientious discharge (of one's duties), and placed in opposition to the Samkhya, which is called the theory of correct 99 "The Bhaktimarga is connected with the Yoga and has developed out of it." Jacobi, Gott. Gel, Anz., 1897, p. 277. 49 The instrumental yogena possesses to our literary sense, in such cases directly or approximately, the meaning of a preposition "by means of." Cf. Bohtlingk, Bemerkungen Zur Bhag. III. 3, XIII. 24.

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITA. 23 knowledge. This peculiar explanation of Yoga, however, must not have first been brought forward by the author of the Bhag. ; one might rather regard the recognition of both the ways of salvation-the Jnanamarga and the Karmamarga-which are mentioned side by side in Bhag. III. 3. XIII. 24 (at the latter passage Sarikhyena-yogena is used in the sense of Jninamarga) and which without being particularly mentioned stand side by side in the poem. as a tenet peculiar to the Bhagavatas. The Karma-yoga of the Bhagavatas though later mixed up with the ritualistio Karmamarga, preserves however in the Bhug. its genuine sense of "conscientious performance of one's duties without (regard for) personal interest." The Jfrana-yoga of the Bhagavatas consists of a knowledge of God and a knowledge of nature in the Samkhya sense, and involves in itself the renunciation of all actions. It certainly merits consideration that even in so late & stage of development of the Bhagavata religion as in the system of Ramanuja, the first two of the [p. 45] five ways that lead to emancipation are called the Karma-yoga and the Jnana-yoga.1 R&manuja's third way of salvation is Bhakti-yoga (already mentioned in Bhag., XIV. 26); the fourth, the Prapatti-yoga is an offshoot of the Bhakti-yoga, and the fifth, the Acharyabhimana-yoga is evidently a modern addition. Finally, the word yoga meets us in the Bhag. in a still different sense, which indeed has been developed from the conception of "action", viz., in those passages where the yoga of the God is spoken of, i.e., his wondrous power (IX. 5, X, 7, 18, XI. 8, 47) or where God, in accordance with this sense, is called yogin" possessing wondrous power" (X. 17) or yogesvara " the lord of wondrous power" (XI. 4, 9; XVII. 75, 78). We might now proceed to exhibit in a short sketch the tenets of the genuine Bhag., sie. the Bhagavata doctrine provided with elements of Sankhya and Yoga, much differently explained. It may not be very desirable to follow the sequel of thought of the Bhag. (step by step,) since it deviates from one thought to another, and continually mixes with one another the different recognised standpoints, all the more so in its practical aspects. We begin with the theoretical (lit. systematio) part of the Bhag. and first with the ides of God. God is as would be scarcely necessary to repeat after the preceding remarke_ conscious, eternal, and all-powerful being " the beginningless great Ruler of the World" (X. 3). He is not only different from the changing world, but is also different from the immutable soul of the human being (XV. 17-19); He is therefore & spirit in a different and higher sense than the Atman of the creatures. When it is said (VII. 4-6) that God possesses two forms-a higher spiritual one, by means of which the world is held up, and a lower (P. 46] material one, out of which everything proceeds--which according to the Samkhyas belongs to the Prakriti, it is not to be understood that matter constitutes a half of God's being ; it is rather meant that matter follows its blind course not independently by itself, but acts under the guidance of God; in other words. God works in matter, and acts by it. This is placed quite beyond the range of doubt in other passages of the Bhag. God deposits the seed in matter for being unfolded (XIV. 3-4); he is likewise the father of all beings, while matter is to be compared to the womb of a mother (XIV. 4). God directs the origin, development and dissolution of the Universe (IX. 7, 8, 10), and in this sense he calls himself the origin and the end of the R. G. Bhandarkar, Roport, 1887, p. 69.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY entire world (VII. 6, X. 8), and identifies himself with Death (XI. 32.) All the conditions of beings originate from him (X. 4-5); He directs their destiny, ie. rewards them according to their deeds, and makes the beings revolve in the circle of births "like unto the figures of a puppet show" (XVIII. 61). Whatever God does, comes to pass only for the sake of the world, for, to God himself there is no wish to be fulfilled and no object to be striven after (III. 22, 24). "Every time when Right is on the wane, and Wrong rampant," God, who exists from all eternity and is immutable, creates himself a-new, ie. takes a new form of incarnation " for the defence of the good and the annihilation of the wicked, and thus to securely establish the Right" (IV. 6-8). Since the deed of God is an action of the matter ruled by him, and never originates from an egoistio motive, God is not bound down by his actions (IV. 13, 14; IX. 9). He can therefore be never ensnared in world-existence. The visionary picture of God in the 12th Adhydya is a dramatic production, intended to work on the phantasy (imagination), but is of little significance for the proper doctrines of the Gita. The relation of God to the world of mankind does not entirely conform to a rigid law of recompense ; [p. 47] on the other hand, God loves human beings who know him and are devoted to him with all their hearts (VII. 17, XII. 14-20 ; XVIII., 64, 65, 69), and he emancipates from all sins everyone who resorts to him entirely (XVIII. 66). In this passage (and also at XVIII, 56, 58, 62, 73) is indeed to be found the doctrine of divine favour (Prasdda) which we come across in some of the Upanishads of the middle period ** (Katha, Sreta, Mundaka), and which as a consequence plays so predominant & part in the Indian sects. Even though God directs the world-process, it is however matter, as we saw above, which does all work (III. 27, V. 14, XIII. 20, 29). From the primordial matter, originates the world, into which it goes back (VIII, 18, 19); the idea of evolution and reabsorption as much as the conception of the world-periods is therefore taken over from the Samkhya system. All the theories in the Bhagavadgita regarding matter generally agree with those of the Sankhya system. The three gunas play here in the Bhagavadgitd) the same role as in the Sankhya system; they affect by their actions the soul in bondage (XIV. 5 ff.), and the results of their activity make themselves felt in life step by step, as has been set forth in a very thorough fashion in Adhydyas XVII and XVIII. The physiological exposition of the internal organs and the senses is that of the Samkhya system (III, 40 42: XIII. 5). All these similarities, however, are not for the dootrines of the Bhagavadgita of that much significance as the fundamental theory regarding the nature of matter borrowed over from the Sa mkhya, from which proceeds the philosophical consideration in Adhyaya II. Though indeed matter is not something created by God, still it is present from eternity onward, and it unceasingly underlies all progress and change. All its products and effects are finite; its actions, such as joy and sorrow, come and go, and therefore it is not right that one should be influenced by them (II. 14). [P. 48] In contrast to the mutability of what matter gives rise to, stands the immutability of the spirit. As a matter of fact, the spirit (the soul, the self) is to that degree. like matter in that both are eternal and imperishable ; since what is, has ever been, and will always be ; "to a non-existing thing, no existence can be imparted; to the existing 42 See Hopkins, Great Epic, p. 188.

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25 GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITA no non-existence" (II. 16); but the great difference between matter and spirit consists in this that the spirit is never capable of change. When it is said (XIII. 21) that the spirit enjoys the (manifestations of the) gunas, and that its attachment to these gunas is the primary cause of the spirit's rebirth, the real point is simply a picturesque way of expression, which is entirely to be explained in accordance with the Samkhya view. As a matter of fact, the spirit dwells in life, absolutely not doing anything-" neither acting nor causing one to act" (V. 13-15), and remains untouched by all actions and influences of matter. This has been expounded in a noble language in the second Adhyaya of the Bhag. He who therefore knows that the spirit is the true self "I" that leaves an old body and enters into a new one, just as a man casts off old clothes and take son new ones (II. 22), and knows that the spirit can neither be changed nor destroyed, he is not grieved at the sorrow and death of anyone, i.e., at those things which affect only the destructible body. All this is pure Samkhya philosophy; in spite of this, however, the apprehension of the spiritual principle in the Bhag. is essentially different from that in the Samkhya philosophy: not exclusively. philosophical, but appreciably religious. The individual soul does not, according to the Gita-which expounds the belief of the Bhagavatas-possess from all eternity a separate existence, but it has detached itself as a part of the Divine Soul (XV.7; cf also XVI. 18; XVII. 6). The expression mamai'vamo jivaloke jivabhutah sanatanah (XV.7) is so clear that one must be indeed a credulous follower of Samkara to understand the word amia in this important passage, in a Vedantic sense as equivalent to "an imaginary, an apparent part." The individual souls are therefore of [p. 49] divine origin; they appear in conjunction with matter, which in itself is not in the position of bringing about any change, but which has given rise to life and consciousness in the world. The duty of a man is to so behave himself that his soul could return back to its starting-point-the God. With this we might proceed to the practical part of the doctrines of the Gita. Here, to begin with, stand the two ways of salvation in contrast with each other, one of which consists in the renunciation of life and in striving after knowledge, and the other, in dutiful and disinterested actions. Although this second way of salvation is in many places regarded as the better one (III. 8, V. 2, XVIII. 7), and according to the whole connection of the Gita is to be looked upon as the proper ethical ideal of the poem, 43 still, the author (of the Gita) who, according to what I have said above, is a faithful interpreter of the Bhagavata tenets in their practical teaching as they were prevalent in his times, has not ventured to cast off the way of emancipation (consisting in) renouncing the world and in abstract knowledge. The view that freedom from the cycle of births could be won through meditation by absolutely detaching oneself from the world, was, from centuries ago, so firmly rooted in the thoughtful circles of the Indian people, that it could not be any longer seriously contended against. There remained no other alternative but to let the two ways pass current side by side, and to propound that right action as much as knowledge--the latter pre-supposing the non-performance of works (the state of non-action)would lead to emancipation. Since, therefore, in the Gita sometimes the one and sometimes the other standpoint emerges forth, and occasionally the ideal of quietism is distinctly held superior to that of actions (VI. 3), there have arisen inconsistencies and confusion, which could have been avoided in any definite. rejection of the quietistic standpoint. [p. 50] The two standpoints are in the Gita squared with each other on the explanation 43 Compare also the so-called quintessence verse, XI, 55.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY that the discharge of duty, which is done without any regard for consequences and without any selfish interest, loses its retributive power, and that oonsequently, for the doer thereof, the world no longer continues to be. According to this view, such kind of work therefore, is the same as the non-doing of work (incidental) to the path of knowledge. The knowledge to be attained through the quietistic path of salvation is, in many passages of the Gita, described entirely in conformity with the Sankhya system, as (consisting in) differentiation between spirit and matter (XIII. 23, XIV. 19); and as a result of this differentiation, the release of the knowing man from the necessity of rebirth is stated irrespective of his behaviour (XIII. 23). This might be regarded as an isolated recognition of the genuine Samkhya ideal. In general, according to the standpoint of the Bhag., the knowledge that brings about emancipation is not confined (only) to distinguishing spirit and the matter, on the other hand, this recognition of difference might simply be regarded as a sine qua non of the knowledge of God, which primarily leads man in truth to the highest weal. , jos ha toceres producte Divine prehin (the joy and sorrow the deeds of tot 11. 14), and dedicatin The other path of salvation-the selfless performance of duty-is preached in the Bhag., at every step in a great variety of expressions. The performance of duty would not generally lead to its goal so long as it is accompanied by any hope of the reward. One should do the ordained (duty) without attachment, in repose and equanimity (of mind), pervaded by a uniform sentiment towards everyone, treating alike the agreeable and the disagreeable, joy and sorrow, suodoss and failure, without any wish and without any personal interest whatsoever. The deeds of one, who acts in this state of mind, unconcerned with the ephemeral products of matter (II. 14), and entirely in accordance with the commands of Duty, and after the Divine pattern (III. 22), dedicating to God the fruit of all his actions [p. 51 ] such deeds do not lie within the domain of the law of recompense (IV. 22, 23; IX. 27, 28; XVIII. 12, 17). The injunctions that are laid down here, postulate the rejection of the performance of Vedic works ; this rejection being expressed without any reservation in the original Gita. All ceremonies, indeed, of the Brahmanical ritual entirely serve selfish wishes, and therefore stand in sharp contrast to the ethical ideal of the Gita. It is therefore said (XVIII. 66) " Leave off all holy observances," and at II. 42-45 is expressed open scorn at the reward of the Vede, which refers only to the material world, and can hold forth only the prospect of an ephemeral reward (cf. also IX. 20, 21). Indifference to what the Sruti teaches is likewise a condition precedent for the obtainment of salvation (II. 52-53). That there is pure Sankhya doctrine underlying all this insistence need scarcely be mentioned. Whichever of the two ways of salvation one might betake oneself to, one must overoome the difficulties inherent in the constitution of one's nature. When it is said (III. 33) that " beings follow (their) nature," and when at XVI. 1 and ff. there is a distinction made between men as those who are born to a divine inheritance of) nature, and those to a demonic one, this predestination is to be regarded as a working of the former larman. There is no word in the Gita of predestination as such ; on the other hand, the presupposition of moral freedom can be recognized as (pervading) the work quite through One is entirely at liberty whether he would or would not fight against the hindrandes that lie in the way of emancipation, and whether he would strive after a lower or after a higher ideal In the way of the realization of this last, innate ignorance (avidya)

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITA 27 places itself in opposition (v. 15) to the Jnanayoga; (in the case) of the Karmayoga, greed-likewise innate in human nature-which is a veritable enemy of mankind (III. 37, 43); [p. 52) want of faith and scepticism also are likewise fatal (IV. 40). As & serviceable means of sucessfully opposing these obstructions, there are recommended several of the yoga-practices (V. 27, 28, VI. 10 and ff., VIII. 10, 12 and ff.). In the case of one who does not succeed in submerging these obstructions, his yoga-practices are not thereby rendered useless; since such a man is born again in the best of onvironments, and finally does reach the highest goal (II. 40, VI. 41 and ff.). The most important of those claims which the Citd makes on the man seeking emancipation, I shall now finally refer to. As is known, the Bhag. is the song par excellence of Bhakti, the faithful and devout love to God. Devotion to God, (proceeding) as much from the path of knowledge, as from selfless performance of duty, leads with unconditioned certitude to the goal. The whole poem is permeated by this sentiment-to preach this doctrine was the whole poem composed. From devotion to God, springs knowledge of God (XVIII. 55), and this knowledge so works that the faithful offers up all deeds to God and leaves the fruit thereof to his care. Without distinction of hirth or former behaviour, Bhakti guarantees to every one the certainty of emancipation-oven to the wioked, to women, to the Vaisyas and to the Sadras (IX. 30-32). The main point, however, is not simply a mere transitory emotion of love: on the other hand, the whole being of a man must be permeated by an unfaltering (ananya, avyabhicharin) 4 devotion to God. If this be the case, the thoughts of a man on the point of death are (naturally) fixed on God. Particular emphasis is laid on this point in the Bhag. (VIII. 5, 9, 10, 13), since a man enters in that state of existence (bhava) which he contemplates at the time of death.46 In what light are we now to regard the condition of a man freed from worldly existence and made one with God? (p. 58) Is it unconsciousness as is taught in the Sankhya-yoga! When the soul returns to its place of origin, is its individuality, which it once bore separately from and as a part of, the divine soul, obliterated ? Most of the expressions which the Cita uses to denote the existence of the emancipated (soul) are colourless, and are of no help in giving an answer to this question : siddhi (XII. 10, XVI. 23), para siddhi (XIV. 1), pard or parama gati (VI. 45, VIII. 13, IX. 32, XVI. 22, 23), pada andmaya (II. 51) and Sasvata pada avyaya (XVIII. 56). Along with this, the Bhag. also designates the state of the emancipated soul diversely as quietude (adnti) or as the highest repose (para or naishthiki Santi (IV. 39, V. 12, XVIII, 62), and by this is meant not the obliteration of consciousness for all eternity, but a state of blissful freedom of the soul, existing on individually, in the presence of God. The Bhag. offers no explanation of how indeed a soul can have a conscious existence without any reference to matter as is postulated by the Samkhyayoga. Evidently this is a view originating in the oldest period of the Bhagavata religion, and has ever since represented a dogma of the Bhagavata faith; and for this reason also it came about that when this religion was furnished with Samkhya-yoga elements, this dogma was not supplanted by the mutually contradictory doctrine of the two systems. Out of the logical difficulties that follow from this, the faith of the believers helped them out. That the author of the Bhag. as a matter of fact saw in the going of the emancipated goul to God, a continuance of conscious individuality, oan be proved from the following ** See the passages in Jacob's Concordance. 45 For the results of this thory, compare Barth, Rerigions de l'in: 133 = English Trans., p. 228).

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY passages of the poem. Krishna says VII. 23," those that worship God, go to God; while those that revere me, go to me," and at IX, 25, he repeats the same promise somewhat more fully. That the "going to the Devas (or to the Pitsis and Bhatani, IX, 25) can only mean a conscious continuance of an individual being, is clear. [p. 54] As the "going'' to Krishna (or God) is spoken of along with that, no other meaning could have been intended by this "going", because of the parallelism and the correspondence of the expression (wat with the accusative). If one were still doubtful regarding this conclusion, I might refer him to XIV. 2, where God describes the emancipated 46 (ones) with the words, mama sddharmyam agatah "those who have attained sameness of essence with me." sadharmya does not signify oneness, sameness, identity (aikya, ai katmya, taddtmya) but qualitative equality. From this it follows that emancipation, according to the Bhag., is to be regarded as an elevation of the soul to God-like existence, as an individual continuance in the presence of God. In this connection it might further be mentioned that in XVI. 23, the condition of the emancipated is, after being described as siddhi and para gati, called "sukha," happiness, bliss. The doctrines here briefly worked out are to be met with not only in Bhag. but also in many other passages of the Mahabharata ; and, of course, the entire series of ideas of the refashioned Vedantisized Gita, is not to be regarded as something standing isolated in the Mahabharata.7 I believe, however--and the supposition is not over-bold--that the Gita is the source from which these doctrines might have spread to other parts of the Epos, apart from these plagiarisms and imitations mentioned above, which can clearly be recognized as such. I have now to offer a few words of observation on the question regarding the Buddhistic and the Christian influence in the Bhag. Buddhistic influence might be detected in the recommending of the golden mean in VI. 16, 17, [p. 55] and this supposition would gain ground by a reference to the occurrence of the word Nirvana in the immediately preceding verse, VI. 15. As evidently the application of the word Nirvana ig not entirely confined to Buddhistic literary usage, (Brahmanirudna occurs four times in the refashioned Gita), and as the idea of the thoughtful moderation (the golden mean referred to above) could be explained on the ground of common human reflection, the Buddhistic influence in this passage might be regarded as very much doubtful, resting at most on very far-fetched reasons. And the pessimism which comes up to notice at XIII. 8 is not to be referred back to the Budhistic influences, but must be derived from the tenets of the Surkhya philosophy, which in this, as in other respects, lies at the root of Buddhism. 48 More important is the question regarding the influence of Christianity on the Bhag.. an influence which is often asserted and as often refuted. Any Christian influenoe in the original (genuine) Gita is as, I think, quite precluded by its age, which I trust I shall establish with some degree of probability in the noxt part. I would also refer to what I tried to make good above regarding the genuine Indian origin of Bhakti. That there is a historica) possibility of the anthor of the refashioned Gita being acquainted with the tenets of * The parallel expression IV. 10 madbhavam dgatak" have reached my state" finds its oxplanation n this passage. Compare Hopkins, Religions of India, p. 401 (top). # The treatments of this question in Telang, Introduction, p. 24 and ff., regte on the Omrono oua supposition that the Ghid is anterior to Buddhism.

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITI 29 Christianity, is to be conceded; however, I do not think that any one has sueceeded in rais-/ ing this possibility into probability or into certainty. To me personally, there is no idea to be met with in the Gita that could not be explained satisfactorily on the basis of the vast treasure of thought, or on that of the proper spiritual inheritance of the Indian people. In this question, I hold myself at a standpoint quite the opposite of F. Lorinser, who in the preface, notes, [p. 56] and appendix to his metrical translation of the Bhag. (Breslau, 1869) asserts his conviction with an earnestness and zeal, which might win esteem even from an opponent, that "not only did the author of the Bhag. know and probably utilise the writings of the New Testament, but also generally did weave into his system Christian ideas and views" (page v). Lorinser would even prove from which parts of the New Testament a larger number of "sentences are borrowed," and from which a lesser number of them; that the "epistles of St. Paul in their entirety, with the exception of the Thessalonians and the Philemon have been utilised" (p. 285). In this strain does he proceed. Lorinser was certainly a good theologian, In this case, however, he trod into a province with which he was not sufficiently familiar. That the Indian words appear in his writings very often in a false orthography and with false articles, is not purely an accident, but a symptom of the fact that he was not equipped with the requisite philological knowledge with which to judge of things Indian. Had Lorinser been more closely familiar with the history of the development of Indian thought, he would not have drawn so very emphatic conclusions from the resemblances" collected together by him. These resemblances are for the most part entirely of a vague nature. They relate to likeness in thought and expression, which however finds its explanation in the similarity of the back-ground (lit. characteristics) of the New Testament of the Bhag. Even Weber who was inclined to concede to the Christian influence in India a wide field to range over, says Ind. Liter. Gescha, p. 367 (=English Trans. p. 238, Note 252a) that Lorinser has estimated much too highly the bearing of his argument, and that the question whether to postulate or not any acquaintance of the Bhag. with the tenets of Christianity is still sub judice. Besides, Lorinser's theory has been refuted by such reputed sound scholars as E. Windisch, John Muir Max Muller, C. P. Tiele and Telang, with such conclusiveness, [p. 57] that I need not refute it in detail any more. 49 PART IV. The Age of the Bhagavadgita. Among those works which have contributed most to the understanding of the Bhag., ranke, without doubt,' K. T. Telang's English Translation of the poem 50 in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. VIII, Oxford 1882. Telang's attempt, however, to prove for the Bhag. a high antiquity,--an antiquity higher than Apastamba's Dharmasutrahas rightly found no countenance amongst the European Indologists. In the preface to his translation, p. 34, Telang, after an extensive argumentation, comes to the conclusion that the Gita must be, in any case, older than the third century B.C., though we cannot say how much. Since we now know through Buhler's investigations that the * Comparo A. Holtzman, Das Mahabharata und Seine Teile, part II, p. 162. 50 The second edition of the work of 1898 though not much different (from the firsu edition) is infortunately not accessible to me.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY posterior to Kalidos o cut of consideration and Apaata mba Dharmasdtra is to be placed in the fourth or fifth oentury B.C.,51 the Gita must, according to Telang's line of argumentation, belong at least to the fifth century B.C. The entire reasoning of Telang is critically examined by Bohtlingk in the beginning of his Bemerkungen and has been proved to be completely baseless. The proofs (offered) by Telang are in fact so weak that one might wonder how a man of his learning and acumen should not have recognized their superficiality, if there were not (indeed) & psychological influence to account for this. To Telang, as to every Hindu, --how muchsoever enlightened it is an article of faith to believe in so high an antiquity of the Bhag. And where such necessities are powerful criticism indeed comes to an end. The task of assigning a date to the Gita has been recognized by every one [p. 58 ) who has earnestly tried to solve the problem, as being very difficult; and the difficulties grow (all the more) if the problem is presented twofold, viz., to determine as well the age of the original Glita as also of its revision. I am afraid that generally speaking, we shall succeed in arriving, not at any certainties, but only at probabilities in this matter. If we first take into consideration the Gita in its present form, we might-in fixing ita lowest limit-leave out of consideration all the testimonies for its existence that are posterior to Kalidasa. Kalidasa is the oldest author who refers to the Gita and that he does 80 is firmly established by Telang (Introduction, p 29). Of the two confirmatory passages which Telang brings forward 52 the socond one particularly is convincing, viz., Kumarasambhava VI. 67, where Angiras says to the Himalaya: sthane tvam sthavaratmanam Vishinum Ahuh manishinah. "Rightly do the wise call thee Vishnu in the shape of a mountain." The reference is here (as already pointed out by the commentator Mallinatha) unmistakably to Bhag. X. 25, both in form and in sense. To Kalidasa, therefore, who is to be carried back to the middle of the fifth century A. D., 58 the Gita was an authoritative work. We might therefore set down A.D. 400 circa as the lower limit of the Gita. It is not, however, to be supposed that the present id first originated in a time that lies very near to this lower limit as fixed by us. The movision of the poem belongs to that period in the development of the Mahabharata text which Hopkins, Great Epic, 398, places between 200 B.C. to A.D. 100-200 (Remaking of the opio with Krishna as all-god, intrusion of masses of didactio matter, addition of Puranic material, old and new). As a matter of fact, however, the present Ata [. 59] could be mostly attributed to the second hall of this period. This follows from the fact that a considerable time must have elapsed before some one oould venture to subject the original Gita to a thorough revision and transformation. From the consideration, therefore, of the age of the genuine Gita which too I shall forthwith try to fix, the revision of the Cita could not have taken place earlier than the first or second century A. D.; and if I were to fix upon the second century (as the period of the revision), I would still be placing it somewhat earlier than is usually the CMHO ( to do ), and earlier than what John Davies, for instance, (The Bhag., 183, # Soo Bublor's preface to his translation of this work, - SBE. XIV). The first paaungo in to be read a Raghwania, X, 31 and not 67, as stated in Telang's work. # See the latest literature on the question by W. Klemm.-2DMG. 88, 200.

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITA 194, 200) has done, who with Lassen and Weber accepts the third century A.D.54 The Gita as it has come down to us cannot be much later than this. The history of the development of the Mahabharata text teaches that. [p. 60] That the revision cannot be older depends principally on further reasons to be investigwted. Such reasons are afforded by the following considerations. In a verse of the Bhag. (XII. 22) which belongs to the revised version, and in the Nrisimhata. Upanishad, II. 9.2, the two words Upadrashtri (the overseer) and Anumantri (the consenter) stand side by side, and the latter of these two words is so very rare that none can doubt the historical relation of the two passages. As in all other relations to the Upanishad literature the Bhag. is the borrowing party, so in this case also, we have to regard in this passage of the Nsi-Ta-Upanishad the prototype, and in the first quarter of Bhag. XIII. 2 the copy thereof, because the word Anumantri, as an epithet of one form of the highest spirit, has been preserved in its originality in the Nri-Ta-Upanishad through the entire contents of the text; since Anumantri is synonymous with Anujnatri formerly used in this Upanishad, and this latter is spoken of as existing as a form of the Atman in the second part (II. 2.8, 10, 13, 14; 3, 1, 6.14; 8, 6, 7; 9.33 here Anujnatri is used by the side of Upadrashtri). Now Weber, Ind. Lit. Gesch. p. 186 (- English Trans., p. 167) har placed the Nri.-Ta. Upanishad in the 4th century A.D., though later, Ind. Str. IX, 62, 63, this date is reiterated only with reservation. As a matter of fact, however, it follows from Weber's statements at the latter place that the reason on which he has based this date is not tenable. Weber had had, with regard to many Indian works, a disposition to bring them down chronologically, and this is true also of the Nri.-Ta.- Upanishad. In any case, however, this secondary Upanishad-and with it the Utlaratapaniya, latterly attached thereto-that comes into consideration as the source of the above-mentioned verge of the Bhag. should be placed in post-Christian period; and its being utilized by the revisor of the Bhag. points to the fact that he must not have in any case lived earlier than the second century A.D. The striking remark of John Davies, The Bhag., p. 192, and ff., The manifold rocemblances which the Gud bears in thought and expression to the Upanishads of the oldest and intermediary classes, do not prove the antiquity of the poem, because this is to be regarded simply ma dependence of the Gild on toxta partly belonging to a considerably high antiquity. Telang, in the notes to his translation of the poem, SBE. VIII, has referred to numerous parallelisme from the Brih. Chan. Kaus., fta, Katha, Munda, Prasna, Maitra, and Svelds. Upanishads, but so far a Ioan 10, verbal or almost verbal borrowing of verses or parts thereof is confined to the Katha and Svends. Upanishade : Bhagavadgted II, 10 = Katha H. 19. II, 20 = Katha II. 18. . III, 12 = Katha III. 19 (cf. VI. 7.) V, 18 = Braid III, 18. . VIII, 9= Sveta III. 8. VII, 11=Katha II. 15. ., XIII, 13, 14 = Soord III. 16, 17. XV, 1= Katha VI. 1. For fixing the date of tho Bhag. ita relationship with the later Upanishade only could be turned to any account, M indeed I shall soon below similarly utili, one woh relationship (of the Bhag.) with the Nolaimhaldpint, wdoubtedly a secondary Upanishad.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY that our poem is closely related to the Purana literature in its mythological and literary characteristica, [p. 61] points in the same direction :-" In fact it is impossible to read the Bhag, and the Pura nas without feeling that we are treading upon the same ground." The view that had become prevalent for a long time that the Puranas represent a later phase of literature connected with the Mahabharata must now be well-nigh revised, since Hopking 65 has now proved that the eighteen Purd nas were known before the completion (of the text) of the Mahabhdrata. Apart from this, however, the similarity between the character of the Bhag. and the Puranas is to be regarded as a proof that the present Gita cannot possibly be placed before the second century A.D. In this connection, I might also urge one more linguistic consideration, which in its singularity is not indeed devoid of great importance. Bhag. X. 25 which belongs to the later revision contains the word Himalaya, the modern form of the older Himavat, thi: (latter) however, as is well known, still surviving in the later literature. According to the showing of the Petersburg Dictionary, Kalidase is the oldest author of any definite date, who employs the form Himalaya (and similar new forms Himagiri, Himadri). Even though the word Himalaya might indeed have been used before the time of) Kalidasa, still the 18e of that word makes an impression of relative lateness. I therefore believe as a whole, that even though I might not have brought forward any cogent proof, I would not be going much wrong if I were to place the refashioned Gita in the second century A.D. If we now fix our attention on the genuine Gita it is unfortunately impossible to arrive at any chronological result on (the basis of a) resemblance with the Manava Dharmasastra. W. von Humboldt has already drawn attention to the parallels between Manu's law book and the Bhag.56 However there is only one verse which (with a minor difference) [p. 62] is common to both the works ; viz., Bhag., VIII. 17-Manu I. 73. Telang in the preface to his metrical translation of the Bhag. p. 115,67 is naturally of the opinion, in accordance with his conviction of the high antiquity of the Gita, that Manu might have extracted the verse from the Gita. However the thing could be just the other way, and besides there is still the third possibility that it might be a verse loosely floating about, belonging to the Brahmanical tradition, which both the works might have utilized independently of each other. When, further, Hopkins, Great Epic, pp. 19, 22, is, after a thorough investigation of the Mahabharata and of the Manusmriti, firmly convinced that the present form of the text of Manu is later than the old Epic but older than the didactic Epic, while, Buhler (Preface to his Translation of Manusmriti, p. 98) declares our Manu-text as later than our Mahabharata, the attempt to utilize the above-mentioned similarity for purpose of fixing the date of the original Gita, is completely hopeless. I believe, however, that the investigation regarding the age of the genuine Gird could be carried to a definite result with a closer examination of another passage. At the beginning of the fourth Adhydya which everyone regards as being old, Krishna says that he had taught in the preceding ages the secret of the Yoga doctrine to Vivasvat -Surya, the sun. the birth place of the warrior caste, sarva-kshatriya-vainsa-vija-bhutaya Aditydya as Madhusudana says) and from him it passed on to Manu, Ikshvaku and the old sages of the 55 American Oriental Society Proocedings, October 1888, p. 5; Great Epic, p. 48. 6 See now all of them put together by A. Holtzmann, Das Mahabharata IV, 127 (top). 57 In Holtzmann, op. cit.

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GARBE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BHAGAVADGITA 33 Kshatriya class (Rajarshi).58 In course of time, however, the Yoga doctrine on this earth [p. 63) passed into oblivion and it was then being preached by Ktishna to Arjuna once more. How does this now in reality affect the antiquity and the vicissitudes of the Yoga doctrines? That the Yoga system is pre-Buddhistic is evident from the investigations of Kern (Buddhism, Vol. I, 470 and ff.) and of Jacobi, Nachr, d. Gott. Ges. d: Wiss. 1896, 45 ff. We know nothing of importance with regard to this system during the period between Buddha and Patanjali, and what is said in the Bhag., IV. 2 regarding the decadence of the Yoga system (sa kalena iha mahatd yogo nashtah) might well correspond with this historical reality. The composition of the Yoga-Sutra8 by Patanjali must have taken place at about the same time as that of the Mahabhashya, i.e., in the middle or in the second half of the second century B.C. I now venture to assert that the Yoga-Sutras in which the Yoga' doctrines were fixed and infused with new life, must not have existed, or at least must not have acquired a general recognition and currency, at the time when the original Gita came to be composed; otherwise it would not have been possible to put into the mouth of Krishna at the above-mentioned passage of the Bhag. the words regarding Yoga referred to above; since a poet generally makes his hero speak about events which are to be regarded as having occurred in a very remote past in such a manner as would correspond to the state of things existing in his own times. I therefore conclude from Bhag. IV. 1-3 that the author of the genuine Gita did not know the Yoga-Sutras, and that he therefore lived before Patanjali, presumably in the first half of the second century B.c. The contents and the language of the Bhag. speak against a much higher date thereof. If it were to be urged against this position that the Yoga in the Bhag, might be different from that treated of in the Yoga-Sutras, it might be replied that the present far-fetched sense of Yoga in the Cita as "Self-surrender," " Devotion," presupposes the original conception of Yoga as concentration of thought," (p. 64 ) and that the words Yoga, Yogin are still used in the Bhag. in their technical original sense. According to my view, therefore, the genuine Gita originates in the first half of the second century B.C., and the remodelling of the poem in the second century A.D. Postseript.- In concluding this translation, the translator gladly acknowledges the help he received from others. Dr. Belvalkar ofthe Deccan College suggested the idea of translating the work for the benefit of the Senior Sanskrit Students of that College. Dr. Gune of the Fergusson College very kindly read portions of the translation in manusript.-N. B. U. # "It is remarkable that in this place it is not the priests but the kings that are mentioned the ancient custodians of the Bhag."-Holtamann, Das Mh., II, 167. It would be more correct to my " the ancient custodians of the Yoga doctrine expounded in the Bhay."

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APPENDIX Regarding the passages of the Bhag. not originally belonging to it. 1.1.19-These verses are shown in a smaller type (in the translation), because they relate to a description of the great battle in the midst of which the Bhag. (Mbh. VI (Bhishma-parvan) Adh. 25-42) has been interset. Adhydya 43 connects itself with v. 19 (of the Bhag.) and the first three Verses of this Adhyaya are in any case interpolated. In this Adhydya the description of the uproar Caused before the battle is again resumed, and it was necessary for the narrator to have done this, in order to remind the reader of the situation after the interpolation of the Bhag. Adhyaya 43, v. 3 ed.-sahasaindbhyahanyanta sa sabdas tumulo bhavat-is a verbal repetition of Adhyaya 25, v. 13 od. Before the Bhag. was interpolated, verse 4 of Ahhydya 43 followed therefore immediately after verse 19 of Adhyaya 25, the former with the statement that the gods and demi-gods arrived (on the scene) to witness the mighty war. The Bhag. besides begins not with verse 1-as the traditional view holds--but only with v. 20 of the 25th Adhydya. This indeed follows from the fact that in v. 20 Arjuna soes the enemy in battle order face to face; but according to the foregoing account he must have already seen the battle array of the opposite party; thus in vv. 14, 15 he already shows himself (propered) to open the attack, because he steps into the general war cry with his horn. Perheps also the word atha at the beginning of v. 20 is an external mark intended to show the beginning of the Gita. II. 17-A Vedantio interpolation, neconeitated by the mutual contrast (referred to in the sequel) between the transitoriness of the bodies, and the eternity of the spirit, that always takes new bodies and to which alone relate the expressions in the masculine genetive case in the following verse. 11. 72-A Vedantio appendage. III. 9-18-An interpolation of the Mimansd theory, which does not quito fit in with the connection. Verse 19 connects itself immediately with v. 8. In this latter verse Arjuns is asked to do the niyalan karma, ie, to fight; in the passage interpolated, the significance of the sacrifice is imparted to the word karman. The interpolation concludes in vv. 17-18 with the description of a man who no more finds any use in the ritualistio regulations, and who is generally averee to action. Verse 19 and ff. stand in glaring Contrast to these two verses. III. 23-- Spurious for the reason stated by Bohtlingk: "23b = IV. 11-b as already observed by Schlegel. The present tense there in the latter case) is in order, but in the case on hand, one would have expected the optative (to correspond with the one in 289.) IV. 11 is therefore older than 3.23." To this it might be added that the wording of the second line of our present) verse has quite a different meaning than in IV. 11. IV. 24A Vedantico-ritualistic appendage which mars the context, and which might have been occasioned by Brahmagnau in v. 25 (to the latter is to be compared brahmacharya). IV. 31, 32--A Vedantico-ritualiatio interpolation in the description of the sacrifice understood in a spiritual sense. IV. 34-Interpolation for the purpose of recommending the scholastic discipline of the Brahmaras. Line 2 conflicts with the circumstance that it is Krishna himself who is instructing Arjuna. IV. 35.-Vedantic interpolation. V. 6, 7, 10, 16-22, 24-28--Vedantic interpolations. VI. 27-32-Vedantic interpolation, quite explicitly to be recognised as much, in that v. 33 is directly connected with v. 26. VII. 7-11, 14, 15, 19, 25, 26, 29, 30 - Vedantie interpolations; vv. 7-11 intercept an exposition resting on a fundamental tenet of the Sdnikchya (Philosophy). V. 26, according to which no one knows God, is along with v. 25, excluded for the reason that it contradicts v. 24, socording to which, only the unknowing ones understand Him not. VIII. 1-4, 20-28; IX. 1-6-Interpolations, based as they are on the standpoint of the Vedanta and the Brahmanio theory regarding the auspicious and inauspicious time for death (VIII, 28-27), with the superficial nature of which, the original and her indood nothing to do. The whole character of the poem shows that. In IX. 7, 8 is resumed the consideration of the point contained in). VIII. 18, 18

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GARBE'S APPENDIX TO THE BHAGAVADGITA IX. 16-19-A pantheistic interpolation in the midst of a description of the different kinds of the worshippers of God. IX. 29 To be recognised as an interpolation because of its Vedantic character and because of the contradictions which the first line presents to other passages of the Bhagavadgita. Bohtlingk remarks on this verse: "Krishna says here that he acts evenly with every one and that no one is odious or agreeable to him. How is this to agree with XII. 14 (better 13) and ff. 1"-and we might addwith V. 29 VII. 17, XVIII. 64, 65, 69? All these passages in which Krishna either styles himself as the friend of all beings, or speaks of those persons who are dear to him, belong to the original Gud, since they are not tinged with Vedantic complexion. 35 X. 12-42-An elaborate exposition from the Vedantic standpoint, at length degenerating into insipid details of a previous subject. An imitation of X. 20-39 is to be found in the ffvaragta, Karmapurana II. 7, 3-17: the text in the Bhagavadgita, however, has quite a Puranic character. One might suspect whether the first verse of the eleventh Adhyaya might not also belong to this large interpolation. It is curious that Arjuna should at this place say (when there are eight more Adhyayas still to follow) that his perplexities had disappeared as a result of Krishna's instructions. At the end of the poem XVIII. 72 Krisha for the first time naturally asks Arjuna how it (his advice) affected him in general: and Arjuna's statement (v. 73) has its proper sense and justification there. I shall not however attach too much importance to any such want of consideration in the poem. XI. 7, 13, 15, 16, 18, 19-Pantheistic interpolations. When it is said in these verses that the divine person of Krishna contains in it, the whole world and the gods and all beings and all things beside, and that this body is without beginning, without centre (lit. middle part) and without end, the whole stands in flagrant contrast with what follows; since in vv. 20-23 the worlds and all supernatural beings look at Krishna with astonishment and wonder, and this cannot be said of them, if they were contained in him; and in v. 32 Krishna says that he was about to do what an omnipresent being, pervading the whole universe, could not have said of himself. XI. 37-40-Vedantic interpolation. XIII. 2-Vedantic interpolation. Krishna styles himself here as the knower of the field in all the fields (as the soul in all the bodies); how could he then still hold in prospect in v. 3 any instruction regarding him who is the knower of the field? XIII. 4-An interpolated verse, since the appeal to the Upanishads and to the Brahmasutra (and therefore to the Vedantic sources) scarcely fits in, the principle of life in the sequel being described according to the theory of Samkhya-yoya. XIII. 12-18, 27, 28, 30-33-Vedantic interpolations. Verse 27 appears to be fashioned in a Vedantic sense after the pattern of v. 29. With regard to v. 31, it is doubtful whether it is to be expunged along with its neighbours. If the verse however might have belonged to the original poem, paramatman ought to stand here quite in the sense of atman as in VI. 7 and XIII. 22. XIV. 26, 27-Vedantic appendage. The question asked in v. 21 is answered by vv. 22-25, XV. 12-15 An interpolation that disturbs the connection, and is based on the standpoint of Vedanta and Brahmanic theology. XVII. 23-28-An appendage regarding the use of the expressions om, tat, sat and asat, with a Vedantic starting-point. The whole theory is here and in the Bhagavadgita generally as little used as possible externally also this passage proves itself as being subsequently interpolated, since the Enumeration, based on the disposition previously mentioned in v. 7, comes to an end with v. 22. XVIII. 45, 46-nterpolated verses because of the Vedantic expression Yena sarvam idam tatam in v. 46. V. 45 stands in close connection with v. 46. XVIII. 50-54-Vedantic interpolation. When in these verses it has been mentioned as to how the perfected one goes to Brahman, we might ask as to why he should be admitted in v. 55 into union with Krishna, the personal God. Verse 54 forms a transition to the intercepted text of the original poem though in a clumsy manner, since one that has become Brahman has no more any occasion to compass the highest devotion to Krishna. XVIII. 74-78-Samajaya's concluding remarks, appended, for reason of the (poem's) insertion in the Mahabharata.

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